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I « 


-fipi.*- 4:r 


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J) 7 


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Colonel Starling Meux Benson, LL.D. 


Lieut.-Goljdin Lewis Rutley^V.D. Arthur Geoi]ge Ashby. 
Webster Glynes. Sir John Aird, Bart. 


Frederick William Harris. John Barrow. 

Rev. Henry Boyd, D.D. His Hon. Judge William Denman 
Charles Hales. Benson^ LL.D. 

Sir Cornelius Neale Dalton, Bernard Francis Harris. 

K.C.M.G.^ C.B., D.C.L. Arthur Stewart Daniell. 

Ernest Gardner, MP. Gerald Walton Williams. 

Charles Fellows Pearson. George Gardner. 

Henry Haync. Sydney Shorter. 

Sebastian Edward Shorter. The Rt. Hon. Sir William Grey 
Heniy Trood Mason. Fllison Macartney, K.C.M.G. 

Arthur Warren Williams. Rev. JohnNeale Dalton, K.C.V.O., 
Walter Silvester Gardner. C.M.G. 

Ernest Henry Pooley. 

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HE History of The 

Worshipful Company 

of the Drapers of 

London : preceded by 
an Introduction on London 
and her Gilds up to the close of the XVth 
Century. By the Rev. A. H. Johnson, 
Fellow and Chaplain of All Souls College 

Initial from Cliaiter No. I 

Vol. I 


At the Clarendon Press 


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Oxford University Press 

London £dinbargh GUsgpw New York 

Toronto Melbourne Bombay 

Humphrey Milford M.A. 

Ptiblisher to the University 

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T is the play of economic interests 
and social forces which chiefly deter- 
mines the movements of history and 
gives it its true meaning, and of all 
the outward forms, which these in- 
terests and forces assumed, few are 
more important than the mediaeval 

The Gild belongs to the period 
which has been called that of < Town 
Economy V when each city and its 
neighbourhood was looked upon as 
a self-containing and economical unit, based on a jealous 
protertive spirit. As long as this lasted the influence of 
the Gilds was all-pervading. They did not confine them- 
selves exclusively to their industrial functions. They 
influenced the social environment and the civic structure 
of the town to which they belonged j they formed as it 
were the warp of its social and economic structure. They 
took part in its public burdens, they shared in its civic 
joys and griefs, in its fortunes good and evil. 

' The initial comes from the Ordinance Book, p. 75. 

' The classification is that of BUcher, Die Entstehnng der Volkswirtschaft ^ 
cf. translation by Wickett, especially pp. 1 14 fT. 


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iv Treface 

But by the close of the fifteenth century the wider 
system of ^ national Economy ' began to be developed, 
to be followed by that of an < international ' or ^ world 
Economy^, and the industrial conditions grew too complex 
to be satisfactorily organized by the Gild system. The 
market now became far wider than that of the town, 
while the capitalist entrepreneur who rose to meet the new 
developments refused to submit to the old Gild restrictions. 

From that moment the usefulness of the Gilds declined, 
and by the end of the seventeenth century they had 
altogether ceased to control the industrial world. Never- 
theless they still remained as interesting relics of the past, 
and, of late, by their renewed activities in the promotion 
of philanthropic work, and of education, both theoretical 
and technical, have gone far to satisfy all but the most 

Of the Gilds of London, that of the Worshipful 
Company of Drapers is one of the most important. 
I have been entrusted with the valued privilege of writing 
its history, which is long overdue. 

Although Herbert in his work on the Livery Companies 
of London has already seized on the more salient points, 
his account is based on a somewhat superficial study of 
the original documents in the possession of the Company, 
and is unfortunately very inaccurate. And no other 
history of the Drapers has been attempted. 

If the interest taken by the author in his work were 
the measure of his success, I should feel no quahns. 
Unfortunately much more is required. It is therefore 
with some trepidation that I &ce my readers. 

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Treface v 

Whatever success I may have attained is certainly 
largely due to the generous assistance I have received on 
all hands. 

The earlier part of my work, up to the end of the 
reign of Elizabeth, has been much facilitated by the 
transcripts of the Company's Documents, which had been 
already executed by Mr. Welch and his son. 

I owe my thanks to Mr. Pooley, the Clerk of the 
Worshipful Company, and to Miss Greenwood for help 
most imgrudgingly and generously given. I have also' 
to thank Miss Greenwood for the Index. Without the 
loyal co-operation of Miss Watkins, my Secretary, and 
the assiduous attention of Mr. Whitaker, the Sub- 
Librarian of All Souls College, and his staff, the 
publication of this first instalment would have been 
long delayed. 

Bodley's Librarian as well as the staff have often 
helped me in elucidating difScult questions. M. Pirenne, the 
eminent Historian of the Low Countries, has generously 
given me much valuable information on the early history 
of the cloth industry in its original home. 

Among others, I owe to Miss M. Sellers and Mr. Heaton 
much instruction with regard to the Yorkshire cloth in- 
dustry; to Professor Oman, assistance in heraldry; and 
to the Rev. Dr. P. H. Aitken, great help with regard 
to the earliest paper used for the Drapers' documents. 

Finally I have to thank Mr. Leys, of University College, 
Oxford, and Professor Unwin, of the Victoria University, 
Manchester, for their careful reading of the proofs, and 
the latter for many invaluable criticisms and suggestions. 

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vi Treface 

The first two volumes, which are now offered to the 
public, bring the History of the Drapers' Company up to 
the close of the reign of Elizabeth. How many more 
volumes may be required to complete the work, I am not 
as yet in a position to state. The material in the possession 
of the Company is very voluminous and has been as yet 
untouched by me. But the Court has kindly acceded to 
my wish that I should no longer delay to publish the 
History of the Company during the period when, in 
conmion with the other Gilds of London, it most pro- 
foundly influenced not only the industrial but the civic 
life of our metropolis. 

I have prefaced the history of the Company by an 
Introduction on the relations of the Gilds to the govern- 
ment of the City up to the close of the fifteenth century, 
in the hope that the exact position of the Company in 
the development of London would thereby be made more 

Au Souls College, 
Jufy 1914. 

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London and her Gilds from the Norman C!onquesc to the 

Close of the Middle Ages i 


The Early History of the Cloth Trade up to the End of the 
Thirteenth Century. The first appearance of the 
Draper 6i 


The History of the Drapers firom the Opening of the Four- 
teenth Century to the Letters Patent of Edward III, 
1364 81 


The History of the Gild or Fraternity of the Drapers fi-om 
the Letters Patent of Edward III (ig^+J to the 
year 1479 ss) 


The Relations of the Drapers' Gild or Fraternity to the 
Political Events of the Reigns of Henry V, Henry VI, 
Edward IV, Richard III, and Henry VII . .127 


Changes in the Organization of the Fellowship of Drapers 

between 1441 and ij-op 147 

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viii Contents 



I. An Account of the chief original Documents up to 

1603 in the possession of the Drapers' Company • 173 

II A. Drapers in the Thirteenth Century . i8x 

II B. Evidences as to the functions of the Drapers in the 

Thirteenth Century 184 

III A. Drapers in the Fourteenth Century up to the date 

01 the first Charter, 1364 i8y 

III B. Evidences as to the functions of the Drapers in the 

Fourteenth Century ipi 

IV. Ordinances of the Brotherhood of Our Lady of 

Bethlehem, 1371 ip5 

V. Stat. 37 Edward III, cc. Sy 6- That Merchants and 
Artificers shall keep to their own Merchandise 
and Mystery, Stat. 38 Edward III, c. x, repeal- 
ing same 102 

VI. Letters Patent of July i;-, 38 Edward III, 1354 . 204 

VII. Petition of the Mystery of Drapers against the 

election of Nicholas Brembre as Mayor in 1384 . 208 

VIII. Grant of a Quit-rent by Fitzalwyn, paid by the 
Drapers' Fraternity. September 30, 7 Henry VI, 
1428 211 

IX. Letters Patent of Henry VI. Charter of Incor- 
poration. November 30, 17 Henry VI, 1438 . 214 

X. The Grant of the Farm of Aulnage. February i5, 

17 Henry VI, 143P, new style .... 2i5 

XL Grant of Arms. March 10, 17 Henry VI, 143P, 

new style 221 

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Contents ix 


XII. Inspezimus Charter of July 25, 6 Edward IV 
{i^66\ confirming and expanding that of 
17 Henry VI 229 

XIII. C!onfirmation of the Drapers' Right of Search. 

Oaober 5, 25 Henry VI, 14+7 . .232 

XIV. Ordinance of the Mayor confirming the Right of 

Search of Woollen Cloths, October 5, x6 
Henry VI, 1447 253 

XV. Letters Patent of Edward IV, promising that 
shearmen shall have no Corporation. April p, 
ip Edward IV, 1479 237 

XVI. Letters Patent of Richard III releasing the Drapers 
from all forfeitures for offences committed before 
February 21, 14.84. May 21, i Richard III, 1484. 236 

XVII. The Oath Book or Book of Ordinances, originally 
drawn up in 14.0^ and entered in the book in 
14/^0, with later additions up to 1^31 • . 242 

XVIII. Transcript of the earliest Wardens' Accounts from 

14.14. to 1442 ....... 282 

XIX. The First Drapers' Hall. Grant of site . . 34.8 

XX A. Transcript of the Wardens' Accounts for the year 

1481-2 3x1 

XX B. Transcript of the earliest Renters* Accounts for . 

the year 148 1-2 3^5 

XXI. List of Members of the Drapers' C!ompany in 1493 364 

XXIIa. Transcript of the Wardens' Accounts for the year 

iyo8-p 3^7 

XXII B. Transcript of the Renters' Accounts for the year 

1X08-P 374 

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The Original Arms of the Drapers, i+jp . . facing page x-lx 
Seal of lif 3p. From a cast in the British Museum . . 22^ 

Sacramental Pyx 226 

The Arms of July ij-di facing page -vl^ 

The Arms of idi J 227 

Present-day Seal 228 

Arms of To-day 228- 

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HE theory that the dvic struc- London at 
ture of London grew out of, or ^^^ date of 
was originally based on the Gild, '^^ ^^^ . 

r iij ji quest and in 

has now been abandoned by most ^^^ reign of 
historians. Gilds, indeed, as we Heniy I. 
shall see, existed in London be- 
fore the Norman Conquest. But 
it was not till much later that 
the voluntary association of the 
Gild and municipal Government 
began to influence one another 
and to coalesce." 

From the scanty Charter ^ of 
the Conqueror to London we 
learn little except that the City 

' The initial comes from Charter No. I. 

" The suggestion of Mr. Loftie that the Cnighten Gild formed a part of the 
government of the City in Anglo-Saxon or Norman times is refuted by 
Mr. Round. Loftie, London, i. 98 ; Round, Commune of London, pp. 10}, 
111. Mr. Loftie makes much of the £ict that Leofoan, who had been Portreeve 
in the Confessor's day, was head of the Cnighten Gild in the reign of Henry I. 
But this proves nothing ; the same man might be Portreeve and head of the 
Gild at the same time, without there being any connexion between these two 
offices, just as we know that several of the members of the Gild were Aldermen 
at the time of its dissolution. Nor ag^ had London then or at any time 
a Merchant Gild. Gross, Gild Merchant, i. 10^. For an account of the 
Cnighten Gild and Merchant Gilds cf. pp. 15^ 16 of this volume. Cf. also Petit 
Dotaillis, Studies Supplementary to Stubbs, p. 67 5 Maitland, Township and 
Borough ; Bateson, Mediaeval England, Borough Customs. So too, abroad, the 
origin of the civic 20vemment is to be looked for not in the Gild system but in 
the rural organizatx>n of the Manor. The Merchant Gild abroad had even less 

^ Cf. Stubbs, Charters, 8th ed, p. io8. 
itos*i B 

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X Introduction 

had 'a certain unity under its portreeve and its Bishop', and that the 

Tfcc Charter burghers were to be held ' Law worthy '. The Charter of Henry I 

of Henry I. is much more explicit, but, although it makes some changes, it 

probably did not alter materially the basis of the dvic constitution. 

The City at that date is organized on the analogy of a rural 

shire. It is independent of any other county ; and Middlesex, 

the county in which it lies, is held of the Crown at a * ferm ' 

of 300 pounds. It is given the privilege of electing a Sheriff and 

a Justiciar of its own, who have the sole jurisdiction over the 

burghers. The folk moot of London, answering to the shiremoot 

of a shire, is recognized as well as the * Husting Court \ which was 

a general meeting of the citizens for judicial purposes.* 

Although the charter does not appear to mention the Wards," 
there can be little doubt that they already existed.^ 

connexion with the mnnidpal organization than in England; and the Craft 
Gilds, although they seriously modmed the later development and in some cases, 
as in London, became subsequently an integral part of the town administration, 
were not so at first. On the Foreign Gilds generally, c£ Gross, Gild Merchant, 
181 ; Pirenne, Bel^ique, i. 1^9 if., %%% if., ^66ff. ^ Revue historique, 53, 1S93, 
57i 1895, Les Origmes des institutions urbaines ; Lavisse, Histoire de France, iv. 
341 if., V. 397 if., tL 7^; Luchaire, Communes fran^aises; Gity, («) Histoire 
dc la ville St. Omer, (b) Etudes sur les origines de la commune de St. Quentin ; 
Flach, Origines de Pancienne France j Lecaron, Lcs Origines de la mumcipalit6 
parisiennc (M6moires de la Soci6t6 de Thistoire de Paris, vii, viii, 1 880-1 )j 
Fagniez, Etudes sur Tindustrie a Paris aux xiii® et xiv® si^cles ; Heeel, Stadte und 
GiQen der germanischen Volker im Mittelalter; Gierke, Das deutsche 
Genossenschansrecht ; Below und Keutgen, Urkunden zur stadtischen Ver£usungs- 
^eschichtej Schanz, Gesellenveibande. For the Hanseatic League cf. article 
m Encyclopaedia Brit, and authorities quoted j Doren, Entwickelung und Organisa- 
don der ilorentiner Ziinfte im xiii.-xiv. Jahrhunder^ in Schmoller, Forschungen, 
p. 59. Ashley, Surveys Historic and Economic, p. ^7, gives a useful survey of 
the most important writers on the subject. 

' On the Husdngs Court, cf. Sharpe, Calendar of Wilb, i, p. 11. 

^ The word ' wardemotum ' in the passage should probably be read ' vadi- 
monium' (debts owing). Cf. Round, Commune of London, Appendix P, 
p. 370. He shows that the word ^' vadimonium ' occurs in the Charter of 
Henry II, which was framed on the model of that of Henry I, and points out that 
the singular, ^ wardemotum ', is meaningless, since there were many Wardmoots, 
not one Wardmoot. 

^ The most ancient list of the Wards that has been found is in Liber L MSS., 
Library of St. Paul's, and is probably of the date of a.d. i i 1 T or thereabouts. 
The number there recorded is twenty. Of these one is called the Bishop's 
Ward. Three have Ipcal names — Warda Fori (Cheap), Alegate (Aldgate), 

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London and her Gilds 3 

Thus the municipal unity granted by the Charter is ^ of the 
same sort as that ot the county and hundred '. But, as in the 
shire, the churches, the barons, the citizens, retain their * sokes ' 
or jurisdictions' and their privileges ; and the City is only as yet 
* a bundle of communities, townships or villages, parishes and 
lordships '.' 

Brocesganee (Walbrook or Dowgate). Sixteen are called by the names of 
citizens who, though not yet called Aldermen, evidently enjoy that position. 
Two at least of these are among the fifteen members of the Anglo-Saxon 
Cnighten Gild who surrendered their lands and their soke of Poitsoken to the 
Prior of Holy Trinity in 1125 (cf. p. i^). This would make twenty-one. 
Three more were added at some date previous to 1117-8, when we find twenty- 
four Wards. In 1393 Farringdon Ward, previously called Warde de Lodgate 
et Neugate, was divided into two. Within and Without. This broueht up the 
number to twenty-five. No further increase was made till the middle of the 
seventeenth century, when Cnpplegate was divided, although the same Alderman 
to this day presides over the two Wards. 

The heads of the Ward, who become known as Aldermen in the thirteenth 
century, in all probability originally held their position by hereditary right as 
being the possessors of estates and courts, like the rural manorial courts m the 
City. They held views of frankpledge in their Wardmoots, set the watch and 
kept the gates of the City, and their jurisdictions were specially safeguarded in 
the Charter of Henry I, which promised that ^ all churches^ barons, and citizens 
should enjoy their '^ sokes " and customs in peace '. 

This hereditary position was, however, soon changed for an elective one. The 
first notice of an Alderman bein? elected is in 1199^ when Alexander Le Ferrun 
was chosen by the Ward of Walbrook. By the close of the thirteenth century 
the Wards are all known by local names. See Beaven, Aldermen, i. 3^3, il 
p. XV} Baddeley, Aldermen of Cripplcgate, p. 113 j Letter Book A, p. 109 j C, 
pp. II, 11} Stow, Survey, ed. Kingsford, ii. 186. Pirenne, Belgique, i 184, 
ii 44, note, shows the same change with regard to the Echevins. 

^ Cf. Selea Charters, 8th ed., p. 108} Stubbs, Constitutional History, ed. 
1874, i 405. Three points have been much disputed : 

(i) The grant of the 'ferm' of Middlesex. 

(i\ The relation of the Sheriff to the earlier Portreeve. 

(3) The meaning of the Justiciar. 
Mr. Sharpe, London and the Kingdom, L 41, holds that the grant made the shire 
subject to the City. But Mr. Round (Geoffrey de Mandeville, p. 140, and 
Appendix F, p. 347) argues with ereat force that Middlesex included London as 
it had before. They had been held by Geoffrey de Mandeville. Henry granted 
them to the citizens of London. But Stephen revoked this ^rant and bestowed 
the 'ferm ' of Middlesex and London on the grandson of Geonrey. It was not till 
1 1 ^^ that London regained the ' ferm ' as well as the right of appointing the 
Sheriff. Henceforth Middlesex and London are united and the ' ferm ' paid to the 
King is sometimes called that of London, sometimes of Middlesex, sometimes of 

Digitized by 


4- Introduction 

Nevertheless the privileges which the City had obtained by the 

Charter of Henry I were great, and on his death we find them 

Thereignsof even claiming the special right of electing the new King/ At 

Stephen and ^ i^ter date in Stephen's reign, according to some authorities, they 

^"'^ • even arrogated to themselves the corporate unity of a French 

* commune '. 

But the fortunes of the day were a^nst them. Their nominee 

Stephen was but the shuttlecock of rival factions ; Geoffrey de 

Mandeville, who was Constable of the Tower and had been 

created Earl of Essex by Stephen, proved faithless, and only 

returned to his allegiance when bribed by being appointed to the 

offices of Sheriff and Justiciar of London and of Middlesex, the 

*ferm ' of which was also granted to him. Though de Mandeville 

died in 1 143, Henry II did not restore the right of election to the 

citizens," but nominated the Sheriff himself. Such exceptional 

powers as had been granted by Henry I were distasteful to the 

first Angevin King, and the same policy was at first continued by 

Richard L 

Grant of the When, however, that knight-errant King had gone on his 

y J^**"' both. Mr. Round also maintains that the Sheriff represents the Portreeve, a title 
''^'* which henceforth disappears. The number of the SheriiFs varied fix>m rime to 

rime, until finally in the reign of Richard I two became the regular number. 
Though the Charter of Henry I allowed them to be elected by the citizens, they 
were nominated by the King during the reigns of Henry II and Richard I. 
John in 1 1 99 restored the right of eleaion to the cirizens. By that date, 
however, London had its Mayor and the Sheriffs had become subordinate officers. 
The grant of the Jusriciar, whether new or not, may be compared to the policy 
adopted by Norman kings of sometimes allowing the Sheriff to be justice m his 
own county. ^It represents ', says Mr. Roun<C ' the transitional stage between 
the localization of justice under the sheriff and the centralization under the future 
jusrices of the central Court.* During the reign of Stephen the office was granted 
to Geoffrey de Mandeville. But with the more centralizing policy of Henry II, 
who forbad Sheriffs to be justices in their own county, the London Jusriciar 
disappears. It may be, as is stated by the Liber Albus (p. 1 1), that the future 
Mayor represents the Justiciar, as well as the Portreeve, and that \t was in 
virtue of this and not by royal commission that he was one of the Justices for 
gaol delivery in London. 

' Gcsta Stephani, Rolls Series, iii. f-^. 

" Most writers say that Henry II confirmed the Charter of Henry I. But 
Mr. Round has shown that the clause with regard to the Sheriff finds no place 
in Henry IPs Charter. Round, Mandeville, p. 3^8, 

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London and her Gilds s 

Crusade, and William Lonechamp Bishop of Ely, and the King's 
brother John, were rivals for the control of the Government, the 
Londoners once more had their opportunity. John, having suc- 
ceeded in driving the Bishop from power, and being anxious to obtain 
the support of me Londoners, granted them, with the consent ot 
the other Bishops, Earls, and Barons, ' their ^^Communa" and swore 
to preserve it and all other dignities of the City as long as it should 
please the King ; the citizens on their part declaring their willing- 
ness to recognize John as King should his brother die childless'/ 

The exact meaning of the word * Communa ' has indeed been 
disputed. But the best authorities agree that, whether the grant 
was a new one, or the confirmation of an old claim, made as early 
as the reign of Stephen,** or whether again the idea was borrowed 
from Rouen or some other foreign town,^ it at least gave to 
London a 'communal unity \ *a corporate unity of the munici- 
rality \ which took the place of the previous shire organization.^ 
Further, there is every probability that the concession was accom- 
panied by the establishment of the Mayoralty,^ while Mr. Round 

' Benedictns Abbas, iL 113. 

' As mentioned above. In 1141 the Londoners, when demanding the 
release of Stephen, then in the hands of the Empress Matilda, declared that 
they were sent ^ a commtmione quam vocant Londoniariam * (Malmesbary, Hist. 
Nov., iiL s. 4^). This, according to some, shows that they had then formed 
a ' commmia ', and even the caatioas Bishop Stubbs allows that, if the municipal 
organization represented by the French 'Commune ' did not yet exist in London, 
the ^ communal idea ' seems to have been there. Constit. Hist., L 407 5 Sharpe, 
London and the Kingdom, i. 49. 

^ Round, Commune of London, pp. ii^ fF., argues that the idea of the 
commune was borrowed directly from Rouen and other French towns. This is, 
however, disputed by Miss Bateson, and is very questionable. Cf. Adams, 
London and the Commune, £n^. Hist. Review, xix. 701 ; Bateson, £ng. Hist. 
Review, xvi. (1901), 480, 707 5 Petit Dutaillis, Studies Supplementary to Stubbs, 
p. 98. 

* It should, however, be understood that this grant of a commune did not go 
so £ir as to recognize the City as a legal ^ persona '. This only came with 
Edward IVs Charter. 

^ The Liber de Antiquis Legibus says that Fitzaylwin was the first Mayor ol 
London in 1 1 89. In tne Chronicles of London, i xo^ is given as the date of the 
first Mayor. It seems, however, more probable that the office originated with 
the grant of the Communa. A Mayor is first mentioned in an official document 
in 1 1 94, when he was treasurer for Richard I*s ransom. Cf. Sharpe, London 
and the Kingdom, i, 66 1 Archaeol. Journal, i. 1^9. 

Digitized by 


6 Introduction 

quotes a document to show that the Mayor was assisted by 
* ichevins ' who were probably Aldermen.' 

The establishment of the G>mmuna must not, however, be 
looked upon as a move in the direction of democracy. The 
government was evidently in the hands of the powerful and the 
rich. The majority of the Aldermen of the Wards were still in 
all probability men of old descent, who held their Wards as 

Erivate franchises." That the lower classes were not benefited 
y this concession of autonomous rule is indicated by the rebellion 
of William Fitzosbert five years subsequently ; a rebellion caused 
by the heavy and unequal taxation imposed upon the citizens by 
those in authority, taxation necessary to raise the ransom for 
King Richard.3 

Nevertheless, London had in iipi made a very distinct ad- 
vance in the direction of self government, and it seemed as if 
she was going to rival some of the great towns of Germany or of 
Flanders in establishing a very large measure of municipal indepen- 
dence. This, however, was prevented by the might of the 
£nglish Crown, and by the strong centralization which had 
already been established by earlier Kings, notably by Henry I 
and Henry H. 

The ministerial opinion as to the danger of this communal 

organization is well expressed by the royalist chronicler who 

declares that a commune ^puSs up the people, threatens the 

kingdom, and enervates the priesthood ', and that * neither 

Richard I nor his father Henry II would ever have conceded 

it, even for a million marks of silver '. ^ 

The Com- John had made the concession to win support, but after the 

mune dis- return of Richard we hear no more of the Communa, although 

a]^ars, bat apparently Henry Fitzaylwin remained Mayor for the rest of 

allowed to < Roand, Commune, p. 13 f^ contrary to the general opinion, would have us 

elect their believe that the Skivim were borrowed from the ' ^chevins ' of Rouen* Cf. 
Mayors. Petit Dutaillis, p. 99. 

* The first mention of Aldermen being elected \s In 1193, Letter Book C,* 
pp. 1 1, II. 

^ ^ Imponebantur eis auxilia non modica, et divites, propnis parcentes marsupiis, 
▼olebant nt pauperes soWerent uni^ersa.' Hoveden, i?. 5. Cf. Stubbs, Charters, 
cd. Da^is, 191 3, p* »47. 

^ Ric. I>i?is., p* n* ^ Stubbs, Charters, p. x^i. 

Digitized by 


London and her Gilds 7 

his life. John, however, after his brother's death, restored to 
the citizens the * ferm ' of Middlesex and London and the right 
of electing their Sheriff at the price of 3,000 marks,' and finally 
in 1215- the King, in his vain endeavours to win their support 
ag^nst his rebellious Barons, granted them the right of annually 
electing their Mayor. 

Meanwhile, shortly after the accession of King John we hear 
of two bodies, one oftwenty-five(i2oo-i) and another of twenty- 
four (i2o5'-6), which have been by some considered to be the 
origin of the Court of Aldermen and of the Common Qouncil.* 

* English Hist. Review, July 1901, p. 508. 

* The Liber de Antiqnis Legibus mentions a body of twenty-five elected in 
I loo- 1 'de discretioribos civitads ', and sworn to take counsel on behalf of the 
City with the Mayor. In the Additional MS. British Museum, 14151, £>. no, 
we find under date 110 5-^ an oath taken by a body of twenty*four that they 
will exercise justice impartially and honestly. Mr. Sharpe (London and the 
Kingdom, i. 71), neglecting the second body of twenty-four, holds that the 
twenty-five are the origin of the Court of Aldermen. Mr. Round (Commune 
of London, p. 1^9), apparently neglecting the twenty-five, holds that the body 
of twenty-four are the origin of the Court of Common Council. He shows 
that at Rouen there was a similar body of twenty-four who acted as the 
Mayor's Council, and points out that ' the powers possessed by the Mayor and his 
Council ' over the whole town 'were quite distinct from the local power of each 
Alderman in his district or ward '. 

The difficulty of coming to a decision on the matter is considerable. 

I. The body of twenty-five can scarcely be the Court of the Aldermen of 

Wards, since there were at that time certainly not twenty-five Wards. 

1. The actual writ ordering the election of the twenty-four is to be found 

in the Close Rolls, Feb. 4, 1105-^, p. ^4. They are to be elected to 

amend the evils caused by the misgovemment of those in power 

whereby the City has suffered damage and the King has lost his proper 

tallages and forfeitures. The passage, which has been pointed out to me 

by Mr. Unwin, seems to dispose of Mr. Round's suggestion that they 

were borrowed from Rouen in 1191, when the Commune was started. 

Moreover, the twenty-four evidently have to exercise judicial functions 

which were enjoyed by the future Court of Aldermen, not by the Common 


A possible explanation mi^ht be found in considering the eleaed twenty-five 

with their deliberarive functions as the origin of the Q>mmon Council, and the 

twenty-four with their judicial functions as being a recognition of the Court of 

Aldermen, since we know that it was somewhere about this date that the 

number of Wards was twenty-four. C£ on the whole question Round, Commune 

of London, p. 139; Sharpe, London and the Kingdom, u 7^9 Bateson, Hist. 

Review, 1901, p. ^07$ Baddeley, Aldermen of Cripplegate, p. 137} Beaven, 

Digitized by 


8 Introduction 

London sop- These concessions of John did not pacify the Londoners. They 

ports the still supponed the Barons. Fiawalter, the owner * of Baynard's 

su^a^ Kine Castlc and its soke or Ward, was one of the most prominent 

John, i»x57 leaders of the rebellious Barons, and the importance of London 

is conclusively proved by the fact that the Mayor (Serlo le 

Mercer) stands on the list of the twenty-five Guardians of the 

Great Charter. 

So violent, indeed, was the hostility of the City to the King 
that, when supponed by the Pope he annulled the Great Chaner, 
they joined the extremists in calling in the French Prince Louis, 
and only tardily came to terms with the young King Henry on 
condition that their liberties should be acknowledged, and that 
citizens captured in the late hostilities should be set at liberty.' 

Henry ill, however, did not keep his promises. He interfered 
with their right to elect their Sheriffs ; ne extorted money from 
them ; he bid for the support of the lower classes against the City 
magnates, depriving the Aldermen of their Wards, though offer- 
ing to restore some of them if they were elected by the Common 
Council, and on more than one occasion ^ took the City into his 
own hands \^ 
London and It is not, therefore, surprising that, when the quarrel finally 
the Barons' broke out between Henry and Simon de Mont&rt, tne Londoners 
War, IX J 8. ^^j^^ found on the side of the Barons. At first, however, as 
in the reign of Richard I, the City was not of one mind. All 
were indeed united in resisting the exactions of the King, but in 
many ways the interests of the ruling aldermanic class were not 
those of the lower.^ The King had attempted to take advantage 

Aldermen, ii, p. xi j Petit Dutaillis, Studies, 99. CL also the Coria Scawagerioram 
of Edward Fs reign, the meaning of which is disputed. Letter Book C, pp. 1 5 1, 
19^; English Hist. Review, 1901, p. 511. 

' On Fitzwalter cf. Sharpe, London, i. 74, and authorities quoted there. 

' Treaty of Lambeth. 

^ The authority for part of the reign of John and fi>r the struggle under 
Henry III is Fitz Thedmar, an Alderman, author of the Chronicles of Mayors 
and Sheriffs of London. He himself had suffered from the royal tyranny in 
11^8, but nevertheless became a violent royalist partisan. Much is to be learnt 
from his account, but it is unfortunate that the popular party has no chronicler. 
C£ Beaven, Aldermen, p. 3^8. 

^ An attempt has been made to trace the conflict between the two parties in 

Digitized by 


London and her Gilds 9 

of these divisions with some success, and in I2(fi, shortly before 
the outbreak of the Barons' War, Fitz Thomas was elected Mayor, 
apparently with the temporary approval of the King, against 
Fitz Richard, the representative of the aristocratic burghers. 
In any case Fitz Thomas soon broke with the King and voiced 
the cause of the lower people. To the indignation of the Alder- 
man chronicler Fitz Thedraar, Fitz Thomas encouraged them to 
style themselves the commons of the people, and followed their 
will without consulting the Aldermen or chief citizens. He 
acquiesced in an attack made on the French merchants, to whom 
Henry III had shown favour, and in still more questionable deeds. 
* The people leagued themselves together by oath by the hundred 
and by the thousand under colour of keeping the peace, and went 
about reclaiming public land and rights of way which had been 
encroached upon. * 

In i2()3 Fitz Thomas was again elected by popular vote, 
the votes of the Aldermen being excluded, but in 1 264- j^ the 
King refused to confirm his third election, an act to which 
Fitz Thomas responded by siding with de Montfort on the 
outbreak of war." 

The victory of Lewes (May 1164^ made Fitz Thomas and his 
party complete masters of London.^ Nevertheless, according to 
Fitz Thedmar, instead of strengthening the City government 
against the King, as the Aldermen would have done, he * told 
the men of each Craft to make such provision as should be to 
their own advantage, and that he himself would have the same 
proclaimed and observed '. Accordingly, * individuals of every 
Craft made new statutes and provisions, or rather what might be 
styled abominations, and that solely for their own advantage, and 

London from the accession of Henry III from the names of the Mayors and 
Sheriffs. Loftie, i. 119. 

' Riley, Chronicles of Mayors^ p. ^9. 

' C£ Beaven, Aldermen, p. 3^9. On the King's side there were two 
ex-Mayors, six Aldermen, one of them Fitz Thedmar, and two who became 
Aldermen shortly after. On the side of de Montfort were three Aldermen and 
the Mayor Fitz Thomas. 

^ It should be remembered that in i %6% two burghers fiom each town were 
£>r the first time summoned to attend Parliament. Unfortunately the names of 
the representatives for London are not given. 

1C08.1 c 

Digitized by 




Right of 
electing the 
Mayor re- 
stored to the 
A disputed 

The Mayor 
Hervi sap* 
ports the 
Crafts, bat 
his policy is 
reversed by 
his successor. 

to the intolerable loss of all merchants coining to London and 
visiung the fairs of England, and the exceeding injury of all 
persons in the realm '. ' 

The death of Simon de Montfbrt at the fatal battle of Evesham, 
on August 4, 1 26 J', was followed by the immediate overthrow of 
Fitz Thomas, only just in time to prevent a massacre of the best 
and foremost of the City which, if we may believe Fitz Thedmar, 
was being prepared by the revolutionary Mayor. That Fitz 
Thomas, however, found some support among the upper classes is 
proved by the fact that among tliose proscribed after his fall are 
found two or three of the oldest names in the City. The truth is 
that the old oligarchy was breaking up, and the City, deprived of 
its head, was once more taken into the King's hands. 

Five years afterwards, in the year 1270, owing to the good 
offices of the young Prince Edward, the aged King restored to the 
Londoners their right of electing their Mayor and their Sheriffs 
and confirmed their privileges, although, as usual, the King's 
favour had to be bought with money. The first two elections 
following this concession appear to have passed quietly, but in 
1272, when the ex-Mayor, Walter Hervi, sought re-election, the 
old contentions between the more ^discreet' citizens and the 
commoners broke out once more. The more * discreet * were in 
favour of Philip le TaiUeur, but the * commons ' or mob of the 
City cried out, * Nay, nay, we will have no one for Mayor than 
Walter Hervi '.' The Aldermen at first asked for arbitration,^ 
but as the King died at this moment they gave way and Hervi 
was elected. 

Hervi pursued the policy of Fitz Thomas. Fresh ordinances 
for various crafts were drawn up, and the position of the Craft 

' Liber de Andqais Legibos^ translated Riley, pp. 58, ^o, 6^. 

' Fitz Thedmar, Chron. of Mayors and Shenfts, in Riley, p. 153. 

^ On the side of Hervi we find: Robert Gratefige, Robert Haateyn, 
a Mercer (?), Alland le Hurer (Cap-maker), Barthobmew le Spicer (Grocer ?p, 
Henry de Wyncestre. Two apparently were members of Craft Gilds, and aU, 
except perhaps the last, men apparently of the middle class \ while those on the 
side of the Aldermen were apparently men of higher sundine — ^John Adrian, 
late Mayor ; Henry le Waleys, subsequently Mayor $ Walter le Poter $ Henry 
de Coventre 3 Thomas de Basinge. Riley, Chronicles of Mayors and Sheriffs, 
p. IJ7. 

Digitized by 


London and her Gilds ii 

Gilds was improved. Yet Hervi did not succeed in getting 
re-elected again, and no sooner was his successor in power than 
the Charters he had granted were revoked as being solely for the 
benefit of the wealthy men of the trades to which they were 
granted, as also to the loss and undoing of all the other citizens, 
and the members of the crafts were ordered to pursue their crafts 
as before.' 

It is unfortunate that the actual trades to which Charters had 
been given are not mentioned, and it is somewhat confusing to 
find that Hervi was accused of favouring the wealthy men ofthe 
trades. We must, however, remember that the only account we 
have is firom an avowed enemy, FitzThedmar, and his own 
statement that Hervi * had, when accused, appealed ' to a great 
multitude of those trades to which he had granted Charters and to 
the populace,' as well as the popular support which he evidently 
secured, fiarnishes the best answer to the charge that he fevoured 
the rich.3 

From the date of Edward I's return to England till the year 
iiSj' we know nothing of the internal politics of London. Our 
interesting though partial chronicler, Fitz Thedmar, fails us, and 
there is no one to take his place adequately.* 

In that year, however, owing to the reftisal ofthe then Mayor, TheGovem- 
Gregory de Rokesly, to appear, as Mayor, before the King's mcntof 
Justices,^ then sitting at the Tower, he was deposed, and tor J^ ^Mitb^of 

a Gustos, 
' Rile/, Chronicles of Mayors, pp. 170, 171. Ii8f-g8 

» Ibid., p. 170. . 

^ Herri declared that his object in becoming Mayor had been that he might 
support the poor against the rich, who wished to oppress them in the matter of 
tallages and expenditure of the City, Cf. Chronicles of Mayors and Sheriffs, 
p. \%6. 

* Our authorities now are mainly: i. The Chronicles of Ed. I-II, Rolls 
Series, ed, W. Stubbs. 1. The series of Letter Books, now published under the 
title Letter Books, A to K : these are of especial value. 3. Sharpe, Calendar of 
Wills in the Court of Husting. 4. Liber Albus, translated by Riley. 5. Liber 
Custumamm, Rolls Series. 

^ Rokesly held that he was not bound to appear for judgement beyond the 
Liberties ofthe City, unless he had received folly forty days* notice. Apparently 
the City wall passed through the precinas of the Tower, and all the part which 
lay to the west ofthe wall was therefore in Tower Ward, all to the east bebnged 
to the special jurisdiction of the King. The Ward of Portsoken, however, lay 

Digitized by 




True mean- 
ing of the 

thirteen years the City was in the hands of a * Gustos ', * whilst the 
Sheriffs were sometimes appointed by the Exchequer, sometimes 
chosen by the citizens.'* It was not till I2p8 that the right 
of election was again restored to the City, when Henry de 
Waleys was chosen Mayor by the Aldermen and twelve men 
selected by them from each Ward ' — * an important departure from 
the old dose system,' says Dr. Stubbs, although, since the selection 
of the twelve lay in the hands of the Aldermen, this can scarcely 
be called a triumph of the elective principle. 

The exact meaning of the struggle that had been going on 
in London since the reign of Richard I is difficult to unravel. 
Some would represent it merely as one between the richer and 

outside the Tower to the east, and thus was also part of the Gty. C£ Map in 
Kingsfbtd's ed. of Stow, vol. ii$ Coke, Institutes, iii. 13^. 

It should, however, be understood that the privileges of Londoners to be tried 
in their own courts did not, since the disappearance of the 'Justiciar', extend to 
criminal cases. The Charter of 1 1 £dwatd II promised that the King should 
tK>t, except in cases of grave emereenc/, assign Justices to sit in any part of the 
Liberty of the Qty, except the Justices Itinerant who sat in the Tower, the 
Justices for gaol delivery who sat at Newgate, and for correction of errors at 
^t. Martin's le Grand. By the Charter of Edward III the Mayor was consdtuted, 
€x officio^ one of the Justices of ^aol delivery at Newgate. In criminal cases the 
preliminary inquest of recognition was held before the Sheriffs or Coroner by 
a Jury of the Watd in whicn the offence had been committed, and the accused 
was either acquitted or presented for final trial to the Justices sitting in the 
Tower. Febns arrested in the City were committed to Newgate by the Sheriff 
to await the next gaol delivery at Newgate. 

No freeman could be arrested or punished except by the officers of the City, 
and no fireeman could be impleaded before the King's Marshal. 

Of civil cases the Sheriffs also had coenizance in their court. Appeals <in 
error' were returnable from that court to the Hustings Court of Common Pleas, 
and thence to the Jusuces or Commissioners sitting at St. Martin's le Grand. 
(This was a liberty originally bebnging to the Dean and Chapter of Westminster, 
who in early days possessed a Court of Record, distina fiom the City of London.) 
From these Jusdces the final appeal lay to the House of Lords. Since Heniy VIII 
the Justices have sat at the Guildhall. 

No citizens could plead outside the City walls except in pleas of outside tenure. 
Pleas of ^ escheats' of tenements within the City were to be pleaded before the 
Jusuces Itinerant at the Tower. Cf. Pulling, Laws and Customs of the City of 
London, pp. 170 ff. j Norton, Commentaries; Liber Albus, translated Riley,L 44 ff.; 
Letter Books, ed. Sharpe, D, p. iv, 190 ; £, 41, 5^, 102, 144, 340 ; F, xxxv, ^4. 

' Sharpe, London and the Kingdom, i. 1x2 ; Riley, Liber Albus, pp. 1^ ff. 

^ Norton, Commentaries, p. 87 5 Letter Book B, 11 1. 

Digitized by 


London and her Gilds 13 

poorer citizens, or of the members of the Wards against their 
aristocratic Aldermen, who by this time often held some of the 
minor royal offices, such as Chamberlain, farmer of taxes, and the 
like ; * others look upon it as the first move on the part of 
the Craft Gilds to gain control of the municipal government. It 
is not without significance that it is about this time that the 
Wards are no longer called by the names of their Aldermen, and 
that the Aldermen become in all cases, except in the case of 
Portsoken, where the office was held by the Prior of Holy Trinity, 
elected officers. Further, it is in 1285- that we find the Aldermen 
acting with the aid of an elected council in each Ward, and, as just 
mentioned, twelve men selected by the Aldermen from each 
of their Wards taking part in the election of the Mayor in iap8/ 
All these indications might lead one to infer that the quarrel 
was nothing more than one between the ^ magnates and the com* 
moners ', as Bishop Stubbs is inclined to think.^ Yet, on the 
other hand, the firequent mention of the Craft Gilds as the 
supporters of Fitz Thomas and of Hervi leads one to the con- 
clusion that these two men were attempting to organize the 
Crafts more thoroughly against the patrician party as represented 
by the Aldermen of the Wards, and, if so, we here see the begin- 
ning of the movement which before the end of the fourteenth 
century was to end in the triumph of the Gilds. Mr. Loftie,* 
indeed, would have us believe that Henry, by his policy of grant- 
ing charters to the Gilds, first gave them the idea of corporate 
unity, which many of them were eventually to gain from the 
Crown. In any case it must be remembered that, though the 
distinction between the masters and the journeymen was not 
as yet so marked as it became in the fifteenth century, yet 
the real control of the Crafts always lay in the hands of the 
masters, and that the journeymen and apprentices had little 

' Cf. note on Wards, p. %y note 3. 

' It is of course true that, as the Aldermen selected the twelve, they call 
scarcely be called elected. 

3 Stubbs, Constitutional History, ill. ^71 ; Unwin, Gilds and Companies of 
London, p. ^5. 

^ Loftie, London, i. ^o. 

Digitized by 


14- Introduction 

Probably the real solution of the controversy is that we have 
here two aspects of the same question. The members of the 
Craft Gilds, whether rich or poor, were perforce residents in the 
Wards. They would therefore be eaually interested in wresting 
the control of their Wards from the nands of the Aldermen, and 
at the same time of having a voice in the election of the Mayor, 
the Sheriffs, and the Common Council, while there are many 
indications which show that the Crafts were increasing in power. 
Dr. Stubbs says ^that municipal independence so far as it was 
based on the Gild must be regarded as the result of a series of 
infringements on the ancient rights of the free inhabitants '. 
This, though no doubt true of later times, would scarcely apply to 
this date. Even if the Craft Gilds were really at this time in the 
hands of the more well to do, they would at least represent more 
popular interests than the Aldermen, and the struggle may be 
called one of the mercantile and industrial against the aristocratic 
element. Moreover, the Gilds were then in the stage when, 
as Dr. Stubbs himself says in the same sentence, * they stood 
for the protection of the weak '.* 
EarlyHistory It is Upon the Gilds that we must now concentrate our atten- 
of the GiUf . tion. Here, therefore, will be a good opportunity for a brief 
review of their previous history and of the position they now 
held in London. 

The Gild was a universal institution in Mediaeval Western 
Europe, and indeed, under different forms, is to be found even 
in the East.* It is, in fact, a natural social development in 
the direction of association, which followed or accompanied the 
weakening of the family tie, and was rendered all the more neces- 
sary because of the absence of a strong central government and of 
a uniform system of justice at that early date. 

In no country is the history of these Gilds more interesting 
and more enduring than in England, based as they were on the 

^ Smbbs, Constitational History, i. 419. We find an interesting parallel in 
the straggle in Flanders between the rich 'poorters ' (^viri hereditarii ', *ledi- 
gansers ^, who had abandoned trade, and the smaller craftsmen, especially those 
of the woollen trade. C£ Pirenne, Bel^i<]ue, i. 184. 

^ For Eastern forms of Gilds, cf. Unwin, The Gilds and Companies of London, 
p. 1, and aathorities there quoted. 

Digitized by 


London and her Gilds \^ 

English love of local association, of seltgovernment and self help, 
and yet ^ the English dislike to abrupt constitutional change 
obscures their rise and fall, while on the Continent the rule of 
the Crafts frequently corresponds to a definite period in the con- 
stitutional history of the towns '.' 

When we meet with the Gild in the twelfth century it has 
many aspects, social, religious, and economical, and it is unwise to 
look for any single origin for so complex an institution. 

The earliest Gilds ofwhich we have any knowledge in England 
are the so-called Frith Gilds, of which one existed in London in 
the reign of Athelstane. This was an association partly for the 
purpose of maintaining the peace and for the suppression of theft, 
partly fi>r mutual help, to which was attached the duty of pro- 
viding masses for the departed members of the Fraternity. 
Although its ordinances were enforced by the public authorities, 
it was probably not the creation of Law, but was originally 
a voluntary association which came to be used as a part of the police 
organization,' and in this respect it resembles the later Gilds 
which are constantly, often unconsciously, 'crossing the line 
which separates public from private functions, compulsory from 
voluntary association '. 

As no more is heard of this London Frith Gild it can scarcely 
have had any lasting influence on the municipal constitution. 
The same may be said of the Cnighten Gilds, of which the most 
interesting is that of London. This Gild, which held a charter 
from Edward the Confessor and claimed to have existed as early 
as the days of Cnut, was partly a religious and partly a social 
Gild. It was granted land and the soke of what became subse- 
quently the Ward of Portsoken, and was apparently composed of 
lesser Thanes, although at the time of its dissolution most of 
its fifteen members were Aldermen or relations of Aldermen. 
Possibly the Gild undertook the duty of defending the City, but 
there is no evidence to show that it formed any part of the 

' Unwin, Industrial Organization, p. 15. 

* C£ Stnbbs's Charters, Jndicia CiTttaris Landonne, p. 67 $ Liebermann, 
Geschichte der Angelsachsen, i. 173 $ Gross, Gild Merchant, i. 178 $ Unwin, 
Gilds and Companies of London, pi 19. For other Anglo-Saxon Gilds, which 
were mostly voluntary religious Fraternities;, cf. Stnbbs,. Constit. Hist., L 413. 

Digitized by 


i6 Introduction 

government of the town, as Mr. Loftie would have us believe. 
It received Charters from William I, William II, and Henry I, 
and then in 1 12 j*, with his consent, surrendered its land, its soke, 
and the church of St. Botolph to the Prior of Holy Trinity. 
Henceforth the Prior became the ex officio Alderman ot the Ward 
and remained so until the Reformation.' 
Earliest The idea, therefore, of association in Fraternities or Gilds was 

rM^^S ^^^ known in London, as elsewhere, before the Norman Con- 
Craft Gilds 4^^^ -^"^ ^^ Anglo-Saxon Gild had not extended its functions 
much beyond the sphere of mutual help and protection. Of 
trading Gilds or Craft Gilds we have no mention' until the 

' Cf. Letter Book C, xriii, and pp. xirfT. $ Round, Commune, p, 104; 
Geoffrey de Manderille, Appendices K, P ; Loftie, i 98. 

* We hare already stated that there is no eridence to show that London erer 
had a Gild Merchant* This, which in other towns was a department of the town 
organization, more or less connected with the manidpal government, was perhaps 
onnecessaiy in London, where the more rapid extension of Crafts and of trade 
led to an earlier development of Cxaft Gilds than ebewhere,and where the more 
highly developed constitution could do all that the Gild Merchant did ebe where. 
Nor had the Cinone Ports any such Gild, possibly because, owing to their 
dependence on foreign trade, they were less exclusive. 

The Gild Merchant, of which the earliest mentioned are those of Burfocd and 
Canterbury at the close of the eleventh century, was probably of foreign origin. 
The number of towns in England, which had such a Gild in the twelfth and 
thirteenth centuries, was veiy large. Although not originally, at least, a definite 
part of the municipal constitution, but rather an associarion of the chief traders 
and business men of the City, it soon became ^ an important, if subsidiary 
part of the municipal machineiy subordinated to the civic magistrates, though 
with greater autonomy than any department of the town government enjoys 
to-day '. The Gild concerned itself mainly with the regularion of trade. Its 
judicial authority was at first very limited. It formed a tribunal before which 
Drethren were expected to appear before carrying their quarreb to the ordinary 
Courts, and in some cases in the thirteenth century also exercised jurisdiction in 
pleas relating to trade matten. Thus, while the Gild Merchant was not the 
origin of munidpal government it influenced its devebpment. The Gild 
Merchant was not definitely confined to the wealthy, although the entrance or 
iniriation fee, which in many cases was high, would be a serious bar in the way 
of the poor. Craftsmen were admitted, but in those days the distinction between 
a Merchant and a Craftsman was not strandy emphasized, since most traders 
made the goods they sold. Nor, in spite ot much jeabusy between the richer 
and poorer traders and masters, is there evidence for Brentano*s theory, that 
those jealousies took the form of a struggle between the Gild Merchant and the 
Craft Gilds^ ending in the victory of the latter. When, however, th« Crafts 

Digitized by 


London and her Gilds 17 

twelfth century, if we accept the doubtful case of the Saddlers, 
whose claim rests upon tradition alone.' 

In the year ii^-^-, however, the Bakers of London are recorded 
in the Pipe Roll of the Exchequer as paying £6 a year for the 
privilege of having a Gild, and are suosequently found holding 
their Hall-moots,* while the Fishmongers claim a very early 
origin as well as the right to have their Hall-moot.^ But the 
earliest and by far the most important Charter is that of Henry I 
to the Weavers, which gave them the control of their trade and 
thereby, as was subsequently maintained, the right to hold a court 
with jurisdiction over their members * in a plea of debt, contract 
or small transgression \^ 

Perhaps the success of those Crafts in gaining privileges may 
have excited others to organize themselves, especially during the 
weakness of Stephen's rule, since we learn that in ii7p-8p 
eighteen Gilds were declared to be * adulterine ' and fined because 

increased in number, and oreanized themselves uider their separate Gilds, there 
was no farther use for the Gild Merchant. It therefore disappeared, or, in the few 
cases where it survived, it had in the fifteenth century either been transformed 
into a simple religious Fraternity, or had become completely merged in the 
municipal organization. Borough and Gild, Bureess and Gildsman oecame, as 
they had not been before, identical terms, and the head of the town was the 
head of the Gild. 

Abroad the Merchant Gilds are not mentioned before the middle of the 
eleventh century, and when, in the twelfth century, they became important, 
they are less connected with the civic government than they are in England. 
The concession of a Gild Merchant, or rather of a Merchant Gild, is rarely 
mentioned among the privileges granted to a town. More often these Gilds 
receive Charters of their own, and resemble the later English mercantile Gilds 
or Companies, such as the Merchants of the Staple, the Merchant Adventurers, 
and the Mercers' Company, organized either for foreign trade or to regulate 
some part of a local monopoly. In some cases Craftsmen were still admitted as 
members, and in a few cases the Merchant Gilds controlled the Crafts. Cf. 
Gross, Gild Merchant j Ashley, Surveys Historic and Economic, p. 113 $ Maitland, 
Collected Papers, iL 112. 

' This is made in a document which is certainly not earlier than the reign of 
John, and at that date they seem to have been only a religious Fraternity. 
Loftie, London, i. 175 \ Unwin, Gilds, p. 53. 

' Liber Custum., Rolls Series, i 410-1. 

^ Liber Albus, p. 313. 

^ Unwin, p. 44. The Charter itself does not exist, but it is recited in one of 
Henry IL 

Digitized by 


i8 Introduction 

they had not obtained the royal licence.' It should, however, be 
noted that only four of those are connected with the names of trades 
or Crafts, the Goldsmiths, the Pepperers, the Cloth-finishers, and 
the Butchers." The others appear to have been either religious 
or social Gilds, and Mr. Unwin is inclined to believe that even 
those connected with the names of trades or Crafts were rather 
religious or social Fraternities than trade Gilds in the strict sense, 
and that the Goldsmiths' Gild of 1180 is very possibly the same as 
* the Fraternity of St. Dunstan ' which we find in existence in 
1272, and which supplied the basis for the later Livery Company. 
It is also possible that some, if not all, of these adulterine uilds, 
more especially those bearing the name of their Aldermen,^ as 
well as the richer Gilds of the Goldsmiths and Pepperers, whose 
fine is very high, represented the political aims which had ap- 
peared in the attempted organization of the Commune in Stephen's 
reign and were to triumph in the grant of the Commune and the 
Mayor in the reign of Richard I ; aims which we know were 
distasteful to Henry II. However that may be, there can be no doubt 
that the number or religious Fraternities increased rapidly* and that, 
whether the Fraternity was the original association or not, all the 
greater and most of the lesser Gilds were finally connected with one.^ 

? C£ Pipe Roll of 1 179-89. Subsequently the City authorities had the power 
to aathorize the formation of Gilds. 

' Of the other fourteen : seven are alluded to by the name of their Aldermen $ 
five are called Gilds of Bridge, which may mean that the levying of contributions 
for the rebuilding of London Bridge, wluch was eoing on at tiut time, was part 
of the objects of the Gilds ; two are called the Gild of St. Lazarus and the Gild 
of Haliwell ^Holywell ?) respectively. 

^ N.B. The Alderman of the Gild must be distinguished from the Alderman 
of a Ward. 

* From the evidence to be derived from the Wills in Sharpens Calendar of Wills 
and from the Gild Certificates of 1389, it is pretty clear that the majority of the 
Gilds of London up to the end of the fourteenth century were solely religious 
and social, and not connected with any particular trade. 

5 Thus the Saddlers' Fraternity was connected with St. Martin's le Grand ; the 
Fraternity of St. Dunstan, which may be the same as the Goldsmiths* adulterine 
Gild of 11809 was connected with the Goldsmiths* Company; the Skinners* 
Company with the Fraternity of Corpus Christi; the Grocers' 0>mpany with the 
Fraternity of St. Antonin 5 the Taylors* Company with the Fraternity of St. John 
the Baptist j the Drapers* Company with the Fraternity of St. Mary of 

Mr. Unwin holds that in most cases the religious Fraternity was the earlier 

Digitized by 


London and her Gilds 19 

One motive at least for thus connectine Crafts with religious 
Fraternities was that they thereby gained; not only the senti- 
mental bond which religion gave, but also a religious sanction for 
the enforcement of the oaths administered to the members before 
they had obtained the legal authority so to do. They thereby ob- 
tained the support of the Church, and some were in the habit of 
registering their ordinances in the Court of the Commissary of 
London in order to secure the assistance of the Spiritual arm, 
since those who broke the rules could be summoned before the 
Spiritual Courts.* 

The thirteenth century is marked by the rise of what has been The rise of 
called the system of Town Economy.* It is the period when the Town 
earlier family or Manorial system is breaking down; when ^^^^^^ow- 
industry is no longer a mere by-employment subservient to agri- 
culture, but has become more specialized, and when each town 
with its surrounding country was looked upon as a self-supporting 
economic unit. The principles on which this system was worked 
were, that everything that could be produced within the town or 
its district should be there produced, and should be sold directly 
by the producer without any intermediary or any 'forestalling' 
or * regrating \ while the imported goods should only be offered 
in the open market and sold in gross not by retail. These were 
the essential principles of the Gilds, whose aims, moreover, were to 
meet at a *just price* the wants of the home consumers, while 
full satisfection was given to foreign customers of local industries.^ 

associadon, and chat it was the cohesion of the Fraternities, and the religious 
element in them, which gave them influence in the City, and enabled them to 
secure their trading privileges from the Crown. The reason, he thinks, why we 
hear so little of them before is to be found in the secrecy which is a characteristic 
of all religious societies. C£ Unwin, Gilds and Companies of London. 

In Flanders we find religious brotherhoods — ' confr^ries ' — being formed 
among craftsmen in the twelfth century, while in the thirteenth century they 
become 'Metiers' or Mysteries. Pirenne, Belgiqne, i 371 j and so in Paris, 
Lavisse, Histoire de France, v. 402. 

A good many of the customs of the Gilds with regard to Feasts, elections, and 
religions observances seem to have been borrowed from those of the Society of 
Le Pny, of which there were branches in England* Cf. Liber Cust., Rolls 
Series, lu. xi6. ^ Unwin, Gilds of London, p. 108. 

' Bttcher, Industrial Evolution, English translation, Wickett, p. 114. 

^ C£ Liber Albns, Rolls Series, i. 173. 

Digitized by 




Relation of 
the Gilds of 
the ^r- 
teenth cen- 
tury to the 

It is not surprising, therefore, to find that, as the century 
advanced, the Craft Gilds were organizing themselves for the 
purpose of local industry or trade, and that the first Pageant in 
which every citizen took part according to his Craft, belongs to 
the early years of Edward L' 

The Gild system was, however, closely protective. Not only 
was the * foreigner ' vigorously excluded, but no one within the 
town was allowed to work at any trade or Craft unless he belonged 
to the Gild that controlled his particular industry. Their rise, 
therefore, was not only viewed with jealousy by those who were 
excluded, but led to quarrels between Gild and Gild. 

Already in the year iao2 we find the Mayor and the citizens 
paying King John sixty marks to suppress the Gild of the 
Weavers." Fitz Thomas was accused of urging the various trades 
to organize themselves in Craft Gilds, and Hervi of actually giving 
them Charters when he was Mayor,^ while in 1268 the Gold- 
smiths and Taylors had a violent quarrel in which the Cloth- 
workers and the Cordwainers joined. Over soo persons are said 
to have taken part in it, and many to have been killed.* 

Nevertheless the fourteenth century saw a remarkable advance 
in the position and powers of the Gilds. In dealing with this 
period we must, as Mr. Unwin has reminded us, distinguish between 
two different aspects of the Gild. * It is one of the main agencies 
in the transformation of the civic constitution ' and yet * exercises 
a subordinate authority delegated to it' by that constitution.* 
Thus, on the one hand, we find the reforming Mayor, Richer de 
Reffham, (1310-11) granting powers of self-regulation to many 
Crafts with the suppon of the Aldermen,^ and in 1321 the City 
authorities claiming, and in 1 328 exercising, the right to authorize 

' Herbert, Livery Companies, quoting Stow. 

^ They gave him sixty marks ' pro gilda tebria delenda et quod de cetero 
non suscitetur'. Letter Book C, p. jj. The attempt was repeated in 1311, 
when the Weavers produced their Charter, and though the Gild was not 
dissolved, it was held that they had gone beyond their Charter. Riley, Lib. 
Cust., i. 41^. 

3 Cf. pp. 9, 1 1. * Riley, Chronicle of Mayors, p. 6^. 

^ Unwin, Gilds of London, p. ^5. 

* The Tanners, Dyers, Whittawyers, Ironmongers, Cappers, and others. Cf. 
Unwin, p. 68. 

Digitized by 


London and her Gilds ii 

their government.' On the other hand, under the next Mayor, 
John de Gisors (ijii-ij), the good men of the commonalty of 
every Mystery demanded that, * since the City ought to be governed 
by aid of the men engaged in trades and handicrafts, no stranger, 
native or foreign,* be admitted to the freedom of the City until 
the merchants and craftsmen, whose business he wished to enter, 
had certified the Mayor and Alderman of his condition and trust- 
worthiness, and prayed that such observance may be strictly kept 
for the future as regards the wholesale trades and the handicrafts ' 
(* grossiora officia et operabilia '\^ Finally, in the Charter which 
the City obtained from Edward II in 1 3 ip, it was ordained * that 
no man of English birth, and especially no English merchant, 
who followed any Craft or Mystery, should be admitted to the 
freedom of the City, except on security of six reputable men of 
that Mystery V while a complementary article, which each 
Craft subsequently got inserted in its own ordinances, ordered 
that no one should exercise his Craft unless he were free of 
the City. 

By the same Charter of Edward II it was also enacted that the 
Mayor and Aldermen should be annually elected, and should not 
hold office for two years running. By an ordinance of 1346 
it was, indeed, ordered that the Common Council should be 
elected by the Wards, each Ward sending from four to eight 
representatives according to its size, but, inasmuch as the 
freedom of the City was a qualification for membership, and 
freedom could only be enjoyed by those who belonged to some 

' Letter Book £, p. 143. In 1328 the names of those sworn to govern 
twenty-foar Mysteries are approved by the Mayor. Ibid. 231. 

^ The ' foreigner ' who was not an alien meant one who was not a London man. 

^ Letter Book E, p. 134. John Simeon — a 'foreign* Draper, who had been 
admitted to the freedom by favoar of certain great men without the goodwill of 
the Drapers — and his valet were accordingly ousted from the freedom. 

* Liber Albus, i. 1 27. Of course, this would not refer to exceptional cases 
where the freedom was conferred as an honour, though in many cases the 
recipient of the freedom became the member of a Gild. Stubbs, Const. Hist., 
ed. 1878, p. 573, says : ' This may mean either that trades were gaining a hold 
on the City or that the governing body were so jealous of admittmg any 
tradesman to the freedom that it reqiured six sureties for his good behaviour.' 
Taken, however, with the other evidences there can be little dom>t that Stubbs's 
first interpretation is the true one. 

Digitized by 


11 Introduction 

Craft, this ordinance practically secured that Gildsmen alone 
should compose the Common Council. 

We are here dealing no longer with a struggle between the 
commons of the City, represented by the Crafts, as yet ill- 
organized, and the old semi-hereditary Aldermen of the Wards, 
but with a movement of well-organized Crafts, who, with the 
support of the Aldermen, now for the most part members of 
the more important Gilds, are seeking to wrest the municipal 
government rrom the hands of the Wards, as well as to gain 
control of those pursuing their respective industries.' 

Mr. Sharpe hmds this to be a triumph of the Craft and manu- 
facturing element over the mercantile ; " but the evidence seems 
scarcely to support this view. The trading Gilds seem to have 
taken at least an equal interest in the question. The movement 
was led by wealthy merchants like John de Gisors, a Pepperer, 
and Hamo de Chigwell, a Fishmonger, who frequently filled the 
office of Mayor in the early part of the fourteenth century,^ and 
by the richer traders and employers. The truth seems to be, as 
Mr. Unwin says, that the victory was not one * of one class over 
another, but of a new form of social and political organization 
(that of the Gilds) over an old one, and one of the main causes of 
the victory was that the ruling class (the Aldermen) had gradually 
transferred itself from the old form to the new'.* 
Divisions Nevertheless, the interests of the various classes which had 

within the thus won the victory were not identical, and, the victory once 
^^^' won, divisions arose. The organization of a Craft under the 

Gild would always benefit the master rather than the journeyman 
or apprentice, but in earlier days, when little capital was required, 
the master himself worked at his Craft, and the journeyman who 
had passed his apprenticeship could rapidly become a master. But 
with the widening of the market more capital was required; the 

' Cf. Unwin, Gilds, p. 70 \ Loftie, London, i. 1 1 8 ; Beaven, Aldermen of 
London, p. 142.. After 1340 almost all the Mayors and SheriiTs and Aldermen 
belong to some Craft. 

^ Snarpe, London, i. no. 

^ John de Gisors was Mayor in 131 1, '31 19 I3i4> Chigwell in 13 19, 13^19 
1311, 1324, 1315, 1317. 

^ Unwin, Gilds, p. 75. 

Digitized by 


London and her Gilds ig 

industry became more specialized, and the business of management 
more elaborate. Thus the dividing line between master and 
journeyman was more clearly defined and less easy to cross, 
and the master began, like the modern entrepreneur, to be 
a wealthy employer of labour if not a trader. Already in the 
time of Hervi complaint had been made that the charters he 
had granted had benefited the wealthy men of the trade to the 
loss of the poor. As the fourteenth century advanced, this 
cleavage of classes within the Gilds became daily wider, and the 
Craftsmen proper, under the name of Bachelors or Yeomen, fell into 
a position of independence, or broke away and organized another 
Gild of Craftsmen, although this was often ferbidden by the Mayor.' 

This, added to the specialization of industry, led to a great increase in 
increase in the number of the Crafts, while the widening of the the nnmber 
market gave growing importance to the trading as against the ^^.^"r^; 
handicraft Gilds, or to those Gilds in which the trading element j^^^g ^ ^ 
was predominant.^ element and 

Thus, during the reign of Edward III, the number of Crafts struggle 
which obtained the right from the Mayor and Common Council ^ secure 
to elect officers and to publish ordinances increased from twenty- b^ji^^ss ^ 
five to eighty-eight, and most of them represented the humbler 
trades,^ and in 14.22 the number of the Crafts is given as one 
hundred and eleven, although not all had received powers of 

' Of. Riley, Memorials, p. ^41, where in 139^ the Saddlers complain that 
their serving men hare infiaenced the joarneymen under cobar of sanctity to 
form a Fraternity with the object of raising their wages. C£ also Letter Book H, 

p. 431- 

In 141 f. The Yeomen taylors attempt to consort together in ▼arious houses, 
and become insolent. The^Mayor and Aldermen, on being appealed to, enjoin them 
to submit to the rule of their wardens and forbid them to live together or to 
wear a livery. Letter Book I, p. 13^. 

' Cf. Liber Albus^ p. 495, where Gilds are already in the reign of Edward II 
divided into ' Officia mercatoria ' and ' OfHcia manuoperalia '. C£ the struggle 
abroad — the Arti Maegiori and Minori in Fbrencej the privileged Corps de 
Metiers in Paris $ the lower and higher Zttnfte in Germany and in Ghent. The 
reason why the conflict between tae trading and handicraft interest came at 
a later date in England than abroad is because England was in early days an 
agricultural not a manu£icturing country, and its chief export was wool. Cf. 
ifnwin. Industrial Organization, pp. 17 ff. 

^ For a list c£ Unwin, Gilds, p. 88 \ Letter Book E, p. 13 z. 

Digitized by 


X4 Introduction 

Meanwhile a tendency appears fer the smaller handicrafts to 
fell into groups under the leadership, or rather the tutelage, of 
the more powerful Gild, that is, the Gild which represented those 
who finished the article and sold it. Thus the Cutlers uke the 
lead over the Bladesmiths and the Sheathers, the Skinners over 
the Whittawyers and the Curriers. In other cases there was 
a struggle between the several Gilds connected with a particular 
industry to secure the profitable trading business. This was the 
case, as we shall see, with the Drapers, the Tailors, the Fullers 
and others, while again some, like the Grocers, were attempting 
to deal in all vendible kinds of merchandise. To prevent this the 
Stat. 37 Ed. Ill, c. s^ ordained that, whereas, by the conseouent 
engrossing the price was enhanced, all artificers and people of 
Mysteries were in future to choose their own Mystery and abide 
by it, and the subsequent increase in the number of Craft Gilds 
was probably a result of this Statute. 
The demand But the more successful Gilds were not content with the some- 
^ru^^^} ^^^ limited povrers of autonomy which they could obtain from 
"'**'' the Mayor. They wished for royal authorization and for those 
more extensive privileges which the Crown alone could give, more 
especially that monopoly of their business which the Statute just 
mentioned granted. 

In I J 27 four Gilds or Crafts, those of the Goldsmiths, the 
Skinners, the Taylors, and the Girdlers, succeeded in their aim, to 
be followed by three others in 1363-4, the Drapers, the Vintners, 
and the Fishmongers.* 

Although these earlier Royal Charters did not grant full in- 
corporation, they gave the monopoly of the Craft or trade, and 
with it the right to see that the proper standards or measures 
were adhered to, a duty which hitherto had been discharged by 
the Mayors and Sheriffs by fits and starts ; ' as well as the power 
to punish any infraction of their privileges, and complete autnority 

^ These Charters, as well as those granted at later dates, must not be con- 
sidered as the origin of the Gilds. They are, in most cases, obTioasly founded 
on the ' ordinances ' which the Gilds had already drawn np with the consent of 
the Mayor, and in any case they recognize the Gilds as existing organizations. 
Indeed, the ordinances themselres are generally confirmations of an organization 
which had previously existed. 

^ Cf. Letters Patent, 38 Edward III, to the Drapers. 


Digitized by 


London and her Gilds xy 

over their members. Thereby the chartered Gilds gained a posi- 
tion of supremacy and prestige which every other Craft envied 
and tried to win. Hence the constant jealousy between Gild and 
Gild, which on occasion broke out in violent conflicts. 

At the same time the growing importance of the Gilds is 
illustrated by the fact that kings and nobles became Honorary 
Members. Thus of the Skinners six Kings (Edward III, 
Richard II, Henry IV, V, VI, and Edward IV), nine Dukes, 
two Earls, and one Baron were members before the time of 
Elizabeth, while the Merchant Taylors in the reign of Richard II 
counted four Dukes, ten Earls, ten Barons, and five Bishops 
among their Fraternity.' 

All this was accompanied by increased antagonism to the 
* foreigner \ The smaller craftsmen had always been jealous of 
foreign workers, whether they were Englishmen who were not 
Londoners, or men of alien race. Hitherto, however, there had 
been little English capital and many of the Crafts, more espe- 
cially the mercantile ones, had been largely dependent on the 
foreign capitalist. But from the middle of the fourteenth century 
English bejgan to replace foreign capital, and as a result the 
members of the mercantile Crafts, the Drapers, the Grocers, the 
Vintners, and others, began to engage in foreign trade with their 
own capital and therefore wished to exclude the foreign merchant." 

* Stow, ed. Kingsferd, L 130 ; Herbert, Lireiy Companies, L 29, note. 

' No stranser was aUowed to stay more than forty days in the City. No 
stranger was allowed to sell by retail. They were to sell in gross within forty 
days after their arrival and to sell all before they left. They were to sell in 
London itself, and no freeman was aUowed to ^ to meet merchandise coming 
to the City by land or water. They were neither to bay from nor sell to 
foreigners except at fairs on certain market days. Sometimes, as by 5 Henry IV, 
they were ordered to expend the money they gained by sale on commodities of the 
realm. They paid ^ Scavage ', a dafy payable on ' showing ' their eoods to official 
examiners (Scaragers, Scavageators). No stranger was to exercise any calling 
'to citizens pertaining '. 

Exceptions to these regnlarions were from time to dme made by the Crown in 
£iTODr of certain merchants, as for instance to the Hanse of Almaine or Teutonic 
Hanse, the Hanse of London, the merchants of Gascony then in English hands, 
and others. Cf. Letter Book B^ p. 77, In the reign of Edward III a long 
straggle began, in which the City opposed the free-trade proclivities of the King, 
who was generally supported by Parliament, representing as it did the interests 
of the consumer and ci the landed classes. In 1335 the Statute passed at York 

Digitized by 


z6 Introduction 

Cbmplcx These new features mark the commencement of that evolution 

lutore of which was eventually to overthrow the mediaeval organization 

the contro- ^f industry based on the Gilds, and at the same time help us to 

London at unravel the complicated and confused events which close the 

the close of reign of Edward III and embrace that of Richard 11. Not that 

Edward Ill's the issues were solely municipal The rural revolution which 

""^^g"- had been accompanying the industrial changes in the tow^ns, both 

of which were affected by the Great Plague;' the religious sdr 

caused by the WyclilEte controversy ; ■ the political crisis which 

was eventually to lead to the fell of*^ Richard II and the accession 

of the Lancastrian house under Henry IV ;— all play their part. 

Even in the reigns of John and Henry III London had felt the 

influence of the wider national questions. But now she was really 

the Capital of England, and, as it were, the very storm-centre. 

It cannot, therefore, be a matter of surprise that the civic 

allowed Merchant Strangers to trade freely throashont the realm. Two years 
later, 1337} Letters Patent were issued confirming the City's rights notwithstand- 
ing the Act. From the year 1337 to X383 the whole qnesticm of Strangers 
became involved in the straggle between the Victualling and non- Victualling 
Gilds. C£ p. 31^ note i. In 135 1 the Statute of 1335 was again confirmed. 

But finally the towns were victorious. In 1393 by i^ Ric. II, c. i, the old 
restrictionswere confirmed. No alien was allowed to deal with another,or to enea£e 
in retail trade, except in common victuals. These restrictions continued till the 
close of the Middle Ages. 

The Hanse of London was a union of various Gilds started in Flemish towns 
in the twelfth century. To this Hansa Bruges fiimished the Hansgrave. It 
subsequently became, like the Hanseatic League, a federation of towns. It 
disappeared at the close of the thirteenth century. The Teutonic Hanse 
originated mjk Gild of merchants of Cbbgne who received privileges from 
Henry II and Richard I, and expanded into the Hanseatic League with its 
Steelyard in London. The memben of both these Hansas imported foreign cloth 
to England and bought English wool. C£ British Museum, Additional MSS. 
14152, fo. 99 b, loi, 105 a s Liebermann, Leges Aug., saec. xiii ineunte Lond* 
coUectae; Liber Custum., Rolb Series, xxxiv. ^1, 6^\ Liber Albus, Riley's 
translation^ Chartersof Edward I,II,III, pp. ii^, 118, 131, 58^, 587; Letter 
Books— C,p.ix} D,j)p. 181,183 J I, 30,38, 39,40,545 F,iii, 14, 11 1, 190,119, 
141, 141, 148; G, iv; H, xiii, 53 ; K, 1^7, 174; Ashley, Ec<Miomic History, 
Bk. 1. ii, pp. 104 fF., II. i, p. 13 ; Stow, Survey tai London, ed. Xingsfbrd, ii. 3 19 ; 
Pirenne, Bielgique, i. 1^7 $ La Hanse de Londres, Bruxelles, 1899. 

' Cf. Johnson, Disappearance of Small Landowner, p. 17, and authorities 
quoted there. 

* Trevelyan, Age of Wycli£ 

Digitized by 


London and her Gilds ^ri 

history during this troubled period should be diificult to explain. 
The notable advance in the position of the Gilds or Mysteries 
during the reign of Edward III, and the fact that the Mayors, 
the SherifFs, and the Aldermen were now practically, though not 
necessarily, members of the more important Mysteries, had in- 
creased the pretensions of the Gilds. 

Accordingly, they now make an attempt to wrest from the Premature 
Wards the right to elect the Common Council,' a body which by attempt on 
this time had definitely assumed the legislative and executive J?^ Crafb 
authority over the City. ^o ^\^^^ jhe 

Thus in 135-1 and again in 135^2 the thirteen greater Mysteries Common 
were summoned to elect members of their Crafts to act as a Com- Council of 
mon Council." The attempt was premature. In 135-3 the right ^^^ ^^* 
of electing the Common Council was temporarily restored to the 
Wards, a triumph which was very possibly due to the increase in 
the number of the parish Fraternities not connected with any 
Craft.3 The claim of the Gilds to elect the Common Council 
was, however, soon to be renewed. 

' The first list of Common Council men that exists is that of 1347. They 
were then 133 in number. Riley, Memorials, p. liii 
* Letter Book F, pp. 237, 238. 

The Grocers \ 

The Mercers I- elect six Representatives each. 

The Fishmongers (Pessoners) ) 

The Drapers 

The Goldsmiths 

The Woolmongers (Laners) 

The Vintners . 

The Skinners (Pelleters) /elect four Representatives each. 

The Saddlers (Celers) 

The Taylors 

The Cordwainers 

The Butchers 

The Ironmongers (Ismonsers) two Representatives. 
Of these, three Tthe Goldmiths, the Skinners, the Tailors) had obtained Royal 
Charters, three (tne Drapers, the Vintners, the Fishmongers) were shortly to 
obtain them, and nine were subsequently counted among the twelve Greater Livery 

3 On Parish Fraternities c£ Unwin. The struggle of the Gilds to get the 
election of the municipal officers and the Common Council is paralleled by that 
which was going on about this time in Flanders, Brabant, and Lidge, only with 
these differences: (i) Abroad, the richer Merchants appear to have been 

Digitized by 




London wr 
TolTed in 
issaes of the 

Renewed at- 
tempt of the 
Crafts to 
elect the 

At this moment the municipal history of London became 
involved in the wider political history of England. The dis- 
content, which had been gaining strength during the declining 
years of Edward III, came to a climax in the ^Good Parliament ' 
of 1376. Lord Latimer and three Aldermen' were impeached 
for malversation of the finances ; and one of them. Alderman 
Peche, was also accused of obtaining, with the connivance of the 
Mayor and other Aldermen, a monopoly in sweet wines.* This 
gave an excuse for attacking the system under which the members 
of the Common Council were elected by the Wards, and for 
demanding that they should once more be elected by the Crafts as 
they had been in ijj^i and igj^a. 

The Mayor, John Warde, a Grocer, in virtue of the powers 

§iven to the citizens by the late charter to remedy *hard or 
efective customs V acceded to the demand. At a gathering 
of the representatives of forty-one Crafts, which met on August i, 
1 376, it was decided that in mture the Common Council should be 
formed of six, four, or two representatives elected for a year from 
the * sufficient ' Mysteries according to their size ; that the Mayor 
and Sheriffs should be elected by this Council; and that no 
member of the Common Council should hold the office of collector 
or assessor of talliages. In accordance with this resolution, on 
August p, 1376, a Council was forthwith formed of isi members, 
returned by forty-seven Mysteries, who bound themselves by 
oath to preserve for each Mystery its reasonable customs. The 
King also confirmed the rule of 131P insisting on the annual 
election of Aldermen.* 

Mr. Unwin is of opinion that John of Northampton and the 

organized in a Gild Merchant. In London there was no Gild Merchant, (i) 
The distinction between the trading Gilds and artisan Gilds is not so marked in 
England as abroad. Indeed, many of the English Gilds included men who were 
at once traders and makers of goods. Cf. Pirenne, Belgique, iL 43, n fF. 

' Richard Lyons, a Vintner, Adam de Baty, a Skinner (he had been removed 
from the Mayoralty ten years before by the King's orders. Letter Book G, 
p. 1 99), and John Peche, a Fishmonger. 

» Letter Book, p. 318. ^ i^ Edward III. 

* Letter Book H, p. v and pp. 39, 41, 58. For the number of the members 
of the Common Council from this time undl 1838, c£ Printed Minutes, Common 
Council, Jan. 13, 1840. 

Digitized by 


London and her Gilds 19 

non- Victualling Gilds were the chief movers in this change, 
which gave the election of the Common Council to the Mysteries. 
No doubt he was subsequently accused of it, but the evidence 
seems scarcely to bear out the charge. John of Northampton 
was not Mayor at this moment as his accusers alleged, but John 
Warde the Grocer, while Walwonh and Brembre, both of them 
also members of the Victualling Gilds, were among the deputation 
who informed the King that the change had been decided upon 
* to prevent the tumult arising from large gatherings'.' It is true 
that the subsequent restoration of the right of electing the 
Common Council to the Wards in 1384 was effected when 
Brembre was Mayor; but there was good reason for a return 
to the old custom, since it was found that, as long as the election 
was in the hands of the Mysteries, their quarrels had been intensi- 
fied. Nor again does it seem likely that the system of election by 
the Gilds was more favourable to the popular party. No doubt 
a number of the smaller Mysteries shared the privilege, yet it 
must be remembered that the situation had changed since the 
thirteenth century. In the Gilds themselves the real power had 
now fallen to the richer masters or employers, and the journeymen 
and apprentices had no voice in the election, while, on the other 
hand, the Aldermen were no longer semi-hereditary magnates 
but the elected representatives of tneir Wards. It may, indeed, 
be said that, inasmuch as membership of a Gild was now a neces- 
sary condition of ' freedom of the City ', all the members of 
the Wardmoots would be Gildsmen, but the excuse given for 
taking the right of election from the Wards, that it led *to 
tumults arising from large gatherings ', would seem to show that 
the meetings of the Wards for the purpose were not confined to 
the rich, which would be practically the case when only the 
representatives of the Gilds attended. Dr. Stubbs would there- 
fore seem to be right when he says that the change excluded 

' Unwin, Gilds, p. 131 5 Sharpe, Letter Book H, xxviii, p. 3^. Mr. Unwin 
has, howerer, kindly pointed out to me that, although Northampton was not 
Mayor, yet his party may have been strong enough to get the alteration made, 
especially as his ' Jubile Book * of Reform seems to have appeared at this time. 
The parties were evidently pretty evenly balanced. Thus Warde was succeeded 
as Mayor by Adam Stable, a Mercer, in 137^3 and Northampton was Sheriff in 
that year. 

Digitized by 




Wyclif and 

Quarrel be- 
tween the 
and other 

a considerable body of citizens from municipal power,' and that 
the growth of the Gilds, from this date onwards at least, was 
accompanied by an invasion of the rights of the free citizen. 
If this be so, it seems unlikely that Northampton, who posed 
as a reformer, would have specially associated himself with their 
cause. All these arguments tend to show that all the Gilds, 
though they were jealous enough of each other, were interested 
in controlling the election to the Common Council as well as that 
of the Mayor and Sheriffs. Finally, there is some reason to 
believe that the quarrel between Northampton and his rivals did 
not arise on this question, and that the close association of John 
of Northampton and the non- Victualling Gilds with John of 
Gaunt had not been formed in 1375. 

In the spring of 1377, however, the peace of the City was 
disturbed by the controversy concerning Wyclif Lancaster, who 
had now regained power, had, owing to his opposition to William 
of Wykeham, made himself the champion of the reformer, and 
when, in February, Wyclif appeared in St. Paul's to answer 
his accusers, the Duke, accompanied by Earl Percy the Marshal, 
stood by him. The matter ended in a riot, which was increased 
by the rumour that a Bill had been, or was about to be, introduced 
into Parliament to place the government of the City in the 
Marshal's hands, and that he had imprisoned a citizen. In 
consequence of this riot the Mayor, Adam Staple, a Mercer, was 
deposed and Brembre, a Grocer, was elected in his place, apparently 
at the instigation of John of Gaunt (March 1377). 

So far the City appears to have been of one mind. All the 
Crafts, it would seem, had been concerned in getting the election 
of the Common Council into their hands ; the majority of the 
citizens were on the side of the Church against Wyclif, probably 
because of their hostility to Lancaster ; and all were indignant at 
the attempted infringement of their rights of self government. 

But now a question arose which divided the City into two 
camps. Edward III had by Letters Patent (December 1 576), in 
answer to a petition of the City, confirmed its privileges and 
forbidden strangers to sell goods to other foreigners to be sold 
again, until the question had been settled by the next Parliament, 
» Stabbs, Const. Hist., iil 57 ^ 

Digitized by 


London and her Gilds 31 

saving always that Lx)rcls of the realm might buy wholesale of 
any one for their own use, and saving the liberties of the 
merchants of the Hanse.* 

Though all the Crafts were more or less interested in securing 
the monopoly of their own particular trade,' that of the Victualling 
Gilds, which supplied the City with its daily food, was more 
severely and generally felt by the consumer. Especially was this 
the case with regard to fish, which, either fresh or salted, was the 
ordinary food of the poor throughout the year,* and of all classes 
during Lent.^ Thus there arose a party representing the non- 

* Liber Albus, L 491-3. The changes with regard to Merchant Strangers 
from this date to the fall of Richard li are so frequent that £>r clearness' sake 
I tabulate them here. 

In December 1377, during the Mayoralty of Brembre, Richard II confirmed 
the Charter of his father and forbade strangers to sell to other foreigners 
or by retail. 
The Parliament of October 1378, Stat, of Gloucester, 1 Ric. II, c. i, 
annulled this Charter and gave strangers the right to sell by wholesale or 
In 1381, during the Mayoralty of Northampton, Parliament by the Stat. ^, 
Ric. II, cc. ix, X, forbade Victuallers to hold judicial office if another fit 
person could be found, and allowed foreign Victuallers to sell by wholesale 
or retaiL 
In 1383, during the third Mayoralty of Brembre, the Stat. 7 Ric II, c. xi, 
repealed the former Statute, and Richard II issued an inspeximns Charter 
restricting the trade of Merchant Strangers. 
In 1388 the Merciless Parliament, under the controlofthe Lords Appellant, 

declared free trade throughout the Kingdom. 
In May 1389 Richard, in his attempt to gain the support of the Victuallers, 
confirmed the privileges of the Fishmoneers. 
It will be thus seen that Richard was generally on the side of the Victualling 
Gilds, while the non- Victualling Gilds were supported by Parliament. 

^ The conduct of the non- Victuallers is certainly contradictory, for while 
objecting to the monopoly of the Victuallers they are protecting their own. C£ 
petition of Drapers and Weavers, Letter Book H, pp. 91, 94. 

^ The 'snrveyine of victuals ' had always been a chief concern of the municipal 
authorities, who had, by their Assizes of Bread, Ale, Wine, and regulations with 
regard to other victuals, especially those of flesh and fish, attempted to maintain 
'a reasonable price % as well as to ensure that the quality was good. For this 
purpose the victualling Crafb had been subjected to more interference than was 
the case with regard to the other Gilds, and to prevent the Mayor or other 
oficer of the City from abusing his authority they were especially forbidden to 
deal in Tictnals by va%% or retail. C£ Assize of the Mayor, 11 77- ' No retail 
dealer of com, fish, poultry or victuals shall buy victuals before the hour of 

Digitized by 


gx Introduction 

Victualling Crafts, who, with little consistency, voiced the popular 
discontent ; and hence a violent dispute which was to disturb the 
City for several years. 

The leader of this so-called Reforming party was the Draper, 
John of Northampton, Alderman of Cordwainer Street Ward and 
subsequently of Dowgate. Of his immediate followers one William 
Essex was, like himself, a Draper, two were Mercers, and two 
more hailed from the Taylors* and Goldsmiths' Gilds respectively, 
while he found much support from the Saddlers, the Cordwainers, 
the Haberdashers, and members of other lesser Crafts. John 
of Northampton accused the Victualling Gilds, and more especially 
the Fishmongers and the Grocers,' of enhancing the prices of 
their imported food-stufis.' 

At once the hostility of the Victualling Gilds was aroused. 
Led by Nicholas Brembre, a Grocer, the newly appointed Mayor, 
William Walworth, a Fishmonger,^ and John Philpot, a Grocer, 
they were at this moment attempting still ftirther to increase 
the area of their monopoly by bringing the vill of South- 
wark, which had just been granted to the City by the King, 
under the closer jurisdiction of the municipal authorities, because 
there was a market at the Southwark end of Lx)ndon Bridge 
* where many bakers and other foreign victuallers and false 

Prime, nor before the reputable men of the city have bought.' Letter Book A, 
p. Z17. Ashley, Econ. History, BL II, c. i, p. 30. 

In the reign of £dward II a long controversy had arisen as to whether the 
Fishmongers might sell by retail on any quay even at Fishmoneers* Whar^ or in 
their shops, their opponents urging that mh should be sold wholesale in the boats 
of those who brought them, and not at any quay, and that the markets (Brugger- 
strete, Olde fishe Street and Le Stokkes) were the only proper place for sak^by 
retail. They also disputed the legality of their Hallmoot. The Mayor, Hamo de 
Chigwell, found aeainst the Fishmongers, but the Justices decided that they 
might sell by retailas well as wholesale in their shops. Liber Oust., pp. 385 if. 

* The Grocers or * Grossers *, i. e. those who engrossed (buying wholesale to 
keep and sell at a higher price^ had just formed themselves into a Fraternity and 
the Fishmongers had just obtamed a Royal Charter. 

^ For a somewhat similar struggle over the privileges of the Victualling Gilds 
in Fbrence, cf. Ddren, Florendner Wirthschaftsgeschichte, ii. 116. 

^ These Fishmongers were divided into Fishmongers and Stock Fishmongers, 
each with their Hall-moot. They were not united till 1^35. Stow^ Survey, ed. 
Kingsford, i, 315, 

Digitized by 


London and her Gilds 3? 

workers at divers trades repair, who eschew the punishment of 
the City V 

Thus London became divided between those who favoured the 
VictuaUers and their opponents. John of Northampton, who 
was a supporter of Wyclif, joined the cause of Lancaster and 
raised the cry that the price of the people's food was in danger of 
being enhanced owing to the monopolies of the Victuallers, while 
the kaders of the Victualling Gilds placed themselves on the side 
of orthodoxy, and declared that the trading privileges of Lon- 
doners were being threatened by foreign merchants, and their 
freedom attacked by the Duke.' 

If the lower classes could have had their say, possibly the 
party of Northampton might have won. For Wyclif probably 
would find his supporters among them, and the rise in the price of 
victuals, and more especially of fish, would touch them closely. 
But in the counsels of the Gilds they had little part. All the 
trading masters cared much more for the monopoly of their own 
business than for the price of commodities ; and the cry that the 
privileges of the City were being endangered by the hated John 
of Gaunt and by the * stranger ' found even wider support. 

When, therefore, the elections came on in October 1377, the 
Victuallers swept the board. In the previous March eight 
Fishmongers, one Grocer, and one Vintner, that is ten belonging 
to the Victualling Gilds, had been elected to the Common Council, 
a large proportion considering that the number of Gilds was 
at this date certainly above fifty. Now, in October, Nicholas Nicholas 
Brembre, the Grocer, was re-elected Mayor. At the same time, ^/*"|^" "* 
Walworth and Sibylle two Fishmongers, Philpot a Grocer, and Mayor Oc- 

' Peddon, Rolls of Pari., iL ^€6. It was only the 'viir or Giidable Manor tober 1377* 
of SoQthwark that was thus granted by Edward III. Edward IV amplified this 
by allowing the cidzens to hofi a £ur there with a Coart of' Pie Powder*. Bat 
it was not dll 1550 that the other two Manors, the King's Manor and the Great 
Liberty Manor, and the Borough were bought by the City, and formed into the 
Ward of Bridge Without. Sharpe, London and Kingdom, i. 443. 

' The first nodce of the quarrel is in May 1377, when five Common Council- 
men, of whom two were Mercers and three were severally a Draper, a Goldsmith, 
and a Tiylor, were removed for betraying the secrets of the Council and for 
being remiss in their dudes. The two Mercers, More and Norbuty, were subse- 
quently the stanch supporters of Northampton. Letter Book H, p. ^4. 
Richand II succeeded his fiither June 1377* 

Digitized by 




Carlille a * Sjxcer ', all of them supporters of Brembre, were 
returned as Members of Parliament. Their opponents, indeed, 
succeeded in getting Nicholas Twyfbrd, a Goldsmith, elected as 
Sheriff, but when, in the following March, he attempted to 
protect one of his pany, who had been concerned in a quarrel 
between the Pepperers and the Goldsmiths, he was removed from 
office till he haci made submission to the Mayor and had promised 
to find sureties of indemnity/ 

For four years the Victuallers ruled the City.* The richer 
members secured the support of the young King by lavish loans,^ 

* Letter Book H, pp. |8, ^i, 77. It is noticeable that when Northampton 
became Mayor he was relieTed from this recognizance. Ibid. 99. 

' John Philpot, a Grocer, succeeded Brembre in Ocrober 1378 j John Hadley, 
a Pepperer, was eleaed October 1^79$ William Walwonh, a Fishmonger, in 
1380. The majority of the Aldermen during Brembre's rule also belonged to 
the Victualling Gilds> but the number of those belonging to the Grocers has been 
exaggerated owing to a mistake of Herbert in his History of the Livery Com- 
pames. The actual numbers of the Aldermen durine these years of strife 
belonging to the chief Victualling and non-Victualling Guds are as follows : 




77 Brembre, Grocer 



78 Philpot, Grocer 

79 Hadley, Pepperer 



80 Walworth, Fishmonger 


81 Nonhampton, Draper 

81 Northampton 

83 Brembre, Grocer 


84 Brembre 

8| Brembre 


Drapers, Mercers, 
or Goldsmiths. 

%6 Exton, Goldsmith 

Grocers, or 

87 Exton 


88 Twyford, Goldsmith 

89 Venonr, Grocer 

90 Bamme, Goldsmith 

91 Hende, Draper 

9% William Standen, Grocer 

93 Hadley, Grocer 


94 Fresshe 










C£ Beaven, Aldermen, toL i, p. 3^0. 

^ Brembre, Walworth, Philpot, and Hadley lent if 10,000 between them. 
Letter Book H, zil 

Digitized by 


London and her Gilds gy 

and Walworth and Philpot were made ^ treasurers ' for the sums 
voted in Parliament. In return the young King confirmed the 
Charter of his father against the aliens, excepting, however, the 
merchants of the English Province of Aquitaine (Dec. 1317), and 
declared the citizens free from the Marshal's jurisdiction. 

Armed with this Chaner the Mayor issued a precept to eight 
of the principal Gilds, the Grocers, Mercers, Drapers, Fish- 
mongers, Goldsmiths, Skinners, Ironmongers, and Vintners, bid- 
ding them elect searchers to see that no merchant strangers sold 
their goods by retail within the City and suburbs, that they sold 
by wholesale only to those of the franchise, and that they lodged 
with some citizen. Restrictions were also imposed on the sale 
of cloth by foreigners, and they were forbidden to meddle 
with the Craft of firee Weavers. At the same time the privi- 
leges of the German Steelyard were suspended.' This policy 
of monopoly was, however, difficult to carry out in the divided 
condition of public opinion; and the difficulty is well illus- 
trated in the question of the Weavers which arose at this 

The Weavers had been much annoyed by the privileges 
accorded by Edward III to the Flemings and Brabanters, and 
their grievances had just been answered. Accordingly, in 
August 1378, they sent a petition to a Committee of the Council 
asking that the aliens, ^ being for the most part eidled from 
their own country as notorious male&ctors'^ should be com- 
pelled to place themselves under the rule of the English 
Weavers, who should regulate the price of their labour. As, 
however, it was not to the interest of the Drapers or Cloth- 
workers to allow the Weavers to control the aliens, since they 
too employed them, and it mieht forfeit the King's support if 
the privileges granted by his mher to the Flemings and Bra- 
banters were withdrawn, the City authorities contented them- 
selves with advising the Weavers to wait till * some deceit ' on 
the part of the foreigners should furnish an excuse iot further 
measures. In July 1380 the question was finally settled by 
the foreign Weavers agreeing to make common search as to 
the number of looms belonging to either party and to pay their 
' Letter Book H, pp. 90, 91, 94, 95. 

Digitized by 




share of the ^ ferm ' of twenty marks two shillings which the 
English Weavers owed to the King/ 

But the dominant party had yet to deal with John of Gaunt. 
In October 1378 a Parliament was summoned at Gloucester, 
probably to remove it from the influence of the rich merchants 
who had lent so much money to the King. The Charter 
against the ^ strangers ' was then revoked, and the management 
or the subsidy was taken from the hands of Walworth and 
Philpot. In the same month, however, Philpot succeeded 
Walworth in the Mayoralty, and the Victualling party, fearing 
the loss of trade which would result from the absence of Par- 
liament from the City, succeeded, by bribing influential people,* 
in getting the next Parliament summoned to Westminster in 
1379. In the following year the Parliament of 1380 imposed 
the fetal Poll Tax wmch was the occasion for the Peasants' 
The ^ Revolt. The part which London took in that revolt has never 
Peas^ts' ij^gj^ cleared up. No doubt, as is usual in such cases, a host 
of ruffians seized the opportunity to wreak their vengeance on 
Society, and there were plenty of smaller journeymen and 
apprentices, always a turbulent class, who had personal or other 
grievances to avenge. Yet it is remarkable that there was little 
pilfering, and that in most cases the destruction and the murders 
may be assigned to a definite motive. Amongst these may 
especially be noted the hatred of Lancaster, the dislike of the 
Marshalsea, and the hatred of the foreign Fleming.^ Now 
these were the principles more especially represented by the 
Victualling Gilds who were at this moment in power under 
Walworth, the Fishmonger Mayor. There is no reason to 
believe that Walworth himself had any dealings with the rebels, 
but it must be admitted that the conduct of three Aldermen, all 
of his party, is highly suspicious. John Horn, the Fishmonger, 
gave tne rebels a royal standard to unfurl on their march; 
Alderman Sybille, another Fishmonger, opened London Bridge 
to them; and Tonge, a Vintner, admitted them to Aldgate. 

' Letter Book H, pp. 94, 95, 151. 
' Ibid., pp. I z 3, 114$ Stat. Gloacester, 1 Ric. II. c. I 
^ For an account of the attack on London, c£ Oman, The Great Revolt ; 
R^viUe, Soutevement des Travailleurs en 1381. 

Digitized by 


London and her Gilds 37 

Yet these men after a long trial were finally acquitted, when 
in 1384 their party was once more in power : and Tonge, who 
was one of the City's representatives in Parliament at the time, 
was re-elected in 1388/ 

The conduct of these prominent members of the Victualling 
party has puzzled historians.* It has been left to Mr. Unwin 
to sujggest that the true explanation of their conduct is to be 
foundin •the relation of parties within London' during the 
six preceding years.^ He reminds us that at the moment ^ the 
hated foreigner had been reinstated in all his privileges and 
the monopoly of the City retailer withdrawn . . . and that John 
of Gaunt, the author of these calamities, had still the leading 
influence in the national councils. If they could use the ft)rce of 
popular discontent ... to strike a decisive blow at the Duke, 
to settle old scores with the Marshalsea, to make an end of 
the foreigner, and to place their leaders in the position they were 
naturally qualified to occupy of confidential advisers to the King, 
a little interval of disturbance would be a small matter to pay for 
so many advantages.' 

But they had overshot their mark. Although Walworth was Fall of tbe 
knighted for his prompt action in striking down Wat Tyler and Victuallers, 
in suppressing the revolt, his party were &tally compromised jJorthamp- 
by the conduct of Sybille, Tonge, and Horn, and by the atro- ton, a 
cities of the rebels. In the foUowing autumn, October 1381, Draper, 
John of Northampton, the Draper and representative of the ei«««d 
non-Victualling Gilds, was elected Mayor ancl remained in office ^^yj^'^jOct. 
two years. Although he never had a majority of his party ^ 
among the Aldermen, he proceeded at once to take vigorous 
measures against his opponents. Many of the charges subse- 
quently brought against Northampton are obviously £dse. It 
is therefore mfficuLt to discriminate. But it is certain from 
the terms of a petition sent to Parliament that he was princi- 
pally concerned in attacking the privileges of the Victualling 
Gilds, more especially those of the Fishmongers and stock 
Fishmongers, and in spite of the opposition of Exton, one of 

' * R^Tille, Sontevement des Travaillears, p. 199 $ Letter Book H, pp. 319, 334. 
> C£ Oman, The Great Revolt, p. 18, note i. 
^ Unwin, Gilds, p. 141. 

Digitized by 


3 8 Introduction 

the members of Parliament for the City, who, though a Gold- 
smith, was a personal enemy of Northampton, an Act was passed 
which allowed foreign Victuallers to sell their wares in the 
City by wholesale or retail, forbad members of Victualling 
Gilds to hold a judicial ofEce in London and other towns if 
another fit person could be found,' and ordered them to 
abandon all trade while holding such office. Northampton also 
bade the Fishmongers bring their Charters to the Guildhall to 
be inspected; he exacted &om them the admission that their 
trade was no Craft, and conseauently not entitled to rank as 
a ^ Mystery' at all, and thus ' Drought it about that those who 
were before superiors were now scarcely admitted amongst the 
inferiors '. 

The new Mayor also compiled a *Jubile' Book* with the 
object of annulling those ordinances of the City to which he 
objected. The views of the Fishmongers as to this policy are 
well illustrated by the language of the A&erman Carlille, a Grocer. 
He cursed the strangers and said it was a mockery that such rebels 
should be selling fish within the City and that he would be better 
pleased that a City Fishmonger should make £10^ than such 
a rebel xod.^ 

Northampton also posed as a reformer of morals. He not only 
took proceedings against usurers, a measure peculiarly distasteful 
to the rich members of the Victualling Gilds, but proceeded to 
call the other trades to account. Brewers and Bakers were 
ordered to sell farthing-worths of beer and bread. Priests were 
only to charge one farthing for a Mass, and a special issue of 
&rthings was made so that they should have no excuse for not 
giving change, and if a priest made this excuse the &e need not 
be paid.* Fortune-tellers and quacks were sent to the pillory 
together with those who dared sknder the Mayor.* Nor were his 
opponents spared. Philpot was removed from his aldermanry, 

* Stat. 6 Ric. II. cc. ix, x f 1381). 

' The book was so callea becanse it appeared in 137^-^, the Jobilee of 
£dward Ill's accessioii. 

^ Letter Book H, xxriii-^xxxi, xlL 198-100, 1105 Powell and Trerelyan, 
p. 30 $ Riley, Memoriab, p. 468. 

^ Letter Bkx>k H, pp. 17^, 183, 189. ' KJley, Memoriab, pp. 455 ff. 

Digitized by 


London and her Gilds 39 

and Strode, the Common Serjeant, was deprived of certain apart* 
ments which had been granted him fer life by Brembre.' 

Such violent measures as these, however desirable, not un- Fall of 
naturally made the reforming Mayor unpopular, especially as his Noithamp- 
election for two years in succession was contrary to regulations *^?- J*** 
lately established, and caused a reaction. At the next election his ^cJ^ |J^" 
opponent, Brembre, was again successful (October 1383), while power, Oa. 
Walworth and Philpot and two other Victuallers were returned 1383. 
to Parliament. Northampton and his party, declaring that 
Brembre had gained his election by force, unwisely betook 
themselves to riot and conspiracy, which gave their enemies an 
opportunity to strike. John Constantyn, a Cordwainer, was tried 
and beheaded, and Northampton, foolishly demanding that his 
trial should be postponed in the absence of John of Gaunt, was 
condemned to aeath, although by the intervention of the ' good 
Queen Anne ' of Bohemia, die wife of Richard II, his sentence 
was commuted for imprisonment in Tintagel C^tle.' The 
Victuallers had won once more and for the next five years re* 
tained their supremacy .^ 

Forthwith the policy of Northampton was reversed. Victuallers 
were to be allowed to hold judicial ofEce ; the King in an ^ In- 
speximus ' Charter again restricted the trade of the merchant 
strangers, and in 1388 the ^ Jubile' Book was burnt.^ 

It is, however, to be noted that one of the measures of Brembre's Election of 
second Mayoralty was the restoration of the right of electing the thcConunon 
Common Council to the Wards (1384). It seems not unlikely ^^j^'Jh^ 
that the question as to the electoral basis of the Common Council wanU. 
was connected with the growth of religious and social Fraternities 
not connected with any particular trade. That the number of 
such Gilds was great is proved by the Gild certificate of 13 op. 

' Letter Book H, xxzii, xxxiii. 

' There are many references to John of Northampton in the Patent Rolb $ 
c£ 13719 pp* 51I) 4^4, 470, H. 1. Northampton was no bw demagogue, hot 
a weakhy man. Besides the Manor of Shoreditch he held much property in 
the City. C£ Patent Rolls, 1384, pp. 4^*, 4^3, 471, 474> n^> J»4j 53Ij 
5^*9 173. 

^ Brembre was re-elected in 1384 and 1385, and Nicolas £zton, a supporter of 

Brembre thoa^h a Goldsmith, in 1386 and 1387 
* Stat. 6 Ric. II. c. iz (1383) j Lett 

Letter BocJc H, p. iii. 

Digitized by 




The AUer- 
men eleaed 
by the 

The Mayor 
is to be 
eleaed by 
the Common 
Council and 
other ' suf- 
ficient men*. 

In any case the system of election by the Craft Gilds, established 
in ii^6y had not worked well. It had only exaggerated the 
jealousy and striie between the Crafts, and for some years at- 
tempts had been made to find some remedy. Accordingly, in 
July 1384, a Common Council of 2^7 members decided that 
a return should be made to the old system of election by the 
Wards. Each Ward was to send fi'om six to two members ac- 
cording to its size. To prevent any Mystery having too great 
a weight in the Common Council it was further enacted that no 
Mystery should have more than eight of its members on the 
Council at the same time.' Thus the constitution of the Common 
Council was finally settled in the fi>rm in which it has since 

It may be questioned whether the importance of the con- 
troversy has not been exaggerated As stated above, no one could 
be a member of a Ward unless he were a Gildsman, and although 
it is true that journeymen would, as members of their Wardmoot, 
have a voice in the election of the Common Council, as a matter 
of £ict the Common Council has since that date usually been 
composed of the leading members of the more important Gilds. 

No alteration was made as to the election of Aldermen.' They 
continued to be elected, as by the Charters of Edward II and 
Edward III (igip, 1376), by the Wards, and, until the year 
1 394., they were to be elected annually and not to be eligible iox 
re-election. Since that date, however, they have heU their 
office for life, if not removed fi>r some reasonable excuse.^ 

Meanwhile the election of the Mayor and the Sheriffs, as well 
as of the Rirliamentary representatives for the City, remained in 

' Letter Book H, p. 117 ; Lib. Albos, translated by Riley, p. 37. 

'In 1589 it is trae the Mayor and Aldermen (without the Common Conncil) 
resolved that they should themselves elect a certain namber from each WarcL 
But it is doubtful whether the resolution was ever put into effect. 

^ As'to the qualification for Aldermen, till 1430 they had to be honest and 
discreet men. In that year they had to be freemen by birth, apprenticeships or 
patrimony. In 1434, since admission by patrimony had become very lax, it was 
ordered that strangers were no longer to be admitted to the freedom by 

^ Rot. Pari., iiv 317. 

Digitized by 


London and her Gilds 41 

the hands of the Common Council ' with as many other sufficient 
men of the city as they might think necessary '.' It is usually 
said that this ordinance left the election of the City officials and 
P^llamentary representatives in the hands of the Gilds. But 
though it is true that hencefbnh the Gilds did enjoy considerable 
influence, and that, until the year i54P, there is no instance of 
a Mayor being eleaed who was not a member of one of the more 
powerful Gilds, yet it is to be noted that the ordinance makes no 
specific mention of the Gilds or of Gildsmen." 

The long controversy, therefore, which had lasted for some 
eight years, did not seriously modify the civic constitution. Its 
importance lies chiefly in the graphic illtistrations which it gives 
us of the internal life of the City, and of the relations of the Gilds 
to one another and to the political parties of the day. 

The quarrels which had rent the City did not end with the SarriTal of 

the quarrel 

' Letter Book, p. vii. V'^M^^* 

* It is carious that when in 137^ the Common Cooncil was elected bjr the ^^^*"^""g 
Mysteries, it akme was sommoned to the election of the Mayor, bnt that from ^^ '^^ 
the date when the Common Council was to be elected by the Wards, we often ^JfJ"**™8 
hear of an * immense commonalty* being summoned as well as the Common ^^'^* 
Council and the discreet men. In the year 1404 an ordinance commanded 
that, ^ because of the mmnk caused by apprentices and senrants, no one was to 
enter the Guildhall at the time of electic»), and no one was to be summoned, 
except they be of the Common Council or of the more sufficient men of the 
city *. The rule was apparently not kept, since we often hear again of an 
immense commonalty beiM summoned, and sometimes, as in 1441, there is not 
even a specific mention of^the Common Council or of the discreet men bein? 
summoned at all. Thus apparently the question as to who should be summoned 
lay with the Mayor for the time being. 

It is also to be remembered that in 140^ the Aldermen fer the first time 
asserted that the right of the Commoners (whether they were members of the 
Common Council or no) was limited to the nomination of two fit persons, who 
had senred as Aldermen and Sheriffs, and that the final selection between these 
two lay with the Mayor and Aldermen ak>ne. This eventually became the rule, 
while, by the ordinances of the Common Council in the seventh and fifteenth 
years of Edward IV, the discretionary power of the Mayor in the matter of 
summons was put an end Xf^^ it being then enacted that, besides the Common 
Council, only the Masters and Wardens of the greater Companies and honest 
men of the Mysteries coming in their best liveries (L e. of the livery^ were to be 
present, C£ Letter. Book I, p. $5 $ Liber Albus, p. 19 } Letter Book K, pp. 175 
note, 288$ Norton's Commentaries, pp. ix6^ 117. For earlier regulations. 
Letter Book F, p. 304 j G, p. 1^5. 

Digitized by 




the support 
of the 

Mayoralty of Brembre in 1385. In the year 1387 Brembre was 
violently accused by the Mercers, the Drapers," and others of the 
non- Victualling Gilds of securing the election ^ through debate 
and stronger partie ', and of accroaching the royal authority by 
using force to overawe the citizens. As the rdgn proceeded the 
Victualling Gilds, who had always been £ivoured by the King, 
now became more definitely a royalist party, while their oppo- 
nents supported the ^ Lords Appellant . In 1388 the Merci- 
less Parliament, then under the control of the Appellants, 
condemned Brembre to execution for treason, and to please the 
non- Victualling Gilds, who then held the Mayoralty in the 
person of Tw^ord a Goldsmith, once more declared free trade 
throughout the kingdom.' Even after this date traces of the old 
contest may be seen in the disputed election in 1389 between 
William VeuQur, a Grocer, who was elected, and Adam Bamme, 
a Goldsmith, and also in the succession of Mayors till the close of 
the reign who were members now of one group now of another.^ 
In May 1389 Richard II took the Government into his own 
hands. The King and the Lords Appellant were nominally 
reconciled, and for eight years Richard ruled with astounding 
consideration. Yet in 13 pa, when John Hende, a Draper, was 
Mayor, a dispute arose with the King, either over the demand for 
a sum of money, or over a Qty riot. The Mayqr and Sheriffs 
were imprisoned, the City was deprived of its liberties, and the 
wrath ot the King was only assuaged by the payment of a fine of 
;^io. By this high-handed act Richard alienated even his sup- 
porters, and when, in i3P7, he, who had been called ^the 
Londoner's King ', made his bold attempt at absolutism, the fiivour 
of the Londoners was finally lost by his renewed extortions. In 
vain the King at the last moment tried to win the support of his 
old allies, the Fishmongers, by restoring to them their privilege 
of monopoly.* They did not move ; peniaps they dared not. For 
a Goldsmith, Drew Barantyn, was Maiyor, and he it was who 
welcomed Henry of Lancaster when he approached the City.* 

* Cf. Petition of the Mercers, HerI>(»rt,L 39 $ Petition of the Drapers, Appendix^ 
Rot. Pari., iii. 115-^. 

' 1 1 Ric. II. c. vii. 3 Letter Book H, Introd. liiL 

^ Letter Book H, pp. 447-8- * Letter Book Hj Introd. liii-lm 

Digitized by 


London and her Gilds 43 

The close connexion between current -politics and the quarrels 
among the Gilds finds an interesting parallel in the history of 
Flancers under the Arteveldts.' But whereas abroad this is no 
uncommon feature, in England it is exceptiodal. As a rule the 
English Gilds took little part in rival politics and were rarely 
divided on such issues, and to this difference in a great measure 
may be attributed the long life of the English Gild. 

The condition of the towns, and more especially of London, The Inquiry 
throughout the rdgn of Richard II had, however, been so fiill of <^ 1388. 
turbulence, ' rumours, Co vines, congregations, and affrays ', that all 
parties were convinced of the necessity, if possible, of controlling, 
if not reducing the number of the Gilds. Accordingly, the 
Merciless Parliament had demanded an inquiry. In November 
1 3 88 ' writs were issued to the Sheriffs of Counties and of London 
ordering *all Masters and Wardens of Mysteries and Crafts to 
bring their charters and letters patent into Chancery, and all other 
Masters of Gilds ^nd Fraternities to make return as to the nature 
of their foundation and particulars of their customs, privileges and 
property \ This action on the part of Parliament "aitidi the central 
autnorides was but one part of the movement in the direction of 
greater central control, whether municipal or national, over the 
varions smaller communities which found its climax in the Tudor 

The first Writ applied to those Gilds which, beyond their 
social and religious aims, controlled the various trades and crafts 
of the City; the second referred to imchartered associations 
fi)rmed solely for religious or social purposes. No returns to the 
first Writ survive (if they were ever made) and only thirty-one 
to the second.* These pleaded that their objects were purely 

» Of. Ashley, J., The Anevcldts. » Letter Book Gj p. 33^. 

^ Unwin, p. i^$. It is in the reign of RichflMxl II thsit we also meet with the 
earliest attempts of journeymen or yeomen to form Fraternities of their own, 
which became a serioos question in the fifteenth century. Cf. Riley, Memorials, 
495, the Cotdwainers, 1387 $ 541, the Saddlers, 139^. 

^ The total number of returns fer the whole of England was 4^1. Cf. 
Tonlmin Smith, Gilds $ Clare Market Renew, published by the London School of 
Economics, i, 67. Cf. the return made by the Relieious Fraternity of the 
Drapers, Appendix, Vol« I, it. The majority of these Gil£ had no connexion with 
any particular trade. In the wills of this date, to be found in Sharpe's Calendar of 

Digitized by 


44- Introduction 

sodal and religious and had no political meaning, which appears 
to have been the case, since their ordinances refer to the govern- 
ment of the Society, and for the rest are concerned with the 
relief of poor members and with the singing of dirges or masses 
for the departed. In any case the inquiry was not followed by 
any definite action, except that in ijpi a statute forbad any Gild 
to acquire property in mortmain, as they had before, without the 
royal licence.' Nevertheless the Gilds were not unnaturally 
alarmed, especially since in the same Parliament petitions had been 
brought forward asking that not onlv the giving of ' livery ' by 
an individual to his retainers, but ako the giving of * livery ' * 
under colour of fraternity, or any other association, should be 
forbidden under severe penalties. In the Act 7 Henry IV, c. 14, 
which was finally passed and which forbad the giving of liveries, 
'the Gilds, Fraternities, and people of Mysteries of cities and 
boroughs that be founded to a good intent' were exempted. 
Nevertheless, for further security the Gilds in foture generally 
obtained a licence from the Crown.^ 
The Gilds Meanwhile several Gilds strove to gain a fuller confirmation of 

press for their privileges. During the remaining years of Richard II four 

Charters Wills, we find members of difTerem trades making beqnests to the same religioiis 

r?" » ^^ ^"^ ^^^ Fraternity of the Drapers is one of the few interesting exceptions. 

Crown. jjjg others are the Barbers, the Cutters, the Glovers, and the Whittawyers. 

After this date the bequests are more often made to Craft Gilds, such as the 

Grocers, Haberdashers, Taylors, and Skinners, as well as ro the Drapers. 

' This restriction was probably due ro the jealousy of the City, which had no 
such privilege. Letter Book H, xlix. 

* Ashley, Econ. History, L 117. The giving of livery, that is, of a distinctive 
dress or badge, was a common custom of the tmie. It was considered dangerous, 
because powerful men in this way organized their retainers into a semi-military 
force and often by their assistance not only endangered the peace, but overawed 
the Law Courts. The Act 7 Henry IV, c. 14, forbad Lords to grant liveries to 
any but their actual servants and to persons indentured to them for life, and 
forbad the practice akoeether to persons below the rank of banneret. 

The wearing of a distinctive dress by the Gilds became common in the 
fourteenth century and hence the term ^ Livery Companies ' applied ro the Gikb 
of London. The attempt to include the Gilds in the statute against liveries was 
probably due to the dislike for their growing power. 

^ Stow, ed. Kingsford, iL 191, doubts whether the Gilds thought it necessary 
to apply for licences. But certainly we have a pardon granted oy Richard III 
to the Drapers for all offences, including the wearing of livery. Cf. Appendix, 
vol. i. No. XVI. 

Digitized by 


London and her Gilds 45- 

more Crafts, the Taylors, the Skinners, the Mercers, and the 
Saddlers, obtained Royal Charters (igpo, igpj, 13P4, and \l9s\ 
while the Goldsmiths obtained a renewal of those which had been 
granted in 13x7. Henceforth this becomes the aim of every 
Craft. It should be observed that most of the Charters Peculiarities 
thus gained differ in several important respects from the earlier ofthcicncw 
ones. In the earlier Charters of the reign of Edward II Charters, 
and Edward III the Gilds are generally spoken of as Mysteries,' 
and the main object of the Charters is to grant more or 
less exclusive privileges of trade. Although there can be little 
doubt that in most cases the social and religious ^Fraternity' 
existed, and that it was by means of the religious sanction, thus 
gained, that the Gilds were able to enforce the regulations on 
their members, the earlier Charters do not mention or give l^al 
sanction to the * Fraternity \ When we pass to the later Charters, 
although the term * Mystery ' is still retained and trade privileges 
are generally though not universally mentioned, it is the religious 
aspect of the Societies to which prominence is generally given 
They are empowered to establish their Gild and * Fraternity *. 
The * Fraternity * is often connected with the name of the Saviour 
or of some Saint,' and the ' benefit ' or charitable work of the 
Gild is generally mentioned, even where it is not given as the 
reason for granting the Charter,^ while the religious aspect is 
often enforced by imposing the duty of maintaining chaplains. 
Finally, by the later Charters, the Gilds are for the first dme 
constituted ^ in name and fact one perpetual body and one com- 
munity, with perpetual succession and a common seal ', and it 
is on the ' Gild ' and * Fraternity ', not on the Mystery, that the 
legal personality is conferred. They are given the right to hold 
property, and to sue and be sued in their common name. In 

' The word Mysterie, French mystht^ is certainly derived from muttta (Italian 
mmkri^ a Trade or Crait, and this from minhtirittmy not from mytttnumj a secret. 

^ The Drapers were in honoar of the Virgin Maty, Mother of the Holy Lamb. 
The Taylon called themselves the Fraternity of St. John the Baptist. The Fish- 
mongers adopt St. Peter as their Patron. The Patron of the Goldsmiths was 
St. iSonstan. The Skinners were in honour of Corpus Christi. C£ Charten given 
by Herbert. 

^ e. g. Goldsmiths undertake to relieve those who by fire and smoke of quick- 
silver have lost their sight j the Mercers to provide a chaplain and relieve those 
who have suffered from shipwreck. C£ Herbert, Livery Companies. 

Digitized by 




other words, the Gilds thereby become for the first time a ' persona", 
a l^al collective personality, a perpetual corporate Fraternity 
recognized by the State. 

m doubt the corporate spirit had existed long before ; indeed, 
as Gierke ' has shown, the meuphysical conception of the organic 
unity of any group of individuals, acting together for some common 
end, with a common will, existed everywhere in the Middle 
Ages, and the Charters rather confirm privileges which had been 
founded on custom, and which had already been granted by the 
Mayor if not by the King^ than create anything new. But 
whereas before the strength of this corporate spirit lay in the 
moral sanction of the Church, it now gains the more practical 
and definite support of the Law. The State steps in and adds its 
secular sanction.' 

By these Charters the Gilds secured a greater independence 
from the control of the municipal authorities. They no longer 
enjoyed their privileges by the authority of the Mayor alone, but 

^ Gierke, Political Theories of the Middle Ages, translated by Maitland, 
pp. xxntfl ftnd 98 $ Maitland^ Collected Papers, iii. no, Corpocatbns Legal 
and Moral. 

' The following extracts fh>m the Charters of the Drapers will illustrate these 
differences : 

The Charter of 38 Edward III. 
The Members of the Mystery of 
Drapers are granted the monopoly 
of making, baying, selling, cloth and 
drapery in retsul, with some exceptions. 
They are anthorized <to elect toar of 
their Mysteiy to rule and gorem * the 
said Mystery, who are to be sworn 
before the Mayor to oversee that no 
£iult or deceit be used or committed 
in the said Mystery, and are to punish 
such as shall offend according to the 
advice and by the aid of the Mayor 
and Sheriffs. 

The Charter of 17 Henry VI. 
Empowers the men of the Mystery 
of Drapers ' to erect, found, and estab- 
lish their Gild and Fraternity of the 
Blessed Virgin Maiy and to hold and 
enjoy the same and their perpetual 
successors for all times to come '. It 
empowers them to elect four Wardens 
and a Master to support the burthen 
and business of the Fraternity, and to 
TOvem the same 5 and constitutes the 
Master, Wardens, brothers and sisters 
of the said Fraternity in deed and 
name one body and perpetual Commu- 
nity with perpetual succession and a 
common seal j grants them legal power 
to purchase lands, tenements, renti, &c. 
in perpetuity, and in their common 
name to plead and be impleaded. 

Digitized by 


London and her Gilds 


by that of the Crown, and accordingly it became hence&rth the 
aim of every Gild to secure incorporation. In the rdgn of 
Henry VI K)ur of the leading Victualling and five of the most 
important non-Viaualling Gilcb attain their end But in most of 
these later Charters the industrial aspect, rather than the social 
or religious, is again more stronfi;ly emphasized' 

With the accession of EdwarcTlV, and the adoption of a policy 
of {protecting home industries, the number of Charters of Incorpora- 
tion increases. No less than nine are granted bv that King, and 
one by Richard III. Thus by the end of the Middle Ages 
twenty-five Gilds had been recognized as Collective Personalities, 
and shortly after five more were added." 

' C£ Unwin, GiUs, pp. \6\^ \6i. The Charters of the Annonren and 
Habeidashers are, however, granted to the Fraternities, and there is no reference 
to the trade regulations. 

> The Goldsmiths 







Tallow-chandlen 14^1 

The Barbers i^6x 

Ironmongers 14^5 

Pewteren 14^8 

Dyers 147 1 

Musidians 1471 

Parish Clerks 147^ 

Carpenters 1477 

Fullers 1480 

Cooks 1481 

Wax-chandlers 1484 

Pkisterers if 01 

Coopers if 01 

Poulterers 1^04 

Bakers 1509 

Innholders if if 

Of these only eleven eventually gained the peculiar privilege of being called 
a Greater Liveiy Company. The twelfth was that of the Cbthworkers, a union 
of the Fullers and Shearmen, who were incorporated in if i8. 

In some cases, as in those of the Skinners, the GoUsmiths, and the Parish 
Clerks, there is some doubt as to when exaaly £ill incorporation was granted. 
The Parish Qerks were not clerics. Apparently they were often employed 
to sing in dirges and at feasts, and to aa Miracle Plays. Arunde( City 
Companies, p. 117. 

The disttnction between the Greater and Lesser Livery Companies may be 

Digitized by 




The Mayor The municipal authorities were not unnaturally jealous of this 
insists on his increased independence on the part of the more successful com- 
^ "'^' panics. They had always claimed that the Gilds could only 
exercise their powers or sel^government and issue ordinances 
by their leave. Even during the Eictious rimes of Bichard II, the 
Mayor for the rime being had often insisted that the opposing 
Gilds should submit their Chaners to him for confirmation, and in 
1437 the right was recognized by Parliament. On the grounds 
that many ^ Gilds and Fraterniries and other companies corporate, 
by colour of rule and governance and other terms in general 
words to them granted ... by charters of divers kings, made many 
unlawful . . • and unreasonable ordinances iar their own singular 

tiaced as early as the reign of Edward III, and it was hastened by the Act of 
1 16^ which ordered all artisans to choose and adhere to the Company proper 
to their own Mystery, but the right of being counted among the Greater was 
one of prescription only, and fell to those Companies which were composed of 
traden rather than handicraftsmen, and who therefore represented the capitalists. 
In If 03, at the barial of Elizabeth of York, only nine are ordered to stand in 
Chepe, though others were permitted. Finally, in the seventh year of Henry V III, 
a precept ofthe Mayor which settled the dispute between the Cbthworkers and 
the Dyers fixed the order thus : 

I. Mercers f. Goldsmiths 9. Sakers 

1. Grocers 6. Skinners 10. Ironmongers 

3. Drapers 7. Tayk)n 11. Vintners 

4. Fishmongers 8. Haberdashers ii. Shearmen 

In the reign of Edward VI there were some fifty Lesser Li? ery Companies 
in London. The Privileges of these Greater Companies were as follows : 

1. They akme had the honour of enrolling the Sovereign among their 
, members. 

2. They alone took part in the elections ofthe Mayor. 

5. They took precedence in all civic pageants, sending ^ assistants ' to attend 

on the Mayor. 
4. Their Masters and Wardens had the exclusive right of attending the Lord 

Mayor when he waited on the Chief Butler at the Coronations, 
f. Until 1741, with only one break in 1^49, the Mayor was by custom always 

a member ciont of these Greater Companies. 
The Privileges were accompanied by certain special burdens : 
I. They alone contributed to the repair ofthe City walls, 
z. The feans raised by the Government or the Oty were chiefly subscribed 

by them, and, owin^ to the wealth, their contribution to the subsidies 

was considerable. Herbert, i. 37, 135$ Arundel, 343 01; Letter 

Book L, xlii. 

Digitized by 


London and her Gilds 4-9 

profit and to the damage of the people, as well as many of such 
things whereof the cc^nisance and punishment only pertaineth to 
the Kin^, lords of franchises and other persons, whereby the 
King and others be disinherited of their profits', the Act ly 
Henry VI, c. (J, orders all to bring their Charters to be registered 
and their ordinances confirmed by the Justices of the Peace or the 
chief Governors of cities, boroughs, and towns." 

The City forthwith put the Act into operation, and disputes 
about the validity of Charters *are the main staple of city politics 
at this period '.• In cases where the Charter was proved to 
be authentic the Mayor did not indeed venture to annul it. Thus 
the Chartered Companies derived their privileges from the Crown, 
but exercised them under the sanction of the Mayor, who claimed 
the right to revise their ordinances. The Mayor issued his pre- 
cepts on matters of municipal government, and the regulation 
of^trade by his own authority or by that of the Common Council, 
and, besides that, conveyed, through other precepts, the com- 
mands of the Crown. The jurisdiction of the Gilds was limited 
to their authority over their own members. Their functions 
were inquisitorial rather than judicial, and in the last resort, 
against a recalcitrant member, or in disputes between rival com- 
panies, appeal had to be made to the Mayor.^ 

After all, it was only the richer Gilds who could obtain Charters 
from the Crown, since the royal favour was not to be gained 
without the payment of heavy fees, and accordingly, of the 
112 Gilds existing in T411, fifty at least subsequently dis- 
appeared, or became merged in the larger incorporated Gilds, 
or became subordinate to them.^ The rest still remained under 
the exclusive authority of the Mayor, who, as in the days 
before incorporation, authorized their ordinances and allowed 

■ Of. liber Albns, Rilejr's transladon, p 4^ i ; Letter Book K, xlL 

* Unwin, Gilds, pp. i^i, 13^; Letter Book L, pp. xvi ff. From the beginning 
of the seventeenth century the licence of the Mayor was necessary before a dharter, 
whether of incorporation or not, was sued for. 

^ Cf. Herbert, Livery Companies, \. %% \ Unwin, Gilds, p. 13 1. 

^ See Hazlitt, Gilds, pp. vi, 103 ff. $ LFnwin, Gilds, p. \66. Thns the Leather- 
sellers absorb the Tawyers, Parsers, Gloven, and Pouch-makers \ the Armourers 
absoii) the Bladesmiths and Braziers $ the Blacksmiths absorb the Spurriers $ 
the Hatters and Cappers fall under the control of the Haberdashers. 

1MS«1 H 

Digitized by 


so Introduction 

them to organize themselves with some of the powers enjoyed 
by their more successfiil rivak.* 
Relation of Thus at the close of the fifteenth century the Gilds fell into 
^'^^iP^i^ . two classes. First stood those that had obtained a Royal Charter, 
cipalVu"^ among which eleven held the prestige of being counted as among 
rides at the the Greater Livery Companies. Next came the inferior ones, 
close of tiie who, without any Royal Charter, enjoyed less extensive powers 
fifteenth of self government granted them by the municipal authority, 
century. Meanwhile, the number of the Parish Fraternities, once so 

numerous, steadily declined. Some of them had become con- 
nected with a Craft Gild, and the growing connexion of these 
Gilds and the Parish Churches tenoed to the same end. That 
their number cannot have been very great in is^l is shown 
by the fact that only eighteen were tnen disendowed 

And yet while the Mayor and the Common Council insisted 
on their supremacy over the Gilds, the Gilds were practically 
monopolizing the government of the City. It is true that the 
Alderman of a Ward was selected by the Mayor and the exist- 
ing Aldermen out of four candidates elected by the freemen of 
his Ward,' and that the members of the Common Council were 

' Those powers were generally confined to the right of electing Masters or 
Wardens, of ruling the Mystery, and punishing disobedient members. C£ 
Goldbeaters, Letter Book I, p. 9 ; Joynours, Letter Book I, p. 1 3 $ Steynoars, 
Letter Book I, p. 14. For other instances in the reign of Henry IV, cf. Letter 
Book I, pp. If, fo, ^f, 68, 144, 147. Twenty-nine Crafts in aiU obtained this 
confirmation from the Mayor. Of these seven got Charters of Incorporation in 
the fifteenth centuty $ two in the sixteenth, four in the seventeenth, and sixteen 
never. Besant, Med. London, ii. 1 1 9. Of sixty Crafb who took part in a Mayor's 
Feast in i^ '> '^^ more than half were incorporated. 

' The change in the position of the Aldermen fix>m hereditary possessors of 
sokes to that of elected heads of their Wards, appears to have been gradual 
during the latter part of the thirteenth century, ana to have been finally settled 
in 1377} when it was ordained that they should be eleaed directly by the Waids 
for one year, and should not be eligible for two years in succession. So things 
remained fer twenty years, but by the Stat. 1 7 Richard II, A. D. 1 3 94, they were xo 
hold office for life, and the right of the Wards was confined to the presentation 
of two candidates, from whom the Mayor and Aldermen chose one. The Court 
of Aldermen even claimed the right of rejecting the candidates and ordering 
a fresh nomination, and also of appoindne without such nomination. This, 
with variations as to the number of candidates to be presented by the Ward, 
remained the system till 17149 when, by the Statute 13 Anne, the right of free 

Digitized by 


London and her Gilds yi 

also elected by the Mayor and Aldermen from the Wards, 
according to their size. But to be a freeman of a ward it was 
necessary ' to be a Gildsman who had rassed his apprenticeship 
or had been admitted by redemption. The elections were there- 
fore really in the hands of members of some Gild or other, 
while most of the elected Common Council men were, whether 
Aldermen or no, important members of some Gild and generally 
members of the greater Gilds. In the elections of the Sheriffs 
and Mayors the influence of the Gilds was still more direct. 
The Mayor indeed had the privilege of nominatins; one Sherifi^, 
* the King's Sheriff*. But the other, or both, if the Mayor did 
not exercise his prerogative, was elected by the Common Council, 
assisted by the Masters and Wardens of the twelve great Livery 
Companies, who were ^ to associate with themselves the honest 
men of their Mysteries, that is the livery men, coming in their 
best liveries'.* 

The same body elected the Mayor and also the members of 
Parliament for the City, but in the case of the Mayor the powers 
of the electoral body were confined to the presenting the names 
of two persons, who had already served as Aldermen and Sheriffs, 
from wnich the Mayor of the past year and the Court of Alder- 
men selected one. How completely the government of the City 
was now in the hands of the greater Gilds is shown by the fact 

election was restored to the Wards. Baddeley, Aldermen of Cripplegate, 
pp. if6ff. ; Beaven, Aldermen, p. 241. 

' Cf. Riley, Liber Albiis, p, 140 ; Charter of Richard II — ^ Every person 
admitted to the freedom of the City shall be of a certain Mysteiy or Craft, and, 
if a straneer, shall be admitted by apprenticeship only and not by redemption ' 
(Letter &ok I, p. ^3). This remained so till 183^. Since then the freedom 
of a Gild, though one qualification for the freedom of the City, is no longer 

' This custom was not relaxed till the middle of the sixteenth century. 
Norton's Commentaries, pp. 11^, 117$ Ordinances of Common Council, 
7 Edward IV and i % Edward IV, as confirmed later by Act of Parliament, 
1 Georze I. By this ordinance the discretionary power of the Mayor to summon 
whom he would was abolished. By an ordinance of 1401, owing to the tumult 
caused by apprentices and serving men at elections, it had been enaaed that 
none are to enter the Guildhall except those summoned by the Mayor. No one 
was to be summoned except they be of the Common Council or 'of the more 
sufEcicnt men of the City '• Letter Book I, p. 34. 

Digitized by 


yi Introduction 

that most of the Aldermen and Sheriffs, and all the Mayors fi>r 
many years, were members of one of the Greater Livery Com* 
panics. Thus by the close of the fifteenth century the Gild 
organization and that of the City had become amalgamated The 
Crafts had triumphed, and the real power lay in tne hands of the 
Greater Livery Companies. 

The reign of Edward IV also marks the date when the City 
itself^ as many of the Gilds had before, becomes a complete 
Corporate unity. No doubt it had practically secured this position 
before, partly by prescription, partly by Charter. It had long 
possessed a common seal; it had made by-laws; it had held 
corporate property; its tx)wer of filling up vacancies by election 
had implied tne right or perpetual succession ; it had enjoyed the 
privilege of suing and being sued in its corporate capacity. The 
Charter of Edward IV only gave the final sanction when it 
definitely allowed the City to acquire lands by purchase and 
in mortmain.' 

Henceforth the relations between the City and the Greater 
Livery Companies resembled very closely those between the 
University of Oxford and the Colleges. Just as at Oxford no 
person could become a member of the University without being 
a member of a College, and the Vice-Chancellor was chosen from 
the Heads of the Colleges, yet the University exercised a general 
control over the studies of the students (though not over the 
internal government of the Colleges) and jgranted the degrees ; 
so in London every citizen was under a double allegiance : first, as 
a Gildsman to obey the Masters and Wardens, and to comply with 
the ordinances of their Gild ; secondly, to obey the Mayor and the 
other civic authorities and to pay scot and lot. 

No sooner, however, had tne Tudor mounted the throne than 
the authority of the Mayor in the matter of confirming the 

' Stubbs, Constit. Hisr.,ed. 1 878,iiL ^77^ Gomme,The Governance of Eneknd, 
pp. 173, 3^5; Pollock and Maitland, History of English Law, i. 676 ^ Gierke, 
Political Theories of Middle Ages, translated by Mait&nd. The gradual growth 
of the civic Corporation and the comparatively late date at wuch it received 
its final legal incorporation, as compared with many of the Gilds, are carious, bat 
have their parallel in the history of Oxford, where many of the Colleees received 
formal Charters of Incorporation before the University. Cf Case, The Proposed 
Statute concerning Finance, Pamphlet, Feb. 10, 1911, p. 8. 

Digitized by 


London and her Gilds yg 

ordinances of the Gilds was transferred to the Chancellor, the 
Lord Treasurer, and the Chief Justices of either Bench.* This 
measure may be said to sound the passing bell of the system 
of * Town economy * and of the Craft system which was its 
outcome, and to herald the rise of the new National economy 
which was henceforth to prevail. 

T^he Government of London at the beginning of the 
Sixteenth Century^ 

The Freedom of the City could originally be obtained either by Freedom of 
birth or by redemption,^ that is by paying a fee. At some date, the City, 
probably in the reign of Henry III or Edward I, the system of 
apprenticeship in the Gilds was introduced, and thus became a third 
avenue to citizenship. At the master's death the apprentice con- 
tinued to serve his widow or executors for the residue of his term, 
which was never to be less than seven years/ In 13 58 it was de- 
cided that if an apprentice at the end of his term could not pay the 
fee of 60 J. for admission to freedom, he should continue to serve as 
an apprentice or hired servant*^ Strangers could only be admitted 

» 19 Henry VII, c. 7, 1^03-4$ Unwin, Indnstrial Organizatbn, p. f^j 
Bosch, England under the Tndors, p. 2^7. 

^ For a longer description cf. Clode, Merchant Taylors, Part I, ch. i ; Beaven, 
Aldermen, toL ii, Introdnction. 

^ The keepine of a roll of apprentices and others admitted to the Freedom 
appears to have Seen begun in ii7T. Chron. Ed. I, II, Rolls Series, i. 85, %6. 
The earliest list of those admitted by redemption to any Gild, with occasional 
notices of those admitted by apprenticeship, is m the third year of Ed II (i 309). 
It continued till 1 3 1 2. The fees vaty from nothing, in case of royal officials 
and other exceptional persons, to 100/. Letter fiook D, pp. 3^ flf. The Mayor 
also had originally the privilege of making six men free of the City. Bat this 
privilege was abolished in 1434 in retnm for an annual gift of four casks of wine. 
Some exceptional rights of creating Freemen existed till 185^. Letter Book K, 
XXXV. In the fifteenth century we find complaints that too many are admitted 
both by redempdon and apprenticeship, and attempts were made to stop this 
abuse by h'miting the number to be so admitted, attempts which were not very 
successful, e.g. No one to put his son or daughter as an apprentice unless 
he had xox. a year in land, 9 Henry IV, repealed 8 Heniy VI. Letter 
Book K, XXXV. 

^ Letter Book D, ii, vi; E, p. 13, and authorities quoted there. 
5 Letter Book G, p. 180. 

Digitized by 




in the fourteenth century either by the assent of the * Commonalty 
in the Husting ', or presentation by six of his Craft or Mystery, 
who should stand surety for him. And as the Crafts increased 
in importance this became the ordinary way of admission. The 
Charter of Richard II enacted that every person admitted to the 
freedom of the City should be of a certain Mystery or Craft. 

The privileges of a freeman included the right to reside within 
the City walls,' to engage in wholesale trade throughout the 
realm, and by retail in the goods of the Mystery to which he 
belonged, to enter any town without payment of toll, to be 
exempt from the jurisdiction of courts without the City except in 
certain specified cases. By the Charter of Edward III he was 
also to be exempted from military service outside the City,' 
though this privilege was not retained. 

Foreigners. Strangers, whether of English nationality or no, suffered under 
serious disabilities. They could not deal by retail, nor buy 
merchandise in the City for re-sale, nor deal with each other 
in the City .3 

The Wards. The Wards, twenty-four in number, were composed of all other 
than viUeins who, besides paying scot and lot or being householders, 
had to be members of some Gild^ and if strangers to be admiued 
by apprenticeship and not by redemption.'* This continued till 
183J-, when all those who enjoyed the Parliamentary franchise 
were held to be Freemen. 

Aldermen. The Aldermen, since the ordinance of 140 x, were nominated 
for life by the Mayor and existing Aldermen out of four eli^ble 
candidates elected by the Wards ; the Mayor and existing Alder- 
men claiming the right to refuse to nominate, and to demand 
another election, and even to appoint without election. In 171 1 
the number to be returned was fixed at two, and by 13 Anne 
(17 14) direct election was restored to the Wards. To be eligible 
the candidate must be ^ good and discreet ', and have goods to the 

' Originally they were obliged to reside continuonsly, bat by an ordinance of 
\l6% this was no longer necessary, if they paid scot and lot. Letter Book G, 

^ Letter Book D, iii j £, xx, and authorities quoted. 

^ Letter Book £, pp. 42, x6x, 

^ Stat, of Richard \\\ Lib. Albus, 140 j Letter Book I3 p. ^3. 

Digitized by 


London and her Gilds SS 

value ofj^ijooo (p Ed. IV). By Stat, p Anne (1710) the qualifi- 
cation was raised to ;^iy,ooo, and to j^j 0,000 by 5-2 George III 
(18 1 2). In 183 1 the Mayor and Aldermen refused to admit 
Michael Scales. A long process ensued which was ended in 183P 
by the aflirmation of the House of Lx>rds of the right of the Mayor 
and Aldermen to reject unsuitable candidates, and after three 
rejections to nominate themselves. 

Until the latter half of the sixteenth century the Aldermen 
were always members of one of the twelve Greater Livery 
Companies and if not so at the time of election, were transferred 
to one. After that date they often belonged to the Lesser Com- 
panies, especiaUy in the eighteenth century.* 

The Aldermen presided over the moot of their Wards. They 
tried weights and measures ; regulated the Inns ; superintended the 
cleansing of highways and watercourses in their Wards; kept 
the peace and the gates of the City; held views of frank-pledge ; 
saw that the members of their Wards were assessed to arms, 
set the watch, and, on the precept of the Mayor, levied the 
Trained Bands of their Wards, these levies being independent of 
those raised by the Companies. In the reign of Henry VI they 
are sometimes, and more often under the Tudors, Justices of the 
Peace, and, as Justices, fixed wages under the Act of Apprentices. 
Finally, by the Stat, of 1741 all Aldermen were to be appointed 
Justices of the Peace. They were obliged to reside in the City, 
unless they got leave of absence from the Court, and were obliged 
to serve, unless they could prove that they had not the necessary 
property qualification or were especially excused.* 

The Court of Aldermen was composed of the Mayor and Alder- The Coart 
men of the year. Of this Court there were two sessions. of Alder- 

I. That of the Inner Chamber, which claimed a right of control "*"• 
over the acts of the Common Council and of vetoing measures 
passed there. This right was fi>rbidden during the Commonwealth, 

' Letter Book H, p. ^$6 ; I, p. 18 j Beaven, Aldermen, yol. i, p. 145. 

' The instances of Stephen Fabyan and John Gedney, Drapers. Letter 
Books 1—157$ Baddeley, Aklermen, p. 178 ^ Riley's Memorials, p. ^03. In 
1 501 Sir Lawrence Aylmer was dismissed because he was in prison for debt. 
Baddeley, p. 183. In 1S46 John Sadler was albwed to give up his office on 
account of sickness. Baddeley, p. 190. 

Digitized by 




The Court 




Feb. i54p. But it was again claimed after the Restoration, and 
decided in favour of the Aldermen/ It also had power to punish 
City officers by fines. 

II. That of the Outer Chamber, or Lord Mayor's Court. 
Though nominally presided over by the Lord Mayor and Alder- 
men, the Recorder acted as Judge. It had cognizance of all mixed 
actions, and enjoyed peculiar jurisdiction in cases arising out of 
the customs of London. It controlled the lower tribunal of the 
City, and punished by fine, deprivation offreedom, or imprisonment. 

The Court of Common Council consisted of Aldermen, elected 
as above, and of Commoners. The Commoners were, by the ordi- 
nance of Richard II (1384), to be elected by the Wards, six, four, 
or two from each Ward according to their size, so long as not 
more than eight of any one Mystery should be presented. In 
1 38 J ninety-six were elected.* The first list we have of a 
Common Council is in 1457. But it is very imperfect.' 

The elections to the Common Council, however, during the 
fifteenth century were very loosely conducted, and it appears 
that at times the Alderman of each Ward exercised the right 
of nominating the members from his Ward. It was not till the 
end of the sixteenth century that the Wardmoots gained the right 
of direct election. The elections even then were very irregularly 
conducted. The numbers of the Common Council varied very 
much. There were 187 in Edward VI's reign, 208 in ijp8. 
Finally, the Act of 1840 fixed the numbers at 2o5.< 

The Common Council supervised the general administration 
of the City, authorized the issue of ordinances by the Mayor (its 
legislative powers were confirmed hy is Edward III), looked after 
the public health and education, and managed the estates of the 

The Hustings Court was the County Court of London. It was 
presided over by the Mayor and Sheriffs.^ 

* Loftie, London, il 304, 448, 

^ Riley, Lib. Aibus, p. 398 ; Letter Book H, p. 173. 

^ Riley, Memorials, p. liu. 

^ Baddeley, Aldermen of Cripplegate, pp. 109 fT. $ Letter Book, p. 135. 

^ Ibid., p. 210. 

6 Cf. Sharpe, Calendar of Wills, i-ii. 

Digitized by 


London and her Gilds si 

1. It heard pleas of land and Common Pleas, and appeals 

on a writ of error were returnable to the Justices sitting 
at the Court of St. Martin's le Grand.' 

2. Judgement of outlawry was also pronounced in this 


3. Deeds and wills were proved and enrolled there. 

Members of Parliament were also elected there.^ 

There were originally two Chamberlains : The Cham* 

I. The King's Chamberlain, who was the King's Butler, ^^^^^^ 
and also the City Coroner. 

a. The City's Chamberlain. 

After 131P the King's Butler and City Coroner dropped the 
title of Chamberlain, and there is only one Chamberlain of 
the City or Guildhall, who is chosen by the Mayor and the 
Commonalty of the City, as well as the Town Clerk and the 
Common Serjeants. The Coroner continued to be nominated by 
the King, till Edward IV granted to the Commonalty the privilege 
of electing their own Coroner in return for a sum otjf 7,000. 
The duties of the Chamberlain were chiefly financial, to look after 
municipal revenues and expenditure. He also admitted persons to 
the freedom of the City. 

The SheriflFs, two in number, are, says Stow, * the Mayor's eyes. The Sheriffs, 
seeing and supporting part of the care which the person of the 
Mayor is not alone sdmcient to bear '.^ One was nominated by the 
Mayor, the other elected by the Common Council, assisted by the 
Masters and Wardens of the Livery Companies and honest men 
of their Mysteries.^ In their Courts they had cognizance of dvil 
pleas with appeal to the Hustings Court, and were SheriflFs of 
Middlesex as well as of the City. 

They exercised police authority in the City ; held the prelimi- 
nary inquest of recognition with a jury from the Ward in which 
the oflFence had been committed, and, if the oflFender were not 
acquitted, presented him for final trial to the Justices sitting 

' Cf. Polling, Laws and Customs of London, p. 17^. 

' Pbllock and Maitland, i. f H S Batcson, Boioogh Cnstom, pp. 71, 75. 

^ Letter Book I, p. 57 note. 

* Strype's Stow, ed. 17 J J, V, c. v. * Letter Book I, pp. jj, 59. 

ItM-l I 

Digitized by 


SS Introduction 

in the Tower. They arrested offenders and committed them 
to Newgate to await the next gaol delivery/ 
The Re- The Recorder, who must be a lawyer, acted as Assistant to the 

cocder. Mayor, presided over the Mayor's Court, and delivered its sentences. 

The Mayor. The Mayor " was elected ^ annually by the Mayor of the past 
year and the Aldermen from two persons, who had already served 
as Alderman and Sheriff,^ presented by the Common Council and 
the Masters and Wardens of the Greater Livery Companies 
assisted by men of the Livery of their several comjpanies.' By 
custom the Mayor was always a member of one or the twelve 
Greater Livery Companies, and if he were not, he was translated 
to one. Thus in i6x6 C. Hackett, a Dyer, in i5(Jp Sir S. Star- 
ling, a Brewer, in i6^s Sir J. Sheldon, a Tallow Chandler, in 
i57p Sir R Clayton, a Scrivener, were translated to the Drapers. 
In itf^p Andrews, a Leatherseller, was Mayor, but these were 
revolutionary times. When in 1742 R Wilmott, a Cooper, was 
elected, counsel gave opinion that the custom of translation had no 
legal authorinr, and since then it has been no longer necessarily 
observed. The title * Lord Mayor ' is said to date from the Charter 
of Edward IIL But it rests on no official creation, and may 
be a mistranslation of ^ dominus ', which often meant no more 
than * Sir '. In 1440 we find a mention of * Domine Mayor ' 
without any name. The earliest instance of the use of the title 
Lord Mayor is by John Shaw in i^^ox.* 

The Mayor claimed the right to assist the Chief Butler at 
Coronations.' The first instance of his acting in this capacity was 

' Letter Book B, vii j D, iv j Riley, Lib. Albas, p. 41. 

' For a list of the Mayors to 1548, c£ Letter Book F, p. %76. It should be 
compared with the list in Lib. de Antiq. Leg., ii, pt. I, p. 259,aiid that in Gregory *s 
Chronicle, Camden Society. 

^ The date of election was altered a good many times, bat was finally fixed 
in 1^4^ for Michaelmas Day, Sept. 19. 

^ The role that the Mayor mast be an Alderman dates from 143 T 9 ^^'^ that 
he must hare previously senred as Sheriff from 1385. In 1^75 the Common 
Cooncil decided that not more than one member of any Craft shoold be 

^ Riley, Lib. Albas, j>. 19 ; Letter Book I, 54 \ K, 143, 3^1. 

^ Letter Book G, xxiv. The first ase of the title in the Drapers' Books is in 
If II. Cf. Rep. 7. 170. It did not become common till somewhat later. 
Beaven, Aldermen, ii, p. xxviii. ^ Letter Book K, xii, note, and p. 104. 

Digitized by 


London and her Gilds S9 

at the coronation of King John/ and since the year 1444 he was 
a Justice of the Peace for the City. The office of Mayor, like 
all the unpaid ones, had to be accepted, and refusal to do so 
entailed a fine. But by an ordinance of 14 j^ no one was to 
be called to the office more than twice. By an ordinance of the 
rd^n of Edward I no Mayor, Sheriff, or Alderman or other City 
oflocer was allowed to brew or keep oven or wine tavern, or 
to carry on any trade to which a low estimate was attached,' or to 
be a victualler or sell such victuals by retail during his time 
of office.^ The Mayor's Court was presided over by the Recorder. 
But the Lord Mayor and Aldermen and Sheriffs might sit as 
Judges with him. The Court tried all manner of actions. 

In spite of fluctuations the authority of the Mayor grew from Powers of 
the fourteenth century onwards until the rdgn of James I, when the Mayor 
the Mayor claimed to be the Master of all the Companies. ^^ ^^*. 

I. He and the Common Council had extensive authority "P*^**- 

over the regulation of trade and over matters of civic 

X. In cases of disputes between the rival companies the final 

appeal lay with him. 

3. He claimed the right to revise their ordinances until the 

Act ip Hen. VIII, c. 7 (15^03), which transformed this 
right to the Chancellor, the Treasurer, and the Chief 
Justices of either Branch. Even then his licence had 
to be obtained before a Royal Charter could be sued for. 

4. Recalcitrant members were in the last resort handed over to 

him for imprisonment in the Counter and other City 

X, His regulations and orders were enforced by precepts, which 

were of two kinds : 
(i) Precepts issued on his own authority for civic purposes. 
(2) Precepts issued by order of the Crown. Tnese became 

more common in Tudor times, when the Mayor became 

the agent of the royal autocracy and dealt especially with 

the demands for loans and for military levies, and provided 

work for the poor. 

' Sharpe, London, i. 6^. ' Letter Book K, p. 137. 

f Ordinance of 1399, Liber Gust., fb. cciv 5 Liber Albas, L 17^* 

Digitized by 


Digitized by 




S for your original/ says Elkanah Early im- 
Settle in the Preface to his portanceof 
Pageant for Sir Thomas Stamp, f^~* 
a Draper, who was Lord Mayor 
in i(Jpi, * drapery is unquestion- 
ably so ancient as to have the 
honour of being the immediate 
successor of the ng leaves. And 
though we are not quite certain 
that our great first father began 
it within his fair Eden, yet we 
are assured that Eve's spinstrey 
and Adam's spade set to work 

Although the Leathersellers 
or Skinners might dispute this claim, since our first parents used 
skins to hide their nakedness before Eve had learnt to spin, and 
the Drapers were, as we shall see, a somewhat late development, 
at least in England, there is no doubt that the spinning and 
weaving of wool were two of the most primitive industries. In 

' The initial comes from Charter No. VI. 

' £lkanah Settle, Triumphs of London, 1^91. Many other Gilds claim 
a scriptural origin. Thus the Founders claim to descend from Tubal-cain, the 
first artificer in orass and iron ; the Weavers from Naamah his sister ; while the 
Taylors or Linen Armourers declare that their original fi)unders drove Pride and 
the Devil himself from Birchin Lane with their needles. Hazlitt, Livery Com- 
panies, pp. 1^3, 660. 

Digitized by 


6% Early History of the Cloth Trade 

England, as in Western Europe, they were of equal importance. 
With that of baking' the weaving industry was one of the 
earliest to take the form of the Gud. It also was one of the 
earliest to break through its limits and supplies ^ the most striking 
and detailed example of the influence or economic development 
on the mutual relations of handicraft organizations '.' 
The From the Great Roll of the Exchequer of 1130 we learn that 

Weavers. there existed Gilds of Weavers in Lincoln and London as early 
as the reign of Henry I. They made an annual payment in 
return for royal recognition, and there are evidences of their 
existence in the twelftn century at Winchester, at Marlborough, 
at York, and at Oxford.^ 

In the reign of Henry II the Cloth-finishers^ were among the 
adulterine Gilds, which were condemned because they had re- 
ceived no royal authorization. In the same reign, however, the 
Weavers of London* received their first Charter, in which they 
were confirmed in the liberties which they had enjoyed under 
Henry I. They were granted a Court of their own, and no one 
was allowed to engage in their handicraft in the City, Southwark, 
or other suburbs, unless they belonged to their Gild. These privi- 
leges were, however, much disliked, partly we may guess by 
those who pursued weaving as a by-industry in their homes, 

' The Bakers' Gild is mentioned in the Great Roll of the Exchequer, 1155$ 
Madox, Exchequer, 231. Their first Charter is of the date of Edwanl II. 

^ Ashley, Econ. History, Book II, c. iii, p. 191 $ Unwin, Industrial Organiza- 
tion, p. id. 

^ A. D. 1 180. Liber Custnm., Ixl 131, 131 ; Pipe Roll Society Publications, 
1 1 Hen. II, &c. 

^ Gilda Pararioram. This may mean Shearmen. Cf. Liber Oust., Rolls Series, 
pp. 33, 418 fF. Henry II ako granted a Charter to the Weavers of York, 1 114. 
This is the earliest Charter to a Craft Gild that is known. In i I7f the Cord- 
wainers of Oxford obtained one. Ballatd, British Borough Charters, p. io8. 

^ From a notice in Letter Book K, fos. 119, 119 b of the date of 1431 (or there- 
abouts), we learn that there ' had always been ' three distinct Mysteries of native 
clothworkers, viz. native weavers of woollen cloth for tapestiy, native weavers of 
woollen cloth for drapery, native weavers of woollen cloth for napeiy, and that 
of these three only the second had always had a Gild of their own. We find, 
however, notices of the Tapicers as having a Mystery by the licence of the Mayor 
in the fourteenth century. Letter Book E, fo. no; G, fo i58b. Stow speaks 
of weavers of draperie or taperie and naperie existing in the time of Edward III. 
Ed. Kingsford, L 1 1 8. 

Digitized by 


to Close of the Thirteenth Century 6g 

pardy by other Crafts interested in the cloth trade, especially as 
these Weavers were originally many of them foreigners. So un- 
popular were they that the Londoners paid sixty marks to King 
Jonn on condition that he would abolish the Gild.' John, how- 
ever, soon after reinstated it. The Charter was renewed by 
Edward I, and in the reign of Edward II the privileges were con- 
firmed, although the Weavers were condemned for exceeding the 
terms of their Charter in some respects, more especially in their 
treatment of the BureUers. The position of the Weavers from 
the twelfth to the fourteenth century is a perplexing one. On 
the one hand, the fact that they were one of the earliest to 
obtain a Charter and that their * ferm ' of j^i2 was double that of 
the Bakers would lead one to believe that they were men of some 
influence and wealth ; on the other hand, the language of the 
Charter of Henry II, which forbade any one to do them injury, 
or treat them with contumely, as they were certainly treated in 
other towns, seems to support the view that the industry was con- 
sidered a very humble one, and that they were at once disliked and 
despised. The probable explanation of^this apparent contradiction 
is tnat the original Craft was composed of foreigners.* 

The doth trade was, however, as yet in its infancy. England 
was an agricultural country ; wool, the raw material, not cloth, 
was her chief export.^ The better kinds of cloth came to her 
from abroad, more especially from the Low Countries, which 
looked to England for her wool, then considered of superior 
excellence, and where the manu&cture of doth was an established 
industry as early as the eleventh century.* If England provided 

' Madox, Exchequer. ^ G^t% Londoniae debent LX marcas pro Gilda Telaria 
delenda.' Liber Cnst., p. 33* 

* Liber Cost., Ixv. 416-24. For position of Weavers in York and Beverley, 
cf. Leach, Selden Soc., vol. xiv, pp. xliv, 1345 £ngl. Hist. Review, xvi %6% \ 
Victoria County Hist., Yorks. 

^ The value of wool exported in one year, 1273, was about ^1,000,000. Die 
WoUansfnhrEnglands} Vierteljahr-Schriftf.Soc.- luid Wirthschaftsgeschichte, vi. 
1 7^-8 1 cf. Cunningham, 1 9 1 o, i. 62 8. Some loo monasteries were sendine wool 
to Flanders in 1284. Cf. also Patent Rolls, 1273, p. 13, which tells us of foreign 
merchants from Paris, Arras, Amiens, Bee, Rouen, St. Omer, Brabant, Brussels, 
Loavain, Lubeck, Cobgne, Florence, Lucca, Placentia, and Spain, who are ex- 
porting wool. 

* CL Pirenne, ^Draps de Frise, draps de Flandre,' SiiTer, Gand, 1909. 

Digitized by 


of the cloth 
industry in 
the later 

64- Early History of the Cloth Trade 

herself with the commonest kinds, much of this was still woven 
at home by men, or women, not yet organized in any Gild, who 
worked directly for the consumer or for the owner of the wool or 
yarn. In any case the market was a restricted one, and there was 
little room tor the trader or the middleman. Thus the Assize 
of 1275 forbade any cloth to be woven for sale except within the 
franchise of the City.' 

When, however, we reach the later decades of the thirteenth 
century the industry has gained a wider sphere. Specialization 
has increased ; a greater variety of cloth is made,* ana we hear of 
various Crafts concerned in its production, such as the Dyers, the 
Fullers, the Shearmen, the Burellers, and the Drapers. 

The importance of the rising industry had been realized as early 
as 125-8. The Barons, who under the lead of Simon de Montfort 
were then endeavouring to restrain the bad government of 
Henry III, had in the * Mad Parliament * prohibited the export 
of wool, and were apparently supported in their policy by Fitz 
Thomas and the party who were interested in organizing the 
Crafts.3 Englishmen were also enjoined not to seek over-predous 
raiment, but to clothe themselves in homely cloth of English 
make/ Edward I, too, intermittently adopted a policy of protec- 

Ashley, Economic Hist. Florence also was fiimons for its cloth industry. C£ 
Doren, Studien ans der Florentiner Wirtschaftsgeschichte, Bd. i. 

■ Letter Book A, 215. 

* e. g. Cloth of Candlewick Street, Borel, Bissets, Black cloth. Rayed dochs, 
Hawes, Says, Kerseys, Poreies, Memist, Wadmell^ &c. Cf. Liber Cast. 549 and 
Glossary) Letter Book £, 53 ; Herbert, Livery Companies, i. 39^. Blaettos, 
Blankettos which came from Marlboroagh. Close Rolls, iii8,p. 82. Blanchette 
of Stamford and Northampton, Bines, Pers Cloth and Bumette of Beverley, 
Pannivirides, Scarlette of Beverley and York, and Tela Missete of Lincoln, Tela- 
Missete of Leicester, Cbth of Canterbury. Close Rolls, i^35, p-73s 123 ^> 
pp. 301, 375, 5173 1237, p* 4^2$ Poalson, 'Bevelac', p. 58 j Close Rolls, 
A. D. 1236, p. 301 3 1 3 19, p. 1^4$ Victoria County Hist., ii. 2. Some other 
cloths are given in Close Rolls, 1237, p. 527, and in the Wardrobe Accounts of 
the reisn of Edward I ; but whether they were home-made is uncertain. 

^ CiT Introduction, vol. i, p. 9. Even before that, Henry III had in 1244 
prohibited the export of wool. But this was ^ in odium Francomm et Ordinis 
Cysterdensis (Cistercians) ', Annales de Dunstable, Annates Mon., Rolls Series, 
iii. 1^3. 

^ Close Rolb, Ed. I, 1274, pp. 70, 74- Patent Rolls, Ed. 1, 1273, p. 13 ^ 1274, 
pp. 50, 71. 

Digitized by 


to Close of the Thirteenth Century 6s 

tion, although he was influenced rather by political and financial 
than economical reasons. When his relations with the Countess 
of Flanders were strained, he forbade any one, under peril of life 
and limb and loss of all his goods, to take any wool out of the 
realm, until it be otherwise ordained But the customs on the 
export of wool were too valuable to be lost and licences to export 
were continually granted.' Again, in igKJ, when Edward II was 
under the guidance of Hugh le Despenser, a policy of protection 
was resorted to. The staple was withdrawn from Bruges to 
towns in England, Ireland, and Wales, and the export of teazles, 
fuller's earth, madder, woad, butter, and other things necessary for 
making cloth was forbidden ; ' while at the very close ot the 
rdgn all ^ commons ' who resided outside cities were to use home- 
made doth, always excepting the Royal family, nobles, prelates, 
or those who had lands to the annual value of 40J. 

The policy of prohibition, however, had not been consistently Policy ot 
maintained ; exceptions were frequently made, and it had but little £<iward. 
effect. Edward III added to tliese measures of prohibition the 
more fruitful method of encouraging foreign, and especially 
Flemish, Weavers to transfer their industry to England. In 
1530 the King issued a letter of protection to John Kemp, 
a Flemish Weaver, * coming to England to exercise his art and 
to teach it to such of our people as shall be inclined to learn \ 
and to all others of his occupation, as also to Dyers and Fullers.' 
In iiix the Parliament at York allowed strangers as well as 
denizens to traffic freely in all cities, though Edward III specially 
exempted London by Letters Patent or 13J7.* This policy 
reached its climax in the Act of i J37,* which forbade, on pain of 

' Ashley, Econ. Hist., II. iiL 194, qnodne Walter de Hemingbargh. 

' Riley, Memorials, 150 j Close Rolu, 151^) p- S^S y Patent Rolb, 
1517, p. 98. 

^ Rymer, Foedera, XL It. 49^. C£ also Patent Rolls, 1343, p. 115 $ 133^) 
p. 34I) I337>pp*43i) $00, where protection is given to certain Weavers of 
Bn^MUit, to a burgher cMf Ghent ^ making woollen cloth ', to ' workers of wools and 
ck>tlis fiiom Seland, and to certain Dyers and Pollers who have lately come into 
the realm '. 

* The Statute was confirmed in 1350, and again by the Statute oi Cloths, 
135 1, notwithstanding any Charter to the contrary. Cf. Statutes at Large, 
letter Book F, lb. 5b} note, pp. 14, 219. 

^ Stat. 1 1 Ed. Ill, cc. 1-3, 5. 

Digitized by 


66 Early History of the Cloth Trade 

heavy punishment, the export of wool and the importation of 
foreign cloth or the wearing of it, except by the members of the 
Royal fiunily, and at the same time promised security to foreign 
clothworkers and ^ franchises as many as may suffice them to the 
intent that they shall the greater will to come*. Finally, in 
I IS I Edward removed the staple from abroad to certain towns in 
England, Wales, and Ireland." 

Edward III also promised protection to all foreign clothworkers 
and released them from the old restrictions hitherto enforced by 
the Aulnager as to the length of cloth to be made.' The disturbed 

' The Staple Towns. The system of naming staple towns where English 
exports, chiefly wool, woolfells, leather and tin, could alone be sold was primarily 
«stablished to facilitsite the levying of the customs, no articles being allowed to 
be sold ontii sach customs had been paid and they had been sealed with the 
^cocket*. Sometimes the staple towns were confined to England, at others 
foreign cities were granted the privilege, and the constant shifting of the staple 
was chiefly dae to diplomatic reasons. The system dates defimtely from the 
reign of Edward I, when Antwerp was for a time fixed as the staple town. In 
the reign of Edward II Bmges was at first made the foreign staple town, but in 
1517 the King, then under the influence of Hugh le Despenser, confined it to 
certain towns in England, Wales, and Ireland. Edwatd III frequently shifted 
the foreign staple according to the exigencies of the political situation, and in 
1318 temporarily granted to all merchants freedom to purchase with or without 
the staple in return for a loan for the Scottish war. But in the year 1553 (17 
Ed. Ill) the staple was again removed from abroad. In 1^60 Calais, then 
just ceded to Edward III, was made the foreim staple town, but in 1 3^9 the Stat. 43 
Ed. Ill, c. I, confined the staple to the folfowing towns : — In England: Boston, 
Bristol, Chichester, Exeter, Hull, Newcastle, Queenborough, Westminster, 
Winchester, Yarmouth. In Wales : Carmarthen. In Ireland : Cork, Drogheda, 
Dublin, Waterford. All transactions at these markets were placed under the 
jurisdiction of a Mayor and Constable of the Staple, who judsed according to the 
Law Merchant with natives and aliens as assessors, and every inducement 
was offered to aliens to frequent them. The wisdom of establishing these staple 
pwns in England was doubtful. It was apparently hoped that thereby the 
market would be improved, but the free flow of trade was hampered, while the 
English merchant was jeabus of the foreigner who visited the staple towns. 
Partly owing to this jealousy Calais was agam made the foreign staple town by 
Richard 11, and remained so without exciting much opposition till it was lost by 
England in 1558. Cf. Cunningham, English Industry, Early and Middle Ages, 
5th edition, pp. 311, 31^$ Riley, CalencUr of Letters, vi$ Cbse Rolls, 1310, 
p. Z34J 1318, p. iji} 133*5 P-5»l} 1333, p. 135 Patent Rolls, 1313, p. 155 
l}zd,pp. z^9^4; Stat. Staple 27 Ed. 111$ ^6 Ed. Ill, c. 7. 

' The Aulna£er visited the fidrs, enforced the measures of cloth which had 
been fixed by the Assize of Cloth, and levied the auhiage or duty. See Magna 

Digitized by 


to Close of the Thirteenth Century 6j 

condition of the Netherlands, and more especially of Flanders, 
where the burghers were fighting against their Count Louis, who 
was supported by Philip, King of France, led many to respond to 
the tempting offers,' and Edward III, who was then negotiating an 
alliance with James van Arte veldt, the &mous burgher of Ghent, 
justified his policy on the ground that the refugees had been driven 
from their homes by their Count owing * to their adhesion to our 
cause \ His aggrieved subjects, the English clothworkers, how- 
ever, thought otherwise. They declared that they were for the 
most part malefectors exiled for their misdeeds.' The treatment 
of the foreigners was so bad that a royal proclamation had to be 
issued threatening dire penalties against tnose who dared assault 
them.3 Meanwhile, the Weavers' Gild, which had by this time 
foreotten its foreign origin, protested. It demanded that it should 
at least have jurisdiction over the foreign Weavers, or be freed 
from the * form ' it owed the King.* The quarrel was for the 
present ended by the formation of an association of * Weavers 
alien '. In 1380 we find this association agreeing to pay its pro- 
portion of the * form ' and joining with the * Free (or English) 
Weavers ' in an annual scrutiny of looms belonging to either 

Carta, c. if $ z Ed. Ill, c. 14 (1318). Perot le Taillear in the reign of 
Edward I is the first Aalnaeer mentioned. Ashley, Econ. Hist., I. iii. 1 80. C£ 
Record Office, 48. 9 Ed. Ill, Bandle 340, no. iiff. For the fbtare history of 
the anlnace see p. 1 15, note, of this Tolame. 

' Cf. W. Cunningham, Alien Immigrants to Eneland,p. 100. 

' Letter Book H, fb. 89 $ Ashley, Econ. Hist., 11. iiL 197. 

^ Letter Book F, fb. 92. 

^ Madox, Firma Bargi, 184, n. col. i, Qooted, Ashley, II. iii. 145 j Rymer^ 
Foedera, iiL 23. 

' Letter Book H, fi>. 1 14. Of these * Weavers alien * the most important were 
the Flemings and those of Brabant. Both of these were allowed to elect 
'baililTs ' to sapenrise their Mystery (cf. Letter Book G, fos. 137) 173 b, 187$ 
Riley, Memorials, pp. 30^, 33 1). The relations of the Brabanters and the 
Flemings were not always very friendly. In 13 70 the Flemish Weavers petitioned 
the Mayor that they, and the Weavers of Brabant, might hold their meeting for 
hiring servants apart, the one in the Churchyatd o? St. Laurence Poantney^ 
and the other in that of St. Mary Somerset as heretofore -y although they wish 
that their serving men shall serve under the Weavers of either nation (Letter 
Book G, fb. 254 ) Riley, Memorials, 345, 346). As late as 1428 we find mention 
of a Mystery of foreign woollen Weavers which had its Masters, and in 1433 

Digitized by 


MotiTcs of 
this Policy 
rather than 

68 Early History of the Cloth Trade 

It is no doubt a mistake to attribute this policy of Edward 
solely to a iar-sedng desire to promote the cloth industry in 
England and thus to make her a manufacturing country. That 
the King and his counsellors had, like others before them, some 
vague ideas of the kind may be true, but a careful attention to 
chronology will show that the actual measures taken at the 
moment were really caused by the exigencies of diplomacy, and by 
dif&cidties with his Parliament arising out ot the war with 

In the year i j j(J, just before the outbreak of war, Edward was 
eager to obtain the alliance of Louis of Nevers, Count of Flanders, 
and of John, Duke of Brabant. Louis of Flanders, however, 
had of late been supported by the King of France against his sub- 
jects, and therefore not only rejectai Edward's advances, but 
prohibited commercial intercourse with England and seized the 
English merchants in his country. Edward at once procured the 
famous Act of February i J37, which forbade the export of wool, 
ordered all, except the King, the Queen, and the Royal children, 
to wear home-made cloth, and encouraged foreign clothworkers. 

That the chief motive for this measure was retaliation is proved 
by the saving clause that it should stand ^ till by the King and his 
Council it be otherwise provided V and by the fact that at that 
very moment Edward was offering privileges to the Duke of 
Brabant, the enemy and commercial rival of the Count of Flanders, 
and granting favours to his subjects/ When, in July igjS, 

a royal writ is addressed to the Mayor ordering him to allow foreign ^cloth- 
workers ' to exercise their trade without bekmgine to the (Enelish) Wearers* 
Gild (Letter Book K, ks. 66y 119, 119 b, 1x7). Meanwhile the foreign 
Wearers evaded the payment of their share of the ^ ferm *, as we see from 
petitions of the Enelish Weavers of 140^ and 14 14. In the reign of Bdward IV 
' foreigners ', whether members of the Gild or not, were compelled to contribnte, 
and at some hter date, before the reign of Anne, the native Weavers regained 
control over the foreigners. Ashley, £con. Hist., II. iii xoz. 

' Licences were granted to persons to export to other places besides Flanders, 
e. g. to John Molas of Aragon to export wool to other places than Flanders. 
Close Rolls, 1338, p. 318. 

' In February 1 )37,Edward III,in answer to the Duke's request, had established 
the staple at Brussek, Loavain and Mechlin, which were in Brabant. Rymer, 
Foedera, iL 959. In March and August 1^38, the ck>th of certain merchants of 
Brabant, which had been seized under the Statute of 1 3 57, is restored to them. 

Digitized by 


to Close of the Thirteenth Century 69 

Edward was granted the right of pre-emption of 20,000 sacks of 
wool in Engund, he forthwith had them exported to Antwerp 
in Brabant, which was made the suple town. The Duke was 
thus prevailed upon to ally himself with England. 

Meanwhile, Edward turned to the Flemish rebels, offering 
to renew their privileges of sending their cloth to England, 
and to make Bruges once more a suple town. In January 1340 
a treaty on these terms was made with Arteveldt, and Count 
Louis fled to the protection of the French King. 

In the same year Edward, having received a grant of customs 
on the export of English wool, hides and woolfells, and wishing 
to conciliate the powerful wool industrv at home, allowed the 
export of wool on the condition that silver, of which moreover 
he was in some need, should be imported in return, the same ^ to 
be taken to the King's exchange and there to receive his money ', 
which was then much debased.' Finally, in 134.1, a further 
subsidy in the form of wool having been granted to the 
King, it was ordered that no merchant should export wool till 
the Michaelmas next ensuing, to the intent that * the King may 
be served of that to him granted'.* 

It would thus appear that the royal policy cannot be adequately 
explained on any definite economic principle. The protection 
of the cloth industry was partial, and it was not consistently main- 
tained. At one time the export of the raw material was for- 
bidden; at another it was encouraged, or made use of for the 
financial needs of the Crown, and, above all, the royal policy was 
altered in the interests of diplomacy. 

Nevertheless we may well believe that even this partial pro- 
tection, and more especially the introduction through foreign 
craftsmen of more skilled workmanship, had its effect. Of this 
at least we may be certain : it is from the reign of Edward III 
that we can trace a remarkable development in the manu&cture 

In March certain merchants of Brabant are allowed to export wool. In 1340 
merchants of Brabant are allowed to sell foreign cloth in England ^ in considera- 
tion of their good deeds to the King '. Close Rolls, 1558, pp. 318, 539, 353 $ 
1340, p. 393. In 1338 Edwatd granted trading pririleges in England to the 
bargesses of Dort, Brassek, Mechun, and Lonvain. Rymer, Foedera, E 1058. 
Cf. also the Treaty of 1339, Voisin, p. xg. 
' 14 Ed. Ill, Stat. I, c. II. « If Ed. Ill, c. 5. 

Digitized by 


70 Early History of the Cloth Trade 

and in the export trade of cloth/ Hence a growing connexion 

with the Continent and a widening of the market which at once 

gave new importance to the function of the trader. 

Competition There were several classes of men concerned in the wool trade, 

*™ong the any one of which might have availed themselves of this oppor- 

^7^^ tunity of earning the profits which have always £Jlen to the 

monopoly, ^^^r : those who dealt in wool, those who spun the yarn, and 

those who made or finished the cloth. In the earlier days, when 

the chief trade was in the export of wool, the dealers in wool had 

no doubt the chief monopoly, but, although in the later fifteenth 

and early sixteenth centuries men, like the ramous Jack of Newbury 

or John Winchcombe the clothier, united in their own persons the 

functions of the grower and buyer of wool with those of the great 

modern entrepreneur who employs the artisans to make up the 

raw material and exposes it for sale, at the period with which we 

are now dealing, when the industry was for the most part confined 

to the towns, it was among those who made up the wool that the 

competition arose.' 

There are some indications that the Dyers, the Fullers, and the 
Weavers did attempt to become the employers of others and to sell 
the finished article. In 1 3 j;-, as we shall see directly, the Weavers 
were allowed to sell cloths which they had made themselves to 
London merchants,^ but a regulation of 1362 forbade Weavers 
and Dyers ^ to be so daring as to prepare any manner of cloth on 
pain of forfeiture of the cloths so made *.♦ In the Charter granted 

^ The increase in the export of cloth is shown by the fact that it was thoaght 
worth while to impose new customs on such export. According to one authority 
the exports of cloth in 1354 amoanted to 4,774^ pieces of cloth, and 8,o5i^ 
pieces of worsted staff. The finest kinds of cloth were, however, still imported, 
Ashley, Econ. Hist. i. 204. 

The question how far this improvement in cloth-making, so £ir as Yorkshire is 
concerned, was due to Edward's measures is discussed in the Victoria County 
History, Yorks., iii 43 8 ff. Cf. also Heaton, The Cloth Trade in Yorkshire, to be 
published shortly. 

' Unwin, Industrial Organization, p. 30 ff., shows that the same straggle was 
going on abroad, especially in Paris and Strassburg. Cf. also Vierteljahrschrift 
Sir £>cial- und Wirthschaftsgeschichte, ii. 64, 65, for the same straggle in the 
Low Countries $ and Doren, Florentiner Wollentuch-Industrie, for Fforence. 

^ Liber Cust., Rolls Series, IL i. 130, 4x3. 

^ Riley, Memorials, p. 309. ^ 

Digitized by 


to Close of the Thirteenth Century 71 

to the Drapers in 1 364, Weavers, Dyers, and Fullers were allowed 
CO sell to Drapers and to Lords and Commoners for their own use 
in gross, and we shall see that at a later date these craftsmen made 
some further attempts to retain the right to trade. But their proper 
function was to weave, full, and dye the wool entrusted to them by 
others,* and they never seriously competed for the trading business. 
Of the Dyers or the F'ullers attempting to do so we have no other 
•instance, and if the Weavers did do a little selling in 13 jy, it 
was apparently confined to such cloths as they wove themselves, 
and did not include any which they had put out to be woven by 
others. Nor were they allowed to finish the cloth by fulling, or 
dyeing, or shearing. The offences of which they are charged in 
13 3 y* 2Uid to which we shall return, are the offences of those who 
work for others rather than those of employers, and, as the process 
of specialization advanced, they droppea back into the position ot 
Weavers only, and were engaged in constant quarrels with the 
newly imported foreign Weavers.* Although in 1378 they 
formed a religious Fraternity, their Gild had then sunk to the 
ninth place among the Mysteries. It was perpetually in arrears 
with its payments to the King, and at the close of the fifteenth 
century it is evidently composed of poor artificers.^ 

It has been generally assumed that the first London Craft to The 
establish an important cloth industry in London was that of Burcllers. 
the Burellers, and that they were the predecessors of the Drapers. 
Herbert derived the word BureUer from the old rule that the 
•width of cloth should be two ells, such pieces being termed 
Burells.* Mr. Unwin suggested that BureUer is another name for 
*Burler ', one who * burls' or picks the burrs or burls from the 
surfece of the cloth.^ It seems to me far more probable, as 
Mr. Sharpe thinks, that the Burellers were so called from Borel, 
a coarse kind of cloth, which was originally made in Normandy, 
and which with some certainty can be identified with cloth of 

' Liber Cost., pp. 130, 4-23. 

' Unwin, Gilds and Companies of London, p. 139. 

^ Ashley, Econ. Hist., IL iii loi. ^ Herbert, Lifery Companies, i. ^45. 

^ Unwin, Industrial Organization, p. 28. On personal reference to him, 
Mr. Unwin has withdrawn this explanation and says that he now agrees with me. 
In the later thirteenth century the Fullers did this burling. Letter Book L, p. 26 1, 
note to £>. %6% b. 

Digitized by 


7x Early History of the Cloth Trade 

Candelwick Street.* We hear of London Borel as early as 121 8, 
when it was specially exempted from the Assize of Cloth which 
had fixed the lengths of certain kinds of cloth,* but the first 
notice of a Bureller that I have come across is of the year ix77> 
when we hear of Alfred Le Bureller.^ Two years later we meet 
with a Bureller of Candelwick Street/ and another in tiSo,^ 
while in 1289 another Bureller, Fulk de St. Edmund, was a SheriflF 
of London.^ In the early fourteenth century the notices of the 
Burellers are frequent,' and three documents of the dates of 1 300, 
1 320, and Ills seem to be conclusive as to their fiinctions at that 
date. In 1300 • seven Burellers, seven Weavers, and four Alder- 
men were appointed to draw up ordinances defining the relations 
of the two Crafts of Burellers and Weavers. 

In 1320 the Weavers presented the following claims before 
a Jury : that if any one made ^ pannos de Candelwyke Street ' 
he ought to be supervised by the Weavers' Gild and that 
no one should make such a ^ pannum ' in less than one day ; that 
all yarn used should be inspected ; that if members of their own 
Gild brought bad yarn they should be punished by the Craft, but 
if it were brought by a Bureller he should be fined by the Mayor 
on their information. The Jury, while supporting the claim of the 
Weavers to view the yarn brought to them by Biurellers, as well 
as their general demand that no one should interfere with their 
Mystery in London or in the suburbs, condemned their policy of 
calling ^ canny ' and of limiting the number of their members and 
their looms, measures which were maliciously adopted for the 
purpose of enhancing the price.' 

' L«tter Book A, p. 37> note to fe. 19. < Pannos de Candelwickestretc' 
Liber Cost., Rolls Series, IL ii. 417. It was also made at Marlboroa^h. Close 
Rolls, 1107, p. 8i { Patent Rolls, 1118, p. 1^4. In 1180 a BareUer is also 
called a chaloner, or maker of coverlets and blankets. He also boys yam. Letter 
Book A, fos. 19,31. 

' Patent Rolls, 11 18, pp. 153, 155 j ibid., izz^, p. 523. 

^ Lener Book A, fo. 135 b. ^ Calendar of WiDs, L 39. 

^ Letter Book A, fi>. 19. ^ Ibid., fb. 101. 

^ Letter Book D, ios. 41 b, 43, 84 b ; E, fos. 9, 24 b, p. 172, note to fo. 139 b, 
fos. 138, 1^0, 19^. Calendar of Wills, L 414, 4f 8« 

^ Liber Cast., Rolls Series, IL i. 11 1. 

' In 1335 the Weavers, on the indictment of the Wards of Candelwick Street 

Digitized by 


to Close of the Thirteenth Century 75 

The matter, however, did not end there. In \iis the 
Weavers accused the Burellers of interfering with their Craft by 
weaving without becoming members of their Gild. The question 
having been brought before the Mayor and the Sheriffs, the 
Burellers answered that though they were not Weavers they were 
at liberty, as freemen of the City, to engage in any trade or 
Mystery, and further that they had servants who were apprentices 
and members of the Weavers' Gild. At the second hearing of the 
case the Weavers did not appear, and were declared to be Mn 
mercy * for a false claim, wnile the demand of the Burellers, 
and indeed of all freemen, to have looms was confirmed.' 

From these documents it appears that the Burellers made 
some at least of the yarn for the cloth of Candelwick Street; that 
they sometimes wove it or had it woven at home, sometimes 
sent it to the Weavers to be woven, and then they, rather than 
the Weavers, were the employers.' In ins we also hear of 
a Bureller buying woad, which looks as if they sometimes dyed it 
themselves,^ while it is noticeable that there is no mention at all 
of their * burling ' the cloth. On the other hand, the Burellers 
claimed the right of having looms themselves because of their 
privileges as freemen.* That the Burellers did sell * cloth of 
Candelwyke Strete ' we learn from a reference to certain members 
of the Craft who had sold sixty deces to the King.' All this, 
however, does not prove that the burellers had a monopoly either 
of the making or selling cloth in London, since at the same time 
the Weavers are also mentioned as being allowed to seU.^ The 
truth of the matter seems to be that there were several 
Crafts, then as at a later date, which did some selling, and 

and of Wallbrook, were condemned for conspiring together in the Charch of 
St. Margaret de Patyns to raise the price of their uboar. Liber Cust., IL 
L 41^. 

' Letter Book £, fes. 145, 147, 147 b, 248. By the so-called custom of 
London, any citizen who was free of a Gild could cany on the trade of any 
other Gild. 

* C£ 42 z, ^Barellarins qui fecit filam'j 423, ^Sialiquis Biuellarins detalerit 
filom alsqtiod texendum'. 

' Lttict Book A, fo. 155 b. * Letter Book E, fos. 247, 247 b, 248. 

^ Letter Book £, fo. 139 b. ^ Liber Cust., i. 423. 

1M8-1 L 

Digitized by 


74- Early History of the Cloth Trade 

that the differentiation between the trading and manufacturing 
Gilds had not yet been clearly emphasized. 

The difficulty of deciding the question whether the Drapers 
succeeded to the position of the Burellers lies in the absence 
of any direct evidence. It is true that the Burellers disappear 
just as the Drapers are becoming powerful. There is no notice 
of the Burellers in the Letter Books after 133^, nor in the Close 
or Patent Rolls. The last mention of them that I have found is 
of the date iis^^ when two Burellers make a bequest to the 
Fraternity of the Blessed Virgin Mary of St. Mary Abchurch 
in Candlewick Street.' In 1361, indeed, Richard de Essex, 
a Draper, mentions the Fraternity in Candlewick Street,' and this 
may be the Fraternity of the Burellers, which also appears in the 
Will of John de Aylesham, a Mercer in 1345^.^ Again, the 
absence of all mention of the Burellers in the Drapers' Charter of 
1363 shows that they were not, then at least, their rivals. 
Moreover, Candelwick Street, where the Burellers did mostly 
<^^i*^g^^C9 became subsequently the chief home of the Drapers.^ 

In any case, the fact that the Burellers and the Drapers existed 
at the same time in London, and that the numbers of the members 
of both Crafts were numerous in the early fourteenth century, 
proves that at least the transition was gradual. It may be true 
that as the century wore on the Drapers absorbed or were 
recruited from the Burellers, who had apparently developed 
the function of employers, but the Burellers who are found in 
other towns, such as Marlborough, seem to have confined them- 
selves to the making of their special kind of rough cloth and 
of selling it, and it appears far more probable to me that the dis- 
appearance of the name Bureller is to be explained by the £ict 
tnat the cloth itself ceased to be made. At all events the original 

■ Sharpe, Calendar of Wilk, i. ^93. • Ibid., ii. 301. 

^ Ibid., i. 484. 

^ Lydgate in his London Lickpenny, published some time in the fifteenth 
century, says : 

^Then went I forth by London stone 
Thionghoat all Canwyke Street 
Drapers much cloth me offered anone/ 
For the meaning of * London stone ', which is now built into the wall of 
St. Swithin's Church, c£ Lethaby, London before the Con<)uest, p. 179. 

Digitized by 


to Close of the Thirteenth Century 7y 

function of the Drapers was, as we shall see, a wider and 
a different one. 

The tradition that Fitzalwyn, the first Mayor of London, The earlieit 
1 1 8p- 1 21 2, was a Draper, rests on no solid evidence, and though, I^fapeK- 
according to some autnorities, the Drapers may claim William 
Hardel, the Mayor of 12^2, as of their Craft, this also is doubtful/ 

With the questionable exception of Fitzalwyn I have not been 
able to discover any notice of a Draper earlier than that of 
Pentecost Le Draper of the date of 1222 given by Mr. Ashley." 
But as the century advanced they grew rapidlv both in numbers 
and in importance. I have come across no less than ferty-one 
Drapers of London between this date and the year i joo, and 
a district in Westcheap became known as the Drapery.^ 

' Cf. Herbert, i. 399. Stow says Fitzalwyn was a Goldsmith. In a deed of 
119^ he is called a grandson of LeoBtan, and one of the nobles of the City. 
Very possibly he was one of the hereditary Aldermen of London. The Company 
has, indeed, a certificate of William, Clarendenx Kins of Arms, of the date \6\ 3, 
certifying the arms borne by Fitzalwyn, and that he was free of the Drapers' 
Company \ cf. Book of Evidences, A, v. 190 ; but even heralds and Kings of 
Arms sometimes blander. There is, however, a notice of his barial-place in the 
Ordinances Book (given in Appendix, vol. i. No. VIII) which says that he lies buried 
in the porch of St. Mary Bothaw * sub laria marmorea*. This is the proper abbrevia- 
tion for Umtraj which is an unknown word. If we could read timwd fcr lanutd^ the 
words might be translated ^ under a marble woolpack ', for llnmA is found in con- 
temporary documents in the sense of woollen tippets, and this would support the 
tradition that he was a Draper, but unfortunately the 4 in * laiia ' is very clearly 
written. Most probably we should read * sub lamina marroorea ' (a marble slab). 
The only other scrap of evidence in £ivour of Fitzalwyn being a Draper lies in 
the £ia that he did possess a ^ tenter ground ' or place for stretching ck>ths after 
the fulling process, but this does not prove that he used the ^ tenter ground ' 
himself. Fitzalwyn's house and his property passed to Sir R. Aguyk>n, whose 
mother was Fitzahryn's granddaughter. Araylon left his house and garden, 
with the exception of a ^ tenter ground *, to the Prior of Tortington. In i T39 i^ 
was granted to John de Vere, Earl of Oxford, and in 1641 it was purchased of 
its then owner, Capt. G. Smith, by the Salten' Company to become the Salters' 
Hall. The ' tenter ground ', however, passed eventually to Eburton, a Draper, 
who left the tenements called Drapers* Hall in St. Swithin's Lane to his Com- 
pany (1490). It is therefore clear that the first Drapers' Hall was not Fitzalwyn's 
House, althongh probably it was built on the ' tenter ground which had belonged 
to him '. CfTStow, Survey, ed. Kingsford, ii. 3 1 f ; Sharpe, Calendar of WBls, 
n, %%6 note, ^01. 
^ Ashley, Econ. Hist., 11. iii. 149, note 74* 
Sharpe, Calendar of Wills, i. 49. 

Digitized by 





in the 



76 Early History of the Cloth Trade 

That these Drapers were men of weight in the City itself 
is sufficiently attested by the fact that, be&re the century closed, 
four, excluding Hardel and Fitzalwyn, were Mayors, all of whom 
had previously been Sheriffs, and three of whom had served 
as Aldermen. Further eight were Aldermen and Sheriffs, while 
one, Joseph L'Acatur, added to his aldermanry the position 
of member for the City in the Parliament of 1283." 

Two Drapers also, Reginald de Frowyk and Richard de 
Gloucester, were on a Committee elected to approach Edward I, 
after his quarrel with Mayor Rokesly, with a petition that the 
privil^es of the City should be restored.' 

Nor was their influence confined to London, since two of 
them, Ivo de Linge and Robert Bernard, took part in the great 
political movement led by Simon de Montfort in 12^8.^ 

The word Draper is derived from the French word Draperie or 
cloth work, and * to drape ' is generally interpreted to mean the 
' making ' of cloth,^ though Ducange gives various uses of the 
word. M. Pirenne, the great authority on the mediaeval history 
of the Low Countries, has personally informed me that in the 
twelfth and thirteenth centuries the Flemish Drapers, while they 
did not make cloth in the sense of weaving it, did superintend the 
whole process of its fabrication through its various stages of being 
woven, fiiUed, sheared and dyed, and that they then pressed it, 
folded it, and prepared it for the market. In France, as in 
Flanders, they are found in the fourteenth century employing the 
Weavers and the Dyers,* and at the close of the previous century 
we hear of a certain Jean fioine Broke, Draper and SheriflF of 
Douai, who was a great merchant entrepreneur. He bought the 
raw material and placed it out to be made up by the various 

' Of. Appendix, toI. i, No. II. I cannot find any evidence to prove that William 
Fitz Richard, who was twice Mayor (11^9-^0, 12^0-1), had previoasly been 
Alderman. Bnt probably he had, since that was, at a later date at least, the 
invariable custom. 

' Letter Book B, fi>. 34. 

^ Chronicles of Mayors and Sheriffs, Camden Soc., p. 1 10. 

^ Cf. the various uses of the word in Ducange. 

^ Lavisse, Hist, de France, viiL 145 ; Lespinasse, Les Miners de Paris,iii 14^ \ 
Pirenne, La Belgique, L 170. Mr. Ashley thinks the Fullers were origmally the 
empbyers in France. Econ. Hist., II. iii. iix. 

Digitized by 


to Close of the Thirteenth Century 77 

craftsmen, or rather he sold the wool to them and bought it back 
from them as cloth. Some dyeing and washing he apparently 
did in his own house. For the rest he prepared for the market 
and sold. His house was not a manufoctory, but a d6p6t of 
raw material and of cloth and a place of business, where he sold 
not only the cloth thus made but other cloth.' Mons. Broke, 
in feet, like the Jack of Newbury of the time of Henry VIII, 
resembled a great modern entrepreneur, except that the actual 
industry was carried on in the homes of the workers instead of in 
a fectory. He had reduced his employees to a condition of help- 
less dependence. They were most of them in debt to him, 
many lodged in houses rented of him, and he had established 
a kind of truck system. 

In England of the thirteenth century, however, the cloth 
industry was only in its early stages, and I can find no Drapers 
who at all occupy the same position as that of Mons. Broke. 
I can discover no evidence of thdr superintending the manu- 
fecture of cloth or of having anything to do with it. It is true 
that Fitzalwyn, the first Mayor of London, did possess a ^ tenter 
ground ', or place for stretching cloth ; but, as we have just seen^ 
it is doubtful whether he was a Draper. They do not appear to 
be buying wool or yarn or woad, although the Burellers do this,' 
and, curiously enough, a Mercer, William Hauteyn, both buys 
wool and sells cloth at the feirs of St. Ives and St. Botolph and 
at Winchester.3 

Nor indeed do we hear much of any London-made cloth other 
than Borel, which seems to disappear with the Burellers ; although 
the existence of the Weavers, the Shearers, the Fullers, and the 
Dyers in the City proves that the industry must have been 
established.^ It is true that the evidence I have collected only 

' Vieiteljahnchiift ftr Social- and Wiithschaftsgeschichte, iii. 3 ^ : Jean Boine 
Broke, Drapier de Donai, Espinas. 

* Letter Book A, fes. 19, 155 b (William de Bristol, also called a <chak>ner *, 
fe. 31). 

^ Letter Book A, fos. 7> i^b. 

^ In 1197 Fallers and Dyers are accused of sending ckths to be fulled at mills 
OQtside the Gty, instead of fulling them by the feet ot men of their Craft or their 
senrants in their houses within the City, and certain Dyers, Burellers, Weavers, 

Digitized by 


78 Early History of the Cloth Trade 

refers to a very limited number of persons, some eight, and these 
evidently rich merchants. It may be that the smaller Drapers 
were superintending the making of London-made cloth, thoi^h 
I am inclined to think that they were chiefly, if not exclusively, 
engaged in the retail sale of foreign cloth ; but I am convinced 
that the more wealthy members, most of whom were Aldermen or 
SherifB, were at the time devoting themselves almost exclusively 
to the sale of cloth, and especially to the importation and sale of 
foreign cloth, which would be the more profitable business on 
account of its greater volume.' For the rest they appear to have 
been general merchants dealing in various wares and selling 
especially to the King.* Nor is a reason wanting for this diflFcr- 
ence. In the Netherlands the industry of making cloth was 
a very large one ; in England it was as yet not very important, 
and in London at least would be chiefly in the hands of the 
Burellers. The Drapers of London then, if not of England, were 
in all probability originally merchants like the Grocers, and not 
manufacturers; and if this is so, it is evident that their most 
formidable rivals must have been not so much the other makers of 
cloth in England, as the foreign merchants who had the start 

Fallen, and Taybn are sammoned to make better provision fox the Craft of 
Fullers. Letter Book C, fb. 37 $ D, fd. i\x. 

It most be remembered that the Taylors were at that time called Linen 
armonren, and worked with linen, not with wool, devoting themselves more 
especially to makine the linen linings iot armour. They received a licence 
from Edward I, ana their books go back to 1 199. 

' The evidence for this statement has been collected from the fbllowine 
authorities : the Letter Books of the City, the Ck>se Rolls, the Patent Rolls, and 
the Accotmts of the Great Wardrobe. By far the most valuable of these 
evidences are the recognizances of debt, made either before the Gty or State 
officials, which are to oe found in the Letter Books and Close Rolls. It is 
unfortunate that in the majority of cases we are only given the names of the 
debtors and creditors and the amount of the debt, not the cause of the debt. 
Probably in some — though not in all — cases the Draper had been lending money 
on credit. 

The other evidence is found in notices of seizures of goods by pirates and 
othen, while in the Patent Rolls we here and there get some assistance ftom the 
records of those fined, or where their property has been confiscated. The roost 
pertinent cases, arranged under heads, will be found in Appendix, vol. i. No. II B. 

" e.g. Linen, canvas, bed fiiminire, wax, fiirs, grocery, wine. Cf. Close 
Rolls, 1 221, p. 483 3 1191, p. 4803 1300, p. ^31. 

Digitized by 


to Close of the Thirteenth Century 79 

of them/ and who, even if they were Drapers, were dealing like 
the English Draper in other goods as well. But time was on the 
side ofthe Englishman. The foreign merchant was jealously 
watched,' and could only sell his wares by wholesale, and then 
under severe restrictions. Before long the English Draper 
threatened to displace his rival not only in the English, but in the 
fereign markets. It is also most probable that many of these 
more opulent Drapers were money-lenders as well, like their 
contemporary Mons. Broke of Douai. 

' The number of fereignen dealins in England in wool, cbth, cloth of gold, 
and other commodities, and also lendm^ money on credit, more especially in the 
latter part of the thirteenth and the begmning of the fimneenth century, was very 
laige. Amon2st others, we hear of: 

The Societies of the Bardi, Bianchi, Cerchi-Bianchi, Frescobaldi, Mozi, 
Perozzi, Scali, Spina of Florence, Velnti, the Spinelli of Genoa $ the Societies of 
Puki and Ramoertini of Florence and Perugia ; the BellarcU and Ricardi of 
Lucca \ the Bonsimori and Galerani of Siena $ the Chiarenti \ the Portinari $ 
the Rustigath of Placentia \ the Amenetti of Pistoia ; also numerous merchants 
from the Low Countries, especially from Antwerp, Amiens, Arras, Douai, 
Malines, St. Omer, also fix>m Abbeville. Cf. Close Rolls, Indexes } Dehaisnes, 
Essai sur les relations commerciales de Douai avec I'Angleterre (Mdmoires 
las i la Sorbonne, Paris, i86tf)} Letter Book A, fos. 4^, 7ib$ Close Rolls, 
1188-9^, pp. 104, 2jy, 381, 383, 384,^475 119^-1302, pp. 2^9, 271,487 J 
1301-7, pp. U 34j 87, I7», 190J 319. 343> l%7^ 3<^o> 4»^> 483 5 '3*7, 
PP- 43> 49> »»3 5 J3»9j PP- 44T, 4^3 5 I33o-Ij PP- H, 7», 167, 373, 3^5 J 
'33»> P- 459 5 i333> P- 7} '333 P *o^J 1338, PP- S4?, Jf8j 1339, p. »»n 
134^, p. 175 $ Archaeologia, xxviiL 20^ ; Owens Coll. Historical Essays, p. 137, 
* Italian Banken and their bans.' 

' On Merchant Strangers, cf. p. 25, note 2, of this toL 

Digitized by 


Digitized by 




NTERESTIN(j and startling changes The work of 
in the activities of the Drapers meet us thcDrapcn 
as we enter the fourteenth century. They *" ^^^ ^^^y 
import but little foreign cloth," and are ccnran^' 
deeply engaged in the export of English 
wool. The causes of this change before 
the year 1337 are not very clear. It is 
possible that the explanation is to be 
round panly in the more active competition 
of the foreign merchant, partly in the in- 
crease of the home cloth industry. We 
know that there were many foreigners 
still engaged in the import trade, while 
there is good evidence to show that the 
(0 home industry was advancing. Posssibly 

also the Drapers were during these years the agents of the Crown 
in the export of wool, as they certainly were subsequently. How- 
ever that may be, with the year 1338 we come to surer ground. 

' The initial comes from the Ordinance Book, p. 9^. 

^ I have only come across three definite notices of the purchase of foreign 
cloth by a London Draper between 1300 and 13^5. In 1304 Stephen de 
Abyngdon buys cloth and other merchandise to the valne of f 1,100 in Antwerp 
and Malines fer the King's Wardrobe. Close Rolls, 1304, p. 143. Again, in 
1 3 10, he bnys cloth at Lans in Artois. Close Rolls, 1307-13, p. 145. in 1338 
John Blakeneye loads ' Le Paternoster ' of London with salt, wine, and cloth in 
Normandy for England. Ibid., 1 3 3 8, p. 4 5 ^ . But there are plenty of instances of 
the Drapers selling cloth in England, and some of this was probably of foreign 
origin before the Statute of 1337, which prohibited its import. 



Digitized by 


8x History of the Drapers from the 

It will be remembered that in the previous year an Act of 
Parliament had been passed forbidding the import of cloth, and 
insisting that all, except the King and the royal £unily, should 
clothe themselves in homespun. The export ofwool was also for- 
bidden, * until the king and his council provided otherwise '. Of 
this proviso Edward III took advantage, when in 1338 Parlia- 
ment granted him the right of the pre-emption of 20,000 sacks 
of wool at his own price.* The chronicler Knighton tells us 
that he, or his agents, bought it at £6 the sack and sold it abroad 
for £10.* Again, in 1 341, a grant ofwool was made to the King, 
no one being allowed to export until the King was Served of that 
granted to him '? Thus the King during these years had a large 
amount of wool to export, and he accordingly made use of 
the larger merchants &r this purpose, and, among them, of some 
of the more wealthy Drapers, who, owing to their earlier dealings 
in foreign cloth, had the necessary knowledge and equipment. 
But here arose another complication. Since he was unable to get 
all the wool which he had been allowed to buy, or which had 
been granted, as speedily as his necessities demanded, he borrowed 
money on the wool from the merchants,^ transferring to them his 
right to buy or to seize the wool, and gave them licences to 
export, often reducing, and in some cases surrendering to them, 
the customs payable. Finally, when the King was heavily in- 
debted to foreigners * for loans, the merchants would export the 
wool for the King and hand it over to his creditors, although in 
some cases the foreign merchants who had lent money were 
allowed to export on their own account.^ 

' Cf. Older to Sheriff of York, 1338, Rymer,iL loxi. 

' Knighton Co]l. 1570. Ramsay, however, gives evidence to show that he 
did not on this occasion ever pay the parchase money, and that much of the 
wool was seized. Genesis of Lancaster, i. 25^. 

^15 Ed. in. iii, cc. x, 3, ^. The grant was of 30,000 sacks, of which 10,000 
had been apparently raised in the previous year. Ramsay, Genesis of Lancaster, 
i, p. 191. 

^ C£ Evidences in Appendix, vol. i, Na III B, and especially the cases of John 
de Lincoln, Darcy, Palteney, and Bodller. In 1350 Edward even pledges his 
' great crown ' to Thomas Swanlond and others. 

' e.g. the Bardi and PemzzL Cbse Rolls, X33o-i> pp. i4*-7^) ^^7*3739 
38^ J 1338, p. 411 $ Merchants of Malines, 1338, p. 5^8. 

« Cf. Patent Rolls, 1337, Pp. 137, 543, H4- 

Digitized by 


opening of the Fourteenth Century to 1364 83 

In Ai^st 1 345- we find some of these merchants, including the 
Draper John Swanlond, petitioning that, whereas the King, in 
return tor £ro,ooo a year lent to him, had, in i J43, granted to 
them all the customs for three years, and whereas the war had, by 
checking the export of wool, seriously reduced the customs and 
otherwise injurea them, they should be released from their bond 
from Midsummer last. Their petition was conceded, and ;^7,ooo 
was granted to them in recompense for their losses, to be paid by 
the third penny of the customs; the merchants on their part 
promising to find another 10,000 marks, for which the tenth and 
fifteenth, just voted by Parliament, should be pledged. In the 
following year the same John Swanlond takes the ^ ferm ' of all 
the customs with a few exceptions.' Thus the character of the 
Drapers' work was temporarily altered. Checked in one of their 
most important functions, that of importing foreign cloth, they 
became the agents of the King for tne export of his wool, and 
meanwhile supplied him with loans upon the customs for his 
wars.^ This also is the probable explanation of the frequent 
appointment at this time of Drapers to the post of Collector of 
Customs on wool, woolfells, and hides, since they would then have 
the regulation of the customs under their control.^ So too we find 
that in ij^i Edward III j&rmed to Richard de Oxenford, 
a Draper of London, the subsidy which had been granted to the 
Kin^ in return for his having remitted his share of the forfeitures 
or rnies arising firom the aulnage of London.* 

Meanwhile, there is good evidence to prove that the home 
cloth industry is growing. We hear of a much greater variety of 
English-made cloths,^ while the appointment of a Broker in 

' Close Rolls, 1343-^3 P- ^49 5 i34^-9> PP- 7», 7h i8t, 557- 

' Cf. Rymer, il 988, 989, loxz, 105 1, 10^4, and references given in the 

^ Between 13 1 1 and 1339 feur Drapers held the office. Cf. Appendix, toL i. 
No. Ill B. * Rymer, Foedera, Pars II, p. 67%. 

^ Thus cloth of half 2rain (scarlet) and whole grain : Andley, Hawes, Haydok, 
Kersey, Lambard, Marbury de flar de yesz, Mendeps, Menuet, Porreye, Rayed 
cloths, Rnsset, Says of Canston, Loathe, Norwich, Wontede, and other places, 
Verten Veyr, Wadmol or Wadynell. London-made cloth: Rye and green 
cloth of Candelwickstrete. Cloths of Beverley, Bristol, Cornwall, Devon, Esstx^ 
Kent, Lincoln, Norfolk (worsted cbch of), S. Osyth, Stamford, Sufiblk, Win- 
chester, York. Letter Book £, pp. 5 3) H i Q P* > ^S S Close RoU^ 1 34^, p. 1 1^ ; 

Digitized by 


8^ History of the Drapers from the 

1 34J ' and the notable increase in the excise on cloth during the 
later years of Edward III ' prove that the trade in cloth was ad- 
vancing. That in this development the Drapers had a large 
share may perhaps be best gathered from a petition of theirs of 
the year 1335^, which asserts that it is the manner of Drapers to 
make their purchases of cloth at home and abroad about Michael- 
mas for the &irs ensuing.^ Although we have not much positive 
evidence of their selling cloth except to the King and the Great 
Wardrobe, the majority of the debts owed to them by influential 
persons could not well have been for anything else/ and most of 
the cloth must have been home-made as long as the Act of 1 3 37» 
which forbade the import of foreign cloth, was enforced. 

Nor again have we met with any definite instance of Drapers 
exporting cloth ; yet, inasmuch as denizens were charged a lower 
duty on such export than aliens,^ the Drapers, we may be sure, 
would take advantage of this preference. 

That some London Drapers were at this time engaged in 
superintending the manu&cture of cloth does indeed gain some 
support from the statement that John Swanlond, who was also 
actively engaged as agent of the King in the export of wool, did 
in 1338 ^buy wool at Lincoln to mdce cloth for magnates and 
others of the realm ' ; • while from a petition of the Merchant 

Patent RoUs, 1347, p. 41^ s 1348, pp> ^7^ ^87 j 1353, p. 47^^ j Liber Cost., II. 
i. iif . Cf. Glossary for explanation of the terms, ibid., 11. iL ^93. 

' Letter Book F, £>. 108. The daty of the Broker was to assist in making 
a fair bargain between buyer and seller. He was allowed to charge a fixed fee. 
He might traffic on his own account. He was appointed by the Mysteries who 
represented the trade, and was sworn before the Mayor and Aldermen. At one 
time the ofKce was suppressed because the Broker was accused of the * orrible 
crime of £ilse chevisauns ' (bargaining). Liber Albus, ed. Riley, pp. ^l^v^7^ $ 
Letter Book I, fos. 8, ^d bj Arnold's Chronicle, ed. 181 1, p. 73. 

' Before the year 1347 the receipts from the excise on cloth never rose 
higher than £x^ 6s. 6(L ; after that date it is never less than 1C47, and in one year 
(1358) it rose to £1^061 i6s, ^Ji. C£ Ramsay, Genesis of Lancaster, ii, loi. 
Table II. 

3 Letter Book F, fo. 197. 

^ C£ Appendix, vol. i. No. Ill B. Possibly the Drapers were also acting as 
money-lenders to great men, as they certainly did to the King. 

' Patent Rolls, 1347, p. 424- 

^ Close Rolls, 1338, p. izd. 

Digitized by 


opening of the Fourteenth Century to 1364 Sj- 

Drapers in ijjo, already mentioned, it appears that they even 
made liveries.' 

Bat it is not definitely stated that Swanlond did himself super- 
intend the making of the cloth, and it is significant that the 
Drapers who * made ' the liveries are definitdy stated to have 
bought the clotK In any case it is difficult to believe that, if the 
more important Drapers of London were at this time seriously 
devoting themselves to making, or superintending the making 
of cloth, or to finishing it, the notices would be so scanty. In 
my opinion this function was still being per&rmed by the 
Burellers, of whom, as shown before, we have many notices in the 
early fourteenth century.* 

Here once more, however, we must bear in mind that our 
evidence bears only upon the fortunes of the Drapers of London, 
and of a small number, the wealthier, of these. h& to the work of 
the more numerous and less wealthy members of the Craft our 
authorities are silenc We shall not, however, probably be wrong 
in concluding that the smaller Drapers were as before chiefly 
engaged in selling cloth by retail in tneir shops. 

The last item of interest which is to be gathered from these 
evidences is that many of these Drapers were engaging in other 
trades besides their own. Between t 3 lo and 1 346 four Drapers 
are also called Hosiers, one is called a Woolmonger, one a Clothier, 
and one a Cordwainer ; some, as stated above, are making liveries, 
while of Richard de Welleford it is recorded in 13 18, that he 
sold * divers victuals and garnistures' to H. Nazard, another 
Draper, fi)r the King's use.^ It will be seen that this practice was 
forbidden by Statute in 1354.* 

Thus the evolution of the functions of the Drapers of London The gradual 
up to this date would seem to be as follows. They first appear as cvolurion of 
general merchants like the Grocers and the Goldsmiths, dealing th;* ^nctton* 
originally in foreign cloth and other articles. When the importa- drapers. 

< ^ The manner of drapers is to make their purchases of cloth at home and abroad 
. . . and to make liveries for great lords and others of the Commons,' 1350. Letter 
Book F, fi>. 197 9 Rot. Pari., iL 130. Note also that in 13^2 a royal proclama- 
tion dealing more especially with London makes a distinction between ' pannarii * 
and * £ictores pannomm *. Foedera, IIL ii. ^78. 

^ C£ p. 7a of this volume. 

3 Calendar of Close Rolls, 13 13-18, p. J49. * 37 Ed. IIL, cc. j,^. 

Digitized by 


S6 His f dry of the Drapers from the 

tion of foreign cloth is forbidden, they for a time turn to the 
export of home-grown wool. As the home cloth industry de- 
velops, and as the various trades become more specialized, they 
devote themselves especially to the purchase and sale both at home 
and abroad of cloth, and that chieny home-made. It is possible 
that at the same time they began tentatively to engage in the 
superintendence of the making of the article or of finishing it by 
shearing and dyeing, and even in making liveries, a business 
which to-day would be that of a tailor. But in any case they 
had not developed this side of their business to any great extent at 
the date when their Charter was granted, nor, as we shall see, 
does the manufacture of cloth ever become one of their important 
activities. As merchants they first appeared, and merchants the 
most prosperous of them chiefly remained, while the less opulent 
of their craft turned to the retail trade and served their customers 
in their shops. 

An interesting parallel to the evolution of the London Drapers 
is to be found in the history of the Florentine Arte de Calimala.' 
The members of this Florentine Gild were dealers in foreign, 
chiefly Flemish and French, cloth, which they bought in the 
fairs of Champagne. This cloth, though of fine texture, was 
generally bought by them in the rough. They then dyed and 
finished it in Florence, and exported it more especially to the 
East, while the humbler members of the Gild were retail dealers 
in the City itself The cloth was highly esteemed on account of 
the brilliancy of its colour. The climax of the prosperity of the 
Arte de Calimala was in the last half of the thirteenth century. It 
then somewhat declined, more especially owing to the French and 
English wars which closed the fairs of Champagne. It was now the 
turn of the Arte di Lana. The members of this Gild had hitherto 
only worked with Italian wool which w^as inferior. They now 
began to import better wool from England and from Spain, and to 
compete with their rivals of the Arte de Calimala. 

* Doren, Florentiner Wirthschaftsgeschxchte, especially i. 10-3^, 102,108-^0, 
1305 iL 9, 606'^ Dixon, Trans. R. Hist. Soc., New Series, xiL i8x. It is 
interesting to note that the English wool was sent by sea to Bordeaux and hence 
transported partly by water carnage to the Mediterranean, partly overland to the 
Rhone, and thence across the Alps. 

Digitized by 


opening of the Fourteenth Century to 1364 87 

As we should expect, the number of Drapers increases very Increase in 
materially in the fourteenth century. Thus between the first number of 
year of the century and the granting of the Letters Patent in ** I>«p«w 
1364, we have met with no less than ijo ; of whom seven were foartecnth 
Mayors (five of whom had been Sheriffs and Aldermen), eight century, 
more were Sheriffs and Aldermen, and five more Aldermen only. 

During this period also ten Drapers were representatives of the 
City in Parliament,' while in i jip we find three Drapers among 
the twenty-four chosen to attend on the young King, Edward III, 
to answer whether the City would punish the partisans of Henry 
Duke of Lancaster, who had just made his unsuccessfiil attempt to 
overthrow the rule of the hated Mortimer, the paramour ot the 

That the Drapers were men of considerable substance may 
be gathered, not only firom the numerous bequests made by them 
to churches, chantries, and charitable objects,^ but by the place 
several of them take in the Subsidy Rolls of ijip^ and 1322, and 
by their grants and loans to Edward III for his French Wars. 

The first notice of a Draper lending money to the King in the 
fourteenth century which we have come across is in 13 op, when 
John de Lincoln is recorded as having lent £is'^ ip-r. to the late 
King Edward I for his French Wars. Under Edward III the 

* For list cf. Appendix, vol. 1, No. Ill A. It is carious that some Mayors and some 
members of Parliament had neither been Sheriffs nor Aldermen. We should 
cxpea members of Parliament to have been at least Aldermen, and subsequently 
it became a rule that the Mayor should have previously served as Sheriff and 
Alderman. It may be that the list of Aldermen and Sheriffs is not quite 
complete, since our authorides are not always as clear, or as full, as we could 
wish. We have generally followed Beaven, Aldermen of the City of London, 
for the Aldermen } and Mr. Kingsford in his edition of Stow, ii. if o ff., for the 
Sheriffs, except where we have found addidonal evidence. 

^ Cf Rolls Series, Chronicles of Ed. I and Ed. II., L 141. They were Simon 
de Swanlond, John de Pulteney, Stephen de Abyngdon. Lancaster finally 
ovenhrew Mortimer in the following year, 1330. 

^ Sharpe, Calendar of Wills, L 413, ii. 57, ^ 8. 

^ Thus in 1 3 19 Stephen de Abingdon and Henry Nazard are assessed at if 100, 
Simon de Swandlond at £io and Richard Constantin ten marks. Cf also the 
subsidy of 1331, when Thos. de Swandlond pays %6s. 8<i., John de Weston 6s. Si., 
and Will, de Macchyng 4/. Subsidy Rolls, Record Office, London, 144/1, 
144/3, and 144/4. 

Digitized by 


88 History of the Ihapersfrom the 

loans and grants become much more frequent. The most important 
of these are to be found in the Appendix, vol. i, No. Ill b. Here 
it will suffice to say that in 1 3 j^ two Drapers, Richard Constantyn 
and Richard Kyselyngbery, lend 60s, each for ships sent to sea, 
while twelve Drapers contribute a further £10 to a loan ; that in 
133P eighteen Drapers contribute sums varjring from j^4o to 
£f each towards a loan of £syOooi that in igyo the * great 
Crown' is pledged to Thos. Swanlond and others for ^^4,000, 
and in the same year Swanlond and others lend as much as 
;^2o,ooo on the customs, while in 116$ the * Mystery of the 
Drapers ' in its corporate capacity makes a present of £{.0 to the 
King, a sum which is not exceeded by that of any other 
Company.* Finally, in the following year, the date of their 
Charter, they give 10 marks probably towards the ransom of the 
French King John, who had been uken prisoner at Poitiers; 
though whether this was in their corporate capacity or as 
individuals is uncertain.* 
John Among the Drapers who play a part in the history of London 

Pulteney, j^d ^f England during this period, one man, John Pulteney, 
the Draper, g^j^^jg pre-eminent. Born at the village of Pontenei or Putton- 
heath in Leicestershire, in which county we find him subscT 
quently holding property at Newton Heath, he came to London 
and rapidly rose* We do not know when or how he joined the 
Society of Drapers, but in 1316 he was wealthy enough to stand 
* mainpenor ' or surety for certain merchants. In 1 3 28 he became 
Alderman of Coleman Street Ward, and in the following year was 
appointed by the Mayor and Commonalty of London to be one 
or the Wardens for the City at Winchester Fair.^ He was of 

' Twenty-seven other Mysteries subscribe : the Mercers, £i^o ; Fishmongers, 
3C40 3 Skinners, £^0 , the rest, varying sams down to lox. which is contribated 
by the Glovers. The total sum presented by all the Gilds was 1^428 9/. ^<L 
Letter Book G, fo. 133. C£ ^English Nouveaux-Riches in the fourteenth 
century ' ; the writer, in Transactions Royal Hist. Society, New Series, zv. 63, 
shows the inaccuracy of Mrs. A. S. Green's statement that it was loans of 
Ftorentine merchants which alone enabled Edward III to carry on the French 
War. Town Life, i. 79. 

* Letter Book G, fb. 133. 

^ Drapers often held this office, e. g. Ralph Upton and Richard de Berkynge 
in 1334. Letter BookE, fo. 137 b. 

Digitized by 


opening of the Fourteenth Century to 1364 89 

such importance that in the next year he was appointed one 
of the twenty-four citizens chosen to wait on the young King, 
Edward III. He evidently fidfilled his task to the satisfaction 
of his fellow citizens, for in the following year (1330) they 
elected him Mayor, an office which he held four times (1330-1^ 
1331-2, 1333-4, '^li^~n\ ^^^ although he was never 
Sheriff, he was appointed several times Escheator of the King 
in the City, Commissioner of Oyer and Terminer in Essex, 
Middlesex, and Surrey, and in 1332 was on a commission to 
inouire into the establishment of a staple of wool at Bruges in 
defiance of the Statute which had removed the staple from that 

He had by this time placed his wealth at the disposal of royal 
personages, for in 1 3 3 1 he was granted lands in recompense for 
debts owed him by Edmund, Earl of Kent, the unfonunate uncle 
of the young King, who had suffered on the block the year before 
for his complicity in Lancaster's plot against Mortimer. These lands 
were probably the Manors of Ditton Camoys in Cambridfi;eshire, 
and of Shenley in Hertfordshire. In the year 1334 he was 
elected Alderman of Candelwick Ward, and in the same year 
Nicholas de Farndon devised to him the aldermanry of Farringdon 
within Ludgate and Newgate Without, though whether he ever 
held it is uncertain.^ Meanwhile, he was employed in the nego- 
tiations -with Flanders which preceded the outbreak of war with 
France. On his return, in 1335^, he was deputed by the City to 
arrange with the Crown for the supply of 200 *hobelours' 
(light armed horse soldiery) at the cost of the City, for 100 days 
to serve in the Scotch War, and was appointed one of the leaders 
of the Londoners in case of invasion. In 1336 he became Alder- 
man of Vintry Ward. In 1337 he was knighted and received 
a grant of 100 marks in tail for the better support thereof In 
the following year, however, he was imprisoned in Somerton 
Castle because, having been appointed to certain offices during the 
King's absence beyond the sea, he was with others accused * of 

* This devise of an aUermanry is interesting as showing that at that date the 
aldermanry of Farringdon was still an hereditary one. Richard Lacer seems to 
haye been Alderman of the Ward till 1^57} and then John de Chichester was 
elected. Cf. Sharpe, Calendar of Wills, 1. 398, ^09 $ ii. 59. 

i«oi.i N 

Digitized by 


90 History of the Drapers from the 

having borne himself fraudulently and unButhfidly '.' He was, 
however, soon released. In 1340 he was on a Commission to 
discuss Me chevaunce de Brussel' with merchants', and in xi^i 
he was given permission to send 160 sacks of wool free of custom 
to Bruges to pay for the ransom of William de Montacute, Earl of 
Salisbury, who had been taken prisoner in the French War. 

In 1347 he received from the Bigods the Manor of Poplar and 
the messuage of Cold Harbour in the parish of St. Laurence 
Pountney, and there he built a great house. He also held the 
Manors of Southall Murray and Woolwich, and a house called the 
Manor of the Rose or Pouitney's Inn, in Downegate Ward. Two 
years later he died (1349). 

The extent of his wealth may be gathered from his numerous 
loans to the King,^ and his munificent gifts made during his life 
and under his wuV while his social position may be guessed from 

' Patent RoUs, 1341, p. no. 

* ' Chevaunce de Brassel.* The Agreement of Brnssels. This was the Treaty 
of November or December 1339 made with the Duke of Brabant, by which 
commerce between the two conntries was to be encoaraged. Voisin, p. 29. 

^ In 133 1 he lent 1^471. In 1333 he went shares with another Draper, 
Geoffrey le Bottelur to farm the King's debt of ^i,^i8 9/. zd, to the Gascon 
cities. Transactions Royal Hist. Soc, New Series, ix. f 9. 

^ His benefactions during his lifetime were : 

1330. Grant of certain shops at St. Nicholas at Shambles to the master and 
brethren of the hospital of St, Bartholomew for the purpose of endowing 
a chantry. 

1331. A chantry in honour of Corpus Christi at the Church of St. Laurence 
in Candelwick Street, which was subsequently enlarged to form a college for 
a master, thirteen priests, and four choristers. The church henceforth became 
known as that of St, Laurence Pountney. Further, he nve 10 marks for repair 
of the Guildhall. He also built the church of All Halbws the Ltss in Thames 
Street, a church for Carmelite friars at Coventry, and a chapel in St. Paul's 
where he was buried. 

Under his will he made the following bequests : 

1. To a chantry for three priests in St. Paul's. 

2. To the collegiate chapel of Corpus Christi 6s, 8<^, and all his tenements 
and rents in London, except Poultney's Inn, his tenement of Cold Harbour and 
his other tenements in the parish of All Hallows the Great, subject to certain 
payments to the Almoner of St. Paul's and the poor of Newgate. 

3. His principal mansion, Poultney's Inn, he left to his wife and his son, as well 
as the 100 marks settled on him to support his knighthood. This subsequently 

Digitized by 


opening of the Fourteenth Century toT^^A^ 91 

tlie &ct that the Bishop of London and the Earl of Huntingdon, to 
whom he left valuable legacies, were two of his executors. In the 
year 1*742. his lineal descendant was created the Earl of Bath. 

Following the usual custom of trades to concentrate in certain Comhill 

localities we find these Drapers of London mostly collected in or and then 

about Cornhill, especially in Burcheour (Birchin) Lane. By the Candlewick 

time of Henry V, however, they had partly removed to Candle- chief abode 

wick Street (Cannon Street), which had been the chief resort, first of the 

of the foreign Weavers and then of the Burellers.' Drapers. 

became the site of Merchant Taylors' School. Clode, ii 1^0. Cold Harbour was 
to be sold. 

To the sapenrisors of his execntors. Sir Ralph de Stratford, Bishop of London, 
a ring with a niby j the £arl of Huntingdon, a rin£ with two diamonds, two silver <• 
Hagons enamelled, a cnp and spoon and a sak celur to match. 

For the life di Sir John Polteney, cf. Diet, of National Biography and 
anthonties quoted there. Also Beaven, Aldermen, voL ii, index \ Riley, Memorials, 
Index } Rymer, Foedera, iii. 1139$ Stow, Sanrey of London, ed. Kingsferd, 
L io5, 236 jii.321, 321^ Fabyan, Chron., ed. Ellis, 181 1, p. 422 j Sharpe, Calen- 
dar of Willi, L ^09 ) and references under his name in Appendix^ vol. i, No. Ill A. 

* Herbert, L 401, says this is proved by the number of their notices of inter- 
ment still to be foond in the churches thereabouts. Unfortunately on inaniry 
I can find no such evidence. The tower and steeple of the second churcn of 
St. Swithin's appears to have been built by John Hende the Draper, and twice 
Mayor, 1391, 1404 : White, History of the Ward of Walbrook, 1904, p. 407 % 
and there are several Drapers' wills referring to churches in these Wards in the 
fifteenth century. Cf. Sharpe, Calendar of Wills, ii. 319, 387, ^^4, ^84, 631. 
Cf. also the ordinance in Guildhall MSS., No. 142, which speaks of Drapers of 
ComhilL From the accounts of 1429 they appear to have been at that date 
about equally divided between Cornhill and Candlewick Street. It is curious 
that only one Draper, Rich, de Gloucester, was Alderman of Comhill Ward in 
the fourteenth cenmry, and he in the first year of that century (1301), while 
there were five who were Aldermen of Candlewick Ward : 
Simon de Swanlond 1327 
John de Pukeney 1334 

John Keende 

John Walcote 

Thomas Noket 
On ik^ other hand, in the fifteenth century there were fenr Drapers who were 
Aldermen in each Ward. Beaven, Aldermen. 

For localization of other trades, c£ Ashley, Econ. Hist., II. i. 57, note 4 ^ Stow, 
ed. Kingsford, i. 79. He quotes Fitzstephen, who noticed th^s as early as the 

Digitized by 


Early in- 
stances of 
rate action 
on the part 
of the 

91 History of the Drapers from the 

As to the dace when they first became organized in a Gild or 
Fraternity it is difficult to speak with certainty. In the preamble 
to their ordinances, which were drawn up in the sixth year of 
Henry IV (1405-), they assert that the Fraternity was rounded 
in 1 3 32.' They might have made an earlier claim. As early as 
1 3 1 2, at the celebration of the birth of Edward III, they, \rith 
the Mercers and Vintners, are mentioned as wearing a special 
livery,' and in the same year we find that John Simeon, a foreign 
Draper, was forced to renounce the freedom of the City because he 
had not been admitted with the consent of the Mystery of 
Drapers. These evidences show that they were then recognized 
as a Craft.3 Sixteen years later (1328) an entry in the Letter 
Books tells us that six men were in that year elected and sworn 
be&re the Mayor for the government and instruction of the 
Drapers.^ This was also done with respect to twenty-four other 
Crafts, and may be taken as a proof that, by that time at least, the 
Drapers had obtained recognition as a Society from the Mayor. 
Eleven years later (135^1) there is clear evidence of their acting 
in their corporate capacity. It was in this year, when the 
Common Council was ror the first time elected by the Mysteries 
instead of the Wards, that the Drapers, together with twelve 

rei^n of Henry II. For a similar phenomenon in Florence, c£ Doren, Florentiner 
Wirthschaftsgeschichte, ii. ^i^. 

' Book of Ordinances. Cf Appendix, vol. i. No. XVII. 

' Sharpe, London and the Kingdom, i- 139. ^ Letter Book £, fi>. 4. 

^ Letter Book £, &>. 190. The Drapers selected were : Simon de Swank>nd ; 
Thomas de Blakeneyej Geoffrey Le Bottelerj John de Wtytelej Richard de 
Berkynge $ Richard de Welleford. 

The other Gilds whose officers were sworn were : 

The Goldsmiths 

The Fishmongers 

The Grocers 

The Mercers 

The Vintners 

The Skinners 

The Taylors or Linen Armourers 

The Apothecaries 

The Ironmongers 

The Saddlers 

The Woolmongers 

The Beaders 

The Cordwainers 
The Girdlers 
The Batchers 
The Cutlers 
The Cappers 
The Cofferers 
The Corders 
The Haberdashers 
The Hosiers 
The Fusters 
The Painters 
The Cheesemongers 

Digitized by 


opening of the Fourteenth Century to \i6 At 93 

other Gilds, are authorized to elect four members. Their position 
among the other Gilds may be gathered &om the number of 
representatives given to each Gud. The Grocers, the Fish- 
mongers, and the Mercers have six; the Drapers, the Gold- 
smiths, the Woollen Workers, the Skinners, the Vintners, the 
Saddlers, the Taylors, the Cordwainers, the Butchers, four each ; 
the Ironmongers, two.* 

In the same year the Drapers take corporate action in petition- 
ing against the Statute of Cloth.* 'Whereas', they say, *it has 
been ordained in the last Parliament that all manner of cloth sold 
after Sep. i should be of a certain assize, and the manner of 
Drapers is to purchase cloth both at home and abroad about 
Michaelmas for the fairs ensuing, and to make liveries for great 
lords and others of the commons ; and whereas these have not 
bought any liveries of importance this year, the cloth remains 
unsold, they pray therefore that the King and his Council will 
order the King's aulnager (launeor),^ or some one else, to market 
all the cloth so left on their hands, so that they may sell the cloth 
as it is (pur tieus come ils sont) ; . . . and what they buy in 
future shall be of the assize ordained.' 

It is somewhat curious that, though there are several earlier First 
bequests to Fraternities by Drapers, there is no mention of any rcligioiis 
* Fraternity' of Drapers earlier than ijtJi, unless indeed the Fj"^^«"iiV<rf 
Fraternity in Candlewick Street, to which Richard de Essex made i^^,."^"' 
a bequest, was one connected with his trade.^ The Drapers, at 

' Letter Book F, fos. lo^, 238 $ Baddeley, Aldermen of Cripplegate, p. 21^. 
The five representatives of the Drapers were William Welde, John de Bares, 
Simon de Bedyngton, John de Kelyngworthe, Stephen Cavendisshe, William de 
Holbech. Next year the eleaion was given back to the Wards. In 1376 the 
Mysteries regained the right and retained it till 1384, when it was finally restored 
to the Wards (cf. Introd., pp. 28, 39). 

' Letter Book F, Intnxt. p. xxvi, fi)s. 197, 199-201 b j Statute of Cbth, 13^1, 
Z5 Ed. Ill, St. 4. 

^ For the Aulnager seep. 11^ of this volume. 

^ It would seem that the earliest Gilds were almost always relinoos, and that 
at first they were not conneaed with any particular trade. Thus among the 
Gild certificates of 1389 there are few except this one of the Drapers that is so 
connected, while to the Fraternity of ^x. Giles, Cripplegate, a Blader (Corn- 
monger), two Brewers, a Saddler, two Painters, a Poulterer and a Currier, all 
make bequests between 13^1 and 14 10. C£ Toulmin Smith, Gild Certificates of 

Digitized by 


94 History of the Drapers from the 

all events in that year (i}6i), founded at the church and hospital 
of St. ' Bethlem ' the Brotherhood of our Lady of Bethlehem for the 
amendment of their lives, * in the honour of our Lord Jesus 
Christ, and his Sweet Mother Saint Mary of Bethlehem, in which 
most Holy Place our Lord Jesus Christ was born for the salvation 
of all his people. In which place of Bethlehem the star appeared 
to the shepherds, and gave and showed light to the three kings of 
Cologne, who oflFered in the said place of JBethlehem three giits, to 
wit cold, myrrh and incense.' 

The ordinances which were then drawn up for the government 
of the Brotherhood are of the greatest interest.' We learn from 
them that women as well as brothers could be members ; that no 
one of ill feme could become or remain a member ; that all were 
to pay 20J. for entry and 6J. 2l, quarter (or is. ^ year) for 
quarterage; that all brothers and sisters were to be clothed in 
a prescribed dress on public occasions at their own expense ; that 
all the members were to meet four times a year; that the 
revenues of the Brotherhood should be in the hands of three 
Wardens, who were to be elected annually, and that after the 
election, held on the Day of the Purification, a feast should be 
given in the Hospital of* St. Mary of Bethlem ', which should not 
cost the brethren more than zoa. a head. They have a Beadle 
and a Chaplain who receive payments and a livery from the 
members, and the fraternal and religious aspects of the association 
are also strongly emphasized. 

All improper or gambling games were forbidden on pain ot 
a fine. Any brother having a grievance against another was to 
complain to the Brotherhood ana not elsewhere, and any one not 

1389; Clare Market Review, i. 67. Of. also the Drapers of Beverley who 
paid special reverence to the Virgin, the Baptist, St. Michael the Archangel, and 
acted a miracle play of The IXwming Pilate ' on the Feast of Corpos ChristL 
Leach, Beverley Town Docnments, Selckn Society, p. 9^. So, too, the Drapers of 
Shrewsbury were incorporated under the name of the Gild of the Holy 
Trinity and Fraternity of Drapers. Rope, Earliest Book of Drapers of 

' These ordinances are said to have been drawn up between 13^1 and 1370 
and then finally read and confirmed. C£ Appendix, vol. i, No. IV. They were 
among the Gild certificates demanded of the Gilds in 1389, and are found 
in the Guildhall MS. 141, fos. 1^4-74. 

Digitized by 


opening of the Fourteenth Century to 1^64. 95- 

submitting to the decision of the Fraternity, as well as any one 
who practised deceit on the common people, in slander of the 
Brotherhood, was to be ousted. Any one railing into misfortune 
should be helped by the Brotherhood, and a dirge and masses 
should be said for every depaned brother in the church of the 
Hospital of * St. Mary of Bethlem V where * a brother may be 
buried if he will ' ; for the which purpose and for the amendment 
of the Brotherhood the members were urged to leaver portion of 
silver, each according to his power. 

Thus by the year ijtfg the Drapers were a strong and in- Position of 
fluential body of men. They had been recognized by the Mayor }^^ Drapers 
as a Craft with its governors, and also had formed a religious "* '^ ^" 
Fraternity which at once gave them a bond of union and supplied 
a religious sanction for the enforcement of their regulations. But 
their position was not yet secure. Their monopoly of selling, and 
certainly of finishing, cloth and thereby obtaining the profits, 
which rail to the trader, was disputed by many Mysteries, especially 
by the Dyers, the Weavers, and the Fullers." This struggle was 
not confined to the wool trade nor to England. In France it was 
the Fullers who originally finished the cloth and sold it to the 
public,^ and in Elngland the complaint that all Mysteries were 
engaging in the selling of other articles than those of their 
peculiar trade, and generally interfering with the handicraft of 
others, was so loud that in ijCfj a Statute was passed which, on 
the ground that merchants ^ called grossers do ingross all manner 
of merchandise vendible, and suddenly do enhance that price of 
such merchandise within the realm', enacted *that no English 
merchant shall use no ware nor merchandise . . . but only one 

' The Hospital of St Mary of Bethlehem withoat Bishopsgate was founded 
in 1147 by Simon Fitzmary, SherifF of London. C£ Stow, ed. Kinesferd, i. 32, 
1^4, 297-8. The hospital was an appropriate place, considering that the con- 
fraternity was dedicated to the Virgin of Bethlehem ; c£ The Story of Bethlehem, 
by £. G. CyDonoghae (Unwin & Co.). The Skinners also had a Brother- 
hood at the Hospital. Stow, i. 130. 

' The mention of John LoTekyn in 1342, who had transferred himself from 
the Shearmen to the Drapers, looks as if the Shearmen had also been imsaccess- 
fblly competing for the trade in cloth. Letter Book F, p. x, fly-leaf 

^ Ashley, Econ. Hist., Bk. II, c. iii, p. iix. 

Digitized by 


^6 History of the Drafts from the 

which he shall choose . . . and that artificers, handicraft people 
hold them every one to one Mystery '.' 

Fortified by this Sutute the Drapers renewed their efforts. 
Already in 1362 it had been ordained that no Dyer or Weaver 
should ' make ' cloth, and finally in 1363 the Drapers succeeded 
in obtaining their first definite recognition from the Crown.' 
Their first The Charter or Letters Patent of 38 Ed. Ill, after citing 
Charter. ^he Act of 1 363, proceeds to state * that because people belonging 
to divers Mysteries, who had not been apprenticed to, nor had 
been sufficiently instructed in the Mystery of the business of 
Drapery, . . . engage in the same trade, one can scarcely find any 
shop in the City in which there is not some Drapery offered for 
common sale ', and that whereas such people, ' not having suf- 
ficient knowledge of the price of goods belonging to the mer- 
chandise of the Mystery of Drapery (i. e. the selling price of 
Drapery), by their ignorance and by the great " engrossment " 
which they make of all kinds of cloth, have enhanced the price, 
and further that whereas dyers, weavers, and fullers have not 
confined themselves to their proper handicraft, but have engaged 
in the " making of cloth " and have refused to work at their own 
trades except at excessive wages, and have even perpetrated 
various frauds in the making, firauds which cannot be well detected 
unless the Drapers only have fidl knowledge of such work, and 
have also bought other cloth by way of forestalling, so that it was 
twice sold before coming to common sale ; the which things are 
the chief cause of the excessive dearness of cloth '. Therefore for 
the future none shall use the said Mystery of Drapery in the 
city of London or its suburbs, unless he has been apprenticed 
in the said Mystery, or in other due manner received by the 
common assent of the same Mystery ; that Dyers, Weavers, and 
Fullers shall keep to their proper craft and ' in no way meddle 
with the making, buying or selling of any manner of cloth 

' 38 Ed. Ill, cc. ^, 6, C£ Appendix, vol. i. No. I. It is noticeable that women 
were exempted from the provisions of the Statate : ' All women, that ose and work 
all hand/works, may freely use and work as they have done before.' 

' Letter Book G, fe. loi : ^Nos commandons de par notre Seignienr le Roi 
aoe nal teyntor ne teler soit si hardi de faire nul maner de drap snr peine de 
forfaire tut le drap issint par eux £ut.' 

Digitized by 


opening of the Fourteenth Century to 1^64. 97 

or drapery ' on pain of forfeitiire, and that no one who has cloth 
to sell shall sell it except to the Drapers, unless it be to the lords 
and others of the commons who wish to buy it for their own 
use, and even then it shall be sold in gross and not in retail. 

The Letters Patent authorize the Drapers to elect four persons ' 
*to oversee that no deceit or fraud be used in the Mystery of 
Drapers \ to rule and govern the Mystery, and to punish those in 
whom default shall be found, by the aid of the Mayor and Sheriffs 
if need be. The franchises and free customs of the Prior of 
St. Bartholomew, of Smithfield, and of lords who have feirs in the 
suburbs, and the franchises granted to the Merchant Vintners 
of England and Gascony are, however, to remain in force, anything 
in this Statute notwithstanding.' 

' They have as yet no Master. ^ Cf. Appendix, vol i, Na VL 

Digitized by 


Digitized by 




EFINITE authority from the 
Crown to organize and govern 
their Mystery had now been 
obtained by the Drapers. With 
the exception of the Weavers, 
who had obtained a Royal Charter 
as early as the reign of Henry II, 
only four Gilds, the Goldsmiths, 
the Skinners, the Taylors, and 
the Girdlers, had secured this 
privilege, some thirty-six years 
oefore, while two others, the 
Fishmongers and the Vintners, 
obtained their Charter in the same 
year as the Drapers. 
The Fellowship had also for the moment secured the coveted The struggle 
monopoly of the retail sale of cloth in London, so far as the law ^^ ^^« ™^ 
could give it. But their monopoly did not last, nor was it ever ^^^l^j^ 
complete. The Statute 38 Ed. Ill, c. 11 {il6^\ repealed the cloth."* 
ckuse of the previous year, and in ig^x an ordinance of the 
Mayor again allowed a member of one Mystery to pursue another 
Mystery and to trade in all kinds of merchandise." The Statute 
17 Ric. II, c. a (13^3-4), allowed every man of the realm to put 

' The initial letter comes from Charter No. XI. 

' This ordinance, which reasserted what was called the ^ Custom of London *, 
was, however, generally resented, and hence the numerous translations from Gild 
to Gild in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. 

Digitized by 


loo History of the Gild of Drapers 

to sale cloths as well as kerseys of his own making, while that of 
7 Henry IV, c. p (140^), allowed all ' Drapers and sellers of 
Drapery of whatsoever place of the realm ' to sell in London 
by gross. Evidence also exists to prove that there was much 
evasion of the monopoly of the London Drapers. From a petition 
of the Fullers in ij6p it appears that tney did some selling 
of their own goods.' In in^ we find two Fullers sharing 
the right to examine cloth with two Drapers," and in ijpo the 
Fullers were allowed to expose their own cloth for sale in their 
houses or elsewhere ^ (although this may have been by wholesale 
only, as had been allowed by the Charter), so long as the buyers 
used the cloth for their own use. The privileges of the Merchant 
Vintners of England and Gascony had been especially reserved in 
the Letters Patent, and no doubt the Drapers also met with com- 
petition from the Taylors or Linen Armourers, with whom, 
as we shall see, they had, in the fifteenth century, a serious 
quarrel with regard to the right of search. In the recitals of the 
Charter of i ^02, which incorporated the Taylors under the new 
title of the Merchant Taylors, they claim to * have occupied and 
used of old the buying and selling of aU and every merchandise 
whatsoever, and especially woollen cloths as well wholesale and 
retail throughout tne whole realm of England and particularly 
within our city aforesaid and the suburbs thereof'.* Nevertheless, 
in the fourteenth century the business of the Taylors was chiefly 
in making linen apparel, more especially linen lining for armour, 
and in making up cloth,^ and it was not till their later incorpora- 

^ Letter Book G, £>• 140 j Riley, Memorials, p. 341. 

' Letter Book H, £>• 13. 

^ Letter Book G, fi>. 11^. 

^ Ckxle, Merchant Tailors, L 198. 

' Cf. Reflations for Armourers, Riley, Mem., 14^. The quarrel £>r the 
possession of the retail trade was not confined to London or to England. ' In 
several English towns the Drapers and Tailors were united in the same company. 
In Coventry the place of the Drapers was taken by the Shearmen, and the 
Mystery play was presented by the company of Shearmen and Tailors.' Ashley, 
Econ. Hist., ii. 213. In Paris the Fullers secured the privileee of selling to the 
public, though they were often called Drapers, till in the middk of the fixirteenth 
century Royal Letters divided the Drapers into two classes, the Manufacturers 
and the Traders. Ashley, Econ. Hist., ii. z 1 1 $ Unwin, Industrial Organization, 
p. 30. 

Digitized by 


from 13(^4 to 1479 loi 

don as Merchant Taylors, in ifoi, that they definitely devoted 
themselves to the business of buying and selling. 

Nor, again, did the Mercers or Haberdashers as vet seriously 
compete. It may be held, therefore, that in spite or some excep- 
tions, the Drapers really enjoyed by far the most considerable part 
of the trade of cloth in "London both in sross and in retail. 
Of the other Crafts concerned in the making of cloth, the Weavers, 
the Dyers, the Fullers, and the Shearmen abandoned the retail 
trade of cloth and fell into a subordinate position to the Drapers. 
Thus we are told that in 1385- Brembre, in pursuance of his 
policy of attempting to keep people to their proper Craft, dis- 
nranchised William Southbrook * free of the Weavers, as well as a 
Taylor for that they occupied Drapery V while in the early part of 
the fifteenth century we near of one Shearman being fined, after 
the search of his measure by the Drapers, of another who was 
apprenticed to the Drapers, and later of Shearmen and Fullers 
entering the Drapers' Fellowship and having apprentices."* 

The Dyers, indeed, gained a Charter of Incorporation in 1471, 
but the Fullers and the Shearmen not till later.' 

Meanwhile the Letters Patent of ijtfj had especially reserved The Three 
the rights of those who enjoyed the privilege of holding frirs ^"^^^^ ^**"- 
in the suburbs. The great Fairs were three in number : one 
at Westminster, belonging to the Abbot ; another at Smithfield, 
which belonged to the Frior of St. Bartholomew ; the third at 
Southwark, belonging to the Prior of St. Mary Overy. Of these, 
the first was the most important and lasted thirty days, while the 
other two lasted but three. Cloth was sold at all these fairs, but 
more especially at that of St. Bartholomew, where the cloth 
market was entered by the great Cloth Gate. All the Clothiers 
and Drapers of England attended, as well as others concerned in 

' Strype, Stovr, ed. 17(^9 P* 3S99 mentions other cases, bat he ^ves no 
amhority, and as he calls the Taylor a Merchant Taylor, a name by which they 
were not known till i^oi, his accuracy may be doubted. 

> Ordinances, Appenda, vol. i. No. XVII $ Accounts, 1413-41, Appendix, 
Fol. i. No. XVIIL 

^ Hazlitt, Lirery Companies, 1 11. 34. The Shearmen sheared the fiisdan and 
levelled the nap of the cloth. The Fallen worked in the loose fibres of the 
wool. The Dyers originally dyed the wool and not the cloth, bat by this time 
the process of dyeing and of iblline was often done by the same man. As to the 
fbrnre history of the Pollers and Shearmen, see p. ii 9 of this volume. 

Digitized by 


loi History of the Gild of Drapers 

the cloth trade, and here the Drapers shared with the Taylors 
the right to search all cloth exposed for sale, and to mark it 
according to its width and length, the Drapers using the Drapers' 
ell or standard, the Taylors their silver yard.' 

The fairs, however, lasted only for a short time, and, as the 
cloth trade increased in the provincial towns of England, the 
number of country Clothiers and Drapers, as well as of aliens, 
who wished to sell their cloth in London increased. To meet 
the difficulty the Mayor, Whityngton, and the commonalty 
Bakewell of London purchased in 1 3py-(J Bakewell Hall or Black wellhall, in 
^*^^- Basinghall Street, once belonging to Sir Richard Clifford' and 

then to the family of BanquelT or Bakewell, from whence it 
derived its name. The Mayor in the ordinances of igpS ordered 
that to prevent the secret sale of woollen cloths and disorderly 
and deceitfid bargains of * foreign * Drapers ^ in divers hostelries, 
all such should sell their cloths at Bakewell Hall only, and at fixed 
days and hours in the week, on pain of forfeiture ; that no 
Merchant Stranger should sell to Merchant Stranger, and that 
the cloth so sold should be cloths and half cloths listed at both 
ends.* The Statute s Henry IV (1403) further enacted that 
Merchant Strangers should expend the proceeds of their sales 

' Cf. Herbert, i. 47, 417. For the later qaarrel of Drapen and Taylors over 
the right of search, cf. p. 1 1^ of this volume. 

' Not to the Basings as Stow says. Sir Ro£er de ClifTord sold Bakewelhall to 
the City in iz8o. Cf. Memorandam to Orainances of 140^ j Letter Book A, 
k>. I3f, p. ^^7 note; Wardens' Accounts, i^ii-i, fb. ib; Rep. 7^ 197 • In 
1286 and 1293 the City transferred it to John de Banquell and repurchased it in 
1595-^. Cf. Stow, ed. Kingsfbrd, i. i8^, i88, Z90, iL 33^. The position of the 
Hall in Basinghall Street may be seen in Mr. Kingsfbrd's Map. It is now the site 
of the Law Courts. 

^ By foreign is meant Englishmen not resident in London. Aliens could not 
purchase at the Hall, nor of any one except a citizen of London. Cf. ^ Mcmoire da 
traitement des Fran9oys', Schanz, Handelspolitik, iL 525. 

^ Riley, Memorials, p. ^fo, quoting Letter Book H, fo, 327. Cf. also 
Ordinances of 1 405, Appendix, vol 1, No. XVII. In Letter Biook K, fb. 2 5 5b, there 
is an interesting petition of date 14 H which complains of secret sale of woollen 
cloths, leather, and other goods ' between foreign and foreign to the great deroga- 
c*on and prejudice of the franchise of the City and the grete hurte of the trcwc 
franchised people of the same City '. The lieges of the King, merchants of 
Guyenne, were, however, allowed to sell to each other. Cf. Ordinances 
of 1405. 

Digitized by 


from 1364 to 1479 105 

on commodities of the realm, the lieges of Guyenne alone excepted ; 
a statute which was enforced by the Mayor on the petition of the 

To carry out these ordinances a Keeper was appointed, to whom 
an oath was administered that he would duly observe them.* In 
1404 the Drapers were conciliated by being allowed to appoint 
the Keeper, though he was to be admitted, and could be dismissed, 
by the Mayor and Aldermen, while the Drapers were made 
responsible ror any damage to the Hall by fire.^ Attempts were 
evidently made to stop all sale by wholesale by ' foreigners ' 
(i.e. any but citizens) except at the Hall, but the Act of 7 Henry IV, 
c. p (140^), as before stated, confirmed the right of Country 
Drapers and sellers of cloth to sell their wares wholesale not- 
withstanding any franchises, and declared in its preamble that 
this had always been allowed.* 

Shortly after the Drapers had secured the royal confirmation of The Dnpeis 
their Mystery, the City of London was convulsed by the social, and the 
religious, and political upheaval which began with the Good «^^«n»«n<^ 
Parliament of 1376 and ended with the fell of Richard 11. We ^ '^^ "^ • 
have already dedt with this episode in the Introduction.' Whether 
the Drapers took part in tne aaual struggle concerning John 
of Northampton in their corporate capacity, or only as individuals, 

* Letter Book I, fcs. 30, 37 b, 39 b, 40, 57-9 b. 

' Herbert, i 412 ; Letter Book D, &>. 87 b ; Ordinances of 140^, Appendix^ 
▼ol. i. No. XVII, p. 159 of this volume. 

^ Letter Book I, fb. 39b $ Ordinances of 1405, p. 259 of this volume. The 
Master of the Mistery of Drapers to elect an able, wise and safHdent person to see 
that all kmds of woollen cloth brought to Bakewellhall by Merchant Strangers 
be sold as by Law. The office of Keeper was an honourable and remunerative 
one. In 1472 Rich. Norman granted a house called the Gote in Chepe, the rent 
of which, ]^io, was to furnish a salary £>r the Kee^r. To this Olney added 
another tenement carrying a rent of i6^ on condition that he should succeed 
Norman. Norman also bequeathed plate and jewels worth ^40 to the Keeper. 
403, fe. I a, A. viiL 337* • Again, in 1493 Maister Isaac, Alderman and five 
dmes Master (1488-9, 1491-3, 1497-8, 1 500-1, iyio-ii\ pays jf 10 for rent 
of Bhckwellhall, and in if 05-^ Maister Galley (Galley) gives loo marks 
(£133 6s. S(L) for the office. 403, fo. 57 a, 80 a. 

* Herbert, L $97- See also Writ to Mayor and Sheriffs, 1419, to allow 
Gbchworkers (cferarii fannormn) from foreign parts to enjoy their liberties as they 
have been accustomed, under tneir Charter, Letter Book K, fo. 64 b. 
5 C£ p. 30 ff. 

Digitized by 


Fortunes of 
the Drapers 
daring the 
reigns of 
Richani II 
and Henry 

Condition of 
the Drapers* 
Gild or Fra- 
ternity at 
the begin- 
ning of the 

104- History of the Gild of Drapers 

we have no posttive evidence to show. Besides John of 
Northampton only one other Draper, William Essex, is men- 
tioned, but an interesting petition from the Mystery of Drapers 
of the year 1387 against the election of Nicholas Brembre, as 
Mayor in 1384, wmch has been discovered at the Becord Office, 
looks as if they acted as a body, and conclusively proves at least 
that the Drapers were jealous of the victualling Gilds/ 

During the reigns of Richard II and Henry IV the Drapers 
share the fortunes of the Greater Livery Companies, amongst 
whom they are now taking their place, and are gaining a part in 
the control of the municipal government. iS\. this has been 
treated of in the Introductory Chapter.* Meanwhile, the impor- 
tance of the cloth trade, both for home consumption and for 
foreign export, was increasing, and with it the influence of the 
Drapers. We are not therefore surprised to find that between the 
accession of Henry IV and the year 1458, the date of their second 
Charter, six Drapers held the position of Mayor, of whom three had 
been Sheriffs and three had represented the City in Parliament. 

Besides these there were sixteen more Drapers who were either 
Sheriffs, Aldermen, or Members of Parliament.^ This nouble rise 
in the influence of the Drapers on the Municipal Government of 
London was continued after that date, and was not confined to 
the political sphere. Indeed the fifteenth century may be said 
to have been the hey-day of the Gild as a controlling force on 
the cloth trade within the City. 

It is therefore most fortunate that with the opening of the fifteenth 
century we at last reach some definite evidence with regard to 
the internal condition of the Fraternity. This is found in the ordi- 
nances of 140X and 1 41 8, and in the earliest Wardens' Accounts 
that have been preserved. The accounts, which deal with ten years 
between 141 3-14 and 1441-2, are, however, only fragmentary.^ 

' Cf. Appendix, vol. i, No. VII. ^ C£ Introducdon. 

^ Cf. Lists of Mayors, SherifTs, Aldermen, and M.P.'s who were Drapers. 
Appendix, vol. ii. No. XXXI (f ). 

^ They exist for the years 141 3-14 to 141^-^} 1418*9 to 1419-30$ 1433-4 
to 1434-T 9 1439-40 to 1441-1. The accounts are printed folly, as well as 
a description and abstract of the ordinances, in Appendices, vol. i, Nos. XVII and 
XVIII. The ordinances should be compared with those of the religbns brother- 
hood of 1 37 1, Appendix, vol. i. No. IV. 

Digitized by 


from 1364 to 1479 loy 

In the Ordinances the society styk themselves as * the Assem- 
blage of the Fellyship of the Gild or Fraternity of our blessed Lady 
of Drapers'. 

The number of members who have obtained their freedom and The nam- 
pay or owe qiiarterage, which is 3^. a quarter or \id. a year, ben of the 
was, in the year 141 3-14, p5. In 1423-4 it had risen to io(J, ^^^^^ 
in X424-5' to 114 or n;-, and to \x6 in 1441-2. As, however, 
the quanerage is by no means always paid and the arrears are not 
always given, we cannot trust this evidence, and must look else- 
where. In 141 3-14 we find 127 paying 4^. each towards the 
expense of riding with the Sheriff, and in 1424-y i5p paying the 
same contribution to the cost of ridine with the Mayor in his 
procession, and since it is improbable that apprentices would pay 
this contribution, these may be taken as the approximate numbers 
of the Freemen at the given dates. From the subscriptions made 
by members towards the building of their new Hall, it is evident 
that some of them were men of some substance. One gives j^o, 
two ;f2o, one j^io, five £f each, and the majority of the rest ^2.' 
Moreover, out of the list of the subscribers we find five men who 
were Mayors, of whom four were also members for the City, and 
four others who were Sheriffs, one of whom again represented the 
City in Parliament, while during the period covered by these 
accounts five Parsons and two men of Law are members of the 

Sisters are mentioned as before, but how they were to be 
admitted we are not told till x^fSy when provision is made for 
admitting them by Redemption.^ 

Since, as with the quarterage, the fees for apprenticeship TheAppren- 
are irregularly paid, it is again impossible to be certain as to ^^^^• 
the numbers of apprentices annually enrolled, but the number 
appears to have varied considerably. In 1413-14 forty appren- 
tices were admitted. In 1423-4 the number of admissions fell to 

' These soms should be multiplied by 10 at least to represent present 

' The Parsons were the two chaplains of St. Mary Le Bowe and the Parsons of 
^t. Martin's Orgar, St. Swithln's,St. Edmund's, and St. Mary Woolnove (WooUioth). 

^ Sisters are also mentioned in the ordinances of the Religions Brotherhood 
of 1 37 1, and also in the Charter of 1438, and in the Grant of Arms, 1439 (New 
Style). C£ Appendix, vol. i, Nos. IV, IX, XI. 

Digitized by 


io6 History of the Gild of Drapers 

about fourteen and never rose above twenty-four till the year 
1^33-4, when it reached thirty-one, to end, in 1441-1, with 

It was not often that a master apprenticed more than one in any 

one year, but there are a few instances of persons enrolling as 

many as three, while in the year 1^13-14 we meet with one 

Draper, John Vyne, who apprentices nis son, and with another, 

who apprentices a Shearman. The fee for apprenticeship, which 

was paid by the master, fluauated. In 141 3-14 it was aoj. with 

the exception of one who paid ' de veylle dette '. This looks as 

if the fee was raised in that year. It remained at %os. till the 

year 1434-x, with the exception of the year I4x8-p, when a man 

pays 10/. for two apprentices. In 1434-T we again meet with 

one who pays 10s. In 1439-40 the payment is 13 j. 4/. for each 

apprentice, and in I44X los. is paid for fifteen apprentices, and 

13x4/ for forty. It may be tnat the smaller sums are balances 

due on old apprenticeships, although they are not so entered. In 

any case it is clear that whereas in 141 3-14 the usual fee was 2oj., 

it had by I4dx>-i fidlen to I3.r. 4^/. 

Ori^ of The best clue to this reduction will be found if we can prove 

Distinaioii xhzi just at this moment those in the Livery were beginning to be 

thoIe^La the ^^^g^^shed firom the ordinary freemen. Before this distinction 

Livery and ^^^^ ^^^ ^ ^^ ^^^' included the fee for entrance into the fiiU 

the Free- fellowship. At a later date, when the ' Livery * had been fiilly 

men. established, the fee for entry into the Livery was 6s. 8^., which 

together with the fee for apprenticeship on the new scale, 1 3 j. 41/., 

amounts to the old sum ot aoj. 

This concession in the matter of the fee for apprenticeship 
was, however, made to the master, who paid the fee for enrolment 
of his apprentice, rather than to the apprentice himself^ who 
found that to obtain his freedom he had to pay 3^ j^J.^ and even 
then was excluded ft-om the Livery unless he was subsequently 
admitted, and at a forther cost of (Jj. %d. 

The wording of the ordinance concerning admission to the 
Livery confirms this suggestion. In its altered form, which 
belongs to some date after 1450, it runs ^ ordained is that every- 
man, that shall be abyled and amytted by the whole body of the 
Fellowship {being in the Livery) to wear the Livery and hath 

Digitized by 


from 13^4/0 1479 107 

been Prentys, shall pay at the leetle (least) at his entry 6s. 8^., to 
the clerk 1x4^., and the beadle %d' ' 

By the introduction of the words in italics, ^ being in the 
Lively \ the whole sense of the ordinance is changed. As it 
stood originally it left the power to grant the Livery to all the 
freemen, and agrees with a previous ordinance to the eflFect that 
*all the company of the Fellowship every year or second 
year . . . shaD be clothed in a sute and livery ' (an ordinance 
which curiously enough remained). But in its altered form 
a distinction h clearly made between those in the * Livery' 
and the ordinary freeman. Meanwhile, during the period of 
change a concession seems to have been made. All those who 
have served their apprenticeship, and are admitted at all, except 
one, are admitted, not into the ordinary freedom, but into tne 
clothing, paying 6s. 8 J. ; ' and that one may have been a redemp- 
doner, as was the case in 1439-40. By the year 147 T> when the 
Wardens' Accounts are once more to hand, the change has been 
finally completed. The fee for apprenticeship is i is. 4^. ; for 
admission into the freedom is. 4^., and fer admission into the 
Livery 6s. 84/., with fees to Clerk and Beadle. 

By this date the numbers of those admitted into the ordinary 
freedom has risen to twenty-three, while there is only one admission 
to the Livery, and in the next year the numbers are, founeen 
admitted into freedom, three only to the Livery .^ 

^ The words in italics are eWdent alteiadons made after 14^0 (c£ Ordinances, 
Appendix, vol. i, Na XVII), since the clerk does not appear till that date. 

' Apprentices admitted : 

In 1413-14 None. 

„ 1423-4 4 into Lively, none into the Freedom 
» 1414—5 T >i » » » 

» i4»8-9 ^ n St 31 i> 

„ 141^30 1 „ I II jj 

„ I45J-4 ^ » none „ „ 

53 1434-5 ^ » 33 93 33 

„ 1439-40 None„ „ „ „ 

(i by Redemption payine 6f.) 
„ 1441*2 None into Livery, none mto the Freedom. 
^ The earliest instances of the distinction between the Livery and the Yeomen 
or Freemen is in the case o£ the Cordwainers, 1387, and the Saddlers, 139^. 
C£ Rjley's Memorials, pp. 495, 542. In the Taybn or Linen Armourers it is 

Digitized by 



io8 History of the Gild of Drapers 

Admissioo It would also appear that it was during these critical years that 
hy Redenp- the system of admitting members by redemption, that is to say, 
without their having previously served an apprenticeship, was 
introduced. The first mention of such admission, which was 
originally granted by the Master and the Wardens, with the 
assent of the Fraternity,' is in 1414-;', when one redempcioner 
was admitted into the Livery ; in the following year two were 
admitted by redemption into the Livery, and four more, apparently 
by redemption, into the freedom only ; in 1439-40 three more 
entered the clothing by redemption. The fees were settled 
by a£reement and varied from £1 to £6 ijj. 44/. plus a fee to the 
beadle, and later to the clerk. We have no nodce of a translation 
from another Gild in the accounts, but from the Letter Books we 
learn that in. 142/ a Linen Armourer, in 1433 a Weaver, in 
143P a Taylor, in 144/ another Taylor, and in 14/2 a Dyer, 
joined the Drapers' Gild because, as is explained in one case, 
he had been long using the Mystery of a Draper."* 

From the accounts of 1424-f we gather that these Drapers 
were dispersed about equally in Cornhill and Candlewick Street, 
while a few lived in Chepe and St. Swithin's Lane.^ The 
Corporate Revenues of the Gild were not very great, except 
in the years 1424-6, when they were increased by the sub- 
scription iot their new Hall in St. Swithin's Lane. In 141 3-14 
they only reached the modest sum oi £i'^ i/j. 6d, In 1441-2 

femui as early as 141 1. Cbde, p. 60, It became general among the Greater 
Companies at a later date. . Unwin, Gilds, p. 166, 

* C£ Ordinance X (i). Appendix^ vol. i, No. XVII. In 1 104-5 the assent of 
the Fellowship was dispensed with. 

' Letter Book Kj £>. 29 b, 135 b, 174, 127, i^^b. Stow says that Simon 
Eyre the Draper, Mayor in 144^, was translated from the Upholders 
(ed. Kingsferd, L 153). The play by Dekker, who wrote in Elizabeth's reign, 
makes hmi a Cordwainer or Shoemaker. 

^ The numbers are : 31 in Cornhill $ 30 in Candlewick Street | 17 in Chepe 
Lane \ 6 m St, Swithon's Lane. Four Drapers were Aldermen of Cornhill in 
the fifteenth centniy — ^JohnGedney, 1435 ; Simon Eyre, 1449 j Ralph Joscelyn, 
i^S^i ^' Drope, 1478. And fear of Candlewick Street: William Crowmere, 
1410 J JohnBrockle, 1433 $ Nicholas Yoo, 1438; John Derby, 1444. Cornhill 
in the reign of Henry VI was the home of Fripperers and Upholders, who soU 
old apparel and household stuff (cf. Liber Albas, ed. Riley, p. xcii), and this was 
the case in Stow*s day (cf. Stow, ed. Kingsferd,L 81, 199, 117, 1 18, 30^). 

Abode and 

Digitized by 


from 1^64. to 1479 109 

they rose to ^ff ixs. i\d.'^ Of this income £1^ ifs. 4^. was, 
in 141 3-14, derived from rents of houses, and paid by nine 
tenants: in 144.1-2 it was £^^ ^s, 4^.,' paid by ten tenants. 
Their other receipts were chiefly composed of quarterage, fees for 
apprenticeship and entries into the freedom, fees for the election 
dinner, fines fer offences committed by members, which were 
very rare, and for breach of regulations with regard to cloth, 
enforced by their search at j&irs and elsewhere, and imposed 
on others besides members.^ 

In 141 4 we hear of only one account, that of the Box de Dieu The Spirit- 
or Spiritual Box. Subsequently a Temporal Box was also estab- ^^ and 
lished. Into the Spiritual Box were paid the Rents, the quarter- temporal 
age, and the fees for apprenticeship ; into the Temporal, the fees 
for entry in the Freedom and the Livery, fines, and subscriptions. 

The expenses are varyincly distributed between the two boxes 
till 142^-6. In I4a8-p tney are clubbed together. From 1430 
the balance of the previous year is paid into the Spiritual Box 
which bears all expenses, and from 1439 to 1442 we hear again of 
only one Common Box. 

The Disbursements, except for the building of the Hall, are very Disburse- 
modest. They include alms. Chaplain's fees, fees for maintaining ments. 
lights in Bowe Church, the Bedell's fees and those of servants, 
food, drink, banners, and minstrels on public occasions. The 
amount given in alms is absurdly small. In 1414-5' it amounted 
to £8 lyj. 11^., after which it steadily declined, as the old 
recipients died out. In i^s^^ there were only two almsmen, 
in 1428 and 1429-30 only one, a certain Walter Honyspell who 
had been a recipient of charity since 1424. But in 1433-4 he 

^ Cf. Appendix, vol. i. No. XVIII. 

^ The actoal annual rental amounted to £z^ 4/. 9d. But there was one 
arrear paid and one rent was only for half a year. From a return made to the 
Crown in 1411 it appears that the Drapers stood fourth among the Livery 
Companies as owners of City property. The Goldsmiths* rental amounted to 
£^6 10/. o^., the Taylors* to £44 3/. 7<^, the Skinners' to jf 18 lu, 8(/., the 
Mercers* to £13 i8x. 4</. Cf. Archaeoloeical Journal, vol. xlv, pp. s6^Si. 

^ C£ Appendix^ vol. i, No. XVIII. A (&ier, a Kerseyman : Accounts No. 140, 
1413-14. Men of Essex at St. Barthokmew's Fair; a man of Calais : Accounts, 
1424-f. They pay a Serjeant for searching the measure of Adam Gemey, 
a Shearman; Accounts, 1433-4. 

Digitized by 



Master, and 

The Bedell 
and Qerk. 

Chorch of 
St, Mary at 
Bowe and 
their Chap- 

no History of the Gild of Drapers 

was apparently dead, and no one took his place till 1434-r, 
when there were four almsmen who received in all ;^f 13J. ^. 
Between 1440 and 1467 nothing was riven in alms.' The 
expenditure on the election feasts and for processions is small 
as compared with the extravagance of later years. 

The Drapers were evidently careful men of business. In spite of 
arrears, especially fer the payment of quarterage, which were often 
heavy, rising in 144.1-2 to over £so^ they always had a balance, 
though in i42j'-6,owing to the expenses over the Hall,it fell to 1^. 

Up to the year 1439-40 the Gild had no Master, or rather 
it had four Masters who represent the later Wardens. In that 
year John Gedney became the first Master.* Although the later 
Court of Assisunts does not appear by name, its functions were 
exercised by a body termed the Council. 

The only other important officer we hear of in the accounts is 
the Bedell, or Common Clerk as he is called in the Ordinances. 
He was evidently an official of some dignity, and probably united 
in his person the later offices of Bedell and Clerk.^ He had to be 
free of the Company ; his salary w^as nearly the same as that 
of the Chaplains {£^ to their {ls\ ; he represented the Company 
at ridings and processions, when he was provided with a horse 
and with his dress at the Company's expense. 

The earlier connexion of tne Drapers with the Hospital and 
Church of St. Mary of Bethlehem seems not to have lasted long, and 
certainly had been severed by the time their records begin.^ At 
that date their chief church was that of St. Mary at Bowe,' where 

' Alms were only given to those who had been admitted to the Freedom, and 
had worn the clothing for seven years. It amounted to fixir marks yearly, imless 
the almsman had been a Warden, when it was to be I4<L a week. 

^ John Gedney had been imprisoned for refiisine the Aldermanic gown, bot 
was M.P. for the City in 1414. In 1417-8 he was Mayor, and again in 1447-8. 
In 1444 he married the widow of Robert Large, Mayor in 1439. But as she had 
taken the veil, Gedney and his wife had to do penance. Stow, ed. Kingsford, L i %6. 

^ The Clerk as a separate officer does not appear till after 14^0. The Grocers 
also had a Beadle before they had a Clerk. Heath, Grocers, p. f 3. 

^ The Chaplain of the Hospital of Bethlem, which was tnmed into a Poor House 
after the Dissolution of the Monasteries, tells me that the Drapers used to send 
a present of bans to the Hospital as late as i8io. 

^ In 1^05 St. Michael's Cornhill took the place of that at Bowe, while in 
1^03 they also had a Chapel in St. Mary of Avon. 

Digitized by 


from 13^4 to 1479 III 

they maintained a lights and endowed two Chaplains at a salary 
of ^y each, who were to be free of the Company and admitted to 
the Livery, receiving their sowns as a present. The Chaplains 
conducted the masses and tne dirges for departed brothers and 
sisters, and the requiem on the day following, as well as the 
services on election days, at which all members were to attend. 

The impression gathered from these early accounts is that 
of a body of men who, with a few notable exceptions, are of 
middle estate and moderate incomes, of businesslike habits, care- 
ful administrators, orderly and pious people. All these points are 
emphasized in their ordinances. 

On the Day of the Assumption if it be a Sunday, or on the The Ordi- 
Sunday after the Assumption, all the Fellowship except the nances, 
apprentices shall attend Mass in the morning at their church 
of St. Mary at Bowe, and offer a silver penny on the altar. 
In the evening they shall attend a Dirge. On the Monday, after 
a Requiem, and sometimes a Collation (sermon), they are to pro- 
ceed to the Election Dinner, after which the Wardens for the 
ensuing year, previously elected by the Aldermen and certain 
of the Council, are to be presented for confirmation by the 
whole Fellowship. Those elected to the post of Warden must 
serve under penalty of a fine, but having served once they need 
not serve again for five years. 

Apart from regulations concerning Blackwellhall which have 
already been given,' these ordinances are chiefly concerned with 
the internal government of the Company. Thus the Wardens 
are to render a yearly account at or before Halloween (Nov. i). 
Quarterage, or the yearly fee, is to be la^/. The charge for 
dinner is to be %s. when a new livery is ordered, jj. when it is 
not. The livery is to be worn on all public occasions. When 
the Mayor is entertained loj. is to be allowed for his dinner 
if he be not a Draper, 40 j. if he is. 

The choice of tne new livery, which is to be at the cost of the 
members themselves, and the times when the colour of it is to be 
changed are to be at the discretion of the Wardens and the 
CounciL When the livery is of one colour a hood is to be worn, 

' C£ p. 101. 

Digitized by 


iix History of the Gild of Drapers 

but not when it is * party ', L e, of more than one colour/ All 
apprentices are to be enrolled An apprentice who cannot a^^ree 
with his master, and apprentices and journeymen after their 
term, are to serve none but members of the Fellowship. All 
complaints against brethren are to be made first to the Wardens 
before going to law. No brother is to betray anything said 
in Council, or any secrets as to the selling or price of cloth. No 
brother is to act as a go-between or broker betw*een Merchant 
Strangers, or to set a rordgner to work, or to take a servant 
or shop from his brother. All misbehaviour is to be punished 
at the aiscretion of the Wardens, and any one who is rec^citrant 
is to be presented to the Mayor as a * rebel '. That this was no 
empty tnreat is proved by many instances of actual punishment 
by the Wardens, and in 14.5^3 we find two Drapers, James 
Falaron and Aungill de Pettis, put out of the Fraternity.' 

The most important of these ordinances are to he read to 
the whole company assembled at the Quarter Day Ciourts and are 
noted with the word * Lege ' (To be read). In 1435 the Com- 
mons petitioned that, whereas Masters, Wardens, &c., of several 
Gilds, Fraternities, and Companies had, under colour of rule and 
government and other terms in general words granted to them by 
Charters, made among themselves several disloyal and little 
reasonable ordinances, as well as corrected offences solely apper- 
taining to the King, the lords of liberties and others, His Majesty 
would ordain that all such ordinances should be approved and 
registered before the Justices of the Peace or Governors of 
cities, burghs, and towns in which such Gilds were situated, 
and the Statute ly Henry VI, cc. 5, 7 (143^), embodied this 
Building of In i^s we learn firom their accounts that the Drapers are 
the First beginning to build their first hall in St. Swithin's Lane. The 
Hall, I4XJ. gj.Qund on which it was built they appear to have secured in 
1 385*, although it was held in trust for the Company by individual 

' The cobar was varied many rimes rill the reien of James I, when permanent 
coloars were adopted according to the style settled by the Heralds* Collet. 

* Cf. Appendix, vol. i, No. XVII j Ordinances of 1408-18, p. s8. Herbert, 
i 429, reads this 'aniez felaron and avictgett of pettis ', and translates it, ^any 
felon or convia * ! ! 

Digitized by 


from 13^4 to 1479 iij 

members, probably because of the difficulty of holding land 
in mortmain.' It v^ould have been interesting to know what 
it cost. Unfortunately the accounts are not complete, several 
years being omitted. All that we can say is that in the first two 
years, 1425- -5, some £i6s was expended, and that little more 
than the stonework and roof had then been completed. Some 
idea, however, may be formed of its interior from the various 
accounts we have of its buildins;, and of later repairs. It con- 
tained a spacious refectory or dining hall paintea green, with 
a large fireplace, a large Chamber or Ciourt Room, a ' Chequer ' 
Chamber for the financial business, and a Ladies' Chamber. The 
Hall had the usual raised dais (haut-pas) for the High Table, which 
was at one time hung round with blue buckram, nine forms 
surrounding the table, a bufiet, and a great cupboard. The Hall 
was strewn with rushes. But the Ladies' Chamber and the 
' Chequer ' Chamber were laid with mats and ornamented with 
hangings on festal days. Besides these the offices consisted of 
a kitchen, a pantry, a buttery, a store-room, and a scalding yard. 
Special mention is made or the chimneys, three in number, 
which were at that time somewhat of a novelty. The Hall 
chimney was so large that a slip of ground had to be bought 
to give it room. TTie windows were most if not all of them 

Meanwhile, the Drapers had received a fresh confirmation Charter of 
of their privileges. The Charter of 17 Henry VI, 143 8-p, 17 Henry 
differs in some material points from the Letters Patent of *>'^38"^- 
Edward III. In the first place, whereas in the earlier grant 
there is no mention of a religious Fraternity, and the privileges 
conceded are solely concerned with trade, the Charter of 
Henry VI, while giving them authority to elect a Master and 
four Wardens ' to support the burden of business touching the 
Mystery, Gild and Fraternity ', insists especially on the religious 
aspect. ' Because of the special honour which we bear to the 
Glorious Mother of God,' it runs, *we grant to our beloved 
lieges, the men of the Mystery of Drapers, that they found "one 
GiU or Fraternity '* in the honom* or the Blessed Virgin Mary, 
mother of the Holy Lamb.^ Moreover, the Charter of Heiury VI 

^ QL Appendix, voL i, No. XIX. 

Digitized by 


114 History of the Gild of Drapers 

definitely gives them a legal corporate unity. They are con- 
stituted ^ in name and fact one perpetual Body and one Community 
with perpetual succession and a Common Seal '. They and their 
successors 'are empowered lawfully to purchase in fee and 
perpetuity lands» tenements, rents and omer possessions from 
any one ', and their representatives are to be allowed ' to plead 
and be impleaded ' in the name of the Fraternity. No doubt, 
as has been noticed in the Introduction,' neither the religious 
bond nor the idea of the corporate unity had been absent before, 
but now the Sute steps in. It replaces or reinforces the moral 
sanction of the Church and gives to the Society a definite l^al 

It would appear that the result of this grant was to empower 

the Fraternity of the Drapers to hold lands in mortmain, since 

they were allowed to ' purchase lands of any one \ and this privi- 

InspexiinQs lege was further confirmed in the Inspeximus Charter oi 6 Ed- 

Chartcrof -^ard IV,* which at the same time insists still more strongly 

IWi^eL? ^^ ^^ religious fonctions of the Fraternity. This Charter 

' '^ ' empowers the Company to acquire tenements, rents, and other 

possessions whatsoever to the value of j^io per annum towards the 

sustenance of their two Chaplains and for the celebration of 

divine offices and other necessary burdens, while the Company 

enpges that the Chaplains pray for the good estate of the King 

Edward and his Queen ; for the wholesome government of the 

said Fraternity of Drapers, and the brothers and sisters thereof 

whilst living, and for their souls when dead, as also for the 

souls of the King's late father Richard, Duke of York, Edmund, 

Earl of Rutlano, brother to the King, the Earl of Salisbury 

the King's kinsman, and Sir Thomas Neville, son to the said 


Three minor points in the Charter of Henry VI may be noted. 

' Introd., p. 4^. 

' Appendix, roL i, Nos. IX, XII. 

^ All of these had feufht in the Yorkist cause, and all had died on the 
battle-field or on the bkx^. Richard, Duke of York, had been killed in the 
battle of Wakefield (14^0) } Edmund, Earl of Rutland, younger brother of 
Edwacd IV, also fell at Wakefield (1460) ait the age of 16 ^ the Earl of 
Salisbary, uncle of Edwacd IV, had been tuen prisoner at the battle of Wake- 
field (14^0) and was executed j Sir Thomas Neme was also killed at Wakefield. 

Digitized by 


from 13^4 to 1479 115- 

The office of Master is mentioned in addition to the four Wardens, 
as well as Sisters of the Fraternity.' 

The Drapers had now placed themselves alongside the nine 
other Companies that had previously obtained Charters of In- 
corporation.' Fifteen more feUowed before the end of the 
fifteenth century. But all of these do not ever attain to the 
position of the twelve Greater Livery Companies^^ among which 
the Drapers were soon to win the third place. 

The issue of the Charter by Henry VI was followed in the The Giant 
same year by a grant to bear arms. The terms of this grant are ^ ^^^^ 
as follows: *It having pleased the King to grant by Letters c^^i^n^^*^ 
Patent to his humble and £dthful lieges of the Mystery of ^^^' 
Drapers the right to fi>rm a Corporation, and the said Drapers 
having requested me to devise a coat of arms which they may 
represent on their Common Seal^ I, William Brugess, Garter King 
or Arms, to please John Gedney their Master, their four Wardens 
and other notables of the Fraternity and Company, have devised 
as a coat of arms for a perpetual remembrance and in honour of 
the most glorious Virgin and Mother, Mary, who is in the shadow 
of the sun and yet shines with all clearness and purity, three 
sunbeams issuing from three clouds of flame, crowned with three 
imperial crowns of gold on a shield of azure, and, as appears 
in the demonstrance of the said blazon, painted in their proper 
colours in the margin of the present letter as the true blazoning 
of the coat of arms.' ^ This was a distinction as yet conferred on 
two other of the London Companies only.' 

' Sisters. It was an old rule of the City that apprentices were to continue to 
senre the widow of a brother for the residue of his time. Letter Book D, 
lbs. 41b, 43. Sisters are also mentioned in the ordinance of the Relidous 
FratemitY of 157 1. By an ordinance of 14^ they were to be admitted by 
Redemption ^ cf. OrdinanceS| Appendix, toI. i. No. XV. 

* The Skinners, 1395 i the Mercers, 1394$ the Saddlers, 139H ^^^ Gold- 
smiths, 1398 \ the Taylors, 1408 $ the Grocen, 1429 \ the Fishmongers, 1433 $ 
the Vintners, 143^$ the Brewers, 1437* Cf Introduction, p. 47- 

^ On the Greater Livery Companies, c£ Introduction, p. 47, note. 

^ The most esctraordinary explanations have been given of these Crowns. By 
some they have been held to represent the Crowns of England and France and 
the Lordship of Ireland, then held by the English kines. Others have called them 
the three Crowns on the Pope's Tiara. Doubtless, however, they are the Triple 
Crowns of the Deity. Cf. Appendix, vol. i, Na XI, for a further note on them. 

^ The Goldsmiths, in 1 39;^, and the Mercers, whose earliest arms were a repre- 

Digitized by 


ii6 History of the Gild of Drapers 

Grant of the Nor did the Toyal favour stop here. In the same year (17 

Farm of the Henry VI) a grant of the Farm of the Aulnage of cloth was 

^""^g* given to two Drapers, R. Sherborne and J. Derby.* 

Style) ^ Shortly after a controversy arose between the Drapers and the 

Contiorersy Taylors or Unen Armourers over the right of search. These 

with the rivals, whose Graft had been declared separate from that of the 

Taybrsorer Drapers by Brembre in 1385-, had received a Charter of Incor- 

silrSf^^ poradon from Henry IV in 1408. They had long shared with 

1439-47- ^^^ Drapers the right of search at the Fair of St. Bartholomew, 

and of searching the stalls and houses belonging to their own 

Fraternity. In 143^ they succeeded in obtaining ftirther Letters 

Patent at the *grete cost of ^^71 ys. id' These Letters gave 

them authority ^to make full search in and concerning the 

Mysteries of tailoring and linen armouring within the City and 

its Suburbs, and concerning all those persons that may be privi- 

l^ed with the Taylors, and concerning such Mysteries, which 

they, or any of them use '. It ftirther empowered them * to 

sentation of Richard II, though they were sabseqnently altered. The Vintners 
receired a grant in 14x7. Two others, the Ironmongers (i4fO ^^ ^^^ 
Merchant Taylors (1480), secured the same privilege before the close of the 
century. None, however, of these Companies have preserved their grant, nor 
does the Heralds' College possess them. This grant to the Drapers is therefore 
the earliest document ot its kind. 

' Aulnage. All cloth before it could be sold had to be viewed by the 
Anlnager, who saw that the cloth was of the legal lengths and sealed it, 
charging for the same. The lengths of the different kinds of cloths varied 
according to the various Assizes, which present a perfectly bewildering mass of 
legislation running from Magna Carta to the reign of James I. Neglect of this 
rule led to forfeiture of the cloth, one-half of which went to the King and 
one-half to the informer. In the reien of Edward III the Crown remitted its 
share of the fines for a subsidy, and subsequently firmed oat the subsidy and the 
aulnage to individuals, who paid an annual sum and recouped themselves by the 
ftts and fines; in other words they became Aulnagen. By the Statute 4 
Henry IV, c. 24 (1401), the Aulnager was to be an expert in the making of 
cloth, and of the sufnciency of jfioo at least. Thomas Wotton had been 
appointed in 1407. See on Aubaging, Rastall, Statutes on Cloth under head 
Draperie j Statutes if Ed. Ill, 4. cc. i, i j 17 Ed. Ill, i. c. 4 ; 7 Ric. II, c 9 ; 
4 Hen. IV, c. 14 $ 4 Ed. IV, cc. i, 3, 1 5 17 Ed. IV, c. f ; i Ric. Ill, c. 8 j 
Letter Book E, fi>s. 43, 47 ; G, fo. ^9 ; I, fe. n ^ > Ashley, Econ. Hist., Book II, 
c. iii, p. 123 3 Record CMfice, Exchequer Accounts, 137^-80, ^j^fT. 

The office lasted till the reign of William III. 

Digitized by 


from 13^4- to 1479 117 

correct and reform all defects found among them according to 
their discretions by the survey of the Mayor ', and ordered that 
* no other person should make any search, but only the aforesaid 
Mayor or his deputies, privil^ed of the aforesaid Taylors, and to 
be elected (in de&ult) by the Master and Wardens of the 
Taylors',* The Taylors had long enjoyed the right to make 
searches of made-up cloth in the hands of their members, but 
apparently they now extended it to others and to unmade cloth. 
The Charter therefore roused the opposition of the Drapers. In 
August 1441 they complained to the Mayor, John Pattesley, * that, 
whereas in times past, the Master and Wardens of their Mystery, 
in conjunction with a serjeant-at-mace of the Chamber of the 
Guildhall, were accustomed to have the search of all woollen 
doth, and of the measures called metyerdes brought to the city for 
sale, they had recently been prevented in such search by men of 
the Mystery of Taylors, on the ground that the right had been 
vested in them by the Mayor ', and prayed a remedy. The Mayor 
and Aldermen, 'taking into consideration that the science and 
knowledge of measures and the defect and sufficiency of cloths 
appertains to Drapers, but the fitting and sewing of doth are best 
known to the Taylors, the two sdences bdng essentially different, 
decreed that the Master and Wardens of Drapers should con- 
tinue thdr search as before ' ; but for the purpose of peace, until 
the Taylors shall have come and put in their reply, the Mayor 
took asain into his own hands the search of woollen cloth ex- 
posed tor sale by Taylors at St. Bartholomew's Fair, and appointed, 
as his deputies, the Chamberlain, in conjunction with two sworn 
men from the Mysteries of the Shearmen and the Fullers to assist 
as experts. The King, however, in a subsequent writ, bade the 
Mayor allow the Taylors to pursue thdr search pursuant to the 
Letters Patent previously issued (August 14, 144.1).' 

The confirmation of this privilege to the Taylors caused great 
discontent not only among the Drapers, but in the City generally. 
Accordingly, when, at the next election to the Mayoralty in 
October, Ralph Holland, a Taylor, presented himself as a candi- 
date, he was rejected in favour of Robert Clopton, a Draper 
(October 1441). The Taylors recdved the news with the cry 
' Clode, Merchant Taylors, i. 3^. * Letter Book K, io. \f)6 b. 

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ii8 History of the Gild of Drapers 

'Nay, nay, we will haye Ralph Holland*, and induced those of 
the baser trades to take their part. As they refused 'to cease 
their misrule for all the Mayor could sale ', the Mayor ordered 
the Sheriffs to commit twelve or sixteen of the rioters to 

No sooner was the Draper Clopton in power than he obtained 
Letters Patent from the Crown confirming to him &r the time 
present the right of search in respect of all Mysteries in the City, 
notwithstanding the opposition of certain men of the Mystery of 
Taylors and others (August 21, 1442). On the nth of the 
October following, another Draper, John Norman, was elected 
Mayor ; and on the 20th, the Recorder of the City was dispatched 
to the King to ask for the repeal of the Charter granted to the 
Taylors, as prejudicial to the Liberties of the City.* 

In 1^7 the Taylors retaliated by disputing the Draoers' claim 
to searcn the houses of Taylors &r meteyards and wooUen cloths. 
But on the matter being referred to the Mayor, he, in accordance 
with an order firom the KiM, confirmed the Draf>ers' right to 
search, under the authority of^the Mayor and a Serjeant-at-mace 
assigned to them, the said meteyards and all woollen cloths put 
to sale by retail throughout the City according to custom.' 

In Letter Book K, p. 321, fo. 237, we are told that this 
ordinance of the Mayor had been surreptitiously cut out and 
taken away, but that in 15-10 the Master and Wardens of the 
Drapers' Company showed a copy of the ordinance in a certain 
black book belonging to their Mystery and prayed that it should 
be again inscribed in the City book, and that this was done.^ 

Tne controversy is interesting as illustrating the rivalry of the 

' Clode, i 135, quoting from Holimhed, iii. 104. It was prbbaUy this tioc 
which led to the rale that no one should come to the election of the Mayor bat 
the Aldermen and more discreet persons (October 10, 1441), Letter Book K, 
fe. lof ; and to the subsequent restriction of the rieht of voting to the members 
of the Common Council and the Lirery Men of the Greater Companies. Cf. 
Introd., p. 41. 

' Letter Book K, fes. 197, 198. 

^ Book of Evidences, A, fi». 1 53 b^ 1^0, i^i. C£ Appendix, toL 1, Not. XIII, 

^ Letter Book K, fo. 237 $ Book of Evidences, fe. 16% j Appendix, vol. i, 
No. XIV, note. 

Digitized by 


from 13^4 to 1479 119 

two Companies, but the net result was that the old custom was 
renewed, and that, while the Drapers continued to exercise their 
right of search at the three £drs at Westminster, St. Bartholomew's, 
and at Southwark, and in the shops of the City, over unmade cloth, 
the Taylors secured their right of searching Taylors at the fairs 
and in their houses with r^ard to made-up cloths.' 

But if the Drapers and the Taylors were ready to quarrel oyer Oppositioa 
their respective rights, they could at least make common cause ®£r"P*/f 
aeainst all others, and this thev did when, shortly after, the ^||J*^ 
Shearmen sought for a Charter or Incorporation, and attempted to shearmen, 
extend their right of search over those who were not of their 

The Wardens' Accounts for the year 1477-8 illustrate very 
forcibly the determination with which the Drapers protected their 
privil^es, and the serious expense which they incurred.' They 
took counsel with ' Maister Pygot, Serjeaunt-at-Law ', at a cost 
of//. ; they called in the Recorder, whose fee was 10/., and hurried 
off to see the Chancellor. But die Mayor appears to have been 
against them, for at his commandment John Beauchamp and 
William Shucklebu^, two of the Wardens, were kept * in New- 
gate Prison by the space of two days and a night ', and this cost 
another 14X. Meanwhile, the Master, Edward Brampton, and 
another Warden, William Spark, were riding hard to seek the 
King (expenses £1^ 4/. o^.). Eventually, at the forther cost of 
the good round sum of j^j-o. King Edward IV listened to their 
remonstrances and those of the Taylors. In the nineteenth year 
of his reign he issued Letters Patent ^ promising not to grant incor- The Shear- 
poration to the Shearmen, and forther restricting their right of ."*" refcsed 
search. The Shearmen were only to exercise meir customary 2^'**'*' 
right of searching ' all manner of workmanship of shearing ' over 
the members of their own Craft. If they found any doth or 
clothes unduly shorn in the hands of Shearmen which belonged 

' Clode, Merdiam Ta^bn, i 119. 

* The total expense of ' stopping the grete sewte and labonre of the Shearmen ' 
amounted to l6o xy. 71L, with a result that the balance of £11 7/. tid.ah th« 
kst fear was turned into a deficit of £17 5/. id. C£ Wardens' Accounts, 403, 
lb. 15 a, b. 

f A|^ndizj ToL i, Na XV. 

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iio History of the Gild of Drapers 

to members of the Tailors' or Drapers' Crafts, or of other Crafts^ 
they were not to seize it, as they had been doing of late, but to 
punish the offender * according to reason '. The Shearmen sub- 
mitted, and friendly relations seem to have been restored between 
the two Companies, for in 1^82 we find the Drapers sending 
a present of is. ^. to a Shearman for * presenting to them of 
three dothis sette in Southwerk'/ 

Thus the supremacy of the Taylors and Drapers over the cloth 
and clothing trade was for the time secured. The Shearmen, as 
well as the Fullers, fell into a subordinate position. The Fullers 
indeed obtained a Charter of Incorporation in ia8o and the 
Shearmen in 15-07—8, but it was not till 15-28 tnat the two 
Crafts, united and finally incorporated under the common name of 
the Qothworkers, entered into a period of greater prosperity, 
and of rivalry, more especially with the Merchant Taylors.* 
Meanwhile we learn from the ordinances of 15-12 that Shearmen 
as well as Fullers sometimes joined the Drapers' Gild and enrolled 
apprentices.^ The Drapers had therefore now secured the mono- 
poly of the right of buying and selling doth with some exceptions, 
as well as of tne rieht of search of cloth, within the City. 

The more diffioHt question to dedde is how fitr the Drapers of 
London did, in the later fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, develop 
the manu&cturing side of their Craft, in the sense of superintending 
the various processes and employing workmen of other Crafb. 

The answer to this question turns partly upon the interpreution 
we put upon the words ^faisours de Draps' (the makers of doth) and 
the * Mystery of Drapery ' in the Charter of Edward III.* It is 
possible that the meaning of* making doth ' may be the pressing, 

' Wardens* Accoonts, 405, fe. x6 b. 

' Hazlitt, LiYery Compauiies, pp. iii, 134. 

^ Ordinances of ih^> Appendiz, ycL i. No. XVII. zL 13. Herbert wrooglx 
represents this as if these men had to pay a fee on the indenture of their appren- 
tices when they were not memben of the Drapers. Vol. i, p. 41^. 

^ The Charters of Henry VI and Edward IV to the Drapers unfortunately 
give ns no assistance. The first gives power to the Drapen to elect a Master 
and foar Wardens to superintend the business touching their ^Mystery', bat 
does not tell us what that Mystery was. The second deals exclusively with their 
right to hold in mortmain and to establish a Chantry. C£ Appendisc^ toL i» 
I&. IX, XII. 

Digitized by 


from \%6^to 14-79 rii 

fbldine;, or otherwise preparing it for the market But this seems 
unlikely. ' Again,it might be held that a distinction is made between 
the Glothmaker and the Draper, since the Charter, while it forbids 
Weavers, Dyers, and Fullers to engage in the making of cloth, 
does not in actual words confer the privil^e of making on 
the Drapers, but only that which appertains to ^the Mystery 
of Drapery \ And, if there had been a Gild of Clothmakers 
in London at that time, I should have been strongly inclined to 
adopt that interpretation. As, however, there was no such Gild, 
or any other Gild, which was exercising the function of doth- 
making in London at the time,' it must, I think, be taken that 
the ^ making of cloth ', in the sense of superintending its manu- 
&ctare, was part of the * Mystery of Drapery*. The term 
' faisour de draps ' ]& often used in the Sututes of the period, 
apparently as a synonym for the Draper.^ In those of 1464-^ 
and 1483 [4 £d. IV, c. i ; i Ric. Ill, c. 8], which make no men-* 
tion of die Draper, the ^ £usour de draps ' is described as super^ 
intending the £ibrication of doth. It is he who delivers the 
wool to the Carders, the Spinsters, the Fullers, the Shearmen, and 
the Dyers. So, again, in the Libel of English Policy, which was 
also written about this date, we again hear of Clothniakers but not 
of Drapers.* It must, however, be remembered that these evi- 
dences deal with the Draper generally, and though they may be 
taken to prove that the Drapers outside London did devdop the 
industrial side of their craft as well as that of selling,' it seems 

' C£ p. 7^ of this Tol. Mcmsieor Pirenne says that withoat doabt the phiaso 
was used abroad to mean the sapeiintending of the processes of making fxom 
first to last. 

* The Clothworker was a difierent perscm. He was originally a Shearaian. 
As a Gild the Clothworkers do not exist till if i8, when they were united with 
the Fullers. Hailitt, p. 331. The Clothier, who was certainly an entrepreneur, 
does not appear till later, and the term is generally applied to those in the 

^ The Sumptuary Act 37 Ed. Ill, c. if ('5^5)> bowever, seems to make 
a distinction between the ' fusonr de draps ' and the Draper : < Est ordeine que 
les fetours des draps se conferment de fiure lenrs draps solonc le pris limite par 
ceste ofdisiance, ec que tons les drapers acatent et ponrroient lenrs sortes accor- 
dantz a mesme le pris.' See also the Proclamation of Edward III concerning 
aulnare whidi speaks of ^pannarii sive £ictores pannorum ', Foedera, III. i. ^78. 

^ wr^hc, Political Songs, RoUs Series, ii. 285. 

^ Of coarse the country Draper dealt at least in the cloth which he made. 

Digitized by 


11% History of the Gild of Drapers 

pretty certain that the London Draper actually did little in the 
way of superintending the manufacture of cloth, and that trading 
was by fiir the more imporunt of his functions. In their petition 
of 1 3TO against the Sutute of Cloth, which I have already quoted,' 
they distinctly say that ' the manner of Drapers is to purchase 
Cloth both at home and abroad, and to make lireries tor great 
lords and others of the Commons '. 

The Charter of Edward III itself lays most emphasis on the 
trading side of the business ; on the excessive price caused by 
others ' engrossing ' cloth, who are moreover ignorant of the 
proper price of goods belonging to the Mystery of^>rapery, while 
the use of the word 'Merchant Draper ' in the Charter seems to 
imply that the Mystery is that of buying and selling. 

So, again, the privu^e of appointing the Aulnager, and the 
Keeper of Blackwellhall, and of^ naving the right ofsearch of all 
clotns within the City and its suburbs, and of appointing attorneys 
at Winchester Fair, privil^es of which the Drapers were so 
tenacious, all bear upon the tradins rather than on the manu- 
facturing function, and were claimed fox the purpose of checking 
those faults and deceits which were mentioned in the Charter. 
The ordinances, as they were submitted to writing in 1460, with 
the subsequent alterations up to 15-00, tell the same tale. They 
ferbid any one of the Fraternity to take any servant, house, 
or grouna belonging to another brother without leave, or any 
journeyman to open a shop till he be sworn a freeman. No one 
is to inform a stranger as to the ^ fey tz ' (i. e. secrets) of Drapery, of 

Thus tQ CoTenrry the members of tbe Trinity Gild, which was mainly composed 
of Mercers and Drapers, are generally described as ^ Mercatores *, while the Qoch 
Mart was called Drapery Hau. Green, Town Life Fifteenth Centnry, iL 104-7* 
At Worcester an ordinance mns : 

^ If any person occapyine cloth makyng sell or alter any cloth * (beyond 
a certain amount) ^then (he is) to be contribating to the Drapers* crafte.' 
Valentine Green, Worcester, ii. Appendix, p. xWiL 

So, too^ the Stat. 7 Henry IV, c. iz (140^ ), protects the country ^ Drapers et 
Tendonn de draps ' against the London Drapen who were trying to prevent their 
jelling cloth in ^loss. 

' Letter Bode F, fe. 197 $ p. 8f of this rd. The statement that Drapers 
make liveries reminds one of the later work of the Kyttea and Hosiers who 
are then members of the Drapen' Q)mpany. 

Digitized by 


from \%6^to 1479 113 

the price or measure of cloths, nor of the countries whence they 
come, nor take such strangers to any place where they may have 
knowledge of bargain-making or or price' or of any point 
belonging to Drapery* There is not a word about their manu« 
factories, of their buying wool, of their making doth, or of 
* setting persons to work V or of the secrets of making, unless 
they be included in the term, the ' feyts of drapery '. 

Once more William Langland, the contemporary author of* The 
Vision of Kers the Plowman ', speaks of Avarice learning from 
Drapers £dse measures, and how to fasten pieces of cloth together 
and press them out till they seemed longer, frauds which are 
those not of the manufacturer, but of those who prepare the cloth 
fer sale. In another passage he clubs the Mercers and Drapers 
together, which would seem to show that he considered the 
Drapers to be merchants, as we know the Mercers were.^ Lang- 
lana apparently for some time resided in London, and therefore 
may be taken as an authority for the City Drapers. It is true 
that the notice of a Dye* house belonging to John of Northamp- 
ton, the Draper Mayor, who was the opponent of Brembre in the 
reign of Richard II,' and the fact that he and some few Drapers 
are mentioned in the Excheauer Accounts of 1376 to 1380 
as paying the aulnage and tlie subsidy on cloth, lead to the 

' Ordinances, Appendix, toI. i, No. XVII, ix. i^, zL i. 
' The alteration tn the Ordinance^ Appendix, toI. i, Na XVII, ix. 14, xL i, 
which first forbade the employing ot ^Kytters ' not apprenticed in the Fellow- 
ship, and the < setting of foreigners to work' is certainly later than 14^0 and 
prokibly not earlier than if 01. Moreover Kytters had nothing to do with 
the maJdng ot finishing of cloth. They are described as makers of gowns, 
dooblets, jackets, kyrtells, and petticoats, App., toI. i. No. XVII, xi. 13. 

^ Piers the Plowman, ed. Skeat, 1905 (modernized text), Pass. V, line 109 : 
^Then I drew me to drapers my lesson to learn 
To stretch out the staff till it looked the k>nger^ 
One lesson I learnt as to long striped clothes^ 
To pierce them with a needle and piece them together, 
Pat them in a press and press them thereander 
Till ten yards or twelve were tamed to thirteen.* 
P^us. V, line 15T, ^ Mercer and Draper.' 

^ ^ Le Dig Hoose,' Patent Rolls, 1 384, p. 4^1. Bot we are not told that he 
used it himsel£ It may have been pact ot hu property which he let to others, 
^ Cf. pp. 3»ff. 

Digitized by 


114 History of the Gild of Drapers 

conclusion that a few of them were conducting at least the 
final processes of shearing, dyeing, fulling, and stretching.' 
But there is at least no £finite mention of their conducting 
or superintending the early process of weaving as the foreign 
Draper did. And if John of Northampton had a Dye house, his 
chief residence was close to the Steelyard,* which would be con- 
veniently situated for conducting business as a general merchant 
with the men of the Hanse. 

Now all this evidence seems to me to prove conclusively that 
the London Drapers did not in the later fourteenth and fifteenth 
centuries take a serious part in superintending the making of 
clotK It may be that, at the date of the Charter, the exact 

' C£ Record Office, Excheqaer Accoants, 137^-80, ^iT. A Texy large 
namber of persons are named as paying the subsidy which Edward III had been 
granted in return fer a remission of the fine arising oat of anlnage, and also fer 
some years of the anlnage fee. The professions of the payers are not given, but 
I have feond fbar, who were certainly important Drapers, besides John of North- 
ampton, lumely, John Bores, who was Sheriff in 1358-9$ John Hende, who 
was Mayor twice, in 1 39i-z and 1404-5 $ John Gedney, the first Master^ 1439, 
and twice Mayors and John Fisshe. 

The question is whether it was the maker or the seller who had to get his 
cloth measured and sealed by the Aulnager. On this point we may gain some 
information from the Petition of 1350-1, mea in Rot. Pari. iL 130, 40 $ the 
Statute of Cloth of 25 £d. III. 4, c. i ^351-^)1 and the Proclamation of 
13^9, Cal. Close Rolls, 13^9, p. 87. 

The petition demands that anlnage should be insisted upon because of frauds 
as to the len^h and breadth of cloths made in Eneland and tUathen. The 
statute orders that ^all cMpt vttuUbU in whose hands of the menluaux of £HgLmd or 
othirs of the rtalm they be found ' shall be measured. The Proclamation ^ 1269 
ordains that no Draper or Clothworker shall deliver any cloths out of their 
keeping till the subsidy be paid. Now from this it would appear that where the 
cloth was offered for sale by the maker in its finished state he would have to 
submit it to the Aulnager and pay the subsidy. But that where a merchant or 
a Draper boueht it in an unfinished condition and had it dressed, sheared, fulled, 
and stretched (and dyed, i£ that was to be done), he would be the person to 
have it sealed and pay the subsidy, more especially as the length and breadth 
might be fraudulently extended in stretching on the tenter, which is a necessary 
process after fulling. If this concbsion is correct we may take it that the 
Drapers mentioned above had bought unfinished cloth, and havine Pushed it, 
had to have it aulnaged and sealed, and paid the subsidy, and wonki do the same 
with regard to foreign cloth which they imported. See York Memorandum Book, 
Surtees Soc., 120, p.xxix. 

^ Patent Rolls, 1385, p. 581. 

Digitized by 


from 1364 to 1479 iif 

fbnctions of the Clothmakers and the Drapers had not yet been 
differentbted But in any case it is incredible that, if the 
Drapers had been engaging to any extent in the manu&cture 
of cloth, there would be no definite mention of it in their 
records, nor any notice of any quarrels of the Drapers with the 
handicraft Gilds on any question concerning the maxing of cloth, 
while there are many concerning their privileges of buying 
and selling and the right of search. The Drapers of London 
then were for the most part exclusively traders. The more 
opulent of them bought home-made cloth at Black wellhall and 
at the £urs, and, when it was permitted, foreign cloth. Probably 
some of them bought the cloth unsheared and undyed, and super- 
intended those processes. They prepared it for the market and 
then sold it by wholesale abroad, and by wholesale and retail 
at home. 

But they did not confine themselves to the trade in cloth. 
Not only did they make liveries, and subsequently enrol Kytters 
and Hosiers in their Fellowship, but they dealt at times in other 
goods and were also money-lenders.' When, therefore, at the 
close of the fifteenth century there was a remarkable expansion 
in the export trade of English-made cloth, the ^ Merchant Draper ' 
was ready to enjgage as * a Merchant Adventurer ' in this profitable 
business. To this point we shall return later. 

Meanwhile, the more humble members of the Craft dealt more 
especially by retail in their shops. As the division between those 
in the livery and the ordinary fireeman arose, those in the cloth- 
ing would mostly be Merchant Drapers, those out of the livery 
smaller shopkeepers. It is just possible that some few Drapers 
may have employed members or other Crafts engaged in the 
various processes of clothmaking. But the admissions to the 
Drapers' Gild of Weavers, Dyers, Shearmen, and Fullers with 
which we meet in the fifteenth century should not be taken 

' e. g. in 14^8 Henry Waver is given licence to export wools, woolfells, and 
other goods quit of customs to recoup himself for a debt of l^oo owed him by 
the King. Patent Rolls, 14^8, p. 85. In 147^ W. Henryot and Wm. Stocker 
have licence to export wools, woollen cloths without grain, and other merchan- 
dise. Ibid., 147^9 p- I- In 1481 Ed. Brampton exports wool. Ibid.^ 148 1, 
p. 148. 

Digitized by 


ii6 History of the Gild of Drapers 

as any proof of this.' The translations are not confined to mem- 
bers or these Gilds, but include Taylors and others. Far more 
probably these men wished to become members of the Drapers' 
Gild because they preferred the more profiuble business of trading 
to that of making. 

' Tbe earliest instance of a tiamladon is that of 141; ^a Linen Annoorer. 
Between I4»5 and f 45% a Wearer, two Taylors, one Dyer are translated. Letter 
Book K, fei. i9by 135 b, 174, »»7, %^6h. 

Digitized by 




OR the sake of clearness we have 
followed the internal history of 
the Drapers up to the rdgn of 
Edward IV. We must now re* 
trace our steps. 

On the relations of the Drapers 
to the stirring events of Henry V, 
Henry VI, and Edward IV, the 
scanty records which we have 
give us very little light. The 
ordinances naturally are not con- 
cerned with these national affairs, 
while the accounts for some of 
the years between 1^13 and 
14^ are not much more help* 
fill. This may at first sight appear strange, yet, after all, if we 
were to take the accounts of any friendly society or commercial 
company to-day, we should only expect to find notices that bear 
on the spetJal ousiness in hand. Any other matters would only 
be mentioned incidentally, as they affected the receipts and dis- 
bursements or other interests of the society. Again, it should be 
remembered that these early accounts are fragmentary and often 
desert us in critical years. To public events accordingly we 
have only two references. We hear of ridings to meet the King, 

' The initial comes from the Ordinance Book of the Bachelors* 

Digitized by 


ii8 Relations of the Drapers^ Gild to the 

Henry V, and the Queen-Mother in 1+13, and of three expedi- 
tions by water to take the oath to the young King Henry VI, 
before, and when he was crowned in November i4Xp/ and 
that is all. 
Taxackmof We must therefbre go elsewhere for our information. In 
5'* P*[JE^ 14.15 the necessities of the French War led Henry V to follow 
£r* to' ^^ precedent of Henry IV in 140 3-^ and to impose another tax 
the J^fery ^^ hindi. Henry IV had only levied it at the rate of is. on the 
Companies pound's worth ofland^ Henry V demanded 6s. 8^. An Exchequer 
by Henry IV Koll at the Guildhall gives a return of the owners of landed 
and Henry property in the City. The return is of great interest as inform- 
ing us of the relative wealth of the leading Livery Companies. 
The Goldsmiths are returned as possessing the largest rental, 
£^6 10s. o\J. The Taylors stand next with a rental of ^£44 5/. 74^., 
the Saddlers next with £1^ 6s. SJ.j while the Mercers, now one 
of the wealthiest, had only £11 Ss. 4^. These are strange 
figures as compared with their rentals to-day, it has been well 
pointed out, although no doubt there were many wealthy men 
who held no freehold or leasehold property. 

No return is given of the rental of the Drapers, but 
we have the names of ten Drapers recorded on the Exchequer 
Boll,' and fertunately the accounts of 141 3-14 inform us that the 
rentals of the Drapers in that year stood at £%x 13/. 6i/. They 
were therefore tne third richest in Qty property. Again, 

* Earliest Wardens' Accounts, Appendix, vol. i, No. XVIII. The word is written 
^terment* (internment) on pp. 3 1 3, 3 lo. Bat it should probably be ' cerment ' or 
' sermem ' (oath), as it is on p. 301. 

£ s. d. 
" Joh's AUeU .... 18 1 10 perannnm 

Thorn' Wotton ... 13 ^ 8 „ „ 

Joh'es Bokenham i^ 13 4 

Rob's Dymmok 4 10 8 

WilT Weston . . . 103 o o 

Walteras Redeler . . 115 8 o 

Henr' Hert (Pannarios) 1^ 8 o „ „ 

Joh'es Boston . • . lof o o 

Job' Prentot .... ^000 

Joh'es Gedeney • . . 108 1 1 o 
Cf. Letter Book I, (Introd.) xy, ibs. 17, 108b, iii b^ Notes 5 Exchequer Lay 
Subsidy, in Archaeolog. Journal, xU?. 5^. 

99 99 

99 » 

Digitized by 


Tolitical Events from Henry V to VII 119 

when in 141 7 Henry V had recourse to a loan levied by voluntary 
contributions from individuals, as security for which the Kine 
pledged a Spanish sword mounted with gold and enriched with 
jewas of the estimated value of ^^2,000, we find six Drapers con- 
spicuous among the contributors.* The sword was surrendered 
to the King in return for a custom on wool given to those who 

During the first half of the century the Drapers almost The Drapers 
monopolized the office of Mayor, five Drapers holding the take part in 
office and two of them twice." Nor were they absent firom !^^;*^** 
the great festal and funeral processions of which that age was gcants*of 
so tend. Thus, on October 28, i+i j, the Mayor, Nicholas flic Day. 
Wotton a Draper, the Aldermen, and an immense number of the 
community went on fi)ot like pilgrims to Westminster to return 
thanks for the joyous news of the victory at Agincourt.* In 
142a the Livery Companies provided an torches at the burial of 
Henry V, the Chamberlain presenting to each torchbeafer a gown 
and a hood of * blanket ' (a white doth) at the cost of the 
Commonalty, and the Drapers and Mercers went to Westminster 
in barges instead of riding as had hitherto been the custom.^ In 
143 a Henry VI, on returning from being crowned King of 
France, was met by the Mayor and more than i,aoo citizens, 
who rode to Blackheath to meet the King, and brought him 
to Westminster, where he was received in London with great 

Gregory's Chronicle thus tells the tale oi this, one of the 
earliest pageants described :^ 

< And whenne the kynge come to Londyn Bryege there was made 
a towre, and there yn stondynge a gyaimte welle arayde and welle 

' Nicholas Wotton subscribed f loo, one of the highest $ William Cxowmer 
iCiooj John Gedney and William Norton Ixo each} Thomas Faaconer 40 
marks \ Thomas Pyke l^o. Cf. Letter Book I, £>. zi8 b. 

' William Crowmer, 141 3-14, 1425-4$ Nicholas Wotton, I4i^f-i^, 
143 o-z } John Gedney, 1427-8 \ John Bxokeley, 1433-4 \ Robert Ck)ptoa, 

^ Letter Book I, £>. 1 59. ^ Letter Book K, £>. i b j Herbert, L 98. 

^ Letter Book K, fes. 103 b, 104 b. 

^ Gregory's Chronicle, ed. Gairdner, 1876, p. 173. Cf. also Fabyan, 
ed. 181 1, p. ^03. 

Digitized by 


igo Relations of the Thrapers' Gild to the 

be-sene, whythe a swerde holdyage uppe on hye, sayynge thys reson in 
Latvn, ^^ Inimicos ejus induam confusioQe *\ And on every syde of hym 
stode an aotiloppcy that one holdynge the armys of Ingelond and that 
othyr the armys of Fraunce« Ande at the drawe bry^e there was 
a nothyr ryalle toure, there yn stondyn^e III emprvssys ryally arayde, 
whythe crownys on hyr heddys, the whv(£e namys folowyn here : fyrste, 
Nature; the secunde, Grace; the tnyrde, Fortune, presentyng hym 
whythe gyftys of grace. The fyrste gafie hym Scycnce and Cunnynge, 
and the secunde ga£fe hym Prosperyte and Kyches. And on the right 
syde of the empervssys stode VII favre maydyns dothyde alle in wl^e, 
i-powderyde whytne sonnjrs of goloe, presentynge the kvng whythe Vil 
gyftys of the Holy Goste in the lykenys of VU whyte dovys by f^ure 
outwarde, whythe thys resonys : ^ Impleat te Dominus spiritu sapiencie 
et intellectus, spiritu consilli et fortitudinis, sciende et pietatys, spiritu 
timorys Domini.*' And on the lyfte syde of thes emperysse stode VII 
othyr fayre maydyns in whythe, powderyde whythe sternrs of golde, 
presentynge the kyng whythe VII gyftys of worschyppe. The ftrrstc was 
a crowne Si glorye, the seconde with a cepter of clennysse, the III whythe 
a swyrde of ryght and vyctorye, the IIII whythe a mantelle of prudence, 
the V whythe a schylde of fttythe, the VI an helme of helmc, the VII 
a gyrdylle of love and of parfyte pes. And thys maydens song an 
hevynly songe unto the Kynge ot praysynge and of his vyctorye and 
welle comynge home. And whenne he come unto Cornehylle, thereyn the 

VII scyence^ and every scyence schewynge hys propyr comyng wondyrly 

And whenne he come to the Condyte of Comhylle there was a taber- 
nacule, and there yn syttynge a kynge whythe a ryalle aparayle. And 
on the ryght syde sate the lady of Mercy, ande on the lyfte syde sate the 
lady of Tioughthe, and the lady of Clennysse hem imbrasyng with 
Reson. And by-fbre the kyng stode II jugys of grete worthynys, whythe 

VIII sergauntys of lawe ther presente for the comyn profy e repre- 
sentynge of dome and of rightuysnysse, with thys scryptura, 

" Honowre of kyngs in every mannys syght 
Of comyn custome lovythe equyte and ryghte/' 

And so the kyng rode forthe an tsf passe tylle he come unto the Grete 
Condyte, ande there was made a ryalle syghte lyke unto Paradys, whythe 
all maner of ftontys of delys. And there were vyrgynnys there, drawyng 
waterys and wynys of joye, and 6t plesaunce and comtorte, the whyche 
ranne to every mannys comforte and helthe. Thes maydyns were 
namyd : Mercy, Grace, and Pytte, And in this Paradys stode 11 olde 
men lyke hevynly folke, the whyche were Ennocke and Ely, saluynge 
the kynge whythe wordys of grace and vertu. 

Digitized by 


Tolitical Events from Henry Vto VII 131 

And soo rode he fbrthe unto the Crosse in Cheppe. There stode 
a ryalle casteUe of jasper grene^and there yn iigrene treys stondyng uppe 
ryght, shewing the ryjjht tytyllys of the Kyng ot IngloncI and of Fraunce, 
convaying fro Synt Edwarde and Synt Lowys be k^gys unto the tyme of 
Kyng Harry Vlth, every kynge stondvnge whythehys cote armowre, sum 
lyberdys and sum flourdelysse ; ana on that othyr syde was made the 
Jesse of owre Lorde ascendyng uppewarde from Davyd unto Jesu. And 
so rode he fbrthe unto the Lytylle Condyte. And there was a ryalle 
mageste of the Trynyte, fiille of angelys syngyng hevynly songys, 
blessynge ande halowynge the kyngys whythe thes resonys in Latyn 
wrytyn : ^ Angelis suis mandavit de te ut custodiant te, &c Longi- 
tudinem dierum replebo in eum et ostendam lUi salutare meum/' And 
thenne went he fbrthe unto Poulys, and there he was ressay vyd whythe 
many byschoppys and prelatys whythe the dene and the quere, and 
whythe devoute songe, as hyt longythe to a kynge. Ande so he 
ofierryd there and thiuokyd God of hys goode speede and of hys welfare. 
And thenne he rode to Westemystcr, and there he rested hym; and on 
the nexte day fblowynge the Mayre and the Aldyrmen whythe certayne 
comeners that were worthy men, and they presentyde the Kynge whythe 
an hampyr of sylvyr and gylte, whythe a Ml" (;f looo) there yn of 
nobellys, &c' 

In 1441 the Mayor, Clopton, again a Draper, and members of 
the Livery Companies were present at a very different spectacle. 
When the un£>rtunate Eleanor G)bham, the wife of Humphrey 
Duke of Gloucester, had to make her three days* walk of penance 
for her supposed treacherous designs against the King Henry VI 
and his Q^een, they showed their sympathy by attending her.' 

With the year i44X the earliest Wardens' Accounts come to an 
end, and no private records of the Fellowship have survived till 
we come to the accounts of i^S- Nothing, however, of impor- 
tance to the Fellowship or to the City appears to have happened 
until the outbreak of the Wars of the Roses in 145-5', except 
the inauguration of the custom that the Mayor should go 
by water to Westminster on his election procession. This is 
attributed to John Norman, the Draper who was Mayor in 14x3. 
It is said that the reason for this change was that the worthy 
Draper was lame. But the practice was confirmed by an order oi 
the Common Council in tne same year, and was henceforth 
followed by the Mayors in going to Westminster, although later 

^ Nicolas, Chron. of London, p. 129. 

Digitized by 


igi Relations of the I>rapers^ Gild to the 

Mayors at least returned by land, and, as the State Barges of the 
Gilds contributed to the future magnificence of the Mayors' 
election processions and eave good employment to the water- 
men, the memory of l^^rman was recorded in a doggerel 

It does not, however, appear that the procession of i^si was 
peculiarly magnificent. Nor had the City much cause for rejoic- 
ing. In the previous July the unfortunate King Henry VI had 
lost his reason, and, if there was at the moment a brief reconcilia- 
tion between die rival parties of Somerset and York, they were to 
appeal to arms before two years were ouc 
London dar- Of the attitude of the Drapers during the Wars of the Roses we 
ing the know hardlv anything. Their accounts stop in 1441, and we 
Wars of the \^^y^ ^q autnority till 14! j". But in all probability tney followed 
^"* the temporizing policy of the City. Until i^tJo it adhered to 

Henry VI, but then wavered in its allegiance. *Then come 
tydyngs of the comyng of the Erie of Marche (Ed. IV) unto 
London ; thenn alle the cytte were fayne, and thonkyd God and 
sayde that *^ He that had London forsake wold no more to them 
take ", and sayde " Lette us walke in a new wyne yerde and lette 
us make us a gay garden in the monythe of Marche with this 
feyre white rose and herbe, the Erie or Marche ".* " 
Edward IV, Edward rV depended on the commercial classes. He is said to 
the Ctty,and have obtained the loans and other financial assistance he received 
the Gilds. fi-Q^ {j^^ burgesses by the kisses he bestowed upon their wives, 
and his alliance ^ with Charles the Bold, the powerfiil Duke 
of Burgundy, was popular owing to the trade with the Nether- 
lands, which formed part of the Duke's dominions. His rdgn 

* Stiype, Stow, ed. 17H, ii. iii. John Noraian 'caused a bam to be 
made at Jus own Charge, and every Company had several Barges, well decked 
and trimmed, to piss along with him. For Joy whereof, the Watermen 
made a Song in his Praise, beginning ''Row thy Boat, Norman, ftc.**' This 
was not, however, the first time that the Gilds used barges. The Drapers 
went in a barge to the fbneral of Henry V. They hired a ^arge fer the 
SherifTs procession as early as 1425. Nor again had the Drapers a barge of 
their own till the sixteenth century. Cf. Letter Book £, p. xii. Rep. 403, 
fes. 13 a, 47 a. 

' Gregory, Chronicle, ed. Gairdner,p. 215. 

^ Charles the Bold married his sister Margaret. 

Digitized by 


The Musicians 


The Parish Clerks 


The Carpenters 


The Fullers 


The Cooks 


Tolitical Events from Henry V to VII 133 

is marked by Charters to ten other Gilds ' besides that of the 
Drapers. He also confirmed Henry IV's grants to the City 
of tne tolls of Billingsgate and Smithfield and the weighing 
of the wool at the Tron, as well as the right to hold a yearly 
Fair and a Court of Pie Powder in the vill of Southwark," 
which had originally been granted to London by Edward III.^ 
Finally, by his protective policy he nursed the manu&cture of 
cloth, as well as of other articles, and he &voured the Gilds,, 
whose whole history is based on the exclusion of the foreigner/ 

* They were : 

The Tallow Chandlen > ^ 
The Baibers / '^^* 

The Ironmongers 14^3 

The Pewterers 14^8 

The Dyers 1471 

' Sharpe, L 508. The Borough of Southwark consisted of three Manors : the 
GiUable Manor or Vill, the King's Manor, and the Great Liberty Manor. It 
was the first of these that had been granted by Edward III. It was not till 
1550 that all the royal franchises were sold to the City, and that it became one 
of the Wards, nnder the name of the Ward of Bridge Withoat. Sharpe, London, 
i. 442 J Bcaven, Aldermen, II. xy. 

^ Sharpe, London, L 308. This was in return for a loan. 

The King's Beam, Tron, or Balance was used for weighing all heavy articles 
of merchandise sold by weight in the City, for the purpose of estimating the 
does. Whereas by ancient custom the buyer had been allowed a ^ draft ' or bonus 
on his purchase, in 1257 this bonus was fixed at 4 lb. in each cwt. Edward I 
in the Statute de Nova Custnma gave offence to the citizens by forther changing 
the method of weighing goods at the Kine's Beam. In 1309 the bonus was 
abolished, and £umess a&e for buyer and seller was ordained. Besides the 
King's or Great Beam there was in the Gty a small Beam for weighing silks, 
drags, and groceries. 

Since the reign of Henry IV the Qty enjoyed the privilege of farming out the 
Beams. But the Grocers soon secured the right of electing the weigher of the 
Great Beam and the Mercers that of the Small Beam. C£ Liber Albus, ed. 
Riley, p. 199$ Letter Book B, Introduction, p. ▼$ C, Introdncdon, p. xt; D, 
Introduction, p. xvi, and fos. 97, 128-97 \ F, xxxiii, Arnold's Chxon., ed. 1811, 
p. 100. 

^ The policy was not entirely new^ but it became more systemadzed under 
Edward IV. 3 Ed. IV, c. i, limited the export of wool to denizens $ 3 Ed. I V, c. 4, 
and 4 Ed. IV, c. 7, prohibited the importation of a k>ng list of foreign manu- 
factures including cloth \ 7 Ed. IV, c. 3, forbad the exportadon of ck>th not 
finished and follra. The policy was continued by Henry VII and Henry VIII j 
e. g. 3 Hen. VII, c. 1 1, No cbth to be taken out of the country dll it be 
* rarfaied, rowed and shorn '. Cf. Rastall, Stats. Draperie. 

Digitized by 


134 Relations of the Drapers^ Gild to the 

On the other hand, Edward was licentious and tyrannical 
There were many who pitied the un&rtunate King Henry ; the 
hlood feuds caused by the late battles were deep, and many of the 
nobility were openly or secretly hostile. 
Changeable The reign, tneretore, was fiul of trouble, and it was not till 
policy of the i^^i that Edward really secured his throne. The politics of the 
City dnnng Q^y between 1460 and 14.71 were again neither consistent nor 
LTirarlf^V. ^oiiourable, but they generally leant to the winning side. Un- 
fortunately the accounts of the Drapers between 1441 and 14.75- 
have perished. The Charters which they obtained from the King 
show that they succeeded in winning the royal &vour, and yet 
we learn enough from other authorities to prove that they 
followed the slmting policy of the City, though probably rather 
as individuals than in their corporate capacity. Thus, at the 
accession of Edward IV, Thomas Cooke, a wealthy Draper, was 
Mayor. He was succeeded by Ralph Joscelyne, another Draper. 
Both these men, as well as another Draper, Henry Wavyr or 
Whafyr, were knighted by the King at the coronation of the 
Queen (Elizabeth WydeviUe) in 1465-.' No sooner, however, 
did Warwick the King-maker quarrel with Edward {1^9) than 
Sir Thomas Cooke began to waver. He was arrested and 
charged with treason, and though only feund guilty of misprision 
of treason, scarce regained his liberty at the price of the heavy 
fine of ;^8,ooo to the King, as well as 800 marks to the Queen, and 
the loss of his Aldermanry, while some of his lands were seized by 
Rivers, the father of the ^een." 

On the flight of Edward IV in 14.70, Sir Thomas Cooke 
seemed likely to regain his position. He was returned to Parlia- 
ment. He undertook the duties of the Mayoralty in the place of 
John Stockton, who wisely feigned sickness, and put in a bill for 
the restoration of the lan^ he nad lost, and according to Fabyan, 
who was himself a Draper, ^had good comfort to have been 
allowyd since he was a man of great boldness of speke and well 
spoken and singularly witted and well reasoned'. His hopes, 

' Gregory, Chronicle, p. aiS ; Fabyan, ed. 181 1, p. ^^f. 

' Fabyan, pp. 6$^-^- The fine to the Queen was according to the old 
custom of Anram Reginae or Queen's gold, i. e. one hundred marks ibr every 
thousand pounds due to the King. 

Digitized by 


ToUtical Events from Henry V to VII ijy 

however, were short-lived. Edward IV returned, and Cooke, 
failing in an attempt to escape to France, was again imprisoned. 
He once more reined his liberty and, though prohahly fined 
once more, lived for seven years afterwards, to die a wealthy man 
and become the ancestor of Chancellor Bacon. 

The Lancastrian party declared that Cooke was unjustly 
accused, or that his only offence was that he had £iiled to inferm 
the King of an approach made to him (Cooke) by the Lancastrian 
partisans. For this he was found guilty of * misprision of treason *. 
Certainly Edward appeared very vindictive, for Markham the 
judge was dismissed from his office for having determined that 
Cooke's offence was not treason. It was evidently a 'cause 
cilebre \ Fortescue, the Lancastrian writer, alludes to it in his 
^ De laudibus legum Angliae ', and the Duke of Buckingham, when 
speaking in £ivour of Richard Ill's claims to the throne in 148 3, 
referred to this case as a notable example of the tyranny of 
Edward IV. It is difficult, if not impossible, to come to 
a decision on the matter. But in those days, when the fertunes 
of the two parties were constantly changing, it was no easy 
matter for any man of prominence to save his head, and one 
cannot wonder at some trimming.' 

When Edward had finally secured his throne by the defeat 
and death of Warwick at Barnet (April 1471) and the overthrow 
of Margaret at Tewkesbury (May 14.71), the City definitely 
returned to his all^;iance and proved tneir loyalty at the time ot 
the expiring effort of the Bastard of Falconberg" (May 1471). 
Headed by Sir Ralph Joscelyne, the late Draper Mayor, the City 
levies repulsed the Bastard's attack on the City and twelve Alder- 
men, of whom three were Drapers, were knighted on the field.^ 

^ Gregory, Chronicle, Introd. p. xxxiii and pp. 255-7 ; Fabyan, pp. ^55-^$ 
Fonescne, De laudilHis, ed. Amos, p. 71 $ Orridge, Citizens of London and their 
Rulers, pp. %6 fT., 222. 

^ He was the illentimate son of the Earl of Kent. He had abandoned his 
father^s party probab^ when Warwick quarrelled with Edward IV. 

^ Fabyan, p. 5^2} Sharpe, London and the Kingdom, quoting Gnildhali 
JoQmals, ▼, fbs. 1 5 2-7 5 . The Drapers were William Stouer, Thomas S tallbtooke, 
Barthobmew James. Barthobmew James and Will. Stokker were subsequently 
Mayors in 1479-80 and 1484 respectively. Sir Ralph Joscelyne took a prominent 
part in rebnilcUng the City walls. The Drapers defrayed the expense for the 

Digitized by 


New ^ 



by the 



Nature of 
the Eri- 

13d Relations of the Drapers' Gild to the 

Although, as said above, it would be rash to decide from the 
scanty infermation we have that the Company had, during these 
troublous times, any very definite policy, the part which some of 
the members took at least reminds us forcibly of the influential 
position which the Drapers had attained. 

In the year \^o we welcome once more the appearance of 
definite evidence. Hitherto, with the exception ot the years 
between 1413 and 1441, we have had no actual records ot the 
Company to guide us, beyond that of their Charters and their 
earliest ordinances of 140^-18. Henceforth our difficulty will 
rather consist in co-ordinating and arranging the increasing 
volume of £icts which are recorded in the Books of the Company. 

These commence with the ordinances which were finally com- 
mitted to writing in 14^0, and are supplemented from time to 
time.' In 1475- the Wardens' Accounts again begin, to continue 
hence&rth without a break. In 148 1 they are supplemented by 
the Renters' Accounts, while the Minutes or Repertories com- 
mence in the year 15-1^." 

As mentioned before, we must remember the nature of the 
evidence which we have before us. The ordinances only help 
us to understand the internal government of the Company, while 
in the accounts the importance of every event is measured from 
the financial standpoint, that is to say, with a regard to its eflFect 
on the receipts or disbursements of the Company. 

Thus the election of Mr. Ralph Joscelyne the Draper as Mayor 
in 1 47 6-7 looms largely in their accounts because of the expense 
(over ;^p) they then incurred in honour of their brother,^ and 
the repairs of the wall of the City are entered on account of the 
share \£^\ i6s. od.) they had to take in the cost thereof 

Meanwhile, the public events of this period, many of which 
formed a crisis in the history of our country, are noticed, if at all, 
in cold impartial terms. Thus in 1476 the return of Edward IV 
from his French expedition appears in the accounts because the 

wall between Bishopsgate and Moorgate. The other Gilds helped with other 
parts. The rest was paid for by an assessment of 6d. per head on the citizens. 

' Cf. Ordinances, Appendix, toI. i. No. XVII. 

* For an account of these, cf. Appendix, toI. i, Nos. XX, XXIL 

^ Wardens' Accounts, 403, fo. 9 a. 

Digitized by 


Tolitical Events from Henry V to VII 137 

Craft was cessed for forty persons to ride to meet the King at 
the cost of ;^2o, and in the same year the Drapers took an im- 
portant part in the Midsummer Watch of that year since a Draper, 
Sir Ralph Joscdyne, was Mayor.' In 14^3 the entry of young 
Edwara V is mentioned because they were cessed for thirty 
persons to ride and meet him, but the Wardens are more con- 
cerned with the &ct that, though the assessment amounted to 
£,\y 6j. iod.y they had only received ^^14 is. %d. from the 
members. And so it is with the rdgn of Richard III. His 
seizure of the crown is only alluded to because ' the crafte was 
assessed ' for twenty-four persons, the same to be paid for, ' though 
the crafte recdved not all of it', while the pardon, which 
Richard III gradously bestowed on them for naving shown 
honour to the unfortunate Prince Edward, would have found no 
place in the accounts if it had not been that ;^i iix 4//. was paid 
for the writing and sealing thereof' So again in the Accounts of 
1^84-5- the foneral of Queen Anne is noticed because of the cost 
ot ' bote hire ' to Westminster, which however was only p^/., and 
therefore recdves less attention than the death of Richard Chester, 
one of the Sheriffs, who was a Draper. Finally, the momentous 
Battle of Bosworth is not referred to, though the triumphal entry 
of Henry VII into London takes up some space in the accounts 
because of the thirty livery men who were selected to * ride and 
fetch the King ' clad in bright murrey (crimson) at a cost of ;^i^, 
and because there were twenty-seven defaiilters in paying the 
assessment which was made on members. The Company also 
took barge to meet the King beyond Battersea at a cost of 2i.r. 
for barge hire, and 6sx SJ. for two * taboretts ' in the barge. The 
refreshments consisted of a kilderkin of ale aj*. i//., bread 4^., 
J ribs of beef I J., pepyns 6J.y and a botell of wine i if^/.^ 

' The expenses of this Watch were only £$ 15/. lod. As this mieht be 
compared with the £ir greater cost of later Midsnmmer Watches, especially that 
of I $41, 1 give it in the Appendix, toI. ii, No. VII. 

* Wardens' Accounts, 403, fos. 2^ a, 29 b, 50 a. 

^ Wardens' Accounts, 405, 33 a, 35 b. 'The Mair's commission for this 
sessing, sealed with the seale of his mairalty ' was as follows : 

'Drapers, Panreith xxx persones honestly and cleanly arrayed in bright 
mnrrey after the patron (pattern) here inclosed to mete with the King on hors- 
bak on Satterday next commyng.' 

HM-l T 

Digitized by 


igS Relations of the Drapers' Gild to the 

Significant These are all the ce&rences that we have to the tragic reigii of 
omissions Richard, and it h sigaificant that we hear nothing of the loan 
^f *^*""? "* granted to the King by the City in return for a general pardon, 
^'^ard III. ^^^^1^ presumably the Drapers did not subscribe to it as a Com<' 
pany. Of the Letters Patent of 1484, in which Richard III, 
evidently with a desire to gain their 8iq>port, released the Company 
from all forfeitures incurrol on any grounds before the first year 
of his reign, we are only told of the fee paid to H. Woodcock fer 
writing and sealing the document. But this omission at least 
proves that Richard did not, as was usual, demand any pecuniary 
return. In these letters Richard promises remission of all for- 
feiture incurred for all possible offences committed before the 
b^inning of his reign. The pardon with r^rd to the wearing of 
livery was, according to Stow (ed. Kingsford, ii. ipx"), unnecessary 
since the Act 7 Henry IV, c. 14, which finally forbad the 
giving of liveries by lords, specially exempted * gilds, fraternities 
and people of mysteries that be founded of good intent '. The 
other remissions were no doubt intended to cover any doubtful 
acdons on their part previous to his seizing the throne, as for 
instance their riaing to meet the unfortunate Edward Y just 
before. The list of misdeeds is indeed comprehensive enough, and 
by their implication might have caused offence to a more sensitive 
generation. Thus, not only are deceits, extortions, firauds on the 
Bst, but murder and rape.' Still more curious is the absence of 
any notice of the great hunt given by the King, by way of thanJcs, 
in Waltham Forest in the next year, and we feast at l^Pf >^' 
Hall which followed, although the Mayor in that year, William 
Harriot, was one of the Fellowship. As, however, the King 
provided two harts, six bucks, and a tun of wine, the call on the 
Company's larder and cellars was not heavy, and the eiiqpense 
presumably sUght.' 
Thereienof To the events of national importance during the reign of 
Henry VII. Henry VII the references are again of the brietest description. 
There are notices of the Fellowship being assessed to supply 
soldiers for the King's wars, of ridings to meet the Kiiu;, of 
pageants by land and water on state occasions, with the significant 

' Cf. Appendix, vd. i, Na XVI. On LiTeties cf. toI. i, p. 44. 
' Fabyan, Chronicle, ed. 181 1, p. 677^ 

Digitized by 


To&tical Events from Henry V to VII 139 

memorandttm tliat, owing to frequent pageants, the banners of the 
' Fellyship ' have to be renewed.' 

Tliese mcts are chronicled because they touched the reyenues 
of the Fellowship. But other equally important events are either 
not noticed at all or noticed so cursorily that, had we no other 
infermation, we should not appreciate the leading part which the 
Drapers took in the vicissitudes of the City, though once more 
rather as individuals than in their corporate capacity. For- 
tunately the chroniclers Holinshed and Fahyan, who was himself 
a Draper,* and more especially the Journals of the City at the 
Guildhall, come to our rescue.^ 

' Waidem' Accounts, 403, fix 489, a banner and two ^stremers ' cost l^ 1 5/. 6L 
The nost imfjortant notices are ; 

1. Coronatbn of Eloabeth of York, Nov. 1487. 405, fi>. 41 a, 

2. Fetching the King after the capture of Lambert Simnel, 1487. The 
Drapers sent 30 horsemen. The cost, £15 6s» li., was raised by an assessment 
on memben of the Fellowship. The Mercers, the Grocers, the Fishmongen, and 
the Taylon sent the same number of horsemen, and the other Livery Com- 
panies' condngrms varied ftom 24 to i. Sharpe, London and Kingdom, L 319, 
^noting from the Jonrnab. 

3. 'Creadon of Arthur, Prince of Wales.* 403, fe. 48 a. 

4. 80 stand in Livery in Chepe ' at comyng of Princess Dame Kateryn oate 
of Spayn *, the betrothed wife of Prince Arthur (i f 01). 403, fo. 72 a. 

5. * Standing in PooKrs in oar lady's chapel ' at the requiem Mass fi>r Prince 
Anhnr (i 502). 403, £>. 72 a. 

6. Attendance at Qoeen Elizabeth's fbneral (1503), ib. 74 b, expenses 
Iw 6s. ^d, 'The manner of receiving the corps of the most noble Princess' 
is given in Archaeologia, xzxiL 12^, from the City JbnmaL 

7. If 07-8. Fellowship sessed 40/. towards the 300 soldiers demanded from 
the City to go to France. 403, fi>. 88 a, 

' Robert Fabyan entered the Fraternity by apprenticeship in 147^. He was 
Alderman of Farrin&ion Withont. In 1493 ^^ ^^ SheriflT, Warden fi>rthe first 
time in 148 5-6, and twice Master in 1495^^, 1501*2. In 1502 he surrendered 
his Aldermanry on the ground of poverty, because he did not wish to become 
Mayor. Ellis, Introd. to Fabyan's Chronicle j Letter Book L, fiu. 23^ b, 304 b j 
Wardens' Accounts for years 147^, 1 501-2 $ Stow, ed. Kinesfbrd, iL 179* 

^ The Journals are the continuation of the Letter Bodes which have been 
published up to 1498 (Letter Book L) by the late Mr. Sharpe. The Journals are 
still in manuscript at the Guildhall, and in 1495 < The Repertories ' containing 
the Minutes of the proceedings of the Court of Aldermen, as distinct fiom those 
of the Common Ccxmcil, also commence. Neither of these have been published. 
My references to them are chiefly taken from Sharpe, London and the Kingdom, 
although I have occasionally consulted the MS. 

Digitized by 


140 Relations of the Drapers^ Gild to the 

From these authorities we learn that when, in September 148^, 
that terrible scourge of Tudor times, the sweating sickness, first 
fell on the City, William Stokker, the Draper, was appointed to 
fill the place or the previous Mayor, Sir Thomas Hille, who had 
succumbed to the plague. Within four days Stokker himself HI 
a victim, and another person, John Warde, was elected fer the 
short period which remained till the next election-day on 
October x8. Thus John Stokker enjoys the unenviable feme 
of having held the office for the shortest time recorded in history.' 

To the various loans and benevolences which Henry VII 
demanded of the City the Drapers contributed largely. Yet 
inasmuch as they did it as individuals^ there is no record of it in 
the Accounts. To the loan of £1^000^ which was granted in 
148;-, the Mercers, the Grocers, and the Drapers contributed 
£911 6^' od. When, in 14.87, a further loan of £f,ooo was 
asked &r, the same companies lent £ifii6\ and to the benevo- 
lence of 14PI, the Drapers, according to Fabyan, ' granted more 
than any other Fellyship '.* Nor were these the only exactions 
which the members of the Company suffered at the hands of the 
notorious Empson and Dudley, the financial agents of the King. 
Sir William Capell was first heavily fined under an obsolete 
statute in 14.P4 and again in 1^07 * by the sute of the King for 
things done in the tyme of his Mayoralty', 15-03-4.* On his 
refusal to pay the second fine, he was thrown into prison, where, 
with Sir Lawrence Aylmer, the Mayor of 15-07-8, who had also 
been the victim of Henry's tyranny, he remained until the acces- 
sion of Henry VIII.* 

The hand of Henry VII was indeed a heavy one, but at least 
the money he extorted was not idly spent. The troubles caused 
by the pretenders to his throne entailed much expense. He gave 

' Fabyan, ed. 181 1, p. 67^. Six Aldermen as well died within a week. 
Sharpe, London and the Kin»ionL| i. 517. 

* Fabyan, pp. ^85, 684 ; HoIinshe<^ iiL 481, 485. 

^ Fabyan, pp. 685-9 t Holinshed, ed. i^Z6^m, 79ly !• 7o. He was accused 
of not duly punishing a person charged with false coinine. Empson and 
Dudley lived in two houses in Walbrook cbse to the I>rapen* Hall in 
St. Swithin's Lane. They were therefore near neighbours. 

* Fabyan, ed. 181 1, p. 6Z6. Immediately after the death of Henry VII, 
Capell was re-elected Mayor (Jan. 1509 — Oct. 15 10). 

Digitized by 


Tolitical Events from Henry V to VII 141 

the country rest alter a long period of disturbance and adopted 
aprotective policy which favoured the industries of the City.' 
The citizens were not unmindful of the benefits which residted 
iirom his masterful rule, and during the time of the conspiracy of 
Perkin Warbeck, when the CorniMmen thought of marching on 
London, they not only volunteered a further loan of ^^4,000 but 
prepared to defend the City (November 1496). In this action 
the Drapers took part with the other Livery Companies, and 
John Stokker, the Draper, who held the office of * Common Hunt ' 
or master of the City pack of hounds,' was ordered to act as 
a messenger between the City and the King, while Robert Fabyan 
the Chronicler, also a Draper, was one ot those entrusted with 
the guardianship of the gates of Ludgate and Newgate and the 
Temple.3 The only reference in the accounts to this affair is 
* Item for brede and ale when the Fellyship mustered at Drapers' 
Hall for Blackheath Field ',^ where the rebels were finally de- 
feated in June 14.97. The Drapers, it is evident, were something 
more than mere traders or manufecturers. They took their share 
in the politics of their City and their Country ; they contributed 
to its annals and they shared in the pastimes of the day. 

The reference in the Wardens' Accounts to the * watche after The Riot at 
the Ryot at the Styllard ' requires some explanation.' Henry VII, the Steel- 
to avenge himself on the Archduke Ptiilip for supporting the y^"** 
pretender Perkin Warbeck, had, in 14.93, forbidden all exports to 
Flanders and removed the mart kept by the Merchant Adven- 
turers in Antwerp to Calais. The Archduke retaliated by closing 
the Low Countries to English merchants, and forbidding the 
importation of English clotn.^ The English merchants ^ being 

' The export duties were so arranged as to encourase the export of cbth 
rather than of wooL Schanz, Handelspolitik, i 441, and Statutes quoted there. 

' The citizens of London had rights of hunting in Middlesex, Herts, the 
Chiltems, and in Kent as £ir as the River Cray j ch Charter of Henry I. The 
kennels were on the site of the present Finsbnry Charity School in Tabernacle 
Row, E.C. The 'Common Hunt' received £10 and the office lasted till 1807. 
Cf. Riley, Memorials, p. 427 ; Allen, London, iL 188. 

^ Sharpe, London and the Kingdom, i 351$ Ellis, Introduction to Fabyan, 
Chronicle, p. ii, Pre£ice. 

♦ 405, fc. 61 a. 

^ Wardens' Accounts, i493-4> 40^9 fe* 5^^* 

^ The Archduke Philip was the son of Mary of Burgundy. and the Emperor 

Digitized by 


I4-X Relations of the Drapers' Gild to the 

destitute of sale and traffique, neyther reteyned so many covenant 
servants and apprentices as they were before accustomed, and 
in espedall, mercers, haberdashers, and doth workers, nor yet 
gave to their servants so great stipend and salarie as before that 
restraynt they were used to do. For this cause the sayde servants 
entending to worke their malice on the Easterlyngs, the Tuesday 
before Saint Edwardes day, came to the Stiliard (Steelyard) ' in 
London, and began to rifle and spoyle such Chambers and Ware- 
houses as they could wtt into ; so tnat the Easterlyngs had much 
ado to withstand and repulse them out of their gates, and when 
their gates were shut and made £ist, the multitude rushed and 
beate at the gates with dubbes and leavers to have entered.' ' 
The journeymen and the apprentices of the Drapers took no pan 
in the riot probably because they were extensive buyers of Flemish 
doth, the import of which by the Easterlings had not been 
forbidden. They accordingly gave the Mayor substantial assis- 
tance in putting down the riot, and subseouently sent a force 
to guard the Steelyard for the seventeen following days.^ The 
riot being thus quieted, the King exacted a monetary guarantee 
from the Easterlings that they would not carry on any trade 
between England and the Netherlands until the dispute with the 
Archduke had been settled. The interruption of the trade with 
the Netherlands was, however, too serious a matter to be neglected 
dther by Henry VII or the Archduke, and shortly after negotia- 
tions befi;an which led to the treaty of February i^p6. By this 
treaty Philip undertook to abandon the cause of the pretender, 
and die commercial relations of the two countries were placed on 
thdr old footing. No forther burdens beyond the customary 
ones were to be hud on the merchants of either country ; traders 

Maximilian, and therefere grandson of Charles the Bold, Duke of Barenndy. 
Margaret, the second wife of Charles, was sister of Edward IV. That lady and 
her stepson, the Archdnke, were the chief supporten of the Yorkist claimants 
and pretenders. 

' The Steelyard was the London honse of the members of the Hanseadc 
League. Cf. Panli, Pictures of Old London, and Encycbpaedia Brit., articles 
on Hanseatic League and Steelyard and authorities quoted there. 

' Herbert, L 40^, quoting from Grafton's Chronicle. 

^ 405, fb. 58 a: 'Payd tot cresset stuf and bere and bred ale and candyl! 
during XVII days the watche after the Ryot at the Styllard l^/^* 

Digitized by 


ToUtical Events from Henry Vto VII 143 

were to enjoy mutual protection^ and piracy was to be suppressed 
as &r as possible.' 

In spite of this treaty, the Archduke shortly after imposed the 
duty of a florin on English cloth landed at Antwerp. Henry 
forthwith removed the market to Calais and levied a special duty 
on English wool at the staple at Calais. 

This brought the Archduke to terms. He promised to abandon 
the duty at Antwerp though not in Flanders,* while Henry con- 
sented to consider the question as to the duty on the wool 
at Calais. Finally, in May 14.99, Henry reduced the duty 
on the wool, while the Archduke removed the duty on English 
doth at Bruges and further allowed English merchants to export 
coin and worked gold and silver .^ 

In all these negotiations the Diapers, as we should expect, took 
part. In 14.94.-/ we are told of a deputation consisting of 
Warden Hawkins and others going to me King in the West 
Country, probably on this matter, in 14.9/^? we read of ^ a Bill 
made and considerations engrossed against the Archduke of Bur- 
goyne ', and of a payment of ^^d towards ^ Ambassador's chains to 
Archduchess by the Maire's commandment ', while in September 
1496 Robert Fabyan, the Chronicler, was one of a Committee 
a^inted to ride to the Kine fer redress of the new impositions 
levied on English cloths in uie Archduke's lands.^ 

The aim of Henry YII throughout these transactions had been 
to encourage the English cloth industry. He had already, in 
1487, renewed an Act of Edward IV (14X^7) which had ferbidden 
foreigners to export wool, except to Venice, unwoven worsted 
or unfuUed dotn,' and at the same time ordered shearing and 

' The name of 'Tlie Intercarsos Magnus ' given to this treaty by Bacon in 
his History of Henry VII is a creation of the writer. It appears in no con- 
temporary aothortty. On the whde question of the relations of Heniy VII with 
the Netherlands, cf. Bosch, England under the Tudors, English translation, 
pp. 88, 12^, 148$ Rymer, Foedera, xL $79^ 581,^55, 714-18. 

* Rymer, Foedera, xiL 6$$. The towns of Flanders were the centres of the 
cloth industry and were jealoos of the English doth, while Antwerp in Brabant 
depended on its trade, and welcomed the English cloth. The protective policy 
adopted by Flanders was one cause of the decline of Bruges at this time. 

^ Rymer, xii. 714-18. 

^ 403, fos. 5 9 b, ^i b, 77 a $ Ellis, Chronicle of Fabyan, Prefiice, p. 1 1 . 

^ The policy was continued in later reigns, e.g. 33 H. VIII, c. 195 8 Eliz., 

Digitized by 


14-4 Relations of the Drapers' Gild to the 

carding to be done in England. He also encouraged the 
settlement of fbrekn dothworkers in England and forbad the 
importation of silken goods, hoping thus to encourage the 
weaving of silk.' The Hanse towns, annoyed at this restric- 
tion of their trade as well as at the duties imposed on English 
wool at Calais, threatened to retire from the staple at Calais, 
but Henry VII was immovable. 

While thus attempting to encourage the cloth and silk in- 
dustries by these measures of protection, the royal policy was 
one of discrimination. In those industries in which England 
had little hopes of competing with the Continent, the Xing 
considered the interests of the consumer by removing the re- 
straints on importation passed by Edward IV and Richard III, 
and allowing foreign competition. Whatever may be thought 
as to the wisdom of a policy of protection, it must be allowed 
that Henry was at least no blind advocate,^ and that he 
was supported by a considerable body of genuine if mistaken 
opinion.3 it may be that these protective laws were largely due 
to the vested interests of those who manu&ctured cloth and other 
articles, and that^ as the free trader would argue to-day, the raf»d 
rise of our cloth industry during the later decades of the fifteenth 
and the beginning of the sixteenth centuries was really due, not 
to the protective policy of the English kings, but to the 
superiority of our wool and the advantages of the English 
climate, and to the fact that our Flemish rivals were even under 
greater restraint and were persisting in antiquated grooves.* 

r. 6'y thoagh limited by licences. Price, Monopolies, Boston, pp. ii, 141, 

' Materials for reign of Henry VII, Rolb Series, ii. 154. Grant to John de 

Salvo and Anthony Spynile, nanves of England, to introduce foreign clothmaken 

and employ them in the art in one or more parts of the kingdom. 

' On Henry VII's protecrive policy, c£ Bnsch, England uider the Todors, 
English translation, p. 154. 

^ Cf. e. g. Discourse on Commonwealth, Cambridge Press, 1 893, p. ^3, * As for 
some things (e. g. cloth) the strangers make it oat of our own commodides and send 
it us again $ whereby they set their people on work and do exhaust much treasure 
out of the realm.' p. ^5 : ' It were better for us to pay more to our own people for 
wares than less to strangers.' Cf. also Pauli, Drei volkswirthschaftliche Denk* 
schriften, pp. 5*, 3^. 

^ Cf. Pirenne, Une crise industrielle au xvi^nie siecle,p. 495. 

Digitized by 


Tolittcal Events from Henry V to VII 145- 

Mr. Unvrin is indeed of opinion that unfinished cloth was still 
our chief export, and that hy forbidding the export of this a serious 
blow was dealt at what was then our most important industry. 

In any case we must admit that, clothmaking increased in 
volume. The author of ' The Ciommodities of England ', writing 
somewhere about 14.5 o, speaks of * the woUen cloth ready made 
at all times to serve the merchants of any two kingdoms '.' The 
Commons in a petition of \^s^ declare that ^the making of 
cloth had become the greatest occupation and living of the poor 
people of the land '.* And we have good evidence to show that 
in the sixteenth century there was a great advance not only 
in the quantity but the quality of our cloth.^ Possibly the 
true conclusion to be derived from these fects is that the influence 
of a Protective tariff either for good or evil is often very much 

' Tiie author was possibly Fortescne $ c£ Fortescne, GoTemance of Englandj 
p. 81, ed. Plammer. 

* Rot. Pari., ▼. 174. 3 We shall return to this later. 

Digitized by 


Digitized by 




N the internal affairs of the Fellowship, 
however, the accounts naturally give 
much more information — though again 
only incidentally — ^and by the h^p of hter 
ordinances which we possess we can gain 
some idea of the changes which have taken 
place since 1441. 

As we have a fidl list of the Members 
recorded for the year 14.93 » it will be 
well to take that as our first date, and 
then summarize any changes or events of 
interest which took place between 14.93 
and lyop, the year wnen Henry VII died. 

In the year 1493 the total numbers of Namben of 
the Craft* were 243, of whom 1x4. were Members in 
in the Clothing or Livery and up out of '^^^ 
the Livery, or Bachelors. Thus since the year 1424-^ the 
numbers have increased by 74. at least.^ Not for many years did 
the numbers of those in the Clothing and of the total membership 
of the Gild touch these figures* 

' The initial comes from Charter No. V. 

' They term themseWes the Craft, Fraternity, or Brotherhood. 

^ Cf. Appendix, toI. i, No. XXI. One name has been crossed oat in the list of 
the Lirery and fixir in the list of the Bachelors. These have not been counted. 
Heibert's nnmbers, 1,40^, are wrong. He also makes a meaningless distinaion 
between the Bachebrs and the Freemen. 


Digitized by 


14-8 Changes in the Organization of the 

Mention of In the list of 14.93 no Sister is mentioned, but in 1480-1 
Sisters. Elynore Sampton pays quarterage.' If the Christian name be 

that of a woman (and she may have been the widow of Thomas 
Sampton, who was one of the Wardens in 14.77-8), this is the 
first recorded mention of a female member by name, though 
Sisters are mentioned in earlier accounts of 1414.-40, wmle 
in 1487 Lady Drope is in arrears fer two apprentices. This last 
entry, unless indeed the arrears were owing on her husband's 
account, who died in 1485', shows that widows were at that date, 
as they certainly were afterwards, allowed to carry on the 
business of their husbands, and to have apprentices. In any case 
an ordinance of 15*04 allows women to l>e admitted by Redemp- 
tion, and one of lyos definitely recognizes the right of Sisters 
* freed in the Fellyship ' to take apprentices.* 
The Livery. The admissions to the Livery or Clothing, which were made 
by the Master, Wardens, and Council, varied very much. The 
highest number was reached in i4p2-3, when it was 21. In 
four other years it was 14, 13, 11, and 10. In five other 
years firom 5' to 2 were admitted, in two years only one, 
and in seven years none. As a consequence the numbers of 
those in the Livery declined. They fell suddenly in 1484-5- 
from ss to 75-, and they never recovered till 1793-4, when 
they rose to iio.^ With the exception of some of the officials 
of the Company, such as the Chaplain and the Bedell or Clerk, 
those in the Livery alone enjoyed the right of wearing the 
clothing, the colour of which was continually changed. . All 

' 403, £>. 19 a. 

* 405, fo. 41 a. Ordinances, Appendix, toI. i^ No. XVII. For widows retaining 
the apprentices of their husbands c£ p. 1 1 5, note i, of this Tolume 3 for Sisten (? 
the Taylors* Co., Clode, I. ii, p. 42. 

^ In 1501-1 we have a list of the Companies that have the Livery and the 
numbers. Thus : 

Merchant Taybrs ) g 
Grocers / ^ 

Drapers 80 

Fishmongers 76 

Mercers 66 

Skinners 54 

Goldsmiths 51 

City Records. Quoted Jupp, Carpenters, p. 290. 

Digitized by 


Fellowship of Drapers ^ 1441-15-09 149 

except the officials paid for the Livery themselves, unless 
a specif present was made ; ' and anv one refusing to take up 
his Livery when called to it was fined 6j. 8//.' All those in the 
Livery paid a quarterage of ii^. a year, as well as a fee of 8//. 
for dinner,^ and u. a year when a new Livery was ordered, 
IS. when it was not. 

During the years i^'^S'^ to 1487-8 it was customary, as 
befere, to make a selection from those out of the Clothing of 
persons who, without reaching the Livery, paid quarterage and 
dined at the Election dinner. In 14.87-8 as many as 67 were 
thus selected. This was probably a concession to the Bachelors, 
but the numbers of those thus selected fell to 14. in 14.8^-6, and 
in 14.88 the custom was abandoned. 

It is about this time that a more complete organization of the The 
Bachelors was effected, and in the list or 14.93 they are definitely j^c^^low or 
arranged under their four Wardens.* eomcn. 

But it is not only in the matter of the Bachelors that the 
years be&re us are years of chanjge. The number of those Admissions 
admitted into the Freedom through Apprenticeship varies in J?*'**.^'^^ 
a very remarkable manner. In 14.75—6 we find 2} ; in 1^76-7, ^^^^^f^ 
14.. Between that date and i4f8i-2 the numbers fall to 6 dup, Re- 
and are never higher than p. In iiL8 1-2 they rise again to 2p. demmion. 
But they then fall once more and vary between is and (f, and by 
to close in 14.P3-4. with 22.* All those thus admitted pay 3 j. 4^. ^*^""*°"y- 
as ' spoon silver ' on admission. 

It is, however, in the admissions by Redemption that the most 
significant innovations are to be noted. They are not, indeed, 
numerous. There are only twenty-seven admissions during the 
nineteen years from 14.75^-6 to 14.93-4., and the number never 
exceeds three in any one year, but among them there are at least 

' Thus in 1477-8 Master Rygby is eiTen i\ yards of 'Tiolet engrayne' at 
10/. 3<^. the yard, as well as a hogsnead of wine, by the advice of the Cooncil for 
his ]aboar and counsel ' for the wele of the fellyship '. Similar gifts of smaller 
amoant were given to 'Sir Alysamider', their chaplain, and others. 403, 
fo. II b. 

■ 40^, fo. ^^ a. ^ Ordinance of 1475. 

^ Ct Appendix, vol. i^ No. XXI« List of Members. 

' In 1489-90 we find one entering into the Freedom throagh apprenticeship 
with his father. 403, fo. 47 a. 

Digitized by 


Number of 

ISO Changes in the Organization of the 

four who are evidently not Drapers by trade at all, and one 
is a Draper of Coventry." 

It is also during this period that we meet with the first instance 
of an admission by patrimony in the case of Wm. Haryot, son of 
Wm. Haryot the Mayor in 1481-2/ and of the grant of an 
honorary freedom in the case of Lord Lisle.^ Most of those 
admitted by redemption or patrimony paid the usual ^ spoon 
silver' oi is. ^. Some, however, paid additional fees, varying 
from j^2 1 3 J. 4f^. to j^io, while a few were admitted gratis. 

Once more there is considerable fluctuation in the number 
of Apprentices bound. In 1478-p, 1485-7, 14PI-2, there are 
exceptionally few (4, 5-, i respectively) ; in 14^2-3 there are 5-3. 
But the average is somewhere about 24 a year. These fluctua- 
tions are probably partly due to the variations in the amount 
of the fee, which was paid by the masters. In 1488-p it was 
reduced from \\s. 4^. to 6s. 8^/. It was raised again in 1491-2, to 
be once more reduced to 6s. 8^. in 14P2. The other explanation 
is to be found in political circumstances of the day. We should 
expect that the business of the Craft, and therefere the demand for 
Apprentices, would be adversely affected by the troubles of the 
reign of Richard III, and that it would improve when Henry VII 
had securely established himself on the throne. As stated above, 
the Livery itself seems to have been affected in the same way. 

We have no statement in the accounts as to the exact number 
of apprentices or of journeymen employed by one master, but, 
judging from the enrolments of new apprentices, few had many. 
Thus in the year 1488-p of thirty-four masters who enter appren- 
tices, thirty-one enter only one each, two enter 2 each, and only 
one, J. Stokker, who had been Master in 1480-1, is responsible 
for 6. In the following year Alderman Isaac, who had been 

' 14S0. A country Draper of Coventry. 403, fi>. iS b. Fee, f 3/. ^d, 
148^. John Skot, a gentilman. 403, fe. 3Sa. Fee, £1 6s. Zd. 
1487-S. Richard Comyssh, a gentleman* 403, 17, fe. 40 b. Fee, 401. 
1491-3. J. Ricioft, Gentylman, pays 3/. ^d.^ but lox. next year. 403, fes. 
14^, J7a. 

1491-3. W. Corteman. 403, 3^, fi>. f4b. Fee, /i lox. 

N.B. — Ricroft and Corteman were admitted to the LiTery the same year. 

' 1480-1. 403, £>. 18 a. 

^ 1490-1. 403, fo. 51 b. 

Digitized by 


Fellowship qf Drapers^ 1441-15-09 lyi 

Master in the preceding year, and was to be Master five times 
subsequently, enrolls 4; one enrolls 3 ; four, 2 ; and twenty-five, 
but one each. 

This of course does not help us to decide how many apprentices 
each man had. Apprenticeship lasted for seven years, and if 
a master entered apprentices every year, that would multiply the 
number by seven. 

On the whole it would seem probable that most of the masters 
were in a small line of business, but that a few of the more impor- 
tant were running large concerns. Thus we learn that Sir 
Thomas Ciooke, the victim of Edward TV's suspicions, was * a man 
of mark and of large possessions V sii^d Wuliam Haryot,* the 
Mayor of 148 1-2, was, according to Fabyan, *a merchant of 
wondrous adventures into many and sundry countries, whereof 
the King had yearly of him notable summes of money for his 
customs '? 

The Craft have now, since the Charter of Henry VI, a Master Tbc Master 
as well as four Wardens and a Renter or Renters.* The Master and War- 
and Wardens were elected every year on the first Monday after ******* 
the Assumption (August 15-). On the Assumption all the Livery 
had to attend at Mass, oflfering a silver penny on the Altar, and 
again at Evensong, when a Dirge was sung for deceased members. 
On the next day they were to hear the Mass of Requiem and offer 
another silver penny, and then walk two and two to the place 
ordained for the Election Feast and the Election. The Master 
and Wardens were originally elected by the whole body of the 
Freemen, but by the ordinance of 14^4--^ the new Master and 
Wardens were to be nominated by the outgoing Wardens, the 
Aldermen, and the Council, and were only presented to the 
Freemen for approval. 

' Of. Orridge, Cidzens of London and their Rulers, pp. ^6 ff, 

' He is sometimes called Marryat. 

^ Fabyan, p. 667, These men were probably < Merchant Adrentiiren'. Cf. 
▼oL ii, p. 41. 

^ We first hear of Renters in 14^9-70. There were then twa They were 
to be eleaed annually, one erery year. Cf. Ordinance of 1469-70, Appendix, 
▼oL i. No. XVII, X. 4. In 1493 ^^^^ ^ ^^^Y ^^^i ^' Leveson, who dies in 150^. 
403, fo. ii a. Then there were two again. Between if 10 and 1510 the foarth 
Warden is the Renter with an nnder-Renter. 

Digitized by 



IS^ Changes in the Organization of the 

In the accounts for the year 1481-2 we have a reference 
to the election ^ Garlands ' or caps which were worn by the 
incoming Wardens at their election.' 

Refusal to serve as Master or Warden or to take the Livery 
when admitted entailed a fine unless the person was specially 
Danes of The office of the Master was almost entirely an honorary one. 

Masters and and except that he presided at all the functions of the Fellowship, 
as well as at the meetings of the Council or Court of Assistants^ 
he had no special duties to perform. 

Those of the Wardens, however, were fiir more onerous. They 
had to make all arrangements with regard to the Dinners, the 
Elections, and other functions of the Fraternity. They decided 
on the colour of the Livery and superintended the granting 
thereof They controlled the admissions to apprenticeship and 
to the Freedom through apprenticeship, and altnough the entries 
by patrimony or by redemption were originally in the hands 
of tne whole Fraternity, these subsequently were decided by the 
Master and the Wardens,^ and if admission to the Livery and to the 
Court were in the hands of the Assistants, they were important 
members of that Court. It was the Wardens who read the 
ordinances at stated times, who conducted the searches, adjudi- 

' The election ^ garlands ' were apparently at that time only worn by the 
Wardens. They were velvet caps, decorated with the arms of the Company, 
roses, and emblems of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary. The entrance 
in the account is as £d11ows : ' Item paide to the Goldsmyth for xix oz. save 
a peny weight of silver for the iiii Garlands Pris the once iiir. iiiii^ Samma 
iii/i. iiij. ud. Item for the facion and geldyng of xxiiii peces, that is to sey viii 
scocheons, viii assampcions and viii Reosis. Samma xlviixj. Item for setting 

on of the same nppon the garlands ii tymys iix.' 403, fo. lo a. 

Garlands or circlets are still worn by the Master as well as the Wardens at the 
elections. They are now of red velvet, with badges of the Company's arms, the 
fleur-de-lis, and the Rose enamelled on metal. It is not known how old these 
existing garlands are, but we know that in 1 5^9-70 the original garlands were 
altered to the present pattern. Wardens' Accounts, 1^^9-70, Na 176^ 
fo. 9 a. 

Illustrations of the »rlands of the Grocers may be found in Heath. 

' Thus in 1483-4 ^John Wodechirch pays i6 13/. ^d for a fine nnto the 
Fellowship to be discharged of all maner of offices apperteynyng onto the 
Fellowship for evermore *. 403, fo 19 b. Cf. 66 a. 

^ For Redemptions cf Ordinance x. i,with its alterations of the year 1504-f. 

Digitized by 


Fellowship ofDraperSy 1441-15-09 lyj 

cated disputes between the brethren of the Fraternity, punished 
the refractory, and distributed the alms to the almsmen. Finally, 
as we shall see directly, they, with the Renters, looked after the 
financial affairs of the Fellowship.' In a word, so numerous 
were their duties that they were not allowed to reside outside the 
City except by special licence. 

The cnief subordinate officers were, as before, the Bedell or Sabotdinate 
Clerk • and the Scrivener, who were nominated by the Master, Officers, 
the Wardens, and the Council. 

The first list given of this body ,3 which subsequently became The Coun- 
known as the Court of Assistants, is of the date i+l^, * M** that the ^^ 
XVI* daye of Septembyre in the XIP yer of kinge Edward the 
iiii^ was sodanly come to Drapers Hall all my maysters the 
Aldermen, the Wardens, and the Councell of the Crafte, and ther 
was at that the same semele the sayd daye and the said yer these 
persons as ther namys appeyr here aftyr wrytyn, that is to saye ; 

My mayster William Haryot, mayster ofthe Felychypp. 

Wardens — William Braye, Richard Langton, John Becham. 

My mayster Sir Bartylmewe Jamys, 

My mayster Robert Drooppe. 

My mayster Sir William Stokker^ 

The Councell of the Crafte — 
Thomas Barnwey. 
William Wauntyngffeld» 
John Potter. 
Thomas Thorndon. 

* For the kt% of the Wardens, cf. vol. ii, p. $6. 

* 405, fo. 7 a, 61, The Scrivener is also called Secondary. In 1489-90 
Heniy Wodecocke held the office. 403, fo. 48 b. He appears to ha?e been 
the solicitor and conveyancer to the Company. He received no salary, but was 
paid £ce%. He was a member of the Company and sometimes received his 
Livery. There is also the Serjeant, who apprehended offenders against the 
ordinances. He was retainea by an annual fee and received a Livery. 
Ibid., 61 a. 

^ Introduction to the Wardens* Accounts, 403, fo. i a. The reason why we 
have no earlier list of the Council n^.ay be because it would not necessarily 
appear in the accounts, while the Minutes or Repertories do not begin till if 15, 
The members of the Council are called Assistants first in if i^. Rep. 7, p. 48. 
The Grocers had a Court of Assistants as early as 1379. Heath, Grocers, 
p. 57. 

Digitized by 


15*4- Changes in the Organization of the 

Thomas Wells. 
Harry Ebanon. 
William Butstrone/ 
Only three Wardens are given. There was a fourth, John 
Worsop, who is not mentioned presumably because he was absent. 
The Council was probably then, as it was subsequently, a self- 
elected body, and consisted of some five to seven members who 
with the Master and Wardens controlled the affairs of the Craft, 
and as time went on became its government. 
Fines. The authority of the Fellowship over its members was enforced 

by fines, the scale of which is of some interest. 

The use of ungodly words entailed a fine of ijj. 4^., while 
misbehaviour against one of the Wardens was mulcted only 
at IS. 4^/., ^and misbehaviour both in words and deed' at %d. 
The same fine of 3 j*. 41/. was imposed on one who bought cloth at 
Blackwellhall on a Thursday before noon, contrary to the ordi- 
nances. Another for * setting ' (i. e. putting to sale) a short yard 
had to pay 6s. 8^., while another, who * had sette ffordns (i. c. 
strangers) awark and left freemen of the company ', got off with 
12^. We are also reminded that in the case of an ofi^nder being 
recalcitrant he would be pursued before the Mayor.' 
The The receipts of the Wardens' Accounts included fees for Quar- 

Wardens* terage, enrolment of apprentices, admission to the Freedom, and 
Accoonts. jjjjQ jj^g Clothing, as well as fines, bequests, and gifts. Among 
the disbursements we find presents to the Mayor; costs oi 
* ridings ' and barges; the Marching Watch; potations for those 
who conducted the search for cloths at Our Lsidy Fair in South- 
wark and at St. Bartholomew's, and on other occasions ; election 
dinners and the Mayor's Mess ; payments to the Chaplains and 
the Bedell ; pensions to the almsmen ; mending of the plate and 
other property at the Hall ; expenses incurr^ in lawsuits and 
other matters concerning the Company's interests, and costs of 
repairing the City wall. 

There were four keys of the Wardens' Box, two of which were 
in the hands of the Master for the time being, and the other two 
in the keeping of two of the Wardens.* 

« 403, fi)s. 27 a, 57 a, ^3 a, ^f a. 

' 403, fb. 5 X a. There were also three keys of the pbte, one in the hands ot 

Digitized by 


Fellowship of Drapers^ 1441-15-09 iss 

The Renters* Accounts were kept in a separate box, and con- The 
tained the receipts of the * ly vehode *, i. e. of the rents derived Rcntcn' 
from the property of the CJompany/ Accoants. 

Their disbursements consisted of quit-rents for lands or houses 
rented by the C!ompany ; building and reparations ; allowances to 
tenants ; expenses of obits and some salaries. Any deficit in the 
Renters' accounts was made good by the Wardens, and the 
balance, if any, of the Renters Accounts was, after 14P4, paid 
to the Wardens at the annual audit.' The balance on the 
Wardens' Accounts was usually handed on to the incoming 
Wardens, but occasionally was kept back owing to arrears in 

The four Wardens and the Renters presented their accounts for Auditing of 
the post year a short time before the day of election, the accounts Accounts, 
having been previously submitted to auditors, who are first men- 
tioned in I4p5. For the auditing, which was done in a separate 
^ Chekker Chamber ', counters were apparently used, as was the 
oldpractice in the Royal Exchequer.^ 

From the accounts of the Wardens and the Renters we are Financial 
able to judge of the financial position of the Craft. In the year Position. 
1441-a their rents, paid by ten tenants, had amounted to 
£'XS> i^* 4^-* I^ 14^1 they had twenty-four tenants, who paid 
j^p los.y as well as an unlet house, which was valued at ^s. 
a year.* The receipts of the Renters in 14.81 amounted to 
£4^9 los.y their expenses to £1^ ^- ii|^*9 leaving a balance 
of ^i^ fs. o\d. 

the Master and the other two in those of two Wardens \ and two of the 
' Eridences ', one kept by the Master, one by a Warden. It is curious that they took 
more care of their accounts and their plate than of their evidences or dtle-deeds. 

' By ordinance of 14^9-70 the Renten were also to receive fines and ht^ fer 
apprenticeship and entry into the Freedom. But from 1481 they only receive 
the rents. Cf. Appendix, voL i, No. XVII, x^ 4. 

* Wardens' Accounts, 403, fi>. f 8 a. 

^ For the Ludus Scaccarii cf. Hall, Antiquities of the Exchequer $ Diabgus de 
Scaccario} Stubbs, Charters, ed. 1890, p. 168$ Poole, Ford Lecture, The 
. '* Cf. Appendix, vol. i. No. XVIII. 

' London, twelve tenants paying ixj 4/. and the empty house at fiowe 40/. \ 
Sonthwark, ten tenants paying j^io 6s. ; Whitecrosstrete, two tenants paying 40/. 
Renters' Accounts, 148 1-2, Appendix, vol. i. No. XX B. 

Digitized by 


rs6 Changes in the Organization of the 

In the first year (144T-2) for \i^hich we have the Wardens' 
Accounts, the receipts had showed a substantial balance over 
the disbursements. But the expensive controversy with the 
Shearmen ' turned their balance into a deficit of ^^17 5^j. %d. for 
the year 1477-8. 

By the year 1480- 1 their position had materially improvei 
In that year the Wardens handed over to their successors a 
balance of j^o lu. 6d.^ which was increased to £^s 7^- i|^- by 
the end of the year, not including debts owed to them to the 
amount of ;fi2 6s. SJ.* 

During the years 1482-4 the Company were rebuilding and 
repairing houses in Southwark, more especially *The Bell'.* 
Towards this H. Eburton lends j^2oo on * grete ' annuities.* But 
the Renters' Accounts prove that this sum was not sufficient, fof 
vhereas in 1480-1 there was, as above stated, a balance of over 
£8^ excluding debts owing, in 1482-3 the balance had £illen to 
£1^ Ss. o|a., and in 148J-4 this balance was turned into 
a deficit of ;^i8 17J. 6d.j while for the next three-quarters of 
a year the deficit is £1 I4r. sl^.^ 

In i48^-<^ the receipts again exceeded the disbursements by 
£8 ifs. 7</., but in the next three years the alterations and 
repairs at their Hall in St. Swithin's Lane, and, in 1488, the 
bmlding of a water stair for their river processions, which cost 
something like j^^oo, once more reduced the balance to 6s. 9^.,* 
although j^4o was contributed to the water stair by Sir Wm. 
Parker.^ By the year 14P3-4 they had, however, completely 

' Cf. p. 119, note 1. 

' As the Renters* Acconnts af>pear fer the first time in 1481-1, I have 
printed them, as well as those of the Wardens, in Appendix, vol. i, Na XX. 

^ The fact that the house was called * The Bell ' and had a sign did not 
necessarily imply that it was a tavern. Indeed, all the eleven houses they were 
now bnilding had signs. 

^ Renters Accounts, 141, for years 1481-5 ; Wardens' Accounts, 405, fo. 33 b. 
Among the items is * Paving stone from Spain *. 403, fe. 39 a. 

' Renters' Accounts, 148 1-5 (141). 

^ We have not, unjbrtunatcly, the Renters' Acconnts fer this year, nor for the 
years between 1485-1505. 

' 403, fos. 38 a, 41 a, 43 b. The repairs in I488 were chiefly to the windows 
and roof. The work took two months and two days. 

Digitized by 


Fellowship of Drapers y 1441-15-09 15-7 

recovered their position. The Wardens of that year handed over 
to their successors a substantial balance of over ^io2.' 

As in 14.24.-^ we are reminded that the carpenter, now 
Richard Banaster, who had come out of Essex, took the work on 
contract. The way in which the work was done is of some 
interest. The Senior Warden bought the materials and paid the 
unskilled labour. The carpenter prepared the plans and pro- 
vided the skilled workmen on contract. He had apparently- 
made a bad bargain, for in I4.85--7 he declared that he was 
^ on don ' (undone) by the transaction, and the Ciompany consented 
to increase the sum,* The Clerk or Bedell acted as Clerk of the 

Owing to the increased expense of the Elections and of the 
Election dinners, an alteration in the sums allowed to the Wardens 
for those purposes was made in 14.7^. Hitherto they had only 
received the is. payable when a new Livery was ordered, and 3 j. 
when there was no new Li very ,3 and a sum of loj. when the 
Mayor not being a Draper dined, and 40^. when he was a 
Draper. In that and following years several changes were made ; 
at first they were to have the tee for apprenticeship 13/. 4^/., but 
finally in 1477-8 it was decided that all members should pay 
a fee of 8i£ to the Wardens and that, besides that, the Wardens 
should have the Quarterage and half of the Livery money, 
as well as an allowance oitjS igj. 4^/. for guests at the Mayor's 
Mess, for the players and minstrels, for garnishing the High 
Table, and for rushes to strew the Hall withal.* 

When the Mayor or SheriflF was a Draper, the * Fellyship * did 

' Wardens' Accounts, 403, fos. f 7 a, $8 a. 

'405, fo. i^b, 38 a. C£ also Randolph Banks, Carpenter, 1484-f, 
ibid., fi). 33 b. 

The following prices of materials used in the work may be of interest : 
Bricks 3 J. 4<j. per 1,000, Lime 5/. per cwt., 'sixpenny* nails at $<i per 100, 
'fi?epenny * nails at ^d. per 100, 'fearpenny ' nails at 3 <^ per 100, c»ken boards 
at is, 3^. per 100, 'plaonche ' boards at ix. ^d. per 100, ' hert ' laths at 10/. %d, 
per 100, 'sappe' laths at 8x. ^d, per load, oaken quarters at 8/. Zd, per load, 
Ra2gestone at i4dL a ton, and a wheelbarrow zt iid, 

Mfhe reason of this difference was that the Livery men had to pay fer their 
Lifety. This sum was originally levied on all members. It was now only 
evied from the Liverymen. 

^ Ordinance of 1477-8. 

Digitized by 


1493 and 
If 09. 

ship, by re- 
and oy 

iy8 Changes in the Organization of the 

him special honour. They spent larger sums on the civic pro- 
cession, which followed the election.* They also gave the Mayor 
a tun of wine * and lent the Sheriflfsome of the Company's pkte 
for his term of office.' 

It is during the reign of Henry VII that the pageants increase 
in splendour, but as they do not touch the magnificence of 
the more spacious days of his son, or of Elizabeth, we shall 
reserve our account of them till later. 

During the fifteen years which elapsed between 14.93-4 and 
the death of Henry VII there are a few changes wonh 
noticing. We have no definite evidence by which we can 
decide whether the total number of the members increased or 
fell.^ All that we know is the number of admissions. The 
number of those admitted through apprenticeship was i^p 
during these fifteen years, which was not much above the 
numbers of the preceding eighteen years (when it was 247). But 
it is in the admissions through Patrimony and through Redemp- 
tion that the most significant changes took place. For whereas 
during the nineteen years from xa^J'-C to 1493-4 only two 
were admitted by Patrimony, in the fifteen succeeding years 
no less than eighteen were granted this privilege,' while between 

' Thus in 147^, the pageant for Ralph Joscelyne, Draper and Mayor, cost 
{,% 15/. \oL 403, fes. 9 a, 9 b. This \& one of the earliest of which there is 
much detail in the accounts. We hear of 70 archers, of minstrels and morrice 
dancers, gold and silTer paper for the Pageant, and of fourteen men who bore 
the Pageant. 

In 1488, when Will. Isaac was Master and Senior Sheriff, 37 (just half) of 
the Clothing accompanied him in his barge to Westminiter. 403, fo. 43 a. 

In 1489, when two Drapers, the Master Wm. White and Sir Wm. Capel, 
were Mayor and Sheriff, they hire a barge of Lorde Nottynghame to attend 
Capel, and his feast eclipsed that of the Mayor. Ibid., fo. 47 a. C£ also i^oi. 
Sir Lawrence Aylmer, Sheriff; 403, fo. 71a. 

1503. When Sir Wm. Capel was Mayor and Robert Watts, Sheriff. The 
Drapers presented 1 3 Pageants at the Midsummer Watch, and the cost came to 
3^38 13/. \o\d, 403,77 a. 

^ e. g. 403, fo. 8| b. The value of a tun of wine was about i6 10/. 

^ e. g. 403, fe. I a. 

^ Because the' Bachelors are now paying their Quarterage into the Bachelon' 
Box, and no account survives. 

^ One of these was Thomas Wryth^leys (Wriothesly),sonofJoiinWrytheleys, 
Draper and Garter King of Arms to Henry VII. 403, to. 78 a. 

Digitized by 


Fellowship of Drapers y 1441-15-09 15-9 

14,93 and 1^07 seventeen sons of Drapers were also admitted 
through apprenticeship.' This evidence goes to show that the 
Fellowship was to some extent billing under the influence of 
certain families. The change is still more remarkable in the 
admissions through Redemption. Here the numbers for the two 
periods are respectively 27 and ii7.* This startling variation 
will prepare us for the next point, the change in the character of 
those admitted. Up to the year 1453-4, as before mentioned, 
there were only five of whom it can be affirmed that they were 
not Drapers by trade. But in the following years the number of 

g arsons who are evidently not connected in any way with the 
rapers' trade steadily increases, and was certainly not less than 
forty. Thus between 14P4 and 1498-5 out of nineteen who were 
admitted, one was a gentleman of Maldon, one came from Boston, 
one was the Ciommon Serjeant of the City. During the same 
period one was translated from the Goldsmiths, this being the 
first recorded instance of translation. Of these none were ad- 
mitted gratis, except the Ck)mmon Serjeant, and all but one paid 
varying sums from 1^4 to ;^i in addition to the usual fee of 3/. 4^. 

In the year 1498 an inquiry was made into the regulations for 
admission by Redemption, apparently with the aim of reducing 
the fees and allowing greater laxity with regard to the qualifica* 
tion for admission, since in the following years the change in 
those directions is still more strongly marked. 

Thus in 1499-15^00 of the five admitted, John Cope obtained 
the privilege through the request of the King's mother, and 
Thomas Dowes at that of Sir Wm. Capel,^ wmle another was 
admitted by the consent of the Council or the Craft, and all these 
paid no fees. In the following seven years, i j^oo-i to 1^08-9, 
the admissions by Redemption are still more loose. Out of 
a total number of 103, thirty-one at least had no connexion with 
the trade. One was a knight; one a squire; one a yeoman; 
two, Guyllam de Rivera, and * a Gascon born ', were foreigners- 
Seven came from outside London ; thirteen were gentlemen, one 
being of Lincoln's Inn ; one was the son, another the cousin, 

' Wardens' Accoants, 403, fes. 57 a to 84 a. 
^ Wardens* Accounts, 403, fos. 58 b to 84 b. 
^ 403, fo. <?8a. 

Digitized by 


i6o Changes in the Organization of the 

of a Draper ; one was a servant of Master Dudley, the King's 
financial agent j and two were * Doctors ', probably of Law. 

The list also includes the following omcials: a squire of the 
King's Ck)uncil ; the clerk of the Spy eery with the King ; the 
Chamberlain of London ; the under SheriflF of Middlesex ; the 
Baillie of South wark; the Steward of St. Giles in the Fields; the 
Attorney of the Guildhall ; the Prior of Marton, and the Mayor's 
Serjeant. No better proof could be found that the Drapers were 
passing through a period of transition and that they were ceasing 
to become a purely business society. Meanwhile the number 
of admissions without any fee increased, and where a fee was paid, 
it was generally lower than formerly.' In two cases, that of 
William Mylborn Chamberlain of London and John Wilkinson, 
admission to the Livery was accompanied by admission to the 
Freedom, and in both cases without any fee. 

Nevenheless, the £ict that the number of the apprentices bound 
every year somewhat increases * reminds one that there were many 
who were still devoting themselves to the lucrative business of 
trading in, if not of making, cloth ; while the number of trans- 
lations from other Gilds is a proof that they were still insisting 
that those who pursued their Craft should be enrolled as members. 
Seven were thus translated: two from the Weavers, and one 
each from the Salters, the Sheremen, the Glasyers, the Scriveners, 
and the Woolpackers.' 

' Eighteen were admitted without any fee, thirty were only charged the 
clerk's Tee, and only twenty- three paid anything beyond the usual 'spoon silver ' 
of 3/. 4</. There is a curious entry in 1498-9 : John Gibson, entered by 
Redemption, who after taking the oath refuses it. He pays 3/. 41/., and sabse- 
quently 40/. He is discharged of his oath < for dyvers considerations toching 
his grete avauntai^e and pro^y t, as he and his ffrendes said ', but he is ' to pay 
his Quarterage and to obey his somens at all times and other acustamable 
charees '. 403, fbs. ^S a, 71 b, 73 a, 7^ a, 78 b, 80 b, 8i b, 84 b, %6 b. 

' In the eighteen years between i475~93s about 3^1 were bound; in the 
fifteen following years, 419. 

^ There were two reasons for these translations: (i) To obtain the Freedom 
of the Qty, some were admitted into a Gild, which was in no way connected 
with the trade they subsequently adopted j (i) some might enter one Gild by 
Patrimony and yet work at another trade, and though, by the Stat. 38 Ed. Ill, 
c. z, which repealed Stat. 37 Ed. Ill, c. ▼, a member of any Gild could, by the 

Digitized by 


Fellowship of Drapers ^ 1441-15-09 161 

Meanwhile the notice of Kytters admitted by Redemption, the 
fint instance of which occurs in ijoi, seems to indicate that the 
Drapers were invading the province of the Tailors, since Kytters 
are described as makers ot garments, that is to say, ' gownys, 
doublets, jakkets, kyrtvls, peticots ', and such-like.* 

This loosening of tne cnaracter of the Company is also accom- Admissions 
panied by a restriction of the numbers admitted to the Cloth- ^.^^^ 
ing* and a consequent reduction in the number. Between ^^^^' 
1493-4 and 15-08-9 the total number of the members in the 
Livery never reached higher than 80, and then steadily fell, 
to end with 5-^.3 It was customary for some of those in the 
Livery to dine in the Guildhall at the Mayor's Feast. In 1^04 
those who could not be accommodated in the Guildhall were 
ffiven a dinner at Drapers' Hall, and this was continued in the 
following years.* 

As we should expect, with this closing of the Livery, the Increase in 
power of the Council is evidently increasing, and in every way pp^erofthe 
the Company is becoming somewhat more oligarchical. Thus by ""^ ' 
an alteration in the ordinance of the date of 15^04-5-, the Master 
and Wardens were given authority to admit by Redemption with- 
out the approval of the rest of the Fellowship,^ and by an altera- 
tion of another ordinance, with regard to the election of the 

CQstom of London, work at any trade, this was always objected to by the Gilds. 
Letter Book K, xxxvi, p. 203. There are a few instances of Drapers being 
tianslated to other Gilds, e. g. John Wynne, transbted to the Goldsmiths, 1416. 
Letter Book K, fo. 38 b. 

' Fire Kytten were admitted in 1501-z. Wardens' Accounts, 403, fe. 71 b. 
This is the first notice j between this date and 1509 twenty-four are admitted. 
Cf. Ordinance of 1511, Appendix, vol. i, No. XVII, x, 15. 
• In I year . o \ 
In 6 years . i 
In 1 „ .2 
In I year . 3 
In I „ .7 I Total 
In I J, . 9 f lof. 
In 2 years . 13 
In I year . 15 
In I » .17 
In I „ .18 
3 C£ Statistics, i. Appendix, vol. ii. No. XXXI. ^ 403, fos. 81 a, 83 a, 87 a. 
^ CfOrdinanceof i455-^(x.i)asalteredin i504*5,Appendix,vol.i,No.XVII. 

Digitized by 


i6% Changes in the Organization of the 

Master and Wardens of about the same date, it is expressly stated 
that the choice of the Aldermen, old Wardens, and members 
of the Council shall be accepted by the Fraternity.' 

Financial The annual balance was subject to considerable fluctuations. 

Position. \^ 14-P3-+ it was £,\oi. IJ. 7^.; in i^oo-i it had risen to 
;^2op 1 2 J. 7|y. In the very next year it suddenly fell to 
£lS ^J- lol^/., then in \so4fS to £,s i+J. 3^., and in the follow- 
ing year to jj. 4^/., which in 15^08-p was turned into a deficit of 
£1. I2J. 8|^.* This sudden fell in the balance in and after 15-02 
is sufficiently explained by the purchases they made in those 
years,3 and by the rebuilding of the house called the * Gote in 
Chepe', which had been devised to them by Richard Norman 
in 1472.* On the other hand they receive some jfioo in cifis 
from brethren during the years i4.75'-i^op, most of which is 
spent in plate. For some reason there was an increase in the 
number of the brethren who fell into poverty at the close of the 

Eeriod under review. In 1485-7 there was only one almsman, 
lackborne, who received 23J. 4^. But in iyo8-p there were 
five, who were receiving ;^i 05- 4^-. 6d. a year between them. Two, 
however, died that year. Almshouses are also mentioned at that 
date. The contribution to the poor who were not members was 
small enough. In 15-08-9 it only amounted to 15^^. 7^., and in 
15^0 J one *Ffeder Pend* was given the sorry pittance of 4^. 
in his sickness.^ 

' Ordinance of 1454-5 as altered, Appendix, vol. i. No. XVII. 

^ Cf. 403 under the respective years. It must be remembered that fiom 
1493 ^^ balance of the Renters' Accounts was paid to the Wardens. 

^ In 1 501 they bought tenements of Sir Lawrence Aylmei^ cost /'214. In 
1507 a little house in St. Lawrence Lane of Richard Hartwell, iC^S, and a little 
house in Chepe of the Master and Brethren of St. Giles, ii i. On the other 
hand they sold to the Prior of £lsyn Spytyll a house in Lawrence Lane £>r i6%, 
403, fbs. 72 a, 85 a, 85a, 87 a. 

^ Note. — The first entry of Expenses for building is amusing. It runs : 
' Item to Thomas Smart (their carpenter) in amest lor making of ourkous in 
Chepe newe, called the Gote and for making of viii newe kechinges in Southwark 
and £>r potacion 5dL' The work was evidently done by contract and cost some 
C^o. 403, fb. 87 a. The carpenter was admitted into the Freedom gratis in the 
year 1 50^-7. Ibid., £>. 82 b j Wardens' Accounts, 403, fbs. 38 b, 77 a, 85 a, 87 b $ 
Renters* Accounts, 142, 1508-9, Appendix, vol. i. No. XXII B. 

^ The pensioners were : (i) Robert Brygges, who had probably been a Warden, 

Digitized by 


Fellowship of Drapers y 1441-15-09 163 

The other items of interest alluded to in the accounts must Incidental 
be briefly summarized. In i^p^-iJ further additions are being i^««« ^^ 
made to the Hall. These necessitated the building of a new "**«"*^- 
chimney on the ground adjoining, which belonged to St. Mary 
Abchurch, and for which a quit-rent of 12^. a year had to be paid. 
They also now made a * halpase ' (haut-pas or dais), and we are 
incidentally reminded that there was a Lady's Chamber.' But 
the Drapers had not only to spend money on their own Hall. In 
common with members of the other companies, they were assessed 
in 15^01-2 for the building of a new kitchen at the Guildhall, the 
total contribution coming to over £zi* 

The fines during this period of sixteen years are somewhat Fines, 
numerous and are illustrative of the general conduct of the 
members. These include misbeluviour against a brother both in 
words and deeds, 8^.; giving &lse measure to a stranger, ij*. ; 
keeping an apprentice two years without presenting him, and then 
selling his terms to one not of the Fellyship without licence, 2 j. ; 
Mr. Rysse for keeping a shop in partnership with a Taylor and 
using nis apprentices with the said Taylor, 6s. %d. The same man 
Rysse was also fined 6s. SJ. for refusing to take his livery when 
a^nitted. These are comparatively small sums, but when Sir 
Wm. Capd, a powerful man, was judged of misbehaviour against 

since his pension is at the rate of I4</. a week, which was the rate (or one who 
had been Warden. Bat we haTe not a complete list of Wardens so early as this, 
(x) Will. Aithorp, 13/. ^d, a quarter, the pension £>r a liveryman. (3) Richard 
Stukeley. He is probably a pensioner, as he is paid the same as Aithorp, although 
the sam is entered as ^ wages '. (4) Geoffrey Kent does not receive his rail 
pension, apparently became of his death. (5 and 6) The other two, Thomas 
Payne and Thomas Hayward, receive only 6s, ZiL and 10s, a quarter respectively. 
As they do not appear to have been in the Liveiy and are receiving a lower 
pension, this looks as if the freemen at this time coald be pensioners. It is 
not likely that ' F£ider Pend ' was a member, although a John Pend was 
apprenticed in 1501. C£ 403, fb. 71. 

' 403, fbs. ^i a, 83 a. 

' 403, fo. 75 b. In 1483 they had contributed £s towards building the 
Gnildh^l, a somewhat niggardly contribution, since the Mercers gave 1C40, the 
Goldsmiths fio, and even the Shearmen ifio. Herbert, i. 103. In 1 491-1 
they contributed another £^ fer the same purpose, 403, fe. 53 b; while in 1503 
they paid 6d, for a lock and key for a bastard door to receive meat at the Mayor's 
Feast, 403, fo. 77 a. 

Digitized by 


of Dispittesw 

of the Ad- 
▼owson of 

164 Changes in the Organization of the 

Maister Skipwith ^ by most part of all the council ', he had to 
pay 40J.' 

Gapel, who had been Warden three times and was to be Warden 
several times subsequently, appears to have been a troublesome 
man. In 1^04 he had an action against one of the Wardens, 
which he however withdrew," and we know that, whether justly 
or no, he had, in 14^4 and 1^07, fallen out with the King. 

The final appeal in case the offender was recalcitrant lay to the 
City authorities as before,^ and in the year 1468 we have an amusing 
case of a Draper, Wetherley, who had to my damages for wisely 
accusing the Sheriff of having imprisoned him in the Counter and 
of so binding him and treating him that he despaired of his lifo.^ 

The settlement of disputes, however, they still attempted to 
keep in their own hands. Thus in 1494 William Brasebrig and 
William Clerke submitted a complicated case about some mer- 
chandise to arbiters chosen by themselves, who heard the case in 
the presence of the Wardens. The arbitrators not only settle the 
matter in dispute but ^ ordayn that either party shall deliver to the 
other a general acquitance of all manner of actions personall from 
the beginning of uie world \ And, on the plaintiff demurring, 
they command that he shall not ^ attempt accion in the spiritual 
law or temporall ' on pain of a fine of ;^4o to be paid to the 
Temporal Box. 

The Statute of 15^03-4. altered all this. It forbade any Gilds 
to restrain their members from appealing to the King's courts, and 
accordingly an ordinance of 1^43 allowed any member to * pleyne 
where him liketh '. 

In the year i^oyHJ the Drapers secured the advowson of 
St. Michael's, Cornhill. This had been a complicated affair. In 
the year 1^03-4 ^^^Y ^^^> ^7 ^^ favour of the Bishop of London 
their Chancellor, which was refreshed by a gift of four hogsheads 

' 403, fes. $^ ^66sL. Even the members of the Court appear to have been 
onmly, since in 1497^ they bay a hammer, id.^ to knock on the table and keep 
order. Ibid., fo. 6f b. 

* 1 5 04- J. ^o^yfo. 79 a- 

^ Cf. Expenses with the Recorder and Coansell of the Qtie for Thomas 
Hertes reformacion, 1^07-S. 405, fo. 8f b. 

^ Letter Book L, fo. f 9 b. 

Digitized by 


Fellowship of Drapers^ I44i-ij'09 i6r 

of wine of the value of over £f ,' prevailed upon the Abbot of 
Evesham to come to terms. Accordingly, in the March of the 
year 1503-4 an indenture was made between the Abbot of 
Evesham * on the one part and of Simon Hogan, Thomas Cremer, 
and other members of the Company on the other part, whereby, 
in return for an annual rent charge of £s 6s. 8^., issuing out of 
tenements in London, the Abbot, with the consent of the Pope 
Alexander VI, granted the advowson to the said persons.^ The 
grant to the members of the Company was in accordance with 
the usual practice, and was probably so framed to avoid any 
troubles with regard to the Mortmain Laws. Shortly after 
Thomas Cremer and the other grantees released their share in the 
right to the advowson to Simon Hogan,^ who, in return for the 
enjoyment of the patronage for the present, gave to the Fellow- 
ship a tun of wine and six chased gilt cups weighing i ip| oz., 
and the promise of a burial-cloth on his death.' On his decease, 
15-04, he left the patronage to the Company.* The advowson 
was, however, subsequently disputed by the Abbot of Evesham, 
and it was not till the year 15-07 that he gave way and that the 
patronage was confirmed to them * by the assent of the Pope, the 
Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of London, and other well 
learned and mighty men ', at a cost of over ;^4.o.^ In 15-06 the 
Parson, Master John Wardroper, Bachelor or both Laws, was 
admitted a member of the Fellowship.^ Henceforth St. Michael's 
became their special place of worship instead of the Church at 
Bowe. In 15-00-3 tney had, however, received j^iij 6s. SJ. 
from Mistress Peak in return for the right of presentation, pre- 
sumably after the death of Hogan, and she finally surrenders the 
patronage to the Company some time before lyiS.^ 

' 4 hocsheads of wine, value £^ 31. ^d.^ given to the Bishop ' to have his favour 
towards the patrimony of St. MichaePs '. 403, (6. 74 b. 

' The Abbot appears to have been in debt to the Company, since in the 
previous December he had executed a bond for if 300 to the Drapers. 

^ These documents are in the possession of the Company. Cf. Q^ 14, 
If, 22. 

* Q:.»3- ' 403, fo. 75 b. 

^ Q;^2o ; Sharpe, Calendar of Wilb, ii. ^07. 

^ 403^ fo. 81 a. C£ also Book of Evidences A, 198 b. 

^ 403, ib. 82 b. 

^ 403, fbs. 71 a, 7$^i Stow, ed. Kingsfbrd, i. 195. Such seems to be the 

Digitized by 


Position of 
the Drapers 
among the 
Uvciy Com- 

between the 
Drapers and 
the Taybrs. 

i66 Changes In the Organization of the 

By the end of the reign of Henry VII the precedence of the 
Livery Companies, in all pageants and other civic ceremonials, 
had been practically settled. The decision lay in the hands of 
the Mayor and the Court of Aldermen, but the question had been 
the cause of much dispute, and the order had varied. Neverthe- 
less since the reign of Richard III the Drapers had gradually 
established their claim to stand third, after the Mercers and the 
Grocers, and this order was finally confirmed by the Court of 
Aldermen in the fourth year of Henry VIII, it being understood 
that the Company of which the Mayor was a member for the 
time being should always lead the way/ Their position was well 
deserved, for since the year 1+74 seven Drapers had held the 
position of Mayor, eight had been Sheriffs, and six members for 
the City. And yet it was just at this time that their control of 
the cloth trade was being threatened by the Taylors and others. 

The relations between the Drapers and the Taylors, their old 
rivals, had during this period been at first friendly. In 1493-4 
the Masters and the Wardens of the Taylors met at Drapers' 
Hall * for the graining of cloths and to have a potacion '.* This 
was no doubt for the purpose of taking measures to carry out the 
Statute 4 Henry VII, c. 8 (1488-p), which, while fixing the 
prices of many kinds of cloth, forbade the retail sale of * grained ' ' 
cloth at a price beyond 16s. the broad yard. 

Again in 1497 we find the two Companies acting in common. 
In the year 1483-4, in answer to a peddon of the Drapers and 
Taylors, an Act of Richard III (i, c. viii) had been passed, 
which * for the eschewing of great filsede and fraud which had 
grown of late ' fixed the lengths of certain cloths and forbade the 
fraudulent drawing out of the length and breadth thereof and 
fraudulent dyeing of the same. No cloth was to be sold by retail 
or exponed undl it had been sealed *in every county, cide, 

meaning of two rather obscure passages : ' Received of Maistress Peak ' £66 3 /. 4^. 
and £^6 13/. ^d. ' towards her good will ' for the patrimony of St. Michael's, L e. 
towards ^200, the total sum to oe paid by her. When the balance was paid does 
not appear. 

' Ct Herbert, i. loi and note. 

^ 403, fb. 58 a. Cf. Rastall, Statutes, p. iif, 36. 

^ Grained cloth originally meant scarlet dyed, but later was used for any fast 
dyed cloth. 

Digitized by 


Fellowship: of Drapers ^ 1441-1 $-09 1 67 

borough and towne ', and none was to be sealed except that made 
after the Feast of St. Michael next following.* This left a great 
deal of * old made ' cloth on the hands of Drapers, Taylors, and 
others. Accordingly the Drapers and Taylors pressed for the 
* Reformation ' of the Act ; the cost to the two Companies * for 
vitelles, supplications and learned counsell' amounting to 
£1 14J. 4i/.* They succeeded in their suit and the said Act 
of Richard HI was suspended.^ In 15^04 the Drapers ask for 
a * placard ' of the Crown allowing the sale of the * old made 
cloth ', and in i^-o^-S a placard to the same effect is purchased 
by the Drapers, the Taylors, the Mercers, and the Sheremen.* 
Nevertheless cause for disagreement with their old rivals still 
existed. In the year 15-02 the Taylors or linen Armourers, who 
had up to this time chiefly confined themselves to the making of 
cloth and of linen doublets for armour, obtained from the Crown 
a Charter of Incorporation under the new title of the Merchant 
Taylors.5 Although in this Charter they are still spoken of as 
makers and cutters of men's apparel, they claim in the recital of 
the Charter to have exercised of old every kind of merchandises 
and of buying and seUine; them, especially woollen cloths, as well 
wholesale as retail. The Charter confirmed their claim and 
further authorized them to * augment and increase the Fraternity ' 
and to receive into it * whatsoever persons, natives ', they may 
wish, * without hindrance or disturbance of any other Art or 
Mystery of the Citie '/ It also confirmed their right of search, 

' Rastall, Statutes, p. 114 b, 34. C£ the original petition, Letter Book L, 
lbs. 179—80. The grievances complained of were 'Deceite in the makyng, 
ihllyng, drawyng or settyng of leneeth in the Teyntoors, Sheiyng and 
powderyng with Flokkes of woollen cloth in biyng and sellyng of the same ', in 
London and in England. The pedtion soes into considerable details. 

' 403, fo. 61 a. C£ also 403, %6 a, £s. x6 b. 

^12 Hen. VII, c. 4 } Rastal^ Statutes, p. i if, 37- 

♦ 403, fos. 79^9 87 b. 

^ Clode, Merchant Taylors, vol. i,p. 198. 

^ The Stat. 37 Bd. Ill, c f , had forbidden a member of a Craft to work at 
any other craft, bat this was repealed in the following year, 38 Ed. Ill, c. z, and 
henceforth, according to the custom of London, a member ofany Gild could work 
at any trade. The difficulty was met by ^ translations ', which of late had 
become very frequent. Letter Book K, fbs. 29 b, 135 b, 174, 117, %%6h^ 
Introduction, xxxyi. 

Digitized by 


i6S Changes in the Organizafion of the 

governance, and correction of all men of their Fraternity, and also 
of natives, strangers, and foreigners, using the said Mysteries of 
Merchant Taylors and Linen Armourers, or anything apper- 
taining to the said Mysteries in the City and its suburbs. 

The Charter, which was evidently intended to grant to the 
Taylors the privileges of trading as well as making, and by which 
right of search was definitely confirmed, at once aroused the 
hostility of the Drapers, more especially since of late the 
Merchant Taylors had been admitting into their Fraternity men 
of other trades.' With little consistency, considering the way in 
which the Drapers themselves had of late been admitting persons 
of other trades to their own Fraternity, they proceeded to dispute 
the same right to the Taylors. They moved for a return or the 
* redemcioners Taylors ' since the reign of Edward III, and even 
suggested that the Taylors were admitting, or at all events em- 
ploying, Frenchmen.* They consulted counsel ; they paid fees to 
the Recorder, and to the King's attorney ; they drew up a suppli- 
cation to the King's Council against the said ' redemcioners ' and 
against the incorporation of tne Merchant Taylors. But their 
efforts, which cost them £x^ 8x. 4^/., besides certain * potacions ' 
which they had with their opponents, as well as with Haber- 
dashers and others, were all in vain. The Merchant Taylors 
were a powerfid body. Besides a great number of influential 
persons, five kings at least had worn their livery. Henry VII him- 
self was a member, and, according to Strype, sat in their Common 
Hall at the elections of their Master and Wardens in a gown of 
crimson and a citizen's hood.^ From henceforth, therefore, 
the Merchant Taylors became formidable rivals in the trade 
of cloth.* 

'e.g. a Brewer, a Talloir-chandler, a Vintner, a Grocer, a Shereman, 
a Dyer. 

» Cf. 40J, fos. 7% b, 74 aj 74 b. 

^ Qode, Pt. I, pp. 131 and 195. 

* That the Merchant Taylon appreciated the value ok royal support is shown 
by their refusal to join some of the other Crafts in the petition to Parliament of 
If 12 to have the Stat. 19 Hen. VII, c. 79 rescinded. This Act had revoked the 
Stat. 15 Hen. VI, cc. 6, 7> which had given the authority to confirm Gild 
ordinances to the Justices of the Peace and to governors of dties, towns, and 
boroughs. See next page. Sharpe, London and tne Kingdom, L 357- 

Digitized by 


Fellowship of Papers y i^^i-ij-op 169 

Nor was this all : two other Companies began to compete in Rivalry of 
the trading business. In the year 15-00 the Haberdashers, who tt« Habcr- 
had been dealers in Haberdashery, with an industrial element, ^V " *"^ 
receive the title of Merchant Haberdashers and absorb the workers. 
Cappers and the Hatters.' In 15-27 the Shearmen and the Fullers, 
united under the title of the Clothworkers, find the last place 
among the twelve Greater Livery Companies. They obtain the 
right of search over denizens and aliens in all matters pertaining 
to their two Mysteries, to woollen cloths and fustians and afl 
other goods used in the same, and for restraint of foreign workmen 
not 01 the Freedom, and rapidly extend the trading part of their 

Finally, it should be remembered that in the year 1x03-4^ 
the authority of the Crown over all Fellowships of Crafts or 
Mysteries was enforced by the Act which ordered that in future 
all ordinances of such Fraternities should be examined and ap- 
proved, no longer by the Mayor as hitherto, but by the Chan- 
cellor, the Treasurer, and Chidf Justices of either Bench or three 
of them, or by both the Justices of Assize, and further forbade 
Gilds to restrain their members from appealing to the King's 

By this Act the Crown definitely asserted its intention to control 
the trade and industries of the country and thereby rang the 
death-knell of that system of Town Economy which had been 
the chief feature of the Middle Age and the true foster-mother of 
the Gild System. 

' Herbert, li. 537. 

' In 1 5 1 5 a Shearman, having prospered in his business, gQt translated to the 
Drapers, to the indignation of his old Craft. This and other cases of translation 
were no doobt one reason £>r the desire of the Shearmen to obtain the Charter. 
Unwin, Industrial Organization, p. 44. The Merchant Taylors also quarrelled 
with the Haberdashers and Clothworkers on the question of apprentices, on the 
ii2ht of search, and the limits of their respective trades. Clode, i 102-4. The 
whole question as to the ri^ht of powerful Companies to admit persons dT other 
Crafts was raised again in ue reign of Elizabeth $ but though a Bill passed the 
Commons in 1575 forbidding translations, it was challenged in the House of 
Lords and never received the Royal Assent. Qode, i. zo6. 

3 19 Hen. VII, c. 7. 

Digitized by 


Digitized by 




L An Account of the chief original Documents up to 1^03 

in the possession of the Drapers' Company . • ^73 
II A. Drapers in the Thirteenth Century . . i8i 

II B. Evidences as to the fnnctions of the Drapers in the 

Thirteenth Century 184 

III A. Drapers in the Fourteenth Century up to the date of 

the first Charter, 13(^4 185: 

III B* Evidences as to the fimctions of the Drapers in the 

Fourteenth Century ij^i 

IV. Ordinances of the Brotherhood of Our Lady of Bethlehem, 

1371 19^ 

V. Stat. 37 Edward III, c« y, 6. That merchants and artificers 

sludl keep to their own merchandise and Mystery. 

Stat 38 Edward III, c. x, repealing same . loa 

VI. Letters Patent of July if, 38 Edward III, 13^4 . 104 

VII. Petition of the Mystery of Drapers against the election 

of Nicholas Brembre as Mayor in 1384 . . . xp8 
VIII. Grant of a Quit-rent bv Fitzalwyn, paid by the Drapers' 

Fraternity. September 30, 7 Henry VI, 14x8 . .an 
IX. Letters Patent of Henry Vl. Charter of Incorporation. 

November 30, 17 Henry VI, 1438 . . 214 

X. The Grant of the Farm of Aulnage. February i(f, 

17 Henry VI, 1439, New Style %i6 

XL Grant of Arms. March 10, 17 Henry VI, 1439, New 

Style XXI 

XII. Inspeximus Charter of July %6y 6 Edward IV ( 14(^6), con- 
firming and expanding that of 17 Henry VI . . 2x9 

XIII. Confirmation of the Drapers' Right of Search. October (f, 

atf Henry VI, 1447 X3X 

XIV. Ordinance of the Mayor confirming the Right of Search 

of Woollen Cloths. October 6y x(f Henry VI, 1447 • ^33 

Digitized by 


I7X appendices to Vol 1 


XV. Letters Patent of Edward IV, promising that Shearmen 
shall have no Corporation. April 9, 19 Edward IV, 

H79 ^jy 

XVI. Letters Patent of Richard III releasing the Drapers from 

all forfeitures for oflfences committed before Fet>- 

ruaiy ai, 14.84. May ai, i Richard m, 1484 . . ^6 

XVII. The Oath Book or Book of Ordinances, originally drawn 

up in 140^ and entered in the book in 14(^0, with 

later additions up to 159 1 ^41 

XVIIL Transcript of the earliest Wardens' Accounts from 1414 

to 144a iSi 

XIX. The First Drapers' Hall. Grant of site .... 348 
XX A. Transcript of the Wardens' Accounts for the year 

i48i-x 3^1 

XX B. Transcript of the earliest Renters' Accounts for the 

year i48i-x ^^6 

XXI. List of Members of the Drapers' Company in 1493 . . ^6^ 
XXII A. Transcript of the Wardens' Accounts for tiie year 

1508-9 3(f7 

XXII B. Transcript of the Renters* Accounts for the year 

1508-9 37+ 

Digitized by 




No* m Catahgitf. 

IX. Letters Patent of 38 Ed. Ill, July i;, 13^4. On vellum 

with seal. Transcribed in Appendix, vol. i. No. VI. There is 
also a copy of this at the GuUdhall. Herbert's copy, L 480, 
comes from the recital in the mandate commanding publica- 
tion by the Sherifis, which difters slightly from the Drapers' 
Patent, especially in saying that the four Wardens elected 
are to be sworn twice a year instead of once as in the original 

A. V. a87. Charter of Incorporation, Nov. 30, 17 Hen. VI, 1438. 
On vellum with seal, which is broken. Transcribed in 
Appendix, voL i. No. IX. 

A. V. a88. Urant of the farm of the aulnage of doth, 17 Hen. VI, 
February Kf, 1439 (New Stvle). On vellum with seaL 
Transcribed in Appendix, vol. i. No. X. 

Ch. XXI. Grant of Arms, March 10, 17 Hen. VI, 1439 (New Style). 
Transcribed in Appendix, vol. i. No. XI. 

Book of Evidences A, No. 388, fb. idea. 

Confirmation of Drapers' Right of Search, i(f and 27 
Hen. VI, 1447. Transcribed in Appendix, vol. i. No. XIII. 

Book of Evidences A, No. 388, fo. 160 a. 

Order of Court of Aldermen concerning Meteyards, 
October (f, %6 Hen. VI, i44<f. 

Book of Evidences A, No. 388, fb. 160 %. 

Inspeximus Charter, 6 Ed. FV, 1^6. On vellum with 
illuminated initial letter E and border, in good preservation, 
seal attached. Transcribed in Appendix, vol. i. No. XII. 

Book of Evidences A, No. 388, fo. 1^7 b. 

Letters Patent of April 9, 19 Ed. IV, 1479, promising 
that Shearmen shall not have incorporation. Transcribed in 
Appendix, vol. i. No. XV. 

Digitized by 


174 Chief OriginalDocuments in Tos session of 

No, m C^alogne. 

Book of Evidences A, No. }88, fo. \^6h. 

Licence to bold in mortmain. Edward IV. 

A. V. 189. Letters Patent of i Ric. Ill, May xi, 1484, releasing 
Drapers from Forfeitures. On veUum with seal. Transcribed 
in Appendix, vol. i. No. XVI. 

Ch. X. Bargain and Sale of Cromwell's House and garden by 

Henry VIII to the Drapers. On vellum, seal attached. 

Ch. V. Grant of Cromwell's House, iy+3-4, JT Hen. VIII, for 

consideration of 1,800 marks. On vellum, with initial 
enclosing fic;ure of Henry VIII, and elaborate head-line. 
Seal attached. 

Ch. XX. May xi, i(fii, 6 James I. Letters Patent reconfirming 
grant of Cromwell's House. 

Ch. III. June ix, i Eliz., i;5'9. Exemplification of a Memorandum 

in the Exchequer of a Judgement in Michaelmas Term, 
% and 6 Philip and Mary, releasing the Drapers' Company from 
the royal claim for ^lyx 6s. W. representing eight years* 
arrears on the annual sum of ^10 ox. \od, arising out of 
obits under the Chantries Act, i £a. VI, c. 14- On vellum, 
with initial enclosing figure of the Queen, and elaborate 
head-line. Seal attached. A copy of the same, A. IIL 131. 

Ch. XI. Inspeximus Charter, April ix, x Eliz., i^(fo. On vellum, 

with an initial letter enclosing figure of the Queen. Seal 
attached. Transcribed in Appendix, vd. iL 

Ch. XVII. July y, I %6\ . Confirmation by William Hervy, Qarencieux 
Kmg of Arms, of the Arms granted to the Drapers' Com- 
pany bv William Bruges, Garter, on March 10, 1439, with 
an adaitional gnint of crest and supporters. Framed at 
Drapers' Hall. Transcribed in Appendix, vol. ii. 

Ch, XII. Decree of Chancery re Howell's legacy, September 4, 

6 Eliz., iy(f3-4, with pedigree attached. On vellum, with 

C. 6\. Exemplification of a Decree in Chancery, made June X4, 

I Eliz., 1^58-5^, in case of Cysely Thomas and others^ kin ot 
Thomas Howell, plaintifis against Sir W. Chester and other 
Masters and Wardens of the Drapers* Company. On vellum, 
with seal. 

Ch. (fy. 17 Eliz., May 30, 1^75. 

Decree m Chancery ratifying order of Master of RoUs, 
discharging Master and Wardens from payment to one of the 
plaintim, in whose favour a decree had been made, she not 
being found in the Herbal or Pedigree of Howell. 

Digitized by 


the Drapers' Company up to 1603 17$- 

N^. in Catalogue. 

Ch. XVI. January i, 1594, ^6 Eliz. 

Exemplification of a Bill in suit dt Kath. Phyllyp and 
others of kin of Thos. Howell^ plaintiff, and Benedict Barnham 
and others, against the Master and Wardens, defendants. 
Also of answer, and orders certifying pedigree made June 11, 
y Eliz. 

Ch. VI. February (f, lyj^g, 40 Eliz. 

Confirmation of the grant of The Herber to the Drapers. 
On vellum, with initial enclosing figure of the Queen, and 
elaborate head-line. Seal attached. 

Ch. I. Promulgation of Ordinances by the Chancellor, Nic. 

Bacon and others, November 18, 19 Eliz., 1^7^-7. On 
vellum, with elaborate initial letter and head-line. Seal 

A. V. ajo. Certificate of Will. Camden, Clarencieux King ot Arms, as 
to arms borne by H. Fitzalwyn, First Mayor of London, and 
that he was free of the Drapers' Company. October jo, 161 3, 
James I. 

A. III. 115^. Certificate of obits presented to the King's Commissioners, 
1547. Transcribed, Appendix, vol. ii. 

A. y?y. Quaint Schedule of Obits. 34 Hen. VIII, iy4*-3« 

140 Warden^ Aecaimts. The earliest that we have begin in 
141 3, and are continued with some gaps to the year 14^1-1. 
TTiey are written in Norman French. These have been fully 
transcribed in the Appendix, vol. i. No. XVIII, with a brief 
4-795: From the year i4fx to 1475: we are left without anv 
authorities except that of the Book of Ordinances, ^icn 
contains the oidinances originally drawn up in 140; but 
onlv committed to writing and added to in the year 14(^0. 
This is followed by further ordinances as revised in I ;(fo. This 
book is described and partly transcribed, partly abstracted, 
in the Appendices, vd. i* No. XVII : vol. ii. 

We have also an Ordinance Book for the Bachelors as 
revised in 1^60. This book is bound very much like the 
other Ordinance Book. But the ordinances only take up 
four pages written on both sides. The rest of the pages are 
blank. Appendix, vol. ii. 

With the year 1475* the Wardens' Accounts again become 
our most important authority, and from henceforth are 
continuous. In the year 148 1 they are supplemented by the 
Renters' Accounts, which are also continuous, except fi>r 
the interval between 148; and 1^06. 

Digitized by 


1^6 Chief Original 2)ocumenfs in Tossession of 

No. in Catalogue, 

These accounts are found in the following volumes : 

40; I. Wardens' Accounts, i4.7f-<f to 1^08-9. This is a 

folio volume measuring 16} x 1 1 inches, in its original 
leather binding on stout wooden boards, with an impressed 
diagonal pattern. The first leaf is of vellum, the rest paper. 
The vellum leaf and the three following leaves are filled 
with miscellaneous entries, one of i^yz-j, the rest of a later 
date than the first account, headed with the name Ihesus, or 
the names Jhesus, Maria. Among these entries is a list of 
the plate owned by the Fellowship in 14.93. 

llie accounts occupy eighty-four leaves. The accounts 
are in £ngllsh, but till 14.77-8 the headings are in Latin. 
< In tempore '. In the following year the English heading is 
added, and in 1493 the Latin disappears. The writing, 
which is in court hand, is good up to the year 140 1 and 
embellished with ornamental initials, but after that ckte the 
ink is bad and the handwriting poor. The eight last leaves 
are again filled with miscellaneous entries, and with an inven- 
tory of the plate in i^H* C^* Appendix. The book is in 
excellent preservation. 

143 1. Wardens' Accounts, 15:08-9 to 1^4^-7. This and the 
following volume are wrongly labelled ^ Renters' Accounts ' 
and nunS)ered in that series. The accounts are not in book 
form, but each consists of a separate section, written on 
paper, the whole being enclosed in a vellum cover. After 
lyijT they contain only casual items not included in the 
Repertories. The volume is much begrimed with dirt. 
140 A. Rough Minutes, i^x^^. Loose ^eets in very bad con- 
dition. These were found unfastened, in an old cover of 
vellum. The cover also contained the earliest Wardens' 
Accounts, which are now printed. Appendix, vol. i. 

148 3. Wardens' Accounts, 1547-8 to iy(fi-i. A continua- 
tion of the volume immediately above, bound in vellum. 
The paper is very much torn in parts, and in a filthy con- 
dition. The volume is much larger tiian its predecessor, 
the vellum cover having been made to fit one of the 
accounts, which is larger than the rest, and is greatly torn and 

iy6 4. Wardens' Accounts, iy(fi-3 to 160^^. Unbound; 
in a bad condition. 

Renters' Accounts. These deal more especially with the 
rents of property, chiefly house property, belonging to the 

Digitized by 


the Drapers^ Company up to 1603 177 

Ni». m CstMlogue. 

Fellowship, the expenses of building and reparations, and the 
quit rents due by the Fellowship. There are four volumes 
of these accounts up to the year i^6oy all of them on paper 
loosely stitched in stout vellum covers. 
141 Vol. I. 14.81-5. 

14.1 Vol. II. i;o(fT-i4. 

144 Vol. Ill, lyxy-jS. 

14^ Vol. IV. i5r35Hfo. 

4d>4 Vol. V. iy6i-i(fof. 

The accounts for the years 148(^-1505 have disappeared. 
Until the year 1494 the accounts of Uie Renters were kept 
quite separate from those of the Wardens, After that date 
the balance of the Renters' Account was paid over to the 
Wardens' Account for the year. 
i^ Renters' Accounts of Thomas Howell's Lands, i ^^o~^6* 
433 Leases of Howell's Lands. A thin paper folio with 
tattered parchment cover; only seven leaves are written on. 
It also contains a brief list of the title-deeds of his property. 
In Accounts, 1547-^1 (148), fo. 11 b, will be found <a tryall 
of all the several payments of Howell's orj^ns throughout 
all the Repertories and Journals '. 
404 Thomas Howell's Ledger. Giving an account of his 
property and commercial transactions from 1515^ to 15x7. 
A large volume on paper in vellum binding, much worm- 
eaten, with his initials both on the outside and on the first 
page. Appendix, vol. ii. 
147 Rental, i ^80-4. This book was compiled by John Brooke, 
who was elected Renter November xi, 1580. It contains 
a list of the tenants of the Company's lands, and of Howell's 
lands arranged under localities, followed by an account of 
the payments of each tenant at the quarterly terms firom 
If 80 to i^i^ An alphabetical index of tenants is prefixed 
to the volume. Bound in leather with stamped diamond 
pattern, but decayed and in need of repair^ At the end of 
this book are found the following documents ; 

!• A receipt given bvthewidowofAntonyHussye for certain 
moneys repaid her by the Society of Merchants of 
X. A Bill <^ Exchange paid on account of the Merchants 

of Russia. 
3. A Petition to the Lord Treasurer to be allowed to 

re-export certain goods brought from Russia. 
4* A Bill of lading cf cargoes of goods, belonging to 
A a 

Digitized by 


178 Chief Original Documents in Tossession of 

members of the Eastland Company. Appendix, 

vol. ii« 
The Repertories. These are the minutes of the Fellow- 
ship, which were probablj read at the Quarter Day Meetings 
of the Court. 
The main subjects treated of are : 
I. Notices of Public Events in which the Fellowship was 

a. Precepts of the Mayor. 
;• Admissions to the Council or Court of Assistants, the 

Livery, the Freedom, and to apprenticeship. 
4, Elections, election feasts, and civic pageants, 
f • Adjudication of disputes, fines, puxiishments. 

6. Particulars of obits, chantries, charities, gifts. 

7. Ordinances framed by the Council or Court of 


8. Purchases of property. 

9. After 151 y they contain many of the Wardens* 

in short, they supply us with information as to the public 
events with wUdi the Fellowship were concerned, and on 
the internal government of the Gild. 

130 The first (^ these Repertories commence, as we find stated, 
<in the time of John Mylbom Alderman and Master of the 
Guild or Fraternity of^ St. Mary of Drapers of London, 
Peter Starkey. John Hasylwood, William Dolphyn and 
Anthony Bui^h, Wardens of the same Guild or Fraternity * 
... in the year of our Lord lyiy *. It runs from lyiy to 
iff^. As this series is numbered 7 it seems probable that 
there were earlier series which have been lost. It is written 
in court hand on paper, and bound in rough calf. The 
handwriting varies, but it is sometimes excellent and always 
legible, except on the four last pages which are stained and 
injured by damp. 

Besides this Repertory 7, lyiy-yj, we have two addi- 
tional Rough Minutes or Accounts which cover the same 
140 A. I. lyxy-^. 

x^i X. 1731-^- The last leaf of this volume contains 
an extract from the Husting Pleas of Land of the date 

I Ric. in. 

' Rep. 7, p. I. 

Digitized by 


the "Drapers^ Company up to idoj 179 

I^. im Catmbgue. 

In the minutes of Rq)ertory 7 for December 3, ^^^6^ we 
meet with the following meniorandum : ^ AH the rest of 
Mr. Monmouth's tyme (Le. when he was Master^ ^TS^-?) 
fblloweth consequently in Libro Octavo, and here not 
written as well for lacke of Paper, as also for that the tyme 
of Sir Wyllyam Bowyar Knight (Master from i;37-8) bothe 
worthie of fame and memory ^ould not be here lefte owte 
containing matters of greater consequents than Mr. Mon- 
mouth's tyme, and yet paper skant suffydejit left, therefore 
as yt appeareth following/ This memorandum ^ows that 
the minutes between December i%i6 and September 15:38, 
which Repertory 7 contains, were entered from the rough 
minutes, and probably at some later time. They only 
occujpy two pages and four lines of a third, although they 
are followed by twenty-five blank pages. Unfortunately 
Liber Octavus is missing. The records, therefore, between 
December i53(f and September 1^38 are very fragmentary* 
Perhaps the unsatisfactory condition of the records is due to 
the clerk, Wm. Hartwell, who was apparently not a satis- 
factory person. He got into debt and pledged some of the 
Company's plate. Rep. 7, p. 501. 

In the Renters' Accounts for 15:40-7, too, there is some 
of the quaintest spelling that we have come across. Thus 
^yengke' for ink; ^pottashea' for potation; ^Hosse' for 
house ; ^ diobbs ' for a carpenter's ^ jc^ '• 

128 For the five years between 1547 and if^x we have an addi- 
tional Repertory, described as ^Repertorium 1547-14^5:1', 
which is (^en referred to in Repertory 7. The minutes in 
this < Repertorium ' are more detailed than in Repertory j. 
They deal with Precepts of the Mayor, adjudications dt 
disputes set out at length and signed by the parties, and 
other matters which it was thought fit to enter at greater 
length; whereas in Repertory 7 we find a shorter and at 
the same time a more comprdiensive record, which was 
apparently the one read at the Quarterly Meetings of the 
Court. Sometimes, however, the entries in both are 

154 Then follows Repertory B. This commences in 15:5:1 
and continues till iT5:7* The Repertory ends with the 
following note : ^ Here ended William Bere his tyme, and 
Edward Messenger, admytted Clerke in his roome, proceeded 
his doings in a new Repertory, signed with the letter C on 
the forreU and backside of the saide Booke.' The last ninety- 

Digitized by 


i8b Chief Original Documents in Tossession of 

No. in CMimUpif. 

five pages are blank with the eiception of an entiy of 
October 04, lyyS. 

xyj From the year i^yj when Repertory 7 ends, Repertory B 
is accompanied by another Repertory or Journal whidi runs 
to February ly^f. The book is a large one bound in 
vellum, witn straps ; but the Repertory occupies only ninety 
pages, many bong blank. It probably bears the same 
relation to Repertory B as did Nos. ayx and 140 a to 
Repertory f. It contains many references to Repertory B, 
and many of the notices in the two Repertories are identical. 
At the reverse end of this Repertory (x^}) there is a 
roister of payments to pensioners under various trusts from 
if^y to idiy. 

xy y Repertory C then follows, running from June 30, i yy 7, to 
April II, i^6i. This is in a very bad condition, llie 
greater part is almost illegible fix>m stains, and in some 
parts the writing is entirely obliterated, while several pages 
at the end are decayed. 

%^6 We find in Repertory 9, p. xoif, a reference to a 
Repertory D, which presumably covered the period between 
iydi-7. But it has been lost, and it is not till the year 
15^7 that Repertory E commences and runs to the year 
1574. Then follow in succession : 

xyy Repertory F,whichcoversthe period between iy74and 1584. 

1x9 Repertoiy G, which runs from 1584 to 1^94. 

X58 Repertory H, which is divided into two parts : {a) the acts 
and proceedings of the Wardens from 1794 to Kfo], and 
{I) those of the Court during the same period. 
All these Repertories are in a fair condition. 
Besides these the following documents up to the year 1^03 
are to be fiMind at Drapers' Hall : 

388 Book of Evidences A. This is a large vellum book bound 
in strong leather with a flap and clasps. The original 
bindine shows a stamped panel or border, which has been 
covered with fresh leather highly decorated with a diamond 
pattern. It was probably compiled in i^oi^x, since in that 
year we find a sum of ^3 6s. id. paid to Maister Wodcock, 
a scrivener, < for devising and making of all our evidences '. 
Cf. 403, fo. 7x a. 

The evidences consist of copies of the various Charters 
granted to the Gild, with translations which are very inac- 
curate, and transcripts of the legal deeds and wills, or extracts 
from wills, whidi constitute the title to the Company's most 

Digitized by 


the Drapers' Company up to 1601 181 

Not in Catalopit. 

ancient properties, with some additions of a later date. For 
the purpose of readily finding the separate sections, small pro- 
jecting balls of vellum, termed * labells ', are used, and a list is 
given of the documents to be found under the several ^labells'. 

jgp Book of Evidences B. A large folio paper volume^ 
originally compiled in the later half of the sixteenth centunr, 
with later addiitions. It contains brief descriptions of tne 
title-deeds of various properties belonging to the Company, 
beginning with Drapers' Hall. It is well written and in 
fairly good condition, but has lost one of its covers and 
greatly needs rebinding. 

418 Bequests i^6%^i66i \ 

434 ,, 15(^7—5)0 >in foolscap unbound. 

4.IP Schedule of Trust Estates^ i^po-Kf oy . Small folio volume, 
unbound, compiled at the beginning of the seventeenth 
1^6 Ordinances and Statutes by William Lambard, founder 
of the College of the Poor of Queen Elizabeth, at Green- 
wich, for the regulation of the College. A folio paper volume 
written in 15*78, in contemporary calf binding with two 
clasps, and a large stamped design of the Company's arms 
on each cover. The book contains a licence granted by 
Queen Elizabeth on November zy, 1575:, for the establislt- 
ment ot the College; the regulations for its government 
devised by William Lambard, the founder, and signed by 
him with the date *Aug. 1^78*; a description of the 
College buildings and lands, and of the property belonging 
to it, including the Manor of Brenchesley alias Criells; 
various deeds relating to the estates ; and extracts from the 
Court Rolls of the Manor of Brenchesley alias Criells, hom 
38 Hen. VIII to i<; James L 

See also Charter XIV. The same orders republished in 

-f 153. Poor Rolls, 1 5:97-1 (fi9, found in the Minutes Book, i^^yj-y. 

+ j8y. Poor Rolls, 1^0 1-^8. 

+ X79. Freeman's Admission Book, i^6']''i6^i. Bound in paper, 
outer leaf torn. Compiled about KS17, with subsequent 
additions. Many addresses and occupations of Freemen 
given. Names arranged alphabetically* 

+ X78. Freeman's Admission Book, 1^6^-16^6. Bound in vellum 
on cardboard. A companion to + t'j^* Written about 
i(?i8, with later additions. Arrangement chronological. 

Digitized by 


i8i Documents of Draper i Company to idog 

N#. in CataUgMe. 

+ xoo. Dinner Book, i^6^~i6o%. A folio paper volume in its 
original vellum binding of the middle of the sixteenth 
century. The book is well written and in good condition. 
A minute account of the cost and management of the 
Quarter Day Feasts and Great Election Feasts is given, 
including the incidence of the charges. This supplements 
in many important particulars the facts which may be 
gleaned from the Repertories. 
410. Book of legal. precedents. Sixteenth century. On the 
reverse of folio 6x there is a receipt for making ink, and a 
memorandum dated September 7, 1591, concerning a Robert 
Howell of London. The book is without covers, and its 
first three leaves are missing. 



41, including Hardel but not Fitzalwyn, of whom y were Mayors 
(4 of whom had previously been Aldermen and Sheriffs), 8 were Alder- 
men and Sheriffs, i Alderman and M.P. for the City. 

Note. — ^To the best of my belief, all these were Drapers of London, 
but in one or two cases the evidence is not quite conclusive. The 
dates given are those found in the authorities. 

Pentecost le Draper, iiia. Hist. MSS. Com., Rep. IX. i b, quoted 
by Ashley, Economic Hist., II. iiL 14.9. 

Lawrence Fitzalan, 11x7. Pays 10 marks. Pipe Roll, 11x7 ; Guild- 
hall Transcripts, iv. 66^. 

John Tolesan. Pays ^ marks to King. Pipe Roll, 1117; Guildhall 
Transcripts, iv. 66^. Alderman of Candlewick Street and Cripple- 
gate; Sheriff, 1137-8, 1149-50; Mayor, iiyi-j. Letter Book F, 
to. 131 b; Baddeley, Aldermen of Cripplegate, p. 346 ; Beaven, Alder- 
men, vol. i, pp. 341 note, 373. 

Ralph or Richard Hardel. Alderman of Aldersgate, 1141; Sheriff, 
1145^50 ; Mayor, iiir3-8 or 1154^9. Beaven, Aldermen, vol. i, pp. 341 
note, 371 ; Letter Book F, fo. 131 b. 

John Adrian* Alcjerman of Bassishaw, 1 148 ; of Walbrook, 1 1^0-85 ; 
Sheriff, 11^%-^ or iiy^-tfc, 1x66-7 ^^ 11^7-8; Mayor, 1170-1. 
Beaven, vol. i, pp. 373, 40^ ; Calendar of Wills, i. 70 j Letter Book F, 
fo. 13 1 b ; Letter Book A, fo. 7. 

Digitized by 


Ihrapers in the Thirteenth Century 183 

William Ashwy or Eswy. Alderman of Coleman Street, 1 144: SheriflF, 
ia^4-y, layif— 7. Collections of a London Citizen, ed. Gairdner, 
1 8 ^6^ pp. X47-8 ; Beaven, Aldermen of London, vol, 1, p. } jx. According 
to Gaminer, a Draper; according to Beaven, a Mercer. 

William Fitz Richards. Sheriff, ix5'o-i; Mayor, ix^^-60y ii(fo-i 
^cording to best authorities). Letter Book F, fb. 179 ; Beaven, p. 34.1 ; 
Fabyan, ed. Ellis, i8ii,p. 3(^1 ; Stow, Survey of London, ed. Kingsford, 
ii I5(f, 1^7. 

Ivo de Linge, laf 9. Fitz Thedmar, Chronicles of Mayors and Sheriffs 
in Lib. de Antiq. Legibus, Camden Society, p. lac ; Riley, Chronicles 
of London, p. ixy. 

Robertus Barnard, ixy^. Fitz Thedmar, Chronicles of Mayors and 
Sheriffs in Lib. de Antiq. Legibus, Camden Society, p. no; Riley, 
Chronicles of London, p. izy. 

Edward le Blund. Alderman of Bassishaw, 1x66 ^ 1x71 ; Sheriff, 
ix<ff-^. Beaven, p. 374; Letter Book F, fb. xji b. 

Gcrvase le Draper. Some date at close of reign of Hcniy III. Hist. 
MSS. Com., Rep. V. 5^9, quoted by Ashley, Economic Hist., II. iii. 

Peter de Edelmeton. Alderman of Castle Baynard, ix7x-8o« Beaven, 

pp. 88, 97^ ; Letter Book B, fbs. jx, loi b ; C, fb. 88. 

Copyn de Troys, 1x75. Letter Book A, fbs. x b, 8 b. 

Joseph le Acatur, ix75r-^. Member of Parliament, 1x83 or 1x84.; 
Alderman of Bridge Ward, 1x83-^0. Letter Book A, fos. i, x^b, 
4+b; Beaven, pp. yj, x(f j, 37(f. 

Roger Beyvin, draper, 1x^6. Letter Book A, fb. 4. 

Wifiiam de Bosco, ix7<f. Letter Book A, fb. y b, d b ; Patent Rolls, 
ixxy-3x, p. X3+. 

William Bukerel. Alderman of Broad Street, ix7<f-8. Patent Rolls, 
1x73, pp. X5^ xif ; Beaven, pp. 70, 375; Letter Book A, fbs. x, 13. 

William Vlel, 1x7^?. Letter Book A, fb. 4- 

James de Treys, it'j6. Letter Book A, fo. <f b; Qose Rolls, ix7x-5>, 
p. 8^. 

John Adrian, junior (probably son of the Mayor of 1x70-1). Sheriff, 
1x77-8. Letter Book A, fb. (f; B, fb. ii8b; Beaven, Aldermen, 

PP- 37J> +05, +otf. 
Robert Renaume, 1x78, probably a Draper. Letter Book A, fo. ii. 
Stephen Young, 1x78. Calendar of Wills, L 34. 
Hiomas Fitz Thomas. Sheri£^ ixdx-3. Letter Book A, fb. x^ b. 
John Lincoln, ix8x. Patent Rolls, 1x73, p. 38; Catalc^e Drapers* 
Company, vol. ii, A. vil. x^-y. 
Jcnrcc dc Eynsham, ix8x. Letter Book A, fb. X7. 
Jonn de Stowe, 1x83. Calendar of Wills, i. <fy. 
Anketin de Betevile. Alderman of Bread Street, 1x83-91 ; Sheriff, 

Digitized by 


184- "Drapers in the Thirteenth Century 

laSi-;. Letter Book F, fb. xji; Letter Book A, fos. 71, \^6^ 157^ 
Bcavca, vol, i, pp. +7, 37^. 

John de AbindoD, 1289-^8. Letter Book A, fo, fi; B, fb. 31 b» 

Rothard le Draper, 1189. Hist. MSS. Com., Rep, V. 3 id, quoted hf 
Ashley, Economic Hist., U. iii. 145^. 

William de Winton, circ. 1190. Pays xos. Subsidy Roll, circ. ix^. 

Will, le Huver, 1x91. Letter Book, fb. 6\. 

John le Blund. Alderman of Bread Street,- lapi— 8; Alderman of 
Cheap Ward, 1x98-1309. Letter Book C, fbs. 37 b, y7b, 71 b, 73, 83, 
89, 9+b; Beaven, op. +5", 59, 377- 

£lias Russell. Sheriff, 1 19x^3 ; Alderman of Colepian Street, 1x93- 
8^ Aldermanof Billingsgate, 1x98-1303 ; Mayor, 1x99-1301. Patent 
Rolls, 1x99, p. 480; 1300, p. 53X; Letter Book C, fbs. 8, <fxb; B^ 
fb. 41 ; Beaven, pp. xx, 107, 377. 

John Cole, 1x95-1300. Letter Book B, fbs. X7 b, 43 ; Calendar of 
Wills, i. 155. 

Reginald de Frowick, 1x95'. Letter Book A, fo. 91 b.. 

Ridiard de Gloucester. Alderman of Bassishaw, 1x95-1301 ; Sheriff, 
ixaf^5. Letter Book B, fb. 34; F, fb. X3X. 

Richard de Berkyng, 1x98. Letter Book C, fb, 37. 

Henry Costentin, 1x98. Letter Book B, fb. 3X. 

Mark le Draper, 1x98. Letter Book C, fbs. x^ b, \\% b. 

Johnde Armentiers. Sheriff, 1x99-1300. Letter Book C, fb. 47 b; 
Beaven, p. i(f(f. 

James le Botiller, 1x99. Letter Book C, fb. 3^. 



(i) Instances of Drapers dealing in foreign doth. 

1x75:. Copyn de Troys owes ^x8 to a burgess of Louvain fbr doUu 
Letter Book A, fo. x b. 

Will. Bukerell owes a merchant of Brabant ^xo (probaUy for doth). 
Ibid*, fb. X. 

His executors owe ^xo 9/. \d. to John Dunden and his partners, 
merchants of Cahors. Ibid., fb. 1 3. 

Licensed to export wool. Patent Rolls, i^73> pp« 1^9 ^^* 

ix7<f-77. Will, de Bosco owes ^x8 fbr cloth bought of a merchant 
of Douai, and ^30 to John de Solis and his partners, fbr doth. Letter 

Digitized by 


l>rapers in the Thirteenth Century i8t 

Book A, fos. 5 b, 6 b. Jdm de Soils was apparently a general merchant 
of Bordeaux. Wc find him selling wine and wool as well. Cf. Patent 
Rolls, ixxy-jz, p. XJ4. 

James de Troys owes ^38 to the same Jdm de Soils and anodier 
fprobably for doth). He is to pay the debt at the fairs of St. Ives, 
Stamford, and St. Botolphs. Letter Book A, fo. tf b. He also exports 
wool. Close Rolls, 1x7x^5^, p. %6. 

1x78. Robt. Renaume buys cloth from merchants of Douai. Letter 
Book A, fo. II. 

ix8d. Joseph L'Acatur owes Baranchin de Luca ^8 ; but this 
perhaps for merceries. Ibid., fos. 31, 44 b. 

ixp8. Peter de Eddmeton and H. Constantyn owe a merchant of 
Deest in Brabant ^ay (probably for doth). Letter Book B, fo. jx. 

(x) Drapers selling doth. Of this there are numerous instances. 

ix7(?. John Adrian sells ^9 worth of cloth to a Mercer, and ^3^ 
worth to Sir Rob. de Montfort. Letter Book A, fos. <f, 7. 

Will. Viel sells 38/. worth of cloth. Ibid., fo. 4. 

1x98. John de Lincoln sells doth to the value of ^17 lo/. to Sir 
Hugh Le Spencer. Ibid., fo. 3X. 

1x99. James le Botiler. Letter Book C, fo. 3^. 
(3) Drapers being general merchants and buying and sdling other 

IX95H1300. Elias Russell appointed to purvey wax, fiirs, linen, 
canvas, and grocery for the Great Wardrobe. Patent Rolls, 1x5^9, 
p. 480; 1300, p. y3x. 

(4.) Drapers exporting wool. 

1x73. John de Lincoln has licence to export wool. Patent Rolls, 
1173, p. 38. 



Number 130. Out of these 7 were Mayors (of whom y had been 
Sheriff and Aldermen), 9 more were Sheri£fs and Aldermen, y more 
were Aldermen only. During the period also 11 Drapers were Members 
of Parliament for the City. 

Marc le Draper, 1300. Subsidy Roll, Record OflBce, ij^j Letter 
Book C, fos. xy b, 1x8 b. 

John de Linccin, 1300. Sheriff^ 130^-^; Alderman of Bassishaw, 

iMt«i B b 

Digitized by 


i8d 7)rapers in the Fourteenth Century 

1310. Qose Rolls, I309> P* n^; 131I9 PP- 3^i> 35K>; i3^3> P* '93; 
Letter Book C, fo. 7^? b; Bcaven, Aldermen of London, vol. i, p. 980 ; 
Catalogue Drapers' Company, yoU ii, S. Laurence Pountney. 

Richard de Gloucestre. Alderman of Bassishaw, ixp5'-i30i ; Alder- 
man of Comhill, 1301-13 • Sheriff, 1x94^):. Letter Book B, fo. ^.yb; 
F, fo. X3X ; D, fb. 123 b ; Beaven, p. 378. 

John Cole, 1300. Calendar of Wills, L 15T ; Letter Book B, fo. 43. 

Walter de Cantebrige, 130a Letter Book B, fb. 4^. 

£lias Russell, 1301. Letter Book C, fb. (fxb; Beaven, p. %%. 

John le Blund. Alderman of Cheap Ward, 1x98-1309; Mayor, 
1301-8. Letter Book C, ibs. 37 b, yyb, 71 b, 73, 83, 89, ^^.b; Beaven, 

Walter Swan, 1301. Letter Book B, fb, 4.9 b. 

Matthew de Christchirche, 1301. Letter Book B, (o. ^^ 

John de Armentiers. Alderman of Langboum, 1300^. Letter 
Book C, lb. 7tf b J Beaven, pp. \66y 379. 

Roger de Lincoln, 1303. Letter Book C, fo. 8xb. 

Gregory le Bokeler, 1303. Letter Book C, fo. 8x b. 

Peter le Rey, i J03. Letter Book C, fo. 8x b. 

Thomas de Kidemenstre, 1304^ Letter Book B, fo. 6^h. 

Ralph de Abenhale, 1304* Letter Book B, fo. 6^. 

Richard de Wyrhale. Alderman of Aldersgate, 130^-19. Beaven, 
Aldermen, p. 379. 

Ralph the Tailor, 1305:. Letter Book C, fo. 88. 

Peter de Edelmetone, 1305:. Letter Book C, fo. 88. 

Walter de Harlested, 1305. Letter Book C, fo. 1x7 b. 

John Bonde, 1307. Letter Book C, fo. 1x7 b. 

Mark de Christchurch, 1307. Letter Book C, fo. 1x7 b. 

William de Wyndessore, 130^. Letter Book B, fo. C-j. 

John le Mire, 1307. Letter Book B, fo. 74. 

Ralph de Abeale, 1307. Letter Book C, fo. 130 b. 

Henry Nasard, 1308. Alderman of Broad Street, 1318-xc, 13XI-X. 

Close Rolls, 1308, p. Ty7J i3iT>P-i^+; ^%^lyV^¥>9'y iJi^jP-^iTi 
13x0, pp. X3f, X73, x8i ; i3xd, p. 5^4.^ 1338, p. ^6^'y Letter Book B, 

fo. 91 ; Beaven, pp. 70, 381. 

Walter de Saunford, 1309. Letter Book D, fo. 13. 

John < of the Nonnes ' de Norhamptone, 1 3 09 ^ Letter Book D, fo, 1 1 • 

Robert ^o* the Nonnes % 1309. Letter Book D, fo. 11. 

Roger Harold, 1309. Letter Book B, fo. 98 b. 

Richard Ingayn de Hereford, 1309. Letter Book D, fo. 13. 

James de Coyn, 1309. Letter Book D, fo. 11 b. 

Reginald de Frowick, 1 3 10. Letter Book D, fo. lox b. 

John Adrian, junior, 13 10. Bailiff (in the place of Sheriff). Letter 
BookD, fo. 13^ b. 

Digitized by 


up to the Date of the Charter^ 1^6^ 187 

William de Paris, ijio. Letter Book B, fo, xj. 

Thomas de Abindone, ijii. Letter Book B, fb. 19; Close Rolls, 
1318, p.yyx; ij39, p. 3?. 

Henry Costentin, i3ii« Letter Book D, fo. 123 b. 

James Le Botillen Sheriff, 1308-^. Letter Book D, fo. ^3 ; F, 
ft). X3X. 

William de Welleft)rd, 13 iz. Letter Book D, ft). 66. 

Hugh Trip, 13 11. Letter Book D, ft). 3^ b. 

Robert Le Tanner de Abyngdone, 131a. Letter Book D, ft). 70. 

Thomas Le Spicer de Abyngdone. I3iz. Letter Book D, fo. 70. 

John Simeon, i3iz. Letter Book £, ft). 4. 

Stephen de Abyndon, 13 ix. Sheriff, 13 14^1 y; Mayor, 13 15; Alder^ 
man of Dovtrgate, i3ix-zi ; Member of Parliament, 1213, 1318, 1330; 
Coroner, King's Butler, Chamberlain. Letter Book D, ft). 4^ £, 
ft). 43 ; Beaven, pp. %6^y 1(^5, 380; Close Rolls, 1304, p. 143. 

Simon de Abyndon. Member of Parliament, 13 1<^; Alderman of 
Broad Street, 131^-18; Alderman of the Tower, i3i8-xz; Sheriff, 
1315^x0. Letter Book D, ft), y b ; £, fi>. 5^ b; CIoseRolls, 1318, p* yyx j 
Beaven, vol. i, pp. 70, 197, x<f4, 381. 

Ralph de Walcote. Member of Parliament, iii6. Close Rolls, 
1318, p. yyx; Beaven, Aldermen, p. %6^ 

Henry de Stowe, 1317. Letter Book £, ft). 93 ; Close Rolls, 13 3 7^ 
p. 138; Stow, Survey, ed. Kingsfi)rd, i. X37. 

William de Winton, 13 18. Record Office, 4|4; Subsidy Roll, 
13 18-19. 

John de Pulteney. Sheriff, 13 18-19; Alderman of Coleman Street, 
13x7-34; of Candlewick Street, 1334-y ; of Vintry, 133(^-8; Mayor, 
November 1330 to November 1331, November 13 31 to November 133X, 
November 1333 to November 1334, November 133d to November 1337; 
Knighted, 1337. For his life cf. text, p. 88. Beaven, Aldermen, pp. 80, 
xoy, 383 ; Letter Book £, fos. 4, 106 b, X33 ; F, ft)s. 3X b, 34, 61 note, 
i3xb,x3xb;CloseRolls,i334,p.xy<f; I337,p.x4; 1338, pp. x(f4, 4(^4, 
?o+5 i339> PP- 50,51, io+> 307, 61% <fxo; 1340, pp,4i, 553, 619, 
^xo; X341, p. x88; 134T, PP* 6oiy 6^x8; Patent Rolls, 133X, pp. 338, 
3+T; 1337, p.+i<f ; 1338, P- iMi i3+i,P- "o; Sharpe, Calendar of 
WUls, i. 3j8, 55:4, ^09. 

nomas Cok, 13 19. Letter Book £, ft). 99; Close Rolls, 13 18, 
p. ifiy; 13x0, pp. xx8, X35r; 1338, p. 4(^4. 

Simon Godard, 13 19. Letter Book £, ft). 9X. 

Richard Costanty n. Alderman of Bassishaw, 1 3 19-3 x ; Sheriff,! 3 x i-x ; 
Alderman of Cripplegate, i33<f(?). Beaven, vol. i, pp. i(f, 1x8, 381; 
Calendar of Wills, i. 374, note. 

Roger le Draper, 13XX. Subsidy Roll, 13XX, p. 3 ; Record Office, 

Digitized by 


i88 Ihrapers in the Fourteenth Century 

Morice Turgis, i^xC* Letter Book D, fo. 44 b; E, fo. 16^ b; F, 
fbs. 4 b, 34.; Qose Rolls^ 1338, pp. 41^, fja. 

Henry Darci. Sherifi^ 13x7-8^ Alaerman of Walbrook, 1330-49; 
Mayor, 1337—9. Letter Book E,fo. 181 b; F,fbs.4b, ix, 33 b; Beaven, 
Aldermen, voL i, pp. %i6y 384J Close Rolls, 13x0, p. 23; ; ^3^79 

p. ny; 13*8, p. 3*8- 

Simon de Swanlond. Alderman of Candlewick, 13x7-34; Mayor, 
13x9-30; Member of Parliament, 1340, 1344. Letter Book £, fo. tfx; 
Beaven, pp. 80, 384; Close RoUs, 131;, pp. 170, 49^; 13x0, p. X3y; 
i3X7,pp.8y, lox. 

Richard de Welleford, 13x8. Letter Book £, fo. 190; F, fo. 4b; 

Close Rolls, 1318, p. ^49; 13x8, p. 30X ; 1338, p. 61^. 
Geoffrey I ~ ---...- 


_ P- H9'j - 

Geoffrey Le Botder, 13x8. Letter Book £, fo. 190; F, fos« 4 b, 33 ; 

lose Rolls, 1310, p. X3^; Patent Rolls, 13 jx, pp. 338, 34^. 
Thomas de Blakeneye, 13x8. Letter Book £, fo. 178 ; Close Rolls, 

»Ji8> P- +T?- 

Thomas le Benere, 13x9. Calendar of Wills, i. 348. 

John de Writele, 1330. Letter Book E, fos. X17, X17 b. 

Ralph de Uptone. Alderman of Coleman Street, i334^x; Sheriff, 
133^-^; Member of Parliament, 1338. Letter Book £, fo. 137 b; F, 
fois. 4 b, 33, 5x ; Calendar of Wills, i. 45:3 ; Close Rolls, i33<f, p. 5(^4; 
Beaven, pp. 107, xdif, 384. 

Richard de Berkynge. Alderman of Aldgate, i33T^TT> Sheriff, 
1341-x; Member of Parliament, 1340-8. Letter Book £, fo. X37b; 
F, fos.4b, 33, 60 '^ Close Rolls, 1348, p. 611; Calendar of WiU^ i* 
(87 ; Beaven, Aldermen, pp. 9, %66^ 384. 

John Someresham, I33<f. Letter Book F, fo. 4 b. 

Thomas de Swanlond, 11^6. Letter Book F, fo. 4b; Close Rolls, 
1339, PP- lOj 15^8; 13+0, P- yoi ; 1345, pp. 601, 6x% ; I34(f, pp. 170, 
J7+> ¥^j +i^j M+8) P- <f"; 13+9. P- 80; ijyo. P- iW; Patent 
Rolls, 1338, p. ytfy ; 1348, pp. yo, 99, 104, 145; 13^0, p. 548; 1371, 
p. 98. 

Hugh de Dedham, I33<f. Letter Book F, fo. 4 b. 

Hugh le Marberer, 1 3 ^6* Sheriff^, 133 8-9. Letter Book F, fos* 4 b, 

John Joye the elder, 1338. Calendar of Close Rolls, 1338, p. ^r 34. 

John de Westone, 1338. Letter Book F, fos. idb, 33 b; Calendar 
of Letters, p. xx ; Calendar of Wills, i. 41 3 ; Qose Rolls, 1 3 35, p. 484. 

John Pecche, 1339* Member of Parliament, I'^Cu Letter book F, 
fos^3 b, i8ob ; Beaven, p. x6'j. 

Thomas de Canterbury, 1339. Letter Book F, fo. 34. 

Thomas de Northampton, 1339. Letter Book F, fo. 33. 

John de Kilingworthe, 1339. Letter Book F, fos. X3, xo(f; Qose 
Rolls, 1339^ p* 113 ; Calendar of Wills, i. 700. 

Digitized by 


up to the Date of the Charter^ 1364- 189 

John Lcvclyf, ijj^. Letter Book F,fo. 3+; Calendar of Wills, u %^u 

John de Kiselyngbery, 13 39. Letter Book F, fos. 4.6, 33; Close 
Rolls, 1338, pp. +X4, +31. 

Gcoflfrey dc Westonc, 1340. Letter Book F, fo. 5:7 b; Close Rolls, 
1318, p. 301 i iJ37,P- 130. 

Richard de Kyslingbury. Sheriff, 1341-3 ; Alderman of Queenhithe, 
i34i(-yx; Mayor, 1 370-1. Letter Book F, fo. 33 ; Close Rolls, 1374, 
p. 60 ; Beaven, vol. i, pp. 185^, ^iC. 

John Lovekyn(once a Shearman), 1340. Letter Book F, fly-leaf, p* i. 

Walter dc rreston, 1343. Close Rolls, 1343, P* ^T'- 

Richard atte Valeye, I34<(. Letter Book F, fo. 113. 

John Somer, i34<(. Letter Book F, fo. ixi. 

John de Northtxirgh, i^^. Letter Book F, fo. i%6 -^ Close Rolls, 
i33^> PP- yi> 96^ "<f ; Patent Rolls, 1334, p. 539; 1341, p. 480. 

William Holbech, 134^. Alderman of Cheap Ward, 1358 ; Sheriff, 
1 3(f i-x 'y Member of Parliament, 1 3(^3 • Letter book F, fos. 133b, 149, 
fy J Close Rolls 
d, i347» Lette 

\%6'y Calendar of Wills, i. 6^^. 

»33 'j Beaven, pp. 99, xtfy j Close Rolls,_i34tf, p. 6^.^ 

John de Hatfeld, 1347. Letter Book F, fo. 151 ; Close Rolls, 134^?, 

William Pycot, 1349. Letter Book F, fo. i66h. 

Hugh de Stouwe, 1349. Letter Book F, fos. 166^ 166 b. 

Thomas Pyeke, 1349. Calendar of Letters, p. 41. 

William de Macchyng, 1349. Calendar of Wills, ii. 5:7. 

John de Sellynge, X349« Letter Book F, fo. 1^5 b. 

Thomas de Kent, 1349. Letter Book F, fo. 175. 

William de Welde. Alderman of Coleman Street, 1 34$h-72' ; Sheriff, 
1373-4; Member of Parliament, 1358. Letter Book F, fo. 123; G, 
fo. IX b; Beaven, pp. 107, x(f7, 387. 

John de Essex, 1350. Letter Book F, fo. 193 b ; Calendar of Wills, 

John Costantyn. Alderman of Castle Baynard, 1349-58. Beaven, 
pp. 88, X30, 387. 

Thomas dc Uptone, 1351. Letter Book F, fo. 198 b; Patent Rolls, 

Thomas atte Noket, 1351. Letter Book F, fo. 103 b. 

William de Aras, 1351. Letter Book F, fo. xo4. 

Richard de Essex, 1351. Calendar of Letters, 29; Calendar of 
Wills, ii. 30. 

Roger de Flete, 1 35x. Calendar of Letters, p. 3X. 

Simon de Bedyngtone. Member of Parliament, 135X, 1355, i3;7> 
i3(fi, I3<f3; Sher&, 1359-^0. Letter Book F, fo. X33; G, fo. 78; 
Beaven, x(f7. 

Walter de Baumbton, 1353. Letter Book G, fos. d b, 33; Close 
Rolls, 1340, p. ^13. 

Digitized by 


190 Drapers in the Fourteenth Century 

William attc Dyk^ 13^3. Letter Book G, fo. 11. 

Richard de Cavendishe, i3T3* Letter Book G, fb. ii. 

Thomas Motte, i3T4* Calendar of Close Rolls, 13^4^0, p. ^o. 

Richard Dyk, 13^4.. Letter Book G, fb. i8 b. 

Andrew Godyn, ii^6. Letter Book G, fb. ^8 b. 

Hugh de Bermoundeseye, ij^if. Letter Book F, fb. xy. 

Nidiolas Rous, i357- Calendar of Qose Rolls, i^^^r^Oy p. fxjr. 

John Penne, 1357. Calendar of Letters, p. 91 • 
, Henry Welwes, 1357. Calendar of Letters, p. 5^1. 

Richard de Oxon, 1357. Letter Book F, fo. xixb; Calendar of 
Wills, ii. f I ; Rymer, Foedera, III. ii (fyS. 

John Botiller, 1357-8. Letter Book F, to. xxxb; Calendar of Wills, 
ii. 51. 

Stephen Caundysshe. Sheriff, 135^7-8; Aldernun of Bread Street, 
1358; Member of Parliament, i3<fo^ Mayor, i3dx-3. Letter Book F, 
fi^. 170, XXX b, X33 ; Beaven, vol, ij JPP, +<^, t^^j ; Patent Rolls, 354. 

Henry Galeys, 1358. Letter Book G, fb. 6i ^ Close Rolls, 1 34X, p. ^6^ 

JohnBures. Sheriff, I35r8--p. Letter Book F, fb. X33; G, fo. 6^^ 
Calendar of Letters, p. x^; Close Rolls, 1345, p* 575 » ^iS9y P* ^4^9 
Patent Rolls, 13+x, p. 554. 

Adam de Seint Ive. 1355^. Letter Book G, fo. 79 b. 

Thomas de Cavendish, 1355^. Letter Book F, fo. 33 ; G, fb. 83. 

William de Oysterle, 1 3^0. Calendar of Close Rolls, 1 3^0-4, p. 1x5. 

John Utlicote, 1 3(^1. Calendar of Wills, ii. 58. 

Richard Atte Moure, i^6u Calendar of Wills, ii. 16. 

Philip de Irlaund, 1^61. Calendar of Close Rolls, 13^0^4, p. x8x. 

Robert de Guldefbrd, 1361. Letter Book G, fo. 5^7 b. 

John Cory, 1^61. Calendar of Wills, ii. 51. 

James Andrew. Sheriff, i3(fx-3; Alderman of Bassishaw, 1^6^* 
Letter Book F, fbs. 17X, 18^, X33 ; Qose Rolls, I33'> PP- 4^4p9 
1340J PP- ^?+f 538 5 Beaven, pp. i(f, 385^. 

John Chaumpeneys, i3<fx. Calendar of Close Rolls, 13^0-4, p. ^^. 

John Bonmarche, 13(^3. Letter Book G, fb. nob. 

John Burgeys, 1^6^. Letter Book G, fo. nob; Close Rolls, 1338, 

Wilham de Draycote, i3<^3. Letter Book G, fo. nob. 
Thomas de Swafham, 13(^4. Letter Book G, fb. 137 U 
John Fyshe, 1^6^ Letter Book G, fbs. 138 b, 139. 
Walter de Iweyn, 1^6^ Letter Book G, fo. 137 b. 
Richard de Qaveryng, 13^4. Letter Book G, fo. 137 b. 

Digitized by 


Functions of Drapers 191 



(i) lyrMfers. Bujmgnuooh 

We hear of wool of Oxfordshire, Cotswold, Berkshire, Boston. 
Of had nu9ol^ Peltewolle, Lambwolle, Cobbewool, Malemort. Patent 
Rolls, 1 341, pjp. XIX, 3(^0, 473. 

1305. Will, de Wyndcsore buys wool of woolmen. Letter Book B, 
fo. 6^. 

1308. H. Nazard owes Hugh le Despenser ^o, probably for wool. 
Qose Rolls, 1308, p. f57. 

1 3 18. H. Nazard, Thos. Cok, and others, owe Earl of Arundel 
{^*^66 13/. \d,y probably for wool, since in 1338 we find the Earl lending 
wool to the King. Close Rolls, 1318, p. 6\^ ; 13389 P- 4^4- 

13x0. Thos. Cok owed 100 sacks of wool (worth 1,200 marks) by 
lohn. Abbot of Abingdon. Close Rolls, 13x0, p. xx8. 

13x3. John de Lincoln owes King money for wool from Manors 
formerly belonging to the Knights Templars. Qose Rolls, 13x3 , p. 193 . 

13x7. H. Darcy owes MAxA of Netlcy ^100, probably for wool. 
Close Rolls, 13x7, p. 5:7 y. 

1339. John de Northbury buys wool fix>m Jdm Pulteney. Close 
Rolls, 1339, p. 51. 

134^. John Bures owes Prior of St. Mary's, Southwark, ^xx, 
probably for wooL Calendar of Qose Rolls, 1345, p. ^y^r* 

134^. Thomas Swanlond and oth^ owe Earl of Arundel 
^1,198 13/. 4^^ probably for wool. Qose Rolls, 134^, p. 170. Also 
the Abbot of Omterbury, ^800, p. 174.; the Earl of Suffolk, ^300, 
p. 40^; Walter de Many, ^3,000, p. \\6. 

1348. Thomas de Swanlond, draper, buys wooL Accused, together 
with others, of oppressions in collecting of wool and increment of same. 
Patent RoUs, 1348, p. 104. 

1 348. Thomas Swanlond and Richard de Berkyng owe the Prior of 
the Hospital oi St. John of Jerusalem ^410, probably for wool. Close 

Rolls, i3482p. 6\i. 
1340. lliomas 

Swanlond owes Earl of Arundel £/)OOy probably for 

wool. Qose Rolls, 1349, p. 8o. 

135:4. Richard de Kiselynbury owes Abbot of Battle ^30, probably 
for wool. Qose Rolls, i3y4, p. 60. 

Digitized by 


ipx Evidences as to the Functions of 

{%) Drspers fxf&rtimg v)ool smd 9tber g90dt. 

1317. H. Nazard to have wool to value of ^100 out 6k pent of 
London without paying customs. Close Rolls^ i;i7, p. 405^. 

i;i8. Ralph de Walcote, Simon de Al^ngdon, Thomas de 
Abjrngdon, and others, send their ship ^ La Petite Bavard' to Antwerp, 
laden with wool and other goods, which is seized bf men of Calais. 
Close Rolls, I J 18, p. ^^x. 

13x0. Thomas Cok, H. Darcy, H. Nazard, Simon de Swanlond, 
and Geoffrey Le Boteller, tppear, among native merchants, before the 
Council against merchants of Brabant and Flanders, who claim to be 
allowed to export wool to other places than staple towns. Close Rolls, 

I}XO,p. XJJ. 

13x0. M. Nazard accused of exporting wool to Flanders and not to 
staple towns. Close Rolls, ipo, p. xf 3. 

il%6. H. Nazard deputed with others to get fiill information as to 
Staples of Wools. Close Rolls, ijx^f, p. ^6^ 

1334. Licence for John de Northburgh to take 4xx> quarters o^ 
wheat to Aquitaine, and elsewhere beyond the seas — to make his profit 
of, notwithstanding any prohibition of the export of com. Patent 
Rolls, 1334, p. «9. 

1334. John de Pulteney exports ^8 sacks and xx doves ot wool from 
London. Close Rolls, 1334, p* x)r<f. 

13 3^. John de Weston exports wools, hides, wooliells. Close 
Rolls, 1 3 35, p. 484. 

1338. John de Pulteney sells wool to the King, and sends it across 
the sea for the Kind's use. Close Rolls, 1338, pp. 4^(4, 504. 

1338. James Andrew, Maurice Turgys, John Burgeys, and John de 
Kesyngbery, export wool to Holland and Seland. Close Rolls, 1338, 
pp. 4x4, 43 X. 

1339. John de Pulteney and John Buigeys seU wool to one, who 
sends it across the sea for the King's use. Close Rolls, 13 39, pp. yo, 307. 

Pulteney is also owed ^3,000 by a merchant of the Society of 
Peruzzi and others, probably for wool. Ibid., p. 104. 

1339. John Bures exports wool to Antwerp. Qose Rolls, 1339^ 
p. 7. 

1340. John de Pulteney exports wool to Bruges. Close Rdls, 

i340j P- +!• 

134X. Henry Galeys, as attorney for Robert of Artols, is allowed 

to use the King's Right of Pre-emption in Suffolk, and to buy wool at 

6 marks the sack, and export to Flanders, paying only ^ a nurk custoais, 

because R. de Artois.was about to set out to Brittany at King's wages 

with troops. Close Rolls, 1 34X, p. ^6%. 

(3) Drapers acting as Collectors ef Customs om woo/^ vjoolfellsy amd 

hides ^ 

Digitized by 


"Drapers in the Fourteenth Century 193 

131 !• John de Lincoln. Qose Rolls, ^l^^y PP- 3^^9 390. 

1315:. H. Nazard in port of London* Ibid., i;i5r, p. 16^ 

ijzj, John Pultcncy Warden for the City at Winchester Fair. 

13J+. Ralph de Weston and Rich, de Berkyng appointed attorneys 
of the City at Winchester Fair. Letter Book E, p. %%^ 

1 3 35^-4o. Thos. Swanlond in port of London. Close Rolls, 1 3 39> 
p. 158; ij4o,p. yoi. 

Inomas de Abyngdon at Southampton to see that all the King's 
wool is sent thence to Antwerp. Ibid., 1339, p. 3^. 

I J 39. Thomas de Upton appointed to be controller of customs of 
wines, wools,hides. and woolfells mCaemarvon. PatentRolls, 1 3 ^p^p. jxx* 

134.x. John de Northburgh, with others, to hasten the collection, 
and supervise the quality of the 173^ sacks out of the 20,000 sacks of 
wool assigned by the King to Master Paul de Monte Fiorum. Patent 
Rolls, 134X9 p. 480. 

134X. John de Bures, associated with others, to hear and determine 
complaints against the collectors and receivers of wool granted to the 
King in Surrey. Patent Rolls, 134X, p. 5*44. 

1348. Thomas de Swanland. One of those to whom the King has 
committed the custody of all customs and subsidies in England for a 
time, excepting wine. Patent Rolls, 1348, pp. 50, 99, 145. 

Richard oe Oxenford. Farms the subsidy due to the King in return 
for remission of fine and forfeitures of cloth under the aulnage. Rymer^ 
Foedera, III, pars, ii, p. ^78. 

(4) Drapers ienJimg money to the King. 

There are many instances of this, but the following are the most 
interesting : 

1309. John de Lincoln, and others, to be paid ^i5rx 19/. out of 
customs on wool, woolfells, and hides, for money lent to the late King 
for his French wars. Close Rolls, 1309, p. iix. 

1 3x8. Henry Darcy lends the King £^ 6s. iJ. on wool. Close Rolls, 
13x8, p. 3x8. 

in 1 3 3X John de Pulteney and Geoffrey Le Botiller are assigned 
^i,5'x8 9/. tJ. on the customs at the ports of Southampton and London, 
in return for money paid by them to certain merchants of Aquitaine, 
creditors of the King. Patent Rolls, 133X9 pp. 338, 347. 

In 1340 Will, de La Pole had lent large sums to the King. In 
return the King makes large grants of wool ; and whereas Pulteney has 
paid the merchants, to whom Pole is in debt, Pulteney is allowed to 
have ^ a leaf of the court ' at various ports ; which means that Pulteney 
can export wool, &c., without paying customs. Qose Roils, 1340, 
pp. 6l^^o. 

133d. Rich. Constantyn and Rich. Kyselyngbery lend 60s. each, 
for ships sent to sea. Letter Book F, fo. 3. 

itot-l c c 

Digitized by 


194 Evidences as to the Functions of 

In February 133(^-7 ii Drapers lend /;o between them to the 
King, the Queen, and other magnates. H. Dard, Hugh Le Maberer, 
£^ each; Hugh de Dedham, Tliomas de Swanlonde, £1 each; Ridu 
Constantyn, Klc. de Berkynge, Ric. de Welleford, Maurice Turgys, 
John de Keselyngbury, £% each ; Ralph de Upton, John Someresham, 
£1 lox. each; GeoflFrey Le Botiller, ^i. Letter Book F, fo. +b. 

13 J7, Orders to collectors of the New Custom in the City to pay 
aoo marks to John de Pulteneye, as the King is bound to him in 100 
marks, which he paid to G. de Say, admiral of the King's fleet, and 
also 100 marks which he delivered to the King. Close Rolls, 1337, 
p. a+. 

March 13 35^4-0. The following 18 Drapers contribute to a loan 
of £Sy^>oo ; part of it being paid to James de Arterddt, the Flemish 
burgher, and ally of Edward III : Thomas de Cavendish, ^80 ; Ralph 
de Upton, ^40; H. Darci, ^+0; John Lovekyn, ^30; Rich, de 
Kyselyngbury, £%^ ; John Peche and his partner, £%^ ; Rich, de Berk- 
yi^e, ^lo; Hugh Le Marbrcr. ^xo; Rich. Costantyn, John de 
Kyselyngbery, Thomas de Nortoampton, John de Weston, Maurice 
de Turgcvs, /ic each; Walter de Bampton, John Kelyngworth, 
Geoffrey Le Botiller, John Levelif, Hiomas de Canterbury, £^ each. 
Letter Book F, fos. 33, 33 b. 

1 340. The pre-emption of ao,ooo sacks of wool having been granted 
to Edward III, he sells it to James Andrew and others not Drapers. 
They undertake to pay part of the purchase money to the King's wardrobe 
beyond the sea. Close Rolls, 13+0, pp. T3+> yj8* 

1 341. Order to Sheriff of Norfolk to pay John de Pulteneye 1,000 
marks, in part satisfaction of ^1,100, which John lately paid for the 
King at his request to certain merchants of London, who lent an equal 
sum to the King in parts beyond the sea. Close Rolls, 1341, p. x88. 

Order to the same Sheriff" to pay another 1,000 marks to Pulteneye, 
which he promises to pay to the Bardi and Peruzzi creditor^ of the King. 
Ibid., p. 194. 

1345:. Thomas Swanlond and J. Pulteney are granted the 31/. 
out of the customs in return for a loan. Close Rolls, 134.;, pp. ^01, 

1350. Thomas de Swanlond, and others, allowed i mark out of 
the customs due by them, in return for ^xo,ooo lent by them to the 
King. Close Rolls, 1350, p. 1^9. 

1 3 5*0. Lands of Thomas de Swanlond and of others seized for great 
sums due to the King ; as well of the time when they were farmers of 
his customs as for other causes. N.B. Swanlond and others had 
received the * Great Crown* in pledge for jC+>ooo. Patent Rolls, 13^0, 
p. 5+8. 

13^1. Swanlond is detained in prison for money owed the King. 

Digitized by 


'Drapers in the Fourteenth Century 197 

His licence to go to divers parts for evidences relating to this^ and to 
recover money due to him. Patent Rolls, ijf i, p. 98. 

(5) Drapers imparting doth* 

I )04. Stephen de Abyngdon buys cloth and other necessaries worth 
Xi,ioo at Antwerp and Malines, for the King's Wardrobe. Close 
Rolls, ijo4,p. 145. 

i;j8. Thomas Blakeney lades ^La Paternoster' of London, with 
salt, wine, and cloth, in Normandy for England. Close Rolls, i^jS, 

p- +yy- 

1-^6%. Jdin De Bures allowed to import a bale of striped cloths ot 
Ghent, which the servants of Jdm Bures had bought in Flanders. 
Ibid., 13^8, p, 4x0. 

(6) Drapers hying and selling cloth and other articles. 

There are manv instances of Drapers being owed large sums of 
money by influential persons, which was probably for cloth, and of selling 
doth to the King's Wardrobe. 

131^. Simon de Swanlond buys cloth at Boston Fair and elsewhere. 
Close Rolls, I jiy, pp. 170, 49^. 

13x0. H. Nazard sells doth to King's Wardrobe, to the Queen, 
and for men-at-arms at garrisons of King's Castles in Scotland. Qose 
Rolls, 13x0, p. x8i. 

13x7. Simon de Swanlond owed ^300 for cloth, and Simon de 
Abingdon x^ marks for doth, by the King. Close Rolls. 13 17, pp. 85:, 19X. 

13x8. Richard de Wdletord and Geofirey de Weston are robbed 
near Stowe of cloth of various colours, coverlets, dorsers, canvas, and 
other chattels value ^130. Close Rolls, 13x8, p. 30X. 

I33<f. Ralph de Upton sells cloth {£ii 3/. 4^.) to the King. Close 
Rolls, 133(7, p. 5r^4. 

1337. John de Puhney is assigned £60 17/. xd. for doth and horse- 
shoes bought by the King's order for the Earl of Salisbury. Also is paid 
other sums for various articles, as cups, ewer, acd palfreys. Patent 
Rolls, 1337, p. 4i(f. 

1338. John de Pulteney had sold 51 tuns of Gascon wine to the 
King n>r ^xxi. Patent Rolls, 1338, p. ix^r- 

i339« Thomas Swanlond sells ^xoo worth of doth for King's use. 
Close Rolls, 1339, p. lo. 

13447. John de Hatfield seUs London-made cloth to fermor of the 
Archdeaconry of Craven. Close Rolls, 134^, p. i^<?' 

13^1. Licence for the Drapers of the City of London to sell all such 
doths as they had at the time of the holding of the last Parliament, 
which they cannot sell before September ist, notwithstanding that it is 
provided that all doth found by the King's aulnager to measure less by 
I cO than the assize ordained by the Statute of Northampton shall be 
forfeited to the King. Patent Rolls, 1 3 5 1, p. 1 3 x. 

Digitized by 


ipd Drapers in the Fourteenth Century 

(7) Dtafirs exforting cloth. 

Of this wc have no instance. But in all probabilitj thejr were doing 
this, since a higher duty was imposed on aUens exporting their own 
denizens. Patent Rolls, 1 347, p. 414. 

(8) Drapers making cloth. 

1338. Protection until Easter for servants sent by IThomas de 
Swanlond^ citizen and merchant of London, to bring 10 sacks of wool, 
bought by him from Master John de Ayleston to make cloth of, from the 
parts of Lincoln to London* Patent Rolls, 1338, p. ^6^* 

1384. John of Northampton has a Dighouse (Dyehouse) with x 
adjacent tenements in Wendegooselane, near the Great Hall of 
Estandia (i.e. The Steelyard). Patent Rolls, 1384, p. 581. 

(9) Drapers followmg other trades. 

1304. Thos. de Kyderminster, Draper and Hosier. Letter Book 
B, fo. 6^ b. 

1 3 10. Morice Turgys^ Draper and Woolmonger. Letter Book D, 
fo. 44b; £, fb. i6^h. 

1311. Will, de Welleford, Draper and Hosier. Letter Book D, 
fo. 66» 

1318. R. de Welleford (probably a Draper) seUs divers victuals 
and garnitures to H. Nazard ior King's use. Close Rolls, 1318, p. 54^ 

1339. John de Northbury, a Clothier and Draper. Close Rolls, 

John de Kelingworth, Draper and Hosier. Close Rolls, 1335^, 
p. 113. 

1340. Walter de Baumpton, Draper and Hosier. Close Rolls, 
1340, p. 6iri Letter Book G, fo. 6h. 

134^. Will, de Holbech, Draper and Cordwainer. Qose Rolls, 




Record Office — Chancery Miscellanea ^^. 

En hono^ Df e S<* J&u Crist & sa In Honour of our Lord Jesus 

douce miere Seinte Marie nf e dame Christ and his Sweet Mother Saint 

de Bethlem en quele Psseinte lieu Mary of Bethlehem, in which most 

nf e dit S^ Jhu Crist eslyt estre nees holy place our said Lord Jesus 

en salvacion de toute sa poeple en Christ elected to be bom for the 

Digitized by 


Our Lady of Bethlehem ^ 1371 197 

quel lieu de Bethlem lesteylle appust 
a lez PastoFs & dona & moastra 
lumere a lez trois Roys de ColoYne 
q offrerent en le dit lieu de Bethlem 
trois dons cestassa9 or mirre & 
ensens. Une fnte est oomonce i/ 
nicsme hono^ en amendement de 
loF vies p assent iffrgr Will»m Tytte 
flfiere de Hospital nfe Dame de 
Bethlem de Loun3)es qest une 
celle de la lieu de Bethlem & p au?s 
bons gentz Draps de Comhult et 
auts bons hoi&es & fedles q voloient 
estr freres & suers & le mesme 
£fra?nite meynteigii) a ?ms de lour 
Ties en touz lez poins que ensuount 
cestassa? le dit £[ra?nite comense 
Ian de G^:e Mill ccc Ixj^ en le feste 
de le Pu? n!>e Dame. 

Adesomes q chescun q soit ou 
3ra entree en la dite £Frite soit il de 
bon loos & de bons condidons & 
de bon port issint q pniy sa defaulte 
null de la dite fiiite soit esdaundre 
ne desho9e. Et in cas q null face 
a lencountre apte son entree qil soit 
reconsaille des au?s luy amender. 
Et sil ne se voet amender ne est? 
adresse p sa dite fl^ee & p lo' bon 
consaill qadonq soit il oustee de la 
dite £Fnte tanq il se voet amender 
de soi3 mal porte et si il ne se voet 
amender de son mal porte qadonq 
soit il ouste de la dite flFnte as touz 

Auxint soient ils accordez q 

Salvation of all his people, in which 
place of Bethlehem the Star ap- 
peared to the Shepherds and gave 
and showed light to the three 
Kings of Cologne, who o£fered in 
the said place of Bethlehem three 
Gifts, that is to say, Gold, Myrrh 
and Incense, and a Brotherhood 
was begun in honour of the same, 
for the amendment of their lives 
by the assent of Brother Wm. 
Tytte, Brother of the said Hos- 
pital of our Lady of Bethlehem of 
London, which is a Cell of the 
Place of Bethlehem, and by other 
good people Drapers of Comhill 
and other eood men and women 
who would be Brethren and sisters 
and maintain the same Brother- 
hood for the term of their lives 
in all points which follow, that 
is to say, the said Brotherhood 
began in the year of Grace i;^i, 
on the Feast of the Purification 
of Our Lady. 

Further, it was agreed that every 
one who is or shall enter into the 
said Brotherhood shall be of eood 
fame and good condition and be- 
haviour, so that no one of the said 
Brotherhood may be slandered or 
dishonoured by his default* And 
in case that anyone do the con- 
trary after his entrv, that he be 
counselled by the others to amend 
himself. And if he will not amend 
nor reform himself according to 
the advice of the said Brotherhood, 
that then he shall be ousted fi-om 
the said Brotherhood until he is 
willing to amend ; and if he will 
not amend then, he shall be ousted 
for ever. 

Also they have agreed that every 

Digitized by 


TpS Ordinances of the Brotherhood of 

cbescun deqr en avant ^ se yoille 
entrrf dest? en la dite Sfitt paiera 
po^ son entree a meyns zx" & cbes- 
cun aan ap)s son entree il paiera ij* 
cestassa9 chescun quar? yf queux 
deniers ironnt receux gardez & 
ministres p eux q serront gardeyns 
ordeynez p tote la dite flFHte & p 
Iff cofiie eleccion & issint dan en 

Auzint sonnt ils assentuz q iiij 
foltz p an qu^nt ils soient garays 
qils vecdront p^ eux assembler ou 
qils Iront assignez p lo^ gardeyns 
p' paier \cf quarterages & p*parler 
& entrats dez busoknes toudiantz 
a la dite ffFtee. £t si ascun se 
absente ou soit en rille & ne voille 
yenir sil ne soit en l^ice du Roi ou 
malades qil paie a la dite ffnte 
a chescun foitz qil se eist absente 

Auxlnt sonnt ils assentuz q touz 
les ffreres & soers de la dite £Fnte 
serront chescun an restuF dune 
soute & ces 9ra encount? ]a feste 
de la Purifid nf e Dame & q chescun 
paiera p^ sa vestu? demene come 
a£Fert de paier lendemayn apte la 
feste tenu sanz delay & q chescun 
garde sa vesture p deux anz sanz 
doner a nuUy. 

Auxint sonnt ils accordez q si 
ascun de la dite f nte defaille de sa 
paiement p' sa dite vestu? a dit jo^ 
limite & de son quarterage qil est 
tenuz de paier de droit il serra 
oustee de la dite f nte tanq il aula 
fait gree de sa dite vesture & de 
son quarterage & sil ne voet paier 
& est de poer qadonq il paiera 

one before he will enter the said 
Brotherhood shall pay for his entry 
at the least ^ox., and every year 
after his entry he shall pay %s.y 
that is to say, every quarter 6d,^ 
which moneys shall be received, 
guarded, and administered by those 
who are Wardens ordained by all 
the said Brotherhood and by their 
common election, and so from 
year to year. 

Also they are agreed that four 
times a year, when they shall be 
warned that they will be assembled, 
or that they shall be enjoyned by 
their Wardens to pay their Quar- 
terages and to speak and treat of 
business touching the said Brother- 
hood, if any one absent himself 
or be in the City and will not 
come, if unless he be in the King's 
service or sick, that he shall pay to 
the said Brodierhood each time 
that he absent himself, 6d. 

Also they are agreed that all the 
Brethren and Sisters of the said 
Brotherhood shall be every year 
clothed in a suit, and this shall 
be on the Feast of the Purification 
of Our Lady, and that each, shall 
pay for his vesture as belongs to 
him to pay on the Morrow afler the 
Feast held without delay : and that 
each one keep his vesture by two 
years without giving It to any one. 

Also they are agreed that if any 
of the said Brotherhood fail in his 
payment for the said vesture at the 
said day appointed and of his 
quarterage that he is bound to pay 
of right, he shall be ousted ftooL 
the said Brotherhood until he shall 
have made satisfaction for his said 
vesture and bis quarterage, and 

Digitized by 


Our Lady of Bethlehem ^ 13 71 199 

double soloac ces q serra taxe p la 
dite f Htee. 

Auxint sonnt ils accordez & as- 
sentuz q touz ceux de la dit fra- 
tnite teadioat lour festes assembles 
la ou ils voillount co&enent assentir 
& le dit jour de lour fest ils Sronnt 
illoeqs 6c pus touz irronnt ensemble 
la ou lour place 3ra ordeigne p lo^ 
Go?no^ de la dite ff nte q serra p^ 
le temps paiant chescun ces qapp- 
tiant a paler a sa porcon et de- 
vant manger ils choyseront trois 
Gardcins p lo^ cone assent pF gd^tier 
la dite ffnte Ian ensuant. 

Auxint sonnt ils assentuz q si 
ascune de la dite fnte mene avesque 
luy autr q de la dite f ntie aman^ 
qant ils teignent loF feste adonq u 
paiera p^ luy come p^ luy mesmes 
solonc ces q affiert chescun a sa 
poroon & ces serra lendemayn de 
lo^ feste. 

Auxint lendemayn al hoeure de 
tierce aps le jo^ de Iof dite feste ils 
assembleront touz ensemble la ou 
Us a9ont maungez p' accomp? & 
paler qanq affiert chescun a sa 
porcon. £t si ascun se absente 
sanz resonable cause il paiera 
a la dite fnte la double q auts 

Auxint sonnt ils accordez q si 
ascun de la dite fnte deveignent 
a meschief p fortune qil nad donnt 
de vi9e 11 serra ayde de la dite 
Sfitc resoaablament donnt 11 puisse 
nrr pnant de la cone boist p la 
semaign xvj^ ob tanq il soit releve 
siqil prie p^ touz mortz & vifs 

if he will not pay and has the 
power, then he shall pay double 
according to that which shall be 
fined by the said Brotherhood. 

Also they are agreed that all 
those of the said Brotherhood shall 
hold their feasts wheresoever they 
shall agree in common, and the 
said day of their feast they shall be 
there, and then they shall all go 
together to the place which shall 
be ordained by their Governor or 
the said Brotherhood and each one 
shall pay that which is his due to 
pay for his portion, and before eat- 
ing they shall choose three Wardens 
by their common assent to govern 
the said Brotherhood in the ensuing 

Also they have agreed that if any 
one of the said Brotherhood bring 
with him any one not of the said 
Brotherhood to eat when they shall 
hold their Feast, then he shall pav 
for him as for himself each accorcU 
ing to his portion : and this shall 
be on the Morrow of their Feast. 

Also on the Morrow at the hour 
of Tierce after the day of their said 
Feast, they shall all assemble where 
they have eaten, to account for 
and pay each as much as belongs to 
his portion. And if any one absent 
himself without reasonable cause 
he shall pay to the said Brotherhood 
double that the others pay. 

Also they are agreed that if any 
one fall into trouble by misfortune 
so that he have not wherewithal 
to live, he shall be helped by the 
said Brotherhood reasonably where- 
with he may live, taking from the 
Common Box by the week i6\d.y 
until he be relieved, so that he pray 

Digitized by 


loo Ordinances of the Brotherhood of 

de la di? f nte durant son dit mes- 

£t si null de la dite f nte devve 
q touz ses confrers & soers si nulls 
y soient s?ont a 1' dirige ove lo^ 
vestur yestue sil ne soit p resonable 
cause qll ne poet vcnir & offrer 
a iiij messes et q nully departe de 
iliocqs tanq le corps soit eusevely 
s' peyne de vj** a la cone boist. 

Auzint si null de la dite f nte 
devye & 11 nad de quoi estr en- 
sevely adonq il 3ra ensevely a 
Bethlem sil le coveyte si non il 3ra 
ensevely la ou il desir as costages 
de la dite f nte. 

Auzint q chescun de la dite flFnte 
sil voille deyyse en son) Testament 
ou a son) darrein volente al dite 
flFnte une porcon dargent solonc 
son poer en amendement de la f nte 
& de p)er deyoutement ^ luy. 

Auxint sonnt ils accordez & as- 
sentuz q si ascun desbut soit moeye 
p entre ascuns de la dite f nte q 
celuy q conte greve se doit pleynd? 
al cute inte siq le trespace poet 
est? redresse ent? les pties sannz 
Ryate faire & null pleyne en aut? 
place p Sic ne p au? man)e. £t si 
null de eux soit rebell & ne voet 
est? redresse p la dite ffnte qil soit 
oustee de la compaignie as touz 

AuYint si null de la dite f nte 
soit trove fesant faux o9age en 
desceit de la cone poeple & en 
desclaund? de la dite f nte qadonq 

for all the living and dead of the 
said Brotherhood during his said 

And if any ofthe said Brotherhood 
die, that all his Brethren and sisters, 
if any there be, shall be at their Dir- 
ige clothed in their livery unless 
there be reasonable cause for their 
not coming to offer at four Masses, 
and that no one depart from thence 
until the body be buried on pain of 
paying 6d, to the Common Box. 

Also if any of the said Brother- 
hood die ana have not wherewith 
to be buried, then he shall be 
buried at [the Hospital of] Bethle- 
hem if he will, and if not he 
shall be buried where he shall desire 
at the costs ofthe said Brotherhood. 

Also that each of the Brotherhood 
may, if he will, devise in his Testa- 
ment or his last will to the said 
Brotherhood a portion of silver 
according to his power for the 
good ofthe Brotherhood, and that 
they shall pray devoutly for him. 

Also they are agreed that if any 
dispute arise between any of the 
said Brotherhood, that he who 
feels himself aggrieved shall com- 
plain to the said Brotherhood so 
that the trespass may be redressed 
between the parties without making 
a disturbance, and that no one 
shall '^complain in any other place 
nor in any other manner ; and if 
any one be a rebel and will not be 
reformed by the said Brotherhood, 
that he be ousted from the Com- 
pany for ever. 

Also if any of the said Brother* 
hood be found doing bad work 
to the detriment of the Coomion 
people and to the dishonour of the 

Digitized by 


Our Lady of Bethlehem^ 1371 xoi 

il serra 11 ouste de la f nte avantdit 
astouz jo^s. 

Auxint si ascun de la f nte jewe 
en autP jeu q convenable & ad 
vestu la li9e il paiera al pm)e foitz 
jib de cire la scde sil trespace ijlb 
de d? & al tierce foitz sil ne se 
voet amender soit il ous? de la f nte 
p^ touz j(/s. 

£t si ascun jewe a lez Tables ou 
a le Jew appelle Mounne ou au? 
maiOe de Jewe de dees vestu la li9e 
qil paie al cone boist yjT viij^. 

Auxint sonnt ils accordez q touz 
lez ffriers & soers q paient quarte- 
rages al cfaapelcyn ou que p)ignent 
li9ee ou noQ paieronnt pF la vestur 
de le chapeleyn & Ku & Bedell 
chescun solonc son por con qil 3ra 

Auxint sonnt ils assentuz & 
accordez q touz lez fifrers & soers 
de la dite ffnte q voillount venir 
al feste ne paieronnt plus p' lour 
manger q xx^' quele constitucon fu 
trete examine & conferme en le 
temps Simond atte more& WUlHn 
Waryn Ian Hmf. 

la q la dite compaignie 
mayn entour trois anz 

avoit en 

passez une certelgne some dargent 
p ceyvantz ou un certeign rente 
fiiist a vend? le quel nest q de la 
value de vj m^rcz p an ils bargayne- 
rent le dit rente & p tant q lo^ dite 
soAe ne suffisoit certeins gentz 
ap^terent la remenant & sont 

said Brotherhood, that then he 
shall be ousted fiom the Brother* 
hood aforesaid for even 

Also if any of the Brotherhood 
play at any improper game being 
clothed in the Livery he shall pay 
the first time i lb. of wax, the 
second time if he trespass % lb., 
and the third time, if he will not 
amend, he shall be ousted from the 
said Brotherhood for ever. 

And if any one play at tables or 
at the game called Mounne or other 
manner of game at Dice dressed 
in the Livery, that he pay to the 
Common Box 6s. iJ. 

Also they are agreed that all the 
Brethren and sisters who pay quar- 
terages to the Chaplain, or who 
take the Livery and do not pay for 
the vesture c^ the Chaplain and 
^ Ku ' [quarterage ?] and the Beadle, 
evenr one according to his share, 
shall be fined. 

Also they are agreed and ac- 
corded that all the Brothers of the 
said Brotherhood who will come to 
the Feast shall not pay more for 
their eating than %od. This con- 
stitution was treated, examined, 
and confirmed in the time 
Simon atte More and William 
Waryn in the 44th year.' 

Item that the said Company had 
in hand about three years past a 
certain sum of money, and know- 
ing of a certain tenement which 
was for sale, which is of the value 
of 6 marks by the year, they pur- 
chased it, and forasmuch as the 
said sum was not sufficient, certain 
people lent the remainder and are 


> This seems to mean the fbrty-fi)arth year of Edward III, Le. A.D. 13 70-1. 

IMS'l Dd 

Digitized by 


201 Our Lady of Bethlehem ^ 1371 

enfeffez en le dit rente tanque lis enfeoflfed of the said tenement 
eyent levez lo^ argent applstee qei until they shall have recovered 
del dit rente q de lez p fitz p their money lent, as well fiom the 
venantz a la dite companie queuz said quit-rent as from the profits 
sont [illegible] paiez as ditzenfeffez proceeding to the said .Compftn|r« 
p onnt q ne rest null monoie de9s which are • • • paid to the said 
eux. £t fuist lentente del dit pichas feofiees, so that there remains no 
tiel davoir p^suy au Roi de le avoir money due to them. And it was 
amorteise en eyde de tro? un chape^ the intent of the said Purchaser to 
leyn en la dite meson sil proit est?, have prayed the King to have it 
£t si non q lez enfeo£(ez le denssent mortmained for the purpose of 
avoir vendu arer & levez ces q lo^ finding a Chaplain in the said 
fiiisse due & restore a la dite com- House, if so it can be : and if not. 
paignie \cF some. that the fisofifees should sell it and 

take that which was due to them 
and restore to the said Company 
the sum it had paid. 

97 Edward III, Cap. ^, 6y 13^3-4 

Translated {SiMtum tu Ltorii) 


c. V. Item, For the great mischiefs which have happened, as well to 
the King, as to the great men and commons, of that that the merchants, 
called orocers, do ingross all manner of merchandise vendible; and 
suddenly do enhance &e price of such merchandise within the realm, 

Jutting to sale by covin and ordinance made betwixt them, called the 
ratemity and Gild of Merchants, the merchandises which be most dear, 
and keep in store the other till the time that dearth or scarcity be of 
the same : [The Parliament hath] ordained. That no English merchant 
shall use no ware nor merchandise, by him nor by other, nor by no 
manner of Covin, but only one, which he shall choose betwixt this and 
the Feast of Candlemas next coming. And such as have other wares or 
merchandises in their hands, than those that they have chosen, may set 
them to sale before the Feast of the Nativity of Saint John next msiiing ; 
and it any do to the contrary of this ordinance in any point and be 
thereof attainted, in the manner as hereafter followeth, he shall forfeit 
against the King the merchandise, which he hath so used against this 
ordinance ; and moreover, shall nuke a fine to the King, according to 

Digitized by 


Statute 37 Edward III xoj 

the quantity of the trespass : And how this ordinance shall be put in 
execution. It is ordained, that good people and lawful of every mer- 
chandise shall be chosen and sworn, to survey that this ordinance be 
holden and executed; that is to say, two merchants [in] every mer- 
chandise in every town and burgh, and two merchants of every county, 
and redress the defaults, and of tiut that they may not redress, they 
shall certify the Chancellor, and the King's Council ; and commissions 
shall be made to certain people, to whom and when it shall please the 
King to assign, to enquire in cities, burghs, and counties, where need 
shall bc^ as well of trespassers in this behalf, as of surveyors, in case that 
they be negligent, or of Covin with the trespassers, by the oath of six 
men sworn ; and moreover to make process [for to hear and determine] 
daily, [and to punish]* the trespassers and surveyors ; that is to say, the 
trespassers according as is above ordained^ ana the surveyors according 
to the discretion of tiie justices, and that by the jury of xii, in case they 
win put themselves upon the country of their accusement ; and whoso^ 
ever will sue for the King in such case, shall be thereto received, and 
shall have the fourth peny of the forfeiture of him that so^ shall be 
attainted at his suit. 

c. Ti. Item, it is ordained, that artificers, handicraft people, hold them 
every one to one mystery, which he will choose betwixt this and the said 
feast of Candlemas, ^d two of every craft shall be chosen to survey^ 
that none use other craft than the same which he hath chosen, and that 
justices be assigned to enquire by process, to hear and determine in this 
article, as is ordained in the article beforesaid, saving that the trespassers 
in this article shall be punished by imprisonment of half a year, and 
moreover to make fine and ransom, according to the quantity of the 
trespass. And the surveyors by the discretion of the justices, as before. 
AkT tbe mtfnt of tie King and of bis Council //, that nvomen^ that is to say^ 
ire'wers^ trnkers^ carders and spinners^ and 'workers as well of wool^ as tf 
Bnem cloth and of silky irawdesterSy and breakers of nvool^ and all other that 
do use and vjori all handy v)orkSy may freely use and 'work as they have done 
Ufere this time^ mthont any impeachment^ or being restrained hy this ordinance. 

c V was however repealed by j8 Ed. Ill, c. 2, which enacted *That 
all people shall be as free as they were at all times before the said ordi- 
nance; • • . and that all merchants as well aliens may sell and buy all 
manner of merchandises and freely carry them out of the realm, paying 
the customs and subsidies thereof due. Except that English merctunts 
shall not pass out of the realm with wools or woolfells ; and that none 
carry gold nor silver in plate nor in money saving victuallers that fish, 
and that they bring fish within the realm in small vessels which meddle not 
with other mercbmdises ' ; and the words in italics in c. vi were repealed 
by 5- Eliz. c. 4. 

Digitized by 


104- Letters Tatent of^S Edward III 


LETTERS PATENT 38 Edward III [Jolt ly, 13^4] 
Letter Book G, fb. \xx V also at Drapers' Hall, Charter Na IX. 

Carta ^ v Edward p la gee de 
Pannarijs. ) Dieu Roi Denglet?e 
Seign' Dirhnde $ Daquitaigne As 
tous ceux as queuz cestes tres ven- 
dront salutz Sachlez % come entre 
autres choses ordenez A nre darrein 
{^ement si estolt p^ c^eines causes 
p^poses en mesme le plement ordene 
q nul Marchant Engleys ne vse 
Sk:es ne marchandie p lui ne p 
autre p nuUe manS de couine fbrsqj 
vne soulement quel il vorroit elire 
deuant la feste de la Chandeleure 
darrein passe ^ceuz qauoient entre- 
meins autres marchandises q cdles 
qils issint esliroient les porroient 
mettre a rente deuant la ieste del 
Natiuite de Seint Johan le Baptistre 
pchein ensuant come en ks dites 
ordenances est contenuz plus au 
plein Et ia soit monstre a nous $ 
a fire conseil \ p cause q gentz de 
diQses mestiers qonqes nestoient 
appntlces ne sufficiantment apris 
en le mestier de marchandie de 
draperie solonc les bones aundens 
vsages de la Citee de Londres se 
mellent du dit mestier si q^a peine 
hoAe tro9a shope en la dite Citee 

Edward, by Grace of God, King 
of England, Lord of Ireland and of 
Aquitainc^ to all to whom these 
present L^ers shall come, greet- 
ing. Know that whereas amongst 
other matters ordained at our last 
Parliament it was for certain 
reasons in the said Parliament or* 
dained * that no English merchant 
should use no ware nor merchandise 
by himself, or another by any man- 
ner of covine [fraud], except that 
one only, which he had chosen 
before the Feast of Candlemas last 
past, and that those who had en«* 
gaged in merchandise other than 
that they then chose could put 
them to sale before the Feast of 
the Nativity of St. John the Baptist 
next ensuing, as in the said ordi- 
nances is more fully contained. 
And now it has been shown to us 
and our Council that because 
people of divers mysteries, who have 
neither been apprenticed to, nor 
sufficiently instructed in, the mys- 
tery of uie dealing in Drapery 
according to the good ancient 
usages of the City of London, 
engage in the said mystery, one 
can scarcely find any shop in the 

* The copy in the Company's Book of Evidences, + 389, fo. 1^4, is here and 
there illegibie. It is preceded by the following note : ' Ista Carta am Re^ 
lecta & irrotalata q smu in Camb {ryhalde London in libro com tra G, fo. cxxiL 
tempe Ade de Baiy maioris & lobjs de Cauitebragg came? Wdelt anno Regis 
Edwardi tercii pos oonqm tricesimo octavo.' — Lucas. The copy in Heibert, 
j. 480, taken from the recital in the mandate commanding its publication differs 
in the wording. • 37 Ed. ftl, c f. 

Digitized by 


Letters Tatent of^^S Edward III xof 

daucune mestier en quele ne soit 

tucun draperle ou meins ou plus 

mis d monstre a c5e vente queux 

gentz nount soufEsante conissance 

en le pris de darrees de marchandie 

dtt meatier de draperie $ p lour 

nounsachantie $ auxint p les grosses 

embracementz qils fount meins 

sagemcnt de totes maneres de drape 

si est la chierte de draperie deuenuz 

si {nt qele ne purra legerement estre 

amcnuse d auxint pluseurs deceites 

font Autes en la fesance (| rente de 

draps come p fauses moiUieurs (| 

toundours (| drap de demy grein 

yendu pur escarlet et les Teinturers 

Tlstrers (| Fullers q soieient assi- 

duelement faire lour labour j>pre 

8Qnt deuenuz fesours de draps ^ ne 

yoillent laborer sur le drap dautri 

sil ne soit pF trop excessiue salarie 

d nientmeins fount plusures fraudes 

en lour oQaignes queux ne poent 

bien estre appceus sinoun p drapers 

soulement qont de tiels oQaignes 

pleiSe conissance $ q pys est souent 

ks teinturers chaungeont les leines 

les Tisters la file (| les Fullers tout 

le drap queux Teinturers Tistours 

d Fullers auxint p colour qils sont 

fesours des draps achatent autri 

draps p voie de forstallarie $ puis 

les vendent as drapers $ issint est 

le drap deux foitz achate auant qil 

vicgne a coAune rente (| le drap 

qest si souent adiate (| vendue p 

said City of any mystery in which 
there is not some drapery more or 
less offered for common sale, which 
people have not sufficient know- 
ledge of the price of goods belong- 
ing to the merchandise of the Mys* 
tery of Drapery (the selling price of 
Drapery). And on account of their 
ignorance, and because of the great 
(embracementz) engrossment which 
they make unwisely of all manner 
of cloth, the deamess of cloth has 
become so great that it cannot be 
easily reduced, and also various 
frauds have been practised in the 
making and sale of cloth, such as 
by false dampers' and shearmen, 
and cloth of demy grein sold for 
scarlet ; and the Dyers, Weavers, 
and Fullers, who should confine 
themselves to their own proper 
work, have become makers of 
cloths, and will not work on the 
cloths of others except at an exces* 
sive wi^, and also perpetrate many 
fi-auds in their work which cannot 
be well detected except by Drapers 
who have fiiU knowledge of such 
work, and what is worse, the 
Dyers often change the wool and 
the Weavers the yam, and the 
Fullers the whole doth, the which 
Dyers, Weavers and Fullers also, 
on the ground tiiat they are makers 
of cloth, buy other doths by way 
€^ forestalling and then sdl them 
to Drapers, and thus the doth is 
twice bought before it comes to 
open sale, and being thus so often 
bought and sold by divers hands 

' 'Moilllenr/ The damping or soaking of the cloth probably in the process 
of foUoig or dyeing. Mr. Pirenne tells me that he has never met with the word 
in Fmnca or Low Country' docaments. 

Digitized by 


io5 Letters Tatent of 38 Edward III 

diQses mains couient a forte estre 
de molt le plus cfaicr q drap q nest 
vendu q vne foitz p Marchant 
draper queles choses entre autres 
aont les greindres causes de lex- 
oessiue <£erte de marchandise de 
draperie ^ issint de tieuz deceites 
d defautes tijnt damage ft pert 
sont aduenuz deuant ces heures 
sibien a nous come a tout le poeple 
de nre roialme || plusgotz auendroat 
q dieu defende si remedie le plustost 
nv soit mys Nous entend^ntz les 
dites choses issint a nous monstretz 
estre tout contTiantz au dite ordi« 
nance du plement ^ voillantz mesme 
lordinance garder || meintenir en 
touz pointz d de tout ouster les 
fraudes $ deceites susditz si auons 
p assent des {ntz || autres de nre 
consail ordene $ gate q nully ne vse 
le mestier de draperie en la Citee 
de Londres non les suburbes dycelle 
sil nelst este appntice en icelle 
mestier ou p autre dime maSe receu 
p coe assent de mesme le mestier 
et q chescun des ditz mestiers des 
Teinturers Tisters $ Fullers se 
tiegne a son office j>pre || de rien 
ne se melle de fesure achate ne de 
yente de nul maide drap ne de 
draperie sur peine demprisonement 
ft de pdre tout le drap issint p euz 
nit achate ou vendue ou la value 
deOs nous et q nul q eit drap 
a vendre en la dite Citee ou en les 
suburbes ne les vende forsqj as 
drapers enfranchiez en la dite 
mestier de drapie sil ne soit en 

becomes much mcure dear dun 
cloth which is only sold once by 
a Merchant Draper. The which 
things amongst others are the chief 
cause of the excessive deamess of 
the merchandise of doth, and also 
because of the like frauds and de- 
faults great damage and loss have 
of late accrued to us and all the 
people of our realm, and greater 
wiU befall us, which God forbid, 
if a remedy be not speedily ap[died. 
We, understanding that the said 
things as above shown to us are 
entirely contrary to the said ordi- 
nance of Parliament, and wishing 
to maintain and enforce in aU 
points the said ordinance and to 
remove the above-mentioned frauds 
and deceits, have, with the assent 
of the lords and others of our 
Council, ordained and granted that 
none shall use the said Mysterv of 
Drapenr in the City of London, 
norin toe suburbsof the same,unless 
he has been apprenticed in the said 
Mystery or in other due manner 
been received by the common as- 
sent of the same Mystery, and that 
each of the Mysteries of Dyers, 
Weavers, and FuUers shall keep 
themselves to their own Mystery, 
and in no way meddle with the 
< making % buying, or selling of 
any manner of cloth or drapery 
on pain of imprisonment, and c^ 
forfeiture to us of all the doth so 
by them made, bought or sold, or 
ik the value thereof. And that no 
one who has doths to sdl in tiie 
said City or in the suburbs shall 
seU them ezcq>t to Drapers en- 
franchised in txie said Mystery of 
Drapery, unless it be in gross t;9 

Digitized by 


Letters Tatent of i^ Edward III 107 

£ros as Seign's $ autres du coe qi 

Its voillent achatre pour lour oeps 

demesne || nemie a retaille sur 

mesme la peine Et q les Drapers 

enfranchlez en lamestere dedraperie 

en la dite Citee puissent elire ches- 

cun an quatre psones de lour mes- 

tier |>pre q soient iurrez vne foitz 

p an en p^nce du Mair de suruere 

q nul defaute ne deceite soit vse ne 

felt en les mestiers auantditz $ de 

reuler ^ goQner le dit mestier de 

draperie en mesme la Citee au coe 

^fit du poeple $ de due punissement 

cnt faire de ceuz en queux defaut 

3ra troue selonc lauis ^ discredon 

des ditz quatre psones p laide du 

Mair || des viscontz ^nt il embu- 

soignera les queux Mair $ visoontz 

nous volons qils soient entendantz 

as ditz quatre psones qant ils 3ront 

a ce p eux requis. £t yolons auxint 

Qt donons poair as ditz quatre psones 

qi 3roiit issint eslieux || iurrez de 

padre iement de toux ceux qi 

Iront receux au dit mestier de 

draperie en mesme la Citee de vsir 

9 faire ce qapptient a mesme le 

mestier bien || loialment sanz fraude 

mal engin ou subtil compassement 

faire encontre les pointz || orde- 

nances auantditz Sauue touz io^s 

a nre chier en dieu le Priour de 

Smythfeld $ autres seign's qont 

feires en les dites suburbes p fates 

de noz |)genitO's || de nous lour 

feires franchises || tranches custumes 

the lords and others of the am- 
mons who wish to buy them for 
their own use, and h^ no means by 
retail under the same penalty. And 
that the Drapers ei:ufrancmsed in 
the Mystery of Drapery in the said 
City may elect each year four ot 
their own Mystery^ who shall be 
sworn once a year ' in the presence 
of the Mayor, to oversee that no 
default nor deceit be used or done 
in the Mystery aforesaid; and to 
rule and govern the said Mystery 
of Drapery in the same City to 
the common profit of the people, 
and to duly punish those in whom 
default shall be found, according to 
the advice and discretion of the 
said four persons by the aid of the 
Mayor and the SherifiEs if need be z 
the which Mayor and Sherifl^ shall 
listen to the said four persons 
when they shall be requested by 

And we also will and give power 
to the said four persons who shall 
be elected and sworn, to take an 
oath of all those who shall be re- 
ceived into the said Mystery of 
Drapery in the same City, that they 
will and do whatever appertains to 
the same Mystery well and law- 
fiilly without fraud, evil design, or 
subtle compassing contrary to the 
points and ordinances aforesaid* 

Saving always to our beloved in 
God, the Prior of Smithfield, and 
other lords, who have fairs in the 
said suburbs by grant of our pro- 
genitors, or of us, their fairs, fran- 
chises, and free customs whidi they 

* In the mandate orderine the pablication of the Charter they are to be sworn 
*wkt a year. C£ Herbert, Livery Companies, L 481. 

Digitized by 


xo8 Letters Tatent of 38 Edward III 

Jueuz ils ont vsez en leur ditz feires 
u temps des dites fates encea as 
qucux p colour de ctste nre fate ^ 
ordenance nous ne volons p)iudice 
ne damage estre fait en aucun made 
et sauue les franchises p nous fntez 
as Marchantz Vineters Dengle?re 

3; de Gascoigne queuz nous volons 
emorer en lour force en touz pointz 
En tesmoignance de quele chose 
nous avons fait faire cestes noz tres 
patentes Don A Westmoustier le 
quinzisme iour de luyl Ian de ftre 
regne trent oetisme. 

p i^ Regcm || conS. 

have exercised in their said fidrs 
from the date of the said grants, 
with regard to whom we do not 
wish that any prejudice or damage 
shall be done to them in any way 
under pretext of this our grant 
and ordinance; and saving the 
franchises by us granted to the 
Merchant Vintners of England 
and Gascony, which we will shall 
remain in force in all points. In 
testimony of which we have caused 
to be written these our Letters 
Patent. Given at Westminster 
the lyth day of July in the 38th 
year of our reign. 

By the King and his Council. 


IN ij8+ 

Ancient Petitions, File 94, No. 46^4, Pablic Record Office, London. 

A ? sexcellent fie ? spuissant sF 
nre sf le Roy & ? snobles & sages 
s's de cest p)sent plement • • • • nt 
hublement ses po9es liges Drapers 
de sa Citee de Loundres & se pley- 
nent 9s s Nichol Brembre Chtr 
& sez acomplices & autres de 
son assent de ce q le dit s Nichol 
ove lassent de lez qux fiirent de 
son assent accrocha sF lui roiale 
poalr de ce q encontre Vf chartre 
dez Roys g*unte & conferme de lo^ 
frauDchise de la dite Citee & en 

mayntenance de sa mondre 

fist Steins gentz q fiirent de son 
assent al Gyhall du dite Qtee en 

To the most Excellent and Puis- 
sant Lord the King and the very 
noble and wise lords of the preset 
Parliament their poor lieges the 
Drapers of the City of London 
humbly [address themselves] and 
complain against Sir Nicholas 
Breinbre knight, and bis accom- 
plices and others of his faction, that 
the said Sir Nicholas^with the assent 
of those who were of his faction, 
accroached to himself the royal 
power, in that, contrary to the 
koyal Charters granted and con- 
firmed concerning their privileges 
in the said City of London, and 

Digitized by 


Tetition against Nicholas Brembre 109 

le feste de seint Edward Ian le Rojr 
qorest viij^ pur eslire un mair £t 

le dit s Nichol p assent z lez 

autres qux fiunent de son assent fist 
crier en di9§es pties du dite Citee 
& diarger chescun home du dite 
Citee & pejne denprisonement & 
sFla peyne de qu^q^s p^ient faire 
de9^ le Roy q nul ne Sroit si hardy 
destre al cute eleccione fors ceux q 
fiirent somonez & ceux qi fiirent 
somonus furent somonus p lo' assent 
£t mesme le jour a cele eleodon . • • 
feust fait encontre lo^ fraunchise le 
dit s Nichol & lez autres de son 
assent ordeynerent Steins gentz 
sibien ibreins come autres a g*unt 
nombre lez qux furent armez al 

• • • hall de Loundres p^ faire cele 
elecdon p qe pleise a &re dit §^ le 
Roi & lez isnobles & sages ¥s en 
ceste pteent plement de ceste hor- 
rible diose faite encontre la corone 

• • • fsdxt, due remedy p^ Dieu &* en 
eorre de charitee 

Itm lez ditz suppliantz se pley- 
nent ?s le dit s Nichol de ceo qil 
ove lassent des autres sesacom- 
plices accrocha ff lui Roiale poair 
en ceo qil venoit en Chepe ove 
g*unt Altitude dez. gentz armez 
a g*unt aflfray & doute de touz bons 
gentz du dite Citee . £t ap)5 p' 
malice prist di9^es gentz du mt 
mistier & eux mis en p^one a g*nt 
doute de lo^ vies & pde de lo^ biens 
sanz respouns ou ley Issent qil & 
lez autres de son assent accrocherent 

for the maintenance of its citizens, 
collected certain fblk who. were of 
his p^rt^ to the Guildhall on the 
Feast of^S. Edward in the 8th year 
of the King now reimin^ to elect 
a Mayor; and the said Sir Nicholas, 
by consent of those who were of 
his faction, caused proclamation to 
be made in various parts of the 
Citv, and charged every man of the 
said Qty, on pain of imprisoimient 
and of what might happen to them 
from the King, that no one should 
be so daring as to be at the said 
election except those summoned, 
and those who were summoned 
were summoned bv their consent. 
And on the day of election, which 
was fixed in violation of their [the 
citizens'] privileges, the said Sir 
Nicholas and others of his Action 
ordered to the Guildhall of London 
certain persons, ^fi^reigns' and 
others in great numbers, who were 
armed, to make the election* For 
the which horrid deed done against 
the Crown may it please the said 
lord the King and the noble and 
wise lords in this present Parlia« 
ment to find a remedy, for the sake 
of God and as a deed of charity. 

The said petitioners also com« 
plain against the said Sir Nicholas 
that he, with consent of others his 
accomplices, accroached to himself 
the Royal authority in that he came 
into Chepe with a great multitude 
of armed folk, to tibe great terror 
and dismay of all good citizens 
of the said City, and after ma- 
liciously seizing several of the said 
Mystery put them in prison, to the 
danger of their lives and the loss of 
their goods, without giving them 


Digitized by 


xio Tetition of the Drapers against the 

8F euz Roial potir cocontic k corone 
fire dit 1^ le Roi q pleise t nre dit 
9^1e Roi &lcz S'sayant ditzde ceste 
chose fiut encontre la corone & ley 
de Bre ent fidre solonc ce qils ont 
deSvip^dieu & eneovre de diaritee 

Itm lez dits suppliantz se pleynent 
?s le dit s Nicol de ceo qU ove 
lassent des autres avantditz de sa 
covyne accrocha sf lui Roiale poair 
de ceo qUs conspirerent & vma- 
ginerent p^ avoir mis a mort pluso^s 
Doos gentz de Loundres et p^ ce qils 
ne p^roicnt fiure oelle chose sanz 
ascune cause ils conspirerent de 
euz enditer de felonie & treson & 
mistrent s' lez enquestes de eux 
enditer ceuz qi fiirent del affinitee 
& assent le dit S Nichol & quz male fame come o?tement 
3ra j>vez si lez enditementz furent 
devant vous ^ pleise a nre dit §^ le 
Roi & lez ?s avantditz de ceste 
horriUe matiere ent faire due re- 
medie & charger Nichol Ezton ore 
Meir de Loundres de faire venir 
devant vous touz lez enditementz 
ove lez endito^s quz sont en sa 
garde en avauntage du Roy pF Dieu 
& en eovre de charitee 

Itm lez ditz suppliantz se pley. 
pent 9s le dit S Nichol & ses acom- 
plices q come cstatut fuit fait au 
plement tenuz a WestA l$n du 
regne fire dit s le Roi sisme q 
comence en cestes poles 

any right of answering or of Law. 
Inasmuch then as he and those 
of his P^i^ accroached to them- 
selves the Royal authority against 
the Crown of our said lord the 
King, may it please the said lord 
our King and the aforesaid lords to 
do to them for this act against the 
Crown and the Law of the Land 
as they deserve, for God's sake and 
as a deed of charity. 

Also the said petitioners com- 
plain against the said Sir Nicholas 
that he, with the consent of tiie 
aforesaid persons of his faction, 
accroached to himself the Royal 
power by conspiring and imagining 
the death of several good men of 
London; and because they could 
not do this without any reason, 
they conspired to indite them of 
felony and treason, and placed oo 
the panel of those who accused 
them men who were connected 
with and of the party of the said 
Sir Nicholas, and who were of evil 
fame, as can be openlv proved if 
the indictments were oefore you. 
May it therefore please our lord 
the King and the above-mentioned 
lords to give remedy for this hor- 
rible a£fair, and to charge Nichdas 
Ezton, our Mayor of London, to 
cause all the indictments and the 
accusers who are in his hands to 
be brought before you, to the ad- 
vantage of the King, for God's 
sake and as an act of charity. 

Also the said petitioners com- 
plain against the said Sir Nicholas 
and his accomplices that, whereas a 
Statute was made at the ParUament 
held at Westminster in the (fth 
year of the said our lord the Kmg 

Digitized by 


Election of Nicholas Bremhre as Mayor in 

Km ordlatu est ta sUtutii qd nee 
in dyitate Londofi nee in aliis 
ciyitatibus burgis villis vel portubz 
maris p totG regnii ^dSm aliquis 
yitellanus offidu judiciale deceSo 
fieat dioeat neq) occupet quoyis- 
modo in viUis ubi alia psona sixf- 
fidens ad huj^ statu hend repiri non 
poilt du tamen idem Judex j> tempe 
quo in officio illo stent ab d^ido 
▼italkf subpena fbrisfactur victua* 
liu suof sic venditoii: penii cesset 
flc se abstineat j> se & suis [x/V] 
oAino ab eod lui qud s Nichol & 
scs acompiices lestatut avantdit oat 
cont'riez a e*unde damage de touz 
les CoAes da dite Citee q pleise 
a fire dit ? le Roi & les i's avant- 
ditz gaunter q le dit estatut solt 
tenuz siba en la dite Qtee come 
atlk/s £c mayntenant mb en ezecu- 
doon nient encontre esteant ascun 
estatut ou ordinance fiut en le 
OQuntf depuisencea. 

\diicfa begins with these words: 
< Also it is ordained and established 
that ndther in the City of Loo« 
don, nor in any other cities^ bor« 
oughs, towns, or sear-ports through 
out the realm afbre&ud shall any 
victualler have exercise or in any 
wise occupy any judicial office, 
except in such towns iriwre no 
other person sufficient to have the 
office may be found j in the which 
case the judge durixif the time that 
he diall continue in the same office 
shall utterly omit and abstain hin^ 
self and his from the exercise ok 
victualling upon pain of forfcituie 
of his victuals so sold '«— the which 
Statute the said Sir Nidiolas and hift 
accomplices have disobq^ed, to the 
great damage of all the commonal^ 
of this City. May it therefore 
please our said lord the King isii 
the lords aforesaid togrant that this 
Statute be enforced, as well in the 
Qty as elseiriiere^ and forthwith 
be put into execution, notwith* 
standing any Statute or ordinance 
made subsequently to the contrary. 


Skptember 30, 7 Henry VI, 142,8 < 

Ordinance Book, Drapers' Hall, Na 795, p. 4. 

IsTK Henricus/kiV Major Primus This Heniv was the first Mayor 
London obiit 13^ KaLOc^'»lV#/ve/ of London; he died on the loth of 
» d9am§ Rtgit Jobmnns ft sepul- September in the tenth year ofKing 

Digitized by 



Sij^t-Rent by Fitzalwyn 

tas est intra introitum capellae in 
medio sub lanura [lamina P] ' mar- 

Sdant ptesentes et futuri quod 
ego H. Filius Alwini de LondoiS 
dedi ct concessi et hac presenti 
Oirta mea confirmavi Deo et £ccle- 
siae Sanctae Trinitatis LondoS) 
Et Canonids ibidem Deo servienti- 
bus pro salute animae Regis Henrici 
et animae meae et antecessorum et 
successorum mcorum- ct omnium 
fidelium defunctorum in puram et 
perpetuam elemosinam quinque 
solidos quieti reditus de terra quam 
Henricos Toltrych tenuit de me, 
inter terram quam Allwinus Dubbur 
tenuit versus orientem et terram 
quam Laurentius Plumbarius tenuit 
versus occidentem habendum et te. 
nendum predictae Ecdesiae Sanctae 
Trinitatis et Canonids ibidem Deo 
servientibus in perpetuum libere 
quiete integre et finabiliter ad fa* 
dendum servidum pro animaprae- 
dlcti Regis Henrid et pro anima 
mea, ct animabus onmium fidelium 
defimctorum in die anniversarii 
oUtus md annuatim quando eve- 
nerit ut tutem haec mea donatio et 
concessio perpetua firmitate con- 
sistat, presentem paginam sigilli 
md munimine roboravi. 

Et haec nomina solventium : 

H. Toltrvch, Dubber, rdicU 

J<dm and was buried in the centre 
of the porch of the Chapel under 
a marble slab(?). 

Let all present and future know 
that I, H. Fitzalwyn of London, 
have granted and conferred and con- 
firmed by this Deed to God and to 
the Church of the Holy Trinity in 
London and to the Canons serving 
God therein, for the weal of the soul 
of King Henry and of mine uul of 
TDj ancestors and successors and 
ot all the fidthfiil dead, in perpetual 
frankdmoign five shillings quit-rent 
from the land which Henry Tol- 
trych hdd of me^ lying between the 
ground to the East whidi Allwyn 
Dubbur hdd and the ground to 
the West which Lawrence the 
Plumber held, to be had and to be 
held by the sdd Churdi of the 
Hd^ Trinity and by the Canons 
servmg God therein, in perpetuity 
freely, quietly, fiilly and finally, in 
order that they may do service for 
the soul of the aforesdd King 
Henry, and for my sod and for the 
souls of all the fdthfiil dead every 
year on the anniversary of my 
death when that shall happen* And 
that this, my gift and concession, 
may stand fast for ever I have con- 
firmed this document with the 
guarantee of my sed. 

These are tiie names of those 
who have paid (the quit-rent) : 

H. Tdtrych, Dubber, the widow 
of Tdtrych. 

' The word 'lanan' is not known. Linnra is used to mean'a woollen dppet% 
and if this were read, it woald give some antiiortty for the tnditioa chat 
Fitzalwyn was a draper, or connected with the wool trade. Bat the word is reiy 
distinaly written 'lana' in the original. Probably the word shodd be read 
' lamna *, a contraction for ' lamina ' j this wodd mean a 'marble slab % which 
makes good sense. 

Digitized by 


paid by the Drapers' Fraternity 113 

R. Scott, G. Wolfe, anno 44 

u. m. 

John Klmesynge pistor, i Ed. II. 

Relicta ejusdem, 5 Ed. II. 

H. Aumener, 19 Ed* U. 

John Kimesinge aurifaber, i 
Ed. III^ qui concessit dictum 
tenementum J. Hamond, quod 
in parochia B. Mariae situtn 

R. Scott, G. Wolfe, in the 44th 

John Kimesynge, baker, i Ed. IL 

His widow, ^ Ed. II. 

H. Aumener, 19 Ed. IL 

John Kimesinge, goldsmith, 
I Ed. Ill, who granted the 
said tenement which lies in 
the parish of B. Mary to 
J. Hamond. 

John Hamond^ 1 1 Ed. IIL 
. Relicta ejusdem, 30 Ed. III. 

Dominus Thos. Salisbury, 35 
Ed. UI. 

Paulus Salisbury, 8 Ric. 11— 11 

Modo fratemitas Pannariorum 
et sic Magistri dictae artis — vid: 
W. Crowmer, J. Gedney, W. Wes- 
too^ J. Hygham, R. Att Lee, visa 
carta prescripta, de consensu om- 
nium artis predictae bene 

aolverunt. Acquietantii inde re- 
cepti cujus data est in crastino 
S. Michaelis, 7 Henry VL £t in- 
super copiam dictae cartae habue- 
xunt^ et in papyro suo inscribi 

The aforesaid writing in all this 
side contained is only for a quit- 
rent of ^s. yearly to be paid at 
Michaelmas to Cricbercbe out of our 
lands in S* Mary Bothaw Parish. 

John Hamond, 1 1 Ed. III. 

His widow, 30 Ed. III. 

Lord Thos. Salisbury, ^^ Ed. 

Paul Salisbury, 8 Ric. II— 11 

Now the Fraternity of the Dra- 
pers, that is to say, the Maisters 
of the said Mystery, namely, W. 
Crowmer, T. uedney, W. Weston, 
I. Hyghatn, R. Att Lee, having seen 
the aforementioned deed, have fully 
paid (the said quit-rent) and re- 
ceived an acquittance, dated the 
dav after St. Michael's day 7 Henry 
VI, and have received a copy of 
the said Deed and have had it in- 
scribed in their book. 

Digitized by 


114- Letters Tatent ofrj Henry VI 


November jo, 14)8. 

Drapers' Hall$ Book of EvideiKcs A, No. 3S8, £>. i^^a. a$ C&arter A.V. xS/. 

Ires patcnti 
Henricus Dei grS Rex Anglie 

Sffi^nde ^ Dominus Hlbnie 
mnib) ad quos p)sentes tre pue- 
Sint sahm Sdatis qd de grS nnD 
speciali ^ caritatis intuitu ac ob 
qiecialem deuocoem quam ad 
gtiosam dei genitricem ^ virginem 
mariam nr8 mentis intuitu gerlm' 
% bcmus concessim' j> nob hereSD 
^ Successorib) nriS quantum in 
nobis est dittis ligeis nrtS bominib) 
mistere Pannarioi^ infra Ciuitatem 
nfam londoA qd ipi in Quitate 
pdc3 vnam Gildam siue ffirainitar- 
tem in honore bte marie uirginis 
de hominib) mistere p)dc9 % aiiis 
vnire fundare creare erigere % sta^ 
bilire Gildamq; siue ffraioitatem 
illam sic unitam fundatam creatam 
erectam ^ stabilitam here % tenere 
eademq) gaudere possint sibi ^ 
Successorib) suis ppetuis fiituris 
temporibus duraturis Et qd ipi 
eandtm Gildam siue ffra^nitatem 
^gcre (| augmentare valeant quo- 
ciens ^ quaodo eis videbitur nece- 
sarm (| oportunum Et qd homines 
Gilde siue ffraSnitatis illkis quott 
Anno eligere ^ facere possint de 
seipis vnum Nkgistrum % quatuor 
Custodes qui tempore eleccSis eoij^ 

Letters Patent 
Hekrt by the grace of God 
king of England and France and 
Lord of Ireland, To all to whom 
these j)ccsent Letters shall come, 
Greetmg : Know ye that we of our 
especial grace and charitable intont 
and on account of the e^iedal 
devotion which we bear to tiie 
glorious Mother of God the Virgin 
Mary, Have granted far us our 
heirs and succesaors as much as 
lieth in us to our well belored 
liegemen of the Mystery of Drapers 
wiSiin our City of Londoa that 
thev may unite, found, create, erect 
anc establish in the City aforesaid 
one Gild or Fraternity in boDov 
of the blessed Virgin Maij fiom 
among the men of the Mystci7 
aforesaid and others, and that they 
may have and hold sudi Gild or 
Fraternity so united, founded, cre- 
ated, erected and estabUshed, and 
the same enjoy to them and thdr 
successors to ul fotore times. And 
that they may increase and augment 
the same Gild and Fraternity as 
often and when to them it shall 
seem necessary and fit. And that 
the men <^ the said Gild or Fra- 
ternity may in every year elect and 
make from among themselyes one 
Master and four Wardens, who at 

Digitized by 


Charter of Incorporation 


f QKnt pannarij (| libi boies Qvi- 
tatis ^icB ad supportan3) onera 
negoda^ tarn misteram pldcim <f m 
Gildam siue flFraBnitatem illam tan- 
genciu) || conceraenciu) Necnon 
ad supinten3) regea3) || gubnanS 
easdem misteram Gildam ^ flFra- 
temitatem ft omnes homines (| 
n^ocia eo]|^aem imppm £t qd 
dci) N4bigister || Custodes ac ffratres 
^ Sorores Gilde siue ffra^nitatis 
predcS sint in re ^ noie vnum 
Goqsus d vna Comunitas perpetua 
fieantqj Successions ppetuam ^ 
Cos Sigjilum J) negodis tarn mis- 
tere pdcS q*m Gilde Qt £Fra?niUt3 
flddf Suitu? Et qd ipl Q^ Succes- 
sores sui imppm sint psone habiles 

Lcapaces in lege ad pquiren3) in 
3) Q ppctuitate terras tSnta red- 
ditus ft alias possessiones quascOqj 
de qaibuscii|q^ psonls £t qd ijdem 
magistex ^ Custodes Q eo^ Sue- 
cessores imppm p nomen Magistri 
^ Custodum Glide siue fira^nitatS 
bte marie Pannario]^ london ptitare 
possint d imptitari Coram quibus- 
cuqj ludicib) in Cu? ^ Accionib^ 
qnibusciiqj In cuius rei testimoniQ 
has tras nils fieri fecimus patentes 
Teste meipo apud Warriewyk tri- 
cesimo die Nouembris Anno regni 
nn decimo septimo. Sturgeoa. 

p bre de priuato sigillo Q^ j) 
quadraginta libris solu? in Hanapio. 

the time of their election shall be 
Drapers and freemen of the City 
aforesaid^ to support the burden of 
business touching and concerning 
as well the Mystery aforesaid as 
the Gild or Fraternity ; as also to 
overlook, rule and govern the same 
Mystery, Gild and Fraternity, and 
all the men and business of the 
same for ever. And that the said 
Master and Wardens and brothers 
and sisters of the Gild or Fraternity 
aforesaid may be in fact and name 
One Body and one perpetual com* 
munity, and that they may have 
perpetual succession and a common 
Seal to serve as well for the business 
of the Mystery aforesaid as of the 
Gild and Fraternity aforesaid. And 
that they and their successors may 
be fit persons and capable in law to 
purchase in foe and perpetuity lands, 
tenements, rents and other pos- 
sessions whatsoever, from whom- 
soever persons. And that the same 
Master and Wardens and their 
successors for ever by the name of 
the Master and Wardens of the 
Gild or Fraternity of the Blessed 
Mary of Drapers of London may 
plead and be impleaded before 
whomsoever judges in Court, ai^i 
in whatsoever actions. In Witness 
whereof we have caused these our 
Letters Patent to be made. Wit- 
ness myself at Warwick the thirtieth 
day of November in the seventeenth 
year of our reign. Sturgeon. 

By letter under the Privy Seal 
in return for ^40 paid into the 

Digitized by 


xi6 Grant of the Farm of AuJnage 


17 Henry VI, Februart itf, 1439 (New Style) 

Dnpen* Hall) Charter A. V. x88. 

Hbnricus Dei ^ratu Rex Anglic 
% Frande % Dominus Hibnie Om. 
nib) ad quos Ssentes tre puciUnt 
safon Sciatis qd) cum Dni Magnates 
9 Coitites rcgni nostri Anftt in 
magno Consilio DoD E. nup R^is 
Angt j>genitoris nrD apud Westn3 
nup tento p remissione quam ad rc- 
quisicoemeoi^demfecitde forisfcufis 
ad Ipum de ylnagio pannoi^ venaliQ 
infra idem regnQ nrffl) ptinentib^ 
concesserint eidem pgcnitori nro 
quoddamsubaidiQ de singulispannis 
venalibjtam vnius colorJs q*m aU 
iius infra idem rcgnQ nrunu Angt 
vlt* custumas inde debitas de ven- 
ditore capien3) vidett de quott panno 
deassisamquo gr'S nontui? quatuor 
dcnarios || dedimi3)huiu'pannoduo8 
denarios de quott panno de Scarleta 
de assisa sex denarios % de dimi8| 
hui' panno tres denarios ft de quott 
panno de diou8| g*no de assisa 
quinqj denarios ^ de dimidi hui' 
panno duos denarios || vnu) ooolum 
% de quott panno dimidiQ pannu de 
assisa p tres ulnuas % ampUus exce- 
dente qui pannus de assisa integ 
non hiit. £t etiam de quott panno 
pannu) integrum de assisa ptres vlnas 
% amplius excedcnte iuxta ratam 
subsidi j de panno inteero de eadem 
sorte sic S0iUen8| ad opus nrSO 
capiat?. Ita q8| quicq'm de eodem 

Henrt bv the grace <^ God King 
of England and France and Lord 
of Ireland, To all to whom these 
Know ye that, whereas the lords 
and commons <^ our kingdcxn of 
England in the Great Council of 
the Lord Edward late King of Eng- 
land our progenitor^ of late held at 
Westminster, did, m return for a 
remission of forfeitures due to him 
from theaulnageof doth sold within 
our kingdom which he nude at their 
request, grant to the said ancestor 
of ours a certain subsidy from every 
cloth asweU of one colour as another 
sddinour said kingdom of England, 
besides thecustoms thence due from 
the seller of the same, that is to 
say, tiuit, on whatsoever doth of 
assize (of legal measure) wherein 
there is no grain four pence shall be 
taken, and on every half sudi doth 
two pence, and on every cloth of 
assize of scarlet sixpence, and on 
every half such doth three pence, 
and on every doth half grain of 
assize five pence, and on every half 
sudi doth two pence half penny; 
and on every doth exceeding the 
half doth or assize by three yards 
or more, which is no whole doth 
of assize, and also on every doth 
exceeding the whole doth of assize 
by three yards or more, afler the 
rate of the subsidy whidi is to be 
paid on the whole doth of the same 
sort ; provided always that on doths 

Digitized by 


to the Drapers^ Fraternity xiy 

subsidio de ftliqulbj pannis quos 

aliquis p restura sua ^ faxnilie sue 

fieri fecit aut de pannis sigillo col- 

lectoris subsidij p)dcD ac sisnatis de 

qoib) sub^diul pklcSd semelp vendi- 

torem solutum Mi ad quorumcumq) 

manus panni illi sic signati deue- 

Sint md yenden8| vel alio modo non 

exiga? vel vlna? ^ q8i omes panni 

anteqxia sigillo ^co sic signati 

ftidint vendicoi expositi nob sint 

fbrisfic* ^ in manu) nraixi) p dciL 

collectorem vel vlnatorem aut eoif, 

alfius deputatum vel balliuos ville 

vbi huiusmodi pannos venales non 

sigillatos inveniri contif it capianf. 

Acetiam in eodem Consilio ordi- 

natum fuisset q8| ulnator Regis 

pannos venales vlnare faS || signare 

p quod signQ homo cognosSe poSit 

quantum huiusmodipannus continet 

in se et q8| ulnator capiat de quott 

panno integro sic signato vidett de 

>venditore vnu) obolum ^ de dimi8| 

panno vnQ quadrantem (| q8| idem 

vlnator se de vlnacoe alio]^ pannoi;: 

q*m venaliu in aliquo non intro- 

mittat £t insuper in diQsis statutis 

continea? q8| pannus de Ray sit 

longitudinis viginti ^ octo vlnzj^ 

mensuratus p listam (| quinqj quar- 

iio^, latitudinis ^ pannus de colore 

longitudinis viginti (| sex vlnzjf, 

mensuratus p dorsum ^ latitudinis 

sex quariioi^ ad minus et q8| dimi8| 

pannus sive sit deRay sive de colore 

teneat longitudinem ^ latitudinem 

^3as juxta ratam Ac in statuto 

yviddi a man maketh to clothe him* 
self and his iamilv, and on cloths 
sealed with the seal of the Collector 
of the said subsidy on which the 
said subsidy shall have been once 
paid by the seller, into whosoever's 
hands such doths thus sealed shall 
have come for the purpose of being 
sold or in anv other manner, cfo 
subsidy shoula be demanded or 
paid : and that all manner of cloths 
^hich be put to sale before they be 
sealed with the said seal, shall be 
forfeited to us, and be taken into 
our hands by the said Collector or 
aulnager, or by the deputy of either 
of them, or else bv the bailifis of 
the town where sucn cloths for sale 
not sealed shall be found. And 
also in the same Council it was 
ordained that the king's aulnager of 
cloth shall measure the cloth and 
mark the same, bv which mark 
a man may know now much the 
said cloth containeth, and how 
much the ulnager takes on eadi 
whole cloth thus sealed, namely 
from the seller one halfpenny, and 
on each half cloth one farthing, 
and that the said aulnager shall 
not interfere in the aulnage of any 
other cloths except those exposed 
for sale. And moreover in divers 
statutes it is contained that cloth 
of ray should be of the length of 
eight and twenty yards mea^red 
from the list, and of the breadth of 
five quarters : and cloth of colour 
of the length of six and twenty 
yards measured by the back, and of 
the breadth of six quarters at least j 
and that a half cloth either of ray or 
of colour shall have the aforesaid 
length and breadth according to 
scale. And in the statute of the 


Digitized by 


ii8 Grant of the Farm of Aulnage 

in pirlitmento dni R. nup Regis 
Angt sctfi post Conquestum anno 
regni sui dedmo sq>tinx> tento or^ 
dinatum existat q8| quitt homo r^ni 
sid fade possit tarn panoos de Kxr- 
seys q^m alios talis latitudinis % 
longitudinis {Hit sibi placuerit || 
eosdem pannos vendicoi ezpond 
9 vendere solvendo vlnagiu || 
subsidiu || alia denAi vidett de 
quottpanno Hqualtpecia pannijuxta 
ratam Aliquo statuto ordmacoe pro* 
clamacoe restriccde sive defensione 
incontrariu) fxris non obstante Et 
q8| nullus aliquos pannos yendat 
aut rendicol ezponat anteq^m pan- 
ai illi p ulnatorem niA vlnenf || 
sigillo ad hoc ordinato sigiilent' sub 
peniscontentis inStatutisindeeditis 
£t insup in Parliamento DnD H. nup 
Regis Angt aui nrD apud WestiS 
primo die Marcij anno regni sui 
septimo tento ordinatum fuisset || 
stabilitum q8| pannus de colore con- 
tineat in longitudine viginti % octo 
tUnas mensuratus p dorsum absqj 
conoilcacoe pu^noa % in latitudine 
sezquafioi^^ dimi3f(|si factorespan- 
noi( pannos suos minoris latitudinis 
vel longitudinisextunc fedrinti jdem 
factores pannos illosqui pvlnatorem 
minoris longitudinis vel latitudinis 
inuenti fQint ibrisfai £t q8| idem 
▼Inator dcos pannos capiat ^ eos ad 
Garderobam nrand ad opus nrSO 
libet Ac in statuto in Parliamento 
dcd aui nri) anno regni sui vndecimo 
tento in? ce?a ordmatum sit (| sta* 

Parliament of the Lord Richard 
late King of England the Second 
held in the sev^enteenth year of his 
reign, it was ordained that every 
man of his realm might make and 
Mt to sale and sell cloths, as wdl 
Kcrsejrs as others, of such length 
and breadth as him pleased, paying 
the tulnage, subsidy, and the other 
duties, that is to say, on every 
cloth and every piece of cloth after 
the rate, notwithstanding any 
statute, ordinance, prodamation, 
restriction or order to the contrary ; 
and that none should sell or put to 
sale any cloths before that thev 
were measured by the King's aul- 
nager, and sealed witii the seal 
ordered for that purpose under the 
penalties contained in the Statutes 
published in this matter. And 
moreover in the Parliament of the 
Lord Henry late King of England 
our grandfather, held at Westmin- 
ster the first day of March in the 
seventh year ot his reign, it was 
ordained and established, that cloth 
of colour should contain in length 
twenty-eight yards measured by the 
back without any crushing of the 
doth, and in breadth six quarters 
and a half, and if the Qothmakers 
from thenceforth should make their 
doths of less length and breadth, 
that then the same makers should 
forfeit the doths, which t^ the 
aulnager should be found of less 
length or breadth; and that the 
said aulnager should seize the same 
and deliver them to our wardrobe 
to our use. And in the Statute of 
the Parliament hdd in the eleventh 
year of the reign of our said grand- 
father, it was amongst other things 
ordained and established that open 

Digitized by 


to the Drapers^ Fraternity xip 

Ulitum q8| jxdamacio apte fieret in 

partib) occidentdib) (| alibi p totum 

rq^nu nriiO pdd& q8j nulla psooa 

fiiaens huiusmodi pannos || duo- 

denas in partibj ocddentalib) pdcii 

aut alibi infra dcfii regnO nrn) 

cosdem pannos || duodenas non 

takket aut simul plicet priuscf m 

pdcus vlnator scrutiniu Q^ supvisA 

sua debite fe&it de huiusnx>di 

pannis || duodenis q8| ipi longitu- 

dinem || latitudinem suas p statu- 

tum ^cu) vltimo ordinatas teneant 

sub pena fbrisfture eoi^dem. Nos p 

manucapcoemldbis Stoker Almarici 

matanj Wilti Northampton dufi 

9 pannarioj^ Ciuitatis LondcuQ co- 

misim'RobtoShirborn ^ loHiDerbjr 

dvib) civitatis Lond<^ firmam sutv- 

sidij 9 vlnagij pannoij: venaliu in 

ciyitatepdcSac insuburbiis eiusdem 

una cummedietatefbrisftureeo]|^dem 

pannosjL venaliu a fcsto Sd Midiis 

j>S fiitQ vsq) ad finem decern anno^^ 

cztunc pS sequeS) (| plenarie com- 

pletoi^ Reddendo inde nob p annii 

triginta || quinqj librassex solidos 

ft octo denarios pu? Wiltus Cressv 

Robtus Forset (| lobes Ruddok 

firmarij ibidem nob reddent ft qua* 

tuor libras tresdedm solidos ^ 

quatuor denarios vl? de incremento 

ad festa Pasche ft Sci Midiis p 

equaks porcoes. Ita semp q8| de 

alta medietate fbrisfture pdcS nob 

respondeant ad sc^m nifiil. Pro- 

uiso semp q3) si aliquis alius dare 

plus volui? de incremento p annul 

p firma pdci sine fraude vel malo 

ingenio q8| extunc 3)d Robtus $ 

iproclamation should be made in the 
western and other parts of our 
aforesaid kingdom that no person 
making sudi sort of doth whether 
singly or in dozens, in the western 
parts aforesaid or dsewhere within 
our said kingdom, should tuck 
[takket, sew together ?] or fold such 
kinds of doths before that the said 
aulnager had duly made his due 
search and survey of the same 
cloths and had seen that thdr 
length and breadth was according 
to the aforesaid Statute upon pain 
offorfeitureofthesame. We, John 
Stolcker, Ahnaric Matany, William 
Northampton, citizens and drapers 
of the City of Ix>ndon standing 
sureties, have granted to Robert 
Shirborne and John Derby, citizen! 
of the City of London, the farm 
of the subsidy and aulnage of clotii 
ofiered for sale in the City afore* 
said and the suburbs, together with 
one half of the doth forfeited, from 
the feast of St. Mlchad next en- 
suing for the term of full ten years 
from that date; They on their 
part paying to us yearly thirty and 
five pounds six shillings and eight 
pence, in like manner as William 
Crcssy, Robert Forset, and John 
Ruddock, farmers of the same, now 
pay us, and four pounds thuteen 
shillings and four pence besides, at 
the feasts of Easter and of St. 
Michad by equal portions^ So 
always that for the other half of 
the aforesaid forfdture they shall 
be responsible to our Exchequer. 
Provided always that if any other 
will give more a year for the farm 
aforesaid without fraud or evil 
design, that from thenceforth the 
said Robert and John shall pay so 

Digitized by 


xio Grant of the Farm of Aidnage 

lo&es UotQ |» etdcm 90I118 teoeant 
si custoduun Ikere voluSint sup- 
dcaflL £t insup assiffnauim* ip58 
RdtXum Shirborn % lobein Dcxby 
ttm ad om€s % singulos pannos % 
pedas panni venales in civitate % 
suburbiis pdcls anteq^m vendidoi 
exponan? aut ext* diet civitatem % 
suburbia ducantor p scft sufficientes 
deputatoa suos uloanS^d sigillo ad 
hoc ordinato coosigiianS q*in ad 
denarios de huiusmodi vlnagio pue- 
nientcs ac subsidiupdcA in eisdem 
Civitate ^Suburbiis de omibsd'singu- 
lis pannis ft pedis panni sic vlnatis 
% sigillo vlnatoris sigilla? ad opus 
nrnd de vendit(x*e levan8| CQlligen8| 
H pdpien8| ct ad oAes domos shopas 
^ alia loca in civitate ^ suburbiis 
pddS vbi huiusmodi panni % pecie 
panni inveniri poSuntperscnitan3) % 
ad oAes huiusmodi pannos % pedas 
panni vcndicoi expositos % sigillis 
fklcis minime sigUlatos in manu 
nrfiS tanq*m forisfcoi capie n3) || 
medietatem forisffe eoijidem pannoi^ 
ft peciai^ panni penes ipos Robtum 
Shirborn || lo&em Deri)/ retinen8| 
% nob de alSa medietate dusdem 
forisfu?e vt pmitti? responden8| ft 
ad oAia || singula in Statutis pkidi 
contenta iuzta fbrmam eoijdem 
ftdeo8| % exequenSi In cuius rei 
testimoniu) has tras nras fieri fecim' 
patentes. T. me ipo apud West A 
xvj die Februa? anno ? nr9 decimo 

John Gladwyn attomatus dictA 
firmaP. p Billam ThcS. Bate. 

Irrotulatur in mem^ Scacc^ vid' 
inter Rccorda de termioo Sdi 
MicUs anno decimo octavo Reg'" 
H* sextl Rotulo secundo ex parte 
Rememoratoris Regis. 

mudi as shall be ofiered, if they 
wish to continue in the bokUng 
thereof. And moreover we do ap- 
point the said Robert Shirbome 
and John Derbv t^ themselves or 
their sufficient deputies to measure 
all and singular cloths and pieces 
of doth offered for sale in the said 
City and suburbs before the same is 
offers for sale or taken out of the 
said City and suburbs, to seal with 
the seal appointed for the purpose, 
and to levy, collect, and recdve 
from the vendor the money arising 
from such aulnage and the afore- 
said subsidy in tiie said City and 
suburbs on all and single doths and 
pieces of cloth thus aulnaged and 
sealed with the seal of the aulnager, 
and to search all houses, shops, 
and other places within the City 
and suburbs aforesaid Cerecloths 
and pieces of cloth may be found, 
and to sdze as forfeited to us all 
such doths and pieces of doth ex« 
posed to sale not being sealed by the 
aforesaid seal, and that the said 
Robert Shirbome and John Derby 
shall retain the half of the doths so 
forfeited and answer to us for the 
other half as stated above, and to 
do all and singular in tl^ same 
Statutes omtained. In testimony 
whereof we have caused these our 
Letters Patent to be made. Wit- 
ness myself at Westminster the idth 
day of February in the seventeenth 
year of our reign. 

Digitized by 


Digitized by 




OS 1^ 

Q 2 

< 5' 



H < 


2 ^ 

o ^ 

►^ c 

^ § 

Ed 'Z 
X 2 


Digitized by 


Grant of the Thrapers^ Arms xxi 


17 Hen. VI, 1439 (New Style) 

Drapers* Hall ; Book of Endences A, fe. 1^9 a 5 Ch. XXI. 

ATocm nobles qui cestes pntes 
yerront ou ocrount humble re- 
comendacon premise pour moy 
Guilliam Brugges autrement dit 
Jarretier Roy Darmes dez Englois 
le primier ' diceluv nonn [nomj et 
humble Suiture Darmes a tout la 

U a pleu a nf e soQain s' le tres- 
hault trepuissant et tresexcellent 
prince le tresxpien Roy Henry le 
Sysine diceluy nom Roy Dengletd 
& de ffraunce & s' dyreland de sa 
benigne grace et habundaunce p 
sez tres patentes ottroier grauntier 
et accordier a sez humbles et 
iblaulz lieges lez gentz du mestier 
dez Drapiers fraunchisez en sa tres- 
noble tresiamouse & renoAee Citee 
de loundres fraunchise & libertee 
dauoir corporackm entre eux du 
dit mestier et en faire vne meister 
et quatre gardeins pour regiminer 
goQnier et auoir survien sur la dit 
mestier et dan en an renouelier 
chaungier et eslier entre eux meister 
fetgarddns pour tout dys entretenir 

To all nobles who shall see or 
hear these presents, I, William 
Brugges, otherwise darter King of 
Arms of the English, the first of 
the said title and humble servant 
of arms to all gentles, offer my 
humble respects. It hath pleased 
our sovereign Lord the most high 
puissant and excellent Prince the 
most Christian King Henry the 
Vlth of that name King of England 
and France and Lord of Irdand, 
of his benign grace and generosity, 
by his letters patent to concede, 
grant and accord to his humble 
and faithiiil Heges, the men of the 
Mystery o^ Drapers freemen in his 
very noble, famous, and renowned 
Cit^of London the right and libeity 
to rorm a corporation among them* 
selves of this said Mystery, and to 
appoint a Master and four Wardens 
to rule, govern, and have survey 
over the said Mystery, and to 
change and elect them year by 
year. In order to maintain for ever 
the governance of the said corpora- 

' The office Garter King of Arms was created by Henry V in X4I7- 
Broges was the first Garter j cf. The Book of Dignities, p. 3x7* 


Digitized by 


xzz Grant of the Ihrapers" Arms 

le conduyt de lour dit corportdon 
les notables du mcstier fbundees 
en tresgraunde honeur et ?tue onnt 
ibndez entre euz de solcmpnisier 
lour dit corportdon vne foitz diun 
an Ccstassayoire le lundi |>9d)ein 
cnsuiant la fcste de lassompdon de 
pluis benoit vierge Dame mere et 
emperisse de tout celestid et terre- 
steer nfe tresglorious Dame seint 
Marie du qud nasquist le cdestid 
£c Imperial soleile le pluis glorious 
Roy et sire de tout Justice nre 
benoit s^Jhu Crist et en lonneure 
dicelle pluis benoit vierge et de sa 
tresglorious feste suisdit lez ditz du 
mestier rasieses dune comune as- 
sentment entre euz de diun au dit 
lour estre ensemble a compaignies 
de freres & soers du dit fratnitee et 
en ycduy iour renouelier chaungier 
eslier et insdtuer nouelx meistre et 
gardeins auxi come le cas requerera 
pour lonneure et valitee du dit 
mestier lez notables du dit mestier 
contendans daugmentier tout dys 
ce que poet estre a lonneure du mt 
mestier onnt fait falre requcste 
a mqy le suysdit jarretiere Roy 
Darmes dez Englois de lezvoulUier 
aviser et deuiser enseingnc en forme 
de blason solond le quel lis pour- 
roient faire priente* en vne seal 
comon tant soullement au dit 
mestier seraler pour soubz ycd seal 
passer a£fermer verefier et signefier 
tout ceo que a lour dit mestier entre 
euz du mestier pient doit ou pour* 

The notables of the Mystery 
founded in veiy great honour have 
dedded amongst themselves to 
commemorate tiicir said corpora* 
tion once a year. That is to say, 
on the Monday next after the Feast 
of the Assumption of the most 
blessed Virgin Lady Mother, and 
Empress of all things in Heaven 
and Earth, our very glorious Lady 
Saint Mary of whom was bom the 
heavenly and Imperial Sun the 
most glorious King and Lord of 
all Justice our Blessed Saviour 
Jesus Christ, and in honour of the 
said most blessed Virgin and of 
her very glorious festivd aforesaid, 
the said members of the Mystery 
hav^ of common agreement, de- 
cided to meet every year on the 
said day, accompanied by the bre- 
thren and sisters of the said Fra» 
temity, and on the said day to 
renew, change^ elect, and institute 
a new Master and new Wardens 
as the drcumstances may demand, 
for the honour and welfare of the 
said Mvstery. The notables of 
the said Mystery, striving ever to 
increase all that may conduce to the 
honour of the said Mystery, have 
made request to me, the aforesaid 
Garter King of Arms of England, 
that I would suggest and devise 
a coat of arms cv the form of a 
blazon, in conformitjr with whidi 
they might have the mipress made 
on a common seal,' to be used 
only by the said Mystery for pass<^ 
ing, amrming, verifying,and attestr 
ing all that can, ought, or may 
appertain to their said Mystery 

For the original seal see p. it^ of this yolome. 

Digitized by 


Grant of the Drapers^ Arms xig 

roit aiyjteignier et auxi pour envser 
du ditblasm cntout autre cas come 
honeur le requerra fie pient &: doit 

Je lesuit dit Jarretier Roy Darmes 
ydant le eu^nt honneure que nfe dit 
soQaln s'Te tresx^en Roy leur a fait 
p SQQ noble ottroye et graunt suisdit 
et auxi pour compUer a honurable 
fiome Johan Gedney le primer 
Meistre eslue au commencement 
de suisdit corporacion p bon meure 
delibacon et consentment entiere 
de sa dit compaignie encorporees 
au dit mestier des Drapiers et auxi 
pour complier tant as quatre Gar* 
deins Johan Wotton Jdian Derby 
Robert Bertyn et Thomas Cook 
aue as autres notables de la dit 
nainitee et compaignie. 

Je lez ay deuisez enseigne en 
fb^e de blason pour demourer au 
dit notable mestier pour memolre 
pisetuell Cestassauoir en lonneur 
du tresgloriouse vierge et meer 
Marie le quel est en ovmbre du 
sdeyll et replendlsant en tout 
dantee et nestete leur av devisez 
en lour blason troys Royes de 
soleille issantz hors de troys nves 
de flambe coronnez de troys corons 
imperiale* dore assisez sus vne 
escue dasure et come pient arooire 
p la demonstraunce du dit hUson 
assise en peinture et en ces drois 
cdoFes en le merge de ceste psent 
tre et pour verltablement blasonier 
le dit armorie II covient due U 
porte dasure troys sdeilles Issantz 
de troys nves de geuUez coronnes 
de treys Imperiale corons dore le 

' See note on 

amongst themselves, and also to 
use the said blazon on all other 
occasions as their dignity requires 
and can and may require. 

I, the said Garter King of Arms, 
seeing the great honour that our 
said Sovereign lord the most Chris- 
tian King has done them by his 
aforesaid noble concession and 
grant, and also to pleasethe honour, 
able man John Gedney the first 
Master elected after the creation of 
the said Corporation by the good 
and ripe deliberation and unani- 
mous consent of tiie said his Com* 
pany incorporated in the said Mys- 
tery of Drapers, and also to please 
the four Wardens John Wotton, 
John Derby, Robert Bertyn, and 
Thomas Cook, as well as the other 
notables ok the said Fraternity and 
Company, have devised a coat of 
arms under the form of a blazon to 
remain to the said honourable 
Mystery as a perpetual memorial. 
That is to say, in honour of the 
very glorious Virgin and Mother 
Mary who is in the shadow of the 
sun and yet shines with all clear- 
ness and purity I have devised in 
their Blazon three sunbeams issu- 
ing from three flaming clouds 
crowned with three Imperial 
Crowns ok gold on a shield of 
azure and as appears in the de- 
monstrance of the said blazon 
painted in their jproper colours in 
the margin of the present letter. 
And for the true blazoning of the 
said coat of arms it behoves that 
it should carry on azure three sun- 
beams issuing fix)m three clouds 
gules, crowned with three Imperial 

the next page. 

Digitized by 


114 Grant of the 7>rapers' Arms 

Judle dit blason je le dit Jarretier 
loy Dannes cert]£e nul auter pson 
Jueconque de lisle de la graund 
Iretalgne le portre ycelle dit tdasoa 
le dit mestier de le processer pour 
ppetuell memoire et le mestier dez 
Drapiers dclusier a lonneur du dit 
mestier en toutz cas licdtes con* 
veniens & honourables et come de 
droit le dit mestier le requerrera 
£t pour apisaunce a toutz nobles 
que je le suisdit Roy Darmes ay 
devise le suisdit blason au dit 
notable mestier des Drapiers en 
loundres Jav sealle ceste ptoit tre 
de mon seal le disme iour de Mars 
en Ian du grace mil quatre centz 
trent et neof et en Ian dyoeptisme 
du Reigne nre soQiain s' le tresxpjen 
Roy suisdit. 

colden crowns; the which blazoa 
ly the said Garter King of Arms, 
certify that no other person what- 
soever of the island of Great Britain 
bears the same blazon, and that 
the said Mystery shall hold it in 
perpetual remembrance; and that 
the said Mystery of Drapers shall 
use it to the honour of the said 
Mystery on all lawftil, convenient, 
and honourable occasions, and ts 
the right of the said Mysteiy shall 
require. And, as a testimony to 
all the nobility that I, the aiore- 
said King of Arms, have devised 
the above-mentioned blazon for the 
said honourable Mystery of the 
Drapers in London, I have sealed 
this present letter with my seal on 
the tenth day of March in the year 
of grace one thousand four hundred 
and thirty-nine and in the seven- 
teenth year of the reign of our 
Sovereign the aforesaid most Chris- 
tian King. 

The subscription of a Notary, John Daunt, in the presence of William 
Brugges, the Garter King of Arms, and of four witnesses, Nicholas Wyfold, 
Grocer, Matthew Ffbucher, Mercer, William Brampton, Court Secretanr, 
and William Parker, Armurarius, follows in Latin, which is thus dated: In 
the year anno domini if 39 according to the computation of the Church 
of England. ^Indiccione tercia pontitoatus Sassimi* [In the 3 rd indictional 
vear of the most Sacred Papacy.]' In the tenth year of our fiither and 
lord in Christ Eugenius IV by divine grace Pope. On the eleventh day 
of March. 

Unfortunately part of the parchment upon which the Grant is written 
has been destroyod by fire, 

2«if^._The three Imperial Crowns are no doubt the Triple Crown of 
the Deity, and probably represent Supreme Dominion in Heaven, on 

' For the Indictional Year cf. Bond's Handy Book for verifying Dates, p. 2^ j 
Art de verifier Ics dates, i Ed. 3, vol. i, p. 19. 

Digitized by 


Grant of the Drapers' Arms xir 

Earth, and in the Nether World' The initial A of the Letters Patent is 
formed of a representation of the Virgin standing between the Father and 
the Son, both of whom are wearing the Triple Crown and are crowning 
the Virgin herself with another Triple Crown, A number of small 
figures, probably representing the Drapers, stand under the protection of 
the Virgin's skirts. Above, the Holy Spirit hovers in the form of a dovre, 
over whom again the Triple Crown is seen." 

With these Arms the following seal of the same date should be 
compared. The original no longer exists, but there is a cast of it in 
the Britiah Museum, No. 51 ii« 

' Some will have it that the Triple Crown symbolizes the Trinity, bat even in 
the fifteenth century they would scarcely have nven this attribute to the Virgin. 
There are several representations to be found in mediaeval art of the Virgin 
being crowned with a single crown \ cf. Jameson, Legends of the Madonna^ 
pp. 14, 1^, 19, 13, x^ J bat none, so £ir as I am aware, of her receiving the 
Triple Crown. 

^ For the initial A, see Frontispiece to vol. i of the Edition de laxe. 

iwt.i G g 

Digitized by 


xid Grant of the Drapers' Arms 

The close similarity between it and the Arms on the grant will be 
observed. On it is found the Viigin, standing three-quarters length, 
with the Triple Crown of the Deity on her head. In her right hand 
a sceptre ; in her left a palm-branch. Under her cloak a group of 
persons, probably representing the Drapers. The Virgin is surrounded 

S^ a radiance which is supported by four Angels with wings expanded, 
ver her head the Almighty, half-length, lifting His right hand in bene- 
diction : with the left placing the Crown on the Virgin's head. Above, 
the Holy Spirit represented as a Dove with apparently the Triple Crown, 
though the Impression is not clear. In the t»se a shield with the Drapers' 
Arms ; three clouds radiated and each surmounted with the Triple Crown. 
Round the seal runs the inscription < Sigillu + + C5mune Fratemitat' 
Be* Marie Mistere Pannarior* London *. 

I add a representation of a Sacramental Pyx surmounted by the Triple 
Crown and surrounded by veils,' which was often hung over the altar 
in churches, and whence very probably came the suggestion of the Triple 

^^ C}^' 

Then follow the Arms in the Confirmation of the Grant of i ydi, with 
supporters which are new. 

Here, the initial letter with the picture of the Virgin is omitted, 
no doubt because it was held to be superstitious ^ but the crowns are still 
those of the Deity. 

' British Museum, Harleian MS. ^^^%^ f. %i^. I owe information of this to 
Canon Dalton, a member of the Drapers' Court. See Hope, Bnglish Altars, 1 899, 
PL X, Fig. \\ Roch, Church of our Fathers, ed. 1904, iv. 134-4%. 

Digitized by 


Arms of July i^6i 

Digitized by 


Digitized by 


Grant of the Drapers' ^rms xx7 

We then come to the Arms in the Second Confirmation of the Grant 
in 161^. 

Here the Crowns are given four arches, which those in the original 
grant have not, and this alteration has caused much misapprehension 
subsequently. Thus Sir Albert Woods, Garter King of Arms from 
1 8(^9 to 1904, who presumably only saw the Crowns in the later grant, gave 
an opinion that they were royal cro^^ns, but that, to distinguish them 
from the royal diadem, strawl)erry leaves were substituted for die fleur-de- 
lis and cross pat^ on the band. 


Digitized by 


xi8 Grant of the Drapers' Arms 

Finally comes the existing seal of tlie Company of the date 1771, and 
the Arms of to-day. 

Present-day Seal 

Anns of To-day. 

The seal, it will be seen, resembles the old seal closely. Nevertheless 
a shield with the Drapers' Arms takes the place of the figures under the 
Virgin's skirts, the radiance is supported by two angels only, and the 
crown worn by the Virgin and on the shield resembles that of the Papal 
Tiara. This crown also appears in the present Arms, but the supporters 
difier from those on the Arms of ifd and idi;. 

Digitized by 


Inspeximus Charter of 6 Edward IV 119 


INSPEXIMUS CHARTER of Jult a(f, 6 Edward IV (i4(fd), 


Dnpers' Hall; Book of fividences, No. 388, fo. I5^b$ Charter XIII 

tres patents 
Edwardus Dei griD Rex Anglie 
& ffrancie & Dominus Hibnle 
Omibj ad quos plsentes tre pueiSint 
saltm Inspeximus tras patentes 
H. sexti nup de facto & non de 
lure Regis Anglie fcls in hec verba 
Henricus Dei gracia Rex &d vt 
patet ex al^a pte huius fblij Jarnqj 
ex parte dilan;: ligeoijL nroi^ Henrici 
Waver Militis nunc Magistri & 
Thome Eyre Thome Salle JoUs 
Brokfbrd &: Witti White nunc 
Custodum Gilde siue ffra^nitatis 
^ee nob est bmli? supplica? vt 
cum i^i p ezhibicoe & sustentacde 
duoijL Qipellanoj^ p bono statu 
nostro ac pklittlssime Consortis 
n?e Elizabeth Regine Anglie & 
Sano R^imine Gilde seu ffra^ni- 
tatis pkice ac p bono & salubri 
sanitate firatiQ & soro];L eiusdem 
dum vi2im* necnon p animab) nriS 
cum ab hac luce migravSm* & j> 

Letters Patent 

Edward by the Grace of God 
King of England and France and 
Lord of Ireland. To all to whom 
these present Letters shall come, 
greeting. We have seen the Let- 
ters Patent of Henry Vlth, late in 
fact but not by right King of Eng- 
land and France and Lord of Ire- 
land, in these words : ^ Henry by 
Grace of God, &c.' as appears in 
the other part of this folio. 

And now we are humbly peti- 
tioned by our beloved linemen 
Henry Waver, Knight, now Master, 
and Thomas Eyre, Thomas Salle, 
John Brockfbrd,andWilliam White, 
now Wardens of the aforesaid Gild 
or Fraternity, that they may, in 
virtue of our licence, jxissess and 
apply lands, tenements, rents, and 
other possessions, to be held as 
follows hereafter, to the purpose of 
providing for the maintenance and 
sustenance of two chaplains to pray 
and celebrate divine service for our 
good estate, and for that of our 
most dear Consort Ellzabeth,Queen 
of England, and for the wholesome 

f3vernance of the aforesaid Gild or 
raternity, as well as for the good 
and sound health of the brothers 
and sisters of the same, while we 
live, also for our souls when we de- 
part from this life,andfor the soulsof 

Digitized by 


igo Inspeximus Charter of 6 Edward IV 

aiabj illustrissimi principis Ric9 
nuper Duds Eboi^ patris mj) Ed- 
mund! nup Comitis Rotelf ffratris 
nri ac nup carissimi Consanguinei 
nri Rici) nup Comitis Sa|^ & nup 
ditd &: fideiis Consanpiinei nri 
Thome NeviU MiiitS m eiusdem 
Comitis Sa]( Acetiam j> animab) 
ffratrum & sorq^ Gilde siue £frater- 
nitatis ilUus ddundx)^ exoratu? &: 
diuina celcbratu? terras tefita &: 
redditus ac alias possessiones in 
forma subsequent! lLen3) licenda 
nf a mediante pquirere a£fectent & 
disponant*" velimus sibi in hac parte 
munificenciam nf am reglam gradose 
exhibere Nos hmoi sanam a£fec- 
coem & piam disposicocm merito 
contemplantes cupientes qj hmoi 
laudabile j>positum multum fie spe- 
ramus deo gratum quantum ad nos 
attinet fdici? promoueri 

De gra) nra spedali tras pddLs 
ac oAia &: singula in eisdem con- 
tenta rata Rentes & grata ea j> 
nobis fie heredf nrls quantum in 
nobis est acceptamus approbamus 
& ratificamus ac eisdem nunc 
Magistro &: Custodib; & Sue- 
cessorib; suis tenore p^ntium con- 
cedim* & confirmamus prout tre 
predce raclonabiliter testant' Et 
villus de vbiori era nra concessim* 
& licenciam de&nus & p pisentes 
concedimus & licenciam damus j> 
nobis & heredj nns quantum in 
nobis est pfatis nunc Magro & 
Custodit^ qd ipi & Successores sui 
ter? teS) & redditus ac alias posses- 
siones quascumqj cum ptin ad 
valorem viginti libraqi p annu licet 
de nobis in capite seu aliter seu de 
aliis psonis quibusculq) p quod- 
cumq3 3uidum teneant** a quibus- 

the most illustrious prince Ridiard 
late Duke of York, our father- Ed- 
mund late Earl of Rutland our 
brother; our most dear kinsman 
Richard late Earl of Salisbury ; our 
late bdoved and faithful cousin, 
Thomas Neville, Knight, son of the 
said Earl of Salisbury, and also for 
the souls of the brethren and sis- 
ters of the Gild or Fraternity 
when deceased. We wishing to 
gradously show our royal munifi- 
cence, and approving such a healthy 
affection and pious intention, and 
desiring to promote, as far as in us 
lies, such a laudable proposal and 
pleasing, as we hope, to God, do, 
of our special favour, accept, ap^ 

f)rove, and ratify the aforesaid 
etters, and every thing general 
and particular in them contained 
for us and for our heirs so far as 
lieth in us, and concede and con- 
firm to the present Master and 
Wardens and their successors by 
the tenor of these presents, as the 
aforesaid letters reasonably witness. 
And further of the abundance of 
our Grace we have granted and 
given licence, and by t&se presents 
do grant and give licence, for us 
and our heirs so far as in us lies to 
the aforesaid present Nfaster and 
Wardens and their successors to 
acquire and recdve lands, tene- 
ments, rents, and other possessions 
whatsoever, with their appurten- 
ances to the value of {jto per 
annum, from any persons or person 
whomsoever, who may be willing 
to grant and give such lands, tene- 

Digitized by 


Inspeximus Charter of 6 Edward IV 131 

cuk}) psonls siue a quaculqj psona 
hmoi tcr? ten & redditus ac alias 
possessioacs cum ptin els dare & 
concedere volentibj seu volente ad- 
quirere fie redpe possint bendP & 
tenendP eisdem nunc Magro & Cus- 
todib) fie Successoribus suis pldci3 
imppm £t eisdem psonls siue pson) 
qdf ipe yel ipa limoi ter? ten) & red- 
ditus ac alias possessioes cum ptin 
ad dcA annuum valorem pliatis nunc 
Magf a & Custodib; fie successorib) 
suis dare possint vd possit ac con- 
cedere & assignare henS & tenendP 
sibi yt pkicA est imppm tenore 
p^senciu simili? licenciam dcdimus 
specialem tarn in cxhibicoem & sus- 
tentacoem capellanoi^ p)dcd];L sicut 
^cA est exoratu? & diuina cele. 
bratu? imj^m q^malioijLoniumGilde 
siue fira^natati pldcS incumbendu 
aboq) Impeticoe vd impedimcnto 
nfi vd heredum nro^ lustid Escae- 
tof VicecomitQ BaUiuoi^ seu alioi^ 
ministnn^ nroi^ vd heredum nroa 
quOAciiyq) & ateqj aliquo bri de ad 
quoQ Dampnum siue aliquo alio 
mandato nf o vel heredum nroi^ in 
hac parte impetrandf seu psequendf 
& aosqj aliqua Inquisicoe inde vir- 
tute bris siue mandati hmoicapiendP 
ac absq) aliquo fine seu fcodo j> 
pdentib) ad opus nfm quouis modo 
petendPsoluendPseucapiendP Sta- 
tuto de tei? & ten) ad manum mor- 
tuam non ponendP edito aut aliquo 
aUo statuto actu siue ordinadone 
incontrariu) iac? ordinal siue puis 
non obstan? In cuius rd testi- 
moniu has tras nras fieri fecimus 

ments, rents, and other possessions, 
whether they are held of us in chief 
or otherwise, or of other persons 
whomsoever and by whatsoever 
services, to be owned and hdd by 
the present Master and Wardens 
and their afisresaid heirs fi^r ever. 
And we allow the said persons or 
person that he, or she, may give, 
grant, and assign the like lands, 
tenements, rents, and other posses- 
sions, with their appurtenances to 
the value of ^ao per annum, to the 
said present Master and Wardens 
and thdr successors, to be had and 
possessed fi^r ever as above said, 
according to the tenor of these 
presents. And likewise we have 
granted spedal licence as wdl for 
the maintenance and sustenance 
of the two chaplains aforesaid to 
pray and cdebrate divine service 
for ever, as for all the other burdens 
of the said Gild or Fraternity, 
without let or hindrance on our 
part or on the part of our heirs, 
justices,escheators,sherififs, bailififs, 
or other of our officials, or of our 
heirs whatsoever, and without any 
writ of ^ ad quod damnum ', or 
other mandate of us or our heirs in 
this behalf, bdng issued or prose- 
cuted or any inquisition being 
taken by virtue of any such writ or 
mandate, or any fine or fee being 
in any way demanded at our need 
forthese presents : notwithstanding 
the Statute against lands and tene- 
ments being put into mortmain, or 
any other Statute, act, or ordi- 
nance made, ordained, or provided 
to the contrary. In testimony 
whereof we have caused these our 
Letters Patent to be made. Wit- 

Digitized by 


igi Inspeximus Charter of 6 Edward IV 

patentes teste me ipo apud Westfid ness myself at Westminster the 

vicesimo sexto Die Julij anno regni a((th day of July in the sixth year of 

nri sexto our reign. 
Aa Dni Bagot. ^j the King himsdf and the 

\^66, p ipm Regem & de data piddi authority of parliament of the afbre- 

auctoritate pliamenti. said date. 




a^ Henry VI, 1447 

Drapers* Hall; Book of Efidences A, No. 5SS, la 1^0 a. 

Rex &ct Maiori fie Aldermannis &ct And where the Maister & 
Wardeyns of the mystere of Taillours in our Citie of london and John 
lokok John Copmyll John langwiA fie Thomas Reymond Citezeins & 
TaiUors within our said Citie haue compleyned to vs ayenst Piers 
Calcote Henry Bray Henry Kent & William Russell Wardeyns of the 
mystere of Drapers of oor said Citie of that, that they of their owne 
wrong with outen matier or cause resonable now late came to the hoos 
of the said John John Jdin & Thomas within the firaunchise oi our said 
Citie wrongfully and ayenst our lawes Qaymyng fie pretendyng to make 
serche of mete yerdes and woUendothes by the same John Jo£i John & 
Thomas put to sale within their houses within our said Citie to tiie gret 
trouble hurt & grevaunce of the said playntifes and of tiie said mystere 
of Taillours And vpoa the which compleynt to vs thus made It was 
commaunded by vs vnto our Chaunceller and other of oor lordes of our 
Counsdl to Doo come before tbeym aswell the said Playntlfies as the 
said Piers Henry Henry fie William And thervpon taking vnto thcym 
our Chief Jugge & other of our Juges in the presence of tte said parties 
Such matiers & difference bitwixt tiie said mystere of Drapers & Taillours 
within the said Citie for the Serche of mette yerd^ & woUencloth vsed 
& put to sale to retaille by the said Taillors to ende and determyne for 
a conclusion of such difierens to endure perpetuell^ And for asmoch as 
by our Chaunceller 2c other of our said lords of our said counsdl taldng 
vnto theym our chief Juge & other of our Juges according to our said 
commaundment at diuers tymes haue doon come before theym the said 
parties and herde their compleynts answeres & replicacions with all the 
circumstaunces therto bebnging touching the said difference of serdie 
And for asmoche as we been acerteyned &at such differences that haue 
fallen before tyme bitwene Crafts of london haue be accustumed to be 

Digitized by 


Confirmation of Right of Searchy i^^^ xgg 

only reformed by the Meyre & Aldremen of the said Citie & none other 
We willing the laufiill Rules & custumes to be contynued & had and not 
to be abrigged nor hurte in no manner wolle Sc charge you that first 
serched & seen by tbeym in all haist goodly all our recordes of our said 
Citie concernyng the said difierence of serche & other lyke to theym 
And this doon & vnderstonde that ye so Demeane this nutier that the 
said wardeyns of Drapers haue their serche of metyerds & Wollencloth 
vsed & put to sale to rctaille according to the customes acts & orde- 
nances enacted & ordeyned of record before you in the Chambre of our 
said Citie in semblabe nunner & forme as other Crafts within our said 
Citie vse & haue been accustumed to doo that is to sey to serche all 
thing belonging & concernyng to their Craft openly thorough oute our 
said Cltlc &ct And this we charge you streytly eny writing or com- 
maundment writen or made vnto you by vs tofore this tyme to the 

This matier before reherced is in the Guyldehall vnder the kings 
seale ensealed. 



Drapen' Hallj Book of Evidences A, No. 388, fe. 161 a. 

MemoranbP qdP Die veidis sexto Be it noted that on Friday, the 
die Octob? Anno ri§ Henrid sexti sixth day of October in the x6th 
post conqS) vicesimo sexto vene- year of King Henry the Vlth's 
runt hie in In^iori Ca5i)e Guihalde reign, there came, here in the inner 
ciuitatis london coram lohe Olney chamoer of the Guildhall of the City 
Maiore & Aldermannis ciuitat3 of London, before John Olney the 
pklce Magister et Gardiani mistere Mayor, and the Aldermen of the 
Panna? eiusdem ciuitatis necnon aforesaidCity the Master and War- 
q*m plures alij probl holes eiusdem dens of the Mystery of Drapers of 
Mistere declarantes quomodo re- the said City together with several 
troactS temporib) Magis? & Gar- other good men ofthe same Mystery 
diani mistere pklce cum vno Suiente who declared that, in times past, the 
Canile GuihaldP pklce oui p) tempe Master and Wardens of the afore- 
fu)at deputa? cu) dn3 Maior talem said Mystery, togetherwith one ser- 
Suien? ad hoc deputa^ volQit hue- jeant of the Guildhall Chamber, who 

was deputed for the occasion when- 
ever the lord Mayor chose so to do, 

iMti H h 

Digitized by 


134 Confirmation of the Drapers^ 

runt & here consueuerut scratiniu) 
oim & singtoi]. panno^ kneon^ & 
virgan^ voca? mctyerds olm & sin- 
gtont): Ciuiul Ciuitatis pidce pannos 
lancos infra libtatem eiusdem Qui^ 
vendenciu) ad retalliam intime sup- 
plicantcs cisdem Maiori & Alder- 
mannis quatenus ipi nunc Mags? 
& Gardiani Mistcre pJce Ac 
o Acs illi Magistri & Gardiani eius- 
dem Mistere qui infiitu? hmoi scru- 
tiniu) suu) dece^o eScere valeant & 
here p)ut cicere & here solebant. 
£t quia equita3 vsu puenit & con- 
censit iusticia qdP adiuncta peticio 
racioni mansuetos inuenlat audi- 
tores Ideo p die? Maiorcm tc Alder- 
mannos consideratum ftiit & j>ui- 
sum qd p)fa? nunc Magister tc 
Gardiani Mistere pldcS ac Succes- 
sores sui MagrS & Gardiani qui p 
tempe fOint scrutinlQ here debeant 
& xcere oim & singuloi^ Ciuiu) 
Ciuita?s pklce pannos laneos infra 
libtatem eiusdem CiuitatS venden- 
ciu) ad retalliam sub Maioris dee 
OultatS autoritate qui p tempe 
fu)it vnacul Suiente Oinde pIdce ad 
Qauam cis assignandP prout hacte- 
nus &ere & 2cere consueuerut £t 
defectus si quos infiitu? hmdi scru- 
tinio fistdendP inueniri conti^t bn 
& fideli? absq3 aliquo inde concela- 
mento Cam)ario Ciuitatis p)dce qui 
p temple fu)it prout moris est 
plsentandP etS. 

Presentibj ad tunc ibm lobe Ol- 
ney Maiore, Robto Danvers Re- 

held and were accustomed to bdd a 
search of all and several woollen 
cloths and yards termed <met- 
yards' belonging to all and several 
citizens of the aforesaid Gty^ who 
sold woollen cloths by retail within 
the liberty of the said Gty, and 
prayed the said Mayor and Alder- 
men that they, the present Master 
and Wardens of the aforesaid Mys- 
tery, and all future Masters and 
Wardens, should have authority to 
exercise hereafter the search, as 
they have hitherto enjoyed and 
exercised it. 

And whereas it seemed equitable 
and just that this petition should 
receive favourable hearing, it was, 
after consideration, decided by the 
said Mayor and Aldermen that the 
aforesaid Master and Wardens of 
the aforesaid Mysterv, and all future 
Masters and Wardens and their 
successors, should have and exercise 
the right of search over all and 
several citizens of the aforesaid 
Citv selling woollen cloths by retail 
within the liberty of the said City, 
under the authority of the Mayor 
of the said Qty for the time being, 
together with a Serjeant at Mace 
of the aforesaid Chamber to be 
assigned to them, as they have been 
accustomed hitherto to have and 
exercise. And all defects, if any 
shall be found in making the said 
search, shall be presented to the 
Chamberlain for the time being 
without concealment as is the 

Entered in the Book marked 
with the letter K folio ccxxxvii in 
the presence of John Olney, Mayor, 
ilobcrt Danvers the Recorder, Si- 

Digitized by 


Right of Search ig y 

cordatore, Simone Eyre, Wittmo mon Eyre, William Coumbcs John 
Coumbes, lolie Norman, lohe Sut- Norman, John Sutton, William 
ton, Wiltmo Gr^ory, Nicfio Wy- Gregory, Nicholas Wyfold, Stc- 
fbld, StcpHo fforster, Galfiido phen Fforster, GeoflFrey Ffcldyng, 
ffcldyng, lohc Derby, Willo Cant- John Derby, WilUam Cantlowc, 
lowc, Thoma Scott & Wittmo Thomas Scott, and William Abra- 
Abraham Aldfis. ham Aldfis. 

Intrat* in libio aignato cu) tra K 
folio ccax9if. 
Note. This is entered in the new booke 
that M' Woodcocke made A* ijroo 
and yt is cutt owte off the same 
booke of K w4n the Guyldeball. 


Drapen' Hall $ Beck of Evidences A, No. )88, fe. if 7 b. 

A patent graunted by Kyng Edward the fourth to the feliship of 
Drapers that the Shermen shall haue no C!orporacion graunted 
to tJieym nor any correccion of the Drapers or Taylors. — 
April p, ip Edward IV, 1475. 

Ires patents, 
Edward by the grace of god Kyng of Englond and of £Fraunce and lord 
of Irlande lo our trusty and welbelouid the Maisters Wardevns and hole 
ffelaships of the two Crafts or Mistiers of Drapers and TaiUours of our 
Citee of london that now be and that hereafter for the tyme shall be 
gretyng. Where as certeyn persones now late haue sued vnto vs vpon 
diners sublecdons & surmyses that we by our lettres patents vnder our 
great Scale shuld incorporate the men of the flfeliship oS Shermen of our 
said Qtee^ And that we shuld graunte vnto theym therupon certeyn 
liberties conteyned in a bill of their desire and petidon therupon to vs 

Ktte. We 9€jx\% the many & great Inconueniences which by all likly- 
de wuU ensue of the said corporadon and graunt vf it shuld passe vs, 
of our mere modon graunte by thise our present lettres vnto the said 
maisters wardmis and fielaships of the said ij Crafts or mistiers of 
Drapers and Taillors of our said Citee that we shall nat at any tyme 
hereafter by our lettres patents or otherwise of auctorlte graunte vnto the 

Digitized by 


xjd The Drapers and the Shearmen 

said £feUship of Shermen that now be or hereafter shall be in our said 
Citee of london any Corporacion or any other privilege or Auctorite 
touching to their said Craft of Shermen nor we wdl that in any wise the 
said fel^ip of Shermen that now be or that hereafter shall be haue fioni- 
bensforth exercise nor vse vpon eny Craft of the said Gtie and euspedall 
vpon any of the said ij Crafts of Drapers and TaiUors any maner serche 
correccion or auctorite other than by the maire of our Qtie for the tyme 
beyng and his Brethem shall be lefully commytted vnto th^nu And 
where as the Wardeyns of the said fielaship of Shermen according to the 
laudable custume of our said Citee haue serche of all manner werkmanship 
of sheryng of wollen Clotheswithin their owne Craft lyke as the Wardejms 
of other Crafts there haue. We woll that whan the Wardeyns of the 
said Craft of Shermen by their serche made within their owne Craft 
fynde eny Clothe or clothes vnduely shome appertevnyng to eny parsone 
of either of the said ij Crafts of Drapers and TailJours or to any other 
parsone of any other Craft of our said Qtee That than the same 
Wardeyns of Shermen in nowise therfore attache cease nor here awey the 
Qoth so vnduely shome lyke as they haue doon in tyme past as we be 
enformed but that they therfore punysshe fie correct the werkmen of the 
same Qothe or Clothes for his defaute in that partie according to reason. 
In witnesse wherof we haue made thise our lettres patents. Witnessyng 
our self at Bukden the ix Day dFAprell the ziz yere of our Reigne 


p ipA R^enu 


BEFORE FEB. ai, 14.84. 

Mat a I, X Richard III, 1^84. 

Dnpen* HaO | MS. Charters A V. 189. 

RiCARDus Dei gri Rex Anglie 
H Francie $ Dominus Himie 
Omilq Ballivis $ Fidelib; suis ad 
alios psentes tre peruSint Sattm 
dciatis q8| de gnD nrS spali ac ex cf ta 

Richard by the grace of God 
King of England and of France and 
lord of Ireland to all his baili£Fs and 
liegemen to whom these presents 
shall come, greeting. 

We give you to know, that of 
our special grace, with full know- 
ledge and of our own free will we 

Digitized by 


Letters Tatent of Richard III 137 

sciencket meromotunFispdonauinO 
remising etrelazauimusMagroGilde 
siue Fratemitatis be Marie Panna- 
rkn^ ciuitatis Londoid ac Custodib) 
siue Gardianis gilde siue Fratemi-* 
tatis pkiic? alias dels nunc Magfb 
gilde siue frainitatis be Marie Pan« 
nariojl^ Ciuitatis Londoid necnon 
nunc Custodib; siue Gardianis gilde 
siue fra?nitatis pdic? $ successoribj 
suis magToacCustodi^ siueGardia^ 
nis dSe gilde siue frainitatis {> tern, 
pore ezisteS) seu quibuscunq^ aliis 
noib) censean? om<>mocD tr^nsgres- 
siones fbrisfacturas penas debi? mis- 
prisionescontemptus^ impetiSoes p 
ij^ magrS) ^ custodes siue gardia- 
nos ante vicesiS) priS diem Feb- 
ruarij anno rcgni nrD primo cont* 
formam Stttutoi^ de Signis lib«itis 
pannoi^ ac capicioi^ ac retencoibj 
quibuscumq^ fac? siue ppetra? unde 
puniciocaderet in demas8| debi? seu 
in finem et redempcion aut in alias 
penas pecuniariasseuimprisonamen- 
ta Statutis pidcis, non obstantibj. 
Et insup ex grS $ sdencia ac motu 
nfis pfdcls pdonaviSd remisifxd || 
relazaviinyeisdem nugro || custodib} 
siue gardianis Sectam pacis nf 8 que 
td nos 9sus ipk>s ptinet {> omimo8| 
jpdicolb) murdris raptib^ mu]ie]|L 
rebellionit^ insurrecionib; fdoniis 
conspiracioib^mbipartiis manute- 
nentiisconiederacionibsriotis routis 
conventiculis illicitis imbraciariis 
9 ftliid transgressionib^ oflfends 
n^Iigenciis extorcionib; mespri- 

have pardoned, remitted, and con- 
doneo to the Master of the Gild or 
Fraternity of the Blessed Virgin of 
Drapers of the Qty of London, 
and to the Wardens or Guardians 
of the said Gild or Fraternity as 
they were called at other times, but 
now to the Master of the Gild or 
Fraternity of the Blessed Virgin of 
Drapers of the Qty of Ixmdon, as 
well as the Wardens or Guardians 
of the said Gild or Fraternity and 
to their successors, the Master and 
Wardens or Guaidians of the said 
Gild or Fraternity for the time 
being, or under whatever other 
names they may be known, all man- 
ner of tran^essions, forfeitures, 
penalties, debts, misprisions, con- 
tempts, or exactions done or per- 
petrated by the said Master and 
Wardens or Guardians, before the 
aist day of February in the first 
year of our reign, ^amst the tenor 
of the Statutes concerning livery of 
cloth and of hoods and mainte- 
nance, for which acts punishment 
might fall in the form of fine^ re- 
demption, or any other penalty in 
mone^ or imprisonment, notwith- 
standmg the said Statutes. And 
moreover of our said grace, know- 
ledge, and free will we have par- 
doned, remitted, and condoned to 
the said Master and Wardens or 
Guardians all criminal proceedings 
which lie with us against thenifor 
every kind of treason, murders, 
rapes, rebellions, insurrection, 
felonies, conspiracies, diamperties, 
maintenances, confederacies, riots, 
routs, unlawful assemblies, judicial 
corruptions, and for aU other trans- 
gressions, offences, negligences, ex- . 

Digitized by 


igS Letters Tatent of Richard III 

tortious, delicts, ignorancef, con* 
tempts, coocealments, ferfeitarcs, 
and deceits done or cominitted bjr 
the said Master and Wardens or 
Guardians in any way whatsoever 
before the said list day of Feb- 
ruary. Moreover if any sentences 
of outlawry were passed against 
the Master and Guardians or War- 
dens on these counts, or <hi any 
one of them, we also grant to them 
our assured peace therefrom. Pro- 
vided, however, that they appear 
in our Court, in case any man 
desire to witness against them con- 
cerning these or any one of them. 
And moreover we have pardoned, 
remitted, and released to the said 
Master and Wardens or Guardians 
the goods of felons and runaways, 
of outlaws and of those who have 
committed suicide, all deodands,' 
treasure trove, waste, exactions, 
and eveiy kind of destruction of 
roads, transgressions against vert 
and venison, sales of wood within 
and without the forests, and of 
everything else whatsoever which 
occurred or happened within our 
kingdom of England and the 
Marches of Wales before the said 
list day of Febmarv, for whldi 
punishment might fall in the foim 
of fine or redemption or other 
punishment in money, or forfeiture 
of goods and chattels or imprison- 
ment, or in amercement of coun* 
ties, towns, or individuals, or in 
the burdening of freeholders of 
them who have never transgressed, 
or of heirs, executors or those who 

» Deodand $ any object of property that had been the cause of the death of 
a man was originally forfeited to the Crown. 

sionitq ignoranciiscontemptib^con- 
cealamentis forisfacturis $ decep- 
coib; p ipos magrm $ custodes siue 
gardianos ante dcQ vicesiiHl priiid 
diem Februarij quali^cunqj fcis siue 
npetra? Aceciam vttan? si que in 
iSk)S magriHl ^ custocles siue gar- 
dianos bus occiknib; seu ea]^ aliqua 
foin? {>mulga? $ firmam pacem 
nraill eis inde conceding Ita tamen 
q8| stent recto in Cu? nr9 si quis 
vsus eos k)qui volui? de pmissis vel 
aliquo pmissoi^ £t insup pdonaviiHl 
remisiiiO ^ relaxaviiiO eisdem magro 
ft Custodib) siue Gardianis catalla 
KlonS) ft fiigitiuoi;i catalla vtlagatoiji 
^ ftlond de se deodan8| thesaurum 
inventum vasta $ impetlcoes ac 
om&imo8| articulos itiiOis destruOes 
H ^QSgressionesde viridi vel venadoe 
vendiciones boscoi;: infi-a forestas (| 
ext* ^ aliaijL xt^, auaj^umcq) ante dcini 
vicesind priiB diem Februarij infra 
regnfxd nrnd Angt $ March watt 
emerS ^ euen? unde punido caderet 
in demand] debitam seu in finem $ 
redempcSem aut in alias penas pecu- 
niarias seu in forisf^ram bonoi^ ^ 
catalloi)L aut imprisonamenta seu 
afllciamenta Comitatum villaiji vel 
singulariul psonaiji vel in onaico€m 
tibi ten) eoi]L qui nunquam ?ngressi 
fuerint vt hercdum executoi;: vel ?re 

Digitized by 


releasing the Drapers from Forfeitures 139 

tenenciu) Escaetoi^ vicecomi? Coio- 
nat<n( ^ alioi^ huiusmodi ^ offieidq8| 
ad nos 9sus ip)as magrnf) || custodes 
sive gordianos pdnct seu ptinere 
posset ex causis supMdis ac eciam 
pdonauiSdreinisiinlll relaxauini) eis- 
dem magf o (| custodib; slue gardia- 
liis o]&imo8| doaadoes alienaSoes (| 
pquisicoes p ipos de {ris et Ufd de 
nob vel pgenitorib^ nrls quoadam 
Regibj Angt seu aliis nup de f do ^ 
noQ de iure Regib} Angt seu eoi^ 
aliquo in capite tends Ac oAimo8| 
alieacoes pquisicoes ad manu mor- 
tuam fcas || bitas absqj licencia re- 
gia necnon omnioioSi intnisiones ^ 
ingressus in temporalia archiepatus 
e[»tus abbie prioratus coUegij hos- 
pital seu altius domus pie religiose 
seu ecclesiastice cuiuscunqj et in 
hereditatem suam in parte vel in to- 
to post mortem pdecessQi|: suoi]l || an- 
teccssQi^ suo||: absq^ debita psecucoe 
libicoe seu restituSoe eon^dem ext* 
manu regiam ante eundem vicessifiO 
prin) diem Februarij fac? vna cum 
exitib) etpficuisinde medio tempore 
pceptis EtinsuppdonauiSdremisiin) 
a relaxauim) eisdem magf o || custo- 
dilq siue gardianis omimo8| penas 
ante dic^ vicesiS) priffi) diem 
Februarij forisfcas coram nob aut 
pgenitoribj pdcis aut aliis nup vt 
pmitti? Regib} seu eoi;: aliquo aut 
consilio nf o Cancellario Thc§ seu 
aiiquib) siue aliquo judicum nro|^ 
vel ^genitoi^ pdcoijLseu alioi;: nup vt 
pmitti? Regum vel eorum alicuius p 

hold lands of escheators, sherifis, 
coraners, and the like, and all such 
matters as refer or may refer to 
our dealings with the said Master 
and Guarmans or Wardens rising 
out of the aforesaid matters. We 
also have pardoned, remitted, and 
released to the saidMaster and Guar- 
dians or Wardens all manner of 
grants, alienations, or receipts of 
lands and tenements held inchief 
of us or of our ancestors once Kings 
of England or of other lately in fact, 
though not by right. Kings of Eng- 
land or of any one of them, and all 
manner of alienations and receipts 
of lands in mortmain without the 
royal licence, as well as all intru- 
sions and entries before the said 
aist day of February into the tem- 
poralities of archbishop, bishop, 
abbot, prior, college, hospital, or of 
any other house, rel^ous, pious, ix 
ecclesiastical whatsoever, and into 
the lands inherited by them in part 
or whole after the death of their 
predecessors and ancestors, not 
being in the hands of the King, 
without due prosecution, release or 
restitution, together with all pro- 
ceeds and profits meanwhile re- 
ceived for them. And we also have 
pardoned, remitted, and released 
to the said Master and Wardens or 
Guardians all manner of penalties 
forfeited for any cause to us or to 
our aforesaid progenitors or to 
other late Kings as mentioned 
above or any of them, and to our 
Council, our chancellor, treasurer, 
or to any one of them or to any of 
our judges or the judges of the 
aforesaid our prc^enitors or of 
other Kings as abc^e mentioned or 

Digitized by 


X4X> Letters Tatent of Richard III 

aliqiu caust ^ omSs alias penas p 
iSos nugrad ^ custodes siue gar- 
dianos {> aliqua causa ante dcAvice- 
simS primS diem Febniarij nob vel 
{>genitoril9 pdciS aut aliis nup ut 
^ ad opus nrm leuan8| Ac oAinio8| 
securitates pads ante eundem vice- 
sin) primii diem Febniarij siml? 
forisfcis necnon omImo8| escapia ^ 
evasiones qucq^cumcg felonum ^ cti- 
coj^, conuictQi^ seu attinctoi^ ante 
eundem vicemixft prima diem Feb- 
niarij Acedam ?cias ^ Bdai^ ?du 
oAiinodoi^ prisonarioii: in guerra 
captoi^ n^ yd {>genitorib3 pkiciS 
aut aliis^nup vt p^mitti? R^ib) seu 
eo% alicui dco vicesimo primo die 
Febniarij quali^cunq; debi? pti- 
nentes siue spectaS p eosdem 
magrm) ^ Custodes siue gardia- 
nos necnon omimo8| deman8| tr^ 
gressiones ofifcnsas contemptus me- 
sprisiones ^ impeticoSs {> ipos 
magrm) || custodes siue gardianos 
ante vicesifid primu diem Februarij 
cont* fbrmam tam quoi^cunq) sta- 
tuto^ ordinadonu (| {>visionu f3toi|L 
siue editoji^ de p)quisi&b) aocepta- 
cioitg leccoib} publicacoit^ notifi- 
cacioib) d execuciob) quibuscurnqj 
qua](cun<g Vnr^ ^ bulla)^ aplica]^ ^ 
omim alioi^ statutoi;: ordinacSnum • 
d {>uisliCttil p)textu quo||: aliqua secta 
v'sus eosdem magm) ^ custodes 
siue gardianos p billam vd p bre 
de p^munire fac? seu alio modo quo- 
simu primu diem februarij fac? fieri 

anv of them for any cause, and all 
otaer penalties to be levied at our 
need forfeited by the said Nfaster 
and Guardians or Wardens for any 
cause before the said xist day of 
February to us or toour prwenitors 
aforesaid or other late lungs as 
above mentioned or to any of them, 
and all mannerof securities of peace 
similarly forfeited before the said 
xist day of February, as weU as all 
manner of escapes and evasions of 
any felons and convicted or attaint- 
ed derics before the said xist day 
of February. Also the thirds and 
ninths'of all prisoners taken in war, 
owing to us or to the aforesaid our 
ancestors or to other late Kings as 
mentioned above, which were owing 
by the said Master and Guardians 
or Wardens. Also all manner of 
demands, transgressions, oficnces, 
contempts, misprisions, and exac- 
tions made by the said Master and 
Guardians or Wardens before the 
a 1st day of February, against the 
tenure of any Statute, ordinance, 
and provision made or published, 
whether concerning recdpts, ac- 
ceptances, readings, publications, 
notifications or execution of any 
manner of letters and bulls aposto- 
lical, or (against the tenure of) any 
other Statutes or ordinances or 
provisions by pretext of which any 
suit had been made against the said 
Master and Guardians or Wardens 
by bill or writ de praemunire or bv 
any other action brought or wlua 
may be brought for any act done 
before the list day of rebruary, as 

^ A third of a man's money Talae, estimated according to his rank, was the nsoal 
fee paid for his ransom. 

Digitized by 


releasing the Thrapers from Forfeitures x^i 

vaka? q*m qucmcimq} alioi;: statutcn^ 
fac? siue ppetrat ante 3)cni viccsimu 
primudiem februarijStatutisordina- 
cioib) H p^isionib; illls non obstan- 
tibj AceciampdoaaviSil^remisind 
^relazauinO eisdem magro custodib} 
siue gardianis omimo8| fines adiu- 
dicatos afiilcianienta exi? forisfcos 
releuia scutagia ac omimoda debita 
compota pstita arreragia firma)^ $ 
cx>mpot(n|L n6b vel pgenitorit^ 
^c^ aut aliis nup vt pimitti? Re- 
^b) seu eorum alicui ante festum Scl 
Mic&is anno regni Ktg]s Edwardi 
quart! vicesimo sSdd quali^ounqj 
debi? siue ptinefD necnon oniimo8| 
accoes execuco€s impeticoes que- 
relas 9 deman8| quas nos solus vel 
nos conjunctim cu aliis psonis vel 
alia psona benO seu bere po^iSi) 
v3us ipos magriii (| custodes siue 
gardianos p aliquib^ huiusmodi 
finite aiiidamentis exit releviis scu- 
tagiis debitis compotis pstitis $ 
arreragiis ante dcnd festum sci 
michis n6b vel pgenitorib} p)dcis 
aut aliis nup vt pimitti? Regibj seu 
tam, alicui debi? aceciam vtlaga? in 
ipios magSO $ custodes siue gar- 
dianos pmulga? p aliqua causai^ 
supdca]^ Proviso semp quod presens 
pdonacio nr3) se non extendat ad 
aliquos magnos computantes qui 
nunc sunt vel qui nup foerunt vidett 
ad maiorem (| societatem Stapule 
ville nfe Cales aut maiorem Con- 
stabulariu) (| Societatem Stapule 
nre jkic€ Thes* Cales* (J hospicij 
nfi vel pgenito]^ nroi;: aut 
alioi^ nuper vt pimitti? Regum seu 
to% alicuius vitella? Cales Cafiia? 

well as any other suit brought in 
virtue of any other Statute before 
the said aist day of February, any 
Statute or ordinances notwithstand- 
ing. We also have pardoned and 
remitted and released to the said 
Master and Wardens or Guardians 
all fines adjudged, amercements, 
profits, forfeitures, reliefs, scutages 
and all manner of debts, composi- 
tions, payments, arrears of ferms 
and compositions due to us or our 

I>redecessors aforesaid or to other 
ate Kings as mentioned above or to 
any one of them before the Feast 
of St. Michael in the %%nA year of 
King Edward IV in any way due 
or pertaining, and also all manner 
of actions, executions, suits, claims 
and demands that we alone or con- 
jointly with other persons or other 
person have or may have against the 
said Master and Guardians or War- 
dens for any such above-mentioned 
fines, amercements, payments, re- 
liefs, scutages, dues, compositions 
and arrears due to us or our aforesaid 
progenitors or other late Kings as 
mentioned above. Also outlawries 
pronounced against the said Master 
and Wardens or Guardians for any of 
the above-mentioned causes. Pro- 
vided always that our present par- 
don does not extend to any great 
Renders of Account which are or 
have been of late. viz. to the Mayor 
and Society ot the Staple of 
our town of^ Calais, or the Mayor, 
Constable, and Sodetyof our above- 
named Staple the Treasurers of 
Calais and of our Court as of our 
progenitors or other late Kings as 
mentioned above or any one of 
them; to the Victualler of Calais, 


Digitized by 


X4i Letters Tatent of Richard III 

nfds Cest? North Walt || Suth 
Walt Custodes Gardcrobe hospicij 
nn vel {>rautQ||L nfo^L aut aliouL nup 
vt plmittit Regum seu eoqL alicuius 
aut Custodes siue dicos magne 
Garderobe nf e vel {>genitoi]L nfof 
aut aliQUL nup yt pmittS Regum seu 
eon^ alicuius clicos siue Oistodes 
Hanapij Cancella? nfe qui nunc 
sunt aut nup fuenmtvel ezecutores 
▼el administratores bonoi;: $ cattal- 
1q||l eoqidem clicoi^ siue Custodum 
yd coj^ alicuius clicos operacionQ 
nr^^, vel {>genito& nroi^ aut alio^L 
nup vt pmitti? Regum vel eojj 
alicuius Thei ?re nfe Hibnie ^ 
Receptores ducatus nfi Lancast? 
^ ducatus mi Comub tam ge9ales 
qA oarticulares quo ad aliqua huius- 
modi officia sua seu huiusmodi oc- 
cupacoes suas aut alicuius eco^dem 
tangencia In cuius rei testimoniu 
has IrSs nras fieri feciSO patenjtes 
Teste me ipo apud Westfii) vicesimo 
primo die Maij anno rcgni nfi 

p iplm Regem 

our Chamberlains of Chester^North 
and South Wales, the keepers of 
the wardrobe of our Court or those 
of our progenitors or late Kings as 
before mentioned or any one of 
them ; to the keepers or clerks of our 
great wardrobe or that of our pro- 
genitors or of the other late Kings 
as above mentioned or of any one of 
them; to the present or late keepers 
of the hanaper of our chancery or 
executors or administrators of the 
goods and chattels of the said clerks 
or keepers or any one of them, -or 
clerks of our works or of our pro- 
genitors or of others of the late 
Kings as above mentioned ; to the 
treasurer of our lands of Ireland 
and the receivers <^ our Duchy of 
Lancaster and the receivers of our 
Duchy of Cornwall as well genecal 
as particular so far as concerns any 
office of theirs, or of any of them, 
of this kind. In testimony whereof 
we have caused these our letters 
patent to be made, witness myself 
at Westminster the aist day of 
May in the first year of our reign. 
By the King himself. 




The Oath Book, or Book of Ordinances, was written in the year i+tfo, 
and added to subsequently. It contains the earliest ordinances of i^jo^, 
drawn up in the reign of Henry IV ; those of the sixth year of Henry V, 
1+18, with additions made in the reigns of Henry VI, Edward IV, 
Henry VII, and Henry VUI ; accompanied by a few altcrattons made up 
to the year lydo. It is a folio volume 14^ inches high and loj inches 
wide, bound in wooden boards ^cS zn inch thick, covered with brown 

Digitized by 


Book of Ordinances 143 

leather, each cover being protected by four iron corner pieces with 
bosses; the book was once fitted with metal clasps, the hasps ^ which 
remain. The decoration consists of a plain border one inch wide formed 
by blind tooled lines, and within it an inner border of a stamped pattern, 
on which, and on the lines immediately enclosing it, traces of original 
gilding still remain. In the centre of the cover is a stamped panel 
a} inches high by i^ inches wide, consisting of a hatched border within 
which £5 a design, also hatched, resembling a knot, with two upper and 
two lower loops; there is no trace of gilding on the panel. The 
decoration of the back cover is the same as ^t of the front. The 
volume has in recent years been very clumsily rebacked in calf which is 
already perishing. 

The interior of the book is for the most part in good preservation, con- 
sidering its constant use in the past for swearing in new officials, reading 
ordinances to the Company at the Quarter Day Courts, and general 
reference. It contains 6% leaves of vellum, and appears from the following i 
note by the Qerk at the top of the first page to have possessed at one time 
IX more leaves: — ^^the xxj^ daye of October anno regni regis Henrici 
viij zzzviij<> I pervsed this boke agaynste my ffirst quarter daye I kept, 
& I fifownd lackyng which wez (was) cutt out of thys boke before I cam 
in ofi^ce xij levys of parchement, per me William Bere.* On the same 
page are the Arms of the Company without crest or supporters, and some 
notes in Latin of the dates of the deaths and accessions of the Tudor 
sovereigns. The Arms are evidently a later insertion, because the crowns 
are represented with arches as if they were royal crowns as they are 
found in the grant of James I.' Pages %~i contain a list of fourteen 
obits commencing with that of Henry V, the others being those of 
Drapers, with the dates when they were held and the obligations for the 
attendance of the Company. On page f are particulars of the quit-rent 
due from property in the parish of St. Mary Bothaw given to the Com- 
Mny ^by Henry Fitz Ailwin the first "Lord mayor" of London *.« 
llien, rollowing six blank pages, comes the ft>Uowing Calendar n 
which is printed in black and red with illuminated initial letters : 

' Cf. Appendix, Grant of Arms, toI. i. No. XI. 

' As to the claim of Fitzalwyn to hxft been a Draper, c£ p. 7^, and Appendix, 
vol. i. No. VIII. He certainly was not Lwrd Mayor. This is a later title. 

Digitized by 


X44- The Oath Book or 





iili N' 



iii N' 


a N' 






viii Id' 


vii Id' 


vi Id* 



V Id' 


iiU Id' 



iU Id' 
ii Id' 





ziz Kl' 


zvuj Kl' 



zvij Kl' 



zvj Kl' 


zv Kl' 



Tiiii Kl' 



ziu Kl' 


xij Kl' 


zj Kl' 



z Kl' 


iz Kl' 



viij Kl' 


vij Kl' 



vi Kl' 



v Kl' 

iiii Kl' 



iii Kl' 




Prima dies mensis : et septima truncat ut ensis. 
lanuarius liabet dies .zxxj. luna .xxx. 
Circumcisio domioL Mjrnus duplex. .ix. lee 

Octaua sancti stephani. Xxy lee. 

Octauasanctiiohaiinbapostolieteuangeliste. .iij. lee. 
Octaua sanctorum Innocencium martyrum. .iij. lee 
Octmui samcti thomt mariyris et [erased] sancti edwardi 

Epyphania dominL Principale duplex. Ax. lee. 

Sancti luciani presbiteri sodorumque eius maitynim. 

Octaua epjrphanie. ix. lee. med. lee de sancto 

Februarij. Sancti felids presbiteri et martyris. 

aij. lee. 
Sancti mauri abbatis. .iij. lee. 

Sancti marcelli f^ [erased] et martiris. .iij. lee. 

Sancti sulpicij episoopi et confessoris. .iij. lee. 

Sancte prisce uirginis et martiris. .iij. lee. 

Sancti Wlstani episcopi et confessoris. .ix. lee. 

Sanctorum fabiani et sebastiani martyrum. .ix. lee. 
Sancte agnetis uirginis et martyris. ax. lee. 

Sancti vincentij martyris. .ix. lec. 

Conuersio sancti pauli. Memoria de sancto preiecto 
martyre, inuit. triplex. .ix. lec. 

Sancti luHani episcopi et confessoris. .iiL lec. 

Sancte agnetis secundo. .iij. lec. 

Sancte batildis regine uirginis non martyris. .iij. lec. 

^ Nox habet boras .xvj. dies uero .viij. 

Digitized by 




xi e 

iUj N* 

xix f 

ui N' 


ii ISP 


xvi b 

vuj Id' 

V c 

vij Id' 


vj Id' 

xiij e 

V Id' 

U f 

iiij Id' 


iij Id' 

ij Id' 



xviij c . 

xvij» Kl' 


XV}' Kl' 


xiiij Kl* 

XV f 

xilj Kl' 

"ij g 



xi Kl' 

xij b 

X Kl' 

i c 



viij Kl' 

ix e 

vij Kl' 


vj Kl' 


V Kl' 

iiij Kl' 


iii Kl' 

xiiij c 

ii Kl' 

Book of Ordinances 14^ 

Quarta subit mortem prostcmit tercia fbrtem. 
Febniarius habet dies .xxviij. luna .xxix. 
Sancte brigide uirginis noa martyris.' .iii. lec. 

Purificacio beate marie, maius duplex. .ix. lec. 

Sancti blasij episcopi et martiris* lauit. duplex. 

.iij. lec* 

Sancte agathe uirginis et nurtjrris. .ix. lec. 

Sanctorum uedasti Qt amandi episcoporum et con- 

iessorum. .iij. lec. 

Sancte scolastice uirginis non martyris. .iii. lec* 

Sancti ualentini maityris. Marcij. iij. lec. 

luliane uirginis et martyris. Inuit. duplex, .iij. lec. 

^ yemps finitur. Ultima septuagesime. 
Cathedra sancti petri. Inuit. triplex. .ix. lec. 

vij Kl' Sedit vemps retro: cathedrato symone petro. 
'" v-i* Mathie apostoli. Inferius duplex, locus bysexti. 

»ix. lec. 
Si bisextus fuerit : quarta die a cathedra. 
Sancti petri fiat festum mathie et S. littera. 
^ bis numeretur. 

^ Nox habet horas .xiiij. dies uero .x. 
Mdrpnal »oie m a Uttr hand : Incepcio regni regis E. vj^. 

Digitized by 




iij d 



vj N' 

xi f 

v N' 

xix A 

iuj N* 

iii N* 

viij b 

u N' 



xvj d 

viij Id' 

V e 

vij Id' 


vj Id' 

»ij g 

v Id' 

ij A 

iiij Id' 


m. Id' 

X c 

U Id' 



xviij e 

xvij Kl' 

vii f 

xvj Kl' 


XV Kl' 


xiiij Kl' 

iUj b 

xUj Kl' 


xij Kl' 

xij d 

xi Kl' 

i e 

X Kl' 


ix Kl' 

ix g 

viij Kl' 
vij Kl' 

xvij b 

vi Kl' 

vj c 

V Kl' 


iiii Kl' 

xiuj e 

iu Kl' 

iii f 

ii Kl' 

The Oath Book &r 

Primus mandentem dismmpit quarta bibentcm. 

Martius habet dies .zxxj. luna jcxx. 

Smtcti damt efisco^ et etrnfessoris. \fdded im anatber 

Smuti CetUe efiscofi et cmfessms. [added m Muther 


Sanctamm perpetue et felicitatis uirginum et mar- 
tyrum. JuLj. lee 

Ssmai Gregmj fspe. [erased] 
Sancti Gregorij fape. [erased] 

^ Post istum locum non potest esse inicium 

Aprilis. ^ Claues pascbe. 

Sancti edwardi regis et martyris, Sol in ariete. 

•ix. lee. 

Sancti Cuthberti et confessoris* .ix. lee. 

Sancti benedicti abbatis. .ix. lee. Equinoccium 

^ Primum pascha. 


Annunciacio dominica/ 
[seme word erased here] 
kesurcccio domini. 

^ Nox habet horas juj. dies uero .icij. 

' Ming, not€ in a later hand : Memorandum. Incepcio ab Incamacione domini 
nostri Ihesn chrisri. 

Digitized by 



xi A 

iiii N' 


iii N* 

uz c 

ii N' 

viij d 


xvj e 
V f 

ziij A 

ij b 

viij Id' 

vij Id' 

vj Id' 

V Id' 

iiii Id' 


iii Id' 

X d 

ii Id' 



xviij f 
zv b 

zviij Kl' 

zvij Kl' 

xvj Kl' 

zv Kl' 

iui c 


zij e 

i f 


ziiij Kl' 

ziij Kl' 

zij Kl' 

zj Kl" 

z Kl" 

iz A 

iz Kl' 

zvij c 

viij Kl' 
vij Kl' 

vj d 


vj Kl' 
V Kl' 

xiiij f 


iiij Kl' 

iii Kl' 

ii Kl' 

Book of Ordinances 147 

Denus et undenus : est mortis uulnere plenus. 
Aprilis habet dies .xxz. luna jcxx. 

Sancti ricardi episcopi et confessoris.. .ix. lec. 

Sancti ambrosij episcopi et confessoris. Inferius 

duplex. .ix. lee. 

\ .iij. lee. 
Maij. Sanctorum tiburcij et ualeriani martyrum. 
^ Claues rogacionum. 

^ Sol in tauro. 

Sancti alphegi episcopi et martyris. .iij. lee. 

Sancti georgij martyris. cum regi[mi]ne chori. 

.iij. lee. 

Marci euangeliste. Inferius duplex, letania maior. 
Ultimum pascha. 

Uitalis martyris. cum regimine chori. .iij. lec. 

Satai Erkemvjaldi efiscofi §t confessoris. [ftdded in 
another iand] 

^ Nox haoet boras .x. dies uero .xiiij. 

' /Volt m A Itcurhmd : H. Tij. bbijt ii^ hnins mensis. 

^ Mdrg. not€j m a later hand^ but not same as the freading nott : Incepcio regni 
regis H. viij™. 

Digitized by 


x^S The Oath Book or 


xj b 



vj N' 

■ax d 

V N' 

viii e 

iiii N' 


iii N' 

xvj g 

u N' 

V A 



Wij Id' 

xiij c 

vu Id' 

u d 

vj Id' 


V Id' 

X f 

mi Id' 

xviij A 

ui Id' 

ii Id' 

vij b 



xvij Kl' 

XV d 

xvj Kl' 

iiij c 

XV Kl' 


xiiij Kl' 

xij g 

xiii Kl' 


xij Kl' 


xi Kl' 

• ix c 

X Kl' 


ix Kl' 

xvij e 

viij Kl' 

vi f 

vij Kl' 


vj Kl' 

xiiij A 

V Kl' 

ui b 

iiii Kl' 


iu Kl' 

rj d 

ii Kl' 

Tercius occidit et sqytimus ora relidit. 

Maius habet dies .xxxj. luna .xzx. 

Apostolorum philippi et lacobi. Inferius duplex. 

•ix. lee* 

Inuencio sancte cmcis* Memoria de sancto alexandta 

Sancti lobannis ante portam latinatn. inuit. triplex. 

•iij. Ice. 
Sancti lobannis episcopi de beuerlaco. 

Sanctorum gordiani et epinuchi martyrunL iij. lec 

Sanctorum nerei achillei atque pancracij martyrum. 

.iij. lec. 


^ Sol in geminis. 
Sancti dunstani archiepiscopi confessoris. Memoria 
de sancta potentiana. .ix. lec. 

Ver finitur. Uer fugit urbanus estatem simphorianus. 

Sancti aldelmi episcopi et confessoris. .ix. lec. med. 

lec. de sancto urbano. 
Sancti augustini primi anglorum. .ix. lec. 

Sancti germani episcopi et confessoris. .iij. lec. 

Sancte petronelle uirginis. 

^ Nox habet boras .viij. dies uero .xyj. 

Digitized by 


Book of Ordinances 
















iiU N* 

iii N* 
ii N' 

viij Id*» 

vU Id* 

vi Id' 

V Id' 

iiii Id' 

iii Id' 

ii Id' 


xviij Kl' 

xvij Kl' 

Denus psallescit : quindenus federa ncsdt. 
lunius habet dies »xxx. luna .xxix. 
Sancti nichomedis martyris. .iij. lee. 

Sanctorum marccUimi et petri martyrum. Inuit. 
duplex. .iij* lee. 

Sancti bonefadj sociorumque eius martyrum. 
Inuit duplex. 



iiij f xvj Kl' 



XV Kl' 
xiiij Kl' 

^ .iij. Ice. 
Sanctorum medardi et gildardi episcoporum et con- 

Translacio sancti edmundi. .ix. lee. Memoria et 

med. lee. ^ de martyribus primo et feliciano. 

Sancti bemabe apostoli. .ix. lee. 

Sanctorum basilidis cirini naboris et na[zarii]. .iij. lee. 

Sancti basilij episeopi et confessoris. lulij. .iij. lee. 
Sanctorum uiti et modesti et creseencie martyrum. 

.iij. lee* 
Translacio sancti riud \sk MS.y }for ricardi] episeopi. 
:• de saneto eirico. 

.ix. lee. Med. lee. 

^ Sol in cancro. 
Sanctorum marci et marcelliani martyrum. 

i b xiij Kl' Sanctorum geruasii et prothasij martyrum. 
Translacio sancti edwardi regis et martyris. 











xii Kl' 
xi Kl' 

X Kr 

Sancti albini martvris. 
ix Kl' Sanete ethc[l]drecle uirginis non martyris. 
Natiuitas sancti iohannis baptiste.' 

viij Kl' 

vij Kl' 

vi Kl' 

v Kl' 

iiu Kl' 

Sanctorum Iohannis et pauli martyrum. 
Sancti leonis fape \eraseJ\ et confessoris. 

.iij. lee. 
.iij. lee. 
•ix. lee. 

.ix. lee. 
.iij. lee. 

.ix. lee. 

.iij. Ice. 


iii Kl' Apostolorum Petri et pauli. 
ii Kl' Commemoracio sancti pauli. 

^ Nox habct horas .vj. dies uero jcviij. 

Nott in 4 lattr hdnd : Rex £. vj^ moriebatur anno regni sui 7^. 
Marginal note m later hand : coronado H. Regis viij\ Anno 1 509. 


.iij. lee. 
.ix. lee. 
.ix. lee. 

Digitized by 


xso The Oath Book or 

Tresdecimus macUt. lullj denus labe&cta. 

lulius habet dies .xxxj. luoa jczx. 

Octaua stncti iohannis baptiste. Inuit. duplex. 

•iiL lee 
Sanctorum process! ct martiniani. aij. lee. Inuit 
duplex. Memoria de sancto switbuno. 

translado et ordinacio sancti martini episcopi et con- 
fessoris. ^ ax. lee. medie lec. de apostolis. 

Octaua apostolorum petri et paulL .ix. kc. 

•ix. lee. 

Sanctorum septem fratrum martyrum. Inuit. dufdex. 

.iij. lee. 
translacio sancti benedicti abbatis. ax. lee. 

Sancte mildrede virginis non martyris. 

^ Dies caniculares incipiunt. 
translacio sancti swithuni episcopi sociorumque eius. 
con. [x/V] .ix. lee. 

Sancti kenelmi regis et martyris. Inuit. duplex. 

.iij. lee. 
Sancti amulphi episcopi et martyris. ^ Sol in leone. 

.iij. lee. 

Sancte margarete uirginis et martyris.' .ix. lee. 

Sancte praxedis uirginis non martyris. .iij. lee. 

Sancte marie magdalene. Inuit. triplex, .ix. lee. 

memoria sancti wandregesili. 
Sancte appollinaris episcopi et martyris. .iij. lee 

Sancte Christine uirginis et maityris. Siy lee. 

Sancti iacobi apostoli." .ix. Ice. 

Sanete anne matris marie. .ix. lee. 

Sanctorum septem dormiencium martyrum. .iij. lee. 
Sancti sampsonis episcopi et confessoris. .iij. lee. 

.iij, lee. 
Sanctorum felid simplicij faustini et beatricis mar- 
tyrum. aij. lee. 
Sanctorum abdon et sennes martyrum. Inuit. duplex. 

aij. lee. 
Sancti germani episcopi et confessoris. .iij. lee. 

Tf Nox habet horas .viij. dies uero .xvj. 

' AUargindlnou duided in a differmt hand: 15^3. Inceptio Regine Marie Anno 

' Afarffnalnott addtd m a difftrmt hand: 1554. Philippus nnptm fiiit Regine 
Marie et ideo scriptnm poscea annis regnoram j^'. et i^. et deinde similiter etc 
quia fiiit in anno ij<» regine snpradicte. 

xix g 



viij A 

vj N* 

xvj c 

v N' 
iiu hP 

V d 

xiu f 


X b 

iu N' 
u N' 
viij Id' 
vij Id' 
vi Id' 


xviij d 

vij e 

XV g 

V Id' 
iiij Id' 
iii Id' 

ij Id' 

iiii A 

xvij Kl' 
xvj Kl* 

xij c 

XV Kl' 

i d 

Ix f 


xiiij Kl' 

xiij Kl' 

xij Kl' 

xj Kl' 

xvij A 
vj b 

X Kl' 
ix Kl' 


xiiij d 

iii e 


viij Kl' 

vij Kl' 

vj Kl' 

V Kl' 

xi g 

iiii Kl' 

xix A 

iu Kl' 


ii Kl' 

Digitized by 


Book of Ordinances 



xvjjd iiij N' 

V e iii N* 

f ii N' 

xiii g Nonas 

Prima necat fortem perditque secunda cohottem. 
Aug:ustus habet dies .xxxj. luna .xxix. 
Ad vincula sancti petri. .ix. lec. 

Sancti stephani f4^e [erased] et martyris. Inuit. 
duplex. .iij. lec. 

Inuencio sancti stephani prothomartyris. .ix. lec 

Sancti oswaldi regis et martyris. Inuit. duplex. 

•iij. lec. 
ij A viii Id' Sanctorum sixti felidssimi et agapiti martyrum. 

.iii. lec. 

b vij Id' Sancti donati episcopi et martyris. .iij. lec. 

X c vi Id' Sancti ciriaci sociorumque eius martyrum. Inuit. 

duplex. .iii. lec. 

Sancti romani martyris. iij. lec. Uigilia. 

Sancti laurencij martyris. .ix. lec. 

Sancti tyburcij martiris. .iij. lec. 


xviij c 

vij f 


iiij b 

V Id' 

iiij Id' 

iij Id' 

ii Id' 


xix Kl' 

c xviii Kl' 

xij d xvij Kl' 

i e xvj Kl' 

f XV Kl' 

ix g xiiij Kl' 

A xiij Kl' 

xvij b xij Kl' 

vj c xi Kl' 

d X Kl' 

Sancti ypoliti sanctorumque eius martyrum. .iii. lec. 

Septembris. Sancti eusebij confessoris. .iij. lec. 


Assumpcio beate nurie uirginis. .ix. lec* 

Octaua sancti laurencij. 
Sancti agapiti martyris. 
Sancti magni martyris. 

^ Sol in uirgine. 

xiiij e 
iij f 

xj A 
xix b 

viij d 

ix Kl' 
viij Kl' 
vii Kl' 

vi Kl' 

V Kl' 
iiii Kl' 

iii Kl' 

ii Kl' 

Octaua Assumpcionis beate marie virginis.* .ix. lec. 
Sanctorum timothei et appollinaris martyrum. .iij. 

lec. Uigilia. 
Sancti bertholomeL apostolL .ix. lec. 

Sancti ruphi martyris. Inuit. duplex. 
Sancti augustini episcopi et doctoris. 
Decollack) sancti lohannis baptiste. 
Sanctorum felicis et adaucti martyrum. 

•iij. lec. 
.ix. lec. 
•be. lec. 
Inuit. duplex, 
.iij. lec. 

^ Nox habet horas .x. dies ueio jdiij. 

' Mangmaittote in a later hand: Anno primo Henxid vij. 

Digitized by 




xiii b 


Xfx The Oath Book or 

'I^^T9 Terda septembris : et denus fert maU membris. 
j \ I ^ September babet dies .xxx. luna .xxx. 
xvi f N' Sancti egidij abbatis. .is. lee. 

N' translacio sancti cuthberti [episoopi] et confessoris. 

•ix. lec 
ij c noQas Sancti bertini abbatis. .iii* lee. 

d vuj Id* 
X c vij Id* 

f vj Id' Natiuitas beate marie uirginis. .iij. lee. 

zviij g V Id' Sancti gorgonij martyris. 
vij A iiij Id* 

b iii Id* Sanctorum prothi et iacincti martyrum. memoria 
XV c ii Id' 
iiij d Idus ^ comelio et cypriano. 

c xviij Kl* Octobris. Exaltacio sancte ciucis .ix. lee. 

xij f xvij Kl* Octaua natiuitatis beate marie. .ix, lee 

i z xvj Kl' ^ Medie lee. de sancto luciano. 

A XV Kl' Sancti lamberti episcopi et martyris. sol in libra. 

•iij. lee. 
ix b xiiij Kl' 
c xiij Kl* 
xvij d xij Kl* ^ Equinoccium auctumnale. Uigilia. 

vi e xi Kl' Sancti mathei apostoli. et euangeliste.' .ix. lee 

f X Kl' Sancti mauricij sociorumque eius. martyrum. Jx. lee. 
xiiij g ix Kl* Sancte tede uirginis. .iij. lee. 

iij A viij Kl' 

b vij Kl* Sancti firmini episcopi et martyris. .iij. lec. 

xi c vi Kl* Sancti Cipriani episcopi et iustine uirginis et martyris. 

aij. lec. 
xix d V Kl* Sanctorum cosme et damiani martyrum. iij. lec. 

e iiii Kl*^ 
viij f iii Kl* Sancti michaelis archangeli. ox. lec. 

g ii Kl* Sancti leromini presbiteri et doctoris. ix. lec 

^ Nox habet boras adj. dies uero .xij. 

' Marpnal note in a difftrent hand : Ekccio Ticecomitis londoniensis. 

^ Marginal mu : Eleccio Ticecomitis londoniensis, vmttm ijvry faintfy^ fnbahfy 
has been erased, 

^ Marpnal note in a different hand : laracio Ticecomitis londoniensis. Elecdo 
Maioris presenti Ticecoimte londoniensL 

Digitized by 



Book of Ordinances lyg 

Tercius et denus est : sicut mors alienus. 
October habet dies .xxxi. luna .xxix. 
Sancti remigij. g[crmani] episcoporum. .ix. lee. 

Sancti leodegarij episcopi et martyris. .iii. lee. 

Sancte fidis uirginis et martyris. aij. lee. 

Sanctorum marci marcelli et apulei martyrum. .iij. lee. 

Sanctorum dionisij, rustic! et eleutherii martyrum. 

•ix. lee. 
Sancti gereonis socioriunque eius martyrum. .iij. lee. 
Sancti nigasij sociorumque eius martyrum. .iij. lee. 
Sancte albutge uirginis. 
Translacio sancti edwardi regis et confessoris.' 

.ix. lee. 
Sancti kalixti pape [erased] et martyris. Inuit. duplex. 

.iij. lee. 
Sancti wlfranni episcopi et confessoris. .ix. lee. 

Nouembris. Sancti michaelis in monte tumba. 

ax. lee. 

Sancti luce euangeliste. ix. lee. ^ Sol in scorpione. 

Sanctarum undedm milia uirginum. .iij. lec. 

Sancti romani episcopi et confessoris. .iij. lec. 

Sanctorum crispini et crlspiniani martyrum. .iij. lec. 


Apostolorum symonis et lude. .ix. lec. 

Sancti Quintini martyris. Uigilia. .iij. lec. 

^jNox habet horas .xiiij. dies uero jc. 

' AUrpftal note m a Uur hand^ and cnsnd out : Eleccio Maioris. 
" Marginal Mit m a Uur hand : larado Maioris londoniensis present* Maiotis 

xvj A 

V b 

▼j N* 

ziij c 

V N' 

ij d 

iiii N' 


iii N' 

X f 

u N' 

xviij A 


viij Id' 

vii b 

vij Id' 


vj Id' 

XV d 

V Id' 

iiii e 

iiij Id' 


iii Id' 

»j g 

u Id' 

i A 



xvij Kl' 

ix c 

xvj Kl' 


XV Kl' 

xvij e 

xiiij Kl' 

vi f 

xiii Kl' 


xu Kl' 

xiiij A 

xi Kl' 

iij b 

X Kl* 


ix Kl' 

- xi d 

viu Kl' 

xix e 

vij Kl* 


vi Kl' 


V Kl' 

tiit Kl" 

xvj b 

iu Kl' 

V c. 

u Kl' 

Digitized by 



The Oath Book or 


d N* 

xiij e iiii N* 

ij f 



xviij c 

vij d 


XV f 

iiij g 


xii b 

i c 


ix e 

ui N' 
ii N' 
viij Id* 
vij Id' 
vi Id' 

V Id' 

iiii Id' 

iu Id' 

u Id' 


xviu Kl' 

xvij Kl' 

xvj Kl' 

Scorpius est quintus : et tercius est nece cinctus. 
Nouember haoet dies .xxx. luna .xxx. 
Festiuitas omnium stnctoram. Maius duplex* .ix. lee 
Commemorado (Mnoium fidelium defimctorum. 

ix. lee. 
Sancte wenefride virginis et martyris. 

Sancti leonardi abbatis. 

•ix. lee. 

Sanctorum quatuor coronatorum martyrum. Inuit. 

duplex. .iij. lee. 

Sancti theodori martyris. .iij. kc. 

Sancti martini episcopi et confessoris. 

.ix. kc. 
aij. lee. 
.ix. lec. 

Sancti bridj episcopi et confessoris. 
Sancti Erkenwaldi.' 
Sancti machuti episcopi et coniessoris. 
Deposicio sancti edmundi archiepiscopi et confcssoris. 

Jx. Jec. 

f XV Kl' Sancti hugonis episcopi et coniessoris.' .ix. lec. 

Octaua sancti martini. Inuit. duplex. aij. lec. 

I XV ta 
xvij g xiiij Kl' 
vi A xuj Kl' 


xiiij c 

iij d 


xi f 

xix cr 


viii b 

xvj d 

V e 

xij Kl' 

xj Kl' 

X Kl' 

ix Kl' 

vuj Kl' 

vij Kl' 

vi Kl' 

V Kl' 

iiu Kl'3 

iii Kl' 

ii Kl' 

Sancti edmundi r^is et martyris. .ix. lec. 

Sancte cedlie uirginis et martyris. .ix. lec 

Sancti dementis ^4;^ [^aseJ^ et martyris. .ix. lec. 
Sancti grisogoni martyris. yemps indpit. 

Sancte katerine uirginis et martyris. .ix. lec. 

Sancti lini^ir^ [erasedl et martyris. .iii. lec. 
^ Primus dies aduentus domini. 

Sanctorum satumini et sisinnij martyrum. vigilia. 

•iij. lec. 
Sancti andree apostoli. inferius duplex. .ix. lec. 
^ Nox habet horas .xvj. dies uero .viij. 

' Marginal nou in a lattr hand : episcopi et confcssoris. 

' Marginal no$t in a lattr hand : Regina maria moriebatiir eodem [die] incepit 
domina Elizabetha regnare. 

^ AUrginal nott in a lattr hand : I f 57. this day sir The. Corteys made Knight. 

Digitized by 


Book of Ordinances iss 


Septimus exanguis : uirosus denus ut anguis. 
December, habet dies .xxxj. luna .xxix. 
f N' 


A iii N' 

Sancte barbare virginis et martyris.' 

Sancti nicholai episcopi et confessoris. .ix. lee. 

Octaua sancti andree apostoli. Inuit. duplex, .iij. lec. 
Concepcio sancte marie. Minus duplex. .ix. lec. 

Sancte lude uirginis. et martiris. .ix. lec. 


O sapienda. Nulle deinceps fiant preces ad 

^ Sol in capricormo \sic\ 

Sancti tbome apostoli. .ix. lec. 

Natiuitas domini nostri ihesu christi. prindpale. 

.ix. lec. 
Sancti stephani prothomartyris. .ix. lec. 

Sancti lohannis apostoli et euangdiste. ax. lec. 

Sanctorum Innocencium martyrum. .ix. lec. 

\SMHcti Thome arclriepiscopi et martyris erased] .ix. lec 

Sancti siluestri episcopi et confessoris. .ix. lec. 

^ Nox habet horas .xviij. dies uero .vj. 

' Sancti osmandi. Saram : addid in a later handy but not Hm samt as that of the marginal 




iiij N* 
iu N' 

X b 

u N* 



xviij d 

vuj Id' 

vij c 

vij Id' 


vi Id* 

iiij A 

V Id' 

iiij Id' 


uj Id' 

xij c 

u Id' 

i d 



xix Kl' 

ix f 

xvuj Kl' 


xvij Kl' 

xvii A 

xvj Kl' 

▼i b 

XV Kl' 


xiuj Kl' 

xiiij d 

xiij Kl' 

iii e 

xij Kl' 


xj Kl' 


X Kl' 

ix Kl' 


vuj Kl' 

viij c 

vij Kl' 


vi Kl' 

xvj c 

v Kl' 

V f 

iiii Kl' 


iu Kl' 

xiU A 

u Kl' 

Digitized by 


%S6 The Oath Book or 

The Calendar is an ordinary Sarum Calendar adapted to the use of 
London by the subsequent insertion of the feasts of St Erconwald 
(April ^o and November if) and St Mildred (July 13).' Its date can be 
approximately determined, from internal endence, as lying somewhere 
between 1389 and 141 y. In the first place we find the festival of St Anne 
(July %6) mentioned, and she was rarely inserted in the Sarum Calendar 
before 1389. On the other hand, the names of St. David (March i\ 
St. Chad (March a), and St Winifred (November 3) are added in a different 
and later nand, and these were not always inserted in the Sarum Calendar 
after 1415. Inasmuch, however, as on the first leaf of the book the obit 
of Henry V, who died in 14x2, is given, it seems most probable that the 
Calendar was written after the death of Henry IV, 141 3. This would 
fix Its date somewhere between 141 3 and 141 y. There is, however, no 
proof that the first four leaves were originally connected with the 
Calendar, and if not, the date of the latter may be some time not earlier 
than 1389. 
Ill The two next pages, which face each other, have beautiful illuminated 
borders with a ddicate floral design. 

Within these borders there are two pictures. On the left-hand page 
the Virgin stands surrounded with a golden halo and crowned with the 
Triple Crown of the Trinity. At her feet are a group of persons 
probably representing the Drapers. On each side of her tiiere are two 
angels. Above her, two figures apparently representing the Almighty 
and the Virgin, possibly to indicate the Assumption. 

In the upper corners on either side are the Royal Arms and the Arms 
of the Company, 

The Triple Crown should be compared with those on the Grant of 
Arms, 1439. Cf. Appendix, vol. i. No. XI. 

Under the Virgin is found — 

The Oath of a Brother. 

^ Ye schal swere and be hete that Duryng your lyve t9 be good mtd 
Drew leigmMH vmto ottr scuerMyne lard the king Cf bis successmnrs Idngs * and 
fethfull & loueyn^ to the fratemite of our lady & to the fiel^p of 
Draperes of loncfon. Ye shal paye & be Contributarve to almaner 
somanccs of the Mayster & Wardens therof now beyng & ner successours 
Maystcrs & Wardens that for the tyme to com shal be or ellis pay the 

' St. Erconwald is also an East Anglian saint, and St. Mildred was honoared 
at Canterbary. 

' The words printed in italics are inserted as additions in the original rnano' 
script. The words in brackets are the original words which haTe Dcen sobse- 
qnently stmck oat. 

Digitized by 


Book of Ordinances zsy 

peynis & mercementes thereoute. Ye shal be comparcioner and to your 
power here al maner Costis & chargis of the said fraternite or feliship. 
Ye shal enplete no brother of the scyd fraternite or . . . (standyng) free 
in the seid feliship beyng sufEsaunt & abydyng And standyng vnder 
(Rule therof) for Any Oiuse in any Corte sperytual or Temporal but yf 
ye have leue of the Mayster or Wardens or her successors Maysters or 
W ardens that for the tyme to Com shul be The conseyles of the seyd 
ficlishipp Onest and leful ye shall Conseyll and kepe preve to alle Causes 
& maters for the Wele and Worschipp of the sevd flfraternite When ye 
be called ther to ye shull shewe you' Good avys cc Connyng And yf ye 
knowe at Any tyme (aoy)thing which shuld be preyudice slavnder or 
Comon hurte to The fiFeushipp be you' Power ye shall lette yt or ellis 
anoon the Mayster or oon of the Wardens ye shul Warne or do be 
Wtrnyd ye shal also hile and kepe the Conseill of youre Maister And all 
other Ruhrs and ordinances made or in tyme comyng to be made among 
the seid ffi-atemite and £Felishippe ye shal observe And kepe So helpe you 
God and Halidom And be This Booke/ 

The right-hand page contains a picture of Christ on the cross with 
the Virgin and St John standing on each side, and at the four corners the 
four Evangelists represented by their symbols, the Lion, the Calf, the 
Face of a Man, and the Flying £agle. In the floral border on either 
side are the Royal Arms and the Arms of the Company. The extracts 
from the Four Gospels which should follow the illuminations are wanting, 
and probably formed a portion of the * xij levys ' noted by William Bere 
as missing in i^^. Ttitst two beautiful pages have unfortunately been 
seriously injured by damp, which has caused the colours on either side to 
come off on the otner, thus spoiling each picture.' 

Following the illuminated leaves are ^ The othe of the Master and IV 
Wardens ioyntely' inserted on a fly-leaf, and other regulations con- 
cerning those officers, written by various hands, apparently between 
i^co and lydC Against the Oath and the order respecting leases the 
instruction is ^Lege'.^ Then foUow two abrogated orders which are 
ciossed through with the pen, having the direction in the margin < ne 
legas quia vacat '. They are as follows : 

(i) (Also yt ys Enacted that the Rentor Wardeyn Electyd which ys 
the tbyrde Warden Shall yerely put in Swerties for nys Accompt within 
one moneth after he Taketh hys othe. 

(x) Also yt is Enacted that the yongest m' wardeyn shalbe Rentor or 
m* Howells lands and thereof accomptable half-yerely accordyng to the 
Acte thereof lately Made.) 

* The illaminations are too serioasly damaged by damp to be reproduced. 

' For these see p. i8i of this toI. 

^ This indicates that this oath was to be read at the Qoarter-day Meetings. 

IfM-l L 1 

Digitized by 


xy8 The Oath Book or 

(3) Next is*< A charge for the m' Wardens onely' dated ;o June \^^i^ 
forbidding anv Warden to < departe from hens into the parties <^ beyonde 
the Seas' witnout ^ lyceace of the Master and assistence fyrst obteyned% 
under a penalty oF ^lo. fioth this order and the next are marked 

(4) The last order, dated xtf June, i^r^o, requires the Wardens to give 
a < Juste perfect and true accompte of all the presentment money, Spoone 
silver, casuall Fynes' and other moneys which shall come into their 

(^) The Renter Warden's Oath, temp. Philip and Mary, occupies the 

next page. (See Appendix, voL iL) 

V Then follow the ordinances of the Society' made in 1405 and entered 

Earlirst into this book in i4ifo, as is stated in the Latin heading, the ordinances 

Ordinances, being in English with illuminated initials. < In tempore Johannls Walsha 

i4<)5' Magistri Artis Panariorum Barthok>mei James Thome Welles Johannis 

Pake et WiUielmi Brogreve Gardianorum xix<> die mensis ffebruarii 

Anno regni Regis Edwardi quarti Prima Iste ordinaciones fiFiierunt 

scripte in libro isto.' 

The preamble is addressed to the Mayor and Aldermen by the 
Commons of the City, who pray and require that the ordinances which 
follow may be established and confirmed <and also set in record by 
assente and consent of the Comon Counsell of the same Cite\' 

(1) Regnla* No merchant stranger shall sell or buy to or from another merdiant 
tk)ns with stranger within the City on pain of forfeiting such merchandise, ^ The 
regard to privileges of the lieges of oure redouted lord ttte kynf of Guyen saved 
Merchant and except so always that such buying and selling be made between 
Strangers. merchant and merchant '. 

(2) Forfei- One fourth part of any forfeiture taken by the Masters of any Crafl or 
tures to be Mistery shall be retained by them for their trouble, and < the remaynent 
divided be- of the seid fyne * shall be paid « to the Chambir of the Guyhall to the use 
twcen the of the Cominalte '. 

Masters and 

^*"^^V- OfBlakwellhall. 

(3) Appoint- « Also the maistres and the Crafle of drapers of London and their 
mcnt of successours have Power to Chese a persone able wyse and Sufficient such 
w*?^ fk *^ ^^ ^^' answere fore to kepe and oueresee that all maner wollen 


' N.B. In the ordinances which follow, the passages in brackets are those parts 
of the original form which have been altered j those in italics have been added 
at a later date. 

' By the Stat. \% Henry VI, 143^-7^ all ordinances of Gilds were to be con- 
firmed by governors of cities^ barehs, or towns in which the Gilds were sitoated. 
This looks as if the preamble was later than that date. 

Digitized by 


Book of Ordinances 15-9 

clothes by marchantez fioreyns or strangers brouht led or caried to the 
seld of Blakwelhall there to be sold And saufely thcr kept sold and 
bought after the franchise and libertee of the Qte aforseid/ The Crafte 
shall present the same person to the Mayor and Aldermen to be by them 
accepted and sworn weil and truly to keep his oath, and he shall so abide 
therein at the will of the said Mayor and Aldermen. If he ^ doo not 
duely nor RyghtfuUy his office or yf any notable cause or offence be 
duely proved vpon hym', then he shall be put out from his office of 
Warden of Blackwell Hall by the Mayor and Aldermen, and the Craft of 
Drapers shall elect and chose another person for that office and present 
him to the Mayor and Aldermen to be by them accepted and sworn. 
^ So that theleccion & presentacion of such person Wardein of Blakwel- 
hall forseid alwcy shall be made by the Maistres and Crafte of Drapers 
forseid and their successours And thamyssion confirmacyon and 
Remocyon of the said person be in the power and disposicion of the 
Meire and Aldermen of the Cite forseid.' The above articles approved 
by the Mayor Aldermen Sheriffs and Common Council and ordered to 
be entered. 

Jure Custodis De Blakwelhalle. 

Ye shal swere that ye shal wel and lawftiUy serve the Cite of London (4) Oath of 
In the office of the seld of Blakwelhall of the same Cite of London And the Gustos 
saufely and suerly ye shal kepe the Clothes that thider shal be brouht to of Blakwel- 
selle And ye snai not suffi-e no merchant estranger fro the liberte of hallc. 
the seid Citee to selle no maner of WoUen Cloth within the seid seld to 
an othir merchant stranger And yf they doo Anoon ye arreste yt As 
forfeite to the Chambir of the yeldhall to the behofe of the Cominaltie 
And ye shal not suffre no merchant stranger bryngyng woUen cloth 
thedyr, to selle No tyme of the Wyke savyng onely fro j of the dok at 
After Noone on the thursday on to xj* of the Qok by fore none of the 
Saturday than next suyng vpon peyn of ffbrfaiture aforeseid And ye 
shal not denye the sight of the Qothes brought to the seid Selde to seUe 
to no freman of this Citee (And of al that ye Resceyvc or may Resccyve 
of marchantz straungers comyng with cloth to the seid Selde to selle for 
the ferme of the Chambris Almaires or hucchus leten to theym by the 
Chambirleyn for the yeer half ycre quarter moneth weke or day good and 
lawfuU Accompte without any Concelment to the Chabirleyn of the 
Guyldehall whane and what time ye be Required and' ye shal yeve) 
And in almaner thynges that to the office of the Keper of the seid Selde 
Appcrteyne to do well and lauflilly ye shal be haue you so God you belpe 
and Holydome amd by ibis Book. 

' The word is crossed through to make sense. 

* The words between the brackets are underlined by a hter hand* 

Digitized by 


ado The Oath Book or 

' Als9 ye shall Jwell mm J ktpe jmar bousboU vithin the place rf BUktoelhall 
and left it net te ferm te tnj ether persom And that yew keper er kepers 
eihertmse tally i Clerks emder yeu there he aUe men assd drapers suche as he 
'wele km^wem nuyse assd rfgeed cemdidems and they te he admytted rwerm amd 
ehesem ky the Mdster and Wardtns ef the Drapers for the tyme keimg Mfere 
emy ef thorn sbalke pott inte emy rewelt * m that place ef Blakwelball And 
that non ether person or pertemes except yentrself shall occupy or take any manor 
govemannce or rewell in that place. Saving onely the persones whicho be so 
atled sworn and admytted ky the Mmster and Wardens in manor and form 
aforesaid And as efton as it shall happen yonr under kepor or kepers ky any 
manor wise to doparte fro that office than am other kepor or kepers to ke aklod 
Sfoom & admytted ky this place in manor & form as is akouesaid. And in 
almoner things ^cc ut patet in alio late pros^ sepfon' in superiori parte. 

Procbma- Pioclamasio fiurta ex assensu Matoris Aldermannorum £t Communis 

rbn of consilii super Ordinaciones Predictas. 

Let it be Proclaymed that no persone £foreyn Nor Estraun^er bryngyng 
Cloth to the Citee of london for to selle shewe nor selle vt m no partie 
wvth In the Citee nother in the Subbarbis of the same but all onely at 
Biakwelhall the which is specyaly deputed and Assigned be the meir 
Aldermen and Oxninaltie therefore vpon the peyne of fiorfeiture to the 
vse of the Cominaltie of all such Cloth so shewed and sold And that no 
foreyn Estraunger selle or put to selle at Biakwelhall any maner of 
woUen cloth eny tyme of the weke but aloonly from j of the Clok at 
after Noone vpon the Thursday on to xj* of the Qok afore noon vpon the 
Satirday next suyng vpon peyne of forfaiture of all dothis sold on to the 
Contrarv And that all maner Drapers foreyns and Estraungers bryng to 
Biakwelhall noon Cloth for to selle but alonely hole Clothis And half 
Clothis lysted at bothe endis vpon peyne of forfeiture of all Qothis 
founden on to the Contrary to the vse of the Cominaltie. 

Also that no Person enfraunchessed within the Citee of London 
Kouer ^ be the vertu of his fraunchesse no Goodis nor merchandises of 
any foreyn or eny estraunger. Nother by no maner of marchandises 
within the fraunchesse of this Citee of London to the use and profit of 
eny foreyn or estraunger upon the peyne of forfaiture of all Goodis and 
marchandises so kouered and bouht And be side this the same person 
so kouyring and byeng Goodis And marchandises shal lese his 

' This addition was probably added in consequence of the trouble about 
Cremor. CK vol. ii, p. 17. 
« Rule. 
^ Cover. 

Digitized by 


Book of Ordinances x6i 

Omnes iste Ordinaciones fucrunt edite anno r^ni Regis Henrlci 
Quarti post conquestum yjp Johanne hende ezistente Maiore. 

j^mmo Dmrnni 140J. A c & xs&lj^ yeres fast sens we first enjoyed 
BUkvjell HalL^ 

These Ordinances are followed on the next page by a bond in VI 
Latin of the same date entered into by the Drapers, under a penalty of The Drapers 
^1000 payable to John Proflfyt, Chamberlain of the City of London, to to make 
make cood any damage whidi might befall Blakwell Hall through fire, ff^ ^X 
quod absit, thdft, or robbery, by complete rebuilding and fiiU restoration damage a$ 
of loss and depredation. This bond was executed in the presence of the „ 11 
Mayor and Aldermen on the 27th March, 6 Henry IV (J^Of), by the ™"- 
following members of the Drapers' Company : — ^Henry Hert, William 
Crowmer, William Norton, Philip Bangor, Richard Elton, Thomas 
ColcwortL John Somer, Robert TM7er, Roger Colney, Thomas Symond, 
Richard Coroner, Robert Bamburgh, John Lougele, John Davy, John 
Wyot and Stephen Bugg. 

Another order inserted of a later date is as follows : " Tempore RadulpU 1454-f or 
Jossolyu mmons htier sUia cotttinetur tic. Also thmt no man goo in to nygh 1475-7. 
places of the ffraundnses ef this Cite that is to say in to Southwark Westmynster No one to 
Saynt Jobnsstrete and other places nere adjoynatmt to the smd Citie to mete bay of 
vdtbfrreyns mnd straungers the nohiche if they were not encotmtredy woldMng strangers in 
clothe wyne well hydos oxen kjne shepe and other merchandises and vitale to ^^^ suborbs. 
tye asul forstall as they come to the smd Citie and there m places therefore 
asssngmed he put to sale vpon payn of grevons imprisonment of bis tody and 
forfestour of all suche merchanMses or vitale that he soo tyeth etc. 

Then follows the <othe of the kepers seruants or Clerks under the yn 
Warden of Blakwelhall * of the date erf 140^, 140 j. 

<Ye shall swere that ye shall be trewe and of good abering and Regtihtx>ns 
demeanour vnto your maister warden of Blakwelhall, And ye shall nether as to Black- 
bye nor sell nor non other person in your behalf for you, eny maner well Hall, 
wollen cloth, nor non other wayre nor merchandise that shalbe brought Oath of ser- 
to Blakwelhsdl to be sold vppon payn of xl» sterlings to be levied of you ^^^^^ of the 
as often tymes as it may be vnderstoud and founden by sufficient profe Costos. 
that yc so offend to be levied vnto the profeit & behouf of the craft of No «cnrant 
drapers of London, provided alweys that ye or any of you shall bye ^ ^ '^ 
asmucbe clothe as shall suffice you for your own werings and households, jj||*^ ^ ^^ 

for his own 
' This note is in a much later hand. Sir Roger ClifTord sold Blackwell Hall use. 
to the City in ii8i. In 1193 the City transferred it to John de Banqaell and 
reimrchased it in 139^-^, and in 1404 or 1405 the Drapers obtained the 
pnvile^e of appointing the Keeper. Cf. pp. 101-3 of this vol. 

' This is oft the date of 14^4-f or 147^-^9 since Ralph Josselyn was Mayor 
in those years. The order has been evidently inserted later, as the ink shows, but 
apparently by the same scribe. It therefore probably is of the earlier date. 

Digitized by 



The Oath Book or 

And also for your seuertll occupyings onely within your own howses or 
shoppys, that is to say for to kytt make or sowe hossen or garments for 
the encreas of your levings in that behalf, and not otherwyse vppon the 
payn abouc reherced. More ouer ye shall not by your weting or knowl^ 
sunre to be bought any maner woUen cloth nor other wayres or mer- 
To watch chandise that shalbe brought vnto Blakwelhall to the vse or profeit of 
and repoit c°y tottCL ox straunger vppon the payn aforesaid, ye shall also kepe the 
all Tioiations due tymes & hours ordeyncd & assingned vnto you for the markett to be 
of regula- kept, that is to sav from one of the dok at after nown on the thursday, 
tjoiu. vnto xj of the dole before nown on the Satterday next ensuyng. Also 

if ye knowe that eny foren or strayn^er bring doth to the Qte of London 
to sdl and he make any shewe or sale therof in any ports of the Cite or 
in the suburbs of the same but onely at Blakwelhall whidie is deputed 
& assigned by the Mair Aldermen & Q>minaltie therefore, ye shall anone 
yeve wamyng vnto the Maister of Blakwelhalle to the Maister or 
Wardens oif drapers of london aforesaid or to one of them, and thus to 
doo ye endeuour yourself dayly with due serdie and specially in sucfae 
places which ye thynk moste suspect and in all other places, All whiche 
artides and other good ReuUs & Ordinaunces apperteynyng to the said 
service or office to your power ye shall wele and truely observe and kepe 
soo help you Godd & Halydom and by this Booke.' 
VIII Next folk>ws the Oath of the Clerk, evidently a later insertion. 

Oath of the of the i ^th century.' On the opposite page is a minute dated \6 Novem- 
Clerk. ber 154,3 recording a meeting held <in this our new hall late purcbesyd 

of our sayd soueraigne Lord ue Kyng to here and pervse our ordenaunces 
of olde tyme made b^ our predecessours which began in the year of grace 
1 332 (<( Edward III) tor the purpose of confirming those that be profiuble, 
and (tt abolishing those not good and of adding thereto new. such as 
they by their wise discretion shall judge to stand with the Honour of 
God and the King and to the profit of the Fellyship \ The assemblage 
of the Fellowship of the Gild or Fraternity of our Blessed Lady of 
Drapers at this Quarter Day Court was composed as follows: The 
Right Hot. Sir William Bowyer then Mayor, the Right Worshipful 
Sir William Roche, Mr. John Sadler, Mr, Wardens, the Assistants, 
Livery and Bachelors, with the Yeomanry ^ as most in nomber \ 
IX Then follow the Ordinances of 14.18, € Henry V. These occupy 

Ordinances eighteen pages in the same handwriting as those of 1404. and were there- 
of 1 4 1 8. fore probably written down in 14^0, with illuminated initials, the headings 
being in red and blue alternately. They contain many alterations and 
additions, including attempts here and there to modernize the archaic 
spelling and forms of expression. Those orders which it was customary 
to read to the whole Company assembled at the Qwirter Day courts are 

' This oath will be found at p. i8i. 

Digitized by 


Book of Ordinances i6g 

denoted bj the word *Lcgc* in the margin. In most cases only an 
abstract ot the ordinances is here given, but the preamble is transcribed 
in full, as follows : 

^ In the worschipp of God and his blessid moder And ofF all the holy 
Company of heuyn, for to abate Rancor and more lyghtly to Encrece 
charite and to manteyne loue. All the worshipful ffelishipp of the Drap>ers 
of the cite of london Gadered and assembled in John Hendes hall ' in 
Seynt Swythynes lane of london the xj* Day of Juyn the ver of Grace 
m^cccc and xviij* & in the regne of Kyng Henry the flfrfthe after the 
Conquest the syxt In tyme of John Gedney John tkmyW Walter 
firebarne and William ftorster Mavsters and Wardens of the same 
ffclishipp to Ouersye the Poyntcs and Articles ordeyned of old tyme of Claim of 
ther firatemite which be Gan in the yer of Grace m'ccc xxxij**, and wyth Fratrmity 
Good Deliberacion avysed on hem so that thei that thought hem tohaTc 
Resonabil and Profitable Conformed, the whiche Poyntes wyth othir ben carted in 
wretyn in this Booke Prayng all tho that aftyr them schall come in the '33*- 
forseid felishcpp the same poyntes and artycles to Examyne And zyt 
thei tbinke By her wyttes that anv poynt may be amended that they lyke 
to do there to her Good diligens In amendynge of the Olde wyth Puttyng 
to of Newe such as they schall thinke to encrece wurshypp to God and 
Profyht (and helpe) to all the forseyd flfelyshyppe/ 

The Articles which follow have each a separate heading written 
alternately in red and blue ink. Over the majority of these ordinances 
the word ^Intratur' is written in a later hand. This is evidently a note 
signifying the ordinances which are to be included in the revised 
ordinances of iy+3, for which see Appendix, vol. ii. 

I. For the ffindyng off oure Prystys. 

Two priests are to be found and maintained to sing for all the Dades and 

Fraternity for the quick and the dead in the church of our Lady of (the payments of 

Bowe in Westcheap) St. Michael in CombilL^ Their salary is to come the two 

from the rents of the Fellowship, the deeds and muniments of which Priests, 
shall be kept by the Wardens, who are to shew them every year openly to 
all the Company, if < it so lyke the ffelyschipe to be Don '. 

2. For the mantenyng off* oure lyght. 

There shall be five tapers of wax of reasonable weight set in a candle- Main- 
stick of latten ordained of old time at Bow Church in the worship of the tenance of 

' This is not the Drapers' Hall, as Hazlitt suggested^ for it was not bailt till 
142^, bat John Heende's own house, which^ however^ abutted on the site of the 
later Hall. Cf. note on Drapers' Hall, Appendix, vol. i, No. XIX. 

' The advowson of St. Michael's, Comhill, was obtained in 1^0^-6 y when it 
became the Drapers' principal church. Cf. p. 1^4 of this ?ol. 


Digitized by 



The Oath Book or 

Assumption of our Lady to bum at due times as the custom is, whidi 
light shall be well and honestly contained and maintained. 

;• To be clothed euery (yer or euery second) {tUri)fhmr$b ' ycr. 

Of the All the Company of the Fellowship every ^year or every second) {tbirJ) 

Ckxhm^. fimrth year after the advice of the said Fellowship shall be clewed in 
Orer this a sute and liverv (that is to say, In that year that the livery is party then 
ordinance ^ to have no hoods, and if the Clothing be of a colour then to tuive hoods 
is written in such as shall be assigned by all the whole Fellowship). And that no 
a later hand, person, of what degree he be, put or give away his livery six years 
* ^fi?r ^"*"^ following, (that is to say, if they have livery every year then to keep it 
m iobo ^^Q yc*rs, and if they have clothing but every second year then to keep 

pnmo . £^ £jjyj. years) J upon pain of 40/. to be paid to the Temporall box without 

any forgiveness. 

4* That no Brothir do make ne selle no such Liuere. 

No manner man of the Fellowship to make nor selle such livery till 
new livery of the Fellowship be made and worn upon pain of loox. to be 
paid to the Temporal Box. 

y. For to Com euery yer to (Bowchirche) SemU Migbells m CmvJkili 
In her newest lyuere. 

Lege. Also ordained is that the whole Body of the Fellowship in their whole 

Attendance newest livery Aldermen md ethers every vear the Sunday next after the 

at Mass and Day of the Assumption of our Lady er else mpen our Lady d^j if it fall em 

I>irg«s. the Smday ke m$ Saint MlthmeFs^ And there to hear the Mass ef mtr Ladf 

ordained for the Fellowship And to abide till it be done And every man 

to offer a penny of silver upon pain of a pound of wax to be paid to the 

maintaining ot their aforesaid light snd then depart every man at Us 

fleasnre. And on the same Sunday at After Evensong they shall come 

all in the said livery to the same Church again to abide at the Dirige 

ordained for all the souls of them that be passed to God of the said 

Fraternity. And on the morrow in the same livery and the Aldermen im 

scarlet to come again to the same church to hear and to abide there nntil 

the divine service and cellatien ^ he dene if any he at the Mass of Requiem. 

' The changes were : (4) for eTery year or second year, every third year was 
sabsdtated} (ir) for eTery third year, eTery fourth was sahstitnted. The last 
chanee was in 1549. Rep. 439, p. ^6%. The date of the first change I haTc 
lost^ Dut I think it was about i f 1 f . 

^ Saint Michaels Vi inserted OTer the word ^Bowchirch', which has been 

^ A Sermon. 

Digitized by 


Book of Ordinances x6s 

And every man to ofiFer a penny upon pain of another pound of wax to 
be paid to the maintaining the aforesaid light tvJbici offering sAmU te put 
m the tox of the po&r. And that same day (or another day as the Wardens 
will assign and set) all the whole FeUowship in their last livery shall go 
bmestly two and two together from Ssint MkhmeFs to the place where 
their feast or dinner shall be ordained And if any be absent at these 
(two masses or Dirige) //Wx' he shall pay to the Temporall box two 
pounds 'wax but he may find a reasonable excuse that the Wardems vnll 
Md them pleased and agreed with. And that every brother shall abide at 
Samt MichaePs Church till the said Sarvys Messes and Dirige be full done 
upon pain of% pound wax And not to void without licence of the said 
Wardens or one of them there being present. And he that doth the 
contrary shall pay the pain above said. 

A later addition ' to this ordinance provides that after Dirige they shall Dinner at 
go to Drapers' Hall amd there take such recreatiom as shall please the said Drapers* 
Wardens te give umte them. And se there within the said Drapers* Hall Hall. 
every hrether te pay ferthvnth te the smd Wardens fer his dinner and quarterage 
that is to say when no livery is given 4s. y and when livery is given Hj /., and Quarterage 
if ye have ne dinner lad^ (providing always that the i 2d yearly of every and other 
person goes to the hex of God* and the overplus to the Wardens). And also Payments. 
every person shall pay in case like^ in the said hall the same time for his livery 
gown when clothing is made and given (and these to go clearly to the said 
Wardens), And these duties duly (honestly) and truly to te pmd as is afore 
rehearsed upon pmn of 40* of him that doth the contrary. 

6. Anno domini 1515. Anno rcgni regis H. VIIL 7th. 

(Aad also that when x mark is allowed for the Mayor's mess then that Additional 
year the Wardens shall have^ if no livery be given, iiix. of every man clause added 
And if livery be given iix. of every man. And also when livery is given >T i r 
the Wardens shaU have no x mark allowed them, but only the profit of Annulled 
the livery that year though ye have a mayor or none & the ii/. of the ^^^9- 
livery aoove written. And when ye have no mayor at dinner the 
Wardens that year shall have but iiif. of every quarterage and no 
X mark.^ 

The liii day of August Anno Dom. 1^19 this act was dissdved and 

7. For to Chese newc Wardens (14.^4-^^). 

At the same dinner or feast shall be chosen a Master ^ and iiij Wardens Eleaion of 

« A ,«st-Reformarion alteration. ^S^ 

* This addition is probably not later than 1439, because after that date the 

Spiiitnal Box i» no longer heard of. 

^ This ordinance, as stated in the text, belongs to the year 14^4-^. There 

was certainly no Master till 1439. The ordinances that follow are in all probability 

of the same date. 

uM'i M m 

Digitized by 


il66 The Oath Book or. 

for the year following and if any man refuse the choice he shall pay to 
the box xli without forgiveness. And those Master and iiij Wardens 
shall be chosen of all the Qty as well of one place as of another, j^md 
the ftrt9ms v)bkb if ^^foimted mU cmteluded /# if Wsrdems fir tbe year 
filUwmg m tie Hall fMrlmtr er elsewbire ky tbe Aldermen Wsrdems mui 
Ceumtell tbereumte Mtsembled met te ie mttertd Mfter mehber in their fersens 
ner in their reems st the Eldest fVsrden the Secend the Third the fimrth. 
And v)hMt fersen or fersens efnohmt degree or cenditien he he that presmnetb 
te hresk this erMnmsce shall immedistefy fmy te the hex ef this hense vnthent 
mmy firgiveness fxx sterling. And there shall none be chosen Warden 
again v years after that he hath once been except he vnUmgly vnll receive 
it And if any Warden choose any man that hath been Warden till 
V vears be done centrmj te the firm efiresmd he that so doth shall be still 
Warden the same year instead of him that he chooseth so against the 
tenour of this article. And tiie Wardens for the time being ^ali do call 
the Aldermen and viij persons at the least of the Gounsell of the Fellow- 
ship within iij or iiij days afore the day of our dinner or feast to appoint 
by their advice the Wardens for the year following. And the seyd viij 
persons to be sworn to keep secret and not to discover any of those that 
so shall be chosen till that they be openly chosen in the Hall upon pain 
of Us. without forgiveness. And if any of the said persons come not at 
his summons he shall pay xi** without forgiveness. Also it is ordained 
and new established by the whole Fellowship the vij^ day of August in 
the year of the reign oJF King Henry the vj^ the xxxiij that the Wardens 
that shall be chosen for the year following shall stand in foil power and 
receive the office with all charges pertainine to the Wardens the same 
day that they are so epenly chosen. Provided alway that at all times 
lawfollv required the master and they shall assist the old Wardens to 
make levy of all such things as is grown to them or to the craft of duty 
in the time of the said old Wardens or in any time before and shall avow 
and affirm all such suits and actions as the said old Wardens or any of 
them in the names of the said new Master and new Wardens shall take 
and attain for levying of any such duty upon pain that the same new 
Maister and Waraens shall forfeit and pay such duty as so oweth to be 

8. For the £Feeste what Eueiy Brother shall Paye. 

Payments of Also that euery Brother whether that he be in Town or noon < shall pay 

Qoarterage, bis aferant for the Dinner or feast that is to say that year that th^ have 

&c. Qothing ij/. And that year no Qothing is iij/. And every Brother 

shall pay for his Quarterage xij^ a year. (And though he be wedded he 

shall pay for him and for his wife but xiji/. And dso the Wardens as 

» 'not.* 

Digitized by 


Book of Ordinances 167 

for the year being shall have to their aUowance as for Risdies ' Minstrels 
Players and other petty costs xxx. and no more. Also if it so be that 
there be a Mayor at the Dinner, and he be of the said Fellowship, the When 
Wardens to be allowed for his mess xl/. And if it like the Wardens to Mayor is a 
have at the Dinner a Mayor of another Craft without the assent of the I>raper 40/. 

Fellowship then they to have noon allowance as for the Mayor's mess,) ' ^^ ^c ?^ 
^ ^ ^ ^ for his Mess, 

p. For chesing off Newe lyuere. 

Also in that vear that Qothing shall be made the Wardens as for the Lege, 
year being shall do call to them the Counsel of the Fellowship for to Choosing 
choose and appoint what Qothing they shall have as for the year by the LiTery. 
Saint Thomas day to fore Christmas and that they by that day be fiill 
appointed and accorded upon their Colours for their livery. And they so 
accorded the said Wardens shall make ready and porvey for the said 
Clothing that it be full ready by Midsummer next following. And then 
the said Wardens for to do call to them the whole Counsel of the Fellow- 
ship And they to choose viij persons to value all the said cloth. And 
the said viij persons to set their seals to the said Cloths so being valued. 
And the price of every Cloth to be by himself in a bill tacked to every 
of the said Qoths unaer their viij seals by the day of the Translation c^ 
St. Thomas next following; And if any man be so advised to take of his 
own Cloth then he that so doth shall pay to tiie Wardens vjJ. for every 
yMtJ grained^ er not grained^ And what Wardens that doth the contrary 
of any of these points shall pay to the box xlL. without forgiveness. 

And tins Mfrresaid Act to serve frem henceforth ms nvellfor them that shall 
nev)ly come into the livery as for them that te now in the livery and none 
othernmse. Fatet anno seftimo H. viii in Utro Domus. March 12. 

lo. For them that (byth) shall ho Amyttid to have the lyuere & Suche 
as Come in by redempcyon. 

Also ordained is that any mms that shalhe Abyld and amyttyd by the Lege, 
whole body of the Fellowship Uing in the livery for to wear the livery Payments at 
And hath been Prentys of the said Fellowship shall pay at the leeste at entry into 
his Entry vjx. viiyl. And to the Clerh xijd. and^ Beadle vii>/. And livery, 
other that desire to have the livery shall pay at their Entry like as the 
Wardens and they can agree^^ And vj other of the Felowship asocycd to 
them. And all those that come in by Redemption shall pay to the Clerk 
xld. at their Entry into their Freedom and to the Beadle xip. 

' rashes. 

■ In the years 141^-9, 1434, 143^, i440j we certainly find 40J. paid 
when Mayor is not a Draper. Cf. Accounts. ^ Dyed scarlet. 

^ These words are written OTer an erasure. There was no Clerk till after the 
year 14^0. ^ Written over an erasure. 

Digitized by 



The Oath Book or 

Of Brethren 
falling into 
Poverty or 

Lege. Of 
Dirges for 

II. For hem That flTiIle In Poverty. 

Also ordained is that if any of this Fraternity which liath been 
a brother thereof and weryd the Qothing by the space of vij year ftill 
And hath been of Good name and fame fall in Poverty Impotency or 
Sickness And by the whole bodyof the Fellowship be admitted to the 
Aims, if he were never Warden Then the Wardens shall pay him yearly 
iiij marks, he to be paid quarterly a mark a quarter. And if he have 
been a Warden then he for to have Fully xiiij /. a week for to be paid of 
the box oF God In to the time that God will increase them otherwise. 

Frmnded mlivays tht$ the f€rs0m sc admittti sbM dwell mtUm tie flmce 
mU Mst Km alnomys as sm almsnum. And that such stuff as be sbmll Mmg im 
vrifJb him msd lefi after bis death shall rest to the beuseforUs suecessmtr afier 
the discretiem eftbis flace^ except be have vjife or child that then they after 
bis death t$ receive the feeds mul immediately te aveid the placed Anme ijoj. 

IX. For to Come to Deryges (for Brethren that dyscese of the 

Also if anv Brother of this Fraternity and at the Day of His death is 
in the Clothing the Wardens shall assign to Summon the Fellowship 
to come to the Dirige of the terment' of the said Brother. At which 
Dirige they shall abide till it be done, if it so like the Wardens. 
And that no man depart without licence of the said Wardens or one of 
them upon pain of iiiy. without forgiveness. And upon the morrow 
they shall be at the (mass of Requiem) £inme service if therete they be 
rehired? And every of them shall offer as the Wardens will assign 
them. And they shdl at each such summons do gather them together in 
such a place as shall be assigned by the Wardens. And in such Clothing 
as shall be limited by the said Wardens. And from thence to go honestly 
ij and ij together to the Church that they be assigned or summoned to gq 
to. And if any be absent except he be oat cf the City and Subuihs 
without fraud, at any time that he faileth unless he have licence of the 
Wardens or oF one of them. And if he be present and offer less at 
the Mass than he shall be assigned by his Wardens he shall pay to the 
Temporal Box myd. without any forgiveness. Also if any Sister of this 
Fraternity Die, if it be thought by the Wardens to assemble the Fellow- 
ship to come to the Dirige then they to Come upon pain aforesaid Also 
if any Brother die that hath been Warden then the whole Fellowship 
shall bring him to Church In such Clothing as the Wardens will assign 

' The words ' pro Aydrop * are written in the margin^ the meaning of which 
does not appear, bat he was probably an almsman. Possibly this refers to 
Will Aydrop, who was an almsman in i f 08-9. Cf. Wardens' Accoants, 1 508-9, 
Appendix, vol. i. No. XXII a, p. 371. 

' Barial. 

^ Evidently a post«Reformation alteration. 

Digitized by 


Book of Ordinances 169 

or one of them upon pain aforesaid. (And also what Brother or Sister 
that dieth the Wardens shaU take the names of them And to charge our 
Priests of our Fraternity to Remember the Souls of them in especial an 
whole year after their Decease.) 

13. For Alle Maner o& Somavnces. 

Also in General ordained is that when Summonses is made by the Lege. 
clerk or Beadle to all the Fellowship to be at any certain Place at any Summons to 
certain hour if he come not an hour after he shall pay iiiji/. And if he he obeyed, 
come not of all that day then he shall pay viiy. except he can leefully 
excuse him to the Wardens or one of them if he be in hele and in town. 
(And if they be summoned to go approcessyon whoso faUeth but if have 
excuse reasonable he shall pay as often as he faileth iiij^.^ And these 
pains of summonses the Clerk or Beadle shall gather, and it it so be that 
any man at the first coming of the Clerk or Beadle will not pay the pain 
ordained the second time of the Ckrk or Beadle's coming he shall pay the 
Double, And the nf^ time treble, And if he will not pay then he shall be 
hold for Rebel and stand at the Grace of the said Wardens. 

14. For hem that ben in Mys Rule. 

Also if any of this Fraternity be of misrule or mtstehaviour either in Lege. Mi»- 
ijoord or im deed or te oi Evil Fame or Condition or will not obey the master bchaTiour. 
mnd wardens whereby the Fellowship is slandered or therethrough may 
have velony, he shall be sent for to Come afore his Wardens. And by 
them to be Corrected as their discretions giveth them. And if he be 
rebel and will not obey the Correction of his said Wardens, Then the 
Wardens shall call to them the Counsel of the Felowship Ajid they to 
Correct him after their Discretions. And if he will not obey their Rule 
and Correction Than they to present him to the Mayor as Rebel. 

ly. lyffany bargayn or bye with other to paye at the quarter day. 
Also if any Brother of our Fellowship bargain or buy with another Payment of 
brother of the said Fellowship and no special Comenant' be made the *'i™* ^^^^ 
seller shall not ask his money till the Qiurter Day if the Buyer be ^o a brother 
sufficient and abiding And in case be that the seller find him ag^eved ^^ ^^ 
for the fault of his payment at the Quarter day Then may the seller ^^rter- 
Complain him to the Wardens, And they after Their Good Discretions ^^^ 
to set a Rule therein. 

\6. That no brother Take no servant hous ne shoppe fro his Brother. 

Also that none of this Fraternity take no servant hous ground nor shop Lege, 
from his Brother (within this Qty or without) without leave and free 
will of the same Brother upon Pain of x li. without forgiveness. And if 
he be Rebel to stand at the Rule and Grace of the said Wardens. 

' Probably the word should be ^ covenant \ 

Digitized by 


X70 The Oath Book or 

17. For all maner off Rydyngis be lond & be Water. 

Ridings by Also if the Fdowship of our Fraternity hap to Ryde by Land or by 
^*n^ or Water against the King Mayor or Sheriff" or against any other lord or 

waten estate the Wardens shall do assemble the Felowship to Gcther. And 

then to ordain in what manner and how they shall Govern them in that 
Riding or Going by water. And he that is Rebel against this Ordinance 
either in his Riding by land or by water he shall pay to the Temporal 
Box iijx. iiiy. without anv forgiveness. And all costs of Minstrels and 
other things needful and nonest to the same Riding^ or Going by water 
shall be Reryd of the Brethren as well of them that Ride not by land nor 
go by water as of them that so do. And nothing there fore to be taken 
out of the Box. And als9 ardamed is that far the Kim^s £rlge that the 
nvMe Mj of the Fellowshif ke summoned there te mU be tbdt fasleth 'ontbemt 
a reMenakle excusMtiem be shmll pay /# the Temferal Bex iij s. and issj d. 
nDitbeut farpvenessm 

18. lyff any brother £Snde him Grevid with other that he pleyn hym 
£5rst to the Wardens. 

Lcce. Com- Also if any Brother of this Fraternity find him Grieved with any other 

plaints Brother of the said Fellowship he shall tell his Grievance to his Wardens 

against first or that be Complain him owzher ellys.' And than the Wardens to 

brethren to do come afi>re them both parties. And they to do their diligence to 

be made make an end, And if they cannot then may he that findeth him Grieved 

^^^ ^^^ Pleyne where him liketh. And the Wardens at all times shall be 

Wardens. ready to witness the sothe In whom the Default is. And that none 

of this fraternity do succour or help the Party fiiulty. And who 

that doth the (Contrarye) shall pay to the Temporal Box x IL without 


ip. For the ffeyres off'Berthotomeu and Ouerey. 

Of times of Also that none of this Fraternitv stand with merchandise at Fairs ok 

selling at Westminster nor of Saint Bartholomew over the time of the franchise 

Fairs. Granted that is to say xxx days at Westminster and iij days at 

Bartholomew's upon pain of x li. without fi>rgiveness. Also that it shall 

be lawful to Everv Brother to go as well to the fair of St. Mary Overcy's 

as to the fair of St. Bartholomew and under the same Manner form. 

10. That no brother bewreye litill or meche seid In the Companye. 

Lege. Also that none of this Fraternity bewray little thing or much said in 

No Betray- CounscU among the Fellowship or Part of them. And if any of them do 

in^ofThings if it may be proved on him by the Wardens and vj other good men he 

said in gh^ ^y ^q i\^^ Temporal Box x li sterling without forgiveness. 



Digitized by 


Book of Ordinances xyi 

II. That no brother be Brocour betwen flfbreyn and fforeyne. No Draper 

Also ordaned is that none of this Fraternity be no Broker betwixt ^^ee^^**^ 
Foreign and foreign upon pain of an O. to be Rcryd without forgiveness. jt^^J^^^ 

11. That noon Apprentis ne lowes Afiler her terme serue with noon 

other man. 

Also that no Apprentice of this Fellowship nor lowys * after their terms Lege, 
end omJ irfore he h ruxnm in this fUce shall open msj shep or serve with 
any other man of Crafte but only with a Draper in Cace be may reason- 
able salary have. And if he may no service get within the Fellowship 
then he to go to the Wardens praying them to help him to service. And 
if thev cannot help him thereunto witiiin the said Fellowship then he to 
take nis advantage. And else not upon pain of x 11. without forgiveness. 

13. That no brother enfforme no stranger. 

Also that no man of this Fellowship of Drapers shall inform no strange No Brother 
man in no manner point longing to this Occupation neither of knowing to inform 
of cloth of price of measure nor of the country that they come from upon any 
pain of an Cx. to pay as often times as he is found faulty in any of these Stranger, 

x^ For to kepe no servant (longer than a yer) tut he be affrenticed 
or frenum of Drapers . 

Also that no man of the Fellowship keep no servant In his h^use er Lege. As 
shop as a Kytter or a lowes without licence of the Wardens had longer than to Keeping 
a year but if he be prentice or freed in the same Fellowship upon pain of Senrant or 
X li. nor set no foreigns a work upon payment of v li. whereof iij li to this Jonmey- 
house XX /. to y presenter & xx s. to master wardens for y time ieing.^ And ^^^ 
that no man of this Fellowship take no servant to serve him in Drapery 
but if he have been prentice with a man freed of the same Fellowship 
upon pain of other x li. to be paid to the Temporal Box without foigive- 
ness. Neither inform no stranger in no manor point belonging to this occupa^- 
don as mf knowing of cloth of price measure nor of the contrys that they come 
frOy upom p^9g off to be paid as oftentimes as he is found fauty in any of 
these points. 

x^. Iff the Mayster and the prentice mowe not Acorde. 

Alsa if any brother of this Fellowship and his prentice mowe not Lege. And 

accord and Us master will give him leave to go where be wUl or give of empby- 

him a general acquittance that none other man of this Fellowship receive in? those 

none such in to his service as alowes till he hath fulfilled the term of his who cannot 

agree with 

» L c. journeyman. hS master 
' We first hear of Kytters being admitted in i for. These additions therefi>re 
are probably not earlier than that. 

Digitized by 



The Oath Book or 

AppreDticehood with his first master or with some other man brother of 
this Fellowship by the accord of his first Master upon pain of lo li« to 
pay to the Temporal Box without forgiveness. 

itf« To bryng Euery Apprentice aflEbre the Wardens or he be Enrolled* 

Enrolling o A*so that no man of this Fellowship of what degree that he be take 

Apprentice none Apprentice but that he bring him first afore his Wardens ar he 

and payment enroll him And then the Wardens shall write in (this) a Book the 

of 13/. 4</. names of the Master and of the Apprentice and the years that he is 

bound. And then the Master of the Apprentice shall pay forthwith to 

the Wardens xiijj. myi. The which shall be put in a Box ordained 

therefore And he that doth the contrary shall pay an O. without 


17. To presente ailore the Wardens Eueiy Apprentice afiter his 

terme do.' 


made free of 
the Fellow- 
ship robe 
first pre- 
sented to the 




Of the 
Beadle and 
his Salary, 
and the 

Also that all manner of Apprentice of this Fellowship at the end o^ 
their term fulfilled or they be made free m the Chmnher shall be presented 
by their Masters to the Wardens to the intent that every Apprentice 
shall swear upon a book to keep and hele all the counsel and lend ordi- 
nances of the said Fellowship made or to be made during their lives. 
And also to keep and hele the lefiil counsel of his Master that he served. 
And he to pay at his Entry to the Wardens iijx. iiiji/. and to the Clerk 
viijd. smd the Beadle iiii/. 

%%. That the Wardens Euery yer yeld vpp ther Acountes. 

Also ordained is that as 'voell the old Wardens as the renters far the 
keuse — also rf Mr. Hev^e/Ps gifts every year shall yield up their account 
justly and truly before all the Fellowship or certain of them assigned by 
the Fellowship within the viij* day after All halom day* without any 
tarrying in pain of an O. the piece to the Temporal Box without forgive^ 
ncss. j^nd then the Auditors which he therefore chosen shall afterward 
finish and deierrmne their audits J^^ly hj the Feast of Christmas upon pain ef 
X /. the piece to ie paid^ etc? 

a^. For the salarye ofifthe Bedilh 

Also ordained is and fully assented that the Common clerk and (the) 
Beadle of this Fraternity be a man freed of this Fraternity and a man 
fi-eed of this said Fellowship and of good name And good fame and he 
shall have for bis salary v li. a year for to be paid of the box of God. 

' done. 

^ All Hallows or All Saints' Day,NoTember i. Howell died in 1557 or 1538. 
^ Renters and Auditors come later. Renters not till 14^9-70, Auditors 

Digitized by 


Book of Ordinances X75 

Also it is accorded by all the Fellowship that the said commm clerk and 
beadle shall have his livery of the same cluth that the livery of the Fellow, 
ship is after the discretions of the Wardens as for the time being, and 
what brother that deceaseth & hath borne state that is to say Alderman 
Master or Warden of the said Fellowship shall leave to the clerk and 
Beadle his gown & hood of his last livery save one with the fiir therein 
or else xl /. in money therefore And what Brother common of the said 
Fellowship that deceaseth shall leave to the Clerk and Beadle his second 
livery gown and hood with the fiir therein or else xx /. in money for his 

30. That no Wardens wryte nor do wryte In this book but ordinances. 

Also Ordained is that in this book the Wardens shall not write nor do Ordinances 
write no manner accounts nor reckonings nor none other things but only only to be 
Ordinances made by assent of all the Fellowship and the names of the written in 
Apprentices received as it is to fore declared upon pain of x li. to be the Book, 
Rered of him that doth the contrary without any forgiveness. And it is 
accorded by all the Fellowship that the names of the Apprentices shall be 
registered in the old Book of the Old Ordinances. 

3 1. That Euery Wardens do Rede this book aflbre All the Company. 

Also Ordained is and fiilly assented that the Wardens for the year Lege, 

being shall read or do to read all the Ordinances afore or after this Ordinances 

written that is to say iij or iiij times in the year openly afore all the said to be read 

FeUowship upon pain of x li. to be rered of them that doth the contrary ^ t*ie 

without any forgiveness. Fellyship. 

3 a. That no Wardens here oute nor Ddyucre no bookes olFordynances. 

Also it is Ordained and Enact by all the Worshipful Fellowship that No Book of 
ftom this day forth that no Warden bear out nor deliver out of this Ordinances 
Worshipful Place any Bokes longing to this said Fellowship that is to to be taken 
say of Ordinances or of any Rules without grant and assent of the ^^^X- 
Council of the said Fellowship upon pain of x li. And also that the said 
Wardens neither bear out nor deliver any evidence or monuments of any 
rents or tenements longing to the saicl Fellowship without grant and 
consent of the Council of the said Fellowship upon pain of an C li. to 
pay the Temporal Box without any forgiveness. 

33. The ordinans Made to Exchewe pres ofFmenis men ' In the halle 
the day oflF the flFceste. 

Also Ordained is by all the whole Fellowship of this Fraternity that 
forasmuch as heretofore this time at the Feast or Dinner of this foresaid 

' ^ avoid pressure of many men.* 
leos.i N n 

Digitized by 



The Oath Book or 

No one, 
except past 
and those 
who have 
borne city 
offices to 
CO the 

Order of 
sitting at 


Wardens to 
admit men 

Fraternity hath been great press and multitude of voung men in great 
dishonour of all the Brethren and principally to the Master and Wardens 
for the time being, for they might have no room nor space to serve nor 
to do their business in saving of liieir worship and of all the Brethren. 
And principally that the States nor the Brethren might not see nor 
behold plays and other divers sports for that time ordained. Therefore 
ordained is by the advice of all the Brethren that no man of the Fraternity 
except Aldermen and they that have borne States in the Qty shall bring 
no man with him nor child to the Feast or Dinner whether it be save 
only they that have been Master or Wardens to fore, the which shall 
bring with them but only one man at the most, the which man shall be 
honest and able to do his service to the Fraternity and Fellowship afore- 
said at the commandment of the Master and Wardens for the time being 
upon pain of xl /. to pay to the Temporal Box without any redemption. 

34, A Rule ordeynd fibr the Syttyng In the halle. 

Also it is Ordained and assented by all the whole Fellowship of this 
Worshipful Fraternity of Drapers that from this day forward at every 
General feast or Dinner of the foresaid Fraternity that all those that 
have been Master (and) or Wardens shall sit at meat at the table next 
the cupboard in the Drapers hall out take those that be^ the Aviis^and 
the Assignment of the Master and Wardens for the time being be chosen 
and assigned to sit at the high Table upon pain of ij x. to be paid to the 
Temporal Box without any manner forgiveness. And that no brother of 
the Fraternity presume to sit at any table in the Hall till the Mayor and 
the States have wash and be set at the high Table upon pain of iij x. and 
iii j J. to be paid to the Temporal Box without any forgiveness. 

Also ordained is and provided that (always) at the table next the 
Parlour door shall (begin) te set ij or iij mess ^ with such as hath been 
(Masters and) Wardens overmost (and strangers) after the discretions of 
the Wardens for the time being. 

The Ordinances that follow are of the year 14.5 y-if/ 

I. <That the Maister or Wardens may make freemen by redemption 

Also it is ordained and assented by all the whole body of this 
Worshipful Fraternity that from this day forward the Master anci Wardens 
shall admit and receive almaner of men or women by way of redemption 

* i.c. by. * advice. 

^ A mess was a portion for fbar persons. 

^ The omissions and additions are of the date of ii Heniy VII (i ^04-5), as is 
stated in the marein. They are important as iUostrating the increasing powers 
of the Master and Wardens. 

Digitized by 


Book of Ordinances xys 

for to be (no) brother sister or freeman of this said Fraternity or Fellow- and 
ship without assent or avise of any other person of the said Fellowship women by 
(or the moste part of them according always that the whole body of the Redemption. 
Fellowship be summoned thereto . • • and whatsoever Master or Wardens 
that doth the contrary against this rule and ordinance thus made shall 
pay to The Temporal Box ^lo without any forgiveness) and for such sums 
rfmmey or afhervrise thai is to say gratis after the discretion of the said Master 
or Wardens for the time ieing^ 

2. Also it is fully condescended and accorded the first day of June in Two persons 
the year of the reign of King Henry the vj*« the xxxilij' bv my master evicted from 
Norman and all the Worshipful Fellowship of Drapers of london That *^c Fratcr- 
from this day forward that these persons James Ffalaron and Aungill de ^^X- 
Pettis shall not be summoned nor called to this Fraternity ' and ^How- 
ship at no time nor to have no livery thereot nother to pay nother 
quarterage nor none other duties that belongeth thereto. And the said 
persons to be utterly discharged and put out of this Fraternity and 

Then follow ordinances written in different hands and in plain ink^ of 
the reign of Edward IV and later. 

^ I. That no brother of this Fellowship inform any stranger the 
Feytz of Drapery. 
Also it is fiilly condescended and utterly concluded and agreed the No brother 
iiii^ day of the month of Janivcr the v year of King Edward iiii by all to have 
the Aldermen of this Fraternity and Fellowship and by all the whole Body dealings 
of the same Fellowship That (if any) ^ no manor ^person of this Fraternity ^"h a 
and Fellowship from this day forward of what condicion or d^ree that Stranger, 
ever he be take upon him in amy manor wise to sett any foreign awarie or 
inform any straunge man or to take with him at any time or season any 
(maner erf) person of any maner of (craft) occupation or Fellowship but that 

^ The alterations in this ordinance are interesting : (a) We have heard in 
previous ordinances of dirges for Sisters of the Fraternity (p. i^8), and Sisters 
are even mentioned in the earliest ordinance of the Religions Fraternity, bat this 
is the first notice as to how they were to be admitted. ()3) According to the 
original draft Redemptioners were to be admitted in the presence and with the 
consent of the Fellowship. By the alteration this was dispensed with. 

^ N.B. — Herbert's translation of this passage is strangely incorrect, i. 419 : 
' Any felon or one convicted of treason.' There is an erasure before the name 
of James Ffirlaron as if another name had once been there. 

^ I have reproduced the exact words of the original, bat as it stands it does 
not make sense. Possibly this is the reason for the substitution of the words ' no 
manner of for ^ if any '. 

Digitized by 



The Oath Book or 

be be only of his own Fellowship freed (of the s&me) or prentis Other to 
ride or to go to any (maner of) place othir in town or out of town 
Where&s any cloth shall be bought by any (maner of) draper of this 
Fraternity and Fellowship othir by any othir man of what (Crdl) Cmt^anj 
Knowledge or fellowship that ever he be By the which they might or may have any 
of bargain- manner of knowledge of any Bargain making or of Imowledge of doth or 
making or of of price or measure or cetrntries or of any point longing on to Drapery in 
knowledge, qq manner of condition & wtaf manner of person of this Fraternity 
& Fellowship that doth the contrary against this Rule and ordinance 
thus made shall pay to the Temporal Box without any manner of forgive- 
ness as often times as he oficndeth in any way of these points aforesaid 
by due proof against him £^ sterling. 

a. To come to the dirige on Sunday after our Lady day 
Assumption yearly. 

Attendance Also it is fully condescended and concluded the xvii day of the month 
at Dirges. of December in the sixth year of King Edward the IV by all masters the 
Quarterage aldermen and by all the whole body of this Fraternity and FeUowship 
and other that every brother being in town or in the suburbs of the same and in 
payments. health shall come to (Bowchurch) Saint Michael in his last livery the 
Sunday next after our Lady day the Assumption to the derige of the 
brethren and sisterin of the Fraternity of our Lady and Brotherhood of 
the Drapers of this city of London at which derige they shall abide till it 
be full done withouten that he have leave of the Wardens for the time 
being or one of them And wher derige is done they shall honestly come 
two and two together to the Drapers Hall And there to take such 
recreation as shall please the said Wardens to give invto them And so 
thereforth within the said Drapers Hall every brother to pay unto the 
said Wardens for his dinner and quarterage And also in like wise for 
his livery gown when the clothing is made and given And all these 
duties aforesaid duly and truly all only at the Drapers Hall to be there 
paid upon pain of 4xd<^ of him that doth the contrary and this to be paid 
to the Wardens for the time being toward their costs and charges 
withouten any forgiveness. Froviding that of the said yearly ftarterage 
the said Wardens shall pay far every person so paying to the hex of this 
place 12*. 

Fines for 3. Also it is fully condescended and agreed the a 8th day of June the 

disobeying 5>th year of King Edward iv by my Master Sir Rauffe Josselyn Master 
Summons. Stalbroke Master Bartylmew Jamys Master Drope the Wardens for the 
time being William Borgreve William Stokker Thomas Harward and 
John Hungerfbrd. Also Thomas Gemwey John Porter John Pake 
William Lightwood John Stokker William White William Bulstnxie 
William Braysbryg Richard Norman Michael Harris Thomas Bass 

Digitized by 


Book of Ordinances X77 

William Gardiner John Ashwell Symond Stcvynson John Fcrlee William 
Sybson John Hernes Pcrs Johnson Pcrs Clement John Tutsam William 
Sugborh Harry Skelton and William ClodcwcU That what person Being 
at any time summoned to the Drapers Hall or to any other place And 
he come not he shall pay at every time that be faileth ii^ without a lefiil 
cause and a cause reasonable And he that will not pay his mercyment at 
the first time of asking at the second time of asking he shall pay xs. and 
else to take of him afters and to be brought to the Drapers Hall m\hout 
any forgiveness. 


4. Also they have fully appointed and chosen the same day ' ii Renters Of the 
for all the whole livelihood of all the Craft that is to say Richard Renters. 
Foote and William Sybsone and they so to stand by a whole year 
And they to begin at our Lady Da^ the Assumption next coming 
and they shall as well receive meraaments fines Prenticehoods and 
Freedoms as the Rents and shall yearly justly and truly give up their 
accounts to the Fellowship by Saint Andrews aay next following by the 
space of a year And at the day of their Account given up the toone of 
the said Renters to be changed and the todyr to stand stiU in the said 
office for ij years And he that has been once Renter and so changed he 
shall not be Renter again vij years after that. This was fully agreed and 
concluded by all the persons before rehearsed the day and the time above 
said. Als9 mcreover nve nmll th£$ the smd Rtnters far the year Mng and 
their successors have full power at all times to stress M strain and late toferme 
for all such charges as they te charged with in their time that is to say for 
Rents merdamims fines frenticehoods and freedoms.^ 

The substance only is given of most of the ordinances that follow. 

y. On y August 13 Edward 4 (1475) an ordinance was passed to relieve Wardens 
the Wardens of part of their heavy charges in connexion with the annual allowed to 
feast which it was their duty to provide for the whole of the Fellowship, charge fees. 
It was agreed that the Wardens should henceforth receive for their own 
use the fee of ijx. 4^/. for every apprentice of the Drapers enrolled at the 
Guildhall or in the Craft and also all the amercements of viiji/. each paid 
by the brethren of the Fellowship. If the latter fee were not paid upon 
the first demand the Wardens could exact a fine of like amount, and if 
on the second demand the fee and fine were not paid the Wardens had 
power to distrain upon the goods of the ofitnder. 

'28 Jnne, 9 Edward IV, 1459-70. This is the first mention of Renters, 

Digitized by 



The Oath Book or 

Wardens to 
have no 
fer the 

of Appren- 
tices to be 
enrolled and 
fee of %L 

to Wardens. 

to be pre- 
Election of 
Master and 
Fine for re- 
fusing to 

6. On the \6 August 14 Edward IV (1+7^) it was further agreed that 
the wardens shall have no allowance for the dinner of the mayor's mess 
though he, the mayor, be there, nor for none of those Straungers whidi 
shtU be boden to the dyner for gamysshyng of the high table nor for 
russhes mynstrells nor players. Altered by 18 £d. IV. 

7. It was ordered on \6 July 9 Henry VIL 1494, by Master Aldermen 
Wardens Counsell & whole Body of the FeUyship, that every brother 
shall enrol all indentures of his apprentices at Drapers' Hall and pay 
a fee of viiji/. for each pair of indentures, under a penalty of vj j. viiji/. 
for neglect. 


8. What is allowyd to my maisters the Wardeyns yerely. 

It was ordained on 14 August 18 Edward IV (1477-8^ by the Master 
Aldermen Wardens & by whole fellyship that the wardens ^ shall have 
for their allowance yearly for the mayor's mess and for such as shall be 
appointed by my Masters the Aldermen and by the Wardens for the time 
being for the garnishing of the high table, also for players minstrels and 
rushes the sum of ^d 13/. 4^.' Also that they shall have all the ^ amerce- 
ments of 8i^. a piece growing and due by the brethren of the said fraternity 
within the year of their occupying*. (Moreover everv brother shall on 
the Sunday next before our Feast pay at Drapers* Hall to the Wardens 
for his dinner and quarterage, and also for his livery gown when clothing 
is made and given ; on pain of ;x. 41/. one half of which shall belong to 
the Wardens and the other half to the profit of the Craft. Also agreed 
that the Wardens shall have the duties of i ;x. ^. arising from apprentice- 
hoods to the profit of the Crafte any former ordinance to the contrary 


9. On the 19 July 149a it was ordered that every Apprentice shall be 
presented by his master to the Wardens within eleven months after the 
day of his bond, under a penalty of aox. to the Temporal Box. 

10. Also ordeigned is that at the same dyner or ffeest shaJbe chosen 
a maister & iiij wardeyns for the yere folowyng And if enyman Refuse 
that Chojrse he shalle pay to the Boxe x*« witouten foryevenesse And 
theke Maister & iiij Wardeins shalbe chosen of all the Citie aswele of 
one place as of another And ther shalle none be chosen wardeyn ayen of 
V yeres after that he hath ones been And if eny wardeyn chose eny man 
that hath been Wardeyn till v yere be doon, he that soo dothe shalbe 
stille Wardeyn the same yere in stede of hym that he choseth soo ayenst 

Digitized by 


Book of Ordinances 179 

tl\e tenure ot this Article. And the Wardens for the tyme beyng Shall senre. No 
doo calle Thaldermen and viij persones at the leste of the Counsell of the Warden to 
ffelauship withyn iij or iiij dales afore the day of our Dyner or flfecst to b« chosen 
appoynte by their Aduise the Wardeins for tne yere folo^^Tng And the *g^ within 
saidc viij persones to be swome to kepc secrete and not to discouer cny °^* years, 
of thoo that soo shulbe chosen till they been openly chosen in the halle AUennen 
vpon payne of xl» withouten fonrevencssc And tho persones whiche and eight 
been appoynted and concluded to oe Wardeyns for the yere folowyng in persons 
the halle Parlour orellcs where by the Aldermen Wardeyns and the cho«en by 
Counsell therto Assembled not to be altred after at eny season nouther the Cbancil 
in their persones nor in their Rowmes as the eldest Wardcyn the second ^^I?^* 
the thirde & the flfburth And what persone or persones of what degree or ^ u*^ 
oondidon that cuer he be that presumeth to breke this ordinaunce rfiallc choice oon- 
Immediatly pay to the Boxe of our lady Withoutc eny foryevencs xx" firmed by * 
And if eny of the said persones come not at this Assomauhce he shalle ^^^ whole 
pay xx<^ withouten foryevenesse Also It is ordeigned and newe estab- \^y^ 
lisshed by the hole fielauship the vij^ Day of August in the yere of the 
Reigne of kynge henry the vj^ the xxxiij^ that the Wardeins that shall 
be chosen for tibe yere folowyng shalle stonde in fulle power and Resteyve 
the Office with aU Charges perteynyng to the Wardeyns the same day 
that they ar soo openly diosen Provided alweies that at all tymes liefiilly 
required the maister & they shalle assiste the olde Wardeyns to make 
levie of all such thyngs as er f rowen to them or to the Craite of duetie 
in the tyme of the said olde Wardeins or in eny tyme before And shall 
advowe & afierme all suche sutes and accions as the saide olde Wardeins 
or eny of them in the names of the said newe maister & newe Wardeins 
shall take & attaine for levying of eny suche duetie upon payne that the 
same newe maister & newe Wardens shaUe forfeite & pay suche duetie 
as Soo oweth to be Recouercd. 

lyoy. ijoj. 

II. On y August lycy it was ordered that each Warden should receive *® Henry 
the apprenticeship fees only rf such as were bound within the period of ^^^- . -'^PT 
his year of office. prenaceship 

la. On ao April lyia it was further ordered that i^i*- 

the fee D.y.hle on presenting an apprentice and en. SJiS?5.Tin^«drf.T2; 
rolling his indentures should be 6s. id. instead ot md pid co the House, not co 
j;/. ip. as heretofore, and that the fee should be paid che Wardras. 
to the House. 

13. Also the same day and yere (xo April lyii) yt was enacted that Fullers, 
all pourmen ffullers Sheremen ffreed in this fieliship, kytters & makers Sheremen, 
of garments that is to say gownys dublets jakkets kyrtylls peticots & such Kyttcra 
lyke garments vulgarly called kytters of garments shall pay for euery freed in this 

Digitized by 



The Oath Book or 

fellowship to 
pay for z/. 
indentnre of 
their appren- 
tices. Bat 
6s, %L 

Duties of 
4th War- 

on number ' 
of Appren- 

Fees for 

Fees for 
ship and 
entry into 

Apprentice from this day fiirth at the ensealing of his endenture within 
the Drapers Hall ij /• during the term of vij yers next ensuyng. And this 
in lykwys the Qerk shall recey ve for the vse only of this place. And all 
hosyers that occupys corsets shall pay aftir the rate above wrytten that is 
to say vj X. viij d. for cucry Apprentice. And who that doeth contrary to 
any of thes ordinaunces shall forfeit & pay to this place xl x. as of% as yt 
can be proved ayenst hym etc. 


14. An ordinance made lo July 15:17 regulated the duties of the 4th 
Warden as follows. The 4,th Warden to make a Rental in parchment 
containing the names of all the Company's tenants and the amount of 
their rents. To oversee all the property, its repairs, and « vacations *. 
To receive rents and pay all outgoings. 

ly. Then folk>ws an account of the gift by John Milbom of a burial 
cloth, and orders as to the way in which the dirges for the soul of John 
Chester should be conducted. 

Of Apprentices. 
Jan. II. 15:14. 

\6. Here assembled Master Monoux Sir John Brugge Sir John 
Milborne Master Rudstone & Master Askew Addermen Ine Wardens 
The Council The Livery and all the whole Fellowship moste in number. 
And the said Assembly it was enacted and agreed that from henceforth 
(it shall not be lawful unto any brother or sister freed in this fellyship to 
take mo apprentices than may stand in good order for their degree and 
that one or The Wardens at the least have the sight of every such 
apprentice before he be bound upon pain of 40/. to Ine Box • • . ) that 
every brother being in the Master's livery shall pay from this day forth 
for every apprentice that he shall take at the ensealing of his indentures 
within tiie Drapers Hall to the Clerk ... to the use of this place 6s. %d. 
and every Sister whose husband has been of the aforesaid livery shall pay 
for every apprentice 6s. id. and every other brother or sister not being of 
the Master's livery shall pay for eveiy apprentice gx. 4^/. . . . 

17. 19th June xj Henry VIII (lyji). It was enacted by the whole 
fraternity that no person or persons shall pay for the entry of any 
apprentice into their fellyship above %s. 6d. nor for his entry when be 
shall be made free after the term of his years shall be ended above ^s. ^. 
only for Spoone silver, and the officers fee according to the Act of Parlia- 
ment last made before the year & day above written.' 

The next ordinances are of the date 33 Henry VIII. They will be 
found in the Appendix to vol. ii. 

7 11 Hen. VIII, c. 14. 

Digitized by 


Book of Ordinances x8i 

I. Oath of The Master & Wardens Jointly from Page 17 of < Book xil 

of Ordinances \ 

^ Ye shall swear that ye shall well and truly oversee the (crafte) occi^a- Lege. 
ci9B or Mystery of Drapers whereof ye be chosen Masttr and Wardens for 
the year. And all the good rules and ordinances of the same Mystery 
that ben approved here and enacted by the Aldermen & Councell of the 
same fellowship and none other — jt shzM kepe and do to be kepte. (And 
all the defaultes of that we shall find in the same crafte done to The 
Chamberlain of the Cytee of London for the time being ye shall well and 
truly present sparing no man for favour ne grieving no person for hate.) 
And for all the defaultes that ye shall find in the same mystery dene ye shall 
spare no mat^ for favemr nor grieve any persenfir hate^^exXoTcioa ne wrong 
under colour of vour o65ce — yc shall none do neither to anything that 
shall be aninst the state peace fie profit of Our Sovereign (lord the iCing) 
lady the glneen or to this Cytie ye shall not consente but for the tyme 
that ye s^ul be in office in all things that shall be loneing unto the same 
mysterv after the Laws and franchises of the said Cytie well and lawfully 
ye shall behave you (as God you helpe) ficc' ' 


^ Also ye shall understond that it is enacted that neither of you (being Lege. 
Master or Wardens for the time of your year ensuing and being in office) 
shall move nor none othir for you to this house any matter for yourselves 
or any of yours concerning any lease or other benefit for that year by this 
house to be granted upon paine of ^20, to be levied on him that so doth 
labour to the contrary.' 

z. Oath of the Qerk of the XVI Century. From Ordinance Book, p. z^ 
Evidently a later insertion, probably date of Hen. Vlil. 

^ You shall swear that during your life you shall be good 2c true line- 
man to our Sovereign Lord the King that now is and to his heirs Kings 
always faithful fie loving to the Gild or Fraternity of our (Blessed Lady) 
Saint Mary of Drapers of London. You shall not implead any person or 
persons free of the said Gild or Fraternity being sufficient and remaining 
under the rule thereof for any cause in any court spiritual or temporal 
unless you have license of the Master or one of the Wardens for the time 
being and during your continuance in your office you shall conceal fie keep 

' The omission of the Master m the original oath shows that it belongs to 
some period previoiu to 1459, because no Master existed till that date. The 
other alteratioos are either of* the reign of Maty or of Elizabeth. It should be 
compared with the oath of that date in vol. ii. Appendix. The omission of the 
reference to the Chamberlain is interesting. It looks as if the Company were 
resenting his interference. 

iMisn o o 

Digitized by 


x8x The Oath Booh or Book of Ordinances 

secret all such matters counseUs and communications as the Master, 
Master Wardens and the Assistants of this Wordiipfiil Fellowship at all 
and every their Court Days Assemblies & Quarter Days in their Commoa 
Hall to oe holden and kept, shall condescend and agree upon for the 
good governance 2c continuance of the said Fellowship in worship and 
prosperity and for the avoiding of all inconveniences to the contrary 
whioi or else perchance might come or happen to or amongst the same 
Feltowship or some of them. Also vou shall not open or disdose any 
word or words which any brother of tne said Qxnpany perchance in heat 
of Uood or unadvisedly shall speak in your presence to the rebuke 
reproach disproof check or in derision of any other brother being absent. 
Also you shall not convey nor carrv nor suffer or cause to be conveyed 
or carried out of this House any oook or books evidences writings or 
muniments pertaining to the same or any copies thereof to shew or read 
or to be shewed or read to any person or persons, nor deliver out of this 
House any abstract or copy of any Ordinance Act or Decree without 
license of the Master or one of the Wardens for the time being and all 
oAer matters as concerning the Corporation of this Fellowship or their 
lands rents evidences muniments money jewels plate or napery.for the 
profit of the same Fellowship you shall conceal and keep secret and in all 
and singular the premises when ye be demanded you shall give the best 
counsel that you can and all the hwfiil rules and ordinances made or in 
time coming to be made by the discreet counsel of this worshipfiil Fellow- 
ship you shall well and truly to your power hold observe and keep so help 
you God and by This Book/ 



The earliest Wardens' accounts are on paper 1 1| inches high by from 
8 to 8} inches wide, each account forming a separate section bv itself 
It is doubtful if they have ever formed part of a bound volume, although 
some were loosely placed in the covers of a vellum book from which the 
contents had at some time been torn. There are ten of these ancient 
documents extending from 14.14. to 1441, being the accounts for the 
following years x Henry V, and 3, 4, y, 8, 9, i}, 14, 19, xo Henry VI. 
There is a gap of thirty-four years between these and the first bound 
volume of Wardens' Accounts, which begins with the year 14.7 5 and 
is the earliest record consulted by Herbert. The accounts were kept in 

Digitized by 


The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts x83 

French down to those of 14. Henry VI, which are the last in that 
language, the next — ^those for the 19 Henry VI — ^and those for the year 
following being in £nglish« As to the years for which these accounts 
are made it should be remembered that most of them are dated by 
the regnal year. 

Now, the first regnal jrear of Henry V is March i+i j to March 1+1+, 
the second regnal year is March 14.14. to March \\\^. The Wardens 
were elected on the Assumption, Aug. i):, for the following year« On 
or a few days before the follomng All Saints' Day, Nov. i, the old 
Wardens presented their accounts for the past year. 

Thus tiie account presented in the second year of Henry V will 
be the account presented in Nov. 14.14. for the year Aug. 14.13 to 
Aug. 14.14. 

The dates given in the Report of the Conunission of 1884. are many 
of them wronff. They were evidently taken from the work of a 
transcriber without any verification! So much for the accuracy of 
Commission Reports ! 

Note. — Tht Umrs in italics art tither omimd in th§ original mamucrif$ or afftmr 
dwrt in a contracted form. IncomfUtt words art frinttd wiih an afostrofht afitr tht 
last letter, 

Ceux sonnt les resseytez queux William Weston John Benet Thomas Accoimt pie- 
Cook & John Glyn onnt rescieux en Icur temps pour le Miestier sented in 
de Drapers Ian du Roy Henn quynt ij«. [14.14.] Nov. 1414 

En pwm resc* en le box dc dieu * p<ir les mayns a Robert Tatersall ^^^ l^^" 

John lynge Thomas Hardyng & J lobenhitm veyll maistrez * xxvf bfi ^ ^ug. 
resc' de John Prentout draper pwr un Schoppe en la p^iroche del Bowe i^,^. 

pour ua an entyere iiij" 

rcsc* de Uidw/as Bakere poitr rente en Candelwykestrcte iiij'* xiiij* 

resc' de Benet Scherman pottr rente en Westchepe xx« 

resc' de Jankyn Hynton taylor pottr un quarter rent x« 

resc* de leycestre miller pour rente xx» 

resc' de BvUyngey Scherman pottr rente xx« 

rcsc* de Harry Coton is man pour rente du an entyere xxvj" viij|* 

resc' de Badcok Carpen/fr pour rente du an entyere xviij* 

rcsc* de Steph«i Skynncr pwr rente vj» viij<* 

resc' de vj«vij p^rsooez chescn a iiijd. pour chiuacher aaesque le vicounte 

xlij' iiij** 

' There is only one Box, Le Box de dieu. In later accounts there are two, 
Le Box de dien and Le Temporall Box. 

^ The fi)ar Wardens are here called Maistrez. There is no Master till 

Digitized by 


i84 The Earliest Wardens^ j4ccounts 

rcsc* de hugh Byrchc p«rr vn flFync xviij* 

rcsc* de vn Hosyere ia Dovgate pwr vn ffync » xr* 

rcsc' dc vn kerseyman p«w vn ffync * ijT 

rcsc* de hugh Byrcfae p«w vn ffyne xx^ 

rcsc* de vn kerseyman p«w vn ffyne xij° 

resc' de Scanys piir pr^essiouns iij* vSf 

rcsc* de Brandon pwr vn ffyne xxiij^ 

resc* de Wa/t^ TTiorpe p«w vn ffync xif* 

rcsc' dc Gamelyn p«r vn ffync ij* 

rcsc' de Bowrcre ymr vn ffyne i;^ 

rcsc* de iiij"iij personez pour quartfragcz iiip \xf 

rcsc* de bequcste de Robert Bcuer xx« 

Sifflwnuf xxiiij" v« yj^* 

Lcs resseytcz del Apprentidaltcz 

En pn'm' rcsc' de fiarnh^m p0«r vn Apprmtice dc veyll dette ' x' 

rcsc* de Icget p«w vn appmtice ^ xx« 

rcsc* dc Saykyn pwr vn apprmtice xx® 

rcsc* de Otflwdc p«w vn appr«rtice xx* 

rcsc* de Claucryngc p«w vn apprmtice xx* 

rcsc* de '^xchmrd atte lee p0»r vn apprentice xx* 

rcsc* de John Botillcr pMr ij apprmticcz xl* 

rcsc* de John Elvys pe»r vn apprentice xx* 

rcsc* de Elys Twyer p«w vn apprentice xx* 

rcsc* de Swaffliam pe»r vn apprentice xx* 

rcsc* de Will. Warde pe«r vn apprentice xx* 

rcsc* de Benet Harlcwynd pwr vn apprentice xx* 

rcsc* dc Grasdc pe«r vn apprentice xx* 

^urnma xiij^ x* 
StfiKmu totalis de toutz man/ers resseytcz amount* xxxvij^^ xv* vj^ 

Ccux sonnt lez dettcz & qviirteragcz duez al Box de dieu 

En prim* John Smyth de Brangtre doit de veyll dette & na/rc temps viij* 

Harry Hert doit de veill dette & ne/rc temps iiij* 

' These fines are for breaches of reralation with regard to cloth discovered 
by the search which Drapers held N.B. — A Hosier and a Kerseyman are 

' This is the balance of an old apprenticeship. 

^ Apparently the fee for apprenticeship was raised in this year, unless the loi. 

fee is for balance for a previous year. zo/. is certainly higher than it was in 
1 44 1, when it was 13/. 4(/., the usual fee for some time after. 

Digitized by 


The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts xSy 

RiciarJ Baynard doit de viell dette & none temps iiij* 

Hoby doit dc veill q«tfrtera£e xij^ 

John Wode de Epyswyche doit de vcyll dette & mtre temps iiij» 

Bosyan Bernard de Dancastre doit de veill dette ij* 

Thomas Eyre dr^rpere doit poitr vn Schermav de veill dette ' x* 

'Richmrd Elton doit p«r le fierme de vn gardyn pwrr di* an viij* iiij** 

Harry Grene & John leycetur xxj*^ 

Benet Scherman doit pwr rente de veyll dette xrv« v'f 

Item Benet Scherma)» doit pour rente de n^rre temps xxxiij* iiij^ ij scherys.' 

Will/4fi» Thomam Chalkma* de Grenewyche doit vj» viij*^ 

Will/ifw Dale doit de veyll dette xxviij* 

Nichtf/its Hay Baker doit i^mrr rente de natre temps xxv* \^ 

leycester flFimere doit pwr rente de xMtt temps xiij« iiij<* 

Billy ngey Scherman doit pMr rente de notrt temps xxv^ viij^ 

StephAi Skynn^r doit pwr rente de notrt temps xiij» iiij*^ 

Will/ism Crowmere doit pMrr qiMrtfrage de n«^e temps xif 

John P«rues doit p«r qur^frt^rage de xwtit temps xij*^ 

VfiWiam Breton doit p^r qiMrrt#rage de noTre temps xij^ 

Thoffir^rs Isilhiim doit ipour q^^rtfrage de veill dette & notrt temps ij' 

Raaff Yolentyn pmr qw^rtfrage de n^^e temps xij^ 

Walter Gawtron doit pwr qur^rtfrage de natre temps xij*^ 

John Walpool poitr quarterzgt de notrt temps xij^ 
sir TMchard Coton person de Seynt Martynys orgar doit pMo* qi^rtfrage 

de n^fre temps ^ xij** 

Southoote doit pw«r qir^rrt^rage de n^rre temps xij** 

Stephen HuUe doit p0»r qvirrtfrage de nf/re temps xij^ 

Wther Hunspell doit pour quarterage de notre temps xij<* 

John Alcote doit p«r q^^rterage de n^fre temps xij** 

RaaiF Hotond doit pottr quarter^e de none temps xij^ 
Summa de dettez & q*if rtfrage amount x^ xv» v^ 

Ceux sonnt lez payements de W, Weston J. Benet T. Cook & 
J. Glyn 

En prim* paye a deux Chapeleyns al Bowe * x" 

Item paye al Wcxchaundekr xiiij« x^ 

' N.B. — A Shearman is here apparently apprenticed to a Draper, as he pays 
the same arrears^ loj., as Famham does above. 

' Two Shears. Probably the sign of the House. 

^ N.B. — A priest, a member of the Company. 

^ At the Church at Bowe the Drapers maintained two chaplains, and there 
their Masses, Dirges, and Requiems^ which all had to attend, were celebrated. 
They subsequently removed to St. Michael's, Comhill. 

Digitized by 


zS6 The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 

Item paye al Clerk del Bowe pour Chauntm#s fie son labor pour tout 

le an f 

Item paye al Prestez fie Belryngers p«Mr le Dirige ij" 

Item paye pimr vn Cbapmxi' peitr le bedel de vertet [p«rs] pmr le 

vicounte iij* 

Item paye a Southcote prnvr quyt rente xx* 

Itm paye pour pavynge del tenmart en Candelwyke strete que le Bakere 

tient iiij* 

Item paye pottr i\ Cartsfixll gr^yellpMr le mesme ten^Minrt lx<> 

Item paye pour Serseaunt pour le ffiiyre de S. BarthobiNimu^ ij* 

Item en mange fie boyre le mesme iomr ^Hf 

Item en batelage a Westmynstfr ffayre ij* 

Item paye a vj niynstrels pour le vicounte xlj« vhf 

Item paye pMr Chapfronns pour lez mynstrels de vij verges fie di« vert 

fie rouge a xxd xij* vf 

Item pour ffiicon del mesme lour Chaperons xx*' 

Item paye peur man^e fie boyre p0»r lez mynstrels xv'' 

Itemr paye pour vn Chiual pomr le bedel pour Chiuacher a Broidi^mi pour 

Crowmer quaunt sa ffeme fiiiist mort xxij^ 

Ittm paye pour ij chiuals pour le bedel pour chiuacher oue le mayr fie lez 

vicountes if 

Item raye pour ij dilualx pour le bedd pour chiuacher encountre le Roy & 

le Reygne ' ij* 

Item pour le bedel iiij verges de blank a xviijd pour vn cfaunewr pour 

chiuachere encontre le Roy vj* 

Item pour xxiiij elln de lynem dr^ip a ixd ob' le elln poitr ij bord cloths & 

ij cupbord cloths xii* 

Item paye al Bedel pour son Salary ♦ iiij*^ 

Item pour allowaunce del mayr is messe ^ xl> 

Item pour ffacon de Chapeletts if 

Item paye pour vn bill del Apprenticialtez iiij^ 

Item allowaunce de Harry Hert ys djvjur iij* 

Siowmif xxiij" xij« vf* Kemaynt en mayn cWr xiLLf » iij» 

' Chaperon, Hood. 

* The mat Cloth Fair was held there, and the Drapers appomt the Keeper, 
and pay the Serjeant. 

^ Henry V and the Qaeen dowager, Joan. 

^ The Bedel is called The Bedel or Cbmmm CUrk in the ordinances $ apparently 
he performed the duties of both. He is paid nearly as much as the Chaplains, 
3^4 to their i^^ and is evidently an important officer. 

^ William Crowmere was Mayor this year. It is noticeable that in all the 
years covered by these accounts they pay 40/., whether the Mayor is a Draper or 
not> whereas subsequently 40/. is only paid when the Mayor is a Draper. 

Digitized by 


The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts z87 

Ceuz sonnt lez dettoivrs duez de lez Apprenticialtez 

£n prim' John Abboot pwr vn Apprmt/^ ThonMS Jeve xx' 

Nicn^/tfS Ncvylc doit p«r vn Apprmt/^ John Blakbourae xx« 

Raaff lobenh#m doit pmr vn ApprMrt/r# ThoMMS Middilton xx* 

Jenete Glefiyan doit p«w Jamys Choldcscy xx« 

Will Vuyet doit pwr Thowws Wynt^r xx» 

John Vyne doit p«w John Vyne son flEtz « xx« 

John Scxtstcyn doit p«wr John Colchester & J. Pole xl» 

Ric^ifTi/ Turn#r doit p«w- Will Chamber xx« 

John Massy doit p«w John Harry xx« 

Will Sewale doit pmr Rio6«r</ Sewale xx* 

Will Blaak doit pMr Will Dysbolt xx« 

John Qarc doit pwr J. Pery J. Warwyk & J. P^irkcr iij" 

Will Bonere doit pMr Mamew Rischeton & J. Donmow xl' 

Jamys Ouerton doit p«w J, Bamcby xx» 

Robrrt flfytz Andrew doit pMr Thomas Malt xx« 

Raaff Holond doit pmrr ThomMS Holme xx« 

Namkelley oue Wyot doit p«w John Prynce xx» 

John Tokevile doit pmr Ric' Smethecote & Hug* Hamburgh x> 

le person del Howe doit ' xx' 

Thomurs Hardyng doit pMr Ric' Beawmond xx" 

Raaff* Bentle doit pmr George Benyngton xx« 

John Gedeney doit p#«r Willi4iv Squyry xx' 

Robert Tatersall doit p«r Will/^w Camvyle xx» 
Si0»mif de lez Apprmticialtez amount' xxviij^ 
Suittcaa tofaUs dez dettez & aujrtfragez fie Apprenticialtez 
xxxviij" xyj" v^ 

Accompt of the wardens in Anno iij^ Henr* yj*^ Account pre- 

Ammo iij Henr* yj' [14.14], on front cover scntcd in 

Ceux sont les Resseitz quex John Brokkeley Wylly^on Botreaux for year Aug. 
Clement Lyffyn 8c Rawlyn Valentyn to Aug. 

En prrmez Ressu en le Box de dieu pw lez maynz de Thomas Pyke '4*3-4« 

Walter Chertescy John Somer 6c Edmond Salle yj^ vij» ob' 

hem rec' de Rankyn ducheman pMr iij quarters a Paske xxij" vj^ 
Item rec' de Thomas Halman Sherman pour j an a Seynt John xlvf viij^ 

It«n rec' de John Bothawe flfuller poitr j an a Seynt Jonn xxx» 

Item rec* de Richard Cler p«w j an A Seynt John xxyj» viif* 

Item rec' de Henr* Barton p«w j an A Seynt John xxv» 

' N.B. — A Draper apprentices his son. 

' The chaplains at Bcme church were always Memben of the Gild. 

Digitized by 


x88 The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 

Iten rec' de Richard Coroiwr pour j an A Scynt John xxvj» viiy" 

Item rcc* de Phdypp Boteler vj* viij** 

Item rcc* de Rcygnald Wclhit m en Chcpe pwr j an A Seynt John vij^' 
Item rec' de Nicholas Hay p^r j pety meson en Candellwykestrete p0«r 

di* an acv* 

Item rec' de dit Nicholas Hay en p^irtye de payement de son meson p«vr 

ceste an xxxij^ 

Item rec' de dit Nicholas ptirr vcile dette iij" 

Item rec' de Bernard Bosyan de dancastre de veile q^irterage ij' 

Item rec' de C & j persones pwr qiwrterage de ceste an v^ jxf 

Item rec' dez executOMrz de John Prentout xl* 

Sumoid dez rec* xxxv^ xiiij<* ob* 

Item rec* de Ric' Baynard de veile quioterage & n^re temps vij* 

^umvciM en cler dez rec* xxxv" viij" if* ob' 

lez Payementz del Box de dieu 

En pnmez paye a Sir John Nicholl person salerye pour j an a le ffeste de 
Seynt John Baptiste yf xiij« iiif* 

Item a Sir John Lovres penr son Salerie p0»r j an a Seynt John 

iijK vj* viij** 

Item a Ric' Coroner en Almes pmvr j quarter de veile ziij' iiij<* 

Item a dit Ric' en almes pe»r j an a Seynt John liij* iiij<* 

Item a John Longley en almes pe»r j an a Seynt John xl" 

Item a Colchestre en almes pewr j an a Seynt John xxvj" viij^ 

Item a Robert Dymok en almes pevr j an a Seynt John zxvj* viij<* 

Item a Walter Honyspell en almez pe«r j quiirrer a Seynt John xv« \f 

Item a Sowthcote peivr qwiterente pe«r j an a Seynt Joim xx' 

Item pevr qwiterente a seynt matthews pe»r j an a Seynt John xx* 

Item a hvnte Qerk del Bowe p0»r son labour p«vr tout Ian pour le chan- 

toicrs & Dyrige & ryjirggynge xij^ 

Item peirr le repar^rcion de lez taperz fie peticanddz fie rollez fie talow 

candyllz pe«r lez presterz xyj* vj^ 

Item pwr viij verge/ Sangweyn » p«r deux presterz a iiij' ^mrnxui laadf 

Item pe^r John Brekevile pour j eowne del rydyn^ del meire is* ij** 

Item peirr j cheuall pe«r le dit John a Westmynstire xij<* 

Item pour son salerye pe«r j an a Seynt John iiijK 

Summa dez payementz del Box de dieu xxviij" v' x<* 

Summa qui rcste en le Box de dieu vij^ ij* iiij<* ob*. 

lez dettovrz del Box de dieu 
En pr/n:ez John Smyth de Brangtre de veile dette fie ne/re temps xij» 

' Blood-red. 

Digitized by 


The Earliest Wardens' Accounts xSp 

Thomas Eire de veile dette pwr j Sherman x« 

Henr* Grene & John leicestre doient de veile dette xxj<* 

Thomas Thornton Chalkman de veile dette vj» viij** 

Thomas Islam de veile qu^rt^age & n^rre temps v« 

Richard laudisdale de veile dette x* 

Benett Sherman de veile dette pleg* ij ^mr sherls « xxv» vj** 

Henr* Hert de veile qujrrtfrage & n^fre temps ij« 

Andrew Trott pwrr j an a Seynt John pwrr rente en Seynt Swethynslane 

xxvj» viijd 
Nicholas Hay p^vr rente a seynt John en n^^re temps Iviij* 

John Elvish pmr qiurt^rage en n^^re temps xif 

Sir Willy^rm Gervers person del Bowe prnvr qiuirt^rage en n^/re temps 

Simrm^t de lez detto«rs del Box de dieu vij^ xix« vj** 

les Resseitz del Temporal Box » per John Brokley Wylly^rm Botreaux 
Clement lyflyn & Rauf Valentyn 

En pr/mez ressu en le dit Boxe p«r lez maynz de Thomas Pyke Walter 
Chertesseye John Somer & Edmond Salle vcilez meisterz en veile ore 

xxxvj^ V* 

Itmi rec* en le dit Boxe le mesme temps en bon ore vii^ v» 

Itmi rec* en le dit Boxe en bon ore xxxij^* xvj» 'f 

S«mmif toraliV dez rec' en le temporal Boxe de veile ore 

& novell Ixxvij^* vf'f^ 

It«n rcc' de Ric' Sutton pwr John Wotton veile apprent/r* xx« 

It«n rec* de Robert Swafthitm p«r WilJ/«w Grene veile apprmt/re xx« 
Item rec' de Thom^is Hampton pwrr ThomifS Halshifm veile apprent/Ve 

Item rec* de John Tokevile pe»r j veile apprent/Ve xx» 

Item rec' de John lynche pe«r son entre liij* iiij<* 

Item rec* de s/r Dauy rfedyan pe«r lentre de John Benett liij» iiij** 

Item rec* de Robert fGtzandrew po«r Thom^ts Malter veile apprentice xx' 
Item rec' de Willyiim Mette peirr John Standropp novell apprent/Ve xx« 
Item rec* de John Saykyn p^i^r Roger Hulse novell apprent/Ve xx» 

Item rec* de John Highlfm p«r Roger Bamborwh novell apprent/Ve xx» 
Item rec* de John Boteler pewr Elyevan Andemak novell apprentice xx* 
Item rec* de Will/iow Weston pe«r Henr' Bray novell apprentice xx» 

Item rec' de Williiiw Herre pe«r John Berell novell app-entice xx« 

« Shears. 

a The Temporal Box is here mentioned and continues to be so. 
3 Old Gold and new Gold. The old Gold was depreciated about i per cent. 
Cf. p. 197 of this vol. 

IMfl P p 

Digitized by 


xpo The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 

Item rcc' de John legett p^vr Henr* kent novell apprmt^ xx* 

Itrm rec' de Thomas Baker pMr John Hill novell apprmt/^ xx> 

Itan rec^ de Ric' Hersey pmr John Sergeant novell apprrntMf xx* 

YXetti rec' de John Wyott pMr laurens Bown novell apprmt/^e xx* 

It#m rec' de WiUyitm Botreauz pMr Thonus Barstaple novell apprrntue 

It#m rec' de Robert Tatersale pmr Thomas Canyngis novell apprmtr^ 

It#m rcc* de Regnold Mariott iMas diet' Welhitm pwrr Ric* Pratt novell 
appf«it/Ve xx« 

Item rec* de Will/4i» Raprr pmrr John Bryan veile apprrntfre xx' 

Item rec* de John Brokley pevr John Salekyld nouell apprmt/^ xx* 

Item rec* de viij« & ix persones pe»r le rydyng de le meyr de chescon 
homme iiij* 1^ iiij** 

Item de John Gladwyn pe»r son entre yj* vii}* 

Item de Robert Chambre pe»r son entre yf vii}* 

Item de Willy «n Herre pe*r son entre yf viij*^ 

Item de John Ottefbrde ^mtr son entre vj» viij^ 

Item de GeflFrey zememowhthe pe«r son entre liij» iiij** 

Item de hommez de Essex four fynyz al Bartilmews * v 

Item de Jdm Gasborwgh de Siifir pe«r j fyn v 

Item de John Grisle iiij^ 

Item de Thomas Cook viij^ 

Item de Thomas Eyre viij*^ 

Item de John Elvisn viif^ 

Item de John Brekelis viij*^ 

Item de Robert Coton iiij*^ 

Item de John Saykyn viij<* 

Item de Ric* atte lee iiij** 

Item de John Norman vii]^ 

Swnvaa dez Resseitz en neft-e temps xxxij*^ xviij* 
S«i»mif ToTifbV dez rec* del Temperall Box Cx*^ iiij* j^ 

Item rec' Thonufs Stanys peirr j ffyn xx^ 

S«wm4f Totdiis dez rec* en clcr del Tempw^ Boxe Cx^' v« ix<* 

lez Payementz del Temperall Boxe 

En prrmez pMr le Costage de lez Weres one le meire Waldem ' en le 

mois de Septembre Ian ij^ de r<^ Henr* vj^ J 

Item pe»r batillage a Westmynstire peivr diuerse temps en dit an iij* iiij^ 

' For breach of regolatkms as to cloth at St. Barthofemew £ur, where Drapers 
held a search, and had a Serjeant. 
' Waldem was Mayor in 1413. 


Digitized by 


The Earliest Wardens' Accounts xpi 

It^m a zv mvnstrellz pMvr son hire pvr le meire ridyng v^* 

It^m pmvr j dossMi mell & j dossev blank le doss^ xxij* SMwma xliiij* 
Ittfin p«r facion de xv chaperons le pcche )if iij^ ix<* 

It«n pwr lour dymwr de ditz mynstrellz & boyre vj» x^ 

It«n p«r le bctyng de xiiij ban^z pour chescon ban^ iij» iiij*^ xlvj» viij<* 
Item pww le frenge de le ditz banerz xx" 

Item pwr ij verge/ bloy bokcram a vij<* xiilj^ 

Item pwr fecion dez ditz banerz & frengyng le pcche yj** vij» 

Item pwr iij dossear poyntis pwr le ditz banerz ix<* 

Item pwr reward p^«r le messe del maire xl" 

Item pe«r Denvngton Sergeant pwr Je feire de Seynt Bart* iij» iiij^ 

Item p«r j bill de apprent/Ve horse de Gyldehalle xx<* 

Item p«w j chaperon pwr Alisandire Anne & son dyner xviij* iiij^ 

Item pwrr Je dynerz p«r John Carpenter & Ric' Osberne » viij» 

Item pe«r j coffyn pe«r banerz auifntdiz xi|^ 

Item pe«r portage du grant chiste iiif* 

Swwma de Icz payementz del Temperall Boxe xvif xij» f 
Simrma qw Rest der en le Temporal box de netre accompte en bon or 

xv" ix» xj<* * 
Swnma Tor^l/V reste en le Temp<?rall Box de veile ore & novell, 

iiij" xij" xvj» 3 

Lez dettOMrz del Temp^rall Boxe 

£n pn'mez Rauf lobenh^m pe«r Thomas Middilton veile apprent/Ve xx' Pleg j dr^p 

Item Jcdin lobenh^ m pe»r Adam Derbi veile apprent/Ve xx* de bley mell. 

Item John Massy pour John Henry veile apprent/Ve xx» 

Item Will/^iw Sowale pew John Sowale veile apprent/Ve xx» 

Item Will/iijw Blake pew William Dybworthe veile apprent/Ve xx« 

Item le/wson de le Bowe q«/ morte est xx« 

Item John Wyn pe«r John Werston veile apprent/re xx* , . 

Item John Nankelly de veile dette. Pleg' John Wyott xiij» iuj^ ^^^ y^? 

Thomas Jugelond pe«r John Jugelond veile apprent/Ve xx» ' •' 

Item John Newelyn pe«r reste du obligacion iiij" xiij* iiij<* t^l**^^ 

Item John Tokcvile de veile dette xx» moyns * iij" xv« J "" 

Item WUlyam Godewyn pe«r reste du apprent/Ve Johir lynton xiij* iiij^ 

Item Nicholas Walsh pour Will/ifw HaseJey Novell apprent/Ve xx» 

Item Hcnr* Wotton pe«r William Hallehede novell apprent/Ve xx» 

' This entry crossed through in original. 

' Altered in original from xv^ Wj' vij<^. 

^ Altered in orisinal from iiij^* xij" xij» viij<*. 

^ This entry and the marginal note are crossed oat in the original. 

^ Crossed throagh in origmal. 

Digitized by 


xpx The Earliest fFaf dens' Accounts 

\Um Gamclyn Gaweyn pmrr Jobs* Spenser novell apprmt/f^ 
Itf m Willyifm Herde p«r John Dene novcll apprfnt/Ve 

Summz de lez dettez de la TetrnpamW Box xx^' ' 
Dont rec* de John lankllejr xiij» iiif* 



lez somez dargent gr^mntez ^ar lez hon^rablez gentz del mistere dez 
drapers pwrr leur rente* en Seynt Swytthyns lane & Ressieux p*r John 
Highism Richard atte lee & William p«rker Gardeyns de dit mistier 
dez draperz Ian roy Henr* v** vij"» 

Willyifm Crowmcr xxx" 

Thomas Pike 
John Gcdeney xx" 
Robert Whetynghifm xx^ 
Willy iim Norton x niitrks 
Nicholas Wotton v" 

Walter Gawtron v** 
S John Botiller x« 

S Walter Chertcsey xx nbfrcs 

S Robert Tatcrsale x m^rrcs 

John Brokley xx m«rcs 

S John Beterenden v*" 

S John Brekelez iiij'^ 

S Robert Cristendom v« 

Thomas Islam liij» iiij** 
S John Highifm x m^rrcs 

' Amount altered from xxj^*. 

' Their Homt where they are building their Hall. Some 1 1 5 subscribe in all j 
cf. later lists j and 10 journeymen 'doone a le Hail ', cf. p. 309 of this vol 
^ Altered in the original to viip. 
^ N.B.— 30 reside in Candlewick Street, 17 in Chepe, 31 in Cornhill. 

dont ressu 


dount ressu 

vj^ xiij* iiij^ 

dont ressu 


dont ressu 


dont ressu 


dont ressu 


dont ressu 



dont ressu 


dont ressu 


dount ressu 1« 

ressu 1' 

s dont ressu 

X mifrcs 

dont ressu 

iijll y^ yiijd 

dount ressu 

V m^rrcs 

de ces Ressu 

xxxiij* iiij** 

dount ressu 


de ces ressu 

xxxiij* iiif* 

dont ressu 


dount ressu 


dount ressu 


dount ressu 


dount ressu 


dount ressu xx* 6c 

pris Ressu xx* 

dount nil 

dount ressu 

V nurcs 

de ces ressu 

xxxiij* iiij* 

Digitized by 


The Earliest Wardens' Accounts X9g 

S John jBFennell x m^rcs 

dount ressu 

V niif res 

dount ressu 

xxxiij* iiij<* 

Walto- flFrd)ani v« 

dount ressu 

xxxiij* iiij<* 
xxxiij* iiij*^ 

Richard Wald^raue liij* iiij^ 

& vw dount n/1 

Robert Cotton liij» iiij^ 

dount ressu 


dount ressu 


S ThoniifS Hardyng xl» 

dount ressu 


de ces reu 

xx» ffbl paiyd 

John Bokenbam xl> 

dount ressu 


S Robert Banburgh xl« 

dount ressu 


dount ressu 


Ressu x» 

S Richard Chamberlayn xi» 

dount ressu 


dount ressu 


Nicholas Walsh xx» 

dount ressu 


Jdin Browode xx« 

dount ressu 

vj» viij** 

S John Saykyn xl» 

dount ressu 


de ces ressu 


S John Glyn xl» 

dount ressu 


dount ressu 


Ressu x» 

Herrc Wotton xl« 

dount ressu 


dount ressu 


S Emery Matany xl» 

dount ressu 


dont ressu in 

feliparin xx» 

Piers Wymondam xl» 

dount ressu 


S ThomifsCook xl« 

dount ressu xl« & qirietirs est 

S Robert Qopton xl« 

dount ressu 


Walter Rideler xl- 

dount ressu 


S John Seynt John xl» 

dount ressu 


dount ressu 


» sir Ric* Thorpe p-irson de s. 

Swytthyns xl« dount 

vj» viij<* 



S John Wyott v nuircs 

dount ressu 

dount ressu 


Robert Beuere mf 

dount ressu 


S Ric'attelee liij»iiij<> 

dount ressu 

xxvj* viij<* 

S John Prentout xl» 

dount ressu 


John Spenser xl« 

dount ressu 


John lobenlurm xl« 

dount ressu 


* A priest a member. 

Digitized by 


X94- The Earliest Wardens' j^ccounts 

S Willy^m Bemez xl» 
S John Enote x** 

S Richard Herscy xl» 
Robert Colney xl» 
Hewc Byrche xl« 

S Willyirm Botreaux xl» 
NichoLfx Waldem xl» 

Thomas Stanys iij^ 

RaufHoland xl« 
Thoniiis mongomery iij^* 
John Haddon xx« 

dount ressu 
de ces ressu 
dount ressu 
recu ressu 
dount ressu 
dount ressu 
dount ressu 
dount ressu 
dount ressu 
dount ressu 
dount ressu 
dount ressu 
dount ressu 
dount ressu 
dount n/1 














Willy^m Weston xx** 
John Som#r v^ 
John Claueryng iiij*« 

V marcs 


liij* viif 
liij* iiij<* 

Thonws Eyre 
John Benett iiif 
Willy^rm ffoster v 
Alisandire Childe 
Thomas Baker x« 
John Cake xl* 
Walter claueryng 
Willy^m Piirkere 
John Goldhawke 
Symond Copshep 
Willyirm Twyer 
Roger kelsey xl* 
Thoniifs Qement 
Symond Eyr xl* 
John lynge uf* 
Richard Stryke xi* 
Willy^rm Chervell xl* 
Thomas Piirtre xl* 
Phelipp Malpas xl* 
Willyam Warde liij* iiij** 
Benett Harlewyn xl* 
John Willvirm xl* 
John fFarntirm xx* 


dount ressu 
dount ressu 
dount ressu 
dount ressu 
dount ressu 
dount ressu 
dount ressu 
dount ressu 
dount ressu 
dount ressu 
dount ressu 
dount ressu 
dount ressu 
dount ressu 
dount ressu 
dount ressu 
dount ressu 
dount ressu 
dont ressu 
dount ressu 
dount ressu 
dount ressu 
dount ressu 
dount ressu 
dount ressu 
dount ressu 





xxxiij* iiij** 

xxxiij* iiij<* 


xxvj* viij** 


xxvj* viij* 


xiij* iiij* 

Digitized by 


The Earliest Wardens' Accounts xpj- 

S Ric* Sutton xl» dount ressu xx» 

saSifjr^f[ *!• dount ressu xx« 

Thomas Ive xl» dount ressu nil 

John Maydiston ouc Sutton vj» viif* dount nil 

Siwwna TotaMs del gr^nt CCC IvjM vj» viij<« 

Dount ressu C hdj" v» 
Simima reste due del dit Gr^mnt C iiij^ xiiij'* 

[On the back cover.] 
Proscow xiij» iiij^ 
Ressu de Rafe flalandyne xx« 
Re de Williiim Creke & John Standon xx« 
Ressu de John legat xx« 

[On inside of firont cover.] 

Wat^ Chirchesey ^ 

John Warden g 

John Hih^m -m g 

JohnflfeneU >^ 

Robard Bamvour O J 

John Wyon < ^ 

Qement lyfiyn *§ g 

John lyngee ^ J 

Wilie Parker >^ 

Thoniifs Eyre v» ^ 

Thonws Cooke |^ cP 

John Seykyn g^ ^ 

Robard Coton jj ii 

John Glyn 5 ^2 

Niclas Waldeme t^ 

Will/itm Beverell ^ 

As«o iiij« Henrici vj Accoants 

Cest la Conte de John Seint John Simond Eyr John Wottoa & Williif m presented 

fiemes ffiit le xxvilj vntr Octobre Ian du gr^rce m* iiij*^ xxv Nov. 141 f. 

En pr/mes Ressu in la Box de dev p«r les mains de John Brokle Qement ^' ^^^ year 

lyflRrn William Botreaux & RaflF Valentyn Siowma vij" ij» iiii<* ^"fr H14 

Itmi Ressu de Thomas Alman Scherman pMr Rent dun an a le ffeste de ^^ ^^S* 

Seint John Baptyst xjvj* viij<> '^*^- 

Itrm Ressu de John Bothawe pMr j an a Senir/ John xxx* 

]t«n Rec* de John Wolffale pwr iij qt/arters a S. John xv» 

It^m Rec' de Andrev Trotte de veil dette xxvj* viij** 

It^m Rec' de luy pwrr j quarter in n«fre temfs v'f viij^ 

Digitized by 


z^6 The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 

\\jtm Rcc* de John Hvnton p«w di' an a S John xiij« itij** 

Itf m Rcc' de Hcnr* Barton p«w vn an a S John xx» 

It^m Rcc* dc Ric* Croner pour j a« a S John xxvj* viij^ 

lUm Rcc' dc Reynold Welhit m pour j a S John vif 

Item Rcc' de NichoU Hay de veil dctte Iviij* 

Item Rec' de luy de none temrps in p^rt xxxij" 

Item Rec' de Elizabeth Alfield pmr j an a S John xiij" iii^ 

Item Rec' de byqucst de Ric* Waldegave per flfrebam ilij^ 

Item Rec' de qtwterages de C & ij perssones v"* vf 

Item Rec* de John Kdly de veil dette xiij« iiij** 

Item Rec' de John Elvassh de veil q«ivrterage xij^ 
Item Rec' de Qcment lyffin pmr payer la rerage de quyte rent a Sent 

mathus x' 
Suwma XjvtAis de Receyts de Box de dev amoirte xxxviij^* xvij« 

les payments de la Box de dev 

En pr/mes paye a s/r John Nicholl prest pMr j qvivrter xxxiij^ iiij^ 
Item paye a s/r John lewys pew j an outre pew dj Salerye & pur Reward 
de la messe de nerre dame iiij^ xvj» viij<* 

Item paye a Ric' Croner de Amesse xl» 

Item paye a John Colchester in plen Almesse vj« viij^ 

Item paye a Robert Dyminck de Almesse xiij* iiij^ 

Item paye a Water Honyspell de Almesse j an iij"* viij** 

Item paye a Se»t Mathus pe«r quyt re«t j an xx* 

Item paye a Suthcote quyt rc»t pe«r j an xx» 

Item paye pe«r Reparac/on de tapers a le bowe xvj" 

Item paye pe«r amending de la branche yj* y\^f 

Item paye a le Qerk de bowe pour son laboirr vj» vii/* 

Item paye a John Brykeville pe«r j an iiij" 
Summa de payments amoute xx^' 

les dettowrs de Box de dev 

Ric' Bamard doit pour q^rrterage de ne/re teopps xij^ 

Water Gavtron doit pew q^^trterage de ne/re towps xij** 

John Bokinham doit pew qi^rterage de ne/re temps xij^ 

John Elvyssh pew qir^rterage in nefi-e te»ps xij* 

Stephen Hulle pew q^itrterage de ne/re tewps xij<* 

Thomas Dowe pew qtrivrterage de ne/re temps xij^ 

Thomas Roche pew qvitrterage de ne/re temps xif 

John Tokevyle pew qv^rterage de ne/re temps xif 

Ric' Bokeland pew qvivrterage de ne/re temps xij^ 

Water Redeler q^itrteragc de ne/re temps xij** 

Allexandir Anne de q^itrterage de ne/re temps xij** 

Digitized by 


The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts X97 

John Smyth de branktre de veil & notxe tonrps xiij* 

TbomiTS £yr de veil dette pwr j Schenntv x« 

Henri Grene & John Leycetcr de veil dettc xxj* 

Thoniifs thorndon Challana» de vdl dette vj" viij<^ 

Thoobis Isselhiim de veil dette & vMte temrps vj" 

Ric' londisdale de veil dette x« 

Benet Scherma* de veil dette pi' ij peyre Scheres xxv* vj<* 

Henri Hert de veil qviirterage & notn temrps iij" 

Andrev Trotte doit pmr iij qvivrtns re^rt a S John xx* 

Nicholas Hay doit pMrr rexrt: a S.John Bap' Iviij* 
la Siwwma de dettoirrs de Box de dev viij" iiij« xj^ 

Ceux sont les receyts de temp^rall Box 

En prrmes Ressu in la dit Box de Nowell & veyll ore SMvnia 

iUj**jdj^ xvj« 
dont perdu in la Change de la veil Ore ' vij» vif* 

ct ensi rest cler in bon Ore S«wnia iilj**x** \xf mf 

Item Ressu de Willhifm Russell pwr ThonufS Craoflfeld son Apprentys 

Item Ressu de WiUhivm Russell prar Wil]y«in Dissher son Appnentys xx' 
Itew Ressu de Water Thorp pew Thonus Dyer xx« 

Itew Ressu de John Wotton pour Robert Byfflete xx« 

Itew Ressu de Henri Wotton pe«r WiUum Hallehed xx* 

Itew Ressu de Thomits Akers peirr Robert Akers xx' 

Iteiif de John Gladwyn pe«r Robert Baylly xx' 

Iteiv de Simond £yr p0#r Robert Spevsser xx' 

Item de Wilhivm AyllyfiFpeivr Ric' Grafton xx' 

Itew de John Norman pe«r Thom^rs Nevnam xx' 

Itensi de Wilham Bemalby pe«r John Mellyn xx* 

IteMT de Wilham Botreux peivr John Strange xx* 

Item de John Bryklys pe»r John Pavnell xx^ 

Item de John Ottesford pe«r John Sebam xx' 

Item de John Wyot pe»r Ric* Moxrgomery xx' 

Item de Robert Banburh peirr Wilbim Seint Poull Thonu s Golde & Jchn 
£FramtQn iij" 

Item de John Stanton pe«r John Barmsby xx* 

Item de John Saykin pe«r Ric* Wynne xx" 

Item de Water Chirchessey pe»r Robert Marton xx' 

Item de John Tokevylle pwr ij veil aprevtys xl' 

Item de Wilhirm Herde pour John dene xx' 

Item de Wilhitm Twyer pe»r Robert Jacob xx' 

Item de Hans Wyssewyller pwr son ftaunchys & son entre iij" xiij" nif 

' i. e. about i per cent. 

If 08-1 Q q 


Digitized by 


ipS The Earliest fFardens" Accounts 

IXim dc ffortcsku p«Kr son cntrc vf vuf 

It#ii» dc j Hoiivmc de Galleys pmr vn ffyn ' xiij" iiij^ 

lUw dc John Hatt#r pwr vn fEn viif 

iUm Thonvis £yr pMcr ]cian mascall aprortys xx* 

ItMi de diufrs fines a Bcrtylmcs fiejrr iijT iilj<^ 

les pr^myssys * 

Ressu dc Willurm Ciowmer in piirt x' 

\Xim de John Gedney in p^vrt xl* 

Item Ressu de Robert Tatyssallc in plcn iij^ vj» vuf 

Item dc John Botyller in plen v** 

Item de Water Chirchessey in plen yj« xiij» iiij^ 

Item de John Bitterdene in plen 1' 

Item dc John Broklc in plen iif^ vj» vii/* 

Item de John Biykclys in plen xl* 

lUm de Thonus Hardin in plen xl* 

Item de Thonus Banberh in plen xx* 

Item de Ric' Chambirlein in plen xx* 

Item de Jdm Glyn in plen xx* 

Item de Henre Wotton in p^irt x« 

Item de John Seint John in plen xx' 

Item de Hans Wysscwyllcr in plen xl» 

Item de sir Ric' Coton pifrsson de S Martins ' vj» viij^ 

Item de John Nevlyn in plcn iiij" xiij* iiij* 

Item de John Wyot in plen xl* 

Item de John Saykin in plen xx' 

Item de Robert Crystindom in plcn xl' 

Item de ffortsku in plen xiij* iiij^ 

Item dc Nicholl Waldeme xx* 

Item de John lynge in plen xxx' 

Item de John Hyh#m in plen iij"^ vj" viij* 

Item Ressu de Simond CopssheflP in p*rt xxvj* viij* 

Item Ressu de Edmond Salle in plen xx' 

Item Ressu de Geffiey Zcmmowthc in purt xx' 

Item de Saundir Child in plcn xxxiij* iiij*» 

Item de John ffcmell in plen iij" v^ viij** 

Item de John prcntofte in plea xx' 

Item de Emarl Matcin in plen xx' 

Item dc Raff valcntin in plen xx» 

Item de John Stanton & Wilham Crele in part xx* 

Item de John leget in p^irt xx* 

' N.B.— A man of Calais fined. * The promises, or gifts. 

^ A priest a member. 

Digitized by 


The Earliest Warden^ Accounts 199 

Itfm de Robert Coton in p^irt xx» 

Item de WilLtm Beraes in plen xx' 

Item dc Ric' £&rdell in plcn xx» 

Item de Qemoft lyfiyn in plen xx" 

Item de John Benet in plen xx* 

Item de Water Qaverings in plen xxx» 

It^m de Thomifs Stains in plen xxx« 

It^m de John Wilhifm in plcn xx» 

It^m de Thomiis P^irtre in plen xx» 

Item de Ric* Herssy in plen xx» 

. Item de Ric* atte lee in plen xxvj« viij<^ 

It^m de Wilhitm Botreux in plen xx> 

Item de R^nold Wilhitm in pjrt xx« 

Item de Wilhitm CherwcU in p^irt x" 

Item de John Gladwyn & Robert Chawber pi xl» 

Item de John Knyzth in p^rt xx» 

Item de Thooiiis Qemert in p^irt x« 

Item de Phylip Malpas in plcn xx« 

Item RecMe John Ot£fbrd in pirt xx» 

Itew Rec' de Thomiis Eyr in plen iij" 

\Um Rec* dc John Somer in plen !• 

Itew Rec' de John Evote in plen xx» 

Itew Rec* de Wilham Herry in plen xx' 

Itew Rec* de John Norma* in pirt xx* 

lUm Rec* de Wilhiim AvllyflFin p^irt xx» 

Itew Rec' de Benet Harlewyn in p^rt xx» 

Itew Rec' de Wilh«i parkcr in plen xxvj» viij«* 

Iteiw Rec' de John Hylic in p^irt xx» 

Itew Rec' dc John Gryllc in plen xx» 

Iteiw Rec' de John Tokevyle in p^rt xx« 

Ite» Rec' de Water flft-cbarn in purt xxxiij" iiij* 

Iteiw Rec* de Robert Qoptow in plen xl» 

Itew Rec' de ThoniiiS avercy in plcn xx« 

Itejw Rec' de Wilhiim Awyer in p^irt vj« viij** 

\\jtm Rec' de John Kyrkeby in p^wt xx» 
Sfmrma Xxaaiis dc Keceyts si bien de sp/rrtuall box come 
de Ta»p0rall ij^lxxiiij** iiij* iiij^ * 

les dcttoivrs de Tcmp^rall Box 

En primes John Massy pe«r John Herry veil xx» 

Item Wilham Sewale pw John Sewale veil xx« 

' This Iar2e sum is accounted lor by the payment of some of the money 
promised in the prerioos year. 

Digitized by 


goo The Earliest Warden^ Accounts 

\Xjnm Wilham blake pmr Wilham Dylleworth veil zx' 

It#w John Wynne p«(tr John Merston veil xx* 

\\jtm Thoniics Ingelond pour John Ingelond veil zx' 

Gamelin Gawain pmr John Spensser veil xx* 

Simima vj** 

les dettoirrs de pr^mys 

En pr/mes Wilbtm Crowmer de xxx^ doit x** $oL 

John Gedney de pr^mys de xx^ doit x^ sol. 

Robert Whetinghiiin de xx'' doit xif« soliifrj* 

Wilhitm Norton de x nurrcs doit vij mivrcs 

Nicholl. Wotton de v>* doit 1« 

Wat^ Savtron de v>» doit 1' $oL 

ThoniifS Isselhif m doit tout son premys iiij mitres 

Robert Coton de iiij inarcs doit xiij* iiij** $oL 

Pers Wymondhirtn de xl» doit xx* $ol. 

Water Redder de xl» doit xx« soL 

Robert Colney de xl» doit xx« sol. 

Huchon Birche de xl* doit xx' sol. 
Nicholl ' Walderne de xl» doit 

RaflF Holond de xl> doit xx< 

ThooiifS * Mongomeri de iij** doit xxx* Rcc' per 

John Haddon cfoit tout son premys xx» bbcnli^n 

Water fFrebarn de v^^ doit xxxiij" iiij^ »1. 

Ric' « Walgrave doit tout son premys iiij niiircs 

sir Ric* Thorp p^rsson de Se/W Swcthins de xl' « xxx» yf rUf s 

Wilhitm Weston de xx** doit yj« xyj» vj** sol lifiij* 

John Qavering de iiij" doit xl» 

Wilham fibster de v m^n-cs doit xxxiij* iiij** 

Thoniifs Baker de x^^ doit v« 

John Cake de xl* doit x' soL 

John Goldhawke de xl* doit xx* 

Simond * Gopsshcff de xl* doit viij* iiij** 

John Ottesforde de xl* doit xx* sol. 

Wilhitm Ayllyff de xl* doit xx* »!. 

Wilhitm Twyer de xl* doit xxij* viij^ 

Roger Kclssey de xl* doit xx* sol. 

Thomas » Clement de xl* doit x* 

Ric' St^k de xl* doit xx* sol. 

Wilham Chervell de xl* doit x* sol 

Wilham Warde de iiij marcs doit yj* viij^ »1. 

' A clergyman a member. 

* Tills entry is crossed out in the originaL 

Digitized by 


The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 501 

John ffarnhiim de xx* doit rf viij** 

Thonus Eve doit tout son pr^mys 3cl* 

John Marston aucsqe Ric' Sutton doit tut vj» viif* 

Robert Bcvcr de iiij>^ doit xx« sol. 

John leget de xl» doit xx* soL 

Jdm Kyrkeby de xl" doit xx» soL 

John Hylle de xl« doit xx* sol. 

Gcflfrey zernmowthe de xl« doit xx« sol. 

John Knyzth de xl« doit xx« soL 

John Norman de xl» doit xx« sol. 

Siowma dettoirrs de pr^mis iiij**xviij^ xviij^ 


les paiments Si bVn de Sp/r/'mall box come de temp^all 

£n pr/mes "four batyllage a le ffeyr de Westmcj»stfr xyj^ 

Item pew Reward de la meyris mcsse 3d* 

Item pwr doynton Serga^t a la ffeyr de B xl^' 

Item p^irr Barges al Cerme^t de Roy » ij« viij^ 

Itew pur Barges a les Scherevcs ij» yj^ 

Item pur exspenses aler a Schene p^irr veyer la plase de les Selestrins ^ 

Item in vin p^rr Master Mapylton & autres ad veyer la Sale de vesqire de 

Bathe » viij<^ 

Item in vin p^irr diuissing ^ de ne^re Sale in preseirs de les Aldermans & 

autres gens xv<* 

Item p0»r j peyre endento^vrs p«r entre Salisburi & nous de ne/re Sale ^ 

Item pMvr expanses aler a Croydon pairr veyer notxt la fframe auesqve 
ffaukyswell iiij» vj*^ 

Itew done a flaukyswell p^w Son Reward vj« viij<* 

\\.em done a Maister Mapylton p^rr son Reward xiij* vlv^ 

Item pottr iij whell barwes iij* vj<* 

' Cerment, probably 'Serment'^ the oath taken to the young King. In 
April 142^ the young King Henrjr VI appeared at St. Paul's and was thence led 
through the City, although he was only three yean old. Cf. Fabyan, Concordance 
o( Histories, ed. 1 8 1 1, p. 5 94. 

^ The Company were now erecting their Hall and apparently were sending 
persons to visit important Halls. 

^ devising. 

^ Salisbury was the Master Carpenter employed by the Company } c£ Unwin, 
Industrial Organization, p. 6^, for peculiar posirioh of Building Trades. 

Digitized by 


gox The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 

Urn pottr amevdia dun veil whell barwe * vj^ 

tern pour vn scvc v<* 

.tern pour rn rop pour la well iiij^ iiij^ 

.tern pour vj trcycs xx<* 

[Um pour ij Rames vj<^ 

tow pMrr ij ifats & bindings a ddners Sofs iij" 

Item pour ij quavers de pap^r vij<^ 

torn pour viij laoorcrs iij ccm»s » cbtcuiiK le io«rr vd ob' iij^ yj» 

tern pour iiij laborers j ceman apr^ Pask xj' 

torn pour vij laborers j autr# cemaiv a vd ob' xix» iij^ 

tern pour ij laborers iij iovrs meme cemav ij* ix^ 

tern pour j laborer ij ioirrs xj*^ 

tern pour j autr^ cema» iij Carpint«rs pour la well xij« ix^ 

tern pour ij Carpint^rs iij iovrs iiij* 

Um pour vj laborers yj ioirrs xvj* vj** 

tern v laborers iiij iotrrs a vd ob' chacun le io»r ix* iiij** 

em pour v laborers iij io»rs vj« viij*? 

Um pour iij laborers ij io^rs a v** ij* vj** 

em pour j autre cema» pour lodings de Erthe iiij ioirrs v« iiij** 

tern vij laborers pour iij iowrs ix* ij** 

tem ij laborers ij ioivrs xxij** 

Um pour Cariage de Erthe iiij io«rs & di* j Car* vj* viij** 

tem j autre cema« vij laborers xix* iij** 

Um j laborer v iours ij* ij** 

Um j laborer ij io«rrx x<* 

Um a Duke Carter pour viij io«rs lodings a xyj** io«r x* viij** 

!tei» a Baldewin Carter pour ij iovrs lodings a xviij** iij* 

tem j autre cema» vj laborers xv« vj** 

Xem meme cema» j labore iij ioirrs xyj** 

!te» vn laborer v io«rs ij* ij** 

tew vn autre cema» v laborers ij io«rs & di* v* viij** 

tem vn laborer vn iour v** ob* 

tem vn autre cema» vij laborers v ioirrs xiij* iij** 
tem vn autre cemaiv viij laborers iiij iotrrs xiijT viij** 

tem vj laborers v ioirrs x* vj** 

Item vn autre cenuui v laborers vj io«rs xiij* ix** 

tem vn autre cemaiv vj laborers iiij io«rs x* viij** 

Um vn autre cerna* ij laborers v iours iiij* vj** 

tew vn autre cema« ij laborers vj ioirrs v» iiij** 

[tew vn autre cema» vn laborer iiij ioirrs xxij** 

' These details as to cost of making a well and of building the Hall are 
interestin£ as enrine prices and wages. 
^ Weeks : Semaines. 

Digitized by 


The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 303 

\XMm ij laborers v lours iiij" ij^ 

\Xjnn vn autr^ cema» ij laborers v io^rs iiij* w'f 

\\,em vn laborer pwr iij io»rs xvj<i 

\Um un autr^ cema» vn laborer v io«rs . ij« iij<* 

VXem vn laborer iiij ioirrs xxij^ 

\\jem vn autr^ cema» ij laborers yj ioirrs v« iiij^ 

\\.tm ij laborers v io«rs iiij* yj^ 

\Xjtm vn autr# cema» vn laborer v ioirrs ij* iij<^ 

It«» vn autr^ cema» vn laborer yj io«rs ij* viij<* 
Sirmma de laborers & Cariage de Erthe & expenses 
de la well xxj" xvij* v^ 

\Xjtvci paye a vn masson pour iiij iovrs a viij<^ ij* viij<^ 

It^m a Uj Carpintns pour iij io«rs a viij<* vj* iij<* 
[Thirty-five similar entries follow, the wages of the masons being 
6d.^ -jd.^ %d,, and Si-/.] 

Item pour baterings des massons coll xsfi 
Sim»ma de paymorts a les massons xvij^ xj* y^ 

It^m vn Corvc pwr vn well vj* viij<* 

It^m V dussin herdles a ijT vj<* xij* v'f 

It^m xvj Rafftres a iiij** le pese v» iiij** 

It^m ij Schelles a vj** le pese xij** 

Item vn pece Tymbir viij^ 

Item pwr C weches viij** 

Item pwr Cariage de herdles & autre tymbre vj** 

Item pwr ij Eres de fferr pe»r vn tyne vij^ 

Item pe*r vn betyll ij** 

Item pMT vn hok de fferre & molding dun ScovcU xj** 

Item pMT nayll a le wyndasse xiij** 

Item pe«r vn Treyc vj^ 

Item pwr vn Hering barcU viij** 

Item pMvr mosse a le well vij** 

Item pMvr gres a le wyndasse iiij** ob' 

Item pwr vn scope & pakthred vij** 

Item pwr Cariage a iij flfoys de diuers tymbir xi** 

Item pMcr ij Schoffeles ix** 

Item pe«r vn pekoys vj** 

Item ptfxrr ffessur dun Sched sous la morter v** 

Item pMvr vn Nomnete a notn Carpinters massons & laborers iiij* 

Item pwr iiij*^ v** nayll a le Schedde xx** 

Item pe«r vn keyc & Crochets vij** 

Item a lyon masson pwr la Seler dore xij* 

Item peivr ij hokes de £ferre peJ^ la dit dore xj^ 

Digitized by 


304- The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 

\\jtm vn Carpinto* pwr j ioirr viij* 

Item p«rr vn Vf%er Stafie pwr la well viij* 

ItnnpMrdrinkii]^ Silver a yongme^pMrfyUyngdekwcUciiwEith^ xx^ 
Itan pMrr vn lackkr xx^ 

It«n payc a John Carter de Ayllysford in Kent pour Oiiij« xvij Tons 

tyzth rag a xv^ xif* yf iij* 

It^m a luy pmr xlvj £fbte Coynys a iif> Ic fibt xj" vf 

It«n a luy pour iiij^ t* [Pd^] ffote vmall pw le Ox* xl* 

It#m a luy prnvr 1 fiote legeme^t tabvU a iiij^ xvj" viij<^ 

Itmi a luy pMcr v groase bassys de Rag xvj* viij^ 

It^m a luv prar v petyt bassys de Rag xij" 

It^m a Miller Chalkma* pmr v botys de pendant Chalk a xiij" iiij^ le bot 

iif* vj» viij* 
It^m a Wcbbe Chalkmaiv pmr iiij bots pendant Chalk a xiij" iiij^ le bot 

\Um a Role Chalkma» pmr ij bots Chalk a xij* xxiiij' 

\\jtm a Wolkschyr Chalkmax pmr vn bot Chalk xij* 

\Xjnm Tpour Cariage de la dit Rag & Chalk iij^'lxxiiij lodes a iij le lode 

Simmra iiij** xiij* v'f 

Itrm poitr Wharflfage de xx bots Rag & Chalk xiij" iiij<^ 

Itf m paye a Wilhism Broker Sclactfr de Horshirm in p^irf de paymenit de 

n^;re sclatte viif xiij" iiij*^ 

It#m paye a Halle lym man pottr xx^ lyme a vj» le 0» Smfmia yjo 

Itrm paye a Baldewyn Sondman patr O xxxiij lodes Sond a xxvj* viij<^ le 

<y xxxv« viij<i 

It^m a luy vn Chaperon in Reward ij" viij<^ 

Item paye a John Salusbury Carpinter par les mains de John Seint John 

Swwma O* yj* viij«* 

Itrm a luy p«r les mains de Simond £yr pottr les joirmes de les Carpinters 

come apert par les parcels par diuers Semains SmmM xliiij^ xiij" ij<^ 
Itrm paye a luy par les mains de dit Simon a Robert Ayllewyn &mima 

xxvj» viij* 
Itrm a luy par le dit Simond pnvr brassys pour la Sale achate de Wilhixm 

Clerk Carpintrr xxij" iiij*' 

Itrm p^irr Cariage de meme brasis de la boys Jekys a Croydon Samma par 

Ayllewyn ix« iiij* 

Itrm pMvr Cariage de ij lodes dc meme brasis de Croydonjekysa kxindres 

Itrm paye a luy par ffi-ebarn in kent come aprrt pjr vn bylle p#rentre eux 

Itrm a luy pnvr ffreyt dun Neff cuw merime la non de la maistrr John 

Schipma» xxvj» viij* 

Itrm a luy prirr ffreyt dun autrr NefFla Nome del nuistrr Robrrt Justin 

xxxiij" iiij* 

Digitized by 


The Earliest Wardens' Accounts goj- 

Itrm a luy p^irr wharfiage de les dits Nefe js^ 

It#m a luy pjr Thooiiis Eyr poirr mcrime achate a Huntooe in Kent 

iiiju yj> viij<* 
Sirrnm^ de payments paye a John Salusbury amoivt 
viij«vjM ij« vj^ 

Sirmmtf toTifl/V de tous notre paymevf/ si bien de Sp/r/Aiall box 
come de Temptfrall amoite cl#r ij« Ixsyj" ij" ix^ « 

Ceux sont les paiments £buit ptir Siroond £yr a les Carpint^rs de norre 
Sale par la (Wr) coma»dema»t de John Salusburi Comenssant le ix io»r 
Juill^ Ian m' iiij<* xxv 

ThomtfS Berne Carpint^r vij* iij<^ 

Geffr^ Walton vij« iij<* 

John crayle iiij« iiif* ob* 

John Brygge v« vij<* 

ThoniifS Sturgon vij* 

John Slv viij« x* ob' 

Jdm Wellys x» xj<* 

John Breton viij* vj<* 

John £h-enssh viij" vj<* 

Wat^- Ayllewyn viij" vj<* 

Thomiis Garlond viij" vj<* 

HiomifS Herry viij" vj<* 

Thom^js Spere viij* v'f 

Robert Ayllewyn viij* vj** 

Simnnif v'^ xj« iiij* 

le xiiij ioirr Juille/ 

[Thirteen of the above names are repeated^ each being paid iiij* iij<>.] 

It^m a ij Sawyers vj« viij** 

Smmxu uj^ xiiif* 

le xxj iotrr Juille/ 
[Thirteen names ; same payment, except in three cases, ii^« iif each,] 
It^m a ij Sawyers iij* 

^nmfma Iiij* 

le xxviij io»r de Juille/ 
[Thirteen names; payment iij* rf ob', but to Robert Ayllewyn 

Item a ij Sawyers ij« 

S«Mrm« xlix* 

' The laree expenditure in tMs and the following year is partly caused by the 
building of tne Hall, a bakehouse, and a well. 
i«w-i R r 

Digitized by 


god The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 

le yj ]<Mr de Auguste 

p^wdve names ; ptyment iiij* iij^, but to Robert Ayllewyn iiij* vi^. j 

It^m a ij Sawyers viij* viij* 

Smviiu liz* if 

le zj iour August 

[Twelve names; payment at rate of %\i. per*xlay as before. Three 
men not working the full week.1 

SMvnu uix* xd 

le xviij iotrr August 

[Thirteen names, including Roger Gyfforde ; same rate of payment.] 

SiMmu lv« vj** 

le XXV io«r August 

[Thirteen names ; same payments.] 
It^m a ij Sawyers vij* j^ 

SMvnu iij"* ij* vij* 

le primer ioirr Septembre 

[Twelve names; same rate of payment.] 
It^m a ij Sawyers vij* x4 

Simnnii Ivj* xj* ob' 

le viij io«r Septembre 

[Twelve names; same rate of payment.] 
It#ii» ij Sawyers iij* yj* 

Simnnit Ij* xj* 

le xxix ioi^ Septembre 

Geffrey Walton iij cemains xij* ix4 

[Nine other names follow at the same rate of payment] 
\Xjem a ij Sawyers xix* 

%uffta\a vf xvj* 

le xiij io»r Octobre 

[Eight names ; periods varying from one to two weeks.] 

Sivmnu Ivij* ij* 

le XX io»r Octobre 
[Six names, including Thomas Godffrey.l 
SMNmu xxij* ij* ob' 

Digitized by 


The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 307 

le xxvij i(Mrr Octobre 
[Four names ; same rate of payment.] 
Item a ij Sawyers iiij* iij^ 

^ummA xxj* vj^' 

le iij iour Nouembre 

[Four names ; same rate of payment.] 

Simmiif xvij* iij<^ 

le X ioirr Nouembre 

[Seven names ; same rate of payment] 

Swwnw xxvij» X* 

^umma totalis paye par Simond Eyr a les Carpinters p«r la Suvrrgnemewt 
de John Sallsburi amonte xliiip xlij* ij^ 

Ammo \o Hcnrici yj Accooms 

Ceux sonnt lez ressettis qeux Phelippe Malpas John Brykles Harr' presented 

Wotton & Richard Hercy onnt rcscieux lour temps pour lez Meistres N^^* ^4*^i 

de Drapers in le Box dc Dieu ^^ y^^\ 

Ang. toAng. 

Emprim// Rec' en le Box de Dieu p«r lez mayn/ de John Wotton John 1415-^. 

Seynt John Symound Eyr & Wilb'ivm Bemys veyll Maisterys j^ 

Rec* dc Reynold William de le Rent in Chepe pour j Anne vij'« 

Rec' dc le nemme de Nccolas Haye pour iij quarters de Rent 

iij" vij* iiij<* 

Rec' de John Wolfiall dc le Rent in seyntswetonslane pour j anne xx* 

Rcc* de Thonus Halroan pour le dit Rent pour j Anne xlvj« viij<* 

Rec* de John Botbawe pour le dit Rent pour j Anne xxx« 

Rcc* de Andrew Trotte pour le dit Rent pour j Anne xxyj* viij<* 

Rec* de John Hyndon pour le dit Rent pour j Anne xxvj« viij<* 

Rec* de Harr* Barton pour le dit Rent pour j Anne xx« 

Richard Coomer & ij tenements voyde 

Rec* de lez quartaragex de iiij*» & iij persones iiij" iij» 

Rec* de le queste de John Haddon xx* 

Rec* de Ic schoppc apres le Bakhouse pour di' Anne x« 

Sumun xxvij" viij* v<* 

Rec' de Robard ErgLim 
Rec' dc Thom^ Pyke Junyor 
Rec* dc Rogrr Talbotte 
Re^ dc Robard Cristemas 

pour son Entres xxxiij* iiij<^ 

Digitized by 


3o8 The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 

lez Recf^/ de k Tempirall Box a totz o/u appertent de dit Box 
de Temptfrall 

JEmprnnis Rec' de Symound Eyr Sc son oompanes in le Box 

Rec' de yj" & xviij persons pmr lez mynstxall 

Rec' de Roger Talbotte de Hadle pmirr son ffrcdom 

Rec' de Jdm Belisdon pMv son Entre p«r Redemption 

Rec* de Robard Ciystemas pMcr son Redemption 

Rec* de Tbonus Gameley de Ccdchester pMv son Entre 

Rec' de Richard Bryan pMv son £fredom 

Rec* de Jdm flfoostere pMvr son ffredom 

Rec' de John Chambirleyn pmr son fircdom 

Rec' de Wll]/«m Crowmer prett a la Craffte 

Rec' de Will/^m Crowmer pewr son promys 

Rec' de John Gedney peirr son promys 

Rec* de William Weston pewr son promys 

Rec* de Water Gawtron p^rr son promys 

Rec' de PefS Wymondh^ pe»r son promys 

Rec* de John CXteforde pmrr son promys 

Rec* de Richard Stryke pewr son promys 

Rec* de John Knyzt poirr son promys 

Rec* de John Norman pewr son promys 

Rec* de Robard Cotton pe»r son promys 

Rec* de John Hylle pmr son promys 

Rec' de John l^ette pMvr son promys 

Rec* de John kyrkeby pmrr son promys 

Rec' de WiU/irm Ayliffe pe«r son promys 

Rec* de WiU/ffli Warde pwr son promys 

Rec* de Robard Cdnqr pew son promys 

Rec* de le fiemme de Hochin Byrche pour son promys 

Rec' de le femme de Robard Bever pour son promys 

Rec* de le parson de seynt Swethenys de son promys ' 

Rec* de Will/inn Chervell pe«r son promys 

Rec' de John Haddon peirr son promys 

RecMe Water Redder pe«r son promys 

Rec* de Roger Kelsey pe»r son promys 

Rec* de Symond Coopersheff pe»r son promys 

Rec' de John Sqrnt John de son promys 

Rec^ de John Cake petrr son promys 

Rec* de le £femme de Robard Chambir doone a le Hall ' 

Rcc' de Robard Cristemas doone a le Hall > 

Rec' de Richard fioorther pew j ffyn 

Rec' de Emory Amatony pew j ffyn 

' Of. next page, note. 


vp xUj* iiif* 






Ixvp xilj» iSxf 



















vj» viij** 





viij« mf 




xuj» iiij^ 


vj« viij^ 


Digitized by 


The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 309 

Rec* de Kobard Whetyngh^m de son promys 
Rcc' dc Gyflfcrey Zermowth pwr son promys 
Rec' de Jdon Roddogg p^ Willi^fni Weston 

SMvma toidiis clvij^ xj* j<^ 

lez Rec' de lez lowes ' doone a le Hall 

Rcc* dejohn Boys 
Rec' de Tbomiis Scotte 
Rec' de Thomas Eswell 
Rec' dejohn Whitehoode 
Rec' dc WiUZ-rai Mctte 
Rec' de Richard Screyth 
Rcc* dc Water Thorppe 
Rcc' de John Stystcdc 
Rec* de Will/#m Strotfordc 
Rec' de Waren 

^mmm, liij* iiij^ 

lez Rec* dc lez Prentwx 

Wem dejohn Percire pmr John Diuinesby 
\XMm de John lyngle p0»r Thomas £lde 
\Um de Harr* longspc pwrr Will/iim Gierke 
ItMv dc Will/iim Weston pmrr Thomas Cooke 
VUm dc WiU/Vm Weston p«w John Sayerc 
ItAHT de Thonuis Cooke pMcr Will/inn Marwe 
\Xgm de Robard ErgLf m prnvr John kyrkcby 
\\jnm de Ameiy Matany pMrr Adam Wyntrugh^m 
ItM9 dejohn Wyot pwr Rd>ard Derby 
Itm dc William Parker pwr Robard Thorcotc 
Itfw dc Will/iim Warde p0»r John Hcrtelcy 
Item dc WiU/ifm Harre pMrr Richard lyon 
Itm de Richard Screyth pmrr Richard Sadcrsall 
ItMv dejohn Brykles pMr John Stokker 
\Um dejohn Wotton p«rr Thonurs de Brunne 
ItM dc Reynold WiU/Vm p^vr Peter Calcote 
^^Jtm de Alexander Childe pmr John Fowlcre 
Itflw de Williiim Creke pwr Water langrysh 
\Xgm dc Thonus Ryddl pmvr Emound Bendish 
\Um de Robard Tadirsall p^«r Water Morton 

' The workmen or jonmeymen, bat whether they are Drapers is doabrfnl, 
apfiarently subscribe to building of the Hall. Cf. also previous pge, where a wife 
Of one ' doone a le Hall ' subscribes. 

iij" vj» Tdij* 

xxvij* ix*" 

iij» iiij^ 
v^ viij** 





















Digitized by 


gio The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 

\Um dc ThoniifS Ynglond pwr Jobn Ynglond xx» 

\Xjnn de Robard Qoptoa p^ivr son prentirr xx* 

SMRMKi xxiju 

lez payments de le Box de Dieu 

Empr/m/V paie a s/r William Sawgere p«rr j anne rj*" xiij« iiij<* 

Itfiw paic a s/r John Walsman p«rr j anne di' paymevt iij'^ yj» vii/ 

It«w paie a dit s/r John p«w ij Roll de wex xvj*^ 

\\jtm paie a dit s/r John potrr ij preketts de wcx xv, ' 



Itrw paie a dit s/r John pwr iiij" de Candill vj** 

ItMv paie a le chaundeler p^vr le Braunche iij ffoys xiij* x^ 
\t€m paie a lez Chaunters & lez prests pmrr le derge & le Qerke xj* viij^' 
\\.em pale pwr quyte Rent pMvr le tenement in Chepe a scynt matfaeus 

pMvr j anne a Sqrnt Jcrim Baptiste xx* 
ItMv paie pMrr quyte Rent pMrr le tenement in Candewykstrete a Sowth- 

cote pMvr j anne a Seynt John Baptiste xx* 

\Xtm paie a John longle in ahnys vj* viij"^ 

Itm paie a Watfr hounspell in almys xiij* iiij<^ 

It^mi paie a Brekelvyle pour j anne p«ivr son SaleP iiij^' 

\Xgm paie pwr j Chapm)n pwr Breklvyle iij* 

\Um paie poirr j Chevawe mrr le dit Brekelvyle iij fioys iij* 
Smmrtf xviij^ xiiij* viij<* 

lez payments de le schoppe apres le Bakhous 

£mpr/m/r j laborer iij io«rs le ioifr vd ob' SmmM xvj<^ ob' 

ItMv p0»r iiij quarters pmvr j Benche le quarUr ij^' ob' x^ 

Itfiw pwr ij Boordis pwr le Benche ps' xij** 

\Xgm pottr i j Peesis pour le Staler ps' xij^ 

lUm pour ij Boordis pour j doore ps' viij^^ 

It«» pour Schelly & le ffete pour ij fformys ps' viij<* 

Item pour j c de Beche latthis ps' v^ 

lUm pour Naylis & White Nayle pour le latys ps* xvj^ 

lUm pour j Ryng Crompe & j lacdie p«rr le door ij** 

Itew pour j Payr hengys pwrr le doore iiij** 

Item pour j Carponter yj iours le ioirr viij** ob' Summa iiij* uj** 

It^Mi pour yj CartftiU Robys le Cart iij^ Summa xviij** 

Summa xiij* vj<* ob' 

lez Coostis de le Bakhous 

It#w j dawber vj iours le ioirr viij^ ob* Summa iiij» iij** 

Item j laboorer vj iours le iour v<* ob* Summa ij* ix<* 

It€m pour V loodb lombe le loode iiij** Summa xx** 

Item pour j loode lymbe ps* xj** 

Digitized by 


The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 311 

\Um pwr j bode schonde ps v** 

Item pwr j mason iij iours Ic ioar viij** ob' Simtma ij» j^ oV 

Item poitr j labourer iij ioars Ic io^rr v^ ob* Summa xvj^ 

Item poitr j dawber iiij iours Ic io:w viij* ob' Stmrna if x^ 

Item poftr j laboorer iiij iours le iojyr v^ ob' Simma xxij<^ 

Item petir ij m* Tyle ps le m* v« Summa x* 

Item pwr iiij Tylers vj iours le ioirr chekoa viij^ ob' Summa xvij* 

Item p«rr iij laboores vj iours Ic io«r v^ oV Summa viij» iif* 

Item poitr v Tylers vj iowx le io«r viij<* ob* Sitmma xxj» iij<* 

Item poftr iiij laborers vj iettrs Ic ioitr v^ oV Sitmma xj* 

Item poitr iij loodis schonde le loode v^* Sspnma xv^ 

Item poitr ij Bosshell Tyle pynnys ps* xijp 

Item poitr Ixij Coorner tylis le ps'chccoa ob* q* Summa hf xjj^ 

Item peitr m* Tyle & le Cariage v« v^ 
Item paic a j Carpontfr poitr le Tymbir & lez Tynnys iif^ v^ viij<* 
Item poitr j laborer v iours le ioitr v^ ob* Summa if iij^ oV 

Item peur Crochetis pettr lez pewes j^ 

Item pour ij peesix & ij pasis dc tymbir pour le Steyer ps' if iiij** 

Item poitr ij Carponters iiij iours le untr viij<* ob* Summa v» viij<^ 

Item pour iij masons j iour le iour viij^ ob' Summa if 'f ob' 

Item pour ij labores j ioar le iour vj^ ob* Summa xiij<* 

Item pour m* de Tyle ps* v» 

Item pour iij Tylers vj iours le io«r viij* ob* Summa xif ix^ 

Item pour iij laooores vj io jrs le iour v'f ob* Summa ix» ix* 

Item pour viij Roff tylis ps* vj** 

Item poitr j dawber vj lours le i<wr viij<i ob* Summa iiijp iij^ 

Item pour j laboorer vj iours le iow vj** ob* Summa iij" iij** 

Item pour iij Cartys de lombc ps* xij^ 

Item pour ij Cartys dc schonde ps* x<* 

Item pour C ij loodis & ij schalekys de lymbc ps* vij* iiij^ 

Item pour ij 11 de Sawdor pour le Gooter ps* xij<* 

Item pour ffermyng de le Rrevy xxij tons le ton iij" Summa iif* vj" 

Item paic a Roger kelsey pour latthis & Naylc xx^ iij** 

Item pour Cariag de x loaiis dc Robys ps* ij" vj<* 
Item pour Planl^s Borde & Nayle & le Carpoatw* poitr le ko jcryng le 

prrvy X* iij** 
Summa xvji« iij" ij<* 

lez Payments & lez Costis dc le Halle ' 

Item pour viij m* Tyle le m^ v" Su?ima xl" 

Item pour j (ftaxtroa dc Roff tyle ps* xv<* 

' For the New Hall which is being rcx>fed. 

Digitized by 


3 IX The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 

Item pMfT ij Bosshell & ij^ de tyle pynnys ps' xiiij^ 

Item piwr ij tylers vj iouit le iotfr viij^ ob' Sttmms viij* vj^ 

Item pMfT ij laboorers vj iours le ioirr v^ ob' Smmm v* vj^ 

Item poitr xj m' & vC de Roff nayle le m^ zij^^ Smmm xj* i^ 

Item pwr m* de hcrt latthis ps' vj* viij<* 

Item potfr Nayle x^ 

Item pour j loode lymbe ps' xj^ 

Item paw j loode schoade ps' v^ 
Item doone a lez Girponters par le comaundenient de lez Aldennen xx^ 
Item paie a Robard Alwvn ' & six de son compacons vj iours le ionr viij<^ 

ob* & le Wardcyn u4 Smmma xxx» 
Item le dit cemeyne iij Carponters v iours le ioirr viij*^ ob' Semma 

x» vijl^ ob* 

Item paie a Cooprr & Ccerle pwr Preysyng de k tremer vj* viij<* 

Item paie le mcsme tempt pwrr virne ix^' 

Item paie pwr xiiij U de Candill le 11 j' ob' Summa xxj<* 

Item paie pmrr Cariage de viij loodis de tymbir xx<^ 
Item paie a Robard Alwyn & ix de son companoas v ioifrs le ioirr viij<i 

ob' Smrnns xxxv* v^ 

Item poitr ij masons vj iours le io«r viij' ob' Smmma viij* vy^ 

Item pMfT ij labooreris vj iours le ioirr v^ ob' Smmma v* vj^ 

Item pwr vj masons vj iours le io«r viij«> ob* Summa xxv» v'f 

Item pour iiij laboores vj iours le ioirr v^ ob' St/muuf xj* 

Item pour j Boote de Chalke ps* xiiij* 

Item pour vij masons vj iours le ioirr vii^ ob' Summa xxix* ix<^ 

Item pour v laboorers vj iours le ioirr v<* ob* Somma xiij* ix«* 

Item pour Cariage de xvij loodis Chalke ps* iij* iiij<i 

Item pour wharfiage de dit Chalke viij<i 

Item pour di* C loodis schonde ps* xiij* iiij«* 

Item pour iij laboorers vj iours le iorvr v^ ob' Summa viij* iij<^ 

Item pour meddyng de lez pykes iiij^ 

Item pour Bydyng de ij wat^ tnbbys viij* 

Item j stone p^irr whettyng de lez axis de lez masons iiij<^ 

Item pour j loode Chalk & le Cariage ij* j<* 

Item pour di' m^ de Brek & le Cariage iij* ix^ 

Item pour iij hopis poirr le wat^ tyne ij<* 

Item pour j labrorer vj iours le iottr v]^ ob' Summa iij* iij<i 

Item pour iij masons ij iours le io»r viij<> ob* Summa iiij* iij** 

Item pour iiij laboores ij iours le ioirr vj* ob* Summa iiij* iiij<* 

Item pour ij laboores v iours le ioirr vj** ob* Summa v* v<* 

Item pour ij labooreres v iours le ioirr vj** ob* Summa vj* vj** 

Item pour j laboorer iiij iours le ioirr vj** cb* Summa ij* ij** 

* Probably the Foreman. 

Digitized by 


The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 313 

Item pMrr Boothir a Grenewiche & tutre choste xvj' 

\\jtm pour xij m^ Brek le m' v* vj<^ Summa iij^ vj* 

Item paie a Warlow mason pour le viwe iiij* xiij* iii^^ 

Item pour iij laboorers yj iours le tour vj^ ob' Summa ix* ix' 

Item pour Cariage de xxilij loodis Breke vjF 

Item pour Whaiffage de dit Breke idf 

Item pour j laboorer v iours le ioirr vj** ob* Summa ij» viij^ ob* 

Item paie a le Smyzt in apechirchelane xi* x^ 
Item paie a diufrs flfoys a lez Carponters & masons done pour Bever 

iiij« viij<* 

Item paie pour yf & vj loodys lymbe xxxvij* 

Summa xxviij" v« viij4 

Paie a Symond Eyre C^ 

lez payments a lez Costis de Temporall Box 
Item paie a Thomiis Donyngton pour le flair de Bartilmewe iij* mj^ 

Item paie pour j Barge pour le terment de le Roy ^ iiij* 

Item paie prar j homme pour achevacher pour lez mynstrall v* 

Item paie pour vj mynstrall & a le person vf viij^ SirnmM xliij* iiij^ 

Item paie pwr vj v^ge & di' pour Chaperons le verge xix5* Summa x» iiij<* 
Item paie pour le ffacion de lez Chaperons ij* ij^ 

Item paie pour le ffavr a Westcmostfr pour wamyng ij" 

Item paie pour Bootnir a Westmost^ a Mons/firr de Bedfixd xif^ 

Item paie a Claydis pour j noote de ij endentours iij obligacio»s j quetaunce 

j noote j le condicion ij* viij<^ 

Item paie a Robard Streuener pour le entr' in le grand paper lez ordo- 

nauncez ffetz ouesk totz le company xij^ 

Item paie a le Gierke de Richard Osborne pofirj BiUe de lez prentices lafi 
Item paie a Richard Colman Gierke pour Itz comaundeme»t de totz le 

company xx* 

Item paie a dit Richard j verge & di* pour j chaperon le verge is* Summa 

xiij" vj^ 
Item paie a Scheriaunts pour Syniond Eyr & John Seynt John xvj^ 

Item paie a j Scheriaunt pour John leget xij<^ 

Item paie pour le dener pour lez mynstrall vj* iiij^ 

Item pour alewer pour le mayer messe 3d' 

Summa vif" xviij* viij^ 
Paie a William Growmer hvp xiij* iiij^ 

lez dettours de lez Promys 
Robard Whittynhitm doit pour son promys viip xiij" iiij^ Sol x marc/ 

^ Terment, probably ' cerment *, oath, as on p. 301. The young Kine Heniy, 
thoQgh still very young, did, we are told, keep his royal state darmg tms year 5 
Fabyan^ Concordance of Histories^ ed. 181 1, p. 594. 

1603*1 S S 


Digitized by 


314 The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 

Will/^rm NottOQ doit pmr son promys va^ xiij* iiij<* 

Necolas Wotton doit pmrr son promys I* 

Tbomjs Isselh^m doit pa»r son promys iiij" vif 

Raffe Holland doit pmrr son promys xx* 

Richard Waldgraue doit p0»r son promys liij* iiij*^ 
Sir J(An Thorpe person de scynt Swethenys doit ^owr son promys xxiij* iiij^ 

Will/tfm Weston doit ^mar son promys lv« v<* 

John « Rodogge dettour pwrr Will/4rm Weston xxvij* ix<* 

John Claverynge doit pmvr son promys x> Sol 
William fiooster doit pwrr son promys xxziij* iiij<^ 

Thonus Baker doit pwr son promys v^^ SoIt^ 

John Gooldhawke doit pMfr son promys zx« 

WillMm Twyer doit ^tmr son promys xrrf ynf 

Thoniiis Clement doit pmr son promys x* 

John fifaroh^rm doit pMr son promys yf viif 

Thonuis Yve doit pmvr son promys xl* 

John Mayston doit p^^r son promys if vvif 

Reynold Williimi doit pmvr son promys xx* 

^umrna xlij" xiij» ij^ ■ 

lez dettours de lez Prentis 

John Massy doit p^r John Harry son prent/^e xx* 

John Wynne doit pmrr John Merston son prent/^ xx* 

William Sewale ddt y^ur John Sewale son prentire xx* 

John Blake doit pmr Will/ivm Delwoorth son prent/^e xx* 

Gameley Gawen doit pMrr Jd)n Spenser son prent/<» xx* 

Galfrydus Zermowth doit pmrr Will/^rm Scheriaunt son prent/rr xx* 

Hugonys fleliotte doit dmt Jcdin Warde son prent/^ xx* 

Jcdin Gedney doit p^^r Wilj/^m Peryngton son prent/<» xx* 

John lubenh#m doit pmrr Jacobus mortcmer son prent/<te xx* 

Svmond £^e pMrr Robard Spenser doit pmr son prent/x xx* 

Will/^m Twyer doit pmr Robard Jacobbe son prentis xx« 


lez Dettours de Qturtrage 

le person de Bawe John Tukfelde 

Will/iim Crowmer Williifm Breton 

Necolas Wotton Thomiis Downc 

Water Gawtron Steuene Hull 

Richard Baynard Thom^ Aueray 

' This entiy is crossed throoeh in the origbaL 
* Corrected to xlj*" t« ▼<* in the originaL 

Digitized by 


The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts giy 

Alexaunder Anne John fiarahitni 

ThoniifS Issdh^rm John Buknam 

John Somer John £lvysh 

Water Redder John Woodc 

John Bowoode Richard Bokdond 

Raff HoUond Harr* Herte 
Ridiard Cieie 
Resf in der a phylyp malpas & son compaynouns xxvij^ ij* r^ 

viijyer of Kyng Harry thrvj- ^^^^^ 

Ceste la Compte de Will/^im Crowm^re Will/«m Weston John Heygbtm presented 
& Ric* atte lee fiait le xxvj io«r dottobre Ian de gr^ce m'iiij^ xxix & Ian Not. 1429, 
de nme Sripmtr le Roy Herr' Sisme puis le conquest viij« for the year 

Aag. 14x8- 

lez Rest de box de dieu ^"8- '^*^- 

£n primez rescu de John Gedneye John Bettfronden Alisaund^ Chyld 
& John Norman en le box de dieu iiij" xix« ij^ 

It^m rescu de Reynold Will/ifm pow la rente en Chcpe pwrr j an vij" 
Ittm rescu de Jdin Glowcest<r ipaitr la rente en Candewykstr' yj^ 

lX£m resc' de Wlll/^cm Stokdale ^ur la rente en S. Swythunez lane ipomr 
j an XXV* 

\Um resc' de harr* Barton demAvrminte en le mesm rente pMrr j an 

xxvj* viij^ 
Itim rescu de Andrew Trot dem^M-^runt en le mesm rent pMrr j an xx* 
\Um resc' de John Bothawe demfwrmint en la mesm rente pour j an xxx* 
\X£m resc' de Thonus Halman demf»raunt en la mesm rente ipour j an 

xlvj« viij^ 
It^w resc* de John Wolfals deaiAvriiunt en la mesm rente pmrr j an xx* 
item resc* de Alson Algar demAvrirunt en la mesm reat pmrr j qi^rtfr v« 
It«n resc* de iiij^xyj p^rsonez pwr lo«r q»4Tt^age iiij" xvj* 

It«n resc* de viij prrsonez pwr loirr entrc liij* iiij** 

Summa xxxiiij** xxij** pr^b* 

lez Rest de la temporal Box 

cy ben de fynez come dez altrez chosez ' 
£n pivmez Rescu de diu^rs gentz pMrr fynez a la fieyre de Seynt Bartholl 

xj* viij<* 
item rescu de Edmond Salle pMfr j fjrne p^freutr* luy & Gallaran xx* 

Ittm resc' de Bentt Harlewene pmrr j fyne encontre lez maisterez xx* 

' In this year, as in 1430 and 1434, there is no balance paid into the Temporal 
Box from preTioiis year, bat only one to Le Box de dieo. 

Digitized by 


3i6 The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 

It#m rescu de Nicholl' Wotton en pleyn payement de son pr^mys I' 

\Xgm Tes€^ de ThoniifS Islh^m en plevn paeme^t de son pr#mys xl* 

lUm rcsc* de Willum Myddylton dcmnraoDt auesq' Cloptoa pwr son 
friiuncbyse xl* 

lUm rescu de Croocton mason pwrr Ixij feet leggement taUe ps le fbote iij'^ 

Itna rescu de Jane Eyre p^irr WHUam Wodebous son apprentys xx* 

lUm resc* de Thonufs P«rtre pwrr Nicboll' Waller son apprentys xx* 

Item resc* de Aumery Mataney pmrr laurence firauncez son apprentys xx* 

It^MP resc* de Hionus Aylisby pcttr Rankyn Jossdyn son apprrat/x xx* 

Item resc' de John Goldhauk pour Jamys Newborugh son apprrat^s xx* 

Item resc* de Scher' Salman pinrr Thomiis Qwyk son apprent/r xx* 
Item resc* de William Russell prnvr Jcba Dayn & John Wecherley son 

appr#nt// xl" 

Item rcsc" de Will/^m Waryn pour V/iUiam Waldeby son apprmt/x xx* 

Item resc* de Will/^m Piirker pMrr John French son zppreotys xx* 

Item resc* de WQlism Chenrell pmrr William Terry son apprmt/x xx* 

Item resc* de Robert Coton poitr Michell Hewet son appr#nt/x xx* 

Item resc* de John Nankelly pwr John Marchall son apprmt/x xx* 
Item resc* de Jdin Whytbood poitr John Wyndysley & Robert Whichad 

son apprm^x x* 

Item resc* de Kobrrt Bamborgh poitr Robert Schelley son apprent/x xx* 

Item resc' de John WiUiam pMrr ThomifS langelev son apprent/x xx* 

Stfmma xxv]^ xvij* ij<* prtb 

Stfmaut tosalif Rest* amonte Ix^ xix* preb' 

Lez payements cy bien de le Box de dieu oxne de le TewperaU Box 

Prime paie a lez Prestis de Bowe pour loirr salerie x^ 

It#m paie a le Waxchaundell' p^^r rep^racion de le Branch a le Bowe 

& pottr viij lib* de Roll wax & ij pr/ketts ps* tut xvj* 

Item paie pwrr iiij lib' talwe Candell pour le quer ps* vj<i 

Itew paie p«rr j Chevall poitr le Bedell poitr Chevach* ouesq' le mayr ps* xij** 
Item paye a le Pr/ovr de Cristcherche pwr quytrent de le Bakhous v* 
Item paie a lez Wardayne de lesglyse de S. Math' de quit rent peirr j an xx* 
Item paie a John Suthoote peur quy trente pour GcSrye zememowthe xx^ 
Item paie a John Brykoyle Bedell pmrr son salerie pour j an iiij^' 

Item paie lez Clerkys <fe la Bowe prnvr loirr labor pour tout Ian yj* viij<^ 
Itew paie a Water Hounspdl en almcsse pour iij temps Iiij* iiij** 

Item paie pwr viij vergex nuvrre pe«r lez Prestes ps* le verg iiij* xxxij* 
Item paie pour j Chaperon pe»r le Bedell de nexre leuere ps^ v* viij<* 

Itew paie pour j verge & di* m«rr* & russ* pour j Chaperon pour Alisaundr* 

Anne ps* xij* v<* 

Item paie pour alowunse de le Mayr messe xl* 

Digitized by 


The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 317 

\\jtm paie poirr j nove boket ligate auesq' ferr & ij Iynk]rs ^our le Cheyne 

dc le dyt Bokct ps' tout iiij* \^ 

Item paie pour iiij grauntz perys pmrr le ovene en le Bakhous ps' x* 

Item paye pour le facdon de le mesme perys vj' viij<^ 

hem paye pour iiij« ij lib' yryn pour le dyt Ouvcne a j^ ob* quarter xj» viij^ 
Item paye p^^r iiij oyletts pour le panterie & boterie ps* vj** 

Item paie p«r j loade lymc & j loade sande pMfr le dit Ovene ps* xviii** 
Item paie pour j labourer pour vj iours le iour v<* ob* ij* ix^ 

Item paie pMfr Candell & servoyse pMrr lez masons vj^ 

Item paie poirr amendement de le pentys en Chepe xij^ 

Item paie a WiUidm Plomere pour le ledyng de lez bataylement & le 

hautpas en le suthpiirt de la sale ps* tout. xxiij'* vf viij<* 

Item paie a luy pour ij pypis de nove plomb en le hautpas & poisent i]^ di' 

viij lib* ps* le C viij* Summa xx» vij** 

Item paie a luy pour xxj lib* soudoirr pour lez ditz pipis ps* le lib* [? v'f] 

x» vj« 
Item paie a luy pour xxviij lib* de nove plomb pour Cou^ng de le 

Rcsonpcce vers le gardyn de Rankyn Valentyn ps* ij* 

Item paie a maistfr Nicfaoll pour amendement de j sam desuth le pantere 

& le nove gistyng de le hautpas de le suth p^rt de le sale x* 

Item paye a luy pour le feste de le trape dor & le rebatyng de le bay 

wyndowe v» 

Item paie pour bose & leggis pour le dit trappe dor ij« vj<* 

Item paie pour di* «x pcny nayle ps* v* 

Item paye pour di* «yj peny nayle ps* lij** 

Item paie pwr iiij*' \** nayle pwr lez fencstrcs de Ic swelerie & altr* 

chosez XX** 

Item paie pour ij payr gametts pour le trappe dore oucsqiv# lez dowys ps* 

Item paie pour j payr garnett p«r le prr^ry dor en le Chambrc ps* iiij<* 
hem paie pour j look & j rvng pour le mcsme dor ps* ix* 

hem paie p^«r sowdeletts de lez fenestra de Watfr Gavtron xx** 

Item paie pour sowddetts de lez fenestra/ de John Brokkde iij* iiij<* 

Item paie pour sowddett lez fenestra/ de John Hyh^m xx<* 

Item paie pour sowddetts pour kz fencstrez Baynard Basse & Bangor 

iij» iiij^ 
hem paie pour ledyng de glas a le fencstre al N/oying-pIase xij** 

Item paie pour latisyng de lez fenestrez de panterie £oterie & lardesh^m 

Item paie pour xvj« ij^ nayle pour lez ditz latysez ij* viij** 

hem paie pour v« transon nayle pour le Glas qe iiij^ ob* 

Item paie pour amendement de le look de le parlour dor iij<* 

Item paye pour v payr hengis & iiij payr hokys pour le swelerie ps* c«ez 

ij» iiij** 

Digitized by 


giS The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 

\\jtm paye iiij<^ m^ nayle pMfr le mesme swelerie ps' xvj^ 

\\,em paie a WiUi^rm Osbeme pMfr le scripte de lez nomez dez appr^ntys 

\\gm paic a Donyxrgton s^ant pwr Ic scher* de S. Bartlwl ficyr iij* iiij* 

Itfw cxpn* en payne & vyne p<ir Crownvr Gedneye Tatfrsallc Whctyng* 

hifm & altrez gentz de m/re CTirft a le popis bed prnvr n^/re liiure 

\Xgm paie p0»r Batylage a le feyr de S. BarthoU v\if 

Vum paie pMfr j Barge prnvr le zertyd de ntfTre siakt le Roy en notre tempz 

iij* viij* 

Wem paie p^rr j Barge & pmrr Batyllege pwrr la fieyre de Westm' ij* 

Item paie p^vr Whassyng de lez naperey x<^ 

\\jtm paie a John Wotton de veyl dcttc xiij* iiijd 

]Xjtm paie p^rr iiij Chapelletts ij* 

Sinvnw tof^d/x Paie amont' Iv'" viij« viij* ob* 

[Altered from Iv** ix« yf* ob*] 

tt ency Rest dr v" xvj» xj<* do* 

[Altered from v« x« iij* ob*] 

Ceux sonnt lez dettoirrs de ^v^rterage & des apprentys 

pjmez Richard Baynard xij^ 

Water Gavtron xij* 

John Enotte xij** 

Ric* Swanesseye xij* 

Alysaundre Anne xij' 

Symond CopstheflF xij* 

ThondiKS Gameley de veyle & nouell ij* 

Stephen Hulle de veyl & novell Ij* 

ThoniifS Avcray xij** 

Thomas Pvke Junior xij* 

Johne Geaney ' doit pa«r Robert Qerk son apprentj'x xx* 

\\jtm doit peifr John Dowbele son apprent;^/ xx* 

John Grisley doit pmrr John Bud ley son apprent/x xx^ 

Robert flfytz Andrew doit pwr Will/#m Dyxson son apprent/x xx» 

John Stanton doit ^ur Thomas Salle son apprentyx xx* 

Deliuere a Robert Cristcndom & a Jolui fitmyll in pjrti de payment de 
viju yj» j<* a eux p^ le mist' de dr^iperz pe«r plumb' ducz lez v le doz 
aprentis au^rnt ditz a netre acompt le xxyj ioirr doct' Ian ynf le 

lez Nowmez de novell gentz 

Sir John Pcche John Whythone 

' This and fear following entries are crossed throagh in the origmaL 

Digitized by 



The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 319 

St<ph^ Dalmtn Geffry Chytcok 

Williifm Rapere WiU/ifm Northufmpton 

WillMin Russell Hugh Asthull 
ThoniiKS Thomdon 

Ajwo ix« Henrid yj« Accounts 

Ccux sonnt lez Resseits quex Robert Tctersalc John lyng Will/iini presented 

Creke & Will/iim AyloflF onnt Rescieux lour tempz pwr Icz meistrs Not. 1430, 

dc drapers in le Box de dieu ^ Y^^^ 

Enprimez Resc* en le Box de dieu par lez maynez de V/iWiam Crowmer -^"S- '4*9- 

William Weston John Heyhiim & Ric' Att ley veylez maystrs de ^"8- '^^'^ 
drapers v"* xvj» xj* ob' 
Resc' de Reynold WillMin pmrr la Rent in Schcpe p^irr j Ane vij" 
Resc. de John Qowsettfr pour la Rent in Candwykstrede po$ir j A#ne 

Resc' de John Wolfale pmrr la Rent in Swythenx lane pour j Anie xx* 
Resc* de Alyson Akar pour la Rent in swythens lane pMrr j Asne xx* 
Rcsc' de Thonus l£dman pwr la Rent in swytkens lane pwr iij qir^frtfrs 

xvj* viij** 
Resc' de WiBiam Stobdale po$ir la Rent in swythenx lane pmr iij qtfsrters 

xxiij* ix** 
Resc* de Henry Barton poitr la Rent in Swythens lane pmr iij qwatters 

Resc' de Andrew Trot pMrr la Rent en swythevx lane pottr iij qirirrt^s xv* 
Resc' de John Bothaw pwr la Rent en swythenx lane pottr iij quarters 

Resc' de lez quartfragez de iiij'^ vij p^rsonez iiij" vij* 

SMmma xxxj'* vj» x<* 

lez Resseits de la temporal Box 

Resc' dc Baron de Resset de le Roy poitr son ffredam yj« viij^ 

Resc' de John Bitterden pour ffredam de son hoKfime xx* 

Resc* de Symkyn Walter pottr son ffredam iiiji* 

Resc' de Will/^rm Cvrtenale de Covyntre pour son flFredam viij" 

Resc' de Barnard Beke pour son entr# yj* viij<i 

Resc' de Stokuz de Abyndon pour j Brodur xx* 

Resc' de John Tetfrsale pour son entre yj* viij*" 

Summa xiiij" xiij* iiij<* 

Resc' de ffynez A le ffayr^ de Seynt Barthelmew Autres tempz de dyurrz 

gentez xxxf iiij** 

Resc' de Phylyp Sate pour lez wyrbez' de Salle xx« 

Resc* de Ric' Sutton pour lez wyrbez de Sail xx» 

Digitized by 


gxo The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 

Rcsc* de John Billysdon pww- j fync yj* viij* 

Rcsc* dc Will/^m Pap pwr j ^ne xx* 

Resc* ds Robert Erghiim pwr j ffync dc ij obytes xiiif* 

Rcsc' de dyufrez gentez pwr Ic drape dc Arraz vj^ xv« 

Rcsc' de dyiiercz gcntcz pwr Ic stvllyng dc Prcatesbodcz xlv* mf 

Simima xiip zviij*^ 

lez Resscits dc ^enMas 

Rcsc' dc John Knyght p0»r John Sayere son Apprmtix xx« 

Rcsc* dc John Bilysdon poivr John fiynchyngfeld xx* 

Resc* dc Symkya Rowel prnvr John Gylmcr & John Alyn son Aprentez 

Resc* de John Brokdey p«r Ric* Vcnton & Wato* Walgr^nrc son 
Aprentez x> 

Resc* dc Ric* Scharp pwr Thom/KS Rodok son apprent/x xi^ 

Resc* dc Hew Hasthool ^ut CrystoTur Banastur son Apprmt/x xx* 

Rcsc' dc John Dabcram pMrr John Biytc son Apprmt/x xx* 

Resc* dc John Browne pwr WillMm Nichol son Apprwit/x xx« 

Resc* de John Spensar p«w Will/Wm Stokmcde son Apprent/x xx« 

Resc* dc Thonus Ardyng John Julyan son Appr#nt/x xx« 

Resc' dc John Nankellcy pwr Ric* Gybbon son Apprent/x xx« 

Rcsc* dc Will/iim Botreux pwr Thonuis Rede son Apprent/x xx« 

Resc' dc Willwrn Schcrwell pwr Remond Podewyn son Appr«it/x xx« 
Resc* de Williifm Edy pmrr Thonus Bill son Apprent/x xx* 

Rcsc* de Roger Kclsay po^r Ric' Tymcrden soa Appentix X3? 

Sinvma xvij^ 
Sifflvma tox^Jix dc lez toutcz Rcsccitx Amouf Ixxvj'^ xx^ 

lez payments dc le Box de dieu 

Enprimez pay A lez prcstcz de Bo;v pwr lo»r salar x" 

Item pay A le waxchaiuidcler p^^r Rep^rac/on dc le Branch A bow 

xvj« vij* 
Item pay a Donyngtoa Sariant peirr son labour in Barthclmew fair 

Uj- iiij<» 
Item pay A Seynt Barthclmew fayre paw expensez ij« 

Item pay A Water Honyspel pwr son Almez dc nrtre tempz liij* iiij* 
Item pay ^mr lez Bargez povr le terment ' dc le Roy iij* viij^ 

Item pay j Barge & povr Batelagc A Seynt Edward hiyr ij* 

Item pay pe«r ij Chywallez pour Ic Bedel A ij foiz ij« 

Item pay A le pryovre de Crychirdi p«iw quite Rente dc Bachowz v« 

■ Read * serment ' as on pp. 301 and 313$ Not. <J, 1419, the yoang Henry VI 
was crowned at Westminster, 

Digitized by 


The Earliest JFardens^ Accounts gii 

Itf m pay A John Sowthcote poirr quite Rent de Btchowz xx* 
Itrm pay A lez Wardenz de Seynt Mathew Chirdi p^irr qitfte Rent en 

chepe XX* 

item pay A Crystendome & a ffemale de veyl dett xlvj* f 

Item pay p0«r le drape de Arras in le parkr x^^ xv* 

Item pay A le Mayr pwr le stvUyng de Apprenteshedez iij'" yj" viij^ 
Item pay A Sowthcote ^wr quite Kent prnvr le postonrne in Scbirbocrrne 

lane v* 

Item pay A lez prestez de Bowdiirch peivr de dirige iilj* 
Item pay A lez Schavntterz £c lez derkez de Bow poifr tout Ajme x* vif 

Item pay pewr players A ne^e ffeste viij* 

Item pay A lex mynstrellz prnvr ne/re £feste vj* ij<^ 
Item pay A Will/iim Hosbome pmrr cope de lez nomez de pprenteshodez 


Item pay pmrr iiij Chapletts xf 

Item pay pMfr Alowans de le Mayrs Messe xl* 

Item pay A Brykfeld Bedel pwrr son salare iiij" 

Item pay poirr liij"^ tyle pmrr Reparaaon de ne/re rent xix* iij<^ 

Item pay pwr j tyler & ij hoi»mes pour ix io«rez xiiij* vij<> ob* 

Item pay peifr j laborer pour vj lo«rez ij* ix^ 

Item pay pwr ij tylerz pwr vij io«rez le ioirr viij<* ob' ix* xj<* 

Item pay pwr ij laborers pwr vij ioirrez le io^r v<* ob* yj* v* 

Item pay peirr viij" Sowde A le Plumare peirr le Bachouz iiij* 

Item pay A j tyler pwr yj iovrez le iow viij* ob* iiij* iij<* 

Item pay a j laborer p0«r yj iourez ij* viij^ 

Item pay a j tylar pwr v io«rez le iour viij** ob* iij* yj^ ob' 

Item pay pmrr ij laborers p^vr v ioirrez iiij* 

Item pay peirr vij lodez lyme yj* viij^ 

Item pay ^omr iiij lodez Sande xx^ 

Item pay pe«r ij lodez lome viij<> 

Item pay ^omr j mason p0»r ij io«rez xvij<^ 

Item pay pmrr j latx>rer peirr ij iourez xj^ 

Item pay pe*r j petit tabul yj peyr trestekz viij<* 

Item pay peirr iij<: j q»if rteron pavyng tyle peirr le salle a vij* xxix* ix<* 

Item pay peirr j m^ & q^rteron pavyng tyle peirr le tresanz xxix* ix<^ 

Item pay pwr cariage de \tz tylez viij<* 

Item pay prnvr j mason pewr viij iourez pavyng de la Salle v* viij^ 

Item pay pwr j laborer pwrr viij io«rez iij* viij«* 

Item pay pe«r iiij lodez lyme le lode xij* iiij* 

Item pay pwr j laborer pe*r yj ioivrez le ioirr v* ob* ij* ix«* 

Item pay pe*r yj Davbare pe«r j ioirrez le ioirr viij* ob* iiij* iij* 

Item pay peirr iij lodez lome le lode iiij* xij* 

Item pay p^vr iij lodez Sande le lode v* xv* 

Item peir iiij« Bcch lathez le c vij* ij* iiij* 

lMt*l T t 

Digitized by 


3 IX The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 

\\jem poitr ijf 8c di' de davbyng naill le m^ ix^ xxxj^ 

lUm four le Davbar poitr pardiettyng de le kjdion iiij* 

Item pMTT le iij lodez lyme le lode 3dj^ iij* 

Item pMfT ij lodez Sande le lode i^ x^ 

Item pwr j laborer pwr iij ioifrez le ioirr v^ ob* xvj<* ob* 

Item pour lokez keyez & hoping prnvr toubbuz iij* x^ 

Item pay A Thomiis Wyndiecowbe carpevter pour le tabul in le saUe 
trestellez A wyndyng stayr Avnsyng de bey deyz & peirr j Dowr 

iiju vjt viij<i 

Item pay A Wyncheoonibe carpenter pour j latez in le parlar viij* 

Item pa^ A ThoniifS Wvnchecowbe & A son compayn peifr le fesang de 

lez iiij Stolez & iiij ropeyz xvf iij<^ 

Item pay pmrr caring de ij popeez ouek iiij Aiigdlez v* 

Item pay pwr ix Estryach Berduz le borde vj^^ peirr lez stolez iiij* vj^ 

Item pay peirr cariage de lez Borduz pour Naylez & glew ij* j^ 

Item ray A le paynter pour payntteng de le tat^ trestelez & peirr 

iiij ropez & gylten de iiij Aungeliz xv* 

Item pay pour iiij elmen Borduz pour le sper* in le kichon pour legs 

& naill iij* 

Item pay a WynchecoMibe carpenter peirr son labowr de le sper xx^ 

Item pay pwr j laborer pe»r vj io»rez ij* ix* 

Item pay pour Barrz de hym pwr iij Wyndowz in le Salle vij* 

Item pay peirr glasyng de j wyndow & ai' xxx* 

Item pay a Brykefeld pour j carteful Sande & lode lyme & j sac xix<^ 

Item pay a Brykefeld pour m* tylcz v* vj** 

Item pay pe«r le wassyng de Napere viij<* 

Item pay pwr iij" Sowde A le plumware xviij<* 

Sufftma ix** viij* v<* ob* 
Summa toiaVf de lez payments Amout' Iviij"* vij* viij<* ob* 

Et Ency Rest cler* in or Summa xvij" xiij* xj** ob' 

lez detterez de la Rent 

Brykfeld Wiiliam Stocdale doit peirr j qv^frter de midsomer yj* iij«* 

pleg*. Henry Barton doit pe*r j quarter de midsomer yj* viij** 

Andrew Trot doit pour j qir^rrter de midsomer v* 

John Bothhaw doit pwr j qir^rter de midsomer vij* vj** 

lez detterez de Apprentices 

Benet Arllewvn doit pour Jacob Waldeby son Apprent/x xx* 

John R^nola doit pour William Roper son ApprentiV xx* 

Henry Wotton doit pe«r John carter son Apprent/x xx* 

John Wardewyk doit pmrr John Wyndesour son Apprentis xx* 

Ric* Stone doit peirr Ric* Nevcl son ApprentiV xx* 

Simnn^f v^ 

Digitized by 


The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 3x3 

lez detto*ez de qMrtmige 

le Parson dc Bow xij<* John Adsale xij^ 

Ric* Hcrsv xij^ John Tvkvylc xij^ 

Thomas Coke xij** Alysande r Anne poirr ij A#nez ij» 

Symond Copchese xij<* Stevyn Hwl pairr iij Aiinez iij* 

ThoniifS Pyke junior xij<* ThoniifS Avery pwr ij A#ncz ij" 

ThooiiTS Gamdey pwrr iij Ric' Wantengfcld xij** 

Aiinez iij' 
ThomifS Hyslam pour ij 

A^nez ij* 
^umma de dett^ez de Rent Prenteshodez & de q^rUrage de Bredorne 

yjjU yl \^ 

Sumsia tofalis de ore & de lez toutez dettez xxiiij" xix* iiij<> ob' 

Awn* xiijo Henr* vj^ Accounts 

Ceux sonnt lez resseitys quex Nicholas yoo Thomas Skot John knyght 510*^*^ 
& Nicholas Barton onnt rcsseux de Walt«- Cherteseyc Symound Eyre foryca/i^ 
Richard fibrdell & John Gladwyn en lour temps poitr lez maisterys dez ^^ ^ ^' 
drapers en le Box de deu 1433-^. 

Cestassavoir en le mesme Box v^ ix» j^ 

Item ressu de Rolvrt Thorp pour vn Anne xx» 

Item ressu de Henr" Barton pour vn Anne xxiij* iiij<* 

Item ressu de William Guyke pour vn Anne xx* 

Item ressu de Raynold Welhiim pour vn Anne vj^* xiij* iiij^ 

Item ressu de Thomas Halman peirr vn Anne iij^ yj* viij<| 

Item ressu de John Bywater peirr vn Anne vj^ 

Item ressu de Williatn Farson pour vn Anne xxyj« vilj** 

Item ressu de Andrew Trot peirr vn Anne xxviij* 

Item ressu pour le qiriirtfrage de iiij'* & x persones ilij^ x* 

Item ressu de lez executours de WiHam Crowmer pour sonn byquest a le 
Craft xM 

Item ressu dez le executours del p^frson de Saynt Edmundys pour sonn 
Biquest a le Craft yj« viij<* 

Summa xlij** iij* ix^ 

lez rcsseitis de lez prentisehodis 

Item ressu de WUlism Edy pe*r Willwm Wolfe xx» 

Item ressu de Hew Astull pour WilUam West xx* 

Item ressu de Williifm paichemener pour Raff Radish xx* 

Item ressu de dit WUUam pour Nich^ Knyfeton xx* 

Item ressu de Richard Streth pour ThoixMS Gylys xx* 

Item ressu de Richard Chaundeler pour Rogger Haywarde xx* 

Digitized by 


3X4- The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 

\\jem rcssu de Robert Cristemasse pmr Richard Sprever zx* 

It^m ressu dd dit Robert pmrr John Bunndy Z3l" 

Item ressu de John Knyght pmrr John Martyn xx' 

Item ressu de John leget pmrr Jc^ fibrster xx* 

Item ressu de Thonviis Baker pm^r Thomr^rs Baker xx* 

Item ressu de Svmound Rowell pmrr William Tolasse xx* 

Item ressu de Richard Onhand pmrr Water Malton xx* 

Item ressu de Robert Bamburgh pMfr Thomas Rows xx* 

Item rcssu de WillAim Wardc pwr WiU/iim Holme xx* 

Item ressu de Henr* longespe povr Thomr^ Briggewater xx* 

Item ressu de Will/ifm Middelton pmvr Hom^sBadger xx* 

Item ressu de Robert Clopton p^vr Will/ifm Hayward xx* 

%ymma xviij^ 

Lez resseitis del Temp^rall Box 
Item ressu de John kocke pmrr sonn Entr' iiij" 

Item ressu de Richard Smythecote prnvr sonn Entr' yj* viij<^ 

* Item ressu del P^frson de Saynt Edmundys p^vr sonn Entr* vj* vilj^ 

* Item ressu del afrson de Saynt Mary Woolnove pMfr sonn Entr* yj* y\if 
Item ressu de Cxxxviij persones prnvr lez mynstrellys pmrrle rydynge 

de lez Shirevys xlvj* 

Item ressu de Cxliij persones peirr lez mynstrellys poirr le rydynge del 

mayre xlvij* viij* 
StmrciA ix** xiij* vilj<^ 

lez resseitys del Temp^rall Boxe p^ivr lez ffinys 
Item rcssu a le ffair de Saynt Barth' p««r diuers fiynys iiij* viij^ 

Item ressu de WillAim kyrton peirr le faute del rydyng de lez Shirevys 

Item ressu de William p^rchemener p0»r le mesme faute iij* iiij^ 

Item ressu de Richard streth ^awr le mesme faute xij<^ 

Item ressu de John Derby pwr le mesme faute xij** 

Summa xiij* iiij^ 
Summa tofslis de lez reseitys Amount en toute Ixx" x* bfi 

lez paiementis del Box de dieu 
En primez paie peirr bothir dc batilage a le terment del Roy iij* iij<^ 

Item paie a John Woode Siirgeaunt p0»r le Serche del ttair de Saynt 

Barth iij* iiij<* 

Item paie a John Malhifm S^rgeaunt p^^r le Serche del mesow"* de 

BosWorth & del mesow de Adm' Semy et p^ivr vyn p0»r diuers huxvmez 

del Craft iij** vj** 

' Two clergymen enteredj paying only 6t. Bd, 
* The measure. 

Digitized by 


The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 3x5- 

It^m paie pMrr vyn a le Sale dez driipfrs pour la fac' del paaell del dit 

Bosworth xyj<* ob' 

It^m paie ^owr la fac* de iij polys de verre ^mtr le hallyng xij<^ 

Item paie pmrr Bothir a Westmyst^ & arr/fre ^our le C&syng del lyverey 

del mair ij* iiij<i 

Itrm paie a le Bedell pMrr Vn Cheuaul pmrr le rydyng de lez Shirevys jxf 

Item paie a le Stayno^r pMfr le takyngdomie de lez draperz Steyoe & pour 

le rollyng del mesmez xiji^ 

Smmxu xyj» ix** ob* 

Item paie a viij minstrellys pe«r le rydyng dez shirevys liij< iiij<i 

Item paie peivr boyr de lez ditz mijistrellys iiij* j^ 

Item paie peirr viij Chaprons pMrr lez ditz minstrellys & pour di' Chapron 

pwrr ThoffiMS oue le Trumpe p's xxj» iij<* 

Item paie pour xyj minstrellys pour le rydyng del mair v'* vj» viij<* 

Item paie pour xyj Chaprons pour lez ditz minstrellys & peirr vn Chapron 

peirr le dit Thomas xxxix* viij<^ 

Item paie pour boyr de lez ditz minstrellys vij* ij<* 

Item paie a le Bedell pour va Cheuaul pour le rydyng del mair xi]^ 

Item paie a Hungate & a Aston pour le mater Bosworth xiij* iiij^ 

Item paie a Thomas Bassat pour le dit mater de Bosworth vj« viij** 

Item paie a deux autrez hu^rmez de Greysyn pour le dit mater vj* viij^ 
Item paie a Holgr^ve sergeaunt peirr le somnyng del ynquest ij fbiez v* 
Item paie a vn autre sergeaunt peivr le Serche del mason de Ad^im Semy 

Sherman ij* 

Item paie a John Carpinter pour vn Copy de vn bille de mortisement & 

pour le mater de Bosworth xl* 

Item paie pour vn dyner a John Gednev Robert Whityngham 8c autrez de 

notre Conseill pe«r le dit mater de Bosworth xxxiiij* vj<* 

Item paie a Alisaunder Anne ij vergez sanguayn cngrayn a ix* la verge & 

ij vergex mell a v» x** la verge xxix* viij<* 

Item paie pour writyng de diuers dcdys de Thomas Pyke a Hem' Hert a 

Richard Claidich iij« vj<* 

Item paie peirr bothire & Batilage pour le warmyng vp del ffaire de Saynt 

Edward a Westm' ij« iiij<* 

Item paie a Asche vn hui»me de lawe peirr le matfr de Bosworth vj* viij<* 
Item paie pour ij verge/ de blanket pour Chaux & pour la facoxr del mesmez 

peirr lez polys pour le hallyng ij« vj** 

Summa idsfi vj« 

Item paie peirr la facon de vn Chest Sc pour yron Staplys peirr lez dr^rperz 

Steyne p's iij* 

Item paie a lez prestis del Bowe peirr vn Anne x^ 

Digitized by 


^x6 The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 

Itan ptie a lez prestis & a lez Qerkys del Bowe povr le dirige p's 

It^m ptie a lez Clerkvs del Bowe poar va Anne vjp vii}^ 

It^m paie a lez ditz Uerkys povr le ringyng del dirige & s^rvoise xv]^ 
Itan paie a Waltynsflfeld Almesman povr vn Anne liiij* iiij^ 

Itmi paie a le BedeU pour sonn Salary pMr vn Anne iiij" 

Itan paie a le Waxchaundeler pMr Tapris & Syngyng candels povr 

vn Anne xvj« v<* 

XXjtm a lez Svngers del messe de n^re dame a Bowcherch yjp viij^ 

Itrm paie a le Chercfaewardeins de Saynt Mathews poatr quite rent pMr vn 

Anne p*s rs^ 

Itnn paie a Sowthecote pour quite rent pMr vn Anne p's V 

It^m paie a fe person de Saynt Swytheyns pMr sonn Offryng pcwr vn 

Anne p«w le place dez drapers yj» viij* 

Itrm paie a Will/#m Osborne pMr vn bille de prentishodys de vn Anne 

p*s xs^ 

Itrm paie a hol^#ve sergeaunt pMr le Serche de lez yerdis de tailovrs xx<^ 
It^m paie a le BedeU pwr bromys & pennys pMr vn Anne vj^ 

It^m paie prnvr vn ton vyn dmt le nudr p's vj" 

Item paie pmr Alowaunce del messe del dit mair ' xl* 

Itrm paie povr wasshyng de diu^rs Napry for th* meyrs table ' iij* 

It^m paie a lez players minstrelfys & pMv Russhis xxyj* viif' 

\Xem pate a le Bedell prnvr iiij verg#x del meyrysrydynglyvrey viij* 

Item paie pAKr takyng de possession de norre meson en Chep' p^r ThomMS 

Hardyng iij* vij<* 

Zumma xxx" viij« rf 

Itrm paie a John Carpinter pMr le Rdlyng de vn dede pMr le Bake- 
hows p*s If vf 

Item paie pMr expens' a le ffiur de Saynt Barth' xij^ 

Item paie pmrr Bothir deux foicz a WestnMi/fr cum le mair povr le 
Custum' p's xvj* 

Item paie a John Bederenden & autrez prnvr le Endemakyng entre le 
CnSt & Symound Eyr viij» iiij^ 

Item pfl»r j key pe«r le p^rlow dore iii j^ 

SMnmu xiij* rf 

la reparacion de diuers plads 

Item paie pew lamendyng del flowr del Ovyn en le bakehows yj* viij^ 
Item paie pew lamencfyn^ de Stairys en la dit Bakehows xi}^ 

Item paie pew pavyng del mesme Bakehows vij' 

' John Brokly, a Draper, was Mayor this year. 
' The last fi>ur words added in another hand. 

Digitized by 


The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 317 

XXjgta paic pMr pavyng de xx teys le Teys viij<i Summa xiij* iiij^ 

Item paie prar zij fbote de plaj/ii Ston pmr castjng de watfr iij' 

It#m piie pMT iij Cartefifull de pavyngston oucsqir^z le Cariage viij' 

Itan pale pwr xj lodys de Gravaile le lode a s^ Smppiiu iUj^ vij^ 

Item pale pMr vn lokke en vn plate pMr le halle dore towarde le kechjm 

& pour ij Rennyng staplis a le vtterhalle dore & pMr ij Clampis & vn 

plate pMT vn fburme en le Sale p's vj* 

Item paie peirr lamendyng de vn lokke del gr^unde Chest & vn bolt pewr 

le Seler dore p's xiij* 

Stmma !• viij<* 
SMvmif de lez paymentis en tout Amount liij" xv* v^ ob' 

lez dettoirrs de veile qir^rterage 

Symound Coppesheve iiij* 

John Gameleve de Colchestre vj* 

John Edsale ae Saynt Edmundhisbury V 

John Towkevyle v« 

Alisaunder Anne v* 

Thomas Emery v« 

Heniy Hert viij» 

Edmunde Salle ij* 


lez dettoirrs de lez apprentishodis 

Henry Wotton pe«r John Carpinter xx» 
ThonvtfS Hardyng pwr WiUi^m de lahaye qiri fiiist le apprentise de John 

Glyn xx» 

John firiklys pmr Tho»MS Bri' Northeffolke xx* 

John Wardewyke pew Will/* m Hytchyn xx» 

ThoM^ Acris pew Nich' Tetersale xx« 

John Brockele pe«r Robert Marchaunt & Henr^ tenterden xl' 

Symound « Eyre pe«r Henry Ber* & John Dryflfeld xl» 

John Sebam peirr John Beredog xx* 

Willi^mi Risseby peirr Will/4im Edwyn xx» 

Richard Smythcote peirr John kynge xx* 

Robert Shirborn pew John Eyrlyngton xx» 

Smmn* xiij'^ 
%ummm totalis de (letters xv" 

This entry is crossed through in the originaL 

Digitized by 


^xS The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 

Rest en Ore & Argent deliuere a Nich' yoo Thomas Skot John knyght 

& a Nich* fiarton xvf xv« iij^ 

Item Rest en diu^rs Detto«rs xv^^ 

SioNini# tof«li/ & Rest en Ore Argntf et en diivrs 

DettoiTS amount en toiite nxp xv* nf^ 

La' acompte de Wat^ Cherteseye Symoimd Eyr* Richard fibrdell 
& John Gladwyn Acompte en le vigill de Sayntz Symound & Jude Ian 
du reigne le Roy Henr* Sisme puis le conquest treszysme 

La' AcoHnpte de Nicholas yoo John knyeht Thonus Scot & Nicholas 
Barton fait le iiij^ lour de Nouembre Ian du R^ne le Roy Henr* Sisme 
puis le Conquest xiiip 

Accoants Ian xiiij de Roy Henr* vj* 

Aug. i43f Ceux sonnt lez Resseitz queux WiU/iim Parchemener Will/jfm Kyrton 

fer year ' Benet Flarlewyn & Ric Sharpe onnt Resseux de Nich' yoo John Aug. Knyeht Thonuis Scot & Nich' Barton en Xour temps pMr \tz maistres 
i434~5- ^^^ drapers en le Box de Dieu 

Cestassauoir en le mesme box xvj*» xv» iij* 

\Xitm Rcssu de Robert Thorp pwrr vn Anne xx« 

\Xitm Ressu de Henr* Barton pMr vn Anne xxiij* iiij^ 

\Xjem Ressu de John Ruddok pMr vn Anne xxvjT viij' 

\Xjem Ressu de Reynold Wellwrm pwrr vn Anne yj" xiij« iiij^ 

\Xjem Ressu de Thomiis Halman pmr vn Anne iij" vj> viij^ 

\X/tm Ressu de John Bytbewater p^irr vn Anne yj^ 

\\,em Ressu de Will/^m P^irson p^irr vn Anne xx* 

\Xem Ressu de iiij" xij persones peirr loirr quarterage iiij" xij« 

Siwwmif xlj*" xvij* iij* 

lez Resseitz de lez Apprentyshodes 

Item Ressu de John Byllesdon peirr John Aleyn xx' 

Item Ressu de Ric' langton pe«r Henr^ Eburton xx' 

Item Ressu de John Hylle pe«r Thomas Court xx' 

Item Ressu de Will/iim Comewykc peirr John Poynnter xx" 

Item Ressu de John Shirboume p^irr John Tyrlyngton xx* 

Item Ressu de John Bekvogh^m pern* Thomas £mind xx' 

Item Ressu de John Brokle pe«r Robert Marchaunt xx* 

Item Rcssu de luy pe«r Henr* Tenterden xx» 

Item Ressu de Will/^m Rercsby peirr Will/^m Edwyn xx' 

' Endorsement on the outer page of the last lea£ 
^ Endorsement on the outer page of the first leaf. 

Digitized by 


The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 319 

IXjem Ressu de Thonus Sebemc en p^trtie de paicmeiv^ pmr John Ber- 

doggc X* 

\Xjtm Ressu de John WiII/#m p^irr John Howet xx* 

SM»mif x" x« 

lez Resseitz del Temp^rall Box 

\tem Ressu de Ric' Oneh^md p0«r son entrc yj* \nf 

Item Ressu de Robert Bertyn pour son entre vj» vii^ 

Item Ressu de Stephene Marchaunt pour son entree vj* viij<* 

Item Ressu de Roger Haysand pour son cntrc vj« viij<* 

Item Ressu de John Stokker pour son entre vj» viij^ 

Item Ressu de Will/^m Home pour son entre xlvj* viij<> 

Iteni Ressu de John Anntrus pour entrc vj» viij<* 

Item Ressu de Barth' lathe pour son entree xl" 

Item Ressu de Cxlj persones pour lez minstrell pour le Rydynge de les 

viscountz xlvij* 

Item Ressu del Argent de les pouerez dones par diufrez persones del 

mistier par lez mains de Will' Edy & Stephme Grene Collettoarrz 

del dit argent CestassauorV pour le terme de seint Michell Ian xiij« 

iij** xij» yj<* 
Item Ressu en mesme le fourme del Argent de les pouerez par lez ditz 

Wiir Edy & Stephen Grene le veill' de pask Ian xiij« xxx» 

Item Ressu de Alisaunder Anne de veil dette xij^ 

Summa xiij^ xvij* ij^ 

les Resseitez del Temp^eil box pour lez fynes 

Item Ressu de John Derby pour le ffaute del Rydynge oue le mayre viij<^ 

Summa viij<* 
Summa totalis de toutz les Resseitz amou»te Ixv}^ v* 

lez paiements del Box de dieu 

En primtz paie a Wode serieaunt pour le Serche del feir* de s* Barth* 

iij» iiij<* 
Item paie pour boier a le fcir* de s* Barth* vij** 

Item pa/e pour Batellage & botehir* a Wcstm* al terment del Roy iij» iiij** 
. Item past a viij mynstrell pour le Rydynge dez viscountz Ui^iiij*^ 

Item paie, pour Boier pour lez ditz mynstrell le mesme io«r iij* x^ 

Item paie pour viij Chaperonz pwr lez ditz mynstrell & pour di' Chaperon 

peirr Thom-is oue le Trompe • xix» vij<* 

Item paie a Thomirs Bedell peirr vn Chiuall pour Rydynge ou' lez viscountz 

Item paie a luy pour vn Chiuall pour Rydynge ou' le maire xij<^ 

lfM*l u u 

Digitized by 


330 The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 

Item p«re a lez prestys del Bowe Cestassauoir a sir John Walker pmrr vn 

Aime iif* vj» viij* 

Item paie a luy en Reward en la vacacion del autre preste Cestassauoir 

pottr ij termcz yf viij* 

Item paic a lautre preste poitr demy Anne iif ^ vj* viif 

Item pif/e a lez prestys & Qerkys del Bowe pMr le Dirige iiij* uijj^ 

Item paie a lez Qerkys del Bowe pMr vn Anne yj* viij<^ 

Item paie a lez Qerks del Bowe pwr Ryngyng & boier al dirige xvf 
Item paie a lez Syngers de masse de n^/re aame a Bowe vj* viij^ 

Item paie a le Cnaundder potfr lez lygfatys and syngynge Candell poitr vn 

Anne a Bowechirche xv» J^ ob* 

Item paie a Ric* Waldyn^feld almesman pMr vn Anne liij* iiij^^ 

Item paie a Ric' Stryke ^mesman prar iij quarters dun Anne jd* 

Item paie a lez Chirchewardyens de s* Matbewes pMr quyte Rent povr vn 

Anne xx* 

Item paie a WiU/ifm Sowthecote pMrr quyte rente prar vn Anne v* 

Item paie a luy de Rerages del dit quyte Rent pour ij Annes z* 

Item paie a le person de Selnt Swytihynes pottr son offiyng poor vn Anne 

pwrr lez place dcz drapers yf viij** 

Item paie a Thomas Bedell pour son Salar' pwr vn Anne iiif^ 

SiMinu xxiij** xv» j* ob* 

Item paie a Nich' Soutbeccte pear quyte Rent poor vn Anne p0»r le 

Bakhous par le vicar de Croydon xx* 

Item paie a William Osbarne poor vn bille de apprentyshodes pettr vn 

Anne xx* 

Item paie pear Alowaunce del messe del mayre xl* 

Item paie pear wasshynge de diu^z naperve ij* vj* 

Item paie a lez pleyers mvnstrell & pear Kusshes xxiiij* 

Item pMe pear vn copye del Charter de lez Tayloi^rs xix* iii|* 

Item paie a John veysy almesman poor di' Anne xiij* iiij* 

Item paie a WUUam bonoar almesman poor j qv^irter dun Anne vj* viij* 
Item paie pear payn & vyn pear mons* Ponyngs & Madame oue loar 

gentz ijp 

Item paie pear ffewell & hangynge vppe del Hallynge & pear takynge 

doun del Hallynge arer* pear mons* i^ 

Item paie pear botehir* pear le pfsent' del maire a le Roy viij* 

Item pme a Hiomas Bedill pear vn Tubbe. viij* 

Item paie a John Carpenter iiij verges di' & di' qaaiter sang' eng^ a ix* viij* 

Saaana xliiij* viij* ob' 

Item paie a Alisaundre Anne ij verges sang* eng' a ix* viij* & ij verges 

scarlet le verge a xij* Summa xliij* iUj* 

Item paie a lez ij prestys viij verges sang* eng* le vfrge a V]« Smtnna xlviij* 

Digitized by 


The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 331 

Wem p^ie a Thomas Qement Bedell di' vfrge & di' o^uat^jtr scarlet & di' 
vw'gc & di' qir^frtfr sang* eng* pris toutz x« 

It*wi prf/c a John Rcyncwell demy v«^e & di* x^arXjer sang' engfiiia Ic 
Vfrge a ix« viij^ xiij« yj^ ob' 

\Xgm p^c pwrr hangynge vppe takynge doun & foldynge vppe del hallynge 
a le feste xvj<* 

Itov ptre pMT Amendynge dun lok j keye & j bolt pwr le hautpas dore 


StfMnui xilij" xiij* yj^ 

lez Reptfracions de diuerez placez 

\Xitm paic poitr vn lokke oue j keye pottr le meison de Ruddok v)^ 

Item pjiie pmrr vn horde oue le werkemanshipp pwr amender le hautepas 

del parlour tang' a le kechene ij<i 

Item paic a vn mason poitr iiij ioi^rz & di' poitr amendynge de lez herthes 

en lez Rentez & en le Bakhous p^srur^nt cheson iottr viij<^ oh. iij* i}^ 
Item paie a vn seruitnt laborer a dit mason paitr le mesme temps xiij^ 
Item paie p^irr ij lodez lyme poitr le dit werke ij* 

Item paie poitr vn lode sonde pmrr lez ditz werkes v^ 

Item pait pour j lib* Candell poitr le dit werke j* oh* 

Item paie pour Cariage de ij lodez Robous vj<i 

Item paie a vn Tyler pour Tylynge del Bakhous & lez Chamber soirx le 

parloi^r pour ix io«rz vj» vij* ob* 

Item paie a vn laborer s^ru^mt a dit Tyler pour le dit werke & pour Tyle 

pynnez iij» vj* ob* 

Item paie pour vn w} Tyles & pour certeyns Rofe tylcs v» x^ 

Item paie pour lyme & sapde pour le dit werke iij* viij<* 

Item paie pour Cariage de Robows & pour boier xxij^* 

Item paie pour naylez pour le Goter a le Bakhous xvj<i 

Item paie pour feisare de none parte dun Goter partable p^xrentre John 

WelJys & nous a le Bakhous vij* 

Item paie a vn plomer pour Sowdynge dun Goter soirx le Chamber del 

ptfrIo«r iij» x^ 

Item paie pour vn Cartefiill Stonys pour le Bakhous xvj^ 

Item paie pour feisure dun Chemeney en le hostiell de Reynold Welh^m 

en Chepe xxj» viij<* 

Item paie pour vn Sak lyme pour le iburneys en le Squelerye ij^ 

Item paie pour freston pour le foumeys en le Squelerye xij* 

Item paie pour j barre de ferre pour le dit foi^neys pois vij^ x^ ob' 

Item pah pour herthelome pour amendyng del Ovene en le kechene ij<> 

Summa iij" vij« vij^ 

Digitized by 


53^ The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 

\Xtm ptie pMT werkemanshippe del <iit foifraeys & amendyng del mesme 
Ovene xx* 

\Xitm paie t vn Tyler poarr v ioarrz pwr poyntynge del Sale & pMr Qosynge 
del Chemeney en lostiell de Reynold Welh^m p^munt le ioirr vlij<^ 

^umcam iijp iiij*^ 

\Xem p«re a vn laborer seru^nt a dit Tyler pwrr v ioirrz ij* vj* 

\Xjtm p«e p«w vn pekke de Tyle^^nnes p«irr le Sale 'f ob* 

It^Mi p«re pMT vj<^ Ro£Fenayles & dtmy C latthes & vn horde p^»r le Botine 

del Goter en le meison en Chepe ziij^ ob' 

\Xitm pose pour demy m* Tylcs pottr loftiell de Reynold Wellum ij* ix* 
Item p«rc pour demy c Tylez pour le Sale iif* ob* 

lUm paie pour cc Solatte Stones pour le Sale zvj' 

Item paie pour iij Sakks lyme & vn lode sande pomr le Sale & loftiell de 

Reynold Welhirm xj^ 

Summa xiiij* ob' 
Summm totaUs de toutz les paiementz Amounte xlij^ x* iiy^ 

lez Dettoirrz de veill quarterage 

Symond Coppesheve iiij* 

John Gameleye vj" 

John Edsale de Seint Edmundes Bury v* 

J<An Totrkevyle v« 

Alisaundre Anne iiij" 

Thomas Emerye v« 

Hcnr* Hert viij« 

Emund Salle ij* 


lez Detto^rs de lez Apprentyshodes 

Henr* Wotton pour John Carter xx« 
ThomifS Hardynge pour Will/#m de lahay qw iuist apprentys de John 

Glyn xx« 

John Brikkclys pour Thorns Northcfolk xx« 

John Wardewyke pour Williitm Hytchyn xx» 

ThoniifS Acrys pour Nich* Tatersalc xx» 

Jdm Sebeme pMrr John Beredogge x« 

Ric* Smythecote pour John kynge xx» 

John Pake pour John Pake Jun* xx« 

John Wotton pour Robert Borwyke xx» 

Emery Matany pMr Thonus Moreton xx" 

Will/4f m » Russell pwr John Wase xi? 

' Against this entry is a note in the margin, 'Ressn p4r pardummer*. 

Digitized by 


The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 335 

ThoniifS Bremhill poarr John Pekerynge xx* 

Rolvrt^ Cristemasse potr ThoniifS Ncsse xx» 

Ric* Hyght p«w Jdm Hydiccok xx« 

Will/#m Raper p^»r TboniifS Joyous xx* 
RogfT Talbot p«»r Will/Vfm Wolryche Barth* Cowpcr & John lyon iij« 

John Gedney pwr ThoniifS Garwardeby & Robrrt Whitehill xl* 

Nicholas yoo p«w Nich* Wardc & Ecunund Rusby xl» 

Ric* ' Onchand pwr WiUi^f m Twyvill xx« 

Water ^ Thorpe p«w Thonus Elys xx» 

John * Wyot pwrr ThoniifS Mongomery xx» 

Benet Harlewyn pwr ThoniifS ffenwyk xx* 

Roger ' Haysand p^rr Alisaundre Haysand xx" 

Ric^ Shaipe pmvr philip keiy & John knyght xl* 

John « Cok pour John Holder . xx* 

Zumma xxix" X* 

les DettOfl^rs prar Rent 

It«f» Andrew Trotte Taylo«r p«w vn Anne entier xxviij* 

^umma xxviij* 
^umma XotMs de toutz les Dettwrez Amonte xxxij" xvij* 

Rest en Ore & Aigent deliufre a William parchemen^ Will/^fm kyrton 

Benet Harlewyn & Ric* Sharpc xxiip xiiij* x^ * 

\Um Rest en Diufrz Dettovrz xxxij^* xvij* 

Swmnif to/ifl/x q«i Resten Ore Argent & en Diuerz Detto^rz Amount en 

tout IvjJ* xj* X* 

Thys accompt y made the ix day of Nouembre the xix**« yer* of kyng Accounts 
Harry the vj**»* by John Gedney ^ maist^ John Wotton John Derby presented 
Robert Bertyn & Thomas Cook Wardeyncs of the craft of drapercs for Not. 1440, 
the yer last past ffurst resceyued by the accompt of the olde Wardeynes *>r y«af 
in the box xvj^ x* ^i\^^ir 

Also resceyued of diufrs p^sonys for fynys y mad for the feyr of seynt 
mary ovcrey as hit enseweth 

Of Richard Thomebery xx^ 

Of Edmund Miles iiij<^ 

OfWylliawComcwyk viij<* 

Of John HiUe \\if 

Of Rob^ Awnell iiij<> 

' Against each of these entries s a: note in the margin, 'Ressn p^r jMrch*- 

* The balance h id. too much. 

^ John Gadney was the first AUunr. 

I 43 9-40- 

Digitized by 


334 ^^^ Earliest Wardens' Accounts 

Of Wylliaw Thyrston iiij« 

OfWyUiawWardc viij* 

Of Wylliaiw Mcwc iiij* 

Of John Dowbyll iiij'* 

Of Robert ffytz Andrew iiij^ 

Of ThomifS Brtcy iiij^ 

Of WyUiaw WaltyngfUd 'vxf 

Of Thoniiis Pcrctrc viij* 

Of John Pake iiij^ 

Of ThoiKiifS Salman iiij^ 

Of John Crappy ng iiij** 

vijp viij<* 

Also rcsceyued of dufrs p^sonys for mrrccments for diu^rs causis 

Of parchemcner iiij* 

Of Northampton iiij<* 

Of Harry longespee iiij* 

Of John Whyt iuj^ 

Of Thomifs W ellys xx<* 

Of John parker iiij** 

[Summa totalis] acvijB xiiij<* 

Also rcsceyued for fynys of hem thii^ fayled tt th# mayris rydynge 

Of Emery Matany ij» 

Of Thomiis Cook the elder xx^ 

Of John Stystede xx<* 

Of Stephen MarcLfunt viij^ 

OfRic'Onhand xx* 

Of John Wykys xx* 

Of Ric* Thornberye xvj^ 

Of Roger Hayzand xij* 

Of Thomas Thornton x^ 

Of ThomifS Bemewey xvj<* 

Of John Hyghitm xij<> 

Of John Norman xij*" 


Also resceyued of diu^rs personys for the schrevys mynstrallys that is to 

seye of eche p^rsone iiij<^ whicbe amounteth xlix* iiij'^ 

Also resceyued of Robert Derby for a fyn yj« viij<* 

Also resceyued of Rauf Asteley for his entre by rempcfon xl' 
Also resceyued of Richard Bayly for his entr# by redempcron vj^ xiij* iiij<^ 

Digitized by 


The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts ^jy 

Also resceyued of Thonus Crosse for his entre 
Also resceyued for newe quarteragys of iiij" iij p^rsonys 

xviH XV* iiii^ 

v]« viij* 

Also resceyued of Old « 

OfWyllLfmCieiv . . . 
Of WyllLfin Par . . . 
Of John D . . . 
Of John ff . . . 
Of Thorn . . . 
Of John . . . 



O ... 



her yer* dewe 

Also resceyued of r[e]ntys to the craft belongynge 

Of ThoMMS Halman . • • • for an hool yer 

Of Harry Barton for .... ol yer 

Of ThojvMS Scott for an hool yer 

Of John Ruddok for an hool yer 

Of John Derby for an Hool yer 

Of Aldonce Scherman for an hool yer 

Of WylliaMi Broughton for an hool yer 

xvU xvj* viij<* 
[Summa totalis] xyj'* viij" viij<* 

Also resceyued for dyuers is to seye 

Of John lynge for Jofai 


Of Wyll/ifm Clerk for Joh# 


Of Stephen Miirchifunt for Wy . . • 

Of Roger Kelseye for John 

Of John Stokkcr for R 

Of John Stokker for 


Of Thomas Aylesby 

iiijO xiij* iiij^ 
xxiij» iiij<* 

xlyj* viij^ 

liij* iiij* 


The marks of omission indicate a lacrnia in the maniucript. 

Digitized by 


^^6 The Earliest ff^ardens^ Accounts 

Of Stephen Salnuv 

Of WfUiMm RusscU for John 

OfWnUam RusscU for . 

Of Will/ifin RusseU for 

Of John Cristemasse for 

Of Harr/ Brave for Johir 

Of Robert Scherbovrne for 

Of Wyllum Anvdd for 

Of Wyllifm Sampolefor 

Of J<An NankclJy for Nug 

Tbe SoMrme of alle resceitz aforcseid Ix^^ V ij^ 

These ben the parcellx payd at diivrs tymes for the vse of th# Craft of 

fior a barge to Westmynster at the myndc of the kyng ij dayes vj* 

£br an elle of Spynall to wrappe ynne the baneris iiif^ 

£for mynstrallys for the schrevvs liij* iiij' 

£for the mynstrallys hodys ana drynkyng xix* 

ffor a barge to Westmynster for the Cr2ft v« 

ffbr boot hire diners tymes yn Sc owt for the aulnage Jiol^ 

Sot oure coiurseil Sc n>r deuysynge of a bille to the mair & drvnlcynge v* 
£fbr huyre of iiij hors for botell of sdet wyn & our costys to Carporter 

£fbr a wrytt to discharge Ruddok xif 

fibr a Copy of the oth of the aulnage xxf 

yeven to leuysLf m for dispcisacibn of the oth for tbe leden aed 

xxvjp vuj* 
£for a peir endenturs be twene Ruddok & vs mad by Ieuysh#m derkr ij* 
fibr a lyne & an banier paid to Ruddok yj* viij' 

ffor drynkynge with levesh^m diuers tymes & with his derkis xij<i 

fibr endenturs be twene Gladwyn and vs xij^ 

fibr a box for oure patent ' iij^ 

fibr ilj yerdis and an half musturells for maister Ric^ Barnet zvij* v]^ 
fibr the bedellys hors at the mayris rydynge xij<< 

fibr wyn at the cardinallis hatt in pesence of otrr maister & our couirsdl 


fibr bred and wyn & colys in pesence of our maister & oirr souereyns 

aldermen & Gartoirr in Drapers Hall ' ij* ij^ 

fibr peyntyng of viij scodions ij» viij* 

fibr reward to Gartour ^ iip vj» viij* 

* The Charter of 17 Hen. VL 

' First mention of the Drapers' Hall. 

^ For their Grant of Arms. Granted March 1439. 

Digitized by 


The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 337 

ffor a yerd & half scarlet & musturels for an hood to Garter xij* 

jrcven to Garteris ij men \xf iiif* 

fibr Gartour is dyner in the pesence of the Wardeynys vj* viij** 

fibr portreyyng in diuers wysis of our comune seel xij^ 

ffbr devysyng and for wryting of our dede of Armys & for a notaries 
signe ' vj« viij<* 

ffor Tvmnynge of the same dede v« 

ffbr Gravinge of the comune seal " xxiij" iiif* 

ffor xij vvices & iij qir^frterons silufr therto the vnce ij" \\f rxjxf xj<* ob* 
[total of page] xvj*^ iiij« vij^ ob* 

ffbr a payre endenturs vndur the comune seel for Carter is hood viij<^ 

ffor a purs to the seal and a keye to the box vixf 
ffor a Copy in the diauiicery of me newe article in the taylovrs charter ^ ij" 

ffor ij biUes devysing & writing to the meir for the same article ij" 

ffor Haydok man of lawe xx" 

ffor boot hire to Westmynstre & hom diuers tymcs yj<* 

ffor setting of our Armys in Glas wyndowys in drapers halle vj" viij^ 

ffbr iiij lib talow candel for our prestis at the lowe churche v<* 

ffbr peynting of scochowrs with our Armys in the parlour iij" 

ffor xj lode & iij sakkis of lym if 

ffor ij tyleris xij dayes the day viij<> xyj" 

ffor ij laboreris as many dales a day v^ x" 

ffor iiij buschell of tylc pynnys ij" 

ffor a Goter ^ of tre in the kechen & the werkmanschipe vj' 

ffor X lode of sand iiij" if 

ffbr iiij lode and iiij sak of Ivm iiij" viij<* 
ffbr v™*' of large tylys the ml* vj" iiij<* xxxj" viij<* 

ffor ij°>i* tylys the thousand v» vj<* xj" 

for iij buschellys of tyle pynnys xviij<* 

ffbr vij evys bordis ij" iiij<* 

ffor m* & half roof nayl xvj<i ob' 

ffbr carryynge of tyles to the halle xvj<* 

ffbr ij tyleris vj dayes the day viij<* viij" 

ffor ij laboreris yj dayes the day v<* v" 

ffbr ij tyleris viiij dayes the day wnf x" viij<* 

ffor ij laboreris as longe the day v^ vj" viij<* 

ffor carvyng awey of xiiij lodis robus iiij" iiij** 

ffor a darpenter a day viij ob' 

ffor ledgis and bordys x<* 

ffbr a cSasp and a bolt to the wyndowe 'if 

^ For their Grant of Anns. Granted March 1439. . 

" They were given the right to have a Common Seal by Patent 17 Hen. VI. 

^ Charter to Tayfors, cf. Clode, Merchant Taybrs, pt. i, p. 35. ^ Gutter. 

1808.1 XX 

Digitized by 


338 The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 

Sox niTlis mf ob' 

fh>r a boUe ij<* 

fibr a peyre of garnettx and hokis th^o v'f 

flbr ij staplis ij* 

Sox pych and rosjrn and workmansdup to th^ goter i\xf 
[total of page] viij» xv]« x« ob* 

Sox loder to the Goter in the stret f 

ffor makyng of a tynde ^ 

£R>r nuncions among werkmen ij« if 

ffor \if latthis ij« 

fibr a lode of lomb iiij<^ 

fior a dawber and his man xiij<* 

fibr a mason ij dayes xvij^ 

ffor his laborer ij dayes xj*' 

fibr traunsom nayl vif 

flbr a trestcl foot f 

fibr bord in the gable ende of the halle iiij<^ 

fior naylis f 

Sox the werkmanschip th^rof iiij<i 

flfbr refresching of the cotidyan hallyng xx^ 

fior bromys and for a schovele iiij<i 

fibr a keye to derbv is schoppe dore mf 

fibr hopis to the olde tubbis )if 

Sox a lokk to the lede & for a bolt & mending of a lok in chepe x^ 

fibr vj burdons of ruschen & the berynge xviij<^ 

fibr hanging vp & taking don of the halljmg xvj<^ 

ffor a quarton of roof tyle xviij^ 

flfor \f tylys xiij^ 

fior oure ij prestis sineinge at bowe Churche x" 

fior Ric' Waldyngfeld liij» iiij«* 

fior Thoniifs Clement iiij^ 

ffor our wax for the yere at bowe Churche xvij« 

ffor mynstrallis and pleyeris at your feste xvj» \\if 

ffor wasching of naperie ij* 

fibr the derkis of the bowe for all# the yer# vj» viij^ 

fior the singeris at our masse v" 

fibr p^rrson and derkis at our dirige & masse \Axf 

Sox ringeris at bowe diurdie & drinking xij<i 

ffor allowaunceofthemeiris messe xl' 
fibrallowaunce of aldermen of othfr craftisbyalle the company nempned 

and assigned xl* 

fior lym & werkmanschip at bowe comer \j^ 
[total of page] xxiiij'^ xvij* xj** 

Digitized by 


The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts ggp 

for ij gamettis for a Gapyas yj<* 

ffor quarter bordis & ledgis viij<* 

ffor half an hundred of vj peny nayl iij<^ 

fibr planke borers and fylctts v^ 

ffor a Carpenter a day v\xf ob* 

ffor quit rente to seynt mathewe for a yere xx* 

fibr taking dou» & setting on of glas wyndows at yoivr feste viij^ 

ffor led to the Goter in the kechen and thoruz the larder xxxix* iij'^ 

ffor quyt rente of the bakhous ' xx« 

ffor quyt rente of the posteme v« 

ffor the persun of Seynt swy thyns yj« viij^ 

ffor a bylle owt of the dambr^ for apprentys hodis xx^ 

ffor an obligacon and defesauncez to Derby and for wax xiiij'i 
[total of page] iiij" xvj» xj<> ob' 

The somme of all the expence^ aforesdd liiij" xvj» iiij^ ob' 
The Somwe in money in the box is v"* viij« ix<* ob* 

These ben the detours to th^ craft dewe by th# sessing of th/x » oi^r yere 

Rob^t Qopton iij" yj» viij** 

Symond Eyre v" 

Rob^ Cristendom and Staundon iiij^ 

John ffabyan xx' 

Harry longespee yj« viij<* 

John Wh;^ iij» iiij<* 

Wylli4«n Horn xx» 

Raynold Welam xx« 

John Wyot xx» 

Ric' ffbrdel xx« 

Will/ifm Alyf xxvj« viij^ 

Benet Harlewvn iij" 

John Ryngcfield xiij» iiij<* 

Nicho/tfs Barton xx« 

John firidges yj» viij<* 

Thonus Cook the elder xl« 

John Hille of Comhille vj« viij<* 

John Cristemasse of Cornhille xx* 

John Wottun xl« 

Middelam of Suffolk xx* 

Smwrm xxx" X' 

' Amount altered in original from t*. 

' First notice 6f assessing. Probably for a < riding' on some public occasion. 

Digitized by 


34-0 The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 

These ben the dettours of olde quarterage 

Rcrfvrt Whitinghitm xij<* 

Rauf Holand xij<^ 

S/r Wyll/tfm Gerveys xij** 

ThoniifS Haseley 3dj<* 

John fiytterden xij<* 

Ric* Swayncseye xij<* 

Thom^fS Fyk vi)» xij^ 

[total of page] xxx" 3cvij« 

Wylliifm Surcx>ty8 xij^ 

Wyll/tfm Baron xij** 

Thomifs Burgon xij<^ 

Wyll/^m Mund xij<* 


These ben the dettours of Apprentyshodys^ 

my maister Brokley for Rob^ Seyken xiij* iiij** 

my maistfr Brokley for Walter xiij* iiij<* 

my maistere Brokley for Thomijs Hapthorp xiij» iuj<* 

Symond Eyre for Robert ffyscher xiij« iiij<* 

Wylli^m Edy for evbod £dy xiij* iiij** 

Wyll/4fm Norhampton for Thomiis Dou xiij« iiij** 

Wyll/^m Norhampton for ThoimfS yonge xiij* iiij<* 

Wyll/^m Parchemener for Ric' flfoot xiij* iiij** 

Wyll/tfm Chervel for John Richer xiij» iiij<* 

ThomtfS Pyke for John Marven xiij» iiij^ 

ThomifS Pyke for Rob«l Stowke xiij« iiij^ 

Raynold Welam for Thom^is Maryot xiij» iiij<* 

John Cokke for Hariy £lderton xiij« iiij^ 

John Wyot for John Brandon xiij« iiij^ 

Edmuna Pountvyne for Robert Rewel xiij« iiij<* 

John Ruddok for Jamys Compe xiij* iiij^^ 

John Ruddok for John beauchampe xiij' iiij<^ 

John Dene for Thom^ts Crosse xiij» iiij** 

NichoAfS Mason for Ric' Danscombe xiij« iiij<* 

Jolm Wardewyk for John Corbett xiji« iiij<> 

John Norman for John Dale xiij* iiij^ 

John Norman for Harry Cunstable xiij* iiij<* 

' Fee fer apprenticeship 13/. 4^. So it was in 147^ 

Digitized by 


The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 34-1 

ThomifS Salman for John firebam 
Robwt Hawnd for Hariy Alcyne 

xiij* iiij^ 
xiij« iiij** 

[total of page xvj^ iiij»] 


These ben the quarteragis owynge by diuws personis so 

Of my maist^ Nicho/«is Wotton 

Of my maistfr John Brokley 

Of my maist^* Robert Whitingbim 

Of my maister John Raynwelle 

Of my maister Rauf Holand 

s/r Ric* Thoro 

s/> Wyll/jf m uerveys 

ThomjfS Haseley 

John Bvtterden 

John Tatersale 

ThomifS Hardyng 

John Kyrkcly 

GefFray yermowthe 

Wyll/ifm Northifmpton 

Wyll/ifm Parchemener 

John Ramsede 

ThomifS Stanus 

John Dyer 

Ric' Swaneseve 

Alexaner Child 

NichoAfS Barton 

John Spenser 

ThomifS Pyke 

John Wode 

WylJ/if m Sybson 

Thomas Brou* 

John Style 

John Elvysch 

Thom^ Uoodhynde 

Ric' Hersy 

Wyllie Baron 

John Cokke 

Somi»e of all the dettys is xlviij'^ x . . . 



Digitized by 


34-^ T^^ Earliest JVardens^ Accounts 

Accounts Thys Accompt jr made the vij day of Noumbre the xx«> yere of Kyng 

presented Hairy the vj*« » By John Brokley maystcr John Stoker and Roger Haysand 

Nov. 1441, Wardens of the Crafte of Drapers jffor the yere last past flyrst rcsceyued 

for year by the accompt of the olde Wardens in the Box v« viij« vg^ ob' 

1441^^°* Allso Rcsceyued off VfWMam Rysby flbr a fiyne that he made at the 
mayrys lydyng xij^ 

Allso Rcsceyued of Richard Payne. 
Rec' off Will/Vim Wantyngffcld ^ 

Rcc* off" Thomas Bracy [ ffor thayr Entreys X3cvj» viij^ 

Rec' off Robert A^hiere i 

Allso Rcsceyued ffor newe qwartyrage off'iij" and viij personys iij'* viij« 

Swwwif x^iiirvdob* 

Allso Rcsceyued off" Olde qwartyrage of tluf/ othyr yere dewe Off Thonus 
Hardyng xij^ 

Allso Rcsceyuvd off the revenewys to the Craflc bclongyng 
Off Thonux Halman ffor a hole yere for ij tenementys iiij^ xiij« iiij<* 

Off Harry Barton ffor a hole vere xxiij* iiij** 

Off Thom^f s Cotton ffor a hole yere xx« 

Off John Ruddoke flbr di' yere xiij» iiij«* 

Off John Darby ffor a hole yere iij^^ 

Off John Aldowce Schermai» for a hole yere liij* iiij"^ 

Off Will/Vm Botter for a hole yere xx* 

Off Thomas Cowper ffor a hole yere iiij^ xiij* iiij<^ 

Off Richard Robert Skynner ffor a hole yere xx« 

Off Thomifs Cowper ffor the terme of ij yere & di' of owre tenyment 

ix** yj« viij*' 
xxix^ iij* iiij^ 

Allso Rcsceyued ffor dyuers Apprenticialecs thif/ ys to Sey 

Off my maisttx Brokley flbr Robert Seykyn x» » 

Off my nuuster Brokl^ ffor Walter x» 

Off my maister Brokley ffor ThoniifS Hapthorpe x» 

Off my maister Brokley ffor Thom^ Halbroke x» 

Off my maister Brokley flbr Edmund Bykbysworthe x« 

Summa xxxj^ xiiij' iiij^ 


Allso Rec' off my mmstet Nycoloz ys for John Aditm x» 

Rec* off Davy Selly ffbr Ric' Hubcrdx x» 

' R. Cbpton, a Draper^ was Mayor this year. 

^ The fee for apprenticeship is varying between 13X. ^d. and i ox., unless indeed 
those paying 10/. are paying the balance of a previous year which had been unpaid | 
cf. account of 141 3-1 4. 

Digitized by 


The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 543 

Rs* of ThoniifS Portre for ThoniifS Gooderyche xiij« iiij** 

Rcc' off Thomas Portre ffor John Wenflfrey xiij» iiij<* 

Rcc' off Will/if m Waldyngffeld ffor John Morton x« 

Rec' off Benet Harwyn ffor Geffrey Gernon xiij* iiij<* 

Rec' off Will/ifin Rysby ffor Ric' Scman xiij* iiij<» 

Rec* off Will/ifm Thurston ffor Will/«w Holthitm xiij» iiij<* 

Rcc* off Symond Knell ffor John Rumbold xiij» iiij<* 

Rec' off John Willyam ffor Ric* Mason xiij* iiij<* 

Rec' off John Willyam ffor Will/iim Hyde xiij« iiij^ 

Rec* off Ric' Skrey ffor John Eston xiij» iiij<* 

Rec* off Robert Edolffe ffor Robert Osbom x* 

Rec* off John Dawe ffor Hewe Page xiij* iiij<* 

Rec' off Thonus Salman ffor John ffrebarn x« 

Rcc* off John Pake ffor ThomifS Basse x» 

Rec' off WillLim Parchmener ffor Ric' ffbtc x« 

Rcc' off Robert Hawnell fibr Harry Alcyn x» 

Rcc* off John Stoker ffor Alexander Swynborn x« 

Rcc' off Emery Mateny ffor Ric' Barnardcston x» 

xj" xiij* iiij** 

The Somwe of all the resseyts a ffbre Seyd liij^ xij» f ob' 

Ress' off the Executovrs off" Thom<f s Aylysby at hys beqwest xl» 

Thez be the p^rcells payd at dyuers tymez ffor the vse off the crafte of 

ffyrst ffor a Baige to Westmy»styr to the mynde off the kyne ij dayes v» 

All so ffor a Barge to Wcstmynstyr wyth the Scheryffys ffor the Crafte v» 
Itew ffor bote hyre to Westmynstyr ffor my lord off Salysbery dyuers 

tymes vj^ 

Itew ffor the Bedylls hors at the mayrs rydyng xij<* 

Itew ffor a qware off papyr iij** 

Itew ffor iiij lb. talow candyll ffor yowr prystys at the Bowe vj^ 

Itew ffor yj Byrthyn off* rysnen for yow Hall xviij<* 

Itew ffor havyng vp & takyne downe of the hallyng xvj<| 

Itew to the ij prystys off the Bowe ffor the yere x" 

Itew to Ric' Waldyngffeld liij» iiij** 

Itew to Watkyn ffrebarne Iiij" iiij«" 

Itew to Thonuis Clement Bedyll iiij" 

Itew ffor wax to the Bowe chyrche for the yere xvij* vj^ 

Itew ffor mynstrylls & players at owr ffcst xyj» viij<> 

Itewr ffor waschyng off napery ij" 

Itew to the Clerk of Bowe ffor all the yere vj» \]xf 

Itew ffor Syngers at owre masse v» 

Digitized by 


344- T^^ Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 

IXem ffor Prystys & Clerkys at owre dyryge iiij» 

\Xjtm flfor ryngers & drynke xij<* 

Item flbr a lowans off the mayrys mese xl* 

\Xiem fior a lowans off alldyrmors mess off odyr Craftys xl« 
[total of page] xxvj** xiiij* vij<* 

Pif/d ffor the qwyte rente to Seynt Matheus for a yere xx» 

ffor qwyte rente off the Bakhouce xx» 

ffor qwyte rente off the postrcn v» 

To the pifTSon off Seynt Swythyns ffor offeryng yj» viij** 

flbr a Garnet to John Darby Schop in chepe iiij<* 

To John Darby ffor wrytyng off a copy for the crafte viij^ 

To the Glasyer ffor takyng off & Settyxg on of a wyardow viij^ 

ffor a byll owte off the Chtmbyr for prentyshodys xx*" 

ffor hokys & naylys ffor the diambyr f ob' 

ffor Sawdyng off gotcrs off Cowpcrs howse iij» iij* 

ffor yj yerdys off vyolet at xij« the yerde flbr my lorde ot Salysbery 

iiju xij« 
flbr nurx/er Ad^fm Molens yj yerds of vyolet at xij' ^Mmrna iij^ xij* 

ffor John Carpentyr a yerde & di' dff vyolet at xij» ^mmma xviij» 

ffor \Amst€X Ric* Bamet a yerde & j qiwrrter vyolet price x« v<* 

ffor Will/irtn Chadworth a yerde & j qv^frter Scarlet & vyolet pr/ce 

xiij* iiij* 
ffbr Burgeyn ma» off lawe a yerde & j qv^frter Scarlet & vyolet price 

xiij* iiij<* 
ffor vylton mai» off lawe a yerde & j qv^f rter Scarlet & vyolet price 

xiij« iiij<^ 
ffor viij yerdys of vyolet ffbr the prest/s gownez xlviij* 

ffor the bedylls hode jyerde & j qviirter Scarlet & vyolet price xij» viij<* 
To Thoniifs Cowper ffor certeyn reparacibns done viip xix« xf^ 

paid to maister Ric* Bamat ffor a Entryng & ij copyes iij» iiij<* 

[total of page] xxv" xiij» [viij^ ob'] 

The Somme off all the expences a ffore Sayd lij^' viij* iij<* ob' 
The Somme in the Box ys iij" iij* x^ 

Thez bene the Dettoivrs to the Craft by the sessing off the yerys be ffore 

My maister Qopton iij^ yj« viij^ 

Symond Eyre v^ 

Robert Crystyndom & Staunton iiij^^ 

John ffabyan xx* 

Harry longespee yj« viij^ 

Digitized by 


The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 547 

John Whyte 

Will/iim Home 

Reynolde Wdham 

John Wyot 

Richard fibrdell 

WmUm Alyflfe 

Benet Harlwyn 

John Rvngficld 

Nvcho^s Barton 


Thonuis Coke y« Elder 

John Hyll in Comhyll 

John Crystmas in Comhyll 

Jdin Wotton 

Myddylton in Suiiolke 


[total of page] xxx^* x« 

iij* iiij* 



xxvj* viijd 


xiij» iiij<* 


yj» viij*" 


vj« viij^ 




Thcs bene the Dettoirrs off olde quarterages wych ware gyfyn to vs 

My Truttstex Brokley 

Robert Whyttynghif m 

RafFe Holand 

^r Will/iim Gervyse 

Thoniifs Hasley 

John Byttysden 

Richard dwaynseye 

Thoniiis Pyke 

Will/i»m Surcotys 

WillMm Baron 

Thoniiis Burgone 

Will/iim Mounde 

My maifter Nycbo/as Wotton 

My mmster John Raynwell 

John Tatyrsall 

John Kyrkeby 

Gefftay yermowthe 

Will/^m norhixmton 

Will/jim Parchmener 

Jdin Ramsed 

ThomifS Stanns 

John Dyer 

Alysaundyr Chylde 

Nycho/tfs Barton 

John Spenser 






Digitized by 


34-^ The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 

Tboous Browne zij^ 

John Dodde xi}* 

Will/ifin Sybson zif^ 

John Style xy* 

John Elvyche xij* 

Thonus Godehynde z^ 

Richard Hersy xy** 

John Cokke xij* 

Sir Ridiard Thorpe xij* 


Thcs bene the Detto^rs of apprentyshodys 

My nuttfter Norman ffor John Dale xiij* iiij^ 

My auaster norman ffor Herry Oinstabyll xiij* iiij^ 

Symonde Evrc ffor Robert ftycfaer xiij« iiij** 

V/ilVam Edy jffor Ewbot Edy xiij» iiij^ 

WUliam Norhamton flor Tbom^es Don«e zi^* iiij^ 

Wm/irtn C3iervell ffor John Rycher xiij» iiij^ 

Thonus Pyke ffbr John marven xiij» iiij** 

Thonus Pyke ffor Robert Stowke xiij' iiij^ 

Reynolde Welham for Thonus maryot xiij* iiij^ 

John Cokke ffbr Herry Eldyrton xiij* iiij<^ 

John Wvot ffbr John Brandon xiij* iiij<* 

E^monde poyntvyne ffor Robert Rewell xiij* iiij^ 

John Ruddoke ffor Jamys Compe xiij* iiij^ 

John Ruddoke ffor John Beaucfaampe xilj* iiij<* 

John Dene ffor Thonus Crosse xiij* iiij<^ 

Nydio/ifS mason ffor Richard Danscombe xiij* iiij<^ 

Joon Wardewyke ffor John Corbet xiij* iiij<* 

Thonus Goold ffor Herry Rote xiij* iiij<* 

My nudstet Gedney ffbr John wyndie xiij* iiij<* 

My maister Gedney ffor Thonus Bothe xiij* iiij^ x* 

Davy Selly ffor Nycolas Goldyne xiij* iiij<* 

Thonus Wynsk>w ffor Waltyr Qwyke xiij* iiij<* 

John Awntrus ffbr Robert Braddele xiij* iiij<i 

John Walshami ffor Robert Beanforde xuj* iiij^ 

Roger Beauchamp ffor John Beauchamp xiij* iiij^ 
[total of page] xvij** yj* viij** 

Richard Thombery ffor Ric* Thorpe xiq* iiij<* 

Richard Thombery ffor Willi-^m Knyght xiij* iiij*" 

RiciarJ Thombery ffor Jdin Owvn xiij* iiij** 

Williiim Home ffor Thonus Webbe xiij* iiij<* 

Digitized by 


The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 347 

Emery * matcny fibr YtSdhari Bernardcston xiij* iiij* 

Edt' Pctcvyn fior Rogw- mathewe xiij« Wf 

[total of page] iij*^ rf viij^ 

Thes bene the Quartyragys owyng by Dyu^rs personz thys yer 

My mmsux i^Y^olas Wotton xij^ 

My xnaister Robert Whyttyngluni xij^ 

My maifter John Raynwcll xij<* 

Maister Raffc Holand xijo 

Sir Willwm Gcrvys xij<> 

ThoniifS Haslcy xij^ 

John Hyghiim xij^ 

John ffemall xij<* 

John Byttyrden xij«* 

John Tatyrsall xijo 

John Kyrkby xij<> 

Geffray yermowthe xij<* 

John Ramsede xif 

ThomifS Stanus xij<» 

John Dyer xij^ 

Alysaundyr Chyldc xij^ 

Nycolcs Barton xij^ 

John Spenser xij^ 

Thonus Pyke xij^ 

John Woode xij<* 

Williiim Sybson xij<» 

Ihonws Browne xij^ 

John Style xij<* 

John Elwychc xij^ 

Thomifs Goodehynde xij<* 

Richard Hersy xij^ 

V/illiam Baron xij^ 

[total of page] xxvij* 

WiUiifm Sampowle ^H^ 

John Awntrus xij^ 

Ptfrkar th^ yonger xij** 

WilliitmBraklcy xij<i 

Will/itm Wyxetys xij^ 

Thomifs Goolde xij<> 

Bartylmewe Plumer xij<» 

lasy Dyer xij^ per laysand. 

' This entry is crossed throagh in original. 

Digitized by 


34-8 The Earliest Wardens Accounts 

Brambyll Dyer 

Gylyam de loynes 

John Gryslcy 

Reynold Welhifm 

Rooert Scherbome 

Will/iim Bcnct 

John Whytc 

Robrrt Crystmas 

ThoniifS Bakere 

Jeffrey Chyttok 

Harry longcspy 
per Haysand. Thorns Burgoyne ma» off' la we ' 

Aspley maff off lawe ' 
per thumow. [total of page] xviij» 

The Some off all th^ detts ys Iv** x» iiij^ 
All to John Ruddoke owyth ffor di' a yer rent xiij* iiij^ 






In the reign of Edward I, Robert Ayguylon left a ^ tenter ground ', 
i. e. a plot where clothes are stretched after fiilling or dyeing, which had 
apparently once belonged to Fitzalwyn, first Mayor of London, to the 
(Jhapel or Watton atte Stone in frankalmoigne.' This Chapel granted 
the site in the same reign to Fulk St Edmund at the rent of % marks to 
the Chapel and 6s. id. to the King, and his descendants held it till the 
reign of Ridiard IL It was then declared forfeited as having been 
devised in mortmain by Robert Ayguylon and first given by the King 
into the custody of John Hende, a Draper, and then granted to Sir John 
Beauchamp (1384.) with a rent of ; marks payable to &e ChapeL It had 
then certain shops built on part of it. 

In 1 38 J* Sir Jdin granted it to Ridiard Forster, Thomas Charleton, 
and two others for 6 score marks. But Hende continued to occupy 
a piece of the ground 38 ft. by 8 ft. abutting on his own house.^ 

In 14.08 Richard Forster and Hiomas Charleton granted the plot 
to the following joint tenants : Elias Bockyng, John Botiller, Walter 

* N.B. — Two lawyers, members. 
» Sharpe, Calendar of Wilb, ii. ^01. 
^ A. viiL 177. 

Digitized by 


The first Drapers^ Hall 34-9 

Gawtron, William Denardeston, William Weston, Richard Coroner, 
John Gcdney, Robert Luton, and John Prentout, reserving a yearly 
rent of £y for Forstcr's life and the Livery of the Company.* 

In i+Kf (y Henry VI) John Gedney, William Weston, and 
Walter Gawtron released their share to John Botiller and Richard 

In the same year John Botiller and Richard Coroner granted it to 
William Growmer, John Gedney, Robert Tattcrsall, Sir Thomas Cooke, 
and thirty-six others. 

In 1483 (i Richard III) ^ the death of the other joint tenants the land 
was in the hands of Philip Cooke, son of Sir Thomas, and he granted it 
under the name of ^Drapers' Hall' to Sir William Stokker, Harry 
Eburton, and others. Cf.+og, fo. 33b, * Great dcde with letter of attorney 
of Philip Cook to Sir Wm. Stokker and other of the crafte \ 

In 14.89 (y Henry VII) tilie others released their share to Eburton, and 
in 14.90 Eburton devised it to the Fraternity, as well as other tenements. 
This will is referred to in the Accounts of 14.85^90, * Item paid to Harry 
Wodecock scrivener for making a testament and other devises to put 
Drapers' Hall and other tenements into mortmayn and other expenses 
£% los. 4i/.* Cf. Sharpe, Calendar of Wills, ii. 601. 

Now it is to be observed that, of the grantees in 1408, the names 
of all, with the exception of Elias Bockyng, Robert Luton, and William 
Denardeston, appear in the Accounts of 14.13-14 and 1423-4, while of 
the grantees of i^%^^ all appear in the Accounts between i^i'i^x6. 

As we have no Accounts between 1408-13, it is no wild supposition 
to make that the three, whose names do not appear in or after 141;, had 
died between 1408-1;. And if so all the grantees in joint tenancy were 
Drapers. It is also noticeable that the terms on which Forster granted 
the land was that he should be granted the Livery of the Brotherhood, 
which shows that he was, or became, a member. Thus it appears that 
from 138; the land belonged entirely to members of the Fraternity, and 
was no doubt held in trust for it. Further, the Accounts of the year i^i6 
mention a sum of £66 13/. 4^. paid to William Crowmer. We are not 
told why, yet as the land had been valued in 138 y at d score marks QC80), 
it seems most probable that the sum paid to drowmer was for the land or 
for a balance yet unpaid. This is rendered all the more likely bv the 
fact that in that year, as is proved by the Accounts, the Brotherhood oegin 
to build their Hall, which is called Drapers* Hall in 1440. There 
is also notice of a quit-rent of 6f. iJ. paid to the Parsons of St. Swithin's 
for the Hall in 1433-4 *^^ ^^ ^^ following years, which probably repre- 
sents the 6f. iJ. originally owing to the Crown. Cf. the Documents 
quoted and abstracted in Catalogue, vol. ii, p. 385, Drapers' Hall. 

* A. viii. iiy. 'A. viii. ii6. 

Digitized by 


5 TO Kote on Grant of the Site of 

The explanation of this curious and complicated transaction appears to 
be this: 

By the Charter of Henry VI (14+1) the Fraternity had been authorized 
to purchase lands, tenements, rents, and other possessions^ while that of 
Edward IV had given them licence to hold lands, tenements, and rents 
up to the value of £xo per annum, for the payment of their two chap- 
lains and other purposes. But beyond this, by the custom of London, 
citizens enjoyed the peculiar privilege of devising or leaving by will 
(though not by grant inter vivos) » lands and tenements within the City 
in mortmain up to any value and without any licence. It appears that 
this custom was disputed at this date, since Elyas Bokkyng, a Draper, 
when devising a tenement to the Rector of St. Swithin's in 14.10, espe- 
cially provided ^that if at the time of his death the citizens were 
prevented from devising on mortmain as of old they were accustomed % 
the tenement should be sold by the Rector to four trusty parishioners for 
the time being and the proceeds devoted to charitable uses." The original 
intention, therefore, of the co-tenants in 1408 had probably been that the 
survivor of them should devise the land in question to the Fraternity and 
so evade the mortmain laws. In the year 14.34 (13 Henry VI), however, 
an Act of the Common Council forbad the enrolment of any testament 
of lands which had come to the devisor by a side or fraudulent testa- 
ment for this purpose. The Company were therefore unable to complete 
the transaction. As it was not proposed to attach any burdens on the 
possessors of the land in question, it was doubtful whether a grant of it 
would be covered by the terms of Edward IV's licence. Moreover, 
a general licence to hold in mortmain did not supersede the necessity of 
a special licence to the grantor to grant lands in mortmain in each case. 
They were therefore unable or unwilling to receive the land in that way, 
while a devise would have been contrary to the Act of the Common 
Council of 14.34- They were therefore obliged to wait, and the system 
of repeated re-grants was continued till 14.90. In that year, however. 
Justice Brian ruled that citizens being freemen could devise lands to 
Gilds or Corporations within the City ,3 and as the said lands were at 
that moment in the possession of one man, Eburton, they seized the 
opportunity to have the devise executed. 

The same kind of transaction was also completed at the same time 

' Stat, i^ Ric. II. c. 5. Apparently before that statute Gilds were allowed to 
receive lands by grant. 

« Sharpe, Calendar of Wills, ii. 387. 

^ Roll. Abr. 55^. Brian decided that this privilese only extended to citizens 
being freemen, not to ^ foreigners ', and in Elizabeth s reign it was more plainly 
stated that it only referred to lands within the City. Cf; Sharpe, Calendar of 
Wills, i, p. xzxvii. 

Digitized by 


thejirst Drapers' Hall 35-1 

with regard to a piece of land in Candelwick Street in the parish of 
St. Mary Bothaw^ which curiously enough had also been the property of 
Fitzalwyn, and for which a quit-rent of yx. was owing to the Prior 
of Christdiurdi. This site in 14.28-9 was in the hands of W. Cromer, 
T. Gedney, W. Weston, and Sir Thos. Cook, who were also the nominal 
owners of the site of Drapers' Hall. With that site it eventually and by 
the same process passed into Eburton's hands, who left the two properties 
to the Fraternity.* 

There are other instances of similar transactions. Thus in 15 15 
Maister Cally gives lands to the Company.. Maister Carter takes them 
over on their behalf, promising to devise them to the Company." 

In If 12 Aydrop, a Draper, devises to the Company a house which 
they had previously bought of Will. Haryot. Rep. 7, pp. 129, 279. 

Another method by which Civic companies obtained lands in mortmain 
was by having lands conveyed to trustees in trust to convey the same to 
the Company ; cf. Wm. Dummcr's grant of tenements to certain persons, 
on trust to pay the rents to the Rentor for distribution among poor 
Drapers, with a proviso that, when the Company by their learned counsel 
are advised that they are capable by Law, the feofiees or their survivors 
shall transfer the estate to the Company .^ 


THE WARDENS' ACCOUNTS. Anno diSl 1+81-2, No. +03. ^ j, 

In tempore Thome Stalbroke Militis Magistri artis Pannarioru), 
Johannis ffynkell, Johannis Tutsm», Willi Isac Et Ricardi Batte 
Gardiano]^ anno xxj^ Regis E^ iiij^ a flesto assumpf bte marie virginis 
KvP dni vt sup' vsq^ ad idm) f(estG) tuc pS sequeii) silf in An<> Dn9 14.82 
Et 2JDP regis ^cD xxif 

This is thaccompt of John ffynkell John Tutsi'n Will'm Isac and Ric 
Batte Wardeins of the crafte of Drapers of London begynnyng at the 
ffeste of thassumpcion of oure Lady in the xxj yere of kyng Edward iiij''* 
And endyng at the same ffeste of thassumpcon the xxij yere of the same 

' Caulo0ie,ii. 303, A. viii. 327 ; p* 39^3 A. yiii iii. Cf. Appendix, vol. i, 
No. VIII, Grant of quit-rent by Fitzalwyn. 

» Rep. 7, pp. 33, 34. 

^ Book of Ordinances, p. 133 j Devise, No. 19 j Sharpe, Calendar of Wills, 
i, p. xxxrii j Livery Companies Commission, i. 13. 

Digitized by 


35"^ The Wardens^ Accounts^ i^Si-x 

kyng Which is by an hoole yere that is to say of alle their receipts and 
payments by reason of their office by alle the same yere. 

flyrste the seyde Wardeins char^en them to haue resseyued of Mighell 
Harryes John Hawkyn Ric Hawkyns and Thomas Wynh*m their pre- 

decessours Wardeins for the yere laste paste of the £R>ote of their 
accompte Sm» lxxx*» xj» yj<* 

Spone siluer. 
Receiued of Ric Ryse apprentice of maistcr John Stocker Alderman 

iij» iiij^ 

Itffii of Thom»s Puppelot apprentice of Willm Peryn iij» iiij^ 

itfii of Harold Stavnte apprentice of Rye Langton iij» iiij^ 

Itift of John Martyn apprentice of John Worsop iij« iiij** 

Itfii of John Dawson apprentice of Will»m White iij» iiij^ 

H of Robt Helgey apprentice of in) Willfli Heryst Alderman iij» iiij*" 

Itft of Martyn Thwyng apprentice of Thomas Kysby iij* iiij^ 

Itffi of Percevale Woddiows apprentice of Will»m Wodehows iij' iiij** 

Itm of Will»m Walgrave Apprentice of Willm White iij» iiij*" 

Itiii of Will»m Heende apprentice of Will»m White iij« iiij^ 

Itffi of John Nychavele apprentice of Herr £burton iij* iiij** 

Itili of Wa? Maykyn apprentice of John Bartelot iij» iiij** 

Itm of Thorn's Aleyn apprentice of Maister Drope Alderman \xf iiij^ 

Itm of Antony Wardolf apprentice of Will'm Browne iij» iiij^ 

Itfii of J hn Hille apprentice of John Hille iij« iiij^ 

Itm of Will'm Couper apprentice of ni) S Willffii Stocker iij» iiij** 

Itm of Thomas Rakon Apprentice of Will'm Sibson iij* iiij^ 

Itm of John Prentyce apprentice of Thom»s Pecnde iij* iiij** 

Itm of Willfii Mawncett apprentice of John Jakes iij» iiij* 

Itm of John Squycr Apprentice of John fl^nkett iij« iiij<* 

Itm of Her? Maldon apprentice of John flynkett iij« iiij<* 

Itm of Ric Andrewe apprentice of Thorn's Bronn iij« iiij<* 

Itm of John Halle apprentice of Petre Johnson iij« iiij^ 

Itiil of John Towncsend apprentice of Will*m Isac iij* iiij^ 

Itm of Ric fliillebury Apprentice of Will'm kendati ivf \Sxf 

Itm of Piers Lewys apprentice of Rauf Genet iij* iiij** 

Itm of Thom»s Sampt^n Apprentice of Thom»s Sampton iij* iiij*' 

Itm of WiH Shingylton apprentice of Rauf Costantyn iij« iiij^ 

Itffi of Robt flynkett apprentice of Williii Sibson iij» iiij^" 

Summa iiij" xyj» viij^ 


Receiued of Ric Hawkyns for Thomas Wymark xiij» iiij^ 

Digitized by 


The Wardens' Accounts^ i^Si-x i^i 

Receiued of Maister White for Edmond Grcvylt xiij* iiij<* 

Receiued of Maister White for Thomas Grawicte xiij» iiij<* 

Rec of Robt Godewyn for John Daldy xiij« iiij** 

Rcc of Robt Godewyn for Thomas Hamerton xiij« iiij** 

Rec of Thomas Langrych for John Wytewang xiijj* iiij<* 

Rcc of Symond Stevinsoa for Edmona Hayes xiij« iiij** 

Rcc of Will»m Isac for John Wodecok xiij* iiij** 

Rec of Ric Isac for Thomas Wodecok xiij» iiij^ 

Receiued of TTiom^s Wattys for Thomas Adam xiij» iiij<* 

Rec of Hugh Bilby for William Sherman xiij« iiij<^ 

Receiued of John Brampston for Robt Este xiij« iiij<* 

Rcc of John Wodechirche for Ric Harryson xiij» iiij** 

Rec of Kateryn Thomdon for Launceley Thirkytt xiij« iiij<* 

Rcc of Nycholas Bachiller for Thomas London xiij* iiij<* 

Receyued of Piers Joye for Robt Walden xiij* iiij<' 

Receyued of Thomas Dixon for Robt Massett xiij* iiij^ 

Receiued of William Qerke for Will*m Bronn xiij* iiij<* 

Rec of John Beauch»mp for John Steward xiij« iiij<* 

Rcc of Will»m Peende for Edward Lane xiij* iiij<* 

Rcc of Ric Chapett for Roger Melys xiij* iiij<* 

Rcc of John Hills Chelder for John leveson xiij* iiij<* 

Rec of Jamys Hoope for John Coo xiij« iiij* 

Rcc of Thomas Notson for Thomas Everard xiij« iiij^ 

Summa xvj*" 

Receiued of John Brampston admitted by Redcmpcion fe ti K 

Summa iiij" xyj« viij<* 
Receiued of Raynold Ruttur for a ffyn vj« viij^ ) ^ . 

Receiued of John Bartelot for a ffyn uj» iiij^ \ ^u"™» * 

Receiued certein personys for mynstrclls money xviij* iiij^ 


Receiued of iiij and xij personys beyng in the clothing for q^rtage 

iiij" xij« 
Receiued of xlj personys oute of the clothing for q^rterages 
Receiued of TTiom^s Notson 
K of John Tiler 
n of Nye Bachiller 
K of Willa Wotton 
It of Thomas Hunte 
It of John lice 
It of John Betts 
It of John Middelton 

16W*1 Z Z 

Digitized by 


3^4 ^^^ Wardens^ Accounts^ i^Si-x 

H of T Broughton 
Itffi of John Thecr 
It of Ric Aadrewe 
If of Thom«s Cave 
It of James Hope 
If of Petre Watson 
It of Thom*s Aylward 
It of Thomas Hiot 
It ot John Banaster 
It of Kateryn Thorndon 
It of John Anteknap 
It of £dmoQd Qerke 
n of Wa? Mower 
If ofWillmStryng 
ItofRobt Smyth 
If of John Cowper 
If of Jamys framlode 
If ofWiJlAWeUys 
If of Jamys Nesfeld 
If ofRaufCostantyn 


Receiued of certein personys for thef entre into the clothing 

Rec of Thomas Langriche yj« viij<* 

It of John Bartelot vj» viij<* 

It of John Colred. vj» viij<* 

If of John Bayle vj» viij<* 

If of Will'm Bremong yj« viij<* 

Itm of Rauf fodcryngey yj» viij<* 

Itffii of Raynold Ruttur vj» viij<* 

Itm of R(»t Rowchcster yj» viij<* 

Itfli of John Skypw' vj» viij<* 

Summa iip 

Digitized by 


The Wardens' Accounts^ I48i-x gjTT 

Reccyued Of Robt Godewyn in fulle payment of A Bille of fbure pounde fe. 13 a. 

for the dette of Thorn's Strotyng xl» 

Receiued of Robt Manzorc of A Rerage of his accompt of the tyme of 

John Pake and his ffelawship xxxj* viij^ 

Receiued of George Bulstrede for his appntP John Wcthipott xiij* iiij<* 
Summa totalis of alle oure ReceiptP jcxxj^ xj» if 

Payments and discharges 

fiyrste payde to the mynstrellis for the mayre Sr Will'm Heriot knyght 

to Westminster lv« iiij^ 

Itm payde for a reward to the bargemen to Westmynster with ye Sherife 

and after with more Chawrey ageyn with the mayre aforseyd ij» iiij<* 
» Itm payde to Sr Thomas Appulby tor Cristemas quarter xxxiij* iiij<* 
' Itm to Sir Alisaundre for aystem*s (Cristemas ?) quarter xxxiij* iiij<^ 
» Itm to John flSurley for a quarter wage xrv« 

Itdl to the bowse of Cobham in Kent for the quyte Rent goyng oute ot 

the howse yt Gylbert fiFranke dwellyd in In Comhill as apperith b^ 

acqittaunce xxyj« viij<* 

Itm payd to Robt OIneys counceill for makyng of the indenture 

xxyj* viij^ 
Itm for parchement and Wax x<* 

Itm for brede and malvesey at the sealing of the seid indenture vij^ 

Itiii paide to Will'm Bremonger for bargehirc at thre tymys to Westfiih 

xxxvj* viij^ 
Itm for ij billys of the chambreleyn of ApprenstishodP xx^ 

^Itm payde to Will'm Bracebryg for A Res? of the Walle money 

viij" x« iiij<* 
Itm payde to Piers Caldecot for A reward graunted by alle ye crafte 

▼j** xjij* iiij^ 
ltd! for hangyng of the halle and Chamberys ij" 

Itm for mafamg of thendentures to Her? Wodecok of Gilbert frankes 

hows and for drawing of noote for the Goote iij* iiij^ 

Itm paid to John Assh Sergeant for his flee yj» viij<* 

Itm paid for brede in this place the yj day of marche A<> xxij<* j^ 

Itm ye same day for A Galon of Osey xij<* 

y^ tyme beyng here maister Drope ^ Stalbroke nil sir Wilt Stocker mais? 

John Stocker my maisters the Wardens & ye counceill of ye crafte 
Itm payde for a repaste made to Robt Olney by consent of the crafte after fe. i^ b. 

the discression of William Sibson iiij* 

' These are the two chaplains of the Company. 
* Their clerk. 

^ Money paid to repair the walls of the City, a daty imposed on the Greater 
Livery Companies. 

Digitized by 


^S6 The Wardens' Accounts^ I48i-x 

ItA ptide uppon Shore thursday when mj maisters ye wardeins were 

afore the Chamburleyn and iij or iii j mo ot worshipfiill men of the crafte 

with maister Parker for yer brekefiist in an Ale hows by cause of ther 

longe tarying yvif ob 

ItA paide for A repaste made to Robt Obiey to her? Ashbome and to 

other lernyd men of his counceill by the wille and agrement of our 

maisters thaldremen & ye counceill of ye crafte xx* 

ItA paid for hoopyngof tubbys yrf 

ItA for makyng dene of the leeds and gutters abowte ye place and for 

carying of dust ij" 

ItA for P^pcr and Inke for alle ye yere xij^ 

It A for W asshing of napery xx<i 

ItA we aske allowaunce for the meyrys messe mynstrells players and 

russhls for the halle and Chamberys yj^^ xiij* \nf 

ItA for John Aarley for gaderyng of quarterage of men beyng oute of the 

clothing ij* 

Summa tot: of oure pavmentP and dischargP xxxyj^ iiij* ob 

Rest due vnto the crafte Ixzxv^i vij> j<^ ob 

Dettours to the crafte 

Ric Langton by a bille ensealed iiij" 
Cristofre Cdyns by a bille ensealed xl* 
ItA Rauf Genet for ij apprentices xxvj* viij<* 
IjtA Robt Manzore for A rerage of an old accompt iij" 
ItA Thom*s kyppyng xiij* iiij<* 
ItA George Bulstrode for ij Apprentices 



. This is thaccompt of Symond Stephenson & Richard Stewkeley 
Renters of the Craft of Drapers of london of all manere Receyts & 
payments by them Receyued & paide of & for the Rents belonging 
vnto the saide Craft from the ffest of Cristemas the yere of oure lorde 
god m> iiij* Ixxxj vnto the ffest of Cristemas the yere of our krde god m^ 
iiij* Ixxxij Sir Thomas Stalbroke knyght than beyng maister of the saide 
Craft John ffynkell Jdin Tuttesham William Isaac & Richard Batte 
than beyng wardeyns of the same Craft Anno regni regis Edwardi 
quarti xxj. 

Digitized by 


The Earliest Renters^ Accounts ^ I48i-x gn 


Saint Swy- 
thens lane. 

Reccyts of the rents in london 

ffirst receyued of WilJiam Dey Cdcc for a ycre 
Item receyued of John Thomson for a hole yere 
Summa iij'» yj» viij<* p's 

xlvj« viij<* 


ffirst receyued of William Roydon for a hole yere xx« 

Item receyued of Tytmarsshes wife for a hole year xiiij* 

Item receyued of Robert Manser for a bole yere xxlij* iiij^ 
Item receyued of William Barker for a hole yere xxiij* iiij** 
Item receyued of Thomas Strowtyng for a hole ytx^ 

UJH yjt viijd 

Item receyued of William Colder for a bole yere xx* 

Summa viij"* vij» iiij<* p*s 

ffirst receyued of Gilbert firank for half a yere xxx* 

Item receyued of hym for a nother half yere xxxiij* iiij<* 

Summa iij"* iij* iiij<* 

Hony lane« ffirst receyued of John Hawes for a whole yere v** yj» viij<^ 
Item receyued of William Eton for a hole yere iiij^" 

Summa ix** vj» viij** 



Item receyued of William Eton mercer for a hole yere for 

the shop 

Summa pttet 


Summa totalis receyued of the Rents in bndon this yere 

xxvij'* iiij« 

Reparacions & payments done vpon the rents in london 
withyn the said yere 

Candelwyk- ffirst paide for t monell (mullion or post) for the botry dore 
strete. of William Dey iiij** 

Item paide for a quarter of Oke j** ob 

Item paide for a ledge of Elme j^ 

Item paide for viij fote of elmyn borde for the same werke vif 
Item paide for xiiij fote of quarter borde for the same werke v** 


Item paide for nayle to the same werke 
Item paide to a Carpenter for a day to the same werke 
Item paide for iij hengcs and iij hokcs to the same werke 
Item paide for a new bolt iiij staples & for a new key 
Summa iij* yj<* ob 



Digitized by 


3r8 The Earliest Renters^ Accounts^ 1481-1 

Qayte Rem ffirst paide to my lady weldon for A hole yere xx* 

in Candel- Item paide to the pryour of Cristchirch in london for a yere v* 
wykstrete. Summa xzv* 

Saint Swy- ffirst paide for a m^ of tyle v« vj^ 

thens lane Item paide to William Roydon tyler for xiij dayes & di' 

& Drapers tylyn^ ix^ 

halL Item paide to his labourer for the same xiij dayes & di' V vif ob 

Item paide for ix Rofe tyles is^ 

Item paide for xiij Comer tyles for the kychen in Drapers 

hall yjxf 

Item paide for ij lode of Sande xij<> 

Item paide for iij lode & v sakkys of lyme iij* viij^ 

Item paide for a plate of tymber for the Sege hous ' at Drapers 

Item paide to ij Carpenters for a day to make the same xvj*^ 
Item paide to a mason for the vnder pynnyng of the same 

Sege hous v^ ob 

Item paide to hugh Ingram for lath & dawbyng of the same 

Scgehous ij^ ob 

Item paide for vlb. of Sowder for the gutters atte drapers 

halle 'if yf 

Item paide for ffaggetts to the same werke j^ 

Item paide for ij quarters of Oke for the partable dividing) 

gutter betwene the Rents of maistres fiermary oc drapers 

halle iiij^ 

Item paide for xlyj fote of planch borde for the same gutter yy^ 
Item paide for xiiiij fote of lyre borde for the same gutter 


Item paide to a Carpenter for ij dayes werke in the s&ide 

gutter xvj<* 

Item paide to a nother man for ij dayes werke in the same 

gutter xij** 

Item paide for xxv fote of quarter borde to the same gutter ix<^ 

Item paide to a man for to dresse the same gutter ij^ 

Item paide for a C of v peny naylc to the same gutter v* 

Item paide for a C of iiij peny nayle to the same gutter iiij^ 

Item paide for di* C of vj peny nayle to the same gutter iij<* 

Item paide for iij peny nayle j^ 

Item paide for Oirrying away of the Rubbes of the same 

gutter iiij** 

Item paide for makyng dene of the yarde at Drapers hall j<* 

' A Privy. 

Digitized by 


The Earliest Renters' Accounts y i48i-x gj-p 

Item paide to John ihirley for the Carying away of the Rubbes 
atte Drapers balle viij<i 

Item paide for the werkyng of \f di' & xviij"» of old lede of 
the saide partable gutter Uie C xyj<^ Suinma iij* yj<^ ob 

Item paide for a quarter & x\r lb. of new lede to the same 
gutter ij" viij<* 

Summa xlyj" ij<* 

Qoite Rent Item paide to my lady Weldon for the postern at Drapers 
ofbrapers hall yj" viij^ 

halL Summa patet 

Charges lor ^^^^ paide to the parson of Saint Swythens for the oflferyng of 

the Craft of Drapers halle for a hole yere yj» viij<* 

Drapen. Item paide to sir Alysaunder Dowdale for his Salary for mid- 

somer mighelmasse & Cristemas v^ 

Item paide to John ffarley for his Salary for the same iij 

quarters iip xv« 

Item paide to Thomas Batter atte diuerse tymes when he was 

in prison xiij" iiij** 

Item paide to Gabriell the Clerk of Saint Mighells for the 

kepyng of our lady masse atte Drapers ffest and for the 

dirige & masse kept the same tyme ix* iiij<> 

Item paide to x prests & to the Scxteyn (sexton) of Saynt 

mighells for the saide Dirige & masse iij* viij<i 

Summa x*^ viij» 

ComhylL Item paide for the makyng of the one part of the endentures 
of lease of the hous which Roger Acheley now holdith yj* 
Summa patet 

Quite Rent Item paide to the maister of Cobham for a hole yere xxyj« viij* 
in ComhylL Summa patet 

Hony lane, f&rst paide for ix quarters of oke for a pentice (penthouse) 

ij» iij* 

Item paide for di' C & v fote of quarter horde to the same xx* 

Item paide to ij Carpenters for ij dayes werke of the same 

pentice ij» viij* 

Item paide for \xf & viij fote of quarter horde to the same 

werke ix» j* 

Item paide to ij Carpenters for ij dayes & di' for makyng of 

the same werke iij* iiij* 

Digitized by 


3^0 The Earliest Renters' Accounts ^ i48i-x 

Item paide for the Carying of the old hordes of the said 
pcntice vnto Drapers halle ij<* ob* 

Summa xix» ij<* ob' 

Obite of ffirst paide to maister Stalbroke than maister of the saide 

maisterjohn Crdt Uj^iiij** 

Norman. Item paide lo John ffynkell John Tuttesham William Isaac 

& Richard Batte than beyng wardeyns of the same Craft 

of Drapers yj» viij<* 

Item paide to the parson of bony lane viij<^ 

Item paide to iiij prests for the dirige & masse xvj<i 

Item paide to the Clerk of honey lane for dirige & masse 

& for the Ryngynge of the Belles xij<* 

Item paide to John ffarley for warnyng of the Craft viij<* 

Summa xiij* viij<> 

Charges fi>r ffirst paide to the parson of bony lane for to pray for the 

maister John sowle of maister John Norman euety Sonday in the yere xx^ 

Norman. Item paide to the Beame light in bony lane xiij* iiij^ 

Item paide to Bosoms lune for ij litell gardens for a yere x* 

Summa xxv» 

Bove. ffirst paide for makyng clene of the Chambers & for havyng 

away of the Dust iiij<* 

Item paide for a new key & for mendyng of the lok (lock) of 

the chamber dore iiij<* 

Item paide for ij keves for the hall dore & the hatche y^ 

Item paide for a Bolt of Iron for the same hatche iiij** 

Item paide for a new lok a staple & a grete key for the vtter 

dore 3q<> 

Summa ij» v<* 

Qaite Rent Item paide to the Cbirch wardeyns of Saint Mathewes in 
attc Bow. ffrydaystrete for a hole yere xx« 

Summa patet 

Allowances, ffirst allowed to the Tenants in london atte the gaderyng of 

the Rents by alle the saide yere ij* 

Item the saide accomptaunts asken AUowaunces for theire 

wages by alle the saide yere Iiij* iiij* 

Summa lv« iiij<* 

Summa totalis of all the Reparacions & payments of the Rents 
in london this yere xxij^ xij* ij* 

Digitized by 


The Earliest Renters' Accounts y I48i-x i6\ 

So the Receyts is more then the payments of the Rents in 
london this yere by iiij** xj» x<* 

Vacacions of the Rents in london this yere 

Vacacxons. ffirst the Tenement which William lyster holdith att Bow 
voyde a yere xl» 

Summa patet 

Receyts of the Rents in Southwerke by alle the saide yere 

Soothwerke. fErst receyued of the godeman of the Bell for a hole yere 

x" xiij" iiij** 

I of Walter Mathew Blaksmyth for a hole yere xl* 

■ of Audryan Clerk for a hole yere xxvj" viij** 

I of William Vnderwode for a hole yere xx» 

of John Harrys Drayman for a hole yere 

xxvj" viij** 
Item receyued of John Joynour for t hole yere 
Item receyued of Arnold Garwvn for a hole yere 
Item receyued of John Devyosn for a hole [yere] 
Item receyued of John Meller for a hole yere 
Item receyued of Margaret Gryffyn for a hole yere 

Item receyued < 
Item receyued 
Item receyued 
Item receyued 

xiij" iiij<* 



Summa totalis receyued of the Rents in Southwerke this yere 

YY" yj" 


Reparacions & payments done vpon the Rents in South- 
werke by alle the saide yere 

Soathwerke. ffirst paide for iij lode of lombe (loam) 
Item paide to a Dawber for iij dayes 
Item paide to his man for the same iij dayes 
Item paide for di' m^ of Spry^ (brads) 
Item paide for ij lode of Sac 




Item paide to Burton mason for makyng of the berth of the 


kechyn in the Bell 
Item paide to William Roydon for a m^ or tyle 
Item paide to the same William for yj dayes & di' tylyng 

iiij" iiij** 

V" yj^ 

Item paide to his labourer for v dayes 
Item paide for iiij Rofe tyles 
Item paide for a pek of tyle pynnes 
Item paide for ij lode of lyme 




Item paide for brede & Ale atte diucrse tymes vpon the 

Digitized by 


gdx The Earliest Renters' Accounts y i48i-x 

Carpenters & masons when they come for to see the saide 
Rents (houses) iiij«* ob' 

Item paide to Byrde the plomer for the grete lede in the Bell 
which Robert Manser shuld haue paide in his tyme viij* 
Item paide for di' C & iiij fote of quarter borde for wyn- 
dowes xix**ob' 

Item paide for a p^ce of tymber for to flFurre the stall iiij* 
Item paide for ledges for the wyndowes vij** 

Item paide for navies for the same werke viij* 

Item paide to a Carpenter for iij dayes werke to the saide 
werke 'if 

Item paide for a plate for the Belle dore v** 

Item paide for a quarter for to here vp the Rafters in the hey 
loft j* 

Item paide for nayles to the same werke ob' 

Item paide to a Carpenter for di' a day in the same werke iiij*' 
Item paide for ij new keyes & ij new staples for the skynners 
hous viij* 

Item paide for a latche & A Cache & a Crampe for the Dray- 
mans hous ij*' 
Item paide for A new key for the same dore iij** 
Item paide for a henge & a hoke for the kechyn dore iiij** 
Item paide for brede & Ale when John Jaks William Sybson 
& Richard Hawkyns come for to see the lyvelod of the 
bell iiij* 
Summa xxxvij* viij<* 

Oblte of fHrst paide for a doseyn of white Cuppes v* ob* 

Bcnct Item paide for a doseyn & di* of Bonnes * xviij* 

Harlewyn. Item paide for iij galons & a quarte of Rede wyne & white 

wyne vf ij* 

Item paide for a kylderkyn of gode Ale \f ij* 

Item paide to John ffynkell John Tuttesham William Isaac 

& Richard Batte than beyng wardeyns of the saide Craft of 

Drapers yj» viij* 

Item paide to the parson of Saint xpofres xx* 

Item paide to viij prests & ij Clerks for the dirige & masse 

iij* iiij* 

Item paide to the Clerk for Rynging of the Belles viij** 

Item paide to John ffarley for warnyng of the Craft viij* 

Item paide for the makyng & wast of ij Tapers yj** 

Summa xix" ix* ob' 

' Bonny-clabber. Son milk. 

Digitized by 


The Earliest Renters' Accounts y i48i-x 363 

Quite Rent. Item paide to Saint Awstens of Caunterbury for quite Rent 
goyng oute of the saidc Rents in Southwerke for A ycre xxij* 
Summa patet 

Charges for fgrst paide for x galons of lampe Oyle for the lampe atte 




Obite of 

Saint Xpofrcs x» 

Item paide to sir Thomas Appulton for his wages for iij 

quarters of a yere v^» 

Item paide to William Wylson the £scheters man of South 

werke iij" iiij** 

Item paide to the Baylyf of Southwerk for the mercyments of 

Oiemeneys » v" 

Summa v^* xviij* iiij** 

iij Oiemeneys » 


Item allowed to the Tenants in gaderyng of the Rents by alle 
the saide yere xx^" 

Summa patet 

Summa totalis of all the Reparacions & payments of the 
Rents in Southwerke the ycre ix** xix« v<* ob' 

So the Receyts of the Rents in Southwerk is more than the 
payments this yere by x" yj" rf ob' 

Receyts of the Rents in Whitecrostrete by all the said yere 
fErst receyued of John hosycr for iij quarters xv» 

Item receyued Morys Cordyncr for A yere xx» 

Item receyued of William Senderby for A yere v» 

Summa totalis receyued of the Rents in Whitecrostrete this 
yere xl» 

Payments of the Rents in Whitecrostrete this ycre 
ffirst paide to maister Robert Drope than beyng maister of 

the saide Craft of Drapers vj» y\xf 

Item paide to Robert Godewyn Edmond Rigon John Hyll & 

John langrich than wardeyns of the same Craft xx> 

Item paide to the flfryer Awstens of london xxyj* viij<* 

Summa totalis of all the payments in Whitecrostrete this 
ycre liij" iiij** 

So the payments is more then the Receyts of the Rents in 
Whitecrostrete this yere by xiij* iiij** 

Vacacions of the Rents in Whitecrostrete this yere 
ffiist the hous which John hosyer late held voydc A quarter v" 

Digitized by 


3^4 The Earliest Renters' Accounts^ I48i-x 

Item the bous which William Sendeby late held voyde iij 

quarters of A yere xv» 

Item the hous next the saide William Sendeby voyde a yere xx« 

Summa xl* 

Summa totalis receyued of alle the Rents in london South- 
werke & Whitecrostrcte by alle the saide yere xlix** x» 

Summa totalis paide of & for the Reparadons & payments 
of the saide Rents by all the saide yere xxxv"* iiij* xj** ob* 

So the Reccyts of all the saide Rents is more than the pay- 
ments this yere by xiiip v» ob' 

The wages are interesting : 
A carpenter %d. 

A Tyler %d. 

A Tyler's labourer %d. 

A Dawber %d. 

A Dawber*s man 54/. 



Wardens' Accounts (No. 403, fb. 4 a). 

Jhesus Maria 1^5)3 et anno regni regis hcnrici Septimi viijo. 

m' Wynham x 

mrN/gh^n^ale [wardcyns. 
m' Banast j 

The Names of them that be of the Crafte of Drapers of london in 
clothing Anno 1493 

Maister White Alderman & maister 
Maister fiynkell Alderman 
Maister Capell Alderman 
Maister Isac Alderman 
Maister £Fabyan Alderman 
John Beauchamp 
John Tutsam 
Jdin Ltngrith 
John Hill 

John Saunders 
John Bounde 
John Wodechirch 
John Dryland 
John Spylman 
John Bramston 
John Bartelot 
John Bracebtyg 
John Banaster 

Digitized by 


Ust of Members y 1493 


John Holden 
Jamys Ncsscfcid 
John Skypwith 
John Bettes 
John Croke 
John Gierke 
John Squyer 
John MyJleborae 
Thomas Peend 
Thomas Wynham 
Thomas Wattes 
Thomas Bowan 
Thomas Botsell 
Thomas Crcme 
Thomas Hcrtcwell 
Thomas Huntc 
Thomas Wollesby 
Thomas Awbrey 
Thomas Notson 
Tliomas Rathebon 
Laurence Aylmer 
Piers Joye 
George Bulstrode 
William Brqgreve 
William Bracebryg 
William Shukburgh 
William Sybson senior 
William Sparke 
William Holme 
William Herist 
WilUam Wylcokkes 
William Brotte 
William Edward 
William Nyghtyngale 
William Norton 
William Aydrop 
William Sibson junior 
William Worthyngton 
William Venablys 
William Spynk 
WiUiam Qerk 
Robert fHtzherbert 

Robert flfabyan ' 
Richard Hawkyns 
Richard Odyham 
Robert Drayton 
Robert Gowdeby 
Richard Stickeley 
Robert Galson 
Richard Tripland 
Rauf ffoderyngey 
Richard Croke 
Roger Achilley 
Richard Cloos 
Richard Knollys 
Richard Shoore 
Richard Wotton 
John Bruges 
Robert Wattes 
Harry Eburton 
Symond Hogan 
Symond Stevynson 
Piers Johnson 
Harry Axstell 
Edward fivnkell 
Symond fifypper 
Geffrey kend 
Giles GreviU 
Petre Watson 
Piers Starkey 
Thomas Gylbert 
Edmonde Biydges 
Thomas Wattes 
William Game 
Water Mowar 
Thomas Corbett 
William Dixon 
Harry Chard 
Thomas Carter 
William Wotton 
Edward Bernard 
Wylliam Scochdon 
Wylliam Lcwys 
John Nychavell 

Strack oat in original. 

Digitized by 



List of MemberSy 1493 

William Courteman 
William CaUey 
William Brogreve 
Robert Thyrkyll 
Gylbcrt Gentyll 
John Devycke 
Henry Patner 
Thomas Woodeward 
£dmund Burton 
John Browne 

John Witwang 
John Botnani 
Rychard Charlys 
John ToUc 
Richard Andrewe 
John Game 
Henry GoUyngham 
Water Blaunchard 
Xpofer Askewe 

Jhcsus Maria Anno 1493 the Names of men that be of the Broderhed 
of Drapers oute of the Clothyng 

Thomas Wodeward \ 
Edmond Grebill 
Edmond Medcalff 
Launcelet Chyrkyll 

Harry flfabute 
William Cosgrave 
John MarchaU 
William ffreman 
John Middelton 
Jamys Hoope 
John Sutton 
Nycholas Vycary 
Harry Snowe 
John Smalleward 
Thomas ftox 
John Anteknap 
Robert Tilleworth 
John Stokes 
Thomas Knottyng 
Thomas Say 
Edmond Leesson 
Thomas Derby 
Edward Johnson 
Thomas Hiot 
Nvcholas Bachiller 
John Tyler 
Richard Whitehed 
John Leveson 
John Ely 

Wardeyns of the 

John Mapulton 
John WeUys 
Harry Bagot 
Robert Waldyng 
John Cornour 
Richard NychoU 
Richard Charlys 
Nvcholas Wychc 
John Baker 
Brian Stotisbury 
John Style 
John Wyttewang 
Edmond Casse 
John Tolle 
William Garett 
John Smyth 
William Wyseman 
Nycholas Layke 
Harry Patemer 
Thomas Richardson 
Richard Andrewe 
John Baldly 
Raynold Wodeshawe 
Arnold Babyngton 
Richard Lucie 
William Prout 

Digitized by 


Ust of Members y 1493 


Symond Auncell 
John Browne 
Edmond Burton 
John Euerard 
Richard Ely 
John Dunwyche 
Water Maykyn 
Xpofer Ayskcwe 
Symond Tiler 
William Mynett 
Stevyn flreendc 
John White 
Edmond Smyth 
Thomas Howe 
William Neelc 
Richard Hy% 
William Noreys 
Richard Noreys 
John Barker 
Hewe Couper * 
John Cheer 
William Sprynget 
Robert Oke 
Roger Lute 
Thomas Hilton 
John Devyk 
John Daske 
Edmond Hayes 
Robert ffalowfeld 
John Sonnyng 
John Wymer 
Robert Est 
John A more 
Thomas Gerard 

Thomas Puplot 
Robert Helgey 
Martyn Thwyng 
Parcevall Wodehous 
William Heende 
John Hancok 
Water Blaunchard 
Thomas Vske 
John Betenham 
William Stratton 
Nycholas Hoo ' 
John Heddesdon 
John ffurneys 
John Brydge ' 
Richard Drynkemylk 
John Awedon 
Nycholas Heriot ' 
William Alman 
William larke 
Harry Colyngham 
Richard Prowe 
William Lavcrok 
John Rabyn 
Robert Waldyng 
William Soper 
Robert Harryes 
Alisamid Wellys 
William Saxby 
Robert Horneby 
William Chadkyrk 
John Game 
Edward Skelton 
Thomas Wayte 



An® dnl. lyoS. An® dni. 15" 05^. An® 14.. An** pmo. 

Tcmpe Georgij Monoux Aldermanm ac magri mistere pannarioij- 
london Johannis Banaster Jofiis Brugge Cristoferi Askue & Jofiis Toll 
eiusdfii mistere Gardianoij- An« Dni. 15:08 Et anno Regni RegP 

' Struck oat in original. 

fo. 8^ a. 

Digitized by 


gdS Wardens' Accounts ^ 15-08-9 

Henrici Septimi vicesimo quarto. £t An^ pmo H. octaui vidett a die 
lune pS post ffestui Assumpcois btS marie virginis An<> Did) & KoP rrs 
vt sup* vsqj ad finem Bmini vai^ anni tuc px sequen. 


ffirst where ou' pdecessou^ the last Wardens diargP them for the fote of 
59 Monoux i^ John Milborn nf) patmer and nil Wylkynson Accompt 
We charge vs w^ the same fote and dischargP them wmch Am^ to the 
S<^e of xxx^ xvij* v<* 

1? where ou' said pdeccssotf ' the last Wardens chargP them for the fote 
of nf) Hawkins 59 Watson 59 Carter and 59 Qiarlys Accompt we 
chaise vs w* the same fote whiche Am* Ixij^ 

I? we diarge vs to haue receyved of ou' pdecessou'' the last Wardens for 
keping of a Just accompt for the hole fote of 59 Hawkins 59 Watson 
59 Carter & 59 Charlys Accompt w* a Jewell of 59 ffabyans whiche 
heth in plegge of v" Sm» w' the said Jewell Am* xiij^ ix* 

1? more receyved of ou' pdccessou"* the last Wardens in redy money at 
ij tymes vppon the? accompt xxiiij'* 

1? we charge vs for the fote of ou' pdecessou'*^ the last Wardens accompt 
for keping of a due order therin xxxix* v^ ob 

I? we charge vs w* a bill of John WetewangP for Willfii ffowler his appn? 
which ou' pdecessotf*^ dS (dedit) to vs xiij* iiij*" 

1? we charge vs for the fote of 59 Monoux 59 John Milborn 59 Pat59 
& 59 Whylkynson accompt af? a custom iij* iiij<^ 

I? we charge vs after the same Custom for the fote of Robert £5tzherberds 
accompt and xvi yerP past iiij^ x» j<* 

R we charge vs aft the sam custom for the fote of Willfii Nyghtingalys 
accompt & XV yerP past ix» x<* 

I? of the pakkers flfelliship in pty (part) of payment of xl» due at mydson9 
An® xxiij® xx» 

I? of the p)or (prior) of Elsyn Spytyll in pty of payment of Ixv'* for the hous 
that he bought of vs and John Braybro^e w* hym at ther takyng of posses- 
sion of the same hous sett in the old Jury in Saynt laurence layn at the 
ensealing of ou' WritiagP about ovt \sic\ lady day in lent An« xxiijo v*> 

Itm of Walter Aprice in ptie of payment of xx^ lent to hym w* his hovs 
callyd the Gote to be paid aycn q?ly euy ^xx» as apperP by his writing 
So am* that we haue receyved for iij q*fP endyd at mydsomer An® 
primo Hen** viij Sm» (Summa) iij^ 

Itm of John Wetwang and Richard NychoUP Collecto'^' for Riding money 
and other chargP at the Beriall of King Henry the vij* 3q^ xvj» viij*^ 
And more that 59 Askue & 59 Toll were Sessed at x» a man Sm* 

xij"* xvj» viij<* 

I? that 59 lauf (Lawrence) Starky ow* for the same sessing vj» viij<i 
Thom*s Boughe vj» viij** & Ric Cradok iiij* Sm xvij* iiij* 

Digitized by 


JVardens^ Accounts ^ 15-08-9 369 

Spone Syluer 

Rcc* of Edward Mathcn thappnt of Thomas Crcmor iij* iiij<> 

1? of Robrt Nicholson thappnt of Gilbert Gentyll iij* iiij<* 

1? of Stcphn Thurstone thappnt of John Bartelot theldcr iij* iiij* 

I? of John poret thappnt of Richard Cloos iij* iiij<^ 

I? of Thomas StowcU thappnt of John Hyll iij« iiij^ 

1? of Richard Achillejr thappnt of John Smyth thelder iij* iiij<* 

I? of Willm Hartwcll Sonn of Thomas Hartwcll Drap iij* iiij<* 

K of John £dwyn thappnt of Willfil Isaak iij» iiij<* 

The lyuiey. Bleue and Scarlet 
Rec' of Jamys Bodenh^m for his £ntree in to the same lyuey for dius 

consideracions vj» viij<> 

AppntishodP fo- 8^'>- 

Rec* of Willfll Sprynget for Robert Hayward his Appntice yj» viij<* 

Itfil of WiUia Game for Rychard Aym yj* viij<* 

Itfii of John Wylkynson for Edward Dalby yj» viij<* 

Itm of Thomas flBude for Rauf RokP yj» viij^ 

Itift of Robrt Haylys for Willm Manson vj» viij<» 

Itift of Nicholas CJowper for Willfll North vj» viij<* 

Itfli of Edmund Burton for Richard Keekwiche yj* ynf 

Itfli of Gcflfrcv Sponer for Thorn's Taylyor vj» viij<* 

Itfii of John Banaster for Willni Kent yj» viij<* 

Itfii of Walter Champyon for Thom«s Brade vj» vnf 

Itm of Edmund Brugge for Robrt Baker at Nele vj« viij(> 

Itfii of Willfii Roche for John Taylyor vj» viij<> 

Itfii of Thom»s Bowre for Robrt Hardy vj" viij* 

ItA of iiil Monouxfor John Consyte . . . 
Itfii of Ric fforth for Thom*s Style 
Itfii of Peter Watson for Walter Walcot pd in An® 1517 to fflt Burton 

Itfii of Raphaell papworth for John Clerk * . . 


Rec' of SD Rychard Sutton Squyere and of the Kings Counsell except 

the QerkP fiic n^ 

Itfii of Otnell Ratclyf Gentylman Steward of Saynt Gyles in the ffeeld 

except the QerkP flFee n> 

Itfii of Nycholas Hurlton Gentylman Qerk of the Spycery w* the king 

iij* iiij** 

Itfii of John Adams Su*nt (servant) w* Sir Willfii Capell n> 

Itfii of Roger Sadler except the ClerkP flFee n> 

Itfii of WiUfii lay nard of Westmynster x* 

ieo8*i } B 

Digitized by 


370 Wardens^ AccountSy 15-08-9 


Rec* of Ivj psones being of the Maistcrs lyuey af? iij» cuy (every) psone 
Sm» to the place viij" viij* 

Sin» to** of all ou' Recey tP Am*»» clxxv^ Trif ix* ob 

fe. 87 a. PaymentP and DischargP 

Itm lent to Walter App Rysse Drap for dius (divers) consideracions by 

thassent of this place to be paid qBly ayen xx* euy q? as by seuall 

wrytingP more playnly appcreth Sm* xx^ 

I? to Morgayn for making of a Statute and apaire of EndentoF' of 

defesauntP for the said &n» iij* iiij^ 

1? to Richard White for his ffee being ou' §geaunt for this hole yere 

yj» viijd 
It for potacion aft ou' serche at ou' ladye day the Natiuite in the iHiyre 

at Southwark xx^ 

I? for the ofii-ing of the iiij* newe Wardens at Robrt Morleys Masse of 

Requiem iiij** 

I? for a lood of loggP a lood of Byllet & x q«ts Colys for the plo' for this 

yere viij* viij*' 

I? for Bargehire to Ric Adams for nil Exmewe & 53 Smyth ShirefiPP and 

af? for 55) Genyngs Maire to WestnB for potacion & aJl Sm» xl« 

I? for mP [Mistress] Wylds Obyte kept at the flfrerP Augustyns for this 

yere xvj« viij*" 

K to the Maister and Brethem of Saynt Gyles by yond holbom for & in 

foil payment of the lytyll hovs next to tne Gote in chepe as aperP by 

wryting Sm» xxjg** 

I? for botehyrP WritingP & other costP & rewardP spent or we cowd 

agre for the said hows Sm* xxig* 

I? for j" of reed wax for the hole yere viij* 

I? for surche of ctayn (certain) deedP bytwene vs and the por (prior) of 

Elsyn Spytyll for the derenes (clearance) of the hows that we boujt of 

HartweU in Saynt laurens layn in the old Jury and ai? we sold the said 

hows to the said por Sm* Uj* iiij*^ 

K for ou' pte of suche WrytingP as were made bitwen vs and the said por 

& John Braybroke for the fore said hows which we sold to them Sm* 

I? paid to them of the lyuey (livery) that dyned nother at the Shireflfs 

ffeste nore mairP this yere xxvj* iiij*" o& 

I? for half apece Creste clothe for iiij<« table clothes in the haU for the 

Bachillers brekefast tuysday xvj» 

I? to Thom*s Smart Carpent for the fote of Edward BarnardP Accompt 

viju ij» v<> and more yppon a Rakenyng xvij* vij** Sm» viip* 

H to Thom*s Smart in arnest for making of ou' hows in Chepe newe 

Digitized by 


Wardens' Accounts y 15-08-9 371 

callyd the gote & for making of viij newe kychingP ia Soutbwark & 
for potadon v<* 

I? for diuising & wryting of dius NotP bitwen the said Thomas Smert & 
vs for the making newe of the said hows callyd the gote in Chepe 
Sm* v« 

R for potacion w* certayn Carpenters that vewed the bidding of the said 
gote iiij^ 

I? to Thom*s Smert in pty of payment of lx*« for the making of the said 
hovs xx^ 

I? to the said Thom*s Smert in fall payment for making of the viij 
kechingP in Southwark v" 

I? for xij torches for the beryall of Henry the vij* weying ccxx** & j q? 
whereof was wasted xxxiij" at iiij<* le li & xij<* for making of euy 
(every) torche Sm» xxiij« 

I? for carying of vij carpettP to ou' standing to cover the Ravles and 
for potacion af? the syght at the draps hall w* the Counscll wnere the 
endent'^ bitwcne vs & Smert were redd openly for the making of the 
Gote in Chepe & they were content w* the same Sm» xij<* 

I? for Ixxxiiij* yerdP or iiro [narrow] white for xij gownys and hoodP 
yevcn to xij torchberers of our own company at v<* ayerd Sm» xxxv« 

I? for xij paire of grete blake beedP for the said torche berers euy man 
apayre xix^ 

I? to Thom*s Newport for making of xij gownys and hoodP for the said 
torche berers vj« 

K to Andrue Zule that attendyd the af? nown & the next fore nowne 
vppon the said torche berers and to kepe them in order xx^ 

I? to xij Ryders momers of ou' ffeliship at the said Beryall that is to say 
to SO Banas? nO John Brugge Wardens SO Hawkins SO Cremor ixO 
Holden 60 Cally fiO Starky iB Game SO Burton 50 patmer 50 Wylkyn- 
son & SO Carter to euy (every) of them towardP there chargP xiij« iiij^ 
Sm* viijM 

I? to John Wetewang & Ric NichollP for the colleccion of the said 
Ryciing money for there labo'^ xiiij<* 

Itm to Swyft the MairP Sgeant for arresting Jamys Bronn for disobediens fo. 87 b. 
to the Wardens vvJ^ 

Itffi spent at Walter Aprysse tavern af? our serche of our lyvelod 

vj« viij<* 

I? to the Clerk of Saynt MichaellP in Comhyll for a Solempn Masse there 
the Sonday next af ? thassumpcion of our lady & a masse of Requiem 
on the morowe xv» vj<* 

I? to Robrt Bromfeld for cariage of x tonn order (ordure) out of the gote 
in chepe at xvj<* le tonn & iiij^ over xiij" viij<* 

I? to Margaret wyf of John Chyld plu Aer for fall payment of a newe 
Systron (cistern) in 50 Hawe hows xyj» x<* 

Digitized by 


37^ Warden^ Account Sy 1^08-9 

I{ to WillA Tull bryklayer for making of' viij Chymnqrs in Southwark 


I? to WillA Tull for vndpynnyng the long Wall next the chirche yarde 
in Southwark xiij" mf^ 

I? to Ric Rowly Smyth for nalys hengP hookP latchis catchis boItP & 
staples as apcrP by his byll xvj» iij<* 

I? to Cristofer Malyn glasyer for Iv fote glas in the gote at iiij^ in hony 
layn xix fote glace in ComhyU for mending of xij paynes & in Saynt 
laur (Lawrence) layn for xx fote neweglas & mending there the old 

gas coni xxxij fote & for the draps hall for iiij« yerP amending the 
utP there sm» xliij» 
Whcrof ou' Bdcccssou'^ paid hym x« and we paid xxxiij" 

I? to Thom^ Brytt for ix<^ lyme at v« sm» xlv» wherof Barnard pd xx» and 
we paid xxv« 

I? for a lood of hart lathe w^ the cariage x* v/^ 

I? to Thom*s Alynson for x m' tyle for Southwark at iiij* Vf sm» xlv» 
wherof Barnard payd xv* and we paid xxx" 

I? to ni) £burtons preste for a q*? (quarter) wagP endyd at Midielmas An<^ 
h. vij"^ xxiiij® xxxiij* iiij** 

I? to ffi) BoundP preste for the same q*? xxxiij* iiif* 

K to 3 Willfli Qynche & § Nicholas pyke our Chapelayns for the same 
q»? iij** vj» viij<* 

I? to § Wyllffi HaryotP preste for the same q*? xxxv« 

H to Thom*s Rvchardson our Qcrk for the same q*? xx* 

I? of Ric Stukeicy Beedman for the same q»? xiij« iiij<* 

R to Willm Avdrope beedman for the same q»? xiij« iiij<* 

I? to Thom*s Hayward beedman for the same q*? x« 

K to Geflfrey Kent Bedeman for the same q*? xiij» iiij<* 

R to Thom"s payn of Denocyon for the same q»? sf viij<* 

R to Raynold Sampton vnd bedell for the same q»? vj» viiy* 

R to the Abbot of Evesham for quytrent for di yere endyd at Michelmas 
An® h. vij"" xxiiij<> liij» iiij^ 

R for Ric Normans Obyte at the flfrere Augustyns for this yere liij» iiij*| 
R for jB BoundP preste for iij q»?P endyd at mydsofii An<>. h. viij°" pmo v*" 
R to ou' ij Chapelayns aforesaid for a q*? enayd at mydsc^ An<> pmo. h. 
viijmi iiju vjf viij** 

R to S Willfii Haryots preste for the same q*? xxxv« 

R to John Bavns for Ixvij m' & di [tf7,yoo] Bryk pcell of jc m* [100,000] 
that he sold vnto vs af? iij* vuj<* the m* [1000] clere of all caryage 
whiche am**» xij" vij» yf wherof the owdyto^^ abatP for that cariage 
that was aUowed hym in his accompt this yere Edward Barnard the 
whiche Edward paid by the oomandment of the Wardens vj» for cariage 
of xij lood whiche ought not to be paid for it was bought free of all 
cariage so RestP clere xij*» xviij<* 

Digitized by 


Wardens^ Accounts y 15^08-9 373 

I? to harselet by aggrement in grete for all the toll at london Brige for 
brvk & sand & ct xiij^ iiij<^ 

I? allowed to S) John Brugge for our pte of the costP for a placard 
purchaced for the old made clothes to h^ sold by mcers draps Taylyo^' 
& Sheremen as by his bill of pcellP aperethe whiche Am**» to xxij* iiii<* 
wherof ou' pte coAys to v» vij** 

I? allowed vnto the said 50 Brugge onely for his own costP & chargP that 
he had for the purchesshing of the said placard as other compaynes 
aforenamed dyd in the pmisses yj« viij** 

I? to Richardson for pap & Ink for the hole yere iij* iiij<i 

I? for keping clene the place Sellers ChafilbrP & hanging of the hall by 
all the yere except the ffcste ij* v\\f 

K for keping clene the gutters and leedP aboute the place for all the 
yere \f 

I? to the Canell raker for the hole yere for all the place xvj<* 

Itiii for the clerks wagP of Saynt Swythunys for the hole yere for all the fi>. 88 a. 
place \f viij^ 

I? for engrossing of this Accompt iij* iiij<^ 

I? for Wasshing of our Napery for the hole yere to m' [Mistress] Banaster 

ij* viij<* 

R we aske allowance for the fote of lii Hawkins 50 Watson 59 Carter & 
5i) Charlys Accompt whiche we remytt to our Successou'' the next 
Wardens whiche fote Am**» w* a Jewell of 5i) fiibyans for v>« sm» xiij*' ix» 

I? we aske allowance for the fote of 50 Monoux SO Milbom 50 patnO & 
SO Wylkynsons Accompt whiche we remytt to our Successours the 
next W ardens iij* iiij<* 

I? for the fote of 60 flvtzherbertP accompt we ask allowance for we remyt 
it to the next Wardens our Successor' & xvj yerP past Sm» iiij>« x« f 

M we ask allowance for the fote of SO Nyghtingalys accompt & xy yerP 
past whiche we remytt to our Successou'^ the next Wardens Sm» ix» x<* 

R we ask allowance for John WetewangP byll for Willfli flbwler his 
appntice which we remytt to our Successou'^ the next Wardens xiij* iii j* 

K we aske allowance for the fote oi 50 WillA Milbom 50 Cally nO 
hasylwod & SO Rudston Accompt whiche we remytt to our Successou'^ 
the next wardens xxxix« v<* ob 

Sm» to** of all ou' paymentP and dyschargP Am'^ dxxviip x« v'f 

So restP derely to thies accomptantP Sm» lij* viij^ c* 

Avdido^^^ of this Accompt, 

50 Cremor SO Peter Starky 50 Wylkynson & 50 Carter 

Md that the foresaid Rest of lij* yiij<^ ob was paid in man & fourm 
folowing that is to say ffirst must be abatyd therof for a playn table 

Digitized by 


374- Wardens^ Accounts^ 1^08-9 

cloth cont xiij ellP at viij^ the ell whiche iB BanastcrP Su*ntP (servant) 
lost in the wasshing & he was paid for the wasshing of all our napry 
as the custom ys Sm* Am* viij* viij^ ob 

Itm 1x9 Dixson being Warden paid to nO Mattok Chamblayn at the 
request and for nO John Brugge to accomplysh the ftiU payment of xl" 
where vnto he was scssed for the iij<^ Sougeo^' (soldiers) that went for 
this Cite in to ffrau»nce w' the king Henry the vij**» Sm» xx» 

K 50 Perpount being Warden paid to 50 Askue for the clere rest of the 
said lij» viij<* ob xxiiif 

Dettou'' for Sessing towardP the chargP of the kingP beryall 

SO laurens Starky dcl^ vj« viij^ Thom*s Bowgh debj rf wnf & Ric 
Cradok debj iiij» Sm* xvij» iiij<* 

Whiche the foresaid accomptannP hathe paid for vnto this place as 
apperP by this accompt. 



An® xxiijo. An® xxiiij®. An® p*mo h. viiij". An® dm. if 08. lyoj 

No. + 14.1. 

Edward Barnard Rentor 

M'Baaaster \ M' Hawkynsx 

M' John Brugge ^Tr^,j^„. M'Cremor I 

M' Askue ^ Wardens. M' Rudston [ 

M'Toll ) M' Askue ) 

Thes Auditors ^ estymaeion fynd that Edward Bernard owth xyj^ iiij' vij^ 

for his ij accompts for a yere (3 j qtJ endyd at ou' lady day in lent An® 
xxiiij® H, vij. 

The viij**» day of Aprell in the iiij'** yere of the Reign of King henry 
the viij**> Edward Barnard brought in to this place and delyvered to 
M' Roche in party of payment of this Accompt viij" the which Eyghte 
fomdes ys in parte of payment of a more son^ 

per me William Roche. 

' AH the parts in italics are bter additions. Those crossed through are 
items altered. 

Digitized by 


Renters' AccountSy 1^08-9 Vl^ 


Agreed we pay unto the Cbirchwardens of Sa]mt Dynyse Bakchirch of 
london for a quyterent gcying out of the ij houses that were M' Whites 
sett in sherebom layn of [illegible] yerely at michelmas xiij" iiij<^. 

Agreed that Barnard pd. for a Rof tyle to M*^ Alyson iiij^ for Southwerk. 

A° xxiiij*'. 

This is thaccompt of Edward Barnard Renter of alle the londes 
tenementes and rentes parteynyng and belongyng to the ftelaship of 
drapers set lying and beyng in the Citee of london^ White Crosse Strete 
and in Southwerk aswele of alle his Resceites as of his discharges pay- 
mentes and Reparacons, that is to say from the 6feste of the Anundacon 
of our lady An° iyo8 in the xxiij*« yere of the Reigne of kyng harry the 
vij*^ unto the ffeste of the Anunciacon of our lady Atif* 1J09 in the xxiiij** 

yeve of the said kyng ^&in the first yirt^K b. tit> vtij'^ that is (or the 

Space of an hole yere. A Than beying George Momwx Aldermam (S Wardcyns 
John fianaster John Brigge Cnstofre Askue and John ToUe. Anno mu 
» > '»« viijft > 

The Charche (charge) of the Rentall 
Candilwik ffirst receyved of Robert harry s draper for his) 
strete. Tenement charged for the said yere ) !■ 

It. rec. of Thomas flissher for his tenement for the| 

said yere J xxiij* iiij<* 

Sm. iij** xiij« iiij<*. 

Seint Swith- Item, rec of Thomas lyntwhite for an hole yere 
ines Lane. for his tenement ) xx' 

It. rec. of Annes Somer for hir tenement for thei 

same yere ) xiiij» 

It. rec of Bartilmew hamonde for his tenement) 

for the same yere ) xxiij* iiij^ 

It. rec. of Richard Call for an bole yere for his| 

tenement } xxiij« iiij^ 

It of the same Richard for an other tenement for j 

the same yere J xxiij* iiij^ 

It. rec. of Robert Sherman for his tenement for 

the same yere 
It. the litle house next the gate which the Renter 

dwelleth in by yere 

S" vii** xiiij* 



Digitized by 








liij* iiij* 
xxyj* viij** 
xxyj« viij<* 

xiij« iiij^ 

Renters^ AccountSy 1^08-9 

Item rec of William Whcler for his tenement 
that John Ax sumtyme occupied for the said 
ycre , 

It. rec. of William Geffrey for his tenement for 
the same yere 

Item rec. cf John Clerk for his tenement the 
same yere 

It. rec. of a little shop that parcell of Whelersj 
house for the same yere } 

S" xiij** idiij* 

Item rec. of Maister Acheley for his tenement fori 

the same yere )iij^ vj» viij<* 

Item rec. of Scint Christofers Church iif iiij** 

Sm iiju xi 

Item the tenement called the Gote that M^les^ 
Broun held for di yere of this accompt iiip x* 
Also Walter ap Rice for the same tenement - 
for the other di yere of this accompt after x"* 
by yere that is v»i / ix" x« 

It. of Thomas Rothewode Girdiller for his tene-| 

ment there for the said holcyere }iiij**xiij»iiij* 

It. of Rauf of Opowlcston Goldsmyth for his 
tenement for the same yer v** 

S" xix*^ iij* iiij** 

It. rec. of M' hawys for the rent of his place for 

the said hoole yere 
It. of Thomas Keel for the Rent of his tenement 

for the same yere 

S" xxxj^ vj» viij^ 

■ ^fi yjs viijd 

iijU yjs yiijd 


Item of Adam Shirry for his tenement for the| 

said yere Jiij^ 

Item of John Belle Taillor for his tenement the| 

said yere | xvj« 

It. of John hywode for his tenement for the said) 

yere J xx« 

It. of Robert Galy for his tenement for the said) 

yere j xxxiij* iiif* 

Digitized by 


Renters^ Account s^ 15^08-9 377 

SmythfeUe. Item of Marearete harryson for her tenementj 

caUed the fiuU for the said yere J vij^ 


White Item of William Arrard for his tenement for the) 

Crosse said yere J xl» 

Stretc. It, of John Goodwyn for his tenement for the) 

said yere J xl* 

S wiiM y ijii iMfiiijft 

Theam- Item of John lawden for his place for the said| 
St rete. yere J iiij^xiij* iiij^ 

Item of John Roo for his tenement for the same) 
yere j xxyj» viij** 


Item of Elizabeth ff a g a lf for hir tenement fori 
the same yere j xxxij* 


Sooth werL Item of John hargill for his tenement and wharf) 

for Itc yere of this accompt j iij" vj« viij<» 

It« of moder Elizabeth for her tenement for the) 
same yere J ix« 


It. of i^layer Joynor for his tenement for the same) 

yere ) 3cvj» 

It. of Rowley Smyth for his tenement xvj» 
It. of Thomas Waterman for his tenement for) 

the said yere j xv» viij^ 

It. of William Bosom for his tenement 3cv« 
It. of Henry Godfrey for his tenement for tiie) 

same yere J xx« 

It. of the same Henry for an other tenement xxxiij* iiij^ 

It. of the same Henry for an other tenement i^ viij^ 

It. of Antoay Gastoyne for his tenement by yere xxxiij* iiij^^ 

It. of Stephen Joynor for his tenement xxxiij* iiij^ 

It. of Thomas Barbour for his tenement by yere xxxiij* iiij<^ 

It. of Cristian TaiUor for hir tenement xxxiij» iiij<* 

It. of the said Cristian for a little yerd by yere xirj*" 
S« xxiiij** nxf 

Item of henry Carver for his tenement by yere xxxiij* iiij<* 

It. of Nicholas Peynter for his tenement xmij« iiij^ 

It of Cornells for his tenement by yere xviij« 

It. of Johane hynton for hir tenement xviij* 
160S-1 3 c 

Digitized by 


378 Renters^ Accounts^ 1^08-9 

It. of William Bother for his tenement xviif 

It. of loy Joynor for his tenement by yere xxxiij* iiij^ 

S° vij" xiiij* 

S» to« of all the Receytes 
am**» Ixxxxvij" xviij* iiij<* 

The discharges & paymentes. 

The obitc of ffirst paid to the iiij wardeyns yj* viij** 

henry Ebar- It to the parson viif* 

toil holden It. to vj preestes and two derkcs ij» viit* 

the xujt»> day it. to the Clerk for Ryngyng y'nf 

of Jayn at j^^ to the Wexchaundeler v\if 

S h It. to Thomas Richardson viij*» 
* ^^ • It. for brede and ale spice wyne and chese and \ 

other charges J vij« ij* 
S~ xix« ijd 

TheObiteof Item to the iiij wardeyns vj« viij<* 

Alice Har- It. to the parson xx«» 

lewyn the it^ to vj preestcs and oon clerk " ij* iiij<* 

«iij day of It. to the clerk for Ryngyng xij^ 

JnynatScint jt^ to Thomas Richardson viij^ 

Cristolors. j^^ ^^ y,^^ wexchaundeler xij* 

It. for brede ale wyne chese and spices & other\ 

charges | vj« viij* 


The obite of Item to M' Monoux alderman iij* iii^ 

John Nor- It^ to the iiij wardeyns vj» viij<* 

man the xrj It. to the parsone of honylane ij» iiij^ 

day of It to vij preestes and oon clerk ij" viij* 

august In it^ to the scxteyne (sexton) ij<« 

honylane. j^ ^^ ^^ wexchaundeler xij^ 

It. to Thomas Richardson viij<^ 

It. to the clerk for Ryngyng viij* 

gm xvij* vf 

The Obitc of Item paid to the iiij wardeyns iiij» 

M^ Haiiotes It. to the parsons duputie y\xf 

thcTiij^^day It. to viij preestes & iiij clerkes iiij* and more^ 

of ffebrS) at for to drynk x^ S"^ ) iiij* r* 

scint dun- It. to xxj pore people xxj* 

stonys in the 


Digitized by 


Renters' AccountSy 15^08-9 379 

M' harriot. 

Sir Mich i lf 
Wcstmor- j 

Mr. Boondes 













It. to the wexchaundeler for wax and candillcs 

It. for ryngyng of Belles 

It. to Richardson 

It. to iij Almos men in drapers hall 

It. to Rayndd 

S" xiiij» ix^ 

Paymentes for preestes Salary 

ffirst paid to Sir William Clynch for his salary \ 
for iij quarters \ 

Also paid to Sir Thomas Box for his wages for j 
thre quarters ) 

Also paid to Sir Nicholas for his wages for] 
V wekes service & the Remniant of that quarter I- 
was void ) 

Also paid to Sir Nicholas Pyke for di yere within 
the tyme of this accompt 

Also paid to Maister £burton chaplein for a 
quarter endvng at midsomer a° xxiij^ henry 
the vij*^ at tne goyng out of that service , 

Item paid to Thomas Richardson for his wages) 
for iij quarters of a yere j 

Also paid to Reynold Sampton for his wages for) 
iij quarters ) 

Also paid to Mr Boundes preest for oon quarter 

Item paid to Robert Brigges for his almosse for^ 
a quarter endyng at midsomer a<' xxiij h. vij !- 
& than he died ] 

Item paid to hym for his wages for iij quarters 





xj» viij<> 

m n 

xxxiij* iiij* 
iij" XV* 




Item paid to hym for his Almose for iij quarters xl* 

iij quarters 

Item paid to hym for his almose for th t hoto ytm 
and than deceessed 

Item paid for brede and ale at Drapers hall at 
the wardeins commaundement whan the said 
Geflfrey was buried goven to the ffeliship , 

Item paid to hym for his almosse for iij quarters! 
of this accompt \ 

Item paid to hym for his almose for iij quarters 

Item paid to hym for the masse of our lady and) 
for Ryngyng j 




Digitized by 


gSo Renters^ AccountSy 1^08-9 

Item paid to xij preestes and ij derkes for derige 

and masse of Requiem 
Item to the sextein for erbes and floures to straw 



Item paid for the maisters dynner & wardeyns 
both olde and newe with their Counceile at 
such tyme as thei went to oversee their landes 
and tenementes at the signe of the Cristofer 
in cheapeside 

Item paid for a lode of colys & money geven in\ 
almose to the pour folk of the said [Hirissh and 
to the almose men of the said ffeliship of/ 

S" xxxvij** vij<* 

ffirst paid to her for quyterent oute of Drapers 

hall for the hole yere of this accompt 
Item paid to the wardeyns of the said chirche 

for a yerely Quyterent of a chymney in the 

parlour in Drapers hall 
Item paid to hym for a yerely quitrent out of the] 

tenement called the Gote In Cheapeside for 1- 

the yere of this accompt j 

Item jnid for a quiterent oute of M' hawys place 

fo the yere of this accompt 
Item to the Church Wardeins there for quiterent 

oute of the corner tenement at Bow chirch for 

the yere of this accompt 

Item for quiterent oute of the londes and tene 
ments In Southwerk for the yere of this 







Mathew in 






Cfaarch in 





Item paid for the londes and tenements in Saynt 
Mary Bothowe parish in Candilwykstrete for 
the said yere ^ 

Item paid for quiterent of the landes & tenements 
in Whitecrossestrete of this yere passed 

Item to the Church Wardeins In hony-lane paid 
for the Beamelight for the yere of this accompt 
paiable at Mighelmas 

iiij* viij^ 

jxf viij* 




xxvj« viij<* 





Digitized by 


Renters^ AccountSy 1^08-9 3^^ 


Seint Mary 

The Crafte 
of talow- 


James in the 

Johanes in 
The Collage 
of Cobham. 

Item paid to the parsone there for the OAeringes 
of Drapers hall for the yere of this accompt at 

Item paid for quiterent outc of the tenement 
Gote In the dieape for the hole yere paiable 
at mighelmas and our lady day in lent 

Item for a quiterent oute of the landes and tene-' 
ments at Dowgate for the yere of this accompt 
endyd at our lady day in lent 

Item paid to the abbot of Evysham for the' 
patronage of Seint mighelles Church in 
Cornehill for dL yere 

Item paid for quitrent for the londes and tene- 
ments in Bassyn^eshawe for the yere of this 
accompt at oure lady day in lent 

Item to the Chirche Wardeyns there for the 
quiterentes oute of the londes and tenements 
at dovgate for this yere paid at midsomer 

Item for quyterent oute of the landes and tene- 
ments In Cornehill at our lady day in lent for 
the yere of this accompt 

Item fMud to the Colectors for the kynges money) 
for drapers hall ) 

vj» viij^ 


vj» viij* 



xiij« iiij<* 

xxvj« viij* 

S m liiijM iiiji 
Sm xvij^ iij« V** 

Smi xvffl iij* »^ 


W hawys. ffirst to a Tiler after viij^ a day and his laborer^ 
after v<* a day for viii* dales wcrk for tylyng 
the hall diambres and makyng a new berth 
In the Kechyn 

Item paid for iiij lodes of sand at vi^ p* lode sm. 

It. paide for iij lodes of lyme at ix<^ tiie lode 

Item for a lode of breeke 

Item for a grate of Iron for the Gutter weingj 
viij**> j<* ob. a lb sm. \ 

Item paid to a mason for iij daies work for mak-\ 
yng of the synk that goith into Bosomes Inne} 

It paid for vj fote of gutter stone for the said| 
synk at iiij<^ the fote ) 

Item to a laborer for iij daies there 

viij» viij** 



Digitized by 


gSx Renters' Accounts ^ 15-08-9 

Item for fl lode of lyme ix* 

It. for a lode of sand to the same werkes vj<^ 

this iiij* is Iti fop ij n g gjj afig g rf IroB for a ^l^ fl ^ wyndwv> .. 

not allowed M » lW5nii t oKd g c ho yg^"'--'"'''''^'^ f iii^ 

kcrc. S, XX. ^j. 

Item for a new case of tymbre for the grete^ 

ccstren in the Kechin for stuf & werkmanship} viij* 
It. for casting of vij« di of olde lede at xiij<* the^ 

C. to Thomas child plummer j viij* f ob 

It. for a cok of brassc to the same cestren ij* viij<* 

Item for a pipesend over the sinke wcing xiiij"> viit* ob 

Item to Thomas childe plummer in partie of\ 
payment of 1 lb. Sowder after v<* the lb. s~ 
xx« X** for the newe cisteren in M' hawes hous. I 
So Testes due to the plummer xvj» x4 'which^ 
Rest 'was paid tj M' Toll, & Bernard paid hgt\ 
sisj* ef the said xx* x^ ) iiij* 

Candilwik- It. for xxij fote of hard stone for the pavyng of^ 
strete. the Kechin there at v^ the fote with laying of j- 

the same j ix» ij<* 

It. for ij lodes of lombc to the same werkes viij<* 

It. for a laborer iij dales xv^ 

It for ij^ sap lath viij* 

It. for m* sprig for mendyng of walles yf 

It. for iij lodes of lombe xij<* 

It. for a lode of lyme & a lode of sonde xiiij<^ 

It. to John Thurston dawber and his laborer for) 
iiij dayes ) iiij* iiij^ 

S, +1. d, 3 

Item for a lode of Breke to perfourmyng the| 

Kechyn flore and mending of the hirth J ij* ij** 

Item for carving away of iiij lode of Robous viij<* 

Item for half a dayes labcKir of a werkman to^ 

make the berth and lay the breke | iiij* 


■ R e pafaoiono i Paten Patensons house 

ffirst to a tyler and his laborer iij dayes in Tylyng^ 
the said house & makyng a new berth In the I 
chamber next the Strete ) iij* iij* 

It. paid for viij Roof tile to the said house vj* 

S, (f . d, ii 

Digitized by 


Renters^ Accounts y 15^08-9 383 

Item paid to John Thurston dawber and bis] 
laborer there iiij dayes for mendyng the floresj- 
and wasshyng the walles j iiij* iiij<^ 

Item for iij lodes of lombe liv^ 

Item for iij Sakkes of lyme iiij** 

It. for ij lb Sawder occupied In the gutters x<> 


The Corner Item paid to a mason for makyng of two new^ 
hoosin herthes oon*In the kechyn an other In the I 

cheape side. celler and for mending of a towaile of a Sege » j xf* 

It. for cariage of a lode of Robous awey (rubbish \ 
away) \ ij^ 


S, 7. d, 7. 

The Bull In Smythfeld. 

ffirst paid for vi« lathe ij» 

Item paid for ij m* Sprig xij<* 

Item paid for di m^ Sprig iij* 

Item for iiij lodes of lombe xvj* 

Item to John Thurston dawber & his laborer for| 


iiij dales dawbyng the walles there J iiij* iiij<* 

Item for Voide of xvij ton ordour outc of two) 

seges the ton xij<* sm. J xvij* 

Item to a man for wachyng there two nyghtes xvj<* 

Item for xij hopes for the grete ycllyng Tonnes! 

price the pece vj* sm. ) vj* 

Item for leyng of lede upon the same yeldyng) 

Tonnes j vj<* 

Item for paid to a Carpenter for mending of the' 

wyndowes in the middvll parlour & setting up • 

of a grete in the sege nouse di day j iiij** 


S, 3+. d, j. 

Reparacions at Drapers hall. 

Item paid to a Tyler and his laborer there for v] 
dayes werk for Tyllyng the hall the parlour L 
and the Almosc men bwses j v* v* 

* A water-closet. 

Digitized by 



384- Renters^ AccountSy 15^08-9 

Item for iij lodes of lyme ij* vif" 

Item for iij lodes of dand xviiy> 

Item for Cariage awey of iij lodes of Robous vj<i 

Item for a litle laddyr for the ladys chambre vj^ 
Item for iij bokes ot Iron to hang on the gretej 

laddyr weyng v lb di. jd ob the lb. sm. J viij^' 

It. paid for a new key to the wykket iij^ 


S, II. d, I. 

The Gote in Cheapc. 

Item paid to William Carpenter for xxxij** fote oi 
Tymbre that made postes and bases in the] 
celler there and warehouse to here up a flore j V 

Item fo C di of v<* naile v j* 

Item to the same William for iiij dales werk for) 
settyng up the said postes and baces J ijp viij' 

Item paid for a new lok and a key to the Bakkj 

dorc J viij^ 

Item paid for a bolt of Iron to the Inner dore f 

Item paid to John Thurston dawber for half a| 

dales labour to cover the Sege J iiij^ 

Item for ij lodes of lombe to the same werk viij<^ 

S, 9. d, 1 1 

Item to a Tyler and his laborer for iij daies\ 
Tylyng the chambres and for makyng of a new I 
hertti in the Kechyn and mendyng the wall In [ 
the dry ware house / iij* iij^ 

It. for ij lodes of lyme xviif* 

Item for x roofe Tylcs for the garret Chamber viij^ 

Item for ij lodes of Sand xij^^ 

Item to a laborer to make clene their chambres 1 

cellers and gutters for iij dales j xv^ 

Item for cariage of vj lodes of Robous awey xij* 


S^ 8. dy 8. 

Reparacions at Seint laurence lane 

Item for a lode of pavyng Stone with the cariage xvj^^ 

Item paid for paving of two taice (days ?) werk di xvif* ob 

It. for a lode rfgravell iiij^ 


Digitized by 


Renters' ^ccountSy 15^08-9 38^ 

Reparadons at Whitcrossestrete 

Item paid to a Tyler and his laborer iij dates for) 
Tylyng of the Bochers houses J 

S3 6. d^ 4^ m. 

Item for a lode of lyme and ij lodes of sand 
Item for cariage of iiij<^ tyle from Smythfelde 
Item paid to laurence Baily pavior for pavyng of^ 

V taice werk in the strete there at vif the taice \ 

sm. j 

Item for iiij lodes of pavyng stone with the 

cariage therof 
Item for vj lodes of gravell to reyse the same) 

werkes J 

Item for clensyng of the diche to convey his) 

water J 

Item for a newe bokete to the well 

S, 14. d, 1. 

Do^gate. Item for makyng of iij dores and oon wyndowr 
and benches and nailes and other stuff and 

w o ffce m anihip of che fame 

ij fc t y ti r ij l a chag 8 c c a c fc^ s and a ring t o a da r t. 
It for ij new lokkes and ij keyes ij lachis &) 
cachis & a ryng to a dore ) 




v» vj<* ob 

Reparadons at Seint donstons. 

Item paid for a paire of new hengcs to the^ 
wykket to the grete place there j 

Item paid for iiij^ naile tberto 

Item paid for yj Rakkes to hane upon dothes in^ 
fibrsters house for tymber and wcrkmanship | 

Item In x^ naile for the same 


S, ic. d, I m 

Reparacones of Southwerk 

Item paid for a dog of Iron and nailes to hold In 
the sege house at the Bell wharf weyng vij " 







Digitized by 


^S6 Renters' Account s^ 1^08-9 

Item pild for % ctse of bordes to close In a pipe) 
of kde in Brisg bouse kne j 

Item for a new iSk and a kqr for the store home 

Item ffeven In Ernest to the mason for makjng' 
or Onrmneys 

Item paid to Thomas Byrt lyman for Tt^ Ton of 
chalk at vj' a Ton 

Item paid for a whele Barowe 

Item paid for takjng up imF the pavment and) 
carirng In of the Stones and GrayeU ij dales ofl 
a laoorer I 

S, I+. d, I. 

Item to Thomas Brete in partfe of payment of\ 

ix«lvme pceARestes tohjm zz^thatAj 

Item paid for mendjrng of iij olde lokkes and a 

new kqr 
Item for mendyng of ij bkkes for the grete gate 

and to oon of Siem a new key 
Item to John Thurston for mendyng the waOes 

In the tenement next Brigge nouse lane for 

a daies werk 
Item for a lode of lombe there occupied 
Item for iij sakkes of lyme 
Item paid to William Cull mason for d^geyng. 

aud makyng of the foundacion of the Kc^ynsl 

and under pynnyng the Grounsellcs * there by r 

Cennement j 

Item for viij m> of roof naile for the Tylyog oft 

the Kechynes [ 

Richard RoylW Smyth in Southwtkk for 

Mr TM 

^doores & 
The dmber Coondatioii* 








Digitized by 


Renters^ Accounts^ 15^08-9 387 

Item more p«id to the said Smyth by Ed. Barnard) 
fiw ij«ofiij*nayle ) 

It. more for xvj m^ spiygg^ 


I for xij paire of henges and xij hokes wc 
xxx^jH^i*^ ob the lb sm. 
Item for^ytKtus and vj cachis 
Item for iiij Bolt^Ss^d iiij staplc| 

Also so resteth to the sr 

rest M' Toll . 
Item for xvj m>' 
Item c vj* 
Item m*^ 

■ ij« of iij* naUc 

»iij*ob(f whiche) 

fm for y^ of iiy naile for dores and wyndowcs 



iij* iiij*' 

Item fo/ iij Bussnill of tile pynnes 
Item paid to a Tyler for hying of viij m' tylc viij* 

Item^to John Thurston dawber for ij werkmen uyi 
yj daies werk j viij« 

S, i7.d,}. 

Item to iij laborers lor vj daies vij» vj* 

n^fM. [tem^to TbomavA^alshe Sandeman for xvj Ipdev 

of^thd^jMf a lode ^^^^ \ vuj» 

«•! fM. Item uvhfn^ xix lodes of lomb^ibftiie walles^ 

particionhit iiii* the tod^ sm. J vj» iuj* 

Item to Th<Mnas Aleynson Tyle maker In parties 

of payment of x m^ Tyle had into Southwerk I 

for the vij new kechinges after iiij* vj* the mM 

Sm paid by Ed. Barnard * 

Item paid for Cariage of xij k>od Breke to Thomas) 

Gaiyam in to Southwerk 
Item for iij« hert lath for the litle kediynl 

In the Comer \ xv^ 

Item for a pek of Tyle pynnes j*ob 

Item to a loborer for ix daies lij^ ix4 

Item paid to John henley lyme man% 

for iij* and di Ivme at v* the c sm. J xvij* yj* 
dj jri* d, I m. 




f0ff ftf yt 9NU ^ 

H» hyl^tha thtj 


^j» O* tbiljtf S§9 


Digitized by 


^88 Renters' Accounts^ 15^08-9 

Item to the Sand man at the Tower hyll for xx| 

loodes sand at yf a lode sm \ x* wf 

Item for mjr wages for a hole yere ended at our) 

lady day in lent A<> pdci ) iiij^ 

Item for potadons upon the Tenements for thlsi 

yere J xiij« iiij<^ 

Item for paper and Ink and makyng of this) 

accompt ) vj» viij* 

S" v" x« vj* 







$aynt Swy- 
thnn/s layn. 

xiij» iiij^ 
xlvij* viij* 

Also there is owen to the sandman Thomas' 
Walshe for xvj lode of sand vij' vj' and for 
xix lodes of tombe vf iiij* Sm. 

Also there is owen to henry Tarsey plummer as 
it appereth by his bill 

Also to the Glasier in fiynkes layn^^ 

T^ li 20 S. II. d 5 m for Reparacions Wages Pbtadons etc 

Vacadons ' 

ffirst the said accomptannt asketh alIowaunce> 
for the tenement Gote diarged at ix" by yerel 
geven to Miles Broun half yeres rent enoyngl 
at mighelmas xxiij h. the vij**» / iiij" x» 

Item the same tenement Gote letten to Walter) 
ap Rice for z^ by yere and voide the quarter}* 
from mighdmas to Cristemas J 

Also a tenement parcell of the grete house at\ 
dowgate the upper part diarged at xiij* iiij^ by t 
yere voide from mighelmas to our lady dayf 
Annunciadon that is half yere ' 

Also a litle shop that is parcdl of the said upperl 
part diarged at xiij* iUj' by yere voide all tfae}* 
yere of this accompt ) 

Also there resteth in the handes of Richard Call) 
for a hole yere and a quarter endyng at our I 
lady day aforsaid for oon tenement after f 
xxiij* mf by there 

11, ^. S, 9* d, !• 


vj« viij* 


' xxix*ij^ 

N.B. — ^The wages are the same as in 1481-1 : a Tiler, a Mason^ 
a Carpenter %d. a day, a labourer %L a day. 

' The number of tenements vacant is striking. Probably dae to 
the sweating sickness, which was severe about that time. 

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I I