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Impression of 7929 
First edition, 1909 

Printed in Great Britain 


IT was well known to all students of philosophy 
and history in Oxford, and to many others, that 
W. G. Pogson Smith had been for many years engaged 
in preparing for an exhaustive treatment of the 
place of Hobbes in the history of European thought, 
and that he had accumulated a great mass of 
materials towards this. These materials fill many 
notebooks, and are so carefully arranged and 
indexed that it is clear that with a few more months 
he would have been able to produce a work worthy 
of a very high place in philosophical literature. 
Unhappily the work that he could have done him 
self cannot be done by any one else unless he has 
given something like the same time and brings to 
the collection something like the same extensive 
and intimate knowledge of the philosophy of the 
period as Pogson Smith possessed. It is hoped 
indeed that, by the permission of his representatives, 
this great mass of material will be deposited in the 
Bodleian Library and made available for scholars, 
and that thus the task which he had undertaken 
may some time be carried out. 

Among his papers has been found an essay which 
presents a very interesting and suggestive treatment 

a 2 


of the position of Hobbes. The essay is undated, 
and it is quite uncertain for what audience it was 
prepared. It is this essay which is here published 
as an introduction to the Leviathan. It is printed 
with only the necessary verification of references, 
and one or two corrections of detail. It is always 
difficult to judge how far it is right to print work 
which the author himself has not revised, but we 
feel that, while something must inevitably be lost, 
the essay has so much real value that, even as it 
stands, it should be published. Something may 
even be gained for the reader in the fresh and 
unconstrained character of the paper. The pursuit 
of the ideal of a perfect and rounded criticism, 
which all serious scholars aim at, has sometimes 
the unfortunate result of depriving a man s work of 
some spontaneity. In Oxford at any rate, and it 
is probably the case everywhere, many a scholar 
says his best things and expresses his most pene 
trating judgements in the least formal manner. 
Those who were Mr. Pogson Smith s friends or pupils 
will find here much of the man himself something of 
his quick insight, of his unconventional directness, 
of his broad but solid learning; something also of 
his profound feeling for truth, of his scorn of the 
pretentious, of his keen but kindly humour. 


WHEREIN does the greatness of Hobbes consist ? 
It is a question I often put to myself, as I lay him 
down. It was a question which exercised his con 
temporaries friends or foes and drove them to 
their wits end to answer. If I were asked to name 
the highest and purest philosopher of the seventeenth 
century I should single out Spinoza without a 
moment s hesitation. But Spinoza was not of the 
world ; and if a man will be perverse enough to 
bind the Spirit of Christ in the fetters of Euclid, how 
shall he find readers ? If I were asked to select the 
true founders of modern science I should bracket 
Galileo, Descartes, and Newton, and resolutely oppose 
Hobbes s claim to be of the company. If his studies 
in Vesalius prepared him to extend his approbation 
to Harvey s demonstration of the circulation of the 
blood, his animosity to Oxford and her professors 
would never allow him seriously to consider the 
claims of a science advanced by Dr. Wallis ; the 
sight of a page of algebraic symbols never elicited 
any feeling but one of sturdy contempt, and the 
remark that it looked as if a hen had been scratching 
there . To the end of his days he dwelt among points 


of two dimensions, and superficies of three ; he 
squared the circle and he doubled the cube. Twas 
pity, said Sir Jonas Moore, and many more, that 
he had not began the study of mathematics sooner, 
for such a working head would have made great 
advancement in it. * 

Of inductive science he is very incredulous. Bacon, 
contemplating in his delicious walkes at Gorham- 
bury , might indeed better like Mr. Hobbes taking 
down his thoughts than any other, because he 
understood what he wrote ; he probably learnt to 
understand my Lord, who dictated his alphabet of 
simple natures, his receipts for the discovery of 
forms, his peddling experiments and his laborious 
conceits. I mention this because most German 
critics, with perhaps more than their usual careless 
audacity of assumption, find a niche for Hobbes as 
the spiritual fosterling of the great empiricist Bacon. 
Now if there was one thing for which Hobbes had 
neither sympathy nor even patience, it was experi 
mental science. The possession of a great telescope 
was no doubt a curious and useful delight ; but not 
every one that brings from beyond seas a new gin, 
or other jaunty device, is therefore a philosopher . 2 
Let the gentlemen of Gresham College, whose energy 
it must be granted shames the sloth of our ancient 
universities, let them apply themselves to Mr. 
Hobbes s doctrine of motion, and then he will deign 

1 Aubrey s Brief Lives, in 2 vols., edited by A. Clark, 1898 : i. 332. 

2 Aubrey, i. 335-6. 


to cast an eye on their experiments. He did not 
think their gropings would carry them very far. 
..-Experience concludeth nothing universally. 1 If he 
despaired of wringing her secret from Nature, he 
never doubted that he held the key to every corner 
of the human heart. He offers us a theory of man s 
nature which is at once consistent, fascinating, and 
outrageously false. Only the greatest of realists could 
have revealed so much and blinded himself to so 
much more. You cry angrily It is false, false to the 
core ; and yet the still small voice will suggest, But 
how much of it is really true ? It is poor, immoral stuff ! 
so you might say in the pulpit, but you know that 
it probes very deep. It is only the exploded Bentha 
mite philosophy with its hedonistic calculus tricked 
out in antique piquancy of phrase ! If you really 
hold this, if you think that JHobbes s man is nothing 
_^nore_jthan a utilitarian automaton led by the nose 
by suburban pleasures and pains, you have no sense 
of power, of pathos, or of irony. It is only the trick 
of the cheap cynic, you retort in fine. Yes, it is 
cynicism ;., but it is not cheap. Nature has made 
malTirpassionate creature, desirous not of pleasure 
but of power ; the passions themselves are not 
simple emotions, but charged with and mastered 
by the appetite for power ; jionour consisteth only, 
in the opinion "of power ; the worth of a man is, as 
of all other things, his price ; that is to say, so 
much as would be given for the use of his power ; the 

1 Hobbes s English Works, iv. 18, ed. Molesworth, 1839. 


public worth of a man, which is the value set on him 
by the commonwealth, is that which men com 
monly call dignity. Leave men to themselves, they 
struggle : forj3owe; competition, diffidence, vainglory 
driving them. Sober half-hours hush with their 
lucid intervals the tumult of the passions ; even so 
on earth they bring no beatitude. Care for the 
future is never banished from thought ; felicity is 
a continual progress of the desire from one object 
to another. 

So that in the first place, I put for a general incli 
nation of all mankind, a perpetual and restless desire 
of power after power, that ceaseth only in death. 1 

For as Prometheus, which interpreted is, the 
prudent man, was bound to the hill Caucasus, a 
place of large prospect, where an eagle, feeding on 
his liver, devoured in the day as much as was 
repaired in the night : so that man, which looks 
too far before him, in the care of future time, hath 
his heart all the day long, gnawed on by fear of 
death, poverty, or other calamity ; and has no 
repose nor pause of his anxiety, but in sleep. 2 

Such, then, is the lust and the burden of man. 
What is the deliverance ? Spinoza found it in 
philosophy ; the truth shall make you free : but 
Hobbes was a philosopher who had no faith in 
truth. Pascal found it in the following of Christ ; 
but I doubt whether religion ever meant much more 

1 p. 75- 2 P- 82. 


than an engine of political order to Hobbes. Rous 
seau, whose survey of human nature often strangely 
and suspiciously resembles that of Hobbes, advo 
cated in some moods at least a return to nature. 
Rousseau s * nature was a pig-sty, but Hobbes s 
state of nature was something far worse than that. 
Hobbes was never disloyal to intellect, grievously 
as he affronted its paramount claims ; he was not 
of those who see virtue in the renunciation of mathe 
matics, logic, and clothes. Passion-ridden intellect 
had mastered man in a state of nature ; a passion- 
wearied intellect might deliver man from it. If man 
cannot fulfil his desire, he can seek peace and ensue 
it by the invention of fictions. It is not prudence, 
but curiosity, that distinguisheth man from beast. 
He wonders ; he is possessed ; a passionate thought 
leaps to the utterance ; the word is born ; the idea 
is fixed ; from henceforth he will boldly conclude 
universally ; science has come in the train of lan 
guage. This most noble and profitable invention of 
speech, without which there had been amongst men 
neither commonwealth nor society, nor contract nor 
peace^ no more than amongst lions, bears, and 
wolves, l is man s proudest triumph over nature. By 
his own art he fetters himself with his own fictions 
the fictions of the tongue. You shall no longer hold 
that men acquired speech because man was a reason 
ing animal ; in truth man became capable of science, 
i.e. reason, because he invented speech. It was not 
1 p. 24. 


nature which in secular travail brought reason to 
the birth ; but man saw nature s poverty of inven 
tion, and boldly substituted his own. He created 
reason in the interests of peace. Voltaire profanely 
said that if there were no God it would be necessary 
to invent one ; convictions of similar cogency drove 
the Hobbean man to bow his neck to the dictator 
ship of the neologist. The Greeks have but one 
word, Ao yos, for both speech and reason ; not that 
they thought there was no speech without reason, 
but no reasoning without speech. l Truth is a neces 
sity ; but necessary truth is a will-o -the-wisp. 
Seekers after truth how Hobbes despised them, 
all that deluded race who dreamt of a law whose 
seat is the bosom of God, her voice the harmony of 
the world : all things in heaven and earth doing her 
homage ! Rather, boldly conclude that truth is not 
to be sought, but made. Let men agree what is to be 
truth, and truth it shall be. There is truth and truth 
abounding when once it is recognized that truth is 
only of universals, that there is nothing in the world 
universal but names, and that names are imposed 
arbitrio hominum. Fiction is not, as people hold, the 
image or the distortion of the real which it counter 
feits ; it is the very and only foundation of that 
reality which is rational. Here is Hobbes s answer 
to that question which, in its varied phrasing, has 
never ceased to trouble philosophy. Are there innate 
ideas ? What is the ultimate criterion of truth ? 

1 p- 29. 


Is there a transcendent reason ? What is common 
sense ? Are there any undemonstrable and indu 
bitable axioms fundamental to all thought ? How 
is a synthetic a priori judgement possible ? 

The same temper which leads him to stifle thought 
with language carries him on to substitute definitions 
for first principles. Prima philosophia metaphysics 
in Aristotle s sense is first a body of definitions. 
These definitions are our points of departure : we 
must start by agreeing upon them. For * the light 
of human minds is perspicuous words, by exact 
definitions first snuffed and purged from ambiguity . 1 
A definition must be held to be satisfactory if it be 
clear. The master claims a free and absolute right 
of arbitrary definition. The scholar queries : Is the 
definition true ? is it adequate ? does it assort 
with reality ? To whom the master testily replies : 
You are irrelevant ; your only right is to ask.jtsjt 
clear ? Unless my definitions are accepted as first 
principles, science, i.e. a deductive system of conse 
quences, is impossible, and inference foreclosed. 
Let me remind you again that agreement on defini 
tions is the sine qua non of intelligible reasoning ; 
and then for the sake of peace and lucidity let me beg 
nay insist that you accept my rulrngj^ the use 
of names. Are they not arbitrary ? Is not "one 
man s imposition as good as another s ? Mine there 
fore at least for purposes of argument rather 
better than yours ? Hobbes knew what he was about ; 

1 p- 37- 


he was rare at definitions , said the admiring 
John Aubrey. 1 It was because he very clearly saw 
that in the prerogative of definition lay the sove 
reignty in philosophy. 

But, you say, he must recognize some real, uncon 
ventional, transcendent standard of truth some 
where : for otherwise by what right does he dis 
tinguish between truth and error ? And what is the 
meaning of the charges absurd and insignificant 
so freely lavished on opinions with which he dis 
agrees ? I can only reply that his distinctions between 
truth and falsehood, sense and absurdity, are per 
fectly consistent with the doctrine I have been 
expounding. Man s privilege of reason is allayed by 
another : and that is, by the privilege of absurdity ; 
to which no living creature is subject, but man only. 
. . . For it is most true that Cicero saith of them 
somewhere : that there can be nothing so absurd but 
may be found in the books of philosophers. 2 As 
men abound in copiousness of language, so they 
become more wise, or more mad than ordinary. . . 
For words are wise men s counters, they do but reckon 
by them ; but they are the money of fools, that 
value them by the authority of an Aristotle, a Cicero, 
or a Thomas, or any other doctor whatsoever. 3 .The 
causes. of this endowment of absurdity are butjvant 
of definition, want of adherence to definitions.^ want 
of the power of syllogizing. A glance at Hobbes s 
relentless application of this fundamental principle 

1 Aubrey, i. 394. 2 p. 35. 3 p. 29. 


will be sufficient. Good and evil are terms of 
individual imposition ; by tacit agreement one may 
say they are, left to a personal interpretation ; there 
is no common rule of good and evil to be taken from 
the nature of the objects themselves. But the moral 
virtues and vices are universal names : they take 
their definition ex arbitrio hominum, i.e. from the 
will of the State. The fool hath said in his heart, 
there is no such thing as justice ; and sometimes 
also with his tongue. l The fool might arrive at his 
conclusion by an easy deduction from the principles 
of Hobbes. For if he had studied Hobbes s code of 
nature with ordinary care he would have discovered 
that the justice of which Leviathan is begotten is 
carefully emptied of all ethical content. There is 
indeed a justice, an obligation arising out of contract, 
which naturally refuses to discuss its own title ; and 
there is another justice, the parody of equity, which 
explains itself with a humorous grin as the fiction 
of equality playing the peace-maker. You, X, say 
you re as good as any one else : Y says he s quite 
your match, and he ll take you on : permit me to 
assume them for purposes of codification a hypo 
thesis of universal equality, and to refer you to the 
golden rule for your future behaviour ! 

At length man s pride and passions compel him 
to submit himself to government. Leviathan is set 
on his feet ; he is the king of the proud ; but his 
feet are of clay ; he too is a fiction. This time 

1 p. in. 


Hobbes resorts to the lawyers, borrows from 
them their mystico-legal fiction of the persona 
moralis, the corporation, and sends the mystical 
elements in it to the right about. It is the unity 
of the representer, not the unity of the represented, 
that maketh the person one : . . . and unity cannot 
otherwise be understood in multitude. * The sove- 
reign is the soul, the person, the representative, the 
will, the conscience of the commonwealth ; i.e. the 
sovereign is the commonwealth in that fictional 
sense which alone is truth in science and in practice. 
Once again there is no such thing as objective right : 
therefore we must invent a substitute for it by 
establishing a sovereign who shall declare what shall 
be right for us. On this point Hobbes is unmistak 
ably emphatic. 

The law is all the right reason we have, and 
(though he, as often as it disagreeth with his own 
reason, deny it) is the infallible rule of moral good 
ness. The reason whereof is this, that because 
neither mine nor the Bishop s reason is right reason 
fit to be a rule of our moral actions, we have there 
fore set up over ourselves a sovereign governor, and 
agreed that his laws shall be unto us, whatsoever 
they be, in the place of right reason, to dictate to 
us what is really good. In the same manner as men 
in playing turn up trump, and as in playing their 
game their morality consist eth in not renouncing, so 

1 p. 126. 


in our civil conversation our morality is all contained 
in not disobeying of the laws. l Hobbes s debate 
with Dr. Bramhall, Bishop of Deny. 

For, but give the authority of defining punish 
ments to any man whatsoever, and let that man 
define them, and right reason has defined them, 
suppose the definition be both made, and made 
known before the offence committed. For such 
authority is to trump in card-playing, save that in 
matter of government, when nothing else is turned up, 
clubs are trumps. 2 A Dialogue of the Common Laws. 

It is idle to qualify or defend such a political 
philosophy : it is rotten at the core. It is valueless 
save in so far as it stimulates to refutation. We 
may be content to leave it as a precious privilege to 
the lawyers, who need definitions and have no concern 
with morality. And yet no thinker on politics has 
ever probed its fundamental conceptions more 
thoroughly f and I say it advisedly, if you would 
think clearly of rights and duties, sovereignty and " 
law, you must begin with the criticism of Hobbes. 
For any philosophy which is worth the name must 
spring out of scepticism ; and every system of 
philosophy which is worth serious attention must 
achieve the conquest of scepticism. It is only a very ; 
botcher in philosophy or a very genial personage 
who can really rest content with a merely sceptical 
attitude. Hobbes was no Carneades of riotous 

1 Molesworth, v. 194. 2 Ibid., vi. 122. 



dialectic, no Montaigne of cheerful and humorous 
resignation. His logic plunged him into the abyss 
of scepticism ; but the fierce dogmatism of his 
nature revolted against it. David Hume imagined 
that it was left for him to send philosophy to its 
euthanasia ; but in truth Hobbes had seen it all, 
the whole sceptic s progress seen it, and travelled 
it, and loathed it long ago. 

Hobbes clutched at mathematics as the dogma 
tist s last straw. Spite of the wreck of objective 
ideals, what might not be effected with matter and 
motion ! Here, if anywhere, certainty might be 
found ; here reason, baffled and disillusioned, might 
find a punctum stans ; a fulcrum to explain the 

Hobbes and Descartes. 

Hobbes thought in an atmosphere of dualism- 
yet Hobbes was a resolute opponent of dualism. 
From 1637, the date of the Discours, the relation 
between matter and mind, body and soul, was 
a cardinal the cardinal problem. Descartes had 
awarded to each substance co-ordinate, independent, 
absolute rights. The future business of Cartesianism 
was to find a trait d union an explanation for a rela 
tion in fact which had been demonstrated in theory 

At first blush one might be inclined to say Hobbes 
remained untouched by the new method. Starting 
a basis of empiricism he developed a materialistic 


philosophy in perfect independence of the current. 
of idealisticthought which was flowing so stronplv 
on the Continent. It would be a mistaken view. 
Hobbes is powerfully influenced by Descartes. 
Descartes prescribes for him his method not Gas- 
sendi or Bacon. But with Descartes dualism he 
will not away. He suspected Descartes of palter- 
ing with philosophy to appeasethe Jesuits his 
philosophy must find a cornerforjthe mysteries of 
theTCathohc faith, e.g. transubstantiation, pro salute 
animae ; and was a system to be received which fell 
hopelessly apart in the middle, and which demanded 
a miracle to restore a unity which a philosophy worthy 
of the name was bound to demonstrate impossible ? 

A^svstem or philosophy must be coJae^eirL at 
any price ; a philosopher, whose business it was to 
define, should see to that : words are wise men s 
counters, and the philosopher must play to win ; 
coherence, not comprehension, is with JHobbes the 
touchstone of philosophy, the test of truth. To 
Hobbes, rationalism is the fundamental postulate ; 
and a rational universe must be deduced from 
a single and simple principle. Dualism was the 
consecration of the irrational. 

But Hobbes deals in back blows he does not 
meet the dualist face to face ; he refuses to see eve 
to eye with him ; the problem shall be eluded, the 
position turned, in an emergency the question at 
issue begged. Sensation need offer no difficulties : 
sensation is only motion ; it can only be caused by 

b 2 


motion, it is only a form, a manifestation of motion. 
Fancy, memory, comparison, judgement, are really 
carried with sense sense hath necessarily some 
memory adhering to it. x 

And reason pure intellection the faculty of 
science surely here we must appeal to another 
source (cf. Descartes and Gassendi), surely we have 
passed into another realm. Hobbes emphatically 
assures us that it is this reason, this capacity for 
general hypothetical reason, this science or sapience, 
which marks man off from the brutes. The distinction 
between science and experience, sapience and pru 
dence, is fundamental in his philosophy. And yet 
if we look more narrowly we shall find this marvellous 
endowment of man is really the child of language 
that most noble and profitable invention. This bald 
paradox is a masterpiece of tactics. Speech is ushered 
in with the fanfaronade, and lo ! reason is dis 
covered clinging to her train. Instinct says, reason 
begets speech ; paradox in verts, speech begets reason. 
Man acquires speech because he is reasonable )( 
man becomes capable of science because he has in- 
vented, speech. A wonderful hysteron prater on. 

Hobbes derives some account from his audacity. 

1. We easily understand how error is possible- 
no need of tedious discussion error dogs the heels 
of language. 

2. Seeing that thought (science) depends on lan 
guage, it is evident that to clarify thought we must 

1 Molesworth, i. 393. 


language re-definition the true_ task of 


In my necessarily harsh review I may have seemed 
to have found no answer to my opening question. 
Does it not involve a petitio principii ? Is he great 
after all ? I am content to rest the issue on one 
test alone the test of style. I am adopting no 
superficial test, when I boldly affirm that every 
great thinker reveals his greatness in his style. It 
is quite possible unhappily common to cultivate 
style without thought ; it is absolutely impossible 
to think really, deeply, passionately, without forging 
a style. Now Hobbes s style is something quite 
unique in our literature. Of course I don t mean it 
stands out of the seventeenth century ; to read 
a paragraph is to fix its date. But no other seven 
teenth-century writer has a style like it : it is 
inimitable. It would be childish to measure it with 
the incommensurable ; to pit it against the fluent 
magnificence of Milton or the quaint and unexpected 
beauties of Sir Thomas Browne. But it is fair to 
try Hobbes s English by the touchstone of Bacon s. 
Those critics who deny Bacon s title to a primacy 
in philosophy are generally ready enough to acknow 
ledge his high position as a writer. And Bacon and 
Hobbes are writers of the same order. They are both 
sententious ; they are both grave and didactic ; they 
both wield the weapons of imagery, apophthegm, and 
epigram ; they are both let us admit it laboured 
stylists. It is, I think, highly probable that Hobbes 


learnt something of literary craftsmanship from 
Bacon in those Gorhambury contemplations. But 
Hobbes s writing is just as decisively superior to 
Bacon s, as his philosophy. Bacon aimed at conceal 
ing the poverty of his thought by the adornment of 
his style : he wrote for ostentation. When that 
solemn humbug, that bourgeois Machiavel, took up 
his pen to edify mankind, he first opened his com 
monplace books, stuffed with assorted anecdotes, 
quotations, conceits, and mucrones verborum, and 
then with an eye to the anthology, proceeded to set 
down what oft was thought, but ne er so well 
expressed . 

It must be admitted it reads remarkably well. 
The sentences are brave and brief at first inspection : 
you mistake terseness of language for condensation 
of thought. But read again. Many examples of this 
can be found in such an essay as Of Study . Now 
turn to Hobbes ; but before you do so, open Aubrey 
and learn the open secret of his style. 

He was never idle ; his thoughts were always 
working. 1 

He sayd that he sometimes would sett his thoughts 
upon researching and contemplating, always with 
this rule, that he very much and deeply considered 
one thing at a time (scilicet a weeke or sometimes 
a fortnight). 2 

He walked much and contemplated, and he had 
in the head of his staff e a pen and inke-horne, carried 

1 Aubrey, i. 351. 2 Ibid., i. 339. 


always a note booke in his pocket, and as soon as 
a thought darted, he presently entred it into his 
booke, or otherwise he might perhaps have lost it. ... 
Thus that book (the Leviathan) was made. 1 

In Hobbes the clauses are clean, the sentences 
jolt, the argument is inevitable. Bacon wrote to 
display his wit : Hobbes to convince and confute. 
Bacon invented epigram to coax the public ear ; 
Hobbes found his epigram after he had crystallized 
his thought. In sum, the difference between the 1 ? 
styles of Bacon and Hobbes is to be measured by 
the difference between ostentation and passionate 
thought. We can compare Hobbes s own defence of 
his style and method. 

There is nothing I distrust more than my elocu 
tion, which nevertheless I am confident, excepting 
the mischances of the press, is not obscure. That 
I have neglected the ornament of quoting ancient 
poets, orators, and philosophers, contrary to the 
custom of late time, (whether I have done well or ill 
in it,) proceedeth from my judgement, grounded on 
many reasons. For first, all truth of doctrine 
dependeth either upon reason, or upon Scripture ; 
both which give credit to many, but never receive it 
from any writer. Secondly, the matters in question 
are not of fact, but of right, wherein there is no place 
for witnesses. There is scarce any of those old 
writers that contradicteth not sometimes both him- 

1 Aubrey, i. 334. 


self and others ; which makes their testimonies 
insufficient. Fourthly, such opinions as are taken 
only upon credit of antiquity, are not intrinsically 
the judgement of those that cite them, but words 
that pass, like gaping, from mouth to mouth. 
Fifthly, it is many times with a fraudulent design 
that men stick their corrupt doctrine with the cloves 
of other men s wit. Sixthly, I find not that the 
ancients they cite, took it for an ornament, to do the 
like with those that wrote before them. Seventhly, 
it is an argument of indigestion, when Greek and 
Latin sentences unchewed come up again, as they 
use to do, unchanged. Lastly, though I reverence 
those men of ancient time, that either have written 
truth perspicuously, or set us in a better way to find 
it out ourselves ; yet to the antiquity itself I think 
nothing due. For if we will reverence the age, the 
present is the oldest. If the antiquity of the writer, 
I am not sure, that generally they to whom such 
honour is given, were more ancient when they wrote, 
than I am that am writing. But if it be well con 
sidered, the praise of ancient authors proceeds not 
from the reverence of the dead, but from the com 
petition, and mutual envy of the living. l 

Aubrey has more to tell us. For instance, about 
his reading : 

He had read much, if one considers his long life ; 
but his contemplation was much more than his 

1 pp. 555-6. 


reading. He was wont to say that if he had read as 
much as other men, he should have knowne no more 
than other men. l 

About his love of ingeniose conversation : 

c I have heard him say, that at his lord s house in 
the country there was a good library, and bookes 
enough for him, and that his lordship stored the 
library with what bookes he thought fitt to be 
bought ; but he sayd, the want of learned conversa 
tion was a very great inconvenience, and that though 
he conceived he could order his thinking as well 
perhaps as another man, yet he found a great defect. 2 

Studying Hobbes as we do in historical manuals 
of philosophy, with their extracted systems, we 
usually fail to recognize how strongly the blood of 
the. controversialist ran in his veins. Yet the 
Leviathan is first and foremost a controversial 
episode a fighting work. Hobbes himself professed 
regret that his thoughts for those ten years of civil 
war were so unhinged from the mathematics, but he 
certainly entered into the quarrel with alacrity. His 
interests were pre-eminently occupied with ecclesi 
astical problems. Born in 1588, an Oxford student 
at the time of the Gunpowder Plot, an indignant 
witness of the struggle of that age between religion 
and science, like every honest Englishman he 
pursued Pope and Jesuit with an undying hate. For 
the aversion to Rome and the Roman claims there 

1 Aubrey, i. 349. 2 Ibid., i. 337-8. 


was ample justification. By his Bull of Deposition 
in 1570 Pope Pius V had challenged the struggle, 
and rendered the position of English Catholics 
untenable. From a respected if prohibited faith 
they became recusants : from recusants, traitors. 
It was the Papal policy and its indefatigable agents 
the Jesuits which were to blame. What peace was 
possible with men who repudiated moral obligations, 
who hesitated at no crime ad maiorem Dei gloriam ? 
The same dishonesty which covered their actions 
and their name with infamy for succeeding gene 
rations, rendered their apologetic literature the 
poorest trash and the most immoral stuff that was 
ever justly consigned to oblivion. Bellarmine and 
Baronius once were names to conjure with : does any 
one respect them now ? Their only merit is that 
they called for answer and some of the answers 
are among the most precious treasures of English 
Theology. Hobbes too must break a lance with 
Bellarmine in the Leviathan. And Hobbes was not 
the least vigorous or the worst equipped of the 
English champions. 

For indeed Hobbes deserves a place among the 
Masters in English Theology. Strange company, 
it may seem. But if Hobbes be read in connexion 
with the line of great English apologists apologists 
for Protestantism and apologists for Anglicanism, it 
will at once be evident to any unprejudiced mind 
that the lines of defence and attack on which the 
Fathers of Anglicanism Jewel, Hooker, Andrewes, 


Laud, Chilling worth, Jeremy Taylor conducted the 
debate were adopted with a thoroughness all his 
own by Hobbes. He dotted the i s and crossed the t s 
of the divines ; sharpened their logic, sounded their 
inferences, and appended a few corollaries from which 
they themselves might have shrunk. The theory of 
a national and autonomous Church outlined by 
Jewel and compendiously stated by Hooker ( the 
prince has power to change the public face of 
religion ), hardly allowed of clearer definition in 
Hobbes s brief chapter 1 on the identity of Church 
and Commonwealth and the consequences flowing 

Again, the distinction between the necessary and 
the variable, fundamentals and non-fundamentals, 
articles of faith and matters of opinion, was the real 
principle of the Reformation. For the constant 
effort of the Roman Church was to extend the list 
of matters which were de fide, and to minimize the 
variable element as far as possible. So that, when 
he asserts and proves that the unum necessarimn, 
the only article of faith, which the Scripture 
maketh necessary to salvation, is this, that Jesus is 
the Christ, Hobbes is taking the Anglican position 
occupied for instance by Chillingworth and Jeremy 
Taylor. Not that he ever dreamt, as they did, of 
allowing the antithesis to become the premiss of 
religious freedom. With him as with Laud it 
drove to an opposite conclusion. If a practice, an 

1 Chapter xxxix, pp. 361-3. 


opinion, is non-essential, then it is indifferent ; if 
indifferent, then the commonwealth, i.e. the sove 
reign, must decide. What the rule was did not 
matter, all that mattered was that a rule there 
should be. 

Once again, Anglican polemics had been con 
strained to welcome the aid of philology against 
controversialists who let us charitably assume in 
ignorance of Greek employed texts which were 
forgeries, and emended those which were not. 
Jeremy Taylor was more than doubtful as to the 
value of patristic testimony, and could not away 
with the Athanasian Creed. 

Hobbes goes so far as to subject the whole canon 
of Scripture to a critical examination, which in its 
boldness anticipates the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus 
of Spinoza. 

And yet the Church of England always viewed 
this self-constituted ally with something more than 
suspicion. His Erastianism was of a type which 
only Selden and a few lawyers could appreciate. 
Honest Baillie spoke of him as Hobbes the Atheist : 
there were those who hinted darkly that he was 
no other than Antichrist. It is true his views on 
the Trinity were of a Sabellian complexion ; and in 
one famous passage he was incautious enough to 
make Moses one of the three persons thereof. In 
Hobbes s time Legate and Wightman had been burnt 
for less. He himself would have made an unwilling 
martyr. There was a report (and surely true), 


says Aubrey, that in Parliament, not long after 
the king was settled, (in fact it was 1668), some of 
the bishops made a motion to have the good old 
gentleman burnt for a heretique. l I don t know 
that they actually went as far as that, whatever they 
thought ; but certain it is they inquired into his 
books, that the University of Cambridge in 1669 
compelled one Daniel Scargill, Fellow of Corpus 
Christi, to recant his Hobbism, 2 and that Hobbes 
himself was grievously alarmed. And with some 
justice : for despite his eloquent legal defence, 
I doubt whether the common lawyers would have 
been deterred from issuing the writ de haeretico 

Happily the only result was to send up the price 
of his books this from the good Pepys, who tried 
to buy them. What did Pepys think of them ? 

Hobbes may well have been uncomfortable : he 
knew, better probably than even the bishops, how A 
thoroughly he deserved to be burnt. With sophistry \ 
and sense, with satire and suggestion, he had been 
fighting, single-handed, in the cause of the lay f 
intellect. When Mr. T. Hobbes was sick in France ; 
the divines came to him and tormented him (both 
Roman Catholic, Church of England, and Geneva). 
Sayd he to them, "Let me alone or else I will detect 
all your cheates from Aaron to yourselves." 3 The 

1 Aubrey, i. 339. 

2 Somers Tracts, ed. 1809-12, vol. vii, p. 371. 

3 Aubrey, i. 357. 


threatened attack vivacious, detailed, and precise 
was delivered in the last two books of the Leviathan. 
How thorough the assault was you may judge for 
yourselves if you will read them ; the tone you may 
estimate from a few illustrations, which may perhaps 
encourage you to read further. 1 

A good-natured critic will refuse to see in Hobbes 
anything more than the sturdy Protestant, the 
stalwart champion of national religion, denouncing 
with equal emphasis the frauds of priestcraft and 
the irresponsibility of private judgement. His 
friends certainly believed that the good old gentle 
man was a sound Christian at heart. He may have 
been : it is more evident that he was an Erastian. 
Many of us most of us in fact are Erastians with 
certain limitations : Hobbes was an Erastian without 
limitations. It is customary to count him among 
the pioneers of Natural Religion and Rational 
Theology. For such a view I can find no evidence. 
Natural Law is indeed the law of reason^^found, out 
by reason : but National Religiori te not the re 
ligion of reason. Nature indeed plants the seeds of 
religion fear and ignorance ; kingcraft and priest 
craft water and tend it. The religion of" reason is 
the religion of the State arid the State bids us 
captivate our reason. It is with the mysteries of 
our religion as with wholesome pills for the .sick : 

1 Cf. on Inspiration, pp. 312-14; on Hell, p. 351 ; on the 
Soul, p. 526; on the Hot-houses of Vain Philosophy, p. 518; 011 
Aristotelity and Theology, pp. 523-4; on the Universities, p. 523. 
Cf. his sketch of the origin and history of Universities, p. 523. 


which swallowed whole have the virtue to cure ; 
but chewed are for the most part cast up again 
without effect. 1 

Hobbes had his bitter jest with his contemporaries, 
and the whirligig of time has had its revenges. He 
has suffered much from his opponents, more from 
his defenders, most from his plagiarists. Oxford 
once burnt the Leviathan : she now prescribes it to 
her students ; but the prescribed portion is very 
limited, and there is no reason to suppose that she 
has ever .understood him. It was, after all, a nemesis 
well deseWed. A great partisan by nature, Hobbes 
became by the sheer force of his fierce, concentrated 
intellect a master builder in philosophy. The 
stimulus of opposition roused him to think. He 
hated error, and therefore, to confute it, he shoul 
dered/his way into the very sanctuary of truth. 
But his hands were not clean, nor his spirit pure ; 
patient research and absolute devotion were not in 
his nature to give ; he never felt the bright shoots 
of everlastingness , and resolutely closed his eyes to 
the high vision. With all his intellectual power he 
is of the earth earthy ; at best the Lydian stone of 
philosophy, and rare at definitions . 2 

1 p- 287. 2 Aubrey, i. 394. 



The Matter,, Forme, & Power 






By THOMAS HOBBES of Malmesbury . 


Printed for ANDREW C R o o K E , at the Green Dragon 
in St. Pauls Church-yard, 165-1. 




of Godolphin. 

Honored Sir, 

YOUR most worthy Brother M r Sidney Godolphin, 
when he lived, was pleas d to think my studies something, 
and otherwise to oblige me, as you know, with reall testi 
monies of his good opinion, great in themselves, and the 
greater for the worthinesse of his person. For there is 
not any vertue that disposeth a man, either to the 
service of God, or to the service of his Country, to Civill 
Society, or private Friendship, that did not manifestly 
appear in his conversation, not as acquired by necessity, 
or affected upon occasion, but inhaerent, and shining in 
a generous constitution of his nature. Therefore in 
honour and gratitude to him, and with devotion to your 
selfe, I humbly Dedicate unto you this my discourse 
of Common-wealth. I know not how the, world will 
receive it, nor how it may reflect on those that shall seem 
to favour it. For in a way beset with those that contend, 
on one side for too great Liberty, and on the other side 
for too much Authority, tis hard to passe between the 
points of both unwounded. But yet, me thinks, the 
endeavour to advance the Civill Power, should not be 
by the Civill Power condemned ; nor private men, by 
reprehending it, declare they think that Power too 
great. Besides, -I speak not of the men, but (in the 
Abstract) of the Seat of Power, (like to those simple and 
unpartiall creatures in the Roman Capitol, that with 
their noyse defended those within it, not because they 
were they, but there,) offending none, I think, but those 
without, or such within (if there be any such) as favour 
them. That which perhaps may most offend, are certain 
Texts of Holy Scripture, alledged by me to other purpose 
than ordinarily they use to be by others. But I have 

B 2 


done it with due submission, and also (in order to my 
.. iHect) necessarily ; for they are the Outworks of the 
TV -. T/, from whence they impugne the Civill Power. 
. notwithstanding this, you find my labour generally 
decryed, you may be pleased to excuse your selfe, and 
say I am a man that love my own opinions, and think 
all true I say, that I honoured your Brother, and honour 
you, and have presum d on that, to assume the Title 
(without your knowledge) of being, as I am, 

Your most humble, and most 

obedient servant, 
Paris. Aprill Jf. 1651. THO. HOBBES. 

ft o/ 

The Contents of the Chapters 353. 

i^l np- ;. 

The first Part, 

Of MAN. 

Chap. Page. 

Introduction. 1 1 

i,. Of Sense. / 3 

^. O/ Imagination. 4 

3. O/ /A0 Consequence or Train of Imaginations. 

4. Of Speech. 12 

5. Of Reason and Science. 18 

6. O/ #&0 interiour Beginnings of Voluntary Motions, 

commonly called the Passions ; And the Speeches 
by which they are expressed. 23 

7. Of the Ends or Resolutions of Discourse. 30 

8. Of the Vert ues, commonly called Intellectuall, and 

their contrary Defects. 32 

9. Of the sever all Subjects of Knowledge. 40 
jtp. Of Power, Worth, Dignity, Honour, and Worthinesses 

11. Of the Difference of Manners. 47 

12. Of Religion. 52 

13. Of the Naturall Condition of Mankind as concerning 

their Felicity and Misery. 60 - 

14. Of the first and second Naturall Lawes and of Con 

tract. 64 

15. Of other Lawes of Nature. 71 
.16. Of Persons, Authors, and things Personated. 80 - 

The second Part, 

> Of the Causes, Generation, and Definition of a Common 
wealth. 85 
) Oj the Rights of Soveraignes by Institution. 88 


severall Kinds of Common-wealth by Instit\ niy 

o/ Succession to the Soveraign Power. tb 
Dominion Paternall, and Despoticall. 101 . 
j* n< 9/ ^ Li forty o/ Subjects. 107 / < 
?)/ Systemes Subject, Politically and Private. 115 r i 
3h c / the Publique Ministers of Soveraign Power. 123 $ * 
^ . 3v ^ Nutrition, and Procreation of a Common 
wealth. 127 < 
25. O/ Counsell. 131 
26. O/ C^j// Lawes. 136 

27. O/ Crimes, Excuses, and Extenuations. 151 

28. Of Punishments, and, Rewards. 161 
-29. O/ //jos things that Weaken, or tend to the Dissolution 

of a Common-wealth. 167 ? 

30. O/ //?^ Office of the Soveraign Representative. 175 2. 

_3i. O/ /^ Kingdome of God by Nature. 186 -" 

The third Part. 

32. Of the Principles of Christian Politiques. 195:281, 

33. Of the Number, Antiquity, Scope, Authority, and 

Interpreters of the Books of Holy Scripture. 199 

34. Of the signification, of Spirit, Angell, and Inspiration 

in the Books of Holy Scripture. 207 

35. Of the signification in Scripture of the Kingdome of 

God, of Holy, Sacred, and Sacrament. 216 

36. Of the Word of God, and of Prophets. 222 

37. Of Miracles, and their use. 233 

38. Of the signification in Scripture of Eternall life, Hel, 

Salvation, the World to come, and Redemption. 238 

39. Of the Signification in Scripture of the word 

Church. 247 

40. Of the Rights of the Kingdome of God, in Abraham, 

Moses, the High Priests, and the Kings of Judah. 249 

41. Of the Office of our Blessed Saviour. 261 

42. Of Power Ecclesiasticall. 267 

43. Of what is Necessary for a mans Reception into the 

Kingdome of Heaven. 321 


The fourth Part. 

Chap. Page. 

44. Of Spirituall Darknesse from Misinterpretation of 

Scripture. 333 

45. Of D&monology, and other Reliques of the Religion of 

the Gentiles. 352 

46. Of Darknesse from Vain Philosophy, and Fabulous 

Traditions. 367 

47. Of the Benefit proceeding from such Darknesse ; and, 

to whom it accreweth. 381 

A Review and Conclusion. 389 


PAGE 48. In the Margin, for love Praise, read love of Praise. 
p. 75. 1. 5. for signied, r. signified, p. 88. 1. i. iorperforme, r. forme. 
1. 35. for Soveraign, r. the Soveraign. p. 94. 1. 14. for lands, r. 
hands, p. 100. 1. 28. for in, r. in his. p. 102. 1. 46. for in, r. is, 
p. 105. in the margin, for ver. 10. r. ver. 19. &c. p. 116. 1. 46. for 
are involved, r. are not involved, p. 120. 1. 42. for Those Bodies, 
r. These Bodies, p. 137. 1. 2. for i w generall. r, z w generall, p. 139. 
1. 36. for t/ef<?, r. where, p. 166. 1. 18. for benefit, r. benefits, p. 200. 
1. 48. dele a/so. 1. 49. for delivered, r. deliver, p. 203. 1. 35. for 
other, r. higher, p. 204. 1. 15. for and /e/f, r. i/ left. 1. 39. for write, 
r. ze;n #. p. 206. 1. 19. for o/ /Ae, r. over the. p. 234. 1. i. for but of, 
r. but by mediation of. 1. 15. dele and. 1. 38. for putting, r. pulling. 
p. 262. 1. 19. for tisme, r. Baptisme. p. 268. 1. 48. for //ia /?, 
r. that. p. 271. 1. i. for observe, r. obey. 1. 4. for contrary the, r. 
contrary to the. p. 272. 1. 36. for our Saviours of life, r. of our 
Saviours life. p. 275. 1. 18. for if shall, r. if he shall. 1. 30. for 
haven, r. heaven. 1. 45. for of Church, r. o/ the Church, p. 276. 
1. 38. dele inter. 1. 46. dele are. p. 285. 1. 1 1. for he had, r. he hath. 
p. 287. 1. 10. dele of. p. 298. 1. 36. for to ay, r. to Lay. p. 361.!. 36. 
for him, r. them. 

[These errata have been corrected in the text of this reprint.] 

m THE 


NATURE (the Art whereby God hath made and governes 
the World) is by the Art of man, as in many other things, 
so in this also imitated, that it can make an Artificial 
Animal. For seeing life is but a motion of Limbs, the 
begining whereof is in some principall part within ; why 
may we not say, that all Automata (Engines that move 
themselves by springs and wheeles as doth a watch) 
have an artificiall life? For what is the Heart, but 
a Spring ; and the Nerves, but so many Strings ; and 
the Joynts, but so many Wheeles, giving motion to the 
whole Body, such as was intended by the Artificer ? 
Art goes yet further, imitating that Ration all and most 
excellent worke of Nature, Man. For by Art is created 
that great LEVIATHAN called a COMMON-WEALTH, or 
STATE, (in latine CIVITAS) which is but an Artificiall 
Man ; though of greater stature and strength than the 
Naturall, for whose protection and defence it was 
intended ; and in which, the Soveraignty is an Artificiall 
Soul, as giving life and motion to the whole body ; The 
Magistrates, and other Officers of Judicature and Execu 
tion, artificiall Joynts ; Reward and Punishment (by 
which fastned to the seate of the Soveraignty, every joynt 
and member is moved to performe his duty) are the 
Nerves, that do the same in the Body Naturall ; The 
Wealth and Riches of all the particular members, are the 
Strength ; Salus Populi (the peoples safety) its Businesse ; 
Counsellors, by whom all things needful! for it to know, 
are suggested unto it, are the Memory ; Equity and 
Lawes, an artificiall Reason and Will ; Concord, Health ; 
Sedition, Sicknesse ; and Civill war, Death. Lastly, the 
Pacts and Covenants, by which the parts of this Body 
Politique were at first made, se1*t<jyjether, and united, 
resemble that Fiat, or the Let us make man, pronounced 
by God in the Creation. 


To describe the Nature of this Artificiall man, I will I>] 

First, the Matter thereof, and the Artificer ; both 

which is Man. 
Secondly, How, and by what Covenants it is made ; 

what are the Rights and just Power or Authority 

of a Soveraigne ; and what it is that preserveth 

and dissolveth it. 

Thirdly, what is a Christian Common-wealth^ 
Lastly, what is the Kingdome of Darkness. 

Concerning the first, there is a saying much usurped 
of late, That Wisedome is acquired, not by reading of 
Books, but of Men. Consequently whereunto, those 
persons, that for the most part can give no other proof 
of being wise, take great delight to shew what they think 
they have read in men, by uncharitable censures of one 
another behind their backs. But there is another saying 
not of late understood, by which they might learn truly 
to read one another, if they would take the pains ; and 
that is, Nosce teipsum, Read thy self : which was not 
meant, as it is now used, to countenance, either the 
barbarous state of men in power, towards their inferiors ; 
or to encourage men of low degree, to a sawcie behaviour 
towards their betters ; But to teach us, that for the 
similitude of the thoughts, and Passions of one man, to 
the thoughts, and Passions of another, whosoever looketh 
into himself, and considereth what he doth, when he 
does think, opine, reason, hope, feare, &c, and upon what 
grounds ; he shall thereby read and know, what are the 
thoughts, and Passions of all other men, upon the like 
occasions. I say the similitude of Passions, which are 
the same in all men, desire, feare, hope, &c ; not the 
similitude of the objects of the -Passions, which are the 
things desired, feared, hoped, &c : for these the constitu 
tion individuall, and particular education do so vary, 
and they are so easie to be kept from our knowledge, 
that the characters of rja^ns heart, blotted and con 
founded as they a^e^ ^th dissembling, lying, counter 
feiting, and erroneous doctrines, are legible onely to him 
that searcheth hearts. And though by mens actions wee 


do discover their designe sometimes ; yet to do it with 
out comparing them with our own, and distinguishing 
all circumstances, by which the case may come to be 
altered, is to decypher without a key, and be for the 
most part deceived, by too much trust, or by too much 
diffidence ; as he that reads, is himself a good or evil man. 
But let one man read another by his actions never so 
perfectly, it serves him onely with his acquaintance, 
! which are but few. He that is to govern a whole Nation, 
must read in himself, not this, or that particular man ; 
but Man-kind : which though it be hard to do, harder 
than to learn any Language, or Science ; yet, when 
I shall have set down my own reading orderly, and 
perspicuously, the pains left another, will be onely to 
consider, if he also find not the same in himself. For 
this kind of Doctrine, admitteth no other Demonstration. 

Part i. Chap. i. 




CONCERNING the Thoughts of man, I will consider 
them first Singly, and afterwards in Trayne, or depen- 
dance upon one another. Singly, they are every one 
a Representation or Apparence, of some quality, or other 
Accident of a body without us ; which is commonly 
called an Object. Which Object worketh on the Eyes, 
Eares, and other parts of mans body ; and by diversity 
of working, produceth diversity of Apparences. 

The Originall of them all, is that which we call SENSE ; 
(For there is no conception in a mans mind, which hath 
not at first, totally, or by parts, been begotten upon the 
organs of Sense.) The rest are derived from that originall. 

To know the naturall cause of Sense, is not very 
necessary to the business now in hand ; and I have else 
where written of the same at large. Nevertheless, to fill 
each part of my present method, I will briefly deliver the 
same in this place. 

The cause of Sense, is the Extern all Body, or Object, 
which presseth the organ proper to each Sense, either 
immediatly, as in the Tast and Touch ; or mediately, as 
in Seeing, Hearing, and Smelling : which pressure, by 
the mediation of Nerves, and other strings, and^rnem- 
br^nes of the body, continued inwards to the Bra^ and 
Beatt, causeth there a resistance, or counter-pressure, 
or endeavour of the hgart, to deliver it self : which 
endeavour because Outmkd, seemeth to be some matter 
without. And this seeming, ^L_Jancy,_\s that which men 
call Sense ; and consisteth, as to tneTEye] in a Light, or 
Colowrfjj>ured ; To the Eare, in a Sound ; To the Nostrill, 
in an Odour ; To the Tongue, and Palat, in a Savour ; 
And to the rest of the body, in Heat, Cold, Hardnesse, 
Softnesse, and such other qualities, as we discern by 
Feeling. All which qualities called Sensible, are in the 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. i. 

^object that causeth them, but so many several motions 


*othe mattelrngTjv^^ divefsly. 

NeifneFm"us that are~pressed, are they any thing else, 
but divers motions ; (for motion, produceth nothing but 
motion.) But their apparence to us is Fancy, the same 
waking, that dreaming. And as pressing, rubbing, or 
striking the Eye, makes us fancy a light ; and pressing 
the Eare, produceth a dinne ; so do the bodies also we 
see, or hear, produce the same by their strong, though 

= unobserved action. For if those Colours, and Sounds, 
were in the Bodies, or Objects that cause them, they 

[4] could not bee severed from them, as by glasses, and in 
Ecchoes by reflection, wee see they are ; where we know 
the thing we see, is in one place ; the apparence, in 
another. And though at some certain distance, the reall, 
and very object seem invested with the fancy it begets in 
us ; Yet still the object is one thing, the image or fancy 
is another. So that Sense in all cases^ is nothing els but 
originall f aricy^ cjiis2t(^^j^ve_^djjb^the_pressure, 
jthat JsTby the motjpn^jp^externail things^apon ourTTyes, 

" But fheTTiilosophy-schobles, through all the Univer 
sities of Christendome, grounded upon certain Texts of 
Aristotle, teach another doctrine ; and say, For the 
cause of Vision, that the thing seen, sendeth forth on 
every side a visible species (in English) a visible shew, 
apparition, or aspect, or a being seen ; the receiving 
whereof into the Eye, is Seeing. And for the cause of 
Hearing, that the thing heard, sendeth forth an Audible 
species, that is, an Audible aspect, or Audible being seen ; 
which entring at the Eare, maketh Hearing. Nay for 
the cause of Understanding also, they say the thing 
Understood sendeth forth intelligible species, that is, an 
intelligible being seen ; which comming into the Under 
standing, makes us Understand. I say not this, as disap 
proving the use of Universities : but because I am to 
speak hereafter of their office in a Common-wealth, 
I must let you see on aL 1 occasions by the way, what 
things would be amended in them ; amongst which the 
frequency of insignificant Speech is one. 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 2. 13 



THAT when a thing lies still, unlesse somewhat els 
stirre it, it will lye still for ever, is a truth that no man 
doubts of. But that when a thing is in motion, it will 
eternally be in motion, unless somewhat els stay it, 
though the reason be the same, (namely, that nothing 
can change it selfe,) is not so easily assented to. For 
men measure, not onely other men, but all other things, 
by themselves : and because they find themselves sub 
ject after motion to pain, and lassitude, think every 
thing els growes weary of motion, and seeks repose of its 
own accord ; little considering, whether it be not some 
other motion, wherein that desire of rest they find in 
themselves, consisteth. From hence it is, that the 
Schooles say, Heavy bodies fall downwards, out of an 
appetite to rest, and to conserve their nature in that 
place which is most proper for them ; ascribing appetite 
and Knowledge of what is good for their conservation, 
(which is more than man has) to things inanimate, absurdly. 

When a Body is once in motion, it moveth (unless 
something els hinder it) eternally ; and whatsoever 
hindreth it, cannot in an instant, but in time, and by 
degrees quite extinguish it : And as wee see in the water, 
though the wind cease, the waves give not over rowling 
for a long time after ; so also it happeneth in that [5l 
motion, which is made in the internall parts of a man, 
then, when he Sees, Dreams, &c. For after the object is 
removed, or the eye shut, wee still retain an image of 
the thing seen, though more obscure than when we 
see it. And this is it, the Latjnes call Imagination, from 
the image made in seeing ; and apply the same, though 
improperly, to all the other senses. But the Greeks call 
it Fancy ; which signifies apparence, and is as proper 
to one sense, as to another. IMAGINATION therefore is 
nothmg_but decaying sense ; and is found in rrrerrpaTicr 
manyotlier living Creatures, aswell sleeping, as waking. 

The decay of Sense in men waking, is not the decay 
of the motion made in sense ; but an oBscurml "~^ 

I 4 Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 2. 

such manner, as the light of the Sun obscureth the light 
of the Starres ; which starrs do no less exercise their 
vertue by which they are visible, in the day, than in the 
night. But because amongst many v stroaks, which our 
eyes, eares, and other organs receive from externall 
bodies, the predominant onely is sensible ; therefore 
the lighF^f the ~5uh being predominant, we are not 
affected with the action of the starrs. And any object 
being removed from our eyes, though the impression it 
made in us remain ; yet other objects more present 
succeeding, and working on us, the^Jmagination of the 
pastjsobscured^and made weak ; arthevoyce of a man 
^is ln^fnTliioyseot trie dayT From whence it followeth, 
that the longejLlhe time is, after the sight, or Sense of 
any object, theweaker is the Imagination? For^fhe 
c5ntmuall change of mans body, destroyes in time the 
parts which in sense were moved : So that distance of 
time, and of place, hath one and the same effect in us. 
For as at a great distance of place, that which wee look 
at, appears dimme, and without distinction of the 
smaller parts ; and as Voyces grow weak, and inarticu 
late : so also after great distance of time, our imagina 
tion of the Past is weak ; and wee lose (for example) of 
Cities wee have seen, many particular Streets ; and of 
Actions, many particular Circumstances. This decaying 
sense, when wee would express the thing it self, (I mean 
fancy it selfe,) wee call Imagination, as I said before : 
But when we would express the decay, and signifie that 
the Sense is fading, old, and past, it is called Memory. 
Memory. So that J[maginationa^__MemQnL are^but one thing, 
which for divers Considerations hath divers "name?: - 
Much memory, or memory of many things, is called 
Experience. Againe, Imagination being only of those 
things which have been formerly perceived by Sense, 
either all at once, or by parts at severall times ; The 
former, (which is the imagining the whole object, as it 
was presented to the sense) is simple Imagination ; as 
when one imagineth a man, or horse, which he hath seen 
before. The other is Compounded ; as when from the 
sight of a man at one time, and of a horse at another, we 
conceive in our mind a Centaure. So when a man com- 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 2. 15 

poundeth the image of his own person, with the image 
of the actions of an other man ; as when a man imagins 
himself e a Hercules, or an Alexander, (which happeneth 
often to them that are much taken with reading of 
Romants) it is a compound imagination, and properly 
but a Fiction of thelnind. There be also other Imagina- t 6 ! 
tions that rise in men, (though waking) from the great 
impression made in sense : As from gazing upon the Sun, 
the impression leaves an image of the Sun before our 
eyes a long time after ; and from being long and vehe 
mently attent upon Geometricall Figures, a man shall 
in the dark, (though awake) have the Images of Lines, 
and Angles before his eyes : which kind of Fancy hath 
no particular name ; as being a thing that doth not 
commonly fall into mens discourse. 

The imaginations of them that sleep, are those_we call Dreams. 
Dreams. And these also (as all other Imaginations) have 
Been Hefore, either totally, or by parcells in the Sense. 
And because in sense, the Brain, and Nerves, which are 
the necessary Organs of sense, are so benummed in 
sleep, as not easily to be moved by the action of Externall 
Objects, there can happen in sleep, no Imagination ; and 
therefore no Dreame, but what proceeds from the agita 
tion of the inward parts of mans body ; which inward 
parts, for the connexion they have with the Brayn, and 
other Organs, when they be distempered, do keep the 
same in motion ; whereby the Imaginations there for 
merly made, appeare as if a man were waking ; saving 
that the Organs of Sense being now benummed, so as 
there is no new object, which can master and obscure 
them with a more vigorous impression, a Dreame must 
needs be more cleare, in this silence of sense, than are 
our waking thoughts. And hence it cometh to passe, 
that it is a hard matter, and by many thought impossible 
to distinguish exactly between Sense and Dreaming. 
For my part, when I consider, that in Dreames, I do notl 
often, nor constantly think of the same Persons, Places, 
Objects, and Actions that I do waking ; nor remember j 
so long a trayne of coherent thoughts, Dreaming, as at J 
other times ; And because waking I often observe the i 
absurdity of Dreames, but never dream of the absurdities 

16 Part -i. OF MAN. Chap. 2. 

of my waking Thoughts ; I am well satisfied, that being 
awake, I know I dreame not ; though when I dreame, 
I think my selfe awake. 

And seeing dreames are caused by the distemper of 
some of the inward parts of the Body ; divers distempers 
must needs cause different Dreams. And hence it is, 
that lying cold breedeth Dreams of Feare, and raiseth 
the thought and Image of some fearfull object (the 
motion from the brain to the inner parts, and from the 
inner parts to the Brain being reciprocal! :) And that 
as Anger causeth heat in some parts of the Body, when 
we are awake ; so when we sleep, the over heating of 
the same parts causeth Anger, and raiseth up in the 
brain the Imagination of an Enemy. In the same 
manner ; as naturall kindness, when we are awake 
causeth desire ; and desire makes heat in certain other 
parts of the body ; so also, too much heat in those parts, 
while wee sleep, raiseth in the brain an imagination of 
some kindness shewn. In summe, our Dreams are the 
reverse of our waking Imaginations ; The motion when 
we are awake, beginning at one end ; and when we 
Dream, at another. 

The most difficult discerning of a mans Dream, from his 
[7] waking thoughts, is then, when by some accident we observe 
Appan- no t that we have slept : which is easie to happen to a man 
Visions * u ^ ^ f ear f u ll thoughts ; and whose conscience is much 
troubled ; and that sleepeth, without the circumstances, 
of going to bed, or putting oft his clothes, as one that 
noddeth in a chayre. For he that taketh pains, and 
industriously layes himself to sleep, in case any uncouth 
and exorbitant fancy come unto him, cannot easily think 
it other than a Dream. We read of Marcus Brutus, (one 
that had his life given him by Julius Ccesar, and was also 
his favorite, and notwithstanding murthered him,) how 
at Philippi, the night before he gave battell to Augustus 
Ccesar, hee saw a fearfull apparition, which is commonly 
related by Historians as a Vision : but considering che 
circumstances, one may easily judge to have been but 
a short Dream. For sitting in his tent, pensive and 
troubled with the horrour of his rash act, it was not hard 
for him, slumbering in the cold, to dream of that which 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 2. 17 

most affrighted him ; which feare, as by degrees it made 
him wake ; so also it must needs make the Apparition 
by degrees to vanish : And having no assurance that 
he slept, he could have no cause to think it a Dream, or 
any thing but a Vision. And this is no very rare Acci 
dent : for even they that be perfectly awake, if they be 
timorous, and supperstitious, possessed with fearfull 
tales, and alone in the dark, are subject to the like 
fancies ; and believe they see spirits and dead mens 
Ghosts walking in Church-yards ; whereas it is either 
their Fancy onely, or els the knavery of such persons, 
as make use of such superstitious feare, to passe disguised 
in the night, to places they would not be known to haunt. 
From this ignorance of how to distinguish Dreams, and 
other sfrpng^Paricies/ From Vision and Sense, did arise 
the greatest part of the Religion of the Gentiles in time 
past," tTTat worshipped Satyres, Fawnes, Nymphs, and 
the like ; and now adayes the opinion that rude people 
have of Fayries, Ghosts, and Goblins ; and of the power 
of Witches. For as for Witches, I think not that their 
witchcraft is any reall power ; but yet that they are 
justly punished, for the false belie fe they have, that they 
can do such mischief e, joyned with their purpose to do 
it if they can : their trade being neerer to a new Religion, 
than to a Craft or Science. And for Fayries, and walking 
Ghosts, the opinion of them has I think been on purpose, 
either taught, or not confuted, to keep in credit the use 
of Exorcisme, of Crosses, of holy Water, and other such 
inventions of Ghostly men. Never thelesse, there is no 
doubt, but God can make unnaturall Apparitions : But 
that he does it so often, as men need to feare such things, 
more than they feare the stay, or change, of the course 
of Nature, which he also can stay, and change, is no 
point of Christian faith. But evill men under pretext 
that God can do any thing, are so bold as to say any 
thing when it serves their turn, though they think it 
untrue ; It is the part of a wise man, to believe them no 
further, than right reason makes that which they say, 
appear credible. If this superstitious fear of Spirits were 
taken away, and with it, Prognostiques from Dreams, 
false Prophecies, and many other things depending 


18 Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 2. 

[8] thereon, by which, crafty ambitious persors abuse the 
simple people, men would be much more fitted than they 
are for civill Obedience. 

And this ought to be the work of the Schooles : but 
they rather nourish such doctrine. For (not knowing 
what Imagination, or the Senses are), what they receive, 
they teach : some saying, that Imaginations rise of 
themselves, and have no cause : Others that they rise 
most commonly from the Will ; and that Good thoughts 
are blown (inspired) into a man, by God ; and Evill 
thoughts by the Divell : or that Good thoughts are 
powred (infused) into a man, by God, and Evill ones by 
the Divell. Some say the Senses receive the Species of 
things, and deliver them to the Common -sense ; and the 
Common Sense delivers them over to the Fancy, and the 
Fancy to the Memory, and the Memory to the Judgement, 
like handing of things from one to another, with many 
words making nothing understood. 

Under- The Imagination that is raysed in man (or any other 
standing, creature indued with the faculty of imagining) by words, 
or other voluntary signes, is that we generally call 
Understanding ; and is common to Man and Beast. For 
a dogge by custome will understand the call, or the rating 
of his Master ; and so will many other Beasts. That 
Understanding which is peculiar to man, is the Under 
standing not onely his will ; but his conceptions and 
thoughts, by the sequell and contexture of the names of 
things into Affirmations, Negations, and other formes of 
Speech : And of this kinde of Understanding I shall 
speak hereafter. 


Of the Consequence or TRAYNE of Imaginations. 

BY Consequence, or TRAYNE of Thoughts, I understand 
that succession of one Thought to another, which is called 
(to distinguish it from Discourse in words) Mentall 

When a man thinketh on any thing whatsoever, His 
next Thought after, is not altogether so casuall as it 
seems to be. Not every Thought to every Thought sue- 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 3. 19 

ceeds indifferently. But as wee have no Imagination, 
whereof we have not formerly had Sense, in whole, or in 
parts ; so we have no Transition from one Imagination 
to another, whereof we never had the like before in our 
Senses. The reason whereof is this. All Fancies are 
Motions within us, reliques of those made in the Sense : 
And those motions that immediately succeeded one 
another in the sense, continue also together after Sense : 
In so much as the former comming again to take place, 
and be predominant, the later followeth, by coherence 
of the matter moved, in such manner, as water upon 
a plain Table is drawn which way any one part of it is 
guided by the finger. But because in sense, to one and 
the same thing perceived, sometimes one thing, some 
times another succeedeth, it comes to passe in time, 
thatjn the Imagining of any thing, there certainty [9] 
what we shall Imagine next ; Onely this is certain, it 
shall be something that succeeded the same before, at 
one time or another. 

This Trayne of Thoughts, or Mentall Discourse, is Tmyne of 
of two sorts. The first is Unguided, without Designe, and Thoughts 
inconstant ; Wherein there is no Passionate Thought, tt 
to govern ariH direct those that follow, to it self, as the 
end and scope of some desire, or other passion : In which 
case the thoughts are said to wander, and seem imperti 
nent one to another, as in a Dream. Such are Commonly 
the thoughts of men, that are not onely without company, 
but also without care of any thing ; though even then 
their Thoughts are as busie as at other times, but without 
harmony ; as the sound which a Lute out of tune would 
yeeld to any man; or in tune, to one that could not 
play. And yet in this wild ranging of the mind, a man 
may oft-times perceive the way of it, and the dependance 
of one thought upon another. For in a Discourse of 
our present civill warre, what could seem more imperti 
nent, than to ask (as one did) what was the value of 
a Roman Penny ? Yet the Coherence to me was 
manifest enough. For the Thought of the warre, 
introduced the Thought of the delivering up the King 
to his Enemies ; The Thought of that, brought in the 
Thought of the delivering up of Christ; and that again 

c 2 

20 Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 3. 

the Thought of the 30 pence, which was the price of 
that treason : and thence easily followed that malicious 
question ; and all this in a moment of time ; for Thought 
is quick. 

Tmyne of The second is more constant ; as being regulated by 
Thoughts some desire, and designe. For the impression made by 
such things as wee desire, or feare, is strong, and per 
manent, or, (if it cease for a time,) of quick return : so 
strong it is sometimes, as to hinder and break our sleep. 
From Desire, ariseth the Thought of some means we have 
seen produce the like of that which we ayme at ; and 
from the thought of that, the thought of means to that 
mean ; and so continually, till we come to some beginning 
within our own power. And because the End, by the 
greatnesse of the impression, comes often to mind, in 
case our thoughts begin to wander, they are quickly 
again reduced into the way: which observed by one 
of the seven wise men, made him give men this praecept, 
which is now worne out, Respice finem ; this is to say, 
in all your actions, look often upon what you would 
have, as the thing that directs all your thoughts in the 
way to attain it. 

The Trayn of regulated Thoughts is of two kinds ; 
One, when of an effect imagined, wee seek the causes, 
or means that produce it: and this is common to Man 
and Beast. The other is, when imagining any thing 
whatsoever, wee seek all the possible effects, that can 
by it be produced ; that is to say, we imagine what we 
can do with it, when wee have it. Of which I have 
not at any time seen any signe, but in man onely ; for 
this is a curiosity hardly incident to the nature of any 
living creature that has no other Passion but sensuall, 
such as are hunger, thirst, lust, and anger. In summe, 
the Discourse of the Mind, when it is governed by 
designe, is nothing but Seeking, or the faculty of Inven- 
[10] tion. which the Latines call Sagacitas, and Solertia; a 
hunting out of the causes, of some effect, present or past ; 
or of the effects, of some present or past cause. Some 
times a man seeks what he hath lost ; and from that 
place, and time, wherein hee misses it, his mind runs 
back, from place to place, and time to time, to find 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 3. 21 

where, and when he had it ; that is to say, to find 
some certain, and limited time and place, in which 
to begin a method of seeking. Again, from thence, his 
thoughts run over the same places and times, to find 
what action, or other occasion might make him lose it. 
This we call Remembrance, or Calling to mind : the Remem- 
Latines call it Reminiscentia, as it were a Re-conning bl/ance - 
of our former actions. 

Sometimes a man knows a place determinate, within 
the compasse whereof he is to seek ; and then his thoughts 
run over all the parts thereof, in the same manner, 
as one would sweep a room, to find a Jewell ; or as 
a Spaniel ranges the field, till he find a sent ; or as 
a man should run over the Alphabet, to start a rime. 

Sometime a man desires to know the event of an Prudence. 
action ; and then he thinketh of some like action past, 
and the events thereof one after another ; supposing 
like events will follow like actions. As he that foresees 
what wil become of a Criminal, re-cons what he has 
seen follow on the like Crime before ; having this order 
of thoughts, The Crime, the Officer, the Prison, the 
Judge, and the Gallowes. Which kind of thoughts 
is called Foresight, and Prudence, or Providence ; and 
sometimes Wisdome ; though such conjecture, through 
the difficulty of observing all circumstances, be very 
fallacious. But this is certain ; by how much one 
man has more experience of things past, than another ; 
by so much also he is more Prudent, and his expectations 
the seldomer faile him. The Present onely has a being 
in Nature ; things Past have a being in the Memory onely, 
but things to come have no being at all ; the Future being 
but a fiction of the mind, applying the sequels of actions 
Past, to the actions that are Present ; which with most 
certainty is done by him that has most Experience ; but 
not with certainty enough. And though it be called 
Prudence, when the Event answereth our Expectation ; 
yet in its own nature, it is but Presumption. For the 
foresight of things to come, which is Providence, belongs 
onely to him by whose will they are to come. From him 
onely, and supernaturally, proceeds Prophecy. The best 
Prophet naturally is the best guesser ; and the best 

22 Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 3. 

guesser, he that is most versed and studied in the matters 
he guesses at : for he hath most Signes to guesse by. 
Signes. A Signe, is the Event Antecedent, of the Consequent ; 
and contrarily, the Consequent of the Antecedent, when 
the like Consequences have been observed, before : And 
the oftner they have been observed, the lesse uncertain 
is the Signe. And therefore he that has most experience 
in any kind of businesse, has most Signes, whereby to 
guesse at the Future time ; and consequently is the 
most prudent : And so much more prudent than he that 
is new in that kind of business, as not to be equalled by 
any advantage of naturall and extemporary wit : though 
perhaps many young men think the contrary. 

Neverthelesse it is not Prudence that distinguisheth 
L 11 ] man from beast. There be beasts, that at a year old 
observe more, and pursue that which is for their good, 
more prudently, than a child can do at ten. 

Conjee- As Prudence is a Prtesumtion of the Future, con- 
ture of the tracted from the Experience of time Past : So there is 
time past. a p raesum tion of things Past taken from other things 
(not future but) past also. For he that hath seen by 
what courses and degrees, a flourishing State hath first 
come into civil warre, and then to ruine ; upon the sight 
of the ruines of any other State, will guesse, the like 
warre, and the like courses have been there also. But 
this conjecture, has the same incertainty almost with the 
conjecture of the Future ; both being grounded onely 
upon Experience. 

There is no other act of mans mind, that I can remem 
ber, naturally planted in him, so, as to need no other 
thing, to the exercise of it, but to be born a man, and 
live with the use of his five Senses. Those other Faculties, 
of which I shall speak by and by, and which seem proper 
to man onely, are acquired, and encreased by study and 
industry ; and of most men learned by instruction, and 
discipline ; and proceed all from the invention of Words, 
and Speech. For besides Sense, and Thoughts, and the 
Trayne of thoughts, the mind of man has no other 
motion ; though by the help of Speech, and Method, the 
same Facultyes may be improved to such a height, as to 
distinguish men from all other living Creatures. 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 4. 23 

Whatsoever we imagine, is Finite. Therefore there is 
no Idea, or conception of any thing we call Infinite. No 
man can have in his mind an Image of infinite magnitude ; 
nor conceive infinite swiftness, infinite time, or infinite 
force, or infinite power. When we say any thing is 
infinite, we signifie onely, that we are not able to con 
ceive the ends, and bounds of the thing named ; having 
no Conception of the thing, but of our own inability. 
And therefore the Name of God is used, not to make us 
conceive him ; (for he is Incomprehensible ; and his 
greatnesse, and power are unconceivable ;) but that we 
may honour him. Also because whatsoever (as I said 
before,) we conceive, has been perceived first by sense, 
either all at once, or by parts ; a man can have no 
thought, representing any thing, not subject to sense. 
No man therefore can conceive any thing, but he must 
conceive it in some place ; and indued with some deter 
minate magnitude ; and which may be divided into 
parts ; nor that any thing is all in this place, and all in 
another place at the same time ; nor that two, or more 
things can be in one, and the same place at once : For 
none of these things ever have, or can be incident to 
Sense ; but are absurd speeches, taken upon credit 
(without any signification at all,) from deceived Philoso 
phers, and deceived, or deceiving Schoolemen. 

CHAP. IV. [12] 


THE Invention of Printing, though ingenious, com- Originall 
pared with the invention of Letters, is no great matter. f Speech. 
But who was the first that found the use of Letters, is 
not known. He that first brought them into Greece, men 
say was Cadmus, the sonne of Agenor, King of Phoenicia. 
A profitable Invention lor continuing the memory of 
time past, and the conjunction of mankind, dispersed 
into so many, and distant regions of the Earth ; and 
with all difficult, as proceeding from a watchfull observa 
tion of the divers motions of the Tongue, Palat, Lips, and 
other organs of Speech ; whereby to make as many 

24 Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 4. 

differences of characters, to remember them. But the 
most noble and profitable invention of all other, was 
that of SPEECH, consisting of Names or Appellations, and 
their Connexion ; whereby men register their Thoughts ; 
recall them when they are past ; and also declare them 
one to another for mutuall utility and conversation ; 
without which, there had been amongst men, neither 
Common-wealth, nor Society, nor Contract, nor Peace, 
no more than amongst Lyons, Bears, and Wolves. The 
first author of Speech was God himself, that instructed 
Adam how to name such creatures as he presented to 
his sight ; For the Scripture goeth no further in this 
matter. But this was sufficient to direct him to adde 
more names, as the experience and use of the creatures 
should give him occasion ; and to joyn them in such 
manner by degrees, as to make himself understood ; 
and so by succession of time, so much language might 
be gotten, as he had found use for ; though not so 
copious, as an Orator or Philosopher has need of. For 
I do not find any thing in the Scripture, out of which, 
directly or by consequence can be gathered, that Adam 
was taught the names of all Figures, Numbers, Measures, 
Colours, Sounds, Fancies, Relations ; much less the 
names of Words and Speech, as Generally Special!, 
Affirmative, Negative, Interrogative, Optative, Infinitive, 
all which are usefull ; and least of all, of Entity, Inten- 
tionality, Quiddity, and other insignificant words of the 

But all this language gotten, and augmented by Adam 
and his posterity, was again lost at the tower of Babel, 
when by the hand of God, every man was stricken for 
his rebellion, with an oblivion of his former language. 
And being hereby forced to disperse themselves into 
severall parts of the world, it must needs be, that the 
diversity of Tongues that now is, proceeded by degrees 
from them, in such manner, as need (the mother of all 
inventions) taught them ; and in tract of time grew 
every where more copious. 

The use of The generall use of Speech, is to transferre our Mentall 

Speech. Discourse, jnto Verbal ; or the Trayne of our Thoughts, 

into a Trayne of Words ; arfd that for two commodities ; 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 4. 25 

whereof one is, the Registring of the Consequences of [13] 
our Thoughts ; which being apt to slip out of our 
memory, and put us to a new labour, may again be 
recalled, by such words as they were marked by. So 
that the first use of names, is to serve for Markes, or Notes 
of remembrance. Another is, when many use the same 
words, to signifie (by their connexion and order,) one to 
another, what they conceive, or think of each matter ; 
and also what they desire, feare, or have any other 
passion for. And for this use they are called Signes. 
Speciall uses of Speech are these ; First, to Register, 
what by cogitation, wee find to be the cause of any thing, 
present or past ; and what we find things present or 
past may produce, or effect : which in summe, is acquir 
ing of Arts. Secondly, to shew to others that knowledge 
which we have attained ; which is, to Counsell, and Teach . 
one another. Thirdly, to make_known~To7 others our 
wills, and purposes, that we^may have the mutuall help 
of one another. Fourthly, to please and delight our 
selves, and others, by playing with our words, for 
pleasure or ornament, innocently. 

To these Uses, there are also foure correspondent A buses of 
Abuses. First, when men register their thoughts wrong, Speech. 
by the inconstancy of the signification of their words ; 
by which they register for their conceptions, that which 
they never conceived ; and so deceive themselves. 
Secondly, when they use words metaphorically ; that is, 
in other sense than that they are ordained for ; and 
thereby deceive others. Thirdly, when by words they 
declare that to be their will, which is not. Fourthly, 
when they use them to grieve one another : for seeing 
nature hath armed living creatures, some with teefh, 
some with horns, and some with hands, to grieve an 
enemy, it is but an abuse of Speech, to grieve him with the 
tongue, unlesse it be one whom wee are obliged to govern ; 
and then it is not to grieve, but to correct and amend. 

The manner how Speech serveth to the remembrance 
of the consequence of causes and effects, consisteth in the 
imposing of Names, and the Connexion of them. 

Of Names, some are Proper, and singular to one onely Names 
thing ; as Peter, John, This man, this Tree : and some Proper & 


26 Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 4. 

are Common to many things ; as Man, Horse, Tree ; 

every of which though but one Name, is nevertheless 

the name of divers particular things ; in respect of all 

Uni- which together, it is called an Universall ; there being 

versall. nothing in the world Universall but Names ; for the 

things named, are every one of them Individuall and 


One Universall name is imposed on many things, for 
their similitude in some quality, or other accident : 
And wheras a Proper Name bringeth to mind one thing 
onely ; Universals recall any one of those many. 

And of Names Universall, some are of more, and some 
of lesse extent ; the larger comprehending the less large : 
and some again of equall extent, comprehending each 
other reciprocally. As for example, the Name Body is 
of larger signification than the word Man, and compre- 
hendeth it ; and the names Man and Rationall, are of 
equall extent, comprehending mutually one another. 
[14! But here wee must take notice, that by a Name is not 
alwayes understood, as in Grammar, one onely Word ; 
but sometimes by circumlocution many words together. 
For all these words, Hee that in his .actions observeth the 
Lawes of his Country, make but one Name, equivalent 
to this one word, Just. 

By this imposition of Names, some of larger, some of 
stricter signification, we turn the reckoning of the conse 
quences of things imagined in the mind, into a reckoning 
of the consequences of Appellations. For example, 
a man that hath no use of Speech at all, (such, as is born 
and remains perfectly deafe and dumb,) if he set before 
his eyes a triangle, and by it two right angles, (such as 
are the corners of a square figure,) he may by meditation 
compare and find, that the three angles of that triangle, 
are equall to those two right angles that stand by it. But 
if another triangle be shewn him different in shape from 
the former, he cannot know without a new labour, 
whether the three angles of that also be equall to the 
same. But he that hath the use of words, when he 
observes, that such equality was consequent, not to the 
length of the sides, nor to any other particular thing in 
his triangle ; but onely to this, that the sides were 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 4. 27 

straight, and the angles three ; and that that was all, 
for which he named it a Triangle ; will boldly conclude 
Universally, that such equality of angles is in all triangles 
whatsoever ; and register his invention in these generall 
termes, Every triangle hath its three angles equall to two 
right angles. And thus the consequence found in one 
particular, comes to be registred and remembred, as an 
Universall rule ; and discharges our mentall reckoning, 
of time and place ; and delivers us from all labour of the 
mind, saving the first ; and makes that which was 
found true here, and now, to be true in all times and 

But the use of words in registring our thoughts, is in 
nothing so evident as in Numbring. A naturall foole 
that could never learn by heart the order of numerall 
words, as one, two, and three, may observe every stroak 
of the Clock, and nod to it, or say one, one, one ; but can 
never know what houre it strikes. And it seems, there 
was a time when those names of number were not in 
use ; and men were fayn to apply their fingers of one 
or both hands, to those things they desired to keep 
account of ; and that thence it proceeded, that now 
our numerall words are but ten, in any Nation, and in 
some but five, and then they begin again. And he that 
can tell ten, if he recite them out of order, will lose 
himselfe, and not know when he has done : Much lesse 
will he be able to adde, and substract, and performe all 
other operations of Arithmetique. So that without 
words, there is no possibility of reckoning of Numbers ; 
much lesse of Magnitudes, of Swiftnesse, of Force, and 
other things, the reckonings whereof are necessary to 
the being, or well-being of man-kind. 

When two Names are joyned together into a Conse 
quence, or Affirmation ; as thus, A man is a living 
creature ; or thus, if he be a man, he is a living creature, 
If the later name Living creature, signifie all that the 
former name Man signifieth, then the affirmation, or 
consequence is true ; otherwise false. For True and False [15] 
are attributes of Speech, not of Things. And where 
Speech is not, there is neither Truth nor Falshood. 
Errour there may be, as when wee expect that which 

28 Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 4. 

shall not be ; or suspect what has not been : but in 
neither case can a man be charged with Untruth. 
Necessity Seeing then that truth consisteth in the right ordering 
of Defini- o f na mes in our affirmations, a man that seeketh precise 
truth, had need to remember what every name he uses 
stands for ; and to place it accordingly ; or else he will 
find himselfe entangled in words, as a bird inlime-twiggs; 
the more he struggles, the more belimed. And therefore 
in Geometry, (which is the onely Science that it hath 
pleased God hitherto to bestow on mankind,) men begin 
at settling the significations of their words ; which 
settling of significations, they call Definitions ; and place 
them in the beginning of their reckoning. 

By this it appears how necessary it is for any man 
that aspires to true Knowledge, to examine the Defini 
tions of former Authors ; and either to correct them, 
where they are negligently set down ; or to make them 
himselfe. For the errours of Definitions multiply them 
selves, according as the reckoning proceeds ; and lead 
men into absurdities, which at last they see, but cannot 
avoyd, without reckoning anew from the beginning ; in 
which lyes the foundation of their errours. From whence 
it happens, that they which trust to books, do as they 
that cast up many little summs into a greater, without 
considering whether those little summes were rightly 
cast up or not ; and at last finding the errour visible, and 
not mistrusting their first grounds, know not which way 
to cleere themselves ; but spend time in fluttering over 
their bookes ; as birds that entring by the chimney, and 
finding themselves inclosed in a chamber, flutter at the 
false light of a glasse window, for want of wit to consider 
which way they came in. So that in the right Definition 
of Names, lyes the first use of Speech ; which is the 
Acquisition of Science : And in wrong, or no Definitions, 
lyes the first abuse ; from which proceed all false and 
senslesse Tenets ; which make those men that take 
their instruction from the authority of books, and not 
from their own meditation, to be as much below the con 
dition of ignorant men, as men endued with true Science 
are above it. For between true Science, and erroneous 
Doctrines, Ignorance is in the middle. Naturall sense 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 4. 29 

and imagination, are not subject to absurdity. Nature 
it selfe cannot erre : and as men abound in copiousnesse 
of language ; so they become more wise, or more mad 
than ordinary. Nor is it possible without Letters for 
any man to become either excellently wise, or (unless his 
memory be hurt by disease, or ill constitution of organs) 
excellently foolish. For words are wise mens counters, 
they do but reckon by them : but they are the mony 
of fooles, that value them by the authority of an Aristotle, 
a Cicero., or a Thomas., or any other Doctor whatsoever, 
if but a man. 

Subject to Names, is whatsoever can enter into, or be Subject to 
considered in an account ; and be added one to another Names. 
to make a summe ; or substracted one from another, 
and leave a remainder. The Latines called Accounts [16] 
of mony Rationes, and accounting, Ratiocinatio : and 
that which we in bills or books of account call Items, 
they called Nomina ; that is, Names : and thence it 
seems to proceed, that they extended the word Ratio, to 
the faculty of Reckoning in all other things. The Greeks 
have but one word Aoyos, for both Speech and Reason ; 
not that they thought there was no Speech without 
Reason ; but no Reasoning without Speech : And the 
act of reasoning they called Syllogisme ; which signifieth 
summing up of the consequences of one saying to another. 
And because the same things may enter into account for 
divers accidents ; their names are (to shew that diversity) 
diversly wrested, and diversified. This diversity of names 
may be reduced to foure generall heads. 

First, a thing may enter into account for Matter, or 
Body ; as living, sensible, rationall, hot, cold, moved, quiet ; 
with all which names the word Matter, or Body is under 
stood ; all such, being names of Matter. 

Secondly, it may enter into account, or be considered, 
for some accident or quality, which we conceive to be in 
it ; as for being moved, for being so long, for being hot, &c ; 
and then, of the name of the thing it selfe, by a little 
change or wresting, wee make a name for that accident, 
which we consider ; and for living put into the account 
life ; for moved, motion ; for hot, heat ; for long, length, 
and the like : And all such Names, are the names of the 

30 Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 4. 

accidents and properties, by which one Matter, and 
Body is distinguished from another. These are called 
names Abstract ; because severed (not from Matter, but) 
from the account of Matter. 

Thirdly, we bring into account, the Properties of our 
own bodies, whereby we make such distinction : as when 
any thing is Seen by us, we reckon not the thing it selfe ; 
but the sight, the Colour, the Idea of it in the fancy : 
and when any thing is heard, wee reckon it not ; but the 
hearing, or sound onely, which is our fancy or conception 
of it by the Eare : and such are names of fancies. 

Fourthly, we bring into account, consider, and give 

names, to Names themselves, and to Speeches : For, 

generally universall, speciall, czquivocall, are names of 

Names. And Affirmation, Interrogation^ Commandement, 

Narration, Syllogisme, Sermon, Oration, and many other 

such, are names of Speeches. And this is all the variety 

U se O f of Names Positive ; which are put to mark somewhat 

Names which is in Nature, or may be feigned by the mind of 

Positive, man, as Bodies that are, or may be conceived to be ; or 

of bodies, the Properties that are, or may be feigned to 

be ; or Words and Speech. 

Negative There be also other Names, called Negative ; which 

Names are notes to signifie that a word is not the name of the 

with their thing in question ; as these words Nothing, no man, 

infinite, indocible, three want foure, and the like ; which 

are nevertheless of use in reckoning, or in correcting of 

reckoning ; and call to mind our past cogitations, though 

they be not names of any thing ; because they make us 

refuse to admit of Names not rightly used. 

Words All other Names, are but insignificant sounds ; and 

insig- [17] those of two sorts. One, when they are new, and yet 

mficant. their meaning not explained by Definition ; whereof 

there have been aboundance coyned by Schoole-men, 

and pusled Philosophers. 

Another, when men make a name of two Names, whose 
significations are contradictory and inconsistent ; as this 
name, an incorporeall body, or (which is all one) an 
incorporeall substance, and a great number more. For 
whensoever any affirmation is false, the two names of 
which it is composed, put together and made one, signifie 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 4. 31 

nothing at all. For example, if it be a false affirmation 
to say a quadrangle is round, the word round quadrangle 
signifies nothing ; but is a meere sound. So likewise if 
it be false, to say that vertue can be powred, or blown 
up and down ; the words In-powred vertue, In-blown 
vertue, are as absurd and insignificant, as a round quad- 
rangle. And therefore you shall hardly meet with 
a senslesse and insignificant word, that is not made up 
of some Latin or Greek names. A Frenchman seldome 
hears our Saviour called by the name of Parole, but by 
the name of Verbe often ; yet Verbe and Parole differ no 
more, but that one is Latin, the other French. 

When a man upon the hearing of any Speech, hath Under- 
those thoughts which the words of that Speech, and their standing. 
connexion, were ordained and constituted to signifie ; 
Then he is said to understand it : Understanding being 
nothing else, but conception caused by Speech. And 
therefore if Speech be peculiar to man (as for ought 
I know it is,) then is Understanding peculiar to him also. 
And therefore of absurd and false affirmations, in case 
they be universall, there can be no Understanding ; 
though many think they understand, then, when they 
do but repeat the words softly, or con them in their mind. 

What kinds of Speeches signifie the Appetites, Aver 
sions, and Passions of mans mind ; and of their use and 
abuse, I shall speak when I have spoken of the Passions. 

The names of such things as affect us, that is, which incon- 
please, and displease us, because all men be not alike slant 
affected with the same thing, nor the same man at all names - 
times, are in the common discourses of men, of inconstant 
signification. For seeing all names are imposed to signifie 
our conceptions ; and all our affections are but con 
ceptions ; when we conceive the same things differently, 
we can harldy avoyd different naming of them. For 
though the nature of that we conceive, be the same ; 
yet the diversity of our reception of it, in respect of 
different constitutions of body, and prejudices of opinion, 
gives every thing a tincture of our different passions. 
And therefore in reasoning, a man must take heed of 
words ; which besides the signification of what we 
imagine of their nature, have a signification also of the 

32 Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 4. 

nature, disposition, and interest of the speaker ; such as 
are the names of Vertues, and Vices ; For one man calleth 
Wisdome, what another calleth feare ; and one cruelty, 
what another justice ; one prodigality, what another 
magnanimity ; and one gravity, what another stupidicy, 
&c. And therefore such names can never be true grounds 
of any ratiocination. No more can Metaphors, and 
Tropes of speech : but these are less dangerous, because 
they profess their inconstancy ; which the other do not. 

[18] CHAP. V. 


Reason WHEN a man Reasoneth, hee does nothing else but 
what it is. conceive a summe totall, from Addition of parcels ; or 
conceive a Remainder, from Substraction of one summe 
from another : which (if it be done by Words,) is con 
ceiving of the consequence of the names of all the parts, 
to the name of the whole ; or from the names of the 
whole and one part, to the name of the other part. And 
though in some things, (as in numbers,) besides Adding 
and Substracting, men name other operations, as Multi 
plying and Dividing ; yet they are the same ; for Multi 
plication, is but Adding together of things equall ; and 
Division, but Substracting of one thing, as often as we 
can. These operations are not incident to Numbers 
onely, but to all manner of things that can be added 
together, and taken one out of another. For as Arith 
meticians teach to adde and substract in numbers ; so 
the Geometricians teach the same in lines, figures (solid 
and superficiall,) angles, proportions, times, degrees of 
swiftnesse, force, power, and the like ; The Logicians 
teach the same in Consequences of words ; adding together 
two Names, to make an Affirmation ; and two Affirmations, 
to make a Syllogisme ; and many Syllogismes to make 
a Demonstration ; and from the summe, or Conclusion of 
a Syllogisme, they substract one Proposition, to finde the 
other. Writers of Politiques, adde together Factions, to 
find mens duties ; and Lawyers, Lawes, and facts, to find 
what is right and wrong in the actions of private men. 

Part i. OF MAN, Chap. 5. 33 

In summe, in what matter soever there is place for 
addition and substraction, there also is place for Reason ; 
and where these have no place, there Reason has nothing 
at all to do. 

Out of all which we may define, (that is to say deter- Reason 
mine,) what that is, which is meant by this word Reason, defined. 
when wee reckon it amongst the Faculties of the mind. 
For REASON, in this sense, is nothing but Reckoning 
(that is, Adding and Substractingf of the Consequences 
of generall names agreed upon, for the marking and 
signifying of our thoughts ; I say marking them, when 
we reckon~by our selves ; and signifying, when we 
demonstrate, or approve our reckonings to other men. 

And as in Arithmetique, unpractised men must, and Right 
Professors themselves may often erre, and cast up false ; Reaso 
so also in any other subject of Reasoning, the ablest, where 
most attentive, and most practised men, may deceive 
themselves, and inferre false Conclusions ; Not but that 
Reason it selfe is alwayes ^ight Reason, as well as 
Arithmetique is a certain and infallible Art : "But no 
one mans Reason, nor the Reason of any one number of x 
men, makes the certaintie ; no more than an account 
is therefore well cast up, because a great many men have 
unanimously approved it. And therfore, as when there 
is a controversy in an account, the parties must by their [19] 
own accord, set up for right Reason, the Reason of some 
Arbitrator, or Judge, to whose sentence they will both 
stand, or their controversie must either come to blowes, 
or be undecided, for want of a right Reason constituted by 
Nature ; so is it also in all debates of what kind soever : 
And when men that think themselves wiser than all 
others, clamor and demand right Reason for judge ; yet 
seek no more, but that things should be determined, by 
no other mens reason but their own, it is as intolerable 
in the society of men, as it is in play after trump is 
turned, to use for trump on every occasion, that suite 
whereof they have most in their hand. For they do 
nothing els, that will have every of their passions, as it 
comes to bear sway in them, to be taken for right Reason, 
and that in their own controversies : bewraying their 
want of right Reason, by the claym they lay to it. 



Part I. 


Chap. 5. 

The use of The Use and End of Reason, is not the finding of the 
Reason, summe, and truth of one, or a few consequences, remote 
from the first definitions, and settled significations of 
names ; but to begin at these ; and proceed from one 
consequence to another. For there can be no certainty 
of the last Conclusion, without a certainty of all those 
Affirmations and Negations, on which it was grounded, 
and inferred. As when a master of a family, in taking 
an account, casteth up the summs of all the bills of 
expence, into one sum ; and not regarding how each bill 
is summed up, by those that give them in account ; 
nor what it is he payes for ; he advantages himself no 
more, than if he allowed the account in grosse, trust 
ing to every of the accountants skill and honesty : so 
also in Reasoning of all other things, he that takes up 
conclusions on the trust of Authors, and doth not fetch 
them from the first Items in every Reckoning, (which 
are the significations of names settled by definitions), 
loses his labour ; and cuJes not know any thing ; but 
onely beleeveth. 

Of Error When a man reckons without the use of words, which 
and Ab- may be done in particular things, (as when upon the 
surdity. sight o f any one thing, wee conjecture what was likely 
to have preceded, or is likely to follow upon it ;) if that 
which he thought likely to follow, followes not ; or that 
which he thought likely to have preceded it, hath not 
preceded it, this is called ERROR ; to which even the most 
prudent men are subject. But when we Reason in Words 
1; of generall signification, and fall upon a generall inference 
which is false ; though it be commonly called Error, it 
is indeed an ABSURDITY, or senslesse Speech. For Error 
is but a deception, in presuming that somewhat is past, 
or to come ; of which, though it were not past, or not to 
come ; yet there was no impossibility discoverable. 
But when we make a generall assertion, unlesse it be 
a true one, the possibility of it is unconceivable. And 
words whereby we conceive nothing but the sound, are 
those we call Absurd, Insignificant, and Non-sense. And 
therefore if a man should talk to me of a round Quad 
rangle ; or accidents of Bread in Cheese ; or Immateriall 
Substances ; or of A free Subject ; A free-Will ; or any 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 5. 35 

Free, but free from being hindred by opposition, I should 
not say he were in an Errour ; but that his words were 
without meaning ; that is to say, Absurd. 

I have said before, (in the second chapter,) that a Man [20] 
did excel!" all other Animals in this faculty, that when he 
conceived any thing whatsoever, he was apt to enquire 
the consequences of it, and what effects he could do with 
it. And now I adde this other degree of the same excel 
lence, that he can by words reduce the consequences he 
findes to general! Rules, called Theor ernes, or Aphorismes ; 
that is, he can Reason, or reckon, not onely in number ; 
but in all other things, whereof one may be added unto, 
or substracted from another. 

But this priviledge, is allayed by another ; and that 
is, by the priviledge of Absurdity ; to which no living 
creature is subject, but man onely. And of men, those 
are of all most subject to it, that professe Philosophy. 
For it is most true that Cicero sayth of them somewhere ; 
that there can be nothing so absurd, but may be found 
in the books of Philosophers. And the reason is manifest. 
For there is not one of them that begins his ratiocination 
from the Definitions, or Explications of the names they 
are to use ; which is a method that hath been used onely 
in Geometry ; whose Conclusions have thereby been 
made indisputable. 

The first cause of Absurd conclusions I ascribe to the Causes of 
want of Method ; in that they begin not their Ratiocination absurditie. 
from Definitions ; that is, from settled significations of l 
their words : as if they could cast account, without know 
ing the value of the numerall words, one, two, and three. 

And whereas all bodies enter into account upon divers 
considerations, (which I have mentioned in the precedent 
chapter ;) these considerations being diversly named, 
divers absurdities proceed from the confusion, and unfit 
connexion of their names into assertions. And therefore 

The second cause of Absurd assertions, I ascribe to the 
giving of names of bodies, to accidents ; or of accidents, 
to bodies ; As they do, that say, Faith is infused, or 
inspired ; when nothing can be powred, or breathed into 
any thing, but body ; and that, extension is body ; that 
phantasmes are spirits, &c. 

D 2 

36 Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 5. 

3. The third I ascribe to the giving of the names of the 
accidents of bodies without us, to the accidents of our own 
bodies ; as they do that say, the colour is in the body ; the 
sound is in the ay re, &c. 

4- The fourth, to the giving of the names of bodies, to 
names, or speeches ; as they do that say, that there be 
things universall ; that a living creature is Genus, or 
a generall thing, &c. 

5. The fifth, to the giving of the names of accidents, to 
names and speeches ; as they do that say, the nature of 
a thing is its definition ; a mans command is his will ; 
and the like. 

6. The sixth, to the use of Metaphors, Tropes, and other 
Rhetoricall figures, in stead of words proper. For though 
it be lawfull to say, (for example) in common speech, 
the way goeth, or leadeth hither, or thither, The Proverb 
sayes this or that (whereas wayes cannot go, nor Proverbs 
speak ;) yet in reckoning, and seeking of truth, such 
speeches are not to be admitted. 

7. The seventh, to names that signifie nothing ; but are 
[21] taken up, and learned by rote from the Schooles, as 

hypostatical, transubstantiate, consubstantiate, eternal-Now, 
and the like canting of Schoolemen. 

To him that can avoyd these things, it is not easie to 
fall into any absurdity, unlesse it be by the length of an 
account ; wherein he may perhaps forget what went 
before. For all men by nature reason alike, and well, 
when they have good principles. For who is so stupid, 
as both to mistake in Geometry, and also to persist in it, 
when another detects his error to him ? 

Science. By this it appears that Reason is not as Sense, and 
Memory, borne with us ; nor gotten by Experience onely, 
as Prudence is ; but attayned by Industry ; first in apt 
imposing of Names ; and secondly by getting a good 
and orderly Method in proceeding from the Elements, 
which are Names, to Assertions made by Connexion of 
one of them to another ; and so to Syllogismes, which 
are the Connexions of one Assertion to another, till we 
come to a knowledge of all the Consequences of names 
appertaining to the subject in hand ; and that is it, men 
call SCIENCE. And whereas Sense and Memory are but 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 5. 37 

knowledge of Fact, which is a thing past, and irrevocable ; 
Science is the knowledge of Consequences, and depen- 
dance of one fact upon another : by which, out of that 
we can presently do, we know how to do something else 
when we will, or the like, another time : Because when 
we see how any thing comes about, upon what causes, 
and by what manner ; when the like causes come into 
our power, wee see how to make it produce the like effects. 

Children therefore are not endued with Reason at all, 
till they have attained the use of Speech : but are called 
Reasonable Creatures, for the possibility apparent of 
having the use of Reason in time to come. And the most 
part of men, though they have the use of Reasoning 
a little way, as in numbring to some degree ; yet it serves 
them to little use in common life ; in which they govern 
themselves, some better, some worse, according to their 
differences of experience, quicknesse of memory, and 
inclinations to severall ends ; but specially according to 
good or evill fortune, and the errors of one another. For 
as for Science, or certain rules of their actions, they are 
so farre from it, that they know not what it is. Geometry 
they have thought Conjuring : But for other Sciences, 
they who have not been taught the beginnings, and some 
progresse in them, that they may see how they be acquired 
and generated, are in this point like children, that having 
no thought of generation, are made believe by the 
women, that their brothers and sisters are not born, but 
found in the garden. 

But yet they that have no Science, are in better, and 
nobler condition with their naturall Prudence ; than 
men, that by mis-reasoning, or by trusting them that 
reason wrong, fall upon false and absurd generall rules. 
For ignorance of causes, and of rules, does not set men 
so farre out of their way, as relying on false rules, and 
taking for causes of what they aspire to, those that are 
not so, but rather causes of the contrary. 

To conclude, The Light of humane minds is Perspicuous 
Words, but by exact definitions first snuffed, and purged [22] 
from ambiguity ; Reason is the pace ; Encrease of 
Science, the way ; and the Benefit of man-kind, the end. 
And on the contrary, Metaphors, and senslesse and 

Part i. 


Chap. 5. 

<S* Sapi 
ence, with 
their dif 

Signes of 

ambiguous words, are like ignes fatui ; and reasoning upon 
them, is wandering amongst innumerable absurdities ; and 
their end, contention, and sedition, or contempt. 

As, much Experience, is Prudence ; so, is much 
Science, Sapience. For though wee usually have one 
name of Wisedome for them both ; yet the Latines did 
alwayes distinguish between Prudentia and Sapientia ; 
ascribing the former to Experience, the later to Science. 
But to make their difference appeare more cleerly, let 
us suppose one man endued with an excellent naturall 
use, and dexterity in handling his armes ; and another 
to have added to that dexterity, an acquired Science, of 
where he can offend, or be offended by his adversarie, in 
every possible posture, or guard : The ability of the 
former, would be to the ability of the later, as Prudence 
to Sapience ; both usefull ; but the later infallible. 
But they that trusting onely to the authority of books, 
follow the blind blindly, are like him that trusting to the 
false rules of a master of Fence, ventures presumptuously 
upon an adversary, that either kills, or disgraces him. 

The signes of Science, are some, certain and infallible ; 
some, uncertain. Certain, when he that pretendeth the 
Science of any thing, can teach the same ; that is to say, 
demonstrate the truth thereof perspicuously to another : 
Uncertain, when onely some particular events answer to 
his pretence, and upon many occasions prove so as he 
sayes they must. Signes of prudence are all uncertain ; 
because to observe by experience, and remember all 
circumstances that may alter the successe, is impossible. 
But in any businesse, whereof a man has not infallible 
Science to proceed by ; to forsake his own naturall 
judgement, and be guided by generall sentences read in 
Authors, and subject to many exceptions, is a signe of 
folly, and generally scorned by the name of Pedantry. 
And even of those men themselves, that in Councells of 
the Common-wealth, love to shew their reading of 
Politiques and History, very few do it in their domestique 
affaires, where their particular interest is concerned ; 
having Prudence enough for their private affaires : but 
in publique they study more the reputation of their 
owne wit, than the successe of anothers businesse. 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 6. 39 

CHAP. VI. [23] 

Of the Interiour Beginnings of Voluntary Motions ; com 
monly called, the PASSIONS. And the Speeches by 
which they are expressed. 

THERE be in Animals, two sorts of Motions peculiar Motion 
to them : One called Vitall ; begun in generation, and Vitall and 
continued without interruption through their whole life ; 
such as are the course of the Bloud, the Pulse, the Breath 
ing, the Concoction, Nutrition, Excretion, &c ; to which 
Motions there needs no help of Imagination : The other 
is Animall motion, otherwise called Voluntary motion ; 
as to go, to speak, to move any of our limbes, in such 
manner as is first fancied in our minds. That Sense, is 
Motion in the organs and interiour parts of mans body, 
caused by the action of the things we See, Heare, (S-c ; 
And that Fancy is but the Reliques of the same Motion, 
remaining after Sense, has been already sayd in the first 
and second Chapters. And because going, speaking, and 
the like Voluntary motions, depend alwayes upon a pre 
cedent thought of whither, which way, and what ; it is 
evident, that the Imagination is the first internall 
beginning of all Voluntary Motion. And although un 
studied men, doe not conceive any motion at all to be 
there, where the thing moved is invisible ; or the space 
it is moved in, is (for the shortnesse of it) insensible ; 
yet that doth not hinder, but that such Motions are. 
For let a space be never so little, that which is moved 
over a greater space, whereof that little one is part, must 
first be moved over that. These small beginnings of 
Motion, within the body of Man, before they appear in 
walking, speaking, striking, and other visible actions, 
are commonly called ENDEAVOUR. - 

This Endeavour, when it is toward something which deavour - 
causes it, is called APPETITE, or DESIRE ; the later, being Appetite. 
the generall name ; and the other, of ten-times restrayned Desire. 
to signifie the Desire of Food, namely Hunger and Thirst. Hunger. 
And when the Endeavour is fromward something, it is Thirst. 
generally called AVERSION. These words Appetite, and Aversion. 
Aversion we have from the Latines ; and they both of 

40 Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 6. 

them signifie the motions, one of approaching, the other 
of retiring. So also do the Greek words for the same, 
which are 6p/zr), and a^op/my. For Nature it selfe does 
often presse upon men those truths, which afterwards, 
when they look for somewhat beyond Nature, they 
stumble at. For the Schooles find in meere Appetite to 
go, or move, no actuall Motion at all : but because some 
Motion they must acknowledge, they call it Metaphoricall 
Motion ; which is but an absurd speech : for though 
Words may be called metaphoricall ; Bodies, and Motions 

Love. That which men Desire, they are also sayd to LOVE : 

Hate. and to HATE those things, for which they have Aversion. 

[24] So that Desire, and Love, are the same thing ; save that 

by Desire, we alwayes signifie the Absence of the Object ; 

by Love, most commonly the Presence of the same. So 

also by Aversion, we signifie the Absence ; and by Hate, 

the Presence of the Object. 

Of Appetites, and Aversions, some are born with men ; 
as Appetite of food, Appetite of excretion, and exonera 
tion, (which may also and more properly be called 
Aversions, from somewhat they feele in their Bodies ;) 
and some other Appetites, not many. The rest, which 
are Appetites of particular things, proceed from Ex 
perience, and triall of their effects upon themselves, or 
other men. For of things wee know not at all, or believe 
not to be, we can have no further Desire, than to tast 
arid try. But Aversion wee have for things, not onely 
which we know have hurt us ; but also that we do not 
know whether they will hurt us, or not. 

Those things which we neither Desire, nor Hate, we 
Contempt, are said to Contemne : CONTEMPT being nothing else but 
an immobility, or contumacy of the Heart, in resisting 
the action of certain things ; and proceeding from that 
the Heart is already moved otherwise, by other more 
potent objects ; or from want of experience of them. 

And because the constitution of a mans Body, is in 
continuall mutation ; it is impossible that all the same 
things should alwayes cause in him the same Appetites, 
and Aversions : much lesse can all men consent, in the 
Desire of almost any one and the same Object. 

Part I. OF MAN. Chap. 6. 41 

But whatsoever is the object of any mans Appetite 
or Desire ; that is it, which he .:or his part calleth Good : Good. 
And the object of his Hate, and Aversion, Evill ; And of Evill. 
his Contempt, Vile and Inconsiderable. For these words 
of Good, Evill, and Contemptible, are ever used with 
relation to the person that useth them : There being 
nothing simply and absolutely so ; nor any common 
Rule of Good and Evill, to be taken from the nature of 
the objects themselves ; but from the Person of the 
man (where there is no Common-wealth ;) or, (in a Com 
mon-wealth,) from the Person that representeth it; or 
from an Arbitrator or Judge, whom men disagreeing 
shall by consent set up, and make his sentence the Rule 

The Latine Tongue has two words, whose significations 
approach to those of Good and Evill ; but are not pre 
cisely the same ; And those are Pulchrum and Turpe. Pulchrum. 
Whereof the former signifies that, which by some ap- Turpe- 
parent signes promiseth Good ; and the later, that, which 
promiseth Evil. But in our Tongue we have not so 
generall names to expresse them by. But for Pulchrum, 
we say in some things, Fayre ; in others, Beautifull, or 
Handsome ; or Gallant, or Honourable, or Comely, or 
Amiable ; and for Turpe, Foule, Deformed, Ugly, Base, 
Nauseous, and the like, as the subject shall require ; 
All which words, in their proper places signifie nothing 
els, but the Mine, or Countenance, that promiseth Good 
and Evil. So that of Good there be three kinds ; Good 
in the Promise, that is Pulchrum ; Good in Effect, as the 
end desired, which is called Jucundum, Delightfull ; and Delight- 
Good as the Means, which is called Utile, Profitable; and V l fi . ,, 
as many of Evil : For Evill, in Promise, is that they call 
Turpe ; Evil in Effect, and End, is Molestum, Unpleasant, [25] 
Troublesome ; and Evill in the Means, Inutile, Unprofit- Unpleas- 
able, Hurtfull. "un profit- 

As, in Sense, that which is really within us, is (as I have a ble. 
sayd before) onely Motion, caused by the action of 
externall objects, but in apparence ; to the Sight, Light 
and Colour ; to the Eare, Sound ; to the Nostrill, Odour, 
&c : so, when the action of the same object is continued 
from the Eyes, Eares, and other organs to the Heart ; the 

Part i. 


Chap. 6. 




of sense. 


of the 





reall effect there is nothing but Motion, or Endeavour ; 
which consisteth in Appetite, or Aversion, to, or from 
the object moving. But the apparence, or sense of that 
motion, is that wee either call DELIGHT, or TROUBLE 

This Motion, which is called Appetite, and for the 
apparence of it Delight, and Pleasure, seemeth to be, 
a corroboration of Vitall motion, and a help thereunto ; 
and therefore such things as caused Delight, were not 
improperly called Jucunda, (a Juvando,) from helping or 
fortifying ; and the contrary, Molesta, Offensive, from 
hindering, and troubling the motion vitall. 

Pleasure therefore, (or Delight,} is the apparence, or 
sense of Good ; and Molestation or Displeasure, the 
apparence, or sense of Evill. And consequently all 
Appetite, Desire, and Love, is accompanied with some 
Delight more or lesse ; and all Hatred, and Aversion, 
with more or lesse Displeasure and Offence. 

Of Pleasures, or Delights, some arise from the sense 
of an object Present ; And those may be called Pleasures 
of Sense, (The word sensuall, as it is used by those onely 
that condemn them, having no place till there be Lawes.) 
Of this kind are all Onerations and Exonerations of the 
body ; as also all that is pleasant, in the Sight, Hearing, 
Smell, Tast, or Touch ; Others arise from the Expectation, 
that proceeds from foresight of the End, or Consequence 
of things ; whether those things in the Sense Please or 
Displease : And these are Pleasures of the Mind of him 
that draweth those consequences ; and are generally 
called JOY. In the like manner, Displeasures, are some 
in the Sense, and called PAYNE ; others, in the Expecta 
tion of consequences, and are called GRIEFE. 

These simple Passions called Appetite, Desire, Love, 
Aversion, Hate, Joy, and Griefe, have their names for 
divers considerations diversified. As first, when they 
one succeed another, they are diversly called from the 
opinion men have of the likelihood of attaining what 
they desire. Secondly, from the object loved or hated. 
Thirdly, from the consideration of many of them to 
gether. Fourthly, from the Alteration or succession 
it selfe. 

Parti. OF MAN. Chap. 6. 43 

For Appetite with an opinion of attaining, is called Hope. 

The same, without such opinion, DESPAIRE. Despaire. 

Aversion, with opinion of Hurt from the object, FEARE. Feare. 

The same, with hope of avoyding that Hurt by resist- 
ence, COURAGE. Courage. 

Sudden Courage, ANGER. con-* 

Constant Hope, CONFIDENCE of our selves. fidence. 

Constant Despayre, DIFFIDENCE of our selves. Diffidence. 

Anger for great hurt done to another, when we conceive t 26 ! 
the same to be done by Injury, INDIGNATION. Indigna- 

Desire of good to another, BENEVOLENCE, GOOD WILL, 
CHARITY. If to man generally, GOOD NATURE. 

Desire of Riches, COVETOUSNESSE : a name used Good 
alwayes in signification of blame ; because men contend- Nature. 
ing for them, are displeased with one anothers attaining Covetous- 
them ; though the desire in it selfe, be to be blamed, or nesse - 
allowed, according to the means by which those Riches 
are sought. 

Desire of Office, or precedence, AMBITION : a name Ambition. 
used also in the worse sense, for the reason before men 

Desire of things that conduce but a little to our ends ; Pusillani- 
And fear of things that are but of little hindrance, mity. 

Contempt of little helps, and hindrances, MAGNANIMITY. Magnani- 

Magnanimity, in danger of Death, or Wounds, VALOUR, mi *y- 

Magnanimity, in the use of Riches, LIBERALITY. Liberality. 

Pusillanimity, in the same WRETCHEDNESSE, MISER- Misemble- 
ABLENESSE ; or PARSIMONY ; as it is liked, or disliked. nesse - 

Love of Persons for society, KINDNESSE. Kind- 

Love of Persons for Pleasing the sense onely, NATURALL nesse. 

L UST Naturall 

Love of the same, acquired from Rumination, that is, Luxury. 
Imagination of Pleasure past, LUXURY. 

Love of one singularly, with desire to be singularly The Pas- 
beloved, THE PASSION OF LOVE. The same, with fear sion f 
that the love is not mutuall, JEALOUSIE. Jealous 

Desire, by doing hurt to another, to make him con- Revenge- 
demn some fact of his own, REVENGEFULNESSE. fulnesse. 



Part i. 


Chap. 6. 


True Re 
P unique 

A dmira- 





Desire, to know why, and how, CURIOSITY ; such as is 
in no living creature but Man : so that Man is dis 
tinguished, not onely by his Reason ; but also by this 
singular Passion from other Animals ; in whom the 
appetite of food, and other pleasures of Sense, by pre 
dominance, take away the care of knowing causes ; which 
is a Lust of the mind, that by a perseverance of delight in 
the continuall and indefatigable generation of Knowledge, 
exceedeth the short vehemence of any carnall Pleasure. 

Feare of power invisible, feigned by the mind, or 
imagined from tales publiquely allowed, RELIGION ; not 
allowed, SUPERSTITION. And when the power imagined, 
is truly such as we imagine, TRUE RELIGION. 

Feare, without the apprehension of why, or what, 
PANIQUE TERROR ; called so from the Fables, that make 
Pan the author of them ; whereas in truth, there is 
alwayes in him that so feareth, first, some apprehension 
of the cause, though the rest run away by Example ; 
every one supposing his fellow to know why. And 
therefore this Passion happens to none but in a throng, 
or multitude of people. 

Joy, from apprehension of novelty, ADMIRATION ; 
proper to Man, because it excites the appetite of knowing 
the cause. 

Joy, arising from imagination of a mans own power 
and ability, is that exultation of the mind which is called 
GLORYING : which if grounded upon the experience of 
his own former actions, is the same with Confidence : but 
if grounded on the flattery of others ; or onely supposed 
by himself, for delight in the consequences of it, is called 
VAINE-GLORY : which name is properly given ; because 
a well grounded Confidence begetteth Attempt ; whereas 
the supposing of power does not, and is therefore rightly 
called Vaine. 

Grief e, from opinion of want of power, is called DEJEC 
TION of mind. 

The vain-glory which consisteth in the feigning or 
supposing of abilities in our selves, which we know are 
not, is most incident to young men, and nourished 
by the Histories, or Fictions of Gallant Persons ; and is 
corrected oftentimes by Age, and Employment. 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 6. 45 

Sudden Glory, is the passion which maketh those Sudden 
Grimaces called LAUGHTER ; and is caused either by 
some sudden act of their own, that pleaseth them ; or 
by the apprehension of some deformed thing in another, 
by comparison whereof they suddenly applaud them 
selves. And it is incident most to them, that are con 
scious of the fewest abilities in themselves ; who are 
forced to keep themselves in their own favour, by 
observing the imperfections of other men. And therefore 
much Laughter at the defects of others, is a signe of 
Pusillanimity. For of great minds, one of the proper 
workes is, to help and free others from scorn ; and com 
pare themselves onely with the most able. 

On the contrary, Sudden Dejection, is the passion that Sudden 
causeth WEEPING ; and is caused by such accidents, as Dejection. 
suddenly take away some vehement hope, or some prop Wee P m S- 
of their power : And they are most subject to it, that 
rely principally on helps externall, such as are Women, 
and Children. Therefore some Weep for the losse of 
Friends ; Others for their unkindnesse ; others for the 
sudden stop made to their thoughts of revenge, by 
Reconciliation. But in all cases, both Laughter, and 
Weeping, are sudden motions ; Custome taking them 
both away. For no man Laughs at old jests ; or Weeps 
for an old calamity. 

Grief e, for the discovery of some defect of ability, is Shame. 
SHAME, or the passion that discovereth it selfe in BLUSH- Blushing. 
ING ; and consisteth in the apprehension of some thing 
dishonourable ; and in young men, is a signe of the love 
of good reputation ; and commendable : In old men it 
is a signe of the same ; but because it comes too late, 
not commendable. 

The Contempt of good Reputation is called IMPUDENCE. Impu- 

Griefe, for the Calamity of another, is PITTY ; and dence - 
arisethi from the imagination that the like calamity may l y 
befall himselfe ; and therefore is called also COMPASSION, 
and in the phrase of this present time a FELLOW-FEELING : 
And therefore for Calamity arriving from great wicked 
ness, the best men have the least Pitty ; and for the 
same Calamity, those have least Pitty, that think them 
selves least obnoxious to the same. 

4 6 

Part i. 


Chap. 6. 



Cruelty. Contempt, or little sense of the calamity of others, is 

[28] that which men call CRUELTY ; proceeding from Security 

of their own fortune. For, that any man should take 

pleasure in other mens great harmes, without other end 

of his own, I do not conceive it possible. 

Griefe, for the successe of a Competitor in wealth, 
honour, or other good, if it be joyned with Endeavour to 
enforce our own abilities to equall or exceed him, is 
called EMULATION : But joyned with Endeavour to 
supplant, or hinder a Competitor, ENVIE. 

When in the mind of man, Appetites, and Aversions, 
Hopes, and Feares, concerning one and the same thing, 
arise alternately ; and divers good and evill conse 
quences of the doing, or omitting the thing propounded, 
come successively into our thoughts ; so that sometimes 
we have an Appetite to it ; sometimes an Aversion 
from it ; sometimes Hope to be able to do it ; some 
times Despaire, or Feare to attempt it ; the whole 
summe of Desires, Aversions, Hopes and Fears, continued 
till the thing be either done, or thought impossible, is 

Delibera- that we call DELIBERATION. 

tion. Therefore of things past, there is no Deliberation ; 

because manifestly impossible to be changed : nor of 
things known to be impossible, or thought so ; because 
men know, or think such Deliberation vain. But of 
things impossible, which we think possible, we may 
Deliberate ; not knowing it is in vain. And it is called 
Deliberation ; because it is a putting an end to the 
Liberty we had of doing, or omitting, according to our 
own Appetite, or Aversion. 

This alternate Succession of Appetites, Aversions, 
Hopes and Fears, is no lesse in other living Creatures 
then in Man : and therefore Beasts also Deliberate. 

Every Deliberation is then sayd to End, when that 
whereof they Deliberate, is either done, or thought, 
impossible ; because till then wee retain the liberty of 
doing, or omitting, according to our Appetite, or Aversion. 

In Deliberation, the last Appetite, or Aversion, imme 
diately adhaering to the action, or to the omission thereof, 
The Will, is that wee call the WILL ; the Act, (not the faculty,) 
of Willing. And Beasts that have Deliberation, must 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 6. 47 

necessarily also have Will. The Definition of the Will, 
given commonly by the Schooles, that it is a Rationall 
Appetite, is not good. For if it were, then could there 
be no Voluntary Act against Reason. For a Voluntary 
Act is that, which proceedeth from the Will, and no 
other. But if in stead of a Rationall Appetite, we shall 
say an Appetite resulting from a precedent Deliberation, 
then the Definition is the same that I have given here. 
Will therefore is the last Appetite in Deliberating. And 
though we say in common Discourse, a man had a Will 
once to do a thing, that neverthelesse he forbore to do ; 
yet that is properly but an Inclination, which makes no 
Action Voluntary ; because the action depends not of it, 
but of the last Inclination, or Appetite. For if the 
intervenient Appetites, make any action Voluntary ; 
then by the same Reason all intervenient Aversions, 
should make the same action Involuntary ; and so one and 
the same action, should be both Voluntary & Involuntary. 

By this it is manifest, that not onely actions that have [29] 
their beginning from Covetousnesse, Ambition, Lust, or 
other Appetites to the thing propounded ; but also those 
that have their beginning from Aversion, or Feare of 
those consequences that follow the omission, are volun 
tary actions. 

The formes of Speech by which the Passions are Formes of 
expressed, are partly the same, and partly different from Speech, in 
those, by which wee expresse our Thoughts. And first, 
generally all Passions may be expressed Indicatively ; as 
/ love, I feare, I joy, I deliberate, I will, I command : but 
some of them have particular expressions by themselves, 
which neverthelesse are not affirmations, unlesse it be 
when they serve to make other inferences, besides that 
of the Passion they proceed from. Deliberation is ex 
pressed Subjunctively ; which is a speech proper to 
signifie suppositions, with their consequences ; as, // 
this be done, then this will follow ; and differs not from 
the language of Reasoning, save that Reasoning is in 
generall words ; but Deliberation for the most part is of 
Particulars. The language of Desire, and Aversion, is 
Imperative ; as Do this, forbeare that ; which when the 
party is obliged to do, or forbeare, is Command ; other- 

48 Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 6. 

wise Prayer ; or els Counsell. The language of Vain- 
Glory, of indignation, Pitty and Revengefulness, Optative : 
But of the Desire to know, there is a peculiar expression, 
called Interrogative ; as, What is it, when shall it, how is 
it done, and why so ? other language of the Passions I find 
none : For Cursing, Swearing, Reviling, and the like, do 
not signifie as Speech ; but as the actions of a tongue 

These formes of Speech, I say, are expressions, or 
voluntary significations of our Passions : but certain 
signes they be not ; because they may be used arbitrarily, 
whether they that use them, have such Passions or not. 
The best signes of Passions present, are either in the 
countenance, motions of the body, actions, and ends, or 
aimes, which we otherwise know the man to have. 

And because in Deliberation, the Appetites, and 

Aversions are raised by foresight of the good and evill 

consequences, and sequels of the action whereof we 

Deliberate ; the good or evill effect thereof dependetli 

on the foresight of a long chain of consequences, of which 

very seldome any man is able to see to the end. But for 

Good and so farre as a man seeth, if the Good in those consequences, 

Evill ap- be greater than the Evill, the whole chaine is that which 

parent. Writers call Apparent, or Seeming Good. And contrarily, 

when the Evill exceedeth the Good, the whole is Apparent 

or Seeming Evill : so that he who hath by Experience, or 

Reason, the greatest and surest prospect of Consequences, 

Deliberates best himselfe ; and is able when he will, to 

give the best counsell unto others. 

Continuall sitccesse in obtaining those things which 
a man from time to time desireth, that is to say, cori- 
Felidty. tinuall prospering, is that men call FELICITY ; I mean 
the Felicity of this life. For there is no such thing as 
perpetuall Tranquillity of mind, while we live here ; 
because Life it selfe is but Motion, and can never be 
[30] without Desire, nor without Feare, no more than without 
Sense. What kind of Felicity God hath ordained to them 
that devoutly honour him, a man shall no sooner know, 
than enjoy; being joyes, that now are as incomprehen 
sible, as the word of Schoole-men Beatificall Vision is 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 7. 49 

The forme of Speech whereby men signifie their 
opinion of the Goodnesse of any thing, is PRAISE. That Praise. 
whereby they signifie the power and greatnesse of any 
thing, is MAGNIFYING. And that whereby they signifie Magnifi- 
the opinion they have of a mans Felicity, is by the catlon - 
Greeks called ^aKapio-fids, for which wee have no name in 
our tongue. And thus much is sufficient for the present 
purpose, to have been said of the PASSIONS. 


Of the Ends, or Resolutions of DISCOURSE. 

OF all Discourse, governed by desire of Knowledge, 
there is at last an End, either by attaining, or by giving 
over. And in the chain of Discourse, wheresoever it be 
interrupted, there is an End for that time. 

If the Discourse be meerly Mentall, it consisteth of 
thoughts that the thing will be, and will not be, or that 
it has been, and has not been, alternately. So that 
wheresoever you break off the chayn of a mans Discourse, 
you leave him in a Prsesumption of it will be, or, it will 
not be ; or it has been, or, has not been. All which is 
Opinion. And that which is alternate Appetite, in 
Deliberating concerning Good and Evil ; the same is 
alternate Opinion, in the Enquiry of the truth of Past, 
and Future. And as the last Appetite in Deliberation, 
is called the Will ; so the last Opinion in search of the 
truth of Past, and Future, is, called the JUDGEMENT, or Judge- 
Resolute and Finall Sentence of him that discourseth. went, or 
And as the whole chain of Appetites alternate, in the S entence 
question of Good, or Bad, is called Deliberation ; so the 
whole chain of Opinions alternate, in the question of 
True, or False, is called DOUBT. Doubt. 

No Discourse whatsoever, can End in absolute know 
ledge of Fact, past, or to come. For, as for the knowledge 
of Fact, it is originally, Sense ; and ever after, Memory. 
And for the knowledge of Consequence, which I have 
said before is called Science, it is not Absolute, but 


50 Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 7. 

Conditionall. No man can know by Discourse, that this, 
or that, is, has been, or will be ; which is to know 
absolutely : but onely, that if This be, That is ; if 
This has been, That has been ; if This shall be, That 
shall be : which is to know conditionally ; and that 
not the consequence of one thing to another ; but 
of one name of a thing, to another name of the same 

And therefore, when the Discourse is put into Speech, 
and begins with the Definitions of Words, and proceeds 
by Connexion of the same into generall Affirmations, 
[31] and of these again into Syllogismes; the End or last 
summe is called the Conclusion ; and the thought of the 
mind by it signified, is that conditionall Knowledge, or 
Knowledge of the consequence of words, which is com- 

Science. monly called SCIENCE. But if the first ground of such 
Discourse, be not Definitions ; or if the Definitions be 
not rightly joyned together into Syllogismes, then the 

Opinion. End or Conclusion, is again OPINION, namely of the 
truth of somewhat said, though sometimes in absurd 
and senslesse words, without possibility of being under 
stood. When two, or more men, know of one and the 

Cow- same fact, they are said to be CONSCIOUS of it one to 

science. another ; which is as much as to know it together. And 
because such are fittest witnesses of the facts of one 
another, or of a third ; it was, and ever will be reputed 
a very Evill act, for any man to speak against his Con 
science ; or to corrupt or force another so to do : Inso 
much that the plea of Conscience, has been alwayes 
hearkened unto very diligently in all times. Afterwards, 
men made use of the same word metaphorically, for the 
knowledge of their own secret facts, and secret thoughts ; 
and therefore it is Rhetorically said, that the Conscience 
is a thousand witnesses. And last of all, men, vehemently 
in love with their own new opinions, (though never so 
absurd,) and obstinately bent to maintain them, gave 
those their opinions also that reverenced name of Con 
science, as if they would have it seem unlawfull, to 
change or speak against them ; and so pretend to know 
they are true, when they know at most, but that they 
think so. 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 7. 51 

When a mans Discourse beginneth not at Definitions, 
it beginneth either at some other contemplation of his 
own, and then it is still called Opinion ; Or it beginneth 
at some saying of another, of whose ability to know the 
truth, and of whose honesty in not deceiving, he doubteth 
not ; and then the Discourse is not so much concerning 
the Thing, as the Person ; And the Resolution is called 
BELEEFE, and FAITH : Faith, in the man ; Beleefe, both Beiiefe. 
of the man, and of the truth of what he sayes. So that Faith. 
in Beleefe are two opinions ; one of the saying of the 
man ; the other of his vertue. To have faith in, or trust 
to, or beleeve a man, signifie the same thing ; namely, an 
opinion of the veracity of the man: But to beleeve what 
is said, signifieth onely an opinion of the truth of the 
saying. But wee are to observe that this Phrase, / beleeve 
in ; as also the Latine, Credo in ; and the Greek, Trio-reuw 
eis, are never used but in the writings of Divines. In stead 
of them, in other writings are put, / beleeve him ; / trust 
him ; / have faith in him ; / rely on him ; and in Latin, 
Credo illi ; fido illi : and in Greek, Trio-re vw dvru : and 
that this singularity of the Ecclesiastique use of the word 
hath raised many disputes about the right object of the 
Christian Faith. 

But by Beleeving in, as it is in the Creed, is meant, 
not trust in the Person ; but Confession and acknow 
ledgement of the Doctrine. For not onely Christians, 
but all manner of men do so believe in God, as to 
hold all for truth they heare him say, whether they 
understand it, or not ; which is all the Faith and 
trust can possibly be had in any person whatsoever : 
But they do not all believe the Doctrine of the 

From whence we may inferre, that when wee believe [32] 
any saying whatsoever it be, to be true, from arguments 
taken, not from the thing it selfe, or from the principles 
of naturall Reason, but from the Authority, and good 
opinion wee have, of him that hath sayd it ; then is the 
speaker, or person we believe in, or trust in, and whose 
word we take, the object of our Faith ; and the Honour 
done in Believing, is done to him onely. And conse 
quently, when wee Believe that the Scriptures are the 

E 2 

Part i. 


Chap. 7. 

word of God, having no immediate revelation from God 
himselfe, our Beleefe, Faith, and Trust is in the Church ; 
whose word we take, and acquiesce therein. And they 
that believe that which a Prophet relates unto them in 
the name of God, take the word of the Prophet, do honour 
to him, and in him trust, and believe, touching the truth 
of what he relateth, whether he be a true, or a false 
Prophet. And so it is also with all other History. For 
if I should not believe all that is written by Historians, 
of the glorious acts of Alexander, or Ccesar ; I do not 
think the Ghost of Alexander, or Casar, had any just 
cause to be offended ; or any body else, but the Historian. 
If Livy say the Gods made once a Cow speak, and we 
believe it not ; wee distrust not God therein, but Livy. 
So that it is evident, that whatsoever we believe, upon 
no other reason, then what is drawn from authority of 
men onely, and their writings ; whether they be sent 
from God or not, is Faith in men onely. 



or Ac 


Of the VERTUES commonly called INTELLECTUALL ; 
and their contrary DEFECTS. 

VERTUE generally, in all sorts of subjects, is somewhat 
that is valued for eminence ; and consisteth in com 
parison. For if all things were equally in all men, nothing 
would be prized. And by Vertues INTELLECTUALL, are 
alwayes understood such abilityes of the mind, as men 
praise, value, and desire should be in themselves ; and 
go commonly under the name of a good wit ; though the 
same word WIT, be used also, to distinguish one certain 
ability from the rest. 

These Vertues are of two sorts ; Naturall, and Acquired. 
By Naturall, I mean not, that which a man hath from 
his Birth : for that is nothing else but Sense ; wherein 
men differ so little one from another, and from brute 
Beasts, as it is not to be reckoned amongst Vertues. 
But I mean, that Wit, which is gotten by Use onely, and 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 8. 53 

Experience ; without Method, Culture, or Instruction. 
This NATURALL WIT, consisteth principally in two things ; Naturall 
Celerity of Imagining, (that is, swift succession of one Wlt - 
thought to another ;) and steddy direction to some 
approved end. On the Contrary a slow Imagination, 
maketh that Defect, or fault of the mind, which is 
commonly called DULNESSE, Stupidity, and sometimes 
by other names that signifie slownesse of motion, or 
difficulty to be moved. 

And this difference of quicknesse, is caused by the [33] 
difference of mens passions ; that love and dislike, some 
one thing, some another : and therefore some mens 
thoughts run one way, some another ; and are held to, 
and observe differently the things that passe through 
their imagination. And whereas in this succession of 
mens thoughts, there is nothing to observe in the things 
they think on, but either in what they be like one another, 
or in what they be unlike, or what they serve for, or how 
they serve to such a purpose ; Those that observe their 
similitudes, in case they be such as are but rarely observed 
by others, are sayd to have a Good Wit ; by which, in Good Wit, 
this occasion, is meant a Good Fancy. But they that or Fanc y- 
observe their differences, and dissimilitudes ; which is 
called Distinguishing, and Discerning, and Judging 
between thing and thing ; in case, such discerning be not 
easie, are said to have a good Judgement : and particu- Good 
larly in matter of conversation and businesse ; wherein, J ud e - 
times, places, and persons are to be discerned, this Vertue m 
is called DISCRETION. The former, that is, Fancy, with- Discre- 
out the help of Judgement, is not commended as a Vertue : tlon - 
but the later which is Judgement, and Discretion, is com 
mended for it selfe, without the help of Fancy. Besides 
the Discretion of times, places, and persons, necessary 
to a good Fancy, there is required also an often applica 
tion of his thoughts to their End ; that is to say, to some 
use to be made of them. This done ; he that hath this 
Vertue, will be easily fitted with similitudes, that will 
please, not onely by illustration of his discourse, and 
adorning it with new and apt metaphors ; but also, by 
the rarity of their invention. But without Steddinesse, 
and Direction to some End, a great Fancy is one kind of 

54 Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 8. 

Madnesse ; such as they have, that entring into any dis 
course, are snatched from their purpose, by every thing 
that comes in their thought, into so many, and so long 
digressions, and Parentheses, that they utterly lose 
themselves : Which kind of folly, I know no particular 
name for : but the cause of it is, sometimes want of 
experience ; whereby that seemeth to a man new and 
rare, which doth not so to others : sometimes Pusil 
lanimity ; by which that seems great to him, which 
other men think a trifle: and whatsoever is new, or 
great, and therefore thought fit to be told, with- 
drawes a man by degrees from the intended way of his 

In a good Poem, whether it be Epique, or Dramatique ; 
as also in Sonnets, Epigrams, and other Pieces, both 
Judgement and Fancy are required : But the Fancy 
must be more eminent ; because they please for the 
Extravagancy ; but ought not to displease by Indis 

In a good History, the Judgement must be eminent ; 
because the goodnesse consisteth, in the Method, in the 
Truth, and in the Choyse of the actions that are most 
profitable to be known. Fancy has no place, but onely 
in adorning the stile. 

In Orations of Prayse, and in Invectives, the Fancy 
is predominant ; because the designe is not truth, but 
to Honour or Dishonour ; which is done by noble, 
or by vile comparisons. The Judgement does but 
suggest what circumstances make an action laudable, 
or culpable. 

[34] In Hortatives, and Pleadings, as Truth, or Disguise 
serveth best to the Designe in hand ; so is the Judge 
ment, or the Fancy most required. 

In Demonstration, in Councell, and all rigourous 
search of Truth, Judgement does all ; except some 
times the understanding have need to be opened by 
some apt similitude ; and then there is so much use 
of Fancy. But for Metaphors, they are in this case 
utterly excluded. For seeing they openly professe 
deceipt ; to admit them into Councell, or Reasoning, 
were manifest folly. 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 8. 55 

And in any Discourse whatsoever, if the defect of 
Discretion be apparent, how extravagant soever the 
Fancy be, the whole discourse will be taken for a signe 
of want of wit ; and so will it never when the Discretion 
is manifest, though the Fancy be never so ordinary. 

The secret thoughts of a man run over all things, holy, 
prophane, clean, obscene, grave, and light, without 
shame, or blame ; which verball discourse cannot do, 
farther than the Judgement shall approve of the Time, 
Place, and Persons. An Anatomist, or a Physitian may 
speak, or write his judgement of unclean things ; because 
it is not to please, but profit : but for another man to 
write his extravagant, and pleasant fancies of the same, 
is as if a man, from being tumbled into the dirt, should 
come and present himselfe before good company. And 
tis the want of Discretion that makes the difference. 
Again, in profest remissnesse of mind, and familiar com 
pany, a man may play with the sounds, and sequivocall 
significations of words ; and that many times with 
encounters of extraordinary Fancy : but in a Sermon, 
or in publique, or before persons unknown, or whom we 
ought to reverence, there is no Gingling of words that 
will not be accounted folly : and the difference is onely 
in the want of Discretion. So that where Wit is wanting, 
it is not Fancy that is wanting, but Discretion. Judge 
ment therefore without Fancy is Wit, but Fancy without 
Judgement not. 

When the thoughts of a man, that has a designe in 
hand, running over a multitude of things, observes how 
they conduce to that designe ; or what designe they 
may conduce unto ; if his observations be such as are 
not easie, or usuall, This wit of his is called PRUDENCE ; Prudence. 
and dependeth on much Experience, and Memory of the 
like things, and their consequences heretofore. In which 
there is not so much difference of Men, as there is in their 
Fancies and Judgements ; Because the Experience of 
men equall in age, is not much unequall, as to the 
quantity ; but lyes in different occasions ; every one 
having his private designes. To govern well a family, 
and a kingdome, are not different degrees of Prudence ; 
but different sorts of businesse ; no more then to draw 

56 Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 8. 

a picture in little, or as great, or greater then the life, are 
different degrees of Art. A plain husband-man is more 
Prudent in affaires of his own house, then a Privy Coun- 
seller in the affaires of another man. 

To Prudence, if you adde the use of unjust, or dishonest 
means, such as usually are prompted to men by Feare, 
or Want ; you have that Crooked Wisdome, which is 
Cm//. [3 5] called CRAFT ; which is a signe of Pusillanimity. For 
Magnanimity is contempt of unjust, or dishonest helps. 
And that which the Latines call Versutia, (translated 
into English, Shifting,} and is a putting off of a present 
danger or incommodity, by engaging into a greater, as 
when a man robbs one to pay another, is but a shorter 
sighted Craft, called Versutia, from Versura, which 
signifies taking mony at usurie, for the present payment 
of interest. 

Acquired As for acquired Wit, (I mean acquired by method and 

w/ii> instruction,) there is none but Reason ; which is grounded 

on the right use of Speech ; and produceth the Sciences. 

But of Reason and Science, I have. already spoken in the 

fifth and sixth Chapters. 

The causes of this difference of Witts, are in the 
Passions : and the difference of Passions, proceedeth 
partly from the different Constitution of the body, and 
partly from different Education. For if the difference 
proceeded from the temper of the brain, and the organs 
of Sense, either exterior or interior, there would be no 
lesse difference of men in their Sight, Hearing, or other 
Senses, than in their Fancies, and Discretions. It 
proceeds therefore from the Passions ; which are 
different, not onely from the difference of mens com 
plexions ; but also from their difference of customes, 
and education. 

The Passions that most of all cause the differences of 
Wit, are principally, the more or lesse Desire of Power, 
of Riches, of Knowledge, and of Honour. All which 
may be reduced to the first, that is Desire of Power. 
For Riches, Knowledge and Honour are but severall 
sorts of Power. 

And therefore, a man who has no great Passion for 
any of these things ; but is as men terme it indifferent ; 

Part i, OF MAN. Chap. 8. 57 

though he may be so farre a good man, as to be free from 

giving offence ; yet he cannot possibly have either 

a great Fancy, or much Judgement. For the Thoughts, 

are to the Desires, as Scouts, and Spies, to range abroad, 

and find the way to the things Desired : All Stedinesse 

of the minds motion, and all quicknesse of the same, 

proceeding from thence. For as to have no Desire, is to 

be Dead : so to have weak Passions, is Dulnesse ; and 

to have Passions indifferently for every thing, GIDDINESSE, Giddi- 

and Distraction ; and to have stronger, and more vehe- nesse - 

ment Passions for any thing, than is ordinarily seen in 

others, is that which men call MADNESSE. Madnesse. 

Whereof there be almost as many kinds, as of the 
Passions themselves. Sometimes the extraordinary and 
extravagant Passion, proceedeth from the evill constitu 
tion of the organs of the Body, or harme done them ; and 
sometimes the hurt, and indisposition of the Organs, is 
caused by the vehemence, or long continuance of the 
Passion. But in both cases the Madnesse is of one and 
the same nature. 

The Passion, whose violence, or continuance maketh 
Madnesse, is either great vaine-Glory ; which is commonly 
called Pride, and selfe-conceipt ; or great Dejection of 

Pride, subjecteth a man to Anger, the excesse whereof, 
is the Madnesse called RAGE, and FURY. And thus flag*, 
it comes to passe that excessive desire of Revenge, [36] 
when it becomes habituall, hurteth the organs, and 
becomes Rage : That excessive love, with jealousie, 
becomes also Rage : Excessive opinion of a mans own 
selfe, for divine inspiration, for wisdome, learning, 
forme, and the like, becomes Distraction, and Giddi- 
nesse : The same, joyned with Envy, Rage : Vehement 
opinion of the truth of any thing, contradicted by 
others, Rage. 

Dejection, subjects a man to causelesse fears ; which 
is a Madnesse commonly called MELANCHOLY, apparent Melan- 
also in divers manners ; as in haunting of solitudes, and chol y> 
graves ; in superstitious behaviour ; and in fearing some 
one, some another particular thing. In summe, all 
Passions that produce strange and unusuall behaviour, 

58 Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 8. 

are called by the generall name of Madnesse. But of the 
severall kinds of Madnesse, he that would take the 
paines, might enrowle a legion. And if the Excesses be 
madnesse, there is no doubt but the Passions them 
selves, when they tend to Evill, are degrees of the 

(For example,) Though the effect of folly, in them 
that are possessed of an opinion of being inspired, be not 
visible alwayes in one man, by any very extravagant 
action, that proceedeth from such Passion ; yet when 
many of them conspire together, the Rage of the whole 
multitude is visible enough. For what argument of 
Madnesse can there be greater, than to clamour, strike, 
and throw stones at our best friends ? Yet this is some 
what lesse than such a multitude will do. For they will 
clamour, fight against, and destroy those, by whom all 
their life-time before, they have been protected, and 
secured from injury. And if this be Madnesse in the 
multitude, it is the same in every particular man. For 
as in the middest of the sea, though a man perceive no 
sound of that part of the water next him ; yet he is well 
assured, that part contributes as much, to the Roaring 
of the Sea, as any other part, of the same quantity : so 
also, though wee perceive no great unquietnesse, in one, 
or two men ; yet we may be well assured, that their 
singular Passions, are parts of the Seditious roaring of 
a troubled Nation. And if there were nothing else that 
bewrayed their madnesse ; yet that very arrogating such 
inspiration to themselves, is argument enough. If some 
man in Bedlam should entertaine you with sober dis 
course ; and you desire in taking leave, to know what he 
were, that you might another time requite his civility ; 
and he should tell you, he were God the Father ; I think 
you need expect no extravagant action for argument of 
his Madnesse. 

This opinion of Inspiration, called commonly, Private 
Spirit, begins very often, from some lucky finding of an 
Errour generally held by others ; and not knowing, or 
not remembring, by what conduct of reason, they came 
to so singular a truth, (as they think it, though it be 
many times an untruth they light on,) they presently 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 8. 59 

admire themselves ; as being in the speciall grace of 
God Almighty, who hath revealed the same to them 
supernaturally, by his Spirit. 

Again, that Madnesse is nothing else, but too much 
appearing Passion, may be gathered out of the effects 
of Wine, which are the same with those of the evill 
disposition of the organs. For the variety of behaviour [37] 
in men that have drunk too much, is the same with that 
of Mad-men : some of them Raging, others Loving, 
others Laughing, all extravagantly, but according to 
their severall domineering Passions : For the effect of 
the wine, does but remove Dissimulation ; and take from 
them the sight of the deformity of their Passions. For, 
(I believe) the most sober men, when they walk alone 
without care and employment of the mind, would be 
unwilling the vanity and Extravagance of their thoughts 
at that time should be publiquely seen : which is a con 
fession, that Passions unguided, are^for the most part 
meere Madnesse. 

The opinions of the world, both in antient and later 
ages, concerning the cause of madnesse, have been two. 
Some, deriving them from the Passions ; some, from 
Daemons, or Spirits, either good, or bad, which they 
thought might enter into a man, possesse him, and move 
his organs in such strange, and uncouth manner, as mad 
men use to do. The former sort therefore, called such 
men, Mad-men : but the Later, called them sometimes 
Dcemoniacks, (that is, possessed with spirits ;) sometimes 
Energumeni, (that is, agitated, or moved with spirits ;) 
and now in Italy they are called not onely Pazzi, Mad 
men ; but also Spiritati, men possest. 

There was once a great conflux of people in Abdera, 
a City of the Greeks, at the acting of the Tragedy of 
Andromeda., upon an extream hot day : whereupon, 
a great many of the spectators falling into Fevers, had 
this accident from the heat, and from the Tragedy 
together, that they did nothing but pronounce lambiques, 
with the names of Perseus and Andromeda ; which 
together with the Fever, was cured, by the comming on 
of Winter : And this madnesse was thought to proceed 
from the Passion imprinted by the Tragedy. Likewise 

60 Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 8. 

there raigned a fit of madnesse in another Grsecian City, 
which seized onely the young Maidens ; and caused 
many of them to hang themselves. This was by most 
then thought an act of the Divel. But one that suspected, 
that contempt of life in them, might proceed from some 
Passion of the mind, and supposing they did not con- 
temne also their honour, gave counsell to the Magistrates, 
to strip such as so hang d themselves, and let them hang 
out naked. This the story sayes cured that madnesse. 
But on the other side, the same Graecians, did often 
ascribe madnesse, to the operation of the Eumenides, or 
Furyes ; and sometimes of Ceres, Phcebus, and other 
Gods : so much did men attribute to Phantasmes, as to 
think them ae real living bodies ; and generally to call 
them Spirits. And as the Romans in this, held the same 
opinion with the Greeks : so also did the Jewes ; For 
they called mad-men Prophets, or (according as they 
thought the spirits good or bad) Daemoniacks ; and some 
of them called both Prophets, and Daemoniacks. mad-men ; 
and some called the same man both Dasmoniack, and 
mad-man. But for the Gentiles, tis no wonder ; because 
Diseases, and Health ; Vices, and Vertues ; and many 
naturall accidents, were with them termed, and wor 
shipped as Daemons. So that a man was to understand 
by Daemon, as well (sometimes) an Ague, as a Divell. 
[38] But for the Jewes to have such opinion, is somewhat 
strange. For neither Moses, nor Abraham pretended to 
Prophecy by possession of a Spirit ; but from the voyce 
of God ; or by a Vision or Dream : Nor is there any thing 
in his Law, . Morall, or Ceremoniall, by which they were 
taught, there was any such Enthusiasme ; or any Pos 
session. When God is sayd, Numb. n. 25. to take from 
the Spirit that was in Moses, and give to the 70. Elders, 
the Spirit of God (taking it for the substance of God) 
is not divided. The Scriptures by the Spirit of God in 
man, mean a mans spirit, enclined to Godlinesse. And 
where it is said Exod. 28. 3. Whom I have filled with the 
spirit of wisdome to make garments for Aaron, is not meant 
a spirit put into them, that can make garments ; but the 
wisdome of their own spirits in that kind of work. In 
the like sense, the spirit of man, when it produceth 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 8. 61 

unclean actions, is ordinarily called an unclean spirit ; 
and so other spirits, though not alwayes, yet as often 
as the vertue or vice so stiled, is extraordinary, and 
Eminent. Neither did the other Prophets of the old 
Testament pretend Enthusiasme ; or, that God spake 
in them ; but to them by Voyce, Vision, or Dream ; and 
the Burthen of the Lord was not Possession, but Com 
mand. How then could the Jewes fall into this opinion 
of possession ? I can imagine no reason, but that which 
is common to all men ; namely, the want of curiosity to 
search naturall causes ; and their placing Felicity, in the 
acquisition of the grosse pleasures of the Senses, and the 
things that most immediately conduce thereto. For 
they that see any strange, and unusuall ability, or defect 
in a mans mind ; unlesse they see withall, from what 
cause it may probably proceed, can hardly think it 
naturall ; and if not naturall, they must needs thinke it 
supernaturall ; and then what can it be, but that either 
God, or the Divell is in him ? And hence it came to 
passe, when our Saviour (Mark 3. 21.) was compassed 
about with the multitude, those of the house doubted 
he was mad, and went out to hold him : but the Scribes 
said he had Belzebub, and that was it, by which he cast 
out divels ; as if the greater mad-man had awed the 
lesser. And that (John 10. 20.) some said, He hath 
a Divell, and is mad ; whereas others holding him for 
a Prophet, sayd, These are not the words of one that hath 
a Divell. So in the old Testament he that came to anoynt 
Jehu, 2 Kings 9. n. was a Prophet ; but some of the 
company asked Jehu, What came that mad-man for? So that 
in summe, it is manifest, that whosoever behaved him- 
selfe in extraordinory manner, was thought by the Jewes 
to be possessed either with a good, or evill spirit ; except 
by the Sadduces, who erred so farre on the other hand, 
as not to believe there were at all any spirits, (which is 
very neere to direct Atheisme ;) and thereby perhaps the 
more provoked others, to terme such men Daemoniacks, 
rather than mad-men. 

But why then does our Saviour proceed in the curing 
of them, as if they were possest ; and not as if they were 
mad ? To which I can give no other kind of answer, but 

62 Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 8. 

that which is given to those that urge the Scripture in 
like manner against the opinion of the motion of the 
Earth. The Scripture was written to shew unto men the 
kingdome of God, and to prepare their mindes to become 
[39] his obedient subjects ; leaving the world, and the 
Philosophy thereof, to the disputation of men, for the 
exercising of their naturall Reason. Whether the Earths, 
or Suns motion make the day, and night ; or whether 
the Exorbitant actions of men, proceed from Passion, or 
from the Divell, (so we worship him not) it is all one, as 
to our obedience, and subjection to God Almighty ; 
which is the thing for which the Scripture was written. 
As for that our Saviour speaketh to the disease, as to 
a person ; it is the usuall phrase of all that cure by words 
onely, as Christ did, (and Inchanters pretend to do, 
whether they speak to a Divel or not.) For is not Christ 
also said (Math. 8. 26.) to have rebuked the winds ? Is 
not he said also (Luk. 4. 39.) to rebuke a Fever ? Yet 
this does not argue that a Fever is a Divel. And whereas 
many of those Divels are said to confesse Christ ; it is not 
necessary to interpret those places otherwise, than that 
those mad-men confessed him. And whereas our Saviour 
(Math. 12. 43.) speaketh of an unclean Spirit, that having 
gone out of a man, wandreth through dry places, seeking 
rest, and finding none ; and returning into the same 
man, with seven other spirits worse than himselfe ; It is 
manifestly a Parable, alluding to a man, that after 
a little endeavour to quit his lusts, is vanquished by the 
strength of them ; and becomes seven times worse than 
he was. So that I see nothing at all in the Scripture, 
that requireth a beliefe, that Daemoniacks were any 
other thing but Mad-men. 

Insignifi- There is yet another fault in the Discourses of some 

cant men ; which may also be numbred amongst the sorts 

Speech. o f Madnesse ; namely, that abuse of words, whereof 

I have spoken before in the fifth chapter, by the Name 

of Absurdity. And that is, when men speak such words, 

as put together, have in them no signification at all ; 

but are fallen upon by some, through misunderstanding 

of the words they have received, and repeat by rote ; by 

others, from intention to deceive by obscurity. And this 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 8. 63 

is incident to none but those, that converse in questions 
of matters incomprehensible, as the Schoole-men ; or in 
questions of abstruse Philosophy. The common sort of 
men seldome speak Insignificantly, and are therefore, 
by those other Egregious persons counted Idiots. But 
to be assured their words are without any thing corre 
spondent to them in the mind, there would need some 
Examples ; which if any man require, let him take 
a Schoole-man into his hands, and see if he can translate 
any one chapter concerning any difficult point ; as the 
Trinity ; the Deity ; the nature of Christ ; Transub- 
stantiation ; Free-will, 6-c. into any of the moderne 
tongues, so as to make the same intelligible ; or into any 
tolerable Latine, such as they were acquainted withall, 
that lived when the Latine tongue was Vulgar. What 
is the meaning of these words. The first cause does not 
necessarily inflow any thing into the second., by force of the 
Essentiall subordination of the second causes, by Which it 
may help it to worke ? They are the Translation of the 
Title of the sixth chapter of Suarez first Booke, Of the 
Concourse, Motion, and Help of God. When men write 
whole volumes of such stuffe, are they not Mad, or intend 
to make others so ? And particularly, in the question of [40] 
Transubstantiation ; where after certain words spoken, 
they that say, the Whitenesse, Roundnesse, Magnitude, 
Quality, Corruptibility, all which are incorporeall, &c. go 
out of the Wafer, into the Body of our blessed Saviour, 
do they not make those Nesses, Tudes, and Ties, to be so 
many spirits possessing his body ? For by Spirits, they 
mean alwayes things, that being incorporeall, are never- 
thelesse moveable from one place to another. So that 
this kind of Absurdity, may rightly be numbred amongst 
the many sorts of Madnesse ; and all the time that 
guided by clear Thoughts of their worldly lust, they 
forbear disputing, or writing thus, but Lucide Intervals. 
And thus much of the Vertues and Defects Intellectual! . 

64 Parti. OF MAN. Chap. 9. 


O/ //^ Severall SUBJECTS of KNOWLEDGE. 

THERE are of KNOWLEDGE two kinds ; whereof one is 
Knowledge of Fact : the other Knowledge of the Conse 
quence of one A formation to another. The former is nothing 
else, but Sense and Memory, and is Absolute Knowledge ; 
as when we see a Fact doing, or remember it done : And 
this is the Knowledge required in a Witnesse. The 
later is called Science ; and is Conditionall ; as when 
we know, that, // the figure showne be a Circle, then any 
straight line through the Center shall divide it into two 
equall parts. And this is the Knowledge required in a 
Philosopher ; that is to say, of him that pretends to 

The Register of Knowledge of Fact is called History. 
Whereof there be two sorts : one called Naturall History ; 
which is the History of such Facts, or Effects of Nature, 
as have no Dependance on Mans Will ; Such as are the 
Histories of Metalls, Plants, Animals, Regions, and 
the Jike. The other, is Civill History ; which is the 
History of the Voluntary Actions of men in Common 

The Registers of Science, are such Books as contain 
the Demonstrations of Consequences of one Affirmation, 
to another ; and are commonly called Books of Philosophy \ 
whereof the sorts are many, according to the diversity 
of the Matter ; And may be divided in such manner as 
I have divided thejn in the following Table. 

Hg 1 


OH O < 


cience of ENGI 





S 5 . 


S ^ti 

cr j= 







O "*< 

I 5 



C = 

".23 3 
f 5 0-3.SP 

: =*r.5tu K.- 

a fc G 


%& JJ 
S - 

rt " 


!*S j 

C-5-5 * 


: ,- ~ 


y- o Su^ S.H s ? 


66 Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 10. 

[41] CHAP. X. 


Power. THE POWER of a Man, (to take it Universally,) is his 
present means, to obtain some future apparent Good. 
And is either Originally or Instrumentall. 

Naturall Power, is the eminence of the Faculties of __ 
Bocly, or Mind : as extraordinary Strength, Forme, 
Prudence, Arts, Eloquence, Liberality, Nobility. Instru 
mentall are those Powers, which acquired by these," 
or by fortune, are means and Instruments to acquire ~ 
more : as Riches, Reputation, Friends, and the secret- 
working of God, which men call Good Luck. For 
the nature of Power, is in this point, like to Fame, 
increasing as it proceeds ; or like the motion of- heavy 
bodies, which the further they go, make still the 
more hast. 

The Greatest of humane Powers, is that which is 
compounded of the Powers of most men, united by 
consent, in one person, Naturall, or Civill, that has the 
use of all their Powers depending on his will ; such as is 
the Power of a Common-wealth : Or depending on the 
wills of each particular ; such as is the Power of a Fac 
tion, or of divers factions leagued. Therefore to have 
servants, is Power ; To have friends, is Power : for they 
are strengths united. 

Also Riches joyned with liberality, is Power ; because 
it procureth friends, and servants : Without liberality, 
not so ; because in this case they defend not ; but 
expose men to Envy, as a Prey. 

Reputation of power, is Power ; because it draweth 
with it the adhserence of those that need protection. 

So is Reputation of love of a mans Country, (called 
Popularity,) for the same Reason. 

Also, what quality soever maketh a man beloved, or 
feared of many ; or the reputation of such quality, is 
Power ; because it is a means to have the assistance, 
and service of many. 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 10. 67 

Good successe is Power ; because it maketh reputation 
of Wisdome, or good fortune ; which makes men either 
feare him, or rely on him. 

Affability of men already in power, is encrease of 
Power ; because it gaineth love. 

Reputation of Prudence in the conduct of Peace or 
War, is Power ; because to prudent men, we commit 
the government of our selves, more willingly than to 

Nobility is Power, not in all places, but onely in those 
Common-wealths, where it has Priviledges : for in such 
priviledges consisteth their Power. 

Eloquence is power ; because it is seeming Prudence. 

Forme is Power ; because being a promise of Good, 
it recommendeth men to the favour of women and [42] 

The Sciences, are small Power ; becausejiot eminent ; 
and therefore, not acknowledged in any man ; nor are 
at all, but in a few ; and in them, but of a few things. 
For Science is of that nature, as none can understand it 
to be, but such as in a good measure have attayned it. 

Arts of publique use, as Fortification, making of 
Engines, and other Instruments of War ; because they 
conferre to Defence, and Victory, are Power : And 
though the true Mother of them, be Science, namely the 
Mathematiques ; yet, because they are brought into 
the Light, by the hand of the Artificer, they be esteemed 
(the Midwife passing with the vulgar for the Mother,) as 
his issue. 

The Value, or WORTH of a man, is as of all other things, 
his Price ; that is to say, so much as would be given for 
the use of his Power : and therefore is not absolute ; but 
a thing dependant on the need and judgement of another. 
An able conductor of Souldiers, is of great Price in time 
of War present, or imminent ; but in Peace not so. 
A learned and uncorrupt Judge, is much Worth in time 
of Peace ; but not so much in War. And as in other 
things, so in men, not the seller, but the buyer determines 
the Price. For let a man (as most men do,) rate them 
selves at the highest Value they can ; yet their true 
Value is no more than it is esteemed by others. 

F 2 


Part i. 


Chap. 10. 


and Dis 

The manifestation of the Value we set on one another, 
is that which is commonly called Honouring, and Dis 
honouring. To Value a man at a high rate, is to Honour 
him ; at a low rate, is to Dishonour him. But high, and 
low, in this case, is to be understood by comparison to 
the rate that each man setteth on himselfe. 

The publique worth of a man, which is the Value set 
on him by the Common- wealth, is that which men 
commonly call DIGNITY. And this Value of him by the 
Common -wealth, is understood, by offices of Command,^ 
Judicature, publike Employment ; or by Names and 
Titles, introduced for distinction of such Value. 
"Tb~ pray to another, for ayde of any kind, is to 
HONOUR ; because a signe we have an opinion he has 
power to help ; and the more difficult the ayde is, the 
more is the Honour. 

To obey, is to Honour ; because no man obeyes them, 
whom they think have no power to help, or hurt them. 
And consequently to disobey, is to Dishonour. 

To give great gifts to a man, is to Honour him ; because 
tis buying of Protection, and acknowledging of Power. 
To give little gifts, is to Dishonour ; because it is but 
Almes, and signifies an opinion of the need of small helps. 

To be sedulous in promoting anothers good ; also to 
flatter, is to Honour ; as a signe we seek his protection 
or ayde. To neglect, is to Dishonour. 

To give way, or place to another, in any Commodity, 
is to Honour ; being a confession of greater power. To 
arrogate, is to Dishonour. 

To shew any signe of love, or feare of another, is to 
[43] Honour ; for both to love, and to feare, is to value. To 
contemne, or lesse to love or feare, then he expects, is to 
Dishonour ; for tis undervaluing. 

To praise, magnifie, or call happy, is to Honour ; 
because nothing but goodnesse, power, and felicity is 
valued. To revile, mock, or pitty, is to Dishonour. 

To speak to another with consideration, to appear 
before him with decency, and humility, is to Honour 
him ; as signes of fear to offend. To speak to him 
rashly, to do any thing before him obscenely, slovenly, 
impudently, is to Dishonour. 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 10. 69 

To believe, to trust, to rely on another, is to Honour 
him ; signe of opinion of his vertue and power. To 
distrust, or not believe, is to Dishonour. 

To hearken to a mans counsell, or discourse of what 
kind soever, is to Honour ; as a signe we think him 
wise, or eloquent, or witty. To sleep, or go forth, or 
talk the while, is to Dishonour. 

To do those things to another, which he takes for signes 
of Honour, or which the Law or Custome makes so, is to 
Honour ; because in approving the Honour done by 
others, he acknowledgeth the power which others 
acknowledge. To refuse to do them, is to Dishonour. 

To agree with in opinion, is to -Honour ; as being 
a signe of approving his judgement, and wisdome. To 
dissent, is Dishonour ; and an upbraiding of errour ; 
and (if the dissent be in many things) of folly. 

To imitate, is to Honour ; for it is vehemently to 
approve. To imitate ones Enemy, is to Dishonour. 

To honour those another honours, is to Honour him ; 
as a signe of approbation of his judgement. To honour 
his Enemies, is to Dishonour him. 

To employ in counsell, or in actions of difficulty, is to 
Honour ; as a signe of opinion of his wisdome, or other 
power. To deny employment in the same cases, to those 
that seek it, is to Dishonour. 

All these wayes of Honouring, are naturall ; and as 
well within, as without Common-wealths. But in 
Common-wealths, where he, or they that have the 
supreme Authority, can make whatsoever they please, 
to stand for signes of Honour, there be other Honours. 

A Soveraigne doth Honour a Subject, with whatsoever 
Title, or Office, or Employment, or Action, that he him- 
selfe will have taken for a signe of his will to Honour him. 

The King of Persia, Honoured M or decay, when he 
appointed he should be conducted through the streets 
in the Kings Garment, upon one of the Kings Horses, 
with a Crown on his head, and a Prince before him, 
proclayming, Thus shall it be done to him that the King 
will honour. And yet another King of Persia, or the 
same another time, to one that demanded for some great 
service, to weare one of the Kings robes, gave him leave 


Part i. 


Chap. 10. 



so to do ; but with this addition, that he should weare 
it as the Kings foole ; and then it was Dishonour. So 
that of Civ ill Honour, the Fountain is in the person of 
the Common- wealth, and dependeth on the Will of the 
Soveraigne ; and is therefore temporary, and called 
[44] Civill Honour ; such as are Magistracy, Offices, Titles ; 
and in some places Coats, and Scutchions painted : and 
men Honour such as have them, as having so many 
signes of favour in the Common-wealth ; which favour 
is Power. 

Honourable is whatsoever possession, action, or quality, 
is an argument and signe of Power. 

And therefore To be Honoured, loved, or feared of 
many, is Honourable ; as arguments of Power. To be 
Honoured of few or none, Dishonourable. 

Dominion, and Victory is Honourable ; because 
acquired by Power ; and Servitude, for need, or feare, 
is Dishonourable. 

Good fortune (if lasting,) Honourable ; as a signe of 
the favour of God. Ill fortune, and losses, Dishonourable. 
Riches, are Honourable ; for they are Power. Poverty, 
Dishonourable. Magnanimity, Liberality, Hope, Courage, 
Confidence, are Honourable ; for they proceed fro.a the 
conscience of Power. Pusillanimity, Parsimony, Fear, 
Diffidence, are Dishonourable. 

Timely Resolution, or determination of what a man is 
to do, is Honourable ; as being the contempt of small 
difficulties, and dangers. And Irresolution, Dishonour 
able ; as a signe of too much valuing of little impedi 
ments, and little advantages : For when a man has 
weighed things as long as the time permits, and resolves 
not, the difference of weight is but little ; and therefore 
if he resolve not, he overvalues little things, which is 

All Actions, and Speeches, that proceed, or seem to 
proceed from much Experience, Science, Discretion, or 
Wit, are Honourable ; For all these are Powers. Actions, 
or Words that proceed from Errour, Ignorance, or Folly, 

Gravity, as farre forth as it seems to proceed from 
a mind employed on some thing else, is Honourable ; 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 10. 71 

because employment is a signe of Power. But if it seem 
to proceed from a purpose to appear grave, it is Dis 
honourable. For the gravity of the former, is like the 
steddinesse of a Ship laden with Merchandise ; but of 
the later, like the steddinesse of a Ship ballasted with 
Sand, and other trash. 

To be Conspicuous, that is to say, to be known, for 
Wealth, Office, great Actions, or any eminent Good, is 
Honourable ; as a signe of the power for which he is 
conspicuous. On the contrary, Obscurity, is Dis 

To be descended from conspicuous Parents, is Honour 
able ; because they the more easily attain the aydes, and 
friends of their Ancestors. On the contrary, to be 
descended from obscure Parentage, is Dishonourable. 

Actions proceeding from Equity, joyned with losse, 
are Honourable ; as signes of Magnanimity : for Magna 
nimity is a signe of Power. On the contrary, Craft, 
Shifting, neglect of Equity, is Dishonourable. 

Covetousnesse of great Riches, and ambition of great 
Honours, are Honourable ; as signes of power to obtain 
them. Covetousnesse, and ambition, of little gaines, or 
preferments, is Dishonourable. 

Nor does it alter the case of Honour, whether an action 
(so it be great and difficult, and consequently a signe of [45] 
much power,) be just or unjust : for Honour consisteth 
onely in the opinion of Power. Therefore the ancient 
Heathen did not thinke they Dishonoured, but greatly 
Honoured the Gods, when they introduced them in their 
Poems, committing Rapes, Thefts, and other great, but 
unjust, or unclean acts : In so much as nothing is so 
much celebrated in Jupiter, as his Adulteries ; nor in 
Mercury, as his Frauds, and Thefts : of whose praises, 
in a hymne of Homer, the greatest is this, that being born 
in the morning, he had invented Musique at noon, and 
before night, stolne away the Cattell of Apollo, from his 

Also amongst men, till there were constituted great 
Common-wealths, it was thought no dishonour to be 
a Pyrate, or a High-way Theefe ; but rather a lawfull 
Trade, not onely amongst the Greeks, but also amongst 

72 Parti. OF MAN. Chap. 10. 

all other Nations ; as is manifest by the Histories of 
antient time. And at this day, in this part of the world, 
private Duels are, and alwayes will be Honourable, 
though unlawfull, till such time as there shall be Honour 
ordained for them that refuse, and Ignominy for them 
that make the Challenge. For Duels also are many times 
effects of Courage ; and the ground of Courage is alwayes 
Strength or Skill, which are Power ; though for the most 
part they be effects of rash speaking, and of the fear of 
Dishonour, in one, or both the Combatants ; who engaged 
byrashnesse, are driven into the Lists to avoyd disgrace. 
Coats of Scutchions, and Coats of Armes haereditary, where 
Armes. they have any eminent Priviledges, are Honourable ; 
otherwise not : for their Power consisteth either in such 
Priviledges, or in Riches, or some such thing as is equally 
honoured in other men. This kind of Honour, com 
monly called Gentry, has been derived from the Antient 
Germans. For there never was any such thing known, 
where the German Customes were unknown. Nor is it 
now any where in use, where the Germans have not 
inhabited. The antient Greek Commanders, when they 
went to war, had their Shields painted with such Devises 
as they pleased ; insomuch as an unpainted Buckler 
was a signe of Poverty, and of a common Souldier : but 
they transmitted not the Inheritance of them. The 
Romans transmitted the Marks of their Families : but 
they were the Images, not the Devises of their Ancestors. 
Amongst the people of Asia, Afrique, and America, there 
is not, nor was ever, any such thing. The Germans onely 
had that custome ; from whom it has been derived into 
England, France, Spain and Italy, when in great numbers 
they either ayded the Romans, or made their own Con 
quests in these Westerne parts of the world. 

For Germany, being antiently, as all other Countries, 
in their beginnings, divided amongst an infinite number 
of little Lords, or Masters of Families, that continually 
had wars one with another ; those Masters, or Lords, 
principally to the end they might, when they were 
Covered with Arms, be known by their followers ; and 
partly for ornament, both painted their Armor, or their 
Scutchion, or Coat, with the picture of some Beast, or 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 10. 73 

other thing ; and also put some eminent and visible [46] 
mark upon the Crest of their Helmets. And this orna 
ment both of the Armes, and Crest, descended by inheri 
tance to their Children ; to the eldest pure, and to the 
rest with some note of diversity, such as the Old master, 
that is to say in Dutch, the Here-alt thought fit. But 
when many such Families, joyned together, made a 
greater Monarchy, this duty of the Herealt, to distinguish 
Scutchions, was made a private Office a part. And the 
issue of these Lords, is the great and antient Gentry ; 
which for the most part bear living creatures, noted for 
courage, and rapine ; or Castles, Battlements, Belts, 
Weapons, Bars, Palisadoes, and other notes of War ; 
nothing being then in honour, but vertue military. 
Afterwards, not onely Kings, but popular Common 
wealths, gave divers manners of Scutchions, to such as 
went forth to the War, or returned from it, for encourage 
ment, or recompence to their service. All which, by an 
observing Reader, may be found in such antient Histories, 
Greek and Latine, as make mention of the German 
Nation, and Manners, in their times. 

Titles of Honour, such as are Duke, Count, Marquis, Titles of 
and Baron, are Honourable ; as signifying the value set Honour. 
upon them by the Soveraigne Power of the Common 
wealth : Which Titles, were in old time titles of Ofnce, 
and Command, derived some from the Romans, some 
from the Germans, and French. Dukes, in Latine Duces, 
being Generalls in War : Counts, Comites, such as bare 
the Generall company out of friendship ; and were left 
to govern and defend places conquered, and pacified : 
Marquises, Marchiones, were Counts that governed the 
Marches, or bounds of the Empire. Which titles of 
Duke, Count, and Marquis, came into the Empire, about 
the time of Constantine the Great, from the customes 
of the German Militia. But Baron, seems to have been 
a Title of the Gaules, and signifies a Great man ; such 
as were the Kings, or Princes men, whom they employed 
in war about their persons ; and seems to be derived 
from Vir, to Ber, and Bar, that signified the same in the 
Language of the Gaules, that Vir in Latine ; and thence 
to Bero, and Baro : so that such men were called Berones, 

74 Part I. OF MAN. Chap. 10. 

and after Barones ; and (in Spanish) Varones. But he 
that would know more particularly the origin all of Titles 
of Honour, may find it, as I have done this, in Mr. Seldens 
most excellent Treatise of that subject. In processe oi 
time these offices of Honour, by occasion of trouble, and 
for reasons of good and peaceable government, were 
turned into meer Titles ; serving for the most part, to 
distinguish the precedence, place, and order of subjects 
in the Common-wealth : and men were made Dukes, 
Counts, Marquises, and Barons of Places, wherein they 
had neither possession, nor command : and other Titles 
also, were devised to the same end. 

Worthi- WORTHINESSE, is a thing different from the worth, or 

nesse. value of a man ; and also from his merit, or desert ; and 

sse consisteth in a particular power, or ability for that, 

whereof he is said to be worthy : which particular ability. 

is usually named FITNESSE, or Aptitude. 

For he is Worthiest to be a Commander, to be a Judge, 
or to have any other charge, that is best fitted, with the 
[47] qualities required to the well discharging of it ; and 
Worthiest of Riches, that has the qualities most requisite 
for the well using of them : any of which qualities being 
absent, one may neverthelesse be a Worthy man, and 
valuable for some thing else. Again, a man may be 
Worthy of Riches, Office, and Employment, that never 
thelesse, can plead no right to have it before another ; 
and therefore cannot be said to merit or deserve it. For 
Merit, praesupposeth a right, and that the thing deserved 
is due by promise : Of which I shall say more hereafter, 
when I shall speak of Contracts. 


Of the difference of MANNERS. 

BY MANNERS, I mean not here, Decency of behaviour ; 

as how one man should salute another, or how a man 

should wash his mouth, or pick his teeth before company, 

What is and such other points of the Small Moralls ; But those 

here qualities of man-kind, that concern their living together 

meant by j n p eace an d Unity. To which end we are to consider, 

Manners. J 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap- 77 

that the Felicity of this life, consisteth not in the repose 8 
of a mind satisfied. For there is no such Finis ultimus, 
(utmost ayme,) nor Summum Bonum, (greatest Good,) 
as is spoken of in the Books of the old Morall Philosophers. 
Nor can a man any more live, whose Desires are at an 
end, than he, whose Senses and Imaginations are at 
a stand. Felicity is a continuall progresse of the desire, 
from one oFject to another ; the attaining of the former, 
being still but the way to the later. The cause whereof 
is, That the object of mans desire, is not to enjoy once 
onely, and for one instant of time ; but to assure for 
ever, the way of his future desire. And therefore the 
voluntary actions, and inclinations of all men, tend, not 
onely to the procuring, but also to the assuring of 
a contented life ; and differ onely in the way : which 
ariseth partly from the diversity of passions, in divers 
men ; and partly from the difference of the knowledge, or 
opinion each one has of the causes, which produce the 
effect desired. 

So that in the first place, I put for a generall inclina- A restlesse 
tion of all mankind, a perpetuall and restlesse desire of desire of 
Power after power, that ceaseth onely in Death. And g^JJ^* 11 
the cause of this, is not alwayes that a man hopes for 
a more intensive delight, than he has already attained 
to ; or that he cannot content with a moderate 
power : but because he , t assure the power __and 
means to live well, whicl present, without the 

acquisition of more. And Hum hence it is, that Kings, 
whose power is greatest, turn their endeavours to the 
assuring it at home by Lawes, or abroad by Wars : and 
when that is done, there succeedeth a new desire ; in 
some, of Fame from new Conquest ; in others, of ease 
and sensuall pleasure ; in others, of admiration, or being 
flattered for excellence in some art, or other ability of 
the mind. 

Competition of Riches, Honour, Command, or other 
power, enclineth to Contention, Enmity, and War : [48] 
Because the way of one Competitor, to the attaining ^jn_ 
of his desire, is to kill, subdue, supplant, or repell the tion from 
other. Particularly, competition of praise, enclineth Competi- 
to a reverence of Antiquity. For men contend with ti n - 

74 Parti. OF MAN. Chap.ii. 

?ne living, not with the dead ; to these ascribing 
more than due, that they may obscure the glory of 
the other. 

Desire of Ease, and sensuall Delight, disposeth men 

idience to obey a common Power : Because by .such Desires, 

of^ase 6 a man ^ ot k a bandon the protection might be hoped for 

Fvom from his own Industry, and labour. Fear of Death, and 

feave of Wounds, disposeth to the same ; and for the same 

Death, or reason. On the contrary, needy men, and hardy, not 

Wounds, contented with their present condition ; as also, all men 

that are ambitious of Military command, are enclined 

to continue the causes of warre ; and to stirre up 

trouble and sedition : for there is no honour Military 

but by warre ; nor any such hope to mend an ill game, 

as by causing a new shuffle. 

And from Desire of Knowledge, and Arts of Peace, enclineth 
love of men to obey a common Power : For such Desire, con- 
taineth a desire of leasure ; and consequently protection 
from some other Power than their own. 

Love of Desire of Praise, disposeth to laudable actions, such 
Vertue, as please them whose judgement they value ; for of 

^of praise t ^ lose men wnom we contemn, we contemn also the 
Praises. Desire of Fame after death does the same. 
And though after death, there be no sense of the. praise 
given us on Earth, as being joyes, that are either swal 
lowed up in the unspeakable joyes of Heaven, or ex 
tinguished in the extreme torments of Hell : yet is not 
such Fame vain ; because men have a present delight 
therein, from the foresight of it, and of the benefit that 
may redound thereby to their posterity : which though 
they now see not, yet they imagine ; and any thing that 
is pleasure in the sense, the same also is pleasure in the 

Hate, from To have received from one, to whom we think our 

difficulty selves equall, greater benefits than there is hope to 

in reat" R ec l mte > disposeth to counterfeit love ; but really secret 

Benefits, hatred ; and puts a man into the estate of a desperate 

debtor, that in declining the sight of his creditor, tacitely 

wishes him there, where he might never see him more. 

For benefits oblige ; and obligation is thraldome ; and 

unrequitable obligation, perpetuall thraldome ; which 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. n. 77 

is to ones equall, hatefull. But to have received benefits 
from one, whom we acknowledge for superiour, enclines 
to love ; because the obligation is no new depression : 
and cheerfull acceptation, (which men call Gratitude,) is 
such an honour done to the obliger, as is taken generally 
for retribution. Also to receive benefits, though from an 
equall, or inferiour, as long as there is hope of requitall, 
disposeth to love : for in the intention of the receiver, 
the obligation is of ayd, and service mutuall ; from 
whence proceedeth an Emulation of who shall exceed in 
benefiting ; the most noble and profitable contention 
possible ; wherein the victor is pleased with his victory, 
and the other revenged by confessing it. 

To have done more hurt to a man, than he can, or is A nd from 
willing to expiate, enclineth the doer to hate the suf- c ~ 
ferer. For he must expect re|venge, or forgivenesse ; ^s^ving 
both which are hatefull. to be hated. 

Feare of oppression, disposeth a man to anticipate, or [49] 
to seek"ayd by society : for there is no other way fay Prompt- 
which a man can secure his life and liberty. hurt j rom 

Men that distrust their own subtilty, are in tumult, Fear. 
and sedition, better disposed for victory, than they that And from 
suppose themselves wise, or crafty. For these love to distrust of 
consult, the other (fearing to be circumvented,) to strike ^ ( 
first. And in sedition, men being alwayes in the pro- 
cincts of battell, to hold together, and use all advantages 
of force, is a better stratagem, than any that can pro 
ceed from subtilty of Wit. 

Vain-glorious men, such as without being conscious Vain 
to themselves of great sufficiency, delight in supposing 
themselves gallant men, are enclined onely to ostenta- 
tion ; but not to attempt : Because when danger or 
difficulty appears, they look for nothing but to have glory. 
their insufficiency discovered. 

Vain-glorious men, such as estimate their sufficiency 
by the flattery of other men, or the fortune of some 
precedent action, without assured ground of hope from 
the true knowledge of themselves, are enclined to rash 
engaging ; and in the approach of danger, or difficulty, 
to retire if they can : because not seeing the way of 
safety, they will rather hazard their honour, which may 

78 Parti. OF MAN. Chap. n. 

be salved with an excuse ; than their lives, for which 
no salve is sufficient. 

Ambition, Men that have a strong opinion of their own wisdome 

from in matter of government, are disposed to Ambition. 

opinion of Because without publique Employment in counsell or 

magistracy, the honour of their wisdome is lost. And 

therefore Eloquent speakers are enclined to Ambition ; 

for Eloquence seemeth wisedome, both to themselves 

and others. 

Irresolu- Pusillanimity disposeth men to Irresolution, and con- 

tion, from sequently to lose the occasions, and fittest opportunities 

v aluin^ * ac ^ on - For after men have been in deliberation till 

o/swa?/ the time of action approach, if it be not then manifest 

matters, what is best to be done, tis a signe, the difference of 

Motives, the one way and the other, are not great : 

Therefore not to resolve then, is to lose the occasion by 

weighing of trifles ; which is Pusillanimity. 

Frugality, (though in poor men a Vertue,) maketh 
a man unapt to atchieve such actions, as require the 
strength of many men at once : For it weakeneth their 
Endeavour, which is to be nourished and kept in vigor 
by Reward. 

Confi- Eloquence, with flattery, disposeth men to confide in 

dence in them that have it ; because the former is seeming Wis- 
other, dome, the later seeming Kindnesse. Adde to them 
Ignorance Military reputation, and it disposeth men to adhaere, 
of the and subject themselves to those men that have them. 
marks of The two former, having given them caution against 
^an^Ki/nd- ^ an er fr m him ; the later gives them caution against 
"nesse ~ danger from others. 

And from Want of Science, that is, Ignorance of causes, dis- 
Ignorance poseth, or rather constraineth a man to rely on the 
of natural! ^i and aut hority of others. For all men whom the 

causes. rr -r ,,1 i ji i 

truth concernes, if they rely not on their own, must rely 
on the opinion of some other, whom they think wiser 
than themselves, and see not why he should deceive 

[5] Ignorance of the signification of words ; which is, 
want ^/ m want f understanding, disposeth men to take on trust, 
^Under- not on ely the truth they know not ; but also* the errors ; 
standing, and which is more, the non-sense of them they trust : 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. n. 79 

For neither Error, nor non-sense, can without a perfect 
understanding of words, be detected. 

From the same it proceedeth, that men give different 
names, to one and the same thing, from the difference 
of their own passions : As they that approve a private 
opinion, call it Opinion ; but they that mislike it, Haere- 
sie : and yet haeresie signifies no more than private 
opinion ; but has onely a greater tincture of choler. 

From the same also it proceedeth, that men cannot 
distinguish, without study and great understanding, 
between one action of many men, and many actions of 
one multitude ; as for example, between the one action 
of all the Senators of Rome in killing Catiline, and the 
many actions of a number of Senators in killing Ccesar ; 
and therefore are disposed to take for the action of the 
people, that which is a multitude of actions done by 
a multitude of men, led perhaps by the perswasion of one. 

Ignorance of the causes, and originall constitution oiAdhar- 
Right, Equity, Law, and Justice, disposeth a man to ence to 
make Custome and Example the rule of his actions ; in 9 r ^ ome 
such manner, as to think that Unjust which it hath been ig orance 
the custome to punish ; and that Just, of the impunity of the 
and approbation whereof they can produce an Example, nature of 
or (as the Lawyers which onely use this false measure ^ ht and 
of Justice barbarously call it) a Precedent ; like little 
children, that have no other rule of good and evill man 
ners, but the correction they receive from their Parents, 
and Masters ; save that children are constant to their 
rule, whereas men are not so ; because grown strong, 
and stubborn, they appeale from custome to reason, and 
from reason to custome, as it serves their turn ; receding 
from custome when their interest requires it, and setting 
themselves against reason, as oft as reason is against 
them : Which is the cause, that the doctrine of Right 
and Wrong, is perpetually disputed, both by the Pen 
and the Sword : Whereas the doctrine of Lines, and 
Figures, is not so ; because men care not, in that subject 
what be truth, as a thing that crosses no mans ambition, 
rjrofit, or lust. For I doubt not, but if it had been a 
thing contrary to any mans right of dominion, or to the 
interest of men that have dominion, That the three Angles 

8o Part i. OF MAN. Chap. n. 

of a Triangle, should be equall to two Angles of a Square ; 
that doctrine should have been, if not disputed, yet by 
the burning of all books of Geometry, suppressed, as 
farre as he whom it concerned was able. 

Adhar- Ignorance of remote causes, disposeth men to attribute 

ence to ^\\ events, to the causes immediate, and Instrumental! : 

men From ^ or tnese are a ^ tne causes they perceive. And hence 

Ignorance it comes to passe, that in all places, men that are grieved 

of the with payments to the Publique, discharge their anger 

Causes of U p On the Publicans, that is to say, Farmers, Collectors, 

lce and other Officers of the publique Revenue ; and adhaere 

to such as find fault with the publike Government ; and 

thereby, when they have engaged themselves beyond hope 

[51] of justification, fall also upon the Supreme Authority, 

for feare of punishment, or shame of receiving pardon. 
Credulity Ignorance of naturall causes disposeth a man to 
from Credulity, so as to believe many times impossibilities : 

For such know nothin to the contrary, but that they 
may be true ; being unable to detect the Impossibility. 
And Credulity, because men love to be hearkened unto 
in company, disposeth them to lying : so that Ignorance it 
selfe without Malice, is able to make a man both to believe 
lyes, and tell them ; and sometimes also to invent them. 
Curiosity Anxiety for the future time, disposeth men to enquire 
to know, i n t the causes of things : because the knowledge of 
O r f future^ them ma keth men the better able to order the present 
time. to their best advantage. 

Naturall Curiosity, or love of the knowledge of causes, draws 
Rehgion, a man from consideration of the effect, to seek the 
same * cause , and again, the cause of that cause ; till of neces 
sity he must come to this thought at last, that there is 
some cause, whereof there is no former caus?, but is 
eternall ; which is it men call God. So that it is impos 
sible to make any profound enquiry into naturall causes, 
without being enclined thereby to believe there is one 
God Eternall ; though they cannot have any Idea of 
him in their mind, answerable to his nature. For as 
a man that is born blind, hearing men talk of warming 
themselves by the fire, and being brought to warm him 
self by the same, may easily conceive, and assure him- 
selfe, there is somewhat there, which men call Fire, and 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 12. 81 

is the cause of the heat he feeles ; but cannot imagine 
what it is like ; nor have an Idea of it in his mind, such 
as they have that see it : so also, by the visible things 
of this world, and their admirable order, a man may 
conceive there is a cause of them, which men call God ; 
and yet not have an Idea, or Image of him in his 

And they that make little, or no enquiry into the 
naturall causes of things, yet from the feare that pro 
ceeds from the ignorance it selfe, of what it is that hath 
the power to do them much good or harm, are enclined 
to suppose, and feign unto themselves, severall kinds of 
Powers Invisible ; and to stand in awe of their own 
imaginations ; and in time of distresse to invoke them ; 
as also in the time of an expected good successe, to give 
them thanks ; making the creatures of their own fancy, 
their Gods. By which means it hath come to passe, that 
from the innumerable variety of Fancy, men have created 
in the world innumerable sorts of Gods. And this Feare 
of things invisible, is the naturall Seed of that, which 
every one in himself calleth Religion ; and in them that 
worship, or feare that Power otherwise than they do, 

And this seed of Religion, having been observed by 
many ; some of those that have observed it, have been 
enclined thereby to nourish, dresse, and forme it into 
Lawes ; and to adde to it of their own invention, any 
opinion of the causes of future events, by which they 
thought they should best be able to govern others, and 
make unto themselves the greatest use of their Powers. 

CHAP. XII. [52] 


SEEING there are no signes, nor fruit of Religion, but Religion, 
in Man onely ; there is no cause to doubt, but that w Man 
the seed of Religion, is also onely in Man ; and con- onel V 
sisteth in some peculiar quality, or at least in some 
eminent degree therof, not to be found in other Living 



Part i. 


Chap. 12 

from his 


From the 

of thngs. 

From his 




Anxiety of 
the time to 


the Power 

And first, it is peculiar to the nature of Man, to be 
inquisitive into the Causes of the Events they see, some 
more some lesse ; but all men so much, as to be curious 
in the search of the causes of their own good and evill 

Secondly, upon the sight of any thing that hath a 
Beginning, to think also it had a cause, which deter- 
mme( ^ t ^ ie same to begin, then when it did, rather than 
sooner or later. 

Thirdly, whereas there is no other Felicity of Beasts, 
but the enjoying of their quotidian Food, Ease, and 

Lusts ^ havin S little or no foresight of the time to 
come, for want of observation, and memory of the order, 
consequence, and dependance of the things they see ; 
Man observeth how one Event hath been produced by 
another ; and remembreth in them Antecedence and 
Consequence ; And when he cannot assure himselfe of 
the true causes of things, (for the causes of good and 
evill fortune for the most part are invisible,) he supposes 
causes of them, either such as his own fancy suggesteth ; 
or trusteth to the Authority of other men, such as he 
thinks to be his friends, and wiser than himselfe. 

The two first, make Anxiety. For being assured that 
there be causes of all things that have arrived hitherto, 
or sna ^ arrive hereafter ; it is impossible for a man, 
wno continually endeavoureth to secure himselfe against 
the evill he feares, and procure the good he desire th, not 
t o be in a perpetuall solicitude of the time to come ; 
So that every man, especially those that are over pro 
vident, are in an estate like to that of Prometheus. For 
as Prometheus, (which interpreted, is, The prudent man,} 
was bound to the hill Caucasus, a place of large prospect, 
where, an Eagle feeding on his liver, devoured in the 
day, as much as was repayred in the night : So that 
man, which looks too far before him, in the care of 
future time, hath his heart all the day long, gnawed on 
by feare of death, poverty, or other calamity ; and has 
no repose, nor pause of his anxiety, but in sleep. 

This perpetuall feare, alwayes accompanying mankind 
in the ignorance of causes, as it were in the Dark, must 
nee( ^ s have for object something. And therefore when 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 12. 83 

there is nothing to be seen, there is nothing to accuse, of Ihvi- 
either of their good, or evill fortune, but some Power, or s/ible 
Agent Invisible : In which sense perhaps it was, that thln S s - 
some of the old Poets said, that the Gods were at first 
created by humane Feare : which spoken of the Gods, [53] 
(that is to say, of the many Gods of the Gentiles) is very 
true. But the acknowledging of one God Eternal!, 
Infinite, and Omnipotent, may more easily be derived, 
from the desire men have to know the causes of naturall 
bodies, and their severall vertues, and operations ; than 
from the feare of what was to befall them in time to 
come. For he that from any effect hee seeth come to 
passe, should reason to the next and immediate cause 
thereof, and from thence to the cause of that cause, and 
plonge himselfe profoundly in the pursuit of causes ; 
shall at last come to this, that there rnngt fop (as~~even 
the Heathen Philosophers confessed) one First Mover. ; 
that is, a First, and an Eternall cause of all things ; which 
is that which men mean by the name of God : And all 
this without thought of their fortune ; the solicitude 
whereof, both enclines to fear, and hinders them from 
the search of the causes of other things ; and thereby 
gives occasion of feigning of as many Gods, as there be 
men that feigne them. 

And for the matter, or substance of the Invisible A nd sup- 
Agents, so fancyed ; they could not by naturall cogita- P ose 
tion, fall upon any other conceipt, but that it was the 
same with that of the Soule of man ; and that the Soule 
of man, was of the same substance, with that which 
appeareth in a Dream, to one that sleepeth ; or in a 
Looking-glasse, to one that is awake ; which, men not 
knowing that such apparitions are nothing else but 
creatures of the Fancy, think to be reall, and externall 
Substances ; and therefore call them Ghosts ; as the 
Latines called them Imagines, and Umbra \ and thought 
them Spirits, that is, thin aereall bodies ; and those 
Invisible Agents, which they feared, to bee like them ; 
save that they appear, and vanish when they please. 
But the opinion that such Spirits were Incorporeall, or 
Immateriall, could never enter into the mind of any 
man by nature ; because, though men may put together 

G 2 

84 Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 12. 

words of contradictory signification, as Spirit,, and Incor- 
poreall ; yet they can never have the imagination of any 
thing answering to them : And therefore, men that by 
their own meditation, arrive to the acknowledgement of 
one Infinite, Omnipotent, and Eternall God, choose rather 
to confesse he is Incomprehensible, and above their 
understanding ; than to define his Nature by Spirit 
Incorporeall, and then confesse their definition to be 
unintelligible : or if they give him such a title, it is not 
Dogmatically, with intention to make the Divine Nature 
understood ; but Piously, to honour him with attributes, 
of significations, as remote as they can from the grosse- 
nesse of Bodies Visible. 

But know Then, for the way by which they think these Invisible 
not the Agents wrought their effects ; that is to say, what imme- 
way how dj a t e causes they used, in bringing things to passe, men 

anything. that know not what ^ is that we cal1 causing (that is, 
almost all men) have no other rule to guesse by s but by 
observing, and remembring what they have seen to pre 
cede the like effect at some other time, or times before, 
without seeing between the antecedent and subsequent 
Event, any dependance or connexion at all : And there 
fore from the like things past, they expect the like things, 
to come ; and hope for good or evill luck, supersti- 
tiously, from things that have no part at all in the 
[54] causing of it : As the Athenians did for their war at 
Lepanto, demand another Phormio ; The Pompeian fac 
tion for their warre in Afrique, another Scipio ; and 
others have done in divers other occasions since. In 
like manner they attribute their fortune to a stander by, 
to a lucky or unlucky place, to words spoken, especially 
if the name of God be amongst them ; as Charming, and 
Conjuring (the Leiturgy of Witches ;) insomuch as to 
believe, they have power to turn a stone into bread, 
bread into a man, or any thing, into any thing. 
But Thirdly, for the worship which naturally men exhibite 

honour to Powers invisible, it can be no other, but such ex- 
^sThe pressions of their reverence, as they would use towards 
honour men; Gifts, Petitions, Thanks, Submission of Body, Con- 
men. siderate Addresses, sober Behaviour, premeditated 
Words, Swearing (that is, assuring one another of their 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 12. 85 

promises,) by invoking them. Beyond that reason sug- 
gesteth nothing ; but leaves them either to rest there ; 
or for further ceremonies, to rely on those they believe 
to be wiser than themselves. 

Lastly, concerning how these Invisible Powers declare And attri- 
to men the things which shall hereafter come to passe, b t ^ all 
especially concerning their good or evill fortune in extram 
generall, or good or ill successe in any particular under- ordinary 
taking, men are naturally at a stand ; save that using events. 
to conjecture of the time to come, by the time past, 
they are very apt, not onely to take casuall things, after 
one or two encounters, for Prognostiques of the like 
encounter ever after, but also to believe the like Prog 
nostiques from other men, of whom they have once 
conceived a good opinion. 

And in these f oure things, G^imon of Ghosts, Ignorance Foure 
of second causes, .Devotion towards what men fear, and things, 
taking of things Casuall for Prognostiques, consisteth 
the "Natufall seed of Religion ; which by reason of the 
different Fancies, Judgements, and Passions of severall 
men, hath grown up into ceremonies so different, that 
those which are used by one man, are for the most part 
ridiculous to another. 

For these seeds have received culture from two sorts Made 
oil men. One sort have been they, that have nourished, 
and ordered them, according to their own invention. 
The other, have done it, by Gods comman dement, and 
direction : but both sorts have done it, with a purpose 
to make those men that relyed on them, the more apt 
to Obedience, Lawes, Peace, Charity, and civill Society. 
So that the Religion of the former sort, is a part of 
humane Politiques ; and teacheth part of the duty 
which Earthly Kings require of their Subjects. And 
the Religion of the later sort is Divine Politiques ; and 
containeth Precepts to those that have yeelded them 
selves subjects in the Kingdome of God. Of the former 
sort, were all the founders of Common-wealths, and the 
Eaw-givers of the Gentiles : Of the later sort, were 
.braham, Moses, and our Blessed Saviour ; by whom 
iave been derived unto us the Lawes of the Kingdome 
>f God. 

86 Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 12. 

The And for that part of Religion, which consisteth in 

absurd opinions concerning the nature of Powers Invisible, there 

Gentii n ^ is almost nothing that has a name, that has not been 

isme. [55] esteemed amongst the Gentiles, in one place or another. 

a God, or Divell ; or by their Poets feigned to be inani- 

mated, inhabited, or possessed by some Spirit or other. 

The unformed matter of the World, was a God, by the 
name of Chaos. 

The Heaven, the Ocean, the Planets, the Fire, the 
Earth, the Winds, were so many Gods. 

Men, Women, a Bird, a Crocodile, a Calf, a Dogge, 
a Snake, an Onion, a Leeke, Deified. Besides, that they 
filled almost all places, with spirits called Demons : the 
plains, with Pan, and Panises, or Satyres ; the Woods, 
with Fawnes, and Nymphs ; the Sea, with Tritons, and 
other Nymphs ; every River, and Fount ayn, with a 
Ghost of his name, and with Nymphs ; every house, 
with its Lares, or Familiars ; every man, with his Genius ; 
Hell, with Ghosts, and spirituall Officers, as Charon, 
Cerberus, and the Furies ; and in the night time, all 
places with Larvce, Lemures, Ghosts of men deceased, 
and a whole kingdome of Fayries, and Bugbears. They 
have also ascribed Divinity, and built Temples to meer 
Accidents, and Qualities ; such as are Time, Night, 
Day, Peace, Concord, Love, Contention, Vertue, Honour, 
Health, Rust, Fever, and the like ; which when they 
prayed for, or against, they prayed to, as if there were 
Ghosts of those names hanging over their heads, and 
letting fall, or withholding that Good, or Evill, for, or 
against which they prayed. They invoked also their 
own Wit, by the name of Muses ; their own Ignorance, 
by the name of Fortune ; their own Lust, by the name 
of Cupid ; their own Rage, by the name Furies ; their 
own privy members by the name of Priapus ; arid 
attributed their pollutions, to Incubi, and Succubcz : 
insomuch as there was nothing, which a Poet could 
introduce as a person in his Poem, which they did not: 
make either a God, or a Divel. 

The same authors of the Religion of the Gentiles, 
observing the second ground for Religion, which is men.s 
Ignorance of causes ; and thereby their aptnesse to 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 12. 87 

attribute their fortune to causes, on which there was 
no dependance at all apparent, took occasion to obtrude 
on their ignorance, in stead of second causes, a kind of 
second and ministeriall Gods; ascribing the cause of 
Fcecundity, to Venus ; the cause of Arts, to Apollo ; 
of Subtilty and Craft, to Mercury ; of Tempests and 
stormes, to ^Eolus ; and of other effects, to other Gods : 
insomuch as there was amongst the Heathen almost as 
great variety of Gods, as of businesse. 

And to the Worship, which naturally men conceived 
fit to bee used towards their Gods, namely Oblations, 
Prayers, Thanks, and the rest formerly named ; the 
same Legislators of the Gentiles have added their 
Images, both in Picture, and Sculpture ; that the more 
ignorant sort, (that is to say, the most part, or generality 
of the people,) thinking the Gods for whose representa 
tion they were made, were really included, and as it 
were housed within them, might so much the more 
stand in feare of them : And endowed them with lands, 
and houses, and officers, and revenues, set apart from 
all other humane uses ; that is, consecrated, and made 
holy to those their Idols ; as Caverns, Groves, Woods, 
Mountains, and whole Hands ; and have attributed to [56] 
them, not onely the shapes, some of Men, some of 
Beasts, some of Monsters ; but also the Faculties, and 
Passions of men and beasts ; as Sense, Speech, Sex, Lust, 
Generation, (and this not onely by mixing one with 
another, to propagate the kind of Gods ; but also by 
mixing with men, and women, to beget mongrill Gods, 
and but inmates of Heaven, as Bacchus, Hercules, and 
others ;) besides, Anger, Revenge, and other passions 
of living creatures, and the actions proceeding from them, 
as Fraud, Theft, Adultery, Sodomie, and any vice that 
may be taken for an effect of Power, or a cause of 
Pleasure ; and all such Vices, as amongst men are taken 
to be against Law, rather than against Honour. 

Lastly, to the Prognostiques of time to come ; which 
are naturally, but Conjectures upon the Experience of 
time past ; and supernaturally, divine Revelation ; 
the same authors of the Religion of the Gentiles, partly 
upon pretended Experience, partly upon pretended 

88 Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 12. 

Revelation, have added innumerable other superstitious 
wayes of Divination ; and made men believe they should 
find their fortunes, sometimes in the ambiguous or 
senslesse answers of the Priests at Delphi, Delos, 
Ammon, and other famous- Oracles ; which answers, 
were made ambiguous by designe, to own the event 
both wayes ; or absurd, by the intoxicating vapour 
of the place, which is very frequent in sulphurous 
Cavernes : Sometimes in the leaves of the Sibills ; of 
whose Prophecyes (like those perhaps of Nostradamus ; 
for the fragments now extant seem to be the invention 
of later times) there were some books in reputation in 
the time of the Roman Republique : Sometimes in the 
insignificant Speeches of Mad-men, supposed to be 
possessed with a divine Spirit ; which Possession they 
called Enthusiasme ; and these kinds of foretelling 
events, were accounted Theomancy, or Prophecy : 
Sometimes in the aspect of the Starres at their Nativity ; 
which was called Horoscopy, and esteemed a part of 
judiciary Astrology : Sometimes in their own hopes and 
feares, called Thumomancy, or Presage : Sometimes in 
the Prediction of Witches, that pretended conference 
with the dead ; which is called Necromancy, Conjuring, 
and Witchcraft ; and is but juggling and confederate 
knavery : Sometimes in the Casuall flight, or feeding of 
birds ; called Augury : Sometimes in the Entrayles of 
a sacrificed beast ; which was Aruspicina : Sometimes 
in Dreams : Sometimes in Croaking of Ravens, or 
chattering of Birds : Sometimes in the Lineaments of 
the face ; which was called Metoposcopy ; or by Palm 
istry in the lines of the hand ; in casuall words, called 
O.nina : Sometimes in Monsters, or unusuall accidents ; 
as Ecclipses, Comets, rare Meteors, Earthquakes, 
Inundations, uncouth Births, and the like, which they 
called Portenta, and Ostenta, because they thought them 
to Dortend, or foreshew some great Calamity to come : 
Somtimes, in meer Lottery, as Crosse and Pile ; count 
ing holes in a sive ; dipping of Verses in Homer, and 
Virgil ; and innumerable other such vaine conceipts. 
So easie are men to be drawn to believe any thing, from 
such men as have gotten credit with them ; and can 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 12. 89 

with gentlenesse, and dexterity, take hold of their fear, 
and ignorance. 

And therefore the first Founders, and Legislators of [57] 
Common -wealths amongst the Gentiles, whose ends were The de ~ 
only to keep the people in obedience, and peace, have s ^ e n ^ s u . 
in all places taken care ; First, to imprint in their thors of the 
minds a beliefe, that those precepts which they gave Religion 
concerning Religion, might not be thought to proceed f the 
from their own device, but from the dictates of some 
God, or other Spirit ; or else that they themselves were 
of a higher nature than mere mortalls, that their Lawes 
might the more easily be received : So Numa Pompilius 
pretended to receive the Ceremonies he instituted 
amongst the Romans, from the Nymph Egeria : and the 
first King and founder of the Kingdome of Peru, pre 
tended himselfe and his wife to be the children of the 
Sunne : and Mahomet, to set up his new Religion, 
pretended to have conferences with the Holy Ghost, in 
forme of a Dove. Secondly, they have had a care, to 
make it believed, that the same things were displeasing 
to the Gods, which were forbidden by the Lawes. 
Thirdly, to prescribe Ceremonies, Supplications, Sacri 
fices, and Festivalls, by which they were to believe, the 
anger of the Gods might be appeased ; and that ill 
success in War, great contagions of Sicknesse, Earth 
quakes, and each mans private Misery, came from the 
Anger of the Gods ; and their Anger from the Neglect 
of their Worship, or the forgetting, or mistaking some 
point of the Ceremonies required. And though amongst 
the antient Romans, men were not forbidden to deny, 
that which in the Poets is written of the paines, and 
pleasures after this life ; which divers of great authority, 
and gravity in that state have in their Harangues openly 
derided ; yet that beliefe was alwaies more cherished, 
than the contrary. 

And by these, and such other Institutions, they 
obtayned in order to their end, (which was the peace 
of the Commonwealth,) that the common people in 
their misfortunes, laying the fault on neglect, or errour 
in their Ceremonies, or on their own disobedience to 
the lawes, were the lesse apt to mutiny against their 

90 Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 12. 

Governors. And being entertained with the pomp, 
and pastime of Festivalls, and publike Games, made in 
honour of the Gods, needed nothing else but bread, to 
keep them from discontent, murmuring, and commotion 
against the State. And therefore the Romans, that had 
conquered the greatest part of the then known World, 
made no scruple of tollerating any Religion whatsoever 
in the City of Rome it selfe ; unlesse it had something 
in it, that could not consist with their Civill Govern 
ment ; nor do we read, that any Religion was there 
forbidden, but that of the Jewes ; who (being the peculiar 
Kingdome of God) thought it unlawfull to acknowledge 
subjection to any mortall King or State whatsoever. 
And thus you see how the Religion of the Gentiles was 
a part of their Policy. 

The true But where God himselfe, by supernaturall Revelation, 

Religion, planted Religion ; there he also made to himselfe 

"awes of a P ecunar Kingdome ; and gave Lawes, not only of 

Gods behaviour towards himselfe ; but also towards one 

kingdome another ; and thereby in the Kingdome of God, the 

the same. Policy, and lawes Civill, are a part of Religion ; and 

[5 8 ] therefore the distinction of Temporal!, and Spirituall 

Domination, hath there no place. It is true, that God 

is King of all the Earth : Yet may he be King of 

a peculiar, and chosen Nation. For there is no more 

incongruity there in, than that he that hath the generall 

command of the whole Army, should have withall 

a peculiar Regiment, or Company of his own. God 

is King of all the Earth by his Power : but of his chosen 

people, he is King by Covenant. But to speake more 

largly of the Kingdome of God, both by Nature, and 

Chap. 35. Covenant, I have in the following discourse assigned an 

other place. 

The From the propagation of Religion, it is not hard to 

causes of understand the causes of the resolution of the same 
Religion mto * ts ^ rst seeo ^ s or principles ; which are only an 
opinion of a Deity, and Powers invisible, and super 
naturall ; that can never be so abolished out of humane 
nature, but that new Religions may againe be made to 
spring out of them, by the culture of such men, as for 
such purpose are in reputation. 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 12. 91 

For seeing all formed Religion, is founded at first, upon 
the faith which a multitude hath in some one person, 
whom they believe not only to be a wise man, and to 
labour to procure their happiness, but also to be a holy 
man, to whom God himselfe vouchsafeth to declare his 
will supernaturally ; It followeth necessarily, when they 
that have the Goverment of Religion, shall come to 
have either the wisedome of those men, their sincerity, or 
their love suspected; or that they shall be unable to 
shew any probable token of Divine Revelation ; that 
the Religion which they desire to uphold, must be 
suspected likewise ; and (without the feare of the 
Civill Sword) contradicted and rejected. 

That which taketh away the reputation of Wisedome, Injoyning 
in him that formeth a Religion, or addeth to it when beleefc of 
it is allready formed, is the enjoyning of a belief e of 5Jj* w " 
contradictories : For both parts of a contradiction 
cannot possibly be true : and therefore to enjoyne the 
beleife of them, is an argument of ignorance ; which 
detects the Author in that ; and discredits him in all 
things else he shall propound as from revelation super- 
naturall : which revelation a man may indeed have of 
many things above, but of nothing against naturall reason. 

That which taketh away the reputation of Sincerity, Doing 
is the doing, or saying of such things, as appeare to be c ^fj^ ry 
signes, that what they require other men to believe, is ^ e i^ on 
not believed by themselves ; all which doings, or say- they 
ings are therefore called Scandalous, because they be establish. 
stumbling blocks, that make men to fall in the way of 
Religion : as Injustice, Cruelty, Prophanesse, Avarice, 
and Luxury. For who can believe, that he that doth 
ordinarily such actions, as proceed from any of these 
rootes, believeth there is any such Invisible Power to be 
feared, as he affrighteth other men wit hall, for lesser faults? 

That which taketh away the reputation of Love, is 
the being detected of private ends : as when the belie fe 
they require of others, conduceth or seemeth to conduce 
to the acquiring of Dominion, Riches, Dignity, or secure [59] 
Pleasure, to themselves onely, or specially. For that which 
men reap benefit by to themselves, they are thought to 
do for their own sakes, and not for love of others. 

92 Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 12. 

Want of Lastly, the testimony that men can render of divine 
the testi- Calling, can be no other, than the operation of Miracles ; 
^Miracles or true P ro P nec y (which also is a Miracle ;) or extra 
ordinary Felicity. And therefore, to those points of 
Religion, which have been received from them that did 
such Miracles ; those that are added by such, as approve 
not their Calling by some Miracle, obtain no greater 
belief e, than what the Custome, and Lawes of the places, 
in which they be educated, have wrought into them. 
For as in naturall things, men of judgement require 
naturall signes, and arguments ; so in supernaturall 
things, they require signes supernaturall, (which are 
Miracles,) before they consent inwardly, and from their 

All which causes of the weakening of mens faith, do 
manifestly appear in the Examples following. First, 
we have the Example of the children of Israel ; who 
when Moses, that had approved his Calling to them by 
Miracles, and by the happy conduct of them out of 
Egypt, was absent but 40. dayes, revolted from the worship 
of the true God, recommended to them by him ; and 
*Exod\2. setting up * a Golden Calfe for their God, relapsed into 
1,2. ] the Idolatry of the Egyptians; from whom they had 
\ been so lately delivered. And again, after Moses, Aaron, 
\--Joshua, and that generation which had seen the great 
* Judges 2. works of God in Israel, * were dead ; another generation 
1 1 . arose, and served Baal. So that Miracles f ayling, Faith 

also failed. 

* i Sam. 8. Again, when the sons of Samuel, * being constituted 
3- by their father Judges in Bersabee, received bribes, and 

judged unjustly, the people of Israel refused any more 
to have God to be their King, in other manner than he 
was King of other people ; and therefore cryed out to 
Samuel, to choose them a King after the manner of the 
Nations. So that Justice f ayling, Faith also fayled : 
Insomuch, as they deposed their God, from reigning 
over them. 

And whereas in the planting of Christian Religion, the 
Oracles ceased in all parts of the Roman Empire, and 
the number of Christians encreased wonderfully every 
day, and in every place, by the preaching of the Apostles, 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 12. 95 

and Evangelists ; a great part of that successe, may 
reasonably be attributed, to the contempt, into which the 
Priests of the Gentiles of that time, had brought them 
selves, by their uncleannesse, avarice, and jugling 
between Princes. Also the Religion of the Church of 
Rome, was partly, for the same cause abolished in 
England, and many other parts of Christendome ; inso 
much, as the fayling of Vertue in the Pastors, maketh 
Faith faile in the People : and partly from bringing of ^ 
the Philosophy, and doctrine of Aristotle into Religion, 
by the Schoole-men ; from whence there arose so many 
contradictions, and absurdities, as brought the Clergy 
into a reputation both of Ignorance, and of Fraudulent 
intention ; and enclined people to revolt from them, 
either against the will of their own Princes, as in France, 
and Holland ; or with their will, as in England. 

Lastly, amongst the points by the Church of Rome [6c 
declared necessary for Salvation, there be so many, 
manifestly to the advantage of the Pope, and of his 
spirituall subjects, residing in the territories of other 
Christian Princes, that were it not for the mutuall m 
emulation of those Princes, they might without warre, fidence 
or trouble, exclude all forraign Authority, as easily as 
it has been excluded in England. For who is there that 
does not see, to whose benefit it conduceth, to have it " 
believed, that a King hath not his Authority from 
Christ, unlesse a Bishop crown him ? That a King, if he 
be a Priest, cannot Marry ? That whether a Prince be 
born in lawfull Marriage, or not, must be judged by 
Authority from Rome ? That Subjects may be freed from 
their Alleageance, if by the Court of Rome, the King be 
judged an Heretique ? That a King (as Chilperique of 
France] may be deposed by a Pope (as Pope Zachary,) 
for no cause ; and his Kingdome given to one of his 
Subjects ? That the Clergy, and Regulars, in what 
Country soever, shall be exempt from the Jurisdiction 
of their King, in cases criminall ? Or who does not see, 
to whose profit redound the Fees of private Masses, and 
Vales of Purgatory ; with other signes of private interest, 
enough to mortifie the most lively Faith, if (as I sayd) 
the civill Magistrate, and Custome did not more sustain 

92 Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 12. 

If it,, than any opinion they have of the Sanctity, Wisdome, 

the or Probity of their Teachers ? So that I may attribute 

^ all the changes of Religion in the world, to one and the 

same cause ; and that is, unpleasing Priests ; and those 

not onely amongst Catholiques, but even in that Church 

that hath presumed most of Reformation. 


Of the NATURALL CONDITION of Mankind, as 
concerning their Felicity, and Misery. 

NATURE hath made men so equall, in the faculties of 
body, and mind ; as that though there bee found one 
man sometimes manifestly stronger in body, or of 
quicker mind then another ; yet when all is reckoned 
together, the difference between man, and man, is not 
so considerable, as that one man can thereupon claim 
to himselfe any benefit, to which another may not 
pretend, as well as he. For as to the strength of body, 
the weakest has strength enough to kill the strongest, 
either by secret machination, or by confederacy with 
others, that are in the same danger with himselfe. 

And as to the faculties of the mind, (setting aside the 
arts grounded upon words, and especially that skill of 
Judges 2 proceeding upon generall, and infallible rules, called 
! Science ; which very few have, and but in few things ; 

as being not a native faculty, born with us ; nor attained, 
iSam. c (as Prudence,) while we look after somewhat els,) I find 
yet a greater equality amongst men, than that of strength. 
For Prudence, is but Experience ; which equall time, 
[61] equally bestowes on all men, in those things they equally 
apply themselves unto. That which may perhaps make 
such equality incredible, is but a vain conceipt of ones 
owne wisdome, which almost all men think they have 
in a greater degree, than the Vulgar ; that is, than all 
men but themselves, and a few others, whom by Fame, 
or for concurring with themselves, they approve. For 
such is the nature of men, that howsoever they may 
acknowledge many others to be more witty, or more 
eloquent, or more learned ; Yet they will hardly believe 


I, 2. 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 13. 95 

be many so wise as themselves : For they see their 
ovvst wit at hani, and other mens at a distance. But this 
pro\ 7 eth rather that men are in that point equafl, than 
unequal!. For there is not ordinarily a greater signe of 
the equall distribution of any thing, than that every 
man is contented with his share. 

From this equalityjof ability, ariseth equality of hope From 
in the attaining of our" Ends. And therefore if any two Equality 
men desire the same thing, which neverthelesse they Diffidence. 
cannot both enjoy, they become enemies ; and in the way . 
to their End, (which is principally their owne conserva 
tion, and sometimes their delectation only,) endeavour 
to destroy, or subdue one an other. And from hence it 
comes to passe, that where an Invader hath no more to , 
feare, than an other mans single power ; if one plant, sow, 
build, or possesse a convenient Seat, others may probably i 
be expected to come prepared with forces united, to 
dispossesse, and deprive him, not only of the fruit of 
his labour, but also of his life, or liberty. And the 
Invader again is in the like danger of another. 

And from this diffidence of one another, there is no From 
way for any man to secure himselfe, so reasonable, as Diffidence 
Anticipation ; that is, by force, or wiles, to master ihe Warre - 
persons of all men he can, so long, till he see no other 
power great enough to endanger him : And this is no 
more than his own conservation requireth, and is gene 
rally allowed. Also because there be some, that taking 
pleasure in contemplating their own power in the acts 
of conquest, which they pursue farther than their security 
requires ; if others, that otherwise would be glad to be 
at ease within modest bounds, should not by invasion 
increase their power, they would not be able, long time, 
by standing only on their defence, to subsist. And by 
consequence, such augmentation of dominion over men, 
being necessary to a mans conservation, it ought to be 
allowed him. 

Againe, men have no pleasure, (but on the contrary \ 
a great deale of griefe) in keeping company, where there j 
is no power able to over-awe them all. For every man 1 
looketh tha 4 - his companion should value him, at the I 
same rate-^e sets upon himselfe : And upon all signes J 

every o 

96 Part i. OF MAN. t Par.iz. 

of contempt, or undervaluing, naturally endeavtherne.; 
far as he dares (which amongst them that havnu^o 
common power to keep them in quiet, is fav enou^vt to 
make them destroy each other,) to extort a greater value 
from his contemners, by dommage ; ani from others, 
^ by the example. 

So that in the nature of man, we find three principall 
causes of quarrell. First, Competition ; Secondly, Diffi 
dence ; Thirdly, Glory. 

The first, maketh men invade for Gain ; the second, 
for Safety ; and the third, for Reputation. The first 
use Violence, to make themselves Masters of other mens 
persons, wives, children, and cattell ; the second, to 
defend them ; the third, for trifles, as a word, a smile, 
a different opinion, and any other signe of undervalue, 
either direct in their Persons, or by reflexion in their 
Kindred, their Friends, their Nation, their Profession, or 
their Name. 

Out of ^ Hereby it is manifest, that during the time men live 
Civil without a common Power to keep them all in awe, they 
fhere^s are m ^ at condition which is called Warre ; and such 
ahoayesl a warre > as is of every man, against every man. For 
Warre J/ WARRE, consisteth not in Battell onely, or the act of 
every 01 J>, fighting; but_jn_a Jjact of _ time, wherein the Will to 
contend byHBatteH is sufficiently known : and therefore 
the notion of Time, is to be considered in the nature of 
Warre ; as it is in the nature of Weather. For as the 
nature of Foule weather, lyeth not in a showre or two 
of rain ; but in an inclination thereto of many dayes 
together : So the nature of War, consisteth not in actuall 
fighting ; but in the known disposition thereto, during 
all the time there is no assurance to the contrary. 
All other time is PEACE. 

The In- ^ Whatsoever therefore is consequent to a time of Warre, 
commodi- where every man is Enemy to every man ; the same 
tie fsuch - s consequent to the time, wherein men live without 
other security, than what their own strength, and their 
own invention shall furnish them withall. In such con 
dition, there is no place for Industry ; because the fruit 
thereof is uncertain : and consequently no C \lture of the 
Earth ; no Navigation, nor use of the comiriv 1 dities that 


Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 13. 

may be imported by Sea ; no commodious Building ; no 
Instruments of moving, and removing such things as 
require much force ; no Knowledge of the face of the 
Earth ; no account of Time ; no Arts ; no Letters ; no 
Society ; and which is worst of all, continuall feare, and 
danger of violent death ; And the life of man, solitary, 
poore, nasty, brutish, and short. * 

It may seem strange to some man, that has not well 
weighed these things ; that Nature should thus disso 
ciate, and render men apt to invade, and destroy one 
another : and he may therefore, not trusting to this 
Inference, made from the Passions, desire perhaps to 
have the same confirmed by Experience. Let him 
therefore consider with himself e, when taking a journey, 
he armes himself e, and seeks to go well accompanied ; 
when going to sleep, he locks his dores ; when even in 
his house he locks his chests ; and this when he knowes 
there bee Lawes, and publike Officers, armed, to revenge 
all injuries shall bee done him ; what opinion he has of 
his fellow subjects, when he rides armed ; of his fellow . - 
Citizens, when he locks his dores ; and of his children, 
and servants, when he locks his chests. Does he not 
there as much accuse mankind by his actions, as I do - 
by my words ? But neither of us accuse mans nature in 
it. The Desires, and other Passions of man, are in them 
selves no Sin. No more are the Actions, that proceed 
from those Passions, till they know a Law that forbids 
them : which till Lawes be made they cannot know : 
nor can any Law be made, till they have agreed upon f 
the Person that shall make it. 

It may peradventure be thought, there was never [63] 
such a time, nor condition of warre as this ; and I believe 
it was never generally so, over all the world : but there 
are many places, where they live so now. For the savage 
i people in many places of America, except the govern 
ment of .small Families, the concord whereof dependeth 
pn naturall lust, have no government at all ; and live 
Jat this day in that brutish manner, as I said before. 
Howsoever, it may be perceived what manner of life 
there would be, where there were no common Power to 
feare ; by the manner of life, which men that have 


6 Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 13. 

formerly lived under a peacefull government, use to 
degenerate into, in a civill Warre. 

But though there had never been any time, wherein 
particular men were in a condition of warre one against 
another ; yet in all times, Kings, and Persons of Sove- 
raigne authority, because of their Independency, are in 
continuall jealousies, and in the state and posture of 
Gladiators ; having their weapons pointing, and their 
eyes fixed on one another ; that is, their Forts, Garrisons, 
and Guns upon the Frontiers of their Kingdomes ; and 
continuall Spyes upon their neighbours ; which is 
a posture of War. But because they uphold thereby, 
the Industry of their Subjects ; there does not follow 
from it, that misery, which accompanies the Liberty of 
particular men. 

In such a To this warre of every man against every man, this 
Warre, also Is" cuubec|lieiil ; thai nothing can be Unjust. The 
nothing is notions oi Rignt ana wrong, Justice and Injustice have 
(S ^ i there no place. Where there is no common Power, there 
is.Jlo Law : where no Law, na Injustice. Force, and 
Fraud, are in warre the two Cardinall vertues. Justice, 
and Injustice are none of the Faculties neither of the 
Body, nor Mind. If they were, they might be in a man 
that were alone in the world, as well as his Senses, and 
Passions. They are Qualities, that relate to men in 
Society, not in Solitude. It is consequent also to the 
same condition, that there be no Propriety, no Dominion, 
no Mine and Thine distinct ; but onely that to be every 
mans, that he can get ; and for so long, as he can keep 
it. And thus much for the ill condition, which man by 
meer Nature is actually placed in ; though with a possi 
bility to come out of it, consisting partly in the Passions, 
partly in his Reason. 

The Pas- /^The Passions that encline men to Peace, are Feare oi 
Death ; Desire of such things as are necessary to com 
modious living ; and a Hope by their Industry to obtain 
them. And Reason suggesteth convenient Articles of 
Peace, upon which men may be drawn to agreement. 
These Articles, are they, which otherwise are called the 
Lawes of Nature : whereof I shall speak more particu 
larly, in the two following Chapters. 

-5 "- 

**. i: 


sions tha 
men to 

Part I. 


Chap. 14. 



Of the first and second NATURALL LA WES, and 

THE RIGHT OF NATURE, which Writers commonly call 
Jus Naturale, is the Liberty each man hath, to use his 
own power, as Tie will himself e, for the preservation of 
his own Nature ; that is to say, of his own Life ; and 
consequently, of doing any thing, which in his own 
Judgement, and Reason, hee shall conceive to be the 
5t means thereunto. 

y ^LIBERTY, is understood, according to the proper 
signmcation~~bT the word, the absence of externall 
Impediments : which Impediments, may oft take away 
art of a mans power to do what hee would ; but 
annot hinder him from using the power left him, 
#fHng as his judgement, and reason shall dictate 
o him. 

A LAW OF NATURE, (Lex Naturalis,} is a Precept, or 
enerall Rule, found _out_, by. Reason, by which a man 
forbidden to do, that, which is destructive of his life, 
>r taketh away the means of preserving the same ; and 
o omit, that, by which he thinketh it may be best pre- 
rved. For though they that speak of this subject, use 
i |o confound Jus, and Lex, Right and Law ; yet they 
ught to be distinguished ; because RIGHT, consisteth 
liberty to do, or to forbeare ; Whereas LAW, deter- 
ineth, and bindeth to one of them : so that Law, and 
p ight, differ as much, as Obligation, and Liberty ; which 
one and the same matter are inconsistent. 
And because the condition of Man, (as hath been 

1 " T "\lri 1 " :i *h e precedent Chapter) is a condition of 
Whensoever; a man st e one in which case 

nouncethit; it is eit^ Qwn Reason ; and there 
reciprocally transferred; of> that not be a hel 

good he hopeth for the^ against his en emyes ; It 
and of the voluntary a, ition? e veryman has a Ri ght 
some Good to himselfe. mothers body< And there . 
Rights, which no man cai; ht of e man to e 
or other signes, to have a & 
first a man cannot lay dov 


Right of 

what - 


what - 

A Law of 

f ^S ht 

every man 

ioo Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 14. 

thing endureth, there can be no security to any man, 

(how strong or wise soever he be,) of living out the time, 

which Nature ordinarily alloweth men to live. And 

consequently it is a precept, or generall rule of Reason, 

The That every man, ought to endeavour Peace, as farre as he 

Funda- fo as fo p e O j obtaining it ; and when he cannot obtain it^ 

Lflwo/ that he may seek, and use, all helps, and advantages of 

Nature. Warre. The first branch of which Rule, containeth the 

Urst, and Fundament all Law of Nature ; which is, _o_ 

seek Peac.e^and..follo.w_it. The Second, the summe of the 

. Right of Nature ; which is, By all means we can, to defend 

* our selves. 

The From this Fundamentall Law of Nature, by which T ^n 

second are commanded to endeavour Peace, is derived ti. 
Nature secon d Law ; That a man be willing, when others are so 
[S^too, as farre-forth, as for Peace, and defence of himselfe he 
shall think it necessary, to lay down this right to all things ; 
and be contented with so much liberty against other men, as 
he_wguld allow other men against himselfe. For as Ic-ng 
as~every"mah holdeth this Right, of doing" any thing he 
liketh ; so long are all men in the condition of Warre. 
But if other men will not lay down their Right, as we! 
as he ; then there is no Reason for any one, to devest 
himselfe of his : For that were to expose himselfe to 
Prey, (which no man is bound to) rather than to dis-jj 
pose himselfe to Peace. This is that Law of the Gospell ; 
Whatsoever you require that others should do to you, that\ 
do ye o them. And that Law of all men, Quod tibi fier, t 
non vis, alter i ne feceris. 
What it is To lay downe a mans Right to any thing, is to deves\ 
himselfe of the Liberty, of hindring another of the benefit 

of his own Ri S ht \ the same> For he that renounce!! 
or passeth away his Right, giveth not to any other ma*] 
a Rigat which he had not I/ r "rp h^ - ^^/" 
nothing to which every man li 

but onely standeth out of hi* to Peace > are Fear e of 
his own originall Right, wM are necessary to corn- 
not without hindrance from f heir industry to obtain 
which redoundeth to one m/ convenient Articles of 
of Right, is but so much ^e drawn to agreement, 
the use of his own Right ^otherwise are called the 

ishall speak more particu- 


Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 14. fvP3 

Right is layd aside, either by simply Renouncing it ; Renoun- 
or by Transferring it to another. By Simply RENOUN- c 8 a 
CING ; when he cares not to whom the benefit thereof w ^ a( it is 
redoundeth. By TRANSFERRING ; when he intendeth Trans f er . 
the benefit thereof to some certain person, or persons. r ing Right 
And when a man hath in either manner abandoned, or what. 
granted away his Right ; then is he said to be OBLIGED, Obliga- 
or BOUND, not to hinder those, to whom such Right is tlon - 
granted, or abandoned, from the benefit of it : and that 
he Ought, and it is his DUTY, not to make voyd that Duty. 
voluntary act of his own : and that such hindrance is 
INJUSTICE, and INJURY, as being Sine Jure ; the Right Injustice. 
beii^g before renounced, or transferred. So that Injury, 
or Injustice, in the controversies of the world, is somewhat 
like to that, which in the disputations of Scholers is called 
Absurdity. For as it is there called an Absurdity, to 
contradict what one maintained in the Beginning : so 
in the world, it is called Injustice, and Injury, voluntarily 
to undo that, which from the beginning he had volun 
tarily done. The way by which a man either simply 
Renounceth, or Transferreth his Right, is a Declaration, 
or Signification, by some voluntary and sufficient signe, 
or signes, that he doth so Renounce, or Transferre ; or 
hath so Renounced, or Transferred the same, to him 
that accepteth it. And these Signes are either Words 
onely, or Actions onely ; or (as it happeneth most often) 
both Words, and Actions. And the same are the BONDS, 
by which men are bound, and obliged : Bonds, that 
have their strength, not from their own Nature, (for 
nothing is more easily broken then a mans word,) 
but from Feare of some evill consequence upon the 

. Whensoever a man Transferreth his Right, or Re- Not all 
nounceth it ; it is either in consideration of some Right Rights are 
reciprocally transferred to himself e ; or for some other 
good he hopeth for thereby. For it is a voluntary act : 
and of the voluntary acts of every man, the object is 
some Good to himselfe. And therefore there be some 
Rights, which no man can be understood by any words, 
or other signes, to have abandoned, or transferred. As 
first a man cannot lay down the right of resisting them, 




Part i. 


Chap. 14. 

that assault him by force, to take away his life ; because 
he cannot be understood to ayme thereby, at any Good 
to himselfe. The same may be sayd of Wounds, and 
Chayns, and Imprisonment ; both because there is no 
benefit consequent to such patience ; as there is to the 
patience of suffering another to be wounded, or im 
prisoned : as also because a man cannot tell, when he 
seeth men proceed against him by violence, whether 
they intend his death or not. And lastly the motive, 
and end for which this renouncing, and transferring of 
Right is introduced, is nothing else but the security of 
a mans person, in his life, and in the means of so pre 
serving life, as not to be weary of it. And therefore if 
a man by words, or other signes, seem to despoyle him 
selfe of the End, for which those signes were intended ; 
he is not to be understood as if he meant it, or that it 
was his will ; but that he was ignorant of how such 
words and actions were to be interpreted. 

The mutuall transferring of Right, is that which mon 

There is difference, between transferring of Right to 
the Thing ; and transferring, or tradition, that is, 
delivery of the Thing it selfe. For the Thing may be 
delivered together with the Translation of the Right ; 
as in buying and selling with ready mony ; or exchange 
of goods, or lands : and it may be delivered some time 

Again, one of the Contractors, may deliver the Thing 
contracted for on his part, and leave the other to perform 
his part at some determinate time after, and in the mean 
time be trusted ; and then the Contract on his part, is 
called PACT, or COVENANT : Or both parts may contract 
now, to performe hereafter : in which cases, he that is 
to performe in time to come, being trusted, his perform 
ance is called Keeping of Promise, or Faith ; and the 
fayling of performance (if it be voluntary) Violation 
of Faith. 

When the transferring of Right, is not mutuall ; but 
one of the parties trans ferreth, in hope to gain thereby 
friendship, or service from another, or from his friends ; 
or in hope to gain the reputation of Charity, or Magna- 

Part I. OF MAN. Chap. 14. 103 

nimity ; or to deliver his mind from the pain of com 
passion ; or in hope of reward in heaven ; This is not 
Contract, but GIFT, FREE-GIFT, GRACE : which words Free-gift. 
signifie one and the same thing. 

Signes of Contract, are either Expresse, or by Inference. Signes of 
Expresse, are words spoken with understanding of what Contract 
they signifie : And such words are either of the time Ex P* esse - 
Present, or Past ; as, / Give, I Grant, I have Given, I have 
Granted, I will that this be yours : Or of the future ; as, 
/ will Give, I will Grant : which words of the future, are 
called PROMISE. 

Signes by Inference, are sometimes the consequence 
of Words ; sometimes the consequence of Silence ; some- [67] 
times the consequence of Actions ; somtimes the conse- ^S nes f 
quence of Forbearing an Action : and generally a signe b n j^ r . 
by Inference, of any Contract, is whatsoever sufficiently ence . 
argues the will of the Contractor. 

Words alone, if they be of the time to come, and Free gift 
contain a bare promise, are an insufficient signe of P assef h by 
a Free-gift and therefore not obligatory. For if they %p? e / ent 
be of the time to Come, as, To morrow I will Give, they or p a st. 
are a signe I have not given yet, and consequently that 
my right is not transferred, but remaineth till I trans- 
ferre it by some other Act. But if the words be of the 
time Present, or Past, as, / have given, or do give to be 
delivered to morrow, then is my to morrows Right given 
away to day ; and that by the vertue of the words, 
though there were no other argument of my will. And 
there is a great difference in the signification of these 
words, Volo hoc tuum esse eras, and Cras dabo ; that is, 
between / will that this be thine to morrow, and, / will 
give it thee to morrow : For the word / will, in the former 
manner of speech, signifies an act of the will Present ; 
but in the later, it signifies a promise of an act of the will 
to Come : and therefore the former words, being of the 
Present, transferre a future right ; the later, that be of 
the Future, transferre nothing. But if there be other 
signes of the Will to transferre a Right, besides Words ; 
then, though the gift be Free, yet may the Right be 
understood to passe by words of the future : as if 
a man propound a Prize to him that comes first to the 

104 Part I- OF MAN. Chap. 14. 

end of a race, The gift is Free ; and though the words 
be of the Future, yet the Right passeth : for if he 
would not have his words so be understood, he should 
not have let them runne. 

Signes of \ In Contracts, the right passeth, not onely where the 

Contract WO rds are of the time Present, or Past ; but also where 

bothofthd ^Y are f tne Future : because all Contract is mutual! 

Past, Pre- translation, or change of Right ; and therefore he that 

sent, and promiseth onely, because he hath already received the 

Future, benefit for which he promiseth, is to be understood as 

if he intended the Right should passe : for unlesse he 

had been content to have his words so understood, the 

other would not have performed his part first. And 

for that cause, in buying, and selling, and other acts 

of Contract, a Promise is equivalent to a Covenant ; 

and therefore obligatory. 

Merit He that performeth first in the case of a Contract, 

wlat. j s sa id ^0 MERIT that which he is to receive by the 
performance of the other ; and he hath it as Due. 
Also when a Prize is propounded to many, which is to 
be given to him onely that winneth ; or mony is thrown 
amongst many, to be enjoyed by them that catch it ; 
though this be a Free gift ; yet so to Win, or so to Catch, 
is to Merit, and to have it as DUE. For the Right is 
transferred in the Propounding of the Prize, and in 
throwing down the mony ; though it be not determined 
to whom, but by the Event of the contention. But 
there is between these two sorts of Merit, this difference, 
that In Contract, I Merit by vertue of my own power, 
and the Contractors need ; but in this case of Free 
gift, I am enabled to Merit onely by the benignity of 
the Giver : In Contract, I merit at the Contractors 
[68] hand that hee should depart with his right ; In this 
case of Gift, I Merit not that the giver should part with 
his right ; but that when he has parted with it, it 
should be mine, rather than anothers. And this I think 
to be the meaning of that distinction of the Schooles, 
between Meritum congrui, and Meritum condigni. For 
God Almighty, having promised Paradise to those men 
(hoodwinkt with carnall desires,) that can walk through 
this world according to the Precepts, and Limits pre- 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 14. 105 

scribed by him ; they say, he that shall so walk, shall 
Merit Paradise Ex congruo. But because no man can 
demand a right to it, by his own Righteousnesse, or any 
other power in himselfe, but by the Free Grace of God 
onely ; they say, no man can Merit Paradise ex condigno. 
This I say, I think is the meaning of that distinction ; 
but because Disputers do not agree upon the signification 
of their own termes of Art, longer than it serves their 
turn ; I will not affirme any thing of their meaning : 
onely this I say ; when a gift is given indefinitely, as 
a prize to be contended for, he that winneth Meriteth, 
and may claime the Prize as Due. 

If a Covenant be made, wherein neither of the parties Covenants 
performe presently, but trust one another ; in the con- ofMutuall 
dition of meer Nature, (which is a condition of Warre 
of every man against every man,) upon any reasonable 
suspition, it is Voyd : But if there be a common Power 
set over them both, with right and force sufficient to 
compell performance ; it is not Voyd. For he that per- 
formeth first, has no assurance the other will performe 
after ; because the bonds of words are too weak to bridle 
mens ambition, avarice, anger, and other Passions, with 
out the feare of some coerceive Power ; which in the 
condition of meer Nature, where all men are equall, and 
judges of the justnesse of their own fears, cannot possibly 
be supposed. And therfore he which performeth first, 
does but betray himselfe to his enemy ; contrary to the 
Right (he can never abandon) of defending his life, and 
means of living. 

But in a civill estate, where there is a Power set up 
to constrain those that would otherwise violate their 
faith, that feare is no more reasonable ; and for that 
cause, he which by the Covenant is to perform first, is 
obliged so to do. 

The cause of feare, which maketh such a Covenant 
invalid, must be alwayes something arising after the 
Covenant made ; as some new fact, or other signe of 
the Will not to performe : else it cannot make the 
Covenant voyd. For that which could not hinder a man 
from promising, ought not to be admitted as a hindrance 
of performing. 


Right to 
the End, 
eth Right 
to the 

No Cove 
nant with 


Nor with 
God with 
out special 

Part i. 


Chap. 14. 

No Cove 
nant^ but 
of Pos 
sible and 

how made 

He that transferreth any Right, transferreth the Means 
of enjoying it, as farre as lyeth in his power. As he that 
selleth Land, is understood to transferre the Herbage, 
and whatsoever growes upon it ; Nor can he that sells 
a Mill turn away the Stream that drives it. And they 
that give to a man the Right of government in Sove- 
raignty, are understood to give him the right of levying 
mony to maintain Souldiers ; and of appointing Magis 
trates for the administration of Justice. 

To make Covenants with bruit Beasts, is impossible ; 
because not understanding our speech, they understand 
not, nor accept of any translation of Right ; nor can 
translate any Right to another : and without mutuall 
acceptation, there is no Covenant. 

To make Covenant with God, is impossible, but by 
Mediation of such as God speaketh to, either by Revela 
tion supernatural!, or by his Lieutenants that govern 
under him, and in his Name : For otherwise we know 
not whether our Covenants be accepted, or not. And 
therefore they that Vow any thing contrary to any law 
of Nature, Vow in vain ; as being a thing unjust to 
pay such Vow. And if it be a thing commanded by the 
Law of Nature, it is not the Vow, but the Law that 
binds them. 

The matter, or subject of a Covenant, is alwayes 
something that falleth under deliberation ; (For to 
Covenant, is an act of the Will ; that is to say an act, 
and the last act, of deliberation ;) and is therefore 
alwayes understood to be something to come ; and 
which is judged Possible for him that Covenanteth, to 
per forme. 

And therefore, to promise that which is know r n to be 
Impossible, is no Covenant. But if that prove impos 
sible afterwards, which before was thought possible, the 
Covenant is valid, and bindeth, (though not to the thing 
it selfe,) yet to the value ; or, if that also be impossible, 
to the unfeigned endeavour of performing as much as is 
possible : for to more no man can be obliged. 

Men are freed of their Covenants two wayes ; by 
Performing ; or by being Forgiven. For Performance, 
is the naturall end of obligation ; and Forgivenesse, the 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 14. 107 

restitution of liberty ; as being a re-transferring of that 
Right, in which the obligation consisted. 

Covenants entred into by fear, in the condition of rpeer Covenants 
Nature, are obligatory. For example, if I Covenajj : to extorted by 
pay a ransome, or service for my life, to an enemy ; ^ am ^ e d ^ re 
bound by it. For it is a Contract, wherein one receiveth 
the benefit of life ; the other is to receive mony, or 
service for it ; and consequently, where no other Law 
(as in the condition, of meer Nature) forbiddeth the per 
formance, the Covenant is valid. Therefore Prisoners of 
warre, if trusted with the payment of their Ransome, 
are obliged to pay it : And if a weaker Prince, make a 
disadvantageous peace with a stronger, for feare ; he is 
bound to keep it ; unlesse (as hath been sayd before) 
there ariseth some new, and just cause of feare, to renew 
the war. And even in Common-wealths, if I be forced 
to redeem my selfe from a Theefe by promising him 
mony, I am bound to pay it, till the Civill Law discharge 
me. For whatsoever I may lawfully do without Obliga 
tion, the same I may lawfully Covenant to do through 
feare : and what I lawfully Covenant, I cannot lawfully 

A former Covenant, makes voyd a later. For a man The 
that hath passed away his Right to one man to day, former 
hath it not to passe to morrow to another : and there- "%* 
fore the later promise passeth no Right, but is null. makes 

A Covenant not to defend my selfe from force, by force, voyd the 
is alwayes voyd. For (as I have shewed before) no man ^ ater J 
can transferre, or lay down his Right to save himselfe ^^ans 
from Death, Wounds, and Imprisonment, (the avoyding Covenant 
whereof is the onely End of laying down any Right, and [70] not to 
therefore the promise of not resisting force, in no Cove- 
nant transferreth any right ; nor is obliging. For though 
a man may Covenant thus, Unlesse I do so, or so, kill 
me ; he cannot Covenant thus, Unlesse I do so, or so, 
I will not resist you, when you come to kill me. For man 
by nature chooseth the lesser evill, which is danger of 
death in resisting ; rather than the greater, which is 
certain and present death in not resisting. And this is 
granted to be true by all men, in that they lead Criminals 
to Execution, and Prison, with armed men, notwith- 


Part i. 


Chap. 14. 

No man 
obliged io 

standing that such Criminals have consented to the Law, 
b} which they are condemned. 

A Covenant to accuse ones selfe, without assurance of 
paj Ion, is likewise invalide. For in the condition of 
Nature, where every man is Judge, there is no place for 
Accusation : and in the Civill State, the Accusation is 
followed with Punishment ; which being Force, a man 
is not obliged not to resist. The same is also true, of 
the Accusation of those, by whose Condemnation a man 
falls into misery ; as of a Father, Wife, or Benefactor. 
For the Testimony of such an Accuser, if it be not 
willingly given, is praesumed to be corrupted by Nature ; 
and therefore not to be received : and where a mans 
Testimony is not to be credited, he is not bound to give 
it. Also Accusations upon Torture, are not to be reputed 
as Testimonies. For Torture is to be used but as means 
of conjecture, and light, in the further examination, and 
search of truth : and what is in that case confessed, 
tendeth to the ease of him that is Tortured ; not to the 
informing of the Torturers : and therefore ought not to 
have the credit of a sufficient Testimony : for whether 
he deliver himselfe by true, or false Accusation, he does 
it by the Right of preserving his own life. 

The End The force of Words, being (as I have formerly noted) 
of an Oath, too weak to hold men to the performance of their Cove 
nants ; there are in mans nature, but two imaginable 
helps to strengthen it. And those are either a Feare of 
the consequence of breaking their word ; or a Glory, or 
Pride in appearing not to need to breake it. This later 
is a Generosity too rarely found to be presumed on, 
especially in the pursuers of Wealth, Command, or sen- 
suall Pleasure ; which are the greatest part of Mankind. 
The Passion to be reckoned upon, is Fear ; whereof there 
be two very generall Objects : one, The Power of Spirits 
Invisible ; the other, The Power of those men they shall 
therein Offend. Of these two, though the former be the 
greater Power, yet the feare of the later is commonly 
the greater Feare. The Feare of the former is in every 
man, his own Religion : which hath place in the nature 
of man before Civill Society. The later hath not so ; at 
least not place enough, to keep men to their promises ; 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 14. 109 

because in the condition of meer Nature, the inequality 
of Power is not discerned, but by the event of Battell. 
So that before the time of Civill Society, or in the inter 
ruption thereof by Warre, there is nothing can strengthen 
a Covenant of Peace agreed on, against the temptations 
of Avarice, Ambition, Lust, or other strong desire, but 
the feare of that Invisible Power, which they every one 
Worship as God ; and Feare as a Revenger of their 
perfidy. All therefore that can be done between two [71] 
men not subject to Civill Power, is to put one another 
to swear by the God he feareth : Which Swearing, or The forme 
OATH, is a Forme of Speech, added to a Promise-, byofanOath. 
which he that promiseth, signifieth, that unlesse he performe, 
he renounceth the mercy of his God, or calleth to him for 
vengeance on himselfe. Such was the Heathen Forme, 
Let Jupiter kill me else, as I kill this Beast. So is our 
Forme, / shall do thus, and thus, so help me God. And 
this, with the Rites and Ceremonies, which every one 
useth in his own Religion, that the feare of breaking 
faith might be the greater. 

By this it appears, that an Oath taken according to No Oath, 
any other Forme, or Rite, then his, that sweareth, is in but byGod. 
vain ; and no Oath : And that there is no Swearing by 
any thing which the Swearer thinks not God. For 
though men have sometimes used to swear by their 
Kings, for feare, or flattery ; yet they would have it 
thereby understood, they attributed to them Divine 
honour. And that Swearing unnecessarily by God, is 
but prophaning of his name : and Swearing by other 
things, as men do in common discourse, is not Swearing, 
but an impious Custome, gotten by too much vehemence 
of talking. 

It appears also, that the Oath addes nothing to the An Oath 
Obligation. For a Covenant, if lawfull, binds in the addes n - 
s ; ght of God, without the Oath, as much as with it : if 
unlawfull, bindeth not at all ; though it be confirmed tion. 
with an Oath. 


Part i. 


Chap. 15. 

The third 
Law of 

and In 

and Pro 
begin with 
the Consti 
tution of 



Of other Lawes of Nature. 

FROM that law_qf Nature, by which we are obliged to 
transferre to another, such Rights, as being retained, 
hinder the peace of Mankind, there followeth a Third ; 
which is this, That men performe their^ Covenants made : 
without which,n^vManTs"aTe~iri"vaiiT, and but Empty 
words ; and the Right of all men to all things remaining, 
wee are still in the condition of Warre. 

And in this law of Nature, consisteth the Fountain 
and Origin all of JUSTICE. For where no Covenant hath 
preceded, there hath no Right been transferred, and 
every man has right to every thing ; and consequently, 
no action can be Unjust. But when a Covenant is made, 
then to break it is Unjust : And the definition of INJUS 
TICE, is no other than the not Performance of Covenant. 

And whatsoever is notTInjusl, is Just. 

But because Covenants of mutuall trust, where there 
is a feare of not performance on either part, (as hath 
been said in the former Chapter,) are invalid ; though the 
Origin all of Justice be the making of Covenants ; yet 
Injustice actually there can be none, till the cause of 
such feare be taken away ; which while men are in the 
naturall condition of Warre, cannot be done. Therefore 
before the names of Just, and Unjust can have place, 
there must be some coercive Power, to compell men 
equally to the performance of their Covenants, by the 
terrour of some punishment, greater than the benefit 
they expect by the breach of their Covenant ; and to 
make good that Propriety, which by nmfciall Contract 
men acquire, in recompence of the universall Right they 
abandon : and such power there is none before the 
erection of a Common-wealth. And this is also to be 
gathered out of the ordinary definition of Justice in the 
Schooles : For they say, that Justice is the constant Will 
of giving to every man his own. And therefore where there 
is no Own, that is, no Propriety, there is no Injustice ; 
and where there is no coerceive Power erected, that is, 
where there is no Common-wealth, there is no Propriety ; 
all men having Right to all things : Therefore where there 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 15. in 

is no Common -wealth, there nothing is Unjust. So that the 
nature of Justice, consisteth in keeping of valid Covenants : 
but the Validity of Covenants begins not but with the 
Constitution of a Civill Power, sufficient to compell men to 
keep them : And then it is also that Propriety begins. 

The Foole hath sayd in his heart, there is no such Justice not 
thing as Justice ; and sometimes also with his tongue ; Contrary 
seriously alleaging, that every mans conservation, and Reason - 
contentment, being committed to his own care, there 
could be no reason, why every man might not do what 
he thought conduced thereunto : and therefore also to 
make, or not make ; keep, or not keep Covenants, was 
not against Reason, when it conduced to ones benefit. He 
does not therein deny, that there be Covenants ; and that 
they are sometimes broken, sometimes kept ; and that 
such breach of them may be called Injustice, and 
the observance of them Justice : but he questioneth, 
whether Injustice, taking away the feare of God, (for the 
same Foole hath said in his heart there is no God,) may 
not sometimes stand with that Reason, which dictateth 
to every man his own good ; and particularly thenj 
when it conduceth to such a benefit, as shall put a ma^ 
in a condition, to neglect not onely the dispraise, ana 
revilings, but also the power of other men. The King- 
dome of God is gotten by violence : but what if it could 
be gotten by unjust violence ? were it against Reason 
so to get it, when it is impossible to receive hurt by it ? 
and if it be not against Reason, it is not against Justice : 
or else Justice is not to be approved for good. From 
such reasoning as this, Succesfull wickednesse hath 
obtained the name of Vertue : and some that in all 
other things have disallowed the violation of Faith ; yet 
have allowed it, when it is for the getting of a Kingdome. 
And the Her <hen that believed, that Saturn was deposed 
by his sor Jupiter, believed neverthelesse the same 
Jupiter to be the avenger of Injustice : Somewhat like 
to a piece of Law in Cokes Commentaries on Litleton ; 
where he sayes, If the right Heire of the Crown be 
attainted of Treason ; yet the Crown shall descend to 
him, and eo instante the Atteynder be voyd : From 
which instances a man will be very prone to inferre ; 

H2 Parti. OF MAN. Chap. 15. 

that when the Heire apparent of a Kingdome, shall kill 
him that is in possession, though his father ; you may 
call it Injustice, or by what other name you will ; yet 
it can never be against Reason, seeing all the voluntary 
actions of men tend to the benefit of themselves ; and 
those actions are most Reasonable, that conduce most to 
[73] their ends. This specious reasoning is neverthelesse false. 
For the question is not of promises mutuall, where 
there is no security of performance on either side ; as 
when there is no Civill Power erected over the parties 
promising ; for such promises are no Covenants : But 
either where one of the parties has performed already ; 
or where there is a Power to make him performe ; there 
is the question whether it be against reason, that is, 
against the benefit of the other to performe, or not. 
Ana T say it is not against reason. For the manifesta- 
tic whereof, we are to consider ; First, that when a 
mai- doth a thing, which notwithstanding any thing can 
be foreseen, and reckoned on, tendeth to his own destruc 
tion, howsoever some accident which he could not expect, 
k^r Mng may turne it to his benefit ; yet such events do 
r > make it reasonably or wisely done. Secondly, that 
> a condition of Warre, wherein every man to every 
a, for want of a common Power to keep them all in 
}, is an Enemy, there is no man can hope by his own 
st ength, or wit, to defend himselfe from destruction, 
without the help of Confederates ; where every one 
expects the same defence by the Confederation, that 
any one else does : and therefore he which declares he 
thinks it reason to deceive those that help him, can in 
reason expect no other means of safety, than what can 
be had from his own single Power. He therefore that 
breaketh his Covenant, and consequently declareth that 
he thinks he may with reason do so, canned be received 
into any Society, that unite themselves foi Peace and 
Defence, but by the errour of them that receive him ; 
nor when he is received, be retayned in it, without seeing 
the danger of their errour ; which errours a man cannot 
reasonably reckon upon as the means of his security : 
and therefore if he be left, or cast out of Society, he 
perisheth ; and if he live in Society, it is by the errours 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 15. 113 

of other men, which he could not foresee, nor reckon 
upon ; and consequently against the reason of his pre 
servation ; and so, as all men that contribute not to his 
destruction, forbear him onely out of ignorance of what 
is good for themselves. 

As for the Instance of gaining the secure and per 
petual felicity of Heaven, by any way ; it is frivolous : 
there being but one way imaginable ; and that is not 
breaking, but keeping of Covenant. 

And for the other Instance of attaining Soveraignty 
by Rebellion ; it is manifest, that though the event 
follow, yet because it cannot reasonably be expected, 
but rather the contrary ; and because by gaining it so, 
others are taught to gain the same in like manner, the 
attempt thereof is against reason. Justice therefore, 
that is to say, Keeping of Covenant, is a Rule of Reason, 
by which we are forbidden to do any thing destructive 
to our life ; and consequently a Law of Nature. 

There be some that proceed further ; and will not 
have the Law of Nature, to be those Rules which con 
duce to the preservation of mans life on earth ; but to 
the attaining of an eternall felicity after death ; to which 
they think the breach of Covenant may conduce ; and 
consequently be just and reasonable ; (such are they 
that think it a work of merit to kill, or depose, or rebell [74] 
against, the Soveraigne Power constituted over them by 
their own consent.) But because there is no naturall 
knowledge of mans estate after death ; much lesse of 
the reward that is then to be given to breach of Faith ; 
but onely a beliefe grounded upon other mens saying, 
that they know it supernaturally, or that they know 
those, that knew them, that knew others, that knew it 
superuaturally ; Breach of Faith cannot be called a Pre 
cept of Reason, or Nature. 

Others, that allow for a Law of Nature, the keeping of Covenants 
Faith, do neverthelesse make exception of certain per- n c f a f ls ~ db 
sons ; as Heretiques, and such as use not to performe ^f j/^, / 
their Covenant to others : And this also is against reason, the Person 
For if any fault of a man, be sufficient to discharge our to whom 
Covenant made ; the same ought in reason to have been they aYe 
sufficient to have hindred the making of it. 


ii4 Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 15. 

Justice of The names of Just, and Injust, when they are attri- 
Men, <S- buted to Men, signifie one thing ; and when they are 
Justice attributed to Actions, another. When they are attri- 
what. l( IS Dute d to Men, they signifie Conformity, or Inconformity 
of Manners, to Reason. But when they are attributed to 
Actions, they signifie the Conformity or Inconformity to 
Reason, not of Manners, or manner of life, but of parti 
cular Actions. A Just man therefore, is he that taketh 
all the care he can, that his Actions may be all Just : 
and an Unjust man, is he that neglecteth it. And such 
men are more often in our Language stiled by the names 
of Righteous, and Unrighteous ; then Just, and Unjust ; 
though the meaning be the same. Therefore a Righteous 
man, does not lose that Title, by one, or a few unjust 
Actions, that proceed from sudden Passion, or mistake 
of Things, or Persons : nor does an Unrighteous man, 
lose his character, for such Actions, as he does, or for- 
beares to do, for feare : because his Will is not framed 
by the Justice, but by the apparent benefit of what he 
is to do. That which gives to humane Actions the relish 
of Justice, is a certain Noblenesse or Gallantnesse of 
courage, (rarely found,) by which a man scorns to be 
beholding for the contentment of his life, to fraud, or 
breach of promise. This Justice of the Manners, is that 
which is meant, where Justice is called a Vertue ; and 
Injustice a Vice. 

But the Justice of Actions denominates men, not Just, 

Guiltlesse : and the Injustice of the same, (which is also 

called Injury,) gives them but the name of Guilty^ 

Justice of Again, the Injustice of Manners, is the disposition, or 

Manners, aptitude to do Injurie ; and is Injustice before it pro- 

andjust- cee( j to Act ; and without supposing any individuall 

^Actions P erson injured. But the Injustice of an Action, (that 

is to say Injury,) supposeth an individuall person 

Injured ; namely him, to whom the Covenant was 

made : And therefore many times the injury is received 

by one man, when the dammage redoundeth to another. 

As when the Master commandeth his servant to give 

mony to a stranger ; if it be not done, the Injury is 

done to the Master, whom he had before Covenanted to 

obey ; but the dammage redoundeth to the stranger, 

Part I. OF MAN. Chap. 15. 115 

to whom he had no Obligation ; and therefore could not 
Injure him. And so also in Common- wealths, private [75] 
men may remit to one another their debts ; but not 
robberies or other violences, whereby they are endam- 
maged ; because the detaining of Debt, is an Injury to 
themselves ; but Robbery and Violence, are Injuries to 
the Person of the Common-wealth. 

Whatsoever is done to a man, conformable to his own Nothing 
Will signified to the doer, is no Injury to him. For if done to a 
he that doeth it, hath not passed away his originall right f an > by 

* y i , his own 

to do what he please, by some Antecedent Covenant, consen t 
there is no breach of Covenant ; and therefore no Injury can be 
done him. And if he have ; then his Will to have it Injury. 
done being signified, is a release of that Covenant : and 
so again there is no Injury done him. 

Justice of Actions, is by Writers divided into Commu- Justice 
tative, and Distributive : and the former they say con- Commuta- 
sisteth in proportion Arithmeticall ; the later in pro- 
portion Geometricall. Commutative therefore, they place 
in the equality of value of the things contracted for ; 
And Distributive, in the distribution of equall benefit, 
to men of equall merit. As if it were Injustice to sell 
dearer than we buy ; or to give more to a man than he 
merits . The value of all things contracted for, is measured 
by the Appetite of the Contractors : and therefore the 
just value, is that which they be contented to give. And 
Merit (besides that which is by Covenant, where the 
performance on one part, meriteth the performance of 
the other part, and falls under Justice Commutative, not 
Distributive,) is not due by Justice ; but is rewarded 
of Grace onely. And therefore this distinction, in the 
sense wherein it useth to be expounded, is not right. To 
speak properly, Commutative Justice, is the Justice of 
a Contractor ; that is, a Performance of Covenant, in 
Buying, and Selling ; Hiring, and Letting to Hire ; 
Lending, and Borrowing ; Exchanging, Bartering, and 
other acts of Contract. 

And Distributive Justice, the Justice of an Arbitrator ; 
that is to say, the act of defining what is Just. Wherein, 
(being trusted by them that make him Arbitrator,) if he 
performe his Trust, he is said to distribute to every man 

I 2 

n6 Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 15. 

his own : and this is indeed Just Distribution, and may 
be called (though improperly) Distributive Justice ; but 
more properly Equity ; which also is a Law of Nature, 
as shall be shewn in due place. 

The As Justice dependeth on Antecedent Covenant ; so 

fourthLaw does GRATITUDE depend on Antecedent Grace ; that is 

Gratitude . to sa ^ Antecedent Free-gift : and is the fourth Law of 

r !i a ^IJ which may be conceived in this Forme, That 

a man which receiveth Benefit from another of meer Grace, 

Endeavour that he which giveth it, have no reasonable cause 

to repent him of his good will. For no man giveth, but 

with intention of Good to himselfe ; because Gift is 

Voluntary ; and of all Voluntary Acts, the Object is to 

every man his own Good ; of which if men see they shall 

be frustrated, there will be no beginning of benevolence, 

or trust ; nor consequently of mutuall help ; nor of 

reconciliation of one man to another ; and therefore they 

are to remain still in the condition of War ; which is 

contrary to the first and Fundamental! Law of Nature, 

which commandeth men to Seek Peace. The breach of 

[76] this Law, is called Ingratitude ; and hath the same 

relation to Grace, that Injustice hath to Obligation by 


The fifth, A fifth Law of Nature, is COMPLEASANCE ; that is to 
Mutuall say, That every man strive to accommodate himselfe to the 

accommo- r& ^ p or tne understanding whereof, we may consider, 

dation. or , T . ~ . , J ,. . 

Com pleas- tnat there is in mens aptnesse to Society, a diversity 
ance. of Nature, rising from their diversity of Affections ; not 
unlike to that we see in stones brought together for 
building of an ^Edifice. For as that stone which by the 
asperity, and irregularity of Figure, takes more room 
from others, than it selfe fills ; and for the hardnesse, 
cannot be easily made plain, and thereby hindereth the 
building, is by the builders cast away as unprofitable, 
and troublesome : so also, a man that by asperity of 
Nature, will strive to retain those things which to him 
selfe are superfluous, and to others necessary ; and for 
the stubbornness of his Passions, cannot be corrected, 
is to be left, or cast out of Society, as combersome 
thereunto. For seeing every man, not onely by Right, 
but also by necessity of Nature, is supposed to endeavour 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 15. 117 

all he can, to obtain that which is necessary for his 
conservation ; He that shall oppose himselfe against it, 
for things superfluous, is guilty of the warre that there 
upon is to follow ; and therefore doth that, which is 
contrary to the fundament all Law of Nature, which com- 
mandeth to seek Peace. The observers of this Law, may 
be called SOCIABLE, (the Latines call them Commodi;) 
The contrary, Stubborn, Insociable, Froward, Intractable. 

A sixth Law of Nature, is this, That upon caution of the The sixth, 
Future time, a man ought to pardon the offences past of Facility to 
them that repenting, desire it. For PARDON, is nothing ^L don " 
but granting of Peace ; which though granted to them 
that persevere in their hostility, be not Peace, but Feare ; 
yet not granted to them that give caution of the Future 
time, is signe of an aversion to Peace ; and therefore 
contrary to the Law of Nature. 

A seventh is, That in Revenges, (that is, retribution of The 
Evil for Evil,) Men look not at the greatnesse of the evill seventh, 
past, but the greatnesse of the good to follow. Whereby we ^ at in 
are forbidden to inflict punishment with any other m e e v ^j^ S) 
designe, than for correction of the offender, or direction s pect onely 
of others. For this Law is consequent to the next before the future 
it, that commandeth Pardon, upon security of 
Future time. Besides, Revenge without respect to the 
Example, and profit to come, is a triumph, or glorying 
in the hurt of another, tending to no end ; (for the End 
is alwayes somewhat to Come ;) and glorying to no end, 
is vain-glory, and contrary to reason ; and to hurt with 
out reason, tendeth to the introduction of Warre ; which 
is against the Law of Nature ; and is commonly stiled 
by the name of Cruelty. 

And because all signes of hatred, or contempt, provoke The 
to fight ; insomuch as most men choose rather to hazard et ghth, 
their life, than not to be revenged ; we may in the eighth a ^^ nsi 
place, for a Law of Nature, set down this Precept, That tumely 
no man by deed, word, countenance, or gesture, declare 
Hatred, or Contempt of another. The breach of which 
Law, is commonly called Contumely. 

The question who is the better man, has no place in The ninth, 
the condition of meer Nature ; where, (as has been shewn a 
before,) all men are equall. The inequallity that now is, 

n8 Parti. OF MAN. Chap. 15. 

yC has bin introduced by the Lawes civill. I know that 
Aristotle in the first booke of his Politiques, for a founda 
tion of his doctrine, maketh men by Nature, some more 
worthy to Command, meaning the wiser sort (such as he 
thought himself e to be for his Philosophy ;) others to 
Serve, (meaning those that had strong bodies, but were 
not Philosophers as he ;) as if Master and Servant were 
not introduced by consent of men, but by difference of 
Wit : which is not only against reason ; but also against 
experience. For there are very few so foolish, that had 
not rather governe themselves, than be governed by 
others : Nor when the wise in their own conceit, contend 
by force, with them who distrust their owne wisdome, do 
they alwaies, or often, or almost at any time, get the 
Victory. If Nature therefore have made men equall, 
that equalitie is to be acknowledged : or if Nature have 
made men unequall ; yet because men that think them 
selves equall, will not enter into conditions of Peace, but 
upon Equall termes, such equalitie must be admitted. 
And therefore for the ninth law of Nature, I put this, 
That every man acknowledge other for his Equall by 
Nature. The breach of this Precept is Pride. 
The tenth, On this law, dependeth another, That at the entrance 
against into conditions of Peace, no man require to reserve to him- 
selfe any Right, which he is not content should be reserved 
to every one of the rest. As it is necessary for all men that 
seek peace, to lay down certaine Rights of Nature ; that 
is to say, not to have libertie to do all they list : so is it 
necessarie for mans life, to retaine some ; as right to 
governe their owne bodies ; enjoy aire, water, motion, 
waies to go from place to place ; and all things else 
without which a man cannot live, or not live well. If in 
this case, at the making of Peace, men require for them 
selves, that which they would not have to be granted 
to others, they do contrary to the precedent law, that 
commandeth the acknowledgment of naturall equalitie, 
and therefore also against the law of Nature. The 
observers of this law, are those we call Modest, and the 
breakers Arrogant men. The Greeks call the violation of 
this law 7rAeoi/eia ; that is, a desire of more than their 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 15. 119 

Also if a man be trusted to judge between man and man, The 
it is a precept of the Law of Nature, that he deale Equally eleventh 
between them. For without that, the Controversies of ?*"*? 
men cannot be determined but by Warre. He therefore 
that is partiall in judgment, doth what in him lies, to 
deterre men from the use of Judges, and Arbitrators ; 
and consequently, (against the fundamental! Lawe of 
Nature) is the cause of Warre. 

The observance of this law, from the equall distribution 
to each man, of that which in reason belongeth to him, 
is called EQUITY, and (as I have sayd before) distributive 
Justice : the violation, Acceptionof persons, Trpoo-wTroArji/aa. 

And from this followeth another law, That such things The 
as cannot be divided, be enjoyed in Common, if it can be ; 
and if the quantity of the thing permit, without Stint ; 
otherwise Proportionably to the number of them that have Common. 
Right. For otherwise the distribution is Unequall, and 
contrary to Equitie. 

But some things there be, that can neither be divided, [78] 
nor enjoyed in common. Then, The Law of Nature, The thir- 
which prescribeth Equity, requireth, That the Entire*"* 
Right ; or else, (making the use alternate,} the First 
Possession, be determined by Lot. For equall distribution, 
is of the Law of Nature ; and other means of equall 
distribution cannot be imagined. 

Of Lots there be two sorts, Arbitrary, and Naturall. The four- 
Arbitrary, is that which is agreed on by the Competitors : tenth, of 
Naturall, is either Primogeniture, (which the Greek calls ^*?~ 
KA^povo/Aio, which signifies, Given by Lot ;) or First an d First 
Seisure. seising. 

And therefore those things which cannot be enjoyed 
in common, nor divided, ought to be adjudged to the 
First Possessor ; and in some cases to the First-Borne, 
as acquired by Lot. 

It is also a Law of Nature, That all men that mediate The fif~ 
Peace, be allowed safe Conduct. For the Law that com- tenth, of 
mandeth Peace, as the End, commandeth Intercession, Me ^atots. 
as the Means ; and to Intercession the Means is safe 

And because, though men be never so willing to The six- 
observe these Lawes, there may neverthelesse arise tenth, of 

120 Part I. OF MAN. Chap. 15. 

Submis- questions concerning a mans action ; First, whether it 

sionto W ere done, or not done ; Secondly (if done) whether 

menf a g ams t the Law, or not against the Law ; the former 

whereof, is called a question Of Fact ; the later a question 

Of Right; therefore unlesse the parties to the question, 

Covenant mutually to stand to the sentence of another, 

they are as farre from Peace as ever. This other, to 

I whose Sentence they submit, is called an ARBITRATOR. 

And therefore it is of the Law of Nature, That they that 

are at controversie, submit their Right to the judgement of 

an Arbitrator. 

The seven- And seeing every man is presumed to do all things in 
teenth, No order to his own benefit, no man is a fit Arbitrator in his 
man ts his QWn cause . an( j jf j^ were never so fit ; yet Equity 

Judge. allowing to each party equall benefit, if one be admitted 
to be Judge, the other is to be admitted also ; & so the 
controversie, that is, the cause of War, remains, against 
the Law of Nature. 

The eigh- For the same reason no man in any Cause ought to 
teenth, no be received for Arbitrator, to whom greater profit, or 
*Tud * be h nour > or pleasure apparently ariseth out of the victory 
that has f one P ar ty, than of the other : for hee hath taken 
in him a (though an unavoydable bribe, yet) a bribe ; and no man 
natural ca n be obliged to trust him. And thus also the contro- 
C p U rtialit vers ^ e an( ^ the condition of War remaineth, contrary to 

y the Law of Nature. 

The nine- And in a controversie of Fact, the Judge being to give 

*w "f** 1 ^ no more cre dit to one, than to the other, (if there be no 

;St other Arguments) must give credit to a third ; or to 

a third and fourth ; or more : For else the question is 

undecided, and left to force, contrary to the Law of 


These are the Lawes of Nature, dictating Peace, for 
a means of the conservation of men in multitudes ; and 
which onely concern the doctrine of Civill Society. 
There be other things tending to the destruction of 
particular men ; as Drunkenness, and all other parts of 
Intemperance ; which may therefore also be reckoned 
amongst those things which the Law of Nature hath 
[79] forbidden ; but are not necessary to be mentioned, nor 
are pertinent enough to this place. 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 15. 121 

And though this may seem too subtile a deduction of A Rule, by 
the Lawes of Nature, to be taken notice of by all men ; which the 
whereof the most part are too busie in getting food, and jj^mf 
the rest too negligent to understand ; yet to leave all may 
men unexcusable, they have been contracted into one easily be 
easie sum, intelligible, even to the meanest capacity ; examined. 
and that is, Do not that to another, which thou wouldest 
not have done to thy selfe ; which sheweth him, that he 
has no more to do in learning the Lawes of Nature, but, 
when weighing the actions of other men with his own, 
they seem too heavy, to put them into the other part of 
the ballance, and his own into their place, that his own 
passions, and selfe-love, may adde nothing to the weight ; 
and then there is none of these Lawes of Nature that 
will not appear unto him very reasonable. 

The Lawes of Nature oblige in foro interno ; that is TheLawes 
to say, they bind to a desire they should take place : but of Nature 
in foro externo ; that is, to the putting them in act, not l e on _ 
alwayes. For he that should be modest, and tractable, l c i ence ~ 
and performe all he promises, in such time, and place, alwayes, 
where no man els should do so, should but make himselfe but in 
a prey to others, and procure his own certain ruine, Effect then 
contrary to the ground of all Lawes of Nature, which w j ien 
tend to Natures preservation. And again, he that having there is 
sufficient Security, that others shall observe the same Security. 
Lawes towards him, observes them not himselfe, seeketh 
not Peace, but War ; & consequently the destruction of 
his Nature by Violence. 

And whatsoever Lawes bind in foro interno, may be 
broken, not onely by a fact contrary to the Law, but 
also by a fact according to it, in case a man think it 
contrary. For though his Action in this case, be accord 
ing to the Law ; yet his Purpose was against the Law ; 
which where the Obligation is in foro interno, is a breach. 

The Lawes of Nature are Immutable and Eternall ; The Laws 
For Injustice, Ingratitude, Arrogance, Pride, Iniquity, of Nature 

Acception of persons, and the rest, can never be made a f . 

-r- i ,1 , TT7 i n Eternal; 

lawfull. For it can never be that Warre shall preserve 

life, and Peace destroy it. 

The [same] Lawes, because they oblige onely to a desire, And yet 
and endeavour, I mean an unfeigned and constant 

122 Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 15. 

endeavour, are easie to be observed. For in that they 
require nothing but endeavour ; he that endeavoureth 
their performance, fulfilleth them ; and he that fulfilleth 
the Law, is Just. 

The And the Science of them, is the true and onely Moral 

Science Philosophy. For Morall Philosophy is nothing else but 
Lowes is *ke Science of what is Good, and Evill, in the conversa- 
the true tion, and Society of man-kind. Good, and Evill, are 
Morall names that signifie our Appetites, and Aversions ; which 
Philo- i n different tempers, customes, and doctrines of men, are 
sophy. different : And divers men, differ not onely in their 
Judgement, on the senses of what is pleasant, and 
unpleasant to the tast, smell, hearing, touch, and sight ; 
but also of what is conformable, or disagreeable to Reason, 
in the actions of common life. Nay, the same man, in 
divers times, differs from himselfe ; and one time 
praiseth, that is, calleth Good, what another time he 
[8 ] dispraiseth, and calleth Evil : From whence arise Dis 
putes, Controversies, and at last War. And therefore 
so long a man is in the condition of meer Nature, (which 
is a condition of War,) as private Appetite is the measure 
of Good, and Evill : And consequently all men agree 
on this, that Peace is Good, and therefore also the way, 
or means of Peace, which (as I have shewed before) are 
Justice, Gratitude, Modesty, Equity, Mercy, & the rest of 
the Laws of Nature, are good ; that is to say, Morall 
Vertues ; and their contrarie Vices, Evill. Now the 
science of Vertue and Vice, is Morall Philosophic ; and 
therfore the true Doctrine of the Lawes of Nature, is 
the true Morall Philosophic. But the Writers of Morall 
Philosophic, though they acknowledge the same Vertues 
and Vices ; Yet not seeing wherein consisted their 
Goodnesse ; nor that they come to be praised, as the 
meanes of peaceable, sociable, and comfortable living ; 
place them in a mediocrity of passions : as if not 
the Cause, but the Degree of daring, made Fortitude ; 
or not the Cause, but the Quantity of a gift, made 

These dictates of Reason, men use to call by the name 
of Lawes ; but improperly : for they are but Conclusions, 
or Theoremes concerning what conduceth to the conserva- 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 16. 123 

tion and defence of themselves ; wheras Law, properly 
is the word of him, that by right hath command over 
others. But yet if we consider the same Theoremes, as 
delivered in the word of God, that by right commandeth 
all things ; then are they properly called Lawes. 


Of PERSONS, AUTHORS, and things Personated. 

A PERSON, is he, whose words or actions are considered, A person 
either as his own, or as representing the words or actions 
of an other man, or of any other thing to whom they are 
attributed, whether Truly or by Fiction. 

When they are considered as his owne, then is he called Person 
a Naturall Person : And when they are considered as Naturall 
representing the words and actions of an other, then is S^J/ 
he a Feigned or Artificiall person. 

The word Person is latine : insteed whereof the Greeks The word 
have TrpoVtoTTov, which signifies the Face, as Persona in 
lajtine signifies the disguise, or outward appearance of 
,ajrian, counterfeited on the Stage ; and somtimes more 
particularly that part of it, which disguiseth the face, 
as a Mask or Visard : And from the Stage, hath been 
translated to any Representer of speech and action, as 
well in Tribunalls, as Theaters. So that a Person, is the 
same that an Actor is, both on the Stage and in common 
Conversation ; and to Personate, is to Act, or Represent 
himselfe, or an other ; and he that acteth another, is 
said to beare his Person, or act in his name ; (in which 
sence Cicero useth it where he saies, Unus sustineo 
ires Personas ; Mei, Adversarii, & Judicis, I beare three 
Persons ; my own, my Adversaries, and the Judges ;) 
and is called in diverse occasions, diversly ; as a Repre- [81] 
senter, or Representative, a Lieutenant, a Vicar, an 
Attorney, a Deputy, a Procurator, an Actor, and the like. 

Of Persons Artificiall, some have their words and 
actions Owned by those whom they represent. And then 
the Person is the Actor ; and he that owneth his words Actor, 
and actions, is the AUTHOR : In which case the Actor Author, 
acteth by Authority. For that which in speaking of 

124 Part I- OF MAN. Chap. 16. 

goods and possessions, is called an Owner, and in latine 
Dominus, in Greeke Kvpios ; speaking of Actions, is 
called Author. And as the Right of possession, is called 
Dominion ; so the Right of doing any Action, is called 
A uthority. AUTHORITY. So that by Authority, is alwayes under 
stood a Right of doing any act : and done by Authority, 
done by Commission, or Licence from him whose right 
it is. 

Covenants From hence it followeth, that when the Actor maketh 
by Au- a Covenant by Authority, he bindeth thereby the Author, 
thority, no i esse than if he had made it himselfe ; and no lesse 
Author subjecteth him to all the consequences of the same. And 
therfore all that hath been said formerly, (Chap. 14.) 
of the nature of Covenants between man and man in 
their naturall capacity, is true also when they are made 
by their Actors, Representers, or Procurators, that have 
authority from them, so far-forth as is in their Commis 
sion, but no farther. 

And therefore he that maketh a Covenant with the 
Actor, or Representer, not knowing the Authority he 
hath, doth it at his own perill. For no man is obliged 
by a Covenant, whereof he is not Author ; nor conse 
quently by a Covenant made against, or beside the 
Authority he gave. 

Butnotthe When the Actor doth any thing against the Law of 
Nature by command of the Author, if he be obliged by 
former Covenant to obey him, not he, but the Author 
breaketh the Law of Nature : for though the Action be 
against the Law of Nature ; yet it is not his : but con- 
trarily, to refuse to do it, is against the Law of Nature, 
that forbiddeth breach of Covenant. 

The And he that maketh a Covenant with the Author, by 

Authority mediation of the Actor, not knowing what Authority he 

is to be hath, but onely takes his word ; in case such Authority 

ne be not made manifest unto him upon demand, is no 

longer obliged : For the Covenant made with the Author, 

is not valid, without his Counter- assurance. But if he 

that so Covenanteth, knew before hand he was to expect 

no other assurance, than the Actors word ; then is the 

Covenant valid ; because the Actor in this case maketh 

himselfe the Author. And therefore, as when the 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 16. 125 

Authority is evident, the Covenant obligeth the Author, 
not the Actor ; so when the Authority is feigned, it 
obligeth the Actor onely ; there being no Author but 

There are few things, that are uncapable of being Things 
represented by Fiction. Inanimate things, as a Church, P er * 0f t~ 
an Hospital, a Bridge, may be personated by a Rector, Animate. 
Master, or Overseer. But things Inanimate, cannot be 
Authors, nor therefore give Authority to their Actors : 
Yet the Actors may have Authority to procure their 
maintenance, given them by those that are Owners, or [82] 
Governours of those things. And therefore, such things 
cannot be Personated, before there be some state of 
Civill Government. 

Likewise Children, Fooles, and Mad-men that have no/ national; 
use of Reason, may be Personated by Guardians, or 
Curators ; but can be no Authors (during that time) of 
any action done by them, longer then (when they shall 
recover the use of Reason) they shall judge the same 
reasonable. Yet during the Folly, he that hath right of 
governing them, may give Authority to the Guardian. 
But this again has no place but in a State Civill, because 
before such estate, there is no Dominion of Persons. 

An Idol, or meer Figment of the brain, may be Per- False 
sonated ; as were the Gods of the Heathen ; which by Gods 
such Officers as the State appointed, were Personated, 
and held Possessions, and other Goods, and Rights, which 
men from time to time dedicated, and consecrated unto 
them. But Idols cannot be Authors : for an Idol is 
nothing. The Authority proceeded from the State : and 
therefore before introduction of Civill Government, the 
Gods of the Heathen could not be Personated. 

The true God may be Personated. As he was ; first, The true 
by Moses ; who governed the Israelites, (that were not God - 
his, but Gods people,) not in his own name, with Hoc 
dicit Moses ; but in Gods Name, with Hoc dicit Dominus. 
Secondly, by the Son of man, his own Son, our Blessed 
Saviour Jesus Christ, that came to reduce the Jewes, and 
induce all Nations into the Kingdome of his Father ; not 
as of himselfe, but as sent from his Father. And thirdly, 
by the Holy Ghost, or Comforter, speaking, and working 

126 Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 16. 

in the Apostles : which Holy Ghost, was a Comforter 
that came not of himselfe ; but was sent, and proceeded 
from them both. 

A Multi- A Multitude of men, are made One Person, when they 
tude of are by one man, or one Person, Represented ; so that 

"one p ^ be done with the consent f ever Y one of that Multi- 
son% tude in particular. For it is the Unity of the Representer, 

not the Unity of the Represented, that maketh the 
Person One. And it is the Representer that beareth the 
Person, and but one Person : And Unity, cannot other 
wise be understood in Multitude. 

Every one And because the Multitude naturally is not One, but 
is Author. Many ; they cannot be understood for one ; but many 
Authors, of every thing their Representative saith, or 
doth in their name ; Every man giving their common 
Representer, Authority from himselfe in particular ; and 
owning all the actions the Representer doth, in case they 
give him Authority without stint : Otherwise, when they 
limit him in what, and how farre he shall represent them, 
none of them owneth more, than they gave him com 
mission to Act. 

An Actor And if the Representative consist of many men, the 
may be voyce of the greater number, must be considered as the 
Many voyce of them all. For if the lesser number pronounce 
O Ty ( for exam P le ) in the Affirmative, and the greater in the 
Plur- [83] Negative, there will be Negatives more than enough 
ality of to destroy the Affirmatives ; and thereby the excesse 
Voyces. o f Negatives, standing uncontradicted, are the onely 

voyce the Representative hath. 

Represen- And a Representative of even number, especially when 
tatives, the number is not great, whereby the contradictory 
when the VO y Ces are oftentimes equall, is therefore oftentimes 

number is J , j i_i r A .- -\r L 

even, un- mut e, and uncapable of Action. Yet in some cases con- 
profitable. tradictory voyces equall in number, may determine a 
question ; as in condemning, or absolving, equality of 
votes, even in that they condemne not, do absolve ; but 
not on the contrary condemne, in that they absolve not. 
For when a Cause is heard ; not to condemne, is to ab 
solve : but on the contrary, to say that not absolving, 
is condemning, is not true. The like it is in a delibera 
tion of executing presently, or deferring till another 

Part i. OF MAN. Chap. 16. 127 

time : For when the voyces are equall, the not decreeing 
Execution, is a decree of Dilation. 

Or if the number be odde, as three, or more, (men, Negative 
or assemblies ;) whereof every one has by a Negative voyce. 
Voice, authority to take away the effect of all the Affir 
mative Voices of the rest, This number is no Represen 
tative ; because by the diversity of Opinions, and 
Interests of men, it becomes oftentimes, and in cases of 
the greatest consequence, a mute Person, and unapt, 
as for many things else, so for the government of a Mul 
titude, especially in time of Warre. 

Of Authors there be two sorts. The first simply so 
called ; which I have before defined to be him, that 
owneth the Action of another simply. The second is he, 
that owneth an Action, or Covenant of another condi 
tionally ; that is to say, he undertaketh to do it, if the 
other doth it not, at, or before a certain time. And these 
Authors conditionall, are generally called SURETYES, in 
Latine Fidejussores, and Sponsores ; and particularly 
for Debt, Pr cedes ; and for Appearance before a Judge, 
or Magistrate, Vades. 

128 Part 2. Chap. 17. 

[851 OF 



Of the Causes, Generation, and Definition of a 

TheEndof THE finall Cause, End, or Designe of men, (who 
Common- naturally love Liberty, and Dominion over others,) in 
wealth {j^ introduction of that restraint upon themselves, (in 
Security* wn i cn wee see them live in Common- wealths,) is the 
foresight of their own preservation, and of a more con 
tented life thereby,; that is to say, of getting themselves 
out from that miserable condition of Warre, which is 
Chap. 13. necessarily consequent (as hath been shewn) to the 
naturall Passions of men, when there is no visible Power 
to keep them in awe, and tye them by feare of punish 
ment to the performance of their Covenants, and observa 
tion of those Lawes of Nature set down in the fourteenth 
and fifteenth Chapters. 

Which is For the Lawes of Nature (as Justice, Equity, Modesty, 

not to be Mercy, and (in summe) doing to others, as wee would be 

\heLaw done ^ ^ themselves, without the terrour of some 

of Nature : Power, to cause them to be observed, are contrary to our 

-~p naturall Passions, that carry us to Partiality, Pride, 

Revenge, and the like. And Covenants, without the 

Sword, are but Words, and of no strength to secure a 

man at all. Therefore notwithstanding the Lawes of 

Nature, (which every one hath then kept, when he has 

the will to keep them, when he can do it safely,) if there 

be no Power erected, or not great enough for our security ; 

every man will, and may lawfully rely on his own strength 

and art, for caution against all other men. And in all 

places, where men have lived by small Families, to robbe 

and spoyle one another, has been a Trade, and so farre 

from being reputed against the Law of Nature, that 

the greater spoyles they gained, the greater was their 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 17. 129 

honour ; and men observed no other Lawes therein, but 
the Lawes of Honour ; that is, to abstain from cruelty, 
leaving to men their li^pr, and instruments of hus 
bandry. And as small Familyes did then ; so now do 
Cities and Kingdomes which are but greater Families 
(for their own security) enlarge their Dominions, upon 
all pretences of danger, and fear of Invasion, or assis 
tance that may be given to Invaders, endeavour as 
much as they can, to subdue, or weaken their neighbours, 
by open force, and secret arts, for want of other Caution, 
justly ; and are remembred for it in after ages with 

Nor is it the joyning together of a small number of Nor 
men, that gives them this security ; because in small the co 
numbers, small additions on the one side or the other, [86] 
make the advantage of strength so great, as is sufficient junction 
to carry the Victory ; and therefore gives encourage- of a few 
ment to an Invasion. The Multitude sufficient to confide menor 
in for our Security, is not determined by any certain ami yes 
number, but by comparison with the Enemy we feare ; 
and is then sufficient, when the odds of the Enemy is 
not of so visible and conspicuous moment, to determine 
the event of warre, as to move him to attempt. 

And be there never so great a Multitude ; yet if Nor from 
their actions be directed according to their particular ^/ r , eat d 
judgements, and particular appetites, they can expect u ^i e l^. e 
thereby no defence, nor protection, neither against & directed by 
Common enemy, nor against the injuries of one another, one judge- 
For being distracted in opinions concerning the best use ment : 
and application of their strength, they do not help, 
but hinder one another ; and reduce their strength by 
mutuall opposition to nothing : whereby they are 
easily, not onely subdued by a very few that agree 
together ; but also when there is no common enemy, 
they make warre upon each other, for their particular 
interests. For if we could suppose a great Multitude 
of men to consent in the observation of Justice, and 
other Lawes of Nature, without a common Power to 
keep them all in awe ; we might as well suppose all 
Man-kind to do the same ; and then there neither 
would be, nor need to be any Civill Government, or 


I 3 o Part 2. OF COMMON -WEALTH. Chap. 17. 

Common-wealth at all ; because there would be Peace 
without subjection. 

And that Nor is it enough for the _ ~curity, which men desire 

continu- should last all the time of their life, that they be 

ally governed, and directed by one judgement, for a limited 

time ; as in one Bat tell, or one Warre. For though 

they obtain a Victory by their unanimous endeavour 

against a forraign enemy ; yet afterwards, when either 

they have no common enemy, or he that by one part 

is held for an enemy, is by another part held for a friend, 

they must needs by the difference of their interests 

The End dissolve, and fall again into a Warre amongst them- 


parti It is true, that certain living creatures, as Bees, and 

Secuin Ants, live sociably one with another, (which are there- 
wifhout 3 ^ ore y Aristotle numbred amongst Politicall creatures ;) 
Reason or an< ^ Y et nave no other direction, than their particular 
speech , do judgements and appetites ; nor speech, whereby one 
neverthe- of them can signifie to another, what he thinks expedient 
lesse live f or ^ e common benefit : and therefore some man may 
Without y> P erna P s desire to know, why Man-kind cannot do the 
anv coer- same. To which I answer, 

cive First, that men are continually in competition for 

Power. Honour and Dignity, which these creatures are not ; 

and consequently amongst men there ariseth on that 

ground, Envy and Hatred, and finally Warre ; but 

amongst these not so. 

Secondly, that amongst these creatures, the Common 
good differeth not from the Private ; and being by 
nature enclined to their private, they procure thereby 
the common benefit. But man, whose Joy consisteth 
in comparing himselfe with other men, can relish nothing 
but what is eminent. 

Thirdly, that these creatures, having not (as man) 
the use of reason, do not see, nor think they see any 
[87] fault, in the administration of their common businesse : 
whereas amongst men, there are very many, that thinke 
themselves wiser, and abler to govern the Publique, 
better than the rest ; and these strive to reforme and 
innovate, one this way, another that way ; and thereby 
bring it into Distraction and Civill warre. 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 17. 131 

Fourthly, that these creatures, though they have some 
use of voice, in making knowne to one another their 
desires, and other affections ; yet they want that art 
of words, by which some men can represent to others, 
that which is Good, in the likenesse of Evill ; and Evill, 
in the likenesse of Good ; and augment, or diminish the 
apparent greatnesse of Good and Evill ; discontenting 
men, and troubling their Peace at their pleasure. 

Fiftly, irrational! creatures cannot distinguish betweene 
Injury, and Dammage ; and therefore as long as they 
be at ease, they are not offended with their fellowes : 
whereas Man is then most troublesome, when he is most 
at ease : for then it is that he loves to shew his Wisdome, 
and controule the Actions of them that governe the 

Lastly, the agreement of these creatures is Naturall ; , 
that of men, is by Covenant only, which is Artificiall : 
and therefore it is no wonder if there be somwhat else 
required (besides Covenant) to make their Agreement 
constant and lasting ; which is a Common Power, to 
keep them in awe, and to direct their actions to the 
Common Benefit. 

The only way to erect such a Common Power, as may The 
be able to defend them from the invasion of Forraigners, Genera- 

and the injuries of one another, and thereby to secure l n f a 
ji t ii_ j. i_ AI i i -i (Common- 

them in such sort, as that by their owne Industrie, and wea iih m 

by the fruites of the Earth, they may nourish themselves 
and live contentedly ; is, to conferre all their power and , 
strength upon one Man, or upon one Assembly of men, 
that may reduce all their Wills, by plurality of voices, 
unto one Will : which is as much as to say, to appoint 
one Man, or Assembly of men, to beare their Person ; 
and every one to owne, and acknowledge himselfe to be 
(Author of whatsoever he that so beareth their Person, 
shall Act, or cause to be Acted, in those things which 
concerne the Common Peace and Safetie ; and therein 
to submit their Wills, every one to his Will, and their 
Judgements, to his Judgment. This is more than 
Consent, or Concord ; it is a real! Unitie of them all, 
|in one and the same Person, made by Covenant of 
every man with every man, in such manner, as if every 

K 2 

132 Part 2. OF COMMON -WEALTH. Chap. i 7 . 

: man should say to every man, / Authorise and give up 

my Right of Governing my selfe, to this Man, or to this 

Assembly of men, on this condition, that thou give up thy 

Right to him, and Authorise all his Actions in like manner. 

This done, the Multitude so united in one Person, is 

called a COMMON-WEALTH, in latine CIVITAS. This is the 

Generation of that great LEVIATHAN, or rather (to 

speake more reverently) of that Mortall God, to which 

wee owe under the Immorlall God, our peace and defence. 

For by this Authoritie, given him by every particular 

man in the Common-Wealth, he hath the use of so much 

[88] Power and Strength conferred on him, that by terror 

thereof, he is inabled to forme the wills of them all, to 

Peace at home, and mutuall ayd against their enemies 

abroad. And in him consisteth the Essence of the 

The De- Common- wealth ; which (to define it,) is One Person, 

finition O f whose Acts a great Multitude, by mutuall Covenants 

f a one with another, have made themselves every one the 

wealth. Author, to the end he may use the strength and means of 

them all, as he shall think expedient, for their Peace and 

Common Defence. 

And he that carryeth this Person, is called SOVE- 
RAIGNE, and said to have Soveraigne Power ; and every 

one besides his SUBJECT. 

The attaining to this Soveraigne Power, is by two 
wayes. One, by Naturall force ; as when a man 
maketh his children, to submit themselves, and their 
children to his government, as being able to destroy 
them if they refuse ; or by Warre subdueth his enemies 
to his will, giving them their lives on that condition. 
The other, is when men agree amongst themselves, to 
submit to some Man, or Assembly of men, voluntarily, 
on confidence to be protected by him against all others. 
This later, may be called a Political! Common- wealth, 
or Common-wealth by Institution ; and the former, 
a Common-wealth by Acquisition. And first, I shall 
speak of a Common-wealth by Institution. 



Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 18. 133 


Of the RIGHTS of Soveraignes by Institution. 

A Common-wealth is said to be Instituted, when The act of 
a Multitude of men do Agree, and Covenant, every one, Institut- 
with every one, that to whatsoever Man, or Assembly of l r^ mon 
Men, shall be given by the major part, the Right to wealth ^ 
Present the Person of them all, (that is to say, to be what. 
their Representative ;) every one, as well he that Voted 
for it, as he that Voted against it, shall Authorise all the 
Actions and Judgements, of that Man, or Assembly of 
men, in the same manner, as if they were his own, to 
the end, to live peaceably amongst themselves, and be 
protected against other men. 

From this Institution of a Common-wealth are derived The Cow- 
all the Rights, and Facultyes of him, or them, on whom sequences 

the Soveraigne Power is conferred by the consent of the . s . uc .. n ~ 
_. . vi j stwution t 

People assembled. are 

First, because they Covenant, it is to be understood, i. The 
they are not obliged by former Covenant to any thing Subjects 
repugnant hereunto. And Consequently they that have c c %"* ot e 
already Instituted a Common-wealth, being thereby t ^ e forme 
bound by Covenant, to own the Actions, and Judge- of govern 
ments of one, cannot lawfully make a new Covenant, m ^f- 
amongst themselves, to be obedient to any other, in 
any thing whatsoever, without his permission. And 
therefore, they that are subjects to a Monarch, cannot 
without his leave cast off Monarchy, and return to the 
confusion of a disunited Multitude ; nor transferre their 
Person from him that beareth it, to another Man, or 
other Assembly of men : for they are bound, every man [89] 
to every man, to Own, and be reputed Author of all, 
that he that already is their Soveraigne, shall do, and j 
judge fit to be done : so that any one man dissenting, j 
all the rest should break their Covenant made to that 
man, which is injustice : and they have also every man 
given the Soveraignty to him that beareth their Person ; 
and therefore if they depose him, they take from him 
that which is his own, and so again it is injustice. 
Besides, if he that attempteth to depose his Soveraign, 

134 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. iS. 

be killed, or punished by him for such attempt, he is 
author of his own punishment, as being by the Institu 
tion, Author of all his Soveraign shall do : And because 
it is injustice for a man to do any thing, for which he 
may be punished by his own authority, he is also upon 
that title, unjust. And whereas some men have pre 
tended for their disobedience to their Soveraign, a new 
Covenant, made, not with men, but with God ; this 
also is unjust : for there is no Covenant with God, but 
by mediation of some body that representeth Gods 
Person ; which none doth but Gods Lieutenant, who 
hath the Soveraignty under God. But this pretence of 
Covenant with God, is so evident a lye, even in the 
pretenders own consciences, that it is not onely an 
act of an unjust, but also of a vile, and unmanly 

2. Sove- Secondly, Because the Right of bearing the Person 
raigne of them all, is given to him they make Soveraigne, by 

Power Covenant onely of one to another, and not of him to any 
cannot be r , , , r ~ J 

forfeited. ^ them I there can happen no breach of Covenant on 

the part of the Soveraigne ; and consequently none 
of his Subjects, by any pretence of forfeiture, can be 
freed from his Subjection. That he which is made 
Soveraigne maketh no Covenant with his Subjects 
before-hand, is manifest ; because either he must make it 
with the whole multitude, as one party to the Covenant ; 
or he must make a severall Covenant with every man. 
With the whole, as one party, it is impossible ; because 
as yet they are not one Person : and if he make so many 
severall Covenants as there be men, those Covenants 
after he hath the Soveraignty are voyd, because what 
act soever can be pretended by any one of them for 
breach thereof, is the act both of himselfe, and of all 
the rest, because done in the Person, and by the Right 
of every one of them in particular. Besides, if any 
one, or more of them, pretend a breach of the Covenant 
made by the Soveraigne at his Institution ; and others, 
or one other of his Subjects, or himselfe alone, pretend 
there was no such breach, there is in this case, no Judge 
to decide the controversie : it returns therefore to the 
* Sword again ; and every man recovereth the right of 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 18. *35 

Protecting himselfe by his own strength, contrary to 
the designe they had in the Institution. It is therefore 
in vain to grant Soveraignty by way of precedent 
Covenant. The opinion that any Monarch receiveth his 
Power by Covenant, that is to say on Condition, pro- 
ceedeth from want of understanding this easie truth, 
that Covenants being but words, and breath, have no 
force to oblige, contain, constrain, or protect any man, 
but what it has from the publique Sword ; that is, 
from the untyed hands of that Man, or Assembly of men 
that hath the Soveraignty, and whose actions are 
avouched by them all, and performed by the strength [90] 
of them all, in him united. But when an Assembly of 
men is made Soveraigne ; then no man imagineth any 
such Covenant to have past in the Institution ; for no 
man is so dull as to say, for example, the People of 
Rome, made a Covenant with the Romans, to hold the 
Soveraignty on such or such conditions ; which not 
performed, the Romans might lawfully depose the 
Roman People. That men see not the reason to be 
alike in a Monarchy, and in a Popular Government, 
proceedeth from the ambition of some, that are kinder 
to the goverment of an Assembly, whereof they may 
hope to participate, than of Monarchy, which they 
despair to enjoy. 

Thirdly, because the major part hath by consenting 3. No 
voices declared a Soveraigne ; he that dissented must ma can 
now consent with the rest ; that is, be contented to ^ us ^ ce 
avow all the actions he shall do, or else justly be destroyed protest 
by the rest. For if he voluntarily entered into the Con- againstthe 
gregation of them that were assembled, he sufficiently Institution 
declared thereby his will (and therefore tacitely coven- ^wT-" 
anted) to stand to what the major part should ordayne : dared by 
and therefore if he refuse to stand thereto, or make the mj.or 
Protestation against any of their Decrees, he does P art - 
contrary to his Covenant, and therfore unjustly. And 
whether he be of the Congregation, or not ; and whether 
his consent be asked, or not, he must either submit to 
their decrees, or be left in the condition of warre he 
was in before ; wherein he might without injustice be 
destroyed by any man whatsoever. 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 18. 

4. The Fourthly, because every Subject is by this Institution 

Author of all the Actions, and Judgments of the Sove- 

* Actions ra -ig ne Instituted ; it followes, that whatsoever he doth, 

cannot l>e it can be no injury to any of his Subjects ; nor ought 

justly he to be by any of them accused of Injustice. For he 

accused that doth any thing by authority from another, doth 

Subject therein no injury to him by whose authority he acteth : 

But by this Institution of a Common-wealth, every 

particular man is Author of all the Soveraigne doth ; 

and consequently he that complaineth of injury from 

his Soveraigne, complaineth of that whereof he himself e 

is Author ; and therefore ought not to accuse any man 

but himself e ; no nor himself e of injury ; because to do 

injury to ones selfe, is impossible. It is true that they 

that have Soveraigne power, may commit Iniquity ; but 

not Injustice, or Injury in the proper signification. 

5. What Fiftly, and consequently to that which was sayd last, 
soever the /no man that hath Soveraigne power can iustly be put 
Soveraign^Q death, or otherwise in any manner by his Subjects 
un-bunish- P un i sne cl- For seeing every Subject is Author of the 
able by the actions of his Soveraigne ; he punisheth another, for 
Subject, the actions committed by himself e. 

6. The And because the End of this Institution, is the Peace 
Soveraigne and Defence of them all ; and whosoever has right to 
^ judge of the End) has rign t to t he Means ; it belongeth of Right, 
necessary to whatsoever Man, or Assembly that hath the Sove- 
for the raignty, to be Judge both of the meanes of Peace and 
Peace and Defence ; and also of the hindrances, and disturbances 
D e f enc e of o f the same ; and to do whatsoever he shall think 
jects necessary to be done, both before hand, for the preserv 
ing of Peace and Security, by prevention of Discord at 

[91] home, and Hostility from abroad; and, when Peace 
and Security are lost, for the recovery of the same. 
And therefore, 

And Judge Sixtly, it is annexed to the Soveraignty, to be Judge 

of what O f w hat Opinions and Doctrines are averse, and what 

^r/fittobe conducm g to Peace ; and consequently, on what occa- 

taught sions, how farre, and what, men are to be trusted wit hall, 

them. in speaking to Multitudes of people ; and who shall 

/examine the Doctrines of all bookes before they be 

published. For the Actions of men proceed from their 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 18. 137 

Opinions ; and in the wel governing of Opinions, con- 
sisteth the well governing of mens Actions, in order to 
their Peace, and Concord. And though in matter of 
Doctrine, nothing ought to be regarded but the Truth ; 
yet this is not repugnant to regulating of the same by 
Peace. For Doctrine repugnant to Peace, can no more 
be True, than Peace and Concord can be against the Law 
of Nature. It is true, that in a Common-wealth, where 
by the negligence, or unskilfullnesse of Governours, and 
Teachers, false Doctrines are by time generally received ; 
the contrary Truths may be generally offensive : Yet 
the most sudden, and rough busling in of a new Truth, 
that can be, does never breake the Peace, but only 
somtimes awake the Warre. For those men that are so 
remissely governed, that they dare take up Armes, to 
defend, or introduce an Opinion, are still in Warre ; and 
their condition not Peace, but only a Cessation of Armes 
for feare of one another ; and they live as it were, in the 
procincts of battaile continually. It belongeth therefore 
to him that hath the Soveraign Power, to be Judge, or 
constitute all Judges of Opinions and Doctrines, as 
a thing necessary to Peace ; therby to prevent Discord 
and Civill Warre. 

Seventhly, is annexed to the Soveraigntie, the whole 7. The 
power of prescribing the Rules, whereby every man may Right of 
know, what Goods he may enjoy, and what Actions he *fe* g 
may doe, without being molested by any of his fellow ^ e ^ y 
Subjects : And this is it men call Propriety. For before the Sub- 
constitution of Soveraign Power (as hath already been jects may 

shewn) all men had right to all things ; which necessarily e y ev ^ m . an 
117 j j.i XT?- T> X- i_ know what 

causeth Warre : and therefore this Propnetie, being j s so ^ s 

necessary to Peace, and depending on Soveraign Power, O wne, as 
is the Act of that Power, in order to the publique peace, no other 
These Rules of Propriety (or Meum and Tuum) and of Subject 
Good, Evill, Lawfull, and Unlawfull in the actions of Sub- C ~ t _ 
jects, are the Civill Lawes ; that is to say, the Lawes of i ce take it 
each Commonwealth in particular ; though the name of from him. 
Civill Law be now restrained to the antient Civill Lawes 
of the City of Rome ; which being the head of a great 
part of the World, her Lawes at that time were in these 
parts the Civill Law. 

138 Part 2. OF COMMON -WEALTH. Chap. 18. 

8. To him Eightly, is annexed to the Soveraigntie, the Right of 
also be- Judicature ; that is to say, of hearing and deciding all 
longeththe Controversies, which may arise concerning: Law, either 

Rightofall ~. M1 x , ,, J T- -r* -it/ 

Judica- Civill, or Naturall, or concerning ract. Jbor without the 
tureand decision of Controversies, there is no protection of one 
decision Subject, against the injuries of another ; the Lawes 
versies* concernm g Meum and Tuum are in vaine ; and to every 

man remaineth, from the naturall and necessary appetite 

of his own conservation, the right of protecting himself e 
[92] by his private strength, which is the condition of Warre ; 

and contrary to the end for which every Common-wealth 

is instituted. 

9. And of Ninthly, is annexed to the Soveraignty, the Right of 
making making Warre, and Peace with other Nations, and 
>eace al as Common -wealths ; that is to say, of Judging when it is 
he shall f r tne publique good, and how great forces are to be 
think best: assembled, armed, and payd for that end ; and to levy 

mony upon the Subjects, to defray the expences thereof. 
For the Power by which the people are to be defended, 
consisteth in their Armies ; and the strength of an Army, 
in the Union of their strength under one Command; 
which Command the Soveraign Instituted, therefore 
hath ; because the command of the Militia,, without 
other Institution, maketh him that hath it Soveraign. 
And therefore whosoever is made Generall of an Army, 
he that hath the Soveraign Power is alwayes General- 
lissimo. rTtv-CjA s 

10. And of Tenthly, is annexed to the Soveraignty, the choosing 
choosing o f a ii Counsellours, Ministers, Magistrates, and Officers, 
sellours 1 k tn i n Peace, and War. For seeing the Soveraign is 
and Mini- charged with the End, which is the common Peace and 
sters, both Defence ; he is understood to have Power to use such 
of Peace, Means, as he shall think most fit for his discharge. 

d Eleventhly, to the Soveraign is committed the Power 

Warre: f -^ ,. J -,1-1 i jr-r-i_ 

11. And f Rewarding with riches, or honour; and of Pumsh- 
of Reward- ing with corporall, or pecuniary punishment, or with 
ing, and ignominy every Subject according to the Law he hath 
in^^and f rmer ty ma de ; or if there be no Law made, according 
lhat (where as ^ e sn ^ J u dge most to Conduce to the encouraging of 
no former men to serve the Common-wealth, or deterring of them 
Law hath from doing dis-service to the same. 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 18. 139 

Lastly, considering what values men are naturally apt determined 
to set upon themselves ; what respect they look for the meas- 
from others ; and how little they value other men ; from ^^/^ . 
whence continually arise amongst them, Emulation, i 2 .Andof 
Quarrells, Factions, and at last Warre, to the destroying Honour 
of one another, and diminution of their strength against and Order. 
a Common Enemy ; It is necessary that there be Lawes of 
Honour, and a publique rate of the worth of such men 
as have deserved, or are able to deserve well of the 
Common-wealth ; and that there be force in the hands 
of some or other, to put those Lawes in execution. But 
it hath already been shewn, that not onely the whole 
Militia, or forces of the Common-wealth ; but also the 
Judicature of all Controversies, is annexed to the 
Soveraignty. To the Soveraign therefore it belongeth 
also to give titles of Honour ; and to appoint what 
Order of place, and dignity, each man shall hold ; and 
what signes of respect, in publique or private meetings, 
they shall give to one another. 

These are the Rights, which make the Essence of These 
Soveraignty ; and which are the markes, whereby a man Ri 8 hts . 
may discern in what Man, or Assembly of men, the 
Soveraign Power is placed, and resideth. For these are 
incommunicable, and inseparable. The Power to coyn 
Mony ; to dispose of the estate and persons of Infant 
heires ; to have praeemption in Markets ; and all other 
Statute Praerogatives, may be transferred by the Sove 
raign ; and yet the Power to protect his Subjects be 
retained. But if he transferre the Militia., he retains 
the Judicature in vain, for want of execution of the [93] 
Lawes : Or if he grant away the Power of raising Mony ; 
the Militia is in vain : or if he give away the govern 
ment of Doctrines, men will be frighted into rebellion 
with the feare of Spirits. And so if we consider any one 
of the said Rights, we shall presently see, that the hold 
ing of all the rest, will produce no effect, in the conserva 
tion of Peace and Justice, the end for which all Common 
wealths are Instituted. And this division is it, whereof 
it is said, a Kingdome divided in it selfe cannot stand : 
For unlesse this division precede, division into opposite 
Armies can never happen. If there had not first been an 

140 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 18. 

opinion received of the greatest part of England, that 
k these Powers were divided between the King, and the 
Lords, and the House of Commons, the people had never 
been divided, and fallen into this Civill Warre ; first 
between those that disagreed in Politiques ; and after 
between the Dissenters about the liberty of Religion ; 
which have so instructed men in this point of Soveraign 
Right, that there be few now (in England,) that do not 
see, that these Rights are inseparable, and will be so 
generally acknowledged, at the next return of Peace ; 
and so continue, till their miseries are forgotten ; and 
no longer, except the vulgar be better taught than they 
have hetherto been. 

And can And because they are essentiall and inseparable Rights, 
by no ft follows necessarily, that in whatsoever words any of 
basse them seem to be granted away, yet if the Soveraign 
away with- Power it self e be not in direct termes renounced, and the 
out direct name of Soveraign no more given by the Grantees to 
venounc- him that Grants them, the Grant is voyd : for when he 
oveiaign ^ as g rant ed all he can, if we grant back the Soveraignty, 
Power. b all is restored, as inseparably annexed thereunto. 
The Power This great Authority being Indivisible, and inseparably 
and Hon- annexed to the Soveraignty, there is little ground for the 
our of opinion of them, that say of Soveraign Kings, though 
vanllheth ^ nev be singulis majores, of greater Power than every 
in the one f their Subjects, yet they be Universis minor es, of 
presence lesse power than them all together. For if by all together, 
of the they mean not the collective body as one person, then 


all together, and every one, signifie the same ; and "the 
speech is absurd. But if by all together, they understand 
them as one Person (which person the Soveraign bears,) 
then the power of all together, is the same with the 
Soveraigns power ; and so again the speech is absurd : 
which absurdity they see well enough, when the Sove 
raignty is in an Assembly of the people ; but in a Monarch 
they <;ee it not ; and yet the power of Soveraignty is 
the same in whomsoever it be placed. 

And as the Power, so also the Honour of the Soveraign, 
ought to be greater, than that of any, or all the Subjects. 
For in the Soveraignty is the fountain of Honour. The 
dignities of Lord, Earle, Duke, and Prince are his Crea- 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 18. 141 

tures. As in the presence of the Master, the Servants are 
equall, and without any honour at all ; So are the 
Subjects, in the presence of the Soveraign. And though 
they shine some more, some lesse, when they are out of 
his sight ; yet in his presence, they shine no more than 
the Starres in presence of the Sun. 

But a man may here object, that the Condition of [94] 
Subjects is very miserable ; as being obnoxious to iheSoveraigne 
lusts, and other irregular passions of him, or them that s^urtfull 
have so unlimited a Power in their hands. And com- a s the want 
monly they that live under a Monarch, think it the of it, and 
fault "of Monarchy ; and they that live under the govern- the hur * 
ment of Democracy, or other Soveraign Assembly, ^ t e ^ e s 
attribute all the inconvenience to that forme of Common- greatest 
wealth ; whereas the Power in all formes, if they be part from 
perfect enough to protect them, is the same ; not con- not sub ~ 
sidering that the estate of Man can never be without ^^y to 
some incommodity or other ; and that the greatest, that a i esse j 
in any forme of Government can possibly happen to the 
people in generall, is scarce sensible, in respect of the 
miseries, and horrible calamities, that accompany a Civill 
Warre ; or that dissolute condition of masterlesse men, 
without subjection to Lawes, and a coercive Power to 
tye their hands from rapine, and revenge : nor consider 
ing that the greatest pressure of Soveraign Governours, 
proceedeth not from any delight, or profit they can 
expect in the dammage, or weakening of their Subjects, 
in whose vigor, consisteth their own strength and glory ; 
but in the restiveness of themselves, that unwillingly 
contributing to their own defence, make it necessary for 
their Governours to draw from them what they can in 
time of Peace, that they may have means on any emer 
gent occasion, or sudden need, to resist, or take advantage 
on their Enemies. For all men are by nature provided 
of notable multiplying glasses, (that is their Passions 
and Selfe-love,) through which, every little payment 
appeareth a great grievance ; but are destitute of those 
prospective glasses, (namely Morall and Civill Science,) 
to see a farre off the miseries that hang over them, and 
cannot without such payments be avoyded. 

142 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 19 


Of the severall Kinds of Common-wealth by Institution, 
and of Succession to the Soveraigne Power. 

The dif- THE difference of Common- wealths, consisteth in the 
f event difference of the Soveraign, or the Person representative 
Formes of of all and ey one of the Multitude. And because the 
LsOjnmon- . . J .., -..- . ,. 

wealths ooveraignty is either in one Man, or in an Assembly of 

but- three, more than one ; and into that Assembly either Every 
man hath right to enter, or not every one, but Certain 
men distinguished from the rest ; it is manifest, there 
can be but Three kinds of Common-wealth. For the 
Representative must needs be One man, or More : and 
if more, then it is the Assembly of All, or but of a Part. 
When the Representative is One man, then is the 
Common- wealth a MONARCHY : when an Assembly of 
All that will come together, then it is a DEMOCRACY, or 
Popular Common-wealth : when an Assembly of a Part 
onely, then it is called an ARISTOCRACY. Other kind of 
I Common-wealth there can be none : for either One, , or 
More, or All, must have the Soveraign Power (which 
I have shewn to be indivisible) entire. 

[95] There be other names of Government, in the Histories, 

Tyranny and books of Policy ; as Tyranny, and Oligarchy : But 

and Oli- they are not the names of other Formes of Government, 

^difteven kut ^ ^ e same Formes misliked. For they that are 

names of discontented under Monarchy, call it Tyranny ; and 

Monarchy, they that are displeased with Aristocracy, called it 

and Ans- Oligarchy : So also, they which find themselves grieved 

oy under a Democracy, call it Anarchy, (which signifies want 

of Government ;) and yet I think no man believes, that 

want of Government, is any new kind of Government : 

nor by the same reason ought they to believe, that the 

Government is of one kind, when they like it, and 

another, when they mislike it, or are oppressed by the 


Subordi- It is manifest, that men who are in absolute liberty, 
nate Re- may, if they please, give Authority to One man, to repre- 
presenta- sent them every one ; as well as give such Authority to 
fives dan- A i i r i i j_i 

serous. anv Assembly of men whatsoever ; and consequently 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 19. 

may subject themselves, if they think good, to a Monarch, 
as absolutely, as to any other Representative. Therefore, 
where there is already erected a Soveraign Power, there 
can be no other Representative of the same people, but 
onely to certain particular ends, by the Soveraign limited. 
For that were to erect two Soveraigns ; and every man 
to have his person represented by two Actors, that by 
opposing one another, must needs divide that Power, 
which (if men will live in Peace) is indivisible ; and 
thereby reduce the Multitude into the condition of 
Warre, contrary to the end for which all Soveraignty is 
instituted. And therefore as it is absurd, to think that 
a Soveraign Assembly, inviting the People of their 
Dominion, to send up their Deputies, with power to 
make known their Advise, or Desires, should therefore 
hold such Deputies, rather than themselves, for the 
absolute Representative of the people : so it is absurd 
also, to think the same in a Monarchy. And I know 
not how this so manifest a truth, should of late be so 
little observed ; that in a Monarchy, he that had the 
Soveraignty from a descent of 600 years, was alone called 
Soveraign, had the title of Majesty from every one of 
his Subjects, and was unquestionably taken by them 
for their King, was notwithstanding never considered as 
their Representative ; that name without contradiction 
passing for the title of those men, which at his command 
were sent up by the people to carry their Petitions, and 
give him (if he permitted it) their advise. Which may 
serve as an admonition, for those that are the true, and 
absolute Representative of a People, to instruct men in 
the nature of that Office, and to take heed how they 
admit of any other gencrall Representation upon any 
occasion whatsoever, if they mean to discharge the trust 
committed to them. 

The difference between these three kindes of Common- Compa 
wealth, consisteth not in the difference of Power ; but son f 
in the difference of Convenience, or Aptitude to produce ^ 1 ? a ? 
the Peace, and Security of the people ; for which end ain ^ 
they were instituted. And to compare Monarchy with semblyt 
the other two, we may observe ; First, that whosoever 
beareth the Person of the people, or is one of that 

144 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 19. 

Assembly that bears it, beareth also his own naturall 
[96] Person. And though he be carefull in his politique Person 
to procure the common interest ; yet he is more, or no 
lesse carefull to procure the private good of himselfe, his 
family, kindred and friends ; and for the most part, if 
the publique interest chance to crosse the private, he 
preferrs the private : for the Passions of men, are com 
monly more potent than their Reason. From whence it 
follows, that where the publique and private interest are 
most closely united, there is the publique most advanced. 
Now in Monarchy, the private interest is the same with 
the publique. The riches, power, and honour of a Mon 
arch arise onely from tlie riches, strength and reputation 
of his Subjects. For no King can be rich, nor glorious, 
nor secure ; whose Subjects are either poore, or con 
temptible, or too weak through want, or dissention, to 
maintain a war against their enemies : Whereas in 
a Democracy, or Aristocracy, the publique prosperity 
conferres not so much to the private fortune of one that 
is corrupt, or ambitious, as doth many times a perfidious 
advice, a treacherous action, or a Civill warre. 

Secondly, that a Monarch receiveth counsell of whom, 
when, and where he pleaseth ; and consequently may 
heare the opinion of men versed in the matter about 
which he deliberates, of what rank or quality soever, and 
as long before the time of action, and with as much 
secrecy, as he will. But when a Soveraigne Assembly 
has need of Counsell, none are admitted but such as 
have a Right thereto from the beginning ; which for the 
most part are of those who have beene versed more in 
the acquisition of Wealth than of Knowledge ; and are 
to give their advice in long discourses, which may, and 
do commonly excite men to action, but not governe 
them in it. For the Understanding is by the flame of the 
Passions, never enlightned, but dazled : Nor is there any 
place, or time, wherein an Assemblie can receive Counsell 
with secrecie, because of their owne Multitude. 

Thirdly, that the Resolutions of a Monarch, are subject 
to no other Inconstancy, than that of Humane Nature ; 
but in Assemblies, besides that of Nature, there ariseth 
an Inconstancy from the Number. For the absence of 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 19. 

a few, that would have the Resolution once taken, con 
tinue firme, (which may happen by security, negligence, 
or private impediments,) or the diligent appearance of 
a few of the contrary opinion, undoes to day, all that 
was concluded yesterday. 

Fourthly, that a Monarch cannot disagree with him- 
selfe, out of envy, or interest ; but an Assembly may ; 
and that to such a height, as may produce a Civill Warre. 

Fifthly, that in Monarchy there is this inconvenience ; 
that any Subject, by the power of one man, for the 
enriching of a favourite or flatterer, may be deprived of 
all he possesseth ; which I confesse is a great and inevit 
able inconvenience. But the same may as well happen, 
where the Soveraigne Power is in an Assembly : For 
their power is the same ; and they are as subject to evill 
Counsell, and to be seduced by Orators, as a Monarch by 
Flatterers ; and becoming one an others Flatterers, 
serve one anothers Covetousnesse and Ambition by 
turnes. And whereas the Favorites of Monarchs, are 
few, and they have none els to advance but their owne 
Kindred ; the Favorites of an Assembly, are many ; [97] 
and the Kindred much more numerous, than of any 
Monarch. Besides, there is no Favourite of a Monarch, 
which cannot as well succour his friends, as hurt his 
enemies : But Orators, that is to say, Favourites of 
Soveraigne Assemblies, though they have great power 
to hurt, have little to save. For to accuse, requires lesse 
Eloquence (such is rnans Nature) than to excuse ; and 
condemnation, than absolution more resembles Justice. 

Sixtly, that it is an inconvenience in Monarchic, that 
the Soveraigntie may descend upon an Infant, or one 
that cannot discerne between Good and Evill : and con- 
sisteth in this, that the use of his Power, must be in the 
hand of another Man, or of some Assembly of men, 
which are to governe by his right, and in his name ; as 
Curators, and Protectors of his Person, and Authority. 
But to say there is inconvenience, in putting the use of the 
Sovei aign Power, into the hand of a Man, or an Assembly 
of men ; is to say that all Government is more Incon 
venient, than Confusion, and Civill Warre. And there 
fore all the danger that can be pretended, must arise 

46 Part 2. OF COMMON -WEALTH. Chap. 19. 

from the Contention of those, that for an office of so great 
honour, and profit, may become Competitors. To make 
it appear, that this inconvenience, proceedeth not from 
that forme of Government we call Monarchy, we are to 
consider, that the precedent Monarch, hath appointed 
who shall have the Tuition of his Infant Successor, either 
expressely by Testament, or tacitly, by not controlling 
the Custome in that case received : And then such in 
convenience (if it happen) is to be attributed, not to 
the Monarchy, but to the Ambition, and Injustice of the 
Subjects ; which in all kinds of Government, where 
the people are not well instructed in their Duty, and the 
Rights of Soveraignty, is the same. Or else the precedent 
Monarch, hath not at all taken order for such Tuition ; 
And then the Law of Nature hath provided this sufficient 
rule, That the Tuition shall be in him, that hath by 
Nature most interest in the preservation of the Authority 
of the Infant, and to whom least benefit can accrue by 
his death, or diminution. For seeing every man by 
nature seeketh his own benefit, and promotion ; to put 
an Infant into the power of those, that can promote 
themselves by his destruction, or dammage, is not 
Tuition, but Trechery. So that sufficient provision being 
taken, against all just quarrell, about the Government 
under a Child, if any contention arise to the disturbance 
of the publique Peace, it is not to be attributed to the 
forme of Monarchy, but to the ambition of Subjects, 
and ignorance of their Duty. On the other side, there 
is no great Common-wealth, the Soveraignty whereof is 
in a great Assembly, which is not, as to consultations of 
Peace, and Warre, and making of Lawes, in the same 
condition, as if the Government were in a Child. For 
as a Child wants the judgement to dissent from counsell 
given him, and is thereby necessitated to take the advise 
of them, or him, to whom he is committed : So an 
Assembly wanteth the liberty, to dissent from the coun 
sell of the major part, be it good, or bad. And as a Child 
has need of a Tutor, or Protector, to preserve his Person, 
and Authority : So also (in great Common-wealths,) the 
[98] Soveraign Assembly, in all great dangers and troubles, 
have need of Custodes libertatis ; that is of Dictators, or 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 19. 147 

Protectors of their Authorise ; which are as much as 
Temporary Monarchs ; to whom for a time, they may 
commit the entire exercise of their Power ; and have (at 
the end of that time) been oftner deprived thereof, than 
Infant Kings, by their Protectors, Regents, or any other 

Though the Kinds of Soveraigntie be, as I have now 
shewn, but three ; that is to say, Monarchic, where 
One Man has it ; or Democracie, where the general! 
Assembly of Subjects hath it ; or Aristocracie, where 
it is in an Assembly of certain persons nominated, or 
otherwise distinguished from the rest : Yet he that shall 
consider the particular Common- wealthes that have been, 
and are in the world, will not perhaps easily reduce them 
to three, and may thereby be inclined to think there be 
other Formes, arising from these mingled together. As 
for example, Elective Kingdomes ; where Kings have 
the Soveraigne Power put into their hands for a time ; 
or Kingdomes, wherein the King hath a power limited : 
which Governments, are never theles by most Writers 
called Monarchic. Likewise if a Popular, or Aristo- 
craticall Common-wealth, subdue an Enemies Countrie, 
and govern the same, by a President, Procurator, or 
other Magistrate ; this may seeme perhaps at first sight, 
to be a Democraticall, or Aristocraticall Government. 
But it is not so. For Elective Kings, are not Soveraignes, 
but Ministers of the Soveraigne ; nor limited Kings 
Soveraignes, but Ministers of them that have the Sove 
raigne Power : Nor are those Provinces which are in 
subjection to a Democracie, or Aristocracie of another 
Common-wealth, Democratically, or Aristocratically 
governed, but Monarchically. 

Arid first, concerning an Elective King, whose power 
is limited to his life, as it is in many places of Christen- 
dome at this day ; or to certaine Yeares or Moneths, as 
the Dictators power amongst the Romans ; If he have 
Right to appoint his Successor, he is no more Elective 
but Hereditary. But if he have no Power to elect his 
Successor, then there is some other Man, or Assembly 
known, which after his decease may elect a new, or else 
the Common-wealth dieth, and dissolveth with him, and 

L 2 

148 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 19. 

returneth to the condition of Warre. If it be known who 
have the power to give the Soveraigntie after his death, 
it is known also that the Soveraigntie was in them before : 
For none have right to give that which they have not 
right to possesse, and keep to themselves, if they think 
good. But if there be none that can give the Soveraigntie, 
after the decease of him that was first elected ; then has 
he power, nay he is obliged by the Law of Nature, to 
provide, by establishing his Successor, to keep those 
that had trusted him with the Government, from 
relapsing into the miserable condition of Civill warre. 
And consequently he was, when elected, a Soveraign 

Secondly, that King whose power is limited, is not 
superiour to him, or them that have the power to limit 
it ; and he that is not superiour, is not supreme ; that 
is to say not Soveraign. The Soveraignty therefore was 
[99lalwaies in that Assembly which had the Right to Limit 
I him ; and by consequence the government not Mon 
archy, but either Democracy, or Aristocracy ; as of old 
time in Sparta ; where the Kings had a priviledge to 
lead their Armies ; but the Soveraignty was in the 

Thirdly, whereas heretofore the Roman People, 
governed the land of Judea (for example) by a Presi 
dent ; yet was not Judea therefore a Democracy ; 
because they were not governed by any Assembly, 
into the which, any of them, had right to enter ; nor 
by an Aristocracy ; because they were not governed by 
any Assembly, into which, any man could enter by 
their Election : but they were governed by one Person, 
which though as to the people of Rome was an Assembly 
of the people, or Democracy ; yet as to people of Judea, 
which had no right at all of participating in the govern 
ment, was a Monarch. For though where the people 
are governed by an Assembly, chosen by themselves 
out of their own number, the government is called 
a Democracy, or Aristocracy ; yet when they are 
governed by an Assembly, not of their own choosing, 
tis a Monarchy ; not of One man, over another man ; 
but of one people, over another people. 

Part 2. 

OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 19. 149 

Of all these Formes of Government, the matter being Of the 


mortall, so that not onely Monarchs, but also whole 
Assemblies dy, it is necessary for the conservation of 
the peace of men, that as there was order taken for an 
Artificial! Man, so there be order also taken, for an 
Artificiall Eternity of life ; without which, men that 
are governed by an Assembly, should return into the 
condition of Warre in every age : and they that are 
governed by One man, assoon as their Governour dyeth. 
This Artificiall Eternity, is that which men call the 
Right of Succession. 

There is no perfect forme of Government, where the \ 
isposing of the Succession is not in the present Sove- ( 
jign. For if it be in any other particular Man, or 
private Assembly, it is in a person subject, and may be 
assumed by the Soveraign at his pleasure ; and conse 
quently the Right is in himself e. And if it be in no 
particular man, but left to a new choyce ; then is the 
Common-wealth dissolved ; and the Right is in him 
that can get it ; contrary to the intention of them that 
did Institute the Common-wealth, for their perpetuall, 
and not temporary security. 

In a Democracy, the whole Assembly cannot faile, 
unlesse the Multitude that are to be governed faile. 
And therefore questions of the right of Succession, 
have in that forme of Government no place at all. 

In an Aristocracy, when any of the Assembly dyeth, 
the election of another into his room belongeth to the 
Assembly, as the Soveraign, to whom belongeth the 
choosing of all Counsellours, and Officers. For that 
which the Representative doth, as Actor, every one 
of the Subjects doth, as Author. And though the 
Soveraign Assembly, may give Power to others, to elect 
new men, for supply of their court ; yet it is still by 
their Authority, that the Election is made ; and by the 
same it may (when the publique shall require it) be 

The greatest difficultie about the right of Succession, [100] 
is in Monarchy : And the difficulty ariseth from this, The Pl e 
that at first sight, it is not manifest who is to appoint ^hhat 
the Successor ; nor many times, who it is whom he hath Right to 

150 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 19. 

dispose of appointed. For in both these cases, there is required a 
theSucces- more exact ratiocination, than every man is accustomed 
to use. As to the question, who shall appoint the Suc 
cessor, of a Monarch that hath the Soveraign Authority ; 
that is to say, who shall determine of the right of In 
heritance, (for Elective Kings and Princes have not 
the Soveraign Power in propriety, but in use only,) we 
are to consider, that either he that is in possession, has 
right to dispose of the Succession, or else that right is 
again in the dissolved Multitude. For the death of him 
that hath the Soveraign power in propriety, leaves the 
Multitude without any Soveraign at all ; that is, without 
any Representative in whom they should be united, arid 
be capable of doing any one action at all : And therefore 
they are incapable of Election of any new Monarch ; 
every man having equall right to submit himselfe to 
such as he thinks best able to protect him ; or if 
he can, protect himselfe by his owne sword, which 
is a returne to Confusion, and to the condition of 
a War of every man against every man, contrary to 
the end for which Monarchy had its first Institu- 
/ tion. Therfore it is manifest, that by the Institution 
of Monarchy, the disposing of the Successor, is 
alwaies left to the Judgment and Will of the present 
; Possessor. 

And for the question (which may arise sometimes) 
who it is that the Monarch in possession, hath designed 
to the succession and inheritance of his power ; it is 
determined by his expresse Words, and Testament ; or 
by other tacite signes sufficient. 

Succession By expresse Words, or Testament, when it is declared 
passeth by by him i n his life time, viva voce, or by Writing ; as the 
first Emperours of Rome declared who should be their 
Heires. For the word Heire does not of it selfe imply 
the Children, or nearest Kindred of a man ; but whom 
soever a man shall any way declare, he would have to 
succeed him in his Estate. If therefore a Monarch j 
declare expresly, that such a man shall be his Heire, I 
either by Word or Writing, then is that man immediatly I 
after the decease of his Predecessor, Invested in the right j 
of being Monarch. 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 19. 151 

But where Testament, and expresse Words are want- Or, by not 
ing, other naturall signes of the Will are to be followed : controll- 
whereof the one is Custome. And therefore where the in s a Cus 
Custome is, that the next of Kindred absolutely sue- 
ceedeth, there also the next of Kindred hath right to 
the Succession ; for that, if the will of him that was 
in posession had been otherwise, he might easily have 
declared the same in his life time. And likewise where 
the Custome is, that the next of the Male Kindred suc- 
ceedeth, there also the right of Succession is in the next 
of the Kindred Male, for the same reason. And so it is 
if the Custome were to advance the Female. For what 
soever Custome a man may by a word controule, and 
does not, it is a naturall signe he would have that Cus 
tome stand. 

But where neither Custome, nor Testament hath pre 
ceded, there it is to be understood, First, that a Monarchs [101] 
will is, that the government remain Monarchicall ; be- Or, by pre- 
cause he hath approved that government in himself e. sumption 
Secondly, that a Child of his own, Male, or Female, be of naturall 

f i i -L j affection. 

preferred before any other ; because men are presumed u 

to be more enclined by nature, to advance their own 
children, than the children of other men ; and of their 
own, rather a Male than a Female ; because men, are 
naturally fitter than women, for actions of labour and 
danger. Thirdly, where his own Issue faileth, rather 
a Brother than a stranger ; and so still the neerer in 
bloud, rather than the more remote ; because it is 
alwayes presumed that the neerer of kin, is the neerer 
in affection ; and tis evident that a man receives 
alwayes, by reflexion, the most honour from the great - 
nesse of his neerest kindred. 

But if it be lawfull for a Monarch to dispose of the To dispose 
Succession by words of Contract, or Testament, men o/ the Sue- 
may perhaps object a great inconvenience : for he may Jf S5 *j? , 
sell, or give his Right of governing to a stranger ; which, a Kmg of 
because strangers (that is, men not used to live under another 
the same government, nor speaking the same language) Nation, 
do commonly undervalue one another, may turn to the 
oppression of his Subjects ; which is indeed a great in 
convenience : but it proceedeth not necessarily from the 

152 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 19. 

subjection to a strangers government, but from the un- 
skilfulnesse of the Governours, ignorant of the true rules 
of Politiques. And therefore the Romans when they had 
subdued many Nations, to make their Government diges 
tible, were wont to take away that grievance, as much 
as they thought necessary, by giving sometimes to whole 
Nations, and sometimes to Principall men of every 
Nation they conquered, not onely the Privileges, but 
also the Name of Romans ; and took many of them into 
the Senate, and Offices of charge, even in the Roman 
City. And this was it our most wise King, King James, 
aymed at, in endeavouring the Union of his two Realms 
of England and Scotland. Which if he could have ob 
tained, had in all likelihood prevented the Civill warres, 
which make both those King domes, at this present, 
miserable. It is not therefore any injury to the people, 
for a Monarch to dispose of the Succession by Will ; 
though by the fault of many Princes, it hath been some 
times found inconvenient. Of the lawfulnesse of it, this 
also is an argument, that whatsoever inconvenience can 
arrive by giving a Kingdome to a stranger, may arrive 
also by so marrying with strangers, as the Right of Suc 
cession may descend upon them : yet this by all men is 
accounted lawfull. 



A A Common-wealth by Acquisition, is that, where the 

Common- Soveraign Power is acquired by Force ; And it is acquired 
wealth by k v force, when men singly, or many together by plurality 
lion** f v y ces ? f r f ear f death, or bonds, do authorise all 
[102] the actions of that Man, or Assembly, that hath their 

lives and liberty in his Power. 

Wherein And this kind of Dominion, or Soveraignty, differeth 
different from Soveraignty by Institution, onely in this, That 
from a men w fr o choose their Soveraign, do it for fear of one 

weUhby Bother, and not of him whom they Institute : But 
Institu- in this case, they subject themselves, to him they are 
tion. afraid of. In both cases they do it for fear : which is to 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 20. 153 

be noted by them, that hold all such Covenants, as pro 
ceed from fear of death, or violence, voyd : which if it 
were true, no man, in any kind of Common-wealth, could 
be obliged to Obedience. It is true, that in a Common 
wealth once Instituted, or acquired, Promises proceed 
ing from fear of death, or violence, are no Covenants, 
nor obliging, when the thing promised is contrary to the 
Lawes ; But the reason is not, because it was made upon 
fear, but because he that promiseth, hath no right in 
the thing promised. Also, when he may lawfully per- 
forme, and doth not, it is not the Invalidity of the 
Covenant, that absolveth him, but the Sentence of the 
Soveraign. Otherwise, whensoever a man lawfully pro 
miseth, he unlawfully breaketh : But when the Soveraign, 
who is the Actor, acquitteth him, then he is acquitted 
by him that extorted the promise, as by the Author of 
such absolution. 

But the Rights, and Consequences of Soveraignty, are TheRights 
the same in both. His Power cannot, without his consent, of Sove- 
be Transferred to another : He cannot Forfeit it : He 
cannot be Accused by any of his Subjects, of Injury : 
He -cannot be Punished by .them : He is Judge of what 
is necessary for Peace ; and Judge of Doctrines : He is 
Sole Legislator ; and Supreme Judge of Controversies ; 
and of the Times, and Occasions of Warre, and Peace : 
to him it belongeth to choose Magistrates, Counsellours, 
Commanders, and all other Officers, and Ministers ; and 
to determine of Rewards, and Punishments, Honour, and 
Order. The reasons whereof, are the same which are 
alledged in the precedent Chapter, for the same Rights, 
and Consequences of Soveraignty by Institution. 

Dominion is acquired two wayes ; By Generation, and by Dominion 
Conquest. The right of Dominion by Generation, is that, Paternall 
which the Parent hath over his Children ; and is called how at ~ 
PATERNALL. And is not so derived from the Generation, tamed - 
as if therefore the Parent had Dominion over his Child 
because he begat him ; bat from the Childs Consent, Not by 
either expresse, or by other sufficient arguments declared. Genera 
tor as to the Generation, God hath ordained to man t1on > 
a helper ; and there be alwayes two that are equally Contract - 
Parents : the Dominion therefore over the Child, should 

154 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 20. 

belong equally to both ; and he be equally subject 
to both, which is impossible ; for no man can obey 
two Masters. And whereas some have attributed the 
Dominion to the Man onely, as being of the more excel 
lent Sex ; they misreckon in it. For there is not alwayes 
that difference of strength, or prudence between the man 
and the woman, as that the right can be determined 
without War. In Common-wealths, this controversie is 
decided by the Civill Law : and for the most part, (but 
not alwayes) the sentence is in favour of the Father ; 
because for the most part Common -wealths have been 
erected by the Fathers, not by the Mothers of families. 
But the question lyeth now in the state of meer Nature ; 
where there are supposed no lawes of Matrimony ; no 
lawes for the Education of Children ; but the Law of 
Nature, and the naturall inclination of the Sexes, one 
to another, and to their children. In this condition of 
meer Nature, either the Parents between themselves dis 
pose of the dominion over the Child by Contract ; or 
do not dispose thereof at all. If they dispose thereof, the 
right passeth according to the Contract. We find in 
History that the Amazons Contracted with the Men of 
the neighbouring Countries, to whom they had recourse 
for issue, that the issue Male should be sent back, but 
the Female remain with themselves : so that the dominion 
of the Females was in the Mother. 

Or Educa- If there be no Contract, the Dominion is in the Mother. 

tion ; For in the condition of meer Nature, where there are no 
Matrimoniall lawes, it cannot be known who is the Father, 
unlesse it be declared by the Mother : and therefore the 
right of Dominion over the Child dependeth on her will, 
and is consequently hers. Again, seeing the Infant is 
first in the power of the Mother, so as she may either 
nourish, or expose it ; if she nourish it, it oweth its life 
to the Mother ; and is therefore obliged to obey her, 
rather than any other ; and by consequence the Dominion 
over it is hers. But if she expose it, and another find, 
and nourish it, the Dominion is in him that nourisheth 
it. For it ought to obey him by whom it is preserved ; 
because preservation of life being the end, for which one 
man becomes subject to another, every man is supposed 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 20. 155 

to promise obedience, to him, in whose power it is to 
save, or destroy him. 

If the Mother be the Fathers subject, the Child, is in Or Prece- 
the Fathers power : and if the Father be the Mothers dent sub- 
subject, (as when a Soveraign Queen marrieth one of her JJJ^? j 
subjects,) the Child is subject to the Mother ; because paents & to 
the Father also is her subject. the other. 

If a man and a woman, Monarches of two sever all 
Kingdomes, have a Child, and contract concerning who 
shall have the Dominion of him, the Right of the Do 
minion passeth by the Contract. If they contract not, 
the Dominion followeth the Dominion of the place of his 
residence. For the Soveraign of each Country hath 
Dominion over all that reside therein. 

He that hath the Dominion over the Child, hath 
Dominion also over the Children of the Child ; and over 
their Childrens Children. For he that hath Dominion 
over the person of a man, hath Dominion over all that 
is his ; without which, Dominion were but a Title, with 
out the effect. 

The Right of Succession to Paternall Dominion, pro- The Right 
ceedeth in the same manner, as doth the Right of t Succes - 
Succession to Monarchy ; of which I have already f^eththe 
sufficiently spoken in the precedent chapter. Rules of 

Dominion acquired by Conquest, or Victory in war, is the Right 
that which some Writers call DESPOTICALL, from Aeo-Trr-n/s / p osses- 
which signifieth a Lord, or Master ; and is the Dominion Sl 
of the Master over his Servant. And this Dominion is 
then acquired to the Victor, when the Vanquished, to [104] 
avoyd the present stroke of death, covenanteth either in Despo- 
expresse words, or by other sufficient signes of the Will, ticatt 
that so long as his life, and the liberty of his body is k on 
allowed him, the Victor shall have the use thereof, attained" 
his pleasure. And after such Covenant made, the Van 
quished is a SERVANT, and not before : for by the word 
Servant (whether it be derived from Setvire, to Serve, or 
from Servare, to Save, which I leave to Grammarians to 
dispute) is not meant a Captive, which is kept in prison, 
or bonds, till the owner of him that took him, or bought 
him of one that did, shall consider what to do with him : 
(for such men, (commonly called Slaves,) have no obliga- 

156 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 20. 

tion at all ; but may break their bonds, or the prison ; 
and kill, or carry away captive their Master, justly:) but. 
one, that being taken, hath corporall liberty allowed him ; 
and upon promise not to run away, nor to do violence to 
his Master, is trusted by him. 

Not by the It is not therefore the Victory, that giveth the right 
Victory, o f Dominion over the Vanquished, but his own Covenant. 
Consent of ^ or * s ^ e b n ged because he is Conquered ; that is to 
the Van- sa Y> beaten, and taken, or put to flight ; but because he 
quished. commeth in, and Submitteth to the Victor ; Nor is the 
Victor obliged by an enemies rendring himselfe, (without 
promise of life,) to spare him for this his yeelding to dis 
cretion ; which obliges not the Victor longer, than in 
his own discretion hee shall think fit. 

And that which men do, when they demand (as it is 
now called) Quarter, (which the Greeks called Zwy/am, 
taking alive,} is to evade the present fury of the Victor, 
by Submission, and to compound for their life, with 
Ransome, or Service : and therefore he that hath Quarter 
hath not his life given, but deferred till farther delibera 
tion ; For it is not an yeelding on condition of life, but 
to discretion. And then onely is his life in security, and 
his service due, when the Victor hath trusted him with 
his corporall liberty. For Slaves that work in Prisons, 
or Fetters, do it not of duty, but to avoyd the cruelty 
of their task-masters. 

The Master of the Servant, is Master also of all he 
hath ; and may exact the use thereof ; that is to say, 
of his goods, of his labour, of his servants, and of his 
children, as often as he shall think fit. For he holdeth 
his life of his Master, by the covenant of obedience ; that 
is. of owning, and authorising whatsoever the Master 
shall do. And in case the Master, if he refuse, kill him, 
or cast him into bonds, or otherwise punish him for his 
disobedience, he is himselfe the author of the same ; and 
cannot accuse him of injury. 

In summe, the Rights and Consequences of bothPaier- 
nall and Despoticall Dominion, are the very same with 
those of a Soveraign by Institution ; and for the same 
reasons : which reasons are set down in the precedent 
chapter. So that for a man that is Monarch of divers 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 20. 157 

Nations, whereof he hath, in one the Soveraignty by 
Institution of the people assembled, and in another by 
Conquest, that is by the submission of each particular, 
to avoyd death or bonds ; to demand of one Nation 
more than of the other, from the title of Conquest, as 
being a Conquered Nation, is an act of ignorance of the 
Rights of Soveraignty. For the Soveraign is absolute [105] 
over both alike ; or else there is no Soveraignty at all ; 
and so every man may Lawfully protect himselfe, if 
he can, with his own sword, which is the condition 
of war. 

By this it appears, that a great. Family if it be not Difference 
part of some Common-wealth, is of it self, as to the between a 
Rights of Soveraignty, a little Monarchy ; whether that. 
Family consist of a man and his children ; or of a man 
and his servants ; or of a man, and his children, and 
servants together : wherein the Father or Master is the 
Soveraign. But yet a Family is not properly a Common 
wealth ; unlesse it be of that power by its own number, 
or by other opportunities, as not to be subdued without 
the hazard of war. For where a number of men are 
manifestly too weak to defend themselves united, every 
one may use his own reason in time of danger, to save 
his own life, either by flight, or by submission to the 
enemy, as hee shall think best ; in the same manner as 
a very small company of souldiers, surprised by an army, 
may cast down their armes, and demand quarter, or run 
away, rather than be put to the sword. And thus much 
shall suffice ; concerning what I find by speculation, and 
deduction, of Soveraign Rights, from the nature, need, 
and designes of men, in erecting of Common-wealths, 
and putting themselves under Monarchs, or Assemblies, 
entrusted with power enough for their protection. 

Let us now consider what the Scripture teacheth in The 
the same point. To Moses, the children of Israel say **fi hts of 
thus. * Speak thou to us, and we will heare thee ; but let f v r 
not God speak to us, lest we dye. This is absolute Scripture. 
obedience to Moses. Concerning the Right of Kings, *Exod.2o. 
God himself by the mouth of Samuel, saith, * This shall J9- 
be the Right of the King you will have to reigne over you. 
He shall take your sons, and set them to drive his Chariots, 

158 Part 2. OF COMMON -WEALTH. Chap. 20. 

and to be his horsemen, and to run before his chariots ; and 
gather in his harvest ; and to make his engines of War, 
and Instruments of his chariots ; and shall take your 
daughters lo make perfumes, to be his Cookes, and Bakers. 
He shall take your fields, your vine-yards, and your olive- 
yards, and^give them to his servants. He shall take the tyth 
of your corne and wine, and give it to the men of his cham 
ber, and to his other servants. He shall take your man 
servants, and your maid-servants, and the choice of your 
youth, and employ them in his businesse. He shall take 
the tyth of your flocks ; and you shall be his servants. This 
^ is absolute power, and summed up in the last words, 
you ^hall_behis servants. Againe, when the people heard 
what power their King was to have, yet they consented 

* Verse, thereto, and say thus, * We will be as all other nations, 

19, &c. an our Xing shall judge our causes, and goe before us, to 

conduct our wars. Here is confirmed the Right that 
Soveraigns have, both to the Militia, and to all Judica 
ture ; in which is conteined as absolute power, as one 
man can possibly transferre to another. Again, the 

* i Kings prayer of King Salomon to God, was this. * Give lo thy 
3- 9- servant understanding, to judge thy people, and to discerne 

between Good and Evill. It belongeth therefore to the 
[106] Soveraigne to bee Judge, and to prescribe the Rules of 
discerning Good and Evill : which Rules are Lawes ; and 
therefore in nim is the Legislative Power. Saul sought 
the life of David ; yet when it was in his power to slay 
Saul, and his Servants would have done it, David forbad 

* i Sam. them, saying, * God forbid I should do such an act against 
24. 9. my Lord, the anoynted of God. For obedience of servants 
*Coll. 3. St. Paul saith, * Servants obey your masters in All things ; 

20. and. * Children obey your Parents in All things. There 

* Verse 22. j s simple obedience in those that are subject to Paternall 
*Math.23. or Despoticall Dominion. Again, * The Scribes and 
2,3- Pharisees sit in Moses chayre, and therefore All that they 

shall bid you observe, that observe and do. There again is 
*T it.$.2. simple obedience. And St Paul, * Warn them that they 
subject themselves to Princes, and to those that are in 
Authority, 6- obey them. This obedience is also simple. 
Lastly, our Saviour himselfe acknowledges, that men 
ought to pay such taxes as are by Kings imposed, where 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 20. 159 

he sayes, Give to Casar that which is Cczsars ; and payed 
such taxes himselfe. And that the Kings word, is suffi 
cient to take any thing from any Subject, when there is 
need ; and that the King is Judge of that need : For 
he himselfe, as King of the Jewes, commanded his Dis 
ciples to take the Asse, and Asses Colt to carry him into 
Jerusalem, saying, * Go into the Village over against you, * Mat. 21. 
and you shall find a shee Asse tyed, and her Colt with her, 2 , 3- 
unty them, and bring them to me. And if any man ask 
you, what you mean by it, Say the Lord hath need of them : 
And they will let them go. They will not ask whether his 
necessity be a sufficient title ; nor whether he be judge 
of that necessity ; but acquiesce in the will of the 

To these places may be added also that of Genesis, *Gen.$.$. 
* You shall be as Gods, knowing Good and Evill. And 
verse ii. Who told thee that thou wast naked? hast thou 
eaten of the tree, of which I commanded thee thou shouldest 
not eat ? For the Cognisance or Judicature of Good and 
Evill, being forbidden by the name of the fruit of the 
tree of Knowledge, as a triall of Adams obedience ; The 
Divel to enflame the Ambition of the woman, to whom 
that fruit already seemed beautifull, told her that by 
tasting it, they should be as Gods, knowing Good and 
Evill. Whereupon having both eaten, they did indeed 
take upon them Gods office, which is Judicature of Good 
and Evill ; but acquired no new ability to distinguish 
between them aright. And whereas it is sayd, that hav 
ing eaten, they saw they were naked ; no man hath so 
interpreted that place, as if they had been formerly 
blind, and saw not their own skins : the meaning is plain, 
that it was then they first judged their nakednesse 
(wherein it was Gods will to create them) to be uncomely ; 
and by being ashamed, did tacitely censure God him 
selfe. And thereupon God saith, Hast thou eaten, &c. 
as if he should say, doest thou that owest me obedi 
ence, take upon thee to judge of my Commandements ? 
Whereby it is cleerly, (though Allegorically,) signified, 
that the Commands of them that have the right to 
command, are not by their Subjects to be censured, nor 

160 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 20. 

So that it appeareth plainly, to my understanding, 

both from Reason, and Scripture, that the Soveraign 

[107] Power, whether placed in One Man, as in Monarchy, or 

Soveraign i n one Assembly of men, as in Popular, and Aristocratic all 

Power Common-wealths, is as great, as possibly men can be 

ought imagined to make it. And though of so unlimited 

Common a P wer men ma y f anc Y many evill consequences, yet 

wealths to ^ ne consequences of the want of it, which is perpetuall 

be abso- warre of every man against his neighbour, are much 

lute. worse. The condition of man in this life shall never be 

without Inconveniences ; but there happeneth in no 

Common-wealth any great Inconvenience, but what 

proceeds from the Subjects disobedience, and breach of 

those Covenants, from which the Common-wealth hath 

its being. And whosoever thinking Soveraign Power too 

great, will seek to make it lesse ; must subject himself e, 

to the Power, that can limit it ; that is to say, to a greater. 

The greatest objection is, that of the Practise ; when 

men ask, where, and when, such Power has by Subjects 

been acknowledged. But one may ask them again, 

when, or where has there been a Kingdome long free 

from Sedition and Civill Warre. In those Nations, whose 

Common-wealths have been long-lived, and not been 

destroyed, but by forraign warre, the Subjects never 

did dispute of the Soveraign Power. But howsoever, an 

argument from the Practise of men, that have not sifted 

to the bottom, and with exact reason weighed the causes, 

and nature of Common-wealths, and suffer daily those 

miseries, that proceed from the ignorance thereof, is 

invalid. For though in all places of the world, men should 

lay the foundation of their houses on the sand, it could 

not thence be inferred, that so it ought to be. The skill 

of making, and maintaining Common-wealths, consisteth 

in certain Rules, as doth Arithmetique and Geometry ; 

not (as Tennis-play) on Practise onely : which Rules, 

neither poor men have the leisure, nor men that have 

had the leisure, have hitherto had the curiosity, or the 

method to find out. 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 21. 161 

Of the LIBERTY of Subjects. 

LIBERTY, or FREEDOME, signifieth (properly) the Liberty 
absence of Opposition ; (by Opposition, I mean externall what - 
Impediments of motion ;) and may be applyed no lesse 
to Irrationall, and Inanimate creatures, than to Rationall. 
For whatsoever is so tyed, or environed, as it cannot 
move, but within a certain space, which space is deter 
mined by the opposition of some externall body, we say 
it hath not Liberty to go further. And so of all living 
creatures, whilest they are imprisoned, or restrained, 
with walls, or chayns ; and of the water whilest it is kept 
in by banks, or vessels, that otherwise would spread it 
selfe into a larger space, we use to say, they are not at 
Liberty, to move in such manner, as without those 
externall impediments they would. But when the 
impediment of motion, is in the constitution of the thing 
it selfe, we use not to say, it wants the Liberty ; but the 
Power to move ; as when a stone lyeth still, or a man is 
fastned to his bed by sicknesse. 

And according to this proper, and generally received [ J o8] 
meaning of the word, A FREE-MAN, is he, that in those What it is 
things, which by his strength and wit he is able to do, is not to 
kindred to doe what he has a will to. But when the words 
Free, and Liberty, are applyed to any thing but Bodies, 
they are abused ; for that which is not subject to Motion, 
is not subject to Impediment : And therefore, when tis 
said (for example) The way is Free, no Liberty of the 
way is signified, but of those that walk in it without stop. 
And when we say a Guift is Free, there is not meant any 
Liberty of the Guift, but of the Giver, that was not 
bound by any law, or Covenant to give it. So when we 
speak Freely, it is not the Liberty of voice, or pronuncia 
tion, but of the man, whom no law hath obliged to speak 
otherwise then he did. Lastly, from the use of the word 
Free-will, no Liberty can be inferred of the will, desire, 
or inclination, but the Liberty of the man ; which con- 
sisteth in this, that he finds no stop, in doing what he 
has the will, desire, or inclination to doe. 


162 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 21. 

Feare and Feare, and Liberty are consistent ; as when a man 

Liberty throweth his goods into the Sea for feare the ship should 

consistent. s j n ^ j^ d o h ft neverthelesse very willingly, and may 

refuse to doe it if he will : It is therefore the action, of 

one that was free : so a man sometimes pays his debt, 

only for feare of Imprisonment, which because no body 

hindred him from detaining, was the action of a man at 

liberty. And generally all actions which men doe in 

Common-wealths, for feare of the law, are actions, which 

the doers had liberty to omit. 

Liberty Liberty, and Necessity are consistent : As in the water. 
and Ne- that hath not only liberty, but a necessity of descending 
Consistent ^Y ^^ e Channel ; so likewise in the Actions which men 
voluntarily doe : which, because they proceed from 
their will, proceed from liberty ; and yet, because every 
act of mans will, and every desire, and inclination pro- 
ceedeth from some cause, and that from another cause, 
in a continuall chaine, (whose first link is in the hand of 
God the first of all causes,) they proceed from necessity. 
So that to him that could see the connexion of those 
causes, the necessity of all mens voluntary actions, would 
appeare manifest. And therefore God, that seeth, and 
disposeth all things, seeth also that the liberty of man in 
doing what he will, is accompanied with the necessity of 
doing that which God will, & no more, nor lesse. For 
though men may do many things, which God does not 
command, nor is therefore Author of them ; yet they can 
have no passion, nor appetite to any thing, of which 
appetite Gods will is not the cause. And did not his 
will assure the necessity of mans will, and consequently 
of all that on mans will dependeth, the liberty of men 
would be a contradiction, and impediment to the omni 
potence and liberty of God. And this shall suffice, (as to 
the matter in hand) of that naturall liberty, which only 
is properly called liberty. 

Artificiall But as men, for the atteyning of peace, and conserva- 

Bonds, or tion of themselves thereby, have made an Artificiall Man, 

nani- which we call a Common -wealth ; so also have they 

made Artificiall Chains, called Civill Lawes, which they 

[109] themselves, by mutuall covenants, have fastned at one 

end, to the lips of that Man, or Assembly, to whom they 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 21. 163 

have given the Soveraigne Power ; and at the other end 
to their own Ears. These Bonds in their own nature 
but weak, may neverthelesse be made to hold, by the 
danger, though not by the difficulty of breaking them. 

In relation to these Bonds only it is, that I am to Liberty of 
speak now, of the Liberty of Subjects. For seeing there Subjects 
is no Common-wealth in the world, wherein there ^ ^Liberty 
Rules enough set down, for the regulating of all the f rom 
actions, and words of men, (as being a thing impossible :) covenants. 
it followeth necessarily, that in all kinds of actions, by 
the laws praetermitted, men have the Liberty, of doing 
what their own reasons shall suggest, for the most 
profitable to themselves. For if wee take Liberty in the 
proper sense, for corporall Liberty ; that is to say, 
freedome from chains, and prison, it were very absurd 
for men to clamor as they doe, for the Liberty they so 
manifestly enjoy. Againe, if we take Liberty, for an 
exemption from Lawes, it is no lesse absurd, for men 
to demand as they doe, that Liberty, by which all other 
men may be masters of their lives. And yet as absurd 
as it is, this is it they demand ; not knowing that the 
Lawes are of no power to protect them, without a Sword 
in the hands of a man, or men, to cause those laws to be 
put in execution. The Liberty of a Subject, lyeth there 
fore only in those things, which in regulating their actions, 
the Soveraign hath praetermitted : such as is the Liberty 
to buy, and sell, and otherwise contract with one another ; 
to choose their own aboad, their own diet, their own 
trade of life, and institute their children as they them 
selves think fit ; & the like. 

Neverthelesse we are not to understand, that by such Liberty 
Liberty, the Soveraign Power of life, and death, is either of the 
abolished, or limited. For it has been already shewn, Sub i ect 

,, ,, . ,, . consistent 

that nothing the Soveraign Representative can doe to w ^ the 
a Subject, on what pretence soever, can properly be unlimited 
called Injustice, or Injury ; because every Subject is power of 
Author of every act the Soveraign doth; so that he 
never wanteth Right to any thing, otherwise, than as r 
he himself is the Subject of God, and bound thereby to 


serve the laws of Nature. And therefore it may, and 
th often happen in Common- wealths, that a Subject 
M 2 

164 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 21. 

may be put to death, by the command of the Soveraign 
Power ; and yet neither doe the other wrong : As when 
Jeptha caused his daughter to be sacrificed : In which, 
and the like cases, he that so dieth, had Liberty to doe 
the action, for which he is neverthelesse, without Injury 
put to death. And the same holdeth also in a Soveraign 
Prince, that putteth to death an Innocent Subject. For 
though the action be against the law of Nature, as being 
contrary to Equitie, (as was the killing of Uriah, by 
David ;) yet it was not an Injurie to Uriah ; but to God. 
Not to Uriah, because the right to doe what he pleased, 
was given him by Uriah himself : And yet to God, 
because David was Gods Subject ; and prohibited all 
Iniquitie by the law of Nature. Which distinction, David 
himself, when he repented the fact, evidently confirmed, 
saying, To thee only have I sinned. In the same manner, 
[no] the people of Athens, when they banished the most potent 
of their Common- wealth for ten years, thought they 
committed no Injustice ; and yet they never questioned 
what crime he had done ; but what hurt he would doe : 
Nay they commanded the banishment of they knew not 
whom ; and every Citizen bringing his Oystershell into 
the market place, written with the name of him he 
desired should be banished, without actuall accusing 
him, sometimes banished an Aristides, for his reputation 
of Justice ; And sometimes a scurrilous Jester, as 
Hyperbolus, to make a Jest of it. And yet a man cannot 
say, the Soveraign People of Athens wanted right to 
banish them ; or an Athenian the Libertie to Jest, or 
to be Just. 

The The Libertie, whereof there is so frequent, and honour- | 

Liberty able mention, in the Histories, and Philosophy o. c the i 

Antient Greeks, and Romans, and in the writings, arid 

praise is discourse of those that from them have received all their 

theLiberty learning in the Politiques, is not the Libertie of Par- 

of Sove- ticular men ; but the Libertie of the Common- wealth : 

raigns; which is the same with that, which every man then 

^Private snou ld have, if there were no Civil Laws, nor Common- 

men. wealth at all. And the effects of it also be the same. 

For as amongst masterlesse men, there is perpetuall w^r, 

of every man against his neighbour ; no inherit an ce,cjto | 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 21. 165 

transmit to the Son, nor to expect from the Father ; no 
propriety of Goods, or Lands ; no security ; but a full 
and absolute Libertie in every Particular man : So in 
States, and Common- wealths not dependent on one 
another, every Common-wealth, (not every man) has an 
absolute Libertie, to doe what it shall judge (that is to 
say, what that Man, or Assemblie that representeth it, 
shall judge) most conducing to their benefit. But withall, 
they live in the condition of a perpetuall war, and upon 
the confines of battel, with their frontiers armed, and 
canons planted against their neighbours round about. 
The Athenians, and Romanes were free ; that is, free 
Common-wealths : not that any particular men had the 
Libertie to resist their own Representative ; but that 
their Representative had the Libertie to resist, or invade 
other people. There is written on the Turrets of the 
city of Luca in great characters at this day, the word 
LIBERT AS ; yet no man can thence inferre, that 
a particular man has more Libertie, or Immunitie from 
the service of the Commonwealth there, than in Constanti 
nople. Whether a Common-wealth be Monarchicall, or 
Popular, the Freedome is still the same. 

But it is an easy thing, for men to be deceived, by the 
specious name of Libertie ; and for want of Judgement 
to distinguish, mistake that for their Private Inheritance, 
and Birth right, which is the right of the Publique only. 
And when the same errour is confirmed by the authority 
of men in reputation for their writings in this subject, 
it is no wonder if it produce sedition, and change of 
Government. In these westerne parts of the world, we 
are made to receive our opinions concerning the Institu 
tion, and Rights of Common-wealths, from Aristotle, 
Cicero, and other men, Greeks and Romanes, that living 
under Popular States, derived those Rights, not from 
the Principles of Nature, but transcribed them into their 
books, out of the Practise of their own Common-wealths, [m] 
which were Popular ; as the Grammarians describe the 
Rules of Language, out of the Practise of the time ; or 
the Rules of Poetry, out of the Poems of Homer and 
Virgil. And because the Athenians were taught, (to 
keep them from desire of changing their Government,) 

166 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 21. 

that they were Freemen, and all that lived under Mon 
archy were slaves ; therefore Aristotle puts it down in 
his Politiques, (lib. 6. cap. 2.) In democracy, Liberty is 
to be supposed : for tis commonly held, that no man is 
Free in any other Government. And as Aristotle ; so 
Cicero, and other Writers have grounded their Civill 
doctrine, on the opinions of the Romans, who were 
taught to hate Monarchy, at first, by them that having 
deposed their Soveraign, shared amongst them the 
Soveraignty of Rome ; and afterwards by their Succes 
sors. And by reading of these Greek, and Latine Authors, 
men from their childhood have gotten a habit (under 
a false shew of Liberty,) of favouring tumults, and of 
licentious controlling the actions of their Soveraigns ; 
and again of controlling those controllers, with the 
effusion of so much blood ; as I think I may truly say, 
there was never any thing so deerly bought, as these 
Western parts have bought the learning of the Greek and 
Latine tongues. 

Liberty of To come now to the particulars of the true Liberty of 
Subjects a Subject ; that is to say, what are the things, which 
measured tnou g n commanded by the Soveraign, he may neverthe- 
lesse, without Injustice, refuse to do ; we are to consider, 
what Rights we passe away, when we make a Common 
wealth ; or (which is all one,) what Liberty we deny our 
selves, by owning all the Actions (without exception) of 
the Man, or Assembly we make our Soveraign. For in 
the act of our Submission, consisteth both our Obligation, 
and our Liberty ; which must therefore be inferred by 
arguments taken from thence ; there being no Obligation 
on any man, which ariseth not from some Act of his own ; 
for all men equally, are by Nature Free. And because 
such arguments, must either be drawn from the expresse 
words, / Authorise all his Actions, or from the Intention 
of him that submitteth himselfe to his Power, (which 
Intention is to be understood by the End for which he 
so submitteth ;) The Obligation, and Liberty of the 
Subject, is to be derived, either from those Words, (or 
others equivalent ;) or else from the End of the Institution 
of Soveraignty ; namely, the Peace of the Subjects within 
themselves, and their Defence against a common Enemy. 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 21. 167 

First therefore, seeing Soveraignty by Institution, is Subjects 
by Covenant of every one to every one ; and Soveraignty have 
by Acquisition, by Covenants of the Vanquished to the j^^d l 
Victor, or Child to the Parent ; It is manifest, that every their own 
Subject has Liberty in all those things, the right whereof bodies, 
cannot by Covenant be transferred. I have shewn before even 

in the 14. Chapter, that Covenants, not to defend a mans ?j am ?! 

j T^V f them that 

own body, are voyd. Therefore, lawfully 

If the Soveraign command a man (though justly invade 
condemned,) to kill, wound, or mayme himself e ; or not them; 
to resist those that assault him ; or to abstain from the use 
of food, ayre, medicine, or any other thing, without which [112] 
he cannot live ; yet hath that man the Liberty to disobey. AYR ot 

If a man be interrogated by the Soveraign, or his ^^ t ^ m . 
Authority, concerning a crime done by himself e, he is se i ves : 
not bound (without assurance of Pardon) to confesse it ; 
because no man (as I have shewn in the same Chapter) 
can be obliged by Covenant to accuse himselfe. 

Again, the Consent of a Subject to Soveraign Power, is 
contained in these words, / Authorise, or take upon me., 
all his actions ; in which there is no restriction at all, 
of his own former naturall Liberty : For by allowing 
him to kill me, I am not bound to kill my selfe when he 
commands me. J Tis one thing to say, Kill me, or my 
fellow, if you please ; another thing to say, / will kill my 
selfe, or my fellow. It followeth therefore, that 

No man is bound by the words themselves, either to 
kill himselfe, or any other man ; And consequently, 
that the Obligation a man may sometimes have, upon 
the Command of the Soveraign to execute any danger 
ous, or dishonourable Office, dependeth not on the Words 
of our Submission ; but on the Intention ; which is to 
be understood by the End thereof. When therefore 
our refusall to obey, frustrates the End for which the 
Soveraignty was ordained ; then there is no Liberty to 
refuse : otherwise there is. 

Upon this ground, a man that is commanded as Nor to 
a Souldier to fight against the enemy, though his warfare, 
Soveraign have Right enough to punish his refusall with u ^ lesse 
death, may neverthelesse in many cases refuse, without tavilvun- 
Injustice ; as when he substituteth a sufficient Souldier dertake it. 

168 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 21. 

in his place : for in this case he deserteth not the service 
of the Common-wealth. And there is allowance to be 
made for naturall timorousnesse, not onely to women, 
(of whom no such dangerous duty is expected,) but also 
to men of feminine courage. When Armies fight, there 
is on one side, or both, a running away ; yet when they 
do it not out of trechery, but fear, they are not esteemed 
to do it unjustly, but dishonourably. For the same 
reason, to avoyd battell, is not Injustice, but Cowardise. 
But he that inrowleth himselfe a Souldier, or taketh 
imprest mony, taketh away the excuse of a timorous 
nature ; and is obliged, not onely to go to the battell, 
but also not to run from it, without his Captaines leave. 
And when the Defence of the Common-wealth, requireth 
at once the help of all that are able to bear Arms, 
every one is obliged ; because otherwise the Institution 
of the Common-wealth, which they have not the purpose, 
or courage to preserve, was in vain. 

To resist the Sword of the Common -wealth, in defence 
of another man, guilty, or innocent, no man hath Liberty ; 
because such Liberty, takes away from the Soveraign, 
the means of Protecting us : and is therefore destructive 
of the very essence of Government. But in case a great 
many men together, have already resisted the Soveraign 
Power unjustly, or committed some Capitall crime, for 
which every one of them expecteth death, whether have 
they not the Liberty then to joyn together, and assist, 
and defend one another ? Certainly they have : For 
[113] they but defend their lives, which the Guilty man may 
as well do, as the Innocent. There was indeed injustice 
in the first breach of their duty ; Their bearing of Arms 
subsequent to it, though it be to maintain what they 
have done, is no new unjust act. And if it be onely to 
defend their persons, it is not unjust at all. But the offer 
of pardon taketh from them, to whom it is offered, the 
plea of self-defence, and maketh their perseverance in 
assisting, or defending the rest, unlawfull. 

The As for other Lyberties, they depend on the Silence of 

Greatest the Law. In cases where the Soveraign has prescribed 
Liberty of no ru i e> there the Subject hath the Liberty to do, or 
f orDearej acc ording to his own discretion. And therefore 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 21. 169 

such Liberty is in some places more, and in some lesse ; dependeth 
and in some times more, in other times lesse, according on tjie 
as they that have the Soveraignty shall think most 
convenient. As for Example, there was a time, when in 
England a man might enter in to his own Land, (and 
dispossesse such as wrongfully possessed it,) by force. 
But in after-times, that Liberty of Forcible Entry, was 
taken away by a Statute made (by the King) in Parlia 
ment. And in some places of the world, men have the 
Liberty of many wives : in other places, such Liberty 
is not allowed. 

If a Subject have a controversie with his Soveraigne, of 
debt, or of right of possession of lands or goods, or con 
cerning any service required at his hands, or concerning 
any penalty, corporall, or pecuniary, grounded on 
a precedent Law ; he hath the same Liberty to sue for 
his right, as if it were against a Subject ; and before 
such Judges, as are appointed by the Soveraign. For 
seeing the Soveraign demandeth by force of a former 
Law, and not by vertue of his Power ; he declareth 
thereby, that he requireth no more, than shall appear 
to be due by that Law. The sute therefore is not con 
trary to the will of the Soveraign ; and consequently the 
Subject hath the Liberty to demand the hearing of his 
Cause ; and sentence, according to that Law. But if 
he demand, or take any thing by pretence of his Power ; 
there lyeth, in that case, no action of Law : for all that 
is done by him in Vertue of his Power, is done by the 
Authority of every Subject, and consequently, he that 
brings an action against the Soveraign, brings it against 
himself e. 

If a Monarch, or Soveraign Assembly, grant a Liberty 
to all, or any of his Subjects, which Grant standing, he 
is disabled to provide for their safety, the Grant is voyd ; 
unlesse he directly renounce, or transferre the Sove 
raignty to another. For in that he might openly, (if it had 
been his will,) and in plain termes, have renounced, or 
transferred it, and did not ; it is to be understood it was 
not his will ; but that the Grant proceeded from ignor 
ance of the repugnancy between such a Liberty and the 
Soveraign Power : and therefore the Soveraignty is still 

170 Part 2. OF COMMON -WEALTH. Chap. 21. 

retayned ; and consequently all those Powers, which are 
necessary to the exercising thereof ; such as are the 
Power of Warre, and Peace, of Judicatuie, of appointing 
Officers, and Councellours, of levying Mony, and the rest 
named in the i8th Chapter. 

[114] The Obligation of Subjects to the Soveraign, is under- 
In what I stood to last as long, and no longer, than the power 
Cases I lasteth, by which he is able to protect them. For the 
areab- S r ^^ lt men nave by Nature to protect themselves, when 
solved of none else can protect them, can by no Covenant be 
their relinquished. The Soveraignty is the Soule of the 
obedience Common-wealth ; which once departed from the Body, 
t ^ ie memDers doe no more receive their motion from it. 
The end of Obedience is Protection; which, whereso 
ever a man seeth it, either in his own, or in anothers 
swo d, Nature applyeth his obedience to it, and his 
endeavour to maintaine it. And though Soveraignty, 
in the intention of them that make it, be immortall ; yet 
is it in its own nature, not only subject to violent death, 
by forreign war ; but also through the ignorance, and 
passions of men, it hath in it, from the very institution, 
many seeds of a naturall mortality, by Intestine Discord. 
In case of If a Subject be taken prisoner in war ; or his person, 
Captivity. or hjg means of life be within the Guards of the enemy, 
and hath his life and corporall Libertie given him, on 
condition to be Subject to the Victor, he hath Libertie 
to accept the condition ; and having accepted it, is the 
subject of him that took him ; because he had no other 
way to preserve himself. The case is the same, if he be 
deteined on the same termes, in a forreign country. But 
if a man -be held in prison, or bonds, or is not trusted 
with the libertie of his bodie ; he cannot be understood 
to be bound by Covenant to subjection ; and therefore 
may, if he can, make his escape by any means whatsoever. 
Incase the If a Monarch shall relinquish the Soveraignty, both for 
Soveraign himself, and his heires ; His Subjects returne to the 
govern- absolute Libertie of Nature ; because, though Nature 
ment from may declare who are his Sons, and who are the nerest 
himself of his Kin ; yet it dependeth on his own will, (as hath 
and his been said in the precedent chapter,) who shall be his 
rs Heyr. If therefore he will have no Heyre, there is no 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 22. 171 

Soveraignty, nor Subjection. The case is the same, if 
he dye without known Kindred, and without declaration 
of his Heyre. For then there can no Heire be known, 
and consequently no Subjection be due. 

If the Soveraign Banish his Subject ; during the In case of 
Banishment, he is not Subject. But he that is sent on Bamsh- 
a message, or hath leave to travell, is still Subject. ; but m 
it is, by Contract between Soveraigns, not by vertue 
of the covenant of Subjection. For whosoever entreth 
into anothers dominion, is Subject to all the Laws thereof ; 
unlesse he have a privilege by the amity of the Soveraigns, 
or by speciall licence. 

If a Monarch subdued by war. render himself Subject In case the 
to the Victor ; his Subjects are delivered from their Soveraign 
former obligation, and become obliged to the Victor. r ^^ 
But if he be held prisoner, or have not the liberty of his subject to 
own Body ; he is not understood to have given away another. 
the Right of Soveraigntie ; and therefore his Subjects 
are obliged to yield obedience to the Magistrates formerly 
placed, governing not in their own name, but in his. For, 
his Right remaining, the question is only of the Adminis 
tration ; that is to say, of the Magistrates and Officers ; [115] 
which, if he have not means to name, he is supposed to 
approve those, which he himself had formerly appointed. 


Of SYSTEMES Subject, Politicall, arid Private. 

HAVING spoken of the Generation, Forme, and Power The divers 
of a Common-wealth, I am in order to speak next of s Yt * 
the parts thereof. And first of Systemes, which resemble 
the similar parts, or Muscles of a Body naturall. By 
SYSTEMES ; I understand any numbers of men joyned 
in one Interest, or one Businesse. Of which, some are 
Regular, and some Irregular. Regular are those, where 
one Man, or Assembly of men, is constituted Repre 
sentative of the whole number. All other are Irregular. 

Of Regular, some are Absolute, and Independent, 
subject to none but their own Representative : such 
are only Common-wealths ; Of which I have spoken 

172 Part 2. OF COMMON -WEALTH. Chap. 22. 

already in the 5. last precedent chapters. Others are 
Dependent ; that is to say, Subordinate to some Sove- 
raign Power, to which every one, as also their Repre 
sentative is Subject. 

Of Systemes subordinate, some are Politically and 
some Private. Politicall (otherwise Called Bodies Poli 
tique, and Persons in Law,) are those, which are made 
by authority from the Soveraign Power of the Common 
wealth. Private, are those, which are constituted by 
Subjects amongst themselves, or by authoritie from a 
stranger. For no authority derived from forraign 
power, within the Dominion of another, is Publique 
there, but Private. 

And of Private Systemes, some are Lawfull ; some 
Unlawfull : Lawfull, are those which are allowed by 
the Common-wealth : all other are Unlawfull. Irregular 
Systemes, are those which having no Representative, 
consist only in concourse of People ; which if not 
forbidden by the Common-wealth, nor made on evill 
designe, (such as are conflux of People to markets, or 
shews, or any other harmelesse end,) are Lawfull. But 
when the Intention is evill, or (if the number be con 
siderable) unknown, they are Unlawfull. 

In all In Bodies Politique, the power of the Representative 

Bodies j s alwaies Limited : And that which prescribeth the 
the power Limits thereof, is the Power Soveraign. For Power 
of the Unlimited, is absolute Soveraignty. And the Soveraign, 
Represen- in every Commonwealth, is the absolute Representative 
tative is o f a ll the subjects ; and therefore no other, can be 
Limited. R e p resen t a tive of any part of them, but so far forth, 
as he shall give leave : And to give leave to a Body 
Politique of Subjects, to have an absolute Representative 
to all intents and purposes, were to abandon the govern 
ment of so much of the Commonwealth, and to divide 
the Dominion, contrary to their Peace and Defence, 
which the Soveraign cannot be understood to doe, by 
any Grant, that does not plainly, and directly discharge 
them of their subjection. For consequences of words, 
are not the signes of his will, when other consequences 
are signes of the contrary ; but rather signes of errour, 
and misreckonning ; to which all mankind is too prone. 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 22. 173 

The bounds of that Power, which is given to the 
Representative of a Bodie Politique, are to be taken 
notice of, from two things. One is their Writt, or 
Letters from the Soveraign : the other is the Law of 
the Common -wealth. 

For though in the Institution or Acquisition of a By Letters 
Common-wealth, which is independent, there needs no Patents : 
Writing, because the Power of the Representative has 
there no other bounds, but such as are set out by the 
unwritten Law of Nature ; yet in subordinate bodies, 
there are such diversities of Limitation necessary, con 
cerning their businesses, times, and places, as can neither 
be remembred without Letters, nor taken notice of, 
unlesse such Letters be Patent, that they may be read 
to them, and withall sealed, or testified, with the Scales, 
or other permanent signes of the Authority Soveraign. 

And because such Limitation is not alwaies easie, or And the 
perhaps possible to be described in writing ; the ordinary Lawes. 
Lawes, common to all Subjects, must determine, what 
the Representative may lawfully do, in all Cases, where 
the Letters themselves are silent. And therefore 

In a Body Politique, if the Representative be one When the 
man, whatsoever he does in the Person of the Body, Represen- 
which is not warranted in his Letters, nor bv the Lawes, tatwe is 

i . one man. 

is his own act, and not the act oi the Body, nor ol any ^ s un _ 
other Member thereof besides himselfe : Because further warranted 
than his Letters, or the Lawes limit, he representeth no Acts are 
mans person, but his own. But what he does according wn 
to these, is the act of every one : For of the Act of the 
Soveraign every one is Author, because he is their 
Representative unlimited ; and the act of him that 
recedes not from the Letters of the Soveraign, is the 
act of the Soveraign, and therefore every member of 
the Body is Author of it. 

But if the Representative be an Assembly ; whatso- When it is 
ever that Assembly shall Decree, not warranted by their an As- 
Letters, or the Lawes, is the act of the Assembly, or JJ 1 ^ ? 
Body Politique, and the act of every one by whose J,/ them 
Vote the Decree was made; but not the act of any thatassen- 
man that being present Voted to the contrary ; nor of ted onely. 
any man absent, unlesse he Voted it by procuration. 

174 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 22. 

It is the act of the Assembly, because Voted by the 
major part ; and if it be a crime, the Assembly may be 
punished, as farre-forth as it is capable, as by dissolu 
tion, or forfeiture of their Letters, (which is to such 
artificial!, and fictitious Bodies, capitall,) or (if the 
Assembly have a Common stock, wherein none of the 
Innocent Members have propriety,) by pecuniary Mulct. 
For from corporall penalties Nature hath exempted all 
Bodies Politique. But they that gave not their Vote, 
are therefore Innocent, because the Assembly cannot 
Represent any man in things unwarranted by their 
Letters, and consequently are not involved in their Votes. 
When the If the person of the Body Politique being in one man, 
Represen- borrow mony of a stranger, that is, of one that is not 
one man * t ^ ie same Body, (for no Letters need limit borrowing, 
[117] seeing it is left to mens own inclinations to limit lending) 
if he bor- the debt is the Representatives. For if he should have 
row mony, Authority from his Letters, to make the members pay 
b Con ty wnat h e borroweth, he should have by consequence the 
tract he Soveraignty of them ; and therefore the grant were 
is ly dble either voyd, as proceeding from Errour, commonly inci- 
onely, the dent to humane Nature, and an unsufncient signe of 
members the will of t j ie Qranter ; or if it be avowed by him, then 
is the Representer Soveraign, and falleth not under the 
present question, which is onely of Bodies subordinate. 
No member therefore is obliged to pay the debt so bor 
rowed, but the Representative himself e : because he 
that lendeth it, being a stranger to the Letters, and to 
the qualification of the Body, understandeth those onely 
for his debtors, that are engaged ; and seeing the Repre 
senter can ingage himselfe, and none else, has him onely 
for Debtor ; who must therefore pay him, out of the 
common stock (if there be any), or (if there be none) 
out of his own estate. 

If he come into debt by Contract, or Mulct, the case 
is the same. 

But when the Representative is an Assembly, and the 
llmbly ^bt to a stranger ; all they, and onely they are respon- 
they onely sible for the debt, that gave their votes to the borrowing 
are liable of it, or to the Contract that made it due, or to the fact 

that have f or which the Mulct was imposed ; because every one of 


Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 22. 175 

those in voting did engage himselfe for the payment : 
For he that is author of the borrowing, is obliged to the 
payment, even of the whole debt, though when payd by 
any one, he be discharged. 

But if the debt be to one of the Assembly, the Assembly // the debt 
onely is obliged to the payment, out of their common be to one of 
stock (if they have any :) For having liberty of Vote, if the ^ 7 S ~ 
he Vote the Mony, shall be borrowed, he Votes it shall s ^dy 
be payd ; If he Vote it shall not be borrowed, or be onely is 
absent, yet because in lending, he voteth the borrowing, obliged. 
he contradicteth his former Vote, and is obliged by the 
later, and becomes both borrower and lender, and con 
sequently cannot demand payment from any particular 
man, but from the common Treasure onely ; which fayl- 
ing he hath no remedy, nor complaint, but against him 
selfe, that being privy to the acts of the Assembly, and 
to their means to pay, and not being enforced, did never- 
thelesse through his own folly lend his mony. 

It is manifest by this, that in Bodies Politique subor- p ro testa- 
dinate and subject to a Soveraign Power, it is some- tion 
times not onely lawfull, but expedient, for a particular against the 
man to make open protestation against the decrees of O f ec ^ e / ies 
the Representative Assembly, and cause their dissent to p iuique 
be Registred, or to take witnesse of it ; because otherwise sometimes 
they may be obliged to pay debts contracted, and be lawful; 
responsible for crimes committed by other men : But in * a 8 a st 
a Soveraign Assembly, that liberty is taken away, both p owe % 
because he that protesteth there, denies their Sove- never. 
raignty ; and also because whatsoever is commanded by 
the Soveraign Power, is as to the Subject (though not 
so alwayes in the sight of God) justified by the Command ; 
for of such command every Subject is the Author. 

The variety of Bodies Politique, is almost infinite : for 
they are not onely distinguished by the severall affaires, 
for which they are constituted, wherein there is an un- [118] 
speakable diversitie ; but also by the times, places, and Bodies 
numbers, subject to many limitations. And as to their Politique 
affaires, some are ordained for Government ; As first, ^J^ ^" 
the Government of a Province may be committed to an JP^JWC*, 
Assembly of men, wherein all resolutions shall depend Colony, or 
on the Votes of the major part ; and then this Assembly Town. 

176 Part 2. OF COMMON -WEALTH. Chap. 22. 

is a Body Politique, and their power limited by Com 
mission. This word Province signifies a charge, or care 
of businesse, which he whose businesse it is, committeth 
to another man, to be administred for, and under him ; 
and therefore when in one Common-wealth there be 
divers Countries, that have their Lawes distinct one from 
another, or are farre distant in place, the Administration 
of the Government being committed to divers persons, 
those Countries where the Soveraign is not resident, but 
governs by Commission, are called Provinces. But of 
the government of a Province, by an Assembly residing 
in the Province it selfe, there be few examples. The 
Romans who had the Soveraignty of many Provinces ; 
yet governed them alwaies by Presidents, and Praetors ; 
and not by Assemblies, as they governed the City of 
Rome, and Territories adjacent. In like manner, when 
there were Colonies sent from England, to Plant Vir 
ginia, and Sommer-Ilands ; though the government of 
them here, were committed to Assemblies in London, 
yet did those Assemblies never commit the Government 
under them to any Assembly there ; but did to each 
Plantation send one Governour ; For though every man, 
where he can be present by Nature, desires to participate 
of government ; yet where they cannot be present, they 
are by Nature also enclined, to commit the Government 
of their common Interest rather to a Monarchicall, then 
a Popular form of Government : which is also evident in 
those men that have great private estates ; who when 
they are unwilling to take the paines of administring the 
businesse that belongs to them, choose rather to trust 
one Servant, then an Assembly either of their friends or 
servants. But howsoever it be in fact, yet we may sup 
pose the Government of a Province, or Colony committed 
to an Assembly : and when it is, that which in this place 
I have to say, is this ; that whatsoever debt is by that 
Assembly contracted ; or whatsoever unlawfull Act is 
decreed, is the Act onely of those that assented, and not 
of any that dissented, or were absent, for the reasons 
before alledged. Also that an Assembly residing out of 
the bounds of that Colony whereof they have the govern 
ment, cannot execute any power over the persons, or 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 22. 177 

goods of any of the Colonie, to seize on them for debt, or 
other duty, in any place without the Colony it selfe, as 
having no Jurisdiction, nor Authoritie elsewhere, but are 
left to the remedie, which the Law of the place alloweth 
them. And though the Assembly have right, to impose 
a Mulct upon any of their members, that shall break the 
Lawes they make ; yet out of the Colonie it selfe, they 
have no right to execute the same. And that which is 
said here, of the Rights of an Assembly, for the govern 
ment of a Province, or a Colony, is appliable also to an 
Assembly for the Government of a Town, an University, 
or a College, or a Church, or for any other Government 
over the persons of men. 

And generally, in all Bodies Politique, if any parti- [119] 
cular member conceive himself In juried by the Body it 
self, the Cognisance of his cause belongeth to the Sove- 
raign, and those the Soveraign hath ordained for Judges 
in such causes, or shall ordaine for that particular cause ; 
and not to the Body it self. For the whole Body is 
in this case his fellow subject, which in a Soveraign 
Assembly, is otherwise : for there, if the Soveraign be not 
Judge, though in his own cause, there can be no Judge 
at all. 

In a Bodie Politique, for the well ordering of forraigne Bodies 
Traffique, the most commodious Representative is an Politique 
Assembly of all the members ; that is to say, such a one, 
as every one that adventureth his mony, may be present 
at all the Deliberations, and Resolutions of the Body, if 
they will themselves. For proof whereof, we are to con 
sider the end, for which men that are Merchants, and 
may buy and sell, export, and import their Merchandise 
according to their own discretions, doe neverthelesse 
bind themselves up in one Corporation. It is true, there 
be few Merchants, that with the Merchandise they buy at 
home, can fraight a Ship, to export it ; or with that 
they buy abroad, to bring it home ; and have therefore 
need to joyn together in one Society ; where every man 
may either participate of the gaine, according to the 
proportion of his adventure ; or take his own, and sell 
what he transports, or imports, at such prices as he 
thinks fit. But this is no Body Politique, there being 


178 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 22. 

no Common Representative to oblige them to any other 
Law, than that which is common to all other subjects. 
The End of their Incorporating, is to make their gaine 
the greater ; which is done two wayes ; by sole buying, 
and sole selling, both at home, and abroad. So that to 
grant to a Company of Merchants to be a Corporation, 
or Body Politique, is to grant them a double Monopoly, 
whereof one is to be sole buyers ; another to be sole 
sellers. For when there is a Company incorporate for 
any particular forraign Country, they only export the 
Commodities vendible in that Country ; which is sole 
buying at home, and sole selling abroad. For at home 
there is but one buyer, and abroad but one that selleth : 
both which is gainfull to the Merchant, because thereby 
they buy at home at lower, and sell abroad at higher 
rates : And abroad there is but one buyer of forraign 
Merchandise, and but one that sels them at home ; both 
which againe are gainfull to the adventurers. 

Of this double Monopoly one part is disadvantageous 
to the people at home, the other to forraigners. For at 
home by their sole exportation they set what price they 
please on the husbandry, and handy-works of the people ; 
and by the sole importation, what price they please on 
all forraign commodities the people have need of ; both 
which are ill for the people. On the contrary, by the 
sole selling of the native commodities abroad, and sole 
buying the forraign commodities upon the place, they 
raise the price of those, and abate the price of these, to 
[120] the disadvantage of the forraigner : For where but one 
selleth, the Merchandise is the dearer ; and where but 
one buyeth the cheaper : Such Corporations therefore 
are no other then Monopolies ; though they would be 
very profitable for a Common-wealth, if being bound up 
into one body in forraigne Markets they were at liberty at 
home, every man to buy, and sell at what price he could. 

The end then of these Bodies of Merchants, being not 
a Common benefit to the whole Body, (which have in this 
case no common stock, but what is deducted out of the 
particular adventures, for building, buying, victualling 
and manning of Ships,) but the particular gaine of every 
adventurer, it is reason that every one be acquainted 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 22. 179 

with the employment of his own ; that is, that every one 
be of the Assembly, that shall have the power to order 
the same ; and be acquainted with their accounts. And 
therefore the Representative of such a Body must be 
an Assembly, where every member of the Body may be 
present at the consultations, if he will. 

If a Body Politique of Merchants, contract a debt to 
a stranger by the act of their Representative Assembly, 
every Member is lyable by himself for the whole. For 
a stranger can take no notice of their private Lawes, 
but considereth them as so many particular men, obliged 
every one to the whole payment, till payment made by 
one dischargeth all the rest : But if the debt be to one 
of the Company, the creditor is debter for the whole to 
himself, and cannot therefore demand his debt, but only 
from the common stock, if there be any. 

If the Common-wealth impose a Tax upon the Body, 
it is understood to be layd upon every Member propor- 
tionably to his particular adventure in the Company. 
For there is in this case no other common stock, but 
what is made of their particular adventures. 

If a Mulct be layd upon the Body for some unlawfull 
act, they only are lyable by whose votes the act was 
decreed, or by whose assistance it was executed ; for in 
none of the rest is there any other crime but being of 
the Body ; which if a crime, (because the Body was 
ordeyned by the authority of the Common -wealth,) is 
not his. 

If one of the Members be indebted to the Body, he 
may be sued by the Body ; but his goods cannot be 
taken, nor his person imprisoned by the authority of the 
Body ; but only by Authority of the Common-wealth : 
for if they can doe it by their own Authority, they can by 
their own Authority give judgement that the debt is due ; 
which is as much as to be Judge in their own Cause. 

These Bodies made for the government of Men, or of A Bodie 
Tramque, be either perpetuall, or for a time prescribed Politique 
by writing. But there be Bodies also whose times are f r c u n ~ 
limited, and that only by the nature of their businesse. 5 ^J^ ^ 
For example, if a Soveraign Monarch, or a Soveraign the Save- 
Assembly, shall think fit to give command to the towns, raign. 

N 2 

i8o Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 22. 

and other severall parts of their territory, to send to 
him their Deputies, to enforme him of the condition, 
and necessities of the Subjects, or to advise with him for 
[12 1] the making of good Lawes, or for any other cause, as 
with one Person representing the whole Country, such 
Deputies, having a place and time of meeting assigned 
them, are there, and at that time, a Body Politique, 
representing every Subject of that Dominion ; but it is 
onely for such matters as shall be propounded unto 
them by that Man, or Assembly, that by the Soveraign 
Authority sent for them ; and when it shall be declared 
that nothing more shall be propounded, nor debated by 
them, the Body is dissolved. For if they were the abso 
lute Representative of the people, then were it the 
Soveraign Assembly ; and so there would be two Sove 
raign Assemblies, or two Soveraigns, over the same 
people ; which cannot consist with their Peace. And 
therefore where there is once a Soveraignty, there can 
be no absolute Representation of the people, but by it. 
And for the limits of how farre such a Body shall repre 
sent the whole People, they are set forth in the Writing 
by which they were sent for. For the People cannot 
choose their Deputies to other intent, than is in the 
Writing directed to them from their Soveraign expressed. 
A Regular Private Bodies Regular, and Lawfull, are those that are 
Private constituted without Letters, or other written Authority, 
Lawfull savm t* 16 Lawes common to all other Subjects. And 
as a because they be united in one Person Representative, 
Family, they are held for Regular ; such as are all Families, 
in which the Father, or Master ordereth the whole 
Family. For he obligeth his Children, and Servants, as 
farre as the Law permitteth, though not further, because 
none of them are bound to obedience in those actions, 
which the Law hath forbidden to be done. In all other 
actions, during the time they are under domestique 
government, they are subject to their Fathers, and Mas 
ters, as to their immediate Soveraigns. For the Father, 
and Master being before the Institution of Common 
wealth, absolute Soveraigns in their own Families, they 
lose afterward no more of their Authority, than the Law 
of the Common-wealth taketh from them. 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 22. 181 

Private Bodies Regular, but Unlawful!, are those that Private 
unite themselves into one person Representative, with- Bodies 
out any publique Authority at all ; such as are the ^/^ 
Corporations of Beggars, Theeves and Gipsies, the i a wfulL 
better to order their trade of begging, and stealing ; 
and the Corporations of men, that by Authority from 
any forraign Person, unite themselves in anothers 
Dominion, for the easier propagation of Doctrines, and 
for making a party, against the Power of the Common 

Irregular Systemes, in their nature, but Leagues, or Systemes 
sometimes meer concourse of people, without union to Irregular, 
anv particular designe, not by obligation of one to S p^ v ^t e an 
another, but proceeding onely from a similitude of wills Leagues. 
and inclinations, become Lawfull, or Unlawfull, accord 
ing to the lawfulnesse, or unlawfulnesse of every par 
ticular mans designe therein : And his designe is to be 
understood by the occasion. 

The Leagues of Subjects, (because Leagues are com 
monly made for mutuall defence,) are in a Common 
wealth (which is no more than a League of all the Sub 
jects together) for the most part unnecessary, and savour 
of unlawfull designe ; and are for that cause Unlawfull, C I22 1 
and go commonly by the name of Factions, or Con 
spiracies. For a League being a connexion of men by 
Covenants, if there be no power given to any one Man, 
or Assembly (as in the condition of meer Nature) to 
compell them to performance, is so long onely valid, as 
there ariseth no just cause of distrust : and therefore 
Leagues between Common-wealths, over whom there is 
no humane Power established, to keep them all in awe, 
are not onely lawfull, but also profitable for the time 
they last. But Leagues of the Subjects of one and the 
same Common- wealth, where every one may obtain his 
right by means of the Soveraign Power, are unnecessary 
to the maintaining of Peace and Justice, and (in case 
the designe of them be evill, or Unknown to the 
Common -wealth) unlawfull. For all uniting of strength 
by private men, is, if for evill intent, unjust ; if for 
intent unknown, dangerous to the Publique, and unjustly 

182 Part 2, OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 22. 

Secret If the Soveraign Power be in a great Assembly, and 

Cabals. a number of men, part of the Assembly, without autho 
rity, consult a part, to contrive the guidance of the rest ; 
This is a Faction, or Conspiracy unlawfull, as being 
a fraudulent seducing of the Assembly for their parti 
cular interest. But if he, whose private interest is to be 
debated, and judged in the Assembly, make as many 
friends as he can ; in him it is no Injustice ; because in 
this case he is no part of the Assembly. And though he 
hire such friends with mony, (unlesse there be an expresse 
Law against it,) yet it is not Injustice. For sometimes, 
(as mens manners are,) Justice cannot be had without 
mony ; and every man may think his own cause just, 
till it be heard, and judged. 

Feuds of In all Common-wealths, if a private man entertain 
private more servants, than the government of his estate, and 
Families. i aw f u rj employment he has for them requires, it is 
Faction, and unlawfull. For having the protection of 
the Common-wealth, he needeth not the defence of pri 
vate force. And whereas in Nations not throughly 
civilized, sever all numerous Families have lived in 
continuall hostility, and invaded one another with 
private force ; yet it is evident enough, that they 
have done unjustly; or else that they had no Common 

Factions And as Factions for Kindred, so also Factions for 

f r Government of Religion, as of Papists, Protestants, &c. 

men or of State ^ Patricians, and Plebeians of old time in 

Rome, and of Aristocraticalls and Democraticalls of old 

time in Greece, are unjust, as being contrary to the peace 

and safety of the people, and a taking of the Sword out 

of the hand of the Soveraign. 

Concourse of people, is an Irregular Systeme, the Jaw- 
fulnesse, or unlawfulnesse, whereof dependeth on the 
occasion, and on the number of them that are assembled. 
If the occasion be lawfull, and manifest, the Concourse 
is lawfull ; as the usuall meeting of men at Church, or 
at a publique Shew, in usuall numbers : for if the num 
bers be extraordinarily great, the occasion is not evident ; 
and consequently he that cannot render a particular and 
good account of his being amongst them, is to be judged 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 22. 183 

conscious of an unlawful!, and tumultuous designe. It 
may be lawfull for a thousand men, to joyn in a Peti-[i23] 
tion to be delivered to a Judge, or Magistrate ; yet if 
a thousand men come to present it, it is a tumultuous 
Assembly ; because there needs but one or two for that 
purpose. But in such cases as these, it is not a set number 
that makes the Assembly Unlawfull, but such a number, 
as the present Officers are not able to suppresse, and 
bring to Justice. 

When an unusuall number of men, assemble against 
a man whom they accuse ; the Assembly is an Unlawfull 
tumult ; because they may deliver their accusation to 
the Magistrate by a few, or by one man.. Such was the 
case of St. Paul at Ephesus ; where Demetrius, and 
a great number of other men, brought two of Pauls com 
panions before the Magistrate, saying with one Voyce, 
Great is Diana of the Ephesians ; which was their way 
of demanding Justice against them for teaching the 
people such doctrine, as was against their Religion, and 
Trade. The occasion here, considering the Lawes of that 
People, was just ; yet was their Assembly Judged 
Unlawfull, and the Magistrate reprehended them for it, 
in these words, * // Demetrius and the other work-men *Acts 19. 
can accuse any man, of any thing, there be Pleas, and 40. 
Deputies, let them accuse one another. And if you have 
any other thing to demand, your case may be judged in an 
Assembly Lawfully called. For we are in danger to be 
accused for this dayes sedition, because, there is no cause 
by which any man can render any reason of this Concourse 
of People. Where he calleth an Assembly, whereof men 
can give no just account, a Sedition, and such as they 
could not answer for. And this is all I shall say concern 
ing Systemes, and Assemblyes of People, which may be 
compared (as I said,) to the Similar parts of mans Body ; 
such as be Lawfull, to the Muscles ; such as are Unlawfull, 
to Wens, Biles, and Apostemes, engendred by the un- 
naturall conflux of evill humours. 

184 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 23. 


Of the PUBLIQUE MINISTERS of Soveraign Power. 

IN the last Chapter I have spoken of the Similar parts 
of a Common-wealth : In this I shall speak of the parts 
Organicall, which are Publique Ministers. 

Publique A PUBLIQUE MINISTER, is he, that by the Soveraign, 
Minister (whether a Monarch, or an Assembly,) is employed in 
Who. an y affaires, w ith Authority to represent in that employ 
ment, the Person of the Common-wealth. And whereas 
every man, or assembly that hath Soveraignty, repre- 
senteth two Persons, or (as the more common phrase is) 
has two Capacities, one Naturall, and another Politique, 
(as a Monarch, hath the person not onely of the Common 
wealth, but also of a man ; and a Soveraign Assembly 
hath the Person not onely of the Common -wealth, but 
also of the Assembly) ; they that be servants to them 
in their naturall Capacity, are not Publique Ministers ; 
but those onely that serve them in the Administration of 
[124] the Publique businesse. And therefore neither Ushers, 
nor Sergeants, nor other Officers that waite on the 
Assembly, for no other purpose, but for the commodity 
of the men assembled, in an Aristocracy, or Democracy ; 
nor Stewards, Chamberlains, Cofferers, or any other 
Officers of the houshold of a Monarch, are Publique 
Ministers in a Monarchy. 

Ministers Of Publique Ministers, some have charge committed 
for the to them of a generall Administration, either of the whole 
g Adminis- Dominion, or of a part thereof. Of the whole, as to a Pro- 
trationl* tector, or Regent, may bee committed by the Predecessor 
of an Infant King, during his minority, the whole 
Administration of his Kingdome. In which case, every 
Subject is so far obliged to obedience, as the Ordinances 
he shall make, and the commands he shall give be in the 
Kings name, and not inconsistent with his Soveraigne 
Power. Of a part, or Province ; as when either a Mon 
arch, or a Soveraign Assembly, shall give the generall 
charge thereof to a Governour, Lieutenant, Praefect or 
Vice- Roy : And in this case also, every one of that 
Province, is obliged to all he shall doe in the name of 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 23. 185 

the Soveraign, and that not incompatible with the 
Soveraigns Right. For such Protectors, Vice-Roys, and 
Governors, have no other right, but what depends on 
the Soveraigns Will ; and no Commission that can be 
given them, can be interpreted for a Declaration of the 
will to transferre the Soveraignty, without expresse and 
perspicuous words to that purpose. And this kind of 
Publique Ministers resembleth the Nerves, and Tendons 
that move the severall limbs of a body naturall. 

Others have speciall Administration ; that is to say, For 
charges of some speciall businesse, either at home, or speciall 
abroad: As at home; First, for the Oeconomy of *?** 
a Common-wealth, They that have Authority concern- a sf r 
ing the Treasure, as Tributes, Impositions, Rents, Fines, Oeconomy. 
or whatsoever publique revenue, to collect, receive, issue, 
or take the Accounts thereof, are Publique Ministers : 
Ministers, because they serve the Person Representative, 
and can doe nothing against his Command, nor without 
his Authority : Publique, because they serve him in his 
Politicall Capacity. 

Secondly, they that have Authority concerning the 
Militia ; to have the custody of Armes, Forts, Ports ; to 
Levy, Pay, or Conduct Souldiers ; or to provide for any 
necessary thing for the use of war, either by Land or 
Sea, are publique Ministers. But a Souldier without 
Command, though he fight for the Common-wealth, does 
not therefore represent the Person of it ; because there is 
none to represent it to. For every one that hath com 
mand, represents it to them only whom he commandeth. 

They also that have authority to teach, or to enable For to 
others to teach the people their duty to the Soveraign Auction 
Power, and instruct them in the knowledge of what is p^p^ 
just, and unjust, thereby to render them more apt to 
live in godlinesse, and in peace amongst themselves, 
and resist the publique enemy, are Publique Ministers : 
Ministers, in that they doe it not by their own Authority, 
but by anothers ; and Publique, because they doe it 
(or should doe it) by no Authority, but that of the Sove- [125] 
raign. The Monarch, or the Soveraign Assembly only 
hath immediate Authority from God, to teach and 
instruct the people ; and no man but the Soveraign, 

186 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 23 

receiveth his power Dei gratia simply ; that is to say, 
from the favour of none but God : All other, receive 
theirs from the favour and providence of God, and their 
Soveraigns ; as in a Monarchy Dei gratia & Regis ; or 
Dei providentid < voluntate Regis. 

For Judi- They also to whom Jurisdiction is given, are Publique 
cature. Ministers. For in their Seats of Justice they represent 
the person of the Soveraign ; and their Sentence, is his 
Sentence ; For (as hath been before declared) all Judica 
ture is essentially annexed to the Soveraignty ; and 
therefore all other Judges are but Ministers of him, or 
them that have the Soveraign Power. And as Contro 
versies are of two sorts, namely of Fact and of Law ; so 
are Judgements, some of Fact, some of Law : And 
consequently in the same controversie, there may be 
two Judges, one of Fact, another of Law. 

And in both these controversies, there may arise a con 
troversie between the party Judged, and the Judge ; 
which because they be both Subjects to the Soveraign, 
ought in Equity to be Judged by men agreed on by 
consent of both ; for no man can be Judge in his own 
cause. But the Soveraign is already agreed on for Judge 
by them both, and is therefore either to heare the Cause, 
and determine it himself, or appoint for Judge such as 
they shall both agree on. And this agreement is then 
understood to be made between them divers wayes ; as 
first, if the Defendant be allowed to except against such 
of his Judges, whose interest maketh him suspect them, 
(for as to the Complaynant he hath already chosen his 
own Judge,) those which he excepteth not against, are 
Judges he himself agrees on. Secondly, if he appeale to 
any other Judge, he can appeale no further ; for his 
appeale is his choice. Thirdly, if he appeale to the 
Soveraign himself, and he by himself, or by Delegates 
which the parties shall agree on, give Sentence ; that 
Sentence is finall : for the Defendant is Judged by his 
own Judges, that is to say, by himself. 

These properties of just and rationall Judicature con 
sidered, I cannot forbeare to observe the excellent con 
stitution of the Courts of Justice, established both for 
Common, and also for Publique Pleas in England. By 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 23. 187 

Common Pleas, I meane those, where both the Com- 
playnant and Defendant are Subjects : and by Publique, 
(which are also called Pleas of the Crown) those, where 
the Complaynant is the Soveraign. For whereas there 
were two orders of men, whereof one was Lords, the 
other Commons ; The Lords had this Priviledge, to 
have for Judges in all Capitall crimes, none but Lords ; 
and of them, as many as would be present ; which being 
ever acknowledged as a Priviledge of favour, their Judges 
were none but such as they had themselves desired. And 
in all controversies, every Subject (as also in civill con 
troversies the Lords) had for Judges, men of the Country 
where the matter in controversie lay ; against which he 
might make his exceptions, till at last twelve men with- [126] 
out exception being agreed on, they were Judged by those 
twelve. So that having his own Judges, there could be 
nothing alledged by the party, why the sentence should not 
be finall. These publique persons, with Authority from the 
Soveraign Power, either to Instruct, or Judge the people, 
are such members of the Common wealth, as may fitly be 
compared to the organs of Voice in a Body naturall. 

Publique Ministers are also all those, that have For Ex- 
Authority from the Soveraign, to procure the Execution 
of Judgements given ; to publish the Soveraigns Com 
mands ; to suppresse Tumults ; to apprehend, and 
imprison Malefactors ; and other acts tending to the 
conservation of the Peace. For every act they doe by 
such Authority, is the act of the Common-wealth ; and 
their service, answerable to that of the Hands, in a Bodie 

Publique Ministers abroad, are those that represent 
the Person of their own Soveraign, to forraign States. 
Such are Ambassadors, Messengers, Agents, and Heralds, 
sent by publique Authoritie, and on publique Businesse. 

But such as are sent by Authoritie only of some private 
partie of a troubled State, though they be received, are 
neither Publique, nor Private Ministers of the Common 
wealth ; because none of their actions have the Common 
wealth for Author. Likewise, an Ambassador sent from 
a Prince, to congratulate, condole, or to assist at a 
solemnity, though the Authority be Publique ; yet 

i88 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 23. 

because the businesse is Private, and belonging to him 

in his naturall capacity ; is a Private person. Also if 

a man be sent into another Country, secretly to explore 

their counsels, and strength ; though both the Authority, 

and the Businesse be Publique ; yet because there is 

none to take notice of any Person in him, but his own ; 

he is but a Private Minister ; but yet a Minister of the 

Common-wealth ; and may be compared to an Eye in 

the Body naturall. And those that are appointed to 

receive the Petitions or other informations of the People, 

and are as it were the publique Eare, are Publique 

Ministers, and represent their Soveraign in that office. 

Counsel- Neither a Counsellor (nor a Councell of State, if we 

lers with- consider it with no Authority of Judicature or Command, 

O em-blov- ^ut on ty ^ S^ vm S Advice to the Soveraign when it is 

ment then required, or of offering it when it is not required, is 

to Advise a Publique Person. For the Advice is addressed to the 

we not Soveraign only, whose person cannot in his own presence, 

Ministers.^ represented to him, by another. But a Body of 

Counsellors, are never without some other Authority, 

either of Judicature, or of immediate Administration : 

As in a Monarchy, they represent the Monarch, in 

delivering his Commands to the Publique Ministers : In 

a Democracy, the Councell, or Senate propounds the 

Result of their deliberations to the people, as a Councell ; 

but when they appoint Judges, or heare Causes, or give 

Audience to Ambassadors, it is in the quality of a Minister 

of the People : And in an Aristocracy the Councell of 

State is the Soveraign Assembly it self ; and gives 

counsell to none but themselves. 

[127] CHAP. XXIV. 

a Common-wealth. 

The THE NUTRITION of a Common-wealth consisteth, in 

Nourish- the Plenty, and Distribution of Materials conducing to 
ment of a jjf e . j n Concoction, or Preparation ; and (when con- 
Common- ,. . ^, ~ / , -, \ 

wealth cocted) in the Conveyance of it, by convenient conduits, 

consisteth to the Publique use. 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 24. 189 

As for the Plenty of Matter, it is a thing limited by in the 
Nature, to those commodities, which from (the two Commodi- 
breasts of our common Mother) Land, and Sea, ^ 
usually either freely giveth, or for labour selleth to 

For the Matter of this Nutriment, consisting in 
Animals, Vegetals, and Minerals, God hath freely layd 
them before us, in or neer to the face of the Earth ; so 
as there needeth no more but the labour, and industry 
of receiving them. Insomuch as Plenty dependeth (next 
to Gods favour) meerly on the labour and industry 
of men. 

This Matter, commonly called Commodities, is partly 
Native, and partly Forraign : Native, that which is to be 
had within the Territory of the Common-wealth : For 
raign, that which is imported from without. And 
because there is no Territory under the Dominion of one 
Common- wealth, (except it be of very vast extent,) that 
produceth all things needfull for the maintenance, and 
motion of the whole Body ; and few that produce not 
something more than necessary ; the superfluous com 
modities to be had within, become no more superfluous, 
but supply these wants at home, by importation of that 
which may be had abroad, either by Exchange, or by 
just Warre, or by Labour : for a mans Labour also, is 
a commodity exchangeable for benefit, as well as any 
other thing : And there have been Common-wealths that 
having no more Territory, than hath served them for 
habitation, have neverthelesse, not onely maintained, 
but also encreased their Power, partly by the labour of 
trading from one place to another, and partly by selling 
the Manifactures, whereof the Materials were brought in 
from other places. 

The Distribution of the Materials of this Nourishment, 
is the constitution of Mine, and Thine, and His ; that is right Dis- 
to say, in one word Propriety ; and belongeth in all kinds tribution 
of Common-wealth to the Soveraign Power. For where f them 
there is no Common-wealth, there is (as hath been 
already shewn) a perpetuall warre of every man against 
his neighbour ; And therefore every thing is his that 
getteth it, and keepeth it by force ; which is neither 

IQO Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 24. 

Propriety, nor Community ; but Uncertainty. Which 
is so evident, that even Cicero, (a passionate defender 
of Liberty,) in a publique pleading, attributeth all 
Propriety to the Law Civil, Let the Civill Law, saith he, 
be once abandoned, or but negligently guarded, (not to say 
[128] oppressed,} and there is nothing, that any man can be sure 
to receive from his Ancestor, or leave to his Children. And 
again ; Take away the Civill Law, and no man knows 
what is his own, and what another mans. Seeing therefore 
the Introduction of Propriety is an effect of Common 
wealth ; which can do nothing but by the Person that 
Represents it, it is the act onely of the Soveraign ; and 
consisteth in the Lawes, which none can make that have 
not the Soveraign Power. And this they well knew of 
old, who called that No yuos, (that is to say, Distribution,} 
which we call Law ; and defined Justice, by distributing 
to every man his own. 

All In this Distribution, the First Law, is for Division of 

private the Land it selfe : wherein the Soveraign assigneth to 
of^land ever Y man a portion, according as he, and not according 
proceed as any Subject, or any number of them, shall judge 
originally agreeable to Equity, and the Common Good. The 
from the Children of Israel, were a Common-wealth in the Wilder- 
Disiribu- nesse ; but wanted the commodities of the Earth, till 
tion of the they were masters of the Land of Promise ; which after - 
Soveraign. ward was divided amongst them, not by their own dis 
cretion, but by the discretion of Eleazar the Priest, and 
Joshua their Generall : who when there were twelve 
Tribes, making them thirteen by subdivision of the 
Tribe of Joseph ; made neverthelesse but twelve portions 
of the Land ; and ordained for the Tribe of Levi no land ; 
but assigned them the tenth part of the whole fruits ; 
which division was therefore Arbitrary. And though 
a People comming into possession of a Land by warre, 
do not alwaies exterminate the antient .Inhabitants, (as 
did the Jewes,) but leave to many, or most, or all of them 
their estates ; yet it is manifest they hold them after 
wards, as of the Victors distribution ; as the people of 
England held all theirs of William the Conquerour. 
Propriety From whence we may collect, that the propriety which 
of a Sub- a subject hath in his lands, consisteth in a right to 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 24. 191 

exclude all other subjects from the use of them ; and feet ex- 
not to exclude their Soveraign, be it an Assembly, or eludes not 
a Monarch. For seeing the Soveraign, that is to say, the jjj n fr O f 
Common-wealth (whose Person he representeth,) is t ^ e sove- 
understood to do nothing but in order to the common raign, but 
Peace and Security, this Distribution of lands, is to be onel y t 
understod as done, in order to the same : And conse- a ^^ t 
quently, whatsoever Distribution he shall make in preju 
dice thereof, is contrary to the will of every subject, that 
committed his Peace, and safety to his discretion, and 
conscience ; and therefore by the will of every one of 
them, is to be reputed voyd. It is true, that a Soveraign 
Monarch, or the greater part of a Soveraign Assembly, 
may ordain the doing of many things in pursuit of their 
Passions, contrary to their own consciences, which is 
a breach of trust, and of the Law of Nature ; but this 
is not enough to authorise any subject, either to make 
warre upon, or so much as to accuse of Injustice, or any 
way to speak evill of their Soveraign ; because they have 
authorised all his actions, and in bestowing the Soveraign 
Power, made them their own. But in what cases the 
Commands of Soveraigns are contrary to Equity, and 
the Law of Nature, is to be considered hereafter in 
another place. 

In the Distribution of land, the Common-wealth it selfe, 
may be conceived to have a portion, and possesse, and [129] 
improve the same by their Representative ; and that The Pub- 
such portion may be made sufficient, to susteine the li( l ue is 
whole expence to the common Peace, and defence n e 
necessarily required : Which were very true, if there 
could be any Representative conceived free from humane 
passions, and infirmities. But the nature of men being 
as it is, the setting forth of Publique Land, or of any 
certaine Revenue for the Common-wealth, is in vaine ; 
and tendeth to the dissolution of Government, and to 
the condition of meere Nature, and War, assoon as ever 
the Soveraign Power f alleth into the hands of a Monarch, 
or of an Assembly, that are either too negligent of mony, 
or too hazardous in engaging the publique stock, into 
a long, or costly war. Common- wealths can endure no 
Diet : For seeing their expence is not limited by their 

192 Part 2. OF COMMON -WEALTH. Chap. 24. 

own appetite, but by externall Accidents, and the appe 
tites of their neighbours, the Publique Riches cannot be 
limited by other limits, than those which the emergent 
occasions shall require. And whereas in England, there 
were by the Conquerour, divers Lands reserved to his 
own use, (besides Forrests, and Chases, either for his 
recreation, or for preservation of Woods,) and divers 
services reserved on the Land he gave his Subjects ; yet 
it seems they were not reserved for his Maintenance" in 
his Publique, but in his Naturall capacity : For he, and 
his Successors did for all that, lay Arbitrary Taxes on all 
Subjects Land, when they judged it necessary. Or if 
those publique Lands, and Services, were ordained as 
a sufficient maintenance of the Common -wealth, it was 
contrary to the scope of the Institution ; being (as it 
appeared by those ensuing Taxes) insufficient, and (as it 
appeares by the late small Revenue of the Crown) Subject 
to Alienation, and Diminution. It is therefore in vaine, 
to assign a portion to the Common-wealth ; which may 
sell, or give it away; and does sell, and give it away 
when tis done by their Representative. 

The As the Distribution of Lands at home ; so also to 

Places and assigne in what places, and for what commodities, the 
Traffiue Sub J ect sha11 traffique abroad, belongeth to the Sove- 
dependfas ra ig n - For if it did belong to private persons to use their 
their Dis- own discretion therein, some of them would bee drawn 
tribution, for gaine, both to furnish the enemy with means to hurt 
s the n the Common-wealth, and hurt it themselves, by import - 
" ing such things, as pleasing mens appetites, be never- 
thelesse noxious, or at least unprofitable to them. And 
therefore it belongeth to the Common -wealth, (that is, 
to the Soveraign only,) to approve, or disapprove both 
of the places, and matter of forraign Traffique. 
The Laws Further, seeing it is not enough to the Sustentation 
of a Common-wealth, that every man have a propriety 
^rapnet m a P ort i n f Land, or in some few commodities, or 
belong also a naturall property in some usefull art, and there is no 
totheSove- art in the world, but is necessary either for the being, 
or we rj being almost of every particular man ; it is 
necessary, that men distribute that which they can 
spare, and transferre their propriety therein, mutually 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH, Chap. 24. 193 

one to another, by exchange, and mutuall contract. 
And therefore it belongeth to the Common -wealth, (that [ T 3o] 
is to -say, to the Soveraign,) to appoint in what manner, 
all kinds of contract between Subjects, (as buying, 
selling, exchanging, borrowing, lending, letting, and 
taking to hire,) are to bee made ; and by what words, 
and signes they shall be understood for valid. And 
for the Matter, and Distribution of the Nourishment, 
to the severall Members of the Common-wealth, thus 
much (considering the modell of the whole worke) is 
sufficient. . 

By Concoction, I understand the reducing of all com- Mony the 
modities, which are not presently consumed, but reserved Bloud of a 
for Nourishment in time to come, to some thing of equall 
value, and withall so portable, as not to hinder the 
motion of men from place to place ; to the end a man 
may have in what place soever, such Nourishment as the 
place affordeth. And this is nothing else but Gold, and 
Silver, and Mony. For Gold and Silver, being (as it 
happens) almost in all Countries of the world highly 
valued, is a commodious measure of the value of all things 
else between Nations ; and Mony (of what matter soever j 
coyned by the Soveraign of a Common- wealth,) is a suffi 
cient measure of the value of all things else, between the I 
Subjects of that Common- wealth. By the means of 
which measures, all commodities, Moveable, and Im- 
moveable, are made to accompany a man, to all places 
of his resort, within and without the place of his ordinary 
residence ; and the same passeth from Man to Man, 
within the Common-wealth ; and goes round about, 
I Nourishing (as it passeth) every part thereof ; In so 
I much as. this Concoction, is as it were the Sanguification 
i| of the Common-wealth : For naturall Bloud is in like 
manner made of the fruits of the Earth ; and circulating, 
nourisheth by the way, every Member of the Body of 

And because Silver and Gold, have their value from 
the matter it self ; they have first this priviledge, that 
the value of them cannot be altered by the power of one, 
nor of a few Common-wealths ; as being a common 
measure of the commodities of all places. But base 



The Con 
duits and 
Way of 
mony to 
the Pub 
lique use. 

The Chil 
dren of a 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 24. 

Mony, may easily be enhansed, or abased. Secondly, 
they have the priviledge to make Common-wealths 
move, and stretch out their armes, when need is, into 
forraign Countries ; and supply, not only private Sub 
jects that travell, but also whole Armies with Provision. 
But that Coyne, which is not considerable for the Matter, 
but for the Stamp of the place, being unable to endure 
change of ayr, hath its effect at home only ; where also 
it is subject to the change of Laws, and thereby to have 
the value diminished, to the prejudice many times of 
those that have it. 

The Conduits, and Wayes by which it is conveyed to 
the Publique use, are of two sorts ; One, that Conveyeth 
it to the Publique Coffers ; The other, that Issueth the 
same out againe for publique payments. Of the first 
sort, are Collectors, Receivers, and Treasurers ; of the 
second are the Treasurers againe, and the Officers 
appointed for payment of severall publique or private 
Ministers. And in this also, the Artificiall Man maintains 
his resemblance with the Naturall ; whose Veins receiv 
ing the Bloud from the severall Parts of the Body, carry 
it to the Heart ; where being made Vitall, the Heart 
by the Arteries sends it out again, to enliven, and enable 
for motion all the Members of the same. 

The Procreation, or Children of a Common-wealth, are 
those we call Plantations, or Colonies ; which are num 
bers of men sent out from the Common -wealth, under 
a Conductor, or Governour, to inhabit a Forraign Coun 
try, either formerly voyd of Inhabitants, or made voyd 
then, by warre. And when a Colony is setled, they are 
either a Common-wealth of themselves, discharged of 
their subjection to their Soveraign that sent them, (as 
hath been done by many Common -wealths of antient 
time,) in which case the Common-wealth from which 
they went, was called their Metropolis, or Mother, and 
requires no more of them, then Fathers require of the 
Children, whom they emancipate, and make free from 
their domestique government, which is Honour, and 
Friendship ; or else they remain united to their Metro 
polis, as were the Colonies of the people of Rome ; and 
then they are no Common-wealths themselves, but Pro- | 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 25. 195 

vinces, and parts of the Common-wealth that sent them. 
So that the Right of Colonies (saving Honour, and 
League with their Metropolis,) dependeth wholly on their 
Licence, or Letters, by which their Soveraign authorised 
them to Plant. 



How fallacious it is to judge of the nature of things, Counsell 
by the ordinary and inconstant use of words, appeareth 
in nothing more, than in the confusion of Counsels, and 
Commands, arising from the Imperative manner of 
speaking in them both, and in many other occasions 
besides. For the words Doe this., are the words not onely 
of him. that Commandeth ; but also of him that giveth 
Counsell ; and of him that Exhorteth ; and yet there 
are but few, that see not, that these are very different 
things ; or that cannot distinguish between them, when 
they perceive who it is that speaketh, and to whom the 
Speech is directed, and upon what occasion. But find 
ing those phrases in mens writings, and being not able, 
or not willing to enter into a consideration of the circum 
stances, they mistake sometimes the Precepts of Coun- 
sellours, for the Precepts of them that Command ; and 
sometimes the contrary ; according as it best agreeth 
with the conclusions they would inferre, or the actions 
they approve. To avoyd which mistakes, and render to 
those termes of Commanding, Counselling, and Exhorting, 
their proper and distinct significations. I define them 

COMMAND is where a man saith, Doe this, or Doe not Differ- 
this, without expecting other reason than the Will of ences be- 
him that sayes it. From this it followeth manifestly, tweencom- 
that he that Commandeth, pretendeth thereby his own * 
Benefit : For the reason of his Command is his own | Will 
onely, and the proper object of every mans Will, is some [132! 
Good to himselfe. 

COUNSELL, is where a man saith, Doe, or Doe not this, 
and deduceth his reasons from the benefit that arriveth 
by it to him to whom he saith it. And from this it is 

o 2 

196 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 25. 

evident, that he that giveth Counsell, pretendeth onely 
(whatsoever he intendeth) the good of him, to whom he 
giveth it. 

Therefore between Counsell and Command, one great 
difference is, that Command is directed to a mans own 
benefit ; and Counsell to the benefit of another man. 
And from this ariseth another difference, that a man 
may be obliged to do what he is Commanded ; as when 
he hath covenanted to obey : But he cannot be obliged 
to do as he is Counselled, because the hurt of not follow 
ing it, is his own ; or if he should covenant to follow it, 
then is the Counsell turned into the nature of a Com 
mand. A third difference between them is, that no man 
can pretend a right to be of another mans Counsell ; 
because he is not to pretend benefit by it to himselfe : but 
to demand right to Counsell another, argues a .will to 
know his designes, or to gain some other Good to him 
selfe ; which (as I said before) is of every mans will the 
proper object. 

This also is incident to the nature of Counsell ; that 
whatsoever it be, he that asketh it, cannot in equity 
accuse, or punish it : For to ask Counsell of another, is 
to permit him to give such Counsell as he shall think 
best ; And consequently, he that giveth counsell to his 
Soveraign, (whether a Monarch, or an Assembly) when 
he asketh it, cannot in equity be punished for it, whether 
the same be conformable to the opinion of the most, 
or not, so it be to the Proposition in debate. For if 
the sense of the Assembly can be taken notice of, before 
the Debate be ended, they should neither ask, nor take 
any further Counsell ; For the Sense of the Assembly, 
is the Resolution of the Debate, and End of all Delibera 
tion. And generally he that demandeth Counsell, is 
Author of it ; and therefore cannot punish it ; and 
what the Soveraign cannot, no man else can. But if 
one Subject giveth Counsell to another, to do any thing 
contrary to the Lawes, whether that Counsell proceed 
from evill intention, or from ignorance onely, it is 
punishable by the Common-wealth ; because ignorance 
of the Law, is no good excuse, where every man is bound 
to take notice of the Lawes to which he is subject. 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 25. 197 

EXHORTATION, and DEHORTATION, is Counsell, accom- Exhorta- 
panied with signes in him that giveth it, of vehement tion and 
desire to have it followed ; or to say it more briefly, ffo 
Counsell vehemently pressed. For he that Exhorteth, 
doth not deduce the consequences of what he adviseth 
to be done, and tye himselfe therein to the rigour of 
true reasoning ; but encourages him he Counselleth, to 
Action : As he that Dehorteth, deterreth him from it. 
And therefore they have in their speeches, a regard to 
the common Passions, and opinions of men, in deducing 
their reasons ; and make use of Similitudes, Metaphors, 
Examples, and other tooles of Oratory, to perswade 
their Hearers of the Utility, Honour, or Justice of 
following their advise. 

From whence may be inferred, First, that Exhortation [133] 
and Dehortation, is directed to the Good of him that 
giveth the Counsell, not of him that asketh it, which is 
contrary to the duty of a Counsellour ; who (by the 
definition of Counsell) ought to regard, not his own 
benefit, but his whom he adviseth. And that he 
directeth his Counsell to his own benefit, is manifest 
enough, by the long and vehement urging, or by the 
artificiall giving thereof ; which being not required of 
lim, and consequently proceeding from his own occa- 
ions, is directed principally to his own benefit, and but 
accidentarily to the good of him that is Counselled, or 
not at all. 

Secondly, that the use of Exhortation and Dehorta- 
;ion lyeth onely, where a man is to speak to a Multitude ; 
Because when the Speech is addressed to one, he may 
nterrupt him, and examine his reasons more rigorously, 
;han can be done in a Multitude ; which are too many 
to enter into Dispute, and Dialogue with him that 
speaketh indifferently to them all at once. 

Thirdly, that they that Exhort and Dehort, where 
they are required to give Counsell, are corrupt Coun- 
sellours, and as it were bribed by their own interest. 
For though the Counsell they give be never so good ; 
yet he that gives it, is no more a good Counsellour, 
han he that giveth a Just Sentence for a reward, is 
a Just Judge. But where a man may lawfully Com- 

igS Part 2. OF COMMON -WEALTH. Chap. 25. 

mand, as a Father in his Family, or a Leader in an 
Army, his Exhortations and Dehortations, are not onely 
lawfull, but also necessary, and laudable : But then 
they are no more Counsells, but Commands ; which 
when they are for Execution of soure labour ; some 
times necessity, and alwayes humanity requireth to be 
sweetned in the delivery, by encouragement, and in the 
tune and phrase of Counsell, rather then in harsher 
language of Command. 

Examples of the difference between Command and 
Counsell, we may take from the formes of Speech that 
expresse them in Holy Scripture. Have no other Gods 
but me ; Make to thy selfe no graven Image ; Take not 
Gods name in vain ; Sanctifie the Sabbath ; Honour thy 
Parents ; Kill not ; Steale not, &c. are Commands ; 
because the reason for which we are to obey them, is 
drawn from the will of God our King, whom we are 
obliged to obey. But these words, Sell all thou hast ; 
give it to the poore ; and, follow me, are Counsell ; because 
the reason for which we are to do so, is drawn from 
our own benefit ; which is this, that we shall have 
Treasure in heaven. These words, Go into the Village 
over against you, and you shall find an Asse tyed, and 
her Colt ; loose her, and bring her to me, are a Command : 
for the reason of their fact is drawn from the will of 
their Master : but these words, Repent, and be Baptized 
in the Name of Jesus, are Counsell ; because the reason 
why we should so do, tendeth not to any benefit of 
God Almighty, who shall still be King in what manner 
soever we rebell ; but of our selves, who have no other 
means of avoyding the punishment hanging over us 
for our sins. 

As the difference of Counsell from Command, hath 
been now deduced from the nature of Counsell, con- 
[i34]sisting in a deducing of the benefit, or hurt that may 
Differ- arise to him that is to be Counselled, by the necessary 
ences of fit or probable consequences of the action he propoundeth ; 
counsel* so ma y a ^ so t ^ ie differences between apt, and inept 
lours. Counsellours be derived from the same. For Experi 
ence, being but Memory of the consequences ol like 
actions formerly observed, and Counsell but the Speech 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 25. 199 

whereby that experience is made known to another ; 
the Vertues, and Defects of Counsell, are the same 
with the Vertues, and Defects Intellectuall : And to 
the Person of a Common-wealth, his Counsellours 
serve him in the place of Memory, and Mental] Dis 
course. But with this resemblance of the Common 
wealth, to a naturall man, there is one dissimilitude 
joyned, of great importance ; which is, that a naturall 
man receiveth his experience, from the naturall objects 
of sense, which work upon him without passion, or 
interest of their own ; whereas they that give Counsell 
to the Representative person of a Common-wealth, may 
have, and have often their particular ends, and passions, 
that render their Counsells alwayes suspected, and 
many times unfaithfull. And therefore we may set 
down for the first condition of a good Counsellour, 
That his Ends, and Interest, be not inconsistent with the 
Ends and Interest of him he Counselleth. 

Secondly, Because the office of a Counsellour, when 
an action comes into deliberation, is to make manifest 
the consequences of it, in such manner, as he that is 
Counselled may be truly and evidently informed ; he 
ought to propound his advise, in such forme of speech, 
as may make the truth most evidently appear ; that 
is to say, with as firme ratiocination, as significant and 
\\ proper language, and as briefly, as the evidence will 
permit. And therefore rash, and unevident Inferences ; 
(such as are fetched onely from Examples, or authority 
of Books, and are not arguments of what is good, or 
evill, but witnesses of fact, or of opinion,) obscure, 
\\ confused, and ambiguous Expressions, also all meta- 
I phoricall Speeches, tending to the stirring up of Passion, 
(because such reasoning, and such expressions, are 
usefull onely to deceive, or to lead him we Counsell 
towards other ends than his own) are repugnant to the 
Office of a Counsellour. 

Thirdly, Because the Ability of Counselling proceedeth 
from Experience, and long study ; and no man is pre 
sumed to have experience in all those things that to the 
Administration of a great Common-wealth are necessary 
to be known, No man is presumed to be a good Counsellour, 

200 Part 2. OF COMMON -WEALTH. Chap. 25. 

but in such Businesse, as he hath not onely been much 
versed in, but hath also much meditated on, and considered. 
For seeing the businesse of a Common-wealth is this, 
to preserve the people in Peace at home, and defend 
them against forraign Invasion, we shall find, it requires 
great knowledge of the disposition of Man-kind, of the 
Rights of Government, and of the nature of Equity, 
Law, Justice, and Honour, not to be attained without 
study ; And of the Strength, Commodities, Places, both 
of their own Country, and their Neighbours ; as also 
of the inclinations, and designes of all Nations that 
may any way annoy them. And this is not attained 
to, without much experience. Of which things, not 
[135] onely the whole summe, but every one of the particulars 
requires the age, and observation of a man in years, 
and of more than ordinary study. The wit required for 
Counsel, as I have said before (Chap. 8.) is Judgement. 
And the differences of men in that point come from 
different education, of some to one kind of study, or 
businesse, and of others to another. When for the 
doing of any thing, there be Infallible rules, (as in 
Engines, and Edifices, the rules of Geometry,) all the 
experience of the world cannot equal his Counsell, that 
has learnt, or found out the Rule. And when there is 
no such Rule, he that hath most experience in that 
particular kind of businesse, has therein the best Judge 
ment, and is the best Counsellour. 

Fourthly, to be able to give Counsell to a Common 
wealth, in a businesse that hath reference to another 
Common -wealth, It is necessary to be acquainted with the 
Intelligences, and Letters that come from thence, and 
with all the records of Treaties, and other transactions of 
State between them ; which none can doe, but such 
as the Representative shall think fit. By which we 
may see, that they who are not called to Counsell, can 
have no good Counsell in such cases to obtrude. 

Fifthly, Supposing the number of Counsellors equall, 
a man is better Counselled by hearing them apart, then 
in an Assembly ; and that for many causes. First, in 
hearing them apart, you have the advice of every man ; 
but in an Assembly many of them deliver their advise 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 25. 201 

with /, or No, or with their hands, or feet, not moved 
by their own sense, but by the eloquence of another, 
or for feare of displeasing some that have spoken, or 
the whole Assembly, by contradiction ; or for feare of 
appearing duller in apprehension, than those that have 
applauded the contrary opinion. Secondly, in an 
Assembly of many, there cannot choose but be some 
whose interests are contrary to that of the Publique ; 
and these their Interests make passionate, and Passion 
eloquent, and Eloquence drawes others into the same 
advice. For the Passions of men, which asunder are 
moderate, as the heat of one brand ; in Assembly are 
like many brands, that enflame one another, (especially 
when they blow one another with Orations) to the 
setting of the Common-wealth on fire, under pretence 
of Counselling it. Thirdly, in hearing every man apart, 
one may examine (when there is need) the truth, or 
probability of his reasons, and of the grounds of the 
advise he gives, by frequent interruptions, and objec 
tions ; which cannot be done in an Assembly, where (in 
every difficult question) a man is rather astonied, and 
dazled with the variety of discourse upon it, than 
informed of the course he ought to take. Besides, there 
cannot be an Assembly of many, called together for 
advice, wherein there be not some, that have the ambi 
tion to be thought eloquent, and also learned in the 
Politiques; and give not their advice with care of the 
businesse propounded, but of the applause of their 
motly orations, made of the divers colored threds, or 
shreds of Authors ; which is an Impertinence at least, 
that takes away the time of serious Consultation, and 
in the secret way of Counselling apart, is easily avoided. [136] 
Fourthly, in Deliberations that ought to be kept secret, 
(whereof there be many occasions in Publique Businesse,) 
the Counsells of many, and especially in Assemblies, 
are dangerous ; And therefore great Assemblies are 
necessitated to commit such affaires to lesser numbers, 
and of such persons as are most versed, and in whose 
fidelity they have most confidence. 

To conclude, who is there that so far approves the 
taking of Counsell from a great Assembly of Counsellours, 

202 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 25. 

that wisheth for, or would accept of their pains, when 
there is a question of marrying his Children, disposing 
of his Lands, governing his Household, or managing his 
private Estate, especially if there be amongst them such 
as wish not his prosperity ? A man that doth his 
businesse by the help of many and prudent Counsellours, 
with every one consulting apart in his proper element, 
does it best, as he that useth able Seconds at Tennis 
play, placed in their proper stations. He does next 
best, that useth his own Judgement only ; as he that 
has no Second at all. But he that is carried up and 
down to his businesse in a framed Counsell, which 
cannot move but by the plurality of consenting opinions, 
the execution whereof is commonly (out of envy, or 
interest) retarded by the part dissenting, does it worst 
of all, and like one that is carried to the ball, though 
by good Players, yet in a Wheele-barrough, or other 
frame, heavy of it self, and retarded also by the incon- 
current judgements, and endeavours of them that 
drive it ; and so much the more, as they be more that 
set their hands to it ; and most of all, when there is one, 
or more amongst them, that desire to have him lose. 
And though it be true, that many eys see more then 
one ; yet it is not to be understood of many Coun 
sellours ; but then only, when the finall Resolution is 
in one man. Otherwise, because many eyes see the 
same thing in divers lines, and are apt to look asquint 
towards their private benefit ; they that desire not to 
misse their marke, though they look about with two 
eyes, yet they never ayme but with one ; Arid therefore 
no great Popular Common-wealth was ever kept up ; 
but either by a forraign Enemy that united them ; 
or by the reputation of some one eminent Man amongst 
them ; or by the secret Counsell of a few ; or by the 
mutuall feare of equall factions ; and not by the open 
Consultations of the Assembly. And as for very httle 
Common-wealths, be they Popular, or Monarchicall, 
there is no humane wisdome can uphold them, longer 
then the Jealousy lasteth of their potent Neighbours. 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 26. 203 


BY CIVILL LAWES, I understand the Lawes, that 
men are therefore bound to observe, because they are what. 
Members, not of this, or that Common -wealth in par 
ticular, but of a Common-wealth. For the knowledge of 
particular Lawes belongeth to them, that professe the [137] 
study of the Lawes of their severall Countries ; but the 
knowledge of Civill Law in generall, to any man. The 
antient Law of Rome was called their Civil Law, from 
the word Civitas, which signifies a Common-wealth : 
And those Countries, which having been under the 
Roman Empire, and governed by that Law, retaine 
still such part thereof as they think fit, call that part 
the Civill Law, to distinguish it from the rest of their 
own Civill Lawes. But that is not it I intend to speak 
of here ; my designe being not to shew what is Law 
here, and there ; but what is Law ; as Plato, Aristotle, 
Cicero, and divers others have done, without taking 
upon them the profession of the study of the Law. 

And first it is manifest, that Law in generall, is not 
Counsell. but Command ; nor a Command of any man 
to any man ; but only of him, whose Command is 
addressed to one formerly obliged to obey him. And 
as for Civill Law, it addeth only the name of the person 
Commanding, which is Persona Civitatis, the Person of 
the Common-wealth. 

Which considered, I define Civill Law in this manner. 
CIVILL LAW, 7s to every Subject, those Rules, which the 
Common-wealth hath Commanded him, by Word, Writing, 
or other sufficient Sign of the Will, to make use of, for the 
Distinction of Right, and Wrong ; that is to say, of what 
is contrary, and what is not contrary to the Rule. 

In which definition, there is nothing that is not at 
first sight evident. For every man seeth, that some 
Lawes are addressed to all the Subjects in generall ; 
some to particular Provinces ; some to particular 
Vocations ; and some to particular Men ; and are 
therefore Lawes, to every of those to whom the Com- 

204 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 26. 

mand is directed ; and to none else. As also, that 
Lawes are the Rules of Just, and Unjust ; nothing 
being reputed Unjust, that is not contrary to some 
Law. Likewise, that none can make Lawes but the 
Common- wealth ; because our Subjection is to the 
Common -wealth only : and that Commands, are to be 
signified by sufficient Signs ; because a man knows not 
otherwise how to obey them. And therefore, whatso 
ever can from this definition by necessary consequence 
be deduced, ought to be acknowledged for truth. Now 
I deduce from it this that followeth. 

The Save- i. The Legislator in all Common-wealths, is only the 
raignis Soveraign, be he one Man, as in a Monarchy, or one 
or Assembly of men, as in a Democracy, or Aristocracy. 
For the Legislator, is he that maketh the Law. And 
the Common- wealth only, prescribes, and commandeth 
the observation of those rules, which we call Law : 
Therefore the Common-wealth is the Legislator. But the 
Common-wealth is no Person, nor has capacity to doe any 
thing, but by the Representative, (that is, the Soveraign ;) 
and therefore the Soveraign is the sole Legislator. For 
the same reason, none can abrogate a Law made, but the 
Soveraign ; because a Law is not abrogated, but by another 
Law, that forbiddeth it to be put in execution. 

2. The Soveraign of a Common -wealth, be it an 

Assembly, or one Man, is not Subject to the Civill 

[138] Lawes. For having power to make, and repeale Lawes, 

And not he may when he pleaseth, free himselfe from that 

Subject subjection, by repealing those Lawes that trouble him, 

to Civill an( j making of new ; and consequently he was free 

before. For he is free, that can be free when he will : 

Nor is it possible for any person to be bound to himselfe ; 

because he that can bind, can release ; and therefore 

he that is bound to himselfe onely, is not bound. 

Use, a 3. When long Use obtaineth the authority of a Law, 

Law not j t j s not the Length of Time that maketh the Authority, 

of Time, but the Wil1 of the Soveraign signified by his silence, 

but of (for Silence is sometimes an argument of Consent ;) 

the Sove- and it is no longer Law, then the Soveraign shall b3 

raigns silent therein. And therefore if the Soveraign shall 

consent. haye a q uest i on o f Right grounded, not upon his present 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 26. 205 

Will, but upon the Lawes formerly made ; the Length 
of Time shal bring no prejudice to his Right ; but the 
question shal be judged by Equity. For many unjust 
Actions, and unjust Sentences, go uncontrolled a longer 
time, than any man can remember. And our Lawyers 
account no Customes Law, but such as are reasonable, 
and that evill Customes are to be abolished : But the 
Judgement of what is reasonable, and of what is to be 
abolished, belongeth to him that maketh the Law, which 
is the Soveraign Assembly, or Monarch. 

4. The Law of Nature, and the Civill Law, contain The Law 
each other, and are of equall extent. For the Lawes of f Nature, 
Nature, which consist in Equity, Justice, Gratitude, and 2^7/Lo/ 
other morall Vertues on these depending, in the condition contain 
of meer Nature (as I have said before in the end of the each other. 
I5th Chapter,) are not properly Lawes, but qualities that 
dispose men to peace, and to obedience. When a Com 
mon-wealth is once settled, then are they actually Lawes, 
and not before ; as being then the commands of the 
Common-wealth ; and therefore also Civill Lawes : For 
it is the Soveraign Power that obliges men to obey them. 
For in the differences of private men, to declare, what is 
Equity, what is Justice, and what is morall Vertue, and 
to make them binding, there is need of the Ordinances 
of Soveraign Power, and Punishments to be ordained for 
such as shall break them ; which Ordinances are there 
fore part of the Civill Law. The Law of Nature there 
fore is a part of the Civill Law in all Common -wealths 
of the world. Reciprocally also, the Civill Law is a part 
of the Dictates of Nature. For Justice, that is to say, 
Performance of Covenant, and giving to every man his 
own, is a Dictate of the Law of Nature. But every 
subject in a Common- wealth, hath covenanted to obey 
the Civill Law, (either one with another, as when they 
assemble to make a common Representative, or with the 
Representative it selfe one by one, when subdued by the 
Sword they promise obedience, that they may receive 
life ;) And therefore Obedience to the Civill Law is part 
also of the Law of Nature. Civill, and Naturall Law are 
not different kinds, but different parts of Law ; whereof 
one part being written, is called Civill, the other un- 

206 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 26. 

written, Naturall. But the Right of Nature, that is, the 
naturall Liberty of man, may by the Civill Law be 
abridged, and restrained : nay, the end of making Lawes, 
is no other, but such Restraint ; without the which there 
cannot possibly be any Peace. And Law was brought 
[139] into the world for nothing else, but to limit the naturall 
liberty of particular men, in such manner, as they might 
not hurt, but assist one another, and joyn together 
against a common Enemy. 

Provinci- 5. If the Soveraign of one Common -wealth, subdue 
all Lawes a People that have lived under other written Lawes, arid 
madby afterwards govern them by the same Lawes, by which 
Custome, they were governed before ; yet those Lawes are the 
but by the Civill Lawes of the Victor, and not of the Vanquished 
Soveraign Common- wealth. For the Legislator is he, not by whose 
ler authority the Lawes were first made, but by whose 
authority they now continue to be Lawes. And therefore 
where there be divers Provinces, within the Dominion 
of a Common -wealth, and in those Provinces diversity 
of Lawes, which commonly are called the Customes of 
each severall Province, we are not to understand that 
such Customes have their force, onely from Length of 
Time ; but that they were antiently Lawes written, 
or otherwise made known, for the Constitutions, and 
Statutes of their Soveraigns ; and are now Lawes, not by 
vertue of the Prescription of time, but by the Constitu 
tions of their present Soveraigns. But if an unwritten 
Law, in all the Provinces of a Dominion, shall be generally 
observed, and no iniquity appear in the use thereof ; that 
Law can be no other but a Law of Nature, equally oblig 
ing all man-kind. 

Some 6. Seeing then all Lawes, written, and unwritten, have 

foolish their Authority, and force, from the Will of the Com- 
mon-wealth ; that is to say, from the Will of the Rcpre- 
sentative ; which in a Monarchy is the Monarch, and in 
ing the other Common-wealths the Soveraign Assembly ; a man 
making of may wonder from whence proceed such opinions, as are 
Lawes. found in the Books of Lawyers of eminence in severall 
Common-wealths, directly, or by consequence making 
the Legislative Power depend on private men, or subor 
dinate Judges. As for example, That the Common Law, 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 26. 207 

hath no Controuler but the Parlament ; which is true onely 
where a Parlament has the Soveraign Power, and cannot 
be assembled, nor dissolved, but by their own discretion. 
For if there be a right in any else to dissolve them, there 
is a right also to controule them, and consequently to 
controule their controulings. And if there be no such 
right, then the Controuler of Lawes is not Parlamentum, 
but Rex in Parlamento. And where a Parlament is Sove 
raign, if it should assemble never so many, or so wise 
men, from the Countries subject to them, for whatsoever 
cause ; yet there is no man will believe, that such an 
Assembly hath thereby acquired to themselves a Legis 
lative Power. Item, that the two arms of a Common 
wealth, are Force, and Justice ; the first whereof is in the 
King ; the other deposited in the hands of the Parlament. 
As if a Common-wealth could consist, where the Force 
were in any hand, which Justice had not the Authority 
to command and govern. 

7. That Law can never be against Reason, our Lawyers 
are agreed ; and that not the Letter, (that is, every con 
struction of it,) but that which is according to the Inten 
tion of the Legislator, is the Law. And it is true : but 
the doubt is, of whose Reason it is, that shall be received 
for Law. It is not meant of any private Reason ; for 
then there would be as much contradiction in the Lawes, [140] 
as there is in the Schooles ; nor yet, (as Sr. Ed. Coke Sir Edw. 
makes it,) an Artificiall -perfection of Reason, gotten by Coke, 
long study, observation, and experience, (as his was.) For ?^tS t / 
it is possible long study may encrease, and confirm erro- /^ 2 . Ch. 
neous Sentences : and where men build on false grounds, 6. fol. 97. b. 
the more they build, the greater is the ruine : and of 
those that study, and observe with equall time, and 
diligence, the reasons and resolutions are, and must 
remain discordant : and therefore it is not that Juris 
prudentia, or wisedome of subordinate Judges ; but the 
Reason of this our Artificiall Man the Common-wealth, 
and his Command, that maketh Law : And the Common 
wealth being in their Representative but one Person, 
there cannot easily arise any contradiction in the Lawes ; 
and when there doth, the same Reason is able, by inter 
pretation, or alteration, to take it away. In all Courts 

208 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 26. 

of Justice, the Soveraign (which is the Person of the 
Common-wealth,) is he that Judgeth : The subordinate 
Judge, ought to have regard to the reason, which 
moved his Soveraign to make such Law, that his Sen 
tence may be according thereunto ; which then is his 
Soveraigns Sentence ; otherwise it is his own, and an 
unjust one. 

Law 8. From this, that the Law is a Command, and a 

made, if Command consisteth in declaration, or manifestation of 
not also ^ ne w jrj o f him that commandeth, bv vovce, writing, or 
made re j *lt_ 

known, is some other sufficient argument of the same, we may 

no Law. understand, that the Command of the Common-wealth, 
is Law onely to those, that have means to take notice 
of it. Over naturall fooles, children, or mad-men there 
is no Law, no more than over brute beasts ; nor are they 
capable of the title of just, or unjust ; because they had 
never power to make any covenant, or to understand 
the consequences thereof ; and consequently never took 
upon them to authorise the actions of any Soveraign, as 
they must do that make to themselves a Common-wealth. 
And as those from whom Nature, or Accident hath taken 
away the notice of all Lawes in generall ; so also every 
man, from whom any accident, not proceeding from his 
own default, hath taken away the means to take notice 
of any particular Law, is excused, if he observe it not ; 
And to speak properly, that Law is no Law to him. It 
is therefore necessary, to consider in this place, what 
arguments, and signes be sufficient for the knowledge of 
what is the Law ; that is to say, what is the will of the 
Soveraign, as well in Monarchies, as in other formes of 

Unwritten And first, if it be a Law that obliges all the Subjects 
Lawes are without exception, and is not written, nor otherwise pub- 
LawesoT ! ished in such places as they may take notice thereof, it 
Nature, is a Law of Nature. For whatsoever men are to take 
knowledge of for Law, not upon other mens words, but 
every one from his own reason, must be such as is agree 
able to the reason of all men ; which no Law can be, but 
the Law of Nature. The Lawes of Nature therefore need 
not any publishing, nor Proclamation ; as being con 
tained in this one Sentence, approved by all the world, i 

Part 2. . OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 26. 209 

Do not that to another, which thou thinkest unreasonable 
to be done by another to thy selfe. 

Secondly, if it be a Law that obliges only some con- [141] 
dition of men, or one particular man, and be not written, 
nor published by word, then also it is a Law of Nature ; 
and known by the same arguments, and signs, that dis 
tinguish those in such a condition, from other Subjects. 
For whatsoever Law is not written, or some way pub 
lished by him that makes it Law, can be known no way, 
but by the reason of him that is to obey it ; and is there 
fore also a Law not only Civill, but Naturall. For Example, 
if the Soveraign employ a Publique Minister, without 
written Instructions what to doe ; he is obliged to take 
for Instructions the Dictates of Reason ; As if he make 
a Judge, The Judge is to take notice, that his Sentence 
ought to be according to the reason of his Soveraign, 
which being alwaies understood to be Equity, he is bound 
to it by the Law of Nature : Or if an Ambassador, he is 
(in all things not conteined in his written Instructions) 
to take for Instruction that which Reason dictates to 
be most conducing to his Soveraigns interest ; and so of 
all other Ministers of the Soveraignty, publique and 
private. All which Instructions of natural! Reason may 
be comprehended under one name of Fidelity ; which is 
a branch of naturall Justice. 

The Law of Nature excepted, it belongeth to the 
essence of all other Lawes, to be made known, to every 
man that shall be obliged to obey them, either by word, 
or writing, or some other act, known to proceed from 
the Soveraign Authority. For the will of another, cannot 
be understood, but by his own word, or act, or by con 
jecture taken from his scope and purpose ; which in the 
person of the Common-wealth, is to be supposed alwaies 
consonant to Equity and Reason. And in antient time, 
before letters were in common use, the Lawes were 
many times put into verse ; that the rude people taking 
pleasure in singing, or reciting them, might the more 
easily reteine them in memory. And for the same reason 
Solomon adviseth a man, to bind the ten Commande- 
ments * upon his ten fingers. And for the Law which *Prov.7.$. 
Moses gave to the people of Israel at the renewing of the 


210 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 26. 

*Deut. 1 1 . Covenant, * he biddeth them to teach it their Children, 
19- by discoursing of it both at home, and upon the way ; at 

going to bed, and at rising from bed ; and to write it upon 
*Deut. 3 1 . the posts, and dores of their houses ; and * to assemble 
12. the people, man, woman, and child, to heare it read. 

Nothing Nor is it enough the Law be written, and published ; 
is Law but also that there be manifest signs, that it proceedeth 
where the f rO m the will of the Soveraign. For private men, when 
cannot be ^7 nave > or think they have force enough to secure 
known. their unjust designes, and convoy them safely to their 
ambitious ends, may publish for Lawes what they please, 
without, or against the Legislative Authority. There is 
therefore requisite, not only a Declaration of the Law, 
but also sufficient signes of the Author, and Authority. 
The Author, or Legislator is supposed in every Common 
wealth to be evident, because he is the Soveraign, who 
having been Constituted by the consent of every one, is 
supposed by every one to be sufficiently known. And 
though the ignorance, and security of men be such, for 
[142] the most part, as that when the memory of the first Con 
stitution of their Common-wealth is worn out, they doe 
not consider, by whose power they use to be defended 
against their enemies, and to have their industry pro 
tected, and to be righted when injury is done them ; yet 
because no man that considers, can make question of it, 
no excuse can be derived from the ignorance of where 
the Soveraignty is placed. And it is a Dictate of Naturall 
Reason, and consequently an evident Law of Nature, 
that no man ought to weaken that power, the protection 
whereof he hath himself demanded, or wittingly received 
against others. Therefore of who is Soveraign, no man, 
but by his own fault, (whatsoever evill men suggest,) can 
make any doubt. The difficulty consisteth in the evidence 
of the Authority derived from him ; The removing where 
of, dependeth on the knowledge of the publique Registers, 
publique Counsels, publique Ministers, and publique 
Difference Scales ; by which all Lawes are sufficiently verified ; 
between Verifyed, I say, not Authorised : for the Verification, is , 
emdAu^ 8 but the Testimon y and Record ; not the Authority of j 
thorising. ^ ne Law ; which- consisteth in the Command of the j 
Soveraign only. 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 26. 211 

If therefore a man have a question of Injury, depend- The Law 
ing on the Law of Nature ; that is to say, on common Verifyed 
Equity ; the Sentence of the Judge, that by Commission 
hath Authority to take cognisance of such causes, is 
a sufficient Verification of the Law of Nature in that 
individuall case. For though the advice of one that 
professeth the study of the Law, be usef ull for the avoyd- 
ing of contention ; yet it is but advice : tis the Judge 
must tell men what is Law, upon the hearing of the 

But when the question is of injury, or crime, upon By the 
a written Law ; every man by recourse to the Registers, Publique 
by himself, or others, may (if he will) be sufficiently^^" 5 
enformed, before he doe such injury, or commit the 
crime, whither it be an injury, or not : Nay he ought 
to doe so : For when a man doubts whether the act he 
goeth about, be just, or injust ; and may informe him 
self, if he will ; the doing is unlawfull. In like manner, 
he that supposeth himself injured, in a case determined 
by the written Law, which he may by himself, or others 
see and consider ; if he complaine before he consults 
with the Law, he does unjustly, and bewrayeth a dis 
position rather to vex other men, than to demand his 
own right. 

If the question be of Obedience to a publique Officer ; By Letters 
To have seen his Commission, with the Publique Scale, Pat ? n p> -, 
and heard it read ; or to have had the means to be l u 
informed of it, if a man would, is a sufficient Verification seale. 
of his Authority. For every man is obliged to doe his 
best endeavour, to informe himself of all written Lawes, 
that may concerne his own future actions. 

The Legislator known ; and the Lawes, either by writ- The Inter- 
ing, or by the light of Nature, sufficiently published ; Potation 
there wanteth yet another very materiall circumstance ^p^^ 
to make them obligatory. For it is not the Letter, but on the 
the Intendment, or Meaning ; that is to say, the authen- Soveraign 
tiqiie Interpretation of the Law (which is the sense of Power. 
the Legislator,) in which the nature of the Law con- 
sisteth ; And therefore the Interpretation of all Lawes [143] 
dependeth on the Authority Soveraign ; and the Inter 
preters can be none but those, which the Soveraign, (to 

p 2 


All Lawes 
need Inter 

The Au- 

tation of 
Law is not 
that of 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 26. 

whom only the Subject oweth obedience) shall appoint. 
For else, by the craft of an Interpreter, the Law may be 
made to beare a sense, contrary to that of the Soveraign ; 
by which means the Interpreter becomes the Legislator. 

All Laws, written, and unwritten, have need of Inter 
pretation. The unwritten Law of Nature, though it be 
easy to such, as without partiality, and passion, make 
use of their naturall reason, and therefore leaves the 
violaters thereof without excuse ; yet considering there 
be very few, perhaps none, that in some cases are not 
blinded by self love, or some other passion, it is now 
become of all Laws the most obscure ; and has con 
sequently the greatest need of able Interpreters. The 
written Laws, if they be short, are easily mis-interpreted, 
from the divers significations of a word, or two : if long 
they be more obscure by the diverse significations of 
many words : in so much as no written Law, delivered 
in few, or many words, can be well understood, without 
a perfect understanding of the fin all causes, for which 
the Law was made ; the knowledge of which finall causes 
is in the Legislator. To him therefore there can not be 
any knot in the Law, insoluble ; either by finding out 
the ends, to undoe it by ; or else by making what ends 
he will, (as Alexander did with his sword in the Gordian 
knot,) by the Legislative power ; which no other Inter 
preter can doe. 

The Interpretation of the Lawes of Nature, in a Com 
mon-wealth, dependeth not on the books of Morall 
Philosophy. The Authority of writers, without the 
Authority of the Common -wealth, maketh not their 
opinions Law, be they never so true. That which I have 
written in this Treatise, concerning the Morall Vertues, 
and of their necessity, for the procuring, and maintain 
ing peace, though it bee evident Truth, is not therefore 
presently Law ; but because in all Common-wealths in 
the world, it is part of the Civill Law : For though it be 
naturally reasonable ; yet it is by the Soveraigne Power i 
that it is Law : Otherwise, it were a great errour, to j 
call the Lawes of Nature unwritten Law ; whereof wee ; 
see so many volumes published, and in them so many; 
contradictions of one another, and of themselves. 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 26. 213 

The Interpretation of the Law of Nature, is the The Inter- 
Sentence of the Judge constituted by the Soveraign P*?* t 
Authority, to heare and determine such controversies, as JJ%/ tt 
depend thereon ; and consisteth in the application of the judge 
Law to the present case. For in the act of Judicature, the givinq 
Judge doth no more but consider, whither the demand sentence 
of the party, be consonant to naturall reason, and Equity ; J^ v j^ ce 
and the Sentence he giveth, is therefore the Interpreta- particular 
tion of the Law of Nature ; which Interpretation is case. 
Authentique ; not because it is his private Sentence ; 
but because he giveth it by Authority of the Soveraign, 
whereby it becomes the Soveraigns Sentence ; which is 
Law for that time, to the parties pleading. 

But because there is no Judge Subordinate, nor Sove- [ Z 44l 
raign, but may erre in a Judgement of Equity ; if after- The Sen- 
ward in another like case he find it more consonant to JJJ2L a 
Equity to give a contrary Sentence, he is obliged to doe does not 
it. No mans error becomes his own Law ; nor obliges bind him, 
him to persist in it. Neither (for the same reason) or another 
becomes it a Law to other Judges, though sworn to follow J.8** 
it. For though a wrong Sentence given by authority Sentence 
of the Soveraign, if he know and allow it, in such in like 
Lawes as are mutable, be a constitution of a new Law, Cases ever 
in cases, in which every little circumstance is the same ; a f ter - 
yet in Lawes immutable, such as are the Lawes of Nature, 
they are no Lawes to the same, or other Judges, in the 
like cases for ever after. Princes succeed one another ; 
and one Judge passeth, another commeth; nay, Heaven 
and Earth shall passe ; but not one title of the Law of 
Nature shall passe ; for it is the Eternall Law of God. 
Therefore all the Sentences of precedent Judges that have 
ever been, cannot all together make a Law contrary to 
naturall Equity : Nor any Examples of former Judges, 
can warrant an unreasonable Sentence, or discharge the 
present Judge of the trouble of studying what is Equity 
(in the case he is to Judge,) from the principles of his 
own naturall reason. For example sake, Vis against the 
Law of Nature, To punish the Innocent , and Innocent 
is he that acquitteth himself e Judicially, and is acknow 
ledged for Innocent by the Judge. Put the case now, 
that a man is accused of a capitall cri ne, and seeing the 

2i 4 Part 2,. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 26. 

power and malice of some enemy, and the frequent cor 
ruption and partiality of Judges, runneth away for feare 
of the event, and afterwards is taken, and brought to 
a legall triall, and maketh it sufficiently appear, he was 
not guilty of the crime, and being thereof acquitted, is 
neverthelesse condemned to lose his goods ; this is a 
manifest condemnation of the Innocent. I say therefore, 
that there is no place in the world, where this can be an 
interpretation of a Law of Nature, or be made a Law 
by the Sentences of precedent Judges, that had done the 
same. For he that judged it first, judged unjustly ; and 
no Injustice can be a pattern of Judgement to succeed 
ing Judges. A written Law may forbid innocent men to 
fly, and they may be punished for flying : But that fly 
ing for feare of injury, should be taken for presumption 
of guilt, after a man is already absolved of the crime 
Judicially, is contrary to the nature of a Presumption, 
which hath no place after Judgement given. Yet this 
is set down by a great Lawyer for the common Law of 
England. If a man (saith he) that is Innocent, be accused 
of Felony, and for feare ftyeth for the same ; albeit he 
judicially acquitteth himselfe of the Felony ; yet if it be 
found that he fled for the Felony, he shall notwithstanding 
his Innocency, Forfeit all his goods, chattells, debts, and 
duties. For as to the Forfeiture of them, the Law will 
admit no proof e against the Presumption in Law, grounded 
upon his flight. Here you see, An Innocent man, Judi 
cially acquitted, notwithstanding his Innocency, (when no 
written Law forbad him to fly) after his acquitall, upon 
. a Presumption in Law, condemned to lose all the goods 
he hath. If the Law ground upon his flight a Presump- 
[145] tion of the fact, (which was Capitall,) the Sentence ought 
to have been Capitall : if the Presumption were not of 
the Fact, for what then ought he to lose his goods ? 
This therefore is no Law of England ; nor is the con 
demnation grounded upon a Presumption of Law, but 
upon the Presumption of the Judges. It is also against 
Law, to say that no Proof e shall be admitted against 
a Presumption of Law. For all Judges, Soveraign and 
subordinate, if they refuse to heare Proofe, refuse to do 
Justice : for though the Sentence be Just, yet the Judges 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 26. 215 

that condemn without hearing the Proof es offered, are 
Unjust Judges, and their Presumption is but Prejudice ; 
which no man ought to bring with him to the Seat of 
Justice, whatsoever precedent judgements, or examples 
he shall pretend to follow. There be other things of this 
nature, wherein mens Judgements have been perverted, 
by trusting to Precedents : but this is enough to shew, 
that though the Sentence of the Judge, be a Law to the 
party pleading, yet it is no Law to any Judge, that shall 
succeed him in that Office. 

In like manner, when question is of the Meaning of 
written Lawes, he is not the Interpreter of them, that 
writeth a Commentary upon them. For Commentaries 
are commonly more subject to cavill, than the Text ; 
and therefore need, other Commentaries ; and so there 
will be no end of such Interpretation. And therefore 
unlesse there be an Interpreter authorised by the Sove- 
raign, from which the subordinate Judges are not to 
recede, the Interpreter can be no other than the ordinary 
Judges, in the same manner, as they are in cases of the 
unwritten Law ; and their Sentences are to be taken 
by them that plead, for Lawes in that particular case ; 
but not to bind other Judges, in like cases to give like 
judgements. For a Judge may erre in the Interpretation 
even of written Lawes ; but no errour of a subordinate 
Judge, can change the Law, which is the generall Sen 
tence of the Soveraigne. 

In written Lawes, men use to make a difference The 
between the Letter, and the Sentence of the Law : And difference 

when by the Letter, is meant whatsoever can be gathered b f tw f e * 

./ , .,. 11 T , i -i "T- the Letter 

Irom the bare words, tis well distinguished, ror the an d $ e n- 

significations of almost all words, are either in them- fence of the 
selves, or in the metaphoricall use of them, ambiguous ; Law - 
and may be drawn in argument, to make many senses ; 
but there is onely one sense of the Law. But if by the 
Letter, be meant the literall sense, then the Letter, and 
the Sentence or intention of the Law, is all one. For 
the literall sense is that, which the Legislator intended, 
should by the letter of the Law be signified. Now the 
Intention of the Legislator is alwayes supposed to be 
Equity : For it were a great contumely for a Judge to 

216 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 26. 

think otherwise of the Soveraigne. He ought therefore, 
if the Word of the Law doe not fully authorise a reason 
able Sentence, to supply it with the Law of Nature ; or 
if the case be difficult, to respit Judgement till he have 
received more ample authority. For Example, a written 
Law ordaineth, that he which is thrust out of his house by 
force, shall be restored by force : It happens that a man 
by negligence leaves his house empty, and returning is 
kept out by force, in which case there is no speciall Law 
[146] ordained. It is evident, that this case is contained in 
the same Law : for else there is no remedy for him at 
all ; which is to be supposed against the Intention of 
the Legislator. Again, the word of the Law, commandeth 
to Judge according to the Evidence : A man is accused 
falsly of a fact, which the Judge saw himself done by 
another ; and not by him that is accused. In this case 
neither shall the Letter of the Law be followed to the 
condemnation of the Innocent, nor shall the Judge give 
Sentence against the evidence of the Witnesses ; because 
the Letter of the Law is to the contrary : but procure of 
the Soveraign that another be made Judge, and himseJf 
Witness^. So that the incommodity that follows the 
bare words of a written Law, may lead him to the Inten 
tion of the Law, whereby to interpret the same the 
better ; though no Incommodity can warrant a Sentence 
against the Law. For every Judge of Right, and Wrong, 
is not Judge of what is Commodious, or Incommodious 
to the Common- wealth. 

The abili- The abilities required in a good Interpreter of the Law. 
ties re- that is to say, in a good Judge, are not the same with 
T7ud l n those of an Advocate ; namely the study of the Lawes. 
For a Judge, as he ought to take notice of the Fact, from 
none but the Witnesses ; so also he ought to take notice 
of the Law, from nothing but the Statutes, and Constitu 
tions of the Soveraign, alledged in the pleading, or 
declared to him by some that have authority from the 
Soveraign Power to declare them ; and need not take care 
before-hand, what hee shall Judge ; for it shall bee given 
him what hee shall say concerning the Fact, by Witnesses ; 
and what hee shall say in point of Law, from those 
that shall in their pleadings shew it, and by authority 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 26. 217 

interpret it upon the place. The Lords of Parlament in 
England were Judges, and most difficult causes have been 
heard and determined by them ; yet few of them were 
much versed in the study of the Lawes, and fewer had 
made profession of them : and though they consulted 
with Lawyers, that were appointed to be present there 
for that purpose ; yet they alone had the authority of 
giving Sentence. In like manner, in the ordinary trialls 
of Right, Twelve men of the common People, are the 
Judges, and give Sentence, not onely of the Fact, but of 
the Right ; and pronounce simply for the Complaynant, 
or for the Defendant ; that is to say, are Judges not 
onely of the Fact, but also of the Right : and in a ques 
tion of crime, not onely determine whether done, or not 
done ; but also whether it be Murder, Homicide, Felony, 
Assault, and the like, which are determinations of Law : 
but because they are not supposed to know the Law of 
themselves, there is one that hath Authority to enforme 
them of it, in the particular case they are to Judge of. 
But yet if they judge not according to that he tells them, 
they are not subject thereby to any penalty ; unlesse it 
be made appear, they did it against their consciences, or 
had been corrupted by reward. 

The things that make a good Judge, or good Inter 
preter of the Lawes, are, first, A right understanding 
of that principall Law of Nature called Equity ; which 
depending not on the reading of other mens Writings, 
but on the goodnesse of a mans own naturall Reason, [147] 
and Meditation, is presumed to be in those most, that 
have had most leisure, and had the most inclination 
to meditate thereon. Secondly, Contempt of unnecessary 
Riches, and Preferments. Thirdly, To be able in judge 
ment to devest himselfe of all feare, anger, hatred, love, 
and compassion. Fourthly, and lastly, Patience to 
heare ; diligent attention in hearing ; and memory to 
retain, digest and apply what he hath heard. 

The difference and division of the Lawes, has been Divisions 
made in divers manners, according to the different f Law - 
methods, of those men that have written of them. For 
it is a thing that dependeth not on Nature, but on the 
scope of the Writer ; and is subservient to every mans 

218 Part 2. OF COMMON -WEALTH. Chap. 20. 

proper method. In the Institutions of Justinian, we find 
seven sorts of Civill Lawes. I. The Edicts, Constitu 
tions, and Epistles of the Prince, that is, of the Emperour ; 
because the whole power of the people was in him. Like 
these, are the Proclamations of the Kings of England. 

2. The Decrees of the whole people of Rome (compre 
hending the Senate,) when they were put to the Question 
by the Senate. These were Lawes, at first, by. the vertue 
of the Soveraign Power residing in the people ; and such 
of them as by the Emperours were not abrogated, 
remained Lawes by the Authority Imperiall. For all 
Lawes that bind, are understood to be Lawes by his 
authority that has power to repeale them. Somewhat like 
to these Lawes, are the Acts of Parliament in England. 

3. The Decrees of the Common people (excluding the 
Senate,) when they were put to the question by the 
Tribune of the people. For such of them as were not 
abrogated by the Emperours, remained Lawes by the 
Authority Imperiall. Like to these, were the Orders of 
the House of Commons in England. 

4. Senatus consulta, the Orders of the Senate ; because 
when the people of Rome grew so numerous, as it was 
inconvenient to assemble them ; it was thought fit by 
the Emperour, that men should Consult the Senate, in 
stead of the people : And these have some resemblance 
with the Acts of Counsell. 

5. The Edicts of Prcetors, and (in some Cases) of the 
jEdiles : such as are the Chiefe Justices in the Courts of 

6. Responsa Prudentum ; which were the Sentences, 
and Opinions of those Lawyers, to whom the Emperour 
gave Authority to interpret the Law, and to give answer 
to such as in matter of Law demanded their advice ; 
which Answers, the Judges in giving Judgement were 
obliged by the Constitutions of the Emperour to observe : 
And should be like the Reports of Cases Judged, if other 
Judges be by the Law of England bound to observe 
them. For the Judges of the Common Law of England, 
are not properly Judges, but Juris Consulti ; of whom the 
Judges, who are either the Lords, or Twelve men of the 
Country, are in point of Law to ask advice. 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 26. 219 

7. Also, Unwritten Customes, (which in their own 
nature are an imitation of Law,) by the tacite consent 
of the Emperour, in case they be not contrary to the 
Law of Nature, are very Lawes. 

Another division of Lawes, is into Naturall and Positive. 
Naturall are those which have been Lawes from all C^ 8 ! 
Eternity ; and are called not onely Naturall, but also 
Morall Lawes ; consisting in the Morall Vertues, as 
Justice, Equity, and all habits of the mind that conduce 
to Peace, and Charity ; of which I have already spoken 
in the fourteenth and fifteenth Chapters. 

Positive, are those which have not been from Eternity ; 
but have been made Lawes by the Will of those that have 
had the Soveraign Power over others ; and are either 
written, or made known to men, by some other argument 
of the Will of their Legislator. 

Again,of Positive Lawes, some are Humane, some Divine: A nother 
And of Humane positive lawes, some are Distributive, some Division 
Penal. Distributive are those that determine the Rights 
of the Subjects, declaring to every man what it is, by 
which he acquireth and holdeth a propriety in lands, or 
goods, and a right or liberty of action : and these speak 
to all the Subjects. Penal are those, which declare, what 
Penalty shall be inflicted on those that violate the Law ; 
and speak to the Ministers and Officers ordained for 
execution. For though every one ought to be informed 
of the Punishments ordained beforehand for their trans 
gression ; neverthelesse the Command is not addressed 
to the Delinquent, (who cannot be supposed will faith 
fully punish himself e,) but to publique Ministers ap 
pointed to see the Penalty executed. And these Penal 
Lawes are for the most part written together with the 
Lawes Distributive ; and are sometimes called Judge 
ments. For all Lawes are generall Judgements, or 
Sentences of the Legislator ; as also every particular 
Judgement, is a Law to him, whose case is Judged. 

Divine Positive Lawes (for Naturall Lawes being Divine 
Eternall, and Universall, are all Divine,) are those, Positive 
which being the Commandements of God, (not from all ^ de 
Eternity, nor universally addressed to all men, but onely known to 
to a certain people, or to certain persons,) are declared fo Law. 

220 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 26. 

for such, by those whom God hath authorised to declare 
them. But this Authority of man to declare what be 
these Positive Lawes of God, how can it be known ? 
God may command a man by a supernaturall way, to 
deliver Lawes to other men. But because it is of the 
essence of Law, that he who is to be obliged, be assured 
of the Authority of him that declareth it, which we 
cannot naturally take notice to be from God, How can 
a man without supernaturall Revelation be assured of the 
Revelation received by the declarer ? and how can he be 
bound to obey them ? For the first question, how a man 
can be assured of the Revelation of another, without 
a Revelation particularly to himselfe, it is evidently 
impossible : For though a man may be induced to 
believe such Revelation, from the Miracles they see him 
doe, or from seeing the Extraordinary sanctity of his 
life, or from seeing the Extraordinary wisedome, or 
Extraordinary felicity of his Actions, all which are marks 
of God[s] extraordinary favour ; yet they are not assured 
evidences of speciall Revelation. Miracles are Marvellous 
workes : but that which is marvellous to one, may riot 
be so to another. Sanctity may be feigned ; and the 
visible felicities of this world, are most often the work 
[149] of God by Naturall, and ordinary causes. And therefore 
no man can infallibly know by naturall reason, that 
another has had a supernaturall revelation of Gods will ; 
but only a belief e ; every one (as the signs thereof shall 
appear greater, or lesser) a firmer, or a weaker belief. 

But for the second, how he can be bound to obey them ; 
it is not so hard. For if the Law declared, be not against 
the Law of Nature (which is undoubtedly Gods Law) and 
he undertake to obey it, he is bound by his own act ; 
bound I say to obey it, but not bound to believe it : for 
mens belief e, and interiour cogitations, are not subject 
to the commands, but only to the operation of God, 
ordinary, or extraordinary. Faith of Supernaturall Law, 
is not a fulfilling, but only an assenting to the same ; 
and not a duty that we exhibite to God, but a gift which 
God freely giveth to whom he pleaseth ; as also Unbelief 
is not a breach of any of his Lawes ; but a rejection of 
them all, except the Laws Naturall. But this that I say, 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 26. 221 

will be made yet cleerer, by the Examples, and Testi 
monies concerning this point in holy Scripture. The 
Covenant God made with Abraham (in a Supernaturall 
manner) was thus, This is the Covenant which thou shall 
observe between Me and Thee and thy Seed after thee. 
Abrahams Seed had not this revelation, nor were yet in 
being ; yet they are a party to the Covenant, and bound 
to obey what Abraham should declare to them for Gods 
Law ; which they could not be, but in vertue of the 
obedience they owed to their Parents ; who (if they be 
Subject to no other earthly power, as here in the case of 
Abraham) have Soveraign power over their children, and 
servants. Againe, where God saith to Abraham, In thee 
shall all Nations of the earth be blessed : For I know thou 
wilt command thy children, and thy house after thee to keep 
the way of the Lord, and to observe Righteousnesse and 
Judgement, it is manifest, the obedience of his Family, 
who had no Revelation, depended on their former 
obligation to obey their Soveraign. At Mount Sinai 
Moses only went up to God ; the people were forbidden 
to approach on paine of death ; yet were they bound 
to obey all that Moses declared to them for Gods Law. 
Upon what ground, but on this submission of their own, 
Speak thou to us, and we will heare thee ; but let not God 
speak to us, lest we dye ? By which two places it sufficiently 
appeareth, that in a Common-wealth, a subject that has 
no certain and assured Revelation particularly to himself 
concerning the Will of God, is to obey for such, the 
Command of the Common-wealth : for if men were at - 
liberty, to take for Gods Commandements, their own 
dreams, and fancies, or the dreams and fancies of private 
men ; scarce two men would agree upon what is Gods 
Commandement ; and yet in respect of them, every man 
would despise the Commandements of the Common 
wealth. I conclude therefore, that in all things not 
contrary to the Moral! Law, (that is to say, to the Law 
of Nature,) all Subjects are bound to obey that for divine 
Law, which is declared to be so, by the Lawes of the 
Common-wealth. Which also is evident to any mans 
reason ; for whatsoever is not against the Law of Nature, 
may be made Law in the name of them that have the [150] 

222 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 26. 

Soveraign power ; and there is no reason men should be 
the lesse obliged by it, when tis propounded in the name 
of God. Besides, there is no place in the world where 
men are permitted to pretend other Commandements of 
God, than are declared for such by the Common-wealth. 
Christian States punish those that revolt from Christian 
Religion, and all other States, those that set up any 
Religion by them forbidden. For in whatsoever is not 
regulated by the Common-wealth, tis Equity (which is 
the Law of Nature, and therefore an eternall Law of God) 
that every man equally enjoy his liberty. 

Another There is also another distinction of Laws, into Funda- 

division mentally and not Fundamentall : but I could never see 

in any Author, what a Fundamentall Law signifieth. 

Neverthelesse one may very reasonably distinguish Laws 

in that manner. 

A Funda- For a Fundamentall Law in every Common-wealth is 
mentall that, which being taken away, the Common-wealth 
faileth, and is utterly dissolved ; as a building whose 
Foundation is destroyed. And therefore a Fundamentall 
Law is that, by which Subjects are bound to uphold 
whatsoever power is given to the Soveraign, whether 
a Monarch, or a Soveraign Assembly, without which the 
Common-wealth cannot stand ; such as is the power of 
War and Peace, of Judicature, of Election of Officers, 
and of doing whatsoever he shall think necessary for the 
Publique good. Not Fundamentall is that, the abro 
gating whereof, draweth not with it the dissolution of 
the Common-Wealth ; such as are the Lawes concerning 
Controversies between subject and subject. Thus much 
of the Division of Lawes. 

Difference I find the words Lex Civilis, and Jus Civile, that is 

between to say, Law and Right Civil, promiscuously used for the 

Law and same thing, even in the most learned Authors ; which 

neverthelesse ought not to be so. For Right is Liberty, 

namely that Liberty which the Civil Law leaves us : But 

Civill Law is an Obligation ; and takes from us the Liberty 

which the Law of Nature gave us. Nature gave a Right 

to every man to secure himselfe by his own strength, and 

to invade a suspected neighbour, by way of prevention : 

but the Civill Law takes away that Liberty, in all cases 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 27. 223 

where the protection of the Law may be safely stayd for. 
Insomuch as Lex and Jus, are as different as Obligation 
and Liberty. 

Likewise Lawes and Charters are taken promiscuously And be- 
for the same thing. Yet Charters are Donations of the tween a 
Soveraign ; and not Lawes, but exemptions from Law. Law and a 
The phrase of a Law is Jubeo, Injungo, I command, and 
Enjoyn : the phrase of a Charter is Dedi, Concessi, 
I have Given, I have Granted : but what is given or 
granted, to a man, is not forced upon him, by a Law. 
A Law may be made to bind All the Subjects of a Com 
mon-wealth : a Liberty, or Charter is only to One man, 
or some One part of the people. For to say all the people 
of a Common -wealth, have Liberty in any case whatso 
ever ; is to say, that in such case, there hath been no 
Law made ; or else having been made, is now abrogated. 

CHAP. XXVII. [151] 


A Sinne, is not onely a Transgression of a Law, but sinne 
also any Contempt of the Legislator. For such Con- what. 
tempt, is a breach of all his Lawes at once. And there 
fore may consist, not onely in the Commission of a Fact, 
or in the Speaking of Words by the Lawes forbidden, or 
in the Omission of what the Law commandeth, but also 
in the Intention, or purpose to transgresse. For the 
purpose to breake the Law, is some degree of Contempt 
of him, to whom it belongeth to see it executed. To be 
delighted in the Imagination onely, of being possessed 
of another mans goods, servants, or wife, without any 
intention to take them from him by force, or fraud, is no 
breach of the Law, that sayth, Thou shaft not covet : nor 
is the pleasure a man may have in imagining, or dream 
ing of the death of him, from whose life he expecteth 
nothing but dammage, and displeasure, a Sinne ; but 
the resolving to put some Act in execution, that tendeth 
thereto. For to be pleased in the fiction of that, which 
would please a man if it were reall, is a Passion so 
adhaerent to the Nature both of man, and every other 

224 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 27. 

living creature, as to make it a Sinne, were to make Sinne 
of being a man. The consideration of this, has made 
me think them too severe, both to themselves, and 
others, that maintain, that the First motions of the mind, 
(though checked with the fear of God) be Shines. But 
I confesse it is safer to erre on that hand, than on the 

A Crime A CRIME, is a sinne, consisting in the Committing (by 
what. Deed, or Word) of that which the Law forbiddeth, or 
the Omission of what it hath commanded. So that every 
Crime is a sinne ; but not every sinne a Crime. To 
intend to steale, or kill, is a sinne, though it never 
appeare in Word, or Fact : for God that seeth the 
thoughts of man, can lay it to his charge : but till it 
appear by some thing done, or said, by which the inten 
tion may be argued by a humane Judge, it hath not the 
name of Crime : which distinction the Greeks observed, 
in the word a/xa/Dr^/xa, and ey/cA^a, or ama ; whereof 
the former, (which is translated Sinne,) signifieth any 
swarving from the Law whatsoever ; but the two later, 
(which are translated Crime,) signifie that sinne onely, 
whereof one man may accuse another. But of Inten 
tions, which never appear by any outward act, there 
is no place for humane accusation. In like manner the 
Latines by Peccatum, which is Sinne, signifie all manner 
of deviation from the Law ; but by Crimen, (which 
word they derive from Cerno, which signifies to perceive,) 
they mean onely such sinnes, as may be made appear 
before a Judge ; and therfore are not meer Intentions. 

From this relation of Sinne to the Law, and of Crime 

to the Civill Law, may be inferred, First, that where Law 

[152] ceaseth, Sinne ceaseth. But because the Law of Nature 

Where no is eternall, Violation of Covenants, Ingratitude, Arro- 

Civill Law gance, and all Facts contrary to any Morall vertue, can 

*5, there is never cease to be Sinne. Secondly, that the Civill Law 

no L,vime. . . , ., J \ , T 

ceasing, Crimes cease : for there being no other Law 
remaining, but that of Nature, there is no place for 
Accusation ; every man being his own Judge, and 
accused onely by his own Conscience, and cleared by the 
Uprightnesse of his own Intention. When therefore his 
Intention is Right, his fact is no Sinne : if otherwise, his 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 27. 225 

fact is Sinne ; but not Crime. Thirdly, That when the 
Soveraign Power ceaseth, Crime also ceaseth : for where 
there is no such Power, there is no protection to be had 
from the Law ; and therefore every one may protect 
himself by his own power : for no man in the Institution 
of Soveraign Power can be supposed to give away the 
Right of preserving his own body ; for the safety 
whereof all Soveraignty was ordained. But this is to 
be understood onely of those, that have not them 
selves contributed to the taking away of the Power 
that protected them : for that was a Crime from the 

The source of every Crime, is some defect of the Ignorance 
Understanding ; or some errour in Reasoning ; or some f the Law 
sudden force of the Passions. Defect in the Understand- 
ing, is Ignorance ; in Reasoning, Erroneous Opinion, 
Again, Ignorance is of three sorts ; of the Law, and of 
the Soveraign, and of the Penalty. Ignorance of the 
Law of Nature Excuseth no man ; because every man 
that hath attained to the use of Reason, is supposed 
to know, he ought not to do to another, what he would 
not have done to himselfe. Therefore into what place 
soever a man shall come, if he do any thing contrary 
to that Law, it is a Crime. If a man come from the 
Indies hither, and perswade men here to receive a new 
Religion, or teach them any thing that tendeth to 
disobedience of the Lawes of this Country, though he be 
never so well perswaded of the truth of what he teacheth, 
tie commits a Crime, and may be justly punished for the 
same, not onely because his doctrine is false, but also 
because he does that which he would not approve in 
another, namely, that comming from hence, he should 
endeavour to alter the Religion there. But ignorance of 
the Civill Law, shall Excuse a man in a strange Country, 
till it be declared to him ; because, till then no Civill 
Law is binding. 

In the like manner, if the Civill Law of a mans own ignorance 
Country, be not so sufficiently declared, as he may know of the 
it if he will ; nor the Action against the Law of Nature ; Civill Law 
the Ignorance is a good Excuse : In other cases Ignorance excuse . th 
of th! Civill Law, Excuseth not. 


226 Part 2. OF COMMON -WEALTH. Chap. 27. 

Ignorance Ignorance of the Soveraign Power, in the place of 
oj the a mans ordinary residence, Excuseth him not ; because 

ex V cusTth H he ou S ht to take notice of the Power, by which he hath 
not. been protected there. 

Ignomnce Ignorance of the Penalty, where the Law is declared, 

f the Excuseth no man : For in breaking the Law, which 

excuseth w ^hout a fear of penalty to follow, were not a Law, but 

no t t vain words, he undergoeth the penalty, though he know 

not what it is ; because, whosoever voluntarily doth 

any action, accepteth all the known consequences of it ; 

but Punishment is a known consequence of the viola- 

[ T 53]tion of the Lawes, in every Common-wealth; which 

punishment, if it be determined already by the Law, 

he is subject to that ; if not, then is he subject to 

Arbitrary punishment. For it is reason, that he which 

does Injury, without other limitation than that of 

his own Will, should suffer punishment without other 

limitation, than that of his Will whose Law is thereby 


Punish- But when a penalty, is either annexed to the Crime in 

ments the Law it selfe, or hath been usually inflicted in the like 

before the cases ; there the Delinquent is Excused from a greater 

Fact, ex- penalty. For the punishment foreknown, if not great 

cuse from enough to deterre men from the action, is an invitement 

greater { o ft - because when men compare the benefit of their 

fnents 1 ^justice, with the harm of their punishment, by necessity 

after it. of Nature they choose that which appeareth best for 

themselves : and therefore when they are punished more 

than the Law had formerly determined, or more than 

others were punished for the same Crime ; it is the Law 

that tempted, and deceiveth them. 

Nothing No Law, made after a Fact done, can make it a Crime : 

can be because if the Fact be against the Law of Nature, the 

crimebya ^ aw was Before the Fact ; and a Positive Law cannot 

Law made be taken notice of, before it be made ; and therefore 

after the cannot be Obligatory. But when the Law that for- 

Fact. biddeth a Fact, is made before the Fact be done ; yet 

he that doth the Fact, is lyable to the Penalty ordained 

after, in case no lesser Penalty were made known before, 

neither by Writing, nor by Example, for the reason 

immediatly before alledged. 

Part 2. OF COMMON -WEALTH. Chap. 27. 227 

From defect in Reasoning, (that is to say, from Errour,) False 
men are prone to violate the Lawes, three wayes. First, Principles 

by Presumption of false Principles : as when men from j% ht 
i i_ n i 1-11 an( * 

having observed how in all places, and in all ages, un]ust wrong 

Actions have been authorised, by the force, and victories causes of 
of those who have committed them ; and that potent Crime 
men, breaking through the Cob-web Lawes of their 
Country, the weaker sort, and those that have failed in 
their Enterprises, have been esteemed the onely Crimi 
nals ; have thereupon taken for Principles, and grounds 
of their Reasoning, That Justice is but a vain word : That 
whatsoever a man can get by his own Industry, and hazard, 
is his own : That the Practice of all Nations cannot be 
itnjust : That Examples of former times are good Argu 
ments of doing the like again ; and many more of that 
kind : Which being granted, no Act in it selfe can be 
a Crime, but must be made so (not by the Law, but) by 
the successe of them that commit it ; and the same Fact 
be vertuous, or vicious, as Fortune pleaseth ; so that 
what Marius makes a Crime, Sylla shall make meri 
torious, and Ccesar (the same Lawes standing) turn again 
into a Crime, to the perpetuall disturbance of the Peace 
of the Common-wealth. 

Secondly, by false Teachers, that either mis -interpret False 
the Law of Nature, making it thereby repugnant to the Teachers 
Law Civill ; or by teaching for Lawes, such Doctrines JJ?/^^ 
of their own, or Traditions of former times, as are incon- j^ aw O f 
sistent with the duty of a Subject. Nature, 

Thirdly, by Erroneous Inferences from True Principles; 
which happens commonly to men that are hasty, and 
prsecipitate in concluding, and resolving what to do ; [154] 
such as are they, that have both a great opinion of their And false 
own understanding, and believe that things of this I n / erences 
nature require not time and study, but onely common p^ c j?" 
xperience, and a good naturall wit ; whereof no man pi es , by 
thinks himself e unprovided : whereas the knowledge, Teachers. 
of Right and Wrong, which is no lesse difficult, there is 
lio man will pretend to, without great and long study. 
\nd of those defects in Reasoning, there is none that 
|:an Excuse (though some of them may Extenuate) 
|i Crime, in any man, that pretendeth to the administra- 

Q 2 

228 Part 2. OF COMMON -WEALTH. Chap. 27. 

tion of his own private businesse ; much lesse in them 
that undertake a publique charge ; because they pretend 
to the Reason, upon the want whereof they would ground 
their Excuse. 

By their Of the Passions that most frequently are the causes of 

Passions ; Crime, one, is Vain-glory, or a foolish over-rating of their 
own worth ; as if difference of worth, were an effect of 
their wit, or riches, or bloud, or some other naturall 
quality, not depending on the Will of those that have 
the Soveraign Authority. From whence proceedeth 
a Presumption that the punishments ordained by the 
Lawes, and extended generally to all Subjects, ought 
not to be inflicted on them, with the same rigour they 
are inflicted on poore, obscure, and simple men, compre 
hended under the name of the Vulgar. 

Presump- Therefore it happeneth commonly, that such as value 

tion of themselves by the greatnesse of their wealth, adventure 
iches, Qn Q-i m es, U pon hope of escaping punishment, by cor 
rupting publique Justice, or obtaining Pardon by Mony. 
or other rewards. 

And And that such as have multitude of Potent Kindred ; 

Fnends; an( j popular men, that have gained reputation amongst 
the Multitude, take courage to violate the Lawes, from 
a hope of oppressing the Power, to whom it belongeth 
to put them in execution. 

Wisedome. And that such as have a great, and false opinion of 
their own Wisedome, take upon them to reprehend the 
actions, and call in question the Authority of them that 
govern, and so to unsettle the Lawes with their publique 
discourse, as that nothing shall be a Crime, but what 
their own designes require should be so. It happeneth 
also to the same men, to be prone to all such Crimes, as 
consist in Craft, and in deceiving of their Neighbours ; 
because they think their designes are too subtile to be 
perceived. These I say are effects of a false presumption 
of their own Wisdome. For of them that are the first 
movers in the disturbance of Common-wealth, (which 
can never happen without a Civill Warre,) very few are 
left alive long enough, to see their new Designes estab 
lished : so that the benefit of their Crimes, redotmdeth 
to Posterity, and such as would least have wished it:i 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 27. 229 

which argues they were not so wise, as they thought they 
were. And those that deceive upon hope of not being 
observed, do commonly deceive themselves, (the dark- 
nesse in which they believe they lye hidden, being 
nothing else but their own blindnesse ;) and are no wiser 
than Children, that think all hid, by hiding their own eyes. 

And generally all vain-glorious men, (unlesse they be 
withall timorous,) are subject to Anger ; as being more [155] 
prone than others to interpret for contempt, the ordinary 
liberty of conversation : And there are few Crimes that 
may not be produced by Anger. 

As for the Passions, of Hate, Lust, Ambition, and Hatred, 
Covetousnesse, what Crimes they are apt to produce, ?*> A m ~ 
is so obvious to every mans experience and under- b ^^ t ous 
standing, as there needeth nothing to be said of them, nesset u 
saving that they are infirmities, so annexed to the causes of 
nature, both of man, and all other living creatures, as Crime. 
that their effects cannot be hindred, but by extra 
ordinary use of Reason, or a constant severity in punish 
ing them. For in those things men hate, they find 
a continuall, and unavoydable molestation ; whereby 
either a mans patience must be everlasting, or he must 
be eased by removing the power of that which molesteth 
him : The former is difficult ; the later is many times 
impossible, without some violation of the Law. Ambi 
tion, and Covetousnesse are Passions also that are 
perpetually incumbent, and pressing ; whereas Reason 
is not perpetually present, to resist them : and there 
fore whensoever the hope of impunity appears, their 
effects proceed. And for Lust, what it wants in the 
lasting, it hath in the vehemence, which sufficeth to 
weigh down the apprehension of all easie, or uncertain 

Of all Passions, that which enclineth men least to Fear 
break the Lawes, is Fear. Nay, (excepting some sometimes 
generous natures,) it is the onely thing, (when there is c * u , se f 
apparence of profit, or pleasure by breaking the Lawes,) when the* 
that makes men keep them. And yet in many cases danger is 
a Crime may be committed through Feare. neither 

For not every Fear justifies the Action it produceth, %?%*> 
but the fear onely of corporeall hurt, which we call *" 

230 Part z. OF COMMON-WEALTH. 

Bodily Fear, and from which a man cannot see how to 
be delivered, but by the action. A man is assaulted, 
fears present death, from which he sees not how to 
escape, but by wounding him that assaulteth him ; If 
he wound him to death, this is no Crime ; because no 
man is supposed at the making of a Common-wealth, 
to have abandoned the defence of his life, or limbes, 
where the Law cannot arrive time enough to his assist 
ance. But to kill a man, because from his actions, or 
his threatnings, I may argue he will kill me when he 
can, (seeing I have time, and means to demand protection, 
from the Soveraign Power,) is a Crime. Again, a man 
receives words of disgrace, or some little injuries (for 
which they that made the Lawes, had assigned no 
punishment, nor thought it worthy of a man that hath 
the use of Reason, to take notice of,) and is afraid, 
unlesse he revenge it, he shall fall into contempt, and 
consequently be obnoxious to the like injuries from 
others ; and to avoyd this, breaks the Law, and pro 
tects himselfe for the future, by the terrour of his private 
revenge. This is a Crime : For the hurt is not Cor- 
poreall, but Phantasticall, and (though in this corner 
of the world, made sensible by a custome not many 
years since begun, amongst young and vain men,) so 
light, as a gallant man, and one that is assured of his 
own courage, cannot take notice of. Also a man may 
stand in fear of Spirits, either through his own super 
stition, or through too much credit given to other men, 
[156] that tell him of strange Dreams and Visions ; and 
thereby be made believe they will hurt him, for doing, 
or omitting divers things, which neverthelesse, to do 
or omit, is contrary to the Lawes ; And that which is 
so done, or omitted, is not to be Excused by this fear ; 
but is a Crime. For (as I have shewn before in the 
second Chapter) Dreams be naturally but the fancies 
remaining in sleep, after the impressions our Senses had 
formerly received waking ; and when men are by any 
accident unassured they have slept, seem to be reall 
Visions ; and therefore he that presumes to break the 
Law upon his own, or anothers Dream, or pretended 
Vision, or upon other Fancy of the power of Invisible 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 27. 231 

Spirits, than is permitted by the Common-wealth, 
leaveth the Law of Nature, which is a certain offence, 
and followeth the imagery of his own, or another private 
mans brain, which he can never know whether it signi- 
fieth any thing, or nothing, nor whether he that tells 
his Dream, say true, or lye ; which if every private man 
should have leave to do, (as they must by the Law of 
Nature, if any one have it) there could no Law be made 
to hold, and so all Common-wealth would be dissolved. 

From these different sources of Crimes, it appeares Crimes 
already, that all Crimes are not (as the Stoicks of old not e 1 ualL 
time maintained) of the same allay. There is place, 
not only for EXCUSE, by which that which seemed 
a Crime, is proved to be none at all ; but also for 
EXTENUATION, by which the Crime, that seemed great, 
is made lesse. For though all Crimes doe equally 
deserve the name of Injustice, as all deviation from 
a strait line is equally crookednesse, which the Stoicks 
rightly observed ; yet it does not follow that all Crimes 
are equally unjust, no more than that all crooked lines 
are equally crooked ; which the Stoicks not observing, 
held it as great a Crime, to kill a Hen, against the Law, 
as to kill ones Father. 

That which totally Excuseth a Fact, and takes away Totall 
from it the nature of a Crime, can be none but that, Excuses. 
which at the same time, taketh away the obligation 
of the Law. For the fact committed once against the 
Law, if he that committed it be obliged to the Law, 
can be no other than a Crime. 

The want of means to know the Law, totally Excuseth : 
For the Law whereof a man has no means to enforme 
himself, is not obligatory. But the want of diligence to 
enquire, shall not be considered as a want of means ; 
Nor shall any man, that pretendeth to reason enough 
for the Government of his own affairs, be supposed to 
want means to know the Lawes of Nature ; because 
they are known by the reason he pretends to : only 
Children, and Madmen are Excused from offences 
against the Law Natural!. 

Where a man is captive, or in the power of the enemy, 
(and he is then in the power of the enemy, when his 

232 Part -2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. z/. 

person, or his means of living, is so,) if it be without 
his own fault, the Obligation of the Law ceaseth ; 
because he must obey the enemy, or dye ; and conse 
quently such obedience is no Crime : for no man is 
obliged (when the protection of the Law faileth,) not to 
protect himself, by the best means he can. 
[157] If a man by the terrour of present death, be com 
pelled to doe a fact against the Law, he is totally 
Excused ; because no Law can oblige a man to abandon 
his own preservation. And supposing such a Law were 
obligatory ; yet a man would reason thus, // / doe it 
not, I die presently ; if I doe it, I die afterwards ; there 
fore by doing it, there is time of life gained ; Nature 
therefore compells him to the fact. 

When a man is destitute of food, or other thing 
necessary for his life, and cannot preserve himselfe any 
other way, but by some fact against the Law ; as if in 
a great famine he take the food by force, or stealth, 
which he cannot obtaine for mony, nor charity ; or in 
defence of his life, snatch away another mans Sword, 
he is totally Excused, for the reason next before 

Excuses Again, Facts done against the Law, by the authority 
againstthe o f another, are by that authority Excused against the 
or Author ; because no man ought to accuse his own fact 
in another, that is but his instrument : but it is not 
Excused against a third person thereby injured ; because 
in the violation of the Law, both the Author, and Actor 
are Criminalls. From hence it followeth that when 
that Man, or Assembly, that hath the Soveraign Power, 
commandeth a man to do that which is contrary to 
a former Law, the doing of it is totally Excused : For 
he ought not to condemn it himselfe, because he is the 
Author ; and what cannot justly be condemned by 
the Soveraign, cannot justly be punished by any other. 
Besides, when the Soveraign commandeth any thing to 
be done against his own former Law, the Command, as 
to that particular fact, is an abrogation of the Law. 

If that Man, or Assembly, that hath the Soveraign 
Power, disclaime any Right essentiall to the Sove- 
raignty, whereby there accrueth to the Subject, any 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 27. 233 

liberty inconsistent with the Soveraign Power, that is 
to say, with the very being of a Common-wealth, if the 
Subject shall refuse to obey the Command in any thing, 
contrary to the liberty granted, this is neverthelesse 
a Sinne, and contrary to the duty of the Subject : for 
he ought to take notice of what is inconsistent with the 
Soveraignty, because it was erected by his own consent, 
and for his own defence ; and that such liberty as is 
inconsistent with it, was granted through ignorance 
of the evill consequence thereof. But if he not onely 
disobey, but also resist a publique Minister in the 
execution of it, then it is a Crime ; because he might 
have been righted, (without any breach of the Peace,) 
upon complaint. 

The Degrees of Crime are taken on divers Scales, and 
measured, First, by the malignity of the Source, or 
Cause : Secondly, by the contagion of the Example : 
Thirdly, by the mischiefe of the Effect ; and Fourthly, 
by the concurrence of Times, Places, and Persons. 

The same Fact done against the Law, if it proceed Presump- 
from Presumption of strength, riches, or friends to tio n of 
resist those that are to execute the Law, is a greater Power > a s~ 
Crime, than if it proceed from hope of not being dis- b 
covered, or of escape by flight : For Presumption of 
impunity by force, is a Root, from whence springeth, [158] 
at all times, and upon all temptations, a contempt of 
all Lawes ; whereas in the later case, the apprehension 
of danger, that makes a man fly, renders him more 
obedient for the future. A Crime which we know to be 
so, is greater than the same Crime proceeding from 
a false perswasion that it is lawfull : For he that 
committeth it against his own conscience, presumeth 
on his force, or other power, which encourages him 
to commit the same again: but he that doth it by 
errour, after the errour shewn him, is conformable to 
the Law. 

Hee, whose errour proceeds from the authority of Evill 
a Teacher, or an Interpreter of the Law publiquely Teachers, 
authorised, is not so faulty, as he whose errour p ro . Extenuate. 
ceedeth from a peremptory pursute of his own principles, 
and reasoning : For what is taught by one that teacheth 

234 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 27. 

by publique Authority, the Common-wealth teacheth, 
and hath a resemblance of Law, till the same Authority 
controuleth it ; and in all Crimes that contain not in 
them a deny all of the Soveraign Power, nor are against 
an evident Law, Excuseth totally : whereas he that 
groundeth his actions, on his private Judgement, ought 
according to the rectitude, or errour thereof, to stand, 
or fall. 

Examples The same Fact, if it have been constantly punished 

f Im ~ in other men, is a greater Crime, than if there have 

Exteml k een many precedent Examples of impunity. For 

atf , t those Examples, are so many hopes of Impunity, given 

by the Soveraign himselfe : And because he which 

furnishes a man with such a hope, and presumption of 

mercy, as encourageth him to offend, hath his part in 

the offence ; he cannot reasonably charge the offender 

with the whole. 

PycBmedi- A Crime arising from a sudden Passion, is not so 

*r** n / g f" & reat as wnen tne same ariseth from long meditation : 
For in the former case there is a place for Extenuation, 
in the common infirmity of humane nature : but he 
that doth it with praemeditation, has used circum 
spection, and cast his eye, on the Law, on the punish 
ment, and on the consequence thereof to humane 
society ; all which in committing the Crime, hee hath 
contemned, and postposed to his own appetite. But 
there is no suddennesse of Passion sufficient for a totall 
Excuse : For all the time between the first knowing 
of the Law, and the Commission of the Fact, shall be 
taken for a time of deliberation ; because he ought by 
meditation of the Law, to rectifie the irregularity of his 

Where the Law is publiquely, and with assiduity, 
before all the people read, and interpreted ; a fact done 
against it, is a greater Crime, than where men are left 
without such instruction, to enquire of it with difficulty, 
uncertainty, and interruption of their Callings, and be 
informed by private men : for in this case, part of the 
fault is discharged upon common infirmity ; but in the 
former, there is apparent negligence, which is not 
without some contempt of the Soveraign Power. 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 27. 235 

Those facts which the Law expresly condemneth, but Tacite ap- 
the Law-maker by other manifest signes of his will probation 
tacitly approveth, are lesse Crimes, than the same facts, soveraien 
condemned both by the Law, and Law-maker. For Extent- 
seeing the will of the Law-maker is a Law, there appear ates. 
in this case two contradictory Lawes ; which would [159] 
totally Excuse, if men were bound to take notice of the 
Soveraigns approbation, by other arguments, than are 
expressed by his command. But because there are 
punishments consequent, not onely to the transgression 
of his Law, but also to the observing of it, he is in part 
a cause of the transgression, and therefore cannot 
reasonably impute the whole Crime to the Delinquent. 
For example, the Law condemneth Duells ; the punish 
ment is made capitall : On the contrary part, he that 
refuseth Duell, is subject to contempt and scorne, 
without remedy ; and sometimes by the Soveraign 
himselfe thought unworthy to have any charge, or 
preferment in Warre : If thereupon he accept Duell, 
considering all men lawfully endeavour to obtain the 
good opinion of them that have the Soveraign Power, 
he ought not in reason to be rigorously punished ; 
seeing part of the fault may be discharged on the 
punisher : which I say, not as wishing liberty of private 
revenges, or any other kind of disobedience ; but a care 
in Governours, not to countenance any thing obliquely, 
which directly they forbid. The examples of Princes, 
to those that see them, are, and ever have been, more 
potent to govern their actions, than the Lawes them 
selves. And though it be our duty to do, not what 
they do, but what they say ; yet will that duty never 
be performed, till it please God to give men an extra 
ordinary, and supernaturall grace to follow that Precept. 

Again, if we compare Crimes by the mischiefe of Compari- 
their Effects, First, the same fact, when it redounds to son f 
the dammage of many, is greater, than when it redounds ^0^ their 
to the hurt of few. And therefore, when a fact hurteth, Effects. 
not onely in the present, but also, (by example) in the 
future, it is a greater Crime, than if it hurt onely in the 
present : for the former, is a fertile Crime, and multi- 
plyes to the hurt of many ; the later is barren. To 

236 Part 2. OF COMMON -WEALTH. Chap. 27. 

maintain doctrines contrary to the Religion established 
in the Common-wealth, is a greater fault, in an authorised 
Preacher, than in a private person : So also is it, to live 
prophanely, incontinently, or do any irreligious act 
whatsoever. Likewise in a Professor of the Law, to 
maintain any point, or do any act, that tendeth to the 
weakning of the Soveraign Power, is a greater Crime, 
than in another man : Also in a man that hath such 
reputation for wisedome, as that his counsells are 
followed, or his actions imitated by many, his fact 
against the Law, is a greater Crime, than the same fact 
in another : For such men not onely commit Crime, 
but teach it for Law to all other men. And generally 
all Crimes are the greater, by the scandall they give ; 
that is to say, by becomming stumbling-blocks to the 
weak, that look not so much upon the way they go in, 
as upon the light that other men carry before them. 
Lasa Also Facts of hostility against the present state of the 

Majesias. Common-wealth, are greater Crimes, than the same acts 
done to private men : For the dammage extends it 
selfe to all : Such are the betraying of the strengths, 
or revealing of the secrets of the Common-wealth to an 
Enemy ; also all attempts upon the Representative of 
the Common-wealth, be it a Monarch, or an Assembly ; 
[160] and all endeavours by word, or deed to diminish the 
Authority of the same, either in the present time, or in 
succession : which Crimes the Latines understand by 
Crimina Icescz Majestatis, and consist in designe, or act, 
contrary to a Fundamentall Law. 

Bribery Likewise those Crimes, which render Judgements of 
and False no effect, are greater Crimes, than Injuries done to one, 
ny or a few persons ; as to receive mony to give False 
judgement, or testimony, is a greater Crime, than other 
wise to deceive a man of the like, or a greater sum me; 
because not onely he has wrong, that falls by such 
judgements ; but all Judgements are rendered uselesse, 
and occasion ministred to force, and private revenges. 
Depecnla- Also Robbery, and Depeculation of the PubHque 
Hon. treasure, or Revenues, is a greater Crime, than the 
robbing, or defrauding of a Private man ; because to 
robbe the publique, is to robbe many at once. 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 27. 237 

Also the Counterfeit usurpation of publique Ministery, Counter- 
the Counterfeiting of publique Scales, or publique fating 
Coine, than counterfeiting of a private mans person, or 
his seale ; because the fraud thereof, extendeth to the 
dammage of many. 

Of facts against the Law, done to private men, the Crimes 
greater Crime, is that, where the dammage in the against 
common opinion of men, is most sensible. And ^Tcow- 
therefore pared. 

To kill against the Law, is a greater Crime, than any 
other injury, life preserved. 

And to kill with Torment, greater, than simply to kill. 

And Mutilation of a limbe, greater, than the spoyling 
a man of his goods. 

And the spoyling a man of his goods, by Terrour of 
death, or wounds, than by clandestine surreption. 

And by clandestine Surreption, than by consent 
fraudulently obtained. 

And the violation of chastity by Force, greater, than 
by flattery. 

And of a woman Married, than of a woman not 

For all these things are commonly so valued ; though 
some men are more, and some lesse sensible of the same 
offence. But the Law regardeth not the particular, but 
the generall inclination of mankind. 

And therefore the offence men take, from contumely, 
in words, or gesture, when they produce no other harme, 
than the present griefe of him that is reproached, hath 
been neglected in the Lawes of the Greeks, Romans, and 
other both antient, and moderne Common -wealths ; sup 
posing the true cause of such griefe to consist, not in the 
contumely, (which takes no hold upon men conscious of 
their own vertue,) but in the Pusillanimity of him that 
is offended by it. 

Also a Crime against a private man, is much aggra 
vated by the person, time, and place. For to kill ones 
Parent, is a greater Crime, than to kill another : for the 
Parent ought to have the honour of a Soveraign, (though 
he have surrendred his Power to the Civill Law,) because 
he had it originally by Nature. And to Robbe a poore 

Part 2. 




[i6i]man, is a greater Crime, than to robbe a rich man; 
because tis to the poore a more sensible dammage. 

And a Crime committed in the Time, or Place appointed 
for Devotion, is greater, than if committed at another 
time or place : for it proceeds from a greater contempt 
of the Law. 

Many other cases of Aggravation, and Extenuation 
might be added : but by these I have set down, it is 
obvious to every man, to take the altitude of any other 
Crime proposed. 

Lastly, because in almost all Crimes there is an Injury 
done, not onely to some Private men, but also to the 
Common-wealth ; the same Crime, when the accusation 
is in the name of the Common-wealth, is called Publique 
Crime ; and when in the name of a Private man, a Private 
Crime ; And the Pleas according thereunto called Pub 
lique, Judicia Publica, Pleas of the Crown ; or Private 
Pleas. As in an Accusation of Murder, if the accuser be 
a Private man, the plea is a Private plea ; if the accuser 
be the Soveraign, the plea is a Publique plea. 

The defi 
nition of 

Right to 



A PUNISHMENT, is an Evill inflicted by publique Au 
thority > on him that hath done, or omitted that which is 
Judged by the same Authority to be a Transgression of the 
Law ; to the end that the will of men may thereby the better 
be disposed to obedience. 

Before I inferre any thing from this definition, there 
is a question to be answered, of much importance ; which 
is, by what door the Right, or Authority of Punishing 
in any case, came in. For by that which has been said 
before, no man is supposed bound by Covenant, not to 
resist violence ; and consequently it cannot be intended, 
that he gave any right to another to lay violent hands 
upon his person. In the making of a Common- wealth, 
every man giveth away the right of defending another ; 
but not of defending himselfe. Also he obligeth himself e, 
to assist him that hath the Soveraignty, in the Punishing 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 28. 239 

of another ; but of himself e not. But to covenant to 
assist the Soveraign, in doing hurt to another, unlesse 
he that so covenanteth have a right to doe it himselfe, 
is not to give him a Right to Punish. It is manifest there 
fore that the Right which the Common-wealth (that is, 
he, or they that represent it) hath to Punish, is not 
grounded on any concession, or gift of the Subjects. 
But I have also shewed formerly, that before the Insti 
tution of Common-wealth, every man had a right to 
every thing, and to do whatsoever he thought necessary 
to his own preservation ; subduing, hurting, or killing 
any man in order thereunto. And this is the foundation 
of that right of Punishing, which is exercised in every [162] 
Common -wealth. For the Subjects did not give the 
Soveraign that right ; but onely in laying down theirs, 
strengthned him to use his own, as he should think fit, 
for the preservation of them all : so that it was not given, 
but left to him, and to him onely ; and (excepting the 
limits set him by naturall Law) as entire, as in the con 
dition of meer Nature, and of warre of every one against 
his neighbour. 

From the definition of Punishment, I inferre, First, Private 
that neither private revenges, nor injuries of private men, 
can properly be stiled Punishment ; because they pro- 
ceed not from publique Authority. Punish- 

Secondly, that to be neglected, and unpreferred by ments : 
the publique favour, is not a Punishment ; because no Nor deny- 
new evill is thereby on any man Inflicted ; he is onely r ^JJ t" 
left in the estate he was in before. 

Thirdly, that the evill inflicted by publique Authority, Nor pain 
without precedent publique condemnation, is not to be inflicted 
stiled by the name of Punishment ; but of an hostile act ; Sjjjj 1 ^ 
because the fact for which a man is Punished, ought first hearing: 
to be Judged by publique Authority, to be a transgres 
sion of the Law. 

Fourthly, that the evill inflicted by usurped power, Nor pain 
and Judges without Authority from the Soveraign, is inflicted 
not Punishment ; but an act of hostility ; because the 
acts of power usurped, have not for Author, the person 
condemned ; and therefore are not acts of publique 


Nor pain 
respect to 
the future 

ev ill conse 



if lesse 
than the 
benefit of 
is not 

Where the 
ment is 
annexed to 
the Law, a 
hurt is not 
ment, but 

Hurt in 
flicted for 
a fact done 
before the 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 28. 

Fifthly, that all evill which is inflicted without inten 
tion, or possibility of disposing the Delinquent, or (by 
his example) other men, to obey the Lawes, is not 
Punishment ; but an act of hostility ; because with 
out such an end, no hurt done is contained under 
that name. 

Sixthly, whereas to certain actions, there be annexed 
by Nature, divers hurtfull consequences ; as when a man 
in assaulting another, is himselfe slain, or wounded ; or 
when he falleth into sicknesse by the doing of some 
unlawfull act ; such hurt, though in respect of God, who 
is the author of Nature, it may be said to be inflicted, 
and therefore a Punishment divine ; yet it is not con- 
taned in the name of Punishment in respect of men, 
because it is not inflicted by the Authority of man. 

Seventhly, If the harm inflicted be lesse than the 
benefit, or contentment that naturally followeth the 
crime committed, that harm is not within the definition ; 
and is rather the Price, or Redemption, than the Punish 
ment of a Crime : Because it is of the nature of Punish 
ment, to have for end, the disposing of men to obey the 
Law; which end (if it be lesse than the benefit of the 
transgression) it attaineth not, but worketh a contrary 

Eighthly, If a Punishment be determined and pre 
scribed in the Law it selfe, and after the crime com 
mitted, there be a greater Punishment inflicted, the 
excesse is not Punishment, but an act of hostility. For 
seeing the aym of Punishment is not a revenge, but 
terrour ; and the terrour of a great Punishment un 
known, is taken away by the declaration of a lesse, the 
unexpected addition is no part of | the Punishment. 
But where there is no Punishment at all determined 
by the Law, there whatsoever is inflicted, hath the 
nature of Punishment. For he that goes about the 
violation of a Law, wherein no penalty is determined, 
expecteth an indeterminate, that is to say, an arbitrary 

Ninthly, Harme inflicted for a Fact done before there 
was a Law that forbad it, is not Punishment, but an 
act of Hostility : For before the Law, there is no trans- 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 28. 241 

gression of the Law : But Punishment supposeth a fact Law, no 
judged, to have been a transgression of the Law ; There- Punish- 
fore Harme inflicted before the Law made, is not Punish- ment 
ment, but an act of Hostility. 

Tenthly, Hurt inflicted on the Representative of the The Re- 
Common-wealth, is not Punishment, but an act of f^/^^ e 
Hostility : Because it is of the nature of Punishment, common- 
to be inflicted by publique Authority, which is the wealth 
Authority only of the Representative it self. Unpun- 

Lastly, Harme inflicted upon one that is a declared Z5 ^ a& ^- 
enemy, f als not under the name of Punishment : Because ? W *V , 
seeing they were either never subject to the Law, ^&& Subjects is 
therefore cannot transgresse it ; or having been subject done by 
to it, and professing to be no longer so, by consequence fight of 
deny they can transgresse it, all the Harmes that can be War, not 
done them, must be taken as acts of Hostility. But in p u ^ h _ 
declared Hostility, all infliction of evill is lawfull. From men t. 
whence it followeth, that if a subject shall by fact, or 
word, wittingly, and deliberatly deny the authority of 
the Representative of the Common-wealth, (whatsoever 
penalty hath been formerly ordained for Treason,) he 
may lawfully be made to suffer whatsoever the Repre 
sentative will : For in denying subjection, he denyes 
such Punishment as by the Law hath been ordained ; 
and therefore suffers as an enemy of the Common-wealth ; 
that is, according to the will of the Representative. For 
the Punishments set down in the Law, are to Subjects, 
not to Enemies ; such as are they, that having been by 
their own act Subjects, deliberately revolting, deny the 
Soveraign Power. 

The first, and most generall distribution of Punish 
ments, is into Divine, and Humane. Of the former I shall 
have occasion, to speak, in a more convenient place 

Humane, are those Punishments that be inflicted by 
the Commandement of Man ; and are either Corporall, 
or Pecuniary, or Ignominy, or Imprisonment, or Exile, 
or mixt of these. 

Corporall Punishment is that, which is inflicted on the Punish- 
body directly, and according to the intention of him ents 
that inflicteth it : such as are stripes, or wounds, or Cor P ral1 - 


242 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 28. 

deprivation of such pleasures of the body, as were before 
lawfully enjoyed. 

Capital! . And of these, some be Capitall, some Lesse than Capi 
tall. Capitall, is the Infliction of Death ; and that either 
simply, or with torment. Lesse than Capitall, are Stripes, 
Wounds, Chains, and any other corporall Paine, not in 
its own nature mortall. For if upon the Infliction of 
a Punishment death follow not in the intention of the 
Inflicter, the Punishment is not to bee esteemed Capitall, 
though the harme prove mortall by an accident not to 
[164] be foreseen ; in which case death is not inflicted, but 

Pecuniary Punishment, is that which consisteth not 
only in the deprivation of a Summe of Mony, but also 
of Lands, or any other goods which are usually bought 
and sold for mony. And in case the Law, that ordaineth 
such a punishment, be made with design to gather mony, 
from such as shall transgresse the same, it is not properly 
a Punishment, but the Price of priviledge, and exemption 
from the Law, which doth not absolutely forbid the fact, 
but only to those that are not able to pay the mony : 
except where the Law is Naturall, or part of Religion ; 
for in that case it is not an exemption from the Law, 
but a transgression of it. As where a Law exact eth 
a Pecuniary mulct, of them that take the name, of 
God in vaine, the payment of the mulct, is not the 
price of a dispensation to sweare, but the Punishment 
of the transgression of a Law undispensable. In like 
manner if the Law impose a Summe of Mony to be 
payd, to him that has been Injured ; this is but 
a satisfaction for the hurt done him ; and extinguished 
the accusation of the party injured, not the crime of 
the offender. 

Ignominy. Ignominy, is the infliction of such Evill, as is made 
Dishonorable ; or the deprivation of such Good, as is 
made Honourable by the Common- wealth. For there 
be some things Honorable by Nature ; as the effects of 
Courage, Magna[ni]mity, Strength, Wisdome, and other 
abilities of body and mind : Others made Honorable by 
the Common-wealth ; as Badges, Titles, Offices, or any 
other singular marke of the Soveraigns favour. The 

Part 2. OF COMMON -WEALTH. Chap. 28. 243 

former, (though they may faile by nature, or accident,) 
cannot be taken away by a Law ; and therefore the 
losse of them is not Punishment. But the later, may be 
taken away by the publique authority that made them 
Honorable, and are properly Punishments : Such are 
degrading men condemned, of their Badges, Titles, and 
Offices ; or declaring them uncapable of the like in time 
to come. 

Imprisonment, is when a man is by publique Authority Imprison- 
deprived of liberty ; and may happen from two divers ment - 
ends ; whereof one is the safe custody of a man accused ; 
the other is the inflicting of paine on a man condemned. 
The former is not Punishment ; because no man is 
supposed to be Punisht, before he be Judicially heard, 
and declared guilty. And therefore whatsoever hurt 
a man is made to suffer by bonds, or restraint, before his 
cause be heard, over and above that which is necessary 
to assure his custody, is against the Law of Nature. 
But the later is Punishment, because Evill, and inflicted 
by publique Authority, for somewhat that has by the 
same Authority been Judged a Transgression of the 
Law. Under this word Impriso[n]ment, I comprehend 
all restraint of motion, caused by an externall obstacle, 
be it a House, which is called by the general name of 
a Prison ; or an Hand, as when men are said to be 
confined to it ; or a place where men are set to worke, 
as in old time men have been condemned to Quarries, 
and in these times to Gallies ; or be it a Chaine, or any 
other such impediment. 

Exile, (Banishment) is when a man is for a crime, Exile. 
condemned to depart out of the dominion of the Common- [165] 
wealth, or out of a certaine part thereof ; and during 
a prefixed time, or for ever, not to return into it : and 
seemeth not in its own nature, without other circum 
stances, to be a Punishment ; but rather an escape, or 
a publique commandement to avoid Punishment by flight. 
And Cicero sayes, there was never any such Punishment 
ordained in the City of Rome ; but cals it a refuge of 
men in danger. For if a man banished, be neverthe- 

se permitted to enjoy his Goods, and the Revenue of 
his Lands, the meer change of ayr is no Punishment ; 

R 2 

244 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 28. 

nor does it tend to that benefit of the Common-wealth, 
for which all Punishments are ordained, (that is to say, 
to the forming of mens wils to the observation of the 
Law;) but many times to the dammage of the Common 
wealth. For a Banished man, is a lawfull enemy of 
the Common-wealth that banished him ; as being no 
more a Member of the same. But if he be withall 
deprived of his Lands, or Goods, then the Punishment 
lyeth not in the Exile, but is to be reckoned amongst 
Punishments Pecuniary. 

The Pun- All Punishments of Innocent subjects, be they great 
ishment of or little, are against the Law of Nature : For Punishment 
Subjects is * s on -^y ^ or Transgression of the Law, and therefore there 
contrary can be no Punishment of the Innocent. It is therefore 
to the Law a violation, First, of that Law of Nature, which forbiddeth 
of Nature. ^\\ men? m their Revenges, to look at any thing but some 
future good : For there can arrive no good to the Com 
mon-wealth, by Punishing the Innocent. Secondly, of 
that, which forbiddeth Ingratitude : For seeing all 
Soveraign Power, is originally given by the consent of 
every one of the Subjects, to the end they should 
as long as they are obedient, be protected thereby ; 
the Punishment of the Innocent, is a rendring of 
Evill for Good. And thirdly, of the Law that com- 
mandeth Equity ; that is to say, an equall distribution 
of Justice ; which in Punishing the Innocent is not 

But the But the Infliction of what evill soever, on an Innocent 
Harme ma n, that is not a Subject, if it be for the benefit of the 
Innocents Common- wealth, and without violation of any former 
in War, Covenant, is no breach of the Law of Nature. For all 
not so : men that are not Subjects, are either Enemies, or else 
they have ceased from being so, by some precedent 
covenants. But against Enemies, whom the Common 
wealth judgeth capable to do them hurt, it is lawfull by 
the originall Right of Nature to make warre ; wherein 
the Sword Judgeth not, nor doth the Victor make dis- 
Nor that tinction of Nocent, and Innocent, as to the time past ; 
rf**c*to S nor ^ as ot ^ er res P ect f niercy, than as it conduceth to 
declared tnc gd of his own People. And upon this ground it is, 
Rebels. that also in Subjects, who deliberatly deny the Authority 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 28. 245 

of the Common-wealth established, the vengeance is 
lawfully extended, not onely to the Fathers, but also 
to the third and fourth generation not yet in being, 
and consequently innocent of the fact, for which 
they are afflicted : because the nature of this offence, 
consisteth in the renouncing of subjection ; which is 
a relapse into the condition of warre, commonly called 
Rebellion ; and they that so offend, suffer not as Sub 
jects, but as Enemies. For Rebellion, is but warre [166] 

REWARD, is either of Gift, or by Contract. When by Reward is 
Contract, it is called Salary, and Wages ; which is benefit ether 
due for service performed, or promised. When of Gift, 
it is benefit proceeding from the grace of them that 
bestow it, to encourage, or enable men to do them 
service. And therefore when the Soveraign of a Common 
wealth appointeth a Salary to any publique Office, he 
that receiveth it, is bound in Justice to performe his 
office ; otherwise, he is bound onely in honour, to 
acknowledgement, and an endeavour of requitall. For 
though men have no lawfull remedy, when they be 
commanded to quit their private businesse, to serve the 
publique, without Reward, or Salary ; yet they are not 
bound thereto, by the Law of Nature, nor by the Insti 
tution of the Common-wealth, unlesse the service cannot 
otherwise be done ; because it is supposed the Soveraign 
may make use of all their means, insomuch as the most 
common Souldier, may demand the wages of his warre - 
fare, as a debt. 

The benefits which a Soveraign bestoweth on a Subject, Benefits 
for fear of some power, and ability he hath to do hurt to bestowed 
the Common-wealth, are not properly Rewards; ^ OT are not 
they are not Salaryes ; because there is in this case no R ewa rds. 
contract supposed, every man being obliged already not 
to do the Common-wealth disservice : nor are they 
Graces ; because they be extorted by fear, which ought 
not to be incident to the Soveraign Power : but are 
rather Sacrifices, which the Soveraign (considered in his 
naturall person, and not in the person of the Common 
wealth) makes, for the appeasing the discontent of him 
he thinks more potent than himselfe ; and encourage 

246 \\irl2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. 

not to obedience, but on the contrary, to the continuance 1 , 
and increasing of further extortion. 

Salaries And whereas some Salaries are certain, and proceed 
Certain from the publique Treasure ; and others uncertain, and 
casua ^ proceeding from the execution of the Office for 
which the Salary is ordained ; the later is in some cases 
hurtfull to the Common-wealth ; as in the case of 
Judicature. For where the benefit of the Judges, and 
Ministers of a Court of Justice, ariseth for the multitude 
of Causes that are brought to their cognisance, there 
must needs follow two Inconveniences : One, is the 
nourishing of sutes ; for the more sutes, the greater 
benefit : and another that depends on that, which is 
contention about Jurisdiction ; each Court drawing to 
it selfe, as many Causes as it can. But in offices of 
Execution there are not those Inconveniences ; because 
their employment cannot be encreased by any endeavour 
of their own. And thus much shall suffice for the nature 
of Punishment, and Reward ; which are, as it were, the 
Nerves and Tendons, that move the limbes and joynts of 
a Common- wealth. 

Hitherto I have set forth the nature of Man, (whose 
Pride and other Passions have compelled him to submit 
himself e to Government ;) together with the great power 
of his Governour, whom I compared to Leviathan, taking 
that comparison out of the two last verses of the one and 
fortieth of Job ; where God having set forth the great 
power of Leviathan, calleth him King of the Proud. 
[167] There is nothing, saith he, on earth, to be compared with 
him. He is made so as not to be afraid. Hee seeth every 
high thing below him ; and is King of all the children of 
pride. But because he is mortall, and subject to decay, 
as all other Earthly creatures are ; and because there is 
that in heaven, (though not on earth) that he should 
stand in fear of, and whose Lawes he ought to obey ; 
I shall in the next following Chapters speak of his Diseases, 
and the causes of his Mortality ; and of what Law< i s of 
Nature he is bound to obey. 

Part2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 2^. 247 


Of those things that Weaken, or tend to the DISSOLUTION 
of a Common-wealth. 

THOUGH nothing can be immortall, which mortals Dissohi- 
make ; yet, if men had the use of reason they pretend to, hon i 
their Common-wealths might be secured, at least, from wealths* 
perishing by internall diseases. For by the nature of proceedetk 
their Institution, they are designed to live, as long as from their 
Man-kind, or as the Lawes of Nature, or as Justice it Imperfect 
selfe, which gives them life. Therefore when they come t ^ tu 
to be dissolved, not by externall violence, but intestine 
disorder, the fault is not in men, as they are the Matter ; 
but as they are the Makers, and orderers of them. For 
men, as they become at last weary of irregular justling, 
and hewing one another, and desire with all their hearts, 
to conforme themselves into one firme and lasting 
edifice ; so for want, both of the art of making fit Lawes, 
to square their actions by, and also of humility, and 
patience, to suffer the rude and combersome points of 
their present greatnesse to be taken off, they cannot 
without the help of a very able Architect, be compiled, 
into any other than a crasie building, such as hardly 
lasting out their own time, must assuredly fall upon the 
heads of their posterity. 

Amongst the Infirmities therefore of a Common 
wealth, I will reckon in the first place, those that arise 
from an Imperfect Institution, and resemble the diseases 
of a naturall body, which proceed from a Defectuous 

Of which, this is one, That a man to obtain a Kingdome, Want of 
is sometimes content with lesse Power, than to the Peace, Absolute 
and defence of the Common-wealth is necessarily required. P ower - 
From whence it commeth to passe, that when the 
exercise of the Power layd by, is for the publique safety 
to be resumed, it hath the resemblance of an unjust 
act ; which disposeth great numbers of men (when 
occasion is presented) to rebell ; In the same manner as 
the bodies of children, gotten by diseased parents, are 
subject either to untimely death, or to purge the ill 

248 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 29. 

quality, derived from their vicious conception, by break 
ing out into biles and scabbs. And when Kings deny 
themselves some such necessary Power, it is not alwayes 
(though sometimes) out of ignorance of what is necessary 
[168] to the office they undertake ; but many times out of 
a hope to recover the same again at their pleasure : 
Wherein they reason not well ; because such as will hold 
them to their promises, shall be maintained against them 
by forraign Common-wealths ; who in order to the good 
of their own Subjects let slip few occasions to weaken the 
estate of their Neighbours. So was Thomas Becket Arch 
bishop of Canterbury, supported against Henry the 
Second, by the Pope ; the subjection of Ecclesiastiques 
to the Common-wealth, having been dispensed with by 
William the Conquerour at his reception, when he took 
an Oath, not to infringe the liberty of the Church. And 
so were the Barons, whose power was by William Rufus 
(to have their help in transferring the Succession from 
his Elder brother, to himself e,) encreased to a degree, 
inconsistent with the Soveraign Power, maintained in 
their Rebellion against King John, by the French. 

Nor does this happen in Monarchy onely. For whereas 
the stile of the antient Roman Common-wealth, was, The 
Senate, and People of Rome ; neither Senate, nor People 
pretended to the whole Power ; which first caused the 
seditions, of Tiberius Gracchus, Caius Gracchus, Lucius 
Saturninus, and others ; and afterwards the warres be 
tween the Senate and the People, under Marius and Sylla ; 
and again under Pompey and Ctesar, to the Extinction of 
their Democraty, and the setting up of Monarchy. 

The people of Athens bound themselves but from one 
onely Action ; which was, that no man on pain of death 
should propound the renewing of the warre for the 
Island of Salamis ; And yet thereby, if Solon had not 
caused to be given out he was mad, and afterwards in 
gesture and habit of a mad-man, and in verse, pro 
pounded it to the People that flocked about him, they 
had had an enemy perpetually in readinesse, even at the 
gates of their Citie ; such dammage, or shifts, are all 
Common-wealths forced to, that have their Power never 
so little limited. 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 39. 249 

In the second place, I observe the Diseases of a Com- Private 
mon-wealth, that proceed from the poyson of seditious J ud e ~ 
doctrines ; whereof one is, That every private man is **^ J nd 
Judge of Good and Evill actions. This is true in the Evill. 
condition of meer Nature, where there are no Civill 
Lawes ; and also under Civill Government, in such cases 
as are not determined by the Law. But otherwise, it is 
manifest, that the measure of Good and Evill actions, 
is the Civill Law ; and the Judge the Legislator, who is 
alwayes Representative of the Common -wealth. From 
this false doctrine, men are disposed to debate with 
themselves, and dispute the commands of the Common 
wealth ; and afterwards to obey, or disobey them, as in 
their private judgements they shall think fit. Whereby 
the Common-wealth is distracted and Weakened. 

Another doctrine repugnant to Civill Society, is, that Erroneous 
whatsoever a man does against his Conscience, is Sinne ; co - 
and it dependeth on the presumption of making himself sclence - 
judge of Good and Evill. For a mans Conscience, and 
his Judgement is the same thing ; and as the Judgement, 
so also the Conscience may be erroneous. Therefore, 
though he that is subject to no Civill Law, sinneth in all [169] 
he does against his Conscience, because he has no other 
rule to follow but his own reason ; yet it is not so with 
him that lives in a Common-wealth ; because the Law 
is the publique Conscience, by which he hath already 
undertaken to be guided. Otherwise in such diversity, 
as there is of private Consciences, which are but private 
opinions, the Common-wealth must needs be distracted, 
and no man dare to obey the Soveraign Power, farther 
than it shall seem good in his own eyes. 

It hath been also commonly taught, That Faith and Pretence 
Sanctity, are not to be attained by Study and Reason, but f In ~ . 
by supernaturall Inspiration, or Infusion, which granted, 5 ** f 
I see not why any man should render a reason of his 
Faith ; or why every Christian should not be also 
a Prophet ; or why any man should take the Law of his 
Country, rather than his own Inspiration, for the rule 
of his action. And thus wee fall again into the fault of 
taking upon us to Judge of Good and Evill; or to make 
Judges of it, such private men as pretend to be super- 


Part 2. 


Chap. ;. o. 

ing the 
Power to 

ing of 
to Sub 

naturally Inspired, to the Dissolution of all Civill Govern 
ment. Faith comes by hearing, and hearing by those 
accidents, which guide us into the presence of them 
that speak to us ; which accidents are all contrived by 
God Almighty ; and yet are not supernaturall, but 
onely, for the great number of them that concurre 
to every effect, unobservable. Faith, and Sanctity, are 
indeed not very frequent ; but yet they are not Miracles, 
but brought to passe by education, discipline, correc 
tion, and other naturall wayes, by which God worketh 
them in his elect, at such time as he thinketh fit. And 
these three opinions, pernicious to Peace and Govern 
ment, have in this part of the world, proceeded chiefly 
from the tongues, and pens of unlearned Divines ; who 
joyning the words of Holy Scripture together, other 
wise than is agreeable to reason, do what they can, to 
make men think, that Sanctity and Naturall Reason, 
cannot stand together. 

A fourth opinion, repugnant to the nature of a Com 
mon-wealth, is this, That he that hath the Soveraign Power, 
is subject to the Civill Lawes. It is true, that Soveraigns 
are all subject to the Lawes of Nature ; because such 
lawes be Divine, and cannot by any man, or Common 
wealth be abrogated. But to those Lawes which the 
Soveraign himselfe, that is, which the Common-wealth 
maketh, he is not subject. For to be subject to Lawes, is to 
be subject to the Common-wealth, that is to the Soveraign 
Representative, that is to himselfe ; which is not sub 
jection, but freedome from the Lawes. Which err our, 
because it setteth the Lawes above the Soveraign, setteth 
also a Judge above him, and a Power to punish him ; 
which is to make a new Soveraign ; and again for the 
same reason a third, to punish the second ; and so 
continually without end, to the Confusion, and Dissolu 
tion of the Common-wealth. 

A Fifth doctrine, that tendeth to the Dissolution of 
a Common-wealth, is, That every private man has an 
absolute Propriety in his Goods ; such, as excludeth the 
Right of the Soveraign. Every man has indeed a Propriety ( 
that excludes the Right of every other Subject : And he ; 
has it onely from the Soveraign Power ; without the [ 

\\irtz. OF COMMON -WEALTH. Chap. 29. 25 

protection whereof, every other man should have equall [170] 
Right to the same. But if the Right of the Soveraign 
also be excluded, he cannot performe the office they 
have put him into ; which is, to defend them both from 
forraign enemies, and from the injuries of one another ; 
and consequently there is no longer a Common- wealth. 

And if the Propriety of Subjects, exclude not the Right 
of the Soveraign Representative to their Goods ; much 
lesse to their offices of Judicature, or Execution, in 
which they Represent the Soveraign himself e. 

There is a Sixth doctrine, plainly, and directly against Dividing 
the essence of a Common-wealth ; and tis this, That the f the 
Soveraign Power may be divided. For what is it to divide 
the Power of a Common-wealth, but to Dissolve it ; for 
Powers divided mutually destroy each other. And for 
these doctrines, men are chiefly beholding to some of 
those, that making profession of the Lawes, endeavour 
to make them depend upon their own learning, and not 
upon the Legislative Power. 

And as False Doctrine, so also often-times the Example Imitation 
of different Government in a neighbouring Nation, dis- f Neigh- 
poseth men to alteration of the forme already setled. So 
the people of the Jewes were stirred up to reject God, 
and to call upon the Prophet Samuel, for a King after 
the manner of the Nations : So also the lesser Cities of 
Greece, were continually disturbed, with seditions of the 
Aristocraticall, and Democraticall factions ; one part of 
almost every Common-wealth, desiring to imitate the 
Lacedaemonians ; the other, the Athenians. And I doubt 
not, but many men, have been contented to see the late 
troubles in England, out of an imitation of the Low 
Countries ; supposing there needed no more to grow 
rich, than to change, as they had done, the forme of their 
Government. For the constitution of mans nature, is 
of it selfe subject to desire novelty : When therefore 
they are provoked to the same, by the neighbourhood 
also of those that have been enriched by it, it is almost 
impossible for them, not to be content with those that 
solicite them to change ; and love the first beginnings, 
though they be grieved with the continuance of disorder ; 
like hot blonds, that having gotten the itch, tear them- 

252 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. -q, 

selves with their own nayles, till they can endure the 
smart no longer. 

Imitation And as to Rebellion in particular against Monarchy ; 
of the one o f the most frequent causes of it, is the Reading of 
a s the books of Policy, and Histories of the antient Greeks, 
Romans, and Romans ; from which, young men, and all others 
that are unprovided of the Antidote of solid Reason, 
receiving a strong, and delightfull impression, of the 
great exploits of warre, atchieved by the Conductors of 
their Armies, receive withall a pleasing Idea, of all they 
have done besides ; and imagine their great prosperity, 
not to have proceeded from the aemulation of particular 
men, but from the vertue of their popular forme of 
government : Not considering the frequent Seditions, 
and Civill warres, produced by the imperfection of their 
Policy. From the reading, I say, of such books, men have 
undertaken to kill their Kings, because the Greek and 
[171] Latine writers, in their books, and discourses of Policy, 
make it lawfull, and laudable, for any man so to do ; 
provided before he do it, he call him Tyrant. For they 
say not Regicide, that is, killing of a King, but Tyranni 
cide, that is, killing of a Tyrant is lawfull. From the 
same books, they that live under a Monarch conceive an 
opinion, that the Subjects in a Popular Common- wealth 
enjoy Liberty ; but that in a Monarchy they are all 
Slaves. I say, they that live under a Monarchy conceive 
such an opinion ; not they that live under a Popular 
Government : for they find no such matter. In sunime, 
I cannot imagine, how any thing can be more prejudicial! 
to a Monarchy, than the allowing of such books to be 
publikely read, without present applying such cor 
rectives of discreet Masters, as are fit to take away their 
Venime : Which Venime I will not doubt to compare to 
the biting of a mad Dogge, which is a disease the Phy 
sicians call Hydrophobia, or fear of Water. For as he that 
is so bitten, has a continuall torment of thirst, and yet 
abhorreth water ; and is in such an estate, as if the 
poyson endeavoured to convert him into a Dogge : So 
when a Monarchy is once bitten to the quick, by those 
Democraticall writers, that continually snarle at that 
estate ; it wanteth nothing more than a strong Monarch, 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 29. 253 

which neverthelesse out of a certain Tyrannophobia, or 
feare of being strongly governed, when they have him, 
they abhorre. 

As there have been Doctors, that hold there be three 
Soules in a man ; so there be also that think there may 
be more Soules, (that is, more Soveraigns,) than one, in 
a Common-wealth ; and set up a Supremacy against the 
Soveraignty ; Canons against Lawes ; and a Ghostly 
Authority against the Civill , working on mens minds, 
with words and distinctions, that of themselves signifie 
nothing, but bewray (by their obscurity) that there 
walketh (as some think invisibly) another Kingdome, 
as it were a Kingdome of Fayries, in the dark. Now 
seeing it is manifest, that the Civill Power, and the 
Power of the Common-wealth is the same thing ; and 
that Supremacy, and the Power of making Canons, and 
granting Faculties, implyeth a Common-wealth ; it fol 
io weth, that where one is Soveraign, another Supreme ; 
where one can make Lawes, and another make Canons ; 
there must needs be two Common-wealths, of one & the 
same Subjects ; which is a Kingdome divided in it selfe, 
and cannot stand. For notwithstanding the insignificant 
distinction of Temporally and Ghostly, they are still two 
Kingdomes, and every Subject is subject to two Masters. I 
For seeing the Ghostly Power challengeth the Right to 
declare what is Sinne it challengeth by consequence to 
declare what is Law, (Sinne being nothing but the trans 
gression of the Law ;) and again, the Civill Power chal 
lenging to declare what is Law, every Subject must obey 
two Masters, who both will have their Commands be 
observed as Law ; which is impossible. Or, if it be but 
one Kingdome, either the Civill., which is the Power of 
the Common-wealth, must be subordinate to the Ghostly, 
and then there is no Soveraignty but the Ghostly ; or the 
Ghostly must be subordinate to the Temporall, and then 
there is no Supremacy but the Temporall. When there 
fore these two Powers oppose one another, the Common 
wealth cannot but be in great danger of Civill warre, and [172] 
Dissolution. For the Civill Authority being more visible, 
and standing in the cleerer light of naturall reason, can 
not choose but draw to it in all times a very considerable 

254 p art 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 29. 

part of the people : And the Spiritually though it stand 
in the darknesse of Schoole distinctions, and hard words ; 
yet because the fear of Darknesse, and Ghosts, is greater 
than other fears, cannot want a party sufficient to 
Trouble, and sometimes to Destroy a Common- wealth, 
And this is a Disease which not unfitly may be compared 
to the Epilepsie, or Falling-si cknesse (which the Jewes 
took to be one kind of possession by Spirits) in the Body 
Naturall. For as in this Disease, there is an unnaturall 
spirit, or wind in the head that obstructeth the roots of 
the Nerves, and moving them violently, taketh away the 
motion which naturally they should have from the power 
of the Soule in the Brain, and thereby causeth violent, 
and irregular motions (which men call Convulsions) in 
the parts; insomuch as he that is seized therewith, falleth 
down sometimes into the water, and sometimes into 
the fire, as a man deprived of his senses ; so also in the 
Body Politique, when the spirituall power, moveth the 
Members of a Common-wealth, by the terrour of punish 
ments, and hope of rewards (which are the Nerves of it,) 
otherwise than by the Civill Power (which is the Soule 
of the Common-wealth) they ought to be moved ; and 
by strange, and hard words suffocates their understand 
ing, it must needs thereby Distract the people, and either 
Overwhelm the Common- wealth with Oppression, or cast 
it into the Fire of a Civill warre. 

Mixt Sometimes also in the meerly Civill government, there 

Govcm- be more than one Soule : As when the Power of levying 
mony, (which is the Nutritive faculty,) has depended on 
a generall Assembly ; the Power of conduct and com 
mand, (which is the Motive faculty,) on one man ; and 
the Power of making Lawes, (which is the Rationall 
faculty,) on the accidentall consent, not onely of those 
two, but also of a third ; This endangereth the Common 
wealth, somtimes for want of consent to good Lawes ; 
but most often for want of such Nourishment, as is 
necessary to Life, and Motion. For although few per 
ceive, that such government, is not government, but 
division of the Common-wealth into three Factions, and 
call it mixt Monarchy ; yet the truth is, that it is not 
one independent Common-wealth, but three independent 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 29. 255 

Factions ; nor one Representative Person, but three. 
In the Kingdome of God, there may be three Persons 
independent, without breach of unity in God that 
Reigneth ; but where men Reigne, that be subject to 
diversity of opinions, it cannot be so. And therefore if the 
King bear the person of the People, and the generall 
Assembly bear also the person of the People, and another 
Assembly bear the person of a Part of the people, they 
are not one Person, nor one Soveraign, but three Persons, 
and three Soveraigns. 

To what Disease in the Naturall Body of man I may 
exactly compare this irregularity of a Common-wealth, 
I know not. But I have seen a man, that had another 
man growing out of his side, with an head, armes, breast, 
and stomach, of his own : If he had had another man [173] 
growing out of his other side, the comparison might then 
have been exact. 

Hitherto I have named such Diseases of a Common- Want of 
wealth, as are of the greatest, and most present danger. Mony. 
There be other, not so great ; which never thelesse are 
not unfit to be observed. At first, the difficulty of raising 
Mony, for the necessary uses of the Common -wealth ; 
especially in the approach of warre. This difficulty 
ariseth from the opinion, that every Subject hath of 
a Propriety in his lands and goods, exclusive of the 
Soveraigns Right to the use of the same. From whence 
it to passe, that the Soveraign Power, which 
foreseeth the necessities and dangers of the Common 
wealth, (finding the passage of mony to the publique 
Treasure obstructed, by the tenacity of the people,) 
whereas it ought to extend it selfe, to encounter, and 
prevent such dangers in their beginnings, contracteth it 
selfe as long as it can, and when it cannot longer, struggles 
with the people by stratagems of Law, to obtain little 
summes, which not sufficing, he is fain at last violently 
to open the way for present s apply, or Perish ; and being 
put often to these extremities, at last reduceth the people 
to their due temper ; or else the Common-wealth must 
perish. Insomuch as we may compare this Distemper 
very aptly to an Ague ; wherein, the fleshy parts being 
congealed, or by venomous matter obstructed ; the Veins 

256 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 29. 

which by their naturall course empty themselves into the 
Heart, are not (as they ought to be) supplyed from the 
Arteries, whereby there succeedeth at first a cold con 
traction, and trembling of the limbes ; and afterwards 
a hot, and strong endeavour of the Heart, to force a pas 
sage for the Bloud ; and before it can do that, contenteth 
it selfe with the small refreshments of such things as 
coole for a time, till (if Nature be strong enough) it break 
at last the contumacy of the parts obstructed, and dissi- 
pateth the venome into sweat ; or (if Nature be too weak) 
the Patient dyeth. 

Monopo- Again, there is sometimes in a Common-wealth, a Dis- 

lies and ease, which resembleth the Pleurisie ; and that is, when 

Publicans ^ e Treasure of the Common-wealth, flowing out of its 

due course, is gathered together in too much abundance 

in one, or a few private men, by Monopolies, or by Farmes 

of the Publique Revenues ; in the same manner as the 

Blood in a Pleurisie, getting into the Membrane of the 

breast, breedeth there an Inflammation, accompanied 

with a Fever, and painfull stitches. 

Popular Also, the Popularity of a potent Subject, (unlesse the 
Commonwealth have very good caution of his fidelity,) 
is a dangerous Disease ; because the people (which should 
receive their motion from the Authority of the Soveraign,) 
by the flattery, and by the reputation of an ambitious 
man, are drawn away from their obedience to the Lawes, 
to follow a man, of whose vertues, and designes they 
have no knowledge. And this is commonly of more 
danger in a Popular Government, than in a Monarchy ; 
because an Army is of so great force, and multitude, as 
it may easily be made believe, they are the People. By 
[174] this means it was, that Julius Ccesar, who was set up by 
the People against the Senate, having won to himself e 
the affections of his Army, made himselfe Master, both 
of Senate and People. And this proceeding of popular, 
and ambitious men, is plain Rebellion ; and may be 
Excessive resembled to the effects of Witchcraft. 
greatnesse Another infirmity of a Common-wealth, is the im- 

ofaTown, moc } era te greatnesse of a Town, when it is able to furnish 
multitude , ., ~. ., ,, 

of Cor- ou t * ] ts own Circuit, the number, and expence ot a great 
porations. Army : As also the great number of Corporations : which 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 29. 257 

are as it were many lesser Common-wealths in the bowels 
of a greater, like wormes in the entrayles of a naturall 
man. To which may be added, the Liberty of Disputing Liberty of 
against absolute Power, by pretenders to Political! Pru- disputing 
dence ; which though bred for the most part in the Lees s^feraign 
of the people ; yet animated by False Doctrines, are "power. 
perpetually medling with the Fundamentall Lawes, to 
the molestation of the Common-wealth ; like the little 
Wormes, which Physicians call Ascarides. 

We may further adde, the insatiable appetite, or 
Bulimia, of enlarging Dominion ; with the incurable 
Wounds thereby many times received from the enemy ; 
And the Wens, of ununited conquests, which are many 
times a burthen, and with lesse danger lost, than kept ; 
As also the Lethargy of Ease, and Consumption of Riot 
and Vain Expence. 

Lastly, when in a warre (forraign, or intestine,) the Dissolu- 
enemies get a finall Victory ; so as (the forces of the t>n f 
Common-wealth keeping the field no longer) there is no 
farther protection of Subjects in their loyalty ; then is the 
Common-wealth DISSOLVED, and every man at liberty 
to protect himselfe by such courses as his own discretion 
shall suggest unto him. For the Soveraign, is the publique 
Soule, giving Life and Motion to the Common-wealth ; 
which expiring, the Members are governed by it no more, 
than the Carcasse of a man, by his departed (though 
Immortall) Soule. For though the Right of a Soveraign 
Monarch cannot be extinguished by the act of another ; 
yet the Obligation of the members may. For he that 
wants protection, may seek it any where ; and when he 
hath it, is obliged (without fraudulent pretence of having 
submitted himselfe out of feare,) to protect his Protection 
as long as he is able. But when the Power of an Assembly 
is once suppressed, the Right of the same perisheth 
utterly ; because the Assembly it selfe is extinct ; and 
consequently, there is no possibility for the Soveraignty 
to re-enter. 


258 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 30. 

[175] CHAP. XXX. 

Of the OFFICE of the Soveraign 

The Pro- THE OFFICE of the Soveraign, (be it a Monarch, or an 
curation Assembly,) consisteth in the end, for which he was trusted 
of the ^ ^ e Soveraign Power, namely the procuration of 

People. Me safety of the people ; to which he is obliged by the 
Law of Nature, and to render an account thereof to God, 
the Author of that Law, and to none but him. Bui by 
Safety here, is not meant a bare Preservation, but also 
all other Contentments of life, which every man by 
lawfull Industry, without danger, or hurt to the Common 
wealth, shall acquire to himself e. 

By In- And this is intended should be done, not by care 

^ruction applyed to Individualls, further than their protection 

& Lawes. f rom i n j ur i e s, when they shall complain ; but by a 

generall Providence, contained in publique Instruction, 

both of Doctrine, and Example ; and in the making, and 

executing of good Lawes, to which individuall persons 

may apply their own cases. 

Against And because, if the essentiall Rights of Soveraignty 

thedut yl (specified before in the eighteenth Chapter) be taken 
a Sove- v * ., ~ ... . ,. , 1 1 . , , 

raign to away, the Common-wealth is thereby dissolved, and 

relinquish every man returneth into the condition, and calamity 
any Es- o f a warre with every other man, (which is the greatest 

R?ht 11 evi11 that can ha PP en in this life it is t he O ffice of the 
of^Sove- Soveraign, to maintain those Rights entire ; and conse- 
raignty : quently against his duty, First, to transferre to another, 
or to lay from himself e any of them. For he that deserteth 
the Means, deserteth the Ends ; and he deserteth the 
Means, that being the Soveraign, acknowledgeth himselfe 
subject to the Civill Lawes ; and renounceth the Power of 
Supreme Judicature ; or of making Warre, or Peace by 
his own Authority ; or of Judging of the Necessities of 
the Common-wealth ; or of levying Mony, and Souldiers, 
when, and as much as in his own conscience he shall 
judge necessary ; or of making Officers, and Ministers 
both of Warre, and Peace ; or of appointing Teachers, 
and examining what Doctrines are conformable, or con- 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 30. 259 

trary to the Defence, Peace, and Good of the people. 
Secondly, it is against his Duty, to let the people be Oy not to 
ignorant, or mis-informed of the grounds, and reasons see the 
of those his essentiall Rights ; because thereby men are ^ eo ^ 
easie to be seduced, and drawn to resist him, when the ?,%unds * 
Common-wealth shall require their use and exercise. h f them. 

And the grounds of these Rights, have the rather need 
to be diligently, and truly taught ; because they cannot 
be maintained by any Civill Law, or terrour of legall 
punishment. For a Civill Law, that shall forbid Rebellion 
(and such is all resistance to the essentiall Rights of 
Soveraignty,) is not (as a Civill Law) any obligation, but [176] 
by vertue onely of the Law of Nature, that forbiddeth 
the violation of Faith ; w r hich naturall obligation if men 
know not, they cannot know the Right of any Law the 
Soveraign maketh. And for the Punishment, they take 
it but for an act of Hostility ; which when they think 
they have strength enough, they will endeavour by acts 
of Hostility, to avoyd. 

As I have heard some say, that Justice is but a word, Objection 
without substance ; and that whatsoever a man can by f those 
force, or art, acquire to himselfe, (not onely in the con- t ^ f re s ^ e 
dition of warre, but also in a Common-wealth,) is his no p n - w _ 
own, which I have already shewed to be false : So there ciples of 
be also that maintain, that there are no grounds, nor Reason 
Principles of Reason, to sustain those essentiall Rights, j^/|^_ 
which make Soveraignty absolute. For if there were, Y aignty.~ 
they would have been found out in some place, or other ; 
whereas we see, there has not hitherto been any Common 
wealth, where those Rights have been acknowledged, or 
challenged. Wherein they argue as ill, as if the Savage 
people of America, should deny there were any grounds, 
or Principles of Reason, so to build a house, as to last 
as long as the materials, because they never yet saw any 
so well built. Time, and Industry, produce every day 
new knowledge. And as the art of well building, is 
derived from Principles of Reason, observed by indus 
trious men, that had long studied the nature of materials, 
and the divers effects of figure, and proportion, long 
after mankind began (though poorly) to build : So, long 
Itime after men have begun to constitute Common- 

s 2 

260 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 30. 

wealths, imperfect, and apt to relapse into disorder, 
there may, Principles of Reason be found out, by indus 
trious meditation, to make their constitution (excepting 
by externall violence) everlasting. And such are those 
which I have in this discourse set forth : Which whether 
they come not into the sight of those that have Power 
to make use of them, or be neglected by them, or not, 
concerneth my particular interest, at this day, very little. 
But supposing that these of mine are not such Prin 
ciples of Reason ; yet I am sure they are Principles 
from Authority of Scripture ; as I shall make it appear, 
when I shall come to speak of the Kingdome of God, 
(administred by Moses,) over the Jewes, his peculiar 
people by Covenant. 

Objection J3ut they say again, that though the Principles be 
from the right, yet Common people are not of capacity enough to 
lu^oUhe be made to understand them - ! should be glad, that the 
vulgar. 6 Rich? an d Potent Subjects of a Kingdome, or those that 
are accounted the most Learned, were no lesse incapable 
than they. But ajl men know, that the obstructions to 
this kind of doctrine, proceed not so much from the 
difficulty of the matter, as from the interest of them 
that are to learn. Potent men, digest hardly any tiling 
that setteth up a Power to bridle their affections ; and 
Learned men, any thing that discovereth their errours, 
and thereby lesseneth their Authority : whereas the 
Common-peoples minds, unlesse they be tainted with 
dependance on the Potent, or scribbled over with the 
opinions of their Doctors, are like clean paper, fit to 
receive whatsoever by Publique Authority shall be 
imprinted in them. Shall whole Nations be brought to 
[177] acquiesce in the great Mysteries of Christian Religion, 
which are above Reason ; and millions of men be made 
believe, that the same Body may be in innumerable 
places, at one and the same time, which is against Rea 
son ; and shall not men be able, by their teaching, and 
preaching, protected by the Law, to make that received, 
which is so consonant to Reason, that any unprejudicated 
man, needs no more to learn it, than to hear it ? J con 
clude therefore, that in the instruction of the people 
in the Essentiall Rights (which are the Natural! and 

Part 2. OF COMMON -WEALTH. Chap. 30. 261 

Fundamentall Lawes) of Sovereignty, there is no diffi 
culty, (whilest a Soveraign has his Power entire,) but what 
proceeds from his own fault, or the fault of those whom 
he trusteth in the administration of the Common-wealth ; 
and consequently, it is his Duty, to cause them so to be 
instructed ; and not onely his Duty, but his Benefit also, 
and Security, against the danger that may arrive to him 
self e in his naturall Person, from Rebellion. 

And (to descend to particulars) the People are to be Subjects 
taught, First, that they ought not to be in love with any are to be 
forme of Government they see in their neighbour Nations, tau gM> not 
more than with their own, nor (whatsoever present pros- change of 
perity they behold in Nations that are otherwise governed Govern- 
than they,) to desire change. For the prosperity oiment: 
a People ruled by an Aristocraticall, or Democraticall 
assembly, commeth not from Aristocracy, nor from 
Democracy, but from the Obedience, and Concord of the 
Subjects : nor do the people flourish in a Monarchy, 
because one man has the right to rule them, but because 
they obey him. Take away in any kind of State, the 
Obedience, (and consequently the Concord of the People,) 
and they shall not onely not flourish, but in short time 
be dissolved. And they that go about by disobedience, 
to doe no more than reforme the Common-wealth, shall 
find they do thereby destroy it ; like the foolish daughters 
of Peleus (in the fable ;) which desiring to renew the 
youth of their decrepit Father, did by the Counsell of 
Medea, cut him in pieces, and boyle him, together with 
strange herbs, but made not of him a new man. This 
desire of change, is like the breach of the first of Gods 
Commandements : For there God sayes, Non habebis Deos 
alienos ; Thou shalt not have the Gods of other Nations ; 
and in another place concerning Kings, that they are 

Secondly, they are to be taught, that they ought not Nor 
to be led with admiration of the vertue of any of their adhere 

fellow Subjects, how high soever he stand, nor how con- Against 
, ,v . the Save- 

spicuously soever he shine in the Common- wealth ; nor ra ig n ) to 

of any Assembly, (except the Soveraign Assembly,) so as Popular 
to deferre to them any obedience, or honour, appropriate men, 
to the Soveraign onely, whom (in their particular stations) 

262 Part 2. OF COMMON -WEALTH. Chap. 30. 

they represent ; nor to receive any influence from them, 
but such as is conveighed by them from the Soveraign 
Authority. For that Soveraign, cannot be imatgined to 
love his People as he ought, that is not Jealous of them, 
but suffers them by the flattery of Popular men, to be 
seduced from their loyalty, as they have often been, not 
onely secretly, but openly, so as to proclaime Marriage 
with them in facie Ecclesice by Preachers : and by pub- 
[i;8]lishing the same in the open streets : which may fitly 
be compared to the violation of the second of the ten 

Nor to Thirdly, in consequence to this, they ought to be 

Dispute informed, how great a fault it is, to speak evill of the 

*ai n Ver Soveraign Representative, (whether One man, or an 

power: Assembly of men ;) or to argue and dispute his Power, 

or any way to use his Name irreverently, whereby he 

may be brought into Contempt with his People, and their 

Obedience (in which the safety of the Common-wealth 

consisteth) slackened. Which doctrine the third Com- 

mandement by resemblance pointeth to. 

And to Fourthly, seeing people cannot be taught this, nor 
have dayes w hen tis taught, remember it, nor after one generation 
to leant P ast , so much as know in whom the Soveraign Power is 
their placed, without setting a part from their ordinary labour, 
Duly : some certain times, in which they may attend those that 
are appointed to instruct them ; It is necessary that some 
such times be determined, wherein they may assemble 
together, and (after prayers and praises given to God, 
the Soveraign of Soveraigns) hear those their Duties told 
them, and the Positive Lawes, such as generally concern 
them all, read and expounded, and be put in mind of 
the Authority that maketh them Lawes. To this end 
had the Jewes every seventh day, a Sabbath, in which 
the Law was read and expounded ; and in the solemnity 
whereof they were put in mind, that their King was 
God ; that having created the world in six dayt S, he 
rested the seventh day ; and by their resting on it from 
their labour, that that God was their King, which 
redeemed them from their servile, and painfull labour in 
Egypt, and gave them a time, after they had rejoyced in j 
God, to take joy also in themselves, by lawfull recreation, i 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 30. 263 

So that the first Table of the Comman dements, is spent 
all, in setting down the summe of Gods absolute Power ; 
not onely as God, but as King by pact, (in peculiar) of 
the Jewes ; and may therefore give light, to those that 
have Soveraign Power conferred on them by the consent 
of men, to see what doctrine they Ought to teach their 

And because the first instruction of Children, depen- And to 
deth on the care of their Parents ; it is necessary that Honour 
they should be obedient to them, whilest they are under 
their tuition ; and not onely so, but that also afterwards 
(as gratitude requireth,) they acknowledge the benefit of 
their education, by externall signes of honour. To which 
end they are to be taught, that originally the Father of 
every man was also his Soveraign Lord, with power over 
him of life and death ; and that the Fathers of families, 
when by instituting a Common-wealth, they resigned 
that absolute Power, yet it was never intended, they 
should lose the honour due unto them for their education. 
For to relinquish such right, was not necessary to the 
Institution of Soveraign Power ; nor would there be any 
reason, why any man should desire to have children, or 
take the care to nourish, and instruct them, if they were 
afterwards to have no other benefit from them, than 
from other men. And this accordeth with the fifth Com- 

Again, every Soveraign Ought to cause Justice to be [179] 
taught, which (consisting in taking from no man what is And to 
his,) is as much as to say, to cause men to be taught not 
to deprive their Neighbours, by violence, or fraud, o 
any thing which by the Soveraign Authority is theirs. 
Of things held in propriety, those that are dearest to 
a man are his own life, & limbs ; and in the next degree 
(in most men,) those that concern conjugall affection ; 
and after them riches and means of living. Therefore 
the People are to be taught, to abstain from violence to 
one anothers person, by private revenges ; from viola 
tion of conjugall honour ; and from forcible rapine, and 
fraudulent surreption of one anothers goods. For which 
purpose also it is necessary they be shewed the evill con 
sequences of false Judgement, by corruption either of 


Part 2. 


all this 
from the 

The use 
of Uni 

Judges or Witnesses, whereby the distinction of pro 
priety is taken away, and Justice becomes of no effect : 
all which things are intimated in the sixth, seventh, 
eighth, and ninth Commandements. 

And to do Lastly, they are to be taught, that not onely the unjust 
facts, but the designes and intentions to do them, (though 
by accident hindred,) are Injustice ; which consisteth in 
the pravity of the will, as well as in the irregularity of 
the act. And this is the intention of the tenth Com- 
mandement, and the summe of the second Table ; which 
is reduced all to this one Commandement of mutuall 
Charity, Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy selfe : as t he 
summe of the first Table is reduced to the love of God ; 
whom they had then newly received as their King.. 

As for the Means, and Conduits, by which the people 
may receive this Instruction, wee are to search, by what: 
means so many Opinions, contrary to the peace of Man 
kind, upon weak and false Principles, have neverthelesse 
been so deeply rooted in them. I mean those, which 
I have in the precedent Chapter specified : as That men 
shall Judge of what is lawfull and unlawfull, not by the 
Law it selfe, but by their own Consciences ; that is to 
say, by their own private Judgements : That Subjects 
sinne in obeying the Commands of the Common-wealth, 
unlesse they themselves have first judged them to be 
lawfull : That their Propriety in their riches is such, as 
to exclude the Dominion, which the Common-wealth 
hath over the same : That it is lawfull for Subjects to 
kill such, as they call Tyrants : That the Soveraigri 
Power may be divided, and the like ; which come to be 
instilled into the People by this means. They whom 
necessity, or covetousnesse keepeth attent on their trades, 
and labour ; and they, on the other side, whom super 
fluity, or sloth carrieth after their sensuall pleasures, 
(which two sorts of men take up the greatest part of 
Man-kind,) being diverted from the deep meditation, 
which the learning of truth, not onely in the matter of 
Naturall Justice, but also of all other Sciences necessarily 
requireth, receive the Notions of their duty, chiefly from 
Divines in the Pulpit, and partly from such of their 
Neighbours, or familiar acquaintance, as having the 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 30. 265 

Faculty of discoursing readily, and plausibly, seem wiser 
and better learned in cases of Law, and Conscience, than 
themselves. And the Divines, and such others as make 
shew of Learning, derive their knowledge from the Uni- [180] 
versities, and from the Schooles of Law, or from the 
Books, which by men eminent in those Schooles, and 
Universities have been published. It is therefore mani 
fest, that the Instruction of the people, dependeth 
wholly, on the right teaching of Youth in the Univer 
sities. But are not (may some man say) the Universities 
of England learned enough already to do that ? or is it 
you will undertake to teach the Universities ? Hard 
questions. Yet to the first, I doubt not to answer ; that 
till towards the later end of Henry the eighth, the Power 
of the Pope, was alwayes upheld against the Power of^ 
the Common-wealth, principally by the Universities ; , 
and that the doctrines maintained by so many Preachers,- 
against the Soveraign Power of the King, and by so 
many Lawyers, and others, that had their education v 
there, is a sufficient argument, that though the Univer 
sities were not authors of those false doctrines, yet they 
knew not how to plant the true. For in such a contra 
diction of Opinions, it is most certain, that they have 
not been sufficiently instructed ; and tis no wonder, if 
they yet retain a relish of that subtile liquor, wherewith 
they were first seasoned, against the Civill Authority. 
But to the later question, it is not fit, nor needfull for me 
to say either I, or No : for any man that sees what I am 
doing, may easily perceive what I think. 

The safety of the People, requireth further, from him, 
or them that have the Soveraign Power, that Justice be 
equally administred to all degrees of People ; that is, 
that as well the rich, and mighty, as poor and obscure 
persons, may be righted of the injuries done them ; so 
as the great, may have no greater hope of impunity, 
when they doe violence, dishonour, or any Injury to the 
meaner sort, than when one of these, does the like to one 
of them : For in this consisteth Equity ; to which, as 
being a Precept of the Law of Nature, a Soveraign is as 
much subject, as any of the meanest of his People. All 
breaches of the Law, are offences against the Common- 

266 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 30 

wealth : hut there be some, that are also against private 
Persons. Those that concern the Common-wealth onely, 
may without breach of Equity be pardoned ; for every 
man may pardon what is done against himselfe, accord 
ing to his own discretion. But an offence against a 
private man, cannot in Equity be pardoned, without 
the consent of him that is injured ; or reasonable 

The Inequality of Subjects, proceedeth from the Acts 
of Soveraign Power ; and therefore has no more place 
in the presence of the Soveraign ; that is to say, in a Court 
of Justice, then the Inequality between Kings, and their 
Subjects, in the presence of the King of Kings. The 
honour of great Persons, is to be valued for their benefi 
cence, and the aydes they give to men of inferiour rank/ 
or not at all. And the violences, oppressions, and injuries 
they do, are not extenuated, but aggravated by the 
greatnesse of their persons ; because they have least 
need to commit them. The consequences of this par 
tiality towards the great, proceed in this manner. 
Impunity maketh Insolence ; Insolence Hatred ; and 
Hatred, an Endeavour to pull down all oppressing and 
contumelious greatnesse, though with the ruine of the 
Common- wealth. 

[181] To Equall Justice, appertaineth also the Equall im- 
Equall position of Taxes ; the Equality whereof dependeth not 
Taxes. on ^he Equality of riches, but on the Equality of the 
debt, that every man oweth to the Common-wealth for 
his defence. It is not enough, for a man to labour for 
the maintenance of his life ; but also to fight, (if need 
be,) for the securing of his labour. They must either do 
as the Jewes did after their return from captivity, in 
re-edifying the Temple, build with one hand, and hold 
the Sword in the other ; or else they must hire others to 
fight for them. For the Impositions, that are layd on 
the People by the Soveraign Power, are nothing else but 
the Wages, due to them that hold the publique Sword, 
to defend private men in the exercise of sever all Trades, 
and Callings. Seeing then the benefit that every one 
receiveth thereby, is the enjoyment of life, which is 
. equally dear to poor, and rich ; the debt which a poor 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 30. 267 

man oweth them that defend his life, is the same which 
a rich man oweth for the defence of his ; saving that the 
rich, who have the service of the poor, may be debtors 
not onely for their own persons, but for many more. 
Which considered, the Equality of Imposition, consis- 
teth rather in the Equality of that which is consumed, 
than of the riches of the persons that consume the same. 
For what reason is there, that he which laboureth much, 
and sparing the fruits of his labour, consumeth little, 
should be more charged, then he that living idlely, getteth 
little, and spendeth all he gets ; seeing the one hath no 
more protection from the Common -wealth, then the 
other ? But when the Impositions, are layd upon those 
things which men consume, every man payeth Equally 
for what he useth : Nor is the Common-wealth defrauded, 
by the luxurious waste of private men. 

And whereas many men, by accident unevitable, be- Pubiique 
come unable to maintain themselves by their labour ; Charity. 
they ought not to be left to the Charity of private 
persons ; but to be provided for, (as far-forth as the 
necessities of Nature require, by the Lawes of the Com 
mon-wealth. For as it is Uncharitablenesse in any man, 
to neglect the impotent ; so it is in the Soveraign of a 
Common-wealth, to expose them to the hazard of such 
uncertain Charity. 

But for such as have strong bodies, the case is other- Preven- 
wise : they are to be forced to work ; and to avoyd the t/ion f 
excuse of not finding employment, there ought to be such dlenesse 
Lawes, as may encourage all manner of Arts ; as Naviga 
tion, Agriculture, Fishing, and all manner of Manifacture 
that requires labour. The multitude of poor, and yet 
strong people still encreasing, they are to be transplanted 
into Countries not sufficiently inhabited : where never- 
thelesse, they are not to exterminate those they find 
there ; but constrain them to inhabit closer together, 
and not range a great deal of ground, to snatch what 
they find ; but to court each little Plot with art and 
labour, to give them their sustenance in due season. 
And when all the world is overcharged with Inhabitants, 
then the last remedy of all is Warre ; which provideth 
for every man, by Victory, or Death. 

268 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 30. 

To the care of the Soveraign, belongeth the making of 
Good Lawes. But what is a good Law ? By a Good Law, 
[182] I mean not a Just Law : for no Law can be Unjust. The 
Good L aw j s ma d e by the Soveraign Power, and all that is 
what* done by such Power, is warranted, and owned by every 
one of the people ; and that which eve r y man will have 
so, no man can say is unjust. It is in the Lawes of 
a Common-wealth, as in the Lawes of Gaming : whatso 
ever the Gamesters all agree on, is Injustice to none of 
them. A good Law is that, which is Need-full, for the 
Good of the People, and withall Perspicuous. 

Such as For the use of Lawes, (which are but Rules Authorised) 
are Neces- j 3 no t o bind the People from all Voluntary actions ; 
but to direct and keep them in such a motion, as not to 
hurt themselves by their own impetuous desires, rash- 
nesse, or indiscretion ; as Hedges are set, not to stop 
Travellers, but to keep them in the way. And therefore 
a Law that is not Needfull, having not the true End of 
a Law, is not Good. A Law may be conceived to be Good, 
when it is for the benefit of the Soveraign ; though it be 
not Necessary for the People ; but it is not so. For the 
good of the Soveraign and People, cannot be separated. 
It is a weak Soveraign, that has weak Subjects ; and 
a weak People, whose Soveraign wanteth Power to rule 
them at his will. Unnecessary Lawes are not good 
Lawes ; but trapps for Mony : which where the right 
of Soveraign Power is acknowledged, are superfluous ; 
and where it is not acknowledged, unsufncient to defend 
the People. 

Such as The Perspicuity, consisteth not so much in the words 
of the Law it selfe, as in a Declaration of the Causes, 
1 and Motives, for which it was made. That is it, that 
shewes us the meaning of the Legislator ; and the mean ing 
of the Legislator known, the Law is more easily under 
stood by few, than many words. For all words, are sub 
ject to ambiguity ; and therefore multiplication of words 
in the body of the Law, is multiplication of ambiguity : 
Besides it seems to imply, (by too much diligence,) that 
whosoever can evade the words, is without the compasse 
of the Law. And this is a cause of many unnecessary 
Processes. For when I consider how short were the 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 30. 269 

Lawes of antient times ; and how they grew by degrees 
still longer ; me thinks I see a contention between the 
Penners, and Pleaders of the Law ; the former seeking 
to circumscribe the later ; and the later to evade their 
circumscriptions ; and that the Pleaders have got the 
Victory. It belongeth therefore to the Office of a Legis 
lator, (such as is in all Common-wealths the Supreme 
Representative, be it one Man, or an Assembly,) to- 
make the reason Perspicuous, why the Law was made ; 
and the Body of the Law it selfe, as short, but in as 
proper, and significant termes, as may be. 

It belongeth also to the Office of the Soveraign, to make Punish- 
a right application of Punishments, and Rewards. And ^ents. 
seeing the end of punishing is not revenge, and discharge 
of choler ; but correction, either of the offender, or of 
others by his example ; the severest Punishments are 
to be inflicted for those Crimes, that are of most Danger 
to the Publique ; such as are those which proceed from 
malice to the Government established ; those that spring 
from contempt of Justice ; those that provoke Indigna 
tion in the Multitude ; and those, which unpunished, [183] 
seem Authorised, as when they are committed by Sonnes, 
Servants, or Favorites of men in Authority : For 
Indignation carrieth men, not onely against the Actors, 
and Authors of Injustice ; but against all Power that 
is likely to protect them ; as in the case, of Tarquin ; 
when for the Insolent act of one of his Sonnes, he was 
driven out of Rome, and the Monarchy it selfe dissolved. 
But Crimes of Infirmity ; such as are those which pro 
ceed from great provocation, from great fear, great need, 
or from ignorance whether the Fact be a great Crime, 
or not, there is place many times for Lenity, without 
prejudice to the Common- wealth ; and Lenity when 
there is such place for it, is required by the Law of 
Nature. The Punishment of the Leaders, and teachers 
in a Commotion ; not the poore seduced People, when 
they are punished, can profit the Common-wealth by 
their example. To be severe to the People, is to punish 
that ignorance, which may in great part be imputed 
to the Soveraign, whose fault it was, they were no better 



Part 2. 



In like manner it belongeth to the Office, and Duty 
of the Soveraign, to apply his Rewards alwayes so, as 
there may arise from them benefit to the Common 
wealth : wherein consisteth their Use, and End ; and 
is then done, when they that have well served the Com 
mon-wealth, are with as little expence of the Common 
Treasure, as is possible, so well recompenced, as others 
thereby may be encouraged, both to serve the same 
as faithfully as they can, and to study the arts by which 
they may be enabled to do it better. To buy with Mony," 
or Preferment, from a Popular ambitious Subject, to be 
quiet, and desist from making ill impressions in the mindes 
of the People, has nothing of the nature of Reward ; 
(which is ordained not for disservice, but for service 
past ;) nor a signe of Gratitude, but of Fear : nor does 
it tend to the Benefit, but to the Dammage of the Pub- 
lique. It is a contention with Ambition, like that of 
Hercules with the Monster Hydra, which having many 
heads, for every one that was vanquished, there grew 
up three. For in like manner, when the stubbornnesse 
of one Popular man, is overcome with Reward, there 
arise many more (by the Example) that do the same 
Mischiefe, in hope of like Benefit : and as all sorts of 
Manifacture, so also Malice encreaseth by being vendible. 
And though sometimes a Civill warre, may be differred, 
by such wayes as that, yet the danger growes still the 
greater, and the Publique ruine more assured. It is 
therefore against the Duty of the Soveraign, to whom 
the Publique Safety is committed, to Reward those that 
aspire to greatnesse b} disturbing the Peace of their 
Country, and not rather to oppose the beginnings of 
such men, with a little danger, than after a longer time 
with greater. 

Another Businesse of the Soveraign, is to choose good 
Counsellours ; I mean such, whose advice he is to take 
the Government of the Common-wealth. For this 


word Counsell, Consilium, corrupted from Considium, is 
of a large signification, and comprehendeth all Assem 
blies of men that sit together, not onely to deliberate 
what is to be done hereafter, but also to judge of Facts 
[184] past, and of Law for the present. I take it here in the 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 30. 271 

first sense onely : And in this sense, there is no choyce 
of Counsell, neither in a Democracy, nor Aristocracy ; 
because the persons Counselling are members of the per 
son Counselled. The choyce of Counsellours therefore 
is proper to Monarchy ; In which, the Soveraign that 
endeavoureth not to make choyce of those, that in every 
kind are the most able, dischargeth not his Office as he 
ought to do. The most able Counsellours, are they that 
have least hope of benefit by giving evill Counsell, and 
most knowledge of those things that conduce to the 
Peace, and Defence of the Common-wealth. It is a hard 
matter to know who expecteth benefit from publique 
troubles ; but the signes that guide to a just suspicion, 
is the soothing of the people in their unreasonable, or 
irremediable grievances, by men whose estates are not 
sufficient to discharge their accustomed expences, and 
may easily be observed by any one whom it concerns 
to know it. But to know, who has most knowledge of 
the Publique affaires, is yet harder ; and they that know 
them, need them a great deale the lesse. For to know, 
who knowes the Rules almost of any Art, is a great degree 
of the knowledge of the same Art ; because no man can 
be assured of the truth of anothers Rules, but he that is 
first taught to understand them. But the best signes of 
Knowledge of any Art, are, much conversing in it, and 
constant good effects of it. Good Counsell comes not 
by Lot, nor by Inheritance ; and therefore there is no 
more reason to expect good Advice from the rich, or 
noble, in matter of State, than in delineating the dimen 
sions of a fortresse ; unlesse we shall think there needs 
no method in the study of the Politiques, (as there does 
in the study of Geometry,) but onely to be lookers on ; 
which is not so. For the Politiques is the harder study 
of the two. Whereas in these parts of Europe, it hath 
been taken for a Right of certain persons, to have place 
in the highest Councell of State by Inheritance ; it is 
derived from the Conquests of the antient Germans ; 
wherein many absolute Lords joyning together to conquer 
other Nations, would not enter in to the Confederacy, 
without such Priviledges, as might be marks of differ 
ence in time following, between their Posterity, and 

272 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 30. 

the Posterity of their Subjects ; which Priviledges being 
inconsistent with the Soveraign Power, by the favour of 
the Soveraign, they may seem to keep ; but contending 
for them as their Right, they must needs by degrees let 
them go, and have at last no further honour, then 
adhsereth naturally to their abilities. 

And how able soever be the Counsellours in any affaire, 
the benefit of their Counsell is greater, when they give 
every one his Advice, and the reasons of it apart, than 
when they do it in an Assembly, by way of Orations ; 
and when they have prsemeditated, than when they speak 
on the sudden ; both because they have more time, to 
survey the consequences of action ; and are lesse subject 
to be carried away to contradiction, through Envy, 
Emulation, or other Passions arising from the difference 
of opinion. 

The best Counsell, in those things that concern not 
other Nations, but onely the ease, and benefit the Sub- 
[185] jects may enjoy, by Lawes that look onely inward, is to 
be taken from the generall informations, and complaints 
of the people of each Province, who are best acquainted 
with their own wants, and ought therefore, when they 
demand nothing in derogation of the essentiall Rights 
of Soveraignty, to be diligently taken notice of. For 
without those Essentiall Rights, (as I have often before 
said,) the Common-wealth cannot at all subsist. 
Com- A Commander of an Army in chiefe, if he be not 

wanders. Popular, shall not be beloved, nor feared as he ought to 
be by his Army ; and consequently cannot performe that 
office with good successe. He must therefore be Indus 
trious, Valiant, Affable, Liberall and Fortunate, that he 
may gain an opinion both of sufficiency, and of loving 
his Souldiers. This is Popularity, and breeds in the 
Souldiers both desire, and courage, to recommend them 
selves to his favour ; and protects the severity of the 
Generall, in punishing (when need is) the Mutinous, or 
negligent Souldiers. But this love of Souldiers, (if cau 
tion be not given of the Commanders fidelity,) is a dan 
gerous thing to Soveraign Power ; especially when it is 
in the hands of an Assembly not popular. It belongeth 
therefore to the safety of the People, both that they be 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 30. 273 

good Conductors, and faithfull Subjects, to whom the 
Soveraign Commits his Armies. 

But when the Soveraign himselfe is Popular ; that is, 
reverenced and beloved of his People, there is no danger 
at all from the Popularity of a Subject. For Souldiers 
are never so generally unjust, as to side with their Cap 
tain ; though they love him, against their Soveraign, 
when they love not onely his Person, but also his Cause. 
And therefore those, who by violence have at any time 
suppressed the Power of their lawfull Soveraign, before 
they could settle themselves in his place, have been 
alwayes put to the trouble of contriving their Titles, 
to save the People from the shame of receiving them. 
To have a known Right to Soveraign Power, is so popular 
a quality, as he that has it needs no more, for his own 
part, to turn the hearts of his Subjects to him, but that 
they see him able absolutely to govern his own Family : 
Nor, on the part of his enemies, but a disbanding of 
their Armies. For the greatest and most active part of 
Mankind, has never hetherto been well contented with 
the present. 

Concerning the Offices of one Soveraign to another, 
which are comprehended in that Law, which is com 
monly called the Law of Nations, I need not say any 
thing in this place ; because the Law of Nations, and 
the Law of Nature, is the same thing. And every Sove 
raign hath the same Right, in procuring the safety of 
his People, that any particular man can have, in pro 
curing the safety of. his own Body. And the same Law, 
that dictateth to men that have no Civil Government, 
what they ought to do, and what to avoyd in regard of 
one another, dictateth the same to Common-wealths, 
that is, to the Consciences of Soveraign Princes, and 
Soveraign Assemblies ; there being no Court of Naturall 
Justice, but in the Conscience onely ; where not Man, 
but God raigneth ; whose Lawes, (such of them as oblige 
all Mankind,) in respect of God, as he is the Author of 
Nature, are Naturall ; and in respect of the same God, [186] 
as he is King of Kings, are Lawes. But of the Kingdome 
of God, as King of Kings, and as King also of a peculiar 
People, I shall speak in the rest of this discourse. 



Part 2. 


Chap. 31. 

The scope 
of the 


Who are 
in the 
of God. 



THAT the condition of meer Nature, that is to say, of 
absolute Liberty, such as is theirs, that neither are 
Soveraigns, nor Subjects, is Anarchy, and the condition 
of Warre : That the Praecepts, by which men are guided 
to avoyd that condition, are the Lawes of Nature : That 
a Common-wealth, without Soveraign Power, is but 
a word, without substance, and cannot stand : That 
Subjects owe to Soveraigns, simple Obedience, in all 
things, wherein their obedience is not repugnant to the 
Lawes of God, I have sufficiently proved, in that which 
I have already written. There wants onely, for the 
entire knowledge of Civill duty, to know what are those 
Lawes of God. For without that, a man knows not, 
when he is commanded any thing by the Civill Power, 
whether it be contrary to the Law of God, or not : and 
so, either by too much civill obedience, offends the 
Divine Majesty, or through feare of offending God, trans 
gresses the commandements of the Common-wealth. To 
avoyd both these Rocks, it is necessary to know what 
are the Lawes Divine. And seeing the knowledge of all 
Law, dependeth on the knowledge of the Soveraign 
Power ; I shall say something in that which followeth, 

God is King, let the Earth rejoyce, saith the Psalmist. 
And again, God is King though the Nations be angry ; and 
he that sitteth on the Ckerubins, though the earth be moved. 
Whether men will or not, they must be subject alwayes 
to the Divine Power. By denying the Existence, or 
Providence of God, men may shake off their Ease, but 
not their Yoke. But to call this Power of God, which 
extendeth it selfe not onely to Man, but also to Beasts, 
and Plants, and Bodies inanimate, by the name of King- 
dome, is but a metaphoricall use of the word. For he 
onely is properly said to Raigne, that governs his Sub 
jects, by his Word, and by promise of Rewards to those 
that obey it, and by threatning them with Punishment 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 31. 275 

that obey it not. Subjects therefore in the Kingdome 
of God, are not Bodies Inanimate, nor creatures Irra- 
tionall ; because they understand no Precepts as his : 
Nor Atheists ; nor they that believe not that God has 
any care of the actions of mankind ; because they ac 
knowledge no Word for his, nor have hope of his rewards, 
or fear of his threatnings. They therefore that believe 
there is a God that governeth the world, and hath given [187] 
Praecepts, and propounded Rewards, and Punishments 
to Mankind, are Gods Subjects ; all the rest, are to be 
understood as Enemies. 

To rule by Words, requires that such Words be mani- A Tkrce- 
festly made known ; for else they are no Lawes : For 
to the nature of Lawes belongeth a sufficient, and clear 
Promulgation, such as may take away the excuse of 
[gnorance ; which in the Lawes of men is but of one onely tion, Pro- 
dnd, and that is, Proclamation, or Promulgation by phecy. 
:he voyce of man. But God declareth his Lawes three 
wayes ; by the Dictates of Naturall Reason, by Revela 
tion, and by the Voyce of some man, to whom by the 
operation of Miracles, he procureth credit with the rest. 
?rom hence there ariseth a triple Word of God, Rational, 
Sensible, and Prophetique : to which Corresponded 
a triple Hearing ; Right Reason, Sense Supernatural!, 
and Faith. As for Sense Supernaturall, which consisteth 
n Revelation, or Inspiration, there have not been any 
Jniversall Lawes so given, because God speaketh not 
in that manner, but to particular persons, and to divers 
men divers things. 

From the difference between the other two kinds of A twofold 
Gods \Vord, Rationall, and Prophetique, there may be K 
attributed to God, a two-fold Kingdome, Naturall, and 
Prophetique : Naturall, wherein he governeth as many of an d p r c~ 
Mankind as acknowledge his Providence, by the naturall phetique. 
Dictates of Right Reason ; And Prophetique, wherein 
having chosen out one peculiar Nation (the Jewes) for 
his Subjects, he governed them, and none but them, not 
onely by naturall Reason, but by Positive Lawes, which 
he gave them by the mouths of his holy Prophets. Of 
the Naturall Kingdome of God I intend to speak in this 

T 2 


The Right 
of Gods 

Sove ~ 

from his 



[i 88] 

Sinne not 
the cause 

Psal. 72. 
ver. i, 2, 3. 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 31. 

The Right of Nature, whereby God reigneth over men, 
and punisheth those that break his Lawes, is to be 
derived, not from his Creating them, as if he required 
obedience, as of Gratitude for his benefits ; but from his 
Irresistible Power. I have formerly shewn, how the 
Soveraign Right ariseth from Pact : To shew how the 
same Right may arise from Nature, requires no more, 
but to shew in what case it is never taken away. Seeing 
all men by Nature had Right to All things, they had 
Right every one to reigne over all the rest. But because 
this Right could not be obtained by force, it concerned 
the safety of every one, laying by that Right, to set up 
men (with Soveraign Authority) by common consent, 
to rule and defend them : whereas if there had been any 
man of Power Irresistible ; there had been no reason, 
why he should not by that Power have ruled, and 
defended both himself e, and them, according to his own 
discretion. To those therefore whose Power is irresistible, 
the dominion of all men adhaereth naturally by their 
excellence of Power ; and consequently it is from that 
Power, that the Kingdome over men, and the Right of 
afflicting men at his pleasure, belongeth Naturally to 
God Almighty ; not as Creator, and Gracious ; but as 
Omnipotent. And though Punishment be due for 
Sinne onely, because by that word is understood 
Affliction for Sinne ; yet the Right of Afflicting, is 
not alwayes derived from mens Sinne, but from Gods 

This question, Why Evill men often Prosper, and Good 
men suffer Adversity, has been much disputed by the 
Antient, and is the same with this of ours, by what Right 
God dispenseth the Prosperities and Adversities of this life ; 
and is of that difficulty, as it hath shaken the faith, not 
onely of the Vulgar, but of Philosophers, and which 
is more, of the Saints, concerning the Divine Providence. 
How Good (saith David) is the God of Israel to those that 
are Upright in Heart ; and yet my feet were almost gone , 
my tr codings had well-nigh slipt ; for I was grieved (it the 
Wicked, when I saw the Ungodly in such Prosperity. 
And Job, how earnestly does he expostulate with God, 
for the many Afflictions he suffered, notwithstanding his 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 31. 277 

Righteousnesse ? This question in the case of Job, is 
decided by God himself e, not by arguments derived from 
Job s Sinne, but his own Power. For whereas the friends 
of Job drew their arguments from his Affliction to his 
Sinne, and he defended himselfe by the conscience of his 
Innocence, God himselfe taketh up the matter, and 
having justified the Affliction by arguments drawn from 
his Power, such as this, Where wast thou when I layd the Job 38. 
foundations of the earth, and the like, both approved v - 4- 
Job s Innocence, and reproved the Erroneous doctrine 
of his friends. Conformable to this doctrine is the 
sentence of our Saviour, concerning the man that was 
born Blind, in these words, Neither hath this man sinned, 
nor his fathers ; but that the works of God might be made 
manifest in him. And though it be said, That Death 
entred into the world by sinne, (by which is meant that if 
Adam had never sinned, he had never dyed, that is, 
never suffered any separation of his soule from his 
body,) it follows not thence, that God could not justly 
have Afflicted him, though he had not Sinned, as well 
as he afflicteth other living creatures, that cannot 

Having spoken of the Right of Gods Soveraignty, as Divine 
grounded onely on Nature ; we are to consider next, Lawes. 
what are the Divine Lawes, or Dictates of Naturall 
Reason ; which Lawes concern either the naturall Duties 
of one man to another, or the Honour naturally due to 
our Divine Soveraign. The first are the same Lawes of 
Nature, of which I have spoken already in the 14. and 
15. Chapters of this Treatise ; namely, Equity, Justice, 
Mercy, Humility, and the rest of the Morall Vertues. It 
remaineth therefore that we consider, what Praecepts 
are dictated to men, by their Naturall Reason onely, 
without other word of God, touching the Honour and 
Worship of the Divine Majesty. 

Honour consisteth in the inward thought, and opinion Honour 
of the Power, and Goodnesse of another : and therefore and Wor- 
to Honour God, is to think as Highly of his Power and ship what. 
Goodnesse, as is possible. And of that opinion, the 
externall signes appearing in the Words, and Actions of 
men, are called Worship ; which is one part of that 


Par I 2. 


Chap. 31. 

signes of 

and Arbi 

which the Latines understand by the word Cultus : For 
Cultus signifieth properly, and constantly, that labour 
which a man bestowes on any thing, with a purpose to 
[189] make benefit by it. Now those things whereof we make 
benefit, are either subject to us, and the profit they 
yeeld, folio weth the labour we bestow upon them, as 
a naturall effect ; or they are not subject to us, but 
answer our labour, according to their own Wills. In the 
first sense the labour bestowed on the Earth, is called 
Culture ; and the education of Children a Culture of 
their mindes. In the second sense, where mens wills are 
to be wrought to our purpose, not by Force, but by 
Compleasance, it signifieth as much as Courting, that is, 
a winning of favour by good offices ; as by praises, by 
acknowledging their Power, and by whatsoever is pleasing 
to them from whom we look for any benefit. And this 
is properly Worship : in which sense Publicola, is- under 
stood for a Worshipper of the People ; and Cultus Dei, 
for the Worship of God. 

From internall Honour, consisting in the opinion of 
Power and Goodnesse, arise three Passions ; Love, which 
hath reference to Goodnesse ; and Hope, and Fear, that 
relate to Power : And three parts of externall worship ; 
Praise, Magnifying, and Blessing : The subject of Praise, 
being Goodnesse ; the subject of Magnifying, and Bless 
ing, being Power, and the effect thereof Felicity. Praise, 
and Magnifying are signified both by Words, and Actions: 
By Words, when we say a man is Good, or Great : By 
Actions, when we thank him for his Bounty, and obey 
his Power. The opinion of the Happinesse of another, 
can onely be expressed by words. 

There be some signes of Honour, (both in Attributes 
and Actions,) that be Naturally so ; as amongst Attri 
butes, Good, Just, Liberall, and the like ; and amongst 
Actions, Prayers, Thanks, and Obedience. Others are so 
by Institution, or Custome of men ; and in some times 
and places are Honourable ; in others Dishonourable ; 
in others Indifferent : such as are the Gestures in Saluta 
tion, Prayer, and Thanksgiving, in different times and 
places, differently used. The former is Naturall ; the 
later Arbitrary Worship. 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 31. 279 

And of Arbitrary Worship, there bee two differences : Worship 
For sometimes it is a Commanded, sometimes Voluntary Com ~ d , 
Worship : Commanded, when it is such as hee requireth, 1 % p ree 
who is Worshipped : Free, when it is such as the Wor 
shipper thinks fit. When it is Commanded, not the 
words, or gesture, but the obedience is the Worship. 
But when Free, the Worship consists in the opinion of 
the beholders : for if to them the words, or actions by 
which we intend honour, seem ridiculous, and tending 
to contumely ; they are no Worship ; because no signes 
of Honour ; and no signes of Honour ; because a signe 
is not a signe to him that giveth it, but to him to whom 
it is made ; that is, to the spectator. 

Again, there is a Publique, and a Private Worship. Worship 
Publique, is the Worship that a Common-wealth per- Publique 
formeth, as one Person. Private, is that which a Private an f r Py *~ 
person exhibiteth. Publique, in respect of the whole tc 
Common-wealth, is Free ; but in respect of Particular 
men it is not so. Private, is in secret Free ; but in the 
sight of the multitude, it is never without some Restraint, 
either from the Lawes, or from the Opinion of men ; 
which is contrary to the nature of Liberty. 

The End of Worship amongst men, is Power. For The end of 
where a man seeth another worshipped, he supposeth Worship. 
him powerfull, and is the readier to obey him ; which 
makes his Power greater. But God has no Ends : the 
worship we do him, proceeds from our duty, and is 
directed according to our capacity, by those rules of 
Honour, that Reason dictateth to be done by the weak 
to the more potent men, in hope of benefit, for fear of 
dammage, or in thankfulnesse for good already received 
from them. 

That we may know what worship of God is taught us Attributes 
by the light of Nature, I will begin with his Attributes. t Divine 
Where, First, it is manifest, we ought to attribute to Honour - 
him Existence : For no man can have the will to honour 
that, which he thinks not to have any Beeing. 

Secondly, that those Philosophers, who sayd the 
World, or the Soule of the World was God, spake un 
worthily of him ; and denyed his Existence : For by 
God, is understood the cause of the World ; and to say 

280 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 31. 

the World is God, is to say there is no cause of it, that is, 
no God. 

Thirdly, to say the World was not Created, but Eter- 
nall, (seeing that which is Eternall has no cause,) is to 
deny there is a God. 

Fourthly, that they who attributing (as they think) 
Ease to God, take from him the care of Man-kind ; take 
from him his Honour : for it takes away mens love, and 
fear of him ; which is the root of Honour. 

Fifthly, in those things that signine Greatnesse, and 
Power ; to say he is Finite, is not to Honour him : For 
it is not a signe of the Will to Honour God, to attribute 
to him lesse than we can ; and Finite, is lesse than we 
can ; because to Finite, it is easie to adde more. 

Therefore to attribute Figure to him, is not Honour ; 
for all Figure is Finite : 

Nor to say we conceive, and imagine, or have an Idea 
of him, in our mind : for whatsoever we conceive is 
Finite : 

Nor to attribute to him Parts, or Totality ; which are 
the Attributes onely of things Finite : 

Nor to say he is in this, or that Place : for whatsoever 
is in Place, is bounded, and Finite : 

Nor that he is Moved, or Resteth : for both these Attri 
butes ascribe to him Place : 

Nor that there be more Gods than one ; because it 
implies them all Finite : for there cannot be more than 
one Infinite : 

Nor to ascribe to him (unlesse Metaphorically, mean 
ing not the Passion, but the Effect) Passions that partake 
of Grief e ; as Repentance, Anger, Mercy : or of Want ; 
as Appetite, Hope, Desire ; or of any Passive faculty : 
For Passion, is Power limited by somewhat else. 

And therefore when we ascribe to God a Will, it is 
not to be understood, as that of Man, for a Ratio nail 
Appetite ; but as the Power, by which he effecteth every 

Likewise when we attribute to him Sight, and other 
acts of Sense ; as also Knowledge, and Understanding ; 
which in us is nothing else, but a tumult of the mind, 
raised by externall things that presse the organ icall 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 31. 281 

parts of mans body : For there is no such thing in God ; 
and being things that depend on naturall causes, cannot 
be attributed to him. 

Hee that will attribute to God, nothing but what is [191] 
warranted by naturall Reason, must either use such 
Negative Attributes, as Infinite, Eternall, Incompre 
hensible ; or Superlatives, as Most High, most Great, and 
the like ; or Indefinite, as Good, Just, Holy, Creator ; 
and in such sense, as if he meant not to declare what 
he is, (for that were to circumscribe him within the limits 
of our Fancy,) but how much wee admire him, and how 
ready we would be to obey him ; which is a signe of 
Humility, and of a Will to honour him as much as we 
can : For there is but one Name to signifie our Con 
ception of his Nature, and that is, I AM : and but one 
Name of his Relation to us, and that is God ; in which 
is contained Father, King, and Lord. 

Concerning the actions of Divine Worship, it is a most Actions 
generall Precept of Reason, that they be signes of the that are 
Intention to Honour God ; such as are, First, Prayers : S 18. nes f 
For not the Carvers, when they made Images, were Honour. 
thought to make them Gods ; but the People that 
Prayed to them. 

Secondly, Thanksgiving ; which differeth from Prayer 
in Divine Worship, no otherwise, than that Prayers 
precede, and Thanks succeed the benefit ; the end both 
of the one, and the other, being to acknowledge God, for 
Author of all benefits, as well past, as future. 

Thirdly, Gifts ; that is to say, Sacrifices, and Oblations, 
(if they be of the best,) are signes of Honour : for they 
are Thanksgivings. 

Fourthly, Not to swear by any but God, is naturally 
a signe of Honour : for it is a confession that God onely 
knoweth the heart ; and that no mans wit, or strength 
can protect a man against Gods vengeance on the 

Fifthly, it is a part of Rationall Worship, to speak 
Considerately of God ; for it argues a Fear of him, and 
Fear, is a confession of his Power. Hence followeth, 
That the name of God is not to be used rashly, and to 
no purpose ; for that is as much, as in Vain : And it is 

282 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 31. 

to no purpose unlesse it be by way of Oath, and by order 
of the Common- wealth, to make Judgements certain ; or 
between Common-wealths, to avoyd Warre. And that dis 
puting of Gods nature is contrary to his Honour : For it 
is supposed, that in this naturall Kingdomeof God, there 
is no other way to know any thing, but by naturall 
Reason ; that is, from the Principles of naturall Science ; 
which are so farre from teaching us any thing of Gods 
nature, as they cannot teach us our own nature, nor the 
nature of the smallest creature living. And therefore, 
when men out of the Principles of naturall Reason, 
dispute of the Attributes of God, they but dishonour 
him : For in the Attributes which we give to God, we 
are not to consider the signification of Philosophic all 
Truth ; but the signification of Pious Intention, to do 
him the greatest Honour we are able. From the want 
of which consideration, have proceeded the volumes of 
disputation about the nature of God, that tend not to 
his Honour, but to the honour of our own wits, and 
learning ; and are nothing else but inconsiderate, and 
vain abuses of his Sacred Name. 

Sixthly, in Prayers, Thanksgiving, Offerings and Sacri 
fices, it is a Dictate of naturall Reason, that they be 
[192] every one in his kind the best, and most significant of 
Honour. As for example, that Prayers, and Thanks 
giving, be made in Words and Phrases, not sudden, nor 
light, nor Plebeian ; but beautifull, and well composed ; 
For else we do not God as much honour as we can. And 
therefore the Heathens did absurdly, to worship Images 
for Gods : But their doing it in Verse, and with Musick, 
both of Voyce, and Instruments, was reasonable. Also 
that the Beasts they offered in sacrifice, and the Gifts 
they offered, and their actions in Worshipping, were full 
of submission, and commemorative of benefits received, 
was according to reason, as proceeding from an intention 
to honour him. 

Seventhly, Reason directeth not onely to worship God 
in Secret ; but also, and especially, in Publique, and in 
the sight of men : For without that, (that which in 
honour is most acceptable) the procuring others to 
honour him, is lost. 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 31. 283 

Lastly, Obedience to his Lawes (that is, in this case 
to the Lawes of Nature,) is the greatest worship of all. 
For as Obedience is more acceptable to God than Sacri 
fice ; so also to set light by his Commandements, is the 
greatest of all contumelies. And these are the Lawes of 
that Divine Worship, which naturall Reason dictateth 
to private men. 

But seeing a Common-wealth is but one Person, it Publique 
ought also to exhibite to God but one Worship ; which Worship 
then it doth, when it commandeth it to be exhibited by f^ s ^ h 
Private men, Publiquely. And this is Publique Worship ; *f orm #y. 
the property whereof, is to be Uniforme : For those 
actions that are done differently, by different men, 
cannot be said to be a Publique Worship. And therefore, 
where many sorts of Worship be allowed, proceeding 
from the different Religions of Private men, it cannot be 
said there is any Publique Worship, nor that the Com 
mon-wealth is of any Religion at all. 

And because words (and consequently the Attributes A II Attri- 
of God) have their signification by agreement, and butes de ~ 
constitution of men; those Attributes are to be held f 
significative of Honour, that men intend shall so be ; civill. 
and whatsoever may be done by the wills of particular 
men, where there is no Law but Reason, may be done 
by the will of the Common-wealth, by Lawes Civill. 
And because a Common-wealth hath no Will, nor makes 
no Lawes, but those that are made by the Will of him, 
or them that have the Soveraigri Power ; it followeth, 
that those Attributes which the Soveraign ordaineth, in 
the Worship of God, for signes of Honour, ought to be 
taken and used for such, by private men in their publique 

But because not all Actions are signes by Constitu- Not all 
tion ; but some are Naturally signes of Honour, others 
of Contumely, these later (which are those that men 
are ashamed to do in the sight of them they reverence) 
cannot be made by humane power a part of Divine 
worship ; nor the former (such as are decent, modest, 
humble Behaviour) ever be separated from it. But 
whereas there be an infinite number of Actions, and 
Gestures, of an indifferent nature ; such of them as the 

284 Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 31. 

Common-wealth shall ordain to be Publiquely and 
Universally in use, as signes of Honour, and part of Gods 
[193] Worship, are to be taken and used for such by the Sub 
jects. And that which is said in the Scripture, It is better 
to obey God than men, hath place in the kingdome of God 
by Pact, and not by Nature. 

Naturall Having thus briefly spoken of the Naturall Kingdome 
Punish- of God, and his Naturall Lawes, I will adde onely to this 
ments. Chapter a short declaration of his Naturall Punishments. 
There is no action of man in this life, that is not the 
beginning of so long a chayn of Consequences, as no 
humane Providence, is high enough, to give a man a 
prospect to the end. And in this Chayn, there are linked 
together both pleasing and unpleasing events ; in such 
manner, as he that will do any thing for his pleasure, 
must engage himself e to suffer all the pains annexed 
to it ; and these pains, are the Naturall Punishments 
of those actions, which are the beginning of more Harme 
than Good. And hereby it comes to passe, that Intem 
perance, is naturally punished with Diseases ; Rashnesse, 
with Mischances ; Injustice, with the Violence of 
Enemies ; Pride, with Ruine ; Cowardise, with Oppres 
sion ; Negligent government of Princes, with Rebellion ; 
and Rebellion, with Slaughter. For seeing Punishments 
are consequent to the breach of Lawes ; Naturall Punish 
ments must be naturally consequent to the breach of 
the Lawes of Nature ; and therfore follow them as their 
naturall, not arbitrary effects. 

The Con- And thus farre concerning the Constitution, Nature, 
elusion of and Right of Soveraigns ; and concerning the Duty of 
the Second subjects, derived from the Principles of Naturall Reason. 
And now, considering how different this Doctrine is, 
from the Practise of the greatest part of the world, 
especially of these Western parts, that have received 
their Morall learning from Rome, and Athens ; and how 
much depth of Morall Philosophy is required, in them 
that have the Administration of the Soveraign Power; 
I am at the point of believing this my labour, as uselesse, 
as the Common-wealth of Plato ; For he also is of 
opinion that it is impossible for the disorders of State, 
and change of Governments by Civill Warre, ever to be 

Part 2. OF COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 31. 285 

taken away, till Soveraigns be Philosophers. But when 
I consider again, that the Science of Naturall Justice, 
is the onely Science necessary for Soveraigns, and their 
principall Ministers ; and that they need not. be charged 
with the Sciences Mathematicall, (as by Plato they are,) 
further, than by good Lawes to encourage men to the 
study of them ; and that neither Plato, nor any other 
Philosopher hitherto, hath put into order, and sufficiently 
or probably proved all the Theoremes of Morall doctrine, 
that men may learn thereby, both how to govern, and 
how to obey ; I recover some hope, that one time or 
other, this writing of mine, may fall into the hands of 
a Soveraign, who will consider it himself e, (for it is short, 
and I think clear,) without the help of any interessed, or 
envious Interpreter ; and by the exercise of entire 
Soveraignty, in protecting the Publique teaching of it, 
convert this Truth of Speculation, into the Utility of 


Part 3. 


Chap. 32. 

[195] OF A 




Of the Principles of CHRISTIAN POLITIQUES. 

I HAVE derived the Rights of Soveraigne Power, and 
the duty of Subjects hitherto, from the Principles of 
Nature onely ; such as Experience has found true, or 
Consent (concerning the use of words) has made so ; 
that is to say, from the nature of Men, known to us by 
Experience, and from Definitions (of such words as are 
Essentiall to all Politicall reasoning) universally agreed 
on. But in that I am next to handle, which is the Nature 
and Rights of a CHRISTIAN COMMON-WEALTH, whereof 
there dependeth much upon Supernaturall Revelations 
of the Will of God ; the ground of my Discourse must 
be, not only the Natural! Word of God, but also the 

Neverthelesse, we are not to renounce our Senses, and 
Experience ; nor (that which is the undoubted Word of 
God) our naturall Reason. For they are the talents 
which he hath put into our hands to negotiate, till the 
coming again of our blessed Saviour ; and therefore not 
to be folded up in the Napkin of an Implicite Faith, but 
employed in the purchase of Justice, Peace, and true 
Religion. For though there be many things in Gods 
Word above Reason ; that is to say, which cannot by 
naturall reason be either demonstrated, or confuted ; 
yet there is nothing contrary to it ; but when it seemeth 
so, the fault is either in our unskilfull Interpretation, or 
erroneous Ratiocination. 

Therefore, when any thing therein written is too hard 
for our examination, wee are bidden to captivate our 
understanding to the Words ; and not to labour in sift- 

The Word 
of God 
by Pro 
phets is 
the main 
of Chris 
tian Poli- 

Yet is not 
to be re 

COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 32. 287 

ing out a Philosophicall truth by Logick, of such mys 
teries as are not comprehensible, nor fall under any 
rule of naturall science. For it is with the mysteries 
of our Religion, as with wholsome pills for the sick, 
which swallowed whole, have the vertue to cure ; but 
chewed, are for the most part cast up again without 

But by the Captivity of our Understanding, is not [196] 
meant a Submission of the Intellectuall faculty, to the What it is 
Opinion of any other man ; but of the Will to Obedience, to ca pti- 
where obedience is due. For Sense, Memory, Under- j^JJ* 
standing, Reason, and Opinion are not in our power to standing. 
change ; but alwaies, and necessarily such, as the things 
we see, hear, and consider suggest unto us ; and there- 
ore are not effects of our Will, but our Will of them. 
We then Captivate our Understanding and Reason, when 
we forbear contradiction ; when we so speak, as (by 
awfull Authority) we are commanded ; and when we 
ive accordingly ; which in sum, is Trust, and Faith 
reposed in him that speaketh, though the mind be in 
capable of any Notion at all from the words spoken. 

When God speaketh to man, it must be either imme- How God 
diately ; or by mediation of another man, to whom he speaketh 
lad formerly spoken by himself immediately. How God to men 
speaketh to a man immediately, may be understood by 
:hose well enough, to whom he hath so spoken ; but 
low the same should be understood by another, is hard, 
f not impossible to know. For if a man pretend to me, 
that God hath spoken to him supernaturally, and imme 
diately, and I make doubt of it, I cannot easily perceive 
what argument he can produce, to oblige me to beleeve 
it. It is true, that if he be my Soveraign, he may oblige 
me to obedience, so, as not by act or word to declare I 
Beleeve him not ; but not to think any otherwise then 
my reason perswades me. But if one that hath not such 
authority over me, shall pretend the same, there is 
nothing that exacteth either beleefe, or obedience. 

For to say that God hath spoken to him in the Holy 
Scripture, is not to say God hath spoken to him imme 
diately, but by mediation of the Prophets, or of the 
Apostles, or of the Church, in such manner as he speaks 

288 Part 3. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 32. 

to all other Christian men. To say he hath spoken to 
him in a Dream, is no more then to say he dreamed that 
God spake to him ; which is not of force to win beleef 
from any man, that knows dreams are for the most part 
naturall, and may proceed from former thoughts ; and 
such dreams as that, from selfe conceit, and foolish 
arrogance, and false opinion of a mans own godlinesse, 
or other vertue, by which he thinks he hath merited the 
favour of extraordinary Revelation. To say he hath seen 
a Vision, or heard a Voice, is to say, that he hath dreamed 
between sleeping and waking : for in such manner a 
man doth many times naturally take his dream for 
a, vision, as not having well observed his own slumbering. 
To say he speaks by supernaturall Inspiration, is to say 
he finds an ardent desire to speak, or some strong opinion 
of himself, for which hee can alledge no naturall and 
sufficient reason. So that though God Almighty can 
speak to a man, by Dreams, Visions, Voice, and Inspira 
tion ; yet he obliges no man to beleeve he hath so done 
to him that pretends it ; who (being a man) may erre, 
and (which is more) may lie. 

By what How then can he, to whom God hath never revealed 

marks his Wil immediately (saving by the way of natural reason) 

Prophets know when he is to obey, or not to obey his Word, 

"known delivered by him, that sayes he is a Prophet ? Of 400 

iKings22. Prophets, of whom the K. of Israel asked counsel, con- 

[197] cerning the warre he made against Ramoth Gilead, only 

i Kings Micaiah was a true one. The Prophet that was sent to 

J 3- prophecy against the Altar set up by Jeroboam, though 

a true Prophet, and that by two miracles done in his 

presence appears to be a Prophet sent from God, was 

yet deceived by another old Prophet, that perswaded him 

as from the mouth of God, to eat and drink with him. 

If one Prophet deceive another, what certainty is there 

of knowing the will of God, by other way than that of 

Reason ? To which I answer out of the Holy Scripture, 

that there be two marks, by which together, not asunder, 

a true Prophet is to be known. One is the doing of 

miracles ; the other is the not teaching any other Religion 

than that which is already established. Asunder (I say) 

neither of these is sufficient. // a Prophet rise amongst 

Part 3. COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 32. 289 

you, or a Dreamer of dreams, and shall pretend the doing Deut. 13. 
of a miracle, and the miracle come to passe ; if he say, Let v - J > 2 > 3> 
us follow strange Gods, which thou hast not known, thou^ 5 * 
shall not hearken to him, &c. But that Prophet and 
Dreamer of dreams shall be put to death, because he hath 
spoken to you to Revolt from the Lord your God. In which 
words two things are. to be observed ; First, that God 
wil not have miracles alone serve for arguments, to 
approve the Prophets calling ; but (as it is in the third 
verse) for an experiment of the constancy of our adherence 
to himself. For the works of the Egyptian Sorcerers, 
though not so great as those of Moses, yet were great 
miracles. Secondly, that how great soever the miracle 
be, yet if it tend to stir up revolt against the King, or 
him that governeth by the Kings authority, he that doth 
such miracle, is not to be considered otherwise than as 
sent to make triall of their allegiance. For these words, 
revolt from the Lord your God, are in this place equivalent 
to revolt from your King. For they had made God then- 
King by pact at the foot of Mount Sinai ; who ruled them 
by Moses only ; for he only spake with God, and from 
time to time declared Gods Commandements to the 
people. In like manner, after our Saviour Christ had made 
his Disciples acknowledge him for the Messiah, (that is 
to say, for Gods anointed, whom the nation of the Jews 
daily expected for their King, but refused when he came,) 
he omitted not to advertise them of the danger of 
miracles. There shall arise (saith he) false Christs, and Mat. 24. 
false Prophets, and shall doe great wonders and miracles, 24- 
even to the seducing (if it were possible] of the very Elect. 
By which it appears, that false Prophets may have the 
power of miracles ; yet are wee not to take their doctrin 
for Gods Word. St. Paul says further to the Galatians, Gal. 1.8. 
that if himself, or an Angell from heaven preach another 
Gospel to them, than he had preached, let him be accursed. 
That Gospel was, that Christ was King ; so that all 
preaching against the power of the King received, in 
consequence to these words, is by St. Paul accursed. 
For his speech is addressed to those, who by his preaching 
had already received Jesus for the Christ, that is to say, 
for King of the Jews. 


290 Part 3. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 32. 

The And as Miracles, without preaching that Doctrine 

marks of a which God hath established ; so preaching the true 

intheold Doctrine, without the doing of Miracles, is an unsuffi- 

law, [198] cient argument of immediate Revelation. For if a man 

Miracles, that teacheth not false Doctrine, should pretend to bee 

and Doc- a Prophet without shewing any Miracle, he is never the 

^formable more to bee regarded for his pretence, as is evident by 

to the law. Deut. 18. v. 21, 22. // thou say in thy heart, How shall 

we know that the Word (of the Prophet) is not that which 

the Lord hath spoken. When the Prophet shall have spoken 

in the name of the Lord, that which shall not come to passe, 

that s the word which the Lord hath not spoken, but the 

Prophet has spoken it out of the pride of his own heart, 

fear him not. But a man may here again ask, When 

the Prophet hath foretold a thing, how shal we know 

whether it will come to passe or not ? For he may f oretel 

it as a thing to arrive after a certain long time, longer 

then the time of mans life ; or indefinitely, that it will 

come to passe one time or other : in which case this 

mark of a Prophet is unusefull ; and therefore the 

miracles that oblige us to beleeve a Prophet, ought to 

be confirmed by an immediate, or a not long deferred 

event. So that it is manifest, that the teaching of the 

Religion which God hath established, and the shewing 

of a present Miracle, joined together, were the only marks 

whereby the Scripture would have a true Prophet, that 

is to say, immediate Revelation to be acknowledged ; 

neither of them being singly sufficient to oblige any other 

man to regard what he saith. 

Miracles Seeing therefore Miracles now cease, we have no sign 
ceasing, i e ft ? whereby to acknowledge the pretended Revelations, 
ceafe^and or I ns pi ra -tions of any private man ; nor obligation to 
the Scrip- gi ye ear to any Doctrine, farther than it is conformable 
ture sup- to the Holy Scriptures, which since the time of our 
plies their Saviour, supply the place, and sufficiently recompense 
the want of all other Prophecy ; and from which, by 
wise and learned interpretation, and carefull ratiocina 
tion, all rules and precepts necessary to the knowledge 
of our duty both to God and man, without Enthusiasme, 
or supernaturall Inspiration, may easily be deduced. 
And this Scripture is it, out of which I am to take the 

Part 3. COMMON-WEALTH. Chap, 33. 291 

Principles of my Discourse, concerning the Rights of 
those that are the Supream Governors on earth, of Chris 
tian Common -wealths ; and of the duty of Christian 
Subjects towards their Soveraigns. And to that end, 
I shall speak in the next Chapter, of the Books, Writers, 
Scope and Authority of the Bible. 

CHAP. XXXIII. [199] 

Of the Number, Antiquity, Scope, Authority, 
and Interpreters of the Books of 

BY the Books of Holy SCRIPTURE, are understood Of the 
those, which ought to be the Canon, that is to say, the Books of 
Rules of Christian life. And because all Rules of life, Scripture 
which men are in conscience bound to observe, are Laws ; 
the question of the Scripture, is the question of what is 
Law throughout all Christendome, both Naturall, and 
Civill. For though it be not determined in Scripture, 
what Laws every Christian King shall constitute in his 
own Dominions ; yet it is determined what laws he shall 
not constitute. Seeing therefore I have already proved, 
:hat Soveraigns in their own Dominions are the sole 
Legislators ; those Books only are Canonicall, that is, 
Law, in every nation, which are established for such by 
the Soveraign Authority. It is true, that God is the 
Soveraign of all Soveraigns ; and therefore, when he 
speaks to any Subject, he ought to be obeyed, whatso 
ever any earthly Potentate command to the contrary. 
But the question is not of obedience to God, but of when, 
and what God hath said ; which to Subjects that have 
no supernaturall revelation, cannot be known, but by 
that naturall reason, which guided them, for the obtain 
ing of Peace and Justice, to obey the authority of their 
severall Common-wealths ; that is to say, of their law- 
full Soveraigns. According to this obligation, I can 
acknowledge no other Books of the Old Testament, to 
be Holy Scripture, but those which have been com 
manded to be acknowledged for such, by the Authority 

u 2 

292 Part 3. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 33. 

of the Church of England. What Books these are, is 
sufficiently known, without a Catalogue of them here ; 
and they are the same that are acknowledged by St. 
Jerome, who holdeth the rest, namely, the Wisdome of 
Solomon, Ecclesiasticus, Judith, Tobias, the first and the 
second of Maccabees, (though he had seen the first in 
Hebrew) and the third and fourth of Esdras, for Apocrypha. 
Of the Canonicall, Josephus a learned Jew, that wrote in 
the time of the Emperour Domitian, reckoneth twenty 
two, making the number agree with the Hebrew Alphabet. 
St. Jerome does the same, though they reckon them in 
different manner. For Josephus numbers five Books of 
Moses, thirteen of Prophets, that writ the History of their 
own times (which how it agrees with the Prophets writ 
ings contained in the Bible wee shall see hereafter), and 
four of Hymnes and Morall Precepts. But St. Jerome 
reckons five Books of Moses, eight of Prophets, arid nine 
of other Holy writ, which he calls of Hagiographa. The 
Septuagint, who were 70. learned men of the Jews, sent 
for by Ptolemy King of Egypt, to translate the Jewish 
[200] law, out of the Hebrew into the Greek, have left us no 
other for holy Scripture in the Greek tongue, but the 
same that are received in the Church of England. 

As for the Books of the New Testament, they are 
equally acknowledged for Canon by all Christian Churches, 
and by all Sects of Christians, that admit any Books at 
all for Canonicall. 

Their Who were the originall writers of the severall Books 

Antiquity. o f Holy Scripture, has not been made evident by any 
sufficient testimony of other History, (which is the only 
proof of matter of fact) ; nor can be by any arguments 
of naturall Reason : for Reason serves only to convince 
the truth (not of fact, but) of consequence. The light 
therefore that must guide us in this question, must be 
that which is held out unto us from the Bookes them 
selves : And this light, though it shew us not the writer 
of every book, yet it is not unusefull to give us know 
ledge of the time, wherein they were written. 

And first, for the Pentateuch, it is not argument enough 
that they were written by Moses, because they are called 
the five Books of Moses : no more than these titles, 

Part 3. COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 33. 293 

The Book of Joshua, the Book of Judges, the Book of 
Ruth, and the Books of the Kings, are arguments suffi 
cient to provej that they were written by Joshua, by the 
Judges, by Ruth, and by the Kings. For in titles of 
Books, the subject is marked, as often as the writer. 
The History of Livy, denotes the Writer ; but the 
History of Scanderbeg, is denominated from the subject. 
We read in the last Chapter of Deuteronomie, ver. 6. The Pen- 
concerning the sepulcher of Moses, that no man knoweth taieuchnot 
of his sepulcher to this day, that is, to the day wherein 
those words were written. It is therefore manifest, 
that those words were written after his interrement. 
For it were a strange interpretation, to say Moses spake 
of his own sepulcher (though by Prophecy), that it was 
lot found to that day, wherein he was yet living. But 
t may perhaps be alledged, that the last Chapter only, 
not the whole Pentateuch, was written by some other 
man, but the rest not : Let us therefore consider that 
which we find in the Book of Genesis, chap. 12. ver. 6. 
And Abraham passed through the land to the place of 
Sichem, unto the plain of Moreh, and the Canaanite was 
hen in the land ; which must needs bee the words of one 
hat wrote when the Canaanite was not in the land ; and 
onsequently, not of Moses, who dyed before he came 
nto it. Likewise Numbers 21. ver. 14. the Writer citeth 
another more ancient Book, Entituled, The Book of the 
Varres of the Lord, wherein were registred the Acts of 
Hoses, at the Red-sea, and at the brook of Arnon. It 
s therefore sufficiently evident, that the five Books 
of Moses were written after his time, though how long 
after it be not so manifest. 

But though Moses did not compile those Books 
entirely, and in the form we have them ; yet he wrote 
all that which hee is there said to have written : as 
:or example, the Volume of the Law, which is con 
fined, as it seemeth, in the n of Deuteronomie, and the 
following Chapters to the 27. which was also commanded 
:o be written on stones, in their entry into the land of 
Canaan. And this did Moses himself write, and deliver 
to the Priests and Elders of Israel, to be read every [201] 
seventh year to all Israel, at their assembling in the feast 

294 Part 3- OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 33. 

of Tabernacles. And this is that Law which God 

commanded, that their Kings (when they should have 

established that form of Government) should take a copy 

Dent. 31. of from the Priests and Levites ; and which Moses 

26 - commanded the Priests and Levites to lay in the side 

of the Arke ; and the same which having been lost, 

2 King. 22. was long time after found again by Hilkiah, and sent 

8.6-23. T > to King Josias, who causing it to be read to the People, 

2) 3 renewed the Covenant between God and them. 

The Book That the Book of Joshua was also written long after 

of Joshua the time of Joshua, may be gathered out of many places 

aftefhis of the Book ii: self J oshua had set U P twelve stones 
timl. m the middest of Jordan, for a. monument of their 
Josh. 4. 9 passage ; of which the Writer saith thus, They are there 
unto this day ; for unto this day, is a phrase that signifieth 
Josh. 5. 9. a time past, beyond the memory of man. In like manner, 
upon the saying of the Lord, that he had rolled off from 
the people the Reproach of Egypt, the Writer saith, 
The place is called Gilgal unto this day ; which to have 
said in the time of Joshua had been improper. So also 
the name of the Valley of Achor, from the trouble that 
Josh. 7. 26. Achan raised in the Camp, the Writer saith, remaineth 
unto this day ; which must needs bee therefore long 
after the time of Joshua. Arguments of this kind 
there be many other ; as Josh. 8. 29. 13. 13. 14. 14. 

15- 63. 

TheBooke The same is manifest by like arguments of the Book 
of Judges O f Judges, chap. i. 21,26. 6.24. 10.4. 15.19. 17.6. 
"written anc * Ruth * T - but especially Judg. 18. 30. where it is 
long after said, that Jonathan and his sonnes were Priests to the 
the Capti- Tribe of Dan, untill the day of the captivity of the land, 
vity. That the Books of Samuel were also written after his 

ttoBookes G * m ti me > there are the like arguments, I Sam. 5. 5. 
of Samuel. 7- I 3> I 5- 2 7- 6. & 30. 25. where, after David, had ad 
judged equall part of the spoiles, to them that guarded 
the Ammunition, with them that fought, the Writer 
saith, He made it a Statute and an Ordinance to Israel 
2 5am. 6.4. to this day. Again, when David (displeased, that the 
Lord had slain Uzzah, for putting out his hand to 
sustain the Ark,) called the place Perez-Uzzah. the 
Writer saith, it is called so to this day : the time 

Part 3- COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 33. 295 

therefore of the writing of that Book, must be long 
after the time of the fact ; that is, long after the time 
of David, 

As for the two Books of the Kings, and the two Books The Books 
of the Chronicles, besides the places which mention such f * he 
monuments, as the Writer saith, remained till his own !??f 

. ana the 

days; such as are I Kings 9.13. 9.21. 10.12. 12. 19. cArom- 
2 Kings 2.22. 8.22. 10.27. I 4-7- 16.6. 17.23. 17.34. cfes. 
17.41. I Chron. 4. 41. 5.26. It is argument suffi 
cient they were written after the captivity in Babylon, 
that the History of them is continued till that time. 
For the Facts Registred are alwaies more ancient 
than the Register ; and much more ancient than such 
Books as make mention of, and quote the Register ; 
as these Books doe in divers places, referring the Reader 
to the Chronicles of the Kings of Juda, to the Chronicles 
of the Kings of Israel, to the Books of the Prophet 
Samuel, of the Prophet Nathan, of the Prophet Ahijah ; 
to the Vision of Jehdo,- to the Books of the Prophet 
Serveiah, and of the Prophet Addo. 

The Books of Esdras and Nehemiah were written [202] 
certainly after their return from captivity ; because their Ezra and 
return, the re-edification of the walls and houses of Nehe- 
Jerusalem, the renovation of the Covenant, and ordina- mia}l - 
tion of their policy are therein contained. 

The History of Queen Esther is of the time of the Esther. 
Captivity ; and therefore the Writer must have been 
of the same time, or after it. 

The Book of Job hath no mark in it of the time wherein Job. 
it was written : and though it appear sufficiently 
(Ezekiel 14. 14. and James 5. n.) that he was no fained 
person ; yet the Book it self seemeth not to be a History, 
but a Treatise concerning a question in ancient time 
much disputed, why wicked men have often prospered in 
this world, and good men have been afflicted ; and it is 
the more probable, because from the beginning, to the 
third verse of the third chapter, where the complaint 
of Job beginneth, the Hebrew is (as St. Jerome testifies) 
in prose ; and from thence to the sixt verse of the last 
chapter in Hexameter Verses ; and the rest of that 
chapter again in prose. So that the dispute is al) in 

296 Part 3. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 33. 

verse ; and the prose is added, but as a Preface in the 
beginning, and an Epilogue in the end. But Verse is 
no. usual! stile of such, as either are themselves in great 
pain, as Job ; or of such as come to comfort them, 
as his friends ; but in Philosophy, especially morall 
Philosophy, in ancient time frequent. 

The The Psalmes were written the most part by David, 

Psalter, for the use of the Quire. To these are added some 
Songs of Moses, and other holy men ; and some of them 
after the return from the Captivity, as the 137. and the 
126. whereby it is manifest that the Psalter was com 
piled, and put into the form it now hath, after the 
return of the Jews from Babylon. 

The The Proverbs, being a Collection of wise and godly 

Proverbs. Sayings, partly of Solomon, partly of Agur the son of 
Jakeh, and partly of the Mother of King Lemuel, cannot 
probably be thought to have been collected by Solomon, 
rather then by Agur, or the Mother of Lemuel , and that, 
though the sentences be theirs, yet the collection or 
compiling them into this one Book, was the work of 
some other godly man, that lived after them all. 
Ecclesi- The Books of Ecclesiastes and the Canticles have 
astes and nothing that was not Solomons, except it be the Titles, 
or Inscriptions. For The Words of the Preacher, the Son 
of David, King in Jerusalem ; and, The Song of Songs, 
which is Solomon s, seem to have been made for dis 
tinctions sake, then, when the Books of Scripture were 
gathered into one body of the Law ; to the end, that 
not the Doctrine only, but the Authors also might be 

The Of the Prophets, the most ancient, are Sophoniah, 

Prophets. Jonas, Amos, Hosea, Isaiah and Michaiah, who lived 
in the time of Amaziah, and Azariah, otherwise Ozias, 
Kings of Judah. But the Book of Jonas is not properly 
a Register of his Prophecy, (for that is contained in 
these few words, Fourty dayes and Ninivy shall be 
destroyed,} but a History or Narration of his frowardnesse. 
and disputing Gods commandements ; so that there is 
small probabil ty he should be the Author, seeing he 
is the subject of it. But the Book of Amos is his 

Part 3. COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 33. 297 

Jeremiah, Abdias, Nahum, and Habakkuk prophecyed [-03] 
in the time of Josiah. 

Ezekiel, Daniel., Aggeus, and Zacharias, in the Captivity. 

When Joel and Malachi prophecyed, is not evident by 
their Writings. But considering the Inscriptions, or 
Titles of their Books, it is manifest enough, that the 
whole Scripture of the Old Testament, was set forth in 
the form we have it, after the return of the Jews from 
their Captivity in Babylon, and before the time of 
Ptolemceus Philadelphus, that caused it to bee translated 
into Greek by seventy men, which were sent him out of 
Judea for that purpose. And if the Books of Apocrypha 
(which are recommended to us by the Church, though 
not for Canonicall, yet for profitable Books for our 
instruction) may in this point be credited, the Scripture 
was set forth in the form wee have it in, by Esdras ; as 
may appear by that which he himself saith, in the second 
book, chapt. 14. verse 21, 22, &c. where speaking to God, 
he saith thus, Thy law is burnt ; therefore no man knoweth 
the things which thou hast done, or the works that are to begin. 
But if I have found Grace before thee, send down the holy 
Spirit into me, and I shall write all that hath been done 
in the world, since the beginning, which were written in 
thy Law, that men may find thy path, and that they which 
will live in the later days, may live. And verse 45. And it 
came to passe when the forty dayes were fulfilled, that the 
Highest spake, saying, The first that thou hast written, 
publish openly, that the worthy and unworthy may read it ; 
but keep the seventy last, that thou mayst deliver them onely 
to such as be wise among the people. And thus much 
concerning the time of the writing of the Bookes of the 
Old Testament. 

The Writers of the New Testament lived all in lesse The New 
then an age after Christs Ascension, and had all of them Testa- 
seen our Saviour, or been his Disciples, except St. Paul, ment 
and St. Luke ; and consequently whatsoever was written 
by them, is as ancient as the time of the Apostles. But 
the time wherein the Books of the New Testament were 
received, and acknowledged by the Church to be of their 
writing, is not altogether so ancient. For, as the Bookes 
of the Old Testament are derived to us, from no higher 

Part 3- OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 33. 

time then that of Esdras, who by the direction of Gods 
Spirit retrived them, when they were lost : Those of the 
New Testament, of which the copies were not many, nor 
could easily be all in any one private mans hand, cannot 
bee derived from a higher time, than that wherein the 
Governours of the Church collected, approved, and 
recommended them to us, as the writings of those 
Apostles and Disciples ; under whose names they go. 
The first enumeration of all the Bookes, both of the Old, 
and New Testament, is in the Canons of the Apostles, 
supposed to be collected by Clement the first (after 
St. Peter) Bishop of Rome, But because that is but 
supposed, and by many questioned, the Councell of 
Laodicea is the first we know, that recommended the 
Bible to the then Christian Churches, for the Writings 
of the Prophets and Apostles : and this Councell was 
held in the 364. yeer after Christ. At which time, though 
ambition had so far prevailed on the great Doctors of 
[204] the Church, as no more to esteem Emperours, though 
Christian, for the Shepherds of the people, but for Sheep ; 
and Emperours not Christian, for Wolves ; and endea 
voured to passe their Doctrine, not for Counsell, and 
Information, as Preachers ; but for Laws, as absolute 
Governours ; and thought such frauds as tended to make 
the people the more obedient to Christian Doctrine, to 
be pious ; yet I am perswaded they did not therefore 
falsifie the Scriptures, though the copies of the Books of 
the New Testament, were in the hands only of the 
Ecclesiasticks ; because if they had had an intention 
so to doe, they would surely have made them more 
favorable to their power over Christian Princes, and 
Civill Soveraignty, than they are. I see not therefore 
any reason to doubt, but that the Old, and New Testa 
ment, as we have them now, are the true Registers of 
those things, which were done and said by the Prophets, 
and Apostles. And so perhaps are some of those Books 
which are called Apocrypha, if left out of the Canon, not 
for inconformity of Doctrine with the rest, but only 
because they are not found in the Hebrew. For after 
the conquest of Asia by Alexander the Great, there were 
few learned Jews, that were not perfect in the Greek 

Part 3. COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 33. 299 

tongue. For the seventy Interpreters that converted 
the Bible into Greek, were all of them Hebrews ; and 
we have extant the works of Philo and Josephus both 
Jews, written by them eloquently in Greek. But it is not 
the Writer, but the authority of the Church, that maketh 
a Book Canonicall. And although these Books were Their 
written by divers men, yet it is manifest the Writers were Scope. 
all indued with one and the same Spirit, in that they 
conspire to one and the same end, which is the setting 
forth of the Rights of the Kingdome of God, the Father, 
Son, and Holy Ghost. For the Book of Genesis, deriveth 
the Genealogy of Gods people, from the creation of the 
World, to the going into Egypt : the other four Books 
of Moses, contain the Election of God for their King, 
and the Laws which hee prescribed for their Govern 
ment : The Books of Joshua, Judges, Ruth, and Samuel, to 
the time of Saul, describe the acts of Gods people, till the 
time they cast off Gods yoke, and called for a King, after 
the manner of their neighbour nations : The rest of the 
History of the Old Testament, derives the succession of 
the line of David, to the Captivity, out of which line was 
to spring the restorer of the Kingdome of God, even our 
blessed Saviour God the Son, whose coming was foretold 
in the Bookes of the Prophets, after whom the Evangelists 
writt his life, and actions, and his claim to the Kingdome, 
whilst he lived on earth : and lastly, the Acts, and 
Epistles of the Apostles, declare the coming of God, the 
Holy Ghost, and the Authority he left with them, and 
their successors, for the direction of the Jews, and for the 
invitation of the Gentiles. In summe, the Histories and 
the Prophecies of the old Testament, and the Gospels 
and Epistles of the New Testament, have had one and the 
same scope, to convert men to the obedience of God ; 
i. in Moses, and the Priests ; 2. in the man Christ ; and 
3. in the Apostles and the successors to Apostolicall 
power. For these three at several times did represent 
the person of God : Moses, and his successors the High 
Priests, and Kings of Judah, in the Old Testament : [205] 
Christ himself, in the time he lived on earth : and the 
Apostles, and their successors, from the day of Pentecost 
(when the Holy Ghost descended on them) to this day. 

300 Part 3- OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 33. 

The qucs- It is a question much disputed between the divers 
tion of the se cts of Christian Religion, From whence the Scriptures 
of U fh ty Derive their Authority ; which question is also propounded 
Scriptures sometimes in other terms, as, How wee know them to be 
stated. the Word of God, or, Why we beleeve them to be so : And 
the difficulty of resolving it, ariseth chiefly from the 
impropernesse of the words wherein the question it self 
is couched. For it is beleeved on all hands, that the first 
and originall Author of them is God ; and consequently 
the question disputed, is not that. Again, it is manifest, 
that none can know they are Gods Word, (though all 
true Christians beleeve it,) but those to whom God him 
self hath revealed it supernaturally ; and therefore the 
question is not rightly moved, of our Knowledge of it. 
Lastly, when the question is propounded of our Beleefe ; 
because some are moved to beleeve for one, and others 
for other reasons, there can be rendred no one generall 
answer for them all. The question truly stated is, By 
what Authority they are made Law. 

Their As far as they differ not from the Laws of Nature, 

Authority there is no doubt, but they are the Law of God, and 

carry their Authorit y with them > legible to all men that 
have the use of naturall reason : but this is no other 
Authority, then that of all other Morall Doctrine conso 
nant to Reason; the Dictates whereof are Laws, not 
made, but Eternall. 

If they be made Law by God himself e, they are of the 
nature of written Law, which are Laws to them only to 
whom God hath so sufficiently published them, as no 
man can excuse himself, by saying, he knew not they 
were his. 

He therefore, to whom God hath not supernaturally 
revealed, that they are his, nor that those that published 
them, were sent by him, is not obliged to obey them, by 
any Authority, but his, whose Commands have already 
the force of Laws ; that is to say, by any other Authority, 
then that of the Common-wealth, residing in the Sove- 
raign, who only has the Legislative power. Again, if it 
be not the Legislative Authority of the Common-wealth, 
that giveth them the force of Laws, it must bee some 
other Authority derived from God, either private, or 

Part>$. COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 33. 301 

publique : if private, it obliges onely him, to whom in 
particular God hath been pleased to reveale it. For if 
every man should be obliged, to take for Gods Law, 
what particular men, on pretence of private Inspiration, 
or Revelation, should obtrude upon him, (in such a num 
ber of men, that out of pride, and ignorance, take their 
own Dreams, and extravagant Fancies, and Madnesse, 
for testimonies of Gods Spirit ; or out of ambition, 
pretend to such Divine testimonies, falsely, and contrary 
to their own consciences,) it were impossible that any 
Divine Law should be acknowledged. If publique, it is 
the Authority of the Common-wealth, or of the Church. 
But the Church, if it be one person, is the same thing 
with a Common-wealth of Christians ; called a Common- [206] 
wealth, because it consisteth of men united in- one person, 
their Soveraign ; and a Church, because it consisteth in 
Christian men, united in one Christian Soveraign. But 
if the Church be not one person, then it hath no authority 
at all ; it can neither command, nor doe any action at 
all ; nor is capable of having any power, or right to any 
thing ; nor has any Will, Reason, nor Voice ; for all 
these qualities are personall. Now if the whole number 
of Christians be not contained in one Common-wealth, 
they are not one person ; nor is there an Universall 
Church that hath any authority over them ; and there 
fore the Scriptures are not made Laws, by the Universall 
Church : or if it bee one Common-wealth, then all 
Christian Monarchs, and States are private persons, and 
subject to bee judged, deposed, and punished by an 
Universall Soveraigne of all Christendome. So that the 
question of the Authority of the Scriptures, is reduced 
to this, Whether Christian Kings, and the Soveraigne 
Assemblies in Christian Common-wealths, be absolute in 
their own Territories, immediately under God ; or subject 
to one Vicar of Christ, constituted over the Universall 
Church ; to bee judged, condemned, deposed, and put to 
death, as hee shall think expedient, or necessary for the 
common good. 

Which question cannot bee resolved, without a more 
particular consideration of the Kingdome of God ; from 
whence also, wee are to judge of the Authority of Inter- 

302 Part 3. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 33. 

preting the Scripture. For, whosoever hath a lawfull 
power over any Writing, to make it Law, hath the power 
also to approve, or disapprove the interpretation of the 

[207] CHAP. XXXIV. 

Of the Signification of SPIRIT, ANGEL, and INSPIRATION 
in the Books of Holy Scripture. 

Body and SEEING the foundation of all true Ratiocination, is 
Spirit the constant Signification of words ; which in the 
how taken Doctrine following, dependeth not (as in naturall science) 
*Scriture on ^ e Will of the Writer, nor (as in common conversa 
tion) on vulgar use, but on the sense they carry in the 
Scripture ; It is necessary, before I proceed any further, 
to determine, out of the Bible, the meaning of such 
words, as by their ambiguity, may render what I am to 
inferre upon them, obscure, or disputable. I will begin 
with the words BODY, and SPIRIT, which in the language 
of the Schools are termed, Substances, Corporeall, and 

The Word Body, in the most generall acceptation, 
signifieth that which filleth, or occupyeth some certain 
room, or imagined place ; and dependeth not on the 
imagination, but is a reall part of that we call the Uni 
verse. For the Universe, being the Aggregate of all 
Bodies, there is no reall part thereof that is not also 
Body ; nor any thing properly a Body, that is not also 
part of (that Aggregate of all Bodies] the Universe. The 
same also, because Bodies are subject to change, that is 
to say, to variety of apparence to the sense of living 
creatures, is called Substance, that is to say, Subject, to 
various accidents ; as sometimes to be Moved, some 
times to stand Still ; and to seem to our senses sometimes 
Hot, sometimes Cold, sometimes of one Colour, Smel, 
Tast, or Sound, somtimes of another. And this diversity 
of Seeming, (produced by the diversity of the operation 
of bodies, on the organs of our sense) we attribute to 
alterations of the Bodies that operate, & call them 
Accidents of those Bodies. And according to this accept a- 

Part 3- COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 34. 303 

tion of the word, Substance and Body, signifie the same 
thing ; and therefore Substance incorporeall are words, 
which when they are joined together, destroy one 
another, as if a man should say, an Incorporeall Body. 

But in the sense of common people, not all the Universe 
is called Body, but only such parts thereof as they can 
discern by the sense of Feeling, to resist their force, or by 
the sense of their Eyes, to hinder them from a farther 
prospect. Therefore in the common language of men, 
Aire, and aeriall substances, use not to be taken 
for Bodies, but (as often as men are sensible of their 
effects) are called Wind, or Breath, or (because the same 
are called in the Latine Spiritus] Spirits ; as when they 
call that aeriall substance, which in the body of any 
living creature, gives it life and motion, Vitall and 
Animall spirits. But for those Idols of the brain, which 
represent Bodies to us, where they are not, as in a Look- 
ing-glasse, in a Dream, or to a Distempered brain waking, [208] 
they are (as the Apostle saith generally of all Idols) 
nothing ; Nothing at all, I say, there where they seem 
to bee ; and in the brain it self, nothing but tumult, 
proceeding either from the action of the objects, or from 
the disorderly agitation of the Organs of our Sense. And 
men, that are otherwise imployed, then to search into 
their causes, know not of themselves, what to call them ; 
and may therefore easily be perswaded, by those whose 
knowledge they much reverence, some to call them 
Bodies, and think them made of aire compacted by 
a power supernaturall, because the sight judges them 
corporeall ; and some to call them Spirits, because the 
sense of Touch discerneth nothing in the place where 
they appear, to resist their fingers : So that the proper 
signification of Spirit in common speech, is either a sub 
tile, fluid, and invisible Body, or a Ghost, or other Idol 
or Phantasme of the Imagination. But for metaphoricall 
significations, there be many : for sometimes it is taken 
for Disposition or Inclination of the mind ; as when for 
the disposition to controwl the sayings of other men, 
we say, a spirit of contradiction ; For a disposition to 
undeannesse, an unclean spirit ; for perversenesse, a fro- 
war d spirit ; for sullennesse, a dumb spirit, and for 

304 Part 3. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 34. 

inclination to godlinesse, and Gods service, the Spirit of 
God : sometimes for any eminent ability, or extra 
ordinary passion, or disease of the mind, as when great 
wisdome is called the spirit of wisdome ; and mad men 
are said to be possessed with a spirit. 

Other signification of Spirit I find no where any ; and 
where none of these can satisfie the sense of that word 
in Scripture, the place falleth not under humane Under 
standing ; and our Faith therein consisteth not in our 
Opinion, but in our Submission ; as in all places where 
God is said to be a Spirit ; or where by the Spirit of God, 
is meant God himselfe. For the nature of God is incom 
prehensible ; that is to say, we understand nothing of 
what he is, but only that he is ; and therefore the Attri 
butes we give him, are not to tell one another, what he is, 
nor to signifie our opinion of his Nature, but our desire 
to honour him with such names as we conceive most 
honorable amongst our selves. 

The Spirit Gen. i. 2. The Spirit of God moved upon the face of the 

of God Waters. Here if by the Spirit of God be meant God 

l^S^ti himself, then is Motion attributed to God, and conse- 

ture some- q uen tly Place, which are intelligible only of Bodies, and 

times for a not of substances incorporeall ; and so the place is above 

Wind, or our understanding, that can conceive nothing moved 

Breath. that changes not place, or that has not dimension ; and 

whatsoever has dimension, is Body. But the meaning 

of those words is best understood by the like place, 

Gen. 8. i. Where when the earth was covered with 

Waters, as in the beginning, God intending to abate 

them, and again to discover the dry land, useth the like 

words, / will bring my Spirit upon the Earth, and the 

waters shall be diminished : in which place by Spirit is 

understood a Wind, (that is an Aire or Spirit moved,) 

which might be called (as in the former place) the Spirit 

of God, because it was Gods work. 

[209] Gen. 41. 38. Pharaoh calleth the Wisdome of Joseph, 
Secondly, the Spirit of God. For Joseph having advised him to 
for extra- look out a wise and discreet man, and to set him over 
ordinary ^ e land of Egypt, he saith thus, Can we find such a man 

g Under as this * S in whom is * he S P irit f God ? And Exod. 28. 3. 

standing. Thou shalt speak (saith God) to all that are wise hearted, 

Parts. COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 34. 305 

whom I have filled with the Spirit of Wisdome, to make 
Aaron Garments, to consecrate him. Where extraordinary 
Understanding, though but in making Garments, as 
being the Gift of God, is called the Spirit of God. The 
same is found again, Exod. 31. 3, 4, 5, 6. and 35. 31. 
And Isaiah n. 2, 3. where the Prophet speaking of the 
Messiah, saith, The Spirit of the Lord shall abide upon 
him, the Spirit of wisdome and understanding, the Spirit 
of counsell, and fortitude ; and, the Spirit of the fear of the 
Lord. Where manifestly is meant, not so many Ghosts, 
but so many eminent graces that God would give him. 

In the Book of Judges, an extraordinary Zeal, and Thirdly, 
Courage in the defence of Gods people, is called the f r e ^t 
Spirit of God ; as when it excited Othoniel, Gideon, 
Jephtha, and Samson to deliver them from servitude, 
Judg. 3. 10. 6. 34. ii. 29. 13. 25. 14. 6, 19. And of 
Saul, upon the newes of the insolence of the Ammonites 
towards the men of Jabesh Gilead, it is said (i Sam. 
ii. 6.) that The Spirit of God came upon Saul, and his 
Anger (or, as it is in the Latine, his Fury) was kindled 
greatly. Where it is not probable was meant a Ghost, 
but an extraordinary Zeal to punish the cruelty of the 
Ammonites. In like manner by the Spirit of God, that 
came upon Saul, when hee was amongst the Prophets 
that praised God in Songs, and Musick (i Sam. 19. 20.) 
is to be understood, not a Ghost, but an unexpected 
and sudden zeal to join with them in their devotion. 

The false Prophet Zedekiah, saith to Micaiah (i Kings Fourthly, 
22. 24.) Which way went the Spirit of the Lord from me for the gift 
to speak to thee ? Which cannot be understood of a J. p ? e ~ 
Ghost ; for Micaiah declared before the Kings of Israel Breams 
and Judah, the event of the battle, as from a Vision, and 
and not as from a Spirit, speaking in him. Visions. 

In the same manner it appeareth, in the Books of the 
Prophets, that though they spake by the Spirit of God, 
that is to say, by a speciall grace of Prediction ; yet 
their knowledge of the future, was not by a Ghost within 
them, but by some supernaturall Dream or Vision. 

Gen. 2. 7. It is said, God made man of the dust of the Fiftly, for 
Earth, and breathed into his nostrills (spiraculum vitae) the Life, 
breath of life, and man was made a living soul. There 


306 Part 3. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 34. 

the breath of life inspired by God, signifies no more, but 
that God gave him life ; And (Job 27. 3.) as long as 
the Spirit of God is in my nostrils ; is no more then to say, 
as long as I live. So in Ezek. i. 20. the Spirit of life was 
in the wheels, is equivalent to, the wheels were alive. And 
(Ezek. 2. 30.) the Spirit entred into me, and set me on my 
feet, that is, I recovered my vitall strength ; not that any 
Ghost, or incorporeall substance entred into ; and 
possessed his body. 

Sixtly, for In the ii chap, of Numbers, verse 17. I will take (saith 

a subordi- God) of the Spirit, which is upon thee, and will put it upon 

nation to th em> an d they shall bear the burthen of the people with 

l [2io~\ ^ ee th 3 * is, upon the seventy Elders : whereupon 

two of the seventy are said to prophecy in the campe ; of 

whom some complained, and Joshua desired Moses to 

forbid them ; which Moses would not doe. Whereby 

it appears ; that Joshua knew not they had received 

authority so to do, and prophecyed according to the 

mind of Moses, that is to say, by a Spirit, or Authority 

subordinate to his own. 

In the like sense we read (Deut. 34. 9.) that Joshua 
was full of the Spirit of wisdome, because Moses had laid 
his hands upon him : that is, because he was ordained by 
Moses, to prosecute the work hee had himselfe begun, 
(namely, the bringing of Gods people into the promised 
land), but prevented by death, could not finish. 

In the like sense it is said, (Rom. 8. 9.) // any man have 
not the Spirit of Christ, he is none of his : not meaning 
thereby the Ghost of Christ, but a submission to his 
Doctrine. As also (i John 4. 2.) Hereby you shall know 
the Spirit of God ; Every Spirit that confesseth that Jesus 
Christ is come in the flesh, is of God ; by which is meant 
the Spirit of unfained Christianity, or submission to 
that main Article of Christian faith, that Jesus is the 
Christ ; which cannot be interpreted of a Ghost. 

Likewise these words (Luke 4. i.) And Jesus full of 
the Holy Ghost (that is, as it is exprest, Mat. 4. i. and 
Mar. i. 12. of the Holy Spirit,} may be understood, for 
Zeal to doe the work for which hee was sent by God the 
Father : but to interpret it of a Ghost, is to say, that 
God himselfe (for so our Saviour was,) was filled with 

Part$. COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 34 307 

God ; which is very improper, and unsignificant. How 
we came to translate Spirits, by the word Ghosts, which 
signifieth nothing, neither in heaven, nor earth, but the 
Imaginary inhabitants of mans brain, I examine not : 
but this I say, the word Spirit in the text signifieth no 
such thing ; but either properly a reall substance, or 
Metaphorically, some extraordinary ability or affection 
of the Mind, or of the Body. 

The Disciples of Christ, seeing him walking upon the Seventhly, 
sea, (Mat. 14. 26. and Marke 6. 49.) supposed him to \)QforAeriall 
a Spirit, meaning thereby an Aeriall Body, and not 
a Phantasme : for it is said, they all saw him ; which 
cannot be understood of the delusions of the brain, 
(which are not common to many at once, as visible Bodies 
are ; but singular, because of the differences of Fancies), 
but of Bodies only. In like manner, where he was taken 
for a Spirit, by the same Apostles (Luke 24. 3, 7.) : So 
also (Acts 12. 15.) when St. Peter was delivered out of 
Prison, it would not be beleeved ; but when the Maid 
said he was at the dore, they said it was his Angel ; by 
which must be meant a corporeall substance, or we must 
say, the Disciples themselves did follow the common 
opinion of both Jews and Gentiles, that some such 
apparitions were not Imaginary, but Reall ; and such 
as needed not the fancy of man for their Existence : 
These the Jews called Spirits, and Angels, Good or Bad ; 
as the Greeks called the same by the name of Damons. 
And some such apparitions may be reall, and sub- [211] 

tantiall ; that is to say, subtile Bodies, which God can 

:orm by the same power, by which he formed all things, 
and make use of, as of Ministers, and Messengers (that 

s to say, Angels) to declare his will, and execute the 
same when he pleaseth, in extraordinary and super- 
naturall manner. But when hee hath so formed them 

:hey are Substances, endued with dimensions, and take 
up roome, and can be moved from place to place, which 

s peculiar to Bodies ; and therefore are not Ghosts 
incorporeall, that is to say, Ghosts that are in no place ; 
that is to say, that are no where ; that is to say, that 
seeming to be somewhat, are nothing. But if Corporeall 

3e taken in the most vulgar manner, for such Substances 

X 2 

3o8 Part 3. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 34. 

as are perceptible by our externall Senses ; then is 
Substance Incorporeall, a thing not Imaginary, but 
Reall ; namely, a thin Substance, Invisible, but that 
hath the same dimensions that are in grosser Bodies. 
Angel By the name of ANGEL, is signified generally, a 

what. Messenger ; and most often, a Messenger of God : And 
by a Messenger of God, is signified, any thing that 
makes known his extraordinary Presence ; that is to 
say, the extraordinary manifestation of his power, 
especially by a Dream, or Vision. 

Concerning the creation of Angels, there is nothing 
delivered in the Scriptures. That they are Spirits, 
is often repeated : but by the name of Spirit, is signified 
both in Scripture, and vulgarly, both amongst Jews, 
and Gentiles, sometimes thin Bodies ; as the Aire, 
the Wind, the Spirits Vitall, and Animall, of living 
creatures ; and sometimes the Images that rise in the 
fancy in Dreams, and Visions ; which are not reall 
Substances, nor last any longer then the Dream, or 
Vision they appear in ; which Apparitions, though no 
reall Substances, but Accidents of the brain ; yet when 
God raiseth them supernaturall y, to signifie his Will, 
they are not unproperly termed Gods Messengers, that 
is to say, his Angels. 

And as the Gentiles did vulgarly conceive the Imagery 
of the brain, for things really subsistent without them, 
and not dependent on the fancy ; and out of them 
framed their opinions of Daemons, Good and Evill ; 
which because they seemed to subsist really, they 
called Substances ; and because they could not feel them 
with their hands, Incorporeall : so also the Jews upon 
the same ground, without any thing in the Old Testa 
ment that constrained them thereunto, had generally 
an opinion, (except the sect of the S adduces,) that 
those apparitions (which it pleased God sometimes to 
produce in the fancie of men, for his own service, and 
therefore called them his Angels) were substances, not 
dependent on the fancy, but permanent creatures of 
God ; whereof those which they thought were good to 
them, they esteemed the Angels of God, and those they 
thought would hurt them, they called Evill Angels, 

Part 3- COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 34. 309 

or Evill Spirits ; such as was the Spirit of Python, 
and the Spirits of Mad-men, of Lunatiques, and Epilep- 
tiques : For they esteemed such as were troubled with 
such diseases, Dcemoniaques. 

But if we consider the places of the Old Testament 
where Angels are mentioned, we shall find, that in most 
of them, there can nothing else be understood by the C 2I2 1 
word Angel, but some image raised (supernaturally) in 
the fancy, to signifie the presence of God in the execution 
of some supernaturall work ; and therefore in the rest, 
where their nature is not exprest, it may be understood 
in the same manner. 

For we read Gen. 16. that the same apparition is 
called, not onely an Angel, but God ; where that which 
(verse 7.) is called the Angel of the Lord, in the tenth 
verse, saith to Agar, / will multiply thy seed exceedingly ; 
that is, speaketh in the person of God. Neither was 
this apparition a Fancy figured, but a Voice. By which 
it is manifest, that Angel signifieth there, nothing but 
God himself, that caused Agar supernaturally to appre 
hend a voice from heaven ; or rather, nothing else but 
a Voice supernaturall, testifying Gods speciall presence 
there. Why therefore may not the Angels that appeared 
to Lot, and are called Gen. 19. 13. Men ; and to whom, 
though they were two, Lot speaketh (ver. 18.) as but to 
one, and that one, as God, (for the words are, Lot said 
unto them, Oh not so my Lord) be understood of images 
of men, supernaturally formed in the Fancy ; as well 
as before by Angel was understood a fancyed Voice ? 
When the Angel called to Abraham out of heaven, to 
stay his hand (Gen. 22. n.) from slaying Isaac, there 
was no Apparition, but a Voice ; which neverthelesse 
was called properly enough a Messenger, or Angel of 
God, because it declared Gods will supernaturally, and 
saves the labour of supposing any permanent Ghosts. 
The Angels which Jacob saw on the Ladder of Heaven 
(Gen. 28. 12.) were a Vision of his sleep ; therefore onely 
Fancy, and a Dream ; yet being supernaturall, and signs 
of Gods speciall presence, those apparitions are not 
improperly called Angels. The same is to be understood 
(Gen. 31. n.) where Jacob saith thus, The Angel of the 

3io Part 3- OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 34. 

Lord appeared to mee in my sleep. For an apparition 
made to a man in his sleep, is that which all men call 
a Dreame, whether such Dreame be naturall, or super - 
naturall : and that which there Jacob calleth an Angel, 
was God himself e ; for the same Angel saith (verse 13.) 
/ am the God of Bethel. 

Also (Exod. 14. 9.) the Angel that went before the 
Army of Israel to the Red Sea, and then came behind 
it, is (verse 19.) the Lord himself ; and he appeared not 
in the form of a beautifull man, but in form (by day) 
of a pillar of cloud, and (by night) in form of a pillar of 
fire ; and yet this Pillar was all the apparition, and 
Angel promised to Moses (Exod. 14. 9.) for the Armies 
guide : For this cloudy pillar, is said, to have descended, 
and stood at the dore of the Tabernacle, and to have 
talked with Moses. 

There you see Motion, and Speech, which are. com 
monly attributed to Angels, attributed to a Cloud, 
because the Cloud served as a sign of Gods presence ; 
and was no lesse an Angel, then if it had had the form 
of a Man, or Child of never so great beauty ; or Wings, 
as usually they are painted, for the false instruction of 
common people. For it is not the shape ; but their use, 
that makes them Angels. But their use is to be signi- 
[213] fications of Gods presence in supernaturall operations; 
As when Moses (Exod. 33. 14.) had desired God to goe 
along with the Campe, (as he had done alwaies before 
the making of the Golden Calfe,) God did not answer, 
/ will goe, nor / will send an Angell in my stead ; but 
thus, my presence shall goe with thee. 

To mention all the places of the Old Testament where 
the name of Angel is found, would be too long. There 
fore to comprehend them all at once, I say, there is no 
text in that part of the Old Testament, which the Church 
of England holdeth for Canonicall, from which we can 
conclude, there is, or hath been created, any permanent 
thing (understood by the name of Spirit or Angel,} that 
hath not quantity ; and that may not be, by the under 
standing divided ; that is to say, considered by parts ; 
so as one part may bee in one place, and the next part 
in the next place to it ; and, in summe, which is not 

Part 3. COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 34 311 

(taking Body for that, which is some what, or some 
where) Corporeall ; but in every place, the sense will 
bear the interpretation of Angel, for Messenger ; as John 
Baptist is called an Angel, and Christ the Angel of the 
Covenant ; and as (according to the same Analogy) 
the Dove, and the Fiery Tongues, in that they were 
signes of Gods speciall presence, might also be called 
Angels. Though we find in Daniel two names of Angels, 
Gabriel, and Michael ; yet it is cleer out of the text it 
selfe, (Dan. 12. i.) that by Michael is meant Christ, not 
as an Angel, but as a Prince : and that Gabriel (as the 
like apparitions made to other holy men in their sleep) 
was nothing but a supernaturall phantasme, by which 
it seemed to Daniel, in his dream, that two Saints being 
in talke, one of them said to the other, Gabriel, let us 
make this man understand his Vision : For God needeth 
not, to distinguish his Celestiall servants by names, 
which are usefull onely to the short memories of Mortalls. 
Nor in the New Testament is there any place, out of 
which it can be proved, that Angels (except when they 
are put for such men, as God hath made the Messengers, 
and Ministers of his word, or works) are things permanent, 
and withall incorporeall. That they are permanent, may 
bee gathered from the words of our Saviour himselfe, 
(Mat. 25. 41.) where he saith, it shall be said to the 
wicked in the last day, Go ye cursed into everlasting fire 
prepared for the Devil and his Angels : which place is 
manifest for the permanence of Evill Angels, (unlesse 
wee might think the name of Devill and his Angels may 
be understood of the Churches Adversaries and their 
Ministers ;) but then it is repugnant to their Imma 
teriality ; because Everlasting fire is no punishment 
to impatible substances, such as are all things Incor 
poreall. Angels therefore are not thence proved to 
be Incorporeall. In like manner where St. Paul sayes 
(i Cor. 6. 3.) Know ye not that wee shall judge the Angels? 
And (2 Pet. 2. 4.) For if God spared not the Angels that 
sinned, but cast them down into hell. And (Jude i, 6.) 
And the Angels that kept not their first estate, but left 
their owne habitation, hee hath reserved in everlasting 
chaines under darknesse unto the Judgment of the last 

312 Part 3. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 34. 

day ; though it prove the Permanence of Angelical I 
nature, it confirmeth also their Materiality. And 
[214] (Mat. 22. 30.) In the resurrection men doe neither marry, 
nor give in marriage, but are as the Angels of God in 
heaven : but in the resurrection men shall be Per 
manent, and not Incorporeall ; so therefore also are 
the Angels. 

There be divers other places out of which may be 
drawn the like conclusion. To men that understand 
the signification of these words, Substance, and Incor 
poreall ; as Incorporeall is taken not for subtile body 
but for not Body, they imply a contradiction : insomuch 
as to say, an Angel, or Spirit is (in that sense) an 
Incorporeall Substance, is to say in effect, there is no 
Angel nor Spirit at all. Considering therefore the 
signification of the word Angel in the Old Testament, 
and the nature of Dreams and Visions that happen 
to men by the ordinary way of Nature ; I was enclined 
to this opinion, that Angels were nothing but super- 
naturall apparitions of the Fancy, raised by the speciall 
and extraordinary operation of God, thereby to make 
his presence and commandements known to mankind, 
and chiefly to his own people. But the many places 
of the New Testament, and our Saviours own words, 
and in such texts, wherein is no suspicion of corrup 
tion of the Scripture, have extorted from my feeble 
Reason, an acknowledgment, and beleef, that there 
be also Angels substantiall, and permanent. But to 
beleeve they be in no place, that is to say, no where, 
that is to say, nothing, as they (though indirectly) 
say, that will have them Incorporeall, cannot by 
Scripture bee evinced. 

Inspira- On the signification of the word Spirit, dependeth 
tion what. that o f the word INSPIRATION ; which must either be 
taken properly; and then it is nothing but the blowing 
into a man some thin and subtile aire, or wind, in such 
manner as a man filleth a bladder with his breath; 
or if Spirits be not corporeall, but have their existence 
only in the fancy, it is nothing but the blowing in of 
a Phantasme ; which is improper to say, and impos 
sible ; for Phantasmes are not, but only seem to be 

Part 3- COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 34. 313 

somewhat. That word therefore is used in the Scrip 
ture metaphorically onely : As (Gen. 2. 7.) where it is 
said, that God inspired into man the breath of life, 
no more is meant, then that God gave unto him vitall 
motijn. For we are not to think that God made first 
a living breath, and then blew it into Adam after he 
was made, whether that breath were reall, or seeming ; 
but only as it is (Acts 17. 25.) that he gave him life, and 
breath ; that is, made him a living creature. And 
where it is said (2 Tim. 3. 16.) all Scripture is given by 
Inspiration from God, speaking there of the Scripture 
of the Old Testament, it is an easie metaphor, to 
signifie, that God enclined the spirit or mind of those 
Writers, to write that which should be usefull, in 
teaching, reproving, correcting, and instructing men 
in the way of righteous living. But where St. Peter 
(2 Pet. i. 21.) saith, that Prophecy came not in old time by 
the will of man, but the holy men of God spake as they 
were moved by the Holy Spirit, by the Holy Spirit, is 
meant the voice of God in a Dream, or Vision super- 
naturall, which is not Inspiration : Nor when our 
Saviour breathing on his Disciples, said, Receive the 
Holy Spirit, was that Breath the Spirit, but a sign 
of the spirituall graces he gave unto them. And 
though it be said of many, and of our Saviour himself, [215] 
that he was full of the Holy Spirit ; yet that Fulnesse 
is not to be understood for Infusion of the substance 
of God, but for accumulation of his gifts, such as are 
the gift of sanctity of life, of tongues, and the like, 
whether attained supernaturally, or by study and 

ndustry ; for in all cases they are the gifts of God. 
So likewise where God sayes (Joel 2. 28.) / will powre 
out my Spirit upon all flesh, and your Sons and your 
Daughters shall prophecy, your Old men shall dream 
Dreams, and your Young men shall see Visions, wee are 
not to understand it in the proper sense, as if his Spirit 
were like water, subject to effusion, or infusion ; but 
as if God had promised to give them Propheticall 

Dreams, and Visions. For the proper use of the word 
infused, in speaking of the graces of God, is an abuse 
of it ; for those graces are Vertues, not Bodies to be 

314 Part 3. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 34. 

carryed hither and thither, and to be powred into 
men, as into barrels. 

In the same manner, to take Inspiration in the 
proper sense, or to say that Good Spirits entred into 
men to make them prophecy, or Evill Spirits into those 
that became Phrenetique, Lunatique, or Epileptique, 
is not to take the word in the sense of the Scripture ; 
for the Spirit there is taken for the power of God, 
working by causes to us unknown. As also (Acts 2. 2.) 
the wind, that is there said to fill the house wherein 
the Apostles were assembled on the day of Pentecost, 
is not to be understood for the Holy Spirit, which is 
the Deity it self ; but for an External! sign of Gods 
speciall working on their hearts, to effect in them the 
internall graces, and holy vertues hee thought requisite 
for the performance of their Apostleship. 

[216 CHAP. XXXV. 

Of the Signification in Scripture of KINGDOME 

The King- THE Kingdome of God in the Writings of Divines, 
dom of and specially in Sermons, and Treatises of Devotion, 
God taken j s taken most commonly for Eternall Felicity, after 
Met- this life in the Highest Heaven, which they also call 
phorically, the Kingdome of Glory ; and sometimes for (the 
but in the earnest of that felicity) Sanctification, which they 
Scriptures terme the Kingdome of Grace ; but never for the 
proper y. Monarchy, that is to say, the Soveraign Power of God 
over any Subjects acquired by their own consent, 
which is the proper signification of Kingdome. 

To the contrary, I find the KINGDOME OF GOD, to 
signifie in most places of Scripture, a Kingdome pro 
perly so named, constituted by the Votes of the People 
of Israel in peculiar manner ; wherein they chose God 
for their King by Covenant made with him, upon 
Gods promising them the possession of the land of 
Canaan ; and but seldom metaphorically ; and then 

Part 3. COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 35. 315 

it is taken for Dominion over sinne ; (and only in the 
New Testament ;) because such a Dominion as that, 
every Subject shall have in the Kingdome of God, and 
without prejudice to the Soveraign. 

From the very Creation, God not only reigned over 
all men naturally by his might ; but also had peculiar 
Subjects, whom he commanded by a Voice, as one 
man speaketh to another. In which manner he reigned 
over Adam, and gave him commandement to abstaine 
from the tree of cognizance of Good and Evill ; which 
when he obeyed not, but tasting thereof, took upon 
him to be as God, judging between Good and Evill, 
not by his Creators commandement, but by his own 
sense, his punishment was a privation of the estate 
of Eternall life, wherein God had at first created him : 
And afterwards God punished his posterity, for their 
vices, all but eight persons, with an universall deluge ; 
And in these eight did consist the then Kingdom of 

After this, it pleased God to speak to Abraham, The 
and (Gen. 17. 7, 8.) to make a Covenant with him in originall 
these words, / will establish my Covenant between me, L . , 

-i ,i 77 -it 7 T , Kingaome 

and thee, and thy seed after thee in their generations, for O f Q d. 

an everlasting Covenant, to be a God to thee, and to thy 
seed after thee ; And I will give unto thee, and to thy 
seed after thee, the land wherein thou art a stranger, all 
the land of Canaan for an everlasting possession. In 
this Covenant Abraham promiseth for himself e and his 
posterity to obey as God, the Lord that spake to him : 
and God on his part promiseth to Abraham the land of 
Canaan for an everlasting possession. And for a me- [217] 
moriall, and a token of this Covenant, he ordaineth 
(verse n.) the Sacrament of Circumcision. This is it 
which is called the Old Covenant, or Testament ; and 
containeth a Contract between God and Abraham ; 
by which Abraham obligeth himself, and his posterity, 
in a peculiar manner to be subject to Gods positive 
Law ; for to the Law Morall he was obliged before, 
as by an Oath of Allegiance. And though the name 
of King be not yet given to God, nor of Kingdome to 
Abraham and his seed ; yet the thing is the same ; 

Part 3. 


Chap. 35. 

That the 


of God is 


his Civill 



over a 


people by 


namely, an Institution by pact, of Gods peculiar 
Soveraignty over the seed of Abraham ; which in the 
renewing of the same Covenant by Moses, at Mount 
Sinai, is expressely called a peculiar Kingdome of God 
over the Jews : and it is of Abraham (not of Moses) 
St. Paul saith (Rom. 4. n.) that he is the Father of 
the Faithfull ; that is, of those that are loyall, and doe 
not violate their Allegiance sworn to God, then by 
Circumcision, and afterwards in the New Covenant by 

This Covenant, at the Foot of Mount Sinai, was 
renewed by Moses (Exod. 19. 5.) where the Lord com- 
mandeth Moses to speak to the people in this manner, 
// you will obey my voice indeed, and keep my Covenant, 
then yee shall be a peculiar people to me, for all the 
Earth is mine ; And yee shall be unto me a Sacerdotall 
Kingdome, and an holy Nation. For a Peculiar people, 
the vulgar Latine hath, Peculium de cunctis populis : 
the English Translation made in the beginning of the 
Reign of King James, hath, a Peculiar treasure unto 
me above all Nations ; and the Geneva French, the 
most precious Jewel of all Nations. But the truest 
Translation is the first, because it is confirmed by 
St. Paul himself (Tit. 2. 14.) where he saith, alluding to 
that place, that our blessed Saviour gave himself for 
us, that he might purifie us to himself, a peculiar 
(that is, an extraordinary) people : for the word 
is in the Greek -rrepiovVios, which is opposed commonly 
to the word eTzWcnos : and as this signifieth ordinary, 
quotidian, or (as in the Lords Prayer) of daily use ; 
so the other signifieth that which is overplus, and 
stored up, and enjoyed in a speciall manner ; which 
the Latines call Peculium : and this meaning of the 
place is confirmed by the reason God rendereth of it, 
which followeth immediately, in that he addeth, 
For all the Earth is mine, as if he should say, All the 
Nations of the world are mine ; but it is not so that you 
are mine, but in a speciall manner : For the}^ are all 
mine, by reason of my Power ; but you shall be mine, 
by your own Consent, and Covenant ; which is an 
addition to his ordinary title, to all nations. 

Part 3- COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 35. 317 

The same is again confirmed in expresse words in 
the same text, Yee shall be to me a Sacerdotall King- 
dome, and an holy Nation. The Vulgar Latine hath it, 
Regnum Sacerdotale, to which agreeth the Translation 
of that place (i Pet. 2. 9.) Sacerdotium Regale, a Regal 
Priesthood ; as also the Institution it self, by which 
no man might enter into the Sanctum Sanctorum, that 
is to say, no man might enquire Gods will immediately 
of God himselfe, but onely the High Priest. The 
English Translation before mentioned, following that 
of Geneva, has, a Kingdom of Priests ; which is either 
meant of the succession of one High Priest after [218] 
another, or else it accordeth not with St. Peter, nor 
with the exercise of the High priesthood : For there 
was never any but the High priest onely, that was 
to informe the People of Gods Will ; nor any Convo 
cation of Priests ever allowed to enter into the Sanctum 

Again, the title of a Holy Nation confirmes the same : 
for Holy signifies, that which is Gods by speciall, not 
by generall Right. All the Earth (as is said in the text) 
is Gods ; but all the Earth is not called Holy, but that 
onely which is set apart for his especiall service, as 
was the Nation of the Jews. It is therefore manifest 
enough by this one place, that by the Kingdome of God, 
is properly meant a Common- wealth, instituted (by 
the consent of those which were to be subject thereto) 
for their Civill Government, and the regulating of 
their behaviour, not onely towards God their King, 
but also towards one another in point of justice, and 
towards other Nations both in peace and warre ; which 
properly was a Kingdome, wherein God was King, and 
the High priest was to be (after the death of Moses) 
his sole Viceroy, or Lieutenant. 

But there be many other places that clearly prove 
the same. As first (i Sam. 8. 7.) when the Elders of 
Israel (grieved with the corruption of the Sons of 
Samuel) demanded a King, Samuel displeased there 
with, prayed unto the Lord ; and the Lord answering 
said unto him, Hearken unto the voice of the People, for 
they have not rejected thee, but they have rejected me, 

3i8 Part 3. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 35. 

that I should not reign over them. Out of which it is 
evident, that God himself was then their King : 
and Samuel did not command the people, but only 
delivered to them that which God from time to time 
appointed him. 

Again, (i Sam. 12. 12.) where Samuel saith to the 
People, When yee saw that Nahash King of the Children 
of Ammon came against you, ye said unto me, Nay, but 
a King shall reign over us, when the Lord your God was 
your King : It is manifest that God was their Kin^, 
and governed the Civill State of their Common-wealth. 

And after the Israelites had rejected God, the Pro 
phets did foretell his restitution ; as (Isaiah 24. 23.) 
Then the Moon shall be confounded, and the Sun ashamed, 
when the Lord of Hosts shall reign in Mount Zion, and 
in Jerusalem ; where he speaketh expressely of his 
Reign in Zion, and Jerusalem ; that is, on Earth. 
And (Micah 4. 7.) And the Lord shall reign over them 
in Mount Zion : This Mount Zion is in Jerusalem upon 
the Earth. And (Ezek. 20. 33.) As I live, saith the 
Lord God, surely with a mighty hand, and a stretched 
out arme, and with fury powred out, I wil rule over yon ; 
and (verse 37.) I will cause you to passe under the rod, 
and I will bring you into the bond of the Covenant ; that 
is, I will reign over you, and make you to stand to 
that Covenant which you made with me by Moses, and 
brake in your rebellion against me in the days of 
Samuel, and in your election of another King. 

And in the New Testament, the Angel Gabriel saith 
of our Saviour (Luke I. 32, 33.) He shall be great, and 
be called the Son of the most High, and the Lord shall 
[219] give him the throne of his Father David ; and he shall 
reign over the house of Jacob for ever ; and of his King 
dome there shall be no end. This is also a Kingdome 
upon Earth ; for the claim whereof, as an enemy to 
Caesar, he was put to death ; the title of his crosse, 
was, Jesus of Nazareth, King of the Jews; hee was 
crowned in scorn with a crown of Thornes ; and for 
the proclaiming of him, it is said of the Disciples 
(Acts 17. 7.) That they did all of them contrary to the 
decrees of Cczsar, saying there was another King, one 

Part 3- COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 35. 319 

Jesus. The Kingdome therefore of God, is a reall, not 
a metaphoricall Kingdome ; and so taken, not onely 
in the Old Testament, but the New ; when we say, 
For thine is the Kingdome, the Power, and Glory, it is 
to be understood of Gods Kingdome, by force of our 
Covenant, not by the Right of Gods Power ; for such 
a Kingdome God alwaies hath ; so that it were super 
fluous to say in our prayer, Thy Kingdome come, unlesse 
it be meant of the Restauration of that Kingdome of 
God by Christ, which by revolt of the Israelites had 
been interrupted in the election of Saul. Nor had it 
been proper to say, The Kingdome of Heaven is at 
hand ; or to pray, Thy Kingdome come, if it had still 

There be so many other places that confirm this 
interpretation, that it were a wonder there is no 
greater notice taken of it, but that it gives too much 
light to Christian Kings to see their right of Ecclesias- 
ticall Government. This they have observed, that in 
stead of a Sacerdotall Kingdome, translate, a Kingdome 
of Priests : for they may as well translate a Royall 
Priesthood, (as it is in St. Peter) into a Priesthood of 
Kings. And whereas, for a peculiar people, they put 
a pretious jewel, or treasure, a man might as well call 
the speciall Regiment, or Company of a Generall, the 
Generalls pretiotis Jewel, or his Treasure. 

In short, the Kingdome of God is a Civill Kingdome ; 
which consisted, first in the obligation of the people 
of Israel to those Laws, which Moses should bring 
unto them from Mount Sinai ; and which afterwards 
the High Priest for the time being, should deliver to 
them from before the Cherubins in the Sanctum Sanc 
torum ; and which Kingdome having been cast off, in 
the election of Saul, the Prophets foretold, should be 
restored by Christ ; and the Restauration whereof we 
daily pray for, when we say in the Lords Prayer, Thy 
Kingdome come ; and the Right whereof we acknow 
ledge, when we adde, For thine is the Kingdome, the 
Power, and Glory, for ever and ever, Amen ; and the 
Proclaiming whereof, was the Preaching of the Apostles ; 
and to which men are prepared, by the Teachers of the 

320 Part 3. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 35. 

Gospel ; to embrace which Gospel, (that is to say, to 
promise obedience to Gods government) is, to bee in 
the Kingdome of Grace, because God hath gratis given 
to such the power to bee the Subjects (that is, Children 
of God hereafter, when Christ shall come in Majesty 
to judge the world, and actually to govern his owne 
people, which is called the Kingdome of Glory. If the 
Kingdome of God (called also the Kingdome of Heaven, 
from the gloriousnesse, and admirable height of that 
throne) were not a Kingdome which God by his Lieu- 
[220] tenants, or Vicars, who deliver his Commandements 
to the people, did exercise on Earth ; there would not 
have been so much contention, and warre, about who 
it is, by whom God speaketh to us ; neither would 
many Priests have troubled themselves with Spiritual 
Jurisdiction, nor any King have denied it them. 
Holy Out of this liter all interpretation of the Kingdome 

what. of God, ariseth also the true interpretation of the word 
HOLY. For it is a word, which in Gods Kingdome 
answereth to that, which men in their Kingdomes use 
to call Publique, or the Kings. 

The King of any Countrey is the Publique Person, 
or Representative of all his own Subjects. And God 
the King of Israel was the Holy one of Israel. The 
Nation which is subject to one earthly Soveraign, is 
the Nation of that Soveraign, that is, of the Publique 
Person. So the Jews, who were Gods Nation, were 
called (Exod. 19. 6.) a Holy Nation. For by Holy, is 
alwaies understood, either God himselfe, or that which 
is Gods in propriety ; as by Publique, is alwaies meant 
either the Person of the Common-wealth it self, or 
something that is so the Common-wealths, as no 
private person can claim any propriety therein. 

Therefore the Sabbath (Gods day) is a Holy day ; 
the Temple, (Gods house) a Holy house ; Sacriiices, 
Tithes, and Offerings (Gods tribute) Holy duties ; 
Priests, Prophets, and anointed Kings, under Christ 
(Gods Ministers) Holy men ; the Ccelestiall ministring 
Spirits (Gods Messengers) Holy Angels ; and the like : 
and wheresoever the word Holy is taken properly, 
there is still something signified of Propriety, gotten 

Part 3- COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 35. 321 

by consent. In saying Hallowed be thy name, we do 
but pray to God for grace to keep the first Commande- 
ment, of having no other Gods but him. Mankind is 
Gods Nation in propriety : but the Jews only were 
a Holy Nation. Why, but because they became his 
Propriety by covenant ? 

And the word Profane, is usually taken in the Scrip 
ture for the same wi-th Common ; and consequently 
their contraries, Holy, and Proper, in the Kingdome 
of God must be the same also. But figuratively, those 
men also are called Holy, that led such godly lives, as 
if they had forsaken all worldly designs, and wholly 
devoted, and given themselves to God. In the proper 
sense, that which is made Holy by Gods appropriating 
or separating it to his own use, is said to be sanctified 
by God, as the Seventh day in the fourth Commande- 
ment ; and as the Elect in the New Testament were 
said to bee sanctified, when they were endued with the 
Spirit of godlinesse. And that which is made Holy Sacred 
by the dedication of men, and given to God, so as to 
be used onely in his publique service, is called also 
SACRED, and said to be consecrated, as Temples, and 
other Houses of Publique Prayer, and their Utensils, 
Priests, and Ministers, Victimes, Offerings, and the 
externall matter of Sacraments. 

Of Holinesse there be degrees : for of those things Degrees of 
that are set apart for the service of God, there may Sanctity. 
bee some set apart again, for a neerer and more 
especial service. The whole Nation of fhe Israelites 
were a people Holy to God ; yet the tribe of Levi 
was amongst the Israelites a Holy tribe ; and amongst [221] 
the Levites, the Priests were yet more Holy ; and 
amongst the Priests, the High Priest was the most 
Holy. So the Land of Judea was the Holy Land ; 
but the Holy City wherein God was to be worshipped, 
was more Holy ; and again, the Temple more Holy 
than the City ; and the Sanctum Sanctorum more Holy 
than the rest of the Temple. 

A SACRAMENT, is a separation of some visible thing Sacra- 
from common use ; and a consecration of it to Gods ment - 
service, for a sign, either of our admission into the 


322 Part 3. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 35. 

Kingdome of God, to be of the number of his peculiar 
people, or for a Commemoration of the same. In the 
Old Testament, the sign of Admission was Circumcision ; 
in the New Testament, Baptisme. The Commemora 
tion of it in the Old Testament, was the Eating (at 
a certaine time, which was Anniversary) of the Paschall 
Lamb ; by which they were put in mind of the night 
wherein they were delivered out of their bondage in 
Egypt ; and in the New Testament, the celebrating of 
the Lords Supper ; by which, we are put in mind, of 
our deliverance from the bondage of sin, by our Blessed 
Saviours death upon the crosse. The Sacraments of 
Admission, are but once to be used, because there needs 
but one Admission ; but because we have need of 
being often put in mind of our deliverance, and of our 
Alleagance, the Sacraments of Commemoration have 
need to be reiterated. And these are the principal! 
Sacraments, and as it were the solemne oathes we 
make of our Alleageance. There be also other Conse 
crations, that may be called Sacraments, as the word 
implyeth onely Consecration to Gods service ; but as 
it implies an oath, or promise of Alleageance to God, 
there were no other in the Old Testament, but Circum 
cision, and the Passeover ; nor are there any other in 
the New Testament, but Baptisme, and the Lords 

[222] CHAP. XXXVI. 

Of the WORD OF GOD, and of PROPHETS. 

Word WHEN there is mention of the Word of God, or of 

what. Man, it doth not signifie a part of Speech, such as 
Grammarians call a Nown, or a Verb, or any simple 
voice, without a contexture with other words to make 
it significative ; but a perfect Speech or Discourse, 
whereby the speaker affirmeth, denieth, commas deth, 
promiseth, threatneth, wisheth, or interrogated. In 
which sense it is not Vocabulum, that signifies a Word ; 
but Sermo, (in Greek Ao yos) that is, some Speech, 
Discourse, or Saying. 

Part$. COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 36. 323 

Again, if we say the Word of God, or of Man, it may The words 
bee understood sometimes of the Speaker, (as the s Pken by 
words that God hath spoken, or that a Man hath Concern 
spoken : In which sense, when we say, the Gospel ing God, 
of St. Matthew, we understand St. Matthew to be both are 
the Writer of it : and sometimes of the Subject : In c ^ d 
which sense, when we read in the Bible, The words of yfold in 
the days of the Kings of Israel, or Judah, tis meant, Scripture. 
that the acts that were done in those days, were the 
Subject of those Words ; And in the Greek, which (in 
the Scripture) retaineth many Hebraismes, by the 
Word of God is oftentimes meant, not that which is 
spoken by God, but concerning God, and his govern 
ment ; that is to say, the Doctrine of Religion : 
Insomuch, as it is all one, to say Xoyo? Ocov, and Theo- 
logia ; which is, that Doctrine which wee usually call 
Divinity, as is manifest by the places following [Acts 
13. 46.] Then Paul and Barnabas waxed bold, and said, 
It was necessary that the Word of God should first have 
been spoken to you, but seeing you put it from you, and 
judge your selves unworthy of everlasting life, loe, we 
turn to the Gentiles. That which is here called the 
Word of God, was the Doctrine of Christian Religion ; 
as it appears evidently by that which goes before. 
And [Acts 5. 20.] where it is said to the Apostles by 
an Angel, Go stand and speak in the Temple, all the 
Words of this life ; by the Words of this life, is meant, 
the Doctrine of the Gospel ; as is evident by what 
they did in the Temple, and is expressed in the last 
verse of the same Chap. Daily in the Temple, and in 
every house they ceased not to teach and preach Christ 
Jesus : In which place it is manifest, that Jesus 
Christ was the subject of this Word of life ; or (which 
is all one) the subject of the Words of this life eternall, 
that our Saviour offered them. So [Acts 15. 7.] the 
Word of God, is called the Word of the Gospel, because 
it containeth the Doctrine of the Kingdome of Christ ; 
and the same Word [Rom. 10. 8, 9.] is called the Word 
of Faith ; that is, as is there expressed, the Doctrine 
of Christ come, and raised from the dead. Also [223] 
[Mat. 13. 19.] When any one hearcth the Word of the 

Y 2 

324 Part 3. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 36. 

Kingdome ; that is, the Doctrine of the Kingdome 
taught by Christ. Again, the same Word, is said 
[Acts 12. 24.] to grow and to be multiply ed ; which to 
understand of the Evangelicall Doctrine is easie, but 
of the Voice, or Speech of God, hard and strange. In 
the same sense the Doctrine of Devils, signifieth not 
the Words of any Devill, but the Doctrine of Heathen 
iTirn.^.i. men concerning Dcemons, and those Phantasms which 
they worshipped as Gods. 

Considering these two significations of the WORD 
OF GOD, as it is taken in Scripture, it is manifest in 
this later sense (where it is taken for the Doctrine of 
Christian Religion,) that the whole Scripture is the 
Word of God : but in the former sense not so. For 
example, though these words, I am the Lord thy God, 
&c. to the end of the Ten Commandements, were 
spoken by God to Moses ; yet the Preface, God spake 
these words and said, is to be understood for the Words 
of him that wrote the holy History. The Word of 
God, as it is taken for that which he hath spoken, is 
The Word understood sometimes Properly, sometimes Meta- 
of God phorically. Properly, as the words, he hath spoken 

J!5? te T 77 to his Prophets : Metaphorically, for his Wisdome, 
phoncally ^ ,* n -r\ i j.i 11- 

used, first, Power, and eternall Decree, in making the world : in 

for the which sense, those Fiats, Let their be light, Let there 
Decrees b e a firmament, Let us make man, &c. [Gen. i.] are the 

t Sftd ww Word of God - And in the same sense u is said [J hn 

i. 3.] All things were made by it, and without it was 

nothing made that was made : And [Heb. i. 3.] He up- 

holdeth all things by the Word of his Power ; that is, by 

the Power of his Word ; that is, by his Power : and 

[Heb. 11.3.] The worlds were framed by the Word of God; 

and many other places to the same sense : As also 

amongst the Latines, the name of Fate, which signiiieth 

properly The word spoken, is taken in the same sense. 

Secondly, Secondly, for the effect of his Word ; that is to say, 

for the f or the thing it self, which by his Word is Affirmed, 

UsWord Commanded, Threatned, or Promised ; as [Psalm 

105. 19.] where Joseph is said to have been kept in 

prison, till his Word was come ; that is, till that was 

come to passe which he had [Gen. 40. 13.] foretold to 

Parts. COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 36. 325 

Pharaohs Butler, concerning his being restored to his 
office : for there by his word was come, is meant, the 
thing it self was come to passe. So also [i King. 
18. 36.] Elijah saith to God, / have done all these thy 
Words, in stead of / have done all these things at thy 
Word, or commandement : and [Jer. 17. 15.] Where is 
the Word of the Lord, is put for, Where is the Evill he 
threatned : And \_Ezek. 12. 28.] There shall none of my 
Words be prolonged any more : by words are understood 
those things, which God promised to his people. And 
in the New Testament [Mat. 24. 35.] heaven and earth 
shal pass away, but my Words shat not pass away ; 
that is, there is nothing that I have promised or fore 
told, that shall not come to passe. And in this sense it 
is, that St. John the Evangelist, and, I think, St. John 
onely calleth our Saviour himself as in the flesh the 
Word of God [as Joh. i .14.] the Word was made Flesh ; 
that is to say, the Word, or Promise that Christ should 
come into the world ; who in the beginning was 
with God ; that is to say, it was in the purpose of God [224] 
the Father, to send God the Son into the world, to 
enlighten men in the way of Eternall life ; but it was 
not till then put in execution, and actually incarnate ; 
So that our Saviour is there called the Word, not because 
he was the promise, but the thing promised. They 
that taking occasion from this place, doe commonly call 
him the Verbe of God, do but render the text more 
obscure. They might as well term him the Nown of 
God : for as by Nown, so also by Verbe, men understand 
nothing but a part of speech, a voice, a sound, that 
neither affirms, nor denies, nor commands, nor promiseth, 
nor is any substance corporeall, or spirituall ; and 
therefore it cannot be said to bee either God, or Man ; 
whereas our Saviour is both. And this Word which 
St. John in his Gospel saith was with God, is [in his 
i Epistle, verse i.] called the Word of life ; and [verse 2.] 
the Eternall life, which was with the Father : so that he 
can be in no other sense called the Word, then in that, 
wherein he is called Eternall life ; that is, he that hath 
procured us Eternall life, by his comming in the flesh. 
So also [Apocalypse 19. 13.] the Apostle speaking of 

326 Part 3. 


Chap. 36. 

Acts i. 4. 
Luke 24. 

for the 
words of 

accept ions 
of the word 


Christ, clothed in a garment dipt in bloud, faith ; his 
name is the Word of God ; which is to be understood, as 
if he had said his name had been, He that was come 
according to the purpose of God from the beginning, and 
according to his Word and promises delivered by the 
Prophets. So that there is nothing here of the Incarna 
tion of a Word, but of the Incarnation of God the Son, 
therefore called the Word, because his Incarnation was 
the Performance of the Promise ; In like manner as the 
Holy Ghost is called the Promise. 

There are also places of the Scripture, where, by the 
Word of God, is signified such Words as are consonant to 
reason, and equity, though spoken sometimes neither 
by Prophet, nor by a holy man. For Pharaoh Necho 
was an Idolater ; yet his Words to the good King Josiah, 
in which he advised him by Messengers, not to oppose 
him in his march against Carchemish, are said to have 
proceeded from the mouth of God ; and that Josiah not 
hearkning to them, was slain in the battle ; as is to be 
read 2 Chron. 35. vers. 21, 22, 23. It is true, that as the 
same History is related in the first Book of Esdras, not 
Pharaoh, but Jeremiah spake these words to Josiah, 
from the mouth of the Lord. But wee are to give credit 
to the Canonicall Scripture, whatsoever be written in 
the Apocrypha. 

The Word of God, is then also to be taken for the Dic 
tates of reason, and equity, when the same is said in the 
Scriptures to bee written in mans heart ; as Psalm 36. 31. 
Jerem. 31. 33. Deut. 30. n, 14. and many other like 

The name of PROPHET, signifieth in Scripture some 
times Prolocutor ; that is, he that speaketh from God to 
Man, or from man to God : And sometimes Prczdictor, or 
a foreteller of things to come : And sometimes one that 
speaketh incoherently, as men that are distracted. It 
is most frequently used in the sense of speaking from 
God to the People. So Moses, Samuel, Elijah, Isaiah, 
Jeremiah, and others were Prophets. And in this sense 
the High Priest was a Prophet, for he only went into the 
Sanctum Sanctorum, to enquire of God ; and was to 
declare his answer to the people. And therefore when 

3- COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 36. 327 

Caiphas said, it was expedient that one man should 
die for the people, St. John saith [chap. n. 51.] that He 
spake not this of himself e, but being High Priest that year, 
he prophesied that one man should dye for the nation. Also 
they that in Christian Congregations taught the people 
[i Cor. 14. 3.] are said to Prophecy. In the like sense it 
is, that God saith to Moses [Exod. 4. 16.] concerning 
Aaron, He shall be thy Spokes-man to the People ; and he 
shall be to thee a mouth, and, thou shalt be to him instead of 
God : that which here is Spokes-man, is [chap. 7. I.] 
interpreted Prophet ; See (saith God) / have made thee 
a God to Pharaoh, and Aaron thy Brother shall be thy 
Prophet. In the sense of speaking from man to God, 
Abraham is called a Prophet [Genes. 20. 7.] where God 
in a Dream speaketh to Abimelech in this manner, Now 
therefore restore the man his wife, for he is a Prophet, and 
shall pray for thee ; whereby may be also gathered, that 
the name of Prophet may be given, not unproperly to 
them that in Christian Churches, have a Calling to say 
publique prayers for the Congregation. In the same sense, 
the Prophets that came down from the High place (or 
Hill of God) with a Psaltery, and a Tabret, and a Pipe, 
and a Harp [i Sam. 10. 5, 6.] and [] Saul amongst 
them, are said to Prophecy, in that they praised God, in 
that manner publiquely. In the like sense, is Miriam 
[Exod. 15. 20.] called a Prophetesse. So is it also to be 
taken [i Cor. n. 4, 5.] where St. Paul saith, Every man 
that prayeth or prophecyeth with his head covered, &c. and 
every woman that prayeth or prophecyeth with her head 
uncovered : For Prophecy in that place, signifieth no 
more, but praising God in Psalmes, and Holy Songs ; 
which women might doe in the Church, though it were 
not lawfull for them to speak to the Congregation. And 
in this signification it is, that the Poets of the Heathen, 
that composed Hymnes and other sorts of Poems in the 
honor of their Gods, were called Vates (Prophets) as is 
well enough known by all that are versed in the Books 
of the Gentiles, and as is evident [Tit. i. 12.] where St. 
Paul saith of the Cretians, that a Prophet of their owne 
said, they were Liars ; not that St. Paul held their Poets 
for Prophets, but acknowledgeth that the word Prophet 

328 Part 3- OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 36. 

was commonly used to signifie them that celebrated the 
honour of God in Verse. 

Pvcedic- When by Prophecy is meant Prediction, or foretelling 
tion of of future Contigents ; not only they were Prophets, 
who were Gods Spokes-men, and foretold those things to 
gents, not others, which God had foretold to them ; but also all 
alwales those Impostors, that pretend by the helpe of familiar 
Prophecy, spirits, or by superstitious divination of events past, 
from false causes, to foretell the like events in time to 
come : of which (as I have declared already in the 12. 
chapter of this Discourse) there be many kinds, who gain 
in the opinion of the common sort of men, a greater 
reputation of Prophecy, by one casuall event that may 
bee but wrested to their purpose, than can be lost again 
by never so many failings. Prophecy is not an Art, nor 
(when it is taken for Prediction) a constant Vocation ; 
but an extraordinary, and temporary Employment from 
[226] God, most often of Good men, but sometimes also of the 
Wicked. The woman of Endor, who is said to have had 
a familiar spirit, and thereby to have raised a Phantasme 
of Samuel, and foretold Saul his death, was not therefore 
a Prophetesse ; for neither had she any science, whereby 
she could raise such a Phantasme ; nor does it appear 
that God commanded the raising of it ; but onely guided 
that Imposture to be a means of Sauls terror and dis 
couragement ; and by consequent, of the discomfiture, 
by which he fell. And for Incoherent Speech, it was 
amongst the Gentiles taken for one sort of Prophecy, 
because the Prophets of their Oracles, intoxicated with 
a spirit, or vapor from the cave of the Pythian Oracle at 
Delphi, were for the time really mad, and spake like mad 
men ; of whose loose words a sense might be made to fit 
any event, in such sort, as all bodies are said to be made 
of Materia prima. In the Scripture I find it also so taken 
[i Sam. 18. 10.] in these words, And the Evill spirit came 
upon Saul, and he Prophecyed in the midst of the house. 
The man- And although there be so many significations in Scrip- 
ner how ture of the word Prophet ; yet is that the most frequent, 

?poken k in which Jt is taken for him to whom God s P eaketh 
to the immediately, that which the Prophet is to say from him, 

Prophets, to some other man, or to the people. And hereupon 

Part 3. COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 36. 329 

a question may be asked, in what manner God speaketh 
to such a Prophet. Can it (may some say) be properly 
said, that God hath voice and language, when it cannot 
be properly said, he hath a tongue, or other organs, as 
a man ? The Prophet David argueth thus, Shall he that 
made the eye, not see ? or he that made the ear, not hear ? 
But this may be spoken, not (as usually) to signifie Gods 
nature, but to signifie our intention to honor him. For 
to see, and hear, are Honorable Attributes, and may be 
given to God, to declare (as far as our capacity can con 
ceive) his Almighty power. But if it were to be taken 
in the strict, and proper sense, one might argue from 
his making of all other parts of mans body, that he had 
also the same use of them which we have ; which would 
be many of them so uncomely, as it would be the greatest 
contumely in the world to ascribe them to him. There 
fore we are to interpret Gods speaking to men imme 
diately, for that way (whatsoever it be), by which God 
makes them understand his will : And the wayes where 
by he doth this, are many ; and to be sought onely in the 
Holy Scripture : where though many times it be said, 
that God spake to this, and that person, without declar 
ing in what manner ; yet there be again many places, 
that deliver also the signes by which they were to acknow 
ledge his presence, and commandement ; and by these 
may be understood, how he spake to many of the rest. 

In what manner God spake to A dam, and Eve, and To the 
Cain, and Noah, is not expressed ; nor how he spake to Extra- 
Abraham, till such time as he came out of his own coun- pjJjJJJJ^ 
trey to Sichem in the land of Canaan ; and then [Gen. O f t ^ e old 
12. 7.] God is said to have appeared to him. So there is Testament 
one way, whereby God made his presence manifest ; that hespakeby 
is, by an Apparition, or Vision. And again, [Gen. 15. i-] 
The Word of the Lord came to Abraham in a Vision ; 
that is to say, somewhat, as a sign of Gods presence, 
appeared as Gods Messenger, to speak to him. Again, [227] 
the Lord appeared to Abraham [Gen. 18. i.] by an appari 
tion of three Angels ; and to Abimelech [Gen. 20. 3.] in 
a dream : To Lot [Gen. 19. i.] by an apparition of two 
Angels : And to Hagar [Gen. 21. 17.] by the apparition 
of one Angel : And to Abraham again [Gen. 22. n.] by 

330 Part 3. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 36. 

the apparition of a voice from heaven : And [Gen. 26. 24.] 
to Isaac in the night ; (that is, in his sleep, or by dream) : 
And to Jacob [Gen. 18. 12.] in a dream ; that is to say 
(as are the words of the text) Jacob dreamed that he saw 
a ladder, &c. And [Gen. 32. i.] in a Vision of Angels : 
And to Moses [Exod. 3. 2.] in the apparition of a flame 
of fire out of the midst of a bush : And after the time of 
Moses, (where the manner how God spake immediately 
to man in the Old Testament, is expressed) hee spake 
alwaies by a Vision, or by a Dream ; as to Gideon, Samuel, 
Eliah, Elisha, Isaiah, Ezekiel, and the rest of the Prophets ; 
and often in the New Testament, as to Joseph, to St. 
Peter, to St. Paul, and to St. John the Evangelist in the 

Onely to Moses hee spake in a more extraordinary 
manner in Mount Sinai, and in the Tabernacle ; and to 
the High Priest in the Tabernacle, and in the Sanctum 
Sanctorum of the Temple. But Moses, and after him 
the High Priests were Prophets of a more eminent place, 
and degree in Gods favour ; And God himself in 
express words declareth, that to other Prophets hee 
spake in Dreams and Visions, but to his servant Moses, 
in such manner as a man speaketh to his friend. The 
words are these [Numb. 12. 6, 7, 8.] // there be a Prophet 
among you, I the Lord will make my self known to him in 
a Vision, and will speak unto him in a Dream. My 
servant Moses is not so, who is faithfull in all my house ; 
with him I will speak mouth to mouth, even apparently, not 
in dark speeches ; and the similitude of the Lord shall he 
behold. And [Exod. 33. u.] The Lord spake to Moses 
face to face, as a man speaketh to his friend. And yet this 
speaking of God to Moses, was by mediation of an Angel, 
or Angels, as appears expressely, Acts 7. ver. 35. and 53. 
and Gal. 3. 19. and was therefore a Vision, though a more 
cleer Vision than was given to other Prophets, And 
conformable hereunto, where God saith (Deut. 13. I.). 
// there arise amongst you a Prophet, or Dreamer of Dreams, 
the later word is but the interpretation of the former. 
And [Joel 2. 28.] Your sons and your daughters shall j 
Prophecy ; your old men shall dream Dreams, and your j 
young men shall see Visions : where again, the word i 

Part 3- COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 36. 331 

Prophecy is expounded by Dream, and Vision. And in 
the same manner it was, that God spake to Solomon, 
promising him Wisdome, Riches, and Honor ; for the 
text saith, [i Kings 3. 15.] And Solomon awoak, and 
behold it was a Dream : So that generally the Prophets 
extraordinary in the Old Testament took notice of the 
Word of God no otherwise, than from their Dreams, or 
Visions ; that is to say, from the imaginations which 
they had in their sleep, or in an Extasie : which imagina 
tions in every true Prophet were supernaturall ; but in 
false Prophets were either naturall, or feigned. 

The same Prophets were neverthelesse said to speak 
by the Spirit ; as [Zach. 7. 12.] where the Prophet [228] 
speaking of the Jewes, saith, They made their hearts hard 
as Adamant., lest they should hear the law, and the words 
which the Lord of Hosts hath sent in his Spirit by the 
former Prophets. By which it is manifest, that speaking 
by the Spirit, or Inspiration, was not a particular manner 
of Gods speaking, different from Vision, when they that 
were said to speak by the Spirit, were extraordinary 
Prophets, such as for every new message, were to have 
a particular Commission, or (which is all one) a new 
Dream, or Vision. 

Of Prophets, that were so by a perpetuall Calling in To Pro- 
the Old Testament, some were supreme, and some P hets f 
subordinate : Supreme were first Moses ; - and after him filing 
the High Priests, every one for his time, as long as the an d su- 
Priesthood was Royall ; and after the people of the Jews, preme, 
had rejected God, that he should no more reign over G d s P ke 
them, those Kings which submitted themselves to Gods xeltament 
government, were also his chief Prophets ; and the High f rom the 
Priests office became Ministeriall. And when God was Mercy 
to be consulted, they put on the holy vestments, and Seat, in a 
enquired of the Lord, as the King commanded them, ** r 
and were deprived of their office, when the King thought passed 
fit. For King Saul [i Sam. 13. 9.] commanded the burnt in the 
offering to be brought, and [i Sam. 14. 18.] he com- Scripture. 
mands the Priest to bring the Ark neer him ; and [ver. 
19.] again to let it alone, because he saw an advantage 
upon his enemies. And in the same chapter Saul asketh 
counsell of God. In like manner King David, after his 

332 Part 3. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 36. 

being anointed, though before he had possession of the 
Kingdome, is said to enquire of the Lord [i Sam. 23. 2.J 
whether he should fight against the Philistines at Keilah ; 
and [verse 10.] David commandeth the Priest to bring 
him the Ephod, to enquire whether he should stay in 
Keilah, or not. And King Solomon [i Kings 2. 27.] took 
the Priesthood from Abiathar, and gave it [verse 35.] to 
Zadoc. Therefore Moses, and the High Priests, and the 
pious Kings, who enquired of God on all extraordinary 
occasions, how they were to carry themselves, or what 
event they were to have, were all Soveraign Prophets. 
But in what manner God spake unto them, is not mani 
fest. To say that when Moses went up to God in Mount 
Sinai, it was a Dream, or Vision, such as other Prophets 
had, is contrary to that distinction which God made 
between Moses, and other Prophets, Numb. 12. 6, 7, 8. 
To say God spake or appeared as he is in his own nature, 
is to deny his Infinitenesse, Invisibility, Incomprehensi 
bility. To say he spake by Inspiration, or Infusion of the 
Holy Spirit, as the Holy Spirit signifieth the Deity, is to 
make Moses equall with Christ, in whom onely the Godhead 
[as St. Paul speaketh Col. 2. 9.] dwelleth bodily. And 
lastly, to say he spake by the Holy Spirit, as it signifieth the 
graces, or gifts of the Holy Spirit, is to attribute nothing 
to him supernaturall. For God disposeth men to Piety, 
Justice, Mercy, Truth, Faith, and all manner of Vertue, 
both Morall, and Intellectuall, by doctrine, example, 
and by severall occasions, naturall, and ordinary. 

And as these ways cannot be applyed to God, in his 
speaking to Moses, at Mount Sinai ; so also, they cannot 
[229] be applyed to him, in his speaking to the High Priests, 
from the Mercy-Seat. Therefore in what manner God 
spake to those Soveraign Prophets of the Old Testament, 
whose office it was to enquire of him, is not intelligible. 
In the time of the New Testament, there was no Sove 
raign Prophet, but our Saviour ; who was both God 
that spake, and the Prophet to whom he spake. 
To Pro- To subordinate Prophets of perpetuall Calling, I find 
phets of not any place that proveth God spake to them super- 
perpetuall na turally ; but onely in such manner, as naturally he 
but sub- inclineth men to Piety, to Beleef, to Righteousnesse, 

Part 3. COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 36. 333 

and to other vertues all other Christian men. Which ordinate, 
way, though it consist in Constitution, Instruction, G d s P ake 
Education, and the occasions and invitements men /p^ t 
have to Christian vertues ; yet it is truly attributed 
to the operation of the Spirit of God, or Holy Spirit, 
(which we in our language call the Holy Ghost) : 
For there is no good inclination, that is not of the opera 
tion of God. But these operations are not alwaies super- 
naturall. When therefore a Prophet is said to speak in 
the Spirit, or by the Spirit of God, we are to understand 
no more, but that he speaks according to Gods will, 
declared by the supreme Prophet. For the most common 
acceptation of the word Spirit, is in the signification of 
a mans intention, mind, or disposition. 

In the time of Moses, there were seventy men besides 
himself, that Prophecyed in the Campe of the Israelites. 
In what manner God spake to them, is declared in the 
ii of Numbers, verse 25. The Lord came down in a cloud, 
and spake unto Moses, and took of the Spirit that was 
upon him, and gave it to the seventy Elders. And it 
came to passe, when the Spiiit rested upon them, they 
Prophecyed, and did not cease. By which it is manifest, 
first, that their Prophecying to the people, was sub 
servient, and subordinate to the Prophecying of Moses; 
for that God took of the Spirit of Moses, to put upon 
them ; so that they Prophecyed as Moses would have 
them : otherwise they had not been suffered to Prophecy 
at all. For there was [verse 27.] a complaint made against 
them to Moses ; and Joshua would have Moses to have 
forbidden them ; which he did not, but said to Joshua, 
Bee not jealous in my behalf. Secondly, that the Spirit 
of God in that place, signifieth nothing but the Mind 
and Disposition to obey, and assist Moses in the adminis 
tration of the Government. For if it were meant they 
had the substantiall Spirit of God ; that is, the Divine 
nature, inspired into them, then they had it in no lesse 
manner then Christ himself, in whom onely the Spirit 
of God dwelt bodily. It is meant therefore of the Gift 
and Grace of God, that guided them to co-operate with 
Moses ; from whom their Spirit was derived. And it 
appeareth [verse 16.] that, they were such as Moses 

334 Part 3- OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 36. 

himself should appoint for Elders and Officers of the 
People : For the words are, Gather unto me seventy men, 
whom thou knowest to be Elders and Officers of the people : 
where, thou knowest, is the same with thou appointest, 
or hast appointed to be such. For we are told before 
[Exod. 18.] that Moses following the counsell of Jethro 
his Father-in-law, did appoint Judges, and Officers over 
[230] the people, such as feared God ; and of these, were those 
Seventy, whom God by putting upon them Moses spirit, 
inclined to aid Moses in the Administration of the King- 
dome : and in this sense the Spirit of God is said [i Sam. 
16. 13, 14.] presently upon the anointing of David, to 
have come upon David, and left Saul ; God giving his 
graces to him he chose to govern his people, and taking 
them away from him, he rejected. So that by the Spirit 
is meant Inclination to Gods service ; and not any 
supernaturall Revelation. 

God some- God spake also many times by the event of Lots ; 

times also w hich were ordered by such as he had put in Authority 
over his people. So wee read that God manifested by 
the Lots which Saul caused to be drawn [i Sam. 14. 45.] 
the fault that Jonathan had committed, in eating a 
honey-comb, contrary to the oath taken by the people. 
And [Josh. 18. 10.] God divided the land of Canaan 
amongst the Israelite, by the lots that Joshua did cast 
before the Lord in Shiloh. In the same manner it seemeth 
to be, that God discovered [Joshua 7. 16, &c.] the crime 
of Achan. And these are the wayes whereby God 
declared his Will in the Old Testament. 

All which ways he used also in the New Testament. To 
the Virgin Mary, by a Vision of an Angel : To Joseph 
in a Dream : again to Paul in the way to Damascus in 
a Vision of our Saviour : and to Peter in the Vision of 
a sheet let down from heaven, with divers sorts of flesh, 
of clean, and unclean beasts ; and in prison, by Vision 
of an Angel : And to all the Apostles, and Writers of the 
New Testament, by the graces of his Spirit ; and to the 
Apostles again (at the choosing of Matthias in the place 
of Judas Iscariot) by lot. 

Every Seeing then all Prophecy supposeth Vision, or Dream, 

man og/^ (which two, when they be naturall, are the same,) or 

Parts- COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 36. 335 

some especiall gift of God, so rarely observed in mankind, to examine 
as to be admired where observed ; And seeing as well 
such gifts, as the most extraordinary Dreams, and 
Visions, may proceed from God, not onely by his super- Prophets 
naturall, and immediate, but also by his naturall opera- Calling. 
tion, and by mediation of second causes ; there is need 
of Reason and Judgment to discern between naturall, 
and supernaturall Gifts, and between naturall, and 
supernaturall Visions, or Dreams. And consequently 
men had need to be very circumspect, and wary, in 
obeying the voice of man, that pretending himself to be 
a Prophet, requires us to obey God in that way, which 
he in Gods name telleth us to be the way to happinesse. 
For he that pretends to teach men the way of so great 
felicity, pretends to govern them ; that is to say, to 
rule, and reign over them ; which is a thing, that all 
men naturally desire, and is therefore worthy to be 
suspected of Ambition and Imposture ; and conse 
quently, ought to be examined, and tryed by every 
man, before heeyeeld them obedience; unlesse he have, 
yeelded it them already, in the institution of a Common 
wealth ; as when the Prophet is the Civill Soveraign, or 
by the Civil Soveraign Authorized. And if this examina 
tion of Prophets, and Spirits, were not allowed to every 
one of the people, it had been to no purpose, to set out 
the marks, by which every man might be able, to dis 
tinguish between those, whom they ought, and those 
whom they ought not to follow. Seeing therefore such [231! 
marks are set out \Deut. 13. i, &c.] to know a Prophet 
by ; and [i John 4. i. &c.] to know a Spirit by : and 
seeing there is so much Prophecying in the Old Testa 
ment ; and so much Preaching in the New Testament 
against Prophets ; and so much greater a number 
ordinarily of false Prophets, then of true ; every one is 
to beware of obeying their directions, at their own perill. 
And first, that there were many more false then true 
Prophets, appears by this, that when Ahab [i Kings 12.] 
consulted four hundred Prophets, they were all false 
Impostors, but onely one Michaiah. And a little before 
the time of the Captivity, the Prophets were generally 
lyars. The Prophets (saith the Lord by Jeremy, cha. 14, 

336 Part 3. 


Chap. 36. 

A II pro 
phecy but 
of the 
-is to be 
by everv 

verse 14.) prophecy Lies in my name. I sent them not, 
neither have I commanded them, nor spake unto them., they 
prophecy to you a false Vision., a thing of naught ; and 
the deceit of their heart. In so much as God commanded 
the People by the mouth of the Prophet Jeremiah [chap. 
23. 16.] not to obey them. Thus saith the Lord of Hosts, 
hearken not unto the words of the Prophets, that prophecy 
to you. They make you vain, they speak a Vision of their 
own heart, and not out of the mouth of the Lord. 

Seeing then there was in the time of the Old Testament, 
such quarrells amongst the Visionary Prophets, one 
contesting with another, and asking, When departed 
the Spirit from me, to go to thee ? as between Michaiah, 
and the rest of the four hundred ; and such giving of 
the Lye to one another, (as in Jerem. 14. 14.) and such 
controversies in the New Testament at this day, amongst 
the Spirituall Prophets : Every man then was, and now 
is bound to make use of his Naturall Reason, to apply 
to all Prophecy those Rules which God hath given us, to 
discern the true from the false. Of which Rules, in the 
Old Testament, one was, conformable doctrine to that 
which Moses the Soveraign Prophet had taught them ; 
and the other the miraculous power of foretelling what 
God would bring to passe, as I have already shewn out of 
Deut. 13. i. &c. And in the New Testament there was 
but one onely mark ; and that was the preaching of 
this Doctrine, That Jesus is the Christ, that is, the King 
of the Jews, promised in the Old Testament. Whosoever 
denyed that Article, he was a false Prophet, whatsoever 
miracles he might seem to work ; and he that taught 
it was a true Prophet. For St. John [i Epist. 4. 2, &c.] 
speaking expressely of the means to examine Spirits, 
whether they be of God, or not ; after he had told them 
that there would arise false Prophets, saith thus, Hereby 
know ye the Spirit of God. Every Spirit that confesseth 
that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh, is of God; that is, 
is approved and allowed as a Prophet of God : not that 
he is a godly man, or one of the Elect, for this, that he 
confesseth, professeth, or preacheth Jesus to be the 
Christ ; but for that he is a Prophet avowed. For God 
sometimes speaketh by Prophets, whose persons he hath 

Part 3. COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 36. 337 

not accepted ; as he did by Baalam ; and as he foretold 
Saul of his death, by the Witch of Endor. Again in the 
next verse, Every Spirit that confesseth not that Jesus 
Christ is come in the flesh, is not of Christ. And this is 
the Spirit of Antichrist. So that the Rule is perfect on 
both sides ; that he is a true Prophet, which preacheth [ 2 3 2 1 
the Messiah already come, in the person of Jesus ; and 
he a false one that denyeth him come, and looketh for 
him in some future Impostor, that shall take upon him 
that honour falsely, whom the Apostle there properly 
calleth Antichrist. Every man therefore ought to 
consider who is the Soveraign Prophet ; that is to say, 
who it is, that is Gods Vicegerent on Earth ; and hath 
next under God, the Authority of Governing Christian 
men ; and to observe for a Rule, that Doctrine, which 
in the name of God, hee hath commanded to bee taught ; 
and thereby to examine and try out the truth of those 
Doctrines, which pretended Prophets with miracle, or 
without, shall at any time advance : and if they find 
it contrary to that Rule, to doe as they did, that, came 
to Moses, and complained that there were some that 
Prop[h]ecyed in the Campe, whose Authority so to doe 
they doubted of ; and leave to the Soveraign, as they 
did to Moses to uphold, or to forbid them, as hee should 
see cause ; and if hee disavow them, then no more to 
obey their voice ; or if he approve them, then to obey 
them, as men to whom God hath given a part of the 
Spirit of their Soveraigne. For when Christian men, 
take not their Christian Soveraign, for Gods Prophet ; 
they must either take their owne Dreames, for the 
Prophecy they mean to bee governed by, and the tumour 
of their own hearts for the Spirit oi God ; or they must 
suffer themselves to bee lead by some strange Prince ; or 
by some of their fellow subjects, that can bewitch them, 
by slaunder of the government, into rebellion, without 
other miracle to confirm their calling, then sometimes an 
extraordinary successe, and Impunity ; and by this 
means destroying all laws, both divine, and humane, 
reduce all Order, Government, and Society, to the first 
Chaos of Violence, and Civill warre. 


338 Part 3. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 37. 

[233] CHAP. XXXVII. 

Of MIRACLES, and their Use. 

A Miracle BY Miracles are signified the Admirable works of 

is a work God : & therefore they are also called Wonders. And 

causeth because they are for the most part, done, for a significa- 

Admira- tion of his commandement, in such occasions, as without 

tion. them, men are apt to doubt, (following their private 

naturall reasoning,) what he hath commanded, and 

what not, they are commonly in Holy Scripture, called 

Signes, in the same sense, as they are called by the 

Latines, Ostenta, and Portenta, from shewing, and fore- 

signifying that, which the Almighty is about to bring 

to passe. 

And must To understand therefore what is a Miracle, we must 
therefore understand what works they are, which meri wonder 

anywhere- at > an( ^ ca ^ Admirable. And there be but two things. 

of there which make men wonder at any event : The one is, if it 
be strange, that is to say, such, as the like of it hath 

naturall nev er, or very rarely been produced : The other is, if 

C known when it is produced, we cannot imagine it to have been 
done by naturall means, but onely by the immediate 
hand of God. But when wee see some possible, naturall 
cause of it, how rarely soever the like has been done ; 
or if the like have been often done, how impossible 
soever it be to imagine a naturall means thereof, we no 
more wonder, nor esteem it for a Miracle. 

Therefore, if a Horse, or Cow should speak, it were 
a Miracle ; because both the thing is strange, & the 
naturall cause difficult to imagin : So also were it, to 
see a strange deviation of nature, in the production of 
some new shape of a living creature. But when a man, 
or other Animal, engenders his like, though we know no 
more how this is done, than the other ; yet because tis 
usuall, it is no Miracle. In like manner, if a man be 
metamorphosed into a stone, or into a pillar, it is a 
Miracle ; because strange : but if a peece of wood be 
so changed ; because we see it often, it is no Miracle : and 
yet we know no more, by what operation of God, the 
one is brought to passe, than the other. 

Part 3- COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 37. 339 

The first Rainbow that was seen in the world, was 
a Miracle, because the first ; and consequently strange ; 
and served for a sign from God, placed in heaven, to 
assure his people, there should be no more an universall 
destruction of the world by Water. But at this day, 
because they are frequent, they are not Miracles, neither 
to them that know their naturall causes, nor to them 
who know them not. Again, there be many rare works 
produced by the Art of man : yet when we know they are 
done ; because thereby wee know also the means how 
they are done, we count them not for Miracles, because 
not wrought by the immediate hand of God, but by [234] 
mediation of humane Industry. 

Furthermore, seeing Admiration and Wonder, is conse- Thai 
quent to the knowledge and experience, wherewith men which 
are endued, some more, some lesse ; it followeth, that the 
same thing, may be a Miracle to one, and not to another. 
And thence it is, that ignorant, and superstitious men may seem 
make great Wonders of those works, which other men, otherwise 
knowing to proceed from Nature, (which is not the to another - 
immediate, but the ordinary work of God,) admire not 
at all : As when Ecclipses of the Sun and Moon have 
been taken for supernaturall works, by the common 
people ; when neverthelesse, there were others, could 
from their naturall causes, have foretold the very hour 
they should arrive : Or, as when a man, by confederacy, 
and secret intelligence, getting knowledge of the private 
actions of an ignorant, unwary man, thereby tells 
him, what he has done in former time ; it seems to him 
a Miraculous thing ; but amongst wise, and cautelous 
men, such Miracles as those, cannot easily be done. 

Again, it belongeth to the nature of a Miracle, that it The 
be wrought for the procuring of credit to Gods Messen- End of 
gers, Ministers, and Prophets, that thereby men may Miracles. 
know, they are called, sent, and employed by God, and 
thereby be the better inclined to obey them. And there 
fore, though the creation of the world, and after that 
the destruction of all living creatures in the universall 
deluge, were admirable works ; yet because they were 
not done to procure credit to any Prophet, or other 
Minister of God, they use not to be called Miracles. 


340 Part 3. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 37. 

For how admirable soever any work be, the Admiration 
consisteth not in that it could be done, because men 
naturally beleeve the Almighty can doe all things, but 
because he does it at the Prayer, or Word of a man. 
But the works of God in Egypt, by the hand of Moses, 
were properly Miracles ; because they were done with 
intention to make the people of Israel beleeve, that 
Moses came unto them, not out of any design of his owne 
interest, but as sent from God. Therefore after God had 
commanded him to deliver the Israelites from the 
Egyptian bondage, when he said They will not beleeve me, 
but will say, the Lord hath not appeared unto me, God gave 
him power, to turn the Rod he had in his hand into 
a Serpent, and again to return it into a Rod ; and by 
putting his hand into his bosome, to make it leprous ; 
and again by pulling it out to make it whole, to make 
the Children of Israel beleeve (as it is verse 5.) that the 
God of their Fathers had appeared unto him : And if 
that were not enough, he gave him power to turn their 
waters into bloud. And when hee had done these 
Exo. 4. i, Miracles before the people, it is said (verse 41.) that they 
& c * beleeved him. Neverthelesse, for fear of Pharaoh, they 

durst not yet obey him. Therefore the other works 
which were done to plague Pharaoh, and the Egyptians, 
tended all to make the Israelites beleeve in Moses, and 
were properly Miracles. In like manner if we consider 
all the Miracles done by the hand of Moses, and all the 
rest of the Prophets, till the Captivity ; and those of 
our Saviour, and his Apostles afterward ; we shall find, 
[ 2 35] their end was alwaies to beget, or confirm beleefe, that 
they came not of their own motion, but were sent by 
God. Wee may further observe in Scripture, that the 
end of Miracles, was to beget beleef, not universally in 
all men, elect, and reprobate ; but in the elect only ; 
that is to say, in such as God had determined should 
become his Subjects. For those miraculous plagues of 
Egypt, had not for end, the conversion of Pharaoh ; For 
God had told Moses before, that he would harden the 
heart of Pharaoh, that he should not let the people goe : 
And when he let them goe at last, not the Miracles 
pers waded him, but the plagues forced him to it. So 

Part 3- COMMON-WEALTH. Chappy. 341 

also of our Saviour, it is written, (Mat. 13. 58.) that 
he wrought not many Miracles in his own countrey, 
because of their unbeleef ; and (in Marke 6. 5.) in stead 
of, he wrought not many, it is, he could work none. It was 
not because he wanted power ; which to say, were 
blasphemy against God ; nor that the end of Miracles 
was not to convert incredulous men to Christ ; for the 
end of all the Miracles of Moses, of the Prophets, of our 
Saviour, and of his Apostles was to adde men to the 
Church ; but it was, because the end of their Miracles, 
was to adde to the Church (not all men, but) such as 
should be saved ; that is to say, such as God had elected. 
Seeing therefore our Saviour was sent from his Father, hee 
could not use his power in the conversion of those, whom 
his Father had rejected. They that expounding this 
place of St. Marke, say, that this word, Hee could not, 
is put for, He would not, do it without example in the 
Greek tongue, (where Would not, is put sometimes for 
Could not, in things inanimate, that have no will ; but 
Could not, for Would not, never,) and thereby lay a 
stumbling block before weak Christians ; as if Christ 
could doe no Miracles, but amongst the credulous. 

From that which I have here set down, of the nature, 
and use of a Miracle, we may define it thus, A MIRACLE, 
is a work of God, (besides his operation by the way of Nature, 
ordained in the Creation,} done, for the making manifest 
to his elect, the mission of an extraordinary Minister for 
their salvation. 

And from this definition, we may inferre ; First, that in The de- 
all Miracles, the work done, is not the effect of any vertue finition of 
in the Prophet ; because it is the effect of the immediate a Miracle 
hand of God ; that is to say, God hath done it, without 
using the Prophet therein, as a subordinate cause. 

Secondly, that no Devil, Angel, or other created Spirit, 
can do a Miracle. For it must either be by vertue of 
some naturall science, or by Incantation, that is, vertue 
of words. For if the Inchanters do it by their own power 
independent, there is some power that proceedeth not from 
God ; which all men deny : and if they doe it by power 
given them, then is the work not from the immediate hand 
of God, but naturall, and consequently no Miracle. 

342 Part 3. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 37. 

There be some texts of Scripture, that seem to attribute 
the power of working wonders (equall to some of those 
immediate Miracles, wrought by God himself,) to certain 
Arts of Magick, and Incantation. As for example, when 
[236] we read that after the Rod of Moses being cast on the 
Exod. 7. ground became a Serpent, the Magicians of Egypt did the 
ll - like by their Enchantments; and that after Moses had 

turned the waters of the Egyptian Streams, Rivers, Ponds, 
Exod. 7. and Pooles of water into blood, the Magicians of Egypt 
did so likewise, with their Enchantments ; and that after 
Moses had by the power of God brought frogs upon the 
Exod. 8.7. land, the Magicians also did so with their Enchantments, 
and brought up frogs upon the land of Egypt ; will not 
a man be apt to attribute Miracles to Enchantments ; 
that is to say, to the efficacy of the sound of Words; 
and think the same very well proved out of this, and 
other such places ? and yet there is no place of Scripture 
that telleth us what an Enchantment is. If therefore 
Enchantment be not, as many think it, a working of 
strange effects by spells, and words ; but Imposture, 
and delusion, wrought by ordinary means ; and so far 
from supernatural!, as the Impostors need not the 
study so much as of naturall causes, but the ordinary 
ignorance, stupidity, and superstition of mankind, to 
doe them ; those texts that seem to countenance the 
power of Magick, Witchcraft, and Enchantment, must 
needs have another sense, than at first sight they seem 
to bear. 

That men For it is evident enough, that Words have no effect, 
tol? Pt bat on those that un( ?erstand them; and then they 
deceived ^ ave no ther, but to signifie the intentions, or passions 
by false of them that speak ; and thereby produce, hope, fear, 
Miracles, or other passions, or conceptions in the hearer. There 
fore when a Rod seemeth a Serpent, or the Waters Bloud, 
or any other Miracle seemeth done by Enchantment ; 
if it be not to the edification of Gods people, not the 
Rod, nor the Water, nor any other thing is enchanted ; 
that is to say, wrought upon by the Words, but the 
Spectator. So that all the Miracle consisteth in this, 
that the Enchanter has deceived a man ; which is no 
Miracle, but a very easie matter to doe. 

Part 3. COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 37. 343 

For such is the ignorance, and aptitude to error gener 
ally of all men, but especially of them that have not 
much knowledge of naturall causes, and of the nature, 
and interests of men ; as by innumerable and easie 
tricks to be abused. What opinion of miraculous power, 
before it was known there was a Science of the course of 
the Stars, might a man have gained, that should have 
told the people, This hour, or day the Sun should be 
darkned ? A Juggler by the handling of his goblets, 
and other trinkets, if it were not now ordinarily practised, 
would be thought to do his wonders by the power at 
least of the Devil. A man that hath practised to speak 
by drawing in of his breath, (which kind of men in 
antient time were called Ventriloqui,) and so make the 
weaknesse of his voice seem to proceed, not from the 
weak impulsion of the organs of Speech, but from distance 
of place, is able to make very many men beleeve it is 
a voice from Heaven, whatsoever he please to tell them. 
And for a crafty man, that hath enquired into the secrets, 
and familiar confessions that one man ordinarily maketh 
to another of his actions and adventures past, to tell 
them him again is no hard matter ; and yet there be 
many, that by such means as that, obtain the reputation 
of being Conjurers. But it is too long a businesse, to [237] 
reckon up the severall sorts of those men, which the 
Greeks called Thaumaturgi, that is to say, workers of 
things wonderfull ; and yet these do all they do, by 
their own single dexterity. But if we looke upon the 
Impostures wrought by Confederacy, there is nothing 
how impossible soever to be done, that is impossible to 
bee beleeved. For two men conspiring, one to seem lame, 
the other to cure him with a charme, will deceive many : 
but many conspiring, one to seem lame, another so to 
cure him, and all the rest to bear witnesse ; will deceive 
many more. 

In this aptitude of mankind, to give too hasty beleefe Cautions 
to pretended Miracles, there can be no better, nor I think against 
any other caution, then that which God hath prescribed, ^/^f 5 ~ 
first by Moses, (as I have said before in the precedent Miracles. 
chapter,) in the beginning of the 13. and end of the 18. 
of Deuteronomy ; That wee take not any for Prophets, 

344 Parts. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 37. 

that teach any other Religion, then that which Gods 
Lieutenant, (which at that time was Moses,) hath estab 
lished ; nor any, (though he teach the same Religion,) 
whose Prediction we doe not see come to passe. Moses 
therefore in his time, and Aaron, and his successors in 
their times, and the Soveraign Governour of Gods people, 
next under God himself, that is to say, the Head of the 
Church in all times, are to be consulted, what doctrine 
he hath established, before wee give credit to a pretended 
Miracle, or Prophet. And when that is done, the thing 
they pretend to be a Miracle, we must both see it done, 
and use all means possible to consider, whether it be 
really done ; and not onely so, but whether it be such, 
as no man can do the like by his naturall power, but that 
it requires the immediate hand of God. And in this also 
we must have recourse to Gods Lieutenant ; to whom 
in all doubtfull cases, wee have submitted our private 
judgments. For example ; if a man pretend, that after 
certain words spoken over a peece of bread, that pre 
sently God hath made it not bread, but a God, or a man, 
or both, and neverthelesse it looketh still as like bread 
as ever it did ; there is no reason for any man to think 
it really done ; nor consequently to fear him, till he enquire 
of God, by his Vicar, or Lieutenant, whether it be done, 
or not. If he say not, then followeth that which Moses 
saith, (Deut. 18. 22) he hath spoken it presumptuously, 
thou shalt not fear him. If he say tis done, then he is not 
to contradict it. So also if wee see not, but onely hear 
tell of a Miracle, we are to consult the Lawful Church ; 
that is to say, the lawful Head thereof, how far we are 
to give credit to the relators of it. And this is chiefly the 
case of men, that in these days live under Christian 
Soveraigns. For in these times, I do not know one man, 
that ever saw any such wondrous work, done by the 
charm, or at the word, or prayer of a man, that a man 
endued but with a mediocrity of reason, would think 
supernaturall : and the question is no more, whether 
what wee see done, be a Miracle ; whether the Miracle 
we hear, or read of, were a real! work, and not the Act of 
a tongue, or pen ; but in plain terms, whether the report 
be true, or a lye. In which question we are not every 

Part 3- COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 38. 345 

one. to make our own private Reason, or Conscience, but 
the Publique Reason, that is, the reason of Gods Supreme 
Lieutenant, Judge ; and indeed we have made him Judge 
already, if wee have given him a Soveraign power, to [238] 
doe all that is necessary for our peace and defence. 
A private man has alwaies the liberty, (because thought 
is free,) to beleeve, or not beleeve in his heart, those acts 
that have been given out for Miracles, according as he 
shall see, what benefit can accrew by mens belief, to 
those that pretend, or countenance them, and thereby 
conjecture, whether they be Miracles, or Lies. But when 
it comes to confession of that faith, the Private Reason 
must submit to the. Publique; that is to say, to Gods 
Lieutenant. But who is this Lieutenant of God, and 
Head of the Church, shall be considered in its proper 
)lace hereafter. 


Of the Signification in Scripture of ETERNALL LIFE, 



THE maintenance of Civill Society, depending on Jus- 
ice ; and Justice on the power of Life and Death, and 
other lesse Rewards and Punishments, residing in them 
:hat have the Soveraignty of the Common-wealth ; It is 
mpossible a Common-wealth should stand, where any 
other than the Soveraign, hath a power of giving greater 
rewards than Life ; and of inflicting greater punishments, 
:han Death. Now seeing Eternall life is a greater reward, 
:han the life present ; and Eternall torment a greater 
punishment than the death of Nature ; It is a thing 
worthy to be well considered, of all men that desire (by 
obeying Authority) to avoid the calamities of Confusion, 
and Civill war, what is meant in holy Scripture, by Life 
Eternall, and Torment Eternall ; and for what offences, 
and against whom committed, men are to be Eternally 
tormented ; and for what actions, they are to obtain 
Eternall life. 

346 Part 3- OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 38. 

The place And first we find, that Adam was created in such 
of Adams a condition of life, as had he not broken the com- 
fohadwt man dement of God > he had enjoyed it in the Paradise 
sinned, f Eden Everlastingly. For there was the Tree of life ; 
had been whereof he was so long allowed to eat, as he should for- 
the ter- bear to eat of the tree of Knowledge of Good and Evill ; 
wri ih was not allowed him. And therefore as soon as 
he had eaten of it, God thrust him out of Paradise, lest 
Gen. 3. 22. he should put forth his hand, and take also of the tree of 
life, and live for ever. By which it seemeth to me, (with 
submission neverthelesse both in this, and in all questions, 
whereof the determination dependeth on the Scriptures, 
to the interpretation of the Bible authorized by the 
Common-wealth, whose Subject I am,) that Adam if he 
had not sinned, had had an Eternall Life on Earth : and 
that Mortality entred upon himself, and his posterity, 
by his first Sin. Not that actuall Death then entred ; 
for Adam then could never have had children ; whereas 
he lived long after, and saw a numerous posterity ere he 
dyed. But where it is said, In the day that thou eatest 
thereof, thou shalt surely die, it must needs bee meant of 
his Mortality, and certitude of death. Seeing then 
Eternall life was lost by Adams forfeiture, in committing 
sin, he that should cancell that forfeiture was to recover 
[239] thereby, that Life again. Now Jesus Christ hath satisfied 
for the sins of all that beleeve in him ; and therefore 
recovered to all beleevers, that ETERNALL LIFE, which 
was lost by the sin of Adam. And in this sense it is, that 
the comparison of St. Paul holdeth (Rom. 5. 18, 19.) 
As by the offence of one, Judgment came upon all men to 
condemnation, even so by the righteousnesse of one, the free 
gift came upon all men to Justification of Life. Which is 
again (i Cor. 15. 21, 22.) more perspicuously delivered 
in these words, For since by man came death, by man came 
also the resurrection of the dead. For as in Adam all die, 
even so in Christ shall all be made alive. 

Texts con- Concerning the place wherein men shall enjoy that 
ceming Eternall Life, which Christ hath obtained for them, the 
^fife* texts next before alledged seem to make it on Earth. 
Eternall For if as in Adam, all die, that is, have forfeited Paradise, 
for Be- and Eternall Life on Earth, even so in Christ all shall bee 

Part 3. COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 38. 347 

made alive ; then all men shall be made to live on Earth ; 
for else the comparison were not proper. Hereunto 
seemeth to agree that of the Psalmist, (Psal. 133. 3.) 
Upon Zion God commanded the blessing, even Life for 
evermore : for Zion, is in Jerusalem, upon Earth : as also 
that of S. Joh. (Rev. 2. 7.) To him that overcommeth I will 
give to eat of the tree of life, which is in the midst of the 
Paradise of God. This was the tree of Adams Eternall 
life ; but his life was to have been on Earth. The same 
seemeth to be confirmed again by St. Joh. (Rev. 21. 2.) 
where he saith, / John saw the Holy City, New Jerusalem, 
coming down from God out of heaven, prepared as a Bride 
adorned for her husband : and again v. 10. to the same 
effect : As if he should say, the new Jerusalem, the 
Paradise of God, at the coming again of Christ, should 
come down to Gods people from Heaven, and not they 
goe up to it from Earth. And this differs nothing from 
that, which the two men in white clothing (that is, the 
two Angels) said to the Apostles, that were looking upon 
Christ ascending (Acts I. n.) This same Jesiis, who is taken 
up from you into Heaven, shall so come, as you have seen 
him go up into Heaven. Which soundeth as if they had 
said, he should come down to govern them under his 
Father, Eternally here ; and not take them up to govern 
them in Heaven ; and is conformable to the Restaura- 
tion of the Kingdom of God, instituted under Moses ; 
which was a Political government of the Jews on Earth. 
Again, that saying of our Saviour (Mat. 22. 30.) that in 
the Resurrection they neither marry, nor are given in mar 
riage, but are as the Angels of God in heaven, is a descrip 
tion of an Eternall Life, resembling that which we lost 
in Adam in the point of Marriage. For seeing Adam, 
and Eve, if they had not sinned, had lived on Earth 
Eternally, in their individuall persons ; it is manifest, 
they should not continually have procreated their kind. 
For if Immortals should have generated, as Mankind 
doth now ; the Earth in a small time, would not have 
been able to afford them place to stand on. The Jews 
that asked our Saviour the question, whose wife the 
woman that had married many brothers, should be, in 
the resurrection, knew not what were the consequences 

348 Part$. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 38. 

of Life Eternall : and therefore our Saviour puts them 
in mind of this consequence of Immortality ; that there 
shal be no Generation, and consequently no marriage, 
no more than there is Marriage, or generation among 
the Angels. The comparison between that Eternall 
life which Adam lost, and our Saviour by his Victory 
[240] over death hath recovered ; holdeth also in this, that 
as Adam lost Eternall Life by his sin, and yet lived after 
it for a time ; so the faithful Christian hath recovered 
Eternal Life by Christs passion, though he die a natural 
death, and remaine dead for a time ; namely, till the 
Resurrection. For as Death is reckoned from the 
Condemnation of Adam, not from the Execution ; so 
Life is reckoned from the Absolution, not from the 
Resurrection of them that are elected in Christ. 
Ascension That the place wherein men are to live Eternally, 
into after the Resurrection, is the Heavens, meaning by 

heaven. Heaven, those parts of the world, which are the most 
remote from Earth, as where the stars are, or above 
the stars, in another Higher Heaven, called Ccelum 
Empyreum, (whereof there is no mention in Scripture, 
nor ground in Reason) is not easily to be drawn from 
any text that I can find. By the Kingdome of Heaven, 
is meant the Kingdom of the King that dwelleth in 
Heaven ; and his Kingdome was the people of Israel, 
whom he ruled by the Prophets his Lieutenants, tirst 
Moses, and after him Eleazar, and the Soveraign Priests, 
till in the days of Samuel they rebelled, and would have 
a mortall man for their King, after the manner of other 
Nations. And when our Saviour Christ, by the preaching 
of his Ministers, shall have perswaded the Jews to 
return, and called the Gentiles to his obedience, then 
shall there be a new Kingdom of Heaven ; because our 
King shall then be God, whose throne is Heaven ; without 
any necessity evident in the Scripture, that man shall 
ascend to his happinesse any higher than Gods footstool, 
the Earth. On the contrary, we find written (Joh. 3. 13.) 
that no man hath ascended into Heaven, but he that came 
down from Heaven, even the Son of man, that is in Heaven. 
Where I observe by the way, that these words are not, 
as those which go immediately before, the words of our 

Parti. COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 38. 349 

Saviour, but of St. John himself ; for Christ was then 
not in Heaven, but upon the Earth. The like is said of 
David (Acts 2. 34.) where St. Peter, to prove the Ascension 
of Christ, using the words of the Psalmist, (Psal. 16. 10.) 
Thou wilt not leave my soule in Hell, nor suffer thine Holy 
one to see corruption, saith, they were spoken (not of 
David, but) of Christ ; and to prove it, addeth this 
Reason, For David is not ascended into Heaven. But to 
this a man may easily answer, and say, that though their 
bodies were notsto ascend till the generall day of Judg 
ment, yet their souls were in Heaven as soon as they 
were departed from their bodies ; which also seemeth 
to be confirmed by the words of our Saviour (Luke 
20. 37, 38.) who proving the Resurrection out of the 
words of Moses, saith thus, That the dead are raised, even 
Moses shewed, at the bush, when he calleth the Lord, the 
God of Abraham, and the God of Isaac, and the God of 
Jacob. For he is not a God of the Dead, but of the Living ; 
for they all live to him. But if these words be to be under 
stood only of the Immortality of the Soul, they prove 
not at all that which our Saviour intended to prove, 
which was the Resurrection of the Body, that is to say, 
the Immortality of the Man. Therefore our Saviour 
meaneth, that those Patriarchs were Immortall ; not 
by a property consequent to the essence, and nature of 
mankind ; but by the will of God, that was pleased of 
his mere grace, to bestow Eternall life upon the faithfull. 
And though at that time the Patriarchs and many other [241] 
faithfull men were dead, yet as it is in the text, they 
lived to God ; that is, they were written in the Book of 
Life with them that were absolved of their sinnes, and 
ordained to Life eternall at the Resurrection. That 
the Soul of man is in its own nature Eternall, and 
a living Creature independent on the body ; or that any 
meer man is Immortall, otherwise than by the Resurrec 
tion in the last day, (except Enos and Elias,} is a doctrine 
not apparent in Scripture. The whole 14. Chapter of 
Job, which is the speech not of his friends, but of himselfe, 
is a complaint of this Mortality of Nature ; and yet no 
contradiction of the Immortality at the Resurrection. 
There is hope of a tree (saith hee verse 7.) if it be cast 

350 Part 3- OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 38. 

down, Though the root thereof wax old, and the stock 
thereof die in the ground, yet when it senteth the water it 
will bud, and bring forth boughes like a Plant. But man 
dyeth, and wasteth away, yea, man giveth up the Ghost, 
and where is he ? and (verse 12.) man lyeth down, and 
riseth not, till the heavens be no more. But when is it, 
that the heavens shall be no more ? St. Peter tells us, 
that it is at the generall Resurrection. For in his 
2. Epistle, 3. Chapter, and 7 verse, he saith, that the 
Heavens and the Earth that are now, are reserved unto fire 
against the day of Judgment, and perdition of ungodly 
men, and (verse 12.) looking for, and hasting to the com- 
ming of God, wherein the Heavens shall be on fire, and 
shall be dissolved, and the Elements shall melt with fervent 
heat. Neverthelesse, we according to the promise look for 
new Heavens, and a new Earth, wherein dwelleth righteous- 
nesse. Therefore where Job saith, man riseth not till 
the Heavens be no more ; it is all one, as if he had said, 
the Immortall Life (and Soule and Life in the Scripture, 
do usually signifie the same thing) beginneth not in man, 
till the Resurrection, and day of Judgement ; and hath 
for cause, not his specificall nature, and generation ; 
but the Promise. For St. Peter saies not, Wee look for 
new heavens, and a new earth, (from Nature,} but from 

Lastly, seeing it hath been already proved out of 
divers evident places of Scripture, in the 35. chapter of 
this book, that the Kingdom of God is a Civil Common 
wealth, where God himself is Soveraign, by vertue first 
of the Old, and since of the New Covenant, wherein he 
reigneth by his Vicar, or Lieutenant ; the same places 
do therefore also prove, that after the comming again 
of our Saviour in his Majesty, and glory, to reign actually, 
and Eternally ; the Kingdom of God is to be on Earth. 
But because this doctrine (though proved out of places 
of Scripture not few, nor obscure) will appear to most 
men a novelty ; I doe but propound it ; maintaining 
nothing in this, or any other paradox of Religion ; but 
attending the end of that dispute of the sword, con 
cerning the Authority, (not yet amongst my Countrey- 
men decided,) by which all sorts of doctrine are to bee 

Parts. COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 38. 351 

approved, or rejected ; and whose commands, both in 
speech, and writing, (whatsoever be the opinions of 
private men) must by all men, that mean to be protected 
by their Laws, be obeyed. For the points of doctrine con 
cerning the Kingdome [of] God, have so great influence 
on the Kingdome of Man, as not to be determined, but [242] 
by them, that under God have the Soveraign Power. 

As the Kingdome of God, and Eternal Life, so also The place 
Gods Enemies, and their Torments after Judgment, a f te * 
appear by the Scripture, to have their place on Earth. ^ w f" / 
The name of the place, where all men remain till the those who 
Resurrection, that were either buryed, or swallowed up were never 
of the Earth, is usually called in Scripture, by words the 
that signifie under ground ; which the Latines read ^God^r 
generally Infernus, and Inferi, and the Greeks a&?<> ; having 
that is to say, a place where men cannot see ; and con- been in, 
taineth as well the Grave, as any other deeper place. are cast 
But for the place of the damned after the Resurrection, ou 
it is not determined, neither in the Old, nor New Testa 
ment, by any note of situation ; but onely by the com 
pany : as that it shall bee, where such wicked men were, 
as God in former times in extraordinary, and miraculous 
manner, had destroyed from off the face of the Earth : 
As for example, that they are in Inferno, in Tartarus, Tartarus. 
or in the bottomelesse pit ; because Corah, Dathan, and 
Abirom, were swallowed up alive into the earth. Not 
that the Writers of the Scripture would have us beleeve, 
there could be in the globe of the Earth, which is not 
only finite, but also (compared to the height of the 
Stars) of no considerable magnitude, a pit without a 
bottome ; that is, a hole of infinite depth, such as the 
Greeks in their D&monologie (that is to say, in their 
doctrine concerning Damons,) and after them the 
Romans called Tartarus ; of which Virgill saves, 

Bis patet in prczceps, tantum tenditque sub umbras, 
Quantus ad celhereum cceli suspectus Olympum : 

for that is a thing the proportion of Earth to Heaven 
cannot bear : but that wee should beleeve them there, 
indefinitely, where those men are, on whom God inflicted 
that Exemplary punnishment. 

352 Part 3. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 38. 

The con- Again, because those mighty men of the Earth, that 
gregation lived in the time of Noah, before the floud, (which the 
of Giants. Q ree k s ca iied Heroes, and the Scripture Giants, and both 
say, were begotten, by copulation of the children of God, 
with the children of men,) were for their wicked life 
destroyed by the generall deluge ; the place of the 
Damned, is therefore also sometimes marked out, by 
the company of those deceased Giants ; as Proverbs 
21. 16. The man that wandreth out of the way of under 
standing, shall remain in the congregation of the Giants, 
and Job 26. 5. Behold the Giants groan under water, and 
they that dwell with them. Here the place of the Damned, 
is under the water. And Isaiah 14. 9. Hell is troubled how 
to meet thee, (that is, the King of Babylon) and will dis 
place the Giants for thee : and here again the place of the 
Damned, (if the sense be literall,) is to be under water. 
Lake of Thirdly, because the Cities of Sodom, and Gomorrah., 
Fire. by the extraordinary wrath of God, were consumed for 
their wickednesse with Fire and Brimstone, and together 
with them the countrey about made a stinking bituminous 
Lake : the place of the Damned is sometimes expressed 
by Fire, and a Fiery Lake : as in the Apocalypse ch. 21.8. 
But the timorous, incredulous, and abominable, and Mur- 
[243] derers, and Whoremongers, and Sorcerers, and Idolaters, 
and all Lyars, shall have their part in the Lake that burneth 
with Fire, and Brimstone ; which is the second Death. 
So that it is manifest, that Hell Fire, which is here 
expressed by Metaphor, from the reall Fire of Sodorne, 
signineth not any certain kind, or place of Torment ; 
but is to be taken indefinitely, for Destruction, as it is 
in the 20. Chapter, at the 14. verse ; where it is said, that 
Death and Hell were cast into the Lake of Fire ; that is to 
say, were abolished, and destroyed ; as if after the day 
of Judgment, there shall be no more Dying, nor no more 
going into Hell ; that is, no more going to Hades (from 
which word perhaps our word Hell is derived,) which is 
the same with no more Dying. 

Utter Fourthly, from the Plague of Darknesse inflicted on 

Dark- the Egyptians, of which it is written (Exod. 10. 23.) 

nesse. They saw not one another, neither rose any man from his 

place for three days ; but all the Children of Israel had 

Part 3. COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 38. 353 

in their dwellings ; the place of the wicked after 
Judgment, is called Utter Darknesse, or (as it is in the 
originall) Darknesse without. And so it is expressed 
(Mat. 22. 13.) where the King commandeth his Servants, 
to bind hand and foot the man that had not on his Wed 
ding garment, and to cast him out, efc TO O-KOTOS TO ewTepoi/, 
Externall darknesse, or Darknesse without : which though 
translated Utter darknesse, does not signifie how great, 
but where that darknesse is to be ; namely, without the 
habitation of Gods Elect. 

Lastly, whereas there was a place neer Jerusalem, Gehenna, 
called the Valley of the Children of Hinnon ; in a part and 
whereof, called Tophet, the Jews had committed most T P het - 
grievous Idolatry, sacrificing their children to the Idol 
Moloch ; and wherein also God had afflicted his enemies 
with most grievous punishments ; and wherein Josias 
had burnt the Priests of Moloch upon their own Altars, 
as appeareth at large in the 2 of Kings chap. 23. the 
place served afterwards, to receive the filth, and garbage 
which was carried thither, out of the City ; and there 
used to be fires made, from time to time, to purifie the 
aire, and take away the stench of Carrion. From this 
abominable place, the Jews used ever after to call the 
place of the Damned, by the name of Gehenna, or Valley 
of Hinnon. And this Gehenna, is that word, which is 
usually now translated HELL ; and from the fires from 
time to time there burning, we have the notion of Ever 
lasting, and Unquenchable Fire. 

Seeing now there is none, that so interprets the Scrip- Of the 
ture, as that after the day of Judgment, the wicked liter all 
are all Eternally to be punished in the Valley of Hinnon ; s 
or that they shall so rise again, as to be ever after under tre 
ground, or under water ; or that after the Resurrection, cernin 
they shall no more see one another ; nor stir from one Hell. 
place to another ; it followeth, me thinks, very neces 
sarily, that that which is thus said concerning Hell Fire, 
is spoken metaphorically ; and that therefore there is 
a proper sense to bee enquired after, (for of all Metaphors 
there is some reall ground, that may be expressed in 
proper words) both of the Place of Hell, and the nature 
of Hellish Torments, and Tormentors. 




Chap. 38. 

[244] And first for the Tormenters, wee have their nature, 

Satan, and properties, exactly and properly delivered by the 

Devill, not names of, The Enemy, or Satan; The Accuser, or Dia- 

roper bolus ; The Destroyer, or Abaddon. Which significant 

names, out --- - - 


of Hell. 

names, Satan, Devill, Abaddon, set not forth to us any 
Individuall person, as proper names use to doe ; but 
onely an office, or quality ; and are therefore Appella 
tives ; which ought not to have been left untranslated, 
as they are, in the Latine, and Modern Bibles ; because 
thereby they seem to be the proper names of D&mons ; 
and men are the more easily seduced to beleeve the 
doctrine of Devills ; which at that time was the Religion 
of the Gentiles, and contrary to that of Moses, and of 

And because by the Enemy, the Accuser, and Destroyer, 
is meant, the Enemy of them that shall be in the King- 
dome of God ; therefore if the Kingdome of God after 
the Resurrection, bee upon the Earth, (as in the former 
Chapter I have shewn by Scripture it seems to be,) 
The Enemy, and his Kingdome must be on Earth also. 
For so also was it, in the time before the Jews had 
deposed God. For Gods Kingdome was in Palestine ; 
and the Nations round about, were the Kingdomes of the 
Enemy ; and consequently by Satan, is meant any 
Earthly Enemy of the Church. 

The Torments of Hell, are expressed sometimes, by 
weeping, and gnashing of teeth, as Mat. 8. 12. Sometimes, 
by the worm of Conscience ; as Isa. 66. 24. and Mark 9. 
44, 46, 48 : sometimes, by Fire, as in the place now 
quoted, where the worm dyeth not, and the fire is not 
quenched, and many places beside : sometimes by shame, 
and contempt, as Dan. 12. 2. And many of them that sleep 
in the dust of the Earth, shall awake ; some to Everlasting 
life ; and, some to shame, and everlasting contempt. All 
which places design metaphorically a grief, and discon 
tent of mind, from the sight of that Eternal felicity in 
others, which they themselves through their own incredu 
lity, and disobedience have lost. And because such 
felicity in others, is not sensible but by comparison with 
their own actuall miseries ; it followeth that they are 
to suffer such bodily paines, and calamities, as are 

Part 3- COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 38. 355 

incident to those, who not onely live under evill and 
cruell Governours, but have also for Enemy, the Eternall 
King of the Saints, God Almighty. And amongst these 
bodily paines, is to be reckoned also to every one of the 
wicked a second Death. For though the Scripture bee 
clear for an universall Resurrection ; yet wee do not read, 
that to any of the Reprobate is promised an Eternall 
life. For whereas St. Paul (i Cor. 15. 42, 43.) to the 
question concerning what bodies men shall rise with 
again, saith, that the body is sown in corruption, and is 
raised in incorruption ; It is sown in dishonour, it is 
raised in glory ; it is sown in weaknesse, it is raised 
in power ; Glory and Power cannot be applyed to the 
bodies of the wicked : Nor can the name of Second 
Death, bee applyed to those that can never die but once : 
And although in Metaphoricall speech, a Calamitous 
life Everlasting, may bee called an Everlasting Death 
yet it cannot well be understood of a Second Death. 
The fire prepared for the wicked, is an Everlasting [245] 
Fire : that is to say, the estate wherein no man can 
be without torture, both of body and mind, after the 
Resurrection, shall endure for ever ; and in that sense 
the Fire shall be unquenchable, and the torments 
Everlasting : but it cannot thence be inferred, that 
hee who shall be cast into that fire, or be tormented 
with those torments, shall endure, and resist them so, 
as to be eternally burnt, and tortured, and yet never be 
destroyed, nor die. And though there be many places 
that affirm Everlasting Fire, and Torments (into which 
men may be cast successively one after another for ever ; 
yet I find none that affirm there shall bee an Eternall 
Life therein of any individuall person ; but to the 
contrary, an Everlasting Death, which is the Second 
Death : For after Death, and the Grave shall have delivered Apoc. 20. 
up the dead which were in them, and every man be judged J 3> 14- 
according to his works ; Death and the Grave shall also 
be cast into the Lake of Fire. This is the Second 
Death. Whereby it is evident, that there is to bee 
a Second Death of every one that shall bee condemned 
at the day of Judgement, after which hee shall die no 

A a 2 

356 Part 3. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 38. 

The Joyes The joyes of Life Eternall, are in Scripture compre- 
of Life hended all under the name of SALVATION, or being saved. 
and^Sal- ^ ^ e save< ^ * s to ^ e secured, either respectively, against 
vat-ion the speciall Evills, or absolutely, against all Evill, compre- 
same hending Want, Sicknesse, and Death it self. And 
thing. because man was created in a condition Immortall, not 
Salvation subject to corruption, and consequently to nothing that 
from Sin, tendeth to the dissolution of his nature ; and fell from 
Misery *&& happinesse by the sin of Adam ; it followeth, that 
all one! to be saved from Sin, is to be saved from all the Evill, and 
Calamities that Sinne hath brought upon us. And there 
fore in the Holy Scripture, Remission of Sinne, and 
Salvation from Death and Misery, is the same thing, as 
it appears by the words of our Saviour, who having 
cured a man sick of the Palsey, by saying, (Mat. 9. 2.) 
Son be of good cheer., thy Sins be forgiven thee ; and know 
ing that the Scribes took for blasphemy, that a man 
should pretend to forgive Sins, asked them (v. 5.) whether 
it were easier to say, Thy Sinnes be forgiven thee, or, Arise 
and walk ; signifying thereby, that it was all one, as to 
the saving of the sick, to say, Thy Sins are forgiven, and 
Arise and walk ; and that he used that form of speech, 
onely to shew he had power to forgive Sins. And it is 
besides evident in reason, that since Death and Misery, 
were the punishments of Sin, the discharge of Sinne, 
must also be a discharge of Death and Misery ; that is to 
say, Salvation absolute, such as the faithfull are to enjoy 
after the day of Judgment, by the power, and favour of 
Jesus Christ, who for that cause is called our SAVIOUR. 

Concerning Particular Salvations, such as are under 
stood, i Sam. 14. 39. as the Lord liveth that saveth Israel, 
that is, from their temporary enemies, and 2 Sam. 22. 4. 
Thou art my Saviour, thou savest me from violence ; and 
2 Kings 13. 5. God gave the Israelites a Saviour, and so 
they were delivered from the hand of the Assyrians, and the 
[246] like, I need say nothing ; there being neither difficulty, 
nor interest, to corrupt the interpretation of texts of 
that kind. 

The Place But concerning the Generall Salvation, because it must 

of Eternall be in the Kingdome of Heaven, there is great difficulty 

n concerning the Place. On one side, by Kingdome (which 

Part 3- COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 38. 357 

is an estate ordained by men for their perpetuall security 
against enemies, and want) it seemeth that this Salva 
tion should be on Earth. For by Salvation is set forth 
unto us, a glorious Reign of our King, by Conquest ; 
not a safety by Escape : and therefore there where we 
look for Salvation, we must look also for Triumph ; 
and before Triumph, for Victory ; and before Victory, 
for Battell ; which cannot well be supposed, shall be in 
Heaven. But how good soever this reason may be, I will 
not trust to it, without very evident places of Scripture. 
The state of Salvation is described at large, Isaiah 33. 
ver. 20, 21, 22, 23, 24. 

Look upon Zion, the City of our solemnities ; thine eyes 
shall see Jerusalem a quiet habitation, a tabernacle that shall 
not be taken down ; not one of the stakes thereof shall ever be 
removed, neither shall any of the cords thereof be broken. 

But there the glorious Lord will be unto us a place of 
broad rivers, and streams ; wherein shall goe no Gaily with 
oares ; neither shall gallant ship passe thereby. 

For the Lord is our Judge, the Lord is our Lawgiver, 
the Lord is our King, he will save us. 

Thy tacklings are loosed ; they could not well strengthen 
their mast ; they could not spread the sail : then is the 
prey of a great spoil divided ; the lame take the prey. 

And the Inhabitant shall not say, I am sicke ; the people 
that shall dwell therein shall be forgiven their Iniquity. 

In which words wee have the place from whence 
Salvation is to proceed, Jerusalem, a quiet habitation ; 
the Eternity of it, a tabernacle that shall not be taken 
down, &c. The Saviour of it, the Lord, their Judge, their 
Lawgiver, their King, he will save us ; the Salvation, the 
Lord shall be to them as a broad mote of swift waters, &c. 
the condition of their Enemies, their tacklings are loose, 
their masts weak, the lame shal take the spoil of them. The 
condition of the Saved, The Inhabitant shal not say, 
I am sick : And lastly, all this is comprehended in 
Forgivenesse of sin, The people that dwell therein shall be 
forgiven their iniquity. By which it is evident, that 
Salvation shall be on Earth, then, when God shall reign, 
(at the coming again of Christ) in Jerusalem ; and from 
Jerusalem shall proceed the Salvation of the Gentiles 

358 Part 3. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 38. 

that shall be received into Gods Kingdome : as is also 
more expressely declared by the same Prophet, Chap. 65. 
20, 21. And they (that is, the Gentiles who had any Jew 
in bondage) shall bring all your brethren, for an offering 
to the Lord, out of all nations, upon horses, and in charets, 
and in litters, and upon mules, and upon swift beasts, to 
my holy mountain, Jerusalem, saith the Lord, as the 
Children of Israel bring an offering in a clean vessell into 
the House of the Lord. And I will also take of them for 
Priests and for Levites, saith the Lord : Whereby it is 
manifest, that the chief seat of Gods Kingdome (which 
[247] is the Place, from whence the Salvation of us that were 
Gentiles, shall proceed) shall be Jerusalem : And the 
same is also confirmed by our Saviour, in his discourse 
with the woman of Samaria, concerning the place of 
Gods worship ; to whom he saith, John 4. 22. that the 
Samaritans worshipped they knew not what, but the 
Jews worship what they knew, For Salvation is of the 
Jews (ex Judceis, that is, begins at the Jews) : as if he 
should say, you worship God, but know not by whom 
he wil save you, as we doe, that know it shall be by one 
of the tribe of Judah, a Jew, not a Samaritan. And 
therefore also the woman not impertinently answered 
him again, We know the Messias shall come. So that 
which our Saviour saith, Salvation is from the Jews, is the 
same that Paul sayes (Rom. i. 16, 17.) The Gospel is the 
power of God to Salvation to every one that beleeveth : To 
the Jew first, and also to the Greek. For therein is the 
righteousnesse of God revealed from faith to faith ; from 
the faith of the Jew, to the faith of the Gentile. In the 
like sense the Prophet Joel describing the day of Judg- 
ment, (chap 2. 30, 31.) that God would shew wonders in 
heaven, and in earth, bloud, and fire, and pillars of smoak. 
The Sun should be turned to darknesse, and the Moon into 
bloud, before the great and terrible day of the Lord come, he 
addeth verse 32. and it shall come to passe, that whosoever 
shall call upon the name of the Lord, shall be saved. For 
in Mount Zion, and in Jerusalem shall be Salvation. And 
Obadiah verse 17. saith the same, Upon Mount Zion 
shall be Deliverance ; and there shall be holinesse, and the 
house of Jacob shall possesse their possessions, that is, the 

Part 3- COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 38. 359 

possessions of the Heathen, which possessions he expres- 
seth more particularly in the following verses, by the 
mount of Esau, the Land of the Philistines, the fields of 
Ephraim, of Samaria, Gilead, and the Cities of the South, 
and concludes with these words, the Kingdom shall be the 
Lords. All these places are for Salvation, and the King- 
dome of God (after the day of Judgement) upon Earth. 
On the other side, I have not found any text that can 
probably be drawn, to prove any Ascension of the Saints 
into Heaven ; that is to say, into any Ccelum Empyreum, 
or other aetheriall Region ; saving that it is called the 
Kingdome of Heaven : which name it may have, because 
God, that was King of the Jews, governed them by his 
commands, sent to Moses by Angels from Heaven ; and 
after their revolt, sent his Son from Heaven, to reduce 
them to their obedience ; and shall send him thence again, 
to rule both them, and all other faithfull men, from the 
day of Judgment, Everlastingly : or from that, that the 
Throne of this our Great King is in Heaven ; whereas 
the Earth is but his Footstoole. But that the Subjects 
of God should have any place as high as his Throne, or 
higher than his Footstoole, it seemeth not sutable to the 
dignity of a King, nor can I find any evident text for 
it in holy Scripture. 

From this that hath been said of the Kingdom of God, 
and of Salvation, it is not hard to interpret what is 
meant by the WORLD TO COME. There are three worlds 
mentioned in Scripture, the Old World, the Present World, 
and the World to come. Of the first, St. Peter speaks, 2 Pet. 2. 5. 
// God spared not the Old World, but saved Noah the 
eighth person, a Preacher of righteousnesse, bringing the 
flood upon the world of the ungodly, &c. So the first World, [ 2 4 8 1 
was from Adam to the generall Flood. Of the present 
World, our Saviour speaks (John 18. 36.) My Kingdome 
is not of this World. For he came onely to teach men 
the way of Salvation, and to renew the Kingdome of his 
Father, by his doctrine. Of the World to come, St. Peter 2 Pet. 3.1 3. 
speaks, Neverthelesse we according to his promise look for 
new Heavens, and a new Earth. This is that W T ORLD, 
wherein Christ coming down from Heaven, in the clouds, 
with great power, and glory, shall send his Angels, and 

360 Part 3. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 38. 

shall gather together his elect, from the four winds, and 
from the uttermost parts of the Earth, and thence forth 
reign over them, (under his Father) Everlastingly. 
Redemp- Salvation of a sinner, supposeth a precedent REDEMP- 
tion. TION ; for he that is once guilty of Sin, is obnoxious to 
the Penalty of the same ; and must pay (or some other 
or him) such Ransome, as he that is offended, and has 
him in his power, shall require. And seeing the person 
offended, is Almighty God, in whose power are all things ; 
such Ransome is to be paid before Salvation can be 
acquired, as God hath been pleased to require. By this 
Ransome, is not intended a satisfaction for Sin, equiva 
lent to the Offence, which no sinner for himself e, nor 
righteous man can ever be able to make for another : 
The dammage a man does to another, he may make 
amends for by restitution, or recompence, but sin cannot 
be taken away by recompence ; for that were to. make 
the liberty to sin, a thing vendible. But sins may bee 
pardoned to the repentant, either gratis, or upon such 
penalty, as God is pleased to accept. That which God 
usually accepted in the Old Testament, was some Sacri 
fice, or Oblation. To forgive sin is not an act of Injustice, 
though the punishment have been threatned. Even 
amongst men, though the promise of Good, bind the 
promiser ; yet threats, that is to say, promises of Evill, 
bind them not ; much lesse shall they bind God, who 
is infinitely more merciful then men. Our Saviour Christ 
therefore to Redeem us, did not in that sense satisfie for 
the Sins of men, as that his Death, of its own vertue, 
could make it unjust in God to punish sinners with 
Eternall death ; but did make that Sacrifice, and Obla 
tion of himself, at his first coming, which God was 
pleased to require, for the Salvation at his second coming, 
of such as in the mean time should repent, and beleeve 
in him. And though this act of our Redemption, be not 
alwaies in Scripture called a Sacrifice, and Oblation, but 
sometimes a Price ; yet by Price we are not to under 
stand any thing, by the value whereof, he could claim 
right to a pardon for us, from his offended Father ; but 
that Price which God the Father was pleased in mercy 
to demand. 

COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 39. 361 

CHAP. XXXIX. [247] 

O/ ^<2 signification in Scripture of the word CHURCH. 

THE word Church, (Ecclesia) -signifieth in the Books Church 
of Holy Scripture divers things. Sometimes (though the Lords 
not often) it is taken for Gods House, that is to say, for house - 
a Temple, wherein Christians assemble to perform holy 
duties publiquely ; as, I Cor. 14. ver. 34. Let your 
women keep silence in the Churches : but this is Meta 
phorically put, for the Congregation there assembled ; 
and hath been since used for the Edifice it self, to dis 
tinguish between the Temples of Christians, and Idolaters. 
The Temple of Jerusalem was Gods house, and the House 
of Prayer ; and so is any Edifice dedicated by Christians 
to the worship of Christ, Christs house : and therefore the 
Greek Fathers call it Kv/ata/o), The Lords house ; and thence, 
in our language it came to be called Kyrke, and Church. 

Church (when not taken for a House) signifieth the 
same that Ecclesia signified in the Grecian Common- Ecclesia 
wealths ; that is to say, a Congregation, or an Assembly properly 
of Citizens, called forth, to hear the Magistrate speak what - 
unto them ; and which in the Common-wealth of Rome 
was called Concio, as he that spake was called Ecclesiastes, 
and Concionator. And when they were called forth by 
lawfull Authority, it was Ecclesia legitima, a Law full Acts 19. 
Church, evvo/xo? EK/cA^o-ia. But when they were excited 39- 
by tumultuous, and seditious clamor, then it was a con 
fused Church, l&KK\r)orLa o-vyKexvjJitvr). 

It is taken also sometimes for the men that have right 
to be of the Congregation, though not actually assembled ; 
that is to say, for the whole multitude of Christian men, 
how far soever they be dispersed : as (Act. 8. 3.) where 
it is said, that Saul made havock of the Church : And in 
this sense is Christ said to be Head of the Church. And 
sometimes for a certain part of Christians, as (Col. 4. 15.) 
Salute the Church that is in his house. Sometimes also for 
the Elect onely ; as (Ephes. 5. 27.) A Glorious Church, 
without spot, or wrinkle, holy, and without blemish ; which 
is meant of the Church triumphant, or, Church to come. 
Sometimes, for a Congregation assembled, of professors 

362 Part 3- OF A CHRISTIAN 

of Christianity, whether their profession be true, or coun 
terfeit, as it is understood, Mat. 18. 17. where it is said, 
Tell it to the Church, and if hee neglect to hear the Church, 
let him be to thee as a Gentile, or Publican. 

In what And in this last sense only it is that the Church can be 
sense the taken for one Person ; that is to say, that it can be said 
Church t have power to will, to pronounce, to command, to be 
obeyed, to make laws, or to doe any other action whatso 
ever ; For without authority from a lawfull Congrega 
tion, whatsoever act be done in a concourse of people, 
[248] it is the particular act of every one of those that were 
present, and gave their aid to the performance of it ; 
and not the act of them all in grosse, as of one body ; 
much lesse the act of them that were absent, or that 
being present, were not willing it should be done. Accord- 
Church ing to this sense, I define a CHURCH to be, A company of 
defined, men professing Christian Religion, united in the person 
of one Soveraign ; at whose command they ought to assemble, 
and without whose authority they ought not to assemble. 
And because in all Common-wealths, that Assembly, 
which is without warrant from the Civil Soveraign, is 
unlawful ; that Church also, which is assembled in any 
Common-wealth, that hath forbidden them to assemble, 
is an unlawfull Assembly. 

A It followeth also, that there is on Earth, no such 

Christian universall Church, as all Christians are bound to obey ; 
wealth Because there is no power on Earth, to which all other 
and a Common- wealths are subject : There are Christians, in 
Church all the Dominions of severall Princes and States ; but every 
one of them is subject to that Common- wealth, whereof 
he is himself a member ; and consequently, cannot be 
subject to the commands of any other Person. And 
therefore a Church, such a one as is capable to Command,, 
to Judge, Absolve, Condemn, or do any other act, is the 
same thing with a Civil Common-wealth, consisting of 
Christian men ; and is called a Civill State, for that the 
subjects of it are Men ; and a Church, for that the 
subjects thereof are Christians. Temporall and Spirituall 
Government, are but two words brought into the world, 
to make men see double, and mistake their Lawfull 
Soveraign. It is true, that the bodies of the faith full, 

- COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 40. 363 

after the Resurrection, shall be not onely Spiritual!, but 
Eternall : but in this life they are grosse, and corruptible. 
There is therefore no other Government in this life, 
neither of State, nor Religion, but Temporall ; nor 
teaching of any doctrine, lawful! to any Subject, which 
the Governour both of the State, and of the Religion, 
forbiddeth to be taught : And that Governor must be 
one ; or else there must needs follow Faction, and Civil 
war in the Common-wealth, between the Church and 
State ; between Spiritualists, and Temporalists ; between 
the Sword of Justice, and the Shield of Faith ; and (which 
is more) in every Christian mans own brest, between the 
Christian, and the Man. The Doctors of the Church, 
are called Pastors ; so also are Civill Soveraignes : But 
if Pastors be not subordinate one to another, so as that 
there may bee one chief Pastor, men will be taught con 
trary Doctrines, whereof both may be, and one must be 
false. Who that one chief Pastor is, according to the 
law of Nature, hath been already shewn ; namely, that 
it is the Civill Soveraign : And to whom the Scripture 
hath assigned that Office, we shall see in the Chapters 

CHAP. XL. [249] 

Of the RIGHTS of the Kingdome of God, in Abraham, 
Moses, the High Priests, and the Kings of Judah. 

THE Father of the Faithfull, and first in the Kingdome The 
of God by Covenant, was Abraham. For with him was Soveraign 
the Covenant first made ; wherein he obliged himself, %*? ^ 
and his seed after him, to acknowledge and obey the 
commands of God ; not onely such, as he could take 
notice of, (as Morall Laws,) by the light of Nature ; but 
also such, as God should in speciall manner deliver to 
him by Dreams, and Visions. For as to the Morall law, 
they were already obliged, and needed not have been 
contracted withall, by promise of the Land of Canaan. 
Nor was there any Contract, that could adde to, or 
strengthen the Obligation, by which both they, and all 
men else were bound naturally to obey God Almighty : 

364 Part 3. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 40. 

And therefore the Covenant which Abraham made with 
God, was to take for the Commandement of God, that 
which in the name of God was commanded him, in a 
Dream, or Vision ; and to deliver it to his family, and 
cause them to observe the same. 

In this Contract of God with Abraham, wee may 

observe three points of important consequence in the 

government of Gods people. First, that at the making 

of. this Covenant, God spake onely to Abraham, and 

therefore contracted not with any of his family, or seed, 

otherwise then as their wills (which make the essence of 

all Covenants) were before the Contract involved in the 

will of Abraham ; who was therefore supposed to have 

had a lawfull power, to make them perform all that he 

covenanted for them. According whereunto (Gen. 18. 

18, 19.) God saith, All the Nations of the Earth shall be 

blessed in him, For I know him that he will command his 

children and his houshold after him, and they shall keep 

the way of the Lord. From whence may be concluded 

this first point, that they to whom God hath not spoken 

immediately, are to receive the positive commandements 

of God, from their Soveraign ; as the family and seed of 

Abraham Abraham did from Abraham their Father, and Lord, 

had the an d Civill Soveraign. And consequently in every 

ofwler-* Common-wealth, they who have no supernaturall Revela- 

ing the tion to the contrary, ought to obey the laws of their own 

Religion Soveraign, in the externall acts and profession of Religion. 

of his own AS for the inward thought, and beleef of men, which 

people. humane Governours can take no notice of, (for God 

onely knoweth the heart) they are not voluntary, nor 

[250] the effect of the laws, but of the unrevealed will, and 

of the power of God ; and consequently fall not under 


No pre- From whence proceedeth another point, that it was not 
tence of unlawfull for Abraham, when any of his Subjects should 
Spirit* P retend Private Vision, or Spirit, or other Revelation 
against from God, for the countenancing of any doctrine which 
the Re- Abraham should forbid, or when they followed, or adhered 
ligion of to any such pretender, to punish them ; and consequently 
Abraham, ^at it is lawfull now for the Soveraign to punish any 
man that shall oppose his Private Spirit against the 

Part 3. COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 40. 365 

Laws : For hee hath the same place in the Common 
wealth, that Abraham had in his own Family. 

There ariseth also from the same, a third point ; that Abraham 
as none but Abraham in his family, so none but the solejudge, 
Soveraign in a Christian Common- wealth, can take ^f t ^ e /" 
notice what is, or what is not the Word of God. For jj^t Q O( I 
God spake onely to Abraham ; and it was he onely, that spake. 
was able to know what God said, and to interpret the 
same to his family : And therefore also, they that have 
the place of Abraham in a Common-wealth, are the 
onely Interpreters of what God hath spoken. 

The same Covenant was renewed- with Isaac ; and The 
afterwards with Jacob ; but afterwards no more, till the authority 
Israelites were freed from the Egyptians, and arrived at of Moses 
the Foot of Mount Sinai : and then it was renewed by 
Moses (as I have said before, chap. 35.) in such manner, 
as they became from that time forward the Peculiar 
Kingdome of God ; whose Lieutenant was Moses, for 
his owne time : and the succession to that office was 
setled upon Aaron, and his heirs after him, to bee to 
God a Sacerdotall Kingdome for ever. 

By this constitution, a Kingdome is acquired to God. 
But seeing Moses had no authority to govern the Israelites, 
as a successor to the right of Abraham, because he could 
not claim it by inheritance ; it appeareth not as yet, that 
the people were obliged to take him for Gods Lieutenant, 
longer than they beleeved that God spake unto him. And 
therefore his authority (notwithstanding the Covenant 
they made with God) depended yet merely upon the 
opinion they had of his Sanctity, and of the reality of 
his Conferences with God, and the verity of his Miracles ; 
which opinion coming to change, they were no more 
obliged to take any thing for the law of God, which he 
propounded to them in Gods name. We are therefore 
to consider, what other ground there was, of their obliga 
tion to obey him. For it could not be the commande- 
ment of God that could oblige them ; because God spake 
not to them immediately, but by the mediation of Moses 
himself: And our Saviour saith of himself, // / bear 
witnesse of my self, my witnesse is not true ; much lesse 
if Moses bear witnesse of himselfe, (especially in a claim 


Part 3. 


Chap. 40. 


Moses was 
God) Sove- 
raign of 
the Jews, 
all his 
own time, 
had the 

of Kingly power over Gods people) ought his testimony 
to be received. His authority therefore, as the authority 
of all other Princes, must be grounded on the Consent 
of the People, and their Promise to obey him. And so 
it was : For the people (Exod. 20. 18.) when they saw the 
Thunderings, and the Lightnings, and the noyse of the 
Trumpet, and the mountaine smoaking, removed, and 
stood a far off. And they said unto Moses, speak thou 
with us, and we will hear, but let not God speak with us 
lest we die. Here was their promise of obedience ; and 
by this it was they obliged themselves to obey whatso 
ever he should deliver unto them for the Commandement 
of God. 

And notwithstanding the Covenant constituteth a 
Sacerdotall Kingdome, that is to say, a Kingdome 
hereditary to Aaron ; yet that is to be understood of 
the succession, after Moses should bee dead. For whoso 
ever ordereth, and establisheth the Policy, as first 
founder of a Common-wealth (be it Monarchy, Aristo 
cracy, or Democracy) must needs have Soveraign Power 
over the people all the while he is doing of it. And that 
Moses had that power all his own time, is evidently 
affirmed in the Scripture. First, in the text last before 
cited, because the people promised obedience, not to 
Aaron but to him. Secondly, (Exod. 24. i, 2.) And God 
said unto Moses, Come up unto the Lord, thou, and Aaron, 
Nadab and Abihu, and seventy of the Elders of Israel. 
And Moses alone shall come neer the Lord, but they shall 
not come nigh, neither shall the people goe up with him. By 
which it is plain, that Moses who was alone called up to 
God, (and not Aaron, nor the other Priests, nor the 
Seventy Elders, nor the People who were forbidden to 
come up) was alone he, that represented to the Israelites 
the Person of God ; that is to say, was their sole Sove 
raign under God. And though afterwards it be said 
(verse 9.) Then went up Moses, and Aaron, Nadab, and 
Abihu, and seventy of the Elders of Israel, and they saw 
the God of Israel, and there was under his feet, as it were 
a paved work of a saphire stone, &c. yet this was not till 
after Moses had been with God before, and had brought 
to the people the words which God had said to him. 

Part 3. COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 40. 367 

He onely went for the businesse of the people ; the 
others, as the Nobles of his retinue, were admitted for 
honour to that speciall grace, which was not allowed to 
the people ; which was, (as in the verse after appeareth) 
to see God and live. God laid not his hand upon them., they 
saw God, and did eat and drink (that is, did live), but did 
not carry any commandement from him to the people. 
Again, it is every where said, The Lord spake unto Moses, 
as in all other occasions of Government ; so also in the 
ordering of the Ceremonies of Religion, contained in the 
25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, and 31 Chapters of Exodus, and 
throughout Leviticus : to Aaron seldome. The Calfe 
that Aaron made, Moses threw into the fire. Lastly, the 
question of the Authority of Aaron, by occasion of his 
and Miriams mutiny against Moses, was (Numbers 12.) 
judged by God himself for Moses. So also in the question 
between Moses, and the People, who had the Right of 
Governing the People, when Corah, Dathan, and Abiram, 
and two hundred and fifty Princes of the Assembly 
gathered themselves together (Numb. 16. 3.) against Moses, 
and against Aaron, and said unto them, Ye take too much 
upon you, seeing all the congregation are Holy, every one 
of them, and the Lord is amongst them, why lift up your 
selves above the congregation of the Lord ? God caused 
the Earth to swallow Corah, Dathan, and Abiram with 
their wives and children alive, and consumed those two [252] 
hundred and fifty Princes with fire. Therefore neither 
Aaron, nor the People, nor any Aristocracy of the chief 
Princes of the People, but Moses alone had next under 
God the Soveraignty over the Israelites : And that not 
onely in causes of Civill Policy, but also of Religion : For 
Moses onely spake with God, and therefore onely could 
tell the People, what it was that God required at their 
hands. No man upon pain of death might be so pre 
sumptuous as to approach the Mountain where God 
talked with Moses. Thou shalt set bounds (saith the Lord, 
Exod. 19. 12.) to the people round about, and say, Take 
heed to your selves that you goe not up into the Mount, or 
touch the border of it ; whosoever toucheth the Mount shall 
surely be put to death. And again (verse 21.) Goe down, 
charge the people, lest they break through unto the Lord to 

368 Part 3. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 40. 

gaze. Out of which we may conclude, that whosoever 
in a Christian Common-wealth holdeth the place of 
Moses, is the sole Messenger of God, and Interpreter of 
his Comman dements. And according hereunto, no man 
ought in the interpretation of the Scripture to proceed 
further then the bounds which are set by their severall 
Soveraigns. For the Scriptures since God now speaketh 
in them, are the Mount Sinai ; the bounds whereof are 
the Laws of them that represent Gods Person on Earth. 
To look upon them, and therein to behold the wondrous 
works of God, and learn to fear him is allowed ; but to 
interpret them ; that is, to pry into what God saith to 
him whom he appointeth to govern under him, and make 
themselves Judges whether he govern as God com- 
mandeth him, or not, is to transgresse the bounds God 
hath set us, and to gaze upon God irreverently. 
All spirits There was no Prophet in the time of Moses, nor pre- 
were sub- tender to the Spirit of God, but such as Moses had 
?*?(**** approved, and Authorized. For there were in his time 
spirit of k^ Seventy men, that are said to Prophecy by the Spirit 
Moses. of God, and these were of all Moses his election ; con 
cerning whom God said to Moses (Numb. n. 16.) Gal her 
to mee Seventy of the Elders of Israel, whom thou knowest 
to be the Elders of the People. To these God imparted 
his Spirit ; but it was not a different Spirit from that of 
Moses ; for it is said (verse 25.) God came down in a cloud, 
and took of the Spirit that was upon Moses, and gave it 
to the Seventy Elders. But as I have shewn before 
(chap. 36.) by Spirit, is understood the Mind ; so that 
the sense of the place is no other than this, that God 
endued them with a mind conformable, and subordinate 
to that of Moses, that they might Prophecy, that is to 
say, speak to the people in Gods name, in such manner, 
as to set forward (as Ministers of Moses, and by his 
authority) such doctrine as was agreeable to Moses his 
doctrine. For they were but Ministers ; and when two 
of them Prophecyed in the Camp, it was thought a new 
and unlawful! thing ; and as it is in the 27. and 28. verses 
of the same Chapter, they were accused of it, and Joshua 
advised Moses to forbid them, as not knowing that it 
was by Moses his Spirit that they Prophecyed. By which 

Part 3- COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 40. 369 

it is manifest, that no Subject ought to pretend to 
Prophecy, or to the Spirit, in opposition to the doctrine 
established by him, whom God hath set in the place of [253] 

Aaron being dead, and after him also Moses, the After 
Kingdome, as being a Sacerdotall Kingdome, descended Moses the 
by vertue of the Covenant, to Aarons Son, Eleazar th 
High Priest : And God declared him (next under him- 
self) for Soveraign, at the same time that he appointed the High 
Joshua for the Generall of their Army. For thus God Priest. 
saith expressely (Numb. 27. 21.) concerning Joshua ; 
He shall stand before Eleazar the Priest, who shall ask 
counsell for him, before the Lord, at his word shall they 
goe out, and at his word they shall come in, both he, and 
all the Children of Israel with him : Therefore the Supreme 
Power of making War and Peace, was in the Priest. The 
Supreme Power of Judicature belonged also to the High 
Priest : For the Book of the Law was in their keeping ; 
and the Priests and Levites onely, were the subordinate 
Judges in causes Civill, as appears in Deut. 17. 8, 9, 10. 
And for the manner of Gods worship, there was never 
doubt made, but that the High Priest till the time of 
Saul, had the Supreme Authority. Therefore the Civill 
and Ecclesiasticall Power were both joined together in 
one and the same person, the High Priest ; and ought 
to bee so, in whosoever governeth by Divine Right ; 
that is, by Authority immediate from God. 

After the death of Joshua, till the time of Saul, the Of the 
time between is noted frequently in the Book of Judges, Soveraign 
that there was in those dayes no King in Israel ; and P er 
sometimes with this addition, that every man did that t j ie t j me O t 
which was right in his own eyes. By which is to bee Joshua 
understood, that where it is said, there was no King, is and of 
meant, there was no Soveraign Power in Israel. And so 
it was, if we consider the Act, and Exercise of such power. 
For after the death of Joshua, & Eleazar, there arose 
another generation (Judges 2. 10.) that knew not the Lord, 
nor the works which he had done for Israel, but did evill in 
the sight of the Lord, and served Baalim. And the Jews 
had that quality which St. Paul noteth, to look for a sign, 
not onely before they would submit themselves to the 


370 Part 3. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 40. 

government of Moses, but also after they had obliged 
themselves by their submission. Whereas Signs, and 
Miracles had for End to procure Faith, not to keep men 
from violating it, when they have once given it ; for to 
that men are obliged by the law of Nature. But if we 
consider not the Exercise, but the Right of Governing, 
the Soveraign power was still in the High Priest. There 
fore whatsoever obedience was yeelded to any of the 
Judges (who were men chosen by God extraordinarily, 
to save his rebellious subjects out of the hands of the 
enemy,) it cannot bee drawn into argument against the 
Right the High Priest had to the Soveraign Power, in all 
matters, both of Policy and Religion. And neither the 
Judges, nor Samuel himself e had an ordinary, but 
extraordinary calling to the Government ; and were 
obeyed by the Israelites, not out of duty, but out of 
reverence to their favour with God, appearing in their 
wisdome, courage, or felicity. Hitherto therefore the 
Right of Regulating both the Policy, and the Religion, 
were inseparable. 

[254] To the Judges, succeeded Kings : And whereas before, 
Of the all authority, both in Religion, and Policy, was in the 
Rights of High Priest ; so now it was all in the King. For the 
of Israel Soveraignty over the people, which was before, not onely 
by vertue of the Divine Power, but also by a particular 
pact of the Israelites in God, and next under him, in the 
High Priest, as his Vicegerent on earth, was cast off by 
the People, with the consent of God himselfe. For when 
they said to Samuel (i Sam. 8. 5.) make us a King to 
judge us, like all the Nations, they signified that they 
would no more bee governed by the commands that 
should bee laid upon them by the Priest, in the name 
of God ; but by one that should command them in the 
same manner that all other nations were commanded ; 
and consequently in deposing the High Priest of Royall 
authority, they deposed that peculiar Government of 
God. And yet God consented to it, saying to Samuel 
(verse 7.) Hearken unto the voice of the People, in all that 
they shall say unto thee ; for they have not rejected thee, but 
they have rejected mee, that I should not reign over them. 
Having therefore rejected God, in whose Right the Priests 

Parts- COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 40. 371 

governed, there was no authority left to the Priests, but 
such as the King was pleased to allow them ; which was 
more, or lesse, according as the Kings were good, or 
evill. And for the Government of Civill affaires, it is 
manifest, it was all in the hands of the King. For in the 
same Chapter, verse 20. They say they will be like all the 
Nations ; that their King shall be their Judge, and goe 
before them, and fight their battells ; that is, he shall 
have the whole authority, both in Peace and War. In 
which is contained also the ordering of Religion : for 
there was no other Word of God in that time, by which 
to regulate Religion, but the Law of Moses, which was 
their Civill Law. Besides, we read (i Kings 2. 27.) that 
Solomon thrust out Abiathar from being Priest before the 
Lord : He had therefore authority over the High Priest, 
as over any other Subject ; which is a great mark of 
Supremacy in Religion. And we read also (i Kings 8.) 
that hee dedicated the Temple ; that he blessed the 
People ; and that he himselfe in person made that 
excellent prayer, used in the Consecrations of all Churches, 
and houses of Prayer ; which is another great mark of 
Supremacy in Religion. Again, we read (2 Kings 22.) 
that when there was question concerning the Book of the 
Law found in the Temple, the same was not decided by 
the High Priest, but Josiah sent both him, and others to 
enquire concerning it, of Hulda, the Prophetesse ; which 
is another mark of the Supremacy in Religion. Lastly, 
wee read (i Chron. 26. 30.) that David made Hashabiah 
and his brethren, Hebronites, Officers of Israel among 
them Westward, in all businesse of the Lord, and in the 
service of the King. Likewise (verse 32.) that hee made 
other Hebronites, rulers over the Reubenites, the Gadites, 
and the halfe tribe of Manasseh (these were the rest of 
Israel that dwelt beyond Jordan) for every matter per 
taining to God, and affairs of the King. Is not this full 
Power, both temporall and spirituall, as they call it, that 
would divide it ? To conclude ; from the first institution 
of Gods Kingdome, to the Captivity, the Supremacy of [255] 
Religion, was in the same hand with that of the Civill 
Soveraignty ; and the Priests office after the election of 
Saul, was not Magisteriall, but Ministeriall. 

B b 2 

372 Part 3- OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 40. 

The Notwithstanding the government both in Policy and 

practice of Religion, were joined, first in the High Priests, and after- 
acvin 1 war ds m the Kings, so far forth as concerned the Right ; 
Religion, Y e t it appeareth by the same Holy History, that the 
was not in people understood it not ; but there being amongst 
the time of them a great part, and probably the greatest part, that 
according no l n g er than tne y saw g r eat miracles, or (which is 
to the equivalent to a miracle) great abilities, or great felicity 
Right in the enterprises of their Governours, gave sufficient 
thereof. credit, either to the fame of Moses, or to the Colloquies 
between God and the Priests ; they took occasion as oft 
as their Governours displeased them, by blaming some 
times the Policy, sometimes the Religion, to change the 
Government, or revolt from their Obedience at their 
pleasure : And from thence proceeded from time to time 
the civill troubles, divisions, and calamities of the 
Nation. As for example, after the death of Eleazar and 
Joshua, the next generation which had not seen the 
wonders of God, but were left to their own weak reason, 
not knowing themselves obliged by the Covenant of 
a Sacerdotall Kingdome, regarded no more the Com- 
mandement of the Priest, nor any law of Moses, but did 
every man that which was right in his own eyes ; and 
obeyed in Civill affairs, such men, as from time to time 
they thought able to deliver them from the neighbour 
Nations that oppressed them ; and consulted not with 
God (as they ought to doe,) but with such men, or women, 
as they guessed to bee Prophets by their Predictions of 
things to come ; and though they had an Idol in their 
Chappel, yet if they had a Levite for their Chaplain, they 
made account they worshipped the God of Israel. 

And afterwards when they demanded a King, after 
the manner of the nations ; yet it was not with a design 
to depart from the worship of God their King ; but 
despairing of the justice of the sons of Samuel, they 
would have a King to judg them in Civill actions ; but 
not that they would allow their King to change the 
Religion which they thought was recommended to them 
by Moses. So that they alwaies kept in store a pretext, 
either of Justice, or Religion, to discharge them selves of 
their obedience, whensoever they had hope to prevaile. 

Part 3- COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 40. 373 

Samuel was displeased with the people, for that they 
desired a King, (for God was their King already, and 
Samuel had but an authority under him) ; yet did 
Samuel, when Saul observed not his counsell, in destroy 
ing Agag as God had commanded, anoint another King, 
namely, David, to take the succession from his heirs. 
Rehoboam was no Idolater ; but when the people 
thought him an Oppressor ; that Civil pretence carried 
from him ten Tribes to Jeroboam an Idolater. And 
generally through the whole History of the Kings, as 
well of Judah, as of Israel, there were Prophets that 
alwaies controlled the Kings, for transgressing the 
Religion ; and sometimes also for Errours of State ; as 2Chro. 19. 
Jehosaphat was reproved by the Prophet Jehu, for aiding 2 - 
the King of Israel against the Syrians ; and Hezekiah, by [256] 
Isaiah, for shewing his treasures to the Ambassadors of 
Babylon. By all which it appeareth, that though the 
power both of State and Religion were in the Kings ; 
yet none of them were uncontrolled in the use of it, but 
such as were gracious for their own naturall abilities, or 
felicities. So that from the practise of those times, there 
can no argument be drawn, that the Right of Supremacy 
in Religion was not in the Kings, unlesse we place it in the 
Prophets ; and conclude, that because Hezekiah praying 
to the Lord before the Cherubins, was not answered from 
thence, nor then, but afterwards by the Prophet Isaiah, 
therefore Isaiah was supreme Head of the Church ; or 
because Josiah consulted Hulda the Prophetesse, con 
cerning the Book of the Law, that therefore neither he, 
nor the High Priest, but Hulda the Prophetesse had the 
Supreme authority in matter of Religion ; which I thinke 
is not the opinion of any Doctor. 

During the Captivity, the Jews had no Common-wealth After the 
at all : And after their return, though they renewed Captivity 
their Covenant with God, yet there was no promise made the J ews 
of obedience, neither to Esdras, nor to any other : And ^ e % 
presently after they became subjects to the Greeks (from Common- 
whose Customes, and Daemonology, and from the doc- wealth. 
trine of the Cabalists, their Religion became much cor 
rupted) : In such sort as nothing can be gathered from 
their confusion, both in State and Religion, concerning 

374 Parts. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 40. 

the Supremacy in either. And therefore so far forth 
as concerneth the Old Testament, we may conclude, 
that whosoever had the Soveraignty of the Common 
wealth amongst the Jews, the same had also the Supreme 
Authority in matter of Gods externall worship ; and 
represented Gods Person ; that is the person of God the 
Father ; though he were not called by the name of 
Father, till such time as he sent into the world his Son 
Jesus Christ, to redeem mankind from their sins, and 
bring them into his Everlasting Kingdome, to be saved 
for evermore. Of which we are to speak in the Chapter 

[261] CHAP. XLI. 


Three WE find in Holy Scripture three parts of the Office of 

ffi ^ e Messiah : The first of a Redeemer, or Saviour : The 
6 Christ secon d of a Pastor, Counsellor, or Teacher, that is, of a 
Prophet sent from God, to convert such as God hath 
elected to Salvation : The third of a King, an eternall 
King, but under his Father, as Moses and the High 
Priests were in their severall times. And to these three 
parts are correspondent three times. For our Redemp 
tion he wrought at his first coming, by the Sacrifice, 
wherein he offered up himself for our sinnes upon the 
Crosse : our Conversion he wrought partly then in his , 
own Person ; and partly worketh now by his Ministers ; 
and will continue to work till his coming again. And 
after his coming again, shall begin that his glorious 
Reign over his elect, which is to last eternally. 

His Office To the Office of a Redeemer, that is, of one that payeth 
the Ransome of Sin > (which Ransome is Death,) it 
appertaineth, that he was Sacrificed, and thereby bare 
upon his own head, and carryed away from us our 
iniquities, in such sort as God had required. Not that 
the death of one man, though without sinne, can satisfie 
for the offences of all men, in the rigour of Justice, but 
in the Mercy of God, that ordained such Sacrifices for 
sin, as he was pleased in his mercy to accept. In the 

Parts* COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 41. 375 

Old Law (as we may read, Leviticus the 16.) the Lord 
required, that there should every year once, bee made 
an Atonement for the Sins of all Israel, both Priests, and 
others ; for the doing whereof, Aaron alone was to 
sacrifice for himself and the Priests a young Bullock ; 
and for the rest of the people, he was to receive from them 
two young Goates, of which he was to sacrifice one ; but 
as for the other, which was the Scape Goat, he was to 
lay his hands on the head thereof, and by a confession 
of the iniquities of the people, to lay them all on that 
head, and then by some opportune man, to cause the 
Goat to be led into the wildernesse, and there to escape, 
and carry away with him the iniquities of the people. 
As the Sacrifice of the one Goat was a sufficient (because 
an acceptable) price for the Ransome of all Israel ; so 
the death of the Messiah, is a sufficient price, for the 
Sins of all mankind, because there was no more required. 
Our Saviour Christs sufferings seem to be here figured, 
as cleerly, as in the oblation of Isaac, or in any other 
type of him in the Old Testament : He was both the 
sacrificed Goat, and the Scape Goat ; Hee was oppressed, 
and he was afflicted (Esay 53. 7.); he opened not his 
mouth ; he is brought as a lamb to the slaughter, and as 
a sheep is dumbe before the shearer, so opened he not his [262] 
mouth : Here he is the sacrificed Goat. He hath born our 
Griefs, (ver. 4.) and carried our sorrows : And again, 
(ver. 6.) the Lord hath laid upon him the iniquities of us all : 
And so he is the Scape Goat. He was cut off from the land 
of the living (ver. 8.) for the transgression of my People : 
There again he is the sacrificed Goat. And again, (ver. n.) 
he shall bear their sins : Hee is the Scape Goat. Thus is 
the Lamb of God equivalent to both those Goates ; sacri 
ficed, in that he dyed ; and escaping, in his Resurrection ; 
being raised opportunely by his Father, and removed 
from the habitation of men in his Ascension. 

For as much therefore, as he that redeemeth, hath no Christs 
title to the thing redeemed, before the Redemption, and Kingdome 
Ransome paid ; and this Ransome was the Death of the this 
Redeemer ; it is manifest, that our Saviour (as man) 
was not King of those that he Redeemed, before hee 
suffered death ; that is, during that time hee conversed 

376 Part 3- OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 41. 

bodily on the Earth. I say, he was not then King in 
present, by vertue of the Pact, which the faithfull make 
with him in Baptisme : Neverthelesse, by the renewing 
of their Pact with God in Baptisme, they were obliged 
to obey him for King, (under his Father) whensoever he 
should be pleased to take the Kingdome upon him. 
According whereunto, our Saviour himself expressely 
saith, (John 18. 36.) My Kingdome is not of this world. 
Now seeing the Scripture maketh mention but of two 
worlds ; this that is now, and shall remain to the day 
of Judgment, (which is therefore also called, the last day ;) 
and that which shall bee after the day of Judgement, 
when there shall bee a new Heaven, and a new Earth ; 
the Kingdome of Christ is not to begin till the general! 
Resurrection. And that is it which our Saviour saith, 
(Mat. 16. 27.) The Son of man shall come in the glory of 
his Father, with his Angels ; and, then he shall reward every 
man according to his works. To reward every man 
according to his works, is to execute the Office of a King ; 
and this is not to be till he come in the glory of his 
Father, with his Angells. When our Saviour saith, 
(Mat. 23. 2.) The Scribes and Pharisees sit in Moses seat ; 
All therefore whatsoever they bid you doe, that observe and 
doe ; hee declareth plainly, that hee ascribeth Kingly 
Power, for that time, not to himselfe, but to them. And 
so hee doth also, where he saith, (Luke 12. 14.) Who made 
mee a Judge, or Divider over you ? And (John 12. 47.) 
/ came not to judge the world, but to save the world. And 
yet our Saviour came into this world that hee might bee 
a King, and a Judge in the world to come : For hee was 
the Messiah, that is, the Christ, that is, the Anointed 
Priest, and the Soveraign Prophet of God ; that is to say, 
he was to have all the power that was in Moses the 
Prophet, in the High Priests that succeeded Moses, and 
in the Kings that succeeded the Priests. And St. John 
saies expressely (chap. 5. ver. 22.) The Father judgeth no 
man, but hath committed all judgment to the Son. And 
this is not repugnant to that other place, I came not to 
[263] judge the world : for this is spoken of the world present, 
the other of the world to come ; as also where it is said, 
that at the second coming of Christ, (Mat. 19. 28.) Yee 

3- COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 41. 377 

that have followed me in the Regeneration, when the Son of 
man shall sit in the throne of his Glory, yee shall also sit 
on twelve thrones, judging the twelve tribes of Israel. 

If then Christ whilest hee was on Earth, had no King- Thc^ End 
dome in this world, to what end was his first coming ? f Christs 
It was to restore unto God, by a new Covenant, the was t / 
Kingdom, which being his by the Old Covenant, had renew the 
been cut off by the rebellion of the Israelites in the Covenant 
election of Saul. Which to doe, he was to preach unto f the , 
them, that he was the Messiah, that is, the King promised /oj 
to them by the Prophets ; and to offer himself e in sacri- and to 
fice for the sinnes of them that should by faith submit perswade 
themselves thereto ; and in case the nation generally ih* 
should refuse him, to call to his obedience such as should J * 
beleeve in him amongst the Gentiles. So that there are was the 
two parts of our Saviours Office during his aboad upon second 
the Earth: One to Proclaim himself the Christ; and 
another by Teaching, and by working of Miracles, to 
perswade, and prepare men to live so, as to be worthy 
of the Immortality Beleevers were to enjoy, at such time 
as he should come in majesty, to take possession of his 
Fathers Kingdome. And therefore it is, that the time 
of his preaching, is often by himself called the Regenera 
tion ; which is not properly a Kingdome, and thereby 
a warrant to deny obedience to the Magistrates that 
then were, (for hee commanded to obey those that sate 
then in Moses chaire, and to pay tribute to Caesar ; but 
onely an earnest of the Kingdome of God that was to 
come, to those to whom God had given the grace to be 
his disciples, and to beleeve in him ; For which cause 
the Godly are said to bee already in the Kingdome of 
Grace, as naturalized in that heavenly Kingdome. 

Hitherto therefore there is nothing done, or taught by The 
Christ, that tendeth to the diminution of the Civill Right preaching 
of the Jewes, or of Caesar. For as touching the Common- of Christ 
wealth which then was amongst the Jews, both they JJJ^J" 
that bare rule amongst them, and they that were the then 
governed, did all expect the Messiah, and Kingdome of law of the 
God ; which they could not have done if their Laws had J ews * nor 
forbidden him (when he came) to manifest, and declare CcesaY - 
himself. Seeing therefore he did nothing, but by Preach- 

378 Part 3- OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 41. 

ing, and Miracles go about to prove himselfe to be that 
Messiah, hee did therein nothing against their laws. 
The Kingdome hee claimed was to bee in another world : 
He taught all men to obey in the mean time them that 
sate in Moses seat : He allowed them to give Caesar his 
tribute, and refused to take upon himselfe to be a Judg. 
How then could his words, or actions bee seditious, or 
tend to the overthrow of their then Civill Government ? 
But God having determined his sacrifice, for the reduction 
of his elect to their former covenanted obedience, for the 
means, whereby he would bring the same to effect, 
[264] made use of their malice, and ingratitude. Nor was it 
contrary to the laws of Caesar. For though Pilate himself 
(to gratifie the Jews) delivered him to be crucified ; yet 
before he did so, he pronounced openly, that he found 
no fault in him : And put for title of his condemnation, 
not as the Jews required, that he pretended to bee, King ; 
but simply, That hee was King of the Jews ; and notwith 
standing their clamour, refused to alter it ; saying, 
What I have written, I have written. 

The third As for the third part of his Office, which was to be 

part of his Kj n g^ i have already shewn that his Kingdome was not 

to be 6 King to be S in tiu the Resurrection. But then he shall be King, 

(under his not onely as God, in which sense he is King already, and 

Father) of ever shall be, of all the Earth, in vertue of his omni- 

the Elect, potence ; but also peculiarly of his own Elect, by vertue 

of the pact they make with him in their Baptisme. 

And therefore it is, that our Saviour saith (Mat. 19. 28.) 

that his Apostles should sit upon twelve thrones, judging 

the twelve tribes of Israel, When the Son of man shall sit 

in the throne of his glory : whereby he signified that he 

should reign then in his humane nature ; and (Mat. 

16. 27.) The Son of man shall come in the glory of his 

Father, with his Angels, and then he shall reward every 

man according to his works. The same we may read, 

Marke 13. 26. and 14. 62. and more expressely for the 

time, Luke 22. 29, 30. / appoint unto you a Kingdome, 

as my Father hath appointed to mee, that you may eat and 

drink at my table in my Kingdome, and sit on thrones 

judging the twelve tribes of Israel. By which it is manifest, 

that the Kingdome of Christ appointed to him by his 

Part 3- COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 41. 379 

Father, is not to be before the Son of Man shall come in 
Glory, and make his Apostles Judges of the twelve tribes 
of Israel. But a man may here ask, seeing there is no 
marriage in the Kingdome of Heaven, whether men shall 
then eat, and drink ; what eating therefore is meant in 
this place ? This is expounded by our Saviour (John 
6. 27.) where he saith, Labour not for the meat which 
perisheth, but for that meat which endureth unto everlasting 
life, which the Son of man shall give you. So that by eating 
at Christs table, is meant the eating of the Tree of Life ; 
that is to say, the enjoying of Immortality, in the King- 
dome of the Son of Man. By which places, and many 
more, it is evident, that our Saviours Kingdome is to bee 
exercised by him in his humane nature. 

Again, he is to be King then, no otherwise than as Christs 
subordinate, or Vicegerent of God the Father, as Moses authority 
was in the wildernesse ; and as the High Priests were 
before the reign of Saul : and as the Kings were after it. 
For it is one of the Prophecies concerning Christ, that subordi- 
he should be like (in Office) to Moses : / will raise them nate to 
up a Prophet (saith the Lord, Deut. 18. 18.) from amongst * at f his 
their Brethren like unto thee, and will put my words into 
his mouth, and this similitude with Moses, is also apparent 
in the actions of our Saviour himself, whilest he was 
conversant on Earth. For as Moses chose twelve Princes 
of the tribes, to govern under him ; so did our Saviour 
choose twelve Apostles, who shall sit on twelve thrones, [265] 
and judge the twelve tribes of Israel : And as Moses 
authorized Seventy Elders, to receive the Spirit of God, 
and to Prophecy to the people, that is, (as I have said 
before,) to speak unto them in the name of God ; so our 
Saviour also ordained seventy Disciples, to preach his 
Kingdome, and Salvation to all Nations. And as when 
a complaint was made to Moses, against those of the 
Seventy that prophecyed in the camp of Israel, he 
justified them in it, as being subservient therein to his 
government ; so also our Saviour, when St. John com 
plained to him of a certain man that cast out Devills in 
his name, justified him therein, saying, (Luke 9. 50.) 
Forbid him not, for hee that is not against us, is on our 

38o Part 3. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 41. 

Again, our Saviour resembled Moses in the institution 
of Sacraments, both of Admission into the Kingdome of 
God, and of Commemoration of his deliverance of his 
Elect from their miserable condition. As the Children of 
Israel had for Sacrament of their Reception into the 
Kingdome of God, before the time of Moses, the rite of 
Circumcision, which rite having been omitted in the 
Wildernesse, was again restored as soon as they came 
into the land of Promise ; so also the Jews, before the 
coming of our Saviour, had a rite of Baptizing, that is, 
of washing with water all those that being Gentiles, 
embraced the God of Israel. This rite St. John the 
Baptist used in the reception of all them that gave 
their names to the Christ, whom hee preached to bee 
already come into the world ; and our Saviour instituted 
the same for a Sacrament to be taken by all that beleeved 
in him. From what cause the rite of Baptisme first 
proceeded, is not expressed formally in the Scripture ; 
but it may be probably thought to be an imitation of 
the law of Moses, concerning Leprousie ; wherein the 
Leprous man was commanded to be kept out of the 
campe of Israel for a certain time ; after which time 
being judged by the Priest to be clean, hee was admitted 
into the campe after a solemne Washing. And this may 
therefore bee a type of the Washing in Baptisme ; 
wherein such men as are cleansed of the Leprousie of Sin 
by Faith, are received into the Church with the solemnity 
of Baptisme. There is another conjecture drawn from 
the Ceremonies of the Gentiles, in a certain case that 
rarely happens ; and that is, when a man that was 
thought dead, chanced to recover, other men made 
scruple to converse with him, as they would doe to 
converse with a Ghost, unlesse hee were received again 
into the number of men, by Washing, as Children new 
born were washed from the uncleannesse of their nativity, 
which was a kind of new birth. This ceremony of the 
Greeks, in the time that Judaea was under the Dominion 
of Alexander, and the Greeks his successors, may prob 
ably enough have crept into the Religion of the Jews. 
But seeing it is not likely our Saviour would countenance 
a Heathen rite, it is most likely it proceeded from the 

Parts . COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 42. 381 

Legall Ceremony of Washing after Leprosie. And for the 
other Sacrament, of eating the Paschall Lambe, it is [266] 
manifestly imitated in the Sacrament of the Lords Supper; 
in which the Breaking of the Bread, and the pouring out 
of the Wine, do keep in memory our deliverance from 
the Misery of Sin, by Christs Passion, as the eating of the 
Paschall Lambe, kept in memory the deliverance of the 
Jewes out of the Bondage of Egypt. Seeing therefore 
the authority of Moses was but subordinate, and hee but 
a Lieutenant to God ; it followeth, that Christ, whose 
authority, as man, was to bee like that of Moses, was no 
more but subordinate to the authority of his Father. The 
same is more expressely signified, by that that hee teacheth 
us to pray, Our Father, Let thy Kingdome come ; and, For 
thine is the Kingdome, the Power, and the Glory ; and by that 
it is said, that Hee shall come in the Glory of his Father ; and 
by that which St. Paul saith, (i Cor. 15. 24.) then cometh 
the end, when he& shall have delivered up the Kingdome to God, 
even the Father ; and by many other most expresse places. 

Our Saviour therefore, both in Teaching, and Reigning, One and 
representeth (as Moses did) the Person of God ; which the same 
God from that time forward, but not before, is called the ^f d * 5 tjie 
Father ; and being still one and the same substance, is p^ented 
one Person as represented by Moses, and another Person by Moses, 
as represented by his Sonne the Christ. For Person and by 
being a relative to a Representer, it is consequent to Christ. 
plurality of Representers, that there bee a plurality of 
Persons, though of one and the same Substance. 

CHAP. XLII. [267] 


FOR the understanding of POWER ECCLESIASTICALL, 
what, and in whom it is, we are to distinguish the time 
from the Ascension of our Saviour, into two parts ; one 
before the Conversion of Kings, and men endued with 
Soveraign Civill Power ; the other after their Conversion. 
For it was long after the Ascension, before any King, or 
Civill Soveraign embraced, and publiquely allowed the 
teaching of Christian Religion. 

Part 3. 


Chap. 4. 

Of the And for the time between, it is manifest, that the 

H l .y. Power Ecclesiasticall, was in the Apostles ; and after 
fdon the them in such as were by them ordained to Preach the 
Apostles. Gospell, and to convert men to Christianity, and to 
direct them that were converted in the way of Salvation ; 
and after these the Power was delivered again to others 
by these ordained, and this was done by Imposition of 
hands upon such as were ordained ; by which was signi 
fied the giving of the Holy Spirit, or Spirit of God, to 
those whom they ordained Ministers of God, to advance 
his Kingdome. So that Imposition of hands, was nothing 
else but the Seal of their Commission to Preach Christ, 
and teach his Doctrine ; and the giving of the Holy 
Ghost by that ceremony of Imposition of hands, was an 
imitation of that which Moses did. For Moses used the 
same ceremony to his Minister Joshua, as wee read 
Deuteronomy 34. ver. 9. And Joshua the Son of Nun 
was full of the Spirit of Wisdome ; for Moses had laid 
his hands upon him. Our Saviour therefore between .his 
Resurrection, and Ascension, gave his Spirit to 1he 
Apostles ; first, by Breathing on them, and saying, (John 
20. 22.) Receive yee the Holy Spirit ; and after his Ascen 
sion (Acts 2. 2, 3.) by sending down upon them, a mighty 
wind, and Cloven tongues of fire ; and not by Imposition 
of hands ; as neither did God lay his hands on Moses : 
and his Apostles afterward, transmitted the same Spirit 
by Imposition of hands, as Moses did to Joshua. So 
that it is manifest hereby, in whom the Power Ecclesi- 
asticall continually remained, in those first times, where 
there was not any Christian Common-wealth ; namely, 
in them that received the same from the Apostles, by 
successive laying on of hands. 

Here wee have the Person of God born now the third 
time. For as Moses, and the High Priests, were Gods 
Representative in the Old Testament ; and our Saviour 
himselfe as Man, during his abode on earth : So the Holy 
Ghost, that is to say, the Apostles, and their successors, 
[268] in the Office of Preaching, and Teaching, that had 
received the Holy Spirit, have Represented him ever 
since. But a Person, (as I have shewn before, chapt. 13.) 
is he that is Represented, as often as hee is Represented ; 

Of the 

Part$. COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 42. 383 

and therefore God, who has been Represented (that is, 
Personated) thrice, may properly enough be said to be 
three Persons ; though neither the word Person, nor 
Trinity be ascribed to him in the Bible. St. John indeed 
(i Epist. 5. 7.) saith, There be three that bear witnesse in 
heaven, the Father, the Word, and the Holy Spirit ; and 
these Three are One : But this disagreeth not, but 
accordeth fitly with three Persons in the proper significa 
tion of Persons ; which is, that which is Represented by 
another. For so God the Father, as Represented by 
Moses, is one Person ; and as Represented by his Sonne, 
another Person ; and as Represented by the Apostles, 
and by the Doctors that taught by authority from them 
derived, is a third Person ; and yet every Person here, 
is the Person of one and the same God. But a man may 
here ask, what it was whereof these three bare witnesse. 
St. John therefore tells us (verse n.) that they bear 
witnesse, that God hath given us eternall life in his Son. 
Again, if it should bee asked, wherein that testimony 
appeareth, the Answer is easie ; for he hath testified 
the same by the miracles he wrought, first by Moses ; 
secondly, by his Son himself ; and lastly by his Apostles, 
that had received the Holy Spirit ; all which in their 
times Represented the Person of God ; and either prophe- 
cyed, or preached Jesus Christ. And as for the Apostles, 
it was the character of the Apostleship, in the twelve 
first and great Apostles, to bear Witnesse of his Resur 
rection ; as appeareth expressely (Acts I. ver. 21, 22.) 
where St. Peter, when a new Apostle was to be chosen 
in the place of Judas Iscariot, useth these words, Of these 
men which have companied with us all the time that the 
Lord Jesus went in and out amongst us, beginning at the 
Baptisme of John, unto that same day that hee was taken 
up from us, must one bee ordained to be a Witnesse with 
us of his Resurrection : which words interpret the bearing 
of Witnesse, mentioned by St. John. There is in the same 
place mentioned another Trinity of Witnesses in Earth. 
For (ver. 8.) he saith, there are three that bear Witnesse in 
Earth, the Spirit, and the Water, and the Bloud ; and these 
three agree in one : that is to say, the graces of Gods 
Spirit, and the two Sacraments, Baptisme, and the Lords 

384 Part 3. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 42. 

Supper, which all agree in one Testimony, to assure the 
consciences of beleevers, of eternall life ; of which 
Testimony he saith (verse 10.) He that beleeveth on the 
Son of man hath the Witnesse in himself. In this Trinity 
on Earth, the Unity is not of the thing ; for the Spirit, 
the Water, and the Bloud, are not the same substance, 
though they give the same testimony : But in the Trinity 
of Heaven, the Persons are the persons of one and the 
same God, though Represented in three different times 
and occasions. To conclude, the doctrine of the Trinity, 
as far as can be gathered directly from the Scripture, is 
in substance this ; that God who is alwaies One and the 
[269] same, was the Person Represented by Moses ; the 
Person Represented by his Son Incarnate ; and the 
Person Represented by the Apostles. As Represented 
by the Apostles, the Holy Spirit by which they spake, is 
God ; As Represented by his Son (that was God and 
Man), the Son is that God ; As represented by Moses, 
and the High Priests, the Father, that is to say, the 
Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, is that God : From 
whence we may gather the reason why those names 
Father, Son, and Holy Spirit in the signification of the 
Godhead, are never used in the Old Testament : For 
they are Persons, that is, they have their names from 
Representing ; which could not be, till divers men had 
Represented Gods Person in ruling, or in directing 
under him. 

Thus wee see how the Power Ecclesiasticall was left 

by our Saviour to the Apostles ; and how they were (to 

the end they might the better exercise that Power,) 

endued with the Holy Spirit, which is therefore called 

sometime in the New Testament Paracletus which 

signifieth an Assister, or one called to for helpe, though 

it bee commonly translated a Comforter. Let us now 

consider the Power it selfe, what it was, and over whom. 

ThePnwer Cardinall Bellarmine in his third generall Controversie, 

Ecclesi- hath handled a great many questions concerning the 

buule IS Ecclesiasticall Power of the Pope of Rome ; and begins 

power to with this, Whether it ought to be Monarchicall, Aristo- 

teach. craticall, or Democraticall. All which sorts of Power, 

are Soveraign, and Coercive. If now it should appear, 

Part 3- COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 42. 385 

that there is no Coercive Power left them by our Saviour ; 
but onely a Power to proclaim the Kingdom of Christ, 
and to perswade men to submit themselves thereunto ; 
and by precepts and good counsell, to teach them that 
have submitted, what they are to do, that they may be 
received into the Kingdom of God when it comes ; and 
that the Apostles, and other Ministers of the Gospel, are 
our Schoolemasters, and not our Commanders, and their 
Precepts not Laws, but wholesome Counsells ; then 
were all that dispute in vain. 

I have shewn already (in the last Chapter,) that theAnargu- 
Kingdome of Christ is not of this world : therefore ment 
neither can his Ministers (unlesse they be Kings,) require I ^PQ WBV 
obedience in his name. For if the Supreme King, have O f Christ 
not his Regall Power in this world ; by what authority himself : 
can obedience be required to his Officers ? As my 
Father sent me, (so saith our Saviour) I send you. But 
our Saviour was sent to perswade the Jews to return 
to, and to invite the Gentiles, to receive the Kingdome 
of his Father, and not to reign in Majesty, no not, as his 
Fathers Lieutenant, till the day of Judgment. 

The time between the Ascension, and the generall From the 
Resurrection, is called, not a Reigning, but a Regenera- n ^ n f 
tion ; that is, a Preparation of men for the second and tioif?** 
glorious coming of Christ, at the day of Judgment ; as 
appeareth by the words of our Saviour, Mat. 19. 28. 
You that have followed me in the Regeneration, when the 
Son of man shall sit in the throne of his glory, you shall [270] 
also sit upon twelve Thrones ; And of St. Paul (Ephes. 
6. 15.) Having your feet shod with the Preparation of the 
Gospell of Peace. 

And is compared by our Saviour, to Fishing ; that is, From the 
to winning men to obedience, not by Coercion, and com P avi - 
Punishing ; but by Perswasion : and therefore he said ^## * 
not to his Apostles, hee would make them so many Fishing, 
Nimrods, Hunters of men ; but Fishers of men. It is com- Leaven, 
pared also to Leaven ; to Sowing of Seed, and to the Seedt 
Multiplication of a grain of Mustard-seed ; by all which 
Compulsion is excluded ; and consequently there can in 
that time be no actual Reigning. The work of Christs 
Ministers, is Evangelization ; that is, a Proclamation of 


386 Part 3. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 42. 

Christ, and a preparation for his second comming ; as 
the Evangelization of John Baptist, was a preparation 
to his first coming. 
From the Again, the Office of Christs Ministers in this world, is 

- to make men Beleeve > and have Faith in Christ : But 
Faith hath no relation to, nor dependence at all upon 
Compulsion, or Commandement ; but onely upon cer 
tainty, or probability of Arguments drawn from Reason, 
or from something men beleeve already. Therefore the 
Ministers of Christ in this world, have no Power by that 
title, to Punish any man for not Beleeving, or for Contra 
dicting what they say ; they have I say no Power by 
that title of Christs Ministers, to Punish such : but if 
they have Soveraign Civill Power, by politick institution, 
then they may indeed lawfully Punish any Contradiction 
to their laws whatsoever : And St. Paul, of himself e and 
2007.1.24. other the then Preachers of the Gospell, saith in expresse 
words, Wee have no Dominion over your Faith., but are 
Helpers of your Joy. 

From the Another Argument, that the Ministers of Christ in this 
Authority present world have no right of Commanding, may be 
hathleft drawn from the lawfull Authority which Christ hath 
to Civill left to all Princes, as well Christians, as Infidels. St. Paul 
Princes, saith (Co/. 3. 20.) Children obey your Parents in all things ; 
for this is well pleasing to the Lord. And ver. 22. Servants 
obey in all things your Masters according to the flesh, not 
with eye-service, as men-pleasers, but in singlenessc of 
heart, as fearing the Lord : This is spoken to them whose 
Masters were Infidells ; and yet they are bidden to obey 
them in all things. And again, concerning obedience to 
Princes. (Rom. 13. the first 6. verses) exhorting to be 
subject to the Higher Powers, he saith, that all Power is 
ordained of God ; and that we ought to be subject to 
them, not onely for fear of incurring their wrath, but also 
for conscience sake. And St. Peter, (i Epist. chap. 2. 
ver. 13, 14, 15.) Submit your selves to every Ordinance of 
Man, for the Lords sake, whether it bee to the King, as 
Supreme, or unto Governours, as to them that be sent by 
him for the punishment of evill doers, and for the praise of 
them that doe well ; for so is the will of God. And again 
St. Paul (Tit. 3. I.) Put men in mind to be subject to 

Part 3. COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 42. 387 

Principalities, and Powers, and to obey Magistrates. These 
Princes, and Powers, whereof St. Peter, and St. Paul 
here speak, were all Infidels ; much more therefore we are [271] 
to obey those Christians, whom God hath ordained to 
have Soveraign Power over us. How then can wee be 
obliged to obey any Minister of Christ, if he should 
command us to doe any thing contrary to the Command 
of the King, or other Soveraign Representant of the 
Common-wealth, whereof we are members, and by whom 
we look to be protected ? It is therefore manifest, that 
Christ hath not left to his Ministers in this world, unlesse 
they be also endued with Civill Authority, any authority 
to Command other men. 

But what (may some object) if a King, or a Senate, or What 
other Soveraign Person forbid us to beleeve in Christ ? Christians 
To this I answer, that such forbidding is of no effect ; %%/p m 
because Beleef, and Unbeleef never follow mens Com- secution. 
mands. Faith is a gift of God, which Man can neither 
give, nor take away by promise of rewards, or menaces 
of torture. And if it be further asked, What if wee bee 
commanded by our lawfull Prince, to say with our tongue, 
wee beleeve not ; must we obey such command ? Pro 
fession with the tongue is but an externall thing, and no 
more then any other gesture whereby we signifie our 
obedience; and wherein a Christian, holding firmely in 
his heart the Faith of Christ, hath the same liberty which 
the Prophet Elisha allowed to Naaman the Syrian. 
Naaman was converted in his heart to the God of Israel ; 
For hee saith (2 Kings 5. 17.) Thy servant will henceforth 
offer neither burnt offering, nor sacrifice unto other Gods 
but unto the Lord. In this thing the Lord pardon thy ser 
vant, that when my Master goeth into the house of Rimmon 
to worship there, and he leaneth on my hand ; and I bow 
my selfe in the house of Rimmon ; when I bow my selfe in 
the house of Rimmon, the Lord pardon thy servant in this 
thing. This the Prophet approved, and bid him Goe in 
peace. Here Naaman beleeved in his heart ; but by 
bowing before the Idol Rimmon, he denyed the true God 
in effect, as much as if he had done it with his lips. 
But then what shall we answer to our Saviours saying, 
Whosoever denyeth me before men, I will deny him before 

C C 2 

388 Part 3. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 42. 

my Father which is in Heaven ? This we may say, that 
whatsoever a subject, as Naaman was, is compelled to 
in obedience to his Soveraign, and doth it not in order 
to his own mind, but in order to the laws of his country, 
that action is not his, but his Soveraigns ; nor is it he 
that in this case denyeth Christ before men, but his 
Governour, and the law of his countrey. If any man 
shall accuse this doctrine, as repugnant to true, and 
unfeigned Christianity ; I ask him, in case there should 
be a subject in any Christian Common- wealth, that 
should be inwardly in his heart of the Mahometan 
Religion, whether if his Soveraign command him to bee 
present at the divine service of the Christian Church, 
and that on pain of death, he think that Mahometan 
obliged in conscience to suffer death for that cause, 
rather than to obey that command of his lawfull Prince. 
If he say, he ought rather to suffer death, then he 
authorizeth all private men, to disobey their Princes, in 
maintenance of their Religion, true, or false : if he say, 
[272] he ought to bee obedient, then he alloweth to himself, 
that which hee denyeth to another, contrary to the words 
of our Saviour, Whatsoever you would that men should doe 
unto you., that doe yee unto them ; and contrary to the 
Law of Nature, (which is the indubitable everlasting 
Law of God) Do not to another, that which thou wouldest 
not he should doe unto thee. 

Of But what then shall we say of all those Martyrs we 

Martyrs. rea d o f m the History of the Church, that they have 
needlessely cast away their lives ? For answer hereunto, 
we are to distinguish the persons that have been for that 
cause put to death ; whereof some have received a Calling 
to preach, and professe the Kingdome of Christ openly ; 
others have had no such Calling, nor more has been 
required of them than their owne faith. The former sort, 
if they have been put to death, for bearing witnesse to 
this point, that Jesus Christ is risen from the dead, were 
true Martyrs ; For a Martyr is, (to give the true definition 
of the word) a Witnesse of the Resurrection of Jesus 
the Messiah ; which none can be but those that conversed 
with him on earth, and saw him after he was risen : For 
a Witnesse must have seen what he testifieth, or else 

- COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 42. 389 

his testimony is not good. And that none but such, can 
properly be called Martyrs of Christ, is manifest out of 
the words of St. Peter, Act. I. 21, 22. Wherefore of these 
men which have companyed with us all the time that the 
Lord Jesus went in and out amongst us, beginning from the 
Baptisme of John unto that same day hee was taken up 
from us, must one be ordained to be a Martyr (that is 
a Witnesse) with us of his Resurrection : Where we may 
observe, that he which is to bee a Witnesse of the truth 
of the Resurrection of Christ, that is to say, of the truth 
of this fundamentall article of Christian Religion, that 
Jesus was the Christ, must be some Disciple that con 
versed with him, and saw him before, and after his 
Resurrection ; and consequently must be one of his 
originall Disciples : whereas they which were not so, 
can Witnesse no more, but that their antecessors said it, 
and are therefore but Witnesses of other mens testimony ; 
and are but second Martyrs, or Martyrs of Christs 

He, that to maintain every doctrine which he himself 
draweth out of the History of our Saviours life, and of 
the Acts, or Epistles of the Apostles ; or which he be- 
leeveth upon the authority of a private man, wil oppose 
the Law r s and Authority of the Civill State, is very far 
from being a Martyr of Christ, or a Martyr of his Martyrs. 
Tis one Article onely, which to die for, meriteth so 
honorable a name ; and that Article is this, that Jesus 
is the Christ ; that is to say, He that hath redeemed us, 
and shall come again to give us salvation, and eternal! 
life in his glorious Kingdome. To die for every tenet 
that serveth the ambition, or profit of the Clergy, is not 
required ; nor is it the Death of the Witnesse, but the 
Testimony it self that makes the Martyr : for the word 
signifieth nothing else, but the man that beareth Wit 
nesse, whether he be put to death for his testimony, 
or not. 

Also he that is not sent to preach this fundamentall 
article, but taketh it upon him of his private authority, [273] 
though he be a Witnesse, and consequently a Martyr, 
either primary of Christ, or secundary of his Apostles, 
Disciples, or their Successors ; yet is he not obliged to 

390 Part 3- OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 42. 

suffer death for that cause ; because being not called 
thereto, tis not required at his hands ; nor ought hee 
to complain, if he loseth the reward he expecteth from 
those that never set him on work. None therefore can 
be a Martyr, neither of the first, nor second degree, that 
have not a warrant to preach Christ come in the flesh ; 
that is to say, none, but such as are sent to the conversion 
of Infidels. For no man is a Witnesse to him that already 
beleeveth, and therefore needs no Witnesse ; but to 
them that deny, or doubt, or have not heard it. Christ 
sent his Apostles, and his Seventy Disciples, with 
authority to preach ; he sent not all that beleeved : 
And he sent them to unbeleevers ; / send you (saith he) 
as sheep amongst wolves ; not as sheep to other sheep. 
Argument Lastly, the points of their Commission, as they are 
from the expressely set down in the Gospel, contain none of them 
points of anv authority over the Congregation. 
mission. We have first (Mat. 10.) that the twelve Apostles were 
ToPreach sent to ^ e ^ os * sheep of the house of Israel, and commanded 
to Preach, that the Kingdome of God was at hand. Now 
Preaching in the originall, is that act, which a Crier, 
Herald, or other Officer useth to doe publiquely in Pro 
claiming of a King. But a Crier hath not right to 
Command any man. And (Luke 10. 2.) the seventy 
Disciples are sent out, as Labourers, not as Lords of the 
Harvest ; and are bidden (verse 9.) to say, The Kingdome 
of God is come nigh unto you ; and by Kingdom here is 
meant, not the Kingdome of Grace, but the Kingdome 
of Glory ; for they are bidden to denounce it (ver. n.) 
to those Cities which shall not receive them, as a threat - 
ning, that it shall be more tolerable in that day for 
Sodome, than for such a City. And (Mat. 20. 28.) our 
Saviour telleth his Disciples, that sought Priority of 
place, their Office was to minister, even as the Son of 
man came, not to be ministred unto, but to minister. 
Preachers therefore have not Magisterial!, but Minis- 
teriall power : Bee not called Masters, (saith our Saviour, 
Mat. 23. 10.) for one is your Master, even Christ. 
And Another point of their Commission, is, to Teach all 

Teach. nations ; as it is in Mat. 28. 19. or as in St. Mark 16. 15. 
Goe into all the world, and Preach the Gospel to every 

Part 3- COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 42. 391 

creature. Teaching therefore, and Preaching is the same 
thing. For they that Proclaim the comming of a King, 
must withall make known by what right he commeth, 
if they mean men shall submit themselves unto him : 
As St. Paul did to the Jews of Thessalonica, when three 
Sabbath dayes he reasoned with them out of the Scriptures, 
opening, and alledging that Christ must needs have suffered, 
and risen again from the dead,, and that this Jesus is Christ. 
But to teach out of the Old Testament that Jesus was 
Christ, (that is to say, King,) and risen from the dead, 
is not to say, that men are bound after they beleeve it, 
to obey those that tell them so, against the laws, and 
commands of their Soveraigns ; but that they shall doe 
wisely, to expect the coming of Christ hereafter, in [274] 
Patience, and Faith, with Obedience to their present 

Another point of their Commission, is to Baptize, in To 
the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Baptize ; 
Ghost. What is Baptisme ? Dipping into water. But 
what is it to Dip a man into the water in the name of any 
thing ? The meaning of these words of Baptisme is this. 
He that is Baptized, is Dipped or Washed, as a sign of 
becomming a new man, and a loyall subject to that God, . 
whose Person was represented in old time by Moses, and 
the High Priests, when he reigned over the Jews ; and 
to Jesus Christ, his Sonne, God, and Man, that hath 
redeemed us, and shall in his humane nature Represent 
his Fathers Person in his eternall Kingdome after the 
Resurrection ; and to acknowledge the Doctrine of the 
Apostles, who assisted by the Spirit of the Father, and 
of the Son, were left for guides to bring us into that 
Kingdome, to be the onely, and assured way thereunto. 
This, being our promise in Baptisme ; and the Authority 
of Earthly Soveraigns being not to be put down till the 
day of Judgment ; (for that is expressely affirmed by 
S. Paul i Cor. 15. 22, 23, 24, where he saith, As in Adam 
all die, so in Christ all shall be made alive. But every man 
in his owne order, Christ the first fruits, afttrward they that 
are Christs, at his comming ; Then commeth the end, when 
he shall have delivered up the Kingdom to God, even the 
Father, when he shall have put down all Rule, and all 

392 Part 3. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 42. 

Authority and Power) it is manifest, that we do not in 
Baptisme constitute over us another authority, by which 
our externall actions are to bee governed in this life ; 
but promise to take the doctrine of the Apostles for our 
direction in the way to life eternall. 

And to The Power of Remission, and Retention of Sinnes, called 

F dR V t a ^ S ^ e P wer f Loosing, and Binding, and sometimes 
Sinnes. ^ e ^ e y es f ^ e Kingdome of Heaven, is a consequence 
of the Authority to Baptize, or refuse to Baptize. For 
Baptisme is the Sacrament of Allegeance, of them that 
are to be received into the Kingdome of God ; that is 
to say, into Eternall life ; that is to say, to Remission 
of Sin : For as Eternall life was lost by the Commit 
ting, so it is recovered by the Remitting of mens Sins. 
The end of Baptisme is Remission of Sins : and there 
fore St. Peter, when they that were converted by 
his Sermon on the day of Pentecost, asked what they 
were to doe, advised them to repent, and be Baptized 
in the name of Jesus, for the Remission of Sins. And 
therefore seeing to Baptize is to declare the Reception 
of men into Gods Kingdome ; and to refuse to Baptize 
is to declare their Exclusion ; it followeth, that the 
Power to declare them Cast out, or Retained in it, was 
given to the same Apostles, and their Substitutes, and 
Successors. And therefore after our Saviour had breathed 
upon them, saying, (John 20. 22.) Receive the Holy Ghost, 
hee addeth in the next verse, Whose soever Sins ye Remit, 
they are Remitted unto them ; and whose soever Sins ye 
Retain, they are Retained. By which words, is not granted 
an Authority to Forgive, or Retain Sins, simply and 
absolutely, as God Forgiveth or Retaineth them, who 
[275] knoweth the Heart of man, and truth of his Penitence 
and Conversion ; but conditionally, to the Penitent : 
And this Forgivenesse, or Absolution, in case the absolved 
have but a feigned Repentance, is thereby without other 
act, or sentence of the Absolvent, made void, and hath 
no effect at all to Salvation, but on the contrary, to the 
Aggravation of his Sin. Therefore the Apostles, and 
their Successors, are to follow but the outward marks 
of Repentance ; which appearing, they have no Authority 
to deny Absolution : and if they appeare not, they have 

Part 3- COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 42. 393 

no authority to Absolve. The same also is to be observed 
in Baptisme : for to a converted Jew, or Gentile, the 
Apostles had not the Power to deny Baptisme ; nor to 
grant it to the Un-penitent. But seeing no man is able 
to discern the truth of another mans Repentance, further 
than by externall marks, taken from his words, and 
actions, which are subject to hypocrisie ; another ques 
tion will arise, Who it is that is constituted Judge of 
those marks. And this question is decided by our 
Saviour himself ; // thy Brother (saith he) shal trespasse Mat. 18. 
against thee, go and tell him his fault between thee, and 1 S> l6 > 17- 
him alone ; if he shall hear thee, thou hast gained thy 
Brother. But if he will not hear thee., then take with thee 
one, or two more. And if he shall neglect to hear them, tell 
it unto the Church ; but if he neglect to hear the Church, let 
him be unto thee as an Heathen man, and a Publican. By 
which it is manifest, that the Judgment concerning the 
truth of Repentance, belonged not to any one Man, but 
to the Church, that is, to the Assembly of the Faithfull, 
or to them that have authority to bee their Representant. 
But besides the Judgment, there is necessary also the 
pronouncing of Sentence : And this belonged alwaies to 
the Apostle, or some Pastor of the Church, as Prolocutor ; 
and of this our Saviour speaketh in the 18 verse, Whatso 
ever ye shall bind on earth, shall be bound in heaven ; and 
whatsoever ye shall loose on earth, shall be loosed in heaven. 
And conformable hereunto was the practise of St. Paul 
(i Cor. 5. 3, 4, & 5.) where he saith, For I verily, as absent 
in body, but present in spirit, have determined already, as 
though I were present, concerning him that hath so done 
this deed ; In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ when ye 
are gathered together, and my spirit, with the power of our 
Lord Jesus Christ, To deliver such a one to Satan ; that 
is to say, to cast him out of the Church, as a man whose 
Sins are not Forgiven. Paul here pronounceth the 
Sentence ; but the Assembly was first to hear the Cause, 
(for St. Paul was absent ;) and by consequence to con 
demn him. But in the same chapter (ver. u, 12.) the 
Judgment in such a case is more expressely attributed 
to the Assembly : But now I have written unto you, not 
to keep company, if any man that is called a Brother be 

394 Part 3- OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 42. 

a Fornicator, &c. with such a one no not- to eat. For what 
have I to do to judg them that are without ? Do not ye judg 
them that are within ? The Sentence therefore by which 
a man was put out of the Church, was pronounced by 
the Apostle, or Pastor ; but the Judgment concerning 
the merit of the cause, was in the Church ; that is to 
say, (as the times were before the conversion of Kings, 
and men that had Soveraign Authority in the Common 
wealth,) the Assembly of the Christians dwelling in 
[276] the same City ; as in Corinth, in the Assembly of the 

Christians of Corinth. 

OfExcom- This part of the Power of the Keyes, by which men 
munica- were thrust out from the Kingdom of God, is that which 
is called Excommunication ; and to excommunicate, is in 
the Originall, a-Troa-way^yov Troieti/, to cast out of the 
Synagogue ; that is, out of the place of Divine service ; 
a word drawn from the custome of the Jews, to Cast out 
of their Synagogues, such as they thought in manners, 
or doctrine, contagious, as Lepers were by the Law of 
Moses separated from the congregation of Israel, till 
such time as they should be by the Priest pronounced 

The use of The Use and Effect of Excommunication, whilest it 
Excom- wa s not yet strengthened with the Civill Power, was no 
lion with more th an tnat tne y> w h were n t Excommunicate, 
out Civill were to avoid the company of them that were. It was 
Power, not enough to repute them as Heathen, that never had 
been Christians ; for with such they might eate, and 
drink ; which with Excommunicate persons they might 
not do ; as appeareth by the words of St. Paul, (i Cor. 5. 
ver. 9, 10, &c.) where he telleth them, he had formerly 
forbidden them to company with Fornicators ; but 
(because that could not bee without going out of the 
world,) he restrained it to such Fornicators, and other 
wise vicious persons, as were of the brethren ; with such 
a one (he saith) they ought not to keep company, no not to 
eat. And this is no more than our Saviour saith (Mat. 
18. 17.) Let him be to thee as a Heathen, and as a Publican. 
For Publicans (which signifieth Farmers, and Receivers 
of the revenue of the Common- wealth) were so hated, 
and detested by the Jews that were to pay it, as that i 

Part 3- COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 42. 395 

Publican and Sinner were taken amongst them for the 
same thing : Insomuch, as when our Saviour accepted 
the invitation of Zacchceus a Publican ; though it were 
to Convert him, yet it was objected to him as a Crime. 
And therefore, when our Saviour, to Heathen, added 
Publican, he did forbid them to eat with a man Excom 

As for keeping them out of their Synagogues, or places 
of Assembly, they had no Power to do it, but that of the 
owner of the place, whether he were Christian, or Heathen. 
And because all places are by right, in the Dominion of 
the Common-wealth ; as well hee that was Excommuni 
cated, as hee that never was Baptized, might enter into 
them by Commission from the Civill Magistrate ; as Paul Acts g. 2. 
before his conversion entred into their Synagogues at 
Damascus, to apprehend Christians, men and women, 
and to carry them bound to Jerusalem, by Commission 
from the High Priest. 

By which it appears, that upon a Christian, that Of no 
should become an Apostate, in a place where the Civill effect upon 
Power did persecute, or not assist the Church, the effect t ^ & 
of Excommunication had nothing in it, neither of 
dammage in this world, nor of terrour : Not of terrour, 
because of their unbeleef ; nor of dammage, because 
they returned thereby into the favour of the world ; and 
in the world to come, were to be in no worse estate, then 
they which never had beleeved. The dammage re 
dounded rather to the Church, by provocation of them [277] 
they cast out, to a freer execution of their malice. 

Excommunication therefore had its effect onely upon But upon 
those, that beleeved that Jesus Christ was to come again the faith- 
in Glory, to reign over, and to judge both the quick, and f ul1 onl y- 
the dead, and should therefore refuse entrance into his 
Kingdom, to those whose Sins were Retained ; that is, 
to those that were Excommunicated by the Church. 
And thence it is that St. Paul calleth Excommunication, 
a delivery of the Excommunicate person to Satan. For 
without the Kingdom of Christ, all other Kingdomes after 
Judgment, are comprehended in the Kingdome of Satan. 
This is it that the faithfull stood in fear of, as long as 
they stood Excommunicate, that is to say, in an estate 

396 Part 3- OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 42. 

wherein their sins were not Forgiven. Whereby wee 
may understand, that Excommunication in the time 
that Christian Religion was not authorized by the Civill 
Power, was used onely for a correction of manners, not 
of errours in opinion : for it is a punishment, whereof 
none could be sensible but such as beleeved, and ex 
pected the coming again of our Saviour to judge the 
world ; and they who so beleeved, needed no other 
opinion, but onely uprightnesse of life, to be saved. 

For what There lyeth Excommunication for Injustice ; as (Mat. 

fault lyeth &) n t hy Brother offend thee, tell it him privately; 
then with Witnesses ; lastly, tell the Church ; and then 
if he obey not, Let him be to thee as an Heathen man, and 
a Publican. And there lieth Excommunication for 
a Scandalous Life, as (i Cor. 5. n.) // any man that is 
called a Brother, be a Fornicator, or Covetous, or an 
Idolater, or a Drunkard, or an Extortioner, with siich a one 
yee are not to eat. But to Excommunicate a man that 
held this foundation, that Jesus was the Christ, for 
difference of opinion in other points, by which that 
Foundation was not destroyed, there appeareth no 
authority in the Scripture, nor example in the Apostles. 
There is indeed in St. Paul (Titus 3. 10.) a text that 
seemeth to be to the contrary. A man that is an Hcere- 
tique, after the first and second admonition, reject. For an 
Hceretique, is he, that being a member of the Church, 
teacheth neverthelesse some private opinion, which the 
Church has forbidden : and such a one, S. Paul adviseth 
Titus, after the first, and second admonition, to Reject. 
But to Reject (in this place) is not to Excommunicate 
the Man; But to give over admonishing him, to let him 
alone, to set by disputing with him, as one that is to be con 
vinced onely by himselfe. The same Apostle saith (2 Tim. 
2. 23.) Foolish and unlearned questions avoid : The word 
Avoid in this place, and Reject in the former, is the same 
in the Originall, Trapairov : but Foolish questions may bee 
set by without Excommunication. And again, (Tit. 3. 9.) 
Avoid Foolish questions, where the Originall Trepi/o-rao-o, 
(set them by] is equivalent to the former word Reject. 
There is no other place that can so much as colourably 
be drawn, to countenance the Casting out of the Church 

Part 3. COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 42. 397 

faithfull men, such as beleeved the foundation, onely 
for a singular superstructure of their own, proceeding 
perhaps from a good & pious conscience. But on the 
contrary, all such places as command avoiding such [278] 
disputes, are written for a Lesson to Pastors, (such as 
Timothy and Titus were) not to make new Articles of 
Faith, by determining every small controversie, which 
oblige men to a needlesse burthen of Conscience, or 
provoke them to break the union of the Church. Which 
Lesson the Apostles themselves observed well. S. Peter, 
and S. Paul, though their controversie were great, (as we 
may read in Gal. 2. n.) yet they did not cast one another 
out of the Church. Neverthelesse, during the Apostles 
times, there were other Pastors that observed it not ; 
As Diotrephes (3 John 9. 6-c.) who cast out of the Church, 
such as S. John himself thought fit to be received into 
it, out of a pride he took in Preeminence ; so early it 
was, that Vain-glory, and Ambition had found entrance 
into the Church of Christ. 

That a man be liable to Excommunication, there be Of persons 
many conditions requisite ; as First, that he be a mem- liable to 

ber of some Commonaltv, that is to say, of some lawfull Excom ~ 
,,,,,. ,-i / /-i i ,1 , munica- 

Assembly, that is to say, of some Christian Church, that tionm 

hath power to judge of the cause for which hee is to bee 
Excommunicated. For where there is no Community, 
there can bee no Excommunication ; nor where there is no 
power to Judge, can there bee any power to give Sentence. 

From hence it followeth, that one Church cannot be 
Excommunicated by another : For either they have 
equall power to Excommunicate each other, in which 
case Excommunication is not Discipline, nor an act of 
Authority, but Schisme, and Dissolution of charity ; or 
one is so subordinate to the other, as that they both 
have but one voice, and then they be but one Church ; 
and the part Excommunicated, is no more a Church, 
but a dissolute number of individuall persons. 

And because the sentence of Excommunication, im- 
porteth an advice, not to keep company, nor so much 
as to eat with him that is Excommunicate, if a Soveraign 
Prince, or Assembly bee Excommunicate, the sentence 
is of no effect. For all Subjects are bound to be in the 

Part 3. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 42. 

company and presence of their own Soveraign (when 
he requireth it) by the law of Nature ; nor can they 
lawfully either expell him from any place of his own 
Dominion, whether profane or holy ; nor go out of his 
Dominion, without his leave ; much lesse (if he call 
them to that honour,) refuse to eat with him. And as 
to other Princes and States, because they are not parts 
of one and the same congregation, they need not any 
other sentence to keep them from keeping company 
with the State Excommunicate : for the very Institu 
tion, as it uniteth many men into one Community ; so 
it dissociateth one Community from another : so that 
Excommunication is not needfull for keeping Kings and 
States asunder ; nor has any further effect then is in the 
nature of Policy it selfe ; unlesse it be to instigate Princes 
to warre upon one another. 

Nor is the Excommunication of a Christian Subject, 
that obeyeth the laws of his own Soveraign, whether 
Christian, or Heathen, of any effect. For if he beleeve 
[279] that Jesus is the Christ, he hath the Spirit of God, (i Job. 
4. i.) and God dwelleth in him, and he in God, (i Job. 4. 15.) 
But hee that hath the Spirit of God ; hee that dwelleth 
in God ; hee in whom God dwelleth, can receive no harm 
by the Excommunication of men. Therefore, he that 
beleeveth Jesus to be the Christ, is free from all the 
dangers threatned to persons Excommunicate. He that 
beleeveth it not, is no Christian. Therefore a true and 
unfeigned Christian is not liable to Excommunication : 
Nor he also that is a professed Christian, till his Hypocrisy 
appear in his Manners, that is, till his behaviour bee 
contrary to the law of his Soveraign, which is the rule 
of Manners, and which Christ and his Apostles have 
commanded us to be subject to. For the Church cannot 
judge of Manners but by extern all Actions, which 
Actions can never bee unlawful!, but when they are 
against the Law of the Common-wealth. 

If a mans Father, or Mother, or Master bee Excom 
municate, yet are not the Children forbidden to keep 
them Company, nor to Eat with them ; for that were 
(for the most part) to oblige them not to eat at all, for 
want of means to get food ; and to authorise them to j 

Part 3- COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 42. 399 

disobey their Parents, and Masters, contrary to the 
Precept of the Apostles. 

In summe, the Power of Excommunication cannot be 
extended further than to the end for which the Apostles 
and Pastors of the Church have their Commission from 
our Saviour ; which is not to rule by Command and 
Coaction, but by Teaching and Direction of men in the 
way of Salvation in the world to come. And as a Master 
in any Science, may abandon his Scholar, when hee 
obstinately neglecteth the practise of his rules ; but not 
accuse him of Injustice, because he was never bound to 
obey him : so a Teacher of Christian doctrine may 
abandon his Disciples that obstinately continue in an 
unchristian life ; but he cannot say, they doe him wrong, 
because they are not obliged to obey him : For to 
a Teacher that shall so complain, may be applyed the 
Answer of God to Samuel in the like place, They have l Sam. 8. 
not rejected thee, but mee. Excommunication therefore 
when it wanteth the assistance of the Civill Power, as it 
doth, when a Christian State, or Prince is Excommunicate 
by a forain Authority, is without effect ; and consequently 
ought to be without terrour. The name of Fulmen 
Excommunicationis (that is, the Thunderbolt of Excom 
munication] proceeded from an imagination of the Bishop 
of Rome, which first used it, that he was King of Kings, 
as the Heathen made Jupiter King of the Gods ; and 
assigned him in their Poems, and Pictures, a Thunder 
bolt, wherewith to subdue, and punish the Giants, that 
should dare to deny his power : Which imagination was 
grounded on two errours ; one, that the Kingdome of 
Christ is of this world, contrary to our Saviours owne 
words, My Kingdome is not of this world ; the other, that 
hee is Christs Vicar, not onely over his owne Subjects, 
but over all the Christians of the World ; whereof there 
is no ground in Scripture, and the contrary shall bee [280] 
proved in its due place. 

St. Paul coming to Thessalonica, where was a Syna- Of the 
gogue of the Jews, (Acts 17. 2, 3.) As his manner was, Interpre- 
went in unto them, and three Sabbath dayes reasoned with f r f the 
them out of the Scriptures, Opening and alledging, that ^^ 
Christ must needs, have suffered and risen again from theCivilSove- 

400 Part 3. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 42. 

raigns dead ; and that this Jesus whom he preached was the Christ. 
CArT* ^ e Scriptures nere mentioned were the Scriptures of 
Hans . tne J ews > tnat i s > * ne Old Testament. The men, to whom 
he was to prove that Jesus was the Christ, and risen 
again from the dead, were also Jews, and did beleeve 
already, that they were the Word of God. Hereupon 
(as it is verse 4.) some of them beleeved, and (as it is in 
the 5. ver.) some beleeved not. What was the reason, 
when they all beleeved the Scripture, that they did not 
all beleeve alike ; but that some approved, others dis 
approved the Interpretation of St. Paul that cited them ; 
and every one Interpreted them to himself ? It was 
this ; S. Paul came to them without any Legall Com 
mission, and in the manner of one that would not 
Command, but Perswade ; which he must needs do, 
either by Miracles, as Moses did to the Israelites in Egypt, 
that they might see his Authority in Gods works ; or by 
Reasoning from the already received Scripture, that 
they might see the truth of his doctrine in Gods Word. 
But whosoever perswadeth by reasoning from principles 
written, maketh him to whom hee speaketh Judge, both 
of the meaning of those principles, and also of the force 
of his inferences upon them. If these Jews of Thessa- 
lonica were not, who else was the Judge of what S. Paul 
alledged out of Scripture ? If S. Paul, what needed he 
to quote any places to prove his doctrine ? It had been 
enough to have said, I find it so in Scripture, that is to 
say, in your Laws, of which I am Interpreter, as sent by 
Christ. The Interpreter therefore of the Scripture, to 
whose Interpretation the Jews of Thessalonica were 
bound to stand, could be none : every one might beleeve, 
or not beleeve, according as the Allegations seemed to 
himselfe to be agreeable, or not agreeable to the meaning 
of the places alledged. And generally in all cases of the 
world, hee that pretendeth any proof e, maketh Judge of 
his proof e him to whom he addresseth his speech. And 
as to the case of the Jews in particular, they were bound 
by expresse words (Deut. 17.) to receive the determination 
of all hard questions, from the Priests and Judges of 
Israel for the time being. But this is to bee understood 
of the Jews that were yet unconverted. 

Parts. COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 42. 401 

For the conversion of the Gentiles, there was no use of 
alledging the Scriptures, which they beleeved not. The 
Apostles therefore laboured by Reason to confute their 
Idolatry ; and that done, to perswade them to the 
faith of Christ, by their testimony of his Life, and 
Resurrection. So that there could not yet bee any 
controversie concerning the authority to Interpret Scrip 
ture ; seeing no man was obliged during his infidelity, 
to follow any mans Interpretation of any Scripture, 
except his Soveraigns Interpretation of the Law of his 

Let us now consider the Conversion it self, and see [281] 
what there was therein, that could be cause of such an 
obligation. Men were converted to no other thing then 
to the Beleef of that which the Apostles preached : And 
the Apostles preached nothing, but that Jesus was the 
Christ, that is to say, the King that was to save them, 
and reign over them eternally in the world to come ; 
and consequently that hee was not dead, but risen again 
from the dead, and gone up into Heaven, and should 
come again one day to judg the world, (which also should 
rise again to be judged,) and reward every man according 
to his works. None of them preached that himself e, or 
any other Apostle was such an Interpreter of the Scrip 
ture, as all that became Christians, ought to take their 
Interpretation for Law. For to Interpret the Laws, is 
part of the Administration of a present Kingdome ; 
which the Apostles had not. They prayed then, and all 
other Pastors ever since, Let thy Kingdome come ; and 
exhorted their Converts to obey their then Ethnique 
Princes. The New Testament was not yet published 
in one Body. Every of the Evangelists was Inter 
preter of his own Gospel ; and every Apostle of his 
own Epistle ; And of the Old Testament, our Saviour 
himselfe saith to the Jews (John 5. 39.) Search the Scrip 
tures ; for in them yee thinke to have et&nall life, and they 
are they that testifie of me. If hee had not meant they 
should Interpret them, hee would not have bidden them 
take thence the proof of his being the Christ : he would 
either have Interpreted them himselfe, or referred them 
to the Interpretation of the Priests. 


Part 3. 


Chap. 42. 

Of the 

Power to 

When a difficulty arose, the Apostles and Elders of 
the Church assembled themselves together, and deter 
mined what should bee preached, and taught, and how 
they should Interpret the Scriptures to the People ; but 
took not from the People the liberty to read, and Inter 
pret them to themselves. The Apostles sent divers 
Letters to the Churches, and other Writings for their 
instruction ; which had been in vain, if they had not 
allowed them to Interpret, that is, to consider the mean 
ing of them. And as it was in the Apostles time, it must 
be till such time as there should be Pastors, that could 
authorise an Interpreter, whose Interpretation should 
generally be stood to : But that could not be till Kings 
were Pastors, or Pastors Kings. 

There be two senses, wherein a Writing may be said 
to be Canonicall ; for Canon, signifieth a Rule ; and 
a Rule is a Precept, by which a man is guided, and 
directed in any action whatsoever. Such Precepts, 
though given by a Teacher to his Disciple, or a Counsellor 
to his friend, without power to Compell him to observe 
them, are neverthelesse Canons ; because they are Rules : 
But when they are given by one, whom he that receiveth 
them is bound to obey, then are those Canons, not onely 
Rules, but Laws : The question therefore here, is of the 
Power to make the Scriptures (which are the Rules of 
Christian Faith) Laws. 

That part of the Scripture, which was first Law, was 
Ten Com- the Ten Commandements, written in two Tables of 
Stone, and delivered by | God himselfe to Moses ; and 
[282] by Moses made known to the people. Before that time 
there was no written Law of God, who as yet having not 
chosen any people to bee his peculiar Kingdome, had 
given no Law to men, but the Law of Nature, that is to 
say, the Precepts of Naturall Reason, written in every 
mans own heart. Of these two Tables, the first containeth 
the law of Soveraignty ; i. That they should not obey, 
nor honour the Gods of other Nations, in these words, 
Non habebis Deos alienos coram me, that is, Thou shall 
not have for Gods, the Gods that other Nations worship ; but 
onely me : whereby they were forbidden to obey, or 
honor, as their King and Governour, any other God, 

Of the 


Part 3- COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 42. 403 

than him that spake unto them then by Moses, and 
afterwards by the High Priest. 2. That they should 
not make any Image to represent him ; that is to say, 
they were not to choose to themselves, neither in heaven, 
nor in earth, any Representative of their own fancying, 
but obey Moses and Aaron, whom he had appointed to 
that office . 3. That they should not take the Name of God 
in vain ; that is, they should not speak rashly of their 
King, nor dispute his Right, nor the commissions of 
Moses and Aaron, his Lieutenants. 4. That they should 
every Seventh day abstain from their ordinary labour., and 
employ that time in doing him Publique Honor. The 
second Table containeth the Duty of one man towards 
another, as To honor Parents ; Not to kill ; Not to Commit 
A dultery ; Not to steale ; Not to corrupt Judgment by 
false witnesse ; and finally, Not so much as to designe in 
their heart the doing of any injury one to another. The 
question now is, Who it was that gave to these written 
Tables the obligatory force of Lawes. There is no doubt 
but they were made Laws by God himselfe : But because 
a Law obliges not, nor is Law to any, but to them that 
acknowledge it to be the act of the Soveraign ; how 
could the people of Israel that were forbidden to approach 
the Mountain to hear what God said to Moses, be obliged 
to obedience to all those laws which Moses propounded 
to them ? Some of them were indeed the Laws of 
Nature, as all the Second Table ; and therefore to be 
acknowledged for Gods Laws ; not to the Israelites 
alone, but to all people : But of those that were peculiar 
to the Israelites, as those of the first Table, the question 
remains ; saving that they had obliged themselves, 
presently after the propounding of them, to obey Moses, 
in these words (Exod. 20. 19.) Speak thou to us, and we 
will hear ihee ; but let not God speak to us, lest we dye. It 
was therefore onely Moses then, and after him the High 
Priest, whom (by Moses) God declared should administer 
this his peculiar Kingdome, that had on Earth, the 
power to make this short Scripture of the Decalogue to 
bee Law in the Common-wealth of Israel. But Moses, 
and Aaron, and the succeeding High Priests were the 
Civill Soveraigns. Therefore hitherto, the Canonizing, 

D d 2 

404 Part 3- OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 42. 

or making of the Scripture Law, belonged to the Civill 

Of the The Judiciall Law, that is to say, the Laws that God 

Judiciall, prescribed to the Magistrates of Israel, for the rule of 
foailLaw ^ e ^ r administration of Justice, and of the Sentences, or 
[283] Judgments they should pronounce, in Pleas between 
man and man ; and the LeviticaU Law, that is to say, 
the rule that God prescribed touching the Rites and 
Ceremonies of the Priests and Levites, were all delivered 
to them by Moses onely ; and therefore also became 
Lawes, by vertue of the same promise of obedience 
to Moses. Whether these laws were then written, 
or not written, but dictated to the People by Moses 
(after his forty dayes being with God in the Mount) 
by word of mouth, is not expressed in the Text ; 
but they were all positive Laws, and equivalent to 
holy Scripture, and made Canonicall by Moses the Civill 

The After the Israelites were come into the Plains of Moab 

Second over against Jericho, and ready to enter into the land of 
Promise, Moses to the former Laws added divers others ; 
which therefore are called Deuteronomy ; that is, Second 
Laws. And are (as it is written, Dent. 29. i.) The words 
of a Covenant which the Lord commanded Moses to make 
with the Children of Israel, besides the Covenant which he 
made with them in Horeb. For having explained those 
former Laws, in the beginning of the Book of Deuteronomy, 
he addeth others, that begin at the 12. Cha. and continue 
to the end of the 26. of the same Book. This Law (Deut. 
27. i.) they were commanded to write upon great stones 
playstered over, at their passing over Jordan : This 
Law also was written by Moses himself in a Book ; and 
delivered into the hands of the Priests, and to the Elders 
of Israel. (Deut. 31. 9.) and commanded (ve. 26.) to be 
put in the side of the Arke ; for in the Ark it selfe was 
nothing but the Ten Commandements. This was the 
Law, which Moses (Deuteronomy 17. 18.) commanded 
the Kings of Israel should keep a copie of : And this is 
the Law, which having been long time lost, was found 
again in the Temple in the time of Josiah, and by his 
authority received for the Law of God. But both Moses 

Part 3- COMMON-WEALTH, Chap. 42. 405 

at the writing, and Josiah at the recovery thereof, had 
both of them the Civill Soveraignty. Hitherto therefore 
the Power of making Scripture Canonicall, was in the 
Civill Soveraign. 

Besides this Book of the Law, there was no other Book, 
from the time of Moses, till after the Captivity, received 
amongst the Jews for the Law of God. For the Prophets 
(except a few) lived in the time of the Captivity it selfe ; 
and the rest lived but a little before it ; and were so 
far from having their Prophecies generally received for 
Laws, as that their persons were persecuted, partly by 
false Prophets, and partly by the Kings which were 
seduced by them. And this Book it self, which was 
confirmed by Josiah for the Law of God, and with it all 
the History of the Works of God, was lost in the Captivity 
and sack of the City of Jerusalem, as appears by that of 
2 Esdras 14. 21. Thy Law is burnt ; therefore no man 
knoweth the things that are done of thee, or the works that 
shall begin. And before the Captivity, between the time 
when the Law was lost, (which is not mentioned in the 
Scripture, but may probably be thought to be the time 
of Rehoboam, when * Shishak King of Egypt took the * i Kings 
spoile of the Temple,) and the time of Josiah, when it 14- 26 - 
was found againe, they had no written Word of God, [284] 
but ruled according to their own discretion, or by 
the direction of such, as each of them esteemed 

From hence we may inferre, that the Scriptures of the The Old 
Old Testament, which we have at this day, were not Testament 
Canonicall, nor a Law unto the Jews, till the renovation whe * 1 
of their Covenant with God at their return from the 
Captivity, and restauration of their Common -wealth call. 
under Esdras. But from that time forward they were 
accounted the Law of the Jews, and for such trans 
lated into Greek by Seventy Elders of Judaea, and 
put into the Library of Ptolemy at Alexandria, and 
approved for the Word of God. Novv seeing Esdras 
was the High Priest, and the High Priest was their 
Civill Soveraigne, it is manifest, that the Scriptures 
were never made Laws, but by the Soveraign Civill 

406 Part 3. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 42. 

The New By the Writings of the Fathers that lived in the time 

Testament before the Christian Religion was received, and authorized 

b/Canoni- ^Y Const antine the Emperour, we may find, that the 

call under Books wee now have of the New Testament, were held by 

Christian the Christians of that time (except a few, in respect of 

Save- whose paucity the rest were called the Catholique 

Church, and others Haeretiques) for the dictates of the 

Holy Ghost ; and consequently for the Canon, or Rule 

of Faith : such was the reverence and opinion they had 

of their Teachers ; as generally the reverence that the 

Disciples bear to their first Masters, in all manner of 

doctrine they receive from them, is not small. Therefore 

there is no doubt, but when S. Paul wrote to the Churches 

he had converted ; or any other Apostle, or Disciple of 

Christ, to those which had then embraced Christ, they 

received those their Writings for the true Christian 

Doctrine. But in that time, when not the Power and 

Authority of the Teacher, but the Faith of the Hearer 

caused them to receive it, it was not the Apostles that 

made their own Writings Canonicall, but every Convert 

made them so to himself. 

But the question here, is not what any Christian made 
a Law, or Canon to himself, (which he might again reject, 
by the same right he received it ;) but what was so made 
a Canon to them, as without injustice they could not 
doe any thing contrary thereunto. That the New 
Testament should in this sense be Canonicall, that is 
to say, a Law in any place where the Law of the Common 
wealth had not made it so, is contrary to the nature of 
a Law. For a Law, (as hath been already shewn) is the 
Commandement of that Man, or Assembly, to whom we 
have given Soveraign Authority, to make such Rules 
for the direction of our actions, as hee shall think fit ; 
and to punish us, when we doe any thing contrary to 
the same. When therefore any other man shall offer 
unto us any other Rules, which the Soveraign Ruler hath 
not prescribed, they are but Counsell, and Advice ; 
which, whether good, or bad, hee that is counselled, may 
[285] without injustice refuse to observe ; and when contrary 
to the Laws already established, without injustice cannot 
observe, how good soever he conceiveth it to be. I say, 

Part 3- COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 42. 407 

he cannot in this case observe the same in his actions, 
nor in his discourse with other men ; though he may 
without blame beleeve his private Teachers, and wish 
he had the liberty to practise their advice ; and that it 
were publiquely received for Law. For internall Faith 
is in its own nature invisible, and consequently exempted 
from all humane jurisdiction ; whereas the words, and 
actions that proceed from it, as breaches of our Civill 
obedience, are injustice both before God and Man. 
Seeing then our Saviour hath denyed his Kingdome to 
be in this world, seeing he hath said, he came not to 
judge, but to save the world, he hath not subjected us 
to other Laws than those of the Common-wealth ; that 
is, the Jews to the Law of Moses, (which he saith 
(Mat. 5.) he came not to destroy, but to fulfill,) and 
other Nations to the Laws of their severall Soveraigns, 
and all men to the Laws of Nature ; the observing 
whereof, both he himselfe, and his Apostles have in 
their teaching recommended to us, as a necessary con 
dition of being admitted by him in the last day into 
his eternall Kingdome, wherein shall be Protection, and 
Life everlasting. Seeing then our Saviour, and his 
Apostles, left not new Laws to oblige us in this world, 
but new Doctrine to prepare us for the next ; the Books 
of the New Testament, which containe that Doctrine, 
untill obedience to them was commanded, by them that 
God had given power to on earth to be Legislators, were 
not obligatory Canons, that is, Laws, but onely good, 
and safe advice, for the direction of sinners in the way to 
salvation, which every man might take, and refuse at 
his owne perill, without injustice. 

Again, our Saviour Christs Commission to his Apostles, 
and Disciples, was to Proclaim his Kingdome (not pre 
sent, but) to come ; and to Teach all Nations ; and to 
Baptize them that should beleeve ; and to enter into 
the houses of them that should receive them ; and where 
they were not received, to shake off the dust of their 
feet against them ; but not to call for fire from heaven 
to destroy them, nor to compell them to obedience by 
the Sword. In all which there is nothing of Power, 
but of Perswasion. He sent them out as Sheep unto 

408 Part 3. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 42. 

Wolves, not as Kings to their Subjects. They had not 
in Commission to make Laws ; but to obey, and teach 
obedience to Laws made ; and consequently they could 
not make their Writings obligatory Canons, without the 
help of the Soveraign Civill Power. And therefore the 
Scripture of the New Testament is there only Law, 
where the lawfull Civill Power hath made it so. And 
there also the King, or Soveraign, maketh it a Law to 
himself; by which he subjecteth himselfe, not to the 
Doctor, or Apostle that converted him, but to God 
himself, and his Son Jesus Christ, as immediately as 
did the Apostles themselves. 

Of the That which may seem to give the New Testament, in 

Power of respect of those that have embraced Christian Doctrine, 
to make* 5 ^ e force of Laws, in the times, and places of persecution, 
the Scrip- is the decrees they made amongst themselves in their 
twesLaw. Synods. For we read (Acts 15. 28.) the stile of the 
Councell of the Apostles, the Elders, and the whole 
[286] Church, in this manner, It seemed good to the Holy Ghost, 
and to us, to lay upon you no greater burthen than these 
necessary things, &c. which is a stile that signifieth 
a Power to lay a burthen on them that had received 
their Doctrine. Now to lay a burden on another, seemeth 
the same that to oblige ; and therefore the Acts of that 
Councell were Laws to the then Christians. Neverthe- 
lesse, they were no more Laws than are these other 
Precepts, Repent ; Be Baptized ; Keep the Commande- 
ments ; Beleeve the Gospel ; Come unto me ; Sell all that 
thou hast ; Give it to the poor ; and, Follow me ; which 
are not Commands, but Invitations, and Callings of 
men to Christianity, like that of Esay 55. i. Ho, every 
man that thirsteth, come yee to the waters, come, and buy 
wine and milke without money. For first, the Apostles 
power was no other than that of our Saviour, to invite 
men to embrace the Kingdome of God ; which they 
themselves acknowledged for a Kingdome (not present, 
but) to come ; and they that have no Kingdome, can 
make no Laws. And secondly, if their Acts of Councell, 
were Laws, they could not without sin be disobeyed. 
But we read not any where, that they who received not 
the Doctrine of Christ, did therein sin ; but that they 

Part 3- COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 42. 409 

died in their sins ; that is, that their sins against the 
Laws to which they owed obedience, were not pardoned. 
And those Laws were the Laws of Nature, and the 
Civill Laws of the State, whereto every Christian man 
had by pact submitted himself. And therefore by the 
Burthen, which the Apostles might lay on such as they 
had converted, are not to be understood Laws, but 
Conditions, proposed to those that sought Salvation ; 
which they might accept, or refuse at their own perill, 
without a new sin, though not without the hazard of 
being condemned, and excluded out of the Kingdome 
of God for their sins past. And therefore of Infidels, 
S. John saith not, the wrath of God shall come upon 
them, but the wrath of God remaineth upon them ; and John 3.36. 
not that they shall be condemned; but that they are John 3.18. 
condemned already. Nor can it be conceived, that the 
benefit of Faith, is Remission of sins, unlesse we con 
ceive withall, that the dammage of Infidelity, is the 
Retention of the same sins. 

But to what end is it (may some man aske), that the 
Apostles, and other Pastors of the Church, after their 
time, should meet together, to agree upon what Doctrine 
should be taught, both for Faith and Manners, if no man 
were obliged to observe their Decrees ? To this ma} 
be answered, that the Apostles, and Elders of that 
Councell, were obliged even by their entrance into it, 
to teach the Doctrine therein concluded, and decreed 
to be taught, so far forth, as no precedent Law, to which 
they were obliged to yeeld obedience, was to the con 
trary ; but not that all other Christians should be 
obliged to observe, what they taught. For though they 
might deliberate what each of them should teach ; yet 
they could not deliberate what others should do, unless 
their Assembly had had a Legislative Power ; which 
none could have but Civil Soveraigns. For though God 
be the Soveraign of all the world, we are not bound to 
take for his Law, whatsoever is propounded by every 
man in his name ; nor any thing contrary to the Civill [287] 
Law, which God hath expressely commanded us to obey. 

Seeing then the Acts of Councell of the Apostles, 
were then no Laws, but Counsells ; much lesse are Laws 

410 Part$. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 42. 

the Acts of any other Doctors, or Councells since, if 
assembled without the Authority of the Civil Soveraign. 
And consequently, the Books of the New Testament, 
though most perfect Rules of Christian Doctrine, could 
not be made Laws by any other authority then that of 
Kings, or Soveraign Assemblies. 

The first Councell, that made the Scriptures we now 
have, Canon, is not extant : For that Collection of the 
Canons of the Apostles, attributed to Clemens, the first 
Bishop of Rome after S. Peter, is subject to question : 
For though the Canonicall books bee there reckoned up ; 
yet these words, Sint vobis omnibus Clericis & Laicis 
Libri venerandi, &c. containe a distinction of Clergy, 
and Laity, that was not in use so neer St. Peters time. 
The first Councell for setling the Canonicall Scripture, 
that is extant, is that of Laodicea, Can. 59. which 
forbids the reading of other Books then those in the 
Churches ; which is a Mandate that is not addressed 
to every Christian, but to those onely that had authority 
to read any thing publiquely in the Church ; that is, to 
Ecclesiastiques onely. 

Of the Of Ecclesiasticall Officers in the time of the Apostles, 

Right of some were Magisterial!, some Ministerial!. Magisterial! 
C in St Eccie- were the Offices of preaching of the Gospel of the King- 
siasticatt dom of God to Infidels ; of administring the Sacraments, 
Officers in and Divine Service ; and of teaching the Rules of Faith 
the time and Manners to those that were converted. Ministeriall 

Apostles WaS the OmCe f Deacons > that is of them that were 
appointed to the administration of the secular necessities 

of the Church, at such time as they lived upon a common 
stock of mony, raised out of the voluntary contributions 
of the faithfull. 

Amongst the Officers Magisterial!, the first, and 
principall were the Apostles ; whereof there were at 
first but twelve ; and these were chosen and constituted 
by our Saviour himselfe ; and their Office was not onely 
to Preach, Teach, and Baptize, but also to be Martyrs, 
(Witnesses of our Saviours Resurrection.) This Testi 
mony, was the specificall, and essentiall mark ; whereby 
the Apostleship was distinguished from other Magistracy 
Ecclesiasticall ; as being necessary for an Apostle, 

Parts. COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 42. 411 

either to have seen our Saviour after his Resurrection, 
or to have conversed with him before, and seen his 
works, and other arguments of his Divinity, whereby 
they might be taken for sufficient Witnesses. And 
therefore at the election of a new Apostle in the place 
of Judas Iscariot, S. Peter saith (Acts i. 21, 22.) Of these 
men that have companyed with us, all the time that the 
Lord Jesus went in and out among us, beginning from the 
Baptisme of John unto that same day that he was taken 
up from us, must one be ordained to be a Witnesse with 
^is of his Resurrection : where, by this word must, is 
implyed a necessary property of an Apostle, to have [288] 
companyed with the first and prime Apostles in the time 
that our Saviour manifested himself in the flesh. 

The first Apostle, of those which were not constituted Matthias 
by Christ in the time he was upon the Earth, was ade 
Matthias, chosen in this manner : There were assembled 
together in Jerusalem about 120 Christians (Acts i. 15.) 
These appointed two, Joseph the Just, and Matthias 
(ver. 23.) and caused lots to be drawn ; and (ver. 26.) 
the Lot fell on Matthias, and he was numbred with the 
Apostles. So that here we see the ordination of this 
Apostle, was the act of the Congregation, and not of 
St. Peter, nor of the eleven, otherwise then as Members 
of the Assembly. 

After him there was never any other Apostle ordained, Paul and 
but Paul and Barnabas ; which was done (as we read Barnabas 
Acts 13. i, 2, 3.) in this manner. There were in the 
Church that was at Antioch, certaine Prophets, and 
Teachers ; as Barnabas, and Simeon that was called Church of 
Niger, and Lucius of Cyrene, and Manaen ; which had, Antioch. 
been brought up with Herod the Tetrarch, and Saul. As 
they ministred unto the Lord, and. fasted, the Holy Ghost 
said, Separate mee Barnabas, and Saul for the worke 
whereunto I have called them. And when they had fasted, 
and prayed, and laid their hands on them, they sent them 

By which it is manifest, that though they were called 
by the Holy Ghost, their Calling was declared unto 
them, and their Mission authorized by the particular 
Church of Antioch. And that this their calling was 

412 Part 3- OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 42. 

to the Apostleship, is apparent by that, that they are 
both called (Acts 14. 14.) Apostles : And that it was by 
vertue of this act of the Church of Antioch, that they 
were Apostles, S. Paul declareth plainly (Rom. i. i.) 
in that hee useth the word, which the Holy Ghost used 
at his calling : For hee stileth himself, An Apostle 
separated unto the Gospel of God ; alluding to the words 
of the Holy Ghost, Separate me Barnabas and Saul, 6-c. 
But seeing the work of an Apostle, was to be a Witnesse 
of the Resurrection of Christ, a man may here aske, 
how S. Paul, that conversed not with our Saviour before 
his passion, could know he was risen. To which is 
easily answered, that our Saviour himself appeared to 
him in the way to Damascus, from Heaven, after his 
Ascension ; and chose him for a vessell to bear his name 
before the Gentiles, and Kings, and Children of Israel ; 
and consequently (having seen the Lord after his passion) 
was a competent Witnesse of his Resurrection : And as 
for Barnabas, he was a Disciple before the Passion. 
It is therefore evident that Paul, and Barnabas were 
Apostles ; and yet chosen, and authorized (not by the 
first Apostles alone, but) by the Church of Antioch : as 
Matthias was chosen, and authorized by the Church of 

What Bishop, a word formed in our language, out of the 

Offices in Greek Episcopus, signifieth an Overseer, or Super - 
^ Church intendent of any businesse, and particularly a Pastor, 
" 1 or Shepherd ; and thence by metaphor was taken, not 
only amongst the Jews that were originally Shepherds, 
[289] but also amongst the Heathen, to signifie the Office 
of a King, or any other Ruler, or Guide of People, 
whether he ruled by Laws, or Doctrine. And so the 
Apostles were the first Christian Bishops, instituted by 
Christ himself e : in which sense the Apostleship of Judas 
is called (Acts I. 20.) his Bishoprick. And afterwards, 
when there were constituted Elders in the Christian 
Churches, with charge to guide Christs flock by their 
doctrine, and advice ; these Elders were also called 
Bishops. Timothy was an Elder (which word Elder, 
in the New Testament is a name of Office, as well as 
of Age ;) yet he was also a Bishop. And Bishops were 

Part 3. COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 42. 413 

then content with the Title of Elders. Nay S. John 
himselfe, the Apostle beloved of our Lord, beginneth his 
Second Epistle with these words, The Elder to the Elect 
Lady. By which it is evident, that Bishop, Pastor, 
Elder, Doctor, that is to say, Teacher, were but so many 
divers names of the same Office in the time of the 
Apostles. For there was then no government by 
Coercion, but only by Doctrine, and Perswading. The 
Kingdome of God was yet to come, in a new world ; 
so that there could be no authority to compell in any 
Church, till the Common-wealth had embraced the 
Christian Faith ; and consequently no diversity of 
Authority, though there were diversity of Employments. 

Besides these Magisteriall employments in the Church ; 
namely, Apostles, Bishops, Elders, Pastors, and Doctors, 
whose calling was to proclaim Christ to the Jevs, and 
Infidels, and to direct, and teach those that beleeved 
we read in the New Testament of no other. For by the 
names of Evangelists and Prophets, is not signified any 
Ofhce, but severall Gifts, by which severall men were 
profitable to the Church : as Evangelists, by writing 
the life and acts of our Saviour ; such as were S. Matthew 
andS. John Apostles, and S. Marke and S. Luke. Disciples, 
and whosoever else wrote of that subject, (as S. Thomas, 
and S. Barnabas are said to have done, though the 
Church have not received the Books that have gone 
under their names :) and as Prophets, by the gift of 
interpreting the Old Testament ; and sometimes by 
declaring their speciall Revelations to the Church. 
For neither these gifts, nor the gifts of Languages, nor 
the gift of Casting out Devils, or of Curing other diseases, 
nor any thing else did make an Officer in the Church, 
save onely the due calling and election to the charge of 

As the Apostles, Matthias, Paul, and Barnabas, were Ordina- 
not made by our Saviour himself, but were elected by t/ion f 
the Church, that is, by the Assembly of Christians ; Teachers - 
namely, Matthias by the Church of Jerusalem, and Paul, 
and Barnabas by the Church of Antioch ; so were also 
the Presbyters, and Pastors in other Cities, elected by the 
Churches of those Cities. For proof whereof, let us 

414 Parts. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 42. 

consider, first, how S. Paul proceeded in the Ordination 
of Presbyters, in the Cities where he had converted men 
to the Christian Faith, immediately after he and Barnabas 
had received their Apostleship. We read (Acts 14. 23.) 
that they ordained Elders in every Church ; which at 
[290] first sight may be taken for an Argument, that they 
themselves chose, and gave them their authority : But 
if we consider the Originall text, it will be manifest, 
that they were authorized, and chosen by the Assembly 
of the Christians of each City. For the words there are, 

^eiporovT/crai/Te? OLVTOLS 7rpeo-/3vTpovs KO.T CKKXrj&Lav, that 
is, When they had Ordained them Elders by the Holding 
up of Hands in every Congregation. Now it is well 
enough known, that in all those Cities, the manner of 
choosing Magistrates, and Officers, was by plurality of 
suffrages ; and (because the ordinary way of distin 
guishing the Affirmative Votes from the Negatives, was 
by Holding up of Hands) to ordain an Officer in any 
of the Cities, was no more but to bring the people 
together, to elect them by plurality of Votes, whether 
it were by plurality of elevated hands, or by plurality of 
voices, or plurality of balls, or beans, or small stones, 
of which every man cast in one, into a vessell marked 
for the Affirmative, or Negative ; for divers Cities had 
divers customes in that point. It was therefore the 
Assembly that elected their own Elders : the Apostles 
were onely Presidents of the Assembly to call them 
together for such Election, and to pronounce them 
Elected, and to give them the benediction, which now 
is called Consecration. And for this cause they that 
were Presidents of the Assemblies, as (in the absence of 
the Apostles) the Elders were, were called Trpoeo-Tojres, and 
in Latin Antistites ; which words signifie the Principal! 
Person of the Assembly, whose office was to number the 
Votes, and to declare thereby who was chosen ; and 
where the Votes were equall, to decide the matter in 
question, by adding his own ; which is the Office of 
a President in Councell. And (because all the Churches 
had their Presbyters ordained in the same manner,) 
where the word is Constitute, (as Titus i. 5.) Iva Karao-r //orys 
Kara TTO\LV Trpeo-pvrepovs, For this cause left I thee in Crete, 

Par/ 3- COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 42. 415 

that thou shouldest constitute Elders in every City, we are 
to understand the same thing ; namely, that hee should 
call the faithfull together, and ordain them Presbyters 
by plurality of suffrages. It had been a strange thing, 
if in a Town, where men perhaps had never seen any 
Magistrate otherwise chosen then by an Assembly, those 
of the Town becomming Christians, should so much as 
have thought on any other way of Election of their 
Teachers, and Guides, that is to say, of their Presbyters, 
(otherwise called Bishops,) then this of plurality of 
suffrages, intimated by S. Paul (Acts 14. 23.) in the 
word xpoTovryo-avTs i Nor was there ever any choosing 
of Bishops, (before the Emperors found it necessary to 
regulate them in order to the keeping of the peace 
amongst them,) but by the Assemblies of the Christians 
in every severall Town. 

The same is also confirmed by the continuall practise 
even to this day, in the Election of the Bishops of Rome. 
For if the Bishop of any place, had the right of choosing 
another, to the succession of the Pastoral! Office, in any 
City, at such time as he went from thence, to plant the 
same in another place ; much more had he had the Right, 
to appoint his successour in that place, in which he last 
resided and dyed : And we find not, that ever any Bishop [291] 
of Rome appointed his successor. For they were a long 
time chosen by the People, as we may see by the sedition 
raised about the Election, between Damasus, and 
Ursicinus ; which Ammianus Marcellinus saith was so 
great, that Juventius the Praefect, unable to keep the 
peace between them, was forced to goe out of the 
City ; and that there were above an hundred men found 
dead upon that occasion in the Church it self. And 
though they afterwards were chosen, first, by the whole 
Clergy of Rome, and afterwards by the Cardinalls ; yet 
never any was appointed to the succession by his pre 
decessor. If therefore they pretended no right to appoint 
their own successors, I think I may reasonably conclude, 
they had no right to appoint the successors of other 
Bishops, without receiving some new power ; which 
none could take from the Church to bestow on them, 
but such as had a lawfull authority, not onely to Teach, 

416 Part 3. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 42. 

but to Command the Church ; which none could doe, but 
the Civill Soveraign. 

Ministers The word Minister in the Originall Aia/coi/os, signifieth 
church ne ^^ at vomntai "ily doth tne businesse of another man ; 
what : an( ^ differeth from a Servant onely in this, that Servants 
are obliged by their condition, to what is commanded 
them ; whereas Ministers are obliged onely by their 
undertaking, and bound therefore to no more than that 
they have undertaken : So that both they that teach 
the Word of God, and they that administer the secular 
affairs of the Church, are both Ministers, but they are 
Ministers of different Persons. For the Pastors of the 
Church, called (Acts 6. 4.) The Ministers of the Word, are 
Ministers of Christ, whose Word it is : But the Ministery 
of a Deacon, which is called (verse 2. of the same Chapter) 
Serving of Tables, is a service done to the Church, or 
Congregation : So that neither any one man, nor the 
whole Church, could ever of their Pastor say, he was 
their Minister ; but of a Deacon, whether the charge he 
undertook were to serve tables, or distribute maintenance 
to the Christians, when they lived in each City on a com 
mon stock, or upon collections, as in the first times, or 
to take a care of the House of Prayer, or of the Revenue, 
or other worldly businesse of the Church, the whole 
Congregation might properly call him their Minister. 

For their employment, as Deacons, was to serve the 
Congregation ; though upon occasion they omitted not 
to Preach the Gospel, and maintain the Doctrine of 
Christ, every one according to his gifts, as S. Steven did ; 
and both to Preach, and Baptize, as Philip did : For 
that Philip, which (Act. 8. 5.) Preached the Gospel! at 
Samaria, and (verse 38.) Baptized the Eunuch, was 
Philip the Deacon, not Philip the Apostle. For it is 
manifest (verse I.) that when Philip preached in Samaria, 
the Apostles were at Jerusalem, and (verse 14.) when 
they heard that Samaria had received the Word of God, 
sent Peter and John to them ; by imposition of whose 
hands, they that were Baptized, (verse 15.) received 
(which before by the Baptisme of Philip they had not 
[292] received) the Holy Ghost. For it was necessary for the 
conferring of the Holy Ghost, that their Baptisme 

Parts. COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 42. 417 

should be administred, or confirmed by a Minister of the 
Word, not by a Minister of the Church. And therefore 
to confirm the Baptisme of those that Philip the Deacon 
had Baptized, the Apostles sent out of their own number 
from Jerusalem to Samaria, Peter, and John ; who con 
ferred on them that before were but Baptized, those 
graces that were signs of the Holy Spirit, which at that 
time did accompany all true Beleevers ; which what 
they were may be understood by that which S. Marke 
saith (chap. 16. 17.) These signes follow them that beleeve 
in my Name ; they shall cast out Devills ; they shall speak 
with new tongues ; They shall take up Serpents, and if they 
drink any deadly thing, it shall not hurt them ; They shall 
lay hands on the sick, and they shall recover. This to doe, 
was it that Philip could not give ; but the Apostles could, 
and (as appears by this place) effectually did to every 
man that truly beleeved ; and was by a Minister of 
Christ himself Baptized : .which power either Christs 
Ministers in this age cannot conferre, or else there are 
very few true Beleevers, or Christ hath very few Ministers. 

That the first Deacons were chosen, not by the Apostles, And how 
but by a Congregation of the Disciples ; that is, of Chris- chosen 
tian men of all sorts, is manifest out of Acts 6. where we 
read that the Twelve, after the number of Disciples was 
multiplyed, called them together, and having told them, 
that it was not fit that the Apostles should leave the 
Word of God, and serve tables, said unto them (verse 3.) 
Brethren looke you out among you seven men of honest 
report, full of the Holy Ghost, and of Wisdome, whom we 
may appoint over this businesse. Here it is manifest, 
that though the Apostles declared them elected ; yet 
the Congregation chose them ; which also, (verse the 
fift) is more expressely said, where it is written, that 
the saying pleased the multitude, and they chose seven, &c. 

Under the Old Testament, the Tribe of Levi were Of Ecde- 
onely capable of the Priesthood, and other inferiour siasticall 
Offices of the Church. The land was divided amongst Rg y M ^ 
the other Tribes (Levi excepted,) which by the sub- Taw of 
division of the Tribe of Joseph, into Ephraim and Moses. 
Manasses, were still twelve. To the Tribe of Levi were 
assigned certain Cities for their habitation, with the 


4i8 Part 3. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 42. 

suburbs for their cattell : but for their portion, they 
were to have the tenth of the fruits of the land of their 
Brethren. Again, the Priests for their maintenance had 
the tenth of that tenth, together with part of the oblations, 
and sacrifices. For God had said to Aaron (Numb. 18. 
20.) Thou shalt have no inheritance in their land, neither 
shall thou have any part amongst them, I am thy part, and 
thine inheritance amongst the Children of Israel. For God 
being then King, and having constituted the Tribe of 
Levi to be his Publique Ministers, he allowed them for 
their maintenance, the Publique revenue, that is to say, 
the part that God had reserved to himself ; which were 
Tythes, and Offerings : and that is it. which is meant, 
where God saith, I am thine inheritance. And therefore 
[293] to the Levites might not unfitly be attributed the name 
of Clergy from KAr}pos, which signifieth Lot, or Inheri 
tance ; not that they were heirs of the Kingddme of 
God, more than other ; but that Gods inheritance, was 
their maintenance. Now seeing in this time God himself 
was their King, and Moses, Aaron, and the succeeding 
High Priests were his Lieutenants ; it is manifest, that 
the Right of Tythes, and Offerings was constituted by 
the Civill Power. 

After their rejection of God in the demanding of 

a King, they enjoyed still the same revenue ; but the 

Right thereof was derived from that, that the Kings did 

never take it from them : for the Publique Revenue was 

at the disposing of him that was the Publique Person ; 

and that (till the Captivity) was the King. And again, 

after the return from the Captivity, they paid their 

Tythes as before to the Priest. Hitherto therefore 

Church Livings were determined by the Civill Soveraign. 

In our Of the maintenance of our Saviour, and his Apostles, 

Saviours we read onely they had a Purse, (which was carried by 

time, and j u( j as Iscariot ;) and, that- of the Apostles, such as were 

Fisher-men, did sometimes use their trade ; and that 

when our Saviour sent the Twelve Apostles to Preach, 

Mat. 10. 9, he forbad them to carry Gold, and Silver, and Brasse in 

I0 - their purses, for that the workman is worthy of his hire : 

By which it is probable, their ordinary maintenance was 

not unsuitable to their employment ; for their employ- 

Part 3. COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 42. 419 

ment was (ver. 8.) freely to give, because they had freely 
received ; and their maintenance was the free gift of 
those that beleeved the good tyding they carryed about 
of the coming of the Messiah their Saviour. To which 
we may adde, that which was contributed out of grati 
tude ; by such as our Saviour had healed of diseases ; 
of which are mentioned Certain women (Luke 8. 2, 3.) 
which had been healed of evill spirits and infirmities ; Mary 
Magdalen, out of whom went seven Devills ; and Joanna 
the wife of Chuza, Herods Steward ; and Susanna, and 
many others, which ministred unto him of their siibstance. 

After our Saviours Ascension, the Christians of every 
City lived in Common,* upon the mony which was made * Acts, 4. 
of the sale of their lands and possessions, and laid down 34- 
at the feet of the Apostles, of good will, not of duty ; 
for whilest the Land remained (saith S. Peter to Ananias 
Acts 5. 4.) was it not thine? and after it was sold, was it 
not in thy power ? which sheweth he needed not have 
saved his land, nor his money by lying, as not being 
bound to contribute any thing at all, unlesse he had 
pleased. And as in the time of the Apostles, so also all 
the time downward, till after Const antine the Great, we 
shall find, that the maintenance of the Bishops, and 
Pastors of the Christian Church, was nothing but the 
voluntary contribution of them that had embraced their 
Doctrine. There was yet no mention of Tythes : but 
such was in the time of Constantine, and his Sons, the 
affection of Christians to their Pastors, as Ammianus 
Marcellinus saith (describing the sedition of Damasus 
arid Ursicinus about the Bishopricke,) that it was worth 
their contention, in that the Bishops of those times by 
the liberality of their flock, and especially of Matrons, [294] 
lived splendidly, were carryed in Coaches, and were 
sumptuous in their fare and apparell. 

But here may some ask, whether the Pastor were then The Mini- 
bound to live upon voluntary contribution, as upon sters of the 
almes, For who (saith S. Paul i Cor. 9. 7.) goeth to war Gospel 
at his own charges ? or who feedeth a flock, and eateth not faBene- 
of the milke of the flock ? And again, Doe ye not know volence of 
that they which minister about holy things, live of the things their 
of the Temple : and they which wait at the Altar, partake fl cks - 

Ee2 v 

420 Part 3. OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 42. 

with the Altar ; that is to say, have part of that which is 
offered at the Altar for their maintenance ? And then 
he concludeth, Even so hath the Lord appointed, that they 
which preach the Gospel should live of the Gospel. From 
which place may be inferred indeed, that the Pastors of 
the Church ought to be maintained by their flocks ; but 
not that the Pastors were to determine, either the quan 
tity, or the kind of their own allowance, and be (as it 
were) their own Carvers. Their allowance must needs 
therefore be determined, either by the gratitude, and 
liberality of every particular man of their flock, or by 
the whole Congregation. By the whole Congregation it 
could not be, because their Acts were then no Laws : 
Therefore the maintenance of Pastors, before Emperours 
and Civill Soveraigns had made Laws to settle it, was 
nothing but Benevolence. They that served at the Altar 
lived on what was offered. So may the Pastors als o take 
what is offered them by their flock ; but not exact what 
is not offered. In \vhat Court should they sue for it, who 
had no Tribunalls ? Or if they had Arbitrators amongst 
themselves, who should execute their Judgments, when 
they had no power to arme their Officers ? It remaineth 
therefore, that there could be no certaine maintenance 
assigned to any Pastors of the Church, but by the whole 
Congregation ; and then onely, when their Decrees 
should have the force (not onely of Canons, but also) of 
Laws ; which Laws could not be made, but by Em 
perours, Kings, or other Civill Soveraignes. The Right of 
Tythes in Moses Law, could not be applyed to the then 
Ministers of the Gospell ; because Moses arid the High 
Priests were the Civill Soveraigns of the people under 
God, whose Kingdom amongst the Jews was present ; 
whereas the Kingdome of God by Christ is yet to come. 
Hitherto hath been shewn what the Pastors of the 
Church are ; what are the points of their Commission (as 
that they were to Preach, to Teach, to Baptize, to be 
Presidents in their severall Congregations ;) what is 
Ecclesiasticall Censure, viz. Excommunication, that is 
to say, in those places where Christianity was forbidden 
by the Civill Laws, a putting of themselves out of the 
company of the Excommunicate, and where Christianity 

Part 3. COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 42. 421 

was by the Civill Law commanded, a putting the Excom 
municate out of the Congregations of Christians ; who 
elected the Pastors and Ministers of the Church, (that it 
was, the Congregation) ; who consecrated and blessed 
them, (that it was the Pastor) ; what was their due 
revenue, (that it was none but their own possessions, 
and their own labour, and the voluntary contributions of 
devout and grateful! Christians). We are to consider [295] 
now, what Office in the Church those persons have, who 
being Civill Soveraignes, have embraced also the Chris 
tian Faith. 

And first, we are to remember, that the Right of That the 
Judging what Doctrines are fit for Peace, and to be 
taught the Subjects, is in all Common-wealths insepar- 
ably annexed (as hath been already proved cha. 18.) Christian 
to the Soveraign Power Civill, whether it be in one Man, hath the 
or in one Assembly of men. For it is evident to the 
meanest capacity, that mens actions are derived from 
the opinions they have of the Good, or Evill, which from tors. 
those actions redound unto themselves ; and conse 
quently, men that are once possessed of an opinion, that 
their obedience to the Soveraign Power, will bee more 
hurtfull to them, than their disobedience, will disobey 
the Laws, and thereby overthrow the Common-wealth, 
and introduce confusion, and Civill war ; for the avoid 
ing whereof, all Civill Government was ordained. And 
therefore in all Common-wealths of the Heathen, the 
Soveraigns have had the name of Pastors of the People, 
because there was no Subject that could lawfully Teach 
the people, but by their permission and authority. 

This Right of the Heathen Kings, cannot bee thought 
taken from them by their conversion to the Faith of 
Christ ; who never ordained, that Kings for beleeving 
in him, should be deposed, that is, subjected to any but 
himself, or (which is all one) be deprived of the power 
necessary for the conservation of Peace amongst their 
Subjects, and for their defence against foraign Enemies. 
And therefore Christian Kings are still the Supreme 
Pastors of their people, and have power to ordain what 
Pastors they please, to teach the Church, that is, to 
teach the People committed to their charge. 

422 Part 3- OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 42. 

Again, let the right of choosing them be (as before 
the conversion of Kings) in the Church, for so it was in 
the time of the Apostles themselves (as hath been shewn 
already in this chapter) ; even so also the Right will be 
in the Civill Soveraign, Christian. For in that he is 
a Christian, he allowes the Teaching ; and in that he is 
the Soveraign (which is as much as to say, the Church by 
Representation,) the Teachers hee elects, are elected by 
the Church. And when an Assembly of Christians choose 
their Pastor in a Christian Common- wealth, it is the 
Soveraign that electeth him, because tis done by his 
Authority ; In the same manner, as when a Town choose 
their Maior, it is the act of him that hath the Soveraign 
Power : For every act done, is the act of him, without 
whose consent it is invalid. And therefore whatsoever 
examples may be drawn out of History, concerning the 
Election of Pastors, by the People, or by the Clergy, 
they are no arguments against the Right of any Civill 
Soveraign, because they that elected them did it by his 

Seeing then in every Christian Common-wealth, the 
Civill Soveraign is the Supreme Pastor, to whose charge 
[296] the whole flock of his Subjects is committed, and con 
sequently that it is by his authority, that all other Pastors 
are made, and have power to teach, and performe all 
other Pastorall offices ; it followeth also, that it is from 
the Civill Soveraign, that all other Pastors derive their 
right of Teaching, Preaching, and other functions pertain 
ing to that Office ; and that they are but his Ministers ; 
in the same manner as the Magistrates of Towns, Judges 
in Courts of Justice, and Commanders of Armies, are all 
but Ministers of him that is the Magistrate of the" whole 
Common-wealth, Judge of all Causes, and Commander 
of the whole Militia, which is alwaies the Civill Soveraign. 
And the reason hereof, is not because they that Teach, 
but because they that are to Learn, are his Subjects. 
For let it be supposed, that a Christian King commit 
the Authority of Ordaining Pastors in his Dominions to 
another King, (as divers Christian Kings allow that 
power to the Pope ;) he doth not thereby constitute 
a Pastor over himself, nor a Soveraign Pastor over his 

Part 3- COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 42. 423 

People ; for that were to deprive himself of the Civill 
Power ; which depending on the opinion men have of 
their Duty to him, and the fear they have of Punish 
ment in another world, would depend also on the skill, 
and loyalty of Doctors, who are no lesse subject, not 
only to Ambition, but also to Ignorance, than any other 
sort of men. So that where a stranger hath authority to 
appoint Teachers, it is given him by the Soveraign in 
whose Dominions he teacheth. Christian Doctors are our 
Schoolmasters to Christianity ; But Kings are Fathers 
of Families, and may receive Schoolmasters for their 
Subjects from the recommendation of a stranger, but 
not from the command ; especially when the ill teaching 
them shall redound to the great and manifest profit of 
him that recommends them : nor can they be obliged 
to retain them, longer than it is for the Publique good ; 
the care of which they stand so long charged withall, as 
they retain any other essentiall Right of the Soveraignty. 

If a man therefore should ask a Pastor, in the execu- The Pas- 
tion of his Office, as the chief Priests and Elders of the tor all Au- 
people (Mat. 21. 23.) asked our Saviour, By what authority ^ or 
dost thou these things, and who gave thee this authority : a jg ns on i y 
he can make no other just Answer, but that he doth it is de Jure 
by the Authority of the Common- wealth, given him by Divino, 
the King, or Assembly that representeth it. All Pastors, **%? f 

fti o " IT_ i_ J.T- TJ- I_A other Pas- 

except the Supreme, execute their charges in the Kight, tOYS j s 
that is by the Authority of the Civill Soveraign, that is, jure 
Jure Civili. But the King, and every other Soveraign, Civili. 
executeth his Office of Supreme Pastor, by immediate 
Authority from God, that is to say, in Gods Right, or 
Jure Divino. And therefore none but Kings can put into 
their Titles (a mark of their submission to God onely) 
Dei gratia Rex, &c. Bishops ought to say in the beginning 
of their Mandates, By the favour of the Kings Majesty, 
Bishop of such a Diocesse ; or as Civill Ministers, In his 
Majesties Name. For in saying, Divind providentid, 
which is the same with Dei gratia, though disguised, they 
deny to have received their authority from the Civill 
State ; and sliely slip off the Collar of their Civill Sub- [297] 
jection, contrary to the unity and defence of the Common 

424 Part 3- OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 42. 

Christian. But if every Christian Soveraign be the Supreme 

Kings Pastor of his own Subjects, it seemeth that he hath also 

Power to t* 16 Authority, not only to Preach (which perhaps no 

execute all man will deny ;) but also to Baptize, and to Administer 

manner of the Sacrament of the Lords Supper ; and to Consecrate 

Pastoral both Temples, and Pastors to Gods service ; which most 

on men deny ; partly because they use not to do it ; and 

partly because the Administration of Sacraments, and 

Consecration of Persons, and Places to holy uses, re- 

quireth the Imposition of such mens hands, as by the like 

Imposition successively from the time of the Apostles 

have been ordained to the like Ministery. For proof 

therefore that Christian Kings have power to Baptize, 

and to Consecrate, I am to render a reason, both why 

they use. not to doe it, and how, without the ordinary 

ceremony of Imposition of hands, they are made capable 

of doing it, when they will. 

There is no doubt but any King, in case he were skil- 
full in the Sciences, might by the same Right of his 
Office, read Lectures of them himself, by which he 
authorizeth others to read them in the Universities. 
Neverthelesse, because the care of the summe of the 
businesse of the Common-wealth taketh up his whole 
time, it were not convenient for him to apply himself 
in Person to that particular. A King may also if he 
please, sit in Judgment, to hear and determine all man- 
* ner of Causes, as well as give others authority to doe it 
in his name ; but that the charge that lyeth upon him 
of Command and Government, constrain him to bee 
continually at the Helm, and to commit the Ministeriall 
Offices to others under him. In the like manner our 
Saviour (who surely had power to Baptize) Baptized 

* John 4. none * himselfe, but sent his Apostles and Disciples to 

Baptize. So also S. Paul, by the necessity of Preaching 
in divers and far distant places, Baptized few : Amongst 

* i Cor. all the Corinthians he Baptized only * Crispus, Cajus, 
i. 14, 1 6. an( } stephanus ; and the reason was, because his prin- 

* i Cor. i. cipall *Charge was to Preach. Whereby it is manifest, 
X 7- that the greater Charge, (such as is the Government of 

the Church,) is a dispensation for the lesse. The reason 
therefore why Christian Kings use not to Baptize, is evi- 

Part 3. COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 42. 425 

dent, and the same, for which at this day there are few 
Baptized by Bishops, and by the Pope fewer. 

And as concerning Imposition of Hands, whether it 
be needfull, for the authorizing of a King to Baptize, 
and Consecrate, we may consider thus. 

Imposition of Hands, was a most ancient publique 
ceremony amongst the Jews, by which was designed, 
and made certain, the person, or other thing intended 
in a mans prayer, blessing, sacrifice, consecration, con 
demnation, or other speech. So Jacob in blessing the 
children of Joseph (Gen. 48. 14.) Laid his right Hand on 
Ephraim the younger, and his left Hand on Manasseh the 
first born ; and this he did wittingly (though they were [298] 
so presented to him by Joseph, as he was forced in doing 
it to stretch out his arms acrosse) to design to whom he 
intended the greater blessing. So also in the sacrificing of 
the Burnt offering, Aaron is commanded [Exod. 29. 10.] 
to Lay his Hands on the head of the bullock ; and [ver. 15.] 
to Lay his Hand on the head of the ramme. The same is 
also said again, Levit. i. 4. & 8. 14. Likewise Moses when 
he ordained Joshua to be Captain of the Israelites, that 
is, consecrated him to Gods service, [Numb. 27. 23.] Laid 
his Hands upon him, and gave him his Charge, designing, 
and rendring certain, who it was they were to obey in 
war. And in the consecration of the Levites [Numb. 8. 
TO.] God commanded that the Children of Israel should 
Put their Hands upon the Levites. And in the condemna- * 
tion of him that had blasphemed the Lord [Levit. 24. 14.] 
God commanded that all that heard him should Lay their 
Hands on his head, and that all the Congregation should 
stone him. And why should they only that heard him, 
Lay their Hands upon him, and not rather a Priest, 
Levite, or other Minister of Justice, but that none else 
were able to design, and demonstrate to the eyes of the 
Congregation, who it was that had blasphemed, and 
ought to die ? And to design a man, or any other thing, 
by the Hand to the Eye, is lesse subject to mistake, than 
when it is done to the Eare by a Name. 

And so much was this ceremony observed, that in 
blessing the whole Congregation at once, which cannot 
be done by Laying on of Hands, yet Aaron [Levit. 9. 22.] 

426 Part 3- OF A CHRISTIAN Chap. 42. 

did lift up his Hand towards the people when he blessed 
them. And we read also of the like ceremony of Conse 
cration of Temples amongst the Heathen, as that the 
Priest laid his Hands on some post of the Temple, all 
the while he was uttering the words of Consecration. 
So naturall it is to design any individuall thing, rather 
by the Hand, to assure the Eyes, than by Words to 
inform the Eare in matters of Gods Publique service. 

This ceremony was not therefore new in our Saviours 
time. For Jairus [Mark 5. 23.] whose daughter was 
sick, besought our Saviour (not to heal her, but) to 
Lay his Hands upon her, that shee might bee healed. And 
[Malth. 19. 13.] they brought unto him little children, that 
hee should Put his Hands on them, and Pray. 

According to this ancient Rite, the Apostles, and 
Presbyters, and the Presbytery it self, Laid Hands on 
them whom they ordained Pastors, and withall prayed 
for them that they might receive the Holy Ghost ; and 
that not only once, but sometimes oftner, when a new 
occasion was presented : but the end was still the same, 
namely a punctuall, and religious designation of the 
person, ordained either to the Pastorall Charge in 
general, or to a particular Mission : so [Act. 6. 6.] The 
Apostles Prayed, and Laid their Hands on the seven 
Deacons ; which was done, not to give them the Holy 
Ghost, (for they were full of the Holy Ghost before they 
[299] were chosen, as appeareth immediately before, verse 3.) 
but to design them to that Office. And after Philip the 
Deacon had converted certain persons in Samaria, 
Peter and John went down [Act 8. 17.] and Laid their 
Hands on them, and they received the Holy Ghost. And 
not only an Apostle, but a Presbyter had this power : 
For S. Paul adviseth Timothy [i Tim. 5. 22.] Lay Hands 
suddenly on no man ; that is, designe no man rashly 
to the Office of a Pastor. The whole Presbytery Laid 
their Hands on Timothy, as we read I Tim. 4. 14. but 
this is to be understood, as that some did it by the 
appointment of the Presbytery, and most likely their 
Trpoeo-Toj?, or Prolocutor, which it may be was St. Paul 
himself. For in his 2 Epist. to Tim. ver. 6. he saith to 
him, Stirre up the gift of God which is in thee, by the 

Part 3- COMMON-WEALTH. Chap. 42. 427 

Laying on of my Hands : where note by the way, that 
by the Holy Ghost, is not meant the third Person in 
the Trinity, but the Gifts necessary to the Pastorall 
Office. We read also, that St. Paul had Imposition of 
Hands twice ; once from Ananias at Damascus [Acts 
9. 17, 18.] at the time of his Baptisme ; and again 
[Acts 13. 3.] at Antioch, when he was first sent out to 
Preach. The use then of this ceremony considered in 
the Ordination of Pastors, was to design the Person to 
whom they gave such Power. But if there had been 
then any Christian, that had had the Power of Teaching 
before ; the Baptizing of him, that is, the making him 
a Christian, had given him no new Power, but had onely 
caused him to preach true Doctrine, that is, to use his 
Power aright ; and therefore the Imposition of