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VOL. VI. . •.•;:•• .- .- • / 

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• • •• 

• • • • 

• • » • • 

• • • • .»•... 

• • • • • 







SfcCT. V— Of PhH©pceraen, general of the Admits, and 
Macfcanidas, tyrant of Lacedaemon. A battle between 
them, wherein Maehanidas is slain.... » i 

SECT. VI— PhiMp hating peace with Rome, and with all 
Greece, prepare* against Asia. Of the kings of Ferga- 
miw, Cappadoeia, Pontus, PapMagonia, Bithynia, and 

et?™* ,inell * es * ** ■*• Galatian* * 7 

SECT* VII.— The town of Cios taken by Philip, at (he in. 

stance of Praia*, king of Bithynia, and cruelly destroy. 

ed. By this, and like actions, Philip grows hateful to 

many of the Greeks, and is warred upon by Attains. 

;5 °Z Pcrgamus4 and by the Rhodians. ..4 U 

SECT. VIII— The Romans, after their Carthaginian war, 
seek matter of quarrel against Philip. The Athenians, 
upon slight eanse, proclaim *at against Philip, moved 
thereto by Attains, whom they flatter. Philip wins divers 
towns* and makes peremptory answer to the Roman em. 

*v£%°T?' £ * T™ re8olntion <* *• Abydenl..,, 14 

»£it/X. 1A.— Xbe Romans decree war against Philip, and 
send one of their consuls into Greece, as it were in de. 
fence of the Athenians, their confederates. How poor 
the Athenians were at this time, both in Quality and 

estate „, ....•mm^«.,.m 21 

Vol. VI. ' « -M 



SECT. X<— The town of Chalets in Enboea taken and sack, 
ed by the Romans and their associates, that lay in garri- 
son at Athens. Philip attempteth to take Athens by sur- 
prise ; wasteth the country about, and makes a journey 
into Peloponnesu*. Of Nabis, the tyrant of Laced xm on, 
and his wife* Philip offers to make war against Nabis for 
the Achaeans. He retnrneth home through Attica, which 
he spoileth again ; and provides against his enemies . 
Some exploits of the Roman?. Divers princes join with 
them. Great labouring to draw the JStolians into the 
war 23 

SECT. XL — The meeting of Philip with the Romans, and 
skirmishing with them on his borders. The Italians in. 
vade his dominions, and are beaten home. Some doings 
of Attalus and the Roman fleet 3fc 

SECT. XII.— Villius, the Roman consul, wastes a year to 
no effect. War of the Gauls in Italy. An embassy of the 
Romans to Carthage, Masinissa, and Vermina. The Ma- 
cedonian prepares for defence of his kingdom ; and T. 
Qnintius Flaminius is sent against him .... .. 33 

SECT. XIII.— The Romans begin to make war by nego* 
tiation. T. Quintins wins a passage against Philip. Thes- 
saly wasted by Philip, the Romans, and JEtolians. The 
Achaeans, forsaking the Macedonian, take part with the 
Romans. A treaty of peace that was Tain. Philip de. 
H?ers Argqs to Nabis the tyrant, who presently enters 
into league with the Romans .....f.« • • 41 

SECT. XIV.— The battle of Cynoscephalc, wherein Philip 
was vanquished by T.Quintiui 68 

SECT. XV— T. Quin tius falls out with the JStoliaus, and 
grants truce unto Philip, with conditions, upon which the 
peace is ratified. Liberty proclaimed onto the Greeks. 
The Romans quarrel with Antiochus ....... ..... 64 


The wars of the Romans with Antiochus the Great and his 


SECT. I.**What kings of the races of Selencus and Ptolemy 

reigned irr Asia tfftd Egypt before Antiochus the Great 75 

SECT. II.— The beginning of the great Antiochus's reign. 
Of Ptolemy Evergetes and Philopater, kings of Egypt. 
War between Antiochns and Philopater. The rebellion 
of Moio, and expedition of Antiochns against him. The 

• • • 


re-continuance of Antioclras'i Egyptian war, with the 
passages between the two kings. The victbry of Ptole- 
my, and peace concluded. Of Acheus and his rebellion : 
his greatness and his fall. Antiochus's expedition against 
the Parthians, Bactrians, and Indians. Somewhat of the 
king's reigning in India after the death of the great 
Alexander. • .. ••••••• • ••• 83 

SECT. HI.— The lewd reign of Ptolemy Philopater in 
Egypt, with the tragical end of his favourites when he 
was dead. Antiochns prepare* to war on the young child 
Ptolemy Epiphanes, the son of Philopater. His irreso- 
lution in preparing for divers wars at once. His voyage 
towards the Hellespont. He seeks to hold amity with 
the Romans, who make a friendly shew to him, intending, 
nevertheless, to have war with him. His doings against 
the Hellespont, which the Romans made the first ground 
of their quarrel to him .....•••••• 105 

SECT. IV.— The Romans hold friendly correspondence with 
Antiochus during their war with Philip, after which they 
quarrel with him. The doings of Hannibal at Carthage, 
whence he is chaced by his enemies and by the Romans. 
His flight unto the king Antiochus. The iEtolians mur- 
mur against the Romans in Greece. The war of the Ro- 
mans and Acbaeans, with Nabis, the tyrant of Lacedae* 
mon. The departure of the Romans out of Greece. T. 
Quintius's triumph. Peace denied to Antiochus by the 
Romans . •••••••• .••••••...•.•••• ..••.••»..••.. 114 

SECT. V.— Of the long wars which the Romans had with the 
Gauls, Ligarians-, and Spaniards. Of M. Porcius Cato. 
Injuries done by Masinissa to the Carthaginians, that 
sue to the Romans for justice in vain • 140 

SECT. VI.— -The Aholians labour to provoke Antiochus, • 
Philip, and Nabis, to war upon the Romans, by whom 
they hold themselves wronged and disgraced. Nabis be* 
siegeth Gytheom, and waste th some part of Achaea. The 
exact skill of Philopcemen in advantage of ground, where- ' 
by he utterly vanquished* Nabis. Antiochus being de* 
nied peace by the Romans, joins with the ^Stolians* The 
./Etolians surprise Demetrius ; and, by killing Nabis, 
their confederate, seize upon Sparta; but they are driven 
out by the citizens, who, at Philopcemen's persuasions, 
annex themselves to the A chseans... 149 

SECT. VII. — Antiochus persuaded by Thoas, the ^Etolian, 
comes over into Greece ill attended. Sundry passages be- 
tween him, the JEtolians, Chalcidians, and others. He 
wins Chains, and thereby the whole isle of Euboea. The 

Teh* away the rent of the winter. Up— the ruaiag of 
dseMsw^€onnnl,awfscinVf AnehwAna. Hetitktff 

* ^^^ ^^ ^W ^rfn Am* Ii ■ ' i •■ *"* wmfehflt* 

SECT. ¥111 — Lecse* Sc^1£ring wM^tePdbtaTtfe 

AfrtCVf eMer PffBuWTy wf fett UEVMBflBt^ SOSm. SSfflO 

Greece* He grants long trace Id Ike JEtowaaa, 
fee saiga* at letsvre pans arte An. 

by sea, and drrers ights. An 
i, with the tiege of 
by — handfal of the Anhi sni LSapiathe 
Ian* Ada, where Aafiochns asost earnestly ds sirilh peace, 
antfwdeoiedit. The bottle of Magnesia ; wherein Aa>- 
tterhni, being Tasjawawed, yieldeth to the Romans* good 
pltasnre. The con diti on s of the peace. la what sort the 
Romans ated their victory. L. Coraevas Scrpio, after a 
most samptnoas trinasph over Antiochns, is saxaajaed the 
AUttlC) as his brother was styled the JfricmM..<.~.~ ...... 188 

SECT. IX— The J£tolians and the GallowGreeks vanqnisa. 
ed by the Roman coasals FuWius and MaaKas. MaaMas 
hardly obtains a triumph ; beiag charged (among other 
objections) with attempting to hare passed the brands ap» 
pointed as fatal to the Romans by Sibyl. Of Sibyl's pro- 
phecies) the books of Hermes; and that inscription, £a*o* 
ni Deo timet*. The ingratitade of Rome to the two 
Sesptas. Of the beginning of faction among the Roman 
*#Wlity.... * 106 




The second Macedonian war. 


SECT. I.— The condition wherein those princes and estates 
remained which were associates of the Romans, when 
the war with Antiochus was finished/ The Romans quar- 
rel with Philip. They deal insolently with the Achaean*. 
The Macedonian, being unready for war, obtains peace 
at Rome by his son Demetrius, of whom henceforth he 
becomes jealous ••••'•••••• ••»••••••••• 223 

SECT. II. —The death of Philopcemen, Hannibal, and Sci. 
pio. .That the military profession is of all other the most 
unhappy, notwithstanding some eiamples which may 
seem to prove the contrary •• 233 

SECT. I II.— -Philip, making provision for war against the 
Romans, deals hardly with many of his own subjects. 
His negotiations with the Bastarnae. His cruelty. He 
suspecteth his son Demetrius. Demetrius accused by his 
brother Perseus, and shortly after slain by his father's ap~ . 
pointment. Philip repenteth him of his son's death, whom 
he findeth to have been innocent ; aud,intending to re* 
venge it on Perseus, hedieth •» • 244 

SECT. IV.— How the Bastarne fell upon Dardania. The 
behaviour of Perseus in the beginning of his reign. Some 
wars of the Romans : and how they suffered Masinissa, 
cruelly to oppress the Carthaginians. They quarrel with 
Perseus. They allow not their confederates to make war 
without their leave obtained. The treason of CalHcrates, 
whereby all Greece became more obnoxious to Rome than 
in former times. Further quarrels to Perseus. He seek$ 
friendship of the Achaean*, and is withstood by CaUicra* 
tes. The Romans discover their intent of warring upon 
him ....... ...•••,...••......,,., ...*.....,„... 255 

SECT. V. — How Eumenes king of Pergamus was busied 
with Pharnaees, the Rhodians, and others. His hatred to 
the Macedonian, whom he accuseth to the Roman senate. 
The senate honours him greatly, and contemns his ene- 
mies the Rhodians, with the causes thereof. The unusual 
stoutness of the Macedonian embassadors. Perseus' s at- 
tempt upon Eumenes. The brotherly love between En*, 
menes and Attalus. Perseus's device to poison some of 
the Roman senators, whereupon they decree war against 
him, and send him defiance. Other things concerning the 
justice of. this war ..... '...m... ............... ....... ....... 271 


SECT. VI.— The Romans solicit tbe Greeks to join with 
them in the war against Perseus* How the Greeks stood 
affected in that war. The timorousness of Persens. Mar. 
cius a Roman ambassador deludes him with hopes of 
peace. His forces. He takes the field, and wins part of 
Thessaly*. The forces of Licinius the Roman consul, and 
what assistants the Romans had in this war. Of Tempe 
in Thessaly, and what advantages the Macedonian had, or 
might hare had, but lost by his fear. Perseus braves the 
Romans ; fights with them ; knows not how to use his • 
victory ; sues for peace, and is denied it by the vanquish- 
ed. Perseus, having the worse in % skirmish, forsakes alt 
the couutry lying without Tempe. The Boeotians rebel 
against the Romans, and are rigorously punished. The 
Roman commanders unfortunate in the war against Per- 
seus. They vex the Greeks their friends, for whose ease 
the senate makes provision, having heard their complaints. 
The flattering Alabanders 283 

SECT. VII.— Q. Martins, the Roman consul, with extreme 
difficulty and danger, enters into Tempe. The cowardice 
of Perseus in abandoning Tempe. The town of Dium 
quitted by Martins, repaired and fortified by the king. 
The Romans attempt many places, with ill success. Their 
affairs in hard estate. Martins a cunning and a bad man. 
Polybins sent ambassador to Martius from the Achaeans. 
Polybius's honest wisdom beneficial to the Acheeans. King 
Eutnenes grows averse from the Romans. Perseus nego- 
ciates with Antlochus and Eumenes. His false dealing 
with Gentius king of IHyria, whom he draws into the Ro- 
man war. He sends embassadors to the Rhodians, who 
vainly take upon them to be arbitrators between him and 
the Romans, Perseus loseth a mighty succour of the Bas- 
tarnse by his wretched parsimony • 302 

SECT. VIII.— Of L. JBmilius Paulus the consul. His jour- 
ney. He forceth Perseus to decamp. ' He will not hazard 
a battle with any disadvantage. Of an eclipse of the moon, 
JEmWius'B superstition. The battle of Pydna. Perseus' s 
flight. He forsakes his kingdom, which hastily yields to 
jEmilius. Perseus at Samothrace. He yields himself to 
the Roman admiral, and is sent prisoner to JEmilius 320 

SECT. IX.— Gentius king of the lllyrians taken by the Ro- 
mans. 336 

SECT. X.— How the Romans behaved themselves in Greece 
and Macedon after their victory over Perseus 337 

SECT. XL— The war of Antlochus npon Egypt brought to 
end by the Roman embassadors f . .......... 343 



SECT. XII.— How (he Romans were dreadful to all king9. 
Tbeir demeanour towards Eumenes, Prusias^ Masinissa, 
and Cotys. The end of Perseus and his children. The 
instability of kingly estates. The triumphs of Paulus, 
Anicius, and Octavius ; — with the conclusion of the work 300 

A Chronological Table,... i.— xcvi. 


Discovery of the large, rich, and beautiful empire of Guiana 3 

Epistle Dedicatory 7 

Considerations on the voyage to Guiana.. 1 1 1 

Orders to the commanders of the fleet • 135 

Apology for the last voyage to Guiana 147 








CHAfc IV. 


&2CT. V. 

Of Philoptemen, general of the Achceans, and Mocha* 
nidaSy tyrant qf Lacedasmpn. A battle between 
them* wherein Machanidas is slain. 

IT happens often, that the decease of one eminent 
man discovers the virtue of another. Iti the place 
bf Arratus, there stood up Philopoemen, whose no- 
table valour, and great skill in arms, made the na- 
tion of the Achieaus redoubtable among all the 
Greeks, and careless of such protection, as in for- 



mer times they had needed against the viol|pce of 
their neighbours. This is that Philopoemen, who, 
being then a young man, and having no command, 
did especial service to Antigonus at the battle of Se- 
lasia, against Cleomenes. Thenceforward, until now, 
he had. spent the most part of his time in the isle of 
Crete ; the inhabitants whereof being a vali&nt peo- 
ple, and seldom or never at peace between them- 
selves, he bettered among them his knowledge 2nd 
practice in the art of war. At his return home he 
had charge of the horse, wherein he carried himself 
so strictly, travelling with all the cities of the confe- 
deracy, to have his followers well mounted and arm- 
ed at all pieces, as also he so diligently trained them 
up in all exercise of service, that he made the Achae- 
ans very strong in that part of their forces. Being 
afterwards chosen praetor, or general of the nation, 
he had no less care to reform their military discip- 
line throughout, whereby his country might be strong 
enough to defend itself, and «ot any longer, (as in 
former times,) need to depend upon the help of o- 
thers. He persuaded the Achaeans to cut off their 
vain expense of bravery in apparel, household-stuff, 
and curious fare, and to bestow that cost upon their 
arms ; wherein by how much they were the more 
gallant, by so much were they like to prove the bet- 
ter soldiers, and suitable in behaviour unto the pride 
of their furniture. They had served hitherto with 
little light bucklers, and slender darts to cast afar 
off, that were useful at skirmishing at some distance, 
-or for surprises, or sudden and hasty expeditions, 
"whereto Arratus had been most accustomed. But 
when they came to handy-strokes, they were good 
for nothing ; so as they were wholly driven to rely 
upon the oourage of their mercenaries. Philopoemen 
altered this, causing them to arm themselves more 
weightily ; to use a larger kind of shield, with good 
swords and strong pikes, fit for service at hand. He 
taught them also to fight in close order! and altered 

£HA«P. XV. 6f THE WO^LLpi 9 

the form of their embatteling ; not making- the files 
so deep a? had been accustomed, hut extending the 
front, th^i he ipight use the service of many hands. 
Eight months were spent of that year in which he 
first was praetor of the Achsearis, when Machanidas, 
the tyrant of Lacedsemoh, caused him to make trial 
how his soldiers had profited by his discipline. Thi$ 
Machanidas was the successor unto Lycurgus, a man 
ipore violent than his foregoer. He kept ip pay a 
Strong anpy of mercenaries ; and he kept th$m not 
only to fight for Sparta, but to hold the, city iij obe- 
dience to himself perforce. Wherefore it behoved 
iim tfffp to take part with the Acha^tns, that >*ere 
ivourers pf liberty ; but to strengthen himself by 
friendship of the iEtolians ; who, in making allian- 
ces, (took no further qotic? of vice or virtue, than as 
if, had reference to their own profit. The people al- 
so of Lacedaemon, through their inveterate hatred 
xjppo the Aigiv?s, Achaeans, jmd Macedonians, were 
in /ike sort (all, qr jpost of ,thei#) inclinable to the 
^Etolian faction. Very unwisely ; for in seeking tp 
lake revenge upoiji those that had lately hindered 
them fropa getting the lordship of Peloponnesus, they 
huujerpd wems^vjss thereby from recovering the 
master t of their Q^n city. This affection of the 
Spartans, together with thp regard of his own secu- 
rity, and no srall )ippe of goqd that >vould follow 
suffered not Machanidas to be idle; b^it always made 
him ready to fall upon his neighbours backs, and 
t^ke oi theirs what he could, whilst they were en- 
fprc^d, by grater necessity, to turn face another 
way. Thus had he often done, especially in the ab- 
sence qif <Philip, whose sudden coming into those 
p^rts, or tyotpe <?ther opposition made against him, 
had WWdly \n$de him fail of his attempts. At the 
present he was stronger in men than were the A- 
cfcaeans, and tluqught hi* own wen better soldiers 
than were theirs. 9 



Whilst Philip therefore was busied elsewhere, he 
entered the country of the Mantineans, being not 
without hope to do as Cleomenes had done before 
him ; yea, and perhaps to get the lordship of Pelo- 
ponnesus, as having stronger friends, and weaker 
opposition than Cleomenes nad found 1 . But Philo- 
poemen was ready to entertain him at Mantinaea, 
where was fought between them a great battle. 
The tyrant had brought into the field, upon carts, a 
great many engines, wherewith to beat upon the 
squadrons of his enemies, and put them into disor- 
der. To prevent this danger, Philopoemen sent 
forth his light armature a good way before him ; so 
as Machanidas was fain to do the like. To second 
these, from the one and the other side, came in con- 
tinual supply, till at length all the mercenaries, both 
of the Achaeans and of Machanidas were drawn up 
to the fight ; being so far advanced each before their 
awn phalanx, that it could no otherwise be discerned 
which pressed forward, or which recoiled, than by 
the rising of the dust. Thus were Machanidas^ en- 
gines made unserviceable by the interposition of his 
own men ; in such manner as the cannon is hinder- 
ed from doing execution in most of the battles fought 
in these our times. The mercenaries of the tyrant 
prevailed at length, not only by their advantage of 
number, but (as Polybius well observeth) by sur- 
mounting their opposites in degree of courage, 
wherein usually the hired soldiers of tyrants exceed 
those that are waged by free states*. For as it is 
true, that a free people are much more valiant than 
they which live oppressed by tyranny; since the one, 
by doing their best in fight, have hope to acquire 
somewhat beneficial to themselves ; whereas the other 
do fight (as it were) to assure their own servitude ; 
so the mercenaries of a tyrant, being made partakers 
with him in the fruits of his prosperity, have good 

l Excerpt. £ Polyb, 1. zi. Pint, intiu Philopeem. t Poljb. ibid. 


cause to maintain his quarrel a* their own ; whereas 
they that serve under a free state, have no other mo- 
tive to do manfully than their bare stipend. Fur- 
ther than this, when a free state hath gotten the vie- 
tory, many companies (if not all) of foreign auxilia- 
ries are presently cast ; and therefore such good fel- 
lows will not take much pains to bring the war to an 
end, But the victory of a tyrant makes him stand 
in need of more helpers ; because that after it he 
doth wrong to more, as having more subjects, and 
therefore stands in fear of more that should seek 
to take revenge upon him. The stipendiaries there- 
fore of the Achaeans, being forced to give ground, 
were urged so violently in their retreat by those of 
Machanidas, that shortly they betook themselves to 
flight, and could not be stayed by any persuasions 
of Philopoemen, but ran away quite beyond the bat- 
tie of the Achaeans. This disaster had been suffi- 
cient to take from Philopoemen the honour of the 
day, had he not wisely observed the demeanor of 
Machanidas, and found in him that error which 
might restore the victory. The tyrant, with his 
mercenaries, gave chace unto those that fled ; leav- 
ing behind him in good order of battle his Lacedae- 
monians, whom he thought sufficient to deal with 
the Achaeans that were already disheartened by the 
flight of their companions. But when this his rash- 
ness had carried him out of sight, Philopoemen ad- 
vanced towards the Lacedaemonians that stood be- 
fore hirr) f There lay between them athwart the 
country, a long ditch, without water at that time ; 
and therefore passable (as it seemed) without much 
difficulty, especially for foot. The Lacedaemonians 
adventure^ over it, as thinking themselves better 
soldiers than the Achaeans, who had in a manner 
already lost the day. But hereby they greatly dis- 
ordered their own battle ; and no sooner had the 
foremost of them recovered the further bank, than 
they were stoutly charged by the Achaeans, wh9 
•'■-.%. a 3 


drove them headlong into the ditch again. The 
first ranks being broken, all the rest began to shrink; 
so as Philopoemen - getting over the ditch, easily 
chased them out of the field. Philbpoemeri knew 
better how to use his advantage than Machahida$ 
had done. He suffered not all his arttiy to disband 
and follow the chace ; bu^; retained with him" a suf- 
ficient strength for the custody of a bridge that Was 
over the ditch, by which he knetf that the tyrant 
must come back. The tyrant with his mercenaries 
returning from thfe chace, looked very heavily when 
he saw what was fallen out. Yet, *ith a lusty troo^ 
of horse about him, he made towards th6 bridge ; 
hoping to find the Achseans in disorder, and to set 
upon their backs, as they were carelessly pursuing 
their victory. But when he and hts company saw 
Philopoemen ready to make gpod the bridge against 
them ; then began every one to look which way he 
might shift for himself. The tyratit, with no more 
than two in his company, rode along the ditch-side; 
and searched for an easy passage over. He was 
easily discovered by his purple cassock, atad the 
costly trappings of his horse. Philopoemen there- 
fore leaving the charge of the bridge unto another, 
coasted him all the way that he rode ; and falling 
upon him at length in the ditch itself, as be wis 
getting over it, slew him there with his own hand. 
There died in this battle on the Lacedaemonian 
side about four thousand ; and more than four thdu- 
sand were taken prisoners. Of the Achaean merce- 
naries, probable it is that the loss was not greatly 
cared for, since that war was at an end; and for 
their money they might hire more Mien they should 
have need. 


Sect. VI. 

Philip having peace mth Rome, and with all Greece* 
prepares against Asia. Of the kings of Pergamus, 
Cappadocia, Pontics, Paphlagonia, Bithynia, and 
their lineages. Qftfie Galatians. 

By this victory the Achaean* learned to think well 
of themselves. Neither needed they indeed, after a 
while, (such was their discipline, and continual ex- 
ercise,) to account themselves in manner of war in- 
ferior to any that should have brought against them 
no great odds of number. As for the Macedonian, 
he made no great use of them. But when he had 
once concluded peace with the Romans and iEtoli- 
ans, he studied now to enlarge his dominions east- 
ward ; since the fortune of his friends, the Cartha- 
ginians, declined in the west. He took in hand ma- 
ny matters together, or very nearly together, and 
some of them not honest : wherein if the Achaeans 
would have done him service, they must, by help- 
ing him to oppress others that never had wronged 
him, have taught him the way how to deal with them- 
selves. He greatly hated Attalus king of Pergamus, 
who had joined with the Romans and iEtolians a- 
gainst him. 

This Attalus, though a king, was scarce yet a 
nobleman, otherwise than as he was ennobled by his 
own and by his father's virtue. His fortune began 
in Philetserus his uncle ; who being gelded, by rea- 
son of a mishap which he had when he was a child, 
grew afterwards thereby to be more esteemed ; at 
great men in those times reposed much confidence 
in eunuchs, whose affections could not be obliged 
unto wives or children. He was entertained into 
the family of Docimus, a captain following Antjgo- 
qus the first j and after the death of Antigonus, he 



accompanied his master, that betook himself to Ly-» 
simachus king of Thrace. Lysimachus had good 
opinioo of him ; and put him in trust with his mo- 
ney and accounts. But when at length he stood in 
fear of this king, that grew a bloody tyrant, he fled 
into Asia, where he seized upon the town of Perga- 
mitt, and nine thousand talents belonging to Lysi- 
machus. The town and money, together with bis 
own service, he offered unto Seleucus the first, {hat 
then was ready to give Lysimachus battle. His ofler 
was kindly accepted, but never performed ; for that* 
Seleucus, having slain Lysimachus, died shortly after 
himself, before he made use of Philet&rus or his 
money. So this eunuch still retained Pergamus, 
with the country about it; and reigned therein 
twenty years as an absolute king. He had two breth- 
ren ; of which the elder is said to have been a poor 
carter, and the younger perhaps was not much bet- 
ter, before such time as they were raised by the 
fortune of this eunuch. Philetaerus left the king- 
dom to the eider of these, or to the son of the elder, 
called Eumenes. This Eumenes enlarged his king- 
dom ; making his advantage of the dissension be- 
tween Seleucus Callinicus and Antiochus Hierax, 
the sons of the second Antiochus. He fought a 
battle with Hierax, near unto Sardes ; and won the 
victory. At whieh time, to animate his men against 
the Gauls that served under his enemy, he used a 
pretty device. He wrote the word Victory upon 
the hand of his soothsayer 1 , in such colours as would 
easily come off: and when the hot liver of the beast 
that was sacrificed, had cleanly taken the print of 
the letters, he published this unto his army as a mi- 
racle, plainly foreshewing that the gods would be 
assistant in that battle. 


I JuJ. front. Stra. I. i. c. 11, 

$&AP« IV« OF THE WORLD. ' 9 

After this victory, he grew a dreadful enemy to 
Seleucus ; who never durst attempt to recover from 
him, by war, the territory that he had gotten and 
held. Finally, when he had reigned two and twenty 

J rears, he died by a surfeit of over much drink ; and 
eft his kingdom to At talus, of whom we now entreat, 
that was son unto Attalus the youngest brother of 
Pbiletaerus. Attalus was an undertaking prince, 
very bountiful, and no less valiant. By his own pro- 
per forces he restored his friend Ariarathes the Cap- 
padooian into his kingdom, whence he had been ex- 
pelled. He was grievously molested by Achaeus ; 
who setting up himself as King, against Antiochus 
the Great, reigned in the Lesser Asia. He was be- 
sieged in. his own city of Pergamus: but by the 
help of the Tectosagae, a nation of the Gauls, whom 
he called over out of Thrace, he recovered all that 
he had lost. When these Gauls had once gotten 
footing in Asia, they never wanted Employment; 
but were either entertained by some of the princes 
reigning in those quarters, or interposed themselves 
without invitation, and found themselves work in 
quarrels of their own making. They caused Prusias 
king of Bithynia to cease from his war against By- 
zantium. Wbereunto when he had condescended, 
they nevertheless in a while after invaded his king- 
dom. He obtained against them a great vic- 
tory, and used it with great cruelty, sparing neither 
age nor sex. But the swarm of them increasing, 
they occupied the region about Hellespont ; where, 
in seating themselves, they were much beholden un- 
to Attalus. Nevertheless, presuming afterwards up- 
on their strength, they forced their neighbour prin- 
ces and cities to pay them tribute : in the sharp ex- 
action whereof, they had no more respect unto At- 
tains than to any that had worse deserved of them. 
By this they compelled him to fight against them ; 
and he being victorious, compelled them to contain 
themselves within the bounds of that province, which 

16 TAB tolBtft** *00*f, 

took txktrte from them in tittte following ' attd wis 
Ailed Galatia. Yet continued they still to oppre* 
the weakest of their neighbours ; and to fill up the 
afrmies of those that could best hire thetn. 

The kings reigning in those parts, were the pot- 
terity of such as had saved themselves and their pro* 
vinces, in the slothful reign of the Persians, or in 
the busy times of Alexander and his Macedonian 
followers. The CappadocianS were very ancient. 
For the first of them had married with Atofcsa, sister 
unto the great king Cyrus. Their country was tak- 
en from them by Perdiccas, as is shewed before* 
But the son of that king, whom Perdiccas crucified* 
espying his time while the Macedonians were at ci- 
vil wars among themselves, recovered his dominion, 
ated passed it over to his offspring. The kings of 
Pontus had also their beginning from the Persian 
empire ; and are said to have issued from the royal 
house of Achamenes. The Paphlagonians derived 
themselves from Pyl&menes, a king that assisted 
Priainus at the war of Troy. These, applying them- 
selves unto the times, were always conformable un- 
to the strongest* The ancestors of Prusias had be- 
gun to reign in Bithynia, some few fenerations be- 
fore that of the Great Alexander. They lay some- 
what out of the Macedonian** way ; by whom there- 
fore, having other employment, they were the less 
molested. Calantus, one of Alexander's captains, 
made an expedition into their country j where lie 
was vanquished* They had afterwards to do wit!* 
a lieutenant of Antigonus, that made them some- 
what more humble. And thus they shuffled, as did 
the rest, until the reign of Prusias, whom we have 
already sometimes mentioned. 


Sect. VII. 

Tfit town of Gos taken by Philip, at ike instance of 
Prusias king of BUhynia, and cruelly destroyed* 
By this and Uke actions, Philip grows- hateful to ma- 
toy Qf the Greeks ; and is wdrred upon by Attains 
king qfPergamus, and by the Rhodians. 

Prusias, as a neighbour king, had many quarrels 
'irfth Attatus; whose greatness he suspected, He 
therefore strengthened himself by taking to wife the 
daughter of Pnnip ; as Attalus, on the contrary side, 
entered into a strict confederacy with the jEtolians, 
Rhodians, and other of the Greeks. But when Phi- 
lip had ended his jEtolian war, and was devising 
With Antiochus about sharing between them two the 
kingdom of Egypt, wherein Ptolemy Philopater, a 
friend unto them both, was newly dead, and had 
left his son Ptolemy Epiphanes, a young child, his 
heir ; the Bithynian entreated his father-in-law to 
come over into Asia, there to win the town of the 
Ciani, and bestow it upon him. Prusias had no right 
unto the town, nor just matter of quarrel against it ; 
but it was fitly seated for him, and therewithal rich. 
Philip came, as one that could not well deny to help 
his son-in-law ; but hereby he mightily offended no 
small part of Greece. Embassadors came to him, 
whilst he lay at the siege, from the Rhodians, and 
divfers other states, entreating him to Forsake the 
enterprise. He gave dilatory, but otherwise gentle 
answers, making shew as if he would condescend to 
their request, when he intended nothing less. At 
length he got the town ; where, even in presence of 
the embassadors, of whose solicitation he had seemed 
so regardful, he omitted no part of cruelty. Here- 
by he rendered himself odious to his neignbours, a* 


a perfidious and a cruel prince* Especially his fact 
was detested of the Rhodians, who nad made vehe- 
ment intercession for the poor Ciani?; and were ad- 
vertised by embassadors of purpose sent unto them 
from Philip, that, howsoever it were in his power to 
win the town as soon as he listed, yet, in regard of 
his love to the Rhodians, he was contented to give 
it over. And by this his clemency, the embassadors 
said, that he would manifest unto the world what 
slanderous tongues they were, which noised abroad 
such reports as went of his falsehood and oppres- 
sions. Whilst the embassadors were declaiming at 
Rhodes, in the theatre, to this effect, there came 
some that made a true relation of what had happen- 
ed ; shewing that Philip had sacked and destroyed 
the town of Cios, and, after a cruel slaughter of the 
inhabitants, had made slaves; of all that escaped the 
sword. If the Rhodians took this in great despite, no 
less were theiEtoIians inflamed against him, since they 
had sent a captain to take charge of the town ; being 
warnpd before by his doings at Lysimachia and Chat* 
cedon, (which he had withdrawn from their confede- 
racy to his own,) what little trust was to be reposed 
in the faith of this king* But most of all others was 
Attalus moved with consideration pf the Macedoni- 
an's violent ambition* and of his own estate. He 
had much to lose, and was not without hope of get- 
ting much, if he could make a strong party in 
Greece. He had already, as a new king, followed 
the example of Alexander's captains, in purchasing 
with much liberality tfie love of the Athenians, 
which were potable trumpeters of other men's vir- 
tue, having lost their own. On the friendship of 
the iEtolians he had cause to presume ; having bound 
them unto him by good offices, many and great, ;n 
their late war with Philip. The Rhodians, that were 
mighty at sea, and held very good intelligence with 
the Egyptians, Syrians, and many other princes an4 



states, he easily drew into a strait alliance with him, 
by their hatred newly conceived against Philip. 

Upon confidence in these his friends, but most of 
all in the ready assistance of the Rhodians, Attains 
repared to deal with the Macedonian by open war, 
t had been unseasonable to procrastinate, and ex- 

Eect whereto the doings of the enemy tended, since 
is desire to fasten upon Asia was manifest, and his 
falsehood no less manifest than was such his desire. 
They met with him shortly not far from Chios, and 
fought with him a battle at sea, wherein, though 
Attalus was driven to run his own ship on ground, 
hardly escaping to land ; though the admiral of the 
Rhodians took his death's wound ; and though Phi- 
lip, after the battle, took harbour under a promon- 
tory by which they had fought, so that he had the 
gafoing of the wrecks upon the shore,-yet foras- 
much as he had suffered far greater loss of ships and 
men than had the enemy, and since he durst not in 
a few days after put forth to sea, when Attalus and 
the Rhodians came to brave him in his port, the ho* 
nour of the victory was adjudged to his enemies. 
'This notwithstanding, Philip afterwards besieged, 
and won some towns in Cana ; whether only in a 
bravery, and to despite his opposites, or whether 
upon any hopeful desire of conquest, it is uncertain. 
The stratagem by which he won Prinassus, is wor- 
thy of noting. He attempted it by a mine, and find- 
ing the earth so stony that it resisted his work, he 
nevertheless commanded the pioneers to make a 
noise under ground ; and secretly in the night-time 
he. raised a great mount about the entrance of the 
mine, to breed an opinion in the besieged, that the 
work went marvellously forward. At length he sent 
word to the townsmen, that, by his undermining, two 
acres of their wall stood only upon wooden props ; 
to which, if he gave fire, and entered by a breach, 
they should expect no mercy. The Prinassians little 
thought that he had fetched all his earth and rubbish 


fcy night a great way of£ to rwp up those heaps 
which they saw, but rather that all had been extract- 
ed out of the mine. Wherefore they suffered them- 
selves to be out-faced, and gave up the town as last* 
which the enemy had no hope to win by force. But 
Philip could not stay to settle himself in those parts, 
j^ttalus and the Ehodiaus were too strong for him at 
sea, and compelled him to make haste back into 
JMacedon, whither they followed him all the way in 
manner of pursuit* 

Sect. VIII. 

The Ramans, qfier their Carthaginian war, seek mat* 
ter of quarrel against Philip. The Athenians upon 
slight cause proclaim war againsjt Philip* mavqd 
iliereto by Attalus, whom theyjlatter. Philip wms 
divers towns* and makes peremptory answer to ifid 
Roman embassador. The furious resolution qf tye 

T#ese Asiatic matters, which no way concerned 
the Romans, yet served well to make a noise ;jn 
Rome, and fill the people's heads, if not with a $e* 
aire qf making war in Mace;don, at least with a cqb- 
. ceit that it were expedient so to do. The Romcyi 
senate was perfectly informed of the State of tho^e 
eastern countries, and knew that there was noqe 
other nation thap the Greeks, which lay between 
them and the lordship of Asia* These .0 rqe&s w^ije 
factious, and seldom or never at peace. As for tl^e 
Macedonian, though length of time, aJid continual 
dealings in Greece, ever since the reigps of Philip 
and Alexander, had left no differencebetween him 
and the naturals, yet most of them -abhorred his 4p- 
minion, because he was originally, forsooth, a bar- 
barian j many of them hat^d him upon ancient guar* 

SHJJP, JV. f f fH£ W9ft%P« 15 

fffb; and they th*t had bee* most beholden unto 
turn were nevertheless weary of him, by reason of 
bis personal faults. All this gave hope, that the af- 
fairs of Greece would not long detain the Roaqimi 
armies ; especially since the divisions of the country 
were such that every petty estate was apt to take 
counsel apart for itself, without much regarding the 
generality. But the poor commonalty of Rome had 
90 great affection to such a chargeable enterprise* 
They were already quite exhausted by that grievous 
war with Hannibal, wherein they hud given, by loaa 
jo the republic, aU their mon£y ; neither had they 
as yet received, neither did they receive, until fifteen 
pr sixteen years after this, their whole sum back a«- 
gftin. That part of payment also which was already 
made, beiog not in present money, but much of it 
111 ia&d, it behoved them to rest a while, and bestow 
the more diligence in tilting th&f grounds, by how 
fnuph they were the less able to bestow cost. Where.. 
#>re they took go pleasure to hear, that Attalus and 
the R&Ktiaps had sent embassadors to solicit them 
Kgamst Philip, with repprt of Jiis bold attempts in 
Asia ; or that M. Aurelius, their agent in Greece, 
dad sent letters of the same tenor to the senate; and 
magnified his intelligence, by setting out the prepa- 
rations of this dangerous enemy, that solicited not 
only the towns upon the continent, but all the islands 
in those seas ; visiting them in person, or sending 
embassadors, as one that meant shortly to hold war 
with the Romans upon their own ground. Philip 
bad indeed no such intent; neither was he much too 
strong, either of himself, or by his alliance in Greece, 
to be resisted by Attalus and the Rhodians, espe- 
cially with the help of the ^Etolians, their good 
friends* and (in a manner) his own professed ene- 
mies. But snch things must be published abroad, if 
only to predispose men unto the war, and give it the 
more honest colour. 

10 fkE HIST0R* B06KVi 

Philip was si man of ill condition, and therefore 
could not thrive by intermeddling in the affairs of 
those that were more mighty than himself. He 
was too unskilful, or otherwise too unapt, to retain 
his old friends ; yet would he needs be seeking new 
enemies. And he found them such as he deserved to 
have them ; for he offered his help to their destruc- 
tion when they were in misery, and had done him 
no harm. It behoved him, therefore, either to have 
strained his forces to the uttermost, in making war 
upon them, or, in desisting from that injurious 
Course, to have made amends for the wrongs passed, 
by doing friendly offices of his own accord. But he 
having broken that league of peace, which is of all 
other the most natural, binding all men to offer no 
violence willingly, unless they think thetn selves just- 
ly provoked, was afterwards too fondly persuaded 
that he might well be secure of the Romans, because 
of the written covenants of peace between him and 
them. There is not any form of oath, whereby such 
articles of peace can be held inviolable, save only 
by the water of Styt\ that is, by necessity ; which* 
whilst it binds one party, or both, unto performance, 
making it apparent that he shall be a loser who 
starts from the conditions ; it may so long (and so 
long only) be presumed that there shall be no breach* 
Till Hannibal was vanquished, the Romans nevet 
hearkened after Philip ; for necessity made them let 
him alone. But when once they had peace with 
Carthage, then was this river of Styx dried up ; and 
then could they swear, as Mercury* did in the co- 
medy, by their ojvnselves, even by their good swords, 
that they had good reason to make war upon him* 
The voyage of Sopater into Africa, and the present 
war against Attalus, were matter of quarrel as much 
as needed ; or, if this were not enough, the Athe- 
nians helped to furnish them with more. 


1 Sir Francis Bacon de Sap. Veteran. S Plaut AiDfbitr. 


The Athenians being at this time lords of no 
more than their own barren territory, took state up- 
on them nevertheless, as in their ancient fortune. 
Two young gentlemen of Acarnania, entering into 
the temple of Ceres in the days of initiation, (where- 
in were delivered the mysteries of religion, or rather 
of idolatrous superstition, vainly said to have been 
available unto felicity after this life,) discovered 
themselves, by .some impertinent questions, to be 
none of those that were initiated. Hereupon they 
were brought before the officers j and though it was 
apparent that they came into the place by mere er- 
ror, not thinking to have therein done amiss, yet, as 
it had been for some heinous crime, they were put 
to death. All their countrymen at home took this 
in ill part, and sought to revenge it as a public inju- 
ry, by war upon the Athenians. Procuring there- 
fore of Philip some Macedonians to help them, they 
entered into Attica, who wasted it with fire and 
sword, and carried thence away with them a great 
booty. This indignity stirred up the high-minded 
Athenians, and made them think upon doing more 
than they had ability to perform. All which at the 
present they could do, was to send .embassadors to 
king Attalus, gratulating his happy success against 
Philip, and intreating him to visit their city. Attalus 
was hereto the more willing, because he understood 
that the Roman embassadors, hovering about Greece 
for matter of intelligence, had a purpose to be there 
at the same time* So he went thither, accompanied, 
besides his own followers, with some of the Rhodi- 
ans. Landing in the Piraeus, he found the Romans 
there, with whom he had much friendly conference ; 
they rejoicing that he continued enemy to Philip, 
ana he being no less glad when he heard of their 
purpose to renew the war. The Athenians came 
forth of their city, all the magistrates, priests, and 
citizens, with their wives and children, in as solemn 
a pomp as they could devise, to meet and honour 

Vol. VI. n 

18 Tikte msTOJLY W>o* V. 

the king. They entertained the Romans that wfcre 
with him in very loving manner ; but towards Attn* 
lus himself they omitted no point of observance 
which their flattery could suggest. At his first com- 
ing into the city, thev called the people to assembly) 
where they desired him to honour them with his pre- 
sence, and let them hear him speak. But he excus- 
ed himself, saying, that with an evil grace lie should 
recount unto them those many benefits by which he 
studied to make them know what love he bore them. 
Wherefore it was thought fit that he should deliver 
* in writing what he would have to be propounded. 
He did so : The points of his declaration were j 
first, what he had willingly done for their sake ; then 
what had lately passed between him and Philip ; 
lastly, an exhortation unto them to declare them*, 
selves against the Macedonian, whilst he, with the 
Rhodians and the Romans, were willing and ready 
to take their part ; which if they now refused to do, 
he protested that afterwards it would be in vain to 
crave his help. There needed little entreaty* fofr 
they were as willing to proclaim the war as he to de- 
sire it. As for other matters, they loaded him with 
immoderate honours, and ordained, that unto the 
ten tribes, whereof the body of their citizens consist- 
ed, should be added another, and called after his 
name ; as if he were in part one of their founders. 
To the Rhodians they also decreed a crown of gold, 
in reward of their virtue, and made all tbe Rhodians 
free citizens of Athens, 

Thus began a great noise of war, wherein littie 
was left unto the Romans for their part ; Attains 
and the Rhodians taking all upon them. But while 
these were vainly mispending the time in seeking to 
draw the jEtolians to their party, that, contrary to 
their old manner, were glad to be at quiet, Philip 
won the towns of Maronea and iEnus, with many 
other strong places about the Hellespont. Likewise 
passing over the Hellespont, he laid siege unto Aby- 


doe, and woo it* though he was feia to stay there 
long* The town held out, rather upon an obstinate 
resolution, add hope of succour from Attala* and 
the Rhodians, than any great ability to defend itself 
against so mighty an enemy. But the RhodiaQs seat 
thither only one quadrireme gaUey, and Attalus no 
more than three hundred men % ±ar too weak an aid 
to make godd the place. The Roman embassadors 
'wondered much at this great negligence of them 
that had taken so much upon them. 

These embassadors, C. Claudius, M. if£milius, and 
P« Sempronius* were sent unto Ptolemy Epiphanes, 
king or Egypt, to acquaint him with their victory a~ 
gainst Hannibal and the Carthaginians ; as also tp 
thank him for his favour unto them shewed in that 
war, and to desire the continuance thereof, if they 
should need it against Philip. This Egyptian king 
was now in the third or fourth year of his reign, 
which (as bis father Philopater had doae before him) 
be began a very young hoy. The courtesy for which 
the Romans were to thank him, was, that out of 
Egypt they had lately been supplied with corn, in a 
time of extreme dearth, when the miseries of war 
had made aU their own provinces unable to relieve 
them. This message could not but be welcome to 
the Egyptian ; since it was well known how Philip 
and Antiocfaus had combined themselves against 
him, conspiring to take away his kingdom j and 
therefore it might in reason be hoped, that he, or his 
council for him, should offer to supply the Romans 
with com, since this their Macedonian expedition 
concerned his estate no less than theirs. 

But as the errand was for the most part compli- 
mentai, so had the embassadors both leisure and di- 
rection from the senate to look unto the things -of 
Greece by the way. Wherefore they agreed, that 
M. iEmilius, the youngest of them, should step aside 
and visit Philip, to try if he could make him leave 
Jbe siege of Ahydos, which else he was like to car* 

b 2 


rv. iEmilius, coming to Philip, tells him, that hit 
cfoings are contrary to the league that he had made 
with the Romans. For Attains and the Rhodiaos, 
upon whom he made war, were confederate with 
Rome ; and the town of Abydos, which he was now 
besieging, had a kind of dependency upon Attalus. 
Hereto Philip answered, that Attalus and the Rho*- 
dians had made war upon him, and that he did only 
requite them with the like. * t)o you also (said 

* JEmilius) reauite these poor Abydeni with such 
' terrible war for any the like invasion by them frst 

* made upon you? 9 The king was angry to hear' 
himself thus taken short ; and therefore he roundly 
made answer to JBmihus : * It is your youth, sir, 

' and your beauty, and (above all) your being a Ro- 
' roan, that makes you thus presumptuous. But I 

* would wish ye to remember the league that ye have 
' made with me, and to keep it ; if ye do otherwise, - 

* I will make ye understand, that the kingdom and 

* name of Macedon is, in matter of war, no less 

* noble than the Roman.' So he dismissed the em- 
bassador, and had the town immediately yielded to 
his discretion. The people had entertained a reso- 
lution to have died every one of them, and to set 
their town on tire ; binding themselves hereto by a 
fearful oath, when Philip denied to accept them 
upon reasonable conditions* But having, in despe- 
rate fight, once repelling him from the breach, lost 
the greatest number of their youth, it was thought 
meet, by the governors and ancients of the city, to 
change this resolution, and take such peace as could 
be gotten. So they carried out their gold and silver- 
to Philip j about which, whilst they were busy, the 
memory of their oath wrought so effectually in the 
younger sort, that, by exhortation of their priests, 
they fell to murdering their women, children, and 
themselves. Hereof the king had so little compas- 
sion, that he said he would grant the Abydeni three 
days leisure to die ; and to that end forbade his men 


to enter the town, or hazard themselves in interrupt* 
teg the violence of those njad fools. 

Sect. IX. 

*Pke Roman* decree war against Philip, and send one 
of their consuls into Greece \ as it were in defence of 
the Athenians, their confederates. How poor the 
Athenians were at this time both in quality and estate* 

This calamity of the Abydeni was likened by the 
Romans unto that of the Saguntines ; which indeed 
it nearly resembled, though Rome was not alike in* 
terested in the quarrel. But to help themselves with 
pretence for the war, they had found out another Sa- 
guntum, even the city of Athens ; which, if the Ma- 
cedonian should win, then rested there no more to 
do, than that he should presently embark himself (bv 
Italy, whither he would come, not as Hannibal from 
Saguntum, in five months, but in the short space of 
five days sailing. Thus P. Sulpicius, the. consul, told 
the multitude, when he exhorted them to make war 
upon Philip; which at his first propounding they had 
denied. The example of Pyrrhus was by him al- 
leged, to shew what Philip, with the power of a 
greater kingdom, might dare to undertake ; as also 
the fortunate voyage of Scipio into Africa, to shew 
the difference of making war abroad, and admitting 
it into the bowels of their own country. By such ar- 
guments was the commonalty of Rome induced to 
believe that this war with the Macedonian was both 
just and necessary. So it was decreed : and imme? 
diately the same consul hasted away towards Macer 
don, having that province allotted unto him before* 
and all things in a readiness, by order from the se- 
nate ; who followed other motives than the people 
must be acquainted with. Great thanks were given 

b 3 


to the Athenian embassadors for their coettancy (as 
was said) in not changing their faith at soch time as 
they stood in danger of being besieged. And indeed 
great thanks were due to them ; though not upon 
the same occasion. For the people of Rome had no 
cause to think it a benefit unto themselves, that any 
Greek town, refusing to sue unto the Macedonian 
for peace, requested their help against him. Bat 
the senate intending to take in hand the conquest of 
the eastern parts, had reason to give thanks unto 
those that ministered the occasion* Since therefore 
it was an untrue suggestion, that Philip was making 
ready for Italy ; and since neither Attalus, the Rho- 
dians, nor any other state in those quarters, desired 
the Romans to give them protection ; these busy* 
headed Athenians, who falling out with the Acar* 
nanians, and consequently with Philip, about a mat* 
ter of Maygame, (as was shewed before,) sent em* 
basftadors into all. parts of the world, even to Ptole* 
my of Egypt, and to the Romans, as well as to Atta- 
lus, and to other their neighbours, must be accepted 
as cause of the war, and authors of the benefit thence 

Nevertheless, as it loves to fall out where the 
meaning differs from the pretence, the doings of P. 
Sulpicius, the consul, were such as might have ar- 
gued Athens to be the least part of his care. He 
sailed not about Peloponnesus, but took the ready 
Way to Macedon ; and landing about the river of 
Apsus, between Dyrrachium and Apollonia, there 
began the war. Soon upon his coming, the Athenian 
embassadors were with him, and craved his help j 
whereof they could make no benefit whilst he was so 
far from them. They bemoaned themselves as men 
besieged, and entreated him to deliver them. Fcfr 
which cause he sent unto them C. Claudius, with 
twenty gallies, and a competent number of men ; 
but the main of his forces he retained with him for 
the prosecution of a greater design. The Athenians 



were not indeed besieged; only some rovers of Chak 
cia, in the isle of Rubcea, and some bands of adven- 
turers out of Corinth, used to take their ships and 
spoil their fields, because they had declared them* 
selves against king Philip, that was lord of these two 
towns. The- robberies done by these pirates and 
freebooters, were, by the more eloquent than war- 
like Athenians, in the declining age of their fortune 
and virtue, called a siege. From such detriment the 
arrival of Claudius, and shortly after of three Rho- 
dian gallies, easily preserved them* As for the Athe- 
nians themselves, they that had been wont, in an- 
cient times, to undertake the conquests of Egypt, 
Cyprus, and Sicily; to make war upon the great 
Persian king j and to hold so much of Greece in sub- 
jection, as made them redoubtable unto $dl the rest, 
— had now no more than three ships, and those open 
ones, not much better than long boats. Yet thought 
they not themselves a whit the worse, but stooa as 
highly upon the glory and virtue of their ancestors 
49 if it had been still their own. 

Sect. X. 

The town of Chalets, in Eubcea, taken and sacked by 
the Romans and their associates, that lay in gam- 
son at Athens. Philip attempteih to take Athens by 
surprise ; wasteth the country about, and makes a 
Journey \ into Peloponnesus* Of Nabis, the tyrant 
qf Lacedcemon, and his wife. Philip offers to make 
war against Nobis for tfie Achwans. He returneth 
home through Attica t wluch he spoileth again, and 
provides against the enemies. Some exploits of the 
Romans. Divers primes join with them. Great la- 
. bowing to draw the JEtotians into the war. 

Philip, returning home from Abydos, heard news 
of the Roman consul's being about Apollonia. But, 

b 4 



ere he stirred forth to give him entertainment, or 
perhaps before he had well resolved whether it were 
best a-while to sit still and try what might be done 
for obtaining of peace, or whether to make opposi- 
tion, and resist these invaders with all his forces, he 
received advertisement from Chalcis of a grievous 
mishap there befallen him, by procurement of the 
Athenians ; for C. Claudius, with his Romans, find- 
ing no such work at Athens as they had expected, 
or as was answerable to the fame that went abroad, 
purposed to do somewhat that might quicken the 
war, and make his own employment better. He 
grew sotfn weary of sitting as a scare-crow to save 
the Athenians grounds from spoil, and therefore 
gladly took in hand a business of more importance. 
The town of Chalcis was negligently guarded by the 
Macedonian soldiers therein, for that there was no 
enemy at hand ; and more negligently by the towns- 
men, who reposed themselves upon their garrison. 
Hereof Claudius having advertisement, sailed thi- 
ther by night for fear of being descried ; and arriv- 
ing there a little before break of day, took it by sca- 
lado. He used no mercy, but slew all that came in 
his way ; and wanting men to keep it, (unless he 
should have left the heartless Athenians to their own 
defence,) he set it on fire, consuming the king's ma- 
gazines of corn, and all provisions for war, which 
were plenteously filled. Neither were he and his as- 
sociates contented with the great abundance of spoil 
which they carried aboard their ships, and with en- 
larging all those whom Philip, as in a place of most 
security, kept there imprisoned ; but, to shew their 
despite and hatred unto the king, they overthrew and 
broke in piece's the statues unto him there erected. 
This done; they hasted away towards Athens, where 
the news of their exploit were like to be joyfully wel- 
comed. The king then lay at Demetrias, about some 
twenty miles thence ; whither, when these tidings, 
pr part 6i them, were brought him, though he saw 


that it was too late to remedy the matter, yet he 
made all haste to take revenge. He thought to 
have taken the Athenians, with their trusty friends, 
busy at work in ransacking the town, and loading 
themselves with spoil, but they were gone before 
his coming. Five thousand light-armed foot he 
had with him, and three hundred horse, whereof 
leaving at Chalcis only a few to bury the dead, he 
marched thence away speedily towards Athens; 
thinking it not impossible to take his enemies in the 
joy of their victory, as full of negligence, as they 
had taken Chalcis. Neither had he much failed of 
his expectation, if a foot-post, that stood scout for 
the city upon the borders, had not descried him afar 
off, and swiftly carried word of his approach to At- 
thens. It was mid-night when this post came thithei 1 ; 
who found all the town asleep, as fearless of any 
danger. But the magistrates, hearing his report, 
caused a trumpet out of their citadel to sound the 
alarm, and with all speed made ready for defence. 
Within a few hours Philip was there ; who seeing 
the many lights, and other signs of busy prepara- 
tion usual in such a case, understood that they had 
news of his coming ; and therefore willed his men 
to repose themselves till it were day. It is like, 
that the paucity of his followers did help well to 
animate the citizens, which beheld them from the 
walls. Wherefore though Claudius were not yet 
returned, (who was to fetch a compass about by sea, 
and had ho cause of haste,) yet having in the town 
some mercenary soldiers, which they kept of their 
own, besides the great multitude of citizens \ they 
adventured to issue forth at a gate, whereto they 
•saw Philip make approach. The king was glad of 
this ; reckoning all those his own that were thus 
hardy. He therefore only willed his men to follow 
his example, and presently gave charge upon them. 
In that fight he gave singular proof of his valour ; 
*nd beating down many of the enemies with his owij 


hands, drove them with great slaughter back into 
the city. The heat of his courage transported him 
farther than discretion would have allowed, even to 
the very gate. But he retired without harm taken \ 
for that they, which were upon the towers over the 
gate, could not use their casting weapons against 
him, without endangering their own people* that 
were thronging before him into the city. There 
was a temple of Hercules, a place of exercise, with 
a grove, and many goodly monuments besides, sear 
adjoining unto Athens ; of which he spared nonet 
but suffered the rage of his anger to extend, even 
unto the sepulchres of the dead. The next day came 
tlte Romans, and some companies of Attalus's men 
from iEgina; too late, in regard of what was already 

Sast ; but in good time to prevent him of satisfying 
is anger to the full, which as yet he had not done. 
So he departed thence to Corinth ; and hearing that 
the Ach&ans held a parliament at Argos, he came 
thither to them unexpected. 

The Achaean* were devising upon war, which 
they intended to make against Nabis, the tyrant of 
Laced&mon ; who being started up in the room 
of Machanidas, did greater mischief than any that 
went before him. This tyrant celied wboUy upon 
his mercenaries ; and of his subjects had no regard. 
He was a cruel oppressor ; a greedy extortioner upon 
those that lived under him ; and one that, in his 
natural condition, smelt rankly of the hangman. In 
these qualities, his wife Apega, was very fitly match- 
ed with him ; since his dexterity was no greater in 
spoiling the men, than hers in fleecing their wives ; 
whom she would never suffer to be at quiet, till they 
had presented her with all their jewels and apparel 1 . 
Her husband was so delighted with her property, 
that he caused an image to be made lively repre- 
senting her, and apparelled it with such costly gar* 

1 l Liv. life, xxxii. 


vents as she used to wear. But it was indeed an 
engine, serving only to torment men 1 , Hereof he 
made use, when he meant to try the virtue of his 
rhetoric* For calling unto him some rich man, of 
whose money he was desirous, he would bring him 
into the room where bis counterfeit Apega stood, and 
there use all his art of persuasion to get what he de- 
sired, as it were by good wilL If he could not so 
speed, but was answered with excuses, then took he 
the refractory denier by the hand, and told him, 
that perhaps his wife Apega (who sat by in a chair) 
could persuade more effectually. So he led him to 
the image, that rose up, and opened the arms, as it 
were for embracement. Those arms were full of 
sharp iron nails, the like whereof were also sticking 
in the breasts, though hidden with her clothes ; and 
herewith she griped the poor wretch, to the pleasure 
of the tyrant, that laughed at his cruel death. Such, 
and worse, (for it were long to tell ail here that is 
spoken of him,) was Nabis in his government. In 
his dealings abroad he combined with the iEtolians, 
as Machanidas and Lycurgus had done before him. 
By these he grew into acquaintance with the Ro- 
mans ; and was comprehended in the league which 
they made with Philip, at the end of their former 
war. Of Philopoemen's virtue he stood in fear ; and 
therefore durst not provoke the Achseans, as long 
as they had such an able commander. But when 
Cycliades, a far worse captain, was their praetor, 
^ad all, or the greatest part of their mercenaries 
were discharged, Philonoemen being also gone into 
Crete to follow his beloved occupation of war,— 
then did Nabis fall upon their territory ; and wast- 
ing all the fields, made them distrust their own safety 
in the towns. 

Against this tyrant the Achaeans were preparing 
for war, when Philip came among them ; and had 

2 Excerpt. 6 Polyb. 1. xdl 


«et down what proportion of soldiers every city of 
their corporation should famish out. But Philip 
willed them not to trouble themselves with the care 
of this business ; forasmuch as he alone would ease 
them of this war, and take the burden upon him- 
self. With exceeding joy and thanks they accepted 
of this kind offer. But when he told them, that 
whilst he made war upon Lacedsmon, he ought not 
to leave his own towns unguarded ; in which res- 
pect, he thought they would be pleased to send a 
few men to Corinth, and some companies into the 
isle of Euboea, that so he might securely pursue the 
war against Nabis ; immediately they found out 
bis device, which was none other than to engage 
their nation in his war against the Romans. Where- 
fore their prestor Cycliades made him answer, that 
their laws forbade them to conclude any other mat- 
ters in their parliament than those for which it was 
assembled. So passing* the decree, upon which they 
had agreed before, for preparing war against Nabis, 
he broke up the assembly, with every man's good- 
liking ; whereas, in former times, he had been thought 
no better than one of the king ? s parasites. 

It grieved the king to have thus failed in his pur- 
pose with the Achaeans. Nevertheless he gathered 
up among them a few volunteers, and so returned 
by Corinth back into Attica. There he met with 
Philocles, one of his captains, that, with two thou- 
sand men, had been doing what harm he might unto 
the country. With this addition of strength, he at- 
tempted the castle of Eleusine, the haven of Pyrceus, 
and even the city of Athens. But the Romans made 
such haste after him by sea, thrusting themselves 
into every of these places, that he could no more 
than wreak his anger upon those goodly temples 
with which the land of Attica was at that time sin- 
gularly beautified. So he destroyed all the works 
of their notable artificers, wrought in excellent mar- 
ble, which they had in plenty of their own ; or, hay? 


ing long ago been masters of the sea, had brought 
from other places, where best choice was found* 
Neither did he only pull all down, but caused hi* 
men to break the very stones, that they might be 
unserviceable to the reparation. His loss at Chat 
cis being thus revenged upon Athens, he went heme 
into Macedon* and there made provision both against 
the Roman consul that lay about Apollonia, and 
against the Dardanians, with other his bad neigh- 
bours, which were likely to infest him. Among his 
other cares, he forgot not the Italians, to whose 
parliament, shortly to be held at Naupactus, he sent 
an embassy, requesting them to continue in his 
friendship. Thus was Philip occupied. 

Sulpicius, the Roman consul, encamped upon the 
river of Apsus. Thence he sent forth Apustius, his 
lieutenant* with part of his army, to waste the bor* 
ders of Macedon. Apustius took sundry castles and 
towns, using such extremity of sword and fire at 
Antipatria, the first good town which he won by 
force, that none durst afterwards make resistance, 
unless they knew themselves able to hold out. Re- 
turning towards the consul with his spoil, he was 
charged in rear, upon the passage of a brook, by 
Athenagoras, a Macedonian captain ; but the Ro- 
mans had the better, and killing many of these ene- 
mies, took prisoners many more, to the increase of 
their booty, with which they arrived in safety at their 
camp. The success of this expedition, though it 
were not great, yet served to draw into the Roman 
friendship those that had formerly no good inclina- 
tion to the Macedonian. These were Pleuratus, the 
son of Scerdilaides the Illyrian ; Aminander, king 
of the Athamanians ; and Bato, the son of Longarus, 
a prince of the Dardanians. They offered their as- 
sistance unto the consul, who thanked them, and 
said, that he would shortly make use of Pleuratus 
and Bato, when he entered into Macedon ; but that 
the friendship of Aminander, whose country lay be- 

80 the msrosr. soot: n 

tween the Italians and Tliessaly, might be perhaps 
available with the iEtolians, to stir them up against 

So the present care was wholly set upon the JEfco* 
lian parliament at hand* Thither came embassadors 
from the Macedonians, Romans, and Athenians. 
Of which, the Macedonian spake first, and said, that 
as there was nothing fallen out which should occa- 
sion the breach of peace between his master and the 
JBtolians, so was it to be hoped that they would not 
suffer themselves, without good cause, to be carried 
away after other mens fancies. He prayed them 
to consider, how the Romans heretofore had made 
shew as if their war in Greece tended only to the 
defence of the iEtoliaas ; and yet notwithstanding 
had been angry, that the iEtotians, by making* peace 
with Philip, had no longer need of such their patro- 
nage. What might it be that made them so busy in 
intruding their protection upon those that needed it 
not ? Surely it was even the general hatred which 
these barbarians bore unto the Greeks. For even 
after the same sort had they lent their help to the 
Mamertines, and afterwards deli vered Syracuse, when 
it was oppressed by Carthaginian tyrants ; but now 
both Syracuse and Messina were subject unto the 
rods and axes of the Romans. To the same effect 
he alleged many examples ; adding, that in like sort 
it would happen to the ^Etolians, who, if they drew 
such masters into Greece, must not look hereafter 
to hold, as now, free parliaments of their own, where- 
in to consult about war and peace ; the Romans 
would ease them of this care, and send them such a 
moderator as went every year from Rome to Syra- 
cuse. Wherefore he concluded, that it was best for 
them, whilst as yet they might, and whilst one of 
them as yet could help the other, to continue in their 
league with Philip, with whom, if at any time upon 
light occasion they happened to fall out, they might 
as lightly be reconciled $ and with whom they had 

CfitA*. I?. OF THE WORLD* 31 

three years ago made the peace, which still continu- 
ed, although the same Romans were then against it 
who sought to break it now. 

It would have troubled the Romans to frame a 
good answer to these objections. For the Macedo- 
nians had spoken the very truth, in shewing whereto 
this their patronage, which they offered with such 
importunity, did tend. Wherefore, the Athenians 
were set on by them to speak next; who had store of 
eloquence, and matter of recrimination enough, to 
make Philip odious. These affirmed, that it was a 
great impudence in the Macedonian ambassador to, 
call the Romans by the name of barbarians, knowing 
in what barbarous manner his own king had, in few 
days past, made war upon the gods themselves, by 
destroying all their temples in Attica. Herewitkal 
they made a pitiful rehearsal of their own calamities, 
and said, that if Philip might have his will, iEtolia, 
and all the rest of Greece, should feel the same that 
Attica had felt ; yea, that Athens itself, together 
with Minerva, Jupiter, Ceres, and other of the gods, 
were like to have felt, if the walls and the Roman 
arms had not defended them. 

Then spake the Romans, who excusing, as well as 
they could, their own oppression of all those in whose 
defence they had heretofore taken arms, went round- 
ly to the point in hand. They said, that they had 
of late made war in the iBtolians' behalf; and that 
the JEtolians had, without their consent, made peace ; 
whereof, since the iEtolians must excuse themselves, 
by alleging, that the Romans, being busied with 
Carthage, wanted leisure to give them aid conve- 
nient, so this excuse being now taken away, aod the 
Romans wholly bent against their common enemy, 
it concerned the JEtolians to take part with them in 
their war and victory, unless they had rather perish 
with Philip. 

It might easily be perceived, that they which were 
so vehement in ©fiering their help ere it was desired, 


were themselves carried into the war by more ear- 
nest motives than a simple desire to help those 
friends with whom they had no great acquaintance. 
This may have been the cause why Dorymachus, the 
JEtolian praetor, shifted them off a while with a dila- 
tory answer ; though he told his countrymen, that, 
by reserving themselves till the matter were inclined 
one way or other, they might afterwards take part 
with those that had the better fortune. His answer 
was first in general terms,— that over-much haste was 
an enemy to good counsel ; for which cause they 
must further deliberate, ere they concluded. But, 
coming nearer to the matter in hand, he passed a de- 
cree, that 1 he praetor might at any time call an as- 
sembly of the states, and therein conclude upon this 
business, any law to the contrary notwithstanding ; 
whereas otherwise it was unlawful to treat of such 
afikirs, except in two of their great parliaments, that 
were held at set times. 

Sect. XL 

The meeting of Philip mth the Romans, and skirmish* 
ing with them on his borders. The JEtolians invade 
his dominions, and are beaten home. Some doings 
of Attains and the Romanfleet 

Philip was glad to hear that the Romans bad sped 
no better in their solicitation of the iEtolians« He 
thought them hereby disappointed in the very begin- 
ning of one great help, and meant himself to disap- 
point them of another. His son Perseus, a very boy, 
was sent to keep the straits of Pelagonia against the 
Dardanians, having with him some of the king's coun- 
cil to govern both him and his army. It was judg- 
ed, as may seem, that the presence of the king's son, 
how young soever, would both encourage his follow- 


ers and terrify the enemies, by making them at least 
believe that he was not weakly attended. And this 
may have been the reason why the same Perseus, a 
few years before this, was in like manner left upon 
the borders of iEtolia by his father, whom earnest 
business called thence another way. No danger of 
enemies being left on either hand, it was thought 
that the Macedonian fleet, under Heraclides, would 
serve to keep Attalus, with the Rhodians and Ro- 
mans, from doing harm by sea, when the king's back 
was turned, who took his journey westward against 
Sulpicius the consul. 

The armies met in the country of the Dassaretii, 
a people in the utmost borders of Macedon, towards 
Illyria, about the mountains of Candavia, that, run- 
ning along from Haemus in the north, until they join 
in the south with Pindus, enclose the western parts 
of Macedon. Two or three days they lay in sight 
the one of the other, without making offer of battle. 
The consul was the first that issued forth of his 
camp into the open field. But Philip was not confi- 
dent in the strength which he had then about him ; 
and therefore thought it better to send forth some of 
his light-armed mercenaries, and some part of his 
horse, to entertain them with skirmish. These were 
easily vanquished by the Romans, and driven back 
into their camp. Now, although it was so that the 
king was unwilling to hazard all at first upon a cast, 
and therefore sent for Perseus, with his companies, 
to increase his own forces ; yet, being no less unwil- 
ling to lose too much in reputation, he made a shew 
a day after, as if he would have fought. He had 
found the advantage of a place fit for ambush, where- 
in he bestowed as many as he thought meet of his 
targetiers, and so gave charge to Athenagoras, one 
of his captains, to provoke out the Romans to fight ; 
instructing both him and the targetiers how to be- 
have themselves respectively, as opportunity should 
fall out. The Romans had no mistrust of any am* 

Vol. VL c 


bush, having fought upon the same ground the dajr 
before ; wherefore, perhaps, they might have sus- 
tained some notable detriment, if the king's direc- 
tions had been well followed. For when Athenago* 
ras began to fall b^ck, they charged him so hotly, 
that they drove him to an hasty flight, and pursued 
him as hard as they were able. But the captains of 
the targetiers, not staying to let them run into the 
danger, discovered themselves before it was time, 
and thereby made frustrate the work to which they 
were appointed. The consul hereby gathered, that 
the king had some desire to try the fortune of a bat- 
tle, which he therefore presented the second time, 
leading forth his army, and setting it in order, with 
elephants in the front ; a kind of help which the Ro- 
mans had never used before, but had taken these of 
late from the Carthaginians. Such are the altera- 
tions wrought by time. It was scarce above eighty 
years ere this that Pyrrhus carried elephants out of 
Greece into Italy to affright the Romans, who had 
never seen any of those beasts before. But now the 
same Romans (whilst possibly some were yet alive 
which had known that expedition of Pyrrhus,) come 
into Macedon, bringing elephants with them, where- 
of the Macedonians and Greeks had none. Philip 
had patience to let the consul brave him at his 
trenches, wherein he did wisely ; for the Roman had 
greater need to fight than he. Sulpicius was unwil- 
ling to lose time ; neither could he, without great 
danger, lying so near the enemy, that was strong in 
horse, send his men to fetch in corn out of the fields. 
Wherefore he removed eight miles off; presuming 
that Philip would not adventure to meet him on even 
ground, and so the more boldly he suffered his fora- 
gers to over-run the country. The king was nothing 
sorry of this ; but permitted the Romans to take 
their good pleasure, even till their presumption, and 
his own supposed fear, should make them careless. 
When this was come to pass, he took all his horse 


and light-armed foot, with which he occupied a place 
in the midway between the foragers and their camp. 
There he staid in covert with part of his forces, to 
keep the passages that none should escape. The 
rest he sent abroad the country to' fall upon the 
stragglers, willing them to put all to the sword, and 
let none run home with news to the camp. The 
daughter was great ; and those which escaped the 
hands of them that were sent abroad to scour the 
fields, lighted all, or most of them, upon the king and 
his companies in their flight, so as they were cut off 
by the way. Long it was ere the camp had news of 
this. But in the end there escaped some, who, though 
they could not make any perfect relation how the 
.matter went, yet, by telling what had happened to 
themselves, raised a great tumult. Sulpicius here- 
upon sends forth all his horse, and bids them help 
their fellows where they saw it needful, he himself 
with the legions followed. The companies of horse 
divided themselves accordingly, as they met with ad- 
vertisements upon the way, into many parts, not 
knowing where was most of the danger. Such of 
them as lighted upon Philip's troops, that were can- 
vassing the field, took their task where they found it. 
But the main bulk of them fell upon the king him- 
self. They had the disadvantage, as coming fewer 
and unprepared, to one that was ready for them. So 
they were beaten away, as their fellows also might 
have been, if the king had weil bethought himself, 
and given over in time. But while, not contented 
with such an harvest, he was too greedy about a poor 
gleaning, the Roman legions appeared in sight, wnich 
emboldened their horse to make a re-charge. Then 
the danger apparent enforced the Macedonians to 
look to their own safety * They ran which way they 
could, and fas men that lie in wait for others are 
seldom heedful of that which may befal themselves) 
. to escape the enemy, they declined the fairest way, 
t to as they were plunged in marshes and bogs, where* 

c 2 


in many of them were lost. The king's horse was 
slain under him ; and there had he been cast away, 
if a loving subject of his had not alighted, mounted 
him upon his own horse, and delivered him out of 
peril, at the expence of his own life, that, running 
on foot, was overtaken and killed. 

In the common opinion, Philip was charged with 
improvident rashness, and the consul with as much 
dulness, for this day's service. A little longer stay 
would have delivered the king from these enemies 
without any blow ; since, when all the fields about 
them were wasted, they must needs have retired 
back to the sea. On the other side it was not thought 
unlikely, that if the Romans, following the king, had 
set upon his camp, at such time as he fled thither, 
half amazed with fear of being either slain or taken, 
they might have won it. But that noble historian, 
Livy, (as is commonly his manner,) hath judiciously 
observed, that neither the one nor the other were 
much to blame in this day's work ; for the main body 
of the king's army lay safe in his camp, and could not 
be so astonished with the loss of two or three hun- 
dred horse, that it should therefore have abandoned 
the defence of the trenches. And as for the king 
himself, he was advertised, that Pleuratus the llly- 
rian, and the Dardanians, were fallen upon his coun- 
try, when they found the passage therein open, at 
ter Perseus was called away from custody of the 
straits. This was it which made him adventure to do 
somewhat betimes, that he might set the Romans 
going the sooner, and afterwards look unto his 
troublesome neighbours. In consideration of this, 
Philip was desirous to clear himself of the Romans 
as soon as he might ; and to that purpose he sent 
unto the consul, requesting a day of truce for burial 
of the dead. But, instead of so doing, he marched 
away by night ; and left fires in his camp to beguile 
the enemy, as if he had not stirred out of the place* 
Sulpicius, when he heard of the king's departure. 


was not slow to follow him. He overtook the Ma-' 
cedonians in a place of strength, which they had 
fenced, (for it was a woody ground,) by cutting 
down trees, and laying then athwart the way where 
it was most open. In making of such places good, 
the Macedonian phalanx was of little use, being a 
square battle of pikes, not fit for every ground. The, 
archers of Crete were judged, and were indeed more 
serviceable in that case. But they were few, and 
their arrows were of small force against the Roman 
shields. The Macedonians therefore helped them, 
by flinging of stones ; but to no purpose. For the 
Romans got within them, and forced them to quit 
the place. This victory (such as it was) laid open 
unto the consul some poor towns thereabout ; which 
partly were taken by strong hand, partly yielded for 
fear. But the spoil of these and of the fields adjoin- 
ing was not sufficient to maintain his army, and 
therefore he returned back to Apollonia. 

The Dardanians, hearing that Philip was come 
back, withdrew themselves apace out of the coun- 
try. The king sent Athenagoras to wait upon them 
home, whilst he himself went against the iEtoliaqs. 
For Damocritus, the praetor of the ^Etolians, who 
had reserved himself and his nation unto the event 
of things, hearing report that Philip was beaten once 
again, as also that Pleuratus and the Dardanians 
was fallen upon Macedon, grew no less busy on the 
sudden, than before he had been wise. He persuad- 
ed his nation to take their time ; and so, not staying 
to proclaim war, joined his forces with Aminander, 
the Athamanian, and made invasion upon Thessaly. 
They took and cruelly sacked a few towns ; where- 
by they grew confident, as i£ without any danger, 
they might do what they listed. But Philip .came 
upon them ere they looked for him ; and killing 
them as they lay dispersed, was like to have taken 
tlieir camp $ if Alexander, more wary than the ./Eto- 

c 3 


lians, had not helped at need, and made the retreat 
through bis own mountainous country. 

About the same time, the Roman fleet, assisted 
by Attalus and the Rhodians, had taken some small 
islands in the ^Egean sea. They took likewise the 
town of Oreum, in the isle of Eubcea, and some 
other places thereabout. The towns were fftven to 
Attalus, after the same compact that had formerly 
been made with the jEtolians ; the goods therein 
found were given to the Romans, and the people for 
slaves. Other attempts on that side were nindered ; 
either by foul weather at sea, or by want of daring, 
and of means. / 

Sect. XIL 

Villius, the Roman consul, "wastes a year to no effect 
War of the Gauls in Italy. An embassy of the jRo- 
mans to Carthage, Masinissa, and Vermina. The 
Macedonian prepares for defence of his kingdom, 

and T. Quintius Flammius is sent against him. 


Thus the time ran away, and P. Villius, a new 
consul, took charge of the war in Macedon. He 
was troubled with a mutiny of his oldest soldiers j 
whereof two thousand, having served long in Sicily 
and Africa, thought themselves much wronged, in 
that they could not be suffered to look unto their 
own estates at home. They were (belike) of the le- 
gions that had served at Cannae ; as may seem by 
their complaint of having been long absent from Ita- 
ly ; whither fain they would have returned, when by 
their colonels they were shipped for Macedon. How 
Villius dealt with them it is uncertain ; for the his- 
tory of his yeir is lost, whereof the miss is not great, 
since he did nothing memorable. Valerius Antias, 
as we find in Livy, hath adorned this Villius with a 


great exploit against Philip 1 . Yet, since Livy him- 
self, an historian to whom few of the best are match- 
able, could find no such thing recorded in any good 
author, we ma/ reasonably believe that Villius's year 
was idle* 

In the beginning of this Macedonian war, the 
Romans found more trouble than could have been 
expected with the Gauls. Their colony of Placen- 
tia, a goodly and strong town, which neither Han- 
nibal, nor after him Asdrubal, had been able to force, 
was taken by these barbarians, and burnt in a man- 
ner to the ground* In like sort Cremona was at- 
tempted, but saved herself, taking warning by her 
neighbour's calamity. Hamilcar, a Carthaginian, 
that had stayed behind Asdrubal or Mago, in those 
parts, was now become captain of the Gauls, in these 
their enterprises. This when the Romans heard, 
they sent embassadors to the Carthaginians, giving 
them to understand, that, if they were not weary of 
the peace, it behoved them to call home and deliver 
up this their citizen Hamilcar, who made war in 
Italy. Hereunto it was added, (perhaps lest the 
message might seem otherwise to have savoured a 
little of some fear,) that of the fugitive slaves be- 
longing unto the Romans, there were some reported 
to walk up and down in Carthage ; which if it were 
so, then ought they to be restored back to their mas- 
ters, as was conditioned in the late peace. The em- 
bassadors that were sent on this errand, had further 
charge to treat with Masinissa, as also with Verrai- 
ua the son of Syphax. Unto Masinissa, besides mat- 
ter of compliment, they were to signify what plea- 
sure he might do them, by lending them some of his 
Numidian horse to serve in their war against the Ma- 
cedonian. Vermina had entreated the senate to 
vouchsafe unto him the name of king, and promised 
^hereafter to deserve it, by his readiness in doing 

1 Lhr. L xxxii. 

c 4 


them all good offices. But they were somewhat scru«- 
pulous in the matter, and said, that having been, and 
oeing still, (as they took it,) their enemy, he ought 
first of all to desire peace ; for that the name of king, 
was an honour which they used not to confer upon 
any, save only upon such as had royally deserved it 
at their hands. The authority to make peace with 
him, was wholly committed unto these embassadors ; 
upon such terms as they should think fit, without 
further relation to the senate and people ; for they 
were then busied with greater cares. The Cartha- 
ginians made a gentle answer, that they wholly dis- 
claimed Hamilcar, banishing him and confiscating 
his goods. As for the fugitives, they had restored 
as many as they could find , and would, in that point, 
as far as was requisite, give satisfaction to the senate. 
Herewithal they sent a great proportion of corn to 
Rome, and the like unto the army that was in Macedon. 
King M asinissa would have lent unto the Romans two 
thousand of his Numidian h<?rse ; but they were con- 
tented with half the number, and would accept no 
more. Vermina met with the embassadors to give 
them entertainment, on the borders of his kingdom ; 
and, without any disputation, agreed with them up- 
on terms of peace. 

Thus were the Romans busied in taking order for 
their Macedonian war, that they might pursue it 
strongly, and without interruption. As for. Hamil- 
car and his Gauls, they laid siege unto Cremona, 
where L. Furius, a Roman praetor, came upon them, 
fought a battle with them, and overcame them. 
Hamilcar the Carthaginian died in this battle, and 
the fruit of the victory was such, as both made a- 
mends for losses past, and left the work easyfto 
those that afterwards should have the managing of 
"war among those Gauls. So was there good leisure 
%o think upon the business of Macedon, where Phi- 
lip was carefully providing to give contentment un- 
to his subjects, by punishing a bad counsellor whom 


they hated ; as also to assure unto himself the Aches* 
ans, by rendering unto them some towns that he 
held of theirs ; and finally, to strengthen his king- 
dom, not only by exercising and training his people* 
but by fortifying the passages that led thereinto out 
of Epirus. This was in doing, when Villius, having 
unprofitably laboured to find way into Macedon, 
taking a iourney, (as Sulpicius had done before him,) 
wherein he could not be supplied with victuals, de- 
termined at length to try a new course. But then 
came advertisement, that T. Quintius Flaitiinius was 
chosen consul, and had Macedon allotted him for 
his province, whose coming was expected j and he 
very shortly arrived at the army. 

Sect. XIII. 

The Romans begin ft> make war by negotiation. T. 
Quintius wins a passage against Philip. Thessaly 
wasted by Philip, the Romans, and JEtolians. The 
Achceans forsaking the Macedonian, take part with 
the Romans. A treaty of peace that was vain. Phi- 
lip delivers Argos to Nabis tlie tyrant, who present- 
ly enters into league with the Romans. 

The Romans had not been wont in former times 
to make war after such a trifling manner. It was 
their use to give battle to the enemy as soon as they 
met with him. If he refused it, they besieged his 
towns, and so forced him to try the fortune of a day, 
with his disadvantage in reputation, when he had 
long forborne it, (as it would be interpreted,) upon 
knowledge of his own weakness. But in this their 
war with Philip, they began to learn of the subtle 
Greeks the art of negotiation ; wherein hitherto they 
were not grown so fine as within a little time they 
proved. Their treasury was poor, and stood indebt 


ed, many years after this, unto private men, for pari 
of those monies that had been borrowed in the se- 
cond Punic war 1 . This had made the commonalty 
averse from the Macedonian war, and had thereby 
driven the senators, greedy of the enterprise, to 
make use of their cunning. Yet being weary of the 
slow pace wherewith their business went forward, 
they determined to increase their army, that they 
might have the less need to rely upon their confede- 
rates* So they levied eight thousand foot and eight 
hundred horse, (the greater part of them of the La» 
tins,} which they sent with T. Quintius Flaminius, 
the new consul, into Macedon. Their navy, and 
other means, could well have served for the setting 
forth and transportation of a greater army ; but by 
straining themselves to the utmost of their abilities, 
they should (besides other difficulties incident unto 
the sustenance of those that are too many, and too 
far from home) have bred some iealousy in their 
friends of Greece, and thereby have lost some friends? 
yea, peihaps have increased the number of their 
enemies more than of their own soldiers* This pre- 
sent augmentation of the forces was very requisite ; 
for that Attalus, about the same time, excused him- 
self unto them by his embassadors ; requesting that 
/either they would undertake the defence of his king- 
flora against Antiochus, who invaded it, or else that 
they would not take it uncourteously that he quitted 
the war with Philip, and returned home, to look ua» 
to that which more concerned him. Their answer 
was remarkable ; they said,!— -That it was not their 
manner to use the aid of their friends longer than 
their friends had good opportunity, and could also be 
well contented to afford it ; that they could not ho* 
nestly take part with Attalus, though he were their 
good friend, against Antiochus, whom they held in 
the like account ; but that they would deal with An* 

1 Liv. L xnfc 


tiochus by embassadors, and (as common friends un~ 
to both of the kings) do their best to persuade an 
atonement between them. In such loving fashion 
did they now carry themselves towards their good 
friend the king Antiochus, who reciprocally, at their 
entreaty, withdrew his army from the kingdom of 
Attalus. But how little they regarded these terms 
of friendship, after that once they had made an end 
with Philip, it will very soon appear. 

T. Quintius hasting away from Rome, came be- 
times into his province, with the supply decreed un- 
to him, which consisted for the most part of old sol- 
diers that had served in Spain and Africa. He found 
Vilhus the old consul (whom at his coming he pre- 
sently discharged) and king Philip of Macedon, en- 
camped one against the other in the straits of Epi- 
rus, by the river of Apsus or Aous. It was mani- 
fest, that either the Romans must fetch a compass 
about, and seek their way into Macedon through 
the poor country of the Dasseretians, or else win by 
force that passage which the king defended. In taking 
the former way, they had already two years together 
mispent their time, and been forced to return back 
without profit, for want of victuals ; whereof they 
could neither carry with them store sufficient, nor 
find it on the way. But if they could once get over 
these mountains, which divided the south of Epirus 
from Thessaly, then should they enter into a plenti- 
ful country ; and which, by long dependence upon 
the Macedonian, was become (in a manner) part of 
bis kingdom, whereof it made the south border. Ne- 
vertheless the desire of winning this passage was 
greater than the likelihood *, for the river of Apsus 
running through that valley, which alone was open 
between the mountains, made it all a deep marsh, 
and unpassable bog ; a very narrow way excepted, 
and a path cut out of the main rock by man's hand. 
Wherefore Quintius assayed to climb in the moun- 
tains ; but finding himself diappointed of this hope, 


through the diligence of his enemy, who neglected 
not the guard of them, that was very easy, he was 
compelled to sit still, without doing any thing for 
the space of forty days* 

This long time of rest gave hope unto Philip, that 
the war might be ended by composition, upon some 
reasonable terms* He therefore so dealt with some 
of the £pirots > (among whom he had many friends,) 
that he and the consul had a meeting together ; but 
nothing was effected. The consul would have him 
to set all the towns of Greece at liberty ; and to 
make amends for the injuries which he had done to 
many people in his late wars. Philip was. contented 
to give liberty to those whom he had subdued of 
late > but unto such as had been long subject unto 
him and his ancestors, he thought it against all rea- 
son that he should relinquish his claim and dominion 
over them. He also said* that as far forth as it should 
appear that he had done wrong unto any town or 
people whatsoever, he could well be pleased to make 
such amends as might seem convenient in the judg- 
ment of some free state that had not been interest- 
ed in those quarrels. But herewithal Quintius was 
not satisfied. There needed (he said) no judgment 
or compromise ; forasmuch as it was apparent, that. 
Philip had always been the invader, and had not 
made war as one provoked* in his own defence. Af- 
ter this altercation, when they should come to parti- 
culars, and when the consul was required to name 
those towns that he would have set . at liberty, the 
first that he named were the Thessalians. These had 
been subjects (though conditional) unto the Mace- 
donian kings ever since the days of Alexander the 
Great, and of Philip his father. Wherefore, as soon 
as Flaminius had named the Thessalians, the king* 
in a rage* demanded what sharper condition he would 
have laid upon him, had he been but vanquished. 
And herewithal he abruptly flung away, refusing tQ 
hear any more of such discourse. 


After this the consul strove in vain, for two or 
three days together, to have prevailed against the 
difficulties of that passage which Philip kept. When 
he had well wearied himself, and could not resolve 
what course to take, there came to him an herds- 
man, sent from Charopus, a prince of the Epirots, 
that favoured the Romans, who, having long kept 
beasts in those mountains, was thoroughly acquaint- 
ed with all by-paths ; and therefore undertook to 
guide the Romans, without any danger, to a place 
where they should have advantage of the enemy. 
This guide, for fear of treacherous dealing, was fast 
bound ; and, being promised a great reward in case 
he made good his word, had such companies as was 
thought fit, appointed to follow his directions. They 
travelled by night, (it being then about the full of 
the moon,) and rested in the day-time, for fear of 
being discovered. When they had recovered the 
hill-tops, and were above the Macedonians, (though 
undiscovered by them, because at their backs,) they 
raised a great smoke, whereby they gave notice of 
their success unto the consul. Some skirmishes, 
whilst they were on their journey, T. Quintius had 
held with the Macedonian, thereby to avert him 
from the thought of that which was intended. But 
when, on the third morning, he saw the smoke arise 
more and more plainly, and thereby knew that his 
men had attained unto the place whither they were 
sent ; he pressed as near as he could unto the ene- 
my's camp, and assailed them in their strength. He 
prevailed as little as in former times, until the shout- 
ing of those that ran down the hill, and charged Phi- 
lip on the back, astonished so the Macedonians, that 
they betook themselves to flight. The king, upon 
the first apprehension of the danger, made all speed 
away to save himself. Yet anon, considering that 
the difficulty of the passage must needs hinder the 
Romans from pursuing him, he made a stand at the 
end of five miles, and gathered there together his 



broken troops, of whom he saw wanting no more 
than two thousand men. The greatest loss was of 
his camp and provisions, if not rather perhaps of his 
reputation.; for that now the Macedonians began to 
stand in fear, lest being driven from a place of such 
advantage, they should hardly make good their par- 
ty against the enemy upon equal ground ; neither 
was Philip himself much better persuaded. Where- 
fore he caused the Thessalians, as many of them as 
in his hasty retreat he could visit, to forsake their 
towns and country, carrying away with them as 
much as they were able, and spoiling all the rest. 
But all of them could not be persuaded thus to a* 
bandon (for the pleasure of their king) their antient 
habitations, and all the substance which they had 
gotten. Some there were that forcibly resisted him ; 
which they might the better do, for that he could 
not stay to use any great compulsion. He also him- 
self took it very grievously, that he was driven to 
make such waste of a most pleasant and fruitful 
country, which had ever been well affected unt 
him ; so that a little hindrance did serve to make 
him break off his purpose, and withdraw himself 
home into his* kingdom of M acedon. 

The JEtolians and Athamanians, when this fell 
out, were even in a readiness to invade Thessaly, 
whereinto.the ways lay more open out of their seve- 
ral countries. When therefore they heard for cer- 
tain, that Philip was beaten by the Romans, they 
foreslowed not the occasion, but made all speed, 
each of them to lay hold upon what they might. T. 
Quintius followed them within a little while ; but 
they had gotten so much before his coming, that he, 
in gleaning after their harvest, could not find enough 
to maintain his army. Thus were the poor Thessa- 
lians, of whose liberty the Romans a few days since 
had made shew to be very desirous, wasted by the same 
Romans and their confederates ; not knowing which 
way to turn themselves, or whom to avoid. T. Quin- 


this won Fhaleria by assault ; Metropolis and Piera 
yielded unto him. Rhage he besieged, and having 
made a fair breach, yet was unable to force it, so 
stoutly it was defended, both by the inhabitants, and 
by a Macedonian garrison therein. Philip also, at 
the same time, having somewhat recollected his 
spirits, hovered about Tempe with his army, thrust- 
ing men into all places that were like to be dis- 
tressed So the consul having well-near spent his 
victuals, and seeing no hope to prevail at Rhage, 
broke up his siege, and departed out of Thessafy. 
He had appointed his ships of burden to meet him 
at Anticyra, an haven town of Phocis, on the gulf 
of Corinth ; which country being friend to the Ma- 
cedonian, he presently invaded ; not so much for 
hatred unto the people, as because it lay convenient* 
ly situated between Thessaly and other regions, 
wherein he had business, or was shortly like to have. 
Many towns in Phocis he won by assault ; many 
Were yielded up unto him for fear ; and within short 
space he had, in effect, mastered it all. 

In the meantime L. Quintius, the consul's bro- 
ther, being then admiral for the Romans in this war, 
joined with king Attalus and the Rhodian fleet 
They won two cities in Euboea, and afterwards laid 
siege unto Cenchree, an haven and arsenal of the 
Corinthians on their eastern sea. This enterprise 
did somewhat help forward the Achsans in their de- 
sire to leave the part of Philip ; since it might come 
to pass, that Corinth itself, ere long time were spent, 
and that Cenchree, with other places appertaining 
to Corinth, now very shortly should be rendered un- 
to their nation, by favour of the Romans. 

But there were other motives inducing the Ach«- 
ans to prefer the friendship of the Romans before 
the patronage of Philip, whereto they had been long 
accustomed. For this king had so many ways of- 
fended them in time of peace, that they thought it 
the best course to rid their hands of him, whilst, be- 


ing entangled in a dangerous war, he wanted means 
to hinder the execution of such counsel as they should 
hold the safest. His tyrannous practices to make 
himself their absolute lord; his poisoning of Arratus, 
their old governor ; his false dealing with the Mes- 
senians, Epirots, and other people their confede- 
rates, and his own dependants ; together with many 
particular outrages by him committed, — had caused 
them long since to hold him as a necessary evil, even 
whilst they were unable to be without his assistance. 
But since, by the virtue of Philopoemen, they were 
grown somewhat confident in their own strength, so 
as, without the Macedonian help, they could as well 
subsist as having him to friend ; then did they only 
think how evil he was, and thereupon rejoice the 
more in that he was become no longer necessary. It 
angered him to perceive how they stood affected ; 
and therefore he sent murderers to take away the 
life of Philopoemen 1 . But failing in this enterprise, 
and being detected, he did thereby only set nre to 
the wood, which was thoroughly dry before, and pre- 
pared to burn. Philopoemen wrought so with the, 
Achaeans, that no discourse was more familiar with 
them, than what great cause they had to withdraw 
themselves from the Macedonians. Cycliadas, a 
principal man among them, and lately their praetor, 
was expelled by them for shewing himself passionate 
in the cause of Philip, and Aristsenus chosen prae- 
tor, who laboured to join them in society with the 

These news were very welcome to T. Quintius. 
Embassadors were sent from the Romans and their 
confederates, king Attalus, the Rhodians, and Athe- 
nians, to treat with the Achaeans, making promise, 
that they should have Corinth restored unto them, 
if they would forsake the Macedonian. A parlia- 
ment of the Achaeans was held at Sicyon, to aelibe* 

2 Plau in ritt Philopotm. Justin. 1. xxix< 


rite and resdlve in this weighty case* Therein the 
Romans and their adherents desired the Achaeans to 
join with them in making war upon Philip. Contra* 
riwise, the embassadors of Philip, whom he had also, 
seht for this business, admonishing the Athenians of 
their alliance with the king, and of their faith due 
unto him, requested them that they would be con- 
tented to remain as neuters. This moderate request 
of Philip's embassador, did no way advance his mas* 
ter's cause ; rather it gave the Achaeans to under- 
stand, that he, who could be satisfied with so little 
at their hands, knew himself unable to gratify them in 
any reciprocal demand. Yet were there many in that 
great council, who, remembering the benefits of Phi* 
lip and Antigonus, laboured earnestly for the pre* 
servation of the ancient league. But in fine, the 
sense of late injuries, and expectation of like or 
worse from him in the future, prevailed against the 
memory of those old good turns, which he (and Aji- 
tigonus before him) had partly sold unto them, and 
partly had used as baits, whereby to allure them in* 
to absolute subjection. Neither was it perhaps of 
the least importance, that the Romans were strong, 
and likely to prevail in the end. So after much alter*, 
cation the decree passed, That they should thence- 
forward renounce the Macedonian, and take part 
with his enemies in this war. With Attalus and the 
Rhodians they forthwith entered into society ; with' 
the Romans, (because no league would be of force r 
until the senate and people had approved it,) they 
forbore to decree any society at the present, until 
the return of those embassadors from Rome which 
they determined to send thither of purpose. The 
Megalopolitans, Dimeans, and Argives, having done 
their best for the Macedonian, as by many respects 
they were bound, rose up out of the council, and 
departed before the passing the decree, which they 
could not resist, nor yet with honesty thereto give 
assent. For this their good will, and greater, which 
Vol. VI. » 


they shortly manifested, the Argives had so little 
thanks, that all the rest of the Achaeans may be the 
better excused for escaping how they might out of 
the hands of so fell a prince. 

Soon after this, upon a solemn day at Argos, the * 
affection of the citizens discovered itself so plainly 
in the behalf of Philip, that they which were his 
partisans within the town made no doubt of putting 
the city into his hands, if they might have any small 
assistance. Philocles, a lieutenant of the king's lay 
then in Corinth ; which he had manfully defended 
against the Romans and Attalus ; him the conspira* 
tors drew to Argos ; whither coming on a sudden, 
and finding the multitude ready to join with him, 
he easily compelled the Achaean garrison to quit the 

This getting of Argos, together with the good 
defence of Corinth and some other towns, as it 
helped Philip a little in his reputation, so they gave 
him hope to obtain some good end by treaty, whilst 
as yet with his honour he might seek it ; and when 
(the winter being now come on) a new consul would 
shortly be chosen, who should take the work out of 
Titus's hands, if it were not concluded the sooner. 
Titus had the like respect unto himself, and there- 
fore thought it best, since more could not be done, 
to predispose things unto a conclusion, for his own 
reputation. The meeting was appointed to be held 
on the sea-shore, in the bay then called the Malian, 
or Lanrian Bay, now (as is supposed) the gulf of Zi- 
ion, in the Egean sea, or Archipelago. Thither 
came Titus, with Aminander the Athamanian, an 
embassador of Attalus ; the admiral of Rhodes ; and 
some agents for the JEtolians and Achaeans. Philip 
had with him some few of his own captains, and Cy* 
cliades, lately banished for his sake out of Achaia. 
He refused to come on shore ; though fearing (as he 
said) none but the immortal gods, yet misdoubting 
some treachery in the JEtolians. The demands of 


Titus in behalf of 1 the Romans were, That he should 
set all cities of Greece at liberty, deliver up to the 
Romans and their confederates all prisoners which 
he had of theirs, and renegadoes ; likewise whatsoever 
he held of theirs in Illyria, and whatsoever about 
Greece or Asia he had gotten from Ptolemy, then 
king of. Egypt, after his father's death. Attalus 
demanded restitution to be made entire of ships, 
towns, and temples, by him taken and spoiled in the 
late war between them* The Rhodians would have 
again the country of Paraea, lying over-against their 
island } as also that he should withdraw his garri* 
sons out of divers towns about the Hellespont, and 
other havens of their friends* The Achaeans desired 
restitution of Argos and Corinth ; about the one of 
which they might not unjustly quarrel with him ; 
the other had been long his own by their consent. 
The ^Etolians took upon them angrily, as patrons 
of Greece ; willing him to depart out of it, even 
out of the whole country, leaving it free ; and with* 
al to deliver up unto them whatsoever he held that 
had at any time been theirs. Neither were they 
herewithal content, but insolently declaimed against 
him for that which he had lately done in Thessaly, 
corrupting (as they said) the rewards of the victors, 
by destroying, when he was vanquished, those towns, 
which else they might have gotten. To answer these 
malapert iEtolians, Philip commanded his galley to 
row near the shore. But tney began to ply him afresh, 
telling him, That he must obey his betters, unless 
he were able to defend himself by force of arms. 
He answered them (as he was much giving to ji- 
bing) with sundry scoffs, and especially with one 
which made the Roman consul understand what man* 
ner of companions these ^Etolians were. For he 
said, That he had often dealt with them, as likewise 
the best of the Greeks ; desiring thefn to abrogate 
a wicked law, which permitted them * to take "spoil 
1 from spoil \' yet could he get no better an answer, 

d 2 \ 


than c that they would sooner take .ZEtolia out of JEto-- 
lia. 1 ' Titus wondered what might be the meaning of 
this strange law. So the king told him, That they 
held it a laudable custom, as often as war happened be- 
tween their friends, to hold up the quarrel, by send- 
ing volunteers to serve on both sides, that should 
spoil both the one and the other. As for the liberty 
of Greece, he said it was strange that the -/Etolians 
should be so careful thereof since divers tribes of 
their own, which he there named, were indeed no 
Grecians ; wherefore he would fain know, whether 
the Romans would give him leave to make slaves of 
those iEtolians which were no Greeks. Titus here- 
at smiled; and was no whit offended to hear the, 
iEtolianswell rattled up; touching whom, he began to 
understand how odious they were in all the coun- 
try. As for that general demand of setting all Greece 
at liberty, Philip acknowledged, that it might well 
beseem the greatness of the Romans ; though he 
would also consider what might beseem his own dig- 
nity. But that the ^Etolians, Rhodians, and other 
petty estates, should thus presume, under counte- 
nance, of the. Remans, to take upon them, as if by 
their great might he should be hereunto compelled j 
it was, he said, a strange and ridiculous insolence. 
The Achaeans he charged with much ingratitude , 
reciting against them some decrees of their own, 
wherein they had loaden both Antigonus and him 
with more than human honours. Nevertheless he 
said, that he would render Argos unto them ; but 
as touching Corinth, that he would further delibe- 
rate with Titus himself. Thus he addressed him- 
self wholly to the Roman general ; unto whom, if 
he could give satisfaction, he cared little for all the 
rest. With Attalus and the Rhodians, his late war 
(he said) was only defensive, they having been the 
offerers ; or if he gave them any occasion, it was 

1 Excerpt, i Polyb. 1. xvii. 



only in helping Prusias, his son-in-law ; neither did 
he see why they should rather seek amends at his 
hands, than he at theirs. For whereas they com- 
plained, That spoiling a temple of Venus, he had 
cut down the grove and pleasant walks thereabouts; 
' what could he do more than send gardeners thither 
with young plants, if one king of another would 
stand to ask such recompence ? Thus he jested the 
matter out ; but offered, nevertheless, in honour of 
the Romans, to give back the region of Paraea to the 
Rhodians; as likewise to Attalus the ships and 
prisoners of his whereof he had then possession. 
Thus ended that day's conference, because it was 
late ; Philip requiring a night's leisure to think up- 
on the articles, which were many, and he ill pro- 
vided of counsel wherewith to advise about them. 
• For your being so ill provided of counsel/ »aid 
Titus, * you may even thank yourself, as having 
4 murdered all your friends that were wont to ad- 
4 vise you faithfully/ The next day Philip came 
not until it was late at night, excusing his long stay 
by the weightiness of the things propounded, where- 
on he could not suddenly tell how to resolve. But 
it was believed, that he hereby sought to abridge the 
JEtolians of leisure to rail at him. And this was 
the more likely, for that he desired conference in 
private with the Roman general. The sum of his 
discourse, as Titus afterwards related it, was, That 
he would give to the Achaeans both Argos and Co- 
rinth ; as also that he would render unto Attalus 
and the Rhodians what he had promised the day be- 
fore ; likewise to the iEtolians, that he would grant 
some part of their demands $ and to the Romans 
whatsoever they did challenge. This when Titus's 
associates heard, they exclaimed against it, saying, 
That if the king were suffered to retain any thing 
in Greece, he would shortly get possession of all 
which he now rendered up. The noise that they 
made came to Philip's ear ; who thereupon desired 

d 3 



a third day of meeting, and protested, that if he 
could not persuade them, he would suffer himself to 
be persuaded by them. So the third day they met 
early in the morning; at what time the king entreat- 
ed them all, that they would with sincere affection 
hearken unto good offers of peace, and immediately 
conclude it, it they could like well of those condi- 
tions which he had already tendered ; or otherwise 
that they would make truce with him for the pre- 
sent, and let him send embassadors to Rome, where 
he would refer himself to the courtesy of the senate* 
This was even as Quintius would have it, who 
stood in doubt lest a new consul might happen to 
defraud him of the honour which he expected by 
ending of the war. So he easily prevailed with the 
rest to assent thereunto ; forasmuch as it was winter, 
a time unfit for service in the war $ and since, with- 
out authority of the senate, he should be unable to 
Sroceed resolvedly either in war or peace* Further, 
e willed them to send their several embassadors to 
Rome, which, intimating unto the senate what each 
of them required, should easily hinder Philip from 
obtaining any thing to their prejudice. Among the 
rest, he persuaded king Aminander to make a jour' 
ney to Rome, in person, knowing well, that the 
name of a king, together with the confluence of so 
many embassadors, would serve to make his own ac- 
tions more glorious in the city. All this tended to 
procure, that his own command of the army in 
Greece might be prorogued. And to the same 
end had he dealt with some of the tribunes of the 
people at Rome, who had already, (though as yet he 
knew not so much,) obtained it for him, partly by 
their authority, partly by good reasons which they 
alleged unto the senate, 

The embassadors of the Greeks, when they had 
audience at Rome, spoke bitterly against the king, 
with good liking of the senate, which was more de* 
ftirous of victory than satisfaction, They magnified 



the honourable purpose of the Romans, in undertak- 
ing to set Greece at liberty. But this, (they said,) 
could never be effected, unless especial care were 
taken that the king should be dispossessed of Co- 
rinth, Chalcis, and Demetrias. In this point they 
were so vehement, producing a map of the country, 
and making demonstration how those places held all 
the rest in servility, that the senate agreed to have 
it even so as they had desired. When therefore the 
embassadors of Philip were brought in, and began 
to have made a long oration, they were briefly cut 
off in the midst of their preface, with this one de- 
fnand,— Whether their master would yield up Co- 
rinth, Chalcis, and Demetrias ? Hereto they made 
answer, That concerning those places the king had 
given them no direction or commission what to say 
or do. This was enough. The senate would no 
longer hearken to Philip's desire of peace, wherein 
they said he did no better than trifle. Yet might 
his embassadors have truly said, That neither the 
JEtolians, Achaeans, nor .any of their fellows, had in 
the late treaty required by name that Chalcis and 
Demetrias should be yielded up. For which of them 
indeed could make any claim to either of these 
towns? As for Corinth, whereto the Achaeans had 
some right, (though their right were no better than 
that having stolen it from one Macedonian king in 
a night, they had, after mature deliberation, made it 
away by bargain unto another,) Philip had already 
condescended to give it back unto them. And this 
perhaps would -have been alleged, even against the 
Greeks, in excuse of the king, by some of T. Quin* 
tius's friends, that so he might have had the honour 
to conclude the war if a successor had been decreed 
unto him. But since he was appointed to continue 
general, neither his friends at Rome nor he himself, 
after the return of the embassadors into Greece 
lared to give egr to any talk of peace, 



Philip, seeing that the Achaeans had forsaken him, 
and joined with their common enemies, thought 
even to deal with them in the like manner, by re- 
conciling himself unto Nabis, whom they hated 
most. There were not many years passed, since the 
Lacedemonians under Cleomenes, with little other 
help than their own strength, had been almost strong 
enough both for the Macedonians and Achseans to* 

? ether : but now the condition of things was altered. 
Tabis's force consisted in a manner wholly in his 
mercenaries, for he was a tyrant, though stiling 
himself king. Yet he sorely vexed the Achaeans, 
and therefore seemed unto Philip one likely to stand 
him in great stead, if he could be won. To this 
purpose, it was thought meet that the town of Ar- 
gos, which could not otherwise be easily defended, 
should be consigned over into his hands; in hope 
that such a benefit would serve to tie him fast unto 
the Macedonian. Philocles, the king's lieutenant, 
who was appointed to deal with Nabis, added fur- 
ther, that it was his master's purpose to make a 
strait alliance with the Lacedemonian, by giving 
some daughters of his own in marriage unto Nabis's 
sons. This could not but be well taken. Yet Na- 
bis made some scruple in accepting the town of Ar- 
gos, unless by decree of the citizens themselves he 
might be called into it. Hereabout Philocles dealt 
with the Argives ; but found them so averse, that, 
in open assembly of the people, they detested the 
very name of the tyrant, with many railing words; 
Nabis hearing of this, thought he had thereby a good 
occasion to rob and fleece them. So he willed Phi* 
locles without more ado, to make over the town, 
which lie was ready to receive. Philocles accord- 
ingly did let him, with his army, into it by night, 
and gave him possession of the strongest places there* 
in. Thus dealt Philip with the Argives ; who, for 
very love, had forsaken the Achseans, to take his 
part Early in the morning, the tyrant made him* 


self master of all the gates. A few of the principal 
men, understanding how things went, fled out of the 
city at the first tumult : wherefore they were all ba- 
nished, and their goods confiscated. The rest of 
the chief citizens that stayed behind, were com- 
manded to bring forth, out of hand, all their gold 
and silver ; also a great imposition of money was 
laid upon all those that were thought able to pay it. 
Such as made their contribution readily, were dis- 
missed without more ado ; but if any stood long up- 
on the matter, or played the thieves, in purloining 
their own goods, they were put to the whip, and, 
besides loss of their wealth, had their torments to 
boot. This done the tyrant began to make popular 
laws ; namely, such as might serve to make him gra- 
cious with the rascally multitude ; abrogating all 
debts, and dividing the lands of the rich among the 

Eoor. By such art of oppressing the great ones, it 
ad been an old custom of tyrants to assure them- 
selves of the vulgar for a time. 

As soon as Nabis had gotten Argos, he sent the 
news to T. Quintius, and offered to join with him 
against Philip. Titus was glad of it ; so as he took 
the pains to cross over the Straits into Peloponne- 
sus, there to meet with Nabis. They had soon a- 
greed, (though king At talus, who was present with 
the consul, made some cavil touching Argos,) and 
the tyrant lent unto the Romans six hundred of his 
mercenaries of Crete ; as also he agreed with the 
Achsans upon a truce for four months, reserving the 
final conclusion of peace between them until the 
war of Philip should be ended ; which, after this, 
eontinued not long. 


Sect. XIV, 

The battle of Cynoscephake, wherein Philip was \>an* 

quished by T. Quintius. 

Titus Quintius, as soon as he understood that he 
was appointed to have command of the army, with- 
out any other limitation of time than during the 
I Measure of the senate, made all things ready for di« 
igent pursuit of the war. The like did Philip ; who, 
having failed in his negociation of peace, and no less 
failed in his hopes of getting Nabis to be his friend 
in that war, meant afterwards wholly to rely upon 

Titus had in his army about twenty-six thousand r , 
and Philip a proportionable number ; but neither of 
them knew the others strength, or what his enemy 
intended to do. Only Titus heard that Philip was 
in Thessaly, and thereupon addressed himself to seek 
him out. They had like to have met unawares near 
unto the city of Pherae, where the vant-couriers on 
both sides discovered each other, and sent word 
thereof unto their several captains ; but neither of 
them were over-hasty to commit all to hazard upon 
so short a warning. The day following, each of them 
sent out three hundred horse, with as many light- 
armed foot, to make a better discovery. These met, 
and fought a long while, returning finally back into 
their several camps, with little advantage unto either 
side. The country about Pherae was thick set with 
trees, and otherwise full of gardens and mud walls, 
which made it improper for service of the Macedo- 
nian phalanx j wherefore the king dislodged, intend* 
im; to remove back unto Scotusa, in the fr6ntier of 
Macedon, wher$ he might be plentifully served with 


1 Flut. in vita T» (^ Flan. 


all necessaries. Titus conceived aright his meaning, 
and therefore purposed also to march thitherwards, 
were it only to waste the country. There lay be- 
tween them a great ledge of hills, which hindered 
the one from knowing what course the other took. 
Nevertheless they encamped not far asunder both 
the first and the second night; though neither of 
them understood what was become of the other. 
The third day was very tempestuous, and forced 
each of them to take up his lodging where he found 
it by chance. Then sent they forth discoverers a- 
gain, in greater number than before. These meet* 
ing together, held a long fight, wherein at first the 
Macedonians had the worse. But Philip anon sent 
in such a strong supply, that if the resistance of the 
yEtolians had not been desperate, the Romans, their 
fellows, had been driven back into their camp. Yet, 
all resistance notwithstanding, the Macedonians pre- 
vailed ; so that Titus himself was fain to bring forth 
his legions, that were not a little discouraged by the 
defeat of all their horse, to animate those which were 
in flight. 

It was altogether beside the king's purpose to 
put the fortune of a battle in trust that day, with so 
much of his estate as might thereon depend. But 
the news came to him thick and tumultuously, how 
the enemies fled, and how the day was his own ; if 
he could use an occasion, the like whereof he should 
not often find. This caused him to alter his pur- 
pose; insomuch that he embattled his men, and 
climbed up those hills, which, for that the knops 
thereon had some resemblance unto dogs' heads, 
were called by a word signifying as much, cynosce* 
phalce. As soon as he was on the hill-top, it did him 
good to see. that they of his own light-armature 
were busy in fight, almost at the very camp of the 
enemies, whom they had repelled so far. He had 
also liberty to chuse his ground, as might serve best 
his advantage ; forasmuch as the Romans were quite. 



driven from all parts of the hill. But of this com- 
modity he could make no great use, the roughness 
of the place among those dogs heads, as they were 
called, served nothing aptly for his phalanx. Never- 
theless he found convenient room wherein* to mar- 
shal the one part of his army, and gave order unto 
his captains tb follow with the rest, embatteling 
them as they might. Whilst he was doing this, he 
perceived that his horsemen and light armature be- 
gan to shrink, as being fallen upon the Roman le- 
;ion, by force whereof they were driven to recoil* 
^e sets forward to help them, and they no less has- 
tily draw unto him for succour, having the Romans 
not far behind them. 

As the legions began to climb the hill, Philip com- 
manded those of his phalanx to charge their pikes, 
and entertain them. Here Titus found an extreme 
difficult piece of work ; for this phalanx being a 
great square battle of armed pikes, like in all points 
to those which are now used in our modern wars ; 
and being in like manner used as are ours, was not 
to be resisted by the Roman targetiers as long as 
the phalanx itself held together undissolved. The 
Macedonians were embattled in very close order, 
so that two of them stood opposite to one of the Ro- 
mans ; as also the pikes of the first rank had their 
points advanced two or three feet before their fore- 
man. Wherefore it is no marvel if the Romans gave 
back, every one of them being troubled, (as it were,) 
with ten enemies at once, and not able to come near* 
er unto the next of them than a dozen foot or there- 
abouts. Titus finding this, and not knowing how 
to remedy it, was greatly troubled ; for that still the 
phalanx bore down all which came in the way. But 
in the meanwhile he observed, that they which were 
appointed by Philip to make his left wing, were not 
able, through the much unevenness of the ground, 
to put themselves in order ; so as either they kept 
their places on the hill tops, or else, (which was 


worse,) upon desire either of beholding the pastime, 
or of seeming to be partakers in the work, run fool- 
ishly along by the side of their fellows which were 
occupied in fight. 

Of this their disorder he made great and present 
use. He caused the right wing of his battle to march 
up the hill against these ill ordered troops, his ele- 
phants leading the way to increase the terror. The 
Macedonians were readier to dispute what should 
be done in such a case, than well advised what to 
do ; as having no one man appointed to command 
that part in chief. Indeed, if they should have done 
their best, it could not have served, since the ground 
whereon they stood made their weapons useless. 
For, let it be supposed that Philip, having twenty- 
six thousand in his army, (as he is said to nave been 
equal to the enemy in number,) had four thousand 
horse, four thousand targetiers, and four thousand 
light-armed ; so shall there remain fourteen thousand 

Eikes, whereof he himself had embattled the one 
alf in a phalanx : the other half in the left wing, 
' are they whom Quintius is ready now to charge. 
The phalanx having usually sixteen in file, must, 
when it consisted of seven thousand, have well near 
four hundred and forty in rank ; but four hundred 
would serve to make a front long enough ; the other 
forty, or thirty-seven files might be cut off, and 
reckoned in the number of the targetiers or light- 
armed. Allowing therefore, as Polybius doth*, to 
every man of them three feet of ground, this front 
must have occupied twelve hundred foot, or two 
hundred and forty paces ; that is, very near a quar- 
ter of a mile in length. Such a space of open cam- 
{>agin, free from incumbrance of trees, ditches, hil- 
ocks, or the like impediments, that must of necessi- 
ty disjoin this close battle of the phalanx, was not 
everywhere to be found. Here at Cynoscephalae, 

1 Excerpt, c Polyb I. xtu. 


Philip had so much room as would only suffice for 
the one half of his men ; the rest were fain to stand 
still, and look about them, being hindered from put- 
ting themselves in order, by the roughness ef the 
dogs heads. But the Romans, to whom all grounds 
were much alike, were not hindered from coming 
up unto them ; nor found any difficulty in mastering 
those enemies, whose feet were in a manner boun< 
by the discommodity of the place. The very first 
impression of the elephants caused them to give 
back ; and the coming on of the legions, to betake 
themselves unto flight. A Roman tribune, or colo- 
nel, seeing the victory on that part assured, left the 
Erosecution of it unto others ; and being followed 
y^ twenty ensigns, or maniples, that is, (as they 
might fall out,) by some two thousand men, took in 
hand a notable piece of work, and mainly helpful to 
making of the victory complete. He considered 
that Philip, in pursuing the right wing of the Ro- 
mans, was run on so far, as that himself, with his fel- 
lows, in mounting the hill to charge the left wing of 
the Macedonians, was already gotten above the king's 
head. Wherefore he turned to the left hand, and, 
making down the hill after the king's phalanx, fell 
upon it in the rear. The hindmost ranks of the 
phalanx, all of them indeed, save the first five, were 
accustomed, when the battles came to joining, to 
Carry their pikes upright, and with the whole weight 
of their bodies to thrust on their foremen; and so 
were they doing at the present. This was another 
great inconvenience in the Macedonian phalanx, 
that it served neither for offence nor defence, except 
only in front. For though it were so, that Alexan- 
der, when he was to fight with Darius in Mesopota- 
mia, arranged his phalanx in such order that all the 
four sides of it were as so many fronts, looking sun- 
dry ways, because he expected that he should be 
encompassed round ; yei it is to be understood, that 
herein he altered the usual form ) as also, at the same 


time, he embattled his men in loose order, that 
so with ease they might torn their weapons which 
way need should require. Likewise it is to be con- 
sidered, that Alexander's men being thus disposed, 
were fit only to keep their own ground ; not being 
able to follow upon the enemy, unless their hind- 
most ranks could have marched backwards. But 
in this present case of Philip there was no such 
provision for resistance. Therefore his men, being 
otherwise unable to help themselves, threw down 
their weapons and fled. The king himself had 
thought, until now, that the fortune of the battle 
was everywhere alike, and the day his own. But 
hearing a noise behind him, and turning a little a- 
side, with a troop of horse, to see how all went, 
when he beheld his men casting down their wea- 
pons, and the Romans at his back on the Higher 
ground, he presently betook himself to flight. Nei- 
ther staid he afterwards in any place, (except only 
a small while about Tempe,. there to collect such as 
were dispersed in this overthrow,) until he was got*, 
ten into his own kingdom of Macedon. 

There died of the Roman army in this battle 
about seven hundred; of the Macedonians, about 
eight thousand were slain, and five thousand taken 


Sect. XV. 

2T. Qjidnlius falleth out with the MtoUans, and grants 
truce unto PliiUp^ with conditions^ upon which the 
peace is ratified. Liberty proclaimed unto the Greeks* 
The Romans quarrel with Antiochus* 

TtfE JEtolians wonderfully vaunted themselves; 
and desired to have it noised through all Greece, 
that the victory at Cynoscephalae was gotten (in a 
manner) wholly by their valour. They had gotten 
indeed the most of the booty, by sacking the Mace- 
donian camp whilst the Romans were busied in the 
chace. Titus, therefore, being offended, both at 
their vain-glory and at their ravenous condition, 
purposed to teach them better manners, by regard- 
ing them as slightly as thpy thought highly of them* 
selves. He also well perceived, that, by using them 
with any extraordinary favour, he should greatly ofc 
fend the rest of his confederates in Greece, who de- 
tested the iEtolians much more vehemently thafo 
ever they had done the Macedonians. But this dis- 
pleasure broke not forth yet a while. 

After the battle, Titus made haste unto Larissa, a 
city of Thessaly, which he presently took. Before 
his coming, Philip had sent thither one of his cour- 
tiers to burn all his letters and passages whatsoever 
in writing, betwixt him and others, of which many 
were there kept. It was well done of the king, that, 
among the cares of so much adversity, he forgot not 
to provide for the safety of his friends. Yet, by his 
thus doing, they of Larissa might well perceive that 
he gave them up as already lost. Wherefore we find 
not that they, or any of their neighbours, did make 
delay of opening their gates to Titus. At the same 
time the town of Leucas, bordering upon Acarna- 


ilia, was taken by the Roman fleet ; And very soon 
after, all the Acarnanians, a warlike nation, and in 
hatred of the iEtolians, ever true to Philip, gave up 
themselves unto the Romans, hearing of the victory 
at Cynoscephalae. The Rhodians also were then in 
hand with the conquest of Peraea, a region of the 
-continent over-against their island, whereof they had 
demanded restitution, in the late treaty of peace 
with Philip. They did herein more manly than any 
other of the Greeks ; forasmuch as they awaited not 
the good leisure of the Romans, but with an army 
of their own, and some help which they borrowed of 
the Achsans, and other their friends, gave battle to 
Dinocrates, the king's lieutenant, wherein they had 
the victory, and consequently recovered the whole 
province. It angered Philip worse than all this, that 
the Dardanians gathered courage out of his afflic- 
tion, to invade his kingdom ; wasting and spoiling 
as if all had been abandoned to their discretion* 
This made him gather an army in all haste, of six 
thousand foot and five hundred horse ; wherewith 
coming upon them, he drove them, with little or no 
loss of his own, and great slaughter of theirs, hastily 
out of the kingdom. Which done, he returned to 

In this one enterprise he had success answerable 
to his desire ; but seeing what bad fortune accom- 
panied his affairs in all other parts at the same time, 
he thought it wisdom to yield unto necessity ; and 
therefore sent in all haste Limnaeus and Demosthe- 
nes, with Cycliades, the banished Achaean, in whom 
he reposed much confidence, embassadors unto Ti* 
tus. These had conference a long while in private 
with Titus, and some of his Roman colonels ; by 
whom they were gently entertained, and in very 
friendly wise dismissed. It seems that they had 
commission to refer all unto Titus's own discretion, 
as Philip himself in few days after did. There was 
granted unto them a truce for fifteen days ; in which 

Vol,VI. E 


time the king himself might come and speak with 
the Roman general. In the mean season, many sus- 
picious rumours went of Titus, as if he had been 
corrupted with great rewards from the king to be- 
tray the Greeks, his confederates. Of these bruits 
the iEtolians were chief authors; who, being wont 
to regard neither friendship nor honesty, where pro- 
fit led them a wrong way, judged alike of all men 
else. But, against the day appointed for the meet- 
ing betwixt him and Philip, Titus had sent letters 
unto his associates, willing them to have their agents 
ready by a time appointed, at the entrance of Tempe, 
.where the treaty should be held. There, when they 
were all assembled, they entered into consultation 
before the king's arrival, what should be most expe- 
dient for the common benefit of them all, and for 
every estate in particular. The poor king, Amman* 
der, besought thera all, and especially the Romans, 
that they would think upon him, and, considering 
his weakness, which he confessed, make such provi- 
sion, that, after the Romans had turned their backs, 
and were gone home, Philip might not wreak his 
anger upon him, who was not able to resist. Then 
1 spake Alexander, one of the iEtolians ; who, com- 
mending Titus for so much as he had thus assem- 
bled the confederates to advise upon their own good, 
and had willed them to deliver their minds freely, 
added, that in the main of the purpose which he had 
in hand he was utterly deceived ; for that, by mak- 
ing peace with Philip, he could neither assure the 
Romans of their quiet, nor the Greeks of their liber- 
ty. There was, he said, none other end to be made 
of the war, which could agree either with the pur- 
pose of the senate and people of Rome, or with the 
fair promises made by Titus himself unto the Greeks, 
than the chasing of Philip quite out of his kingdom. 
And to this effect he made a long discourse. But 
Titus answered, that this iEtolian was ill acquaint- 
ed either with the good pleasure of the senate and 


people of Rome, or with the laudable customs which 
they generally held .; for that it was not the manner 
of the Romans to seek the utter destruction of any 
king or nation, at such time as they first made war 
with them ; until, by some rebellion, they found it a 
matter of necessity to take such a rigorous course ; 
and hereof he alleged the Carthaginians as a notable 
example ; adding, that victory to generous minds 
was only an inducement unto moderation. As con- 
cerning the public benefit of Greece, it was (he said) 
expedient that the kingdom of Macedon should be 
greatly weakened and brought low ; not that it 
should be utterly destroyed, forasmuch as it served 
as a bar to the Thracians, Gauls, and a multitude of: 
other savage nations, which would soon overflow the 
whole continent of Greece, if this kingdom were not 
interposed. Wherefore, he concluded, that if Phi- 
lip would yield unto those demands, wherewith he 
had pressed him in the former treaty, then was there 
no reason to deny him peace. As for the ^Etolians, 
if they thought otherwise, it should be at their own 
pleasure to take counsel apart for themselves as they 
thought good. Then began Phaneas, another of the 
^Etolians, to say, that all was come to nothing ; for 
,that ere long Philip would trouble all the Greeks, no 
less than he had done in time before* But Titus in- 
terrupted him, and bade him leave his babbling, say* 
ing, that himself would take such order, as that Phi- 
lip, were he never so desirous, should thenceforth 
not have it in his power to molest the Greeks. 

The next day king Philip came thither, whom 
Titus used friendly; and suffering him to repose 
himself that night, held a council the day following, 
wherein the king yielded unto all that had been re- 
quired at his hands; offering yet further, to stand 10 
me good pleasure of the senate, if they would have 
more added to the conditions. Phaneas, the ^Eto- 
lian, insulting over him,, said it was to be hoped that 
he would then at length give up to the ^Etoiians as 



many of the towns (which he there named), bidding 
him speak whether he would or not. His answer 
was, That they might take them all. But Titus in- 
terposing himself, said, it should be otherwise. These 
were Thessalonian towns, and should all be free, one 
of them only excepted, which not long ago had re- 
fused to commit itself to the faith of the Romans, and 
therefore should now be given to thc/Etolians. Here- 
at Phaneas cried out, that it was too great an injury, 
thus to defraud them of the towns that had some 
time belonged unto the common-weal. Rather he 
willed Titus to consider, that by an ancient covenant 
between them and the Romans, all the towns taken 
ought to be their own, and the Romans to have no- 
thing save the pillage and captives. It is true, that 
there had been such a condition in the former war, 
but it ceased to be of any validity as soon as the JE*» 
tolians made peace with Philip. And thus much Ti- 
tus gave them to understand, asking them, whether 
they thought it reasonable that all the towns in 
Greece which had let in the Romans by composition 
should be delivered into subjection of the jE tolians? 
The rest of the confederates were very much delight- 
ed with these angry passages between the Roman and 
the iEtolians ; neither had they great reason to fear 
any hard measure, since Titus was so earnest in be- 
half of those Thessalians to give them liberty, though 
they had stood out against him, even till very fear 
made them open their gates. Wherefore they op- 
posed not themselves, but gave their consent willingly 
unto a truce for four months. 

The chief cause that moved Titus to grant peace 
so readily to the Macedonian, besides that laudable 
custom by him before alledged, was the fame of An- 
tiochus's coming with an army from Syria, and draw- 
ing near towards Europe. He had also, perhaps, yet 
a greater motive; even the consideration that his 
successor might happen to defraud him of the ho- 
nour, if the war should happen to be protracted. 


And he was in the right ; for when his letters, toge- 
ther with embassadors from the Macedonian, and 
sundry states of Greece came unto Rome, new con- 
suls were chosen, who (especially the one of them) 
stood very earnestly against the peace, alledging fri- 
volous matter of their own suspicion, in hope to get 
the honour of concluding the war. The senate be- 
gan to be doubtfully affected, between the embassa- 
dors of Philip offering to stand to whatsoever was de- 
manded, and the letters of Titus pressing them to 
accept this offer, on the one side, and the importu- 
nity of the consul on the other ; who said that all 
these goodly shews were fraudulent, and that the 
king would rebel as soon as the army was called out 
of Greece. But the matter was taken out of the se- 
nators' hands by two of the tribunes, that referred it 
to an assembly of the people, by whose sovereign 
authority it was concluded that peace should be 
granted unto the king. So ten embassadors were 
sent from Rome over into Greece, in which number 
were they that had been consuls before Titus ; and 
it was ordained by their advice, that Titus should go 
through with the business of peace." These would 
very rain have retained those three important cities 
of Corinth, Chalcis, and Demetrias, until thq state 
of Greece were somewhat better settled. But finally, 
Titus prevailed so, that Corinth was, though not im- 
mediately, rendered unto the Achseans ; and all the 
other Greek towns which Philip held, as well in Asia 
as in Greece, restored unto liberty. 

The conditions of the peace granted unto Philip 
were, That before the celebration of the next Isth- 
mian Games 1 , he should withdraw his garrisons out of 
all the Greek towns which he held, and consign 
them over to the Romans ; that he should deliver 
up unto them all captives that he had of theirs, and 
all renegadoes > likewise all his ships of war, reserv- 

l l P&Jyb, excerpt. IsgKU 9. 
K 3 


ing to himself only five of the lesser sort, and one of 
extraordinary greatness, wherein sixteen men labour* 
ed at every oar ; further, that he should pay a thou* 
sand talents, the one half in hand, the other in ten 
years next following, by even portions. Hereto 
Livy adds*, that he was forbidden to make war out 
of Macedon, without permission of the senate. But 
I find not that he observed this article, or was at any 
time charged with the breach of it. Four hundred 
talents he had already delivered unto Titus, together 
with his younger son Demetrius, to remain as hos* 
tage for his true dealing in this matter of peace, at 
such time as he lately sent his embassadors to Rome, 
when it was promised that the money and his son 
should be restored back unto him, if the senate were 
not pleased with the agreement. Whether this mo* 
ney were reckoned as part of the thousand talents, 
I cannot find ; and it seemeth otherwise ; forasmuch 
as young Demetrius, who, together with those four 
hundred talents, was given as hostage, remained still 
in custody of the Romans, as a part of the bargain 
which Titus formerly had made. Letters also were 
then sent by Titus unto Prusias, king of Bithynia, 
giving him to understand what agreement was made 
With Philip in behalf of the Greeks ; and how the se- 
nate held it reasonable, that the Ciany most mise- 
rably spoiled and oppressed by Philip, to gratify this 
Bithynian, his son-in-law, should be restored to li- 
berty, and permitted to enjoy the same benefit of the 
Romans which other of their nation did. 'What e£» 
feet these letters wrought it was not greatly material, 
since the Romans were shortly busied with Antiochus, 
in such wise that they had not leisure to examine the 
conformity of Prusias to their will. 

All Greece rejoiced at the good bargain which 
Titus had made with Philip ; only the iEtolians 
found themselves aggrieved that they were utterly 

3 Lit. 1, natij". 


neglected, which was to the rest no small part of 
their contentment. The Boeotians continued to fa- 
vour the Macedonian, and thereby occasioned much 
trouble unto themselves. There were some among 
them well-affected to the Romans, who, seeing how . 
things were like to go, made their complaint unto 
Titus, saying, that they were no better than lost for 
the good-will which they had borne unto him, unless 
at this time, when he lay close by them with his ar- 
my, their praetor, which was head of the opposite 
faction, might be made away. Titus refused to have 
an hand in the execution ; yet, nevertheless, did ani- 
mate them in their purpose. So they committed the 1 
fact, and hoped to have kept themselves undiscover- 
ed. But when the murder came out, and somewhat 
was confessed by those who were put to torture, the 
hatred, of the people broke out violently against the 
Romans ; in such wise that, howsoever they durst 
not take arms against them, yet such of them as they 
found straggling from their camp, they murdered in 
all parts of the country. This was detected within 
a while, and many of the dead bodies found. Here- 
upon Titus requires. of the Boeotians to have the 
murderers delivered into his hands; and for five hun- 
dred soldiers, which he had lost by them, to have 
paid unto him five hundred talents. Instead of ma- 
king any such amends, they paid him with excuses, 
which he would not take as good satisfaction. He 
sends embassadors to the Achaeans and Athenians, 
informing them what had happened, and requested, 
them not to take it amiss though he dealt with these 
their friends as they had deserved. Here withal he 
falls to wasting their country, and besiegeth two such 
towns of theirs as did seem to be most culpable of 
the murders lately done. But the embassadors of 
the Achaeans and Athenians (especially of the Athe- 
nians who offered, if he needed them, to help him in 
this war, yet besought him rather to grant peace unto 
the Boeotians), prevailed so far with nim, Joat he was 

e 4 


pacified with thirty talents, and the punishment erf* 
such as were known offenders. 

In lil^e sort, though not so violently, were many 
states of Greece distracted ; some among them re- 
joicing that they were free from the Macedonian ; 
others greatly doubting that the Roman would prove 
a worse neighbour. The iEtolians would have been 
glad of any commotion, and therefore published ru- 
mours abroad, that it was the purpose of the Romans 
to keep in their own hands all those places wherein 
Philip lately had his garrisons. Little did they, or 
the rest of the Greeks, conceive, th^t this Macedo- 
nian war served as an introduction to the war to be 
made in Asia against Antiochus, where grew the 
fruit that was to be reaped of this and many other 
victories. Wherefore, to stay the progress of bad 
rumours, when the Isthmian Games were held, which, 
in time of peace were never without great solemnity 
pnd concourse, Titus, in that great assembly of all 
Greece, caused proclamation to be made by sound 
of trumpet to this effect, — That the senate and people 
of Jiome, and Titus Quintius flaminius, the general, 
having vanquished king Philip and the Macedonians, 
did will to be at liberty, free from impositions, free 
from garrisons, and living at their own laws, the Co- 
rinthians, Phocians, Locrians, Euboeans, Achseans of 
!Phthiotis, Magnetians, Thessalians, and Perrhebians. 
The suddenness of this proclamation astonished men ; 
so as though they applauded it with a great shout, 
yet presently they cried out to hear it again, as if 
they durst scarce credit their own ears. Ihe Greeks 
were crafts-masters in the art of giving thanks, which 
they rendered now to T. Quintius with so great af- 
fection as that they had well near smothered him 
by thronging officiously about him. 

This good- will of the Greeks was like to be much 
pore available to the Romans in their war against 
Antiochus, than could have been the possession of a 
few towns, yea, or of all those provinces which were 


named in the proclamation. Upon confidence here* 
o£ no sooner were these Isthmian games at an end, 
than Titus, with the Romans that were of his coun- 
cil, gave audience to Hagesianax and Lysias, king 
Antiochus's embassadors, whom they willed to signify 
unto their lord, that he should do well to abstain from 
the free cities in Asia, and not vex them with war ; 
as also to restore whatsoever he had occupied belong- 
ing to the kings Ptolemy and Philip. Moreover, they 
willed him, by these his embassadors, that he should 
Hot pass over his army into Europe; adding, that 
some of them would visit him in person ere it were 
long, to talk with him further concerning these points* 
This done, they fell to accomplishing their promises 
unto the Greeks; to the rest they gave what they had 
promised. But the Phocians and Locrians they gave 
unto the iEtolians, whom they thought it no wisdom 
to offend over-much, being shortly to take a greater 
work in hand. The Achaeans of Phthiotis they an- 
nexed unto the Thessalians, all save the town of 
Thebes in Phthiotis, the same which had been aban- 
doned by T. Quintius to the iEtolians in the last 
treaty with Philip. The JEtolians contended very 
/earnestly about Pharsalus and Leucas ; but they were 
put off with a dilatory answer, and rejected unto the 
senate; for .howsoever somewhat the council might 
favour them, vet it was not meet that they should 
have their will, as it were in despite of Titus. To 
the Athenians were restored Corinth, Triphylia, and 
Herea. So the Corinthians were made free indeed, 
(though the Romans yet a while kept the Acroco- 
rinthus), for that all which were partakers of the 
Achaean commonwealth enjoyed their liberty in as 
absolute manner as they could desire. To Pleuratus, 
the Illyrian, were given one or two places taken by 
the Romans from Philip; and upon Aminander were 
bestowed those castles which he had gotten from Phi- 
lip during this war, to reign in them, and the grounds 
which they commanded, as he did among his Atha- 


manians. The Rhodians had been their own carvers* 
Attalus was dead a little before the victory, and there- 
fore lost his share. Yet many that were with Titus 
in council, would have given the towns of Oreum 
and Eretria, in the isle of Euboea, to his son and suc- 
cessor king Eumenes. But, finally, it was conclud- 
ed, that these, as well as the rest of the Euboeans, 
should be suffered to enjoy their liberty, Orestis, a. 
little province of the kingdom of Macedon, border- 
ing on Epirus, and lying towards the Ionian sea, had 
yielded unto the Romans long ere this, and since con- 
tinued true to them ; for which cause it was set at li- 
. berty, and made a free estate by itself. 

These businesses being dispatched, it remained 
that all care should be used, not how to avoid the 
war with king Antiochus, but how to accomplish it 
with most ease and prosperity. Wherefore embassa- 
dors were sent both to Antiochus himself, to pick 
matter of quarrel, and about unto others, to pre-dis- 
pose them unto the assisting of the Romans therein*. 
What ground and matter of war against this king 
the Romans now had, or shortly after found, as al- 
so how their embassadors and agents dealt and sped 
abroad, I refer unto another place. 

. V* OF THE WORLD, 7* 



Sect. I. 

What kings, of the races of Seleucus and Ptolemy, 
reigned in Asia and Egypt before Antiochus the 

SELEUCUS NICATOR ', the first of his race, 
king of Asia and Syria, died in the end of the; 
hundred twenty and fourth olympiad. He was 
treacherously slain by Ptolemy Ceraunus, at an altar 
called Argos ; having (as is said) been warned be- 
/ore by an oracle to beware of Argos, as the fatal 
place of his death.. But I never have read, that any 
.man's life hath been preserved, or any mischance 
avoided, by the predictions of such devilish oracles. 
Bather I believe, that many such predictions of the 
heathen gods have been antedated by their priests, 
or by others, which devised them after the event. 

Antiochus Soter, the son and heir of this Seleu- 
cus, was dearly beloved of his father ; who surren- 
dered up unto him his own wife Stratonica, when he 

1 Polyb. lib. ii. 


understood how much the young prince was ena- 
moured on her. Wherefore, Ptolemy Ceraunus had 
great cause to fear, that the death or Seleucus would 
not belunrevenged by this his successor. But Anti- 
ochus was contented to be pacified, either with gifts, 
or perhaps only with fair words, containing himself 
within Asia, and letting Ceraunus enjoy that quiet- 
ly, which he had purchased in Europe with the 
blood of Seleucus. It is said of this Antiochus, that 
although he married with the queen Stratonica . in 
his father's life, yet, out of modesty, he forebore to 
embrace her till his father was dead. So that, per- 
haps, his incestuous love was partly, if not chiefly, 
the cause of his not prosecuting that revenge where- 
nnto nature should have urged him. Afterwards he 
had wars with Antigonus Gonatas, and with Nico- 
medes, king of Bithynia; also, Lutarius and Leono- 
rius, kings or captains of the Gauls, were set upon 
him by the said Nicomedes. With these he fought 
a great battle ; wherein, though otherwise tlje ene- 
my had all advantage against him, yet by the ter- 
ror of his elephants, which affrighted both their 
horses and them, he won the victory. He took in 
hand an enterprise against Ptolemy Philadelphus ; 
but finding ill success in the beginning, he soon gave 
it over. To this king, Antiochus Soter, it was, that 
Berosus, the Chaldaean, dedicated his history of the 
kings of Assyria* j the same which hath since been 
excellently falsified by the friar Annius. He left 
behind him one son, called Antiochus Theos, and 
one daughter called Apame, that was married unto 
the king of Cyrene. So he died about the end of 
the hundred twenty and ninth olympiad, or the 
beginning of the olympiad following ; in the fiftieth 
or one and fiftieth year of the kingdom of the Greeks* 
when he had reigned nineteen years. 

Antiochus, surnamed Theos % or the God, had this 

2 Geoebrurd, lib, n, Just, Mart, in Panen. 


vain and impious title given unto him by flattery of 
the Milesians, whom he delivered from Timarchus, 
a tyrant that oppressed them. He held long and 
difficult, but fruitless war, with Ptolemy Philadel* 
phus, king of Egypt ; which finally he compound- 
ed, by taking to wife Berenice the daughter of Pto- 

Of these two kings, and of this lady, Berenice, St 
Jerome, and other interpreters, have understood 
that prophecy of Daniel : ' The king's daughter of 
9 the south shall come to the king of the north, to 
• make an agreement 3 ; 9 and that which followeth. 

Ptolemy Philadel phus was a great lover of peace 
and learning ; and (setting apart his incestuous mar- 
riage with his own sister Arsinoe) a very excellent 
?rince : howsoever, the worthiest of all that race* 
t was he that built and furnished with books that 
famous library in Alexandria ; which to adorn, and 
to honour the more, he sent unto Eleazar, then high 
priest of the Jews, for the, books of Moses and other 
scriptures. The benefits of this king unto the Jews 
had formerly been very great ; for he had set at li- 
berty as many of them as his father held in slavery 
throughout all Egypt ; and he had sent unto the tem- 
ple of God in Jerusalem very rich presents 4 . Where- 
fore Eleazar, yielding to the king's desire, presented 
him with an Hebrew copy ; which Ptolemy caused 
to be translated into Greek, by seventy-two of the 
most grave and learned persons that could be found 
among all the tribes. In this number of the seven- 
ty-two interpreters, or (as they are commonly called) 
the Seventy, Jesus, the son of Sirach, is thought by 
Genebrard to have been one ; who that he lived in 
this age, it seems to me very sufficiently proved by 
Janesinus, in his preface unto Ecclesiasticus. The 
whole passage of this business between Philadelphus 
and the high priest was written (as Josephus affirms) 

9 Dan. c, U. v. 0. 4 Aug, de. Cit. Dei. L zriii. c 42. 




by Aristffitis that was employed therein 5 . Forty 
years Ptolemy Philadelphia was king; reckoning 
the time wherein he jointly reigned with his father. 
He was exceedingly beloved of his people ; and high- 
ly magnified by poets and other writers* Towards 
his end he grew more voluptuous than he had been 
in his former years ; in which time he boasted, that 
he alone had found out the way how to live for ever. 
If this had been referred unto his honourable deeds, 
it might have stood with reason; otherwise, the 
gout, with which he was often troubled, was enough 
to teach him his own error. He was the first of the 
kings, derived from Alexander's successors, that en- 
tered into league with the Romans ; as also his off- 
spring was the last among the royal families which 
by them was rooted out. 

Antiochus Theos had another wife, called Laodice, 
at such time as he married with Berenice the daugh- 
ter of this Ptolemy. After his second marriage, he 
used his first wife with no better regard than if she 
had been his concubine. Laodice hated him for this ; 
yet adventured not to seek revenge, until her own 
son Seleucus Callinicus was of ability to be king* 
This was two or three years after the death of Pto- 
lemy Philadelphus, at what time she poisoned her 
husband Theos ; and, by permission of Seleucus her 
son, murdered Berenice, together with a son she had 
born to Antiochus. Justin reports)*, that Berenice 
saved herself, together with the young prince her 
child; awhile in the sanctuary at Daphne ; and that 
not only some cities of Asia prepared to succour her, 
but her brother Ptolemy Evergetes, king of Egypt, 
came to rescue her with an army, though too late, 
for she was slain before. 

5 Jos. Ann I. xii. c. 2. Concerning that book which now goes under the 
name of Aruteus; many learned men, and among the rest Lodovicus Vive*, hold 
suspicion that it is counterfeit, and the invention of some late anther. Surety if 
it were to be suspected in the time of Vives, it may be now much more justly 
suspected, since a new edition of it is come forth, purged from faults, (as the pa- 
pists term those books wherein they have changed what they please,) and set forth 
by Middendorpius at Colen. An. Dom, 1578* 6 Just. L xxvii. 


With such cruelties Seleucos Caliinicus, succeed- 
ing unto his father, that had fifteen years been king, 
began his reign. His subjects were highly offended 
at his wicked nature, which they discovered at his 
first entrance. Wherefore it was like that his estate 
would have been much endangered, if Ptolemy Ever- 
getes, who came against him, had not been drawn 
back into his own country by some commotions 
there in hand. For there were none that would 
bear arms against Ptolemy in defence of their own 
king ; but rather they sided with the Egyptian, 
who took Laodice the king's mother and rewarded 
her with death, as she had well deserved. Wherefore 
Seleucus, being freed from this invasion, by occa- 
sion of those domestical troubles which recalled 
Evergetes home into Egypt, went about a dangerous 
piece of work, even to make war upon his own sub- 
jects, because of their bad affection towards him ; 
when as it had been much better, by well deserv- 
ing, to have changed their hatred into love. A great 
fleet he prepared; in furnishing and manning where- 
of he was at such charges that he scarce left him- 
self any other hope if that should miscarry. Here- 
in he embarked himself and putting to sea met 
with such a tempest as devoured all, save himself 
and a very few of his friends that hardly escaped. 
This calamity, having left him nothing else in a man- 
ner than his naked body, turned nevertheless to his 
great good, as anon after it seemed. For when his 
subjects understood in what sort the gods (as they 
conceived it) had punished him for his offences, 
they had commiseration of his estate ; and presum- 
ing that he would thenceforth become a new man, 
offered him their service with - great alacrity. This 
revived him, and filled him with such spirit, as 
thinking himself well enough able to deal with the 
Egyptian, he made ready a mighty army for that 
purpose. But his fortune was no better at land 
than it had been at sea. He was. vanquished by 


Ptolemy in a great battle ; whence he escaped hard- 
ly, no better attended than after his late shipwreck. 
Hasting therefore back to Antioch, and fearing that 
the enemy would soon be at his heels, he wrote un- 
to his brother Antiochus* Hierax, who lay then in 
Asia, praying him to bring succour with ail speed ; 
and promising, in recompence of his faith and dili- 
gence, the dominion of a great part of Asia. An- 
tiochus was then but fourteen years old, yet extreme- 
ly ambitious ; and therefore glad of such an occasion 
to make himself great. He levied a mighty army 
of the Gauls; wherewith he set forward to help 
his brother, or rather to get what he could for him- 
self. Hereof Ptolemy being advertised, and having 
no desire to put himself in danger more than need- 
ed, took truce with Seleucus for ten years. No soon- 
er was Seleucus freed from this care of the Fgypti- 
an war, but his brother Antiochus came upon him, 
and needs would fight with him, as knowing him- 
self to have the better army. So Seleucus was van- 
quished again, and saved himself with so few about 
him, thathe was verily supposed to have perished in the 
battle. Thus did God's justice take revenge of those 
murders by which the crown was purchased, and 
settled (as might have been thought) on the head 
of this bloody king. Antiochus was very glad to 
hear of his brother's death, as if thereby he had pur- 
chased his heart's desire ; but the Gauls, his mer- 
cenaries, were gladder than he. For when he led 
them against Eumenes, king of Pergamus, being in 
hopes to get honour by making a conquest in the 
beginning of his reign, these perfidious barbarians 
took counsel against him, and devised how to strip 
him of all that he bad. They thought it very like- 
ly, that if there were none of the royal house to make 
head against them, it would be in their power to do 
what should best be pleasing unto themselves in the 
Lower Asia. Wherefore they laid hands on Antio- 
chus, and enforced him to ransom himself with 

c1hap. v. o* the world. 81 

money) as if he had beeti their lawful prisoner. Nei- 
ther were they so contented, biit made him enter in- 
to such composition with them as tended but little 
to his honoiir. In the meanwhile Seleucus had ga- 
thered a rteW ftrirty, and prepared price more to try 
his fortune against his brother. Eumenes hearing 
of this* thought the season fit for himself to make 
his profit of their discord. Aritiochiis fought with 
him, and wad beaten ; which is no great marvel, 
feinc£ he had great reason to stand in no less fear 
of the Gauls, his own soldiers, than of the etiemy 
with y?hom he had to deal. After this, Eumenes 
won mudh in Asia, whilst Antiochus went against 
his brother. In the second battle fought between 
the brethren, Seleucus had the upper hand ; and 
Antiochus Hierax, or the Hawk, (which surname 
was given him, because he sought his prey upon 
every one, without care whether he were provoked 
or not,) soared away as far as he could, both from 
his brother and his own Gauls. Having fetched a 
great compass through Mesopotamia and Armenia, 
he fell at length into Cappadocia, wh6re his father? 
in-law, king Artamanes, took him up. He was en* 
tertained very lovingly in outward shew* but with a 
meaning to betray him. This he soon perceived* 
and therefore betook him to his wings again, though 
he knew not well which way to bend his flight. At 
length he resolved to bestow himself upon Ptolemy,' 
his own conscience telling him what evil he had 
meant unto Seleucus his brother, and therefore what 
little good he was reciprocally to expect at his hands. 
Infidelity can find no sure harbour. Ptolemy well 
understood the perfidious and turbulent nature of 
this Hierax. Wherefore he laid him up in close 
prison ; whence though, by means of an harlot, he 
got out, yet flying from his keepers he fell into 
the hands of thieves, by whom he was murdered. 
Near about the same time died Seleucus. The Par- 
tisans and Bactrians had rebelled against him, dur* 
Vol. VI. f 


ing hi* w*ra with his brother. He therefore made 
A journey against Arsaces, founder of the Parthian 
Iqingdom ; wherein his evil fortune, or rather God'# 
vengeance, adhered so closely to him, that he was 
taken prisoner. Arsaces dealt friendly with him, 
and dismissed biip, having every way given him rey* 
al entertainment $ but, in returning home, he broke 
fois neck by a fall from his horse, and so ended hie 
Unhappy reign of twenty years* He bad to wife 
Laodice, the sister of Androm&chtis, one of hip most 
trusty captains, which was father unto that Achens* 
who, making bi$ advantage of this affinity, became 
shortly after (as he stiled himself) a king ; though 
rather indeed a great trqubler of the world in those 
parts. By Laodiee he had two sons ; Seleuous the 
third, surnamed Ceraunus, and Antiochus the third* 
called afterwards the Great. t 

Seleucu8 Ceraunus reigned only three years ; in 
which time hf made infar upon Attains the first, 
that was king of Pergainus. Being weak of body* 
through sickness, and in want of money, be could 
pot keep his men of war in good order j and finally, 
he was slain by the treason of Nicanor, and Apatu* 
riua, a Gaul. His death was revenged by Achseua* 
who slew the traitors, and took charge of the army* 
which he ruled very wisely and faithfully a while) 
Antiochus, the brother of Seleucus, being then a 

tHAF. *. OF THE WORLD* 89 

i % 

Sken. II. 

The beginning of the great AntioehuJs reign. Qf 
Ptolemy Evetgetes, and PMlopater, kings of Egypt* 
War between Antiochus and Phibpateri The re- 
bellion qfMtib ; and expedition of Antiochus against 
him The re-continuance qf Antiochus' s Egyptian 
war ; with the parages between the two kings ; the 
Victory of Ptolemy ; and peace concluded. QfA- 
chaniSi and his rebellion ; his greatness, and hisjulk 
Antiochus* s expedition against the Partitions, Batt 
Mans, and Indians* Somewhat qf the kings reign* 
big hi India, after the death qfthe Great Akiam 

AfcTrtcitos was scttrgaly fifteen years old when he 
began his reign, which lasted thirty-six years, Ift his 
minority ke was wholly governed by one Hernias* 
aft ambitious man, Aid otte which maligned aft virtu* 
that he found in any of th* king's faithful servant* 
This vile auatHy hi a tdunseltar of such great place, 
how haraitW it was fnrto his ford, and finally untd 
himself, the Sueee&s of things wiM shortly discover* 

Soon after the beginning of Antiochiis's reign* 
Ptolemy Evergetes, king of Egypt, died j and left 
his heir, Ptolemy Philopater, a young boy likewise* 
as hath efeewhere been remembered. This was that 
Evergetes who relieved Artatm and the Achseans ; 
who afterwards took part with Cltittfienes, and lov- 
ingly entertained him when be was chased oat of 
Greece by Antigonus Gonatasw He annexed auto 
h» dominion the kingdom of Cyrene, by taking to 
wife Berenice, the daughter of king Magas. He Wad 
the third 1 of the Ptolemies* and the last good king of 
the raee* Hie name of Evetfgetes, or the doer qf 
gwfy wa»giv%tt to hkfi by the Egyptians^ not ad 



much for the great spoils which he brought home, 
after his victories in Syria, as for that he recovered 
aome of those images or idols which Cambyses, when 
he conquered Egypt,, had carried into Persia. He 
was ready to have made war upon the Jews, for that 
Onias, their high-priest, out of mere covetousness tff 
money, refused to pay unto him his yearly tribute of 
twenty talents ; but he was pacified by the wisdom 
of Josephus, a Jew ; to whom afterwards he let in 
farm the tributes and customs that belonged unto 
him, in those parts of Syria which he held. For Coe- 
losyria, with Palestina, and all those parts of the 
country that lay nearest unto Egypt, were held by 
the Egyptian ; either as having fallen to the share of 
Ptolemy the first, at such time, as the great Antigo- 
nus was vanquished and slain in the battle at lpsus, 
or as being won by this Evergetes in the trouble- 
some and unhappy reign of Seleucus Callinicus. 
The victories of this Evergetes in Syria, with the 
contentions that lasted for many succeding ages be- 
tween the Ptolemies and the Seleucide, were all 
foretold by Daniel, in the prophecy before cited, 
which is expounded by St. Jerome. This Ptolemy 
Evergetes reigned six and twenty years, and died 
towards the end of the hundred thirty ^pd ninth o- 
lympiad. It may seem by that which we find in the 
rologue unto Jesus the son of Sirach's book, that 
e should have reigned a much longer time. For Si* 
racides there saith, that, he came into Egypt in the 
eight and thirtieth year, when Evergetes was king. 
It may therefore be, that either this king reigned 
long together with his father ; or that those eight 
and thirty years were the years of Jesus's- own age * 
if not perhaps reckoned, % (as the Jews did other- 
whiles reckon) from some notable accident that had 
befallen them. 

Not long after the death of Evergetes,, Hernaias, 
the counsellor, ,and in a manner the protector of 
kin$ Antiochus, incited his lord unto war against 



the Egyptian, for the recovery of Coeiosyria and 
the countries adjoining. This cduncil was veiy u*r 
seasonably given ; when Molo, the king's lieutenant 
in Media, was broken out into rebellion, and sought 
to make himself absolute lortf of that rich country. 
Nevertheless Heroiias, being more forward than 
wise, maintained stifly, that it was most expedient, 
and agreeable with the king's honour, to send forth 
against a rebellious captain other captains that were 
faithful ; iwhilst he in person made war upon one 
that was, like himself, a king. No man durst gain- 
say the resolution of Hermias ; who therefore sent 
Xenoetas, an Achaean, with such forces as he thought 
expedient, against the rebel ; whilst, in the mean 
season, an army was preparing for the king's expe- 
dition into Coeloeyria. The king having marched 
from Apamea to Laodicea, and so over the deserts 
into the valley of Marsyas, between the mountains 
of Libanus and Antilibanus, found his way there 
stopped by Theodotus an iEtolian, that served un- 
der Ptolemy. So he consumed the time there a* 
while to none effect ; and then came news that Xe- 
noetas, his captain, was destroyed with his whole ar- 
my ; and Molo thereby become lord of $11 the coun- 
try, as far as unto Babylon. 

Xenoetas, whilst he was yet on hid journey, and . 
drew near to the river of Tigris, received many ad- 
vertisements by such as fled over unto him from the 
enemy, that the followers of Molo were, for the ' 
most p^rt against their wills, drawn by their comman- 
der to bear arms against their king. The report was 
not altogether false ; but Molo himself stood in 
some doubt lest his followers would leave him in 
time of necessity. Xenoetas, therefore, making shew 
as if he had prepared to pass the river by boats in 
face of his enemy, left in the night-time such as he 
thought meet to defend his camp ; and with all the . 
flower of his army went over Tigris, in a place ten 
pules lower than jVf olo's camp. . MoIq heard of this, 

f 3 

90 tjw HisTcmy J»<W r# 

*»d sent forth his hone to give impediment: bttt bear- 
ing that Xen<$ta3 could not be so stopped, he hiro^ 
self dislodged, and took his journey towards Media, 
leaving all his baggage behind him in bis camp* 
Whether he did this, as distrusting the faith of ma 
ewn soldier?, or whether thereby to deceive his 
enemy, the great folly of Xenoetas made his strata* 
gem prosperous. For Xenogtas, having borne him- 
self proudly before, upon the countenance of Her? 
inies, by whom he was advanced unto thi* charge, 
did now presume that all should give way unto bis 
authority, without putting him to much trouble of 
using the sword. Wherefore he suffered his men tq 
feast with the provisions which they found ready in 
the forsaken camp ; or rather he commanded them 
so to do, by making proclamation, That they should 
cherish up themselves against the jpurney which he 
intended to take next day, in pursuit of the rebels 
that fled. And to the same purpose he busied him- 
self in transporting the remainder of his army, which 
he had left on the other side of Tigris* But Mok> 
w§ut no further that day tl>an he coiild easily return 
the same night. Wherefore, understanding what 
good r»le the king's men kept, he made such haste 
back unto them, that he came upon them early in 
the morning, whilst they were yet heavy with the 
wiue and other good cbear that they had spent at 
aunper» §Q Xeneetas, and a very few witty him, died 
fighting in defence of the camp ; the rest were 
pbtitghtered without making resistance, and many 
of them ere they were perfectly awake* k ' Likewise 
the camp on the other aide of Tigris was easily taken 
byMolo; the captains flying thence to save their 
own lives, in the heat of this victory, the rebel 
marched into Seleucia, which he presently took ; 
and, mastering within a little while the province of 
Babylonia, and all the country down to the Red 
Sea, or bay of Persia, he hasted unto Susa, where, at 
his first coming, he. won the city ; but, failing to 

C&AP. V. O* tHE WORtlK 87 

take the castfe, that was exceeding strong, retorted 
back to Seleticia, there to give order concerning this 

The report of these things coming to Antiochus, 
whilst he lay (as is said before) in the vale of Marsy* . 
as, filled hiiq with great sorrow, and his camp with 
trouble. He took counsel what to do in this needful 
case ; and was well advised by Epigenes, the best 
paan of war he had about him, to let alone this en- 
terprise of Cffilosyria, tod bend his forces thither, 
where more need required them. This counsel wad 
put in execution with all convenient haste. Yet was 
kpigenes dismissed by the way, afyd Soon after slain, 
by the practice of Hermias, Who could not endure to 
hear good counsel given, contrary to his own good* 
Jiking and allowance. In the jour qey against Molo* 
the name and presence of the king was more avail- 
able than any odds which he had of the rebel in 
Strength* Molo distrusted his qwn followers, and 
thought that neither his late good success, or any o* 
ther consideration, would serve to hold tfrem from 
returning to the king's obedience, if once they be* 
held his person. Wherefore he thought it safest fe# 
him to assail the king^s cjimp in the nighttime. But 
going in hand with this, he was discovered by som0 
that fled over from him to the king. This Caused 
aim to retifrp back to his patnp, which, by some er* 
ror, took alarm at his return, $nd was hardly quieted 
when Antiochus appeared in sight. The King wa* 
thus forward in giving battle to Molo, upon confl* 
dence which be had that many would revolt untb 
him. Neither was he deceived in this His belief. 
For not a few men, or ensigns, but all the left wing 
of the enemy, which was opposite unto the king, 
phanged side forthwith as soon as ever they had signf 
of the king's person, and were ready to do him ser* 
vice against Molo. This was enough to have wort 
the victory ; but Molo shortened the work, by killing 
frinpelf j ffi did $lso divers of his friends, Who, for 



fear of torments, prevented the hangman with their 
own swords. 

After this victory came joyful news, that the 

?ueen Laodice, daughter of Mithridatgs king of 
'ontus, which was married unto Antiochus a while 
before, had brought forth a son. Fortune seemed 
bountiful unto the king ; and therefore he purposed 
to make what use he could of her friendly disposi- 
tion while it lasted. Being now in the eastern parts 
of his kingdom, he judged it convenient to visit his 
frontiers, were it only to terrify the barbarian^ jth^t 
bordered upon him. Hereunto his counsellor Her ? 
mias gave assent ; not so much respecting the king's 
honour, as considering what good might thereby 
happen to himself. For if it should cqme tq pass, 
that the king were taken out of the world by any ca* 
$ualty, then made h§ no doubt of becomjng protect 
tor to the yquqg prince, and thereby of lengthening 
}ns own government. Antiochus, therefore, went a ? 
gainst Artabazanes, who reigned among the Atropa : 
#ans, having the greatest part of his kingdom situat- 
ed between the Caspian and Euxine sea. This bar- 
barous king was very old and fearful ; and therefore 
yielded unto whatsqtjver conditions it phased Anti- 
ochus to lay upon him. So in this journey Antio- 
chus got honour, such as well contented him, and 
then returned homewards. Upon the way, a physi- 
cian of his broke with hinr as concerning Hermias ; 
informing him truly, how odious he was unto the 
people, an4 how dangerous he would be shortly un- 
to the king's own Ufe. Antiochus believed this, 
having long suspected the same I}ermias, but not 
daring, for tear of him, tq utter his sqspicions. It 
was therefore agreed, that he should be made away 
on the sudden j which was done ; he being trained 
forth by a slight a good way out of the camp, and 
there killed without warning or disputation. The 
Icing needed not to have used so much art in ridding 
his hands of a map so much detested. For howsq? 

CHAP, f* OP T»F WOEtD. 8£ 

w$r he seemed gracious whilst be was alive, yet 
tfrey that for fear had been most obsequious to him 
^whilst he was in case to do them hurt, were as ready 
q& the foremost to speak of him as he had deserved, 
ytrhen once they were secure of him. Yea, his wife 
and children, lying then at Apamea, were stoned to 
4eath by the wives and children of the citizens, 
iphose indignation broke forth the more outrageous- 
ly tjie longer that it had been concealed. 

About these times, Achreus (of whom we spake 
before) thinking that Antipchus might happen to 
perish in some of these expeditions which he took in 
tiand, was bold to set a diadem upon his own head, 
and take qpon hiqn as a king. His purpose was to 
)}ave invaded Syria; but the fame of Anfciochus's re- 
turning thitherwards, made him quit the enterprise, 
knd study to set some handsome colour on his former 
preemption. It is very strange, that Antiochus 
oaither went against Achtpus, nor yet di&embled the 
^>tice which he had taken of these his traitorous 
purposes ;; but wrote unto hin), signifying that he: 
knew all, and upbraiding him with such infidelity, 
as any offender might know to be unpardonable. By 
these means tye emboldened the traitor, who, being 
already detected, .might better hope to maintain his 
former actions by strong hand, than to excuse them, 
or get pardon by submission. Antiochus had at that 
time a vehement desire to recover Coelosy ria, or what 
else he could, of the dominions of Ptolemy Philopa- 
ter iq those parts. He began with Seleucia, a very 
strong city near unto the mouth p^the river Orontes, 
which ere long he won, partly by force, partly by 
corrupting with bribes the captains that lay therein. 
This was that Seleucia, whereto Antigouus the Qreat, 
who founded it, gave the name of Antigania ; hut 
§eleucus, getting it shortly after, called it Seleucia ; 
aqd Ptolemy Eyergetes having lately won it, might, 
if it had so pleased him, have changed the name into 
Ftolem&is. Such is the vanity of men that hope to 


purchase an endless memorial unto their names, by 
works proceeding rather from their greatness, than 
from tneir virtue ; which therefore no longer are 
their own, than the same greatness hath continuance* 
Theodotus the Etolian, he that before had opposed 
himself to Antiqchus, and defended Coelosyria in the 
behalf of Ptolemy, was now grown sorry that he had 
used so much faith and diligence in service of an 
unthankful and luxurious prince. Wherefore, as % 
mercenary, he began to have regard unto his own 

I profit ; which thinking to find greater, by applying 
lipiself unto him that was (questionless) the more 
worthy of these tyfo kings, he offered to deliver 
up to Antiochus the cities of Tyrus and Ptolemaic 
Whilst he was devising about this treason, and had 
afready sent messengers to king Antiophus, his prac- 
tice was detected, and he besieged in Ptolemais by 
one of Pjfcolemy's captains that was more faithful thaft 
himself. Blit Antiochus, hasting to his rescue* van- 
quished this captain, who met him on the way, awl 
afterwards got possession, not only of Tyrus aih$ 
Ptolemais, with a good fleet of the Egyptian kings, 
that was in thqse havens, but of so many other towns 
in that country, as emboldened him to think upon 
making a journey into Egypt itself. Agathocles and 
Sosibius bore all the sway in Egypt at that time ; 
Ptolemy himself being loth to have his pleasures ixv 
terrupted with business of so small importance as the 
safety of his kingdom. Wherefore these two agreed 
together to make provision as hastily > and yet as se- 
cretly as might be, for the war ; and nevertheless,, 
at the same time, to press Antiochus with daily em- 
bassadors to some good agreement. There came in 
the heat of this business, embassadors from Rhodes* 
Bizantium, and Cyzicus, as likewise froip the Eto- 
lians, according to the usual courtesy of the Greeks, 
desiring to take up the quarrel. These were all en- 
tertained in Memphis, by Agathocles and Sosibius, 
who entreated them to deal effectually wjth Antio* 


fiku** But .whilst this treaty lasted, great prepara- 
tions were made at Alexandria for the war ; wherein 
these two counsellors persuaded themselves reason- 
ably, tjiat the victory would be their own, if they 
jcould get, for money, a sufficient number pf the 
.Greeks to take their parts. Antiochus heard only 
what was done at Memphis, and how fjesirous the 
govern^s of Egypt ^ere to be at quiet ; whereuntQ 
ne gave the readier belief, not only for that he knew 
jbhe disposition of Ptolemy, bjut because the Rho* 
dians, and other embassador^ poming fropi Memphis, 
discoursed unto tyim all ajfter one manner, as being 
all deceived by the cunning of Agathocles and his 
fellow. Antioqhus, therefore, having wearied him- 
self at the long siege of a to\yn called Durae, which 
he could not irin ; and being desirous to refresh 
himself and his army in Seleucta, during the winter, 
which then came on, granted unto the Egyptian a 
truce for four months, with promise that he would 
M ready to hearken unto equal conditions when they 
should pe offered. It was not his meaning to be so 
courteous as he wpuld fa jn have seemed, but only to 
hill his enemies asleep, whilst he took time to refresh 
himself, and to bring Achaeus to some good order, 
whose treason daily grew more open and violent. The 
same negligence which he thought tjie Egyptian would 
have used, he used Himself; as presuming that when 
time of the year better served, little force would be 
needful ; for that the towns would voluntarily yield . 
unto him, since Ptolemy provided not for their de- 
fence. Nevertheless he gave audience to the em- 
bassadors, and had often conference with those that 
were sent out of Egypt, pleasing himself well to dis- 
pute about the justice of his quarrel ; which he pur- 
posed shortly to make good by the sword, whether 
it were just or no. He said, that it was agreed be- 
tween Seleucushis ancestor, and Ptolemy the son 
of Lagi, That all Syria if they could win it from An- 
tigonus, should be given in possession to Seleucus ; 


and that this bargain was afterwards ratified by ge- 
neral consent of all the confederates after the battle 
at Ipsus. But Ptolemy's men would acknowledge 
no such bargain* They said, that Ptolemy the son 
of Lagi, had won Coelosyria find the provinces ad- 
joining for himself ; as also that he had sufficiently 
gratified Seleucus, by lending him forces to recover 
his province of Babylon, and the countries about 
the river of Euphrates. Thus whilst neither of them 
greatly cared for peace, they were in the end of their 
disputation as far from concluding as at the begin- 
ning. Ptolemy demanded restitution; Antiochus 
thought that he had not as yet gotten all that was 
his own : also Ptolemy would needs have Achaeus 
comprehended in the league between them, as one 
of their confederates ; but Antiochus would not en- 
dure to hear of this, exclaiming against it as a shame- 
ful thing that one king should offer to deal so with 
another, as to take his rebel into protection, and 
seek to join him in confederacy with his own sove- 
reign lord. When the truce was expired, and An* 
tiochus prepared to take the field again, contrary to 
his expectation, he was informed, that Ptolemy 
with a very puissant army was coming up against 
him out of Egypt. Setting forward therefore to 
meet with the enemy, he was encountered on the 
way by those captains of Ptolemy, that had resisted 
him the year before. They held against him the 
passages of Libanus, whence nevertheless he drove 
them; and proceeding onward in his journey, won 
so many places that he* greatly increased his repu- 
tation, and thereby drew the Arabians, with divers 
of the bordering people, to become his followers. 
As the two kings drew near together, many captains 
of Ptolemy forsook his pay, and fled over to Antio- 
chus. This notwithstanding, the Egyptian had the 
courage to meet his enemy in the field. The battle 
was fought at Rapbia, where it was not to be decid- 
ed whether the Egyptians or Asiatics, were the bet- 



ter soldiers, (for that the strength of both armies 
consisted hi Mercenaries, chiefly of the Greeks, 
Thracians, and Gauls,) but whether of the kings was 
the more ibrtunate. Ptolemy, with Arsinoe bis sis- 
ter aud wife, rode up and down encouraging his 
men ; the like did Antiochus on the other side ; each 
of them rehearsing the brave deeds of their ances- 
tors, as not having of their own whereby to value 
themselves* Antiochus had the more elephants; 
as also his being of Asia, had tbey been fewer, would 
have beaten those of Africa* Wherefore by the ad* 
vantage of these beasts, he drove the enemies before 
him, in that part of the battle wherein he fought 
himself* But Ptolemy had the better men ; by whose 
valour he broke the gross of his enemies' battle, and 
won the victory, whilst Antiochus was heedlessly 
following upon those, whom he had compelled to 
retire- Antiochus had brought into the field above 
seventy thousand foot, and six thousand horse, 
whereof though he lost scarce ten thousand foot, 
and not four hundred horse, yet the fame of his 
overthrow took from him all those places which he 
lately won. When therefore he was returned home 
to Antioch, he began to stand in fear, lest Ptolemy 
and Achaeus, setting upon him both at once, should 
put him in danger of his whole estate. This caused 
him to send embassadors to the Egyptian to treat of 
peace, which was readily granted ; it being much, 
against 'the nature of Ptolemy to vex himself thus 
with the tpdious business of war* So Ptolemy, hav- 
ing staid three months in Syria, returned home into 
Egypt, clad with the reputation of a conqueror, to 
the great admiration of his subjects, and of all those 
that were acquainted with his voluptuous and sloth* 
ful condition. 

Achaeus was not comprised in the league between 
these two kings ; or if he had been included there- 
in, yet would not the Egyptian have taken the pains 
of making a second expedition for his sake. The 

W tAue Distort 

book v. 

best was, that he thought himself strong enough, if 
fortune were not too much against him, to deaf with 
Antiochus. Neither was he confident without great 
teascfn. For besides his many victories* whereby 
he had. gotten all that belonged unto Antiochus cm 
this side of Taurus, he had also good success against 
Attalus king of Pergamus, that was an able man of 
War, and commanded a strong army. Neither was 
he, as Molo the rebel had beenv one of mean regard 
Otherwise, and carried beyond himself by apprehend- 
ing the vantage of some opportunity ; but cousin* 
german to the king, as hath been shewed before ; and 
how lately the king's brother-in-law, by taking to 
wife a youftger daughter of the said Mithridater 
king of Pontics, which was also Called Laodice, at 
Was her sister the queen, Antiochus's wife. These 
things had added majesty unto him, and had made 
his followers greatly to respect him,- even as one to 
whom a kingdom was belonging. Neither made H 
q> little for him, that king Ptolemy of Egypt held 
him in the nature of a friend j and that king Antio- 
chus was now lately vanquished in the battle of Ra-> 
C' ' t, and had thereby lost all his gettings in Syria* 
all these hopes and likelihoods catfie to nothing* 
For die king of Pont us, if he would meddle in that 
quarrel between his son-in-law, had no reason to take 
part against the more honourable* As for the E* 
gyptian* he was not only slothful, but hindered by 
a rebellion of his own subjects, from helping his 
friends abroad. For the people of Egypt, of whoat 
Ptolemy, Contrary to the manner of his progenitors, 
had armed a great number to serve in the late expe- 
dition, began to entertain a good opinion of their own 
valour thinking it not inferior to the Macedonian; 
Hereupon they refused to suffer as much as former- 
ly they had done; since they less esteemed* than 
they had done, the force of the king's mercenary 
Greeks, which had hitherto kept them in strait sub* 
jection. Thus broke out a war between the king 

CHAP* v. ( 6f the world. 

tod bis subjects : wherein though the ill guided 
force of the multitude was finally broken, yet king 
Ptolemy thereby wasted much of his strength, and 
much of his time, that might have been spent, as he 
thought, much better in revelling, or* as others 
thought, in succouring Achaais* 

As for Antiochus, he had no sooner made his peace' 
With the Egyptian, than he turned all his care to the 
preparation of war against Achteus. To this purpose 
he entered into league with Attalua, that so he might 
distract the forces of his rebel, and find him work on 
all sides, finally, his diligence and fortune were 
such, that within a while he had pent tip Achaeus 
into the city of Sardes* where he held liim about 
two years besieged* The city was very strong* 
and well victualled, so as there appeared not, when 
the second year came, any greater likelihood of 
taking it than in the first year's siege* In the end* 
one Lagoras, a Cretan, found means how to enter 
the town* The castle itself was upon a very high 
rock, and in a manner impregnable} as also the town* 
wall adjoining to the castle, in that part which was 
called the Saw, was in like manner situated upon 
steep rocks* and hardly accessible, that hung oveir a 
deep bottom, whereinto the dead carcases of horses* 
and other beasts, yea, and sometimes of men* used 
to be thrown. Now it was observed by Lagoras, that 
the ravens, and other birds of prey, which haunted! 
that place by reason of their food, which was there 
gever wanting* used to fly up unto the top of the 
rocks* and to pitch upon the walls* where they vested 
without any disturbance- Observing this often, he 
reasoned with himself* and concluded, that those 
farts of the waU were left unguarded, as beiqg 
thought unapproachable. Hereof he informed the 
king, who approved his judgment, and save unto him 
the leading of such men as be desired for the accom* 
pushing of the enterprise. The success was agree- 
able to that wlwh Lagoras had be&re conceived ; 


and though with mudh labour, vet without resist- 
ance, he scaled those rocks, and (whilst a general 
assault was made) entered the town in that part, 
which was at other times unguarded, then unthought 
upon. In the same place had the Persians under Cy- 
rus, gotten into Sardes, when Croesus thought him- 
self secure on that side. But the citizens took not 
warning by the example of a loss many agefc past, 
and therefore out of memory. Ach&us held still the 
Castle, which not only seemed by nature impregnable, 
but was very well stored with all necessaries, and 
manned with a sufficient number of such as were to 
him well assured. Antiochus, therefore, wis con* 
strained to waste much time about it 9 having none 
other hopes to prevail than by famishing the inclosed* 
Besides the usual tediousness of expectation, his bu- 
siness called him thence away into higher Asia, where 
the Bactrians and Parthians, with the Hyrcanians, 
had erected kingdoms taken out of his dominions, 
upon which they still encroached. But he thought 
it not safe to let Achaeus break loose again. On the 
other side there were some agents of Ptolemv the 
Egyptian, and good friends unto Achaeus, that made 
it their whole study how to deliver this besieged 
prince. If they could rescue his person, they cared 
for no more; but presumed, that when he should ap- 

Eear in the countries under Taurus, he would soon 
ave an army at command, and be strong enough to 
hold Antiochus as hardly at work as at any time be- 
fore. Wherefore they dealt with one Bolis a Cretan, 
that was acquainted well with all the ways in the 
country, ana particularly with the by-paths and ex- 
ceeding difficult passages among those rocks where-' 
on the castle of Sardes stood. Him they tempted 
with great rewards, which he should receive at the 
hands of Ptolemy, as well as of Achaeus, to do hi* 
best for the performance of their desire. He under-* 
took the business, and gave such likely reasons of 
bringing all to effect, that they wrote unto A^hw» 


by one A nanus, a trusty messenger, whom Bolis 
found means to convey into the castle. The faith of 
these negociators Achaeusheld most assured. They also 
wrote unto him in privy characters, or cyphers, where- 
with none save he and they were acquainted, where- 
by he knew that it was no feigned device of his ene- 
mies in the name of his friends. As for the messen- 
ger, he was a trusty fellow, and one whom Achaeus 
found, by examination, heartily affected unto their 
side; but the contents of the epistle, which were, 
that he should be confident in the faith of Bolis, and 
of one Cambylus, whom Bolis had won unto the bu- 
siness, did somewhat trouble him. They were men 
-to him unknown ; and Cambylus was a follower of 
Antiochus, under whom he had the command of 
those Cretans ,which held one of the forts that block- 
ed up the castle of Sardes. Nevertheless, other way 
to escape he saw none than by putting himself to 
some adventure* When the messenger had therefore 
passed to and fro, it was at length concluded, that 
JBolis himself should come to speak with Achaeus, and 
conduct him forth. There was none other than 
good faith meant by any of the rest, save only by 
-Bolis and Cambylus, which were Cretans, and (as all 
their countrymen, some few excepted 1 , have been, 
and still are) false knaves. These two held a con- 
sultation together, that was, as Polybius observes it*, 
rightly, critical, neither concerning the safety of him 
whose safety they undertook, nor touching the dis- 
charge of their own faith, but only how to get most* 
with least ado and danger to themselves. Briefly, 

1 Among these few I do not except one, calling himself Eudscmon John An- 
drew, a Cretan, who, in one of his late shameless libels, wherein he traduceth our 
lung, religion, and country, with all the good and worthy men of whom he could 

.learn the names, hath, by inserting my name, twice belied me, ia calling me a 
puritan, and one that have been dangerous to my sovereign. It is an honour to 
be ill spoken of by so diligent a supporter of treasons and architect of lies ; in re- 
gard whereof I may not deny him the commendation of criticism, no less vtlumi- 
nous than he, in multiplicity of names, is beyond any of the Cretans in elder times, 
that were always liars, evil beasts, and slow-bellies* 

2 Polyb. Hist. I. viii. 

Vol. VI. g • 


98 the ma-roar Boor tr. 

they concluded that, first of 'till, they would equally 
share between them ten talents, which they bad al- 
ready received in hand, and then, that they would 
reveal the matter to Antiochus, offering to deliver 
Achaeus unto him, if they might be well rewarded, 
both with present money, and with promise of consi- 
deration answerable to the greatness of such a ser- 
vice, When it should be dispatched. Antiochos, 
hearing this promise of Cambylus, was no less glad* 
than were the friends of Achaeus well pleased with 
the comfortable promises of Bolis. At length, whem 
all things were in readiness on both sides, and that 
Bolis with Arianus was to get up into the castle and 
convey Achaeus thence, he first went with Camby- 
lus to speak with the king, who gave him very pri- 
vate audience, and confirmed unto him, by worJ of 
mouth, the assurance of his liberal promises ; and af- 
ter that, putting on the countenance of an honest 
man, and of one that was faithful unto Ptolemy, 
horn ie had long served, he accompanied Arianus 
up into the castle. At his coming thither, he was* 
lovingly entertained, yet questioned at large by 
Achaeus, touching all the weight of the business im 
band. But he discoursed so well, and with such gra- 
vity, that there appeared no reason of distrusting ei- 
ther his faith or judgment. He was an old soldier, 
had long been a captain under Ptolemy, and did not 
thrust himself into this business, but was invited by 
honourable and faithful men. He had also taken a 
safe course in winning (as it seemed) that other 
countryman of his who kept a fort that stood in their 
way, and thereby had already sundry times given safe 
passage and repassage unto Arianus. But against all 
these comfortable hopes, the importance of so great an 
adventure stirred up some diffidence. Achaeus there- 
fore dealt wisely, and said that he would yet stay in 
the castle a little longer, but that he meant to send 
away with Bolis three or four of his friends, from 

ftflA*. V. ©* THE WOElD. 99 

vfcoiB when lie received better advertisement con-* 
cerning the likelihood of the enterprise, then would 
he issue forth himself. Hereby he took order not to 
commit himself wholly unto the faith of a man un- 
known ; but, as Polybius well notes, he did not con- 
aider that he played the Cretan with a man of Crete; 
which is to say, that he had to do with one whose 
knavery could not be avoided by circumspection. 
Bolis and Cambylus had laid their plot thus : That if 
Achaeus came iorth alone, then should he easily be 
taken by the ambush prepared for him ; if he were 
accompanied by many of his friends, then should 
Ariauus be appointed to lead the way, as one that of 
late had trodden it oft ; and Bolis following behind, 
should have an eye upon Achaeus, to prevent him 
not only from escaping in the tumult, but from break- 
ing his own neck or otherwise killing himself, to the 
end that, being taken alive, he might be to Antio- 
chus the more welcome present : and in such order 
came they now forth ; Arianus going before as guide, 
the rest following as the way served, and Bolis in the 
sear. Achaeus made none acquainted with his pur- 
pose till the very instant of his departure ; then sig* 
nified .he the matter to his wife Laodice, and, com- 
forting her with hope as well as he could, appointed 
four of his ^special friends to bear him company. 
They were all disguised, and one of them alone took 
Upon him to have knowledge of the Greek tongue, 
speaking and answering, as need should require for 
all, as if the rest had been barbarians. Bolis follow- 
ed them, craftily devising upon his business, and 
much perplexed; for (saith Polybius) though he 
were of Crete, and prone to surmise anything to the 
mischief of another, yet could he not see in the dark, 
nor know which of them was Achaeus, or whether 
Achaeus himself were there. The way was very un- 
easy, and in some places dangerous, especially to 
thos6 who knew it not ; wherefore they were fain to 
tftajrin divers places, and help one another up or 

■ f » 


down. But upon every occasion they were all of tbem 
Very officious to wards Achaeus, lending him their hands, 
and taking such care of him as easily gave Boli* to 
understand that he was the man ; and so by their un- 
seasonable duty they undid their lord, when they 
came to the place where Cambylus lay in wait, Bolis 
whistled, and presently clasped Achaeus about the 
middle, holding him fast that he should not stir ; so 
Ihey were all taken by the ambush, and carried forth- 
with to Antiochus, who sat up watching in his pavil- 
Kon expecting the event. The sight of Achaeus 
brought in bound unto him did so astonish the king, 
that he was unable to speak a word, and anon broke 
out into weeping. Yet was he before informed of 
the plot; which might have kept him from admira- 
tion ; as also the next morning betimes, assembling 
his friends together, he condemned Achaeus to a 
cruel death; which argues, that he was. not moved 
with pity towards this unhappy man. Wherefore it 
was the general regard of calamities incident unto 
great fortunes that wrung from him these tears, 
also the rarity of the accident that made both I 
and his friends to wonder; though it be so, that such 
a course as this of his, in employing two mischievous 
knaves against one traitor, doth not rarely succeed 
well, according to that Spanish proverb, A un tray- 
dor dos alkvosos. The death of Achaeus brought 
such astonishment upon those which held the castle, 
that after a while they gave up the place and them* 
selves unto the king, ^hereby he got entire posses* 
sion of all to him belonging in the Lesser Asia. 

Some years passed after this, ere Antiochus was 
ready for his expedition against the Parthians and 
Hyrcanians. The Parthians were a little nation, of 
obscure beginnings, and commonly subject unto those 
that ruled in Media. In the great shuffling for pro- 
vinces after the death of Alexander, the government 
over them was committed by Antipater to one Philip, 
a man of small regard ; shortly they fell to Eumenes, 


then to Antigorius, and from him, together with the 
Aledes, to Seleucus, under whose posterity they con- 
tinued until the reign of Seleucus Callinicus, being 
ruled by lieutenants of the Syrian kings. The lust- 
ful insolency of one of these lieutenants, together 
with the misfortune of Callinicus that was vanquish- 
ed and thought to be slain by the Gauls, did stir up 
Arsaces, a nobleman of the country, to seek revenge 
of injuries done, and animate them to rebel. So he 
slew the king's lieutenant, made himself king of the 
Parthians and lord of Hyrcania; fought prosperously 
with those that disturbed him in his beginnings, and 
took Seleucus Callinicus prisoner in battle, whom he 
royally entertained and dismissed. Hereby he won 
reputation as a lawful king ; and, by good govern- 
ment of his country, procured unto himself such love 
of his subjects, that his name was continued to his 
successors like as that of the Ptolemies in Egypt, and 
that of the Caesars afterwards in Rome. Much about 
the same time the Bactrians rebelled, though these 
at length, and all belonging to the Seleucidae beyond 
Euphrates, increased the Parthians 1 dominion. Now 
Antiochus went against them with so strong an army, 
that they durst not meet him in the plain field, but 
kept themselves in woods or places of strength, and 
defended the straits and passages of mountains. — > 
The resistances they made availed them not ; for 
Antiochus had with him so great a multitude, and so 
well sorted, as he needed not to turn out of the way 
from those that lay fortified against him in woods and 
straits between their mountains; it being easy to 
spare, out of so great a number, as many as, fetch- 
ing a compass about, might either get above the ene* 
mies heads, or come behind and charge them on the 
back. Thus did he often employ against them his 
light armature, wherewith he caused them to dislodge 
and give way unto his phalanx, upon which they 
durst not adventure themselves in open ground. Ar* 
races, the secopd of the pame (for his father was dead 

6 3 



before this), was then king of Parthia, who, though 
he was confident in the fidelity of his own subjects, 
et feared to encounter with so mighty an invader* 
is hope was, that the bad ways and deserts would 
have caused Antiochus, when he was at Ecbatana in 
Media, to give over the journey without proceeding 
much further. This not so falling out, he caused the 
wells and springs in the wilderness through which 
the enemy must pass, to be dammed tip and spoiled. 
By which means, and the resistance before spoken of, 
when he could not prevail, he withdrew himself out 
of the way, suffering the enemy to take his pleasure 
for a time in wasting the country, wherein, without 
some victory obtained, he could make no long abode* 
Antiochus hereby found that Arsaces was nothing 
strongly provided for the war ; wherefore he march- 
ed through the heart of Parthia, and then forward 
into Hyrcania, where he won Tambrace, the chief 
city of that province. This indignity, and many other 
losses, caused Arsaces at length, when he had ga- 
thered an army that seemed strong enough, to ad- 
venture a battle ; the issue whereof was such as gave 
to neither of the kings hopes of accomplishing his 
desires without exceeding difficulty : wherefore Ar- 
saces craved peace, and at length obtained it, Antio- 
chus thinking it not amiss to make him a friend 
whom he could not make a subject. 

The next expedition of Antiochus was against En- 
thydemus king of the Bactrians, one that indeed bad 
not rebelled against him or his ancestors, but having 
otten the kingdom from those that had rebelled, 
ept jt to himself. With Euthydemus he sought a 
battle by the river Alius, where he had the victory. 
But the victory was not so greatly to his honour as 
was the testimony which he gave of his own private 
valour in obtaining it. He was thought that day to 
have demeaned himself more courageously than did 
any one man in all his army ; his horse* was slain 
under him, and he himself received a wound in the 

CHAP* #• OF TH* WOMJ># lOfif 

mouth, whereby he lost some of his teeth. As for 
Euthydemus, he withdrew himself back into the fur- 
thermost parts of his kingdom, and afterwards pro- 
tracted the war, seeking how to end it by composi- 
tion. So embassadors passed between the kings; 
Antiochus complaining, that a country of his was un- 
justly usurped from him ; Euthydemus answering, 
that he had won it from the children of the usurpers; 
and further, that the Bactrians, a wild nation, could, 
hardly be retained in order, save by a king of their 
own, for that they bordered upon the Scythians, with 
whom if they should join, it would be greatly to the 
danger of all the provinces that lay behind them. 
These allegations, together with his own weariness, 
pacified Antiochus, and made him willing to grant; 
peace upon reasonable conditions. Demetrius, the 
son of Euthydemus, being a goodly gentleman, and 
employed by his father as embassador in this treaty 
of peace, was not a little available unto a good con- 
clusion \ for Antiochus liked him so well, that he 
promised to give him in marriage one of his own 
daughters, and therewithal permitted Euthydemus 
to retain the kingdom, causing him nevertheless to 
deliver up all his elephants, as also to bind himself 
by oath to such covenants as he thought requisite. 

So Antiochus, leaving the Bactrian in qi)iet, made 
a journey over Caucasus, and came to the borders 
of India, where he renewed with Sophagasenus, king 
of the Indians, the society that had been between 
their ancestors. The Indians had remained subject 
unto the Macedonians for a little while after Alex- 
ander's death. Eumenes, in his war against Anti* 
gonus, raised part of his forces out of their country, 
But when Antigonus, after his victory, turned west- 
ward, and was over-busied in a great civil war, then 
did one Sandrocottus, an Indian, stir up his country- 
men to rebellion, making himself their captain, and 
taking upon him asprotector of their liberty. This office 
*nd title be soon changed, though not without some 

o 4 


contention, into the name and majesty of a king. 
Finally, he got unto himself (having an army of six 
hundred thousand men) if not all India, yet as much 
of it as had been Alexander's. In this estate he had 
well confirmed himself, ere Seleucus Nicator could 
find leisure to call him to account. Neither did he 
faint, or humble himself, at the coming of Seleucus, 
but met him in the field, as ready to defend his own, 
so strongly and well-appointed, that the Macedonian 
was contented to make both peace and affinity with 
him, taking only a reward of fifty elephants. This 
league, made by the founders of the Indian and Sy- 
rian, kingdoms, was continued by some offices of love 
between their children, and now renewed by Antio- 
chus, whose number of elephants were increased 
thereupon by the Indian king to an hundred and fif- 
ty ; as also he was promised to have some treasure 
sent after him, which he left one to receive. Thus 
parted these two great kings. Neither had the In- 
dians, from this time forwards, in many generations, 
any bnsiness worthy of remembrance with the wes- 
tern countries. The posterity of Sandrocottus is 
thought to have retained that kingdom unto the 
days of Augustus Caesar; to whom Porus, when 
reigning in India, sent embassadors with pre- 
sents, and an epistle written in Greek ; wherein, a- 
mong other things, he said, that he had command 
over six hundred kings. There is also found, scat- 
tered in sundry authors, the mention of some which 
held that kingdom, in divers ages, even unto the 
time of Constantine the Great \ being all, peradven- 
ture, of the same race. But Antiochus* — who, in his 
treaty with Sophagasenus, carried himself as the 
worthier person, receiving presents, and after march- 
ed home through Drangiana and Carmania, with 
such reputation, that all the potentates, not only in 
higher Asia, but on the hither side of Taurus, hum- 
bled themselves unto him, and called him the Great, 
■rr-saw an end of his own greatness within a few years 

CHAP. V. 0F1THE WORLD. 105. 

ensuing, by presuming to stand upon points with the 
Romans, whose greatness was the same, indeed, that 
bis was only in seeming. 

Sect. III. 

The lewd reign of Ptolemy Philopater in Egypt ; 

. with the tragical end of his favourites, when he was 
dead. AnUochus prepares to war on the young 
child Ptolemy Epiphanes, the son of Philopater. 

- His irresolution in preparing for divers wars at 
' once. His voyage toward the Hellespont He 

- seeks to hold amity with the Romans, who make a 
friendly shew to him ; intending, nevertheless, to 

- have war with him. His doings against the Hette- 

- spont, which the Romans made the first ground of 
» their quarrel to him. 


This expedition being finished, Antiochus had 
leisure to repose himself a while, and study which 
way to convert the terror of his puissance, for the 
enlargement of his empire. Within two or three 

} rears Ptolemy Philopater died, leaving his son Pto- 
emy Epiphanes, a young boy, his successor in the 
kingdom ; unlikely by him to be well defended a- 

fiinst a neighbour so mighty and ambitious. This 
tolemy, surnamed Philopater, that is to say, a lover 
of his father, is thought to have had that surname 
given him in mere derision, as having made away 
both his father and mother. His young years, being 
newly past his childhood when he began to reign, 
may seem to discharge him of so horrible a crime as 
his father's death ' ; yet the beastliness of all his fol- 
lowing life makes him not unlike to have done any 
jnischief whereof he could be accused. Having won 

% Justin. Lzn, 


the battle at Raphia, he gave himself over to 

ality, and was wholly governed by a strumpet called 
Agathoclea. At her instigation he murdered his 
own wife and sister, which had adventured herself 
with him, in that only dangerous action byhim un- 
dertaken, and performed with honour. The lieu- 
tenantships of his provinces, with all commands in 
his army, and offices whatsoever, were wholly refer- 
red unto the disposition of this Agathoclea, and her 
brother Agathocles, and of Oenanthe, a filthy bawd, 
that was mother unto them both. So these govern- 
ed the realm at their pleasure, to the great grief of aU 
the country, till Philopater died ; who having reign- 
ed seventeen y^ars, leu none other son than Ptolemy 
Epiphanes, a child of five years old, begotten on Ar- 
sinoe, that was his sister and wife. After the king's 
death, Agathocles began to take upon him as pro- 
tector of young Epiphanes, and governor of the land* 
He assembled the Macedonians^ which were the kind's 
ordinary forces in pay, not all born in Macedonia, 
but the race of those that abode in Egypt with Pto- 
lemy the first, and would not be accounted Egyptians, 
as neither would the kings themselves,) and bring- 
ing forth unto them his sister Agathoclea, with the 
young king in her arms, began a solemn oration. 
He tobi them, that the deceased father of this their 
king bad committed the child into the arms of his 
sister, but unto the faith of them on whose valiant 
right hands the whole state of the kingdom did now 
ray. He besought them, therefore, that they would 
be faithful, and, as great need was, defend their king 
against the treason of one Tlepolemus, an ambitious 
man, who traitorously went about to set the diadem 
upon his own head, being a mere stranger to the 
royal blood. Herewithal he produced before them 
a witness that should justify his accusation against 
Tlepolemus. Now, though it were so, that he de- 
livered all this with a feigned passion of sorrow and 
counterfeiting of tears, yet the Macedonians that 

CHAP. V. OF tttt WORLD. lOf 

lieard him regarded not any word that he spake, 
bat stood laughing and talking one to another, what 
a shameful dissembler he was to take so much upon 
him, as if he knew not how greatly he was hated. 
And so broke up the assembly ; he that had called 
it being scarce aware how.— Agathocles therefore, 
whom the old king's favour had made mighty, but 
neither wise nor well qualified, thought to go to 
work, as had formerly been his manner, by using ' 
hi* authority to the suppression of those that he 
distrusted. He haled out of a temple the mother- 
in-law of Tlepolemus, and cast her into prison. 
This filled Alexandria with rumours, and made the 
people (though accustomed to suffer greater things 
whilst they were committed in the old king's name) 
to meet in knots together, and utter one to another 
their minds; wherein they had conceived extreme 
hate against these three pernicious . misgovernors of 
the old king. Besides their consideration of the pre- 
sent injury done to Tlepolemus, they were somewhat 
also moved with fear ojc harm ; which, in way of re- 

Suital, Tlepolemus was likely to do unto the city, 
'or he was, though a man most unapt for govern- 
ment, as afterwards he proved, yet no bad soldier, 
and well beloved of the army ; it was also then in 
his j)ower to stop the provision of victuals which was 
to come into Alexandria. As these motives wrought 
with the people, so, by the remedy which Agatho- 
ptes used, were the Macedonians more hastily and 
more violently stirred unto uproar. He secretly 
apprehended one of their number whom he suspect- 
ed of conspiracy against him, and delivered him un- 
to a follower of his own, to be examined by torture. 
This poor soldier was carried into an inner-room of 
the palace, and there stripped out of all his apparel, 
to be tormented. But whilst the whips were brought 
forth, and all things even in a readiness for that pur- 
pose, there was brought unto the minister of Agd- 
thocles, a sad report of Tlepolemus's being at hand. 


Hereupon the examiner and his torturers, one after ; 
another, went out of the room, leaving Msrageanes- 
the soldier alone by himself, and the doors open. 
He perceiving this, naked as he was, conveyed him* 
self out of the palace, and got unto the Macedoni- 
ans ; of whom he found some in a temple thereby 
at dinner. The Macedonians were as fierce in main- 
tenance of their privileges, as are the Turkish Janiza- 
ries. Being assured, therefore, that one of their fel- 
Iqws had thus been used, they fell to arms in great 
rage, and began to force the palace ; crying out, . 
That they would see the king, and not leave him in 
possession of such a dangerous man. The whole 
multitude in the city, with loud clamours, made no 
less ado than the soldiers, though to less effect. 
So the old bawd, Oenanthe, fled into a temple ; her 
son and daughter staid in the court, until the king 
was taken from them ; and they, by his permission, 
which he easily gave, and by appointment of those 
that now had him in their hands, delivered up to 
the fury of the people. Agathocles himself was 
stabbed to death by some, which therein did the of- . 
fice of friends, though in manner of enemies. His 
sister was dragged naked up and down the streets, 
as was also his mother, with all to them belonging ; 
the enraged multitude committed upon them a bar- 
barous execution of justice biting them, pulling out 
their eyes, and tearing them in pieces. 

These troubles in Egypt served well to stir up 
king Antiochus, who had very good leisure, though . 
he wanted all pretence to make war upon young . 
Ptolemy. Philip of Macedon had the same de- 
sire to get what part he could of the child's estate. 
But it happened well, that Ptolemy Philopater, in 
the Punic war, which was now newly ended, had 
done many good offices unto the Romans. Unto 
them therefore the Egyptians addressed themselves, 
and craved help against these two kings ; yrho 
though they secretly maligned one the other, yet had 



entered into covenant to divide between them all 
that belonged unto this orphan, whose father had 
been confederate with them both. So M. Lepidus 
was sent from Rome 4 , to protect from all violence the 
king of Egypt, especially against Antiochus. As 
for the Macedonian, he was very soon found busied 
with war at his own doors. Also Scopas, the iEto- 
lian, being a pensioner to the Egyptian, was sent in* 
to Greece to raise an army of mercenaries. What 
Lepidus did in Egypt, I do not find ; and therefore 
think it not improbable, that he was sent thither on- 
ly one of the three embassadors, in the beginning of 
the war with Fhilip, as hath been shewed before 3 * 
As for Scopas, he shortly after went up into Syria 
with his army; where winning many places, amongst 
the rest of his acts he subdued the Jews, who seem 
to have yielded themselves a little before unto An- 
tiochus, at such time as they saw him prepare for 
his war, and despaired of receiving help from Egypt. 
But it it was not long ere all these victories of Sco- 

1>as came to nothing 4 . For the very next year foll- 
owing, which was (according to Eusebius) the same 
year that Philip was beaten at Cynoscephake, An- 
tiochus vanquished Scopas in battle, and recovered 
all that had been lost. Among the rest, the Jews 
with great willingness returned under his obedi- 
ence, and were therefore by him very gently en- 

The land of Egypt this great king did forbear to 
invade, and gave it out that he meant to bestow 
a daughter of his own in marriage upon Ptolemy ; 
either hoping, as may seem, that the country 
would willingly submit itself unto him if this 
•young child should happen to miscarry, or else 
that greater purchase might be made in the wes- 
tern parts of Asia, whilst Fhilip was held over-la- 
boured by the Romans. It appears, that he was 

. 2 Justin. l-.ixx* S Lit. 1. izii. 4 Vide Joseph, Ant* Jod. 1. xii. c. f. 

1 1 • TUB HISTORY *00K ts 

Very much distracted, hunting (as we say) two -haras 
at once with one hound. The quarrels between At* 
talus, Philip, and the Greeks, promised to afihrd htm 
great advantage, if he should bring his army to the 
Hellespont. On the other side, the state of Egypt, 
being such as hath been declared, seemed easy to be 
swallowed up at once. One while, therefore, he 
took what he could get in Syria ; where aU wera 
willing (and the Jews among the rest, though hither** 
to they had kept faith with the Egyptian; to yield 
him obedience. Another while, letting Egypt alone, 
he was about to make invasion upon Attalus's king* 
dom, yet suffered himself easily to be persuaded by 
the Roman embassadors, and desisted from that en- 
terprise. Having thus far gratified the Romans, he 
sends embaasadors to the senate, to conclude a perfect 
amity between him and them. It is not lightly to be 
. over-passed, that these bis embassadors were lovingly 
entertained at Rome, and dismissed with a decree and 
answer' of the senate altogether to the honour of 
Icing Antiochus. But this answer of the Romans 
was not sincere, being rather framed according to 
regard of the king's good liking, than of their own 
intent* They had not as yet made an end 
Philip ; neither would they gladly be troubled 
two great wars at once. Wherefore, not standing 
much upon the nice examination of what belong* 
ed unto their honour, they were content .to give 
good words for the present. In the meantime, 
Antiochus fights with Scopas in Syria ; and shortly 
prepares to win some towns elsewhere, belonging 
unto Ptolemy : yet withal he sends an army west- 
ward, intending to make what profit he can of 
the distractions in Greece. Likewise it is considera- 
ble, as an argument of his much irresolution, how, 
notwithstanding ins attempts upon both of their king- 
doms, .he offered one of nis daughters to Ptolemy, 
and another to Eumenes, the son of Attalus, newly 
king of Pergamus, seeking each of their friend- 


alum atone and the same time, when he sought to 
make each of them a spoil. Thus was he acting 
and deliberating at once ; being carried with an in. 
expressible desire of repugnancies ; which is a dis- 
ease of great and overswelling fortunes. Howso* 
ever it was, he sent an army to Sardes by land, under 
two of his own sons, willing them there to stay for 
him ; whilst he himself, with a fleet of an hundred 
gillies, and two hundred other vessels, intended to 
pass along by the coasts of Cilicia and Caria, taking 
in such places as held for the Egyptian. It was a 
notable act of the Rhodians, that, whilst the war 
of Philip lay yet upon their hands, they adventured 
upon this great Antiochus. They sent unto him a 
proud embassage ; whereby they gave him to under- 
stand, that if he passed forward beyond a certain 
promontory in Cicilia, they would meet him, and 
fight with him ; not for any quarrel of theirs unto*' 
him; but because he should not join with Philip 
their enemy, and help him against the Romans. It 
was insolently done or them, neither seemed it other- 
wise to prescribe such limits unto the kins ; yet he 
tempered himself and without any shew of indigna- 
tion, gave a gentle answer ; partly himself to their 
embassadors, partly unto their whole city by em- 
bassadors which he thither sent. He shewed his 
desire to renew the ancient confederacies between 
his ancestors and them, and willed them not to be 
afraid lest his coming should tend unto any hurt, 
either of them or of their confederates. As touch- 
ing the Romans, whom they thought that he .would 
molest, they were (he said) his very good friends ; 
whereof, he thought, there needed no better proof 
£han the entertainment and answer by them newly 
given to his embassadors. 

The Rhodians appear to have been a cunning peo- 
ple, and such as could foresee what weather was 
tike to happen. This answer of the king, and the 
Telation or what had passed between his embassador 


and the senate, moved them not a whit. When they 
were informed shortly after, that the Macedonian 
war was ended at the battle of Cynoscephalae, they 
knew that Antiochus's turn would be next; and 
prepared to be forward on the stronger side. Where- 
fore they would not be contented to sit still, unless 
the towns on the south coast of Asia, belonging to 
Ptolemy, their friend and confederate, were suffered 
to be at quiet. Herein also they did well ; for that 
they had ever been greatly beholden to all the race 
of the Ptolemies. They therefore, in this time of 
necessity, gave what aid they could unto all the sub* 
jects of the Egyptian in those parts. In like man* 
ner did king Eumenes, the son of Attalus, prognos- 
ticate as concerning the war that followed between 
Antiochus and the Romans. Far when king Antio- 
chus made a friendly offer to bestow one of his 
n daughters upon him in marriage, he excused him- 
self, and would not have her. Attalus and Philete- 
rus, his brethren, wondered at this. But he told 
them, that the Romans would surely make war up- 
on Antiochus, and therein finally prevail. * Where- 
fore he said, That by abstaining from this affinity, it 
-should be in his power to join with the Romans, and 
strengthen himself greatly with their friendship : 
Contrariwise, if he leaned to Antiochus, as he must 
be partaker in his overthrow, so was he sure to be 
oppressed by him, as by an overmighty neighbour, 
it he happened to win the victory. 

Antiochus himself wintered about Ephesus, where 
he took such order as he thought convenient for the 
reducing of Smyrna andLampsacus to obedience, that 
had usurped their liberty, and obstinately strove to 
maintain it, in hope that the Romans would protect 
them. In the beginning of the spring he sailed un- 
to the Hellespont, where having won some towns that 
Philip had gotten not long before this, he passed over 
unto Europe side, and in short space mastered the 
Chersonesus. Thence went he to JLysimachia, which 

«£**« & OF THB WORLD. 118 

the Thracians had gotten and destroyed when Philip 
withdrew his garrison thence to employ it in the Ro- 
man war. The iEtolians objected as a crime unto 
Philip, in the conference before T. Quintius, that he 
had oppressed Lysimachia by thrusting thereinto a 
garrison. Hereupon Philip nude answer, that his 
garrison did not oppress the town, but Save it from 
the barbarians, wbo took and sacked it as soon as the 
Macedonians were gone. That this answer was good 
and substantial, though it were not accepted as such, 
Blight appear by the miserable case in which Antio- 
chus found Lysimachia at his coming thither j for 
like town was utterly razed by the barbarians, and 
the people carried away into slavery ; wherefore the 
king took order to have it re-edified, as also to re- 
deem those that were in bondage, and to recollect as 
Many of the citizens as were dispersed in the country 
thereabout. likewise he was careful to allure thi- 
ther, by hopeful promises, new inhabitants, and to 
replenish the city with the wonted frequency. Now 
to tiie end that men should not be terrified from com- 
ing thither to dwell by any fear of the neighbour 
Thracians, lie took a journey in hand against those 
barbarous people, with the one half of his army, leav- 
ing the other naif to repair the city. These pains he 
took, partly in regard or the convenient situation and 
farmer glory of Lysimachia, partly for that he thought 
it highly redounding unto his own honour to recover 
aad establish the dominion in those parts which his 
ibrefather Seleucus Nicator had won from Lysima* 
chus, and thereby made his kingdom of greater ex- 
tent than it occupied in any following time. But for 
thia ambition be shall dearly pay ; and as after that 
victory against Lysimachus the death of king Selet*/. 
ens followed shortly, so shall a deadly wound of the 
kingdom founded by Seleucus ensue very speedily 
after the re-conquest of the same country, which iwat 
the last of JSeleucufl's purchases. . 
Vol* Vi- . . k 


Sect. IV. 

• The Romans holdfHendly correspondence with Antio- 

■ chus during their war with Philip, after which they 

quarrel with him. The doings of Hannibal at Car- 

. thage, whence he is chacedby his enemies and by the 

, Romans ; hisjlight unto Die king Antiochus. The 

MtoUam murmur against the Romans in Greece. 

The mar qf the Romans and Achwans with Nobis 

the tyrant qf Lacedcemon. The departure qf the 

Romans out qf Greece. T. Quin tins' s triumph. 

Peace denied to Antiochus by t)ie Romans. 


For the Romans, though they were unable to 
smother their desire of war with Antiochus* where- 
of notice was already taken both by their friends and 
by their enemies, yet was it much against their will 
to keep the rumour on foot, which they meant short- 
ly to make good, of this intended war, so long as 
they wanted matter of quarrel ; whereof they were 
furnished by this enterprise of the king's about Ly- 
simachia. It was not long since king Attalus, a friend 
and helper of the Romans in their war with Philip, 
could obtain of them none other help against Antio- 
chus than embassadors to speak for him, because the 
one of these kings was held no less a friend than the 
other; neither did there afterwards pass between them 
any other offices than very friendly. Antiochus, at 
die request of their embassadors, withdrew his inva- 
sion from the kingdom of Pergamus ; also very shor- 
ty after he sent embassadors to them, to make a per- 
fect league of amity between them.. This was whilst 
as yet they were busied with Philip, and therefore 
bad reason to answer his good will with good accept* 
ation, as they did in outward shew. But when the 
Macedonian war was at an end, and alitor most of 


'.4*11 the states in Greece* were become little better 
than clients unto the Romans, then was all this good 
.correspondence changed into terms of worse, but 
.more plain meaning; for T. Quintius, with his ten 
counsellors sent from Rome, required (as hath been 
'shewed before 1 ), with a commination of war, this 
. king's gratulation of their victory, as also his long 
. professed amity, and desire to continue in the same* 
These ten counsellors were able to inform Titus 
. Quintius^ and acquaint him with the purpose of the 
. senate, whereof yet it seems that he was not ignor- 
ant before, since, in regard of Antiochus, he was the 
more inclinable unto peace with Philip. It was there- 
< fore agreed, when they divided themselves to make 
• progress through divers quarters of Greece for the 
execution of their late decree, that two of them 
should visit king Antiochus; and the rest, where oc- 
casion served,, use diligence to make a party strong 
against him. Neither was the senate at Rome un- 
mindful of the business, wherein, lest T. Quintius, 
with his ten assistants,, should happen to forget any 
thing to their parts belonging, L. Cornelius was sent 
. from Rome of purpose to deal with the king about 
those controversies that were between him and Ptole- 
my. What other private instructions Cornelius had 
we may conjecture by the managing of this his em- 
. bassage ; for coming to Selymbria, and there under- 
. standing that P. Villius and L. Terentius, having 
been sent by Titus, were at Lysimachia, he hastened 
thither; whither also came P. Lentulus (another of 
the ten counsellors) from Bargillte, to be present at 
. the conference. Hegesinax and Lysias were also 
there ; the same who had lately brought from Titus 
those peremptory conditions which the embassadors 
present shall expound unto their masters. After a 
few days Antiochus returned from his Thracian ex- 
pedition. The meeting and entertainment between 

1 Chap. IV. Sect uit. 
H 2 

116 tttt HK»*Rt BOMt 

him and these Romans Wafr, in feppfeairttttte,' ftol off 
love; but when they came to treat t>f the fetosineM ki 
hatod, this good mood was <dfmte altered* L. Come- 
litis, in two or three wof da, briefly delivered M* «et- 
tand from Rome, Which was, That Afttiochus had 
reason to ^deliver back unto Ptolemy those town* ef 
his whereof he had lately gotten possession : hereun- 
to he added, and that very eartrtatly. That lie m«t 
also give up the towns of fate befotigfrig unto Philip, 
and by him newly occupied ; for what o&ttld be mon* 
absurd than such folly in the Romany as to tet A»- 
tiochus enjoy the profit of that war wherein they hfcd 
laboured so -touch and he done nothing f ftather, 
he warned the kiftg, that he should not rtiolest those 
cities that were free : and* finally, he demanded of 
him upon what reason he was Come *0ver with so 
great an army into Europe ; for that other cause tff 
his journey there was Hone probable than a jftrrpom 
to ifcake war upon the Romaft*. To this the sing 
made answer, That he wondered Why the Romans 
should so trouble the iti selves with thinking upon the 
matters of Asia ; wherewith he prayed fchgift to fct 
him alone, even as he, without such curiosity, sever- 
ed them to do in Italy what they thought good As 
for his coming over into Europe, they saw well 
enough what business had drawn nitti thither, Wame- 
ly, the war against the barbarous Thraciatft, the re- 
building of Lysimachia, and the recovery Of towtfs 
to him belonging in Thrace and Chersonesus, Now, 
concerning his title unto that country, he derived it 
from Seleucus, who made conquest thereof t>y his 
victory against Lysimachus. Neither was it so that 
any of the places in controversy between him and 
the other kings had been still of old belonging to the 
Macedonians or Egyptians, but had been seized on 
by them, or by others from whom they received them, 
at such time as his ancestors, being lords of those 
countries, were hindered, by multiplicity of business, 
from looking unto all that was their own. Finally, 

he willed th<«& neither to stand in jfetp of hica, jp if 
lie intended ought against them from Lysijnachi^ 
einee it was hi* purpose to bestow this city upon one 
of hia sons that should reign therein \ nor yet to be 
grieved with his proceedings in Asia, either against 
the free cities or against the king of Egypt, since it 
was his meaning to make the free cities beholden un<- 
to himself, and to join ere lqng with Ptolemy, not 
only in friendship, but in a bond of near affinity, 
Cornelius having heard this, and being perhaps uiii- 
able to refute it, would needs hear further what the 
embassadors of Smyrna and of JLampsacus, whom he 
had there with him, could say for themselves. The 
embassadors of Lampsacus being called in, began a 
tale, wherein they seemed to accuse the king before 
the Romans as it were before competent judges. An* 
tiochus therefore interrupted them, and bade them 
hold their peace, forasmuch as he had not chosen the 
Romans, bat would rather take the citizens of Rhodes, 
to be arbitrators between him and them. 

Thus the treaty held some few days without any 
likelihood of effect. The Romans, having not laid their 
complaints in such sprt as they might be a conveni? 
eflt foundation of the war by them intended, nor yet 
having purpose to depart well satisfied, and thereby 
to corroborate the present peace, were doubtful how 
to order the matter, in such wise as they might nei- 
ther too rudely, like boisterous Gallo-Greeks, pre t 
tend only the goodness of their swords, nor yjet Qver, 
modestly, to retain among the Greeks an opinion of 
their justice, forbear the occasion of making them- 
selves great The king, on the other side, was weary 
of these tedious guests that would take no answer, 
aad ytft scarce knew what to say. At length came 
news, without any certain author, that Ptolemy was 
dead. Hereof neither the king nor the Romans 
would take notice, though each of them were desi- 
rous to hasten into Egypt ; Antiochus to take pos- 
session pf the kingdom, and L. Cornelius to prevent 



him thereof, and set the country in good order. Cor- 
nelius was sent from Rome embassador, both toAn- 
tiobhus and to Ptolemy, which gave him occasion to 
take leave arid prepare for his Egyptian voyage. 
Both he and his fellbw embassadors had good leave 
to depart all together, and the king forthwith made 
ready to be in Egypt with the first. To his son Se- 
leuciis he .committed his army, and left him to ovec- 
see the building of Lysirnachia; but all his sea forces 
, he took along with him, and sailed unto Ephesus. 
Thence he sent embassadors to Quintius, whom he 
requested to deal with him in this matter of peace 
after such sort as might stand with honesty and good 
faith ; but as he was further proceeding on his voy- 
age, he was perfectly informed that Ptolemy was 
alive." This made him bear another way from Egypt j 
and afterwards a tempest, with a grievous shipwreck; 
made him, without any further attempt on the way, 
glad to have safely recovered his port of Seleucia. 
Thence went he to Antiochia, where he wintered, se- 
cure, as might appear, of the Roman war. 

But the Romans had not so done with him. Du- 
ring the treaty at Lysirnachia (at leastwise not long 
betore or after it) one of their embassadors that had 
been sent linto the Macedonian, gave him counsel, 
as in a point highly tending to his good, not to rest 
Contented' with the peace which was granted unto 
him by the Romans, but to desire society with them, 
whereby they should be bound to have the same 
friends and enemies ; and this he advised him to do 
quickly before the war broke out with Antiochus, 
lest otherwise he might s6em to have awaited some 
fit occastoh of taking arms again. They who dealt 
thus plainly did not mean to be satisfied with weak 
excuses. In like manner some of the Greeks were 
solicited, arid particularly the JEtolians, that con- 
stantly and faithfully they should abide in the friend- 
ship of the people of Rome. It was needless to say 
plainly. whereto this entreaty tended; the froward 


answer made by the ^Etolians declares them to have* 
well understood the purpose. They complained that; 
they were not alike honoured by the Romans after* 
•the victory, as they had been during the war. They, 
that so complained were the most moderate of them. 
Others cried out that they had been wronged and 
defrauded of what was promised unto them, upbraid*, 
ing withal the Romans as men to them beholden, r 
not only for their victory over Philip, but even for. 
helping them to set foot in Greece, which else they, 
never could have done. Hereto the Roman gave* 
gentle answers, telling them that there was no more; 
to do than to send embassadors to the senate and ut- 
tgr their griefs, and then should all be well. 

Such care took the Romans in Greece for their 
war intended against Antipchus. The fame hereof 
arriving at Carthage, gave matter unto the enemies r 
of Hannibal wherewith both to pick a thank of the 
Roman senate, and to chace out of their city this- 
honourable man whom they so greatly hated. H& 
had of late exercised his virtue against them in tip-, 
civil administration, and given them an overthrow r 
or two in the long robe. The judges at that timp. 
bore all the sway in Carthage, holding their, places 
during life, and having subject unto them the lives,: 
goods,- and fame Of all the rest. Neither, did they us$ : 
this their power with moderation, but cpuspired 'm 
such wise together, that whoso offended any onp of 
them should have them all to be his enemies; which. 
being once known, he was sure to be soon accused 
and condemned* . In this their impotent rule of the, 
city, Hannibal was chpsen prpctor ; by virtue of which 
office, though he was superior unto them during that - 
year, yet had it not beeq their manner to bear much . 
regard unto such an annual magistrate as at the. 
year's end must be accpuntable to them if ought 
were laid unto his charge. Hanpibal, therefore, 
sending for one of the quaestors or officers of the 
treasury to come and speak with him, the proud . 

Hi " 


qu&stor set lightly thereby and would not come; for 
he was the advere faction to Hannibal, and men of 
his place were to be chosen into tbe order of judges, 
in contemplation whereof he was filled already wkh 
the spirit of future greatness* But he had not to 
do with such a tame praetor as were they that had 
occupied the place before. Hannibal sent for him 
by a pursuivant, sod, having thus apprehended him, 
brought him into judgment before a public assembly 
of the people, There he not only shewed whit 
tile undutirol stubbornness of this quaestor had been, 
but how unsufferable the insolency of all the judge* 
at the present was, whose unbridled power made them 
to regard neither laws nor magistrates. To this ora* 
tion, when he perceived that all the citizens were at? 
tentive and favour able, he forthwith propounded a 
law, which passed with the general good liking, That 
the judges Should be chosen from year to year, and 
xto man be continued in that office two years toge- 
ther. If this law had been passed before he passed 
over Iberu*, it woult} not perhaps have been in the 
power of H&flno to h$ve brought him unto necessity 
of reforming another grievance concerning the Ro- 
man tribute. This tribute the Carthaginians were 
fkin to levy by taxation laid upon the whole com? 
rtiorialty, as Wanting money in their public treasury 
wherewith to defray either that or divers other need* 
Ail Charges. Hannibal considering this, began to 
eftamine the public revenues* and to take a perfect 
note, both bow much came into the treasury by ways 
and mean? whatsoever, and in what sort it was thence 
laid but ; so he found that the ordinary charges of 
the commonwealth did not exhaust the treasury! but 
that wicked magistrates and corrupt officers, turning 
the greatest part of the monies to their own use, 
were thereby foin to load the people with needless 
burdens. ' Hereof be made such plain demonstra- 
tion, that these robbers of the common treasure were 
compelled to restore with shame what they had 


ten by knavery, and so the Carthaginians were freed 
from the necessity of making such poor shifts as for* 
itierly they had used, when they knew not the value 
of their own estate. But as the virtue of Hannibal 
■was highly commended by all that were good citi- 
zens, so they of the Roman faction which had, since 
the making of the peace until now, little regarded 
him, began to rage extremely, as being by him strip- 
ped of their ill-gotten goods, and ill-employed autho- 
rity, both at once ; even when they thought themselves 
to have been in full possession of the vanquished Car- 
thage. Wherefore they sent letters to their friends at 
Rome, wherein they complained as if the Barchine fac- 
tion grew strong again, and Hannibal would shortly be 
in arms. Questionless, if oppressing the city by injus- 
tice and robbing the treasury, were the only way to 
hold Carthage in peace with Rome, these enemies to 
the Barchines might well cry out, That having done 
their best already to keep all in quiet, they saw none 
other likelihood than that of war. But having none 
other matter to allege than their own inventions, 
they said, That Hannibal was like unto a wild beast, 
which would never be tamed ; that secret messages 
passed between him and king Antiochus ; and that 
he was wont to complain of idleness, as if it were 
harmful to Carthage ; with what else to like effect 
they could imagine. These accusations they direct- 
ed not unto the senate, but addressing their letters 
craftily, every one to the best of his own friends at 
Rome, and such as were senators, they wrought so 
well, that neither public notice of their conspiracy 
was taken at Carthage, nor the authority of the 
Jiomati senate wanting to the furtherance of their 
malicious purpose* Only P. Scipio is said to have 
admonished the Fathers, that they should not thus 
dishonourably subscribe, and become seconds to the 
accusers of Hannibal ; as if they would oppress, by 
suborning or countenancing false witnesses against 
Jiim, the man against whom in war they had not of 

123 THsvfSTomr book v. 

longtime prevailed, nor used their victory in such 
base manner when they obtained it* But the Ro- 
mans were not all so great minded as Scipio : tbejr 
wished for some such advantage against Hannibal j 
and were glad to have found it. Three embassadors 
they sent over to Carthage, C. Servilius, Q* Terco-: 
this, and Claudius Marcellus ; whose very names 
import sufficient cause of bad affection to Hannibal*. 
These having past the sea, were entertained by those 
that had procured their coming ; and being by them 
instructed how to carry themselves, gave out, That 
they were sent to end some controversies, between 
the Carthaginians and Masinissa. But Hannibal 
had kept such good espial upon the Romans, that 
he knew their meaning well enough ; against which 
he was never unprepared. It were enough to sayy 
that he escaped them by flight ; but in the actions 
of so famous a man, I hold it not impertinent to re- 
hearse the particulars. Having openly shewed him- 
self, as was his manner, in the place of assembly, he 
he went forth of the town when it began to wax 
dark, accompanied with two which were ignorant of 
his determination, though such as he might well 
trust. He had appointed horses to be in a readiness 
at a certain place ; whence riding all night, he came 
to a tower of his own by the sea side. There had 
lie a ship furnished with all things heedful ; as hav- 
ing long expected the necessity of some such jour- 
ney. So he bade Africa fare w el ; lamenting the 
misfortune of his country more than his own. Pas- 
sing over to the isle of Cercina, he found there, in 
the haven, some merchant ships of Carthage. They- 
aaluted him respectively ; and the chief among tbem 
began to enquire whither he was bound. He said, 
he went embassador to Tyre ; and that he intended 
there in the island to make a sacrifice ; whereunto 
he invited all the merchants, and the masters of the 
ships. It was hot weather, and therefore he would 
needs hold his feast upon the shore j where, because. 


there wanted covert, he made them bring thither aU 
their . sails and yards to be used instead of tents. 
They did 90 ; and feasted with him till it was late 
at night : at which time he left them there asleep, 
and putting to sea, held on his course to Tyre. Ail 
that night, and the day following, he was sure, not 
to be pursued. For the merchants did neither make 
haste to send any news of him to Carthage, as think- 
ing him to be gone embassador ; neither could they, 
without some loss of time, such of them as made, 
speed homeward, get away from Cetcina, being 
busied awhile in fitting their tackle. At Carthage, 
the miss of .so great a person was diversly construed. 
Some guessed aright, that he was fled. But the 
more common opinion was, that the Romans had 
made him away. At length came news where lie 
had been seen : and then the Roman embassadors, 
having none other errand thither, accused him,- (with 
an evil grace,) as a troubler of the peace ; whereby 
they only discovered the mischief by them intended 
against him, and the malice of their senate ; missing 
the while their purpose, and causing men to under- 
stand, that he fled not thus without great reason. 

Hannibal coming to Tyre, the mother pity of Car- 
thage, was there entertained royally ; as one, in 
whose great worth and honour the Tynans,, by rea^ 
son of affinity between their cities, thought them* 
selves to have interest. Thence went he to Anti- 
och ; and, finding the king departed, visited his sou 
in Daphne ; who friendly welcomed him, and sent 
him unto his father at Ephesus, that exceedingly re- 
joiced at his coming. 

As Antiochus had cause to be glad in that he- 
had gotten Hannibal, so had the Romans no great 
cause to be therefore sorry ; otherwise than as they 
had much disgraced themselves, by discovering of 
their impotent malice, in chasing him thus out of 
his country. For it would not prove alike easy un- 
to this great commander to make stout soldiers of 


base Asiatics, as it had been, by hi& training and 
discipline, to make very serviceable and skilful 
of war of the Spaniards, Africans, Gauls, and 
nations, that were hardy, though unexperienced. 
Or were it supposed, that one man's worth, especi- 
ally being so extraordinary, could alter the nature 
of a cowardly people, yet was it therewithal conai* 
derable that the vanities of Antiochus, the pride of 
his court, the baseness of his flatterers, and a than- 
saud other such vexations, would be far more pow- 
erful in making unprofitable the virtue of Hannibal, 
now a desolate and banished man, than had been 
the villany of Hanno and his complices, hindering 
him in those actions wherein he had the high com- 
mand, and was seconded by his warlike brethren. 
Wherefore the name of this great Carthaginian, 
would only help to ennoble the Roman victory ; or 
if it further served to hearten Antiochus, and make 
him less careful to avoid the war, then should it 
further serve to justify the Romans in their quarrel* 
And it seems, indeed, that it was no little part of 
their care to get a fair pretence of making war. For 
Antiochus, as is said before, having newly sent em<« 
bassadors to T. Quintius, requiring that the peace 
might faithfully be kept, it was not probable that 
he had any meaning to take arms, unless by mere 
violence he was thereto enforced. Only the iEto- 
ltans were greatly suspected, as a turbulent people, 
desirous of innovation, and therefore practising with 
this great king, whom they wished to see among 
them in Greece. In this regard, and to appease 
them, they had of late been answered with gentle 
words by one of the ten counsellors, that the senate 
would grant them whatsoever with reason they should 
ask : but this promise was too large, and unadvised. 
For when their embassadors came to Rome, the se- 
nate would grant thenar nothing ; but wholly refer- 
red th$m to T. Quintius, who favoured them least* 
Hereat they murmured, but knew not how to 


^themselves, otherwise than by speaking such words 
-ae might hasten the Romans out of Greece for very 
vhame, who had no desire to be thence gone. 

The daily talk Ht Rome was of war with Antio- 
chus ) but in Greece, when the Romans would leave 
the country. For the ^Etoliaos were wont to upbraid 
the mt of the Greeks with the vain liberty which 
the Romans had proclaimed; saying, that these their 
deliverers had laid heavier fetters upon them than 
Jbrroedy they did wear, but yet brighter and fairer 
than those of the Macedonian ; likewise, that it was 
* gracieus act of Titus to take from the legs of 
tine Greeks their chain, and tie it about their necks. 
There was indeed no cause of tarrying longer in 
Greece, if the Romans had no other meaning than 
what they pretended. For Philip made no delay in 
accompkshnient of that which was laid upon him ; 
*11 the towns of Greece were at liberty, and the 
"whole country at peace, both with the Romans, and 
within itself. As for Antiochus, he made it his daily 
9ttit, that the peace between him and Rome, such 
as it was, might be confirmed, and strengthened by 
. a league of more assurance. Nevertheless, T. Quin- 
tals would needs fear that Antiochus meant forth- 
with to seize upon Greece, as soon as he and his ar- 
mj "were thence departed. And in this regard, he 
jet&ined still in his own hands Chalcis, Demetrias, 
•and the Acrocorinthirs ; by the benefit of which 
towns he might the better withstand the dangerous 
invasion like to be made by Antiochus. Suitable 
unto the doings of Quintius were the reports of the 
ten -embassadors that had been sent over to assist 
him, when they returned back into the city. Antie* 
4Gh*i3, they said, would questionless fall upon Greece, 
wherein he should find not only the JEtolians, but 
-Nsbis, the tyrant of Laoecbemon, ready to give him 
^entertainment. Wherefore there was none other way 
than to do somewhat against these their suspected 
Wienies, especially against Naba, who could woftrt 


make resistance, whilst Antiochus was far away ia 
Syria, and not intentive to his business. These i» 
ports went not only current through the city among 
the vulgar, but found such credit with the chief « 
the senate, that in the following year, against ,wbtft 
time it was expected that Antiochus should be readf 
to take his great enterprise in hand, P. Cornelius 
Scipio, the African, desired and obtained a second 
consulship, with intention to be general in the war 
against the king and his Hannibal. For thepreseni, 
the business with Nabis was referred unto Titus, to 
deal with him as he thought good. This would be 
a fair colour of his longer tarriance in Greece. 
Therefore he was glad or the employment, whereof 
also he knew that many of the Greeks would not be 
sorry ; though, for his own part, he wanted all good 
pretence of taking it in hand. For Nabis had en- 
tered into friendship with him two or three years be- 
fore this, as is already shewed, whilst he had war 
with Philip ; and had further been contented, for 
the Romans sake, to be at peace with the Achaeans; 
neither since that time had he done any thing where* 
•by he should draw upon himself this war. He was 
indeed a detestable tyrant, and bated of the Achas- 
fens, as/one that, besides his own wicked conditions, 
had formerly done to them great mischief. Titos 
therefore had a plausible theme whereon to discourse 
before the embassies of all the confederate cities, 
which he caused to meet for that purpose at Corinth* 
•He told them, that in the war with Philip, not onlf 
the Greeks, but the Romans themselves, had each 
their motives apart, (which he there briefly rehear* 
ed») that should stir them up, and cause them to be 
earnest. But in this, which he now propounded to 
them concerning Nabis, the Romans had none other 
interest, than only the making perfect of their hon- 
our, in setting all Greece at liberty.; which noble 
action was . in some sort maimed, or incomplete 
whilst the noble city of Argos was left in subjeelk* 


to a tyrant that had. lately occupied it. It there- 
fore belonged unto them, the Greeks, duly to con- 
sider, whether they thought the deliverance of Ar- 
. gos a matter worthy to be undertaken ; or whether 
otherwise, to avoid all further trouble, they could 
, be well contented to leave it as it was. This,con- 
. corned them, and not the Romans, who, in taking 
. this work in hand, or letting it alone, would wholly 
be ruled by the Greeks themselves. The Athenian 
. embassador made answer hereunto very eloquently, 
.and as pleasing as he could devise* He gave thanks 
-to the Romans for what was passed, extolled their 
• virtues at large, and magnified them highly in regard 
of this their prsposition ; wherein, unrequested, they 
- freely mado offer to continue that bounty, which, at 
. the vehement request of their poor associates, they 
.had already of late extended unto the Greeks. To 
.this he added, that. great pity it was to hear such 
, notable virtue and high deserts ill spoken of by some, 
, which took upon them, out of their own imagina- 
.tion, to foretel what harm these their benefactors 
meant to do hereafter; when as thankfulness rather 
.would have required an acknowledgment. of the .be- 
, nefits and pleasures already received. Evety one 
.found the meaning of this last clause, which was 
directly against the ^Etolians. Wherefore Alexan- 
der the J&tolian rose up, and told the Athenians 
.their own, putting them in mind of their ancient 
glory, in those times when their city had been tfie 
leader of all Greece, for defence and recovery of the 
Jiberty general ; from which honour they were now 
so far fallen, that they became parasites unto those 
•whom they thought most mighty, and by their base 
.assentation, would lead all the rest into servitude* 
Then spake he against the Achaean s, clients that 
.bad. been a long time unto the Macedonian, and sol- 
diers of Philip, until they ran away from his adver- 
sity. These he said had gotten. Corinth, and must 
now have war be made for their sakes, to the end 


that they might also be lords of Argos ; whereas the 
-/Etolians, that had first made war with Philip, and 
always been friends unto the Romans, were now de- 
frauded of some places anciently to them belonging* 
Neither did he thus contain himself, but objected 
unto the Romans fraudulent dealing ; forasmuch as 
they kept their garrisons in Demetrias, Chalcia, and 
the Acrocorinth ; having been always wont to pro- 
fess that Greece could never be at liberty whilst 
those places were not free. Also now, at last, what 
else did they seek by this discourse of war with Na- 
bis, than business wherewith to find themselves oc- 
cupied, that so they might have some seeming cause 
of abiding longer in the country ? But they should 
do well, if they meant as they spake, to cany their 
legions home out of Greece, which could not indeed 
be free till their departure. As for Nabis, the JEto- 
lians themselves did promise, and would undertake, 
that they would either cause him to yield to reason, 
and relinquish Argos freely, . withdrawing thence his 
garrison, or else compel him by force of arms to sub- 
mit himself to the good pleasure of all Greece, that 
was now at unity. These words had been reason* 
able, if they had proceeded from better men. But 
it was apparent, that *o regard of the common U- 
berty wrought so much with these JBtolians as did 
their own ravenous desire of oppressing others, and 
getting unto themselves, that worse would use it, 
the whole dominion in Greece which Philip had lost. 
Neither could they well dissemble this, making it 
no small part of their grievsmoe, that the old league 
was forgotten, wherein it had been covenanted, that 
the Romans should enjoy the spoil of all, but leave 
the towns and lands in possession of the ^Etoliaas. 
This, and the remembrance of a thousand mischiefs 
by them done in former times, made the whole as- 
-sembly, especially the Achseans, cry out upon them, 
mteeatmg the Romans to take soch order before tbey 
went) that not oaly Nabis might be compelled to d* 

HUAJt. Vt OF THX WOftLB. 1£0 

do right, but the JEuHim thieves be enforced to 
keep home* and leave their neighbours id quiet. AH 
this was highly to the pleasure pf Titos, who saw* 
that, by discountenancing the ^Btolians* he was be* 
come the more gracious with all the rest* But whe- 
ther it pleased him so well,, that Antiochus's embas- 
sadors aid presently after lie hard upon him. to draw 
the peace to some good conclusion, it may be great* 
ly doubted. He cast them off with a slight answer* 
telling them, that the ten embassadors or counsel- 
lors which had been sent unto him from Rome to b? 
his assistants in these matters of weight, were now 
returned home ; and that without them it was not 
in his power to conclude upon any thing. 

Now concerning the Lacedaemonian war, it . was 
very soon ended ; for Titus used the help of all his 
confederates, and made as great preparation against 
Nabis, both by land and sea, as if he should have 
had to do with Philip. Besides the Roman forces, 
king Eumenes, with a navy, and the Rhodian fleet, 
were invited to the service ; as also Philip of Mace- 
don sent aid by land, doing therein poorly, whether 
it were to get favour of the Romans, or whether to 
make one among the number, in seeking revenge 
upon Nabis, that had done him injury* But the most 
forward in this expedition were the Acheeans, who 
set out ten thousand foot, and a thousand horse* 
As for the iEtolians« rather to hold good fashion, 
and sound their dispositions, than in hopes to speed, 
their help was required, whereof they excused them- 
selves as well as they thought best. Thus are the 
Ach&ans now become the prime friends of the Ro- 
mans in Greece, having removed the iEtolians from 
that degree of favour, like as they themselves here* 
after (though not in all haste) shall be supplanted by 
the same Lacedaemonians against whom they are 
jnow marching* 

Some of the Argives* more bold than wise, began 
a conspiracy against the Lacedaemonians that hel4 

Vol. VI. i 

140 ViiU dtsfttiY aoofc v; 

tHei* town ; ffieaftiti^ to Opttt their gate* tifclt* the 
Roman. But ere fttui drew near, th«y wfete all de- 
tected and slain, excepting & wry fiiw that escaped 
out of the town. The farcie of thfocom«oti<Mv caus- 
ed* the army to march - apace toward* Araos* With 
hope to be there before things were at quiet. Bat 
there Was no stif within the walls, the execution 
done upon th* first movers having terrified all the 
vest of the ckisefts, Titus then thought it better to 
assail Nabis hi the head of his strength at Lacedae- 
ftioft, than to consume time about other places ; espe- 
cially at ArgoS) for the freedom whereof, since the 
war was made, pity it were that the calamities of the 
war should thereon fall most heavily. 
! Nabis had. in readiness an army of fifteen thou- 
sand, wherewith t6 defend himself against these in- 
vaders. Five thousand of them were mercenaries, 
the rest of his own country, but such a* were of all 
others the worst ; as manumised slaves, malefactors* 
and base peasants, unto whom his tyranny was bene- 
ficial* Of the good and worthy citizens he stood in 
doubt ; and since he could not hope to win their 
Jove, his meaning was to hold them quiet by fear* 
He called them all to an assembly, and encompaa* 
Sing them round with his army, told them of the 
danger that was towards him and them. If they 
eould agree within themselves* they might, he said, 
hope the better to withstand the common enemy. 
But forasmuch as turbulent heads were invited by 
light occasions to raise tumults, and work dangerous 
treason* it seemed unto him the safest, and (withal) 
the mildest course, to arrest beforehand, ana put in 
Ward all those whom he found most reason to sus- 
pect. So Bhould he keep them innocent perforce, 
and thereby preserve not only the city and his own 
person from danger, but them also from the punish- 
ment which else they might have incurred. Here- 
upon he cites and apprehends about eighty of them, 
wnoro he leads away to prison, and the next night 

- # 


t «HA*. V. OF VUE WORLfr 181 

f jHits tftem alf to death. Thus was he surt that they 

• neither should offetod, nor yet break loose* As for 

F the death of them, if it should happen to be noised 

i abroad, what could it else do than terrify the people, 

t whp'must thereby understand that it was a mortal 

I crime to be suspected ? And to the same purpose 

i his cruelty extended itself unto some poor wretches, 

I whom he accused of a meaning to fly to the enemy* 

-These were openly whipped through all the streets, 

i and slain. Haying thus affrighted the citizens, he 

\ turned the more freely all his thoughts towards the 

i enemy, that came on apace. He welcomed them 

i with a sally, wherein, as commonly happens, the 

- soldiers of the town had the better at first, but were 

at length repelled with loss. Titus abode not many 

days before Sparta, but overran the country ; hop* 

ing, belike, to provoke the tyrant forth to battle* 

The Roman fleet, at the same time, with king Eu- 

menes and the Rhodians, laid siege unto Gytthe* 

um, the only or principal haven town that Nabis 

had. Likely they were to have taken it by force, 

wfjren there appeared hope of getting it by treasori* 

There were two governors within the town, equal in 

authority; whereof the one, either for fear, or de* 

* $ire of reward, had a purpose to let in the Romans $ 
but the other, finding what was in hand, and being 
somewhat more faithful, slew the traitor, after whose 
death he himself, alone made the better defence. 

'Yet when T. Quintius, with part of his army, came 
thither to Gyttheum, this captain of the town had 
not the heart to abide the uttermost, and await what 

'either time or his master might do for him, but was 

contented to give up the place ; yet upon condition 

* to depart in safety to Sparta with his garrison. Py- 
thagoras, the son*iivlaw of Nabis, and brother unto 

'his wtfe, was come from Argos, whereof he- had the 

. government, with a thousand soldiers mercenaries, 

and two thousand Argives ; it being (as may seem) 

the tyrant's purpose to relieve Gyttheum, which he 

i 2 

19* THE HISTOftY BO0K ▼. 

thought would have held longer oat. But when 
they heard that it was lost, then began they upon 
finishing the war, by some reasonable composition. 
Pythagoras, therefore, was sent embassador to Titus, 
requesting only that he would appoint a time and 
place for Nabis to meet and speak with him. This 
was granted. In that parley the tyrant spoke very 
reasonably for himself, proving, that he suffered 
wrong, and had done none ; and that by many good 
arguments, whereof the sum was, that whatsoever 
they now did, or could object unto him, was of elder 
date than the league which they had made with him. 
Whereupon he inferred, that neither for his keening 
the town of Argos, nor for any other cause by tnem 
alleged, they ought to make war upon him ; since 
Argos, and all other their allegations whatsoever, had 
not hindered them, in time of their more need of 
him, from entering into that league with him, which 
.was never broken on his part, nor ought to be on 
theirs. But Quintius was not herewith satisfied. He 
charged him with tyranny, and gave instance, as ea- 
sily he might, of divers barbarous cruelties by him 
committed. In all which points, forasmuch as they 
knew this Nabis to be guilty, before they made 
pe$ce and confederacy with him, it was expedient 
that some other cause of this invasion should be al- 
leged. Wherefore he said further, that this tyrant 
had occupied M&ssena, a town confederate with the 
Romans ; that he had bargained to join with Philip, 
when he was their enemy, not only in league, but 
also in affinity ; and that his fleet had robbed many 
of their ships about the cape of Malea. Now, touch- 
ing this piracy, since, in the articles by Titus pro* 
pounded unto Nabis, there was no restitution men- 
tioned, other than of ships by him taken by the 
Greeks, his neighbours, with whom he had long 
held war, it may seem to have been objected only 
by way of compliment, and to enlarge the volume of 
those com p laints, that were otherwise ery frivolous. 


As for Messena, and the bargain of alliance made 
with Philip, they were matters foregoing the league 
that was made between the Romans and this tyrant, 
and therefore not to have been mentioned* All this 
it seems that Aristsenus, the praetor of the Achaeans, 
very well perceived ; who therefore, doubting lest the 
Romans f that were wont to talk so much of their 
own justice, honour, and faithftil dealing) should 
now relent, and forbear to molest him, who, though 
a wicked man, was yet their confederate, and had 
never done them wrong, framed his discourse to ano- 
ther end. He entreated Nabis to consider well of 
his own estate, and to settle his fortunes, whilst he 
might do it without hazard, alleging the examples of 
many tyrants that had ruled m the neighbour cities, 
and therein committed great outrages, yet were 
afterwards contented to surrender their estates, 
and lived in great security, honour, and happi- 
ness, as private men. Thus they discoursed until 
night. The next day Nabis was contented to relin- 
quish Argos, and requested them to deliver unto 
him in writing tbeir other demands, that he might 
take counsel with his friends. The issue of all was, 
that, in regard of the charges whereat the confede- 
rates must be for maintenance of an army to lie in 
leagure all that winter (as there was no hope of mak- 
ing short work) before the city of Sparta, they were 
contented to make peace with the tyrant, upon such 
conditions as Titus should think meet Besides the 
restitution of Argos, and all the places thereon de- 
pending, Titus propounded many other conditions to 
Nabis, and some of them very grievdus. He would 
not suffer the Lacedemonian to have ought to do in 
the isle of Crete ; no, nor to make any confederacies, 
nor war, either in that island or elsewhere ; nor to 
build any town or castle upon his own lands ; nor 
to keep any other shipping than two small barks ; 
besides many other troublesome injunctions ; with 
the imposition of an hundred talents in silver, to be 



paid out of hand, and fifty talents yearly, for eight 
years nest ensuing* For observance of these cove* 
D&nts, he demanded five hostages, such as he him- 
self should name ; and one of them to be the tyrant'* 
own son. If it had been the meaning of Titus to 
withdraw the Wjsr from Nabis, because it was not to 
be grounded upon justice,— then had it been enough, 
jf not more than enough, to take Argos from bioa* 
which he himself did offer, though it were for fear, 
to deliver up* But if it were thought reasonably 
to dispense a little with the Roman faith, in regard 
of the great benefit which thereby might redound 
uirto the state of their best friends in Greece, by the 
Extirpation of this tyranny, then should this enter* 
prise, when once it was taken irt h^nd, have been btqt 
secuted unto the very utmost. . As for this middle 
course which the Romans held, as it wad not ho* 
noui$bl$ to them to enrich themselves by the. spoil 
4f op Q that had not offended them, nor pleasing to 
the Achaean*, who judged it ever after a great ble- 
mi&k to the noble *ct* of Titus ; so did it minister 
uiito.the ^BteifanS, and to such as curiously pried in- 
to the faults of those which took upon them to be pa* 
tfQnft of Greece, no barren subject of malicious dis- 
course. For since Philip, a king, and descended of 
many famous kings, might, not be suffered by these 
master) y Romans to hold any one of those countries, 
or towns in Greece, that had belonged unto his an- 
cestors, it was. thought very strange that L^eedae- 
mon, once the most famous city among all the 
Greeks, was by the same Romans left in possession 
of a tyrafct, that had usurped it but yesterday ; and 
he therein tooted by their authority, as their friend 
and confederate. Nabis, on the other side, thought 
himself unmercifully dealt withal by the self-same 
Romans, whose amity he had preferred in time of a 
doubtful war, before the love and affinity of the Ma- 
cedonian king, that had committed the city of Ar- 
gos into his hands. But lately h^d he dealt with. 

OM?.** of jm WO**?. J 35 

the Macedonian, and falsely was he defdt with by 
those to whom he did betake himself. Among tjiesp 
articles propounded, there vas nothing that please^ 
him, suv? only (hat for the banished Lacedemonian^ 
(of whom * great number were in the Roman camp? 
having among them Agesipolis, the natural king o( 
Sparta, that, being a young chftd, war driven out by 
Lycurgu^, die first of the tyrants,) there was mad# 
HO provision to have them restored unto their city 
rod estates but only leave required for as many o£ 
their wives 4s would be so contented tp live abrcfatf 
with them in banishment. Wherefore he forbore ta 
give consent unto these demands, and pustained #{ 
*sseitit of two ; hoping, belike, that \h$ oaeatf«t 
would aoop be weary. But his tearful nature short* 
Jy overcame the resolution which the sense #f thf$q 
injuries had put into him. So yielding unto al) thtf 
had bean propounded, he delivered the hostages, ftn4 
thereupon obtained peace, that was confirmed aftefr 
wards at Homie by the senate and people, Ff pm thb 
time forward, he thought the Romans far more wick? 
«d than himself; and was ready, upon the first ad; 
vantage, to do them all the mischief that hecGuld t •• 
The Argives had heard news that Laoedemon wa| 
*veu at the point of being taken. This erected, them* 
find gave thgni heart to think upon their own good j 
jo they adventured to set upon the garrison, wh^h 
was much weakened by the remove of the thre? 
thousand* carried thence by Pythagoras to, help thf 
tyrant #t Spar ta. There needed unto their, liberty 
no more than that all of thepi jointly should set thflif 
hands to the getting pf it, winch no sooner tfeey dtf, 
ihan they obtained it* Presently after this came X» 
Qutntius to Argos, where he was joyfully welcome^* 
He was deservedly acknowledged as author of t£t*t 
benefit whereon the citizens had laid hold without 
staying for him ; and that he might the better entitle 
himself thereto, he caused the liberty of the Argjv^ 
to be proclaimed at the Nemean games, as ratifying 

1 4 


* ■ • 

it by his authority. The pity was annexed again to 
the council of Achaia, whefeby the Achaearts were 
not more strengthened than the Arrives themselves 
were secured from the danger of a relapse into the 
same extremities put of which they had newly es- 
caped. ' 

'After this Titus found little business or none. 
Wherewith to set on work his army in Greece* An- 
iiochus was about to send another embassy to Rome, 
desiring peace and friendship of the senate. Things 
bfing therefore in appearance wholly disposed unto 

Suiet, Scipio the African, that was chosen consul at 
&ome, could not have bis desire of being sent com- 
mander into Greece. The insincere meaning of An- 
tiochus, and the tumultuous disposition of the j£to 
lians, were held as considerations worthy of regard, 

2 ret hot sufficient causes of making war. Neither 
ropeared there any more honest way of confuting 
the jEtolians, and of thoroughly persuading all the 
Greeks (which was hot to be neglected by tnose that 
meant to assure unto themselves the patronage of 
Greece) that the good of the country was their sole 
intent, than by withdrawing thence their legions and 
leaving the nation unto itself, till occasion should be 
ripe, and call them over again. Wherefore, after 
Titus had spent a winter there, without any matter of 
employment either found, or at any near distance ap- 
pearing, he called an assembly of delegates from all 
parts of Greece to Corinth, where he meant to bid 
them farewel. There he recounted unto them aU 
that had passed since his coming into those parts, 
and willed them to value the Roman friendship ao» 
•Cording to t\\e difference of estate wherein the Ro- 
mans found and left them. Hereto he added some 
wholesome counsel, touching the moderate use of 
their liberty j and the care which they ought to have 
of living peaceably and without faction. Lastly, he 

Sve up Acrocoririthus to the Acbaeans, withdrawing 
cnce the Roman garrison, and promising to. do thte 


like (which very soon he did) at Chalcis and £)eme* 
trios, that so it might be known what liars the -35to- 
turns were, who had accused the Romans of a pur* 
pose to retain those places. With joyful acclamations 
did the Greeks testify their good-liking of that which 
Titus had said and done; as also (at his request) they 
agreed to ransom and enlarge sill Romans that had 
been sold into their country by Hannibal. 

Thus Titus crowned his actions in Greece with an 
happy end ; and, by leaving the country before his 
departure was urged, left therein behind him the 
memory of his virtues and benefits untainted by jea- 
lousy and suspicion of any evil meaning. At hit 
coming to the city he had the honour of a triumph, 
which was the goodliest of all that Rome had until 
that day beheld. Three days together the shew of 
his pbmp continued, as bging set out with the spoils 
of a country more abundant in things worthy of such 
a spectacle than any wherein the Romans had be* 
fore made war. All sorts of arms, with statues and 
curious pieces of brass or marble, taken from the 
Enemy, were carried in the first day's pageant The 
second day was brought in all the treasure of gold 
and silver ; some in the rude mass unwrought* some 
in divers sorts of coin, and some in vessels of sundry 
kinds, that were the more highly prized by the work- 
manship. Among these were ten shields all of sil- 
ver, and one of pure gold. The third day Titus 
himself entered tne city in his triumphant chariot 
Before him were carried an hundred and fourteen 
crowns of gold, bestowed upon him by divers cities. 
There were also led the beasts for sacrifice, the pri- 
soners; and the hostages ; ^tuiong which, Demetrius 
the son of king Philip, and Armenes the son of Nabis, 
-were principal. Atter him followed his army, an<J 
(which added much grace and good-liking to the 
shew) the Roman captives, by his procurement, re* 
deemed from slavery in Greece. 

Not long after this triumph, he procured audi- 
ence of the senate for many embassies that were come 

139 t» victory tome r# 

out of Greece tod Asia* They had all wiry favour* 
able answers, excepting those of king Antiochust 
whom the senate would not hear, but referred over 
to T. Quintius and the ten that had been hi* couo* 
sellors, because* their business was said to be some* 
what intricate. Hereat the king's embassadors won- 
dered* They said unto Titus and bis associates, theft 
they could not decern wherein consisted any per* 
plexity of their message; for all treaties of peace 
and friendship were either between the victor and 
the vanquished ; between those that, having warred 
together, were upon equal terms of advantage ; or 
between those that had lived always in good agree* 
nient, without any quarrel* Unto the victor, they 
said, that the vanquished must yield, and patiently 
endure the imposition of some covenants that else 
anight seem unreasonable. Where war had'beea 
made* and no advantage gotten, there was it usual 
to demand and make restitution of things and places 
claimed, gotten, or lost, accordingly as both parti 
could agree* But between those which had never 
fillen out, there ought no conditions of establishing 
friendship to be proposed, since it was reasonable that 
each part should hold their own, and neither carry 
itself as superior unto the other in prescribing ought 
that might be troublesome. Now of this last kind 
was the league and friendship that had been so long 
an conclusion betwixt Antiochus and the Romans; 
which being so, they held it strange that the Ro- 
mans should thus insist on points no way concerning 
them* and take upon them to prescribe unto the king 
what cities of Asia he should Bet at liberty, frosd 
-what cities they would give him leave to exact his 
wonted tributes, either putting, or not putting hi* 
garrisons into them, as the senate should think fit* 
Hereto Quintius answered* that since they went s* 
distinctly to work, he would also do the tike* Where*- 
fore he propounded unto them two coaditions, and 
gave them their choke whether to accept; either 
lhat it should be lawful for the Romans to take pa* 


mi Asia with any that would seek their friendship,* 
if king Antiochus disliked this, and would have them 
forbear to meddle in Ask, that then he should aban- 
don whatsoever be had gotten in Europe, This was 
plain dealing, but no reasonable nor pertinent an* 
s wer to that which the king's embassadors bad pro* 
pounded ; for, if the Romans might be hired to ah* 
stain from Asia by the gift of all that Antiochus had 
lately won in Europe, then did not the aflairs of 
Smyrna, Lampsacus, or any other Asiatics, whom 
they were pleased to reckon as their confederates, 
lfind them in honour to make war with a king that 
%pught their love, and had never done them injury* 
But they knew very well, that Antiochus could not 
without great shame be so base as to deliver up un- 
to them the city of Lysimachia, whereon of late he 
had been at so much cost, in building it up even 
from the foundations, and repeopling it with inhabi- 
tants that had been dispersed, or captive to the bar- 
barians* And so much the embassadors with great 
indignation alleged, saying, that Antiochus desired 
friendship of the Romans, but so as it might stand 
with his honour. Now, in point of honour, the Ro- 
mans took upon them, as if their cause were far the 
superior ; for it was, they said, their pdrpose to set 
at liberty these towns which the king would oppress 
and hold in subjection ;, especially since those town* 
were of Greekish blood and language, and fell in that 
regard under the patronage which Romg had afford- 
ed unto all Greece besides. By this colour they 
might soon have left Antiochus king of not many 
subjects on the hither side of the Euphrates ; nei- 
ther did they forbear to say, That unless he would 
gust what he held in Europe, it was their meaning* 
not only to protect those which relied upon them m 
Asia, but therein to make new alliances; namely 
£as might be understood), with such as were his sub* 
jects. Wherefore they urged his embassadors to 
earn* to a point, and tell them plainly which of these 


140 T«B HISTftftt BOOK T» 


two conditions their king would accept. For Ia<* 
of a pleasing answer, which the embassadors could 
not hereto make, little wanted of giving presently 
defiance to the king ; but they suffered themselves 
to be entreated, and were contented once again to 
send over P. Villius, and others that bad been already 
with the king at Lysiroachta, by whom they might 
receive a final answer, whether these demands made 
by Quintius and his associates would be accepted, 
yea or no- By this respite of time, and the fruitless 
entreaties ensuing, Antiochus got the leisure of two 
years, or thereabouts, to prepare for war, finding hi 
the Romans, all that while, no disposition to let pirn 
live in peace* 

Sect. V. 

Qf the long wars which the Romans had with the Gauts % 
Ligurians, and Spaniards. Of M. Portius Cato. 
liywries done by Masimssa to the Carthaginians, 
that sue to the Romans for justice in vain. 

The Insnbrians, Boiians, and other of the Cisal- 
pine Gauls, together with the Ligurians, made often, 
and (in a manner) continual war upon the Romans 
in Italy, even from such time as Hannibal and his 
brother Mago departed thence, until such time as 
they themselves were utterly subdued, which was 
not before the Romans were almost at the very 
height of their empire* These nations, having served 
under Mago for wages, apd afterwards having gotten 
Hamilcar, a Carthaginian, to be leader unto them all, 
as hith been already shewed, by this their fellowship 
in arms, grew to be such willing partakers of each 
ethers fortune, that seldom afterwards either the 
Gauls or Ligurians did stir alone, but that their com* 
panions, bearing it, were ready to second them. How 


the Romans first prevailed, and got the large posses* 
sions in Gallia Cisalpina 1 , now called Lombardy, it 
hath been long since rehearsed between the first and 
second Punic wars ; as also it hath since appeared, 
how they lost the greatest part of their bold in that 
country by means of Hannibal's passage therethrough. 
Neither is it likely that the re-conquest would have 
been more difficult or tedious unto the Romans than 
was the first purchase, if, besides the greater em- 
ployments which they had of their armies abroad, 
their forces appointed unto this war had not been 
distracted by theLigurians, that always made them to 
proceed warily, having an eye to the danger at their 
backs. The Ligurians were a stout nation, light and 
fwift of body, well practised in laying ambushes, and 
not discouraged with any overthrow, but forthwith 
ready to fight again. Their country was mountain- 
ous, rough, woody, and full of strait and dangerous 
passages. Few good towns they had, but many cas- 
tles exceedingly well fortified by nature, so as, with- 
out much labour, they could neither be taken nor 
besieged. They were also very poor, and had little 
or nothing that might give contentment unto a vic- 
torious army that should spoil their land. In these 
respects they served excellently well to train up the 
Roman soldiers to hardiness and military patience, 
teaching them (besides other exercises of war) to en* 
dure much, and live contented with a little. Their 

auarrel to Rome grew partly from their love unto 
tie Gauls their neighbours and companions, partly 
from their delight in robbing and spoiling the terri- 
tory of their borderem that were subject unto Rome* 
But their obstinate continuance in the war which 
they had begun, seems to have been grounded unon 
the condition of all savages, to be friends or ihes 
by custom rather than by judgment, and to acknow- 
ledge no such virtue in leagues or formal conclusions 
of. peace, as ought to hinder them from using their 

l Gh. II. Sect, viil of this B«ok. 

14ft • VHfi HISTORY BOOK T. 

advantage, or talcing revenge of ifcjurief when they 
return to mind. This quality is found in all, or 
of the West-Indians; who, if they be demanded a 
son of the wars between them and any of their neigh- 
bours, use commonly this answer, It hath still been 
the custom for us and them to fight one against the 

Divers overthrows, though none that were gteaft, 
these Ligurians gave unto the Romans ; but many 
more and greater they received. Often they sought 

Eeace when they found themselves in distress, and 
roke it again as often when they thought it profit- 
able so to do. The best was,: that as their country 
was a good place of exercise unto the Romans, so 
out of their own country they did little harm, not 
sending any great armies far from home, perhaps, 
because they knew not how to make war save on 
their own ground. 

The country of Spain, as it was the first part of 
the continent out of Italy that became subject unto 
the Romans, so was it the last of all their provinces 
which was wholly and thoroughly by them subdued; 
It is likened in figure by some geographers unto alt 
ox-hide ; and the Romans found in it the property 
of that ox-hide which Calanus the Indian shewed un- 
to the great Alexander, as an emblem of his large 
dominions ; • for, treading on any side of it, the fefi 
ther parts would rise from the ground. And thus 
was it with Spain. Seldom did it happen that those 
parte, from which the Roman armies lay farthest, 
were not up in rebellion. The Spaniards were a 
very hardy nation, and easily stirred up to arms; but 
had not mueh knowledge in the art or war, nor any 
good captains. They wanted also (which was their 
principal hindrance) good intelligence among them- 
selves; and, being divided into many small seignories 
that had little other communion than of language} 
they seldom or never provided m general for. the 
common good of their country, but made it their 


tihief ea*e each of them to look unto their ovm t*r% 
ritory. Such private respects made then often to 
All asunder, when many had united themselves to- 
gether for charing out of the Romans* And these 
were the causes of their often overthrows j as desire 
of liberty, rather than complaint of any wrong done 
to them* was the cause of their often taking arms. 

The Carthaginians had been accustomed to make 
evacuation of this choleric Spanish humour, by em- 
ploying, as mercenaries in their wars abroad, those 
that were most likely to be unquiet at home. They 
bad also taken soldiers from one part of the country, 
end used them in another, finding means to pay them 
ell out of the profits which they raised upon the whole 
country, as being, far better husbands, and of more 
dexterity than were the Romans in that kind. But 
Contrariwise the Romans, using the service of their 
own legions* and of their sure friends the Latins, had 
little business for the Spaniards ; and therefore were 
ftin to have much business with them. Spain was 
too fat distant, and withal too great, for them to send 
over, colonies thither whereby to hold it in good or- 
der, according to the course that they took in Italy. 
Wherefore it remained, that they should always main- 
tain such armies in the country as might serve to 
hold in obedience per force ; and such needful cap* 
tains as might be still ready to oppose the barbarians 
in their first commotion. This they did, and thereby 
held the country, though seldom in peace. 
- Very soon after the departure of Scipio, there 
was raised a war in Spain against the Romans, even 
upon the same general ground that was the foun- 
dations of all the Spanish wars following. It wa* 
thought unreasonable that the Spaniards should one 
while help the Carthaginians against the Romans, 
and another while the Romans against the Cartha- 
ginians ; basely forgetting to help themselves against 
those that were -strangers, yet usurped the dominion 
*ver them.* But the forces which Scipio had left 


behind him id that country, being w4U acquainted 
with the manner of war in those parts, suppressed 
this rebellion by many victories ; and, together with 
subjection, brought peace upon the country, which 
lasted five years. This victory of the Romans, 
though it happily ended the war, yet left it still re- 
maining the cause of the war ; which after five years 
broke out again. The Spaniards fought a battle 
with the Roman proconsul, whom they slew ; and 
bad a great victory, that filled them with greater 
Hopes. Yet the happy success of their wars in 
Greece, made the Romans think it enough to send 
thither two prsgors, andVith each of them some 
two legions. These did somewhat ; yet not so 
much, but that M. Porcius Cato, who was consul 
the year following, and sent into that province, found 
at his coming little less to do than the reconquering 
of all Spain. But it fell out happily, that all the 
Spaniards were not of one mind ; some were faith- 
ful to Rome, and some were idle beholders of the 
pains that others took. Yet when Cato had won a 
great victory upon the chiefest of them, they rose 
against him in many parts of the country, and put 
him to much new trouble. Whilst he was about to 
make a journey against those that were as yet un- 
subdued, some of the lately vanquished were even 
ready to rebeL He therefore disarmed them : which 
they took so heavily, that many of them slew them* 
selves for very grief, Hearing of this, and well un- 
derstanding that such desperation might work dan- 
gerous effects ; he called unto him the principal a* 
mong them, and commending unto them peace and 
quietness, which they never had disturbed but unto 
tneir own great loss, he prayed them to devise what 
course might be taken for holding them assured un- 
to Rome, without farther trouble. None of them 
could, or would give counsel in a matter of this na- 
ture. Having therefore talked with them once or 
twice, and finding their invention barren . in fins 
kind of subject, he gave express charge that, upon 


a day appointed they should throw down the walls 
of all tneir towns. Afterwards he carried the war 
abolit from place to place ; and with singular indus- 
try finished it in short time. Neither thought he it 
any disgrace to him, or to Rome, in this time of 
danger, to imitate the Carthaginians, and hire an 
army of the Celtiberians against other of their coun- 
trymen ; excusing the indignity, such as it seemed, 
With a jest, That if he Were vanquished and slain, 
then should he need to pay them nothing ; whereas 
if he had the victory, ne could pay them with the 
enemies' money- Finally he brought the war to so 
good an end, that in long time after, though Spain 
were often troublesome, yet was it in no danger of 
being lost. He increased the public revenues in 
that province, by causing some mines of iron and 
silver to be wrought, that had before lain unregard- 
ed. Herein he did benefit the commonwealth, by 
a virtue much agreeable to his own peculiar dispo- 

For this M. Cato was not only very notable in 
the art of war, which might well be then termed, 
The occupation of the Romans,' — but ?o well furnish- 
ed with all other useful qualities, that very little was 
wanting in him which might seem requisite to the 
accomplishment of a perfect man. He was very 
skilftil in the Roman laws, a man of great eloquence, 
and not Unprofitable in arty business either private 
or public. Many books he wrote ; whereof the 
principal Were, of the Roman antiquities, and of 
husbandry. In matter of husbandry he was notable, 
and thereby most increased his substance ; being of 
mean birth, and the first of his house. Strong of 
body he was, and exceeding temperate ; so as he 
lived in perfect health to very old age. But that 
which most commended him unto the better sort of 
the Romans, was his great sincerity of life, abstinence 
from bribes, and fashioning himself to the ancient 
. laudable customs of the city. Herein he had merit- 
Vo l. VI. k 

146 TQ£ HISTORY ftOO* *- 

ed singular commendations, if the yebemency of bip 
nature h%d not caused him to malign the virtue «f 
that notable Scipio the African, and some other wor- 
thy jnen ; that were no less honest than himself, 
though far less rigid, and more gallant in behaviour. 
Otherwise be was a very good citizen, and one o£ 
such temper that he could fashion himself to all 
occasions, as if he never were out of his element. 
He loved business so well, or rather hated vice so 
earnestly, that, even unto the end of his life, ha 
was exercised in defending himself, or accusing 
others. For- at the age of fourscore and six years, 
he pleaded in his own defence ; and four years after 
he accused Sergius Galba unto the people. So be- 
;an the nobility of Cato's family ; which ended in 
lis great-grandchild M. Cato the Utican : one that 
being of uke virtue and* fervency, had all his good 

Eurposes dashed, and was finally wearied out of hie 
fe, by men of such nobility and greatness as this 
his ancestor had continually vexed. 

The Spanish wars, after Cato's departure out of 
the country, though they were not very dangerous, 
yet were they many ; and the country seldom free 
from insurrection, in one part or other* The Ro- 
man praetors therefore, of which two every year were 
sent over commanders into Spain, (that was divided 
into two governments,) did rarely fail of such work 
as might afford the honour of triumph. One slew 
thirteen thousand Spaniards in a battle; another 
took fifty towns ; and a third enforced many states 
of the country to sue for peace. Thus every one of 
them, or most of them, did some laudable service j 
and yet so, that commonly there were of men, towns, 
and people, new that rebelled, instead of the old 
that were slain, taken, or reclaimed. At the causes 
hereof I have already pointed ; and therefore think 
it enough to say, that the business in Spain requir- 
ed not the employment of a Roman consul* from 

«tA*. f. OF til* frORfcB. Uf 

stich timg aS Cito thehc6 departed, ttntil the Nm 
Aiantiafc waf broke out ; ^hich tfaS Very Ittng after. 
In ill other countries to the west of the Iofiiatt 
seas, thfe Romans had peace ; but so had not the 
Carthaginian*. For when Hannibal was goiie frorti 
them, and that the enemies of the BarChine house 
promised all felicity which Rome could grant unto 
thetfiselves and their obedient city, JVfasinissa fell to 
disputing with the sword about the title to the best 
part of their lands. He began with ' Emporia, a 
fruitful region about the lesser Syrtis, wherein, a- 
itaong other cities, was! that of Leptis, which daily 
paid a talent unto Carthage for tribute. This coun- 
try the Numidian challenged ; and by winning some 
part of it, seemed to better his claim unto the whole* 
He had k great advantage ; for that the Carthagfc 
riians might not make any war, trtthdut leave obtain- 
ed from their masters the Romans. They had nron6 
other way of redress, than by sending to Rome their 
complaint of his doings. And surely they wanted! 
not good matter to allege, if the judges had beeii 
impartial. For besides that Scipio, in limiting out 
unto th6tn their bounds, had left them the posses- 
sion of this country, Masinissa himself, now very 
lately, pursuing a rebel that fled out of his kingdom, 
desired leave of thfe Carthaginians for himself to pass 
through it in his way to Cyfene ; thereby acknow- 
ledging (had it otherwise been questionable) that 
the country was theirs. This notwithstanding, Ma* 
sinissa had therewith to justify his proceedings, 
especially unto the Roman senate. He gave the 
fathers to understand by his embassadors, what faith* 
less people the Carthaginians were, and how ill af- 
fected to the state of Rome* There had lately been 
sfent unto them from Hannibal one that should per- 
suade them to take part with Antiochus. This man 
they had examined, upon some suspicion of his er- 
rand ; yet neither arresting him nor his ship, had 
thereby afforded him means to escape. Hence the 

K 2 


ftumidian concluded, that certainly it was their 
purpose to rebel ; and therefore good policy to keep 
them down. As for the country of Emporia, it had 
always, he said, been theirs' that were able to hold it 
by strong hand ; and so belonged sometimes unto 
the Numidian kings, though now of late it was in 
possession of the Carthaginians. But if truth were 
known, the citizens of Cartilage had not any very 
warrantable title unto any more ground than that 
whereon their city stood \ or scarcely to so much. 
For they were no better than strangers in Africa, that 
had gotten leave there to build upon so much 
ground as they could encompass with an ox-hide 
cut into small thongs. Whatsoever they held with- 
out such a compass, was purchased by fraud, and 
wrongful encroachments. This considered, Masi- 
nissa requested of the senate, that they would not 
adjudge unto such usurpers the country sometimes 
appertaining to the ancestors of him their assured 
friend. The Romans having heard these allegations 
on both sides, found the matter so doubtful, that they 
could not on the sudden tell what to determine. Where- 
fore, because they would do nothing rashly, they sent 
over three embassadors, of whom P. Scipio the Afri- 
can was one and the chief, to decide the controversy j 
yet secretly giving them instructions to leave all as. 
they found it, without making any end one way or 
other. The embassadors followed their directions,, 
and left all doubtful. So was it likely that Masi- 
nissa, with a strong army, should quickly prevail a- 
gainst those that could no more than talk of their 
right, and exclaim against the wrong. By such arts 
were the Carthaginians held, not only from stirring 
in favour of king Antiochus, if they had thereto any 
disposition, but were prepared by little and little un- 
to their final destruction, that came upon them when 
the Romans had leisure to express the utmost of 
their hatred. 


Sect. VI. 

The Etolians labour to provoke Antiochus, Philip, 
and Nabis, to war upon the Romans, by whom they 
hold themselves wronged and disgraced. Nabis 
besiegeth Gyttheum, and wasteth some part of A- 
chcea. The exact skill of Philopcemen 9 in advantage 
qf ground, whereby he utterly vanquisheth Nabis. 
Antiochus being denied peace by the Romans, joins 
with the Mtolians. The Etolians surprise Deme* 
trias ; and by killing Nabis their confederate, seize 

■ upon Sparta. But they are driven out by the citi- 
zens, who, at Philopcemeris persuasions, annex 
themselves to tlie Achceans. 

All Greece being at peace, and the Roman aiv 
mies thence departed, it grieved much the Ktolians 
to think, that they, who had promised unto them- 
selves the whole spoil of Philip, and the highest re- 
putation among the Greeks, were not only disap- 
Eointed of their covetous hopes, but quite forsaken 
y their ancient dependants, and of all other the 
most unregarded. Yet was there made a great ac- 
cess to their estate, by adding much unto them of 
that which had been taken from the Macedonian, 
This might have well sufficed them, if their desires 
had not been immoderate," and their indignation 
more vehement than their desire. But they were 
not so pleased with that which they had, since they 
thought it no more than part of their due ; as they 
were vexed with the denial of that which they claim* 
ed, and with finding themselves to be wholly dis- 
esteemed* wherein they thought that they had un- 
sufferable wrong. Wherefore they devised in a par- 
liament, which they shortly held, by what means they 
plight best right themselves, and give the Romans a 

k 3 


sorrowful knowledge of the difference between their 
enmity and friendship. To this purpose they soon 
agreed, as concurring all in one affection, that they 
would not only persuade Antjochus to make war up- 
on the Romans, as one to whom the Romans had 
long refused peace, but that they would deal with 
the king of Macedqn their ancient enemy, and with 
Nabis the tyrant of L^cedapmon, to join altogether 
in a new confederacy ; whose joint forces could jiot 
in all likelihood but far surmount those of the Ro- 
wans, Achaeans, Rhodians, $n(l king Eqmenes, with 
all that were of their faction,. This was a great en- 
terprise which the i^tolian^ took in hand ; apd well- 
beseeming them, for they yeve great darers. Tfhey 
s^nt embassadors to, all these kings, with persi^&jops, 
§3 they thought, most forcible. But Philip was irre- 
solute ; and Antiochus willing to try first all otfcer 
courses. Nabis the Lacedaemonian, who neither (as 
Philip) hajd lost much, nor (as Antjochu?) was in 
£e^r of any w$r, yet shewed himself of all <#her th$ 
most fonya,r$ ; $r£d got st^yipg so much as to se^ 
a»y gpod pretenpe, bega? immediately U>'\w stfge 
tp Gyttheum, that had been lately taken from him 
by the Ron^ns, The Achaeans, to whpse care! 
chiefly, Tfitv^s, ^t his departure, had commenced the 
affairs of Pejqppnnesus, wer^ not slow to admonish 
Nabis of his duty j neither would they have staid 
li^ng frojxi. repressing his violence by open war, hac} 
not some of tjyem thought it ^isflom to $&k cpuij^el 
of the Romans, and particularly of T. Quintiy#, b§- 
|bre they engaged themselves in a business of such 
iippprtanqe. y^liilst ttyu£ they spent tiips in sending 
embassador, and were advised by Qiynti^s to let 
all ajope,' anfl tQ wait for the coming of the R,ogi%n, 
forces, that \rquld shortly be anaong^t them,, Nabis 
was bold to, give them juster cause of complaint by 
wasting their own territory. 

ftbilopoeipen was then praetor of the Ach^ans, 
igho, had lorjg been absent in Crete, making war 

e&AP. v. of* trie world* 151 

ihere f6t his mtnd V sake arid recreatiotr. Unto hiih 
the Achaearis referred themselves*, giving him lea vie 
to order the war at his pleasure ; either staying un- 
fit the Romans came; or doing otherwise, as He 
should think best. He made all haste to relieve 
Gyttheum by sea ; fearing lest tHe town, arid the 
Achaean garrison within it, should be lost, if he used 
any delay. But Philopoemfeir was so bad a seaman, 
that he knew not a strong ship from & rotten. He 
made a quadrireme galley his'acEinirtl, that had four- 
deore years aigo been counted a gdllant Vessel in the 
tiavy of Antigonus Gtmatas. Neither tf as the rest 
of his fleet so good as might encounter With that of 
the Lacedteitioniari. Only it fell out Well that he 
committed himself to a light pilinace, or bf igaritirte, 
that fought better with her wings, than with her ta- 
lons. For his adhiiral galley was stemmed at tlie 
first; and'bdrig rotten with age, tfprarig so many 
teaks, and took in water so fast, that she was fain to 
yield without further resistance. When the resrf of 
the fleet saw what was become of their admiral, all 
were presently discouraged, and saved themselves 
with- what speed they could. But Philopcemen was 
not herewith daunted. If he had failed in sea-ser- 
vice, which was none of his' occupation, he said, 
that he would make amends' by land. The tyriant 
withdrew part of his army from the siege of Gytthe- 
um, to stop the Achaefems, if they should invade his 
country. But upon these, which were placed in 
;uard of Laconia, Philopcemen' came unexpected^ 
ired their camp, and put all, save a very few of them 1 , 
to the sword. Then marched he with all his army 
towards Lacedaemon ; within ten miles whereof he 
was, when the tyrant met him, that had already ta» 
ken Gyttheum. It was not expected that Nabis 
would have been ready for them so soon : or if he 
should come from Gyttheum with any part of his 
forces, yet was it thought that he must overtake 
them, and charge them in rear. They marched, 

S 4 


therefore, almost securely, in a long troop reaching 
some five miles, having their horse, and the greatest 
part of their auxiliaries, at their backs, to bear off 
any sudden impression. But Nabjs, who formerly 
understood, or at least suspected, what course they 
would take, appeared in front of them with all bis 
army ; encamped there where they meant to have 
lodged. It was the custom of Philopoemen, when he 
walked or travelled abroad with his friends, to mark 
the situation of the country about him, and to dis- 
course what might befal an army marching the same 
way He would suppose, That having with him there 
such a number of soldiers, ordered and sorted in such 
manner, and marching towards such a place, he were 
upon that ground encountered by a greater army, 
or better prepared to fight. Then would he put the 
question, whether it were fit for hi pi to hold on his 
^Way, retire, or make a stand ? what piece of* ground 
it were meet for him to seize upon ; and in what 
manner he might best doit? In what sort he should 
order his men ? Where bestow his carriages ; and 
under what guard? In what sort encamp himself? 
and which way march the day following? By such con- 
tinual meditation, he was grown so perfect, that he 
never met with any difficulty whence he could not 
extricate himself and his followers. At this time he 
made a stand ; and having drawn up his rear, he 
encamped near unto the place where ne was, within 
half a mile of the enemy. His baggage, with all 
thereto belonging, he bestowed on a rock, encom- 
passing them round with his soldiers. The ground 
was rough, the ways bad, and the day almost quite 
spent, so as Nabis could not at the present greatly 
molest him. Both armies were to water at one 
brook, whereto the Achaeans lay the nearer. This 
watering therefore was like to minister the first oc- 
casion of skirmish. Philopoemen understood this, 
and laid an ambush in place convenient, whereinto 
the mercenaries of Nabis fell, and were slaughtered 


in great numbers. Presently after this, he caused 
one of his own auxiliaries . to go to the tyrant as a 
fugitive, and tell him, That the Achaeans had a pur- 
pose to get between him and Lacedaemon, whereby 
they would both debar his return into the city, and 
withal encourage the people to take arms for the re- 
covery of their freedom. The tyrant hearing this, 
inarched hastily away, and left his camp, which hard** 
ly otherwise would have been forced. Some com- 
panies he made to stay behind, and shew themselves 
upon the ram part,, thereby to conceal his departure* 
But Philopoemen was not so to be beguiled. He 
easily won the camp, and gave chace to Nabis ; 
whose followers being overtaken, had not courage to 
turn about and make head. The enemies being thus 
dispersed, and fled into woods, where they lay in 
covert all that day, Philopoemen conceived aright, 
that their fear and necessity would teach them to 
preep homewards, and save themselves when it grew 
dark. Wherefore in the evening, when he had ga- 
thered together all those of his light armature, which 
had followed the chace whilst it was day ; he led 
forth the rest that had well refreshed themselves, 
and occupied the two most ordinary passages unto 
Lacedaemon. So Nabis's men, when it was dark 
night, perceiving in Philopoemen's camp great store 
pf lights, thought that all had been at rest ; and 
therefore adventured to make an escape home. But 
they were so way-laid, that hardly one quarter of theni 
got into Sparta. Thirty days together after this did 
Philopoemen waste the country round about, whilst 
Nabis durst not issue forth of his town, and then re- 
turned home, leaving the tyrant in a manner without 

The Roman embassadors were then in Greece, 
and T. Quintius among them, labouring to make 
their party strong against Antiochus and Nabis, 
whom they knew to be solicited by the Mtoliam. 
Very fair countenance they also made unto Philip | 


and with comfortable promises drew him to 
shew whatsoever he thought of good correspondence- 
They promised to restore unto him his son ; 
were contented to let him hope that he should 
qeive other favours at their hands, and regain 
sessions of many places by them taken from him* 
Thus did the Romans prepare for war against Aoti- 
«chus in Greece, whilst their embassadors that were 
with him in Asia denied otherwise to grant him 
peace, than if he would yield unto one of the con- 
ditions by them so often propounded. The longab^ 
sence of this king in Syria, where he had accom- 
plished the marriage between Ptolemy and his daugh- 
ter, together with the death of young Axttiochu* the 
iingY son, which happened during the treaty, and* 
hindered* or seemed to hinder, the king from giving 
audience in person to the embassadors, caused them- 
to return home to Rome, as uncertain of their an- 
swer as at their setting forth. One thing that might 
have been, and partly was beneficial unto them, they 
thought to pass during their abode at Ephesus, either 
by cunning, or (as Livy rather thinks) by chance. 
Finding Hannibal there, they discoursed often with 1 
him, and blamed him for having thus fled unto Aa* 
tiochus, upon a causeless suspicion wherein he hekfc 
the Romans, that honoured his virtue, and intended" 
no harm* Many have affirmed that P. Seipto was 
one of these embassadors ; and that he, among other 
discourses with Hannibal, demanded once, * Which 

* of all the famous captains that had lived, Hanoi* 

* bal judged the most worthy ?* So Hannibal gave- 
to Alexander of Macedon the first place, to Pyrrhos 
the second* and the third he challenged unto him- 
self. But Scipio, who thought his own title better 
than that it ought to be so forgotten, asked yet far- 
ther, what wouldst thou have said then, Hannibal, 
if thou hadst vanquished me ? To whom the Car- 
thaginian replied, then would not I have giver* the 
fast place to Alexander, but have claimed it as due. 

untp roy&elf. Now whether this were so, er otherwise, 
the often and friendly conference of Hannibal with 
the Roman embassadors, made him suspected of An- 
tiochus, who therefore did forbear awhile to use his 
.counsel. Yet afterwards, when Hannibal perceived 
tkis change in the king, and plainly desiring him to 
tell the cause thereof, heard what it was, he easily 
ye<£oveved his former grace and credit. For he told 
bow his father had caused him to s.wear at the altars, 
vhea he was a little boy, that he never should be a 
friend uoto the Romans* Wherefore he willed the 
Jang not t;o regard any vain surmises ; but to know 
tUu^ much, th^t as loog as he thought upon war with 
Jtojue, so long would Hannibal do him all good ser- 
vice^ whereas, contrariwise, if he pretended to make 
peace, then should it behove him to use the counsel 
pf son»e other man*. 

The iEtolians and their friends were no less busy 
pjl this while in making their party strong against 
the Romans, than were the Romans in mustering up 
their friends, in Greece. They had so often dealt 
>yith. Antiochus, vaunting much of their own forces, 
3»d arrogating to themselves the honour of the vic- 
tory against Philip, that, finally, they prevailed 
with him ; especially when the Roman embassador* 
had left him without hope of peace, unless he would 
buy it at too, dear a. rate. They dealt in like sort 
vith the Macedonian, but in vain. He understood 
the Romans and himself too well. Wherefore it 
poncerned them to improve their own. forces to the 
utmost, as knowing that all the burden must lie 
upon Antiochus and themselves, without help from 
any, save only from some few that were discontented 
in Greece. Whilst they were about this, and* had 
with them an embassador of the king Antiochus, that 
animated them to resolution, the Athenian embassa- 
dors, whom Titus had requested to be at their meet* 
ing, stayed: their vehemency. a little, by exhorting 
them not to conclude rashly, without first hearing 


the Romans that lay near at hand. For want of a 
ready answer hereto, they were contented to ap- 
prove the motion. Titus, hearing this, thought the 
business worthy of his presence. For since Aotio- 
chus had now declared nimself against the Romans, 
it would be no small piece of service to withdraw 
from his friendship those by whose encouragement 
he had made the adventure. Wherefore he came to 
their Pancetolium, or great assembly of the nation, 
where he forgot nothing that might serve to appease 
them. He willed them to consider the weight of 
the enterprise which they took in hand, whereby 
Greece was like to become a campaign field, on 
which, to the ruin of the country, the Romans, and 
king Antiochus, that commanded no small part of 
the world, should fight for the mastery ; the ^Eto- 
lians, as masters in that kind of fence, setting them 
on, and becoming the sticklers 1 . As for those griev- 
ances which did thus exasperate them, and urge them 
to such violent courses, he willed them to consider 
how slight they were, and how much better they 
might. do to send embassadors to Rome, that should 
either plead their right in the senate, or, (if their 
right unto the places which they claimed were not 
good,) make request to what they desired, than thus 
to set the world in an uproar, and be afterwards the 
first that should repent it. But what he said, or 
could say, it skilled not much. They had already 
done ill to make the embassador of the king, whose 
help they had sought, wait so long for an answer, 
and stay doubting what good end they should make 
with the Romans. Neither was it news unto them 
toliear those comfortable words, that, by sending to 
Home, they might happen to obtain what they de- 
sired ; either as their right, or else by way of favour. 
For with such terms had they been feasted once al- 
ready, and were by the senate rejected unto Titus ; 
"who, having it in his own power, gave them no S2i 
tisfaction j yet would now again refer them to the 

1 Lit. 3au AdmistU JEs.otis fortl, lanistis. 


senate. This were only loss of time, and might a^ 
bate their credit with Antiochus. Wherefore, with- 
out more ado they made a decree, that king Antio- 
chus the Great should be entreated to come over 
into Greece, as well to set the country at liberty, as 
also to decide the controversies depending betwean 
the Romans and JEtolians. Such a decree they 
would not have made, had they not understood the 
king's mind before. Having made it, they forgot 
no point of bravery, whereby to vaunt themselves to 
the king's embassadors, and against the Romans. 
Titus desired of their praetor to let him see a copy 
of this new decree. The praetor answered that then 
he had other things to do ; but that this decree, ^ind 
their further answer, they would shortly let him 
know, if he came to their camp in Italy upon the 
river of Tibris. Gentler words would have done 
better, as the -/Etolians are like to understand here- 
after. But having thus begun, they meant henceforth 
to go roundly to work. The care of the war they re- 
ferred unto the more private council of their nation ; 
that no occasion might slip in waiting for the autho- 
rity of a general assembly. The Apocleli> (so were 
the privy council of ^Etolia called,) went as hotly to 
work as any of the youngest heads could have done. 
They laid a plot, how to get into their hands at one 
time the towns of Chalcis, Demetrias, and Sparta; 
to each of which they sent men for the purpose. De- 
metrias they took upon the sudden, entering, some 
of them, as friends to conduct home a principal man 
of the city, who, for speaking words against T. Quin- 
tals, had been driven to fly thence, but was, by inter- 
cession of those who loved him, again recalled. His 
j9Etolian companions, that were not many, seized 
upon a gate, whereat they let in a troop which the/ 
had not left far behind them, and so fell to murder- 
ing the chief of the Roman faction. At Chalcis they 
sped not so well. Thither also they had a banished 
man to bring home j but they came so strong, that 


their rrarpbse was discovered* and the town prepared 
to defend itself against them. Being therefore de- 
manded the cause of this hostility, they gave a gen- 
tle answer, saying, that they came not thither as ene- 
mies, but only to deliver the town from the Romans, 
who more insolently domineered over it than evef 
the Macedonians had done ; by which rhetoric they 
prevailed no more than they Could do by pkin force j 
for the townsmen replied* that they neither found 
any abridgment of their liberty, nor needed any gar- 
rison to, keep them from the Romans,- from whom 
they neither feared any danger, nor received injury. 
So this business was dashed. The attempt upon 
Sparta was more strange and desperate. Nabis, their 
good friend, was lord of the town, styling himself 1 
king, but more truly by all men called tyrant. He had 
well- near lost all by means of the overthrow which 
Philopoemen had lately given hira, since he durst not 
stir abroad, and daily expected the mischief that oil 
all sides threatened him* Wherefore he sent mes- 
sengers, one after another, to the iEtolians, request- 
ing them, that as he had not been slow to stir in their 
behalf, but adventured himself upon the utmost of 
danger, when all others were backward, so they would 
be pleased to send him what help they might, since 
his bad fortune had caused him at present to need it. 
It hath been often said, that the ravenous MtoW&tii 
were only true to themselves, and regarded neither 
faith norfriendship, otherwise than asit might conduce 
to their own ends ; and so dealt they noto ; for since 
Nabis's mercenary forces, which upheld his tyranny, 
were in a manner consumed, they thought it expedi- 
ent for their estate to put him out of the way, and, 
by so doing, to assure Lacedemon unto themselves. 
To this purpose they sent thither Alexamentrs, one 
whom they thought a man fit for such a work. Td 
him they gave a thousand foot and thirty horse, cho- 
sen for the purpose. These thirty were, by Demo- 
critus. the praetor, brought into the council of the 

£|I*F* ▼. OF THE W01U>. 159 

Apocleti* where they were commanded to be d* 
wiser than they should be, nor to think that they 
were sent to make war with the Achaean s, or to do 
ought else save only what Alexamenus should com* 
mattd them ; which, were it never so desperate, and, 
jo seeming, against all reason, yet must they under, 
frtaad that, unless they performed it, they should 
have no good welcome home. So Alexamenus cam* 
to th$ tyrant, whom he encouraged with brave words, 
telling him that Antiochus was already in Europe, 
end would be anon in Greece, meaning to cover all 
the land and sea with his mighty armies ; and that 
the Romans were like to find other manner of work 
than of late with Philip, since the elephants of this 
great king, N without other help, would suffice to tread 
them down. As for the <<Etolians, he said, that if 
need should so require, they would presently send 
away to Lacedemon all the forces that they could 
raise ; but that they were very desirous at the pre- 
sent to make as goodly a muster as they could be* 
fore the great king, which caused them to send him 
thither afore with no greater company. Hereupon 
he willed Nabis to take heart, bring forth his men 
that had been long pent up in the city, and train 
them without the walls, as if shortly he should em- 
ploy them in work of conquest rather than defence. 
Nabis was glad of this, and daily exercised his men 
in the field, riding up and down with his Alexame- 
nus, and no more than three or four horse about 
him, from one point to another, to order and behold 
them. During this time of exercise, Alexamenus 
made it his fashion to step aside alone to his yEtolians, 
and say somewhat as he thought fit ; which done, he 
still returned again to Nabis. But when he saw time 
for the great work that he had in hand, he then went 
^side to his thirty horse-men, and bade them remem- 
ber the task enjoined them at their setting fortli, tell- 
ing them that they were all in case of banished men 
unless they would anon come up to him and help 


him to firtish that which they should see him take in 
hand. Herewithal the tyrant began to draw near 
them; and Alexamenus, making towards him, charg d 
him on the sudden and struck him down. The thirty 
uEtolians never stood to deliberate upon the matter, 
but all flew in; and, before any succour could arrive # 
had made an end of this wretched Nabis. Presently, 
upon the fact committed, the tyrant's mercenaries 
ran unto the dead body, where, instead of seeking 
revenge, they stood foolishly gazing as beholders. 
Alexamenus, with his iEtolians, hasted into the city 
and seized on the palace, whe e he fell to ransacking 
the treasure, and troubled himself with none other 
care, as though all were already done* Suoh of his 
followers as were dispersed in the town did also the 
like, with the greater indignation of the citizens, 
who, seeing themselves free by the death of the ty- 
rant, could not endure to see those that had slain 
him begin to tyrannize anew. Wherefore all the 
town was shortly in arms ; and, for lack of another 
captain, they took a little boy of the r6yal stock, 
that had been bronght up with Nabis's children, 
whom they mounted upon a good horse, and 'made 
him their chief. So they fell upon the iEtolians that 
were idly straggling about, and put them all to the 
sword. Alexamenus with not many of his company, 
were slain keeping the citadel ; and those few that 
escaped thence into Arcadia, were taken by the ma* 
gistrates, who sold them all as bond-slaves. In this 
doubtful estate of things at Lacedemon, Philopoemen 
earne thither, who, calling out the chief of the city, 
and speaking such words unto them as Alexamenus 
should have done after he had slain the tyrant, easily 
persuaded them, for their own good and safety, to 
incorporate themselves with the Achaeans. Thus, by 
the enterprise, no less dishonourable than difficult, 
of the jEtolians, and the small but effectual travel of 
Philopoemen, the Achaeans made a notable purchase; 
a nd Lacedemon, that had hitherto been go\ erned 


either by kings, or by tyrants that called themselves 
kings, became the member of a commonwealth, 
whereof the name had scarce any reputation when 
Sparta ruled over all Greece. 

Sect. VII. 

Antiochus, persuaded by Thoas the JEtolian, comes 
aver into Greece ill attended. Sundry passages be- 
tween him, the JEtolians, Chalcidians, and others* 
He wins Chalets, and thereby the whole isle qfEu- 
baa. The vanity of the king f s embassadors and the 
JEtolians, with the civil answer of Titus to their dis- 
course before the Achceans. That it concerned the 
Greeks to have desired peace between the Romans 
and Antiochus, as the best assurance of their own li- 
berty. Of many petty estates that fell to the king. 
OfAminander, and an idle vanity by which king 
Philip was lost.' Hannibal gives good counsel in 
vain. Some towns won in Thessaly. The king re- 
tires to Chalets, where he marrieth a wife and revels 
away the rest of winter. Upon the coming of the 
Roman consul, all forsake Antiochus. He, with 
two thousand JEtolians, keeps tfee Straits of Ther- 
mopyke. He is beaten, and flies into Asia, leaving 
all Greece unto the victors. 

Antiochus was troubled much in Asia with Smyr- 
na and Lampsacus, that would not hearken to any 
composition. He thought it neither safe nor honour* 
able to leave them enemies behind him ; and to win 
them by force was more than hitherto he was able. 
Yet was he desirous, with all speed convenient, to 
shew himself in Greece, where,' he had been told, 
that his presence would effect wonders. It was said, 
that in all the country there was a very small num- 
ber which bore hearty affection unto the Romans j 

Vol. VI. i 

16$ THE mSTftRY J9O0JL V. 

that Nabis was already up in armp ; that Philip fM 
like a ban-dog in a chaiq, desiring npthing wore tban 
to break loose ; and that the JEtolia#0» without whom 
the Romans had done Dotting, nor nothing could 
have done, were ready to confer upon him the great- 
ness which they had unworthily bestowed upon in- 
solent barbarians. Of all this, the least part was 
true ; yet that which was true made such a noise as 
added credit unto all the rest. Whilst, therefore, 
the king was thinking to send Hannibal into Africa, 
there to molest the Romans, and so give him the bet- 
ter leisure of using his own opportunities in Greece, 
Thoas the iEtolian came over to him, and bade him 
lay all other care aside; for that his countrymen bad 
already taken Demetrias, a town of main importance, 
that should give him entertainment, whence he might 
proceed as became the greatness of his virtue and 
fortune. This did serve to cut off all deliberation. 
As for Hannibal, Thoas was bojd to tell the king, 
first, that it wag not expedient for him to divide his 
forces at such a time, when the very reputation of 
bis number* brought into Greece might serve to Uy 
open unto him all places, without need of using vio- 
lence ; awl, secondly, that in any such great enter- 
prise there could not be chosen a more unfit man to 
pe employed in the king's service than wa» that fam- 
ous Hannibal the Carthaginian* For, he said that 
the king should as greatly fee) the loss of a fleet or 
army perishing under such a notable commander, if 
his fortune were bad, as jf the same had miscarried 
under one of meaner quality ; whereas, nevertheless, 
if Hannibal prevailed, Hannibal alone should have 
all the honour, and not Antiochus. In this regard, 
he was of opinion, that such a renowned warrior 
should be always near unto the king's person to give 
advice ; which being followed as often as it was 
found commodious, the good success would wholly 
redound unto the honour of him that had the sove- 
reign command, even of the king himself. Antior 


thai gladly hearkened unto this admbnition, being 
jealous of the virtue that shined brighter than the 
majesty of his own fortune 5 and thereupon he hud 
Aside the determination* which tended more to the 
advancement of his desires, than did any thing else 
by him then or after thought upon* 

Presently after this, he made ready for Greece. 
Before his setting forth, in a frivolous pomp of cere* 
mony, he went up from the sea-side to Ilium, there 
to do sacrifice to Minerva of Troy* Thence passing 
over the iEgean sea, he came to Demetrias* Eury- 
lochus, the Magnetiafi, the same whom the iEtolians 
lately waited on home, when by that pretext they 
won Demetrias, was now the chief man and ruler of 
his nation* He therefore, with his countrymen, in 
great frequency, came to do their duties to the king 
Anttochus, and bid him welcome. The king was 
glad of this, and took it as a sign of good luck to be 
so entertained at the beginning* But it may be 
suspected, that the M agnetians found not the Kke 
eause of joy ; for whereas they had expected a fleet 
and army somewhat like to that of Xerxes, they saw 
three hundred ships, of whleh no mdre than forty 
were serviceable for the wars, with an army of ten 
thousand foot, five hundred horse, and six elephants* 
The vEtolians no sooner heard of his coming, than 
they called a parliament, and made a decree, whereby 
they invited hint into their country. He knew be* 
fore that they would so do, and was therefore well 
onward on his way towards them* when they met 
him that brought the decree. At his coming to 
Lania, the ^toliaira gave him as joyful entertain* 
rtient a$ they could devise* Being brought into their 
council, he made an oration, wherein he desk ed them 
to hold him exeused that he came not followed with 
a greater army. This was, he said, in true estima- 
tion, a sign of his good- will, in that he staid not to 
make all things ready, but hasted unto their aid, 
whilst even the season was unfit for navigation. Yet 

l 2 


it should not be long ere the hope of all those which 
had expected him would be satisfied unto the full. 
For it was his meaning to fill all Greece with armies, 
and all the sea- coasts with his fleet. Neither would 
he spare for any charge, travel, or danger, to follow 
the business which he had undertaken, even to drive 
the Romans and their authority out of Greece j leav- 
ing the country free indeed, and the ifitolians there- 
in the chief. Now, as the armies that were follow- 
ing him should be very great, so it was his meaning 
that all provisions to them belonging should be cor- 
respondent, because he would not be any way bur- 
densome unto his confederates. But at the present ^ 
he must needs intreat them, having hastily come over 
unto their aid, unprovided of many necessaries, that 
they would help him with corn and other victuals, 
whereof he stood in need. So he left them to their 
consultation ; the conclusion whereof was, after a 
little dispute (for a vain motion was made by some, 
that the differences between the Romans and them 
should be put by compromise to the decision of An- 
tiochus,) that they would yield unto the king's de- 
sire, and assist him with all their forces. Here we 
may observe, how vain a thing it is for an absolute 
prince to engage himself, as did Antiochus, in a bu- 
siness of dangerous importance, upon the promised 
assurance of a state that is merely popular. For if 
the vehemency of Thoas, and some other of that 
faction, had not prevailed in this council, the JEto- 
lians, for gain of two or three towns, yea, for hope 
of such gain that might have deceived them, were 
like to have abandoned this king, their friend, unto 
the discretion of the Romans. And what remedy 
had there been if this had so fallen out ? He could 
have bemoaned himself to Thoas, and complained of 
the wrong ; but he must have been contented with 
this answer, That the fault was in those of the oppo- 
site side, whom Thoas would therefore^ have pro* 
nounced to be very wicked men. It happened much 


better for the present ; though in the future it prov- 
ed much worse, both for him and for the jEtolians. 
He was chosen general of all their forces ; and thir- 
ty commissioners were appointed to be about him, 
as a council of war for the nation. These armed 
such as readily they could, whilst it was in dispute 
where they should begin the war. Chalcis was 
thought the meetest place to be first undertaken, 
whither, if they came suddenly, they should not, 

Eeradventure, need to use much force. The king 
ad brought with him into JEtoUa. but a thousand 
foot, leaving the rest behind him at Demetrias. 
With these he hasted away directly towards Chalcis, 
being overtaken by no great number of the iEto- 
lians which accompanied him thither. At his com- 
ing, the magistrates, and some of the chief citizens, 
issued forth to parley with him. There the iEtolians 
began, as they had lately done before, to tell, how 
the Romans had only in words and false semblaiu e 
set Greece at liberty. But such liberty as might be 
true and useful, they said, would never be obtained, 
until, by removing the necessity of obeying their 
pleasure that were most mighty, every several st*te 
had where to find redress of any pressure. And to 
this end was the gre^t A ntiochus come thither ; a 
king well able to counterpoise, vea, to overweigh 
the Romans; who nevertheless aeshed them only 
so to join with him in league, as that, if either the 
Romans or he should offer them wrong, they might 
keep it in their power to seek redress at the o- 
thers hands. The Chalcidians made hereto the 
same answer which, to the like allegations, they had 
made not long before,-— That their freedom was not 
imaginary, but absolute; for which they were to 
thank the Romans ; without whose good liking they 
would enter into no new confederacy. That which 
they spake of themselves they could likewise affirm 
of all the Greeks, forasmuch as none of them paid 
any tribute, was kept under by any garrison, or lived 

l 3 


otherwise than by their own laws, and without being 
tied unto condition which displeased them. Where* 
fore they wondered why the king should thus trouble 
himself, to deliver cities that were already free. But 
since he and the ^tolians requested their friend- 
ship, they besought both him and the i£toltan» to do 
a friendly oflice, in departing from them quietly, and 
leaving them in such good case as they were. With 
this answer the king departed ; for he was not, as 
then, strong enough to force them. But very soon 
after, he brought thither a greater power which 
terrified them, and made them yield before all the 
succours could arrive which Titus had sent for their 

The chief city of Euboea being thus gotten, all 
the rest of the island shortly yielded to Antiochus, 
Four or five hundred Roman soldiers that came 
over late to have defended Chalets, reposed them* 
selves at Delium, a little town f>f Berotia, lying over* 
against the island* where was a temple and grove 
consecrated unto Apollo, that had the privilege of 
an inviolable sanctuary. In this place were some 
of them walking, and beholding the things there 
to be seen, whilst others were busied as they found 
cause, without; fear of any danger, as being in such 
a place, and no war hitherto proclaimed, But Me* 
nippus, one of Antiochus's captains* that had we*» 
ried himself in many vain entreaties of peace, took 
advantage of their carelessness, and used them with 
all extremity of war. Very lew of them escaped \ 
fifty were taken* and the rest slaw. Hereat Quin« 
tius was grieved? t yet so as it pleased him well to 
consider, that his Komans had now more just cause, 
than before, to make war upon the king. 

Antiochus liked well these beginnings, and sent 
embassadors into all quarters of Greece, in hope 
that his reputation should persuade very many to 
take his part. The wiser sort returned such an* 
9W9T as the Chafcidian? had done. Some reserved 

eftit*. *• Of THE WORLD. 107 

tfcem&elves* until he shotdd come among them; 
knowing thai! either, if he came not, he must hold 
them excused for not darirtg to stir; or, if he came, 
the Roman* must pardon their jnst fear m yielding 
to the stronger. None of those that lay fer off join* 
€d with him in true meaning, save the iEleans, that 
always favoured the jEtoRans, and now feared the 
Achfeans. Little reason there way that he would 
think to draw the Achaean a to Ms party. Neverthe*- 
less' he essayed them, upon a vahf hope that the en* 
vy, which f itns was saicf to bear imto Phitopeemefrti 
virtue, had bred a secret dislike between that nation 
and the Romans. Wherefore both he and the A5to- 
fans sent embassadors to the council at JEgmvfr, that 
spared tt<yt brave wordfc, if the Achaean* would hare 
so been taken. The king's embassador told of great 
armies and fleets that were coming ; reckoning up 
the Dahans, Medians, iEKmeans, and Cadusians $ 
names that tfere : not every day heard of, and there- 
fore, as he thought, the more terrible. Then tofd 
he them, what notable men at sea the Sydonians, 
Tynans, Aradians, and PamphyHans were ; such, 
indeed, as could not be resisted. Now concerning 
money, and all warlike furniture, it was, he said, 
well known, that the kingdoms of Asia had always 
thereof great plenty. So as they were much deceiv- 
ed; who, considering the late war made against 
PhiKp, did think that this with Antiochus would 
prove the like : the case was too far different. Yet 
this most powerful king, that for the liberty of 
Greece was come from the utmost parts of the east, 
requested no more of the Acbaeans, than that they 
would hold themselves as neutral, and quietly look 
on, whilst he took order with the Romans. To the 
same effect spoke the ^Etolian embassador ; and fur- 
ther added, That in the battle of Cynoscephalae, nei- 
ther Titus had done the part of a general, nor the 
Romans of good soldiers ; but that both he and his 1 
army had been there destroyed, had they not been 

h 4 


protected by virtue of the iEtolians, which carried 
the day. Titus was present at the council, and heard 
all this ; to which he made as fit answer as could have 
been desired. He told the Achaeans, That neither 
the king's embassador, nor the vEtoliana, did so 
greatly labour to persuade those unto whom they ad- 
dressed their orations, as to vaunt themselves the one 
unto the other. So as a man might well discern 
what good correspondence in vanity it was that had 
thus linked the king and the ^Etolians together. 
For even such brags as here they made before the 
Achaeans, who knew them to be liars, had the JBto- 
lians also made unto king Antiochus, proclaiming 
the victory over Philip to be merely their act, ana 
the whole country of Greece to be dependant 
on them. Interchangeably had they been feast* 
ed by the king with such tales as his embassador 
told even now, of Dahans, and Aradians, and Eli- 
means, and many others, that were all but a com- 
pany of Syrians, such as were wont to be sold about 
for bond- slaves, and good for little else. These di- 
vers names of rascally people were, he said, like to 
the diversity of venison wherewith a friend of his at 
Chalcis (no such vaunter as were these embassadors) 
had sometime feasted him. For all that variety, 
whereat he wondered, was none other, as his host 
then merrily told him, than so many pieces of one 
tame swine, dressed after several fashions, with vari- 
ety of sauces. Setting, therefore, aside this vanity 
of idle pomp, it were good to make judgment of the 
great king by his present doings. He had, notwith- 
standing all this great noise, no more than ten thou- 
sand men about him ; for which little army he was 
fain, in a manner, to beg victuals of the iEtolians, 
and take up money at usury, to defray his charges. 
And thus he ran up and down /the country j from 
Demetrias to Lamia ; thence back to Chalcis ; and 
being there shut out, to Demetrias again. These 
were the fruits of lies ; wherewith since both AntU 


ochus and the iEtolians had each deluded other, 
meet it was that they should, as perhaps already they 
did, repent, whilst wiser men took heed by their ex- 
ample. To a favourable auditory, much persuasion 
is needless. The Achaeans did not love so well the 
JEtolians, as to desire that they should become 
princes of Greece ; but rather wished to see them, 
of all other, made the veriest abjects. Wherefore 
they stood not to- hearken after news, what An- 
tiochus did, how be sped in Euboea, or what other 
cities were like to take his part, but readily proclaim- 
ed war against him, and against the iEtolians. 

Hoiy the hatred between these two nations grew 
inveterate sufficiently appears in the story foregoing. 
Now have they gotten each their patrons j the one 
the Romans, the other king Antiochus. Herein 
did each of them unwisely ; though far the greater 
blame ought to be laid on the turbulent spirits of 
the iEtolians. For when the Romans departed 
out of Greece, and left the country at rest, there 
was nothing more greatly to have been desired, 
than that they might never find occasion to return 
with an army thither again. And in this respect 
ought the Greeks to have sought, not how Smyrna 
and Lampsacus might recover their liberty (which 
had never been held a matter worth regarding until 
now of late), but how the powers of the east and 
west, divided and kept asunder by their country, as 
two seas by an isthmus or neck of land might be 
kept, from overflowing the bar that parted them. 
Neither had the Romans any better pretence for 
their seeking to make free those base Asiatics, which 
originally were Greeks, than the general applause 
wherewith all the nation entertained this their loving 
offer. Yet were Lysimachia and the towns in 
Thrace lately gotten by Antiochus, pretended as a 
very great cause of fear, that should move them to 
take arms even in their defence. But if all Greece 
would have made intercession, and requested that 


things might eofttinne as they were, promising joint* 
ly to assist the Romans with their wttole forces both 
by land and sea, whensoever king Antiochus should 
make the .least offer to stir against them,— then bad 
not only this quarrel been at an end, but the Ro- 
man patronage over the country had been far from 
growing, as soon after it did, into a lordly rule* 

The Achaeans were at this time in a manner the 
only nation of Greece that freely and generously de- 
clared themselves altogether for the Romans, theft* 
friends and benefactors. All the rest gave doubtful 
answers of hope unto both sides ; or if some few, a* 
did the ThessaHans, were firm against Antiochas, yet 
helped they not one another in the quarrel, nor sheW-> 
ed themselves his enemies, till he pressed them with 
open force. The Boeotians willingly received binr 
as soon as he entered upon their borders, not so much 
for fear of his power, as in hatred of Titus and the 
Komans, by whom they had been somewhat hardly 
nsed. Aminander the Athamanian, besides his old 
friendship with the ^EtoKans, was caught with a 
bait, which it may be doubted whether he did more 
foolishly swallow or Antiochus cast out. lie had 
married the daughter of an Arcadian, that was an 
idle-headed man, and vaunted himself to be descend- 
ed from Alexander the great, naming his two sons, 
in that regard, PhiKp and Alexander. Philip, die 
elder of these brethren, accompanied his sister to 
the poor court of Athamania ; where, having made 
his folly known, by talking of his pedigree, he was 
judged, by Antiochus and the ^EtoKans, a man fit 
for their turns. They made him believe that, in re- 
gard of his high parentage, and the famous memory 
of Alexander his forefether, it was their purpose to 
do their best for the conquest of Macedon to his be- 
hoof, since no man had thereto so good a title as he. 
But for the enabling of them hereunto, it behoved 
him to draw Aminander to their party, that so they 
might the sooner have done with the Romans. Philip 


was highly pleased herewith, sqd, hy persuasions of 
himself or of his sister, effected as much as they de- 
sired. But the first piece of service done by this 
imaginary king (whetner it proceeded from his own 
ffctasy, in hope* to get love of the Macedonians that 
should he his subjects, or whether from some vanity 
in king Antwchus that employed him,) wrought more 
harm to his friends than he and Aminander were 
able to do good. There were two thousand men 
committed to his leading, with which he marched 
unto Cynoscephabe, there to gather up the bones of 
the slaughtered Macedonians, whom their king had 
suffered all this whale to He unbuned. The Mace* 
dorian* troubled not themselves to think on this cha- 
ritable, act, aa if it were to them any benefit at all ; 
but king; Philip took it in high indignation, as in- 
tended merely unto has despite. Wherefore he pre. 
sandy sent unto the Romans^ and gave them to 
understand that he was ready, with all his power, 
to aid them wherein they should be pleased to use 

The iEtolians, Magaetians, Euboeans, Boeotians, 
aad Athamanians, having now all joined with him, 
Antiochus4ook counsel of them about the prosecu- 
tion of the war in hand. The chief question was, 
Whether it were meet for him to invade Thessaly, 
that would not hearken to his persuasions j or whe- 
ther to te* all alone until the spring? because it was 
nom mid- winter. Some thought one thing, and some 
another, confirming each his own sentence with the 
weightiest reasons which he could allege, as in a 
n&atter of gveat importance. Hannibal was at this 
meeting, who had long been cast aside, as a vessel of 
no use, but was now required to deliver his opinion. 
He frte\y told the king, That what he should now 
utter was even the same which he would have spoken 
had his counsel at any time before been asked since 
their coming into Greece ; for the Magnetians, Boe- 
otians* aod' other their good friends, which atow s# 




willingly took their parts, what were they else than 
so many poor estates that, wanting force of their 
own, did adjoin themselves ibrfear unto him that 
was strongest at the present ; » and would afterwards, 
when they saw it Expedient, be as ready to fall to the 
contrary side, atledging the same fear for their ex- 
cuse? Wherefore he thought it most behoveful to win 
king Philip of Macedon unto their party, who (be- 
sides that being once engaged he should not after- 
wards have power to recoil and forsake them at his 
pleasure) was a mighty prince, . and one that had 
means to sustain the Roman war with his proper 
forces. Now, that Philip might be easily persuaded 
to join with them, the benefit likely to redound unto 
himself by their society was a very strong argument; 
though, indeed, what jneed was there of proving by 
inference the likelihood of this hope ? * For,' said 
he, ' these iEtolians here present, and namely thi» 
Thoas, being lately embassador from them into 
Asia, among other motives which he then used to 
excite the king unto this expedition, insisted main- 
ly on the same point. He told us, that Philip was 
moved beyond all patience with the lordly inso- 
lence of the Romans, likening that king unto some 
wild beast that was chained, or locked up within 
some grate, and would fain break loose. If this 
be so, let us break his chain and pull down the 
grate, that he may regain his liberty and satisfy his 
angry stomach upon those that are common ene- 
mies to us and him. But if it prove otherwise, 
and that his fear be greater than his indignation, 
then shall it behove us to look unto him, that he 
may not seek to • please his good masters the Ro- 
mans by offending us. Your son Seleucus is now 
at Lysimachia with part of your army : if Philip 
will not hearken to your embassage, let Seleucus 
be in readiness to fall upon Macedon, and find him 
work to defend his own on the other side, without 
.putting, us here to trouble. Thus much concern- 


ing Philip and the present war in ^Greece. But 
more generally for the managing of this great en* 
terprise, wherein you are now embarked against 
the Romans, . I told you my opinion at the begin- 
ning; whereto had you then given ear, the Romans 
by this time should have heard other news than 
that Chalcis in Euboea was become ours* Italy and 
Gaul should have been on fire with war; and, little 
to their comfort, they should have understood that 
Hannibal was again come into Italy. Neither do 
I see what should hinder us even now from taking 
the same course. Send for all your fleet and army 
hither ; (but in any case let ships of burden come 
along with them, loaded with store of victuals ; for, 
as the case now stands, we have here too few hands 
and too many mouths) ; whereof let the one half 
be employed against Italy, whilst you in person with 
the other half, tarrying on this side the Ionian sea, 
may both take order for the affairs of Greece, and 
therewithal make countenance as, if you were even 
ready to follow us into Italy ; yea, and be ready to 
follow us indeed, if it shall be requisite. This is 
ray advice, who, though perhaps I am not very 
skilful in all sorts of war, yet how to war with the 
Romans I have been instructed by long experi- 
ence, both to their cost and mine own. Of this 
counsel which I give, I promise you my faith- 
ful and diligent service for the execution ; but 
what counsel soever you shall please to follow, I 
wish it may be prosperous.' Many were pleased 
with the great spirit of the man, and said he had 
spoken bravely ; but of all this was nothing done, 
save only that one was sent into Asia to make all 
things ready there. In the meanwhile they went in 
hand with Thessaly, about which they had before 
disputed. There, when they had won one town by 
force, many other places, doubting their own strength, 
were glad to make submission. But Larissa, that was 
chief of the country, stood out, not regarding any 


terrible threats of the king, that lay before the w*Bt 
with his whole army. This their faith and courage 
was rewarded by good fortune; for M. B&bius* a Ro- 
man pro-pretor, did send help thither. Likewise Phi- 
lip of Macedon professed himself enemy unto Antio- 
chus; whereby tne fame of the succour coming to La- 
rissa grew such as wrought more than the succour could 
have done had it arrived ; for Antiochus, perceiving 
many fires on the mountain tops afar of£ thought 
that a great army of Romans and Macedonians had 
been coming upon him ; therefore excusing himself 
by the time of the year, he broke up his siege and 
marched away to Chalcis. At Chalcis be fell in lovg 
with a young maiden, daughter unto a citizen of the 
town; whom, without regard of the much disproportion 
that was between them, both in years and fortune* he 
shortly married, and so spent the winter following a* 
delightfully as he could, without thinking upon the 
war in hand. His great men and captains followed 
his example, and the soldiers as readily imitated the 
captains; in such wise that, when he took the field, he 
might evidently perceive in what loose manner of dis- 
cipline his army had passed the winter. But M. A<a- 
lius Olabrio, the Roman consul, shall meet him very 
shortly, and help him to reclaim them from this loose- 
ness of nuptial revels, by setting them to harder ex- 

M. Acilius was chosen consul with P* Corneiiui 
Scipio Nasica. The war against Antiochua fell to 
him by lot; whereas otherwise he was no way so ho- 
nourable as Nasica his colleague, unto whom fell a 
charge of far less credit and importance. Nasica, 
besides the great nobility of his family, had been 
long since, in the time of the Punic war, crowned 
with the title of The best man in Home y when the se- 
nate, for very fear and superstition, durst not have 
so pronounced him had they not so thought him; 
as being commanded by oracle, That none other man 
than the very best should entertain an old stone, 


which the devil then taught them to call The me* 
iher qf the God*. But uo prerogative of birth, vir- 
tue, or good opinion, gave such advantage to the 
tte&ter man as to make choice of his own province, 
Of arrogate more unto himself than his lot should af- 
ford him. This impartial distribution of employ 
meats helped well to maintain peace and concord. 
P. Scipio, therefore, was appointed to make' war 
against the Botians, wherein he purchased the ho- 
nour of a triumph, nothing so glorious as was that of 
his colleague, though purchased with harder service, 
--requiring the more ability in matter of war. But M. 
Acilius went over into Greece, with ten thousand 
foot, two thousand horse, and fifteen elephants. 
Ptolemy, king of Egypt, notwithstanding his late al- 
liance with king Antiochus and Philip king of Ma* 
cedon, had lately sent embassadors to Rome, mak- 
ing ofler to come each of them in person with all hit 
forces into yEtolia, there to assist the consul in this 
war. Ptolemy sent also gold and siver, toward the 
defraying of charges, as one that meant none other 
than good earnest. But he was too young, and dealt 
too far off; so his money was returned unto him with 
thanks, and his loving offer as lovingly refused. Un- 
to Philip's embassadors answer was made, That this 
his friendly ofier was gratefully accepted, and that 
the senate and people of Borne would think them* 
selves beholden to him for the assistance that he 
should give to Acilius the consul. Masinissa, like- 
wise, and the Carthaginians, did strive which of them 
should be most forward in gratifying the Romans ; 
each of them did promise a great quantity of grain, 
which they would send partly to Rome, partly to 
the army in Greece. And herein Masinissa far out- 
went the poor city of Carthage ; as also, in that he 
offered to lend the consul five hundred horse and 
twenty elephants. On the other side, the Carthagi- 
nians undertook to set out a fleet at their own 
charges, and to bring in, at one payment, all. the tri- 


bute-money which was behind and ought to be dis- 
charged by many yearly pensions. But the Romans 
did neither think it good to let them arm a fleet, nor 
would let them redeem themselves out of tribute by 
paying all at once. As for the com, it was accepted 
with condition, that they should be contented to re- 
ceive the price of it. 

The hasty and ridiculous issue of this war, that 
began with such noise and preparations, were hardly 
credible, were not the difference exceeding great be- 
tween the Roman and the Asiatic soldier. Antiochus 
had gotten this spring a few towns of Acarnania, af- 
ter the same manner as he had prevailed in other 
parts of Greece ; partly by fair words and treason of 
the rulers, partly by terror, that was like to prove their 
excuse when they should again forsake nim. But 
king Philip and Boebius, having recovered many 
places, and the Roman consul being arrived, against 
whom none made resistance, he was glad to with* 
draw himself. Aminander fled out of his Athama- 
nia, which the Macedonian took and enjoyed, as in 
recompence of his good service to the Romans. 
Philip, the brother ot Aminander's wife, was taken 
by the consul, made a mocking-stock, and sent away 
prisoner to Rome. The Thessalians used much more 
diligence in returning to their old friends than they 
had done in yielding to a the king. All their cities, 
one after another, gave up themselves ; the garrisons 
of Antiochus, compounding only for their own lives, 
and departing unarmed ; yet so that a thousand of 
them staid behind, and took pay of the Romans. 
This did wonderfully perplex Antiochus, who, hav- 
ing withdrawn himselr to Chalets, and hearing how 
things went, cried out upon his friends, and said 
that they had betrayed him; He had taken a great 
deal of. toil during one half of a winter, and spent 
the other half in such nuptials as were little to bis 
honour ; after which, in time of need, he found all 
the promises of the vEtolians merely verbal, and him* 

OteAP.t* orf THE WORLD. 177 

self reduced into terms of great extreniity. He 
therefore admired Hannibal as a wise man, yei, a very 

Seat prophet, that had foreseen all thitf long before, 
evertheless, he sent word to the i£toliaris, that 
they should now make teady all their forces, as con- 
sidering their own need to be no less than his. But 
the iEtolians had cause to think that they them- 
selves were shamefully disappointed by Antiotihtid, 
who, having promised to do great wonders, was in all 
this while seconded by no greater numbers out of 
Asia than so many as would fill up the same ten 
thousand which he first brought over; yet came there 
some of them, though fewer than at any time before, 
which joined with him. Hereat the king was angry, 
and could get no better satisfaction, than that Thdas 
and his fellows had done their best, in vain, to have 
made all the nation take arms. Since, therefore, nei- 
ther his own men came over to him out of Asia, nor 
Bis friends of Greece would appear in this time of 
danger, he seized upon the straits of Thermopylae, as 
meaning to defend them against the Romans until 
mare help should come. Of the straits of Thermo- 
pylae there hath been spoken enough before upon: 
many occasions 1 ; and then chiefly, when they were 
defended by Leonidas against the huge army of 
Xerxes. Wherefore it may easily be conceived how 
the Romans, that landed about Apollonia, arid so 
came onwards into Thessaly, were unable to pass 
that ledge of mountains, dividing the one half of 
Greece, unless they could win this difficult entrance. 
But there was great difference between Leonidas and 
Antiochus; the former of these, with dn handful of 
men, defended this passage two or three days to* 
gether, against a world of men coming to invade the 
country; the latter, having taken upon him to do great 
miracles, and effect what he listed himself in Greece, 
did commit himself unto the safety of this place, 


i Lib. IU. Chip. vi. Sect. S. 

Vol. VI. m 

17$ .THE HISTO&Tf J09K T* 

when be was charged by not many more than be h*d 
in his own army. There whilst be lay, he sent < 
nest messages one after another to the JEtolians, 
treating them not to forsake him thus, but at least- 
wise how to help and keep the tops of the mountains, 
lest the Romans, finding any by-path, should come 
down upon him. By this importunity he got of them 
two thousand, that undertook to make good the few 
passages by which only, and not without extreme dif- 
ficulty, it was possible for the enemy to ascend. The 
|Loman consul, in like sort, prepared to force the 
s,traits, without staying to expect king Philip, that 
was hindered by sickness from accompanying him* 
He had with him M. Porcius Cato, and L. Valerius. 
Jlaccus, that had both of them been consuls. These 
he sent forth by night with two thousand men, to try 
whether by any means they could get up to the i£to- 
lians. He himself encouraged his army, not only by 
telling them with what base-conditioned enemies they 
had to deal, but what rich kingdoms Antiochus held* 
that shpuld bountifully reward them if they were vic- 
tors. This was on the day before the battle. All 
that night Cato had a sore journey (for what hap- 
pened unto L. Valerius it is uncertain, save only that 
he failed in his intent), and so much the worse £6t 
that he had no skilful guide. Seeing therefore his 
men exceedingly tired with climbing up steep rocks 
and crooked ways, he commanded them to repose 
themselves, whilst he, being a very able man of body, 
took, in hand the discovery, accompanied with no 
rpore than one of like mettle to himself. After a 
great deal of trouble, he found at length a path* 
which he took to be, as indeed it was, the best way 
leading unto the enemies. So thither he brought his 
men, and held on the same path till towards break of 
day. It was a place not haunted, because in time of 
peace there was a fair way through the straits below, 
that required no such trouble of climbing ; neither 
had this entrance of the Thermopylae been so often the 

CHAT. T. W fttfe WOftLti. 37^ 

seat of war as might cause any travellers to search 
eat the passages of those desolate mountains. Where* 
fore the way that Cato followed, though it were the 
best, yet did it lead him to a bog at the end, which 
'would suffer him to pass no further. So he staid 
there until daV- light, by which he discovered both 
tile camp of the Greeks underneath him, and some 
of the jEtoiians Very near unto him, that were keep* 
ing watch. He therefore sent forth a lusty crew of 
his men, whom he thought fittest for that service, 
and willed them by any fneans to get him some pri- 
soners. This was effected ; and he thereby under- 
stood that these ^Etolians were no more than sfy 
hundred ; as also that king Antiochus lay beneath in 
the valley* So he presently set upon the vEtolians, 
overthrew them, slew a great part of them, and chased 
the rest, that, by flying to their camp, guided him 
frtrto it. The fight was already begun between the 
aratitar below ; and the Romans, that had easily re- 
pelled the king's men, and driven them into their 
camp, found ft in a manner a desperate piece of work 
to assault the camp itdelf, which occupied the whole 
breadth of the straits, was notably fortified, and not 
only defended by Antiochus's long pikes, which were 
best at that kind of service, but by archers and sling* 
era that were placed over them on the lull-side, and 
poured down a shower of weapons upon their heads > 
but Cam's approach determined the matter. It was 
thought at first, that the iEtolians had been coming 
to help the king's men ; but when the Roman arms 
and ensigns were discovered, such was the terrbr, 
that none made offer of resistance, but all of them 
forsook the camp and fled. The slaughter was not 
great, for that the badness of the way did hinder the 
Roman army from making pursuit ; yet this day's 
loss drove Antiochus out of Greece, who directly 
fled to Chalcis, and from thence, with the first op- 
portunity, get him back into Asia. 


All the cities that had embraced the friendship of 
Antiochus, prepared forthwith to entertain the Ro- 
mans, and intreat for pardon ; setting open their 
gates, and presenting themselves unto the consuls in 
manner of suppliants. Briefly, in a few days* all was 
recovered that Antiochus had gained, the ^Etoliaw 
only standing out, because they knew not^hat eke 
to do. Neither did the consul give them any respite. 
At his return from Chalcis, he met with king Philip, 
that, having recovered health, came to join with him 
against Antiochus; over whom, since the victory 
was already gotten, he did gratulate unto the Ro- 
mans their good success, and offered to take part 
with them in the ^Etolian war. So it was agreed 
that the consul should besiege Heraclea, and Philip 
Lamia at the same time. Each of them plied his 
work hard ; especially Philip, who fain would have 
taken Lamia before the consul should come to help 
him. But it could not be ; for his Macedonians, that 
used to work by mine, were over-much hindered by 
the stony ground. Yet was Lamia even ready to be 
taken, when the consul, having won Heraclea, came 
thither, and told Philip, that the spoil of these towns 
was a reward unto those that had fought at Thermo- 
pylae. Herewith Philip must be contented, and 
therefore went his way quietly. But Acilius, that 
could so ill endure to see Philip in likelihood of 
thriving by the Romans victory, got not Lamia him- 
self until such time as another consul was ready to 
ease himself of his charge. 

The loss of Heraclea did so affright the jEtolians, 
that they thought no way safer than to desire peace; 
yet had they sent unto king Antiochus, presently 
after his flight, intreating him not to forsake tbem 
utrerly, but either to return with all those forces 
•which he had purposed to bring into Greece ; or, 
if any thing withheld him from coming in person* 
at leastwise to help them with money and other aid. 
They prayed him to consider, that this did not only 

<3«AP, y # OF THE WORLD, 131 

concern him in honour, but appertained unto his 
own safety ;' since it would be much to his hurt, if 
the iBtofians, being wholly subdued, the Romans, 
without any enemies at their backs, might set upon 
him in Ana* He considered well of this, and found 
their words true. Therefore he delivered unto Ni- 
cander, one of their embassadors, a sum of money 
that might serve to defray the charges of the war ; 
promising, that ere lortg he would send them strong 
aid both by land and sea. Thoas, another of their 
embassadors, he retained with him, who willingly 
staid, that he might urge the king to make his word 
good. But when Heraclea was taken from them, 
then did the iEtolians lay aside all hopes of amend- 
ing their fortune by the help of Antiochus, and made 
suit unto the consul to obtain peace upon any rea- 
sonable condition. The consul would scarce vouch- 
safe to give them audience ; but said* he had other 
business in hand ; only he granted them ten days -of 
truce, and sent L. Valerius Flaccus with them to 
- Hypata, willing them to make him acquainted with 
as much as they would have delivered unto himself. 
At their coming to Hypata, they began, as men fa- 
vouring their own cause, to allege how well they had 
deserved of the Romans. Whereto Flaccus would 
not hearken. He told them plainly, that the memory 
of all such good offices past was quite obliterated by 
the malice which they had shewed of late. Where- 
fore he willed them to acknowledge their fault, and 
to entreat pardon. Better they thought to do so e- 
ven betimes, than to stay till they were reduced unto 
terms of more extremity. Hereupon they agreed to 
commit themselves unto the faith of the Romans, 
and to that effect sent embassadors to the consul. 
This phrase of committing unto thejaitk, signified, in 
their use of it, little else than the acknowledgment 
of a fault done, and the craving of pardon. But the 
-Romans used those words in another sense, and 
counted them all one as yielding to discretion 1 , Where.- 

1 Legat. Excerpt, c Poljb. 13. 
M 3 

18f TME HWTMT WW v. 

fore, when the consul heard them speak* in tfeia manr 
ner, he asked them whether their meaning were agree? 
able to their words. They answered that it was, and 
shewed him the decree of their nation lately made 
to this purpose. Then, said he, I coflgupand you 
first of all, that none of ye presume to go into Asia 
upon any business* private or public ; then, that ye 
deliver up unto me Dicaearchus the vEtoUap, Mene- 
stratus the Epirot, Aminander the Athaman^an* an4 
such of his countrymen as have followed bvpa ip re- 
volting from us* Whilst he was vet speakipg, Phar 
soeas, the embassador, interrupted him* and prayed 
him not to mistake the custom of the. Greeks, who 
yielded themselves unto his fatih $ not unto slavery* 
' What,' (said the consul) ' do ye stand to plead 
* custom with me, being now at my diftcrotkro? 
< iiiiug hither a chain.' With that, chains ware 
brought, and an iron collar, by his appointment, fit' 
ted unto every one of their necks, This did so af- 
fright them, that they stood dumb, and knew «gt 
what to say« But Valerius* and some others, *ntrea£< 
ed the consul not to. deal thus hardly with the**, 
since they came as embassadors, though sinyt their 
condition was altered. Phameaaalso spake for him- 
self, and said, that neither he, nor yet the Apocletj, 
pr ordinary cponcil of the nation, were, able to ; fulfil 
these injunctions, without approbation of the general. 
assembly. For which cause, he intreated yet further 
ten days respite, and had granted unto him truce for 
so long. 

This surceasance of war, during ten and other ten 
days together, began presently after the taking of 
Heraclea, when Philip had been cogsmapded away 
from Lamia, that else he might have won, Now: be- 
cause of the indignity herein offered unto that k*iig, 
and to the end that he might not return home with 
his army, like one that could not be. trusted in en* 
ployment, especially the Romans being like hero- 
after to have farther need of bimdn the QQHtiouaacfc 

.» • \ . 

MA*, *. Of nOB WOfctLB. idS 

of this war, he was desired to set upon the Athatria- 
mans, and some other petty nations, their borderers/ 
whilst the consul was busy with the /Etolians, taking 
for his reward all that he could get. And he got in 
that space all Athamania, Perrhaebia, Aperantia, and 
Dolopia. For the iEtolians, hearing what had be- 
fallen their embassadors, were so enraged, that al- 
though they were very ill provided for war, yet they 
could not endure to hear more talk of peace. And- 
it happened that Nicander, about the same time, was* 
come back from Antiochus, with money and hope- 
ful promises, the Romans abiding still about Hera- 
clea, and Philip having lately risen from before La- 
mia, yet not being far gone thence. His money Ni- 
cander conveyed into Lamia, by very unusual dex- 
terity. But he himself being to pass further to the 
assembly of the iEtolians, there to make report of 
his embassy, was very much perplexed about this his 
journey, which lay between the Roman and Mace- 
donian camps. Yet he made the adventure, and' 
keeping as far as he could from the Roman side, fell 
upon a station of Macedonians, by whom he was ta- 
ken, and led unto their king. He expected no good, 
but either to be delivered unto the Romans, or us- 
ed ill enough by Philip. But it seems that the 
king had not concocted well the indignity of his- 
being sent away from Lamia. For he commanded 
his servants to intreat Nicander friendly ; and he 
himself being then at supper, did visit him as soon' 
as he rose up, giving him to understand, that the 
jEtolians did now reap the fruits of their own mad- 
ness, forasmuch as they could never hold themselves 
contented, but would needs be calling strangers into 
Greece. They had pleased themselves well in their 
acquaintance, first with the Romans, and then with 
kitig Antiochus ; but himself, being their neighbour, 
they could never well endure. It was now, there- 
fore, he said, high time for them to haVe regard un- 
to his friendship, whereof hitherto they had never 

m 4 

lity TW8 WSTOftY BOOK f. 

made >ny trial ; for surely their ; good affection, one 
unto the other, would be much more available unto^ 
each of them, than their mutual catching of advan- 
tages, wjiereby they had wrought themselves much . 
displeasure. Thus much the King willed Nicander 
to signify unto his countrymen, ana privately to hold 
ip mind thq courtesy which he then did him in send- 
ing him safe home. $Q giying him a convoy tQ 
guard him to Hypata, he lovingly dismissed him. For 
tjii? benefit, Nicander was always after dutifully af- 
fected to the crqwq of Macedon ; so as in the #ar 
of Perseus be made himself suspected unto the Ro- 
mans, and therefore jvas had away to Rome, where 
he ended his life.. 

. When the consul understood that the 4^tolian$ 
refused to make their submission, in- such wise as he 
required it, he forthwith meant to prosecute the wac 
qgainst them, without any longer forbearance. They 
were preparing to make head against him at Nau- 
pactus ; whither he therefore directly marched, to 
try what they could or durst. The siege of Naupao- 
tjis was of greater length than the Romans had pre- 
conceived it; for it was a strong city, and well- 
manned. But Acilius stood upon point of honour; 
wherein he thought that he should have been a loser^ 
ijy rising froip before it >yithout victory. So hg staid 
tjiere well-near all the following time of his consul- 
ship, whilst the Macedonian king, and the Achaeans, 
made far fetter use. of the Roman victory. Philip, 
as is said before, being flowed tq take in such places 
as had revolted unto Antiochus, and were not hi- 
therto reclaimed, won the strong city of Demetrias, 
$nd with an hasty course of victory subbed the A- 
thamanjans and others. The Achaeans called to ac- 
count the gleans and Af essenians, which had long 
been addicted to the ^Etolian ^ide, and followed it 
in taking part with Antiochus. The Eleans gave 
£ood words, whereby they saved themselves from 
trouble a while T The Mes?enians being nK>re stput, 


before they were invaded, had none other help, 
when the Achaean praetor wasted their country, than 
to offer themselves unto the Romans. Titus was 
then at Corinth ; to whom they sent word, That at 
his commandment their gates should be opened ; 
but that unto the Achaeans it was not their meaning 
to yield. A message from Titus to the Achaean prse- 
iof, did suffice to call home the army, and finish the 
war ; as also the peremptory command of the same 
Titus caused the Messenians to annex themselves 
unto the Achaeans, and become part of their com- 
mon-weal. Such was now the majesty of a Roman 
embassador. Titus did favour the Achaeans; yet 
could not like it well, that either they, or any other, 
should take too much upon them. He thought it 
enough that they had their liberty, and were strong 
enough to defend it against any of their neighbours. 
That they should make themselves great lords, and 
Able to dispute with the Roman upon even terms, 
it was no part of his desire. They had lately bought 
the isle of Zacynthus, which had once been Philip's, 
ajid was afterwards given by him to Aminander, who 
sent a governor thither. But when Aminander, in 
this present war, was driven out of his own kingdom 
by Philip, then did the governor of Zacynthus offer to 
{sell the island to the Achaeans, whom he found ready 
chapmen. Titus liked not of this ; but plainly told 
them, That the Romans would be their own carvers, 
and take what they thought good of the lands be- 
longing to their enemies, as a reward of the victory 
which they had obtained. It was bootless to dis- 
pute. Wherefore the Achaeans referred themselves 
unto his discretion. So he told them, That their 
commonwealth was like a tortoise, whereof Pelopon- 
pesus was the shell ; and that holding themselves 
within that compass, they were out of danger ; but 
if they would needs be looking abroad, they should 
lie open to blows, which might greatly hurt them. 
Having settled things thus in Peloponnesus, he went 

- i 



fortune. He understood long before, as did all that 
were indifferent beholders of the contention, that the 
Romans were like to have the upper hand. The 
same did Antiochus now begin to suspect, who had 
thought himself a while as safe at Ephesus as if he 
•bad been in another world ; but was told by Hanni- 
bal, That it was not so far out of Greece into Asia, 
as out of Italy into Greece ; and that there was no 
doubt but the Romans would soon be there, and 
make him try the chance of a battle for his king- 

Sect. VIII. 

Lucius Scipio, having with him PubUus, the African, 
his elder brother, for his lieutenant, is sent into 
Greece. He grants long truce to the Mtohans, 
that so he might at leisure pass into Asia* Muck 
troublesome business by sea, and divers fights. An 
invasion upon Eumenes's kingdom ; with the siege 
OfPergantus, raised by an handful of the Achaean*. 
L. Scipio, the constd, comes into Asia, where Antio- 
chus most earnestly desireth peace, and is denied it. 
The battle of Magnesia ; wherein Antiochus being 
vanquished, yielded to the Roman 9 s good pleasure. 
The conditions of the peace, fy what sort the jRo- 
mans used their victory. L. Cornelius Scipio, after 
a most sumptuous triumph over Antiochus, is sur- 
named The Asiatic, as Ids brother was stiled The 
African. • 

Lucius Cornelius SciPio, the brother of P. Sci- 
pio, the African, was chosen consul at Rome, with 
C. Lselius. Laelius was very gracious in the senate ; 
and therefore being desirous (as generally all consols 
were) of the more honourable employment, offered 
to refer to the arbitrament of the senate, if L. Cor- 

CHAP.* Y. 



neliiis would be so pleased, the disposition of their 
provinces, without putting it to the hazard of a lot- 
tery. Lutius, having talked with his brother Pub- 
lius, approved well of the motion. Such a question 
bad not of long time been put unto the fathers; who 
therefore were the more desirous to make an un- 
blameable decree. But the matter being otherwise 
eomewhat indifferent, P. Scipio, the African, said 
openly thus much, That if the senate would appoint 
bis brother to the war against Antiochus, he himself 
would follow his brother in that war as his lieute- 
nant. These words were heard with such approba- 
tion, that the controversy was forthwith at an end. 
For if Antiochus relied upon Hannibal, and should 
happen to be directed wholly by that great captain,' 
what better man could they oppose than Scipio, that 
bad been victorious against the same great worthy. 
But indeed a worse man might have served well e- 
nough the turn. • For Hannibal had no absolute com- 
mand, nor scarce any trust of great importance, ex- 
cepting now and then in consultation, where his wis- 
dom was much approved, but his liberty and high 
spirit as much disliked. It is worthy of remem- 
brance, as a sign of the freedom that he used in his 
censures, even whilst he lived in such a court. An- 
tiochus mustered his army . in presence of this fa- 
mous captain ; thinking, as may seem, to have made 
him wish that he had been served by such brave men 
in Italy : for they were gallantly decked, both 
men, horses, and elephants, with such costly furni- 
ture of gold, silver, and purple, as glittered with a 
terrible bravery on a sun shine day. Whereupon the 
king, well-pleasing himself with that goodly spectacle, 
asked Hannibal what he thought, and whether all 
this were not enough for the Romans ? . ' Enough' 
(said Hannibal) * were the Romans the most covet- 
ous men in all the world ;' meaning, that all this cost 
upon the backs of cowardly Asiatics was no better 
tban a spoil to animate good soldiers. How little 


this answer pleased the kitig, it is easy to gneas. The 
little use that he made of this Carthaginian testifies 
that his dislike of the man caused him to lose the 
use of his service, when he stood in greatest ne- 
cessity thereof. 

The Scipios made all haste away from Rome £ 
soon as they could* They carried with them, besides 
Other soldiers newly pressed to the war, abitat five 
thousand volunteers, that had served under F* Afii* 
eanus* There was .also a fleet of thirty quinque* 
reme gallies, and twenty trireme*, newly built* ap» 
pointed unto 1* iErailius Regillus, that wks choeen 
admiral the same year for that voyage. At their 
Coming into Greece, they found the old consul 
(xlabrio besieging Amphissa, a city of tbt JEtxtsum* 
The -^E to Hans, after that they were denied peace* 
bad expected him once again at Naupactus ; where* 
fore they not only fortified that town, but kept *fl 
the passages thereto leading, which heedlessly, as in 
time of confusion, they had left unguarded the last 
year. Glabfio knowing this, deceived their expecta* 
tion, and fell upon Lamia; which being not long 
since much weakened by Philip, and now by him at* 
tempted on the sudden, was carried at the second 
assault* Thence went he to Amphissa, which he had 
almost gotten* when L. Scipio, his successor, came 
with thirteen thousand foot and five hundred horse, 
and took charge of the army. The town of Am- 

Ehissa was presently forsaken by the inhabitants; 
Ut they had a castle, or higher town, that was im* 
pregnable, whereinto they all retired. The Athenian 
embassadors had dealt with P. Scipio in behalf of the 
iEtolians, intreating htm to stand their friend, and 
help them in obtaining some tolerable conditions of 
peace* He gave them gentle words, and willed them 
to persuade the iEtoliafts that they should faithfully 
and with true meaning desire it. This was gladly 
taken ; but many messages passing to and fro, 
though Publius continued to put them in good hope, 


jet the ceroid made still the same answer with 
which they had been chaced from Rome. The con* 
elusion was, That they should sue for a longer time 
of respite from war ; whereby at more leisure they 
might attend some better disposition of the senate, 
.or any helpful commodity which time should afford. 
So they obtained half a year's leisure of breathings 
Hereof were they not more glad than was P. Scipio, 
who thought all time lost which withheld the war from 
passing over into Asia. 

The business of vEtolia being thus laid aside, and 
the old consul Glabrio sent home into Italy, the 
JScipios marched into Thessaly, intending thence to 
take their way by land, through Macedon and Thrace, 
unto the Hellespont Yet they considered* that 
hereby they must commit themselves unto the loyal* 
ty of king Philip* who might either do them some 
mischief by the way, if he were disposed to watch a 
notable advantage} or at the least, would he be 
unfaithful, though he were not so courageous, yet 
might he take such order with the Thracians that, 
even for want of victuals, if by no greater inconveni- 
ence, they should be disgracefully forced to return* 
tie had promised them the utmost of his furtherance* 
wherein, whether he meant sincerely, they thought 
to make some trial, by causing a gentleman to ride 
post unto him and observe his doings, as he should 
take him on the sudden* The king was merry at a 
feast and drinking when the messenger came, whom 
he lovingly bade welcome, and shewed him the next 
day, not only what provision of victuals he had made 
lor the army, but how he had made bridges over the 
livers, and mended the bad ways by which they were 
to pass. With these good news Gracchus returned 
back ia haste unto the Scipios, who, entering into Ma* 
cedon, found all things in readiness that might help to 
advance their journey. The king entertained them 
royally, and brought them on their way even to the 

lffe f HE HISTOKY AoOK f. 

Hellespont, where they staid a good while until their 
navy was in readiness to transport them into Asia* 

Much was do he at sea in the beginning of thift 
year, though, for the most part, little of importance: 
rolyxenidas, the admiral of Antiochus, was a banish- 
ed Rhodian, true to the king, and desirous of re* 
venge upon his countrymen that had expelled him'. 
He, hearing that the Rhodian fleet was at Samos, the 
Romans and Eumenes having not as yet put to sea ft 
thought to do somewhat upon those that were sa 
early in their diligence, before their fellows should 
arrive to help them. Yet went he craftily to work; 
and sent word, as in great secresy, to tlie Rhodian 
admiral, That if the sentence of his banishment might 
be repealed, he would, in requital thereof, betray all 
the king'* fleet. After many passages to and fro, 
this was believed ; and the Rhodian admiral grew so 
careless, expecting still when he should receive a 
watch-word from Polyxenidas, that he himself was 
taken by Polyxenidas in his own haven. The king's 
fleet, setting forth from Ephesus by night, and, for 
fear of being discovered, resting one day in a har- 
bour by the way, came the second night to Samos, 
where, by morning, it was ready to enter the haven. 
Pausistratus the Rhodian admiral seeing this, thought 
it his best way of resistance to bestow his men on 
the two head-lands or points of the haven, so to 
guard the mouth of it, for that he saw no likelihood 
of defending himself by sea. But Polyxenidas had 
already landed some companies in another part of the 
island, which, falling upon the back of Pausistratus, 
compelled him to alter n is directions and command 
his men aboard. This could not be without great 
confusion, so as the enemies took him out of all or- 
der, and sunk or boarded all his navy, five excepted, 
that by a sudden device made shift to escape. Each 
of them hung out a burning cresset upon two poles 
at the beak-head, and then rowed forwards directly 
upon the enemy, who having not bethought himself 

©HAP. V. OF T&E WORLD. 198 

what shift to make against such unexpected danger 
of firing, was content to give way unto these despe- 
rate galiies, for fear lest they should burn, together 
with themselves, a part of the king's fleet. 

Not long after this the Romans had some loss by 
tempest, whereof Polyxeuidas could not take such 
advantage as he had hoped ; because, putting to sea 
for that purpose, he was driven back again by the 
like foul weather. But the Rhodians, to shew that 
they were not discouraged, set forth twenty other 
galiies ; the Romans also, with king Eumenes, re- 
paired their fleet % and all of them together, in great 
bravery, presented battle to Polyxemdas, before the 
haven of Ephesus. When he durst not accept it, 
they went from place to place attempting many 
things, as either they were entreated by the Rhodi- 
ans, or persuaded by some appearing hopes of doing 
good. , Yet performed they little or nothing; for 
that one while they were hindered by storms at sea, 
and another while by strong resistance made against 
them by land. 

Eumenes, with his fleet, was compelled to forsake 
them> and return home to the defence of his own 
kingdom; for Antiochus wasted all the grounds 
about Elaea and Pergamus, and leaving his son Se- 
leucus to besiege the royal city of Pergamus* did, 
with the rest of his army, spoil the whole country 
thereabout. At talus, the brother of king Eumenes, 
was then in Pergamus, having with him no better 
men to defend the city than were they that lay against 
it ; wherefore he had reason to stand in fear, being 
too much inferior in number. There came to his 
aid a thousand foot and an hundred horse of the A- 
ehaeans, old soldiers all, and trained up under Philo- 
peemen, whose scholar in the art of war Diophanes 
their commander was. This Diophanes, beholding 
from the walls of Pergamus, which was an high town* 
the demeanour of the enemy, began to disdain t\\$L 
such men as them should hold him besieged ; for Se- 

Vol. VI. N 


leucus's army, which was encamped at the hiil-foot, 
seeing that none durst sally forth upon them, grew 
so careless, as, otherwise than by spoiling all behind 
their backs, they seemed to forget that they were in 
an enemy's country. Diophanes therefore spoke 
with At talus, and told him that he would go forth to 
visit them. Attains had no liking to this adventure, 
for he said that the match was nothing equal) but the 
Achaean would needs have his will, and issuing forth, 
encamped not far from the enemy. They of Perga* 
mus thought him little better than mad. As for the 
besiegers, they wondered at first what his meaning 
was ; but when they saw that he held himself quiet, 
they made a jest of his boldness, and laughed to see 
with what an handful of men he looked so stoutly. 
So they returned unto their former negligence and dis- 
orders, which Diophanes perceiving, he commanded 
all his men to follow him, even as fast as they well 
might ; and he himself, with the hundred horse, 
broke out on the sudden upon the station that was 
next at hand. Very few of the enemies had their 
horses ready saddled, but more few or none had the 
hearts to make resistance; so as he drove them all 
out of their camp, and chaced them as ftr as he 
might safely adventure, with great slaughter of men, 
and no loss of his own. Hereat all die citizens of 
Pergamus (who had covered the walls of the town, 
men and women, to behold this spectacle) were very 
joyful, and highly magnified the virtue of these Achss* 
ans ; yet would they not therefore issue forth of their 
gates to help the Achaean s in doing what remained 
to be done. The next day Seleucus encamped half ft 
mile further from the town than he had done before, 
and against him went forth Diophanes the second 
time, who quietly rested a while in bis old station. 
When they had staid many hours looking who should 
begin, Seleucus, in fair order as he came, withdrew 
himself towards his lodging that was further off. Dio- 
phanes moved not whilst the enemy was in sight, but 

fcHAP. V. GF THE WORLD. 195 

as soon as the ground between them hindered the 
prospect, he followed them in all haste, and soon over- 
taking them with his horse, charged them in rear, 
so as he broke them, and with all his forces pursued 
them at the heels to their very trenches. This bold- 
ness of the Achaeans, and the baseness of his own 
men, caused Seleucus to quit the siege little to his 
honour. Such being the quality of these Asiatics, 
Philopoemen had cause to tell the Romans that he 
envied their victory ; for when Antiochus lay feasts 
ing at Chalcis after his marriage, and his soldiers be- 
took themselves to riot, as it had been in a time of 
great security, a good man of war might have cut all 
their throats, even as they were tippling in their vic- 
tualling-houses ; which Philopoemen said that he 
would have done had he been general of the Achae- 
ans, and not, as he then was, a private man. 

Antiochus was full of business ; and turning his 
Care from one thing to another with a great deal of 
travel, brought almost nothing to pass. He had been 
at Pergamus, into which Eumenes, leaving the Ro- 
mans, did put himself with a few of his horse and 
light armature. Before Pergamus he left his son, as 
before hath been shewed, and went to Elaea, whither 
he heard that JSmilius the Roman admiral was come 
to bring succour to Eumenes. There he had an over- 
ture ofpeace, about which to consult, Eumenes was 
sent for by ^Emilius, and came from Pergamus. 
But when it was considered that no conclusion could 
be made without the consul, this treaty broke off! 
Then followed the overthrow newly mentioned, which 
caused Seleucus to give over the siege of Pergamus* 
Afterwards, four or five towns of scarce any worth or 
note, were taken by the king ; and the Syrian fleet, 
being of seven and thirty sail, was beaten by the Rho- 
dian, which was of like number. But of this victory: 
the Rhodiah had no great cause to rejoice ; for that 
Hannibal the Carthaginian, who, together with Apol- 
lonius acourtier of Antiochus, was admiral of the 



Syrians, did them in a manner as great hurt as they 
Could do to Apollonitfs ; and having the victory taK- 
en out of his hand by Apollonius's flight, yet made 
such a retreat that the Knodiaiis durst not far adven- 
ture upofr him. NoW of these 'actions, which were 
but ag prefaces unfo the War, the last and greatest 
Was a victory of the Romans by sea against Polyx- 
enidas the king's admiral. The battle was fought by 
Myonnesus, a promontory in Asia, where Polyxenidas 
had with him fourscore and nine gallies, and five of 
them greater than any of the Romans. This being 
all the strength which he could make by sea, we may 
note the vanity of those brags wherewith Antiochus 
vaunted the last year, that his armada should cover 
all the shores of Greece. The Romans had eight 
And itfty gallies, theRhddians two and twenty; the Ro- 
man being the stronger built, and more stoutly man- 
ned ; the Rhodian more light timbered and thin plank- 
ed, having all advantage of speed and good seamen. 
Neither forgot they to help themselves by the same 
device with which five of their gallies had lately es- 
caped from Samoa ; for with fire in their prows they 
ran upon the enemy, who, declining them for fear, 
laid open his side, and was thereby in greater danger 
of being stemmed. After no long fight, the king's 
navy hoisted sail, and having a fair wind, bore away 
toward Ephestis as fast as they could. Yet forty o£ 
their gallies they left behind them, whereof thirteen 
were taken, all the rest burnt or sunk. The Romans 
and their fellows lost only two or three ships, but got 
hereby the absolute mastery of the sea. 

The report of this misadventure may seem to have 
taken from Antiochus all use of reason ; for, as if no 
hope had been remaining to defend those places that 
he held in Europe, he presently withdrew his garri- 
sons from Lysimachia, which might easily haVe been 
kept, even till the end of winter following, and had 
reduced the besiegers (if the siege had been conti- 
nued obstinately) to terms of great extremity. He 


also gave over the siege of Colophon ; and laying 
aside all thought save only of defence, drew together 
all his army, and sent for help to his father-in-law 
king Ariarathes, the Cappadocian. 

Thus the Roman consul, without impediment, not 
only came to the Hellespont, but had yielded unto 
him all places there belonging to Antiochus on Eu-% 
rope side. The fleet was then also in readiness to 
transport him over into Asia ; where Eumenes had 
' taken such care before, that he landed quietly at his 
own good ease, even as if the country had been his 
already. The first news that he heard of his enemy 
was by an embassador that came, to sue for peace. 
This embassador declared in his master's name, that 
the same things which had hindered him from obtain- 
ing peace of the Romans' heretofore, did now per- 
suade him that he should easily come to good agree- 
ment with them ; for in all disputations heretofore, 
Smyrna, Lampsacus, and Lysimachia, had been the 
places about which they varied. Seeing therefore 
the king had now already given over JLysimachia,. 
and was further purposed not to strive with the Ro- 
mans about Lampsacus and Smyrna, what reason was' 
there why they should need to trouble him with war ?, 
If it was their desire that any other towns iipoq the' 
coast of Asia, not mentioned by them in any former 
treaties, should be also set at liberty or otherwise 
delivered into their hands, the king would not refuse 
to gratify them therein. Briefly, let them take some 
part . of Asia, so as the bounds dividing them from 
the king might not be uncertain, and it should be 
quietly put into their hands. If all this were not enough, 
tlie king would likewise bear half the charges where- 
at they had been in this war j so praying the Romans 
to hold themselves content with these good offers^ 
and not to be too insolent upon confidence of their 
fortune, he expected their answer. These offers* 
which to the embassador seemed so great, were judg- 
ed by the Romans to be very little ; for they thought 



it reasonable that the king should bear all the charges 
of the war, since it began through his own fault; and 
that he should not only depart put of those few town* 
which he held in JEolis and Ionia, but quite out of 
Asia the Less, and keep himself on the other side of 
mount Taurus. When the embassador therefore saw, 
that no better bargain could be made, he dealt with 
P. Scipio in private; and to him he propiised a great; 
quantity of gold, together with the free restitution 
of his son, who (it is uncertain by what mischance) 
was taken prisoner, and most honourably entertained, 
by the king. Scipio would npt hearken to the offer 
of gold, nqr otherwise tp the restitution of his son ? 
than upon condition that it with making 
such amends for the benefit as became a private man. 
As for the public business, he only said thus much, 
— That since Antiochus had already forsaken Lysi- 
machia, and suffered the war to take hold op his own. 
kingdom* there was now none other way for him 
than either to fight, or yield to that which was re- 
quired at his hands, Wherefore, said he, tell your 
king in my namej that I would advise him to refuse 
lio condition whereby he may have, peace. . 

The king was not any whit moved with this ad r 
vice; for, seeing that the consul demanded of him nq 
less than if he had been already subdued, little rea- 
son there was that he should fear to come to battle, 
wl^reiri he could lose, as he thought, no jnore than, 
by seeking to avoid it, he must give away. He had 
with him threescore and ten thousand foot, and 
twelve thousand horse, besides two and fifty Indian 
elephants, and many chariots armed with hooks or 
scythes, according to the manner of the eastern coun- 
tries. Yet was he nothing pleased to hear that the 
consul drew near him apace, as one hasting to fight; 
but howsoever he was affected, he made so littl^ 
shew of fear, that hearing P. Scipio to lie sick at 
Elaea, he sent thither unto him his son without ran- 
som, as one both desirous to comfort this noble war- 


i ior in his -sickness, and withal not desirous to retain 
the young gentleman for a pledge of his own safety. 
Thus ought his bounty to be constant ; otherwise it 
might be suspected that herein he dealt craftily ; for 
since he could have none other ransom of Scipio than 
such as an honourable man that had no great store of 
wealth might pay, better it was to do such a courtesy 
before the battle as would afterwards have been little 
worth, than to stay until the Romans, perhaps vic- 
torious, should exact it at his hands. P. Scipio was 
greatly comforted with the recovery of his son, so as the 
joy thereof was thought to have been much available 
unto his health. In recompence of the king's humani- 
ty, he said only thus much unto those that brought 
him this acceptable present, ' I am now able to make 
' your king none other amends than by advising him 
' not to fight until be shall hear that I am in the. 
4 camp/ What he meant by this it is hard to con- 
jecture. Antiochus resolved to follow his counsel, 
and therefore withdrew himself from about Thyatira, 
beyond the river of Phrygius or Hyllus, unto Mag- 
nesia by Sipylus, where encamping, he fortified him- 
self as strongly as he could. Thither followed him 
L. Scipio the consul, and sat down within four miles 
of him. About a thousand of the king's horse, most 
of them Gallo-Greeks, came to bid the Romans wel- 
come, of whom at first they slew some, and were 
anon, with some loss, driven back over the river. 
Two days were quietly spent, whilst neither the kinj 
nor the Romans would pass the water* The thin 
day the Romans made the adventure, wherein they 
found no disturbance, nor were at all opposed, until 
they came within two miles and an hau of Antio- 
chus's camp. There, as they were taking up their 
lodging, they were charged by three thousand horse 
and foot, whom the ordinary corps du guard repelled. 
Four days together after this, each of them brought 
forth their armies, and set them in order before the 
trenches, without advancing any farther. The fifth 

n 4 


day the Romans came half way forward and pre- 
sented battle, which the king would not accept.— 
Thereupon the consul took advice what was to be 
done ; for either they must fight upon whatsoever 
disadvantage, or else resolve to abide by it all win- 
ter, far from any country of their friends, and there- 
fore subject unto many difficulties, unless they would % 
s;ain their honour by returning far back to winter in 
a more convenient place, and so defer the war until 
the next spring. The Roman soldier was thoroughly 
persuaded of that enemy's base temper ; wherefore 
it was the general cry, that this great army should be 
assailed, even in the Camp where it lay ; as if rather 
there were so many beasts to be slaughtered than 
men to be fought with. Yet a day or two passed in 
discovering the fortifications of Antiochus, and the 
safest way to set upon him. All this while P. Scipio 
came not ; wherefore the king, being very loth to 
dishearten his men by seeming to stand in fear of his 
enemy, resolved to put the matter to a trial. So, 
when the Romans took the field again and ordered 
theii battle, he also did the like, and advanced so far 
that they might understand his meaning to fight. 

The jftoraan army consisted of four legions, two 
Roman and two Latin ; in each of which were five 1 
thousand and four hundred men. The Latins, as' 
usually were in the points ; the Romans in the main 
battle": all of them, in their wonted form, were di- 
vided into maniples. The HastaH had the leading, 
after them followed the Principes at such distance as 
usual, and last of all the Triarii. Now besides these 
there were about three thousand auxiliaries, partly 
Achoeans, and partly such as belonged to Euirienes, 
which were placed in an equal front beyond the La- 
tins in the right wing. Utmost of all (save some five 
hundred Cretans, and of the Trallians) were almost 
three thousand horse, of which Eumenes had brought 
thither eight hundred, the rest being Roman. Ihe 
left wing was fenced by- the bank. of the river, yet 


four trbops of horse wqrc placed there, though such 
help seemed in a manner needless. Two thousand 
voluntaries, Macedonians and Thracians, were left 
to guard the camp. The fconsul had with him sixteen 
African elephants, which he bestowed in his rear ; 
forasmuch as, had they come to fight with those of 
Antiochus, they only would have served to discou- 
rage his men, as being sure to be beaten; the Indian 
Jbeing far the greater and more courageous beasts, 
whereof Antiochus had likewise much advantage in 

The king's army being compounded of many na- 
tions, diversly appointed, and not all accustomed to 
one manner of fight, was ordered according to the 
several kinds, in such wise as each might be of most 
use. The main strength of -his foot consisted in six* 
teen thousand, armed all Macedonian-like, and call- 
ed Ph&langiers. These he placed in the midst, and 
divided into ten battalions, every one having two and 
thirty in file and fifty in front. Between every bat* 
talion were two elephants, goodly beasts, and such 
as being adorned with frontafs, high crests, towers on 
their backs, and besides him that governed the ele- 
phant, four men in every tower, made a gallant and 
terrible shew. On the right hand of these were fi£" 
teen hundred horse of the Gallo-Greeks ; then three 
thousand barbed horse, and a regiment of almost a 
thousand horse called the Agema, that were ail Me- 
dians, the choice of the country, and accompanied 
by some others. All which troops of horse divided 
ifa their several kinds, do seem to have followed one 
another in depth rather than to have been stretched 
out in front. Adjoining to these were sixteen ele- 
phants together in one flock. A little further to the 
right hand was the king's own regiment, called the 
Argyrasjndcs or Silver-shields, by a name borrowed 
from their furniture, but nothing like so valiant as 
those of the same name that had served under great 
Alexander j then twelve hundred archers on horse*. 


back, three thousand lightarmed footi two thousand 
and five hundred archers of Mysia, with four thou- 
sand slingers and archers of the Cyrtaeans and Ely- 
maeans. On the left hand of the Phalangiers were 

E laced the like numbers of Gallo-Gre^ks and barbed 
orse ; as also two thousand horse that were sent from 
Ariarathes, with two thousand and seven hundred of 
divers nations, and a regiment of a thousand horse 
more lightly armed, that were called the King's 
Troop, being Syrians, Phrygians, and Lydians. In 
front of all these horse were the chariots armed with 
hooks or scythes, and the dromedaries, whereon sat 
Arabians* with long rapiers, that would serve to reach 
from those high camels. Beyond these were, as in 
the right wing, a rabble of many nations, Carians, 
Cicilians, Pamphylians, Pisidians, Cyrtaeans, Elymae- 
ans, and many others, having also with them sixteen 
elephants* Antiochus himself commanded in the 
right wing, Seleucus in the left, and three of his 
principal captains commanded over the Phalangiers. 
The first onset was given by the dromedaries and 
armed chariots ; of which the one, being like to ter- 
rify the horse, the other to break the squadrons of 
the foot, Eumenes, with a few light-armed Cretans, 
archers, darters, and slingers, easily made frustrate 
the danger threatened by them both ; for with shout- 
ings and noises, and some wounds, they were driven 
out of the field ; and running back upon their own 
men, did the same harm which they had intended to 
the enemies. Wherefore the Roman horse, follow- 
ing this advantage, charged upon the left wing, where 
they found no resistance, some being out of order, 
others being without courage. It is shameful to re- 
hearse, and so strange that it may hardly seem cre- 
dible, that the Phalangiers, with such variety of auxi- 
liaries, made little or no resistance, but all of them 
fled in a manner as soon as they were charged. Only 
the king Antiochus himself, being in the left wing ot 
his own battle, and seeing the Latins that stood op- 


posite unto him weakly flanked with horse, gave up* 
on them courageously and forced them to retire. 
But M. iEmilius, that had the guard of the Roman 
.camp, issued forth with all his power to help his fel- 
lows ; and, , what by persuasion, what by threats, 
made them renew the fight. Succour also came from 
the right wing, where the Romans were already vie* 
torious; whereof when Antiochus discovered the 
approach, he not only turned his horse about, but ran 
away uppn the spur, without further tarriance. The 
camp was defended a little while, and with no great 
valotyr, though by a great multitude that were fled 
into it. Antiochus is said to have lost in this battle 
fifty thousand foot and four thousand horse, besides 
those that were taken. Of the Romans there were 
pot slain above three hundred foot and four and 
twenty horse ; of Eumenes's followers five and 

Antiochus fled into Sardes, and from thence to 
,Apamea the same night, hearing that Seleucus was 
jgone thither befojre. He left the custody of Sardes 
and the castle there to one whom he thought faith* 
ful; k but the. townsmen and soldiers were so dismay- 
ed with the greatness of the overthrow, that one 
man's faith was worth nothing. All the towns in 
those parts, without expecting summons, yielded up 
themselves by embassadors, whom they sent to the 
Romans whilst they were on the way. Neither were 
there many days spent ere Aotiochus's embassador 
was in the camp, having none other errand than to 
know what it would please the Romans to impose 
upon the king his master. P. Scipio was now come to 
his brother, who obtained leave to make the answer, 
because it should be gentle. They required too more 
than they had lately done, which was, that he should 
quite abandon his dominions on this side of Taurus. 
For their charges in that war they required fifteen 
thpusaqd talents ; five hundred in hand ; two thou- 
sand and five hundred when the senate and people of 



Rome should have confirmed the peace; and the 
other twelve thousand in twelve years next ensuing, 
hy even portions. Likewise they demanded four 
hundred talents for Eumenes, and some store of corn 
that was due to him upon a reckoning. Now, be- 
sides twenty hostages which they required, very ear- 
nest they were to have Hannibal the Carthaginian, 
and Thoas the JEtolian, with some others, who had 
stirred up the king to this war, delivered into their 
hands. But any wise man might so easily have per- 
ceived that it would be their purpose to make this 
one of their principal demands, as no great art was 
needful to beguile their malice* The king's embas- 
sador had full commission to refuse nothing that 
should he enjoined. Wherefore there was no more 
to do than to send immediately to Rome for the rati- 
fication of the peace. 

There were new consuls chosen in the meanwhile 
at Rome, M. Fulvitte and Cn. Manlius Volso. The 
./Etolians desired peace, but could not obtain it, be- 
cause they would accept neither of the two condi* 
tions before propounded. So it was decreed, that 
one of the consuls should make war upon the JEtioK- 
ans, the other upon Antiochus in Asia. Now, though 
shortly there came news that Antiochus was already 
vanquished in battle, and had submitted himself un- 
to all that could be required at his hands; yet, since 
the state of Asia was not like to be so thoroughly 
settled by one victory, but that many things might 
fall out worthy of the Romans' care, Cn. Manlius, to 
whom Asia fefl by lot, had not his province changed. 

Soon after this came the embassadors of king Aq- 
tiochus to Rome, accompanied with Rhodians and 
some others, yea, by king Eumenes in person, whose 
presence added a goodly lustre to the business in 
hand. Concerning the peace to be made with king 
Antiochus, there was no disputation ; it was gene- 
rally approved. All the trouble was about the distri- 
buL:0£ of the purchase. King Eumenes reckoned up 


his own deserts, and comparing himself with Masi- 
nissa, hoped that the Romans would be more bounti- 
ful to him than they had been to the Numidian, since 
they had found him a king indeed, whereas Masinissa 
was only such in title, and since both he and his father 
had always been their friends, even in the very worst 
of the Roman fortune. Yet was there much ado to 
make him tell what he would have, — he still referring 
himself to their courtesy, and they desiring hjm to 
speak plain. At length he craved that they would 
bestow upon him as much of the country by them 
taken from Antiochus as they had no purpose to keep 
in their own hands ; neither thought he it needful 
that they should trouble themselves with the care of 
giving liberty to many of the Greek towns that were 
on Asia side. For since the most of those towns had 
been partakers with the king in his war, it was no 
reason that they should be gainers by his overthrow. 
The Rhodians did not like of this ; they desired the 
senate to be truly patrons of the Grecian liberty, and 
to call to mind that no small part of Greece itself* 
had been subject unto Philip, and served him in his 
war, which was not alleged against him as a cause 
why they should not be made free after that Philip 
was overcome. But the main point whereon they 
insisted was this, That the victory of the Romans 
against king Antiochus was so great, as easily might 
satisfy the desires of all their friends. The senate 
was glad to hear of this, and veiy bountifully gave 
away so much, that every one had cause to be well 

Such end had the war against king Antiochus; af- 
ter which, L. Cornelius Scipio, returning home, had 
granted unto him the honour of a triumph, the pomp 
whereof exceeded in riches, not onlv that of Titus 
Quintius Flaminius, but of any ten that Rome had 
beheld unto that day. Now, forasmuch as the sur- 
name of T/ie African had been given unto P. Scipio, 
it was thought convenient by some to reward L. Sci- 


pio with the title of The Astatic, which the fortune 
of his victory had no less deserved, though the vir- 
tue requisite to the purchase thereof was no way cor- 

Sect. IX. 

The JEtolians and the Gallo-Greeks vanquished by the 
Roman consuls Fubvius and Manlius. ManUus 
hardly obtains a triumph, being charged (among 
other objections) with attempting to have passed the 
bounds appointed as fatal to t/te Romans by Sibyh 
Of SibyVs prophecies ; the books of Hermes, and 
that inscription, Simoni Deo Sancto. The ingrati- 
tude of Rome to the two Scipios. Of the beginning 
of faction among the Roman nobility. 

Marc Fulvius and Cn. Manlius had the same 
charge divided between them which L. Cornelius Sci- 
pio, now stited Asiaticus, had lately undergone. It 
was found more than one man's work to look at once 
to Greece and Asia ; and for this reason was it ap- 
parent that L. Scipio had granted so long a truce to 
the yEtolians. But since, in this long interim of 
truce, that haughty little nation had not sought to 
humble itself to the Roman majesty, it was now to be 
brought unto more lowly terms than any other of the 
Greeks. The best was, that so great a storm fell not 
unexpected upon the JEtoIians. They had foreseen 
the danger when their embassadors were utterly de- 
nied peace at Rome, and they had provided the last 
remedy, — which was, to entreat the Rhodians and 
Athenians to become intercessors for them. Neither 
were they so dejected with any terrible apprehen- 
sions that they could not well devise upon helping 
themselves, even by re-purchase of countries lost, 
where they spied advantage. 


Poor king Aminander lived in exile among them, 
whilst Philip of Macedon kept from him possession 
of bis lands and castles. But the Athamanians (be- 
sides that many of them bore a natural affection to 
their own prince) having been long accustomed to 
serve a mountain lord, that conversed with them af- 
ter a homely manner, could not endure the proud 
and insolent manner of command used by the cap- 
tains of Philip's garrisons. They sent, therefore, some 
few of them to their king, and offered their service 
towards his restitution. At the first there were only 
four of them ; neither grew they, at length, to more 
than two and fifty, which undertook the work. Yet 
assurance that all the rest would follow, made Amu 
nander willing to try his fortune. He was at the 
borders with a thousand iEtolians, upon the day ap- 
pointed ; at which time his two-and fifty adventurers, 
having divided themselves into four parts, occupied, 
by the ready assistance of the multitude, four of the 
chief towns* in the country to his use. The fame of 
this good success at first, with divers letters running 
from- place to place, wherein- men were exhorted to 
do their best in helping forward the action, made 
the lieutenants of Philip unable to think upon re- 
sistance. One of them held the town of Theium a. 
few days, giving thereby some leisure unto his king 
to provide for the rescue. But when he had done 
his best, he was forced thence ; and could only tell 
Philip, whom he met on the way, that all was lost. 
Philip had brought from home six thousand men, of 
whom, when the greater part could not hold out 
in such a running march, he left all, . save two thou- 
sand, behind them, and so came to Athenaeum, a 
Httle Athamanian castle that still was his, as being 
on the frontier, of Macedon. Thence he sent Zeno, 
who had kept Theium a while, to take a place lying 
over Argitbea, that was chief of the country. Zeno 
did as he wa9 appointed ; yet neither he nor the 
king had the boldness to descend upon Argithea, 


for that they might perceive the Athamanians, all 
along the hill-sides, ready to come down upon them* 
when they should be busy. Wherefore, nothing was 
thought more honourable than a safe retreat ; espe- 
cially when Aminander came in sight with his thou- 
sand iBtolians. The Macedonians were called back 
from- wards Argithea, and presently withdrawn by 
their king towards his own borders. But they were 
not suffered to depart in quiet at their pleasure* 
The Athamanians and iEtolians way-laid them, and 
pursued them so closely, that their retreat was in 
a manner of a plain flight, with great loss of men and 
arms; few of those escaping that were left behind, as 
to make a countenance of holding somewhat in the 
country until Philip's return. 

The ^Ktolians, having found the business of Atha- 
mania so easy, made an attempt in their own behalf, 
upon the Amphilochians and Aperantians. These 
had belonged unto their nation, and were lately ta- 
ken by Philip, from whom they diligently revolted, 
and became JEtolian again. The Dolopians lay 
next, that had been ever belonging to the Macedo- 
nian, and so did still purpose to continue. These 
took arms at first, but soon laid them away ; seeing 
their neighbours ready to fight with them in the Mr 
tolian quarrel, and seeing their own king so hastily 
gone, as if he meant not to return. 

Of these victories the joy was the less, for that 
news came of Antiochus's last overthrow, and of 
M. Fulvius the new consul's hastening with an army 
into Greece. Aminander sent his excuses to Rome, 
praying the senate not to take it in despight that he 
had recovered his own from Philip, with such help 
as he could get. Neither seems it that the Romans 
were much offended to hear of Philip's losses ; for 
of this fault they neither were sharp correctors nor 
earnest reprovers. Fulvius went in hand with the 
business aoout which he came, and laid siege to Am* 
bracia, a goodly city, that had been the chief seat of 

•hap. v: Of tUk world. £09 

_ * * 

Pyrrhus's kingdooi. With this he began, for that it 
was of too great importance to be abandoned by the 
<£tolidns ; yet could not by them be relieved, unless 
they would adventure to fight upon equal ground. 
To help the Ambracians, it was not in the Atolians* 
power ; for they were at the same time vexed by 
the IUyrians at sea, and ready to be driven from 
their new conquest by Perseus the son of Philip, 
who invaded the countries of the Amphilochians and 
Dolopians. They were unable to deal with so inany 
at once; and therefore as earnestly sought peace 
with the Romans, as they stoutly made head against 
the rest. In the meanwhile the Athenian and Rho- 
dian embassadors came, who besought the consul to 
grant them peace. It helped well that Ambracia 
made strong resistance, and would not be terrified 
by any violence of the assailants, or danger that 
might seem to threaten. The consul had no desire 
to spend half his time about one city, and so be 
driven to leave unto his successor the honour of fi- 
nishing the war. Wherefore he gladly hearkened 
unto the ^Etolians, and bade them seek peace with 
faithful intent, without thinking it over-dear at a 
reasonable price, considering with how great a part 
of bis kingdom their friend Antiochus had made the 
same purchase* He also gave leave to Aminander, 
offering his service as a mediator, to put himself in- 
to Ambracia, and try what good his persuasions 
might do with the citizens. So, after many demands- 
and excuses, the conclusion was such as was grievous 
to the weaker, but not unsufferable. The same em- 
bassadors of the Athenians and Rhodians accompa- 
nied those of the iEtolians to Rome, for procuring 
the confirmation of peace. Their eloquence and 
credit was the more needful in this intercession, for 
that Philip had made very grievous complaint about 
the loss of those countries which they had lately ta- 
ken from him. Hereof the senate could not but 
take notice, though it hindered not the peace which 
Vol. VI. o 


those good mediators of Rhodes and Athens did 
neatly solicit* The JLtolians were hound to uphold 
the majesty of the people of Rome, and to observe 
divers articles, which made them less free, and more 
obnoxious to the Romans, than any people of 
Greece, they having been the first that called these 
their masters into the country. The isle of Cepha- 
lenia was taken from them by the Romans, who kept 
it for themselves, (as not long since they had gotten 
Zacynthus from the Achseans, by stiffly pressing 
their own right,) so that they might have possession 
along the coast of Greece, whilst they seemed to for- 
bear the country. But concerning those places 
whereto Philip, or others, might lay claim, there was 
set down an order so perplexed as would necessarily 
require to have the Romans judges of the contro- 
versies when they should arise. And hereof good 
use will be shortly made, when want of employment 
elsewhere shall cause a more lordly inquisition to be 
held upon the affairs of Macedon and Greece. 

Cn, Manlius, the other consul, had at the same 
time war in Asia with the Gallo-Greeks and others. 
His army was the same that had followed L. Scipio, 
of whose victory his acts were the consummation. 
He visited those countries on the hither side of Tau- 
rus, that had scarce heard of the Romans, to whom 
they were. abandoned by Antiochus. Among these 
were some petty lords, or tyrants, some free cities, 
^nd some that were together at wars, without regard 
of the great alteration happened in Asia. From 
every one of these he got somewhat ; and by their 
quarrels found occasion to visit those provinces, into, 
which he should else have wanted an errand* He 
was even loaden with booty, when, having fetched a 
compass about Asia, he came at length upon the 
Gallo-Greeks. These had long domineered over the 
country, though, of late times, it was rather the fame 
and terror of their forepassed acts, than any pre* 
sent virtue of theirs, which held them up in reputa* 

CHAP, tf. OF THE WORLD* til 

tion. Of the Romans they hpd lately such trials 
when they served under king Antiochus* as made 
them to acknowledge themselves far the worse men. 
Wherefore they thought it no sfrtaJl part of their 
safety that they dwelt upon the river Halys, in an 
inland country, where those eneiqies were not very 
like to search them out. But when such hopes failed, 
and when some princes of their own nation, that had 
been friends of Eumenes, exhotted the rest to yield, 
then was no counsel thought so good as to forsake 
their houses and country, and, with all that they 
o 011 Id carry or drive, to betake themselves junto the 
high mountains of Olympus and Margana. These 
mduntaitis were exceeding hard of ascent, though 
none should undertake the custody. Being there**' 
fore well manned and victualled for a long time, as < 
also the natural strength being helped by such for- 
tification as promised greatest assurance, it was 
thought that the consul would either forbear the at- 
tempt of forcing them, or easily be repelled $ and 
that, finally, when he had stayed there a while, win- 
ter, and much want, should force him to dislodge.' 
Yet all this availed not* For whereas the Gallo- 
Greeks had been careless of furnishing themselves 
with casting weapons, as if the stones would have 
served well enough for that purpose, the Romans, 
who came far otherwise appointed, found greater 
advantage in the difference of arms, than impediment 
in disadvantage of ground. Archers and dingers 
did easily prevail against the casters of stoties, espe- 
cially being such as were these Gallo-Greeka, nei- 
ther exercised in that manner of light, nor having* 
prepared their stones before-hand, but catching up 
what lay next, the too great, and the too little, or- 
tener than those of a fit size. Finally, the barba- 
rians, wanting defensive arms, could not hold out a- 
gainst the arrows and weapons of the Roman light 
armature, but were driven from a piece of ground, 
which they had undertaken to make good, up into 

o 2 


their c&mp on the top of the mountain ; and being 
foi ced out of their camp, had no other way left, than 
to cast themselves headlong down the steep rocks* 
Few of their men escaped alive ; all their wives, 
children, and goods became a prey unto the Ro- 
mans. In the very like manner were the rest of that 
nation overcome soon after, at the other mountaip ; 
only more of them saved themselves by flight, as 
having fairer way at their backs. 

These wars being ended, Fulvius and Manlius 
were appointed, by the senate, each of them to re- 
tain, as proconsul, his province for another year. 
Fulvius, in his second year, did little or nothing. 
Manlius gave peace to those whom he had vanquish- 
ed ; as likewise to Ariarathes the Cappadocian, and 
some others, not by him vanquished, but submitting 
themselves for fear of the Roman arms. He drew 
from them all what profit he could, and laid Upon 
them such conditions as he thought expedient. He 
also did finish the league of peace with Antiochus, 
whereto he swore, and received the king's oath by 
embassadors, whom he sent for that purpose. Fk 
nally* having set in order the matters of Asia, he 
took his Way towards the. Hellespont, loaden with 
spoil, as carrying with him (besides other treasures) all 
that the Gallo-Greeks had in so many years extorted 
from the wealthy provinces which lay round about 
them. Neither did this army of Manlius return 
home rich in money alone, or cattle,* or things of 
needful use, which the Roman soldiers had been 
wont to take as the only good purchase, but furnish- 
ed with sumptuous household stuff, and slaves of 
price, excellent cooks, and musicians for banquets, 
and, in a word, with the seeds of that luxury which 
finally overgrew and choked the Roman virtue. 

The country of Thrace lay between Hellespont 
and the kingdom of Macedon, which way Manlius 
was to take his journey homeward. L. Scipio had 
found no impediment among the Thracians, either 


for that he passed through them without any such 
booty as might provoke them \ or, perhaps, rather 
because Philip of Macedon had taken order that the 
barbarians should not stir. But when Manlius came 
along with an huge train of baggage, the Thracians 
could not so well contain themselves. Neither was 
it thought that Philip took it otherwise than very 
pleasantly to have this Roman army robbed, and 
well beaten on the way. He had cause to be angry, 
seeing how little himself was regarded, and what 
great rewards were given to Eumenes. For he un- 
derstood, and afterwards gave the Romans to under- 
stand, that Eumenes could not have abiden in his 
own kingdom if the people of Rome had not made 
war in Asia $ whereas, contrariwise, Antiochus had 
offered unto himself three thousand talents, and fifty 
ships of war, to take part with hinj and the Italians j 
promising, moreover, to restore unto him all the 
Greek cities that had been taken from him by the 
Romans. Such being the difference between him 
and Eumenes when the war began, he thought it no 
even dealing of the Romans, after their victory, to 
give away not only the half of Asia, but Chersone- 
sus and Lysimachia in Europe, to Eumenes ; where- 
as upon himself they bestowed not any one town r It 
agreed not, indeed, with his nobility to go to Rome 
and beg provinces in the senate, as Eumenes and 
the Rhpdians had lately done. He had entertained 
lovingly the two Scipios, whom he thought the most 
honourable men in Rome, and was grown into near 
acquaintance with Publius, holding correspondence 
with him by letters, whereby he made himself ac- 
quainted with the wars in Spain and Africa. This 
perhaps he deemed sufficient to breed in the Romans 
a due respect of him. But Eumenes took a surer 
way. For the Scipios had not the disposing of that 
which they won from Antiochus ; as neither, in- 

1 Ltv.Lnni, 

o 3 

$14 JHE HISTORY 960K V* 

deed, had Mahlius, ndr the teri delegates, assisting 
him,— but the senate of Home, by which these de- 
legates were chosen, and instmcted how to proceed* 
When Philip therefore saw these upstart king* of 
Pergamus, whom he accounted as base companions, 
advanced so highly* and made greater than himself, 
yea, himself unregarded, contemned, and exposed te* 
frany wrongs; then found he great cause to wish 
that he had not s<* hastily declared himself against 
Antiochus j or rather, that he had joined with Antio* 
cbus and the iEtoliaits, by whom be might have 
been freed from his insolent masters. But what 
gfgat argument of such discontentedn&Ss the Maco 
donian had, we shall very shortly be urged to dis- 
course more at lar^e. At the present it tta& believ- 
ed, that the Thrafctans were by him set on to assail 
the Romans passing through their country. They 
knew till advantages ; and they fell unexpected upon 
the carriages that were bestoWdd jti the midst of the 
army, whereof part had already passed a dangerous 
wood, through which the baggage followed ; part 
was not yet. $6 far advanced. There was enough to 
get, and enough tQ leave behind, though both the 
getting and. the saving did cost many lives, as well 
of the barbarians as of the Romans. They fought 
until it grew night ; and then the Thracians with- 
4rew themselves, not without as much of the booty 
as was to their full content. And of such trouble 
there wis more, though less dangerous, before the 
army could get out of Thrdce intq Macedon. 
Through the kingdotfi they had a fair march into 
Epirtts, and so to ApbUonia, which wa§ their handle 
of Greece* 

To Manlius and to Fulvius* when each of them 
returned tb the city, was granted the honour of tri- 
umph, yet not without contradiction* especially to 
Manlius j whom some of the ten delegates appoint- 
ed to assist him, did very bitterly tax, as an unwor- 
thy commander. Touching tha rest of their accus* 


ation, it sttJBceth, that he made good answer, and 
was approved by the chief of the senate. One 
elauae is worthy of more particular consideration. 
Reprehending his desire to have hindered the peace 
with Antiochus, they said, * That with much ado 

* he was kept from leading his army over Taurus,' 

* and adventuring upon the calamity threatened by 
' Sibyl's verses unto those that should pass the fa* 
' tal bounds*/ What calamity or overthrow this 
was, wherewith Sibyl's prophecy threatened the Ro- 
man captain or army that should pass over Taurus, 
I do not conceive. Pompey was the first that march* 
ed with an army beyond those limits ; though the 
victories of Lucullus had opened unto him the way, 
and had beforehand won, in a sort, the countries 
on the other side of the mount, which Lucullus 
gave to one of Antiochus's race, though Pompey 
occupied them for the Romans. But we find not 
that either Luqullus or Pompey suffered any loss in 

? resuming to neglect the bounds appointed by Sibyl, 
ndeed, the accomplishment of this prophecy tell 
out near about one time with the restitution or Pto- 
lemy king of Egypt, that was forbidden unto the 
Romans by the same Sibyl. It may therefore seem 
to have had reference unto the same things that 
were denounced as like to happen upon the reduc- 
tion of the Egyptian king. 

Whether the oracles of Sibyl had in them any truth, 
and were not, as Tuliy noteth, ' sowed at random in 

* the large field of time \ there to take root, and get 
eredit by the event, I will not here dispute. But I 
hold this more probable, than that the restitution of 
Ptolemy to his kingdom, by Gabinius the Roman, 
should have any way betokened the coming of our 
Saviour, as Some both ancient and modern Christian 
writers have been well pleased to interpret Sibyl in 
that prophecy* Of the Sibyline predictions I nave 

2 lav. h iii. 3 Divin. 1. ii. 

o 4 


sometimes thought reverendly, though not knowing 
what they were (as I think few men know,) yet follow- 
ing the common belief and good authority. But ob- 
servation of the shameful idolatry that upon ail occa- 
sions was advanced in Rome by the books of Sibyl, 
had well prevailed upon my credulity, and made me 
suspect, — though not the faith and pious meaning, yet 
the judgment of Eusebius, — -when that learned and ex-* 
cellent work of Master Casaubon 4 , upon the Annals of 
Cardinal Baronius, did altogether free me from njine 
error ; making it apparent, that not only those pro- 
phecies of Sibyl, wherein Christ so plaiuly was fore- 
showed, but even the books of Hermes, which have 
borne such reputation, were no better than counter- 
feited pieces ; and at first entertained (whosoever, 
devised them) by the indiscreet zeal of sueh as . de-, 
lighted in seeing the Christian religion strengthened 
with foreign proofs. And in the same rank, I think, 
yre ought to place that notable history reported by 
Eusebius 5 , from no mean authors, of the honour 
-yvhich was done to Simon Magus in Rome, namely, * 
of an altar to him erected, with an inscription, Si* 
moni Deo Sancto>—rth*t is, To Simon the holy God. 
For what can be more strange, than that a thing sq 
memorable, and so public, should have been quit$ 
omitted by Tacitus, by Suetonius, by Dion, and by 
all which wrote of those times ? Philosophers and 
posts wpuld not have su lie red the matter tp escape 
in silence, had it been true ; neither can it be thought 
that Seneca, who then lived and flourished, would 
have abstained frpjn speaking any word of an argu- 
ment $o famous. Wherefore I am persuaded, that 
this inscription, Simoni Deo Sane to, was, by some 
bad criticism, taken amiss in place of Sernoni Saggo ; 
^ title four hundred years older than the time of 
Simon Magus. For the goods of one Vitruvius, a 
jeljel, had many ages before been consecrated — St z 


• 4 I:mc Cuavb. ExercittL i. ad AnnaL Bar. n. 10. ct il. 
& liweb.Ecd Hist L. IL c. xrii. -■•... 


word Sango f that is, To the Spirit or Demigod San- 
gus, in whose chapel they were bestowed. So as 
either by the ill shape of the old Roman letters, or 
by some spoil that time had wrought upon them, it 
might easily come to pass, that the words should be 
misread Simoni Sancto; and that some Christian who 
had heard of Simon Magus, but not of Sangus, 
thereupon should frame the conjecture, which now 
passeth for a true history. Such conjectures, being 
entertained without examination, find credit by tra- 
dition ; whereby also, many times, their fashion is 
amended, and made more historical, than was con* 
ceived by the author. But it cannot be safe to let 
our faith (which ought to stand firm upon a sure 
foundation) lean over-hardly on a well painted, yet 
rotten post. 

- Now concerning the triumph of Cn. Manlius, it 
way be numbered among a few of the richest which 
ever, the city beheld. Out of that which he brought 
into the treasury, was made the last payment of 
those monies which the commonwealth had borrow- 
ed from private men in the second Punic, war. So 
long was it that Rome had still some feeling of 
Hannibal ; which being past, there was remaining 
neither care nor memory of any danger. This tri- 
umph of Manlius was deferred by him, even so long 
as he well could ; for that he thought it not safe to 
make his entrance into the city, until the heat of 
an inquisition, then raging therein, should be allay* 
ed. The two Scipios were called, one after another, 
into judgment, by two tribunes of the people ; men 
only by this accusation known to posterity. P. Sci- 
pio, the African, with whom they began, could not 
endure that such unworthy men should question 
him of purloining from the common treasury, or 
of being hired with bribes by Antiochus to make 
an ill bargain for his country. When therefore his 
day of answer came, he appeared before the tribunes, 
sot humbly as one accused, but followed by a great 


train of Bis friends and clients, with which he dobs* 
ed through the midst of the assembly, and offered 
himself to speak* Having audience, he told the 
people, That upon the same day of the year he had 
Fought a great battle with Hannibal, and finished 
the Punic war by a signal victory; in memory where* 
o£ he thought it no fit season to brabble at the law} 
but intended to visit the Capitol, and there ghrtf 
thanks to Jupiter and the rest of the gods, by whose 
grace, both on that day and at other times, he had 
well and happily discharged the most weighty bust* 
ness of the commonwealth* And hereto he invited 
with him all the citizens ; requesting them, ' That 

* if ever, since the seventeenth year of his life, 

* until he now grew old, the honourable places by 

* them conferred upon him, had prevented the e&* 

* pacity of his age, and yet his deserts had exceed- 

* ed the greatness of those honourable places,*-*thea 

* would they pray, that the princes and great onea 

* of their city might still be like to him/ These 
words were heard with great approbation ; so as all 
the people, even the officers of the court, followed 
Scipio ; leaving the tribunes alone, with none about 
them, excepting their own slaves and a crier, by 
whom ridiculously they cited him to judgment, until, 
for very shame, as not knowing what else to do, 
they granted him, unrequested, a further day. Af- 
ter this, when the African perceived that the tii» 
bunes would not let fall their suit, but enforce him 
to submit himself to a disgraceful trial, he willingly 
relinquished the city, and his unthankful Romans, 
that could suffer him to undergo so much indignity* 
The rest of his time he spent at Liternum* quietly, 
with a few of his inward friends, and without any 
desire of seeing Rome again. How many years he 
lived, or whether he lived ontf whole year, in tins 
voluntary banishment, it is uncertain* The report 
qf his dying in the same year with Hannibal and 
Philopoemen, as also of his private behaviour at Ji« 


ternufn, render it probable, that he outlived the 
tribuneship of his accusers ; . who meant to have 
drawn him back to his answer, if one of their col* 
leagues (as one of them had power to hinder all the 
rest from proceeding) had not caused them to desist. 
Howsoever it was* the same tribunes went more 
sharply to work with L. Scipio the Asiatic. Thej 
propounded a. decree unto the people, touching mo- 
ney received of Antiochus, and not brought into 
the common treasury* — that the senate should give 
charge unto one of the praters, to inquire, and ju- 
dicially determine thereof In favour of this decree 
an oration was made by Cato, the supposed author 
of these contention*, and instigator of the tribunes. 
He was a man of great, but not perfect virtue ; 
temperate, valiant, and of singular industry ; frugal 
also, both of the public, and of his own ; so as in 
this kind he was even faulty : for though he would 
not be corrupted with bribes, yet was he unmerciful 
and unconscionable, in seeking to increase his own 
wealtl), by such means as the law did warrant* Am- 
bition was his vice ; which being poisoned with envy, 
troubled both himself and the whole city whilst he 
lived. His mean birth caused him to hate the nobi- 
lity, especially those that were in chief estimation, 
^either did he spare to bite at such as were of his 
own rank, men raised by desert, if their advance- 
ment were like to hinder his : but lately before this, 
when Glabrio, whose lieutenant he had been at 
Thermopylae* was his competitor for the censorship, 
and likely to carry it, he took an oath against him, 
which was counted as no better than malicious per- 
jury, That he had not brought into the common 
treasury some vessels of gold and silver, gotten in 
the camp of Antidchus. Now the hatred which he 
bore unto the Scipios grew partly (besides his gene- 
ral spite at th£ nobility) from his own first rising, 
wherein he wps countenanced by Fabius Maxim us, 
who brooked not the African; partly from some 


check that was given unto himself in the African 
voyage, by P. Scipio, whose treasurer he then was ; 
for when Cato did utter his dislike of the consul's 
bad husbandry, (judging magnificence to be no bet- 
ter,) in some peremptory manner, Scipio plainly 
told him, * That he had no need of such double di- 
* ligence in his treasurer/ Wherefore, either not 
caring what lies he published, or for want of judg- 
ment thinking unworthily of the virtue that was far 
above him, Cato filled Rome with untrue reports 
against his general, whose noble deeds confuted suf- 
ficiently the author of such false tales. And thus 
began the hatred ; which being not regarded, nor 
thought upon by the Scipios, whilst it was nourished 
by their enemy, broke out upon advantage, especially 
against L. Scipio, his brother being dead, or out of the 
way. A severe inquiry and judgment being appoint- 
ed of purpose against Scipio, matters were so carried, 
that he was soon condemned in a sum of money far 
exceeding his ability to pay. For non-payment, his 
body should have been laid up in prison ; but from 
this rigour of the law he was freed by Tiberius Grac- 
chus, the same tribune who had caused the suit a* 
gainst the African to be let fall. In his estate, 
which was confiscated to the use of the city, when 
there neither appeared any sign of his being behol- 
den to Antiochus, nor was found so much as what 
he had been condemned to pay, then fell his accu- 
sers, and all whose hands had been against him, into 
the indignation of the people. But for this was L. 
Scipio no whit the better. His kindred, friends, and 
clients, made such a collection for him, as would 
have set him in better estate than before, if he bad 
accepted it. He took no more than such of his own 
goods as were of necessary use, being redeemed for 
him by his nearest friends. 

And thus began the civil war of the tongue, in 
the Roman pleadings, which had either not been, 
or not been much regardable, until now, since the 


Funic wan Security of danger from abroad, and 
some want of sufficient employment, were especial 
kelps to the kindling of this fire, which first caught 
hold upon that great worthy, to whose virtue Rome 
was indebted for changing into so great security 
her extreme danger. But these factious contentions 
did no long while contain themselves within heat of 
words, and cunning practice ; for when the art of 
leading the multitude, in such quarrelsome business, 
grew to perfection, they that found themselves over- 
matched by their adversaries at this kind of weapon, 
began to make opposition, first with clubs and stones, 
afterwards with swords ; and finally, proceeded from 
frays and murders in the streets unto battle in the 
open field. Cornelia, daughter of Scipio the Afri- 
can, a kdy of rare virtue, that, in honour of her two 
tons, was more commonly named Mother qf the 
Gracchi, saw those her two sons, whilst they were 
but young, slaughtered in Rome, together with some 
of their friends, by those whom they opposed* and 
their death not revenged by order of law, but rather 
approved by the senate. At these times the senators 
began to take upon them authority more than was 
to them belonging. They conferred upon the con- 
suls all the whole power of the city, under this form, 

* Let the consuls provide, that the commonweal re* 

* ceive no detriment. 9 By this decree of theirs, and 
by their proclaiming any citizen enemy to the state, 
they thought to have won a great advantage over 
the multitude. But after the death of C. Gracchus, 
and of Saturninus, a popular man, whom, by such au- 
thority, they did put out of the way, it was not long 
ere Marius, a famous captain of theirs, was so con- 
demned ; who, by force of arms, returned into the 
city, 1 and murdered all the principal senators j where- 
upon began the civil wars, which giving unto Sylla, 
who prevailed therein, means to make himself abso- 
lute lord of Rome, taught Caesar, a man of higher 
spirit, to affect and obtain the like sovereign power, 


when by tKe like decree of the senate he was pro- 
voiced* It is true, that qever any consul had finally 
cause to rejoice of his having put in execution such 
authority to him committed by the senate. But, as 
the fury of the multitude, in passing their laws, by 
throwing of stones, and other violence, made the city 
stand in need of a sovereign lord ; so the vehemency 
of the senate, in condemning as enemies those that 
would not submit themselves, when they were over- 
topped by voices in the house, did compel Caesar, op. 
give him at least pretence, to right himself by arms; 
wherewith prevailing against his adversaries,* he took 
such order, that neither senate nor people should 
thenceforth be able to do him wrong. So by intes- 
tine discord, the Romans consuming all or most of 
their principal citizens, lost their own freedom, and 
hecarpe subjects unto the arbitrary government of 
one i suffering this change in three generations, af- 
ter this beginning of their insolent rule, wherein they 
took upon them, as the highest lords on earth, to do 
even what they listed. Yet had not Rome indeed at- 
tained hitherto unto complete greatness, nor believed 
of herself as if she had, whilst a king sat crowned on 
the throne of Alexander, continuing and upholding 
the reputation of a former empire. Wherefore, this 
consummation of her honour was thought upon be- 
times. How it was effected, the sequel will discover. 

CHAP. VI. OF THE WO&L&. -223 



Sect. I* 

Tfit condition wherein those princes and estates re* 
mainedf which were associates of the Romans, when 
(lie war fiith Antiochus wasjinished. The Romans 
quarrel with Philip. They deal insolently with the 
Achceans* The Macedonian, being unready Jar 
tvar f obtains peace at Rome, by his son Demetrius, 
of whom, henceforth, he becomes jealous. 

After the overthrow of Antiochus, although Phi- 
lip of Macedon, Eumenes king of, the 
commonweal of the Achaeans, and *ll other the 
states of Greece, were governed by the same laws 
and magistrates as they formerly had been, before 
the arrival of the Romans in those parts ; yet in very 
truth (the public declaration excepted) they were 
none other than absolute vassals to the people of 
Rome. For of these five prerogatives belonging to a 
monarch, or unto sovereign power, in whomsoever it 
rest, namely, * to make laws, to create magistrates, 
' to arbitrate peace and war, to beat money, and to. 
* reserve, (as the French call it) le dernier resort, or 
' the last appeaj/ the .Roman* had assumed four j 



and the greatest of them so absolutely, that is, the op* 
peal, or last resort, as every petty injury offered to 
each other by the forenamed kings or states, was heard 
and determined either by the Roman embassadors or 
commissioners, in those places whence the complaint 
came, or otherwise by the senators themselves within 
Rome ; from whose arbitrament, or direction, if ei- 
ther king or commonweals declined, he or they were 
beaten, and enforced to obedience, or had their e- 
states and regalities utterly dissolved. Nevertheless 
it is true, that they had their own laws, and officers 
of their own ordaining ; yet so as neither their laws 
were of force when the Romans interposed their will 
to the contrary, neither was their election of magi- 
strates so free as that they had not especial regard 
unto the good pleasure of these their masters. 

And to such degree of servitude the several e* 
states of Greece did bow very gently ; either as be- 
ing thankful for their deliverance from a yoke more 
sensibly grievous, or as being skilful in the art of 
flattery, and therein taking delight, since therein 
consisted their chief hope of thriving ; or as being 
more fearful of displeasing the strongest, than mind- 
ful of their own honour. But Eumenes living fur- 
ther off, and being most obsequious unto the Ro- 
mans, was not of long time questioned about any of 
his doings ; his conformity unto them in matter of 
war and peace, together with the diversion of their 
thoughts another way, giving him leave to use his 
own even as he listed, until they should otherwise 
dispose of him. Neither was it' a little available to 
• him that his kingdom bordered upon the nations by 
them not thoroughly subdued. For upon the same 
reason, (as well as upon his own high deserts,) were 
they very loving unto Masinissa, and to his house, 
until Carthage was ruined, and their dominion set- 
tled in Africa ; as likewise afterwards to the kings 
of Mauritania, Cappadocia, and others ; holding 
people in subjection unto themselves by the mini- 

fejffAP. VI. OF THE WORLD. £25 

ptry of kings, especially of such kings as were use* 
ful and obsequious unto them. . 

Now the Macedonian was of a more noble temper, 
find shewed .himself not forgetful of his own former 
greatness, the honour of his race* or the high repu- 
tation of his kingdom* But such magnanimity was 
none otherwise construed by the Romans than as 
want of due reverence to their estate, and a valua- 
■ tiop of himself against them, Which, in the pride of 
their fortune, they could not endute. Wherefore, 
notwithstanding that he had lately given passage to 
jfcheir armies through his country, prepared the ways 
for them, and fun)i?hed them both with victuals and 
Other things needful to transport them over the Hel- 
lespont into Asia, against Antiochus ; yet upon the 
complaint of Eumenes, and the states of Thessaly 
and Thrace, he was commanded to abandon the ci- 
ties of Ainus and Maronea, with all pieces and 
places demanded by any of his neighbours ; whereof 
mapy of them he ,had lately conquered, by direction, 
qt licence, even from the Romans themselves. 

These towns of ^Enus and Maronea had been part 
of Lysim^chus's kingdom, who from Thrace north- 
wards, and (o the north-west, extended his dominion 
very far. ,He is thought to have made himself lord 
of Transylvania $ in which province it is said that 
innumerable medals of gold have been found in the 
age of our grandfathers, each of them weighing two 
or three crowns, and stamped with his image on the 
one side, on the other side with victory \ Of all these 
lordships, the possession, or rather the title (for he 
lived not to settle his estate in Europe) fell to Seleu- 
cus Nicator by right of war, wherein he vanquished 
and slew Lysimachus; as also, by the like right, 
Ptolemy Ceraunus thought them his own, when .he 
had murdered Seleucus. But the inundation of the 
Gauls, which the kingdom of Macedon could not 


1 History of Hungary by Mart. Fum. lib. ▼. 

Vol. VI. p 


sustain, did shortly and easily wash away from that 
crown, together with the most part of Thrace, all 
those heaps of land newly thereto annexed. Some- 
what of this was afterwards regained by Antigomis 
the son of Demetrius, and his successors, though not 
much, for they were otherwise busied. The fury of 
the Gauls being over-past, those countries which late- 
ly had been oppressed by them, recovered their li- 
berty, and not only held it, but learned some of them, 
especially the Dardanians and wild Thracians, to 
find their advantages, and make use of them, even 
upon Macedon. Against the mischiefs commonly 
done by these, king Philip did provide the most con- 
venient remedies, by shutting up the ways whereby 
the Dardanians might enter into his kingdom, and 
by occupying Lysimachia, with some other towns in 
Thrace, which he fortified, as bulwarks of his own 
country, against the barbarians. Now, although it 
behoved him thus to do, for the defence of his own 
estate ; yet forasmuch as these towns were, in a 
manner, at absolute liberty, his possession of them 
was thought to partake more of violence than of jus- 
. tice* And in this respect he was formerly accused 
by the ^Etolians of wrongful usurpation and oppres- 
sion, in his having occupied Lvsimachia. Hereto 
he made a good answer, That his garrison did only 
save it from the Thracians, who, as soon as he thence 
withdrew his men, did seize upon the town, and ruin 
it. The like perhaps he might have said, touching 
iEtfus and Maronea, that they were places unable to 
defend themselves* and the gates by which the barba- 
rians might have entrance into his kingdom. But this 
plea had not availed him, in the disputation about 
Lysimachia ; and in the present question, the Ro- 
mans were not without their own title, since Antio- 
chus had gotten all the country thereabout whilst 
Philip was busied in his former war, and since they, 
by their victory, had gotten unto themselves all the 
title which Antiochus thereto could pretend. Where- 

€BU*. Vi. dp- THE WOULD. 2t? 

fore he only submitted his right unto the good plea* 
sure of the senate; referring it unto their disposition, 
whether ^Bnus and Maronea should be set at liberty, 
whether left in his hand, or whether bestowed upon 
Eumenes, who begged them, as an appendix to Ly» 
simachia and Chersonesus, that were already his by 
their gift. What they would determine he might 
easily perceive, by the demeanour of their embassa* 
- dors towards him, who, sitting as judges .between 
•him and all that made complaint upon him, gave 
sentence against him in every controversy. Never* 
theless, he sent embassadors to Rome, there to 
maintain his right unto these towns, wherein he 
thought that equity (if it might prevail) was wholly 
on his side. For he had holpen their consuls in the 
war against Antiochus and the Italians ; wherein 
.whatsoever he had gotten for himself, was now taken 
■from him by their embassadors ; and would they 
now deprive him of those two towns, lying so fitly for 
the guard of his kingdom, which he had gotten to 
himself out of the ruins of Antiochus, like as out of 
iris own ruins Antiochus had gotten in those quar- 
ters a good deal more? By such allegations, either 
he was likely to prevail, or at leastwise to gain time, 
wherein he might bethink himself what he had to do* 
It was not long ere he had word from Rome, that 
the senate were no more equal to him than had been 
their embassadors. Wherefore, considering how in- 
solently the Maronites had behaved themselves, in 
pleading against him for their liberty, he took coun- 
sel of his own passions ; and (as by nature he was 
very cruel) gave order to Onomastus, that was war* 
den of the sea-coasts, to handle these Maronites in 
$uch sort as they might have little joy of the liberty 
by them so earnestly desired. Onomastus employed 
Cassander, one of the king's men, dwelling in Ma* 
ronea, and willed him to let in the Thracians by 
night, that they might sack the town, and use all 
cruelties of war. This was done, but so ill taken by 



the Roman embassadors, who had better notice thafri 
could have been feared of these proceedings, that the 
king was by them directly charged with the crime, 
and called more strictly than became his majesty to 
an account. He would have removed the blame 
from himself, and laid it even upon the Maronite?; 
affirming, that they, ill beat of their factions, being 
some inclinable to him, other some to Eumenes, had 
fallen into such an outrage that they had cut one 
another's throats. And hereof he willed the embas- 
sadors to enquire among the Maronites themselves, as 
well knowing that they who survived were either his 
own friends, or so terrified and amazed by the late exe- 
cution of his vengeance among them, that they durst 
not utter an offensive word. But he found the Komans 
more severe, and more thoroughly informed in the 
business, than to rest contented with such an answer. 
He was plainly told, that if he would discharge hin*- 
self of the crime objected, he must send Onomastus 
and Cassander to Rome, there to be examined as the. 
senate should think fit. This did not a little trouble 
him ; yet he collected his spirits, and said, that 
Cassander should be at their disposition ; but con- 
cerning Onomastus, Who had not been at Maronea, 
nor near to it, he requested them not to press him, 
since it stood not with his honour so lightly to give 
away his friends. As for Cassander, because he 
should tell no tales, he took order to have htm poi- 
soned by the way. By this we see, that the doctrine 
which Machiavel taught unto Caesar Borgia*, to em- 
ploy men in mischievous actions, and afterwards to 
destroy them when they have performed the mischief, 
was not of his own invention. All ages have given 
us examples of this goodly policy, the latter having 
been apt scholars in this lesson to the more ancient; 
as the reign of Henry the Eighth here in England 
can bear good witness; and therein especially the 
lord Cromwell, who perished by the same unjust law 


that himself had devised for the taking away of ana* 
ther man's life. 

Such actions of Philip made an unpleasant noise at 
Rome, and were like to have brought upon him the 
war which he feared before he was ready to entertain 
it. Wherefore he employed his younger son Deme- 
trius as embassador unto the senate, giving him in- 
struction how to make answer to all complaints, and 
withal to deliver his own grievances in such wise, that 
if ought were amiss, yet might it appear that he had 
been strongly urged to take ewch courses. The sum 
of his embassy was to pacify the Romans, and make 
all even for the present. Demetrius himself was 
known to be very acceptable unto the senate, as hav- 
ing been well approved by them when he was hos- 
tage in Rome, and therefore seemed the more likely 
to prevail somewhat, were it only, in that regard would 
be borne unto his person. 

Whilst this business with the Macedonian hung 
in suspense, and whilst he, by his readiness to make 
submission, seemed likely to divert from himself some 
other way the Roman arms, the same embassadors 
that had been judges between him $nd his neigh- 
bours made their progress through the rest of Greece, 
and, took notice of the controversies which they found 
between some estates in the country. The greatest 
cause that was heard before them was the complaint 
pf the banished Lacedaemonians against the Achae* 
ans. It was objected unto the Achftans, that they 
had committed a grievous slaughter upon many citi- 
zens of Lacedsemon ; that unto this cruelty they had 
added a greater, in throwing down the walls o£ the 
city; as also further, in changing the laws and abro- 
gating the famous institutions of Lycurgu3. Hereto 
Lycdrtas, then praator bf the Achaean s, made an- 
swer, that these banished Lacedaemonians who now 
took upon them to accuse the nation that had once 
protected them, were notoriously known to be the 
ipen who had themselves committed that murder^ 



-whereof shamelessly they laid the blame upon others} 
the Achaeans having only called those unto judgment 
that were supposed to be chief authors of a rebellion 
against both them and the Romans, and these plain* 
tiffs having slain them upon private, though just ha- 
tred, as they were coming to make answer for them* 
selves. Concerning their throwing down the walls 
of Lacedaemon, he said it was most agreeable to Ly- 
curgus's ordinance, who, having persuaded his cith 
Zens to defend their town and liberty by their pro- 
per virtue, did inhibit unto them all kinds of fortifr 
cations, as the retreats and nests either of cowards, 
or (whereof Lacedaemon had woeful experience) of 
tyrants and usurpers. Further, he shewed how the 
same tyrants that had built these walls and hemmed 
in the Spartans, had also quite abolished Lycurgus's 
ordinances, and governed the city by their bwn law- 
less will. As for the Achaeans, they communicate*} 
their own laws which they held for the best, or else 
would change them, and take better unto the Lace* 
daomonians, whom they found without laws or any 
tolerable form of policy. For conclusion, Lycortas 
plainly told App. Claudius, the chief of the embassa- 
dors, that he and his countrymen held it strange, 
being friends and faithful allies of the Romans, to 
see themselves thus constrained to answer and give ac- 
count of their actions as vassals and slaves unto the 
people of Rome. For if they were indeed at liberty, 
why might not the Achaeans as well require td be sa- 
tisfied about that which the Romans had done at Ca- 
£ua, as the Romans did busy themselves to take ac- 
count how things went at Lacedaemon ? For if the 
Romans would stand upon their greatness, and inti- 
mate, as they began, that the liberty of their, friends 
was nothing worth longer than should please them- 
selves to ratify it, then must the Achaeans have re* 
course unto those agreements that were confirmed 
by. oath, and which, without perjury, could not be 
Violated, as reverencing, and indeed fearing the Ro- 


mans, but much more the immortal gods. To this 
bold answer of Lycortas, Appius found little to re- 
ply > y et > taking state upon him, he pronounced 
more like a master than a judge, that if the Achaean* 
would not be ruled by fair means, and earn thank* 
whilst they might, they should be compelled wirh a 
mischief to do what was required at their hand*, whe» 
tber they would or no. This altercation was in the 
parliament of the Achaeans, which groaned to hear 
the lordly words of Appius; yet fear prevailed above 
indignation, and it was permitted unto the Roman? 
to do as they listed. Hereupon the embassadors re- 
stored some banished and condemned men ; but the 
Horn an senate, very soon after, did make void all 
Judgment of death or banishment that had been laid 
ov the Achaeans upon any citizen of Lacedaemon ; as 
likewise they made it a matter of disputation, whe- 
ther or no the city and territory of Lacedaemon should 
be suffered to continue a member erf* the Achaean com* 
mon wealth, or taken from them and made, as it had 
been, an estate by itself. By bringing such a mat- 
ter into question, the Romans well declared that they 
held it to depend upon their own will how much or 
how little" any of their confederates should be suffer- 
ed to enjoy ; though by contributing Sparta to the 
council of Achaia they discovered no less, as to them 
seemed, the love which they hare unto the Achaeans, 
than the power which they had over them. 

Into such slavery had the Greeks and all kings and 
common-weals whatsoever, bordering upon any part 
of the Mediterranean seas, reduced themselves, .by 
calling in the Romans to their succour. They want, 
ed not the good counsel and persuasions of many 
wise and temperate men among them ; they had al- 
so the examples of the Italians, Spaniards, Gauls, and 
Africans, all subdued by the Romans, and, by seek- 
ing patronage, made mere vassals, to instruct them 
what, in the like case, they should expect ; yet could 
pot thp true reasons of estate and policy so prevail 

p 4 


with them, but their private passions and neighbour- 
ing hatred, which hath evermore bought revenge at 
the price of self-ruin, brought them from the hon- 
our which they enjoyed, of being free princes and 
cities, into most base and fearful servility. ' 

All this made well for Philip of Macedon, who, 
though he saw the Greeks very far from daring to 
stir against those by whom both he and they were 
kept in awe, yet was he not without hope that (few 
of them excepted, whom the Romans, by freeing 
from his subjection, had made his implacable ene- 
mies,) in hearty affection all the country would be hi* 
whensoever he should take arms, as shortly he was 
like to do. Young Demetrius coming home from 
Rome, brought with him the desired ratification of 
peace, though qualified with much indignity soon 
following. He had been lovingly used at Rome, and 
heard with great favour in the senate. There, being 
confounded with the multitude of objections where- 
to his youth, unskilful in the art of wrangling, could 
riot readily make answer, it was permitted unto him 
to read such brief notes as he had received from his 
father, and out of those the senate were contented to 
gather satisfaction, more for Demetrius'* own sake, as 
they then said and wrote into Macedon, than f6r any 
goodness in the defence. Such pride of theirs in re- 
mitting his faults at the intreaty of his son, together 
with some insolence of his son, growing (as appear- 
ed) from this favour of the ftomans, did increase in 
Philip his hatred unto Rome; and bred in him a jea- 
lousy of his too forward son. To set him forward in 
these passions there came daily new embassadors from 
Rome j some bringing one commandment^' some an- 
ther; and some requiring him to fulfil those things 
which had been imposed upon him by their forev 
goers. Neither were there wanting that observed 
his countenance ; and when he had fulfilled alt that 
was required at his hands, yet laid it to his charge, 
that be had done things unwillingly, and would be 


obedient no longer than he needs must. With these 
embassadors young Demetrius was conversant, ra- 
ther, perhaps, out of simplicity, and for that they 
made much of him, than for any ambitious respect *; 
yet a gre^t deal more than was pleasing to his father. 
So the rumour grew current through all Macedon, 
that Perseus, the elder son of the king, should not 
succeed unto his father, but that the diadem should 
be conferred upon Demetrius, if not by some other 
pretence, yet by mere favour of the Roman, This 
offended not only Perseus, but Philip himself, who 
suspected his younger son as more Roman than his 
own, land accordingly misconstrued all his doings. 
But ere we proceed unto the bitter fruits of this jea- 
lousy, it will not be amiss to speak of some memora- 
ble accidents that were in the meantime. 


Sect. II. 

J?he death of Philopcemen, Hannibal, and Scipio. — • 
That the military profession is of all other the most 
unhappy ', notwithstanding some examples which may 
seem to prove the contrary. 

The Romans, wanting other matter of quarrel ia 
the continent of Greece, had of late been so peremp- 
tory with the Achaeans, that they seemed not unlike- 
ly to take part against them in any controversy that 
should be moved. Hereupon the Messenians, who, 
against their Will, were annexed unto the Achaean 
commonwealth, having long been of a contrary fac- 
tion thereto, grew bold to withdraw themselves from 
that society, with purpose to set up again an estate 
of their own, severed from communion with any 
other. This was the device of some that were pow- 
erful in their city, who, finding the multitude only 
inclinable to their purpose, and not over-strongly af- 


fected in the business, were careful to seek occasion 
of reducing things to such pass, that all their citizens 
might be entangled in a necessity of standing out, 
and of not returning to the AchiSean league. And 
hereupon they began to do some acts of hostility, 
whereby it was probable that blood should be djawn, 
and either side so far exasperated that little hopes 
of agreement would be left. Upon the fame of their 
commotion and proceedings, Philopoemen, then pre* 
tor of the Achaean a, levied such forces as he could 
in haste, and went against them. Many principal 
gentlemen of the Achaeans, especially of the Mega* 
Jopolitans, were soon in readiness to wait upon him* 
Besides these, which were all or for the most part 
horse, he had some auxiliaries out of Thrace and 
Crete, that usually were kept in pay. Thus accom- 
panied, he met with Dinocrates, captain of the Mes- 
senians, whom he charged and forced to run. But 
whilst his horsemen were too earnest in following the 
chace, there arrived by chance a supply of five hun- 
dred from Messene, which gave new courage unto 
those that fled. So the enemies began to make head 
again, and, with the help of those who very season- 
ably came to their aid, compelled Phtfopcemen's 
horsemen to turn back. Philopoemen himself bad 
long been sick of an ague, and was then very weak ; 
yet the greatness of his courage would not suffer him 
to be negligent of their safety which had so willingly 
adventured themselves under his conduct. He took 
upon him to make the retreat, and, suffering his 
horsemen to pass along by him in a narrow lane, he 
often turned about against the Messenians, whom his 
reputation, and the knowledge of his great worth, 
did terrify from approaching over near to him. But 
jt fell out unhappily, that, being cast to the ground 
by a fall of his nor£e, and being withal in very weak 
plight of body, he. was unable to get up again. Sq 
the enemies came upon him and took him, yet scarce 
believed their fortune to b$ so good although thei? 


eyes were witnesses. The first messenger that brought 
this news to Messene was so far from being believed 
that he was hardly thought to be in his right wits ; 
but when the truth was affirmed by many reports, all 
the city ran forth to meet htm and behold the spec* 
tacle seeming so incredible- They caused him to be 
brought into the theatre, that there they might satis* 
fVthemselves with beholding him. The greatest part of 
them had compassion on his misfortune, and, in com- 
memoration both of his virtue and of the singular 
benefits by him done unto them, especially in deliver- 
ing them from Nabis the tyrant, began to manifest 
their good-will for his delivery. Contrariwise, Di- 
nocrates and his faction were desirous hastily to take 
away his life, because they held him a man implac- 
able, and one that would never leave any disgrace or 
injury done to him unrevenged. They durst not one 
trust another with the keeping of him, but commit- 
ted him into a strong vault under ground, that had 
been made for the custody of their treasure. So thi- 
ther they let him down fast bound, and with an en- 
gine laid an heavy stone upon the mouth of the vault* 
There he had not staid long ere his enemies had con- 
cluded his present death. The hangman of the city 
was let down unto him with a cup of poison, which 
Philopcemen took in his hand, and asking no more 
than whether the horsemen were escaped, and parti* 
cularly whether Lycortas was safe ? When be heard 
an answer to his mind, he said it was well ; and so, 
with a cheerful countenance, drank his last draught. 
He was seventy years old, and weakened with lonj 
sickness, whereby the poison wrought the sooner, am 
easily took away his life. The Achseans, when they , 
missed him in their flight, were marvellously offended 
with themselves, for that they had been more mind- 
ful to preserve their own lives than to look unto the 
safety of so excellent a commander. Whilst they 
were devising what to do in such a case, they got 
advertisement of his being taken. All Achaia was 


by this report vehemently afflicted, so as embassa* 
dors were forthwith dispatched unto Messene crav- 
ing his enlargement^ ana yet preparation made with- 
al to obtain it by force, in case that fair means would 
not serve, Lycortas was chosen general of the army 
against Messene, who, coming thither and laying 
siege to the town, forced it in a short time to yield* 
Then Dinoc rates, knowing what he was to expect, 
laid hands upon himself, and made an end of his own 
life. The rest of those that had been partakers in 
the murder, were compelled to wait in bonds upon 
the ashes of Philopjoemen, that were carried home in 
solemn pomp to Megalopolis, where they were all of 
ihem slain at his funeral as sacrifices to his ghost. 
whom they had oftended, Q. Martins, a Roman em* 
bassador, was then in Greece, whence, upon one oc- 
casion or other, the Roman embassadors were seldom 
absent* He would have intermeddled in this busir 
ftess of Messene, had not LycQrtaa made short work, 
and left him nothing to do, 

. About the same time was T. Quintius Flaminius 
sent embassador to Prusias, king of Bithynia, not 
so much to withdraw him from prosecuting the war 
against Eumenes, as to intreat him that he would 
deliver Hannibal, the most spightful enemy in all the 
world unto the senate and people of Rome, into his 
hands. Prusias (therein unworthy of the crown he 
wore) did readily condescend ; or rather (as Livy 
thinks) to gratify the Romans, he determined either 
to kill Hannibal, or to deliver him alive to Flami- 
nius ; for upon the first conference between the king 
and Flaminius, a troop of soldiers were directed to 
guard and environ the lodging where Hannibal lay. 
That famous captain having found cause, before this, 
to suspect the faith of Prusias, had devised some secret 
sallies under ground, to save himself from any trea- 
sonable and sudden assault. But finding now that 
$11 parts about him were foreclosed, he had recourse 
to his last remedy, which he then was constrained to 
practise, as well to frustrate bis enemies of their tri* 


uinphing over him, as to save himself from their tor* 
ture and merciless hands, who, as he well knew, 
would neither respect his famous enterprises* his ho- 
nour, nor his age. When, therefore, he saw no way 
of escape, nor counsel to resort unto, he took the 
poison into his hand, which he always preserved for 
a sure antidote against the sharpest diseases of ad* 
verse fortune ; which being ready to swallow down, 
he uttered these words : * I will now (said he) de* 
liver the Romans of that fear which hath so many 
years possessed them ; that fear, which makes them 
impatient to attend the death of an old man. This 
victory of Flaminius over me, which am disarmed, 
and betrayed into his hands, shall never be number- 
ed amongrthe rest of his heroical deeds : No, it shall 
make it manifest to all the nations of the world, 
how far the ancient Roman virtue is degenerate 
and corrupted* For such was the nobleness of 
their forefathers, as, when Pyrrhus invaded them 
in Italy, and was ready to give them battle at their 
own doors, they gave him knowledge of the trea- 
son intended against him by poison ; whereas these 
of a latter race have employed Flaminius, a man 
who hath heretofore been one of their consuls, to 
practise with Prusias, contrary to the honour of a 
king, contrary to his faith given, and contrary to 
the laws of hospitality, to slaughter, or deliver up 
his own guest/ He then, cursing the person of 
Prusias, and all his, and desiring the immortal gods 
to revenge his infidelity, drank off' the poison, and 

In this year also, (as good authors have reported,) 
to accompany PhUopoemen and Hannibal, died Sci- 
pio the African : these being, all of them, as great 
captains as ever the world had ; but not more famous 
than unfortunate. Certainly ; for Hannibal, whose 
tragedy we have now finished, had he been princo 
of the Carthaginians, and one who by his authority 
might have commanded such supplies as the war 


< » 

many have acquired the state of princes, kings; and 
emperors, by their great ability in matter of war. 
This I confess. Yet must it be had withal in consi- 
deration, that these high places have been given or 
offered unto very few as rewards of th^ir military 
virtue, though many have usurped them by the help 
and favour of those armies which they commanded. 
Neither is it unregardable, that the. tyrants which 
have oppressed the liberty of free cities, and the 
lieutenants of kings or emperors, which have trai- 
torously cast down their masters, and stepped up in- 
to their seats, were not all of them good meii of war; 
but have used the advantage of some commotion j 
or many of them, hy base and cowardly practices* 
have obtained those dignities which undeservedly 
were ascribed to their personal worth. So that the 
number of those that have purchased absolute great- 
ness by the greatness of their warlike virtue, is far 
more in seeming than in deed. Phocas was a sol- 
dier, and by the help of soldiers he got the empire 
from his lord Mauritius : but he was a coward; and 
with a barbarous cruelty, seldom found in any other 
than cowards, he slew first the children of Mauritius, 
a prince that never had done him wrong, before his 
face, and after them Mauritius himself. This his 
bloody aspiring was but as a debt, which was paid 
unto him again by Heraclius, who took from nim 
the imperial crown, unjustly gotten, and set it on his 
own head. Leontius laid hold on the emperor Jus- 
tin, cut off his nose and ears, and sent him into ba- 
nishment : but God's vengeance rewarded him with 
the same punishment by the hands of Tiberius, to 
whose charge he had left his own men of war. Jus- 
tin, having recovered forces, lighted on Tiberius, 
and barbed him after the same fashion. Philippi- 
cus, commanding the forces of Justin, murdered 
both the emperor and his son. Anastasius, the vas- 
sal of this new tyrant, surprised his master Philippi- 
cus, and thrust out both nis eyes* But with Ana* 

CHAP. TC. OF TriE frOBLP* S41 

stasius, Theodosius dealt more gently ; for having 
wrested the sceptre out of his hands, he enforced 
him to become a priest. It were an endless 1 , and & 
needless work to tell, how Leo rewarded this Theo- 
dosius ; how many others have been repaid with' 
their own cruelty, by men alike ambitious and cruel ; 
or how many hundreds, or rather thousands, hoping 
of captains to make themselves kings, have, by God's 
justice, miserably perished in the attempt. The or- 
dinary, and perhaps the best way of thriving by the 
practice of arms, is to take what may be gotten by 
the spoil of enemies, and the liberality ' of those 
princes and cities in whose service one hath well- 
deserved. But scarce one of a thousand have pros- 
pered by this course. For that observation made by 
bolomon, of unthankfulness in this kind, hath been 
found belonging, to all countries and ages : ' A little 
' city, and few men in it, and a great king came 
' against it, and compassed it about, and builded 

* forts against it : and there was found a poor and a 
4 wise man therein, and he delivered the city by his 

* wisdom ; but none remembered this poor man. * ' 
Great monarchs are unwilling to pay great thanks, 
lest thereby they should acknowledge themselves to 
have been indebted for great benefits, which the un* 
wiser sort of them think to savour of some impoten*. 
cy in themselves. But in this respect they are of- 
tentimes cozened and abused ; which proves that 
weakness to be in them indeed, whereof they SO 
gladly shun the opinion. Contrariwise, free estates 
are bountiful in giving thanks ; yet so as those 
thanks are not of long endurance* But concerning 
other profit which their captains have made, by en- 
riching themselves with the spoil of the enemy, they 
are very inquisitive to search into it, and to strip the 
well- deserve rs out of their gettings, yea most inju- 
riously to rob them, of their own, upon a false suppo- 
sition, that even they whose hands are most clean 
from such offences, have purloined sosnewhat from 

V uJh* V i. 1 Ecclcs. c. ix. 14. in-. 1 . 15. 


the common treasury. Hereof I need not to pro* 
. duce examples, that of the two Scipios being so late- 
ly recited. 

In my late sovereign's time, although for the 
wars, which for her own safety she was constrained 
to undertake, her majesty had no less cause to use 
the service of martial -men, hoth by sea and land, 
than any of her predecessors for many years had ; 
yet, according to the destiny of that profession, I 
do not remember that any of hers, the lord-admiral 
excepted, her eldest and most prosperous comman- 
der, were either enriched, or otherwise lioooured, 
for any service by them performed. And that her 
majesty had many advised, valiant, and faithful men, 
the prosperity of her affairs did well witness, who in 
all her aays never received dishonour by the cowar- 
dice or infidelity of any commander by herself cho- 
sen and employed. 

For as all her old captains by land died poor men, 
as jMalbey, Randol, Drewry, Reade, Wilford, Lay- 
ton, Pellam, Gilbert, Constable, Bourchier, Barkley, 
Bingham, and others ; so those of a later and more 
dangerous employment, whereof Norris and Vere 
were the most famous, and who have done as great 
honour to our nation (for the means they had) as e* 
ver any did,— those (I say) with many other brave 
colonels, have left behind them (hesides the reputa- 
tion which they purchased with many travels and 
wounds) nor title nor estate to their posterity. As 
for the L. Thomas Burroughs and Peregrine Berty» 
L. Willoughby of Eresby, two very worthy and ex* 
needing valiant commanders, they brought with them 
into the world their titles and estates. 

That her majesty, in the advancement of her men 
of war, did sooner believe other men than herself 
a disease unto which many wise princes, besides her- 
self, have been subject, — I say, that such a confi- 
dence, although it may seem altogether to excuse 
.her noble nature, yet can it not but in some sort ac- 

chap* vi d? the wowp. ti$ 

cuse her of weakness. And exceeding strange it 
Were, were not the cause manifest enough, that 
where the prosperous actions are so exceedingly- 
prized, the actors are so unprosperous, and so gene- 
rally neglected. The cause, I say, which hath 
wrought one and the same effect at all times, and a- 
mong all nations, ia this, That those which are near- 
est the persons of princes (which martial men seldom 
are) c$n with tx6 good grace command, or at least 
magnify a profession far more noble than their own, 
seeing therein they should only mind their masters 
of the wrong they did unto others, in giving less ho- 
nour and reward to men of far greater deserving* 
mid of far greater use, than themselves* 

But his majesty hath already paid the greatest 
part of that debt ; for, besides relieving by pensions 
all the poorer sort, he hath honoured more martial 
&en than all the kings of England have done for 
this hundred years. 

He hath given a coronet to the Lord Thomas Ho* 
ward, for his chargeable add remarkable service, as 
Well in the year 1598, as at Cadiz, the Islands, and 
in our OWB seas; having first commanded as a cap* 
tain, twice admiral of a squadron,, and; twice admiral* 
in-chief. His msyesty hath changed the baronies. of 
Mon^joy and Burley into earldoms; and created Syd- 
ney viscount, Knollys, Russel, Carew, Danvers, 
Arundel of Warder, Gerald, and Chichester, barons* 
for their governments and services in the Nether- 
lands, France, Ireland, and elsewhere. 

q 2 


24* ' THE HtlSTOKY % BOOK V. 


Philip making provision for war against the Romans, 
deals hardly with many of his own subjects. His 
negociations with the Bastarnce. His cruelty. He 
suspecteth his son Demetrius. Demetrius accused 

' by his brother Perseus f and shortly after slain by 
his father's appointment. Philip repenteth him of 
Ms son's deaths whom hefndeth to have been inno- 
cent ; and intending to revenge it on Perseus, hef 

QuiSTtus Marti!js, the Roman embassador, wba 
travelled up and down, seeking what work might be 
found abogt Greepe, had received instructions from 
the senate, to use the utmost of his diligence in look- 
ing into the estate of Macedom At his return home; 
that he might not seem id have discovered nothing, 
he told the fathers that Philip had done whatsoever 
they enjoined him ; yet so as it might appear that 
such his obedience would last no longer than mere 
necessity should enforce him thereunto. He added 
further, that all the sayings and doings of that king 
did wholly tend unto rebellion, about which he was 
devising. Now it was so, indeed, that Philip much 
repented him of his faithful obsequiousness to the 
Romans, and foresaw their intent, which was, to 
get his kingdom into their own hands, with safety of 
their honour, if they could find convenient means, 
or otherwise (as to him seemed apparent) by what 
means soever. He was in an ill case, as having been 
already vanquished by them ; having lost exceeding- 
ly both in strength and reputation ; having subjects 
that abhorred to hear of war with Rome ; and hav- 
ing neither neighbour nor friend, that, if he were 


thereto urged, would adventure to take his part : yet 
he provided, as well as he could devise, against the 
necessity which he daily feared. Such of his own 
people as dwelt in the maritime towns, and gave 
nim cause to suspect that they would do but bad ser- 
vice against the Romans, he compelled them to for- 
sake their dwellings, and removed them all into E* 
mathia. The cities and country whence these were 
transplanted, he filled with a multitude of Thracians, 
whose faith he thought a great deal more assured a* 
gainst those enemies that were terrible to the Mace- 
donians. Further, he devised upon alluring the Bas* 
tarnae, a strong and hardy nation, that dwelt beyond 
the river of Danubius, to abandon their seat, and 
come to him with all their multitude, who, besides 
other great rewards, would help them to root out the 
Dardanians, and ta!:e possession of their country. 
These were like to do him notable service against 
the Romans, being not only stout fighting men, but 
such as, being planted in those quarters by him, 
would bear respect unto him alone. The least be- 
nefit that could be hoped by their arrival, must be 
the utter extirpation of the Dardanians, a people aU 
ways troublesome to the kingdom of Macedon* 
whensoever they found advantage. Neither was it 
judged any ham matter to persuade those Bastarna?, 
by hope of spoil, and other enticements, unto a monj 
desperate expedition through Illyria, and the coun- 
tries upon the Adriatic sea, into Italy itself. It was 
not known who should withstand them upon, the 
way. Rather it was thought that the ScpFdisci, and 
peradventure some others, through whose countries 
they were to pass, would accompany them against 
the Romans, were it only in hope of spoil. Now to 
facilitate the remove of these Bastarnrc from their 
own habitations into the land of the Dardanians, 
upon the border of Macedon, a long and tedious 
journey unto them, that carried with them their 
wives and children, Philip with gifts did purchase 


246 . THE HISTORY > BQQK ?# 

the good- will of some Thracian princes, lords of the 
countries through which they were to pass. And 
thus he sought means to strengthen himself with the 
help of the wild nations, which neither knew the 
Romans, nor were known unto, them, since he was 
not like to find assistance from any civil nation about 
the whole compass of the Mediterranean seas. But 
these devices were long ere they took effect ; so as 
the Bastarme came not before such time as he was 
dead, his death being the overthrow of that purpose. 
In the meantime he neglected not the training of 
his men to war, and the exercise of them in some 
small expeditions against those wild people that bor- 
dered upon him, and stood worst affected toward 

But these his counsels and proceedings were mis.e* 
rably disturbed by the calamities that fell upon him, 
both in his kingdom and in his own house. The fa- 
milies and whole townships which he had caused, 
much against their wills, to forsake their ancient 
dwellings and betake themselves to such new habita- 
tions as he in his discretion thought meeter for them v 
were vehemently offended at the change. Yet their 
anger at first contained itself within words, he hav- 
ing done them no great wrong in that alteration, 
otherwise than by neglecting their attention to the 
places wherein they had long lived ; which also he 
did unwillingly, being himself over-ruled by necessi* 
ty that seemed apparent. This evil, therefore, woul4 
soon have been determined, had not his cruel and 
vindictive nature made it worse. He could not par- 
don words proceeding from just sorrow, but imputed 
all to traitorous malice ; and accordingly sought re- 
venge where it was needless. In his rage he caused 
many to die, among whom were some eminent men, 
and few or none of them deservedly. This increased 
the hatred of the people, and turned their former ex- 
clamations into bitter curses; which grew the more 
general when the king, in a most barbarous and base 

«HA*\ VI. O* THE WORLD. #4? 

tfuty, mistrusting all alike whom hfe had injured, 
thought himself unjjke to be safe until he should 
have massacred all the children of those parents 
whom tyrannically he had put to death. In the exe- 
cution of this unmanly pleasure, some accidents, 
more tragical than perhaps he could have desired, 
cave men cause to think (as they could not'in reasoti 
think otherwise) that, not without vengeance poured 
on him from heaven, he felt the like misery in his 
own children. It is hard to say what the Komans 
intended in the extraordinary favour which they 
shewed unto Demetrius the king's younger son. It 
may well be (though it may be also suspected) that 
they had no purpose to make and nourish distention 
between the brethren, but only to -cherish the virtue 
and towardline6s of Demetrius, like. as we find it in 
their histories But their notable favour towards 
this yornig prirkce, and his mutual respect of them, 
bred extreme jealousy in the father's head. If any 
custom of the Romans, the manner of their life, the 
fashion of their apparel, or the unsightly contriving 
and building (as then it was) of the town of Rom£, 
were jested at in ordinary discourse and table-talk, 
Demetrius was sure to be presently on fire, defend- 
ing and praising them even in such points as rather 
needed excuse. This, and his daily conversation 
with their embassadors as often as they came, gave 
his father cause to think that he was no fit partaker 
of any counsel held against them. Wherefore he 
communicated all his devices with his elder son Per- 
seus, who, fearing so much lest his brother should 
step between him and the succession, converted whol- 
ly unto his destruction that grace which he had with 
his lather. Perseus was then thirty years old, of u 
stirring spirit, though much defective in Valour. De- 
metrius was younger by five years, more open and 
unwary in his actions, yet thought old and crafty 
enough to entertain more dangerous practices than 
his free speeches discovered. The jealous head of 

tt 4 


the king having entertained such suspicions that were 
much increased by the cunning practice of his elder 
son, a slight occasion made the fire break out that 
ha4 long lain smothered. A muster and ceremoni- 
ous lustration of the army was wont to be made at 
certain times with great solemnity. The manner of 
it at the present was thus; They cleft in twain a bitch, 
and threw the head and fore-part with the entrails 
on . the right-hand, and the hinder- part on the left- 
hand of the way which the army was to pass. This 
done, the arms of all the kings of Macedotn, from the 
very first original, were bprne before the army ? then 
followed the king between his two sons ; after him 
came his own band and they of his guard, whom all 
the rest of the Macedonians followed, Having per- 
formed other ceremonies, the army was divided into 
two parts, which, under the king's two sons, charged 
each other in manner of a true fight, using poles and 
the like instead of their pikes and accustomed wea- 
pons. But in this present skirmish there appeared 
some extraordinary contention for victory, whether 
happening by chance, pr whether the two captains 
did over-earnestly seek each to get the upper band, 
as a betokening of their good success in a greater 
trial. Some small hurt was there done and wounds 
given, even with those stakes, until Perseus's side at 
length recoiled. Perseus himself was. sorry for this, 
as it had been some bad presage ; hut his friends 
were glad* and thought that hereof might be made 
good use. They were of the craftier sort, who* per- 
ceiving which way the Ring's favour bent, and now 
all the courses of Demetrius led unto his own ruin, 
addressed their services to the more malicious and 
crafty head. And now they said th^t this victory of 
Demetrius would afford matter of complaint against 
him, as if the heat of his ambition had. carried him 
beyond the rules of that solemn pastime,. Each of 
the brethren was that day to feast his own compani- 
, pns, and each of them, had spies in the other's lodgu?g 


to observe what was said and done. One of Perse- 
u$'s intelligencers behaved himself so indiscreetly 
that he was taken and well beaten by three or four 
of Demetrius's men, who turned him out of doors. 
After some store of wine, Demetrius told his com- 
panions that he would go visit his brother and see 
what cheer he kept. They agreed to his motion, 
excepting such of them as had ill-handled his bro- 
ther's man ; yet he would leave none of his train be- 
hind, but forced them all to bear him company. They, 
•fearing to be ill-rewarded for their late diligence, 
armed themselves secretly to prevent all danger ; yet 
was there such good espial kept that this their com- 
ing armed was forthwith made known to Perseus, 
who thereupon tumultuously locked up his doors, as 
if he stood in fear to be assaulted in his house. De- 
metrius wondered to see himself excluded,' and fared 

,very angrily with his brother. But Perseus, bidding 
him be gone as an enemy, and one whose murderous 

* purpose was detected, sent him away with entertain- 
ment no better than defiance. The next day the 
matter was brought before the king. The elder bro- 
ther accused the younger unto the father of them 
both. Much there was alleged, and in effect the same 
hath been here recited, save that by misconstruction 
all was made worse. But the main point of the ac- 
cusation, and which did aggravate all the rest, was, 
That Demetrius had undertaken this murder, and 
would perhaps also dare to undertake a greater, up- 
on confidence of the Romans, by whom he knew 
that he should be defended and borne out ; for Per- 
seus made shew as if the Romans did hate him, be- 
cause he bore a due respect unto his father, and was 
sorry to see him spoiled and daily robbed of some- 
what by them ; and for. this cause he said it was 
that they did animate his brother against him : ae 
also, that tbey sought how to win unto Demetrius 
the love of the Macedonians. For proof hereof he 

\ cited a letter sent of late from T. Quintius to the 



king himself whereof the contents were, That he 
had done wisely in sending Demetrius to Rome, and 
that be should yet further da well to send him thither 
again, accompanied with a greater and more honour- 
able train of Macedonian lords. Hence he enforced, 
that this counsel was given by Titus of purpose to 
shake the allegiance of those that should watt upon 
his brother to Rome, and make them, forgetting their 
duties to their old king, become servants to this 
young traitor Demetrius. Hereto Demetrius made 
answer by rehearsing all passages of the day and 
night foregoing, in such manner as he remembered 
them and had conceived of them, bitterly reprehend- 
ing Per sens, that converted matters of pastime and 
what was done or spoken in wine, to such an accu- 
sation, whereby he sought his innocent brother's 
death. As for the love which the Romans did bear 
him, he said that it grew, if not from his own virtue, 
at leastwise from their opinion thereof ; so as by any 
impious pfacice he were more like to lose it wholly 
than to increase it. In this wretched pleading there 
wanted not such passions as are incident to fathers, 
children, and brethren, besides those that are com- 
mon to all plaintiffs and defendants before ordinary 
judges. The king pronounced like a father, though 
a jealous father, That he would conclude nothing 
upon the excess or error, whatsoever it were* of one 
day and night, nor upon one hour's audience of the 
matter, but upon better observation of their lives, 
manners, and whole carriage of themselves both in., 
word and deed. And herein he may seem to have 
dealt both justly and compassionately. But from 
this tirpe forward he gavfe himself over wholly to Per- 
seus, using so little conference with his younger son, 
that when he had matters of weight in hand, such 
esjiecially as concerned the Romans, he liked neither 
to have him present nor near unto him. Above all, 
he had especial care to learn out what had passed 
between Demetrius and T. Quintius, or any other of 


£HAF« Tit OP THE WORLD. £51 

the Roman great ones ; and to this purpose he sent 
Embassadors to Home, Philocles and Apelles, men 
whom he thought no way interested in the, quarrels 
between the brethren, though iiideed they altoge- 
ther depended on the elder, whotto they saw the more 
in graop. These brought hotrie with them a letter 
said to be written by Titus (whose seal they had 
counterfeited) unto tjie kitig ; the contents whereof 
were, a deprecation for the young prince, with an in* 
titration as by way of granting it, That his youthful 
pnd ambitious desires had caused him to enter into 
practices unjustifiable against his elder brother, which 
yet should never take effect* for that Titus himself 
would not be author of abettor of any impious de- 
vice. Thife manner of ekouse did forcibly persuade 
the king to think his son a dangerous traitor. To 
Strengthen him in this opinion, one Didas, to whom 
he gave Demetrius in custody, made shew as if he had 
pitied the estate of the Unhappy prince, and so wrung 
out of him his sedret intentions, which he shortly 
discovered unto Philip. 1% was the purpose of De- 
metrius to<fly secretly to llopie, where he might hope 
not only to live in safety fropi his father anil brother, 
but in greater likelihood than he could find at home 
of bettering such claim as he had in reversion unto 
the crpwn of Macedon. Whatsoever his hopes and 
meanipgs were, all catpe to nought through the false- 
hood of Didas, who* playing- on both hands, offered 
unto the prince his help for making the escape, and 
in the meanwhile revealed the whole matter to the 
king. So Philip resolved to put his son to death 
without further expense of time. It was thought 
behoveful to. make him away privily, for fear lest; the 
Romans should take the matter to heart, and hold it 
as a proof sufficient at least of the king's despite 
against them, if not of his meaning to renew the war. 
Didas therefore was commanded to rid the unhappy 
prince of his life. This accursed minister of his 
king's unadvised sentence fyrst gave poison to Dem^r 


trius, which wrought neither so hastily nor so secret- 
ly as was desired. Hereupon he sent a couple of ruf- 
fians to finish the trageay, who villainously accom- 
plished their work by smothering that prince, in 
whose life consisted the greatest hope of Macedon. 

In all the race of Antigonus there had not been 
found a king that had thus cruelly dealt with any 
prince of his own blood. The houses of Lysimachus 
and Cassander fell either with themselves, or even 
upon their heels, by intestine discord and jealousies, 
grounded on desire of sovereign rule, or fear of losing 
it. By the like unnatural hatred had almost been cut 
off the lines of Ptolemy and Seleucus, which, though 
narrowly they escaped the danger, yet were their 
kingdoms thereby grievously distempered. Contra- 
riwise, it was worthy of extraordinary note, how that 
upstart family of the kings of Pergamus had raised 
itself to marvellous greatness in very short space 
from the condition of mere slavery ; whereof a prin- 
cipal cause was, the brotherly love maintained by 
them, with singular commendation of their piety. 
Neither was Philip ignorant of these examples, but 
is said to have propounded the last of them to his 
own children as a pattern for them to imitate. Cer- 
tainly he had reason so to do, not more in regard of 
the benefit which his enemies reaped by their con- 
cord, than in remembrance of the tender fosterage 
wherewith king Antigonus's tutor had faithfully che- 
rished him in his minority. But he was himself of an 
unmerciful nature, and therefore unmeet to be a 
good persuader unto kindly affection. The murders 
by htm done upon many of his friends, together with 
the barbarous outrages which, for the satiating of his 
blood-thirsty appetite, he delightfully had committed • 
upon many innocents, both strangers and subjects of 
his own, did now procure vengeance down from hea* 
ven that rewarded him with a draught of his own 
poison. After the death of his son, he too late be- 
gan to examine the crimes that had been objected. 



and to weigh them in a more equal balance. Then 
found he nothing that could give him satisfaction, 
or by good probability induce him to think, that ma- 
lice had not been contriver of the whole process. 
His only remaining son Perseus could so ill disemble 
the pleasure which he took in being freed from all 
danger of competition, as there might easily be per- 
ceived in him a notable change, proceeding from 
some other cause than the remove of those dangers 
which he had lately pretended. The Romans were 
now no less to be feared than at other times, when 
he, as having accomplished the most of his desires, 
left off his usual trouble of mind and carefulness of 
making provision against them. He was more, dili- 
gently courted than in. former times by those that 
-well understood the difference between a rising and 
a setting sun. As for old Philip, he was left in a 
manner desolate, some expecting his death, and some 
scarce enduring the tediousness of such expectation. 
This bred in the king a deep melancholy, and filled 
his head with suspicious imaginations, the like where- 
of he had never been slow to apprehend. He was 
much vexed, and so much the more for that he knew 
neither well to whom, nor perfectly whereof, to com- 
plain. One honourable man, a cousin of his, named 
Aritigonus, continued so true to Philip, that he grew 
thereby hateful to Perseus; and thus becoming sub- 
ject unto the same jealous impressions which troubled 
the king, became also partaker of his secrets.— 
This counsellor, when he found that the anger con- 
ceived against Perseus would not vent itself and giire 
ease to the king until the truth were known, whether 
Demetrius were guilty or no of the treason objected, 
as also that Philocles and Apelles (the embassadors 
which had brought from Rome that epistle .of Flami- 
nius that served as the greatest evidence against De^ 
metrius) were suspected of forgery in the business, 
made diligent inquiry after the truth. In thus do- 
ing, he found one Xichus, a man most likely to have- 


understood what false dealing was Used by those eta* 
bassadors ; him he apprehended, brought to cottrt* 
and presented unto the king, saying, that this fellow 
knew all, and must therefore be made to utter what 
he knew. Xichus, for fear of torture, uttered u 
much as was before suspected; confessing against 
himself, that he had been employed by the embassa- 
dors in that wicked piece of business. No wonder 
if the father's passions Were extreme when he under* 
stood that, by the unnatural practice of one son, he 
had so wretchedly cast away another far more virtu- 
ous and innocent. He raged exceedingly against 
himself, and withal against the authors or the mis* 
chief Upon the first news of this discovery ApeUea 
fled away and got into Italy. Philocles was taken, 
and either, forasmuch as he could not deny it when 
Xichus confronted him, yielded himself guilty, or 
else was nut to torture. Perseus was now grown 
stronger than that he should need to fly the country, 
yet not so stout as to adventure himself into his fa* 
ther's presence. He kept on the borders of the king* 
dom, towards Thrace, whilst his father wintered at 
Demetrius. Philip, therefore, not hoping to get in* 
to his power this his ungracious son, took a resolu- 
tion to alien the kingdom from him and confer it 
upon Antigonus. But bis weak body, and excessive 
grief of mind, so disabled him in the travel hereto 
belonging, that ere he could bring his purpose to efc 
feet, he was constrained to yield to nature. He had 
reigned about two and forty years, always fiiH of 
trouble ; as vexed by others, and vexing himself with 
continual wars ; of which that with the Romans was 
most unhappy, and few or none of the rest found the 
conclusion, which a wise prince would have desired* 
of bringing forth together both honour and profit 
But for all the evil that befel him he might thank his 
own perverse condition, since his uncle king Antigo- 
nus had left unto him an estate so great and so well 
settled as made it easy for him to accomplish any 


moderate desires, if he had not abhorred all good 
counsel. Wherefore he was justly punished by feel* 
ing the difference between the imaginary happiness 
of a tyrant, which he affected, and the life of a king, 
whereof he little cared to perform the duty. His 
death, even whilst yet it was only drawing near, was 
fore-signified unto Perseus by Call i genes the physi- 
cian, who also concealed it a while from those that 
were about the court. So Perseus came thither on a 
sudden and took possession of the kingdom, which, 
in fine, he no less improvidently lost than he had 
wickedly gotten. 

Sect. IV. 

Ifow the Bastarnce fell upon Dardania. The hehavi* 
our qf Perseus in the beginning o) his reign. Some 
wars of the Romans, and how they sitffered Massi- 
nissa cruelly to oppress the Cartiiaginians. They 
quarrel with Perseus. They allow not their confe- 
derates to make war without their leave obtained* 
The treason of Callxcrates, whereby ail Greece be* 
came more obnoxious to Rome than informer times. 
Further quarrels to Perseus. He seeks friendship 
of the Achceans, an$ is wit/istood by Catiicrates. The 
Romans discover their intent of warring upon Mm. 

Immediately upon the death of Philip came the 
Bastarnae into Thrace, where order had been taken 
long before, both for their free passage and for the 
indemnity of the country. This compact was friend- 
iy observed as long as none other was known than 
that Philip did live to recompense all that should be 
done or sustained for his service y but when it was 
heard that a new king reigned in Macedon, and not 
heard withal that he took any care what became of 
the enterprize, then was all dashed and confounded. 


The Thracians would no longer afford so good mar- 
kets unto these strangers as formerly they had done. 
On the other side, the Bastarnse would not be con- 
tented with reason, but became their own carvers. 
Thus each part, having lost the rich hopes reposed 
in Philip, grew careful of thriving in the present, 
with little regard of right or wrong. Within a while 
they fell to blows, and the Bastarnae had the upper 
hand ; so as they chased the Thracians out of the plain 
countries. But the victors made little use of their 
good fortune ; for, whether, by reason of some over- 
throw received by them in assaulting a place of 
strength, or whether because of extreme bad wea- 
ther, which is said to have afflicted them as it were 
miraculously, all of them returned home save thirty 
thousand, which pierced on into Dardania. How 
these thirty thousand sped in their voyage I do not 
find. It seems " that, by the careless using of some 
victories, they drew loss upon themselves, and, final- 
ly, took that occasion to follow their companions 
back into their own country. 

As for Perseus, he thought it not expedient in the 
novelty of his reign to embroil himself in a war so 
dangerous as that with the Romans was likely to 
prove ; wherefore he wholly gave his mind to the 
settling of his estate, which well done, he might af- 
terwards accommodate himself, as the condition of 
his afiairs should require, either for war or peace.— 
To prevent all danger of rebellipn, he quickly took 
away the life of Antigonus. To win love of his peo- 
ple, he sat personally to hear their causes in judg- 
ment, (though herein he was so over-diligent and cu- 
rious, that one might have perceived this his virtue 
of justice to be no better than feigned) ; as also he 
gratified them with many delightful spectacles mag- 
nificently by him set forth. Above ail, he had care 
to avoid all necessity of war with Rome; and there- 
fore made it his first work to send embassadors thi- 
ther to renew the league - r which he obtained, and 



was by the senate saluted king and friend unto the 
state* Neither was he negligent in seeking to pur- 
chase goodwill of the Greeks and other his neigh- 
bours, but was rather herein so excessively bountirul, 
that it may seem a wonder how, in few years, to his 
utter ruin, he became so griping and tenacious. His 
fear was indeed the mastering passion which over- 
ruled him, and changed him into so many shapes as 
made it hard to discern which of his other qualities 
were naturally his own. For proof of this, there is 
requisite no more than the relation of his actions 
passed and following. 

. The Romans continued, as they had long, busy in 
Wars against the Spaniards and Ligurians, people of- 
ten vanquished, and as often breaking forth into new 
rebellion. They also conquered Istria, subdued the 
rebelling Sardinians, and had some quarrels, though 
to little effect, with* the Illyrians and others. Over 
the Carthaginians they bore (as ever since the vic- 
tory) a heavy hand, and suffered Masinissa to takG 
from them what he listed. The Carthaginians, like 
obedient vassals to. Rome, were afraid, though in de- 
fence of their own, to take arms, from which they 
were bound by an article of peace, except it were 
with leave of the Romans. Masinissa, therefore, had 
great advantage over them, and was not ignorant 
how to use it. He could get possession by force of 
whatsoever he desired, ere their complaining embas- 
sadors could be at Rome ; and then were the Ro- 
mans not hardly entreated to leave things as they 
found them. 

So had he once dealt before in taking from them 
the country of Emporia, and so did he use them 
again and again, with pretence of title, where he had 
any, otherwise without it. Gala, the father of Masi- 
nissa, had won some land from the Carthaginians, 
which afterwards Syphax won from Gala, and with, 
in a while restored to the right owners, for love of 
■ Vol. VL * n-- 


his wife Sophonisba, and of Asdrubal bis father-ra- 
taw. This did Masinissa take from them by force ; 
and by the Romans, to whose judgment the case was 
referred, was permitted quietly to hold it. The Car- 
thaginians haa now gooa experience how beneficial 
it wad for their estate to use all manner of submis- 
sive obedience to Rome. They had scarcely digest- 
ed this injury when Masinissa came upon them again 
ind took from them above seventy towns and castles 
without any colour of right. Hereof by their em- 
bassadors they made lamentable complaint unto the 
Roman senate. They shewed bow grievously they 
were oppressed, by reason of two articles in their 
league, that they should not make war out of their 
own lands, nor with any confederates of the Romans. 
Now, although it were so that they might lawfully 
withstand the violence of Masinissa's invading their 
country, howsoever he was pleased to call it his: yet 
since he was confederate with the Romans, they durst 
not presume to bear defensive arms against him, but 
suffered themselves to be eaten up for fear of incur- 
ring the Romans' indignation. Wherefore they in- 
treated, that either they might have fairer justice, or 
be suffered to defend their own by strong hand j or 
at least, if right must wholly give place to favour, 
that the Romans yet would be pleased to determine 
how far forth Masinissa shoutd be allowed to proceed 
in these outrages. If none of these petitions could 
be obtained, then desired they that the Romans would 
let them understand wherein they had offended since 
the time that Scipio gave them peace, and vouchsafe 
to inflict on them such punishment as they themselves 
in honour should think meet; for that better and more 
to their comfort it were to suffer at once what should 
be appointed by such judges, than continually to live 
in fear, and none otherwise draw breath than at 
the mercy of this Numidian hangman. And here- 
withal the embassadors threw themselves prostrate 

ort the ground weeping, in hopes td move compas- 

Here may Wfc behold the fruits of their envy to that 
Valiant house of the Barchiues ; of their irresolution 
in prosecuting a war so important as Hannibal made 
for them in Italy $ and of their halfpenny. worthing 
in matter of expense, when they had adventured their 
whole estate ift the purchase of a great empire. Now 
' are they servants even to the servants of those men 
whose lathers they had often chased, ' slain, taken, 
and sold lis bond-slaves in the streets of Carthage, 
and in all cities of Africa and Greece. Now have 
they enough of that Roman peace which Hanno so 
often and so earnestly desired. Only they want 
peace with Masinissa, once their mercenary and now 
their master* or rather their tormentor; out of whose 
cruel hands they beseech their masters to take the 
office of correcting them. In such case are they, and 
adore the Romans, whom they see flourishing in such 

Srosperity as might have been their own. But the 
Lomans had far better entreated Varro who lost the 
battle at Cannae, than Hannibal that won it was used 
by the Carthaginians ; they had freely bestowed* 
every man of them, all his private riches upon thg 
Commonwealth, and employed their labours for the 
pubHc, without craving recompence ; as also they 
had not thought it much, though being in extreme 
Want, to set out an army into Spain at what time the 
enetny lay under their own walls* These were no 
Carthaginian virtues j and therefore the Carthagini- 
ans, having fought against their betters, must patient* 
ly endure the miseries belonging to thG vanquished. 
Their pitiful behaviour bred peradventure some com* 
miseration ; yet their tears may seem to have been 
mistrttsted, as pro6eeding no less from envy to the 
Romans than from any feeling of their own calamity. 
They thought themselves able to fight with Masinis- 
sa; which estimation of their forces was able to make 

B 2 


them, after a little while, enter into comparisons 
with Rome, Wherefore they obtained no such leave 
as they sought, of defending their own right by arms; 
but contrariwise, when without leave obtained they 
presumed so far, the destruction of Carthage was 
thought an easy punishment of that offence* At the 
present they received a gentle answer, though they 
had otherwise little amends. Gulussa the son of 
Masinissa was then in Rome, and had not as yet 
,craved audience. He was therefore called before 
the senate, where he was demanded the reason of his 
coming, and had related unto him the complaint 
made by the Carthaginians against his father. He 
'answered, That his father, not being thoroughly 
aware of any embassadors thither sent from Car- 
thage, had therefore not given him instructions how 
to deal in that business ; only it was known, that the 
Carthaginians had held council divers nights in the 
temple of iEsculapius ; whereupon he himself was 
dispatched away to Rome, there to intreat the senate 
that these common enemies of the Romans and of 
his father might not be overmuch trusted, especially 
against his father, whom they hated most maliciously 
for his constant faith to the people of Rome* This 
answer gave little satisfaction. Wherefore the se- 
nate replied, that for Masinissa's sake they had done 
and would do whatsoever was reasonable; but that it 
stood not with their justice to allow of this his vio- 
lence in taking from the Carthaginians those lands 
which, by the covenants, of the league, were granted 
unto them freelv to enjoy. With this mild rebuke 
they dismissed Gulussa, bestowing on him friendly 
presents (as also they did on the Carthaginians), ana 
willing him to tell his father, that he should do well 
to send embassadors more fully instructed in this 
matter. This happened when the Macedonian war 
was even ready to begin, at which time the Romans 
were not willing too much to offend either the CaV- 

CHAP. ▼!. OT THE WOHLD. 86l 

thagtnians (for fear of urging them unseasonably to 
rebellion), or Masinissa, at whose hands they expect- 
ed no little help. So were they aided by the 
Carthaginians and Masinissa ; by the Carthaginians, 
partly for fear, partly for hope of better usage in fu* 
lure ; by Masinissa, in way of thankfulness ; though 
if it had happened (which was unlikely) that they, 
should be vanquished, he made none other account 
than that all Africa round about him and Carthage 
therewithal should be his own. 

In the midst of all these cares the Romans had 
not been unmindful of Perseus.. They visited him 
daily with embassadors, that is, with honourable spies 
to observe his behaviour. These he entertained kind- 
ly at first, until (which fell out ere long) he perceiv- 
ed whereto their diligence tended. First they quar- 
relled with him about the troubles in Dardama; nei- 
ther would they take any satisfaction until the Bas- 
tarnae were thence gone, though he protested that he 
had not sent for them. Afterwards they pryed nar- 
rowly into his doings, and were no less ill contented 
with good offices by him done to sundry of his neigh- 
bours than with those wrongs which (they said) he 
did unto other some. Where he did harm to any, 
they called it making war upon their friends ; where 
he did good, they called such his bounty seeking 
friends to take his part against them. The Dolopi- 
ans his subjects (upon what occasion it is uncertain), 
rebelled, and with exquisite torments slew Euphra- 
nor whom he had appointed their governor. It seems 
that Euphranor had played the tyrant among them ; 
for they were a people without strength to resist the 
Macedonian, and therefore unlikely to have presupned 
so far, unless either they had been extremely provok- 
ed, or else were secretly animated by the Romans. 
— Whatsoever it was that bred this courage in them, 
Perseus did soon allay it, and reclaim them by strong 
hand. But the liomans took very angrily this, pre* 

b 3 


sumption of the king, even as if he had invaded dome 
country of their Italian confederates and not cor- 
rected* his own rebels at home. Fain they would 
have had him to draw in the same yoke with the Car- 
thaginians, whereto had he humbled once his neck* 
they could themselves have done the part of Masiiro* 
sa, though Eumenes, or some other fit for that pur- 
pose, had been wanting ; and to this effect they told 
turn, that the conditions of the league between them 
were such as made it unlawful, both to his father here-r 
tofore, and now to him, to take arms without their li- 
cence first obtained* 

To the same pass they would also fain have reduc- 
ed the Greeks, and generally all their adherents, e* 
ven such as had entered into league with them upon 
equal terms, whom usually they rewarded with a 
frown, whensoever they presumed to right themselves 
by force of arms, without seeking first the oracle at 
Rome. Hereof the Achaeans had good experience, 
whose confidence in their proper strength made 
them other whiles bold to be their own carvers, and 
whose hope of extraordinary favour at Rome caused 
them the more willingly to refer their causes to ar+ 
bitrement. For when they went about to have chas- 
tised the Messenians by war, T, Quintius rebuked 
them, as too arrogant in taking such a work in hand* 
without his authority \ yet by his authority he ended, 
the matter, wholly to their good-liking. Probably at 
other times were they reprehended, even with lordly 
threats, when they took upon them to carry any bu- 
siness of importance by their awn power* without 
standing unto the good grace of the Romans ; who 
neve) theless, upon submission, w$re apt enough to 
do them right. Thus were they tamed by little and 
little, and taught to forget their absolute liberty, as 
by which they were not like to thrive, especially in 
usurping the practice of arms, which belonged only to 
the imperial city. In learning this hard lesson, they 


were such untoward scholars, that they needed, and 
not very long after felt, very sharp correction \ Yet 
was there no small part of blame to be imputed unto 
their masters. For the Roman senate, being desir- 
ous to humble the Achaean s, refused not only to give 
them such aid as they requested, and as they chal- 
lenged by the tenor or the league between them, but 
further, with a careless insolency, rejected this ho- 
nest and reasonable petition, that the enemy might 
not be supplied from Italy with victuals or arms. 
Herewith not content, the fathers, as wearied with 
dealing in the affairs of Greece, pronounced openly, 
that if the Argives, Lacedaemonians, or Corinthians, 
would revolt from the Achaeans, they themselves 
would think it a business no way concerning them. 
This was presently after the death of Philopoemen, 
at what time it was believed that the commonwealth 
of Achaia was like to fall into much distress, were it 
not upheld by countenance of the Romans. AH this 
notwithstanding, when Lycortas, praetor of the A- 
ctueans, had utterly subdued the Messenians far 
sooner than was expected, and when as not only no 
town rebelled from the Achseans, but many entered 
into their corporation, then did the Romans, with an 
ill-favoured grace, tell the same embassadors, to 
whose petition they had made such bad answer, 
(and who as yet were not gone out of the city,) that 
they had straitly forbidden all manner of succour to 
be carried to Alessene. Thus thinking, by a feigned 
gravity, to have served their own turns, they mani- 
fested their conditions both to set on the weaker a* 
gainst the stronger and more suspected, and also to 
assume unto themselves a sovereign power in direct* 
ing all matters of war, which dissembhngly they would 
have seemed to neglect. In like manner dealt they 
with all their confederates ; not permitting any of 

1 Polyb. legau 51 tod 53. 
It 4 


them to make war, whether offensive or defensive,* 
though it were against mere strangers, without inter- 
posing the authority of the senate and people of 
Rome ; unless, peradventure, sometimes tney wink- 
ed at such violence as did help towards the accom- 
plishment of their own secret malice. Now these 
Roman arts, howsoever many (for gainful or time- 
yous respects) would seem to understand them, yet 
were generally displeasing unto all men endued with 
free spirits. Only the Athenians, once the most 
turbulent city in 6reece, having neither subjects of 
their own that might rebel, nor power wherewith to 
bring any into subjection, for want of more noble 
argument wherein to practise their eloquence, that 
was become the whole remainder of their ancient 
commendations, were much delighted in flattering 
the most mighty. So they kept themselves in 
grace with the Romans, remaining free from alt 
trouble, until the war of Mithridates; being men un- 
fit for action, and thereby innocent, y$t bearing a 
part in many great actions, as gratulators of the Ro* 
man victories, and pardon- era vers for the vanquish- 
ed. Such were the Athenians become. As for 
those other common-weals and kingdoms, that with 
over-nice diligence strove to preserve their liberties 
and lands from consuming by piece-meal, they were 
to be devoured whole, and swallowed up at pnee j . 
especially the Macedonian, as the most unpliant, and 
wherein many of the Greeks began to have affiance, 
was necessarily to be made an example how much 
better it were to bow than to break. 

Neither Perseus nor the Romans were ignorant 
how the Greeks at this time stood effected. Perse- 
us, by. reason of his near neighbourhood, and of the 
daily commerce between him and his subjects, could 
not want good information of all that might concern 
him in their affairs. He well knew, that all of them 
pow apprehended the danger which Philop<£mea 

CHAP. \i. OF THE WORLI*. 265- 

had long since foretold, of the miserable subjection 
whereinto Greece was likely to-be reduced by the 
Roman patronage. Indeed they not only perceived 
the approaching danger, but, as being tenderly sen- 1 
sible or their liberty, felt themselves grieved with the 
present subjection, whereto already they were be- 
come obnoxious ; wherefore, though none of them- 
had the courage, in matters of the public, to fall out 
with the Romans, yet all of them had the care to 
choose among themselves none other magistrates 
than such as affected the good of their country, and 
would for no ambition, or other servile respect, be- 
flatterers of the greatness which kept all in fear. 
Thus it seemed likely, that all domestical conspira- 
cies would soon be at an end, when honesty, and 
love of the commonweal, became the fairest way 1 
to preferment. Of this careful provision for the safe- 
ty of Greece, the Romans were fiot thoroughly ad-' 
vertised, either because things were diligently con- 
cealed from their embassadors, whom all men knew 
to be little better than spies, or because little ac- 
count was made of that intelligence which was 
brought in by such traitors (of whom every city in 
Greece had too many) as were men unregarded a- 
mong their own people, and therefore more like to 
speak maliciously than truly; or perhaps because the 
ambassadors themselves, being all senators, and ca- 
pable of the greatest office or charge, had no will to 
pnd out other matter of trouble than was fitting to 
their own desires of employment But it is hard to 
conceal that which many Know, from those that are 
feared and flattered by many. The Achaeans being 
to send embassadors to Rome, that should both ex- 
cuse them, as touching some point wherein they re- 
fused to obey the senate, and inform the senate bet- 
ter in the same business, chose one Callicrates, a- 
inong others, to go in that embassage. By their 
making choice of such a m&n, one may perceive the 


advantage which mischievous wretches, who com- 
monly are forward in pursuing their vile desires, 
have against the plain sort of honest men, that least 
earnestly thrust themselves into the troublesome bu- 
siness of the weal-public. For this Callicrates was 
in such wise transported with ambition, that he chose 
much rather to betray his country, than to let any 
other be of more authority than himself therein. 
Wherefore, instead of well discharging his credence, 
and alleging what was meetest in justification of his 
people, he uttered a quite contrary tale, and strongly 
encouraged the Romans to oppress both the Achse* 
ans, and all the rest of Greece, with a far more hea- 
vy hand. He told the senate, that it was high time 
for them to look unto the settling of their authority 
among his froward countrymen, if they meant not 
wholly to forego it* For now there was taken up a 
custom to stand upon points of confederacy and 
laws, as if these were principally to be had in regard* 
any injunction from Rome notwithstanding. Hence 
grew it, that the Achieans, both now, and at other 
times, did what best pleased themselves, and answer- 
ed the Romans with excuses ; as if it were enough 
to say, that by some condition of league, or by force 
of some law, they were discharged, or hindered, 
from obeying the decrees of the senate. This would 
not be so, if he, and some other of bis opinion, 
might have their wills, who ceased not to affirm, that 
no columns or monuments erected, nor no solemn 
oath of the whole nation, to ratify the observance of 
confederacy or statute, ought to be of force when 
the Roman 8 willed the contrary. But it was even 
the fault of the Romans themselves, that the multi- 
tude refused to give ear unto such persuasions. For 
howsoever, in popular estates, the sound of liberty 
used to be more plausible than any discourse tend- 
ing against it; yet if they which undertook the 
maintenance of an argument* seeming never so bad^ 

C«Af , VI . OF THE WORL*>« 067 

were tare* by their so doing,, to procure their own 
good, the number of them would increase apace, and 
they become the prevalent faction. It was therefore 
strange, how the fathers could so neglect the ad- 
vancement of those that sought wholly to enlarge 
the amplitude of the Roman majesty. More wisely, 
though with seditious and rebellious purpose, did 
the Greeks, who, many times, yea, and ordinarily, 
conferred great honours upon men otherwise of little 
account and desert, only for having uttered some 
brave words against the Romans. The fathers, 
bearing these and the like reasons, wherewith he ex- 
horted them to handle roughly those that were ob- 
stinate, and, by cherishing their friends, to make 
their party strong, resolved to follow this good coun- 
sel in every point; yea, to depress all those that held 
with the right, and to set up their own followers, 
were it by right or wrong. And to this end, they 
not only dealt thenceforth more peremptorily with 
the Achoeans than had been their manner in former 
times, but wrote at the present utotoall cities of Greece, 
requiring them to see that their mandate (which 
was concerning those that were banished but of La- 
cedaemon) should be fulfilled \ Particularly, in be- 
half of Callicrates, they advised all men to be such, 
and so affected as he was in their common-weals. 
With this dispatch Callicrates returned home a joy* 
ful man, having brought his country into the way of 
ruin, but himself into the way of preferment Ne- 
vertheless, he forbore to vaunt himself of his elo- 
quence in the senate. Only he so reported his em« 
bassage, that all men became fearful of the danger 
wherewith he threatened those that should presume 
to oppose the Romans. By such arts he obtained to 
be made praetor of the Achaeans ; in which magi* 
atracy, as in all his courses following, he omitted no* 
thing that might serve to manifest his ready obse* 

2 Polyb. Vg%t. it* 


quiousness urtto those whom he had made his pa- 

Now as the Romans, by threatening terms, won 
many flatterers, and lost many true friends ; so Per- 
seus, 6n the other side, thinking by liberal gifts, and 
hopeful promises, to assure unto himself those that 
ill could brook his enemies, got indeed a multitude 
of partakers, though little honester than his enemies 
had. Thus were all the cities of Greece distracted 
with factions ; some holding with the Romans, some 
with the Macedonian ; and some few respecting on* 
ly the good of the estates wherein they lived. Here- 
at the lords of the senate were highly offended, and 
thought it an indignity not sufferable, that a king, 
no better than their vassal, should dare to become 
head of a faction against them. This, therefore, 
must be reckoned in the number of his trespasses; 
whereof, if not any one alone, yet all of them toge- 
ther, shall afford them just occasion to make war up- 
on him. Perseus having finished his business among 
the Dolopians, made a journey to Apollo's temple at 
Delphi. He took his army along with him ; yet 
went, and returned, in such peaceable and friendly 
wise, that no place was the worse for his journey, but 
the good affection towards him generally increased 
thereby. With those that were in his way, he dealt 
himself; to such as lay further off, he sent ambassa- 
dors, or letters, praying them, That the memory of 
all wrongs whatsoever done by his father might be 
buried with his father, since his own meaning was to 
hold friendship sincerely with all his neighbours. 
The Romans perhaps could have been pleased better, 
if he had behaved himself after a contrary fashion, 
and done some acts of hostility in his passage. Yet, 
as if he ought not to have taken such a journey 
without their licence, this also was made a valuable 
matter, and cast into the heap of his faults. He la- 
boured greatly to recover the love of the Achseans^ 


which his father had so lost, that, by- a solemn de- 
cree, they forbid any Macedonian to enter their ter- 
ritories. It was jealousy, perhaps, no less than ha- 
tred, which caused them, at the first, to make such a 
decree- For howsoever Philip had, by many vile 
acts, especially by the death of the two Arrati, given 
them cause to abhor him, yet in the public admi- 
nistration of their estate, he had, for the more 
part, been to them so Beneficial, that not without 
much ado, and at length, without any general con- 
sent, ^hey resolved to forsake him. Wherefore it 
.was needful, even for preservation of concord among 
them, to use all circumspection, that he might not, 
by his agents, negotiate and hold intelligence with 
any in a country towards him so doubtfully affected; 
especially when, by hearkening to his messages, they 
might make themselves suspected by their new 
friends. But the continuance of this decree beyond 
the time of war, and when all danger of innovation 
was past, was uncivil, if not inhumane, as nourishing 
deadly hatred, without leaving means of reconcilia- 
tion. And hereof the Achaeans reaped no good 
fruit. For although they were not in like sort for- 
bidden the kingdom of Mace don, yet understanding 
what would be due to them, if they should adven- 
ture thither, none of them durst set foot therein. 
Hence it came to pass, that their bondmen, knowing 
a safe harbour, out of which their masters could not 
fetch them, ran daily away in great numbers, ex- 
ceedingly to the loss of such as made of their slaves 
very profitable use. But Perseus took hold upon 
this occasion, as fitly serving to pacify those whose 
enmity fain he would have changed into love. He 
therefore apprehended all these fugitives to send 
them home again, and wrote unto the Achaean s, 
That as, for good- will unto them, he had taken pains 
to restore back their servants ; so should they do 
very well to take order for keeping them, that here- 

870 *HE HISTOItT tOGti V» 

after they might not run away again, ftis meaning 
was readily understood, and his letters kindly accept- 
ed by the greater part* being openly rehearsed by 
the prartor before the council. But Callicrates took 
the matter very angrily, and bade them be advised 
what they did, for that this was none other than a 
plain device to make them depart from the friend- 
ship of the Romans. Herewithal he took upon him, 
somewhat liberally, to make the Achseans before- 
hand acquainted with the war that was coming upon 
Perseus from Rome. He told them how Philip bad 
made preparations for the same war ; how Demetri* 
us had been made away, because of his good affec- 
tion to the Romans ; and how Perseus had, since his 
being king, done many things tending to the breach 
of peace* Briefly, he rehearsed aH those matters 
which were afterwards alleged by the Romans ; the 
invasion of the Bastarnae upon tne Dardanians ; the 
king's journey against the Dolopians ; his voyage to 
Delphi ; and, finally, his peaceable behaviour, which 
was (he said) a dangerous temptation of men to his 
party. Wherefore he advised them to expect the e- 
vent of things, and not over-hastily to enter into any 
degree of friendship with the Macedonians. Here- 
to good answer was made by the praetor's brother : 
That Callistrates was too earnest in so light a matter } 
and that, being neither of the king's cabinet, nor of the 
Roman senate, he made himself too weU acquainted 
with all that had passed, or was like to follow. For 
it is well known, that Perseus had renewed his league 
with the Romans,— that he was by them saluted king; 
and friend to the estate,-— and that he had lovingly 
entertained their embassadors. This being so, why 
might not the Achseans, as well as the JEtolians» 
Thessalians, Epirots, and all the Greeks, hold with 
him such correspondence as common humanity re* 
quired ? Nevertheless Callicrates was grown ? man 
so terrible by his Roman acquaintance, that they 


durst not over-stifly gainsay him. Therefore the 
matter was referred: unto further deliberation, and 
answer made the whilst, That since the king had 
sent only a letter without an embassador, they knew 
not how to resolve. Better it .was to say thus, than 
that they were afraid to do as they thought most 
reasonable and convenient. But when Perseus, 
herewith not contented, would needs urge them fur- 
ther, and send embassadors, then were they fain, 
without any good pretence, to put on a counte- 
nance of anger, and deny to give audience, which 
Was proof sufficient (to one that could understand) 
of the condition wherein they lived. For hearkening 
to this advice of CalKcrates, they were soon after 
highly commended by the Roman embassador; 
whereby it became apparent, that the Romans in- 
tended war upon the Macedonian, though hitherto 
no cause of war was given 3 . 

Sect. V. 

jff&w Bumenes, king of Pergamus, was busied witk 
Pharnaces 9 the Rkodians, and others. His hatred 
to the Macedonian, whom he accuseth to the Roman 
senate. T/ie senate honours him greatly \ and con- 
temns his enemies, the Rkodians ; with the causes 
thereof. The unusual stoutness of the Macedonian 
embassadors. Perseus 9 s attempt upon Eumenes. The 
brotherly love between Eumenes and Attains. Per* 
sens' s device to poison some of tJte Roman senators ; 
whereupon they decree war against him, and send 
him defiance. Other things concerning the justice 
of this war. 

Eumenes, king of Pergamus, had been troubled 
-about these, times by the kings Fharnaces and Mi- 

S Lit. lib. xiiU 


thridates, his neighbours. He had taken the right 
course in making first his complaint to the Romans, 
by whom he was animated with comfortable words 
and promises, that they, by their authority, would 
end the business to his content \ But, in conclu- 
sion, by the help of the kings Prusiasand Ariarathes, 
he ended the war himself, and brought his enemies 
to seek and accept peace, on such conditions as 

Irieased him to give them. After this, being at good 
eisure, he began to consider how the affairs of Ma- 
cedon stood under Perseus. His hatred to Perseus 
was very great ; and therefore he was glad to un- 
derstand, that the hatred of the Romans to the same 
his enemy, was as great, and withal notorious. Now, 
besides his ancient and hereditary quarrel with the 
Macedonian, it vexed him exceedingly that his own 
honours (whereof the Greeks, prodigal in that kind, 
had heaped immoderate store on his father and him) 
began to wax everywhere stale ; whilst Perseus, ei- 
ther by his currying favour, or by the envy borne to 
the Romans, had gotten their best liking and wishes. 
For despight of this indignity, he stirred up the Ly- 
cians against the Rhodians, his old friends ; and m 
helping these rebels was so violent, that he proceed- 
ed, in a manner, to open war. But small pleasure 
found he in these poor and indirect courses of re* 
yenge.. The Lycians could not be saved, by his pa- 
tronage, from severe and cruel chastisement, given 
to them by the Rhodians. This rendered him con- 
temptible ; as likewise his acts of hostility, little dif- 
ferent from robberies, made him hateful to those 
which loved him before. As for his honours in the 
/cities of Greece, they not only continued falling into 
neglect, but were abrogated by a decree of the A- 
chaeans, as too unmeasured, mis-beseeming them to 
give, and affected by him beyond, the proportion of 
his deservings \ All this (which he needed to have 

1 Polyb. legat 56 and 59. 2 Polyb. legat. 74. 


regarded* had he not been too vainly ambitious,) be* 
fel him, especially for his being over-serviceable to 
the Romans, and for his malice to that noble king* 
dom, which, if it fell, the liberty of Greece was not 
like to stand 3 . Now for the redress hereof, he 
thought it in vain to strive any longer with bounty 
against such an adversary as, by hopeful promises a* 
lone, without any great performance, had over-top- 
ped him in the general favour. And therefore he 
resolved to overturn the foundations of this popula- 
rity, by inducing the Romans utterly to take away 
from the eyes of men this idol, the Macedonian 
kingdom, which all so vainly worshipped. ~ Neither 
would it prove a difficult matter to persuade those 
that were already desirous,— rather he was like to be 
highly thanked for setting forward their wishes, and 
perhaps to be recompensed with some piece of the 
Kingdom, as he had been rewarded for the like ser- 
vice when Antiochus was vanquished. 

, To this end he made a second voyage to Rome ; 
where, though he had little to say which they knew 
not before, , yet his words were heard with such at- 
. tention as if they had contained some strange no- 
velty, and so pondered by the fathers, as if the 
weight of them were to turn the balance that before 
was equal. The death of Demetrius ; the expedi- 
tion oi the Bastarnae into Dardania ; that of Perseus 
himself against the Dolopians, and to Delphi ; the! 
great estimation of the Macedonian in Greece ; his 
intermeddling in business of his neighbours; his 
riches, and his great provisions,— ^were all the mate- 
rial points of Eumenes's discourse. Only he de- 
scended unto particulars, having searched, into all (as 
he professed) like unto a spy. He said, that Perseus 
had thirty thousand foot, and five thousand horse of 
his own ; money in readiness to entertain ten thou- 

9 Liv. lib* 42. 

Vol. VI. s 

9%8 ttffi HISTdR* bock ▼; 

and left for dead. They might have finished tiiei* 
Work, such was the opportunity pf the place which 
they had chosen ; but fear of being apprehended, 
made them, without staying to see all sure, flee ia 
Such haste, that they killed their own companion, 
who could tiot hold pace with them, because he 
should Hot discover them Eumenes was conveyed 
away to the little isle of ^Egina, where he was cured, 
being all the while kept so secretly, that the fame of 
his death was current in Asia. Hence it came that 
his brother Attaius took upon him as king, and ei- 
ther tooki or wpuld have taken to wife, (supposing 
it belike a matter of state,) Stratonica, the daughter 
df Ariarathes, whom he then thought the widow of 
Eumenes. It may well be numbered among the rare 
examples of brotherly love, that when the king re- 
turned alive home, Attaius, going forth to meet him, 
and do his duty, as in former times, received none o- 
ther check, than * That he should forbear to marry 
c with the queen, until he were well assured of the 
'king's deith.* More than this, Eumenes never 
spake of these matters, but bequeathed, at his death, 
unto the same brother, both hts wife and hfe king- 
dom. As likewise Attaius forbore to attempt any 
thing to the prejudice of the king his brother, 
though the Romans (with whom he continued and 
grew in especial favour when Eumenes fell into 
their hatred) were in good readiness to have trans- 
ferred the kingdom from his brother to him. By 
such concord of brethren was the kingdom of JPeiga- 
mus raised and upheld ; as might also that of Mace* 
don have been, it Demetrius had lived and employ* 
ed his grace with the Romans to the benefit of Per- 

It is likely that Perseus was very glad, when he 
understood that his ministers had both accomplished 
his will, and had saved all from discovery. But, as he 
was deceived in the main point, and heard shortly 

«ha*. ti. bt ipfti ytotiLb. 379 

iafter that Eumeries lived ; so was he beguiled ib 
that other hope of the concealment, which he vainly 
esteemed the less material. For he had written to 
tone Praxo, a gentlewoman of Delphi, to entertain 
the men whom he sent about this business ; and she 
being apprehended by C. Valerius, a Roman embas- 
sador then attending upon the matters of Greece, 
Was carried to Rome. Thus all came to light. Valeri- 
us also brought with him to Rome, out of Greece, one 
Rammius, a citizen of Brundusium ; who, coming 
iiewly from the court of Macedon, loaden with a 
dangerous secret, had presently sought out the em. 
bassador, and thereof discharged himself. Brundu- 
taim was the ordinary port for ships passing between 
Italy and Greece. There had Rammius a fair house, 
Wherein he gave entertainment, being a Wealthy man f 
to embassadors, and other honourable personages, 
both Romans and Macedonians, journeying to and 
fro. By occasion of such his hospitality he was 
commended to Plerseus, and imited into Macedott 
with friendly letters, as one whose many courtesies 
to his embassadors the king was studious to requite. 
At his coming, he was much made of, and short- 
ly, with more familiarity than he expected or desir- 
ed, made partaker of the king's secrets. The sum 
of all was, that he must needs do a turn, in giving, t6 
such of the Romans as the king should hereafter 
name, a poison of rare quality, sure in operation, yet 
not to be perceived either in the taking of after- 
Wards. He durst not refuse to accept this employ- 
ment, for fear lest the virtue of this medicine should 
be tried upon himself. But, being once at liberty, 
he discovered all. Rammius was but one man, ana 
one whom the king had never se6n before, nor was 
like to see again ; and therefore, besides that thd 
king's denial ought to be as good as such a fetlow'a 
affirmation, the accusation was improbable. ThuS 
did Perseus, fn time shortly following, answer for him- 

s 4s 


Rhodes, embassadors came from Rome with strange 
news, which gave new life to the rebellion 4 . For 
the senate pronounced, that it stood not with the 
manner of tne Romans to alien quite from their own 
protection any people or nation by them vanquished; 
and that the Lycians were by them assigned unto 
those of Rhodes, not as mere vassals, but as depen- 
dants and associates 5 . For proof hereof, they referred 
themselves unto the commentaries of the ten embas- 
sadors, whom they had sent to dispose of things in 
Asia, after the victory against king Antiochus* 
Hereat Eumenes, Masinissa, the iEtolians, and all 
other kings or states that Were beholden to Home 
for increasing the number of their subjects, had 
cause to find themselves aggrieved, if they well con- 
sidered the matter ; since, by force of this, or the 
like decree, those their subjects might easily be made 
their fellows, whensoever it should please the senate j 
though it were so, that all men knew the present 
meaning of the senate, which was only to plague the 
Rhodians for their good- will to Perseus, by setting 
them and the Lycians together by the ears. The 
fathers could therefore see no reason to dislike Eu- 
menes upon this complaint made by the Rhodian 
embassadors, which indeed more nearly touched 
themselves. Rather, they honoured the king so 
much the more, for that others (as they would needs 
take it) conspired against him, because of his love to 

But the Macedonian embassy they heard not so 
carelessly as angrily ; though, peradventure, it well 
contented them to find cause of anger. For whereas, 
at other times, all care had been taken to pacify them 
with gentle words and excuses; now heard they 
plainer language, and were told, that king Perseus 
desired much to give them satisfaction concerning 
any word or deed of his that might savour of hos- 

4 Poljb. Legat. 60 and 6U & Liv. lib., 40. 

€HA*. VI. OF THE WORLD. #77 

fility ; but that if his travel in this kind proved vain, 
then would he be ready to defend himself by arms/ 
and stand to the chance of war, which often rails out 
contrary to expectation. These big words may seem 
to have proceeded from the vehemency of Harpalus, 
that was chief of the ambassadors, rather than from' 
instruction given by the king, with whose faint heart 
they agreed not! Yet was there good reason why 
Perseus himself might, at this time, think to speed 
better by a shew of daring, than he was like to do- 
by any submission. For the eyes of all Greece being 
now cast upon him, as on the greatest hope of deli- 
verance from the Roman servitude, it was not expe- 
dient that he should lessen, or perhaps utterly cut 
off, the general expectation, and the good affection' 
borne to him, which thereon depended, by discover- 
ing his too much weakness of spirit, unanswerable 
to a work of such importance. Wherefore he, or his 
embassador for him, was bold to set a good counte- 
nance on a game not very bad, but subject (in ap- 
pearance) to fortune ; which might have been his, 
had he known how to use it. 

Now that this bravery (as better it may be .termed 
than courage) proceeded from the king's own heat, 
it appears by his daring to adventure soon after on 
a practice that more justly might anger the Romans, 
and give them fairer shew of reason to make war up- 
on him. It was known that Eumenes, in returning 
home, would take Delphi in his way, and there do 
sacrifice to Apollo. Perseus deadly hating him, and 
thirsting after his blood, resolved to way-lay him, 
and by making there of him a sacrifice, to rid his own 
hands of a most mischievous enemy. So there were 
appointed three or four stout ruffians to do the mur- 
der ; who, placing themselves behind a broken mud- 
wall, on the side of a very narrow path leading up 
from the sea to the temple, did thence assault the 
King, whom thev sorely bruised with great stones, 

s 3 



sand mercenaries for ten years) arms to furnish ^ 
number thrice as great ; the Thraciaps his friends at 
hand, ready at a call, to bring him soldiers as many 
^s he should require ; and that he prepared victuals, 
for ten years, because he would not be driven either 
%o live upon spoil, or to take from his own subjects, 
therewithal he prayed them to consider, that king 
Seleugus, the son and successor of Antiochus the 
great, had given his daughter Laodice in marriage 
to Perseus, — Perseus not wooing, but Seleucus offer- 
ing the match ; that king Prusias of Bythynia, by 
earnest suit, had gotten to wife the sister of Perseus; 
and that these marriages were solemnized with great 
concourse of embassages from all quarters. Neither 
spared he to tell them, (though seeming loth, to ptter 
it plainly,) that even the envy tP their estate was the 
pause why many that could not endure to hear of a- 
mity with Philip, were now grown marvellously well 
affected to his son. All this, and some facts of Per* 
seus, which might either be denied or justified, (as 
that he had procured the death of some which were 
friends to the Romans, and that he had expelled A- 
brypohs the Illyri^n, who invaded Macedon, out of 
his kingdom or lordship,) Eumenes failed not to am- 

Slify unto the most ; saying, that he thought it his 
uty to forwarn them, since it would be to himself 
a £reat shame if Perseus got the start of him, and 
were in Italy making war upon the Romans, ere 
Eumenes could come thither to tell them of the dan- 

It were too great folly to believe that the Romans 
stood in fear of Perseus, lest he should set upon them 
in Italy. Nevertheless, forasmuch as they loved not 
to make war without fair pretence, not only of wrong 
done to them or their associates, but of further hurt 
intended, great thanks were given to Eumenes, who 
had every way furnished them with such goodly co- 
lour to beautify their intendment. Now, though it 


were sq,. that he told them little else than what they 
knew before, yet hm person, and the manner of hi* 
coming, made all seem greater. For if, upon any re- 
lation made by their own embassadors, or upon tales 
devised by their flatterers and spies, they had warred 
against Perseus, ere he had committed any open act 
« hostility against them, their injustice and oppress 
sion woula have been most manifest. But when the 
wrongs to thera done were so notorious, and the 
danger threatening them so terrible, that such a 
prince as Kumenes came out of his own kingdom, a§ 
tar as from -Asia, to bid them look to themselves* 
who could blame them if they took the speediest 
order to obtain their own right and security? To- 
ward, this justification of the war, and magnifying 
the necessity that enforced them thereto, their more 
than usual curiosity in concealing what Eumenes 
had uttered in the senate, when they could not but 
understand that his errand was well known, helped 
pot a littie r The Macedonian and Rhodian embas- 
sadors wers at Rome, provided of answers to the 
words which they knew before-hand that he would 
speak, and with matter of recrimination* The va- 
nity either of him, or of some about him, seems to 
have disclosed all* when the wariness of the fathers, 
in hiding that which all men knew, made a notable 
shew of some fearful apprehension, against which it 
behoved their wisdom to neglect no possible remedy. 
Wherefore, careless audience was given to the Rho- 
dian embassadors, who accused Eumenes, as one 
more troublesome to Asia than Antiochus had ever 
been, and a provoker of the Lycians to rebellion* 
The Rhodians had, with great pomp, conveyed by 
sea unto Perseus his bride Laodice ; which friendly 
office as the Macedonian bountifully requited, so the 
Romans despitef ully accepted. Hence it grew, that 
>yhen the Lycians, as already vanquished, were set- 
ting themselves in obedience to the people of 

s % 


self ; and in like sort concerning the' attempt upon 
Eumenes, denying to have had any hand either in 
the one or the other ; yet withal professing, that 
such objections were not to be made unto a king, to 

Erove the righteousness of making war upon him, 
ut rather unto a subject pleading for his life in 
judgment. But howsoever the Romans neglected 
the getting of stronger proof (which might have 
been easy) than any that we find by them produced, 
yet; the base and cowardly temper of Perseus was 
was very suitable to these practices. Neither did 
the senate greatly stand to dispute the matter with 
him, these his treacheries being held inexcusable. 
And as for his royal estate wherein he supposed that 
they ought not to touch him for such private o£ 
fences, it gave him no privilege, they judging him to 
have offended in the nature of a king* Herein sure- 
ly they wanted not good reason. For, if he might 
not lawfully make war upon Eumenes, their con- 
federate, — that is, if he might not send men to 
waste the kingdom of Pergamus, or to besiege the 
towns, might he send ruffians to murder the king? 
If it were no less breach of the league to destroy the 
senators by fire or famine, than by violence or the 
sword, was it lawful for him to do it by poison? 
Wherefore they presently decreed war against him, 
and sent embassadors to denounce it unto him, un- 
less he would yield to make such amends as they 
should require. He seems, at this time, to have 
been so confident in the general favour of Greece, 
and other comfortable appearances, that if he desir- 
ed not war, yet he did not fear it ; or at least he 
thought, by shew of courage, to make his enemies 
the more calm. He caused the embassadors to dance 
attendance, till, being weary, they departed without 
audience'. Then called he them back, and bade 
them do their errand. They made a tedious rehear- 
sal of all matters, which they had long, been collect 


ing against him, and wherewith Eumenes had charg- 
ed him; adding thereto, that he had entertained 
long and secret conference in the isle of Samothrace, 
with embassadors sent to him out of Asia, about some 
ill purpose. In regard of all which, they perempto- 
rily required satisfaction, as was their manner wnen 
they intended to give defiance. Better might they 
have stood upon the evidence brought against him 
by Rammius and Praxo. For if those accusations 
could be verified, then wanted they not ground 
whereon to build, of which otherwise they were des- 
titute ; it being no fault in a king to be strong, w r ell- 
beloved, and well-befriended, Perseus answered, for 
the present, in a rage ; calling the Remans greedy, 
proud, insolent, and underminers of him by their 
daily embassadors, that were no better than mere 
spies. Finally, he promised to give them in writing 
tneir full answer, which Mas to this effect : That he 
would no longer stand to the league made between 
them and bis father, and renewed by himself indeed 
only for fear ; but wished them to descend to more 
enual conditions, whereupon he, for his part, would 
advise, as they might also do for theirs. 

In the form of the league between Philip and the 
-Romans, as it is set down by Polybius, we find no 
•condition binding the Macedonian to any inconve- 
nience in the future, excepting those which he im- 
mediately performed tf . But Livy inserts a clause, 
whereby he was expressly forbidden to make any 
war abroad, without leave of the Romans 7 . It is 
most likely that all the Roman confederates were 
included in this peace, whereby every one of the 
neighbours round about Macedon, entering shortly 
into league with Rome, did so bind the king's hands, 
that he could no more make war abroad than if he 
had been restrained by plain covenant. And thus 
might that seem an article of the peace, which nev$r 

6 poJjb. Irgat. i£» 7 Lit. lib. xxxiii. 


with those crimes that are before mentioned. Where* 
to though Perseus made none other answer than the 
same which they could have made for him, yet the 
embassadors, and especially Martius, took it in good 
part as therewith satisfied, and advised him to give 
the like satisfaction to the senate. That this might 
conveniently be done, a truce was agreed upon. 
Thus had Martius bis desire, which was to make the 
king lose time ; for Perseus had all things then in 
readiness, and might have done much ere the Roman 
army could have been in Greece. But by the inter- 

£osition of this truce he no way increased his forces; 
e suffered a most convenient season of winning 
upon the enemy to slip away* and obtained in re- 
cootpence nothing else than leisure and vain hope. 
Yet was be pleaded herewith, as it had been with 
some victory, publishing a copy of the disputation 
between him and the Romans, whereby he gave men 
to understand how much he had the better, and what 
hope there was of peace. He sent embassadors also 
to the Rhodians, of whose good-will to him he was 
best persuaded, not only to let them know how much 
he was superior in cause, but to intreat them that 
they would take upon them, as moderators, to com* 
pound the differences between him and the Romans; 
if perhaps, notwithstanding the goodness of his cause, 
he should be denied peace. These were poor helps j 
far hereby it appeared, that his late standing upon 
point of honour was no better than mere vanity, his 
own safety being the utmost of his ambition. This 
his fearf uiness might seem excusable* and the blame 
thereof to appertain unto the Greeks, who deceived 
his expectation by being wanting to him in a time of 
necessity that was partly their own, had it not been 
his office who. took upon him as their champion to 
give such a manly beginning to the war as might en- 
courage all others to follow him. But his timorous 
quality being found, men grew daily mo^e and oaor$ 


averse from him, and grew careful not to pot their 
shoulders to * falling wall* The Rhodians, among 
whom he had many stout partisans, desired him not 
to crave any thing at their hands in which they might 
seem to do against the good liking of the Komans* 
The Boeotians also, who had entered of late into a 
strict society with the Macedonian, renounced it now, 
and made the like with the Romans, to whom fur- 
ther, in a sort, they yielded themselves as vassals. 
Neither was Martius contented to accept their sub- 
mission under a general form, but caused their seve- 
ral towns to make covenant apart each for itself, to 
the end that, being thus distracted into many little 
commonweals, they might not (were they never sq 
desirous to rebel) have such force to do hurt as when 
they agreed and were incorporated in one under the 
city of Thebes. This work of separating the Boeo- 
tians from Thehes their head, was more than Agesi- 
laus could effect, or Epaminondas would suffer then 
when all Greece followed the Lacedaemonians. Sq 
far more available to Thebes, being destitute of help 
from abroad, was the virtue of Epaminondas and a 
few brave citizens, than was the society with king 
Perseus against a numher not so great as followed 
the Lacedemonians* 

Martius brought this to effect whilst the king sat 
still, as being bound by the truce ; and having done, 
this, he returned to the city, where, vaunting what 
he had wrought by his craft, he was commended 
and (though some reproved it as dishonest) employ- 
ed again by the senate, with commission to deal 
as he should think expedient Touching the embas- 
sadors which Perseus had sent, audience was given 
to them, for that they should not plainly see how 
their master was deluded; but neither excuse nor 
intreaty would serve their turn, the senate being re- 
solved beforehand what to do. It was enough that 
they were admitted into the city, and had thirty days 


casion of beginning, and referred other cases to the 
diligence of time. Neither was this their unreadiness 
a small help towards examining the disposition of the 
Greeks and others, who must afterwards dearly pay 
for any backwardness found in their good-will, xhere 
was not indeed any cause to fear that all of the 
Greeks, or other eastern people, should conspire to- 
gether and take part with the Macedonian ; such 
was the dissension between their several estates, how- 
soever the generality of them were inclined the same 
way. Nevertheless, embassadors were sent to deal 
with them all, and to crave their help against Per- 
seus, or rather to demand it, in no less ample man- 
ner than heretofore they had yielded it against Phi- 
lip and Antiochus, in wars pretending the liberty of 
Greece. The embassadors used as gentle words, for 
fashion's sake, as if they had stood in doubt that 
their request might happen to be denied. But the 
Greeks were now grown well acquainted with such 
Roman courtesy, and understood that not only such 
as made refusal, but even they who might seem to 
have granted half unwillingly, were like to hear other 
manner of words when once this business was ended. 
Wherefore none of them were scrupulous in promis- 
ing the best of their help to the Romans; the Achae* 
ans and Rhodians, which were chief among them, 
being rather doubtful 1 , even when they had done 
their best, lest it should be ill taken, as if they had 
halted in some part of their duty. It is strange that 
men could be so earnest to set up the side whereof 
they gladly would have seen the ruin. The vulgar 
sort was every where addicted to Perseus ; of the 
nobles and rulers, if some were vehemently Ro- 
man, they wanted not opposers that were wholly 
Macedonian ; yea, the wisest and most honest, who 
regarded only the benefit of their country, wished 
better to Perseus than to the Romans. And of thi| 

l Polyb, Legat. Ixsiti. butviu. and lxzi. 

CHXP. VI# OF THE WOflfeD. 285 

number Polybins, the chief of historians, was one) 
who, though he judged the victory of Perseus like to . 
prove hurtful to Greece*, yet wished he the Romans 
ill to thrive, that so the Greeks might recover perfect 
liberty ; for his endeavours in which course he was 
at length tyrannically handled, as shall be shewed 
hereafter. This considered, it appears, that an ex- 
traordinary fear, and not only reverence of the iln* 
perial city, made the Achaeans and other estates of 
Greece thus conformable to the Romans. The occa- 
sion of this their fear may be justly imputed unto the 
timorous demeanor of Perseus himself. He had un- 
dertaken a war whereof the benefit should redound 
not only to his own kingdom, but unto all that were 
oppressecfrby the Romans. Yet no sooner were some 
few companies brought over-sea to make a counte- 
nance of meaning somewhat against him, than he 
began to speak the enemy fair, and sue for peace at 
llome. Since, therefore, it was known that every 
small thing would serve to terrify him, and, conse- 
quently, that it should at all times be in the Romans 
power, by giving him any tolerable conditions of 

J)eace, to take revenge at leisure upon those which 
iad assisted him, little occasion was there why any 
should adventure to partake with him. He made 
indeed a great noise, leading about his army, taking 
by force or composition some few towns, and solicit- 
ing all to join with him ; but wise men could not be 
so beguiled; for at the same time he sought all means 
of pacification, and to that end made humble suit 
unto the Roman embassadors. Q. Martius, the chief 
of those embassadors, and a man of more fineness in 
cunning than was usual among the Romans, made 
shew of inclination to the king's desire, and gave out 
such comfortable words, that the king intreated and 
obtained a meeting at the river Peneus. There did 
Martius very gently rebuke the king, and charge him 

fl Polyb* Legit, lib. lxxvii. 

$8& tttE HISTORt BOOK T. 

was agreed upon, but only was inferred by conse- 
quence. Now, if the Romans would urge this point 
further, and say, that the Macedonion might not 
bear defensive arms without their permission,— ^hen 
had Perseus very just reason to find himself aggriev- 
ed. For since they had allowed his father, without 
controul, to make war in Thrace (whilst they them- 
selves were unacquainted with the Thracians) and 
elsewhere abroad, though he asked not their licence, 
why should they now interpret the bargain after ano- 
ther fashion ? Was it now become unlawful for him to 
chastise his own rebels, or to repay an Illyrian that 
invaded Macedon ? By such allegations he maim 
tained the right of his cause in very mild sort, when 
it was too late. At the present, by disclaiming the 
league as unjust, he ministered occasion unto the 
embassadors to give him defiance. Having heard the 
worst of their message, he commanded them to be 
gone out of the kingdom in three days. But either 
he should have been less vehement, or more constant 
in his resolution. For if his heart could serve him 
to undertake the war, he should courageously have 
managed it, and have fallen to work immediately, 
whilst the enemy was unprepared, not have lost op* 
port unity, as now and often he did, in hope of ob tam- 
ing a worse peace than the former. 

CttAP-Vt. OF Tttfi WOftLft* 883 

Sect. VI. 


21ie Romans so#m* f Ac Greeks to join with them in the 
war against Perseus. How the. Greeks stood affect- 
ed in that war. The timorousness of Perseus. Mar* 
this, a Roman embassador, deludes him with hopes 
of peace. Hisjhrces. He taJces tltefeld, and wins 
part of Thesscdy. The forces of Licinius tJw Ro* 
man consul, arid wftat assistance the Romans ii&d in 
this war* Of Tempe in Tliessaly, and wJiat adivm* 
tnges the Macedonian had, or might have had, buthst 
by his fear. Perseus braves the Romans, Jights with 
them, /mows not how to use his victory, suesjor peace* 
and is denied il by the vanquished. Perseus, having 
the worse in a skirmish, Jorsakes all the country ty± 
ing without Tempe. The Baotiam rebel against the 
Romans, and are rigorously punisiied. TJte Roman 
commanders i/nfbrtunate in the war against Perseus. 
They vex the Greeks, their friends, for wfiose ease 
tlie Senate makes provision, having heard their cam- 
plaints. The fattening Alabanders. 

So long had the Romans been seeking occasion to 
take in hand this Macedonian war, that well might 
they have been ready for it when it came, and not 
(as they were) behind-hand in provisions. But it wan 
on a sudden that they met with a confluence of good 
pretences to make the war, whereof if no one alone 
had weight enough, yet all of them together seetned 
mor£ than sufficient. This opportunity of making 
their cause honest in common opinion was not to he 
neglected, though otherwise they were unprepared 
for the action; wherefore knowing, or having reason' 
to believe, that their own strength was such as would 
prevail in the end, they hastily embraced the fair or- 


respite allowed them to depart out of Italy ; where- 
as they who came last on the same errand, did their 
message without the walls, in the temple of Bellona* 
(the usual place of giving audience to open enemies, 
or to such commanders as might not, by reason of 
some custom, enter the city) and had only the short 
warning of eleven days to be gone out of Italy. Nei- 
ther did this poor courtesy serve alone to hide the 
craft of Martius, as if he had meant none other than 
good earnest ; but it was a likely mean, both to keep 
along while from Perseus the knowledge of his busi- 
ness, and to stagger his resolution when he should 
need it most firm. 

And accordingly it fell out ; for Licinius the Ro- 
man consul was at Apollonia in a manner as soon as 
the Macedonian embassadors were with their king at 
fella ; which, though it were enough to have rous- 
ed Perseus, and have made him lay aside all coward- 
ly hope of getting pardon, yet was he content to de- 
liberate a while, Whether it were not better to offer 
himself tributary to the Romans, and to redeem their 
good-will with some part of his kingdom that so he 
might enjoy the rest, than to put all at once to ha- . 
zard. But, finally, the stoutest Counsel prevailed, 
which also was the wisest ; and so would have prov- 
ed, had it been stoutly and wisely followed. He now 
began, as if the war had not begun until now, to do 
what should have been done long afore : he caused 
all his forces to be drawn together, and appointed 
their rendezvous at Citium, a town in Macedon. All 
being in readiness, he did royal sacrifice with an hun« 
dred beasts to, 1 know not what Minerva, that was 
peculiarly honoured in his country ; and then, with 
all his courtiers and those of his guard, set forward 
to Citium. His army he found consisting of nine 
and thirty thousand foot and four thousand horse, 
whereof about twelve thousand foot and a thousand 
horse were strangers of sundry nations, most part 


Thrariatts ; the rest his own Macedonians. These 
he animated with lively speeches; laying before them 
the glory of their ancestors, the insolency of the Ro- 
mans, the goodness of his cause, the greatness of his 
provisions, and the many advantages which they had 
of the enemy, especially in numbers. They answer- 
ed him cheerfully with loud acclamations, and bade 
him be of good courage. From all cities of Mace- 
don there came likewise messengers offering to help 
him with money and victuals, according to their se- 
veral abilities. He gave them thanks, but answered, 
That his own provisions would abundantly suffice, 
witting them only to furnish him with carts for his 
engines and munition. 

Oat of his own kingdom he issued forth into Thes- 
saly, knowing that the Romans were to pass through 
that country in their journey towards him. Some 
towns of Thessaly opened their gates unto him with-- 
out making offer to defend themselves; some he 
balked, thinking them too strong or well manned i 
and some he wort by* force. Of these last was Mylae,' 
a town thought impregnable, and therefore not more 
stoutly than proudly defended by the inhabitants, 
who gave contumelious language to the assailants. 
It was: taken by reason of a sally which the towns- 
men rashly made, and being driven back, received 
the Macedonians, that entered pell-mell with them 
at the gates. All cruelty of war was practised here, 
to the greater terror of the obstinate. So Velatiae 
and Connus (towns of much importance, especially 
Connus, which stood in the straits of Ossa leading 
into Tempe,) yielded at the first. Having well for- 
tified this passage, the king marched onwards to Sy- ( 
curium, a town seated on the foot of mount Ossa, 
where he rested a while expecting news of the.ejre- 
my. ^ j 

Licinius the consul brought with him only two 
Roman legions, being promised other strength of 

Vol. VI. t 

Auxiliaries, which wsap thought sufitcioftt, Etrmenef 
and Attalus his brother came to him in Thessator* with 
four thousand foot and $ thousand house* Thither 
also* came, from every part of Greece* such aid ar 
the several estate* could afford or thought, expedient 
to send, which from the n*Qst of them> wa3 ver^ littlfii 
0f the kingj* abroad, Masinisga: sent thither his: son 
Misageqes with a thousand. foot, as maray horse, and 
two and twenty elephants, Ari**rathes the Cappado* 
cian, by reason of Vs. affinity with Euraenes* was 
friend to the Romans, and had sent . to Home las 
young son there to be brought up; yet he did little 
or nothing in this war, perhaps because Eismenes 
himself began within a while,, but when it was too 
late, otherwise advised than he had been i* the 
beginning, Prusias was content to be a. looker on* 
as being allied to Perseus, and yet fearing the Ro* 
mans* Antfochtfs &nd Ptolemy (though Ptolemy was 
then you ng and under tutors) Had business. of tbew 
own, the Syrian meaning to invade the Egyptian; yet 
each of them promised help to the Romans, w.htcb 
ihey cared not to perform. Gentiua the Ulyrian waa 
inclinable to the Macedonian, yet made good, coun- 
tenance to the Romans for fear. It wa* a pretty 
frick whqrewith M. Lucretius the* Roman admiral's 
brother served Him for this his. counterfeit good* wilt 
This king, had four and fifty ships riding in the ha- 
ven of! pjprrachium, uncertain : to what purpose ;> ail 
which Lycretius took awqy ait^r a, very kind sort, 
making shew to believe,. Thate for none other end 
thaii to serve the Romans their good friend Gentiua 
had Sent thither this fleet* But whatsoever Gentiua 
thought in the beginning, he foolishly lost both hi* 
kingdom and himself in the end of this war, by offer- 
ing, rather than giving, his help to Perseus* 

With none other company than what he brought 
over the, sea Licinius came into Thessaly* so tired 
With a painful journey, through the mountainous 


fcflAP. VI. OF THE WORLD. 491 

feotiritry of Athamania, which stood in his way from 
Epirus, that if Perseus had been ready attending his 
descent into the plains, the Romans must needs have 
taken a great overthrow. He refreshed himself and 
his wearied army by the river Peneus, where he en* 
camped, attending his auxilliaries, that came in as fast 
as they could. It was not any slender help that could 
triable him to deal with Perseus ; therefore he re- 
Solved to' abide where he then was and keep his 
trenches, until his numbers were sufficiently increas- 
ed ; contenting himself in the meanwhile to have 
gotten quiet entrance irito the country. The land 
of Thessaly, in which these two armies lay, was bet- 
ter affected to the Romans than any part of Greece 
besides ; as having been freed by them from a more 
heavy yoke of bondage to the Macedonian, when 
there was little hope or expectation of such a benefit* 
It was generally rich, fruitful, and abounding in all 
things needful to man's life ; in the midst of it, but 
Somewhat more to the east, was that beautiful valley 
of Tertipe, so exceedingly full of all delights, that the 
name was often used at large to signify the most 
pleasant and goodly places. This valley of itself 
was not great, but adding to it those huge mountains 
Ossa and Olympus (famous in poesy) with their spurs 
6r branches, by which it was on all sides inclosed, it 
occupied the better part of Thessaly ; and this way 
were the Romans to enter into Macedon, unless they 
would make an hungry journey through the country 
Af the Dassaretians, as in the former war with Philip 
they had long in vain attempted to do. Perseus, 
therefore, had no small advantage by being master of 
the straits leading intoTempe ; though far greater he 
might have had if, by mispending of time, he had not 
lost it; for if, in defending the- ragged passages of 
these mountains, he were able to put tne Romans 
Often to the worse, — yea, to win upon them (for a 
while} every year more than other, both in strength 

T 2 

39# THE HiSTOftY BO&K V. 

and reputation, — questionless he might have done far 
greater things had he seized upon the straits of Aous* 
which his father once kept, and defended all the 
country behind the mountains of Pindus. Surely not 
without extreme difficulty must the Romans have ei- 
ther travelled by land, with all their carriages and im* 
Sediments, through places wherein was no relief to 
e found, or else have committed their armies, and 
all things thereto needful, unto the mercy of seas 
that were very dangerous, if they would have sought 
other way into Macedon than through the heart of 
Greece ; upon neither of which courses they once 
devised, notwithstanding any trouble which they 
found in this present war. It may perhaps be said* 
that the Greeks and other* whom the king must have 
left on his back* would have made him unable to de- 
fend any places too far from his own home. But 
they were all, excepting the Thessalians, better af- 
fected now to him than they had been to his father 
in the former wan The ^Etolians, upon whom the 
Athamanians depended, grew into suspicion with 
the .Romans (as we shall find anon) even as soon as 
th?y met with Perseus. The Boeotians, how politickly 
soever Martius had wrought with them, adventured 
themselves desperately in the Macedonians quarrel; 
what would they have done if he at first had done his. 
best? The Rhodians, Illyrians, yea, and Eumenes. 
himself, after a while began to waver, when they saw 
things go better with Perseus than they had expect- 
ed ; so that if, instead of discouraging his friends 
by suing basely for peace, he had raised their hopes 
by any brave performance in the beginning, and in- 
creased the number of his well-willers, yea, and 
bought down with money (as he might have done) 
some of his enemies, and among them Eumenes, who 
Offered, for good recompense, to forget his broken 
head, — then might the ltomans perhaps have been 
compelled to forsake their imperious patronage over 

CHAP. VI. 6* THE WORLD. 293 

Greece, and to render the liberty by them given en» 
tire, which otherwise was but imaginary, huch be- 
nefit of this war, since it was hoped for afterwards, 
fttight with greater reason have been expected at first 
from greater advantages. But as a fearful company, 
running from their enemies till some river stay their 
flight, are there compelled by mere desperation to do 
such acts as, done while the battle lasted, would have 
won the victory, so it fell out with Perseus. In seek- 
ing to avoid the danger of that war whereof he should 
have sought the honour, he left his friends that would 
have stood by him, and gave them cause to provide 
for their own isafety ; yet being overtaken by neces- 
sity, he chose rather to set his back to the moun- 
tains of Tempe, and defend himself with his proper 
forces, than to be driven into such misery as was in- 
evitable if he gave a little further ground. What 
was performed by him or the Romans all the while 
that he kept his footing in Thessaly, it is hard to 
shew particularly, for that the history of those things 
is much perished : Wherefore we must be contented 
with the sum. 

The consul, having no desire to fight until such 
time as all his forces were arrived* kept within his 
trenches, and lay Still encamped by the river of Pe-r 
neus, about three miles from I^arjssa. That which 
persuaded the consul to protract the time, did con- 
trariwise incite the king to put the matter into a 
hasty trial. Wherefore he invited the Romans into 
the field, by wasting the land of the Pherseans their 
confederates. Finding them patient of this indignity, 
lie grew bold tp adventure even unto their trenches, 
out of which if they issued, it was likely that his adr 
vantage in horse would make the victory his own. 
At his coming they were troubled for that it was sud- 
den, yet no way terrified, as knowing themselves to 
be safely lodged. They sent out a few of king Eu- 
menes's horse, and with them some light-armed foot, 

t 3 

^ i 


to entertain skirmish. The captain and some other 
of these were slain, but no matter of importance 
done ; for th*t neither Liciuius nw Eumenes found 
it reasonable to hazard battle. Thus day after day, 
a while together, Perseus continued offering battle, 
which they still refused ; whereby his boldness much 
increased, and much more his reputation, to the grief 
of those who, being so fur come to make a conquest, 
could ill digest the shame that fell upon them l\y their 
enduring these bravadoes. *The towp of Sycurium, 
where Perseus then lay, was twelve ipile^ frond the 
Romans; neither was there any convenient watering 
in that long march, which used to take up four houre 
of the morning; but he was fain to bring water along 
with him in carts, that his men might not be both 
weary and thirsty when they cpe to fight. For re- 
medy of these inconveniences he found out a lod^ 
ing seven miles nearer to the enemy, whom he visit- 
ed the, next day by the sun-rising. His coming at 
such an unusual hour filled the camp with tumult, 
insomuch as, though he brought with him only his 
horse and light armature, that were unfit to assau the 
trenches, yet the consul thought it necessary and re- 
solved to give check to his pride. Wherefore be sent 
forth his brother C. Liciuius, king Eumeues, Attain*, 
and many br^ve captains, with alibis power of horse, 
his velites,' and all the rest of his light armature* to 
try their fortune, he himself remaining in the camp 
with his legions in readiness. The honour of this 
morning was the Macedonian king's;, for be obtained 
the victory in a manner entire (though the Thessali- 
ans made a good retreat), with little loss of his own. 
But he discovered his weakness ere night, by heark- 
ening, as princes commonly do^ to counsel given by 
one of his own temper. For whereas the Romans 
>vere in great fear lest he should assault their camp, 
and to that purpose, upon the first news of bis suc- 
cess, his phalanx was brought unto him by his cap- 

tains, tboagb iinseot fdr? be nevertheless took it for 
sound advice, which indeed was timorous and base,-*-* 
To work warily, sad moderate his victory ; by which 
means it was said, that either he should get honest 
conditions of peace, or at least many companions of 
his ibrttrae. Certainly it was like that his good for* 
trine would exalt the hope and courage of his friends. 
Yet had it been greater* and had he won the Ro* 
mm camp, his friends would have been the more and 
the bolder. But over-great was his folly in hoping 
then for peace ; and in suing for it even when ho 
had the victory, what else did be than proclaim unto 
all which would become his partakers, that neither 
good nor bad fortune should keep him from yielding 
to the Romans whensoever they would be pleased to 
accept him ? At this time the joy of his victory 
would admit none of these considerations. He had 
slain of the lioman horse two hundred, and taken 
of them prisoners the like number. Of their foot he 
had slain about two thousand ; losing of his own no 
more thaik twenty horse and forty foot. The Roman 
camp, after this disaster, was full of heaviness and 
fear, it being much doubted that the enemy would 
set upon it Eumenes gave counsel to dislodge by 
night, and remove to a surer place beyond the river 
Peneus. The consul, though ashamed to profess by 
«o doing in what fear he stood, yet thought it better 
to acknowledge the loss past, than, by standing on 
proud terms, to draw upon himself a greater calami. 
fcy» So he passed the river in the dead of the night, 
and encamped more strongly on the further side* 
The JStolians were sorely blamed for this loss, as if 
rather a traitorous meaning than any true few hakj 
occasioned their flight, wherein the rest of the Greeks 
followed them. Five of them, that were men of espe* 
rial mark, had been observed to be the irst which 
turned their backs,— an observation likely to cost 
them dear at a time of bettor leisure. As for the 

T 4p 

9 J 


606 . THE HI8V0RT ' BOWL V. 

♦ ■ 

Thessjflians, their virtue was honoured with reward ; 
so as the Greeks might learn by examples of either 
kind, that if they would shun indignation or incur 
favour, then must they adventure no less for their 
lords the Romans than gladly they would do for 
their own liberty. Thus fared it with the consul '-and 
his army. Perseus came the next day to correct the 
former day's error, which how great it wasi fee not 
until then found. The Romans were gotten into a 
place of safety, whither they could never have attain- 
ed, if the king had either pressed his victory, or giv- 
en better heed to them that night; his light arma- 
ture alone being sufficient to have routed them whilst 
they were conveying themselves to the other side of 
Peneus. But it was vain to tell what might have 
been done, since there was no remedy. The Romans 
were beaten; even the flower of their city, the gen* 
tlemen of Rome, out of whom were chosen their 
senators, and consequently -the generals themselves, 
preetors, consuls, and all that bore office or command 
among them ; yea, they were beaten so shamefully 
that they stole away by night, and suffered him to 
gather up the spoils of them without resistance, as 
yielding themselves overcome. With such brave 
words did the king set out the dory of his action, 
dividing the spoils among his followers. But there 
was much wanting within him to have made hie -ho- 
nour sound. He came nearer to the Romans and en- 
camped at Mopselus, a place in the mid -way between 
Tempe and Larissa, as if it were his meaning to 
press them somewhat harder. Nevertheless he was 
Easily persuaded to use the occasion which he seem* 
ed to have of obtaining peace ; therefore he sent un- 
to the consul, and offered to yield unto the same con* 
ditions wherein his father had been bound unto the 
Romans, if the war might so take end. It were need- 
less here again to shew the foMy of this his course. 
Towards the accomplishment of this desired peace, 

4HAPTO. 09 THE W0SLD* 997 

there was in the consul no greater power than to grant 
a truce, whilst embassadors might go to Rome ; it 
Testing in the senate and people to approve the con- 
ditions and ratify the league : and of such a truce 
granted by Martius, he had lately found no small dis* 
commodity redounding. But Licinius dealt plainly, 
*nd returned answer, that other bote of peace there 
was none, save that Perseus would yield both his 
kingdom and person, simply and absolutely, to dis* 
cretion of the senate. A manly part it was of Li- 
einius to be so resolute in adversity. On the other 
ride, it argued a faint heart in Perseus, that, having 
received an answer so peremptory, he still persisted 
snaking vain offers of great tribute. Finding that 
the peace which he so much desired could not be 
pupcnased with money, the king withdrew himself 
back fa Sycurium. There he lay hearkening what 
the < enemy did, whose forces were well repaired by 
the coming of Masagenes the son. of Masinissa, with 
the aid before mentioned.. This distance between 
the king and them caused the Romans to wax the 
more bold in making. their harvest, about which bu- 
siness they ranged all over the fields. Their careless 
demeanour gave him hope to do some notable ex- 
ploit, which he attempted both upon their camp and 
upon those that were abroad. The camp he thought 
to have fired on the sudden ; but the alarm being 
taken in good season, be failed in the epterprise. As 
for the foragers, he had a good hand upon them, if 
he could have withdrawn it and given over in time ; 
but whilst he. strove, to force a guard, he was visited 
by. the consul, by whom, either ip a skirmish of horse 
or (for the report is diverse) in a great battle, he was 
overcome. This misadventure, whether great or 
small, : caused Perseus, after a few days, to fall back 
into Macedon, as being naturally given to fear dan- 
gen, even/where none was; whereby what loss he felt 
will appear hereafter. He left all behind hijn, save 

300 • tHEHlST&RY BOffer. 

through all tlie cities olF Peloponnesus, give 'out 
speeches tending to shew, That they liked no better 
of those who sought not by might and main to ad- 
vance their business, than of those which were of die 
Macedonian faction. Their meaning was 5 , to have 
accused by name, in the parliament of Achaia, Ly- 
cortas, that worthy commander who nobly followed 
,the steps of Philopcemen ; and together with him, 
his son Polybias, who soon after was general of the 
Achaean liorse, but more notable by that excellent 
history which he wrote than by his great employ- 
ments, whi£h he well and honourably discharged. 
The sum of the accusation should have been, That 
.these were not hearty friends unto the Romans, but 
such as abstained from raising troubles, more for lack 
of opportunity than for any love to the common quiet. 
But since no colour of truth could be found that 
might give countenance to such a tale, it was thought 
better, for the present, to let it alone, and give gentle 
words, as if all were well. In like manner dealt they 
among the ^Etolians : they demanded hostages, and 
found some in the council that approved the motion ; 
as aho among the Acarnanians therewere that intra*- 
ed to have Roman garrisons bestowed in their towns* 
But neither the one nor the other of these proposi- 
tions took effect. They of the Roman faction ac- 
cused not only such as were inclinable to the Mace- 
donian, but also the good patriots; making it no less 
than a matter of treason to be a Grecian in Greece* 
On the contrary side, there wanted not some who 
roundly told these pick*thapks of their base flattery, 
rating them openly in such sort that one of them 
hardly escaped being stoned, even in presence of the 
embassadors. Thus was all full of accusations and 
excuses; among which the embassadors carried them- 
selves as men that could believe none ill, though it 
^ ere well enough known what they thought. The 

5 Foljb. Lqpt. 74. 


tost was, that an order from the senate was brought 
into Greece and published, to this effect: That it 
should be free for all men to refuse obedience to any 
Roman magistrate . imposing any burthen for the 

{>re£errt war, unless it were such as the senate had 
ikewise thought meet Of this decree the whole 
country was glad ; for it was, or seemed, a good re* 
medy of many inconveniencies. But they that, stand- 
ing on the privileges hereof, refused to fulfil every 
commandment, were numbered among the patriots j 
which in the end of .this war proved little better, if 
not worse, than to have been traitors. The senate 
was driven to set down this order by Reason of tlid 
many and vehement complaints brought to Rome 
concerning the wrongs done by the Roman magis- 
trates, and especially by the admirals Lucretius and 
Hortensius* Lucretius was condemned in a great 
sum of money for the wrongs by him dohe, highly to 
the commendation of the Romans, in that they loved 
not to have their subjects oppressed. Hortensius, 
being still in office, had warning to amend. 

Among the great number of embassages that came 
to Rome about this time, either to seek redress of 
injuries or to offer their services, it is note-worthy, 
that from Alabanda, a town of the Lesser Asia, there 
was presented unto the senate, and well-accepted, a 
most base piece of flattery* These Alabanders 
brought three hundred horsemen's targets and a 
crown of gold to bestow upon Jupiter in the capital; 
but having a desire to gratify the Romans with some 
exquisite token of their dutiful obedience, wherein 
they would be singular, and being not able to reach un- 
to any great performance, they built a temple unto the 
town of Rome, and appointed anniversary games to 
be*celebrated among them in honour of that goddess. 
Now, <vho can wonder at the arrogant folly of Alex- 
ander, Antigonus, Ptolemy, and the like vain men, 
that would be thought gods, or at the shameless 

aOf ftut »isTO^r feoo* r* 

(lattery of toefo is bestowed upon met* , tod not tkrt 
most wrtoous of men, divine hoa©ar*,-r4*when he see* 
a town of houses, wherein powerful mheo dwell, wor- 
shipped aft * goddess, and receiving (without soort 
of toe givers or shame of the present) the title of 
Deity, at the gift of inch, a rascal ritj aa, Ala* 
i>anda ? 

Sect. Vlt. 

Q. Martins, the Roman consul, with extreme iiffkufof 
and danger, enters into Tempt. The cowardice tf 
Perseus in abandoning Tempe* The town of Dim* 
quitted by Martins; repaired and fortified by the 
king. The Romans attempt wmy places with Iff 
success. Their affairs in hard estate* MaHhto* 
cunning and a bad man. Polybms sent embassador 
to Martins from Use Aehatofiss, Pohfbktfs honest 
"wisdom beneficial to the Acfueans. King Ewnencs 
grows averse from thelUyman* Perseus negotiate* 
with AnUochus and Eimmes. HisfUse deaMng 
with Gentius king qfUkfria, whom he drbws into 0te 
Roman war. He sends embassadors to the fihodi* 
ans, who vainly take upon then* to be arbitrators be* 
tween him and the Ramans. Perseus teeth arnighhf 
succour qf the Bastarwe, by his wrecked pant* 

After, two years of the Macedonian war thing* 
were further out of tune in Greece than when the war 
began, which had been thought Ukelyto reform all tfowe 
countries, and bring them to what pais the Roiriaw 
desired, as it did in the end. Perseus had hitherto 
the better, and was stronger now than when he lived 
ip peace ; he had enlarged his borders on the UlyriaiL 
.side, his friends in all part* of Greece took courage 


daily, and bis reputation grew such as caused those 
that were wholly Roman to suspect what the issue of 
the war might prove, and thereupon to become wise 
for themselves. Contrariwise, Licurias and Hostifc* 
us the consuls, had one after the other spent their 
tjtme in vain, seeking way into Macedon, and defaced 
the glorious enterprise of conquest by many losses 
received. The Roman admirals had so demeaned 
themselves* that many towns, even of the best affect- 
ed to Rome, kept them out by force- Generally the 
fear was great on the Roman side,, and the army much 
lessened, not only by casualties of war, but by the* 
facility of the tribunes, or colonels, or eke of the con- 
sul himself; (for they laid the blame one upon the 
other) in licencing the soldiers to, depart. Quintiu*. 
Martins the new consul, who succeeded unto Hosti- 
lius, was to amend all this, which nevertheless was 
more than he knew how to. do, though he brought 
with him a strong supply of men. He began hotly 
to set the wan on foot which a long time had slept \ 
aj&d be began the right way, not seeking to force the 
straits that were surely guarded, but taking pains to 
dimh the mountains which were thought able to for- 
bid aH passage over them, without help or need of 
any custody* The king heard of his approach, and 
being uncertain what way he meant to take, distru 
bufced his. own forces to the defence of all places 
which might give entrance or permit ascent. But 
the consul proceeded in his journey, with hope ei- 
ther not to be discovered by the enemy r or to break 
through all opposition, or at leastwise to fight on as 
convenient ground as they should have that lay to 
stop him ; and at length* if all failed, to make a safe 
retreat. He sent before him four thousand of his 
most expedite foot to discover the ways. Two days 
was this company troubled in overcoming the difficul- 
ty of no more than fifteen miles, after which they 
had sight of the enemy that lay to deny their passage. 


They occupied therefore a safe pifece of ground, and 
sent back word to the consul where they were, en* 
treating him to hasten unto them/ which he did* The 
Macedonians were not a whit dismay ed at his arrival, 
but met him and fought with him two or three days 
together, each returning to their owh camp at night; 
with little loss on either side. This bickering was on 
the narrow ridge of a mountain, which gave scarcely 
room unto three to march in front ; so that very few" 
hands came to be employed, all the rest were be* 
holders* In this case it was impossible to get for- 
wards, yet a shame to return. Wherefore Martina 
took the only course remaining, and indeed the best. 
Part of his men he left with ropilius to attend upon 
the Macedonians, whilst he, with the rest, fetched a 
compass about, and sought out ways that never had 
been trodden. Herein he found extreme difficulty* 
which notwithstanding he overcame. Besides the 
troubles commonly incident to such journies, through 
places unfit for habitation, he was compelled, by la- 
bour of hand, to make paths where none were,— yea, 
where nature might seem to have intended that none 
Bhould be. So steep he found the descent of the 
mountains in this way which he took, that, of seven 
miles which they travelled the first day, his men were 
compelled for the most part to roll themselves down, 
as not daring to trust their feet* Neither was this, 
the worst, for they met with rocks that stood one over 
another, so upright and cumbersome to get down, 
that their elephants were afraid of the giddy pros- 
pect, and, casting their governors, made a terrible 
noise, which affrighted the horses and bred great con- 
fusion. Having therefore gone, or wallowed, four 
miles of this grievous journey, there was nothing 
more desired, by the soldiers than that they might 
be suffered to creep back again the same way which 
tiiey had come. But shift was made to let down the 
elephants by a kind of bridges like unto falling draw- . 


i bridges, whereof the one end was joined to the edge 
\ of the cliff, the other sustained by two long posts 
i fastened in the ground below. Upon these two posts, 
c or poles, (which indeed not being very strong, since it 
j was intended that they should be either cut or bro* 
i ken) were fastened two rafters, answerable in length 
i to the distance between the higher and the lower mil, 
i so as the end of one bridge might reach to the begin- 
i ning of another. These were covered with planks 
i and turf, that they might seem continent with the 
i ground, so as to make the beasts adventurous to go 
i upon them. If there were a plain of any good extent 
I from the foot of a rock to the next downfal, then 
I might the bridge be shorter. When an elephant was 
t gone a pretty way upon one of these, the posts up- 
! holding the frame were cut asunder, thereby causing 
i him to sink down unto the next bridge, whence he 
was conveyed in like manner to the third, and on- 
i ward still to the very bottom. Thus went they down 
sliding, some on their feet, others on their buttocks, 
till they came to an even valley. By this it appears 
how thoroughly provided the Romans used to be, in 
their journies, 01 things needful on all occasions ; as 
also what inestimable pains they took in this descent 
about the conveyance of themselves and all their car- 
riages down the mountains. The next day they rest* 
ed, staying for Popilius and his company, who hard- 
ly, or perhaps never, should have overtaken them if 
the enemy had followed and set upon him from aloft* 
The third and fourth days journies were like unto 
the first, save that custom and the nearness to their 
way's end, without meeting the enemy, caused them 
the better to endure the labour. 

Perseus could not be ignorant of the Romans 
coming towards him, since they fought with his men 
upon the passage three days together, he lying so 
nigh that he might well near have heard the noise. 
Yet was he so possessed with fear, that he neither 
Vol. VI. v 


stirred to help his own men or to hinder the consul, 
nor made any provision for that, which might faU 
out ; but, as one void of counsel, sat hearkening 
after the event. Four only passages there were lead- 
ing into Tempe ; the first by Connus, which the Ro- 
mans were unable to force ; the second and third 
were the same which Martius had attempted in vain, 
and another like unto it ; the last by the city of 
Dium, out of Macedon. All these were sufficiently 
guarded, and whosoever would seek any other way 
must be fain to take such pains as Martius had un- 
dergone. The entrance by Dium was fairer than 
any of the rest, whereof only the king had benefit ; 
for that his enemies could not get thither, save 
through the valley itself, into which they must first 
pierce another way. Dium stood upon the foot of 
the huge mountain Olympus, about a mile from the 
sea ; of which mile the river Hfelicon becoming there 
a lake, and called Baphyras, took up the one half; 
the rest being Such as might easily have been forti- 
fied. Besides all these, there was in the midst of 
Tempe a passage, which ten men might easily keep, 
where the spurs of the mountains* reaching far into 
the valley, drew near to the very banks of Peneus, 
a goodly and deep river which ran through it. 
Wherefore nothing had been more easy thai! to t 
make the consul repent him of his troublesome jour- 
ney, if Perseus could have seen his own advantages. 
For the Roman army was not only in ill case to 
tight, after the vexation of that miserable travel, but 
must needs have either perished for want of victuals, 
or been enforced to return by the same way that it 
came, if the king had made good the streight of 
Dium. To have returned, and dimbed tip with 
their elephants and carriages against those rocks, 
from which, with extreme labour, they could hardly 
get down, it seems a matter of impossibility ; espe- 
cially considering how the enemy, from above their 
heads, would have beaten upon them, being now a- 

CHAP. V*. OF tHE WORLD* 307 

ware of the path which they had taken, though he 
knew it not when they stole away from him. It 
may therefore be thought strange that the Romans 
did not rather take their journey into Macedon, 
from the side of Illyria, whence that kingdom had 
often beetl invaded, as lying open on that part, 
than put themselves to the trouble of breaking into 
Tempe ; whence, after that they were there arrived, 
there was no means to escape without forcing one of 
those passages which they despaired to win. But 
the cowardice of Perseus did commend the counsel 
by them followed as wise : for he no sooner heard 
that the enemy was come over the mountains into 
Tempe, than he feared like one out of hi^ wits, /say- 
ing that he was vanquished, and had lost all witKbut 
battle ; hereWithal he began to take out of Drum 
what he could carry away in haste, and straightivays 
abandoned the town. In the same vehemency of 
amazement he sent a strait commandment to Thes- 
salonica, that the arsenal there should be set on fire j' 
and to Pella, that his treasures there should be cast 
into the sea ; as if the Romans weVe like presently 
to be masters of these two cities. "Nicias, who was 
appointed to drown the treasure, performed iv^iasti- 
ly as well as he could ; though soon after his master 
grew sorry for the loss, and it was all in a mariner 
recovered by divers from under the water.. Hut 
Andronicus, who had charge to set fire on the king's 
arsenal, deferred the execution, foreseeing that re- 
pentance might follow; and so he prevented the 
damage. Whether Nicias, for his absolute and blind 
obedience, or Andronicus, for his careful provi- 
dence, merited the greater commendation, or more 
easy pardon, it rested in the king to interpret. The 
reward for their service was this. Perseus, growing 
ashamed of his mad cowardice that appeared in this 
hasty direction, caused them both to be slain; also,- 
those poor men which bad fetched his treasure out 

v 2 


of the sea by their diving, were paid their wages 
after the same sort, that so there might be no wit- 
ness of the king's base folly. Such end must they 
fear, who are privy to dishonourable actions of great 
princes. If Perseus would have gone surely to work 
for the hiding of his fault, then must he so royally 
have behaved himself that no man might believe 
him to be the author of any unworthy act or coun- 
sel. But his virtue was 01 no such capacity* He 
thought it enough to lay the blame upon others ; and 
therefore having called Hippias away (the captain 
which had stopped the consul on the top ot the 
mountain) and Asclepiodatus from defence of the 
passages, whereto they were by him appointed, he 
rated them openly, saying that they had betrayed 
unto the enemy the gates and bars of Macedon, 
Of this reproach if they would discharge themselves, 
by laying it upon him, to whonrttf righ^trt>etongjed, 
then might they have sped as did Nicias and An- 

The consul Martian had great cause to rejoice, 
for that the king so hastily relinquished lils posses- 
sion of Tempe, and all the passages leading there- 
into, since trie Roman army, this notwithstanding, 
was hardly able to subsist for want of victuals. He 
took Dium without resistance, and thence went for- 
ward into Macedon ; wherein having travelled about 
a day's journey, and gotten one town that yielded, 
he was compelled, by mere lack of food for his men, 
to return back towards Thessaly. His fleet came to 
him in this time of necessity, well appointed to have 
holpen him in the war, but having left behind at 
Magnesia the ships of burden which carried the pro- 
visions : wherefore it fell out happily, that one of 
his lieutenants had been careful to occupy one of 
the castles about Tempe which were forsaken by the 
Macedonians ; for by those ways only might corn 
be brought into the army. To meet the sooner with 


this corn, which was most desirously expected, he 
forsook Dium, and went to Phila ; by which foolish 
journey (if not worse than foolish) he lost more 
than a little the longer fasting had been worth. It 
is probable that his carts, with all or the most of his 
store, were lost among the mountains ; for other- 
wise it Had been madness to put himself on such an 
enterprise, so slenderly provided as that, without en- 
forcement, or sight of trie enemy, he should be fain 
to quit it. Howsoever it was, men thought him a 
ooward, or at least a bad man of war, since he thus 
. recoiled and gave off, when it most behoved him to 
have prosecuted the action. 

By understanding the folly and cowardice of Mar- 
tius, the king recollected himself, understood his 
own error, sought to hide it by such poor means as 
have been showed, and laboured to make what a- 
; mends he could. He quickly repossessed the town 
of Dium, which he hastily repaired, finding it dis- 
mantled by the Romans. This done, he encamped 
strongly by the river Enipeus, meaning there to 
stop the enemy's proceeding all that summer. Less 
diligence, more timely used, would have been e- 
nouffh not only to have delivered Martins into his 
hand, who had beguiled him with an idle hope of 
peace, but to have given him such a noble victory 
as might cause the Romans to seek a good end of 
of the war upon fair conditions, and not to begin 
again in haste. Yet this recovery and fortification 
of Dium was to the consul an exceeding hinderance ; 
for little or nothing could afterward be done toward 
the conquest in hand in all the continuance of his 
office ; oniy the town of Heraclea, standing on- the 
river Peneus, five miles from Dium, was taken by 
force, or rather* by a trick of climbing up on men's 
heads, somewhat after the manner of our tumblers. 
But it made such defence as it could, and was not 
given up for fear. After this, Martius did set a bold 

u 3 

810 .THE HISTQRTf . JB4»K V. 

face towards Dium, as if he would have taken it a- 
gain, and have driven the king further off ; though 
his intent or hope was nothing like so great, his 
chief care being to provide for his wintering. He 
sent the admiral, to. make an attempt upon the sea- 
towns, Thessalonica* Cassandrea, Demetrius* and o- 
thergu* AU these were essayed, but in vaki. The 
fields about Theasalonica .were wasted ; and some 
companies* that sundry times adventured forth of 
the town, were still put to the worse. As for the 
town it^olf, . there was danger in coming near it ei- 
ther by land or sea, by reason of the engines which 
shot from the walls and reached unto the fleet ; 
wherefore th& admiral, setting qail from thence, ran 
along by Enia ajid Autigonea (landing Bear to each 
of them, and both doing and receiving hurt) until 
he came unto Pal lene, in the territory of Cassandrea. 
There king Eumenes joined with htm, bringing 
twenty ships of war, apd five otlier .were sent thither 
from king Prusias. With thia access of streogth the 
admiral was bold to try bis fortune at Cassandrea, 
which was had. There was a new ditch lately cast 
by Perseus before the town, which while the Romans 
were filling up* question was made what -became of 
the earth taken thence, for that it lay lot upon the 
bank. By this occasion it was learned that there 
were arches in the town* wall filled up with that 
earth, and covered with one single row of brick. 
Hence the admiral gathered hope of making way 
into the town by sapping the walls. To this work 
he appointed such as he thought meetest* giving an 
alarm to the other side of the town, thereby to sha- 
dow his attempt. The breach was soon made ; but 
whilst the Romans were shouting for joy, and order- 
ing themselves for the assault, the captains within 
the town perceived what was done, and sallying 
forth unexpected, gave a fierce charge on the com- 
panies that were between the ditch, and the wall } of 


.whom they blew about six hundred* and suffered few 
to escape un wounded. This disaster, and the want 
of gooa success on that part of the town which king 
Eum$nes assailed (a supply in the meanwhile enter- 
ing the tawti by sea), caused the siege to break up. 
Torone was the next place which the admiral thought 
meet to attempt, and thence likewise he was repelled, 
finding this too well manned, he made way towards 
Demetrias, whereinto Euphranor, a Macedonian cap- 
tain, was gotten before his coming, with such forces 
as were not only sufficient to have defended the town 
if the admiral had laid siege to it, but to keep the 
land about it from- spoil ; or at least (as they did) to 
juake the enemy pay dear for aH that he there got. 
This Euphranor had taken his jduriey to Demetrias 
by Melibea, whither the consul (.that he might not 
be quite out of work) had sent his lieutenant to be- 
siege it ; and by the terror, of. his appearing sudden- 
ly over their heads, caused the besiegers to dislodge 
in all haste, setting their camp on fire. 

Such fortune attended qn. the Romans* or rather 
so far was their ability short of their enterprises, ever 
since their consul (whether dastardly or carelessly)* 
most unlike a good commander, had let go his hold 
o£ Macedon by forsaking Dium ; yea, it is to be sus- 
pected that some greater harm befel them, or at least, 
that they were in some greater danger than is ex- 
pressed in the broken regaining history of this war ; 
for Martius persuaded the Rhodians, by Agesipolis 
their embassador, who came to him at Heraclea about 
other business of less importance, that they should 
do well to interpose themselves as mediators, and 
seek to finish the war. Now, although Polybius do 
most probably conjecture 1 , that this was rather a ma- 
licious device of Martius, craftily seeking to bring 
the Rhodians in danger (as anon it fell out) by their 
opposing the resolution of the senate, than that it 

1 Polyb. legit. 60* 

u 4 



proceeded from any true fear in him, either of Per- 
seus or of Antiochus, who had then an army on foot; 
yet since he made shew of fear, it is like withal that 
somewhat had happened, which might make his fear 
seem not counterfeit. And so were the Rhodians 
moved to think of him ; not only for that the extra- 
ordinary courtesy . both of him and of the admiral 
towards their embassador, coming from prond na- 
tures did argue diffidence where there was no ambi- 
tion to cause it; but much- more for that shortly after 
the embassadors of Perseus, and of Gentius the Illy* 
rian, did set out their business at Rhodes, not more 
with the strength of a good fleet which the Macedor 
nian had gotten, than with the honour of some vic- 
tory wherein he had lately slain great numbers of the 
Roman horse. Thus much we find intimated*, 
though the time, place, or other circumstances of the 
fight, be not specified. And hereto may be referred 
the report of those that were sent from Rome to 
view the estate of Martius's army ; for they found 
the consul wanting meat, the admiral wanting men, 
and, for those few that he had, wanting both money 
and clothes ; and Ap. Claudius the praetor, who lay 
on the frontier of Illyria, so unable to invade Mace* 
don, that, contrariwise, he was in extreme danger, so 
as either he must quickly be sent for thence, or a 
new army be sent thither to him. Wherefore it may 
peem that some blow had been taken on the IUyrian 
side, which made all to halt, or at least that the Ro- 
mans, with greater loss than is before spoken of, had 
been driven from some of the towns which they be- 

Now although it were so that Martius, in very few 
of his actions, behaved himself like a man of war, 
yet in exercise of cunning, which one hath most 
aptly termed ' a crooked or sinister kind of wisdom,' 
Jie dealt as a craftsmaster, with a restless working di? 

3 Polyb, legit. 87. 


ligence. This indeed neither proved his sufficiency, 
nor commended his honesty, since thereby he effect- 
ed nothing to his own benefit; and nevertheless, out 
of envy, vain-glory, or such delight as weak and busy- 
headed men take in creating, inexplicable troubles, 
he directly made opposition to the good of his coun- 
try. At such tiro£ as Perseus, by the success of his 
doings against Hostilius, had gotten much reputa- 
tion, and was thought likely to invade Thessaly, — Ar- 
cho, Lycortas, and other good patriots among the 
Acheans, judged it expedient for their nation to 
help the Romans as in a time of adversity, whom in 
prosperity they loved not to flatter. Wherefore Ar- 
cho proposed a decree, which passed, that the Achae- 
ans should send their whole power into Thessaly, and 
participate with the Romans in all danger. So the 
army was levied, and Polybius 3 , with others, sent 
embassadors unto Martius to certify him there- 
of, and know his pleasure. Polybius found the con- 
sul busied in seeking passage through Tempe into 
Macedon. He went along with the army and await- 
ed the consul's leisure, till they came to Heraclea ; 
where, finding the time convenient, he presented the 
decree, and offered the service of his nation where- 
insoever it should be commanded. Martius took this 
very kindly, but said, that he needed now no manner 
of help. Forthwith Polybius dispatched home his 
companions to signify thus much, tarrying himself 
behind in the camp. After a while word was brought 
to Martius, that App. Claudius desired, or rather im- 
periously required of the Achaean s, five thousand 
men, to be sent him into Epirus. It was manifest that 
Appius had need of these men ; and that, if he were 
strong in the field, he might do notable service by 
distracting the forces of Perseus. But the labyrin- 
thian head of Martius could not allow of such plain 
reason. He called unto him Polybius, to whom he 

3 PoJyb. legat 78. 


declared, that Appius bad no need of such aid j and 
therefore willed him to return home,, and in any wise 
take order that the men might not be sent, nor the 
Achaean* be put to such needless charges. Away 
went Polybius, musing, and unable to resolve whether 
it were for love to the Achaean* that the consul was 
so earnest in this business, or rather for envy, and to 
hinder App. Claudius from doing any thing, since 
himself could do nothing. But when Polybius was 
to deliver his opinion in the council touching this 
matter, then found he a new doubt that more nearly 
concerned his own self and those of his own party ; 
for, as he was sure to incur the great indignation of 
the consul if he should neglect what was given him 
in charge, so was it manifest, on the other side, that 
the words by Marthis uttered to him in private would 
prove no good warrant . for him and his friends, if 
openly they should refuse to help Claudius, alleging 
that he had no need. In this case, therefore, he had 
recourse unto the decree of the senate, which ex* 
empted men from necessity of doing what the Ro- 
man commanders should require, unless by special 
order from the senate the same were likewise ap- 
pointed. So, for lack of warrant from the senate, 
this demand of Appius was referred unto the advice 
of the consul, by whom it was sure to be made frus- 
trate. Hereby the Achseans were savers of more 
than an hundred and twenty talents, though Polybius 
himself ran into danger of Appius'* displeasure; and 
for such honest dealing in his country's behalf, was 
afterwards rewarded by the Romans with many a 
long year's imprisonment. 

Whether it were by the like policy of Martius 
that king Eumenes grew cold in his affection to the 
Romans, or whether this king began, when it was too 
late, to stand in fear lest the fire, which he himself 
had helped to kindle, would shortly take hold on his 
own lodging j or whether the regard of money were 

*HAP. VI. OF TH» W«*ID. did 

able to ov^rawajf all other passions, it is hard to de- 
termine, since tbey that had better means to know 
the truth have not precisely affirmed any certainty. 
•One report is, that Eumenes did not so much as give 
any help to Martins; but, coming to have joined 
with him- in such friendly manner as he did with the 
former consuls, was not entertained according to his 
liking; and thereupon returned home in such anger 
that .he refused to leave behind him certain horse 
.of the Gallo-Greeks, being requested to have done 
-it* If this were true, and that his brother Attalus, 
tarrying behind with the consul, did the Romans 
good service, then is the reason apparent of the ha- 
tred borne afterwards by. the senate to Eumenes, and 
.the love, to Attalus. But it is. more generally receiv- 
ed* that Eumenes gave a willing ear to Perseus' & de- 
sire, of acoord, for mere desire of gain ; and it might 
-well be that covetousness drew him on in the course 
wheremto indignation first led him. Howsoever it 
befell Perseus caused Eumenes to be sounded, and 
found him so- tractable, thai he was bold to solicit 
him by an embassy* The tenor of his advertisements, 
both to Eumenes and to Aotiocbus was, that therfe 
•could be no perfect love between a king and a free 
.city ; that the Romans had quarrel alike to all kings, 
.though they dealt with no more than one at a time, 
^ndused the help of one against another ; that Philip 
was oppressed by them with the help of Attalus, An- 
tiaehus with the help of Philip and Eumenes, and 
•now Perseus assailed with the help of Eumenes and 
Frusias» Herewith he willed Eumenes to consider, 
that when Macedon was taken out of their way they 
would be doing with him in Asia, which lay next at 
hand ; yea, that already they began to think . better 
cf Prusias than of him. In like sort he admonished 
. Antiochus not to look for any good conclusion of his 
war with the Egyptian, so long as the Romans could 
.make him give over by denouncing their will and 


pleasure. Finally, he requested both of them, either 
to compel the Romans to surcease from their war 
upon Macedon, or else to hold them as common ene- 
mies unto all kings. Antiochus lay far out of the 
Romans' way, and therefore was little troubled with 
such remonstrances. Eumenes was more nearly 
touched, and as he felt part of this to be true, so 
had he reason to stand in doubt of the re3t ; yet, 
when he should give answer, he began to offer a bar- 
gain of peace for money. He thought the Romans 
to be no less weary than Perseus was afraid ; where- 
fore he promised, for his own part, that if he might 
have fifteen hundred talents for withdrawing his hand 
from this war, then he would remain a neuter there- 
in ; and that, for some greater quantity of money, 
(how much I find not), he would also bring the Ro- 
mans to condescend unto peace ; and for assurance 
of his true meaning herein, he offered to give hosta- 
ges. Perseus liked well to receive the hostages, but 
not to lay out the money, especially before-hand, as 
was required. He would fain have peace with Rome, 
and not with Eumenes only. For procuring of this, 
he promised to be at any reasonable cost ; but he 
would lay down the money in the temple at Samo- 
thrace, whence it should be delivered unto Eumenes 
after that the peace was fully concluded and ratified. 
The isle of Samothrace was Perseus' s own, and there- 
fore Eumenes thought the money no nearer to him, 
being there, than ; if it remained in Pella. Besides, 
his labour deserved somewhat, howsoever the busi- 
ness might happen to succeed ; so that needs he 
would have part of his wages in pret. Thus the two 
kings did no more than lose time, and Eumenes 
grew suspected of the Romans as a traitor. 

After the same manner dealt Perseus with king 
Gentius the IJlyrian. He had attempted this Illyri- 
an before, who dealt plainly, and said, that without 
money he could not stir. Hereunto Perseus loved 


not to hearken, thinking that his treasures would 
serve at the last cast to deliver him from all his fears. 
But when the Romans had gotten within Tempe, 
then did his fear urge him to prodigality, so as he 
agreed to pay three hundred talents, which Gentius 
demanded as a recompense. So the bargain was 
soon made, and pledges on both sides delivered for 
performance. This was openly done by Perseus, to 
the end that all his army might have comfort by such 
access of strength to their party. Presently upon 
the bargain made, embassadors were sent to Rhodes 
both from Perseus and Gentius, who desired the Rho- 
dians to take upon them as arbitrators between Per* 
seus and the Romans, and to bring the war to an end. 
The Rhodians, thinking that Martius the consul was 
no less desirous of peace than the Macedonian, arro- 
gantly promised that they, by their authority, would 
make peace, wishing the kings to shew themselves 
conformable. But the Roman senate, hearing proud 
words to the same effect from the Rhodian embassa- 
dors, gave an answer as disdainful, angry, and me- 
nacing, as they could devise ; so as this vain glory 
of the Rhodians was thoroughly chastised, and more 
thoroughly should have been, if their submission had 
not been as humble as their folly was proud. Such 
use of Gentius's friendship made Perseus, without 
laying out one ounce of silver. Now fain he would 
have hastened this young and rash IUyrian to enter 
with all speed into the war ; but then must the mo- 
ney be hastened away. Pantauchus the Macedonian 
embassador, who remained with Gentius, exhorted 
him daily to begin the war by land and sea whilst 
the Romans were unprovided ; but finding what it 
was that made all to stay, he sent word to Perseus. 
Hereupon ten talents were sent to Pantauchus, who 
delivered it to the young king as earnest of that which 
followed. More followed indeed, and sealed up with 
the seal of the Ulyrians, but carried by Macedonians, 


and not too fast. Before this money came into Illy- 
ria, Gen tiu 8 had laid hands upon two Roman embas- 
sadors, and cast them into prison ; which Perseus no 
sooner heard than he recalled his treasure-bearers 
and sent them with their load to Peila ; for that now 
the IHyrian was of necessity to make war with the 
Romans, whether he were hired thereto or not* 

There came about the same time through Illy ria 4 , 
to the aid of Perseus, under one Clondicus a petty 
king, ten thousand horse and ten thousand foot of 
the Gauls, which were (as Plutarch hath it) the Bas- 
tarnce. These had before-hand made their bargain, 
and were to receive present pay at the first. At their 
entry into the kingom, Perseus sent one to them, de- 
siring their captains to come visit him, whom he pro- 
mised to gratify with goodly rewards, hoping that 
the multitude would take good words for payment. 
But the first question that their general asked was, 
Whether the king had sent money to give the soldi- 
ers their pay in hand, according to his bargain? 
Hereto the messenger bad ndtwhat to answer. Why 
then (said Clondicus), tell thy master, That the 
Gauls will not stir one foot further urttil they have 
gold, as was agreed, and hostages. Perseus hereup- 
on took counsel,— if, to utter his own opinion before 
men so wise that they would not contradict him, 
were to take counsel. He made an invective against 
the incivility and avarice of the Bastarnse, who came 
with such numbers as could not but be dangerous to 
him and to his kingdom. Five thousand horse of 
them, he said, would be as many as he should need 
to use; and not so many that he should need to fear 
them. It had been well done if any of his counsel- 
lors would have told him, that there wanted not em- 
ployment for the whole army of them, since, without 
any danger to the kingdom, they might be let out by 
the way of Perrha&bia into Thessaly } where, wasting 

4 Liv. lib. xM*. ftftttrch in Tit. JEtayl. 


the country, and filling themselves with spoil, they 
should make the Romans glad to forsake Tempe, 
even for hunger and all manner of want ; therein do- 
ing the king notable service, whether they won any 
victory or not. This and a great deal more might 
have been alleged, if any man had dared to give ad* 
vice freely. In conclusion, Antigonus, the same 
messenger that had been with him before, ><was sent 
again to let them know the king's mind. He did his 
errand ; upon which followed a great murmur of 
those many thousands that had been drawn so far to 
no purpose. But Oondicus asked him now again, 
Whether he had brought the money along with him 
to pay those five thousand whom the king would en- 
tertain ? Hereto, when it was perceived that Anti- 
gonus could make no better answer than shifting ex- 
cuses, the Bastama? returned presently towards Da- 
nubius, wasting the neighbour parts of Thrace, yet 
suffering this crafty messenger to escape unhurt; 
which was more than he could have well expected. 

Thus dealt Perseus like a careful treasurer, and 
one that would preserve his money for the Romans, 
without diminishing the sum. But of this painful 
office he was very soon discharged by L. Mmiliua 
Paulus the new consul, who, in fifteen days after his 
setting forth from Italy, brought the kingdom of 
Macedon to that end for which God had appointed 
over it a king so foolish and so cowardly. 


Sect. VIII. 

QfL. JEmilius Paulus the consul His journey. He 
forceth Perseus to discamp. He will not hazard 
battle with any disadvantage. Of an eclipse qf the 
moon. jEmilius's superstition. The battle qf 
Pydna. Perseus' s flight. He forsakes his king- 
dom, which hastily yields to JEmilius. Perseus at 
Somothrace. He yields himself to the Roman admi- 
ral, and is sent prisoner to JEmilius. 

By the war of Macedon, the Romans hitherto had 
gotten much dishonour ; which, though it were not 
accompanied with any danger, yet the indignity so 
moved them, that either they decreed that province 
to L. iEmilius Paulus 1 , without putting it, as was 
otherwise their manner, to the chance of lot between 
him and his fellow consul; or at least were glad- 
der that the lot had cast it upon him, than that so 
worthy a man was advanced to the dignity of a se- 
cond consulship. He refused to propound unto the 
senate any thing that concerned his province, until 
by his embassadors, thither sent to view the estate of 
the war, it was perfectly understood in what condi- 
tion both the Roman forces and the Macedonian at 
the present remained. This being thoroughly known 
to be such as hath been already told, the senate ap- 
pointed a strong supply, not only unto the consul, 
but unto the nayy, ana likewise unto the army that 
lay between Illyria and Epirus ; from which App. 
Claudius was removed, and L. Anicius sent thither 
in his place. ^Emilius, before his departure from 
Rome, making an oration to the people, as was the 
custom, spake with much gravity and authority. He 
requested those that thought themselves wise enough 

1 Plutarch in Tit. JE>mjL 


to manage this war, either to accompany him into 
Macedon, and there assist him with their advice ; of 
telse to govern their tongues at home, and not take up- 
on them to give directions by hearsay, and censure 
by idle reports ; for he told them plainly, that he 
would frame his doings to occasions,**— not to the ex- 
pectation of the multitude. The like speech of his 
father L. iEmilius, who died valiantly in the battle 
of Cannae, might well be living in some of their me- 
mories, which was enough to make them conform 
themselves the more gladly unto the instructions 
given by a wise and resolute consul. 

All his business within thtf city being dispatched, 
iEmilius was honourably attended at his setting 1 
forth on his journey, with an especial hope of men 
that he should finish the war, though that he should 
finish it so soon and happily was more thati could 
have been hoped or imagined. He came to Brnn- 
dusium j whence, when the wind came fair, he set 
sail at break of day, and arrived safely at the isle of 
Corcyra before night. Thence passed he to Delphi, 
where, having done sacrifice to Apollo, after the 
fifth day he set forwards to the camp, and Was there 
in five days more* So are there but five of the fif- 
teen days retraining, in which he finished the war. 

Perseus lay strongly encamped at Dium, having 
spared no labour of men and women to fortify the 
banks of Enipeils, where it was fordable in dry wea- 
ther ; so as there was little hope, or none, to force 
him, and consequently as little possibility to enter 
that Way into Macedofi. One great inconvenience 
troubling the Romans, artd much disabling them to 
make attempt upon Dium, was lack of fresh water. 
For there were ten miles between Dium and Tempe; 
all the way. lying between the seashore and the foot 
of Olympus, without any brook or spring breaking 
forth on that side. But -/Emilius found present je- 
medy for this, by digging wells oti the shore, where 

Vol. VI. x 


he found sweet springs a* commonly there is fto share 
that wants them, though they rise not above the 
ground. Want of this knowledge Was enough to 
hinder Martius from taking up his lodging any near- 
er to the enemy than the town of Heraclea, on the 
river Peneus, where he had watering at pleasure* 
but could perform no service of any worth. Yet 
when the Roman camp bad such means to Ue close 
to the Macedonian, as it presently did, the passage 
onward being defended, as hath been already shew* 
ed, seemed no less difficult than before. Wherefore 
it was necessary to search another way, which by en- 
quiry was found out. There was a narrow passage 
over Olympus, leading into Perrhsebia, hard of as- 
cent, but slenderly guarded, and, therefore promising 
a fair journey. Martius either had not been inform- 
ed hereof, or durst not attempt it, or perhaps could 
not get his soldiers to make the adventure j they 
fearing lest it would prove such a piece of work as had 
been their march over Ossa into Tempe. But Pau- 
lus was a man of greater industry* courage* and abi- 
lity to command. He had reformed, even at his 
first coming, many disorders in the Roman camp ; 
teaching the soldiers, among other good lesso?^ to 
be obedient and ready in execution, without trou- 
bling themselves, as had been their manner, to exa- 
mine the doings and purposes of their general. And 
now he appointed about five thousand men to this 
enterprise, whereof he committed the charge unto 
Scipio iEmttianus and Q* Fabius Maximum his own 
sons by nature, but adopted \ the one of them* by a 
son of Scipio the African ; the other by one of the 
Fabii. Scipio took with him some light-armed 
Thracians and Cretans ; but his main strength was 
of legionaries. For the king's guard, upon the 
mountain, consisted, in a manner, wholly of arckqrs 
and slingers, who, though at spme distance they 
might do notable service against those that should 


ithb up unto them ; yet when darkness took away 
leir aim, they were like to make a baa night's work, 


being to deal with those that were armed to fight at 
hand. To conceal the business about which they 
went, Scipio and Fabius took a wrong way towards 
the fleet, where victuals were provided for their jour- 
ney ; it being noised, that they were to run along the 
coast of Macedon by sea, and waste the country; 
All the while that they were passing the mountains* 
(which was about three days,; the ctonstri taade shew 
of a meahiiig to set upon Perseus where he lay, ra+ 
ther to divert the king's attention from that which 
was his main enterprise, than upon any hope to dp 
good, in seeking to get over Enipeus* The channel 
of Enipeus, which received in winter time a great 
fall of waters from the mountains* was exceeding 
deep and broad ; and the ground of it was such, as 
though at the present it lay well-near dry* yet it 
served not for those that were weightily armed to fight 
Upon; Wherefore ifimilius employed none save his 
velites, of whom the king's light-armature had ad* 
vantage at far distance, though the Romans were 
better appointed for the close. The engines from off 
the towers which Perseus had raised on his own bank, 
did also beat upon the Romans, and gave them to 
understand that their labour was in vain. Yet JE- 
milius persisted as he had begun, and continued hi* 
assault, such as it could be, the second day. This 
might have served to teach the Macedonians that 
some greater work was in hand, since otherwise a 
good captain* as iEmilius was known to be, would 
not have troubled himself in making such bravidos* 
that were somewhat costly. But Perseus only look- 
ed unto that which was before -his eyes, until his men 
that cartie running fearfully down the mountain, 
brought word into the camp that the Romans were 
following at their backs. Then was all full of tu- 
mult, and the king himself no less (if not taore) *• 

x 2 


mazed than any of the rest. Order w£s forthwith 
given to dislodge j or rather, without order, in all 
tumultuous haste, the camp was broken up, and a 
speedy retreat made to Pydna. Whether it were so t 
that they which had custody of the passage were ta- 
ken sleeping, or whether they were beaten by plain 
force, Scipio and Fabius had very good success in 
their journey. It may well be, that they slept until 
the Romans came somewhat near to them, and then 
taking alarm, when their arrows and slings could do 
little service, were beaten at handy -strokes; so as the 
different relations that are cited by Plutarch out of 
Polybius, and an epistle of Scipio, may each of them 
have been true. Thus, was an open way cleared in* 
to Macedon, which had been effected by Martius in 
the year foregoing, but was closed up again, through 
his not prosecuting so rich an opportunity. 

Perseus was in extreme doubt what course to take, 
after this unhappy beginning. Some gave advice ta 
man his towns, and so to linger out the war ; having 
been taught by the last year's example, how resolute 
the people were in making defence. But far worse 
Counsel prevailed, as generally it doth in turbulent 
and fearful deliberations. The king resolved to 1 put 
all at once to hazard of battle, fearing belike to put 
himself into any one town, lest that should be first 
of all besieged, and he therein (as cowardly natures 
are always jealous) not over- carefully relieved. This 
was even the same that ^Emilius, or any invader; 
should have desired. So a place was chosen near 
unto Pydna, that served well for the phalanx, and 
had likewise on the sides of it some pieces of higher 
ground, fit for the archers and light armature- 
There he abode the coming of the enemy, who staid - 
not long behind him. As soon as the Romans 
had sight of the king's army, which, with greater fear 
than discretion, had hastened away from them, for- 
saking the camp that was so notably well fortified, 


they desired nothing more than to give battle imme- 
diately, doubting lest otherwise the king shou\d 
change his mind, and get further off. And to t his 
effect Scipio brake with the consul, praying him not 
to lose occasion by delay. But jEmilius told him, 
that he spake like a young man, and therefore willed 
him to have patience. The Romans were tired with 
their journey, — had no camp wherein to rest them- 
selves, nor any thing there, Save only the bare ground 
whereon they trod. For these and the like respects, 
the consul made a stand ; and shewing himself unto 
the Macedonian, who did the like, in order of battle, 
gave charge to have the camp measured out and en- 
trenched behind the army ; whereunto at good lei- 
sure he fell back, without any manner of trouble. 
After a night's rest, it was hoped, both by the Ro- 
mans and the Macedonians, that the matter should 
be determined ; each part thinking their own gene- 
ral to blame, for that they had not fought the same 
day. As for the king, he excused himself by the 
backwardness of the enemy, who advanced no fur- 
ther, but kept upon ground serving ill for the pha- 
lanx ; as, on the other side, the consul had the rea- 
sons before shewed, which he communicated to 
those about him the next day. 

That evening (which followed the third of Sep- 
tember, by the Roman account,) C. Sulpicius Gal- 
lus, a colonel, or tribune of a legion, who had the 
former year been praetor, foretold unto the consul, 
and (with his good liking) unto the army, an eclipse 
of the moon, which was to be the same night ; wil- 
ling the soldiers not to be troubled therewith, for 
that it was natural, and might be known long before 
it was seen. It was the manner of the Romans, in 
such eclipses, to heat pans of brass and basons, as 
we do in following a swarm of bees, thinking that 
thereby they did the moon great ease, and helped 
her in her labour. But this prognostication of JSit^- 

x 3 


Ejcius converted their superstition into admiration of 
is deep skill when they saw it verified. Contrari- 
wise, the Macedonians howled an4 madp a great 
noise as long as the eclipse lasted ; rather perhaps 
because it was their fashion, than for that they were 
terrified therewith as with a prodigy betokening their 
loss* since their desire to fight was no whit lessened 
t>y it. I will not here stand to dispute, whether 
such eclipses do signify, or cause, any alteration in 
Civil affairs, and matters that have small dependance 
on natural complexion, — for the argument is too. 
large. More worthy of observation it is, how super- 
stition captivates the understanding of the wisest, 
where the help of true religion is wanting. JEmi- 
lius, though he were sufficiently instructed concern^ 
ing this defect of the moon, that it was no superna- 
tural thing, nor above the reach of human under- 
standing, so as he should need to trouble himself 
with any devout regard thereof $ yet could he not 
refrain from doing his duty to this moon, and con- 
gratulating with sacrifice hef delivery, as soon as she 
shone out bright again \ for which he is commended 
even by Plutarch, a sage philosopher, as a godly and 
religious man. If Sulpicius perhaps did not assist 
him in this foolish devotion, yet is it like, that he be- 
ing a senator, and one of the council for war, was 
j taker the next morning in a sacrifice done to 
ercules \ which was no less foolish. For a great 
part of the day was vainly consumed ere Hercules 
could be pleased with any sacrifice, and vouchsafe to 
shew tokens of good luck in the entrails of the beasts. 
At length, in the belly of the one and twentieth sa- 
crifice, was found a promise of victory to i£milius ; 
but with condition, that he should not give the onset 
Hercules was a Greek, and partial, as nearer in al- 
liance to the Macedonian than to the Roman. 
Wherefore it had been better to call upon the new 
goddesses, lately canonized at Alabanda, or upon llo* 


CfiiAr. VI. OF THE WORLD. $27 

inuhis, founder of their city, on whom the Roman* 
bad bestowed his 4*ity ; or (if a God of elder date 
were more authentical) upon Mars the father of Ro- 
mulus, to whom belonged the guidance of military 
affairs ; and who therefore would have limited his fa- 
vour with no injunctions contrary to the rules of 

Now concerning the battle,-~i£milius was tho- 
roughly persuaded, that the Iking meant to abide it j 
for that otherwise he would not have staid at Pydna> 
when as a little before his leisure served to retire 
whither he listed, the Romans being further off. In 
regard to this, and perhaps of the tokens appearing 
in the sacrifices, the consul thought that he might 
wait upon advantage, without making any great 
haste. Neither was it to be neglected that the 
morning sun was Hill in the Roman's faces, which 
would be much to their hinderance all the forenoon. 
Since, therefore, Perseus kept his ground, that was 
commodious for the phalanx, and 4£milius sent 
forth part of his men to bring in wood ftnd fodder, 
there was no likelihood of fighting that day. But a* 
bout ten of the clock in the morning, a small occa- 
sion brought to pass that whereto neither of the ge- 
nerals ha<i over-earnest desire. A horse brake loose 
at wateri&g* which two or three of the Koiqan &ol« 
diers followed into the river, wading after him up to 
the knees The king's men lay on the further bank; 
whence a couple of Thracians ran into the water, to 
draw this horse over to their own side. These fell to 
blows, as in a private quarrel, and one of the Thra- 
cians was slain* His countrymen seeing this, hasted 
to revenge their fellow's death, and followed those 
that had slain him over the river. Hereupon com- 
pany came in to help on each part, until the number 
grew such, as made it past ft fray, and caused both 
the armies to be careful of the event. In fine, each 
of the generals placed his men in order of battle, rc- 

x 4 



cordingly as the manner of his country, and the arms 
wherewith they serve, did require. The ground was 
a flat level, save that on the sides a few hillocks were 
raised Jjere and there, whereof each part might take 
what advantage it could. The Macedonians were 
the greater number, the Romans the better soldiers, 
and better appointed. Both the king and the con- 
sul encouraged their men with lively words, which 
the present condition could bountifully afford. But 
the king having finished his oration, and sent on his 
men, withdrew himself into Pydna, there to do sa- 
crifice, as he pretended, unto Hercules. It is the 
less marvel that he durst adventure battle, since he 
had bethought himself of such a stratagem, whereby 
to save his own person. As for Hercules, he liked 
not the sacrifice of a coward, whose unseasonable 
devotion could be no better than hypocrisy. For he 
that will pray for a good harvest, ought also to plow, 
sow, and weed his ground. When, therefore, the 
Jung returned to the battle, he found it no bet» 
t$r than lost ; and he, in looking to his own safety, 
caused it to be lost altogether, by beginning the 

The acts of this day, such as we find recorded, 
lire, that the Roman elephants could do no manner 
of good ; that the* Macedonian phalanx did so stout-* 
ly press onwards, and beat off all which came before 
it, as /Emilius was thereat much astonished ; that 
the Peligni rushing desperately on the phalanx, were 
overborne, many of them slain, and the squadrons 
following them so discouraged herewith, as they re- 
tired apace towards an hill. These were the things 
that fell out adverse to the Romans ; and which the 
consul beholding, is said to have rent his coat-ar- 
mour for grief. If the king, with all his power of 
horse, had in like manner done his devoir, the vic- 
tory might have been his own. That which turned 
th$ fortune, of the battle, was the same which 


doubtless the consul expected even from the begin* 
ning,— the difficulty, or almost the impossibility of 
holding the phalanx long in order. For, whilst some 
of the Romans 9 small battalions pressed hard upon 
one part of it, and others recoiled from it, it was ne- 
cessary, (if the Macedonians would follow upon those 
which were put to the worse,) that some files, having 
open way before them, should, advance themselves 
beyond the rest that were held at a stand. This com- 
ing so to pass, admonished the consul what was to 
be done. The long pikes of the Macedonians were 
of little use, when they were charged in flank by the 
Roman targeiiers ; according to the direction given 
by i&nilius, when he saw the front of the enemies 
great battle become unequal, and the ranks in some 
places open, by reason of the unequal resistance 
-which they found. Thus was the use of the phalanx 
proved unavailable against many small squadrons, as 
it had been formerly in the battle of Cynoscephalae; 
yea, this form of embattling was found unserviceable 
against the other, by reason that, being not every- 
where alike distressed, it. would break of itself; 
though here were little such inconvenience of ground 
as had been at Cynoscephalae'. 

Perseus, when he saw hi-3 battle begin to rout, 
turned his bridle presently, and ran amain towards 
Pella. All his horse escaped in a manner untouch- 
ed, and a great number followed him ; the little 
harm which they had taken, witnessing the little 
good service which they had done. As for the poor 
foot, they were left to the mercy of the enemy, who 
slew above twenty thousand of them ; though hav- 
ing little cause to be furious, as having lost in that 
battle only some four-score or six- score men at the 
most. Some of the foot, escaping from the execu- 
tion, overtook the king and his company in a wood; 
where they fell to railing at the horsemen, calling 

1 Chap. 17. sect. 14. 


them coward*, traitors, and such other names, tiil at 
length they fell to blows* The king was in doubt 
lest they had ill meaning to himself; and therefore 
turned out of the common way, being followed by 
»uch as thought it good. The rest of the company 
dispersed themselves ; every one a& his own occa- 
sions guided him. Of those that kept along with 
their king the number began within a while to les- 
sen. For he fell to devising upon whom he might 
lay the blame of that day's misfortune, which was 
most due to himself; thereby causing those that 
knew his nature to shrink away from him how they 
could. At his coming to Pella, he found his pages 
and houshold servants ready to attend him, as they 
had been wont ; but of his great men that had es- 
caped from the battle, there was none appearing in 
the court In this melancholy time, there was two 
of his treasurers that had the boldness to come to 
him, and tell him roundly of his faults. But in re* 
ward of their unseasonable admonitions, he stabbed 
them both to death. After this, none whom he sent 
for would come to him, This boded no good. 
Wherefore standing in fear, lest they that refused to 
come at bis call, would shortly dare some greater 
mischief, he stole out of Fella by night. Of his 
friends he had with him only Evander, (who had 
been employed to kill Eumenes at Delphi,) and two 
other. There followed him likewise about five hun- 
dred Cretans ; more for love of his jnoney than of 
him. To these he gave of his plate as much as was 
worth about fifty talents, though shortly he pozened 
them of some part thereof; making shew as if he 
would have redeemed it, but never paying the mo* 
ney. The third day after the battle he came to Am* 
phipolis, where he exhorted the townsmen to fideli- 
ty, with tears ; and his own speech being hindered 
by tears, appointed Evander to speak what himself 
would have uttered. But the Araphipolitans made 


it their chief care to look well to themselves. Upon 
the first fame of the overthrow, they had emptied 
their town of two thousand Thracians that lay there 
in garrison, sending them forth under colour of a 
gainful employment, and shutting the gates after 
them. And now to be rid of the king, they plainly 
bid Evander be gone. The king hearing this,, had 
no mind to tarry ; but embarking himself and the 
treasure which he had there, in certain vessels that 
he found in tlie river Strymon, passed over to the 
isle of Sa moth race, where he hoped to live safe, by 
privilege of the religious sanctuary therein. 

These miserable shifts of the king made it the less 
doubtful how all the kingdom fell into the power of 
JEmiljus, within so few days after his victory. Pyd* 
na, which was nearest at ' hand, was the last that 
yielded. About six thousand of the soldiers that 
were of sundry nations, fled out of the battle into 
that town, and prepared for defence ; the confused 
rabble of so many strangers hindering all delibera- 
tion and consent, Hippius, who had kept the pas- 
sage over Ossa against Martius, with Pantauchus, 
who had l)een sent embassador to Gentjus the Illy- 
rian, were the first that camp in ; yielding them- 
selves and the town qf Berea, whither they had re- 
tired out of the battle. With the likp message came 
others from Thessalonica, from Pella, and from all 1 
$he towns of Macedon, within two days ; the loss of 
the head bereaving the whole body of fill sense and 
strength. Neither did they of Pydna stand out any 
longer when they knew that the king had forsaken 
his country, but opened their gates upon such terms, 
that the sack of it was granted to the Roman army. 
^Emilius sent abroad injta the country such as he 
thought meetest, to take charge of other cities ; he 
himself marching towards Pella. He found in Pel- 
la no more than three hundred talents, the same 
\yhereof Perseus had lately defrauded the Illy rian*. 


But within a very little while he shall have more* 
It was soon understood that Perseus had taken sanc- 
tuary in the temple at Samothrace ; his own letters 
. to the consul confirming the report. He sent these 
letters by a person of such mean condition, that his 
case was pitied, for that he wanted the service of 
better men. The scope of his writing was to desire 
favour ; which though he begged in terms ill be- 
seeming a king, yet since the inscription of his e- 
pistle was, king Perseus to the consul Paulus ; the 
consul, who had taken from him his kingdom, and 
would not allow him to retain the title, refused to 
iqake any answer thereunto. So there came other 
letters, as humble as could be expected; whereby he 
craved and obtained, that some might be sent to 
eonfer with him about matters of his present estate. 
Nevertheless, in this conference he was marvellous 
earnest that he might be allowed still to retain the 
name of king. .And to this end it was, perhaps, that 
he had so carefully preserved his treasure unto the 
very last ; flattering himself with such vain hopes as 
these, that the Romans would neither violate a sane* 
tuary, nor yet neglect those great riches in his pos- 
session, but compound with him for money, letting 
him have his desire to live at ease, and to be called 
king. Yea, it seems that he had, indeed, even from 
the beginning, a desire to live in this isle of Samo- 
thrace ; both for that in one of his consultations a* 
bout the war, he was dehorted by his friends from 
seeking to exchange his kingdom of Macedon for 
such a paltry island*, and for that he otfered to lay 
up the money which Eumenes demanded in the ho* 
ly. temple that was there. But he finds it otherwise, 
'rhey urge him to give place unto necessity, and 
without much ado to yield to the discretion and, 
mercy of the people of Home. This is so far against 
his mind, that the conference breaks off without eft. 

2 Liv. lib. 42. 


Feet. Presently there arrives at Samothrace Cn. Oc- 
tavius, the Roman admiral, with his fleet ; who as* 
says, as well by terrible threats as by fair language* 
to draw the king out of his lurking hole ; wherein, 
for fear of imprisonment, he had now already iropri-* 
soned himself When all would not serve, a question 
was moved to the Samothracians,-**how they durst v 
pollute their temple, by receiving into it one that 
had violated the like privilege of sanctuary, by at- 
tempting-the murder of king Eumenes at Delphi ? 
This went to the quick. The Samothracians being 
bow in the power of the Romans, take this matter 
to heart, and send word to the king that Evander, 
who lives with him in the temple, is accused of an 
iirtpious fact committed at Delphi, whereof unless 
he can clear himself in judgment, he must not be 
Suffered to profane that holy place, by his abiding 
in it The reverence borne to his majesty now past, 
makes them forbear to say that Perseus himself is 
charged with* the same crime. But what will this 
avail, when the minister of the fact being brought 
into judgment, shall, (as is to be feared,) impeach 
the author? Perseus therefore willed Evander to 
have consideration of the little favour that can be 
expected at the Romans hand, who are like to he 
presidents and overseers of this judgment ; so as it 
were better to die valiantly, since none other hope 
remains, than hope to make good an ill cause ; 
where, though he had a good plea; yet it could not 
heJb him. Of this motion Evander seems to like 
well, and either kills himself, or hoping to escape, 
thence, by deferring the time, as it were, to get poi- 
son wherewith to end his life, is killed by the king's 
commandment. The death of this man, who had' 
stuck to Perseus in all times of need, makes all the 
king's friends that remained hitherto to forsake him ; 
so^as none are teft with him save his wife and chil- 
4ren, with his pages* It is much to be suspected, 


that they which leave him upon this occasion, trill 
tell perilous tales, and say that the king hath lost the 
privilege of this holy sanctuary, by murdering Evan* 
der therein* Or, if the Romans will affirm so much, 
who shall dare to gainsay them? Since therefore 
there is nothing but a point of formality, and even 
that also liable to dispute, which preserves him from 
captivity, he purptiseth to make an escape* and fly 
with his treasures unto Cotys, his good friend, into 
Thrace. Oroandes, & Cretan, lay at Samothrace 
-with one ship ; who easily Wis persuaded to waft the 
king thence* With all secrecy the king's money, as 
much as could be conveyed, was carried aboard by 
night ; and the king himself, with bid wife and ch& 
dren* (if rather it were not true that he had with 
him only Philip 3 , his elder son, who was only by 
adoption his son, being his brother by nature,) with 
much ado got out of a window by a rope, and over & 
mud-wall. At his coming to the sea-side, he found 
no Oroandes there ; the Cretans had played a Cre- 
tan trick, and he was gone with the money to his 
own home* So it began to wa* dear day, whilst 
Perseus was searching all along the shore, who had 
staid so long about this that he might fear to be im 
tercepted ere he could recover the temple* He ran 
therefore amain towards his lodging* and thinking it 
not safe to enter it the common way, lest he should 
be taken, he hid himself ill an obscure corner, Hia 
pages missing him, ran up and down making mqui- 
ry, till Octaviits made proclamation* that all the 
king's pages and Macedonians whatsoever, abiding 
with their master in Samothrace, should have their 
livesand liberty, with ail to them belonging, whkhthey 
liad either in that isle, or at home in Macedon, condi* 
tionally* that they should presently yield themselves 
to the Romans. Hereupon they all came in. Like- 
wise Ion, a Thessalonian* to whom the king had gi* 

3 Piut. fa tit. JBmii. LN.'Hb. 49. Ut. lib. 42. 

#HAP* VI. OF TttE WOR1D* 335 

veil the custody of his children, delivered them up 
to Octavius. Lastly, Perseus himself, with his son 
Philip, accusing the gods of Samothrace that had 
no better protected bim, rendered himself, and made 
the Roman victory complete* If he had not trusted 
in those gods of Samothrace, but employed his whole 
care in the defence of Macedon, without other hopes 
.of living than of reigning therein, he might well have 
. brought thin war to an happier end. Now, by di- 
viding his cogitations, and pursuing at once those 
contrary hopes of saving his kingdom by arms, and 
himself by flight, he is become a spectacle of mise- 
ry, and one among the number of those princes that 
have been wretched by their own default* He was 
.presently sent away to i£milius, before whom he fell 
to the ground so basely, that he seemed thereby to 
. dishonour the victory over himself* as gotten upon 
one of abject quality, and therefore the less to be 
esteemed. iEroilius used to bim the language of a 
.gentle victor, blaming him, though mildly, for hav- 
ing with m hostile a mind made war upon the Ro- 
mans. Hereto good answer might have been returned 
by one of better spirit. As for Perseus, he answered 
all with a fearful silence. He was comforted with 
hope of life, or, (as the consul termed it,) almost as* 
surance ; for that such was the mercy of the people 
of Rome. After these good words, being invited to 
the consul's table, and respectively entreated, he was 
committed prisoner to Q. JEYms. 

Such end had this Macedonian war, after four 
years continuance ; and such end therewithal had 
the kingdom of Macedon, the glory whereof, that 
had some time filled all parts of the world then 
.known, was now translated unto Rome. 

336 TttE H1ST0HY • BOOK ▼« 

Sect. IX. 


GentiuSy king of the Illyrians, taken bij the Romans. 

About the same time, and with like celerity, Ani- 
cius, the Roman pr&tor, who succeeded unto App. 
Claudius, had the like success against king GentiuS, 
the Illyrian. Gentius had an army of fifteen thou- 
sand, with which he was at Lissus, ready to assist 
Icing Perseus as soon as the money should dome, 
whereof he had received only ten talents. Bnt Ani- 
cius arrested him on the way ; fought with him, o- 
vercame him, and drove him into Scodra*. This 
town was very -defensible by nature, besides the help 
of fortification, and strongly manned with all' the 
force of Illyria ; which, assisted with the king's pre- 
sence, made it seem impossible to be won in any, 
not a very long-time. let Anicius'was confident ifi 
his late victory, and therefore presented his army be- 
fore the walls, making countenance to give an assault. 
The Illyrians, that might easily have defended them- 
selves within the town, would needs issue forth and 
fight. : They were, it seems, rather passionate than cou- 
*&geons,forth&y were beaten, and theveupon forth- 
with began amazed ly to treat about » yielding* The 
king sent embassadors, by whom,' at first,* be desired 
truce for three days, that he might deliberate con- 
cerning his estate* It ill became him, who had laid 
.violent hands on the Roman embassadors, to have 
recourse .to such mediation. But he thought bis own 
fault pardonable,, inasmuch as hitherto there was no 
greater harm done by him than the casting of those 
embassadors into prison, where they were still alive. 
Having obtained three days respite, he passed up* r* *"»r, 

1 Called now Scutari. 


within half & mile of the Roman camp, into the 
lake of Scodra, as it were to consult the more pri- 
vately ; though indeed to hearken whether the re- 
port were true, that his brother Caravantius was 
coming to his rescue* Finding that no such help was 
toward, it is a wonder that he was so foolish as to 
return into Scodra. He sent messengers craving ac- 
cess unto the praetor, before whom, having lamented 
his folly past, (which, excepting the dishonesty, was 
not so great as his folly present,) he fell down hum- 
bly, and yielded himself to discretion. All the towns 
of his kingdom, together with his wife, children, 
brother, and friends, were presently given up. 80 
this war ended in thirty days, the people of Rome 
not knowing that it was begun, until Perpenna, one 
of the embassadors that had been imprisoned, brought 
word from Anicius how all had passed. 

Sect. X. 

Haw the Romans behaved themselves in Greece and 
Macedon, qfter their victory over Perseus. 

Now began the Romans to swell with the pride of 
their fortune, and to look tyrannically upon those 
that had been unmannerly towards them before, 
whilst the war with Perseus seeqied full of danger. 
The Rhodian embassadors were still at Rome when 
the tidings of these victories were brought thither* 
Wherefore it was thought good to call them into the 
senate, and bid them do their errand again. This 
they performed with a bad grace, saying, that they 
were sent from Rhodes to make an overture of 
peace ; forasmuch as it was thought that this war 
was no less grievous to the Romans themselves than 
to the Macedonians and many others : but that now 

Vol, VI. y 


they were very glad ; and in behalf of the Rhodians 
did congratulate with the senate and people of Rome, 
thai it was ended much more happily than had been 
expected. Hereto the senate made answer, that the 
Rhodians had sent this embassy to Rome, not for 
love of Rome, but in favour of the Macedonian, 
whose partisans they were, and should be so taken. 
By these threats, and the desire of some, (covetous 
of the charge,) to have war proclaimed against 
Rhodes, the embassadors were so affrighted, that is 
mourning apparel, as humble suppliants, they went 
about the city, beseeching all men, especially the 
great ones, to pardon their indiscretion, and not to 
prosecute them with vengeance for some foolish 
words. This danger of war from Rome being* 
known at Rhodes, all that had been any whit averse 
from the Romans in the late war of Macedon, were 
either taken and condemned, or sent prisoners to 
Rome; excepting some that slew themselves for 
fear, whose goods also were confiscated. Yet this 
procured little grace, and less would have done, if 
old M. Cato, a man by nature vehement, had not 
uttered a mild sentence, and advertised the senate, 
that in decreeing war against Rhodes, they should 
much dishonour themselves, and make it thought, 
that rather the wealth of that city 1 , which they were 
thought greedy to ransack, than any just cause, had 
moved them thereto. This consideration, together 
with their good deserts in the wars of Philip and An* 
tiochus, helped well the Rhodians ; among whom 
none of any mark remained alive, save those that 
had been of the Roman faction* All which notwith- 
standing, many years passed, ere by importunate suit 
they could be admitted into the society of the Ro- 
mans ; a favour which, till now, they had not esteem- 
ed, but thought themselves better without it, a* 
equal friends. 

1 Cxwr in orat. apttd Salust de Conjont. Cattlin*. 


With the like, or greater s&verity, did the Romans 
make themselves terrible in all parts of Greece* JE- 
milius himself made progress through the country, 
visiting. all the famous places therein, a$ for his plea- 
sure ; yet not forgetting to make them understand 
what power he had over them. More than five hun- 
dred of the chief citizens in Demetrias were slain at 
one time by those of the Roman faction, and with help 
pf the Roman soldiers. Others fled, or were banish- 
ed, and their goods confiscated. Of which things, 
when complaint was made to the consul, the redress 
was such as requited not the pains of making suppli- 
cation. His friends, that is to say, those which be- 
trayed unto the Romans the liberty of their country, 
he feasted like a king, with excessive cheer ; yet so, 
that he had all things very cheap in his camp,— an 
e^sy matter, since no man durst be backward in 
sending provisions, nor set on them the due price. 
Embassadors likewise were sent from Rome ; some to 
give opder for settling the estate of Macedon, to* 
wards which they had more particular instruction 
from the senate than was usual in such cases, and 
some to visit the affairs of Greece. The kingdom 
of Macedon was set at liberty by iBmilius and the 
embassadors, his assistants, who had order therefore 
from the senate. But this liberty was such as the 
Romans used to bestow. The best part of it was, 
that the tribute which had been paid unto the 
kings, was lessened by one-half* As for the rest, 
the country was divided into four parts, and they 
forbidden commerce one with the. other. All the 
nobility were sent captive into Italy, with their wives 
and children, as many as were above fifteen yearn 
old. The ancient laws of the country were abrogat- 
ed, and new given by iEmilius. Such mischief the 
senate thought it better to do, at the first alteration 
of things in this province, and in the time of eon- 
quest, than otherwise to leave any inconvenience 

v 2 


340 THE HISTOttT •• BOOK f. 

that should be worse in the future. But concerning 
the Greeks that were not subject to Rome, the 
things done to them could deserve no better name 
than mere tyranny, yea, and shameless perjury; were 
it not so, that the familiar custom among princes and 
great estates of violating leagues, doth make the 
oaths of confederation of no validity. * The embas- 
sadors that were sent to visit the Greeks, called be- 
fore them all such men of note, from every quarter, 
as had any way discovered an unserviceable disposi- 
tion towards the Romans. These they sent to Rome, 
where they were made sure enough* Some of these 
had sent letters to Perseus, which fell at length into 
the Romans' hands; and in that respect, though 
ihey were not subjects, yet wanted there no colour 
for using them as traitors, or at least as enemies. But 
since only two men were beheaded for having been 
openly on the Macedonian side, — and since it is 
confessed, that the good patriots were no less afflict* 
ed in this inquisition, than they that had sold them- 
selves to the king, — this manner of proceeding was 
inexcusable tyranny. With the Achseans these em- 
bassadors were to deal more formally ; not so much 
because that commonwealth was strong (though this 
were to be regarded by them, having no commission 
to make or denounce war,) and like to prove untract- 
able, if manifest wrong were offered, — as for that 
there appeared no manner of sign by letters, or o- 
-therwise, whereby any one of the Achseans could be 
suspiciously charged to have held correspondence 
with the Macedonian. It was also so, that neither 
Callicrates, nor any of his adherents, had been em- 
ployed by the nation in doing or offering their ser- 
vice to the Romans, but only such as were the best 
patriots. Yet would not therefore the embassadors ne- 
glect to use the benefit of the time, wherein, since all 
men were troubled for fear of Rome, the season served 
fitly to rank the Achaeans with the rest. And here* 


to Calibrates was very urgent, fearing, and procur- 
ing them to fear in behalf of him and his friends, that 
if some sharp order were not now taken, he and his 
fellows should he made to pay for their mischievous 
devices, ere long time passed. So the embassadors 
came among the Achaeans, where one of them, in 
cfpen assembly of the nation, spake as Callicrates 
had before instructed him. He said, that some of 
the chief among them had, with money and other 
means, befriended Perseus. This being so, he de- 
sired that all such men might be condemned, whom, 
after sentence given, he would name unto them. 
After sentence given, (cried out the whole as- 
sembly,) what justice were this ? Name them first, 
and let them answer ; which if they cannot well do, 
we will soon condemn them. Then said the Roman 
boldly, that all their praetors, as many as had led 
their armies, were guilty of this crime. If this were 
true, said Xenon, a temperate man, and confident in 
his innocence, then should I likewise have been 
friend to Perseus ; whereof, if any man can accuse 
me, I shall thoroughly answer him, either here pre- 
sently, or before the senate at Rome. Upon these 
words of Xenon, the embassador laid hold, and said, 
that even so it were the best way for him. and the 
rest to purge themselves before the senate at Rome. 
Then began he to name others, and left not until he 
had cited above a thousand, willing them to appear 
and answer before the senate. This might even be 
termed the captivity of Greece, wherein sq many of 
the honestest and worthiest men were carried from 
home, for none other cause than their love to their 
country, to be punished according to the will of those 
whocould not endure that virtue and regard of the pub- 
lic liberty should dwell together in any of the Greeks. 
At their coming to Rome, they were all cast into pri- 
son, as men already condemned by the Acharans. 
Many embassies were sent from Achaia, (where it is 

y 3 


to be wandered that any such honest care of these 
innocent men could be remaining, since honesty had 
been thus punished as a vice in so many of the wor- 
thiest among them,) to inform the senate, that these 
men were neither condemned by the Achaeans, nor 
yet held to be offenders. But instead of better an* 
swer, it was pronounced, that the ' senate thought 
it not expedient for the country that these men re- 
turn into Achaia.' Neither could any solicitation of 
the Achaeans, who never ceased to importune the se* 
nate for their liberty, prevail at all, until, after seven- 
teen years, fewer than thirty of them were enlarged, 
of whom that wise and virtuous man Polybius, the 
great historian, was one. All the rest were either 
dead in prison, or, having made offer to escape, whe* 
ther upon the way, before they came to Rome, or 
whether out of jail after that they were committed 
thereto, suffered death as malefactors. 

This was a gentle correction, in regard of what 
was done upon the Epirots. For the senate being 
desirous to preserve the Macedonian treasure whole, 
yet, withal, to gratify the soldiers, gave order that 
the whole country of Epirus should be put to sack* 
This was a barbarous and horrible cruelty ; as also 
it was performed by iEmilius, with mischievous 
subtilty. Having taken leave of the Greeks, and of 
the Macedonians, with bidding them well to use the 
liberty bestowed upon them by the people of Rome, 
he sent unto the Epirots for ten of the principal men 
out of every city. These he commanded to deliver 
up all the gold and silver which they had ; and sent 
along with them into every of their towns what com* 

Jtanies of men he thought convenient, as it were to 
etch the money. But he gave secret instruction to 
the captains, that upon a certain day by him appoint- 
ed they should fall to^ack every one the town 
whereinto he was sent. Thus in one day were three- 
score and ten cities, all confederate with the Romans, 



spoiled by the Roman soldiers; and, besides other acts 
of hostility in a titte of peace, ^ hundred and fifty thou- 
sand of that natitin made slaves. It may be granted, 
that some of the Epi rots deserved punishment, asbav* 
ing favoured Perseus. But since they among this peo» 
le that were thought guilty of this offence, yea, or 
tit coldly affected to the Romans, had been already 
sent into Italy, there to receive their due ; and since 
this nation in general was not only at the present in 
good obedience, but had, even in this war, done good 
service to the Romans, — I hold this act so wicked, 
that I should not believe it, had any one writer deli- 
vered the contrary. But the truth being manifest 
by consent of all, it is the less marvellous that God 
was pleased to make ^Erailius childless, even in the 
glory of his triumph, how great soever otherwise his 
virtues were. 

In such manner dealt the Romans, after their vic- 
tory, with the Greeks and Macedonians* How ter- 
rible they were to other kingdoms abroad, it will ap- 
pear by the efficacy of an embassage sent from them 
to Antiochus ; whereof before we speak, we must 
speak somewhat of Antiochus's foregoers, of himself, 
and of his affairs, about which these embassadors 

Sect. XI. 

The war of Antiochus upon Egypt> brought to end by 

the Roman embassadors* 

Antiochus the Great, after his peace with the 
Romans, did nothing that was memorable in the 
short time following of his reign and life. He died 
the six-and- thirtieth year after he had worn a crown, 
and in the seventeenth or eighteenth of Ptolemy. 

y 4 


Epiphanes, while lie attempted to rob the temple of 
Bel, or (according to Justin 1 ) of Jupiter. He left 
behind him three sons, Seleucus Fhilonater, Antio- 
chus Epiphanes, Demetrius Soter j ana one daugh- 
ter, Cleopatra, whom he had given in marriage to 
Ptolemy Epiphanes, king of Egypt* Seleucus, the 
fourth of that name, and the eldest of Antiochus's 
sons, reigned in Syria twelve years, according to 
Eusebius, Appian, and Sulpitius \ though Josephus 
give him but seven. A prince, who, as he was sloth- 
ful by nature, so the great loss which Antiochus 
received, took from him the means of managing any 
great affair. Of him, about three hundred years be- 
fore his birth, Daniel gave this judgment: " Et sta* 
bit in loco ejus vilissimus et indignus decore regio V 
And in his place (speaking of Antiochus the father 
of this man) shall start up a vile person, unworthy 
the honour of a king. Under this Seleucus, those 
things were done which are spoken of Oniasthe 
high -priest, in these words, and other to the same 
effect : " What time as the holy city was inhabited 
with all peace, because of the godliness of Ohias the 
priest, it came to pass, that even the king did ho* 
nour the place, and garnished the temple with great 
gifts V And all that is written in the third chapter 
of the second of Maccabees, of Simon, of Benjamin, 
who by Apollonius betrayed the treasures of the 
temple } and of Heliodorus sent by the king to seize 
them ; of his miraculous striking by God ; and his 
recovery at the prayers of Onias ; of the king's 
death, and of his successor Antiochus Epiphanes. It 
is therefore from the reign of this king, that the 
books of the Maccabees take beginning; which 
books seem not to be delivered by one and the same 
hand. For the first book, although it touch upon 
Alexander the Great, yet it hath nothing else of his 

1 Strab lib. xri. Just lib. 35. 9 Euseb. in Chron. App. tic belL Syr. Ant. 
zii. c. 5. 3 Dan. xi. 21. 4 ii Maccabees c. iii. 


story, nor of the acts of his successors, till the time 
of Antiochus Epiphanes, the brother and successor . 
of this Seleucus; from whom downward to the 
death of Simon Maccabeus, (who died in the hun- 
dredth threescore and seventeenth year of the 
Greeks in Syria,) that first book treateth. The author 
of the second book, although he take the story some- 
what further off, by way of a proem, yet he endeth 
with the hundred and one and-tiftieth year of the 
Grecian reign, and with the death of Nicanor, slain 
by Judas ; remembering in the fourth chapter the 
practice of Jason, the brother of Onias, who, after 
the death of Seleucus, prevailed with Antiochus Epi- 
phanes, his successor, for the priesthood. It is also 
held by Jansenius and other grave writers, that it 
was in the time of this Onias, that Arius, king of the 
Spartans, sent embassadors to the Jews, as to their 
brothers and kinsmen *• Which intelligence between 
them and the Greeks, Jonathan the brother and suc- 
cessor of Judas remembereth in the preamble of 
that epistle, which he himself directed to the people 
of Sparta by Numenius and Antipater, his embassa- 
dors, wbom he employed at the same time to the se- 
nate of Rome, repeating also the former letters, 
word by word, which Arius had sent to Onias the 
high-priest ; whereto Josephus adds, that the name 
of the Lacedaemonian embassador was Demoteles, 
and that the letters had a square volume, and were 
sealed with an eagle holding a dragon in her claws. 
Now to this Seleucus, the fourth of that name, 
succeeded Antiochus Epiphanes, in the hundred and 
seven- and- thirtieth year of the Greeks in Syria. He 
was the second son of the great Antiochus ; and he 
obtained his kingdom by procuring the death of the 
king his brother ; which also he usurped from his 
brother's son. 

5 ii Mtc. ii. 12. Super Eccles, c. v. 

.- 4. «l» 


Ptolemy Philometor, his nephew by his sister Geo* 
patra, being then very young, had been about seven 
years king of Egypt. 

Ptolemy Epiphanes* the father of this king Philo- 
metor, had reigned in Egypt four and twenty yean 
in great quiet, but doing little or nothing that was 
memorable. Philip of Macedon and the great An- 
tiochus had agreed to divide his kingdom between 
them whilst he was a child ; but they found such 
other business, ere long, with the Romans, as made 
them give over their unjust purpose $ especially An- 
tiochus, who gave with his daughter in marriage, un- 
to this Ptqlemy, the provinces of Coelosyria, Phenice, 
and Judea, which he had won by his victory over 
Scopas, that was general of the Egyptian forces in 
those parts. Nevertheless Ptolemy adhered to the 
Romans, whereby he lived in greater security. He 
left behind him two sons, this Ptolemy Philometor, 
and Ptolemy Physcon, with a daughter, Cleopatra.— 
Cleopatra was wife to the elder of her brethren, and 
after his death to the younger, by whom she was east 
ofl; and her daughter taken in her stead. Such were 
the marriages of these Egyptian kings. 

Ptolemy Philometor, so called (that is, the lover of 
his mother,) by a bitter nick-name, because he slew her, 
fell into hatred with his subjects, and was like to be 
chased out of his kingdom, his younger brother being 
set up against him. Physcon having a strong parly, 
;ot possession of Alexandria ; and Philometor held 
limself in Memphis, craving succour of king Antio- 
chus his uncle. Hereof Antiochus was glad, who, under 
colour to take u^on him the protection of the young 
prince, sought by all means possible to possess himself 
of that kingdom. He sent Appollonius, the son of 
Menestheus, embassador into Egypt, and, under co- 
lour to assist the king's coronation, he gave him in- 
structions to persuade the governors of the young king 
Philometor to deliver the king his nephew, with the 


principal places of that kingdom into his hands, pre* 
tending an extraordinary care and desire of his ne- 
phew's safety and well-doing ; and, the better to 
answer all argument to the contrary, he prepared a 
forcible army to attend him. Thus came he along 
the coast of Syria to Joppe, and from thence on the 
sudden he turned himself towards Jerusalem, where* 
by Jason the priest 6 (a chaplain fit for such a patron) 
he was with all pomp and solemnity received into the 
city. For though lately, in the time of Seleucus, the 
brother and predecessor of Epiphanes 7 , that impU 
ous traitor Simon, of the tribe of Benjamin, ruler of 
the temple, when he would have delivered the trea- 
sures thereof to Appollonius the governor of Coelo- 
syria and Phoenicia, was disappointed of his wicked 
purpose by miracle from heaven, the said Appollo- 
nius being stricken by the angel of God, ana reco- 
vering again at the prayer of Onias ; yet sufficed not 
this example to terrify others from the like ungodly 
practices. Presently upon the death of Seleucus, 
this Jason, the brother of Onias, seeking to supplant 
his brother, and to obtain the priesthood for himself^ 
offered unto the king three hundred and threescore 
talents of silver, with other rents and sums of mo^ 
ney. So he got his desire 8 , though he not long en- 
joyed it. 

This naughty dealing of Jason, and his being over* 
reached by another in the same kind, calls to mind 
a by-word taken up among the Achseans, when as 
that mischievous Callicrates, who had been too hard 
for all worthy and virtuous men, was beaten at hia 
own weapon by one of his own condition. It went 
thus : — 

One fire than other burns more forcibly ; 
One wolf than other wolves does bite more sore ; 
One hawk than other hawks more swift does fly : 
So one most mischievous of men before, 

6 2 Mac, c. 4. 7 2 Mac. c. a. S 2 Mac, c. 4*. 


Callicrates, false knave as knave might be, 
Met with. Meoalcidas more false than he. 

And even thus fell it out with Jason, who, within 
three years after, was betrayed and overbidden by 
Menelaus the brother of Simon, that, for three hun- 
dred talents more, obtained the priesthood himself; 
Jason thereupon being forced to fly from Jerusalem 
and to hide himself among the Ammonites. 

From Jerusalem, Antiochus marched into Phoeni- 
cia, to augment the numbers of his men of war and 
to prepare a fleet for his expedition into Egypt j with 
which, and with a mighty army of land-forces, c He 

* went about to reign over Egypt 9 , that he might 

* have the dominion of two realms ; and entered 

* Egypt with a mighty company, with chariots and 
' elephants, with horsemen, and with a great navy, 
' ana moved war against Ptolemaeus king of Egypt ; 

* but Ptolemaeus was afraid of him and fled, and 
i many were wounded to death. He won many 

* strong cities, and took away the spoils of the land 

* of Egypt. 1 Thus was fulfilled the prophecy of 
Daniel 1 ° : * He shall enter into the quiet and plentAil 

* provinces, and he shall do that which his fathers 

* nave not done, nor his father's fathers/ Never 
indeed had any of the kings of Syria so great a vic- 
tory over the Egyptians, nor took from them so great 
riches ; for he gave a notable overthrow to the cap- 
tains of Ptolemy between Pelusium and the hill Cas* 
aius, after which he entered and sacked the greatest 
and richest of all the cities of Egypt", Alexandria 
excepted, which he could not force. In conclusion, 
after that Antiochus had smitten Egypt, * He turned 
4 again and went up towards Israel and Jerusalem 
' with a mighty people'*, and entered proudly into 
' the sanctuary, and took away the golden altar and 

9 1 Mac. c 1. v. 17, 18, 19, 20, fee. 10 Dan. c. 11. v. 24. 

11 Hieroo. in Dan. 12 1 Mac. c. 1. . 


* the candlestick for the light, and. all the instru- 

* ments thereof, and the t&ble of the shew-bread, 

* and the pouring vessels, and the bowls, and the 

* golden basons, and the vail, and the crowns, and 

* the golden apparel. He took also the silver and 
' the gold, and the precious jewels, and the secret 
' treasures ; and when he had taken away all, he 
' departed into his own land, after he had murdered 

* many men. 9 

Jt was about the beginning of the Macedonian 
war that Antiochus took in hand this Egyptian busi- 
ness 13 ; at what time he first laid claim to Coelosyria, 
justifying his title by the same allegations which his 
father had made 14 ; and stiffly averring, that this pro- 
vince had not been consigned over to the Egyptian, 
or given in dowry with Cleopatra. Easy it was to 
approve his right unto that which he had already 
gotten ' 5 , when he was in a fair way to get all Egypt* 
The Achaeans, Rhodians, Athenians, and other of 
the Greeks, pressed him, by several embassages, to 
some good conclusion. But his answer was, that if 
the Alexandrians could be contented to receive their 
king, his nephew Philometor, the elder brother of the 
Ptolemies, then should the war be presently at an 
end, otherwise not. Yet when he saw that it was an 
hard piece of work to take Alexandria by force, he 
thought it better to let the two brothers consume 
themselves with intestine war, than by the terror of 
his arms, threatening destruction unto both of them, 
to put into them any desire of coming to agreement. 
He therefore withdrew his forces for the present* 
leaving the Ptolemies in very weak estate; the 
young almost ruinated by his invasion, the elder 
hated and forsaken by his people. 

But how weak soever these Egyptians Were, their 
hatred was thought to be so strong, that Antiochus 
might leave them to the prosecution thereof, and 

19 Lib. ti. 14 Cap. 5. J 2. 15 Polyb. Leg at II, M, ft* 


* gold, and as bands of spearmen, ftttd &£ trdops-of 
4 horsemen set in array, encountering and coursing 
4 one against another/ Of these prodigious signs, or 
rather forewamings of God, all histories have deli* 
vered us, some more, some less. Before the destruc- 
tion of Jerusalem by Vespasian, a star in the form of 
a sword appeared in the heavens, directly over the 
city ; after which the& followed a ^laughter like un- 
to this of Epiphanes? though far greater. In the 
Cymhrian wars, Pliny tells us, that armies were 
seen fighting in the air from the morning till the 
evening* . 

In the time of pope John the eleventh, a fountain 
poured out blood instead of water, in or near the ci* 
ty of Genoa ; soon after which the city was taken by 
the Saracens with great slaughter. Of these and the 
like prodigions signs, Vipera hath collected many 
and very remarkable *\ But this one seemeth to me 
the most memorable, because the most notorious. 
All men know that in the emperor Nero, the off* 
spring of the Caesars, as well natural as adopted, 
took end ; whereof this notable sign gave warning. 
— When Livia was first married to Augustus* an 
eagle let fall into her arms a white hen, holding a 
laurel branch in her mouth 42 . Livia caused this hen 
to be carefully nourished, and the laurel branch to 
be planted : of the hen came a fair increase of white 
poultry, and from the little branch there sprang up 
in time a grove of laurel ; so that afterwards, in all 
triumphs, the conquerors did use to carry in their, 
hands a branch of bays taken out of this grove, and, 
after the triumphs ended, to set it again in the same 
ground ; which branches were observed, when they 
happened to wither, to foreshew the death of those 
persons w)io carried them in triumph. And in the 

20 Plin. lib. ii. c. 57. 

21 Mcrcur. Viprra de Prodig. lib. viij. Vipera dc prisco ct sicro instituto. 

22 Sucton. Galba. 


tart year of Nero, all the broods of the white hen 
died, and the whole grove of bays withered at once* 
Moreover, the heads of all the Caesars' statues, and 
the sceptreplaced in Augustus's hand, were stricken 
down with Kghtning, That the Jews did not think: 
such strange signs to be unworthy of regard, it ap- 
pears by their calling upon God, and praying that 
these tokens might turn to good. 

.Now, as the first voyage of Antiftchus into Egypt 
was occasioned by discord of the two brethren there- 
in reigning, so was his second expedition caused by 
their good agreement ; for the elder Ptolemy being 
left id Memphis, not strong enough to force his bro- 
ther, who had defended Alexandria against all the 
power of their uncle, thought it the best way to seek' 
entrance into that royal city rather by persuasion 
than by arms* Physcon had not as yet forgotten the 
terror of the former siege; the Alexandrians, though 
they loved not Philometor, yet loved they worse to 
live in scarcity of victuals (which was already great 
among them, and like to grow extreme),* since no- 
thing was brought in from the country, and the 
friends of the younger brother saw no likelihood of 

?K>d issue to be hoped for without reconciliation.— 
hese good helps, and above all these, the loving 
dispositions of Cleopatra, who then was in Alexan- 
dria, encouraged Philometor in his purpose. But 
that which made him earnestly desirous to accom- 
plish it, was the fear wherein he stood of his uncle. 
Eor though Antiochus was gone out of Egypt with 
his. army, yet had he left behind him a strong garri- 
son in Pelusiom, retaining that city, which was the 
key of Egypt, to his own use. This consideration 
wrought also with Physcon and with those that were 
about him ; so as by the vehement mediation of Cleo- 
patra, their sister, the two brethren made an end of 
all quarrels. 
.. Vol. VI. z 



. When the news of this am>ril was brought to An* 
tx>cfcu% k* iwifc gn^itly enraged ; for notwfehst^nd* 
ing that he bad pr&ended no other thing than the 
estahfishment of king Philomdtor bis nephew, and a 
meaning to feubjeet few younger brother unto him, 
which ht gww in answer .to all erobassadorsy-r-ryet he 
How prepared to make sharp yar upon them both. 
And to that end he presently furnished and Bent out 
hit n#vy towards Cyprus, aad drew his lancUanny in* 
toCcdotym, rtadyto enter Egypt the spring follow^ 
ing.: When he wa? on his way As far as Rhinocoru* 
ro, .fa* met with embassadors sent from Ptolemy*-*-*- 
Their errand was partly to yield thanks to Aatio* 
chits for the ^establishing of Pbilometor in his/ king- 
dom ; partly to beseech him that he would rather be 
pleased to signify what he required to hive done in 
Egypt, which tbpuld be performed, than to enter it 
a* jut .enemy with so puissant an army. But Antb- 
chna returned this short answer, That he would nei- 
ther call back his fleet, nor withdraw his army, upon 
any other condition* than that Ptolemy should sur- 
render into his hands, together with the city of Pe- 
lusiiMB, the whole territory thereto belonging ; and 
that be should ako abandon and leave unto Urn the 
kje of Cyprus, with all the right that he had unto ei- 
ther of then* for even For answer unto these de» 
mands, he set down a day certain and a ahert one ; 
which being come and passed without any accord 
made, the Syrian fleet entered Nihis, and recovered 
a* well those places whiqh appertained to Ptolemy in 
Arabia, as in Egypt itself; tor Memphis, and all a- 
bout \t> received. Antiochus, being unable to resist 
him. The king, having now no stop in his way to 
Alexandria, ptased on thitherwards by easy jour* 
nies. . 

- Of all these troubles passed, as veil as of the pre- 
sent danger wherein Egypt stood, the Romans had 
notice long ago ; but they found, or were contented 

PBAF. ¥1. OF THE WOEL0. &53 

to find, little reason for them to intermeddle therein* 
for it wns 9 civil war, and wherein Antiochus seem- 
ed to take pert with the iuster cause* Yet they gave 
signification that it would he much displeasing unto 

them to haw the kingdom of Egypt token from the 
rightful owners* More they could not, or would not 
do, being troubled with Perseus ; and therefore loth 
to proyoke Antiochus top fan Nevertheless, the .&> 
£ypti*n kings being reconciled, and standing jointly 
in need of help against their uncle, who prepared 
qad made open war against them .both, it was to <he 
expected, that not only the Romans, hut many of 
the Greeks, as being thereto obliged by notable be- 
nefits, should arm in defence of their kingdom* 
Rome had. been sustained with food from Egypt m 
the war of Hannibal, when Italy, lying waste, hart 
neither corn nor money wherewith to buy sufficient 
store. * By help of the Egyptian had Arratuf bud 
the foundation of that greatness whereto the Actafe 
ans attained; and by the like help had J&hodep 
been defended Against Demetrius JPoliorcetes. Nei- 
ther were these friendly turns, which that bountiful 
house of the Ptolemies had done for sundry people 
abroad, iil followed qt seconded by other as had in 
requital, but with the continuance of suitable benefi- 
cence from time to time increased. Wherefore the 
two brothers sent abroad confidently for aid, eapeci? 
4lly to the Rhodian* and Achseans, who seemed most 
able to give it effectually. To the Romans, JPhy*con 
and Cleopatra had sent a year amce,,but their embassa- 
dors lay still in Rome* Of the Achaaans they 4e- 
aired in particular that Lycorjtas, the brave warrior, 
might be sent to them as general of all the auxiliaries 
and his son Polybius general of the horse. Hereunto 
the Achaean* readily .condescended, anji would imme- 
diately have made performance, if Calibrates had not 
interposed his mischievous art. He, whether seek- 
ing occasion to vaunt h^ obsequiousness to Jthe Rp- 

2 2 

356 TfiEtttSTOttY ' BOOKV, 

mans, or, much rather, envying those noble captains 
whose service tfte kings desired, withstood the com- 
mon voice, whicJh was, that their nation should not 
with such smafl numbers as Were requested, but with 
all their power, be aiding unto the Ptolemies/ For 
it was not now (he said) convenient time to entangle 
themselves in any such business as might make them 
the less able to yield unto the Romans what help so- 
ever should be required in the Macedonian war* 
And in this sentence he, with those of his faction, ob- 
stinately persisted j terrifyihg others with big words, 
as it were, in behalf of the Rotaans. But Polybius 
affirmed that Martius, the late consul, had signified 
unto him that the Romans were past all need of 
help ; adding farther, that a thousand foot and two 
hundred horse might well be spared to the aid of 
their benefactors, the Egyptian kings, without dis- 
abling their nation to perform any service to the Ro- 
mans; forasmuch as the Achaeans could,, without 
trouble, raisie thirty or forty thousand soldiers. All 
this notwithstanding, the resolution was deferred 
from one meeting to another, and finally broken by 
the violence of Callicrates.* For when it was thought 
that the decree should have passed, he brought into 
the theatre where the assembly was held, a messen- 
ger with letters from Martius, whereby the Achae- 
ans were desired to conform themselves to the Ro- 
man senate, and to labour, as the senate had done, 
by sending embassadors to set Egypt in peace. This 
was an advice against all reason • for the senate had 
indeed sent embassadors to make peace, but as in a 
time of greater business elsewhere, with such mild 
words, that nothing was effected. Wherefore it was 
not likely that the Achacans should do any gdod in 
the same kind; Yet Polybius and his friends durst 
not gainsay the Roman council, which had the force 
of an injunction. So the kings were left in much 
distress* disappointed of their expectation. But with- 


in a while was PeraeUs overcome ; and then might 
the embassador sent from the Roman .senate perform 
as much as any army could have dpqe. . 

Audience had been lately given by the senate 
untp those embassadors of Physcon and Cleopatra ; 
which having staid more than a whole year in the 
city, T brqught nothing of their business to effect 
. until now*. The embassadors delivered their mes- 
sage in the name of those that had sent them ; though 
it concerned (which perhaps they kqew not) Philo- 
metor no less than his brother and sister. 

In this embassy of Ptolemy, now. requesting help 
from . Rome, appeared a notable change of his for* 
tune, from such as it had been before three or four 
years last past. For in the beginning of these his, which began with the Macedonian war, 
either he or Eulaeus* 3 , or Lenaeus, (upon whom thp 
blame was afterwards laid,) which had the govexnr 
ment of him, thought his affairs in such good estate, 
that not only he determined to set upon Antiochus 
for Ccelosyria, but would have interposed hitpself 
between the Romans and Perseus as a competent 
arbitrator ; though it fell out well that his embassa- 
dor was by a friend persuaded to forget that point 
of his errand. From these high thoughts he fell on 
the sudden, by the rebellion of his brother and sub* 
jects, to live under the protection of the same Anti- 
ochus. And now at such time, as by the atonement 
with his brother and subjects he might have seemed 
to stand in no need of such protection, he hath re* 
maining none other help whereby to save both his 
kingdom and life than what can be obtained by 
their intercession which were employed against him. 
This Miserable condition of him # his brother and 
sister, shewed itself even in the habit of those am* 
bassadors, . They were poorly clad ; the hair of 
their hoads and beards overgrown, as was their man* 

89 Pulyb. Legat. 73. 
Z S 


net in time of affliction ; And they carried in their 
hands branches of olive. Thus they entered into 
the senate, and there fell groveling and prostrate 
upon the floor. Their garments were not so mean 
and mournful, nor their looks and countenances *0 
sad and dejected, but that their speech was than 
either of the other far more lamentable. For, bat- 
ing told in what danger their king and country 
Stood, they made a pitiful and grievous complaint 
Unto the senate, bfe&eeching them to have compas- 
sion of thei!* estate and of their princes, Who Had 
always remained friendly and faithful to the Romans, 
Thtey said* that the people of Rome bad so much 
heretofore favoured this Antibchus in particular, 
and were of such account and Authority with all o- 
thefr kings and nations, as if they pleased but to 
send their embassadors and let Antiocbus know that 
the senate was offended with his undertaking Upon 
the king their confederate, then would he presently 
fciise his siege from before Alexandria, and with* 
draw his Army out of Egypt into Syria. But that if 
the senate protracted any time, or used any delay, 
then should Ptolemy and Cleopatra be shortly dri» 
ven out of their realms, and make repair to Rome, 
with shameful dishonour to the senate and peo- 
ple thereof, in that, in the extreme dangers of all 
their fortunes, they had not vouchsafed to relieve 

The lords of the senate, moved with compassion, 
Bent incontinently C. PopiHus Lenus, C. Decimius, 
and A. Hostilius, as embassadors, to determine arid 
end the war between those kings. In commission 
they had first to find king Ptolemy and then Antio- 
cbus, and to let them both understand, that'unless 
they surceased and gave over arms they would take 
that king no more for a friend to the senate and 
people of Rome whom they found obstinate or using 
dplay. So these Romans, together with the Alex* 

CHAP. VI. Of TUB WOfclB. &$ 

aodrian embassador*, took tiidf leave, ttfiid WeAt c*u 
ward their way within three days after. 

When Popilius and his fellows Wfefl* oft their way 
towards Egypt, Antiochus had transported his army 
over Lucine, some forty miles from Alexandria ; so 
near was he to the end of his journey when the Ro- 
man ambassadors met him. After greeting and sa- 
lutations at their first encounter, Antiochus offered 
his right hand to Popilius ; but Popilius Ailed it with 
a roll of paper, willing him to read those mandates 
of the senate before he did any thing else* Antio- 
chus did so ; and having a little while Considered 
of the business, he told Popilius that he would ad* 
vise with his friends, and then give the ambassadors 
their answer. But Popilius, according to his ordi- 
nary blunt manner of speech, which he had by na- 
ture, made a circle about the king with a red which 
he held in his hand, willing him to make htm such 
aft answer as he might report to the senate before 
he moved out of that circle. The king, astonished 
at this so rude and violent a commandment, after 
he had staid and paused a while, I will be content 
(quoth he) to do whatsoever the senate shall ordain. 
Then Popilius gave unto the king his hand* as to a 
friend and ally of the Romans. 

Thus Antiochus departed out of Egypt without 
any good issue of his costly expedition, even in 
such manner as Daniel had prophesied long before 44 1 
yea, fulfilling every particular circumstance, both 
of returning, and of doing mischief to Jerusalem 
after his return ; like as if these things had rather 
been historified than foretold by the prophet. As 
for the Roman ambassadors, they staid a while, and 
settled the kingdom of Egypt, leaving it unto the 
elder brother, and appointing the younger to reign 
over Cyrene. This done, they departed towards 
Cyprus, which they left, as it had been, in the 

24 Dan c. 11. v. 29, 10, &c» 

360 . THE HMTQMT' J&O0K V, 

power of the Egyptian, having first seat *way An- 
tiochus's fleet, which had already given; an over* 
thrpw to the Egyptian ships, j 

Sect- XIL 

ffow the Ramans were dreadful to all kings. Their 
demeanour towards Eumenes, Prusias, Masinissa, 
and Cotys. The end of Perseus and his children* 
The instability of kingly estates. The triumphs of 
Paulas, Anicius, and Octavius. With the conclu- 
sion of the work. 

m • 


By this peremptory demeanour of Popilius in 
doing his message, and by the ready obedience of* 
king Antiochus to the will of the senate, we may per- 
ceive how terrible the Romans were grown through 
their conquest of Macedon. The same Popilius had 
been welt contented a year before this to lay a- 
side the roughness of his natural condition, and to 
give good language to the Achseans and iEtolians, 
when he went embassador to those people of Greece 
that were of far less power than king Antiochus. 
likewise, Antiochus had with good words, and no 
more than good words* dismissed other embassadors 
which came from Rome, in such sort as they com- 
plained not, much less used any menacing terms, 
though he performed nothing of their request. But 
now the case was altered. So found other kings as 
well as Antiochus. 

Eumenes sent to Rome his brother Attalus to 
gratulate the victory over Perseus, and to crave* 
help or countenance of the senate against the Gallo- 
Greeks, which molested him. Very welcome was 
Attalus, and lovingly entertained by most of the 
senators j who bade him be confident, and request 

0H*P« VI. OF THE WQftlJ). 861 

of the senate his brother's Kingdom for himself fpr 
it should surely be given him. These hopeful pro* 
mises tickled At talus with such ambition, that he 
either approved or seemed to approve the motion. 
But his honest nature was soon reclaimed by the 
faithful counsel of Stratius a physician, whom Eu- 
menes had sent to Home of purpose to keep his 
brother upright. So when he came into the senate, 
he delivered the errand about which he had. been 
sent, recounting his own services done to the Ro- 
mans in the late war ', wherewithal he forgot not to 
make of his brother as good mention as he could $ 
and finally requested that the towns of iEnus and 
Maronea might be bestowed upon himself. By 
his omitting to sue for his brother's kingdom, the 
senate conceived an opinion that he meant to qrave 
another day of audience for that business alone *. 
Wherefore, to make him understand how gracious 
he was, they not only granted all his desire, but 
in the presents which they gave to him (as was 
their custom to embassadors that came with an ac- 
ceptable message) they used singular magnificence. 
Nevertheless, At talus took no notice of their mean- 
ing, but went his way, contented with what they; 
had already granted K This did so highly displease 
the senate, that whilst he was yet in Italy they gave 
order for the liberty of iEnus and Marouea, there- 
by making ineffectual their promise, which other- 
wise they could not without shame revoke. And 
as for the GaUo»Greeks, which were about to in- 
vade the kingdom of Pergamus, they sent embassa- 
dors to them, with such instructions as rather en- 
couraged than hindered them in their purpose. 
The displeasure of the senate being so manifest* 
Eumenes thought it worthy of his labour to make 
another voyage to Rome* He might well bl^nje 
the folly of his second voyage thither for this neces* 

1 Liv. )ib. 45. 2 P&lyb. leprt. 93. 3 Potjb. b. I id. 

3Gi frHE HISTOIt? BO0& r. 

sfty of the third, since, by his malice to Perseus, 
he had laid open unto these ambitious potentate* 
the way to his own doors. No sooner was he Coma 
into Italy, than the senate was ready to sgfld htM 
going. It was not thought expedient to use him as 
an enemy that came to visit them in love ; neither 
£ould they in so doing have avoided the note of 
singular inconstancy ; and to entertain him as * 
friend, Whs more than their hatred to him for his in* 
gratitude, as they deemed it, would permit. Where* 
fore they made a decree that no king should be sirf> 
feted to come to Rome, and by virtue thereof sent 
him home without expense of much farther com- 

Prusias king of Bithynia had been at Rome some- 
what before, where hg Was welcomed alter a better 
fashion. He had learned to behave himself as hum- 
bly as the proud Romans could expect or detfire. 
For entering fnto the senate, he lay down and kiss* 
cd the threshold, calling the fathers his gods and 
saviours ; as also he used to wear a cap, after the 
manner of slaves newly manumised, professing him- 
self (in enfranchised bondman of the people of 
Rome. He was indeed naturally a slave, and one 
that by such abject flattery kept himself safe; 
though doing otherwise greater mischief than any 
wherewith Perseus had been charged. His errand 
was, besides matter of compliment, to commend un- 
to the seriate the cafe of his son Nicotoedes, whom 
he brought with him to Rome, there to receive edu- 
cation. Further petition he made, to have some 
towns added to his kingdom ; whereto, because the 
grant would have been unjust, he received a cold 
answer. But concerning the wardship of his son, 
it was uhder taken by the senate ; which, vaunting 
of the pleasure lately done to Egypt in freeing it 
from Antiochus, willed him thereby to consider 
what effectual protection the Romans gave unto 


the children of kings that were to thei 

But above all other kings, Masinis 
credit with the Romans good. His qt 
endless with the Carthaginians; whic 
friendship of the Romans to him the in 
In all controversies they gave judgment 
and whereas he had invaded the coimtr 
ria, holding the lands, but unable to wii 
the Romans (though at first they could 
text whereby to countenance him in 
sion) compelled finally the Carthagini 
lfet go all their hold, And to pay five ' 
tents to the Numidiart for having hind 
his due so long. Now indeed had Ron 
sure to devise upon the rt\in of Cart 
which, thd race of Masinissa himself 
by them rooted up. But hereof the olc 
dreamed. He sent to Rome one of his 
gr&tulate the victory over Perseus, an 
come thither himself, there to sacrifice 
Jupiter in the cApitol. His good will i 
accepted, his son rewarded, and he < 
stay at home. 

Cotvs, the Thracian, sent embassadoi 
himself touching the aid by him given 
for that the Macedonian had him bound 
and to entreat that bis son, which wAs ta 
the children of Perseus, might be set al 
convenient ransom. His excuse was not 
he had voluntarily obliged himself to 
giving hostages without necessity ; yet 
given back to him ransom-free, with ad 
carry himself better toward the Roknant 
lowing* His kingdom lay between M 
some barbarous nations; in which re! 
good to hold him in fair terms. 

As for those unhappy kings, Perseus t 

364 . TttJS HISTORY „ BOOK V. 

they were led through Rome, with their dbUdree apd 
friends, in the triumphs of iEmiiius and Anieiug*. 
Perseus h^d often made $uit to iEmilius, that- tie 
might not be put to such disgrace ; but he still . re-. 
ceived one scornful answer, that it lay in his own 
power to prevent it ; whereby was meapt, that he 
might kill, himself. , And surely, had he not hoped 
for greater mercy than , he found, he would rather, 
have sought his death in Macedon, than have beea 
beholden to the courtesy of his insolent enemies for 
a wretched life* . The issue of the Roman clemency, 
whereof 4£milius had. given him hope, was no bet- 
ter than this : — After that he ^nd his tellow king had 
been led in chains through the streets, before the 
chariots of their triumphing victors, they were com- 
mitted to prison, wherein they remained without 
hope of release. It was the manner, that when 
the triu mpher turned his chariot up towards the 
capitol, there to do sacrifice, he should com- 
mand the captives to be had away to prison, and 
there put to death; so as the honour of the van- 
quisher, and misery of those that were overcome,. 
might be both together at the utmost* This last sen- 
tence of death was remitted unto Perseus ; yet so, 
that he had little joy of his life, but either famished 
himself, or (for it is diversly reported) was kept 
watching perforce by those that had him in custody; 
and so died for want of sleep. Of his sons two died, 
it is uncertain. how. The youngest, called Alexan** 
der (only in name like unto the Great, though des- 
tined, sometimes perhaps, by his father unto the for* 
tqnes of the great,) became a joiner, or turner, or, 
at his best preferment, a scribe under, the Roman of; 
ficers, . In such poverty ended the royal hoqse of. 
^iacedon ; and it quded on the sudden, though some 
eight-score years after the death. of that monarch 
unto whose ambition this whole earth seemed too 


• If Perseus had known it before, that his own son 
should be compelled to earn his living by handy- 
work, in a painful occupation, it is like he would not, 
in a wantonness of sovereignty, have commanded 
those men to be slain which had recovered his trea- 
sures out of the sea, by their skill in the feat of diving. 
He would rather have been very gentle, and would 
have considered, that the greatest oppressors, and the 
most imdertrodden wretches, are all subject unto the 
one high Power, governing all alike ' with absolute 
command* But such is out unhappihe&s ; instead 
of that blessed counsel, Do as ye would be done iintd, — 
a sentence teaching all moderation, and pointing out 
the way to felicity, — we entertain that arrogant 
thought, / will be like to the Most High ; that is, I 
will do what shall please myself. One hath said tru- 

-- Et qui notant occMere qoeoquam, 

< Powe volant 4 

Even they that have no mnrd'rous will, 
' Would have it in their power to kill. 

AH, or the most, have a vain desire of ability to do 
evil without controul ; which is a dangerous tempta- 
tion unto the performance. God, who best can 
judge what is expedient, hath granted such power to 
very few ; among whom, alto, very few there* are 
that use it not to their own hurt. For who sees not 
that a prince, by racking his sovereign authority to 
the utmost extent, enableth (besides the danger to 
his own person) some one of his own sons or 'ne- 
phews to root up all his progeny ? Shall not many 
excellent princes, notwithstanding their brotherhood, 
or other nearness in blood, be driven to flatter the 
wife, the minion, or perhaps the harlot, that governs 
one, the most unworthy of his whole house, yet reign- 

4 JnvraaV $«*• *> 

9ti6 the HISTORY $00$ t% 

jng ever a}l ? The untimely death of W . 
which could not huiqbje thepselves tpw< 
^n4 the common practice qf the Turkish ^p§fofs^t# 
murder fill their brethren, without expecting t$ tfrep 
©ffepd, are too good proofs hereof, Hereto $&y ftp 
added, that the heir of the same Rogp* Moitijqec, 
who murdered most traitorously 93d barb^rpu^ly 
king Edward the Second, was, by reatpn of a inm> 
riage, proclaimed, in time not long after fbllowip^ 
heir-apparent to the crown of England j which h?4 
he obtained, then had all the power of Edward fal- 
len into the race of bis mortal enemy, to exeneiae the 
9am e upon the line of that unhappy king* Suph ex- 
amples of the instability whereto all mortal affairs are 
subject, as they teach tqoderatwn, eqd adiftpniab 
the transitory gods of kingdoms apt to authorise, by 
wicked precedents, the evil that may fall on their 
own posterity, — so do they necessarily make us un- 
derstand how happy that country is which bath ob- 
tained a king able to conceive and teach, ' That 
4 God is the sorest and sharpest schoolmaster that 
4 can be devised, for such kings as think this world 
' ordained for them, without controllment to turn it 
* upside down at their pleasure V 

Now, concerning the triumph $f I* ^Erailius 
Paulus, it was in all points like unto th^tpf T. Quiar 
tins £?aminius, though far more gioripup, in regvd 
of , the king's own person, that was led afang ^hpreia, 
as part of his own spoils, and in regard likewise both 
of the conquest and of the booty *• Sp great ysy the 
quantity at' gold and silver earned by Paplus iptp tbje 
Koman treasury, that from thenceforth, uptil toe 91- 
vfl war which followed upon the detfh pf JuUu* pip* 
sar, the estate had np need to burthen itself w&*99jr 
tribute. Yet was this no^le triumph likely to Jiave 
been hindered by the soldiers, who ffudgep fit their 
general for cot having dealt ftpre bountifully with 

5 The true Law of free Monarchies. 6 Chap* ift. 8cct. i* s 


them. But the princes of the senate overruled the 
people and soldiers herein, and brought them to rea- 
9pfi by severe exhortations. Thus Paulus enjoyed 
as much honour of his victory as men could give* 
Nevertheless it pleased God to take away from him 
his two remaining sons, that were not given in adop- 
tion ; of which the one died five d?ys before the tri- 
umph, die other three days after it This loss he 
bore wisely, and told the people, that he hoped to 
see the commonwealth flourish in a continuance of 
prosperity, since the joy of his victory was requited 
with his own private calamity instead of the public. 
About the. same time Octavius, the admiral* who 
had brought Perseus out of Samothrace, and Aai- 
oius, the praetor, who had coqquered Iliyria, and ta- 
ken king Gentius prisoner, made their several tri- 
umphs* The glory of which magnificent spectacles, 
together with the confluence of embassages from all 
parts, aad kings either visiting the imperial city, or 
ofleiing to visit her, and do their duties in person, 
wete enough to say unto Rome,— Sume supcrbiom ; 
Take upon thee the majesty which thy deserts have 

Bt this which we have already set down, is seen 
the beginning and end of the three first monarchies 
of the world ; whereof the founders and erectors 
thought thai they could never have ended. That of 
Rome, which made the fourth, was also at this time 
almost at the highest. We have left it flourishing in 
the middle of the field; having rooted up, orcutdown, 
all that kept it from the eyes and admiration of the 
world. But after some continuance, it shall begin to 
lose the beauty it had ; the storms of ambition shall 
beat her great boughs and branches one against aao* 
tfcer ; her leaves shall iall off; her limbs wither ; aad 
afirabhle of barbarous nations enter the field, and cut 
her down. 


Now these great kings and conquering nations 
have been the subject of those ancient histories 
which have been preserved, and yet remain among 
ns ; and withal of so many tragical poets as, in the 
persons of powerful princes, and other mighty men, 
nave complained against infidelity, time, destiny? 
and, most of all, against the variable success, of 
worldly things, and instability of fortune. To these 
undertakings, these great lords of the .world- have 
been stirred up, rather by the desire of fame, which 
plougheth up the air, and soweth in- the wind, than 
by the affection of bearing rule, which draweth after 
it so much vexation and so many cares : and that 
this is true, the good advice of Cyneas . to Pyrrhus 
proves. And, certainly, as fame hatfi often been dan- 
gerous to the living, so is it to the dead of no use at 
all ; because separate from knowledge. Which, were 
it otherwise, and the extreme ill bargain of .buying 
this last discourse understood by them which were 
dissolved, they themselves would then rather have' 
wished to have stolen out of the world without noise> 
than to be put in mind that they have purchased the 
report of their actions in the world by rapine, op- 
pression, and cruelty ; by giving in spoil the inno- 
cent and labouring soul to the idle and insolent ; and 
by having emptied the cities of their ancient inbabi* 
tants, and filled them again with so many. and so va* 
riable sorts of sorrows. 

Since the fail of the Roman empire, (omitting that 
of the Germans, which had neither greatness nor 
continuance,) there hath been no state fearful in the 
east but that of the Turk ; nor in the west any prince 
that hath spread his wings far over his nest, but the 
Spaniard ; who, since the time that Ferdinand ex* 
polled the Moors out of Granada, have made many 
attempts to make themselves masters of. all Europe* 
And it is true, that, by the treasures- of both Indies, 
and by the many kingdoms which they possess in 

COB. *I. •« ' • "■ *0* 9m imH&> ■•' : r ' &©, 

tCuMptyltdp ale lie fthtfty&i rtJost^WWrfcK __ __ 
-W tine JTttfMs flow cOudttrpoteed by we : P6flfct$ >b 
.fcBttoA'^Iso many ttnUidn* ait hate been sp%ttfc by 

fitefcia^li? #*elioh\ and NetheflMtdb in'a defensive 
.Htov'Jnff fat'tlHfattfott* agsinMt them, H!4» easy" W d€" 
HfaotttfctML'ttftifti ^ith the charge of (tWo* fctftldral 
ftfeoitoH&'fatftfds, continued but ftifr twd yea*s br 
«hr<^ at'Ufet fflos^ they may not only to pers'nafted 
tx>thVfeia< •{****?, Uit all their swelling tfnd overflow*- 
Jwtt ,6ti-ettttk ttiatbtlbrbughft back Into their natuVal 
'chlainete tind^oM bftnta These two nations, I say, 
' are at this day tWe Ttioflttrtlineht and tobe Wgahftd^ 
thee«e seeking «© Wot olit thfe Chrl*ti Wi 1 f eti|id^ al- 
tbg^r^thtfotner (he Muth tad siheeHfe twofessib'h. 
tbwettf f the oiW f t(o jom all Europ* •W-Asia.-^the 
<bthfef the #«st bf* all- Bnropii to dpamv . >^« " ' 1 > ► 
1 ' - f or Hat rest.'ff #e seek a reason of the^&iccessioh 
tad cootfciUtthcfe'df this boundless ambntori in mtrf- 
-tat inert, We fflay add fo'that which' Ihttlrbeefc alrea- 
dy siid^TJnifc the kiflgs and prince* of the World 
*iftve always Mid before them th^fetfengV btlt not the 
ends of those great ones whtibh preceded fhtfm. They 
*ife alWa^trtuispbfted^With the glory of- the one, 
'teuVt&ey riever ntiBoV the misery of the. other, till 
*hey'flMd! the dcpertence in' themselves. They hie- 
gleet ithfl advice of God, while they e^W life; or 
hope tt ;' 1»ut they follow the counsel of Death npoh 
hit first approach. It is he that puts into man all the 
wisdom, tof the world, without shaking i word ) 
Which God with all the words of hw law, promised or 
tbreajts, doth not infuse. Death; which 1 nateth and 
ddRffbyttth ttkan, is believed,-*-God, which bath made 
him and loves him, is always deferred. ' I have con- 
' sidered,' (saith Solomon,; ' all the works that an* 
' under the sun, and behold, all is vanity and vexa- 
' tion of spirit ;'— but who believes it till Death tells « 
it us. It was Death which, opening the conscience of 
Charles V. made him enjoin his son Philip to r«- .'. 
Vol. VI. a a " * 

3ft> THE W8T0Uf OfXm WORLD. .. /BOOK ▼. 

( cop?pW^ tfa*t justice *bouW be *w*e U]*m JEh* biwr- 
4prer^f /fte.prjtiestaftts in M^fiwW ^TGafcriefm, 
wh^ch. #l*PWJItf negteirted. : Jt'JMteflitaltorth 
alow #*$ <*a, suddenly ffiata iMfl 4*kod* Aupaetf. 

jeqtf, and bundles them^fciAe instfwt ;.4po<J«frfcb«to 
cty, Qo$plajn,-and reyent j to* eveBitft(btfo.,t)n$ir 
fore-pMt ihaj>pin«s$.. He tafces fre,m#fU*#t.'tbe 
>mh and pra^s feupj 4 beggaVHk (BaJfMotaffigfti 
w&ch hfth jfttqwat in nothing, tut fo£hfigtiwefcslttt 
ty* mouth* i.HQ.hqltovjifatofrfaibttgjstiif 

^mqfcblWtifok and .makes then ftt6*h«fej**bitr 
d8ieH^#^<rPtt£W<£* \M& *h^,a>tonawjeflg«.it. 
,.t,0_ eloquent, iusfe,an4p»igbty.I>e*jfcb I. *&/*».»««* 
could advise, thou fcajft pe«WW*d i wfea* aflaet&itfi 
djn-ed, fcbpu.hast dPi*e;.%Pd wh<w all ^e wtfrttliath 
flatted, ^^.^Bly Ijast part ippt o£.ttoi**dd ia»4 
despiwd H-rftbqtti^aBJt dcaw.ft tflgPthw ajl ,the>.&P- 
*tr«&cM g^ea^e^.all^tfee; gr#& cruejfj, antimoni. 
tjon.of :paan, ri and,cover«d!iit«ntt.oiter withtbtse tiro 
narrow wat^HicJfcH. ..,, ,. : ... 

Lastly ; Who/pas ftis; boo^ by the titte it hath, 

Slls itself tap $rst &«* of. the; General, lister/ «f 
e Worid,. inlying at second and third; vftlume, 
which, X also intended, and have hewn out ^-^besides 
many otfter dispouragements persuading my silence, 
it hath pleased Qod to take, that gtariousJ/pnee out 
of the worhi, to. whom they were directed ; wfoose 
unspeakabje and; never ewMgb jbroeo^ed toss* JMth 
taught roe fa say with Job, ' Versa* est 4o>)uct«fo cr- 
' tbara raea, e$prganum roemn in vocem fle&tiusa.'. 



Vol. VL b> 






With a Relation of the great and golden City of Ma wo A, which 
the Spaniards call El Dorado, anil the Provinces o' EmeriA, 
Arkomaia, Amapaia, and other Countries, with their Rivera 

Performed in the year 1595, by Sir Walter Ralegh, Knight, 
Captain of her Majesty's Guard, Lord Warden of the Stanne* 
ries, and Lieutenant. General of the County of Cornwall, 

Printed at London, bjr Robert Robinson, 1590: 




The Discovery of Guiana was published in 1596, within a few 
months after Ralegh's return from his first voyage to that famous 
region. This singular performance has been reprinted in many 
collections both English and foreign* Howes, in his edition of 
Stow's Annals, published in 1631, informs us, that it had before 
that time been translated into various languages ; and he particu- 
larly mentions c the exquisite Latin translation*, 9 published in 
1599 by Theodore de Bry, in the Eighth Part of his celebrated 
Collection of Voyages to America. Meusel, in his Bibliothecd 
Historica +, a work esteemed for valuable notices of this sort, 
mentions another Latin translation, published at Nuremberg in 
the same year, nnder the following title : ' Brevis et admiranda, 
' descriptio regni Guianse, auri abundantissimi, in America sen 

* novo orbe, sub linea aequinoctialia siti : quod nuper per gene. 
€ rosum D. D. Gualther Ralegh detectum est : Norib. impends 

* Levini Hulsii, 1599* 9 It however appears from the learned 
"work which Camus has lately published upon De Bry's Collection,* 
that this latter piece is only a selection of the more marvellous pas* 
sages of Ralegh's Narrative, accompanied with a few appropriate} 

This piece has some striking passages, but it is written upon 
the whole with little regard to method or coherence ; and indeed 
Ralegh himself tells us, in his epistle dedicatory, that * he had studi. 
' ed neither phrase, form, nor fashion, in its composition.' As to 
Guiana, all that he says of its general aspect, the luxuriant bean. 
iy of some of its situations, and its wonderful fruitfulness, seems 
exactly to correspond with the accounts of succeeding observers ; 
and, notwithstanding his belief in El Dorado, and other traits 
of credulity, it is impossible to peruse his narrative without 
Tespect for that sagacity which, in an age but little skilled in such 
views, could so clearly discern the advantages which England might 
derive from establishing colonies upon the banks of the Orinoco* 

* Stow 9 ! Annals, p. 1019. 
f Meotel, torn. S. p. 284. 

% Memoire sur Its Collect, de Voyages dot De Bfy et de Theveoot, par Ca» 
ttus, Memb. de llnst. National, p. 98. 




To the Right Hon. my singular good Lord and Kinsman 
Charles Howard, Knight of the Garter, Baron and 
Counsellor, and of the Admiral* of England the most 
renowned: And to the Right Honourable Sir RouERT 
Ckcil, Knight, Counsellor in her Highnesses Privy- 

For yoiir Honour's many honourable and friendly parts, 
I hare hitherto only returned promises ; and now, for an* 
surer of both your adventures, I have sent you a bundle of 
papers, which I have divided between your Lordship and 
Sir Robert Cecil, in these two respects chiefly : First, for 
that it is reason that wasteful factors, when they have con- 
sumed such stocks as they had in trust, do yield some co« 
lour for the same in their account : Secondly, for that I 
am assured that whatsoever shall be done or written by me, 
shall need a double protection and defence. The trial 
that I had of both your loves, when I was left of all but 
of malice and revenge, makes me still presume that you 
will be pleased (knowing what little power I had to per- 
form ought, and the great advantage of forewarned ene- 
mies) to answer that out of knowledge which others shall but 
object out of malice. In my more happy times, as I did 
especially honour you both, so I found that your loves 
sought me out in the darkest shadow of adversity, and that 
the ^ame affection which accompanied my better fortune, 
soared not away from me in my many miseries ; all which, 
though I cannot requite, yet I shall ever acknowledge; 
and the great debt, which I have no power to pay, I can 
do no more, for a time, but confess to be due. It is true, 
that as my errors were great, so they have yielded very 
grievous effects; and if ought might have been deserved 
in former times to have counterpoised ny part of offences, 
the fruit thereof (as it seemeth) was long before fallen 
from the tree, and the dead stock only remained. I did, 
therefore, even in the winter of my life, undertake these 
travels, fitter for bodies less blasted with misfortunes, for 
men of greater ability, and for minds of better encourage- 
ment; that thereby, if it were possible, I recover 
but the moderation of excess, aud the least taste of the 
greatest plenty formerly possessed. If I had<known other 
way to win, if I had imagined how greater adventure 



might have regained, if I could conceive what farther 
means I might yet use but even to appease so powerful a 
displeasure, I would not doubt but for one year more to 
hold fast my soul in my teeth till it were performed. Of 
that little remain I had, I have wasted, in effect, all here- 
in; I have undergone many constructions ; I have been ac- 
companied with many sorrows,— with labour, hunger, heat, 
sickness, and peril. It appeareth, notwithstanding, that I 
made no other bravado of going to the sea than was meant, 
and that I was neither hidden in Cornwall, or elsewhere, 
as was supposed. They have grossly belied me, that fore- 
judged that I would rather become a servant to the Spa- 
nish king than return ; and the rest were much mistaken 
who would have persuaded that I was too easeful and 
sensual to undertake a journey of so great travel. But if 
what I have done receive the gracious construction of a 
painful pilgrimage, and purchase the least remission, I 
shall think all too little, and that there were wanting to 
the rest many miseries : But if both the times past, the 
present, and what may be in the future, do all, by one 
grain of gall, continue in an eternal distaste. I do not 
then know whether I should bewail myself either for my 
too much travel and expence, or condemn myself for do- 
ing that which can deserve nothing. From myself I have 
deserved no thanks, for I am returned a beggar, and wi- 
thered ; but that 1 might have bettered my poor estate, it 
shall appear by the following discourse, it 1 had not only 
respected her Majesty's future honour and riches It be- 
came not the former fortune in which I once lived, to go 
journies ot Picorv ; and it had sorted ill with the offices of 
honour which by her Majesty's grace I hold this day in 
England, to run from cape to cape, and from place to 
place, for the pillage of ordinary prizes. Many years 
since, 1 had knowledge, by relation, of that mighty, rich, 
and beautiful empire of Guiana, and of that great and 
golden city which the Spaniards call El Dorado, and the 
naturals Manoa; which city was conquered, re-edified, and 
enlarged by a younger son of Guainacapa, emperor of 
Peru, at snch time a> b rancisoo Pizarro and others con- 
quered the said empire from his two elder brethren, Huas- 
car and Atabalipa : both then contended for the same, the 
one being favoured by the Orciones of Cuzco, the other 
by the people ot Caximalca. I sent my servant Jacob 
Whiddon the year before to get knowledge of the passages, 
and I had some light from Captain Parker, sometime my 
servant, and now attending oq your Lordship, that sucji a * 


place there was to the southward of the great bay of Cba- 
ruas, or Guanipa ; but I found that it was six hundred 
miles farther off than they supposed, and many other im- 
pediments to them unknown and unheard. After I had 
displanted Don Antonio de Berreo, who was upon the same 
enterprise, leaving my ships at Trinidad, at the port call- 
ed Curiapan, I wandered tour hundred miles into the said 
country by land and river ; the particulars I will leave to 
the following Discourse. The country hath more quantity 
of gold bv manifold than the best parts of the Indies or 
Peru ; alf or most of the kings of the borders are already' 
become her Majesty's vassals, and seem to desire nothing 
more than her Majesty's protection, and the return of the 
English nation. It hath another ground and assurance of 
riches and glory than the voyages of the West-Indies, and 
an easier way to invade the best parts thereof than by the 
common course. The king of Spain is not so impoverished 
by taking two or three port-towns in America as we sup- 
pose ; neither are the riches of Peru, or Neuva Espania, 
so left by the sea-side as it can be easily washed away with 
a great flood, or spring- tide, or left dry upon the sands on 
a low ebb. The port-towns are few and poor in respect 
of the rest within the land, and are of little defence, and 
are only rich when the fleets are to receive the treasure for 
Spain ; and we might think the Spaniards very simple, 
having so many horses and slaves, that if they could not 
upon two days warning carry all the gold they have into 
the land, and far enougu from the reach of our footmen, 
especially the Indies being (as it is for the most part) so 
mountainous, so full of woods, rivers, and marshes. In 
the port-towns of the province of Venezuela, as Cumana, 
Coro, and St Ja^o (whereof Coro and St Jago were taken 
by Captain Preston, and Cumana and St Joseph us by us,) 
we found not the value of one rial of plate in either ; but 
the cities of Birquisimeta, Valentia, S Sjoastian, Cororo, 
S. Lucia, Alleguua, Marecabo, and Truxillo, are not so 
easily invaded ; neither doth the burning of uiose on the 
coast impoverish the King of Spain any one ducat : and if 
we sack the river of Hache, S. Maria, and Carthagena, which 
are the ports of Nuey» Rjyno and Popayan, tiiere are be- 
sides within the land, winch are indeed rich and populous, 
the towns and cities of Men da, Lagrita, £. Cunstophero, 
the great cities of Pampelona, S* fc de B >*ota, Tuma, 
and Mozo, where the emeralds are found ; the towns and 
cities of Moriquito, Velis, la Villa de Leua, Patina, Unda, 
Angustura, the great city of Ticuana. Tociaina, S. Aguila, 


Pasto, Juago, the great city of Popayan ittelf, Los Reme- 
dios, and the rest. If we take the ports and villages with- 
in the bay of Uraba, in the kingdom or rivers of Dariena, 
and Carioana, — the cities and towns of S. Juan de Roydas, 
of Cassaris, of Antiocha, Caramanta, Call, and Auserma, 
have gold enough to pay the king part, and are not easily 
invaded by the way of the ocean : or if Nombre de Dios 
and Panama be taken, in the province of Castillo de Oro, 
and the villages upon the rivers of Cenu and Chagre, Pent 
hath besides these, and besides , the magnificent cities of 
Quito and Lima, so many islands, ports, cities, and mines, 
as if I should name them with the rest it would seem in- 
credible to the reader : of all which, because I have writ- 
ten a particular treatise of the West-Indies, I will omit 
their repetition at this time, seeing that in the said treatise 
I have anatomised the rest of the sea-towns, as well of Ni- 
caragua, Jucata, Nueva Espania, and the islands, as those 
of the inland, and by what means they may be best invad- 
ed, as far as my mean judgment can comprehend. But I' 
hope it shall appear that there is a way round to answer 
every man's longing, a better Indies for her Majesty than 
the king of Spain hath an) ; which if it shall please her 
Highness to undertake, I shall most willingly end the rest 
of my days in following the same. If it be left to the 
spoil and sackage of common persons, if the love and ser- 
vice of so many nations be despised, so great riches, and 
so mighty an empire refused, I hope her Majesty will yet 
take my humble desire, and my labour therein, in gracious 

}>art, which if it had not been in respect of her Highness' s 
uture honour and riches, I could have laid hands and ran- 
somed many of the kings and Caciques of the country, aad 
have had a reasonable proportion of gold for their redemp- 
tion ; but I have chosen rather to bear the burden of po- 
verty than reproach, and rather to endure a second travel, 
and the chances thereof, than to have defaced an enter- 
prize of so great assurance, until I knew whether it pleased 
God to put a disposition in her princely and royal heart 
either to follow or to foreslow the same. I will rather leave 
it to his ordinance that hath unly power in all things, and 
do humbly pray that your Honours will excuse such errors 
as, without the defence of art, over- run in every part the 
following discourse, in which I have neither studied phrase, 
form, nor fashion ; and that you will l>e pleased to esteem 
me as your own, (though over dearly bought,) and I shall 
ever remain ready to do you all honour and service* 

W. R. 


Because there have been divers opinions conceited of 
the gold ore brought from Guiana, and for that an alder- 
man of London, and an officer of her Majesty's mint, hath 
given out that the same is of no price, I have thought good, 
by the addition of these lines, to give answer as well to the 
said malicious slander as to other objections. It is true, 
that while we abode at the island of Trinidad, I was in- 
formed by an Indian, that not far from the port where we 
anchored, tbeve were found certain mineral stones which 
they esteemed to be gold, and were thereunto persuaded 
the rather for that they had seen both English and French* 
men father and embark some quantities thereof. Upon this 
likelihood I sent forty men, and gave order that each one 
should bring a stone of that mine, to make trial of the good- 
ness ; which being performed, I assured them at their re* 
turn, that the same was marcasite, and of no riches or va- 
lue. Notwithstanding, divers, trusting more to their own 
than to my opinion, kept of the said marcasite, and have 
tried thereof, since my return, in divers places* In Guiana 
itself I never saw marcasite ; but all the rocks, mountains, 
all stones in the plains, in woods, and by the rivers sides, 
are, in effect, thorough shining, and appear marvellous 
rich ; which being tried to be no marcasite, are the true 
signs of rich minerals, but are no other than el madre del 
oro % (as the Spaniards term them,) which is the mother of 
gold, or, as it is said by others, the scum of gold. Of di- 
vers sorts of these many of my company brought also into 
England, every one taking the fairest for the best, which is 
not general. For mine own part, I did not countermand 
any man's desire or opinion ; and I could have afforded 
them little, if I should have denied them the pleasing of 
their own fancies therein ; but I was resolved that gold must 
be found, either in grains separate from the stone, (as it is 
in most of all the rivers in Guiana,) or else in a kind of 
hard stone, which we call the white spar, of which I saw 
divers hills, and in sundry places, but had neither time, 
nor men, nor instruments fit to labour. Near unto one of 


the rivers I found of the said white spar or flint, a very 
great ledge or bank, which I endeavoured to break by all 
trie means I could, because there appeared on the outside 
some small grains of gold ; but finding no means to work 
the same upon the upper part, seeking the sides and circuit 
of the said rock, I found a clift in the same, from whence, 
with daggers and with the head of an axe, we got out some 
small quantity thereof, of which kind of white stone, 
(wherein gold is engendered,) we saw divers hills and rocks 
in every part of Guiana wherein we travelled. Of this there 
hath been made many trials ; and in London it was first as- 
sayed by Mr Westwood, a refiner dwelling in Wood-street, 
and it held after the rate of twelve thousand or thirteen 
thousand pounds a ton. Another sort was afterwards tried 
hy Mr Bulmar and Mr Dimoke, assaymasters, and it held 
alter the rate of twenty-three thousand pounds a too. 
There was some of it again tried by Mr Palmer, comptrol- 
ler of the mint, and Mr Dimoke, in Goldsmith's Hall, and 
it held after the rate of twenty-six thousand nine hundred 
pounds a ton. There was also at the same time, and by the 
same persons, a triai made of the dust of the said mine, 
which held eight pounds six ounces weight of gold in the 
hundred. There was likewise at the sametime a trial made 
of an image of copper made in Guiana, which held a third 
part gold, besides di?ers trials made in the country, and by 
oihers in London. But because there came of ill with the 
good, and belike the said alderman was not presented with 
the best, it hath pleased him therefore to scandal all die 
rest, and to deface the enterprise as much as in him lieth. 
It hath also been concluded by divers, that if there had 
been any such ore in Guiana, and the same discovered, that 
I would have brought home a greater quantity thereof. 
First, I was not bound to satisfy any man of the quantity, 
but such only as adventured, if any store had been return- 
ed thereof; but it is very true, that had all their mountains 
been of massy gold, it was impossible for us to have made 
any longer stay to have wrought the same ; and whosoever 
hath seen with what strength of stone the best gold ore is 
environed, he will not think it easy to be had out in heaps, 
and especially by us, who had neither men, instruments, 
nor time, (as it is said before,) to perform the same. There 
were on this discovery no less than one hundred persons, 
who can all witness, that when we passed any branch of the 
river to view the land within, and &taid from our boats but 
six hours, we were driven to wade to the eyes at our re- 


turn; and if we attempted the same the day following, it 
was impossible either to ford it or to swim it, botli by rea- 
son of the swiftness, and also for that the borders were so 
pestered with fast woods, as neither boat nor man could 
find place either to land or to embark : for in June, July, 
August, and September, it is impossible to navigate any of 
those rivers ; for such is the fury of the current, and there 
are so many trees and woods overflown, as if any boat but 
touch upon any tree or stake, it is impossible to save any 
one person therein ; and, ere we departed that land, it ran 
with that swiftness as we drove down, most commonly a- 
gainst the wind, little less than one hundred miles a-day. 
Besides, our vessels were no other than wherries, one little 
barge, a small cock-boat, and a bad galliota, which we 
framed in haste for that purpose at Trinidad ; and those 
little boats had nine or ten men a-piece, with all their vic- 
tuals and arms. It is further true, that we were about four 
hundred miles from our ships, and had been a month from 
them, which also we left weakly manned in an open road, 
and had promised our return in fifteen days. Others have 
devised, that the same ore was had from fiarbary, and that 
we carried it with us into Guiana. Surely the singularity 
of that device I do not well x comprehend ; for mine own 
part, I am not so much in love with these long voyages, as 
to devise thereby to cozen myself, to lie hard, to fare worse, 
to be subjected to perils, to diseases, to ill savours, to be 

{tarched and withered, and withal to sustain the care and 
abour of such an enterprise, except the same had more 
comfort than the fetching of marcasite in Guiana, or buy- 
ing of gold ore in Barbary. But I hope the better sort will 
judge me by themselves, and that the way of deceit is not 
the way of honour or good opinion. I have herein consum- 
ed much time and many crowns, and I had no other respect 
or desire than to serve her Majesty and my country there- 
by. If the Spanish nation had been of like belief to these 
detractors, we should little have feared or doubted their at- 
tempts, wherewith we are now daily threatened. But if we 
now consider of the aetions both of Charles V. who had the 
maidenhead of Peru, and the abundant treasures of Ataba- 
lipa, — together with the affairs of the Spanish king now liv- 
ing, what territories he hath purchased, what he hath add* 
ed to the acts of bis predecessors, . how many kingdom* he 
hath endangered, how many armies, garrisons, and navies 
he hath and doth maintain, the great losses which he repair- 
ed,«-~as in eighty-fight above one hundred sail of great ships, 


with their artillery, and that no year is less unfortunate bat 
that many vessels, treasures, and people are devoured; aad 
yet, notwithstanding, he beginneth again, like a storm, to 
threaten shipwreck to us all ; we shall find that these abili- 
ties rise, not from the trades of sacks and Seville oranges, 
nor from aught else that either Spain, Portugal, or any of 
his other provinces produce ; — it is his Indian gold that es- 
dangereth and disturbeth all the nations of Europe ; — it pur- 
chased) intelligence, creepeth into councils, and settetb 
bound loyalty at liberty in the greatest monarchies of Eu- 
rope. If the Spanish king can keep us from foreign enter- 
prises, and from the impeachment of his trades, either by 
offer of invasion, or by besieging us in Britain, Ireland, or 
elsewhere, he hath then brought the work of our peril in 
great forwardness. Those princes which abound in trea- 
sure, have great advantage over the rest, if t$iey once coo* 
strain them to a defensive war, where they are driven once 
a^year, or oftener, to cast lots, for their own iameats; afid 
from such shall all trades and intercourse b<j taken away, 
to the general loss and impoverishment of the kingdom sod 
com moo weal so reduced. Besides, when men are coo- 
strained to fight, it bath not the same hope as when tbey 
are pressed and encouraged by the desire of spoil and rich- 
es. Farther, it is to be doubted how those that in time of 
victory seem to affect their neighbouring nations, will re- 
main after the first view of misfortunes or ill success; to 
trusjt also to the doubtfulness of a battle, is but a fearful 
and uncertain adventure, seeing therein fortune is as likely 
to prevail as virtue. It shall not be necessary to allege all 
that might be said, and therefore I will thus conclude,— *Tbat 
whatsoever kingdom shall be en forced to defend itself, m&7 
be compared to a body dangerously diseased, which for a 
season may be preserved with vulgar medicines ; but ia a 
short time, and by little and little, the same must needs fall 
to the ground and be dissolved. I have therefore laboured 
all my life, both according to my small power and persua- 
sion, to advance all those attempts that might either pro* 
mise return or profit to ourselves, or at least be a let or im- 
peachment to the quiet course and plentiful trades of the 
Spanish nation, who, in my weak judgment, by sucb a war 
were as easily endangered and brought from his powerful* 
ness as any prince in Europe; if it be considered from hotf 
many kingdoms and nations his revenues are gathered, **** 
those so weak in their own beings, and so far severed fro» 
iputual succour. But because sucb a preparation and f** 


solution is not to be hoped for in haste, and that the time 
which our enemies embrace cannot be had again to advan- 
tage, I will hope that these provinces and that empire now 
by me discovered, shall suffice to enable her Majesty, and 
the whole kingdom, with no less quantities of treasure than 
that the King of Spain hath in all the Indies, East and 
West, which he possesseth ; which, if the same be consider- 
ed and followed, ere the Spaniards reinforce the same, and 
if her Majesty will undertake it, I will be contented to lose 
her Highness' s favour and good opinion for ever, and my 
life withal, if the same be not found rather to exceed than 
to equal whatsoever is in this discourse promised or declar- 
ed. I will now refer the reader to the following discourse, 
with the hope that the perilous and chargeable labours and 
endeavours of such as thereby seek the profit and honour 
of her Majesty and the English nation, shall, by men of 
quality and virtue, receive such construction and good ac- 
ceptance, as themselves would look to be rewarded withal 
in the like. 

W. R. 




ON Thurtday the stetb o£ February, in the year 
1595, we departed (England, and Jbhe Sunday 
Jbllowing had $ight of the north cape of Spain, the 
wind far the mast part laatmuii^g prosperous* We 
passed in sight of the Burstings and the Rock, and so 
onwards for the Canaries ; and feU in with Fuerte 
Ventura the seventeenth of the aanae month, where 
iv£ speat two or three days, and relieved x>ur compa- 
nies with some fresh <meat. from thence we coast- 
*d by the Gran Gauaria, and so to TenerifFe, and 
ataid there for the Lion'* Whelp, your lordship's 
ship, and for Captain Amias Preston, and the rest* 
But when, after seven *>r eight days, we found them 
not, we departed, and directed our course for Trim* 
dad with mine own ship, and a small bark of Cap-^ 
tain Cross's only, (for we had before lost sight of a 
small gallego an the coast of Spain, which came with 
us from Plymouth.) We arrived at Trinidad the 
twenty-second of March, casting anchor at Point 
Cttrtapan, which the Spaniards call Punto de Gailo, 
which is situate in eight degrees, or thereabouts* 
We abode itherp four or five days } and in all that 
time we came, not to the speech of any Indian or 
Spaniard* On the wast we saw a fir?, as we sailed 
..Vol. YL cc 

1 8 VOYAGE* 

from the point Carao towards Curiapan ; but, for 
fear of the Spaniards, none durst come to speak with 
us. I my sell coasted it in my barge close aboard the 
shore, and landed in every cove, the better to know 
the island, while the ships kept the channel. From 
Curiapan, after a few days, we turned up north-east, 
to recover that place which the Spaniards call Puer- 
to de los Hispanioles, and the inhabitants Conquer- 
abia ; and as before (re-victualling my barge) I left 
the ships and kept by the shore, the better to come 
to speech with some of the inhabitants, and also to 
understand the rivers, watering-places, and ports of 
the island, which (as it is rudely done) my purpose 
is to send your lordship after a few days. From Cu- 
riapan, I came to a port and seat of Indians called 
Parico, where we found a fresh-water river, but saw 
no people. From thence I rowed to another port, 
called by the naturals Piche, and by the Spaniards 
Tierra de Brea. Iri the way between both were di- 
vers Kttle brooks of fresh water, and one salt river, 
that had store of oysters upon the branches of the 
trees, and were very salt and well-tasted. All their 
oysters grow upon those boughs and sprays, and not 
on the ground ; the like is commonly seen in the 
West Indies, and elsewhere. This tree is described 
by Andrew Thevet, in his France Antartic ; and the 
form figured in his book, as a plant very strange ; 
and by Pliny, in his twelfth book of his Natural His- 
tory; but in this island, as also in Guiana, there are 
very many of them. 

At this point, called Tierra de Brea, or Piche, 
there is that abundance of stone-pitch, that all the 
ships of the world may be therewith laden from 
thence; and we made trial of it in trimming our 
ships to be most excellent good, and meketh not 
with the sun as the pitch of Norway, and therefore, 
for ships trading to the south parts* very profitable. 
From thence we went to the mountain 1 foot called 
Annaperima ; and so . passing the river Carone, ou 


which the- Spanish city was seated, we met with our 
ships at Puerto de-los Hispanioles, or Conquerabia. 

This island of Trinidad hath the form of a sheep* 
hook, and is but narrow. The north part is very 
mountainous; the soil is very excellent, and will 
bear sugar, ginger, or any other commodity that the 
Indies yield. It hath store of deer, wild porks, fruits, 
fish, and fowl. It hath also for bread, sufficient maize, 
cassavi, and of those roots and fruits which are com- 
mon everywhere in the West Indies. It hath divers 
beasts, which the Indies have not* The Spaniards 
confessed that they found grains of gold in some of 
the rivers ; but they having a purpose to enter Gui- 
ana, (the magazine of all rich metals,) cared not to 
spend time in the search thereof any farther. This 
island is called by the people thereof Cairi, and in it 
are divers nations ; those about Parico are called 
Iaio, those at Punto Carao are of the Arwacas, and 
between Carao and Curiapan they are called Salva- 
ios ; between Carao and Punto Galera are the Ne- 
poios, and those about the Spanish city term them- 
selves Carinepagotos. Of the rest of the nations, 
and of other ports and rivers, I leave to speak here, 
being impertinent to my purpose, and mean to de- 
scribe them as they are situate in the particular plot 
and description of the island, three parts whereof I 
coasted with my barge, that I might the better de- 
scribe it. 

Meeting with the ships at Puerto de los Hispani- 
oles, we found at the landing-place a company of 
Spaniards, who kept a guard at the descent ; and they 
offering a sign of peace, I sent Captain Wbiddon to 
speak with them; whom afterward, to my great grief, 
I left buried in the said island, after my return from 
Guiana, being a man most honest and valiant. The 
Spaniards seemed to be desirous to trade with us, 
and to enter into terms of peace, more for doubt of 
their own strength than for ought else ; and in tbe 
end, upon pledge, some of them came aboard. The 

c c 2 


tame evening there stole aboard us, til a daiall 
noe, two Indians ; the one of thAm being a Caciqu** 
or lord of people* called Cantymati* who had the 
year before been with Captain Whiddoa* and was of 
his acquaintance. By this Cantyman, we under- 
stood what strength the Spaniards had,*-4iow far it 
was to their tity,-~and ot Don Antonio de Berrafc 
the governor, who was said to be slain in hid secoad 
attempt of Guiana, but was not. 

While We remained at Puerto de los Hispa»iole% 
some Spaniards came aboard us to buy linen of the 
Company, and such other tilings as they wanted* and 
also to view our ships and oootipany # -*Hill which !*!*» 
tertaiaed kindlv, and feasted after our manner : by 
. means whereof, I learned of one and 'another as 
much of the estate of Guiana as I could, or aft thfey 
kntew ; for those poor soldiers, having been maajr 
years without wine, a few draughts made theta mer- 
ry ; in which mood they vaunted of Gtriaila» and of 
the riches thereof, atid all what they knew of the 
ways and passages, myself seeming to purpose no- 
thing less than the entrance or discovery tiieret>£ 
but bred in them an opinion that I was bound only 
for the relief of those English which I had planted 
in Virginia, whereof the bruit was come among 
them ; which I had performed in my return, if extre- 
mity of weather had not forced me from the said 

I found occasions of staying in this place for two 
causes ; the one was to be revenged of Berreo, what 
the year before, betrayed eight ot Captain Whoddon's 
men, and took them, while he departed from them 
to seek the E. Bonaventune, which arrived at Tri- 
nidad the day before from the East Indies.; in whose 
absence Berreo sent a canoe aboard the pitinace, on- 
ly with Indians and dogs, inviting the company to 
go with them into the woods to kill a deer, who like 
wise men, in the absence of their captain, followed 
the Indians j font were no sooner one JuuNpiebusa- 


shot from the shore, but Berreo^ soldiers, lying in 
ambush, had them all, notwithstanding that he had 
given his word to Captain Whiddon that they should 
take water and wood safely. The other cause of my 
stay was, for that, by discourse with the Spaniards, I 
daily learnt more and more of Guiana,*— of the ri- 
vers and passages, — and of the enterprise of Berreo, 
— by what means or fault he failed,— and how he 
meant to prosecute the same. 

While we thus spent the time, I was assured by 
another Cacique of the north side of the island, that' 
Berreo had sent to Marguerita, and to Cumana, for 
soldiers, meaning to have given me a cassado at 
parting, if it had been possible. For although he 
had given order through all the island, that no In- 
dian should come aboard to trade with me upon pain 
of hanging or quartering, (having executed two of 
them for the same, which I afterwards found), yet 
every night there came some, with most lamentable 
complaints of his cruelty ; — how he had divided the* 
island, and given to every soldier a part ; that he 
made the ancient Caciques, which were lords of the 
country, to be their slaves ; that he kept them in 
chains, and dropped their naked bodies with burning 
bacon, and such other torments, which I found af- 
terwards to be true. For in the city, after I entered 
the same, there were five of the lords, or little kings 
(which they call Caciques in the West Indies), in one 
chain, almost dead of famine, and wasted with tor* 
ments. These are called, in their own language, 
Acarewana\ and now of late, since English, French, 
and Spanish are come among them, they call them- 
selves Capitains, because they perceive that the chief- 
est of every ship is called by that name. Those five 
capitains in the chain were called Wannawanare, Car- 
oaori, Maquarima, Tarroopanama, and Aterima. So 
as both to be revenged of the former wrong, as also 
considering that to enter Guiana by small boats, Uy 
depart four or five hundred miles from my ships, and 


to leave a garrison in my back interested in the same 
enterprise, who also daily expected supplies out of 
Spain, I should have savoured very much of the ass; 
and therefore, taking a time of most advantage, I set 
upon the corps du guard in the evening, and having 
put them to the sword, sent Captain Galfield onward 
with sixty soldiers, and myself followed with forty 
more, and so took their new city, which they called 
S. Joseph, by break of day* They abode not any 
fight after a few shot ; and all being dismissed but 
only Berreo and his companion, I brought them with 
me aboard j and, at the instance of the Indians, I set 
their new city of S, Joseph on fire. 

The same day arrived Captain George Gifford with 
your lordship's ship, and Captain Keymis, whom I 
lost on the coast of Spain, with the gallego, and in 
them divers gentlemen and others, which to our lit- 
tle army was a great comfort and supply. 

We then hastened away towards our purposed dis- 
covery; and first I called all the captains of the island 
together that were enemies to the Spaniards ; (for 
there were some which Berreo had brought out of 
other countries and planted there to eat out and 
waste those that were natural of the place j) and by 
my Indian interpreter, which I carried out of Eng- 
land, I made them understand that I was the servant 
of a queen who was the great Cacique of the North, 
and a virgin, and had more Caciques under her than 
there were trees in their island ; that she was an ene- 
my to the Castellans, in respect of their tyranny and 
oppression ; and that she delivered all such nations 
about her as were by them oppressed ; and having 
freed all the coast of the northern world from their 
servitude, had sent me to free them also, and withal 
to defend the country of Guiana from their invasion 
and conquest I shewed them her Majesty's picture, 
which they so admired and honoured, as it had been 
easy to have brought them idolatrous thereof. 


The like, and a more large discourse I made to 
the rest of the nations, both in passing to Guiana 
and to those of the borders; so as in that part of the 
world her Majesty is very famous and admirable, 
whom they now call Ezrabeta Cassipuna Aquerevca- 
na> which is as much as, Elizabeth the great prin- 
cess, or great commander. This done, we left Puer- 
to de los Hispanioles, and returned to Curiapan ; and 
having Berreo my prisoner, I gathered from him as 
much of Guiana as he knew. 

This Berreo is a gentleman well descended, and 
had long served the Spanish king in Milan, Naples, 
the low countries, and elsewhere, very valiant and 
liberal, and a gentleman of great assuredness, and 
of a great heart. I used him according to his estate 
and worth in all things I could, according to the 
small means I had. 

I sent Captain Whiddon the year before to get 
what knowledge he could of Guiana; and the end of 
my journey, at this time, was to discover and enter 
the same ; but my intelligence was far from truth, 
for the country is situate ahove six hundred English 
miles further from the sea than I was made to believe 
it had been; which afterwards understanding to be 
true by Berreo, 1 kept it from the knowledge of my 
company, who else would never have been brought 
to attempt the same ; of which ai x hundred miles I 
passed four hundred, leaving my ships so far from 
me at anchor in the sea, which was more of desire 
to perform that discovery, than of reason, especially 
having such poor and weak vessels to transport our- 
selves in : for in the bottom of an old gallego, which 
I caused to be fashioned like a galley, and in one 
barge, two wherries, and a ship-boat of the Lion's 
Whelp, we carried one hundred persons, and, their 
victuals for a month in the same ; being all driven to 
lie in the rain and weather, in the open air, ia the 
burning sun, and upon the hard boards, and to dress 
our meat, and to carry all manner of furniture in 


them ; wherewith they were so pestered and un&u 
vary, that what with victual** being most fish, with 
the wet clothes of 90 many men thrust together, and 
tiie heat of the sun, I wilt undertake there was never 
any prison in England that could be found more un- 
savory and loathsome, especially to- myself, who had 
for many years before been dieted and cared for h* 
sort for differing. 

If Captain Preston had not been persuaded that he 
should have come too late to Trinidad to have found 
us there, (for the month was expired which I promis- 
ed to tarry for him there, ere he could recover the 
coast of Spain,) but that it had pleased God he might 
have joined with us, and that we bad entered the 
country but some ten day 9 sooner, ere the rivers were 
overflown, we had adventured either to have gome to 
the great city of Manoa, or at least taken so many of 
the other cities and towns nearer at hand, as would 
have made a royal return j but it pleased not God so 
much to favour me at this time. If it shall be my 
lot to prosecute the same, I shall willingly spend my 
life therein ; and if any else shall be enabled there* 
unto, and conquer the same, I assure him thus much,—* 
he shall perform more than ever was done in Mexico 
by Cortes, or in Peru by Pizarro, whereof the one 
conquered the empire of Montezuma, the other of 
Huascar and Atabalipa; and whatsoever prince shall 
possess it, that prince shall be lord of more gold, and 
of a more beautiful empire, and of more cities and 

?eople, than either the king of Spain or the Great 
But because there may arise many doubts, and 
how this empire of Guiana is become so populous, 
and adorned with so many great cities, towns, tern* 
pies, and treasures, I thought good to make it known 
that the emperor now reigning is descended from 
those magnificent princes of Peru, of whose large 
territories,— of whose policies, conquests, edifices, 
pud riches, Pedro de Cie$a, Francisco IiOpez, and 

to etfiAHl. 35 

others, have written large discourses* For when 
Francisco Fizarro* Diego Almagro, and others, con- 

3uered the said empire of Peru, and had put to death 
Ltabalipa, son to Guaynacapa, (which AtabaKpa had 
formerly caused his eldest brother Huasear to be slant,) 
one of the younger sons of Guaynacapa fled out of 
Peru, and took with him many thousands of those 
soldiers of the empire called Oreiones ; and with those, 
and many others that followed him, he vanquished all 
that tract and valley of America which is situate be- 
tween the great rivers of the Amazons and Bara- 
quan, otherwise called Orinoco and Marannon. 

The empire of Guiana is directly east from Peru 
towards 5 the sea, and lieth under the equinoctial line; 
and it hath more abundance of gold than any part of 
Peru, and as many, or more great cities than ever Pe- 
nt had when it flourished most It is governed by 
the same laws, and the emperor and people observe 
the same religion, and the same form and policies in 
government as was used in Peru, not differing in any 
part ; and as I have been assured by such of the Spa* 
niafrds as have seen Manoa, the imperial city of 
Guiana, which the Spaniards call el Dorado, that for 
the greatness, the riches, and for the excellent seat, 
it far exceedeth any of the world, at least of so much 
of the world as is known to the Spanish nation. It 
is founded upon a lake of salt-water of two hundred 
leagues long, like unto Mare Caspium ; and if we 
compare it to that of Peru, and but read the report 
of Francisco Lopez, and others, it will seem more 
than credible ; and because we may judge of the one 
by the other, I thought good to insert a part of the 
one hundred and twentieth chapter of Lopez, in his 
General History of the Indies, wherein he describeth 
the court and magnificence of Guaynacapa, ancestor 
to the emperor of Guiana, whose very words are 
these :— ■' Todo el servicio de su casa, mesa, y cozi- 
* na era de oro, y de plata^y quando menos de plata, 
' y cobre por mas rezio. Tenia en su recamara esta- 


c <tua* huetas de oro que parecian gigantes* y las fi- 
'guras al propio, y tamano de quantos animates, 
'. aves, arbples, y yervas produze la tierra, y de quan- 
€ tos peces cria la mar y aguas de sus reynos. Tenia 
4 assi mesmo sqgas, costales, cestas, y troxes de oro 
' y plata, rimeros de palos de oro, que parectessen 

* lenna raiada para quemar. En fin, no avia cosa en 

* su tierra, que no la tuvisse de oro contrahecha ; y 
€ aun dizen, que tenian los Ingas un vergel en una 

* Ista cerca de la Puna, donde se y van a holgar, 

* quando querian mar, que tenia la ortaliza, las flores, 

* yarboles de oro y plata, invencion y grandeza hasta 

* entonces nunca vista. Allende de todo esto tenia 
€ infinitissimia cantidad de plata, y oro por Jabrar en 
4 el Cuzco, que se perdio por la muerte de Guascar, 

* ca los Indios lo escondieron viepdo que los .Esp&- 

* nioles se lo tomauan, v embiauan a Espania. 1 That 
is,— V All the vessels of his house, table, and kitchen, 
were of gold and silver, and the meanest of silver 
and copper, for strength and hardness of the metal* 
He had in his wardrobe hollow statues of gold, 
which seemed giants, and the figures in proportion 
and bigness of all the beasts, birds, trees, and herbs 
which the earth bringeth forth, and of all the fishes 
that the sea or waters of his kingdom breedeth. He 
had also ropes, budgets, chests, and troughs of gold 
and silver, heaps of billets of gold, that seemed wood 
marked out to burn. Finally, there was nothing in 
his country whereof he had not the counterfeit in 
gold. Yea, and they say, the Incas had a garden of 
pleasure in an island near Puna, where they went to 
recreate themselves when they would take the air of 
the sea, which had all kind of garden herbs, flowers, 
and trees, of gold and silver, an invention, and mag- 
nificence, till then never seen. Besides all this, he 
had an infinite quantity of silver and gold unwrought 
iu Cuzco, which was lost by the death of Huascar ; for 
the Indians hid it, seeing that the Spaniards took it 
and sent it into Spain/ 


Aad in the hundred and. seventeenth chapter,— 
Francisco Pizarro caused the gold and silver of Ata- 
balipa to be weighed, after he had taken it, which 
Lopez setteth down in these words following: — 
* Hallaron cihquenta y dos mil marcos de buena 
c ,plata, y un millon y trezientos y veinte y seys mil, 
c y quimentos pesos de oro.' Which is — They found 
fifty-two thousand marks of good silver, and one 
million three hundred twenty and six thousand and 
five hundred pesoes of gold. 

Now although these reports may seem strange, 
yet if we consider the many millions which are daily 
Drought out of Peru into Spain, we may easily be- 
lieve the same ; for we find, that by the abundant 
treasure of that country, the Spanish king vexeth all 
the princes of Europe; and is become, in a few years, 
from a poor king of Castile* the greatest monarch of 
this part of the world, and likely every day to in- 
crease, if other princes foreslow the good occasion 
offered, and suffer him to add this empire to the 
rest, which by far exceedeth all the rest : if his gold 
now endanger us, he will then be irresistible* Such 
of the Spaniards as afterward endeavoured the con- 

auest thereof, (whereof there have been many, as 
iiaU be declared hereafter,) thought that this Inca 
(of whom this emperor now living is descended) 
took his way by the river of Amazons, by. that 
branch which is called Papamene ; for by that way 
followed Orellano, (by the commandment of the 
Marquis Pizarro in the year fifteen hundred and 
forty-two,) whose name the river also beareth this 
day $ which is also by others called Marannoo, al- 
though Andrew Thevet doth affirm, that "betweten 
Marannon and Amazons there are one hundred and 
twenty leagues ; but sure it is, that these rivers have 
one head and beginning, and that Marannon, which 
Thevet describeth, is but a branch of Amazons, or 
Orellano, of which I will speak more in another 
place, It .was also attempted by Diego Ordas, but 


whether before Orellano, or after, I know net : but 
it is now little less than seventy years since that Or- 
das, a knight of the order of St Jago, attempted 
the same ; and it was in the year fifteen hundred 
and forty-two that Orelkuio discovered the river of 
Amazons ; but the first that ever saw Manoa wa$ 
Johannes Martines, master of the munition to Or- 
das. At a port called Morequito in Guiana there 
lieth* at this day, a great anchor of Ordas's ship ; 
and this port is some three hundred miles within the 
land, upon the great river of Orinoco* 

I rested at this port four days, twenty days after 
I left the ships at Curiapan. The relation of this 
Martines, (who was the first that discovered Ma- 
Doa,) his success, and end, is to be seen in the chan- 
cery of St Juan de Puerto Rico, whereof Berreo bad 
a copy, which appeared to be the greatest encourage- 
ment, as well to Berreo as to others that formerly 
attempted the discovery and conquest. OreJlano, 
after he failed of the discovery of Guiana by the 
said river of Amazons, passed into Spain, and there 
obtained a patent of the king for the invasion and 
conquest, but died by sea about the islands* and his 
fleet being severed by tempest, the action for that 
time proceeded not. Diego Ordas followed the 
enterprise, and departed Spain with six hundred 
soldiers, and thirty horse, who arriving on the coasts 
of Guiana, was slain in a mutiny, with the most part 
of such as favoured him, as also of the rebellious 
part, insomuch as his ships perished, and few or 
none returned ; neither was it certainly known what 
became of the said Ordas, until Berreo found the 
anchor of his ship in the river of Orinoco ; but it 
was supposed, and so it is written by Lopez, that he 
perished on the seas, and of other writers diversly 
conceived and reported. And hereof it came that 
Martines entered so far within the land, and arrived 
at that city of Inca the emperor ; for it chanced, 
that while Ordas with his army rested at the port of 


- Mweqt2to> (who was either the first or second that 
attempted Guiana,) by some negligence, the whole 
store of powder provided for the service was set on 
Are, ana Marlines, having the chief charge, was 
condemned by the general Ordas to be executed 
forthwith. Marlines, being much favoured by the 
' soldiers, had all the means possible procured for his 
h£e % but it could not be obtained in other sort than 
ihts,-That he should be set into a canoe alone, without 
any victuals, only with his arms, and so turned loose 
into the great river* But it pleased God that the ca- 
met was carried down the stream, and that certain 
ef the Gtiiamans met it the same evening, and hav- 
ing? not at any time seen any Christian, nor any man 
or that <colour, they carried Marlines into the land 
to be wondered at, And so from town to town, until 
be came to the great city of Maaoa, the seat and re- 
sidence of Inca the emperor. The emperor, after 
he had beheld him, knew him to be a Christian, (for 
it was not loqg before that his brethren, Huascar 
and Atabalipa, were vanquished by the Spaniards in 
Peru,) and caused him to be lodged in his palace, 
and weU entertained. He lived seven months in Ma- 
bob, but not suffered to wander into the country amr 
where; he was also brought thither all the way blina- 
lol4 led by the Indians, until he came to the en* 
trance «of Manoa itself, and was fourteen or fifteen 
days m the passage. He avowed at his death, that 
he entered the oity at noon, and then they uncover- 
^d his face, and that he travelled all that day, tQl 
fright, through the city, and the next day from sun- 
ris&og to sun*setting, ere he came to the palace of 
Inca. After that Martines had laved seven months 
in MaAoa, and begun to understand the language of 
the country, l»ca asked him whether he desired 
to return into his own country, or would willingly 
•*bid£ with him ; but Marti«es, not desirous to stay, 
obtained the favour of Itica to depart, with whom 
■he sent divers Guiaawni to Conduct him to th$ river 


of Orinoco, all loaden with as much gold as they 
could carry, which he gave to Martines at his depar- 
ture ; but when he was arrived near the river's side, 
the borderers, which are called Oroonokoponi, rob* 
bed him and his Guianians of all the treasure, (die 
borderers being at that time at war with Inca, and 
not conquered,) save only of two great bottles of 
gourds, which were filled with beads of gold curiously 
wrought, which those Oroonokoponi thought had 
been no other thing than his drink, or meat, or grain 
for food, with which Martines had liberty to pass ; 
and so in canoes he fell down by the river of Orin- 
oco to Trinidad, and from thence to Marguerita, 
and so to St Juan de Puerto Rico, where remaining 
a long time for a passage into Spain, he died. In 
the time of his extreme sickness, and when he was 
without hope of life, receiving the sacrament at the 
hands of his confessor, he delivered these things, 
with the relation of his travels ; and also called for 
his calabaza, or gourds of the gold beads, which be 
gave to the church and friars to be prayed for. 

This Martines was he that christened the city of Ma- 
noa by the name of 22/ Dorado, and, as Berreo inform- 
ed me, upon this occasion. Those Guianians, and al- 
so the borderers, and all others in that tract which I 
have seen, are marvellous great drunkards, in which 
vice I think no nation can compare with them ; and 
at the times of their solemn feasts, when the emperor 
carouseth with his captains, tributaries, and gover- 
nors, the manner is thus : All those that pledge him 
are first stripped naked, and their bodies anointed 
all over with a kind of white balsamum, by them called 
curcai, of which there is great plenty, and yet very 
dear amongst them, and it is of all other the most 
precious, whereof we have had good experience. 
When they are anointed all over, certain servants of 
the emperor, having prepared gold made into fine 

Sowder, blow it through hollow canes upon their na- 
ed bodies, until they be all shining from the foot to 


the head ; and in this sort they sit drinking by twen- 
ties and hundreds, and continue in drunkenness 
sometimes six or seven days together. The same is 
also confirmed by a letter written into Spain, which 
was intercepted, which Master Robert Dudley told 
me he had seen. Upon this sight, and for the abun- 
dance of gold which he saw in the city, the images 
of gold in their temples, the plates, armours, and 
shields of gold which they use in the wars, he called 
it El Dorado. 

After Orellano, who was employed by Pizarro, 
afterwards Marquis Pizarro, conqueror and go- 
vernor of Peru, and the death of Ordas and Mar- 
tines, one Pedro de Or sua, a knight of Navarre, 
attempted Guiana, taking his way from Peru, and 
built his brigantines upon a river called Oia, which 
riseth to the southward of Quito, and is very great. 
This river falleth into Amazons, by which Orsua 
with his companies descended, and came out of that 
province which is called Mutylones: and it seetneth 
to me, that this empire is reserved for her majesty 
and the English nation, by reason of the hard suc- 
cess which all these and other Spaniards found in 
attempting the same, whereof I will speak brieffly, 
though impertinent, in some sort, to my purpose. 
This Pedro de Orsua had among his troops a Biscay- 
an called Aguirre, a man meanly born, and bore no 
other office than a serjeant, or alftrez ; but after cer- 
tain months, when the soldiers were grieved with 
travels, and consumed with famine, and that no en- 
trance could be found by the branches or body of 
Amazons, this Aguirre raised a mutiny, of which he 
made himself the head, and so prevailed, as he put 
Orsua to the sword, and all his followers ; taking on 
him the whole charge and commandment, with a 
purpose not only to make himself emperor of Guiana, 
but also of Peru, and of all that side of the West In- 
dies. He had of his party seven hundred soldiers, 
and of those, many promised to draw in other cap- 
tains and companies to deliver up towns and forts in 


. Peru ; but neither finding by the said river any pas* 
sage into Guiana, nor any possibility to return to- 
wards Peru by the same Amazons, by reason that 
the descent of the river made so great a current, he 
was enforced to disembogue at the mouth of the said 
Amazons, which cannot be less than a thousand 
leagues from the place where thev embarked : from 
thence he coasted the land till ne arrived at Mar- 
guerite, to the north of Motnpatar, which is at this 
day called Puerto de Tyranno, for that he there slew 
Don Juan de ViMa Andreda, governor of Margueri- 
ta, who was father to Don Juan Sermt ento, governor 
of Marguerita when Sir John Burgh landed there, 
and attempted the island. Aguitre put to the sword 
all others in the island .that refused to be of his par- 
tv, and toek with him certain Ceremones, and other 
desperate companions. Prom thence he went to Cu- 
jmana, and there slew the governor, and dealt in all 
as at Marguerita;; he spoiled all the coast of Cara- 
cas, and the province of Venezuela, and of Rio de 
Hache j and, as I remember, it was the same year 
that Sir John Hawkins sailed to St Juan de Lua, in 
the Jesus of Lubeck ; for himself told me, that he 
met with such a one upon the coast that rebelled!, 
and had sailed down all the river of Amazons. Agu- 
irre, from hence, landed about Sancta Marta, and 
packed it also, putting to death so many as refused to 
lie his followers, purposing to invade Nuevo Rey- 
no de Granada, and to sack Pampelone, Merida, 
JLqgrka, Tuvia, and the rest of the cities of Nuevo 
ileyno, and from thence again to enter Peru ; but 
in a fight in the said Nuevo. Reyno he was over* 
thrown, and finding no way to escape, he first put to 
the swoud bis own children ; foretelling them that 
•they should not live to be defamed, or upbraided by 
the Spaniards after his death, who would have term- 
ed them the children of a traitor or tyrant, and that 
pince he could not make them princes, he would yet 
.deliver them from shame and reproach. These were 


the ends and tragedies of Orellano, Ordas, Orsua, 
Marlines, and Aguirre. 

After these followed Jeronimo Ortal de Saragosa 
with one hundred and thirty soldiers, who failing his 
entrance by sea, was cast with the current on the 
coast of Paria, and peopled about S. Miguel de Neu- 
eri. It was then attempted by Don Pedro de Sylva, 
a Portuguese of the family of Rigomes de Sylva, and 
by the favour which Rigomes had with the king he 
was set out ; but he also shot wide of the mark ; for 
being departed from Spain with his fleet, he entered 
by M arannon or Amazons, where, by the nations of 
the river, and by the Amazons, he was utterlv over- 
thrown, and himself and all his army defeated; only 
seven escaped, and of those but two returned, 

After him came Pedro Hernandes de Serpa, and 
landed at Cumanain the West Indies, taking his 
journey by land towards Orinoco, which may be 
some hundred and twenty leagues ; but ere he came 
to the borders of the said river, he was set upon by 
a nation of Indians called Wikiri, and overthrown in 
such sort, that of three hundred soldiers, horsemen, 
many Indians and Negroes, there returned but eigh- 
teen. Others affirm that he was defeated in the ve- 
ry entrance of Guiana, at the first civil town of the 
empire, called Macureguarai. Captain Preston, in 
taking S. Jago de Leon, (which was by him and his 
companies very resolutely performed, being a great 
town, and far within the land,) held a gentleman 
prisoner, who died in his ship, that was one of the 
company of Hernandes de Serpa, and saved among 
those that escaped, who witnessed what opinion is 
held among the Spaniards thereabouts of the great 
riches of Guiana, and £1 Dorado, the city of lnca. 
Another Spaniard was brought aboard me by cap- 
tain Preston, who told me in the hearing of himself 
and divers other gentlemen, that he met with Ber- 
reo's camp-master at Caraccas, when he came from 
the borders of Quiana, and that he saw with him 

Vol. VI. d d 

84 VOY^ES 

forty of most pure plates of gold curiously wrought, 
and swords of Guiana decked and inlaid with gold, 
feathers garnished with gold* and divers rarities 
which he carried to the Spanish king. 

After Hernandez de Serpa, it was undertake^ by 
the Adelantado, Don Gonzalo Ximenes de Quesada, 
yrho was one of the chiefest in the conquest of Nue» 
vo Reyno ; whose daughter and heir Don Antoqiq 
de Berreo married* Gonzalo sought the passage 
also by the river called Papamene, which riseth by 
Quito in Peru, and runneth south-east one hundred 
leagues, and then falleth into the Amazooes ; but fo? 
also failing the entrance, returned with the loss of 
much labour and cost i I took Que captain George, 
a Spaniard, that followed GonzaJo in this enterprise. 
Gonzala gave his daughter to Berreo, taking his 
oath and honour to follow the enterprise to the last 
of his substance and life ; who since, as he hath 
sworn to me, hath spent three hundred thousand du» 
cats in the same, and yet never could enter so far in* 
to the land as myself, with that pQor troop, or rather 
handful of men, being in all about one hundred gen* 
tleuxen, soldiers, rowers, boat*keepers, boys, and of 
all sorts : neither could any of the forepassed under- 
takers, nor Berreo himself, discover the country, 
till now lately, by conference with an ancient king 
called Carapana, he got the true light thereof; for 
Berreo came above fifteen hundred miles ere he un-» 
derstood ought, or could find any passage or entrance 
into any part thereof ; yet be had experience of all 
these fo renamed, and divers others, and was per- 
suaded of their errors and mistaking. BerreQ 
sought it by the river Cassanar, which falleth into * 

Sreat river called Pato > Pato falleth into Meta, and 
i eta into Baracjuan, which is also called Orinoco, 
He took his journey from Nuevo Revno de Gra- 
nada, where be dwelt, having the inheritance of 
Gonzalo Ximenes in those part*. He was followed 
vtitl\ seven hundred horse} he drove with him 4 


thousand head of cattle ; he had also many women. 
Indians, and slaves. How all these rivers cross and 
encounter ; how the country lieth, and is bordered ; 
the passage of Ximenes, and of Berreo ; mine own 
discovery, and the way that I entered, with all tHe 
rest of the nations and rivers,-— your lordship shall re- 
ceive in a large chart, or map, which I have not yet 
finished, and which 1 shall most humbly pray your 
lordship to secret, and not to suffer it to pass your 
owrj hands ; for by a draught thereof all may be pre- 
vented by other nations. For I know it is this very 
year sought by the French, although by the way that 
they now take I fear it not much. It was also told 
me ere I departed England, that Villiers the admi» 
ral was in preparation for the planting of Amazons* 
to which river the French have made divers voyages, 
and returned much gold. and other rarities. 1 spoke 
with a captain of a French ship that came from 
thence, his ship riding in Falmouth, the same year 
that my ships came first from Virginia* 

There was another this year in Helford that also 
came from thence, and had been fourteen months at 
an anchor in Amazons, which were both very rich. 
Although, as I am persuaded, Guiana cannot be en- 
tered that way, yet no doubt the trade of gold from 
thence passeth by branches of rivers into the river of 
Amazons, and so it doth on every hand far from the 
country itself: for those Indians of Trinidad have 
plates of gold from Guiana, and those cannibals of 
Dominica, which dwell in the islands by which our 
ships pass yearly to the West Indies; also the lpdians 
of Paria; those Indians called Tucaris, Chochi, Apo* 
tomios, Cumanagotos, and all those other nations in- 
habiting near about the mountains that run from Pa- 
ria through the province of Venezuela, and in Mara- 
capana ; and the cannibals of Guanipa, the Indians 
called Assawai, Coaca, Aiai, and the rest, (all which 
shall be described in my description as they are si- 
tuate,) have plates of gold of Guiana. And upon 

d d 2 


the river of Amazons, Thevet writeth, that the 
people wear crescents of gold ; for of that form the 
Guianians most commonly make them. So as from 
Dominica to Amazons, which is above two hundred 
and fifty leagues, all the chief Indians in all parts 
wear of those plates of Guiana. Undoubtedly those 
that .trade with the Aiqazpns return much gold, 
which (as is aforesaid) cometh by trade from Guia? 
na, by some branch of a river that falleth from the 
country into Amazons ; and either it is by the ri- 
ver which passeth by the nations called Tisnados, or 
by Carepuna. 

I made inquiry amongst the most ancient and 
best travelled^ of the Orenoqueponi, and I had 
knowledge of all the rivers between Orinoco and 
Amazons, and was very desirous to understand 
the truth of those warlike women, because of some 
it is believed, of others not. And though I digress 
from my purpose, yet I will set down what hath been 
delivered me for truth of those women; and I spoke 
with a Cacique, or lord of the people, that tola me 
he had been in the river, and beyond it also. The 
nations of these women are on the south side of the 
river, in the provinces of Topago, and their chiefest 
strengths and retreats are in the islands situate on 
the south side of the entrance, some sixty leagues 
within the mouth of the said river. The memories 
of the like women are very ancient as well in Afri- 
ca as in Asia. In Africa, those that had Medusa for 
queen ; others in Scythia, near the rivers of Tanais 
and Thermadon. We find also, that Lampedo and 
Marthesia were queens of the Amazons. In many 
histories they are verified to have been, and in divers 
ages and provinces. But they which are not far 
from Guiana do accompany witli men but once in a 
year, and for the time of one month, which I gather 
by their relation to be in April. At that time all the 
kings of the borders assemble, and the queens of the 
Amazons ; and after the queens have chosen, the 
rest cast lots for their valentines. This one month 


they feast, dance, and drink of their Wines in abun- 
dance ; and the moon being down, they all depart to 
their own provinces. If they conceive, and be deli- 
vered of a son, they return him to the father ; if of 
a daughter, they nourish it and retain it ; and as 
many as have daughters send unto the begetters a 
present, all being desirous to increase their own sex 
and kind ; but that they cut off the right dug of the 
breast I do not find to be true. It was farther told 
me, that if in the wars they took any prisoners, that 
they used to accompany with those also at what time 
soever, but in the end, for certain, they put them to 
death ; for they are said to be very cruel and blood- 
thirsty, especially to such as offer to invade their ter- 
ritories. These Amazons have likewise great store 
of these plates of gold, which they recover by ex- 
change, cniefly for a kind of green stones, which the 
Spaniards call piedras hijados, and we use for spleen 
stones, and for the disease of the stone we also 
esteem them. Of these I saw divers in Guiana ; 
and commonly every king, or cacique, hath one, 
which their wives for the most part wear, and they 
esteem them as great jewels. 

But, to return to the enterprise of Berreo, (who 
(as I have said,) departed from Nuevo Reyno with 
seven hundred horse, besides the provisions above 
rehearsed. He descended by the river Cassanar, 
which riseth in Nuevo Reyno, out of the mountains 
by the city of Tuvia ; from which mountain also 
springeth rato, both which fall into the great river 
of Meta ; and Meta riseth from a mountain joining 
to Pampelone, in the same Nuevo Reyno de Grana- 
da. These, as also Guaire, which issueth out of the 
mountains by Tim an a, fall all into Baraquan, and are 
but of his heads ; for at their coming together they 
loose their names ; and Baraquan, farther down, is 
also rebaptized by the name of Orinoco. On the 
other side of the city and hills of Timana riseth Rio 
Grande, which falleth into the sea by Sancta Marta* 

d d 3 


By Cassanar first, and so into Meta, Berreo passed ; 
keeping his horsemen on the banks, where the coun- 
try served them for to march, and where otherwise 
he was driven to embark them in boats, which he 
builded for the purpose, and so came with the cur- 
rent down the river of Meta, and so into Baraquan. 
After he entered that great and mighty river, he be- 
gan to loose of his companies both men and horse ; 
for it is in many places violently swift, fend hath for- 
cible eddies, many sands, and divers islands, sharp- 
pointed with rocks. But after one whole year, jour- 
neying for the most part by river, and the rest bf 
land, he grew daily to fewer numbers ; for both by 
sickness, and by encountering with the people of 
those regions through which he travelled, his com- 
panies were much wasted ; especially by divers en- 
counters with the Amapaiens. And in all this time 
he never could learn of any passage into Guiana, 
nor any news or fame thereof, until he came to the 
farther border of the said Amapaia, eight days jour- 
ney from the river Caroli, which was the farthest ri- 
ver that we entered. Among those of Amapaia, 
Guiana was famous ; but few of these people accost- 
ed Berreo, or would trade with him the first three 
months of the six which he sojourned there. This 
Amapaia is also marvellous rich in gold, (as both 
Berreo confessed and those of Guiana, with whom 
I had most conference,) and is situate upon Orino- 
co also. In this country Berreo lost sixty of his best 
soldiers, and most of all his horse that remain- 
ed of his former year's travel. But in the end, 
after divers encounters with those nations, they grew 
to peace, and they presented Berreo with ten images 
of fine gold among divers other plates and crescents, 
which, as he swore to me, and divers other gentle- 
men, were so curiously wrought, as be had not seen 
the like eithei in Italy, Spain, or the Low Countries; 
and he was assured, that when they came to the 
hands of the Spanish king, to whom he had sent 


TO GfJlAJU. $# 

them by hi* cJamp-ttfastef, they would appear very 
admirable ; especially being wrought by 9uch a na- 
tion as had no iron instrument at all, nor any of 
those helps which our goldsmiths have to work withaL 
The particular name of the people in Amapaia which 
gave him these pieces are edited Ahebas ; and the 
liver of Orinoco at that place is above twelve Eng- 
lish miles broad, rthich may be from his oatfal itftd 
the sea seven or eight hundred miles. 

This province of Amapaia is a Very low and a ma* 
fish ground near the fiver, md by rea-son of the red 
water, which issueth out in small branches through 
the fenny and boggy ground, there breed dfrers poi- 
Sonftrl worms and serpents ; and the Spaniards, not 
Suspecting, nor in any sort foreknowfrig the danger, 
toere infected with a grievous kind of flux by drink* 
irtg thereof, and even the very horses wtfre poisoned 
therewith ; insomuch as at the end of the si* 
ftionths that they abode there, of all their troops 
there were not left above one* hundred and twenty 
soldiers, and neither horse nor cattle. For Berreo 
hoped to have found Guiana by orte thousand miles 
iiearer than it feff otrt to be in the end: ; by means 
thereof thtey sustained much want and much hunger, 
oppressed with grievous diseases, and all the mise* 
ries that could be imagined. I demanded of those 
in Guiana that had travelled Amapaia, how they 
Kved with that tawny of red water when they travel- 
led thither ; and they told me, that after the sun was 
near the middle of the sky, they used to fill their 
£ots and pitchers with that water ; but either before 
that time, or towards the setting of the sun, it was 
dangerous to drink of, and in the night strong poi- 
son. I learned also of divers other rivers of that na- 
ture among them, which were also (while the sun 
was in the meridian) very safe to drink, and in the 
morning, evening, and night, Wonderful dangerous 
and infective. From this province Berreo hasted af- 
way as soon as the spring and beginning of summer 

d d 4 


appeared, and sought his entrance on the borders c£ 
Orinoco on the south side ; but there ran a ledge 
of so high and impassable mountains, as he was not 
able by any means to march over them, continuing 
from the east sea, into which Orinoco falleth, even 
to Quito in Peru. Neither had he means to carry 
victuals or munition over those craggy, high, and 7 
vast hills, being all woody, and those so thick and 
spiny, and so full of prickles, thorns, and briers, as it 
is impossible • to creep through them. He had also 
neither friendship among the people, nor any inter- 

Ereter to persuade or treat witn them ; and, more to 
is disadvantage, the cacique and kings of Amapaia 
had given knowledge of his purpose to the Guiani- 
ans, and that he sought to sack and conquer the em- 
pire, for the hope of their so great abundance and 
quantities of gold. He passed by the mouths of 
many great rivers, which fell into Orinoco both 
from the north and south, which I forbear to name 
for tediousness, and because they are more pleasing 
in describing than reading. ■ • , 

Berreo affirmed, that there fell an hundred rivers 
into Orinoco from the north and south, whereof 
the least was as big as Rio Grande, that passeth be- 
tween Popayan and Nuevo Reyno de Granada ; (Rio 
Grande being esteemed one of the most renowned 
rivers in all the West Indies, and numbered among 
the great rivers of the world) ; but he knew not the 
names of any of these but Caroli only, neither from 
what provinces they descended, neither to what pro- 
vinces they led, for he had no means to discourse 
with the inhabitants at any time. Neither was he 
curious in these things, being utterly unlearned, and 
not knowing the east from the west But of all these 
I got some knowledge, and of many more, partly by 
mine own travel, and the rest by conference. Of 
some one I learned one, of others the rest, having 
with me an Indian that spoke many languages, and 
that of Guiana naturally. I sought out all the aged 


men, and such as were greatest travellers, and by the 
one and the other I came to understand the situa- 
tions, the rivers, the kingdoms from the east sea to 
the borders of Peru ; and from Orinoco southward 
as far as Amazons or Marannon ; and the regions of 
Maria Tamball, and of all the kings of provinces* 
and captains of towns and villages, how they stood 
in times of peace or war, and which were friends or 
enemies the one with the other, without which there 
can be neither entrance nor conquest in those parts 
nor elsewhere : for by the dissension between Huas* 
car and Atabalipa, Pizarro conquered Peru ; and by 
the hatred that the Tlascalians bore to Montezuma, 
Cortez was victorious over Mexico; without which 
both the one and the other had failed of their enter- 
prise, and of the great honour and riches which they 
attained unto. 

Now Berreo began to grow into despair, and look* 
ed for no other success than his predecessors in this 
enterprise, until such time as he arrived at the pro- 
vince of Emeria towards the East-sea and mouth of 
the river, where he found a nation of people very 
favourable, and the country full of all manner of 
victuals. The king of this land is called Carapana; 
a man very wise, subtile, and of great experience, 
being little less than a hundred years old. In his 
youth, he was sent by his father into the island of 
Trinidad, by reason of civil war among themselves, 
and was bred at a village in that island called Parico* 
At that place, in his youth, he had seen many Chris- 
tians, both French and Spanish, and went divers times 
with the Indians of Trinidad to Marguerita and Cu- 
mana in the West Indies; (for both those places have 
ever been relieved with victual from Trinidad) ; by 
reason whereof he grew of more understanding, anil 
noted the difference of the nations, comparing the 
strength and armies of his country with those of the 
Christians, and. ever after temporized so, as whoso- 
ever else did amiss, or was wasted by contention, 


Carapana kept himself and bis country is qmet 
plenty* He also held peace with the Caribas, or Ca- 
mbals, his neighbours, and had free trade withaB 
nations* whosoever else had war. 

Berreo sejourned and rested his weak troop in the 
town of Carapana six weeks, and from him learned 
the way and passage to Guiana, and die riches and 
magnmcence thereof; but being then utterly unable 
Id proceed, he determined to try his fortune another 
year, when he had renewed his provisions, and re- 
gathered more force ; which he hoped for, as well ont 
of Spain as from Nuevo Reyno, where he had left his 
son Don Antonio Ximenes to second him upon the 
first notice given of his entrance ; and so for the pre- 
sent embarked himself in canoes, and by the branches 
of the Orinoco arrived at Trinidad, haying from 
Carapana sufficient pilots to conduct him. From 
Trinidad he coasted to Paria, and so recovered Mar- 
guerita ; and having made relation to Don Juan Ser- 
miento the governor, of his proceeding, and persuad- 
ed him of the riches of Guiana, he obtained from 
thence fifty soldiers, promising presently to return 
to Carapana, and so into Guiana. But Berreo meant 
nothing less at that time, for he wanted many provi- 
sions necessary for such an enterprise ; and therefore 
departing from Marguerite, seated himself in Trini- 
dad ; and from thence sent his camp-master and his 
serjeant-major back to the borders, to discover the 
nearest passage into the empire, as also to treat with 
the borderers, and to draw them to his party and 
Jove, without which, he knew he could neither pass 
safely, nor in any sort be relieved with victuals, or 
ought else. Carapana directed this company to a 
king called Morequito, assuring them that no man 
eould deliver so much of Guiana as Morequito could, 
a*id that his dwelling was but five days journey from 
Macureguari, the first civil town of Guiana. 

Now your lordship shall understand that this More- 
quito, one of the greatest lords or kings of the bor- 


ders of Guiana, had two or three years before been 
at Cumana and at Marguerita in the West Indies, 
with great store of plates of gold, which he carried 
to exchange for such other things as he wanted in his 
own country, and was daily feasted and presented by 
the governors of those places and held amongst 
them some two months ; in which time one Vides, 
governor of Cumana won him to be his conductor 
into Guiana, being allured by those crescents and 
images of gold which he brought with him to trade, 
as also by the ancient fame and magnificence of £1 
Dorado. Whereupon Vides sent into Spain for a 
patent to discover and conquer Guiana, not knowing 
of the precedence of Berreo's patent, which, as Ber- 
reo affirmeth, was signed before that of Vides ; so as 
when Vides understood of Berreo, and that he had 
made entrance into that territory, and foregone his 
desire and hope, it was verily thought that Vides 
practised with Morequito to hinder and disturb Ber- 
reo in all he could, and not to suffer him to enter 
through his seigniory, nor any of his companies, nei- 
ther to victual, nor guide them in any sort : for Vi- 
des governor of Cumana, and Berreo, were become 
mortal enemies, as well for that Berreo had gotten 
Trinidad into his patent with Guiana, as also in that 
he was by Berreo prevented in the journey of Guia- 
na itself Howsoever it was I know not ; but More- 
[uito for a time dissfembled his disposition, suffered 
Spaniards, and a friar (which Borreo had sent to dis- 
cover Manoa), to travel through his country, gave 
them a guide for Macureguarai, the first town of civil 
and apparelled people, from whence they had other 
guides to bring them to Manoa, the great city of In* 
ca ; and being furnished with those things which 
they had learned of Carapana were of most price in 
Guiana, went onward, and in eleven days arrived at 
Manoa, as Berreo affirmeth for certain ; although I 
could not be assured thereof by the lord which now 
governeth the province of Morequito, for he told m$ 


that they got all the gold they had in other towns 
on this side Manoa ; there being many very great 
and rich, and (as he said) built, like the towns of 
Christians, with many rooms. 

When these ten Spaniards were returned, and rea- 
dy to put out of the border of Arromaia, the peo- 
ple of Morequito set upon them, and slew them all 
but one that swam the river, and took from them to 
the value of forty thousand pesoes of gold ; and as it 
is written in the story of Job, one only lived, to bring 
the news to Berreo, that both his nine soldiers and 
holy father were benighted in the sa^d province. I 
myself spake with the captains of Morequito that 
slew them, and was at the place where it was execut- 
ed. Berreo, enraged herewithal, sent all the strength 
he could make into Arromaia, to be revenged of him, 
his people, and country ; but Morequito, suspecting 
the same, fled over Orinoco, and through the ter- 
ritories of the Saima and Wikiri, recovered Cumana, 
where he thought himself very safe with Vides the 
governor ; but Berreo sending for him in the king's 
name, and his messengers finding him in the house of 
one Fashardo on the sudden ere it was suspected, so 
as he could not then be conveyed away, Vides durst 
not deny him, as well to avoid the suspicion of the 
practice, as also for that an holy father was slain by 
him and his people. Morequito offered Fashardo the 
weight of three quintals in gold to let him escape, . 
but the poor Guianian, betrayed of all sides, was de- 
livered to the camp-master of Berreo, and was pre- 
sently executed. 

After the death of this Morequito, the soldiers of 
Berreo spoiled his territory, and took divers prison- 
ers ; among others they took the uncle of Morequito, 
called Topiawari, who is now king of Arromaia 
(whose son I brought with me into England), and is 
a man of great understanding and policy. He is 
above one hundred years old, and yet of a very able 
body. The Spaniards led him in a chain seventeen 


days, and made him their guide from place to place 
between his country and Emeria, the province of 
Carapana aforesaid ; and was at last redeemed for 
one hundred plates of gold, and divers stones called 
piedras hyadas, or spleen stones. Now Berreo, for 
executing of Morequito, and other cruelties, spoils, 
and slaughters done in Arromaia, hath lost the love 
of the Oroonokoponi, and of all the borderers ; and 
dare not send any of his soldiers any farther into the 
land than to Carapana, which he calleth the port of 
Guiana. But from thence, by the help of Carapana, 
he had trade farther into the country; and always 
appointed ten Spaniards to reside in Carapana* s town, 
by whose favour, andby being conducted by his people, 
those ten searched the country thereabouts, as well 
lor mines as for other trades and commodities. 

They have also gotten a nephew of Morequito, 
whom they have christened and named Don Juan, of 
whom they have great hope, endeavouring by all 
means to establish him in the said province*. Among 
many other trades, those Spaniards used in canoes to 
pass to the rivers of Barema, Pawrowma, and Disse- 

2uebe, which are on the south side of the mouth of 
>rinoco, and there buy women and children from 
the Cannibals ; which are of that barbarous nature, as 
they will for three or four hatchets sell the sons and 
daughters of their own brethren and sisters, and for 
somewhat more even their own daughters. Hereof 
the Spaniards make great profit ; for buying a maid 
of twelve or thirteen years for three or four hatch- 
ets, they sell them again at Marguerita in the West 
Indies, for fifty and one hundred pesoes, which is so 
many crowns. 

Tqe master of my ship, John Douglas, took one of 
the canoes which came laden from thence with peo- 
ple to be sold, and the most of them escaped, vet of 
those he brought there was one as well favoured, and 
as well shaped, as ever I saw any in England ; and 
afterward I saw many of them which, but fdr their 

iff VOYAGE* 

tawny colour, may be compared to any of Europe* 
They also trade in those rivers for bread of Cassavi, 
of which they buy an hundred pound weight far a 
knife, and sell it at Marguerita for ten pesoes. They 
also recover great store of cotton, Brasil-wood, ana 
those beds which they call Hamacas or Basil-beds ; 
wherein in hot countries all the Spaniards use to be 
commonly, and in no other neither did we ourselves 
while we were there. By means of which trades, 
for ransom of divers of the Guianians, and for ex- 
change of hatchets and knives, Berreo recovered 
some store of gold plates, eagles of gold, and image* 
*>f men and divers birds, and dispatched his camp* 
master for Spain with all that he had gathered, there- 
with to levy soldiers, and by the shew thereof to 
draw others to the love of the enterprise ; and hav- 
ing sent divers images, as well of men as beasts, bifds, 
and fishes, so curiously wrought in gold, doubted 
not but to persuade the king to yield to him some 
further help ; especially for that this land hath never 
been sacked, the mines never wrought, and in the 
Indies their works were well spent, and the gold 
drawn out with great, labour and charge. He also 
dispatched messengers tp his son in Nuevo Reyno to 
levy all the forces he could, and to come down the 
river of Orinoco to Emeria, the province of Cam- 
nana, to meet him. He had alao sent to St Jago de 
Leon, on the coast of the Caraccas, to buy Worses 
and mules. 

After I had" thus learned of his proceedings part 
and purposed, I told him that I had resolved to see 
Guiana, and that it was the end of my journey, and 
the cause of my coming to Trinidad; as it was indeed. 
(And for that purpose I sent Ja. Whiddon the year be- 
fore to get intelligence, with whom Berreo himself 
had speech at that time, and remembered how inqui- 
sitive Ja. Whiddon was of his proceedings, and of the 
country of Guiana). Berreo was stricken into a great 
melancholy and sadness, and used all the argument! 


he could to dissuade me, and also assured the gen- 
tlemen of my company that it would be labour Tost, 
and that they would suffer many miseries if they pro- 
ceeded. And first he delivered that I could not ea- 
ter any of the rivers with any bark or pinnace, nor 
hardly with any ship's boat, it was so low, sandy, and 
full of flats; and that his companies were daily 
grounded in their canoes, which drew but twelve 
jnpbes water. He further said, that none of the 
country would come to speak with us, but would all 
fly, and if we followed them to their dwellings they 
Would burn their own towns ; and besides, that the 
way was long, the winter at hand, and that the ri- 
vers beginning once to swell, it was impossible to 
stem the current ; and that we could not in those 
small boats by any means carry victual for half the 
time ; and that (which indeed most discouraged my 
company) the kings and lords of all the borders of 
Guiana had decreed, that none of them should trade 
with any Christians for gold, because the same would 
be their own overthrow, and that for the love of 
gold the Christians meant to conquer and dispossess 
them of all together. 

Many and the most of these I found to be true ; 
but yet I resolving to make trial of all, whatsoever 
happened, directed Captain George Gilford, my vice- 
admiral, to take the Lion's Whelp, and Captain Cal« 
fiekTs bark, to turn to the eastward, against the 
breeze what they could possible, to recover the mouth 
of a river called Capuri, whose entrance I had before 
sent Captain Whiddon, and Jo. Douglas the master, 
to discover, who found some nine feet water or bet- 
ter upon the flood, and five at low water; to whom I 
had given instructions, that they should anchor at 
the edge of the shoal, and upon the best of the flood 
to thrust over ; which shpal John Douglas buoyed 
and beckoned for them before. But they laboured 
in vain ; for neither could they turn it up altogether 
so far to the east, neither did the flood continue so 


long, but the water fell ere they could have passed 
the sands, as we after found by second experience ) 
so as now we must either give over our enterprise, 
or leaving our ships at adventure four hundred miles 
behind us, to run up in our ships boats, one barge, 
and two wherries : but being doubtful how to carry- 
victuals for so long a time in sueh baubles, or any 
strength of men, especially for that Berreo assured 
us that his son must be by that time come down with 
many soldiers, I sent away one King, master of the 
Lion's Whelp, with his snip's boat, to try another 
branch of a river in the bottom of the bay of Guani- 
pa, which was called Amana, to prove if there was 
water to be found for. either of the small ships to en- 
ter. But when he came to the mouth of Amana, he 
found it as the rest, but stayed not to discover it tho- 
roughly, because he was assured by an Indian, his. 
guide, that the Cannibals of Guanipa would assail them 
with many canoes, and that they shot poisoned ar- 
rows ; so as if he hasted pot back they should all be 

In the meantime, fearing the worst, I caused all 
the carpenters we had to cut down a gallego boat, 
which we meant to cast off, and to fit her with banks 
to row on, and in all things to prepare her the best 
way they could, so as she might be brought to draw 
but five feet, for so much we had on the bar of Ca- 
puri at low water ; and doubting of King's return, I 
sent Jo. Douglas again in my long barge, as well to 
relieve him, as also to make a perfect search in the 
bottom of that bay. For it hath been held for infal- 
lible, that whatsoever ship or boat shall fall therein 
can never disembogue again, by reason of the vio- 
lent current which setteth into the said bay ; as also 
for that the breeze and easterly wind bloweth direct- 
ly into the same ; of which opinion I have heard John 
Hampton of Plymouth, one of the greatest experi- 
ence of England, and divers others besides that have 
traded to Trinidad. 



I setit with John Douglas an old Cacique of Tri* 
liidad for a pilot, who told us that we could not re* 
turn again by the bay or gulf, but that he knew a 
by-branch which ran within the land to the east* 
ward, and that he thought by it we might fall into 
Capuri, and so return in four days. John Douglas 
searched those rivers, and found four goodly entran* 
ces, whereof the least was as big as the Thames at 
Woolwich ; but in the bay thitherward it was shoal 
and but six foot water ; so as we were now without 
hope of any ship or bark to pass over, and therefore 
resolved to go on with the boats and the bottom of 
the gallego, in which we thrust sixty men : in the 
Lion's Whelp's boat and wherry we carried twenty. 
Captain Calneld in his wherry carried ten more, and 
ana in my barge other ten, which made up a hun- 
dred. We had no other means but, to carry victual 
for a month in the same, and also to lodge therein 
as we could, and to boil and dress our meat. Cap- 
tain Gifford had with him Mr Edward Porter, Cap- 
tain Eynos, and eight more in his wherry, with all 
their victual, weapons, and provisions ; Captain Cal- 
field had with him my cousin Bushead Gorges, and 
eight more. In the galley, of gentlemen and officers 
myself had , Captain Thyn, my cousin John Green- 
ville, my nephew John Gilbert, Captain Whiddon, 
Captain Keymis, Edward Hancoke, Captain Clarke, 
Lieutenant Hewes, Thomas Upton, Captain Facy, 
Jerome Ferrar, Anthony Wells, William Connock, 
and about fifty more. We could not learn of Berreo 
any other way to enter but in branches, so far to the 
windward as it was impossible for us to recover ; for 
we had as much sea to cross over in our wherries as 
between Dover and Calais, and in a great billow, the 
wind and current being both very strong; so as we 
were driven to go in those small boats directly be- 
fore the wind into the bottom of the bay of Guani- 
pa, and from thence to enter the mouth of some one 
of those rivers which J. Douglas had last discover* 

Vol. VI. e e 


ed ; and had with us for pilot an Indian of Barema, 
a river to the south of Orinoco, between that and 
Amazons, whose canoes we had formerly taken a* 
he was going from the said Barema, laden with cas- 
savi bread to sell at Marguerita. This Arwacaa pro- 
mised to bring me into the great river of Orinoco ; 
but indeed of that which we entered he was utterly 
ignorant, for he had not seen it in twelve years be- 
fore, at which time he was very young, and of no 
judgment, and if God had not sent us another help, 
we might have wandered a whole year in that laby- 
rinth of rivers, ere we had found any way, either 
out or in, especially after we were past the ebbing 
and flowing, which was in four days : for I know all 
the earth doth not yield the like confluence of 
streams and branches, the one crossing the other so 
many times, and also fair and large, and so like one 
to another, as no man can tell which to take ; and if 
we went by the sun or compass, hoping thereby to go 
one way or other, yet that way we were also carried 
in a circle amongst multitudes of islands, and every 
island so bordered with high trees, as no man could 
see any further than the breadth of the river, or 
length of the breach : but thus it chanced, that en- 
tering into a river, (which because it had no name, 
we called the river of the Red Cross, ourselves 
being the first Christians that ever came therein,) 
the £2d of May as we were rowing up the same, 
we espied a small canoe with three Indians, which, 
(by the swiftness of my barge, rowing with eight 
oars,) I overtook ere they could cross the river j 
the rest of the people on the banks, shadowed 
under the thick wood, gazed on with a doubt- 
ful conceit what might befal those three which 
we had taken ; but when they perceived that we of- 
fered them no violence, neither entered their canoe 
with any of ours, nor took out of the canoe any of 
theirs, they then began to shew themselves on the 
bank's side, and ottered to traffic with us for such 



things as tbey had ; and as we drew near they all 
staid, and we came with our barge to the mouth of 
a little creek, which came from weir town into the 
great river. 

As we abode there a while, our Indian pilot, til- 
led Ferdinando, would needs go ashore to their vil- 
lage to fetch some fruits, and to drink of their arti- 
ficial wines, and also to see the place, and to know 
the lord of it against another time, and took with 
him a brother of his which he had with him in the 
journey 4 When they came to the village of these 
people, the lord of the island offered to lay hands on 
them, purposing to have slain them both, yielding 
for reason, that this Indian of ours had brought a 
strange nation into their territory to spoil and de- 
stroy them ; but the pilot being quick, and of a dis- 
posed body, slipt their fingers, and ran into the 
woods, and his brother being the better footman of 
the two, recovered the creek's mouth, where we 
staid in our barge, crying out that his brother was 
slain ; with that we set hands on one of them that 
was nearest us, a very old man, and brought him in- 
to the barge, assuring him, that if we had not our pilot 
again, we would presently cut off his head. This old 
man bein£ resolved that he should pay the loss of the 
other, cried out to those in the woods to save Ferdi- 
nando our pilot, but they followed him notwithstand- 
ing, and hunted after him upon the foot with their 
deer-dogs, and with so main a cry that all the woods 
echoed with the shout they made ; but at last this 
poor chased Indian recovered the river side, and got 
upon a tree, and, as we were, coasting, leaped down 
and swam to the barge half dead with fear : but our 
good hap was that we kept the other old Indian, 
which we bandfasted to redeem our pilot withal, for 
being natural of those rivers, we assured ourselves 
he knew the way better than any stranger could j 
end indeed but tor this chance I think we had never 
found the way either to Guiana or back to our ships j 

s e 2 

^ i 


for Ferdinando, after a few days, knew nothing it 
all, nor which way to turn, yea, and many times the 

; old man himself was in great doubt which river to 
take. Those people which dwell in these broken 
islands and drowned lands are generally called Tivi- 
tivas ; there are of them two sorts, the one called 
Ciawani, and the other Waraweete. 

The great river of Orinoco or Baraquati hath 
nine branches, which fall out on the north side of his 

- own main mouth ; on the south side it hath seven 
other fallings into the sea, so it disembogueth by six* 
teen arms in all, between islands and broken ground; 
but the islands are very great, many of them as big 

• as the Isle of Wight, and bigger, and many less : 
from the first branch on the north, to the last 

• of the south, it is at least a hundred leagues, so 
as the river's mouth is no less than three hundred 

' miles wide at his entrance into the sea, which I take 

' to be far bigger than that of Amazons. All those 
that inhabit in the mouth of this river upon the se- 
veral north branches are these Tivitivas, of which 
there are two chief lords, which have continual wars 

. one with the other. The islands which lie on the 
right hand are called Pallamos, and the land of the 
left are Hororotomak ; and the river by which John 
Douglas returned within the land from Amana to 
Capuri, they call Macuri* 

These Tivitivas are a very goodly people, and ve- 
ry valiant, and have the most manly speech, and 
most deliberate that ever I heard of what nation so- 
ever. In the summer they have houses on the 
ground as in other places ; in the winter they dwell 
upon the trees, where they build very artificial towns 

, and villages, as it is written in the Spanish story of 
the West Indies, that those people do in the low- 
lands, near the gulf of Uraba : for between May and 
September the river of Orinoco riseth thirty foot % 
upright, and then are those islands overflown twen- 

, ty feet high above the level of the ground, saving 


some few raised grounds in the middle of them, and 
for this cause they are enforced to live in this man- 
ner. They never eat of any thing that is set or sown ; 
and as at home they use neither planting nor other 
manurance, so when they come abroad they refuse 
to feed of aught but of that which nature without 
labour bringeth forth. They use the tops of palmitos 
for bread, and kill deer, fish, and porks for the rest of 
their sustenance ; they have also many sorts of fruits 
that grow in the woods, and great variety of birds and 
fowl. And if to speak of them were not tedious and 
vulgar, surely we saw in those passages of very rare 
colours and forms, not elsewhere to be found, foras- 
much as I have either seen or read. Of these people, 
those that dwell upon the branches of Orinoco, cal- 
led Capuri and Macureo, are for the most part car- 
penters of canoes, for they make the most and fair- 
est hooises, and sell them into Guiana for gold, and 
into Trinidad for tobacco, in the excessive taking 
whereof they exceed all nations ; and notwithstand- 
ing the moistness of the air in which they live, the 
hardiness of their diet, and the great labours they 
suffer to hunt, fish, and fowl for their living, in all 
my life, either in the Indies or in Europe, did I ever 
behold a more goodly or better favoured people, or 
a more manly. They were wont to make war upon 
all people, and especially on the Cannibals, so as none 
durst, without a good strength, trade by those ri» 
vers ; but of late they are at peace with their neigh- 
bours, all holding the Spaniards for a common ene- 
my. When their commanders die, they use great la- 
mentation, and when they think the flesh of their 
bodies is putrified, and fallen from the bones, then 
they take up the carcase again, and hang it in the 
Cacique's house that died, and deck his skull with 
feathers of all colours, and hang all his gold plates 
about the bones of his arms, thighs, and legs. Those 
nations which are called Arwacas, which dwell on 



the south of Orinoco, (of which place and natkm 
our Indian pilot was,) are dispersed in many other 
places, and do use to beat the bones of their lords 
into powder, and their wives and friends drink it alt 
in their several sorts of drinks. 

After we departed from the port of these Ciawani, 
we passed up the river with the flood, and anchored 
the ebb, and in this sort we went onward. The third 
day that we entered the river, our galley came on 
ground, and stuck so fast, as we thought that even 
there our discovery had ended, and that we must 
have left sixty of our men to have inhabited like 
rooks upon trees with those nations. But the next 
morning, after we had cast out all her ballast, with 
tugging and hauling to and fro, we got her afloat 
At four days end we fell into as goodly a river as 
ever I beheld, which was called the Great Amana, 
which ran more directly, without windings and turn* 
ings 9 than the other. But soon after the flood of the 
sea left us, and were enforced either by main strength 
to row against a violent current, or to return as wise 
as we went out. We had then no shift out to per* 
suade the companies that it was but two or three 
days work, and therefore desired them to take pains, 
every gentleman and others taking their turns to 
row, and to spell one the other at the hour's end. 
Every day we passed by goodlv branches of rivers ; 
pome falling from the west, others from the east, in* 
to Amana ; but those I leave to the description in 
the chart of discovery, where every one shall be 
named, with his rising and descent. When three 
days more were overgone, our companies began to 
despair ; the weather being extreme hot, the river 
bordered with very high trees that kept away the air, 
and the current against us every day stronger than 
other. But we evermore commanded our pilots to 
promise an end the next day, and used it so long, as 
we were driven to assure them from four reaches of 
thp river to three, and so to two, and so to the next 


reach. Bat so long we laboured as many days were 
spent, and so driven to draw ourselves to harder al- 
lowance, our bread even at the last, and no drink at 
all; and our men and ourselves so wearied and 
scorched, and doubtful withal whether we should 
ever perform it or ao> the heat increasing as we drew 
towards the tine, for we were now in five degrees. 

The farther we went on (our victual decreasing 
and the air breeding great faratness) we grew weaker 
and weaker, when we had most need of strength and 
ability ; for hourly the river ran more violently than 
other against us, and the barge, wherries, and ships 
boat of Captain Giflbrd and Captain Calfield had 
spent all their provisions, so as we were brought in* 
to despair and discomfort, had we not persuaded all 
the company that it was bnt only one day's work 
more to attain the land, where we should be reliev- 
ed of all we wanted ; and if we returned, that we 
were sure to starve by the way, and that the world 
would also laugh us to scorn. On the banks of these 
fivers were divers sorts of fruits good to eat, flowers 
and trees of that variety as were sufficient to make 
ten volumes of herbals. We relieved ourselves many 
times with the fruits of the country, and sometimes 
with fowl and fish. We saw birds of all colours ; 
sonje carqation, some crimson, orang&»tawny, pur- 
ple, green, watched, and of all other sorts, both sim- 
ple and mixed ; as it was unto us a great good pass- 
ing of the time to behold them, besides the relief 
we found by killing some store of them with our 
fowling-pieces, without which, having little or no 
bread, and less drink, but on\y the thick and troubled 
water of the river, we had been in a very hard case. 

Our old pilot of the Ciawani (whom, as 1 said be- 
fore, we took to redeem Fernando) told us. that if 
we would enter a branch of a river pn the right 
hand with our barge and wherries, and leave the gal- 
ley at anchor the while in the great river, he would 
oring us to a town of the Arwacas, where w$ should 

js e 4 


find store of bread, hens, fish, and of the country 
wine ; and persuaded us, that, . departing from the 
galley at noon, we might return ere night. I was 
very glad to hear this speech, and presently took my 
barge, with eight musqueteers, Captain Gifford's 
wherry, with himself and four musqueteers, and Cap* 
tain Calfield, with his wherry and as many, and so 
we entered the mouth of this river ; and because we 
were persuaded that it was so near, we took no vic- 
tual with us at all. When we had rowed three hours, 
we marvelled we saw no sign of any dwelling, and 
asked the pilot where the town was, he told us a little 
farther. After three hours more, the sun being al- 
most set, we began to suspect that he led us that 
way to betray us ; for he confessed, that those Spa- 
niards which fled from Trinidad,, and also those that 
remained with Carapana in Emeria, were joined to* 
gether in some village upon that river. 
grew towards night, and we demanding where the 
place was, he told us but four reaches more* When 
we had rowed four and four, we saw mo sign, and 
our poor watermen, even heart-broken and tired, 
were ready to give up the ghost, for we had now 
come from the galley near forty miles. 

At the last we determined to iiang the. pilot ; and 
if we had well known the way back again by night, 
he had surely gone, but our. own necessities pleaded 
sufficiently for bis safety ; for it was as dark as pitch, 
and the river began so to narrow itself, and the trees 
to hang over from side to side, as we were driven 
with arming swords to cut a passage through those 
branches that covered the water. We were very de- 
sirous to find this town, hoping of a feast, because 
we made but a short breakfast aboard the galley in 
the morning, and it was now eight o'clock at night, 
and our stomachs began to gnaw apace. But whe- 
ther it was best to return or go on, we began to 
doubt, suspecting treason in the pilot more and more. 
But the poor old Indian ever assured us that it was 


i but a little farther, and but this one turning and that 
i turning ; and at last, about one o'clock after mid- 
it night, we saw a light, and rowing towards it, we 
(; heard the dogs of the village. When we landed we 
i found few people, for the lord of that place was 
gome with divers canoes above four hundred miles 
i off, upon a journey towards the head of Orinoco to 
f trade for gold, and to buy women of the Cannibals ; 
|t who afterward, unfortunately, passed by us as we 
i rode at an anchor in the port of Morequito in the 
j dark of night, and yet came so .near us as bis canoes 
( grated against our barges. He left one of his com- 
f pany at the port of Morequito, by whom we under- 
stood that he had brought thirty young women, di- 
vers plates of gold, and had great store of fine pieces 
of cotton-cloth and cotton-beds. In his house we 
had good store of bread, fish, hens, and Indian drink, 
and so rested that night } and in the morning, after 
we had traded with such of his people as came down, 
we returned towards onr galley, and brought with 
us some quantity of bread, fish, and hens. 

On both sides of this river we passed the most 
beautiful country that ever mine eyes beheld ; and 
whereas all that we had seen before was nothing but 
woods, prickles, bushes, and thorns, here we beheld 
plains of twenty miles in length; the grass short and 
green, and in divers parts groves of trees by them- 
selves, as if they had been by all the art and labour 
in the world so made of purpose ; and still as we 
rowed, the deer came down feeding by the waters 
side, as if they had been used to a keeper's calL 
Upon this river there were great store of iowl, and 
of many sorts. . We saw in it divers sorts of strange 
fishes, and of marvellous bigness ; but for lagartos it 
exceeded : for there were thousands of those ugly 
serpen ts, and the people call it, for the abundance of 
them, the river of lagartos, in their language. I had 
a negro, a very proper young fellow, that, leaping 
out of the galley to swim in the mouth of the nver, 


was, in all our sights, taken and devoured with 
of those lagartos. In the meanwhile, our companies 
in the galley thought we had been all lost, (for we 
promised to return before night,) and sent the Lion's 
w help's ship's boat, with Captain Whiddon, to fol- 
low us up the river ; but the next day, after we had 
rowed up and down some fourscore miles, we return- 
ed, and went on our way up the great river ; and 
when we were even at the last cast for want of vic- 
tuals, Captain Gifford being before the galley, and 
the rest of the boats, seeking put some place to land 
upon the banks to make fire, espied four canoes com- 
ing down the river, and, with no small joy, caused 
Iiis men to try the uttermost of their strengths* and 
after a while two of the four gave over, and ran 
themselves ashore, every man betaking himself to 
the fastness of the woods ; the two other leaser got 
away, while we landed to lay hold on these, and bo 
turned into some by-creek, we knew not whither. 
Those canoes that were taken were loaden with 
bread, and were bound for Marguerite, in the West 
Indies, which those Indians (called Arwacas) pur- 
posed to carry thither for exchange. But in the lesser 
there were three Spaniards, who having heard of die 
defeat of their governor at Trinidad, and that we 
purposed to enter Guiana, came away in those ca- 
noes. One of them was a cavallero, as the captain 
of the Arwacas after told us, another a tpldier, and 
the third a refiner. 

In the meantime, nothing on the earth could have 
been more welcome to us, next unto gold, than the 
great store of very excellent bread which we found 
m these canoes ; tor now our men cried, Let us go 
on, we care not how far ! After that Captain Gilford 
had brought the two canoes to the galley, I took my 
barge, and went to the bank's side, with a dozen 
shot, where the canoes first ran themselves ashore, 
and landed there ; sending out Captain Gifford and 
Captain Thyn, on one hand, and Captain Calfield on 


the other, to follow those that were fled into the 
woods ; and as I was creeping through the bushes, I 
saw an Indian basket hidden, which was the refiner's 
basket, for I found in it his quicksilver, saltpetre, 
and divers things for the trial of metals, and also the 
dust of such ore as he had refined ; but in those ca- 
noes which escaped there was a good quantity of ore 
and gold. I then landed more men, and offered five 
hundred pounds to what soldier soever could take 
one of those three Spaniards that we thought were 
landed. But our labours were in vain in that behalf; 
for they put themselves into one of the small canoes; 
and so, while the greater canoes were in taking, they 
escaped. But, seeking after the Spaniards, we found 
the Arwacas hidden in the woods, which were pilots 
for the Spaniards, and rowed their canoes ; of which 
I kept the chiefest for a pilot, and carried him with 
me to Guiana ; by whom I understood where and 
hi what countries the Spaniards had laboured for 
gold, though I made not the same known to all. For 
when the springs began to break, and the rivers to 
raise themselves so suddenly, as by no means we 
could abide the digging of any mine, especially for 
that the richest are defended with rocks of hard 
Stone, which we call the white spar ; and that it re* 
quired both time, men, and instruments, fit for such 
a work, I thought it best not to hover thereabouts. 
Jest if the same had been perceived by the company, 
there would have been by this time many barks and 
ships set out, and perchance other nations would al- 
so have gotten of ours for pilots, so as both ourselves 
might have been prevented, and all our care taken 
for good usage of the people been utterly lost, by 
those that only respect present profit ; and such vio- 
lence or insolence offered, as the nations, which are 
borderers, would have changed their desire of our 
love and defence into hatred and violence : and for 
any longer stay to have brought a more quantity, 
(which, I hear, hath been often objected,) whosoever 


had seen or proved the fury of that river after it be- 
gan to arise, and had been a month and odd days, as 
we were, from hearing ought from our ships, leaving 
them meanly manned, above four hundred miles oflj 
would perchance have turned somewhat sooner than 
we did, if all the mountains had been gold or rich 
stones ; and, to say the truth, all, the branches and 
small rivers which fell into Orinoco were raised with 
such speed, as, if we waded them over the shoes in 
the morning outward, we were covered to the shoul- 
ders homeward the very same day ; and to stay to 
dig out gold with our nails, had been opus lakaris, 
but not ingeniu Such a quantity as would have serv- 
ed our turns we could not have had, but a discovery of 
the mines, to our infinite disadvantage, we had made, 
and that could have been the best profit of farther 
search or stay ; for those mines are not easily bro» 
ken, nor opened in haste ; and I could have return- 
ed a good quantity of gold ready cast, if I had not 
shot at another mark than present profit. 

This Arwacan pilot, with the rest, feared that we 
would have eaten them, or otherwise have put them 
to some cruel death ; for the Spaniards, to the end 
that none of the people in the passage towards Gui- 
ana, or in Guiana itself, might come to speech with 
us, persuaded all the nations that we were men-eat- 
ers, and cannibals : but when the poor men and wo- 
men had seen us, and that we gave them meat, and 
to every one something or other which was rare and 
strange to them, they began to perceive the deceit 
and purpose of the Spaniards, who indeed (as they 
confessed) took from them both their wives and 
daughters daily, and used them for the satisfying of 
their own lusts, especially such as they took in this 
manner by strength* But I protest before the ma- 
jesty of the living God, that 1 neither knew nor be- 
lieve that any of our company, one or other, by vio- 
lence or otherwise, ever knew any of their women, 
and yet we saw many hundreds, and had many in 


our power, and of those very young, and excellently 
favoured, which came among us, without deceit, 
stark naked. 

Nothing got us more love among them than this 
usage ; for I suffered not any man to take from any 
of the nations so much as a pina, or a potatoe-root, 
without giving them contentment, nor any man so 
much as to ofrer to touch any of their wives or daugh- 
ters; which course, so contrary to the Spaniards^ 
(who tyrannize over them in all things,) drew them 
to admire her majesty, whose commandment I told 
them it was, and also wonderfully to honour our na- 
tion. But I confess it was a very impatient work to 
keep the meaner sort from spoil and stealing, when 
we came to their houses ; which because in all I could 
not prevent, I caused my Indian interpreter, at eve- 
ry place when we departed, to know of the loss or 
wrong done ; and if ought were stolen or taken by 
violence, either the same was restored, and the par- 
' ty punished in their sight, or else it was paid for to 
their uttermost demand. They also much wondered 
at us, after they heard that we had slain the Spani- 
ards at Trinidad, for they were before resolved that 
no nation of Christians durst abide their presence; 
and they wondered more when I had made them know 
of the great overthrow that her majesty's army and 
fleet had given them of late years in their own coun- 

After we had taken in this supply of bread, with 
divers baskets of roots, which were excellent meat, 
I gave one of the canoes to the Arwacas, which be- 
longed to the Spaniards that were escaped; and 
• when I had dismissed all but the captain, (who by 
the Spaniards was christened Martin,) I sent back 
in the same canoe the old Ciawan, and Ferdinando 
my first pilot, and gave them both such things as 
they desired, with sufficient victuals to carry them 
back; and by them wrote a letter to the ships, 
-which they promised to deliver, and performed it, and 

6St *0YA«8 

then I went on with my new hired pilot Martin the 
Arwacau. But the next or second day after, we 
came again aground with our galley, and were like 
to cast her away, with all our victual and provision, 
and so lay on sand the whole night, and were far 
more in despair at this time to free her than before, 
because we had no tide of flood to help us, and 
therefore feared that all our hopes would have 
ended in mishaps ; but we fastened an anchor on 
the land, and with main strength drew her off: and 
ao the 15th we discovered afar off the mountains of 
Guiana, to our great joy, and towards the evening 
had a slant of northerly wind that blew very strong, 
which brought us in sight of the great river Orin- 
oco, out of which the river had descended wherein 
we were : we descried afar off three other canoes as 
far as we could discern them, after whom we hasten* 
ed with our barge and wherries ; but two of them 
passed out of sight, and the third entered upon the 
great river, on the right hand to the westward, and 
there stayed out of sight; thinking that we meant to 
take the way eastward toward the province of Cara- 
pana, for that way the Spaniards keep, not daring to 
go upwards to Guiana, the people in those parts be- 
ing all their enemies, and those in the canoes thought 
us to have been those Spaniards that were fled from 
Trinidad, and had escaped killing : and when we 
came so far down as the opening of that branch into 
which they slipped, being near them with our barge 
and wherries, we made after them, and, ere they 
could land, came within call, and by our interpreter 
told them what we were, wherewith they Came back 
willingly aboard us ; and of such fish and tortoises 
eggs as they bad gathered, they gave us, and promis- 
ed in the morning to bring the lord of that part with 
them, and to do us all other services they could. 

That night we came to an anchor at the parting 
of three goodly rivers ; (the one was the river of 
Amana* by which we came from the north, and ran 


athwart towards the south,— the other two were of 
Orinoco, which crossed from the west, and ran to 
sea towards the east ;) and landed upon a fair sand, 
where we found thousands of tortoises eggs, which 
are very wholesome meat, and greatly, restoring, so 
as our men were now well filled, and highly content* 
ed both with the fare, and nearness of the land of 
Guiana, which appeared in sight. In the morning 
there came down, according to promise, the lord of 
that border, called Toparimaca, with some thirty or 
forty followers, and brought us divers sorts of fruits, 
and of his wine, bread, fish, and flesh ; whom we also 
feasted as we could, at least he drank good Spanish 
wine, (whereof we had a small quantity in bottles,) 
which above all things they love. I conferred with 
this Toparimaca of the next way to Guiana, who 
conducted our galley and boats to his own port, and 
carried us from thence some mile and half to his 
town, where some of our captains caroused of his 
wine till they were reasonable pleasant ; for it is ve- 
ry strong with pepper, and the juice of divers herbs 
and fruits digested and purged : they keep it in great 
earthen pots of ten or twelve gallons, very clean and 
sweet, and are themselves at their meetings and 
feasts the greatest carousers and drunkards of the 
world. When we came to this town we found two 
Caciques, whereof one of them was a stranger that 
had been up the river iti trade, and his boats, people, 
and wife encamped at the port where we anchored % 
and the other was of that country, a follower of To- 
parimaca : they lay eaeh of them in a cotton ham- 
mock, which we call Brazil beds, and two women at* 
tending them with six cup and a little laddie to fill 
them out of an earthen pitcher of wine, and so they 
drank each of them three of these caps at a time, 
one to the other ; and in this sort they drink drunk 
at their feasts and meetings. 

That Cacique that was a stranger had his wife 
staying at the port where we anchored* and in all 


my life I have seldom seen a better favoured woman* 
She was of good stature, with black eyes, fat of body, 
of an excellent countenance, her hair almost as Ions 
as herself, tied up again in pretty knots, and it seemed 
she stood not in that awe of her husband as the. rest ; 
for she spoke and discoursed, and drank among the 
gentlemen and captains, and was very pleasant ; know- 
ing her own. comeliness, and taking great pride there- 
in. I have seen a lady in England so like her, as 
but for the difference of colour I would have sworn 
might have been the same. 

The seat of this town of Toparimaca was vary 
pleasant, standing on a little hill, in an excellent pros- 
pect, with goodly gardens, a mile compass round a- 
bout it, and two very fair and large ponds of excellent 
fish adjoining. This town is called Arowocai :' The 

1>eople are of the nation called Nepoios, and are fol- 
owers of Carapana. In that place I saw very aged 
people, that we might perceive all their sinews and 
veins without any flesh, and but even as a case co- 
vered only with skin. The lord of this place gave 
me an old man for pilot, who was of great experi- 
ence and travel, and knew their river most perfectly 
both by day and night ; and it shall be requisite for 
any man that passeth it to have such a pilot, for it 
is four, five, and six miles over in many places, and 
twenty miles in other places, with wonderful eddies 
and strong currents, many great islands and divers 
shoals, and many dangerous rocks; and besides, upon 
any increase of wind, so great a billow as we were 
sometimes in great peril of drowning in the galley, 
for the small boats durst not come from the shore 
but when it was very fair. 

The next day we hastened thence, and having an 
easterly wind to help us, we spared our arms from 
rowing ; for after we entered Orinoco, the river lieth 
for the most part east and west, even from the sea 
unto Quito in Peru. This river is navigable with ships 
little less than a thousand miles j and from the place 

to GtttAtfi. 65 

* ■ 

where *e entered it may be sailed up in small pinaces 

to many of the best parti of Nuevo Reyno de Grenada 
and of Popayan : And from no place ihay the cities of 
these parts of the Indies be so easily taken and invaded 
is from hence. AH that day we sailed up a branch 
of that river, having on the left hand a great island; 
Which tfcey call Afesapana, which may contain some 
five and twenty miles in length and six miles in 
breadth, the great body of the river running on the 
Other side of this island. Beyond that middle branch 
there is also another island in the river, called fwana, 
which is twice as big as the Isle of Wight ; and beyond 
it, and between it and the Main of Guiana, fanned* 
a third branch of Orinoco called Arraroopana; All 
three are goodly branches, and all navigable for great 
ships. I judge the river in this place to be at least 
thirty miles broad, reckoning the islands which di* 
vide the branches in it ; for Afterwards I sought alsa 
both the Other branches. 

After we reached to the head of this island called 
Assapana, a little to the westward on the right hand 
there opened a rivet which came from the north, call- 
ed Europa, and fell into the great river ; and beyond 
it, on the same side, we anchored for that night by 
another island sir miles long and two miles broad, 
which, they call Ocaywita: from hence in the morning 
we landed two Guianians, which we found in the town 
of Toparhnaca, that came with us, who went to give 
notice of our coming to the lord of that country, 
called Putyma, a follower of Topiawari, chief lord 
of Arromaia, who succeeded Morequi to, whom (as you 
have heard before) Berreo put to death ; but his town 
being far within the land, he came not unto us that 
day, so as we anchored again that night near the 
hanks of another island, or bigness much like the 
other, which they call Putapayma, on the main land, 
over-against which island was a very high mountain 
called Oecope. We coveted to anch . .r rather by these 
islands in the river than by the Main, because of the 
Vol, VI. tw 



tortoises <eg£s f which our people found on them in 
great abundance, and also because the ground served 
better for us to cast our nets for fish, toe main banks 
being for the most part stony and high, and the rocks 
of a blue metalline colour, like unto the best steel 
ore, which I assuredly take it to be. Of the same 
blue stone are also (fivers great mountains, which 
border this' river in many places. 

The next morning, towards nine of the clock, we 
weighed anchor ; and the breeze increasing, we sailed 
always west up the river, and, after a while opening 
the land on the right side, the country appeared to 
be champaign, and the banks shewed very perfect 
red ; I therefore sent two of the little barges with 
Captain Giflford, and with him Captain Thvn, Cap- 
tain Calfield, my cousin Greenville, my nephew John 
Gilbert, Captain Eynus, Mr Edward rorter, and my 
cousin Butsnead Gorges, with some few soldiers, to 
march over the banks of that red land, and to disco- 
ver what manner of country it was on the other side; 
who at their return found it all a plain level, as far as 
they went or could discern, from the highest tree 
they could get upon ; and my old pilot, a man of 
great travel, brother to the Cacique Toparimaca, told 
me that those were called the plains of the Savma ; 
and that the same level reached to Cumana and Car- 
racas in the West Indies, which are a hundred and 
twenty leagues to the north, and that there inhabit- 
ed four principal nations : The first were the Sayma, 
the next Assawai, the third and greatest the Wikiri, 
by whom Pedro Hernandes de Serpa before-men- 
tioned was overthrown, as he passed with three hun- 
dred horse from Cumana towards Orinoco, in his en- 
terprise of Guiana; the fourth are called Aroras, and 
are as black as negroes, but have smooth hair, and 
these are very valiant, or rather desperate people, and 
have the most strong poison on their arrows, and most 
dangerous of all nations; of which .poison I will speak 
somewhat, being a digression not unnecessary. 


TO OUIAttA, 67 

There was nothing whereof I wad tnore curious 
than to find out the true remedies of these poisoned 
arrows ; for besides the mortality of the wound they 
make, the party shot endureth the most insufferable 
torment hi the world, and abideth a most ugly and 
lamentable death ; sometimes dying stark mad, some- 
times their bowels breaking out or their bellies, and 
are presently discoloured as black as pitch, and so 
unsavoury as no man can endure to aire or to at- 
tend them : and it is more strange to know, that in all 
this time there was never Spaniard, either by gift or 
torment, that could attain to the true knowledge of 
the cure, although they have martyred and put to in- 
vented torture I know not how many of them* But 
every one of these Indians know it not, no not one 
among thousands, but their soothsayers and priests, 
who do conceal it, and only teach it bat from the fa- 
ther to the son* 

Those medicines which are vulgar, and serve for 
the ordinary poison, are made of the juice of a root 
called Tup&ra* The same also quencheth marvel- 
lously the heat of burning fevers, and healeth inward 
wounds, and broken veins that bleed within the bo- 
dy. But I was more beholden to the Ouianians than 
any other ; for Antonio de Berreo told me, that he 
could never attain td the knowledge thereof, and yet 
they taught me the best way of healing as well there- 
of as of all other poisons. Some of the Spaniards 
have been cured in ordinary wounds of the common 
poisoned arrows, with the juice of garlick ; but this 
is a general rule for all men that shall hereafter tra- 
vel the Indies where poisoned arrows are used, that 
they must abstain from drink ; for if they take^any 
liquor into their body, as they shall be marvellously 

Srovoked thereunto by drought,— I say, if they drink 
efore the wound be dressed, or soon upon it, there 
is no way with them but present death. 

1 And so I will return again to our journey, which 
jbr this third day we finished, and «ast anchor again 


68 V0Y468S 

near the continent, on the left hand between two 
mountains, the one called Aroami, and the other 
Aio. I wade no stay here but till midnight, for I 
feared hourly lest any rain should feM, and theft k 
had been impossible to have gone aqy farther up* 
notwitltotandiog that there is every day a very strong 
breeze and easterly wiatk I deferred the search of 
the country w Guiana side*, till my return down the 
river. The next day we flatted by a great island, in 
the middle of the river called Mtnoripano ; and aa 
we walked a while on theisland, white the galley got 
a-head of us,, tbeue came after us from the main * 
small canoe* with seven or eight Gaiani*i)* to invite 
us to anchor at their port ; but I deferred tiH my re* 
turn,«*«it wap that Cacique to whom these Nepoiee 
went which caste with us front; the. town of Topari- 
maea ;-r*nd no the fifth day we reached as-high* up 
as the province of Arromaia, the country of More* 
quite whom Berreo executed* and anchored to the 
west of an island called Murrecotima* ten mite* long 
and five broad ; and that night the Cacique Aratni* 
*ri (to. whose town we made our long and hungry 
voyage out of the river of Amaam) passed by us* 

The next day we arrived at the port of Morequito* 
and anchored there, sending away one of ouc pilot* 
to seek, the king of Arromaia* uncle to- Mwequitow 
slain by Berreo as aforesaid* The next d*y follow- 
ing, before noon, he came to us on foot horn, hia 
house, which was fourteen English miles* (himself 
being an hundred and ten years old*) and returned on 
foot the same day ; and with him many of the bpr* 
derers, with many women and children* that came to 
wonder at our nation, and to bring us down victual j 
which they dirt in g^eat plenty, as venison, pork, 
hens, chickens, fbwA, fish, with divers sorts of excel- 
lent fruits and roots, and great abundance of pines, 
the princess of fruit**, that grow under the sun, es- 
pecially those of Guiana. They brought us also store 
of breajl, and $£ their, wine; and a sect, of para^nitos 


an bigger than wrens, and of all sorts bath small and 

Sreat : one of them gave wne a beaut caHed by the 
pamardsarmedilla, whid) they call cassaoam, which 
seemeth to be all barred over with smell plates, 
somewhat like to a rhinoceros, with a white horn 
{growing in his hinder porta, as big as a great bunt* 
mg horn, which they use to wind instead of a trum- 
pet. MoHardils writeth, that a little of the powder of 
that horn put into the ear cureth deafness. 

After tills old king had rested a while in a little 
tent that t caused to be set up, I began, by my in* 
terpreter, to -discourse with him of the death of Mo- 
requito his predecessor, and afterward of the Spa- 
Biards ; and ere I went any farther, I made him know 
the cause of my coming thither, whose servant I was, 
and that the Queen's frfeasmre was, I should under- 
take the voyage for their defence, an<i- to defarer 
them from die tyranny of the Spaniards j dilitrng aft 
htiye* {as I had done before to those of Trinidad,) 
her majesty'* greatness, her justice, her ehirity to all 
oppressed nations, with as many of the rest of her 
beauties and virtues as either I coold express or they 
ooftceive: AH which being with great admkation at- 
tentively heard, and marvellously admired, I began 
to sound the old man as touching Guiatia, and the 
state thereof, what sort of common wealth* it was, hftw 
governed, of what strength and policy, how ihr it ex- 
tended, and what nations were friends or enemies 
adjoining, and finally of the distance and way to 
enter the same. He told me that himself and his 
people, with ail those down die river towards the 
sea, as far as Emeria, the province of Cafapa- 
na, Were of Guiana ; but that they called them- 
selves Orinocoponi, because they bordered the great 
river of Orinoco; and that all the 'nations between 
the river and those mountains in eight, called Waoa- 
ritha, were of the same cast and appellation ; and 
that on the other side of those mountains of Wacari- 
ma there was a large plain, (which after I discover- 



ed in my return,) called the valley of Amariocapana ; 
in all that valley the people were also of the ancient 
Guianians. I asked what nations those were which 
inhabited on the further side of those mountains, be- 
yond the valley of Amariocapana. He answered with 
a great sigh, fas a man which had an inward feeling 
ofthe loss of nis country and liberty, especially for 
that his eldest son was slain in battle on that side of 
the mountains, whom he most entirely loved,) that 
he remembered in his father's lifetime, when he was 
very old, and himself a voung man, that there came 
down into that large valley of Guiana, a nation from 
so far off as the sun slept, (for such were his own 
words,) with so great a multitude as they could not 
be numbered nor resisted ; and that they wore large 
coats, and hats of crimson colour, which colour be 
expressed, by shewing a piece of red wood wherewith 
my tent was supported, and that they were called 
Oreiones, and Epuremei,— those that had sbun and 
rooted out so many of the ancient people as there 
were leaves in the wood upon all the tree6,-r~and had 
now made themselves lords of all, even to that moun- 
tain foot called Curaa, saving only of two nations, 
the one called Iwarawaqueri, and the other Casaipa* 

fotos; and that in the last battle fought between the 
<puremei and the Iwarawaqueri, his eldest son was 
chosen to carry to the aid of the Iwarawaqueri, a 
great troop of the Orinocoponi, and was there slain 
with all his people and friends; and that he had. now 
remaining but one son : And farther told me, that 
those Epuremei had built a great town called Macu- 
reguarai, at the said mountain foot, at the beginning 
of the great plains of Guiana, which have no end ; 
and that their houses have many rooms, one over the 
other, and that therein the grtftt king of the Orei- 
ones and Epuremei kept three thousand men to de- 
fend the borders against them, and withal daily to 
invade and slay them ; but that of late years, since 
the Christians offered to invade his territories, and 


those frontiers, they were all at peace, and traded 
one with another ; saving only the Iwarawaqueri, and 
those other nations upon the head of the river of Ca- 
roli, called Cassipagotos, (which we afterwards disco- 
vered,) each one holding the Spaniard for a common 

• After he had answered thus far, he desired leave 
to depart, saying that he had far to go ; that he was 
old and weak, and was every day called for by death, 
which was also his own phrase. I desired him to 
rest with us that night, but I could not intreat him ; 
but he told me, that at my return from the country 
above, he would again come to us, and in the mean- 
time provide for us the best he could of all that his 
country yielded. The same night he returned to 
Orocotona, his own town, so as he went that day 
twenty-eight miles, the weather being very hot, 
the country being situate between four and five de- 
grees of the Equinoctial. This Topiawari is held 
for the proudest and wisest of all the Orinocoponi ; 
and so he behaved himself towards me in all his an- 
swers at my return, as I marvelled to find a man of 
that gravity and judgment, and of 30 good discourse, 
that had no help of learning nor breed. 

The next morning we also left the port, and sailed 
westward up the river, to view the famous river call- 
ed Caroli, as well because it was marvellous of itself, 
as also for that I understood it led to the strongest 
nations of all the frontiers that were enemies to the 
Epuremei, which are subjects to Inca, emperor of 
Guiana and Manoa ; and that night we anchored at 
another island called Caiama, of some five or six miles 
in length, and the next day arrived at the mouth of 
Caroli. When we were short of it, as low or farther 
down as the port of Morequito, we heard the great 
roar and fall of the river ; but when we came to en- 
ter with our barge and wherries, thinking to have 
gone up some forty miles to the nations of die Cassi- 
pagotos, we were not able with a barge of eight oars 



to row one stone's cast in an hogr ; and yet the swm 
is as broad as the Thames at Woolwich, and ve tried 
both sides, and the middle, and every part of the 
river; so as we encamped upon the hank* ^pitting, 
and sent off our Orinocopone {which caipe with uf 
from Morequito) to give knowledge to the nations 
upon the river of our being there, and that we de* 
sired to see the lords of Canurut, which dwelt within 
the province upon that river; miking them know 
that we were enemies to the Spaniards; (for it wa* 
on this river's side that Morequito slew the friar, *n4 
those njue Spaniards which came from Manoa, tbp 
city of laca, and took from then? forty thousand per 
soes of gold) i j so as the next d#y there came down a 
}prd pr Cacique called Waayrstopa, with many {peo- 
ple with him, and brought all stpr/e of provisions %p 
entertain us, as the rest had done. And as I h*d 
before made my coming known to Topiawari, so did 
I acquaint this Cacique therewith, and ftow I wp? 
sent by her Majesty for the purpose afofe$aid» and 
gathered also what I could of him touching the 
estate of Guiana ; and I found that those afeo of Ca- 
roli were not only enemies to the $paniards, fyut moat 
of all to the Bpuf eraeit which abound in gold ; and 
by this Wanuretona, I had knowledge tpat on the 
head of this river were three mighty nations, which 
were seated on a great lake, ijrpm whence this riyer 
descended, and were called Cas&jpagotoq, Ejwagotos, 
and Arawagotos; and that all those, either against the 
Spaniards or the £puremei, would join with us; and that 
if we entered the land over the mountain* of Curaa, 
we should satisfy ourselves withgold an 4 all other good 
things. If e tola us, farther, of a nation palled Iwara- 
waqueri, before spoken of, that held daily war with 
the Epureraei that inhabited Maptjreguarai, the first 
civil tqwi] of Guiana, of the subjects of Inca the 

Upon this river, one Captain George, that I tpojt 
with Berreo> told me there y/^5 a great silver pain^ 

«fyd tl^ it wfw oiear the t#uk$ <>f the sjud rivCT. But 
by .this time as well Orinoco, Carodi, as all the rest 
jof tdie rivers, were risen four or five feet in height, 
sp as it was not possible, by the strength of any man, 
or with any boat whatsoever, to row into the river 
against the stream. J therefore sent Captain Thyn, 
p^tain Greenville, my nephew John Gilbert, ray 
£ousio Butshpad Gorges, . Captain Clarke, and some 
thirty shot spore, to coast the river by land, and to 
go to a town some twenty miles over the valley call- 
ed Ayinatapoi ; and if they found guides there, to 
go farther tpwatds the mountain foot to another great 
town, calle4 Capurepana, belonging to a Cacique 
/Called Haar#coa, (that was a nephew to old Topi*, 
.wari, king of y^ixomaia, our chiefest friend) ; because 
this town and province of Capurepana adjoined t? 
MfUzui? guaraj, which was the frontier town of the 
empire ; aqd the meanwhile myself with Captain 
G«brd, Captain Calfield, Edward Hancpck, and 
same half a dozen $hot, marched over land to view 
ih$ strange overfalls of the river of Caroli, which 
Topped so far off, and also to see the plains acjjoininft 
^nd the rest of the province of Canuri. I seut also 
Captain Wbiddon, W. Cannoke, and some eight shot 
with them, to see if they could find any mineral stone 
along the river's side* When we ran to the tops of 
flie first hills of the plain adjoining to the river, we 
beheld that wonderful breach of waters, which raqi 
down Caroli \ and might from that mountain see the 
river how it ran iq three parts, abpve twenty mile off; 
and there appeased some ten or twelve overfalls* in 
fight, every one as high over another as a church 
tower, which fell witb-that fury that the rebound of 
waters made it seem as if it bad been all covered 
over with a great shower of rain ; and in some places 
We took it at the first for a smoke that had risen over 
tome great town. For my own part, I was well per- 
suaded from thence to have rpturped, being a very 
ill fpfttquw j bpt the rest were all so desirous to ge 



tiear the strange thunder of waters, as they drew me 
on by little and little, till we came into the next val- 
ley, where we might better discern the same. I ne- 
ver saw a more beautiful country, nor more lively 
prospects ; hills so raised here and there over the 
rallies ; the river winding into divers branches ; the 
plains adjoining without bush or stubble, all fair 
green grass ; the ground of hard sand, easy to march 
on, either for horse or foot; the deer crossing in 
every path ; the birds, towards the evening, singing 
on every tree with a thousand several tunes ; crane* 
and herons of white, crimson, and carnation, perch* 
ing on the river's side ; the air fresh, with a gentle 
easterly wind ; and every stone that we stooped to 
take up promised either gold or silver by its com- 
plexion. Your Lordship shall see of many sorts, and 
I hope some of them cannot be bettered under the sun; 
and yet we had no means but with our daggers and 
lingers to tear them out here and there, the rocks be- 
ing most hard, of that mineral spar aforesaid, and is like 
a flint, and is altogether as hard or harder, and be- 
sides the veins lie a fathom or two deep in the rocks. 
But we wanted all things requisite save only our de- 
sires and good-will to have performed more, if it had 
pleased God. To be short, when both our compa- 
nies returned, each of them brought also several 
sorts of stones that appeared very fair, but were such 
as they found loose on the ground, and were for the 
most part but coloured, and had not any gold fixed 
in them ; yet such as had no judgment or experience 
kept all that glittered, and would not be persuaded 
but it was rich because of the lustre; and brought of 
those, and of the marcasite withal, from Trinidad, 
and have delivered of those stones to be tried in ma- 

ny places, and have thereby bred an opinion that all 
the rest is of the same. Yet some of these stones I 
shewed afterward to a Spaniard of the Caraccas, who 
told me that it was el madre del oro % and that die 
mine was farther in the ground! But it shall be 



found a. weak policy ia me either to betray myself 
or my country with imaginations; neither am I so far 
in love with that lodging, watching, care, peril, dis- 
eases, ill savours, bad fare, and many other mischiefs 
that accompany these voyages, as to woo myself a- 
gain into any ot them, were I not ataured/that the 
sun covereth not so much riches in ahy-jiart of the 
earth. Captain Whiddon, and our surgeon Nich. 
MiUechap, brought me a kind of stones like saphires; 
what they may prove I know not. I shewed them, 
to some of the Orinocoponi, and they promised to 
bring me to a mountain that had of them very large 
pieces growing diamond wise. Whether it be crys- 
tal . of the mountain, Bristol diamond, or saphire, I 
do not yet know, but I hope the best ; sure I am 
that the place is as likely as those from whence all 
the rich stones are brought, and in the same height, 
or very near. 

. On the left hand of this river Caroli are seated 
those nations winch are called Iwarawakeri, be-' 
fore remembered, which are enemies to the Epu- 
remei ; and on the head of it, adjoining to the great 
lake Cassip, are situate those other nations which al- 
so resist Inca, and the Epuremei, called Cassepagotos, 
Eparegotos, and Arrawagotos. I farther understood 
that this lake of Cassipa is so large, as it is above one 
day's journey for one of their canoes to cross, which 
may be some forty miles; and that therein fell divas 
rivers ; and that great store of grains of gold are 
found in the summer time, when the lake faJleth by 
the banks, in those branches. There is abo another 
goodly river beyond Caroli, which is called Arvi, 
which also runneth through the lake Cassipa, and 
falleth into Orinoco farther west, making , all that 
Jand between Caroli and Arvi an island, which is 
likewise a most beautiful country. Next unto Arvi 
there are two rivers, Atoica and Caora ; and cm that 
branch which is called Caora are a nation of people, 
whose heads appear not above their shoulders; which* 


41.1-fi J 

tgjk it ttostyhe -thought a mere fkWe, yet for mine 
own part I am resolved it is true, because every <ehiM 
in the provinces of Arromata and Canuri affirm the 
same. They are called Ewaipanoma ; they are re- 
ported to have their eyes in their shoulders, and their 
mouths in the middle of their breasts, and that a leotf 
train of hair groweth backward between their shout 
ders. The sob of Topiawari, which I brought with 
oie into England, tola me that they are the most 
mighty men of all the land, and use bows, arrows, and 
duos, thrice as big as any of Guiana, or of the Oii 
nocoponi, and that one of the Iwarawakeri took a 
prisoner of them the year before our arrival there, 
skid brought him into the borders of Arromaia, his 
father's country. And farther, when I seemed to 
doubt of it, he told me that it was no wonder among 
them, but that they were a? great a nation, and ns 
common, as any other in all the provinces, and had 
of late years slam many hundreds of his father's peo- 
ple, and of other nations their neighbours. But it 
was not my chance to hear of them tail I was come 
away ; and if I had but spoken one word of it while 
I was there, I might have brought one of them with 
me to pot 4he matter out of doubt. Snob a nation 
was written of by Maadfeville, whose reports were 
held for labfes many years ; and yet since the Bast 
Indier were discovered, we find bis relations true of 
sneh things as heretofore were held incredible. Whe- 
ther it be true or no, the matter is not great, neither 
can (here be any profit in the imagination ; for mine 
own part I saw them not, but I am resolved that so ma- 
ny people did not all combine, or forethink, to make 
the report* When I came to Cumana in the West In- 
dies, afterwards, by chance, I spoke with a Spaniard 
dwefirag not far from thence, a man of great travel ; 
and after he knew that I had been in Guiana, and so 
far directly west as Caroli, the first question he asked 
me ires, whether I had seen any of the Ewaipanoma, 
which ere those without heads,— who being ntsem* 

TO ftUIfANA. 77 

ed a most honest mao of his word, and ia aft things 
else, told me that he had seen many of them : I nay 
not aatne him, because it may be for his diaadvan* 
tege ; but he is well known to Monsieur Muchere&'s 
son of London, and to Peter Mucheron, merchant* 
of the Flemish ship that was there in trade, who also 
heard what he avowed to be true of those people* 
The fourth river to the west of Carofc is Gasnero* 
which falleth into Oriaoco on this side of Amapia 5 
and that river is greater than Danubtus, or any of * 
Europe : i* raeth on the south of Guiana, from the 
mountains which dividte Guiana from Amazons ; and 
1 think it to be navigable many hundred miles : but 
we bad to time, means^ nor season of the year, to 
search those rivers* for the causes aforesaid j the 
ter being come upon us, although the winter 
summer, as touching cold and heat, differ not, nei* 
ther do the trees ever sensibly lose their leaves* but 
have always fruit either ripe or green, and most of 
them both blossoms, leaves, ripe fruit, and green* at> . 
one time ; but their winter only consisted* of ter- 
rible rains, and overflowings of the rivers, with ma~ 
ny great storms and gusts, thunder and lightnings* 
ef which we had our fill ere we returned. On tnfr , 
north side, the first river that falleth into Orinoco w 
Gad ; beyond it on the same side is the river of Li- 
mo ; between these two is a great nation of Cannibals* 
and their chief town beareth the name of the river* 
and is calked Acamacari. As this town is a conti* 
nual market for women for three or four hatchets o» 
piece, they are bought by the Arwacas, and by them, 
sold into the West Indies. To the west of Limo is 
the river Pao, beyond it Caturi* beyond that Voari, 
and Capuri, which falleth out of the great river of 
Meta» by which Berreo descended from Nuevo rtv- 
no de Granada. To the westward of Capuri is the 
province of Araapaia, where Berreo wintered, and had. 
so many of his people poisoned with the tawny water 
of the marthoft of toe Anebaa* Abetfe Amapaia, to- 

78 Voyage* 

ward Nuevo reyno, fall in Meta, Pato, arid Cassanan 
To the west of these, towards the provinces of Asha* 
guas and Catetios, are the rivers of Beta, Dawncy, 
and Ubarrow ; and towards the frontier of Pent are 
the provinces Thomebamba and Caximalca : adjoin- 
ing to Quito, in the north of Peru, are the rivers 
or Gutacar and Goavar ; afid on the other side of the 
said mountains the river of Papamene, whieh de- 
scendeth into Marannon, or Amazons, passing 
through the province of the Mutylones, where Don 
Pedro de Qrsua, who was slain by the traitor Aguirre, 
before rehearsed, built his brigantiues, when he 
sought Guiana by the way of Amazons. Between 
Dawney and Beta lieth a famous island in Orinoco, 
now called Baraquan, (for above Meta it. is not 
known by the name of Orinoco,) which is called 
Atbule, beyond which ships of burden cannot pass, 
by reason of a most forcible overfal and current of 
waters j but in the eddy all smaller vessels may be 
. drawn, even to Peru itself. But to speak more of 
these rivers, without the description, were but tedi* 
ous ; and therefore I will leave the rest to the de- 
scription. This river of Orinoco is navigable for 
ships little less than a thousand miles, and for lesser 
vessels near two thousand. By it (as aforesaid) Pe- 
ru, Nuevo reyno, and Popaian, may be invaded : it 
also leadeth to that great empire of Inca, and to the 
provinces of Amapia and Anebas, which abound in 
gold ; his branches of Cosnero, Manta, Caora, de- 
scend from the middle-land and valley, which lieth 
between the eastern province of Peru and Guiana ; 
and it falls into the sea between Marannon and Tri- 
nidad, in two degrees and a half. All which your 
Honours shall better perceive in the general descrip- 
tion of Guiana, Peru, Nuevo reyno, the kingdom of 
Popayan, and Riodas, with the province of Venez- 
uela, to the bay of Uraba, behind Carthagena, west- 
ward, and to Amazons southward. 
While we lay at anchor on the coast of Canuri, and 

TQ GUlAtfA. 79 

had taken knowledge of all the nations upon the head 
and branches of this river, and had found out so many 
several people, which were enemies to the Epuremei 
and the new conquerors, I thought it time lost to 
linger any longer in that place, especially for that . 
the fury of Orinoco began daily to threaten us with 
dangers in our return ; for no half-day passed but 
the river began to rage and overflow very fearfully, 
and the rains came down in terrible showers, and 
gusts in great abundance \ and withal, our men be- 
gan to cry out for want of shift ; for no man had 
place to bestow any other apparel than that which he 
wore on his back, and that was thoroughly washed 
on his body, for the most part ten times in one day ; 
and we had now been well near a month, every day 
passing to the westward, farther and farther from ottr 
ships. We therefore turned towards the east, and 
spent thp rest of the time in discovering the river 
towards the sea, which we had not yet viewed, and 
which was most material. The next day following 
we left the mouth of Caroli, and arrived again at 
the port of Morequito, where we were before, (for 
^passing down the stream we went without labour, and 
against the wind, little less than 100 miles a-day.) 
As soon as I came to anohor, I sent away one for 
old Topiawari, with whom I much desired to have 
farther conference ; and also to deal with him for 
some one of his country to bring with us into Eng- 
land, as well to learn the language, as to confer with* 
aX by the way (the time being now spent of any longer 
stay there.) Within three hours after my messenger 
came to him he arrived also, and with him such a 
rabble of all sorts of people, and every one laden 
with somewhat, as if it had been a great market or 
fair in England ; and our hungry companies clus- 
tered thick and threefold among their baskets, every 
one laying hand on what he liked. After he had 
rested a while in my tent, I shut out all but ourselves 
and my interpreter, and told him, that I knew that 


both' the Cpuremei and the Spaniards *ete enemies 
to him, bis country, and nations ; that the one had 
conquered Guiana already, andthat the other geagftt to 
regain the same from them both ; and therefore I de- 
sired him to instruct me what he could, both of the 
passage into the golden parts of Guiana, and to the 
civil towns and apparelled people of Inca. He gave 
me an answer to this effect : first, That he did not 
perceive that I meant t& go onward towards the city 
of Manoa ; for neither the time of the year served, 
nor contd he perceive any sufficient numbers for such 
as enterprise ; and if I did, I was sure with all my 
Company to be buried there ; for that the emperor 
was of that strength, as that many times so many 
men more were too few. Besides, he gfeve me this 
good counsel, and advised me to hold it in mind, (as 
for himself he knew he could not live tiH my return,) 
that I should not offer by any means hereafter to in* 
vade the strong parts of Guiana without the help of 
all these nations which were also their enemies ; for 
that it was impossible, witliout those, either to be 
conducted, to be victualled, or to have ought car- 
ried with us; our people not being able to endure the 
march in so great heat and travel, unless the bor- 
derers gave them help to carry with them both their 
meat and furniture ; for he remembered, that in the 
plains of Macureguarai three hundred Spaniards were 
overthrown, who were tired out, and had -none of 
the borderfcrs to their friends ; but meeting their ene- 
mies as they passed the frontier, were environed on 
all sides, and the people setting the long dry grass 
on fire, smothered them, so as they had no breath to 
fight, nor could discern their enemies, for the great 
smoke. He told me farther, that four days journey 
from hfa own town was M aeureguarai, and that those 
were the next and nearest of the subjects of Inca 
and of the Epuremei, and the first town of apparel- 
led and rich people ; and that all those plates of gold 
which were scattered among the borderers, and car- 


tied to other nations far and beat, catne from the 
said Macureguarai, and were there made ; but that 
those of the lands within were far finer* and were 
fashioned after the image of men, beasts, birds, and 
fishes. I asked him* whether he thought that those 
companies that I liad there with me were sufficient 
to take that town or no ? He told me that he thought 
they were. I then asked him, whether he would 
assist me • with guides, and some companies of his 
people to join With us ? He answered, that, he would 

. go himself with all the borderers, if the rivers did 
remain fordable ; upoil this condition, that I would 
leave with him, till my return again fifty soldiers,, 
which he undertook to victual* I answered* that I 
had not above fifty good men in all there ; the rest 
were labourers and rowers ; and that I had no pro- 
vision to leave with them of powder, shot, apparel, 
or ought else ; and that without those things neces- 
sary tor their defence, they should be in danger of 
the Spaniards in my absence, who I knew would use 
the. same measure towards mine that I offered them 
at Trinidad x And although, upon the motion, Cap- 
tain Calfield, Captain Greenville, my nephew John 
Gilbert, and divers others, were desirous to stay, yet 
I was resolved that they must needs have perished ; 
for Berreo expected daily a supply out of Spain, and 
looked also hourly for his son to come down from 
Nnevo reyno de Granada with many horse and foot, 

. and had also in Valentia in the Caraccas two hundred , 
horse ready to march ; and I could not have spared 
above forty, and had not any store at all of powder, 
lead, or match to have left with them, nor any other 
provision* either spade, pick-ax, or ought else to have 
fortified withal. When I had given him rfeason that 
I could not at this time leave him such a company, 
he then desired me to forbear him and his country 
for that time ; for he assured me that I should be no 
sooner three days from the coast, but those Epuremei 
would invade him, and destroy all the remains of* # 
Vol. VL o o 

people and friends, if he should any way either guide 
us, or assist us against them. He further alleged, 
that the Spaniards -sought his death ; and as they 
had already murdered Bis nephew Morequito, lord 
of that province, Ho they had him seventeen days in 
a chain before ne' was king -of the country, and lad 
him like a dog from place to place, until he had paid 
a hundred plates of gold, and divers chains of spleen 
stones, for his ransom; and now since be became 
owner of that province, that they had many tames 
laid wait to take him, and that they would .be now 
-tdotc tenement when they should understand of his 
conference with the ; English; and because, said he, 
they would the better displsnt roe, if they cannot 
lay hands on me, they have gotten a nephew of mine, 
■ called Eparacano, whom they have christened Don 
Ivan, and his eon Don Pedro, whom they baiee also 
apparelled and armed, by whom they seek .to make 
a party against me in mine own country: He also 
'bath taken to wife oWe'Loviana, of * strong family, 
which are my borderers andneigbbonrs; and myself 
being now old, and in the hands of death, am net 
able to travel, nor to shift, as when I was of younger 
years. He therefore prayed ■ us to defer it till the 
next year, when he would undertake to draw in all 
the borderers to serve as, and then also it would be 
more seasonable to travel; for at this time of the 
year we should not be able to pass any river, the 
-waters were and would beso grown <ere our return. 
He farther told me, that I could not desire so much 
to invade Macureguarai and 'the rest of -Guiana hat 
that the borderers would be more (vehement than I ; 
for he yielded for a chief cause, that in the wars 
with the Epuremei they were spoiled of their women, 
and that their wives and daughters were taken from 
them j so as for their own parts they desired nothing 
of the gold or treasure for their labours, but only to 
recover women from the Epuremei : ior he farther 
complained very sadly, (as if it had been a 'matter 

70 Ol/IANA. 98 


tf CTWrt consequence,) that whereas they were wont 
to AW£ l#n or twelve wives, they were now enforced 
to cpntent themselves with three or four, and that 
the lord* of the Epuremei had fifty or a hundred. 
And. in truth they war more for women than ei- 
ther for gold or dominion* For the lords of coun- 
tries desire many children of their own bodies, to 
increase their races and kindreds ; for in those coq- 
ai*t their, greatest trust and strength. Divers of 
his followers afterwards desired me to make haste 
again, that they might sack the Epuremei; and 
I asked them of what? They answered, of their 
wonten for us, and their gold for you : For the 
hope of many of those women they more desire 
the war, than either for gold or for the recovery of 
their ancient territories $ for what between the sub- 
jects of Inca and the Spaniards, those frontiers are 
groftn thin of people, and also great numbers are fled 
to other nations farther off for tear of the Spaniards. 
After I received this answer of the old man, we fell 
into consideration, whether it had been of better ad- 
vice to have entered Macureguarai, and to have be- 
gun a war upon Inca at this time, yea or no, if the 
time of the year, and all things else, had sorted. For 
mine own part, (as we were not able to march it for 
the rivgrs, neither had any such strength as was re- 
quisite, and durst not abide the coming of the win- 
ter, or to tarry any longer from our ships,) I thought 
it very evil counsel to have attempted it at that time, 
although the desire of gold will answer many objec- 
tions ; but it would have been, in my opinion, an ut» 
ter overthrow to the enterprise, if the same should 
be hereafter, by her majesty, attempted. For then 
(whereas now they have heard we were enemies to 
•the Spaniards, and were sent by her majesty to re- 
lieve them) they would as good cheap have joined 
with the Spaniards at our return, as to have yielded 
nnto us, when they had proved that we came both 
for (me errand, and. that both sought to sack anfl 

o o 2 


spoil them. But as yet our desire of gold, or our ptiN 
pose of invasion, is not known unto those of the em- 
pire ; and it is likely, that if her majesty undertake 
the enterprise, they will rather submit themselves to 
her obedience than to the Spaniards, of whose cruel- 
ty both themselves and the borderers haf e already 
tasted ; and therefore, till I had known her majesty's 
pleasure, I would rather have lost the sack of one or 
two towns, (although they might have been very pro- 
fitable,) than to have defaced or endangered the fu- 
ture hope of so many millions, and the great* good, 
and rich trade which England may be possessed of 
thereby. I am assured now, that they will all die, 
even to the last man, against the Spaniards, in hope 
of our succour and return ; whereas otherwise, if I 
had either laid hands on the borderers, or ransomed 
the lords, as Berreo did, or invaded the subjects of 
Inca, I know all had been lost for hereafter. After 
that I had resolved Topiawari, lord of Aromaia, that 
I could not at this time leave with him the compa- 
nies he desired, and that I was contented to forbear 
the enterprise against the Epuremei till the next 
year, he freely gave me his only son to take with me 
into England ; and hoped, that though he himself 
had but a short time to live, yet that by our means 
his son should be established after his death. And 
I left with him one Francis Sparrow, a servant of 
Captain Gifford, who was desirous to tarry, and could 
describe a country with his pen, and a boy of mine, 
called Hugh Goodwin, to learn the language. I af- 
ter asked the manner how the Epuremei wrought 
those plates of gold, and how they could melt it out 
of the stone ; he told me, that the most of the gold 
which fliey made in plates and images, was not se- 
vered from the stone ; but that on the lake of Ma* 
noa, and in a multitude of other rivers, they gather- 
ed it in grains of perfect gold, and in pieces as big as 
small stones ; and that they put to it a part of cop- 
per, otherwise they could not work it, and that they 


used a great earthen pot, with holes round about it ; 
i and when they had mingled the gold and copper to- 
i gather, they fastened canes to the holes, and so with 
i the breath of men they increased the fire till the 
i metal ran ; and then they cast it into moulds of stone 
; and clay, and so make those plates and images. I 
i have sent your honours of two sorts such as I could 
I by chance recover, more to shew the manner of them 
i than for the value ; for I did not in any sort make 
r my desire of gold known, because I had neither time 
I nor power to have a greater quantity. I gave among 
I them many more pieces of $old than I received, of 
i the new money of twenty shillings, with h$r maje&- 
I ty's picture to wear, with promise that they would 
i become her servants thenceforth. 

I have also sent your honours of the ore, whereof 

i I know some is as rich as the earth yieldeth any ; of 

i which I know there is sufficient, if nothing else were 

I to be hoped for. But besides that we were not able 

to tarry and search the hills, so we had neither pion- 

i eers, bars, sledges, nor wedges of iron, to break the 

grounds without which there is no working in mines, 

But we saw all the hills with, stone of the colour of 

gold and silver, and we tried, them to be no marca- 

site, and therefore such as the Spaniards call el ma- 

dre del oro 9 which is an undoubted assurance of th$ 

general abundance ; and myself saw the outside of 

many mines of the white spar, which I know ta bo 

the same that all cov$t in this world, and of those 

more than I will speak of. 

Having learned what I could in Canuri and. Aro- 
maia, and received a faithful promise of the pripck 
palest of those provinces to become servants to her 
majesty, and to resist the Spaniards, if tji^y made 
any attempt in our absence, and that tbey woifld 
draw in the nations about the lake of Cassipa, and 
those Iwarawakeri, I then parted from old Topia- 
wari, and received his son for a pledge between us, 
and left him two of ours, as aforesaid. Tp Francis 
' gg3 


Sparrow I gaVe instructions to travel to Mac uregua- 
mi with such merchandize as I left with into, there- 
by to learn the place, and if it Were possible to go on 
to the grfeat dty of Manoa. Which being done, We 
weighed anchor, and coasted the river on Guiana 
side,- because we came up on the north side by the 
lawns of the Saima and Wikiri. 

There came with us from Arpmaia a Cacique, cal- 
led Putyma, that commanded the provin6e or Wara- 
pana, (which Putyma slew the nine Spaniards upon 
Caroli, before! spoken of,) who desired us to rest af 
the port of his country ; promising to bring us to a 
mountain adjoining to his town that had stones of 
the colour of gold, which he performed* And after 
we had rested there one night, I went myself in tbfc 
morning, with most of the gentlemen of my compa- 
ny, over land towards the said mountain, marching 
by a river's side called Mano* leaving on the right 
band a town called Tuteritona, standing in the pro- 
vince of Tarracoo, of which Wariaaremagoto is prin- 
cipal. Beyond it lieth another town, towards the 
south, in tne valley eff Amariocapafla, which beareth 
the name of the said valley, whdse plains stretch 
themselves dome sixty miles ih length* east and west, 
as fair ground and as beautiful fields as any man 
h&th ever seen, with divers copses scattered here and 
there by the river's side, and all as full of deer as any 
jforesf or park in England, and in every lake dnd ri- 
ver the like abundance of fish And fowl, of which 
Irraparragota is lord. 

from the river of Mano we crossed another river, 
in the said beautiful valley, called Oian£, and rested 
Ourselves by a clear lake, whibh lay in the middle of 
the said Oiana ; and one of our guides kindling us 
fire with two sticks, we staid a while to dry our shirts, 
which with the heat hung very wet ana heavy on 
our shoulders. Afterwards we sought the ford, to 

fass over towards the mountain called Iconuri, where 
*utym^ foretold us of the mine* In this lake we 
gaw one of the great fishes as big as a wine-pipe, 


TO r GUIAJty. 37 

v which they c^Jl manati* and is post excellent and 
** wholesome meat. But after I perceived, that to pass 
*™ the said river would require half a day's march more, 
**' I Was not able myself to endure it $ and therefore I 
*£* seat Captain Keymis> with six shot, to go on, and 
: m ga Ve hi m order not to return to the port of Putyma, 
^ which is called Chiparepare, but to take leisure^ aqc 
to march down the said valley as far as a river called 
'*«£ cumaca, where I promised to meet him again, (Pu 
fc* J tvma himself promising also to be his guide ;) and 2 
ra£ they marched they left the towns of Emparepai? 
is tt and Capurepana on the right band, and inarch* 
i* * from Putyma's house down the said valley of An 
] m riocopana, aad we returned the same day to the 
Jtf ver'g side^r-«-saw by the way many rocks like ur 
tf - 1 gold ore, and on the left hand a round mounta 
$5 which consisted of mineral stone. 
IBS From hence we rowed down the stream, coast 

k the province of Parino* As for the branches of 
? A vers* which I overpass in this discourse, those s 
oi be better expressed in the description, with the mi 

d tains of Aio> Ara, and the rest, which are situat 

jb the provinces of Parino and Carricurina. Whei 

,< were. come as far down as the land called Arria< 

^ (where Orinoco divideth itself into three { 

f branches, each of them being most goodly riv 

£ I sent awsfy Captain Henry Thyn and Captain G 

ff ville with the galley the nearest way, and took 

me Captain Gifford, Captain Calfield, Edward 
ter,' and Captain Eynos, with mine own bargi 
the two wherries, and went down that branch of 
noco which is called Cararoopana, which leadef 
wards Emeria, the province of Carapana, at 
[ wards the east sea, as well to find out Captain 

1 mis, whom I had sent over land, as also to ace 

myself with Carapana, who is one of the great* 
all the lords of the Orinocoponi* And whe 
came to the river of Cumaca, (to which Putym 
mised to conduct Captain Keymis,) I left C 

g g 4 



E^nos and Master Porter in the said river to expect 
his coming, and the rest of us rowed down the stream 
towards Emeria, 

In this branch, called Cararoopana, were also 
many goodly islands, some of six miles long, some of 
ten, and some of twenty. When it grew towards 
sun-set, we entered a branch of a river that fell iota 
Orinoco, called Winicapora, where I was informed 
of the mountain of crystal j to which* in truth, for 
the length of the way, and the evil season of the 
year, I was not able to march, nor abide any longer 
upon the journey. We saw it afar off, and it appear^ 
ed like a white church tower of an exceeding height. 
There fklleth over it a mighty river, which toucheth 
no part of the side of the mountain, bat rusheth 
over the top of it and falleth to the ground, with a 
terrible noise and clamour, as if a thousand great 
bells were knocked one against another. I think 
there is not in the world so strange an overfal, nor 
so wonderful to behold. Berreo told me that it hath 
diamonds and other precious stones on it, and that 
they shined very far off. But what it hath I know 
not ; neither durst he nor any of his men ascend to 
the top of the said mountain, those people adjoining 
being his enemies (as they were), and the way to it 
so impassable. 

Upon this river of Winicapora we rested a while ; 
and from thence marched into the country to a town 
called after the name of the river, whereof the chief 
was one Timitwara, who also offered to conduct "me 
to the top of the said mountain called Wacarima. 
But when we came in first to the house of the said 
Timitwara, being upon one of their feast-days, we 
found them all as drunk as beggars, and the pots 
walking from one to another without rest. We that 
were weary, and hot with marching, were glad of 
the plenty, though a small quantity satisfied us, their 
drink being very strong and heady, and so rested 
pursdves awhile. After we had fed, we drew our- 


selves back to our boats upon the river ; and there 
came to u? all the lords or the country, with all such ' 
kind of Victual as the place yielded, and with their 
delicate wine of pinas, and with abundance of hens 
and other provisions, and of those stones which we 
call spteenrstones. We understood by these chieftains 
of Winicapora, that their lord Carapana was depart- 
ed from Emeria, which was now in sight ; and that 
he was fled to Cairamo, adjoining to the mountains 
of Guiana, over the valley called Amariocopana ; 
being persuaded by those ten Spaniards, which lay 
at his house, that we would destroy him t and his 

But after these Caciques of Winicapora and Sapo- 
ratona, his followers, perceived our purpose, and saw 
that we came as enemies to the Spaniards only, and • 
had not so much as harmed any of those nations, no, 
though we found them to be of the Spaniards own 
servants, they assured us that Carapana would be as 
ready to serve us as any of the lords of the provinces 
which we had passed ; and that he durst do no other 
till this day but entertain the Spaniards, his country 
lying so directly in their way, and the next of ail 
other to any entrance that should be made in Guia- 
na on that side. 

And they further assured us, that it was not for 
.fear of out coming that he was removed, but to be 
acquitted of those Spaniards, or any other, that should 
come hereafter ; for the province of Cairoma is situ- 
ate at the mountain foot which divideth the plains 
of Guiana from the countries of Orinocoponi ; by 
means whereof, if any should come in our absence 
into his towns, he would slip over the mountain into 
the plains of Guiarta. among the Epuremei, where the 
Spaniards durst not follow him without great force. 

But in my opinion, or rather I assure myself, that 
Carapana (being a notable wise and subtle fellow, a 
man of one hundred years of age, and therefore of 
great experience,) is removed to look on, and if be 

99 .reMGEsrr 

find that we retain stifong$ lis Will beouitf ; if riot* lie 
will eicutfe his departure to the Spaniards, and say 
it was for fear, of cur coming. 

We therefore thought h bootless to row so far 
down the stream, or to geek any farther for this old 
fox \ and therefore, from the river of Waricapana, 
(which lieth at the entrance of Efrieria,) we turned 
again, and left to the eastward those four rivers which 
fall from out the mountains of Eroetia into Orinoco, 
which are Waxicapari, Coirdmra, Akaniri, and Iparo- 
iiul Below these four are also thds* branches and 
mouths of Orinoco which fall into the east sea ^ whero* 
of the first is Araturi, the next Amacura, the third 
Barima, the fourth Wana, the fifth Morooca, the sixth 
Paroma* the last WymL Beyond them there fall oat 
df the land between Orinoco and Amazons fourteen 
rivers, which I forbear to name* inhabited by the Ar* 
wacas and Cannibals. 

It is now time to return towards the north, and we 
found it a wearisome way back, from the borders of 
Eraeria, to recover up again to the head of the river 
Carerupana, by which we descended, and whcce we 
parted from the galley, which I directed to take the 
next way to the port of* Toparimaca, by which wo 
entered first. 

All the night it was stormy and dark, aftd full of 
thunder and great showers, so as we were driven to 
keep close by the banks in our small boats, being all 
heartily afraid both of the billow and terrible current 
of the river. By the ne±t morning we recovered tha 
mouth of the river of Cuniaea, where we left Captain 
Eynos and Edward Porter, to attend the coming of 
Captain Keymis over land j but when we . entered 
the same, they had heard no netrs of bis axrirok 
which bred in us a great doubt what might be be- 
dome of him. I rowed up a league or two farther 
into the river, shooting off pieces all the way, that 
he might know of our being there ; find the nest 
morning we heard them answer us also with a piece. 

We took Ihem aboard 'tis,' vttiS. took our leave of Pu- ' 
tyma- their guide, who of all ; others most lamented 
aiir departure, and dflfcred' to send his ion with u* 
into England, if* We could h&ve staid till he had sent 
back to nis town. But our hearts were 6did to behold 
the great rage and increase of Orinoco, and there- 
fore departed, and turned towards the west, till we 
bad recovered the parting of the -three branches ' 
aforesaid, that we might put down the stream after 
the galley. 

The nelt day we landed on the island of Assapa- 
na,' f which dh'ideth the river from that branch b$r ' 
which we went down to Ertiefria,) and there feasted ■ 
ourselves with that beast which is called Armadilla, 
presented unto us before ■ at Wirticapora ; and the r 
day following we' recovered the : gaHey at anlchot at' 
the port of Toparimaca, and the same evehmg de-' 
parted With very foul leather and terrible thunder* 
and showers, for the winter was come on very far* 
The best was, we went no less than one hundred 1 
miles a-day down the river ; but by the way we en- 
tered, it was impossible to return, for that the river 
of Amana, being in the bottom of the bay of Guani- 

Ea, cannot be sailed back by any means, both the 
reeze and current of the sea were so forcible ; and 
therefore we followed a branch of Orinoco called 
Capuri, which entered into the sea eastward of our 
ships, to the end we might bear with them before the 
wind ; and it was not without need, for we had by 
that way as much to cross of the main sea, after we 
came to the river's mouth, as between Graveline and 
Dover, in such boats as your Honours have heard. 

To speak of what past homeward were tedious, ei- 
ther to describe or name any of the rivers, islands, 
or villages of the Tivittvas, which dwell on trees ; 
we will leave all those to the general map ; and to 
be short, when we arrived at the sea-side, then £rew 
our greatest doubt, and the bitterest of all our jour- 
ney forepassed ; for I protest before God, that we 


were in a most desperate estate : for the same night 
which we anchored in the mouth of the river of Ca- 
jHiii, where it falieth into the sea, there arose a migh- 
ty storm, and the river's mouth was at least a league 
lxroad, so as we ran before night close under the 
land with our small boats, and brought the galley as 
near as we could, but she had as much ado to live as 
could be, and there wanted little of her sinking and 
all those in her, For my own part, I confess, I was 
very doubtful which way to take ; either to go over 
in the pestered galley, there being but six feet water 
over the sands for two leagues tqgether, and that ak 
so in the channel, and she drew five ; or to adven- 
ture in so great a billow, and W so doubtful weather, 
to cross the seas in my barge. The longer we tarri- 
ec^Hhe worse it was ; and therefore I took Captain 
Gifford, Captain Calfield, and my cousin Greenville, 
into my barge; and after it cleared up, about mid- 
night we put ourselves to God's keeping, and thrust 
out into the sea, leaving the galley at anchor, who 
dursknot adventure but by day-light ; and so being 
all very sober and melancholy, one faintly chearing 
another tp shew courage, it pleased God that the 
next day about nine of the clock, we descried the 
island of Trinidad, and steering for the nearest part 
of it, we kept the shore til] we came to Curiapan, 
' where we found our ships at anchor, than which 
there was never to us a more joyful sight, 

Now that it h^th pleased God to send us safe to 
our ships, it is time to leave Guiana to the sun, whom 
they worship, and steer away towards the north ; I 
will therefore in a few words finish the discovery 
thereof. Of the several nations which we found up- 
on this discovery I will once again make repetition, 
and how they are affected. At our first entrance in- 
to Amana, which is one of the outlets of Orinoco, w T e 
left on the right hand of us in the bottom of the bay t 
lying dir$ctfy against Trinidad, a nation of inhuman 
Cannibals, which inhabit the rivers of Guanipa and 



Berbefese \ in the same bay there is also a third river, 
i which is called Areo, which riseth on Paria side to- 
I Wards Cumana, and that river is inhabited with the 
Wikiri, whose chief town upon the said river is Say- 
ma* In this bay there are no more rivers but thepte 
i three before rehearsed, and the four branches of A- 
mana ; all which in the winter thrust so great abun- 
dance of water into the sea, as the same is taken up 
, fresh two or three leagues from the land. In the paa- 
; sage towards* Guiana, that is, in all those lands which 
the eight branches of Orinoco fashion into islands* 
there are but one sort of people, called Tiviti vas, but 
, of two casts, as they term them, the one called Cia- 
wani, the other Waraweeti, and those war one with 
the other. 

On the hithermost part of Orinoco, as at Toparr- 
mica, and Winicapora, those are of a nation called Ne- 
fNdios, and are of the followers of Carapana, lord of 
Emeria. Those between Winicapora and the port of 
Mareqiiito, which standeth in Aromaia, and all those 
in the valley of Amariocopana are called Orinocopo- 
ivi, and did obey Morequito, and are now followers 
of Topiawari. Upon the river of Caroli are the Ca- 
nari, which are governed by a woman, (who is inhe- 
ritrix of that province,) who came far off to see our 
nation, and asked me divers questions of her ma- 
jesty, being much delighted with the discourse of her 
majesty's greatness, and wondering at such reports 
as we truly made of her highnesses many virtues. 
And upon the head of Caroli, and on the lake of Cas- 
sipa, are the three strong nations of the Cassipagotos. 
Right south into the land are the Capurepani, and 
Emparepani, and beyond those adjoining to Macure- 
guarai (the first city of Inca>)» are the Iwarawakeri : 
All these are professed enemies to the Spaniards, and 
to. the rich Epurefnei also. To the west of Caroli 
are divers nations of Cannibals, and of those Ewaipa- 
noma, without heads. Directly west are the Amapi- 
as and Anebas, which are also marvellous rich in 

jjjpJd, The r<est towards Peru we*vill orti£< Oil ttft 
north of Orinoco, between it and the Wf at Indie*, 
are th$ Wikiri, Sami, and thje rest before spoken 
of,— all uoprtal enemies tp the Spaniard* On. the 
south side pf the main mouth of Orinoco ere the At- 
waqas, and beyond them the Cannibals, and to the 
sou tii of them the Aniwpus. 

To iwke ojeptioo of : tl)e several beasts, birds, fishea 
fruity fcfirexs, gums, . w«t woodk and of > their seve- 
ral religions and custtinp* would, for the first, require 
as mfrity volume^ a^ Ifotte' of Gesnerw, ahd for the 
rest, another i>tmdl<? jOf Decadts. The religion ef the 
Eppremei is tbe\S»q*e wbiph the Inpaa, emperors of 
,Pe#i* wsed i which may be wad in €£&$*, aiid other 
Spanish stories, — how they believe the immortality rf 
ilje sop], worship tfrer tup* wd bury with them alive 
their best beloved wiyes aftd treasure ; as they like- 
wife do in Pegu in the East J&&A*, apd ottos* places. 
' The Orinpcoppiii bu*y wit . their wives. With them, 
f but their jewels*; fo> eqj^y them again. The 

. Arwacas dry the bone? pf their lords, and their wiws 

t wd friepds drink them in powder. In the graves of 
.the Peruviaps, the SpaWtfds fpund thpir greatest a- 
hundatiee of treasure* the like also is fco be fpimd 
among these people i^ every province. They bare 
.all many wiv/es, pad the lorda five-fold tp the commas 
•sort ; their wives payer qat with their husbands, nor 
jatnong tfie m§p, bi# serve their hupbonds at meals* 
and afterw&F^s feed hy themselves* Those that are 
past their ywnger y-e#rs, mate all their bread and 
drink, and work tjbe^r cotton beds, and do all else of 
service aodtabppr; £or«the;nen do nothiag hut hunt, 
fish, play, and drink, whfip they ate oat of the wars. 
I will enter no further ifttp discourse of their man- 
ners, laws, and customs ; and because I have sot 
myself seen the cities of Inqa, I cannot avow on my 
credit what I have heard? although it be very likely, 
that the emperor Inca bath built and erected as mag- 
nificent palaces in Guiana as his ancestors did in Per 

T0 SfiJMVA. 9$ 

ru ; *w&ich wit*fe> for tbek riches airf htotnefes, most 
marvellous, and exceeding all in Europe* and I think 
of the world, China excepted, which also the Spa- 
niards (which I had) assured me to be of truth; as 
also the nations <£ the borderers, who being but Sad- 
vaioa to those of the inlands do cause much treasure 
to be buried with them ; for I was informed of one 
of tike Caciques >af the gnUey of Aviariocapana, which 
bad buried with him, a little before pur arrwal, ;a 
chair of gold* most curinuply wrought, which mas 
made either in Maquregoarai adjoining, or in Manoa. 
But if we should have grieved; them in their nahgian 
at the first, before they had teen taught better, and 
have digged up their graves, we had lost them aB ; 
and therefore I held my first resolution, that her ma- 
jesty should either accept or refuse the enterprise, 
.ere any tiling should be done that might in any 
sort hinder the same* And if Peru had so many 
heaps of gold, wheneof those facas were princes, and 
that they delighted so much therein, no doubt but 
tins which now liveth and reigneth in. Manoa, hath 
the same hutnour, and! an assured hath jmore abun- 
dance of gold within his territory than all Beni and 
the West Indies. 

For the rest, which myself have seen, I will pro- 
mise these things that follow, and know to be true. 
Those that are desirous to discover and see many 
nations, may be satisfied within this river, which 
bringeth forth so many arms and branches leading 
to several countries and provinces, above two thou- 
sand miks east and west, and eight hundred miles 
south and north ; and 4>f these the most either rich 
in gold or in other merchandizes. The commpn sol- 
dier shall hece fight for gold, and pay himself, instead 
of pence, with plates <rf half a foot broad, whereas 
he prpafeeth his .bones in other wars for provant and 
penury. Those commanders and chieftains that 
shoot at honour and abundance, shall find there 
more rich and beautiful cities, wore temples adorq- 

96 . voya&es 

ed with golden images, more sepulehres filled with 
treasure, than either Cortez found in Mexico, or 
Pizzaro in Peru ; and the shining glory of this con- 
quest will eclipse all those so far-extended beams of 
the Spanish nation. There is no country which 
yieldeth more pleasure to the inhabitants, either for 
these common delights of hunting, hawking* fishing, 
fowling, and the rest, than Guiana doth. It hath so 
many plains, clear rivers* abundance of pheasants, 
partridges, quails, rails, cranes, herons, and all other 
fowl ; deer of all sorts, porkes, hares, lions, tigers, 
leopards, and divers other sort of beasts, either for 
chace or food. It hath a kind of beast called cama, 
or anta, as big as an English beef* and in great plen- 
To speak of the several sorts of every kkid, I fear 

would be troublesome to the reader, and therefore I 
will omit them,— -and conclude, that, both for health, 
good air, pleasure* and riches, I am resolved it can- 
not be equalled by any region either in the East or 
West. Moreover, the country is so healthful, as one 
hundred persons and more, which lay,— without 
shift, most sluttishly, and were every day almost 
melted with heat in rowing and marching, and sud- 
denly wet again with great showers, and did eat ot 
. all sorts of corrupt fruits, and made meals of fresh 
fish without seasoning, of tortugas, of lagartos* and 
of aH sorts good and bad, without either order or 
measure, and besides lodged in the open air every 
night,— ^we lost not any one, nor had. one ill-disposed, 
to my knowledge, nor found any callentura, or other 
. of those pestilent diseases which dwell in all hot re- 
gions, and so near the equinox ial line. 

Where there is store of gold, it is in effect need- 
less to remember other commodities for trade ; but 
it hath, towards the south part of the river, great 
quantities of Brazil wood, and of divers berries, that 
dye a most perfect crimson and carnation ; and for 
painting, all France, Italy, or the East Indies, yield 


none sudh | for the more the skin is washed, the 
fairer the colour appeareth, and with which even 
those brown and tawny women spot themselves, and 
colour their cheeks* All places yield abundance of 
cotton, of silk, of balsam um ; (and of those kinds most 
excellent, and never known in Europe }) of all sorts 
of gums, of Indian pepper ; and what else the coun- 
try may afford within the land we know not, neither 
had we time to abide the trial and search. The soil 
beside* is so excellent and so full of rivers, as it will 
carry sugar, ginger, and all those other commodities 
which the West Indies hath. 

The navigation is short, for it may be sailed with 
an ordinary wind in six weeks, and in the like time 
back again, and by the way neither lee-shore, ene- 
my's coast, rocks, nor sands; all which, in the voyages 
to the West Indies, and all other places, we are sub- 
ject unto ; as the channel of Bahama* coming frotar 
the West Indies, cannot be passed in the winter, and, 
when it is at the best, it is a perilous and fearful 
place: the rest of the Indies tor calms .and dis- 
eases very troublesome, and the Bermudas a hellish 
sea for thunder, lightning, and storms. 

This very year there were seventeen sail of Spa- 
nish shim tost in the channel of Bahama ; and the 
great Philip, like to have sunk at the Bermudas, was 
put back to St Juan de Puerto Rico. And so it fall- 
eth out in that navigation every year for the most 
part, which in this voyage are not to be feared ; for 
the time of the year to leave England is best in July, 
and the summer in Guiana is in October, November, 
December, January, February, and March ; and then 
the ships may depart thence in April, and so return 
again into England in June, so as they shall never 
be subject to winter weather, either coming, going, 
or staying there ; which, for my part, I take to be 
one ot the greatest comforts and encouragements that 
can be thought on, having (as I have done) tasted 
in this voyage by the West Indies so many calms, so 

Vol- VI. h h 


much heat, such outrageous gusts* fpul weather, 
and contrary winds. 

To conclude, Guiana is a country that hath yet 
her maidenhead, never sacked, turned, nor wrought; 
the face of the earth hath not been torn, nor the 
virtue and salt of the soil spent by manuiranee ; the 
;raves have not been opened for gold, the mines not 
troken with sledges, nor their images pulled down 
out of their temples. It hath never been entered 
by any army of strength,- and never conquered or 
possessed by any Christian prince. It is besides so 
defensible, that if two forts be built in one of the 
provinces which I have seen, the flood setteth in so 
near the bank, -where the channel also Keth, that bo 
ship can pass up but within a pike's length of the 
artillery, firsjt of the one, and afterwards of the other : 
Which two forts will be a sufficient guard both to 
the empire of Inca, and to an hundred other seve- 
ral kingdoms, lying within the said river, even to 
the city of Quito in Peru. 

There is therefore great difference between the 
easiness of the conquest of Guiana, and the defence 
of it being conquered, and the West or East -Indies. 
Guiana hath but one entrance by the sea (if H have 
that) for. any vessels of burden ; so as whosoever 
shall first possess it, it shall be found ynaccessiUe 
for any enemy, except he come in wherries, barges, 
or canoes, or else in fiat bottomed boats \ and if he 
do offer to enter it in that manner, the woods are so 
thick two hundred miles together upon the rivers of 
such entrance, as a mouse cannot sit in a boat unhit 
from the bank. By land it is more impossible io 
approach, for it hath the strongest situation of any 
region under the sun, and is so environed with in- 
passable mountains on every side, as it is impossible 
to victual any company in the passage ; which hath 
been well proved' by the Spanish nation, who, since 
the conquest of Peru, have never left five years frse 
from attempting this empire, or discovering, some 
way into it j and yet, of twenty-tliree several gen- 

tO GUIA-KA*. 99 

tlemen, knights, and noblemen, there was never any 
that knew which way to lead an army by land, or to 
conduct ships by sea, any thing near the said coun- 
try. Orellano, of which the river of Amazons tak- 
eth name, was the first, and Don Antonio de Berreo 
(whom we displanted) the last ; and I doubt much 
whether he himself, or any of his, yet know the best 
way into the said empire. It can therefore hardly 
be regained, if any strength be formerly set down* 
but in one or two places, and but two or three crum- 
Sters or galleys built and furnished upon the rivet 
Within. . The West-Indies hath many ports, watering* 
places, and landings ; and nearer than three hundred 
miles to Guiana, no man can harbour a ship, except 
lie know one only place, which is not learnt in haste, 
and which I will undertake there is not any one or 
my companies that knoweth, whosoever hearkened 
most after it. 

Besides, by keeping one good fort, or building one 
town of strength, the whole empire is guarded; and 
whatsoever companies shall be afterwards planted 
within the land, although in twenty several provin- 
ces, thofee shall be able to reunite themselves upon 
any occasion, either by the way of one river, or be 
able to march by land without either wood, bog, or 
mountain: Whereas in the West-Indies there are 
few towns or provinces that can succour or re- 
lieve one the other, either by land or sea. By 
land, the countries are either desart, mountainous,, 
or strong enemies ; by sea, if any man invade to the 
eastward, those to the west cannot in many months 
turn against the breeze and easter-wind ; besides, 
the Spaniards are therein so dispersed as they are no 
where strong, but in Nueva Hispania only ; the sharp 
mountains, the thorns, and poisoned prickles, the 
sandy and deep ways in the vallies, the smothering 
heat and air, and want of water in other places, are 
their only and best defence ; which (because those 
nations that invade them are not victualled or pro- 

h h 2 


yidcd to stay, neither have any place to find adjoin* 
ing) do serve them instead of good arms and great 

The West-Indies were first offered her Majesty** 
grandfather by Columbus, a stranger, in whom there 
might be doubt of deceit > and besides, it was then 
thought incredible that there were such and so many 
lands and regions never written of before. This em- 
pire is made known to her Majesty by her own vas- 
sal, and by him that oweth to her more duty than 
an ordinary subject j so that it shall ill sort with the 
many graces and benefits which I have received, to 
abuse her Highness either with fables or imagina- 
tions. ' The country is already discovered-, many na- 
tions won to her Majesty's love and obedience ; and 
those Spaniards which have latest and longest labour- 
ed about the conquest, beaten out, discouraged, and 
disgraced, which among these nations were thought 
invincible. Her Majesty may, m this enterprise, 
employ all those soldiers and gentlemen that are 
younger brethren, and all captains and chieftains 
that want employment, and the charge will be only 
the first setting out in victualling and arming them ; . 
for after the first or second year, I doubt not but to 
see in London a contractation-house of more re- 
ceipt for Guiana than there is now in Seville for. 
the WestJndies. 

And I am resolved, that if there were but a small 
army a- foot in Guiana, marching towards Manoa, the 
chief city of Inca, he would yield her Majesty by 
composition so many hundred thousand pounds year- 
ly, as should both defend all enemies abroad, and 
defray all expences at home ; and that he should be- 
sides pay a garrison of three thousand or four thou- 
sand soldiers very royally to defend him against other 
nations ; for he cannot but know how his predeces- 
sors, yea how his own great uncles Huascar and 
Atibafipa, sons to Guanacapa, emperor of Peru, 
were (while they contended for the empire) beaten 
out by the Spaniards ; and that both of late year^ 


and ever since the said conquest, the Spaniards have 
sought the passages and entry of his country ;— and 
of .their cruelties used to the borderers he cannot be 
ignorant* In which respects, no doubt but he will 
be brought to tribute with great gladness ; if not, 
he hath neither shot nor iron weapon in all his em- 
pire, and therefore may easily be conquered. 

And I farther remember, that Berreo confessed 
to me and others, (which I protest before the ma* 
jesty of God to be true,) that there was found among 
prophecies in Peru, (at such time as the empire was 
reduced to the Spanish obedience,) in their chiefest 
temples, amongst divers others which foreshewed 
the loss of the said empire, that from Inglatiema 
those Incas should be again in time to come restored, 
and delivered from the servitude of the said con- 
querors. And I hope, as we with these few hands 
uave displanted the first garrison, and driven them 
©ut of the said country, so her Majesty will give 
order for the rest, and either defend it, and hold it 
as tributary, or conquer and keep it as empress of 
the same : For whatsoever prince shall possess it 
shall be greatest ; and if the King of Spain enjoy it, 
he will become irresistible. .Her Majesty hereby 
shall confirm and strengthen the opinion of all na- 
tions as touching her great and princely actions; 
and where the south border of Guiana reacheth to 
the dominion and empire of the Amazons, those wo- 
men shall hereby hear the name of a virgin, which 
is not only able to defend her own territories and 
her neighbours, but alto to invade and conquer so 
great empires, and so far removed. 

To speak more at this time I fear would be but 
troublesome. I trust in God, this being true, will 
suffice ; and that he which is King of alt kings and 
Lord of lords will put it into het heart, which is lady 
of ladies, to possess it ; if not, I will judge those 
men worthy to- be kings thereof that by her grace 
and leave will undertake it of themselves. 

hh 9 


Taken out of certain Spaniards Letters, concerning 
Guiana and the Countries lying upon the great River 
Orinoco ; with certain Reports also touching the same. 

An Advertisement ta the Reader. 

Those letters, out of which (he abstracts following are taken, 
Were surprised at sea as they were passing for Spain in the year 
1 594, by Captain George Popham ; who the next year, and the 
8 ame that Sir Walter Ralegh discovered Guiana, as he was in a 
voyage for the Wert. Indies, learnt also the reports annexed ; ail 
which, at his return, being two month* after Sir Walter, as ate 
so long after the writing of the former discourse, bearing also of 
his discovery, he made known, and delivered to some of her Ma- 
jesty's most honourable Privy Council, and others ; the which, 
feeing they confirm in some part the substance, I mean the riches 
of that country, it hath been thought fit that they should be there* 
unto adjoined : wherein the reader is to be advertised, that al- 
though the Spaniards seem to glory mnch of their formal posses- 
sion taken before Morequito, the lprd of Aromaia, and others 
thereabouts, which thoroughly understood them not at that dine, 
whatsoever the Spaniards otherwise pretend, yet, (according to 
the former discourse, and as also it is related by Cayworaco, the 
son of Topiawari, now chief lord of the said Aromaia, who was 
brought into England by Sir Walter Ralegh, and was present at 
the same possession and discovery of the Spaniards mentioned ia 
these letters,) it appeoreth, that after they were gone out of their 
country, the Indians theu having farther consideration of the mat- 
ter, and more than conjecture of their intent, having known and 
heard of their former cruelties upon the borderers and others of 
the Indians elsewhere, at their next coming, (there being ten of 
them sent and employed for a farther discovery) they were provided 
to receive and entertain them in another manner of sort than they 
had done before; that is to say, they slew them and burled them in 
the country so much sought. They gave them by that means a full 
and complete possession, the which before they had bnt begun ; 
and so they are minded to do to as many Spaniards as come after. 
Other possession they have had none since ; neither do the Indians 
mean, as they prote»t, to give them any other. One other thing 
to be red is, that in these letters the Spaniards seem to 
call Guiana and other countries near it, bordering upon the river 
of Orinoco, t>y the name of Nuevo Dorado, because of the £reat 
plenty of gold there in most places to be found ; ai hiding also to 
the name of El Dorado, which was given by Martinez, to the great 
city of Manoa, as is in the former treatise specified. This is. all I 
thought good to advertise. As for some other matters, 1 leave the n\ 
to the consideration and judgment of the indifferent reader. — W. R. 



A toolsets Letter from tht Gran Canaria to his Brother, being 
Commander qf S. Lucar, concerning El Dorado. 

There bave been certain letters received here of 
late, of a land newly discovered, called Nuevo Do* 
rado, from the dons of certain inhabitants of this 
cjtyh who were in the discovery. They write of 
Wonderful riches to be found in the said Dorado, 
and that gold there is in great abundance. The * 
course to fall with It is fifty Leagues to the windward 
of Margueuta, 

Alans*? s Letter from thence to certain Merchants ofS. Lucar, 

concerning El Dorado. 

Sirs,— We have no news worth the writing, saving . 
of a discovery lately made by the Spaniards, in a. 
new land called Nuevo Dorado, which is two days 
sailing to the windward of Margerita, there is gold 
in such abundance, as the like hath not been heard 
of. We have it for certain, in letters written from 
thence by some that were in the discovery, unto their 
parents here in this city. I purpose (God willing) 
to bestow ten or twelve days in search of the said 
Dorado, as I pass in my voyage towards Carthagena, 
hoping there to make some good sale of our commo- 
dities. I have sent you therewith part of the in- 
formation of the said discovery, that was sent to 
his Majesty. 

Part of the Copy that was sent to his Majesty, of the Dis- 
covery of Nuevo Dorado. 

In the river of Pato, otherwise called Orinoco, 
in the principal part thereof called Warismero, the 

104 ' s VOYAGES 

23d of April 1593, Domingo de Vera, master of the 
camp, and general for Antonio de Berreo, governor 
and captain-general for onr lord the king betwixt the 
rivers of Pato and Papamene, alias Orinoco, and 
Marannon, and of the island of Trinidad, in pre- 
sence of me, Rodrigo de Caran^a, register for the 
sea, commanded all the soldiers to be drawn toge- 
ther and put in order of battle, the captains and sol- 
diers and master of the camp standing in the midst 
of them, said unto them, < Sirs, soldiers, and cap- 
' tains, you understand long since that our general, 

* Antonio de Berreo, with the travel of eleven yean, 

* and the expence of more than an hundred thousand 

* pesos of gold, discovered the royal provinces of 
' Guiana and Dorado, of which he took possession 
' to govern the same ; but through want of bis peo- 
' pie's health and necessary munition, he issued out 

* at the island Marguerita, and from thence peopled 

* Trinidad. But now they have sent me to learn out 

* and discover the ways most easily to enter, and to 

* people the said provinces, apd where the camps 
' and armies may best epter the sapae. By reason 

* whereof, I intend so to do in the nape or his Ma- 
jesty and the said governor Antonio de Berreo; 

* and in token thereof, 1 require you, Francis Ca- 

* rillo, that you aid me to advance this cross that 

* lieth here on the ground:*— which they set on end 
towards the east. And the said master of the 
camp, the captains, and soldiers, kneeled down, and 
did due reverence unto the said cross ; and thereupon 
the master of the camp took a bowl of water and 
drank it off, and took more and threw it abroad on 
the ground : he also drew out his sword, and cut the 
grass off the ground' and the boughs off the trees, 
raying, * I take this possession in the name of the 

* ICing, Don Philip, oqr master, and of his governor, 
-* Antonio de Berreo.' And because some make 
question of this possession, to them I answer, That 
in these our actions was present the Cacique or prin- 



cipal, Don Antonio, otherwise called Morequito, 
whose land this was, who yielded consent to the 
said possession, was glad thereof, and gave his obe- 
dience to our lord the King, and in his name to the 
said governor Antonio de Berreo. And the said 
master of the camp kneeled down, being in his li- 
berty, and all the captains and soldiers said, ' That 
4 the possession was well taken j and that they would 
4 defend it with their lives upon whosoever would 
' say the contrary/ And the said master of the 
camp, having his sword drawn in his hand, said un- 
to me, « Register, that are here present, give me 

* an instrument or testimonial to confirm me in this 

* possession, which I have taken of this land, for 
' the governor, Antonio de Berreo ; and if it be 

* needful, I will take it anew/ And I require you 
all that are present to witness the same ; and do fur- 
ther declare that I will go on, taking possession of 
of all the lands wheresoever I shall enter. 

(Signed thus) Domingo de Vera, 

(An<^ underneath) Before me, Kodrigo de Caban^a, 

Register of the Army. 

And in prosecution of the said possession, and 
the discovery of the way and provinces, the 27th of 
April of the said year, the master of the camp en- 
tered by little and little, with all the camp ana men 
of war, more than two leagues into the inland, and 
came to a town of a principal, and conferring with 
Hm did let him understand, by means of Antonio 
Bisante, the interpreter, that his Majesty and Anto- 
nio de Berreo had sent him to take the said posses- 
sion. And the said friar Francis Carillo, by the in- 
terpreter, delivered him certain things of our holy 
Catholic faith. To all which he answered, they un- 
derstood him well, and would become Christians, 
and that with a very good will they should advance 
the cross in what part or place of the town it pleased 
them, for he was tor the governor Antonio de J$ef reo, 
who was his master. Thereupon the said master of 


the cam© took & great crotri, and set ft an 6nd to- 
wards the east, ind requested the whole ekatp to 
witness it ; and Domingo dfe Vera finved it th<**— - 
7/ 15 rcell and firmly done. 

(Arid underneath) Before ttfe, 

Rodrigo C&iuksa, Regirter of tfo Ansf» 

Th? first of May they prosecuted the said posses- 
sion and discovery to the town of Carapana.^ From 
thence the said master of the camp passed to the 
town of Toroco, whose principal is called Topiawari j 
being five leagues farther within the land thau the 
first nation, and well inhabited. And to this prin- 
cipal, by means of the interpreter, they gave to un- 
derstand, that his Majesty and the said corregidor 
commanded them to take the possession of that land ; 
and that they should yield their obedience to his 
Majesty, and to his corregidor, and to the master of 
the camp in his name ; and that in token thereof 
he would place a cross in the middle of his town. 
Whereunto the said Cacique answered, they should 
adv.ance it with a very good will, and that he re- 
mained in the obedience of our lord the King, and 
of the said governor Antonio de Berreo, whose 
vassal he would be. 

The fourth of May we came to a province above 
five leagues thence, of all sides inhabited with much 
people. The principal of this people came and met 
us iu peaceable manner j and he is called Revato. 
He brought us to a very large house, where he en- 
tertained us well, and gave us much gold ; and the 
interpreter asking him from whence that gold was, 
he answered, from a province not passing a day's 
journey off, where there are so man^ Indians as 
would shadow the sun, and so much gold as all 
yonder plain will not contain it. In which country 
(when they enter into the borracheras, or their drun- 
kjen feasts; they take of the said gold in dust, and 
apoint themselves all over therewith, to make the 

*0 GUIANA. 107 

braver shew ; and to the end the gold may cover 
them, they anoint their bodies with stamped herbs 
of a gluey substance ; — and they have war with those 
Indians. They promised us that if we would go 
unto them, they would aid us ; but they were such 
infinite numbers* as no doubt they would kill us. 
And being asked how they got the same gold, they 
told us they went to a certain down or plain, and 
pulled and digged up the grass by the root ; which 
done, they took of the earth, putting it in great 
buckets, which they carried to wash at the river, 
and that which came in powder they kept for their 
borracheras or drunken feasts, and that which was 
in pieces they wrought into eagles. 

The eighth of May we went from thence, and 
marched about five leagues. At the foot of a hill we 
found, a principal, called Arataco, with three thou-* 
sand Indians, men and women, all in peace, and with 
much victual, as hens and venison in great abun- 
dance, and many sorts of wine. He entreated us to 
go to his house, and to rest that night in his town, 
being of five hundred houses. The interpreter ask* 
ed whence he had those hens. He said they were 
brought from a mountain, not passing a quarter of a 
league thence, where were many Indians, yea, so 
many as grass on the ground ; and that these men 
have the points of their shoulders higher than the 
crowns of their heads, and had so many hens as was 
wonderful ; and if we would have any, we should 
send them Jews' harps, for they would give for every 
one two hens. We took an Indian, and gave him five 
hundred harps ; the hens were so many that he 
brought us as were not to be numbered. We said 
we would go thither. They told us they were now 
in their borracheras, or drunken feasts, and would 
kill us. We asked the Indian that brought the hens 
if it were trtie ; he said it Was most true. We ask- 
ed him how they made theif porracheras, or driinken 
beasts j he said, they had itiany eagles of gofd hang- 


ing on their breasts, and pearls in their ears, and 
that they danced, being all covered with gold. The 
Indian said unto us, if we would see them, we should 
give him some hatchets, and he would bring us of 
those eagles. The master of the camp gave him 
one hatchet, (he would give him no more, because 
they should not understand we went to seek gold,) 
he brought us an eagle that weighed twenty-seven 
pounds of good gold. The master of the camp took 
it, and shewed it to the soldiers, and then threw it 
from him, making shew not to regard it. About 
midnight came an Indian, and said unto him, Give 
me a pick-axe, and I will tell thee what the Indians 
with the high shoulders mean to do. The intepre- 
ter told the master of the camp, who commanded 
one to be given him. He then told us those Indians 
were coming to kill us for our merchandize. Here- 
upon the master of the camp caused his company to 
be set in order, and began to march. The eleventh 
day of May we went about seven leagues from thence 
to a province where we found a great company of 
Indians apparelled. They told us, that if we came 
toiight, they would fill up those plains with Indians 
to fight with us ; but if we came in peace, we should 
enter and be well entertained of them, because they 
had a great desire to see Christians ; and there they 
told us of all the riches that was. I do not here set 
it down, because there is no place for it ; but it shall 
appear by the information that goeth to his majesty ; 
for if it should be here set down, four leaves of pa» 
per would not contain it. 

The Letter of George Bur fen Brittanfrom the said Canaries 
unto his cousin, a Frenchman, dwelling in S. Lucar> con- 
cerning El Dorado. 

Sir, and my very good cousin, — There came of 
late certain letters from a new discovered country, 
not far from Trinidad, which they write hath gold 
in abundance. The news secmeth to be very cer- 


tain, because it passeth for good amongst the best of 
this city. Part of the information of the discovery 
that went to his majesty goeth inclosed in Alonso's 
letters ; — it is a thing worth the seeing. 

The Report of Domingo Martinez of Jamaica, concerning 

El Dorado. 

He saith, that in 1593, bein? at Carthagena, there 
was a general report of a late discovery, called Nue- 
vo Dorada ; and that a little before his coming thi- 
ther, there came a frigate from the said Dorado, 
bringing in it the portraiture of a giant all of gold, 
of weight forty-seven quintals, which the Indians 
there held for their idol. But, now admitting of 
Christianity and their obedience to the king of 
Spain, they sent their said idol unto him in token 
they were become Christians, and held him for their 
king. The company coming in the said frigate, re- 
t ported gold to be there in most abundance, diamonds 
of inestimable value, with great store of pearl. 

The Report of a Frenchman, called Bountillier 9 of Slier- 
brouke, concerning Trinidad and Dorado. 

He saith, that being at Trinidad in 1591, he had 
of an Indian there a piece of gold of a quarter of a 

})ound in exchange ot a knife. The said Indian told 
lim, he had it at the head of that river which com- 
eth to Paracoa in Trinidad ; and that within the river 
of Orinoco it was in great abundance. Also, in 1593, 
being taken by the Spaniards, and brought prisoner 
into the island of Madeira, (the place for his prison,) 
there came in this meantime a bark of forty guns 
from a new discovery, with two millions of gold; the 
company whereof reported gold in that place to be 
in great abundance, and called it El Nuevo Dorado. 
This gentleman passed from Spain in the bark ; and 
having a cabin near a gentleman, one of the disco- 
verers, that came from that place in the said bark, 


had divers times conference with him ; and, amongst 
other things, of the great abundance of gold in the 
said Dorado, being, as they said, within the river of 

Reports of certain Merchants of Rio de Hdcfta, concerning 

El Nuevo Dorado. 

They said, (advancing the king's great treawe 
in the Indies,) that Nuevo Reyno yielded very toany 
gold mines, and wonderful rich ; but lately was dis- 
covered a certain province, so rich in gold, as the 
report thereof may seem incredible, it is there in 
such abundance, and is called El Nuevo Dorado. 
Antonio de Berreo made the said discovery. 

The Report of a Spaniard, captain with Berreo in thefts* 

covery of El Nuevo Dorado. 

That the information sent to the king was in 
every point truly said ; that the river Orinoco bath 
seven mouths, or outlets, into the sea, called X^w 
sciete bocas de Drago ; that the said river runneth 
far into the land, in many places very broad ; and that 
Antonio de Berreo lay at Trinidad, making head to 
go and conquer and people the said Dorado. 




' % 





In the list of Ralegh's writings, Mr Oldys* mentions a mann* 
script treatise with the abore title, which he had seen nowhere, 
he says/ bat among the magnificent collections of SirHans Sloane/ 
This treatise is now published, for the first time, from an accurate 
copy of the manuscript which Mr Oldys had perused, t The ma. 
nuscript is not said to be in Ralegh's hand.writing ; but his name 
is affixed to it as its author, and there seems no reason to doubt 
that the piece is justly ascribed to him. It contains precisely the 
same statements, views, and reasonings, mixed with the same fa- 
bles, which pervade the account published by himself of his voyage 
to Guiana. The great object in both was the same,— to recom- 
mend the cokmiiing of that region ; but in this treatise, which 
must have been written at no great distance of time from the pub* 
lication of the voyage, he appears to have had it more particularly 
in view to remove objections, and to develope his plan for subject* 
ing and uniting Guiana to the crown of England. His reasoning 
upon this head seems to afford a satisfactory refutation of the opi- 
nion of those who imagine that he did not himself believe in the 
existence of El Dorado, and that he merely availed himself of 
that fable to give an alluring aspect to his favourite project* The 
reader will here find, that it was a material part of that project, to 
form an alliance with a sovereign whom he believed to be descend, 
ed from the Incas of Peru, and to rule in a city and district of un- 
equalled wealth in the interior of Guiana* His proposal to expel 
the Spaniards from that quarter, and even from Peru, by means of 

* Life of Ralegh, p. 177. 

t In Mia. Brit. BibJ. Slotn. IttS. Plat xx|. D. 

Vol. VI. i i 



an alliance with this imaginary potentate, is one of the wam\ 
ous circumstances connected with the history of EI Darmk[ 
the reader, who is inclined to smile at this instance of his a 
should always recollect the period of time, and the many 
stances and testimonies by which this fable was then coi ' 
and supported. 

s> &c. 

ale, is o*< 
history of[ 
ime, uifr 

Me y* fe, 




OUCHING the voyage to Guiana, it is to be 

considered, first, whether it be to be undertaken ; 

secondly, the manner of subduing it ; and, lastly, 

the means how to subdue it, and annex it to the 

crown imperial of the realm of England. 

That it is to be undertaken, will appear, if it be 
proved to be, 1. Honourable \ 2. Profitable ; 9. Ne- 
cessary ; and, 4. With no great charge or difficulty 

I. It is honourable, both for that, by this means, 
infinite numbers of souls may be brought from their 
idolatry, bloody sacrifices, ignorance, and incivility, 
to the wprshipping of the true God aright, and to 
civil conversation, and also their bodies freed from 
the intolerable tyranny of the Spaniards, whereunto 
they are already, or likely in short space to be, sub- 
jected, unless her excellent majesty, or some other 
Christian prince, do speedily assist, and afterward 
protect them in their just defensive wars against the 
violence of usurpers ; which if it please her high- 

i i 2 


ness to undertake, besides that presently it will stop 
the mouths of the Romish catholics, who vaunt of 
their great adventures for the propagation of the 
gospel, it will add great increase or honour to the 
memory of her majesty's name upon earth to all pos- 
terity, and in the end be rewarded with an excel- 
lent star-like spiendency in the heavens, <which is re- 
served for them that turn many unto righteousness, 
as the prophet speaketh. 

II. Likewise it is profitable : for hereby the queen's 
dominions may be exceedingly enlarged, and this 
realm inestimably enriched with precious stones, 
gold, silver, pearl, and other commodities, which 
those countries yield, and (God giving good success 
to the voyage) an entrance made thereby to many 
other empires, (which, happily, may prove as rich 
as this,) and it may be to Peru itself, and the other 
kingdoms of which the Spaniards be now possessed 
ift tnose parts and elsewhere. 

III. Lastly, the necessity of attempting Guiana, 
ill regard of our own security, (albeit rto profit shooM 
redound thereby to the Indians or ourselves direct- 
ly from those countries,) ought greatly to weigh 
with us : for if the Spaniard by the treasure of 
those kingdoms which ne hath already, be able to 
trouble the better part of Christendom, what wouM 
he do if he were once established in Guiana, which 
is thought to be more rich than all other faftds which 
he eftjoyeth either in the East or West Indies? 
whereas, if her majesty were seised of it, he migtt 
be so kept occupied in those provinces, that he would 
not hastily threaten us with any more of his invin- 
cible navies. 

But, although this voyage were never so honour- 
able, profitable, or necessary for our estate to be 
undertaken, yet, if we had not some possibility be 
the effecting of our purpose, it were more meet to 
strengthen ourselves at home, than to weaken our 


forces in seeking to annoy our enemy abroad. But 
such opportunity, and so many encouragements, do 
now offer themselves unto her highness, that (I sup- 
pose) there is no prince in the world but he would 
greatly strain himself rather than to omit the advan- 
tage of such a booty* Among others, these induce* 
ments are to be weighed, 

1 . The Borderers, who are said to be naturals, 
and to whom only the empire of Guiana doth of right 
appertain, are already prepared to join with us, hav- 
ing submitted themselves to the queen's protection 
both against the Spaniards and emperor of Guiana, 
who usurpeth upon them. 

2. The Spaniards, for their oppressions and usurp- 
ations, are detested and feared both by the Guia. 
nians and borderers ; by the former, because the 
Spaniards forced them to fly from their own country 
of Peru ; and by the latter, by experience of the 
Spanish dealing towards themselves and their adjoin* 
ing neighbours, so as it is reported, none do assist 
them, save the Arwacans, a vagrant, poor, and small 
people. But it is like, that all the countries of the 
continent, who are not yet enthralled to the Spa- 
niards, and have heard of their outrages, and espe- 
cially the Amazons, in regard of their sex, will be 
ready to aid her majesty against the Spaniards. 

9. The voyage is short, being but six weeks sail- 
ing from England, and the like back again ; which 
may so be contrived, as going, abiding;, and return- 
ing, we may bestow a whole year without any win- 
ter at all by the way, no lee-shore, no sands, or ene-> 
my's coabt. 

4. No charge, but only at the first setting forth, 
which need not be great ; especially if the course 
laid down in this treatise, or some such like, be ta- 
ken ; considering the country yieldeth store of com, 
beasts, fowl, fish, and fruit, for victuals, — and steel 
and copper for the making of arms and ordnance ; 
and among the Amapagotos and Caraccas horses 


may be had, and in short time manned for our ser- 
vice in the wars. 

3. It is thought the passage to it may be easily 
fortified by sea ; and the country by nature is de- 
fen sed by land with mountains and multitudes of 
nations, that it is impossible in manner by land to be 
evicted, being once attained by us. 

6. Though we are not greatly to rely upon prophe- 
cies, yet, if it were found in Peru, (as Don Antonio 
de Berreo told Sir Walter Ralegh,) among other 
prophecies,-— that from Inglatierra the Inca should 
be restored to Peru, it may fall out to be true ; (as 
many of their prophecies did both in Mexico and 
Peru, which indeed foreshewed the alteration of 
those empires,) at least the prophecy will greatly 
daunt the Spaniards, and make them afraid of the 
worst event in these employments. 

7* If it be remembered, how the Spaniards have, 
without just title, or any wrong at all done to them 
by the harmless Indians, forcibly invaded and wrong- 
fully detained their countries about one hundred 
years— committingbarharous and exquisite massacres, 
to the destruction of whole nations of people, (arising 
by estimation of some of account among them, and 
acquainted with their proceedings, in some few years, 
to the number of twenty millions of reasonable crea- 
tures, made to the image of God, and less harmful 
than the Spaniards themselves), whereby more fruit- 
ful land was laid waste and depopulated, than is in 
all Burope and some part of Asia; (in revenge where- 
of, their, own religious men do make account, that 
the just God in judgement will one day horribly 
chasten, and peradven ture wholly subvert and root 
out the Spanish nation from the world ;) — again, if it 
be noted, that the Spaniards have above twenty seve- 
ral times in vain sought the conquest of Guiana, and 
that it doth, by the providence of the Almighty, 
now (as it were) prostrate herself before her majes- 
ty's feet, the most potent enemy that the Spaniard 


bath ; not only entreating, but by unvaluable offers 
and unanswerable reasons, alluring, even urging and 
forcing her highness to accept it under ber allegi- 
ance ;-— who would not be persuaded, that now at 
length, the great Judge of the world hath heard the 
sighs, groans, lamentations, tears, and blood of so 
many millions of innocent men, wotnen, and chil- 
dren, — afflicted, robbed, reviled, branded with hot 
irons, roasted, dismembered, mangled, stabbed, whip- 
ped, racked, scalded with hot oil, suet, and hogs 
grease, put to the strappado, ripped alive, beheaded 
in sport, drowned, dashed against the rocks, famish- 
ed, devoured by mastiffs, burned, and by infinite 
cruelties consumed,— and purposeth to scourge and 
plague that cursed nation, and to take the yoke of 
servitude from that distressed people, as free by na- 
ture as any Christian ? In contemplation of all which 
things, who would not be encouraged to proceed in 
this voyage, having in a manner none other enemies 
but these Spaniards, abhorers of God and man ; be- 
ing provoked by so many allurements, occasions, 
reasons, and opportunities, in a most just cause,-— the 
safety of our dread sovereign, of ourselves, and of a 
great part of the Christian world thereupon depend- 

Now, having proved that the voyage for Guiana is 
to be undertaken, — that there is a full hope of good 
success therein, with great honour and profit to her 
majesty and to her successors, and to all the subjects 
of her dominions, — It cometh next to be discussed, 
in what manner it is most convenient for us to la- 
bour to have the empire of Guiana subdued, and 
united to the crown of England ; which must be, 
either by expelling the usurping Inca of Manoa from 
Guiana, under the right and title of the naturals, 
and/their free election, taking possession of the tassel- 
royal, or whatsoever other tokens or ensigns of the 
empire are attained among them, to the use of her 
majesty and her successors ; or else, only by way of 

1 1 4 

120 eoramiBATioav or 

composition, to draw the Inca to do homage, and 
to hold of her majesty, as her vassal, by servi- 
ces, by way of honourable covenants, npon good 
Considerations hereafter in this treatise to be ex- 
pressed* The effecting of the former asemeth mar* 
profitable, but the latter . more safe and more cotrre» 
nient, as oar case standeth, which 1 do gather by 
these reasons following : 

1. If we seek to depose the emperor of Guiana, 
then We shall lose the advantage of him to at* 
tempt the recovery of Pern from the Spaniards, or 
otherwise to invade the Spanish dominions next af- 

£• It is greatly to be feared, that notwithstand- 
ing we might, by the help of the borderers, over- 
throw him, yet, in the end, he would rather join 
with the Spaniards* (who would be ready to win him 
tmto them by fair promises,) than suffer us to rest 
quiet in Guiana. 

3. We shall be much weaker, and less able to 
resist the puissance of the Spaniards, if we have not 
the assurance of the Guianians, and their assistance* 

4* By setting the Guianians against us, we shall 
never reduce them to the obedience of the Gospel* 
which ought to be one principal respect in our en- 

6. We may have sufficient profit, both by the con- 
tinual traffic, and by the said covenants to be agreed 
upon by the Guianians, without the absolute con- 
quest of Guiana. 

6. And, lastly, This agreeth best with the prophe- 
cy, which the Spaniards have among them, for the 
recovery of Peru by the Inca, 

Thus much of the manner of subduing the Guiar 
nians : The means of procuring this come next to be 
considered ; which ought to be just before God, ac* 
Cording to our Christian profession ; and honourable 
among men, according to the accustomed proceed- 
ings of our English nation ; for it were far better, with 



the kelp rf our confederates, under the defence of 
the Almighty, to strengthen ourselves in our own 
countries, than to purchase our security by assault* 
ing Guiana by such practices as the Spaniards used 
in the conquest of the Indies. Therefore, the pre- 
cedent of their dishonourable actions may not serve 
for our instructions. For which purpose, I lay down 
this as a maxim, (which yet, upon better advice, 
I am ready to retract,) that no Christians may law- 
fully invade with hostility any heathenish people not 
under their allegiance, to kill, spoil, and conquer 
them, only upon pretence of their infidelity. My 
proofs and reasons be these : 

1. In the beginning, God having made the world, 
reserving the heavens for his throne of Majesty, gave 
the earth and all therein, with the benefits issuing 
from the sun, the moon, and all the stars to the sons 
of men, as is manifest by the blessing of God upon 
Adam, 1 afterwards renewed unto Noah and his des- 
cendants ;* confirmed in part by God himself to the 
posterity of wicked Ismael ; 3 after to Nebuchadnezer 
in these words : 4 / have made the earth, man, and the 
beast upon the ground, by my great power, and have 
given it to "whom itpleasetk me ; but now I have given it 
into the hands of Nebuchadnezer, the king of Babel, my 
servant, #c— To the like effect saith Daniel to Nebuch- 
adnezer : 5 O king, thou art king of kings, for the Lord 
of heaven hath given thee a kingdom, power, strength, 
glory, Spc. — By all which, it seemeth very liquid and 
clear, that by God's ordinance, the believers are 
not the only lords of the world, as being not able 
to people the twentieth part thereof; but that, by 
the gift of God, idolaters, pagans, and godless per- 
sons, be instituted to the possession, and have a capa- 
city to take, and an ability to hold a property in lands 
and, goods, as well as they ; which, being manifested 
by the former allegations, it is against the rules of 

j Gen. i. 28. 2 Ger. ix. I . ?. 3 Gen. i. 20. 4 Jer. xivii, 5. 5 Pan. H, 37. 


justice (which giveth to every man his dues) to da* 
prive them of tbeir goods, lands, liberties, or lives, 
without just title thereunto. 

2. When Jeptha, by his ambassadors, shewed to 
the king of Amnion, the right that the Israelites 
had of invading the possessions of Ammon, he mak- 
eth not his title from pretence of their idolatry 
or gentllism, but because the God of Israel bad 
given those lands unto them. The God of Israel 
(satth he) hath cast out the Amorites before Jus people 
qf Israel, and xvouldest thou possess it? Wouldest 
not thou possess that which Chemosh thy God giveth 
thee to possess? So whomsoever the Lord our God 
driveth out before us, them will we possess*. But God 
hath given no Christians any such warrant, therefore 
thev may not do the like, as neither the good kings 
of Israel or Judah used to do, unless upon just cause 
of wrongs from the idolaters received. 

& Christians are commanded to do good unto all 
men, and to have peace with all men,— -to do as 
they would be done unto,— to give none offence 
to one or other; — and, lastly, Christ willed the 
disciples to pay tribute to Caesar, an infidel;— 
he refused a worldly kingdom as not appertaining 
unto htm, — he reproved his apostles when they 
desired that fire might come down from heaven 
to destroy the Samaritans, who refused to enter- 
tain him, sayibg, Ye know not what spirit ye are of; 
ike Son of Man is not come to destroy mens lives, but 
to save them*. — Therefore no Christian prince, under 
pretence of Christianity only, and of farcing of men 
to receive the gospel, or to renounce their nnpieties, 
may attempt the invasion of any free people not un- 
der their vassalage ; for Christ gave not that power 
to Christians as Christians, which he himself, as sove- 
reign of all Christians, neither had, nor would take. 

4w By the law of nature and nations, we agree 
that prescription or priority of possession only, giv. 

I Judg. xi. 23. 2#. 2 Luke Ijl 56. 


eth right unto lands or goods, against all strangers, 
indefesible by any but the true owners. 

5. We ourselves hold it unreasonable that the 
pope, upon colour of religion only, should give away, 
or that any prince should therefore presume to in- 
trude upon our dominions ; or that any Protestant 
should encroach upon the papists, the Muscovites, 
or Turks, upon the like occasion ; or that an ex- 
communicate person, (whom Christ denounceth to 
be an heathen ;) or a Mahumetist, coming into our 
country for traffic ; or an alien atheist, (if any were 
among us,) not seducing our people, should be as- 
saulted in goods or person by any private man, or 
other whomsoever, under whose jurisdiction he is 
not placed. The like rule in proportion is to be ob- 
served for not invading any idolater's dominions. 

6. To be short,-^* All sound Christians, for the seip« 
blable practice, do repute the kings of Castile and 
Portugal mere usurpers in Africa and America* A- 
mong the Papists also, Bellarmine a vow eth 3 , that 
Pope Alexander VI. never did, nor could give the 
foresaid kings the Indies to be conquered and pos- 
sessed, but only to be converted to the faith by them. 
And the matter being called into question in Spain 
between the Lord-bishop of Chiapa and the Duke of 
Sepulveda, the two universities of Salamanca and 
Alcala, and also (if I mistake not mine authority) 
the LL. of the assembly who were appointed to hear 
the controversy debated, did resolve that such kind 
of invasive wars upon infidels could not be justified ; 
howsoever the Spaniards (this notwithstanding) nei- 
ther had, nor yet have, any mind to wave the pos- 
session which by violent intrusion they have of the 

Thus much to confirm that opinion before deliver- 
ed, that Christians may not warrantably conquer in- 
fidels upon pretence only of their infidelity. But I 
hold it very reasonable and charitable to send preach* 

3 De Rom. Pontifc 1. 5. c. 2. 



era, safely guarded, if need be, to offer infidels the 
glad tidings of the gospel ; which being refused by 
them, (or, peradventure, the infidels giving hard 
measure to the preachers,) this can ground no suffi- 
cient quarrel to overrun their countries. I need to 
speak the less of this, because her Majesty is already 
invited to take upon her the seigniory of Guiana by 
the naturals thereof, whose antient right to the em- 
pire may be followed, if it be thought convenient. 
But because, in my simple judgment, (upon the 
former reasons,) it is more safe and commendable 
for os rather to seek to bring G uiana to become tri- 
butary, than to conquer it, I will pursue that con- 
clusion,— shewing how, with least charge and greatest 
facility, we may best advantage ourselves without a 
conquest. This may be compassed by these two 
means : first, by bringing the borderers, and the 
Epuremei and Guianians to an unity among them- 
selves ; secondly, into a league with us against the 
Spaniards and their adherents, if, haply, the ad- 
herents cannot be drawn from them ; which greatly 
importeth to be laboured by us by discrediting 
the Spaniards among them ; which must be by ac- 
quainting them with the usurpations, insolencies, 
and tyrannies of the Spaniards, before remem- 
bered, upon their kindred in Peru, upon their neigh- 
bours, and upon whomsoever, either by fraud 
or force, they can fasten possession. For proof 
whereof, Bartol. de las Casas' book of the Spanish 
cruelties, with fair pictures, or at least a large table 
of pictures, expressing' the particularities of the cru- 
elties there specified, (neatly wrought for the better 
credit of our workmanship, and their easier under- 
standing,) would be sent to the Inca and his Caci- 
ques by some interpreters, that they may publish 
diem among their vassals $ and to all the estates of 
the confining countries round about, that they may 
be all (as much as is possible) conjointly linked, and 
exasperated against the Spaniards ; and by informing 


them that the Spaniards do hold their religion of the 
pope, the great enchanter, or cozener, and troubler 
tyf the world, wh6 sent them first to invade those 
-countries; who teacheth them to break all faith, 
promises, oaths, covenants, with all such as be not 
of their own religion, so far forth as may serve his 
and their torn ; who giveth his followers dispensa- 
tions to steal, rob, rebel, and murder ; and likewise 
pardoneth for money whatsoever wrongs or villanies 
are by them committee). 

On the other side, they may be wrought to affect 
us by these allurements : 

1. By presents sent from her Majesty to the 
Emperor and principal Caciques. 2. By shewing 
them the commodities of our countries. 3. By due 
commending of her Majesty and this state unto 
diem ;— as that she is a most gracious, merciful, and 
just princess, relieving sundry distressed nations 
feoth in her o*n and foreign countries, agaihst the 
Spaniards, in the indies, Ireland, Spain, Portugal, 
And elsewhere ; for illustration whereof, the maps 
containing Sir Francis Drake's exploits at St. J>o- 
mingo, &c. is to be shewn unto them. Furthermore, 
that she is of great magnificence and puiasatice, her 
countries populous, rich, warlike, and well provided 
of ships as any state in the northern world : for ma* 
nifesting of this, the maps of the several shires in 
England, and the large map of the city of London, 
should be conveyed unto them. Also, that her Ma- 
jesty hath many mighty allies and confederates ready 
to aid her against the Spaniards, (if need were,) as 
the Frenchmen, Germans, &c. ; and the maps of 
their countries to be delivered unto them ; that the 
king of Spain made choice among all other princes 
christened, as a matter of high advancement, to join 
in marriage with her Majesty's sister and predeces- 
sor ; and ihat her Majesty's religion is far difierinj 
from the Spanish, maintaining truth, justice, an< 
faithfulness $ prohibiting all murders, treasons, adul- 


teriefi* thefts, and whatsoever corresponded* net witk 
equity and reason. 4. Lastly, their favours are to 
be won by entering into a league with them, con- 
taining conditions to be performed by them in con- 
sideration of honourable performances by us to be 
rendered and made. 

The conditions to be required of them are these: 
First, to renounce their idolatry, and to worship the 
only true God ; unto which unless they will yield, it 
may be doubted whether we, being Christians, may 
join with them in arms against the Spaniards or not 
Some proofs moving this doubt I will briefly offer, 
with submission to sound judgment. 

Jehosaphat having aided in battle an idolatrous 
king, was checked by a prophet sent from God to 
him, saying* Wouldest thou help the "wicked, and hate 
them that love the Lord ? Therefore^ for this thing, 
the wrath qfthe Lord is upon thee 4 . Likewise, Ama- 
ziah,k!ng of Judah, hired a hundred thousand men, 
Israelites (who had fallen from God by idolatry,) to 
join with him in wars against the Edomites ; and a 
man of God came unto him, and said, Let not At 
army of Israel go with thee ; Jbr the Lvrd is not 
with Israeli &c. Whereupon, Amaziah dismissed 
the Israelites, and discomfited the Edomites. 

1. Objection. A6a, by the help of idolaters, van- 
quished his enemies. 1 Kings, xv. 20. 

Answer. Asa is reproved lor this, notwithstanding 
it had pleased God to give him the victory ; 2 Chron. 
xvi. 7- The like is to be answered for Hernando 
Cortes and others, who conquered by the help of some 
Indian idolaters. 

%d Objection. It will require great time to convert 
them from their idolatry. 

Answer* It shall be sufficient, at the first, to assem- 
ble the Caciques, to persuade their people to aban- 
don their idols, and to surcease their bloody sacri- 
fices ; also to take their promise to yield to the gos* 

4 2 Chron. xii. 2. 6 2 Chrftn. nr. 2. 


pel, (which should be summarily propounded, as it 
was by the Bishop Vincent de Valverde to Atabali- 
ba,) and to draw their people thereunto, both now 
and hereafter further as they shall be instructed. 

3d Objection. Peradventure they will not conde- 
scend to embrace our religion and ejure their own. 

Answer. First ; being in distress, they will rather 
yield to any condition than be deprived of our pro- 
tection ; especially, if we shew unto them that our 
God will not prosper us if we should do otherwise. 
Again ; experience in other places giveth great hope, 
•that little persuasion will serve to effect this mat- 
ten Wheresoever Cortes travelled in Montezuma's 
countries, the people did at the first, without contra- 
diction, give him leave to demolish their idols ; on- 
ly (as I remember) in Tlascala, for a time, they 
made some scruple of it. In China, at the preach- 
ing of some friars, the people were readily per- 
suaded to relinquish their idolatry ; saving they 
durst not profess the gospel openly, fearing the 
magistrates, who are jealous of innovations. When 
Cabrall was sent into the East Indies by the king 
of Portugal, he happened to discover Brazil, where 
the inhabitants, seeing the Portuguese kneeling 
at prayers, they likewise kneeled after the same 
manner, making show of praying. But of all o- 
ther, the lord-bishop of Chiapa f who lived many 
years among the Indies) avoweth that they were 
teachable, and capable of all good learning, very 
apt to receive the catholic faith, and to be in- 
structed in good manners, having less incumbrance I 
in attaining thereunto than any other ; and that, af- \ 
ter they once tasted of religion, they were very much 
enflamed, ardent, and importune, to understand the 
matter of faith ; delivering their idols to the religious 
men to be burned ; bringing their children to be 
baptized and catechized j sending for them some- 
times fifty leagues, and receiving them as angels sent 
from heaven. Which considered, we may presume 


the like of the Guiamara. But i£ after deliberation, 
it shall be found agreeable for as to join with them 
before their conversion, then this first condition, and 
the objections thereupon arising, need lest to trouble 

The second condition should be, that the Inca of 
Manoa, by the consent of his Lords and Caciques, 
-surrender the ensigns of his empire to her majesty, 
to be returned to him again, to be holden hi chief 
•of the crown of England: Also, her majesty's lieu- 
tenants to direct the Guianiaas hi their conclusions 
both of war and peace ; rendering yearly to her ma- 
jesty and her successors a great tribute ; allotting* to 
her use some rich mines and rivers of gold, pearl, 
til ver, rocks of precious stones, &c. with some large 
fruitful countries for the planting of her colonies. 

Lastly ; for assurance of these conditions, they 
shall give special hostage, to be sent into England ; 
which being cavilled and converted here, upon their 
return and receiving of others in their rooms, they 
may be matched in marriage with English women. 
They shall also allow some choice place for fortifica- 
tions ; and moreover, bind themselves by the oaths 
and ceremonies of .their countries, that they will be 
loyal and faithful in the premises, and in all ether 
things, to her majesty and ner successors, and to her 
and their highness generals for the time being. . 

The offers to be made unto the Gwaaians, and 
performed on our part, may he these : L First* that 
we will defend them, their wives, children, and coun- 
tries, against the Spaniards and ail other intruders. 
t. Then, that we will help them to recover their 
•country of Peru. &. That we witt instruct them in 
liberal arts of civility behoveful for diem, that their 
may be comparable to any Christian people. 4. And, 
lastly, that we will teach them the use of weapons ; 
how to pitch their battles 5 how to make armour and 
-ordnance; and how to manage horses for service in 
the wars. 


This hitter point (to say the truth) is the princi- 
pal scope whereunto, in this treatise, I have aimed, 
containing, in short, a coarse of expedition post fit 
to be followed, (though never yet executed, so far 
as I can hear or read of in any of the conquests of 
the East or West Indies,) yet necessary to be now 
used by us, our case being far different from the for* 
mer enterprises in the New World ; for we are not 
to go as Cortes, Pizarro, or the other conquerors,, a- 
gainst a naked, unarmed people, (whose wars are re- 
sembled by some to the childrens play called Jogo 
di Canne,) but we are to encounter with the Spa- 
niards, armed in all respects, and as well practised 
as ourselves. Therefore, we must instruct the In- 
dians, in the use and skill of making armour ; and 
that for these causes : 

1 . We cannot spare a sufficient number to send 
to the conquest, or at least having got possession of 
Guiana, we cannot, by the help of the naked Indians, 
nor safely by the aid of foreign forces to be hired, 
long enjoy it ; for the Spaniards will gather their 
strength from Spain, Peru,. Nova Hispania, Nuevo 
Reyno de Granada, the Islands, and from other 
their dominions, to dislodge us, we being far from 
our supplies, which may be intercepted, or we so 
busied at home that we cannot send any. 

2. If we do not take this course, it is not unpro- 
bable that some other potentate will at length think 
upon it, and use it to our great trouble and too late 

3. Besides* if this policy be, not used, we cannot 
set the Guianians on work to invade the countries 
circumjacent, possessed by the Spaniards ; which 
thing (under favour) would tend as much to our se- 
curity as any other in reason to be devised. Neither 
can we have conveniently sufficient armour and ord- 
nance, unless we take the help of the Guianians to 
make some ; who have brass, and iron, and many 
goldsmiths of rare science, (as may be thought,) who 

Vol. VI. k k 

Ida rtftA&t* * 

would be v&y capable to receive tefcrtbfetfon from 
our fcttgineers, arntoifters* and drtifictei*, **«*, to- 
gether with sortie ingfeftiou* parsofc*, (eftpttitttented 
for tiecessary ue# inventions) are to be Worried thi- 
&ter for that purpose. 

1,5/ Objection. But you Will say, We MraMt tn&Ottr 
to Airnish them presehtly. 

Answer. It were not amiss, at the first, to adve**- 
ture somewhat extraordinary, s&eiftgt upoa out ar- 
rival, we may have present payment for it, attd also 
Money to send for more, Atad <one of ottt armour* 
ers of gun makers, tnight with one labour teafch twetfc- 
ty Guianiafts, who wtfuld Quickly cotaceive and iifai- 
tatte their actions. 

2d ObjtcH&n, If we fch» attd rafctrudt thtfm, they 
will expel us, as able to defend thetesfclves without 


Answer 1. The Indians, for the most part, are a 
people very faithful, humble, patient, peaceable, situ* 
pie, without subtlety, malice, quarrels, strife* rut* 
cour, or desire of revengemeht,— ^as tneek as laiato, 
ks harmless as chiMten of teta <br tweflVe years ; as 
the bishop of Chiapa (a man, as seetneth, of goftd 
credit) of his own 'experience, doth witness, and %*e 
burseiveS, in part, have had the l&fe proof of them* 
So as they having received such great benefits as we 
shall Confer upon them, they givfog also suHcient 
security by hostage, oaths, &c. unto us, we c*Mtit 
presume that they wfll be so ungrateful as to rise a* 
gainst us; or if some do, doubtless we shall find 
others thatwill sftick unto us. The history of the Tlas- 
caltecas faithfulness to Hernando Cortes, who bad 
prepared fifty thousand Men to send for his succes- 
sor, being almost vanquished by the Mexicans, who 
came to meet him in his return,— providing tweifty 
thousand men and women to bring his fgtinue and 
victual, who received him with weeping, mourning* 
and lamentation, for the damage done unto him by 
his enemies, who entertained him in their city, tihe- 

to etwtf a* 1st 

risking hint and his men, being weak, weary, maim- 
ed* and almost famished, in better sort than they 
could have found in their own countries, (when the 
Tlescaltecas, if they had been as faithless as many 
Christians ere, might, by delivering hin* into the 
hands ef the Mexicans, have purchased their peace 
and liberty $)-~*the history, I Bay, of these and such 
like kindnesses shewed to the merciless Spaniards, 
do argue die great love and faithfulness of the poor 
Indian people, where they once have conceived a 
good opinion* 

£• We may make choice to arm and instruct suefr 
of them as we may find mpst trusty and most pront 
to Christianity, reserving the powder and phot in 
our own custody, allowing them only so much as will 
serve their present use from thne to time, conceal* 
ing also the secret of making powder, or some other 
necessaries, fjron them* till we have full trial of their 
fidelities, that they may still stand in need of us and 
ef our oeunsel* 

3d OtyecUm. By our example the Spaniards, or 
Mne other oral ppopJ* will arm the Indians, and so 
dispbrat us. 

Anm*r* We shall have great advantage in begin* 
niqg this course before others* The Spaniards darf 
hardly trust any Indians with armour. In a short 
time the Guiamans may be instructed, trained, and 
cosBefuently armed J and we by them, and they by 
us> defended with greater facility, (being in their 
own country,,) than oppugned by any others. As we 
see the estates of Christendom can defend their own 
dominions amid the forces of their armed adversa- 

Besides tins easy and oorapendious way of posse*- 
aiflg Guiana by arming the inhabitants, there is a 
special choice to be had in sending preachers of good 
discretion and behaviour for their conversion f (who 
may revive the old order of Christum churches in 

K X ft 


speaking by interpreters ;') also of wel^governed sol- 
diers and artisans, that will not wrong the Indians 
in their persons, women, or possessions. To that 
end, a severity of martial discipline is to be used in 
the open presence of the Guianians, (being made ac- 
quainted with the cause of the punishment,) with 
full satisfaction for all injuries which, by the ruder 
sort, shall be offered. This will be a singular mean 
to work their conversion, — to procure their loving 
affections,— and to oblige them in assured loyalty to 
her majesty : otherwise, if our men practise upon 
them the Spanish cruelties, (which God forbid !) be- 
sides the wrath of God, and the utter overthrow of 
the whole' service to be feared, it will fall out with 
the Guianians as with the other Indians of the con- 
quered nations, who cursed the God of the Spaniards, 
—mourning after their own idols, thinking them bet- 
ter than the Spanish God, whom they held to be the 
worst, the most unjust, the most wicked, of all gods, 
because he had such servants ; and the Spanish king 
the most unjust and cruel of all princes, supposing 
he did feed on human flesh and blood, because he 
sent among them such ill subjects ; as Barth. de las 
Casas expressly certified his lordship the Emperor 
Charles the Fifth in his suit unto him for redress of 
the horrible outrages perpetrated by his Spaniards 
against the Indians. 

To conclude : If it might seem fit to her excellent 
majesty, that four or five hundred men (whereof 
some to be leaders, some casters of great ordnance, 
some gunners, some armourers, &c.) were landed by 
hundreds in several places next confining to Peru, 
Nova Hisp. Castilia del Oro, Nuevo Reyno, Terra 
Florida, or elsewhere, as shall be most convenient 
for provision of armour and munition, to fornish the 
people with instructions to set them to war against 
the Spaniards, it is greatly to be hoped, that in a 


i iGpr. ziv.7. 


short time the Spaniards should be so occupied in 
defending their borders, that we might rest more 
safely here in England and in Guiana ; and also fur- 
ther matter of such grand consequence might be ac- 
complished, the like whereof has not come to the 
knowledge of the world since the conquest of the 
Indies. Always provided, that this policy of arm- 
ing the inhabitants, as a special secret, be discreetly 
carried and concealed until it be ripened and brought 
into open action. 


/ , 








Sir Walter Ralegh set sail from the Thames upon his last 
voyage to Guiana on the 28th of March in the year 1617. His fleet 
then consisted of seven ships, but before he left Plymouth he 
was joined by as many more. When at this port, from whence he 
tailed in the end of June or beginning of July, he issued his or« 
tiers to the commanders of his fleet. We are indebted for the 
preservation of these Orders to a small pamphlet, entitled, * Newa 
' of Sir Walter Ralegh, sent from a gentleman of his fleet from 
' Caliana, on the coast of Guiana. 9 It was printed at London im 
1Q18 ; and has at the end the initials R. M. In this tract, evi- 
dently written with a view to recommend Ralegh's project of co- 
lonizing Guiana,* the author introduces the Orders in the follow* 
ing terms : — ' I will now acquaint you with some particular* 
( touching the general government of our fleet ; which, although 

* other men, doubtless, in their voyages, have in some measure ob« 

* served, yet in all the great volumes which have been writtem 
' touching voyages, there is no precedent of so godly, severe, and 

* martial a government ; which not only in itself is laudable and 
4 worthy of imitation, but also fit to be written and engraven in 

* every man's soul that covets to do honour to his king and conn- 
' try in the like attempts. The true copy of which laws, articles. 
4 and especial commandments, are those which follow, and at this 
' present we observe.' + 

* * This part of Guiana, in which we now are, is/ **y* this adventurer. • a 

* very paradise ; and to excellent in all perfections and beauties that nature teens 

* here only to have ber temple. We have even now (being the month of Novem- 
' ber) a much more delicate summer than is in England at midsummer ; the 
4 nm and air is wholesome and pleasant; the trees and ground so bravely hW 
4 risking, and every thing in general so full of fruitful promise, that more cannot 

* be by man desired/— News of Sir Walter RaUgb, 4to, 1618, p, 44. 
t News, &c. p. 17, 18. 


To be observed by the Commanders of the Fleet and l*nd 
Companies under the charge and conduct of Sir Wal- 
TEJtIULE0!i,Kn]ght s bound for the Bomb Parts of Ame- 
nd* or elsewhere. Give* at Plymouth ia Devon, the 
third of May 161ft 


* * * 

FIRST, Because no action nor enterprise ean 
prosper (be it by sea or land) without the fa- 
vour and assistance or Almighty God, the Lord and 
strength of hosts and armies, you shall not fail to 
cause divine service to be read in your ship morning 
and evening ; in the morning before dinner, and at 
night before supper ; or at least (if there be inter- 
ruption by foul weather) once the day, praising God 
every night with singing of a psalm at the setting of 
the watch. 

Secondly, You shall take especial care that God 
be not blasphemed in your ship ; but that, after ad* 
monition given, if the offenders do not refrain them- 
selves, you shall cause them of the better sort to be 
fined out of their adventures ; by which course, if no 
amendment be found, you shall acquaint me withal : 
For if it be threatened in the scriptures, that * the 

* curse shall not depart from the house of the swear- 

* er,' much less from the ship of the swearer. 
Thirdly, No man shall refuse to obey his officer in 

all that he is commanded for the benefit of the jour- 
ney. No man (being in health) shall refuse to wait 
his turn, as be snail be directed ; the sailors by the 


master and boatswain, the landmen by their captain, 
lieutenant, and others. 

You shall make in every ship two captains of the 
watch ; who shall make choice of two soldiers every 
night to search between the decks, that no fire dot 
candle- light be carried about the ship after the watch 
set ; nor that any candles be burning in any cabin 
without a Ian thorn, and that neither but while they 
are to make themselves unready. For there is no 
danger so inevitable as the ship's firing, which may 
as well happen by taking of tobacco between the 
decks, and therefore forbidden to all men but aloft 
the upper deck. 

You shall cause the landmen to learn the names 
and places of the ropes, that they may assist the sail- 
ors in their labours upon the decks, though they can- 
pot go up to the tops and yards* 

You snail train and instruct your sailors (so masy 
as shall be found fit) as you do your landmen, and 
register their names in the lists of your companies, 
making no difference of professions, but that all be 
esteemed sailors and all soldiers ; for your troops will 
be very weal; when you come to land, without the 
assistance of your sea- faring men. 

You shall not give chace, or send aboard any ship, 
but by order from the general. And if you can? 
pe$r any ship in your course, if she be belonging to 
prince pr state \n league or amity with his majesty, 
you shall not take any thing from them by force, up- 
on pain of punishment as a pirate ; although in ma- 
nifest extremity or want you may (agreeing for the 
price) relieve yourselves with things necessary, giv- 
ing bond for the same ; provided that it be not to the 
disfurnishing of any such ship, whereby the owner or 
merchants be endangered for the ship or goods. 

You shall every night fall a-stern the general's ship, 
and follow his light, receiving instructions in tte 
morning wfyat course to hold j aud if you shau at 
any time be separated by foul weather, you.sbaU 1 ^ 


Ceive certain billets, sealed up ; the first to be open- 
ed on this side the North Cape, if there be cause ; 
the second to be opened at the South Cape ; the 
third after you shall pass twenty-three degrees ; and 
the fourth from the height of Cape de Verd. 

If you discover any sail at sea, either to windward 
or to leeward of the admiral, or if any two or three 
of our fleet shall discover any such sail which the ad- 
miral cannot discern ; if she be a great ship, and but 
one, you shall strike your main-top-sail and hoist 
it again, so often as you shall judge it to be an hun- 
dred tons of burthen ; as, if you judge her to be two 
hundred tons, to strike and hoist twice ; if three 
hundred, thrice; and so answerable to her great- 

If you discern a small ship, you shall do the like 
with your fore-top-sail ; but if you discover many 
great, ships, you shall not only strike your main-top- 
sail often, but put out your ensign in the main-top ; 
and if such ships or fleet go large before the wind, 
you shall also (after your signs given) go large, and 
stand as any of the fleet doth ; I mean no longer 
than that you may judge the admiral and the rest 
have seen your signs and your so standing. And if 
you went large at the time of the discovery, you shall 
hale oft your sheets for a little time, and then go 
large again, that the rest may know that you go large, 
to shew us that the ships or fleet discovered keep 
that course ; so you shall do if the ships or fleet dis- 
covered have their tacks aboard ; namely, if you had 
also your tacks aboard at the time of the discovery, 
you shall bear up for a little time, and after you hale 
your sheet oft again, to shew us what course the ship 
or fleet holds. 

If you discover any ship or fleet by night, if the 
ship or fleet be to windward of you, and you to 
windward of the admiral, you shall presently bear 
up to give us knowledge; but if you think you might 
speak with her, then you shall keep your loof, and 


shoot off a piece of ordnance to give us knowledge 

For a general rule, let no man presume to shoot 
off any piece of ordnance but in discovering a ship 
or fleet by night, or by being in danger of the ene- 
my* or in danger of fire, or in danger of sinking; it 
may be unto us ail a most certain intelligence of 
some matter of importance, and you shall make us 
know the difference by this ; for if you give cha£e, 
and being near a ship, you shoot to make her strike, 
we shall see and know you shoot to that end, (if 
it be by day) if by night, we shall then kaow 
that you have seen a ship or fleet more than our 
own ; and if you suspect we do not hear the first 
piece then you may shoot a second, but not other- 
wise i and you must take almost a -quarter of an hour 
between your two pieces. If you be in danger by a 
leak, {I mean in present danger) you shall shoot two 
pieces presently one after another ; and i£ in danger 
of fire, three pieces presently one after another* 

In foul weather every man shall fit his sails to keep 
company with the rest of the fleet, and not run so 
fir a head by day, but that he may fall astern the 
admiral before night. In -case we should be set up- 
on by sea, the captain shall appoint sufficient com* 
pany to assist the gunners, after which, if the fight 
require it* (he cabins between the deck shaU be tak- 
en down, ood *11 beds and sacks employed for bul- 
warks ; the musketeers of every ship shaU be divided 
ttnder captains, or other officers, some for the fore- 
castle, others for the waste, the rest for the poop, 
where they shall abide, if they be not otherwise di- 
rected. The gunners shaU not shoot any great ord- 
nance at other distance than point-blank, An officer 
or two shall be appointed to take care that no loose 

Eowder be carried between the decks, or near any 
ntstock or match in hand. You shaU saw divers 
hogsheads in two parts, and, filled with water, set 
tjheoi aloft the decks. You shall divide your carpen- 


% te«, aotne in the hold/ if any shot twite between 
wind and water, and the rest between the decks* 
with plates of lead, plugs, and all things necessary 
laid by them. You shall also lay by your tubs of 
water, certain wet blankets to cast upon and choke 
ftny fire. The master and boatswain shall appoint a 
certain number of sailors to every sail, and to every 
(such company a master's mate, boatswain's mate, or 
quarter master* so as when every man knows his 
charge and plaice things may be done without noise 
or confusion, and no man speak but the officers: 
As for example, if the master or his mate bid heave 
out the main-top-sail, the master's mate, boatswain's 
mate, or quarter-master, which bath charge of that 
aail, shall with his company perform it without raiting 
out to others $ and so for tne fore-sail, fore-top-sail, 
aprilvsail, and die rest ; the boatswain himself taking 
too particular charge of any sail, but overlooking all, 
and seeing every one do his duty. 

No man shall board a ship of the enemy without 
order, because the loss of a ship to us is of more ina* 
portance than of ten to the enemy; as also by one 
man's boarding all our fleet may be engaged, it being 
a great dishonour to lose the least of our fleet. Emery 
ship being under the lee of the enemy, shall labour 
to recover the wind, if the admiral endeavour it, and 
we find an enemy to leeward of us, the whole fleet 
shall follow the admiral, vice-admiral, or other lead- 
ing ships, within musket-shot of the enemy, giving 
ao nracn liberty to the leading ships after her broad* 
side discovered, as she may stay and trim her sails 
then is the second ship to give her side, and the third 
and fourth ; which done, they shall all take a* the 
Atst ship, and giving the enemy the other side, shall 
keep him under a perpetual volley. Thus must you 
do to the windermost ship of the enemy, which you 
ahall batter in pieces, or force her to bear up and 
entangle the rest, falling foul one of another, to their 
great confusion. 

144 VOYAGES * 

If the admiral give chace and be thfe headmost man, 
the next ship shall take up his boat if other order be 
not given ; or if any other ship be appointed to give 
chace, the next ship, if the chacing ship have a boat 
at her stem, shall take her up* If any make a ship 
to strike, he shall not enter her till the admiral come 

The musketeers, divided into certain quarters 
of the ship, shall not deliver their shot but at such 
distances as their commander shall direct them. You 
shall lake a special care for the keeping of the ship 
clean between the decks, to have your ordnance in 
order, and not cloyed with trunks and chests. Let 
those that have provision of victuals deliver it to the 
steward, and every man put his apparel in canvas 
cloakbags, except some few chests which do not pes- 
ter the ship. Every one that useth any weapon of 
fire, be it musket or other piece, shall keep it dean; 
and if he be not able to amend it, being out of order, 
he shall presently acquaint his officer therewith, who 
shall command the armourer to amend it 

No man shall keep any feasting or drinking be- 
tween meals, nor drink any healths on the ship's pro- 
vision. Every captain, by his purser, steward, or 
other officer, shall take a weekly account how the vic- 
tuals waste. The steward shall not deliyer any can- 
dles to any private man, or to any private use. 

Whosoever shall steal from his fellows either appa- 
rel or any thing else, shall be punished as a thief; 
or if any one steal any victuals, either by breaking in- 
to the hold, or otherwise, he shall receive the 
Jtunishment of a thief and the murderer of his fel- 

There is no man shall strike any officer, be he cap- 
tain, lieutenant, ensign, serjeant, corporal of the field, 
a quarter-master ; nor the master of any ship, mas- 
ter's mate, boatswain, or quarter-master ; I say, no 
man shall offer any violence to any of these, but the 
supreme officer to the inferior, in time of service, U p- 

TO GUIANA. * 14£ 

on pain of death. No private man shall strike an* 
other, upon pain of receiving such punishment as 4 
martial court shall think him worthy of* 

No man shall play at cards or dice, either for his 
apparel or arms, upon pain of being disarmed and 
made a swabber* And whoever shall shew himself a 
coward upon any landing or otherwise, he shall be 
disarmed, add made a labourer and carrier of victuals 
for the rest. 

No man shall land any men in any foreign parts 
without order from the general, the serjeant major, 
or other chief officer, upon pain of death ; and where* 
soever we shall have cause to land, no man shall force 
any woman* be she Christian or heathen, upon pain 
of death t And you shall take especial care, when 
God shall suffer us to land in the indies, not to eat 
any fruits unknown ; such fruits as you do not find 
eaten by birds On the tree, or beasts under the tree, 
you shall avoid. 

You shall not sleep on the ground, nor eat any new 
flesh till it be salted two or three hours, which other* 
wise will breed a most dangerous flux ; so will the 
eating of over-fat hogs or turkies. You shall also 
have a great care that you swim not in any rivers 
but where you see the Indians swim, because most of 
the rivers are full of alligators* You shall not take 
any thing from any Indian by force ; for from thence- 
forth we shall never be relieved ; but you must use 
them with all courtesy. And for trading or exchan- 
ging with them, it must be done by one or two of 
every ship for all the rest, and the price to be direct- 
ed by the cape-merchant ; for otherwise all our com- 
modifies will be of small price, and greatly to our 

For other orders on the land we will establish them 
(when God shall send us thither) by general consent. 
In the meantime, I will value every man's honour 
according to their degree and valour, and taking care 

Vol. VI. l l 



for the service of God and prosperity of our 

Whjwi the admiral shall hang out a flag or ensiga 
ion the mizen-shrouds, you shall knpw it to be a nag 
of counsel to tome aboard* 


. i. . * 




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Sir Walter Ralegh landed at Plymouth, after his last fa- 
tal voyage to Guiana, in the end of June or begloning of July 
1618, about a year from the time of his departure from that port. 
A proclamation had previously been issued by the king, strongly 
condemning his proceedings in Guiana ; and he was immediately 
put under arrest, and conveyed to London, under the custody of Sir 
Lewis Stukely. It was during the interval between his arrest and 
his commitment to the Tower, which took place on the 10th of Au- 
gust, that he wrote that powerful defence of his conduct which it 
kuown by the name of his Apology. It is said to have been pre- 
sented to the king ; but it does not appear to have bees printed 
tilt 1650, when it was anneied to a collection, called ( Judicious 
' and Select Essays, by Sir Walter Ralegh, 9 published by Humph, 
rey Moseley, and dedicated to Carew Ralegh, Sir Walter's son. 

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IF the ill success of this enterprise of mine had 
been without example, I should have Heeded a 
large discourse* an4 many arguments far my justtfi* 
pation. ,jBut if the vain attempts of the greatest 
princes of Europe, froth among themselves and a-< 
gainst the great Turk, are in all modefti histories left 
to every eye to peruse i it is not so strange that myself, 
being but a private man* and drawing after iqe the 
chains and letters whereunto I have beep thirteen 
years tied ip the tower, (being unpardoned, and iu 
disgrace with my sovereig