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BitU. O.T Afo^ry^'U. EnjUitv ftufU'z*^^- '"^n 


Holy Bible 



% lUbiston of i\i translation, 

By clergy of the ANGLICAN CHURCH. 



By henry wage, D.D., 







\_AU rights are reserved.^ 








The scope and limits of this addition to the Speaker's Commentary 
on the Holy Bible are so lucidly explained in the General Introduction 
by Dr. Salmon, the Regius Professor of Divinity in the University of 
Dublin, that little need here be added in presenting these two volumes 
to the reader. "The Books called Apocrypha" formed an integral 
part of the Authorized Version of the Holy Bible m i6i i, and it was 
thought therefore that the design of a Commentary on that Version 
would not be completely carried out unless these books received a 
similar treatment with those which are recognised as Canonical, while 
their inherent interest and importance rendered it desirable that the 
English reader should be furnished with a much more complete 
edition and explanation of them than any he has hitherto possessed. 
The plan and principles of the Speaker's Commentary have been 
as far as possible adhered to ; and it is hoped that these volumes will 
afford the latest information which modern learning has supplied 
on the subject of the Apocryphal books, and will furnish a 
trustworthy guide in their study. 









I. Claims of the Apocrypha 


1 The interval between Old Testament 

and Ne^w Testament times 

2 Value of the books called Apocrypha 

as throwing light on that inter- 
val ..... 

3 Prevalent neglect of these books 

II. History of the Greek 

4 J elvish use of the Greek language . 

5 Providential result of the calamities 

of the Je-tvish natio/i 

6 Pressure of Hellenism on Judaism . 

7 'The Greek Old Testament 

8 Read by heathen 

9 The medium through nvhich the 

Christian Church generally kneiu 
the Old Testament . 
lo Differences betiueen the Greek and 
Hebrenv Bibles 





II. Palestinian Canon of the 
Old Testament. 


Conception of a closed Canon of 
Scripture .... 
e list of Melito 
jsephus ..... 

Means of identifying the t-iventy- 
tivo books of Josephus 

The theory and the practice of Jose- 
phus ..... 

Agreeyjient as to the Canon bet<ween 
the Christians and the Jews of 
Palestine .... 

Origin of the Septuagint 
















19 The story told by the so-called 

Aristeas .... 

20 Later improvements on that story . 

21 Fictitious character of the whole 

story ..... 

22 More probable account of the origin 

of the Septuagint . 

23 Diversities ofjeivish opinion as to 

the merits of the 'work 

24 Literary activity of Hellenistic Je-ws 

25 Additions made by them to the 

Canonical books 

IV. Alexandrian Canon of 
THE Old Testament. 

2 6 Generally coincident 'with Pales- 
tinian ..... 

2 7 Philo : prominence given by him to 
the Pentateuch 

2 8 According to the original story, the 
Seventy Interpreters translated 
the Pentateuch only. 

29 The Pentateuch probably came into 

synagogue use before the other 
Old Testament books 

30 Recognition of these other books by 


3 1 His silence as to the Apocrypha 

V. The Old Testament as 
used by the christian 




Non-recognition of the Apocrypha 
in the New) Testament 

Patristic use of the Old Testament. 

The Christian Fathers 'were ac- 
quainted fwith the books called 
Apocrypha .... 

And frequently quote them as Scrip- 
ture ..... 

XV ii 















VI. Learned Eastern opinion 

MENT Canon. 

36 Ortgen 

37 Africanus 

38 Origen's reply to Africanus 

39 Athanasius 

40 Other Eastern authorities 

VII. The Old Testament Canon 
IN the West. 

41 Augustine .... 

42 Riifinus ..... 

43 Jerome ..... 

44 Augustine's expostulation nvith Je- 

rome ..... 

45 The story of the gourd 

46 Ruftnus assails Jerome for rejecting 
the Apocrypha 

The argummts of Rufnus deri-ved 
from Origen .... 

The practice of St. Jerome as to the 
use of the Apocrypha 

49 Ultimate success of Jerome's trans- 

lation ..... 

50 The Middle Ages 

5 1 De Lyra ..... 

52 Cajetanus .... 

53 The Complutensian Polyglot . 

54 The Reformation 
5 5 The name Apocrypha . 

The t^ivofold division of books as to 

Cationicity Cyril of Jerusalem . 
The threefold division Rufnus 
Jerome's adoption of the tqxjofold 

division .... 

The Council of Trent . 
60 What ^weight to be attached to the 

ruling of this Council 
Controversial inducements to its 

recognition of the Apocrypha 
The acceptance of the Apocrypha as 

inspired necessitates a low theory 

of Inspiration 











XX vi 













VIII. The Use of the Apocry- 
pha IN THE Church of Eng- 

63 The Apocrypha formerly used ex- 

tensively in public . 

64 And in private .... 

65 7^1? Lectionary .... 

66 Changes in the reign of James I. . 

67 The Long Parliament . 

68 The Savoy Conference . 

69 The revised Lectionary o/" 1867 

70 The Church's practice as to the 

public reading of iminspired books 
has been always determined by 
considerations of expediency 

71 The Book of Ecclesiasticus . 

72 The Apocrypha unlikely to regain 

its former place in public reading 

IX. The Value of the Apocry- 
pha for private use. 








Undue neglect of the Apocrypha 
The Ne^iv Testament ^writers exhibit 
acquaintance with the Apocrypha 
The Epistle to the Hebrews . 
St. James .... 

St. Peter and St. Paul 
St. John ..... 
Claims of the .Apocrypha arising 
from its long-continued use in the 
Christian Church . 

Note on the Syriac Versions of 
THE Books of the Apocry- 

The Apocrypha in the Peshitto 

The Apocrypha in the Syro-Hexa- 
plar Fersion .... 

Printed editions of the Syriac Apo- 
crypha ..... 

Notes on the several Books of the 
Apocrypha in the Syriac Versions 












S? I. Title and Reception 
II. Form and Contents 

I III. Composition and Design 
6 IV. Age and Authorship . 






L Title 71 IV. Analysis of the Contents. 75 

II. Original Language AND Ver- V. General Character of the 

SIGNS 72 Work .... 79 

III. State of the Text . . 74 VI. Date and Authorship . 80 






I. Contents . . . . 149 V. Place of Composition. . 162 

II. Texts and original Lan- VI. History .... 1.63 

GUAGE . . . .152 Excursus I. Original Language. 164 

III. Date of Composition . . 155 excursus II. Angelology and De- 

IV. Aim of the Book . . 162 monology . . . . .171 






I. General Relation of the V. His Use of Pseudonyms . 248 

Book to Ancient History 241 appendix I. Hebrew Forms of the 

^ II. Patristic Testimonies and History of Judith . . .252 

original Language . . 241 Appendix II.: 

III. Date inferred from inter- i. The Vulgate and the Sep- 

nal Evidence and Trai;i- tuagint . . . .257 

TiON 244 2. The Old Latin and the Vul- 

IV. Author's Standpoint and gate ..... 259 
Object .... 245 Appendix III. Authorities . . 260 


COxMMENTARY and critical notes, pp. 262-360. 






I. Contents .... 361 IV. The Object of the 'Addi- 

II. Original Language . . 361 tions' . . . .367 

III. Date 366 V. Canonicity . . . .367 





I. Character of the Book IV. Date. (' Quando ' ) . . 420 

('Quid?') . . . . 403 V. History of the Book . 422 

II. Author of the Book. VI. The Text . . . .422 

CQuis?') . . . . 410 VII. Versions . . . .422 

111. Object of THE Book. ('Cur?') 420 VIII. Commentaries . . ^ 422 





I. Claims of the Apocrypha on the 



1 T/ie mterval between Old Testament 

and New Testament times . . x 

2 Value of the books called Apocrypha 

as throwing light on that interval. xi 

"^ Prevalent neglect of these books . . xi 

II. History of the Greek Bible. 



4 yezvisk use of the Greek latiguage 

5 Providential result of the calamities of 

the Jewish nation 

6 Pressure of Hellenism on Judaism . 

7 The Greek Old Testament 

8 Read by heathen .... 

9 The medium through which the Chris- 

tian Church generally kneiu the Old 
Testament .... 

ID Differences between the Greek and 
Hebrew Bibles .... 

III. Palestinian Canon of the 
Old Testament. 

11 Melito ...... 

12 Conceptio7i of a closed Canon of 

Scripture . . 

13 The list of Melito .... 

14 Joseph us ..... 

15 Means of identifying the ttuenty-two 

books of Joseph-US 

16 The theory and the practice of Jose- 

phus. ..... 

17 Ap-eement as to the Canon betweeji 

the Christians and the Jews of 
Palestine ..... 

18 Origin of the Septuagint . 

1 9 The story told by the so-called Aristeas 

20 Later improvements on that story 

21 Fictitious character of the whole story 

22 More probable account of the origin of 

the Septuagint .... 

23 Diversities of Jewish opinion as to the 

merits of the 'work 

24 Literary activity of Hellenistic Jezus . 

25 Additions made by them to the Canon- 

ical books ..... 

Apoc Vol. I. 













IV. Alexandrian Canon of the 
Old Testament. 

26 Generally coincident with Palestinian 

27 Philo : prominence given by him to 

the Pentateuch .... xix 

28 According to the original story, the 

Seventy Interpreters translated the 
Pentateuch only . . . . xx 

29 The Pentateuch probably came into 

synagogue use before the other Old 
Testament books .... xx 

30 Recognition of these other books by 

Philo .... 

31 His silence as to the Apocrypha 

V. The Old Testament as used 
3Y the Christian Church. 

32 Non-recognition of the Apocrypha in 

the Nezi.1 Testament . . . xxii 

Z'i Patristic use of the Old Testament . xxii 

34 The Christiaft Fathers were acquainted 

with the books called Apocrypha . xxii 

35 And frequently quote them as Scrip- 

ture ...... xxiii 

VI. Learned Eastern opinion con- 
cerning the Old Testament Canon 



36 Origen. 

37 Africamis 

38 Origen''s reply to Africanus 

39 Athanasius . 

40 Other Eastern authorities 



VII. The Old Testament Canon 
in the West. 

41 Augustine ..... xxv 

42 Ritfinus ..... xxvi 

43 Jerome xxvi 

44 Augustine's expostulation with Jerome xxvii 

45 The story of the gourd . . . xxvii 

46 Rufimis assails Jerome for rejecting 

the Apocrypha .... xxvii 

47 The arguments of Rufinus derived 

from Ongen .... xxviii 

48 The practice of St. Jerome as to the 

use of the Apocrypha . , . xxviii 


49 Ultimate success of Jeroine's transla- 

tion ...... 

50 The Middle A^i^es .... 

51 De Lyra ..... 

52 Ca /eta?! Its ..... 

53 The Coniplutensian Polyglot . 

54 The Reformation .... 

55 The name Apocrypha 

56 The twofold division of books as to 

Canonicity Cyril of yeritsalem . 

57 The threefold division Riifinns 

58 ferome's adoption of the tzvofold 

division ..... 

The Council of Trent 

What weight to be attached to the 
ruling of this Council . 

Controversial inducements to its re- 
cognition of the Apocrypha . 

The acceptance of the Apocrypha as 
inspired necessitates a low theory of 
Inspiration .... 












VIII. The Use of the Apocrypha 
IN the Church of England. 

63 The Apocrypha formerly used exten 

sively in public . . . . 


64 And in private . . . . 


65 The Lectionary . . . . 


66 Changes in the reign of James I. 


67 The Long Parlia}7ient 


68 The Savoy Conference 

. xxxvii 

69 The revised Lectionary of i2>6'j 




The Chm-cWs practice as to the public 
reading of uninspired books has been 
always determined by considerations 
of expediency .... 

The Book of Ecclesiasticus 

72 The Apocrypha unlikely to regain its 
former place in public reading 




IX. The Value of the Apocrypha 

FOR private use. 

73 Undue neglect of the Apocrypha 

74 The New Testament 'writers exhibit 

acquaintance with the Apocrypha . 

75 The Epistle to the Hebrews 

76 St. James 

77 St. Peter and St. Paul . 

78 St. John 

79 Claims of the Apocrypha arising from 

its long-continued use in the Chris- 
tian Church .... 








Note on the Syriac Versions of the 
Books of the Apocrypha. 

1 The Apocrypha in the Peshitto. . xliii 

2 The Apocrypha in the Syro-Hexaplar 

Version ..... xliv 

3 Printed editions of the Syriac Apo- 

crypha . . . . . nIv 

4 Notes on the several books of the 

Apociypha in the Syriac Versiotts. xlv 

I. Claims of the Apocrypha on the 


I. T/ie interval bettueen Old Testament 
and New Testament times. The Chris- 
tian reUgion has its roots in Judaism : 
its Founder and its first preachers were 
Jews, who all held in profound reve- 
rence the sacred books of the Jewish 
nation, and transmitted that reverence 
to the Church which they founded. 
Consequently Christians have always 
felt a deep interest in the study of 
these books, and of the history of the 
Jewish people which they contain. Many 
a Sunday School child would find it easier 
to tell rightly the succession of the Kings 
of Judah than of the Kings of England. 
But there is a great gap in popular know- 
ledge of Jewish history. That knowledge 
is now almost exclusively derived from 
the canonical books of the Old and New 
Testaments ; but between these two col- 
lections of writings there is an interval 
of about 400 years concerning which 
these authorities are almost quite silent. 
And yet during that interval important 

changes took place ; as we discover 
when we compare the state of Jewish 
religious feeling in Old Testament and 
in New Testament times. In the latter 
times we find no hankering after idola- 
try, no desire for the worship of strange 
gods ; monotheism has become the pas- 
sionate faith of the people. Their uni- 
versal conviction is. There is one God, 
and there is none other but He. Again, 
we find that at the time of our Lord's 
appearing the study of the ancient pro- 
phetical writings had produced a uni- 
versal belief in the advent of a Messiah, 
and a general persuasion that His coming 
was then close at hand. The doctrine 
also not only of a future life, but of the 
Resurrection of the Body, though dis- 
puted in the schools, had become the 
firm conviction of the most religious 
^.part of the nation. It is surely an in- 
teresting study for a Christian to trace 
the historical continuity of Jewish re- 
ligious faith ; and if there is a period of 
the history which the Inspired Volume 
leaves comparatively obscure, he ought 
not to disdain to inquire what light ca' 



be thrown on that period from other 
trustworthy sources. 

2. Value of the books called Apocrypha 
as throiuing light on that interval. The 
books which in the Authorized Version 
are designated as " the books called 
Apocrypha," and which form the -sub- 
ject of the present volumes, include 
the most authentic and most valuable 
remains of Jewish literature belonging to 
the period between the prophesying of 

^ Malach i and the birth of our Lord. 
These^books, then, present sources of 
information which evidently cannot be 
neglected by any one who desires to 
study the history of the preparation 
which God made, through the religious 
training of the Jewish nation, for the 
reception of the revelation which His 
Son was to communicate to the world. 
The use of the books from this point of 
view is so obvious that they could 
scarcely have fallen into so much neglect 
as they now generally have done among 
English-speaking Christians, if it were 
not for a reaction against extravagant 
claims that have been made for them. 
The Council of Trent set the whole 
collection, with three exceptions (viz. 
the two books of Esdras and the Prayer 
of Manasses), on a level of complete 
equality with the books of the Hebrew 
Bible and of the New Testament. This 
decision was so much at variance with 
learned opinion in the earlier Church, 
that the framers of the Thirty-nine 
Articles had no difficulty in producing 
the authority of the most learned of the 
Western Fathers, St. Jerome, in support 
of their assertion that the Church reads 
the Apocryphal books for example of 
life and instruction of manners, but 
does not apply them to establish any 

3. Prevale7it neglect of these books. 
These books were not only for the 
reasons just mentioned retained in the 
public reading of the English Church, 
but were commended in the authorized 
editions of the Holy Bible to the private 
study of her members. But in the earlier 
part of the present century, objections 
which had been heard of before, against 
the circulation of the Apocrypha as part 
of the sacred volume, took formidable 
shape. It was urged that the circulation 

of the Apocrypha, bound up with the 
canonical books in the same volume, if 
it did not amount to an acknowledgment 
of the Romish claims for the Apocrypha, 
at least would induce the less learned to 
accept all the books so presented to 
them as possessing like authority. It is 
not necessary to enter here into the 
history of the controversy that ensued ; 
but the practical outcome of it has been 
that for the greater part of the present 
century the Bibles in common use no 
longer contain the Apocrypha; and so 
these books have come to be really 
" hidden away," and are practically un- 
known to the bulk of our people. 

In order to judge dispassionately what 
the claims of these books really are, we 
must study the history of their reception 
in the Christian Church ; nor can that 
history be understood without going fur- 
ther back, and studying the history of 
the Greek Bible. 

II. History of the Greek Bible. 

4. Jewish use of the Greek language. 
If it were proposed to compare the 
books of the Old and of the New Testa- 
ment with the view of ascertaining what 
changes had passed on the nation during 
the interval between the two dispensa- 
tions, the first thing that presents itself 
at the outset of the inquiry is the dif- 
ference of the language in which the 
two collections of books are written. 
This difference corresponds to a funda- 
mental difference between the two dis- 
pensations. As long as Judaism was but 
the religion of a single nation, which, 
content with admitting some casual 
proselytes, made no systematic effort at 
extending itself beyond the borders of 
its own land, so long the Hebrew lan- 
guage could well suffice for its needs. 
But out of Judaism was developed a re- 
ligion which aimed at nothing less than 
making a conquest of the whole world. 
It would have been, humanly speaking, 
impossible to gain this victory through 
the instnmientality of Hebrew, which 
was barely known by name to the most 
cultured peoples of the time, as one of 
the languages spoken by those whom 
they called barbarians. Greek, on the 
othei hand, was universally spread over 

b 2 


the eastern part of the Roman world, carried off to foreign captivity. The 
where it afforded the means of com- pohcy of the conquerors of those days 
munication between the ruUng nation included extensive deportations of the 
and its subjects. In the West also conquered peoples. No cruelty was in- 
Grecian traders had established settle- tended : the involuntary exiles were 
ments. Greek cities had been founded assured the move would be for their 
in the South of Italy ; and one of the good. " Make an agreement with me," 
most interesting Christian remains of the said Rabshakeh, " and come out to me, 
second century^ affords evidence that until I come and take you away to a 
Greek-speaking settlers had made their land like your own land, a land of corn 
way up the Rhone from Marseilles to and wine, a land of bread and vine- 
Lyons. Besides the use of the Ian- yards." (Isaiah xxxvi. 17.) That these 
guage for the purposes of business, its were no delusive promises may be 
noble literature made acquaintance with gathered from Jeremiah's subsequent 
it a necessity to every man of culture and letter to the Babylonian exiles, counsel- 
education. When the Jews looked out- ling them to settle down contentedly in 
side the boundaries of their own nation, it the land of their captivity. " Build ye 
seemed to them as if all else were Greeks, houses, and dwell in them ; plant gar- 
In the New Testament the antithesis dens, and eat the fruit of them; take 
" the Jew and the Greek " is of frequent wives, and beget sons and daughters ; 
occurrence, exhibiting the feeling that take wives to your sons, and give your 
all who were not Jews might be roughly daughters to husbands, that they may 
described as Greeks. If, then, Jewish bear sons and daughters, that ye may 
missionaries were to go forth, converting be increased there and not diminished, 
the other nations of the world to own And seek the peace of the city whither 
that He whom the Jews worshipped was I have caused you to be carried captive, 
the only God, it seems a necessary con- and pray unto the Lord for it, for in 
dition for their success that they should the peace thereof shall ye have peace." 
be able to use the instrumentality of the (Jer. xxix. 5-7.) These counsels were so 
Greek language. acted on that, when seventy years after- 

5. Providential result of the calamities wards the decree went forth that the exiles 

of the Jewish nation. But how did it might return to their own land, only a 

happen that Jews were found in con- fraction of them cared to remove, and 

siderable numbers possessing this ac- Babylonia continued for centuries to 

complishment, and how indeed did they include a large Jewish population. 
come to take such interest in foreign 6. Pressure of Hellenism on Judaism. 

nations as to be anxious to labour for But Nebuchadnezzar was far indeed 

their conversion? We find that it was from being the last of the conquerors of 

the temporal calamities of the Jewish the Jewish nation. Those who returned 

people, though to the eye of men they from the Babylonian exile found suc- 

seemed certain to crush out their na- cessive waves of foreign conquest to 

tional existence, which really in the pass over their land, the same policy of 

providence of God were made the means deportation being persisted in. For ex- 

of training them to become the teachers ample, the city of Alexandria is said to 

of the world. Had their sovereign have had its first population provided 

continued to retain his independence, for it by a forced migration of many 

sitting at Jerusalem on the throne of thousand Jews. It is needless to trace 

David, they would have had little minutely the history of these compulsory 

inducement to acquire a mastery of removals, because they were rapidly suc- 

foreign languages, and it is likely that ceeded by voluntary migrations, as the 

they would have cared as little as in intelligence which Jews at home received 

former times to propagate their faith in from their brethren abroad made them 

distant lands. But their capital was taken, acquainted with greater facilities for 

their king slain, all their leading men commercial enterprise enjoyed in other 

The story of the martyrs of Lyons (Euseb. countries. Thus, in one way or the 

H. E. V. i). other, so many of the people removed 



that there came to be more Jews outside 
Palestine than within it. Meanwhile the 
victories of Alexander had made Grecian 
influence potent in Palestine, as in other 
parts of what had been the Persian 
Empire; so that not merely did Jews 
go largely out into the heathen world, 
but the heathen world pressed in upon 
Judaea. Those who were zealous for 
their own law grieved at the difficulty of 
maintaining Jewish exclusiveness under 
the increasing pressure of Hellenism. 
But God's providence ordained that the 
throwing down the barriers which had 
hedged in the Jew from contact with 
foreign nations should result, not, as had 
been feared, in the swamping of Judaism 
by heathenism, but in spreading reve- 
rence for the law of Moses over every 
part of the civilized world. 

7. The Greek Old Testament. We 
have now to speak of one of the chief 
means used in spreading this reverence 
for the Mosaic Law. It is a piece 
of theological information so elementary 
as to be possessed by every educated 
person, that the Old Testament was 
written in Hebrew, the New Testa- 
ment in Greek : but not every one who 
knows so much as this knows, or at least 
often happens to think, that between the 
Hebrew Old Testament and the Greek 
New Testament there was a connecting 
link \ namely, the Greek Old Testament. 
In fact we have a Greek New Testa- 
ment because there had been a Greek 
Old Testament. And yet this commonly 
forgotten Greek Old Testament has left 
very distinct traces on our English Bible. 
On first opening it, we find the several 
books designated by Greek titles, Genesis, 
Exodus, and so on. These names tell 
a story. They tell that the Old Testa- 
ment was originally translated into Latin, 
not out of Hebrew, but out of Greek, so 
that the Greek titles of the books passed 
into the Latin ; and again that it was 
first translated into the modern languages 
of Europe, not out of Hebrew, but out 
of Latin, so that the same Greek names 
have passed into our current use. This 
remark lies on the surface ; but when the 
student of our English Bible goes deeper, 
he finds other phenomena which would 
perplex him if the explanation were not 
at hand that the New Testament writers 

used a Greek Old Testament. To take 
one of the most striking examples : any 
one who compares with the Old Testa- 
ment the quotation from the 40th Psalm 
in Heb. x. 5, must be struck with the 
difference; the words "mine ears hast 
thou opened," in our translation of the 
Psalm, being replaced by " a body hast 
thou prepared me" in the quotation in 
the New. The former represents cor- 
rectly the reading of the Hebrew text ; 
the latter gives the rendering of the 
old Greek translation. There are several 
other passages where a careful reader 
even of the English Bible may discover 
traces of the influence of the old Greek 
version, and it need scarcely be said that 
the theological student who desires to 
trace the influence of the Old Testa- 
ment on the New is bound to keep 
his eye constantly on the Greek Old 

8. Read by heathen. INIention has 
already been made of the preparation 
which in God's providence w-as made 
for the propagation among other nations 
of the religious truths which the Hebrews 
had preserved. In consequence of the 
captivity and dispersion of the Jewish 
nation, it came to pass that the first 
Christian missionaries found, in every 
city which they visited, a Jewish colony, 
which had already taught many of the 
thoughtful of the surrounding Gentiles 
to scorn the follies of the popular poly- 
theism and to admire the purity and 
simplicity of the Hebrew faith. The 
agency through which had been effected 
this leavening of the Gentile world by 
Jewish doctrines was the Greek Bible, 
which has been truly described as the 
first Apostle that w^ent out from Judaism 
to the Gentile world. The Jews boasted 
that their nation had records reaching 
back to an antiquity far superior to any 
historical documents the Greeks could 
shew, and laws of greater excellence 
than the legislation of any other state. 
Thus they were proud to impart their 
sacred books to any whose curiosity 
they had been able to excite, and the 
extent to which the Jewish books were 
read is proved by the prominence that 
the argument from prophecy presents in 
the early Christian apologies. Justin 
Martyr, fo^ example, had been educated 



The medium through which the 

in Grecian philosophy : though bom and 
bred in Palestine, he shews no know- 
ledge of the Hebrew Bible, and does 
not even seem to have had a very accu- 
rate copy of the Greek version on which 
he is entirely dependent. But that book 
seems to have saturated his thoughts and 
to have furnished him with all the con- 
ceptions of the Messiah which he found 
faltilled in Jesus of Nazareth 


Christian Church generally knew the Old 

Testament. We might expect to find 
more knowledge of Hebrew in an Epistle 
ascribed to the Apostle Barnabas ; yet in 
this work the writer discovers mysteries 
in the letters by which a numeral is ex- 
pressed in the Greek translation of an 
Old Testament text ; and he seems never 
to have reflected that the Greek was not 
the original, or to have suspected that on 
going back to the Hebrew the grounds 
for his exposition would completely dis- 
appear. In later Fathers, it is an ex- 
ceptional thing to find one with any 
( knowledge of the Hebrew Bible. And, 
1 as has been already said, it was from 
the Greek Old Testament that the Latin 
versions were made, so that it was 
I through the Greek book, known either 
i directly or indirectly, that the Christian 
Church for centuries obtained its know- 
i ledge of the Old Testament. 

lo. Differences between the Greek a?id 
Hebreiij Bibles. After a time, however, 
it came to pass that some who, either 
through intercourse with Jews or from 
acquaintance with Hebrew, had the 
means of comparison, became aware of 
a difference between the Greek Bible 
which they used and the Bible of the 
Jews. And this difterence did not 
merely affect the meaning of single 
texts, but there were large passages 
and whole books contained in the one 
volume which were absent from the 
other. In particular the Canon of the 
Jews did not include the books which 
we know as 'Apocrypha,' and which 
found extensive reception in the Christian 
Church, because they had come to be in- 
cluded in the Greek collection of sacred 
I books. This is why a history of the re- 
* ception of the Apocrypha must include a 
history of the Greek Bible. 

III. Palestinian Canon of the 
Old Testament. 

11. Melito. The earliest indication 
we find of uncertainty in the Christian 
Church as to the Old Testament Canon 
is contained in an interesting extract 
presei-ved by Eusebius {Hist. Eccl. iv. 
2 6) from the Preface to a work of Jlelitp 
oLSaidis, who died somewhere about 
A.D, i8o. It appears hence that Melito's 
book had been written in compliance 
with the request of a friend named One- 
simus, who had frequently asked him 
to make selections from the Law and 
the Prophets, of passages concerning 
our Saviour and concerning all our faith. 
Onesimus had also asked Mehto to give 
him accurate information concemincf 
" the old Books ; " how many their 
number and what their order. 

12. Conception of a closed Canon of 
Scripture. We may remark here in pass- 
ing that this question of Onesimus shews 
that the idea of a definite closed Canon of 
Scripture had then become familiar to the 
mind of the Church. It will be readily 
understood that when the books of the 
New Testament were first written, each 
of them separately might be venerated 
by those who became acquainted with it 
and who acknowledged its apostolic au- 
thority ; but that the formation of a defi- 
nite collection of sacred books, admitted 
to be superior in authority to all other 
books, could not take place until each 
of the books, though it may be originally 
intended for local use, had become the 
property of the universal Church. It is 
clear that in the mind of Onesimus, his 
Old Testament ought to consist of a 
definite collection of books arranged in 
a definite order ; and he wished to be 
assured what those books were and what 
their order. It may reasonably be in- 
ferred that he who asked this question 
about "the old Books" had already 
obtained similar information about " the 

13. The list of Melito. In answer to 
Onesimus, Melito, praising the pious 
motives which had prompted the re- 
quest, declares that he had been earnest 
to comply with it, and states that he 
had travelled up to the East and had 
arrived at the place where the things 



had been preached and done ; and that 
he had there accurately learned the 
books of the Old Testament. And then 
he gives their names as follows : Five 
books of Moses, Genesis, Exodus, 
Leviticus, Numbers,^ Deuteronomy ; 
Joshua the son of Nave, Judges, Ruth, 
four books of Kings, two of Chronicles ; 
the Psalms of David, the Proverbs of 
Solomon also called Wisdom, Ecclesi- 
astes, Song of Songs, Job ; the Prophets, 
Isaiah, Jeremiah, the Twelve in one 
book, Daniel, Ezekiel, Esdras, This 
list pretty nearly agrees with the Canon 
of our Church ; for Jeremiah no doubt 
included Lamentations, and Esdras the 
Book of Nehemiah, so that the only point 
of difference is that there is no mention 
of Esther. The Old Testament books 
are here called by their Greek names, 
and the order is not the same as the 
Jewish order. We have therefore no 
reason to think that Melito made his 
lists from personal knowledge of the 
Hebrew Bible, or from consulting with 
those who used it. But, as his narrative 
implies, his list gives the contents of the 
Greek Old Testament which he found in 
use in the Christian churches of Pales- 
tine at the time of his visit. 

14. Josephus. This list of Melito fur- 
nishes proof that, as far as the Old Testa- 
ment is concerned, the Canon of the 
Christian Church in Palestine agreed with 
that of their Jewish brethren. Concern- 
ing the Canon of the Jews of Palestine 
towards the end of the first century, we 
have information in a passage of Jose- 
phus, which, though it has been frequently 
quoted, cannot be omitted from this 
account. The passage is taken from the 
treatise against Apion, on the antiquity 
of the Jews, in which Josephus under- 
takes to prove that the Jewish records 
are more ancient and more trustworthy 
than those of the Greeks. And one of 
the points he urges is, that among the 
Greeks the composition of histories was 
taken up by every man who felt inclined 
to it : by one man in order to shew off 
his literary skill, by another with the 
view of writing a panegyric on some 
kings or cities, or of throwing discredit 
upon others ; but that among the Jews 

* Some very ancient authorities for the text 
transpose Leviticus and Numbers. 

the framing of historical records was no 
volunteer work, but was the special 
business of the priests and prophets, and 
the faithful preservation of the truth 
their only object. And he goes on to 
say, " For_ we have not thousands of 
books discordant and conflicting, but 
only twenty-two, containing the record 
of all time, which have justly been 
believed to be divine. And of these, 
five are the books of Moses, which 
embrace the laws and the tradition of 
the creation of man, reaching to the 
death of Moses. This period is little 
short of three thousand years. And from 
the death of Moses down to the reign of 
Artaxerxes, king of Persia, who suc- 
ceeded Xerxes, the prophets who came 
after Moses related the things done in 
their times in thirteen books. The re- 
maining four books contain hymns to 
God and practical directions for men. 
From the time of Artaxerxes to our own 
time, each event has been recorded, but 
the records have not been deemed 
worthy of the same credit as those of 
earlier date, because the exact succes- 
sion of the prophets was not continued. 
But what faith we have placed in our 
own writings is seen from our conduct ; 
for though so long a time has now 
passed, no one has dared either to add 
anything to them or to take anything 
from them, or to alter anything. But it 
grows up with Jews from their very birth, 
to regard them as decrees of God, and 
to abide by them, and if need be gladly 
to die for them." ^ He goes on to say 
how often Jews had given their lives in 
defence of their sacred books ; and he 
asks what Greek would die, or even 
submit to a trifling loss, in defence of 
any book of his ; nay, even of his 
whole literature. And in fact there was 
no reason why he should. He knew 
that the authors of his books wrote each 
on his own mere motion, and there was 
no reason to think the ancient writers 
more trustworthy than the modern, who 
notoriously wrote books recklessly, about 
things they had neither witnessed them- 
selves nor knew from authentic infor- 

15. Means of identifying the twenty- 

Cont. Apion., i. 8; Westcott, Bible in the 
Church, p. 26. 



Hvo books of Josephus. Josephus does 
not name his twenty-two books ; but 
this count of twenty-two books accord- 
ing to the number of the letters of the 
Hebrew alphabet became usual among 
the Jews ; and we can obtain their 
names from other sources, of which 
two in particular deserve attention. 
Origen gives the list of the twenty- 
two books in a passage preserved by 
Eusebius {Hist. Ecd. vi. 25) ; and 
Jerome gives the names in the Preface 
to his Latin translation of the Bible, 
called the ' Prologus Galeatus.' We have 
thus no difficulty in defining the Canon 
of Josephus. There can be no question 
about his first division, the five books of 
Moses ; and the four of his last division 
are no doubt the Psalms of David, and 
the three books ascribed to Solomon. 
The thirteen that remain in Jerome's 
list are Joshua, Judges and Ruth, 
Samuel, Kings, Isaiah, Jeremiah and 
Lamentations, Ezekiel, the twelve minor 
prophets in one book. Job, Daniel, 
Esdras, Esther, and Chronicles. We 
have no reason to imagine that the list 
of Josephus was different. 

16. The theory and the practice of Jos e- 
phus. It appears from the extract just 
quoted, that besides the twenty-two books 
which Josephus accounted sacred, he 
knew of other Jewish books, composed 
later than the time of Artaxerxes, which 
he did not hold in the same considera- 
tion. It deserves to be mentioned that 
if we had not this explicit statement of 
the difference which Josephus put be- 
tween the two classes of books, and had 
been left to infer his theory from his prac- 
tice, we might have come to a different 
conclusion. In his account {Anft. xi. 
1-5) of the return of the Jews from the 
captivity, he chiefly follows, not the 
canonical Book of Ezra, but the apo- 
cryphal First Book of Esdras, telling the 
story peculiar to that book, of the contest 
between the three young men who were 
members of King Darius's guard. In 
telling the story of Haman and Esther 
{Afitt. xi. 6), he gives at length a letter 
bearing the name of Artaxerxes, taken 
from the apocryphal additions to the Book 
of Esther. And in his account of Judas 
Maccabseus {Antt. xii. xiii.) he employs 
the First Book of the INIaccabees. This 

example teaches us the necessity of dis- 
criminating in other cases between proofs 
which merely establish that a writer was 
acquainted with disputed books, and 
proofs that he ascribed to them canonical 

17. Agreement as to the Canon betweeti 
the Christians and the Jezvs of Palestine. 
The agreement of the Canon of Melito 
with that of Josephus proves that late in 
the second century the Christians of 
Palestine were in substantial agreement 
with their Jewish neighbours as to the 
Old Testament Canon. This is only 
what might have been expected, since it 
is plain from the New Testament, that 
our Lord and His apostles had no differ- 
ence with the Jews on this subject of 
the Canon. In every part of the New 
Testament the authority of the sacred 
books of the nation is assumed as undis- 
puted ; and in all controversy with the 
Jews these books are common ground. 
Our Lord appeals to these Scriptures as 
testifying of Himself (John v. 39). The 
Apostle Paul enumerates it as among 
the highest privileges of the Jewish 
nation that to them had been committed 
the oracles of God (Rom. iii. 2). No 
hint is given that they had been un- 
faithful to their trust by adding to or 
subtracting from the sacred deposit. 

If it w^ere only proposed to trace the 
history of the Hebrew Bible, the investi- 
gation might stop at this point, for the 
Jews to this day count no books as 
sacred but those which were reverenced 
in the time of Josephus. A few of the 
books which we know as Apocrypha 
appear to have been originally written 
in Hebrew, but they have not been 
preserved in that language, nor do they 
appear ever to have been set, by those 
who used it, on a level with their ancient 
sacred books. The claims of the books 
called Apocrypha depend altogether on 
the place which these books found in 
the Greek Bible ; and therefore it has 
become necessary to speak of the history 
of that translation, and of the authority 
attributed to it in the Christian Church. 

1 8. Origin of the Septuagint. All autho- 
rities agree in naming Alexandria as the 
birthplace of the Greek Bible. Mention 
has already been made of the multitudes 
of Jews who resided outside the limits of 


XVI 1 

the Holy Land, and who came to be 
technically known as " the Dispersion " 
(/; SiacTTropd : see John vii. 35 ; James i. i). 
This " Dispersion" had centres in Baby- 
lonia, in Syria, in Egypt, and with the 
last of these we are here concerned. 
Of all the Jewish foreign settlements it 
was the greatest, possibly in numbers, 
certainly in influence. The Jews had 
received ev'ery encouragement to settle in 
Alexandria, and had largely availed them- 
selves of it. Philo tells that in his time 
the Jewish inhabitants of the city num- 
bered a million, and that they occupied 
almost exclusively two of the five dis- 
tricts into which the city was divided, 
and were not altogether absent from the 
remaining districts. The quarter they 
occupied was close to the river, much of 
the commerce along which was in their 
hands. The majority of them used 
Greek as the language of their daily life, 
and read their sacred books in a Greek 

19. T/ie story told by the so-called Aris- 
teas. Concerning the origin of this ver- 
sion, a marvellous tale was told, which 
came to be generally accepted. Its 
earliest form is to be found in a letter 
purporting to be written by one Aristeas, 
an officer in the court of King Ptolemy 
Philadelphus, the second, and perhaps 
the most distinguished of the Ptolemies, 
who reigned b.c. 284-246. The letter 
relates that this king, having founded 
the celebrated library at Alexandria, felt 
that his collection would be incomplete 
if it did not include the laws of the Jews, 
of the fame of which he had heard from 
his librarian. And it goes on to tell, 
how the king acquired the desired volume 
at a cost unparalleled in the history of 
literary enterprise. We are told that, in 
order to conciliate the favour of the 
Jews for the request he was about to 
make, the king began by proclaiming the 
liberty of every Jewish captive in his do- 
minions, paying the owners 20 drachmae 
for each slave. The number of captives 
had been calculated at over 100,000, 
and the estimated cost of redemption 
was over 400 talents ; but as the king in 
his liberality included even the sucking 
children, paying for them at the rate of 
adults, the sum actually spent swelled to 
660 talents. He then sent an embassy 

to Jerusalem with gifts of gold, silver, 
and precious stones, on quite as liberal 
a scale, praying the high priest to send 
him seventy-two elders, six out of each 
tribe, who should make for him a faithful 
translation of the Jewish laws. The 
letter relates that this request was com- 
plied with. It gives the names of the 
elders sent ; it tells the splendid enter- 
tainment provided for them in Egypt, 
and the magnificent fees with which they 
were rewarded on the conclusion of 
their work.^ 

20. Later improvements on that story. 
The story as originally told went no 
further than this ; but an improvement 
subsequently made to it obtained general 
credence. It was said that the king, 
wishing to test the fidelity of the seventy- 
two interpreters, locked them up in 
separate cells ; and that afterwards when 
they came to compare the translations 
which each had made separately, they 
were found to agree not only in sense, 
but word for word. This story was 
known to Philo {De Vit. Mos. ii.). It 
was believed by Irenseus and several 
other Fathers of the Church. Justin 
Martyr had even been shewn at Alex- 
andria the cells in which the work had 
been done. 

21. Fictitious character of the whole 
story. When in a more critical age the 
story came to be scrutinised, it was found 
that in its earliest form it had not con- 
tained any mention of the seventy cells, 
and therefore that part of the story was 
cleared away as a later embellishment.- 
Next it was seen that the story, even as 
told by Aristeas, bears the marks of being 
enriched with much fictitious ornamen- 
tation the extraordinary profusion of 
treasure, for example, lavished on the 
accomplishment of the work being un- 
like anything we read of in real history, 
but natural enough in a romance, the 
author of which can, at no cost to him- 
self, endow his characters with boundless 

' The letter of Aristeas is printed by Hody, 
Dc Bibliorum tcxtihits originalibiis. 

- " Nescio quis primus auctor septuaginta 
cellulas Alexandria mendacio suo exstruxerit, 
quibus divisi eadem scriptitarunt, cum Aristeas 
ejusdem Ptolemsei vTrepaa-mcrT-ns, et multo post 
tempore Josephus nihil tale retulerint." (Hieron. 
Friif. in Pent.) 



2 2. More probable account of the origin 
of the Septuagint. Finally, the authority 
for the story being found to be entirely 
untrustworthy, modern criticism rejects 
it altogether, and regards the Greek Bible 
as having not originated in any royal com- 
mand, but as having sprung up to supply 
the wants of the many thousands of J ews 
who resided permanently at a distance 
from the land of their fathers, and who 
habitually used Greek as the language 
of their daily life. These foreign Jews 
in wealth and numbers surpassed the 
parent stock; but they all looked to 
Jerusalem as their religious centre. We 
know, from Acts ii. 5-1 1, what multi- 
tudes of them collected to celebrate the 
feasts at Jerusalem, and, from Acts vi, 9, 
that there were in Jerusalem synagogues 
specially frequented by foreign Jews. 
The need for these special places for 
religious instruction probably arose from 
the employment in them of the Greek 
language. The reading of the books of 
Moses was everywhere part of the syna- 
gogue service on every Sabbath day 
(Acts XV. 21), and among those who 
were known as Hellenists (Acts vi. i) it 
was only in the Greek language that these 
books could be read with advantage. 
At least, if the Hebrew text was read 
aloud, it needed to be followed by an 
interpretation ; and in any comments 
that might be made on what had been 
read, the Greek language would in these 
synagogues be employed. Thus, in the 
account (Acts xiii.) of St. Paul's visit to 
the synagogue of Antioch in Pisidia, we 
are not told in what language took place 
the reading of the law and the prophets, 
related v. \^; but we find that in Paul's 
immediately following address to the 
assembled congregation it is from the 
Greek translation that he quotes the Old 
Testament.^ Thus, then, the Greek 
translation being required for the reli- 
gious wants of the dispersed Jews them- 
selves, it is irrational to suppose that it 
took its origin from a desire to satisfy 
heathen curiosity, however true it be 
that in point of fact the Greek Bible 

* The quotation " Behold, ye despisers," &c. 
{v. 41), is from the Greek, not the Hebrew, of 
Hab. i. 5 ; and in the " sure mercies " of David 
{v. 34) the words of the LXX. translation of 
Isaiah Iv. 3 are also followed. 

proved to be a principal agent in the 
conversion of the heathen world. 

23. Diversities of Jeiuish opinion as 
to the merits of the work. Philo (De 

Vit. Mos. ii.) tells that the Jews of 
Alexandria held an annual feast in 
commemoration of the Greek transla- 
tion, when they made a pilgrimage to 
the island of Pharos, where, according 
to tradition, the cells for the seventy 
interpreters had been built. On the 
other hand, we find from Rabbinical 
authorities that there were at a some- 
what later time in Palestine stiff main- 
tainers of Jewish exclusiveness, who held 
in abomination the whole conception of 
a Greek version. They said that it had 
been forbidden to write the law on the 
skin of an unclean beast : surely it was 
ten times forbidden to pollute it by the 
language of the heathen. Consequently 
that which was in Alexandria a day of 
feasting was turned by them into one 
of mourning ; and they commemorated 
by a fast what they regarded as a day 
of apostasy, like that when the people 
danced round the calf which Aaron had 
made. Little did these short-sighted 
rigorists consider that it was owing to this 
book, the making of which they deplored, 
that their brethren who lived among the 
heathen were preserved from learning 
any of their ways; and, even though 
they might lose the use of their national 
language, held fast to their national 
religion as a thing with which none of 
Jewish race could ever bear to part. 

24. Literary activity of Hellenistic Jews. 
We learn, however, that in judging of 
Jewish opinion we must take separate 
account of Palestine and Alexandria, as 
distinct centres of religious thought, 
which conceivably might develop itself 
differently in the two places. The 
Alexandrine Jews might well regard 
themselves as entitled to hold an opinion 
of their own. Alexandria was one of the 
foremost cities of the world, as a centre 
both of commerce and of literature. 
Its inhabitants boasted that theirs had 
been a great city when Rome was as yet 
but a village, and that even then Rome 
must starve if it did not receive supplies 
of corn from Egypt. The Jews held a 
leading place in the commerce of the 
city, and many of them were deeply 



tinctured with Hellenic culture. They 
were forced, in a way that Palestinian 
Jews were not, to take account of Gre- 
cian speculative systems, and were na- 
turally desirous to present their religion 
in the form most likely to attract a 
philosophic inquirer, and were solicitous 
to smooth away difficulties which might 
be expected to repel him. Some of the 
Greek-speaking Jews were active in 
literary composition. Eusebius, in his 
Praeparatio Evangdica (Book ix.), gives 
extracts from several writers who had 
arrayed the facts of the Old Testa- 
ment history in a Grecian garb. One 
writer named Ezekiel had turned the 
history of the Exodus into a drama, in 
which Moses and Zipporah and Raguel 
hold dialogues in iambic verse ; and 
even the scene at the burning bush, in 
which God Himself is a speaker, is 
thrown into like form. Another writer, 
Theodotus, told in hexameters the story 
of the rape of Dinah and the destruction 
of Shechem {Ev. Praep. ix. 22). An- 
other, who in distinction from his better- 
known namesake is called the elder 
Philo, wrote a description of Jerusalem, 
also in hexameters. Others, as Deme- 
trius and Eupolemus, retold in prose the 
Scripture narrative of the early history 
of the Jewish nation. Some of these are 
treated by Josephus and by Eusebius as 
if they were heathen writers bearing 
independent testimony to the truth of 
the Old Testament narratives; but an 
examination of the extracts which have 
been preserved proves decisively that the 
writers in question obtained their know- 
ledge solely from the Old Testament. 
It is reasonable to think that those who 
exhibited so intimate an acquaintance 
with that volume were probably Jews. 
If any of them were heathen, we have 
indirect evidence how successful Jews 
had been in commending their literature 
to Greek-speaking people. 

25. Additions made by them to the 
Ca?iofiical books. But Jewish literary 
activity did not Hmit itself to the re- 
production or recasting of the sacred 
histories. It displayed itself also in the 
composition of narratives, some entirely 
fictitious, such as probably the story of 
Susanna ; others, such as the books of 
the Maccabees, recording the history of 

times later than those treated of in the 
books of the Palestinian canon. It is 
intelligible that many who might set 
little value on works which merely told 
over again with less authority the story 
told in the 'canonical books might be 
ready to give a different reception to 
writings which appeared really to sup- 
plement the Scripture history, and might 
regard such works as at least edifying 
for private reading, even though not 
possessed of canonical authority. Thus, 
for example, in Scotland, where in 
modern times there has been no dis- 
position to receive apocryphal writings, 
the works of Josephus have been ad- 
mitted to rank as edifying Sunday read- 
ing. Certain it is that several works, to 
which there was nothing corresponding 
in the Hebrew Bible, came to be joined 
in the current use of Greek-speaking 
people with the translations of the 
canonical books. 

IV. Alexandrian Canon of the 
Old Testament. 

26. Generally coincident with Pales- 
tinian. It has been already said that we 
are not at liberty to assume that Alex- 
andrian opinion was always identical with 
Palestinian, and therefore that the ques- 
tion what value was attached to the later 
books at Alexandria is not decisively 
settled by our knowledge that they were 
not resrarded as canonical in Palestine. 
But we hear nowhere of any difference 
between native and foreign Jews on the 
subject of the Canon ; and as far as the 
Apocr}^pha is concerned, no difference 
is exhibited in our great source of in- 
formation as to Alexandrian religious 
thought ; namely, the writings of the 
great Alexandrian Jew, Philo. 

27. Philo: promi?ience given by hitn to'\. 
the Pentateuch. Indeed, on comparing 
Philo's Scripture quotations with those 

of the New Testament writers, we 
are conscious of one difference. The 
New Testament quotations range freely 
through all the books of the Old, and 
seem to treat all as of like authority. 
The Law and the Prophets alike fur- 
nished materials for synagogue reading 
(Acts xiii. 15; Luke iv. 17), and even 
the title " the Law " ceases to be ex- 



clusively given to the books of Moses. 
St. John m his Gospel three times cites 
the Psalms as " the Law " (x. 34, xii. 34, 
XV. 25), and St. Paul (i Cor. xiv. 21) 
gives as from the Law a quotation from 
the prophet Isaiah. In the writings of 
Phiilo, on the contrary, the books of 
Moses have such prominence that it 
requires attentive examination to dis- 
cover what value he set on other Old 
Testament books. The subjects of the 
great majority of Philo's treatises are ex- 
positions of parts of the Mosaic writings : 
not one of his treatises formally professes 
to explain any other part of Scripture. 
And, again, there are in Philo's writings 
about fifty quotations from the Penta- 
teuch for one from any other part of the 
Old Testament. We are thus led to put 
to ourselves the question, Can it be that 
Philo and the Alexandrian Jews did not 
include in their Canon any books but 
those of the Pentateuch; and that thus 
the books of the Apocrypha found it 
easy to establish themselves, not indeed 
on a level with the Pentateuch, but on a 
level with other Old Testament books ? 
The result, however, of careful examina- 
tion is to answer this question in the 
negative, by proving that Philo did attri- 
bute inspiration to the later Old Testa- 
ment books, and that he did not set the 
Apocrypha on a level with even these 
latter books. 

28. According to the original stoiy, the 
Seventy Interpreters translated the Penta- 
teuch only. There can be no doubt, 
however, of the special authority at- 
tributed in Egypt to the Pentateuch. 
On turning back to the letter of Aristeas 
already referred to, it is proved that 
the original story of the Seventy Inter- 
preters limited their work to the trans- 
lation of the Pentateuch. It is only of 
the Mosaic laws that the fame is de- 
scribed as having reached the Egyptian 
king. It is only the Book of the Law 
that is said to have been sent from 
Jerusalem, and this only is mentioned 
through the whole story. Indeed, the 
length of time which the translation is 
said to have taken, viz. 70 days, suits 
well enough for the work of rendering the 
Pentateuch, but would be altogether in- 
adequate for that of translating the whole 
Old Testament. Josej^hus, who tells the 

story after Aristeas, not only like him 
makes mention only of the Law as having 
been sent to the King of Egypt, but in 
the preface to his Antiqnifies expressly 
says that no other part of the Scripture 
had been so sent. But setting aside the 
story of the Seventy Interpreters, internal 
evidence proves that the Pentateuch was 
translated by different hands from those 
that worked on the other books. Not 
only is the style of the translation dif- 
ferent, the rendering of the Pentateuch 
being the more close and literal, but 
many proper names (for example, Phi- 
listines, Mesopotamia, Idumaea) are dif- 
ferently rendered in the earlier and the 
later books ; and so are several technical 
words, such as Urim and Thummim. It 
is quite true that the Christian Fathers 
generally lost sight of this distinction, 
and commonly thought of the Greek Old 
Testament which they used, as a work 
translated all at one time, and that they 
ascribed the origin of the entire collec- 
tion to the seventy elders who, accord- 
ing to the current story, had been sent 
to the King of Egypt. But the earlier 
version of the story only referred to the 
Pentateuch, and, as has been already said, 
the different books are proved by internal 
evidence to have been translated at dif- 
ferent dates. 

29. The Pentateuch probably came into 
synagogue use before the other Old Testa- 
ment books. That this should be so is 
quite intelligible if we believe, as there is 
every reason to do, that the Greek transla- 
tion took its origin in the needs of the 
synagogue worship in places where Jews 
habitually spoke Greek. There is a 
current story that until the time of An- 
tiochus Epiphanes only sections from the 
Law were read in their synagogue worship, 
but that under his tyranny the public 
reading of the Law being forbidden, the 
rulers of the synagogue substituted for 
use in their worship a selection of lessons 
from the Prophets. When on the death 
of Antiochus the reading of the Law was 
restored, the reading of the Prophets 
was still continued. This story, how- 
ever, rests on no good authority;^ and 
the true date of the introduction into the 

' The earliest authority seems to be Elias 
Levita, who lived at the end of the fifteenth 


synagogue worship of readings either times described as "that divine person " (o 
from the Law or the Prophets is lost in Oecnrco-Los avyp), as " no common person, 

obscurity. But at least there is every but a prophet whom it is good to trust " 

reason to think that the public reading (oix o tu^wi' aAAa koI 7rpo07yTr;s <S KaXov 

of the Pentateuch was much the older of Trto-Teu'etv, 6 tus v/AvcuStas avaypdij/as, De 

the two ; and therefore it is quite intelli- Agric. i. 308, Mangey's edition) ; and 

gible that the need of a Greek version of the prophetical writings are cited with 

the Pentateuch would occur before one such formularies of quotation as the 

of a translation of the other books became following : " An inspired member of the 

necessary. With this agrees the fact that prophetic choir" (toS irpocfirjTLKov OLacnwri]^ 

existing copies of the Greek of the Pen- xpo^ -^^ Con/. Ungg. p. 411) ; " one 

tateuch differ but slightly from each other, of the old prophets who in divine inspira- 

and not very much from the current tion said" (rts twi/ TraAatW 7rpo<f)r]Twv os 

Hebrew text, while there is much more eVt^ciao-as elirev, Qiiod a Deo mitfanfiir 

uncertainty about the Greek text of the Somnia, p. 681) ; " the father of the uni- 

later books, and the variations from the verse uttered iDy prophetic mouths " (6 

Massoretic Hebrew text are often con- irari^p twv oXojv Sm 7rpo(/)r^TiKav idecnna-e 

siderable. And evidently the text of a CTTo/tarwv, De Profiigis, p. 575 ; see also 

book only employed in private reading p. 293), One passage of Philo {De Vit. 

might be liable to corruptions from which Contcmp. 3) has been quoted as indicat- 

one constantly used in public worship ing his Canon. He describes the Thera- 

would be secure. The proofs have been peutce as bringing into their holy place 

already given that the prophetical books none of the things needed for nourish- 

fumished materials for synagogue reading ment of the body, but only laws^ and 

in the apostolic times, not only in Judsa oracles delivered by prophets, and hymns 

but in Asia Minor. But it is possible and other writings by which knowledge 

enough that the public reading of the and piety are increased and perfected, 

prophetical books may have been of And no doubt the well-known threefold 

later introduction in Egypt than in these division of sacred books appears to be 

countries, and may not have been very here recognised ; but the passage itself 

ancient in Philo's time. determines nothing as to the authority 

30. Recognition of these other books by ascribed by Philo to each of these 

Philo. In this way we can account for sections. 

the very great prominence which Philo 31. His silence as to the Apocrypha. 
gives to the Mosaic writings ; but though Philo exhibits his sense of the pre- 
his use of the other books is compara- dominant authority of Moses, by de- 
tively small, it is only by comparison that scribing the later prophets, even one so 
it is so, for he quotes these books some late as Zechariah, as companions (iraipoi) 
fifty times, and he clearly treats them as of Moses, as if they owed their authority 
inspired.^ He quotes the words addressed to having been the scholars and sue- 
to Joshua, " I will never leave thee or cessors of the great legislator. If it is to 
forsake thee," as a Xoywv or inspired be inferred from this that Philo did not 
utterance ; he treats the whole story of set the historical and prophetical books 
Gideon or of Samuel like the narratives on quite the same level as the Pentateuch, 
in the Pentateuch, making it a source it is still plainer that he did not set the 
of mystical deductions ; the Book of Apocrypha on a level with the historical 
Judges is quoted with the formula, us o and prophetical books. These latter 
tepos Aoyo9 4>W^} the song of Hannah is books he quotes far less frequently than 
cited as inspired ; the Psalmist is several the Pentateuch, but still very often ; and 
1 ^ .^ . ., , , , , . quotes them in such a way as to exhibit 

V2uite similar features present themselves m /. r ^-u ^.t a. i. 

another Alexandrian writing, the Book of Wis- ^^^ reverence for them : the Apocrypha 

dom. That work exhibits the writer as strongly he never quotes at all. This silence 

influenced by the prophecies of Isaiah, by the is truly remarkable, because Philo re- 
Psalms, and by the Book of Proverbs : but the peatedly quotcs profane authors ; so that 

histories which he makes the subject of direct ^ / ,^ -f j ^ ^i u i n j 

comment are taken exclusively from the Penta- ^^'^n if he ascribed tO the books called 

teuch. Apocrypha no canonical authority, we 



might still expect that he should shew 
some signs of acquaintance with them. 
When we join to the evidence aftbrded 
by Philo the fact that we never hear of 
any difference of opinion between Alex- 
andrian and Palestinian Jews as to the 
books to which they ascribed inspired 
authority, we are warranted in concluding 
that the Canon of both was the same ; 
and that though the Greek-speaking 
Jews used in private reading non- 
canonical books which they found to be 
edifying, they did not set these on the 
level of the ancient Scriptures. 

V. The Old Testament as used 
BY THE Christian Church. 

32. Noii-J-ecognition of the Apocrypha 
iti the New Testament. Philo's silence 
with regard to the Apocrypha harmo- 
nizes with the fact that in the New 
Testament writings which quote freely 
all the parts of the Canon recognised 
by Josephus, there is no formal quota- 
tion of any of those other books which, 
according to Josephus, were later than 
the reign of Artaxerxes, and which he 
regarded as inferior in credit to the 
earlier writings. It is true that in the 
New Testament there are some half- 
dozen passages where the formulae of 
Scripture citation are used, but where 
the passages quoted can either not be 
identified at all, or not with any cer- 
tainty, with anything found in our Old 
Testament. Such passages are Matt. ii. 
23, Luke xi. 49, John vii. 38, i Cor. ii. 9, 
Eph. v. 14, 2 Tim. iii. 8, James iv. 5. 
But the singular thing is, that if we fail to 
find the originals of these passages in the 
books of the Hebrew Canon, we equally 
fail to find them in the works commonly 
called the Apocrypha, in no part of 
which can anything resembling these 
passages be found. If indeed the Book 
of Enoch had formed part of the Canon 
of the Council of Trent, we should be 
bound to consider what inference ought 
to be drawn from the fact that that book 
is quoted by St. Jude ; but except Ter- 
tullian, no one in the Christian Church 
seems to have owned the Book of Enoch 
as canonical ; and the fact remains that 
among the books which were anywhere 
admitted into the Canon of the Christian 

Church, none but those of the Hebrew 
Canon are directly quoted by New 
Testament writers. In fact the Apostles 
appear to have been in full agreement 
with their Jewish brethren as to the Old 
Testament Canon ; and Jewish tradition 
on the subject has never wavered down 
to the present day. 

33. Patristic use of the Old Testament. 
But the Gospel was rapidly propa- 
gated among men unacquainted with 
Jewish tradition, and unable to read the 
Hebrew Bible. The Greek Bible had 
been a chief instrument in their con- 
version, and continued to be a principal 
means of sustaining their religious life. 
Many of them had not the qualifications 
for discriminating between the claims of 
the different parts of the Greek book which 
they used. It has been already remarked, 
that ordinarily the Christian Fathers apply 
to their whole Greek Bible the account 
which Aristeas gave of the origin of the 
Pentateuch, and imagine that the trans- 
lation of all the books was the work of 
the Seventy Interpreters. So, for ex- 
ample, Irenseus (iii. 21), when he tells 
the story of the seventy cells, tells it con- 
cerning the translation, not of " the 
Law," but of all the books of the Scrip- 
tures. And at an earlier time, Justin 
Martyr, in his controversy with Trypho, 
accuses the Jews of having taken away 
many Scriptures from the translation 
effected by the seventy elders who were 
with Ptolemy ; and when he is asked to 
specify these mutilations, they turn out to 
affect passages in Isaiah, in Jeremiah, in 
the Psalms, and in Esdras; and the 
idea does not appear to occur, either to 
Justin or to his Jewish interlocutor, that 
these books had not been translated by 
the same hands as the Pentateuch. 

34. The Christian Fathers were ac- 
quainted with the books called Apocrypha. 
But the Greek Bible which passed into 
the hands of the Gentile converts to 
Christianity included whole books not to 
be found in the Hebrew Canon ; and it 
is not wonderful that where the Hebrew 
language was unknown, and where there 
was no contact with Jewish tradition, all 
should have been received indiscrimi- 
nately. Numerous instances can be pro- 
duced of the use of the books of the 
Apocrypha by Christian Fathers from the 



earliest times; and in many cases the 
quotations are made with the usual 
formula of Scripture citation. Judith is 
cited as a pattern of female heroism in 
the Epistle of Clement of Rome (c. 55) : 
in the Epistle which bears the name of 
Barnabas (xix. 9) a saying of the Son of 
Sirach (iv. 31) is incorporated; and the 
occurrence of the same passage in the 
lately discovered Teaching of the Tivclve 
Apostles has led many critics to believe 
that Barnabas here copied a still earlier 
document. The homily which goes by 
the name of Clement's Second Epistle 
exhibits (ch. 16) a reminiscence of the 
Book of Tobit (iv. 11, xi. 9), though with 
much freedom of alteration. The same 
passage of Tobit was clearly also known 
to Polycarp (ch. 10). The Story of Bel 
and the Dragon is cited by Iren^us 

(iv. 5). 

35. And frequently quote them as Scrip- 
ture. The instances just produced only 
exhibit acquaintance with the books of 
the Apocrypha, and determine nothing as 
to the consideration in which they were 
held by those who quoted them. And 
perhaps we cannot lay much stress on 
the fact that Irenseus (v. 35) ascribes to 
the prophet Jeremiah a quotation really 
taken from the apocryphal Book of Ba- 
ruch. But Clement of Alexandria, who 
was omnivorous in his reading, not only, 
like Irenjeus, quotes Baruch as Jeremiah 
{Strom, i. 10), but repeatedly quotes 
apocryphal books as Scripture. Thus 
he quotes Tobit as Scripture {Strom. 
vi. 12), Ecclesiasticus (i. 8), 2 Esdras 
(iii. 16), Wisdom (v. 14), ascribing the 
last-named book to Solomon (vi. 14). 
Clement was not very critical ; and if, in 
deference to his authority, we were to add 
the books just named to our Old Testa- 
ment Canon, we should be bound in con- 
sistency to add the Epistles of Clement 
and of Barnabas, the Shepherd of Her- 
nias, and other books to our New Testa- 
ment Canon. Tertullian ascribes the 
Book of Wisdom to Solomon {Adv. Va- 
Icnt. 2), and quotes Ecclesiasticus with 
the formula "sicuti scriptum est" {Ex- 
hort, ad Cast. 2). In this style of quota- 
tion Clement and Tertullian are followed 
by many succeeding writers, popular 
usage constantly tending to make no dis- 
crimination between the different books 

which circulated as component parts of 
the current Greek Bible. 

VI. i^EARNED Eastern opinion con- 
cerning THE Old Testament Canon. 

36. Origen. But whatever popular 
usage might be, learned opinion con- 
stantly remained cognizant of the dis- 
tinction between those books which the 
Hebrews recognised as part of their 
Bible, and those which owed their circula- 
tion to the Greek version. The Christian 
world was, no doubt, much indebted for 
its wide knowledge of this distinction to 
the Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius. In 
this the historian had inserted not only 
the testimonies of Josephus and Melito 
which we have already quoted, but also 
that of Origen, than whose authority 
none stood higher on questions of biblical 
criticism. He quotes (vi. 25) a passage 
from Origen's commentary on the First 
Psalm, in which it is stated that the 
canonical books of the Old Testament 
are, as the Hebrews have handed down, 
twenty-two in number, answering to the 
number of letters in their alphabet ; and 
then the Hebrew as well as the Greek 
names of these books are given. Of the 
books of the Apocrypha, the only men- 
tion in this place is that Origen adds 
that, besides the twenty-two books which 
he has enumerated, there are the books 
of the Maccabees. 

37. Africa nus. But Origen himself 
affords a curious example of the conflict 
between popular and scientific opinion. 
He used a Greek Bible himself; and 
though he has shewn himself aware that 
some of the things included in it formed 
no part of the Hebrew Canon, he habitu- 
ally conformed to what, in Alexandria at 
least, was the popular usage. Thus he 
read the Story of Susanna as part of the 
Book of Daniel, and he appealed to it 
in a public discussion which he held in 
Palestine. For this he was taken to 
task by Africanus, at that time the most 
learned scholar in Palestine; and since, 
in the question what Canon was recog- 
nised by the Apostles, it is with the Pales- 
tinian tradition we are mainly concerned, 
it is interesting to find that the Canon 
which is attested as recognised in Pales- 
tine, by Josephus in the first century and 



by Melito in the second, appears now 
from Africanus to have been in the third 
century still in exclusive possession. 
Africanus writes, that having been pre- 
sent when Origen had quoted that part 
of the Book of Daniel which contains the 
Story of Susanna, he was not so discour- 
teous as to interrupt at the time ; but he 
expresses his surprise that Origen could 
fail to be aware that this section of the 
book was spurious. The story was a 
pretty one, but was a modern addition, 
as might be shewn by many proofs, of 
which he proceeds to give a summary. 
Only one of the arguments he uses need 
here be noticed : viz. that all the books 
of the Old Testament had been translated 
from the Hebrew, but that the original 
of this story was plainly Greek, as ap- 
pears from a certain play on words. The 
story tells how Daniel convicted the two 
false witnesses by asking each separately 
under what tree he had seen Susanna 
commit adultery. The one answers. 
Under a mastich-tree (o-;)(iVos) ; and 
Daniel replies, God will cut thee asunder 
(o-xtcrei). The Other answers, Under a 
holm-tree (Trptvos) ; and Daniel replies, 
The angel of the Lord is ready to saw 
thee asunder (Trptcrat). Origen replies 
seriatim to the objections stated by Afri- 
canus ; and in answer to this one, he 
refuses to accept the paronomasia as 
proof that the Story of Susanna was not 
originally written in Hebrew, He chal- 
lenges Africanus to tell the Hebrew 
names of the two trees in question ; a 
thing which he himself, notwithstanding 
many inquiries from Jews, had never 
been able to find out. How, then, could 
Africanus tell that the Hebrew names 
might not have admitted the same play 
on words? Or at least might there not 
have been a play on words in the He- 
brew, which, though incapable of literal 
translation, had yet, by a change in the 
names of the trees, been skilfully re- 
presented by the Greek translator? If 
Origen is right here, the Greek trans- 
lator must not only be complimented for 
his skill, but congratulated for his good 
fortune in being able to find Greek 
names of trees so admirably suited to his 

38. Origen' s reply to Africanus. But 
a more fundamental question was raised 

with regard to the principle assumed 
by Africanus, that no books were to 
be recognised as belonging to the Old 
Testament but those which had been 
originally written in Hebrew. The ad- 
mission of this principle would evidently 
be fatal to the claims of many of the 
books of the Apocrypha, Origen points 
out what revolutionary consequences 
would follow if the Christian Church 
were required then to alter its Canon into 
conformity with the Hebrew text. It was 
not only the Story of Susanna that must 
be cut out : not only the other additions 
to the Book of Daniel, the Song of the 
Three Children, and the Story of Bel 
and the Dragon, but there were also 
passages in the Book of Esther, in the 
Book of Job, and indeed in many other 
parts of the Old Testament, which, 
though found in the Greek text, had 
nothing corresponding in the Hebrew. 
Must all these be also excised? Must 
we reject the sacred books current 
among the brotherhood, and pay humble 
court to the unbelieving Jews, entreating 
them to impart books free from spurious 
admixture? Can we suppose that Di- 
vine Providence, which had given in the 
sacred Scriptures edification to all the 
churches of Christ, did not care for 
those whom He had bought with a price, 
for whose sake God spared not His own 
Son, hut delivered Him up for us all, that 
He with Him also might freely give us all 
things. It were well if Africanus would 
remember the precept, " Thou shalt hot 
move the everlasting landmarks which 
those before thee have set up," 

39, Athanasius. However Origen's 
practice may have tended to obliterate 
the distinction which his theory ac- 
knowledged, between the books extant 
in Hebrew and the additions made 
to them in the Greek Bible, that dis- 
tinction was not lost sight of even in 
Alexandria. The century after Origen 
presents us with the testimony of the 
great Alexandrian bishop Athanasius. In 
the letters which, in conformity with 
ancient custom, he annually issued to 
announce the date of Easter to the 
churches of his province, it was his wont 
not to confine himself to that notifica- 
tion, but to take a wider range of instruc- 
tion. In that which he issued in the 



year 365, he gives a list of the books of 
Scripture, stating that the books of the 
Old Testament, whose names he gives, 
were twenty-two, according to the number 
of the letters of the Hebrew alphabet. 
He then gives a list of New Testament 
books, agreeing with our own Canon, 
and adds, " These are the fountains of 
salvation, so that he who thirsts may 
satisfy himself with the oracles in these. 
In these alone the lesson of piety is pro- 
claimed. Let no one add to these, nor 
take anything from them." Apparently, 
however, the books of the Canon were 
reserved as the exclusive property of 
members of the Church ; for Athanasius 
goes on to say that there were other 
books not included in the Canon used 
for the instruction of catechumens, viz. 
the Wisdom of Solomon, Ecclesiasticus, 
Esther, Tobit, Judith, the Teaching of 
the Apostles, and the Shepherd. It will 
be observed that Esther is placed, not 
among the canonical books, but with 
those of the Apocrypha, and that the 
books of the Maccabees are not men- 
tioned at all. Athanasius, being ignorant 
of Hebrew, used a Greek Bible; and 
though he was aware of the inferior au- 
thority of the books which he names as 
not belonging to the Canon, it is very pos- 
sible that he may not have been equally 
aware of the spurious character of some 
of the additions made in the Greek text 
to some of the books which he acknow- 
ledged. He certainly counted Baruch as 
part of Jeremiah; and in this he was 
followed by several succeeding writers. 

40. Of/ier Easter7i authorities. It 
would be tedious to quote other Eastern 
Fathers, such as Cyril of Jerusalem, 
Gregory Nazianzen, Amphilochius, Epi- 
phanius. Nor need time be spent in 
discussing the Council of Laodicea, a 
small council which met about a.d. 363, 
and which appears to have been the first 
council to make decrees on the subject 
of canonical books. The list of books 
commonly appended to their decrees 
omits the Apocrypha, but its authenticity 
cannot be relied on. The exclusion 
of the Apocrypha is so completely in 
accordance with Eastern learned opinion, 
that it is immaterial whether the list 
as we have it was drawn up at the 
council itself, or afterwards appended as 
Apoc Vol. L 

expressing general church usage. Suf- 
fice it, then, to say that when Eastern 
writers undertake formally to enumerate 
the books of the Old Testament, they 
ordinarily reckon only the books of the 
Hebrew Canon ; but that, in practical 
use, all the books of the Greek Bible are 
apt to be indiscriminately employed. It 
is worth while to mention that this prac- 
tical use applies quite as much to the 
apocrj'phal First Book of Esdras, which 
is not recognised by the Council of 
Trent, as to any of the apocryphal books 
which that council has admitted. There 
is no story more frequently cited by the 
Fathers than the tale of the three young 
men at the court of Darius, which is 
told in the book just mentioned. It may 
be added that the Apostolic Constitu- 
tions a work which in its present form 
may be dated as of the latter part of the 
fourth century gives a list (ii. 57) of 
books to be used in church reading, and 
in this is quite silent as to any books but 
those of the Hebrew Canon. The Apo- 
stolic Ca7ions is a compilation to the ear- 
lier part of which may be assigned the 
date just given for the present form of the 
Apostolic Constitutions, but which has 
received additions of uncertain later date. 
The last of the Canons so added gives a 
list of Scripture books, which adds to the 
books of the Hebrew Canon three books 
of Maccabees, and mentions on a lower 
level the Book of Ecclesiasticus as useful 
for the instruction of the young. 

VII. The Old Testament Canon 
IN THE West. 

41. Augusti7ie. We turn now to the 
West, and there, as might be expected, 
we find an echo of Greek opinion. 
The Latin Old Testament was, at least 
for some three centuries, only a trans- 
lation from the Greek, so that popu- 
lar usage in the West, as well as in 
the East, tended to an indiscriminate 
use of all the books which possessed 
ecclesiastical authority. The story that 
the Seventy Interpreters had evidenced 
their inspiration by the exact agree- 
ment of their separate works was very 
generally believed ; and with those who 
accepted that story, the Greek Bible 
was evidently an inspired book of au- 




thority, fully equal to that of the Hebrew 
original. Nor was this belief shaken 
when, in process of time, it came to be 
known that there were passages in which 
the Greek did not faithfully represent the 
Hebrew. Augustine held that, if the Greek 
differed from the Hebrew, it was because 
God had inspired the translators to make 
it different. The Hebrew book was 
written for the use of Jews: no doubt 
some changes were necessary to adapt it 
to the use of the Gentile world. If there 
was even a direct contradiction between 
the Greek translation and the original, 
Augustine held that this contradiction 
was to be regarded as a signal indicating 
that in the passage in question we were 
not to rest satisfied with a literal inter- 
pretation. And going beneath the letter 
to look for an allegorical interpretation, 
he was always able to shew that the same 
truths were taught in both books, though 
under different figures. Augustine, who 
has no pretensions to rank as a learned 
scholar, habitually used a Latin Bible 
which contained the books of the Apo- 
crypha ; and he frequently appeals to the 
authority of these books, though he some- 
times shews himself aware that their 
authority was questioned, and that they 
were not included in the Canon of the 
Jews. In the Council of Carthage, 
A.D. 397, at which he was present, a list 
of canonical Scriptures was drawn up, 
agreeing with that afterwards adopted by 
the Council of Trent. In fact, this 
African Council of Latin-speaking bishops 
is the best authority which the Trent 
divines can produce for their decision. 
There is reason, however, to think that 
the Council of Carthage did not intend 
to exclude, as was done at Trent, the 
apocryphal First Book of Esdras from 
their list of canonical books. Augustine 
certainly, when he spoke of Esdras, in- 
tended to include this book, and acknow- 
ledged it as Scripture {De Civ. Dei, 
xviii. 36). In copies of the Septuagint 
the First Book of E^sdras meant the apo- 
cryphal first book; the second book meant 
the canonical Ezra and Nehemiah re- 
garded as making a single book. We 
can scarcely doubt that these were the 
two books of Esdras acknowledged at 
Carthage ; and It would seem to be from 
noc understanding this point that the 

apocryphal First Esdras escaped recogni- 
tion at Trent. 

42. Rufinus. Scholars, however, in 
the West could not help being acquainted 
with Greek learned opinion as to the in- 
ferior authority of some of the books in 
Church use, and they made that opinion 
known to their countrymen. Rufinus, for 
example, in his Commentary on the Apos- 
tles' Creed, gives a list of Old Testament 
books agreeing with the Hebrew Canon ; 
and then he adds, "Yet it must be 
known that there are other books which 
have been called by the ancients not 
canonical, but ecclesiastical;" and he 
then specifies the so-called Wisdom of 
Solomon, the Wisdom of the Son of 
Sirach, the books of Tobit, Judith, and 
Maccabees ; and in the New Testament, 
the Shepherd of Hermas and the Two 
Ways or Judgment of Peter. These, he 
said, the Fathers wished should be read 
in churches, but not alleged to establish 
any article of faith. 

43. Jerome. For the emphatic enunci- 
ation of the inferior authority of those Old 
Testament books, or parts of books, which 
were not extant in Hebrew, the ^^'estern 
world was indebted to Jerome, who was 
the first Western scholar to acquire a know- 
ledge of Hebrew himself, and who even 
made the study of that language fashion- 
able in Rome. He shewed that the story 
of the seventy cells was wanting in histori- 
cal authority ; and he altogether rejected 
the notion of the inspiration of the Greek 
translators, pointing out that the work of 
a translator was quite different from that 
of an inspired prophet, and required dif- 
ferent qualifications ; human learning and 
knowledge of languages being the essen- 
tial qualifications of a translator. By the 
help of the Hebrew, Jerome revised the 
former Latin version, and in the prefaces 
to the books of his revised version he 
insisted on the claims of the " Hebrew 
verit}\" But the authority of the books 
previously current in Latin was by 
this time so well established, that this 
department of Jerome's labours drew on 
him an amount of opposition and ca- 
lumny of which he repeatedly complains 
bitterly. He says in the preface to his 
version of the Book of Job, "If I occu- 
pied myself in basket-making" then a 
common employment of monks "in 



order to eat my bread by the sweat of 
my face, nobody would assail me. But 
now, because according to the Saviour's 
command I choose to labour for the meat 
that perisheth not, and strive to clear of 
briar: and thorns the way of the sacred 
volume, I am violently attacked. When 
I correct faults, I am treated as a forger, 
and I am accused of introducing errors 
when I am taking them away. Such is 
the force of custom, that many like even 
what are acknowledged to be faults, 
and are more anxious to have their 
copies beautifully written than correctly 

44. Augustin^s expostulation with Je- 
rome. It was, however, neither personal 
animosity nor stupid ignorance which in- 
spired the dislike that many pious men 
then felt to the attempt to supersede the 
current Latin Bible by one translated 
directly from the Hebrew. Augustine, for 
example, made friendly expostulation with 
Jerome. He protested against the im- 
modesty of correcting the translation of 
the seventy interpreters. If the passage 
in the original was plain, they could not 
well have gone wrong ; if it was obscure, 
they were as likely as any modern trans- 
lator to give the true meaning. He 
pointed out that the adoption of a 
new translation would not only set the 
Latin Churches at variance with the 
Greek, but would cast uncertainty on 
the whole text of Scripture. If a ques- 
tion arose as to the accuracy of a trans- 
lation from the Greek, that language 
was so generally known that there would 
be no difficulty in obtaining skilled and 
trustworthy opinion as to which transla- 
tion was right. But who knew Hebrew 
in the West besides Jerome himself? If 
they scrupled on his word to reject ren- 
derings sanctioned by prescriptive use, 
to whom were they to resort in order to 
test his assertions ? Were they to go to 
the Jews ? What a humiliation to have 
the authority of the Greek and Latin 
Churches set aside in deference to these 
Jewish judges ! Perhaps they might 
give some translation different both from 
the Septuagint and from Jerome's, and 
who was then to decide between them ? 
And how could you ever be sure that 
they were not purposely giving false in- 
formation? Who could trust the good 

faith of those enemies of the Cross of 
Christ ? 

45. The story of the gourd. In illus- 
tration of the practical inconvenience 
of translation from the Hebrew, St. 
Augustine told a story which has been 
often quoted. An African bishop having 
adopted Jerome's translation in his 
church, there came to be read the lesson 
about Jonah's gourd, when, instead of 
the "gourd" to which the people had 
been accustomed, there was read Je- 
rome's word "ivy." On this there arose 
a tumult in the congregation, the Greeks 
among them especially accusing the 
translation of falsification. The bishop 
was obliged to consult the Jews, who, 
St. Augustine tells Jerome, " either 
through ignorance or malice," answered 
that it was " gourd" in the Hebrew copies, 
as it was in the Greek and Latin, so that, 
in short, the bishop was compelled to 
correct this reading as a fault ; for, if he 
had not done so, he would have been 
left without a flock. In fine, Augustine 
pressed on Jerome the great scandal 
which a new translation would cause the 
people, by shaking the credit of the 
Septuagint, to which their ears and hearts 
had become accustomed, and which had 
been approved by the authority of the 

46. Rufinus assails Jerovie for re- 
jecting the Apocrypha. The remon- 
strances which Augustine made, cour- 
teously and respectfully, were repeated 
by Jerome's antagonist Rufinus angrily 
and scurrilously. Jerome had learned 
Hebrew from a Jew named Baranina, 
a name which, for the purposes of 
invective, was made to take the form 
Barabbas.^ "What wickedness," cries 
Rufinus, "to violate the deposit of the 
Holy Ghost ! The History of Susanna, 
who afforded an example of chastity to 
the Church of God, has been cut out and 
rejected by you. The Song of the Three 
Children, which is sung on festivals in the 
Church of God, has been removed from 
its place. Why need I name separately 
changes the number of which is too 
great to be counted? Are we to pay 
more respect to the one and harmonious 

* In fact Barrabanus, instead of Baranina, is 
the reading of many MSS., and probably the 
name was so read by Rufinus. 

C 2 



voice of Seventy Interpreters, guided in 
their separate cells to uniformity by the 
inspiration of the Holy Spirit, or to what 
one man utters at the instigation of 
Barabbas? Peter presided over the 
Church of Rome for twenty-four years, 
and no doubt gave the Church the same 
books which were used when he himself 
sat and taught. Did he deceive the 
Church by handing over to it books full 
of falsehood ; and, though he knew the 
Jews had the truth, wish Christians to 
have falsehood ? Perhaps you will say, 
Peter was unlearned, and was not well 
enough skilled in languages to make a 
new translation. What, did the gift of 
tongues on the day of Pentecost confer 
nothing on him? Well, Paul at least 
was not without letters. When he taught 
his disciples ' to give heed to reading,' 
would he not care that they should have 
correct readings? He ordered his dis- 
ciples to beware of the circumcision, and 
to give no heed to Jewish fables. How 
was it that he did not foresee by the 
Spirit that the time would come when the 
Church should discover that the truth of 
the Old Testament had not been de- 
livered to her by the Apostles, and when 
she must send ambassadors to the cir- 
cumcision acknowledging that she had 
been 400 years in error, and imploring 
them of their charity to impart some of 
the truth which had been in their keep- 
ing ; when she would be obliged to own 
that she, who had been chosen as the 
bride of Christ, had been decked by the 
Apostles with false jewels, and must beg 
the Jews to send Barabbas, whom once 
the Church had rejected in order to wed 
Christ, that he might replace the false 
with true ornaments ? " 

47. The argwiients of Riifiiius derived 
from Origen. It is to be observed what 
a close relation there is between the line 
taken by Rufinus in this controversy with 
Jerome, and that taken by Origen in his 
controversy with Africanus. Their argu- 
ments would have great weight if their 
assumption were correct that the Apostles 
had guaranteed the authority of what 
passed in the fourth century as the Sep- 
tuagint version ; but we have already 
seen that there is no reason to think that 
the Canon of the Apostles included the 
books of the Apocrypha. It is also to 

be observed that what was involved in the 
assumption was not merely the claims of 
the books not extant in Hebrew : the 
correctness of the Septuagint translation 
of all the recognised books was equally 
supposed to be guaranteed. But that no 
such guarantee was given, is plain from 
the number of passages where New Testa- 
ment writers cite the Old Testament, and 
do not use the Septuagint translation. 

48. The practice of St. Jerome as to 
the use of the Apocrypha. It has been 
remarked in the case both of Josephus 
and of Origen, that the practice of 
these writers does not agree with their 
theory ; and we are therefore led to 
inquire whether Jerome has been more 
consistent. The result is found to be 
that when Jerome is using the books 
of the Apocrypha, " for example of life 
and instruction of manners," he does not 
scruple to quote them with the formula 
" sicut scriptum est," and even on one 
occasion with the epithet " scriptura 
divina." But when he is writing con- 
troversially and using testimonies to 
establish doctrine, he is careful to mark 
the inferior authority of these books 
(see, for example, Cont. Pelag. 31, 33). 
There is a like difference between the 
theory of the Church of England stated 
in her 6th article, and her practice evi- 
denced by the approval given in the 
35th article to the use of the First Book 
of Homilies, in which books of the 
Apocrypha are quoted as Scripture. 

49. tfltimate success of Jerome^ s trans- 
lation. What has been stated as to the 
opposition Jerome's revision met with, 
entitles us to say that there seldom has 
been a case where the results of scientific 
investigation had to encounter stronger 
dislike, opposed as they were to long- 
received opinion, sanctioned by highly 
venerated authority. And yet, in the end, 
Jerome's work had a singular success, 
a success, indeed, involving the aban- 
donment of the principle for which 
Jerome contended, viz. that the au- 
thority of the most approved translation 
must bow to that of the original. For 
Jerome's own translation not only tri- 
umphed over the hostility which had 
threatened to suppress it at its birth, but 
gained an authority which only the ori- 
ginal could rightly claim. In the cele- 



brated Complutensian Polyglot ^ the Latin 
was placed in the middle, the Hebrew 
and Greek on each side, as the Preface 
said, like Christ between the two thieves ; 
the idea being that we could rely on the 
Latin text, which had been in the 
keeping of the Roman Church, but not 
on those in the other two languages, 
which had been in the custody, in the 
one case of unbelieving Jews, in the other 
of schismatical Greeks. The thesis that 
the Vulgate is far closer to the original 
than either the Hebrew or Greek text 
was elaborately maintained by Morinus 
in the early part of the seventeenth 
century. The Vulgate was pronounced 
" authentic " by the Council of Trent ; 
and what is implied by that epithet to 
those who acknowledge the authority of 
that council, may be gathered from the 
dictum of a Jesuit writer of the present 
day, that " the Greek and Hebrew texts 
are of the greatest value, as means in 
order to arrive at the gcnimie setise and 
full force of many passages i?i the Latin 
Vulgate." 2 

50. The Middle Ages. But the Latin 
Bible which passed into general circula- 
tion was not altogether Jerome's work. 
He had declined to translate the books of 
the Apocrypha, but ultimately allowed 
himself to be persuaded by the urgency of 
two bishops, his friends, to make a hasty 
version first of the Book of Tobit, then of 
Judith. His version of the former book, 
he tells us, was the work of a single sitting, 
performed under the guidance of an in- 
structor skilled in Hebrew and Chaldee. 
Latin-speaking Christians, when adopting 
Jerome's versions of the canonical books, 
were still unwilling to be without the 
books which they had been accustomed 
to read in their Bibles. They therefore 
joined to the translations revised by 
Jerome (including Tobit and Judith) the 
translations of the other books which had 
been current before Jerome's labours. 
The Latin Bibles therefore in general 
use represented at once popular usage 
and learned opinion : popular usage 
because they contained all the books 
commonly regarded as Scripture, learned 
opinion because they also contained 
Jerome's prefaces, in which he repeatedly 

* Published in 1517. 

' Humphry, The Written Word, p. 228. 

insists on the distinction between the 
" canonical Scriptures " and the books 
which were read in the Church for the 
edification of the people, but not for the 
authoritative confirmation of doctrine. 
The consequence was that this distinc- 
tion was never lost sight of, and it would 
be easy to cite a long list of writers, 
all through the Middle Ages and down 
to the very epoch of the Reformation, 
who shew themselves aware of it.^ It 
will suffice here to name three. 

51. De Lyra. Nicolaus de Lyra, 
who lived in the middle of the four- 
teenth century, was one of the most 
popular of the pre-Reformation com- 
mentators on Scripture. He begins his 
commentary on the Book of Tobit as 
follows : "Now that I have, by the 
help of God, written on the canonical 
books of Holy Scripture, beginning from 
Genesis and going on to the end of the 
Apocalypse, I proceed now, trusting in 
the same help, to write on the other 
books which are not of the Canon ; viz., 
Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Judith, Tobit, 
and Maccabees. . . . The books which are 
not of the Canon are received by the 
Church to be read for instruction in 
morals, but their authority is reckoned 
less fit for proving matters which come 
into dispute, as Jerome saith in his pro- 
logue to the Book of Judith, and in his 
prologue to Solomon's Proverbs ; where- 
fore they are of less efficacy than the 
canonical books. . . . The books of Holy 
Scripture which are called canonical are 
of such authority, that whatsoever is 
contained there is firmly held to be true ; 
and consequently also whatsoever is 
plainly inferred from them. For as in 
philosophic writings the truth is known 
by reduction to first principles known of 
themselves, so in the writings of Catholic 
doctors the truth in matters which are to 
be held by faith is known by reduction 
to the canonical Scriptures which have 
been given by Divine revelation, so that 
nothing false can be contained in them. 
. . . The truth written in the canonical 
books is for the most part prior in time, 
and always superior in dignity and 

' In Cosin's Scholastical History of the Canon 
will be found in successive chapters (chaps, vi.- 
xvii.) testimonies from each century, from the 
fourth to the sixteenth. 



authority, to that which is written in the 
non-canonical books." Similarly in the 
preface to Ezra he had said, " The books 
of Tobit, Judith, and Maccabees, though 
they be historical, I yet pass by for the 
present, because they are not of the 
Canon, either among the Jews or among 
Christians. Moreover Jerome says of 
them . . . that they are reckoned among 
the Apocrypha," 

52. Cajetatius. The second writer 
whom it is worth while here to cite 
brings us down to the very epoch of 
the Reformation, del Vio, better known 
as named from his birth-place, Caje- 
tanus, the papal legate before whom 
Luther was summoned to appear in 
1518. He was a man of the greatest 
reputation in his day,^ and the fact that 
he was a strenuous defender of papal 
prerogatives and of the parts of the 
Romish system assailed by Luther makes 
his testimony the more valuable, to the 
authority enjoyed, down to the time 
of the Council of Trent, by Jerome's 
ruling on the subject of the Canon. He 
says, " In order not to err in our dis- 
crimination of canonical books, we follow 
the rule of St. Jerome. What he handed 
down as canonical we accept as canoni- 
cal \ what he separated from the canoni- 
cal we hold outside the Canon " {Co7nm. 
in cap. i. ad Hebr.). In his dedicatory 
preface addressed to Pope Clement VII. 
he says, " The whole Latin Church owes 
very much to St. Jerome, not only on 
account of his noting in the books of the 
Old Testament the small portions which 
are either spurious or doubtful, but also 
on account of his separation of the 
canonical from non-canonical books. 
For he has thus freed us from the re- 

' " Cavete ne lumen Ecclesiae exstinguatis," is 
said to have been the exclamation of Clement VII. 
when he saw the Cardinal in peril in the capture 
of Rome in 1528. The following is the cha- 
racter given of him by Ughelli (Italia Sacra, 
i. 544; Venice, 1717): "Hie ille est alter 
Thomas, ingeniorum extrema linea, doctorum 
virorum miraculum, hcereticse pravitatis terror, 
sacrarum Scripturarum lumen ac fax, scholastici 
pulveris athleta invictus, Thomisticse doctrinse 
galeatus defensor, sincerioris doctrinae propug- 
naculum, arx ac promptuarium subtilium argu- 
mentorum, cathedra; demum splendor ac decus, 
cujus adeo immortalia scripta sunt ut tamdiu 
videantur perennatura quamdiu divinam sapien- 
tiam scholastica subsellia personabunt." 

proach of the Hebrews that we invent 
books, or parts of books, of the old 
Canon which are quite unknown to 
them," Accordingly Cajetan refuses to 
include in the canonical books on which 
he comments, Tobit, Judith, and Mac- 
cabees, stating that they had been put 
among Apocrypha with the books of 
Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus {Co?n?n. in 
iilt cap. Esther). And he adds, " The 
words both of councils and of doctors 
must be brought to the file of St. Jerome : 
and according to his opinion these books 
(and if there be others like them in the 
Canon of the Bible) are not canonical 
as respects establishment of doctrines of 
faith, but may be called canonical as 
respects the edification of the faithful. 
For with this distinction you can recon- 
cile what is said by Augustine in his second 
book De Doctri7ia Christiana, and what 
is written in the Council of Florence 
under Eugenius IV. and in the provincial 
councils of Carthage and Laodicea, and 
by Popes Innocent and Gelasius." 

53. The Cojnphitetisian Polyglot. To 
the same epoch belongs the third autho- 
rity which we cite. Cardinal Ximenes, 
who, in the Preface to the Complutensian 
Polyglot published in 15 17, echoes St. 
Jerome's language, and describes the 
books of which he can only print a 
Greek, not a Hebrew text, as " the 
books outside the Canon, which the 
Church receives rather for the edification 
of the people than to confirm the autho- 
rity of ecclesiastical dogmas." 

54. The Reformation. From what has 
been stated it appears that in refusing 
to place the books of the Apocrypha on 
a level with the earlier canonical books 
the Reformers made no innovation, but 
were in accordance with the best learned 
opinion of their day. But Luther gave 
emphasis to the doctrine of the inferior 
authority of the Apocrypha, by the place 
he assigned them in his German Bible. 
In Latin Bibles, as in the Greek books 
from which the Latin translation was 
made, they had been mixed up, ac- 
cording to their subjects, with the 
canonical books. Thus Tobit and 
Judith are treated as historical books, 
coming between Nehemiah and Esther; 
Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus follow the 
canonical books of Solomon ; the Song 



of the Three Children, and the Stories of 
Susanna and of Bel and the Dragon, 
take their place as parts of the Book of 
Daniel. In Luther's translation the dis- 
puted books were placed by themselves ^ 
as an appendix at the end of the Old 
Testament, with the title, " Apocrypha ; 
that is, books that are not held as equal 
to the Holy Scriptures, and yet are good 
and useful to read." This separation of 
the disputed books, and the use of the 
name Apocrypha as their title, was fol- 
lowed by Coverdale in the first English 
Bible that contained them, and in sub- 
sequent English translations. Cranmer's 
Great Bible had " Hagiographa " as a 
separate titlepage for this section, but 
" Apocrypha " as the running heading on 
each page. 

55. The 7iame Apocrypha. From this 
period dates the use of the word " Apo- 
crypha" as a technical name for the 
disputed books of the Old Testament 
Canon. In the earliest Christian use of 
the word it appears to have retained its 

> etymological rneaning " secret." Thus 
Clement of Alexandria speaks of the 
secret books of Zoroaster {Strom, i. 15). 
It was common with heretical sects to 
throw an air of mystery about their 
books : partly in order to flatter their 
disciples with the belief that they were 
in possession of secrets known only to 
the initiated; but partly also because 
those who forged books in the names 
of Apostles found that the fiction that 
these books had been intended to be 
kept secret was convenient, as affording 
an explanation why they had not been 
heard of before. It is almost exclu- 
sively with regard to heretical books that 
the word " apocryphal " is first used. 
Clement of Alexandria {Strom, iii. 4) 
applies it to a Gnostic book from which 
he cites a passage; see also Tertullian 
{De Aniiiia, 2). 

56. The twofold division of books as to 
Canonicity Cyril of Jerusalem. Cyril 
of Jerusalem is, as far as we know, the 
first to apply the name Apocrypha to the 
books added in Greek Bibles to the books 
of the Hebrew Canon. In his fourth 
Catechetical lecture, he says, " Learn 

* The separation, however, had previously 
been made in an edition of the Septuagint pub- 

uccii iiiauc 111 au cuiLiua ui i 

lished at Strasburg in 1526. 

diligently and from the Church which 
are the books of the Old Testament and 
which of the New, and read not, I pray, 
any of the Apocrypha. For why should- 
est thou, who knowest not those which 
are acknowledged by all, take needless 
trouble about those which are ques- 
tioned ? Read the Holy Scriptures, 
those two-and-twenty books of the Old 
Testament which were interpreted by 
the seventy-two interpreters." Then, 
having related the current story of the 
origin of the Septuagint, he proceeds : 
" Read the two-and-twenty books of 
these Scriptures, and have nothing to do 
with the Apocrypha. Those books only 
study earnestly which we read confidently 
even in church. Far wiser than thou 
and more devout were the Apostles and 
the ancient bishops, the rulers of the 
Church, who have handed down these : 
thou, therefore, who art a child of the 
Church, tread not on their sanctions." 
He goes on to teach his disciples the 
names and order of the twenty-two 
books. We may gather from this, as 
well as from the passage already quoted 
in which Athanasius describes the books 
outside the twenty-two as only used in 
the instruction of catechumens, that in 
the fourth century lessons from the Old 
Testament Apocrypha were not read ia 
the Eastern Church. Cyril's own practice 
shews that he did not regard the study of 
these books as unlawful ; and the object 
of his lecture would seem to be to exhort 
the less learned members of his flock to 
confine their reading to the books about 
whose authority there was no dispute. 

57. The threefold division Rufinus. 
In the West, however, lessons were 
read in church not only from the Apo- 
crypha of the Old Testament, but of the 
New, including such books as the Shep- 
herd of Hermas and the Two Ways. 
Accordingly Rufinus, in his Commentary 
on the Apostles' Creed (37), where he 
appears to be following the guidance of 
Athanasius, makes a threefold division ^ 

' With regard to the well-known threefold, 
or rather fourfold, division of books made by 
Eusebius in treating of the New Testament 
Canon {H. E. iii. 25), it may be remarked that 
he does not apply the name Apocrypha to any 
of them ; but elsewhere (iv. 22) he employs 
incidentally the phrase twv Xeyoixivoiv aizoKpicptav, 
ha%-ing apparently only heretical books in view. 



of books. First, the books which the 
Fathers included in the Canon, and out 
of which they willed that assertions of 
our faith should be established. This 
list contains only the twenty-two Old 
Testament books. Secondly, books not 
canonical, but called by our ancestors 
Ecclesiastical, which they willed should 
be read in the Church, but not alleged 
as authority for the establishment of doc- 
trine. The rest they called Apocryphal, 
which they did not admit to be read in 
the churches. 

58. Jerome's adoptioji of the twofold 
division. Jerome, however, conformed 
to the usage of Cyril, and only recognised 
the twofold division canonical and apo- 
cryphal. That in his language " apo- 
cryphal " may fairly be translated " non- 
canonical " appears from what he says 
about the Epistle ascribed to Barnabas, 
which in his Catalogue he accepts as a 
genuine work of that Apostle, but says 
of it, " Barnabas composed one epistle 
tending to the edification of the Church, 
which is read among apocryphal Scrip- 
tures." But there is no doubt that the 
word Apocrypha in Jerome's use of it 
contained a note of disparagement. His 
feelings with regard to these books are 
indicated beyond mistake in his letter to 
Lseta {Ep. 107), giving her instruction 
as to her daughter's education. Having 
given his advice as to the order in which 
the child is to be made to read the books 
of the Old and New Testament, among 
which none are mentioned save those 
recognised by the Church of England as 
canonical, he goes on to say, repeating 
Cyril's warning, " Let her beware of all 
apocrypha {Caveat ovinia apocrypha). 
And if at any time she should wish to 
read them, ' non ad veritatem dogmatum 
sed ad signorum reverentiam,' ^ let her 
know that they are not the works of 
those whose names they bear, that many 
faulty things are mixed up in them, and 
that it needs great prudence to look for 
gold in mire." 

It has been suggested that St. Jerome 
had only in his mind New Testament 
apocryphal books falsely ascribed to 
Apostles, and that he did not mean to 

* I am not sure that I rightly understand the 
last two words ; and as they are irrelevant to the 
uresent discussion, I leave them untranslated. 

apply the name Apocrypha to the dis- 
puted books of the Old Testament. But 
he expressly does so apply the name in 
his prefaces. Cyril of Jerusalem had 
done so before him ; for as Cyril con- 
trasts the Apocrypha with the twenty -two 
books, it is clearly the Old Testament he 
has in view. In St. Jerome's enumera- 
tion of sacred books in the letter just 
quoted, the exclusion of the disputed 
books from mention is very marked. The 
same feature presents itself in his letter to 
Paulinus {Ep. 53). He there goes regu- 
larly through the books of the Old and 
New Testament, leaving out the books not 
included in the Hebrew Canon, and then 
adds, " oro te frater carissime inter hsec 
vivere, ista meditare, nihil aliud nosse, 
nihil quaerere." St. Jerome's attitude of 
mind towards the disputed books is that he 
not only did not regard them as canonical 
Scripture, but that he thought a Christian's 
time might be more profitably spent than 
in reading them. It was the persistence 
with which St. Jerome used the name 
Apocrypha in speaking of the non- 
canonical books of the Old Testament 
which led to the adoption of it by the 
Reformers. In what precedes we have 
retained the use of the noun " Apocry- 
pha" in the technical sense, but have 
avoided the adjective " apocryphal," 
which in modern English conveys a 
different meaning. 

59. The Council of Trent. It was just 
at the time of the death of Luther when, 
in 1547, the question of the Canon 
came under consideration at Trent. 
There were some of the Council who 
advocated the following the authority 
of St. Jerome, by making two classes of 
books differing in authority ; others who 
would have evaded controversy by mak- 
ing a mere list of books, and defining 
nothing as to the authority of each ; but 
the view which ultimately prevailed, and 
which was embodied in the canon 
adopted by the Council, put all the books 
that had been popularly regarded as 
belonging to the Old Testament on a 
footing of perfect equality. The Council 
declared that it received alike the books 
of Old and New Testament, since one 
God was the author of both ; as well as 
also the traditions relating to faith or 
conduct, dictated by Christ or the Holy 



Spirit, and preserved by continual suc- 
cession in the Catholic Church ; and that 
it accepted all with equal regard and 
reverence. Then, lest any doubt should 
arise as to the books of Scripture in- 
tended, a list is given, such as that already 
described, in which the books of both 
classes are intermixed without any hint 
of difference of authority. In modern 
times learned Roman Catholics have 
found it impossible to avoid making a 
division of Old Testament books into 
proto-canonical and deutero-canonical. 
But since the Council gives no warrant 
for such a division, they are obliged to 
explain that the term "deutero-canoni- 
cal " is not intended to imply any infe- 
riority of authority, but only a later date 
of admission into the Canon. Finally 
the Council passed an anathema on any 
one who does not receive as sacred and 
canonical these books, entire with all their 
parts, as they have been wont to be read 
in the Catholic Church and are contained 
in the old Latin Vulgate edition. The 
effect of this " entire with all their parts " 
is that though in the list of canonical 
books only the Book of Daniel, for 
example, is mentioned by name, any one 
-^ would come under the anathema who 
should reject the Song of the Three 
Children or the Story of Bel and the 

60. What iveight to be attached to the 
ruling of this Council. To any one who 
regards the Council of Trent as infallible 
this decree closes the controversy. It 
may be perfectly true that this decision, 
equalizing the authority of all the books, 
is quite opposed to the judgment of all 
the most learned divines of previous 
times; but it can be said that these 
divines had not been privileged to hear 
the voice of the Church declaring the 
truth on this subject. But one who 
thinks that the Church had not to wait 
till the 1 6th century for its knowledge 
of the Canon of Scripture will find that 
if he cannot attribute to tlie Council of 
Trent inspired and infallible authority, 
he will be unable to acknowledge it as 
possessing any authority whatever. 

In questions of criticism requiring 
learning for their determination, merely 
official position conveys no title to 
respect. In these islands the authority 

of Parliament is supreme ; yet if both 
Houses of Parliament were to pass 
unanimous votes that Sir Philip Francis 
wrote the letters of Junius (or that he 
did not write them), such votes would 
count for nothing as affecting the judg- 
ment of critics, except so far as they 
furnished evidence what was the pre- 
valent opinion at the time when they 
were passed, and except also so far as it 
could be shewn that persons had joined 
in these votes whose knowledge and 
skill entitled them to be listened to with 
respect. But when inquiry is made as 
to the knowledge and skill of those who 
passed the Trent decree, no favourable 
answer can be given. It would be out 
of place here to give any account of the 
political difficulties which impeded the 
assembling of the Council of Trent. 
Sufhce it to say that when, after some 
futile attempts to bring a council together 
elsewhere, the Pope's legates proceeded 
to Trent, they found no prelate there 
but the bishop of the place. And for 
some ten months afterwards the number 
of bishops assembled remained so few 
that it was felt they could not without 
manifest indecency venture to describe 
themselves as an CEcumenical Council. 
Nor was it any high standard of numbers 
at which they at length arrived. When 
the Council actually opened, there were 
present, besides the legates, only four 
archbishops and twenty-eight bishops ; 
and some of these were titular bishops, 
pensioners of the Pope, and having no 
real connection with the dioceses which 
they nominally represented. The subject 
of the Canon was the first matter of con- 
troverted doctrine with which the Council 
dealt, and it was discussed in congrega- 
tions at which not more than thirty persons 
were present. By the time the decree was 
actually promulgated in a meeting of the 
Council, the total number had not risen 
above fifty-three. But though the Council 
was not strong in numerical representa- 
tion, its weakness was far greater as 
respects the quality of those who took 
part in it. Though the Council called 
itself QEcumenical, no part of the world 
was really represented in it except Italy. 
The great bulk of the bishops were 
Italian : of the rest the majority were 
Spanish ; there were a couple from 



France, none from Germany, Switzerland, 
or the Northern countries. But a still 
worse account has to be given of the 
scholarship of its members. None knew 
Hebrew ; only a few knew Greek ; there 
were even some whose knowledge of 
Latin was held in but low repute ; not 
one had eminence as a learned divine. 
Westcott's summing-up of the case is 
completely justified. " This fatal decree, 
in which the Council, harassed by the fear 
of lay critics and ' grammarians,' gave 
a new aspect to the whole question of 
the Canon, was ratified by fifty-three 
prelates, among whom there was not one 
German, not one scholar distinguished 
by historical learning, not one who was 
fitted by special study for the examina- 
tion of a subject in which the truth could 
only be determined by the voice of 
antiquity. How completely the decision 
was opposed to the spirit and letter of 
the original judgments of the Greek and 
Latin Churches ; how far it was at 
variance, in the doctrinal equalization of 
the disputed and acknowledged books of 
the Old Testament, with the tradition 
of the West ; how absolutely unprece- 
dented was the conversion of an ecclesias- 
tical usage into an article of belief, will be 
seen from the evidence which has been 
already adduced." ^ 

6 1. Controversial iiidiicetiients to its 
. recognitio7i of the Apocrypha. It has 
been said, and probably with truth, 
that the majority at the Council, being 
men who took much more interest in 
the polemical discussions of their own 
day than in learned research as to the 
opinions of earlier times, were mainly 
induced to give so high a rank to the 
Apocrypha, by the controversial use to 
be made of a few texts in it. Thus, in 
controversy concerning the help or inter- 
cession of angels, use might be made of 
the Book of Tobit (see in particular 
xii. 12, 15), and so concerning the inter- 
cession of departed saints (2 Mace. xv. 
12-14; Baruch iv. 4). On the question 
of prayers for the dead, appeal might be 
made to 2 Mace. xii. 44, 45 : and con- 
cerning the merit of almsgiving and 
other good works, to Tobit iii. 10, iv. 7 ; 
Ecclus. iii. 30. 

' Bible in the Church, p. 257. 

62. The acceptance of the Apocrypha as 
inspired necessitates a low theory of In- 
spiration. If the Tridentine divines were 
influenced by such considerations as 
these in ascribing canonical authority to 
these books, the Reformers' reasons for 
refusing to do so were far more funda- 
mental than were suggested by any 
possible use to be made of them in par- 
ticular controversies. It ought never to 
be forgotten that the question concerning 
the authority of the books of the Apo- 
crypha is intimately connected with the 
question how much is meant by the 
inspiration and authority ascribed to 
the books of the Hebrew Old Testa- 
ment. The two classes of books can be 
put on the same level, either by mag- 
nifying the authority ascribed to the 
former, or depressing that ascribed to 
the latter. Thus, for example, the ra- 
tionalistic critic of the present day, who 
does not ascribe inspiration, as the 
Church understands the word, to any 
books, has no inclination to set the 
books of the Apocrypha in any inferior 
position. Jewish literature of one age 
has as many claims on his regard as 
Jewish literature of another. The Jewish 
literature now extant in Hebrew may be, 
speaking generally, of earlier date than 
that only extant in Greek ; but he regards 
the one as no more above his criticism 
than the other ; the older no more than 
the later, an authority to which he is 
bound to defer. Where a somewhat 
higher view of the inspiration of the Old 
Testament Scriptures is held, it is still 
evident that the more of error and imper- 
fection is imagined to be compatible with 
inspiration, the less difficulty is there in 
ascribing that attribute to the books of 
the Apocrypha, or to any other books. 
Now the Reformers felt it to be a neces- 
sity of their position to hold a very high 
doctrine of Inspiration. They rejected 
the infallibility claimed for the authority 
of the Church, but they taught that 
Christians were not left without the se- 
curity of an unerring guide. This they 
found in the Bible ; and if they rejected 
decisions made by high Church authority, 
it was because they found them opposed 
by authority which they recognised as 

Now some of the books of the Apo- 



crypha are plainly indefensible by any 
one who holds any high theory of Inspi- 
ration. It is not merely that they are 
wanting in external attestation ; there 
are many passages where the moral tone 
falls distinctly below the dignity of Scrip- 
ture. The Book of Wisdom, which is one 
of the finest, is certainly not Solomon's, 
and probably is one of the latest in the 
collection ; the Second Book of the Mac- 
cabees is disfigured by several anachro- 
nisms and historical blunders ; the books 
of Tobit and Judith, not to speak of the 
stories of Susanna and Bel and the 
Dragon, cannot possibly be maintained 
as historical, and must be relegated to 
the class of edifying fiction. And even 
in the latter point of view they are un- 
acceptable to a modern reader. It is 
hard, for instance, for such a reader to 
take seriously the story of the demon 
Asmodeus in the Book of Tobit. This 
demon is capable of sexual lust, and is 
able to take the lives of the men of whom 
he is jealous ; but is unable to bear the 
stench of the burning of a fish's liver, 
and flies off to the upper parts of Egypt. 
Any controversy concerning the books 
of the Apocrypha in modern times will be 
found really to regard not so much the 
credit due to these books as that due to 
the books of the older Scriptures. No 
one can now venture to demand for the 
statements found in the books of the 
Apocrypha that unhesitating deference 
which the men of the early Church ac- 
corded to the books which they recog- 
nised as Scripture; and therefore it is 
not possible now to bring the Apocrypha 
to the level of the Old Testament 
Scriptures through any process of raising 
the authority of the former books. If the 
books of the Apocrypha are to be called 
sacred and canonical, it can only be by 
maintaining that these epithets can be 
bestowed on books full of blunders and 
false conceptions, which the early Church 
would have thought it scandalous to 
attribute to any books which they re- 

^ garded as inspired. It has already been 
observed, that when the prerogatives of 
Inspiration are denied or extenuated, the 
controversy concerning the authority of 

I the Apocryphal books ceases to have any 

\ practical meaning. 

VIII. The Use of the Apocrypha 
IN the Church of England. 

6;^. The Apocrypha formerly used eX' 
tensively in public. When the Reformers 
denied the inspired authority of the books 
of the Apocrypha, it was by no means 
their intention to exclude them from use 
either in public or in private reading. The 
Articles of the Church of England quote 
with approbation the ruling of St. Jerome, 
that though the Church does not use 
these books for establishment of doctrine, 
it reads them for example of life and 
instruction of manners. Accordingly, 
lessons from the Apocrypha were ap- 
pointed to be read on the week-days 
during two months of the year ; and these 
books are once or twice quoted as Scrip- 
ture in the Homilies set forth by au- 
thority. Not only was this the view of 
the cautious men who held high office in 
the Church of England, but it was not 
dissented from by a more extreme sec- 
tion of Reformers. The Geneva Bible, 
which, until it came to be superseded by 
King James's Authorized Version, was 
the most popular and widely circulated 
of English Bibles, prefixed the following 
Preface to the section containing the 
Apocrypha: "The books that follow in 
order after the Prophets unto the New 
Testament, are called Apocrypha ; that 
is, books which were not received by a 
common consent to be read and ex- 
pounded pubHcly in the Church, neither 
yet serve to prove any point of Christian 
religion, save inasmuch as they had the 
consent of the other Scriptures called 
Canonical to confirm the same, or rather 
whereupon they were grounded : but as 
books proceeding from godly men were 
received to be read for the advancement 
and furtherance of the knowledge of the 
history, and for the instruction of godly 
manners : which books declare, that at 
all times God had an especial care of his 
Church, and left them not utterly desti- 
tute of teachers and means to confirm 
them in the hope of the promised Mes- 
siah, and also witness that those calamities 
that God sent to his Church were ac- 
cording to his providence, who had both 
so threatened by his prophets, and so 
brought it to pass for the destruction of 



their enemies and for the trial of his 

64. And in private. Abundant refer- 
ences to the books of the Apocrypha in 
our elder literature testify the extensive 
use that for some time continued to be 
made of them, and in many cases by men 
who cannot be suspected of sympathy 
with Romish teaching. Perhaps the most 
interesting illustration of the acquaintance 
with them possessed by the less learned 
of the people is afforded by what John 
Bunyan tells in his Autobiography,^ how 
he was roused from a state of religious 
despondency by the recollection of a 
text from the Apocrypha, though for 
some time he could not remember where 
he had met with it, " Look at the genera- 
tions of old and see ; did ever any trust 
in the Lord, and was confounded?" 
(Ecclus. ii. 10.) He probably knew the 
words from having heard them read in 
church ; but it appears from his account 
that he had the means by his private 
study of discovering the source of the 

In the present general neglect of the 
Apocrypha, young readers require a com- 
mentator to explain to them why Shy- 
lock should exclaim, " A Daniel come 
to judgment," or why Milton should 
describe Raphael as the " affable Arch- 
angel ;" or as 

"the sociable spirit that deigned 
To travel with Tobias, and secured 
His marriage witli the seven-times-wedded 

Of those who quote the saying, " Magna 
est Veritas et prsevalebit," probably a 
majority could not tell whence it was 
derived. Christian names still in use 
Susan, Toby, Judith bear witness to the 
influence once exercised by the books 
which bear these names, but which would 
now be seldom thought of in connection 
with them, if it were not that pictures 
have made the stories familiar to many 
who do not care to study the books 

65. The Lectio7iary, A somewhat 
fuller account may now be added of 
the public and the private reading re- 
spectively of these books in the Re- 
formed Church of England. The Lec- 

' Grace Abounding, 62. 

tionary, which in the main continued 
in use down to the present reign, not 
only declined to use the two books of 
Esdras and the Prayer of Manasses, 
which are not recognised in the Triden- 
tine Canon, but also with less apparent 
reason the books of the Maccabees, 
although they contain information con- 
cerning a most interesting period of 
Jewish history, which might well with 
advantage have been made popularly 
known. The remainder of the books 
were read with scarcely any attempt at 
curtailment or selection. Among the 
Puritan complaints in the reign of Eliza- 
beth, objections to the public reading 
of the Apocrypha had no prominent part. 
The great anxiety of the objectors was 
that the time available for the ordinance 
of preaching should not be encroached 
on, and therefore their dislike extended 
to the reading of any fixed Scripture 
lessons beyond the passages which the 
officiating minister might choose as the 
subject of comment. They objected 
likewise to the use of the Homilies. 
The futility of their objections was easily 
shewn by Whitgift and Hooker ; but the 
latter, while shewing the unreasonable- 
ness of refusing to submit to the decision 
of authority in such a matter, allows it 
to be seen that, according to his private 
judgment, he would have preferred con- 
fining church reading to the canonical 
Scriptures. At the Hampton Court 
Conference of 1604, the objections 
made to the Apocrypha lessons did not 
raise the general question of the pro- 
priety of reading non-canonical books, 
but were only directed against particular 
passages in the lessons read ; and these 
it was attempted to meet by a revision 
of the Lectionary. The history of Bel 
and the Dragon, which had been read 
as part of the Book of Daniel, was now 
omitted ; and so were also some of the 
less credible chapters of the Book of 
Tobit, though with considerable damage 
to the story, A few of the lessons for 
instruction in manners were also omitted 
as not conformed to modern ideas. Thus 
the writer of the Book of Ecclesiasticus 
exliibits a very low opinion of the female 
sex, and this led to the omission of the 
whole of his 26th chapter in the Prayer 
Book for 1604. In the revision under 



Charles XL half the 25th chapter was 
left out besides. A few specimens will 
sufficiently indicate the reasons for the 
omission : " Give me any plague but the 
plague of the heart, and any wickedness 
but the wickedness of a woman. . . . All 
wickedness is but little to the wickedness 
of a woman : let the portion of a sinner 
fall upon her. As the climbing up a 
sandy way is to the feet of the aged, so 
is a wife full of words to a quiet man. . . . 
A woman, if she maintain her husband, 
is full of anger, impudence, and much 
reproach." " Of the woman came the be- 
ginning of sin, and through her we all 
die. Give the water no passage ; neither 
a wicked woman liberty to gad abroad. 
If she go not as thou wouldest have her, 
cut her off from thy flesh, and give her a 
bill of divorce, and let her go." 

66. Changes hi the reign of James I. 
One other of the omissions of 1604 
is curious for its leaving out a single 
verse of a chapter (Ecclus. xlvi. 20), 
the thing asserted in this verse being the 
reality of the appearance of Samuel 
when called up by the Witch of Endor. 
Although Justin Martyr and some other 
ancient authorities had explained the 
prophet's complaint, " Why hast thou dis- 
quieted me and brought me up ? " by a 
theory as to authority exercised by evil 
spirits over souls in the departed state, 
such a theory was deeply repugnant to 
the general sense of the Church, which 
held to the doctrine expressed in the 
Book of Wisdom : " The souls of the 
righteous are in the hand of God, and 
there shall no torment touch them." And 
so the theory found more favour that 
the appearance to Saul was a demoniac 
illusion, in which powers were claimed for 
the evil spirits which they did not really 
possess. And this theory is evidently 
that which was adopted by the revisers. 

67. The Long Parliament. During 
the Long Parliament objections against 
the use of the Apocrypha became 
louder. The abolition of Apocrypha 
lessons was one of the concessions 
offered in 1641 by the Committee of the 
House of Lords presided over by Bishop 
Williams. In a sermon preached before 
the House of Commons in 1643 the well- 
known scholar Lightfoot complained of 
the custom of printing the Apocrypha 

between the books of the Old and New 
Testament. " Thus sweetly and nearly 
should the two .Testaments join together, 
and thus divinely would they kiss each 
other, but that the wretched Apocrypha 
doth thrust in between." " Like the two 
cherubins in the temple-oracle," the end 
of the Law and the beginning of the 
Gospel would touch one another, "did 
not this patchery of human invention 
divorce them asunder." He goes on to 
account for the reception so long given 
to the Apocrypha as due to the ignorance 
and superstition of the times, the Talmud 
being then unknown and the world being 
ignorant how impious and ridiculous were 
the doctrines and fables of the Jewish 
schools. But he wonders that Churches 
which had cast off the yoke of custom 
and superstition should do as first igno- 
rance and then superstition had done 
before them. " It is true they have 
refused these books out of the Canon, 
but they have reserved them still in the 
Bible, as if God should have cast Adam 
out of the state of happiness, and yet 
have continued him still in the place of 
happiness." And he closes with the 
demand, " Cast out the bondwoman and 
her son, for the son of the bondwoman 
may not be heir with the son of the free." 

68, The Savoy Conference. At the 
Savoy Conference it was asked that 
the use of Apocrypha lessons should 
be discontinued, as being inconsis- 
tent with the sufficiency of Scripture. 
To which the bishops replied that the 
same objection lay against the use of 
sermons, and that it were much to be 
wished that all sermons gave as useful 
instruction as did the chapters selected 
from the Apocrypha. And in the end, 
not only were the Apocrypha lessons 
retained, but the story of Bel and the 
Dragon, and all but one of the omitted 
chapters of the Book of Tobit, were 
restored to the Lectionary. The omis- 
sion of Apocrypha lessons was one of 
the concessions contemplated in the 
abortive attempt made for the compre- 
hension of Dissenters in the reign of 
William III. 

69. The revised Lectionaiy of iSG'j. 
Although the books of the Apocrypha 
were so largely employed in the Church's 
Calendar, it was only the week-day 



lessons that were thence taken. The 
Sunday lessons were all taken from the 
canonical books ; and owing to the very- 
general disuse of attendance on week- 
day services, the consequence has been 
that there is a large number, perhaps a 
majority of members of the Church, who 
have scarcely ever heard a lesson from 
the Apocrypha. At the revision of the 
Lectionary by Convocation in 1867, the 
reading of Apocrypha Lessons was much 
diminished. The time during which 
such lessons were read on week-days 
was reduced from two months to three 
weeks. All the historical or quasi-histo- 
rical books were put out of the Lec- 
tionary. It has been stated that there 
had previously been no lessons from the 
books of Esdras or Maccabees ; and 
now the books of Tobit and Judith, and 
the stories of Susanna and Bel and the 
Dragon, were also removed. Thus, 
except that on one morning and one 
evening lessons are taken from the Book 
of Baruch, the only books read are 
Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus ; and these 
are not read continuously as before, but 
are only represented by some short selec- 
tions. In fact, so small a portion of the 
apocryphal books has been retained in 
the present Lectionary that the retention 
of any would seem intended for little 
more than an assertion of the Church's 
right to use these books if she pleases in 
public reading. This is still more true 
of the American Church, which entirely 
discontinued the use of lessons from the 
Apocrypha on ordinary week-days ; but 
still uses such lessons on two or three 
holy days. The Irish Church on its last 
revision of the Lectionary has not even 
retained so much as this. 

70. The Church's practice as to the 
public readijig of uninspired books has 
been always determined by consideratio?is 
of expedieficy. It must be owned that the 
English Church and its different branches 
have, with respect to the public use of 
the Apocrypha, departed a good deal not 
only from the practice of the ancient 
Church, but even from its own earlier 
practice since the Reformation. But it 
must be remembered that the public use 
of uninspired writings is a matter on 
which the Church has always used her 
liberty of change, according as expedi- 

ency and regard for the edification of 
her children suggest. In the very early 
Church the Epistles of Clement, the 
Shepherd of Hermas, and other writings 
were publicly read; but this use was 
afterwards so completely discontinued 
that these writings almost ceased to be 
copied, so that they have had a narrow 
escape of being lost to our time. One 
of these books, indeed, the Revelation of 
St. Peter, has almost entirely perished. In 
some cases the cause of the disuse of the 
public reading of books has been jealousy 
for the honour of Scripture, and a fear 
lest uninspired books should be placed 
in the minds of the people on the same 
level. It was this fear which led to the 
exclusion of some of the books which 
have been just named, while no scruple 
was felt as to the reading of acts of 
martyrdom or letters of living bishops, to 
which no inspired authority was likely to 
be attached. And no doubt the fact 
that the books of the Apocrypha have 
been set by the Church of Rome on 
exactly the same level as the canonical 
books has led many Protestants to desire 
that no possible countenance should be 
given to such an estimate of them by the 
public reading of the Church. But there 
are quite different reasons why composi- 
tions which at one period can be read with 
the greatest advantage, " for example of 
life and instruction of manners," cannot 
be used with equal advantage at another. 
The best sermons of the great preachers 
of former days, if now read without alter- 
ation or adaptation, would be found to 
tend little to edification. If there is one 
Article of the Church of England which 
commends the books of the Apocrypha 
as useful to be read, " for example of 
life and instruction of manners," there 
is another Article which commends the 
two books of the Homilies as containing 
a godly and wholesome doctrine and 
necessary for these times ; and which 
judges them " to be read in churches 
by the ministers diligently and distinctly, 
that they may be understanded by the 
people." And yet it may be doubted 
whether during the whole course of the 
year all over the kingdom a single 
homily is now so read. And it is not 
that the clergy who thus disregard the 
Church's recommendation have ex- 



amined the Homilies and formed an 
unfavourable opinion of their teaching ; 
but simply that they believe that more 
modem lessons can be delivered to the 
people with greater probability of edifi- 
cation. In former times some deemed 
it inexpedient to read lessons from the 
Apocrypha, lest the people should learn 
to look on these books with too much 
reverence : the late revisers of the 
English Lectionary had to take into 
account quite the opposite danger; 
namely, lest it might be inexpedient to 
read that towards which many of the 
people might be contemptuously dis- 
posed. Thus, for example, as long as 
the Book of Tobit was accepted as con- 
taining a history substantially true, it 
could be read with edification for the 
sake of the lessons of piety and charity 
which it conveys. But if the bulk of 
the hearers would be likely to take 
offence at the absurdity of the fable, it 
might be prudent to give useful lessons 
in a less questionable form. 

71. Th^JBMh.^^^ -Ecdesiaitiais. 
Similar considerations justify the large 
excisions from the Book of Ecclesiasticus 
made by the late revisers of the English 
Lectionary. The whole book may be 
read in private with great interest and 
advantage. It contains the wise counsels 
of a shrewd and pious Jew of former 
times, and the reader takes no offence 
even though some of his advice may be 
out of date and not adapted to our 
present circumstances. But it is dif- 
ferent if the same things are read out as 
a sermon intended for the immediate 
edification of the hearers. If, indeed, 
these hearers have been trained to regard 
the lessons as possessing some kind of 
inspired authority, they may listen to all 
with undiscriminating reverence. But if 
the hearers regard what is read as a 
human sermon by no means above their 
criticism, there are some things from 
which they would be likely to dissent ; 
other things which would provoke a 
smile and tend to disturb the attitude of 
deferential attention with which it is de- 
sirable Church Lessons should be listened 
to. Mention has already been made of 
this preacher's low opinion of the female 
sex, expressions of which break out con- 
tinually. " From garments," he says. 

*' Cometh a moth, and from women 
wickedness " (xlii: 13). He describes the 
perpetual anxiety which the care of a 
daughter entails on her father. " The 
father waketh for the daughter, when 
no man knoweth ; and the care for her 
taketh away sleep : when she is young, 
lest she pass away the flower of her age ; 
and being married, lest she should be 
hated : in her virginity, lest she should 
be defiled and gotten with child in her 
father's house ; and having an husband, 
lest she should misbehave herself; and 
when she is married, lest she should be 
barren." The following is shrewd advice, 
but scarcely what one would expect to 
receive in church : " Give not thy son 
and wife, thy brother and friend, power 
over thee while thou livest, and give not 
thy goods to another, lest it repent thee, 
and thou entreat for the same again. As 
long as thou livest and hast breath in 
thee, give not thyself over to any. Far 
better it is that thy children should seek 
to thee than that thou shouldest stand 
to their courtesy." Still more wanting 
in dignity is the advice to guests at a 
feast. " If thou sit at a bountiful table, 
be not greedy upon it, and say not, 
There is much meat on it . . . Judge of 
thy neighbour by thyself : and be discreet 
in every point. Eat, as it becometh a 
man, those things which are set before 
thee ; and devour not, lest thou be hated. 
Leave off first for manners' sake ; and 
be not unsatiable, lest thou offend. When 
thou sittest among many, reach not 
thine hand out first of all. A very 
little is sufficient for a man well nurtured, 
and he fetcheth not his wind short upon 
his bed. Sound sleep cometh of mode- 
rate eating : he riseth early, and his wits 
are with him : but the pain of watching, 
and choler, and pangs of the belly, are 
with an unsatiable man. And if thou 
hast been forced to eat, arise, go forth, 
vomit, and thou shalt have rest." It 
would be too long to quote other ex- 
cellent advice about the choice of friends 
and about the lending of money : for 
example, " Lend not unto him that is 
mightier than thyself ; but if thou lendest 
him, count it but lost." " Consult not 
with a fool ; for he cannot keep counsel." 
" Open not thine heart to every man, lest 
he requite thee with a shrewd turn.' 



And the contrast is amusing which the 
preacher draws between the wisdom of 
the learned man who devotes his hfe to 
the knowledge of the law and the limited 
attainments of those whose time must be 
mainly occupied with the business of 
their craft. " The wisdom of a learned 
man cometh by opportunity of leisure ; 
and he that hath little business shall 
become wise. How can he get wisdom 
that holdeth the plough, and that 
glorieth in the goad, that driveth oxen 
and is occupied in their labours, and 
whose talk is of bullocks ? " 

72, The Apocrypha unlikely to regain 
its for7ner place in public reading. 
These few examples sufficiently illus- 
trate the need of selection and excision, 
if it is desired that lessons from one of 
the most instructive books of the Apo- 
crypha shall be listened to with serious 
reverence by ordinary congregations of 
the present day. And it becomes appa- 
rent that the use of this literature for 
purposes of public instruction is never 
likely to become as great as it was in the 
ancient Church, especially now that the 
very much increased use of preaching 
has provided such an abundance of 
sermons more likely to deal with the 
immediate wants of the people than 
anything written by a homilist of former 

IX. The Value of the Apocrypha 


73. Undue neglect of the Apocrypha. 
But the difficulties which may be felt 
as to the public reading of the apo- 
cryphal books do not at all affect the 
private study of these books; and it must 
be pronounced not quite creditable to 
our people that, in the reaction against 
the claim for the Apocrypha books of 
inspired authority, they have permitted 
themselves to become so very generally 
completely ignorant of books which 
God's providence has for so many cen- 
turies employed for the instruction of His 
Church. There are many, even of those 
who would not hke to be pronounced 
ill informed in theological knowledge, 
with whom the whole history of the 
Jewish nation is almost a blank for the 
400 years from the close of the Old 

Testament Canon to the birth of our 
Saviour, What training the nation had 
received in order to fit them for the re- 
ception of the further revelation which 
our Lord was to communicate they have 
never cared to inquire. Yet the Apo- 
crypha contains evidence that, in the 
later times to which it belongs, the doc- 
trine of a future life had taken hold of 
the people as it had not done earlier. 
The third part of the Homily on the 
Fear of Death offers proofs of the belief 
in a future life held by "the holy fathers 
of the old Law ; " but these proofs are 
taken exclusively from the Book of 
Wisdom. And it would not be possible 
to replace the two passages from that 
book selected as the lessons for All 
Saints' Day, by two other Old Testament 
chapters expressing the same belief with 
equal distinctness. 

74. The New Testament writers exhibit 
acquai?itance with the Apocrypha. Again, 
can there be a matter of greater interest 
than to know what books our Lord and 
His Apostles are likely to have used, 
what literature they may have read 
which may at times have influenced their 
language or their trains of thought ? 
Admirers of Shakespeare at the present 
day have tried to form a Shakespearian 
library : that is to say, a collection of 
the books which their favourite poet is 
likely to have used ; very justly believing 
that, by a comparison of his works with 
these his sources of information, they 
will be better able to appreciate his 
genius. And though, in the case of the 
New Testament writers, the inspired 
books of the Old Testament were cer- 
tainly the main subject of their study, 
and therefore the knowledge of these 
books is to us the most important aid 
for understanding the New Testament, 
yet the question is an important one. 
Did the Apostles and Evangelists read 
anything else besides the Scriptures ? 
and if they did, may not the knowledge 
of this literature afford a useful subsidi- 
ary help to the full understanding of the 
sacred volume ? The New Testament 
writers not only never quote the apo- 
cryphal books with the authority of 
Scripture, but they never make any 
direct reference or allusion to anything 
which these books relate. Yet there are 



unmistakeable coincidences of language 
which make it pk\in that these books 
were not altogether unknown to them. 
Several instances will be found in the 
references given in the notes of the 
following commentary, and we can only 
here give by way of illustration what does 
not pretend to be an exhaustive list.^ 

With respect to these parallels, it must 
be observed that though it is always to a 
certain extent precarious to infer literary 
obligation from mere similarities of ex- 
pressions; yet if we have independent 
knowledge that one writer was acquainted 
with the works of another, then we are 
justified in pronouncing it to be less 
probable that both independently should 
chance to hit on the same ideas or forms 
of expression than that the earlier writer 
should have suggested them to the later. 
The books we know as Apocrypha are 
nearly all earlier than the New Testament 
writers, who could not well have been 
ignorant of them ; and therefore coinci- 
dences between the former and the latter 
are not likely to have been the result of 
mere accident. On this account we have 
allowed several coincidences to stand in 
the list which, separately considered, have 
little force as proofs of literary obligation. 

75. The Epistle to the Hebrews. The 
writer of the Epistle to the Hebrews 
habitually used the Greek Bible, and 
beyond doubt exhibits acquaintance 
with the disputed books. In the very 
opening of the Epistle (i, 3), the phrase 
" brightness of his glory " {a-n-avyaa-fxa 
TTJ's S6$r]<; avTov) recalls a similar expres- 
sion in the Book of Wisdom (vii. 26, 

airavyacrixa (^coros atSi'oi;). In both cases 

we have the rare word 7ro/\u/xep>;s in close 
neighbourhood (Wisdom vii. 22; Heb. 
i. i). Other coincidences with the same 
book are Heb. iv. 12, 13 = Wisd. vii. 
22-24; Heb. viii. 2, 9, ii=Wisd. ix. 8; 
the description of temporal sufferings as 
TratSet'a, Heb. xii. 6-1 1 = Wisd. iii. 5 ; 
TOTTog fxeravoia<;, Heb. xii. 17= Wisd. xii. 
10; /<)Sacris, Heb. xiii. 7 = Wisd. ii. 17. 
It may be regarded also as put beyond 
doubt by several verbal coincidences 
that in the close of the eleventh chapter 
of the Hebrews reference is made to the 
martyrdoms in the times of the Mac- 

* A long list of coincidences will be found in 
an article by Bleelc {Studien ttnd Kritiken, 1853). 
Apoc Vol. I. 

cabees. Thus iTViJ.TravLa-6y](rav (xi. 35) 
seems plainly to refer to eVt to rv^-n-avov 
Trpoa-rjye (2 Macc. vi. 1 9, 28) ; the word 
ifXTTULyixwy (xi. 36) is found also 2 Macc. 
vii. 7, 10 ; and for the hope of a " better 
resurrection " which animated the mar- 
tyrs, see 2 Macc. vii. 9. 

76. St. James.- St. James, in his 
Epistle, has many coincidences with books 
of the Apocrypha, one of the most striking 
of which is, "Be swift to hear, and with 
patience give answer " (Ecclus. v. 11; 
compare James i. 19, also Ecclus. xx. 7). 
What is said about the tongue (Ecclus. 
xxviii.) ought to be compared with the 
corresponding passage in James iii. In 
particular the use of the word ^Aoyi^co 
(James iii. 6) seems to have been sug- 
gested by Ecclus. V. 22 ; and '' out of the 
same mouth proceedeth blessing and 
cursing," by v. 12. The following other 
parallels between St. James's Epistle and 
the Book of Ecclesiasticus have been 
enumerated by Dean Plumptre : 

James i. 

5 = 


, XX, 15, xli. 22. 

8 = 

i, 28, ii. 12. 

12 = 

i. II, 16, 18. 

12 = 

XV. II. 

23 = 

xii. II. 

25 = 

xiv. 23, xxi. 23. 


7 = 

vi. 19. 

Dean Plumptre has also given a table of 
coincidences between St. James and the 
Book of Wisdom, as follows : 

James i. li=Wisd. ii. 8. 
,, i. 12= ,, V. 7. 
,, i. 17= ,, vii. 17-20. 
,, i. 20= ,, xii. 10. 
,, i. 23= ,, vii. 26. 

,, ii. 13-16 = Wisd, vi. 6, 24, &c. 

,, ii. 21= Wisd. X. 5. 

,, iv, 14= ., iii. 16, v, 9-14. 

,, V, 6= ,, ii. 12, 

Bleek adds the use of the word ov(.iZit,^iv 
with reference to benefits conferred 
(James i, 5 ; Ecclus. xviii. 18, xx. 15, xli. 
28) ; the thought that God tempteth not 
to evil (James i. 13 ; Ecclus. xv, 11) ; for 
the Wisdom that descendeth from above 
(James iii, 15; Ecclus. vii, 25, &c.). 

77. St. Peter. Again, the opening of 
St. Peter's first Epistle (i. 6, 7) has many 
verbal coincid-ences with Wisd. iii. 5, 7, 
where also Iv Kaip<5 hriuKOTzri'i avToJv may 
be compared with i Pet. ii. 12. 

And St. Paul. Of St, Paul's acquaint- 
ance with the Apocrypha perhaps the 




most strikinec illustrations are obtained 
from the parallels between his description 
of the Christian armour (Eph. vi.) and a 
similar description, Wisd. v, 18-20; and 
between the illustration of the potter 
(Rom. ix. 21) and the same illustration, 
Wisd. XV. 7. What is said (Rom. ix. 22) 
about God's " long-suffering " with the 
vessels of wrath has a parallel in Wisd. 
xii. 20. The whole section, Rom. i. 
20-32, has close affinities with thoughts 
in the Book of Wisdom; compare Rom. 
i. 20, Wisd. xiii. i. See also Wisd. xiii. 8, 
xiv. 21. Other parallels are 

Rom. ii. 4 = Wisd. xv. I. 

xi. 32= ,, xi. 24. 

I Cor. vi. 2= ,, iii. 8. 

2 Cor. V. 4= ,, ix. 15. 

I Thess. iv. 13= ,, iii. 18. 

For the combination X'^P'-'^ '^"^ e'Aeos, 

I Tim. i. 2, see Wisd. iii. 9, iv. 15. 

Coincidences with the Book of Eccle- 
siasticus have been found : 

Rom. ii. 5-ii = Ecclus. xxxii. 15, &c. 
xii. 15 = ,, vii. 35. 
I Cor. vi. 12, 13= ,, xxxvii.28, xxxvi.20. 
2 Cor. vii. 10= ,, XXX. 21, 23, xxxviii. 


78. S^. John. The prologue of St, 
John's Gospel has affinities with the 
tlioughts in Wisdom, chaps, vii.-ix. 
Compare especially Wisd. viii. 3, ix. i. 
The Johannine phrase " signs and won- 
ders," o-rjfxeLa kul repara, iv. 48, is found 
in Wisd. viii. 8, x. 16. Other parallels 
are John iii. 14 = Wisd. xvi. 5; John iii. 
12 = Wisd. ix. 16; John xvii. 3= Wisd. 
XV. I. One passage of Ecclesiasticus 
presents a coincidence striking but per- 
haps accidental, ol eo-^iovres jxe en Tretva- 
croiicrt, KaL ol Trti'ovTe's /xe en Snf/-qaovuL, 
xxiv. 21 ; John vi. 35. The phrase ets 
Tov ataiva, I John ii. 17, is found Wisd. 
v. 17 ; and the a^ta yap dcTL of the Apo- 
calypse (iii., iv., xvi. 6) may have been 
suggested by Wisd. iii. 5.^ 

The Books of Wisdom and Eccle- 
siasticus - are those of which we find the 
most distinct traces in New Testament 
writers ; but one passage in the Book of 
Tobit bears on the interesting question 
whether any before our Lord had enun- 
ciated the golden rule, "Whatsoever ye 

* Deane, oo/e of Wisdom, p. 30. 
== See the Introduction to the Book of Eccle- 
siasticus in this edition. 

would that men should do to you, do 
ye even so to them." For the rule as 
stated in this comprehensive positive 
form no earlier authority can be pro- 
duced, but we find it in the negative 
form (Tobit iv. 15), " Do that to no man 
which thou hatest." 

79. Claims of the Apocrypha arising 
from its lon^^-co7iti?iued use in the Chris fia7i 
Church. Finally, it has been always the 
study of the Church of England to main- 
tain continuity with the ancient Church. 
We use in our public worship no new- 
fangled forms of prayer, but make our 
petitions often in the very words which 
for centuries the Church has employed. 
We count the holy men of the earlier 
Church as ours, and we read their 
writings with edification. It cannot 
therefore be without interest for us to 
be acquainted with books to which so 
many divines of the earlier Church at- 
tributed high authority, and from which 
they drew many illustrations. It is this 
Christian use of the Apocrypha which 
accounts for the limitation of the con- 
tents of the present volumes. The 
writings included in them are not the 
only pre-Christian writings which may 
be studied with advantage in order to 
trace the religious progress of the Jewish 
people. Some materials for the study 
have indeed only recently come to light. 
The Book of Enoch has special claims 
on our attention ; and there are some of 
the so-called Sibylline verses which are 
certainly pre-Christian, and which may 
be used to illustrate the history of Mes- 
sianic expectations. But though a larger 
collection of Jewish apocrypha would 
certainly not be without interest, it would 
be hard to keep it within moderate 
limits ; and whatever acceptance other 
apocrypha may have met with in Jewish 
circles, the books included in the present 
volumes have enjoyed a consideration 
in the Christian Church to which no 
others can lay claim. 

Note on the Syriac Versions of 
THE Books of the Apocrypha. 

The following Note on the Syriac 
versions of the books of the Apocrypha 
has been contributed by the Rev. 
Dr. Gwynn : 



I. The Apocrypha in the PesJiiito. It 
is a remarkable fact that, though the 
Peshitto Version of the Old Testament 
is (as regards the canonical Books) un- 
questionably rendered in the main from 
the Hebrew direct, every existing MS. 
of that version which makes the least 
approach to being a complete Old Testa- 
ment contains most of the Apocrypha of 
the Greek. This is so alike in the oldest 
MS., which is of the 6th century, and 
in the latest (not including very recent 
transcripts made for European use), 
which is of the 17 th. Even the smaller 
collections of O. T. writings which some 
]\ISS. exhibit shew this same feature. 
A volume of the Prophets usually gives 
Baruch with Jeremiah, and with Daniel 
its Greek interpolations. A ' Book of 
Women' always joins Susanna and 
Judith with Ruth and Esther. More- 
over, in the Syrian order, which differs 
both from the Hebrew and the Greek, 
these Apocrypha are most of them classi- 
fied with the rest according to their con- 
tents, and not relegated to an inferior 
place in any Syriac ]\IS., but rather 
placed higher than is usual in Greek 
MSS. Thus, in the oldest and best 
Syriac Old Testament, the Ambrosian 
(Cod. B. 21 /;//.), which is of the 6th 
century, the Book of Wisdom follows 
Proverbs and stands before Ecclesiastes 
and Canticles. The whole arrangement 
of the O. T. in this MS. is worthy of 
observation. The earlier Books (omitting 
only Ruth) are placed as in our Bibles, 
except that Job (as written by Moses) 
follows the Pentateuch^ and (on the 
same principle) the Psalms follow the 
Books of Sasmuel, and the writings of 
Solomon (as above, including Wisdom) 
follow the Books of Rings. Next come 
the Prophets, Isaiah, Jeremiah (with 
Lamentations, Epistle of Jeremiah, two 
" Epistles of Baruch "), Ezekiel, the 
twelve Minor Prophets, and lastly Daniel 
(including the Prayer and Song of tlie 
Three Children, and with Bel and the 
Dragon appended) ; then the Book of 
Women, viz. Ruth, Susanna, Esther, 
and Judith ; ^ then Ecclesiasticus, the 

^ The ' Book of Women ' is sometimes found 
in Syriac collections as a separate volume. It 
is remarkable that two ancient Nitrian copies of 
this book (Brit. Mus. Add. 14,652, and 14,447) 

Books of Chronicles, the (otherwise 
unknown) " Apocalypse of Baruch " ; 
then the Book known in English as 
2 Esdras (in Latin 4 Esdras), which is 
here i Esdras ; then the canonical Ezra 
and Nehemiah; and lastly, five Books 
of Maccabees, of which the first two are 
those given in the English Bible, the 
third is that which is found in most 
Greek MSS. of the LXX., the fourth 
is the history of Eleazar and Samona, 
ascribed to Josippus or Josephus, and 
the fifth is Josephus's ' De Bello Jud.,' 
bk. vi. 

This order is in great measure followed 
in all the later MSS. of the Syriac O. T., 
as for example in the two very recent 
copies, now in the Bodleian Library, 
which Walton used for his Polyglot, both 
of the 17th century (viz. "Poc," now 
Poc. 391; and "Uss.," now Bodl. Or. 
141), dated respectively 1614 and 1627.^ 
The latter of these differs from the order 
of the Ambrosian MS., in the earlier part, 
only in (i) omitting the Psalms altogether, 
(2) placing Chronicles next after Rings, 
and (3) giving Wisdom the last place 
among Solomon's writings. But it then 
proceeds to divide the Book of Women 
into two, placing Ruth and Susanna next 
to Solomon and before the Prophets, 
while Esther and Judith follow the Pro- 
phets. Among the Prophets, the twelve 
Minor come next after Isaiah ; then 
Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Daniel (Jeremiah and 
Daniel having the same apocr}'phal 
matter attached as in the ancient codex). 
After Judith follow the canonical Ezra 
and Nehemiah, then Ecclesiasticus, and 
four Books of Maccabees. As a supple- 

subjoin as a fifth book to the four above named, 
'The History of Thecla,' being a veiy early 
Syriac version of the extant Greek ' Acts of 
Paul and Thecla.' The former of these two 
MSS. is of the 6th century at least 400 years 
older than any existing Greek copy of these 
' Acts,' and is thus the earliest known authoiuty 
for their text. 

' It is worth while to note here that the Cam- 
bridge MS., Ll. 2. 4 (formerly the property of 
Erpenius), cited as " Cant." in Walton's Poly- 
glot, is wrongly described in his ' Prolegg.' xiii. 
(p. 89) as containing " Prophetas majores et 
libros ointics qui vulgo Apocryphi dicuntur." 
No Syrian, unless under Western influences, 
would so segregate the apocryphal books. The 
only parts of the Apocrypha contained in this 
MS. are the additions to Daniel in ch. iii., and 
Bel and the Dragon. 



ment, the Book called in English Bibles 
" I Esdras " (Greek 3 Esdras), and Tobit, 
are appended, each headed, " according 
to the Septuagint." Almost the same 
description applies to " Poc," except 
that the Prophets are removed to the 
end, so that the four books of Women 
come together. In this copy there is a 
note at the end explaining that the 
Psalms are omitted merely because 
separate copies of that book are com- 
monly to be met with. The great Cam- 
bridge MS. of the Syriac Bible, Oo. i. 7, 
which is intermediate in age between the 
Ambrosian and the Bodleian copies, 
agrees substantially with the latter in its 
canon and arrangement of the books of 
the Old Testament. 

It appears then that the early Peshitto 
Old Testament contained all the Books 
which form the English Apocrypha, ex- 
cept I [3] Esdras and perhaps Tobit, the 
apocryphal Additions to Esther, and the 
Prayer of Manasses, which also are want- 
ing. In the more recent copies Tobit and 
I Esdras are supplied the former partly, 
the latter wholly from a later version. 
In this respect, as well as in the partial 
alteration of the order of the books, 
these copies shew signs of Western in- 
fluences. Notably "Uss.," the later of 
the two Bodleian copies, was copied in 
1627 at the order of Thomas Davis, 
a resident at Aleppo, for Archbishop 
Ussher, from a MS. iDclonging to the 
Patriarch of the Lebanon ^ in the Ma- 
ronite Convent of Kanobin, several 
years after the time when the authority 
of the See of Rome had become para- 
mount within the Maronite Church. 
Western influences probably account 
likewise for the omission from the later 
MSS. of part of the additional apocry- 
phal matter found in the earliest, viz. 
the Apocalypse of Baruch, and the book 
which stands as 5 Maccabees. But it is 
probable that neither of these books 
ever attained a permanent place among 
the Syriac pseudepigrapha. The third 
and fourth Books of Maccabees, how- 

' See Elrington's ' Life of Ussher,' Letter 
125; and Payne Smith's ' Catalogus ' of the 
Syrian MSS. in the Bodleian Library, p. 10. 
Walton (7it sup)-.) wrongly describes this MS. as 
copied from one in the possession of the Patriarch 
of Alexandria. 

ever, held their ground ; and so does the 
Book styled " First Epistle of Baruch," 
standing before the Baruch of the LXX. 
which is reckoned " second " to it.^ 

2. The Apocrypha in the Syro-Hexaplar 
Version. The later Syriac version of 
the O. T., known as the Syro-Hexaplar, 
follows (so far as its existing remains 
enable us to judge) the text and arrange- 
ment of Origen scrupulously. It is 
known to have been made by Paul of 
Telia in Mesopotamia, a Jacobite bishop, 
at Alexandria, about the year a.d. 
616-17. The former half of it is extant 
only in portions ; the latter half is 
complete in another Ambrosian MS. 
(C. 313 inf.)., of 8th century, and con- 
tains most of the apocryphal Books (all 
that are classed as poetical or propheti- 
cal), in their usual Greek order. The 
books of the Apocrypha wanting from this 
MS. are thus the quasi-historical ones : 
Tobit, Judith, i and 2 Esdras, the Mac- 
cabees, the Greek additions to Esther, 
to which is to be added the Prayer of 
Manasses. But a MS., now lost, which 
was in the possession of Andreas Masius 
in the 1 6th century, apparently contain- 
ing exactly the books which are wanting 
to the Ambrosian, included Tobit ; and 
the extracts from it printed by him 
in his ' Syrorum Peculium,' when com- 
pared with the earlier chapters of Tobit 
printed by Walton in his Polyglot from 
his 17th century MSS., identify these 
chapters as part of the Syro-Hexaplar 
Version. And the i [3] Esdras of the 
same Polyglot, derived from the same 
MSS., is similarly identified as Syro- 
Hexaplar by comparison with extracts 
from that version contained in a MS. 
collection of the 8th centuiy (Brit. Mus. 
Add. 12,163). In both these Books, 
the internal evidence of the manner and 
diction entirely confirms this identifica- 
tion, agreeing perfectly with the other 
Books as rendered by Paul of Telia. 
No doubt the Book of Judith and the 
Maccabees (three Books) were comprised 
in this version, and also the Additions 

For other MSS. of the Syriac O. T. contain- 
ing the apocryphal books, see Rosen-Forsh all's 
'Catalogue' of the Syriac MSS. of the British 
Museum (pp. 3-7) ; Wright's ' Catalogue ' (pp. 
1-3) ; and Zotenberg's .of those belonging to the 
Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris (pp. i, 2). 



to Esther, and probably the Prayer of 
Manasses; but there is no reason to 
suppose that 2 Esdras was known to 
Origen or translated by Paul. 

The Psalter in this version includes 
the apocryphal Ps. 151, which has passed 
hence into many Syriac Psalters. It is 
printed in the Paris and London Poly- 

3. Printed editions of the Syriac Apo- 
crypha. The first printed edition of the 
Syriac O. T. is that contained in the Paris 
Polyglot of Le Jay (1645). It included, 
of our Apocrypha, only Wisdom, Eccle- 
siasticus, i Maccabees, the Prayer (but 
not the Song) of the Three Children, and 
Bel and the Dragon, together with Ps. cli., 
and the above-mentioned " Epistle of 
Baruch " which is not found in Greek, 
distinguished as " the first Epistle." 
Walton, in the London Polyglot {1657), 
by the aid of Ussher's and Pococke's 
MSS., supplied all the wanting books, 
except 2 Esdras, the supplement to 
Esther, and the Prayer of Manasses ; 
and also added the Third Book of Mac- 
cabees. Thus this edition gives two 
" Epistles of Baruch." It also gives two 
distinct recensions of Susanna, of which 
fuller particulars are added below. 

The apocryphal Books as given in 
Walton have been reprinted, with emen- 
dations and various readings, by Lagarde 
(Leipzig and London, 1861). 

The Ambrosian Peshitto MS. above 
mentioned (B. 21 inf.) has been pub- 
lished by Dr. Ceriani in photolitho- 
graphic reproduction. 

The Ambrosian Syro-Hexaplar MS. 
(C. 313 inf.) has also been issued by him 
in similar form. But no book of the 
Apocrypha in this version has been 
printed except Ps. cli., as already men- 
tioned, Baruch (see below), and the Greek 
additions to Daniel, which are included 
inBugati's' Daniel Syriace' (Milan, 1788), 
also I Esdras and Tobit (see below). 

4. Notes on the several books of the 
Apocrypha iti the Syriac Versions.- Sub- 
joined are a few additional notes on the 
Syriac versions of the Apocrypha, taking 
the books in their English order : 

I. I Esdras. This Book not being in- 
cluded in the Paris Polyglot, \\^alton's edition 
of it, based on the two MSS. above noted, is 
the first. It is also found in the Brit. Miis. 
Apoc. Vol. I. 

MS. Egerton 704, and in the great Cambridge 
copy, Oo. i. 17. 

2. 2 Esdras. Contained only in the 
Milan MS. as above, but wanting the first 
two and last two chapters. This Book has 
been printed by Dr. Ceriani in ' Monumenta 
Sacra et Profana,' torn. v. fasc. i. p. 45. 

3. All that is said above concerning MSS. 
and edition of i Esdras applies equally to 
Tobit. The text as we have it is Hexaplar 
down to ch. vii. 1 1 ; but the rest is of an 
earlier version. 

4. For Judith, see above. 

5. The apocryphal additions to Esther 
do not seem to exist in any Syriac MS. of 
either version. 

6. Wisdom. Is headed in Cod. Ambr., 
' The latter Book of the Great Wisdom ; ' 
in Uss., 'Book of the Great Wisdom, as to 
which it is doubtful whether it was written by 
Solomon or by some of the Hebrew wise men 
under his name.' But at the end we read, 
"Here ends the Great Wisdom of Solomon 
son of David king of Israel." 

7. EccLESiASTicus. Deviates Considerably 
from the Greek, as does also Wisdom ; 
both seeming as if they followed a different 
recension from any now known in Greek. 

8. Baruch (including Ep. of Jeremy). 
The Peshitto version offers no points of note ; 
but the Hexaplar is remarkable as having 
marginal readings marked as from Theodotion, 
which fact seems to imply the existence of a 
Hebrew original for the i5ook. This latter 
version has been printed by Dr. Ceriani in 
his ' Monumenta S. et P.,' tom. i. fasc. i. 
The Syriac " ist Epistle of Baruch " is quite 
distinct. It is not found in Greek, and seems 
to have been extracted from the " Apocalypse 
of Baruch " (mentioned above among the 
contents of the Ambrosian Peshitto), in 
which it is found with immaterial variations ; 
or perhaps that Apocalypse may have been 
a later work in which this Epistle was in- 

9. Song of the Three Children. This 
stands, in both versions, as part of Daniel iii. 
The older version substantially agrees with 
that of Theodotion as usually given in Greek 
Bibles. The later version is literally rendered 
from the Origenian (so-called Septuagint) 
version, as given in Cod. Chisianus. This 
agreement extends through the whole of 
Daniel, canonical or apocryphal; and the 
subscription of the Chisian Greek copy is 
word for word the same as that of this Syriac 
" Written from the Tetrapla, whence also 
it was collated." As regards this Song, and 
the Prayer preceding, the two Greek texts 
agree closely, except in verses 22-25, 46-51, 
where the Tetraplar Greek, and the Syriac 
following it, are fuller. 

10. Susanna. The case of this Book is 
peculiar. Not only is tlVere a Tetraplar text, 



given in Cod. Chis. and rendered in the 
version of Paul, distinct from tliat of Tiieo- 
dotion, but there is a double Syriac text, 
vv^hich must be (in part at least) of great 
antiquity. From the MS. noted by Walton 
" Poc," he printed in his Polyglot two 
versions of this Book, the first (also con- 
tained in his " Uss.") following pretty closely 
on Theodotion's text, the second varying 
from it not merely in language but in sub- 
stance, to such a degree as to amount to a 
distinct recension. And, to add to the com- 
plication, the ancient text of the Ambrosian 
MS. seems to be a compromise between 
the two : for while its first 40 verses agree 
with the first of the two given by Walton 
from " Poc," the next 10 partly agree and 
partly disagree with both; and from f. 51 
to end it gives the text of Walton's second 
version. This version appears to be a later 
recension than the former, adding many 
details, and expanding considerably (in the 
latter part, though not in the earlier). Dr. 
Westcott's opinion that the Susanna and Bel 
and the Dragon of Theodotion are marked 
by " improvements in style and language " 
on the LXX. (Ciiisian) version, and " contain 
large additions which complete and embellish 
the story," ' is very open to question, and the 
contrary opinion might well be maintained. 
But that the second Syriac version of Susanna 
is an embellished and enlarged recension of 
that of Theodotion, or of an older original 
underlying Theodotion, seems certain. This 
second version is headed in " Poc," the " Har- 
kleian ; " and some have therefore ascribed it 
to Paul of Telia's contemporary, Thomas of 
Harkel, the retranslator of the New Testa- 
ment into Syriac. But the internal evidence 
is quite against this. The version bears no 
trace of the mannerism of Thomas, whose 
aim it was (like that of Paul) to force the 
Syriac into artificial conformity with the 
Greek. And the fact above noted, that part 
of this version is found in the Ambrosian 
Peshitto, is conclusive on the same side ; for 
that MS. was written in the 6th century, 
whereas Thomas is known to have made his 
version of the New Testament in 616. 

^ Smith's 'Dictionary of the Bible,' vol. L 
P- 396. 

The chief points peculiar to this second 
recension are: (i) Daniel is t-xvelve years 
old [yv. I, 45I. (2) Helcana (in Hexapl. 
Chelcias), Susanna's father, is a priest \y. 2]. 

(3) She has withdrawn from conjugal re- 
lations with Joakim her husband [y. 4]. 

(4) The synagogue is held in their house \_ib.~\. 

(5) The elders are named Amid and Abid 
[1;. 5]. (6) They are usually styled " rulers 
of the synagogue" [y. 16 and passim; once, 
'' chief priests" -v. 41], whereas in the other 
versions they are mostly described as " elders," 
which title in this recension is found only in 
w. 51, 54. (7) Their resort to Joakim^ s 
house is thus accounted for [1;. 61. (8) The 
accusation is laid before " the synagogue " 
[t. 28 and throughout] in this and the 
Hexaplar; but in the other version, before 
"the people," except in v. 41. (9) She is 
chained \'v. 27]. (10) After three days she is 
brouglit to trial \y. 28], not on the same day, 
as in the other versions. (11) Sentence is 
passed at the ninth hour \y. 41]. (12) She 
is to be sto7ied \ih?\. (13) Daniel declares 
himself a prophet \y. 48]. (14) A chair is 
brought for him from the Treasury, but he 
dechnes to sit Sw. 50, 51]. (15) The names 
of the trees difl:er from those given in the 
former version, and the Hexaplar differs from 
both f^"i'. 54, 58]. (16) The invidious con- 
trast drawn in the other versions, especially 
in the ordinary one, between the daughters of 
Judah and those of Israel, is left out [v. 57]. 
(17) The concluding sentence, concerning 
DaniePs grooving fame, is much enlarged 
[y. 64]. 

Of these points the first and last look like 
the result of a Christian rehandling (cp 
St. Luke ii. 42, 52). Possibly the same ma^ 
be said of the third, which savours of tb ^ 
asceticism of some sects of the early Churcl ' 

The age of t^welve is assigned to Daniel ^ 
Ignatius, ' Ad Magn.' iii. ; and by Sulpif ^ 

I. Ye 

Hist. Sacra,' n. 

Severus ' 

II. Bel and the Dragon. 

See last. 

12. Prayer of Manasses. Is found . 
a Paris MS. (Anc fonds 2, Biblioth. Nat.) 
See Zotenberg's ' Catal.' p. 5. It seems 
never to have been printed. 

13, 14. I and 2 Maccabees. See above. 




T. Title and Reception 
II. Form and Contents 



III. Composition and Design 
IV. Age and Authorship . 




I. Title and Reception of the 

nPHE name and position assigned to 

-L this book have varied at different 

times. In our Authorized Version, as in 

die Genevan which preceded it, it is called 

le ' First Book of Esdras,' and is placed 

: the head of the Apocryphal Books. 

It in the list inserted in the sixth 

Ucle, it is called the ' Third Book of 

- ^ras.' This difference corresponds, in 

1' Tiain, to that observed in the arrange- 

g- : of the Greek and Latin Bibles re- 

ively. In the former, as it may be 

( to remark at the outset, by ' First 

Esdras ' is denoted the present Apo- 

yphal Book, and by ' Second of Esdras ' 

ar canonical Ezra and Nehemiah to- 


It will be convenient to trace briefly 

the changes in name and order, as they 

appear {a) in the oldest MSS., {b) in 

early Versions, (c) in lists of Councils, 

{(i) in printed editions. 

{a.) In what was believed by its dis- 
coverer to be the most ancient MS. of 
the Greek Bible known, the Codex Fri- 
derico-Augustanus, and Sinaiticus,^ it 

' The first name was given by Dr. Tischen- 
dorf to the detached portion, consisting of 
43 leaves, discovered by him in 1844, and pub- 

Apoc. VoLL 

is not found, but apparently so only 
through the fault of a transcriber. The 
error is so singular a one as to deserve 
noticing in some detail. The part of the 
MS. known as the Friderico-Augustanus 
begins with the quire numbered Xc (35)> 
and bears at the top of the first page 
the heading ec2ip^.C ^1 or 'Second 
Book of Esdras.' But, instead of con- 
taining this book, the first four leaves, 
down to line 26 of the fourth column 
on leaf 4 verso, are filled with a por- 
tion of the First Book of Chronicles, 
xi. 22 xix. 17. In the middle of that 
line, without any break or division what- 
ever, ^ the text passes on to Ezra ix. 9, 
and is continued to the end of the cano- 
nical Ezra. The book we call Nehemiah 
then succeeds, with no more break than 

lished in facsimile in 1S46. The rest of the 
MS., not obtained till 1S59, was called Sinai- 
ticus. The peculiar defect, referred to in the 
text, is noticed in the Prolegomena to the Cod. , 
Frid.-Aug., p. 14 ; and also in Westcott's ' Bible 
in the Church,' App. B, p. 307. 

^ How abrupt and unexpected the transition 
is, can hardly be understood, except by a tran- 
script of the actual lines : 

JULKce rt^.*ff xoHKc 

where the last word, KC {Kvfios), is a word in 
the middle of Ezra ix. 9. 



that of a single line. A note in a later 
hand, at the foot of the fourtli column 
of this leaf 4 vaso, calls attention to the 
error of " the seven leaves which are 
redundant and are not of Esdras." Of 
these seven, five can now be accounted 
for, by the first four of the Codex Frid.- 
Aug. itself, and one leaf of Codex Sinait., 
containing i Chr. ix. 27 xi. 22, which 
must have stood next before it ; and 
further, by counting the lines requisite to 
fill the given space, it may be inferred 
that the first leaf must have begun at 
some point in i Chron. vi. Had the 
seven leaves, on the other hand, been 
filled with their proper matter, reckoning 
back from Ezra (' 2 Esdras ') ix. 9 at 
line 26 of leaf 4 verso, and assuming 
I Esdras to precede, the first of those 
leaves would have begun about i Esdras 
viii. By observing that each of these 
passages, i Esdras viii. i and i Chron. 
vi. 4, begins a genealogical list, it has 
been ingeniously conjectured that the 
scribe who made the mistake " had been 
led, on reaching the pedigree of Ezra 
in I Esdras viii. i, to refer back to the 
genealogy of the High Priests down to 
the Captivity given in i Chron. vi. 4- 
15, and then inadvertently proceeded 
to transcribe that passage and what 
followed ; " thus filling the seven leaves 
after i Esdras vii. with a repetition of 
part of I Chronicles.^ It may thus be 
fairly presumed that in the archetype 
from which Cod. Sinait. was immediately 
derived there was a quire or roll contain- 
ing I Esdras viii. i Ezra ix. 9 ; instead 
of which portion the transcriber inserted 
the passage of i Chron. equivalent in 
amount ; and then, taking up the section 
he would have come to, if right, went 
on so blindly as to make the transi- 
tion from I Chron. xix. 17 to Ezra ix. 
9 in the same line, and without the least 
hint of any dislocation. In any case, 
the presence of the title ' Esdras B ' 
may be taken as indicating the existence 
of an ' Esdras A.' 

' For the conclusion thus drawn I am in- 
debted to the kev. John Gwynn, D.D., Arch- 
bishop King's Lecturer in Divinity in the Uni- 
versity of Dublin, who has also most courteously 
allowed me to enrich this first section of the 
Introduction with several other notes prepared 
by him 

In the Vatican MS. (Cod. B) the book 
is found as ' Esdras A,' and is followed 
by ' Esdras B,' that is, our Ezra and 
Nehemiah together ; the division be- 
tween these two latter books being 
indicated by no more than a small space 
in the same line.^ The three stand 
between Chronicles and Tobit. In the 
Alexandrine MS. (Cod. A) i Esdras is 
found under the heading of oiepCffC 
(6 icpevs, " The Priest "), but subscribed 
e^p^LC <L- It is followed, as in the 
former instance^ by e?p<i-C E. (Ezra 
and Nehemiah), having this title for 
subscription, but headed 6 tepei's, as the 
previous book was. The three stand 
between Judith and Maccabees. The 
division between the two parts of ' Es- 
dras B ' is here also marked by no more 
than the beginning of a fresh line.^ It 
will thus be seen that in two of the three 
great MSS. the book is found, without 
anything to distinguish it, in point of 
canonicity, from the rest ; and that in 
the remaining one, or rather in its arche- 
type, there is clear evidence to shew that 
it once was present.^ 

{b.) In the Peshito, or old Syriac 
Version, the book was not found, so far 
as can be judged from the earliest extant 
copies. It appears, indeed, in Syriac in 
Walton's Polyglott, 1657, but had no 
place in that of Gabriel Sionita (Paris, 
1645), the Syriac text of which is the 
basis of Bishop Walton's.* Walton him- 
self does not clearly state from what 
source the Syriac text he prints is 
drawn ; ^ but a Syriac note translated 

^ This is shewn in the facsimile of Vercellone 
and Cozza, p. 607 (of MS.), col. i. 

^ Thanks to the photographed facsimile edited 
by Mr. E. Maunde Thompson, the student can 
now turn over what are all but the actual leaves 
of the venerable MS. itself. ' Esdras A ' ends 
in it on the reverse of leaf 172 (=447). 

^ A list of the later Greek MSS. containing 
I Esdras is given in Fritzsche's ' Einleitung,' 
8, on the authority of Holmes and Tarsons. 

* See Scrivener's Plain Introduction (1883), 

P- 315- 

^ In his Proleg. xiii., p. 89, ' De Imgua 
Syriaca,' &c., he speaks of having had the help 
of four Syriac MSS., two lent by Archbishop 
Ussher; one by Pococlie ; and the last, "the 
most ancient of all," belonging to the University 
of Cambridge. Walton describes this as con- 
taining all the Apocrypha, but in reality it 
contains only the Additions to Daniel. A con- 


by him at the beginning of the version 
states that it was made " ex traditione 
LXX."^ It has, however, been ascer- 
tained that it is not in the Ambrosian 
j\IS. of the Peshito, one of the oldest 
and best extant; akhough that MS., 
curiously enough, contains 2nd (4th) 
Esdras. And, what is more important 
than this merely negative evidence, it 
has been discovered that the Syriac Ver- 
sion in question is taken from the Syro- 
Hexaplar of Paul of Telia (a.d. 616).'^ 
" It is cited as his," adds Dr. Gwynn, to 
whom I owe this information, "in one 
of the Nitrian MSS. in the British 
Museum (Add. 12,168), written in the 
8th century. And the fact that Paul 
included it in his version is a strong 
presumption that it was admitted by 
Origen as part of the LXX." It is in 
keeping with this that we find in Origen 
a quotation from iv. 59 (" From thee 
Cometh victory," &c.) in his ' Homilia 
ix. in Josuam.' ^ 

In the Old Latin the book is also met 
with,* bearing the same name and rela- 
tive position as in the Greek ; and it has 
been sometimes thought that this is the 
version now extant in copies of the Vul- 
gate.^ But the difference between them 
is apparent.*^ When we come to the 
Avork of St. Jerome, we find a distinct 
displacement of i Esdras from the posi- 

spectus of various readings from some of these 
MSS., drawn up by Herbert Thorndike, is 
given in vol. vi. 

^ In like manner at the end: "Hie autem 
liber primus est Ezra; ; quern quia non inveni- 
mus in excinplari siinplici (i.e. the Peshito), 
descripsimus secundum eum qui ex LXX. 
versus est." 

^ For the work of this Monophysite, see 
Dr. Trcgelles' article Versions, An'cient 
(Syriac), in 'Diet, of the Bible,' iii. p. 1629. 

^ Eichhorn, ' Einleitung in die apokryph. 
Schriften' (1795), p. 376. 

* At least in Sabatier's representation of it, 
in his ' Bibliorum sacrorum Versio vetus Italica,' 
&c., 1743-9- 

^ "The text of the remaining books of the 

Vehts Latina, not having been revised by 

Jerome, is retained in MSS. of the Vulgate." 

(Prof. Westcott, in art. The Vulgate in ' Diet. 

of the Bible,' iii. p. 1692, b.) 

* A comparison of readings from the Cod. 
Sangcrmanensis (containing a text similar to 
that of the Cod. Colbertinus which Sabatier 
used), so far as concerns the Fourth Book of 
Esdras, is given in Volkmar's ' Esdra Propheta,' 
1863, pp. ZOi,sqq. 

tion it has hitherto -held. In the pref:tce 
to his version of Esdras (Ezra) and Ne- 
hemiah, addressed to Domnion and 
Rogatianus,^ he says: " Tertius annus 
est quod semper scribitis atque rescri- 
bitis, ut Esdrre librum et Esther vobis 
de Hebrseo transferam." After stating 
various obstacles to the gratification of 
their wish, he continues: "Nee quenquam 
moveat quod unus a nobis liber editus 
est ; nee apocryphorum tertii et quarti 
somniis delectetur : quia et apud He- 
braeos Esdrs Nehemi^que sermones in 
unum volumen coarctantur, et quae non 
habentur apud illos, nee de viginti- 
quatuor senibus sunt, procul abjicienda. 
Si quis autem Septuaginta vobis oppo- 
suerit Interpretes, quorum exemplaria 
varietas ipsa lacerata et inversa demon- 
strat, nee potest utique verum asseri 
quod diversum est, niittite eum ad Evan- 
gelia," &c. 

In this passage three points should be 
noticed : (i) that Jerome, in the sentence 
last quoted, appears to allow that this 
book was in the LXX. ; (2) that he 
makes no difference between the " som- 
nia " of the two apocryphal books of 
Esdras ; (3) that he states that our Ezra 
and Nehemiah were commonly reckoned 
as one volumen. This last statement 
is of importance in its bearing on 
the question of what books were 
meant under the title of 'Esdrce Libri 
duo,' found in certain lists. In accord- 
ance with Jerome's somewhat arbitrary 
decision, i Esdras appears to be wanting 
in the older MSS. of the Vulgate.- 

{c.) The only Councils that need be 
noticed here, as having come to deci- 
sions about the books to be included in 

' This and other Prefaces by St. Jerome are 
prefixed to many editions of the Vulgate. In 
the one from which I quote (Paris, 1666) it 
stands at p. xiii. of the Prolegomena. In his 
'Prologus Galeatus in libros Samuel,' &c. {ib. 
p. vii.) he also mentions certain books as not in 
the Canon (' Sapientia,' &c.), and among them 
ranks one called ' Pastor.' This has been some- 
times thought to denote i Esdras, the super- 
scription of which, in the Alexandrian MS., is, 
as before mentioned, 6 Upevs. 

- As in the Codex Amiatinus (on which see 
Scrivener, t/l>i sup., p. 353), and the MS. (Brit. 
Mus. Add. 10,546) known as Charlemagne's 
Bible, the contents of which are described by 
Dr. Westcott, in 'Diet, of the Bible,' iii. 
p. 1704. 

B 2 


the sacred canon, are those of Laodicea 
(the date of which is fixed by some at 
about A.D. 363, by others about 394), 
the Third of Carthage (397), and Trent 
(1546), In the Laodicean catalogue 
* Esdras i. ii.' are enumerated, and are 
placed between the Books of Chronicles 
and the Psalms.^ In the third Council 
of Carthage, at which Augustine was 
present, " two books of Esdras " are in- 
cluded in the list of ' Canonical Scrip- 
tures,' and are placed between Esther 
and "two books of the Maccabees,"^ 
That the first of these two Books of 
Esdras meant what we call i Esdras, 
and the second our Ezra and Nehemiah 
together, seems very probable, not 
merely from the statement of St. Jerome 
before referred to, but from two passages 
of St, Augustine (' De Doctr. Christ.' ii. 
13, and ' De Civit. Dei,' xviii. 36), in 
one of whicli he speaks of tiuo Books of 
Esdras, and in the other quotes a pas- 
sage from what we call the First. ^ 

The decision of the Council of Trent 
on the subject was promulgated during 
the fourth session of the Council, April 
8th, 1546.* By this it was declared 
that the Synod " pari pietatis affectu ac 
reverentia suscipit et veneratur " " omnes 
libros tarn veteris quam novi Testa- 
ment! ;" a list of which follows. ' Esdras 
primus et secundus qui dicitur Nehe- 
mias ' are inserted between Chronicles 
and Tobit ; but the definition of ' Esdrre 
secundus' of course shews that by ' Esdros 

^ The dispute as to the authenticity of this 
catalogue cannot here be entered upon. The 
subject is discussed in Westcott's ' Canon of the 
N. T.' (1866), pp. 384^(7^. 

^ Westcott, ib. p. 391. For the wider sense 
to be attached in this place to the word "ca- 
nonical," see the Bishop of Bath and Wells' 
art. Esdras, First Book of, in 'Diet, of the 

^ The former of these passages is cited at 
length by Westcott, nbi sup., p. 507. In the 
latter, Augustine expressly refers to the episode 
fining chs. iii., iv. of I Esdras: "nisi forte 
Esdras in eo Christum prophetasse intelligendus 
est, quod inter juvenes quosdam orta quaestione, 
quid amplius valeret in rebus," &c. if Augus- 
tine, by the way, really understood Zerubbabel 
to be the third of the ao!/jLaTO(pv\aKes there 
described, his term juvenes ijucsdam sounds 

_ * This is the date given in ' Concilii Triden- 
tini . , . Canones et Decreta ' (Brux. 1714), 
p. 20. In Caranza's ' Summa Conciliorum ' 
(1681}, p. 420, it is April 5th. 

primus' the canonical Ezra is meant. The 
book we are considering was accordingly 
left out. What were the precise grounds 
of its rejection we are not distinctly told. 
Sarpi, in his history of the Council,"- 
relates the successive stages through 
which the subject passed in discussion, 
but says nothing to make it clear to us 
why the Additions to Daniel, for instance, 
were included in the Canon, and not 
this Book of Esdras. One thing at any 
rate seems certain. "Whatever may have 
been the reason that weighed with the' 
Tridentine Fathers in their decision, it 
cannot have been, as is sometimes sug- 
gested, that they were unaware of its 
existence in a Greek original. It stands 
plainly enough in the Aldine edition of 
1518 ; in the Strasbourg edition of 1526, 
reprinted, with additions, from the for- 
mer; and in the Basle edition of 1545.^ 
A more natural conclusion is, that they 
were content to follow the course pur- 
sued by St. Jerome. 

id.) With regard to printed editions, 
we shall expect to find, as a rule, that 
those which appeared before 1546 con- 
tain I Esdras, and that those subsequent 
to that date do not. This is true in the 
main, but with some noticeable excep- 
tions. The early Latin Bibles (Colon. 
1474, Norimb. 1480, &c.) insert the book 
without remark. In the ' Copia Accen- 
tuum' of Franciscus Robles, 1532 (a 
guide to the pronunciation of the hard 
words in the Bible), the name and order 
of the four connected books are as fol- 
lows : ' Primus liber Esdra;,' ' Secundus 
NeemijE,' 'TertiusiV^^OT/^'(our i Esdras), 
' Quartus Esdrae.' But De Lyra, i498, 
while he leaves i and 2 Esdras after 
Nehemiah, notes that " de canone non 
sunt," and adds " apocryphus " to the 
title of each. Passing over many other 
editions, we may observe that in the first 
of Robert Stephens (Paris, 1528 2) i 
Esdras comes after Nehemiah, but with 

^ ' Historia,' &c., ed. 1629, lib. ii. p. 157. 

* A copy of the Aldine edition is in the 
library of St. Paul's School. It is strange that 
even Eichhorn {iibi sup., p. 377) should repeat 
the assertion that I Esdras is not in it : "In 
der aldinischen Ausgabe (Venedig, 15 iS) findet 
sich gar nicht." 

' There is a short notice of this edition in 
Greswell's 'Early Parisian Greek Press,' i. 

P- 193- 


this title : ' Liber Esdnc tertius, qui 
inter Apocrypha ponitur.' The same 
note is prefixed to 2 Esdras ; but to no 
other of the Apocryphal books (as we 
count them) ; and as this is repeated in 
later editions, we may understand how a 
sort of stigma had come to be attached 
to these two particular books by the 
time of the assembling of the Tridentine 
Council, Still more remarkably, in his 
edition of 1556-7,^ which contained an 
alternative version by Sanctes Pagnini 
and Vatablus, a note by the latter trans- 
lator was admitted, to the effect that no 
one, so far as he knew, had ever met 
with a Greek MS. of i Esdras, much less 
a Hebrew one.- This statement, extra- 
ordinary as it may seem, is in keeping 
with the total omission of both i and 2 
Esdras from the Complutensian Poly- 
glott (15 1 4-1 5 1 7), which admits even 
the Prayer of Manasses, though then 
supposed not to be extant in Greek. 

The decision of the Council of Trent is 
first distinctly appealed to in the Sixtine 
edition of the Vulgate (Romce, 1590). 
Prefixed to that is a letter of Pope Sixtus 
V. himself, dated 1588, in which he 
aftirms his adherence to the principles of 
that decision : " Merito sacra Triden- 
tina Synodus veteris Vulgatce editionis 
libros, non aliter quam prout in Ecclesia 
legi consueverunt, pro canonicis susci- 
piendos decrevit. Nos autem, ut hrec 
editio qu?s nunc prodit nostro excusa 
prelo, ejusdem Synodi pra^scripto modis 
omnibus responderet .... apocrypha 
rejecimus, authentica retinuimus. Nam 
tertium et quartum Esdras libros in- 
scriptos, et tertium Machabffiorum, quos 
Synodus inter canonicos non annumerat 
. . . ab hac Editione prorsus explosimus. 
Orationem etiam Alanassas . . . repu- 
diavimus." And yet, in the edition of 
the LXX. printed at Rome in 1587, 
under the authority of Sixtus V., and 
dedicated to him by its editor. Cardinal 
Carafa, the present book stands, as the 
First of Esdras, before the books of Ezra 
and Nehemiah.^ The Preface to the 

* See Greswell, 7ibi S7ip., \. p. 390. 

^ " Hujus libri ne Grsecum quidem codicem, 
nedum Hebrceum, nemini, quod sciam, videre 

' The reason why, in editions of the LXX., 
this book bears the title oi First of Esdras, and 

Clementine Vulgate of 1592, written by 
Bellarmin, follows tVie same line as that 
of 1588, with the addition of a reason 
for excluding the Prayer of Manasses, 
" quce neque Hebraice neque Grasce 
quidem extat, neque in manuscriptis an- 
tiquioribus invenitur, neque pars est 
ullius Canonici libri." Accordingly, in 
modern editions of the Vulgate, while 
3 Maccabees (specified in the Preface 
of Sixtus V.) is altogether wanting, the 
two Books of Esdras and the Prayer of 
Manasses form a kind of apocryphal 
appendix by themselves, with a note 
prefixed to them, setting forth that they 
are placed " hoc in loco, extra sciUcet 
seriem Canonicorum Librorum , . . ne 
prorsus interirent, quippe qui a nonnullis 
Sanctis Patribus interdum citantur,^ et 
in aliquibus Bibliis Latinis tam manu- 
scriptis quam impressis retinentur." 

What remains to be said under this 
heading may be summed up in a few 
words. Luther did not translate the 
book,^ so that it is entirely absent from 
the Bible of the Lutheran Church. In 
our own country, in the ' Great Bible ' of 
1539, it is placed at the head of "The 
Volume of the bokes called Hagio- 
grapha," under the title of * The thyrde 
boke of Esdras,' and followed by the 
Fourth Book and Tobias. The declara- 
tion set before them has often been 
quoted, from the strange mistake it 
makes in the definition of " Hagio- 
grapha : " " In consyderacyon that the 
bokes before are founde in the Hebrue 
tonge, receaued of all men : & that the 
other folowyng, which are called Hagio- 
grapha (because they were wont to be 
redde, not openly and in comen, but as 
it were in secret and aparte), are nether 
founde in the Hebrue nor in the Calde : 
in whych tonges they haue not of longe 

is placed before the canonical Ezra and Nehe- 
miah, is probably, as Sixtus Senensis says 
(' Bibliotheca Sancta,' lib. i. p. 9), because tlie 
events it relates precede in point of time, at 
least in part, those related in the other two. 

^ Citations of i Esdras by Origen and St. 
Augustine have been already referred to. To 
these may be added Justin Martyr, 'Dial. c. 
Tryph.,' p. 297; Cyprian, ' Epist. ad Pom- 
peianum' (Ep. Ixxiv.) ; and Athanasius, 'Contra 
Arianos,' Orat. ii. 20. For a supposed citation 
by Tertullian, see the note on v. 3 below. 

* See Gutmann, ' Die Apokryphen des Alten 
Testaments,' 1841, p. 213. 


bene written. . .we haue separate them, 
& set them asyde, that they may the 
better be knowen." In tlie Geneva Ver- 
sion (1560), and in the Bishops' Bible 
{156S), I Esdras holds the same position 
as in our Authorized Version. In the 
notes which follow^ the Geneva Version 
has not seldom been referred to, as in 
some respects closer to the Greek than 
that of 1611.^ 

It may be added that while for English 
readers the title ' First Book of Esdras ' 
is distinctive enough, from our custom of 
calling the canonical book ' Ezra,' and 
not ' Esdras,' much confusion unavoid- 
ably arises when versions in other lan- 
guages have to be referred to. On this 
account, ' The Greek Esdras ' has been 
proposed as a suitable title.^ 

II. Form and Contents. 

With one notable exception, to be men- 
tioned presently, this book appears at lirst 
sight to be little more than a reproduction 
of parts of the Second Book of Chronicles, 
Ezra, and Nehemiah. It begins, some- 
what abruptly, with an account of the 
great Passover held by king Josiah at 
Jerusalem, in the i8th year of his reign; 
and it ends, or rather is broken oft, in 
the middle of a sentence apparently 
beginning a fresh section, after an ac- 
count of the public reading of the Law 
by Ezra. It thus includes portions of 
Jewish History from B.C. 623, before 
the Babylonish Captivity, to B.C. 445, 
when the people had been restored to 
their native land. A short abstract of 
the contents will make this plainer : 

(a.) I Esdras i. = 2 Chr. xxxv. i 
xxxvi. 21. 

Account of the great Passover held by 
Josiah in Jerusalem, in the i8th year of 
his reign. His directions to the priests 
and Levites. The gifts presented for the 

^ The names of the group of translators who 
shared the Apocryphal books among them, for 
this version, are given in Westcott, ' Hist, of 
the English Bible,' 1872, p. 1 15. The trans- 
lator of I Esdras in the Bishops' Bible was 
Dr. William Barlow, Bishop of Chichester. 

- For further details on this subject, see the 
Introduction to the Second Book of Esdras, I. 
It should here be stated, as explaining some 
possible repetitions, that the Commentary on 
2 Esdras was finished before the present one 
was undertaken. 

occasion by the king and his nobles, 
helping to make it such a splendid cele- 
bration as had not been seen since the 
days of Samuel. Expedition of Pharaoh 
king of Egypt against the Assyrians, 
and Josiah's resolution to attempt to bar 
his ])assage. His defeat and death at 
Megiddo. The lamentations of his people 
for him. The short succeeding reigns 
of Joachaz, Joacim, and Zedekiah. In- 
vasion of Judeea by Nabuchodonosor, 
and carrying away of the people into 
captivity. Their sins which had brought 
this judgment upon them. The Jews in 
bondage to the Assyrians till the reign 
of the Persians, that the words of Jere- 
miah might be fulfilled. 

(b.) ii. 1-15 = 2 Chron. xxxvi. 22, 23; 
Ezra i. 1-15. 

The spirit of Cyrus moved to restore 
the Jews to their own land. His pro- 
clamation. Patriotism of the leaders of 
the people ; their gifts, and those of the 
people among whom they dwelt. De- 
livery of the sacred vessels of the Temple 
by Cyrus, through his treasurer, to 
" Sanabassar ^ the governor of Judea." 
Their number and weight. 

(c.) ii. 16-26 = Ezra iv. 7-24. 

Opposition to the rebuilding of the 
Temple {v. 20) and of the city walls 
(v. 24) on the part of ofliicials of the 
Persian government residing in Samaria. 
Their letter to king " Artaxerxes." His 
reply, admitting the justice of their pro- 
test, and authorizing the stoppage of the 
works. Their speedy enforcement of the 
prohibition. The rebuilding abandoned 
till the "second year of the reign of 
Darius the Persian." 

{d.) iii. I V. 6 (has nothing to corre- 

This section of the book is in some 
respects the most interesting of all, inas- 
much as it is an episode, the source of 
which, whatever it may have been, is no 
longer known to us. Its beginning is 
not unlike that of the Book of Esther. 
Darius king of the Persians makes a 
great feast. When the guests have all 
departed, he retires to rest, but after a 
while is unable to sleep. Thereupon 
three " young men," the guards of the 
royal chamber, agree to compose each 

* The forms of words in the A. V. are kept 
for convenience in this abstract. 


one a " sentence " on a given thesis, and 
deposit it, written and sealed, under the 
kincf's pillow, to be read when he rises 
in the morning. The proposition main- 
tained by the first is that Wine is the 
strongest ; by the second, that the King 
is so ; and by the third, that Women are 
strongest, but Truth above all. In the 
morning the king summons an assembly 
of his courtiers, and the three recite their 
" sentences " before them. The argu- 
ments for each tenet are given in detail ; 
the supporter of the third ("this was 
Zorobabel," iv. 13) daring to borrow 
an illustration from the conduct of 
the sovereign himself, at whicli " the 
king and the princes looked one upon 
another" {v. 33). His conclusion that 
the truth " endureth and is always strong ; 
it liveth and conquereth for ever," is 
hailed with applause. The king bids 
him ask what he will, and he seizes the 
opportunity to remind the king of a vow 
he had made at his accession, to restore 
the Jews. Darius accedes to his wishes, 
and issues a firman granting licence to the 
Jews in his dominions to return, with 
grants of money and many privileges. 
Departure of the caravan from Babylon, 
with the names of the leading men who 
were in charge of it (v. 5). 

{e.) V. 7-73 = Ezra ii. iv. 5, 24. 

Lists of the people who returned with 
Zorobabel and Jesus (v. 8), classified 
under their several heads, and the num- 
ber of their servants and cattle. The 
altar of burnt-offering is set up in its old 
place (v. 48) and sacrifices offered upon 
it. The feast of Tabernacles is cele- 
brated, and preparations made for the 
rebuilding of the Temple, by obtaining 
timber from Lebanon, and the like. The 
foundation is laid "in the first day of 
the second month, in the second year 
after they v/ere come to Jewry" {v. 57). 
Mingled joy and sorrow on the occasion. 
Offer made by the " enemies " of the 
people to co-operate in the work, and 
their hostility when the offer is rejected. 
Through their opposition the work is 
hindered all the time of king Cyrus, and 
" for the space of two years " until the 
reign of Darius (v. 73). 

(/.) vi., vii. = Ezra v. i vi. 22. 

In the second vear of Darius the work 
io resumed through the prophesying of 

Aggeus and Zacli arias. The provincial 
governors of the Persians again interfere, 
but not in a directly hostile manner, 
writing to the king for instructions. 
Darius makes inquiry about the matter, 
and finds at Ecbatana a copy of the 
decree of Cyrus, His rescript directs 
that the government officials in Syria and 
Phoenicia shall help, and not hinder, the 
work. And so the Temple is finished 
" in the sixth year of Darius king of the 
Persians" (vii. 5). The solemnities at 
its dedication. 

(g.) viii.jix. = Ezra vii. i x. 44; Neh. 
viii. 1-13. 

Return of the Jews under Esdras, in 
the reign of Artaxerxes. PI is qualifica- 
tions for the office of leader, and the 
royal commission given him. Privileges 
and immunities granted by the king. 
Lists of the famiUes returning in this 
later migration. Halt at " the river called 
Theras " (viii. 41), and requisition for a 
larger number of priests and Levites. 
Safe arrival of the caravan at Jerusalem, 
with their silver and gold. Appeal of 
the rulers of the people to Ezra on the 
painful subject of mixed marriages. His 
grief at the intelligence, and the resolu- 
tion taken (viii. 93). A national assembly 
called to hear the address of Ezra. The 
people agree to accept his decision, and 
to put away all wives of alien race. The 
arrangements for this purpose, and lists 
of those who had transgressed. After 
this, on the first day of the seventh 
month (ix. 37) the people desire Ezra to 
read to them the Law of Moses. This 
is publicly done in the open space before 
the porch at the east side of the Temple. 
The names are given of the Levites and 
others who assisted in the exposition. 
" Attharates " bids the people now turn 
from their mourning to gladness, for the 
day is "holy unto the Lord" (ix. 50). 
So they go their way, making merry, 
and sending portions to the needy ones, 
and rejoicing " because they understood 
the words wherein they were instructed, 
and for the which they had been 

* This might appear a complete and natural 
ending ; but in the original the last words are 
iv Tols p-ofiaaiv oh 5i5ax6''?o'o''- ''"' eincrvvnx- 
e-rjaav . . . The punctuation is, of course, arbi- 
traiy, but that such is the right coustruction 



The chronological and other diffi- 
culties involved in this account, and the 
connection with it of the episode iii. i 
V. 6, will be briefly discussed in the next 

III. Composition and Design. 

Before any sound theory can be formed 
of the nature and object of the work 
before us, we must have some conception 
of the incongruities, apparently not to 
be reconciled with any true version of 
history, which it presents. 

Passing over, for the moment, the 
account of Josiah, which it is conceivable 
might be meant as a fitting prelude to 
some epoch of Jewish history, we have, 
rather touched upon than narrated, the 
reigns of his successors and the final 
captivity. Then, without a word as to 
the sojourn in Babylon, we have (ii. i) 
the movement for deliverance in the first 
year^ of Cyrus, B.C. 536. The first 
convoy of Jews, Avith their sacred vessels 
and treasures, is brought back by Sana- 
bassar- (ii. 15). We are not distinctly 
told that any beginning was then made 
with the restoration of the Temple ; but 
in ii. 18 a complaint is made of such 
work being carried on, both as regards 
the Tempie and city walls, by Persian 
officials in Samaria, in a letter to king 
" Artaxerxes." A rescript of "Arta- 
xerxes" causes the work to be stopped 
till the second year of Darius the Per- 
sian (ii. 30). Then follows the original 
episode (iii. i-v. 6) in which Zorobabel, 
described as a "young man," is repre- 
sented as being one of the body-guard in 
the king's palace at Babylon. By the 
means briefly related above ( 2) he gains 
permission for the Jews to return, and 
they do so ; but among their leaders enu- 
merated in v. 5 Zorobabel is not named 
as one, and it is apparently his " son " 
Joacim, and not he, who is now described 
as the speaker of the " wise sentences " 
before the court of Darius. Next follows 

appears certain on a comparison with Neh. viii. 

' That is, his first year as king of Babylonia. 
See Professor Sayce's ' Ezra, Nehemiah, and 
Esther' {1S85), p. 19. The date of the return 
is there given as 538. 

' For the evidence to prove that he was 
Zerubbabel, see the note on ii. 12. , 

the list of those who returned 7V!f/i Zoro- 
babel (v. 8), as it is in Ezra ii., just as 
though all from ii. 16 to v. 5 were to be 
effaced from memory. All goes on, as 
is duly related in Ezra, to the laying the 
foundation-stone of the Temple (v. 57); 
the fact being forgotten that in ii. iS the 
foundation had been spoken of as already 
laid. Through the enmity of the re- 
jected Samaritans, the work has to be 
laid aside till the second year of Darius 
(v. 73; vi. i). From this point to the 
end of the book there is no material dis- 
crepancy with the order of events as 
related in the canonical books, excepting 
that the reading of the Law (ix. 39) is 
made to fall, according to the natural 
sequence (comp. viii. 6 with ix. 7), in the 
eighth year of Artaxerxes, or B.C. 457 ; 
while according to Neh. viii. 2 it was in 
the time of Nehemiah's governorship at 
Jerusalem, that is, not earlier than B.C. 
444 (comp. Neh. ii. i).^ 

No theory has been proposed which can 
satisfactorily account for the confusion of 
history and chronology here presented to 
us. De Saulcy - would assume that the 
first expedition was led, not by Zerub- 
babel, but by the unknown Sheshbazzar 
of ii. 15. To this first expedition he 
would refer the names in Neh. xii. But 
the reasons for identifying this Shesh- 
bazzar, or Sasabazzar, with Zerubbabel 
are too strong to give way to such an 
assumption.^ Reuss,* observing that in 
I Esdras v. 6 it is not Zerubbabel, but 

' On this point see Fritzsche, 'Das dritte 
BuchEsra' (1851), Einleit. p. 7; and Ravvlin- 
son's 'Introd. to Nehemiah,' p. 425. Fritzsche 
says that on this question all historical proba- 
bility is on the side of i Esdras. Bertheau, 
' Esra, Nechemia,' <S:c. p. 210, is of the opposite 

- ' Etude chronologique des livres d'Esdras,' 
&c. {1868), p. 7-; 

^ They are thus summed up by Ewald, ' Hist, 
of Israel ' (tr. by Carpenter), v. p. 87 n. : " It is 
certainly never said in the Book of Ezra that 
this Sasabazzar was identical with Zerubbabel ; 
but since in i. 8, 11 he is called Nasi, i.e. royal 
prince oijiidah, and in v. 14, 16 is designated 
by the Assyrian official title Pacha, as an equiva- 
lent, it is impossible not to consider him and 
Zerubabbel to be the same." Neteler holds the 
same view, 'Die Biicher Esdras,' &;c. (1S77), 
p. II. 

* ' Chronique ecclesiastique,' p. 50. Fritzsche, 
' Einleit.' p. 6, takes the same view so far as to 
maintain that Joachim, and not Zerubbabel, was 
the real )iero of the discussion before Darius. 


his son Joachim, Avho (according to the 
natural construction of the sentence) was 
the speaker at the court of Darius, starts 
the hypothesis that after Zerubbabel had 
led the first expedition homewards in the 
reign of Cyrus, a second was led in the 
reign of Darius by this his son ; and that 
the short passage in ch. v. i-6, which in 
style is admittedly unhke the episode in 
chaps, iii., iv., and yet has nothing to 
answer to it in the canonical Ezra, is a 
rehc of some fuller account, relating the 
return of this second band under Joachim. 

There are some plausible features in 
this view of the matter. The assertion 
in iv. 13 that the speaker was Zerub- 
babel is inserted in such a parenthetical 
manner, as to warrant a suspicion that it 
may be nothing more than a marginal 
comment which has slipped into the text. 
In iv. 58 he is again simply "the young 
man." There would also be an end of 
the difficulty (about which more will be 
said presently) arising from the descrip- 
tion of Zerubbabel as " a young man." 
Unfortunately for this supposition, the 
names of Zerubbabel's children are pre- 
served in I Chron, iii. 19, and no Joachim 
is amongst them. Fritzsche asks whether 
this proves that he had no such son. But 
to allow that he might have had, would 
be only to base an hypothesis upon an 
hypothesis. And the probability of the 
passage (v. 6) being in some way or other 
corrupt is increased by observing that 
Jeshua (though not Zerubbabel) had in 
point of fact a son named Joachim 
(Neh. xii. 10). 

It may help to clear the way a little, 
if we observe that, by taking out as much 
of the book as lies between ii. 16 and 
V. 6 inclusive, we have a consecutive 
account, parallel, so far as it goes, to 
that in Ezra and Nehemiah. Setting 
aside, out of this portion, the contents 
of chaps, iii. and iv., as forming the 
original episode before referred to, we 
should then have to account for the 
section ii. 16-30, describing the opposi- 
tion under " Artaxerxes," and the short 
section v. 1-6, which looks like a con- 
necting passage, designed to link on the 
enumeration of the people which follows 
to the story of Zerubbabel at the Persian 
court just recited. 

If we are allowed to take this view of 

the component parts of the book, the 
charge against the author, or compiler, 
would amount to little more than his 
having left us a group of historical docu- 
ments, not in proper order, and further 
(unless this be a charge more properly 
brought against some subsequent arranger 
of the materials) of having tried to piece 
two together where the sides did not 
correspond. For, in the first place, 
whatever difficulties may be inherent in 
the section ii. 16-30, regarded as a 
detached passage, are also found in Ezra 
iv. 7-24, to which it is parallel. Whether 
or not it be reasonable to suppose the 
Pseudo-Smerdis to be meant under the 
name of Artaxerxes^ in ii. 16, the same 
considerations will apply in Ezra iv. 7. 
In that chapter also the work of re- 
storing the Temple is described (in r. 5) 
as frustrated " even until the reign of 
Darius king of Persia ;" and then, after 
the events in the reigns of Ahasuerus 
{v. 6) and Artaxerxes {vv. 7-23) have 
been recorded, it is again said {v. 24) 
that the work ceased " unto the second 
year of the reign of Darius king of 

As for the short passage v. 1-6, that 
need not trouble us long. There is a 
Hebrew cast of expression about it, quite 
different from that of the episode before.^ 
Whether we take the view of Reuss 
above-mentioned, that these few verses 
may be a relic, in translated form, of some 
Hebrew original describing a second 
migration under Darius, or prefer to 
regard them as merely a connecting 
passage, more or less unskilfully adapted, 

* The sovereign known under that name 
(Artaxerxes Longimanus) did not come to the 
throne till B.C. 465, sixty-four years after the 
death of Cyrus. According to Professor Sayce 
(ubi sup. p. 22), " the whole difficulty may be 
solved by considering that the account in Ezra iv. 
6-23 is episodical, and refers merely to the re- 
storation of the walls of Jerusalem, and not to 
the restoration of the Temple. In strict chrono- 
logical order the twenty-fourth verse of the 
chapter would then follow immediately after the 
fifth as, indeed, is indicated by the gramma- 
tical construction of the original Chaldee." Raw- 
linson (on Ezra iv. 5, 7) favours the application 
to Pseudo-Smerdis : Reuss (ad loc.) thinks it 
merely an exchange of one difficulty for another. 

* This is pointed out by Fritzsche, who in- 
stances the expression mt' i\p7)vt]s, = Di7t^3. 
rendered in the A. V." safely," and some others. 



in either case we need not allow it, any 
more than the section ii. 16-30, to disturb 
the chronological sequence of the rest. 

There remains the episode, as I have 
called it for convenience, referred to 
several times already, in chaps, iii., iv. 
It has been described by some commen- 
tators as the nucleus, the original part, 
of the work, round which the rest has 
been grouped. I would venture not so to 
regard it. Original it undoubtedly is, in 
the sense that there is nothing to answer 
to it in the canonical books ; and what- 
ever Persian or Jewish story it may have 
been based upon, or translated from, is 
not now known to us. But it seems to 
me more probable that the writer, telhng 
again the story of his nation's deliverance, 
and impressed with the traditional great- 
ness of its leader, Zerubbabel, made use 
of this story which he had met with, 
either as really believed to refer to 
Zerubbabel, or as serving to explain the 
favour shewed to the exiles by the son of 

This leads us to consider what object 
the compiler may have had in view. And 
this again cannot be determined satis- 
factorily, without a better knowledge 
than we are likely to acquire of the time 
and circumstances in which he wrote. 
But, considering that it begins with a 
description of the great Passover of 
Josiah, and ends (so far, at least, as it 
has any formal conclusion) with the read- 
ing of the Law by Ezra at one of the 
Jewish festivals, while the intermediate 
portion is chiefly concerned with the 
return from foreign kingdoms, and the 
favours shewn by foreign potentates,- it 
seems natural to conclude, that the writer 
wished alike to stimulate his country- 
men to a more zealous observance of the 
Law, and to win for them the favour of 
some foreign ruler, it might be one of 
the Ptolemies. The subscription " De 
Templi Restitutione," found in the ' Veins 
Latina,' - describes accurately what is 
perhaps the central subject of the book. 
But some collateral design, at least, must 

' See Fritzsche, ' Einleit.' p. 6 ; and Ewald, 
ubi sup., p. 125. 

^ After a supplementary verse, numbered 56 : 
"Et coadunati sunt omnes in Hierusalem jo- 
cundari, secundum dispositioneni Domini iJei 

have underlain the exaggerated accounts 
of the munificence of Cyrus and Darius ; 
and this probably was, as Ewald sug- 
gests,^ " to secure to Judea the favour of 
a Ptolemaic or other heathen power." 

That the work is certainly incomplete 
at the end, and probably at the beginning 
as well, encourages a supposition that 
the writer may have meant his Scenes 
from Jewish History, if we may so call 
them, to begin with the reformation of 
Josiah (2 Chron. xxxiv.) instead of with 
his Passover (2 Chron. xxxv.), and to 
continue at any rate to the end of the 
celebration of the great Feast of Taber- 
nacles (Neh. viii. 13-18).- Even if we 
regarded the book, as it now stands, as 
beginning where the compiler intended, 
merely lengthening out its broken termi- 
nation to the next reasonable pause, there 
would be a certain completeness in a 
work on the restoration of the Jewish 
Church, which begins with the account 
of a Passover, such as " was not kept 
in Israel since the tiine of the prophet 
Samuel," and would end with the ac- 
count of a Feast of Tabernacles, kept in 
such a manner, that " since the days of 
Jeshua the son of Nun unto that day 
had not the children of Israel done so " 
(Neh. viii. 17). 

IV. Age and Authorship. 

The materials Ave have to work upon 
in forming an opinion of the date of 
I Esdras are but scanty. That the work 
was used by Josephus ^ gives us a limit 
of time in one direction. Why he should 
have preferred it as an authority to the 
canonical books is not hard to see. The 
style of the Greek is more elegant and 
fluent than that of the LXX. ; diliiculties 
and apparent contradictions in the ori- 
ginal accounts are smoothed over ; and 
the sequence of the Persian kmgs, as 

Ubi sup., p. 127. 

- This would of course imply that he referred 
the events of Neh. viii. to the time of Ezra's 
presence at Jerusalem. 

^ ' Antiqq.' xi. i sqq. Several instances will 
be found in the ensuing commentary of the way 
in which Josephus used this work, and, after 
his manner, improved upon it. But that he did 
not always follow it in preference to the canoni- 
cal books, is shewn by the passages quoted by 
Dr. Bissell, ' Apocrj-pha,' p. 70. 



it appears in i Esdras, better suits the 
Jewish historian's chronology.^ The fact, 
at any rate, of Josephus's employment of 
the book is undisputed. But there are 
indications, though faint ones, that we 
must go some way beyond his time, and 
look for the origin of the work in the 
first, or at the latter end of the second, 
century B.C. The story in chaps, iii., iv. 
is, of course, the most important for 
giving us an anterior limit, since there is 
every presumption to shew that the com- 
piler found it existing, and took and 
adapted it to his purpose. Now Ewald - 
thinks that there is an indication of this 
story being read and referred to by the 
earliest of the extant Sibylline poets. In 
the oldest section of the Third Book, 
which Alexandre " assigns to the reign 
of Ptolemy Philometor (b.c. 1S1-146), 
there is an allusion to Persian kings 
lielping forwards the restoration of the 
Holy Temple, in consequence of a dream 
sent by God in the night."* This, he 
thinks, can only have been suggested by 
I Esdr. iii., iv. The idea is ingenious, 
but it would have appeared more pro- 
bable if there had been any distinct 
reference to a dream in iv, 43, 45, and 
not merely to a vow. 

The resemblance between the story of 
Zerubbabel and his companions at Da- 
rius's court and that of the Jewish elders 
at the court of Ptolemy "Philadelphus, 
related in the so-callecl ' History ' of 
Aristeas,^ must also form an element in 
the consideration. Ewald ^ indeed says 
positively that "the book of Aristeas also 
must already have been known to the 
author." It might be safer to say that 
the story in i Esdras is a composition of 
the same class, and probably of the same 
time, as the other ; and this latter is not 
considered to be earlier than the first 
century b.c. 

^ Netekr, iihi sup., p. 5. 

* ' Abhandlung iiber . . . der Sibyllinisclier 
Blicher,' p. 36. 

^ ' Orac. Sibyll' 1869 ; Introd. p. xxi. 

* iii. 293-4 : 

Autos "yap Swaei Qtos tvvvxov ayvhv uveipov. 

Kai to't6 St; vahs irdXiv fcrcrerai, oas irapos 

ijV irep. 

' See the note on iii. 10-12 below. For 

Aristeas see Tischendorf s ' Proleg.' p. xviii., 

and the full discussion in Dr. Sp. C. Papageor- 

gios, ' Ueber den Aristeasbrief,' Miinchen, 1S80. 

* ' Hist, of Israel,' v. 127, n. 

If it could be decided with any cer- 
tainty whether the compiler lived in 
Palestine or in Egypt, some little light 
might be thrown upon the subject of its 
date, by our knowledge of surrounding 
events. But here again, even in his 
adaptation of the Persian court-story, the 
writer has managed to keep his per- 
sonality undisclosed.^ One slight allu- 
sion only is thought to i^oint to a resi- 
dence in Egypt, the mention in iv. 23 
of "sailing upon the sea and upon the 
rivers " for the purpose of " robbing and 
steahng." ^ The language, being so 
largely Septuagintal,^ does not afford any 
certain clue. If there v/ere reasons, on 
any other grounds, for placing the com- 
position somewhat earlier, they might 
seem strengthened by the character of 
the events taking place both in Egypt 
and Syria between 170 and 160 b.c. For 
about that time Egypt was repeatedly 
invaded by Antiochus Epiphanes, and, 
at the close of his second and fourth 
campaigns in 170 and 168, the Temple at 
Jerusalem was sacked. Considering how 
largely the number of the Jewish resi- 
dents in Egypt was recruited during the 
reign of Ptolemy Philometor, it might be 
thought that a work which described the 
rebuilding of the Temple, and the bene- 
ficence of foreign kings to the work, 
and which also introduced the story of 
Josiah, slain in an invasion of Syria 
by the Egyptians, would ha\'e a special 

But, in particular, an event related by 
Josephus as occurring about this time, 

* Fritzsche truly says : " Pragmatischen Sinn 
hat der Uebersetzer dadurch bewahrt, dass er 
nirgends eine Riicksicht auf seine Zcit hat ein- 
tliessen lassen." Einlcit. p. 9. 

- Bissell, ubi sup. p. 64, who refers to Graetz, 
'Geschichte der Juden,' iii. p. 39 sq. As this 
passage comes in the original story, it would in 
strictness only tend to shew that the author of 
that lived in Eg)'pt. Kence it has only a secon- 
dary and remoter application to the compiler. 

^ Dr. Gwynn thinks that there are some re- 
markable coincidences of expression between, 
ch. ii. of this book and Dan. i. (in the Hexaplar); 
sufficient, indeed, to justify a suspicion that one 
and the same hand dealt witli the canonical 
Ezra and Daniel, rewriting them and interpo- 
lating (in Greek) ; and from them produced this 
I Esdras and the Hexaplar Daniel of the Chisian 
MS. Eichhorn ('Einleit.' iibi sup., p. 346) had 
noticed how much the style resembled that of 



or a little latcr,^ may be thought likely 
to have suggested the production of such 
a work. This was the building of a 
temple, or the restoration in altered 
form of a ruined Egyptian temple, in the 
neighbourhood of Heliopolis, for Jewish 
worship. Onias, the son, or grandson,- of 
Onias III., the High-Priest assassinated 
by his brother Menelaus in B.C. 171, had 
taken refuge in Eg}'pt, under the govern- 
ment of Ptolemy Philometor. Being the 
lawful successor to the Jewish High- 
priesthood, he seems to have drawn 
many of his countrymen along with him, 
and to have formed the idea of giving 
cohesion, by means of a new centre of 
national worship, to the numerous Jewish 
communities throughout the Delta. For 
this end he petitioned Philometor and 
his queen Cleopatra for permission to 
build a temple in some part of Egypt, 
Avhere he and his countrymen might 
worship the God of their fathers after 
their own manner. The result of such 
an indulgence would be, to animate the 
Jews still more in their resistance to 
Antiochus, the destroyer of their temple 
at Jerusalem, and to attach them more 
closely to the Egyptian king.^ What 
purports to be a copy of the actual letter 
written by him is preserved by Josephus 
in another place,* together with the 
answer of the king and queen. From 

' Ewald, ' Hist, of Israel ' (tr. by Carpenter), 
^- P- 354) decides on the date B.C. 160 as the 
most probable. Prideaux, 'Connection' (1720), 
ii. p. 264, makes it as late as 149. The un- 
certainty arises from the reading in. Josephus, 
'Bell. Jud.' vii. 10, 4 (ad Jin.), where the 
temple is said to have stood 343 years to the 
time of its demolition [circ. a.d. 73). Hudson 
(;/. ib.) and Ewald both think 233 should pro- 
bably be the number. This would fix the erec- 
tion to about B.C. 160, as said above. 

^ In ' Bell. Jud.' vii. 10, 2, he is called 'Ovias 
'S.ijxoivus vlos. This, as Josephus elsewhere calls 
him son of Onias, is naturally thought (as by 
Tanaquil Faber, and others) to be a slip of 
memory. But Ewald thinks it may point to his 
being really the grandson of Onias III. 

2 'Bell. Jud.,' ^/ J///., 2. 

* 'Antiqq.' xiii. 3, i. The author of the 
art. Onias, City of, in the ' Diet, of the Bible,' 
refers to these letters as "spurious ;" but Ewald 
takes a more favourable view of them. " The 
correspondence," he says, " may certainly, as in 
most other cases of the kind, be reproduced 
freely; but Josephus evidently read it in an 
older work, and its author certainly relied upon 
trustworthy ancient narratives." 

this we learn, that he had seen with 
regret the divisions growing up among 
his countrymen from the number of 
different places for divine worship re- 
sorted to by them ; and that, having 
found a convenient spot, a fortress in 
the Heliopolite noma, with a dilapidated 
temple sacred to Bubastis, he prayed for 
leave to cleanse and purify it,^ and to 
build a shrine to the most High God, 
after the pattern of that in Jerusalem. 
As giving a kind of divine sanction to 
his work, he ended with a quotation 
from the prophet Isaiah (xix. iS, 19): 
"In that day shall five cities in the land 
of Egypt speak the language of Canaan, 
and swear to the Lord of hosts; one 
shall be called The city of the Sun. 
In that day shall there be an altar to the 
Lord in the midst of the land of Egypt, 
and a pillar at the border thereof to 
the Lord." 2 The reply of Ptolemy and 
Cleopatra was a permission to undertake 
the work, with an expression of wonder 
(which Josephus is careful to note and 
amplify) that a spot which teemed with 
associations, to a Jewish mind impure, 
should be selected for a temple to 
Jehovah. Accordingly, Onias set about 
his task of restoration and rebuilding. 
The sacred enclosure (Upov) he encom- 
passed with a wall of baked tiles, or 
bricks, relieved by gateways of stone. 
The inner building, or temple proper 
(i/ao's), he appears to have built anew, 
and after the pattern of the Holy Temple 
in Jerusalem, but " smaller and poorer."^ 
The tower was of huge blocks of stone, 

' The language used should be noted : Sfo/xai 
ffvyxo:pri<ya.^ fJ-oi, rh aSeaTroroy avaKaBapavTi 
iephv KoL ffv/xireTrTcoKus, o'lKoSoixrjcrai vahv tw 
jXiylcTTii} @e(f, KaB' o/xoiwaiv rod iu 'Iepoao\v/M)iSf 
To7s avTo7s jite'Tpoij.' Antiqq.' xiii. 3> I- 

* This is the rendering of the A. V., except 
that the words in capitals embody the marginal 
reading in place of "city of destruction." These 
of course are the cardinal words. Dr. Tregelles, 
in his edition of Gesenius [s. v.), while admitting 
that D^nri TJ?j "city of destruction," has the 
better authority, considers the other reading, 
D^nn Ty, "city of the sun," preferable. It 
has the support of Symmachus (iroAis rjAlov), 
and of the Vulgate [civitas soHs). The LXX. 
differs from both, having ir6\is oceSe'/c, as if ta 
denote "city of righteousness." 

^ ft.iKp6Tipov 5e Kol ireviXP^Tepou. 'Antiqq.' 
xiii. 3, 3. The account has to be combined 
with ' Bell. Jud.' vii. 10, 3, for a full descrip- 



like those used in its prototype. The 
altar, too, with its appendages, was a 
copy. But there was one remarkable dif- 
ference. Instead of the seven-branched 
candlestick, a lamp, " shedding a golden 
radiance," ^ was hung by a chain of gold 
from the ceiling. 

Without entering further into details, 
one or two inferences seem naturally to 
follow from this account. It points to 
the fact, known to us from other sources 
also, of the increase in the number of 
Jewish communities in Egypt, not only 
in the capital, but in other parts of the 
Delta, It discloses the want of religious 
unity felt among them, and how it oc- 
curred to one aspiring mind to attempt 
to supply this want. Moreover, it shews, 
I think, distinct traces of an adaptation 
of the old forms of Jewish worship to 
meet the demands of altered circum- 
stances ; an adaptation that might com- 
mend itself, in some measure, to the 
resident heathen, as well as to the Jewish, 
population. This comes out more clearly 
if we compare with the record of Jose- 
phus what Herodotus tells us of the 
festivals of Bubastis, the goddess whose 
deserted temple Onias had chosen for 
his site. Few passages, even in that 
historian, are more picturesque than 
those in which he tells us of the heavily- 
laden barges dropping down the Nile, on 
their way to the city named after that 
goddess ; of the crowds of devotees em- 
barking on this joyous pilgrimage ; of 
their music of lotus-pipes and cymbals ; 
of their consumption of wine on the 
occasion, more than in all the rest of the 
year together.^ That Onias should have 
sought to retain some of the attractions 
of the old local worship was both natural 
and politic. He was a Hellenist, hold- 
ing office under the king;^ he had the 
remembrance of bitter wrongs sustained 
in his native land ; he was founding a 

* Others render it "a golden lamp." But 
the run of the words, aurhv 5e xaAKeutrajUe^'os 
thv Kvx^ov xpucouj/ ^-KKpaivovTa aiKas, seems to 
favour the above interpretation. To understand 
the aurSv, we must bear in mind that the 
"candlestick" (as we term it) was the Xux"'a, 
or "lamp-holder." Though the "lamp-holder" 
was not there, the lamp itself was. 

^ The city and temple of Bubastis are described 
in Hdt. ii. 137-8 ; the processions to it by water 
in ii. 59, 60. 

' Josephus, * Contra Apionem,' ii. 5. 

rival temple.^ The wider his estrange- 
ment from Jerusalem, the more closely 
he would naturally seek to connect him- 
self with his adopted land. This may 
help to explain the startling boldness 
shewn in his choice of a site, and in his 
adaptation of a disused temple to his 
purpose. Whatever may have been the 
exact position of the place called after 
him,^ there must have been many points 
of resemblance between the outward 
aspect of its earlier temple, and the rites 
celebrated there, and what existed at 
Bubastis itself, the great centre of the 
worship of the goddess Pasht. If, then, 
we find a certain similarity between the 
temple of Onias and that at Bubastis, 
that is enough for the purpose. And 
such a similarity is plainly to be seen on 
comparing the descriptions of Josephus 
and Herodotus. The sacred enclosure, 
lepov, appears to have been left un- 
changed, only purified, and surrounded, 
as that in the mother city was, by a wall 
of tiles.^ The shrine, or inner temple 
itself, yao's, though Onias professed the 
intention of rearing it after the pattern 
of the one in Jerusalem, seems, in the 
actual construction, to have resembled 
it in the tower only, as if the old fabric 
had been made to serve as far as it 
would go.'^ Especially in his replace- 
ment of the seven-branched candlestick 
by the one sun-like lamp depending from 

* "The Aramean Jews looked on their 
Egyptian brethren viilh assumed contempt, but 
inward jealousy : perhaps the distance only 
prevented a feud, almost as deadly as that with 
the Samaritans." MiLMAN, If/sf. of the Jews 
(1866), ii. p. 25. 

^ Josephus calls it Leontopolis, and says that 
it was 180 stades from Memphis, and in the 
Heliopolitan nome. But the writer of the article 
before mentioned (' Diet, of the Bible,' ii. p. 634) 
shews that this must be an error, Leontopolis 
being the capital of the nome bearing the same 
name. Sir Gardner Wilkinson (' Modern Egypt 
and Thebes,' 1843, i. p. 299) explains the con- 
fusion by pointing out that the place was in one 
home, but near the other. He would fix its 
position at the mounds called "Tel el Yehood," 
" a little to the E. of N. from Heliopolis, from 
which it is distant twelve miles." 

^ With the difference that Onias's wall was of 
burnt tiles, or brick, ottt^ -nXivQu, and that at 
Bubastis, of cnide brick. See Wilkinson, zibi 
sup., -p. 427. But comp. Creuzer's note (speak- 
ing of " lateribus coctis ") on Hdt. ii. 60. 

* This assumes the reading in 'Bell, Jud.' 
vii. 10, 3, to be correct : rov jxtv vabv ovx op-oiov 
wKo56fj.T}ae rlf iv 'lepocroAv/iois, /c.t.A. 



the roof, Onias would appear to have 
had in mind the associations of the "city 
of the sun," and the AvxvoKaii] of the 
Egyptian festivals,^ 

Now, if there is reason to think that 
this Egyptian Ezra or rather, as he may 
well have regarded himself, in the sup- 
posed light of Isaiah's prophecy, Ezra 
and Nehemiah in one accommodated 
his new temple to Egyptian ideas, it 
would be natural to expect that the story 
of Israel's great temple-restoration, if told 
afresh then, as at an ajipropriate time for 
its republication, would be coloured by 
the same local associations. And this 
is what, to some slight degree, we find 
in I Esdras. In judging of its origin, we 
must fix the attention on the features it 
presents most distinct from the Old 
Testament version of the same story. 
And these, if we omit for the moment 
the Episode in iii., iv., are the incidents 
described by the writer as marking the 
reception by the Jews of the news of the 
king's favour, and the starting of the 
convoy homewards (iv. 63 v. 3). The 
seven days' carousal, with its accompani- 
ment of music and rejoicing; the escort 
of a thousand horsemen ; and the setting 
out with pipes and timbrels playing, 
are features peculiar to this book, and 
suggestive rather of the Egyptian festivals 
than of the return from the Babylonian 
captivity.^ Even the remarkable scene 
at the court of the Persian king (chs. iii., 
iv.), while presenting many features in 
common with what we observe in the 
Book of Esther, has also so many points 
of resemblance to the descriptions in 
Aristeas, that it might be held to have 
something of a Ptolemean colouring.^ 

* Hdt. ii. 62. Ewald's reason for the non- 
reproduction of the seven-branched candlestick, 
namely, that it "seems to have been regarded 
as too holy to be imitated," is not satisfactory. 
Why should it have been considered more sacred 
than the altar, which was exactly copied ? 

* Tlie peculiar word iicwBcuvi^ovTo, iv. 63, is 
noticed below. The use of it recalls the great 
consumption of ohos a/j.Tr4\ivos noticed by 
Herodotus. Some lesser points of resemblance 
might be mentioned, such as the fact that what 
in Ezra is the district "beyond the river" (vii. 
21), cr "this side the river" (iv. 16), is in 
I Esdras " Coele-Syria and Phoenicia" (ii. 17; 
comp. viii. 23) ; the term used in Onias's peti- 
tion to Philometor (Joseph. 'Antiqq.,' xiii. 3, 

^ As one slight instance, compare the dignity 

Without seeking to attach undue im- 
portance to what may be thought slight 
indications, I venture to submit that in 
the invasions of Antiochus Epiphanes, 
when the Holy Temple was sacked ; in 
the foundation of the temple of Onias, 
rising, as it might seem, after the ruin of 
the former ; and, it may be added, in the 
contest for precedence between Jews and 
Samaritans, which Josephus records as 
the next subject that occupied the atten- 
tion of Philometor,^ we have a series 
of events to which the story as told in 
I Esdras might be thought a suitable 

This supposition as to the time, though 
not as to the occasion, would agree with 
that of Herzfeld.^ But it must be ad- 
mitted that the majority of scholars 
choose rather to assign the work to the 
first century B.c.^ 

Authorities. The chief of these have 
been cited in the Introduction, or will be 
found in the notes which follow. Most 
useful of all has been the commentary of 
Dr. Otto F. Fritzsche, in the ' Kurzge- 
fasstes Handbuch zu den Apokryphen,' 
Leipz., 185 1. That of Bertheau on 
Ezra, &c., in the same series (1862), 
has also been often referred to. A valu- 
able companion to them is Wahl's ' Cla- 
vis Librorum . . . Apocryphorum,' 1853. 
More recent is Dr. B. Neteler's ' Die 
Biicher Esdras,' &c.,Miinster, 187 7, which 
gives a German translation of the ca- 
nonical books Ezra Esther, interspersed 
with comments. The section relating 
to this period of Reuss's work, which 
he entitles ' Chronique ecclesiastique de 
Je'rusalem' (1878), has been of service. 
His theory of a continuous Chronicle is, 
of course, strengthened by the form in 
which I Esdras appears. Of commen- 
taries in English, most use has been 

of the office of awtJ.aTO(j)v\a^, if it is to be assigned 
to Zorobabel (i Esd. iii. 4), with what Josephus 
says of the position of rovs rov awfiaros avrov 
(pvKaKi)v iyKexeipur/xfuovs at the court of Phila- 
dclphus ('c. Apion.' ii. 4). Other points of 
similarity are noticed afterwards in the com- 

^ 'Antiqq.' xiii. 3, 4. 

- " Kam diese Compilation noch vor den 
Makkabaerkriegen zu Stande." Gcschichtc des 
Volkes Israel, ii. 73. 

' So De Wette, ' Lehrbuch,' &c. (1869), p. 
5C6 ; Ewald, and Fritzsche. 



made of Canon Rawlinson's edition of 
Kings Esther in the ' Speaker's Com- 
mentary.' Tliis is often cited in the 
notes by the simple letter R,, as that 
of Fritzsche is by the letter F. The 
American edition of the Apocrypha, by 
Dr. E. C. Bissell (1880), must be spoken 
of with respect, for the industry and 
research it shews. It gives a revised 
version of the Enjglish text, and also 
comparative tables of the names and 
numbers ^ in i Esdras and in the ca- 

' It has not been thought necessary to furnish 
such comparisons of numbers for the present 

nonical books. With the exception of 
thi.s work, the writer has avoided con- 
sulting any modern English commen- 
taries on the Apocrypha. His great 
obligation to Dr. Gwynn, for notes and 
references made use of in the first 
section of this Introduction, must be 
once more repeated. 

commentary ; especially as the discrepancies are 
noticed by Rawlinson. On the other hand, 
some effort has been made to clear up the con- 
fusion in the lists of proper names. There 
remains a mine to be worked out, even in the 
corrupted forms of the Vulgate. 

St. Paul's School, 
Dec. list, 1885. 

J. H. L. 



cir. 623. 

I ybsi'as his charge to the priests and Lezntcs. 

7 A great passovcr is kept. 32 His death is 

mtich lamented. 34 His successors. 53 Tlie 

tcfnple, city, and people are destroyed. 56 

The rest are carried zinto Babylon. 

" 3 Kings A ND Josias held the " feast of the 
2^Chr." 35. Ix. passover in Jerusalem unto his 
^' ^'^- Lord, and offered the passover the 

fourteenth day of the first month ; 
2 Having set the priests according 

to their daily courses, being arrayed 

in Ions: trarmcnts, in the temple of B.C. 

*U T J cir. 623. 

the Lord. 

3 And he spake unto the Levites, 
the holy ministers of Israel, that they 
should hallow themselves unto the 
Lord, to set the holy ark of the Lord 
in the house that king Solomon the 
son of David had built : 

4 And said.. Ye shall no more bear 
the ark upon your shoulders : now 
therefore serve the Lord your God, 
and minister unto his people Israel, 


1. And Josias.'] The abruptness of the 
beginning is to be noticed ; about which more 
has been said in the Introduction. But the 
reader need not infer, from the first word 
" and," that anything is deficient at the begin- 
ning of this section of the history. The 
particle so rendered is one of the most 
frequent occurrence in Septuagint Greelv, and 
used with many shades of connecting force. 
In its simplest meaning it is seen at the begin- 
ning of each of theoii'. 7-13 of this chapter; 
but it is equally present, though disguised 
under other renderings, at the beginning of 
each of the "vv. 15-20. 

held the feast of the passover.'] A brief 
account of this is given in 2 Kings xxiii. 21-23, 
and a much fuller one in 2 Chron. xxxv. 1-19, 
to which the present one runs parallel. The 
words "feast of the" are unnecessary; "kept 
the passover" (as in the Geneva Version) 
being an exact rendering of the Greek. For 
the use of ('{yeiv (= tvou'lu in the LXX.) 
comp. Hdt. i. 147. As the word " pass- 
over" may be used of the paschal victim, as 
well as of the feast, it is also said to be 
" offered " (lit. " sacrihced ") in the present 

of the frst mo72th.] I.e. of Nisan : see 
Ex. xii. 6. This passover was held in B.C. 623, 
being the iSth year of the reign of Josiah, 
who succeeded his father Amon in 641. 

2. daily courses.] For the institution of 

these by David, see i Chron. xxiii. 6 ; and, 
for their liability to derangement when the 
Temple service was interrupted, the note on 
2 Chron. xxxi. 2. The same word, e^Tj^epiay 
is rendered "ordinary service" in v. 16 

arrayed in lone; garments^ Or, more 
simply, " robed," ia-ToKia-ixivov^. The same 
word in v. 59 and vii. 9 is rendered "arrayed 
in their vestments." 

3. the holy ministers^ Ratlier, "as holy 
ministers," or ministers of the Temple ; there 
being no article in the Greek. Elsewhere, 
as in v. 29, 35, the word (J.(p6hov\oO is used 
in its more restricted sense to express the 
Nethinim, or servants of the Levites (Ezra 
viii. 20), whose position appears to have 
somewhat risen after the Captivity. 

to set.] Lit. " in the setting of," &c. It is 
not clear whether we are to understand that 
the ark of the covenant had been removed 
from the Temple (by the act of the late king, 
or otherwise), or whether we are to suppose 
that it had become the custom to carry it 
about in procession. In either case, it was 
now to be stationary. See Reuss on 2 Chron. 
xxxv. 3 ; and comp. i Chron. xv. 2. 

4. prepare you^ So in 2 Chron. xxxv. 4, 
" prepare joz/rjf/i'f J." But the Geneva Version 
was probably right in rendering the word by 
" prepare " alone {i.e. the Passover), as in 
Matt. XX vi. 17, 19, where the same word 
iroLiiu^fLv, " make ready," is used. 

V. 5 lo.] 



B. C. 
cir. 623. 

and prepare you after your families 
and kindreds, 

5 According as David the king of 
Israel prescribed, and according to 
the mas-nificence of Solomon his son : 
and standing in the temple accordmg 
to the several dignity of the families 
of you the Levites, vt^ho minister in 
the presence of your brethren the 
children of Israel, 

6 Offer the passover in order, and 
make ready the sacrifices for your 
brethren, and keep the passover ac- 
cording to the commandment of the 
Lord, w^hich was given unto Moses. 

7 And unto the people that w^as 
found there Josias gave thirty thou- 

sand lambs and kids', and three thou- b. c. 
sand calves : these things w^ere o-iven '^' 

of the king's allowance, according as 
he promised, to the people, to the 
priests, and to the Levites. 

8 And Helkias, Zacharias, and 

" Syelus, the governors of the temple, '' O'".. 
gave to the priests for the passover 2 chrJn. 
two thousand and six hundred sheep, ^^' ^' 
and three hundred calves. 

9 And Jeconias, and Samaias, and 
Nathanael his brother, and Assabias, 
and Ochiel, and Joram, captains over 
thousands, gave to the Levites for the 
passover five thousand sheep, and )2!i^^* 
" seven hundred calves. cahjes, 

10 And when these things were 35. 9. 

families and kindreds.'] Rather, "families 
and tribes." The " family," or " house," 
Trarpta, had a wider signification than with 
us. Comp. Tobit i. 8, where it is rendered 
" kindred ;" and see the art. GENEALOGY in 
the ' Diet, of the Bible.' 

5. as David . . . prescribed.'] More lite- 
rally, "according to the writing of David," 
&c., nearly as in the Geneva Version. So in 
2 Chron. xxx. 4, where there is the noticeable 
variation, " and according to the luriting of 
Solomon his son," instead of, as here, "ac- 
cording to the magnificence" The phrase in 
the LXX. is there 6ta ;^;fipoy 2., instead of 
Koxa Tr]v ypa<pr]v, but the change was probably 
due to a wish on the part of the later writer 
to convey the idea of greater magnificence. 
To the minds of Israelites in later generations, 
r.s Fritzsche remarks, comparing Matt. vi. 29, 
Solomon was the very ideal of splendour. 

and standing.] A fresh sentence should 
begin here, as in 2 Chron. xxxv. 5. 

the several dignity, h'c^ The Greek is 
Kara Tt)v fxepidnp^iav ttjv TrarpiKrjv vp-av. In 
I Mace. X. 65 the word fjLepiSdpxrjs is used to 
express the office to which Johanan was 
raised, rendered in the margin of our version 
"governor of a province." But here the ex- 
pression seems rather to mean " according 
to the several family headships of you the 
Levites," agreeably with the LXX. in 2 Chron. 
xxxv. 4, Kara ras 8taipeaeis o'lKcov narptcov vpuiv. 

6. in order.] These two words, according to 
F., should be coupled with the previous verse. 

7. that ivas found there.] That is, " who 
were present;" so rendered in v. 19. Evpe- 
Bqvai in this usage is much like the French 
se trouver. Comp. Winer, P. iii. s. Ixv. 8, and 
Reuss's translation of the parallel expression 
in 2 Chron., "qui se trouvaient la." 

Aj)oc. Vol. I. 

of the king's alloivance.] Rather, " of the 
royal treasury," or "royal stores." So F., 
who compares TO /3ao-tXtKoi/ in i Mace. xiii. 15. 

8. Helkias, (iss'c] This Helkias, or Hilchiah, 
was probably the High-priest of Josiah's reign, 
who found the Book of the Law (2 Kings xxii. 
8). Zacharias is thought by R. to have been 
the " second priest " (an office mentioned in 
2 Kings XXV. 18); while Syelus, or Jehiel, 
may be identical with the Jeiel (2 Chron. 
xxxv. 9) or Ochiel (infra, v. 9), a chief of the 
Levites. The variations in his name are 
traceable to the different equivalents given in 

MSS. of the LXX. to the Hebrew 'px^n^, as 
'O^t^Xoy, 'OxirjXos, 'Ho-u^Xoy, and the like. 

governors of the temple.] If the term is 
here used in a general sense, we may under- 
stand it to include all the three just mentioned. 
But F. takes it to refer only to the two latter, 
Helkias, as High-priest, being separate. The 
office would seem to answer to that of the 
Tvpoa-TaTT^s Tov Upov in 2 Macc. iii. 4, with 
which may be compared the " captain of the 
temple" {o-rpaT-qyos tov Upov) of the Acts 
iv. I ; cf. St. Luke xxii. 4. 

9. Jeconias, (b'c] The names here given 
will be easily identified with those in 2 Chron. 
xxxv. 8. For the abbreviation of Jeconiah to 
Coniah (whence Conaniah), see Jerem. xxii. 
24, and the art. Hananiah (8) in 'Diet, of 
the Bible.' The only material change is the 
substitution of Joram for Jozabad. 

captains over thousands.] Gk. ;^iXtap;^oj, 
rendered in Acts xxi. 31 (in the singular) 
" chief captain." As a military term it was 
equivalent to the Roman tr'tbunus militum, or 
commander of one-sixth of a legion, but here 
it is transferred to the officers of the Temple 
guard. ^ 




1. ESDRAS. I. 

[v. II 1 6. 

B. C. 
cir. 623. 

* 2 Chron. 
3S. 12, and 
so of t lie 

" Exod. 

II Or, wt'l/t 
good speed, 
or, -will- 
2 Chron. 
35- 13- 

done, the priests and Levites, having 
the unleavened bread, stood in very 
comely order according to the kin- 

11 And according to the several 
dignities of the fathers, before the 
people, to offer to the Lord, as it is 
w^ritten in the book of Moses : * and 
thus did they in the morning. 

12 And they "^roasted the passover 
w^ith fire, as appertaineth : as for the 
sacrifices, they sod them in brass pots 
and pans " vi^ith a good savour, 

13 And set them before all the 

people : and afterward they prepared R- C. 

i- \ 1 J r ', ^ ^. cir. 623. 

tor themselves, and lor the priests 
their brethren, the sons of Aaron. 

14 For the priests offered the fat 
until night : and the Levites prepared 
for themselves, and the priests their 
brethren, the sons of Aaron. 

15 The holy singers also, the sons 
of Asaph, were in their order, accord- 
ing to the appointment "^ of David, to '' => chron. 
wit, Asaph, Zacharias, and Jeduthun, vavikana 
who was ^ of the king's retinue. ^ "'^'^' 

16 Moreover the porters were at 35. 15, /^' 
every gate ; it was not lawful for any 


10. in 'very comely order ^ The word 
"very" is not needed to render finrpeTras. 
The inconvenient division of w. 10 and 11 
will be noticed. 

11. t/?e several dignities^] ras fiepibapx^as, 
on which see note on -z^. 5. 

and thus did they in the morning.'] The 
marginal reading "and so of the bullocks" is 
what is found in the Geneva Version at the 
parallel passage in 2 Chron., where the A. V. 
has " and so did they with the oxen." Since 
the same expression as is here used, to 
Tvpativov, is found in v. 50, in connection with 
oXoKavTcofia, it would be most natural to 
understand it so here. The sense would then 
be: "and thus they performed (or offered) 
the morning sacrifice." 

12. as appertaineth.'] Rather, " as is fitting," 
(OS Ka6r]Kfi. 

brass pots.] The " brasen vessels " of 
Mark vii. 4. 

(with a good savour.] p.(T evcoBlas. The 
marginal reading " with good speed" suggests 
a variant /xer' evoBias, which it might be 
thought the author of the book would have 
i:sed in preference, as more nearly correspond- 
ing to the expression in 2 Chron. xxxv. 12. Is 
is possible that fvo)8ias was due to a mis- 
understanding of the evoobcadr] there, evo86co 
being confused with ei'coS/o) ? But comp. 
Eph. V. 2. It is noticeable that a like varia- 
tion is found in the spelling of the name 
Euodia in Phil. iv. 2. 

14. offered^ <^r.] More exactly: "for the 
priests were offering . . . till late at night " (ewj 
acoptaj). That the priests were thus busied 
in offering the parts of the different victiniis 
to be consumed {ra a-Tiara, pi.) is given as the 
reason why the Levites sliould make pre- 
paration for them. This is clearly brought 
out in 2 Chron. xxxv. 14. 

15. holy singers.] iepo\/^dATat ; that is, those 
of the Levites appointed to conduct the 

musical portion of the service. The meaning 
of the parallel passage in 2 Chron. xxxv. 15 is 
clear ; namely, that the singing-men took their 
station according to the directions left by 
David, and by his three choir-masters, Asaph, 
Heman, and Jeduthun. But in the LXX., 
there as well as in the present passage, the 
three names last mentioned are in the nomi- 
native case, implying that they were the 
Levites present. In that case, of course, we 
must understand representatives of the three 
musicians so called to be meant. Moreover, 
instead of Heman, we have in the text 
Zacharias, and instead of Jeduthun, Eddinus ; 
for such is the reading of the Greek. The 
identity of 'E88ivovs with 'iSt^w/x or 'ldi.6ow is 
not far to seek. Why Zacharias should have 
been introduced instead of Heman, is, as F. 
admits, difficult to say. In i Chron. xv. 18 
there is mention of one Zechariah, as a singer 
" of the second degree," and there is some 
difficulty connected with the name there also, 
as it is followed by " Ben," standing alone as 
a proper name, but plainly requiring to be 
rendered "son of" some one whose name 
has dropped out, unless the " Ben " itself 
should be omitted. See Reuss there ; and, for 
the identity of Jeduthun with Ethan, Lord 
Arthur Hervey in ' Diet, of the Bible,' art. 

luho nvas of the king's retinue^ 6 irapa tov 
l3amXf(os (Aid.), for which F. has ot napd, 
referring to them all. The phrase may be 
explained by comparison of i Mace. xvi. 16 
and similar passages ; but, if we observe that 
the LXX. of 2 Chron. xxxv. 15 has oi 
7rpo<t)rJTat tov /3., we may be led to suspect the 
word napa to be corrupt. By "seer" in the 
parallel passage no more need be meant than 
professional adviser. 

16. porters.] Or, doorkeepers : see i Chron. 
xxvi. 1 4-1 8. 

ordinary service.] See note on " daily 
courses," v. 2. 

V. 17 2 6.] 



B. c. to go from his ordinary service : for 
cir^s- ^j^gjj. bj-gti^j-en the Levites prepared 
for them. 

17 Thus were the things that be- 
longed to the sacrifices of the Lord 
accomplished in that day, that they 
might hold the passover, 

18 And offer sacrifices upon the 
altar of the Lord, according to the 
commandment of king Josias. 

19 So the children of Israel which 
were present held the passover at that 
time, and the feast of sweet bread 
seven days. 

20 And such a passover was not 
kept in Israel since the time of the 
prophet Samuel. 

21 Yea, all the kings of Israel 
held not such a passover as Josias, 
and the priests, and the Levites, 
and the Jews, held with all Israel 

that were found dwelling at Jeru- b. c. 

1 cir. 623. 


22 In the eighteenth year of the 
reign of Josias was this passover kept. 

23 And the works of Josias were 
upright before his Lord with an heart 
full of godliness. 

24 As for the things that came to 
pass in his time, they were written in 
former times, concerning those that 
sinned, and " did wickedly against the u Or, were 
Lord above all people and kingdoms, ""^^ ''' 
and how they grieved him " exceed- n Or, .wi- 
ingly, so that the words of the Lord " ^' 
rose up against Israel. 

25 H/ Now after all these acts of./'aChron. 
Josias it came to pass, that Pharaoh ^^'. '' 

11- r T- r ' . cir. 610. 

the kmg or -tgypt came to raise war 
at Carchamis upon Euphrates : and 
Josias went out against him. 

26 But the king of Egypt sent to 

for their brethren, (fc-V.] This gives the 
reason why there was no need for them to 
leave their posts. The other Levites prepared 
the paschal meal for them to eat. 

17. that they might hold^ Rather, " should 
be held;" and, in the next verse, "that the 
sacrifices should be brought;" the verbs in 
both places being passive. 

19. s^eet bread.l An unusual expression 
for " unleavened bread," found also in Cran- 
mer's Bible. Compare James iii. ii, 12, 
where the same word y\vKv is rendered 
"sweet" and "fresh." 

20. such a passo'ver.'] For the points in 
which it surpassed all earlier ones since the 
establishment of the kingdom, see R.'s note 
on 2 Kings xxiii. 22. 

21. avith all Israel.'] The word " Israel" 
is here used in a more limited sense than in 
the clauses immediately preceding. 

23. ^nd the ivorks.'] This verse and the 
next contain an addition to the account as it 
is in 2 Chron., apparently meant to make the 
transition less abrupt to the very different 
scenes about to be described. 

24. the things that came to pass in his 
time.] Rather, " the events concerning him," 
ra Kar avruv. 

exceedingly.] The Greek is eV alcrdrjafi, 
which will explain the marginal reading, 
" sensibly." If the reading be genuine, it is 
a difficult one, and seems to mean " in fiis 
feelings ;" that is, " to the heart." So Wahl : 

" Wie sie ihn in seinem Gefilhle gekrankt 
haben." The Geneva Version has " with 
sensible things," and, in the margin, an ex- 
planation of this : " by worshipping sensible 
creatures." Comp. Ezek. viii. 10. But this 
would be a forced interpretation. 

rose up.] This expression is more than 
a mere metaphor, like " lifted up his voice," 
"took up his parable," &c. A personal 
agency is ascribed to the word of the Lord, 
as to the ancient Bir^. F. compares i Ki. 
xiii. 2, and 2 Ki. xxiii. 16. 

25. after all these acts.] How long after 
is not said; but the date is fixed at 608 B.C. 
See R.'s note on 2 Chron. xxxv. 20. The 
Pharaoh here spoken of was Pharaoh-Necho 
(NfKco? in Hdt. ii. 158), said by the Greek 
historian to be son of Psammetichus I., 
who had at this period newly ascended the 
throne. Herodotus mentions an engagement 
of this Necho with the " Syrians " at " Mag- 
dolus " (Megiddo ?), adding that after the 
battle he took a great city of Syria named 
Cadytis, thought by some to denote Jeru- 
salem itself, by others Gaza. In his passage 
along the coast of Palestine to seize the fords 
of the Euphrates at Carchemish, he was 
encountered by Josiah. Carchemish is iden- 
tified by Reuss and Fritzsche with the 
Circesium, or Circusium of the Greeks, 
which stood at the junction of the Khabour 
with the Euphrates. But Rawlinson has 
shewn good reason for believing it to have 
stood much higher up, near the site of the 
later Hierapolis. 

C 2 



[v. 2733. 

?.. c. him, saying, What have I to do with 
'^'l ^' thee, O king of Judea ? 

27 I am not sent out from the 
Lord God against thee ; for my war is 
upon Euphrates : and now the Lord 
is with me, yea, the Lord is with 
me hasting me forward : depart from 
me, and be not against the Lord. 

28 Howbeit Josias did not turn 
back his chariot from him, but under- 
took to fight with him, not regarding 
the words of the prophet Jeremy 
spoken by the mouth of the Lord : 

29 But joined battle with him in 
the plain of Magiddo, and the princes 
came against king Josias. 

30 Then said the king unto his 
servants. Carry me away out of the 
battle J for I am very weak. And 

immediately his servants took him 
away out of the battle. 

3 1 Then gat he up upon his second 
chariot ; and being brought back to 
Jerusalem died, and was buried in his 
father's sepulchre. 

32 And in all Jewry they mourned 
for Josias, yea, Jeremy the prophet 
lamented for Josias, and the chief 
men with the women made lamen- 
tation for him unto this day : and 
this was given out for an ordinance 
to be done continually in all the 
nation of Israel. 

33 These things are written in the 
book of the stories of the king-s of 
Judah, and every one of the acts that 
Josias did, and his glory, and his 
understanding in the law of the Lord, 




27. tbee.'] The word is emphatical. " Ce 
n'est pas a toi," &c. (Reuss). The religious 
tone of the utterances ascribed to the Egyptian 
king is noticeable. Compare the words of the 
Assyrian Rabshakeh in 2 Kings xviii. 25. 

28. did not turn back bis chariot from him?\ 
The Greek is literally : " and Josias did not 
turn himself away to his chariot ;" which, taken 
in connection with what is said about " his 
second chariot" in -y. 31, seems to imply that 
the king would not be induced to return 
to his travelling chariot, and give up the 

the prophet Jeremy?^ In the parallel pas- 
sage of 2 Chron. the expression is that 
Josiah would not hearken to the words of 
Necho from the mouth of the Lord. And 
though in the prophecy of Jeremiah there 
may be references to this defeat (as in xv. 
7-9), yet there is nothing, as F. points out, 
which can be construed as a dissuasion from 
the encounter. 

29. Magiddo:\ The " plain of Megiddo " 
mentioned here is in keeping with the " valley 
of Megiddo " spoken of in 2 Chron. It would 
seem that the Egyptians, marching northwards 
along the coast, had turned oft" at Mount Car- 
mel into the plain of Esdraelon, the great battle- 
field of Palestine, and been met by Josiah at 
the pass of Megiddo, the modern el-Lejjun. 

the princes.'] Rather, " the leaders," ol 
("ipxovTes. In I Mace. ix. 37, where also a 
military force is spoken of, the word is 
rendered " governors." For the expression 
"came against," more literally "came down 
against," comp. Judith xiv. 13. For some 
reason, the author has here diverged from the 
account in 2 Chron. (found in the LXX. as 

well as the Hebrew), " the archers shot at 
king Josiah." 

30. / am very weak.'] Rather, " I am 
grown weak" {j^a-Bevrja-ii), or "I have lost 
strength." It is not here expressly stated that 
Josiah was wounded, but this is implied in 
what follows. 

31. his second chariot.] The word rendered 
" second," SevTeptov, is late, and rarely found. 
In the LXX. it is SfvTepevov. The chariot in 
question seems to have been the one for 
travelling (see note on -v. 28), waiting in 
attendance while the king was engaged in the 
combat in his war-chariot (2 Chron. xxxv. 24). 

died.] There is no real contradiction 
between this and 2 Kings xxiii. 30. See R.'s 
note there, and comp. 2 Kings xxii. 20. 

32. Jeremy the prophet.] Josephus (' An- 
tiqq.'x. 5. i) states that Jeremiah composed a 
funeral dirge for Josiah, which was still extant, 
6 Koi p-expi vvv diafievet. But the Book of 
Lamentations, as we have it, does not contain 
anything that could properly be so described. 

33. the book of the stories.] In 2 Chron. 
xiii. 22 we have a mention of "the story of 
the prophet Iddo ;" but the word there used, 
Midrash, is rather " interpretation," or " com- 
mentary," as in the margin. It might be 
reasonably thought that the Second Book of 
Chronicles was here referred to, and the 
Second Book of Kings in the latter part of 
the verse. But if so, the writer's language is 
vague. In -y. 42 he speaks of the " chronicles 
of the kings" (eV rfj /3t'/3Xcj ra>v ;(^poi'a)i'), 
while here the expression is eV rfj ^i,SKco twv 
IcTTopovp-ivoiv TTepl K. T. X. Thc work so often 
referred to as an authority in the Books of 
Kings themselves, as " The Book of the 

V. 3442.] 



B. c. and the things that he had done 
cir^o. ^gf^j.^^ ^j^^ jl^g things now recited, 

are reported in the booic of the kings 

of Israel and Judea. 
dr. 610. 34 s And the people took Joachaz 
2 Kings the son of Josias, and made him king 
^Chron. instead of Josias his father, when he 
^' ' was twenty and three years old. 

35 And he reigned in Judea and in 
Jerusalem three months : and then 
the king of Egypt deposed him from 
reigning in Jerusalem. 

36 And he set a tax upon the land 
of an hundred talents of silver and 
one talent of gold. 

37 The king of Egypt also made 
king Joacim his brother king of 
Judea and Jerusalem. 

38 And he bound Joacim and the 

nobles : but Zaraces his brother he b. c. 
apprehended, and brought him out of "LJ' 

39 Five and twenty years old was cir. 610. 
''^Joacim when he was made king in ''^Chron. 
the land of Judea and Jerusalem ; ^e/^ia. 
and he did evil before the Lord. "iikkln. 

40 Wherefore against him Nabu- cir. 606. 
chodonosor the king of Babylon came 

up, and bound him with a chain of 
brass, and carried him into Babylon. 

41 Nabuchodonosor also took of 
the holy vessels of the Lord, and 
carried them away, and set them in 
his own temple at Babylon. 

42 But those things that are re- 
corded of him, and of his uncleanness 
and impiety, are written in the 
chronicles of the kings. 

Chronicles of the Kings of Judah," or " of 
Israel" (i Kings xiv. 29, xv. 7; 2 Kings x. 
34, &c.), is in all those places uniformly 
described in the LXX. as the Book \6ya>v 

nonv recited?^ The word " recited " should 
be in Italics. A closer rendering would be, 
" and the things done now." 

34. Joacha%^ This is the reading of the 
Aldine, agreeably with the Hebrew ; but the 
best Greek text has ^If^^ovlav. The Vulgate 
has also " Jechonias," and this form is pre- 
served in Matt. i. 11. The error probably 
arose from a misreading of the Hebrew name, 
such as has caused frequent confusion be- 
tween Jehoiakim ('Iwa^e'V) "^^d Jehoiachin 
('IcuaKfi/x). See Lord Arthur Hervey's art. 
Jehoiachin in ' Diet, of the Bible.' Jehoahaz 
(^or Shallum, as he is called in Jer. xxii. 11) 
was the younger brother of Eliakim or 
Jehoiakim. For his short reign of three 
months, see R. on 2 Kings xxiii. 30. 

37. king?^ This word seems unnecessarily 
repeated before Joacim ; but it is found in 
the Greek. Jehoiakim's age at his accession 
is given below, -z^. 39 ; and by a comparison 
of it with 'V. 34 we see that he was older than 
his half-brother and predecessor Jehoahaz. 

38. The statements in this verse seem 
hopelessly confused. There is no authority 
for "and" before "the nobles." Indeed 
there would be no sense in saying that the 
king of Egypt " bound " the king whom he 
had just placed on the throne. The literal 
rendering of the passage is : " and Joakim 
bound the nobles, but Zaraces his brother he 
apprehended," &c. If this be right, the re- 
ference must be to some despotic proceedings 

of which we have no other account. The 
alteration of Zedekiah (who was the king's 
half-brother, being own brother to Jehoahaz) 
to Zaraces is not inexplicable, when we think 
of the resemblance of T to "1 ; but a com- 
parison of the statement in 2 Ghron. xxxvi. 4, 
" and Necho took Jehoahaz his brother, and 
carried him to Egypt," makes us suspect 
some corruption of the text. The reading of 
the Vulgate suggests a possible explanation : 
et all'igavit mag'tstratus loacim, et Zaracelem 
fratrem suum, et apprehendens reduxit in 
Aegyptum. That Necho should take the own 
brother of the deposed king, and his chief 
nobles, as hostages into Egypt, would be 
natural enough ; and there is nothing to 
forbid our taking 'Iwaxt/i as genitive, though 
the position would be unusual. But we 
should be compelled to read eh Kiyvmov in 
place of 6^ AtyvTTTou, a change for which 
there is not authority. The Geneva Version 
makes sense, at the expense of the text, by 
rendering " he bound Joachaz and his gover- 
nours." Josephus, following the Hebrew, 
throws no light on the subject. 

41. in his o^n temple^ Compare the ex- 
pression " the house of his god," used of 
Nebuchadnezzar in Dan. i. 2 ; where also the 
mention of "-part of the vessels of the house 
of God " as being carried away will illustrate 
the language here. For the special devotion 
of this king to Bel-Merodach, the Babylonian 
Mars, see R.'s note on 2 Chron. xxxvi. 7. 
That this incident should be mentioned in 
Chronicles, but not in Kings, accords with 
the theory of Jeremiah being the compiler of 
the latter (or its later portion), and Daniel of 
the former. See also the note on ii. 10. 

42. Comp. 2 Chron. xxxvi. 8, 



[v. 4354. 


cir, 599. 


Jer. 52 
:, S:c. 


43 And Joacim his son reigned in 
his stead : he was made king being 
eighteen years old ; 

44 And reigned but three months 
and ten days in Jerusalem ; and did 
evil before the Lord. 

45 So after a year Nabuchodonosor 
sent and caused him to be brought 
into Babylon with the holy vessels of 
the Lord ; 

46 And made Zedechias king of 
Judea and Jerusalem, when he was 
one and twenty years old ; and he 
reigned eleven years : 

47 And ^ he did evil also in the 
sight of the Lord, and cared not for 
the words that were spoken unto him 
by the prophet Jeremy from the 
mouth of the Lord. 

48 And after that king Nabucho- 
donosor had made him to swear by 
the name of the Lord, he forswore 
himself, and rebelled ; and hardening 
his neck, and his heart, he trans- 
gressed the laws of the Lord God of 

49 The governors also of the 
people and of the priests did many 

things against the laws, and passed b. c. 
all the pollutions of all nations, and *^'!li?^* 
defiled the temple of the Lord, which 
was sanctified in Jerusalem. 

50 Nevertheless the God of their 
fathers sent by his messenger to call 
them back, because he spared them 
and his tabernacle also. 

51 But they had his messengers 
in derision ; and, look, when the 
Lord spake unto them, they made 
a sport of his prophets : 

52 So far forth, that he, being 
wroth with his people for their great 
ungodliness, commanded the kings 
of the Chaldees to come up against 
them ; 

53 Who slew their young men 
with the sword, yea, even within the 
compass of their holy temple, and 
spared neither young man nor maid, 
old man nor child, among them j 
for he delivered all into their hands. 

54 And they took all the holy 
vessels of the Lord, both great and 
small, with the vessels of the ark 
of God, and the king's treasures, and 
carried them away into Babylon. 

43. Joacim.'] Called in the A. V. of 
2 Chron. Jehoiachin. The age here assigned 
him agrees with 2 Kings xxiv. 8, and is more 
probable than the eight years of 2 Chron. 
xxxvi. 9. 

45. So after a year?\ That is, from the 
expedition referred to in -y. 40. 

the holy vessels.] That is, such as were 
left after the partial spoliation related in 
-v. 41. The final clearance is mentioned in 
-v. 54- 

46. Zedechias.] The writer avoids the 
apparent error of calling him the late king's 
brother, as is done in 2 Chron. xxxvi. 11. 
Being the son of Josiah and Hamutal, he was 
uncle to Jehoiachin. His timid, vacillating 
character is well described by Mr. W. A. 
Wright in his article in 'Diet, of the Bible,' 
iii. p. 1834. 

47. cared for.] ivfTpairt} ano. The con- 
struction seems worth citing as throwing 
light on the classical evrpeTreadal tlvos, which 
cannot surely mean "to turn to^-ards a 
person " (as explained in Liddell and Scott), 
but rather " to turn in upon oneself /row," as 
a snail drawing in its horns, and so " to 
stand in awe of," " reverence." 

Jeremj.] Jer. xxi. 3-7, and many later 
passages, would apply here. 

49. of the priests.] That is, the chief of 
the priests, a suitable word having to be sup- 
plied from " governors." For the general 
subject, see 2 Chron. xxxvi. 14, and the note 
on "v. 24 above, in connection with Ezek. 
viii. 10-16. 

50. messenger.] In 2 Chron. the word is 
plural, " messengers ; " that is, the prophets. 
If any stress is here to be laid on the singular, 
we may suppose Jeremiah to have been 
meant. Comp. the next verse. 

52. to come up, <b'c.] Rather, " to bring 
up against them the kings," Sec. ; the verb 
dva^i^dcrai being transitive. 

54. the 'vessels of the ark.] This is the 
reading of the Aldine, ra crKev-q kijBoitov. But 
the best text has kul rds kijScotoiis, " and the 
arks," or chests, explained by F. to be trea- 
sure-chests. It is against this view that, 
although the word may have this meaning in 
other Greek authors (as in the passage of 
Suidas quoted by F.), in biblical Greek it 
appears to be used only for the ark of the 
Covenant, and for Noah's ark (for which the 
Hebrew terms are not the same). The word 

55 3-] 



B. c. 55 As for the house of the Lord, 

^^jJ- ' they burnt it, and brake down the 
walls of Jerusalem, and set fire upon 
her towers : 

56 And as for her glorious things, 
they never ceased till they had consumed 
and brought them all to nought : and 
the people that were not slain with 
the sword he carried unto Babylon : 

57 Who became servants to him 
and his children, till the Persians 

jer. 25. reigned, to fulfil the ^ word of 
'^' the Lord spoken by the mouth of 
Jeremy : 

58 Until the land had enjoyed her 
sabbaths, the whole time of her deso- 

I Or, keep lation shall she " rest, until the full 

tabbath. ^ ' 

term or seventy years. 


cir. 536. 


I Cyrus is moved by God to build the temple, 
5 and giveth leave to the Jeivs to ^-etiirn, and 
contribute to it. II He delivereth again the 
vessels zvhich had been taken the?ice. 25 Ar- 
taxerxes forbiddeth the Jews to build any 

IN the '^ first year of Cyrus king cir. 536. 
of the Persians, that the word "/ ^hron. 
t '30. 22 2 "X. 

of the Lord might be accomplished, Ezra 1. 1, 
that he had promised by the mouth 
of Jeremy ; 

2 The Lord raised up the spirit of 
Cyrus the king of the Persians, and 
he made proclamation through all 
his kingdom, and also by writing, 

3 Saying, Thus saith Cyrus king 
of the Persians ; The Lord of Israel, 

used in the LXX. for the ark in which Moses 
was laid, is QlQi^. 

56. And as for, <b^c7\ The English here is 
somewhat free, for "they finished the work 
of destroying her glorious things." There 
may, however, be an imitation of a Hebrew 
use of the infinitive in the phrase crvvfreXecrai/ 
axpeiaaui, on which see VVahl, s. v. 

slain with the sivord.'] The translator was 
perhaps influenced by the reading of the 
Aldine, airo pofjicpaias, which would suggest 
its being coupled with eTTiXoiTrovs. But the 
best reading is p.eTa pofKpaias, "with the 
sword ; " that is, " he led them away sword 
in hand" {das Schivert in der Hand, F.), as his 

58. It is not certain where the pause in 
the sense ought to be made. In the Hebrew 
(2 Ghron. xxxvi. 21) the words " until," &c. 
are coupled with what precedes. Then a 
fresh sentence would begin thus : " All the 
time of her desolation shall she rest, up to," 
8cc. If we are to take a year of captivity as 
representing the compensation for each sab- 
batical year of rest not enjoyed by the land, 
then, as Reuss points out, we should have to 
go back 490 years, or to the time of David, 
for the beginning of the period of neglect. 
But, as Dr. Bissell observes, " it is the theo- 
logical, not the chronological, idea that 


1. In the first year, (i^r.] The writer now 
passes to the restoration of the Jews in 5 3 8 B.C. 
Like the author of the Second Book of 
Chronicles, he is silent about all that inter- 
vened at Babylon. The abrupt ending of 
2 Ghron., /cat dvajirjTw, is linked on to what 
follows, in Ezra i. 3 and in v. 5 of the present 

chapter. The abruptness is not so notice- 
able in the A. V., but in reality, as Reuss 
observes (' Introd.' p. 10), the proclamation 
of Cyrus is broken off in the middle of a 
sentence. For the date, see Sayce's ' Introd. 
to the Books of Ezra, Nehemiah, and Esther' 
(1885), p. 19. By "first year" is meant the 
first year of his reign in Babylonia. 

that he had promised^ These words are 
not wanted. The Greek is literally : " for 
the fulfilment of the word of the Lord by 
the mouth of Jeremiah," nearly as it is in the 
Geneva Version. For the reference, see Jer. 
XXV. 12, 13 ; xxix. 10 

2. The Lord raised up.'] On the possible 
contact of Cyrus with Daniel at Babylon, 
and the knowledge he may have gained of 
Hebrew prophecies, see the note on Ezra i. i. 
Sayce (p. 17) gives reasons of worldly policy 
which may have influenced Cyrus: " Expe- 
rience had taught Cyrus the danger of allow- 
ing a disaffected people to live in the country 
of their conquerors. He therefore reversed 
the old policy of the Assyrian and Babylo- 
nian kings, which consisted in transporting 
the larger portion of a conquered population 
to another country, and sought instead to 
win their gratitude and affection by allowing 
them to return to their native land. He saw 
moreover that the Jews, if restored from 
exile, would not only protect the south- 
western corner of his empire from the 
Egyptians, but would form a base for his in- 
tended invasion of Egypt itself." 

6y writing.'] Lit. " by letters," or " des- 
patches," biCL ypaiTTwv, a rare word, found 
in 2 Mace. xi. 15. 

3. king of the Persians.] On the propriety 
of this title, see Sayce, ' Fresh Light from 



[v. 4- 


cir. 536. 

B Or, this. 

the most high Lord, hath made me 
king of the whole world, 

4 And commanded me to build 
him an house at Jerusalem in Jewry. 

5 If therefore there be any of you 
that are of his people, let the Lord, 
even his Lord, be with him, and let 
him go up to Jerusalem that is in 
Judea, and build the house of the 
Lord of Israel : for " he is the Lord 
that dwelleth in Jerusalem. 

6 Whosoever then dwell in the 
places about, let them help him, 
those, I say, that are his neighbours, 
with gold, and with silver, 

7 With gifts, with horses, and 
with cattle, and other things, which 
have been set forth by vow, for the 
temple of the Lord at Jerusalem. 

8 ^I Then the chief of the fami- 
lies of Judea and of the tribe of 
Benjamin stood up ; the priests also, 

and the Levltes, and all they whose 
mind the Lord had moved to go up, 
and to build an house for the Lord 
at Jerusalem, 

9 And they that dwelt round 
about them, and helped them in all 
things with silver and gold, with 
" horses and cattle, and with very 
many free gifts of a great number 
whose minds were stirred up thereto. 

10 King Cyrus also brought forth 
the holy vessels, which Nabuchodo- 
nosor had carried away from Jeru- 
salem, and had set up in his temple 
of idols. 

1 1 Now when Cyrus king of the 
Persians had brought them forth, he 
delivered them to Mithridates his 
treasurer : 

12 And by him they were de- 
livered to " Sanabassar the governor 
of Judea. 

B. c. 

cir. S36. 

il Heb. 
Ezra 1 . 6. 

I! Gr. 
the first 
part of i'lt 
word is 
joined to 
the word 
goine; be- 
Ezra I. 8. 

the ancient Monuments,' 1884, p. 153; and, 
for the religious tone of his proclamation, 
R.'s note on Ezra i. 2. 

4. Jewry?^ The fondness of the English 
translator for variety is shewn in the use of 
this word here, and of " Judea" in the next 
verse. In the Geneva Version both were 
" Judea," as in the Greek. 

6. places.'] ronovs, " districts." The for- 
mation of the words rmrapx^s and rorrapxia 
seems to shew that the word was acquiring 
something of a precise and technical meaning. 
A closer translation would be : " As many 
therefore as dwell in the districts, let them 
that are in his district help him," &c. 

7. horses.'] It is observable that in the 
parallel passage in Ezra there is no mention 
of horses as part of the gifts. The fame of 
the Assyrian horses at this time (comp. 
Hab. i. 8) would make them highly prized; 
and, as a matter of fact, we find the number 
of those brouj;htback, 736, carefully recorded 
in Neh. vii. 68. 

8. Judea.] This should be "Judah," 

stood up.] Both here, and in the LXX. of 
Ezra i. 5, there is the variation of KaTacrravTes, 
" standing up," for the better-established 
reading Karaa-Trjo-avrfs, " settling," or " re- 
solving ; " and in both the sentence is incom- 
plete. The A. V. makes the sense easy, by 
rendering it as a main verb. 

nvhose mind the Lord had moved.] This 
shews that the desire to return was not 
universal. Of the Levites, in particular, only 

seventy-four went back to their native 
country. Few would remember a land left 
68 years ago; and motives can readily be 
imagined that would make numbers prefer to 
stay where they were. 

9. free gifts.] fvxals, lit. " votive offer- 
ings." Comp. v. 7. 

10. the holy vessels.] There would be an 
obvious discrepancy between this statement 
and that in iv. 43 sqq., if we had to regard 
chs. iii., iv. as forming part, along with this, 
of a continuous historical account. See the 
Introd. III. The word rendered "set up" 
{aTT-qpt'iaaTo, "deposited ") is the same as was 
used in i. 41, and is found also in the Chisian 
MS. of Dan. i. 2. 

11. Mithridates.] Another of this name 
is mentioned in v. 16 below. As meaning 
" given by Mithra," the sun-god, it would be 
a natural one for Persians to bear. The 
name of the office borne by this Mithridates, 
yaCocpvXa^, or treasurer, explains the curious 
addition offlius Gazabar in the Vulgate, and 
of Ya(T^apr)v6s in the LXX. of Ezra i. 8. In 
each case it is simply a misinterpretation of 
the Hebrew gizbdr., or treasurer. See the 
art. MiTHREDATH in 'Diet, of the Bible.' 

12. Sanabassar ^, The form of the name 
in the Geneva Version, " Abassar," will help 
to explain the marginal note in the A. V. 
about the wrong division of words. The 
Greelc is Trapf8u6r](Tav ^ava(3a(ranpcp, and it 
is suggested that the a-av has got redoubled. 
In the Aldine d^acraapco is in fact read. But 
the reading of the best MSS., ^aaa^aa-ap, 

V. 13 16.] 

I. ESDRAS. 11. 


B.C. 1 2 And this was the number of 

'"jJl ' them ; A thousand golden cups, and 

a thousand of silver, " censers of silver 

twenty nine, vials of gold thirty, and 

of silver * two thousand four hundred 

{/"ed^a^ and ten, and a thousand other vessels. 

ien. i^ So all the vessels of gold and 

of silver, which were carried away. 

Ezra I. 9 
* Ezra I. 
10, 6ui 

were <^ five thousand four hundred b. c. 
threescore and nme. __ 

15 These were brought back hy[^"^/- 
Sanabassar, together with them of the j^^"f'f"- 

. . r T- 1 1 T 1 sandfmir 

captivity, from iDabylon to Jerusalem, hundred. 

16 '^ But in the time of Arta- -^ Ezra 4. 
xerxes king of the Persians Belemus, ^' 
and Mithridates, and Tabellius, and 

or 'S.acra^aa-crap, agreeing with the Hebrew 
"l-V?tf'^, makes this improbable. The com- 
mon opinion that Sheshbazzar is a Baby- 
lonian name for Zerubbabel is attacked by 
De Saulcy, ' Etude chronologique des livres 
d'Esdras,' Sec, 1868, pp. 7, 12, on the ground 
that the difference of lists given in Ezra ii. and 
Neh. vii., together with the expression ^^ first 
returned " in v. 5 of the latter passage, makes 
it evident that there was an earlier convoi 
under Sheshbazzar. This argument does not 
carry much weight. See Ewald's ' Hist, of 
Israel' (tr. by Carpenter), vol. v, p. 87. 

go-vernorJ] Trpoa-rnTT]. His office seems to 
have been the same in rank as that afterwards 
held by Nehemiah ; namely, that of Pekhah, 
or ruler of a sub-district, under the satrap, or 
ruler of a province. The word " governor " 
is used in the A. V. to render many widely- 
different terms. See Sayce's ' Ezra/ Sec, 
p. 23 ; and Ewald, as above, p. 87 . 

13. It will be observed that the separate 
numbers in this passage make up the total 
of 5469 in v. 14; while those in the corre- 
sponding place of Ezra do not amount to half 
the total given. But it does not therefore 
follow that the later authority is right. Reuss 
suspects the words rendered " of a second 
sort" in Ezra i. 10. 

cups."] What these and the " censers " 
really were is difficult to determine, as the 
Hebrew words for each in Ezra are found 
nowhere else, while the rendering of the first 
in the LXX. is -^vKTrjpes, " coolers," and in 
this passage a-ivov^ela, " vessels for libation ;" 
and that of the second is in the LXX. TraprjX- 
\aypiva (= " plaited work," " baskets " ?), and 
here Gvta-Kai, " censers." The Vulgate athisca 
is probably only a corruption of thyisas, 
6vt<TKau Reuss renders the last, conjecturally, 
by encensoirs. 

16. At this point a fresh section begins, 
answering to Ezra iv. 7-24, and removed by 
an interval of time from what has gone 
before. To understand it at all, the sequence 
of events as given in Ezra iv. must be kept 
in mind. We there read that the work of 
building the temple was hindered, through 
the jealousy of adversaries, " all the days of 
Cyrus king of Persia, even until the reign of 
Darius king of Persia" (-u. 5). In the reign 
of" Ahasuerus" (-y. 6) a fresh letter of accu- 

sation is sent to the king. In the days of 
" Artaxerxes," another document, the contents 
of which are given at length {yv. 7-16), was 
forwarded on the same subject, and an answer 
from the king received; in consequence of 
which the Jews were forcibly " made to 
cease" {y. 23) from the work, as it appears, 
of rebuilding the city. Lastly, in t. 24 we 
are told : " Then ceased the work of the house 
of God which is at Jerusalem. So it ceased 
unto the second year of the reign of Darius 
king of Persia." 

To explain this, three theories present 
themselves, (i) Assuming the Darius first 
mentioned to be Darius Hystaspis (B.C. 521- 
485), we may suppose Ahasuerus to be his son 
and successor Xerxes (for the Persian form 
of the name see on Esther i. i), who reigned 
from 485 to 465; then Artaxerxes will be 
Longimanus (465-425), and the Darius at the 
end of the chapter will be Darius Nothus 
(425-405). The objection to this is that we 
should have to admit that Jeshua and Zerub- 
babel, who returned in 538, were still alive at 
the dedication of the Temple in the sixth year 
of this last king's reign ; which is not credible. 

(2) It is assumed that Ahasuerus (Ezra iv. 
6) is another name for Cambyses, the son 
and successor of Cyrus the Great (529-522), 
and Artaxerxes a name for the Pseudo-Smerdis 
(522) who usurped the throne for seven 
months after him. Thus the Darius of Ezra 
iv. 24 would be Darius Hystaspis, to whom 
the narrative which follows would properly 
apply. This is the supposition approved by 
Rawlinson, and in a qualified manner by 
Reuss. The names would then be considered 
to be dynastic. It is in favour of this that 
Josephus (' Antiqq.' xi. 2) makes the letter of 
Belsemus to be addressed to Cambyses. 

(3) It is supposed that all between "vv. 5 
and 24 in Ezra iv. is parenthetical ; the 
stoppage of work at the Temple up to the 
reign of Darius being related in 1;. 5, and its 
resumption in the second year of that king 
being again noticed in 1;. 24. In favour of 
this supposition is the fact, that all the inter- 
vening part relates to the building of the city, 
and so might be treated as a long parenthesis, 
and also that it requires no forced interpreta- 
tion of the proper names. This theory is 
adopted by Sayce. If it be the right view, 
then we must conclude that the writer of 



[v. 17 20. 


cir. 522. 

II Bahu- 
jnus, and 
the name 
loweth is 
but an epi- 
tliet to tlie 
Ezra 4. 9. 

Ezra 4. 8. 

" Rathumus, and Beeltethmus, and 
" Semellius the secretary, with others 
that were in commission with them, 
dwelhng in S:imaria and other places, 
wrote unto him against them that 
dwelt in Judea and Jerusalem these 
letters following ; 

17 To king Artaxerxes our lord, 
Thy servants, Rathumus the story- 
writer, and Semellius the scribe, 
and the rest of their council, and the 
judges that are in Celosyria and 

18 Be it now known to the lord 

the king, that the Jews that are come b. c. 
up from you to us, being come into '^"li!** 
Jerusalem, that rebellious and wicked 
city, do build the market-places, and 
repair the walls of it, and do lay the 
foundation of the temple. 

19 Now if this city and the walls 
thereof be made up again, they will 
not only refuse to give tribute, but 
also rebel against kings. 

20 And forasmuch as the things 
pertaining to the temple are now 
in hand, we think it meet not to 
neglect such a matter. 

I Esdras misunderstood his authorities, for 
in -y. 18 of the present chapter he includes 
the work at the Temple as part of the 
grievances alleged. 

16. Belemus, (b'c.'] There is some con- 
fusion in the proper names here, not made 
clearer by the marginal misprint of Bahumus 
for Rathumus. The parallel lists are as 
follows : 

In Ezra. In i Esdras. 

Bishlam. Belemus. 

Mithredath. Mithridates. 

Tabeel. Tabellius. 

Rehum. Rathumus. 

Shimshai. Beeltethmus. 


Of these, Bishlam does not appear in the 
LXX. of Ezra as a proper name, but we have 
instead eV elp^vj], " in peace." This looks as 
if the translator had been misled by the termi- 
nation of the name Q?tr'3, Bisheldm, and un- 

stood it as uh\ the Chaldee form of Di"?^, 
Shalom, " peace';" as if it had been the greeting 
at the beginning of a letter. Exactly m the 
same way, in Psalm lxxv.(-vi.) 2, we have 
in the LXX. iyfvi^Orj iv elprjVTi 6 tottos avTov 
for "at Salem is his tabernacle." But the 
form BljXeixos found in the present passage 
supports the view that a proper name is in- 
tended. Mithridates and Tabeel (= Tabeal, 
Isai. vii. 6) need no comment. The former 
is thought to have been satrap of SvTia, and 
the latter his secretary. Rathumus is a 
Grecised form of Rehum. Beeltethmus, as 
the marginal note implies, is not a proper 
name at all, but a title of Rehum, Be el-Te'em, 
"lord of judgment." In the Greek it is 
rendered by 6 ra npoa-nliTTOvTa (sc. ypdipun'), 
= " the chronicler" or " recorder." In v. 17 
the A. V. renders it " story-writer," discard- 
ing it as a proper name; but in i;. 25, by a 
strange confusion, due to the Aldine text, 
we have " Rathumus the story-writer," and 
Beeltethmus as a distinct person. Professor 

Sayce explains the title as signifying " lord of 
official intelligence," or "postmaster:" "the 
word M'em being the technical word used by 
the Assyrians and Babylonians to denote the 
regular reports forwarded to the king by his 
official correspondents abroad." " Shimshai," 
he adds, " ' he that belongs to the Sun-god,* 
was Rehum's secretary " (_' Ezra,' Sec, p. 25). 
that nvere in commission luith them^ oi 
TovTois (TvvTaaa-opfvoi, eorum college (Wahl), 
seems to answer to " the rest of their council " 
in the next verse. The geographical names 
of the various settlements, whose repre- 
sentatives combined in this despatch, are here 
omitted by the writer. 

17. and the judges^ koI Kpiral. These 
words are omitted in the Alexandrian MS., 
and F. thinks them due to a misunderstand- 
ing of the Hebrew word rendered " Dinaites," 
the first of the series of local names in Ezra 
iv. 9. But the expression rdSe iKpive 'Veovp. 
K. T. X. in the LXX. of Ezra is in favour of 
Kpirai in its ordinary sense. 

Celosyria.'] Properly, the plain lying between 
Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon. The name came 
into use after the time of Alexander the Great. 
See the art. Coele-Syria in 'Diet, of the 

18. that rebellious, (b'c^ According to F.'s 
punctuation of the Greek, the sense would 
be : " having come into Jerusalem, are building 
the rebellious and wicked city, are repairing 
both the market-places and the walls of it, 
and are laying," &c. 

19. Noiu if this city.l There seems little 
doubt that a word has slipped out here, and 
that it should be, " Now if this city be built, 
and the walls," &c. It is so in the Geneva 
Version, and the Greek requires it : iav ovv rj 
TTokis avrrj olKodopridj]. 

they ivill not only refuse.'] The Greek is 
simply " they will not endure," ov /ij) vtto- 


20. are norjj in hand.] ivepye'trai, "are 

V. 21- 




B. c. 21 But to speak unto our lord the 

' king, to the intent that, if it be thy 
pleasure, it may be sought out in the 
books of thy fathers : 

22 And thou shalt find in the 
chronicles what is written concern- 
ing these things, and shalt under- 
stand that that city was rebellious, 
troubling both kings and cities : 

23 And that the Jews were rebel- 
lious, and raised always wars therein ; 
for the which cause even this city 
was made desolate. 

24 Wherefore now we do declare 
unto thee, O lord the king, that if 
this city be built again, and the walls 
thereof set up anew, thou shalt from 
henceforth have no passage into Celo- 
syria and Phenice. 

25 Then the king wrote back 
again to Rathumus the storywriter, 
to Beeltethmus, to Semellius the 
scribe, and to the rest that were in 
commission, and dwellers in Samaria 

and Syria and Phenice, after this b. c. 
manner ; cir^a. 

26 I have read the epistle which 
ye have sent unto me : therefore I 
commanded to make diligent search, 
and it hath been found that that city 
was from the beginning practising 
against kings ; 

27 And the men therein were 
given to rebellion and war : and that 
mighty kings and fierce were in 
Jerusalem, who reigned and exacted 
tributes in Celosyria and Phenice. 

28 Now therefore I have com- 
manded to hinder those men from 
building the city, and heed to be 
taken that there be no more done in it j 

29 And that those wicked workers 
proceed no further to the annoyance 
of kings. 

30 Then king Artaxerxes his let- 
ters being read, Rathumus, and Semel- 
lius the scribe, and the rest that were 
in commission with them, removing 

being urged on." The word is the same as is 
rendered " had more force" in Wisd. xvi. 17. 
The Geneva Version has " goe forward." The 
writer here deviates from the sense of Ezra 
iv. 1 4, for which see the marginal note there. 

21. it may be sought out?^ Rather, " a 
search may be made," as in Ezra iv. 15. 
Comp. -y. 26 below. 

of thy fathers^ Rather, " which have come 
down from thy fathers," otto rwv Trarfpoov. 
What these were, may be understood from 
Esther ii. 23 ; vi. i. Such archives are called 
in the next verse vTrofxvrjfiaTta-fioi (v. 1. vno- 
IxvrmaTo), memorials, or state records. Comp. 
2 Mace. ii. 13, and the "book of remem- 
brance " of Mai. iii. 16. By " fathers " may be 
simply meant predecessors on the throne. 

23. and raised alivays (wars therein. 2 koI 
TToKiopKLas avvicTTdfifvoi iv avrfi '4tl e^ aloovos. 
The expression is peculiar ; lit. " and under- 
taking sieges in it continually for ever." 
Dr. Bissell explains it of the Jews causing 
themselves to be besieged, through their 
turbulent conduct. But this would be a 
forced meaning of a-wiaTcififvoi. It seems 
more natural to connect it with such military 
expeditions as are alluded to in 1;. 27. 

24. ie built again.'] Rather, " be built," 

no passage, (h'c.'j The motive for the 
king's intervention, as given in the Hebrew 
of Ezra iv. 16, is that he would otherwise 

" have no portion on this side the river," 
that is, west of the Euphrates ; in the LXX. 
" that he would not have peace ; " and here, 
that his passage into Palestine from the north 
would be barred. 

25. the storywriter.'] See note on -u. 16 
above. In Ezra iv. 1 7 it is '' Rehum the 
chancellor," but in the LXX. 'Peovfx BaXra/x. 

after this manner.] The Greek word 
implies that the letter is subjoined. In Ezra 
iv. 1 7 its formal superscription is given : 
" Peace, and at such a time ;" that is, " Peace, 
and so on." See R.'s note there. 

26. practising against.] Gk. ai/rt7rapara(r- 
a-ovva, "setting itself against." For the 
word in the A. V. comp. Shaksp. ' L. L. L.' 
i. I : " He will practise against thee with 

27. given to.] Lit. "forming," or "accom- 
plishing," (TWTt'KovvTes. Compare the terms 
used in v. 23. 

28. done in it.] Rather, " that nothing be 
done contrary hereto." 

29. those tvicked luoriers.] ra rfjs KaKcas, 
a Hebraism for ra kuko, or al KUKiai, as in 
3 Mace. ii. 25. It should rather be, "and 
that the mischief proceed no further," &c. 
If there were any authority for omitting the 
TO before t^s KUKias, it would give the simple 
meaning of proceeding to a further degree of 

30. .Artaxerxes his letters.] The " his " is 




B. c. in haste toward Jerusalem with a 

cir^2. ^j.QQp q horsemen and "a multitude 

l^eai'^ of people in battle array, began to 

w.v?-<y hinder the builders : and the buildino; 

soldiers. . , 1 T 1 I 

of the temple m Jerusalem ceased 
cir. S20. until the second year of the reign 
of Darius king of the Persians. 


4 Three strive to excel each other in wise speeches. 
9 They refer themselves to the judgment of the 
king. 1 8 The first dcclareth the strength of 



OW when Darius reigned, he 
made a great feast unto all 

his subjects, and unto all his house- 
hold, and unto all the princes of 
Media and Persia, 

2 And to all the governors and 
captains and lieutenants that were 
under him, from India unto Ethiopia, 
of an hundred twenty and seven pro- 

3 And when they had eaten and 
drunken, and being satisfied were 
gone home, then Darius the king 
went into his bedchamber, and slept, 
and soon after awaked. 

4 Then three young men, that 

an old equivalent for the -es of the genitive, 
as at the end of the prayer for All Sorts and 
Conditions of Men. 

remo'ving.'\ dva^ev^avres, a military term, 
implying that they " marched off," like an 
armed force. Gomp. Thuc. viii. io8. 

the second year, (i?'f.] B.C. 520, assuming 
Darius the son of Hystaspis to be meant. 
See the note above (p. 25) on "v. 16. 


(iii. I V. 6.) The curious episode which 
follows, composed, as it would seem, partly 
in imitation of the beginning of the Book of 
Esther, and partly from some current stories 
of the Persian Court, appears to have been 
inserted here as a means of stringing the nar- 
rative together ; so far, at least, as it professes 
to account for the readiness of Darius to 
help the Jews. With the same idea, appa- 
rently, of making the order of events seem 
easy and natural, Josephus, who repeats the 
story with embellishments of his own ('Antiqq.' 
xi. 3), relates how Darius, while yet a private 
person, had vowed that, if he should ever 
attain the throne, he would send back to 
Jerusalem all the sacred vessels of the Temple 
still remaining in Babylon. Further to facili- 
tate matters, Zorobabel, who had been chosen 
leader (r;ye/ia)i/) of the captive Jews, had 
lately returned to Babylon from Jerusalem, 
and being welcomed by Darius (to explain 
which he is made to have been a friend of 
old standing) is made one of three body- 
guards ((TcofxaTocfivXaKfs) in attendance on the 
king. How clumsily such invented accounts 
hang together is strikingly illustrated in the 
present instance. 

1. Noiu <when Darius reigned.'] This ren- 
dering is due to the reading of the Aldine, 
Koi (Haa-ikfixras A. The best reading is koi 
^aa-ikevs K. T. X., = " and king Darius made," 

tnade a great feast.'] As Dr. Bissell points 

out, this expression is exactly repeated in St. 
Luke V. 29. It occurs also in the Additions 
to Esther, i. 9. 

household.] Lit. " house-born slaves," 
Tols olKoyfvecTiv. The full term olKoyevrjs 
8ovXos is found in Diodorus Siculus. 

Media and Persia.] The order in which 
the names here occur should be noticed, in 
connection with the reverse order in -y. 14. 

2. to all the governors, is'c] The terms 
in the original are aarpaivais, crTpar-qyois, 
Tonapxais. For the " satraps," see R.'s note 
on Esther i. 3. The a-Tparriyoi, or " generals," 
would be the military commanders under 
them, but responsible to the central govern- 
ment. See Sayce (' Ezra,' Sec, p. 55). By 
" toparchs" we may understand the rulers of 
districts, such as the three " governments " 
(Joparchies^ of i Mace. xi. 26. 

from India, (i^T.] Comp. Esther i. i, and 
R.'s note there. The number of " provinces " 
is there also given as 127. But though the 
Greek term used is o-aTpaTrelas, we are not 
to suppose so many satrapies in the proper 
sense of the word. Sub-provinces must be 
meant to be included. " Darius enumerates 
twenty-three at Behistun, and twenty-nine 
on his tomb at Nakhs-i-Rustem." (Sayce, 
ubi sup. p. 54.) 

3. and slept, dsT'c] There is a want of 
skill in the way in which the events are here 
strung together. No reason is given why 
the body-guards should propose their com- 
petition, and their scroll is placed under the 
king's pillow (-y. 8) as if he were still asleep. 
Josephus, more consistently, makes the king 
enter into conversation with his attendants, 
as a relief from wakefulness, and suggest 
this competition to them. 

4. three young men.] Rather, "the three 
young men," ol rpe'is veaviaKoi. It is difficult 
to reconcile the use of the term veavia-Kos, as 
applied to Zerubbabel, with our ideas of 
historical propriety. That Saul should be 




were of the guard that kept the king's 
body, spake one to another ; 

5 Let every one of us speak a 
sentence : he that shall overcome, 
and whose sentence shall seem wiser 
than the others, unto him shall the 
king Darius give great gifts, and great 
things in token of victory : 

6 As, to be clothed in purple, to 
drink in gold, and to sleep upon gold, 
and a chariot with bridles of gold, 
and an headtire of fine linen, and a 
chain about his neck : 

7 And he shall sit next to Darius 
because of his wisdom, and shall be 
called Darius his cousin. 

8 And then every one wrote his 
sentence, sealed it, and laid it under 
king Darius his pillow ; 

9 And said that, when the king is 
risen, some will give him the writings ; 
and of whose side the kino- and the 
three princes of Persia shall judge 
that his sentence is the wisest, to 
him shall the victory be given, as was 

10 The first wrote. Wine is the 


1 1 The second wrote. The king 

is strongest. 

12 The third wrote. Women are 
strongest : but above all things 
Truth beareth away the victory. 

13 ^ Now when the king was 
risen up, they took their writings, and 
delivered them unto him, and so he 
read them : 

14 And sending forth he called all 

called a veavlas in Acts vii. 58 is but little to 
the point. The best defence of it would 
perhaps be to regard it as a military term, 
= soldiers, as it is found in Polybius. So 
probably the " young men," oi veavia-Koi, of 
Mark xiv. 51, if the reading be genuine; but 
it is rejected by Westcott and Hort. 

5. he that shall, i&'r.] This is a wronT 
division of the sentence. The sense is " let 
each of us propound a thesis that shall pre- 
vail." The word " sentence " in the A. V. is 
here used for two different words, Xoyos and 
i^-rina, of which the first denotes the proposi- 
tion to be enunciated (see Wahl, who quotes 
4 Mace. i. 1), and the second the dictum or 
argument in support of it. 

great things in token of 'victoryJ\ Simply, 
*' great prizes," emvUia /xe'yaXa. 

6. As, to be clothed.'\ Lit. " both to wear," 
&c. Fritzsche illustrates these Persian glories 
from the Books of the Maccabees ; the purple 
robe from i Mace. x. 20, and elsewhere, and 
the title of Darius's kinsman from 1;. 89 of 
that same chapter. For the golden drinking- 
cups comp. I Mace. xi. 58. The " headtire 
of fine linen," Kibapis ^va-a-ivrj, is elsewhere 
used of the tiara of the High Priest (Wisd. 
xlv. 12); while the /xai/iuKr/s, or chain about 
the neck, was sometimes used for the 
bracelet, or armlet, worn by Gauls and 

7. cousin.'] Gk. avyyevris, " kinsman." 
" Cousin," like its original, consobrinus, came 
to have a more extended signification. Comp. 
Luke i. 58. 

8. then every one, (i^V.] In Josephus, 
after the king has given them their theses, 
he goes to rest again. Then, in the morn- 

ing, he convenes his court to hear their 

9. some ivill give him.'] Lit. " they will 
give him," a common idiom in the Greek of 
the N. T. Comp. John xv. 6, &c. ; and Winer, 
p. 544. 

of ivhose side, (is'c.] More simply, " and 
about whomsoever the king . . . shall decide." 

the three princes.] F. points out that 
according to Ezra vii. 14 and Esther i. 14 
there were seven " counsellors " or " princes 
which saw the king's face" at the court 
of Persia (on which comp. Herod, iii. 84), 
and suggests that the mention of three 
here may have been made with reference to 
the three competitors. 

10-12. A large number of such propo- 
sitions, with the "resolutions" of them 
(sixty-six such in all), may be seen in the 
work of the Pseudo-Aristeas on the ' Ancient 
History of the Septuagint ' (Eng. tr. 1685), 
pp. 96-154. They are there proposed in the 
form of questions to the Jewish elders, as they 
sat at table, put by Ptolemy Philadelphus. If 
those in the text were regarded as answers 
to the question " What is strongest ? " they 
would be very similar to them. 

12. but above all things, (b'c] The third 
appears to have a double thesis to maintain, 
thus interfering with the symmetry. In 
Josephus the first is asked by the king whe- 
ther wine is the strongest ; the second, 
whether the king is so ; the third, whether 
women are so, or whether " more than these 
(=than all these r) is truth." 

13. their writings.] Rather, " the writing," 
or document. The word throughout is in 
the singular. 



[v. 153. 

the princes of Persia and Media, and 
the governors, and the captains, and 
the heutenants, and the chief officers ; 

15 And sat him down in the 
' Or, "royal seat of judgment; and the 

writings were read before them. 

16 And he said. Call the young 
men, and they shall declare their 
own sentences. So they were called, 
and came in. 

17 And he said unto them. De- 
clare unto us your mind concerning 
the writings. Then began the first, 
who had spoken of the strength of 
wine ; 

18 And he said thus, O ye men, 
how exceeding strong is wine ! it 
causeth all men to err that drink it : 

19 It maketh the mind of the 
king and of the fatherless child to be 
all one; of the bondman and of the 
freeman, of the poor man and of the 
rich : 

20 It turneth also every thought 
into jollity and mirth, so that a man 
remembereth neither sorrow nor debt : 

21 And it maketh every heart 
rich, so that a man remembereth 
neither king nor governor ; and it 
maketh to speak all things by talents : 

14. and tbe governors, (b'c.'] Rather, "both 
satraps, and generals," &c. There is no 
article with these several terms, so that we 
may regard them as all included under the 
heading of " princes " (jMeyiaraves) or mag- 

15. the royal seat of judgment^ tw xRVf^^i- 
TKTTrjpiw. Wahl renders this by Raths- 
zimmer, *' council-chamber." 

17. be said unto tbe/n.] This is the reading 
of the Aldine. A better text is, " and they 
said unto them;" i.e. the order was given 
them. For the idiom see note on -v. 9. 

19. mind.l didvoiav, the same word as is 
rendered " thought " in the next verse. The 
Vulgate reading vanam, for " one," is in all 
probability a corruption of unam. 

21. remembereth, (h'c.'] That is, he forgets 
in whose presence he may be. Josephus 
gives as an equivalent avaiaOriTOVs anepya^e- 
Tai, " it renders them unconscious of," Sec. 

by talents.'] Rightly explained by Wahl, 
" to talk like a millionaire " {als ob er Millionen 
besasse). There is a vein of humour in the 

i/w cont- 

22 And when they are in their 
cups, they forget their love both to 
friends and brethren, and a httle after 
draw out swords : 

23 But when they are from the 
wine, they remember not what they 
have done. 

24 O ye men, is not wine the 
strongest, that enforceth to do thus ? 
And when he had so spoken, he held 
his peace. 


I The second declareth the power of a king. 13 
The thi7-d, the force of -aiotnen, 33 a7id of 
truth. 41 The third is judged to be wisest, 
47 and obtaineth letters of the king to build 
Jerusalem. 58 He praiseth God, and sheweth 
his brethreji what he had done. 

THEN the second, that had 
spoken of the strength of the 
king, began to say, 

2 O ye men, do not men excel in 
strength, that " bear rule over sea and 11 Or, have 
land, and all things in them ? 

3 But yet the king is more 
mighty : for he is lord of all these 
things, and hath dominion over them ; 
and whatsoever he commandeth them 
they do. 

description here, to which we might find a 
parallel in the Scottish poet, but which has 
no place in the stern portrayal of Prov. xxiii. 
29-35, or even in the more tolerant maxims 
of Ecclus. xxxi. 25-31. 

23. cwhen they are from.] A better reading 
is orav . . . eyepdcoaiv, " when they have 
waked from" their drunken slumber (vom 
Weinschlafe, F.). Josephus also represents 
them as sleeping oft' the effects of their wine. 


2. do not men, (Z^c.] Josephus expands the 
argument and makes it clearer. Behold the 
sway that men exercise over land and sea ! 
The king's empire is over them. " Reges in 
ipsos imperium est." The words "that bear 
rule" should rather be "in bearing rule," 
there being no article. 

3. of all these things.} This rendering is 
due to the Travrav of the Aldine, but it spoils 
the connection. The right reading is avruv, 
= " he is lord of them " (i.e. of men). So at 
the end of the verse, for " they do " (tvoiovo-i) 
it should be " they obey " iimaKovovaC). 


V. 4 1 7-] 



4 If he bid them make war the 
one against the other, they do it : if 
he send them out against the enemies, 
they go, and break down mountains, 
walls, and towers. 

5 They slay and are slain, and 
transgress not the king's command- 
ment : if they get the victory, they 
bring all to the king, as well the 
spoil, as all things else. 

6 Likewise for those that are no 
soldiers, and have not to do with 
wars, but use husbandry, when they 
have reaped again that which they 
had sown, they bring it to the king, 
and compel one another to pay tri- 
bute unto the king. 

7 And yet he is but one man : if 
he command to kill, they kill ; if he 
command to spare, they spare ; 

8 If he command to smite, they 
smite ; if he command to make de- 
solate, they make desolate ; if he 
command to build, they build ; 

9 If he command to cut down, 
they cut down ; if he command to 
plant, they plant. 

10 So all his people and his armies 

obey him : furthermore he lieth down, 
he eateth and drinketh, and taketh 
his rest : 

11 And these keep watch round 
about him, neither " may any one " or, can. 
depart, and do his own business, 
neither disobey they him in any thing. 

12 O ye men, how should not the 
king be mightiest, when in such sort 
he is obeyed ? And he held his 

13 ^ Then the third, who had 
spoken of women, and of the truth, 
(this was Zorobabel) began to speak. 

14 O ye men, it is not the great 
king, nor the multitude of men, 
neither is it wine, that " excelleth ; ' Heb. w 
who is it then that ruleth them, or 
hath the lordship over them ? are 
they not women ? 

15 Women have borne the king 
and all the people that bear rule by 
sea and land. 

16 Even of them came they : and 
they nourished them up that planted 
the vineyards, from whence the wine 

17 These also make garments for 

of force. 

4. break do<wn mountains^ The word ren- 
dered "break down," Karepya^ovrat (demo- 
liiintur, Vulg.), does not seem very appropriate 
to mountains. But it is probably meant to 
apply by a kind of zeugma to all the three 
objects spoken of. The successive lines of 
defence, mountain-chains, walls, towers, 
all are forced by the invading army. 

5. as (well the spoil, (Isfcl More literally: 
" and they bring all to the king, if they gain a 
victory, and if they make a raid {iav Trpovo- 
fievcrcocri), and all else " (in like manner). 

6. compel one another?^ There is a deep 
vein of irony in this. For the whole descrip- 
tion, compare i Sapi. viii. 11-18, 

8. If he command, (i)V.] The Greek has 
more descriptive power: etTre Trard^at, tvtt- 
TovcTLv, K.T.X. " Hc glvcs thc word to smite; 
they strike," &c. So all through the verse. 
Compare the Centurion's answer, Matt. viii. 9. 

10. he lieth, <b'c.'\ Rather, "he himself re- 
clineth:" the great potentate himself (awros, 
ipse) is at a banquet. 

13. ivho had spoken7\ Rather, " who spake." 
this ivas Zorobabel.'] It will be noticed in 
what a parenthetical manner this is intro- 
duced. The speaker has not been mentioned 

by name before, nor is he again, till the end of 
the account (v. 5), and there too the identi- 
fication of him with one of the declaimers 
comes in as a kind of afterthought. 

14. it is not, <h'c^ The sentence is in- 
terrogative: "is not the king great, and 
mankind many, and wine mighty ? Who 
then is he that," &c. The Aldine, as well 
as more critical editions, has ov fxiyas 6 
(iaaiXfvs; not, as the translator appears to 
have read, 6 /xeyay /3. The marginal re- 
ference " Heb." is also a slip for " Greek." 

16. them that, (b'c.'] Rather, " the planters 
of the vineyards themselves " (airovs). 

17. make garments.'] Tvoiovai ras oroXay, 
lit. "make the robes of men," the "long 
clothing" of Mark xii. 38. It seems natural 
to refer to Prov. xxxi. 22, 24, as Churton 
does, in illustration of this. And yet, as the 
making of clothing is a service, or act of 
ministration, the mention of it comes in some- 
what singularly in the midst of an enumera- 
tion of the ways in which women have more 
power and glory than men. Could the words 
mean " cause their expeditions for men," 
taking aroXas in the sense it has in earlier 
Greek? This would suit the obvious re- 
ference to Delilah in i'. 24 ; as, to a Greek 



[v. 1 8 29. 

men ; these bring glory unto men ; 
and without women cannot men be. 

18 Yea, and if men have gathered 
together gold and silver, or any other 
goodly thing, do they not love a 
woman which is comely in favour 
and beauty ? 

19 And letting all those things go, 
do they not gape, and even with open 
mouth fix their eyes fast on her ; and 
have not all men more desire unto 
her than unto silver or gold, or any 
goodly thing whatsoever ? 

" Ger.. 2. 20 '^ A man leaveth his own father 
that brought him up, and his own 
country, and cleaveth unto his wife. 

21 He sticketh not to spend his 
life with his wife, and remembereth 
neither father, nor mother, nor 

22 By this also ye must know that 
women have dominion over you : do 

ye not labour and toil, and give and 
bring all to the woman ? 

23 Yea, a man taketh his sword, 
and goeth his way to rob and to steal, 
to sail upon the sea and upon rivers ; 

24 And looketh upon a lion, and 
goeth in the darkness j and when he 
hath stolen, spoiled, and robbed, he 
bringeth it to his love. 

25 Wherefore a man loveth his 
wife better than father or mother. 

26 Yea, 

there be that have 

., many 

" run out of their wits for women, and ' Or, 
become servants for their sakes. ^desperate. 

27 Many also have perished, have 
erred, and sinned, for women. 

28 And now do ye not believe 
me ? is not the king great in his 
power ? do not all regions fear to 
touch him ? 

29 Yet did I see him and Apame 
the king's concubine, the daughter of 

mind, it would recall Helen of Troy. But 
Josephus interprets itof clothing, Tasea-drjTas 
v(f)aivov(rLv tj/i'lv, smoothing the way for what 
he seems to have felt an abrupt illustration, 
by first saying that there is nothing which we 
do not owe to them. So the Old Latin has 
vestes, though the Vulgate retains the original 
word, stolas. 

18. do they not love.'] This follows the 
reading ovx^ ayaTcuxri. A better-supported 
one is Ka\ 'ISwai, thus making the sense con- 
tinuous: "and if they see a woman, fair in 
form," Sec. The " and " at the beginning of 
y. 19 would then be omitted. 

19. gape.l Comp. -y. 31. The word here 
used in the original, iKKexrjvav, is perhaps 
not found elsewhere. Neither eKxabo} nor 
(Kxaa-KO} is recognised by L. and S. Wahl 
gives a present K)(aivo), referring to Lucian, 
' Timon,' 21, and Anacr. ' Carm.' xxxiii. 12. 
But in both these passages it is the simple 
partic. Kex^^ores which is used. The form of 
the termination is illustrated by Winer, p. 88. 

21. He sticketh not, 4sfci\ This rendering 
seems uncalled for. The Geneva Version 
has, more simply, "and for the woman he 
jeopardeth his life." Literally it is: "and 
along with his wife he giveth up the ghost," 

KCiL fXTa Trjs yvvaiKos k.t.X. That is, as 
Dr. Bissell explains it, he remains by his wife 
till death. The change of the word " woman " 
to " wife " is awkward (the Greek word being 
the same), but perhaps unavoidable. 

22. to the njoomanP[ Rather, " to your 
V.'ives," raty yvvai^i, pi. 

23. to jail upon the sea."] els rrjv 6a\acr(rau 
nXe'iv. It is difficult to believe that eVt ttjv 
K. T. X., the reading of Aid. and some inferior 
MSS., is not the right one here. Wahl gives 
Xen. * Hell.' v. i, 16 (should be v. i, 6) as an 
instance of TrXelv els, but that is merely the 
common usage of els with the name of a tovra 
reached by sea. 

24. /ooketh upon a Hon.] Rather, "the 
lion," Tov XiovTu. By " looketh upon," 
Beoopel, is meant "gazes undismayed upon," 
like Horace's "qui rectis oculis . . . vidit." 
The reference seems to be, in part at least, to 
the story of Samson, Judg. xiv. 5 jqq.; but it 
may also be taken as a converse picture to 
that in Prov. xxii. 13: "The sluggard saith, 
There is a lion without, I shall be slain in the 

26. ha-ve run out, (i^v.] See the margin. 
Perhaps " have grown distracted in their 
minds" would be a closer rendering. The 
additional trait of " becoming slaves " seems 
again to indicate Samson. " For," in this 
verse, means strictly " on account of," not 
"for the sake of," which would better suit 
such an example as that of Jacob serving for 

28. to touch?^ That is, " to meddle with," 
as in Ps. cv. 15: " Touch not mine anointed, 
and do my prophets no harm." 

29. did I see.] More exactly, " I was 
watching," " I was a spectator of," eOedopow, 
the word used in Luke x. 18, which is made 
much more expressive by that rendering. 

V. 3 39- J 



Aintiq. lib 
ti. cap. 3, 

I Or, 

I Or, he 
jjith him. 

the admirable ' Bartacus, sitting at 
the right hand of the king, 

30 And taking the crown from 
the king's head, and setting it upon 
her own head ; she also struck the 
king with her left hand. 

31 And yet "for all this the king 
gaped and gazed upon her with open 
mouth : if she laughed upon him, he 
laughed also : but if she took any 
displeasure at him, the king was fain 
to flatter, that she might " be recon- 
ciled to him a2;ain. 

32 O ye men, how can it be but 
women should be strong, seeing they 
do thus .? 

33 Then the king and the princes 
looked one upon another : so he 
began to speak of the truth. 

34 O ye men, are not women 
strong ? great is the earth, high is 
the heaven, swift is the sun in his 

course, for he compasseth the heavens 
round about, and fetcheth his course 
again to his own place in one day. 

35 Is he not great that maketh 
these things ? therefore great is the 
truth, and stronger than all things. 

36 All the earth " calleth upon the ' Or. 
truth, and the heaven blesseth it : all the truth, 
works shake and tremble at it, and ^^'^' 
with it is no unrighteous thing. 

37 Wine is wicked, the king is 
wicked, women are wicked, all the 
children of men are wicked, and such 
are all their wicked works j and there 
is no truth in them ; in their un- 
righteousness also they shall perish. 

38 As for the truth, it endureth, 
and is always strong ; it liveth and 
conquereth for evermore. 

39 With her there is no accepting 
of persons or rewards ; but she doeth 
the things that are just, and refraineth 

Apame?\ This name is known to have 
been borne by more than one lady of rank 
in antiquity. The mother and daughter of 
Antiochus Soter were both so called. In 
Josephus this Apame is said to have been the 
daughter of 'Pa/Se^aK?;? 6 ee^do-iojr. If that 
reading could be depended upon, Rabe- 
zaces would probably be no more than Rab- 
shakeh, the title of office. Petitus (quoted 
by Hudson in loc^ thinks that the word 
rendered ' admirable," Bavfioalov, really means 
"from Mount Thaumasius," meaning, I sup- 
pose, the place in Thessaly, so called from its 
wonderful prospect. If so, he must have 
migrated to Persia. It is more natural to 
take 6avjia.(Tios as an epithet of rank or office. 
The name Bartacus recalls the 'Apraxairjs of 
Hdt. vii. 22. 

right hand.'] Comp. Ps. xlv. 9. 

30. struck-l Lit., "was slapping," or striking 
with the open hand. 

31. Jnd yet for all thisT] Rather, "and 
in addition to this," koi Trpos tovtois. Ewald 
(' Hist, of Isr.' V. p. 127, n.) notices " the ridi- 
culous attitude " in which Darius is here por- 
trayed, the anecdote being taken, as he thinks, 
from " some book of Persian court-stories." 

34. fetcheth his course again.] TraXtv ano- 
rpixft, lit. " runneth back again." Comp. 
Ps. xix. 6 (O. v.): "It goeth forth from the 
uttermost part of the heaven, and runneth 
about unto the end of it again." 

35. he . . . that maketh?^ 6 ttolwv, "the 
Maker." The connection of thought in what 
follows, which the translator has tried to indi- 

ApocVol. I. 

cate by rendering koI "therefore," is made 
more easy to follow by Josephus, as his 
manner is throughout this narrative : " Now 
all these things are set in motion according 
to the will of God. And he is true and 
just," &c. Hence truth, as an attribute of 
God, shares His greatness. 

36. calleth upon.] Gk. KaXet, Vulg. in-vocat. 
It is not quite clear in what sense the word 
is used. That of " invoking " or " appealing 
to " would perhaps be the best. F. prefers 
the sense of " inviting " (^ladet sie ein). Atha- 
nasius, in the passage referred to in the 
margin (' Or. ii. c. Arian.' c. xx.) explained it 
by vfivel, " singeth of : " el 8e naaa rj yri tov 
drjfiiovpyov kol ttjv aki)6ei.av vp.vei Ka\ evKoya. 
/cat rpep-ei, k. r. X. 

37. and such are, (b'c.] The literal render- 
ing is : " and unrighteous are all their works, 
all such." The addition of navra ra ToiavTa 
at the end looks like a gloss. " Unrighteous " 
or " unjust " would be a better equivalent for 
aSiKos than " wicked," all through this verse. 

38-40. This passage, with the exception 
of the latter part of v. 39, is quoted by 
Cyprian, ' Ep.' Ixxiv. Compare also August. 
*De Civit. Dei,' xviii., c. 36. 

39. or reivards.] ovBe 8ia(j)opa, lit. "nor 
difference," as it is correctly rendered in the 
Geneva Version ; that is, with Truth there is 
no partiality. She ^^ indifferently ministers 
justice," in the old sense of the word : 

" Looks on (men's) wrongs with an indifferent 



[v. 4047. 

from all unjust and wicked things ; 
and all men do well like of her works. 

40 Neither in her judgment is any 
unrighteousness ; and she is the 
strength, kingdom, power, and ma- 
jesty, of all ages. Blessed be the 
God of truth. 

41 And with that he held his 
peace. And all the people then 
shouted, and said, Great is Truth, 
and mighty above all things. 

42 Then said the king unto him, 
Ask what thou wilt more than is 
appointed in the writing, and we will 
give it thee, because thou art found 
wisest ; and thou shalt sit next me, 
and shalt be called my cousin. 

43 Then said he unto the king. 
Remember thy vow, which thou hast 
vowed to build Jerusalem, in the day 
when thou camest to thy kingdom. 

44 And to send away all the 
vessels that were taken away out of 
Jerusalem, which Cyrus set apart, 
when he vowed to destroy Babylon, 
and to send them again thither. 

45 Thou also hast vowed to build 

up the temple, ^ which the Edomites * ? 37. 
burned when Judea was made deso- Ezek. 25. 
late by the Chaldees. "' 

46 And now, O lord the king, 
this is that which I require, and 
which I desire of thee, and this is the 
princely liberality proceeding from 
thyself: I desire therefore that thou 
make good the vow, the performance 
whereof with thine own mouth thou 
hast vowed to the King of heaven. 

47 Then Darius the king stood 
up, and kissed him, and wrote letters 
for him unto all the treasurers and 
lieutenants and captains and governors. 

and refra'meth from, (i^v.] The reading of 
the Aldine, aTre'xeTai, rendered here " re- 
fraineth from," makes the sense very simple ; 
but it lacks MS. authority. 

40. the strength, kingdom, irv.] In his 
desire, often shewn elsewhere, to avoid the 
repetition of " and," so frequent in this book, 
the translator has spoilt the rhythm of this 
passage. It was much better in the Geneva 
Version: "and she is the strength, and the 
kingdom, and the power," &c. Compare also 
the similar doxology in i Chron. xxix. 11: 
" Thine, O Lord, is the greatness," &c. 

41. Great is Truth, 6v.] The Vulgate 
rendering of this sentence has passed, with 
a slight change, into the common proverb : 
Magna est Veritas, et pnevalebit. In the Vulg. 
it hpr^evalet. For the applause which followed 
this declamation, compare the similar instances 
in Aristeas, as for example : " And when he 
ceased, there was a burst of applause, with 
shouting and joy, for a considerable time." 
('Hist. Ixxii. Interpretum,' 1692, p. 95.) 

42. cousin.'] See note on iii. 7. 

43. hast 'voived.'] Rather, "vowedst;" and 
so in "v. 45. This vow has not been hinted 
at hitherto. Josephus, framing a more con- 
nected story, begins by mentioning this vow 
as made by Darius before he came to the 
throne. (' Antiqq.'xi. 3. i.) The unreasonable- 
ness of representing the early kings of Persia 
as thus thinking of the restoration of the 
Israelites " at every critical moment of their 
lives," is pointed out by Ewald, ubi sup., 
p. 126. 

44. Jnd to send aiuay.'] The "and" is 

better omitted. The vow was "to send away," 
&c. For the circumstances, comp. ii. 10. As 
Josephus expresses it, Darius "arranged to 
do all that Gyrus before him wished to do, 
with respect to the restoration of the Jews." 

45. the Edomites.'] That they had a share 
in the burning of the Temple, as F. observes, 
is not an empty supposition. The bitter 
feeling which long rankled in the breasts of 
the Jews towards this "vindictive and un- 
generous race " (as Stanley calls them) breaks 
out in many passages of the later writings of 
the O. T. " Remember, O Lord, against the 
children of Edom the day of Jerusalem ; who 
said. Rase it. Rase it, even to the foundation 
thereof" (Ps. cxxxvii. 9, Rev. Ver.), is but 
one such instance. Having been allowed by 
the Chaldeans to occupy some portion of the 
conquered country, they spread westwards 
during the Captivity, and encroached upon 
Southern Palestine as well. Some parts of 
these acquisitions they are now spoken of as 
being compelled to restore Qv. 50). Comp. 
also Ezek. xxvi. 5 ; i Mace. v. 3. 

46. princely liberality ?\ ixeyaXcoa-vvrj, answer- 
ing to the word rendered "majesty" in Dan. iv. 
36. The Geneva Version has "magnificence." 

47. letters.] Gk. ra? eTricrToXds, " the 
letters ;" i.e., those which he desired. 

governors.] lAt. " satraps." See on iii. 2. 
The word rendered " treasurers " should 
rather be "stewards," as in the margin of 
v. 49. In Rom. xvi. 23 the same word 
was rendered " chamberlain," and the choice 
of the word "treasurer" as a substitute, in 
the Rev. Ver., obscures the identity of the 

V. 48 6o.] 



that they should safely convey on 
their way both him, and all those 
that go up with him to build Jeru- 

48 He wrote letters also unto the 
lieutenants that were in Celosyria 
and Phenice, and unto them in Liba- 
nus, that they should bring cedar 
wood from Libanus unto Jerusalem, 
and that they should build the city 
with him. 

49 Moreover he wrote for all the 
Jews that went out of his realm up 
into Jewry, concerning their freedom, 
that no officer, no ruler, no lieutenant, 
nor "treasurer, should forcibly enter 
into their doors ; 

50 And that all the country which 
they hold should be free without tri- 
bute ; and that the Edomites should 
give over the villages of the Jews 
which then they held : 

5 1 Yea, that there should be yearly 
given twenty talents to the building 
of the temple, until the time that it 
were built ; 

52 And other ten talents yearly, 
to maintain the burnt offerings upon 
the altar every day, as they had a 
commandment to offer seventeen : 

53 And that all they that went 

from Babylon to build the city should 
have free liberty, as well they as their 
posterity, and all the priests that went 

54 He wrote also concerning the 
charges, and the priests' vestments 
wherein they minister ; 

55 And likewise for the charges of 
the Levites, to be given them until 
the day that the house were finished, 
and Jerusalem builded up. 

56 And he commanded to give to 

all that kept the city "pensions s.nd'^pr.^or- 


iiims of 

57 He sent away also all the 
vessels from Babylon, that Cyrus had 
set apart j and all that Cyrus had 
given in commandment, the same 
charged he also to be done, and sent 
unto Jerusalem. 

58 Now when this young man 
was gone forth, he lifted up his face 
to heaven toward Jerusalem, and 
praised the King of heaven, 

59 And said. From thee cometh 
victory, from thee cometh wisdom, 
and thine is the glory, and I am thy 

60 Blessed art thou, who hast 
given me wisdom : for to thee I give 
thanks, O Lord of our fathers. 

word with that still rendered "steward" in 
I Cor. iv. I, I Pet. iv. 10, &c. 

that ^0.] Rather, " that were going." 

48. Libanus.] See Ezra iii. 7. 

52. j^nd other ten, (i^c.] The sense of this 
passage is obscure. Perhaps on that account 
it is omitted by Josephus. The Geneva 
Version exhibits the order of the Greek : 
"And, to maintain the burnt offerings upon 
the altar every day (as they had a command- 
ment to offer seventeen), other ten talents 
every year." The verb naptvovcrdai, however, 
cannot signify to "maintain." If we could 
suppose that r had been lost before to dvaia- 
rrjpinv, the construction would be simple: 
" and, to the intent that the altar should 
receive (or enjoy) burnt-offerings day by day, as 
they have a commandment to offer seventeen, 
other ten talents yearly." On the number 17 
see an additional note at the end. 

54. concerning the charges.] Lit. " And he 
wrote also (that is, prescribed) the contribu- 
tion." The term xop'ny'--i ^^ed in classical 
Greek to signify the defrayal of the cost of 

one of the public choruses, is meant here to 
denote the cost of supporting the officiating 
priests, just as in the next verse it is applied 
in like manner to the Levites. In the Vul- 
gate, somewhat strangely, it is rendered in 
the first instance by quantitatetn, and in the 
second by pnecepta. 

56. kept.] I.e. "guarded." The word 
rendered " pensions," KXrjpovs, means rather 
" allotments." This would provide them 
with a dwelling, in addition to their o-^lfuvia, 
" rations," or " wages." 

57. from Babylon.] In the original, these 
words go more naturally with " set apart," 
referring to the act of Cyrus in keeping them 
separate from the rest of the spoil. See 
v. 44. 

58. this young man.] See note on iii. 4. 
toward Jerusalem.] Comp. Dan. vi. 10. 

59. From thee, (b'c] This passage, with 
part of -v. 40, is cited by Origen, ' Hom. ix. 
in Josuam' (ed. Lommatzsch, t. xi. p. 100): 
" Illo etenim duce semper vincent milites sui, 
ita ut et nos dicamus, sicut in Esdra scriptum 

D 2 



[v. 6 1 6. 

6 1 And so he took the letters, and 
went out, and came unto Babylon, 
and told it all his brethren. 

62 And they praised the God of 
their fathers, because he had given 
them freedom and liberty 

63 To go up, and to build Jeru- 
salem, and the temple which is called 
by his name : and they feasted with 
instruments of musick and gladness 
seven days. 


4 The names and 7iumber of the Jews that 
returned home. 50 The altar is set up in his 
place. 57 The foundation of the temple is 
laid. 73 The work is hindered for a time. 

cii-s36- A FTER this were the principal 
Xjl nien of the families chosen ac- 
cording to their tribes, to go up with 
their wives and sons and daughters, 
with their menservants and maid- 
servants, and their cattle. 

2 And Darius sent with them a 
thousand horsemen, till they had 
brought them back to Jerusalem 
safely, and with musical [instruments] 
tabrets and flutes. 

3 And all their brethren played, 
and he made them go up together 
with them. 

4 And these are the names of the 
men which went up, according to 
their families among their tribes, after 
their several heads. 

5 The priests, the sons of Phinees 
the son of Aaron : Jesus the son of 
Josedec, the son of Saraias, and 
"Joacim the son of Zorobabel, the 
son of Salathiel, of the house of 
David, out of the kindred of Phares, 
of the tribe of Judah ; 

6 " Who spake wise sentences 
before Darius the king of Persia in 
the second year of his reign, in the 

cir. 536 

I yoachitn 
and Zoro- 
babel : 
This place 
is corrupt 
for Joa- 
chim was 
the son of 
Neh. 12. 
10, and 
not Zoro- 
babel, who 
was of the 
tribe of 

" Zoroba- 

est, quia a te, Domine, est 'victoria, et ego 
servus iuus : benedictus es, Deus njeritatis." 

61. unto Babylon^ Rather, " into Babylon," 
into the city from the king's palace. 

62. freedom and liberty.'] Lit. " a loosening 
and letting go," dveaiv naX cicpfo-Lv. So acfyeais 
Koi aTTaXKayT] are used to express a complete 
release, or quittance. 

63. they feasted.] iKcodaviCovro, lit. " were 
carousing," from KoyOcov, the Laconian drink- 
ing-vessel. Comp. Esther iii. 5. tClw jxovcnK^v 
may simply mean " music," as in Xen. ' Cyr.' 
i. 6, 38, but more probably means "musical 
instruments," as in the text. Comp. v. 59. 


1-6. The relation in which this passage 
stands to the preceding narrative, or to the 
lists that follow, has been discussed in the 
Introduction, III. 

1. the principal men.] Rather, " leaders," 

2. safely.] Gk. fier' flp^vris, lit. "with 
peace," in imitation of the Hebrew. Comp. 
the note on ii. 1 6. 

3. played.] This conducting the proces- 
sion to the sound of music is thought by F. 
to be a token of Hebrew authorship. Comp. 
Gen. xxxi. 27; i Kings i. 40 ; i Chron. 
xiii. 8. But this seems doubtful. TertuUian 
has been thought to refer to this passa^^^e in 
his ' De Cor. Milit.,' c. ix., since there is no 
allusion to such accompaniments of the return 
in the canonical Ezra. His words are : " faci- 

lius cum tympanis et tibiis et psalteriis re- 
vertens de captivitate Babylonias, quam cum 
coronis, &c." 

5. Jesus.] The Jeshua of Ezra ii. 2, iii. 2, 
and Zech. iii. i, Hag. i. i. 

Joacim the son of Zorobabel.] As the mar- 
ginal note says, this place is corrupt ; but the 
correction there made is itself misleading. 
In the passage referred to, Neh. xii. 10, 
Joacim is called the son of Jeshua. See also 
V. 26. There is the further difficulty, that 
while Joacim is here described as the one 
who " spake wise sentences before (or in the 
time of) Darius," this part was before assigned 
to Zorobabel (iv. 13). Burrington would 
leave out the words in the Greek, answering 
to " Joacim the son of," but there is no autho- 
rity for this in the MSS. Herzfeld (see 
Fritzsche's ' Einleitung,' p. 6) would emend : 
Tov 'lioaKifj. Koi Zopo^ajSeX. For this there is 
some little countenance in two inferior MSS. 
Fritzsche himself is inclined to defend the 
reading as it stands. Though no son of 
Zorobabel named Joacim is found in the list 
given in i Chron. iii. 20, that is not, he 
thinks, a proof that no such son ever existed. 
But this is hazardous reasoning. If his view 
were adopted, it would make Joacim, and 
not Zorobabel, the main actor in the debate 
before Darius. 

Phares.] From Pharez, who succeeded to 
the rank of second son of the patriarch Judah, 
David and ultimately Christ himself were 
descended. Lord A. Hervey (' Diet, of the 
Bible,' art. Pharez) thinks that we may 

V. 7 12.] 




cir. 536. 

month Nisan, which is the first 


7 And these are they of Jewry that 
came up from the captivity, where 
they dwelt as strangers, whom Nabu- 
chodonosor the king of Babylon had 
carried away unto Babylon. 

cir. 536. 8 And they returned unto Jeru- 
salem, and to the other parts of 
Jewry, every man to his own city, 
who came with Zorobabel, with 

Saratah. Jesus, Nehemias, and ^ Zacharias, 
and Reesaias, Enenius, Mardocheus, 

Beelsarus, '^ Aspharasus, ^ Reelius, b. c. 
Roimus, and Baana, their guides. '^^J^> 

9 The number of them of the 'Miipar. 
nation, and their governors, sons of ''Or, 

' Phoros, two thousand an hundred < p^^^^j' 
seventy and two ; the sons of-^'^Saphat, Ezra 2. 3'. 
^ four hundred seventy and two : where for' 

10 The sons of Ares, seven hun- h^k'for 
dred fifty and six : ''^ t 

/-T-M I" T\^ ^ IV T 1 numbers 

1 1 The sons of r haath Moab, of the par- 
two thousand eight hundred and fonowing: 
twelve H^ ^^""^ 

LWCiVC . they vary 

12 The sons of Elam, a thousand much, and 

' the names 

much more, f Shepkatiak. ^ Or, three hundred severity two. 

trace to the lineage of Pharez the children of 
Bani, Bigvai, Jorah or Hariph, Bethlehem 
and Netophah, Kirjath-arim, Harim, as well 
as many intermediate families, afterwards 

6. in the month Nisan, (i)V.] The Greek is 
peculiar : firjvX 'Nicrw tov nparov firjvos. F. 
thinks it a misrendering of a Hebrew original. 
The Vulgate has mense Nisam primo, but the 
Old Latin, numenia primi menjis, " on the 
first day of the first month." tov irpairov 
(xr]vos looks like a gloss on Nto-ai/. 

7. At this point the account begins to run 
parallel to Ezra ii. i sqq., and Neh. vii. 7 sqq. 

8. Nehemias.'] An earlier one than the 
contemporary of Ezra. It will be observed 
that twelve names are here given as those of 
the leaders, probably to represent the twelve 
tribes. So in Neh. vii. 7. In Ezra ii. 2, 
there are only eleven names, possibly (as 
Neteler thinks, ' Die BUcher Esdras,' &c., 
p. 13) to represent the tribes, counting 
Ephraim and Manasses as one. But it is 
more probable that a name answering to 
Enenius in this list, and to Nahamani in 
Neh. vii. 7, has dropped out in Ezra. How 
liable to error are such lists may be seen 
from the LXX. of the passage in Nehemiah, 
where fourteen names appear instead of 
twelve ; two, Maa-ipapad and Maacjidp, being 
plainly duplicates, and "EaBpa being probably 
an inserted marginal reference. 

Reesaias.'] In Ezra, Reeliah ; and in Nehe- 
miah, Raamiah. The variations in case of 
the two latter may be accounted for by the 
similarity of AI to M. De Saulcy (' tude 
chronol.' p. 10) endeavours to account for 
changes in the form of other names by the 
confusion likely to be made between similar 
Hebrew characters by a Greek scribe. 
This might explain the change of the first 
letter of Bigvai (as the name stands in Ezra 
and Nehemiah) to the R of Reelius, while 
the further resemblance between r and A 
would account for the next consonant. The 

same cause may have produced the change of 
Nehum {'ivaovp,, Nahum) in Nehemiah to 
Rehum in Ezra, whence its Grecized form 
of Roimus here. The Vulgate Emmanio 
may serve as a connecting link between the 
Nahamani of Neh., and the ''E,vr]VLov of the 
present passage. The identity of the other 
names in the three lists will be perceived 
without difficulty. 

9. and their go'vernors.] After this should 
be a longer stop (:) as the words " sons of 
Phoros " begin the enumeration. Compare 
Ezra ii. 3. In the Geneva Version it is 
rightly punctuated. The words " and their 
governors " (or rather, " leaders ") are, as F. 
remarks, an unskilful addition made by the 
Greek writer. 

PhorosP\ An assimilation of the Hebrew 
name Pharez or Parosh. So we had Rathu- 
mus for Rehum, ii. 16. Another company 
of the same family are mentioned afterwards 
(viii. 30) as returning with Ezra. 

11. Phaath Moak] After this name comes 
in the Greek : etj rovs vlovs 'irja-ov koL 'lcoa(3, 
which seems to mean " for the sons of Jeshua 
and Joab ; " that is, to represent them. It is 
not clear what Jeshua (or Joshua) and Joab 
are meant. The name Pahath-Moab, "ruler 
of Moab," is itself a singular one, and may 
point, as Lord Arthur Hervey suggests (' Diet, 
of the Bible,' s. -v.), to the possessions gained 
in Moab by the Shilonites, the descendants of 
Shelah, son of Judah. See i Ghron iv. 22, 
where some of the family are described as 
having had " the dominion in Moab." Pahath- 
Moab may have been of this lineage. The 
connection of Joshua or his descendants with 
Moab (supposing the son of Nun to be re- 
ferred to) is not obvious, but the descent of 
Joab from the Moabitess Ruth, through his 
mother Zeruiah, David's sister, supplies a 
connecting link in his case. 

12. Elam.] This is probably the name of 
a person, not a place. The well-known Elam 
of Gen. xiv. i, 8cc., cannot, of course, be 



[v. 1319- 

B. c. two hundred fifty and four : the sons 

'^":J^ of ^ Zathui, nine hundred forty and 

Zatiu. ^ five: the sons of ^ Corbe, seven hun- 

'^"^^' dred and five : the sons of Bani, six 

hundred forty and eight : 

13 The sons of Bebai, six hundred 
^Asgar. twenty and three : the sons of '^'Sadas, 
three thousand two hundred twenty 
and two : 

i4\The sons of Adonikam, six 

hundred sixty and seven : the sons of 

t Bigui. I Bagoi, two thousand sixty and six : 

the sons of Adin, four hundred fifty 

and four : 

15 The sons of '"Aterezias, ninety 
and two : the sons of Ceilan and 
Azetas, threescore and seven : the 

* Ater- 

sons of Azuran, four hundred thirty b. c. 

J ^ or. 536. 

and two : 

16 The sons of Ananias, an hun- 
dred and one : the sons of Arom, 
thirty two: and the sons of "Bassa, ''5'^ 
three hundred twenty and three : the 

sons of Azephurith, an hundred and 
two : 

17 The sons of Meterus, three 
thousand and five : the sons of" Beth- 'j^^^^'' 
lomon, an hundred twenty and three : 

18 They of Netophah, fifty and 
five : they of Anathoth, an hundred 

fifty and eight : they of -^ Bethsamos, -^-^/'- 
rorty and two : 

19 They of ? Kiriathiarius, twenty ^_Kiriath- 
and five : they of Caphira and Beroth,"''' 

referred to ; and as it was itself called after a 
son of Shem, there is the less difficulty in 
supposing that Elam here is a personal name. 
With Bethlomon in nj. 17, on the other hand, 
names of places begin. A second person of 
the name, known as "the other Elam," is 
mentioned in Ezra ii. 31, with exactly the 
same number of followers. 

Zathui7\ In Ezra ii. 8, Zattu ; in ch. viii. 32 
below, Zathoe. 

Corbe?^ Greek, Xop/3e (Aid. Kop^e, whence 
the English form). This name appears to 
answer to Zaccai in Ezra, the Zacchaeus of 
the New Testament. 

13. Sadas^ This is the form in Aid. 
Most MSS. have Astad, which is only a 
transposition of the same syllables. Ez. and 
Neh. have Azgad ; Vulg., Archad. 

15. Atere%ias7\ This form is due to the 
Aldine, which has aTTjp^Kiov in one word. 
F. reads 'Attjp 'E^eKtov, which answers to 
Ezra ii. 16, " Ater of Hezekiah." The addi- 
tion of the patronymic may have been made 
to distinguish this Ater from the doorkeeper 
of the same name, mentioned in Ezra ii. 42. 

Ceilan and Azetas.'] The spelling again 
follows the Aldine. The Geneva Version 
has Azotus. F. gives KiXau kqI 'A^rjvdv. 
There is nothing in Ezra ii. to answer to 
these and the following names down to Arom 

16. Bassa.'] Marg. Bezai, as a note of 
identification with the Bezai of Ezra ii. 17. 
The form Baaa-ai (F.) supplies a connecting 

A%ephurithl\ In the Geneva Version, 
Arsephurith, which is nearer the Greek, 
'Apcn(Povpid, answering to Hariph in Neh. 
vii. 24. In Ezra ii. 18 the name is replaced 
by Jorah. 

17. Meterus.'] This form follows the 
Aldine. F. has Bmrripovs, which looks like a 
Grecized form of a Hebrew local name be- 
ginning with Beth-. Compare BaidXcopwv 
next following. There is nothing apparently 
answering to it in the parallel lists. 

Bethlomon.] Bethlehem. Local names now 
follow, distinguished in the Greek by the use 
of the preposition ex. 

18. Netophah^ A small town or village 
near Bethlehem, perhaps the modern An- 
tubeh, or Om Tuba, about two miles N.E. 
from that spot. It is not named in the Old 
Testament, but Netophathites are spoken of, 
I Chron. ii. 54, &:c. See Mr. Grove's art. 
in ' Diet, of the Bible,' s. -v. 

Anathoth.] The city of Benjamin, about 
three miles from Jerusalem, the native place 
of the prophet Jeremiah. 

Bethsamos.] In the margin, Azmaveth, to 
agree with Ezra ii. 24. The margin there 
gives Beth-azmaveth. For the transposition 
of syllables in Samos and Asma, comp. the 
note on Sadas, -y. 13. The place was pro- 
bably in Benjamin, from the connection in 
which it stands, and therefore not to be iden- 
tified with Beth-shemesh in Judah. At the 
same time Kirjath-Jearim, next mentioned, 
was a frontier town of Judah. 

19. Kiriathiarius.] In F. ol sk Kapiadipi. 
In Ezra ii. 25 the LXX. has Kapiadiapip.. 
Kirjath-Jearim is meant. 

Caphira.] In Josh. ix. 17 this is men- 
tioned as one of the four cities of the Gibeon- 
ites, and in xviii. 26 as a town of Benjamin. 
It has been identified with Kefir, about two 
miles east of Ajalon. Beroth, or Beeroth, 
was a neighbouring town allotted to Ben- 
jamin. It has been identified with El-Bireh, 
about ten miles N. of Jerusalem. See Mr. 
Grove's arts, in ' Diet, of the Bible.' 

V. 20 25.] 



cir. 536. 

'' Rama. 
^ Gaba. 

t Mich- 


" Bethel. 

^ ISIagh- 

y Lod/ta- 

seven hundred forty and three : they 
of Pira, seven hundred : 

20 They of Chadias and Ammidoi, 
four hundred twenty and tw^o : they 
of ^ Cirama and ^ Gabdes, six hundred 
tw^enty and one : 

21 They of ^ Macalon, an hundred 
twenty and two : they of " Betolius, 
fifty and two : the sons of ^ Nephis, 
an hundred fifty and six : 

22 The sons of y Calamolalus and 

Onus, seven hundjed twenty and five : ^- ^ 
the sons of Jerechus, two hundred '^'^ ' 
forty and five : 

23 The sons of ^ Annaas, three ^ Senaah. 
thousand three hundred and thirty. 

24 The priests : the sons of '^ Jeddu, " Jedaiah. 
the son of Jesus, among the sons of 
Sanasib, nine hundred seventy and 

two : the sons of ^ Meruth, a thou- * immar. 
sand fifty and two : 

25 The sons of "^ Phassaron, a " Pashur. 

Pira.'] This name is taken from the 
Aldine, oi e'/c Uipas. But as it is wanting in 
the best MSS., it has been thought with pro- 
babihty to be only a repetition of the last 
two syllables of the preceding name Kafpdpas. 
If so, the numerical symbol for 700 has been 
repeated also. 

20. T&ey of Chadias and Ammidoi.'] The 
Aldine has oi Xadias koi 'Afifii8ioi. A better 
reading is Xabiaa-aL The Geneva Version 
has Ammidioi, more correctly than the A. V. 
Fritzsche thinks that under the former title 
are meant the people of Kedesh (Josh. xv. 23), 
and under the latter, the people of Humtah 
(ib. -v. 54). As the LXX. (Alex.) for Humtah 
is Xafinard, we have a connecting link with 
Ammidii, or, with its guttural replaced, Cham- 

Cirama a7id Gabdes.] In Ezra ii. 26, Ramah 
and Gaba. The form in the Greek, Kipafxd, 
is probably due to the form of the Hebrew 
name with the definite article prefixed, HD^n. 
Ramah is mentioned along with Geba in Is. x. 
29. Both were cities of Benjamin. 

21. Macalon.] This represents the Mich- 
mash so well known in the history of Saul 
and Jonathan. The' change in the form of 
the name can be partially traced. In Ezra ii. 
27 it is Michmas; in i Mace. ix. 73 it is 
Machmas, as in the LXX. of Ezra. The M 
could easily be altered into AA, but the termi- 
nation is difficult to account for. 

Betolius is Bethel, for which Ezra has Bethel 
and Ai. 

Nephis.] The marginal reference makes 
this answer to the Magbish of Ezra ii. 30, 
but it is possible that it may rather be the 
equivalent of Nebo in -v. 29. The collocation 
with Michmash and Bethel points to Nephis 
as being in the tribe of Benjamin. The ex- 
istence of towns with foreign names in the 
tribe of Benjamin is noticed by Grove in his 
art. on Michmash in 'Diet, of the Bible.' 

22. Calamolalus and Onus.] In Ezra ii. 
33 this appears as " Lod, Hadid, and Ono," 
where the LXX. has AoSaSt Kal 'Qva. The 
places in Ezra are easily identified, being towns 
which the Benjamites had built in the plain of 

Sharon, westwards of their original boundaries. 
See the art. Lod in ' Diet, of the Bible.' The 
first of them is better known to us as the 
" Lydda nigh unto Joppa " of the New Testa- 
ment. The difficulty is to account for the 
strange form Calamolalus, which looks like a 
running together of two or more of the names 
in Ezra. 

Jerechus.] This form for the name of 
Jericho seems to have arisen from the trans- 
lator's taking the Greek 'lepexov as a genitive 
from 'Upexos. Instead of 245, the reading 
should be 345, as it is in Ezra. 

23. Annaas.] This speUing of the name 
seems due to the Geneva Version, as the 
Aldine has 'Avdas. In the best text it is 
2avdas, answering to the Senaah of Ezra. The 
greatness of the number of people connected 
with it is so remarkable (compared, for in- 
stance, with Jericho), that Michaelis hazarded 
the conjecture that it was an opprobrious 
name for Jerusalem itself (HX^p^ "thorny"); 

but this, as F. remarks, is not probable. 
There is no town named Senaah in the Old 
Testament, but Eusebius and Jerome (quoted 
by Grove) mention a Magdal-Senna, or " Great 
Senna," seven miles N. of Jericho. 

24. Jeddu.] In the Greek, 'leSSou, answer- 
ing to the LXX. 'ledovd of Ezra ii. 36, where 
the Hebrew form of the name is Jedaiah. 
A Jedaiah is found in i Chron. xxiv. 7 as 
head of the second course of the priests. 
Who the Jesus, or Jeshua, here spoken of as 
his ancestor, was, it is impossible to say. 

among the sons, is'c] eh tovs vlovs 
2avaaiid, " for the sons of Sanasib ;" that is, 
to be taken as representing them. See note 
above on -z;. 11. The name of Sanasib is not 
found in the O. T., and possibly the Vulgate 
Eliasib may have preserved the true reading. 
The initial' letters EAIA and SANA would 
easily be confused. An Eliashib was a priest 
in the time of David (i Chron. xxiv. 12). 

Meruth.] In this form the A. V. follows 
the Geneva Version and the Aldine : vlo\ sk 
fiTjpovd. But the best reading is viol 'Efifn^povd. 
It is doubtful whether the expression viol e'/c 
below is found. Emmeruth must answer to 



[v. 26 29. 

cir. 536. 

thousand forty and seven : the sons of 
'^ Carme, '^ a thousand and seventeen. 
26 The Levites : the sons of 
^Jessue, and Cadmiel, and Banuas, 

27 The holy singers : the sons of 
Asaph, an hundred twenty and eight. 

cir. 536. 

<l Haritn. 

' Ot, two 


and seven- . f, ,. , ^ 

teen, ac- and buuias, seventy and four 

cording to 



./Thus it is 

read, Ezxa 2. 40, the sons of yeshua, and Cadiniel, of tlie sons of Hodaviah. 

. ^ Slial- 

28 The porters : the sons of 
^ Salum, the sons of ^ Jatal, the sons 
of Talmon, the sons of ^ Dacobi, the ^i^J^ 
sons of '^' Teta, the sons of ^ Sami, in * Ater. 
all an hundred thirty and nine. ^A^^"!'' 

29 1 he servants or the Xs,n\-^\Q '. i shobai. 
the sons of ^ Esau, the sons oi"'Zick. 

Immer of Ezra ii. 37, the same who in ix. 21 
below is called Emmcr. Immer is mentioned 
in I Chron. xxiv. 14 as head of the sixteenth 
course of the priests. 

25. PhassaronJ] This form again is from 
the Aldine, ^aa-uapov. The best reading 
gives I'iol ^acraovpnv. Pashiir, the son of 
Malchiah, was a chief prince at the court of 
Zedekiah (Jer. xxxviii. i). Another Pashur, 
"son "of the Immer mentioned in the pre- 
ceding verse, was " chief governor in the 
house of the Lord" in the time of Jeremiah 
(Jer. XX. i). 

Carme.'] More correctly, Charmi, the same 
as Harim (Ezra ii. 39), head of the third 
course of the priests (i Chron. xxiv. 8). 

26. Jessue, (i^V.] Jeshua the Levite is 
called in Neh. x. 9 son of Azaniah. In Ezra 
ii. 40 he and Kadmiel are described as "of 
the children of Hodaviah," for which, in iii. 9, 
we have " children of Judah." Kadmiel, pro- 
bably a younger member of the same house, 
is mentioned along with Jeshua as taking a 
prominent part in the rebuilding of the 
Temple (Ezra iii. 9). Compare Neh. ix. 4, 5. 
The form Cadmiel is due to the Alex. Ka8^ir]- 
\ov, for which the Vat. has KaSoi^Xou.and Aid. 
Ka8/i('XXov. Banuas and Sudias are not re- 
cognizable in their present form. Banuas is 
probably only a misprint for Bannas, as the 
Geneva Version has Bannu and Suiu, exactly 
representing Bdwov koI Sout'ou of the Aldine. 
It looks as if the two were a corruption of 
Bene-Hodaviah, "sons of Hodaviah." 

28. Sa/um, (ij'c] Shallum was chief of a 
family of gatekeepers at the east gate of the 
Temple (r Chron. ix. 17). Jatal, or rather 
'Atal, appears to be a variety of the name 
Ater in Ezra ii. 42. Compare above, v. 15. 
Talmon is mentioned along with Shallum in 
the passage of i Chron. just quoted, as is 
also Akkub (3-1py), here disguised as Dacobi, 
AaKovi3 (Aid. AuKo^l). Teta (Aid. T^ra) is in 
the best texts *Arj;rd, answering to the Hatita 
of Ezra. Sami, in the form 2aj3et (Alex.), 
answers to Shobai in Ezra. The Vatican 
instead of it reads Ta)^i?. 

29. T^e servants of the temple^ In the 
Greek, lepoSouXot, a word used of the servants 
attached to Greek and Asiatic temples. It 
is here an equivalent for the Nethinims of 
Ezra ii. 43, the successors of those whom 
David "gave" for the service of the Levites, 
as the Levites themselves had been at the 
first "given" to Aaron and his sons to be 
their Nethinim. See the art. Nethinim in 
' Diet of the Bible,' and R.'s note on i Chron. 
ix. 2. 

Esau.] This seems to be a corruption of 
2r]d (Vat. ^ovdia, Alex. 2ovad), the Ziha of 
Ezra ii. 43. The identity of the names of the 
Nethinim, as here given, with those in Ezra 
and in Nehemiah (vii. 46-56), will in most 
cases be seen at once. The following table 
may serve to shew this in the simplest manner. 
It should be premised that there are forty-six 
names in the present passage, thirty-five in 
Ezra, and thirty-two in Nehemiah. 

Names of the Nethinim. 

I Esdras v. 29-32. 

Ezra ii. 43-54. 

A. V. 

1. Esau 

2. Asipha 

3. Tabaoth 

4. Ceras 

5. Sud 

6. Phaleas 

7. Labana 

8. Graba 

9. Acua 

10. Uta 

11. Cetab 

12. Agaba 

13. Subai 

14. Anan 



'Sovd, 'SovSi 



'Ayya^d, 'Aypa^d. 






A. V. 














KaSrjs, K-qpdoS, 
'Siad, 'Arrad. 









cir. S36. 


P Siaha. 

1 Padon. 
'' Agaba. 
f Akkub. 
' Hagab, 

X Giddel. 
y Gahar. 

" Reaiah. 

" Rezin. 
* Necodah. 
'^ Gaza7ii. 

^ Huzza. 

' Paseak. 
f Besai. 
^ Asnak. 

" Asipha, the sons of Tabaoth, the 
sons of Ceras, the sons of ^ Sud, the 
sons of ? Phaleas, the sons of Labana, 
the sons of '' Graba, 

30 The sons of ^ Acua, the sons 
of Uta, the sons of '^ Cetab, the sons of 
Agaba, the sons of ^ Subai, the sons 
of Anan, the sons of "^ Cathua, the 
sons of '' Geddur, 

31 The sons of *Airus, the sons 
of ** Daisan, the sons of ^ Noeba, the 
sons of Chaseba, the sons of '^ Gazera, 
the sons of ^Azia, the sons of 
* Phinees, the sons of Azara, the sons 
of / Bastai, the sons of ^ Asana, the 

sons of '' Meani, the sons of' Naphisi, 
the sons of -^Acub, the sons of 'Acipha, 
the sons of '"Assur, the sons of Pha- 
racim, the sons of '* Basaloth, 

32 The sons of ^Meeda, the sons 
of Coutha, the sons of ^ Charea, the 
sons of ^ Charcus, the sons of '' Aserer, 
the sons of ^Thomoi, the sons of 
^ Nasith, the sons of Atipha. 

33 The sons of the servants of 
Solomon : the sons of " Azaphion, 
the sons of * Pharira, the sons of 
>'Jeeli, the sons of ^Lozon, the sons 
of '^ Isdael, the sons of ^ Sapheth, 

34 The sons of <^ Hagia, the sons 

cir. 536. 

* Meu- 

' Nephu- 


^ Bakbiik. 

' Hacuta. 

"^ Har- 




P Harsha 

? Barcos. 

^ Sisera. 

^ Thaiiiai, 

' Neziah. 



X Pernda. 

y Jaalah. 

z Darcon. 

" Giddel. 

* Shepha- 

<= Haiti. 

I Esdras v. 

A. V. 

15. Cathua 

16. Geddur 

17. Airus 

18. Daisan 

19. Noeba 

20. Chaseba 

21. Gazera 

22. Azia 

23. Phinees 

24. Azara 

25. Bastai 

26. Asana 

27. Meani 

28. Naphisi 

29. Acub 

30. Acipha 

31. Assur 

32. Pharacim 

33. Basaloth 

34. Meeda 

35. Coutha 

36. Charea 

37. Charcus 

38. Aserer 

39. Thomoi 

40. Nasith 

41. Atipha 

Names of the 
















Nethinim {continued). 

Ezra ii. 
A, V. 





Of the above, some have probably differed 
only in the vowel-points, as Asipha, Hasupha ; 
Acipha, Hakupha. The familiar confusion of 
D and R. in Hebrevsr (t and l) will explain the 
difference in Daisan and Rezin (No. 18). So 
we have 'Pewd in the LXX. for Dannah 
(Josh. XV. 49). The similarity between D 
and L in Greek (a and A) may explain No. 6. 

33. The sons, (i)V.] These appear to have 
been an order of men of still lower rank than 
the Nethinim. In i Kings v. 15 we read that 
Solomon had 70,000 men employed in bearing 
burdens, and 80,000 in hewing stone, for the 
building of the Temple. Those here men- 

































tioned were a remnant of their descendants. 
In the art. Solomon's Servants in ' Diet, of 
the Bible ' it is suggested that, as the Nethinim 
were originally appointed to be hewers oiivood, 
so these men were specially employed as 
hewers of stone ; and the enumeration of them 
here may be due to the importance of skilled 
labour in that department. It will be noticed 
that many of the names both of Solomon's 
servants and of the Nethinim are not Hebrew. 

Azaphion, <b'c.'\ The list in Ezra ii. 55-57 
contains only ten names; the present list 
appears to contain eighteen. Arranged as 
before, they are : 



[v. 3538. 

B.C. of '^ Phacareth, the sons of Sabi, the 

- " sons of Sarothie, the sons of Masias, 

rHh^Haz- the sons of Gar, the sons of Addus, 

^<5a/w, thg sons of Suba, the sons of Apherra, 

the sons of Barodis, the sons of Sabat, 

the sons of Allom. 

35 All the ministers of the temple, 
and the sons of the servants of Solo- 
mon, were three hundred seventy and 

36 These came up from Thermc- 

leth and Thelersas, Charaathalar lead- b. C. 
ing them, and Aalar ; - 

37 Neither could they shew their 
families, nor their stock, how they 

were of Israel : the sons of ^ Ladan, ' Deiajak. 
the son of / Ban, the sons of ^ Ne- ^ ^''^'^''^ 
codan, six hundred fifty and two. dak. 

38 And of the priests that usurped a Hoba- 
the office of the priesthood, and were-^." ' 
not found: the sons of '*'' Obdia, the ^^^^^^. 
sons of ' Accoz, the sons of ^' Addus, / 





I. Azaphion 

' Pi.(rffair<pi<ii6 


'S,e<pr)pd, 'Aa-fcpvpdO. 

2. Phariia 

^apipd, ^aptdd 



3. Jeeli 




4. Lozon 




5. Isdael 




6. Sapheth 

2o$iii', '2a<pvBl 



7. Hagia 



'AtiA, 'AttIK. 

8. Phacareth 


Pochereth of 

\ ^ax^pdO. 
f 'Acre^wein. 

9. Sabi (Gen. 

Sabie) 2a;8i7J^ 


10. Sarothie 


[Ami the last, and 'Hfiet 

n. Masias 


Sotai the first, 

in 2Tot. 

12. Gar 


the list, have none 

13. Addus 


to answer to them 


14. Suba 


1 Esdras.l 

15. Aspherra 


16. Barodis 


17. Sabat 

'^afdy, 'Sacpdr 

18. Allom 


In the above list, the first letters of Lozon 
and Darkon (No. 4) might have been easily 
interchanged, as explained before; but it is 
difficult to see any resemblance in the rest of 
the word. The addition "of Zebaim" to 
the name of Pochereth (No. 8) suggests the 
thought that this family may have originally 
come from Zeboim, the neighbouring city to 
Sodom. See Mr. Grove's art. in ' Diet, of the 
Bible.' It is possible also that the So/Sitj in 
Esdras may represent this Zebaim ('Ao-e^caei/ii), 
so that both lists would agree to the ninth 
name. The form Gar for Gas (No. 12) is 
due to the spelling Tap in the Aldine.^ 
Instead of 'AXXcojn (No. 18) F. proposes to 
adopt 'AXXcov, the reading of some MSS., and 
to understand it as <[X\(.)v, " of others," like 
our " etc." But this is not probable. 

36. These.l I.e. those whose names follow, 
iav. 37. 

Thermekth, 'h'c.'] In Ezra ii. 59 the places 
from which they came are given as " Tel- 
Melah, Tel-Harsa, Cherub, Addan, and 
Immer ;" all supposed to be cities or villages 

' The writer of the short art. Gar in ' Diet. 
of the Bible,' and of many similar articles, would 
have found a reference to the Aldine edition suf- 
ficient to explain the difficulty about the spelhng 
of several proper names in the A. V. 

in Babylonia. Rawlinson identifies the first of 
these with the Thelme of Ptolemy, near the 
Persian Gulf, and Cherub with Ptolemy's 
Chiripha, in the same region. The site of 
the rest is uncertain. By some perversion of 
the original, as it would appear, the author 
of I Esdras has made out of the last three 
names of places the clause " Charaathalar 
leading them, and Aalar," Tjyov^evos airwv 
X.apaa6a\uv kol 'AaXap, 

37. Ladan, ds'c.'] Instead of Ladan the 
son of Ban, the list in Ezra gives two heads 
of families : the children of Delaiah and the 
children of Tobiah. The reading of the Vat, 
viol i^aXav Tov vlov tov Baevdv, by giving 
Dalan for Ladan (A for A), brings us nearer 
to Delaiah (LXX. AaXata), while the LXX. 
of Ezra ii. 60 has a reading viol Bova after 
AaXaia, which seems to point to the tov 
Baevav here. 

38. that usurped.} This is too strong a 
term. The Greek is ol ip-Troiovpevoi. lepaawrjs, 
which Wahl explains as edocti munus sacerdotale^ 
"taught the priestly office," justifying the 
peculiar use of the genit. by the examples given 
in Winer, iii. 30, 4, such as Ki'ivqs hihaKTo. 
(Soph. ' El.' 344), Kapblav yeyv pvaa-pivrjv ttXc- 
ove^ias (2 Pet. ii. 14), &c. But none of these 
seems quite to bear out the construction, and 

V. 3944.] 



cir. 536. 

II Nehe- 
tnias, who 
also is 
A tJiarias : 
two of one: 
Ezra 2. 63. 
Neh. 8. 9. 
& 10. I. 

Uritn and 

who married Augia one of the daugh- 
ters of Berzelus, and was named after 
his name. 

39 And when the description of 
the kindred of these men was sought 
in the register, and was not found, 
they were removed from executing 
the office of the priesthood : 

40 For unto them said " Nehemias 
and Atharias, that they should not be 
partakers of the holy things, till there 
arose up an high priest clothed with 
" doctrine and truth. 

41 So of Israel, from them of 
twelve years old and upward, they 
were all in number forty thousand, 
beside menservants and womenservants 

three hundred and 

cir. 536. 


two thousand 

42 Their ^ menservants and hand- ^ See Neh 
maids were seven thousand three ^' ^'" 
hundred forty and seven : the singing 

men and singing women, two hundred 
forty and five : 

43 ^ Four hundred thirty and five "* Ezra 2. 
camels, seven thousand thirty and 
six horses, two hundred forty and five 
mules, five thousand five hundred 
twenty and five " beasts used to the 

44 And certain of the chief of 
their families, when they came to the 
temple of God that is in Jerusalem, 
vowed to set up the house again in 

it is a question whether 01 ifnroiovfievoi here 
is not meant to be in the sense of ol Tvpoa-- 
TvowviievoL, " that laid claim to." 

Obdia, is'c.'] In Ezra ii. 61 the first name ap- 
pears as Habaiah. The Alex. 'OjSaui connects 
the two. Accoz is merely the Koz of Ezra 
with the definite article left prefixed (PPD). 
Addus took the name of his father-in-law 
Barzillai (for whom see 2 Sam. xvii. 27 ; xix. 
31-39), and is thus himself called Barzillai in 
the parallel passage of Ezra.^ 

39. tbe description of the kindredJ] More 
shortly, " the genealogy," rjjy yeviKr)^ ypacpris. 

executing, is'c.'] This is a somewhat lengthy 
phrase for rod lepaTeveip, " from acting as 

40. Nehemias and Atharias.'] As the mar- 
ginal note indicates, this is making two of one. 
In Ezra ii. 63 it is "the Tirshatha" (margin, 
" governour "), meaning Zerubbabel. l"he 
Greek word represented by Atharias, 'Ardapias, 
is almost certainly a corruption of i<riK^"}Jiin, 
" The Tirshatha." In the LXX. of Ezra ii. 
63 the word is 'Adepcraa-dd. Why the name 
of Nehemiah should have been introduced 
here is not easy to explain, unless we suppose 
that he was so familiarly known as the Tir- 
shatha, that the mention of one word sug- 
gested the other. Comp. Neh. viii. 9. Dr. 
Bissell points out a similar redoubling in vi. 
1 8 below, where Zorobabel and Sanabassarus 
are made separate persons. 

twith doctrine and truthJ] ttjv SrjXcixriv kol 
TTjv akrjGfiav. This is a translation of the 
terms Urim and Thummim in Ezra ii. 63 ; on 
which see the learned article of Dr. Perowne 
in ' Diet, of the Bible,' and the notes on Exod. 
xxviii. 30. The text shews that the second 

^ The names Addus ('ASSouj) and Augia are 
both wanting in * Diet, of the Bible.' 

Temple did not possess these symbols, and 
in fact they are not recorded to have been 
consulted since the days of Abiathar. " Light " 
or " illumination " would be a better equiva- 
lent for Urim than " doctrine." 

41. in number.'] For the respective totals in 
the three accounts see R. on Ezra ii. 64. It 
will be observed that the name of Israel is 
retained, agreeably with the mention of t^uehe 
leaders in -v. 8 above. The absence of a comma 
after " womenservants " makes it less obvious 
that the continuity of the number, 42,360, is 
broken by the insertion of the words " be- 
sides . . . servants." The margin of the 
Geneva Version gives it more correctly: 
" forty and two thousand three hundred and 
sixtie." There is nothing in the Greek to 
require this awkward arrangement of the 

42. singing men and singing <women.'] 
There is nothing ,in the Greek, \|/'dXrai koi 
y\raKTtdhoi, to imply this variety of men and 
women; but it is expressed in the parallel 
passage of Ezra. The fact of these musicians 
fwho were not slaves) being placed in the 
list between the servants and cattle, made 
Michaelis (in a passage quoted by Fritzsche 
and discussed by Bertheau) speculate whether 
the original words in the Hebrew might have 
been two, similar in form to these, signifying 
" oxen " and " cows." Besides other objections, 
the smallness of the number would condemn 
this supposition. 

43. beasts used to the yoke^ vnoCyyi-a- As 
camels, horses, and mules have been men- 
tioned, these must have been either oxen or 
asses, and the word used in Ezra ii. 67 shews 
the marginal interpretation to be right. 

44. of their families.'] Rather, "according 
to their families." 



[v. 4552. 

B. c. his own place according; to their 

ar. 536. ,.,. ^ to 


45 And to give into the holy 
treasury of the works a thousand 
pounds of gold, five thousand of silver, 
and an hundred priestly vestments. 

46 And so dwelt the priests and 
the Levites and the people in Jerusa- 
lem, and in the country, the singers 
also and the porters j and all Israel in 
their villages. 

535. 47 But when the seventh month 

was at hand, and when the children 
of Israel were every man in his own 
place, they came altogether with one 
consent into the open place of the 

1 Or, be- first " gate which is toward the east. 

east gate. 48 Then stood up Jesus the son of 
Josedec, and his brethren the priests, 
and Zorobabel the son of Salathiel, 

and his brethren, and made ready the 8.0.535. 
altar of the God of Israel, 

49 To offer burnt sacrifices upon 
it, according as it is expressly com- 
manded in the book of Moses the 
man of God. 

50 And there were gathered unto 
them out of the other nations of the 
land, and they erected the altar upon 
his own place, because all the nations 
of the land were at enmity with them, 
and oppressed them ; and they offered 
sacrifices according to the time, and 
burnt offerings to the Lord both 
morning and evening. 

51 Also they held the feast of 
tabernacles, as it is commanded in 
the law, and offered sacrifices daily, 
as was meet : 

52 And after that, the " continual ja^^;^^,'/ 

45. pounds^ fivas. In Ezra ii. 69 the 
amounts are distinguished as 61,000 " drams " 
of gold, and 5000 "pound" of silver. The 
word in the LXX. for the former is fivai 
(Vat.), dpaynas (Alex.) ; for the latter, fipai, 
as here. Rawlinson, on i Chron. xxix. 7, 
shews reasons for taking "darics," rather 
than " drams," as the rendering in the former 
case. Taking the daric at the value commonly 
given, i/. IS. 10^., the sum contributed in gold 
would answer to betw^een 66,000/. and 67,000/. 
of our money. If, in like manner, we take 
the silver mina as worth 4/. is. id., the con- 
tribution in silver would be about 20,300/. ; 
making a total (according to Ezra) of nearly 
87,000/. If we take the 5000 silver " pounds " 
(mitias) of the text as before, and the 1000 gold 
minas as each worth 152 times the silver one, 
we get a total not widely differing from that in 
Ezra; namely, between 83,000/. and 84,000/. 
But modern equivalents tor ancient money are 
deceptive, unless other conditions be taken 
into account. 

47. But ivben, (h'c.'] At this point a fresh 
section begins, answering to Ezra iii. i sqq. 
Compare the end of ch. vii. and the beginning 
of ch. viii. in Nehemiah. The seventh month 
was Tisri, nearly answering to our September. 
See R. on Ezra iii. i. 

the open place, <b'c.'] In the parallel passage 
of Ezra these details are not given, and F. 
thinks tliat the writer introduced them from 
Neh. viii. i, where mention is made of the 
people being assembled (on a later occasion) 
"into the street that was before the water 
gate." If Fergusson be right in identifying 
the water-gate with the southern gate of the 

Temple ('Diet, of the Bible,' i. p. 1027, b), 
probably the same area may be meant here 
as in the passage of Nehemiah ; namely, that 
between the East gate and the Water gate 
(ii^. Plate ii.), within the modern Haram 
area. Compare the notes on ix. 6, 41. 

48. son of Salathiel^ More exactly, nephew, 
being the son of Pedaiah, the younger brother 
of Shealtiel or Salathiel. See R.'s note on 
I Chron. iii. 19. 

made ready."] fjTolfiaaav. It had to be 
built anew (Ezra iii. 2), and was of unhewn 
stones (i Mace. iv. 47), and according to 
tradition (Joseph.' Antiqq.' xi. 4, i) was on 
the same spot as that on which the one 
erected by Solomon had stood. 

50. And there <ivere gathered, (Isfcl This 
statement is an addition to the account as 
given in Ezra, apparently to explain the haste 
of the Jews in setting up their altar of burnt- 
offering, and restoring the customary sacrifices, 
even before the foundations of the Temple 
were laid. 

both morning, (b'c.'] Lit., " both the morning 
and the evening one ;" that is, the lamb for a 
burnt offering twice every day. See Exod. 
xxix. 38. 

51. feast of tabernacles^ This lasted from 
the 15th to the 22nd of Tisri, the "seventh 
month" of -y. 47. See Exod. xxiii. 16; Levit. 
xxiii. 33 sqq. Instead of ioprr} a-Krjvav, the 
Greek term used here is aKrjvoTrrjyla, the same 
as in St. John vii. 2. 

52. continual oblations.'] Greek, Trpos(j)opas 
eVSeXfx'cr/iov. The latter word is used ad- 
jectivally, after a common Hebrew idiom. By 

V. S3 5S.] 




cir. 53S. 

I Gr. hal- 

oblations, and the sacrifice of the 
sabbaths, and of the new moons, and 
of all holy feasts. 

53 And all they that had "made 
any vow to God began to ofFer 
sacrifices to God from the first day 
of the seventh month, although the 
temple of the Lord was not yet 

54 And they gave unto the masons 
and carpenters money, meat, and 
drink, with cheerfulness. 

55 Unto them of Zidon also and 
Tyre they gave carrs, that they 
should bring cedar trees from Libanus, 
which should be brought by floats to 
the haven of Joppe, according as it 
was commanded them by Cyrus king 
of the Persians. 

56 And in the second year and 

second month after his coming to the b. C. 
temple of God at Jerusalem began ^^1^^ 
Zorobabel the son of Salathiel, and 
Jesus the son of Josedec, and their 
brethren, and the priests, and the 
Levites, and all they that were come 
unto Jerusalem out of the captivity : 

57 And they laid the foundation 
of the house of God in the first day 
of the second month, in the second 
year after they were come to Jewry 
and Jerusalem. 

58 " And they appointed the Levites " ^^^'^^^ 
from twenty years old over the works 

of the Lord. Then stood up Jesus, 
and his sons and brethren, and Cad- 
miel his brother, and the sons of 
Madiabun, with the sons of Joda the 
son of Eliadun, with their sons and 
brethren, all Levites, with one accord 

the "ofTerings of continuance," or continual 
oblations, seem to be meant those prescribed 
in Numb, xxviii. 3-8, except that the chief 
part of them, the lambs for a burnt-offering, 
have been already referred to in -v. 50. The 
directions for the Sabbaths and new moons, 
next mentioned, follow in order in Numb, 
xxviii. 9, II. 

boly.l Rather, " consecrated," Tjyiaa-fiivav. 

54. money, meat, (Is'c.'] The natural order 
of the words, according to the Greek, would 
be : " And they gave money to the masons 
and carpenters, and drink and meat and ' cars ' 
to the men of Sidon and Tyre, for them 
to bring," &c. This agrees better with the 
language in Ezra iii. 7. There are two diffi- 
culties about the reading of this verse. The 
A. V. has " with cheerfulness," answering to 
the Vulgate cum gaudio, and to the fxeTo. 
xapas of some printed editions of the Greek. 
But the words have no MS. authority, and 
seem to be derived in some way from the 
Xappa which follows. The Aldine has the 
confused reading koI fipwyLara koX ttoto. Kappa 
K. T. X. ; the best text, koL ttoto. koX ^pcora kol 
xappa (Alex. Kappa) to'is k. t. X. No authority 
is found for x-Ppa in the sense of " cars " 
(Genev. " charets," i.e. charettes) ; and as in 
Ezra iii. 7 " oil " is named in addition to the 
meat and drink, it is not improbable, as F. 
conjectures, that some such word as pvpa, 
"ointments," may have been the original 
reading. R. compares the similar arrange- 
ments made by king Solomon, i Kings v. 
6-1 1, where also "twenty measures of pure 
oil" formed one of the items given as an 
equivalent for Hiram's assistance. As the 

word Kopovs is used for "measures" in the 
LXX. of the first part of that verse, it might 
deserve consideration whether Kappa here is a 
corruption of that word. 

55. by floats?^ The Greek has (r;^e^taj (not 
(tx^^'mi^i as in the LXX. of the similar passage 
2 Chron. ii. 16); lit. "to convey floats" (or 
" rafts "). The timber might itself form the 

Joppe!] Then, as it was in Solomon's time, 
and still is, the seaport of Jerusalem. 

56. Jesus the son of Josedec] The name of 
the father of this Jeshua is the same as that of 
the father of the High Priest. But it seems 
clear from :;. 58 that a chief of the Levites 
is here meant. Hence we may identify this 
Jeshua with the one mentioned in "z;. 26 above, 
where also the name of Cadmiel (or Cadoeliis) 
occurs as that of the head of another Levitical 

57. laid the foundation.] Comp. above, 
ii. 18; and, for the chronological difficulty 
involved, the notes on ii. 1 6 and -y. 7 3 below. 

58. his brother.] That is, in office. 

Madiabun!] This is the form of the name 
in the Aldine. The best text has 'UpadajBovv. 
There is nothing in Ezra to correspond to it. 
As three Levitical families are reckoned in 
Ezra iii. 9 (where see Reuss's note, shewing 
reasons for reading " and the sons of Hena- 
dad"), it is not unlikely that 'HpadajBovv 
is a perverted repetition of the words 'HXia- 
8ov5 (Tvv which follow, caused by the recur- 
rence of the words Kal ol viol, which would 
mislead a transcriber's eye. The three sets 



[v. 5968. 

cir. 535- 

H Or, over- 
seers, or, 
ragers of 
them that 
in the 
house of 
the Lord. 

II Or, after 
the 7nan- 
ner of 
king of 

"setters forward of the business, la- 
bouring to advance the works in the 
house of God. So the workmen 
built the temple of the Lord. 

59 And the priests stood arrayed 
in their vestments with musical instru- 
ments and trumpets ; and the Levites 
the sons of Asaph had cymbals, 

60 Singing songs of thanksgiving, 
and praising the Lord, "according as 
David the king of Israel had ordained. 

6 1 And they sung with loud voices 
songs to the praise of the Lord, because 
his mercy and glory is for ever in all 

62 And all the people sounded 
trumpets, and shouted with a loud 
voice, singing songs of thanksgiving 
unto the Lord for the rearing up of 
the house of the Lord. 

63 Also of the priests and Levites, 
and of the chief of their families, the 


ancients who had seen the former b. c. 
house came to the building of this ^^L^' 
with weeping and great crying. 

64 But many with trumpets and 
joy shouted with loud voice, 

65 Insomuch that the trumpets 
might not be " heard for the weeping Or, dh- 
of the people : yet the multitude 
sounded marvellously, so that it was 
heard afar off. 

66 ^ Wherefore when the enemies / Ezra 4- 
of the tribe of Judah and Benjamin ^' ^*^* 
heard it, they came to know what 

that noise of trumpets should mean. 

67 And they perceived that they 
that were of the captivity did build 
the temple unto the Lord God of 

68 So they went to Zorobabel and 
Jesus, and to the chief of the families, 
and said unto them. We will build 
together with you. 

of overseers would thus be the families of 
Jeshua, Gadmiel, and Eliadud. Joda would 
then answer to the Judah or Hodaviah of 
Ezra iii. 9. 

setters for^ward.'] epyoSiSxrai, " task- 
masters;" a rare word. In what follows, 
the English translator appears to have read 
novovvTis els to. epya instead of Troiovures 

K. T. X. 

59. arrayed, is'c.'] The first occasion on 
which they had ventured to display the ancient 
magnificence of their religious service. See 
Stanley's 'Jewish Church,' Lect. xliii. 

61. because his mercy, (i^V.] The same 
words were used at the first dedication under 
Solomon. It seems most natural to regard 
them as a quotation from the 136th Psalm; 
but Reuss, observing the recurrence of tlie 
words in 2 Chron. vii. 3, xx. 21, considers 
them rather a customary liturgical formula. 

63. ancients.'] As the building had not 
yet begun to rise, the grief of these aged men 
could not have been caused by any com- 
parison between it and the splendid structure 
whose destruction they had witnessed some 
fifty-three years before. Josephus, who 
amplifies and embellishes the account (' An- 
tiqq.' xi. 4, 2), seems conscious of this ; for 
he makes the lamentation to take place when 
the building was completed. In speaking of the 
first Temple as " very great " as well as " very 
costly," he is led away by his rhetorical instinct ; 
for the first Temple was smaller by a third, 
in nearly all its dimensions, than this second. 

No doubt the recollection of its unparalleled 
magnificence of adornment, and the con- 
sciousness of their present poverty, would 
weigh on the minds of these survivors of the 
past generation. 

65. might not be heard^ More literally, 
" so that the people did not hear," Sec. The 
whole passage, as it stands in the Greek, is 
obscure : " And many with trumpets and joy 
(resounded) with loud voice, so that the 
people did not hear the trumpets on account 
of the waihng of the people; for it was the 
multitude that was trumpeting loudly, so as 
to be heard afar off." The sense appears to 
be, that though the joyful sound of trumpets 
was so great as to attract the attention of 
people far o^iy. 66), yet it was overpowered, 
loud as it was, by the sounds of lamentation. 
In Ezra. iii. 12, the meaning is much more 
simply expressed. 

66. the enemies.'] As Reuss remarks (note 
on Ezra iv. i), this term is applied to them 
prospectively. The applicants became ene- 
mies, but there is no reason to regard these 
first overtures as anything but friendly. 
There might also, no doubt, be a feeling of 
jealousy, as to the extent to which so many 
thousands of new comers might disturb their 
acquisitions of property. The mixed race 
inhabiting Samaria are probably the " enemies" 
spoken of. Their various nationalities are 
specified in Ezra iv. 9, 10. 

68. We ivill build.] A better reading is 
" Let us build,">fiev. 

V. 69 I.] 




cir. S3S. 

11 Or, 
E^ra 4. 2. 

cir. 534- 

69 For we likewise, as ye, do obey 
your Lord, and do sacrifice unto him 
from the days of "Azbazareth the 
king of the Assyrians, who brought 
us hither. 

70 Then Zorobabel and Jesus and 
the chief of the families of Israel said 
unto them, It is not for us and you 
to build together an house unto the 
Lord our God. 

71 We ourselves alone will build 
unto the Lord of Israel, according as 
Cyrus the king of the Persians hath 
commanded us. 

72 But the heathen of the land 
lying heavy upon the inhabitants 

of Judea, and holding them strait, B.C. 
hindered their building ; ^^^ 

73 And by their secret plots, and 
popular persuasions and commotions, 
they hindered the finishing of the 
building all the time that king Cyrus n or, unui 
lived: so they were hindered from ''^^^^^5'^ 

, ., ,. r L r yearof 

buildmg ror the space or two years, Darius, 
" until the reign of Darius. "' ' 

Ezra 4. 5, 
6, 7, 24. 


I The prophets stir up the people to build the 

te)?iple. 8 Darius is solicited to kinder it: 

27 hit he doth further it by all means, 32 

a7id threateneth those that shall hinder it. 

cir. 520. 

NOW ^ in the second year of the Ezra 4. 
reign of Darius Aggeus and ^j "' ' ' 

s- 1. 

69. Azba%areth^ In Ezra iv. 2 it is 
Esar-haddon ; the name in the LXX. there 
being 'Aa-l3aKa(pds. It is not easy to account 
for the corruption of the Assyrian name 
(though represented by such varying forms 
as AcropSav, ^axep^ovos, and 'Acrapt'Sai/os) tO 
'A(T[BaKa(f)as. The great monarch here re- 
ferred to, the son of Sennacherib, reigned from 
B.C. 680 to 660. On the three successive 
colonizations of Samaria, see R.'s note on 
Ezra iv. 2. 

71. fVe oursel-ves alone, (irr.] An ansv^^er 
of this kind will be approved or censured 
according to the point of view from which it 
is regarded. Sayce remarks upon it : " It 
was little wonder that the Jews should have 
indignantly rejected the companionship of a 
population so mixed and impure, both in 
race and religion, as that of Samaria" (' Ezra,' 
&c., p. 21). Dean Stanley ('Jewish Church,' 
Lect. xliii.) sees in it " the story again and 
again repeated in modern times: first, the 
natural desire of an estranged population 
heretical and schismatical as they might be 
to partake in a glorious national work ; then 
the rude refusal to admit their co-operation ; 
then the fierce recrimination of the excluded 
party, and the determination to frustrate the 
good work in which they cannot share." 
"The Protestants," he adds, "of the six- 
teenth, the Puritans of the seventeenth 
century may see their demands in the inno- 
cent, laudable request of the northern 
settlers : ' Let us build with you, for we seek 
your God as ye do.' The stiff retort of the 
Church, whether in Italy or in England, may 
fortify itself by the response of the ' chief of 
the fathers of Israel :' ' Ye have nothing to do 
with us to build an house unto our God ; but 
we ourselves together will build unto the God 
of Israel.' " 

72. But the, lij'c.] Rather, perhaps, "And 

the," &c. ; this conduct being regarded as the 
consequence of the answer given. 

lying heavy upon.'] The word in the 
Greek is a remarkable one, eniKoifiaiiieva, lit. 
" sleeping on them," " lying as an incubus on 
them." It is the word used in the LXX. of 
the woman overlying her child, in i Kings 
iii. 19. 

73. their secret plots, (isfc.'] The English 
is here rather a paraphrase of the original, 
which, as it stands, is difficult to translate 
literally. This will be seen from the diver- 
gence of the A.V. from the Geneva Version : 
" and by their ambushments and seditions 
and conspiracies hindered the finishing of the 

tivoyears.'] As Darius I. did not begin to 
reign till B.C. 521, eight years after the death 
of Cyrus, and fourteen years after the founda- 
tion of the second Temple, this is an obvious 
error. It may be due to a confusion with 
the " second year of the reign of Darius " 
mentioned just after in vi. i. 


1. Notv in the second year, isi'c7\ The ac- 
count from this point runs parallel to that 
in Ezra iv. 24 ; v. i sqq. The details of the 
opposition to the Jews during the reigns of 
"Ahasuerus" and " Artaxerxes," related in 
Ezra iv. 6-23, are here omitted. On the 
reasons for thinking that the two kings just 
mentioned were Cambyses and the Pseudo- 
Smerdis, see R. on Ezra iv. 5-7. 

Aggeus andZacharias.'] "Theystand side by 
side. One is far advanced in years, apparently 
belonging to that older generation which had 
wept over the contrast between the first and 
second Temple Haggai who bore a name 
which no prophet had ever assumed before, 



[v. 27. 

cir. 520. 

I Or, Iddo. 


which was 
called on 

' Ezra 5. 


I Or, 


I Or, She- 



Zacharias the son of ' Addo, the 
prophets, prophesied unto the Jews 
in Jewry and Jerusalem in the name 
of the Lord God of Israel, 'which 
was upon them. 

2 Then stood up Zorobabel the 
son of Salathiel, and Jesus the son of 
Josedec, and began to build the house 
of the Lord at Jerusalem, the prophets 
of the Lord being with them, and 
helping them. 

3 *At the same time came unto 
them ' Sisinnes the governor of Syria 
and Phenice, with " Sathrabuzanes and 
his companions, and said unto them, 

4 By whose appointment do ye 
build this house and this roof, and 
perform all the other things ? and who 
are the workmen that perform these 
things ? 

5 Nevertheless the elders of the 
Jews obtained favour, because the 
Lord had visited the captivity ; 

6 And they were not hindered 
from building, until such time as 
signification was given unto Darius 
concerning them, and an answer 

7 The copy of the letters which Si- 
sinnes, governor of Syria and Phenice, 

B. c 

cir. 52 

cir. s 

but which henceforth seems to have become 
familiar the ' Messenger, or Angel, of the 
Eternal' (Haggai i. 13; comp. Mai. iii. 1). 
The other must have been quite young, being 
the grandson of one of the returning exiles. 
Zechariah belonged to the priestly tribe, and 
is thus remarkable as an example of the union 
of the two functions, which, being long so 
widely separated in ancient times, had in the 
last days of the Monarchy gradually become 
blended together." (Stanley, ' Jewish C hurch,' 
Lect. xliii.) 

son of Addo7\ Strictly speaking, he was son 
of Berechiah, and grandson of Addo or Iddo. 
R. compares the case of Jehu the "son of 
Nimshi " (i Kings xix. 16 ; 2 Kings ix. 14). 

ivh'ich luas upon them.'] That is, by which 
they were called. This should be the render- 
ing of the parallel clause in Ezra v. i. The 
LXX. has eir' avTovs in both. 

2. began to build.'] Resumed, that is, the 
work long interrupted. What Jeshua and 
Zerubbabel had been doing in the long in- 
terval of fourteen years, or more, we are not 
told. It would seem, from the tone of Haggai, 
ch. i., that both leaders and people had lost 
heart, and become more or less indifferent to 
the work. They need the " prophesying," or 
preaching, of the outspoken Haggai, to stimu- 
late them afresh to the task. 

3. Sisinnes.] In Ezra v. 3 the name is 
given as Tatnai; in the LXX. Qavdavat, or 
QaOdavat. By a common interchange of sh 
and th, this might be expressed in Hebrew 
by Shashnai, or Sheshnai, and so in Greek 
by 2i(Tfvvrjs or StcrtWrjy. In like manner 
Sathrabuzanes (^adpalBovCdvrjs ; in the LXX. 
l,a6ap^ov(ai>ai) answers to the Shethar-boznai 
of Ezra. According to Professor Sayce 
('Ezra, &c.,'_p. 24), "neither Tatnai nor 
Shethar-boznai seems to be a Persian name. 

The latter may be Elamite, the former Ara- 

Rawlinson, however (' Appendix to Ezra,' 
p. 423), while admitting that Tatnai cannot 
be identified with any known Persian name, 
agrees with Lord Arthur Hervey ('Diet, of 
the Bible,' s. v.) in thinking Shethar-boznai 
Persian, and probably the same as that 
Grecized by Arrian into Satibarzanes. Tatnai 
was satrap of Syria and Phoenicia, a great 
district west of the Euphrates, and hence " on 
this side of the river " from the Judean point 
of view. From his ofBce, he was superior to 
Zerubbabel; and, if of Syrian origin, might 
well be hostile to the returning Jews. 

4. By ivhose appointment, <h'c.] As R. 
points out, the edict of " Artaxerxes " for- 
bidding the work (Ezra iv. 23) would by 
Persian customs be in force in his successor's 
reign, unless formally repealed; and hence 
the Jews were acting in one sense illegally. 
As Darius's hands were greatly tied at this 
time (see Sayce, ubi sup., p. 53), the moment 
may have been thought opportune for ven- 
turing to begin the building again, without 
waiting for a special sanction. 

roof.] The use of this term seems to point 
to the advanced state of the framework of 
the building, with "the timber already laid 
upon the walls" {y. 9). So F. would render 
it here by Gebalk. 

6. an ansiver received.] More exactly, 
"a notice sent," or "an intimation given." 
Another form of the same word, Tj-poa-cj^covr]- 
o-aVo), is rendered in -y. 22 "let him signify." 

7. The copy.] The Vatican text, as Fritzsche 
and Tischendorf punctuate, reads thus : " The 
copy of the letter which he (i.e. Sisinnes) 
wrote to Darius, and they sent. 'Sisinnes 
the governor of Syria, &c., to king Darius, 
greeting.' " 

V. 821.] 




cir. 519. 

and Sathrabuzanes, with their com- 
panions, rulers in Syria and Phenice, 



wrote and sent unto Darius j 
king Darius, greeting : 

8 Let all things be known unto 
our lord the king, that being come 
into the country of Judea, and entered 
into the city of Jerusalem, we found 
in the city of Jerusalem the ancients 
of the Jews that were of the 

9 Building an house unto the Lord, 
great and new, of hewn and costly 
stones, and the timber already laid 
upon the walls. 

10 And those works are done with 
great speed, and the work goeth on 
prosperously in their hands, and with 
all glory and diligence is it made. 

11 Then asked we these elders, 
saying, By whose commandment build 
ye this house, and lay the foundations 
of these works ? 

12 Therefore to the intent that 
we might give knowledge unto thee 
by writing, we demanded of them 
who were the chief doers, and we 
required of them the names in writing 
of their principal men. 

13 So they gave us this answer. 
We are the servants of the Lord 
which made heaven and earth. 

14 And as for this house, it was 
builded many years ago by a king of 

Israel great 

and strong, and was 

15 But when our fathers provoked B.C. 
God unto wrath, and sinned against !lif'' 
the Lord of Israel which is in heaven, 

he gave them over into the power of 
Nabuchodonosor king of Babylon, of 
the Chaldees ; 

16 Who pulled down the house, 
and burned it, and carried away the 
people captives unto Babylon. 

17 But in the first year that king 
Cyrus reigned over the country of 
Babylon Cyrus the king wrote to 
build up this house. 

18 And the holy vessels of gold 
and of silver, that Nabuchodonosor 
had carried away out of the house at 
Jerusalem, and had set them in his 
own temple, those Cyrus the king 
brought forth again out of the temple 
of Babylon, and they were delivered 

to ' Zorobabel and to Sanabassarus "P""', . , 

, , Zorobabel, 

the ruler, which u 

19 With commandment that he ,Xj^V 
should carry away the same vessels, ^^^l^^'^ 
and put them in the temple at Jeru- babei 
salem ; and that the temple of the tol^^ 
Lord should be built in his place. ^IttX 

20 Then the same Sanabassarus, ^^^ * 2- 
being come hither, laid the founda- 
tions of the house of the Lord at 
Jerusalem ; and from that time to 

this being still a building, it is not 
yet fully ended. 

2 1 Now therefore, if it seem good 
unto the king, let search be made 
among the " records of king Cyrus : s Or, rolls. 

9. costly stones.'] It is perhaps a better 
division of the text to take the word " costly " 
as qualifying " timber " (TroXwreXcoi/ ^vku>v 
Tideiiivoov). The reference might then be 
to the cedar w^ood mentioned in v. 55. 
Reuss, however (on Ezra v. 8), thinks the 
beams or girders to be meant. Comp. the 
note on v. 4, above. 

10. are done.] Rather, " being done ;" the 
clause depending on " we found." So " going 
on," just after, for "goeth on;" and "being 
finished," or " completed," for " is it made." 

12. Therefore, is'c^ More literally : " We 
questioned them, therefore, for the sake of 
making known to thee . . . and asked for 
the list of names of their leaders." The word 
for "list of names," oi/o/xaroypa^ia, occurs 

Apoc Vol. I, 

again in viii. 49, where it is rendered " cata- 
logue of names." 

15. of the Chaldees?] According to the 
Greek, "king of the Chaldees;" the word 
'' king " being repeated. 

16. Who pulled down.] Rather, " And they 
pulled down," 3cc. 

18. in his oiun temple.] See note on i. 41. 

to Zorobabel and to Sanabassarus?] The 
marginal note to v. 40, " two of one," might 
be repeated here. The specification of Zerub- 
babel alone, in w. 20, 27, and 29, shews that 
he is the one referred to. Above, in ii. 12, 15 
(where see the note), he was called Sanabassar 

21. records.] Rather, " record-offices," or 



[v. 22 30. 

B. C. 22 And if it be found that the 
cii^jig. ijyiijjj^g Qf (.^e house of the Lord at 

Jerusalem hath been done with the 

consent of king Cyrus, and if our lord 

the king be so minded, let him signify 

unto us thereof. 

' Ezra 6. 23 '^ Then commanded king Darius 

*' '^' to seek among the records at Babylon: 

and so at Ecbatana the palace, which 

is in the country of Media, there was 

\^'e. found a "roll wherein these things 

were recorded. 

24 In the first year of the reign of 
Cyrus king Cyrus commanded that 
the house of the Lord at Jerusalem 
should be built again, where they do 
sacrifice with continual fire : 

25 Whose height shall be sixty 
cubits, and the breadth sixty cubits, 
with three rows of hewn stones, and 
one row of new wood of that country; 
and the expences thereof to be given 
out of the house of king Cyrus : 

26 And that the holy vessels of the 
house of the Lord, both of gold and 
silver, that Nabuchodonosor took out 
of the house at Jerusalem, and 

brought to Babylon, should be re- b. C. 
stored to the house at Jerusalem, and '^^l^ 
be set in the place where they were 

27 And also he commanded that 
Sisinnes the governor of Syria and 
Phenice, and Sathrabuzanes, and their 
companions, and those which were 
appointed rulers in Syria and Phenice, 
should be careful not to meddle with 
the place, but suffer Zorobabel, the 
servant of the Lord, and governor of 
Judea, and the elders of the Jews, to 
build the house of the Lord in that 

28 I have commanded also to have 
it built up whole again ; and that 
they look diligently to help those that 
be of the captivity of the Jews, till 
the house of the Lord be finished : 

29 And out of the tribute of Celo- 
syria and Phenice a portion carefully 
to be given these men for the sacri- 
fices of the Lord, that is, to Zoro- 
babel the governor, for bullocks, and 
rams, and lambs ; 

30 And also corn, salt, wine, and 

"rolls-courts," ^i^XiocpvXaKiois. In Ezra v. 
17 the LXX. has eV tw o'Ua r^s ya(v^- 

23. at Ecbatana the palace?}^ The simple 
statement that, after searching at Babylon, 
they found the document at Ecbatana, is a 
mark of candid truthfulness in the writer. 
According to Sayce, the edict " had, in the 
first instance, no doubt, been inscribed on 
clay, and stored up among the archives in 
Babylon ; but a copy on papyrus had been 
afterwards made of it, as of other State docu- 
ments, for preservation at Ekbatana" {iibi 
^^P-t P- 52). Ecbatana, the Balmoral of the 
Persian kings, is here called "the palace" 
{jji ^apei), rather " the fortress," in Media. 
Josephus (' Antiqq.' x. 1 1, 7) uses the same 
peculiar word. 

rollj] To/ioy, for which some MSS. have 
roTToy, whence the marginal rendering. 

24. ivhere they do sacrifice.'] The sense 
may perhaps be : " where they shall do," &c. 
To the same purport R. would read in 
Ezra vi. 3. 

25. ivith three rows^ The meaning of 
the Greek, 8ta hoixav, is obscure. In Ezra 
vi. 4 the words are nearly the same, the LXX. 
in both places having fio/ioi, where the A. V. 

gives " rows." Fergusson (' Diet, of the 
Bible,' iii. p. 1459) thinks it means "storeys." 
R. prefers to apply it to the thickness of the 
walls, which was to be that of three blocks 
of hewn stone, together with the inner lining 
of timber. The opinion that every three 
layers, or courses, of stone were to have 
above them a layer of timber, is objected to 
by Reuss, who points out that, especially with 
ncuv (and therefore unshrunk) timber, such 
a mode of building would be a strange one. 

27. And also he commanded.'] The tran- 
sition from the decree of Cyrus quoted in the 
rescript, ending with v. 26, to the orders 
given by Darius in the rescript itself, is 
abrupt. In Ezra vi. 6 it is still more so; 
Tatnai and the others being there suddenly 
addressed in the second person. That -u. 27 
cannot be considered as forming part of the 
decree of Cyrus, seems plain from the fact that 
Sisinnes and his companions had addressed 
to Darius their inquiry about such a decree. 

28. ivhole^ oKo(Txipu>i, lit. entirely, or 
completely, from the very foundations. 

29. portion.] Or, " contribution," a-vvra^iv. 

30. corn, salt, (b'c] Needed for the burnt- 
offerings. See Exod. xxix. 40. 

V. 31 5-] 



B. C. oil, and that continually every year 

'lli!^' without further question, according as 

the priests that be in Jerusalem shall 

signify to be daily spent : 

1 Or, 9 1 That "offerincTS may be made 

offerings, to the most high God for the king 

and for his children, and that they 

k may pray for their lives. 

32 And he commanded that who- 
soever should transgress, yea, or make 
light of any thing afore spoken or 
written, out of his own house should 

a tree be taken, and he thereon be 
hanged, and all his goods seized for 
the king. 

33 The Lord therefore, whose 
name is there called upon, utterly 
destroy every king and nation, that 
stretcheth out his hand to hinder or 
endamage that house of the Lord in 

34 I Darius the king have ordained 
that according unto these things it be 
done with dilio-ence. 


cir. 519. 

I Sisinnes cmd others help forward the btdlding. 

5 The temple is finished, and dedicated. 10 
The passover is kept. 

THEN '^Sisinnes the governor " Ezra 6. 
of Celosyria and Phenice, and '^' 
Sathrabuzanes, with their companions, 
following the commandments of king 

2 Did very carefully oversee the 
holy works, assisting the ancients of 
the Jews and governors of the temple. 

3 And so the holy works prospered, 
when Aggeus and Zacharias the pro- 
phets prophesied. 

4 And they finished these things 
by the commandment of the Lord 

God of Israel, and with " the consent 11 or, the 
of Cyrus, Darius, and Artaxerxes, '^^'^^' 
kings of Persia. 

5 And thus was the holy house 515. 
finished in "the three and twentieth ".^^/'''^ 
day of the month Adar, in the sixth Ezra 6. 15'. 
year of Darius king of the Persians. 

31. for their lives.'] That is, of the king 
and his children. As instances of such 
prayers, Bertheau (on Ezra vi. 10) quotes 
Jer. xxix, 7, where the exiles in Babylon are 
exhorted to pray for the welfare of that city ; 
and I Mace. xii. 11, where the High-priest 
Jonathan speaks of remembering the Lace- 
dsemonians in the daily sacrifices and prayers. 

32. hanged^ Compare the punishment of 
Bigthan and Teresh (Esth. ii. 23). But R. 
thinks crucifixion to be meant. Reuss also 
renders the words in Ezra vi. 11 "qu'il y soit 
crucifie et cloue." For " tree " comp. Gal. 
iii. 13. 

seized for the king.] Gk. eivai iSacrtXtfcd, 
= publicari, " to be confiscated." In the 
parallel passage of Ezra it is "let his house 
be made a dunghill." 


2. very carefully.] Lit. " more diligently," 
eTTififXicTTepov, answering to the eTrt/xfXcof, 
" with diligence," of vi. 34. Their assiduity 
was increased by the king's command. 

governors of the temple^ UpoaTarats, 
a word said to be only found in this place. 
If genuine, it seems formed on a false analogy 
with TTpoa-TaTTjs. But it may be questioned 
whether it is not a corruption of lepov npo- 
a-Tarats. A TrpooraTTjs tov lepov is men- 
tioned in 2 Mace. iii. 4, answering to the 
" captain of the temple " of Luke xxii. 4. 

4. consent.] Better, as in the margin, "de- 
cree," or decision ; Gk. yj/co/x/jj. 

and .Artaxerxes.] This third king's name 
is a source of difficulty. The one so named 
in Ezra iv. 17, 23, has been assumed to mean 
the Pseudo-Smerdis. But he forbade, instead 
of helping, the building of the Temple: and 
moreover the name here stands after, not 
before, that of Darius. If, following the 
sequence of names, we come to the first 
Artaxerxes who reigned after Darius, we are 
carried down to a date subsequent to B.C. 
465, when Artaxerxes Longimanus ascended 
the throne. And the work of building the 
Temple is said in the very next verse to have 
been finished in the sixth year of Darius, B.C. 
516. Various explanations are offered. Reuss 
thinks that the compiler, or perhaps a later 
copyist, wishing to place together the three 
Persian kings who did most for the Jews, 
added the name of Artaxerxes. Fritzsche " 
considers that he is named already by antici- 
pation, because of the favour shewn by him 
afterwards (ch. viii. 9 sqq.). 

5. in the three and twentieth day^ In 
Ezra VI. 15 it is the third day. No reason 
has been suggested to account for this varia- 
tion, except the fanciful one (see Dr. Bissell's 
note) that as the later Encania, and the great 
Mosaic festivals, lasted eight days, the writer 
thought it more appropriate to make this 
dedication festival last eight days as well ; 

E 2 



[v. 615. 

B.C. 515- 6 And the children of Israel, the 
priests, and the Levites, and others 
that were of the captivity, that were 
added unto them, did according to 
the things written in the book of 

7 And to the dedication of the 
temple of the Lord they offered an 
hundred bullocks, and two hundred 
rams, four hundred lambs ; 

8 And twelve goats for the sin of 
all Israel, according to the number of 

" J^r. the "chief of the tribes of Israel. 

9 The priests also and the Levites 
stood arrayed in their vestments, ac- 

'??'? cording: to their "kindreds, in the 

divisions, o i/^irT 

Ezra 6. 18. service of the Lord God of Israel, 
according to the book of Moses : and 
the porters at every gate. 

tOr.wiik JO And the children of Israel "that 

tliosethat, . . , , , , 

<5^c. were of the captivity held the passover 

the fourteenth day of the first month, 
after that the priests and the Levites 
were sanctified. 

1 1 They that were of the captivity 
were not all sanctified together : but 

the Levites were all sanctified to- B.C. 

, cir. 515. 


12 And so they offered the pass- 
over for all them of the captivity, and 
for their brethren the priests, and for 

13 And the children of Israel that 
came out of the captivity did eat, 
even all they that had separated 
themselves from the abominations of 
the people of the land, and sought 
the Lord. 

14 And they kept the feast of 
unleavened bread seven days, making 
merry before the Lord, 

15 For that he had turned the 
"counsel of the king of Assyria to- " 9^ 
ward them, to strengthen their hands 

in the works of the Lord God of 


I Esdras bringeth the king's commission to 
build. 8 The copy of it. 28 He declareth 
the names and number of those that came 
with him, 6 1 and his joufney. "J I He 
lamenteth the sins of his people, 96 and 

which space of time, as Adar was the last 
month of the Jewish year, would just com- 
plete the old year. The peculiar expression 
in the Greek crvvfTe\(a6ri .... ecos rpirrji 
K.T.X., is exactly rendered in Neteler's German 
version : " Und es wurde dieses Haus vollen- 
det bis zum dritten Tage des Monats Adar." 

sixth year."] B.C. 516-5. It had thus been 
twenty years in progress, including the time 
during which the works were stopped. 

6. others.'] Rather, " the others," oi 
"KomoL Comp. Ezra vi. 16. 

7. an hundred, is'c.'] R. compares this 
"modest sacrifice," suiting well the day of 
small things (Zech. iv. 10), with the lavish 
offering of Solomon (1 Kings viii. 63). 

8. tivehe goats, (b'c.'] This was a recogni- 
tion of the unity of Israel, after the restoration, 
as before. In the Greek the reading varies. 
The A.V. appears to have had npos apidfiov 
t5>v <pv\S)v, but the best text has (according 
to F.'s punctuation) Scofie^a npos apiBpov, e'/c 
Ta>v <^vKapx(^v k.t.\., "twelve in number, fi-om 
the twelve leaders of the tribes of Israel." 

11. TIjey that ivere, (i^v.] The reading of 
the Greek here varies considerably. As given 
in the last edition of Tischendorf, the sense 
would literally be : " And the children of 

Israel, of those that were of the captivity, 
kept the passover on the fourteenth day of 
the first month, when the priests and the 
Levites together and all the children of the 
captivity were sanctified; (i) for they were 
sanctified, (2) for the Levites together were 

The clause marked (2) is omitted in 
several MSS., and (i) and (2) together in a 
few ; and F. would omit them both. But 
the best MSS. retain them. The reading of 
the Vulgate is scarcely more intelUgible : 
" And the children of Israel kept . . . &c., 
when the priests and Levites were sanctified. 
All the children of the captivity were not 
sanctified together, because the Levites were 
all sanctified together." The text must be 
corrupt as it stands ; but the general drift of 
the passage seems to be, that the Levites stood 
in less need of special purification than the 
rest, even than the priests. 

15. iing of jissjria.'] Darius is so called, 
from a part of his dominions, as Cyrus (in 
Ezra v. 1 3) and Artaxerxes (in Neh. xiii. 6) 
are called kings of Babylon. The Assyrian 
characters are even said to have been em- 
ployed by Persian sovereigns in their de- 
spatches and inscriptions. See Bp. Words- 
worth's note on Ezra vi. 22, and Duker and 
Arnold on Thuc. iv. 50. 

Y. I lO,] 



Cir. 457- 


* Ozias. 

' Merai- 

^ Uzzi: 



want these 



Ezra 7. I. 

sweareth the priests to put away their strange 

AND after these things, when 
Artaxerxes the king of the 
Persians reigned, came Esdras the son 
of Saraias, the son of ''Ezerias, the 
son of Helchiah, the son of Salum, 

2 The son of Sadduc, the son of 
Achitob, the son of Amarias, the son 
of ^Ezias, the son of "^Meremoth, the 
son of Zaraias, the son of '^Savias, 
the son of Boccas, the son of 
Abisum, the son of Phinees, the son 
of Eleazar, theson of Aaron "the chief 

3 This Esdras went up from Baby- 
lon, as a scribe, being very ready in 
the law of Moses, that was given by 
the God of Israel. 

4 And the king did him honour : 
for he found grace in his sight in all 
his requests. 

5 There went up with him also 
certain of the children of Israel, of 
the priests, of the Levites, of the holy 

singers, porters, and "ministers of the B.C. 
temple, unto Jerusalem, "r^?. 

6 In "the seventh year of the reim \9-^'-^^' 
of Artaxerxes, m the fifth month, this 11 see Ezra 
was the king's seventh year ; for 7' 7' ^' 9- 
they went from Babylon in the first 

day of the first month, and came to 
Jerusalem, according to the "pros- d Or, 
perous journey which the Lord gave ""^'^"^' 

7 For Esdras had very great skill, 
so that he omitted nothing of the law 
and commandments of the Lord, but 
taught all Israel the ordinances and 

8 Now the copy of the "commis- " Or, 
sion, which was written from Arta- 
xerxes the king, and came to Esdras 
the priest and reader of the law of the 
Lord, is this that followeth ; 

9 King Artaxerxes unto Esdras the 457- 
priest and reader of the law of the 
Lord sendeth greeting : 

10 Having determined to deal gra- 
ciously, I have given order, that such 


1. j^nd after these things.'] Between the 
end of the last chapter and the beginning of 
this a long interval has to be placed, from 
the sixth year of Darius (b.c. 516-5) to the 
seventh of Artaxerxes (b.c. 459-8). The 
same occurs between chaps, vi. and vii. of 
Ezra. This is assuming the Artaxerxes 
named to be Longimanus (b.c 465-425), 
which is the most natural supposition. See 
R.'s note on Ezra vii. i. 

EsdraSy h'e.'] For Ezra's genealogy, see 
the note on 2 Esdr. i. i. 

3. as a scribe, being 'very ready.] Rather, 
" as being a ready (or able) scribe," a>s ypanjia- 
Tfiis v(f)vris a>i>. The word v(jivr]s, bona 
indole praditus, " of a good natural disposi- 
tion," is replaced in Joseph us by iKavws 
e^Treipos, " well versed." For the gradual de- 
velopment of the scribe's office among the 
Jews, see R.'s note on Ezra vii. 6. 

5. ministers of the temp/e.] The Up68ov\oi, 
or Nethinim; on whom see the note on v. 35. 

The sequence of what follows becomes 
clearer, if no notice is taken of the division of 
verses, and a longer pause is made after " fifth 

6. this luas the king's seventh year.] The 

way in which this fact is twice stated is 
noticeable. It is similarly repeated in Ezra 
vii. 7, 8 ; where it is also specified that their 
arrival at Jerusalem was on the frst day of 
the fifth month ; so that the caravan had been 
exactly four months on the road, from the 
first of Nisan (March) to the first of Ab 


7. had "very great skill.] Such an inci- 
dental touch as this would shew Ezra himself 
not to be the writer. Compare the more 
modest description in Ezra vii. 10. 

8. Noiv the copy, ir'f.] The sense is 
broken in the original, which runs, literally : 
" Now when the decree which had been 
written came from Artaxerxes the king to 
Esdras the priest and reader of the law of 
the Lord, of which the subjoined is a copy." 
The word TTpocnTLivTfw is used in 2 Mace. v. 
10 (11), viii. 12, &c. of news coming to one's 

10. Having determined.] It is probable 
that some words are missing ft-om the begin- 
ning of the decree, as here given, since the 
Greek begins with Ka'i, "and." It may be 
that only the customary formula "and so 
forth," used to shorten the superscription, is 
wanting (see Ezra vii. 12) ; or it may be, as 
F. supposes, that some words of a petition 
had been recited first, and this "and" 



[v. II 


B.C. 457- of the nation of the Jews, and of the 
priests and Levites, being within our 
realm, as are willing and desirous, 
should go with thee unto Jerusalem. 

11 As many therefore as have a 
mind thereunto, let them depart with 
thee, as it hath seemed good both to 
me and my seven friends the coun- 
sellors ; 

12 That they may look unto the 
affairs of Judea and Jerusalem, agree- 
ably to that which is in the law of 
the Lord ; 

13 And carry the gifts unto the 
Lord of Israel to Jerusalem, which I 
and my friends have vowed, and all 
the gold and silver that in the country 

11 Or, ^ot. of Babylon can be "found, to the Lord 
in Jerusalem, 

14 With that also which is given 
of the people for the temple of the 
Lord their God at Jerusalem : and 
that silver and gold may be collected 
for bullocks, rams, and lambs, and 
things thereunto appertaining; 

15 To the end that they may offer 

sacrifices unto the Lord upon the b. c. 457- 
altar of the Lord their God, which is 
in Jerusalem. 

16 And whatsoever thou and thy 
brethren will do "with the silver and iiOr,aVA 
gold, that do, according to the will of Ez^ra". is! 
thy God. 

17 And the holy vessels of the Lord, 
which are given thee for the use of 
the temple of thy God, which is in 
Jerusalem, thou shalt set before thy 
God in Jerusalem. 

18 And whatsoever thing else thou 
shalt remember for the use of the 
temple of thy God, thou shalt give it 
out of the king's treasury, 

19 And I king Artaxerxes have 
also commanded the keepers of the 
treasures in Syria and Phenice, that 
whatsoever Esdras the priest and the 
reader of the law of the most high 
God shall send for, they should give 
it him with speed, 

20 To the sum of an hundred n Qr, 
talents of silver, likewise also of wheat >"^''""'", 
even to an hundred "cors, and an Ezra 7. 22. 

( = "and so," like " Atque ego" in Cic. 
* Epp. ad Div.' iv. 6, quoted by F.) was used 
to introduce the concession in reply. 

11. my seven friends, is'c?^ Rather, " my 
seven beloved counsellors." All the com- 
mentators refer to Esther i. 14, where men- 
tion is made of " the seven princes of Persia 
and Media, which saw the king's face, and 
which sat the first in the kingdom." Raw- 
linson quotes in addition the notice in Herod, 
iii. 84, of seven leading families in Persia, who 
formed the conspiracy against the Pseudo- 
Smerdis. Bertheau further quotes Justin, 
'Hist.'i. 9, 19, where these seven conspi- 
rators are mentioned. 

12. may look tinto^ Gk. inia-Ki'^aiVTCu., 
implying an official inspection. 

13. my friends^ Referring to the "friends 
the counsellors" of -y. 11. This is made clear 
by Ezra vii. 15. 

and all the ^old, (ij'f.] The construction, as 
F. points out, is : " and that all gold (or, 
every piece of gold) and silver that is found 
in the country of Babylon for the Lord at 
Jerusalem, along with what has been given 
by the people for the temple of the Lord 
their God which is in Jerusalem, be gathered 

16. ivitb the silver, (b'cJ] More literally, 
" with gold and silver," there being no article. 
That is, " whatever can be done by money, 
that do." In Ezra vii. 18, it is "with the 
rest of," &c., which is more natural. 

17. the holy vessels^ Referred to in viii. 
25 below. 

18. thou shalt remember?^ Gk. vTroiriTrrT] 
aoi, like tibi subvenerint in the Vulg., taken in 
the sense of " occur to thee," " come into thy 
mind." But F. denies that this is the right 
meaning here, and prefers the general one of 
" befalling," with which Wahl agrees. 

19. send for, (b'c.'] Rather, "whatsoever 
message Esdras, &c., may send," oar a iav 

mjith speed.] Rather, "diligently," eVt/ieXtoy. 
The comparative, eVt/ieXeWepoi', is the word 
used above in vii. 2, where it is rendered, 
somewhat laxly, " very carefully." 

20. To the sum of, (b'c'] This would limit 
the demand on the provincial treasuries. 
One hundred talents of silver would amount 
to about 24,300/. The cor, or homer, is fixed 
by some at about 86 gallons ; by others, at 
about 44. The piece, or butt (French, " une 
piece de vin"), Gk. nerprjTrjs:, nearly answered 
to our firkin, being, according to one system, 

V. 21 29.] 


E. C. 457- hundred pieces of wine, and other 
things in abundance. 

21 Let all things be performed after 
the law of God diligently unto the most 
high God, that wrath come not upon 
the kingdom of the king and his 

22 I command you also, that ye 
require no tax, nor any other imposi- 
tion, of any of the priests, or Levites, 
or holy singers, or porters, or ministers 
of the temple, or of any that have 
doings in this temple, and that no 
mian have authority to impose any 
thing upon them. 

23 And thou, Esdras, according to 
the wisdom of God ordain judges and 
justices, that they may judge in all 

1 Heb. of Syria and Phenice " all those that 
kn^, ^'^ know the law of thy God ; and those 
Ezra?. 25. t}^^t- know it not thou shalt teach. 
'Ezra?. 24 And ^whosoever shall trans- 
gress the law of thy God, and of the 
king, shall be punished diligently. 

whether it be 'by death, or other 
punishment, by penalty of money, or 
by imprisonment. 

25 H Then said Esdras the scribe. 
Blessed be the only Lord God of my 
fathers, who hath put these things 
into the heart of the king, to glorify 
his house that is in Jerusalem : 

26 And hath honoured me in the 
sight of the king, and his counsellors, 
and all his friends and nobles. 

27 Therefore was I encouraged by 
the help of the Lord my God, and 
gathered together men of Israel to go 
up with me. 

28 And these are the chief accord- 
ing to their families and several 
dignities, that went up with me from 
Babylon in the reign of king Arta- 
xerxes : 

29 Of the sons of Phinees, Gerson: 
of the sons of Ithamar, -^ Gamael : of 
the sons of David, ^ Lettus ^ the son 
of Sechenias : 


B. C. 457. 




A Ezra 8. 
Z, of the 
sons of 
niah, of 
the sons of 

between eight and nine gallons. See the art. 
Weights and Measures in ' Diet, of the 
Bible,' iii. p. 1742. 

and other things in abundance.'] In Ezravii. 
22 it is " and salt without prescribing how 
much." The variation is due to the con- 
fusion between Ka\ ak\a and kuI aXa. The 
latter is the better-supported reading. Comp. 
above, vi. 30. 

22. you also.'] Addressed to the Persian 
officials in Palestine. 

no tax.] This was more liberal than even 
the edict of Darius (ch. iv. 50). The grant 
of such great privileges naturally raises the 
question : To what was this striking indul- 
gence due ? Professor Sayce {ubi sup., p. 6 1 ) 
thinks that we may see in it " a recognition 
that the troubles of the first few years of the 
reign of Artaxerxes had been due to the 
anger of the God of Israel. Esther, the 
Jewess, had been the wife of Xerxes, and it 
is difficult not to think that she may have 
had some influence over the religious ideas of 
the new king." 

any that have doings, is'c] Gk. irpayfia- 
TiKo'isTov lepov, a general term for all servants 
and others employed about the Temple. The 
Vulgate scribis tempU points to a v. 1. ypafj.- 
fj-ariKols, for which there is a little authority. 

23. thou shah teach.] As Reuss remarks, 
this is not to be understood as conveying to 

Ezra a general commission to make prose- 
lytes (" pour faire de la propagande") among 
the heathen residents in Palestine, but only as 
conferring upon him an ecclesiastical autho- 
rity over his own countrymen. At the same 
time it is plain, as R. points out, that Ezra's 
commission, including in it the power of 
capital punishment (y. 24), must have super- 
seded in some respects that of the regular 
governors of the province. 

24. or other punishment.] The alterna- 
tives were death and a less penalty; the 
latter being subdivided into fine and im- 
prisonment (or banishment, aTTayayri). In 
Ezra vii. 26, three forms of the inferior 
penalty are given. 

26. all his friends.] As counsellors has 
been already mentioned, _/r/fK^j must here be 
used in a wider sense. See above, -w, 11,13. 

28. And these are, <h'c.] Ezra viii. i sqq. 
sei'eral dignities.] See the note above, on 

i. 5- 

29. Gamael] So in the Aldine. The 
best text has Gamaliel. In Ezra it is Daniel, 
which Bertheau thinks confirmed by Neh. 
X. 7- 

Lettus?, Rather, Lattus, Xarrovs (Aid.), 
but the best text has Attus, 'A.ttovs. answering 
to the Hattush of Ezra. He was grandson of 
Shechaniah (i Chron. iii. 22). In Ezra viii. 



[v. 3041. 

B. C. 4S7. 

i Zera- 

k Or, of 
the sons of 
niah the 
ton of 

D Heb. 
fifty men. 






30 Of the sons of Pharez, Zacha- 
rias ; and with him were counted 
an hundred and fifty men : 

31 Of the sons of Pahath Moab, 
Eliaonias, the son of ' Zaraias, and 
with him two hundred men : 

32 ^ Of the sons of Zathoe, Seche- 
nias the son of Jezelus, and with him 
three hundred men : of the sons of 
Adin, Obeth the son of Jonathan, and 
with him "two hundred and fifty 
men : 

33 Of the sons of Elam, Josias son 
of ^ Gotholias, and with him seventy 
men : 

34 Of the sons of Saphatias, '" Za- 
raias son of Michael, and with him 
" threescore and ten men : 

35 Of the sons of Joab, " Abadias 

son of '^ Jezelus, and with him two 
hundred and ^ twelve men : 

36 '' Of the sons of Banid, Assali- 
moth son of Josaphias, and with him 
an hundred and threescore men : 

37 Of the sons of Babi, Zacharias 
son of Bebai, and with him twenty 
and eight men : 

38 Of the sons of ^ Astath, Johan- 
nes son of ^ Acatan, and with him an 
hundred and ten men : 

39 Of the sons of Adonikam the 
last, and these are the names of them, 
Eliphalet, Jeuel, and " Samaias, and 
with them '^ seventy men : 

40 Of the sons of " Bago, Uthi the 
son of Istalcurus, and with him 
seventy men. 

41 And these I gathered together 

B. C. 457- 


9 Ox, 



' Or, of 

the sons of 
She I omit h 
the son of 





X Or, 
sixty men. 

I Heb._ 

2, 3, the text wants re-arranging. See R.'s 
note there. 

30. Pharez?^ The Phoros of v. 9. 

31. Pahath Moakl Ch. v. 11. 
Eliaonias.'] In Ezra, Elihoenai. 

32. Jezelus.'] Called in Ezra, Jahaziel. 
R. would alter the reading there to agree 
with the LXX. and this passage. Another 
Jezelus is mentioned 'in v. 35 below. 

Adin.'] Comp. v. 14. Obeth in Ezra is 
Ebed. The word means " slave," and is found 
in compound names, as Ebed-Melech (Jer. 
xxxviii. 7). 

33. Elam.] Ch. v. 12. Josias, 'lealas, 
called in Ezra viii. 7 Jeshaiah. On the other 
hand, the Jeshaiah of Ezra viii. 19 is in this 
chapter (1;. 48) called Osaias. GothoHah is 
the same as the Athaliah (which is also found 
as a female name) in Ezra, the initial ayin 
being replaced by the Greek guttural. 

34. Saphatias.] Called in v. 9 Saphat, 
otherwise Shephatiah. 

Zaraias.] To be distinguished from the 
two of the same name mentioned before in 
this chapter, "w. 2, 31. In Ezra it is 

35. Joab.] See the note on ch. v. 11, 
where a clause containing the name of Joab 
is omitted in the English Version. It is 
doubtful whether the one there referred to is 
the same as this Joab. Abadias is in Ezra 

36. Banid.] This form is fi-om the Aldine, 
^avi^, probably a corruption of Bavi'a (by inter- 

change of A and A). The Vatican has Bai/i'ar. 
In Ezra viii. 10, where the name should 
occur, it is thought by R. to have dropped out 
from its resemblance to beney, "sons." 

Assalimoth.] In Ezra and in i Chron. iii. 
19 (where it is a female name) the form is 
Shelomith : in the Greek here it is 2a.\ifx<ad. 
It is not unlikely that the form in the text, 
Assalimoth, is due to a wrong division of 
syllables in the names Bavi | asSaXt/ico^. 

37. Babi . . . Bebai.] In Ezra viii. 1 1 the 
names are identical. Comp. v. 13. 

38. Astath.] In v. 1 3, Sadas ; in the Greek, 
'AcrraS. In Ezra, Azgad. Acatan, in Ezra 
Hakkatan, only differs from the form Catan, 
given in the margin, by having the Hebrew 
definite article prefixed. Compare the name 
Accoz in V. 38 with Coz in Ezra ii. 61. 

39. the last.] That is, "the last of the 
sons of A." This may mean the last left in 
Babylon. R. thinks it denotes the younger 
branches of the family ; which would come to 
the same thing, supposing the older members 
to have returned with Zerubbabel. Comp. 
V. 14. 

40. Bago.] Called Bagoi in v. 14, Bigvd 
in Ezra. The name Bagoas is said to mean 
" eunuch " in Persian. See ' Diet, of the 
Bible,' s. n)., where Dr. Westcott quotes 
Pliny, ' H. N.' xiii. 4, 9, in illustration. 

Uthi the son of Istalcurus.] Instead of this 
we have in Ezra viii. 14, " Uthai and Zabbud," 
with marginal reading " Zaccur." It is diffi- 
cult to see how Ka\ ZaKKovp could be changed 
to 6 Tov 'IcTTokKovpov, though there is some 

V. 42 46-] 


B.C. 457. >to the river called Theras, where we 
> Or, to pitched our tents three days : and 
then ^ I surveyed them. 

42 But when I had found there 
none of the priests and Levites, 

43 Then sent I unto Eleazar, and 
'^Iduel, and ^Masman, 

44 And Alnathan, and Mamaias, 

the river 
Ezra 8. 15, 

* Or, he 
the people 
aftd the 

JXrj<^^/and '-^Joribas, and Nathan, Eunatan, 

Levi. <^ Ox, Ariel. 
Ezra 8. 16. 

* Or, Shemaiah. ' Or, Jarib. These men's 

Zacharias, and MosoUamon, principal 
men and learned. 

45 And I bade them that they 
should go unto ^ Saddeus the captain, 
* who was in the place of -^ the trea- 
sury : 

46 And commanded them that 
they should speak unto Daddeus, and 
to ^ his brethren, and to the treasurers 

names with their generations are rightly distinguished. 


B. C. 457. 

' Or, of. 

^ Or, the 

nitns at 
the place 

resemblance between the last syllables. But 
the way in which the two previous names 
appear as one in the Aldine, Bayou^i, will shew 
how liable such names are to be corrupted 
in transcription. 

41. the river called Theras.^ In the parallel 
passage of Ezra the expression is " the river 
that runneth to Ahava." And as it is called 
later on (Ezra viii. 21) "the river o/" Ahava," 
it would seem that this was the name both 
of a river and of a place. Rawlinson thinks 
that the spot can be identified with the 
modern Hit, called in Babylonian Ihi, a town 
on the Euphrates, about 80 miles N.W. from 
Babylon. Reuss thinks the spot unknown, 
and the " river " to have been one of the 
numerous canals, the "waters of Babylon." 
Why the name should be Theras, Of pas, in 
the text, has not been satisfactorily explained. 
The LXX. at Ezra viii. 15 and 21 gives the 
forms Evt and 'Aove. F. thinks that Gepas 
or Qepa is only a perverted reading of the 
Hebrew J^IIjX. One might almost suspect 
that Josephus converted it into ivepav, in 
his equivalent expression etj to nepav tov 

43. The small number of Levites who were 
inclined to return was noticed in the first 
expedition. See above, v. 26. But the priests 
on that occasion (ib., v. 24) were conspicuous 
by their numbers, and in the parallel passage 
of Ezra here no mention is made of any failure 
on their part. But the fact that in v. 47 of 
this chapter " sons of Levi " appear to answer 
the requirement for men to "execute the 
priests' office " (v. 46), suggests the thought 
that the distinction between the two might 
be growing less marked. 

43, 44. The following are the parallel 
lists of names in Ezra and i Esdras : 

Ezra viii. 16-19. 

1. Eliezer. 

2. Ariel. 

3. Shemaiah. 

4. Elnathan I. 

5. Jarib. 

6. Elnathan II. 

7. Nathan. 

8. Zechaniah. 

I Esdras viii. 43-4. 

1. Eleazar. 

2. Iduel, '15qv7]Xos. 

3. Masman, Mum koI 

4. Alnathan. [Maffp-dv. 

5. Mamaias, Sa^ai'as. 

6. Joribas. 

7. Nathan. 

8. Eunatan, 'EwaTav. 

Ezra viii. 16-19. 
9. Meshullam. 

10. Joiarib. 

11. Elnathan III. 

I Esdras viii. 43-4. 
9. Zacharias. 
10. Mosollamon, MoaSx- 

From the above it will be seen, that if 
for Masman (No. 3 in i Esdras) we read 
with the best Greek text Maia and Mas- 
man, the number is the same in both lists. 
No. I of Ezra will then answer to i of the 
other, 3 to 6, 4 to 5, 5 to 7, 7 to 8, 8 to 10, 
9 to II, and II to 9. The Maia (No. 3 of 
I Esdras) may be merely a misreading of the 
last part of No. 5. The change of Ariel, 
" Lion of God," to Iduel is noticeable ; and 
still more so the strange equivalent for the 
latter in the Vulgate, Eccelon. The "Ihov- in 
\hovr\Kov appears to have been translated by 
Ecce, and the name Ecce-elori thus formed, 
which would naturally become Eccelon. 
Eunatan (No. 8 in i Esdr.) is simply a mis- 
print for Ennatan, as it stands in the Geneva 

45. Saddens.'] In the Gk. AoSSalo?, Aid 
AaSSaios- ; in Ezra, Iddo. The form AoSSaTo? 
appears to have arisen from running together 

ny'pX in the Hebrew. See Bertheau's 
note on Ezra viii. 17. Bertheau suggests 
that the Nethinim may have been called the 
" brethren" of the Levites {ib.') from their 
dwelling together. But in the present pas- 
sage the Nethinim, or " servants of the 
temple " (jv. 49), are kept clearly distinct. 

in the place of the treasury."] For this, we 
find in Ezra "at the place Casiphia," but in the 
LXX. the perverted phrase iv rw dpyvplo 
TOV TOTTov, corrected in the present version to 
eV TIB TOTTCf) ya^o(j)v\aKcov. As no such place 
as Casiphia is known, there are various con- 
jectures to account for the name, and for 
yaCo(J3v'KaKLov as its equivalent. Perhaps the 
simplest way would be to suppose that the 
Hebrew f]P2l, " silver," had been taken for a 
proper name, and Grecized in transliteration. 
Bertheau suggests that Casiphia might be the 
name of a college, or institution, where 
Levites were established; over which Iddo 
or Saddeus " the captain" presided. 

46. Daddeus.'] The same as the Saddeus 



[v. 4756. 


A Or, 

' Or, She- 
Ezra 8. 18. 

* Or, Also 
hiali, and 
ivith hitn 
of tlie sons 
of Merari 
luith his 
Ezra 8. 19. 

1 Or, pro- 

in that place, to send us such men as 
might execute the priests' office in 
the house of the Lord. 

47 And by the mighty hand of 
our Lord they brought unto us skilful 
men of the sons of ''' iVloli the son of 
Levi, the son of Israel, ^ Asebebia, 
and his sons, and his brethren, who 
were eighteen. 

48 ^ And Asebia, and Annuus, and 
Osaias his brother, of the sons of 
Channuneus, and their sons, were 
twenty men. 

49 And of the servants of the 
temple whom David had ordained, and 
the principal men for the service of 
the Levites, to wit, the servants of 
the temple, two hundred and twenty, 
the catalogue of whose names were 

50 fl And there I "vowed a fast 
unto the young men before our Lord, 
to desire of him a prosperous journey 
both for us and them that were with 

us, for our children, and for the b. 0.457- 
cattle : j Yi^y^. 

5 1 For I was ashamed to ask the substance. 
king footmen, and horsemen, and 
conduct for safeguard against our 

52 For we had said unto the king, 
that the power of the Lord our God 
should be with them that seek him, 
to support them in all ways. 

53 And again we besought our 
Lord as touching these things, and 
found him favourable unto us. 

54 Then I separated twelve of the 

chief of the priests, ^ Esebrias, and As-'^^'l"^' 

1 r 1 1 t- and Has- 

sanias, and ten men or their brethren sHias. 
with them : 

55 And I weighed them the gold, 
and the silver, and the holy vessels of 
the house of our Lord, which the 
king, and his council, and the princes, 
and all Israel, had given. 

56 And when 1 had weighed it, I 
delivered unto them six hundred and 

47. Mo/i.] In Ezra, Mahli ; Gk. MooXt. 
*' Son" is here again used for grandson, as in 
vi. I, and often. See Ex. vi. 16-19. 

ylsebebia-l In Ezra viii. 18, it is " they 
brought us a man, of understanding, of the 
sons of Mahh, . . . and Sherebiah;" which, 
if correct, would leave us to wonder why the 
name of one so distinguished should not have 
been recorded. The Alex, here, too, has the 
singular, " a skilful man," which would point 
to Asebebia as the one. If so, the "and" 
before Sherebiah in Ezra should, as R. sug- 
gests, be left out. But if we prefer to assume 
that a name has been lost, and that the " ar2d 
Sherebiah" of Ezra viii. 1 8 is correct, the first 
letter of 'A(Tepr]f:iLav may represent such a 
missing Kal, especially as in the Aid. the 
name appears as Ula-eprj^iav. 

48. Annuus, (h-'cl Gk "Awovos. Some 
of the names given here are altogether un- 
like those in Ezra viii. 19. Asebia is of 
course Hashabiah, and Osaias is Jeshaiah 
(LXX. 'laaia) ; but the Other two are very 

49. qvbom Da-vid had ordained.'] F. agrees 
in this punctuation, placing a comma after 
AaviS. But the sense requires us to read, 
" whom David and the principal men had or- 
dained (lit. 'gave') for the service," &c., in 
accordance with Ezra viii. 20, " whom David 
and the princes had appointed." Comp. 
above, v. 29, and 1 Chron. ix. 2. 

ivere shelved."} The use of the plural num- 
ber seems due to the attraction of the word 
" names " just before. 

50. a fast.} As Jehoshaphat had done : 
2 Chron. xx. 3. Ezra would have many 
reasons for anxiety. " The passage of the 
troops to Egypt had no doubt increased the 
ordinary dangers of a road always infested 
by Beduins and brigands, and Ezra had been 
* ashamed to require of the king an escort of 
soldiers and horsemen,' for he had told him 
that ' the hand of our God is upon all them 
for good that seek him ; but his power and 
his wrath is against all them that forsake 
him.' The amount of gold and silver, how- 
ever, which he was carrying with him (Ezra 
viii. 26, 27), gave him good reason to feel 
anxious." (Sayce, ' Ezra,' &:c., p. 62.) 

the young men.} The reason of this special 
addition to the account in Ezra viii. 2 1 is not 
clear. For the term employed, see note on 
1'. 91 below, and comp. Neh, viii. 2. 

54. Esebrias.} Gk. 'Ecrepe^Las, Vulg. Sede- 
bias (by interchange of d and r in Hebrew), 
the same as Sherebiah (Ezra viii. 18, 24) or 
Asebebia (above, v. 47). As Assanias an- 
swers to Hashabiah (Ezra viii. 19), both 
these were Levites ; and the question arises, 
how they could be described as " chief of the 
priests." R. thinks that the Hebrew should 
be read as " to Sherebiah," &c. ; that is, Ezra 
appointed twelve priests to form a joint body 

V. 5765-] 



Ezra, 8. 27 

B. C.4S7- fifty talents of silver, and silver vessels 
of an hundred talents, and an hundred 
talents of gold, 

57 And twenty golden vessels, and 
" twelve vessels of brass, even of fine 
brass, glittering like gold. 

58 And I said unto them. Both ye 
are holy unto the Lord, and the ves- 
sels are holy, and the gold and the 
silver is a vow unto the Lord, the 
Lord of our fathers. 

59 Watch ye, and keep them till 
ye deliver them to the chief of the 
priests and Levites, and to the prin- 
cipal men of the families of Israel, in 
Jerusalem, into the chambers of the 
house of our God. 

60 So the priests and the Levites, 
who had received the silver and the 
gold and the vessels, brought them 
unto Jerusalem, into the temple of 
the Lord. 

61 And from the river Theras we 

departed the twelfth day of the first B.C. 457- 
month, and came to Jerusalem by the 
mighty hand of our Lord, which was 
with us : and from the " beginning of n Or, 
our journey the Lord delivered us ^^"fhP 
from every enemy, and so we came to "> 

62 And when we had been there 
three days, the gold and silver that 
was weighed was delivered in the 
house of our Lord on the fourth day 

unto "Marmoth the priest the son of 0r, ^<> 

ri the son of 

63 And with him was Eleazar the ^^^^ *^ 
son of Phinees, and with them were 
Josabad the son of Jesu and " Moeth d Or, 
the son of Sabban, Levites : all was the^s^lf 
delivered them by number and weight. ^'"'- 

64 And all the weight of them was 
written up the same hour. 

65 Moreover they that were come 
out of the captivity offered sacrifice 
unto the Lord God of Israel, even 

with these twelve Levites. But, as was sug- 
gested above (1;. 46), the distinction between 
the two orders may have begun to disappear. 

56. talents, (i^v.] Reuss interprets the 
parallel passage in Ezra as expressing the 
actual weight of the silver in talents : " un 
poids de six cent cinquante talents," &c., but 
the twenty golden vessels, or bowls, he gives 
as " valant mille dariques." Hence it is per- 
haps best to take all these amounts as repre- 
senting value, not weight. So Bertheau. 
The value of the talent of silver was about 

57. brass, (ij'r.] In Ezra it 



vessels of fine copper, precious as gold." F. 
thinks twelve more likely to have been the 
number. The " fine brass glittering like 
gold," ;^pj;(rTo{i ;)^aXKo{) aTiXfiovTa ^pvcroei8rj 
(lit. "good," "genuine," brass or bronze), 
seems to point, as Dr. Bissell suggests, to the 
metal known as orichalcum. Reuss thinks 
the vessels were gilded (" d'un metal dore "). 

59. into the chambers^ Rather, " in the," 
&c., eV Tols nacrTo(Popiois. These were cells, 
or chambers in the cloisters surrounding the 
Temple. See F.'s note, and comp. i Kings 
vi. 5. 

60. unto Jerusalem.'] The Greek is ra 
fv 'lepov(TaXT]fi, " which were in Jerusalem." 
This might by a stretch of interpretation be 
supposed to mean " which had (before) been 
in J.," but the ra is probably faulty. It would 

be simplest to strike it out ; only, as F. points 
out, it is in all the best MSS. 

61. tiuel/ih day.] 

Comp. "W. 6 and 41 

from the beginning.'] The variety in the 
marginal reading is due to the obscurity of 
the Greek : otto ttjs elaobov otto iravros 
exdpov. F. says that e'la-odos must have the 
sense of onset, attack ; but would any Greek 
writer use elVoSos otto in such a connection ? 

62. that tvas ^weighed.] Rather, "after 
being weighed," a-radiv, not to a-radiv. 

Marmoth.] In Ezra viii. 33, " Meremoth 
the son of Uriah." In the Geneva Version, 
" Marmoth the priest, the sonne of louri," 
with marginal reading, " Marmoth the son 
of lori of Urie." This last may be traced to 
the Aldine reading napfxcodiovpl Upel, from 
which lepe'i appears to have been under- 
stood as a proper name. Hence possibly 
the peculiar form Iri in the text. Urias is 
mentioned again in ix. 43. 

63. Jesu.] The Levite Jessue, or Jeshua, 
mentioned above, v. 26. " Moeth the son of 
Sabban" appears in Ezra viii. 33 as "Noadiah 
the son of Binnui." The name of Binnui 
(LXX. Bavata) probably lurks in the latter 
part of 2a-/3ai/j/ou, and it might be possible to 
trace the change of Nwafim to Mcoed. A 
prophetess named Noadia is also mentioned in 
Neh. vi. 14. 

64:. hour.] Rather, "time." 



[v. 66 77. 

B.C. 457. 

twelve he 
goats for 
a sin 
Ezra 8. 35. 

*" Ezra 9. 

twelve bullocks for all Israel, four- 
score and sixteen rams, 

66 " Threescore and twelve lambs, 
goats for a peace offering, twelve ; 
all of them a sacrifice to the Lord. 

67 And they delivered the king's 
commandments unto the kind's stew- 
ards, and to the governors of Celo- 
syria and Phenice j and they honoured 
the people and the temple of God. 

68 Now when these things were 
done, the rulers came unto me, and 

69 The nation of Israel, the 
princes, the priests and Levites, 
have not put away from them the 
strange people of the land, nor the 
pollutions of the Gentiles, to w'lt^ of 
the Canaanites, Hittites, Pheresites, 
Jebusites, and the Moabites, Egyp- 
tians, and Edomites. 

70 ^ For both they and their sons 
have married with their daughters, 
and the holy seed is mixed with the 
strange people of the land ; and from 
the beginning of this matter the 
rulers and the great men have been 
partakers of this iniquity. 

71 And as soon as I had heard b. c.4S7- 
these things, I rent my clothes, and 

the holy garment, and pulled off the 
hair from off my head and beard, and 
sat me down sad and very heavy. 

72 So all they that were then 
moved at the word of the Lord God 
of Israel assembled unto me, whilst I 
mourned for the iniquity : but I sat 
still full of heaviness until the evening 

73 Then rising up from the fast 
with my clothes and the holy gar- 
ment rent, and bowing my knees, 
and stretching forth my hands unto 
the Lord, 

74 I said, O Lord, I am con- 
founded and ashamed before thy face ; 

75 For our sins " are multiplied Or, have 

1 , , . . ^ abounded. 

above our heads, and our ignorances 
have reached up unto heaven. 

76 For ever since the time of our 
fathers we have been and are in great 
sin, even unto this day. 

77 And for our sins and our 
fathers' we with our brethren and 
our kings and our priests were given 
up unto the kings of the earth, to the 

66. for a peace offering^ The Geneva 
Version, more correctly, " for salvation," 
vTrep aaTTjpiov, as a thanksgiving^ for safe pre- 
servation on their journey. It will be noticed 
that all the numbers here are multiples of 
twelve, again expressive of the unity and 
completeness of Israel. The number 77 in 
Ezra viii. 35 does not accord with this. 
Bertheau regards it as the intensification 
(" die Starke Steigerung ") of the number 

67. and they honoured, fZi^c] I.e. the Per- 
sian officials just mentioned. The word 
"stewards," olKovofioi, answers to the Stoi- 
KrjTM of the LXX. at Ezra viii. 36, where the 
original word is rendered "lieutenants." 
Reuss properly translates it by satrapes 

68. Noiv <iuhen, (h'c.~\ Ezra ix. i sqq. 
Between this verse and the last an interval 
must be placed. From Ezra vii. 9 we learn 
that they reached Jerusalem on the first day 
of the fifth month (July-Aug.) ; and from 
Ezra X. 9, that the meeting on the subject 
now introduced was held on the twentieth 
day of the ninth month (Chisleu, = Nov.- 
Dec). Hence something like four months 

must be supposed to have elapsed. During 
this interval, as Stanley suggests ('Jewish 
Church,' Lect. xliv.), there would have been 
time for the residents in Palestine to become 
acquainted with the copies of the Law 
brought from Ghaldea by Ezra and his fol- 
lowers. Hence the stir which arose. 

69. Egyptians.'] The insertion of this 
name among those of the Canaanitish races 
shews, as Reuss observes, the great extent to 
which a mixture of races had been going on. 

71. pulled off, (b'c.'] R. notices that 
while shaving the head was a common sign of 
mourning among Orientals (Job i. 20 ; Jer. 
vii. 29, &c.), plucking off the hair was un- 
usual. Bertheau, however, compares the 
conduct of Nehemiah (Neh. xiii. 25). 

72. then^ It would appear that the 
English translator read roVe here, but the 
best text (as well as the Aldine) has Trore, " as 
many soever as were," &c. 

the evening sacrifice^ Compare the con- 
duct of Elijah on Mount Carmel, i Kings 
xviii. 26. 

75. our sins, (b'c.'\ R. aptly compares Ps. 

V. 7890.] 



Ezra 9. 8 

B.C. 457- sword, and to captivity, and for a 
prey with shame, unto this day. 

78 And now in some measure hath 
mercy been shewed unto us from 
thee, O Lord, that there should be 
left us a root and a name in the place 
of thy sanctuary ; 

79 And to discover unto us a light 
in the house of the Lord our God, 
and to give us " food in the time of 
our servitude. 

80 Yea, when we were in bondage, 
we were not forsaken of our Lord ; 
but he made us gracious before the 
kings of Persia, so that they gave us 
food ; 

81 Yea, and honoured the temple 
of our Lord, and raised up the deso- 
late Sion, that they have given us a 
sure abiding in Jewry and Jerusalem. 

82 And now, O Lord, what shall 
we say, having these things ? for we 
have transgressed thy commandments, 
which thou gavest by the hand of thy 
servants the prophets, saying, 

83 That the land, which ye enter 
into to possess as an heritage, is a 
land polluted with the pollutions of 

the strangers of the land, and they 6.0.457. 
have filled it with their uncleanness. 

84 Therefore now shall ye not 
join your daughters unto their sons, 
neither shall ye take their daughters 
unto your sons. 

85 Moreover ye shall never seek 
to have peace with them, that ye 
may be strong, and eat the good 
things of the land, and that ye may 
leave the inheritance of the land unto 
your children for evermore. 

86 And all that is befallen is done 
unto us for our wicked works and 
great sins : for thou, O Lord, didst 
make our sins light, 

87 And didst give unto us such a 
root : but we have turned back again 
to transgress thy law, and to mingle 
ourselves with the uncleanness of the 
nations of the land. 

88 " Mightest not thou be angry n Or, 5* 
with us to destroy us, till thou hadst ^^^^^^s^y- 
left us neither root, seed, nor name ? 

89 O Lord of Israel, thou art 
true : for we are left a root this day. 

90 Behold, now are we before thee 
in our iniquities, for we cannot stand 

xxxviii. 4, " mine iniquities are gone over 
mine head." 

78. in some measure?^ Kara ttoo-ov ti. But 
Tisch. and F. prefer to accentuate it /caret 
Tvoa-ov Ti, " in liow great a measure !" 

a root.'] In Ezra ix. 8 the expressive 
metaphor is used of " nail in his holy 
place." Comp. Eccles. xii. 11; Isai. xxii. 23. 
R. thinks that by " holy place " is meant " his 
holy land ;" that is, " the land of Israel," com- 
paring Zech. ii. 12. But surely the present 
passage shews the Temple to be referred to. 
Comp. Ps. xxiv. 3, xxvi. 9. 

79. to give us food.'] The w^ords in the 
Greek thus rendered are the same as are 
rendered in the next verse " so that they gave 
us food;" bovvai Tjiilv Tpo(pr]v. The latter 
should probably be altered in the English to 
coincide with the other. Comp. Ezra ix. 9, 
where the LXX. has Ccooiroirjaiv, "quicken- 
ing," or " keeping alive." 

83. That.] This word should be omitted ; 
oTi being the usual mark of a quotation. For 
the general form of the reference to the law 
of Moses (no particular text being quoted, 
but the sense of several), see Reuss's note. 

In the next verse there is a reference to Deut. 
vii. I sqq. 

85. peace, (b'c.] In Ezra ix. 1 2 still more 
strongly, "nor seek their peace or their 
wealth (welfare)." As Berth eau points out, 
the prohibition in Deut. xxiii. 6 was limited 
to seeking the peace and prosperity of the 
Ammonites and Moabites. In "v. 7 ib. the 
people were distinctly commanded not to 
abhor the Edomite or the Egyptian, for 
reasons there given ; both which peoples are 
included in the list above, v. 69. Ezra, in 
his zeal for the law, had allowed himself to 
be carried even beyond the strict letter of it. 

86. didst make ... light.] Dr. Bissell ex- 
plains this as "didst lighten us of;" but it 
should rather be, " didst punish less than they 
deserved." So Wahl, who compares Ezra 
ix. 13. 

88. Mightest not thou, tl^c] So in the 
Geneva Version. But there seems no reason 
for so translating ovxi upylaQrjs tjixIv, "thou 
becamest not angry with us," the reading of 
the Vat. and Aldine. 

89. true.] a\r]6iv6s, which here appears to 
be used in the sense of dXrjdrjs, verax. The 



[v. 91 I. 

B. C. 457- any longer by reason of these things 

before thee. 
Ezra 10. gi "And as Esdras in his prayer 
made his confession, weeping, and 
lying flat upon the ground before the 
temple, there gathered unto him 
from Jerusalem a very great multi- 
tude of men and women and children : 
for there was great weeping among 
the multitude. 

92 Then Jechonias the son of 
Jeelus, one of the sons of Israel, called 
out, and said, O Esdras, we have 
sinned against the Lord God, we have 
married strange women of the nations 
of the land, and now is all Israel 
[Oy:c. "aloft. 

Deutlas. 93 Let us make an oath to the 

Barucha. Loi'd, that wc will put away all our 

5- wives, which we have taken of the 

heathen, with their children. 

94 Like as thou hast decreed, and b. c. 4S7' 
as many as do obey the law of the Lord. 

95 Arise, and put in execution : 
for to thee doth this matter appertain, 
and we will be with thee : do vali- 

96 So Esdras arose, and took an 
oath of the chief of the priests and 
Levites " of all Israel to do after these Heb. 

, . , , and all 

thmgs \ and so they sware. Israel, 

: Ezra 10. 5. 


3 Esdras assembkth all the people. lo They 
promise to put aivay the stra7ige ivives. 20 
The fiavies and number of them that did so. 
40 The laiu of A/oses is read and declared 
before all the people. 49 They weep, and are 
put in tnind of the feast day. 

^'nr^HEN Esdras rising from the ''Ezra 10. 

X court of the temple went to ' 
the chamber of Joanan the son of 

reasoning, according to F., is this : " Thou, 
O Lord, art true in thy promises; and there- 
fore it is not according to our works that wq 
are still left remaining at this day." 

91. Ezra x. i sqq. There also a change is 
made from the first person to the tliird. For 
the conclusions as to the authorship to be 
drawn from the circumstance, see R.'s note 

children.'] The word in the Greek is 
veaviai, " young men," and in Ezra x. i (in 
the LXX.) veavLo-Koi, the word used in ik 
50 above. The terms " men, women, and 
children " go so naturally together, that the 
Greek translator must have had some object 
in replacing the last by "young men," espe- 
cially as veavias could be used of one no 
longer what we should call young, as by 
Xenophon of Agesilaus when he came to the 
throne at the age of 40. The reason perhaps 
lay in the nature of the topic discussed, which 
would concern adults alone. 

92. Jechonias.'] In Ezra, Shechaniah. If 
Jeelus ('le'r;Aos) his father is the same as 
Hierehelus of ix. 27 (and both are sons of 
Elam, Ezra x. 2 and ib.), he had himself con- 
tracted one of the forbidden marriages. 

married.] In the Greek, o-vvaKicrafxei', 
" cohabited with," a less respectful word. 

and now is all Israel aloft.] /cat vxJv earh 
tncivco Tras 'laparjX. The margin gives the 
alternative rendering " is exalted." And 
eVaVw is the word used in the LXX. of the 
passages referred to, Deut. xxviii. 13, "and 
thou shalt be abo-ve only, and not beneath," 

and Baruch ii. 5. But surely this was not a 
moment to talk of the exaltation of Israel. 
In Ezra x. 2 it is "yet now there is hope in 
Israel concerning this thing," which is ap- 
propriate, but does not help to clear the 
present text. As F. points out that some 
MSS. have jravros for nas, this might counte- 
nance tlie Vulgate reading, et nunc es super 
omneyn Israel: "and now art thou over all 
Israel." This would agree with the tone of 
w. 94, 95, and would only necessitate the 
change of eVrii/ to d o-u. Even without any 
change, reading Trai-ros', we might interpret 
it " and now is there one over all Israel," 
whether the application be to Ezra or to 
God. Gomp. the LXX. of Neh. viii. 5. 

93. Let us make, (&=f.] The words " in this 
matter " are wanting either at the beginning 
or end of this clause, to answer to the iv 
TovTw of the Greek. The Geneva Version 
has " concerning this." 

<ivit/j their children.] On the victory thus 
gained "over the natural affections of the 
whole community," see the remarks of Dean 
Stanley, ' Jewish 'church,' Lect. xliv. 

95. j^rise, <is}'c.] The abruptness of the 
Greek is striking : dwlora, emreXei. The 
ascendency also thus ascribed to Ezra, 
what Stanley calls "this acknowledged su- 
premacy of Ezra's personal force," accords 
with the interpretation put upon the last 
clause of i). 92. 


1. Joanan.] There was a Joanan, grand- 
son of Eliashib (Neh. xii. 10, 11), who was 

V. 213.] 



B- C. 2 And remained there, and did eat 

cir. 457. J 1 ^ 

no meat nor drink water, mourning 
for the great iniquities of the multi- 

3 And there was a proclamation 
in all Jewry and Jerusalem to all 
them that were of the captivity, that 
they should be gathered together at 
Jerusalem : 

4 And that whosoever met not 
there within two or three days, ac- 
cording as the elders that bare rule 
appointed, their cattle should be seized 
to the use of the temple, and himself 

^J**i'^^y, " cast out from them that were of the 

destroyed, , . 

Josh. 10. captivity. 

5 And in three days were all they 
of the tribe of Judah and Benjamin 
gathered together at Jerusalem the 
twentieth day of the ninth month. 

6 And all the multitude sat trem- 
bling in the broad court of the temple 
because of the present foul weather. 

7 So Esdras arose up, and said unto 

them. Ye have transgressed the law 
in marrying strange wives, thereby 
to increase the sins of Israel. 

8 And now by confessing give 
glory unto the Lord God of our 

9 And do his will, and separate 
yourselves from the heathen of the 
land, and from the strange women. 

10 Then cried the whole multi- 
tude, and said with a loud voice, 
Like as thou hast spoken, so will 
we do. 

1 1 But forasmuch as the people are 
many, and it is foul weather, so that 
we cannot stand without, and this is 
not a work of a day or two, seeing 
our sin in these things is spread 
far : 

12 Therefore let the rulers of the 
multitude " stay, and let all them of 
our habitations that have strange 
wives come at the time appointed, 

13 And with them the rulers and 

cir. 457. 

II Or, 

high-priest at a later period (ib., 'v. 22) ; but 
as his son Jaddua was high-priest in B.C. 332 
(see R,'s note on Neh. xii. 10), he could not, 
by any reasonable calculation, be the one here 
referred to. 

2. remained tbere.'] Or, "lodged there," 
avXicrdels fKel. The LXX. of Ezra x. 6 has 
the curious reading of eiropevdr] twice re- 
peated, on which see Bertheau's note. But 
the Aldine has rjvKia-Br] there. 

4. 'withint'wo or three days.'] In Ezra X. 8, 
more precisely, " within three days." As so 
short a time was allowed for the people, 
wherever resident, to repair to the capital, " it 
is clear," as Sayce remarks, " that the number 
of the Jewish inhabitants in the country must 
have been small." 

seized to the use of the templeJ] Gk. avu- 
pa>6i]a-ovTai, for which in Ezra the word is 
ava6efxaTi(T6T](TeTai. Either word might mean 
simply the being devoted, an " Einziehung 
zum Besten des Tempels," as Bertheau words 
it, but the Hebrew of Ezra x. 8 implies some- 
thing stronger than this, the actual destruc- 
tion of the cattle or other property. See 
Gesenius, s. -v. D'ln, and F.'s note on the 

T ' 

text (where for Numb, xxvii. 28 sqq. read 
Levit. xxvii. 28 sqq.). 

cast out.'] Not banished, but " separated 
from the congregation " (Ezra x. 8) ; that is, 
as R. explains it, " excommunicated." 

5. ninth month.] See note above, on viii. 

6. the broad court.] Comp. v. 47, and 
note. The same place is apparently meant 
in 2 Chron. xxix. 4 (where Reuss explains 
it as "la grande cour, devant la facade du 
temple"), and Neh. viii. i. Bertheau, on the 
latter passage, agrees with R. in thinking 
that the open space or court in question was 
not immediately in front of the temple porch, 
between it and the eastern boundary, but 
between the latter and the water-gate in the 
town walls. 

foul iveather.] In the ninth month, Chisleu, 
answering to part of our November and 
December, the rainy season would, as a rule, 
have begun. See Thomson's ' The Land and 
the Book,' p. 91. 

10. the whole multitude.] On this decision 
by the voice of a popular assembly, see 
Stanley, 'Jewish Church' (u/ji sup., p. 108). 
It is noticeable that the word rendered " con- 
gregation " in Ezra x. i is in the LXX. 


11. forasmuch as?\ These words are not 
wanted, the Greek being in the simpler form 
of Ezra x, 13. 

12. stay?[ Not " stand," as in the margin, 
but remain in Jerusalem, to form arrange- 
ments for carrying out the resolution of the 
general assembly. 



[v. 14 21. 

B.C. judges of every place, till we turn 
"LI!'' away the wrath of the Lord from us 
for this matter. 

14 Then Jonathan the son of 
Azael and Ezechias the son of Theo- 
canus accordingly took this matter 
upon them : and Mosollam and 
Levis and Sabbatheus helped them. 

15 And they that were of the cap- 
tivity did according to all these things. 

16 And Esdras the priest chose 
unto him the principal men of their 
families, all by name : and in the 
first day of the tenth month they sat 
together to examine the matter. 

habitations.] Rather, " settlements," kutoi- 
Ki(ov. The same word is found in -v. 37 
below, for " were in their habitations " (with 
marg. reading "villages"), referring to the 
different spots outside Jerusalem where the 
returning Jews had taken up their abode. 

at the time appointed.] Gk. XajSoi/rej )(p6vov, 
lit. " receiving a time ;" that is, apparently, 
having a time appointed them severally for 
making any declarations required. This 
would agree with Ezrax. 13, where theLXX. 
has eXderacrav els Katpovs, but the expression 
is unusual. 

14. Then Jonathan, is'c] As in 1;. 16 it is 
said that Ezra chose the members of the 
council, it is not clear who these persons 
were, or what title they had to act in the 
matter. But Reuss renders the parallel 
clause in Ezra, "II n'eut que Jonatan... 
qui s'opposerent a cela ;" and Neteler, " Nur 
Jonathan ... standen dagegen auf;" and R. 
also would make the sense to be, that those 
here mentioned were the only " opponents " 
of the measure. It is difficult to reconcile 
the Greek of the present passage with this 
meaning: 'lavaQas k.t.\. inebi^avTO KaraTavTa. 
In Ezra (x. 15) the LXX. has nXijv 'loivddav 
K.T.\. fifT ep.ov TTfpl TovTov. The assumptiou 
of J. D. Michaelis, that the two first named 
were chosen by the people as their represen- 
tatives in the matter, and the others nominated 
by Ezra as assessors or joint arbiters with them 
(^(Tvve^pu^eva-av avTols), has, as F. remarks, 
no authority in the text. F.'sown conclusion 
is, that Ezra appointed the regular commission 
(y. 16), but that the persons here named 
undertook the task [without waiting for any 
such formal appointment ?] when some of 
those implicated had begun to come to Jeru- 
salem, to take the necessary preliminary steps. 

Levis and Sabbatheus.] The Geneva 
Version leaves out the words "and Levis" 
altogether. One person alone is probably 

17 So their cause that held strange b. c. 
wives was brought to an end in the *^'Lif ' 
first day of the first month. 

18 And of the priests that were 
come together, and had strange 
wives, there were found ; 

19 Of the sons of Jesus the son of 
Josedec, and his brethren ; * Mat- ^^-^^ 
thelas, and Eleazar, and '^ Joribus, ^ ^^ 
and '^ Joadanus. 7'*- 

20 And they gave their hands to y^J^^-^f^ 
put away their wives, and to ofFer ^^^^ ^ 
" rams to make reconcilement for ram 
their 'errors 

21 And of the sons of Emmer 

< Or, puri- 


meant, Sabbatasus, or Shabbethai, the Levite. 
So in Ezra x. 1 5 ; where also Theocanus, or 
Thocanus, appears as Tikvah. 

16. tenth month.] Tebeth, answering to parts 
of our December and January. From this 
to the first day of the first month (Nisan or 
Abib) would be three months (not two, as R. 
on Ezra x. 17); a space of time not too long 
for the many difficult questions that would 
have to be settled. 

17. that held.] Gk. tovs fincrvvfxovT^s. 
The force of the compound should be 
noticed, implying that they had something 
over and above what the law allowed them. 

18. that (Were come together.] This is not 
accurate, as the clause is in the nominative, 
01 eTna-vvaxdevTfs (Vat.). But the Aldine 
has ol eni(Tvvex06vTfs, which may be an 
error either for -e'xoi^res or -eXdovrts. The 
Geneva Version translates according to the 
former : " which had married strange wives." 
The Vulgate has permisti, " mixed up " with 
the other culprits. Judgment begins at the 
house of God. 

19. Jesus.] The former high-priest. In 
Ezra X. 1 8 the four names which follow are : 
Maaseiah, Eliezer, Jarib, and Gedaliah. The 
difference between the first names in each list 
is probablv due to mistaking s for th (in 
Greek, C 'for 0). See ' Diet, of the Bible,' 
s. V. The interchange of I and r, and of A 
and A in the two forms of the last name, are 
also easy to understand. 

20. gave their hands.] Gk. ini^dkov ras 
Xe'ipas, a phrase which in ' Add. ad Esth.' i. 
J 4 is used for "to lay hands on." Here it 
answers to ibuxav x^ 'P" i" the LXX. of Ezra, 
" they pledged themselves." 

errors.] The marginal reading "purifica- 
tion " is due to the reading of the Aldine, 
dyvelas for dyvoias, 

21. Emmer.] In Ezra, Inuner. His family^, 

V. 2 2 3I] 



B. C 
cir. 456. 

f Harim. 


h Jehid. 

' Uzziah. 

k Pasluir. 

' yosabad. 

" Elasah. 


" Kelitah. 

P Petlia- 

V Elia. 


'' Telem. 
^ Parosk. 
' Rajniah. 

Ananias, and Zabdeus, and / Eanes, 
and ? Sameius, and ^' Hiereel, and 
' Azarias. 

22 And of the sons of ^ Phaisur ; 
Elionas, Massias, Ismael, and Na- 
thanael, and ^ Ocidelus, and '"Talsas. 

23 And of the Levites ; Jozabad, 
and Semis, and "Colius, who was 
called " Calitas, and ^ Patheus, and 
Judas, and Jonas. 

24 Of the holy singers ; ^ Elea- 
zurus, Bacchurus. 

25 Of the porters ; Sallumus, and 
'' Tolbanes. 

26 Of them of Israel, of the sons 
of ^Phoros ; '^ Hiermas, and "Eddias, 

Inch. "Adaiah. " Sheal. 

and Melchias, and -^Maelus, and Elea- 
zar, and ^Asibias, and Baanias. 

27 Of the sons of Ela ; Matthanias, 
Zacharias, and ^Hierielus, and Hiere- 
moth, and ''Aedias. 

28 And of the sons of ^Zamoth ; 
'^ Eliadas, "^ Elisimus, ^ Othonias, Jari- 
moth, and / Sabatus, and ^ Sardeus. 

29 Of the sons of Bebai ; Johan- 
nes, and Ananias, and ''' Josabad, and 
^ Amatheis. 

30 Of the sons of ^ Mani ; ^ Ola- 
mus, "' Mamuchus, " Jedeus, Jasubus, 
"^ Jasael, and Hieremoth. 

31 "And of the sons of Add!; 
Naathus, and Moosias, Lacunus, and 

II Of the names in ver. 31, 32, 34, 35, See Ezra 10. 30, 


cir. 456. 

^ Mia- 
y Mai- 
== Jehiel. 
^ Abdi. 

* Znttu. 
"^ Elio- 

d Elia- 


' Matta- 


f Zabad. 

S Aziza. 

h Zabbai, 

' A thlai. 

* Bant. 

I Meshul- 
'" Mai- 
31. 34. &c- 

and those of Pashur and Harim, were men- 
tioned among the priestly families in Ezra ii. 
37-39. Comp. above v. 24. The peculiar 
spelling of Eanes is due to a misprint of 'Hdvrjs 
for Mai/?;? in the Aldine. The Vat. hasMai/;;?. 
According to the marginal note, it answers to 
Harim in Ezra x. 21, but it really is all that 
remains to answer to three names in Ezra ; 
and probably something has been lost from 
the text. 

22. Phaisur.'] In Ezra, Pashur. In v. 25 
above, Phassaron. Most of the names in this 
verse agree with those in Ezra, the only im- 
portant variations being in the last two. Oco- 
delus, 'AkoSt^Ao? (in Aid. 'QkiSt^Ao?, whence 
the form in the A.V.) is in place of Jozabad ; 
and Talsas (so Aid.), SaXciay, is in place of 

23. The six names of Levites agree with 
those in Ezrax. 23, except that Jonas, the last, 
is in place of Eliezer. In ' Diet, of the Bible,' 
under Eliezer (i. p. 527, No. 9) he is mis- 
takenly referred to as Eleazurus, from the 
next verse. 

24. Eleazurus^ In the Aldine 'EXtd^ou^oy, 
whence probably the form in the A. V., being 
read as p. In the Vat. it is 'EAiao-t/3os', an- 
swering to Eliashib in Ezra. It will be 
noticed that here we have two singers and 
two porters to answer to one singer and three 
porters in Ezra. Hence it might be conjec- 
tured that the four names originally agreed, 
the Uri of Ezra having got corrupted into 

26. Phoros.'] Mentioned first of the ordi- 
nary lay people, as above, v. 9. The names of 
his seven descendants here given nearly agree 
with those in Ezrax. 25, the form Eddias(for 
lezias) being due to "E88ias in the Aldine. 
The difference is in Asibias replacing Mal- 

Apoc. Vol. I. 

chijah. But the LXX. gives 'Aa-ajBia for the 
latter name in Ezra. 

27. Ela.'] In v. 12, Elam. The absence 
of the final m in the Aldine is no doubt due to 
the next word beginning with that letter. Of 
his sons, the names of five only are given in 
the A. V. (following the Aldine) as against 
six in Ezra x. 26 ; that is, Aedias (Aid. 
'AT]8ias, Vat. AiSt'nj) answers to Abdi and 
Eliah together. But the best text has here 
also 'Iwa^Stoy . . . Kai AlSlas. Allowing for 
the common confusion of A and A, the last 
name properly represents Eliah ; so that the 
lists agree. 

28. Zamoth.] Above, v. 12, where he is 
called Zathui. Of the six names which fol- 
low, Othonias is the equivalent for Mattaniah 
in Ezra, and Sardeus (Aid. SapSaioy, but Vat. 
ZepaX'ias) for Aziza. 

29. Bebai.] v. 1 3. The fourth of his sons, 
Amatheis, is called in Ezra x. 28 Athlai. 
The form in the A. V. is due to the Aldine 
'E/xa^eis, Vat. 'Afiadlas. 

30. Mani.] In v. 12, Bani, as in Ezra. 
The names of his sons agree substantially 
with those in the parallel list, the only ap- 
parent exception being Olamus for Meshul- 
1am. Olamus ('QAa/xd?) is probably the last 
two syllables of the Hebrew name, with a 
Greek termination added. In viii. 44 we 
have the same name under the form Mosol- 
lamon, and in f. 14 above, Mosollam. The 
last mentioned, if one of '.he council, could 
not well be the one- here named. 

31. Addi.] The name or title corresponding 
to this in Ezra x. 30 is Pahath-Moab, on 
which see the note on v. 11. The name Addi 
is found in Luke iii. 28, but not in the O. T. 
The correspondence between the eight names 
which follow, and those in Ezra, will best 



[v. 3236. 

B. c. Naidus, and Mathanias, and Sesthel, 
'^ ' Balnuus, and Manasseas. 

32 And of the sons of Annas ; 
Elionas, and Aseas, and Mclchias, 
and Sabbcus, and Simon Chosameus. 

33 And of the sons of Asom ; 
p Matte- P Altaneus, and ^Matthias, and ^ Ban- 
"^'' naia, Eliphalat, and Manasses, and 

e Matti- o 

thiak. bemei. 

r Zobad. 24 And of the sons of Maani ; 
Jeremias, Momdis, Omaerus, Juel, 

Mabdai, and Pelias, and Anos, Cara- ^^'^'^ 
basion, and Enasibus, and Mamnita- 
naimus, Eliasis, Bannus, EliaH, 
Samis, Selemias, Nathanias : and of 
the sons of Ozora ; Sesis, Esril, 
Azaelus, Samatus, Zambis, Jose- 

35 And of the sons of Ethma ; 
Mazitias, Zabadaias, Edes, Juel, 

36 All these had taken strange 

appear by a parallel list, with the order 
slic'htly changed : 

I EsDRAs. Ezra x. 30. 

1. Naathus. I. Adna. 

2. Moosias. 4. Maaseiah. 

3. Lacunus. 2. Chelal. 

4. Naidus. 3. Benaiah. 

5. Mathanias. 5. Mattaniah. 

6. Sesthel. 6. Bezaleel. 

7. Balnuus. 7. Biniiui. 

8. Manasseas. 8. Manasseh. 

Of the above (i) appears to be only a trans- 
position, >ia-ad for 'AS-m ('ESi/e, Vat.) ; (4) is 
probably the latter part of Benaiali ; (6) in 
like manner of Bezaleel (Beo-eXe/yA). (7) 
Balnuus is explained by 'Bavovt, the LXX. 
form of Binnui. 

32. Annas.'] So Aid. ; Vat. Anan. The 
name stands in place of Harim in Ezra x. 31. 
In V. 25 above, a priest of this name appears 
in the A. V. as Carme (Xap^i) ; but the 
Harim here referred to is probably the Ares 
of V. 10 above. The name Ares is wanting 
in 'Diet, of the Bible.' It would take too 
much space to set out in parallel lists the 
names of the more numerous families. The 
first five names in the text answer fairly well 
to the first five in Ezra ; the remaining name 
(probably corrupt), Chosameus, Xoo-a/xalos-, 
is all that is left in place of Benjamin, Mal- 
luch and Shemariah. 

33. Ajom.'] In Ezra X. 33, Hashum. The 
same name also appears disguised under the 
form Lothasubus, -v. 44 below. Six sons here 
answer to seven in Ezra. The second name, 
Altaneus {'Akravmos:), has probably lost its 
initial letter m from the name preceding 
ending in that letter. Hence it corresponds 
to Mattenai. Bannaia is from the Aldine, 
but the Vat. has 2aj3avva'ios, nearer to Zabad. 
There is nothing to answer to Jeremiah in 
Ezra's list ; but as there is one of this name 
at the head of the next family Qv. 34), without 
anything to correspond in Ezra, it is probable 
that the word has only got misplaced. 

34. Maani.'] A Mani has been mentioned 
already, v. 30. There is a similar duplicate 
in Ezra's list, in which two Bani's appear as 

heads of families (x. 29, 34). Of the long 
list of names of sons following, Jeremiah has 
been accounted for in the last note ; Omaerus 
is from the Aid. '\]pos ; Pelias is a mistake 
for Pedias (A for A), answering to Bedeiah ; 
Anos answers to Vaniah (Ovowla) ; Cara- 
basion is probably a corruption of /cat 'Pa,:ia- 
(Ticov (the form in the Vat.), Kal being wanted 
before this name : Enasibus and Eliasis may 
be duplicate forms answering to Eliashib. 
Mamnitanaimus is plainly a corruption, the 
Aldine having the stranger form Mapviixa- 
ravat^os, repeated in the Geneva Version. It 
stands in place of the two names (if tliey 
should be two) in Ezra, Mattaniah and 
Mattenai. The next name in Ezra's list, 
Jaasau, is not reproduced here, perhaps as 
being wanting in the LXX. of Ezra (x. 37), 
where there is an awkward change to Kal 
eTToirjcrav k. t. \, instead of the proper name. 

of the sons of Ozora.'] There is no such 
indication of a fresh family in Ezra x. 40. 
From its position, the name appears to answer 
to Machnadebai in that list, but in form bears 
some resemblance to Sharai ('O^copa, Aid. 
2apiov). Sesis answers to Shashai (2ea-et)> 
and Esril ('Eo-pi'X) to Azareel ('EtptT?^). The 
form Zambis is due to the Aid. ZaplSis. The 
Vat. has ZajjijSpi. This is seen to correspond 
to Amariah, when the sibilant at the beginning 
is removed (the preceding word ending in s), 
and the common insertion of ,3 between p. and 
p is allowed for, as in 'AfilBpap, for Amram. 

35. Ethma.] How this name came to be 
substituted for the Nebo (J^a^oi) of Ezra x. 
43, it is hard to conjecture. It is noticeable 
that in V. 21 above there is nothing but the 
word Nephis to answer both to Nebo and 
Magbish in Ezra. As Mr. Grove ('Diet, of 
the Bible,' art. Nebo) identifies Nebo with 
the modern Beit-Nubah, it is just conceivable 
that the first syllable of Ethma is the remnant 
of ^T]d-. The last syllable is also the first of 
the next word Mazitias, and might thus be 
accounted for. 

Mazitias, (b'c.] A name is wanting before 
this, to answer to the Jeiel of Ezra. Its 
presence is testified to by the Vulg. Idelus. 




B. c. wives, and they put them away with 
cir. 456. .1 ', .,, ^ ^ 

their children. 

37 And the priests and Levites, 

and they that were of Israel, dwelt in 

Jerusalem, and in the country, in the 

first day of the seventh month : so 

the children of Israel were in their 

r Or, " habitations. 

^ nX^8 3^ -^ And the whole multitude came 

I- together with one accord into the 

cir. 445. broad place of the holy porch toward 

the east : 

39 And they spake unto Esdras 
the priest and reader, that he would 
bring the law of Moses, that was 
given of the Lord God of Israel. 

40 So Esdras the chief priest 
brought the law unto the whole 
multitude from man to woman, and 

to all the priests, to hear the law in b. c. 
the first day of the seventh month. '^"jj^s- 

41 And he read in the broad court 
before the holy porch from morning 
unto midday, before both men and 
women ; and all the multitude gave 
heed unto the law. 

42 And Esdras the priest and 
reader of the law stood up upon a 
pulpit of wood, which was made for 
that puf'pose. 

43 And there stood up by him 
Mattathias, Sammus, Ananias, Aza- HUkiah. 
rias, Urias, ^ Ezecias, " Balasamus, " Or, 
upon the right hand : ^/./.. 

44 And upon his left hand stood Pelaiah. 
*" Phaldaius, Misael, Melchias, J'Lo-J'Or, 
thasubus, and ^Nabarias. asiu,n. 

^ See 

45 Then took Esdras the book ofNeh. 8. 4. 

Omitting Zebina from Ezra's list (as is done 
in the Alex.), the other five names on each 
side agree ; 'HSais being 'laSat. 

36. With this verse the part of the ac- 
count taken from the canonical Book of Ezra, 
or corresponding to it, comes to an end. 
The Book of Ezra itself ends with what 
Stanley calls the "dry words:" "all these 
had taken strange wives ; and some of them 
had wives by whom they had children;" a 
contrast, in its want of human tenderness, to 
" that pathetic passage of the primitive records 
of their race which tells how, when their first 
father drove out the foreign handmaid with 
her son into the desert, it ' was very grievous 
in his sight.' " 

37. At this point the narrative runs parallel 
to Neh. vii. 73 sqq.\ the two last clauses of 
which should begin ch. viii. See R.'s note 
there. The language in Neh. vii. 73 (first 
part) is simply a repetition of Ezra ii. 70 ; and 
Neh. viii. i, as well as the present passage, 
should begin as Ezra iii. i does. 

Between the events just related and the 
public reading of the Law by Ezra, we must 
place an inten'al of thirteen years, from the 
eighth to the twentieth year of Artaxerxes, 
B.C. 457-445. On the question of Ezra's 
absence from Jerusalem during that period, 
see the art. Ezra in ' Diet, of the Bible.' 

the first day, <h'c7\ The first of Tisri, or 
Ethanim (= part of Sept. and Oct.), was to 
be a day of holy convocation (Lev. xxiii. 24). 
Hence it would be a suitable day for such an 
assembly as is here described. Neteler, on 
Neh. viii. 2, tries to shew that by " first day of 
the seventh month " there must be meant the 

first day of the Feast (of Tabernacles), and 
not of the actual month. 

38. the broad place.~\ See note on ix. 6. 

39. reader?^ Gk. dvayvaa-TTj. So in v. 42 
below. The term is not used in Nehemiah. 
This last scene of the story, in which Ezra 
appears, first and foremost, as a reader and 
expounder of the Law to the people, is of 
great interest, as containing the beginnings of 
many important changes. The formation of 
the canon, the rise and growth of synagogue 
worship, the extension of the office of the 
scribe, these and other great developments 
were involved in it. See Stanley's ' Jewish 
Church,' Lect. xliv. 

40. from man, (h'c] In Neh. viii. 3 there 
is the additional clause " and those that could 
understand," implying young people, the 
veavUu O? vi'n. 91. 

41. the broad court, (h'c'] See above, w. 
6, 38. In the Geneva Version this is ren- 
dered, " in the first broad place of the gate of 
the temple," an error which seems due to 
the reading of the Aldine, ev tS nporov k.t.X., 
mistaken for Trparov or irpara. In v. 47 (46) 
the LXX. has rod TrpaiTov ttvAmvos. There is 
no difficulty about the Greek text, as Dr. Bis- 
sell seems to find ; tti^Xcoi' being not the gate 
(ttv'Xt]), but the porch, as it is properly ren- 
dered. See further, Bertheau on Neh. viii. i. 

42. a pulpit ofivood.^ Rather, " upon the 
wooden pulpit (or platform) that had been 
prepared;" tov ^vXlvov j3TjfiaTos, k.t.X. Com- 
pare the " stairs " (marg. " scaffold ") of the 
Levites in Neh. ix. 4, and R.'s note there. 

43. there stood, (b'c.'] In the text twelve 
names are given, of those who assisted Ezra, 

F 2 



[v. 46 48. 


cir. 445. 

II Heb. 
tJiein all. 

the law before the multitude : for 
he sat "honourably in the first place 
in the sight of them all. 

46 And when he opened the law, 
they stood all straight up. So Es- 
dras blessed the Lord God most 
High, the God of hosts, Almighty. 

47 And all the people answered. 
Amen ; and lifting up their hands 

they fell to the ground, and wor- B.C. 
shipped the Lord. ' 

48 Also Jesus, Anus, Sarabias, 
Adinus, Jacubus, Sabateas, ''Auteas, " Or, 
Maianeas, and Calitas, Azarias, and " '"'" 
Joazabdus, and Ananias, Biatas, the 
Levites, taught the law of the 
Lord, making them withal to under- 
stand it. 

seven on his right hand and five on his left, may mean only that he took his place there. 

In Neh. viii. 4, thirteen names are given, six 
of those on the right, and seven of those on 
the left. Both arrangements seem to offend 
against our notions of symmetry. The fol- 
lowing are the parallel lists ; the names from 
Nehemiah being printed in italics : 




Mattithia ] 

Sammus \ 

Shenia ) 

Ananias ] 

Anaiah J 

Azarias 1 


Urias \ 

Urijah j 
Ezecias \ 
Hilkiah f 
Balasamus \ 
Maasciah ) 


Phaldaius 1 
Pedaiah ) 
Misael \ 

Melchias \ 
Makhiah ) 
Lothasubus \ 
Has /mm ) 
Nabarias \ 
Zechariali ) 


Meshullam ) 

From this it will appear that the first three 
on each side are the same in both lists. The 
fourth name on the right, in Esdras, namely 
Azarias, has none to correspond to it in 
Nehemiah; and it would be the easiest solu- 
tion of the difiiculty to suppose that a name 
had dropped out in the Hebrew. The 
fourth on the left in Esdras, Lothasubus 
(Aw^ao-ou^o?, Aid. 'Aco^acrou/Sos), plainly con- 
tains the name of Hashum or Hashub 
i^-aa-ov^^. Comp, the note on ix. 33 above. 
The fifth on tlie right is the same in both. 
The fifth on the left, Nabarias, may be a cor- 
ruption of Zechariah (sixth in Nehemiah). Of 
the rest I can give no probable explanation. 
The lists in the Vulgate agree pretty closely 
with those given above, except that seven 
names are found for the left side, Sabus being 
inserted after Abusthas in the fifth place, it 
is possible, however, that Abustbas-sabus 
may be nothing more than a further perver- 
sion of 'Aa)^do-ov/3oy. 

45. honourably^ Gk. eVtSoIco?, referring 
to the elevated or conspicuous position in 
which he was placed. Comp. Neh. viii. 5. 
The words " he sat " appear at first to dis- 
agree with the statement in f. 42, that "he 
stood up" upon the raised platform. Sitting 
was the proper position for a teacher among 
the Jews; and hence the expression in 1;. 42 

In any case, the word " up " should be 
omitted in 'w. 42 and 43. 

46. opened the la-iv.] In the Geneva Ver- 
sion it is : " And they all stood upright ivhen 
he expounded the Law." The expression in 
Luke xxiv. 32 would seem at first to be a 
good parallel, " while he opened to us the 
Scriptures;" but there the word is Birivoiyev, 
here, ev tS Xiicrai. The Vulgate absoluisset 
is of doubtful import. F. is probably right 
in explaining it as " unfasten " or " unroll." 
This will agree best with Neh. viii. 5. 

48. The names in the parallel lists are : 




I Esdras. 

7. Auteas. 

8. Maianeas. 

9. Calitas. 

10. Azarias. 

11. Joazabdus. 

12. Ananias. 

13. Biatas. 

Neh. viii. 7. 

1. Jeshua. 

2. Bani. 

3. Sherebiah. 

4. Jamin. 

5. Akkub. 

6. Shabbethai. 

7. Hodijah. 

8. Maaseiah. 

9. Kelita. 

10. Azariah. 

11. Jozabad. 

12. Hanan. 

13. Pelaiah. 

Most of them can be easily identified. Anus 
(^Avovs, Aid. ; 'Awiovd, Vat.) appears to have 
lost its first consonant; Adinus (from the 
Aid.) is in the Vat. 'ladivos ; Auteas (Avraias) 
looks unlike Hodijah, but may have been 
nearer it in sound ; Biatas (Aid. Btn'ray) is in 
the best text ^aXlas. The LXX. of Neh. viii. 
7 gives only the first three names. 

the Lei-ites.'] This is more correct than the 
corresponding expression in Nehemiah : " and 
the Levites," as if these thirteen had not been 
Levites, representatives of the great Levitical 
families whose names they bear. See R.'s 
note on Neh. viii. 7. 

taught.'] Rather, " did teach," or " were 
teaching." Reuss finds a diflficulty in realiz- 
ing the scene. Did the Levites above men- 
tioned divide the people into so many groups, 
each instructing one ? Or did each Levite 
rise and speak in turn ? If so, how could he 
be heard ? In either case, he adds, it is diflS- 
cult to imagine a multitude of people standing 

V. 4955-] 



cir. 445. 

I Then 
inicih, and 
Ezra the 
priest the 

a fid the 
t/uit in- 
t lie people, 
said iijito 
all the 
Neh. 8. 9. 

* Neh. 8. 

II Or, the 

49 " Then spake Attharates unto 
Esdras the chief priest and reader, 
and to the Levites that taught the 
multitude, even to all, saying, 

50 This day is holy unto the Lord ; 
(for they all wept when they heard 
the law : ) 

51 ^Go then, and eat the fat, and 
drink the sweet, and send part to 
" them that have nothing ; 

52 For this day is holy unto the 
Lord : and be not sorrowful ; for the 
Lord will bring you to honour. 

53 So the Levites published all 
things to the people, saying, This 
day is holy to the Lord ; be not 

54 Then went they their way, 
every one to eat and drink, and make 
merry, and to give part to them that 
had nothing, and to make great 
cheer ; 

55 Because they understood the 
words wherein they were instructed, 
and for the which they had been 


cir. 445. 

patiently to listen to an explanation of the 
Pentateuch, from morn to mid-day. But, 
besides the novelty and interest of the occa- 
sion, we need not suppose the restraint to 
have been more irksome than it really was. 
Scottish Covenanters would not have winced 
under it. 

making . . . to understand.'] Gk.e fxcfivcriovvTfs, 
a striking term, which is repeated, in the pas- 
sive voice, in v. 55. A cognate word, e'^ic^u- 
aav, is used (as F. points out) in John xx. 22 
for " he breathed on them." The idea is thus 
that of inspiring or infusing doctrine into the 
learner's mind. 

49. Attharates^ In Neh. viii. 9 it is 
" Nehemiah, which is the Tirshatha." Above, 
in V. 40 we had " Nehemias and Atharias" 
CArSapias, here 'ArdapaTrjs) : where the Per- 
sian title had not been understood, and so, as 
the marginal note says, two had been made 
of one. For the origin and meaning of Tir- 
shatha, see Sayce, 'Ezra,' &c., p. 23; and 
comp. R.'s note on Neh. viii. 9. 

50. This day is holy, is'c.'] As being the 
Feast of Trumpets. Stanley, ' Jewish Church,' 
Lect. xliv. (p. 126), calls it the Feast of Ta- 
bernacles ; but that was later on in the same 

51. part.'\ More correctly in the Geneva 

Version, "presents." The word used, dno- 
(TToXai, is used in later Greek for gifts at 
parting, and then, generally, for gifts, as in 
I Mace. ii. 18, &c. In Neh. viii. 10 the word 
is " portions," which would be as appropriate 
as any. 

55. and for the ivhich, (ij'r.] By this ren- 
dering the sense appears to be complete, and 
the book to end naturally. But there is 
nothing in the Greek to answer to the words 
" for the which." The sentence really ends 
with " wherein they were instructed ;" after 
which come the words Ka\ enicrvvrjydi^a-av, 
"And they were gathered together," as if 
the beginning of a fresh section. This would 
correspond with the sequence in Neh. viii. 13, 
where, after the record of the same events, 
there follows : " And on the second day urre 
gathered together the chief of the fathers," &c. 
The Old Latin and the Vulgate both end the 
sentence in such a way as to make the ac- 
count seem complete ; and Josephus (' An- 
tiqq.' xi. 5, 5) winds up with a rhetorical 
addition about their keeping the feast for eight 
days (he had called it the Feast of Taber- 
nacles, though the ist and not the 15th day 
of the month is spoken of), and about Ezra's 
dying full of years and honours and being 
buried at Jerusalem. On the abruptness of 
the ending, see further Reuss, ' Chronique 
ecclesiastique,' Introd. p. 48. 


No satisfactory account of the number 
seventeen has been proposed. The best MSS. 
(A and B) agree in reading: KaQa ex^ova-tv 
evTokrjv enra Ka\ 8eKa Trpncrcpepeii' aXXa 
ToKavTa SeKu Kar' eviavruv, but, of course, 
with nothing to shew whether euTci kqI 8fKa 
should be taken as one word, or divided. The 
Old Latin and Vulgate agree in connecting 
^' ofTerre " (=7rpoo-(^epe(i/) with what precedes; 
in inserting "et" before "alia per singulos 

annos ;" and in having nothing to represent 
the numeral eTrraKaideKa. The Syriac also 
Tas Dr. Gwynn informs me) omits it. Hence 
it seems most natural to conclude, that the 
ewTa was first inserted in the margin (perhaps 
as a reference to the seven lambs of Numb, 
xxviii. II, &c.), and thence found its way into 
the text. The repetition of S/ko, and the 
subsequent insertion of a /cat, could be easily 
accounted for. 




g I. Title 71 IV. 

II. Original Language and Ver- V. 


III. State of the Text .... 74 VI. 


Analysis of the Contents . . 
General Character of the 

Work 79 

Date and. Authorship ... 80 

I. Title. 

In the earliest citations made by name 
from this book, the author is called " The 
Prophet Esdras " ("Eo-Spas 6 irpo^rir-q<;, 
Clem. Alex. ' Strom.' iii. 16 ; cf. Ambros. 
' De bono Mortis,' c. xii.). The necessity 
of distinguishing it from the canonical 
Books of Ezra and Nehemiah, as well as 
from the Greek Esdras (our i Esdras), 
has led to various modes of classification, 
some of them rather intricate. In old 
editions of the Vulgate it appears as the 
Third Book of Esdras ; Ezra and Nehe- 
miah together making the First Book, 
and'our i Esdras the Second. In editions 
published since the Council of Trent 
(which left on one side as Apocryphal 
the Prayer of Manasses and the two 
Books of Esdras), Ezra and Nehemiah 
count as the First and Second of Esdras, 
and our two Apocryphal Books as the 
Third and Fourth. This would be a 
simple and sufficient method, but for the 
fact that chaps, i., ii., xv., xvi. of our 
2 Esdras are confessedly of a different 
authorship from that of the integral por- 
tion of the Book (chaps, iii.-xiv.). Hence, 
in one of the two oldest and most im- 
portant manuscripts which contain it 
the Codex Sangermanensis the first 
two chapters rank separately as ' Liber 
Ezrse Secundus,' the main body of the 
work (chaps, iii.-xiv.) as ' Liber Ezr^e 

Quartus,' and the two concluding chap- 
ters as ' Liber Ezrge Quintus.' In this 
arrangement a part of our i Esdras 
makes the ' Liber Ezr^e Tertius.' In our 
Authorized Version, following the exam- 
ple of the Genevan, the two Apocryphal 
Books are called the First and Second of 
Esdras ; a title justified, in case of the 
latter, by the opening words of the book 
itself : " The second book of the prophet 
Esdras." A name less liable to confusion 
would be the "Latin Esdras," as dis- 
tinguished from the " Greek Esdras " 
(our I Esdras, which exists in a Greek 
original). The title found in a Greek 
writer of the sixth century, Anastasius 
Sinaita, namely "EcrSpa aTroKaXvif/t?, ' The 
Revelation of Esdras,' is so appropriate, 
that Dr. Westcott and others have 
wished it could be restored. But the 
publication by Tischendorf, in 1S66, of 
a later and inferior work bearing this 
very title, would render the adoption of 
that name for the work now before us 
a source of confusion. See, on this sub- 
ject, Hilgenfeld, 'Messias Judaeorum,' 
1869, pp. xviii.-xxii. ; Volkmar, ' Das 
vierte Buch Esra,' in * Handbuch der 
Einleit. in die Apokryphen,' 1863, pp. 
279 s^^.; Bensly, 'The Missing Frag- 
ment,' &c., 1875, p. 86; Westcott, art. 
Esdras, Second Book of, in ' Diet, of 
the Bible'; Tischendorf, ' Proleg.' to 
the work just referred to, p. xii. 



II. Original Language and 

That the original language in which this 
book was written was Greek admits of 
no doubt. Two fragments, if not more, 
have been preserved in Greek: v. 35 in 
Clement of Alexandria, and viii. 23 in 
the ' Apostolical Constitutions.' The 
list of the twelve prophets in i. 39, 40, 
follows the order of the Greek LXX. But, 
besides this, the Latin Version, the oldest 
and most important of all, bears traces 
of Greek idiom on every page, almost in 
every line. To select but a few instances. 
The genitive is found after a comparative, 
as Jiorum majora, v. 13 ; viajiis aliorum 
capituin, xi. 14. Genders are used 
which can only be accounted for by the 
influence of original forms in Greek, as 
sigmicubnn ( = o-t^payt?) . . . tradita est, 
X. 23 ; caput { = Ket^iaki]) . . . sect et ipsa, 
xi, 4. Constructions are found which 
admit of only the same explanation ; as 
the frequent use of et answering to koI 
temporal, et factum est . . . etcor meuP', 
&c. vi. 36, X. 2, and often ; the accusative 
for dative after 7wcucrunt, as in xi. 42 ; 
the attraction of the relative, as in ex 
omnibus istis guibus prcedixi tibi, vi. 25, 
and the like. In some cases the text 
maybe successfully amended by attention 
to this fact, as in the ingenious correction 
oi pater aspice by reference to Trepi/BXeil/ov, 
proposed by Bensly (ubi sup., p. 25 ;/.). 
On the other hand, there arc some pecu- 
liarities of construction which cannot be 
thus accounted for, such as the constant 
use of the ablative to express duration of 
time (xiii. 58, et passim). One idiom, 
commonly called a Hebraism, is also very 
frequently used, that of the participle 
joined with the cognate verb to intensify 
the sense : as in excedetis excessit, iv. 2 ; 
odiens odisti, v. 30, and many more. A 
collection of the most striking Grecisms 
will be found in Van der Vlis, ' Dispu- 
tatio critica de Ezrae Libro apocrypho,' 
&., 1839, pp. 10-14. 

The Latin Version above mentioned 
deserves to hold the tirst place, both for 
antiquity and fidelity to the original. 
Van der Vlis, indeed {ubi sup., p. 2), gives 
the preference to the Aethiopic; but 
when the text of the Latin is corrected 
and restored, as it still may be to a very 

considerable extent, there seems no 
reason to refuse it the precedence claimed 
for it by one of its most recent editors 
(Fritzsche, ' Libri Apocryphi Vet. Test.,' 
1S71, p. xxvi.). That it is closely literal 
will have been inferred from what was 
said before of the traces of Greek idiom 
preserved in it. In Fritzsche's opinion it 
was made in the third century. Am- 
brose of Milan (374-379) adopts or 
paraphrases many passages in it (comp. 
' De bono Mortis,' c. x., with 2 Esdr. v. 42, 
50-55, and vii. 8o*-87'^ ; ib. c. xi. with 
2 Esdr. vii. 9i'^-ioi*; ib. c. xii. with 
2 Esdr. vii. 39*-42"'; 'De excessu Satyri,' 
i. 2, with 2 Esdr. x. 6-1 1 ; ' Epist.' xxix. 
with 2 Esdr. xvi. 59). Jerome, ' adv. 
Vigilant.,' refers to it in a passage often 
quoted, or rather mis-quoted (see 
Bensly, p. 41 n., and the note on vii. 102* 
below). More doubtful is the supposed 
reference to the Latin Esdras in Tertul- 
lian, * De prsescrip. Hseret.' c. iii. (see note 
on viii. 20), and his allusion to xiv. 
37 sqq. in his ' De habitu mul.' c. iii. 
Equally vague and uncertain is the re- 
ference to V. 50-55 and xiv. 10, 17 
(about the world's growing old) in the 
' Ad Demetrianum' of Cyprian. It may 
be added in passing that the references 
in Volkmar, p. 273, are inaccurate and 
misleading. Two passages from the 
original Greek, v. 5 and viii. 3, have 
been supposed to be cited in the Epistle 
of Barnabas (c. xii. and c. iv.), but 
without good grounds. See Charteris, 
'Canonicity'(i88o),p.vii. .; and Salmon, 
' Historical Introd. to the New Test.' 
(1886), p. 108. On the other hand, there 
is reason to think that Irenseus (' adv. 
Hteres.' v. 36) had in mind the words of 
ii. 31, in the passage which he introduces 
with a vague " quemadmodum Prophetia 
ait." See Dr. Salmon, as above, p. 459 ., 
and Pearson, ' On the Creed,' art. v. (ed. 
1723, p. 242). The words of ii. 34, 35 
are embodied in the ancient ' Missa pro 
Defunctis ' (see the ' Breviar. ad usum . , 
Sarum, ' edd. Procter and Wordsworth, 
fasc. ii. p. 527), whence the origin of the 
common use of the word Requiem (Wal- 
cott's ' Sacred Archceol.' s. v.). As Canon 
Eddrup points out, the words of ii. 36, 
37 were also used as an Introit for Whit- 
sun Tuesday (Blunt, ' Annotated Book of 
Com. Prayer,' ed. 1884, p. 302). 



Besides the Latin Version, four others 
(of cc. iii.-xiv.) are in existence : the 
Syriac, Arabic, Aethiopic, and Arme- 
nian. Of these, the best, in Fritzsche's 
judgment, is the Syriac. Like the Aethi- 
opic, it bears the marks of having been 
made directly from the Greek, though 
not so Hteral a translation as the Latin. 
It was edited by Ceriani in 1868, in 
vol. V. of Monumenta Sacra et Profana,' 
from a MS. in the Ambrosian Library at 

The existence of the Arabic text was 
pointed out by an English writer, John 
Gregory, in 1646 (Bensly, ubi sup., p. i 
n.) ; and a translation of it by Simon 
Ockley was afterwards published, as an 
appendix to vol. iv. of Whiston's ' Primi- 
tive Christianity Reviv'd,' 17 11. The 
Arabic text itself has only recently been 
made accessible to scholars. Volkmar, 
in 1863, made use of Ockley's English 
version to supply the long passage missing 
after vii. 35. Hilgenfeld, still later, used a 
Latin retranslation of Ockley for his ' Mes- 
sias Judaeorum.' But in 1863 Ewald had 
published the Arabic text, with a German 
translation, in vol. xi. of the ^ Abhand- 
lungen der Koniglichen Gesellschaft der 
Wissenschaften zu Gottingen,' from which 
it was afterwards reprinted separately. 
The MS. used by Ewald is the same as 
that from which Ockley made his transla- 
tion long before (Bodl. 251), and its date 
has been added by the scribe at the end 
as the "year of the holy martyrs 105 1 ; " 
that is, according to Ewald (p. 21), the 
year 1354 of our era. Whether made 
directly from the Greek, as Hilgenfeld 
thinks, or from the Syriac, as Fritzsche 
inclines to believe, the Arabic Version is 
more of a paraphrase than the others, 
and in consequence less trustworthy. 
Still more recently, in 1877, the text of 
the Arabic Version was published by 
Gildemeister, with a Latin translation, 
from a manuscript (Ar. 462) in the 
Vatican. The age of this MS. is con- 
sidered to be about the same as that of 
the Bodleian ; both being referred to 
the 14th century. The Version it con- 
tains differs in many points from that 
translated by Ewald, and appears to 
have been made independently from the 
Greek. The readings of these two 
Versions are often quoted in the follow- 

ing notes ; but from my ignorance of 
Arabic I have had to depend entirely on 
the renderings of Gildemeister and 

The Aethiopic Version, though cited 
as early as 1 661, in the ' Lexicon Aethi- 
opico-Latinum ' of Job Ludolf. was not 
printed till 1820. In this case also, as in 
that of the Arabic, the MS. used was in 
the Bodleian Library. The editor. Dr. 
Richard Laurence, Professor of Arabic, 
and afterwards Regius Professor of 
Hebrew, at Oxford, added a twofold 
rendering of it, in Latin and English. 
Van der Vlis (p. 77) finds great fault 
with this edition, on the ground of its 
editor having scrupulously preserved the 
inaccuracies of his MS., and suggests 
many emendations. A surer basis for 
revision is afforded by the various 
readings collected from other MSS. by 
Aug. Dillmann, and printed at the end of 
Ewald's edition of the Arabic ; and these 
have been further enriched by a collation 
of MSS. made by Fr. Pratorius at 
Frankfort and Berlin. Evidence of the 
Aethiopic Version having been made 
directly from the Greek is furnished by 
Van der Vlis (jibl s//J>., pp. 77 s^^.), and 
both he and Fritzsche estimate its value 

The Armenian Version, though pub- 
lished, according to Bensly, as early as 
1666, and found in the Armenian Bible 
of 1805 (Venetiis, 4 vol.), appears to have 
been unnoticed by scholars till attention 
was called to it by Ceriani in 1861. A 
Latin translation of it was made by J. H. 
Petermann for Hilgenfeld's ' Messias 
Judaeorum;' but as the Armenian di- 
verges most widely of all from the rest, 
and, in Fritzsche's opinion, was not made 
originally from the Greek, its value is 
comparatively small. 

There should be noticed in conclusion 
an attempt at reproducing the original 
Greek. This was made by Hilgenfeld, 
with the assistance of Paul de Lagarde 
and Hermann Ronsch, and inserted in 
his ' Messias Judseorum.' The task was 
executed with undoubted ability, though 
separate words and phrases are open to 
question. But it is surely going too far 
to make this modem retranslation a basis 
for proving coincidences between the 
author of 2 Esdras and the writers of the 



New Testament. When, for instance, 
Hilgenfeld {op. cit.., p. Ixix.) points to the 
close resemblance between 2 Peter i. 19, 
*' as unto a light that shineth in a dark 
(or squalid) place," and 2 Esdras xii. 42, 
it is obvious that a good deal will depend 
on the question whether aixMpw was 
the actual word used for " dark " in both 
passages, or not. 

III. State of the Text. 

The text of the Latin Version the only 
one that will be here noticed has been 
disfigured by many errors and corruptions, 
but these are gradually disappearing in the 
light of critical inquiry. A short account 
of the chief manuscripts will make this 
better understood. Until within the last 
ten years, the MS. universally regarded 
as the oldest and most important was 
that known as Codex Sangermanensis 
(S.), so called from its having belonged 
to the Benedictine Abbey of St. Germain 
des Pres. It is now in the Bibliotheque 
Nationale in Paris, being part of the 
second volume of the Latin Bible num- 
bered MS. 1 1504-5, fonds Latin (Bensly, 
ul>i sup., p. 5). It bears its own record 
of date ; namely, " the eighth year of 
Louis leDebonnaire"( = A.D, 822). With- 
out entering into minute details, it may 
be stated in brief that from this all the 
later MSS. known appear to have been 
derived. The two otliers on which 
Fritzsche mainly relied, after S., for his 
critical recension of the text in 187 1, 
were the Codex Turicensis (T.), and the 
Codex Dresdensis (D.). The dates to 
which these are referred the 13th and 
15th centuries respectively will shew 
how inferior tlieir value is likely to be. 
Moreover, all three, as well as all others 
known until recently, had one remarkable 
omission in common. It had long been 
observed how abrupt was the transition 
from z/. 35 to z'. 36 of the vii. chapter of 
this book. Something was plainly wanted 
to connect the two. And as the Oriental 
versions became known, it was found 
that in all of them there was a connecting 
passage of considerable length. When, 
further, it was discovered, on a closer 
examination of S., that a leaf had been 
at some early time cut out of this MS., 

which might have contained the missing 
portion, the field was cleared for a very- 
interesting discovery. This discovery it 
was the good fortune of a Cambridge 
scholar to make ; or, rather, it came as the 
due reward of long and patient investiga- 
tion. ]\Ir. R. L. Bensly, the Reader in 
Hebrew of Gonville and Caius College, 
and one of the Old Testament Revision 
company, had been struck by the de- 
scription given in a catalogue of a Latin 
biblical MS. in the Bibliotheque Com- 
munale of Amiens, once the property of 
the neighbouring Benedictine Abbey of 
Corbie, Its age is given in the catalogue 
as the 9th century. Space forbids more 
details; but Mr. Bensly's description of 
his first examination of the MS. is so full 
of interest that it must not be omitted. 
" The perusal of a few verses," he says, 
" served to shew the great value of this 
new critical aid ; I read on with growing 
interest till I approached the place of the 
long-familiar chasm : then, as my eye 
glided on to the words et apparehit loais 
tor??ic?iti, I knew that the oldest and best 
translation of this passage was at last 
recovered ; that another fragment of the 
Latin was gathered up ; and that now at 
last an event which can scarcely happen 
again in these latter days a new chapter 
would be added to the Apocrypha of our 
Bible," (' Missing Fragment,' p, 7.) It 
detracts but little from the interest and 
importance of such a discovery to learn 
that it was, in a manner, anticipated by 
the researches of an earlier explorer, the 
Rev. John Palmer, of St. John's College, 
Cambridge, Professor of Arabic in that 
University from 1804 to 1 819. In No- 
vember 1826 Professor Palmer examined, 
among other MSS. then preserved at 
Alcald de Henares (the ancient Com- 
plutum), in Spain, a Latin Bible de- 
scribed as ' Biblia Latino-Gothica maxi- 
mas molis,' and referred by the editors 
of the Complutensian Polyglott to about 
the end of the 8th century. From this 
Professor Palmer extracted the missing 
passage of cap. vii., in a form substan- 
tially agreeing with that obtained by 
Mr. Bensly. Professor Palmer's papers, 
however, lay forgotten after his death in 
1840, and his transcript might never 
have become known but for its publi- 
cation in vol. vii. of the 'Journal of 



Philology,' in 1877, by the Rev. J. S. 
Wood, of St. John's College. A few 
readings from this MS., referred to as 
' MS. Complut.,' are given in their 
place ; and it will be seen how remark- 
ably this fresh witness confirms, in 
several instances (ch. vii., vv. 55*, 98*, 
I04''), the conjectural emendations of 
Mr. Bensly. 

The Amiens MS. is denoted by the 
letter A. It is considered to be of co- 
ordinate authority with S., though 
entirely independent of it ; and, what is 
a noticeable fact, it contains the text from 
which our own writer Gildas quoted, 
some centuries before the date of either 
of the two earliest extant MSS. (' Missing 
Fragment,' p. 36.) A comparison of the 
readings in A. and S. with those in the 
Vulgate, will form a necessary element in 
the notes following. The reader will 
thus be able to judge for himself of the 
condition in which the Latin text has 
come down to us. He will see further 
that, in case of the present book, it is not 
so much in explaining the subject-matter 
that a commentator's difficulty lies, as in 
determining what it was that the author 
actually said. 

IV. Analysis of the Contents. 

Leaving out of consideration, for the 
moment, chaps, i., ii., xv., xvi., as con- 
fessedly of later origin, we find the real 
Second Book of Esdras to be filled with 
an account of visions or, more pre- 
cisely, three revelations and four visions 
granted to Ezra during the Captivity. 
In the thirtieth year of that Captivity, 
Ezra is represented as musing on the 
dealings of God with His people, and 
troubled to account for their continued 
affliction. Could Divine justice allow 
greater wrongdoers still, such as the 
Babylonians themselves, to bear rule 
over them ? AVould not the Almighty 
weigh both in an impartial balance ? 
(ch. iii.) 

First Vision (ch. iv. ch. v. 14).* To 

* The arrangement of Van der Vlis is here 
followed. According to his view, chap. iii. is 
introductory, and chap. xiv. is an Epilogue. 
Volkmar divides them rather differently, thus : 
First Vision, iii. i-v. 20 ; Second Vision, v. 21- 
vi. 34 ; Third Vision, vi. 35-ix. 25 ; Fourili 

answer these doubting questions, the 
angel (or, as he is called in iv. 36, the 
archangel) Uriel is sent to him, and 
propounds to him three problems. Can 
Ezra weigh the flame of fire, or measure 
the wind, or recall the days that are 
past ? If he can do none of these, how 
can he presume to challenge the inscru- 
table dealings of God ? By another 
parable, taken from the sea and the 
forest, the angel teaches him the same 
lesson. Does Ezra still doubt? Then 
a day of reckoning is coming, when all 
wrongs will be redressed. On the pro- 
phet's enquiring whether this day is far 
off or nigh at hand, its nearness is shewn 
by " similitudes." Signs of the ap- 
proaching end make up the rest of this- 

Second Vision (ch. v. 20-ch. vi, 34). 
After fasting and praying seven days, as 
the angel had commanded him, the pro- 
phet is again troubled in spirit. The lot 
of the chosen people is still a mystery. 
He cannot solve the question why the 
INIost High should have suff"ered them to 
be led into captivity. The angel Uriel 
is again commissioned to reason with 
him, and declares that he will make this 
clear to him, if he can first perform cer- 
tain hard conditions which he then pro- 
poses. On Ezra professing himself, as 
before, unable to do so, the angel assures- 
him that it is a far harder thing to under- 
stand the judgments of God. The men- 
tion of a final judgment suggests to Ezra 
the thought, whether it were not better 
to be of the number of those who should 
be alive when the end of all things drew 
near. They would at least feel that God 
was nigh at hand for tnem. Or again, 
why should not the Almighty have made 
all the successive generations of men live 
at once upon earth, that so none might 
be far removed from the ultimate rectifi- 
cation of all wrong? The analogy of 
the successive birth of children is brought 
forward as an answer to this. Then if 
the Earth be our mother, and we her 
children, -so reasons the prophet, is it 
the case that the latter generations of 
men are inferior to the former, even as 
the last-born child is often more puny 

Vision, ix. 26-x. 59 ; Fifth Vision, x. 60-xii. 50 ; 
Sixth Vision, xii. 51-xiii. 56 ; Seventh Vision, 
xiii. 57-xiv. 47. 



than the rest ? This is declared to be 
so, Ezra next enquires who it is, througli 
whom God will at last visit His world, 
and is answered that it is even the speaker 
himself, the angel Uriel, who here assumes 
the attributes of the Word of God. All 
things in the beginning, he says, " were 
made through me alone, and through 
none other." To yet further questions 
as to the signs of the final visitation, a 
series of tokens and portents is revealed, 
ending with a short picture of millennial 
happiness, when " evil shall be put out, 
and deceit shall be quenched," 

Third Vision (ch. vi. 35-ch. ix. 25). 
After an interval of seven days, Ezra's 
heart is again "vexed within him," and 
he renews his communing with the Lord. 
Regarding the world as created for the 
chosen people first of all, he enumerates 
the works of creation in order, and then 
asks why, if all other races of mankind 
were indeed but as outcasts compared to 
the children of Israel, the chosen race 
should be dispossessed of their inherit- 
ance. The reply to this is, that for 
Adam's sin " the entrances of this world 
were made narrow, full of sorrow and 
travail." But there was this to console 
the good, that, though now they suffered 
" strait " things, they might hope in the 
future for " wide." The signs that should 
precede this wider and more glorious 
scene are then again adverted to ; and 
a.t this point the language becomes very 
striking, though bearing marks of inter- 
polation : " After these years shall my 
son Christ die, and all men that have 
life. And the world shall be turned into 
the old silence seven days." After that 
a state of happiness should follow, such 
;as was set forth at the close of the Second 

At this point (ch. vii. 35) comes in the 
passage long missed from the Latin Ver- 
sion, in which the final judgment is de- 
:scribed. Ezra expresses his fear that 
very few will obtain the reward of the 
just ; and the angel denies not that it is 
.so, adding reasons why such should be 
the case. The most precious things of 
the earth are the rarest. Then if so, 
the prophet continues, the lot of man is 
indeed a hard one, and it would have 
been better for him to be even as the 
beasts that perish. The next question 

that arises is, whether a state of rewards 
and punishments follows immediately 
after death. The soul of man, is the 
answer, on leaving the body, comes to do 
homatre before the throne of the Most 
High. If it be the soul of one who has 
despised His law, it finds no restmg- 
place, but is visited with seven dolours. 
In like manner there are seven consola- 
tions to refresh the souls of those who 
have died in the fear of God. The time 
for experiencing each of these allotted 
portions is the mystical seven days ; after 
which they pass to the habitations pre- 
pared for them. Ezra goes on to enquire 
whether a man may intercede with God 
at the final judgment for a fellow-man, 
and is told that at that time no man may 
make intercession for another, but each 
shall bear his own righteousness or un- 
righteousness. The examples of inter- 
cession cited by Ezra from the Scrip- 
tures, as of Abraham for the people of 
Sodom, and the like, are not allowed to 
stand as arguments to the contrary. 
They had reference to a temporal state ; 
the kind of intercession which Ezra asks 
about would affect an eternal state. This 
drives Ezra to exclaim that it would have 
been better not to create Adam, with 
freedom of will to sin, than to leave the 
race of men thus prone to fall, with the 
prospect of punishment after death. The 
angel can but answer that such are the 
conditions of the fight; but that the joy 
over those who attain salvation is greater 
than the sorrow for those who fail. Ezra 
confesses that God is merciful and pa- 
tient, or the world could not continue. 
Owning the truth of what the angel de- 
clares to him, that there is much common 
earth in the world and but litde gold, he 
still extols the goodness of Him who pre- 
serves the works of His hands. Passing 
from man in general, as God's handi- 
work, to his own fellow-countrymen, Ezra 
again prays for himself and them, that 
God would not look upon the sins of His 
people. The angel (speaking here, as 
elsewhere, as if himself God) encourages 
Ezra in his prayer. As the husbandman 
sows much seed, but only a part comes 
up ; so out of the multitude of created 
men, part only should be saved. But for 
such as Ezra there need be no fear. For 
them rest was prepared. 



To the prophet's wish to learn some- 
thing of the time, as well as the signs, of 
the last judgment, the angel replies by 
discouraging vain curiosity : " Be thou 
not curious how the ungodly shall be 
punished, and when." This Revelation 
ends with a repetition of Ezra's sorrow 
that so many more should be lost than 
are saved, and a parable of a vine by 
way of answer. 

Fowih Vision (ch. ix. 26-ch. x. 59). 
Ezra is communing with himself in " the 
field which is called Ardath," and gives 
utterance to the thought that, whereas a 
ship in the sea or a seed in the ground 
may perish, without the sea or the ground 
suffering loss, yet with his countrymen it 
was not so. They had received the Law, 
and had not kept it. But in their case 
the receivers had been made to suffer ; 
while the Law, corresponding to the seed 
sown, had remained unharmed. These 
reflections are interrupted by the appear- 
ance of a woman in distress on his right 
hand. She is lamenting with a loud 
voice, and, when questioned, makes 
known to him that the cause of her 
mourning was the death of an only son, 
born after thirty years of sterility, who 
had died on the very day of his wedding. 
The prophet strives to comfort her, by 
shewing how small her loss is, compared 
with that which had befallen the chosen 
people as a nation. While bidding her 
shake off her heaviness, a marvellous 
change takes place before his eyes. The 
woman is seen no more ; but, where she 
stood, there arises a great city, Sion 
itself, whose story had been foreshadowed 
in the sufferings of the bereaved mother. 
A vision of future glory is promised by 
Uriel to the prophet, as a reward for his 

Fifth Vision (ch. xi. i-ch. xii. 39), 
The night following, Ezra sees in a 
dream an eagle rising from the sea, Avith 
twelve wings and three heads. While 
her wings overshadowed the earth, there 
grew out of them eight " contrary fea- 
thers," or pinions. The middle head of 
the three was the greatest, but all the 
heads alike remained at rest. When a 
voice came forth, it was from the midst 
of the body. Presently a wing arose on 
the right side, and reigned over all the 
earth. But it passed away, and gave 

place to another, which endured for a 
longer time ; so that a voice came, say- 
ing, " There shall none after thee attain 
unto thy time, neither unto the half 
thereof" So it was with all the wings in 
succession : all rose up in turn to reign,, 
though some were deposed without reign- 
ing. With the twelve wings there came 
to an end two of the pinions. Of the 
remaining six, two placed themsehes 
under the protection of the head on the 
right-hand side, the other four " con- 
tinuing in their place." Of these latter, 
two soon perished, but the other two 
" thought in themselves to reign." Upon 
this, the middle head, that was the great- 
est, took to itself the other two heads, 
and together with them devoured these 
two remaining pinions. The middle 
head then exercised dominion over the- 
earth, and cruelly oppressed it, till it 
suddenly disappeared, and there were left 
only the two side heads. These in like 
manner bare rule, till the one on the 
right hand devoured that on the left ; sO' 
that now there remained only the right- 
hand head, and the two pinions that had 
put themselves under its protection. At 
this point, a roaring lion comes forth 
from a wood, and with human voice 
upbraids the eagle with its tyranny, and 
commands it to appear no more. Upon 
this, the head still remaining passes 
away, and the two pinions, after attempt- 
ing to reign by themselves, pass away 
also ; so that now there is an end of the- 
monster altogether. 

On Ezra's praying for an interpreta- 
tion of this vision, the angel shews him 
that this eagle represents the fourth king- 
dom seen by Daniel. The twelve wings 
were twelve kings, who should reign in 
succession, the reign of the second being 
the longest of them all. The voice from 
out of the midst of the body signified 
the outbreak of civil discord. The eight 
pinions, in like manner, were so many 
kings, whose reigns should be brief and 
unprosperous. The three heads were 
also three kings, of whom the middle- 
most and greatest would die a natural 
death, the other two falling by the sword. 
The lion was the Lion of the tribe of 
Judah, the " anointed " one, who should 
reprove the kingdoms of the world for 
their unrighteousness and cruelty, and 



on the other hand bring a joyful dehver- 
ance for His own. This interpretation 
Ezra is to write in a book, and teach it 
to the wise among the people. 

Sixth Vision (ch. xii. 40-ch. xiii. 58). 
For seven days Ezra remains in the open 
field, as the angel commanded him. 
Seeing that he does not return, his fel- 
low-countrymen come and expostulate 
with him. He only is left to them, and 
they repine at being forsaken. He re- 
assures them and bids them depart, and 
then at the end of the seven days a 
vision of the night is sent to him. He 
sees in his dream a wind arising from 
the sea. The form of a man appears, 
and all things tremble at the look of 
him. But presently a multitude of men 
are gathered together from the four quar- 
ters of heaven, to subdue him that arose 
out of the sea. He on his part lifts up 
against them neither sword nor spear, 
but from his mouth he discharges upon 
them a blast of mingled fire and tempest, 
which consumes them all. Then he 
summons to him another multitude, this 
time a peaceful one. The interpretation 
of this vision given by the angel is that 
the Man seen in it is He whom the Most 
High has reserved for the last times to 
be a deliverer and judge, even the Son of 
God. He should come and stand upon 
Mount Sion, and by the power of the 
law, which is compared to the blast of 
fire proceeding from his mouth, should 
destroy all that opposed themselves. 

The peaceful multitude that was after- 
wards gathered together to him, consists 
of the ten tribes carried into captivity by 
the Assyrians, who had migrated into a 
far-off region, that they might keep the 
law of their God. And the reason why 
the Conqueror came from the deep sea is 
this, that, just as none can tell what is in 
the depths of the sea, so none can under- 
stand the things of the Son of God ; at 
least, till the time of that last day. With 
this, the angel leaves Ezra, promising to 
shew him yet further wonders after three 
days are past ; and the prophet spends 
that interval in wandering abroad, glo- 
rifying God for His mercies. 

Epilogue, or Seventh Vision (ch. xiv.). 
After this, as Ezra is sitting under an 
oak on the third day, there comes to him 
a voice out of a bush, as of old to Moses, 

enjoining him to make known openly 
some of the things that he has seen and 
heard, and to keep others secret. Time 
is hastening to its close. Of the twelve 
ages wliich the world had to run, ten 
and a half are spent, and only one and a 
half remain. Therefore Ezra must pre- 
pare for his departure. On the prophet's 
asking who shall take his place as a 
guide and admonisher of the people, the 
angel bids him withdraw from the con- 
gregation forty days ; in which interval, 
with the aid of five ready writers, he is to 
make a record of what he has seen and 
heard. Part is to be pubhshed; part 
to be kept secret. Ezra does so. After 
a parting charge to the people, he with- 
draws from them, accompanied by his 
scribes. Then a cup is given to him, 
" full as it were with water, but the colour 
of it was like fire," on drinking which his 
spirit and memory are strengthened. For 
forty days he dictates to the five, and they 
write in all ninety-four books. Of these, 
twenty-four (being the number of books 
in the Old Testament) are published 
openly ; the other seventy are kept back, 
to be divulged only to the wise among 
the people. In the Oriental versions this 
is followed by a closing passage, giving 
the year of the events, as computed from 
the Creation, and ending with the 
assumption of Ezra. 

Additions to 2 Esdras (2 Esdr. chaps. 
L, ii., XV., xvi.). The prophet Esdras, 
whose genealogy is set forth at the outset, 
is commissioned by God to shew His 
people their sinful deeds, and to put them 
in mind of His mercies in time past. 
While He would have been to them as a 
Father, they had turned their faces from 
Him. His servants the prophets, whom 
He had sent unto them, they had taken 
and slain. Wherefore now He would 
forsake their offerings, and would give 
their habitation to a people that should 
come after ; a people who, though they 
had not yet heard of Him, should believe 
in Him, and unto whom there should be 
given for leaders the ancient patriarchs 
of Israel (chap. i.). 

The controversy which God has with 
His people is continued. They are 
bidden to remember what was done to 
Sodom and Gomorrha. Even yet God is 



willing to give His children the kingdom 
which Israel had rejected. For their help 
would He send His servants Esay and 
Jeremy ; for them He would prepare 
fountains flowing with milk and honey. 
Let these therefore do that which is 
right : let them judge the fatherless, 
defend the orphan, and discharge all the 
other duties of life. If the chosen people 
refuse to hear the voice speaking to 
them, Esdras is charged to turn to the 
heathen, and bid them " look for their 
Shepherd," who should give them ever- 
lasting rest. The prophet sees in vision, 
in response to this call, a great multitude 
whom he cannot number standing upon 
Mount Sion ; and in the midst of them 
" a young man of a high stature, taller 
than all the rest." These, the angel tells 
him, are the glorified people of God, and 
the one in the midst of them, wearing 
a crown, is the Son of God. Such are 
the wonderful things that Esdras is com- 
manded to make known to his country- 
men (chap, ii.). 

The latter section (chaps, xv., xvi.) 
begins almost as if in direct continua- 
tion of the former. Esdras is bidden, 
though not by name, to speak in the 
ears of God's people the words of pro- 
phecy which the Lord would put into 
his mouth, and to " cause them to be 
written in paper," as being faithful and 
true. But a difference of subject is soon 
perceived. The earth is declared to be 
full of wickedness, and the plagues to 
chastise it are ready at hand. As Egypt 
had aforetime been smitten, and God's 
people led out like a flock, even so should 
it be now. Woe is pronounced upon the 
world and them that dwell therein ; for 
wars and seditions shall arise, and the 
right hand of the Lord shall not spare. 
A "horrible vision" from the east is 
proclaimed. The dragons of Arabia shall 
come forth, and the Carmanians, like 
wild boars from the wood, and they shall 
lay waste a portion of the land of the 
Assyrians. Clouds shall come from the 
east and from the north, and again there 
shall come great storms from the south 
and north and west, which strong winds 
from the east shall dispel. In vague and 
mysterious language it is announced that 
wrath will go forth against Babylon. 
Asia, as a partaker with Babylon, is to 

share her plagues. Like as she has 
done to the children of God, so should 
it be done to her and her children 
(chap. XV.). 

The proclamation of woe is continued 
against Babylon and Asia, against Egypt 
and Syria. As an arrow shot from a bow 
cannot return, so the plagues denounced 
must go on to their fulfilment. Trees 
shall yield their fruit, but there shall be 
none to gather it; grapes shall ripen, 
but there shall be none to tread them. 
These things are signs for the servants of 
the Lord to understand. When the evil 
days come, let them be as pilgrims upon 
the earth. Let all sit lightly to their 
occupations: "he that selleth, let him 
be as he that fleeth away ; and he that 
buyeth, as one that will lose." If they 
will abstain from evil, the time will soon 
come when " iniquity shall be taken 
away out of the earth," and righteousness 
shall reign among them. The Lord 
knoweth the hearts of men. He who 
created all things at the first, who 
knoweth the number of the stars, and 
spreadeth out the heavens like a vault, 
" surely He knoweth your inventions," 
saith the prophet, and how can men hide 
their sins before Him ? If they will leave 
off from their sins, God will deliver them 
from all troubles. A day of wrath is at 
hand, a " great insurrection" upon those 
that fear the Lord. Let not the beloved 
of the Lord be afraid, nor let their sins 
weigh them down. They who were so 
" bound with their sins and covered with 
their iniquities," were as a field overgrown 
with thorns, the end of which is to be 

V. General Character of the 

A tone of melancholy pervades the 
book, meaning by that the Fourth 
Book proper (chaps, iii.-xiv.). The place 
and time at which the scene is laid 
require that this should be so. Ezra, 
musing in the outskirts of Babylon in 
the thirtieth year of the Captivity, could 
not consistently have been made to take 
a bright and hopeful view of the future, 
such, for instance, as is set forth in 
the Book of Enoch. We need not stay 
to raise the chronological difticulty, that 



Ezra is thus placed some ninety years 
too early. In what has been called the 
apocalyptic class of these writings, it is 
usual to find the most eminent names in 
the history of Israel chosen for the 
bearers of the revelations. (Schodde, 
'Book of Enoch,' 1882, p. 14.) But 
there was, perhaps, more than a sense 
of artistic fitness in making the shades 
of the picture so dark. There are to- 
kens that the book was written by 
one whose mind was impressed by some 
recent visitation. Like the third and 
fourth books of the Sibylline Oracles, 
or the ' De Civitate Dei ' of Augustine, 
it may be regarded as the utterance of 
one who had witnessed such terrible 
scenes, that the speedyadvent of Messiah 
must seem the only thing to be hoped 
for. Hence the bitter complaints of 
the heathen going unpunished, and the 
anticipations of vengeance. Hence the 
limiting of salvation to "very few" 
(vii. 70), and the sufterings and death of 
Messiah himself (vii, 29). There is some- 
thing very solemn in the idea of the 
world being " turned into the old silence" 
for seven days. At the same time, the 
faithful Jew is encouraged to hope for 
future restoration. The peaceful multi- 
tude who were to be assembled at the 
holy mountain (xiii. 39) are the ten tribes, 
lost to outward view, but not forgotten. 

As regards the doctrinal character of 
the book, some striking resemblances 
have been pointed out between its 
teaching and that of St. Paul. Passages 
like iii. 20 sgq. remind us at once of the 
Epistle to the Romans, just as the imagery 
throughout recalls the Revelation of St. 
John. The wildness of this imagery, in 
some of the Visions at least, has caused 
many readers to disparage the book, and 
drawn the attention away from the deep 
problems of human life which are pro- 
pounded in it, problems like those with 
which Bishop Butler deals in the First 
Part of his ' Analogy.' Such was at first 
its effect on the learned Dr. Lee, who, in 
a letter to Simon Ockley (published in 
his 'ATroXenro/xej/a, 1752), has recorded 
the stages through which his mind 
passed, during the study of the book, 
from contempt to a qualified admiration. 

The additions at the beginning and 
end (chaps, i., ii,, and xv., xvi.) are of a 

very different character. In the first 
portion the Jews are upbraided for their 
rebellion against God, and the call of the 
Gentiles is foretold (i. 35). In the last 
portions the judgments to come upon 
heathen nations are pronounced, and 
God's chosen people exhorted to stand 
fast through the time of trial (xvi. 40 
sgq.), till the triumph of righteousness 
should come. The frequent allusions to 
the New Testament (i. 30, ii. 43 sgq., 
XV. 35, xvi. 54, &c.), as well as the anti- 
Jewish tone of the first part, betoken a 
Christian writer. It is in this part also 
that the resemblance to the ' Shepherd ' 
of Hermas is most striking. (Compare 
especially ' Similitude ' ix. 6 with 2 Esdr. 
ii. 43.) A complete list of parallel pas- 
sages, or what are supposed to be such, 
between 2 Esdras and the New Testa- 
ment, is given in the work of Dr. Lee 
above referred to, pp. 1 12-125. 

VI. Date and Authorship. 

(i) Chaps, iii.-xiv. The plain cita- 
tion of a passage (v. 35) by Clement of 
Alexandria (fl. 193-217), who quotes 
the verse in Greek, with the addition 

of "Eo-Spas 6 7rpO(jir]TT]<; A.eyet Q Strom.' 

iii. 16), fixes the date within reason- 
able limits in one direction. But when 
we try to approximate more closely, 
the materials for forming a judgment 
seem insufficient. Admitting, for the 
moment, that the author of the older 
portion, with which we are here con- 
cerned, was a Jew, not a convert to 
Christianity, is there any internal evi- 
dence to shew whether his work appeared 
before the time of Christ, or after ? Hil- 
genfeld thinks there is, and lays stress on 
such expressions as " Esau is the end of 
the world " (vi. 9), i.e. of this age, which 
he interprets of Herod the Great; "and 
of all builded cities thou hast hallowed 
Sion unto thyself" (v. 25, conip. vi. 4), 
which he thinks inconsistent with the 
feelings of a Jew writing after the final 
destruction of Jerusalem. Another argu- 
ment urged on the same side is, that no 
Jew, writing after the death of Christ, 
would have introduced the prophecy of 
Messias dying (vii. 29), of which Chris- 
tians would be likely to lay hold. The 
passages on which Hilgenfeld mainly 



relies are quoted in the Prolegomena to 
his ' Messias Judseorum,' p. Ixi. On the 
other hand, it is contended that such 
expressions as the " casting down the 
walls " (xi. 42) point with as much pro- 
bability to a date subsequent to the fall 
of Jerusalem, as v. 25 or vi. 4 can do to 
an earlier date. The computation of 
time in xiv. 11 is too vague to be relied 
on, though Hilgenfeld tries to press that 
into his service ; and in like manner the 
signs and portents enumerated in v. 3 
sqq., though capable of being referred to 
what we read of as preceding the Battle 
of Actium, might no doubt, with a little 
research, be found to have had their 
fulfilment at other epochs as well. 

Space forbids more details. It must 
suffice, then, to say that the balance of 
evidence seems to be in favour of the 
reign of Domitian as the time in which 
the author wrote. The interpretation put 
upon the Vision of the Eagle (chaps, xi., 
xii.) will influence the decision, one way 
or the other; and if the conclusion be 
right that the author wrote when the third 
/ieadyf3.s still ruling (see Appendix), and 
that that head was Domitian, we may 
assign the latter portion of the period 
A.D. 81-96 with some probability as the 
date of 2 Esdras. In this conclusion 
most authorities are now agreed. Ewald, 
indeed, would place the time of com- 
position a little earlier, while Titus was 
still alive (' Das vierte Ezrabuch,' 1863, 
p. 19), but Fritzsche ('Libri Apocr.,' 
Praef p. xxvii.) speaks of the end of the 
first century a.d. as fixed upon by the 
common consent of almost all scholars. 
Such, too, is the opinion of Schiirer 
(' Geschichte des Jiidischen Volkes im 
Zeitalter Jesu Christi,' ii Theil, 1886, 
pp. 656, 657). 

That the author was a non-Christian 
Jew can admit of little doubt. Through- 
out the book there is a patriotic love and 
admiration of the race, and a conviction 
that the world was made for their sakes. 
Jewish traditions are introduced, such as 
those about Behemoth and Leviathan 
(vi. 49). The language used concerning 
the death of Messiah (vii. 29), and the 
computation at the end of ch. xiv. (found 
in the Versions) by years a?mo mzmdi, 
may be thought to point to a Jew of 
Alexandria, rather than to one living in 

Apoc Vol. I. 

Palestine. If so, we may the more easily 
account for the writer's acquaintance with 
Roman history subsequent to the time of 
Antony, and also for the quotation of his 
work by Clemens Alexandrinus. 

(2) Chaps, i., ii., and xv., xvi. The 
author of the additions (i., ii., and xv., 
xvi.) was undoubtedly a Christian, and 
probably a Christian Jew of Alexandria. 
There is little difference of opinion 
as to the date of the latter portion, 
which is given by Alfred de Gutschmid 
('Zeitschrift fiir wissensch, Theologie,' 
i860, p. 1. sgq.) as about a.d. 263; by 
Volkmar, about a.d. 260; and by Hil- 
genfeld, about A.D. 268. Some reasons 
for this conclusion will be found in the 
notes on xv. 28 sqq. The date of the 
first part is not fixed so unanimously. 
Hilgenfeld thinks it was written by the 
same author, and at the same time, as 
the second; but it was more probably 

The authorities chiefly relied on for 
the commentary which follows Volk- 
mar, Hilgenfeld, Fritzsche, Ewald have 
been specified in the Introduction. One 
must be named by me apart from the 
rest, the discoverer and editor of the 
Missing Fragmetii, R. L. Bensly. Had 
he consented to undertake the present 
task, and to anticipate the results of his 
long and patient study of the Latin text, 
I should not have dreamt of approaching 
it. Till his critical edition of the Latin 
text appears, this, and any like attempt, 
must be regarded as merely provisional. 
Except in a very few instances, I have 
avoided consulting any English commen- 
taries, such as that of the Rev. Prebendary 
Eddrup, from a desire that the work 
should be as much as possible my own. 
But I have derived some benefit from 
the 'Introduction to 2 Esdras' of Dr. 
Bissell, in the volume of Lange's Com- 
mentary containing the Apocrypha, and 
have taken a few marginal references (in 
most cases with acknowledgment) from 
Churton's ' Uncanonical and Apocryphal 
Scriptures' (1884). The works of Apel 
('Libri Vet. Test. Apocr.,' 1837) and 
Gutmann (' Die Apokryphen des Alt. 
Test.,' 1841), being limited to Greek 
texts, do not include 2 Esdras. 

J. H. L. 



I Esdras is commanded to reprove the people. 
24 God threateneth to cast them off, 35 and 
to give their houses to a people of more grace 
than they. 

THE second book of the prophet 
"^ Esdras, the son of Saraias, 
the son of Azarias, the son of Hel- 
iiOr5-A<i/- chias, the son of "Sadamias, the son 
^'""' of Sadoc, the son of Achitob, 

2 The son of Achias, the son of 
Phinees, the son of Heli, the son of 
Amarias, the son of Aziei, the son 
of Marimoth, the son of Arna, the 
son of Ozias, the son of Borith, the 
son of Abisei, the son of Phinees, 
the son of Eleazar, 

3 The son of Aaron, of the 
tribe of Levi ; which was captive 
in the land of the Medes, in the 
reign of Artaxerxes king of the 

4 And the word of the Lord came 
unto me, saying, 

Ms. 58. 1. 5 Go thy way, and '^shew my 
people their sinful deeds, and their 
children their wickedness which they 

have done against me ; that thev may 
tell their children's children : 

6 Because the sins of their fathers 
are increased in them : for they have 
forgotten me, and have offered unto 
strange gods. 

7 Am not I even he that brought 
them out of the land of Egypt, from 
the house of bondage ? but they have 
provoked me unto wrath, and despised 
my counsels. 

8 Pull thou off then the hair of 
thy head, and cast all evil upon them, 
for they have not been obedient unto 
my law, but it is a rebellious people. 

9 How long shall I forbear them, 
unto whom 1 have done so much 
good ? 

10 Many kings have I destroyed 

for their sakes ; <^ Pharaoh with his "^l^^- " 

- IT 

servants and all his power have 1 
smitten down. 

11 '^AU the nations have I de-^f""--^'- 
stroyed before them, and in the east Josiv 8, & 
I have scattered the people of two 
provinces, even of Tyrus and Sidon, 

and have slain all their enemies. 


1. Tl^e second book?^ For the title here 
given, see the Introduction, I. 

the son of Saraias^ If this Saraias be the 
Seraiah of Zedekiah's time, it is obvious, as 
Canon Rawlinson points out (Ezra vii. i), 
that three or four links are wanting between 
him and Esdras. By piecing together the 
genealogies given in i Chron. vi., Ezra vii., 
1 Esdras viii., and the present one, we may 
obtain a fairly complete list, as follows: i. 
Aaron; 2. Eleazar; 3. Phinehas ; 4. Abishua; 
5. Bukki (= Boccas, i Esdr. viii. 2,= Borith, 
3 Esdr. i.) ; 6. Uzzi (= Sarias, i Esdr. viii., 
= Ozias, 2 Esdr. i.); 7, Zerahiah (=Zaraias, 
I Esdr. viii., = Arna, 2 Esdr. i.); 8. Meraioth 
(= Marimoth or Meremoth) ; 9. Amariah ; 
10. Ahitub : 11. Zadok ; 12. Ahimaaz ; 13. 

Azariah ; 14. Johanan (the last six from i 
Chron. vi.) ; 15. Azariah ( = Ezias, i Esdr. 
viii., = Aziei, 2 Esdr. i.); 16. Amariah; 17. 
Heli; 18. Phinees; 19. Achias (the last three 
from 2 Esdr. i.) ; 20. Ahitub; 21. Meraioth 
(from 1 Chron. ix. 11); 22. Zadok; 23. 
Shallum(=Salame, or Sadamaias, 2 Esdr. i.) ; 
24. Hilkiah; 25. Azariah; 26. Seraiah; 27. 
Jchozadak (from i Chron. vi.) ; 28, 29, 30. 
(three probably missing) ; 31. Ezra. 

3. Artaxerxes.'] Artaxerxes, surnamed 
Longimanus, reigned from B.C. 464 to 425. 
See the note on Ezra vii. i. 

4. And the nvord of the Lord, <b'c^ It has 
been observed that this formula does not 
occur in the writings of the true Ezra. 

11. Tyrus and Sidon.'] Gutschmid thinks 
that there is a special reference in this to the 

V. I 

2 28.] 



^Ex. 14. 

II Or, 


10. & 4. 14 

^Ex. 13. 

h Ex. 16. 


Ps. 105. 40, 

Niun. 14. 


^ Num. 20. 

Wisd. II. 

II Or, abun- 

12 Speak thou therefore unto them, 
saying, Thus saith the Lord, 

13 *I led you through the sea, 
and in the beginning gave you a 
large and safe "passage; f\ gave you 
Moses for a leader, and Aaron for a 

14 -S" I gave you light in a pillar of 
fire, and great v/onders have I done 
among you ; yet have ye forgotten 
me, saith the Lord. 

15 Thus saith the Almighty Lord, 
The '^'quails were as a token to you ; 
I gave you tents for your safeguard : 
nevertheless ye murmured there, 

16 And triumphed not in my name 
for the destruction of your enemies, 
but ever to this day do ye yet mur- 

17 Where are the benefits that I 
have done for you ? when ye were 
hungry and thirsty in the wilderness, 
'did ye not cry unto me, 

18 Saying, Why hast thou brought 
us into this wilderness to kill us ? it 
had been better for us to have served 
the Egyptians, than to die in this 

19 Then had I pity upon your 
mournings, and gave you manna to 
eat ; -^so ye did eat angels' bread. 

20 ^When ye were thirsty, did I 
not cleave the rock, and waters flowed 
out "to your fill .'' for the heat I 

covered you with the leaves of the 

21 I divided among you a fruitful 
land, I cast out the Canaanites, the 
Pherezites, and the Philistines, before 

you : '" what shall I yet do more for "' is. 5. 4. 
you ? saith the Lord. 

22 Thus saith the Almighty Lord, 
When ye were in the wilderness, "in \9jy"-^*^'^ 

r ^ A 1 bitter 

the river of the Amontes, \)Q.\\\^ioaters,ox, 
athirst, and blaspheming my name, ISJrak, 

23 I gave you not fire for your ^j^" ^^' *^' 
blasphemies, but cast a tree in the 
water, and made the river sweet. 

24 What shall I do unto thee, O 
Jacob ? thou, " Juda, wouldest not " ^^- 3^- 
obey me : I will turn me to other 
nations, and unto those will I give 

my name, that they may keep my 

25 Seeing ye have forsaken me, I 
will forsake you also ; when ye desire 
me to be gracious unto you, I shall 
have no mercy upon you. 

26 "Whensoever ye shall call upon "is. 1. 15- 
me, I will not hear you : for ye have 
defiled your hands with blood, and 

your feet are swift to commit man- 

27 Ye have not as it were forsaken 
me, but your own selves, saith the 

28 Thus saith the Almighty Lord, 
Have I not prayed you as a father 

destruction of Tyre by the troops of Pescen- 
nius Niger, in the contest for the empire 
between him and Severus, a.d. 193. The 
hostility of the Phoenicians to the Jews (Joseph. 
'c. Apion.' i. 13") would make the latter exult 
at such an overthrow. But the prophecies of 
Isaiah (ch. xxiii.) and Ezekiel (ch. xxvi. j^.) 
against Tyre and Sidon would appear suffi- 
cient to account for the language of the text. 
It has been observed that the description of 
these cities as in the east points to the west 
as the quarter from which the author writes. 

13. a large and safe passage?^ " Large " 
here = broad, or spacious, as in Ps. xxxi. 8, 
"Thou hast set my feet in a large room." 
But if in invio be read (from S.) instead of 
the Vulg. in initio, the sense would be, " and 
I provided for you broad roads laid down in 
the pathless (sea)," i.e. "a highway in the 
deep." Comp. Isa. li. 10. 

14. have I t^one.'] Rather, " did I :" the 
simple preterite should be kept through all 
this passage. 

20. ka-ves of the trees."] This seems meant 
to replace the "pillar of a cloud" (Exod. xiii. 
21), not mentioned in its natural context, in 
V. i\ above. Comp. also Baruch v. 8. 

22. river of the Amorites.] The reading 
of D., S., T. \sflumine A77iorreo ; but the latter 
word, which strictly means only " Amorite," 
is probably a corruption of amaro, the equi- 
valent of Marah, " bitter." Otherwise, as 
Arnald points out, there would be a confu- 
sion between the events which happened at 
the "brooks of Arnon" (Numb. xxi. 15) and 
at " the waters of Marah " (Exod. xv. 23). 

25. I shall.] Rather, " I will." 

26. are jivift, i)V.] Comp. Prov. i. 16; 
Rom. iii. 15. 

G 2 



[v. 29 I. 

his sons, as a mother her daughters, 
and a nurse her young babes, 

29 That ye would be my people, 
Wr,ns/ i^Lnd I should be your God: that ye 

am your ^J ' J 

God. would be my children, and I should 

be your father ? 
/Matt. 23. 30-^1 gathered you together, as a 
^^' hen gathereth her chickens under her 

wings : but now, what shall I do 

unto you ? I will cast you out from 

my face. 
?is. 1. 13. 21 '^When ye offer unto me, I 
"*' will turn my face from you : for 

your solemn feast days, your new 

moons, and your circumcisions, have 

I forsaken. 

32 I sent unto you my servants 
the prophets, whom ye have taken 
and slain, and torn their bodies in 
pieces, whose blood I will require of 
your hands, saith the Lord. 

33 Thus saith the Almighty Lord, 
'Matt. 23. ''Your house is desolate, I will cast 
Luke 13. you out as the wind doth stubble. 

34 And your children shall not be 
fruitful ; for they have despised my 
commandment, and done the thing 
that is evil before me. 

35 Your houses will I give to a 
people that shall come ; which not 
having heard of me yet shall believe 
me ; to whom I have shewed no 


signs, yet they shall do that I have 
commanded them. 

36 They have seen no prophets, 
yet they shall call their sins to re- 
membrance, and acknowledge them. 

37 I take to witness the grace of 
the people to come, whose little ones 
rejoice in gladness: and ^though ^J^"*- 
they have not seen me with bodily 

eyes, yet in spirit they believe the 
thing that I say. 

38 And now, brother, behold what 
glory ; and see the people that come 
from the east : 

39 Unto whom I will give for 
leaders, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, 
Oseas, Amos, and Micheas, Joel, 
Abdias, and Jonas, 

40 Nahum, and Abacuc, Sopho- 
nias, Aggeus, Zachary, and Malachy, 
which is called also an ^angel of the 'Mai. 3.1 


I God complaineth of his people : 10 yef Esdras 
is willed to comfort them. 34 Because they 
refused, the Gentiles are called. 43 Esdras 
seeth the Son of God, and those that are 
crowned by him. 

THUS saith the Lord, I brought 
this people out of bondage, 
and I gave them my commandments 

29. and I should be.'] The marginal reading 
" as I am," &c., appears to assume a reading ut 
ego "vobis in place of et ego -vobis, for which 
there is no authority. 

30. as a hen.] The unmistakeable re- 
ference to St. Matt, xxiii. 37 should be 
noticed, as bearing on the age and religion of 
the writer. The nearest parallels in the O. T. 
(Deut. xxxii. 11 ; Ps. xci. 4) would not be 
sufficient to account for the language used. 

32. I sent unto you.] This might be an 
allusion to the words of Jeremiah (xxv. 4) ; 
but the tenor of the passage which follows, 
and especially the language of v. 33, "your 
house," Sec. (comp. Matt, xxiii. 38), seem to 
point to Matt, xxiii. 34-38 as the source of 
the whole. 

35. to <ivhom, is'c] Rather, " they to whom 
I have shewed no signs shall," &c. 

36. sins.] Vulg. iniquitatum. But Bensly 
cites the reading of A. and S. as antiquitatum, 

a word rendered, in the singular, "ancient 
estate" in Ezek. xvi. 55. 

37. Comp. Matt. xiii. 17. 

38. And no'VJ^ brother7\ The want of fitness 
in the term " brother " here employed, when 
God is the speaker, must be obvious. Bensly, 
observing that S. has pater by the first hand, 
ingeniously conjectures that the original read- 
ing may have been Tre piiSXeyj/ov, and that the 
abbreviated form of Trepi was mistakenly 
rendered pater. The resemblance of the 
passage to Baruch iv. 36, 37, makes this con- 
jecture still more probable, as the cum gloria 
of the Latin ( = " with glory," not " what 
glory ") answers closely to an expression in 
Bar. V. 6. 

39. Abraham, iyc] This list contains th^ 
names of the three patriarchs and the twelve 
minor prophets ; the latter being arranged in 
the order of the Septuagint. 

40. angel.] Rather, " messenger." 

2 15-] 



by my servants the prophets ; whom 
they would not hear, but despised my 

2 The mother that bare them saith 
unto them, Go your way, ye children ; 
for I am a widow and forsaken. 

3 I brought you up with gladness ; 
but with sorrow and heaviness have 
I lost you : for ye have sinned before 
the Lord your God, and done that 
thing that is evil before him. 

4 But what shall I now do unto 
you ? I am a widow and forsaken : 
go your way, O my children, and 
ask mercy of the Lord. 

5 As for me, O father, I call upon 
thee for a witness over the mother of 
these children, which would not keep 
my covenant, 

6 That thou bring them to confu- 
sion, and their mother to a spoil, that 
there may be no offspring of them. 

7 Let them be scattered abroad 
among the heathen, let their names 
be put out of the earth : for they 

tOr.scu:- have despised mv "covenant. 

or, oath. o Woe be unto thee, Assur, thou 

that hidest the unrighteous in thee ! 

O thou wicked people, remember 
^Gen. 19. vvhat I did unto Sodom and Go- 

morrha ; 


9 Whose land lieth in clods of 
pitch and heaps of ashes : even so 
also will I do unto them that hear 
me not, saith the Almighty Lord. 

ro Thus saith the Lord unto 
Esdras, Tell my people that I will 
give them the kingdom of Jerusalem, 
which I would have given unto 

11 Their glory also will I take 

unto me, and give these '^the ever- * Luke 16. 
lasting tabernacles, which I had pre- 
pared for them. 

12 They shall have "^the tree of^R^^-'-v- 
life for an ointment of sweet savour; ^ 

they shall neither labour, nor be 

13 Go, and ye shall receive : 
pray for kw days unto you, that 

they may be shortened: '^the king- "^ ^^^"- *s- 
dom is already prepared for you : 

^ watch. ^ Mark 13. 

14 Take heaven and earth to 
witness ; for I have broken the evil 
in pieces, and created the good : for 
I live, saith the Lord. 

15 Mother, embrace thy children, wor, bri,!^ 
and "bring them up with gladness, f^'^^^'J^. 
make their feet as fast as a pillar : 'f^-s'. -f f 

r -r y 1 1 1 1 aove make 

ror 1 have chosen thee, saith the their feet 
Lord. ^ScJ-^""' 


2. The mother, ^c.'\ The striking resem- 
blance between this passage and Baruch iv. 
should be noticed. Sion, or Jerusalem, is 
there also represented as a widowed mother, 
alternately lamenting and rejoicing over her 
children : " Go your way, O my children, 
go your way: for I am left desolate" (v. 19) 
" With joy did I nourish them ; but sent 
them away with weeping and mourning " (1;. 

5. father.'] These words must be un- 
derstood to be uttered by the Son of God. 
They lend some countenance to the reading 
" Father " {Pater, iov f rater, or irepi-) ini. 38. 

7. co'venarit.'] The marginal reading is 
nearer the Latin, sacramentum. 

8. Assur?\ We might expect Babylonia 
to be thus apostrophized, rather than Assyria; 
in other words, the scene of the later cap- 
tivity of Ezra's own time, rather than that of 
the earher one of the ten tribes. But pro- 

bably the word Assur has a wider meaning, 
as in the ' Orac. Sibyll.' iii. 268, quoted by 

9. that hear me not.'] Rather, " that have 
not heard me." 

11. everlasting tabernacles.] The " ever- 
lasting habitations " of St. Luke xvi. 9, the 
words in the Latin being the same. The re- 
miniscences of the N. T. in the next two 
verses will also be noticed. 

14. broken in pieces.] Contrivi in the Vulg., 
but the best MSS. read omisi, "I have over- 
looked," or " passed over." 

15. as a pillar.] This reading, found in 
Coverdale, is due to a conjectural alteration 
of sicut columba to sicut columnam ; and this 
again was due to a needless connection of 
sicut columba with the words following, instead 
of those preceding. The text in A. and S. is 
educam illos cum Icttitia sicut columba, " I will 
lead them forth with gladness like a dove." 
See Bensly, p. 25. 



[v. 1634. 

16 And those that be dead will I 
raise up again from their places, and 
bring them out of the graves : for I 

iOr, i/iy have known "my name in Israel. 

hme'i. 17 Fear not, thou mother of the 

children : for 1 have chosen thee, 
saith the Lord. 

18 For thy help will I send my 
servants Esay and Jeremy, after 
whose counsel I have sanctified and 
prepared for thee twelve trees laden 
with divers fruits, 

19 And as many fountains flowing 
with milk and honey, and seven 
mighty mountains, whereupon there 
grow roses and lilies, whereby I will 
lill thy children with joy. 

20 Do right to the widow, judge 
for the fatherless, give to the poor, 
defend the orphan, clothe the naked, 

21 Heal the broken and the weak, 
laugh not a lame man to scorn, de- 
fend the maimed, and let the blind 
man come into the sight of my clear- 

22 Keep the old and young within 
thy walls. 

/Tobit I. 23 -^Wheresoever thou findest the 
isi-rning dead, "take them and bury them, and 
burytiiem. \ will give thee the first place in my 

24 Abide still, O my people, and 
take thy rest, for thy quietness shall 

25 Nourish thy children, O thou 
good nurse ; stablish their feet. 

^johniv. 26 -rAs for the servants whom I 

have given thee, there shall not one 
of them perish ; for I will require 
them from among thy number. 

27 Be not weary : for when the 
day of trouble and heaviness cometh, 
others shall weep and be sorrowful, 
but thou shalt be merry and have 

28 The heathen shall envy thee, 
but they shall be able to do nothing 
against thee, saith the Lord. 

29 My hands shall cover thee, so 
that thy children shall not see hell. 

30 Be joyful, O thou mother, 
with thy children ; for I will deliver 
thee, saith the Lord. 

31 Remember thy children that 
sleep, for I shall bring them out of 
the sides of the earth, and shew 
mercy unto them : for I am merciful, 
saith the Lord Almighty. 

32 Embrace thy children until I 
come and "shew mercy unto them : " ^^^ .;^_ 
for my wells run over, and my grace 
shall not fail. 

33 I Esdras received a charge of 
the Lord upon the mount Oreb, that 
I should go unto Israel ; but when 
I came unto them, they set me at 
nought, and despised the command- 
ment of the Lord. 

34 And therefore I say unto you, 
O ye heathen, that hear and under- 
stand, look for your Shepherd, he 

shall give you ^everlasting rest j for '' i^iatt it, 
he is nigh at hand, that shall come in 
the end of the world. 

16. in Israel.'] Rather, " in them ;" in illis 
being the reading of the best MSS. The 
reference is to God's people in v. 10. Com- 
pare also Isa. xxvi. 19. 

18. after ivhose counsel^ Comp. Isa. xl. 
13, 14. The imagery which follows is a re- 
miniscence of Rev. xxii. 2, and perhaps also 
of the Book of Enoch, c. xxiv. (Schodde's 
transl. p. 99). Comp. also the twelve 
mountains in the ' Similitudes' of Hermas 
(' Pastor,' c. xxviii.), 

'2.0. the fatherless?^ Lit. "the ward;" Lat. 


23. take them, <b'c.'] The marginal reading 
is nearer to the Latin as it now stands : 
signans commenda sepiilchro. Tobit i. 17, 18 

offers a good illustration of obedience to the 
precept. For signans comp. consignati, vi. 5. 

frst place.] The Latin, primam sessionem, 
is apparently a close rendering of the Trpwro- 
KaSfSpiav of the original Greek. 

31. sides.] Vulg. lateribus, but probably 
the true reading is latibulis, " hiding-places," 
or " secret places." 

32. until I come and sheiu mercy unto them.] 
These words go together, the Vulg. being 
et pro: stem illis misericordiam. But the best 
reading is pra:dica for pr^xstem ; making the 
sense, " embrace, &c. till I come, and pro- 
claim to them my mercy." 

33. Oreb.] Like a second Moses. Comp. 
xiv. 3. 

35 !] 



< 1 Cor. 7. 

*Rev. 7. 

3. 4- 

II Or, for. 

i Matt. 22, 
I, &c. 
Kev. 19. 9. 

' Rev. 3. 

4. & 7. 14. 

II Lat. co- 


Rev. 6. 

^ Rev. 7.9 

35 Be ready to the reward of the 
kingdom, for the everlasting light 
shall shine upon you for evermore. 

36 Flee 'the shadow of this world, 
receive the joyfulness of your glory : 
I testify my Saviour openly. 

37 O receive the gift that is given 
you, and be glad, giving thanks unto 
him that hath called you to the 
heavenly kingdom. 

38 Arise up and stand, behold 
-^the number of those that be sealed 
in ^the feast of the Lord ; 

39 Which are departed from the 
shadow of the world, and '"have re- 
ceived glorious garments of the Lord. 

40 Take thy number, O Sion, 
and "shut up those of thine that are 
clothed in white, which have fulfilled 
the law of the Lord. 

41 "The number of thy children 
whom thou longedst for, is fulfilled : 
beseech the power of the Lord, that 
thy people, which have been called 
from the beginning, maybe hallowed. 

42 "I Esdras saw upon the mount 
Sion a great people, whom I could 
not number, and they all praised the 
Lord with songs. 

43 And in the midst of them there 
was a young man of a high stature, 
taller than all the rest, and upon 
every one of their heads he set 


crowns, and was more exalted ; which 
I marvelled at greatly. 

44 So ^\ asked the angel, and'^Re^"-7. 
d, "Sir, what are these? ,'t , . 

' ' I Or, iUwc. 

45 He answered and said unto 
me. These be they that have put off 
the mortal clothing, and put on the 
immortal, and have confessed the 
name of God : now are they crowned, 
and receive palms. 

46 Then said I unto the angel, 
What young person is it that crown- 
eth them, and giveth them palms in 
their hands ? 

47 So he answered and said unto 

me, 'It is the Son of God, whom ^^^^.2. 
they have confessed in the world. 
Then began I greatly to commend 
them that stood so stiffly for the 
name of the Lord. 

48 Then the angel said unto me, 
Go thy way, and tell my people 
what manner of things, and how 
great wonders of the Lord thy God, 
thou hast seen. 


I Esdras is troubled, 13 and acknowledgeth 
the sins of the people: 2Syet complaineth that 
the heathett were lords over them, being more 
wicked than they. 

IN the thirtieth year after the 
ruin of the city I was in Baby- 
lon, and lay troubled upon my bed. 

36. the shadoav.'] Comp. Wisdom ii. 5, 
and the language of Colet in his ' Exposition 
of Romans' (ed. 1873, P- 153)) "dum hie 
sumus et manemus in hac vana et umbratili 
vita, hoc fumoso corpusculo obfuscati." For 
the use of w. 34-37 in ancient Liturgies, 
see Introd. p. 72. 


Rather, " call to witness ;" Lat. 

40. shut up."] I.e. " conclude," or " finish." 
Conversely in Rom. xi. 32, Gal. iii. 22, "con- 
cluded " is used in the sense of " shut up." 

42. a great people.'] Besides the obvious 
allusions in this and the following verses to 
Rev. vii. 9 sqq., there is a striking resem- 
blance to some passages in the ' Pastor ' of 
Hermas (' Sim.' ix. 6, and viii. 2, 3, quoted 
by Hilgenfeld) : " And lo ! after a little while 
I see an array of many men coming, and in 
the midst a man lofty in his, stature, so as to 

overtop the tower. 

Lord commanded crowns to be brought 

And the angel of the 


there were brought crowns made as it were 

of palms, and he crowned the men 

' Who then. Lord,' say I, ' are they that are 
crowned, and that enter into the tower?' 
' These be they that suffered for the law.' " 

45. clothing.'] Rather, " robe ;" Lat. tuni- 

46. young person.] An uncalled-for change 
from the " young man " of v. 43 ; the Latin 
word in both places being Jwvenis. 

4i7. so stiffly.] Lat. fortiter. 


1. In the thirtieth year.] This verse pre- 
sents many difficulties. The best Latin texts 
have ego Salathiel qui et Esdras. W hy the 
name of Salathiel, or Shealtiel, the father of 
Zerubbabel (Ezra iii. 2; Matt. i. 12), should 



[v. 2 12. 

and my thoughts came up over my 
heart : 

2 For I saw the desolation of Sion, 
and the wealth of them that dwelt at 

3 And my spirit was sore moved, 
so that I began to speak words full 
of fear to the most High, and said, 

4 O Lord, who bearest rule, thou 
spakest at the beginning, when thou 
didst plant the earth, and that thyself 
alone, and commandedst the people, 

"0611.2. ^ "And gavest a body unto Adam 
without soul, which was the work- 
manship of thine hands, and didst 
breathe into him the breath of life, 
and he was made living before thee. 

6 And thou leddest him into 
paradise, which thy right hand had 
planted, before ever the earth came 

7 And unto him thou gavest com- 
mandment to love thy way : which 

he transgressed, and immediately thou 
appointedst death in him and in his 
generations, of whom came nations, 
tribes, people, and kindreds, out of 

8 '^And every people walked after 'Gen. 6. 
their own will, and did wonderful 
things before thee, and despised thy 

9 ^And again in process of time [2^^- '' 
thou broughtest the flood upon those 

that dwelt in the world, and destroy- 
edst them. 

10 And it came to pass in every 
of them, that as death was to Adam, 
so was the flood to these. 

11 Nevertheless one of them thou 
leftest, namely, "^ Noah with his house- '^^_ ^^'' ^' 
hold, of whom came all righteous 


12 And it happened, that when 
they that dwelt upon the earth began 
to multiply, and had gotten them 

be given to Esdras, is not easy to say. Volk- 
mar thinks that as Ezra was regarded as the 
true restorer of the people from the Captivity, 
he might be regarded in a spiritual sense as 
the father of the first actual leader, Zerub- 
babel. Again, the date (the " thirtieth year" 
from B.C. 6o6) would suit Salathiel, but not 
Ezra, who was alive in the second half of the 
reign of Artaxerxes Longimanus (B.C. 464- 
425). Hilgenfeld tries to make the earlier 
date admissible, by assuming Ezra's father to 
have been the High Priest Seraiah, whose 
death at the taking of Jerusalem is recorded 
in 2 Kings xxv. 18-21. This is out of the 
question. The form of beginning was per- 
haps suggested by the opening words of 
Ezekiel (i. i), though it is by no means 
agreed what meaning should there be attached 
to the expression " in the thirtieth year." 

3. sore 77io-ved.'] Lat. ventiiatus est, a word 
not found in the Vulgate, and pointing per- 
haps to some form of alapela-dai, rather than 
to Hilgenfeld's fKivrjOrj, or Volkmar's eaeiadr]. 
The word timorata, rendered " full of fear," is 
the equivalent in the Vulg. for evXa^e'is, ren- 
dered "devout" in Luke ii. 25, Acts viii. 2. 

4. iiUst plant.'] Vulg. plant as ti. Bensly 
(p. 23) shews good reason for reading plas- 
masti ; also pi/h'eri for populo, and et dedit tibi 
for et dedisti. The sense would then be : 
" Thou commandedst the dust, and it gave 
unto thee Adam, a lifeless body." Comp. 
vi. 53. 

6. came forward.] Lat. adventaret, as if to 
answer to ivapayevia-daL, though yeviaOai is 
more likely. The 'Liber jubilaeorum ' (quoted 
by Hilgenfeld) represents Paradise as created 
on the third day. 

7. to love thy ^way.] Vulg. diligere "vtam 
tua>n. But Bensly has shewn the true reading 
to be diligentiam unam tuam (_p. 56 k.) ~ " one 
observance of thine ;" that is, the one com- 
mand to be observed respecting the forbidden 
fruit. The same word occurs in -y. 19 
below, and is there mistranslated " diligence." 

in /jim.] Rather, " for him." 

8. did nxionderful things.] The MSS. are 
pretty equally divided between in ira and 
mira (Bensly, p. 32). Cod. A. has impitf, 
which would make better sense: "and did 

10. in every of them.] Vulg. in unoqtioque. 
But the best MSS. have in uno casu, "in one 
lot." V^an der Vlis thinks the passage ori- 
ginally ran : "and their lot was one; as for 
Adam to die, so for these the deluge." 

11. of luhom came all, <i^r.] The best 
reading is et ex eo justos (pot Justi) omnes =: 
" and all the righteous ones sprung from him." 
But the Arabic, in Ewald's rendering, " und 
von ihm sind alle Gerechte," supports the 
Vulgate. , 

12. it happened.] Rather, " it came to 
pass," as in -v. 10. 

V. 13 28.] 




^Gen. 17. 

-^ Gen. 21. 
2, 3- 

/' Gen. 25. 
25, 26. 

' Mai. I. 2, 


Rom. 9. 13. 

*Ex. ig. I. 
Deut. 4. 

II Or, aitd 
to all tlie 
of Israel, 
that they 
keep it 
ivith dili- 

many children, and were a great 
people, they began again to be more 
ungodly than the first. 

13 Now when they lived so 
wickedly before thee, "^thou didst 
choose thee a man from among them, 
whose name was -^Abraham. 

14 Him thou lovedst, and unto 
him only thou shewedst thy will : 

15 And madest an everlasting 
covenant with him, promising him 
that thou wouldest never forsake his 

16 ^And unto him thou gavest 
Isaac, and -^unto Isaac also thou 
gavest Jacob and Esau. As for 
Jacob, thou ^didst choose him to 
thee, and put by Esau : and so Jacob 
became a great multitude. 

17 And it came to pass, that when 
thou leddest his seed out of Egypt, 
'^thou broughtest them up to the 
mount Sinai. 

18 And bowing the heavens, thou 
didst set fast the earth, movedst the 
whole world, and madest the depths 
to tremble, and troubledst the men 
of that age. 

19 And thy glory went through 
four gates, of fire, and of earthquake, 
and of wind, and of cold ; that thou 
mightest give the law unto the seed 
of Jacob, "and diligence unto the 
generation of Israel. 

20 And yet tookest thou not away 
from them a wicked heart, that thy 
law might bring forth fruit in them. 

21 For the first Adam bearino- 
wicked heart transgressed, and 


and so be all they that 

"' I Sam. 

16. 13. 


are born of him. 

22 Thus ^ infirmity was made g^^^' ' 
permanent ; and the law (also) in 

the heart of the people with the 
malignity of the root ; so that the 
good departed away, and the evil 
abode still. 

23 So the times passed away, and 
the years were brought to an end 
'"then didst thou raise thee up a 
servant, called David : 

24 "Whom thou commandedst to "^Sams. 
build a city unto thy name, and to 13- 
offer incense and oblations unto thee 

25 When this was done many 
years, then they that inhabited the 
city forsook thee, 

26 And in all things did even as 
Adam and all his generations had 
done : for they also had a wicked 
heart : 

27 And so thou gavest thy city 
over into the hands of thine enemies. 

28 Are their deeds then any better 
that inhabit Babylon, that they should 
therefore have the dominion over 
Sion ? 

13. Now 'wben.'] Rather, " And it came 
to pass, when," &c., repeating the beginning 
of-u. 12. 

14. t/y ivill.'] Vulg. 'voluntatem tuam. The 
best MSS. add secrete noctu., while, in place of 
'voluntatem tuam., Fritzsche and V'an der Vlis 
prefer finem temporum, as more agreeable to 
the Arabic ( = tias Ende der Zeit) and Aeth. 

18. didst set fast.'] This is out of keeping 
with the rest of the passage, the tone of which 
is like that of Ps. xviii. 7-15, or Ixviii. 8. 
Hence " thou shookest the earth" should pro- 
bably be read, as if ea-fia-as had got altered to 
i'crTT]a-ai. Gildemeister renders the Arabic 
word in his translation by concussisti. 

19. four gates.'] For three of these Hilgenf. 
aptly compares the manifestation to Elijah, 
I Kings xix. 11, 12. For the fourth, we may 
refer to the " hail" of Lxod. ix. 23, and Ps. 

xviii. 13. The author of the Arabic Version 
in the Vatican appears to have read drfpas for 
6vpas in the Greek text. 

diligence.] See note above on v. 7. 

21. and so be all.] Lat. sed et omnes, which 
seems to favour the opinion that the words 
et non solus ille once preceded ; an equivalent 
phrase, " and not he alone," still existing in 
the Arabic and the Aethiopic. 

22. a7id the lamj.] The sense becomes 
much clearer if we render : " and thy law was 
in the heart of the people along with the evil 
root ;" i.e. both implanted and growing toge- 
ther. The Arabic accords with this ( = mit 
der bosen JVurzel zusammeri). 

28. Are their deeds.] This is preceded in 
the best MSS. of the Latin, and in the ver- 
sions, by a clause =" And I said in my 



[v. 295. 

29 For when I came thither, and 
had seen impieties without number, 
then my soul saw many evildoers in 
this thirtieth year, so that my heart 
failed me. 

30 For I have seen how thou 
sufterest them sinning, and hast spared 
wicked doers : and hast destroyed 
thy people, and hast preserved thine 
enemies, and hast not signified it. 

w_r,/c>^u- 21 I do not remember how this 
way may be left : Are they then of 
Babylon better than they of Sion ? 

32 Or is there any other people 
that knoweth thee beside Israel ? or 
what generation hath so believed thy 
covenants as Jacob ? 

33 And yet their reward appeareth 
not, and their labour hath no fruit : 
for I have gone here and there 
through the heathen, and I see that 

"Or, they "flow in wealth, and think not 

atniund. ^ , , 

upon thy commandments. 

34 Weigh thou therefore our 
wickedness now in the balance, and 
their's also that dwell in the world ; 
and so shall thy name no where be 
found but in Israel. 

35 Or when was it that they 
which dwell upon the earth have not 

sinned in thy sight ? or what people 
have so kept thy commandments ? 

36 Thou shalt find that Israel by 
name hath kept thy precepts ; but 
not the heathen. 


I T/te angel declareth the ignorance of Esdras 
in God's judgments, 13 and advisdh him not 
to meddle with things above his reach. 23 
Nevertheless Esdras a>:kelh divers questions, 
and receiveth answers to them. 

AND the angel that was sent 
unto me, whose name was 
Uriel, gave me an answer, 

2 And said. Thy heart hath gone 
too far in this world, and thinkest 
thou to comprehend the way of the 
most High ? 

3 Then said I, Yea, my lord. 
And he answered me, and said, I am 
sent to shew thee three ways, and to 
set forth three similitudes before 
thee : 

4 Whereof if thou canst declare 
me one, I will shew thee also the 
way that thou desirest to see, and I 
shall shew thee from whence the 
wicked heart cometh. 

5 And I said. Tell on, my lord. 

29. thither.'] Rather, " hither." 

in this thirtieth year.] Rather, " in these 
thirty years," as in the Arabic, " diese 30 Jahre 

30. and hast not signijied it.] The obscurity 
of this and the following clause is removed by 
adopting an emendation of Van der Vlis (con- 
firmed, as Bensly points out, p. 23, by the 
reading of one iMS.) ; namely, nihil nemini for 
nihil memini. The sense would then be : 
" and hast not signified at all to any one, how 
this way is to be forsaken i^i.e. how this pur- 
pose or counsel of depressing Sion is to come 
to an end)." The Arabic has " und doch 
niemanden kundthatest wie dieser Weg ein 
Ende habe." 

34. and so shall thy name, i&'r.] It is not 
easy to account for the reading of the Vul- 
gate, followed in our English Version : et non 
invenietur nomen nisi in Israel. For nomen 
tuum it is natural to conjecture momentum 
(the " turn of the scale "), and to keep up 
the metaphor. The Arabic gives the most 
intelligible sense "to find out whether the 

one in the least outweigh the other." So in 
Gildemeister's rendering of the Vatican MS., 
" et vide utra lanx deprimatur." 

36. Israel by name.] There is no authority 
for " Israel " here. The Vulgate has has qui- 
dem per nomina. In S. and T. there is hos for 
homines (possibly a contraction of the same 
word). With this text the meaning would 
be: "men by name thou shalt find to have 
kept," &c. ; that is, " here and there a few 
noteworthy ones may be found to have kept 
the law of God, but not mankind in general." 


First Vision (ch. iv. i ch. v. 14). 

1. Uriel.] This angel, the " fire of God," 
the angel of thunder and earthquakes (Bk. of 
Enoch, XX. 2), is not mentioned in the O. T. 
or Apocrypha excepting here and in :;. 36 ; 
V. 20 ; X. 38. In Milton he is made the 

" regent of the sun, and held 
The sharpest sighted Spirit of all in heaven." 

Far. Lost, iii. 690. 

V. 6 IQ.] 



Then said he unto me, Go thy way, 
weigh me the weight of the fire, or 
measure me the blast of the wind, 
or call me again the day that is 

6 Then answered I and said, 
What man is able to do that, that 
thou shouldest ask such things of 

7 And he said unto me. If I 
should ask thee how sreat dwellinsis 
are in the midst of the sea, or how 
many springs are in the beginning of 
the deep, or how many springs are 
above the firmament, or which are 
the outgoings of paradise : 

8 Peradventure thou wouldest say 
unto me, I never went down into 
the deep, nor as yet into hell, neither 
did I ever climb up into heaven. 

9 Nevertheless now have I asked 
thee but only of the fire and wind, 
and of the day wherethrough thou 
hast passed, and of things from which 
thou canst not be separated, and yet 
canst thou give me no answer of 

10 He said moreover unto me. 
Thine own things, and such as are 
grown up with thee, canst thou not 
know ; 

1 1 How should thy vessel then be 
able to comprehend the way of the 
Highest, and, the world being now 

outwardly corrupted, to understand 

the "corruption that is evident in my \'^^^aI 

sight? tioti. 

12 Then said I unto him. It were 
better that we were not at all, than 
that we should live still in wicked- 
ness, and to suffer, and not to know 

13 He answered me, and said, I 
went into a forest into a plain, and 

the " trees took counsel, " Judg. 9. 


14 And said. Come, let us go and 2 chr. 25. 
make war against the sea, that it may ^^' 
depart away before us, and that we 

may make us more woods. 

15 The floods of the sea also in 
like manner took counsel, and said, 
Come, let us go up and subdue the 
woods of the plain, that there also we 
may make us another country. 

16 The thought of the wood was 
in vain, for the fire came and con- 
sumed it. 

17 The thought of the floods of 
the sea came likewise to nought, 
for the sand stood up and stopped 

18 If thou wert judge now be- 
twixt these two, whom wouldest 
thou begin to justify ? or whom 
wouldest thou condemn ? 

19 I answered and said, Verily it 
is a foolish thou2:ht that they both 

have devised, for "the ground is given /,jy} ^ 

7. springs7\ Lat. quanta vetiie, for which 
Volk. would read quot f antes. Comp. Job 
xxxviii. 16, "Hast thou entered into the 
springs of the sea ? " For -vena, just after, 
V. der Vlis conjectures via: = " how many- 
ways there are above the firmament." This 
is confirmed by Gildemeister's rendering of 
the Vatican Arabic : " et (quot sint) vias 
super cselum." Before the last clause in the 
verse, on the strength of the Oriental versions, 
Volk. and others would insert " or which are 
the entrances of hell." The wording of v. 8 
seems to favour this. 

8. Comp. Ps. cxxxix. 8 ; Rom. x. 6, 7. 

9. separated.l That is, if man cannot 
explain the mysteries of the elements fire, 
wind, &c. by which he is always surrounded, 
and with which his life is inseparably bound 
up, how can he understand the mysteries of 
the unseen world ? Comp. Wisdom, ix. 16. 

11. outwardly corrupted.'] Vulg. et jam 
exterius corrupto saculo. The reading of A., 
exterritus (which Bensly, p. 32, shews to be 
for exteritus = extritus, " worn out "), clears 
up the sense of this obscure passage. It 
should be: "and, being worn out with a 
corrupt world, to understand," &c. For 
evidentem Volk. would read evadentem = 
"Him that escapes corruption," i.e. God, 
or "the world that escapes," &c. ; the idea 
being : " How shall the corruptible and tran- 
sitory apprehend the incorruptible and un- 
changing ? " 

12. Then said /.] Before these words 
there comes in the Oriental versions a clause 
= " And I fell on my face." 

17. stood up.'] I.e. rose as a barrier. 

19. ground.] The marginal reading, " land," 
is better. 


11. ESDRAS. IV. 

[v. 2034. 

unto the wood, and the sea also hath 
^'^''' his place to bear his "floods. 

20 Then answered he me, and 
said, Thou hast given a right judg- 
ment, but why judgest thou not thy- 
self also ? 
)2n'd^^ 21 For like as "the ground is given 
unto the wood, and the sea to his 
* Is. 55-8, floods: even so "^they that dwell 
John 3 31. upon the earth may understand 
14. ' ' nothing but that which is upon the 
earth : and he that dwelleth above 
the heavens may only understand the 
things that are above the height of 
the heavens. 

22 Then answered I and said, I 
beseech thee, O Lord, let me have 
understanding : 

23 For it was not my mind to be 
curious of the high things, but of 
such as pass by us daily, namely, 
wherefore Israel is given up as a re- 
proach to the heathen, and for what 
cause the people whom thou hast 
loved is given over unto ungodly 
nations, and why the law of our fore- 
fathers is brought to nought, and the written covenants come "to none 



24 And we pass away out of the 
world as grasshoppers, and our life is 
astonishment and fear, and we are not 
worthy to obtain mercy. 

25 What will he then do unto his 
name whereby we are called ? of these 
things have I asked. 

26 Then answered he me, and 
said. The more thou searchest, the 
more thou shalt marvel ; for the 
world hasteth fast to pass away, 

27 And cannot comprehend the 
things that are promised to the righ- 
teous in time to come: for "^this ^^^ Jo^s- 
world is full of unrighteousness and 

28 But as concerning the things 
whereof thou askest me, I will tell 
thee ; for the evil is sown, but the 
destruction thereof is not yet come. 

29 If therefore that which is sown 
be not turned upside down, and if the 
place where the evil is sown pass not 
away, then cannot it come that is 
sown with good. 

30 For the grain of evil seed hath 
been sown in the heart of Adam 
from the beginning, and how much 
ungodliness hath it brought up unto 
this time ? and how much shall it yet 

bring forth until the "time of thresh- "Or.yf^^r. 
ing come ? 

31 Ponder now by thyself, how 
great fruit of wickedness the grain of 
evil seed hath brought forth. 

32 And when the ears shall be cut 
down, which are without number, 
how great a floor shall they fill ? 

33 Then I answered and said. 
How, and when shall these things 
come to pass ? wherefore are our 
years few and evil ? 

34 And he answered me, saying, 

20. thyself. 1 Rather, " for thyself." 

23. the high things^ Vulg. de superioribus 
tub, " the higher things of thine." 

covenants.^ Lat. disposit'iones, " testaments." 
1 he destruction of the copies of the Law in 
the taking of Jerusalem is alluded to in 
xiv. 21. 

24. as grasshoppers.'] With the mingled 
idea of insignificance (Isa. xl. 22) and timidity 
(Job xxxix. 20), and perhaps of wandering 
also. For the desponding tone, comp. the 
Introd. V. 

26. The more.] The true sense appears to 
be: "If thou art in existence, thou wilt see; 
and if thou livest, thou wilt often marvel." 

28. destruction.] Lat. destructio ; but 
Bensly (p. 25) points out that A. originally 

read districtio, and S. has destrictio. Hence 
the true sense may be "the plucking up" 
(comp. Ezek. xvii. 9), which is more appro- 
priate than "destruction." 

29. turned upside do<wn.] Vulg. inversum, 
but a better reading is evulsum, " torn up." 
Bensly, however, thinks the reading of A. to 
be conclusive: siergonon mensum(_= messurrt) 
fuerit = " be not reaped." 

32. cut down.] Vulg. secata, but the best 
MSS. have seminatie. Also the Oriental ver- 
sions suggest the insertion of seminis boni 
after spicce {das Samenkorn des Guten in the 
Arab.) = " when the ears of good seed have 
been sown," &c. That is, if the harvest of 
evil is abundant, how much more so will be 
that of the more prolific good ? 

V. 3548.] 




Do not thou hasten above the most 
Highest : for thy haste is in vain to 
be above him, for thou hast much 

35 Did not the souls also of the 
righteous ask question of these things 
in their chambers, saying. How long 
shall I hope on this fashion ? w^hen 
Cometh the fruit of the floor of our 
rev/ard ? 
Or.jere- 36 And unto these things "Uriel 
the archangel gave them answer, and 
said, Even when the number of seeds 
is filled in you : for he hath weighed 
the world in the balance. 

37 By measure hath he measured 
the times, and by number hath he 
numbered the times ; and he doth 
not move nor stir them, until the 
said measure be fulfilled. 

38 Then answered I and said, O 
Lord that bearest rule, even we all 
are full of impiety. 

39 And for our sakes peradventure 
it is that the floors of the righteous 
are not filled, because of the sins of 
them that dwell upon the earth. 

40 So he answered me, and said. 
Go thy way to a woman with child, 
and ask of her when she hath ful- 

filled her nine months, if her womb 
may keep the birth any longer within 

41 Then said I, No, Lord, that 
can she not. And he said unto me. 
In the grave the chambers of souls 
are like the womb of a woman : 

42 For like as a woman that tra- 
vaileth maketh haste to escape the 
necessity of the travail : even so do 
these places haste to deliver those 
things that are committed unto them. 

43 From the beginning, look, what 
thou desirest to see, it shall be shewed 

44 Then answered I and said. If 
I have found favour in thy sight, and 
if it be possible, and if I be meet 

45 Shew me then whether there 
be more to come than is past, or more 
past than is to come. 

46 What is past I know, but what 
is for to come I know not. 

47 And he said unto me. Stand 
up upon the right side, and I shall 
expound the similitude unto thee. 

48 So I stood, and saw, and, be- 
hold, an hot burning oven passed by 
before me : and it happened, that 

34. hast much exceededP\ The reading here 
is doubtful. For excessus the best MSS. have 
exce/jus. Hilgenfeld would make the sense 
to be : " for thou art concerned on thine own 
account, but the Highest on account of 
many." Comp. v. 33. 

35. souls of the righteous.'] Comp. Rev. 
vi. 9, 10. The word rendered "chambers" 
is pro7nptuariis, found also in t;. 41 below, 
lit. " store rooms," or garners, as in Ps. 
cxliv. 13, the only place where it appears to 
occur in the Vulgate. 

the Jloor-I I.e. the threshing-floor, as in 
y. 39. 

36. Uriel.'] As Uriel is speaking, it would 
be strange for him to describe his own 
answer in the third person, as would be 
inferred from the English Version. Hence it 
should be noticed that in one MS. the name 
of the angel is given as Hieremihel ; in another, 
leremiel, and so on. In the Latin texts he is 
called an archangel, and must not be identi- 
fied with the angel who is speaking to Ezra. 
See Bensly, p. 31 w. 

of seeds.] For seminum in I'obis Van der 
Vlis conjectures similium -vobis = " of those 
like you." This is supported by the reading 
of the Arabic : " wenn die Zahl der each 
gleichenden voU seyn wird." 

37. Comp. Wisdom xi. 20. 

39. thejloors.] I.e. that the ingathering of 
the righteous, as of corn from the threshing- 
floor, is not completed. See -z;. 3 2 above. 

42. to escape the necessity.] That is, to get 
quickly over the inevitable pain ; as in the 
Arabic : " der Schmerzen der Geburt sich zu 

43. From the beginning.] These words 
should rather end the previous verse: "the 
things that have been committed unto them 
from the beginning. Then shall it," &c. 
There is no authority for " look," the Latin 
being Tunc tibi, etc. 

48. ot'^.] Comp. Ps. xxi. 9, " Thou shalt 
make them as a fiery oven in the time of thine 
anger," and Mai. iii. i. We should now 
perhaps use the word " furnace." 



[v. 496. 

when the flame was gone by I 
looked, and, behold, the smoke re- 
mained still. 

49 After this there passed by be- 
fore me a watery cloud, and sent 
down much rain with a storm ; and 
when the stormy rain was past, the 
drops remained still. 

50 Then said he unto me, Con- 
sider with thyself; as the rain is 
more than the drops, and as the fire 
is greater than the smoke ; but the 
drops and the smoke remain behind : 

Wr,!en- 50 the "quantity which is past did 

sure. 1 , ' ' 

more exceed. 

51 Then I prayed, and said. May 
I live, thinkest thou, until that time ? 

iOr,7ohfl or "what shall happen in those days? 

shallbe; TT J J -J A 

Manu- 52 He answered me, and said. As 

script. yj. ^j^g tokens whereof thou askest 
me, I may tell thee of them in part : 
but as touching thy life, I am not 
sent to shew thee ; for I do not 
know it. 


I The signs of the times to come. 23 Heasketh 
why God, choosing but one people, did cast 
them off. 30 He is taught, that God's judg- 

ments are utiscarchable, 46 and that God 
doeth not all at once. 

NEVERTHELESS as concern- 
ing the tokens, behold, the 
days shall come, that they which 
dwell upon earth " shall be taken in a \2%',n'J^ 
great number, and the way of truth with great 
shall be hidden, and the land shall be ''"'^"' ' '' 
barren of faith. 

2 But '^iniquity shall be increased " ^i^"- ^4- 
above that which now thou seest, or 

that thou hast heard long ago. 

3 And the land, " that thou seest w Or, that 
now to have root, shalt thou ^^^^e^i\l^n ' 
wasted suddenly. 

4 But if the most High grant thee 
to live, thou shalt see after the third 
trumpet that the sun shall suddenly 
shine again in the night, and the 
moon thrice in the day : 

5 And blood shall drop out of 
wood, and the stone shall give his 
voice, and the people shall be 
troubled : 

6 And even he shall rule, whom 
they look not for that dwell upon the 
earth, and the fowls shall take their 
flight away together : 

and seest. 

50. did more exceed.'] Rather, " hath ex- 
ceeded." This clause should precede the 
one before it, as in the Geneva Version. 

51. or what.l The marginal reading, " or 
who," is the best supported. The sense is : 
" or, if I am not then alive, who will be so ? " 


1. shall be taken in a great number.'] This 
is not very intelligible. I'he Vulg. has appre- 
hendentur in censu multo. Volkmar, followed 
by Fritzsche, would read insensu = dvoia, 
" shall be found in great foolishness." But it 
is difficult to believe that any translator 
would use such a word as insensus. V. der 
Vlis ingeniously conjectures that the Greek 
word was (poidto, mistaken for (popco, and that 
it is, "shall be found in great fear." The 
Arabic supports this. 

3. to have root.] It is not easy to see what 
suggested this phrase to the English trans- 
lator, the Vulg. having et erit imposito vestigio 
quam nunc "vides regnare, See. As the best 
MSS. vary between incomposito and incompositio, 
we may render : " and the land that thou 
now seest to bear rule, shall be disordered 
[lit. " with disordered step "J, and they shall 
see it wasted." With this the Arabic agrees. 

4. after the third trumpet.] For ttibam of 
the Vulg. Hilgenf. conjectures turbatam; and 
assuming that there was an article in the 
Greek, which would have no equivalent in 
the Latin, he restores the text thus : Koi 
o\j/eL Ti-jV fxera ttjv TpiTrjv dopv^ovfxivrjv. " The 
land after the third" would be the fourth 
kingdom of Daniel, referred to below in 
xii. II. But this seems far-fetched. The 
Arabic has a simpler reading : " thou shalt 
afterwards see these three signs ; " i.e, that 
of the sun and moon, the blood, and the 

the sun.] Hilgenfeld has collected a 
series of parallel signs from apocryphal and 
other writings. In the ' Ascension of Isaiah ' 
(iv. 5) we have: "and at his voice the sun 
shall rise by night, and he will cause the 
moon to appear at noonday." Blood trick- 
ling down from the cross was a sign added 
to the account of the Crucifixion in Mark xv. 
33-37. The stone crying out is familiar to 
us from Hab. ii. 12; Luke xix. 40. For a 
supposed reference in Barnabse p., see the 
Introd. p. 72. 

6. he shall rule.] Conjectured by some to 
refer to Octavian ; by others to Herod the 

V. 7 1 9-] 



II Or, 

7 And the Sodomitish sea shall 
cast out fish, and make a noise in the 
night, which many have not known : 
but they shall all hear the voice 

8 There shall be a confusion also 
in many places, and the fire shall be 
oft "sent out again, and the wild 
beasts shall change their places, and 
menstruous women shall bring forth 
monsters : 

9 And salt waters shall be found 
in the sweet, and all friends shall 
destroy one another ; then shall wit 
hide itself, and understanding with- 
draw itself into his secret chamber, 

10 And shall be sought of many, 
and yet not be found : then shall 
unrighteousness and incontinency be 
multiplied upon earth. 

11 One land also shall ask another, 
and say, Is righteousness that maketh 
a man righteous gone through thee ? 

And it shall 



12 At the same time shall men 
hope, but nothing obtain : they shall 
labour, but their ways shall not 

H Or, he di- J ' -' 

raced. prosper. 

13 To shew thee such tokens I 
have leave ; and if thou wilt pray 
again, and weep as now, and fast 
seven days, thou shalt hear yet 
greater things. 

14 Then I awaked, and an ex- 
treme fearfulness went through all 
my body, and my mind was troubled, 
so that it fainted. 

15 So the angel that was come to 
talk with me held me, comforted me, 
and set me up upon my feet. 

16 And in the second night it 
came to pass, that Salathiel the cap- 
tain of the people came unto me, 
saying. Where hast thou been ? and 
why is thy countenance so heavy ? 

17 Knowest thou not that Israel 
is committed unto thee in the land 
of their captivity ? 

18 Up then, and eat bread, and 
forsake us not, as the shepherd that 
leaveth his flock in the hands of cruel 

19 Then said I unto him. Go thy 
ways from me, and come not nigh 
me. And he heard what I said, and 
went from me. 

7. Sodomitish sea.'] The name of Dead 
Sea, which we commonly employ, is not found 
in the Bible. The common belief that fish 
could not live in its waters finds expression in 
Ezek. xlvii. 9, and in a passage of Jerome 
quoted by Wordsworth {in loc.'). The im- 
pression is not quite justified by facts. 

and make a noise in the night.] By a simple 
change of noctu to noctua Volkmar would read 
" and the owl shall utter its cry." But there 
would be nothing portentous in that. h. de 
Gutschmid (quoted by Hilgenfeld) enume- 
rates various portents, such as those here 
mentioned, recorded to have been observed 
before the Battle of Actium in B.C. 31. 

8. the fire, (i^Y.] Rather, " and fire shall 
oft break out." The word in the Latin 
should probably be emittetur, not remittetur. 
The Arabic supports this : " und dichtes 
Feuer wird losgelassen." Such an outbreak 
of fire in Rome is related in Dion Cassius to 
have occurred just before the Battle of Actium. 

9. wiV.] I.e. knowledge. 

11, that maketh.'] The sense should per- 
haps rather be: "has righteousness passed 

through thee, or one that doeth righteous- 
ness ? " For the thought, comp. Amos vi. 10. 

13. seven days.] In the 'Apocalypsis 
Baruchi ' (ed. Fritzsche, p. 662), we find a 
similar passage: " vade igitur et sanctificare 
scptem diebus, neque edas panem, neque 
bibas aquam, neque loquaris alicui." The 
resemblance in many points between that 
book and 2 Esdras is traced by Langen in his 
' De Apocalvpsi Baruch . . . Commentatio,' 

Second Vision (ch. v. 15 ch. vi. 34). 

16. Salathiel.] This is the spelling of the 
name in the Vulgate. Fritzsche reads 
Phaltiel. One of that name is found in 
2 Sam. iii. 15 (the husband of Michal), called 
in I Sam. xxv. 44 Phalti. But as Salathiel, 
or Shealtiel, the father or uncle of Ezra 
(Ez. iii. 2 ; 1 Chr. iii. 19), was the head of 
the tribe of Judah at the return from the 
Captivity, there seems no reason for dis- 
turbing the name as it commonly stands. 

19. nigh me.] After this is added in the 
best MSS., usque a diebus (al. ad dies^ "vii. et 
tunc venies ad me " for seven days, and 



[v. 2034. 

20 And so I fasted seven days, 
mourning and weeping, like as Uriel 
the angel commanded me. 

21 And after seven days so it was, 
that the thoughts of my heart were 
very grievous unto me again, 

22 And my soul recovered the 
spirit of understanding, and I began 
to talk with the most High again, 

23 And said, O Lord that bearest 
rule, of every wood of the earth, and 
of all the trees thereof, thou hast 
chosen thee one only vine : 

24 And of all lands of the whole 
world thou hast chosen thee one pit : 
and of all the flowers thereof one 

25 And of all the depths of the 
sea thou hast filled thee one river : 
and of all builded cities thou hast 
hallowed Sion unto thyself: 

26 And of all the fowls that are 
created thou hast named thee one 
dove : and of all the cattle that are 
made thou hast provided thee one 
sheep : 

27 And among all the multitudes 
of people thou hast gotten thee one 

people : and unto this people, whom 
thou lovedst, thou gavest a law that 
is approved of all. 

28 And now, O Lord, why hast 
thou given this one people over unto 
many ? and " upon the one root hast Or, orjer. 
thou prepared others, and why hast 
thou scattered thy only one people 

among many 


29 And they which did gainsay 
thy promises, and believed not thy 
covenants, have trodden them down. 

30 If thou didst so much hate thy 
people, yet shouldest thou punish 
them with thine own hands. 

31 Now when I had spoken these 
words, the angel that came to me the 
night afore was sent unto me, 

32 And said unto me. Hear me, 
and I will instruct thee ; hearken to 
the thing that I say, and I shall tell 
thee more. 

33 And I said. Speak on, my 
Lord. Then said he unto me, Thou 
art sore troubled in mind for Israel's 

sake: ^lovest thou that people better *ch.s. 47- 
than he that made them ? 

34 And I said. No, Lord : but of 

then shalt thou come unto me." The Arabic 
further adds, " and I will speak with thee." 

24. pit^ Lat. foveam. As the reference 
is to the land of Palestine, some more general 
term is wanted. Van der Vlis thinks that 
aypov may have been mistaken by the Latin 
translator for ru^pov. This is supported by 
the Vatican Arabic, according to Gildemeis- 
ter's version : " ex omnibus regionibus re- 
gionem unam." If Ewald's version of the 
Arabic be correct {eine Tenne = a threshing- 
floor), we might suppose that a\av rather 
than dypov was the original reading. 

0T2e lily.'] It is noticeable that, although 
the rose is so highly prized in the East, it is 
rarely mentioned in the Old Testament, and 
never in the New. In Canticles ii. i, " I am 
the rose of Sharon, and the lily of the valleys," 
and in Is. xxxv. i, "the desert shall . . . 
blossom as the rose," the name occurs, and in 
no other passage; and even there it is very 
doubtful what flower is meant. The " rose 
plant in Jericho " is mentioned in Ecclus. 
xxiv. 14. On the other hand, the lily (what- 
ever flower it may have been) is often spoken 
of with honour, as in Matt. vi. 28. Perhaps 

Cant. ii. 2 and Hos. xiv. 5 would best illus- 
trate the text. 

25. one river.'] As Sion is made the centre 
of interest, it would seem that we must 
interpret this, with Hilgenf, of the brook 

26. dove.] Comp. Cant. ii. 14 ; Ps. 
Ixxiv. 19. 

shdej).] Ps. Ixxix. 1 3 ; Ixxx. i. 

28. i/pon the one root.] The Vulg. has et 
pr^parasti super unam radicem alias ; the best 
MSS. transpose the order to unam rad. super 
alias. If we assume, with Volkmar, that the 
Greek T]Tifj.a(Tas was mistaken for fjToifxaa-as, 
the sense will be clear : " and why hast thou 
dishonoured one root above others ? " i.e. the 
Jewish race beyond the Gentiles. This 
would agree with the Arabic : " und ver- 
warfst diese eine Wurzel mehr als die andern." 

29. ^nd they, (i>'c.] Bensly (p. 26 w.) 
would restore the text thus : " and they 
which did gainsay thy promises have trodden 
down them that believed thy covenants." 

33. that people.] Rather, "him" (Lat. 
euni) ; i.e. Israel. 

V. 35 43-] 



very grief have I spoken : for my 
reins pain me every hour, w^hile I 
labour to comprehend the way of the 
most High, and to seek out part of 
his judgment. 

35 And he said unto me. Thou 
canst not. And I said, "Wherefore, 
Lord ? whereunto was I born then ? 
or why was not my mother's womb 
then my grave, that I might not have 
seen the travail of Jacob, and the 
wearisome toil of the stock of Israel ? 

36 And he said unto me. Number 
me the things that are not yet come, 
gather me together the drops that are 
scattered abroad, make me the flowers 
green again that are withered, 

37 Open me the places that are 
closed, and bring me forth the winds 
that in them are shut up, shew me 
the image of a voice : and then I 
will declare to thee the thing that 
thou labourest to know. 

38 And I said, O Lord that 
bearest rule, who may know these 

things, but he '^that hath not his^'^^"-'- 
dwelling with men ? 

39 As for me, I am unwise : how 
may I then speak of these things 
whereof thou askest me ? 

40 Then said he unto me. Like 
as thou canst do none of these things 
that I have spoken of, even so canst 
thou not find out my judgment, or 
in the end the love that I have pro- 
mised unto my people. 

41 And I said. Behold, O Lord, 
yet art thou nigh unto them that be 
reserved till the end : and what shall 
they do that have been before me, or 
we that be now, or they that shall 
come after us ? 

42 And he said unto me, I will 
liken my judgment unto a ring ; like 
as there is no slackness of the last, 
even so there is no swiftness of the 

43 So I answered and said, Couldest 
thou not make those that have been 
made, and be now, and that are for 

34. part.'] Rather, " a part ; " i.e. even a 
small portion. But it is possible that the 
Latin may not give the sense of the original 
correctly. The Arabic has " the track " 
(^die Spur), which would be more expressive. 

35. <zvAy ivas not, (b'c.'] An interest at- 
taches to the short passage from these words 
to the end of the verse, owing to its having 
been preserved in the original Greek. It is 
found in Clemens Alexandrinus ('Strom.' iii. 
16, 100), introduced by the words "Eo-fipas 6 
Trpo(j)T]TT]s Xeyei. 

36. the t/jtngs.'] The Arabic has "the 
days," and Van der Vlis thinks that this was 
the reading in the Greek. 

37. the places.'] Rather, " the chambers," 
or " storehouses," the same word as was 
rendered " secret chamber " above, v. 9. 
If in place of " winds " we also read " spirits," 
or "souls" (jTvevjxaTa = spirituJ, not flatus, 
as in the Vulg.), the sense is clear : " Open 
the closed chambers (of the dead), and bring 
me forth the souls that are shut up in them." 
But it is doubtful whether ixviiniara would 
be used in such a sense, and Gildemeister's 
rendering of the Vatican Arabic, " tribus in eis 
inclusas," seems to point to i'YXAC, " souls," 
as the original reading, which the translator 
mistook for ct)YAAC (as if ^CXa) = "tribes." 

Apoc. Vol. I. 

the image of a -voice.] A clause is here 
inserted in the Oriental versions, with some 
difference of position and wording = " and 
shew me the image of faces which thou hast 
not yet seen." Hence there is some proba- 
bility in the conjecture of Van der Vlis, that 
the sentence originally ran : " and shew me 
the image of faces which thou hast not yet 
seen, and let me hear their voice." 

the thing that, (&v.] Rather, "the labour 
(or suffering) that thou askest to see." 

38. but he, <b'c7] The close resemblance 
of this to Dan. ii. 11 should be noticed. 

40. or in the end.] Vulg. in fine, but better 
MSS. have infinem = " the love to the end." 
Conversely "till the end" in the next verse 
should probably be " in the end," there being 
nothing to answer to " are reserved." It = 
" those who live in the end," or latter days. 

42. a ring.] Or, " a crown " {corona:'), but 
still with the idea of a circle, in which there 
is neither beginning nor end, but where " the 
first shall be last and the last first." This 
passage is noticeable as being quoted by St. 
Ambrose, ' De bono Mortis,' c. x. : "Mira- 
biliter ait scriptura, coronas esse similem ilium 
judicii diem, in quo sicut non novissimorum 
tarditas, sic non priorum velocitas." 




[v. 441. 

to come, at once ; that thou mightest 
shew thy judgment the sooner? 

44 Then answered he me, and 
said. The creature may not haste 
above the maker ; neither may the 
world hold them at once that shall 
be created therein. 

45 And I said, As thou hast said 
unto thy servant, that thou, which 
givest life to all, hast given life at 
once to the creature that thou hast 
created, and the creature bare it : 
even so it might now also bear them 
that now be present at once. 

4-6 And he said unto me. Ask the 
womb of a woman, and say unto her. 
If thou bringest forth children, why 
dost thou it not together, but one 
after another ? pray her therefore to 
bring forth ten children at once. 

47 And I said. She cannot : but 
must do it by distance of time. 

48 Then said he unto me, Even 
so have I given the womb of the 
earth to those that be sown in it in 
their times. 

49 For like as a young child may 
not bring forth the things that belong 
to the aged, even so have I disposed 
the world which I created. 

50 And I asked, and said. Seeing 
thou hast now given me the way, I 
will proceed to speak before thee : for 
our mother, of whom thou hast told 

me that she is young, draweth now 
ni2;h unto a^e. 

51 He answered me, and said. Ask 
a woman that beareth children, and 
she shall tell thee. 

52 Say unto her, Wherefore are 
not they whom thou hast now brought 
forth like those that were before, but 
less of stature ? 

53 And she shall answer thee. 
They that be born in the strength of 
youth are of one fashion, and they 
that are born in the time of age, 
when the womb faileth, are otherwise. 

54 Consider thou therefore also, 
how that ye are less of stature than 
those that were before you. 

55 And so are they that come after 
you less than ye, as the creatures which 
now begin to be old, and have passed 
over the strength of youth. 

56 Then said I, Lord, I beseech 
thee, if I have found favour in thy 
sight, shew thy servant by whom 
thou visitest thy creature. 


I God's pitrpose is eternal. 8 The next world 
shall follozu this imj?iediately. 13 What 
shall fall out at the last. 3 1 He is proTiiised 
more knowledge, 38 ajid recko7ieth up the 
works of the creation, 57 and complainetk 
that they have no part in the world for whom 
it was made. 

ND he said unto me. In the 1 


Or, circle 


when the 

'earth f^i^l 

44. that shall be, is'c.'] Viilg. creandi. 
But a better reading is creati = " that have 
been created." For the sense comp. iv. 34. 

45. The meaning is somewhat obscure. 
The general sense appears to be : " Couldest 
not Thou, who didst create all things at 
once in the beginning, cause that the world 
should even now receive all the generations of 
men that are to come upon it ? " The words 
"as thou hast said," &c., refer most naturally 
to what is declared in the first chapter of 
Genesis. Hilgenfeld, not so probably, makes 
them refer to the statement in -y. 42.' 

46. If thou, (&v.] The best texts have, 
" If thou bringest forth ten children." The 
Vulg. et si parts was probably due to a mis- 
taking of X. {decern) for & {et). 

49. the things, <b'c.'\ The Vulg. has ea 
qua senum sunt ; better texts, nee ea qua 

senuit adhuc = " nor she any longer, who has 
grown old." The world's time of parturition 
is preceded by a period of immaturity, and 
followed by one of exhaustion. 

53. in the strength of youth^ HUgenfeld 
quotes a number of passages in illustration 
of this thought of the world's growing old. 
One from Ambrose (' De bono Mortis,' c. x., 
quoted above) is directly suggested by the 
text : " Defecit enim multitudine generationis 
hoc saeculum tanquam vulva generationis, et 
tanquam senescens creatura robur juventutis 
suae velut marcente jam virium suarum robore 
deposuit." Lucretius (ii. 11 49 sqq?) had ex- 
pressed the same thought before. 


1. In the deginning.'] As the question at 
the end of the preceding chapter is not 
directly answered, a clause is inserted in 

V. 2 lO.j 



was made, before the borders of the 
world stood, or ever the winds blew, 

2 Before it thundered and light- 
ened, or ever the foundations of para- 
dise were laid, 

3 Before the fair flowers were seen, 
or ever the moveable powers were 
established, before the innumerable 
multitude of angels were gathered 

4 Or ever the heights of the air 
were lifted up, before the measures of 
the firmament were named, or ever 
the chimneys in Sion were hot, 

5 And ere the present years were 
sought out, and or ever the inven- 
tions of them that now sin were 
turned, before they were sealed that 
have gathered faith for a treasure : 

6 Then did I consider these things, 
and they all were made through me 
alone, and through none other : by 
me also they shall be ended, and by 
none other. 

7 Then answered I and said, 
What shall be the parting asunder 
of the times ? or when shall be the 
end of the first, and the beginning of 
it that followeth ? 

8 And he said unto me. From 
Abraham unto Isaac, when Jacob 

and Esau were born of him, '^Ja- "g^^-'5 
cob's hand held "first the heel of 

9 For Esau is the end of the world, 
and Jacob is the beginning of it that 

10 The hand of man is betwixt 

II Or, front 
the be^ in- 

some of the versions for that purpose. Thus 
the Aethiopic (tr. by Hilgenf.) has: "Initio 
per fiHiim hominis, et dcinde ego ipse. Nam 
antequam," etc. 

borders of the 'world.'] Lat. exitus saculi, 
" the outgoings " or " beginnings " " of the 
world." The Greek word was probably 
f^oSoi, found in the Septuagint version of 
Micah vi. 2 : " whose goings forth have been 
from of old, from everlasting." 

the ivifzds hle'wP\ The expression in the 
Latin is striking : antequam spirarent conven- 
tiones t'entorum, " before the meetings of the 
winds blew," like Virgil's 

"Una Eurusque Notusque ruunt," etc. 

In the next verse also the diction is more 
florid in the Lat. than in the English. 

3. the mo-veable powers.'] Vulg. mota 
virtutes. As one good MS. has niotuum, the 
sense is probably " before the powers of the 
earthquakes were established." The Vatican 
Arabic supports this: "antequam terrae 
motuum vires corroborarentur." 

multitude.'] Rather, " hosts ; " Lat. militia = 

4. the chimneys in Sion ^vere hot.] Vulg. 
et antequam astuarent camini in Sion. But 
the two best MSS. have astimaretur camillum 
Sion. Hence Bensly (p. 26 w.) concludes the 
true reading to be scamillum tedificaretur, or 
something similar in place of the latter word, 
=" or ever the foot-stool of Sion was set." 
The Arabic (according to Ewald) supports 
the Vulg., " ehe die Heerde in Sion gliiheten ;" 
but Gildemeister's rendering of the Vatican 
MS. accords with Bensly's emendation: 

" antequam commemoraretur quod sub pedi- 
bus Sionis est." 

5. ivere turned.] Lit. " were estranged ;" 
Lat. abalienarentur. The expression is ob- 
scure, but seems to mean " were diverted," 
and so " baffled," and made of no effect. 

sealed.] Implying the final safety of the 
faithful, as the previous sentence implied the 
final confusion of the wicked. The point of 
time is anterior to the double scheme of 
retribution for the good and bad in the world 
that was to be. 

7. the parting asunder, is'c.] I.e., the 
division between the old era and the new. 

8. unto Isaac] As MS. S. has "Abraham" 
in place of " Isaac," it is probable that the 
Greek was as Hilgenf. gives it: ews rav tov 
'AjSpadfjL, or tov tov, as Volkmar. This is sup- 
ported by the Arabic." The words " When 
Jacob," Sec, should begin a fresh sentence. 
Abraham's seed would be the Messiah, with 
whom the new era was to begin, with no 
more interval between than separated the 
births of Esau and Jacob. In the allusion 
to the heel of Esau, Hilgenfeld thinks that 
he sees an indication of the writer's living in 
the reign of one of the Herods. 

frst.] The marginal reading is better. 

10. The hand of man.] This yields no 
sense, though the Latin texts appear to ofl^er 
no variations. For hominis manus Van der 
Vlis conjectures homo est medius ; Hilgenf. 
hominis membra. The meaning would then 
be, that between the hand and the heel comes 
the whole body of man : one is the highest 
point, the other the lowest. Hence these are 

H 2 


11. ESDRAS. VI. 

[v. II 24. 


the heel and the hand : other ques- 
tion, Esdras, ask thou not. 

11 I answered then and said, O 
Lord that bearest rule, if I have found 
favour in thy sight, 

12 I beseech thee, shew thy ser- 
vant the end of thy tokens, where- 
of thou shewedst me part the last 

13 So he answered and said unto 
me. Stand up upon thy feet, and hear 
a mighty sounding voice. 

14 And it shall be as it were a 
great "motion : but the place where 
thou standest shall not be moved. 

15 And therefore when it speaketh 
be not afraid : for the word is of the 
end, and the foundation of the earth 
is understood. 

16 And why ? because the speech 
of these things trembleth and is 
moved : for it knoweth that the end 
of these things must be changed. 

17 And it happened, that when I 
had heard it I stood up upon my feet, 
and hearkened, and, behold, there 
was a voice that spake, and the 
sound of it was like the sound of 
many waters. 

18 And it said. Behold, the days 
corne, that I will begin to draw nigh, 

and to visit them that dwell upon the 

19 And will begin to make inqui- 
sition of them, what they be that 
have hurt unjustly with their un- 
righteousness, and when the affliction 
of Sion shall be fulfilled ; 

20 And when the world, that 
shall begin to vanish away, shall be 

'' finished, then will I shew these ^^^i^^ 
tokens : the books shall be opened 
before the firmament, and they shall 
see all to2;ether : 

21 And the children of a year old 
shall speak with their voices, the 
women with child shall brino; forth 
untimely children of three or four 
months old, and they shall live, and 
be raised up. 

22 And suddenlv shall the sown 
places appear unsown, the full store- 
houses shall suddenly be found empty : 

23 And '^the trumpet shall give 2l''\^''-'^^- 
sound, which when every man heareth, 

they shall be suddenly afraid. 

24 At that time shall friends fight 
one against another like enemies, and 
the earth shall stand in fear with 
those that dwell therein, the springs 
of the fountains shall stand still, and 
in three hours they shall not run. 

the extremities, and with the heel of Esau 
ends the old age; with the hand of Jacob 
begins the new. The Vatican Arabic, in 
Gildemeister's rendering, gives an intelHgible 
sense, but in the way of a paraphrase: 
" atqae sicut caput hominis initium corporis 
et primordium ejus est, et calx extrema ejus 
pars, nee est ubi disjungatur; eodem modo 
hoc aevum," etc. 

14. a great motion.'] The Vulg. has com- 
motio nee commovebitur, etc. Van der Vlis 
ingeniously restored the true reading com- 
motione from the first two words (see Bensly, 
p. 37 .) Hence the passage will run : " And 
it shall be that the place whereon thou 
standest shall be shaken as with a shaking (or, 

15. is understood, <h'c.'] Rather, " and the 
foundations of the earth will understand (the 
voice), for the words are concerning them: 
they will tremble and be shaken, for they 
know that their end must be changed." 
Fritzsche and Hilgenf agree substantially in 

giving the sense thus. Volkmar makes the 
last clause more intelligible by a conjectural 
insertion : " for they know that their end is 
at hand, and they must be changed." The 
English in -u. 16 is unintelligible. 

17. many waters^ Comp. Rev. i. i5,xiv. 2. 

18. the days come, that.'] The sense is 
obscured by a needless change of rendering 
for the same word quando. It should be : 
" the days come, when I will begin," 6cc. 
The word " when " introduces each clause 
till it is answered by "then" in -y. 20. In 
'V. 19 the words "what they be" should be 

20. finished^] Rather, " sealed up," as 
something now complete. 

the books.] Dan. vii. 10; Rev. xx. 12. 

they shall see.] Rather, " all shall see." 

23. Comp. Amos iii. 6. 

24. and in three hours.] Rather, "for 
three seasons," the Greek word rendered 

V. 2538.] 



25 Whosoever remaineth from all 
these that I have told thee shall 
escape, and see my salvation, and the 
end of your world. 

26 And the men that are received 
shall see it, who have not tasted 
death from their birth : and the 
heart of the inhabitants shall be 
changed, and turned into another 


27 For evil shall be put out, and 
deceit shall be quenched. 

28 As for faith, it shall flourish, 
corruption shall be overcome, and the 
truth, which hath been so long with- 
out fruit, shall be declared. 

29 And when he talked with me, 
behold, I looked by little and little 
upon him before whom I stood. 

30 And these words said he unto 
me ; I am come to shew thee the 
time of the night to come. 

31 If thou wilt pray yet more, and 
fast seven days again, I shall tell thee 

iSee^ch. greater things "by day than I have 

32 For thy voice is heard before 
the most High ; for the Mighty hath 

seen thy righteous dealing, he hath 
seen also thy chastity, which thou 
hast had ever since thy youth. 

33 And therefore hath he sent me 
to shew thee all these things, and to 
say unto thee. Be of good comfort, 
and fear not. 

34 And hasten not with the times 
that are past, to think vain things, 
that thou mayest not hasten from the 
latter times. 

35 And it came to pass after this, 
that I wept again, and fasted seven 
days in like manner, that I might 
fulfil the three weeks which he told 


36 And in the eighth night was 
my heart vexed within me again, and 
I began to speak before the most 

37 For my spirit was greatly set 
on fire, and my soul was in distress. 

38 And I said, O Lord, thou 
spakest from the beginning of the 
creation, even the first day, and saidst 
thus; "^Let heaven and earth be^Gen.i. i. 
made ; and thy word was a perfect 

horas being probably wpa?. See Van der 
Vlis, p. 12. Gildemeister renders the Vatican 
Arabic by " tribus annis." 

25. your?!^ Rather, " my," with D., S., T, 

26. And the men, ib'c.'] Rather, " And they 
shall see the men that were taken up " (into 
heaven), as Enoch and Elijah. The Latin, Et 
v'ldebunt qui recepti sunt homines, would also 
admit of the construction : " and the men 
that were taken up shall see it." 

29. / looked, (h'c^ The Vulg. has hituebar 
super eum ante quern stabam ; but one of the 
best MSS. has intuebatur super quern stabam 
super eum. Hence, following the lead of the 
other versions, Van der Vlis supposes et 
movebatur locus to have been the reading for 
intuebatur, = "and the place was shaken on 
which I stood." Hilgenfeld and Volkmar 
take the same view. 

30. the time of the night to come.'] Vulg. 
tempus venturie noctis. But the text is very 
uncertain. The Arabic reads: "as in the 
past night " {nuie in der "vernvichenen Nacht). 

31. by day.] The marginal reference to 
xiii. 52 proves nothing, as will be seen by the 

explanation of that verse below. The sen- 
tence should end here, and the words "than 
I have heard" be omitted. The Vulg. has 
quam audivi. Audita est, etc. But the true 
reading (see Bensly, p. 37 .) is quoniam 
auditu audita est. 

34. wuith the times, 6v.] The best text 
has in, not cum. The sense appears to be: 
" And be not eager to have foolish thoughts 
in regard to the times that are past, that 
thou," &c. Ezra would fain have hurried 
on the coming of the new era, but is bidden 
to bide his time. Comp. above, v. 44. 

TmRD Vision (ch. vi. 35 ix. 25). 

35. the three nueeks^ One fast of seven 
days was mentioned before in v. 20, and from 
ix. 23 it is plain that the present one is to be 
the completion of the period. But, unless 
some omission is to be assumed, the three 
weeks are not accounted for. Volkmar 
thinks that the writer's mind was so full of 
the Book of Daniel, that he unconsciously 
adopted the expression in Dan. x. 2. 

38. ^was a perfect ivork.] Vulg. opus per- 
fectum. But a better reading is opus perfecit 
= " and thy word accomplished the work." 



[v. 3950. 

39 And then was the spirit, and 
darkness and silence were on every 
side ; the sound of man's voice was 
not yet formed. 

''Gen. 1.3. ^o '^Then commandedst thou a 
fair light to come forth of thy trea- 
sures, that thy work might appear. 

'Gen. 1.6. 41 ^Upon the second day thou 
madest the spirit of the firmament, 
and commandedst it to part asunder, 
and to make a division betwixt the 
waters, that the one part might go 
up, and the other remain beneath. 

/Gen. 1.9. 42 /Upon the third day thou 
didst command that the waters should 
be gathered in the seventh part of the 
earth : six parts hast thou dried up, 
and kept them, to the intent that of 
these some being planted of God and 
tilled might serve thee. 

43 For as soon as thy word went 
forth the work was made. 

44 For immediately there was 
great and innumerable fruit, and 
many and divers pleasures for the 
taste, and flowers of unchangeable 

colour, and odours of wonderful 
smell : and this was done the third 

45 e'Upon the fourth day thou^^en. i. 
commandedst that the sun should 
shine, and the moon give her light, 

and the stars should be in order : 

46 And gavest them a charge to 

do ''' service unto man, that was to be ^'G'^"' '" 
made. i^^ut. 4. 

47 Upon the fifth day thou saidst ^^" 
unto the seventh part, * where the j^*' ^* 
waters were gathered, that it should 
bring forth living creatures, fowls and 
fishes : and so it came to pass. 

48 For the dumb water and with- 
out life brought forth living: things at 
the commandment of God, that all 
people might praise thy wondrous 

49 Then didst thou ordain two 
living creatures, the one thou calledst 
"Enoch, and the other Leviathan ; w^/ir 

50 And didst separate the one 
from the other : for the seventh 
part, namely, where the water was 

39. And then ivas the spirit^ The best 
reading is et erat tunc spiritus -volans = " and 
then was the Spirit brooding." The Arabic 
comes still nearer to the language of Gen. i. 2 : 
" und dein Geist das Wasser umschattele." 

40. a fair light.'] Rather, " the bright 

41. the spirit of the frmament^ Lat. spi- 
ritum firmamenti. Ambrose (' De Spiritu 
Sancto,' ii. 7, quoted by Hilgenfeld) cites 
this as spiritum calorum. It may seem natural 
to render this " breath of heaven," but more 
is meant by the phrase. The firmament was 
regarded as in some respects an animated 
being. See Colet's ' Letters to Radulphus,' 
p. II. 

42. six partsT^ This notion of the com- 
parative smallness of the part of the earth 
covered by water, is said to have encouraged 
Columbus in his enterprise. Volkmar refers 
to Humboldt, ' Kritische Untersuch. iiber 
die histor. Entwickelung . . . der neuen 
Welt,' i. 74, and to his ' Kosmos,' i. 305. 

of God?\ These words should probably be 
omitted, as the a dec of the Vulg. may be 
only adeo. 

44. there <was.'\ Rather, " there came 

inmimerable.'] The Latin is noticeable, as 
betraying by its extreme literalness a Greek 
original : multitudinis immensus = aTrfipos rov 

unchangeable.] Vulg. immutabili. Another 
reading is inimitabili. 

^wonderful.] The Latin is investigabilis, 
corrected by Volkmar to ininvestigabilis, 
"past finding out" (*uo einem unaufspUrbaren 

45. that the sun should., i&'r.] More lite- 
rally, " that there should be made the bright- 
ness of the sun, the light of the moon, and 
the array of the stars." 

48. For the dumb luater.'] I.e. the water, 
though dumb and lifeless, brought forth living 
things. The epithet " dumb " applied to the 
water is striking, though a familiar one for 
the fishes which inhabit it. 

49. Enoch . . . Leviathan.] The word 
Enoch, here and in v. 51, would appear to 
be a corruption of Behemoth. The hippo- 
potamus and the crocodile are most commonly 
supposed to be the two creatures referred to. 
See Job xl. 15, and xli. i. Their creation on 
the fifth day was a Rabbinical inference from 
Gen. i. 21 ; Psalm civ. 26 being perverted in 
the same way. The Arabic omits this passage. 

V. Sx-8.] 



gathered together, might not hold 
them both. 

51 Unto Enoch thou gavest one 
part, which was dried up the third 
day, that he should dwell in the same 
part, wherein are a thousand hills : 

52 But unto Leviathan thou gavest 
the seventh part, namely, the moist ; 
and hast kept him to be devoured of 
whom thou wilt, and when. 

*Gen. I. ^2 k Upon the sixth day thou 
gavest commandment unto the earth, 
that before thee it should bring forth 
beasts, cattle, and creeping things : 

^Gen. I. ^^ ^And after these, Adam also, 
whom thou madest lord of all thy 
creatures : of him come we all, and 
the people also whom thou hast 

55 All this have I spoken before 
thee, O Lord, because thou madest 
the world for our sakes. 

56 As for the other people, which 
also come of Adam, thou hast said 
that they are nothing, but be like 
unto spittle : and hast likened the 
abundance of them unto a drop that 
falleth from a vessel. 

57 And now, O Lord, behold, 
these heathen, which have ever been 
reputed as nothing, have begun to be 
lords over us, and to devour us. 

58 But we thy people, whom thou 
hast called thy firstborn, thy only 
begotten, and thy fervent lover, are 
given into their hands. 

59 If the world now be made for 

our sakes, why do we not possess an 
inheritance with the world ? how 
lono- shall this endure ? 


4 The way is narrow. 12 When it was made 
narrotv. 28 All shall die, and rise agaijt. 
33 Christ shall sit in judgment. 46 God 
hath not made paradise in vain, 62 and is 

AND when I had made an end of 
speaking these words, there 
was sent unto me the angel which 
had been sent unto me the nights 
afore : 

2 And he said unto me, Up, 
Esdras, and hear the words that I am 
come to tell thee. 

3 And I said. Speak on, my God. 
Then said he unto me, The sea is set 
in a wide place, that it might be deep 
and great. 

4 But put the case the entrance 
were narrow, and like a river ; 

5 Who then could go into the sea 
to look upon it, and to rule it ? if he 
went not through the narrow, how 
could he come into the broad ? 

6 There is also another thing ; A 
city is builded, and set upon a broad 
field, and is full of all good things : 

7 The entrance thereof is narrow, 

and is set in a "dangerous place to n Or, ^''^^Z 
fall, like as if there were a fire on the 
right hand, and on the left a deep 
water : 

8 And one only path between 

52. hast kept Mm.'] The Latin texts have 
earn, " her." This may possibly be due to the 
influence of Jewish notions, such as Hilgen- 
feld describes, about the Leviathan ; namely, 
that the female monster had been killed, and 
its flesh preserved to make part of the ban- 
quet which would be prepared to welcome 
the Messiah. Isa. xxvii. i, xxv. 6, w^ere 
passages quoted in support of this- opinion. 

54. creatures.] Rather, " works," /ac^/V. 

55. because thou madest?^ The best texts 
have " because thou hast said that thou 

56. Comp. Isa. xl. 15, "Behold, the 
nations are as a drop of a bucket, and are 
counted as the small dust of the balance ; " to 

which is added in the LXX. "they shall be 
counted as spittle." 

59. an inheritance with.'] So in the Latin ; 
but the sense should probably be : " the world 
as our inheritance." 


4. But put the case.] This expression seems 
due to a wrong rendering of positus in the 
Latin : erit autem ei introitus in angusto loco 
positus = " yet it will have an entrance set in 
a narrow space." For erit Van der Vlis would 
read est. This is supported by the Arabic. 

7. in a dangerous place to fall.] Lat. in 
pru;c!piti, simply meaning that the entrance 
is steep and narrow. 



[v. 925. 

I Or, 

them both, even between the fire 
and the water, so small that there 
could but one man go there at once. 

9 If this city now were given unto 
a man for an inheritance, if he never 
shall pass the danger set before it, 
how shall he receive this inheritance ? 

10 And I said. It is so, Lord. 
Then said he unto me. Even so also 
is Israel's portion. 

11 Because for their sakes I made 
the world : and when Adam trans- 
gressed my statutes, then was decreed 
that now is done. 

12 Then were the entrances of 
this world made narrow, full of sorrow 
and travail : they are but few and 
evil, full of perils, and very painful. 

13 For the entrances of the "elder 
world were wide and sure, and 
brought immortal fruit. 

14 If then they that live labour 
not to enter these strait and vain 
things, thev can never receive those 
that are laid up for them. 

15 Now therefore why disquietest 
thou thyself, seeing thou art but a 
corruptible man ? and why art thou 
moved, whereas thou art but mortal ? 

16 Why hast thou not considered 
in thy mind this thing that is to 
come, rather than that which is 
present ? 

17 Then answered I and said, O 

Lord that bearest rule, thou hast or- 
dained in thy "^law, that the righteous "^eut. 
should inherit these things, but that 
the ungodly should perish. 

18 Nevertheless the ri2;hteous shall 
suffer strait things, and hope for wide : 
for they that have done wickedly have 
suffered the strait things, and yet shall 
not see the wide. 

19 And he said unto me. There is 
no judge above God, and none that 
hath understanding above the Highest. 

20 For there be many that perish 
in this life, because they despise the 
law of God that is set before them. 

21 For God hath given strait 
commandment to such as came, 
what they should do to live, even as 
they came, and what they should 
observe to avoid punishment. 

22 Nevertheless they were not 
obedient unto him ; but spake against 
him, and imagined vain things ; 

23 And deceived themselves by 
their wicked deeds ; and said of the 
most High, that he is not ; and knew 
not his ways : 

24 But his law have they despised, 
and denied his covenants ; in his 
statutes have they not been faithful, 
and have not performed his works. 

25 And therefore, Esdras, for the 
empty are empty things, and for the 
full are the full things. 

9. if he ne-ver.] Bensly (p. 33) would read 
si non h^res antepositum, 6cc. " if the heir 
shall not pass," &c. 

12. eviil Hilgenfeld thinks that the Greek 
word was Tvovr^pai, " laborious," mistaken by 
the translator for Ttovqpal, "evil" But this 
would make the repetition still more marked. 

13. the elder ivorld.~\ Lat. majoris saculi, 
" the greater world ; " that is, the world to 
come. As the tense is not marked in the 
Latin, we should also render : " are wide and 
sure, and bririg immortal fruit." 

14. Comp. Matt. vii. 13, 14; Acts xiv. 22. 

18. Nevertheless, (fcv.] The connection 
seems to require : " For the righteous sufi'er 
. . . but they that have," &c. As regards the 
tense, vTrop^ivova-i (as Volkmar points out) 
might easily be confused with vTrojxevoho-i. 

20. For there be many, (^j-v.] The reading 

of the best MS. expresses this in the form of 
a wish : " For let many (or, the many) perish 
in this life, seeing that the law, &c. is 
despised." Volkmar would render the latter 
clause, " rather than that the law . . . should 
be despised." 

21. even as they came."] This clause is out 
of place. The Latin is: mandans enini man- 
davit Deus venientibus quando venerunt, = 
" For God gave commandment to those who 
came (into the world) when they came, what 
they should," &c. 

23. deceived themselves^ hat. et proposue- 
runt sibi circumventiones delictorum. Hilgen- 
feld represents the Greek by 77apal:id(recs 
irX-qpip-fXr^jxaTicv. If it were certain that those 
were the words, we might suppose 7ra/3a/3aa-eir 
to have been misread TTpLtid<reis, and so 
translated circumvetitiones. 

25. Comp. Matt. xiii. 12, 

V. 2635-] 



26 Behold, the time shall come, 
that these tokens which I have told 
thee shall come to pass, and the bride 

/ shall appear, and she coming forth 

/ shall be seen, that now is withdrawn 

from the earth. 

27 And whosoever is delivered 
from the foresaid evils shall see my 

28 For my son Jesus shall be re- 
vealed with those that be with him, 
and they that remain shall rejoice 
within four hundred years. 

29 After these years shall my son 
Christ die, and all men that have 

30 And the world shall be turned 
into the old silence seven days, like 

\Q)r, first as in the "former judsments : so that 

hp<rii7it Iticr. Ill . *" 

no man shall remam. 

31 And after seven days the world, 


that yet awaketh not, shall be raised 
up, and that shall die that is cor- 

32 And the earth shall restore 
those that are asleep in her, and so 
shall the dust those that dwell in 
silence, and the secret places shall 
deliver those souls that were com- 
mitted unto them. 

33 And the most High shall ap- 
pear upon the seat of judgment, and 
misery shall pass away, and the long 
sufFerino; shall have an end. 

34 But judgment only shall re- 
main, truth shall stand, and faith 
shall wax strong : 

35 And the work shall follow, and 
the reward shall be shewed, and the 
good deeds shall be of force, and 
wicked deeds shall bear no rule. 

26. and she coming forth shall be seen7\ 
Vulg. et apparescens ostendetiir. As the best 
MS. has apparescens ciintas, and the Aethiopic 
gives "et abscondetur civitas quae nunc 
apparet, et apparebit terra quae nunc abscon- 
ditur," it seems probable that the Latin Ver- 
sion has become perverted by a mistake of 
the first part of 17 vvv (^aivofxivq for wvcfya 
(vvficjir]). Perhaps also, as H ili^^enfeld suggests, 
the translator had in his mind the language of 
Rev. xxi. I, 2. 

28. For my son JesusJ] The reading as it 
stands is an ancient one, the text being quoted, 
vi^ith the name Jesus included in it, by 
Ambrose in his Commentary on Luke i. 60 : 
" Dominus noster lesus nominatus est ante- 
quam natus. Revelabitur enim, inquit [Scrip- 
tura] flius mens lesus" 8cc. But the absence 
of the name "lesus" in the Oriental versions 
makes it likely that it was inserted in the 
Latin by a Christian transcriber. The Arabic 
has " Denn ofienbaren wird sich mein 

nvithin four hundred, iss'c^ The word 
"within" should be omitted. Duration of 
time is constantly expressed by the ablative 
in the Latin of this book; as, for example, 
diebus septeni in v. 30 below. So the Arabic: 
" 400 Jahre lang." This period of 400 years 
would be a compensation for the 400 years 
in which the chosen people had been afflicted 
in the land of Egypt. Psalm xc. 1 5 is aptly 
quoted in reference to this: "Make us glad 
according to the days wherein thou hast 
afflicted us, and the years wherein we have 
seen evil." 

29. Christ?^ Or, " anointed." The word 
in the Arabic and Aethiopic is again Messias. 
The Armenian (according to Hilgenfeld) 
omits this passage about the death of Messias. 
The intense gloom of the picture here drawn 
should be noticed, with its recall of the old 
silence of Chaos (comp. vi. 39), before the 
week of the new Creation should begin. 

30. former judgments?^ The marginal 
reading is correct, the best MSS. having 

iniciis, not iudiciis. 

32. secret places.'] Lat. promptuaria, the 
"store-chambers" mentioned before. See 
note on iv. 35. This passage is quoted by 
Ambrose, ' De bono Mortis,' c. x. 

33. misery.'] The best MS. reads miseri- 
cordie [sic], not miserioc., which suits the context 
better : " Mercy shall pass away," in the day 
of judgment, just as " long-suffering shall have 
an end." The word rendered " shall have an 
end," congregabitur, seems to point to some 
Greek word expressing " shall be furled," or 
' taken in," as a sail. Ewald renders the 
Arabic by " An jenem Tage wird . . . die 
Langmuth sich zurQckziehen " (" shall with- 

35. shall be of force.] The verbs here are 
vigilabunt and dominabuntur., for which latter 
the best MS. has dormibunt. The sense would 
thus be: "The righteous acts of men shall 
awake, and their unrighteous acts shall not 
sleep ;" i.e. shall not be hid. All will then be 
brought to light. Comp. i Tim. v. 25. 



[v. 36* 48*. 

{Here fol/o'cus the Missing Fragment, described 
in the Introduction, vv. 36*-lo5*.) 

36* And the lake of torment shall 
appear, and over against it shall be 
the place of rest ; and the furnace of 
hell shall be shewn, and over against 
it the paradise of delight. 

37* And then will the most High 
say to the nations that are raised up, 
Behold and understand whom ye 
denied, or whom ye served not, or 
whose observances ye despised. 

38* Behold, on the other hand, 
what is opposite. Here is joy and 
rest, and there fire and torments. 
Thus will he speak and say unto 
them in the day of judgment. 

39* This day is one that hath 
neither sun, nor moon, nor stars, 

40* Nor cloud, nor thunder, nor 
lightning, nor wind, nor water, nor 
air, nor darkness, nor evening, nor 

41* Nor summer, nor spring, nor 
heat, nor storm, nor frost, nor cold, 
nor hail, nor rain, nor dew, 

42* Nor noon, nor night, nor 
dawn, nor brightness, nor light, save 
only the splendour of the brightness 

of the most High, whereby all may 
begin to see the things that are set 
before them. 

43* For it shall have a duration 
as it were of a week of years. 

44* This is my judgment, and the 
ordinance thereof 5 and to thee only 
have I shewed these things. 

45* And I answered, I both said 
it then, O Lord, and say it now : 
Blessed are they that now live and 
keep the things which thou hast 
ordained ; 

46* But what also of them for 
whom I prayed ? P'or who is there 
of men now living that hath not 
sinned ? or who is born that hath not 
transgressed thy covenant ? 

47* And now I see that the world 
to come will cause delight to few, but 
torments to many. 

48* For there hath grown within 
us an evil heart, which hath estranged 
us from these things, and hath led us 
into corruption and the ways of death j 
hath shewn us the paths of destruc- 
tion, and removed us far from life : 
and that, not a few, but well-nigh all 
that have been created. 

36*. paradise of delight^ 'L^t.jocunditatis 
paradisus. The expression rendered " garden 
of Eden" in Gen. ii. 15, and elsewhere, is in 
the Vulgate paradisus voluptatis, and in the 
LXX. (Cod. Vat.) 6 tt)? rpvcfiris TrapdBeia-os. In 
only three passages ( Gen. ii. 8, 10; iv. 16) 
is the name 'Edep. found as a proper name in 
the LXX. Philo interprets it as = " delight." 
See Bensly ad loc. and the art. Eden in 
'Diet, of the Bible.' 

37*. observances.'] Lat. diligentias. See 
note above on iii. 7. Bensly points out that 
diligent ia, which first meant scrupulous at- 
tention to duties, came to mean a duty or 
observance to be itself attended to. So in- 
diligentia was used to express neglect of duty, 
or positive transgression, TrXrjfifiiXeia. 

38*. Behold, is'c.'] Lat. videte contra et in 
contra. The sense of this is not very clear. I 
take it to represent (SAeVere av Kai ek tu 
evdvTia, rendered as in the text. But the 
Arabic has simply" nun sehet vor euch hier," 
and to the same effect Hilgenfeld. 

Thus cwill he.] The sense seems to require 

the third person, as here. But the Latin has 
hofc autem loqueris. 

39* 42*. This passage is imitated in Am- 
brose, ' De bono Mortis,' c. xii. (quoted by 
Hilgenfeld) : " Ibimus eo, ubi paradisus est 
jucunditatis, ubi .... nuUas nubes, nulla 
tonitrua," Sec. Comp. also ' Orac. Sibyll.' iii. 
89-92, and Tennyson's description of the 

" island-valley of Avilion, 

"Where falls not hail, or rain, or any snow, 

Nor ever wind blows loudly." 

Bensly's insertion of a verb, habeat, after 
solein, is confirmed by the reading of the 
Complutensian MS., qut solem nan habet. 

42*. sa've only, ij'c] Comp. Rev. xxi. 23 ; 
Isa. Ix. 20. 

46*. for whom I prayed.] See supra, v. 28. 

47*. The Latin is : ad paucos pertinebitfutji- 
ram Sieculi jocunditate7n facere, multis autem 
tormenta. Bensly shews reason to think that 
the sentence ran fieWijaei 6 aliyv . . . ivoulv, 
giving the sense as above; but that, from p.eK- 
Xrjcrei getting read as fxeXTjcrec, the form of the 
rest of the sentence was changed to suit it. 

V. 49* 66*.] 



49* And he answered me and said, 
Hear me, and I will instruct thee, and 
will admonish thee afresh. 

50* For this cause the most High 
hath made not one world but two. 

51* And do thou, forasmuch as 
thou saidst that there are not many 
righteous, but few, whereas the un- 
godly do multiply, listen to this : 

52* If thou hast but very few 
precious stones, wilt thou gather to- 
gether lead and clay, to add to their 
number ? 

53* And I said. Lord, how shall 
that be ? 

54* And he said unto me. Not 
only so ; but ask of the earth, and it 
will tell thee ; entreat it, and it will 
declare unto thee ; 

55* Thou shalt say to it. Thou 
bringest forth gold, and silver, and 
brass, and iron also, and lead and 
clay ; 

56* But silver is multiplied beyond 
gold, and brass beyond silver, and iron 
beyond brass, lead beyond iron, and 
clay beyond lead. 

57* Reckon thou also which are 
the precious things and to be desired ; 
that which is multiplied, or that which 
is by nature rare. 

58* And I said, O Lord that 
bearest rule, that which is abundant 
is the more worthless, but that which 
is rarer is the more precious. 

59* And he made answer to me 

and said, Ponder in thy mind what 
thou hast thought, seeing that he that 
hath what is hard to get rejoiceth over 
him that hath abundance. 

60* So also is the creation promised 
again by me : for I will rejoice over 
the few^ even them that shall be 
saved ; forasmuch as it is they that 
have now made my glory more pre- 
vailing, and through whom my name 
is now named ; 

61* And I will not be sorry for 
the multitude of them that have 
perished ; for they have been made 
like unto vapour and to flame ; they 
have been made even as smoke and 
have consumed away ; they have been 
on fire and are extinct. 

62* And I answered and said, O 
thou earth, why hast thou brought 
forth, if understanding is made of the 
dust, like the rest of created things ? 

63* For it had been better for the 
dust itself not to be born, so that 
understanding might not be formed 
from it. 

64* But, as it is, understanding 
groweth with us, and therefore do we 
suflFer torment, because we perish and 
know it. 

65* Let the race of men mourn, 
and the beasts of the field rejoice ; 
let all that are born mourn, but let 
four-footed beasts and cattle be glad. 

66* For it is much better for them 
than for us j for they expect not a 

50*. but ^xfo.] That is, the present world 
and the one to come. Comp. viii. i. 

52*. The rendering here given is from 
Bensly's emendation of the Latin, the latter 
part of which, as it stands, is out of keeping 
with the rest: ad numerum eorum compones 
eos tibi, plumbum autem et fictile abundat. 
" The comparison imphes that the number of 
the elect cannot be increased by the addition 
of baser elements;" The Arabic, as ren- 
dered by Ewald, is " willst du zu ihnen Blei 
und Thon thun ?" 

54*. Comp. viii. 2. 

55*. Thou shalt sayl\ Bensly's emendation 
of d'lcens to dices is confirmed by the reading 
in MS. Gomplut., dices enim ei. 

59*. Ponder, <i)V.] The Latin In te stant 
pondera is corrupt. An ingenious conjecture 
of Professor Hort (quoted by Bensly) is that 
stant was originally statera, and that statera 
pondera was meant to answer to fijyoo-rdrj^a-oj/, 
a word found in Lucian. For in te stant, 
MS. Gomplut. hasy'ttj/a ante. 

60*. So also-l The Latin is sic et amare 
promissa, corrected by Bensly to sic et a me 
reprornissa. But the sense seems to require 
the re- to be joined with creatura rather than 
with promissa: " Even so also is the new 
creation promised by me." Comp. creaturam 
rencvare, "y. 75- 

61*. are extinct.'] Comp. Ps. cxviii. 12 ; 
Isa. xliii. 17. 

65*. all that are born.'] I.e. of men. 



[v. 67* 80^ 

judgment, and know not of torments, 
nor of salvation promised to them 
after death. 

67* But what profit is it to us, 
that being saved we shall be saved, 
if we are to be tormented with 
torment ? 

68* For all that are born arc 
mixed up with iniquities, and are full 
of sins, and laden with transgres- 
sions ; 

69* And if, after death, we had 
not been coming into judgment, it 
would perchance have gone better 
with us. 

70* And he answered me and 
said, When the most High was 
creating the world, even Adam and 
all that came with him, he first pre- 
pared the judgment and the things 
that belong unto judgment. 

71* And now learn concerning 
thy words, in that thou saidst that 
understandino; groweth with us : 

72* They therefore that are so- 
journing on earth will be tormented 
on this account, in that, while having 
understanding, they have wrought 
iniquity, and while receiving com- 
mandments, have not kept them, and 
having obtained a law, evaded the 
law which they received. 

73* And what will they have to 
say in the judgment, or how will they 
answer in the last times ? 

74* For how long a time is it 
that the most High hath had patience 
with them that dwell in the world ; 

and that, not on account of them, but 
on account of the seasons which he 
foresaw ? 

75* And I answered and said, O 
Lord that bearest rule, if I have 
found favour in thy sight, shew unto 
thy servant whether after death, even 
at the very moment when we give 
up each one his soul, we shall be 
kept safe in rest, till those times come 
wherein thou wilt begin to renew 
creation, or whether we are to be 
tormented at once. 

76* And he answered me and 
said, I will shew unto thee this thing 
also. But do not thou mingle 
with them that have despised, nor 
number thyself with them that are 

77* For there is a treasure of 
works laid up in store for thee 
with the most High, but it will 
not be shewn thee until the last 

78* Howbeit our discourse is of 
death. When therefore there hath 
gone forth a fixed decree from the 
most High that a man should die, as 
the soul departeth from the body that 
it may be restored again to him that 
gave it, it first doth worship the glory 
of the most High. 

79* And if the man were of them 
that despised and kept not the way of 
the most High, and of them that set 
at nought his law, and of them that 
hated such as fear him, 

80* These souls will not enter 

67*. being saved, is'c.'] hdX. salvati salva- 
bimnr. This may mean " that the saved among 
us shall be saved," or it may be only an in- 
stance of the common Hebrew idiom, like 
fertransiens pertransi-vi, iii. 1 1, ox faciens facie- 
bat, below, 'v. 70. 

68*. are mixed up7[ Lat. commixtt sunt, 
answering, as Bensly thinks, to a a-vfXTve- 
<pvpfxfvoL in the Greek. The same word in 
Ecclus. xii. 14 is rendered " defiled," which 
would be a suitable rendering here. But 
comp. the use oi commisceri in -v. 76. 

71*. concerning, tfe'r.] Or, perhaps, " from 
thine own words," de sermonibus tuis. So in 

the Arabic : " Verstehe nun aus deinen eignerr 

77*. a treasure.'] In this idea of a trea- 
sure, or store to draw upon, of good works, 
we may see the germ of the doctrine of works 
of supererogation. Erogare is to propose a 
vote of public money, and hence superero- 
gare to vote the payment of more than 
enough. See Browne, ' On the Articles,' 
Art. xiv. I. Comp. also i Tim. vi. 19. 

80*. These souls.'] I.e. the souls of such 
men as the one before mentioned. The word 
for " souls " is noticeable, inspirationes. In 
v. 78, where the singular number of the same 

V. Si* 96*.] II. ESDRAS. VII. . 109 

into dwelling-places, but will straight- 89* While they sojourned in that 

way roam to and fro in torments, in time, they served the most High 

pain and sorrow evermore. with travail, and endured peril every 

81* The first way (of suffering) hour, that they might keep the law 

lieth in that they have despised the of the lawgiver perfectly. 
law of the most High. 90* Wherefore this is the word 

82* The second, in that they concerning them : 
cannot make a good return, so as to 91* First of all, they see with 

live. great exultation the glory of him who 

83* The third, in that they see taketh them to himself j and they 

the reward laid up for them that will rest in seven orders, 
have believed the covenants of the 92* The first order (of rejoicing) 

most High. is in that they strove with much toil 

84* The fourth, in that they will to overcome the evil imagination 

consider the torment laid up in store formed with them, that it might not 

for them at the last. lead them astray from life unto death. 

85* The fifth way lieth in their 93* The second, in that they see 

seeing the dwelling place of others to the entanglement wherein the souls 

be guarded by angels in deep repose. of the ungodly wander, and the 

86* The sixth, in their seeing how punishment that awaiteth them, 
some will pass over from among them 94* The third order is in their 

into torment. seeing the testimony which he that 

87* The seventh way is more formed them hath borne unto them, 

dreadful than all the ways aforesaid, that in their lifetime they have kept 

in that they will pine away in con- the law which was given them in 

fusion, and be consumed in terrors, trust. 

and waste away in fears, as they see 95* The fourth is in knowing the 

the glory of the most High, in whose rest they will now enjoy, gathered 

presence they have sinned when alive, together in their store-chambers, and 

and in whose presence they will begin guarded by the angels in deep repose ; 

to be judged in the last times. and knowing also the glory that 

88* But of those who have kept awaiteth them at the last. 
the ways of the most High, when 96* The fifth is in their exulting 

they shall begin to be saved from the at the way in which they have now 

vessel of corruption, this is the order : escaped the corruptible, and the way 

word is used, it might have been understood 91*. se-ven orders.'] Answering to the seven 

as " breath." Comp. the use of spiramentum "ways" of punishment above. Comp. -y. 99*. 
m XVI. 62. Q^^ entanglement.'] Lat. compUcationem, 

81*. Thejirst 'way.] This beginning is less suggestive of the maze or labyrinth in which 

abrupt in the versions, as the previous verse the evil wander. The Latin for " awaiteth 

ends in them with the words "in seven them" is peculiar, qute in eis manet. But 

ways." In MS. Complut. also 'v. 80 ends Bensly shews how the use of the dative after 

with per septem 'vias. manere might get mistaken for an ablative 

o^ , 1 J. -\ T^u- IV 1 with preposition. The Arabic agrees: "das 

82*. make a good return.] This is a literal ., %. j /-< -^u* > 

^ , r 4.U T 4.- L ihrer wartende Gericht. 

rendering or the Latin, re-versionem bonain 

facere. The meaning seems to be, "cannot 94*. is in their seeing, (b'c] The anacolu- 

return happily to life." So in the Arabic : thon in the Latin, tertius ordo, videntes, etc., 

" dass sie nicht zuriickkehren konnen um neu makes it difficult to render the sentence 

zu leben." clearly, without a paraphrase. MS. Complut. 

QQ* ^, ] r -^ t ^ c has a simpler construction, lidebunt for 

OQ^. to be saved from.] Lat. servari, ror 7 ^ 

which MS. Complut. has separari, "to be '^'"^'^^^^ 

separated from;" a reading which derives 95*. store-chambers.] See note above on 

some support from <z;. 100*. iv. 35- 

I lO 


[v. 97* 104*. 

in which they will gain the future 
inheritance ; furthermore, in seeing 
the strait and toilsome (way) from 
which they have been freed, and the 
broad way which they will begin to 
receive in enjoyment and immor- 

97* The sixth order is, when it 
shall be shewed unto them how their 
countenance will beo-in to shine as 
the sun, and how they will begin 
to be made like unto the light of 
the stars, from henceforth incorrup- 

98* The seventh order, which 
surpasseth all the aforesaid, is in that 
they will exult with confidence, and put 
their trust without being confounded, 
and rejoice without being afraid ; for 
they hasten to see the face of him 
whom they serve in life, and from 
whom they begin to receive their 
reward in glory. 

99* This is the order of the souls 
of the righteous, as it is now de- 
clared ; and the aforesaid are the 
ways of torment, which they that 
have transgressed will henceforth 

100* And I answered and said, 
Shall time therefore be given to 
souls, after they are separated from 

their bodies, to see that whereof thou 
hast spoken unto me ? 

lOi* And he said, For seven 
days will their freedom be, that they 
may see the things before spoken unto 
thee, and afterwards they will be 
gathered together in their dwelling 

102* And I answered and said, 
If I have found favour before thine 
eyes, shew yet further unto me thy 
servant, whether in the day of judg- 
ment the righteous will be able to 
make intercession for the wicked, or 
to propitiate the most High on their 

103* Be it fathers for children, or 
children for parents, or brothers for 
brothers, or relations for those nearest 
akin to them, or friends for their 
dearest ones. 

104* And he answered me and 
said, Seeing thou hast found favour 
before mine eyes, I will shew thee 
this also. The day of judgment is 
the day of decision, and will shew to 
all men the seal of truth. For as 
now a father sendeth not his son, nor 
a son his father, nor a master his 
slave, nor a friend his dearest one, 
that he may be sick, or may sleep, or 
eat, or be healed, in his stead ; 

96*. in enjoyment.'] Lat. fruniscentes, a rare 
participial form. The verb occurs also in 
Tob. iii. 9 (Bensly). 

98*. nvithout being afraid?^ The MS. has 
non revertentes, corrected by Bensly to non 
reverentes. The parallelism seems to require 
the change, which is supported also by the 
paraphrase in Ambrose, and by a comparison 
with Ps. xxxiv. 4 and other passages. Other- 
wise the reading revertentes might receive 
some support from -y. 82 above. As one 
cause of the misery of the lost was that they 
could not return to this life, so here the joy 
of the saved is not qualified by any wish to 
return. They look forward, and not back- 
ward. But the reasons for the change to 
reverentes greatly preponderate; and it is now 
found to be confirmed by the reading of MS. 

102*. It was this passage, respecting the 
unavailing nature of intercessory prayer for 
the wicked after death, which drew forth from 
St. Jerome his denunciation of the book. " Tu 

vigilans dormis," he writes to Vigilantius, " et 
dormiens scribis ; et proponis mihi librum 
apocryphum, qui sub nomine Esdrae a te et 
similibus tuis legitur : ubi scriptum est, quod 
post mortem nuUus pro aliis audeat depre- 
cari : quern ego librum nunquam legi." See 
the extract quoted at full by Bensly, p. 76. 

104*. And he ... . his slave.] These 
clauses are wanting in the MS., and have been 
supplied in Latin Ijy Bensly with the help of 
the versions. How closely he has approached 
the original may now be seen by a comparison 
with MS. Complut., where the passage stands : 
et respondit ad me et dixit: quum invenisti 
gratiam coram ocidis meis, et hoc tibi demon- 
strabo. Dies judicii audax [sic] est,et omnibus 
signaculum rueritatis demonstrans. Quemad- 
modu7n nunc non mittit pater Jjlium., aut Jilius 
patrem, aut dominus sert'um, etc. 

the seal of truth.] Comp. John iii. 33. 
Every one will own the decision to be true 
and right, recognising the impress, as it were, 
of the Author's seal. 

V. 105* 49-] 



105* So shall no one ever make 
supplication for another ; for all shall 
bear in that day, each for himself, 
their own unrighteousnesses or righ- 

*Gen. 18. 


*'Exod. 32. 

''Josh. 7. 


' I Sam. 7. 


/ z Sam. 

24. 17. 

^ 2 Chron. 
6. 14, &c. 

^ I Kings 

17. 21, & 

18. 42, 45. 

'2 Kings 

19. 15. 

36 Then said I, ^Abraham prayed 
first for the Sodomites, and "^ Moses 
for the fathers that sinned in the 
wilderness : 

37 '^ And Jesus after him for Israel 
in the time of "Achan : 

38 And ""Samuel and /David for 
the destruction : and -^Solomon for 
them that should come to the sanc- 
tuary : 

39 And ^'Helias for those that re- 
ceived rain ; and for the dead, that 
he might live : 

40 And ' Ezechias for the people 
in the time of Sennacherib : and 
many for many. 

41 Even so now, seeing corruption 
is grown up, and wickedness increased, 
and the righteous have prayed for the 
ungodly : wherefore shall it not be so 
now also ? 

42 He answered me, and said, 

This present life is not the end where 
much glory doth abide j therefore 
have they prayed for the weak. 

43 But the day of doom shall be 
the end of this time, and the be- 
ginning of the immortality for to 
come, wherein corruption is past, 

44 Intemperance is at an end, in- 
fidelity is cut off, righteousness is 
grown, and truth is sprung up. 

45 Then shall no man be able to 
save him that is destroyed, nor to 
oppress him that hath gotten the 

46 I answered then and said. This 
is my first and last saying, that it had 
been better not to have given the 
earth unto Adam : or else, when it 
was given him, to have restrained him 
from sinning. 

47 For what profit is it for men 
now in this present time to live in 
heaviness, and after death to look for 
punishment ? 

48 O thou Adam, what hast thou 
done? for though it was '^ thou that* Rom. 5. 


sinned, thou art not fallen alone, but 
we all that come of thee. 

49 For what profit is it unto us, if 

105*. all shall bear7\ Comp. Gal. vi. 5. 
After this, in the missing fragment, follow 
the connecting words : " And I answered 
and said, And how then do we now find, 
that Abraham first prayed," &c. 

37. JifjKJ.] I.e. Joshua, as in Acts vii. 

38. for the destruction^ I.e. of the Philis- 
tines at Mizpeh (i Sam. vii. 9). But the 
peculiar word used in the Latin, pro con- 
fractione, seems to poiat beyond question to 

Bpavcns, the word used in the LXX. of 2 
Sam. xxiv. 15 of the plague. Hence Volkmar 
would supply in diebus Saul after " Samuel," 
to limit the pro confractione to " David." 
With this would agree the Arabic : " Samuel 
fiir Saul, David fur die Seuche die das Volk 

should come, <b'c.'] Rather, "that came to 
the dedication " of the Temple. See the mar- 
ginal references. The Latin is qui venerunt 
in sanctionem, or, in the Vulg., sanctificationem. 

41. Even so, is'c.'] Rather, "If therefore 
now .... the righteous have prayed . . . 

wherefore shall it not be so then also ?" That 
is, if intercessory prayer has been heard and 
answered in this life, why may it not be so at 
the last judgment also ? 

42. The text of this verse is plainly de- 
fective. As Fritzsche restores it, the sense 
would be : " The present life is not the end ; 
glory abideth not in it continually : on this 
account have the strong prayed for the weak." 
The Vatican Arabic, in Gildemeister's version, 
gives a similar sense : " And he said unto me, 
The world, for such is the nature of it, 
abideth not; therefore did the strong pray 
concerning the weak, seeing that after a few 
days they were departing from this world." 

45. to save, (h'c.'\ The clause sal-vare eum 
qui periit is, according to Bensly (pp. 22, 
30 K.) absent from both A. and S., and is an 
insertion of later transcribers. Something of 
the kind is required for the completion of the 
sentence. The metaphor is probably from 
the language of the law courts : " to save the 
one who has lost his case, or to crush the 
one who has gained it." The judge's decision 
must be left undisturbed. 

48. but ^.ve all.'] More literally, " the fall 



[v. 5067. 

there be promised us an immortal 
time, whereas we have done the 
works that bring death ? 

50 And that there is promised us 
an everlasting hope, whereas our- 
selves being most wicked are made 
vain ? 

51 And that there are laid up for 
us dwellings of health and safety, 
whereas we have lived wickedly ? 

52 And that the glory of the most 
High is kept to defend them which 

iiOr, <T_ have led "a wary life, whereas we 
^'^^'^'have walked in the most wicked 
ways of all ? 

53 And that there should be 
shewed a paradise, whose fruit en- 

D Ot,/uI- dureth for ever, wherein is " security 
ness. ^j^j medicine, since we shall not enter 
into it ? 

54 (For we have walked in un- 
pleasant places.) 

55 And that the faces of them 
which have used abstinence shall 
shine above the stars, whereas our 
faces shall be blacker than darkness ? 

56 For while we lived and com- 
mitted iniquity, we considered not 
that we should begin to suffer for it 
after death. 

57 Then answered he me, and 
ror, said. This is the "condition of the 

battle, which man that is born upon 
the earth shall fight ; 

58 That, if he be overcome, he 

shall suffer as thou hast said : but if 
he get the victory, he shall receive 
the thing that I say. 

59 For this is the life whereof 
Moses spake unto the people while 

he lived, saying, ^Choose thee life, '' Deut. 30. 
that thou mayest live. '^" 

60 Nevertheless they believed not 
him, nor yet the prophets after him, 
no nor me which have spoken unto 

61 That there should not be such 
heaviness in their destruction, as shall 
be joy over them that are persuaded 
to salvation. 

62 I answered then, and said, I 
know. Lord, that the most High is 
called merciful, in that he hath mercy 
upon them which are not yet come 
into the world, 

63 And upon those also that turn 
to his law ; 

64 And that '"he is patient, and '"Rom. 2, 
long sufFereth those that have sinned, '^' 

as his creatures ; 

65 And that he is bountiful, for 
he is ready to give where it needeth ; 

66 And that he is of great mercy, 
for he multiplieth more and more 
mercies to them that are present, 
and that are past, and also to them 
which are to come. 

67 For if he shall not multiply his 
mercies, the world would not con- 
tinue with them that inherit therein. 

was not thine alone, but of us all who are 
come from thee." 

52. is kept to defendJ] Yulg.reposita est . . . 
protegere. But a better reading is incipiet, the 
reposita being a repetition of the word in the 
previous verse. Incipiet = /idWei, little more 
than " <u!ill protect us." 

ivary.'] Vulg. tarde. A better-supported 
reading is caste, " chastely," as in the margin. 

53. security and medicine.l The marginal 
reading " fulness " is due to a variant saturitas, 
for securitas. The expression " medicine," or 
" healing " (as it would have been better ren- 
dered), may point to Rev. xxii. 2 : " The 
leaves of the tree were for the healing of the 

54. unpleasant.'] Lat. ingratis, the Greek 
being probably dxaplvTOLs, which Van der Vlis 

would interpret " without the grace of God." 
Churton quotes "Wisdom v. 7 in illustration. 

57. condition.} The marginal reading is 
nearer the Latin cogitamentum = " the 
thought," or " conception ;" Arabic, der Sinn. 

59. this is the life.'] Rather, " this is the 
way ;" via, not vita, being the reading of the 
best MSS. 

62. in that he hath mercy.] Churton ex- 
plains this, " in not permitting them to be 
born," comparing Eccles. iv. 3 : " Yea, better 
is he than both they, which hath not yet 
been." Volkmar thinks the Latin niisereatur 
an error for miserebatur, implying the merci- 
fulness of the Lord from eternity, before man 
came into the world. 

67. continue.] The word is the same in 
the Latin as that rendered " remain living" in 





Ps. 130. 68 And he pardoneth ; "for if he 
^' did not do so of his goodness, that 

they which have committed iniquities 
might be eased of them, the ten 
thousandth part of men should not 
remain living. 

69 And being judge, if he should 
I Or, ere- not forgivc them that are " cured with 

his word, and put out the multitude 
Or con- Qf II contentions, 

70 There should be very few left 
peradventure in an innumerable mul- 


I Many created, hit few saved. 6 He askcth 
why God destroyetk his own work, 26 ajid 
prayeth God to look upon the people which 
only serve him. 41 God answereth, that all 
seed Cometh not to good, 52 and that glory is 
prepared for him and such like. 

AND he answered me, saying. 
The most High hath made 
this world for many, but the world 
to come for few. 

2 I will tell thee a similitude, 
Esdras ; As when thou askest the 
earth, it shall say unto thee, that it 
giveth much mould whereof earthen 
vessels are made, but little dust that 

gold Cometh of : even so is the course 
of this present world. 

3 '^ There be many created, but 'Matt. 20. 
^Q.vf shall be saved. ''' 

4 So answered I and said. Swallow 
then down, O my soul, understand- 
ing, and devour wisdom. 

5 For thou hast agreed to give ear, 
and art willing to prophesy : for thou 
hast no longer space than only to 

6 O Lord, if thou suffer not thy 
servant, that we may pray before 
thee, and "thou give us seed unto our !'0r, a? 
heart, and culture to our understand- '^'^^"^" 
ing, that there may come fruit of it ; 
how shall each man live that is cor- 
rupt, who beareth the place of a 
man ? 

7 For thou art alone, and we all 
one workmanship of thine hands, like 
as thou hast said. 

8 For "when the body is fashioned ".'-'V?"' 
now in the mother's womb, and xhowfashiomU. 
givest it members, thy creature is 
preserved in fire and water, and nine 
months doth thy workmanship endure 

thy creature which is created in her. 

9 But that which keepeth and is 

V. 68, 'vi'vificabltiir. Perhaps " be kept alive " 
would suffice in both places. 

69. cured.'] Rather, " created by his word ; " 
Lat. creati, instead of curati ; and for " put 
out the multitude of contentions," read 
" blot out the multitude of transgressions," 
or " disobediences." The reading contemp- 
tionum, found in the best MSS., would be 
easily altered to contentionum. Comp. i Kings 
viii. 50. 


2. mould.'] A word seemingly chosen to 
avoid the repetition of " earth." In the Latin, 
after terram, an equally unsuitable word 
{humurri) is used, for the same reason. Per- 
haps " clay " would have been most appro- 

4. Shallow down.] Rather, " drink in." 

5. For thou hast agreed.] The reading of 
this verse is much disputed. Fritzsche gives, 
from the Syriac, vents enim sine voluntate tua, 
et abis cum 7ion I'is : " for thou comest without 
any will of thine own, and departest when 
thou dost not wish." The Arabic partly 
agrees with this : " denn das Ohr kam um zu 

Apoc Vol. I. 

hiiren, und wird dahingehen wann es nicht 
will." Hilgenfeld conjectures that aKovcra 
of the Greek was taken by the Latin trans- 
lator as aKovovaa. 

for thou hast, (b'c] Rather, "for neither 
hath any space been granted thee, save only 
a short one, to live." The best reading is 
nisi solum modicum. See Bensly, p. 33. 

6. O Lord, ds-'c] The text is very uncertain. 
For the si non of the Vulg. the reading should 
probably be super nos, si, expressing a wish or 
prayer, thus : " O Lord above ! would that 
thou wouldest give thy servant leave that we 
may pray before thee, and give us, &c. . . . 
that there may come fruit of it, whence every 
corruptible one may live, that beareth the 
form of man." This prelude is to introduce 
the question based on 'w. 8-13, and coming 
(though disguised in the English Version) at 
the end of t-. 14. Why is man brought into 
being with such long-continued pains and 
care, if his end is only to be destroyed after 

8. in fire and ivcjter.] That is, through 
every danger. Comp. Ps. Ixvi. 12. 

thy workmanship.] Lat. tua plasmatic, i.e. 




[v. 10 21. 

kept shall both be preserved : and 
when the time cometh, the womb 
preserved delivereth up the things that 
grew in it. 

10 For thou hast commanded out 
of the parts of the body, that is to 
say, out of the breasts, milk to be 
given, which is the fruit of the 

11 That the thing which is fash- 
ioned may be nourished for a time, 
till thou disposest it to thy mercy. 

12 Thou broughtest it up with 
thy righteousness, and nurturedst it 
in thy law, and reformedst it with thy 

13 And thou shalt mortify it as 
thy creature, and quicken it as thy 

14 If therefore thou shalt destroy 
* Job 10. him which with so great ^'labour was 
I's. 139. 14, fashioned, it is an easy thing to be 

ordained by thy commandment, that 
the thing which was made might be 


15 Now therefore. Lord, I will 
speak ; touching man in general, 
thou knowest best ; but touching thy 
people, for whose sake I am sorry j 

16 And for thine inheritance, for 
whose cause I mourn ; and for Israel, 
for whom I am heavy ; and for 
Jacob, for whose sake I am troubled; 

17 Therefore will I begin to pray 
before thee for myself and for them : 
for I see the falls of us that dwell in 
the land. 

18 But I have heard the swiftness 
of the judge which is to come. 

19 Therefore hear my voice, and 
understand my words, and I shall 
speak before thee. This is the be- 
ginning of the words of Esdras, before 
he was taken up : and I said, 

20 O Lord, thou that dwellest in 
everlastingness, which beholdest from 
above things in the heaven and in 
the air; 

21 Whose throne is inestimable; 
whose glory may not be compre- 

the womb. An evident trace of a Greek 
original is found in the case of tu^e creature 
after patitur = av^x^Tai. See Bensly, p. 2 6. 

10. ibat is to say, <&V.] This clause is 
probably a gloss on the one before it, " out of 
the members." In the English Version the 
Latin prabere is rendered as \i prteberi, and 
Volkmar makes the same correction. But as 
the MSS. agree in pra:bere, I would suggest 
that the original word may have been TvapeKpfiv 
(found in Dioscorides), " to flow out at the 
sides," which would easilv be confused with 
irapiyeiv, prabere. The Arabic agrees with 
this view : " so lassest du . . . Milch der 
Brilste fliessen." So in Gildemeister's ren- 
dering of the Vatican Arabic : " ex eius 
mammis lac stillat." 

11. /;// thou disposest.'] The best MSS. 
read dispones. Volkmar conjectures dis- 
ponens = " and, adapting it to thy mercy, didst 
rear it up," &c. "Disposest" should be 
" dispose." 

13. The sense is obscure, but it is diffi- 
cult to say what change in the text should be 
made. The argument requires something 
like : " Wilt thou put to death thy creature, 
whom thou broughtest to life as thine own 
work ? " For " mortify " comp. Col. iii. 5. 

14. ?V is an easy thing.] As was said above 
(y. 6), in the Oriental versions this ends in 

the form of a question : " wherefore then 
createdst thou him ? " So the Arabic : 
" warum liessest du ihn werden ? " 

18. But I have heard, (b'c.'] This should 
be more closely connected with the preceding 
words : " for 1 see . . . and have heard." 

19. This is the beginning, 6~c.] This intro- 
duction to the Prayer of Esdras is thought to 
have been a marginal note, added in some 
early copy. It occurs, varied in terms, in 
most of the Oriental versions, and is itself a 
testimony to the celebrity of the Prayer. 

The Prayer of Esdras (w. 20-36). 

20. everlastingness.] Rather, " for ever ; " 
Lat. hahitas in saculum (see Bensly, p. 34). 
This Prayer of Esdras is found in MSS. of 
the Bible older than any of the Book of 
Esdras itself now known to exist. In some 
copies it is introduced by the words : Initium 
verborum Esdra priusquam assumeretur. 

beholdest from above.] It is not easy to say 
what text the English Version here foUows, 
as the Latin has cujus oculi elati {al. elevati) 
in superna, etc. ; and so the Arabic. Ter- 
tullian, ' de prasscr. Hseret' c. iii., has a simi- 
lar expression : " sed oculi, inquit, sunt alti." 

21. inestimable.] Lat. inastimabilis, per- 
haps representing aveUaaTos, " unimaginable." 
The phrase " may not be comprehended " is 

V. 22 3S.] 



hended ; before whom the hosts of 
angels stand with trembling, 
'Ps. 104. 22 '^ Whose service is conversant 
Heb. 1. 7. in wind and fire ; whose word is 
true, and sayings constant ; whose 
commandment is strong, and ordi- 
nance fearful ; 

23 Whose look drieth up the 
depths, and indignation maketh the 
mountains to melt away ; which the 
truth witnesseth : 

24 O hear the prayer of thy ser- 
vant, and give ear to the petition of 
thy creature. 

25 For while I live I will speak, 
and so long as I have understanding 
I will answer. 

26 O look not upon the sins of 
thy people ; but on them which 
serve thee in truth. 

27 Regard not the wicked inven- 
tions of the heathen, but the desire 
of those that keep thy testimonies in 

28 Think not upon those that 
have walked feignedly before thee : 
but remember them, which according 
to thy will have known thy fear. 

29 Let it not be thy will to destroy 
them which have lived like beasts ; 
but to look upon them that have 
clearly taught thy law. 

30 Take thou no indignation at 
them which are deemed worse than 

beasts ; but love them that alway 
put their trust in thy righteousness 
and glory. 

31 For we and our fathers 'do'Or, ar* 
languish of such diseases : but because 
of us sinners thou shalt be called 

72 For if thou "hast a desire to'icc-^* 

h 1111 wiUing. 

ave mercy upon us, thou shalt be 

called merciful, to us namely, that 

have no works of righteousness. 

33 For the just, which have many 
good works laid up with thee, shall 
out of their own deeds receive re- 

34 For what is man, that thou 
shouldest take displeasure at him ? or 
what is a corruptible generation, that 
thou shouldest be so bitter toward it ? 

35 '^For in truth there is no man 'i Kin. 8. 
among them that be born, but he j^chr. 6. 
hath dealt wickedly ; and among the 36. 
faithful there is none which hath not 

done amiss. 

36 For in this, O Lord, thy 
righteousness and thy goodness shall 
be declared, if thou be merciful unto 
them which have not the "confidence 'Or, j^- 

_ , , stojice. 

or good works. 

37 Then answered he me, and 
said. Some things hast thou spoken 
aright, and according unto thy words 
it shall be. 

38 For indeed I will not think on 

the " incomprehensible " of the Athanasian 

22. Whose service.'] The division into 
verses somewhat obscures the sense. The 
word " whose " here refers to the angels ; 
the same word in "w. 21 and 23, to God. 
For the expression compare Ps. civ. 4. 

23. This verse is preserved in the ' Apo- 
stolical Constitutions' (viii. 7) in the original 
Greek. The last clause as there given, kuI tj 
aXrjOfia fievet els top alcbva, does not quite 
agree with the Latin, et 'Veritas testificatur. 

9,1. the <ivicked^ <ls'c.'] For impia gentium 
studia the true reading is probably impie agen- 
tium, etc., as in iii. 30. For " keep " read 
" have kept." 

28. according to thy ivi/l.'] Rather, " that 
have willingly acknowledged." 

29. that have clearly taught.'] The word 
rendered "clearly," namely spkndide, points 

to XajjLTrpcds as its original, used as in Aesch. 
'Prom.' 833, or as splendida is in Hor. 
'Carm.' iv. 7. 21. 

31. do languish of such diseases.] Vulg. 
talibus morbis languemus. The readings here 
vary greatly. Fritzsche and Volkmar agree 
in preferring talibus moribus egimus, "have 
acted in such wise." 

33. Hilgenfeld quotes an apposite passage 
from the ' Apocal. Baruchi,' xiv. 12 : "Justi 
enim bene sperant finem, et sme timore ab 
hoc domicilio proficiscuntur, quia habent 
apud te vim operum custoditam in thesauris." 

34. generation.] Rather, " race," i.e. of men. 

36. the confidence^ Lat. substantiam, pro- 
bably representing vnoa-Taa-w, and denoting 
the basis on which the hope of mercy was to 
be grounded. Com p. -z;. 33. 

38. For indeed, (b'c] The sense of this 
verse is lost in the English Version. Instead 

I 2 



[v. 3952. 

the disposition of them which have 
sinned before death, before judgment, 
before destruction : 
'Gen.4.4. 39 But ^I will rejoice over the 
disposition of the righteous, and I 
will remember also their pilgrimage, 
and the salvation, and the reward, 
that they shall have. 

40 Like as I have spoken now, so 
shall it come to pass. 

41 For as the husbandman soweth 
much seed upon the ground, and 
planteth many trees, and yet the 
thing that is sown good in his season 
Cometh not up, neither doth all that 
is planted take root : even so is it of 
them that are sown in the world ; 
they shall not all be saved. 

42 I answered then and said, If I 
have found grace, let me speak. 

43 Like as the husbandman's seed 
perisheth, if it come not up, and 
receive not thy rain in due season ; 
or if there come too much rain, and 
corrupt it : 

44 Even so perisheth man also, 
which is formed with thy hands, and is 
called thine own image, because thou 
art like unto him, for whose sake 
thou hast made all things, and hkened 
him unto the husbandman's seed. 

45 Be not wroth with us, but 

spare thy people, and have mercy 
upon thine own inheritance : for 
thou art merciful unto thy creature. 

46 Then answered he me, and 
said. Things present are for the 
present, and things to come for such 
as be to come. 

47 For -f thou comest far short rch. 5. 33. 
that thou shouldest be able to love 

my creature more than I : but I 
have ofttimes drawn nigh unto thee, 
and unto it, but never to the un- 

48 In this also thou art marvellous 
before the most High : 

49 In that thou hast humbled 
thyself, as it becometh thee, and hast 
not judged thyself worthy to be 
much glorified among the righteous. 

50 For many great miseries shall 
be done to them that in the latter 
time shall dwell in the world, because 
they have walked in great pride. 

51 But understand thou for thy- 
self, and seek out the glory for such 
as be like thee. 

52 For unto you is paradise opened, 
the tree of life is planted, the time to 
come is prepared, plenteousness is 
made ready, a city is builded, and 
rest is allowed, yea, perfect goodness 
and wisdom. 

of non mere the bestMSS. have "vere 7jon ; and 
instead of ante, aid in all three places. Render : 
" For in truth I will not heedeither the creation, 
or the death, or the judgment, or the destruc- 
tion, of them that have sinned ; but," &c. 
The word rendered " disposition " in this and 
the next verse is plasma in the one case, and 
figmeyitum in the other; both expressing the 
forming or creation of man at the first. 

41. Canon Eddrup compares Butler's 
* Analogy,' i. 5. 

43. and receive o/.] The best reading in 
the Latin is non enim accepit ; this being in- 
serted parenthetically as a reason for the 
grain not having come up. 

44. This verse should perhaps be read 
interrogatively : " Doth man also perish in 
like manner ? " &c. For " is called thine own 
image " the Latin is et tu el imago nominatus, 
" and thou wast called the image (or pattern) 
for him." It would seem as if the English 
translator had read tut for tu ei. 

47. but I have.l The best MSS. read tu 
autem, 8cc., " Thou hast ofttimes made thy- 
self one with the unrighteous, though never 
unrighteous thyself" Ezra had identified 
himself with his sinful fellow-countrymen. 
Such appears to be the sense ; but the text is 
very uncertain. 

48. marvellous.'] Rather, "admirable." 

49. nvort/y.'] The Latin is, " and hast not 
judged (reckoned) thyself among the right- 
eous, so as to be much glorified ; " or, " so as 
to boast the more." With this latter the 
Arabic agrees : " und dich nicht den Ge- 
rechten gleichschiizest, um dich destomehr 
zu rilhmen." 

51. seek out the glory.'] That is, " enquire 
into the glorious destiny of," &c. Comp. 
ix. 13. 

52. rest is allowed.] Lat. probata. But 
the Oriental versions point to prostrata as 
probably the true reading, a forcible conden- 

V. 536.] 



53 The root of evil is sealed up 
from you, weakness and the moth is 
hid from you, and corruption is fled 

^' into "hell to be forgotten : 

54 borrows are passed, and m the 
end is shewed the treasure of immor- 

55 And therefore ask thou no 
more questions concerning the multi- 
tude of them that perish. 

56 For when they had taken 
liberty, they despised the most High, 
thought scorn of his law, and for- 
sook his ways. 

57 Moreover they have trodden 
down his righteous, 

-e-Ps. 14.1. 58 And e'said in their heart, that 
there is no God ; yea, and that 
knowing they must die. 

59 For as the things aforesaid shall 
receive you, so thirst and pain are 
prepared for them : for it was not 
his will that men should come to 
nought : 

60 But they which be created 
have defiled the name of him that 
made them, and were unthankful 
unto him which prepared life for 

61 And therefore is my judgment 
now at hand. 

62 These things have I not shewed 
unto all men, but unto thee, and a 
few like thee. Then answered I 
and said. 


63 Behold, O Lord, now hast 
thou shewed me the multitude of the 
wonders, which thou wilt begin to 
do in the last times : but at what 
time, thou hast not shewed me. 


7 Who shall be saved, and who not. 19 All 
the -world is now corrtcpted: 22 yet God doth 
save a fe-io. 33 He C07nplaineth that those 
perish which keep God's latu : 38 and seeth a 
woman lamenting in afield, 

HE answered me then, and said. 
Measure thou the time dili- 
gently in itself: and when thou seest 
part of the signs past, which I have 
told thee before, 

2 Then shalt thou understand, that 
it is the very same time, wherein the 
Highest will begin to visit the world 
which he made. 

3 Therefore when there shall be 

seen "earthquakes and uproars of the "Matt. 24. 
people in the world : '" 

4 Then shalt thou well understand, 
that the most High spake of those 
things from the days that were before 
thee, even from the beginning. 

5 For like as all that is made in 
the world hath a beginning and an 
end, and the end is manifest : 

6 Even so the times also of the 
Highest have plain beginnings in 
wonders and powerful works, and 
endings in effects and signs. 

sation of language for " a couch is spread 
whereon to rest." In the Arab., "die Ruhe 
(ist) gedeckt." 

53. is sealed upi] I.e. securely closed up, 
to trouble you no more. But it is difficult 
to believe that this was the original reading. 
The Arab, has ausgerottet, " rooted out," 
which agrees with the Aethiopic, and is much 
simpler. The rest of the verse is in uncer- 
tainty, on account of the fluctuations in the 
Latin text. For et tinea, " and the moth," 
which comes in very abruptly, MS. A. has 
extincta (see Bensly, p. 29) = "weakness is 
done away with." The words in obli'vionem, 
with which the verse ends, should be con- 
nected with what follows: "sorrows are 
passed into oblivion." 

57. his righteous.'] Rather, " his righteous 


1. in itself.] For semetipso the best MSS. 
read temetipso, "in thyself;" that is, in thine 
own mind. 

3. earthquakes.] The natural reference to 
Matt. xxiv. 7 may have suggested this render- 
ing oi niotio locorum. But aeiafios or o-etfr^ot 
TT]s yris would not have been rendered by 
motio locorum, and it should rather be ren- 
dered " unsettlement (or disturbance) of 
regions." In the best MSS. the verse is 
extended by : " desires of nations " (Lat. 
cogitationes, i.e. " ambitious schemes "), " de- 
fections of leaders," " disturbance of princes." 
Hilgenfeld compares ' Orac. Sibyll.' iii. 635 

6. ha-ve.] This word should probably be 
omitted, and the sentence arranged : "Even 



[v. 719. 

I Or. ihey 



7 And every one that shall be 
saved, and shall be able to escape by 
his works, and by faith, whereby ye 
have believed, 

8 Shall be preserved from the said 
perils, and shall see my salvation in 
my land, and within my borders : 
for I have sanctified them for me 
from the beginning. 

9 Then "shall they be in pitiful 
case, which now have abused my 
ways : and they that have cast them 
away despitefully shall dwell in tor- 

10 For such as in their life have 
received benefits, and have not known 
me ; 

1 1 And they that have lothed my 
law, while they had yet liberty, and, 
when as yet place of repentance was 
open unto them, understood not, but 
despised it ; 

12 The same must know it after 
death by pain. 

13 And therefore be thou not cu- 
rious how the ungodly shall be pun- 
ished, and when : but enquire how 
the righteous shall be saved, whose 

the world is, and for whom the world 
is created. 

14 Then answered I and said, 

15 I have said before, and now do 
speak, and will speak it also hereafter, 
that there be many more of them 
which perish, than of them which 
shall be saved : 

16 Like as a wave is greater than 
a drop. 

17 And he answered me, saying, 
Like as the field is, so is also the 
seed ; as the flowers be, such are the 
colours also; such as the workman 
is, such also is the work ; and as the 
husbandman is himself, so is his hus- 
bandry also : for it was the time of 
the world. 

18 "And now when I prepared the 
world, which was not yet made, even 
for them to dwell in that now live, 
no man spake against me. 

19 For then every one obeyed : 
"but now the manners of them which 
are created in this world that is made 
are corrupted by a perpetual seed, 
and by a law which is unsearchable 
rid themselves. 

\ And now 
because the 
time of the 
world "was 
wlien I 
was pre- 
paring the 

II but luhe'i 
the world 
was made, 
both now 
and then. 
the man- 
ners of 
every one 
were cor- 
rupted liy 
a tiever- 
f ailing 
and a laiv 

SO the times of the Highest : their beginnings 
are plain," &c. But Van der Vhs thinks 
that "signs" should be attached to the be- 
ginning, and " wonders " to the end. 

7. by his ivorksI\ Comp. viii. 33. 

9. The marginal reading is the best ; Lat. 
mirabuntur^ not miserebtintur. 

abused.'] As the Latin has the accusative, 
I'ias nieas, after abusl, it is possible that the 
Greek was really TrapefBrjaav, " transgressed," 
not jrapexprja-av. The Arabic is rendered 
abirrten, " strayed from." 

11. place^ Used like " room," without 
the article. Comp. Heb. xii. 17. 

13. is created.'] The Latin is, et quorum 
speculum, et propter quos saculum, et quando. 
Volkmar would remove the first et, and con- 
nect the words thus : " but enquire how the 
righteous (whose the world is, and for whom 
the world is) will be saved, and when ; " so 
as to make the antithesis between the " how " 
and the " when." 

15. said . . . speak.] These words would 
be better transposed : " I have spoken before, 
and do say it now, and will say it also," &c. 

16. is greater.] Lat. multiplicatur super, 
the verb being intransitive, like liKeovd^ei. See 
Bensly, p. 27. 

17. husbandry.] The English reads so 
well, that it seems a pity to alter it. But, for 
cultura, one good MS. has atria, whence 
Volkmar conjectured area : " as is the hus- 
bandman, so also is his threshing-floor." 

for it avas, (b'c] These words should be- 
gin the next sentence. The text of the 
ensuing passage is in a very unsettled condi- 
tion. It would be impossible here to discuss 
the many various readings ; but the following 
is a rendering of Fritzsche's text, corrected 
and supplemented by Bensly (pp. 29, 30): 
" For there was a time of the world, even 
then when I was preparing it for them that 
now are, before the world was made for them 
to dwell in ; and none gainsaid me, for at 
that time there was no man ; but now that 
they have been created in this universe made 
ready for them, with both an unfailing table 
and an unsearchable law, their manners have 
become corrupt. And I considered my 
world, and behold ! it was ruined ; and my 
earth, and behold ! there was peril," &c. 

V. 20- 




20 So I considered the world, and, 
behold, there was peril because of 
the devices that were come into it. 

21 And I saw, and spared it 
greatly, and have kept me a "grape of 
the cluster, and a plant of a great 

22 Let the multitude perish then, 
which was born in vain ; and let my 
"grape be kept, and my plant; for 
with great labour have I made it 

23 Nevertheless, if thou wilt cease 
yet seven days more, (but thou shalt 
not fast in them, 

24 But go into a field of flowers, 
where no house is builded, and eat 
only the flowers of the field ; taste 
no flesh, drink no wine, but eat 
flowers only ;) 

25 And pray unto the Highest 
continually, then will I come and 
talk with thee. 

26 So I went my way into the 
field which is called Ardath, like as 
he commanded me ; and there I sat 
among the flowers, and did eat of 
the herbs of the field, and the meat 
of the same satisfied me. 

27 After seven days I sat upon 
the grass, and my heart was vexed 
within me, like as before : 

28 And I opened my mouth, and 
began to talk before the most High, 
and said, 

29 O Lord, thou that shewest 
thyself unto us, thou wast ^shewed * Ex. 10.9. 
unto our fathers in the wilderness, in Deut.^".' 
a place where no man "treadeth, in a "' 
barren place, when they came out of coJ/eih. 

30 And thou spakest, saying. Hear 
me, O Israel ; and mark my words, 
thou seed of Jacob. 

31 For, behold, I sow my law in 
you, and it shall bring fruit in you, 
and ye shall be honoured in it for 

32 But our fathers, which received 
the law, kept it not, and observed not 
thy ordinances : and though the fruit 
of thy law did not perish, neither 
could it, for it was thine ; 

33 Yet they that received it 
perished, because they kept not the 
thing that was sown in them. 

34 And, lo, it is a custom, when 
the ground hath received seed, or the 
sea a ship, or any vessel meat or 
drink, that, that being perished where- 
in it was sown or cast into, 

35 That thing also which was 
sown, or cast therein, or received, 
doth perish, and remaineth not with 

21. greatly.'] Lat. I'a/Je ; but Bensly 
restores I'ix imlde from MS. A., which suits 
the sense better, and agrees with the versions. 
The original may have been ivdw [loyis, 
" with great difficulty." 

grnpe.'] This is the right reading; not 
" grain," as in the margin. The word 
rendered " grape " {acinum) occurs in the 
Vulg. of Numb. vi. 4. 

people.'] Rather, "forest;" the Lat. tribu, 
rendered " people," being plainly due to a 
mistake of iX^? for (pvXrjs. 

23. not fast.] Comp. vi. 35. 

Fourth Vision (ch. ix. 26 x. 60). 

26. Ardath?^ The spelling of this word 
varies greatly in the MSS. In the Syriac and 
Aethiopic versions it is Arphad, which comes 
rear the Phcenician Arvad ("Place of Fugi- 
tives "), Ezek. xxvii. 8, but has probably no 
connection with it. The form Arphad is 

found in the A. V. of Isa. xxxvi. 19, xxxvii. 
13, where the place meant is a district of 
Syria. In Jen xlix. 23 it is given as Arpad. 

29. thou that she~d)est.] The Lat. ostendens 
ostensus es is plainly an equivalent for the 
common Hebrew idiom, found in the LXX. 
and N. T. Render : " Thou wast mani- 
fested in our midst to our forefathers," &c. 

'where no man treadeth.] The marginal 
reading, " where no man cometh," sounds 
hke the original of Tennyson's 

" a waste land, where no one comes 
Or hath come, since the making of the world ; " 

but the Latin is simply in deserto quod non cal- 
catur et hifructuoso, "in a barren and un- 
trodden desert." 

34. that, that being perished, (b'c] The 
sense is lost in the English Version. If a 
ship founders, it is not the sea which perishes, 
but the ship. Render: "when it has come 
to pass that what was sown, or sent, or 


11. ESDRAS. IX. X. 

[v. 36 5- 

us : but with us it hath not hap- 
pened so. 

36 For we that have received the 
law perish by sin, and our heart also 
which received it. 

37 Notwithstanding the law perish- 
eth not, but remaineth in his force. 

38 And when I spake these things 
in my heart, I looked back with mine 
eyes, and upon the right side I saw 

"ch. 10. c^ woman, and, behold, she mourned 
and wept with a loud voice, and was 
much grieved in heart, and her clothes 
were rent, and she had ashes upon 
her head. 

39 Then let I my thoughts go 
that I was in, and turned me unto her, 

40 And said unto her. Wherefore 
weepest thou ? why art thou so 
grieved in thy mind ? 

41 And she said unto me. Sir, let 
me alone, that I may bewail myself, 
and add unto my sorrow, for I am 
sore vexed in my mind, and brought 
very low. 

42 And I said unto her, What 
aileth thee ? tell me. 

43 She said unto me, I thy servant 
have been barren, and had no child, 
though I had an husband thirty 

44 And those thirty years I did 
nothing else day and night, and every 
hour, but make my prayer to the 

45 After thirty years God heard 

me thine handmaid, looked upon my 
misery, considered my trouble, and 
gave me a son : and I was very glad 
of him, so was my husband also, and 
all my neighbours : and we gave 
great honour unto the Almighty. 

46 And I nourished him with 
great travail. 

47 So when he grew up, and came 
to the time that he should have a 
wife, I made a feast. 


I JTe comforteth the 'ivoinan in the field. 27 
She vanisheth atvay, ami a city appeareth in 
her place. 40 The angel declareth these 
visions in the field. 

AND it so came to pass, that 
when my son was entered into 
his wedding chamber, he fell down, 
and died. 

2 Then we all overthrew the 
lights, and all my ''neighbours rose up wox.coim- 
to comfort me : so I took my rest ^^^"Tdi- 
unto the second day at night. """' 

3 And it came to pass, when 
they had all left off to comfort me, to 
the end I might be quiet ; then rose 
I up by night, and fled, and came 
hither into this field, as thou seest. 

4 And I do now purpose not to 
return into the city, but here to stay, 
and neither to eat nor drink, but 
continually to mourn and to fast until 
I die. 

5 Then left I the "meditations spee'ckes. 

received, is destroyed, yet the receptacles of 
them remain." That is to say, if the seed 
perishes which has been sown in the ground, 
or a ship founders which has been committed 
to the sea, or food is wasted which has been 
put into a vessel, though the thing received 
is in each case lost, the receiver of it is not so. 
r>nt in case of the law received into the minds 
of Ezra's countrymen, the receiving mind had 
become corrupted, while the law committed 
to it remained intact. 

38. a ivomat:.'] Interpreted in x. 44 to be 

43. tMrty years."] For the application of 
this, see x. 45. 

44. The translation of this verse is vigo- 
rous, but less close than usual. The Vulgate 

reads : Ego enim per singulas horas et per 
singnlos dies et (1. /;/) annos, etc. = " And 
every single hour, and every single day, for 
those thirty years, did I make my prayer," &c. 


1. he fell do-ivn.'] For the interpretation, 
see infra v. \Z. 

2. o'verthreivP] Or " put out ; " ivir losch- 
ten, Arab. For the custom of lights at 
weddings, comp. Jer. xxv. 10; Matt. xxv. 7; 
and the article IVIakkiage in ' Diet, of the 
Bible,' vol. ii. p. 251. 

5. meditations.'] This is the word given 
by the Oriental versions. The Latin has 
sermones. Comp. above, ix. 39. 

V. 6 22.] 



I Or, 

I But ike 
after the 
manner of 
the earth, 
the present 
is gone 
again, as 
it catne 

wherein I was, and spake to her in 
anger, saying, 

6 Thou foolish woman above all 
other, seest thou not our mourning, 
and what happeneth unto us ? 

7 How that Sion our mother is 
full of all heaviness, and much 
humbled, mourning very sore ? 

8 And now, seeing we all mourn 
and are sad, for we are all in heavi- 
ness, art thou grieved for one son ? 

9 For ask the earth, and she shall 
tell thee, that it is she which ought to 
mourn for the fall of so many that 
grow upon her. 

10 For out of her came all at the 
first, and out of her shall all others 
come, and, behold, they walk almost 
all into destruction, and a multitude 
of them is utterly "rooted out. 

11 Who then should make more 
mourning than she, that hath lost so 
great a multitude ; and not thou, 
which art sorry but for one ? 

12 But if thou sayest unto me. 
My lamentation is not like the earth's, 
because I have lost the fruit of my 
womb, which I brought forth with 
pains, and bare with sorrows ; 

13 "But the earth not so: for the 
multitude present in it according 

to the course of the earth is gone, 
as it came : 

14 Then say I unto thee. Like as 
thou hast brought forth with labour ; 
even so the earth also hath given her 
fruit, namely, man, ever since the 
beginning unto him that made her. 

15 Now therefore keep thy sorrow 
to thyself, and bear with a good 
courage that which hath befallen thee. 

16 For if thou shalt acknowledg-e 
the determination of God to be just, 
thou shalt both receive thy son in 
time, and shalt be commended among 

17 Go thy way then into the city 
to thine husband. 

18 And she said unto me, That 
will I not do : I will not go into the 
city, but here will I die. 

19 So I proceeded to speak further 
unto her, and said, 

20 Do not so, but be counselled 
by me : for how many are the adver- 
sities of Sion ? be comforted in regard 
of the sorrow of Jerusalem. 

21 For thou seest that our sanc- 
tuary is laid waste, our altar broken 
down, our temple destroyed ; 

22 Our psaltery is laid on the 
ground, our song is put to silence, 

7. all bea'z'iness.'] In the best texts, the 
word " all " is made to belong to what goes 
before : mater nostra omnium = " the mother 
of us all." Churton aptly compares Gal. v. 26, 
"Jerusalem which is above . . . which is the 
mother of us all." 

8. sad . . . in heaviness.'] The word is the 
same in both places in the Latin : contristari. 

10. is utterly rooted out.] For the exter- 
minium fit of the Vulgate the best MSS. have 
in = " and the multitude of them come 
to be rooted out ; " and so it stands in a 
quotation of this passage found in Ambrose, 
'De excessu Satyri,' i. 2. Exterminium is a 
word occurring some eight or ten times in 
the Vulgate of the Apocrypha, but not in 
that of the canonical books. 

13. It is not easy to see what text the 
English translator had before him in this 
verse. If we follow Fritzsche's reading, the 
sense will be : " But the earth (is) after 
the way of the earth ; and the multitude 
present in it hath departed in the way that it 

came." For to iv avrrj irapov the Greek may 
have been to del, Sec. = the multitude for 
the time being, each successive growth of 

14. Then say I.] Rather, " And I say." 

16. In this verse the A. V. follows the best 
reading, as it is in Ambrose, ubi sup., and not 
the Vulgate, which is quite different. The 
words "acknowledge to be just" will serve 
to explain the "justify " of Luke vii. 35. 

19. proceeded.] Lat. apposui, a very literal 
rendering of the Greek Trpoa-iOrjKa (Hilgenf.), 
or, more probably, irpoa-edefiTjv, as in Luke 
XX. 12. 

21. sanctuary.] The same Latin word, 
sanctificatio, would seem to have been used to 
render dyiao-^o? and dyiaa-pa. See above, 
vii. 38. Here we might have expected 
sacrarium. It will be noticed how inappro- 
priate this language is to the historical Ezra. 
Comp. iii. i. 

22. our children.] The Latin Hberi nostri is 



[v. 2334. 

our rejoicing is at an end, the light of 
our candlestick is put out, the ark of 
our covenant is spoiled, our holy 
things are defiled, and the name that 
is called upon us is almost profaned : 
our children are put to shame, our 
priests are burnt, our Levites are 
gone into captivity, our virgins are 
defiled, and our w^ives ravished ; our 
righteous men carried avi^ay, our little 
ones destroyed, our young men are 
brought in bondage, and our strong 
men are become weak ; 

23 And, which is the greatest of 
all, the seal of Sion hath now lost her 
honour ; for she is delivered into the 
hands of them that hate us. 

24 And therefore shake off thy 
great heaviness, and put away the 
multitude of sorrows, that the Mighty 
may be merciful unto thee again, 
and the Highest shall give thee rest 
and ease from thy labour. 

25 And it came to pass, while I 
was talking with her, behold, her 
face upon a sudden shined exceed- 
ingly, and her countenance glistered, 
so that I was afraid of her, and mused 
what it might be. 

26 And, behold, suddenly she made 
a great cry very fearful : so that the 
earth shook at the noise of the woman. 

27 And I looked, and, behold, the 

woman appeared unto me no more, 
but there was a city builded, and a 
large place shewed itself from the 
foundations : then was I afraid, and 
cried with a loud voice, and said, 

28 Where is ''Uriel the angel, "011.4. i. 
who came unto me at the first ? for 

he hath caused me to fall " into many 11 Or. into 
trances, and mine end is turned into ^^d7ina 
corruption, and my prayer to rebuke. ^'''^*- 

29 And as I was speaking these 
words, behold, he came unto me, and 
looked upon me. 

30 And, lo, I lay as one that had 
been dead, and mine understanding 
was taken from me : and he took me 
by the right hand, and comforted me, 
and set me upon my feet, and said 
unto me, 

3 1 What aileth thee ? and why 
art thou so disquieted ? and why is 
thine understanding troubled, and 
the thoughts of thine heart ? 

32 And I said. Because thou hast 
forsaken me, and yet I did according 

to thy '^ words, and I went into the *ch. 5. 20. 
field, and, lo, I have seen, and yet 
see, that I am not able to express. 

33 And he said unto me. Stand 
up manfully, and I will advise thee. 

34 Then said I, Speak on, my 
lord, in me 3 only forsake me not, 
lest I die frustrate of my hope. 

ambiguous, as it may mean either " our 
children" or "our free men." The Arabic 
supports the latter, luure freien Edeln; but in 
the passage of Ambrose before-quoted it is 
juvenes. It is difficult to see what Greek 
word can have been taken so variously. Ol 
(\fvdfpoi Tjixuv (Hilgenfeld) could not. Per- 
haps a confusion of ol evyeve'is with oi eKyovoi. 
may account for it. 

23. hath noqx) lost^h'c.'] Rather, "and, 
what is more than all, the seal of Sion, now 
that^ she hath resigned her glory, is delivered 
up," &c. The Latin of this verse bears plain 
marks of Greek idiom. For the seal, or 
signet-ring, as the emblem of authoritv, comp. 
Esth. iii. 10, " And the king took his ring 
from his hand, and gave it unto Haman,"<Scc., 
and the passages there quoted in the margin. 

27. from the foundations.'] Rather, " and 
a place was shewed me of large foundations." 

28. into many trances.'] The marginal 
reading is the more literal. Lat. I'enire in 
multitudinem (Vulg. -ine^ in excessu mentis 
hujus. For in excessu the reading should 
probably be in excessus = els to ttXtjOos rfjs 
(KCTTdcreas k. t. X., " into so many ecstasies of 
this my mind." The Arabic reads : " was 
liess er mich in diesen grossen Geistes- 
schrecken kommen ? " 

29. Ae came.] The best MSS. have, more 
fully, " behold there came to me the angel 
who had come to me at the first." 

30. luas taken from me.] Lat. aJiet^atus 
est. Comp. Dan. iv. 16: "Let his heart be 
changed from man's." 

33. manfully.] Rather, "like a man." 
Lat. sta ut vir. Comp. vi. 13. 

34. in me.] The English Version seems to 
combine two readings of the Latin : loquere, 
domine meus, tu in me; noli, etc. (Vulg.), and 

V. 3552.] 



I Or, 

35 For I have seen that I knew 
not, and hear that I do not know. 

36 Or is my sense deceived, or 
my soul in a dream ? 

37 Now therefore I beseech thee 
that thou wilt shew thy servant of 
this "vision. 

38 He answered me then, and 
said, Hear me, and I shall inform 
thee, and tell thee wherefore thou 
art afraid : for the Highest will reveal 
many secret things unto thee. 

I0r,/r- 29 He hath seen that thy "way is 
right : for that thou sorrowest con- 
tinually for thy people, and makest 
great lamentation for Sion. 

40 This therefore is the meaning 
of the vision which thou lately 
sawest : 

41 Thou sawest a woman mourn- 
ing, and thou begannest to comfort 
her : 

42 But now seest thou the like- 
ness of the woman no more, but 
there appeared unto thee a city 

43 And whereas she told thee of 
the death of her son, this is the 

^OT,{nter- "solution : 


44 1 his woman, whom thou saw- 
est, is Sion : and whereas she said 
unto thee, even she whom thou seest 
as a city builded. 

45 Whereas, / say^ she said unto 
thee, that she hath been thirty years 
barren : those are the thirty years 
wherein there was no offering made 
in her. 

46 But after thirty years Solomon 
builded the city, and offered offerings : 
and then bare the barren a son. 

47 And whereas she told thee that 
she nourished him with labour ; that 
was the dwelling in Jerusalem. 

48 But whereas she said unto thee. 
That my son coming into his marri- 
age chamber happened to have a fall, 
and died : this was the destruction 
that came to Jerusalem. 

49 And, behold, thou sawest her 
likeness, and because she mourned 
for her son, thou begannest to comfort 
her : and of these thino-s which have 
chanced, these are to be opened unto 

50 For now the most High seeth 
that thou art grieved unfeignedly, 
and sufferest from thy whole heart 
for her, so hath he shewed thee the 
brightness of her glory, and the come- 
liness of her beauty ; 

51 And therefore I bade thee re- 
main in the field where no house 
was builded: 

52 For I knew that the Highest 
would shew this unto thee. 

loquere, domine mens; tantum me noli, etc., 
which has the better authority. 

37. 'vision.'] Rather, *' ecstasy," or 
" trance ; " Lat excessus, the same word as 
in "v. 28. 

39. luay.'] Lat. 'viam. The marginal varia- 
tion seems uncalled for. 

44. and 'whereas she said unto thee.] This 
clause should probably be left out, as in the 
Oriental versions. The sentence would then 
run : " This woman whom thou sawest is 
Sion, whom thou now beholdest as a builded 
city. And whereas she said unto thee that 
she hath been," <Scc. {y. 45). 

45. those are the thirty years.] Rather, "it 
is because there are," & c. I nstead of " thirty," 
the reading of the Vulgate, two of the best 
MSS. have " three," while the Oriental ver- 
sions have " three thousand." The variation 
might easily arise, either by supposing ,y mis- 

taken for y , or scula triginta for anni triginta. 
There would also be a natural tendency to 
make the number harmonize with the thirty 
years of the woman's life. Hilgenfeld enters 
into several computations to account for the 
exact 3000. From the Creation to the Flood 
were reckoned 1656 years; from the Flood to 
the Call of Abraham, 365 ; for the Captivity 
in Egypt, 430 or 400 ; thence to the Building 
of the Temple, 592 ; making in all 3043 or 
3013 years; to which 3000 is sufficient 

46. the city.] We might have expected 
" the temple ; " but to the writer's mind the 
two would be almost identical. Or rather, 
the importance of the building of the Temple 
would make it overshadow and include the 

48. That my son.] Omit " That ; " and for 
" happened to have a fall, and died," read 
" had died, and calamity had befallen him." 



[v. 536' 

53 Therefore I commanded thee 
to go into the field, where no found- 
ation of any building was. 

54 For in the place wherein the 
Highest beginneth to shew his city, 
there can no man's building be able 
to stand. 

55 And therefore fear not, let not 
thine heart be affrighted, but go thy 
way in, and see the beauty and great- 
ness of the building, as much as thine 
eyes be able to see : 

56 And then shalt thou hear as 
much as thine ears may compre- 

57 For thou art blessed above 
Wr, art many other, and "art called with the 
wii^'^-cf Highest ; and so are but few. 

58 But to morrow at night thou 
shalt remain here ; 

59 And so shall the Highest shew 
IaiJi'I'"' thee visions of the "high things, which 

the most High will do unto them 
that dwell upon earth in the last days. 
So I slept that night and another, like 
as he commanded me. 


I I/e sceth in his dream an eagle coming on' 0/ 
the sea, 37 and a lion out ojf a wood talking 
to the eagle, 

THEN saw I a dream, and, be- 
hold, there came up from the 
sea an eagle, which had twelve 
feathered wings, and three heads. 

2 And I saw, and, behold, she 
spread her wings over all the earth, 
and all the winds of the air blew on 
her, and were gathered together. 

3 And I beheld, and out of her 
feathers there grew other contrary 
feathers ; and they became little 
feathers and small. 

4 But her heads were at rest : the 
head in the midst was greater than 

the other, yet rested " it with the " Lat. ike. 

5 Moreover I beheld, and, lo, the 
eagle flew with her feathers, and 
reigned upon earth, and over them 
that dwelt therein. 

6 And I saw that all things under 
heaven were subject unto her, and 

54. For in, 'b'c7\ Rather, "For neither 
could any work of man's building endure, in 
the place where the city of the Most High 
was beginning to be shewed." 

56. Comp.Tobitxiii. 16-18 and iCor. ii. 9. 

57. called qvlth.'] Lat. "vocatus es apitd. 
This may be interpreted as in the margin, or 
perhaps in the sense of " thy name is known 
in the presence of." The Arabic is simpler : 
" und beim Hochsten genannt wie eins der 

59. high things.'] Lat. snpremorum. One 
MS. has summonan, and another somniorum, 
whence Volkmar would read per visiones 
somniorum. But the Arabic, in Ewald's ver- 
sion, agrees with the English. 

So I slept.'] In the Latin this is counted 
as V. 60. In MS. A. it is given more fullv 
than in the rest : " So I slept that night and 
another, as he commanded me. And it came 
to pass on the second night and another, as 
he had said unto me, that I saw a dream," 
&c. (xi. i). 

Fifth Vision (ch. xi. i ch. xii. 39). 
1. from the sea.] As in Dan. vii. 3 ; Rev. 

xiii. I. For the general interpretation of this 
vision, see the Appendix at the end. 

feathered ivitigs.] L,at.alxpennarum. The 
addition of pennarum, as Volkmar thinks, is 
either to distinguish the wings from the wings 
of an army (surely unneeded, in case of an 
eagle), or is a mere poetical ornament. 

2. and ^vere gathered together.] The 
Oriental versions have " and the clouds were 
gathered together to her." So the Arabic : 
" und die Wolken sich um ihn sammelten." 

3. there grew.] Rather, " were growing." 
In the expression "contrary feathers," contrari^e 
pennce, it seems doubtful whether any stress is 
to be laid on the epithet contraricc. Volkmar 
thinks that the original was di/r/Trrepa, formed 
like avTiTrerpa, to express " wing-like " 
growi;hs, which came to be Trrepvyia, " little 
wings," or pinions. This view is supported 
by the fact that the numbers were ditferent, 
being not one for each, but eight as against 
twelve ("v. 11). 

4. yet rested it.] The marginal reading, 
" she," is due to the feminine form, ipsa, being 
used in the Latin. The gender is to be ac- 
counted for by the influence of the Greek 
word (KfcfyaXrj). 

V. 723-] 



no man spake against her, no, not 
one creature upon earth. 

7 And I beheld, and, lo, the 
eagle rose upon her talons, and spake 
to her feathers, saying, 

8 Watch not all at once : sleep 
every one in his own place, and 
watch by course : 

9 But let the heads be preserved 
for the last. 

10 And I beheld, and, lo, the voice 
went not out of her heads, but from 
the midst of her body. 

1 1 And I numbered her contrary 
feathers, and, behold, there were 
eight of them. 

12 And I looked, and, behold, on 
the right side there arose one feather, 
and reigned over all the earth ; 

13 And so it was, that when it 
reigned, the end of it came, and the 
place thereof appeared no more : so 
the next following stood up, and 
reigned, and had a great time ; 

14 And it happened, that when it 
reigned, the end of it came also, like 
as the first, so that it appeared no 

15 Then came there a voice unto 
it, and said, 

16 Hear thou that hast borne rule 
over the earth so long : this I say 
unto thee, before thou beginnest to 
appear no more, 

17 There shall none after thee 
attain unto thy time, neither unto the 
half thereof. 

18 Then arose the third, and 
reigned as the other before, and ap- 
peared no more also. 

19 So went it with all the residue 
one after another, as that every 
one reigned, and then appeared no 

20 Then I beheld, and, lo, in 
process of time the feathers that fol- 
lowed stood up upon the right side, 
that they might rule also ; and some 
of them ruled, but within a while 
they appeared no more : 

21 For some of them were set up, 
but ruled not. 

22 After this I looked, and, be- 
hold, the twelve feathers appeared no 
more, nor the two little feathers : 

23 And there was no more upon 

7. spakeP^ Rather, " cried," or " uttered 
a cry ; " Lat. m'tsit 'vocem = a^r\Ke (fjavrji/. 

9. preserved Jhr the last?^ Rather, "kept 
to the last," i.e. have their turn last. So the 
Aiabic : " die Haupter aber sollen zulezt 

10. Jiot out of her heads.'] Explained be- 
low, xii. 17. 

13. had a great time?] Rather, "held 
sway for a long time." 

14. And it happened.'] The fondness of 
the English translator for changing his mode 
of expression has been noticed before. The 
"and so it was" of v. 13, and the present 
phrase, are both renderings of the common 
et factum est = kuI eyevero, " and it came to 

17. attain u?2to thy time.] Lat. tenebit 
tempus tuum = " hold sway for thy time ; " 
i.e. for so long a time as thou. Comp. 
"o. 13, and xii. 15. 

19. residue?^ Vulg. aliis^ which may have 
been easily altered from alls, " wings " (the 
reading of T.). 

20. upon the right side.] So in the Latin. 
But in the Arabic, according to Ewald, " upon 
the left side " (zwr linken Seite), which would 
seem to suit the sense better ; as the " fea- 
thers that followed" naturally means the 
" contrary feathers" off. 11. 

<within a nvhile.] Rather, "forthwith," as 
also in v. 26, where the same word statim is 
rendered " shortly." 

21. but ruled not.] I.e. did not retain 
their sovereignty ; Lat. sed non tenebant prin- 

22. the tivo.] The use of the article in 
this and the next verse is somewhat confusing. 
The twelve wings had disappeared, and two 
of the eight smaller. Nothing remained but 
the three heads, and six of the eight smaller 

That the twelve wings should here be 
called " feathers " is not the fault of the A. V. ; 
the word being pennx in the Latin, as also in 
V. 5, where we should have expected " wings." 
This use of the two synonymously contributes 
to prove that no difference, beyond that of 
size, is meant to be understood between the 
" wings " and " contrary feathers." 


11. ESDRAS. XI. 

[v. 2439. 

the eagle's body, but three heads that 
rested, and six little wings. 

24 Then saw I also that two little 
feathers divided themselves from the 
six, and remained under the head 
that was upon the right side : for the 
four continued in their place. 

25 And I beheld, and, lo, the 
feathers that were under the wing 
thought to set up themselves, and to 
have the rule. 

26 And I beheld, and, lo, there 
was one set up, but shortly it appeared 
no more. 

27 And the second was sooner 
away than the first. 

28 And I beheld, and, lo, the 
two that remained thought also in 
themselves to reign : 

29 And when they so thought, 
behold, there awaked one of the 
heads that were at rest, namely, it 
that was in the midst ; for that was 
greater than the two other heads. 

30 And then I saw that the two 
other heads were joined with it. 

31 And, behold, the head was 
turned with them that were with it, 
and did eat up the two feathers under 
the wing that would have reigned. 

32 But this head put the whole 
earth in fear, and bare rule in it over 
all those that dwelt upon the earth 
with much oppression ; and it had 
the governance of the world more 
than all the wings that had been. 

33 And after this I beheld, and, 
lo, the head that was in the midst 
suddenly appeared no more, like as 
the wings. 

34 But there remained the two 
heads, which also in like sort ruled 
upon the earth, and over those that 
dwelt therein. 

35 And I beheld, and, lo, the head 
upon the right side devoured it that 
was upon the left side. 

36 Then I heard a voice, which 
said unto me. Look before thee, and 
consider the thing that thou seest. 

37 And I beheld, and lo as it 
were a roaring lion chased out of the 
wood : and I saw that he sent out a 
man's voice unto the eagle, and said, 

38 Hear thou, I will talk with 
thee, and the Highest shall say unto 

39 Art not thou it that remainest 
of the four beasts, whom I made to 
reign in my world, that the end 

23. three heads?^ Rather, " the three 
heads." The Vulgate has duo, which may 
be explained by supposing, with Volkmar, 
that there should be a stop after it: " There 
was no more . . . but two (things); the 
heads that were resting, and six little 

25. the feathers that luere under the 
iw^.] In Lat. siibalares only, understand- 
ing penna: or pennacul^ : a feminine form 
pennaculiE being used in v. 24, though the 
usual neuter ioxm. pennacula appears in v. 23. 
These are the four that remain, after taking 
away the two in -y. 22 and the two in v. 24. 
The expression " under the wings " is illus- 
trated by xii. 19. 

27. nvas sooner aivaj/.l Rather, "disap- 
peared more swiftly ; " Lat. velocius . . . non 

29. when they so thought.'] Lat. in eo cum 
cogitarent, " at the very time of their thinking." 

30. the tnvo other heads, (ij'c] The Vulg. 
has quoniam compkta sunt duo capita secum; 

but the translator appears to have read com- 
plexa, which is found in the best MSS., taking 
it passively. Reading est (from S.) for sunt, 
we may render : " And then I saw how 
{(luomodo^ it joined the (other) two heads 
with it ; " i.e. took them as associates. The 
gender of complexa, with subject caput, is 
accounted for by remembering that the word 
in Greek would be feminine. 

31. the two feathers under the nving.] Lat. 
duas subalares ; i.e. the two under-wings 
mentioned mv. 28. 

32. in it.l These words are out of place, 
owing to the insertion of " the earth " (on 
which see Bensly, p. 21). Read: "bare rule 
over all those that dwell in it." 

it had.] Rather, " it held," or " gained." 

37. chased.] Lat. concitatus, " rushing." 
So the Arabic: " sich hervorstiirzte." 

a7id I saiv.] Yu\g. et -vidi. The reading 
of A. is et audivi, "and I heard." See 
Bensly, p. 27. 

39. the four beasts.] Comp. xii, 11. 

V. 40 4-] 



of their times might come through 
them ? 

40 And the fourth came, and 
overcame all the beasts that were 
past, and had power over the world 
with great fearfulness, and over the 
whole compass of the earth with 
much wicked oppression ; and so 
long time dwelt he upon the earth 
with deceit. 

41 For the earth hast thou not 
judged with truth. 

42 For thou hast afflicted the 
meek, thou hast hurt the peaceable, 
thou hast loved liars, and destroyed 
the dwellings of them that brought 
forth fruit, and hast cast down the 
walls of such as did thee no harm. 

43 Therefore is thy wrongful 
dealing come up unto the Highest, 
and thy pride unto the Mighty. 

44 The Highest also hath looked 
upon the proud times, and, behold, 
they are ended, and his abominations 
are fulfilled. 

45 And therefore appear no more, 
thou eagle, nor thy horrible wings, 
nor thy wicked feathers, nor thy 
malicious heads, nor thy hurtful 
claws, nor all thy vain body : 

46 That all the earth may be 

refreshed, and may return, being de- 
livered from thy violence, and that 
she may hope for the judgment and 
mercy of him that made her. 


3 The eagle, which he smv, is destroyed. 10 
The vision is interpreted. 37 He is bid to 
write his visions, 39 and to fast, that he 
may see more. 46 He doth comfort those 
that were grieved for his absence. 

AND it came to pass, whiles the 
lion spake these words unto 
the eagle, I saw, 

2 And, behold, the head that re- 
mained and the four wings appeared 
no more, and the two went unto it, 
and set themselves up to reign, and 
their kingdom was small, and full of 

3 And I saw, and, behold, they 
appeared no more, and the whole 
body of the eagle was burnt, so that 
the earth was in great fear : then 
awaked I out of the trouble and 
trance of my mind, and from great 
fear, and said unto my spirit, 

4 Lo, this hast thou done unto 
me, in that thou searchest out the 
ways of the Highest. 

their times.'] Rather, "the times," omitting 
eorum, on the authority of the versions. 

40. had poiver over.'] Rather, " held the 
world in sway." Comp. Dan. vii. 7. 

41. More literally, " and hast judged the 
earth not with truth." So in Gildemeister's 
version : et terram sine justitia rexisti. The 
second person is here resumed in the address 
to the eagle, after the retrospective parenthesis 
in "J. 40. 

42. that brought forth fruit.] Lat. qui 
fructificabant. The readings are so various 
throughout this verse, that it is difficult to 
arrive at any certainty as to the text. Fritzsche 
concludes, both from the principle of parallel- 
ism and from the evidence of the versions, 
that there is one clause wanting; and so, 
after "the peaceable," he inserts "and hast 
hated the righteous." With regard to the 
precise meaning of qui fructificabant, Volk- 
mar's assumption that it = tuiv reXeacpupcoty, 
" them that paid tribute," is plausible. But 
the versions rather point to "the just." 

The Arabic is rendered by der Unschuldigen, 
" the inoffensive." 

44. the proud times.] It seems very prob- 
able that the super ba of the Vulgate is a 
misreading oi sua. Van der Vlis conjectured 
superiora ; but sua agrees with the versions. 
The Arabic has " und der Hochste blickte 
auf seine Zeiten." 


2. The Vulgate reading is here plainly 
corrupt. Fritzsche adopts the emendation of 
Van der Vlis, which is supported by MS. A. 
The sense will then be : " And behold, the 
head that had remained appeared no more; 
and the two wings that went unto it set 
themselves up to reign," Sec. The head is 
that mentioned in xi. 35, and the two wings 
those mentioned in xi. 24. 

4. done unto me.] Perhaps rather, "be- 
stowed upon me." 



[v. 521. 


5 Lo, yet am I weary in my mind, 
and very weak in my spirit ; and 
little strength is there in me, for the 
great fear wherewith I was affrighted 
this night. 

6 Therefore will I now beseech 
the Highest, that he will comfort me 
unto the end. 

7 And I said, Lord that bearest 
rule, if I have found grace before thy 
sight, and if I am justified with thee 
before many others, and if my prayer 
indeed be come up before thy face ; 

8 Comfort me then, and shew me 
thy servant the interpretation and 
plain difference of this fearful vision, 
that thou mayest perfectly comfort 
my soul. 

9 For thou hast judged me worthy 
to shew me the last times. 

10 And he said unto me. This is 
the interpretation of the vision : 

1 1 The eagle, whom thou sawest 
come up from the sea, is the kingdom 

Dan. 7. which was seen in the "^vision of thy 
brother Daniel. 

12 But it was not expounded unto 
him, therefore now I declare it unto 

13 Behold, the days will come. 

that there shall rise up a kingdom 
upon earth, and it shall be feared 
above all the kingdoms that were 
before it. 

14 In the same shall twelve kings 
reign, one after another : 

15 Whereof the second shall begin 
to reign, and shall have more time 
than any of the twelve. 

16 And this do the twelve wings 
signify, which thou sawest. 

17 As for the voice which thou 
heardest speak, and that thou sawest 
not to go out from the heads, but 
from the midst of the body thereof, 
this is the interpretation : 

18 That after the time of that 
kingdom there shall arise great stri- 
vings, and it shall stand in peril of 
falling : nevertheless it shall not then 
fall, but shall be restored again to his 

19 And whereas thou sawest the 
eight small under feathers sticking to 
her wings, this is the interpretation : 

20 That in him there shall arise 
eight kings, whose times shall be but 
small, and their years swift. 

21 And two of them shall perish, 
the middle time approaching : four 

5. little:] Rather, " not even a little ;" Lat. 
nee modica, plainly representing ouSe jj-iKpcl. 

7. am justified?^ Or rather, perhaps, 
" deemed worthy," if we assume t]^iu>6t]v, and 
not ediKaLcodrjv, to have been the original word. 
The Latin is justificatus sum, while the Arab, 
and Aeth. both have " blessed." 

8. plain difference?^ Lat. distinctione>n, the 
distinguishing or discernment of the vision. 
The word " comfort," twice used in this 
verse, represents two different Latin words, 
(i ) = "strengthen," (2) = "console." 

11. the kingdom.l The Oriental versions 
read " the fourth kingdom," and this is sup- 
ported by MS. A. (Bensly, p. 30). The re- 
ference is to Dan. vii. 7. 

12. therefore?^ Rather, " as I now," &c. ; 
the version in the text rendering neither the 
quoniam of the Vulgate, nor the better reading 

13. it shall be feared?^ The Vulgate has 
t erit timor acrior. Volkmar's conjecture of 
timoratior =" more feared," in place of the 
last two words, is confirmed by the reading 

timoratio found in A. (Bensly, p. 61). The 
succeeding genitive would be explained by the 
influence of the Greek idiom. The rendering 
in the text seems almost to anticipate this 

14. In the same, is-'c-l Rather, " And there 
shall reign in it." 

15. Whereof r\ The Lat. is nam, a rendering 
of hi (according to Hilgenfeld), as in iv. 34, 
Read : " and the second," &c. 

18. after the time.] The Arabic has, ap- 
parently more agreeably to the sense, " in the 
midst of the time," aus der Mitte der Zeitjenes 
Reiches. So at the end, instead of "to his 
beginning," the Arabic has, more suitably, " to 
his former dominion," zu seiner fr'uhern 
Herrschaft. The difference probably -arose, 
as Van der Vlis points out, from the double 
meaning of which els rfjv apxr]v would be 

19. sticking.] Rather, "attached;" Lat. 
cohierentes. Comp. xi. 3, 11. 

20. in him.] Rather, " in it," referring to 
the "kingdom" oiv. 18. 

V. 22- 




shall be kept until their end begin 
to approach : but two shall be kept 
unto the end. 

22 And whereas thou sawest three 
heads resting, this is the interpreta- 
tion : 

23 In his last days shall the most 
High raise up three kingdoms, and 
renew many things therein, and they 
shall have the dominion of the earth, 

24 And of those that dwell there- 
in, with much oppression, above all 
those that were before them : there- 
fore are they called the heads of the 

25 For these are they that shall 
accomplish his wickedness, and that 
shall finish his last end. 

26 And whereas thou sawest that 
the great head appeared no more, it 
signifieth that one of them shall die 
upon his bed, and yet with pain. 

27 For the two that remain shall 
be slain with the sword. 

28 For the sword of the one shall 
devour the other : but at the last 
shall he fall through the sword him- 

29 And whereas thou sawest two 
feathers under the wings passing 

over the head that is on the right 
side ; 

30 It signifieth that these are they, 
whom the Highest hath kept unto 
their end : this is the small kingdom 
and full of trouble, as thou sawest. 

31 And the lion, whom thou saw- 
est rising up out of the wood, and 
roaring, and speaking to the eagle, 
and rebuking her for her unrighteous- 
ness with all the words which thou 
hast heard ; 

32 This is the "anointed, which the "Lat. 
Highest hath kept for them and for 7J!r2i'^' 
their wickedness unto the end : he 

shall reprove them, and shall upbraid 
them with their cruelty. 

33 For he shall set them before 
him alive in judgment, and shall re- 
buke them, and correct them. 

34 For the rest of my people shall 
he deliver with mercy, those that 
have been preserved upon my borders, 
and he shall make them joyful until 
the coming of the day of judgment, 
whereof I have spoken unto thee 
from the beo-inninQ-. 

35 This is the dream that thou 
sawest, and these are the interpreta- 

21. until their end, iD'c.l The Latin has : 
cum incipiet appropinquare tempus ejus ut 
fi7iiatur, " when the time for it {i.e. the king- 
dom) to be ended shall begin to approach." 
The English translator has anticipated Van 
der Vlis"s alteration of ejus to eorum. 

23. In his last days.'] The use of the pro- 
nouns here, as in -w. 21 and 25, is confusing. 
In the Latin it is: in novissimis ejus suscitabit 
Altissimus tria regna, et re'vocabit {al. reno- 
'vabit') in ea niulta. The ea refers to " king- 
dom " (the word being feminine in the Greek), 
and the preceding ejus therefore to the same. 
Following the versions in reading ires reges 
for tria regna, the passage would run : '' in the 
last days of it (the kingdom) shall the Most 
High raise up three kings, and they shall 
renew," (5cc. 

25. accomplish.'] Lat. recapitulabunt, plainly 
meant to render dvaKecpakacuxrovcn, " shall put 
the coping-stone upon," " shall consummate." 

his wickedness.'] In modern English " his" 
would be " its," referring to the eagle. But 
as in xi. 2 j^^. the eagle was spoken of as 
feminine, the change is misleading. 
Apoc Vol. I. 

26. great.] Rather, " greater ;" Lat. majus. 

29. feathers under the nuings^ See notes 
on xi. 25, 31. 

3L the Hon.] Comp. xi. 37. 

32. the anointed.] The reading of the 
Vulgate, "ventus for unctus, on which the mar- 
ginal rendering is based, has less authority 
than the other. In the versions a clause is 
added, " who shall arise from the seed of 
David." Compare the notes on vii. 28, 29. 

upbraid them, (t^c] The text is here un- 
certain. The best MS. has infulcit for in- 
cutiet, and spretiones for discerptiones, with the 
idea of " heaping up before their eyes their 
contempt (of his commandments)." With 
this the Arabic partly agrees : " der ihre 
Raubgeliiste vor die Augen hiiufen wird." 

34. upon my borders^ I.e. the borders of 
the promised land. But the Arabic has 
" upon my holy mountain," as if eVi ruiv 
opi<x)v had been read for Spiav. 

35. these are.] In MS. A. the reading is 
et hiec 'interpret atio ejus, " and this is the in- 
terpretation of it " (Bensly, p. 33). 




[v. 362. 


36 Thou only hast been meet to 
know this secret of the Highest. 

37 Therefore write all these things 
that thou hast seen in a book, and 
hide them : 

38 And teach them to the wise of 
the people, whose hearts thou know- 
est may comprehend and keep these 

39 But wait thou here thyself yet 
seven days more, that it may be 
shewed thee, whatsoever it pleaseth 
the Highest to declare unto thee. 
And with that he went his way. 

40 And it came to pass, when all 
the people saw that the seven days 
were past, and I not come again into 
the city, they gathered them all to- 
gether, from the least unto the great- 
est, and came unto me, and said, 

41 What have we offended thee ? 
and what evil have we done against 
thee, that thou forsakest us, and sit- 
test here in this place ? 

42 For of all the "prophets thou 
only art left us, as a cluster of the 
vintage, and as a candle in a dark 
place, and as a haven or ship pre- 
served from the tempest. 

43 Are not the evils which are 
come to us sufficient ? 

44 If thou shalt forsake us, how 
much better had it been for us, if we 
also had been burned in the midst of 
Sion ? 

45 For we are not better than 
they that died there. And they wept 

with a loud voice. Then answered 
I them, and said, 

46 Be of good comfort, O Israel ; 
and be not heavy, thou house of 
Jacob : 

47 For the Highest hath you in 
remembrance, and the Mighty hath 
not forgotten you in temptation. 

48 As for me, I have not forsaken 
you, neither am I departed from you : 
but am come into this place, to pray 
for the desolation of Sion, and that I 
might seek mercy for the low estate 
of your sanctuary. 

49 And now go your way home 
every man, and after these days will 
I come unto you. 

50 So the people went their way 
into the city, like as I commanded 
them : 

51 But I remained still in the 
field seven days, as the angel com- 
manded me ; and did eat only in 
those days of the flowers of the field, 
and had my meat of the herbs. 


I He seeth in his dream a man coming out of 
the sea. 25 The declaration of his dream. 
54 He is praised, and promised to see more. 

ND it came to pass after seven 
days, I dreamed a dream by 


night : 

2 And, lo, there arose 
from the sea, that it moved all the 'tZ"z^nd, 
waves thereof. 

a wind " '^ certain 
man as 


37. Comp. xiv. 26. The rendering "hide 
them" is inadequate to the Latin, et pone ea 
in loco abscondito, expressing the idea of apo- 
cryphal writings. 

40. Comp. V. 16. For " saw " should be 
read " had heard," the Lat. being audisset. 
The translator would seem to have had tv- 
disset before him. The "seven days" are 
those enjoined in ix. 23. 

42. prophets?^ This is the reading of the 
best MS. The Vulgate ha.s populis, as in the 

a candle.'] Lat. hicerna, " lamp." The 
literal rendering would make the resemblance 
to 2 Pet. i. 19 ("a lamp that shineth in a dark 
place ") more apparent. 

a haven or ship?\ Lat. "portus et navis 
salvata," whence Van der Vlis conjectures est 
navi salvata; : " as a haven is to a ship pre- 
served," &c. 

48. sanctuary.'] See note above on x. 21. 


Sixth Vision (ch. xiii. i ch. xiii. 58). 

2. ^nd, lo.] The want of connection be- 
tween this verse and the next, as they stand 
in the A.V., is apparent. There is nothing in 
the Latin to supply the link, but the Arabic 
has " and I saw that wind drive upwards from 
the depth of the sea one who seemed as a 
man." The other Oriental versions present 


V. 3 1 6.] 



3 And I beheld, and, lo, that man 
'i clouds, waxed strono- with the "thousands of 

heaven : and when he turned his 
countenance to look, all the things 
trembled that were seen under him. 

4 And whensoever the voice went 
out of his mouth, all they burned 
that heard his voice, like as the earth 
faileth when it feeleth the fire. 

5 And after this I beheld, and, lo, 
there was o-athered together a multi- 
tude of men, out of number, from 
the four winds of the heaven, to 
subdue the man that came out of 
the sea. 

6 But I beheld, and, lo, he had 
graved himself a great mountain, and 
flew up upon it. 

7 But I would have seen the region 
or place whereout the hill was graven, 
and 1 could not. 

8 And after this I beheld, and, lo, 
all they which were gathered together 
to subdue him were sore afraid, and 
yet durst fight. 

9 And, lo, as he saw the violence 
of the multitude that came, he neither 
lifted up his hand, nor held sword, nor 
any instrument of war : 

10 But only I saw that he sent 
out of his mouth as it had been a 

blast of fire, and out of his lips a 
flaming breath, and out of his tongue 
he cast out sparks and tempests. 

1 1 And they were all mixed to- 
gether ; the blast of fire, the flaming 
breath, and the great tempest ; and 
fell with violence upon the multitude 
which was prepared to fight, and 
burned them up every one, so that 
upon a sudden of an innumerable 
multitude nothing was to be perceived, 
but only dust and smell of smoke : 
when I saw this I was afraid. 

12 Afterward saw I the same man 
come down from the mountain, and 
call unto him another peaceable mul- 

13 And there came much people 
unto him, whereof some were glad, 
some were sorry, some of them were 
bound, and other some broug-ht "of"J"ns, 

' ^ of the 

them that were offered : then was I thmgs 
sick through great fear, and I awake d,^^^^^f''* 
and said, 

14 Thou hast shewed thy servant 
these wonders from the beginning, 
and hast counted me worthy that thou 
shouldest receive my prayer : 

15 Shew me now yet the inter- 
pretation of this dream. 

1 6 For as I conceive in mine under- 

something similar. The reading in the margin, 
given from Junius, inverts the proper order 
of the words : " a wind in the likeness of a 
man," 'ventus . . . in similitudinem hominis, as 
it is in the Syriac. For the vision, comp. 
Dan. vii. 2. 

3. ivaxed strong.'] hat. convakscedat ; hiit 
as the best MSS. read, just after, mibibus, 
"clouds," instead of millibus, "thousands," it 
is probable that con-volabat, " was flying," is 
the right reading. Comp. Dan. vii. 13. 

4. as the earth faileth.'] Lat. sicut quiescit 
terra. But though the best MSS. agree in 
this, the reading of the Oriental versions 
points to liquescit cera as the right text. So 
the Arabic, in Ewald's rendering : " und es 
schmolzen die seine Stimme horten, wie 
Wachs wenn es Feuer fuhlt." Hence, too, 
Hilgenfeld's conjecture is a probable one, that 
for eraKija-av the Latin translator took e'/cd- 
Tjo-av as the original, and so rendered it 
ardescebant, " burned," instead of " melted." 

6. graved.] Or " hewn :" Dan. ii. 45. 

9. instrument of zvar.] Lat. vas bellicosum. 
So vasa mortis in Ps. vii. 14. 

11. / 'was afraid.] Vulg. extimui. But the 
best MSS. have exstiti = i^ta-r-qv, . " I was 
astonied." Aittr pulvis S. adds cineris. 

13. much people.] This is not an adequate 
rendering oi-vultus hominum midtorum, " faces 
of many people," recalling the upturned coun- 
tenances of the throng. 

of them that ivere offered.] The marginal 
reading looks plausible ; but Churton rightly 
compares Isa. Ixvi. 20, " they shall bring all 
your brethren for an offering unto the Lord." 

then <ivas I sick.] In place of a-grotanji^ 
the best MSS. have ego, so that the rendering 
should probably be: " and through great fear 
I awaked." Comp. xii. 3. 

16-20. The sense of this passage is much 
obscured in the A.V. Reading erunt (with A.) 
for erant, in 1;. 1 7, and leaving out the word 
"behind" in v. 16, which spoils the antithesis, 
we may render what follows : " For they that 
are not left will be in heaviness, understand- 

K 2 



[v. 1733- 


Standing, woe unto them that shall 
be left in those days ! and much 
more woe unto them that are not 
left behind ! 

17 For they that were not left 
were in heaviness. 

18 Now understand I the things 
that are laid up in the latter days, 
which shall happen unto them, and to 
those that are left behind. 

19 Therefore are they come into 
great perils and many necessities, like 
as these dreams declare. 

20 Yet is it easier for him that is 
iOr, this in danger to come into "these things, 

than to pass away as a cloud out of 
the world, and not to see the things 
that happen in the last days. And 
he answered unto me, and said, 

21 The interpretation of the vision 
shall I shew thee, and I will open 
unto thee the thing that thou hast 

22 Whereas thou hast spoken of 
them that are left behind, this is the 
interpretation : 

23 He that shall endure the peril 
in that time hath kept himself: they 
that be fallen into danger are such 
as have works, and faith toward the 

24 Know this therefore, that they 
which be left behind are more blessed 
than they that be dead. 

25 This is the meaning of the 

vision : Whereas thou sawest a man 
coming up from the midst of the 
sea : 

26 The same is he whom God 
the Highest hath kept a great season, 
which by his own self shall deliver 
his creature : and he shall order them 
that are left behind. 

27 And whereas thou sawest, that 
out of his mouth there came as a 
blast of wind, and fire, and storm ; 

28 And that he held neither sword, 
nor any instrument of war, but that 
the rushing in of him destroyed the 
whole multitude that came to subdue 
him ; this is the interpretation : 

29 Behold, the days come, when 
the most High will beg-in to deliver 
them that are upon the earth. 

30 And he shall come to the 
astonishment of them that dwell on 
the earth. 

31 And one shall undertake to 
fight against another, one city against 
another, one place against another, 

*one people against another, and one " Matt. 24. 
realm against another. ^" 

32 And the time shall be when 
these things shall come to pass, and 
the signs shall happen which I shewed 
thee before, and then shall my Son 
be declared, whom thou sawest as a 
man ascending. 

33 And when all the people hear 


IS voice, every 

man shall in their 

ing what things are laid up in the last days, 
and (that) they will not meet with them ; but 
woe also to them that are left, on this account, 
that (lit. for) they will see great perils and 
many straits, as these dreams do shew. Yet 
is it a happier thing to run the risk of coming 
to these things than to pass away as a cloud," 
6<.c. For facilhis, "an easier thing," in nt. 20, 
Hilgenfeld conjectured felicius, " a happier 
thing," as above, which suits the sense better, 
and is supported by the versions. 

23. The sense of this verse also is lost in 
the A. v., partly from a wrong punctuation 
of the Latin. Render: "He that bringeth 
the peril upon them in that time, will himself 
guard such as have fallen into peril : these are 
they that have works and faith towards the 
most Mighty." For the aufert of the Vulgate, 
S. has adferet. 

25. the midst of the sea^ The Lat. de 
corde maris, " from the heart of the sea," 
points to ex. Trjs in the Greek ; an ex- 
pression found in Matt. xii. 40, " the heart of 
the earth." So in iv. 7 above. 

28. rushing i.] Or " onset." 

30. And he shall come?\ Rather, " And 
astonishment shall come ;" the versions point- 
ing to excessus incntis, not in excessu, as the 
true reading. The phrase in excessu mentis 
has occurred before, in v. 33, where it is ren- 
dered " sore troubled in mind." 

32. And the time, (h'c^ Rather, " And it 
shall be, when these things shall come to 
pass . . . then shall my Son," &c. The 
apodosis begins with " then shall," the et of 
the Latin merely representing a Ka\ temporal, 
as often in this book. 

V. 3445-] 



own land leave the battle they have 
one against another. 

34 And an innumerable multitude 
shall be gathered together, as thou 
sawest them, willing to come, and to 
overcome him by fighting. 

35 But he shall stand upon the 
top of the mount Sion. 

36 And Sion shall come, and shall 
be shewed to all men, being prepared 
and builded, like as thou sawest the 
hill graven without hands. 

37 And this my Son shall rebuke 
the wicked inventions of those nations, 
which for their wicked life are fallen 
into the tempest ; 

38 And shall lay before them 
their evil thoughts, and the torments 
wherewith they shall begin to be tor- 
mented, which are like unto a flame : 
and he shall destroy them without la- 
bour by the law which is like unto fire. 

39 And whereas thou sawest that 
he gathered another peaceable multi- 
tude unto him ; 

40 Those are the ten tribes, which 
were carried away prisoners out of 
their own land in the time of Osea 

the kino;, whom '^Salmanasar the kine *2 Kings 
of Assyria led away captive, and he 
carried them over the waters, and so 
came they into another land. 

41 But they took this counsel 
among themselves, that they would 
leave the multitude of the heathen, 
and go forth into a further country, 
where never mankind dwelt, 

42 That they might there keep 
their statutes, which they never kept 
in their own land. 

43 And they entered into Euphra- 
tes by the narrow passages of the 

44 For the most High then shewed 
'^signs for them, and held still the "Exod. 14- 
flood, till they were passed over. jos. 3. 15, 

45 For through that country there '^' 
was a great way to go, namely, of a 
year and a half: and the same region 

is called "Arsareth. ti//;/^"* 

34. luilling.'] I.e. " wishing," or " pur- 
posing." Compare -v. 5 above. 

35. Sion.l Comp. Rev. xiv. i. Hilgenfeld 
quotes the ' Oracula Sibyll.' iii. 663 sgq., de- 
scribing the confederation of the kings of the 
earth against the Temple of God: 'AAXa ivakiv 
^acrtXrjis k.t.\, 

36. being -prepared^ Omit " being." 

37. inventions.'] This word is due to the 
Vulgate reading adinveneriint, for which the 
best MSS. have ad'venerunt. Understanding, 
with Van der Vlis, eorum to refer to gentes 
(the gender being due to the influence of the 
Greek, as above, xi. 4), we may render : " But 
my Son shall himself convict the nations that 
have drawn nigh of their wickednesses, even 
those that have approached the tempest, and 
shall upbraid them face to face with their evil 
devices and the torments wherewith," (Sec. 

38. by the law.'] In 1;. 10 the destroying 
agent was the " blast of fire," and there was 
no mention of any " law." Hence it is pos- 
sible that instead of 6ta t6v vofiov =per legem, 
the original may have been Sia ro dvofxov = 
"through, or owing to, their lawlessness." 
The Arabic somewhat favours this : " durch 
ihre SUnden." 

40. the ten tribes.] See 2 Kings xvii. 3. 
There is a curious variation among the autho- 

rities as to the number here given. In the 
Aeth. it is " nine ;" in the Arabic, " nine and a 
half." In MS. A. it is " viiii," with decern 
written over it(Bensly, p. 33). The omission 
of one from the ten may be due to the 
absence of Dan in the list given in Rev. vii. 
5-8 (on which see Grotius's note). Possibly 
also the peculiar total of nine and a half may 
be connected with the omission of the half- 
tribe of Ephraim from the same list; the 
number twelve being there made up by the 
inclusion of Joseph and Levi. 

onjer the ^waters.] Lat. trans flumen ; i.e. 
the Euphrates. 

43. narro'M passages.] I.e. where the river 
was narrow, or more easily fordable. 

44. held still thejlood.] Lat. statuit venas 
Jiuminis, " stayed the springs of the river," as 
in v. 47. Comp. Isa. xi. 15, 16. The writer's 
aim is to shew that God still interposed on 
behalf of His people, as in the days of Moses 
and Joshua. 

45. Arsareth.] Volkmar gives various sup- 
posed identifications of this region ; but there 
can be little doubt that Dr. Schiller-Szinessy 
is right in taking it to be simply the Hebrew 
for " other land," answering to the terram 
aliam of 1;. 40, and so occurring in Deut. 
xxix. 27. See Bensly, p. 23 n. Josephus 



[v. 46- 

46 Then dwelt they there until 
the latter time ; and now when they 
shall begin to come, 

47 The Highest shall stay the 
springs of the stream again, that they 
may go through : therefore sawest 
thou the multitude with peace. 

48 But those that be left behind 
of thy people are they that are found 
within my borders. 

49 Now when he destroyeth the 
multitude of the nations that are 
gathered together, he shall defend his 
people that remain. 

50 And then shall he shew them 
great wonders. 

51 Then said I, O Lord that 
bearest rule, shew me this : Where- 
fore have I seen the man coming up 
from the midst of the sea ? 

52 And he said unto me. Like as 
thou canst neither seek out nor know 
the things that are in the deep of the 
sea : even so can no man upon earth 
see my Son, or those that be with 
him, but in the day time. 

53 This is the interpretation of 
the dream which thou sawest, and 
whereby thou only art here lightened. 

54 For thou hast forsaken thine 
own way, and applied thy diligence 
unto my law, and sought it. 

55 Thy life hast thou ordered in 
wisdom, and hast called understanding 
thy mother. 

56 And therefore have I shewed 
thee the treasures of the Highest : 
after other three days I will speak 
other things unto thee, and declare 
unto thee mighty and wondrous 

57 Then went I forth into the 
field, giving praise and thanks greatly 
unto the most High because of his 
wonders, which he did in time ; 

58 And because he governeth the 
same, and such things as fall in their 
seasons : and there I sat three days. 


I A voice out of a bush calleth Esdras, 10 and 
telleth him that the world luaxeth old. 22 
He desireth, because the laiu tvas burnt, to 
write all again, 24 and is bid to get swift 
writers. 39 He and they are filled with 
understanding : 45 bnt he is charged not to 
publish all that is written. 

AND it came to pass upon the 
third day, I sat under an oak, 
and, behold, there came a voice out 
of a bush over against me, and said, 
Esdras, Esdras. 

2 And I said, Here am I, Lord. 
And I stood up upon my feet. 

(' Ant.' xi. 5, 2) believed in the existence of 
a land called Arsareth, where numbers of his 
countrymen still dwelt beyond the Euphrates. 
See the art. Captivities of the Jews in the 
' Diet, of the Bible,' p. 277 ^. 

47. the multitude?^ After this, in the Latin, 
the best MSS. have collect am, " gathered to- 
gether." Comp. 1}. 39. 

48. The construction here is somewhat 
doubtful. Hilgenfeld, on the authority of the 
Syriac, inserts " shall be saved," so that the 
verse would run : " yea, they also that be 
left, Sec., shall be saved, even they that are 
found within my holy border." In place of 
the Vulgate factum, it will be observed, Hil- 
genfeld conjectures sanctum to be the reading. 

52. as thou canst?^ The best MSS. have 
potest., not potes : " as one cannot seek out or 
know," &c. Churton aptly compares Ps. Ixxvii. 
19, " Thy way is in the sea, and thy path in 
the great waters, and thy footsteps are not 

i)ut in the day time.'] Rather, " in the time 
of his day," with the versions. " One of the 
days of the Son of man" is an expression 
found in Luke xvii. 22. 

53. whereby.'] Rather, "wherefore," or 
" on account of which." Volkmar would read 
the clause interrogatively, thus: "And where- 
fore hast thou alone been enlightened in this?" 
The best MSS. have hac for hie The answer 
would then be given in the following verse. 

55. Churton compares Prov. vii. 4, "Say 
unto wisdom, Thou art my sister ; and call 
understanding thy kinswoman." 

56. the treasures.'] The Vulgate has ostendi 
tibi merces, but probably the true reading is 
qute merces, " have I shewed thee what reward 
there is wath the Highest." 

mighty.] Rather, " weighty ;" Lat. gravia. 

57. in time.] Lat. per tempus ; perhaps 
meant to represent /carer Kaipov, " in season." 
Instead of ipsum, rendered "the same," the 
best MSS. have tempera, " the seasons." 

V. 3 1 6.] 



"Exod. 3. 2 Then said he unto me, '^In the 
bush I did manifestly reveal myself 
unto Moses, and talked with him, 
when my people served in Egypt : 

4 And I sent him, and led my 
people out of Egypt, and brought 
him up to the mount of Sinai, where 
I held him by me a long season, 

5 And told him many wondrous 
things, and shewed him the secrets 
of the times, and the end ; and com- 
manded him, saying, 

6 These words shalt thou declare, 
and these shalt thou hide. 

7 And now I say unto thee, 

8 That thou lay up in thy heart 
the signs that I have shewed, and 
the dreams that thou hast seen, and 
the interpretations which thou hast 
heard : 

9 For thou shalt be taken away 
from all, and from henceforth thou 

shalt remain with my "Son, and with 0r, 
such as be like thee, until the times ^'"""''^" 
be ended. 

10 For the world hath lost his 
youth, and the times begin to wax old. 

11 For the world is divided into 
twelve parts, and the ten parts of it 
are gone already, and half of a tenth 
part : 

12 And there remaineth that which 
is after the half of the tenth part. 

13 Now therefore set thine house 
in order, and reprove thy people, 
comfort such of them as be in trouble, 
and now renounce corruption, 

14 Let go from thee mortal 
thoughts, cast away the burdens of 
man, put off now the weak nature, 

15 And set aside the thoughts that 
are most heavy unto thee, and haste 
thee to flee from these times. 

16 For ^yet greater evils than s.' ^ '^^ 


Epilogue, or Seventh Vision 
(ch. xiv. 1-47). , 

3. manifestly reveal.'] This strengthened 
form of expression is used to represent the 
rcvelans revelatus sum of the Latin, a 
Hebrew idiom often found in this book. 

9. thou shalt be taken aivay from all.] 
Vulg. recipieris ab omnibus. In the quota- 
tion of the passage made by Ambrose, ' De 
bono Mortis,' c. xi., the reading is ab 
hominibus, and so in the versions. For " re- 
ceived up" in this sense, comp. Mark xvi. 19. 
The Arabic has " aus den Menschen aufge- 
nommen werden." 

ivith my Son^ The Vulgate has cum con~ 
silio, whence the rendering in the margin ; but 
the best MSS. cum flio, " with my Son." It 
is evident that cum flio might easily be mis- 
taken for consilio. Hilgenfeld draws from 
this and other passages a proof of the Jewish 
belief in the pre-existence of Messiah, who, 
before his manifestation to the world, had as 
companions those who had not tasted death, 
Enoch, Elias, and (as now foretold) Ezra. 

11. tivelve parts.] According to Hilgen- 
feld, these parts, or periods, of the world's 
great aeon are weeks of jubilees, or 7 x 49 
= 343 years. Taking the year of the world 
3000 as that in which the author of this book 
would place the building of the Temple (x. 46), 
and adding 470 years for the time it stood 
(according to Josephus's computation), and 

30 years from the beginning of the Captivity, 
we get 3500 as the year of these Visions of 
Ezra. Ten and a part of the cycles of 343 
years would then have been completed, but 
not ten and a half exactly, which would 
bring us to the year of the world 3601. 
This want of agreement is not very satisfac- 
tory. On the other hand, if we start with 
the year B.C. 588 given by Usher as the date 
of the destruction of the Temple, the 30th 
year of the Captivity would be 558. One 
and a half parts from this, or 514J years, 
would place the expected end of the world 
about B.C. 23, or near the date at which 
Hilgenfeld is inclined to place the pseudo- 

The reading decimam, for the Vulgate 
decima, is explained by the decima jam found 
in A. (see Bensly, p. 29). 

13. such of them as be in trouble^ The 
Latin is simply humiles eorum, " their lowly 
ones." Comp. Matt. v. 3. 

14. the burdens of man^ I.e. all belonging 
to his bodily or corruptible nature. Comp. 
2 Cor. V. 4 : " For we that are in this taber- 
nacle do groan, being burdened." From this 
point to t;. 20 the numbering of the verses in 
the A. V. does not agree with that in the 

15. to flee from.] Rather, "to remove 
from," as an emigrant ; Lat. transmigrare. 

16. greater.] Rather, " worse ; " Lat. de- 



[v. 1731. 

those which thou hast seen happen 
shall be done hereafter. 

17 For look how much the world 
shall be weaker throuirh aire, so much 
the more shall evils increase upon 
them that dwell therein. 

18 For the truth is fled far away, 
and leasino; is hard at hand : for now 
hasteth the vision to come, which 
thou hast seen. 

19 Then answered I before thee, 
and said, 

20 Behold, Lord, I will go, as 
thou hast commanded me, and re- 
prove the people which are present : 
but they that shall be born afterward, 
who shall admonish them ? thus the 
world is set in darkness, and they that 
dwell therein are without light. 

21 For thy law is burnt, therefore 
no man knoweth the things that are 
done of thee, or the works that shall 

22 But if I have found grace be- 
fore thee, send the Holy Ghost into 
me, and I shall write all that hath 
been done in the world since the 
beginning, which were written in 
thy law, that men may find thy 
path, and that they which will live 
in the latter days may live. 

23 And he answered me, saying, 
Go thy way, gather the people to- 
gether, and say unto them, that they 
seek thee not for forty days. 

24 But look thou prepare thee 
many "box trees, and take with thee Wr.iox 
Sarea, Dabria, Selemia, "Ecanus, and^y^/^^^w: 
Asiel, these five which are ready to S" ^^'' 
write swiftly j n Or, 

25 And come hither, and I shall -c^'"". 
light a candle of understanding in 
thine heart, which shall not be put 
out, till the things be performed 
which thou shalt begin to write. 

26 And when thou hast done, some 
things shalt thou publish, and some 
things shalt thou shew secretly to the 
wise : to morrow this hour shalt thou 
begin to write. 

27 Then went I forth, as he com- 
manded, and gathered all the people 
together, and said, 

28 Hear these words, O Israel. 

29 '^Our fathers at the beginning <^ Gen. 47. 
were strangers in Egypt, from whence ^' 
they were delivered : 

30 '^And received the law of life, -^ Acts 7. 
which they kept not, which ye also ^^' 
have transgressed after them. 

31 Then was the land, even the 
land of Sion, parted among yoi^ by 

18. is fled far awayl\ Vulg. proJongavit 
se, " is deferred," or " put off." Comp. 
Seneca, 'De Benef.' v. 17, "Ut prolongetur 
tibi dies mortis, nihil proficit ad felicitatem." 

19. The awkwardness of " before thee " 
in this verse is removed by inserting loquar 
(on the authority of the versions) before 
coram te in the Vulgate. The sense would 
then be : " And I answered and said, I will 
speak before thee, Lord. For behold," &c. 

21. is burnt ^ Perhaps with an allusion to 
Jehudi's cutting to pieces and burning the 
roll of the Law (Jer. xxxvi. 26). But comp. 
iv. 23, above. 

the things . . . the ivorks^ Rather, " the 
works that have been done, or that are about 
to be done, by thee." The incipient of the 
Latin points to some form of fiiWeip in the 

23. forty daysJ] Here, as in the mention 
of "the bush" in -v. i, there is an evident 
assimilation to the events recorded of Moses. 
Comp. Exod. xxiv. 18 

24. box treesJ] Lat. buxos multos. The 
versions have "tablets," as in the margin. 
The existence of the word -nv^lov for a 
writing-tablet (Aristoph. ' Fr.' 671) is a proof 
of box-wood having been used for that pur- 
pose. The error in gender in the Latin 
should be noticed. 

Sarea, (ii'r.] Each of these names is variously 
spelt in the Latin and in the versions. Sarea 
is probably the same name as Seraiah, men- 
tioned in Ezra ii. 2. A Dibri (LXX. Aa^pet) 
occurs in Levit. xxiv. 11. For Selemia, Hil- 
genfeld compares the Shalmai (LXX. 2eXn/iO 
of Ezra ii. 46 ; but the name is rather identical 
with the Selemias of i Esdras ix. 34, the 
Shelemiah of Ezra x. 39. 'Ao-a/X is t*he Greek 
form of Asael in Tobit i. i ; while several 
Levites of the name of Elkanah are recorded 
in the Old Testament, as in i Chron. ix. 16. 

25. candle.'] Rather, " lamp ; " Lat. lucer- 
nam. The words as they stand may have 
prompted Hugh Latimer's famous saying. 

31. land of Sion.] Hilgenfeld, rather 

V. 32 44- J 



lOt : but your fathers, and ye your- 
selves, have done unrighteousness, and 
have not kept the ways which the 
Highest commanded you. 

32 And forasmuch as he is a 
righteous judge, he took from you in 
time the thing that he had given you. 

33 And now are ye here, and 
your brethren among you. 

34 Therefore if so be that ye will 
subdue your own understanding, and 
reform your hearts, ye shall be kept 
alive, and after death ye shall obtain 

35 For after death shall the judg- 
ment come, when we shall live again : 
and then shall the names of the right- 
eous be manifest, and the works of 
the ungodly shall be declared. 

36 Let no man therefore come 
unto me now, nor seek after me 
these forty days. 

37 So I took the five men, as he 
commanded me, and we went into 
the field, and remained there. 

38 And the next day, behold, a 

voice called me, saying, Esdras, *open 'Ezek. 3. 
thy mouth, and drink that I give thee ^' 
to drink. 

39 Then opened I my mouth, 
and, behold, he reached me a full 
cup, which was full as it were with 
water, but the colour of it was like 

40 And I took it, and drank : and 
when I had drunk of it, my heart 
uttered understanding, and wisdom 
grew in my breast, for my spirit 
strengthened my memory : 

41 And my mouth was opened, 
and shut no more. 

42 The Highest gave understand- 
ing unto the five men, and they wrote 
the wonderful visions of the night 
that were told, which they knew not : 
and they sat forty days, and they 
wrote in the day, and at night they 
ate bread. 

43 As for me, I spake in the day, 
and I held not my tongue by night. 

44 In forty days they wrote "two ^fj^'J^^^" 
hundred and four books. and /our. 

strangely, supposes this to be the land of 
Sihon (STycoj/), king of the Amorites, comparing 
Deut. iv. 46. No doubt the Jewish mind 
was deeply impressed by their conquest of 
this chieftain, but the inheritance of Mount 
Sion seems the natural one to think of here. 
The Arabic has : " He gave us the land for an 
inheritance, and Sion for an ornament." 

33. among you?\ The peculiar expression 
in the Latin, introrsum -vestrum, may point to 
ivTos vfimv. Volkmar thinlcs this a deviation 
from an original kt6s vncbu, " separated from 
you." Hilgenfeld, with some probability, 
renders it back by ivbo-repov vjiav, "are more 
inland than you," referring to the migration 
of the ten tribes in xiii. 41. 

39. ivater . . . Jire.'] Comp. the "sea of 
glass mingled with fire " in Rev. xv. 2. 

40. mv spirit, (b'c.'] Vulg. spiritus mens 
conservabatur memoria. But the best MSS. 
have conservabat. If we read memoriam, 
with D., the sense would be much simpler : 
"for my spirit retained a memory." So 
the Arabic : " und mein Geist beliielt das 
Gedachtniss frisch." 

42. 'which they knew not"] The Vulg. has 
et scripserunt qua dicebantur excessiones rioctis, 
quas non sciebant. In the versions there is 

an interesting variation of reading, " in charac- 
ters which they knew not " (Aethiopic, in 
characteribus litterarum quas non sciebant'). 
Gomp. the Arabic : " auch die Zeichen die 
sie nicht kannten." Hence it might be con- 
jectured that noctis in the text was a mis- 
reading of notis. Jerome has preserved the 
tradition of Ezra being the inventor of a 
fresh character for writing. See the passage 
(' Op.' ix. 454) quoted by Hilgenfeld. 

44. t'wo hundred and four booksI\ The 
correction of this to " ninety-four " in the 
versions is easy to understand, the seventy 
" mystic " books and the twenty-four of the 
Hebrew Canon making up that number. As 
Van der Vlis also points out, the change of 
9A' to CA' {Koppa Delta = 94, to Sigma 
Delta = 204) would be easy. The marginal 
reading of 904 (found in the best MSS. of the 
Latin) is not so readily accounted for, as 7^ 
(Sattjpi = 900) is not easily mistaken. 

On the subject of the re-writing of the 
lost books of the Law, see the articles 
Apocrypha (p. 79 b), Canon (p. 251 b), 
and Ezra in the ' Diet, of the Bible.' In 
2 Mace. ii. 13, a similar collection is ascribed 
to Nehemiah. The books of the O. T. were 
generally reckoned as twenty-two, to agree 
in number with the letters of the Hebrew 



[v. 457. 

45 And it came to pass, when the 
forty days were fulfilled, that the 
Highest spake, saying, The first that 
thou hast written publish openly, 
that the worthy and unworthy may 
read it : 

46 But keep the seventy last, that 
thou mayest deliver them only to 
such as be wise among the people : 

47 For in them is the spring of 
understanding, the fountain of wis- 

\^)'J''f dom, and "the stream of knowledge. 
know. 48 And I did so. 



I This prophecy is certain. 5 God will take 
vengeance upon the wicked, 12 7ipott Egypt. 
28 An horrible vision. 43 Babylon and 
Asia are threatened. 

BEHOLD, speak thou in the 
ears of my people the words 
of prophecy, which I will put in thy 
mouth, saith the Lord : 

2 And cause them to be written 
in paper : for they are faithful and 

3 Fear not the imaginations against 
thee, let not the incredulity of them 
trouble thee, that speak against thee. 

4 For ''all the unfaithful shall dieyohns, 
in their unfaithfulness. 

5 Behold, saith the Lord, I will 
bring plagues upon the world ; the 
sword, famine, death, and destruction. 

6 For wickedness hath exceedingly 
polluted the whole earth, and their 
hurtful works are fulfilled. 

7 Therefore saith the Lord, 


alphabet ; but Ruth and Lamentations were 
sometimes counted separately, thus making a 
total of twenty-four. 

46. only to such.^ i3'cl\ These words dis- 
close to us the real estimation in which 
writings called Apocryphal were at first held. 
They were supposed to contain the esoteric 
teaching, the inner and mystical knowledge, 
of the body in which they originated. 

47. spring of understanding.'] \^''ith this 
compare the title Hrjyr] yi/coo-eco? given by 
John of Damascus to his great work, or col- 
lection of works. The marginal rendering 
assumes lumen iox flumen. 

48. And I did so.] The Latin text ends 
here. But in the versions a passage follows, 
as below, which is supposed to have been 
displaced from the end of the Latin by the 
Christian compiler who added chapters xv. 
and xvi. ; his object being to make the con- 
nection of those two chapters seem more 
natural. According to Ewald's rendering of 
the Arabic, the chapter thus ends in that ver- 
sion : " And I did so in the fourth year after 
the Sabbatical year, 5025 since the Creation, 
on the twelfth day of the third month of the 
ninety-second year. Then was Ezra taken 
up, and borne to the land of the immortal 
ones like him. He wrote all these things, 
and was called the writer of the law and 
understanding and knowledge of God; to 
whom be honour and dominion for all eter- 
nity." The reckoning of two months and 
twelve ^days (" the twelfth day of the third 
month ") may be accounted for by supposing 
the visions to have begun with the beginning 
of the thirtieth year of the Captivity, Adding 
together the times recorded in v. 20, vi. 31, 

ix. 23, X. 58, xii. 39, xiii. 56, xiv. 23, we have 
a total of 72 or 73 days = 2 months 12 
days. The "ninety-second year" is under- 
stood by Ewald to be that of the prophet's 
life. The year a.m. 5025 is difficult to ac- 
count for, and Hilgenfeld reads conjecturally 
" in the fourth year of the second week (of 
years) of the seventy- fourth jubilee from the 
creation of the world." This gives 73 x 49 
+ II = 3588 as the year anno mundi, or 
B.C. 558. 


1. The beginning of tliis chapter should be 
compared with the end of ch. ii. ; these four 
chapters (i., ii., xv., xvi.) making together a 
later supplement to the book, as was said in 
the Introduction. Hence they are sometimes 
called collectively the Fifth Book of Esdras. 
But the connection of xv. i, either with ii. 48 
or xiv. 48, is not very skilful ; xv. i speaking 
of prophecies to be revealed, but ii. 48 of 
wonders which the seer had beheld. 

2. in paper.] Lat. in chart a. This passage 
should be added to the two (2 John 12, 
3 Mace. iv. 20) mentioned in the article on 
Writing in the ' Diet, of the Bible ' as the 
only two passages in the Bible where the use 
of papyrus is alluded to. 

3. that speak against thee.] As the Lat, 
dicentium would hardly bear this sense, and is 
incomplete as it stands, Hilgenfeld proposes 
discentium, " them that learn," or " thy dis- 

6. hath . . .polluted.] Rather, "hath pre- 
vailed over ; " Lat. superpoUuit . . . super. 

V. 8 20.] 



8 I will hold my tongue no more 

as touching their wickedness, which 

they profanely commit, neither will I 

suffer them in those things, in which 

they wickedly exercise themselves : 

-^Rev. 6. behold, the ^innocent and righteous 
10. & 19. 2. j^j^^^ crieth unto me, and the souls 

of the just complain continually. 

9 And therefore, saith the Lord, 
I will surely avenge them, and receive 
unto me all the innocent blood from 
among them. 

10 Behold, my people is led as a 
flock to the slaughter : I will not 
suffer them now to dwell in the land 
of Egypt : 

1 1 But I will bring them with a 
mighty hand and a stretched out arm, 
and smite Egypt with plagues, as 
before, and will destroy all the land 

12 Egypt shall mourn, and the 
foundation of it shall be smitten with 
the plague and punishment that God 
shall bring upon it. 

13 They that till the ground shall 
mourn : for their seeds shall fail 
through the blasting and hail, and 
with a fearful constellation. 

14 Woe to the world and them 
that dwell therein ! 

15 For the sword and their de- 
struction draweth nigh, and one 
people shall stand up to fight against 
another, and swords in their hands. 

16 For there shall be sedition 
among men, and invading one an- 
other ; they shall not regard their 
kings nor princes, and the course of 
their actions shall stand in their 

17 A man shall desire to go into 
a city, and shall not be able. 

18 For because of their pride the 
cities shall be troubled, the houses 
shall be destroyed, and men shall be 

19 A man shall have no pity upon 
his neighbour, but shall destroy their 
houses with the sword, and spoil their 
goods, because of the lack of bread, 
and for great tribulation. 

20 Behold, saith God, I will call 
too-ether all the kings of the earth to 
reverence me, which are from the 
rising of the sun, from the south, 
from the east, and Libanus ; to turn 
themselves one against another, and 

10. Comp. Isa. liii. 7; Ps. xliv. 22. 

11. S7Jjite Egypt ijuith plagues.'] Egypt 
might, of course, be used as a mystical name 
for any land in which God's people were op- 
pressed. But the addition of "as before" 
combines with other circumstances to make 
us think the literal Egypt to be here intended. 
Those who would place the composition of 
these chapters at about the same date as that 
of the later Sibylline Oracles (the time of the 
death of Odenathus), see a fulfilment of these 
predictions in the troubles of Alexandria 
under Gallienus(A.D. 260-268). The ravages 
of barbarian tribes and the scourge of pesti- 
lence seemed ready to bring the empire to 
utter dismemberment. The plague alone is 
said to have carried off nearly two-thirds of 
the entire population of Alexandria at this 
time. See the 'Diet, of Biography,' art. 

15. s^jjords.'] The word used in the second 
part of the verse is rhotnphu:a, the word 
rendered " sword " in Rev. ii. 12; being 
properly a Thracian spear with long, sharp 

16. the course of their acticns.l Vulg. tz> 

gestorum. The differences of reading, me 
gestorum (T.) and me gestanorum (S.), lead 
with certainty to RBnsch's emendation of 
meghtanorum. Render : " For there shall be 
sedition among men. Waxing strong against 
one another, they will not heed their king 
and the chief of their great ones in their 
power." Such claims to independent power 
are what we read of before the genius of an 
Aurelian and a Probus consolidated the 
empire again. See the 'Diet, of Biography' 
under AUREOLUS. 

19. shall destroy.'] The Lat. is peculiar : 
ad irritum faciendum domos eorum in gladium ; 
perhaps suggestive of ciKaTaardTovs TroLTJaai, 
" to unsettle " or " break up " their homes. 

20. to reverence me.] Vulg. ad me "veren- 
dum. But a more appropriate reading is ad 
movendum, " to the commotion," found in the 
best MSS. 

Libanus.] As other quarters are denoted 
by winds, it is probable that a Libano here is 
due to a misunderstanding of omo Ai/Scis. It 
would then be : " from the sunrising and 
from the south, from the south-east and from 
the south-west." 



[v. 2133 

repay the things that they have done 
to them. 

21 Like as they do yet this day 
unto my chosen, so will I do also, 
and recompense in their bosom. Thus 
saith the Lord God ; 

22 My right hand shall not spare 
the sinners, and my sword shall not 
cease over them that shed innocent 
blood upon the earth. 

23 The fire is gone forth from his 
wrath, and hath consumed the foun- 
dations of the earth, and the sinners, 
like the straw that is kindled. 

24 Woe to them that sin, and 
keep not my commandments ! saith 
the Lord. 

25 I will not spare them : go your 
way, ye children, from the power, 
defile not my sanctuary. 

26 For the Lord knoweth all 
them that sin against him, and there- 
fore delivereth he them unto death 
and destruction. 

27 For now are the plagues come 
upon the whole earth, and ye shall 
remain in them : for God shall not 

deliver you, because ye have sinned 
against him. 

28 Behold an horrible vision, and 
the appearance thereof from the east : 

29 Where the nations of the 
dragons of Arabia shall come out 
with many chariots, and the multi- 
tude of them shall be carried as the 
wind upon earth, that all they which 
hear them may fear and tremble. 

30 Also the Carmanians raging in 
wrath shall go forth as the wild 
boars of the wood, and with great 
power shall they come, and join 
battle with them, and shall waste a 
portion of the land of the Assyrians. 

31 And then shall the dragons 
have the upper hand, remembering 
their nature ; and if they shall turn 
themselves, conspiring together in 
great power to persecute them, 

32 Then these shall be troubled, 
and keep silence through their power, 
and shall flee. 

33 And from the land of the As- 
syrians shall the enemy besiege them, 
and consume some of them, and in 

23. batb consumed.'] Better, perhaps, 
" shall consume;" Lat. devorabit (in MS. D.) 
for de-vora-vit. But A. has devora-vit. 

25. from the po<wer.'\ Vulg. a fotestate. 
The reading apostate in T. suggests at once 
the true reading apostate, " ye apostate 
children." This is confirmed by MS. A., and 
by the text of a passage of Gildas, where 
these verses are quoted. See Bensly, p. 37. 

26. dell-veret/j.] Vulg. tradidit, " hath de- 
livered." MS. A. reads tradet, " will deliver." 

29. atid the multitude.'] Vulg. et sicut flatus 
eorum numerus feretur, etc. Instead of sicut 
the best MSS. have sic, while for sic flatus 
A. has sibilatus. In like manner for numerus 
the best authorities have in die itineris. Hence 
the sense would be: "and their hissing is 
borne over the earth from the day of their 
setting forth." 

30. Carmanians.'] Some MSS. have Jr- 
menii, on the principle (as Bensly says, p. 23) 
of putting the known for the unknown. 
Carmania was a region above the Persian 
Gulf, to the west of Gedrosia. Its name 
survives in Kirman. The Vulg. has Carmonii. 

The events here obscurely shadowed forth 
may have been the conquests of the Sas- 
samd2, especially Sapores I. (a.d. 240-273), 
and their conflicts with the Roman generals. 

Sapores had pushed his arms to the north- 
west, so far as to destroy Antioch and over- 
run Syria, "a portion of the land of the 
Assyrians," -v. 30. Odenathus and his brave 
queen Zenobia attacked him, and, having 
driven him back beyond the Euphrates, 
founded a new empire, with Palmyra for its 
capital. They might thus represent the 
" dragons " or " fiery flying serpents " (comp. 
Isa. XXX. 6) of Arabia. The forces of 
Zenobia, after the; death of Odenathus, were 
in turn attacked by Aurelian, driven from their 
position on the Orontes, and Zenobia herself 
finally cooped up within Palmyra, which was 
invested and taken. This would answer in 
some measure to the language of -y. 33. 

31. nature.] Rather, " birth," or " origin ; " 
Lat. nati-vitatis. The words " if they " are not 
in the Latin. 

32. their poiver.] I.e. through t-he power 
of their adversaries. 

33. the enemy.] Rather, "the lyer-in- 
wait;" Lat. subsessor, thought by Hilgen- 
feld to denote Maonius,the cousin or nephew 
of Odenathus, who slew him by treachery at 
Emesa, in a.d. 266 or 267. 

some of them.] Rather, " one of them ; " 
Lat. unutn ex illis. In the clause which 

V. 3443-] 



their host shall be fear and dread, and 

8 Or, strife ''among their kings. 

asaznst. ^^ BchoM clouds from the east 
and from the north unto the south, 
and they are very horrible to look 
upon, full of wrath and storm. 

35 They shall smite one upon 
<^Matt. 24. another, and "^they shall smite down a 
^^' great multitude of stars upon the earth, 
"Rev. 14. even their own star; and'^blood shall 

be from the sword unto the belly, 

36 And dung of men unto the 
nor./rt^- camel's "hough. 

utter!^^' 37 And there shall be great fearful- 
ness and trembling upon earth : and 
they that see the wrath shall be afraid, 
and trembling shall come upon them. 

38 And then shall there come 
great storms from the south, and 
from the north, and another part 
from the west. 

39 And strong winds shall arise 

from the east, and shall open it ; and 
the cloud which he raised up in 
wrath, and the star stirred to cause 
fear toward the east and west wind, 
shall be destroyed. 

40 The great and mighty clouds 
shall be lifted up full of wrath, and 
the star, that they may make all the 
earth afraid, and them that dwell 
therein ; and they shall pour out over 
every high and eminent place an hor- 
rible star, 

41 Fire, and hail, and flying 
swords, and many waters, that all 
fields may be full, and all rivers, with 
the abundance of great waters. 

42 And they shall break down the 
cities and walls, mountains and hills, 
trees of the wood, and grass of the 
meadows, and their corn. 

43 And they shall go stedfastly 
unto Babylon, and "make her afraid, destroy. 

follows, for contentto in reges ipsorum^ MS. A. 
has inconstabilitio regno illorum, "unsettle- 
ment in their kingdom." The word incori- 
stabilitio, not elsewhere found (?), looks like a 
close rendering of aKaTaaTaala. 

34. This is thought to refer to the inva- 
sion of the provinces of Asia Minor by Goths 
and Scythians from the north of the Euxine. 
Gallienus marched against them, but was 
recalled by the rebellion of Aureolus in Italy, 
and Marcian was left to carry on the cam- 
paign. See the passage from Syncellus, 
quoted by Hilgenfeld, p. 210. 

35. This verse is obscure. By " stars" in 
biblical language are sometimes meant lumi- 
naries of the Church, as in Dan. viii. 10; 
Rev. viii. 10. But here temporal powers 
would rather seem to be denoted ; a use of 
language for which the Julium sidus of Horace 
affords some precedent. In the concluding 
words the text is very uncertain. The 
marginal reading "litter" is due to the 
Vulgate substramen, in place of which S. has 
suffraginem, " hough " or " pastern." If in 
place of JJmus, " dung," we read femor'ibus 
(see Bensly, p. 21), the sense would be: "and 
there shall be blood from the sword even to 
the horse's belly, and from men's thighs even 
to the camel's hough." Comp. Rev. xiv. 20, 
and the Book of Enoch, c. 100, " A horse will 
walk up to his breast in the blood of sinners." 

38. from the <west.'\ Perhaps referring to 
the insurrection of Aureolus in Italy ; as, in 
like manner, the counterblast from the East, 
that was to drive back this storm-cloud, 

would prefigure the return march of Gal- 
lienus, when he shut up and besieged the 
insurgents in Milan. See above, on 1;. 34. 

39. shall open?^ Lat. recludent. This word 
may bear the sense given in the English, that 
of " opening " or dispelling the cloud. But 
though this is its classical meaning, the later 
sense of " shutting up," as in Ammianus and 
Tertullian, seems preferable here. By "it" 
is meant the "other part" of 1;. 38; while 
" he," as I understand it, denotes the mover of 
the rebellion, the raiser of the cloud, himself. 

40. an horrible star.} I do not see how to 
give " star " here the same interpretation as in 
<!;. 35, It seems to denote here the baleful 
influence of these wars and insurrections. 
Compare the "pestifero sidereicti" of Livy 
(viii. 9), and the aa-Tpo^okelcrBai of the 
Greeks. In v. 13 the same words are 
rendered " fearful constellation." 

41. Jlying swords.'] It is suggested by 
Churton that this may be used to denote 
lightnings, called the " arrows " of God in 
Ps. xviii. 14 and elsewhere. But the sword 
would not, like the arrow, be a fitting symbol 
of something shot forth. It is more natural 
to refer it to such omens foreboding war as 
were the flaming swords seen in the sky by 
the terrified Romans after the battle of the 
Trasimene Lake. 

43. Babylon.'] I.e. Rome, as in ' Orac 

SibylL'v. 158: 

Kal ^A.e|et irSfTov jSaflw, ain-fjp re "RafivXwva, 
'lra\ij}s yaidv re. 



[v. 4458. 

44 They shall come to her, and 
besiege her, the star and all wrath 
shall they pour out upon her: then 
shall the dust and smoke go up unto 
the heaven, and all they that be about 
her shall bewail her. 

45 And they that remain under 
her shall do service unto them that 
have put her in fear. 

^Or,i;?,e ^.6 And thou, Asia, that art "par- 
Babyion. talcct of the hope of Babylon, and art 
the glory of her person : 

47 Woe be unto thee, thou wretch, 
because thou hast made thyself like 
unto her ; and hast decked thy 
daughters in whoredom, that they 
might please and glory in thy lovers, 
which have alway desired to commit 
whoredom with thee ! 

48 Thou hast followed her that is 
hated in all her works and inventions : 
therefore saith God, 

' Rev. is. 49 ^ I will send plagues upon thee ; 
widowhood, poverty, famine, sword, 
and pestilence, to waste thy houses 
with destruction and death. 

50 And the glory of thy power 
shall be dried up as a flower, when the 
heat shall arise that is sent over thee. 

51 Thou shalt be weakened as a 
poor woman with stripes, and as one 
chastised with wounds, so that the 
mighty and lovers shall not be able to 
receive thee. 

52 Would I with jealousy have 
so proceeded against thee, saith the 

53 If thou hadst not always slain 
my chosen, exalting the stroke of 
thine hands, and saying over their 
"dead, when thou wast drunken, ''La'- 

54 Set forth the beauty of thy 
countenance ? 

55 The reward of thy whoredom 
shall be in thy bosom, therefore shalt 
thou receive recompence. 

56 Like as thou hast done unto 
my chosen, saith the Lord, even so 
shall God do unto thee, and shall 
deliver thee into mischief 

57 Thy children shall die of hun- 
ger, and thou shalt fall through the 
sword : thy cities shall be broken 
down, and all thine shall perish with 
the sword in the field. 

58 They that be in the mountains 
shall die of hunger, and eat their 
own flesh, and drink their own blood, 

make her afraid^ Rather, " destroy ; " 
Lat. exterent. So in 'v. 45 Ronsch would 
read exteruerunt (late perfect from extero) 
instead oiexterruerunt, and in v. 2,9 extritionem, 
" destruction," for exterritationem, " terror." 
The reading exteritionem in S. makes the 
alteration plausible. 

46. The marginal reading "like unto" is 
due to a reading concors in specie instead of 
concors in spem. Hilgenfeld takes this and 
the next verses as pointing to the association 
of Odenathus in the empire, a.d. 264, when 
Asia was made the " consort " of Rome. 

50. Compare James i. 11. 

51. ixjith tvounds.'] Fritzsche adopts the 
reading a mulieribus, though two of the best 
MSS. have vulneribus. The reading of the 
latter part is shewn by Bensly (p. 34) to be 
almost certainly ut non possis tuos. Sec. Hence 
we may render: "Thou shalt be weakened 
as a poor woman beaten and chastised by 
women, so that thou canst not receive thy 
powerful ones and thy lovers." Baruch 
vi. 43 portrays such a picture of jealous 

53. exalting the stroke.'] I.e. uplifting the 
hands higher, to make the stroke fall heavier. 
But the reading of this verse is not certain. 
For dicens, " saying," which requires -v. 54 to 
be taken as a taunt addressed by the perse- 
cutor to the victim, Fritzsche reads on con- 
jecture ridens, making the sentence to end 
with -v. 53. The next verse would then be 
an indignant apostrophe addressed to the 
offending one, Asia. 

The sufferings in the persecution just 
after the death of Decius, when there was 
a massacre of Christians at Alexandria, may 
be alluded to here. 

54. Set forth.'] Rather, "set off," or 
" adorn ; " Lat. exorna. 

55. thy <ivhoredom.] Rather, " erf a har- 
lot;" fornicarice being the reading of the 
best MSS. 

56. as thou hast done.] Lat. fades, "as 
thou wilt do." 

58. their o^vn blood.] More exactly, " shall 
drink blood;" Lat. sanguinem bibent., which 
would of itself be an abomination. Comp. 
Acts XV. 20, 29. 





for very hunger of bread, and thirst 
of water. 

59 Thou as unhappy shalt come 
through the sea, and receive plagues 


60 And in the passage they shall 
rush on the idle city, and shall de- 
stroy some portion of thy land, and 
consume part of thy glory, and shall 
return to Babylon that was destroyed. 

61 And thou shalt be cast down 
by them as stubble, and they shall be 
unto thee as fire ; 

62 And shall consume thee, and 
thy cities, thy land, and thy moun- 
tains ; all thy woods and thy fruitful 
trees shall they burn up with fire. 

63 Thy children shall they carry 
away captive, and, look, what thou 

"Or, hast, they shall spoil it, and "mar the 
beauty or thy race. 


I Babylon and other places are threatejted with 
plagues that cannot be avoided, 23 and luitk 
desolation. 40 The servants of the Lord 
must look for troubles: 51 and not hide 
their sijts, 74 but leave them, and they shall 
be delivered. 

WOE be unto thee, Babylon, 
and Asia ! woe be unto thee, 
Egypt, and Syria ! 

2 Gird up yourselves with cloths 
of sack and hair, bewail your children, 
and be sorry j for your destruction is 
at hand. 

3 A sword is sent upon you, and 
who may turn it back ? 

4 A fire is sent among you, and 
who may quench it ? 

5 Plagues are sent unto you, and 
what is he that may drive them 
away ? 

6 May any man drive away an 
hungry lion in the wood ? or may 
any one quench the fire in stubble, 
when it hath begun to burn ? 

7 May one turn again the arrow 
that is shot of a strong archer ? 

8 The mighty Lord sendeth the 
plagues, and who is he that can drive 
them away ? 

9 A fire shall go forth from his 
wrath, and who is he that may 
quench it ? 

10 He shall cast lightnings, and 
who shall not fear ? he shall thunder, 
and who shall not be afraid ? 

11 The Lord shall threaten, and 
who shall not be utterly beaten to 
powder at his presence ? 

12 The earth quaketh, and the 
foundations thereof; the sea ariseth 
up with waves from the deep, and 
the waves of it are troubled, and the 
fishes thereof also, before the Lord, 
and before the glory of his power : 

13 For strong is his right hand 
that bendeth the bow, his arrows 
that he shooteth are sharp, and shall 
not miss, when they begin to be shot 
into the ends of the world. 

59. Thou as unhappy?^ This is a somewhat 
stiff rendering of infelix per maria venies. 
But the best MSS. have pr'tmaria for per 
maria = " unhappy before all others." 

60. rus/j o.] Rather, " crush ; " Lat. 
allUent. In place of ociosam, rendered " idle," 
which is the best reading, the Vulgate has 
occisam, the " slain city." To what this 
partial devastation of Asia, and utter subver- 
sion of Rome, may point, I am unable to say. 

63. and, look, lubat thou hast.'] The Lat. 
is et censum tuum in pradam habebunt, " shall 
take thy possessions for a prey." 


6. or may any one.'] The quotation in 
Gildas, and MS. A., agree in a better text 

here : aut nunquid extinguet (^-ii) tgnem cum 
sir amen incensumfuerit? = " Or will anything 
quench the fire when straw hath been set on 
fire ? " See Bensly, p. 39. 

10. be afraid.] hat pavebit. But Gildas 
and A., as above, agree in reading horrebit, a 
stronger word. 

11. beaten to po^uder.] Or " crushed ; " 
Lat. confer etiir. The words " at his pre- 
sence," or "from before his face" (Lat. a 
facie ipsius), are best connected, as in A. 
and Gildas, with what follows. Comp. Ps. 
Ixxviii. 16; cxiv. 7. 

12. Comp. Ps. xviii. 15. 

13. shall not miss.] Churton compares 
the " right aiming thunderbolts " of Wisdom 

V. 21. 



[v. 1432. 

14 Behold, the plagues are sent, 
and shall not return again, until they 
come upon the earth. 

15 The fire is kindled, and shall 
not be put out, till it consume the 
foundation of the earth. 

16 Like as an arrow which is shot 
of a mighty archer returneth not 
backward : even so the plagues that 
shall be sent upon earth shall not 

return agam. 

17 Woe is me ! woe is me ! who 
will deliver me in those days ? 

18 The beo-inning of sorrows and 
great mournings ; the beginning of 
famine and great death ; the begin- 
ning of wars, and the powers shall 
stand in fear ; the beginning of evils ! 
what shall I do when these evils shall 
come ? 

19 Behold, famine and plague, tri- 
bulation and anguish, are sent as 

scourges for amendment. 

20 But for all these things they 
shall not turn from their wickedness, 
nor be alway mindful of the scourges. 

21 Behold, victuals shall be so 
good cheap upon earth, that they 
shall think themselves to be in good 

liOr, case, and even then shall "evils grow 
/ ^"- upon earth, sword, famine, and great 

22 For many of them that dwell 
upon earth shall perish of famine ; 

and the other, that escape the hunger, 
shall the sword destroy. 

23 And the dead shall be cast out 
as dung, and there shall be no man 
to comfort them : for the earth shall 
be wasted, and the cities shall be cast 

24 There shall be no man left to 
till the earth, and to sow it. 

25 The trees shall give fruit, and 
who shall gather them ? 

26 The grapes shall ripen, and 
who shall tread them ? for all places 
shall be desolate of men : 

27 So that one man shall desire to 
see another, and to hear his voice. 

28 For of a city there shall be ten 
left, and two of the field, which shall 
hide themselves in the thick groves, 
and in the clefts of the rocks. 

29 '^As in an orchard of olives ' 
upon every tree there are left three 
or four olives ; 

30 Or as when a vineyard is 
gathered, there are left some clusters 
of them that diligently seek through 
the vineyard : 

31 Even so in those days there 
shall be three or four left by them that 
search their houses with the sword. 

32 And the earth shall be laid 
waste, and the fields thereof shall 
wax old, and her ways and all her 
paths shall grow full of thorns, be- 

18. and great death.'] Vulg. et multi 
interittis, which, like multi gemitus before, 
should probably be taken as a kind of 
apodosis in the nom., not genit. But the 
best reading is et multi interient ( = interibunt). 
The sense, slightly paraphrased, appears to 
be: "Though it is but the beginning of 
sorrows, many shall wail; though but the 
beginning of famine, many shall perish ; 
though but the beginning of wars, powers 
shall be in terror ; though but the beginning 
of evils, all men shall tremble." The Geneva 
Version supplies the clause missing in the 
A. v., " and all shall tremble " (Lat. et trepi- 
dabunt omnei), which is needed to complete 
the parallelism of the sentence. 

20. shall not.] Rather, " will not." 

21. so good cheap.] An expression often 
found in old writers, answering to the French 
a ban marche. 

to be in good case7\ A rather loose render- 
ing of sibi esse directam pacem, " that peace is 
assured for them." This meaning of directam 
appears to follow from the notion of being 
" straightforward," and so " unimpeded." 

22. famine . . . hunger.] Another instance 
of the translator's fondness for varying words. 
It \s fames in both cases in the Latin. 

23. shall be avast ed.] Rather, " shall be 
left desolate ; " Lat. derelinquetur . . . deserta ; 
and for " the cities " read " its cities." 

26. all places.] Rather, " for there shall 
be great desolation in places ;" Lat. erit enim 
locis magna desertio. 

28. Gomp. Rev. vi. 15, 16. 

32. shall grow full of thorns?^ Rather, 
" shall grow thorns ;" Lat. germinabunt spinas. 
In what follows transeat ouis is said by 
Bensly to be the true reading of both A. and 

V. 33 52.J 



cause no man shall travel there- 

33 The virgins shall mourn, having 
no bridegrooms j the women shall 
mourn, having no husbands ; their 
daughters shall mourn, having no 

34 In the wars shall their bride- 
grooms be destroyed, and their hus- 
bands shall perish of famine. 

35 Hear now these things, and 
understand them, ye servants of the 

36 Behold the word of the Lord, 
receive it : believe not the gods of 
whom the Lord spake. 

37 Behold, the plagues draw nigh, 
and are not slack. 

38 As when a woman with child 
in the ninth month bringeth forth 
her son, within two or three hours of 
her birth great pains compass her 
womb, which pains, when the child 
Cometh forth, they slack not a mo- 
ment : 

39 Even so shall not the plagues 
be slack to come upon the earth, 
and the world shall mourn, and 
sorrows shall come upon it on every 

40 O my people, hear my word : 
make you ready to the battle, and in 
those evils be even as pilgrims upon 
the earth. 

7^29.'3^or 4^ ^^^ ^^^^ selleth, let him be as 

31- he that fleeth away : and he that 

buyeth, as one that will lose : 

42 He that occupieth merchandise, 

as he that hath no profit by it : and 
he that buildeth, as he that shall not 
dwell therein : 

43 He that soweth, as if he should 
not reap : so also he that planteth the 
vineyard, as he that shall not gather 
the grapes : 

44 They that marry, as they that 
shall get no children ; and they that 
marry not, as the widowers. 

45 And therefore they that labour 
labour in vain : 

46 For strangers shall reap their 
fruits, and spoil their goods, over- 
throw their houses, and take their 
children captives, for "in captivity and 11 Ox.jor. 
famine shall they get children. 

47 And they that occupy their 
merchandise with robbery, the more 
they deck their cities, their houses, 
their possessions, and their own per- 
sons : 

48 The more will I be angry with 
them for their sin, saith the Lord. 

49 Like as a whore envieth a right 
honest and virtuous woman : 

50 So shall righteousness hate in- 
iquity, when she decketh herself, and 
shall accuse her to her face, when he 
Cometh that shall defend him that 
diligently searcheth out every sin 
upon earth. 

51 And therefore be ye not like 
thereunto, nor to the works thereof. 

52 For yet a little, and iniquity 
shall be taken away out of the earth, 
and righteousness shall reign among 

S., instead of transient homines. Hence it 
should be : " because no sheep passeth 
through it." For " wax old " comp. Ps. cii. 

36. the gods.l Lat. diis. Comp. Deut. 
xxxii. 37. But Fritzsche reads iis on con- 

40. as pilgrims.'] Comp. Heb. xi. 13. 
The reminiscences of the N. T. in this and 
the following verses (see marg. ref.) cannot 
but strike the reader. 

4:3. planteth.] Rather, "prunethj" Lat. 

46. their goods.] Lat. iubstantiam illorum. 

Apoc.~VoL L 

47. the more.] Rather, "as long as;" 
Lat. quantum diu, or quamdiu. 

49. The comparison, as will be seen, is 
inverted. " Righteousness " is what should 
answer to the " virtuous woman." The two- 
fold rendering " envy " and " hate " is also 
uncalled for, the word being the same in both 
cases in the Latin zelari. Fritzsche amends 
the text so as to read : " Like as a becoming 
and good woman is very jealous of, &c., so 
will righteousness be jealous of iniquity." 
This is taking valde to qualify zelatur. If 
not so, it will be bona valde, " a right good 
woman," as in the text. 

51. thereunto.] I.e. to Iniquity, personified. 



[v. 5370- 

53 Let not the sinner say that he 
hath not sinned : for God shall burn 
coals of fire upon his head, which 
saith before the Lord God and his 
glory, I have not sinned. 

54 Behold, the Lord knoweth all 
'Luke 16. the works of men, '^their imaginations, 
*^" their thoughts, and their hearts : 

55 Which spake but the word, 
rfGen. i.i. Let the earth be made; '^and it was 

made : Let the heaven be made j and 
it was created. 

56 In his word were the stars 
'Ps. 147- made, and he knoweth the ^number 
** of them. 

57 He searcheth the deep, and the 
treasures thereof; he hath measured 
the sea, and what it containeth. 

58 He hath shut the sea in the 
midst of the waters, and with his 
word hath he hanged the earth upon 
the waters. 

59 He spreadeth out the heavens 
/rs.24.a. like a vault; /upon the waters hath 

he founded it. 

60 In the desert hath he made 
springs of water, and pools upon the 
tops of the mountains, that the floods 
might pour down from the high rocks 
to water the earth. 

c<n. 2. 61 s'He made man, and put his 
heart in the midst of the body, and 
gave him breath, life, and under- 

62 Yea, and the Spirit of Al- 
mighty God, which made all things, 
and searcheth out all hidden things in 
the secrets of the earth, 

63 Surely he knoweth your inven- 
tions, and what ye think in your 
hearts, even them that sin, and would 
hide their sin. 

64 Therefore hath the Lord ex- 
actly searched out all your works, 
and he will put you all to shame. 

65 And when your sins are brought 
forth, ye shall be ashamed before men, 
and your own sins shall be your ac- 
cusers in that day. 

66 What will ye do ? or how will 
ye hide your sins before God and his 
angels ? 

67 Behold, God himself is the 
judge, fear him : leave off from your 
sins, and forget your iniquities, to 
meddle no more with them for ever : 
so shall God lead you forth, and 
deliver you from all trouble. 

68 For, behold, the burning wrath 
of a great multitude is kindled over 
you, and they shall take away certain 

of you, and feed you, " being; idle, " ^^ ,^"'"^ 

. < ,'. rr- y ^ 1 1 unable to 

With things oitered unto idols. resut. 

69 And they that consent unto 
them shall be had in derision and in 
reproach, and trodden under foot. 

70 For there shall be in every 
place, and in the next cities, a great 

53. coals of Jirei] Fritzsche compares 
Prov. XXV. 22 ; Rom. xii. 20. But the heap- 
ing coals of fire on an enemy's head, there 
spoken of, is to soften and melt, that better 
teelings may be drawn out, as the metal from 
the ore in the furnace. The act here spoken 
of is one of vengeance. Hence Ps. cxx. 3 (in 
the Prayer Book version) is a truer parallel. 

54. k/ioii^eth.'] Rather, "will know," or 
"will take knowledge of;" Lat. cognoscet. 

56. madeJ] Rather, " founded," or " estab- 
lished;" l^zi. fundata. So in -z;. 59 the same 
word is used, and there correctly rendered. 
The idea is that of the (TTepecona, or firma- 

57. the deep, (^'c] Lat. abyssum et thesauros 
illarum. The plural illarum shews that 
abyssos should be read, as it is by Hilgenfeld. 

58. Comp. Job xxxviii. 8. 

59. This is quoted by Ambrose (' Epist.* 
xxix.). See Bensly, p. 36 n. The original 
is Isa. xl. 22, which Ambrose cites differently. 

62. Spirit.l The best MSS. waver between 
spiramentum and spiramen, meant, I suppose, 
to be a close rendering of nvfvfia. The 
word " Spirit" is in the same construction as 
" breath," &c. in v. 61, The full stop should 
be placed at the end of this verse. 

68. and feed you, b^l^g idle, flyc^ The 
Lat. is et cibahiint idolis occisos, which would 
naturally mean, " and shall feed the slain with 
idols;" or possibly, "and shall give the slain 
as food (= as an offering) for idols." The 
translator appears to have found ociosos in his 
copy for occisos, whence the rendering in the 
text. A like variation appears in xv. 60. 

70. in every placeJ] The Latin here is 
almost certainly corrupt : erit enim locis locus. 
Fritzsche conjectures: erit enim locis multis 

V. 71-78.] 



insurrection upon those that fear the 

71 They shall be like mad men, 
sparing none, but still spoiling and 
destroying those that fear the Lord. 

72 For they shall waste and take 
away their goods, and cast them out 
of their houses. 

73 Then shall they be known, 
who are my chosen ; and they shall 
be tried as the gold in the fire. 

74 Hear, O ye my beloved, saith 
the Lord : behold, the days of trouble 
are at hand, but I will deliver you 
from the same. 

75 Be ye not afraid, neither doubt ; 
for God is your guide, 

76 And the guide of them who 
keep my commandments and precepts, 
saith the Lord God : let not your sins 
weigh you down, and let not your 
iniquities lift up themselves. 

77 Woe be unto them that are 
bound with their sins, and covered 
with their iniquities, like as a field is 
covered over with bushes, and the 
path thereof covered with thorns, that 
no man may travel through ! 

78 It is "left undressed, and is cast J.f/'*'"'' 
into the fire to be consumed therewith. 

motus, et, Sec, " for there shall be disturbance 
in many places." Instead of "next" read 
"neighbouring;" Lat. -vicirias. 

73. More literally, "Then shall the trial 
of my elect appear, as gold that is tried in the 
fire." Gomp. i Pet. i. 7. 

77. co'vered.'] Two Latin words are here 
rendered by the same word in English. 
" Covered with bushes " should rather be 

" choked " or " overrun with underwood ; " 
Lat. constringitur a silva. 

78. is cast.'] As the subject is still " a 
field " {ager), this would be more fitly ren- 
dered " is left to," or " is given up to ; " Lat. 

A subscription is found in some MSS., 
" Explicit liber Ezrae quintus," or " Expli- 
ciunt libri Esdre." 

Vision of the Eagle (ch. xi. i ch.xii. 39). 

As the question of the date of this Book 
turns in part on the interpretation given to 
the Vision of the Eagle, it may be worth 
while to endeavour to state clearly what the 
Vision was. From the fluctuating use of 
words in the English Version, it is difficult, 
without some study, to form any distinct 
conception of it. 

An Eagle is seen by the prophet to rise from 
the sea, having twelve " feathered wings " 
{alie pennarum'). These wings are spread so 
as to overshadow the earth. Out of her 
wings {pennie, but plainly the same as the 
alis pennarurn) were growing eight " contrary 
feathers " {contrar'ia penna')^ or wing-like 
growths (see note on f. 3), which came to be 
" little wings " (^pennacula modica), or, as we 
may call them for distinction, pinions. It is 
not said that the twelve large wings were on 
one side, and the eight small ones on the 
other, nor that they were arranged in any 
special manner. The Eagle has three heads, 
which remain at rest during its flight, the 
middle one being greater than the other two. 
As the Eagle rises upon its talons, a cry is 
heard proceeding from the midst of its body, 
bidding the wings to " watch not all at once," 
but by course, and the heads to be reserved 

till the last. On the " right side" there now 
arises one wing, which reigns till it comes to 
an end. The second follows, and has a 
" great time ;" so that the declaration is made 
that no succeeding one will reign as much as 
half its length of time. In this way all the 
twelve wings reign and pass away in succes- 
sion, save only that some of them " were set 
up but ruled not." Two also of the eight 
pinions rise and fall in like manner. There 
are thus left {y. 2 3) only the three heads which 
are at rest, and the remaining six out of the 
eight pinions. Of the six pinions left, two 
separate themselves, and " remain under " the 
head on the right side ; the other four con- 
tinuing as before. These four (now called, 
u. 25, "the feathers that were under the 
wing;" and in xii. 19, " under-feathers ") at- 
tempt to raise themselves to power. One is 
" set up," but shortly disappears. The 
second of the four does the same, but has a 
still briefer course. Two pinions alone are 
left of these four. They aspire to reign, but 
are devoured by the central head, with the 
co-operation of the two on either side. This 
central head now reigns with more power 
than any of the wings had done, and puts the 
earth in fear. But on a sudden it is gone, 

L 2 


11. ESDRAS. 


even as the wings. There survive now only 
the two outside heads, and the two pinions 
that had taken shelter under the right-liand 
one (f. 24). These two heads bear sway 
over the earth, as the middle one had done, 
till in process of time the one on the right 
hand devours that on the Ictt. 

A roaring Lion is now seen to rush from 
a forest, and, with human voice, to upbraid 
the Eagle for its oppression, commanding it 
to appear no more. On this the head still 
left disappears, and the two pinions (see note 
on xii. 2) which had sheltered under it have 
a semblance of dominion, but their kingdom 
is "small and full of uproar;" till at length 
" the whole body of the eagle is burnt," and 
nothing remains of it upon the earth. 

In ch. xii. a partial explanation of this 
mysterious vision is given. It is declared 
(v. II, cf. xi. 39) to be the kingdom symbol- 
ized by the fourth living creature in Daniel's 
vision (Dan. vii. 7). The twelve wings are 
so many kings, who reign in succession ; the 
term of the second exceeding that of any of 
the rest. The voice from the midst of the 
body is the cry of internal discord and com- 
motion. The eight pinions are eight kings, 
" whose times shall be but small, and their 
years swift." Two of these are the last 
survivors. The three heads are three king- 
doms, more powerful and oppressive than 
those of the wings before them. The middle- 
most and greatest of the three is to " die 
upon his bed, and yet with pain" (i. 26). 
The otiier two are to be slain with the sword. 
The Lion is the Anointed of the Lord, who 
will rebuke the Eagle for its oppression, and 
make it come to an end. 

Now, admitting that an eagle may be a 
natural emblem of any kingdom, the express 
reference in xii. 11 to " the kingdom " (" the 
fourth kingdom," in all the versions) of 
Daniel's vision seems to limit the application 
in this case to Rome. As the wings and 
heads are constituent parts of one body, it 
would be unnatural to assume that the wings 
can represent a series of monarchs in one of 
the great empires of antiquity, and the heads 
a series in another. If this be allowed, it shuts 
out such theories as those of Hilgenfeld, that 
by the wings may be meant the Ptolemies or 
the Seleucidse, and by the heads the members 
of a Roman triumvirate. Hence it would 
seem that the fulfilment of the Vision must 
be sought in the history of Rome herself. 
Moreover, one point of resemblance seems to 

arrest attention at once. The second of the 
twelve wings, interpreted (xii. 14) to mean 
kings, has a reign more than twice as long as 
any succeeding one. If we begin the series 
with Julius Cassar, as is done in the ' Sibylline 
Oracles' (v. 10-15), this might be held to 
be fulfilled in the case of Augustus, whose 
" reign " may be taken as lasting from B.C. 43, 
when he was made Consul, to his death in 
A.D. 14. But then, if this be taken as a 
starting-point, with whom is the line of twelve 
to end ? Why should it cease at Domitian ? 
And who are the three heads ? An ingeni- 
ous solution is proposed by Gfrorer (quoted 
by Dr. Westcott, art. Second Book of 
EsDRAS in the ' Diet, of the Bible ') ; namely, 
that, as some of the twelve were only " set 
up, but ruled not," the series may consist of 
tiie nine Cyssars proper (Julius Cassar to 
Vitellius) and three pretenders, Piso, Vindex, 
and Nymphidius. The three heads would 
then be the three Flavian emperors, Vespasian, 
Titus, and Domitian. This seems more pro- 
bable than the theory of Volkmar, that, as 
the eagle would require pairs of wings 
balancing on each side, in order to fly, we 
should assume a pair of wings to represent 
one sovereign, and in like manner a pair of the 
lesser wings or pinions. But the language 
of xii. 14, 20 seems irreconcilable with this. 

On the whole, then, the hypothesis of 
Gfrorer, given above, seems the most satis- 
factory. It leaves many things unexplained, 
especially the sequence of the eight pinions, 
or rather the first six of the eight, as the last 
two are obscurely described as lingering on 
after the destruction of the third head. But it 
presents some striking coincidences with his- 
tory. The first of the three heads expired 
by a natural death, yet with pain. This was 
true of Vespasian in a.d. 79. The second was 
destroyed by the sword of the third, who 
in turn fell a victim to the sword. While it 
may not be considered proved that Titus was 
murdered by Domitian, there was a strong 
conviction in the popular mind that such was 
the case, as is evident from the statements of 
Suetonius and Dion Cassius; and this is 
enough to justify the writer of this book. A 
Jew who had seen the destruction of his City 
and Temple under the first two of these 
Flavian emperors, and who was smarting 
under the exactions of .the third, might well 
look and pray for the speedy coming of the 
" Lion of the tribe of Judah," and break 
out into a prophecy of that which his soul 
longed for. 



I. Contents 149 

II. Texts and original Language 152 

III. Date of Composition . . 155 

IV. Aim of the Book . . . 162 

V. Place of Composition . . 162 

I. Contents. 

The book, after a few words of preface 
(i. I, 2), declaring the work to be the 
record of the deeds (or words) of Tobit, 
" an honest and good man " (vii. 7), 
of the tribe of Naphtali, begins with an 
autobiography (i. 3 iii. 6). Tobit de- 
scribes himself as having " walked all 
the days of his life in the way of truth 
and justice," and illustrates the state- 
ment by some notes of his life before 
and after his removal to Nineveh. In 
the day of national apostasy others 
might have sacrificed to Baal, he had 
never done so ; others might have neg- 
lected the festival visits to Jerusalem and 
the payment of tithes, he had scrupu- 
lously observed both the letter and the 
spirit of the Law (i. 4-8) ; in the days 
of national captivity others might have 
eaten " the bread of the Gentiles," he, 
like another Daniel (i. 8), had kept 
himself from the defiling meats. He 
was married to Anna, one of his own 
tribe, and an only son Tobias had been 
bom to them. The brief description of 
his life in Nineveh gives the picture of 
what must often have happened the 
life of the exile happy or sad according 
to the nature of the reigning king. 
Under " Enemessar " (see note) he ac- 
quired position and secured employ- 
ment ; and he used his hour of prosperity 
in benefiting his more needy brethren, 
and in placing in safe hands money for 


VI. History 163 

Excursus I. Original Language . 164 

Excursus II. Angelology and De- 
monology 171 

his own future use : under another king, 
Sennacherib, he had to endure the loss 
of all his goods, and his acts of mercy 
to the unburied dead imperilled his life. 
Rest and security came to him again 
when " Sarchedonus " reigned in Nineveh 
(i. 13-22). 

Chap. ii. gives the history of Tobit's 
blindness his efforts to procure relief 
the poverty which fell upon his house- 
hold and his domestic unhappiness. 
Some years passed (see ii. 10, note), and 
matters had not improved. Tobit took 
refuge in prayer, and that a prayer for 
deliverance " out of his distress " and for 
rest in " the everlasting place " (iii. 1-6). 
The same day the prayer of a sorrowing 
woman Sara, the daughter of Raguel 
rose from the " upper chamber " of a 
house in Ecbatane, a city of Media. She 
had been married seven times, and her 
seven husbands had died before the con- 
summation of marriage. The taunts of 
others maddened her to contemplate 
suicide; a better mind impelled her to 
prayer : " If it please not Thee that I 
should die, command some regard to be 
had of me and pity taken of me, that I 
hear no more reproach" (iii. 7-15). 
" The prayers of them both," says the 
chronicler, " were heard before the 
majesty of the great God. And Raphael 
was sent to heal them both " (iii. 16, 17). 

Ch. iv. leads up to the events which 
brought about the introduction of 
Raphael to Tobit's household. Tobit, 



anxious to set his money matters in 
order before his death, summons to him 
his son Tobias, informs him of the money 
left with Gabael, and bids him seek out 
a guide for the journey to Media (v. 3). 
The old man gives his son admirable 
advice, illustrated by his own practice. 
Duty to the mother who may survive 
the speaker, and duty to the God Who 
alone can make life worth living, will 
preserve to his son an upright, honest 
course. Free but discriminating alms- 
giving (urged more than once ; cp. iv. 
7-11, 16, 17), a happy and lawful mar- 
riage (iv. 12, 13), a perception of the 
responsibilities of his position (iv. 14, 15), 
and a readiness to accept sound counsel 
are to be features of a character which 
will count the " fear of God " the " de- 
parture from all sin," and "the doing 
that which is pleasing in God's sight" 
" much wealth," in spite of and in the 
midst of earthly poverty (iv. 21). The 
guide is found in Raphael, who assumes 
the name of Azarias, and claims kindred 
with Tobit's own family (v. 12). The 
old man satisfies himself of the trust- 
worthiness of his son's companion, and 
they pass away followed by a father's 
blessing and a mother's tears (v. 16-22). 
Ch. vi. recounts the capture of the 
fish in the river Tigris {v. 2). Tobias, 
at Raphael's bidding, reserves the heart, 
the liver, and the gall ; the use of the 
two first being explained to him thus : 
"if a devil or an evil spirit trouble any, 
we must make a smoke thereof before 
the man or the woman, and the party 
shall be no more vexed " {v. 7) ; and of 
the last-named, " it is good to anoint a 
man that hath whiteness in his eyes, and 
he shall be healed" {v. 8). Tobias 
would hail with joy the prospect of 
seeing his father restored to sight by 
so simple a remedy; but what interest 
could he take in the utility of the other 
medicines? This interest Raphael pre- 
sently arouses in him. As they pass on, 
Tobias learns the intention of his guide 
to stay at the house of Raguel, his 
cousin ; and that he, Sara's husband-to- 
be by right of inheritance, should also 
become her preserver through the help 
of a " merciful God," and by the use of 
the smoking heart and liver. The Angel's 
words arouse the young man's deepest 

sympathies ; *' when he had heard 
these things, he loved Sara, and his heart 
was effectually joined unto her." The 
travellers reach Ecbatane in due course, 
and are received by Raguel, Edna his 
wife, and Sara with a true Oriental 
courtesy, changed into affectionate de- 
monstrativeness and hospitality when 
the half-suspected relationship is made 
known (vii. 1-8). Tobias, however, 
like another of old (Gen. xxiv. 33), will 
eat nothing till a marriage contract has 
been agreed and sworn to between him 
and Sara. With the ardour of love at 
first sight he sets aside Raguel's frank 
confession of their great trouble {vv. 
9-15); and the chapter closes with a 
mother's prayer for her weeping child as 
she leads her to the marriage-chamber 
{vv. 16-18). 

Chapter viii. gives the consequences 
of using the means suggested by the 
Angel for the expulsion of " the evil 
spirit," who had so long plagued Sara : 
' he fled into the utmost parts of Egypt, 
and the Angel bound him" (viii. 1-3). 
This is followed by the simple but 
touching prayer of the delivered couple 
{vv. 4-8) ; Raguel's outburst of genuine 
thanksgiving to Him Who had "had 
mercy of two that were the only be- 
gotten children of their fathers;" and 
the prolongation of the marriage festi- 
vities for fourteen days {vv. 19-21). 
During this time Raphael, at the request 
of Tobias, goes to Rages and fetches 
away the money left with Gabael (ch. ix.). 
On his return Tobias, resisting the pres- 
sure to detain him, departs with his wife 
and Raphael, his goods, money, and ser- 
vants, homewards to Nineveh, followed 
by the blessings of Raguel and Edna; 
the mother giving her son-in-law one 
parting word of affectionate caution, 
" Behold, I commit my daughter unto 
thee of special trust, wherefore do not 
entreat her evil " (x. 8-1 2). 

In the meantime Tobit and Anna had 
been counting the days for the journey 
out and home which they had calcu- 
lated would be required by Tobias and 
Raphael. When these days had expired, 
and neither son nor guide appeared, 
there fell a distressing anxiety upon the 
hearts of the blind father and the 
mother. "Are they detained?" was 



Tobit's question. " Is Gabael dead, and 
no man to give the money?" The 
mother's thoughts were more sad and 
more positive : " My son is dead," she 
cried ; " now I care for nothing, since I 
have let thee go, the light of mine eyes." 
" Every day," says the narrative, " she 
went out into the way which they went, 
and did eat no meat in the day-time, 
and ceased not whole nights to bewail 
her son" (x. 1-7). It was as she sat 
thus one day, " looking about toward the 
way for her son," that " she espied him 
coming, and the man that went with 
him" (xi. 5, 6). At Raphael's sugges- 
tion Tobias and he had pushed on ahead 
of the caravan, the love of a bridegroom 
yielding for awhile to the affection of a 
son. In a few moments the mother's 
arms were round his neck. Tobias 
carried in his hand the gall of the fish ; 
he saw his blind father " stumbling " 
towards him : with one hand he saved 
him from falling, with the other he 
" strake of the gall on his father's eyes, 
saying. Be of good hope, my father. 
And when his eyes began to smart, he 
rubbed them ; and the whiteness pilled 
away from the corners of his eyes ; and 
when he saw his son, he fell upon his 
neck," weeping for joy and blessing God 
(xi. 2-15). The chapter concludes with 
the arrival of Sara, and an account of 
the festivities which followed. 

There remained one thing more to be 
done, to reward the faithful Azarias. 
Father and son agreed that his services 
merited more than the covenanted wages ; 
and gratitude prompted Tobias to sug- 
gest, " Give him half of those things 
which I have brought." With this 
princely gift Tobit would have dismissed 
Azarias. But the time of self-revelation 
had come, and Azarias took them both 
apart. " Give God thanks," he said, 
"not me. Bless Him, praise Him for 
the things which He hath done unto 
you. It is good to keep close the secret 
of a king, but it is honourable to reveal 
the works of God" (xii. 5, 6). He de- 
clared to them his true nature (xii. 19) : 
" I am Raphael, one of the seven holy 
Angels, which present the prayers of the 
saints, and which go in and out before 
the glory of the Holy One" (xii. 15). 
Did they marvel why he had come to 

them? Let them recall certain facts, 
certain prayers, certain deeds. Tobit's 
prayers and Sara's prayers had been 
brought by him in remembrance before 
the Holy One : Tobit's deeds of mercy 
to the dead had been witnessed by him. 
Therefore had God sent him to heal 
those who prayed, and those who prac- 
tised what they prayed " with fasting and 
alms and righteousness" (xii. 8-14). 
And then he cheered those "troubled" 
and worshipping men : " Fear not. It 
shall go well with you. Give God 
thanks, for I go up to Him that sent 
me" (xii. 16-22). 

One especial injunction was left with 
Tobit and his son by the Angel : " Write 
all things which are done in a book" 
(xii. 20). Tobit remembered the charge, 
and chapter xiii. gives as an instalment 
the " prayer of rejoicing " which he 
" wrote." It is a prayer dictated by the 
experience of his own life, and a con- 
tinuous commentary on the truth with 
which it opens, " God doth scourge, and 
hath mercy ; He leadeth down to hell 
and bringeth up again" (xiii. 2). The 
history of his own life was from darkness 
to light, from sorrow to joy : might it 
not, must it not, be the same with his 
fellow-countrymen and with Jerusalem, 
the holy city ? A few extracts will shew 
this : " In the land of my captivity do 
I praise God," he exclaims, " and declare 
His might and majesty to a sinful nation. 
O ye sinners, turn and do justice before 
Him ! Who can tell if He will accept 
you and have mercy on you ? " (xiii. 6 5). 
" Confess Him before the Gentiles, ye 
children of Israel; for He is the God 
our Father for ever. He will scourge 
us for our iniquities, and will have mercy 
again. If ye turn to Him with your 
whole heart, and deal uprightly before 
Him, then will He turn unto you and will 
not hide His face from you " (xiii. ^-6 a). 
From God's people to God's city the 
transition was easy ; in spirited and pa- 
thetic language the " seer " foretells the 
future : " O Jerusalem, the holy city, 
He will scourge thee for thy children's 
works, and will have mercy again on the 
sons of the righteous. Praise " (note the 
thought) " the everlasting King that His 
tabernacle may be builded in thee again 
with joy, and make joyful there in thee 



those that are captives, and love in thee 
for ever those that are miserable " (xiii. 
9, lo). In his vision of the future Tobit 
sees " the children of the just gathered 
together" in Jerusalem, and blessing "the 
Lord of the just, and many nations 
coming from far with gifts in their hands, 
even gifts to the King of Heaven, and 
all generations praising the holy city 
with great joy " (xiii. 11-13). The vision 
creates in him an ecstasy of happiness : 
" O blessed are they which love thee 
(Jerusalem), for they shall rejoice in thy 
peace : blessed are all they which have 
been sorrowful for all thy scourges ; for 
they shall rejoice for thee, when they 
have seen all thy glory, and shall be 
glad for ever" (xiii. 14). In terms which 
reflect the inspiration of Isaiah and 
Jeremiah and foreshadow the vision 01 
the Apocalypse, he beholds " Jerusalem 
built up with precious stones, and her 
towers with pure gold ; " he hears the 
very " streets singing Alleluia," and 
men's voices proclaiming, " Blessed be 
God, Which hath extolled it for ever" 
(xiii. 16-18). 

Tobit was 66 years old when his sight 
was restored to him, and he lived to be 
158 (xiv. I, 11). The occupation of 
that span of 92 years was the same as 
that of his previous life : it may be 
summed up in those words of the dying 
man which are also the motto of the 
Book : " Consider, my son, what alms 
doeth, and how righteousness doth de- 
liver" (xiv. 11). The words form part 
of the last counsel the " very aged " 
father gave to Tobias and his six sons. 
In that counsel he advised Tobias to 
take his family from Nineveh, the de- 
strjction of which he believed inevitable, 
and find peace " for a time " in Media, 
far away from the " good land " of 
Palestine, from " desolate Jerusalem " 
and the " burned house of God " (xiv. 
4, 8). " For a time " only ; because 
though he and Tobias might never live 
to see it, yet would their children find it 
true, "that again God will have mercy 
on them, and bring them again into the 
land, where they shall build a Temple, 
but not like to the first, until the time of 
that age be fulfilled ; and aftenvard they 
shall return from all places of their cap- 
tivity and build up Jerusalem gloriously, 

and the house of God shall be built in it 
with a glorious building, as the prophets 
have spoken " (xiv. 5). Tobias remained 
in Nineveh till his mother was also dead ; 
to both he gave " honourable " burial, 
and then with Sara went to Media to 
Ecbatane, to the home of Raguel (xiv. 
12). There in due course he buried 
Raguel and Edna, and there too he 
himself died at the age of 127 ; but not 
before he had " heard of the destruction 
of Nineveh" by Nebuchadnezzar, and 
had " rejoiced over " its fall (xiv. 13-15). 

II. Texts and original Language. 

The popularity and charm of the Book 
of Tobit are attested both by its early 
circulation in Hebrew, Chaldee, Syriac, 
Greek, and Latin texts ; and by the 
frequent comments, numerous illustra- 
tions, and additional details which, in 
these Versions, give variety to the form 
of the story while preserving intact the 
main facts. But of these texts which is 
the original ? Or, are they in their pre- 
sent form reproductions of a lost original? 
A few words upon the texts themselves 
must precede any attempt at answering 
this still disputed problem. 

(a.) The Hebrew text exists in two 
forms : (aj) Hebrceus Mii/isfefi, first 
printed at Constantinople (15 16) and 
reproduced by Sebastian Miinster to 
whom it was a " hbellus vere aureus " 
at Basle (1542). It has been published 
often since : e.g. by Walton (who printed 
the edition of 15 16 in vol. iv. of his 
Polyglott), and in modem times by 
Neubauer.^ (ao) Hebrceus Fagii, a text 
published by Fagius from a Constanti- 
nopolitan copy of 1517 (or 1519), and 
assigned to the nth and 12th century, 
also printed in Walton's Polyglott. Of 

1 Neubauer (A.), 'The Book of Tobit,' p. xiu 
&c., Oxford, 1878. The Constantinopolitan text 
has been collated by him (i) with a Heb. MS- 
(No. 1251) in the National Library at Paris;. 

(2) with the Persian translation of the Hebrew 
MS. (No. 130) in the National Library at Paris j 

(3) through the librarian of the Parma Royal 
Library with MS. 194 of De Rossi's Catalogue. 
Neubauer dates the Hebrew text published by 
him from the 5th to the 7th century. 

Cp. Bissell, 'The Book of Tobit' (Lange's 
Commentary on the Apocrypha), Introduction, 
p. Ill &c. 



these texts z^ is for the most part a free 
translation or paraphrase of the Roman 
edition of the LXX. ; a^ is considered 
by Neubauer a translation of an earlier 
recension of the Bodleian Chaldee text. 

(k) The Chaldee text, St. Jerome, in 
his preface to the Book of Tobit, says 
that he translated it into Latin from the 
lips of an expert who rendered into 
Hebrew the words of a Chaldee text 
before him. The translation occupied 
Jerome but a single day, and was written 
down by an amanuensis from his dicta- 
tion.^ No critic ever doubted Jerome's 
veracity, but nothing till modern times 
was known of a Chaldee text. The 
discovery of such a text is a chapter in 
the history of the romance of ancient 
Bibliography.^ A MS. was bought at 
Constantinople for the Bodleian Library 
(Oxford). When examined, it was found 
to be a collection of Midrashim (expo- 
sitions or commentaries) copied in the 
15 th century in Greek-Rabbinical cha- 
racters. Of this collection ' The Book 01 
Tobit ' fomis the fifth piece, being given 
as a commentary on Gen. xxviii. 2 ; and 
it purports to be an extract from the 
Midrash Rabba de Rabbah, a work 
identified with the Midrash major on 
Genesis of Martini. This Chaldee Tobit 
was therefore known amongst the Jews 
at the beginning of the nth century; 
but, if anterior to the Hebrew text of the 
5th to 7th century, it is of course older. 
Neubauer in fact concludes that " Jerome 
had our present Chaldee text in a fuller 
form before him when he made his 
translation of the book." The Bodleian 
text agrees substantially with the Greek 
Sinaitic text (see <r), and is by some 
derived from it (see p. 169). 

{c.) Of the Greek Version there are 
three texts : (c^) that of the Codex Alex- 

' The Preface is to be found in most modern 
copies of the Vulgate. Jerome's actual words 
.;re : " Exigitis ut librum Chaldseo sermone con- 
scrlntum, ad Latinum stylum traham ; librum 
utiqua Tobise, quem Hebrsei de catalogo divi- 
narum Scripturarum secantes, his que hagio- 
grapha memorant, manciparunt. . . . Et quia 
vicina est Chaldseorum lingua sermoni Hebraico, 
utriusque linguce peritissimum loquacem repe- 
riens, unius diei laborem arripui, et quicquid ille 
mihi Hebraicis verbis expressit, hoc ego accito 
notario, sermonibus Latinis exposui." Cp. Gut- 
berlet, 'Das Buch Tobias,' p. 19. 

* See Neubauer, op. cit, Pref. p. vii. &c. 

andrinus and of the Codex Vaticanus,. 
and known as A; {c.^ the more expanded 
text of the Codex Sinaiticus, known as 
B ^ ; (C3) the incomplete text (containing 
only vi. 9 xiii. 8) of the codices 44, 106, 
107 (according to Holmes and Parsons* 
notation), known as C and akin to B^. 
Of the texts A and B between which 
the question lies A is considered to 
be the original by Fritzsche, Bickell^ 
Noldeke, Hilgenfeld, Grimm, and Preiss ; 
B by Ewald, Reusch, and Schiirer.^ This, 
divergence of opinion is due to the old 
difficulty, Does a shorter recension of a 
subject mark originality or abbreviation ? 
In this case. Is the diffuseness of B due ta 
enlargement on the score of paraphrase, 
or has its greater circumstantiality been 
pared down to the dimensions of A? 
The point is of importance, but it seems 
at present impossible to obtain unanimity 
of opinion. If Fritzsche does not con- 
vince Schiirer, Schurer fails to convince 

{d.) The Latin texts are represented 
by the Itala and Vulgate, (dj) The 
Itala, as printed by Sabatier^ and not 
very accurately has for its ground-text 
a Paris MS. (Codex Regius) of the 
8th century, compared with two other 
MSS. of about the same date marked by 
many variations. A second^ recension 
of the Itala is perhaps to be found in a 
Vatican codex, formerly belonging to 

* Published separately by Reusch, 'Libellus 
Tobit e Codice Sinaitico editus et recensitus," 

^ Fritzsche gives this in the * Kurzgefasstes 
Handbuch zu den Apokryphen des Alten Testa- 
mentes ; das Buch Tobi,' p. 89 &c. 

^ Cp. the following papers &c. on Tobit : 
Bickell, 'Zeitschrift fur katholische Theologie * 
(1878), Heft i. p. 216 &c. ; Noldeke, 'Monats- 
bericht der Koniglich Preussischen Akademie'" 
(Jan. 1879); Hilgenfeld, 'Zeitschrift fiir wis- 
senschafthche Theologie' (1862), p. 161 Ac 
(18S6), p. 147 &c. ; Grimm, Ibid. (18S1), p. 48 ; 
Preiss, Ibid. (1885), p. 39; Ewald, 'Jahrbuch 
der biblischeWissenschaft,' ix. p. 191 ; Schurer, 
' Theologische Literaturzeitung' (1878), No. 14; 
cp. also his 'Geschichte des JUdischen Volkes 
im Zeitalter Jesu Christi,'* ii. 607. 

* ' Bibliorum sacrorum Latinse Versiones an- 
tique,' i. Neubauer's text (p. Ixviii. &c.) is a 
reproduction of that MS. of Sabatier's which 
contained the whole Book. 

* Bianchini gives this text in the 'Vindicise 
canonicarum Scripturarum,' p. cccl. &c. Reusch 
('Libellus ' &c., p. iv.) considers it more accu- 
rate than that of Sabatier : see Bickell, p. 218. 



Queen Christina of Sweden, of unknown 
date, and containing only i. vi. 12. 
There are fragments of a third ^ re- 
cension contained in a Roman MS. of 
the 6th or 7th century which differ con- 
siderably from the other recensions, 
especially in the matter of expansion. 

The Greek text B (Codex Sinaiticus) 
is the basis of the text of the Itala ; but 
the Latin translator used also the Greek 
text A, or as Reusch thinks more pro- 
bable the Itala has been altered here 
and there to make it more in accordance 
with the Greek A. Certain peculiarities 
of the accepted Itala text, such as unique 
readings, interpolations, or omissions, 
may be assigned to the translator ; and 
the text itself is to be dated at the latest 
about A.D. 200, since it is quoted by 
Cyprian (Bishop of Carthage c. 248 A.D.). 

(dj.) The Vulgate, undertaken by 
Jerome at the desire of Chromatius 
bishop of Aquileia and of Heliodorus 
bishop of Altinum and made direct from 
the Chaldee (see {b) above), is among 
the earliest of his translations, and is 
older than that of the Book of Daniel.^ 
The rapidity with which it was made^ 
did not militate against its general faith- 
fulness ; and more than that is hardly 
to be expected, if he proceeded upon 
the plan he described in the Preface to 
the Book of Judith, " magis sensum e 
sensu, quam ex verbo verbum transferens." 
Further, he must have had the Itala 
before him; for he employs it more 
frequently than in other Books, if he 
also permitted himself considerable in- 
dependence of treatment. There are 
many places where Jerome is an epito- 
miser first and a translator next* One 
notable feature in this "Version is its very 
large additions to the ordinary text ;^ but 
that explanation is considered adequate 
which refers them to Jerome's method, 
or to the work of a later hand, or to the 

* See Mai, ' Spicilegium,' ix. ; Reusch, Das 
Buch Tobias,' p. xxvi. 

^ Reusch, p. xxxii. 

* He states that he also translated the three 
books of Solomon in three days (see Prsef. in 
libr. Salom.). 

Cp, on these points Reusch, pp. xxxiv.- 

* Many of these will be found in their proper 
places in the Commentary. Cp. Reusch. pp. 

xl.-xlii. ; Bickell, p. 221. 

Chaldee MS. from which his teacher 
was reading. 

{e.) A Syriac Version is given in 
Walton's Polyglott.^ It is based upon 
two MSS., and follows exactly the LXX. 
or Greek A as far as vii. 10, and the 
Greek B from vii. 11. Noldeke beHeves 
the former of these MSS. to belong to 
the Hexapla of Paulus of Tela {c. be- 
ginning of the 7th cent.) ; its literalness 
gives it a certain value for the criticism 
of the LXX. The text of this Syriac 
Version is confirmed by the Syriac 
translation preserved in the Medicean 
library at Rome. The second Syriac 
MS. agrees principally with the Greek 
text C. 

It will be seen, by the dependence of 
these Versions upon either a Greek or 
Semitic text, that the question of ori- 
ginality resolves itself into the choice of 
a text composed in one or other of these 
two languages. The chief supporters of 
a Greek original are Fritzsche, Hitzig, and 
Noldeke ; on the other hand, Ewald, 
Hilgenfeld, Griitz, Bickell, and Rosen- 
thal strongly advocate a Semitic original. 
Patient examination of the arguments 
advanced on either side dependent as 
these arguments frequently are upon 
negative considerations, philological nice- 
ties, textual variations, and opinions in- 
genious rather than ingenuous as to 
tendency, date, place, and time of com- 
position has not yet led to a decision 
which commands unanimous acceptance. 
Many critics leave the matter where 
they find it. They are unable to satisfy 
themselves, and are unwilling, with only 
the existing evidence before them, to 
recommend any judgment as final. In 
the whole question one positive fact 
alone is forthcoming, viz. St. Jerome's 
unquestioned statement that his transla- 
tion was a translation from the Chaldee. 
That would imply a Semitic original, 
whether or not this "" Chaldee " was, as 
Gratz and Bickell unite in considering 
it, the neo-Hebraic dialect ; and whether 
or not his copy was but an incomplete 
copy or recension of an earlier text. Is 
there then anything which, on philo- 

' Cp. Reusch, pp. xxx.-xxxi., who also fur- 
nishes notices of the Armenian {c. 5th cent, based 
upon the Greek A) and Arabic (based upon the 
Vulgate) Versions (pp. xliv., xlviii.). 



logical grounds, supports or detracts from 
this single positive factor ? To my own 
mind the Semitic character of the proper 
names (male and female), the textual 
difficulties best explained as faults of 
translation, as well as the whole cast and 
style of the narrative are strongly in 
support of it ; but it is only just to add 
that others, competent and experienced 
in such matters, challenge and reject such 
a conclusion. St. Jerome's " Chaldee " 
is to them but a translation or adaptation 
of a Greek original.^ 

Other considerations therefore require 
examination. For example, what light 
does the narrative itself, its tendency, its 
doctrinal teaching, its historical state- 
ments &c. throw upon the period and 
place in which the writer of the Book 
lived ? After these have been fairly 
estimated, the light they furnish may 
perhaps reflect light upon the original 
language in which the Book was written. 

III. Date of Composition. 

The difference of opinion with respect 
to this is at first sight startling and be- 
wildering. One school,^ maintaining the 
historical integrity and authenticity of 
the Book, places its composition in 
the 7th century B.C. Another class ot 
critics, following the lead of Hitzig, Ko- 
hut, and Gratz, would make it eight or 
nine centuries later. Others, lastly, seek 
a judicious mean between such extremes. 

{a) The first opinion demands of the 
reader a literal acceptance of statements 
respecting two Jewish families living in 
Nineveh and in Ecbatane in the time of 
the Assyrian captivity. A certain As- 
syrian and Median colouring does with- 
out doubt present itself naturally and 
unobtrusively in the sections where it 
might be expected ;^ and the injunction 
(xii. 20) to hand down in permanent 
form events fraught with something more 
than a passing significance may rightly 
be referred to a holy purpose inspired 
in a devout mind ; but historical in the 

^ See Excursus the end of the Introduction. 

* Cp., as representatives, the Roman CathoHc 
writers Gutberlet, 3 ; Kaulen, ' Einl.' 256 &c. 

' Cp. notes on i. 15, 22; ii. 11 ; v. 3, 14; 
vi. I. Windischmann, ' Zoroastr. Studien,' 
p. 145, thought this colouring so marked, that 
he also dated the Book in the 7th cent. 'B.C. 

usual sense of the term the Book can 
hardly be, without considerable elasticity 
be admitted as regards names, places, 
distances, and numbers.^ There may 
well have been a family history in which 
figured such Jewish persons as Tobit 
and Raguel, Tobias and Sarah, Anna 
and Edna, residents in the cities and 
countries named. Healing may well 
have been vouchsafed to Tobit and 
Sarah in answer to prayer. Prosperity 
after poverty, a happy end after a sad 
beginning, is true to real life. Never- 
theless most critics outside this school 
unite in considering the Book a work 
of imagination, founded possibly upon 
genuine occurrences in the lives of those 
described, but without further pretension 
to historical accuracy. 

(b) The second school, declining to 
consider the authenticity of any details 
matters of moment or interest, goes to 
the opposite extreme of accepting no- 
thing. The Book is to them a pure 
romance from beginning to end ; and, 
in their opinion, the only serious question 
is to discover the place and time indi- 
cated by the local allusions and the 
" tendency " they find in it. The doc- 
trine and ethics as well as the ceremonial 
and other practices have therefore been 
analysed with a view to extracting their 
historical position independently of the 
romance or poetry with which they are 
invested, and a late date has been pro- 
pounded on internal even more than 
upon external evidence. 

To Hitzig ^ the crucial passage indica- 
tive of date is xiv. 4, 5. He considers 
that the writer is living at a time when 
the destruction of the second Temple 
had taken place (cp. v. 5 ', xiii. 9, 10), 
and therefore that the earliest date pos- 
sible to the Book would be a.d. 70. 
Proceeding to a more definite conclusion, 
he finds in the destruction of "Nineveh" 
(xiv. 4) a masked allusion to that de- 
struction of Antioch, the Rome of Asia 
Minor, which was due to an earthquake 

> Cp. notes on i. 2, 4, 15, 21 ; xiv. 11, 14. 

The so-called "improbabilities" discovered in 
the mode in which Tobit became blind (ii. 9, 
10), in the experience of Tobias with the fish 
(vi. 3), and in the introduction of the dog (v. 16, 
xi. 4), need not be considered serious. 

* 'Zeitschrift f. wissensch. Theologie' (i86o), 
p. 250 &c. 


(a.d. 113) in the reign of Trajan. The Nebuchadnezzar. The language of 

country was soon after agitated by revolt xiii. 1 1 is that of well-known prophetic 

while Media or Parthia was at peace ; expectation ; xiii. 13 expresses the 

and this is the explanation of the writer's familiar hope of the return of the Dia- 

advice to his countrymen to depart to a spora to Jerusalem; xiii. 16, 17, but 

quieter land till their then distress was reflects the previous portraiture of an 

overpast (xiv. 4, 12). The requirements Isaiah (see reff. in notes). Long before 

of this theory point to a date c. a.d. 116. the second destruction of Jerusalem, the 

Rosenthal^ concurs with Hitzig in re- " troublous times " (Dan. ix. 25) inspired 

cognizing a reference to Nineveh, and men with the yearning for happier days 

in dating the composition of the Book and for the promised glory of the Jeru- 

after the revolt under Trajan ; but in salem of the future. Even while the 

addition he finds this emperor's portrait second Temple was standing, and men 

and deeds, or those of his cruel heu- could not but admit its beauty, the cir- 

tenant Lucius Quietus,- in Sennacherib's cumstances under which they, as subject 

character and actions (i. 15 &c.); and to heathen powers, were permitted to 

those of the Emperor Hadrian in Esarhad- embellish and frequent it, but deepened 

don (i. 21, 22). It is true that in the first the craving for the Temple of the future 

years of Hadrian's reign an expectation when they should tread the sacred courts 

of better days and of a restoration of as freemen, and where their sacrifices 

the Temple was rife among the Jews ; ^ should be offered with a liberty and a 

and accordingly in those first years does lavishness recalling the palmy days of a 

Rosenthal find the happy time in which Solomon. 

the Book of Tobit, marked by " a tender, The opinion of Kohut is in favour of 
peaceful, and hopeful tone," might have a still later date. He finds traces of Per- 
been written. Rosenthal, however, is in sian thought, belief, and practice, every- 
these identifications with emperors in di- where in the Book; and notably (i) in 
rect antagonism with Gratz (see below) ; the recorded conceptions of the powers 
and Hilgenfeld's* objections to one and good and evil of the spiritual world, and 
all such parallelisms viz. the incongru- (2) in the acts of Tobit towards the dead, 
ousness of the type and antitype, the (i) The angelology and demonology 
absence from the Book of any circum- of the Book is no doubt marked by a 
stances approaching those required by particularity which would at any time 
the theory, as well as the improbabilities attract attention. The teaching on this 
inherent in it are stronger than the subject, descriptive and ethical, is, broadly 
arguments adduced to support it. It is stated, in advance of the teaching of the 
urged, moreover, with much probability, canonical Books of Scripture ; but it is 
that the inference from the passages upon only by strained applications and fre- 
which these and similar hypotheses lay quently mistaken interpretations that the 
stress viz., allusion to the destruction conceptions of Parseeism or the puerihties 
of the second Temple is unwarranted.^ of Rabbinism can be evolved from or 
The expressions used and the Messianic paralleled with the representations of the 
anticipations generally are far more Book of Tobit. An investigation con- 
appropriately and naturally referred to a ducted elsewhere ^ has led me to the 
writer who looks back upon the past to conclusion that this Book, while certainly 
the destruction of the first Temple by affected by foreign and external belief 

on these points, presents its ideas in a 

1 ' Vier apokryph. Bucher,' p. 135. form far more advanced than the Book 

Tuden '^^ w T.T'' "'m^i"''' 'P^''I^^'^l^u^ of Daniel, but also far short of that of 

juaen, IV. 123 sq.; Milman, 'Hist, of the ^, -r, , r t- u 

Jews,' ii. 419 &c. the Book of Enoch. 

' Gratz, iv.- 137 &c. Kindly, or not un- (2) Tobit's care for and burial of 

friendly, feeling on the part of Hadrian could the dead acts seemingly quite natural 

?h1jeTs,Mr4t3''^'''^^^'^'"'"''"''''^^ ^^0"g devout Jews at any period of 

* 'Zeitschr. f. w. Th.' (1881), p. 42. 

See Hilgenfeld, 'Zeitschr. f.w.Th.' (1862), See Excursus ii. at the end of the Intro- 
p. 193; Grimm, ibid. (iSSi), p. 4. duction. 



their history has yet been interpreted 
both by Kohut and Gratz as indicative 
of a special and late date. The former ^ 
finds in Tobit's actions a protest against 
the conduct of Ardeshir (a.d. 226), the 
first Persian monarch of the Sassanian 
dynasty. In his time, burial of the dead 
was forbidden to the Jews. To his co- 
religionists, burial of the dead was objec- 
tionable on religious grounds ; and they 
carried their objections to such a point 
that they ordered the disinterment of the 
bodies. But this law they applied to all, 
whether Jews or not ; and the alleged 
parallelism with the history of Tobit is 
imperfect. That history does not pre- 
sent burial as universally interdicted, but 
only to the Jews when they sought it for 
their slaughtered compatriots (i. 18, 19). 
Gratz,^ objecting to Kohut's view, ad- 
vances another which, if not inapposite 
as regards parallelism, has yet not met 
with acceptance. In Sennacherib the 
furious (i. 15-20) he finds the portrait 
of the Emperor Hadrian (a.d. 117-38) ; 
in Esarhaddon the gentle, the portrait 
of the Emperor Antoninus Pius (a.d. 
138-61). The reign of Hadrian is 
indeed marked, in the annals of the 
Jews, by the sanguinary rebellion under 
the false Messiah Bar-cochba and Akiba, 
greatest of the Rabbins.^ Of its many 
terrible episodes, the siege of Bether, the 
metropolis and citadel of the insurgents, 
is amongst the most terrible. The story 
runs that Hadrian commanded the dead 
to be set as a surrounding enclosure to a 
vine-clad hill, and forbad their burial till 
a new king should arise and permit it. 
This story, or one containing events 
akin to it, Gratz finds reflected in the 
Book of Tobit. The Talmudical pas- 
sages which are quoted by him as autho- 
rity for his view are, however, too full of 
exaggerations and marvels to merit 
much confidence ; and his interpreta- 
tion and use of them are seriously im- 
pugned by Rosenthal and Grimm.* 

* 'Etwas iiber d. Moral u. d. Abfassungzeit 
d. B. Tobias,' pp. 19-21. 

* 'Monatschrift,' p. 513 &c. Cp. also his 
'Gesch. d. Juden," iv. note 17 (p. 462 &c.). 
He is followed by Preiss, pp. 50-I. 

^ For the events see Gratz, ' Gesch.' iv. chs, 
vii.-ix. ; Milman, ' Hist, of thejews,'ii, bk. xviii. 

* Grimm, 'Zeitschr. f. wiss. Theologie' (1881), 
p. 41; Rosenthal, pp. 109, 110. 

Further, though it seems certain that 
Antoninus Pius was far less stern towards 
the Jews than his predecessor;^ yet if 
his treatment of the Christians be at all 
a guide to his treatment of any who 
opposed that Roman reUgion which was 
essentially political, and that deification 
of the living emperor which would be as 
blasphemous to Christian as to Jew,^ 
then the Jews would not expect or 
receive such toleration and favour as is 
supposed to be implied in the actions of 
the Roman Esarhaddon. Gratz's hypo- 
thesis is, in fact, far-fetched, and reflects 
too evidently the desire to find in this 
particular conduct on the part of Tobit 
the leading thought of the book. The 
cruelty of a Bacchides (i Mace. vii. 17), 
the criminal record of a Jason (2 Mace. 
V. 10), the madness of an Antiochus 
Epiphanes (2 Mace. ix. 15), exhibited 
in their sacrilegious treatment of the dead 
quite sufficient parallels, were parallels 
required ; while acts such as those of 
Tobit must frequently have been re- 
peated wherever the heathen slaughtered 
and massacred Israelites who asked for 
no quarter and gave none. 

Passing from historical to other con- 
siderations adduced by the advocates 
of a late date, much stress has been laid 
upon the prominence and efficacy 
alleged to be attached to fasting and 
almsgiving ; ^ but, certainly as regards 
the former, far more has been read into 
the Book than it actually contains. 
There is only one passage (xii. 8) in 
which fasting is advocated ; and even 
there not for any merit it might possess 
in itself, but only as linked in triple 
union with prayer and almsgiving. Too 
great a wish to discover distinctions 
between the teaching of apocryphal and 
canonical Books of Scripture has been 
here father to the thought that fasting is 
advocated as "a regularly recurring, 
and in itself meritorious, observance." 
There is nothing which on this point 

* See Gratz, 'Gesch.' iv. pp. 184-6 ; Milman, 
ii. p. 440. 

* See Lightfoot's ' S. Ignatius,' i. p. 444. 

* On fasting, see xii. 8 (note). Observe that 
the Vulgate alone mentions Sarah's fasting (iii. 
10, note) and the continence of the newly-married 
couple (viii. 4, note). On almsgiving, see i. 3, 
16; iv. 7-1 1, 16; xii. 8, 12; xiv. 2, 10, and 



exceeds the teaching of the Old Testa- 
ment, or approximates it to the Pha- 
risaism of the time of Christ. 

Almsgiving is commended, and 
strongly ; but it is a decided mistake to 
find in the inculcations of this duty the 
leading object of the Book, or to press 
the language which describes it as 
" making void the Law of God through 
tradition." The description given of 
Tobit's almsdeeds (i. 3, 16; xiv. 2, 10) 
is quite simple and without exaggeration, 
and his own admonitions respecting it 
(iv. 7-1 1, 16) are found amongst other 
counsels ; holding, it is true, a very pro- 
minent place among them, but by no 
means the first in point of order (cp. iv. 
3-6), or to the undue exclusion of other 
matters of moment, such as (f. g.) that 
which a Jewish father in exile would 
have so much at heart, the marriage of 
his son (iv. 12, 13 ; cp. vi. 15). It is with 
the writer but an illustration, though a 
grand one, of the principle enunciated in 
iv. 5, 6. Note also that not one word 
is spoken about almsgiving in the thanks- 
giving (xiii. 6), where it might reasonably 
have been expected, had so much merit 
been attached to it ; and it is somewhat 
significant that Anna is represented as 
not only contemning Tobit's almsdeeds 
as profitless (ii. 14), but also as blaming 
her husband for that greediness after gold 
Avhich she, in the bitterness of a mother's 
sense of wrong, unjustly considered to 
have cost their son his hfe (v. 18; cp. 
xii. 8). Raphael's eulogy of almsgiving 
(xii. 8) partakes of the same character 
and repeats the same words as Tobit's, 
but without investing it with undue 
honours or claiming for it other merit 
than that of a practical illustration of a 
similar principle, " Do that which is 
good, and no evil shall touch you " 
(xii. 7). 

An examination of the language em- 
ployed both by Tobit and Raphael will, 
perhaps, remove some misapprehensions. 
Much stress, for example, has been laid 
upon the phrases, " alms do deliver from 
death" (iv. 10; xii. 9), "(alms) shall 
purge away all sin " (xii. 9) ; and they 
are in themselves and apart from their 
context strong phrases ; but to be esti- 
mated aright they must be taken in con- 
nexion with the immediate narrative. 

Thus an investigation of the first of 
these passages would seem to shew that 
the " death " from which almsdeeds 
rescued such men as Tobit and Manasses 
was death at the hands of a Sennacherib 
and some unknown persecutor respec- 
tively. It had nothing to do with death 
as a punishment for sin. This latter 
sense has been perhaps legitimately de- 
duced from it by commentators, but 
it was not the primary sense. Similarly 
with regard to the second phrase, a 
meaning has been attributed to it, fair 
enough when put forward as a legitimate 
deduction, but which is not the original 
meaning. It is not perhaps possible to 
assign to this phrase so definite an appli- 
cation as to the former; but taken in 
connexion with the whole history, and 
with the contrast between Tobit's whole 
mode of life and that of his neighbours 
(cp. i. 6, 1 2 ; ii. 8 ; and the whole tenor 
of the teaching in ch. iv.), there is a 
present deliverance or purgation implied 
in the words which falls far short of the 
eschatological interpretation some have 
attached to it (see below, p. 161). 

Historically, the view presented on 
both these points is that of the period 
to which so much else converges, viz. the 
pre-Maccabean era. Gratz and Rosen- 
thal do indeed affirm that the teaching 
is Haggadic rather than Biblical, and find 
in the merit of atonement attributed in 
the second phrase to almsgiving indica- 
tions of a date requiring the final destruc- 
tion of the Temple of Jerusalem ; but 
their arguments would apply as forcibly 
to the events which followed the first 
destruction of the Temple as to the last. 
Atonement for sin by sacrifice in the 
Temple was as impossible to the exile in 
Assyria and Babylonia, in the time of 
Sennacherib and Nebuchadnezzar, as it 
was to the Jew who wept over the dese- 
cration consummated by Titus, In both 
cases a substitute for animal sacrifice 
w-as required, and the propitiatory cha- 
racter of righteous deeds was recognised 
in the time of Daniel (iv. 27 ; see note. 
Cp. Prov. x. 2, xi. 4^). The recogni- 

^ In the original of these passages ?''i*n UpTV 
mtOD, Gratz (pp. 451 &c.) finds the source of 
Tob. iv. 10. The word HplV (righteousness) 
is there rendered by the LXX. SiKaioavvrj : here 
the word employed is iXeriixocrvyr], as in Deut. 



tion of a spiritual religion as equivalent 
and even superior to the purely cere- 
monial worship dates, not from the first 
century after Christ, but from the time of 
the Captivity.^ 

The conditions and circumstances con- 
nected with the marriage of Tobias and 
Sarah (vii. 13) are also advanced as in- 
dicative of a specific date. The " instru- 
ment of covenants" there mentioned is 
taken ^ to represent the document signed 
by a husband which assured to the wife 
a claim upon his property. This prac- 
tice, an emendation upon previous ar- 
rangements which had been proved faulty 
in working, is said to date from the time 
of Simon ben Shetach, brother of the 
Queen Salome- Alexandra (b.c. 79-70), 
and to have become general about B.C. 

vi. 25, xxiv. 13 ; Dan. iv. 24. The change is 
ethically (see Cremer, ' Worterbuch d. N. T. 
Gracitat,' * s. nn. SiKaiocrvvri and iKeijuoavvi)) and 
historically interesting, but hardly to be deferred, 
in point of time, to the Talmudic period. The 
non-selection of the Septuagintal word is only a 
proof that the LXX, text was not always adhered 
to. In the Talmud (Baba Batra, 10 a) the question 
is asked, Why the Book of Proverbs repeats this 
maxim twice ? and the answer is given, Because 
almsgiving delivers from two kinds of death 
(i) an unnatural death, and (2) from the punish- 
ment of hell. This purports to be the Haggadic 
interpretation of Rabbi Jochanan ; itself, pro- 
bably, the interpretation of an earlier teacher. 
Rabbi Simon ben Jochai. Similarly the lan- 
guage of Tobit, xii. 9, is to be explained, 
according to Gratz, by the following story : 
Rabbi Jochanan ben Sakkai was walking after 
the destruction of the Temple (i.e. by Titus) 
with his disciple Joshua. "Woe to us," cried 
the latter; "the Temple in which atonement 
was made for the sins of Israel is destroyed." 
" Sorrow not," answered the master ; " we have 
an atonement equally effectual, and that is 
mercy. Is it not written, ' I desire mercy (marg. 
kindness) and not sacrifice'" (Hos. vi. 6; see 
R. v.). Interesting as these extracts are, it is 
hypothetical to a degree to conclude with Weiss 
('Zur Gesch. d. Tradition,' ii. 40), Gratz (p. 
454), and Rosenthal (p. 134), that Jochanan ben 
Sakkai was the first to make this deduction from 
the passage in Hosea, or that the writer of the 
Book of Tobit was influenced by it. 

' Cp. int. al. Weber, ' System d. Altsynago- 
galen Palast. Theologie,' i, 10; Schiirer, 
Geschichte d. Jud. Volk. im Zeitalter Jesu 
Christi,' ^ 24 (see p. 204) ; Rosenzweig, 'Das 
Jahrhundert nach dem Babylonischen Exile,' 
PP- 5. 6. 

* Gratz, p. 447 ; cp. his ' Geschichte d. 
Juden,'^ iii. pp. 120, 475-6. Preiss and Rosen- 
thal agree with him. On the other hand, see 
Rabbinowicz, ' Legislation civile du Thalmud ; ' 
' Les Femmes ' &c. pp. xxv.-xxvii. 

50. But Simon's action was rather the 
improvement of an existing practice than 
the introduction of a new one ; and the 
language of vii. 1 3 may well refer to the 
old practice of depositing a sum or docu- 
ment with the father of the bride. Ad- 
mitting, however, Gratz's interpretation, 
the date b.c. 50 is a century earlier than 
that to which his other deductions would 

To the above views as to late date, 
two more only need be added. The sug- 
gestion of Linschmann ^ that the book 
reflects the fables or myths of Armenia, 
is, as a whole, surrendered by Preiss -^ 
but this latter critic feels himself enabled 
to argue from what he can accept of 
Linschmann's view, and from deductions 
similar to those of Kohut and Gratz 
that the Book exhibits Persian influence 
working upon a Jew of Babylonia about 
the middle of the 2nd century a.d. This 
conclusion is in striking contrast with that 
of Ewald,^ who, also arguing from the evi- 
dence of Persian influence upon a Jew 
resident in the far East, dates the Book 
in the 4th century B.C. 

{c) Between these extremes and those 
already noted is there no medium ? 

(i.) External evidence. A large num- 
ber of critics decide in favour of the 2nd 
or ist century B.C* The terminus ad 
gue?n is found in the references to the 
Temple (xiv. 4, &c.), to which allusion 
has already been made. That Temple 
was the Temple of Zerubbabel ; " not like 
to the first " {v. 5 ; see reff. in note) which 
Israel owed to Solomon, but also not 
yet the "glorious building" (ibid.) with 
its glittering masses of white marble and 
pinnacles of gold which the lavish hand 

' 'Zeitschrift f. w. Th.' (18S2), pp. 359-62. 

2 Ibid. (1885), pp. 24 &c. 

3 Ewald, 'Gesch. d. Volkes Israel,"'' iv. 
pp. 233-8. Westcott, ' Diet, of the Bible,' s. n. 
' Book of Tobit,' agrees with Ewald. 

* .^. Vaihinger (Herzog, ' R. E.' * s. n. 
Tobias), circ. 1st cent. B.C.; Herzfeld ('Gesch. 
d. V. Israel,' i. p. 316), a few years after the 
Maccabean wars ; Fritzsche [op. cit. 10), a little 
before or a little after these wars, but not while 
they lasted; Jahn (' Einl.' j. .), B.C. 200-150; 
Keil (' Einl.' J. .), 1st or 2nd cent. B.C. ; Grimm 
('Z. d. w. Th.' 1881, p. 38), before the Macca- 
bean struggle ; Hilgenfeld (Ibid. 1862, p. 181 ; 
1886, p. 152), during the Maccabean era ; Schiirer 
(' Gesch. d. V. Israel,' ^ ii. p. 605), in the course 
of the last two centuries B.C. 



of a Herod was to rear on Mount Mo- 
riah (b.c. 17). And if a date before the 
time of Herod may be thus asserted, an 
argunicntum c silcutio helps to carry that 
date many years further back. In the 
prediction of ch. xiv. there is no allusion 
to the frightful persecutions of an An- 
tiochus Epiphanes, or to his desecration 
of the Temple (b.c. 167). The act was 
one which had stung to the quick every 
patriot's heart; and had it been per- 
petrated at or before the time that this 
Book was written, it is difficult to under- 
stand the absence of all reference to it. 
It seems then permissible to go farther 
back than the time of Antiochus Epi- 
phanes. How far ? Definite deductions 
from references to canonical Scripture, 
such as that to the Book of Jonah ^ 
(xiv. 4), would be more justifiable were 
the Greek Version supported by the 
other texts ; but all that can be fairly 
deduced from that passage is acquaint- 
ance on the part of the writer with what 
God had spoken, either by Jonah or by 
other prophets (see note in loco), with 
regard to Nineveh. The alleged reflexion 
of the history of Job and his wife (see 
ii. ID, 15, and the additions of the 
Vulgate in the notes), or of practices 
enjoined by the example of Daniel 
(i. 12, 13, notes), or of episodes in the 
history of Esther (xiv. 10 ; see note), are 
either such as would be familiar to every 
Jew of the pre-Maccabean age, or are of 
too superficial and even uncertain a 
character to support any argument as to 
date. 2 

The terminus a quo is rather to be 

^ Written, according to many critics, between 
the Assyrian and Babylonian captivities. See 
Bleek-Wellhausen, ' Einl. in d. A. T.'* 240. 
For other dates, see ' Speaker's Commentary on 
the O. T.' vi. p. 580. 

* References occur in Tobit to the following 
O. T. Books : 

Genesis ii. r8, 20. 
,, xxiv. 7. 
,, xxiv. 33. 

1 Sam. ii. 6. 

2 Kings xix. 19. 
Psalm xvii. 15. 

Ixxxvi. 15. 
xcvi. 6. 
,, cxxix. 5. 
Prov. iii. i, 3, 4. 

XI. 4. 
Isai. xxxi. 17. 
Amos viii. 10. 


Tobit viii. 6. 

V. 16, 21. 

vii. II. 

vii. 16, viii. 2. 

viii. 17. 

iv. II. 

xiii. 6. 

xiii. 7. 

xiii. II. 

iv. 19. 

iv. 10, xii, 9. 

xiii. g. 

ii. 6. 

gathered from the general tone of the 
narrative, and slight and unobtrusive in- 
dications. A picture is presented of 
Jewish life and feeling during some thirty 
to forty years (xiv. i). The nation had 
passed through great distress and oppres- 
sion, and the individual and devout Jew 
had been first punished (i. 19) and then 
mocked (ii. 8) for devotion to religious 
and national habits. Marriages between 
God's people and aliens still required 
discouragement (iv. 12, vi. 15), while 
intercourse between families in exile had 
become comparatively easy and safe 
(chs. iv.-x. contrasted with i. 15). Ardent 
hopes of a full restoration of the people 
scattered among the nations (xiii. 5, 
xiv. 4), of a greater freedom for the 
dwellers in Jerusalem (xiii. 10), of a re- 
building of the Holy City and of the 
upraising of the Sanctuary, animated the 
language of the writer when he closed 
his reminiscences in the midst of a time 
of calm after much political and domestic 
sorrow. The names Tobit and Tobias 
selected for two of the principal person- 
ages in the tale are, under varying forms, 
equivalent to or the actual reproduction 
of a name once hateful to every patriotic 
Jew. They would hardly have been 
selected had not the evil recollections 
been obscured or superseded by later 
memories of good. The odium attach- 
ing to Tobias the Ammonite, " the 
slave," the adversary of Nehemiah 
(b.c. 445, ii. 10, 19; iv. 3-5; vi. 17, 
19), required to be, and perhaps was, 
obliterated by the reputation of another 
Tobias, whose career, and that of his 
more famous son Joseph, was contempo- 
raneous with that of "the great" An- 
tiochus III. (B.C. 223-187). The thirty- 
six years' reign of this prince presents, 
in its vicissitudes of distress and peace 
among the Jews, many points of general 
parallelism with the alternations of sorrow 
and happiness, national and individual, 
depicted in the Book of Tobit. And the 
family history of this Tobias supplies a 
fact illustrative of the determination of 
such as Tobit to maintain Jewish purity 
in matrimonial alliances. Joseph the 
son of Tobias was married to his own 
niece. The maiden was deliberately 
substituted by her father in the place 
of a dancer, in order that his brother 



should not contaminate himself by con- 
nexion with a heathen.^ 

(2.) Intef'nal evidence. The indica- 
tions of date specified in the above para- 
graphs are but scanty, and in character 
negative rather than positive ; but they 
are in accordance with conclusions de- 
rived from internal evidence, if the Book 
be compared with another work whose 
moral precepts are akin to its own. 

The Book Ecclesiasticus, a work com- 
posed in Palestine and originally written 
in Hebrew, suppUes that kind of paral- 
lelism which, by its community of thought 
and language, suggests for the Book of 
Tobit a community of origin and date. 

{a.) Tobit's inculcation of almsgiving 
(p. 158) has been adduced as an indica- 
tion of late date ; but sentiments parallel 
to it are frequent in Ecclesiasticus. For 
example, Ecclesiasticus (iii. 30) declares, 
" Alms maketh an atonement for sins;" 
xvii. 22, " The alms of a man is a signet 
with God;" xxix. 11-13, "Lay up thy 
treasure according to the commandments 
of the Most High, and it shall bring thee 
more profit than gold. Shut up alms in 
thy storehouses [in the heart of the poor, 
Viilg\ and it shall deliver thee from all 
affliction. It shall fight for thee against 
thine enemies better than a mighty shield 
and a strong spear;" xxxv. 2, "He that 
giveth alms sacrificeth praise;" xl. 24, 
" Brethren and help are against time of 
trouble ; but alms shall deliver more 
than them both." The first and last of 
these are as strong as Tobit iv. 10, xii. 9 : 
and the language of the Son of Sirach 
decidedly helps us to understand aright 
the language of our Book, Evidently 
"atonement" cannot be taken in our 
modern sense. Another passage (Eccl. 
iii. 3), " Whoso honoureth his father 
maketh an atonement for his sins," in- 
vests filial honour with the same efficacy 
as almsgiving. If it would be an ana- 
chronism to discover in this passage 
of Ecclesiasticus sacrificial or sacerdotal 
significance or "anti-Biblical efficacy," 
is it aot a mistake to intrude such mean- 
ings into Tobit iv. 10? Again, the 

* Cp. Josephus, 'Antiq.' xii. ch. iv.; Milman, 
'Hist, of the Jews,' i. p. 451 &c. ; Gratz, ii. 
2 Halfte, p. 243 ; Herzfeld, i, p. 186 &c. For 
Antiochus the Great, see the useful summary in 
' Dictionary of the Bible,' s. n. 


"deliverance" of which Ecclesiasticus 
(xl. 24) speaks throws light upon the 
"deliverance" affirmed in Tobit (iv. 10, 
xii. 9). The primary sense is a deli- 
verance from " time of trouble " more 
potent than that which brotherly assist- 
ance and Extraneous help can afford. 
There is no thought of a time of death 
and judgment. 

{p.) The obscure passage (Tobit iv. 17, 
see note) " Pour out thy bread on the 
burial of the just," and Tobit's general 
conduct towards the dead (i. 17, ii. 2-8), 
have also been adduced as pointing to a 
late date. In truth, they find both illus- 
tration and parallelism in the Book of 
Ecclesiasticus. " From the dead with- 
hold not favour" (Ecclus. vii. ^i;'^ cp. 
also xxxviii. 16), is a maxim inculcating 
that general duty which Tobit so fear- 
lessly discharged ; and the passage, 
" Delicacies poured upon a mouth shut 
up are as messes of meat set upon a 
grave" (Ecclus. xxx. 18), is a testimony 
to the practice (however understood) to 
which Tobit refers. 

(<r.) Other "precepts" (Tob. vi. 15) 
upon which Tobit lays so much stress in 
his advice to his son, and his maxims 
generally, find frequent place in the 
chapters of Ecclesiasticus. Devotion to 
God,^ purity of marriage,^ honest deahng 
towards servants,* the right estimate of 
wealth,^ the general duty of helping the 
poor and needy ^ &c., are forcibly urged 
by both writers. The comparison be- 
tween a limited number of verses in the 
Book of Tobit and the whole contents of 
Ecclesiasticus must not, of course, be 
pushed too far ; but, fairly estimated, it 
seems to suggest that the sentiments of 
the writers of these Books which they 
have in common were the sentiments of 

' I have adopted here the translation of 

* Tob. iv. S> 6, 19 : cp. Ecclus. vi. 37, viii. 
8-14, xxxv. 10, xxxvii. 12. 

* Tob. iv. 12, 13 ; viii. 6 : cp. Ecclus. vii. 26, 
xvii. I, xxxvi. 24. 

* Tob. iv. 14: cp. Ecclus, vii. 20, 21. 

* Tob. V. 18, 19 : cp. Ecclus. v. i. 

Tob. iv. 7, 14, 17 : cp. Ecclus. iv. i, 5 ; 
xii. 4; xiv. 13; xxxiv. 21; xxxv. 10. In ex- 
amining these parallels, which might be greatly 
increased, the general impression will probably 
be that Tobit is more precise and definite than 
Ecclesiasticus ; and this would indicate that of 
the two Ecclesiasticus is the older Book. 


1 62 


a common era, and express convictions 
inculcated by the teachers of their 
period and accepted by the taught. 
The date of Ecclesiasticus should there- 
fore throw light upon the date of Tobit. 
Unfortunately, the date of Ecclesiasticus 
is greatly disputed :^ and a difference of 
a whole century exists between modern 
computations on the subject. But on 
either supposition whether Ecclesias- 
ticus be dated about B.C. 280 or about 
B.C. 190 the tone of thought and the 
manner of handling these moral subjects 
had not materially altered in the interval 
of that century. Neither in the end of 
the 3rd century B.C. nor in the end of 
the 2nd century would the treatment of 
them have stiffened into the mould of 
the latter part of the ist century B.C. or 
of the ist Christian century. For this 
reason therefore the internal evidence of 
the Book seems to point to a date not 
more recent than the 2nd century B.C. ; 
or to the same date as that suggested 
by the external evidence. 

IV. Aim of the Book. 

Most critics are agreed that the Book 
is didactic in character, but the difference 
of opinion is great as to whether that cha- 
racter be general or special. Specialists 
like Kohut, Gratz, and Neubauer - urge 
that the aim of thewriteris to inculcate the 
duty of burying the dead. The Midrash 
which prefaces the Chaldee Version ^ 
finds in the Book the reward of one who 
gives alms and tithes. To Rosenthal * 
the Book is an illustration of a saying at- 
tributed to Rabbi Akiba (c. a.d. 110-35), 
"All that God does, He does for good." 
Others again read in it, with Ewald,^ the 
inculcation of the duty of worshipping 
the true God in the midst of tlie heathen ; 
or deduce from it with De Wette and 
Hilgenfeld ^ the special laudation of 

* See this Commentary : Introduction to 
Ecclesiasticus ; Bissell, p. 278 ; Schiirer," ii. 
P- 595. 

^ See above, p. 157, and Neubauer, p. xvi. 

* Cp. Neubauer, pp. xxvii. xliii. 

* Pp. 114, 123. Cp. Milman, ' Plist. of the 
Jews,' ii. 427. 

' Gesch. d. V. I.' iv. 233. 

De \Vette-Sch*ader, ' Einl. in d. A. T.' 
375; HilgenfeW, 'Z. f. d. w. Th.' (1S62), 
p. 19S. 

prayer, fasting, almsgiving, and righteous- 
ness. On the other hand, a more general 
scope is asserted by Bertholdt, who re- 
cognises in the Book a picture of human 
life in its passage from unhappiness to 
happiness ; or by Eichhorn, to whom it 
is the record of the answer to prayer.^ 
Others expand their range yet more 
widely still. The Book contains a pic- 
ture of family life in which parents give 
counsel to their children, children love 
and obey their parents, and God's Angel 
advises, guides, and heals those in whose 
lives the religious element is strongly ex- 
pressed, and faithfulness to God is main- 
tained even in times of national disaster 
and personal poverty. On the whole, 
if there is something to be said for the 
specialist, there is more to be said for 
the generalist. To assert that some one 
leading idea was specially prominent in 
the writer's mind, only brings to light 
the divergence among critics with respect 
to it. Preference is not so clearly ex- 
hibited by the writer himself as to make 
it possible to choose between the various 
doctrines and truths he has set forth for 
appreciation and imitation. It is best, 
therefore, to rest content with a con- 
clusion as general as that of Cramer : ^ 
" The leading ideas of the Book are that 
righteousness, although it may seem to 
be at the mercy of wickedness, does in 
the end conquer; that God hears the 
true prayer of the afflicted in the time 
of suffering ; and that one may win the 
love of Jehovah by the practice of alms- 
giving, the burial of the dead, and other 
pious acts." This would have been as 
true in the days of Sennacherib as of 
Ardeshir I., as practicable in Assyria as 
in Parthia. 

V, Place of Composition. 

Was this in or out of Palestine ? This 
is usually answered in accordance with 
the date and aim attributed on other 
grounds to the writer. The text itself 
selects Assyria (xii. 20, xiii. i) ; Kohut 
prefers Persia, Ewald the far East more 
closely defined by Westcott as in some 

J See Grimm, ' Z. f. d. w. Th.' (1881), p. 52. 
* Quoted in Bissell, p. 117. 



city subject to Persia, perhaps Babylon. 
The geographical inaccuracies exclude 
these countries in the opinion of Gratz 
and Grimm/ and the acceptance of a 
Semitic original is opposed to the con- 
clusion advanced by Noldeke^ alone, 
that Egypt was its home. A larger 
support is given to the alternative view 
that it was written in Judaea, but whether 
in the southern or northern part of the 
province must be left undecided.^ 

VI. History. 

Philo, Josephus, and the New Testa- 
ment * make no mention of the Book. 
There is no reason why they should or 
should not, and their silence cannot be 
quoted for or against its existence. With 
the acceptance of the LXX. Version as a 
whole was also included the recognition 
of the Book of Tobit contained in it. In 
the Greek Church it met with more favour 
than in the Latin. Westcott, Lightfoot, 
and Schiirer^ agree in considering St. 
Polycarp's advice " When ye can do 

good, defer it not, on iXerjfXoavpr] Ik 
Oavdrov pverai " (' Ad Philipp.' ch. X.) a 

quotation from Tobit (iv. 1 1 ; xii. 9) ; and 
a still earlier reference to the precepts of 
the Book is furnished by the ' Teaching of 
the Twelve Apostles' (see iv. 14, note). 
The Gnostics called the Ophites counted 
Tobias among the prophets ; ^ and Cle- 
ment of Alexandria ^ considered the book 

' Giatz, p. 445 ; Grimm, p. 46. 

- Noldeke, p. 63. 

^ Griitz, pp. 405 &c., 445, decides against 
Galilee on the ground of inaccurate description 
of Tobit's birthplace ; but his arguments are 
proofs of an inaccurate text rather than of in- 
accuracy as to the fact. A slight but valuable 
hint in favour of Judaea is furnished by ii. 1 1 
(see note). 

* Alleged parallels between Tob. iv. 15 and 
St. Matt. vii. 12 ; Tob. xiii. 16-18 and Rev. xxi. 
18 ; Tob. iv. 9 and 2 Cor. viii. 12, resolve them- 
selves into resemblances of the most general 

* Cp. Westcott in 'Diet, of the Bible,' s. n. 
Tobit (Book of), 6; Lightfoot, 'Apostolic 
Fathers,' part ii, vol. ii. ii. p. 923 ; Schiirer, 
'Apokryphen d. A. T.' in Herzog's ' R. E.'^ 
He finds also a reference to Tobit xii. 8, 9 in 
' 2 Clem, ad Cor.' xvi. 4. 

' Irenseus, 'Adv. Haeres.' i. 30, 11. 
' ' Stromata,' ii. 23, vi. 12, quoting Tob. iv. 
16, xii. 8. He dignifies it by the name rj jfjaipr]. 

canonical. Origen's testimony ^ to it is 
of a like kind. He points out that the 
Jews did not admit this Book or Judith 
into their lists because they had them 
not in Hebrew,^ and rests the authority 
of the former on the usage of the Church. 
St. Athanasius appears to have at times 
used it as possessing canonical authority ; 
but when giving a formal and critical list 
of the sacred Books, he classes it among 
the Apocrypha as a writing " to be read 
by those but just entering on Christian 
teaching, and desirous of being instructed 
in the rules of piety." In the Latin 
Church the Book is quoted by Cyprian, 
Hilary, and Lucifer as authoritative, and 
the majority of the Latin Fathers en- 
dorsed the opinion of St. Augustine, 
accepting it with the other Apocrypha of 
the LXX., " among the Books which the 
Christian Church received." 

St. Augustine was probably influenced 
both by his liking for the LXX. and by 
the teaching of his spiritual father, St. 
Ambrose, to whom the Book was pro- 
phetic ; and who made it the subject of 
an essay, in which he discussed the evils 
of usury. St. Jerome, on the other hand, 
refused to it canonical recognition. 
" The Church," he said, " reads it, but 
does not receive it among her canonical 
Scriptures." The Council of Trent 
finally took upon itself to assert its ca- 
nonicity. Since then commentators have 
been content to dwell by preference on 
the moral beauty and idylHc tenderness 
of the work. " Is it history?" says 
Luther ; " then is it a holy history. Is it 
fiction ? then is it a truly beautiful, whole- 
some, and profitable fiction, the per- 
formance of a gifted poet," " Read it," 
says Pellican, " as a httle book of the 
greatest usefulness. It is full of maxims, 
most profitable both for faith and mo- 
rality." The Church of England has 
never been behindhand in recognising 
these excellences. The Second Book of 
Homilies illustrates its teaching on Alms- 
deeds " that merciful almsdealing is 
profitable to purge the soul from the 

' For the authorities which follow, see West- 
cott in ' Diet, of the Bible,' Book of Tobit ; 
Fritzsche, p. 18; Bissell, p. 121. 

- In Fritzsche, p. 19, Tobit iv. 17, v. 12, 
vi. 7 are given as passages which might mnke 
the Jews unwilling to reckon the Book canonical. 

M 2 



infection and filthy spots of sin" by- 
referring to Tob. iv. 10 witli the words, 
" The same lesson doth the Holy Ghost 
also teach in sundry places of the Scrip- 
ture." Until the re-arrangement of the 
Lectionary, the Book was read in the 

daily Lessons of the Church, and quo- 
tations from it are to be found in the 
Offertory Sentences of the Communion 
Service (cp. Tob. iv. 7-9), in the Marriage 
Service (cp. Tob. vi. 17, note), and in the 
Litany (cp. Tob. iii. 3, note). 


I. A Semitic original. 
II. A Greek original. 
IIL Priority of Chaldee or Hebrew. 

The question as to the original language 
of the widely-diffused story of the Book of 
Tobit practically resolves itself into a choice 
between a Semitic and a Greek text. And 
that choice still baffles many. There are 
no decisive grounds, says SchUrer,^ in favour 
of a Hebrew original. The Greek of the 
liook, says Grimm,- is of that character that 
it may be either original or a translation. 
Weighty names range themselves on both 
sides in this literary contest, but what has 
been most fully said will be found in Noldeke's 
monograph^ in favour of a Greek, and in 
Gratz's papers * in favour of a Semitic, 
original. Both critics have had the advantage 
of writing with the Bodleian Chaldee text 
before them, but from it they have deduced 
the most opposite results. The advocate of 
a Semitic original has found in it that which 
has enabled him to supersede conjectural by 
real arguments ; the supporters of a Greek 
original are convinced by it that their reason- 
ing is correct. 

One element in the question is the dif- 
ference which distinguishes this Chaldee text 
and St. Jerome's Vulgate from the other texts 
with regard to the form of the narrative. 
The Chaldee and the Vulgate uniformly 
employ the third person in speaking of Tobit; 
the Greek and all the other texts use the 
first person in section i. i iii. 6, and after 
that section the third person. This latter 
usage, exhibiting transition or variation in 

* Schiirer, ' Apokryphen d. A. T.' in Herzog, 
R. E.' ^ vi. 7. His preference for a Greek 
original is more strongly expressed in ' Ge- 
schichte d. Judischen Volke,'^ ii. p. 606. 

* ' Zeitschrift f. wissenschaftliche Theologie,' 
1881, p. 49. 

^ ' Monatsbericht der koniglich Preussischen 
Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin,' 1879, 
p. 45 &c. 

* ' Monatschrift fur Geschichte u. Wissenschaft 
dor Judenthums,' 1879, p. 157 &c. 

form, is evidently more original than the fixed 
uniformity existing in the former; and it 
seems therefore clear that the Bodleian Chal- 
dee text could not have been the founda- 
tion of the existing Greek Version. To 
establish such a foundation an older Chaldee, 
or at least Semitic, text must be conceived, 
which preceded the present Chaldee, and 
preserved the first person in the section 
referred to. The Hebrew texts, though much 
later, possess this requisite change, and there- 
fore present the model of such a Semitic 
original as is desired. 

I. The original Language was Semitic, 
Hebrew or Hebraic. 

(i) The language of St. Jerome is suf- 
ficiently distinct as to one fact. When he 
met the wish of his brother bishops, Chro- 
matins and Heliodorus, and translated into 
Latin the Book of Tobit, he had before him 
" librum Chaldaeo sermone conscriptum." It 
may be admitted that he made this transla- 
tion without being moved by any great 
respect for a work which the Jews excluded 
from the Canon of Holy Scripture and placed 
in the Apocrypha ; but why did he translate 
it at all ? He marvels, he tells his friends, at 
the persistency with which they pressed their 
wish, but he complied with it. Why ? 
Possibly for two reasons. First, the Book was 
current in the Roman and Greek churches ; 
secondly, its doctrines were acceptable, its 
enforcement of religious practices desirable. 
This both explained and fostered its popula- 
rity ; it was a reason for the circulation of the 
Book. Then why were the Versions, Greek 
and Latin (for example), in which it circulated 
unsatisfactory ? Evidently because they were 
not accounted true and accurate reproduc- 
tions of an original text. Now, if that original 
text had been Greek or Latin, the Bishops 
would not have troubled St. Jerome to do 
what they could have done for themselves. 
Their appeal to him was to do for them 
what he alone in his day was capable of 



doing in a satisfactory manner. And his 
response was to translate afresh and from a 
Semitic original. 

There is no need to deny the fact that St. 
Jerome's mode of supplying the want was 
peculiar; but this result, which in our day 
would be eminently unsatisfactory, was, in 
his case, in part due to the hostility which 
pursued his studies. His translations of the 
canonical Books of the Old Testament direct 
from the Hebrew had brought upon him 
odium and charges as offensive as they were 
unjust. "Arguunt," he says in his Preface 
to Tobit, "nos Hebrasorum studia, et im- 
putant nobis contra suum canonem Latinis 
auribus ista transferre." His adversaries 
were not likely to be more charitable when 
he dealt with a Book, Apocryphal it is true, 
but enshrined in the sacred ark of the Alex- 
andrian Version. Therefore, as regards the 
Book of Tobit, he emphasises the fact : "Feci 
satis desiderio vestro, non tamen meo studio." 
He thought it better to displease the" Phari- 
sees " about him than disobey the commands 
of the Bishops : and the result was the Vul- 
gate Version. It is a mistake to assert that 
this Version is an abbreviation ; but it is in 
many places nearer to the Chaldee than to the 
recognised Greek Version. 

(2) The evidence from names in the 
Apocrypha is proverbially unsatisfactory ; but 
in the case of this Book Raphael and Reuel, 
Tobi and Anna, Tobias and Sarah, Gabrias 
and Azarias are actually Hebrew, or easily 
reducible to Hebrew forms. Other names, 
even when disputed (see below), and such 
names as Asmodeus, Enemessar, and Achia- 
charus, do not dispel the general impression 
that the proper names are mostly Hebraic. 

(3) Variations, if not mistakes, exhibited 
by the Greek Version are adduced as due to 
faults of translation from a Semitic Version, 
or indicative of this class of error. 

(a) i. 13. The words of the E. V., "grace 
and favour," find their parallel in the Nin 
XTDm of the Chaldee (or IDni jn of the 
Hebrew). But the Greek text reads xapi-" ^al 
fiop(f)fjv. The sentiment is not in question 
(see note in loco), but how came ^lopcprj in 
the text ? It is the word frequently used in 
Daniel {e.g. iv. 33, v. 6, vii. 28) for VT (A. V. 
"brightness"); but here Gratz thinks that 
instead of HlOn the reading {<lTn, "form" 
(see Levy, ' Ch. W. B.' s. n.) was followed. 

(/3) i. 22, 6K dfVTepas. Fritzsche (i. /.), 
supplying the word x'^P"^ o^" ru^eas, would 
make this expression = nX'O, or " second in 
rank." This would presuppose a Hebrew 
original text. But a variant reading (Vatic. S), 
" praestitit me rex iterum" suggests that a text 
existed fl^JCi' 'JD^ti'M (cp. the general tenor 
of the Heb., Chald., and Itala renderings), 
which applied the king's acts to Tobit and 
not to Achiacharus. Another text, however, 

had 1JO'':^''l, and that was followed by the 

(y) V. 18, dpyvpiov rm apyvp'ico p.rj <pdd(rai. 

The last words are Hebrew in cast = Dnp"" ^X; 
while the absence of any corresponding 
words in the existing Hebrew and Chaldee 
texts imply the currency of a text which 
contained them. Ilgen's reproduction of the 

words in Hebrew, Dtp^ hn ClDSH^ fjOa, if 
faulty in grammar and sense, can be easily 

corrected (^e.g. by the Syriac N2D37 N2D3 

N203 N7; cp. Rosenthal, p. 147, n. 4): 

alterations such as Dip'' 'Pi^ fJID^ flDDH 

(Griitz) or Tl'''' i6 J^SIDd'p N3DD (Rosen- 
thal), are too drastic and conjectural. 

(8) vi. 15 (E. V. I4), Kard^oy rffv ^corjv 
Tov irarpos pov . . . els rov rdf^ov : so Itala, 
" vitam." But the usual phrase is TTnini 
'Ul UX ni''^ riN' ; cp. Gen. xlii. 38, " he shall 
bring down my grey hairs " (Sic, i.e. meta- 
phorically, my old age : cp. the Vulgate here, 
" deponam senectutem illorum." The con- 
clusion is that the Greek followed a reading 
T\^n instead of nn'Cr. 

(e) vi. 10, TTpocrr]yyiaav tjj 'Pdyrj. The 
other Versions (see note in loco) read more 
correctly Ecbatana ; but how did the reading 
'Pfiyrj arise ? On the supposition that a 
Hebrew text was before the writer, the 

original may have been NJn3!lJ< 1''^'? '\'2'-\p. 

The word T'U? was changed into ''V'O, and 
rendered eV 'Pay?;. Griitz would further see 
in this misreading a proof that the translator 
had a Hebrew and not a Chaldee text before 
him. In Chaldee a city = xmp, and the 
Chaldee text of the Bodleian uses that word 
here in its shortened form, C'^JI ''"I'lp2. 

(C) "^' ^5- In the sentence riva aoi eaop-ai 
piadov hihovai, ecropat StfioVat IS not SO much 
a barbarism or a change from earai pm 
(Fritzsche), as a literal reproduction of 

nn"? (or) n^b ^Ji< TTir. So Rosenthal (p. 


(rj) xiii. 6, TiS yivoiCTKfi, el deXt'jcrei rjpas. 
The first two words recall yil'* ''D, with its 
sense of " perhaps " (cp. Jon. iii. 9). 

{6) iv. 17. In the Additional Note to this 
passage are specified some of the alterations 
proposed to make this difficult verse more 
clear. In Griitz's opinion the verse presents 
"the most pregnant proof of a Hebrev/ 
original ; " but this proof depends upon the 
acceptance of his alterations. Inasmuch as 
these alterations have not commanded, and 
do not command, universal acceptance, the 
broader position to which he also draws 
attention can alone be considered here. 
The previous verse (iv. 16) is rightly alleged 
to be Hebraistic in cast ; and this might be 
with equal justice affirmed of the entire 

1 66 


section. The next verse as restored by Gratz 
would be "I^^ (or HDOI) "[Qi:') 'pn'? DltS 

. |nn ^x D-rcnn ^ni cpivn nnpn 

If Rosenthal's objection (p. 145) that the 
I'.se of 3~lp2 in the sense intended is not 
Hebraic may be dismissed as hypercritical 
and one which he himself does not press, 
there is more force in his contention that 
to introduce the pouring out of wine is 
to introduce as a requisite a new and un- 
necessary element in the description of well- 
doing. Rosenthal's preference is for a read- 
ing which combines several emendations: "JDt* 

|nn !?x DTL'nh n-'pn^'n mpn T-Dn-i 

Both writers are, however, agreed that a 
text was before the writer of the Greek 
Version which he failed to understand, and 
Rosenthal finds in the variations of the other 
texts so many attempts to escape from the 
difficulty of the Greek text upon which they 

To these illustrations of textual misunder- 
standings and mistranslations of a Semitic 
original Rosenthal adds the following. 

(i) vii. 13, (ypaxj/e (Tvyypa<prjv Kol ia'^pa- 
ylaaro. On the ground that such sealing 
was not a Jewish practice (see, however, 
Introduction, p. 159), Rosenthal (p. 132, n. i) 
argues that the translator misunderstood the 
original text before him. The Hebrew and 
Chaldee texts printed by Neubauer have 
one and the same word ; but he translates 
them differently. The Hebrew, nniX DnHM 
Dnr3, he renders " and he sealed it before 
witnesses;" the Chaldee, VTHD nn* IDDm, 
"and witnesses signed it." The document 
would certainly be signed and the technical 
word descriptive of the act would be in neo- 
Hebraic or Talmudical diction, Dfin (cp. 
Levy, ' N. H. Lex.' s. n.) without the super- 
fluous W'lVZ of the Hebrew. The Greek 
translator did not, however, understand the 
expression neo-Hebraically; and technically, 
but Biblically ; hence his rendering. 

(k) iii. 5, TfoXXai a'l Kpicreis crov eicri Kal 
aXxjOivai, (^ e'/xou Troirjaai K.r.A. The words 
e^ f/jLov seem to have but little connexion 
with their context (Rosenthal, p. 143), and 
are hardly explained grammatically by the 
Itala : " multa sunt judicia tua et vera, quae 
de me exigas"&c. The Bodleian Chaldee 
and the Hebrew text do not help here ; but 
a Hebrew rendering of the Greek passage 

would be nv^i;'? ^JOO D^^rDNJI T-DStTD D''21. 
Giving to ''JJ2D a comparative sense, and 
taking it in conjunction with D'^JONJ, the 
sentence would mean : " Many are Thy 
judgments and more faithful than I" &c. 
This grammatical form, if not common, is 
not opposed to neo-Hebraic diction ; but 
this infrequency the Greek translator did not 
know, and his translation, e^ efiov, is alleged 

to be an evidence of his ignorance and help- 

(A.) U. 14, TTOV {1(t\v ai fXerjp.orrvvai crov 
Koi al diKcnocrvvai. crov ; W hat, asks Rosen- 
thal (p. 144), had almsgiving to do with 
Tobit's suspicion ? The answer might be 
found in the simple fact that, when two 
persons are quarrelling, a retort is frequently 
quite outside the special point of blame which 
provokes it ; but Rosenthal discovers in the 
Greek translator, not now an ignorance of 
neo-Hebraic, but acquaintance with it. The 
rendering of the Chaldee "inilDTI l^lt: ]N 
savs nothing about almsgiving ; the Hebrew, 
ThipTil inon n\S, presents in IDH the 
sense of love or affection, and expresses the 
protest, " where is thy love and justice, that 
thou makest against me so unloving and un- 
just a charge ? " This sense the Greek trans- 
lator declined, while he adopted the neo- 
Hebraic meaning of TDPI, love of one's neigh- 
bour, and expressed that sense in (Xerjfxoavvai. 

(/:i..) ix. 6, Koi (vXoyrjcre Tco^ias rt)^ yvvaiKa 
avTov. See Additional Note to this passage. 
Here the Greek reading is simply recorded 
as being one which to Rosenthal (p. 147) is 
a fault in translation. 

(r.) X. 5, ou peXeL fioi, TiKvov, OTL dc^riKd (re 
K.T.X. In the note to this passage are given 
some conjectural emendations. Rosenthal 
(p. 149) conjectures a Hebrew reading, 

T'nn^E:' i6 l"? "-J^, " O my son ! Would 
that I had not sent thee " &c., which an 

error of a copyist altered into X? v, and 
the Greek translator rendered ov /xeXei fxoi. 
A less unsupported conjecture may be found 
in the hint furnished by the Greek C, ol'^ot, 

TeKVOV, . . . TVpoS Tl K.T.X. , whcrC the Ol'^Ot 

reproduced the Chaldee of the Bodleian v "<)). 

(4) The proper names, in several cases, are 
presented in the three Greek texts under forms 
which shew defects due to misunderstanding 
or misreading a Semitic original. 

(a) Enemessar (i. 2, 13 ; see note). This 
faulty rendering of Shalmaneser must have 
penetrated into the Greek Version after the 
time of St. Jerome ; the Vulg. as well as the 
Itala having Salmanassar. In i. 17 the Greek 
text is further corrupt by the misreading of 
'Ei'e/xecrcrap for ^evva)(r]pip. 

{!?) Gabael (i. 14) is not considered by 
Griitz a Hebrew-sounding name, but a cor- 
ruption of Gabriel, the reading of the Syriac. 
He does not, however, approve of the allitera- 
tion " Gabriel son of Gabrias " (cp. iv. 20), 
and would by the help of faults and gaps 
restore a reading Ka\ 7Tapf6r]pr]v ra/3pi7jAw rw 
dSeA^cp pov, Tov . . . Tov TajBpirjXov. The 

alteration of the Hebrew Fagius p 7S''Dy 

?i\''133 is less forced than this, and Neubauer's 
acceptance of the name as Hebrew, with a 
meaning " treasure of God " (p. xvi.), is 



certainly admissible. The name may have 
come down from exilic times. 

(c) Acbiacharus (i. 21). The name can 
of course be put into Hebrew letters ("ip^''^^), 
but it is not Hebrew; and the rendering 
ilinx TIX (Heb. Fag.) is at once a confes- 
sion that it is not and an attempt to make 
it so. 

id) Edna (vii. 2) is disclaimed by Gratz. 
He does not consider the meaning of the 
name (" dehght ") applicable to so harmless 
and passive a person, and prefers the name 
Anna given by Itala (and Vulgate) as being 
nearer to the original. Neubauer differs 
from him. 

(5) Confusion with respect to topographical 
and geographical sites. 

id) The birthplace of Tobit (i. 2 ; see note) 
has always been a crux to critics. Three 
neighbouring localities are given, and vast 
ingenuity is exercised in preventing confusion 
becoming worse confounded. The Greek 
texts A and B and the Chald. call the place 
Thisbe (var. Tibe, Tibos) ; some Latin (not 
Vulg.) texts call it Gebuel, Bihel (formed 
from Ge-bihel). This place, thus variously 
called Thisbe and Gebuel, was defined to be 
(a) eiy hi^iaiv Kv8ias rfj ^fCpdaW ev rrj FaXi- 
Xaia (A); or better (B and C) Kv8lcov ttjs 
Ne05aA(/x ev rfj uva> VaKika'iq. Approxima- 
tions sufficiently intelligible to this are found 
in the Latin, " in dextra parte Cidissi civitate 
ex Nephtalim quse est super Galilaea," or 
(Itala) " in dextera parte Edisse civitatis Nep- 
thalim in superioribus Galileae." The name 
Xadesh-Napthali can be easily discovered 
under these curious spellings, (b) takes the 
identification a step further: virfpavio 'Aarip 
(A), or 'AacTTjp (B and C), ottio-co Sva-pcov rov 
rfKiov. The name 'Aarjp, a corruption of 
'A(Tcbp, is Hazor ("livn), a name, as Raumer 
has ingeniously shewn, reproduced in the read- 
ing of the Latin texts Naason [= Naasor = 
Anaasor = dvu> (part of vTrfpavco) 'Ao-wp] : and 
the remaining words direct the reader generally 
to the west of Tobit's birthplace (cp. the 
Itala : " post viam quae ducit in occidentem"). 
(c) A step further is given. The texts B and 
C (absent from A) have ($ apia-repoiv ^oymp ; 
the Itala, "ex sinistra parte Raphain;" the 
Vulgate, "in sinistra habensSephet." Josephus 
(' Bell. Jud.' ii. xx. 6) mentions a 2e^ in 
Upper Galilee ; and it is thought that he 
meant ^e<pd = Safed, of Crusader fame. 
Saphet or Safed might be rendered in Hebrew 
riD^, which again might be an abbreviation of 
HDVD. The Itala scribe read Fecp instead of 
2f<^, and reached the name Rephain a name 
familiar m the nomenclature of the Holy Land 
though no such place was to be found in 
Galilee. But how came the name *oycop ? 
Gratz's explanation is ingenious. Safed was 
situated on a hill. It may have been known 
by the name HQ^: NIVO or "IID ns^ = Se^e- 

6u)p = 2e0e-ya)p (by a change of 6 into -y). The 
syllable 2e fell away, and the remainder, 
<peyiop, was, after the analogy of "liya, changed 
into ^oyoip. 

These various steps lead up to the con- 
clusion that Tobit's birthplace lay between 
Kadesh on the right and Saphet on the left : 
westward of it was Hazor. Gischala satisfies 
the requisite conditions according to Griitz ; 
but can Thisbe-Gebuel be the same as 
Gischala ? Yes, says Gratz : change y into 6, 
and Qia^rj Via-^r] ; transpose the letters of 
Gebuel and you have Chalab. Put together 
Gisbe and Chalab and make a name Gischalab. 
That is not so very different from Gischala. 
At the same time Kadesh was not on the 
right but on the left of Gischala, and Sephet 
not on the left but on the right of the same 
place. Where so much can be altered in a 
manner satisfactory to ingenuity, this differ- 
ence is trifling ; or if it be preferred, the 
mistake in position may be admitted. In 
either case it only proves that the writers 
were either not at home in the necessary 
topography or indifferent to accuracy. But 
what it is asked was the state of the 
Greek texts which could exhibit or lend 
themselves to such variations ? and what was 
the writer of A about that he could omit (if 
he knew it) the topographical hint supplied 
by B and C ? 

Gratz finds in text A other mistakes re 
localities due to mistranslation and omission. 

(ii) i. 5 (see note). The reading rfj BaaX, 
TTj 8apaXei, is m B and G rm p6(rx((> . . . ev 
Adv. The Chaldee (and the Hebrew at 
greater length) reads : " to the calves ... at 
Bethel and Dan." On the supposition that 
the more original text is presented by the 
Chaldee, the alteration made by B and C 
which consists in dropping Bethel is venial 
compared with that of A, which has omitted 
Dan and corrupted Bethel into Baal. Bickell 
prefers to consider the Greek text a corruption 

of n'piyn or ni'piya. 

(<r) xi. I (see note). The Greek text C 
adds Kal rfKQov els Kaiadpetav, rj eari dnevavrL 
Trjs Nivev'L This curious mistake is probably 
due to a misreading of a name more correctly 
reproduced in the Latin Versions, Charran or 
Charam, and emended by Reusch into Chalah 

= XaXdx (n^3). The Chaldee and Heb. 
texts also give a name, Akris. Texts A and 
B alone have no name, and apparently made 
no guess at any. 

(6) Not only as regards localities, but also 
as regards other matters is the text A ac- 
counted very deficient. Griitz illustrates this 
by comparing this text not only with the 
other Greek texts, but with other Versions in 
the following passages: i. 6-8, ii. 9, 10 (where 
text A omits, for the sake of brevity, the 
details furnished by B and the Chaldee 

1 68 


(int. ol.), and the period of Tobit's blindness, 
four years, as well as the time, two years, 
during which Achiacharus supported him), 
ii. 14 (in tlie account of Tobit's quarrel 
with his wife, A is much abbreviated), vi. 

The conclusion which will, I think, be 
drawn from these alleged proofs in favour of 
a Semitic original will be that, though they 
are by no means of equal value, and some 
from their conjectural character of no value 
at all, yet they present where of real value 
a fairly strong case. 

The following pedigree expresses Griitz's 

Semitic original. 

I I 

Ancient Greek. Vulgate. 

Greek texts A & B. Hebrevir. 

What is to be said on the other side ? 

II. The original Language was 

The Greek Version, which furnishes to 
Gratz and Rosenthal proofs of translation 
from a Semitic original, furnishes to Noldeke 
proofs of an exactly opposite character. It 
contains grammatical constructions which to 
him are not Hebraic, and sentences which 
exhibit a freedom of handling very distinct 
from the mould prescribed by the LXX. 
For example, the diction of the following 
sentences he cannot consider Hebraic (p. 6i) : 
1. 6, enopivop-riv . . . ras oTrapxas Kal ras 
OfKaras rcou yevvrjjxaTuiv Kai ra? npcoTOKovpLas 
e'xap K.r.X. (cp. the LXX. of Deut. xviii. 4) ; 
HI. 8, KoL ivos avTcbv oiiK cupopdcrdTjs ; iv. 6, 
evobiai eaovrai iv roii e'pyois crov ; vii. 7, 6 
TOv KuXov KOL dyaOov avdpa-rrov vlos ; xii. 7, 
pvanjpiov l^aa-iXeoiS koXov Kpv\j/ai, to. 8e i'pya 
TOV Geov avaKaKvTTTeiv evdo^cos ; and the play 
upon the words dTrearaXr; 'Pacf)arj\ Idaaadai 
exhibits to him no proof of a Hebrew text, 
but simply such a knowledge of Hebrew as 
the writer might presuppose in his readers. 

Of the Greek texts, that known as A is, in 
Noldeke's opinion, the nearest approach to 
the original text ; and from it, as a base, he 
constructs a table. (See next column. Those 
Versions marked with a star he considers 

What are the arguments by wliich prefer- 
ence for A is supported ? 

(fl) The fluctuations in the text of A 
(supported in its first half by a very literal 
Syriac Version of about the 7th century) are 
much fewer than in the text of B. This 
stability does not, it is admitted, prove any- 
thmg to the detraction of the less stable group 
(B and its cognates). It may have been due 

to the fact that the text A was adopted by 
Eusebius,' and that his patronage secured for 
it permanent acceptance, without its being of 
necessity the best. 





C/2 w 

I da- 


3 a 


- s 



* 'o 

'3 . 

" <L) 

O T3 

-^ ' 


(i) On internal grounds, however, Fritzsche 
and Noldeke unite in concluding that B is a 
revision or emendation of A. The brevity 
and abruptness of A are admitted ; but this in 
the course of time led to expansiveness at the 
hands of others. The process was followed 
by the inevitable result; much was improved, 
but much also was lost. This feature will be 
seen by examining these texts in such passages 
as ii. 6 (the quotation from Amos viii. 10 is 
by B taken literally from the LXX. ; in A it 
is freely rendered. The latter process is 
more original than the former) ; v. i, 2 (B 
expands A) ; v. 3-5 (B improves upon A) j 
viii. 9 &c. 

(c) The text of A is frequently at fault in 
matters geographical. Rages and Ecbatana 
are placed too closely to each other (vi. 9, 
ix. 6), an error which B avoided in the first 
passage by reading Ecbatane in vi. 5 ; while 

See Westcott, ' The Bible in the Church,' 
p. 155 &c. 



its information (v. 6) that the two towns were 
only two days' journey from each other, and 
that Rages was in the mountains and Ecbatane 
in the plain (^the very opposite being the fact), 
indicated a later and correcting hand._ Other 
geographical statements of B (i. 2, xi. i) are 
traceable to the same wish to make clear or 
correct (not always successfully) what was 
indistinct or mistaken in A. 

Per contra, critics who dispute the originality 
or priority of A do not deny its brevity, but 
they find in it the correction of the prolixity of 
an older Greek translation. As illustrations of 
this tendency such passages as i. 14, y. 3 (the 
circumstances connected with the history of 
the bond or bag), iii. 7 (the blaming of Sarah 
by her maidens), viii. 9-1 1 (the details of 
the preparations for the burial of Tobias), 
present A in a condensed form when com- 
pared with B and (sometimes) G. The exact 
relations of A to B they count it difficult to 

The argument that the construction of the 
sentences of the Greek Version is frequently 
non-Hebraic is also admitted, and a general 
tendency to Grecize the style is recognised, 
but the deduction drawn is not that of Nol- 
deke. These characteristics do not, it is 
affirmed, affect the question of translation 
or non-translation. 

If some kind of conclusion has now to be 
drawn where critics and counsels are so 
divided, must it not rather be one based upon 
the balance of probabilities? Noldeke's pre- 
ference for a Greek original is connected with 
his view that the work is Alexandrian ; in this 
view he stands alone. Gratz's assertion of a 
Semitic original is united with the opinion that 
the work is Palestinian ; and with this the 
majority of critics agree. 

Apocryphal literature of the character 
before us might have one out of three possible 
birthplaces, and would reflect the language 
and thought of its home. If it was composed 
in Palestine, it would be composed in a 
Hebraic style and diction, however remote 
that might be from the purer language of the 
canonical Books. This was the case with 
Judith, Susanna, Ecclesiasticus, and the ist of 
Maccabees. If it was composed in one of 
those centres, such as Alexandria, Antioch, or 
Acco, where Jews congregated who had lost 
the knowledge of Hebrew and used Greek 
for their commercial and other transactions, 
then the work would be written either in 
Greek or that Hellenistic diction permeated 
by Biblical colouring which was currently 
used. This accounts for the Book of Wisdom, 
2nd, 3rd, and 4th of Maccabees 8cc. Lastly, if 
it was composed in Mesopotamia, in Nahardea 
or Nisibis, where numerous Jews were to be 
found, it would be written in Ghaldee or 
Aramaic, the language there in use. To 
which now of these places does the accumulated 

evidence point ' The last may be excluded, 
and the probabilities point to the first. 

There remains, however, one question. 
The Book has come down to us both in 
Hebrew and Ghaldee: which was thelanguage 
of the original ? 

III. Priority of Ghaldee or Hebrew. 

The Bodleian Ghaldee (Neubauer) and the 
Constantinopolitan Hebrew (MUnster) are 
closely connected in diction and in sequence 
of events. The singular detail connected with 
the expulsion of Asmodeus (see vi. 17, note), 
the name " king of the demons " given to that 
spirit-power, the selection of a " bag " instead 
of a " bond " as the sign of the contract be- 
tween Tobit and Raguel (v. 3), the omission 
of the dog, the interesting expansion in iv. 
13-15, and much else common to these 
Versions, distinguish them from the others 
and unite them to each other without prejudice 
to the points of difference. 

i. What are these texts ? Some details have 
been given already (see Introduction, II.) ; 
the special questions still requiring answers 
are questions connected with the Ghaldee. 
(a) From what is this Ghaldee derived ? 
{b) Was it the text used by St. Jerome ? 

(a) Griitz (p, 387) does not consider the 
Bodleian Ghaldee an original text at all, but an 
abbreviated rendering of a translation from a 
Greek or Latin text; and Noldeke singles 
out the Greek text B as the text employed. 
Griitz adduces in proof the following points. 
The proper name Rages appears in forms 
m-\ or :^"'J>^^ or Cjn, This is a reproduc- 
tion of the Greek accusative (not dative, 
Bickell). Had a Semitic Version been before 
the writer, he would have found the forms 
J1 or 5<J"1 or perhaps ''"l (cp. the Ragha of the 
Avesta and the Pehlevi form Raga). The 
Greek name Tigris is expressed in the form 

piiTl (vi. i), whereas vhn or nbpl (in the 

O. T. bpin ; cp. Dan. x. 4) was the nomen- 
clature current in the Northern Semitic lands. 
'EKjiardvois is reproduced in D''jn3JX ; and 
Greek words will be readily discerned in 
Nir-nJii^ (cp. ayyapeuo)), JIIDDnX (npiarov), 
N3D''D (crrjudov), NJmJN {iv8poiu as^ distin- 
guished from yvvaiKUV^, fjl^'IO (^jJiapavTVlov)} 
These proofs are not universally accepted. 
By anticipation Neubauer rejects some of 
them (p. xi) when he affirms that the forms 
of Ragais or Ragas, Ecbatanes or Egbatanas, 
and Tigrin would scarcely occur in the text 
if translated from the Greek or Latin. 

' Much assistance in examining the forms and 
reproductions of non-Semitic words in these and 
similar texts will be found in Strack u. Siegfried's 
' Lehrbuch d. neu-hebraischen Sprache : ' see 
especially 67. 



Further, according to Neubauer, the Bodleian 
Chaldee has sentences which are to be found 
sometimes in one or other of the Greek or 
Latin texts; and others are peculiar to it 
or the Hebrew translation. Bickell (p. 218) 
admits the approximation of the Bodleian 
text to B (cp. e.g. ix. 6), but explains it by 
the opinion that the reviser who wrote B 
aimed at a more accurate agreement with 
a Hebrew original than did the writers of A 
and C. In opposition to their antagonists, 
these critics allege the idiom of the Chaldee 
text to be of such a character as to render 
impossible the admission that it is a transla- 
tion from a non-Semitic text ; and Bickell 
adduces faults of translation as proofs that 
the original before the writer of that text 
was a Semitic and not a Greek Version. 

What can be said as regards the possibility 
or impossibility of the Chaldee being a trans- 
lation has been adduced in the Introduction, 
II. The faults of translation remain to be ex- 
amined. Bickell adduces vi. 15, riTO ~lL3pX 

ntJ'IS? nnn, as due to a misreading of the 

last word. He would substitute for it nJ137. 
It can, however, be shewn not only that the 
alteration is unnecessary the act enjoined 
being not without parallel (see Excursus II., 
p. 182) but the supposition of error is 
rendered impossible by the Hebrew of the 
corresponding passage (viii. 2). 

Again, the interesting reading in vi. 2, 

K>^D1 NOn^ b^iit (cp. the Heb., where 

nnb is omitted by Miinster), is thought by 

Bickell to rest upon a text "pj") nvhh aX'1 

"lyjn, from which ^JT has fallen out, and the 
opening words altered or misread. But the 
alteration is far too conjectural, and nnjs, in 
the sense desired, is usually associated with a 
negative particle. 

It has already been noticed that in the 
narrative of the transactions between Tobit 
and Gabael the Versions differ as to the 
character of the pledge between them. When 
Tobit sends Tobias to Gabael, he gives him 
according to the Greek and Latin Versions 
a handwriting (v. 3, ix. 5) ; according to the 
Chaldee and Hebrew texts, a bag. Whence 
arose this difference ? It has been con- 
jectured that the original text had a reading 
onn, which meant "writing" (Isa. viii. i) 
as well as " bag " (2 Kings v. 3), or a reading 
N'pon, "writing," which was mistaken for 
N^pDn or *pDl, " a sack." Neither conjecture 
can pass. The infrequent word mn is in 
Isaiah applied to something very different 
irom what is intended by xetpoypa(^oi/, and 
wspon would not occur in an ancient Hebrew 

The ingenuity in conjecture w^hich is at 
work here is fatal. By its extravagance it 
tends to throw discredit upon proof which 

is more solid. The mistakes in translation 
had better be omitted from the table of 
evidence. The derivation of the Bodleian 
Chaldee from a Semitic text rests upon firmer 
grounds already specified (p. 164 Sec), and 
to those one more may be added. If it had 
been derived from a Greek text, it and its cog- 
nates would have been useless to St. Jerome. 

(b) Was then the Bodleian Chaldee the 
text before St. Jerome ? Neubauer himself 
thinks that the great Translator had before 
him " the present text in a fuller form " 
(p. X.). Noldeke (p. 60) is more disposed 
to think that it may have been the actual 
text. Arguing from the diction of the text, 
he urges that it may certainly have been 
in circulation in Palestine in the days of 
St. Jerome ; and reasoning from the presump- 
tion that many Chaldee Versions would not 
in all likelihood be in existence at one and the 
same time, he reaches the conclusion that it 
is at least probable that he used this particular 
one. The great objection to this view is the 
Vulgate itself. When St. Jerome undertook 
to produce a Version of Tobit, he had before 
him the Versions of the day in Greek and 
Latin which his friends the bishops could 
procure or which he himself possessed; he 
used, with the help of his Israelite teacher, 
a "Chaldee" Version; and the result was 
the Vulgate. Now, whatever the Vulgate 
has in common with the ante-Jeromian texts 
may be considered parts of the original text. 
But that is exceedingly little so far as the 
Bodleian Chaldee is concerned. There is 
far more approximation between the Chaldee 
and the Itala. Either therefore St. Jerome 
treated his materials in the most cavalier 
fashion, or he had before him, as Neubauer 
says, a Chaldee with a more expanded text. 

li. An original Semitic text being pre- 
supposed, the question recurs, Which Semitic 
Version can claim priority ? W^as the original 
in Chaldee or in Hebrew? Neubauer 
accounts the Constantinopolitan Hebrew a 
translation from an earlier recension of the 
Bodleian Chaldee (p. xi.), in which was 
preserved the form of Tobit speaking in the 
first person. Noldeke also adduces several 
philological considerations w^hich point to 
the priority of the Chaldee over the Hebrew. 
An examination of the diction of the Bodleian 
text has led him to the conclusion that it was 
written m Palestine about A.D. 300 or a little 
earlier,^ and that it exhibits a current dialect 
somewhat modified by the literary style of 
the Targums." The diction of the Constan- 
tinopolitan Hebrew is, in the next place, 

* P. 67. On p. 54 he assigns it to the fourth 
century ; but the date given in the text appears 
to be his more matured conclusion. 

^ Neubauer (p. xi. n. 5) points out that the 
biblical verses agree mostly with the translation 
of Onkelos. 



reckoned more modern than the Talmudical 
period. It is not the Hebrew of the Mishnah 
(Oan ])^h), but purer, marked by an imita- 
tion of Biblical Hebrew (t^'^1p^ ]V^h), modi- 
fied by Mishnaic forms. In this respect this 
Hebrew text is purer than the Hebrew text 
of Fagius, which is more thoroughly Mishnaic, 
and i"s a free translation of the Greek A. 
The diction of the Constantinopolitan Hebrew 
bears, he thinks, the same relation to Biblical 
Hebrew on the one hand and to Mishnaic 
Hebrew on the other, that the Latin of the 
Humanists bears to classical and mediaeval 
Latinity respectively. 

The same conclusion of priority on the 
part of the Chaldee is affirmed on other 
grounds, (a) The approximation of the 
Chald. to the Greek B is closer than that of 
the Hebrew (cp. these texts on i. 16, &c. ; 
ii. 2 ; iii. 9, 10 ; viii. 5, 7 ; X- i-7, and end). 
(b) The gaps in the Chaldee are considered 
partly the omissions or abbreviations of a 
copyist {e.g. i. 16, 18 ; iii. 3, 5, 9, &c.), partly 
an abridgment for adaptation to the Midrash, 
and partly (e.g. the concluding scene with 
Raphael) abbreviation on dogmatic grounds. 
The text of the Hebrew, on the contrary, is 
sound and full. The alterations and expan- 
sions noticeable, for example, in the prayers 
and hortatory sections do not diminish from 
the unity characteristic of the composition. 
They emanated from one and the same 
translator. The Midrashic character of some 
of the additions (e.g. that which describes 
the cause of the conspiracy of Sennacherib's 
sons; see i. 20, note) does not, it is urged, 
seriously contradict such a conclusion. Their 
character marks them as later additions, or 
indirectly indicates a more expanded Chaldee 
text from which they were taken. 

These arguments are to a certain extent 
supported by the sense attached to " Chaldee " 
by Gratz, Rosenthal, and Bickell. They prefer 
the term " neo-Hebraic," as expressing more 
correctly the nature of the dialect in which 
the copies of Tobit and Judith lying before 
St. Jerome were composed. This dialect was 

no popular dialect (Dinn ])^b), but a 
dialect for the learned and for literary com- 

position (pnan ;iB''? or pa-n X^C"''?), and 
the first period of its activity is placed in the 
first three centuries a.d.^ 

It is, however, to be remarked that this 
judgment upon the character of the diction 
affects only the existing copies. If other 
considerations (Introduction, III. &c.) 
require that the original of the Book of 
Tobit should have been in circulation about 
two centuries B.C., and if (as I venture to 
believe) that original was Semitic, an earlier 
Chaldee copy or an early Hebrew text must 
have existed then. This, it may be inferred, 
was the judgment of St. Jerome and of his 
coadjutor. A reference to his words, " quic- 
quid ille (the translator) mihi Hebraicis 
verbis expressit," shews that he was probably 
reproducing in Biblical Hebrew the language 
of the " Chaldee." St. Jerome understood 
Biblical Hebrew, and reproduced it in its 
turn in Latin. 

The existence of such an original being 
thus presupposed, is it not a question of 
probabilities whether the original was Chaldee 
(in the sense of Aramaic rather than neo- 
Hebraic) or Hebrew ? Unfortunately little 
analogy is offered by what has come down to 
us in the sparse literature of the last two 
centuries B.C. ; but if weight may be attached 
to the otherwise converging proofs that the 
Book was the work of a Palestinian Jew, 
country and patriotism may balance opinion 
on the side of Hebrew rather than Aramaic, 
it being understood that such a Hebrew 
original would not be written in pure Hebrew, 
but in a diction more or less Aramaized and 
even affected by the intrusion of foreign 

Strack und Siegfried, ' Lehrb. d. N. H. 
Sprache,' % I, c, e. 

^ A few such v^ords exist in the Constantino- 
politan Hebrew ; e.g. P''D ((nj/ie^o"), i'''SCi'1i< 
(/iosJ>cs), |10D (ixafMfj.aiv), Dnpi< (t aKpos in 
such compounds as Acropolis), 32nD (cp. 
Dan. i. 5 &c.), |''p''TO (evil spirits) ; but they 
are not so numerous as in the Bodleian Chaldee. 
In this Hebrew text Latin words occur ; such 
words were not common till the period of 
Roman domination (Schiirer, ' Geschichte,'^ ii. 
p. 48). 


A right apprehension of the views of the 
Jews on these points will be of considerable 
assistance in estimating aright the date of 
the Book of Tobit. 


It is generally admitted that the Canonical 
Books of the Old Testament, the Apocry- 

phal Books, the Pseudepigraphic ^ writings, 
and the later Jewish literature exhibit a gradual 
development of doctrine on this subject. In 

1 The title given to writings circulated under 
the covert of illustrious names : e.g. the Book 
of Enoch, the Sibylline Oracles, the Psalter of 
Solomon, the Assumption of Moses, the Vision 
of Isaiah, the Apocalypse of Baruch. 



this development the Book of Tobit occupies 
an important place. 

(i.) In the Old Testament, statements 
and details become more precise and definite 
during and after the Exile. In the Pentateuch 
Angelology is but little developed. The Angel 
of the Lord and, comparatively seldom, other 
Angels of God (Gen. xviii.) do the work as- 
signed to them. God, when dealing with the 
individual, sends His Angel before His ser- 
vant (Gen. xxiv. 7, 40), delivers him from all 
evil (Gen. xlviii. 15), and rewards his obedi- 
ence (Gen. xxii. 18). Similarly, the history of 
His people, as contained in the narrative of 
the Exodus (Ex. xiv. 19, xxiii. 19 &:c. ; Num. 
XX. 6) and of the establishment in the Promised 
Land (Josh. v. 14; Judg. ii. 1-5, vi. 11), 
presents a like method of procedure. The 
subject is not, however, free from difficulty ; 
the acts assigned to the Angel being some- 
times assigned to Jehovah Himself. Never- 
theless it is usually concluded that the Angel 
presents to man the " descent of God into 
visibility " (Oehler), leaving it undecided 
whether that presentment be momentary or 
permanent, hypostatic or unsubstantial ; and 
that what he does or speaks is the act and 
speech of Him Whom he represents. 

The Prophets developed the Mosaic doc- 
trine of God and His relation to the world. 
The title "Lord of Hosts" (r Sam. i. 3) is 
of significant importance in the history of 
Angelology (cp. Neh. ix. 6). The host of 
heavenly spirits appear as the messengers of 
God, as the appointed instruments of exe- 
cuting His judgments present and final, and 
as participating in His counsels. Now also 
appear in more definite delineation Angels of 
higher order and special office. The imagery 
of Isai. vi. 2 is developed in Ezekiel. This 
Prophet's six men, slaughter-weapon in hand, 
"and one among them clothed with linen, 
with a writer's inkhorn by his side," are 
types respectively of destroying and delivering 
Angels (ix. 2-4) ; Zechariah's horseman and 
chief among those who "walk to and fro 
through the earth " (i. 8 &c.), whether he be 
identical with " the Angel of the Lord" or not ; 
and the presence of an Angelus Interpres to 
explain to Daniel and Zechariah the meaning 
of their visions : these are features of Angel- 
ology which, if not absolutely novel, are 
expansions legitimate expansions of pre- 
viously existing conceptions. Names of 
Angels also begin to appear, such as Gabriel 
and Michael in the Book of Daniel; the former 
corresponding to the Angelus interpres of 
Zechariah, the latter to the Angel of the 
Lord in the same Prophet. These names, if 
also in some cases the names of men, are in- 
structive. Their etymology embraces some 
attribute of Him Whom they serve, as well as 
the nature of the service they render. But 
the practice of nomenclature is still in- 

frequent. The ineffability attaching to what 
is most holy is still preserved. In Daniel, 
the great unnamed Being Himself calls out 
by name Gabriel and Michael (viii. 15, 16; 
X. 5, 6, 13); they obey Him, they help Him 
(x. 13, 21); and He proclaims the final end 

(xii. 7-13)-^ 

(2,) The teaching of the Apocrypha is a 
development of the teaching of the canonical 
Books of the Old Testament, but the develop- 
ment is conducted upon lines at once natural 
and sober. Jewish Angelology was the pro- 
duct of a development from within rather 
than from without ; and Palestine more than 
Babylonia and Persia was the home of this 
development. The Book of Tobit bears a 
part in the history of this development. An 
Angel, bearing a name, Raphael expressive 
of his mission^ (xii. 14, 18), and yet connected 
(i Ghron. xxvi. 7), like Michael (i Chron. 
xxvii. 18), with the names of men presents 
himself to Tobit and his son, to Raguel and 
his daughter. His appearance is to them, as 
tradition asserts that it was to Abraham (see 
iii. 16, note), that of a human being like unto 
themselves. He is hired as a guide (ch. v.), 
he is employed as a confidential agent (ch. 
ix.) ; he eats and drinks, rests and travels. 
But his own description of himself is dis- 
tinctly more definite than those of the Bib- 
heal Books: "I am Raphael, one of the 
seven (the number is absent from some of 
the texts) holy Angels which present the 
prayers of the saints, and which go in and 
out before the glory of the Holy One. . . . 
All these days I did appear unto you ; but 
I did neither eat nor drink, but ye did see 
a vision . . . Give God thanks, for I go up 
to Him that sent me" (xii. 15, 19, 20). Most 
of these details {e.g.^ cp. for that of eating 
and drinking Gen. xviii. 8, xix. 3 ; Judg. vi. 
19) have their prototypes in Biblical paral- 
lels ; others indicate the effect of influences 
external to them. For example, the specific 
number seven connects itself with the Old 
Testament conception of completion and per- 
fection ; and if the local colouring of the Book 
indicate the external influences perceptible 
in it, it is a perfectly legitimate deduction 

* Cp. on the whole subject, from an Old Test, 
point of view, Oehler, ' Theology of the O. T.'^ 
59-61, 195-199; Schultz, ' Alttestament- 
hche Theologie,'^ p. 555 ^q-', Angel in 
Smith's 'Diet, of the Bible;' Engel in 
Hamburger, ' R. E. fiir Bibel u. Talmud,' Abth. 
i. ; Herzog, ' R. E.'^ ; and Riehm, ' H. W. B.' 

2 "I cannot give thee my name. We are 
always named after our mission and work," is 
the Midrash on Gen. xxxii. 30 (quoted by Ham- 
burger). The Talmud gives Bas Basia, Mas 
Masia, Kas Kasia, Sharlai and Amarlai as other 
names of Angels of healing (Brecher, ' Der 
Transcendentale, Magie, u. magische Heilarten 
im Talmud,' pp. 38, 199). 



to associate the number with the " seven 
spirits " of Babylonian mythology.^ 

(3.) The secrets of Assyrian angelology 
are not, at present, so largely unravelled (or 
discovered) as those of Assyrian demonology ; 
but what is known sufficiently indicates that 
the post- Biblical writings borrowed their con- 
ceptions more largely from Babylonia than 
from Persia. Inferior to the triads of the 
greater Assyrian Gods was a celestial hier- 
archy,^ ranging from the mediator Mardouk 
to the two guardian spirits, male and female, 
assigned to each human being.^ There were 
spiritual beings who had their homes in heaven, 
others whose domain was earth. As there 
were seven spheres, so were there seven good 
gods and seven evil, seven beneficent spirits 
and seven evil.* It was one of the works of 
the good spirit to deliver man from the evil 
spirit or demon who possessed him. There 
was the good sed and the good oudouq ready 
to do battle against the evil sed and the evil 
oudouq; the lesser gods themselves neither 
disdained nor refused to give their help. A 
tablet ^ records how 

" The goddess Istarit, whose palace, abode 
of delight, 

Is inaccessible 

Approached the bed of the dying man." 

And a chorus of gods breaks out : 

" Who shall restore this man? 
Who shall . . . drive away the demon ? 
Istarit, daughter of Bel, 
Nergal, son of Bel, 
Maroudouk, lord of Eridou, 
These are they who shall drive out the 
demon from the body of the dying man." 

Other potent celestial powers are Nous- 
souk and Memith (personified),'^ Nin-ki-gal 

* Cp. DeHtzsch s. Ji. Engel in Riehm's 
' H. W. B.,' and the Excursus on Angelology in 
the Speaker's Commentary on Daniel, p. 349. 
Kohut, ' Ueber die jiidische Angelologie u. 
Damonologie,' p. 7, accepts with many critics the 
tradition that the Jews, when returning from 
exile, brought the names of the months and of 
the Angels (and therefore many angelological 
conceptions) with them from Babylon ; but the 
Talmudical passage which records the tradition 
(Talm. Jerus. Rosh Hashana, i. 2 ; Bereschit 
Rabba, p. 48) makes no mention of Angels, and 
his treatise is too strained in its attempt to con- 
nect with Parseism the Jewish belief and teaching 
on these subjects. Cp. Griinbaum in ' Zeitschr. 
d. D. M. G.' xxxi. 257 &c. 

* Lenormant, ' La Magie,' p. 138. 

* Halevy, ' Documents religieux de I'Assyrie 
et de la Babylonie,' p. 19. Cp. also the Pastor 
of Hermas {c. a.d. 150), ' Commandment,' VI. 
ch. ii. : " In regard to faith. There are two 
angels with a man one of sternness, the other 
of evil." 

* Lenormant, pp. 17, 18; Halevy, pp. 19, 20, 
28, 47-8. 

* Halevy, p. 83. Ibid., pp. 36, 41. 

(Assyr. Allat), Tourtak, Announa-ge, Dav- 
kina, the Sun with his archangels of earth and 
heaven.^ Izbar,^ the fire-god, plays no insigni- 
ficant role among the ministers of good. He 
approaches Mardouk in a spirit of supplication, 
as Mardouk approaches Ea his father. By 
his flame, burning on the domestic hearth, the 
fire-god expels demons ; on the sacrificial 
altar he is both present and adored. 

Curiously enough, a cognate title "prince 
of fire " is found assigned to Gabriel. An 
inscription in the interior of a Judxo- 
Babylonian vase at Cannes,^ attributed by 
its decipherer to the ist (or at latest 
2nd) Christian century,* records how the 
house, inmates, and goods of one Zadan- 
ferruch, son of Kaki, were sealed against 
the assaults of demons. " Sealed were they 
with 70 knots and 70 bands, with 70 seals 
and 70 stones, and with the seal of Arub- 
dziuah son of Rabe; with the seal of Michael 
the powerful, the king, the prince of the Law ; 
with the seal of Casdiel the powerful, the 
king, the prince of the Chaldeans ; with the 
seal of Gabriel, the powerful, the king, the 
prince of fire; with the seal of Asaph Nadas- 
diuah, the gardener of Solomon, king, son of 
David ; with the seal of Solomon, king, son of 
David ; and with the great seal of the Lord 
of the world, whose knot cannot be loosed, 
and whose seal cannot be broken;^ blessed 
art Thou, O Jehovah, our God, King of the 
world. Amen." The attributes of a "prince 
of fire" are, in Rabbinical writings, not un- 
frequently assigned to Gabriel.*^ 

(4.) Among Pseudepigraphic writings 
which are of value in the history of the deve- 
lopment of Angelology, a chief place both in 
date and importance is to be assigned to the 
Book of Enoch. Accepting the conclusions 
of Dillmann, Lipsius, and Schurer,"'' that the 
main work (chaps. i.-xix.,xxi.-xxxvi.,lxxii.-cv.) 

' Lenormant, pp. 10, 16, 22, 161, 164 ; 
' Records of the Past,' xi. 123, 125. 

* Lenormant, p. 169 iS:c. ; ' Records of the 
Past,' ix. 144-6 ; Halevy, p. 136 &c. 

* Hyvernat, "Bur un Vase judeo-babylonien 
du Musee Lycklama de Cannes," in ' Zeitschrift 
fiir Keilschriftforschung,' ii. p. 113 sq. 

* Ibid., p. 145. It should be added that 
Noldeke, ' Zeitschr. f. K. S. F.' ii. 293, dates it 
A.D. 700. 

* In the Talmud demons are frequently 
declared to be powerless against what was 
sealed. Cp. Brecher, pp. 52-3, 59. 

* Hyvernat, p. 129 ; Griinbaum in ' Z. f. 
K. S. F.' ii. 223-4 and reff. 

' Dillmann, " Pseudepigraphen des A. T." in 
Herzog, ' R. E.' - s. u. "Die Henoch- u. Noah- 
Schriften ;" Lipsius, "Enoch, Apocryphal Book 
of," in Smith and Wace's ' Dictionary of Chris- 
tian Biography;' Schiirer, ii.- p. 616 &c. ; 
Schodde, 'The Book of Enoch,' p. 43; and 
Langen, 'Das Judenthum in Palastina,' pp. 35- 
64, all date the main work at about 160 B.C. 



represents Jewish theological opinion at the 
close of the second century and beginning of 
the first B.C., and that the Book of Parables 
(chaps, xxxvii.-lxxi.) dates from the time of 
the later Hasmoneans and the Herods, it is 
interesting to note how the Angelology of 
the former is expanded in the latter. 

In the main work^ Enoch relates with 
" tongue of flesh " his vision of " the Holy and 
Great One." ^ He was lifted into heaven, and 
passing through the tongue of fire surrounding 
the wall of a house reached a second building 
of indescribable magnificence and size. Its 
floor was fire, and its ceiling was fire. In it 
was a high throne the appearance of which 
was like a hoar-frost ; around it was, as it were, 
a brilliant sun. He heard Cherubim-voices. 
From under the great throne came streams of 
flaming fire, so that it was impossible to look 
upon it. And He Who is great in majesty sat 
upon it. His garment was more glittering 
than the sun and whiter than pure snow. No 
Angel could enter there; no mortal could look 
upon the form of the face of the Lord and the 
Majesty. Flaming fire was around Him, and 
a great fire before Him. No one of those 
around Him could approach Him. Ten 
thousand times ten thousand stood before 
Him, but He needed not the Holy Council. 
And the Holy ones who were near Him left 
Him not day or night. From amongst the 
host of heaven there came to Enoch four " who 
were like white men " (i.e. Angels).^ They 
bore the names of Michael, Gabriel, Surjan, 
and Urjan.'* The two last are the same as 
Suriel and Uriel, and Raphael is identified with 
Suriel.^ Of these, Uriel, Raphael, Michael, 
and a fourth, Raguel, acted as guides to Enoch 
in his travels through heaven and earth f and 
of some the mission is defined.'' Raphael (or 
Rufael) is " bidden to bind Azazel ; " Gabriel 
is to " destroy the children of fornication and 
the children of the watchers from among 
men;" Michael is to announce to Semjaza 
and to the others with him the punishment in 
store for them.^ In another vision, when the 
throne of judgment is set on earth in " the 
pleasant land," Enoch sees "the first six white 

* Ch. xiv. Cp. vfith Dan. vii. 9, 10, and 
Part II. 3 of this Excursus. 

^ A characteristic title of this division of the 
Book. Cp. i. 3 and the notes of Dillmann and 

* Ch. Ixxxvii. 2. 

* Ch. ix. 

Syncellus, quoting in his Chronography the 
fragments of the Greek 'Enoch,' gives twice 
the four names as Michael, Uriel, Raphael, and 
Gabriel. See the fragments in Fabricius, 
'Codex Pseudepigraphus in V. T.' i. p. 179 &c. ; 
Dillmann, pp. 82-5. The name Suriel is pos- 
sibly a misreading (see Dillmann, note to ix. iK 
Chaps, xvii.-xxiv. ' Ch. x. 

* See below, Part II. 3. 

ones." They are unnamed, and the number 
is disputed ; but it finds support from Ezek. 
ix. 2.^ 

In the Parables (chaps, xxxvii.-lxxi.) further 
details are to be gleaned. The appellation cf 
God most characteristic and frequent is " the 
Lord of the spirits,"^ a title which corresponds 
with the contents of a section dealing essen- 
tially with the spirit- world. A more elaborate 
and definite classification of Angels is given. 
As before, Enoch is moved by " the spirit " 
into the heaven of heavens, and he sees the 
house surrounded by fire; "a house built of 
crystal stones, and between each stone flames 
of living fire." Round about were Seraphim, 
Cherubim, and Ophanim. These are they 
who do not sleep, but watch the throne of 
(God's) glory. And he saw Angels who could 
not be numbered. A thousand times thou- 
sand and ten thousand times ten thousand, 
they surrounded that house. "And Michael and 
Raphael, Gabriel and Phanuel, and the Holy 
Angels who are in the heavens go in and out 
in that house. And they . . . came out, and 
with them the ' Head of Days ' {i.e., One "Who 
is old). His head was white and pure as 
wool, and His garments such as no man could 
describe."^ In another vision * Enoch hears 
the song of those " who do not sleep." They 
stand before God's glory and sing their 
Trisagion, "Holy, Holy, Holy is the Lord of 
the spirits. He filleth the earth with spirits." 
On the four sides of the Lord of the spirits he 
saw four beings (npocroTTa),^ different from 
those standing (before the glory of the Lord of 
spirits), and he learned their names from the 
Angel (the " Angel of peace ") who came with 
him. And he heard the voices of those four 
beings as they sang praises before the Lord of 
glory. The first voice praised the Lord of 
the spirits from everlasting to everlasting. 
The second voice praised the Chosen One 
(Isai. xhi. i, the Messiah) and the chosen 
ones who depended on the Lord of the spirits. 
The third voice prayed for those who dwell 
upon the earth and made their petition in the 

' Ch. xc. 21. The six would include the four 
previously noted (cp. xc. 31). The difficulty 
about the number, whether it be six or seven, 
arises from the state of the yEthiopic MS. The 
number seven finds support from some Versions 
of Tob. xii. 15, six from the passage in Ezekiel. 
Were Enoch xx. other than an interpolation of 
later date, the number of Angels there, viz. six, 
would resolve the difficulty here ; but the func- 
tions there assigned to the Angels are novel, and 
in some points contradict those assigned to them 
elsewhere. Six is the number of " the Holy 
Angels of God" in tlie Pastor of Hernias, 
Vis. iv. 

* See ch. xxxvii. i and Dillmann's note. 
' Ch. Ixxi. 

* Chaps, xxxix., xl. 

5 D*JEn ^^n'pJD. Cp. Isai. lxi:i. 9. 



Name of the Lord of the spirits. The fourth 
voice kept off the Satans, and allowed them not 
to come before the Lord of the spirits to accuse 
those who dwelt upon earth. And Enoch 
asked the Angel of peace who these four 
beings were, and the answer came : " The first 
is the holy Michael, merciful, slow to anger ; 
and the second, who is set over all the sick- 
nesses and the wounds of the children of men, 
is Rufael (Raphael) ; and the third, who is over 
all powers, is the holy Gabriel; and the fourth, 
who is set over the repentance and hope of 
those who inherit eternal life, is Phanuel."^ 

One other Pseudepigraphic Book the 
Fourth Book of Ezra- (the Second Book of 
Esdras in the Apocrypha) brings forward 
the name of Uriel (iv. i). The Angelophany 
is, as in the Book of Daniel, in visions. 

(5.) Marked as is the development in 
Angelology between the Biblical and Pseude- 
pigraphic writings, it is still more marked in 
the later Jewish theology.^ The pure silence 
and sacred reserve of the canonical Books, 
abandoned by the author or authors of the 
Book of Enoch, is now exchanged for what 
is perhaps symbolically beautiful, but also 
strangely welded together by a fantastic 
imagination, national conceit, ignorant super- 
stition, and foreign elements. 

God is conceived as more and more isolated, 

"the Only One in His world" ('pC^ IT'n'' 

oViy).* His sphere is a seven-fold heaven 
graduating to the summit. In the centre of 
the highest range is His dwelling-place 
(SV'nO)- The throne of the Glory (KD3 
'^^:l::r^, in the Targ. N'ipn 'Dlia) is there; 
from it issues the Light which, blinding to 
men (cp. Exod. xxxiv. 29 ^cc), is the atmo- 
sphere and food of Angels. In the sphere 
of this highest heaven, yet hidden by the 
cloudy veil (llilQ) from celestial beings, He 

surrounds Himself with His family (XvOD 

n'?yo ';:^), the Angel-host. There too are 
the souls of the unborn and of the righteous- 

* Other visions bring forward names of the 
leaders of the divisions of the year (ch. Ixxxii.), 
or specify Angels of power and of supremacies 
(ch. Ixi.), or assign spirits to the thunder, 
lightning, sea, frost, dew &c. (ch. Ix.). Consult 
the notes of Dillmann and Schodde in locis. 

' Circa A.D. 81-96. Cp. Schiirer, ii.^ p. 657. 
In iv. 36 the name Uriel is replaced in some 
MSS. by Jeremiel. 

^ Cp. Brecher, pp. 8 &c. Weber, ' System 
d. altsynagogalen Palastinischen Theologie,' pp. 
157 &c. Edersheim, 'Life of Jesus,' ii. 745 &c.; 
App. xiii., "Jewish Angelology and Demon- 

* On this and the following Hebrew or 
Aramaic titles and words consult Levy's works, 
' Chaldaisches Worterbuch iiber die Targumim,' 
' Neuhebraisches u. Chaldaisches "VVorterbuch 
iib. die Talmudim u. Midraschim,' s. n7t. 

dead, whose approach to the veil is nearer 
than that of the host, and whose home is the 
"Paradise" into which the saint of Christ 
was " caught up" (2 Cor, xii. 4). No man can 
tell the number^ of the innumerable host 
(Job XXV. 3 ; Dan. vii. 10), nor state the hour 
of their creation. Was it on the second day 
when the heavens were made (Gen. i.), or 
on the fifth day (Gen. i. 20; Isai. vi. 2), when 
winged creatures appeared ? Nay, was it 
not, is it not, " day by day " that Angels were 
and are created, " new every morning " (Lam. 
iii. 23), issuing from the Light streaming from 
under the Throne, singing their Hallelujah, 
and again absorbed in the "river of fire" 

(-n^n -in:)? 

From amongst this " family of God " stand 
forward prominently certain classes and chiefs. 
In their ranks (according to Maimonides) 
were ten gradations. The highest was the 
Chaijoth (niTl), or "living creatures," and 
in succession to them the Ophanim, Asellim, 
Chashmallim, Seraphim, Malaachim, Elohim, 
Bene Elohim, Kerubim, Ishim.^ As chiefs 
Michael occupies the highest rank ; yet 
higher than he is the mysterious Metatron, 
whom tradition identified with the translated 
Enoch (Gen. v. 24), and associated with 
Jophiel, Uriel, and Jephiphja in the pious task 
of burying Moses (Targ. Pseudo- Jonathan 
on Deut. xxxiv. 6). He was the "Prince of 
the Presence" (D'':d "iti'); his very name 
Metatron (illDtSD^) was equivalent in nume- 
rical value (314) to that of the Almighty 

* Brecher, pp. 12, 13. The later Jewish 
theology environs God with at least 90,000 

myriads of angels, because "1?D = 90 (Weber, 
p. 165). Brecher (p. 7) considers the whole 
conception a reflexion of the Persian estimate 
of the divinity which doth hedge about a king. 
The curious in such matters will find in Brecher 
(p. 9) the names and descriptions of the seven 

2 Cp. Brecher, p. 33. The derivation of 
Chashmallim is, according to one Rabbinical 
passage, singularly beautiful. They are niTI 

m'p'pOO DTiyi n"lt^^ nTiy, creatures who 
sometimes keep silence, sometimes speak. They 
are silent when God speaks, and speak when and 

what He has spoken. See Levy, s. n. POKTI. 
The Cherubim are in the Talmud depicted as 
young and blooming ; an imaginary etymology 
making miD = sSniD, N''3"l being the name 
given in Babylonia to a young lad. The Ishim 
are the Angels who appear to the prophets and 
speak with them ; their name indicates the 
approximation of their knowledge to that of 

^ Derived from /xeTadpovos or ixerarvpawos, 
the next to the Throne or Lord (Weber, p. 173 ; 
Levy, ' Chald. W. B.' s. .), Others connect it 
with iJ.eTa5p6ij.os (Brecher, p. 28), or with metator, 
or with Mithra (cp. Griinbaum, ' Z. d. D. M. G.' 
xxxi. 236). 



(Shaddai = ''T^), Whose representative he 
is in the world. There he is the teacher of 
His children, and one who pleads before Him 
for His chosen people. When Moses died 
and God bewailed him, the Metatron com- 
forted God: "Thine he was when living, 
Thine he is when dead." With Michael are 
associated other chiefs, Gabriel, Raphael, 
Uriel, whose number is increased later on to 
seven, by the addition of Sammael, Izidkiel, 
Hanael, and Kepharel,^ and under whose 
charge respectively were placed the several 
days of the week. Similarly the 70 nations of 
the world were imder the protection of 70 
Angel-princes; Michael, chief of Angels, being 
also prince of Israel, the people of peoples, the 
prince of Jerusalem, the prince of Zion. In- 
dividuals also, like nations, have their guardian 
Angels (cp. Gen. xxiv. 7 ; Targ. Jerus. i.), who 
serve as their protectors against wicked 
spirits, and incite them to good works. Thus 
it was Michael who led the daughter of 
Dinah to Egypt to the house of Potipherah, 
where she was brought up and presently 
married to Joseph under the name of Asenath 
(Gen. xli. 50). " The whole world," says one 
Talmudical passage,^ "is full of spirits and 
demons. When a man keeps one command- 
ment, one good Angel comes to him ; or when 
he keeps two commandments, two Angels ; 
when he keeps all the commandments, many 
Angels. And who are these Angels ? They 
are the Angels who will shield him from 
the evil spirits (pp''TJ3)." These guardian 
Angels present themselves to men in most 
varied forms : sometimes sitting, sometimes 
standing; sometimes as men, sometimes as 
women ; sometimes as winds, sometimes as 
flames. They can be visible or invisible as 
circumstances require. The name they 
receive or assume expresses their ministerial 
act or message. Each Angel has a tablet on 
his heart in which the Name of God and his 
own are combined. 

The Angels understand Hebrew only. "Do 
not pray in Aramaic," says a Rabbinic rule,^ 
"but always in Hebrew. The Ministering 
Angel cannot bring before God the prayer of 
one who prays in Aramaic, for he does not 

^ Cp. the seven from the Book of Enoch 
above, 4. Brecher (pp. 21-32) gives the 
names as Michael, Gabriel, Uriel, Raphael, 
Metatron, Sandalphon,. and Sagsagel. The 
Roman Cathohc Church, accepting only the 
names assigned to Angels in the (to it) canonical 
Books, has rejected by synodical decrees (Rome, 
A.D. 745 ; Ai.x:-la-ChapelIe, A.D. 789) all names 
except Michael, Gabriel, and Raphael (cp. 
Hefele, 'Concil. Geschichte,' iii. 539, 660). 
13. F. Strauss (' Dogmatik,' i. 49) contemplated 
them as heads of three "Departments:" 
" Kriegswesen Gabriel ; Medicinalwesen 
Raphael ; Cultus Michael." 

2 Brecher, p. 13 ; Weber, p. 166. 

' Brecher, p. 17. 

understand it. Hebrew, the language of the 
Law, is the only holy language ; it is the lan- 
guage spoken in heaven." Alas for the 
Gentiles ! The ministry of Angels is not for 
them : it is limited to the people of Israel. 
Israel is the realm of Angels ; in the world of 
nations stalk the demons ! 

II. Demonology. 

The reserve of the Biblical writings on this 
subject is still more marked than in the case 
of Angelology, but the teaching is not less 
progressive. From the simplest form in 
which the Old Testament recognised evil as 
working, onward to its fullest development 
in Rabbinical literature, are many stages, but 
they can be traced fairly and broadly. 

(i.) Around the throne of God are His 
ministering spirits, some to help and guide, 
some to punish and destroy (cp. i Sam. xvi. 
14-23; Ps. Ixxviii. 49; Isai. xix. 14); but 
all alike execute His will. From dependent 
to independent action, from conduct due to 
absolute obedience to God to conduct due to 
a hostile disposition to man and the covenant- 
people, is a development partly instinctive, 
partly due to external influences. The pro- 
logue to Job and Zechariah iii. present it in 
a form where Satan would work ill, yet can 
only do so by God's permission ; the later 
writer of i Chron. xxiv. i represents the 
adversary as acting in a more independent 
fashion; yet is he very far from being the 
I'ipXav Tov Koa-fiov of the New Testament.^ 

(2.) The views of Israel, affected after the 
conquest of Canaan by the neighbouring 
influences of Syrian and Phoenician idolatry, 
were gradually developed by contact with 
Babylonian and Persian conceptions. This is 
noticeable in the Apocryphal Book of Tobit. 
The "evil spirit" who "loves" Sarah, and 
" kills " the husbands who approach her (iii. 8, 
vi. 14), is specified by name Asmodeus. He 
is the "king of the demons" (Heb. and 
Chald. DnC^ [Shedim]; cp. Deut. xxxii. 17), 
a " devil." He cannot be expelled by ordinary 
powers ; special means the heart and liver 
of a fish (vi. 7) are to be used for exorcising 
him ; and when he is expelled, an Angel binds 
him (viii. 3). 

Even if the name of this evil spirit be Per- 
sian or Median (see iii. 7, note), the details 
above given are curiously in conformity with 
Assyrian rather than with Persian Ijelief.'- 
In the creed of the Babylonian it was recog- 

* For the O. T. conceptions on this subject, 
consult Oehler, 200,201 ; Schultz, ch. xxxvii. 
' Das Bose ausserhalb der Menschheit ; ' and 
the works mentioned in Part I. i, n. 2. 

2 Cp. lor what follows, Halevy, pp. 55 &c., 
83 &c. ; Lenormant, ' La Magie,' p. 3 &c. ; 
Jensen, " De incantamentorum sumerico-assyrio- 
rum serie," &c. in the ' Zeitschrift fiir Keil- 
schriftforschung,' i. 279 &c. 



nised that heavenly spirits could be called 
upon to relieve those vexed by demons. As 
has been stated (Part I. 3), Istarit, the 
"queen of heaven," would in some cases 
come down and intervene in behalf of the 
sufferer. The power of the demons was con- 
fessedly great. As there were seven beneficent 
spirits, so were there seven malevolent demons. 
A celebrated tablet gives to these last the 
very name Shedim before us. In nature 
and office they are 

" Invincible, bom in the firmament of heaven, 
Committing violence. 
The chief of these seven is (blank) ; 
The second is a lion who spares no one ; 
The third is a tiger ; 
The fourth is a serpent ; 
The fifth is a viper ; 
The sixth is a swift wind which obeys 

neither God nor man ; 
The seventh is a whirlwind, an evil wind. 
All these seven are the agents of An, the 


They attack kings and men, though they 
are defeated by the good deities.^ 

Another tablet speaks of the Shed as the 
demon who is distinguished from others by 
his colossal force.^ A third recites what may 
almost be called a popular incantation against 
them : ^ 

" Seven are they, seven are they ! 
In the channel of the deep seven are they ! 
In the radiance of heaven seven are they ! 
In the channel of the deep in a palace grew 

they up. 
Male they are not, female they are not. 
In the midst of the deep are their paths. 
Wife they have not, son they have not. 
Order and kindness know they not. 
Prayer and supplication hear they not. 
The cavern in the mountain they enter. 
Unto Hea are they hostile. 
The throne-bearers of the gods are they. 
Disturbing the lily in the torrents are they 

Baleful are they, baleful are they. 
Seven are they, seven are they, seven twice 

again are they. 
May the spirits of heaven remember, may 

the spirits of earth remember." 

The indication here, frequently repeated,* 
that these evil spirits are debarred from the 
joys of family life, explains in part their hosti- 
lity to those who seek them : 

" They take no wife, and beget not children. 
They know not tenderaess." * 

* Halevy, p. 100 &c. 
' Ibid. p. 37. 

See Sayce, ' Records of the Past,' ix. p. 146 ; 
cp. also ibid. iii. 143, xi. 135 ; Halev}', p. 47. 
! Cp Hai^vy, p. 43. 

* Ibid. p. 42. 

Apoc Vol I. 

' ' They snatch the wife from her husband's em- 
brace ; 
They drive the man from his nuptial cham- 
ber." 1 

" They prevent the impregnation of the wife by 
her husband ; or 
Subject her to their embraces by nocturnal 
pollution." ^ 

Of the means employed to expel them, that 
of fire and of smoke caused by ingredients cast 
into a vessel containing fire is not uncommon. 
Jensen gives the following incantations:^ 

" Tollo vas angustum sacrum et incendo ignem, 
Foculum accendo, projicio panicum. 

SP SK li* s!* 9(8 

Sicut allium istud desquamatur et in ignem 

Flamma comburens comburit (id), . . . 
Morbus qui in corpore meo, came meo, mus- 

culis (?) meis est, 
Sicut allium istud utinam desquamatur, et 
Hoc tempore flamma comburens utinam com- 

buret (eum). 
Incantatio, Utinam exeat et ego lucem utinam 

videam ! 

ie- ^ ^ if if. 

Sicut lana ovilla ista carpitur et in ignem 

Flamma comburens comburit (earn), . . . 
Sicut lana caprina ista carpitur et in ignem 

Flamma comburens comburit (earn) . . . 
Morbus, qui in corpore meo, came mea, 

musculis (?) meis est 

utinam interimiatur et 

Hoc tempore flamma comburens comburit 

eum " &c., &c. 

The remedy was at once propitiatory and 

There are numerous instances of the appli- 
cation of these or similar special remedies to 
special parts of the body.* H ale vy's render- 
ing of another incantation intimates that a 
wild herb was to be placed in a handkerchief 
and tightly wrapped round the head of the 
sufferer. Or the advice is given : 

" Take the pure wool of a young sheep : 
Bind it round the head of the sick man ; 
Bind it round the neck of the sick man. 

The demon in the body of that man will go 
away immediately." ^ 

As a substitute for lamb's wool, a kid's 
skin might be used.^ Sometimes drinks were 

' Cp. Halevy, p. 2. 

* Lenormant, 'La Magie,' pp. 28, 36. 

3 'Zeitschr. f. K. F. S.' i, 286, 292 &c. 
Cp. Halevy, p. 135 &c. 

* Cp. Halevy, pp. 4, 175 ; Lenormant, p. 38. 

* Cp. Halevy, pp. 55, 56. For the use of 
herbs, cp. also ' Records of the Past,' iii. 146-7 ; 
Halevy, p. 139. 

* Ibid. p. 102. 




given, such as butter and milk furnished by 
cows sacred to the gods;' sometimes oint- 
ments made of butter or of the liver of a fish.^ 
In an ancient Babylonian work on Medicine,^ 
are given some most excessively unpalatable 
recipes composed of 5, 7, or 12 ingredients. 
There arc mixtures of wood, snake, mead, 
and raw llcsh : of tree-root and dog-tongue ; 
of sheep's lieart, skin, herbs, and reed ; 
to be taken sometimes in water or wine, 
sometimes without, in comparison with 
which the nauseousness of the smell of the 
heart - and - liver smoke (Tob. viii. 2) can 
have been nothing. These remedies were, 
however, reckoned very efficacious in the 
expulsion of the demons of sickness of every 

It was believed that many of these demons 
came from the desert (cp. Isai. xxxiv. 13, 14), 
and it was one object of the incantations and 
exorcisms to drive them back to the place 
from which they came, and imprison them or 
bind them.* The desert was the " land not 
inhabited " (.Tin p5<), the place of Azazel 
(Lev. xvi. 22. See below, 3). In the Book 
of Tobit Asmodeus flees to Egypt and is 
there bound by the Angel. The reason for 
the selection of that land in particular is not 
given, but it may have been due to the belief 
that the gods of Egypt had special power over 

A rough kind of hierarchy is to be traced 
in Accadian and Assyrian demonology, and 
classes rather than individuals are distin- 
guished by special titles. ^ The malevolent Sed 
and the malevolent lamas, counterparts of 
their benevolent namesakes,'' appear to stand 
at the top of the ladder of tormentors. Under 
them is a tribe of inferior spirits labas, 
ahar, al, alap, maskim, ekim sometimes 
working singly, sometimes agitating in groups 
of seven, and perhaps led by Asak, Oudouk, 
and 'Namtar? 

(3.) The main portion of the Book of 
Enoch opens with reflections upon the fall of 

1 Halevy, pp. 83, 84. 

^ Ibid. p. 16. 

Translated by Sayce in ' Z. f. K, F. S.' ii. 
pp. 1 &c., 205 &c. The Talmudical beverages 
are less nauseous. See some of them in Brecher, 
p. 204 &c. 

* Lenormant, ' La Magie,' pp. 29, 42 ; 'La 
Divination,' pp. 6, 7, 29 ; ' Records of the Past,' 
iii. 152. 

' Cp. the interesting history given in Lenor- 
mant, pp. 30-32. That a scribe misread the text 
of Tobit, and substituted D''"1VD instead of ITlTJ, 
is possible, but not probable. 

" Lenormant, ' La Magie,' p. 23 sq. 

' See above, Part I., 3. 

Halevy, pp. 2-4, 17, 28, 32, 93, 102, 129. 
Lenormant gives different names to some of 
these. These names are not always explained 
or apparently expUcable. 

the Angels } " The sons of the heavens saw 
and lusted after the daughters of men. They 
said one to another. We will choose for our- 
selves wives froin among the children of men, 
and will beget for ourselves children." Two 
hundred of them bound themselves by a curse 
to carry out this plan. Semjaza^ was their 
leader, and the names of seventeen others are 
added.^ They wrought their purpose, and 
taught their wives charms and conjurations, 
and made them acquainted with the cutting of 
roots* and of woods. Monstrous births 
"giants whose stature was 3000 ells" and 
still more monstrous deeds wrought by the 
giants followed upon the fall. It became the 
malignant work of the fallen angels to coiTupt 
mankind. Prominent in deadly teaching was 
Azazel.*^ Michael, Gabriel, Surjan and Urjan 
cry " to their Lord, to their King. See how 
Azazel has taught all wickedness on earth, and 
has revealed the secrets of the world which 
were prepared in the heavens."'' The state- 
ment is a distinct advance upon the Biblical 
record (Lev. xvi. 8 &c., Heb.) which indicates 
by the name Azazel a spiritual power opposed 
to the God of Israel without defining his 
work.*" The execution of the judgment 
passed upon Azazel is entrusted to Rufael 
(Raphael) : " Bind him hand and foot and put 
him in the darkness. Make an opening in 
the desert which is in Dudael,* and put him 
in it. Lay upon him rough and pointed rocks. 

* Ch. vi. This interpretation of Gen. vi. i 
&c. is found in Philo, ' De Gig.' i. 2 ; Josephus, 
' Antiqq.' i. 3. I ; Tertullian, ' De cultu Femi- 
narum,' i. 2, ii, 10. 

=^ NtyJOJi' or 'XTnOt^ (see Buxtorf, 'Lex. 
Chald. et Talm.' j. .), the Samgasai of the Targ. 
of Jonathan on Gen. vi. 4. 

^ The number in the Greek text of Enoch 
here is 20, which commends itself on the 
principle of a leader to every 20. In ch. Ixix. 
(a Noachic fragment) the number is in all 21. 
The difference in the names drawn from 
imagination in these lists is very great. See 
Dillmann and Schodde, notes in locis. 

* See the stories in Josephus, ' Bel. Jud.' vii. 
6. 3 ; ' Antiqq.' viii. 2, 5. Cp. Edersheim, 
'Life of Jesus the Messiali,' App. on Demon- 
ology, ii. 767, 

* Cp. Part I. 4, above. 

* Ch. ix. In ch. viii. he is first or chief of 
seven ; in the lists of chaps, vi. and Ixix. he is 

' Cp. Oehler, 'Theology of the O. T.' 
140, 201. Schultz,* pp. 437, 608. Griin- 
baum, ' Z. d. D. M. G.' xxxi. pp. 225-6, 235 &c. 
Hamberger, ' R. E. fur Bibel u. Talmud,'* s. n, 

Ch. X. Dudael = ^^ KIH, God's kettle. 
In ch. Ix. 8 the monster Behemoth occupies a 
vast desert called Dendain, probably a name 
coined to express judgment (}*"!! I^"!). For the 
punishment of binding, cp. Jude 6 ; 2 Pet, iL 4 ; 
Rev. XX, 2, 



Cover him with darkness that he may remain 
there for ever. Cover his face that he may 
not see the light. And on the great day of 
judgment he will be cast into the great fire. 
Heal ^ the earth which the angels (fallen) have 
defiled, and proclaim thou the healing of the 
earth that I will heal it, and that not all the 
children of men shall perish through the 
mystery of that which the watchers have 
spoken and taught their sons.'- The whole 
earth was corrupted through the teaching of 
the works of Azazel. To him ascribe all 
The same punishment by the same 


hand is implied if less detailed in a later 
vision : " I saw one of those four who had come 
out before ; and he took that star which had 
first fallen from heaven, and bound it hand 
and foot and put it in an abyss; and this 
abvss was narrow and deep and terrible and 
dark." 3 

A host of evil powers are the offspring of 
the union between the disobedient angels and 
women. The Lord bids Enoch say to " the 
watchers of heaven " : " Ye were formerly 
spiritual, enjoying an eternal, immortal life. 
Therefore I made not wives for you, for 
spiritual beings have their dwelling in heaven 
(cp. St. Matt. xxii. 30). But now the giants 
(the sons born of the connexion blamed), be- 
gotten of body and flesh, shall be called evil 
spirits upon earth, and their dwellings will be 
upon earth. Evil beings go forth from their 
bodies .... And the spirits of the giants, 
who hurl themselves against the clouds,* shall 
be repelled and cast down (from heaven) and 
do battle and cause destruction upon earth, 
and do evil. They will take no kind of food 
nor be thirsty, and they shall be invisible. 
Punishment will overtake them in their turn, 
first in the corruption to which their human 
flesh is heir, and finally destruction in the 
day of the great judgment."^ 

In the ' Parables ' the presentment of 
demonology, if not dissimilar, is less detailed, 
and the ample nomenclature of the rest of the 

' Raphael not only binds, but, in accordance 
with the usually accepted etymology of his name, 
heals also. The etymology which, connecting 
him with the Rephaim (cp. Isai. xiv. 9 ; Herz- 
feld, ' Gesch. d. Volkes Israel,' ^ ii. 279, note 2), 
invests him with greatness and power, finds 
illustration rather than proof in the strength and 
power to bind assigned to him here. 

* Cp. ch. xvi. 

' Ch. Ixxxviii. Cp. ch. Ixxxvi. Commen- 
tators are agreed that in these chapters the 
binder is Raphael and the bound is Azazel. 
Cp. ch. xiii. ; and see Dillmann and Schodde 
in locis. For the " abyss," see chs. xviii., xix. 

* Cp. the "war of the seven evil spirits 
against heaven," in ' Records of the Past,' v. 
p. 161 &c. ; Halevy, p. 100 &c. 

* The subject is very obscure. See ch. xvi. 
and the notes of Dillmann and Schodde. 

* See Dillmann's note on xl. 6, 7. 

book is absent. In his vision' Enoch sees 
Phanuel " keeping ofTthe Satans," the accusers 
of those who dwell upon the earth. These 
Satans are "angels of punishment," spiritual 
powers of evil, under the leadership of one 
who is the Satan.- Enoch looking down upon 
the earth sees a deep valley with a burning 
fire. Into the valley are brought the kings 
and the powerful. In that valley also are 
being made iron chains of immense weight. 
Turning to " the Angel of Peace," Enoch asks, 
" For whom have these chains been prepared r" 
And the Angel answers, "These have been 
prepared for the hosts of Azazel to take them 
and lay them in the lowest hell. With rough 
stones shall their jaws be covered, as the 
Lord of the spirits has commanded. Michael 
and Gabriel, Rufael and Phanuel will lay hold 
of them on that great day, and will cast them 
on that day into the furnace of flaming fire. 
Therewith shall the Lord of the spirits take 
vengeance upon them for their unrighteous- 
ness, because they were subject to Satan, 
and have led astray those who dwelt upon 
earth." 3 

(4.) The Jews conceived themselves en- 
compassed on all sides by evil, death, and the 
power of demons : " through fear of death 
(they) were all their lifetime subject to bond- 
age" (Heb. ii. 15). Jewish theology massed 
together these " noxious " spirits under the 
name Majsikin.* Their work was distinctly 
opposed to that of the " ministering spirits " of 
good, and man " fallen from his first estate " 
was the special object of their malignity. They 
are the spirits of night and darkness, of 
destruction and death. The chief of the 
Massikin is Satan. As the " spirit of delusion "^ 
he first tempts man; next as "accuser""^ he 
brings charges (often false) against him ; and 
then, as the "angel of death,"' seeks to slay 
him. Not unfrequently he is identified with 
Sammael,* " the chief of all Satans," once an 

' Ch. xl. See above. Part I. 4. 
2 Ch. liii. 3. 
^ Ch. liv. 

* jVTO. Cp. Part I. 5 ; Buxtorfs and 
Le\^'s Lexx. s. n. It is the word given in 
their quotations and renderings for " devils ; " 
e.g. in Ps. cvi. 37. Cp. the viaskhn of Baby- 
lonian demonology, 2, above. On the points 
discussed in this section consult Brecher, p. 40 
&c. ; Kohut, p. 50 &c. ; Hamburger, ' R. E.' 
Abth. ii. s. n. " Geister " ; Weber, 'System 
d. altsynagogalen Palastinischen Theologie,' 
p. 242 &c. ; Edersheim, 'Life of Jesus,' ii., 
App. xiii. p. 752 &c. 

* JIOpD {KaTTiyopos). 

' NmD y^b'O. Cp. Kohut, pp. 68, 69. 
The Rabbinic history of Abraham and Satan 
illustrates the application of these three titles. 

See Brecher, p. 37 ; Levy, ' Chald. W. B.' 
s. n. Rabbinic tradition affirmed Sammael to 

N 2 

I So 


Archangel near the throne;^ afterwards in 
the form of the serpent the deceiver of Eve, 
or the guide who would have led Abraham and 
Isaac astray when on their way to the sacri- 
fice of the latter. The Rabbinic conception 
of Satan is often puerile and inadequate ; 
hardly above the level of a Babylonian supei- 
stition, infinitely below the Biblical present- 
ment of his nature and work. 

Under the term Massikin is comprehended 
rurther a class ot spirits inferior to those who 
were originally Angels of God. These are 
half-spiritual beings, demons, known as 
Shedim^ Lilin, and Ruchin ; commonly attri- 
buted to the intercourse of Eve with male 
spirits, and of Adam with Lilith and female 
spirits during the 130 years of his ban (cp. 
Gen. V. 3). Their number is incalculable ; 
their presence is everywhere.' They have the 
power of increasing their kind ; they fly with 
wings, and pass freely from one end of the 
world to another. Their usual dwelling- 
places are the north, the desert, where their 
cries rend the air, and all unclean places ; but 
they sometimes select cities like Tiberias, and 
trees like the caper-bush.* Ashmedai (As- 
modeus) is the king of the (male) Shedim, 
Lilith the queen of the Lilin. The malignity 
of the former works harm by day and through 
evil dreams by night. The Rabbinic descrip- 
tion of Ashmedai, if tinctured with Parsism 
even more than the Asmodeus of Tobit, 
differs as much from that of the Avesta in 
many important points as it does from that 
of the Apocrypha. Ashmedai is by Jewish 
theology identified with Satan-Sammael ; and 

have been Esau's guardian-angel. Kohut derives 

the name from 7X DD = the great poison. 

* See above, Part I. 5. 

* Jewish theology affirms it a greater glory 
of God that there should exist harmless Shedim 
than that such a class should not exist at all. 
Cp. the story given in Kohut, p. 53, to prove 
the necessity for the existence of Satan as a 
condition for the stability of the world. The 
existence of the Shedim was asserted to be 
necessary as supplying the link between Angels 
and men. Brecher devotes many pages (45-59) 
to collecting all that fear and fancy have 
imagined concerning them. 

^ Sometimes they were arranged into four 
classes ; mormng - spirits, mid - day - spirits, 
evening-spirits, and night-spirits. A thousand 
at the right hand and ten thousand at the left, 
they crowd round the scholar and the bride. 
Lilith is attended by 180,000 spirits. They lurk 
in the crumbs on the floor, in the oil in the 
vessels, in the water for drinking, inside the 
room and outside it (Kohut, pp. 56, 61 ; Eders- 
heim, ii. 757). Brecher (p. 52) gives the recipe 
for seemg them. See also Wunsche, 'Der 
Babylonische Talmud,' i. p. 12. 

* Kohut, p. 57. The Shedim of the caper-bush 
had no eyes, and were easily avoided (Brecher, 
PP- 51, 57, 197)- 

the attributes affirmed of the latter lend sup- 
port to the assumption that Ashmedai as the 
"angel of death" represents Angro-mainyus, 
as the " old serpent " Aji-dahaka, and as 
evil concupiscence Akomano.^ Ashmedai is 
frequently cruel, passionate, and lustful ; and 
in that he is like Ashma the chief helper of 
Angro-mainyus, the bearer of the wounding 
spear, the foremost among those evil spirits 
who pollute the world and the Asmodeus of 
Tobit. But the Ashmedai of Rabbinic theo- 
logy is also represented in a character which, 
from its mixture of kindness and mischief, of 
good humour and cunning, is decidedly inde- 
pendent of other teaching with respect to 
either Ashma or Asmodeus. Ashmedai met 
a blind man and a drunken man : he put them 
both in the right way. Presently he met a 
bridal procession, in which all were rejoicing 
hilariously; and he began to weep. He heard 
a man give the order to his shoemaker, " Make 
me a pair of shoes which shall last me for seven 
years ;" and he began to laugh. He laughed 
again when he saw a juggler engaged in his 
tricks. Ashmedai was asked to explain such 
difference of demeanour. " I put the blind 
man," he answered, " in the right way ; because 
I heard it said of him in heaven that he was a 
good man, and that whosoever did him a good 
turn should attain to the life to come. I did 
the same with the drunkard, because I saw 
that he was a thorough villain. I wept at the 
bridal procession, because in thirty days the 
bridegroom will die, and his wife in order 
that the Levirate rule may be fulfilled will 
have to wait thirteen years. I laughed at the 
man who ordered the shoes, because he had 
only seven days to live, and at the juggler be- 
cause he knew not, with all his craft, that a 
king's treasure lay hidden under his feet."^ 
Such jocular absurdity as this is unknown 
in the delineation of Ashma or Asmodeus. 
Rather is it the character of the hobgoblin or 
elf of fairy tales. Rabbinic credulity has 
reached an altogether opposite pole of 
development concerning him when it affirms : 
" Ashmedai is indeed king of the demons, but 
he himself hurts no one." ^ 

Ashmedai's contest with king Solomon is 
one of the oldest Jewish fables;^ but the 
exaggerations and superstition which en- 
cumber it in its present form remove it from 
comparison with what is told of the Asmodeus 
of the Apocrypha. Solomon, so long as he 
wrought good works, had power over Shedim^ 

1 Kohut, p. 80. 

2 Cp. Kohut, p. 77. 

3 See Griinbaum in ' Z. f. K. F. S.' ii. 218, 

* Cp. Kohut, p. Si and reff. ; Edersheim, 
ii. 758. Griinbaum (' Z. d. D. M. G.' xxxi. 204 
&c.) has drawn out the development of the 
various elements of the legend from simpler to 
more complex forms, and the reproductions of 
it in other legendary cycles. 



Rtichln, Lilin, and all evil spirits. He used to 
exhibit that power by making them dance 
before him. When he was engaged in building 
the Temple, he was anxious to carry out the 
principal rule which forbad the use of iron 
tools in the construction of the altar (Exod. 
XX. 25 ; Deut. xxvii. 5,6; Josh. viii. 31;! Kings 
vi. 7). His wise men recommended his secur- 
ing the Shamir,^ which possessed the power of 
boring through the hardest stone. Where- 
upon Solomon conjured up Sbedim to tell 
him where the Shamir was to be found. 
They told him that they knew not ; but that 
Ashmedai the king of the Shedim, who dwelt 
in a hill they indicated, could tell him. It was 
the habit of Ashmedai to go daily to heaven 
and ascertain the decrees of the heavenly 
council (cp. Job i. 6 ; ii. i) : thence he returned 
to earth to carry out counter-schemes for the 
destruction of men. While he was absent 
from his hill Solomon sent Benaiah the son of 
Jehoiada with a chain and his signet-ring 
(which bore the Name of God) wherewith to 
seize and bind him. He was secured, after 
having been first made drunk. Standing be- 
fore Solomon, Ashmedai enjoined the capture 
of the bird ^ in whose custody was the Shamir ; 
and, this having been done, the Temple 
building was completed. Ashmedai stood 
once more before Solomon. The king asked 
him, " What superiority have you greater than 
what we have ?" " Loose me," answered the 
fettered spirit-king. " Give me your signet- 
ring, and I will shew you." The king, 
stimulated by pride or curiosity, did as he 
was asked. Ashmedai, as soon as free, became 
a huge giant. He seized Solomon, flung him 
an immense distance, assumed his form, and 
reigned in his place. Ashmedai threw away 
the ring, which a fish swallowed. The fish 
was caught, and Solomon recovered his signet. 
His wise men recognised the signet, and 
Ashmedai fled away.^ 

The demons are not indeed the only 
spiritual beings employed by God to punish 
men. As there are Angels who execute 
His good pleasure, so there are Angels 
of His wrath and punishment. The Angels 
u4/>b and Chuma*" met Moses in the inn, and 
sought to kill him for his neglect in circum- 
cising his son (cp. Ex. iv. 24). Four others 
are called ^ Kezeph, Masbchith, Meshabber, 

* Shamir is variously represented to have been 
a worm, a plant, and a mineral (Griinbaum, 
- Z. d. D. M. G.' xxxi. p. 205 &c.). 

* The moor-cock, or, according to others, the 
lapwing or the eagle (Griinbaum, ' Z. d. D. 
M. G.' xxxi. pp. 20S-13). 

^ Solomon is said to have been ever after- 
wards afraid of demons (Griinbaum, ' Z. d. 
D. M. G.' xxxi. pp. 205, 215, 221). 

* non and CJX ; Weber, p. 166. 

' ^,T3, n''nt>'a, in:i', n'ppa 

Mekalle. Two others, perhaps the most ter- 
rible, Abaddon and Ma-vetb^ bring death upon 
men. These Angels of destruction convey the 
godless to their place, just as the ministering 
spirits convey the godly to the places of the 
blessed. But these Angels of punishment are 
not actuated by blind persistent hatred of 
men. This is the fearful privilege of the 
Sbedim and their kindred : and fully do they 
exercise it upon the sick - and sorrowful, the 
bride and bridegroom, the woman in child- 
birth, and the pupil of the wise. Their time 
of mischief and revel is from dark till cock- 
crow. Around a house they gather full of 
evil intent. Alas for the child which shall 
leave its protection ! Under the form of ser- 
pents and animals, and in Egypt of flies 
with poisonous sting, they hunt for their 
prey. So terrible is this family of Massikin 
that God alone has power to quiet them. He 
extends His protection generally when His 
priest pronounces the Aaronic blessing (Num. 
vi. 24-6): and the individual is shielded when 
his guardian-Angel repeats his exorcisms, or he 
himself recites the Shema (Deut. vi. 4) audits 
accompanying prayers. The phylacteries were 
not without efficacy in popular belief. Nu- 
merous were the means employed to exorcise, 
dispossess, and frustrate the spirits of evil. 
The more religious employed texts of Scrip- 
ture; the more superstitious magicaP and 
unintelligible words written on paper or parch- 
ment. The traveller was enjoined to repel 
the angel of death who should meet him in 
his journey with the words of Zech. iii. 2 ; 
the sleeper was charged to repeat Psalm 
xci. ere he closed his eyes. That sleeper, 
when awaking, must beware of rubbing his 
eyes with unwashed hands. The " Bat-chorin " 
(a demon or a sickness) lurking in those hands 
would afflict him with blindness. Food 
touched by unwashed hands became the 
resting-place of the "Shibta."* The food of 
demons also consisted in certain particles 
which they found in water and fire. It was 
therefore dangerous to drink water at night, 
lest the Shaberiri^ ^ the demon of blindness, 

inns and ni. 

* Many sicknesses are identified with the 
Shcdini who produce them : cp. Brecher, pp. 
S3, 177; Kohut, p. 59. 

^ Cp. the magical books of Ephesus (Acts 
xix, 19). There was a wonderful " Book of 
healing " which tradition attributed to Solomon, 
but Hezekiah felt constrained to put it away. 
Unfortunately its unholy teaching had already 
drifted into the minds of the enlightened (see 
Brecher, p. 194). 

* Cp. Brecher, pp. 171, n. 89 (and Tobit ii. 
10, note), 177; Griinbaum, ' Z. d. D. M. G.' 
xxxi. 254. 

nnari^. See Brecher, p. 203; Levy, 'Chald. 
W. B.' s. n. Some would limit the exercise of 
this power to the Wednesday and Saturday 



should smite the drinker. What then was a 
thirsty man to do? The formuhi ran: " N. 
son of N. thy mother hath warned thee and 
said, Take care of the Shabcriri, Beriri, Riri, 
Iri, Ri, wlio is there in the cup." Then might 
a man drink without fear; for when the demon 
heard his name pronounced and each time 
curtailed of a syllable,^ he would be sensible 
of a corresponding curtailment of power, and 
would flee away ! Necromancy, witchcraft, 
magical arts, especially Egyptian, amulets,- 
and charms all had their advocates and 
alleged uses. Incantations recited while in- 
cense composed of certain ingredients was 
burning, the use of formulae and even of 
nonsense-words,^ potations,* unguents, were 
frequently employed. 

Two remedies only or rather tentative 
modes of cure need be specially distinguished 
here. Both have a relation to the remedies 
specified in the Book of Tobit : 

(i) Expulsion by fumigation (cp. Tobit vi. 
i6; viii. 3, note). Rabbinowicz* gives an 
extract from Hippocrates which suggests a 
mode of testing the powers of fertility in a 
woman : " Wrap her in a cloke, and smoke 
her under the clothes." If such and such 
results happen, then it may be assumed that 
she has the power of bearing children ; if not, 
not. This or something similar may have 
been the origin of the curious Rabbinical 
remedy reported in the Talmud : ^ " If a 
serpent have crept into a woman's womb, 
place her with feet apart over two vessels. 
Take some fat meat and burn it upon coals. 
In a basket put herbs and sweet-smelling 
wine, and mix them well together. Give the 
woman a pair of tongs, that when the serpent 
attracted by the smell shall issue forth, she 
may seize it and cast it into the fire." It is 
curious to compare these specifications with 
the more restrictive pathological treatment 
recommended in the older and simpler 
Versions of the Tobit text. 

(2) The second remedy is one based upon 
the imagined possibility of transferring disease 
or affliction from one person to another, or 
from human beings to animals. In the case 
of blindness produced by the Shaberiri, the 
incantation, after enjoining the performance of 
certain irrational acts, proceeded : " May the 
blindness of M. the son of N. leave M. the 

the dies (ei nodes) nefasii of the week (see 
Kohut, pp. 52, 93) ; but this is hardly correct 
(see Brccher,p. 57 ; Grunbaum, ' Z. f. K. F. S.' 
ii. p. 219). 

* Cp. the similar curtailment of the Abraca- 
dabra : Kohut, p. 89. 

^ Cp. Brecher, pp. 58, 195. 
' Brecher, pp. 200 &c. ; Kohut, p. 89. 
Brecher (p. 201) gives some recipes. 
' ' Legislation civile du Thalmud : Les 
Femmes &c.,' p. xlviii. 

* Sabb. 1 10 a; Brecher, p. 207. 

son of N. and pierce the eyeballs of the dog." 
It was not thus that a Raphael and a Tobias 
are recorded to have rewarded the faithful 
fourfooted companion of their journey. 

In conclusion, the residts which, I believe, 
may be fairly drawn from this comparative 
study are, as regards the Book of Tobit, two. 

{a) The Angelology and demonology of this 
Book do not support the view of those who 
place its composition in Palestine in the 2nd 
century a.d. The Jewish teachers in Palestine 
of the first three Christian centuries were con- 
fronted by a Syrian and Hellenistic gnosis, 
Neoplatonism, and an ever-advancing Chris- 
tendom. As a means towards confuting these 
opinions, or of annulling their power, the 
Rabbis strove to purify Judaism from all 
antagonistic belief, whether it had intruded 
itself from without or developed itself from 
within. Collision between the Greek spirit 
and Judaistic thoiight had already separated 
the Jewish people into two parties, the 
Hellenistic and the national. Of the former 
some did not believe in Angels (cp. Acts 
xxiii. 8), and to Philo they were but emana- 
tions from God (\6yoL 6eov), beings inter- 
mediate between God and the world. On 
the other hand. Angels were to the Gnostic 
independent creators, rulers of the world, 
and promulgators of laws. If the Jerusalem 
Talmud may be taken as the treasury of 
Palestinian opinion during the centuries pre- 
ceding its actual writing {c. 4th century), then 
it is significant of the results of the struggle 
that its Angelological conceptions have nothing 
in common with the i^'^ons of Gnosticism, 
the Logos of Philo, or the Amshashpands of 
Parseism. Its demonology is not less signi- 
ficantly free from Ashmedai legends. It was 
otherwise with the Jews resident in Babylonia. 
They were not exposed to the dangers im- 
perilling the belief of their brethren in Pales- 
tine; and the spirit-legends which find their 
earliest expression in Apocryphal literature are 
reproduced and developed in the Babylonian 
Talmud. Rab (died 243 A.D.), the great 
teacher at Sura, and his contemporaiy Samuel 
(died 250 A.D.) at Nehardea, speak readily 
about Ashmedai and the Solomon-legends, 
but they are the first to do so. There were 
two periods in which activity and fertiUty in 
producing Midrashim (or explanations and 
amplifications of Biblical topics) were most 
marked ; the first anterior to the times of the 
Maccabean struggle for freedom, the second 
the time of rest after the disastrous rebellion 
against Rome of Barcochba and Rabbi .-^kiba. 
This latter was a busy time for Halachist and 
Haggadist; dicta polemical and apologetic, 
disputations and controversies, mark the age 
when the Jewish Rabbi did not hesitate to 
measure his powers with the philosopher of 
Greece and Rome. But the methods, con- 



ditions, and conduct of that controversial age 
were not those of the former period. The 
greater simplicity and refinement of the pre- 
Maccabean and post-Maccabean literature is 
strikingly emphasized by the evident effort of 
these later Rabbinic teachers to divest current 
conceptions of the garbage of paganism and 
present them afresh in the ancient monotheistic 
mould. Hence, for example, the dissemblance 
of the Ashmedai of the Talmud alike from 
the Ashmedai of the Avesta and the Asmo- 
deus of the Apocrypha: but that dissemblance 
only magnifies the earlier, because less elabo- 
rated, conception of the Apocryphal ideal. 

{b) This last feature is in fact an indication 
of date. An impartial consideration of the 
development angelological and demonological 

sketched in the previous paragraphs can, I 
respectfully submit, but prove how impossible 
it would have been for a writer of the last two 
centuries B.C. to have produced the Angels and 
demons of the Talmud. The latter portraits 
require that lapse of time, that use of acces- 
sories, that hardening of details and handling 
of materials which they everywhere present. 
But this would have been a token of spurious- 
ness in anything earlier ; as it is, it is a token 
of genuineness where it occurs. The Raphael 
and Asmodeus of Tobit could not have been 
depicted in Biblical times; and they would 
have been rejected as insufficient in I'almudi- 
cal. They fall into their natural era when 
they are assigned to the 2nd or ist century 
before Christ. 



I Tohit his stock, and devotion in his youth. 
9 His marriage, lO and captivity. 13 His 
preferment, 16 alms, and charity in burying 
the dead ; 19 for which he is accused, and 
Jiceth, 22 and after returneth to Nineve. 

Or, acts. '' I ^HE book of the " words of Tobit, 

\_ son of Tobiel, the son of Ana- 

niel, the son of Aduel, the son of 

Gabael, of the seed of Asael, of the 
tribe of NephthaH ; 

2 Who in the time of "Enemessar ,a^U^;^ ' 
king; of the Assyrians ""was led cap- "^ Kings 
tive out of Thisbe, which is at the q^ 
right hand of that city, which is ^'^'^^Y-^ 
called "properly Nephthali in Galilee in caiuee, 
above Aser. j^dg-.TI' 


1. TJje book of the words of Tobit'] A title 
more simply expressed in the Heb. Version, 
" This (is) the book of Tobi ;" and in the Ghal- 
dee (Bodleian), " The history (or, act) of 
Tobiyah." "The words" (\6yoC) are rather 
" the acts" (as in marg.). Cp. the LXX. of 
2 Chron. xii. 15, and the frequent phrase ov^i 
Tavra yeypafifiiva eVt (Bi^Xico Xoycov tu>v rjfiepojv 
Tols ^acriKeixnv 'IcrparjK {e.g. 2 Kings xiv. 28). 
The Hebrews (cp. Grotius, ' Critici Sacri,' 
in loco') preserved records of family events, 
and handed them down to their posterity. 
These records or <jv\\oya\ are here called 
^i^Xot, Xoycov, "books of the acts " (cp. i Kings 
xi. 41). 

The name Tobit (Tw/Slr, var. Tco/3eiT, 
Tco^ei^) is probably the Grecised form of 
the Hebrew Tobi (above), through the com- 
mon process of adding a consonant when 
the Hebrew word ended in a vowel (cp. 
Havilah=EiiiXar, Gen. ii. II : Na^ap'r. See 
'Grit. Sacri,' in loco). The name Tobi (lit. 
" my goodness ") is probably an abbreviation 
of Tobiyah ("the goodness of Jehovah," Zech. 
vi. 10), after the analogy of such names as 
Melchi (Luke iii. 24) for Melchiah, Uzzi for 
Uzziah. The name Tobiah (of itself not 
uncommon: cp. Neh. ii. 10; 2 Mace. iii. 11. 
See Introduction, p. 160) is also the Heb. 
rendering for Tobias (1;. 9). The Vulgate 
makes no distinction between the names of 
father and son (cp. Vulg. of v. 9, nomen suum 
imponens ei). 

Tobiel . . . Ayianiel . . . Aduel . . . Gabael 
. . . Asael.] The names all terminate in 
El (God), the essentially monotheistic name 
among the Semitic races. Tobiel is the same 
name as Tabeal (" God is good," Isa. vii. 6) ; 
Ananiel as Hananeel (" God hath graciously 
given," Neh. iii. i); Aduel as Adiel ("orna- 
ment of God," I Chron. iv. 36. A variant 
reading here is " Ariel ") ; Gabael (perhaps) as 

Gabriel ("hero of God," Dan. viii. 16 the 
reading of the Syriac here) ; Asael as Jahzeel 
(" allotted of God," Gen. xlvi. 24), the eldest 
son of Naphtali. A few only of the links 
which connect Tobit with Naphtali are given, 
not all. Cp. Esther xi. 2 ; Matt. i. i. The 
opinion that these names indicate (by their 
termination) a northern origin, cannot be 
positively maintained (see Nestle, * Die Israeli- 
tischen Eigennamen,' p. 105 Sec). 

2. Enemessar'\ Either Shalmaneser (see 
marg., the reading of the Heb., Chald., Syr., 
Itala, Vulg. &c.), or Sargon if 1;. 15 be taken 
literally : if the fonner, Enemessar may be a 
corruption of Shal-maneser by the omission of 
the first syllable (shal), and the inversion of 
the letters m and n in the second (cp. Bu- 
palnasor, the rendering of Nabopolassar by 
Abydenus) ; if the latter, Enemessar (Anum- 
asir, " the god Anu is gracious ") may be the 
otherwise unrecorded private name for Sargon 
(Oppert and Bickell). See Additional Note. 

Thisbe] See i Kings xvii. i, note. Thisbe 
(or Tishbi) in Galilee is to be distinguished 
from Thisbe (or Tishbi) in Gilead, the city of 
the prophet Elijah. The Heb. text, by a 
different reading, obliterates the name : " he 
was of the inhabitants of a city of Naphtali." 

that city nvhich is called properly Nephthali] 
The Greek reads, 17 icmv e/c df^iatv Kvdicos Trjs 
HfCpSaXi; and the Itala, ex Bihel civitate 
qua est in dextera parte Edisse civitatis Nep- 
thalim. KvSi'o)? represents in a corrupted 
form, or as a Galilean dialect-variation, the 
proper name Kadesh (see marg. and reff.^ ; 
and the city Kadesh-Naphtali is meant. The 
rendering "properly" is due to a reading 
Kvpicos ; the name Edisse (or Cydissus) to a 
corruption of Kv8ias. 

Aser] Or, Hazor, mentioned (Josh. xix. 
36, 37; 2 Kings XV. 29) as near Kadesh. If 
the rendering of the Hebrew Version, "On 
the western boundary," indicates the position, 

V. 34-] 



3 I Tobit have walked all the days 
of my life in the way of truth ,and 
justice, and I did many almsdeeds to 
my brethren, and my nation, who 
came with me to Nineve, into the 
land of the Assyrians. 

4 And when I was in mine own 
country, in the land of Israel, being 

but young, ^all the tribe of Neph- * i Kings 
thali my father fell from the house of 28! '^' ^' 
Jerusalem, which was chosen out of 
all the tribes of Israel, that all the 
tribes should sacrifice there^ where 
the temple of the habitation of the 
most High was consecrated and built 
for all ages. 

Hazor may be identified with Jebel Hadireh 
(' Map of Western Palestine,' Pal. Explor. 
Fund). See, however, Josh. xi. i, note. The 
words oTTtcro) dvajj.covTjXlov e^ apiarepuiv ^oyoyp, 
added by a Greek MS. after 'Aa-arjp, and 
the reading of the Itala, in superioribiis Galdaa 
contra (Vulg., supra) Naasson post viam qua: 
ducit in occidentem in sinistra parte Raphain, 
or of the Vulgate, in sinistra habens ci'vitatem 
Sephet, are closer identifications of the locality 
where Tobit lived. Sephet has been con- 
jectured to be the same as Safed, so cele- 
brated in the times of the Crusades. 

The deportation alluded to in this verse is 
disputed. According to 2 Kings xv. 29, "the 
land of Naphtali" and the inhabitants of 
" Kedesh and Hazor " were taken captive to 
Assyria by Tiglath-Pileser (B.C. 745-727). 
Shalmaneser invaded Palestine twice (B.C. 725, 
724 ; 2 Kings xvii. 3, 5, notes), but, so far as 
is known, made no deportation of captives. 
The final deportation of Israel was the work 
of Sargon (2 Kings xvii. 6, note) in B.C. 722 
and later. The writer of this verse is there- 
fore thought to have mixed up the statements 
of 2 Kings XV. 29 and of xvii. 6, though there 
js nothing impossible in the conjecture that 
Tobit was not carried away by Tiglath- 
Pileser, but by Sargon, whom the writer 
identifies with Enemessar. This would be 
the more likely if the lowlanders of the dis- 
trict were first deported, and afterwards the 
highlanders {in superioribus Galilea, Vulg.), to 
whom Tobit belonged. 

To the Venerable Bede, this captivity was a 
type of the captivity of the human race by 
Satan, king of all bad men ; and the death of 
the king (1;. 21) v/as the type of the victory 
over the devil, and of the restitution of pros- 
perity to God's people. 

3. the avay of truth (i^v.] The picture of 
the homo integer vitie. "Truth " (a\r]deia) is in 
the Heb. (and Chald.) text rendered by a word 
which implies perfection of every sort (cp. 
Pss. ci. 2, 6, cxix. 30) ; " truth," " truthful- 
ness," "uprightness," " honesty," "sincerity," 
being elements of such integrity. "Alms- 
deeds," here the translation of a noun which 
both in the Heb. and LXX. expresses the 
benefits which flow from beneficence and 
mercy, was_ a special form of "goodness" for 
which Tobit was known (cp. -v. 16, ii. 14, xii. 
9, xiv. 2); but he confined his exercise of 

it to members of his own tribe and nation 
(cp. St. Augustine, 'De Doctrina Christiana,' 
i. 28). Daniel, in his advice to Nebuchad- 
nezzar, took a more liberal view of helpful- 
ness to the distressed (see Dan. iv. 27, note; 
and cp. the Gk. rendering). Cp. the teaching 
of Christ (Matt. v. 44) and the practice of 
the Roman centurions (Luke vii. 5 ; Actsx. 2). 

The term for nation (edvos) fitly describes 
the foreign element which rendered the 
inhabitants of Galilee so mixed. 

The Vulg. adds an interesting detail of 
character not recorded by the other Versions : 
Cumque esset junior omnibus in tribu Nephtali, 
nihil tainen puerile gessit in opere. 

4. The rebellion of the tribe of Naphtali 
is included in that of " Israel " (marg. ref.). 
It is viewed first in its political significance ; 
cp. the Heb. "all the tribe of N. rebelled 
against the house (Chald., kingdom) of David, 
and refused to go to Jerusalem;" and next 
as the religious apostasy consequent upon the 
national revolt {v. 5). 

Jerusalem is described in the Heb. text as 
"the city which the Lord chose out of all 
the tribes of Israel, wherein was the altar of 
the Lord that was sanctified for all the tribes 
of Israel, and the Temple of the Lord was 
built in the midst thereof for offering up the 
burnt-offerings and the thank-offerings to the 
Lord three times a year" (cp. Exod. xxiii. 17). 

The language of the E.V., supported by that 
of the other texts, seems to intimate that Tobit 
was alive at the time of Israel's original 
defection. As this took place in B.C. 931 (ac- 
cording to the revised chronology : the tradi- 
tional date is B.C. 976), and Tobit was taken 
captive to Nineveh in B.C. 722 (v. 2, note), 
the above supposition would make him more 
than 200 years old at the latter date an age 
contradicted by the number 158 specified as 
that of the years of his life (see xiv. 1 1). This 
is no diflficulty if the narrative be mainly ficti- 
tious ; but some prefer to understand this 
verse as descriptive of a state of national and 
religious apostasy in Naphtali, which dated- 
indeed from the days of Jeroboam, but only 
reached that climax which was punished by 
captivity when Tobit was " young." Cp. the 
Vulg. of w. 4-7. 

the temple of the habitation (Isfc.l Cp. for 
these words Wisd. ix. 8 ; 2 Mace. xiv. 28 ; 



[v. 59- 

5 Now all the tribes which to- 
gether revolted, and the house of 
\^vt-ro/' "^y father Nephthali, sacrificed "unto 
Baal, or, thc ''heifer Baal. 
BaaL 6 But I alonc went often to Jeru- 

"^ I Kings salem at the feasts, '^as it was or- 
12. 30. Gained unto all the people of Israel 
16. 16. by an everlasting decree, -^having the 
' Exod. firstfruits and tenths of increase, with 
Deut. 12. that which was first shorn; and them 
gave I at the altar to the priests the 
children of Aaron. 

7 The first tenth part of all in- 
crease I gave to the sons of "Aaron, \\Ox,LevK 
who ministered at Jerusalem : -^an- ai"'" 
other tenth part I sold away, and f Deut. 
went, and spent it every year at ''*" ^^' ^ ' 
Jerusalem ; 

8 And the third I gave unto them 
to whom it was meet, as Debora my 
father's mother had commanded me, 
because I was left an orphan by my 

9 Furthermore, when I was come 

and for the words "built for all ages," 
I Kings ix. 3 ; 2 Chron. vii. 16. 

5. the heifer Baal'] Specially that erected 
in Dan by king Jeroboam (Itala). The 
Heb., Chald., and Vulg. specify two calves ; 
i.e., that at Bethel as well as that at Dan. 
The marginal rendering is due to a variant 
reading, dymifjus (=tll, God: cp. Matt. xxvi. 
64) instead of ddfxaXis. The representation 
of a male deity (Baal) by a female animal 
(heifer) is, in Old Test, symbolism, indicative 
of shame and contempt (Hos. ii. 8, LXX.; 
X. 5, note) ; r] BdaX being equivalent to 77 al- 
(Txvpr) (cp. Dillmann in ' Monatsberichte der 
Berhner Akademie,' 1881). Baudissin (Her- 
zog, ' R. E.'^ s. nn. Astarte and Baal) finds in 
the feminine 17 BdaX possible indications of an 
androgynous deity. See also Additional Note. 

Griitz's and Neubauer's conjecture (p. xiv. 
n. 4) that rf) BaaX is a corruption for Bethel 
is ingenious but quite unnecessary. 

6. I alone] i. e. " alone " of his family. 
Others of his tribe sometimes went with him 
(v. 13). The Vulgate renders it, Hie solus 
fugiebat consortia omnium; sed pergebat in 
Jerusalem Sec. For the precepts of w. 6-8, 
consult marg. refF. The nature of the " in- 
crease "is specified in the Heb. and Itala to 
have been " corn and new wine and oil and 
figs and pomegranates and of every Iruit of 
the land." The " first tenth " of this Tobit 
gave " to the sons of Levi " (not of Aaron : 
see marg. correction, Heb., and Itala). 

that ^vhich r^uas first shorn] Cp. Deut. 
xviii. 4, " the first of the fleece of thy sheep ; " 
i.e. a fleece reserved for an offering. 

at the altar] Rather " for " for the use 
of the altar. 

7. another tenth (ij'c] The second tithe 
(cp. Deut. xii. 17, xiv. 22-27) was set apart 
in the first, second, fourth, and fifth year of 
every seven years ; but as a matter of fact a 
second tithe was also taken upon certain 
fruits in the third and sixth years (see Rosen- 
thal, p. 118 n.). As permitted by the Law 
(Deut. xiv. 25), Tobit "sold" it {commutans 

in pecunia sex annorum, Itala) on account of 
the expense of transportation, and devoted the 
money to festival purposes at Jerusalem. The 
Greek word for " sold " {dneTrpaTL^d^ii^v) is an 
ana^ Xey., and probably of Alexandrian for- 
mation. There is no mention of the sale in 
the Hebrew and Chald. texts, but the result of 
it is implied in the words, " I went to Jerusalem 
every year with all these things" (Heb.), i.e. 
the first tithe, " the second tithe, and the third 
tithe for the stranger, the widow, and the 
orphan ; " and in the pithy rendering of the 
Chaldee, "he ate (cp. Deut. xiv. 26, 27, 29) 
the second tithe and the poor tithe, and 
gave according as everything is written in the 
book of Moses." 

8. the third] i.e. the third tithe, called by 
the Chald. text "the poor tithe" {TTTcaxoSfKaTT], 
so the Talmud and Jerome). On the nature 
of this tithe cp. Deut. xiv. 28, 29; xxvi. In 
the third and sixth of every seven years it 
took the place of the second tithe (cp. Deut. 
xxvi. 12, LXX.). The language of the Heb. 
text (see v. 7, note) intimates that Tobit 
paid this " third tithe " yearly ; but this is 
not to be imderstood in the sense that the 
third tithe was collected yearly. The facts 
of the case are stated by the Greek text A 
(cp. E. V. of v. 7), and summarised in the 
Vulg. : omnia primitiva sua et decimas suas 
jideliter offerens ; ita ut in tertio anno proselytis 
et ad-venis ministraret omnem decimationem. 
In the third year three-tenths were paid, 
though not collected, from all kinds of fruits 
(cp. Rosenthal, op. cit. ; Josephus, ' Antiq. 
Jud.' iv. ch. viii. 22). On this somewhat com- 
plicated subject cp. Smith's ' Diet, of the 
Bible,' art. " Tithe ; " Schiirer, ' Gesch. d. JUd. 
V.,'* p. 200, n. 4; and especially Herzog's 
*R. E.'^ art. "Zehnten bei den Hebriiern." 

because I nvas left an orphan] Tobit gives 
this as a special reason for his observance of 
the duty of the third tithe. His was the 
orphan's gift to the orphan. Of Deborah, 
the wife of Tobiel (f. i), Tobit's grand- 
mother, the Chald. says, " she brought him 
(Tobit) up, and led him in the true path." 

lo 14.] 




to the age of a man, I married Anna 
of mine -^own kindred, and of her I 
begat Tobias. 

10 And when we were carried 
away captives to Nineve, all my 
brethren and those that were of my 

Gen. 43- kindred did eat of the ^' bread of the 

an. 1. 8. Gentiles. 

11 But I kept "myself from eating ; 1 Gr. w/y 

12 Because I remembered God '^''" " 
with all my heart. 

13 And the most High gave me 
grace and favour before Enemessar, 

so that I was his "purveyor. |Gr. 

14 And I went into Media, and 
left in trust with Gabael, the brother 

9. The practice, common still in the East, 
of marrying among one's own kindred, had 
for the Jews a religious significance (cp. Deut. 
vii. 3, 4; Ezra x. 2, &c. ; Neh. xiii. 23, &c.), 
and was the means of preventing legal dis- 
abilities ;^marg. ref.). Of the son Tobias the 
Vulg. adds in language expressing the positive 
and negative duties of religion (Reusch), that 
Tobit ai> ififantia timers Deum docuit, et ab- 
sttnere ab otnni peccato. 

10. lue ^ojere carried anvay capti'ves\ "We," 
i.e. himself, his wife, and child. The Heb. 
and Itala have the reading " I was carried 
captive," found also in some Greek MSS., a 
reading which emphasises the distinction 
drawn by Tobit between himself and the rest 
of his fellow-captives in the next part of the 
verse icp. also the Chald.and Vulg.). The dis- 
tinction between " brethren " and " kindred " 
is not to be pressed too closely : " kindred " 
may be the more general and wider term, 
" brethren " the more special. The Greek 
equivalent of " kindred " (oX c'k tov yevovs /xod) 
is in favour of a wide application, and is sup- 
ported by the word (kinsmen) used here by 
the Chald. and Heb. texts (cp. also the Heb. 
of Ruth ii. 20 ; Neh. xiii. 4, " allied unto 
Tobiah ; " Job xix. 14; Ps. xxxviii. 12). In 
-v. 9, " kindred " (Gk. TraTpia) is taken in the 
narrower sense of " tribe" by the Heb., and 
in the wider sense of " race " or " seed " by 
the Chaldee Version. 

tbe bread of the Gentiles] Or " nations," 
i.e. heathen. To " eat unclean things in 
Assyria" (Hos. ix. 3, see note; cp. Ezek. iv. 
13) had been one of the punishments de- 
nounced upon Israel. The Law forbad cer- 
tain kinds of food (Lev. xx. 25 ; Deut. xiv. 
3, 7) which the heathen did not forbid; there- 
fore for a Jew to partake of such food was to 
break the Law. Hence the Chald. inserts after 
"kindred" the words "polluted themselves 
and " &c. Cp. the strong feeling expressed 
by St. Peter on this point (Acts x. 14. See 
also Add. to Esther xiv. 17 ; Judith xii. 2). 

11. The Heb. text presents an interesting 
reading : " But I defiled not myself with their 
dainties, because I feared the Lord, and re- 
membered the Lord with all my heart and 
with all my soul." The word "dainties" is 
path-bag^ the word used in Daniel i, 5-8 
(where see supplemental note), to which pas- 

sage and act the conduct and language of 
Tobit bear strong resemblance. 

13. grace and favour] As a reward for 
his " remembrance " (" fear and love," Chald.) 
of God iy. 12). The Greek text (x^pti' Ka\ 
fiop(l>r]v) rather gives prominence to the 
physical beauty and comeliness which fol- 
lowed upon Tobit's abstinence, as in the case 
of Daniel and his companions (Dan. i. 15). 
The Heb. and Chald. support the E. V. 

purveyor] The Greek uyopaa-rrjs is used 
by Xenophon (' Mem.' i. 5. 2) of the slave 
who bought provisions for the house (in later 
authors, oxj/comrwp) and acted as purveyor; 
but the Heb. and Chald. texts employ words 
which give a truer sense of the nature of the 
office to which Tobit was raised: Chald., 
"He set him master" (cp. Dan. ii. 49) &c. ; 
Heb., " He appointed me over all that he had 
(cp. the same word in the case of Joseph, 
Gen. xxxix. 5, and Gedaliah, Jer. xl. 11) 
unto the day of his death." The resemblance 
in these Versions to what is said of Daniel 
(e.g. ii. 48, vi. 3) is again to be noted. The 
Latin Versions further assist us in under- 
standing Tobit's position ; thus Salmanasar 
dedit illi potestatem quocumque vellet ire., ha- 
bens Hbertatem quitcumque facere voluisset 
(Vulg.). According to the same Version, 
he used this " liberty" well : pergebat ergo ad 
omnes qui erant in captivitate, et monita sa~ 
lutis dabat eis. 

Enemessar] See v. 2, note. 

14. / ivent] On the king's business 
(Vulg.). This was Tobit's habit {inopev- 
6p.r}v ; cp. "v. 15). On one of these occasions 
he deposited " on trust " (cp. the use of the 
Heb. and Gk. word) with one of his tribe, 
Gabael, the large sum of 4000/. (if the " silver 
talent" be taken as = 400/.), money ex his 
quibus honoratus fuerat a rege (Vulg.). Ac- 
cording to the Vulg., this money was a loan 
when Gabael was in want, who gave to Tobit 
a note of acknowledgment (see v. 3, note). 

Bede, commenting on the "trust," remarks, 
" So the people of God committed to tlie 
heathen by the LXX. that knowledge of the 
Divine Law contained in the Decalogue, 
which freed them from the poverty of un- 
belief" (see also his note on ix. 2). 

" Rages " is the Raga of the Behistun in- 
scription, and gave its name to a province. It 



[v. 1518. 

* Or, in 
the land, 
or, country 
cf Media. 

a Gr. tlie 
ways of 
luere itn- 


' See Job 

31. 17, 19. 

of Gabrias, "at Rages a city of Media 
ten talents of silver. 

15 Now when Enemessar was 
dead, Sennacherib his son reigned in 
his stead ; "whose estate was troubled, 
that I could not go into Media. 

16 And in the time of Enemessar 
I gave many alms to my brethren, 
' and gave my bread to the hungry, 

17 And my clothes to the naked : 

and if 1 saw any of my nation dead, 
or cast "about the walls of Nineve, 
'^I buried him. 

18 And if the king Sennacherib 
had slain any, when he was come, 
and ^fled from Judea, I buried them 
privily j for in his wrath he killed 
many ; but the bodies were not 
found, when they were sought for 
of the king. 

II Or, be- 
hind tJie 
walls. I 

* 2 Esd. 2. 


^ 2 Kings 

19- 35. 36. 
Isai. 37. 

36. 37- 
Eccliis. 48. 
18, 21. 

1 Mac. 7. 

2 Mac. 8. 

was the key to the pass called " the Caspian 
Gates," and as such bore an important part 
in the wars of Media. Its ruins (called Rhey) 
are about five miles from the Persian capital, 
Teheran. The marg. rendering of E. V. is that 
of an otherwise unsupported Greek reading, 
iv dypols, instead of eV 'Payots. 

15. Sennacherib is here said to have been 
the '' son " of Enemessar. This, if taken 
literally, would identify Enemessar with 
Sargon (see ru. 2, note). Shalmaneser died 
B.C. 722, and was not succeeded by a son, 
but by the usurper Sargon (died B.C. 705). 

nvbose estate ivas troubled] The word 
*' estate" does not allude to the king's state 
of mind, but to that of his kingdom. The 
Greek at 65oi avrov rjKaTcKrTddrjcrau is sup- 
ported by the Heb,, " the highways of Media 
were closed because of the wars which were 
in the land, and I could not go to the land of 
Media to receive my money." " The tribute 
became great," explains the Chaldee ; " the 
travellers ceased by reason of the trouble" 
(cp. Judg. V. 6, 7). Assyrian history fully 
bears out the disturbed state of Elam, Media 
Sec, in Sennacherib's reign, both before and 
after his invasion of Judaea (2 K. xviii. 1 3 &c.). 
See Lenormant, ' Ancient History of the East,' 
i. 398 ; G. Smith, ' History of Assyria' (from 
the monuments), p. no 8cc. Duncker 
(' Gesch. d. Alterthums,' i. 275 &c., 455 Sec.) 
dates the independence of Media (b.g. 714) 
from after Sennacherib's unfortunate expedi- 
tion to Svria. 

16. in the time of Enemessar] So Itala ; 
the Heb., Chald., and Vulg. place this in the 
time of Sennacherib, " to whom the children 
of Israel were very hateful " (Vulg.). 

brethren] Specially " orphans and widows " 
(Heb.). In the conduct ascribed to him in 
this verse Tobit was obedient to the in- 
junctions of the Law and the Prophets (Deut. 
vi. II, 12; Isa. Iviii. 7; Ezek. xviii. 5-9). 
*'Prope accedebat ad Evangehcam perfec- 
tionem" (Grotius). Cp. Matt. xxv. 35, 36. 

17. cast about the <ivalls of Nineve] See 
marg. rend, (so the Gk.) ; Heb. "outside." 
The Chald. has the variation "cast out in 

the street of the Jews," as if Nineveh had 
its Ghetto. To the cruelty of slaughter was 
added the ignominy of no-burial, the rdcjios 
(iracjios. It would seem (cp. -w. 16, 18) 
that previous to Sennacherib's defeat Tobit 
was allowed to bury the dead undisturbed and 
openly ; but that after that event he had to 
bury them " privily." Cp. the Heb. " I many 
times stole their corpses and buried them." 
That a dead body should remain unburied 
was considered by the Hebrews a great 
disgrace (cp. i Kings xiii. 28, 29, xxi. 24; 
2 Kings ix. 35, 36; Ps. Ixxix. 3; Ecclus. 
xxxviii. 16). Burial-places were with the 
heathen, as with the Jews, outside the wa