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^jl* HiUe. &.T. &pocrypU B*o »rW. m<8

THE

Holy Bible

ACCORDING TO THE AUTHORIZED VERSION (A.D. 1611).
WITH AN EXPLANATORY AND CRITICAL

AND

% Jjuefaftgion of % Crattslatwn,

By CLERGY OF THE ANGLICAN CHURCH.

APOCRYPHA.

EDITED

By HENRY WACE, D.D.,

prebendary of st. paul's ; principal of king's college, london; preacher

of Lincoln's inn; honorary chaplain to the queen;

chaplain to the archbishop of canterbury.

IN TWO VOLUMES.— Vol. II

LONDON: V^ V

JOHN MURRAY. ALBEMARLE STREET.

1888.

\_All rights are reserved.]

v. 1
top, 3

LONDON:
PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, Limited,

STAMFOKD STREET AND CHARING CROSS.

CONTENTS OF VOL. II

ECCLESIASTICUS.

INTRODUCTION AND COMMENTARY BY THE REV. A. EDERSHEIM,
M.A., D.D., GRINFIELD LECTURER ON THE SEPTUAGINT IN THE
UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD.

§ I. Importance of the Book; its
Author ....

§ II. Date of the original Work
and of its Translation
into Greek

§ iii. ecclesiasticus, the " wis-
DOM" Writings of the Old
Testament, and Jewish
Hellenistic Literature .

§ IV. The Writer and his Book:
its Philosophy, Theology,
and Ethics ; Comparison
with the New Testament
and with Philo

§ V. Language, Title, and Ar-
rangement OF THE ORI-
GINAL Work .

§ VI. References to the Book
of Proverbs and in the
Epistle of St. James

§ VII. The Greek Version of

ECCLESIASTICUS .

§ VIII. The Syriac Version and

THE "VETUS LATINA"

§ IX. Other Ancient Versions .
§ X. Authority of Ecclesiasti-

cus in the Synagogue and

in the Church
§ XI. Literature of the Subject

PAGE

20
23

■X2

33
35

COMMENTARY AND CRITICAL NOTES, pp. 37-239.

BARUCH.

INTRODUCTION AND COMMENTARY BY THE VEN. E. H. GIFFORD, D.D.,
ARCHDEACON OF LONDON AND CANON OF ST. PAUL'S.

§ I. Contents and Division

§ II. The reputed Author.

§ III. The alleged Place and
Time of Writing

§ IV. Relation to the Canonical
Books of the Old Testa-
ment

PAGE
24I

§ v.

Original Language .

PAGE
. 248

242

§ VI.

Probable Date

. 250

244

§ VII.
§ VIII.

Text ....
Place in Canon

■ 251
252

248

Appendix : The Titles of God in
Baruch

25:

COMMENTARY AND CRITICAL NOTES, pp. 254-286.

h CONTENTS.

THE EPISTLE OF JEREMY.

INTRODUCTION AND COMMENTARY BY THE VEN. E. H. GIFFORD, D.D.,
AR( HDEACON OF LONDON AND CANON OF ST. PAUL'S.

rAGE PAGE

f I. Contents . . . . 287 § V. Approximate Date . 290

5 II. The supposed Author. 287 „ VI T

• 111. The original Language . 288

S IV. Object of the Epistle . 290 § VII. Place in Canon. . . 291

COMMENTARY AND CRITICAL NOTES, pp. 292-303.

THE SONG OF THE THREE HOLY

CHILDREN.

INTRODUCTION AND COMMENTARY BY THE REV. C. J. BALL, M.A.,

CHAPLAIN OF LINCOLN'S INN.

PAGE

Introduction • • 305

COMMENTARY AND CRITICAL NOTES, pp. 310-322.

THE HISTORY OF SUSANNA.

INTRODUCTION AND COMMENTARY BY THE REV. C. J. BALL, M.A.,

CHAPLAIN OF LINCOLN'S INN.

PAGE

Introduction 323

COMMENTARY AND CRITICAL NOTES, pp. 332-343.

BEL AND THE DRAGON.

INTRODUCTION AND COMMENTARY BY THE REV. C. J. BALL, M.A

CHAPLAIN OF LINCOLN'S INN.

. PAGE

Introduction ... ,.,

344
COMMENTARY AND CRITICAL NOTES, pp. 351-360.

CONTENTS. v

THE PRAYER OF MANASSES.

INTRODUCTION AND COMMENTARY BY THE REV C. J. BALL, M.A.,

CHAPLAIN OF LINCOLN'S INN.

PAGE

Introduction 361

COMMENTARY AND CRITICAL NOTES, pp. 366-371.

I. MACCABEES.

INTRODUCTION AND COMMENTARY BY THE REV. G. RAWLINSON, M.A.,
CANON OF CANTERBURY, AND CAMDEN PROFESSOR OF ANCIENT
HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD.

PAGE PAGE

§ I. Subject of the Book and § V. Original Language and

its Divisions . . -373 Author . . . .376

§ II. Style and Diction . . 373 § VI. Date of Composition . 378

§ III. Authenticity of the Nar- § VII. Sources of the Work . 378

rative . . . . 374 § vill. Religious Tone and Cha-
§ IV. Unity of the Work . .376 racter . . . .380

COMMENTARY AND CRITICAL NOTES, pp. 382-537.

II. MACCABEES.

INTRODUCTION AND COMMENTARY BY THE REV. G. RAWLINSON, M.A.,
CANON OF CANTERBURY, AND CAMDEN PROFESSOR OF ANCIENT
HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD.

PAGE PAGE

§ I. Plan of the Work, and its § V. Treatment of his main

Divisions . . . .539 Source by the Writer . 543

§ II. Style and Diction . . 540 § vi. Date of Composition, and

§ III. Historical Value of the Author . . . .544

BooK • • • 540 § vil. Religious Tone of the

§ IV. Sources of the Book . . 542 Book .... 544

COMMENTARY AND CRITICAL NOTES, pp. 547-648.

Apoc— Vol II. b

ECCLESIASTICUS.

INTRODUCTION.

§ I. Importance of the Book ; its

Author i

§ II. Date of the original Work
and of its Translation into
Greek 4

§111. ecclesiasticus, the " wlsdom "
Writings of the Old Testa-
ment, and Jewish Hellenis-
tic Literature ... 9

§ IV. The Writer and his Book : its
Philosophy, Theology, and
Ethics ; Comparison with
the New Testament and
with Thilo . . . .12

PA.GK

§ V. Language, Title, and Ar-
rangement OF THE ORIGINAL

Work 18

§ VI. References to the Book of

Proverbs and in the Epistle

of St. James . . . .20
§ VII. The Greek Version of Eccle-

siasticus 23

§ VIII. The Syriac Version and the

"Vetus Latina" . . 26

§ IX. Other Ancient Versions . 32
§ X. Authority of Ecclesiasticus

in the Synagogue and in

the Church . . . -33
§ XI. Literature of the Subject . 35

§ I. Importance of the Book ; its
Author.

AMONG the Jewish sacred writings
outside the Old Testament perhaps
the most interesting, in many respects,
is that commonly known as ' The Wis-
dom of Jesus, the Son of Sirach,' or
Ecclesiasticus} It cannot indeed be
ranked, like the books of the Maccabees,
among the sources of history, though
here also it contains indications too
often overlooked. But its chief import-
ance lies in this, that it exhibits Jewish
thought and religion at a period other-
wise almost unknown ; that it connects
the traditions of the past with questions
of the future ; and that, while embodying
both, it marks the transition from the
one to the other.

The permanent and almost universal
interest of the book is to some extent
indicated even by the circumstance that it
has in a sense furnished the substratum
as well as some of the verses for two of the
>est known hymns of the Church. The

1 On these designations, see more in the
quel.

Apoc— Vol. II.

Jubilee-Rhythm of St. Bernard of Clair-
vaux x is, even in its wording, the Chris-
tian application to Personified Wisdom
of part of Ecclus. xxiv. (see the notes).
And the Te Deutn of Rinckart2 (about
1648), "Now thank we all our God," is
taken from Ecclus. 1. 22-24. But, far
beyond this, the special claims of Eccle-
siasticus may be thus briefly summed up :
It is the oldest known Apocryphon;3 it

1 Partially translated in ' Hymns Ancient and
Modern,' Nos. 178 (also partly 177) : " Jesu, the
very thought of Thee ; " and in its entirety by
the present writer, in a small collection chiefly
of Ancient Latin Hymns.

2 The well-known German hymn, "Nun
danket alle Gott," translated in ' Hymns Ancient
and Modern,' No. 379.

3 On the contention that Ecclesiasticus is
older than our canonical Daniel, so confidently
made by many Jewish and Christian writers
(down to Schiirer, ' Gesch. d. Jiid. Volkes,' vol. ii.
p. 615), this is not the place to enter. Perhaps
the note on Ecclus. xxi. 27 may here be helpful.
Comp. (besides the foreign writers in defence of
the canonicity of Daniel) Pusey, ' Lect. on
Daniel,' pp. 303, &c. ; and, for some aspects of
the question, ' Prophecy and History' (the War-
burton Lectures), pp. 291-296. But the date
there assigned (p. 294) to the ' Book of Wis-
dom ' is probably too early.

INTRODUCTION TO ECCLESIASTICUS.

unquestionably originated in Palestine,
ami was written in Hebrew ; l and it

(presents a new phase of Judaism. His-
torically it may be regarded as a con-
tinuation and development of those parts
of the Old Testament which are known'
as the " Wisdom-writings." And yet it
represents a new stage. We miss the
higher tone and the spiritual elements of
the canonical " Wisdom-writings." On
the other hand, we are in the presence of
new questions originating from contact
with a witler world ; and we find them
answered in a manner which in one
direction would lead up to Jewish Alex-
andrian theology, while the book itself is
still purely Palestinian. From one aspect
therefore it may be described as Pales-
tinian theosophy before Alexandrian Hel-
lenism. From another aspect it represents
an orthodox, but moderate and cold, Ju-
daism— before there were either Pharisees
or Sadducees ; before these two directions
assumed separate form under the com-
bined influence of political circumstances
and theological controversies. In short,
it contains as yet undistinguished and
mostly in germ all the elements developed
in the later history of Jewish religious
thinking. Put beyond all this, the book
throws welcome light on the period in
which it was written. If we would know
what a cultured, liberal, and yet genuine
Jew had thought and felt in view of the
great questions of the day ; if we would
gain insight into the state of public opinion,
morals, society, and even of manners at
that period — we find the materials for
it in the book Ecclesiasticus. Lastly, the
unique position among the Apocrypha
which this book has always occupied,
alike in the Synagogue and the Church,
constitutes yet another of its distinguish-
ing claims.

But for the critical student Ecclesi-
asticus must always possess a peculiar
interest and importance. This, in the
first place, because the Greek translation
in which it has come down is both histori-
cally and in point of time connected with

1 According to some (though erroneously), in
Chaldee or Aramaic. We do not mean that this
h the only apocryphal book which originated in
(tine or was written in Hebrew, but that in
regard to Ecclesiasticus this has never been
called in question.

the LXX. Version of the Old Testament,
and hence necessarily reflects light upon
it. Put, besides, the Greek is not the
only direct translation of the work from
its Hebrew original. As will be shewn in
the sequel, the^jTiacJ^ersion of Eccle-
siasticus, as well as the Greek, was made
directly from the Hebrew. Thus we

ssess two independent versions of the
,vork, controlling each other, by com-
parison of which the real text of the
Hebrew original can often be ascertained.
For in many passages in which the two
versions differ, we have only to retranslate
into Hebrew to perceive how these differ-
ences arose by some simple and obvious
misreading, or else misunderstanding of
a Hebrew word by the one or the other
translator. In such cases it is not difficult
to judge which of them rightly appre-
hended the meaning of the original. In
other cases the comparison suggests that
there must have been intentional altera-
tions : in the Greek probably chiefly due
to the Hellenising spirit of the translator,
and in the Syriac to later redactors. Put
the comparison also throws light on some
points in regard to the letter of the text
which are full of interest. Thus we con-
clude that a Greek variant represents the
better, if indeed not the corrected, reading,
when it accords not only with the other
version, but with what we judge to have
been the underlying Hebrew original.
And this in turn reflects light on the
various Codices. Lastly, as regards the
wider general question of the variations
which a Hebrew text may be supposed
to have undergone, the student has in
Ecclesiasticus the opportunity of com-
paring, so to speak, three different recen-
sions of a Hebrew text, dating from
widely different periods and coming from
distant countries : in the Greek, the
Syriac, and — including the Talmudic
quotations from Sirach — the Aramaic
versions of our book.

Concerning the Author of the work
just described, we possess unfortunately
only very scanty biographical details.
In Ecclus. 1. 27, when subscribing his
name according to ancient custom, he
designates himself as "Jesus the son of
Sirach1 [in the Vat., Seirach; in the Sin.,

1 So not only the Alex., but the import
MS. 248 [Fritzsche]. The Syr. omits what eJ

INTRODUCTION TO ECCLESIASTICUS.

Seirak' l], the Jerusalemite " [from Jeru-
salem!. The 'addition "Eleazar" [after
" Sirach "] in the Alex., Vat., and Sin., and
"of Eleazar" in some MSS., is spurious,
and probably connected with the legend
of his descent from the High-priest, to
which reference will be immediately made.
The Hebrew name of our writer was J/) ±
(Jeshua — abbreviated from Jehoshu*,
KTD-J3 (or 13), " the son of Sira." It is
by the latter designation (without the addi-
tion of " Jesus ") that he is quoted in Tal-
mudic writings.2 In Walton's edition of
the Syriac Version, the (evidently spu-
rious) superscription to Ecclus. indeed
runs : " The book of Jesus the son of
Simeon Asiro : that book is called the
Wisdom of the Son of Asiro." But the
word " Asiro "—which has been generally
rendered vinctus, " bound " — is probably
only a corruption of Sira (the name of
" Simeon " being introduced either as that
of the High-priest of chapter 1., or from
the legend that our writer had been a
High-priest). The Arabic Version, which
commonly follows the Syr., has only the
name: "Jesus the son of Sirach "(we
take not any note of other additions
in the Arab, superscription). And in
Lagarde's ' Libri Vet. Test. Apocr.
Syriace' (1861) the Syriac title as cor-
rected from Cod. 12,142 in the Brit.
Mus. (6th cent.) reads : ' Wisdom of the
Son of Sira.' The Hebrew Sira is repre-

the Greek are clauses b and c of ch. 1. 27 (viz. :
"Jesus the son of Sirach of Jerusalem . . . who
out of his heart poured forth wisdom ") ; the Vet.
Lat. has: Jesus filius Sirach Jcrosolyinita.

1 Possibly to this may be due the later Rab-
binic miswriting FITD or yYD (Wolfius, it. s.,
p. 255) and pTTD (Jost, ' Gesch. d. Judenth.' i.

P- 3")- „ „.

2 Later Jewish notices about Ben Sira are
entirely without value. For particulars — most of
them uncritical — the reader may refer to Wolfius,
' Bibl. Hebr.,' i. pp. 255-263. The story about
Ben Sira being the son of Jeremiah occurs in the
so-called ' Alphabet of Ben Sira '—of which
more in the sequel. For the Constantinople edi-
tion of it (1519), see Buxtorf, ' Bibl. Rabb.' p.
324 ; other editions in Wolfius, ?/. s., and Zunz,
' Gottesd. Vortr.' p. 105, note b. The reader
who is curious to know the unsavoury story there
related about the birth of Ben Sira will find it
in Bartolocci, 'Biblioth. Rabb.' i. 684-687.
But I cannot help suspecting that the writer of
the story had somehow mixed up NVD p with
fcHtpD |2, and that it is only another edition of
the blasphemous references to the mother of
Jesus.

sented by the Greek form Sirach or'
Seirach, which corresponds (as to the x)

with the reading a.KeX8a/xdx for NE^ ?i?n.
The name itself (Sira) does not other-
wise occur in Rabbinic literature. It is
generally translated " a coat of mail " or
" a cuirass." But it may have only a
designative meaning, and in that case
perhaps be best translated by " a thorn "
or " hedge of thorns." l

Of the outward circumstances of Ben
Sira little is known. Omitting entirety
groundless speculations,2 he has been
identified by some with Jesus, or (as he
Grecianised his name) Jason, the son of
the High-priest Simon II., who by bribery
displaced his brother Onias III. from
the pontifical office. But evidently one
of such infamous memory in Jewish
annals could not have been the writer
of our book. The notion that he was
by descent a priest (Linde, Zunz) finds
already expression in Cod. Sin1. Ecclus.
1. 27. Such passages in regard to the
priesthood as in Ecclus. vii. 29-31, and
the not unfrequent allusions to sacrificial
worship throughout the book, do not
indeed seem sufficient to warrant such
an inference. On the other hand, the
disproportionate length at which he di-
lates in ch. xlv. on the high-priesthood of
Aaron (and his descendants), while only
a few verses are devoted to Moses, the
great hero of Jewish tradition, seems of
more significance in this respect than
critics, from Eichhorn 3 downwards, have
assigned to it.4 Any definite conclusion
on this point is, however, impossible.
And the idea of the priestly descent of
our author may have originated in the
notions anciently entertained about the
occupations and qualifications of the
priesthood, and in ignorance of what

1 Since the name does not otherwise occur,
may it not be an allegorical designation rather
than a proper name ? From that point of view
comp. Eccles. xii. II a.

- For some Jewish suggestions, see Herzfeld,
' Gesch. d. Volkes Isr.' iii. p. 74. For the
notion of the older writers (Corn. a. Lapide,
Calmet, Goldhagen) that Ben Sira was one of
the seventy-two translators (LXX.), see Welte,
'Spez. Einl. in d. deuterokan. B.' p. 225.

3 Eichhorn, 'Einl. in d. apokr. Schr. d. A.

T.' pp. 31, 32- . ,

4 It is surely a somewhat strong assertion by
Schiirer («. s. p. 594) that this opinion is vollig
grundlos.

B 2

INTRODUCTION TO ECCLESIASTICUS.

constituted the learned and thinking
class in Israel. In any case the asser-
tion of Syncellus (' Chronogr.' ed. Din-
dorf, i. p. 525), that the Siracide suc-
ceeded Simon II. (as thirteenth High-
priest) and held the pontificate for six
years, is historically untenable. It may
have arisen from a misunderstanding of a
passage in the ' Chronicon ' of Eusebius
(Schiirer, u. s., p. 594)- Not less ground-
less is the inference (by Grotius) from
ch. xxxviii. 1-15, that Ben Sira was a
physician (see special introd. to ch.
xxxviii.). But whatever his occupation,
it could not have been any handicraft
nor yet agriculture (comp., for example,
xxxviii. 25-30). On the other hand, it
is certain that he was one of the Jewish
sages of his time, and that his eminence
and fame in this respect procured his
advancement to the prominent public
positions which he occupied (see, for
^example, xxxviii. 24, 33 ; xxxix. 1-5).
Another and a very remarkable feature
in his history is that he not only tra-
velled much, but regarded this as part
of the necessary education of a " sage,"
and that, while his views were enlarged,
his religious convictions were only
strengthened by what he learned and
observed in foreign countries (xxxiv. 1 1 ;
xxxix. 1-4). We mark in passing that
foreign travel would scarcely have been
the advice of a pious or even patriotic
Jew in, or immediately before, the time
of Antiochus Epiphanes (that is, during
the pontificate of the sons of Simon II.).
In any case it would be in direct opposi-
tion to the later exclusive views of the
Pharisaic sages. All this seems to imply
that our writer belonged to an earlier
period in Jewish history. Indeed, we
might almost doubt whether the younger
Siracide would have reproduced these
views if his translation had been made
during the pontificate of the sons of
Simon II.

It only remains to add that during these
journeys Ben Sira appears to have in-
curred great personal danger (xxxiv. 12).
It is probably to his deliverance from
these perils that he refers in his hymn of
praise (li. 1-12). In all likelihood his
travels had extended both to Syria and
to Egypt. In the latter country especi-
ally he would see and learn much that

would leave its impress upon his mind.
And the political relations of the two
countries in regard to Palestine would
account for the calumnies, intrigues, and
perils to which a prominent and influ-
ential Jerusalemite might be exposed in
those days.1

§ II. Date of the original Work
and of its Translation into Greek.

Although the general spirit of Eccle-
siasticus and some of the special views
expressed in it form important elements
in regard to the question of its date, it
seems better to consider it in the first
place on independent historical grounds.
There are few subjects on which directly
contrary opinions have been asserted with
more confidence; few also on which (as
it seems to us) absolute assurance on
either side is less warranted.

The book itself furnishes two dates
which might seem to fix the time both
of its original composition and of its
translation into Greek by the grandson
of the author. The first of these is in
Ecclus. 1. 1, where the writer describes—
apparently from personal observation-
" Simon the high priest, the son of
Onias;" leaving, however, the impres-
sion (lines b and c) that at the time of
his writing Simon was no longer alive.
The, second date is in the Prologue to
the translation by the younger Siracide, in
which he states the time of his arrival
in Egypt as " in the eight and thirtieth
year under king Euergetes." But, as it
happens, there were two High-priests,
each of them " Simon, the son of Onias "
—viz. Simon I., surnamed the Just, the
son of Onias I., who according to the
common reckoning flourished about 310-
291 B.C. ; and Simon II., son of Onias II.,
about 219-199 B.C.2 And as there were

1 See below, § II.

2 These are the generally accepted dates. But
considerable uncertainty prevails (see Ewald,
'Gesch. d. V. Isr.' iv. p. 351). Ewald's dates
are : Onias I. died 310 B.C.; Simon I. died 291 ;
Eleazardied 276 ; Manasseh died 250 ; Onias II.
died 219; Simon II. died 199; Onias III.
deposed in favour of his brother Jason, and
he again in that of Menelaos. Herzfeld
(«. j. pp. 185-189) gives the following dates :—
Onias I. died 300 ; Simon I. died 287 ; Eleazar
died 267 ; Manasseh died 240 ; Onias II. died

INTRODUCTION TO ECCLESIASTICUS.

two High-priests of the name " Simon,
son of Onias," so there were two Ptolemies
who bore the epithet Euergetes, viz.
Ptolemy III. or Euergetes I. (247-222
B.C.) and Ptolemy VII., Physkon, entitled
Euergetes II. — but surnamed by his sub-
jects Kakergetes — who, after having been
co-regent with his brother for twenty-five
years (from 170 to 145 B.C.), occupied
the throne alone from 145 to 116 B.C.
The question therefore is, which of these
two Simons was the High-priest of
Ecclus. 1., and which of the two Euergetes
is referred to in the Prologue of the
Greek translator ? l

At the outset we have to dismiss a
consideration which, either avowedly 2 or
perhaps unconsciously, has influenced
critics. In the Prologue of the younger
Siracide the usual arrangement of the
Old Testament into the Law, the Pro-
phets, and the Hagiographa is supposed
to be indicated in the expression " the
Law, the Prophets, and the other books
of the fathers." It is argued that this
implies the closing of the O. T. Canon
and the completion of the LXX. Version,
which again, according to certain critics,
could not have been so early as in the reign
of Euergetes I. Even if these premisses
were correct, it would be vicious reason-
ing to determine an unknown quantity
(who was the Euergetes of the Prologue ?)
by another equally unknown (the close
of the Canon or the completion of the
LXX.). But in our view the passage in
the Prologue, above referred to, so far
from presupposing an arrangement of
the O. T. into Law, Prophets, and Hagio-

226 — which makes the accession of Simon II.
seven years earlier, or in 226. This is not the
place to discuss these differences. Indeed, the
exact chronology of the priestly succession offers
no little difficulty. Happily it does not affect
the present argument.

1 We only note in passing the statement of
Mr. Stanton ('The Jewish and the Christian
Messiah,' p. ill), that Ecclesiasticus " may
have been written any time between the High-
priesthood of Simon son of Onias and the
Maccabean rising." Is this really so ? and to
which of the two High-priests of the name of
Simon does Mr. Stanton refer in this brief dis-
missal of a question of such importance ?

2 So, on the one side, Winer ('Bibl. Real-
Worterb.' i. p. 555) and others, even Fritzsche,
p. xvi. ; and, on the other side — we suspect —
writers such as Bohl ('Forsch. n. e. Volksb.'
pp. 35, &c).

grapha, really gave rise to this tripartition.
Not only is there not any earlier indica-
tion of it, but it is not supported by the
arrangement in the LXX. Besides, the
Prologue gives not any indication what
these " other books of the fathers " were,
nor yet whether or not they included all
our present Hagiographa. And Ecclesi-
asticus itself, while it makes reference to
the Law and the Prophets (the historical
books, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and the
twelve minor Prophets), for reasons pre-
sumably good and valid (whatever they
were) contains no mention of Mordecai
or Daniel, nor even of Ezra. This,
although there are unquestionable refer-
ences not only to Nehemiah, but also
in the text (see the notes, passim) to
the Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and
probably Job. We dismiss therefore this
preliminary a priori argument, and ask
ourselves :

1. Was the Euergetes of the Prologue
the first or second of that name ? The
arguments here turn on the meaning of
the words used by the younger Siracide.
Those who hold that Euergetes I. is
referred to in the Prologue regard the
Greek words iv r<2 oySow kcu TpiaKoaTu>
cVet iirl rov Evepyerov as meaning " in the
eight and thirtieth year " of the writer, not
of the reign of Euergetes. This neces-
sarily, since Euergetes I. did not reign
thirty-eight years. On the other hand,
those who contend for Euergetes II. main-
tain that the expression can only mean
the thirty-eighth year of the reign of
Euergetes ; and although Euergetes II.
was not sole occupant of the throne for
such a period of time, yet his reign must
(according to Porphyrius in Euseb.
Chron.) be reckoned from the time
of his co-regency with his brother. As
regards the true meaning of the Greek
words quoted, writers are hopelessly at
issue. So great an authority as Professor
Westcott maintains that the meaning of
the words "can only be, that the translator
' in his thirty-eighth year ' came to Egypt
during the reign of Euergetes," and he
stigmatises the other translation as " abso-
lutely at variance with the grammatical
structure of the sentence " (Smith's ' Diet,
of the Bible,' i. p. 479, note). On the
other hand, those who contend for Euer-
getes II. equally strenuously maintain the

INTRODUCTION TO ECCLESIASTICUS.

other rendering. * But it must be admitted
(Winer, v. s.) that the words mean in the
first place something different from " in
the thirty-eighth year of Euergetes."
Similarly, Bohl (u. s,, p. 36) argues,
adducing the testimony of Bernhardy
(' Grundriss d. griech. Lit.' i. 502, 519)
in favour of the structure of the sentences
and generally of the style of the Pro-
logue, that so able a writer would not
have expressed such a meaning in so
" ungreek " a manner. Winer holds that,
according to common usage, he would
have had to write : iv . . . era to «rt t. E.
The defenders of the other translation
point, indeed, to certain parallel or similar
expressions — the latter in the Apocr.
(1 Mace. xiii. 22; xiv. 27); the former
in the LXX. (Hagg. i. 1, ii. 1 ; Zech. i. 7,
vii. 1). But alike Winer and Bohl deny
the conclusiveness even of the latter
instances as at lea^t admitting of excep-
tions. On the whole, therefore, the
impartial student will probably judge that
the argument i favour of either the one
or the other translation cannot be con-
sidered conclusive.2 In any case the
main question as to the date of the
original work is left open.

2. Of much greater importance than
the other is the in< ]uiry whether the Simon
son of Onias of Ecclus. 1. 1, and in the
Syriac version also of 1. 23, was Simon I.
or Simon II. The Syriac presents in this
chapter several important variants. Thus
in v. 25 — which, however, we regard as a
later interpolation — instead of " moun-
tain of Samaria " the Syr. rightly has bl),

which, just as nbll in the Samarit. version
of the Pent., is the rendering for Seir
[Edom]. This the Vet. Lat. follows
[against all the Greek MSS ] by trans-
lating : in montc Scir. [For some other
variants see the introd. to the ch. and the

1 Schiirer («. s. p. 595) puts it thus absolutely:
"Mit dem 38. Jahre meint er natiirlich nicht
sein eigenes Lebensjahr."

2 In view of this we have not thought it
necessary to discuss at length the argument on
which Bohl so strongly insists— but which seems
very doubtful- that the reiyn of Euergetes II.,
having been marked by persecution and exile
of the learned, would net have been a suitable
period for the publication of the translation of
the younger Siracide. But there is absolute
evidence nf literary activity among the Hellenists
in that reign.

notes.] Again, while in v. 28 the Greek
reminds us of the sentiment in Rev. i. 3,
the Syr. translates : " Happy the man who
meditates on these things, learns, knoweth,
and doeth them." Lastly, v. 29 [30] is
rendered in the Syr. : " Exaltedness is of
the religion of God : it is exalted above
all things. Behold it, my son, and do
not forsake it." In all these instances
we believe the Syriac to represent the
Hebrew original more accurately than
does the Greek text. This disposes us
to receive favourably the Syriac version of
v. 23 : " And let there be peace among
them, and let it be established with Simon
the Just l and his seed, as the days of
heaven." If this rendering be correct,
it follows that the Hebrew original had
expressly designated this High - priest
Simon as the same who was surnamed
" the Just."

But apart from this, there cannot, we
believe, be any reasonable doubt that the
Simon whom both tradition2 and Josephus
designate " the Just " 3 was Simon I.
Josephus indeed twice expressly tells us
that Simon I. " was called 6 oYkck.09," and
explains that this designation was given
him " because both of his piety towards
God and his kind disposition towards
those of his own nation." And when
Jewish tradition gives to a High-priest
Simon exactly the same title — P'TVC —
and is never weary of speaking of his
piety, glory, and miraculous Divine attes-
tation4— it would seem a perversion of
history not to identify the Simon I., the
Just, of Josephus with the Simon, the
Tsaddiq, of the Mishnah.5 This con-

1 Gr'atz (' Gesch. d. Juden,' ii. p. 235, note)
ingeniously, and as I believe rightly, argues that
the right reading in the Syr. must be ])]}D&
rPDPl, Simon the Just, and not niDI"!.

2 In Abh. i. 2 ; Par. iii. 5.

3 ' Antiq.' xii. 2, 5 ; xii. 4, I.

4 Ihe reader who is curious to know the
Jewish traditions about Simon the Righteous is
referred, among others, to Otto, ' Histor. doctor.
Mishnic. ;' Derenbourg, 'Hist, de la Palest.'
pp. 47, &c. ; and Gratz, it. s., ii. pp. 255, &c.

5 It was surely an ill-considered statement on
the part of Dean Stanley (' Hist, of the Jewish
Church,' iii. p. 247) that M. Derenbourg has
conclusively established "that Simon the Just
was Simon II." Derenbourg asserts it, but does
not make any attempt to "establish" what it
would be beyond the power of any man to prove.
A late writer on the subject (Hamburger,
' Real-Encykl.' Abth. ii. p. 11 16) cuts the knot

INTRODUCTION TO ECCLESIASTICUS.

elusion is confirmed by the circumstance
that the Mishnah describes this Simon
as " of the remainders of the great syna-
gogue," which had long passed away when
Simon II. succeeded to the pontificate.
In general, the terms in which tradition
speaks of Simon the Just could not have
been applied to Simon II., nor yet to
the circumstances and relations of his
time. They seem intended to convey
that with Simon the Just one great period
of Jewish history — that of spiritual glory,
peace, and Divine attestation — had come
to an end. All this could be said in
regard to the pontificate of Simon I. ;
it would have no meaning in regard to
that of Simon II.1

In these circumstmces it would seem
inexplicable that the writer of Ecclus. 1.
should have omitted from his cata-
logue of worthies Simon I. — the last of
the great synagogue, the great priest-
hero of Jewish tradition, " the Just " one
of Josephus — and introduced in his stead
such a figure as Simon II. Of the latter
Jewish tradition does not say anything,2
nor yet have we any other record of him
— at least of a favourable character. For
as the account in 3 iMacc. ii. is universally
admitted to be fabulous, the only refer-
ences to Simon II. which we possess
are those in Jos. 'Antt.' xii. 4, 10 and n.
These, as we shall immediately see, re-
flect anything but favourably on his poli-
tical administration. Such a man could
not h ive been described as in Ecclus. 1.
But this is not all. In Ecclus. 1. 2-4 we
have mention of certain great undertak-
ings by Simon, notably of his restoration
of the fortifications of Jerusalem. But
for this there was absolutely no occasion
during the pontificate of Simon II., the
circumstances of the time rather imply-
ing the contrary. On the other hand,
there was urgent need for it under the

by the strange assertion that both Simon I. and
Simon II. bore the designation "the Just."
(See also the Jewish traditions about Simon the
Just in Hamburger, ;/. s.)

_ ' The Syr. Version has in 1. 1 : " Chief among
his brethren and the crown of his people Simeon,
the son of Nathanya."

2 I am aware that those who plead for
Simon II. invest him with a history, taken partly
from Ecclus. 1. — thereby begging the whole ques-
tion— and partly from what tradition ascribes to
Simon the Just, who, as we have shewn, was
Simon I.

pontificate of Simon I., after the taking
and dismantling by Ptolemy I. of the
fortified cities of Palestine, inclusive no
doubt of Jerusalem.1

It is indeed argued in favour of Simon
II. that Ecclesiasticus contains not un-
frequent allusions to sufferings and per-
secutions of Israel, and that it displays
in this respect, rather than religiously,
a feeling of great bitterness towards
the Gentiles and their rulers (comp.
chaps, xxxv., xxxvi. • see the special
introductions to these chapters). And,
since the time of Simon I. was one of
peace to Israel — although in view of the
wars of Ptolemy I. this is doubtful — while
(which is also open to contention) the
times were much more troubled during
the administration of Simon II., it has
been urged that these references point to
the pontificate of the latter. But there is
a twofold mistake here. The sufferings
alluded to are apparently rather of the
past and threatening the future, than
in the present, which seems quiet and
prosperous (comp. xlv. 26; 1. 22-24).
Further, it is apparently forgotten that
although Ecclus. 1. implies that the writer
had himself seen Simon, it also conveys
that he was no longer alive. Hence the
references to the condition of Israel apply
not to the time of Simon — be it the first,
or the second — but to that of their suc-
cessors. This opens a line of argument
which has hitherto been overlooked.
Before adverting to it, we must make a
final reference to two points in Ecclus. 1.
which seem strongly in favour of its
application to Simon I. The first is the
manner in which the Samaritans are
spoken of (1. 25, 26). This can easily
be accounted for by events in the time
of Simon I., but not in that of Simon II.
Secondly, in Ecclus. 1. 5, the High-priest
is described in his " outgoing from the
house of the Veil" [marg- A. V. — iv
i^68(o oIkov Kara7re7ao-jw.aTos'2], — unques-
tionably, the most Holy Place. But as
the High-priest entered it only on the
day of atonement, this part of the de-
scription must be of him on that most
solemn festival. But it deserves special
notice that the Jewish legends about

1 See Gratz, 11. s., p. 230.

2 The expression does not occur anywhere
else, either in the LXX. or the Apocrypha.

INTRODUCTION TO ECCLESIASTICUS.

Simon L, the Just, are chiefly connected
with the day of atonement. Thus we read
that during the (forty) years of his ponti-
ficate the lot which designated the goat
for Jehovah (Lev. xvi. 8, 9) always fell
to his right hand ; that during the same
period the scarlet strip by which the goat
for Azazel was designated always turned
to white, indicating that Israel's sins were
forgiven (Is. i. 18) [Jer. Yoma, 43^; Yom.
39a]; and lastly, that during his whole
pontificate, as he entered and left the
most Holy Place he was accompanied by
a venerable figure arrayed in white, but
that in the last year that figure had entered
indeed with him but not accompanied him
as he left the sanctuary (Jer. Yoma, 42 c ;
Yom. 39^). Nor was that apparition
ever seen before or afterwards.

Whatever value may be attached to
this coincidence of Jewish legend con-
cerning Simon I. with the description in
Ecclus. of his appearance on the day of
atonement, a historical line of argument,
hitherto strangely overlooked, leads up to
the same conclusion. As already stated,
the exact date of the composition of Ec-
clesiasticus was not during the pontificate
of Simon — whether I. or II. — but in that
of one of his successors. But in Ecclus.
xlv. 25 we find this curious notice, that
the pontifical succession, like the royal,
was to be from father to son. The
notice is so abruptly introduced, and so
uncalled for, that we regard it as an
allusion to some historical occurrence in
the near past. Now we know that while
Simon II. was succeeded by his son
Onias III., Simon I. was not followed by
his son Onias II., but by his two brothers,
Eleazar and Manasseh, and only after
them by the already aged Onias II.
We believe that the allusion in Ecclus.
xlv. 22 is to this : that the older Siracide
wrote at the accession of Onias II., and
that he addressed to him the words of
congratulation and hope that follow in
Ecclus. xlv. 26. If this be so, and the
older Siracide was a friend of Onias II.
and supporter of his policy, it would also
account for the great dangers to which,
according to ch. li., he had been exposed
from the calumnies of enemies. For at
that time Palestine was divided between
allegiance to the king of Egypt — the de
facto suzerain — and intrigues with the

ruler of Syria. We know that Onias II.
refused to pay the yearly tribute to the
king of Egypt. Josephus ('Ant.' xii.
4. 1) imputes this to avarice, but there
can be little doubt that the High-priest
was actuated by political motives. If
the Siracide was an influential member
of the same party, we can easily under-
stand what dangers may have threatened
him on his arrival in Egypt.

To these some subsidiary arguments
may be added. As it seems to us, such
language as in Ecclus. xlv. 26 might in-
deed be addressed to Onias II., the son
of Simon I., who was the undisputed civil
head of his people till the popular ap-
pointment of Joseph, the son of Tobias,
in 230 b.c. ('Ant.' xii. 4. 2, 3).1 But
it would not have been suitable in regard
to Onias III., the son of Simon II. Nor
could sentiments such as those in that
verse have been expressed in the time
of Onias III., while they might have deep
significance in regard to the political
position and aims of Onias II. Lastly,
the whole tone of the book is quite dif-
ferent from what we should have expected,
if it had been written in the days of
Onias III. For then the Grecian counter-
Reformation had already made terrible
progress in the land, assumed a hostile
attitude, and led to the formation of the
party of the Chasidim. In those cir-
cumstances the writer of Ecclesiasticus,
who displays a spirit of liberal tolerance
which seems in sympathy with much in
foreign thought, while yet remaining faith-
ful to Judaism, must have taken a more
decided part with the one side or the
other. At any rate he could not have
absolutely ignored their existence. Thus
the spirit and tone of the book also point
to the period preceding the great struggle
between Grecianism and Judaism as that
of the composition of Ecclesiasticus —
that is, to the time of Onias II., not that
of Onias III.

For these reasons the probability in
favour of the identity of the Simon of
Ecclus. 1. with Simon I., the Just, seems

1 Although we found no argument upon it, it
is significant that in Ecclus. xlv. 24 the High-
priest is still described as irpo(n6.T7)s [in Sin.2 we
have Aaov instead of the common reading Aaw].
But in ' Ant.' xiv. 4. 3 this is the very designa-
tion given to Joseph, the son of Tobias. Comp.
the significant use of the term in 3 Esdras ii. II.

INTRODUCTION TO ECCLESIASTICUS.

to us so strong as almost to amount to a
demonstration. In that case— if, what
is not by any means certain, the Greek
translator was the grandson of the older
Siracide— it would follow that the Euer-
getes of the Prologue was the first, not
the second, of that name. From the
extracts preserved by Eusebius (' Praep.
Evang.' ix.) from the Jewish historian
Demetrius,1 who flourished at that time,
we infer that this period was one of
considerable Jewish literary activity.
Here we have to note what is at least
a remarkable coincidence. If in the
Prologue to his Greek translation the
younger Siracide seems to refer to the
interest in such studies which he found
awakened in Hellenist, if not in wider
circles, we have in the work of Demetrius
evidence of its existence in the reign of
Euergetes I.2 On the other hand, if in
the same Prologue the Siracide speaks
of the difficulties of reproducing in a
translation what was originally written in
Hebrew, Josephus in referring to this
very work of Demetrius excuses the
occurrence of " lesser mistakes " in it on
the ground of want of knowledge of
Hebrew (' c. Ap.' i. 23). This twofold
coincidence seems to throw some fresh
light on the Prologue to our Greek Eccle-
siasticus, and so far to confirm the view
which, on the whole, we regard as the
most likely— that the original work was
translated into Greek in the reign of
Euergetes I.

At the same time it is quite open to
argue that, while the elder Siracide referred
in ch. 1. to Simon I., his younger descendant
may have translated the work into Greek
in the reign of Euergetes II. He speaks
of the older Siracide as his TrairTros ;
and although the term primarily means
" grandfather," it is also used to denote
a more remote ancestor (Arist. ' Pol.' in.
2. 1 ; Dion. H. iv. tf—apud Liddell

1 Eusebius has preserved five fragments of his
work, extracted from a work ' On the Jews ' by
Alexander Polyhistor (a heathen). The longest
of these excerpts is in ' Praep. Evang.' ix. 21,
ed. Gaisford, ii. pp. 378, &c. Generally comp.
Freurlenthal, ' Hellenist. Studien.'

2 The date of the work of Demetrius has, in
our view, been conclusively established by
Freudenthal (11. s., pp. 57-63), and it is sur-
prising that his arguments should have been
ignored by Schiirer ('Gesch. d. Jtid. V.' 11.
P- 731)-

and Scott). At any rate, some writers of
authority have adopted this view.1

§ III. ECCLESIASTICUS, THE " WlSDOM "

Writings of the Old Testament,
and Jewish Hellenistic Litera-
ture.

As previously stated, Ecclesiasticus
affords glimpses of the intellectual history
of a period over which otherwise pro-
found darkness would rest. We might
designate this as the formative stage in
the history of a new period in Jewish
religious thinking. The results of the
past and the beginnings of a future
development were still in juxtaposition—
not amalgamated, but as yet not sepa-
rated, nor were their further sequences,
in view. Alike the close of the old
and the beginnings of the new are side
by side in Ecclesiasticus. The former
reaches back to the early times of Israel's
glory; the latter points forward to that
direction which was to find its home
and centre, not in Palestine, but in
Alexandria.

In the reign of king David, the Hebrew
state had attained its definite and final
stage. But with it also its exclusive
national character may be said to have
ceased. The outcome of thepast period
had been internal consolidation and ex-
ternal isolation. But under the rule of
king Solomon, Israel for the first time
came into close friendly contactwith other
nations, partly owing to the personal
disposition of that monarch, partly from
the new circumstances of the country, its
growing wealth, and its commerce. But
friendly intercourse between nations can-
not be confined to the interchange of
civilities or of wares : it means the inter-
change of ideas. There is not any barrier
that °can effectually arrest the progress
of thinking, nor any quarantine that can
prevent the spread of ideas. To en-
counter thought is to recognise it, and
to recognise is at least partly to make it

1 If we were asked to suggest a date for the
composition of Ecclesiasticus, we might con-
jecture that the original work was written about
23=; B C., or earlier, but before the promotion of
Joseph the son of Tobias in 230. If at that time
the older Siracide was nearly 70 years old, his.
srrandson, who translated it into Greek, might
certainly have been in his thirty-eighth year
under Euergetes I.

INTRODUCTION TO ECCLESIASTICUS.

our own. King Solomon completed in-
deed the work of David and the religious
institutions of Israel by the building of the
Temple. Yet by the side of this he had
not only to tolerate, but to give facilities for
foreign rites. This, not merely owing to
external circumstances, but — so to speak
— from an inward necessity. With Solo-
mon began a new phase in Jewish think-
ing. It was still deeply religious — but
it was thinking, in this sense that men
were no longer content, nor even able,
to settle the great problems of thought
by merely external authority, but felt that
they must grapple with them individually
— nay, even with that fundamental ques-
tion of all : that of external authority.
'"This was the commencement of the so-
called (C/iok/uita/i) 'Wisdom-literature of
Israel. The wisest of kings began it ; he
'was himself the first Jewish Chakham, or
sage. The Hebrew sage differs from the
Gentile philosopher l in that he does not
search out for himself the highest pro-
blems of thinking, nor yet seek to attain
their solution by means of metaphysical
speculation. These problems are already
there, set before him; and they are solved
in Divine Revelation. His object, there-
fore, is to verify rather than to discover
— to conciliate the teachings of Divine
Revelation, which he implicitly accepts,
with the- difficulties suggested either by
his experience of life (empirical difficulties)
or by his own thinking (speculative diffi-
culties). And the conciliation of these
difficulties with Revelation constitutes
Wisdom. Thus (subjective) Wisdom in
man busies itself with (objective) Wisdom
in, or rather with, God, which is the mode
of God's manifestation of Himself — per-
haps, more correctly, the mode in which
His self-manifestation presents itself to
our thinking. That manifestation is two-
fold. As regards man, it is exhibited in
God's dealings with him ; and as regards
the higher (abstract) problems, antecedent
to and irrespective of man, it is con-
nected with the ways of God. Thus the
problems which engage Wisdom in man
— those of human life and the higher
abstract questions — correspond to the
twofold aspect of Wisdom in God. Hence
the topics which occupy Hebrew Wisdom-

1 Compare also generally J. Fr. Bruch, ' Die
Weisheits-Lehre der Hebrlier.'

literature are both subjective and objec-
tive in their character. From the first of
these aspects they are practical, and con-
nected with the ordinary questions of
human life ; from the second of them,
they are speculative, and consist in seek-
ing to apprehend the ways of God.
Thus the seeming confusion in the
Wisdom-writings, due to the close juxta-
position and apparent mixture of precepts
for the conduct of life with higher
speculative questions, is only outward,
and resolves itself into a higher unity.
The two are only the different aspects,
or the different kinds, of the great pro-
blem which Wisdom (in God) sets before
us in His manifestations, and which
Wisdom (in man) has to solve by faith
and obedience. Closely connected with
all this is the form and manner in which
Hebrew Wisdom expresses itself. It
speaks not in the language of meta-
physical speculation, but in Proverbs, in
Parables, and even by paradoxes. The
latter, because absolute faith cares not
to smooth away seeming contrarieties ;
nay, would rather encounter them directly.
The former, because the Eastern mind
delights in such form of expression. But
this is not all. For to the devout
Hebrew, whose God rules on earth as
in heaven, things on earth are ever the
counterpart of things in heaven. Heaven
and earth are part of one kingdom. He
sees God reflected in Nature and in all
things around, and he hears His voice in
the streets and in the busy commerce of
men. But there may be a still deeper
reason for it. To the believing Hebrew
the final solution of all difficulties (whether
empirical or speculative) is in Revelation,
and "Wisdom" consists, not in the dis-
covery of truth, but only in its vindication :
on the one hand, in the conciliation of
seeming difficulties ; and, on the other,
in the placing of man's life and thinking
on a line with the Will and the Ways of
God. In this view all is Parable and all
Proverbs : the solution of every speculative
difficulty is in a Parable ( i Cor. xiii. 12 a);
while that of every practical difficulty
becomes and ought to be a Proverb in
the people's mouth.

Solomon was, so far as we know, the
originator of this parabolic, proverbial
philosophy of religion among the Hebrews

INTRODUCTION TO ECCLESIASTICUS.

— or, at any rate, it gathered around the
name of the Wise King. Whatever por-
tions of the Book of Proverbs may be
of his personal authorship, even the fact
that other or later sayings gathered around
this nucleus and name is of deep signifi-
cance. In this truest sense the whole
book is Solomonic. The same may be
said of Ecclesiastes — a work thoroughly
one in plan and contents. Assuming at
the outset the standpoint of seeming
indifferentism and epicurean self-enjoy-
ment, the writer proceeds to discuss the
great theological problem how to con-
ciliate what seems either chance or fate
with the personal Rule of God, till he
gradually rises to the consciousness of
a personal moral responsibility as the
practical, if not speculative, solution of
all. Although the book is undoubtedly
much later than Solomon, it is (for the
reasons above stated) not only truly
Solomonic, but perhaps it may even have
been intended to present in a concrete
form the problems presented by the life
as well as in the thinking of the wise
king. Nay, its opening text (v. 2),
"Vanity of vanities, all is vanity," may
even be directly Solomonic, or else set
forth a summary
garded as the Solomonic problem

It will readily be perceived how closely
the book Ecclesiasticus is connected with
this ancient C/io^/i;/ia/i-\itera.\.ure, not only
in form but in substance. In truth, it is
a continuation of it : for, that road once
entered, standstill or abandonment would
be no longer possible. By the side of
the purely legal and even of the prophetic
teaching of Scripture, this would now
become a distinctive phase in Hebrew
religious thinking. Nor should we for-
get that alike the predictions of the final
ingathering of all nations and the com-
mencement of C/iok/ima/i-\itera.tm-e were
historically connected with a closer con-
tact with the empires of the world. Even
the prophetic comments on sacrificial
worship — their protest against the merely
ex opere operato view of it — might here
acquire a new significance and meaning.
As an illustration of the manner in which
the later Chakhamim understood or de-
veloped such sayings, we would point to
Ecclus. xxxiv. and xxxv., which gain in
significance from their connexion with

of what after-ages re-

the reference in ch. xxxiv. 9-1 1 to what
the writer had seen and learned in foreign
countries. Similarly a special Chokhmah
meaning might be attached not only to
the numerous prophecies that foretold
the conversion of the Gentiles, but even
to the prophetic addresses to them and
to the implied recognition that, despite
the present state of rebellion, the earth
and all nations were the Lord's. This
may explain how, in the description of a
sage (Ecclus. xxxix. 1-3), an understand-
ing of prophecy is conjoined with know-
ledge of the wisdom of the ancients, of
parables, and of proverbs; while, on the
other hand, in Ecclus. xxiv. Zion and
Israel are indeed stated to be the special
dwelling-place of "Wisdom," where she
has her fixed abode, but her presence is
also recognised among all nations (?'. 6).

It scarcely needs to be stated that the
full and final development of this must
be sought, not in Palestine, but among
the Greek-thinking and Greek-speaking
" dispersion " of the West, of which Alex-
dria was the intellectual capital. But in
Ecclesiasticus we have, in a sense, a_pre-
hejlenistic Grecianism. It is still strictly
Palestinian, not Alexandrian, and it does
not treat the simple language of Scrip-
ture as if it consisted of allegories,
representing so many formulae for ab-
stract ideas. But for all this it is, if
not Grecianised Judaism, yet a Judaism
influenced by Grecian thought. Thus it
appears that the first origin of what is
called Jewish Hellenism has to be traced
to Palestine, not to Alexandria, and was
only fully developed there under favour-
ing circumstances. And these circum-
stances were analogous to those which
first called forth Hebrew Chokhmah-
literature.

Considering the condition of the small,
intellectually almost contemptible, rem-
nant which returned from the Babylonian
exile, and the state of those who remained
behind, it seems a strange historical as-
sumption to regard this age as one of the
most fruitful thinking or of great literary
activity. The awakening and new pro-
gress of thought are organi ally connected
with the general life of a people : they
are always in line with stirring event-, in
the history of the world or of a nation.
Such wakening came with the conquests

INTRODUCTION TO ECCLESIASTICUS.

of Alexander the Great and the founding
of the Macedonian world-empire. It was
not only that Israel was now brought into
direct contact with Grecianism, nor yet
that it felt the electric shock which passed
through the ancient world, nor even that
from its subjection to the Macedonian
conqueror and his successors it con-
stantly experienced Grecian influences.
But there was a chain of purely Greek
cities within the land of Palestine itself,
as well as around its borders. The con-
stant and close intercourse resulting from
it, must have led to the gradual intro-
duction of Grecian ideas. These would
appear in the first instance, so to speak,
in a friendly form — and only afterwards
become a hostile power with which war
for life or death must be waged, in
each case outward events must have
corresponded with this state of feeling.
The period of outward peace and of
the friendly influence of Grecianism
terminated soon after Simon I. — who is
accordingly designated as the last link
An the " great synagogue." The period
| of open and bitter hostility to Judaism,
alike politically and religiously, began
immediately after, if not under, Simon II.
This brings us back to our former con-

clusions about the date of Ecclesiasticus.

As the last outrunner of Palestinian^
Cy^/Wv/w/z-literature, it belongs to the
former, not to the latter, period. It marks
a time of transition when by the side of
the old, as then understood, we discover
all the germs of a future development.
In respect of the latter we might almost
characterise it as alike Pharisaic before
the Pharisees, Sadducean before the
Sadducees, and Hellenistic before Hel-
lenism. And yet it is not eclectic — only
preparatory. It could not have belonged
to a period when Grecianism had be-
come a hostile power in Church and
State, and evoked a reaction that led
to the formation of the nationalist party
and finally issued in the Maccabean
rising. The nationalist party was known
by the title Chasidim, " the pious "
(i Mace. ii. 42, vii. 13 ; 2 Mace. xiv. 6).
That name was undoubtedly derived
from the description of the Chasidim,
" the pious," in the Psalms (Ps. xxx. 4 ;
xxxi. 23; xxxvii. 28). We conjecture
that this movement included also a pro-

test against and a separation from the
whole Chohhmah-direcuon of the period
immediately preceding, which might be
regarded as having been fraught with
terrible consequences to Israel. If the
one party had spoken of Chokhmah and
appealed to Solomon, the other party
would now go a step further back and
appeal to David and the Psalter, and to
the Chasidim of which they wished and
professed to be the representatives.

We cannot here follow the further
development of their history. But we
submit that what has been stated suffi-
ciently answers the question, often and
learnedly discussed, as to the relation
between Ecclesiasticus and distinctively
Alexandrian views. Gfrorer (' Philo u.
d. Alex. Theos.' ii. pp. 21-52) calls our
author an Eclectic, and supposes that
certain parts of his book (notably ch.
xxiv.) were derived from an Alexandrian
work. That there is a close relationship
between Ecclesiasticus and Alexandrian-
ism cannot indeed be doubted — and this
not only in ch. xxiv. but in some of the
other instances adduced by Gfrorer
(comp. the special introd. to ch. xliv.).
But their relation is other than that
scholar supposed. Ecclesiasticus is not
dependent on Alexandrian teaching, but
the latter had its roots in the direction
represented by our book. On the other
hand, Diihne (' Gesch. Darstell. d. jiid.
Alex. Relig. Phil.' ii. pp. 144, &c.) rightly
calls attention to the genuine Palestinian
character of our book as a whole. But
he is mistaken in attributing the Alex-
andrian elements in it entirely to altera-
tions introduced in the Greek Version by
the younger Siracide, and to interpola-
tions. Such undoubtedly there are, and
of a very marked character. But they
are not of such wide sweep as is sup-
posed by Diihne, and the hypothesis
as a whole is forbidden by the Syriac
Version, which was made directly from
the Hebrew original.

§ IV. The Writer and his Book : its
Philosophy, Theology, and Ethics;
Comparison with the New Testa-
ment AND WITH QPhILO.

Before making a closer survey of
the book, it may be convenient to refer

INTRODUCTION TO ECCLESIASTICUS.

to some of its general characteristics.
We have already seen that the circum-
stances of the time and the religious
standpoint occupied in Ecclesiasticus
throw light on each other. The same
may be said in regard to the social and
moral relations reflected in Ecclesiasticus.
If the allusions in it are sometimes coarse,
if its tone is the reverse of high, and if the
references to sexual and other excesses
are both frequent and unpleasant, this
is due to the state of matters at the time.
Again, bearing in mind that the main sub-
ject of the book is Wisdom, the treatment
may seem fitful, from the frequent and
sudden transitions to apparently wholly
different and even trivial topics connected
with the rules of daily life. This has
already been partly accounted for by
the view which the writer took of " Wis-
dom." Besides, such transitions — often
abrupt — from one subject to another
are characteristic of Eastern writing.
So to speak, they give emphasis to the
discussion of the graver questions. Nor
is the treatment of "Wisdom " so fitful as
might seem at first sight. For "Wisdom"
is the subject treated of in the beginning
of the book (ch. i.), in the middle of it
(ch. xxiv.), and especially at the close
(chaps, xxxiii.-xliii.). Indeed, this latter
portion reads almost like a separate
treatise on the great problems of Wisdom
(see the special introductions to these
chapters ). And even the abrupUieyiToT
the transitions is more apparent than real.
This also is characteristic of Eastern
thinking, which moves in the succession
of time, as one thing suggests another,
rather than in that of logical order, where
one topic is evolved from the other.1

That the writer of Ecclesiasticus was a
man of high culture, fully acquainted
with the sacred literature of Israel, is not
only stated in the Prologue, but appears
from almost every part of the book.
Moreover, we infer even from such allu-
sions as in xxiv. 28, xxxiii. 16, xxxix. 1, 2,
that he was familiar with the thoughts —
perhaps the writings — of others in Israel
whose mental direction and studies were
kindred to his own. And here we also
recall that he had travelled abroad for
the enlargement of his knowledge, and

1 Yet although this is prevalently, it is not
uniformly, the case in our book.

profited by what he had seen and learned
(xxxiv. 10, n; xxxix. 4). Again, al-
though his dogmatic horizon was bounded,
and his views defective, even erroneous,
Ben Sira cannot be charged with scepticism.
Thoroughly liberal in his conception of
Judaism, he was yet an earnest believer
in it. Deeply touching is the account
which he gives (li. iq-22) of his inner
experience. In early life he had in
earnest prayer, both private and in the
Temple, sought for that Wisdom which
— like Solomon of old, or, to quote a
lower instance, like Philo — he regarded
as the highest aim of life. And he was
resolved to pursue it to his last day.
By the guidance of that Wisdom he had
walked from his youth in the right way,
ever following the good. In earnest
moral observance of the Law he had
stretched out his hands towards heaven,
deeply mourning any aberrations due to
ignorance, and ever aiming after purity.
And even the success which had come
to him in life he attributed to this pur-
suit, and thanked God not only for it,
but still more for the gift of that Wisdom
through which he had attained it, in a
life not untroubled by sorrow and beset
by dangers. Best of all, he had inward
peace and joy. Higher experience than
this we cannot expect on the part of the
writer of Ecclesiasticus. He was not an
inspired man, and, personally, he stands
as far below the prophets of old as his
own ideal standard falls short of that of
the New Testament. Still on every page
of his book God is first and foremost :
His fear, His Law, and the right and
true. Sometimes his praise of the great
Creator is almost sublime (as in ch.
xxxix. H-2O, while his prayers are fer-
vent and lofty in tone. In general, the
one great aim which he sets before him-
self in his book is to vindicate the ways of
God with man. As a believing Israelite,
he throughout recognises the leadings of
God with His people of old ; and he has
unshaken faith in the fulfilment of the
promises to Israel. Lastly, the main
practical object of his work is to warn
and instruct others (comp. the Prologue ;
xxxix. 32 ; 1. 27, 28 ; li., closing stanza).
From another point of view — that of
mental difficulties — we have to emphasise
that the speculations of Ben Sira never

INTRODUCTION TO ECCLESIASTICUS.

(

issue in doubt. He seeks to answer
questions, rather than to solve doubts
(xxxix. 1 6-21). In truth, such do not
exist for him. For in God is all Wisdom :
and he sees it exhibited equally in crea-
tion, in Providence, in history, and in
Revelation. Hence he severely con-
demns, as afterwards PJiilp, those Jews
who, in their spurious enlightenment,
would neglect the observance of the
Mosaic Law or the ancestral rites. For
in his view the Law is the highest exhi-
bition of Wisdom (xxiv.) ; and its obser-
vance the first of duties (comp. i. 26-

(

vi. 37 ; xiv. 11 ; xix. 20; xxxv. i-

■11).

We proceed to give a brief summary
of the philosophical and theological
teaching in Ecclesiasticus.

1. The theme of the book is, as pre-
viously stated, Wisdom. For the fullest
exposition of the writer's views, we here
turn to chapters i., xxiv., and to the
section beginning with chapter xxxiv.
All wisdom comes from God, with Whom
it ever is (see generally ch. i.). It
transcends the comprehension of man.
Wisdom is the firstborn of His creatures :
rather, it is the mould and the archetype
for all the works and ways of God. And
yet in His goodness He has manifested
His Wisdom — and that to all men.
Understanding of Wisdom and the fear
of the Lord coincide — the one is the
speculative, the other the practical,
aspect of Wisdom. Hence Wisdom is
also true happiness. In ch. xxiv. Wisdom
is represented as created "from the be-
ginning," "before the world " — as coming
forth " from the mouth of the Most
High," and as the creative, or at least
formative, agent. This seems to mean
that Wisdom, immanent in God, became
outwardly manifest when God created all
tilings : that it was alike the creative
word and the creative thought. It need
scarcely be said that in all this there was
not any idea of a hypostatisation of
Wisdom or presenting it as a Person.
The writer did not even think of it as
separate from God. Ecclesiasticus marks
indeed an advance in this respect on the
teaching of the Book of Proverbs ; but it
still falls far short of that of Philp. The
latter proceeded on the idea that God
was an abstraction, and that He could
not be in direct contact with anything

concrete — least of all with matter.1
Again, manifestly there is absolutely a
gulf between such speculations — whether
in Ecclesiasticus or of Philo — and the
teaching of the New Testament. On
another and kindred point we mark the
same difference. According to Ecclesias-
ticus, Wisdom, as the active principle in
creation, was poured out upon the earth,
and in measure imparted to all nations
(i. 9, 10, 15; xxiv. 3-7). But it was
concentrated in the revealed Law of
God, and became permanently resident y^
in Israel. Here we have the second fun-
damgntal principle afterwards developed "~"
by Philo. In the New Testament all this
is quite otherwise set forth. There the
Logos is shewn to be a Person, Who be-
came Incarnate ; and in the Logos God
is the Father of all men, who are to attain
to Him not through abstract Wisdom
but through the mediation of the Personal
Logos — that is, by grace. Lastly, in the
final section of Ecclus., Wisdom, as pre-
viously presented, is vindicated against
all speculative difficulties. Similarly,
in the practical parts of the book,
Wisdom is vindicated in its practical
aspect, the object being to shew that the
ordinances and directions of Wisdom are
not only right, but good, and such as
lead to prosperity.

2. We have seen that Wisdom is
immanent in God. It is the sum of all
His qualities, and hence of all His mani-
festations. It follows almost logically
that in the strict sense God must be
incomprehensible to man. In truth, this
was a necessary position in the theology
of Ecclesiasticus. Philo arrived at the
same conclusion, though), by a different
process. In his system this was the out-
come of philosophical ideas about the
Being of God and His absolute separate-
ness, as well as from his views concern-
ing the material world. In Ecclesiasti-
cus the incomprehensibleness of God is,
more biblically, traced back to His su-
premenessr The two ideas are presented

1 See the article Philo in Smith and Wace's
'Diet, of Chr. Biogr.' vol. iv.

2 No doubt can attach to this that the Siracide
firmly held the strict Personality of God. If in
xliii. 27 God is thus described, " He is the All "
(ml (TwreAeLa \6yo>v fh irciv iffriv avrus), we
have no hesitation in regarding this as a bold
later addition by the younger Siracide (see

INTRODUCTION TO ECCLESIASTICUS.

in Ecclus. in a whole series of passages,
notably in xviii. 2-7, xlii. 17, &c. ; but
especially in xxxix. 16-21, and in the last
stanza of ch. xliii.1 If God is incomprehen-
sible and supreme, it also follows that
He is omniscient, almighty, and irresistible.
This brings us to the two great problems
which our writer seeks to solve in the
third section of his book. But the Son
of Sirach only states the facts ; he does
little to explain them. How are we to
account for the difference in the outward
lot which, apparently without any cause,
befalls men : nay, more, for the moral
difference in their dispositions, the di-
verse shaping of their spiritual history,
and their end? Ben Sira's answer is
simply Predestinarianism. But in such
case what may be distinguished as the
natural and the moral qualities in the
Deity are apparently in antagonism. The
writer of Ecclesiastes had also faced this
problem. But he turned from it, almost
with a shrug of the shoulders, in view of
the indifference and smallness of earthly
things. But if he attempted not any
solution of the difficulty from its objec-
tive aspect — rather admitted it — he
sought to transfer the whole question
into the region of personal moral respon-
sibility. The writer of Ecclesiasticus
seems disposed to follow his predecessor,
but he attempts a little philosophy of his
own on the subject — although with small
success. St. Paul also had to face this
great problem. He knew the awful
facts, and perceived their " antinomies "
of reason and theology. But he viewed
them in the surrounding and transform-
ing light of the infinite love of God in
Christ. And in this solution the Christian
heart can thankfully acquiesce (comp.
Rom. xi. 32-36).

But the older Siracide was simply a
Predestinarian (comp. here such state-
ments as xvi. 26 ; xxiii. 20 ; xxxiii.
10-13; xxxix. 20, 21). The same may
be said of Philo.2 But Ben Sira labori-

introd. to ch. xliii.). In the Syr. the whole
section from v. 11 is wanting. The Vet. Lat.
solves the difficulty by rendering : ipse est in
omnibus.

1 Ch. xvi. 20, 21 refers to something very
different. See the notes. As to ch. xliii., see
also the previous note.

2 See the article in Smith and Wace's ' Diet.'
previously referred to.

ously tries to make a way through the
maze to this as his final conclusion (in
ch. xxxix., last stanza, vv. 32, &c), that
" all the works of the Lord are good."
The reasoning by which this result is
reached commences in ch. xxxiii., and is
carried on to the end of chapter xliii., al-
though with interruptions or rather inter-
calations caused by things suggested by
the way. We add that here we catch
glimpses of Aristotelian philosophy, and,
for that matter, of Zoroastrianism,1 in the
idea, broached by our writer, of an essen-
tial Dualism of contraries : one thing
being set against the other — good against
evil, life against death, and so on (see
ch. xxxiii. 7-15). Yet with all this he
escapes falling into fatalism by empha-
sising (as in Ecclesiastes) the absolute
freedom of the will and personal respon-
sibility (comp. here especially xv. 14-20;
and such sentences as xvii. 6).

The Son of Sirach seems to feel more
certain and satisfied when he shifts the
ground of his argument to the moral
properties of God : His justice and
mercy. God is not only the Maker of
all things : He is also the Ruler. Hence
ultimately good will certainly follow upon
right-doing. And although the righteous
may suffer — since suffering is the com-
mon lot — yet their sorrows are not like
those of the wicked, and they have also
both immediate and final consolation
under them. We cannot here enter into
further details, but we mark that our
author traces this quality of Justice in
God's dealings not only with indivi-
duals, but with nations, and especially
in God's ways with Israel. Alike the
fulfilment of the promises to them and
the destruction of the heathen ulti-
mately resolve themselves into the exer-
cise of Justice. By the side of this
quality — as its complement and, in a
sense, its other aspect — Ben Sira places
that of Mercy? This mercy extends to

1 Comp. Bruch, u. s. pp. 301, 302.

■ Merguet [u. s. p. 11) notes the following
terms for it : eAeos (this mostly), iherifioo-wri,
f|iAa(T/u.o's. But there is not any mention of the
free outgoing of Divine Love. The latter is
only evoked in return for our love of Wisdom ;
comp. iv. 14. The solitary reading x°-Pls in '•
13, quoted by Merguet, is extremely doubtful,
and in any case could only mean "favour."
In xxiv. 16 it stands for "grace" or beauty.

INTRODUCTION TO ECCLESIASTICUS.

" all flesh," but is specially shewn to the
poor, afflicted, and needy, and yet more
particularly to the prayerful, the believ-
ing, the penitent, and the merciful.

3. Little need be said about the
Cosmology, the Angelology, or even the
Anthropology of our book. As regards
the former, the world is not represented
as an emanation from God, but as His
creation. At the same time we find,
as in ch. xvi. 26, 27, expressions about
the order and rule in the /Cosmos, which
afterwards acquired a special meaning
in the system of Philo, although it is
very doubtful whether anything of the
kind was in the mind of Ben Sira (see
notes). Belief in Angels seems implied
in Ecclesiasticus (xvii. 17 — see the note
about the Jewish tradition on the subject;
xlviii. 21; and possibly, though doubt-
fully, xlv. 2). But it seems to be a sub-
ject on which our author is reluctant to
enlarge. Even this is indicative of Ben
Sira's standpoint, since developed Angel -
ology is characteristic of post-exilian the-
ology. He is still more chary in his
reference to Satan (xxi. 27). On the
other hand, if in xxxix. 28, &c, he may
seem to identify such " messengers of
God" with punitive agencies in nature,
we must bear in mind that, in later Jewish
theology also, the Angels are sometimes
represented (alike as regards their names
and agency) as personifications of powers,
or of Divine dispensations. There is not
any ground for supposing that the Son of
Sirach believed in the doctrine of the fall
of man through the sin of our first parents
— or rather, in original sin in the New
Testament sense. He traces, indeed,
the beginning (a-pxv ayxaorias), but not the
origin of our sin to Eve (xxv. 24: see
specially the note on that verse), and
he attributes to her the universal pre-
valence of death. But this is very different
from tracing to this source moral guilt or
native depravity. On the " after death "
the views of the Siracide are very unsatis-
factory. As regards the body, so far
from cherishing the hope of a Resurrec-
tion we have such dreary pictures as in

In this sense it occurs several times, as also in
that of " favour," " thanks," "praise." In the
sense of bountifulness, or the bestowal of gifts,
it only occurs in xl. 17 — and there as on the
part of man, not of God.

ch. x. n j xxxviii. 21-23; xl. 1, n;
xli. 1-4. What becomes of the spirit
in Hades, seems scarcely clear to our
writer (xiv. 12). Probably he thought
of it as in eternal sleep. There man is
in dark, eternal rest, whence he can
never return (xxii. 11; xxx. 17; xxxviii.
23). Thither no pleasure enters (xiv. 16).
Hence we should enjoy all that we may
in this life (xiv. 14-17). Nay, not even
the praise of God rises from this dark
abode (xvii. 27, 28). Man is " no more "
— he lies in "eternal sleep" (xlvi. 19;
comp. a somewhat similar mode of ex-
pression in Jer. li. (in Sept. xxvni.) 39).
The reward or punishment of a man after
this life consists in the permanence, or
else the loss, of his possessions, in his
children, and in a good or evil reputation
(for example, xi. 28 ; xxi. 4; xxiii. 24-27 ;
xxxix. 9 ; xl. 15,16; xli. 5-13 ; xlvi. n,
12). Forgiveness of sins may indeed be
looked for from the mercy of God (ii. 18;
xvi. n, (xrc. ; xvii. 24, 29); but this is
chiefly dependent on almsgiving and
prayer (iii. 30 ; xvii. 25 ; xxix. 12 ; xl. 17).
Repentance is frequently enjoined (v. 7;
xvii. 26: xviii. 21). Of free forgiveness
and the love of God to sinners there is
not a word. There are, indeed, passages
which seem to imply that some at least
of the dead are not for ever unconscious
— such as the references to Enoch,
Samuel, and Elijah (xliv. 16; xlvi. 20;
xlviii. 9-1 1 ; xiix. 14). But on closer
study it will appear how little even these
references to the great biblical heroes
and events imply.

4. Ethics. — The ethical teaching of
''Ecclesiasticus is even more unsatisfac-
tory and disappointing than its dogma-
tics. If evidence were required of the
need of the personal indwelling of
the Holy Ghost or of His transforming
power, we should find it in the code of
morals laid down in this book by one
of the most distinguished Chakhamim
of the post-exilian period. Without en-
tering into a detailed analysis, we may
briefly indicate the favourable and the
unfavourable aspect of Ecclesiasticus in
this respect. In the former we include
the constant and prominent references
to God and the ever-recurring admoni-
tions to fear and obedience of Him.
Closely connected with this is the essen-

INTRODUCTION TO ECCLESIASTICUS.

tial distinction made throughout the book
between the righteous and the sinner.

fAs in the view of our author Wisdom
in its obje^"^ ggp^t is fully presented

. in the revealed Law of _God, so in its
subjective aspect it coincides with the
„fear of the Lord. Hence also the pious
is throughout represented as the wise,
and the sinner as the fool (and vice versa
also).1 On the other hand, if Ben Sira
so frequently and emphatically insists
that God will certainly requite the right-
eous and the sinner, we have to bear in
mind that the requital which he expects
is of and in this world. Similarly, if
he enjoins observance of the rites and
worship of Israel, it is too often rather
because they are ancestral, than because
of their absolute and intrinsic import-
ance ; because they are Israel's rather
than because they are God's. Of any
deeper understanding of the spiritual or
the typical import of sacrifices or the
other institutions of the Old Testament
we cannot discern a trace. On the con-
trary, almsgiving and prayer— and that
as an opus operatum— seem to constitute
in the view of our author the substance of
religion, although (as already explained)
he insists on strict and even joyous
observance of the ordinances of the
sanctuary. Very characteristic and gene-
rally instructive in all these respects is the
first stanza of ch. xxxv. Most curious
and interesting are the extensive, evidently
Christian, alterations introduced in this
chapter in the Syriac Version.

Even a cursory perusal of the book
shews that the gerieral moral tone of the
writer is not at any time lofty. Often

1 Characteristic are the designations of Wisdom
and the Wise, marking the different aspects of his
conception. They are: ffo<pia.,Tra.ib'zia,Tra.vovpyia,
crvvecns (and StdvoLa crwecrtws), litiaTr\pn], and
Oeocre&eia. Corresponding to these are the terms
in which he speaks of the aotpos, or the eupwv
ffocpiav, as : ffvveros, emo~T7]iu,Q}i>, voy\p.wv, <pp6vifj.os,
TrfTr\avrifji4vos, iroAinretpos ; he is avT)p fiovXris,

IAO.Kp69viJ.OS, TTlffTOS, il)<T(:^7]S, (poffoV/J.ei'OS KVplOV,

Qr)Tu>u vofiov, tokhvos, eAa.TTOvfji.ei'os KapSiq, even
aya96s (Merguet, u. s.). The designations of
the fool and sinner Merguet groups under four
classes : (a) /xccp6s, &(ppa>v, ao-vveros, av6riros,
airaiSiUTOs, aKapSios ; (b) ourefi-fis, KaraAnroov r.
Kvp., ■napafSaivoov ivrohas, dvofxos, aSinos, e'x^p^s-,
a\\6Tpios ; (c) aftapTcoKus, TrKavwixivos, kuko. ipya-
(ofitvos, irovTipevofAtvos ; (d) ko.k6s, tyvxh irovripd,
vTrepri<pavos, S6\ws, crnaraAds, AoiSopos, and
avaiSris.

Apoc— Vol. II.

it is decidedly low, and his allusions
become coarsely realistic. But, apart
from this, we feel throughout that moral
questions are placed on a low level and
viewed in a wrong light. Ben Sira seems
to be always arguing that after all re-
ligion is that which profits best : alike
as regards man and God. And in the
latter respect we have besides to bear
in mind that even the return which he
expects from God is mainly, if not ex-
clusively, earthly, and consists of pros-
perity, a good posterity, and an excellent
reputation. The spiritual and the eternal
arc not in his view. From another
aspect also the book may be described as
a most unpleasant mixture of selfishness
and Eastern world-wisdom with religious-
ness. And the religion which it com-
mends is very jejune, while the wisdom j
of which it boasts often resolves itself
into high - sounding platitudes. The
model-man of Ben Sira seems to be
always thinking of himself — what men
will say of him or how a thing will
affect him either in life or when he
comes to die. When we come upon
any expression of distinctively Jewish
faith, it impresses us rather as a mixture
of religious respectability with something
very like superstition. Even the sublime
idea of the absolute supremacy of God
leads him, at the thought of sorrow,
not to believing submission nor the re-
cognition of what is higher, but if not
to a species of fatalism yet to a kind y
of indifferentism. Lastly, although the
wnteF as a keen observer of men, and
having ample knowledge of the world,
often gives utterance to shrewd sayings \
which^jdas_!_Jiave their application to I
all ages, they are mostly of the kind best
described by the term " wojldly^wise."
On the whole, the ethics of Ecclesiasti^
cus are neither pleasant nor profitable^
reading.

5. Eschatology. — On this subject little
need be said in addition to our previous
remarks. We have seen that the Siracide
had apparently not any distinct faith in
another and higher life after death. How
he combined with this belief in the
spiritual part of man or even in a per-
sonal God, it is not for us to determine.
To the doctrine of the resurrection of
the body and the final judgment there

INTRODUCTION TO ECCLESIASTICUS.

is not any allusion in Ecclesiasticus.
Nor yet do we find any trace of ex-
pectancy of a personal Messiah. But
apparently Ben Sira did look for what
maybe called a (Messianic) " kingdom"
— although without a king. It is not
easy, however, to form any clear concep-
tion of what he associated with that
happy period. He certainly regarded
it as the fulfilment of the prophetic
promises to Israel. He frequently re-
fers to judgments that were to come
upon the Gentile nations; and he antici-
pates the gathering of all Israel, their
liberation, and even their triumph — the
latter being preceded by the advent of
Elijah. Yet, after all, these statements
only give rise to questions to which there
is no answer in our book. The following
are important passages in regard to the
eschatology of Ecclus. : xxxv. i8, 19;
xxxvi. 1-17; xxxvii. 25 £; xliv. 21, 22;
xlvii. 11 j xlviii. 10, 11, 24. Generally
comp. the introduction to ch. xlviii. But
we cannot close without calling atten-
tion to xliv. 21, 22. The reference there
is to the special (Messianic) blessing
promised to Abraham (in Gen. xxii. 18)
and afterwards continued to Isaac. It
is the contention of most modern critics
that the Hebrew of these verses should
not be rendered (as in the LXX.) : " in
thy seed shall all the nations of the earth
be blessed," but that the correct trans-
lation is : " with thy seed shall all the
nations of the earth bless themselves."
It is instructive to find that, in opposition
to the confident assertions of these critics,
the younger Siracide (who presumably
knew Hebrew) adopted the first trans-
lation, probably quoting from the LXX.

§ V. Language, Title, and Arrange-
ment OF THE ORIGINAL WORK.

The work of the Son of Sirach was
originally written in Hebrew, and not, as
some critics have supposed, in the later
Aramaic dialect. Jerome had still seen a
copy of the Hebrew original (Hebraicum
reperi1). The quotations from the work
in Talmudic writings (see § X.) are,
with three exceptions, in Hebrew,2 and
they are chiefly made by Palestinian

1 ' Praefat. in vers. libr. Salom.'

2 Comp. Zunz, ' Gottesd. Vortr.' p. 104.

authorities. But the Hebrew is that of
a later age.1 The work seems, how-
ever, at an early period to have been
translated into Aramaean — probably in
Babylon — and to have been elaborated
with additions, not always worthy of the
original composition, into a book from
which quotations are made by Baby-
lonian Rabbis.2 If any doubt could
still be entertained that the work was
originally written in Hebrew, it would be
removed by a comparison with the Syriac
translation (see.§ VIII. ). And we know
that Hebrew was at that time, and long
afterwards, the language used by the
learned and in the schools.

In Hebrew the book had borne the

title D^irD, Proverbs (in Aram. p'priE).
Jerome (u. s.) expressly states that it was
entitled ' Parabolae ' (" non Ecclesiasti-
cum, ut apud Latinos, sed Parabolas
praenotatum "). Yet it would be a mis-
take to suppose that the original Greek
title in the MSS., 2o<^ta T^a-oS vlov 2t/3ax»
' The Wisdom of Jesus Son of Sirach,'
originated in the Church. Even the
Solomonic books (Prov. and Eccles.) were
designated by the Jews as nEDn "nSD,
the Books of Wisdom,3 and we know
that the Book of Sirach and apocryphal
' Wisdom ' were ranked with them. The
account of Melito of Sardis (Eusebius,
' Hist. Eccl.' iv. 26), which adds to the
title ' Proverbs of Solomon ' the words rj
kcu 2o(£ia, seems derived from a Jewish
source.4 Similarly, in MS. 12,142 (Brit.
Mus.), the Syriac title of the book —
evidently taken from a Hebrew source —
is ' Wisdom of the Son of Sira.' 5 Even
the designation of our book as f] Travd-
peros ao^ia (or more briefly : 7) Travd-
peros 6), which first appears in Eusebius,7

1 Comp. Zunz, 11. s., note b, and the instances
given by Delitzsch, ' Gesch. d. jud. Poesie,'
p. 205, note 2.

2 For the evidence see Zunz, u. s., pp. 104,
105.

3 Tosephoth to Babh. B., 14 £.

4 Comp. Novvack, ' Spriiche Sal.' p. x.

5 See Lagarde, ' Libri Vet. Test. Apocr.
Syriace.'

6 Jerome (1. s. 1.) : " Fertur et iravaperos Jesu
filii Sirach liber." Cassiodorus ('Div. Lect.' i.
5) explains : " propter excellentiam virtutum
suarum Trapavtrov appellat, i.e. virtutum omnium
capacem."

7 Chron. (ed. Schoene) ii. 122; ' Demonstr.
Evang.' (ed. Gaisford), viii. 2, 71. The designa-

INTRODUCTION TO ECCLESIASTICUS.

may have had a Hebrew equivalent, just
as the same designation seems to have
been given to the Solomonic Book of
Proverbs.1 The common Latin desig-
nation (since Cyprian) ' Ecclesiasticus '
(or 'Ecclesiasticus Sirach') could scarcely
have been introduced to distinguish our
book from Ecclesiastes, but probably
meant " Church - (ecclesiastical) book."
It obtained that name from its frequent
use by the early Church, especially in
the instruction of catechumens.2

It is the opinion of many critics that
our book contains much which is not
the writer's own, and was derived from
other " sages." But this view cannot
be accepted without important qualifica-
tions. Eichhorn,3 who calls Ecclesiasticus
" a rhapsody," supports the contention
that Ben Sira had partly collected from
previous writers, by referring to what he
regards as repetitions in the book, or as
contradictions in its different parts, and
also to utterances which he considers un-
worthy of the Siracide and belonging to
an earlier and ruder age. But, in his
view, our author had mostly not literally
reproduced such sayings of others, but
recast them in his own language. Bret-
schneider 4 generally repeats and further
develops the views of Eichhorn, though
scarcely in a manner to command assent.
For our own part, we have failed to dis-
cover any repetitions in the strict sense
of the term ; and still more any con-
tradictions. For it must be remembered
that the recurrence of the same idea in
different connexions is not necessarily
a mere repetition. Lastly, even such a
statement as that in xxxiii. 16 does not
necessarily imply that our author had
incorporated the sayings of others. It
might only have been intended to indi-
cate (what we otherwise know) that there
had been Chakhamim before Ben Sira,
whose sentences and sayings had passed
into popular parlance. But, when con-
sidered in connexion with the general
arrangement of the book, it acquires a
more definite meaning than this. At

tion does not yet occur in the quotations by
Clement and Origen : comp. Schiirer, u. s.
p. 596.

1 Comp. Nowack, 11. s.

2 Herbst-Welte, ' Einleit.' p. 204.

3 u. s., pp. 42-55.

4 ' Liber Siracidae, Graece,' pp. 25-32.

the same time we must respectfully but
entirely dissent from the ingenious hypo-
thesis of Ewald,1 that the work embodies
two previous collections of Proverbs :
the first (chaps, i.-xvi. 21) dating from
the 4th century B.C. ; the second (xvi.
22-xxxvi. 22) dating from the 3rd cent.
B.C. ; and that only the third and last
portion of Ecclesiasticus is the work of
Ben Sira himself.2

With his usual perspicacity Eichhorn
inferred that as ' Wisdom ' formed the
subject-matter of the book, its division
into parts would be indicated by a fresh
introduction of that theme.3 This canon
is undoubtedly correct. But further than
this we are not able to agree with that
great critic. Although every attempt at
arrangement can only be matter of
suggestion, we venture to propose the
following. The theme of the bo*ok is
Wisdom, and its fresh introduction marks
the beginning of every part. The work
consists of five Parts— like the Law and
the Psalter. Part I. comprises chaps,
i.-xxiii. ; Part II., chaps, xxiv.-xxxii. ;
Part III., chaps, xxxiii.-xliii. ; Part IV.,
chaps, xliv.-l. 21; lastly, Part. V., 1.
22-li.

Part I., chaps, i.-xxiii. Wisdom is
introduced, ch. i. 1-10. Throughout this
Part Wisdom is presented in its practical
aspect. The Part consists of four sec-
tions, of which three admit of further
subdivision. Section A (chaps, i.-vi.).
Subdivisions: — 1st, chaps, i.-iii.: Wisdom
as the fear and service of God (in the
widest sense), or practical Wisdom in
its relation to God. 2nd subdivision : —
chaps, iv.-vi. : practical Wisdom in re-
lation to ourselves — the section closing
with a eulogy of Wisdom (vi. 18-end).
Section B (chaps, vii.-xiv.). Subdivi-

1 * Gesch. d. V. Isr.' iv. pp. 342-347. Comp.
' Jahrb. d. Bibl. Wiss.' iii. pp. 125, &c.

2 Ewald thinks that the work had in its ori-
ginal form been much larger, but suffered from
abbreviations and transpositions. He even at-
tempts to restore it to its original form.

3 The objections of Bretschneider («. s., pp.
20, &c.) are very superficial. Eichhorn arranges
the work into three books: Book I., chaps, i.-
xxiii. (in two sections: chaps, i.-ix. ; x.-xxiii.);
Book II., chaps, xxiv.-xlii. 14; Book III.,
chaps, xlii. 15— 1. 24; the whole being con-
cluded by the subscription and a grand eulogy.
Eichhorn supposes that it was composed (col-
lected ?) at different periods of the author's life.

C 2

INTRODUCTION TO ECCLESIASTICUS.

sions : — ist, practical Wisdom as regards
our relations to others : chaps, vii.-ix.
2nd subdivision : practical Wisdom
specially in relation to those in high
places, in rule, and government — chap.
x. 3rd subdivision : in relation to the
more lowly — chap. xi. 4th subdivision :
practical Wisdom in our mode of doing
good ■ — chap. xii. 5th subdivision :
practical Wisdom in intercourse with the
world • — ■ chap. xiii. 6th subdivision :
with reference to property — chap. xiv.
7th subdivision : in regard to our moral
bearing. Section C. The problems and
difficulties of Wisdom in its practical
aspect : chaps, xvi.-xviii. Section D
might be entitled " Rules of life," viz. :
ist, Man towards man, chaps, xix., xx. ;
2ndly, in regard to sin, chaps, xxi., xxii.
— the whole Part closing with a grand
prayer, chap, xxiii.

Part II. opens again with the praise
of Wisdom (chap. xxiv.). The Part
comprises chaps, xxiv.-xxxii., including,
however, parts of chap, xxxiii. But
those chapters cannot well be arranged
into groups, like those in Part I., although
Ave can trace a distinct connexion be-
tween them, as shewn in the special
introductions. We regard this Part as
embodying previous sayings of sages or
popular Proverbs. But the whole has
been put into orderly arrangement and
connexion by the Son of Sirach. Its
character, as chiefly if not wholly a com-
pilation, appears from the somewhat
loose manner in which various subjects
are joined together ; from the peculiar
— often antithetic or else grouped — ar-
rangement of the sayings ; and, lastly,
from chap, xxxiii. 16, which seems in-
tended to indicate the nature of this
Part as a whole.

Part III., chap, xxxiii.-xliii. Chap,
xxxiii., however, partly belongs to the
previous Part and generally forms a tran-
sition to what follows. It may be de-
scribed as a discussion of the great
speculative problems of Wisdom (see
previous remarks and special intro-
ductions).

Part IV. historically illustrates Wisdom
by the praise of the Wise (chaps, xliv.-
1. 21), while Part V. contains the con-
clusion of the book (chap. 1. 22-li.).

We need scarcely add that these five

Parts, although distinct, are welded by
the writer into a continuous and con-
secutive work. In form it is poetic and
rhythmic; but its didactic portions are
often extremely prosaic in tone. Here
the writer generally speaks in the cha-
racter of a "father" to his "son." In
regard to the use of rhetorical figures,
illustrations and the like, the book may,
however, favourably compare with similar
productions. The arrangement of the
chapters in stanzas, the progression of
thought, and the parallelism not only
in the members of each verse but some-
times between the stanzas, are generally
indicated with sufficient clearness. We
have also marked a numerical arrange-
ment in the verses and stanzas which
may have been a form of later Hebrew
compositions of this kind.

§ VI. References to the Book of
Proverbs and in the Epistle of
St. James.

1. The Proverbs of Solomon. — As
might have been expected, the older
Siracide had throughout taken the Pro-
verbs of Solomon as the model for his
work. And this, alike in respect of
form and substance. As regards the
former, whatever may be thought on the
question whether or not Hebrew biblical
poetry was metrical,1 it is universally
admitted that it was marked by a parallel-
ism of members. The latter has been
arranged 2 into antithetic parallelisms, in
which the first and second members —
lines a and b — are in antithesis ; synthetic,
or rather progressive, in which the second
member marks a progression, though in
the same direction ; synonymic, or rather
continuative, when the second member
only continues the first ; parabolic, where
one member illustrates the other; and
lastly, consecutive, in which one member
expresses the logical sequence of the
other. These various kinds of parallelism

1 Comp. Saalschitz, 'Form d. hebr. Poes.;'
Delitzsch, u. s.; Ewald, 'Die poet. Biicher d.
A. Test.;' but especially Bickell, ' Carmina Vet.
Test.' (pp. 219-234 : " de re metr. Hebr.").

2 Comp. here generally C. Seligmann, ' d.
Buch d. Weish. J. Sir.' But we have not adopted
his precise designation of the various kinds of
parallelism in Hebrew poetry.

INTRODUCTION TO ECCLESIASTICUS.

may be illustrated by an example of
each kind in Ecclesiasticus, to which is
added in brackets a similar instance
from the Book of Proverbs : {a) Antithetic
Parallelisms : Ecclus. xiii. 3 [Prov. x. 5] ;
{b) progressive: Ecclus. vi. 13 [Prov.
xxii. 1] ; (c) continuative : Ecclus. vi. 33
[Prov. xxii. 24] ; (// ) illustrative : Ecclus.
xviii. 10 [Prov. x. 26]; (<?) consecutive:
Ecclus. xxv. 3 [Prov. xxvi. 5 J.1 The
first of these five classes of parallelism
-occurs the most rarely ; the last is the
most frequent in Ecclesiasticus. To
these remarks about the form of our
book we have to add that, as regards the
outward arrangement of the subject and
the mostly well-marked structure of
stanzas, we observe distinct progress in
comparison with the Book of Proverbs.

Passing from the form to the contents
of the book, a similar correspondence
exists between Ecclesiasticus and the
Book of Proverbs. Thus Ecclus. i. 4
may be compared with Prov. viii. 22 ;
i. 14 with Prov. i. 7, and ix. 10; Ecclus.
iii. 13 with Prov. xxiii. 22 ; iii. 26
with Prov. xxviii. 14; iv. 5 with Prov.
xxviii. 27 ; iv. 12, &c. with Prov. iv. 7,
&c. ; vii. 1 1 with Prov. xvii. 5 ; ix. 6 with
Prov. xxix. 3; x. 25 with Prov. xvii. 2;
x. 27 with Prov. xii. g ; xi. 8 with Prov.
xviii. 13 ; xii. 9 with Prov. xix. 4; xii. 16
with Prov. xxvi. 24, &c. ; xiii. 25 with
Prov. xv. 13; xiv. 13 with Prov. iii. 27,
&c. ; xx. 1 with Prov. xxvii. 5 ; xxi. 10
with Prov. xiv. 1 2 ; xxi. 1 7 with Prov.
xxiii. 12 ; xxii. 3 with Prov. xvii. 21 ;
xxii. 7 with Prov. xxvii. 22 ; xxii. 15 with
Prov. xxvii. 3 ; xxiv. 1 with Prov. viii. 1 ;
xxiv. 3 with Prov. ii. 6 ; xxiv. 5 with
Prov. viii. 27 ; xxv. 16 with Prov. xxi. 19 ;
xxvii. 5 with Prov. xxvii. 21; xxvii. 22
with Prov. vi. 12, 13 ; xxvii. 25 with
Prov. xxvi. 27 ; xxviii. 8 with Prov.
xv. 18 : xxviii. 10 with Prov. xxvi. 20, 21 ;
xxx. 1 with Prov. xiii. 24; xxxi. 23
with Prov. xxii. 9 ; xxxiv. 2 1 with Prov.
xxii. 2 2 ; xxxvii. 1 8 with Prov. xvii. 2 2
and xviii. 21 ; xii. n with Prov. x. j.2

Other instances might be adduced. For
these, as well as for parallelisms with the
Psalter, the Book of Job, and especially

1 Seligmann, u. s., p. 32 ; Bruch, u. s., p. 273 ;
Delitzsch, art. Sprache in Herzog's ' Real-
Encykl.'

2 Comp. Seligmann, 11. s., pp. 21-29.

with Ecclesiastes,1 we must refer to the
notes on the various chapters.

2. The Epistle of St. James. — In
general, the critical student of the New
Testament 2 will find in Ecclesiasticus
much to interest him as regards the
usage of words. At least one illustra-
tive instance may here be adduced.
The word Karavvcrcre.iv, which in classical
Greek 3 is .not used for any painful affec-
tion, occurs in the New Testament
only in Acts ii. 37 ("pricked in their
heart"). It is used in the same sense
in the LXX. Psalms, where its unques-
tionable meaning in Ps. cviii. (Heb. cix.)
16 must rule its use in Ps. iv. 5 ; xxix.
(xxx.) 13 ; xxxiv. (xxxv.) 15. The word
evidently bears the same meaning in
LXX. Gen. xxxiv. 7 and in 3 (1) Kings
xx. 27. Theodotion uses it in the same
sense in Prov. xvii. 22, where the LXX.
have XvTTrjpos. [In LXX. Is. xlvii. 5 and
Dan. x. 9, 15 it may be used in a sense
derived from its primary meaning. Per-
haps LXX. Lev. x. 3 indicates the con-
nexion between the two.] But the
meaning of the word Karavvcra-tiv is fully
established by its uniform use in Ecclus.
(xii. 12 ; xiv. 1 ; xx. 21 ; xlvii. 20).

If the usage of the word Karavvacmiv
seems to point to a special connexion
between the LXX. Psalms and Ecclesi-
asticus, this is still more evident in
regard to a word of such frequent use in
the New Testament as evSo/ua, but which
only occurs in the LXX. Psalms, although
frequently in Ecclesiasticus. Nor is this
the only instance of correspondence be-
tween these two books ; and the question
may at least be suggested, whether it does
not reflect on the date of the version of
the Psalter (or part of it) relatively to our
Greek Ecclesiasticus, since biblical terms
of recent introduction would probably
be in favour with a theological writer.

1 Many of these have been collected by Dr.
H. H. Wright in his 'Comment, on Eccles.'
The objection of Seligmann that, in the pas-
sages quoted, Ecclus. agrees with Eccles. only
in such cases in which Eccles. itself agrees
with Prov. does not always hold good. Selig-
mann himself admits that there is not any other
parallel to Ecclus. xviii. 22 than in Eccles. v. 3.
Frequent references to Eccles. will be pointed
out in the course of this commentary.

2 As regards the LXX., see further on.

3 Never in this exact form, and not in any
form in pre-Christian Greek writers.

INTRODUCTION TO ECCLESIASTICUS.

We have little doubt that there are pas-
sages in various parts of the New Testa-
ment in which either the sentiment or
its mode of expression carries us back to
Ecclesiasticus.1 The instances are more
numerous than those mentioned by
Eichhorn,2 nor can they be wholly ex-
plained either by unconscious identity of
thinking or by popularly current sayings.3
Two facts should here be kept in view.
The frequent references to Ben Sira in
Talmudic writings shew how popular
(for one reason or another) the work had
become in Jewish circles. On the other
hand, we have seen that many of its
views appear afterwards in a developed
form in Philo. On these and other
grounds we naturally infer that the book
enjoyed if not equal yet similar popu-
larity in Alexandria, the birthplace of
its translation, and among the Hellenists
generally. We here instinctively turn,
on the one hand, to the Epistle to the
Hebrews as the portion of the New
Testament specially Hellenistic in its
mode of expression and form of reason-
ing ; and, on the other, to the Epistle
of St. James, which is so Judaic in its
language, allusions, and mould of thought
that we can in many places find exact
Rabbinic parallels to it. Both these
books contain perhaps not exactly refer-
ences to Ecclesiasticus, but they indicate
familiarity with it. This holds specially
true in regard to the Epistle of St. James.
An illustrative instance from each of
these writings may here be adduced.
In Ecclus. xxv. 23 the words " relaxed
hands and palsied knees " (x€W*s Trapet-

/xivai Kai yoraTa 7rapaA.eA.ryU era) are taken

from LXX. Is. xxxv. 3. But there the
word is not Trapei/ievai but dvetjuecou,
while in Heb. xii. 12 the wording is
exactly that of Ecclus.4 Much more
remarkable is the parallelism offered by
St. James v. 3. There the word Kartow
is used, which does not occur in any
other place in the N. T., nor yet in the

1 But the list given by Bretschneider (u. s.,
pp. 709-722) is altogether fanciful.
* Eichhorn, u. s., pp. 77, 78.

3 Comp. an account of the literature of the
subject — especially of parallelisms in the Epistle
of St. James — in Boon, ' Dissert, exeg. theol. de
Jac. Epist. cum Sirac. libr. conven.' pp. 2— II.

4 For other instances as regards the Epistle to
the Hebrews, we refer to the notes.

LXX. But it does occur in Ecclus.
xii. 11 — and means not "to rust," but
" to tarnish " (see note on xii. 11). Nor
is this all. The word used for "rust"
in St. James v. 3 is tos, which does not
occur in that signification elsewhere in
the N. T. But it does occur as a
verb in Ecclus. xii. 10 (and again in
xxix. 10 — see the note there). Lastly,
beyond any merely verbal correspond-
ence, we have the remarkable fact that
Ecclus. xii. 10 and xxix. 10, on the one
hand, and, on the other, St. James v. 3,
are the only biblical passages in which
the figure of rust as affecting unused
silver and gold occurs. In view of all
this it cannot be doubted that both the
simile and the expression of it in the
Epistle of St. James were derived from
Ecclus.

We conclude by collating some from
the many parallels between our book and
the Epistle of St. James.1 Thus St. Jas. i.
2-4 may be compared with Ecclus. i. 23,
and especially with Ecclus. ii. 1-5 ; St.
Jas. i. 5 with Ecclus. Ii. 13 : and with
regard to the expectation of the direct
bestowal of wisdom by God, comp. Ecclus.
i. 26; iv. 11; vi. 37; xliii. 33 (also the
expression oreiSt^ovros in St. James with
ovclSu! in Ecclus. xviii. 18: comp. also
xx. 15; xxix. 28; xxxi. 31; xii. 22).
Again, St. Jas. i. 6-8 should be compared
with Ecclus. i. 28 ; ii. 16; vii. 10 ; xxxv.
16-21. [Mark here the correspondence
between Su/n^os in St. Jas. i. 8 and /jltj
oAiyo^/ux^o-y]? in Ecclus. vii. 10 — and
still more the remarkable similarity of
figure between St. Jas. i. 6 and Ecclus.
xxxiii. 2b.~\ Again, St. Jas. i. 9-1 1
should be compared (in the choice of
the words also) with Ecclus. i. 30; iii. 18;
xxxi. 5-9 — noting specially the remark-
able similarity of figure between St. Jas.
i. 10, 11 and Ecclus. vi. 2, 3. Again,
St. Jas. i. 12 may be compared with
Ecclus. vi. 28-31; or St. Jas. i. 13, 14.
with Ecclus. xv. 11, &c. It would not
be difficult, were this the place for it,
to continue this comparison almost from
chapter to chapter in the Epistle of St.
James.2 But if the result is to prove
beyond doubt the familiarity of St. James
with a book which at the time was evi-

1 The passages are selected from Boon, u. s.

2 This has been done by Boon, 11. s.

INTRODUCTION TO ECCLESIASTICUS.

dently in wide circulation, it exhibits
with even greater clearness the immense
spiritual difference between the standpoint
occupied in Ecclesiasticus and that in the
Epistle of St. James.

§ VII. The Greek Version of
Ecclesiasticus.

As unquestionably the oldest, the
most important, and on the whole by
far the most trustworthy rendering of
the Hebrew original, the Greek version
of Ben Sira deservedly holds the first
place. The translator was, as he in-
forms us in the Prologue, the grandson
(or further descendant) of the author,
and he executed his literary task in
Egypt — at a time, as we infer, propi-
tious for such undertakings. Beyond
these scanty particulars and an uncertain
chronological notice, we possess not any
information about the translator. He
pleads that he had used all diligence in
his work, but also modestly excuses him-
self for any shortcomings or mistakes
on the ground of the difficulty of exact
translation from the Hebrew (see Pro-
logue, and the notes on it). It must be
admitted that he has ably performed his
task, despite not unfrequent mistakes,
due either to misreading or to misunder-
standing of the original Hebrew. But
besides these involuntary mistakes of
ignorance, as we may term them, it
cannot be doubted that the younger
Siracide also allowed himself to make
alterations of the original text. Such
changes might be introduced (a) for
apologetic reasons — the translator wish-
ing to meet or anticipate objections, or
to conciliate prejudice; or (b) when he
felt not in agreement with the views of
his grandfather; (c) from a desire to
express those views more clearly (as he
thought), or else (d) more forcibly —
whether more realistically or more euphe-
mistically ; (e) by way of glosses ; but
chiefly (/) when he wished to introduce,
instead of his grandfather's, his own
Hellenistic views, thereby giving them
the weight of the great Palestinian
authority of the older Siracide. This
charge may seem very serious, and in a
sense it is so. But it must be remembered
that the views of the ancients and their

practice widely differed in this respect
from ours, and we must extend to them
a greatly enlarged measure of that
literary licence which some seem to
claim for themselves even in our own
days. Indeed, while carefully guarding
ourselves against the favourite but unwar-
ranted general assumption of spurious-
ness, we may venture the opinion that
probably few ancient religious writings
have entirely escaped "redactions " — not
to speak of interpolations. As regards
Ecclesiasticus, the evidence of it comes
to us from a comparison of the Greek
with the Syriac text. Whenever we meet
a distinctly Hellenistic sentiment in the
Greek text, for which, on comparison,
we find in the Syriac an ordinary Jewish
sentiment, we suspect an alteration by
the younger Siracide. Such modifica-
tions chiefly occur in passages specially
treating of "Wisdom," but we also find
them in others. To enumerate all the
instances would require more space than
this paragraph, and we must refer the
reader to the commentary itself. But
one or two examples will, at least, illus-
trate our meaning. In Ecclus. i. 3, 4,
the Greek text has : " Who can trace
out . . . and wisdom. Wisdom was
created before all things, and intelli-
gence of understanding from Aeon."
This sounds distinctly Hellenistic. The
Syr. omits "and wisdom" at the close
of v. 3, and renders v. 4 : " More abun-
dant than all these is wisdom, and
stronger is faith." For our next illustra-
tion we naturally turn to Ecclus. xxiv.
Here the alterations, as compared with
the Syr., are so numerous and so impor-
tant that we must refer to the notes on
that chapter. A specially interesting
instance of this occurs in ^.31 (see the
note on it). For our last illustration we
select Ecclus. xliii. It requires but slight
knowledge to recognise the pronounced
Hellenism of such a verse as Ecclus.
xliii. 27. But the whole stanza which
begins with that verse contains Hellen-
istic elements, nor would it be difficult
to discern traces of them in the two pre-
ceding stanzas. We are not surprised
that v. 27 is not found in the Syriac
Version. But it is certainly remarkable
that in the Syriac the whole text after
v. 12 is wanting, and it raises the sus-

INTRODUCTION TO ECCLESIASTICUS.

picion that it had somehow been tam-
pered with, perhaps by a later hand.

Apart from these objections, we are
bound to say that the Greek of the text
(especially in the Prologue) is fairly good,
although the translation is slavishly literal
and contains many Hebraisms. These
might mislead the reader, and if literally
rendered would seriously mar a transla-
tion into English.1 The latter occasion-
ally offers considerable difficulties — not
only in the Prologue, but in other pas-
sages. What might be termed our
Authorized English Version follows the
text of the Complutcnsian Polyglot
(1514-1517). It has been retained in
the body of this work. But in the
notes the needed alterations have been
made, both in accordance with the
better readings and to reproduce the
text with the utmost literality com-
patible with the proper exhibition of its
meaning. Where the Syriac Version
seemed more accurately to represent
the Hebrew original, this has generally
been indicated, although it must be
borne in mind that the present is a
commentary on the Greek Version of the
work of Ben Sira. The corrupt state of
our present Greek text has long been
subject of complaint. It appears even
from a comparison of the various Codices.
Some at least of the alterations seem to
point to later Christian emendation.

Of the various manuscripts the first
and most important is the Codex Vati-
ca?uts, 1209 {apud Holmes, II.). It forms
the basis of the Sixtine (or common)
edition ('Vet. Test, juxta Sept. ex auc-
toritate Sixti V. Pont. Max.' ed. Romae,
1587). The professedly correct edition
of the Vatican text by Mai (5 vols.
Romae, 1857) is unsatisfactory. Far
more trustworthy in this respect is the
recent edition by Vercellone and Cozza
(6 vols. Rome, 1 868-1 881). On the
basis of it Nestle has added, as an
appendix to the 6th edition of Tischen-
dorf's edition of the LXX., a collation

1 So for example the rendering by \6yos of
■Ql in its common later meaning of "a thing"
or "a matter," as in Eccles. Similarly jn in
the sense of beauty is rendered by x«P'$, as in
Ecclus. xxiv. 16. Thus also in other instances,
of which at least the more obvious have been
pointed out by Eichhorn, Bretschneider, and
other writers.

of the Vatican and the Sinaitic Codd.
[S1, S2], which has also been separately
published. The Vat. Cod. is regarded
by Tischendorf as dating from the 4th
century. (2) Codex Sinaiticus, discovered
by Tischendorf in 1859, and dated by
him as of the 4th century. The MS. is
now in the St. Petersburg Library, and
has been published in 4 vols., St. Peters-
burg, 1S62. It is designated by X
in Fritzsche's edition. (3) The Codex
Alexandrinus (marked III. apud Holmes
et Fritzsche), now in the British Museum,
and supposed to date from the 5th cen-
tury. It was edited (in 4 vols, fol., Ox.
1 707-1 7 20) by J. E. Grabe, — vols. i.
(1707) andiv. (1709) during his lifetime;
vols. ii. (1719) and iii. (1720) after his
death, by Fr. Lee. Where the Alex, text
was defective it is supplemented from the
Sixtine edition or from other MSS., indi-
cating this by smaller type, and similarly
any conjectural emendations, marking in
the latter case the Alex, reading in the
margin in ordinary type. Unfortunately
this is not uniformly done. (Other edition
in 8 vols. 8vo, Oxon. ; and corrected by
Fr. Field, Oxon. 1859.) The beautiful
edition by J. J. Breitinger (Tig. 1730-
1732, 4 torn. 4to) follows the text of
Grabe, and gives at the bottom the Sixt.
and other readings, adding critical dis-
sertations. Lastly, it has been reprinted
in a facsimile edition of the original by
H. H. Baber (London, 181 6-1 821, 3 torn,
folio, with Proleg. and notes, 1828);
and finally reproduced in autotype fac-
simile (vol. i., 1881 ; ii. and iii., 1883;
iv., 1879).1

Next in order we have to mention the
splendid edition by Holmes and Parsons
(Ox. 1798-1827, 5 torn, folio), containing
the Sixtine text, but adding what to the
present time is the most complete col-
lection of variants. (The Apocr. are in
vol. v.) For these a number of Codd. —
of which several are, however, defective
— come into account for Ecclesiasticus.
They are : Codd. 23 of the 9th cent., in the
Libr. Ven. ; 55 of the 12th cent. — being
Cod. Vat. 1, once belonging to Queen
Christina of Sweden; 68 (often defec-
tive), from the library of St. Mark, Venice,
of the age of other good Codd. ; 70, Cod.

1 Comp. also the Introd. to the Cambridge
edition of the Sept., by Dr. Swete, 1887.

INTRODUCTION TO ECCLESIASTICUS.

Bibl. Monast. S. Annae, Augustae Vin-
delic. ; 106, Cod. Ferrariensis, e Codd.
Bibl. Carmel. at Ferrara, 14th cent.;
155 j 157 ; 248, Cod. Vat. 346, about
the 14th cent., containing Prov., Eccles.,
Cant., Job, Wisd., Sir., Esdr.,Tob., Jud.,
and Esth. ; 253, Vat., 14th cent.; 254,
Vat., 13th cent. ; 296 and 307, Cod.
Bibl. Elect. Monach., olim 276, nunc
129; 308, Cod. Palat. Vindob. — the
latter belonging to Lucian's recension of
the Greek text (Field, ' Origen. Hexapl.'
Prol., p. lxxxviii.).

The Codices just enumerated were
used by O. F. Fritzsche in his Com-
mentary on Ecclus. (' Kurzgef. exeg.
Handb. zu d. Apokr. d. A. Test.' 5te
Lief, i860), and in his critical edition of
the fLibri Apocr. Vet. Test.' (Lips. 187 1).
The latter work — although very valuable
— is open to objection, not only in
regard to the text, as proposed to be
restored, but also because Fritzsche gives
only a selection of the variants, and
especially because he omits all reference
to the Syriac Version, the importance
of which he unaccountably fails to recog-
nise. Besides these Codd., Fritzsche also
made use of the fragments of the Cod.
Ephraemi, which he marks by the letter
C, and of the Cod. August., collated
by D. Hoeschel, which he marks H.
The palimpsest fragments of the books of
Wisdom and Sirach, which Tischendorf
brought from the East to St. Petersburg,
and which he dates as from the 6th or
7th cent., have not yet been collated.

The first impression made by the
great work of Holmes and Parsons is
the wish that the collation of Codd. were
made complete ; the next, that the vast
mass of materials could be reduced to
order by grouping Codd. into families,
and, if possible, determining their rela-
tion to the recensions of Origen, Lucian,
and Hesychius. This has been already
partly accomplished by the labours of
F. Field, Cormll (' d. d. Buch T. Proph.
Ezech.'), but especially those of Lagarde.
But so far as Ecclesiasticus is con-
cerned, the most interesting and im-
portant of these Codices is that marked
248, which is followed in the Com-
plutensian Polyglot (Co.). It — or, more
accurately, its archetype — may be de-
scribed as chief of a class, to which

23> 253> H, and partly 106 and 55,
belong. It is apparently the work of
one hand. A comparison with Clement
of Alexandria shews that the text of 248
was known and used by him, and hence
that it must date not later than the
beginning of the 2nd century.1 Another
interest of the text of 248 lies in its
frequent agreement with the Veins Latina
(see next §), but especially with the
Syriac Version — and therefore with the
original Hebrew text, from which the
latter was made. It deserves special
notice that 248 does not contain the
undoubtedly genuine Prologue by the
younger Siracide, in place of which an
evidently later redactor has added the
spurious Prologue (also incorporated in
Co. and thence in the English Version)
found in the Synopsis, falsely ascribed to
Athanasius (Op., ed. Bened.,ii. p. 173).2
We further mark that of all MSS. only
248 (and after it Co.) preserves the right
order of the chapters after ch. xxx. (see
notes), which is inverted in all the
other Codices. In this it agrees with
the Syriac Version (which is followed by
the Arab.) and with the Vet. Lat. — the
latter a noteworthy fact as regards that
version. When from these two impor-
tant preliminary points we proceed to
an examination of" the text of 248, we
are struck not only with the frequency
but witli the remarkable character of its
correspondence with the Syriac Version.
Nor is it perhaps less instructive to find
that in many instances 248 does not
agree with the Syriac. As a curious in-
stance of this we would point, among
many others, to Ecclus. xxx. 25 (see the
notes). A detailed comparison of the
readings in 248 (which are given in full
by Fritzsche) with the Syr. would be
necessary fully to exhibit the state of the
case. But some illustrative instances will
be given when treating of the Syriac and
the Latin versions. Three theories might
here be suggested, of which at least

1 We have examined 56 quotations by Clement
from Ecclus. In by far the largest number of
them he quotes freely, i.e. not exactly according
to any known text. But in five instances his
quotations markedly correspond with the text of
248.

3 The real author of this spurious Prologue is
not known, but it probably dates from the 4th
or 5th cent.

INTRODUCTION TO ECCLESIASTICUS.

two seem on examination wholly un-
tenable. The first is that 248 may-
represent an independent Greek transla-
tion from the Hebrew. But in that case
the differences from our other Greek MSS.
would be much wider reaching and more
complete; in fact. 248 would be essentially
different from them. Nor yet would we
expect to find in it any of the Hellenistic
alterations of the younger Siracide. But
as a matter of fact we find — to choose a
notorious example — that in Ecclus. i. 4, 5,
Cod. 248 (as well as the Latin Version)
has a spurious addition, evidently from
a later Christian redactor. And so in
other characteristic instances. The se-
cond theory would be that the text
underlying 248 had been corrected from
the Hebrew original. But this also we
have to reject, partly on the grounds
above stated, and for this additional
reason, that 248 leaves the impression of
corrections, not from a first but from a
second source. The third explanation
which may be offered is that the text of
248 was corrected from the Syriac Ver-
sion. In its present condition the MS.
has undoubtedly been revised and re-
dacted, apparently by a Christian hand.
In evidence of this we find not only
the spurious Preface, but also such spu-
rious additions as that previously men-
tioned at the end of i. 4, which from its
insertion in Co. appears as v. 5 in our
Authorized English Aversion, where the
\6yos of God seems plainly to refer to
Christ. [This addition in 248 (and Co.)
occurs also in the dependent Codd. H,
23> 55j 7° — slightly different and evi-
dently corrupt in 106 and 253.] The
inference (for further support of which
we must refer to the commentary) would
seem to be, that 248 represents an old
text which had originally been emended
from the Syriac, and was afterwards
revised, expurgated, and added to by a
later, probably Christian, hand, and in
accordance with the then textus receptus.
Or does the text of 248 stand in any
connexion with those that underlie the
recension of Lucian? According to
Hug, that text was emended from the
Peshittho; but according to modern,
although not unchallenged, opinion, from
the Hebrew.

Passing from the important question

of the manuscripts, it only remains to
add that the Greek text affords frequent
evidence of the use of the LXX. ; and
that not only as regards the Pentateuch,
but the historical and prophetic books,
the Psalms, Proverbs, and Ecclesiastes.
In truth, the meaning of many expres-
sions in Ecclus. can best be ascertained
by a reference to the LXX. For detailed
evidence we must once more refer to
the body of the commentary. Occa-
sional deviations from the wording of
the LXX. should not be always set down
to ignorance of its text. They may
have been due either to quotation
from memory, or they may be another
reading, or else attempted improve-
ments, such as it has been (and pro-
bably still is) the fashion of making
upon the A. V.

On the other hand, it is very curious
to find in LXX. Prov. xxvi. n an inter-
polation from Ecclus. iv. 21. Conversely,
we have in the Syriac version of Ecclus.
xxvii. 20 (21) an interpolation from
Prov. vi. 5. Possibly these may have
been originally marginal glosses which
afterwards crept into the text. The
same may be said of the inscriptions (or
summaries of contents) which occasion-
ally appear in the Greek text.

§ VIII. The Syriac Version and the
"Vetus Latina."

We approach now one of the most
important questions for the proper under-
standing of Ecclesiasticus. Till com-
paratively lately the almost unanimous
opinion of critics has been that the Syriac
translation had been made from the
Greek Version. So far as we know, the
learned Bendtsen (' Spec, exercit. crit. in
Vet. T. libr. Apocr.' pp. 16, 29) stood
alone in the opinion that the Syriac was
derived directly from the Hebrew original.
And, if we credit the statement of Jerome
that he had seen the Hebrew original,
there is not anything a priori incredible
or even improbable in such a supposition.1
But the decision of the question must

1 The presumption in favour of a direct trans-
lation from the Hebrew seems to us greatly
strengthened by the very able — although not
on all points unassailable — dissertation of J.
Perles on the age and authorship of the Peshittho
(' Meletemata Peshitthoniana,' 1S59).

INTRODUCTION TO ECCLESIASTICUS.

necessarily depend on a detailed exa-
mination of the Syriac Version itself.
Scholars in every way most competent
for this task have of late pronounced
unhesitatingly in favour of the view that
the Syriac Version has been made from
the Hebrew original. If the mere autho-
rity of names were here to prevail, we
might appeal to such writers as Geiger
(in an article in the ' Z. D. M. G.' vol. xii.
PP- 536-543), Horowitz (fD. Buch Jesus
Sirach/ 1865), Noldeke ("Alttest. Lit.'
p. 168, though he regards the Hebrew
MS. used as very corrupt), Seligmann
('D. Buch d. Weish. Jes. Sir.' 1883),
Professor Bickell ('Alphab. Lied Jes.
Sir.'), and especially Lagarde (' Sym-
micta,' p. 88; ' Mittheil.' 1884; and' his
edition of the Apocr. in Syrv in which
for this reason he gives the first place
to Sirach). But hitherto the authority,
or rather the contradiction, of Fritzsche
(//. s., xxiv., xxv.) — unsupported though
it be by any detailed criticism — seems
to have prevailed with those who treated
the questions against the deliberately
expressed views of Syriac scholars.
The latest writer on the subject has
even ventured on the brief but categorical
sentence, that "the book [Ecclus.] has
been preserved to us only in the Greek
translation."1 On the other hand, it
must be admitted that while those Syriac
scholars who hold the opposite view have
adduced certain passages in confirmation
of it, they have not submitted the whole
book to a detailed examination with a
view to the final settlement of the con-
troversy. This has been attempted in
the present commentary, with the result,
it is hoped, of not only proving the
derivation of the Syriac Version from
the original Hebrew text, but also of
obtaining through the Syriac in many
passages a more correct view of what
the original text had really contained.

As the argument here is not only direct
— from certain passages — but cumulative,
we must refer for the full evidence to
the commentary itself, in which the com-
parison of the two versions is carried on.

1 Schlirer, ' Gesch. d. Jiid. Volkes' (the 2nd
edition of his ' Neutest. Zeitg.'), ii. p. 595. He
expresses himself even more strongly in the
art. Apokrypha, in Herzog's ' Reai-Encykl.'
(vol. i. pp. 493, 494).

Within the compass of this section it
is only possible to give a statement of
some of the results arrived at, accom-
panied by illustrative instances.

Reference has already been made to
the absence of the Prologue from the
Syriac Version. Possibly this might be
accounted for on the supposition that
the writer had wished to give himself
the appearance of having translated
directly from the Hebrew. Not so the
preservation of the right order of the
text after ch. xxx. But these are only
preliminary points. The evidence that
the Syriac was translated from the He-
brew lies in this, that in many passages
in which the Syr. and the Greek versions
strangely and otherwise unaccountably
differ, these differences can be traced
back, and are due to one or other of
these three grounds : (1) that the two
translators had attached a different mean-
ing to a Hebrew word which was capable
of being rendered both ways ; or (2) that
they had vocalised (pointed) differently ;
or (3) that by a not uncommon mistake
of similar letters they had read a word
differently. Each of these explanations
of the differences between the Greek and
the Syriac leads to the inevitable con-
clusion that both translations had been
made directly from the Hebrew original.
As a well-known instance of the first
kind, we may mention Ecclus. xxiv. 27,
where the Greek has "as the light,"
and the Syriac "as the Nile." The
Hebrew had no doubt ")&3, which the
Greek understood " as the light," while
the Syr., after the analogy of Am. viii. 8,
rendered it as = "Kf?, "as the Nile."
As instances of the second kind (that of
different vocalisation), the following two
may serve. In Ecclus. iv. 15 the Greek
renders : " he who shall give ear to her
[wisdom] shall judge nations;" the Syr.,
" shall judge truth " — the Greek having
pointed the Hebrew 1"1DK : H'SS (Gen. xxv.
16), the Syr. (no doubt rightly) n>P&
Similarly in Ecclus. x. 15, 16, the Greek
has : " The Lord hath plucked up the
roots of nations," and again : " Lands of
nations the Lord overthrew," where in
both cases the Syr. has, instead of " na-
tions," " the proud " — rightly (at least
in v. 15), as the context shews. It

INTRODUCTION TO FXCLESIASTICUS.

has been suggested that the original had
DJI, while the Greek pointed 0% But
we would suggest as more likely, that
the original had D"N3, which the Greek
by an easy mistake in the ancient mode
of making letters read D"J. It deserves
attention that 24S corrects after the Syr.
in v. 15, but not in v. 16 — and the Vet.
Lat. follows in both cases. [Was the Greek
right in v. 16 — or were 248 and Vet.
Lat. influenced by a special (Christian ?)
motive ?] As instances of the third kind
(that of the confusion of similar letters
or else the transposition of letters) we
may quote Ecclus. xlviii. 23, where (as
through a similar mistake in other places)
the Greek translates : " In his days the
sun went backward," while the Syr. has :
"by his means (his hand) the sun went
back" — the one having read WO, the
other v"P3 (a rendering which neither
248 nor the Vet. Lat. adopts). Again,
in Ecclus. xlix. 9 the Greek has, " He
remembered the enemies in storm " [see
for this the note on the passage], while
the Syriac read " Job " instead of " ene-
mies " — no doubt wrongly — and accord-
ingly altered the whole verse, which this
misreading had rendered unintelligible.
Here the Syriac translator had evidently
transposed the letters, reading 2i'X (Job)
instead of ^1N (an enemy), as the Greek
correctly read it. We mark that 248
has not the mistake of the Syriac, thus
furnishing another evidence that when
the two agree, the Syr. has not borrowed
from 248.

These instances might suffice. But
that they may not seem exceptional —
perhaps even accidental — we select some
others from among the large number
indicated in the commentary, and adding
the readings of 248 and the Vet. Lat.

Ecclus. xiv. 9 b. The Greek has :
" wicked injustice drieth up the soul;"
the Syr., "he that usurps what is his
neighbour 's " — the latter having evidently
wTongly vocalised T}. instead of T\ \ 248
does not follow the reading of the Syr.
The Vet. Lat. paraphrases.

Ecclus. xiv. 10. Greek, "An evil eye
is envious over bread;" Syr., "multi-
plieth bread." There is here evidently
some misreading of the Hebrew, although
we do not venture on a definite sugges-

tion : 248 does not follow the Syr., but
the Vet. Lat., although paraphrastic, may
preserve some trace of the Syr. rendering
in its et non satiabittir pane (or does it
attempt to mediate between the Greek
and the Syr. ?).

Ecclus. xiv. 27 b. Greek, " and he
dwelleth in her glory;" Syr., "in her
chambers," misreading Tin for "nn : 248
and Vet. Lat. do not follow the Syriac.
Or to pass over some chapters : —
Ecclus. xix. 5 (see the corrected trans-
lation in the notes). Greek, " he that
hateth babbling ;" Syr., " he that repeateth
a thing" — the Greek misread N:b for

Ecclus. xix. 7. Greek, "and thou
shalt fare never the worse ; " Syr., " and
no one shall revile thee." The Greek
took the root of the word to be ">pn, while
the Syr. (as we believe, rightly) derived it
from Hpn, in the Piel, " to revile" (as in
Prov. xxv. 10) : 248 and Vet. Lat. do
not follow the Syr. [For the suggested
reading of the original, see the note on
that verse.]

Ecclus. xxi. 8 (see the notes). The
Greek seems to have read *$n, " winter;"
the Syr. rightly, 2in? " desolation : " 248
(also 106) follows the Syr., but not Vet.
Lat.

Ecclus. xxi. 18 (see notes). The Greek,
n»C;C rva, "a house destroyed;" the
Syr./-Of;0 rV2, «a prison:" 248 and
the Vet. Lat. do not follow the Syr.

It could not serve any purpose to con-
tinue this comparison of the two versions.
In the commentary it has been carried
on from chapter to chapter. And we
feel that the force of the evidence in
favour of the direct translation of the
Syriac text from the Hebrew cannot be
fully appreciated by any number of iso-
lated instances, while it becomes irresis-
tible when the two versions are conti-
nuously compared.

Our further remarks must be brief.
Although on a comparison of the differ-
ences between the Greek and Syriac
translations, where such differences depend
on the different rendering of words, we
are disposed so often to give the pre-
ference to the Syriac, this is not by any
means uniformly the case. Instances
have already been given in which the

INTRODUCTION TO ECCLESIASTICUS.

Greek translation seems correct and the
Syriac wrong. Again, we notice in the
latter occasionally a displacement of lines,
as in Ecclus. xxiv. 25, 26. Sometimes it
might almost appear, although this is very
doubtful, as if there were indication of a
later revision of the Syriac by the Greek
[as in Ecclus. xxiii. 27].1 That the Syriac
had undergone some later redaction seems
suggested even by the circumstance that
in the Arabic Version, which was evidently
made from the Syriac, there are differences
and notably omissions as compared with
the Syriac (comp., for example, those in
chaps, xxvii. and xxviii.). Sometimes
we meet in the Syriac what may be
regarded as apologetic (or emendatory)
alterations, as in Ecclus. xxv. 7 (see the
notes). To say that the Syriac Version
is, as compared with the Greek, often and
largely paraphrastic, is only to express
what might otherwise have been expected.
For the Syriac bears the character of a
Targum and was certainly intended in
great measure as an ecclesiasticus, or
Church-book, for homiletical and cate-
chetical purposes. One very important
point still remains to be added. If
Perles (//. s.) has arrived on critical
grounds at the conclusion that the
Peshittho Version of the New Testament
was made by Jewish Christians, our
investigations have led us to the same
inference as regards Ecclesiasticus. We
infer the Jewish origin of the translation
from the occasional occurrence of ex-
pressions in Rabbinic usage. The evi-
dence of the Christian character of the
version — although necessarily inferential
— is found throughout the whole book.
But we may here specially refer to such
passages as Ecclus. xxiv. 5, 9, xxvii. 17,

1 Bretschneider [u. s., p. 701) adduces a few-
instances from which he erroneously infers that
the Syr. translation was made from the Greek.
They consist of instances in which, in his view,
the Syriac rendering is accounted for by a slight
alteration in the Greek. Although of no interest
or value, they may, for completeness' sake, here
find a place : i. 8, 8-qaavpovs for dpouov ; vii. 23,
yd.fX7\(Tov for Kajx^/ov ; xi. 30, dripevdeicra for 0r)pev-
T7/s ; xii. II, KaKiobv avr6v for /ccm'cocre ; xxii. 23,
Tron/crai for KTrjaat ; or again, v. 3, afiiKovfAtvos
for £k8lkcoi> ; ix. 2, iTriffrrtvai for iiri^uai ; 1. 5>
AaoO for vaov. We only add that in all these
cases 248 has the ordinary reading. The instances
quoted by Bretschneider only prove the weakness
of his case.

and also to chaps, xxxv., xlvi., xlvii.,
xlviii. (see on these the commentary).
Very significant also in this respect seems
to us such an alteration as the substitu-
tion in vii. 31 of panem oblationum et
primitias manuum for lines c and d.
[The additions in the Vet. Lat. are still
more curious.] On the same ground we
account for the omission in the Syriac of
Ecclus. xlv. 9-14, containing descriptive
details of the Aaronic priesthood. Besides
these passages — which might be con-
siderably increased — we would (here
following Bretschneider) call attention to
the remarkable substitution in the Syr.
for the text in the Greek in Ecclus. i.
after v. 20 to the end ; to xi. 12, xiv. 16 ;
and to xvii. 27, 28.

It only remains to add that our know-
ledge of the Syriac text has been rectified
since we possess it not only in Walton's
Polyglot, but in the critical edition of
Lagarde (1861), which has the corrections
from MSS. in the British Museum. Jeh.
Low Ben-Seebh has published a Syriac
text in Hebrew letters, with a Hebrew and
German translation and a brief Hebrew
commentary (Breslau, 1798 ; in new and
improved edition, Vienna, 1807; ib. 1818;
ib. 1828 — the Hebrew version metrically
rendered into German by M. E. Stern,
Vienna, 1844 *). But its usefulness is
marred by the great liberties taken, not
only in the Hebrew version, but with
the Syriac text, in the way of omissions,
transpositions, &c.

The Vetus Latina.— -This is reproduced
in our ordinary editions of the Vulgate
[most handy as a critical edition, with
different readings, is that by Heyse and
Tischendorf, Lips. 1873]. All the vari-
ants from four MSS. are given by Sabatier
(' Bibl. Sacr. Lat. versiones,' ii., Reimis,
1743). Jerome tells us expressly that he
had left the text of the Vetus Latina
untouched (calamo tcmpcravi) in the
(apocryphal) Wisdom of Solomon and in
Ecclesiasticus (' Proefat. in edit. libr.
Salom. juxta Sept. interpr.' [ed. Vallarsi,.
x. 436]).

If the Syriac Version may be described
as a Targum or a paraphrastic " Church-
book," this designation applies with even
much greater force to the Latin translation

1 See Fiirst, ' Biblioth. Jud.' i. p. 105.

INTRODUCTION TO ECCLESIASTICUS.

of Ecclesiasticus. Indeed, the student is
bewildered amidst what seem redactions,
interpolations, uncritical additions (some
probably originally in the margin), altera-
tions and paraphrases. In its present
form the version leaves the impression
that the main body of the text had been
derived from the Greek. Yet this appear-
ance may in some respects be deceptive.
At any rate, we perceive a stratum which
cannot be accounted for by any arbitrary
alteration nor yet by derivation from any
known Greek Codex. We have already
observed that, like the Syriac and 248,
the Latin preserves the right order of the
chapters after ch. xxx. Likewise, it has
been noticed that the Latin often has the
same readings or emendations as 248.
If these have been made from the Syriac
[or else from the same sources], the sug-
gestion would lie near that this stratu??i
in the Vet. Lat. had been derived from
the Syriac. It may indeed be suggested
that it is traceable to other Codices or to
sources which underlay the recension of
Lucian. The latter view is supported by
so great an authority as Ceriani (see the
excellent Epilegomena to L. Van Ess's
ed. of the LXX., 1887, p. 12). But here
we may be said to be still partly on
conjectural ground. And in any case
the recension of Lucian brings us to
Antioch. We can scarcely suppose that
this stratum was taken from the text of
248 [nor from that group], since the Vet.
Lat. so often leaves aside 248. If the
translation had been made from that text,
we would have expected more constant
conformity to it. Not so, if emendations
were here and there selected from the
Syriac, nor even if the still remanent
stratum represents an original use of the
Syriac by the translator. There is, how-
ever, another supposition possible, viz.
that this nucleus represents either a
translation from the original Hebrew, or
emendations from it. We confess that
this does not seem likely to us — among
other reasons, for this, that we can scarcely
bring ourselves to believe that a translator
who had access to the original would
have produced such a version. The case
would be otherwise if the translator was
indebted to a not unfrequently para-
phrastic version from the original. There
he might more readily make selections,

or a later redactor might even have
struck out some of these selections. But
the whole question is one of peculiar
difficulty, and complicated by our un-
certainty about the country and circum-
stances in which the Vetus Latina origi-
nated, and its relation to one of the three
recensions of the LXX. What therefore
we offer must be considered in the form
of modest suggestion.

The conjecture that the Latin Version
was derived from a Hebrew original —
although from a Codex different from
that used by the Greek translator — was
first broached by Cornelius a Lapide
(' Comment, in Ecclus.' p. 20). It was
next mooted by the learned Sabatier (u. s.
t. ii. p. 390), although without any attempt
at proof. This deficiency was sought to be
supplied by E. G. Bengel in the 7th vol.
of Eichhorn's ' Allgem. Biblioth. d. bibl.
Litter.,' 1796, pp. 832-864. The essay,
as even its dimensions shew, is extremely
slight, and the attempted investigation
extends only over small portions at the
beginning and in the middle of the book
Ecclesiasticus. Bengel regards the Vetus
Latina as dating " from the first centuries
of Christianity." 1 He claims not cer-
tainty but probability for his theory that
the Latin translation had been made with
the aid of a Jew, or else by a Jewish
Christian (as we have suggested in re-
gard to the Syriac). The translator had
rendered from the Hebrew, with aid
from the Greek Version — the latter,
either from special reasons, or this de-
pendence was due to a glossator or to a
later copyist. But, indeed, the use of
the Greek in the rendering of the Vetus
Latina seems beyond question. If detailed
proof were required, even the passages
adduced by Welte (' Einleit.' u. s., p. 215)
would suffice for the purpose. As a
Roman Catholic writer, he pleads for the
great trustworthiness of the Vetus Lat.

1 According to Cornill (' d. Buch d. Proph.
Ez.' p. 26) the Vet. Lat. was used by Tertullian,
indeed was in general use in Northern Africa.
But so far as Ecclesiasticus is concerned, we
cannot discover any trace of it in the seven
passages in which, according to the Index in the
ed. Oehler, Tertullian is supposed to refer to our
book. Indeed, in only two of these passages
('de exhort, castitatis,' ii., and ' de monogam.'
xiv.) is there any reference to Ecclus. (xv. 18) —
and even there it seems to me doubtful, and cer-
tainly is not literally taken from the Vet. Lat.

INTRODUCTION TO ECCLESIASTICUS.

But even he is obliged to admit that the
translator had corrected his work by the
Greek text.

But to return. Bengel begins by
criticising certain passages in the Latin
Version which are supposed to afford
evidence of having been derived from the
Greek text, with the view of shewing that
such is not always the case. But as in some
of these the Vet. Lat. accords with the Syr.
— and presumably the Hebrew — while in
others it only displays a curious ignorance
of Greek (and is this not also character-
istic?), it seems needless here to discuss
them. In direct proof of the connexion
between the Vet. Lat. and the Hebrew
Bengel adduces a number of passages
from Ecclus. i. and xxxiv. Most of these
are, however, beside the point, as will
appear from the following examination of
the first six : —

Ecclus. i. 1, "et cum illo fuit semper
et est ante aevum." — The words italicised
are neither in the Syr. nor in 248. But
they are apparently only a Christian
gloss.

Ecclus. i. 2, "profundum abyssi." —
The word italicised is not in 248, but is
found in the Syr.

Ecclus. i. 3 in Vet. Lat. This seems a
Christian gloss — perhaps it is an adapta-
tion from the Syr. of i. 4.

Ecclus. i. 6 a. Here also there seems
a Christian gloss in the Vet. Lat. So
also in 7 b.

Ecclus. i. 7 a, b j i. 8. To both these
passages in the Vet. Lat. the previous
stricture applies.

Welte (u. s., p. 216), who seems on the
whole inclined to regard the Vet. Lat.
as primarily derived from the Hebrew
original, selects from the essay of Bengel
the following four passages as presumably
in his view the best instances adduced : —
Ecclus. i. 17 : Greek cTriflu/xTi/Aarwi/, Vet.
Lat. a tJicsauris — apparently a confusion
between D^JJEO and D^OtDO [the latter
word is actually used in the Talmud—
Sanh. \oob — in a quotation of Ecclus.
xlii. 9, 10]. But the Vet. Lat. has here
only the same rendering as the Syriac.
Ecclus. i. 26 : Greek eVroAas, Vet. Lat.
justitiam, Hebrew (possibly) tDSU'D. But
this instance does not really prove any-
thing, and the slight alteration in the Vet.
Lat. might even be due to anti-Judaistic

motives. The next passage quoted is
Ecclus. i. 29 a, where the Greek, mis-
reading *B? for *?.??, translates h> o-To/xa-
div avOpuiiroiv, while the Vet. Lat. has in
conspectu hominum. This, however, only
once more sends us back to the Syriac,
where we find the right rendering. Be-
sides, 253 actually corrects : ivurmov. The
last instance adduced is Ecclus. i. 29 £,
where the Greek has irp6<rex^, " and in

thy lips take heed," reading TS&fi (as in

Prov. xvi. 23), while the Vetus Lat. has

et non scandalizeris, reading X'3Fi ?K

taking the ^x from the previous clause.
But 248 has substantially the same
emendation (/at; 7rpoo-exe).

These and similar instances are mani-
festly insufficient to establish the hypo-
thesis of Bengel. We now proceed to
select at least a few instances which in
our view support the suggestion that the
Vet. Lat. was somehow dependent on the
Syriac.

Ecclus. xxv. 9. Greek, " he that has
found prudence ;" the Syr. — by a wrong
reading and then wrong Syr. punctuation :
that has obtained " mercy." Without
that wrong punctuation the misreading
would have been " a friend " (the original
misreading being nyi for njn). The Vet.
Lat. follows this misreading, but not the
mispunctuation (which may be of later
date) , and renders amicum verum. Neither
248 nor any other MS. follows the Syr.
and Vet. Lat., which here also differ from
the Hebrew.

Ecclus. xxv. 12 [A. V.] is a Christian
interpolation. It was certainly not in the
Hebrew original, and is only found in
H, 248, and Co. But it occurs in the
Syr. and in the Vetus Latina.

Ecclus. xxvi. 3. This is very curious,
as shewing the dependence of the Vet.
Lat. alike on the Greek and on the Syriac.
The Greek has : "it shall be given in
the portion of them that fear the Lord."
The Syr. rightly renders : "to the man
who feareth the Lord." The Hebrew had
pira, " into the bosom " = " to the man,"
as in the Syr., while the Greek misread
phm, " in the portion." Then the Syr.
adds the gloss— evidently not from the
Hebrew — "in return for good works."
The Vet. Lat. takes from the Greek

INTRODUCTION TO ECCLESIASTICUS.

the first part, " in parte timentium Deum
dabitur viro" — the latter word apparently
from the Syr. ; and it also adds from the
Syriac, pro factis bonis. 248 has not this
gloss, nor any other MS., nor was it in
the Hebrew.

Mr. Margoliouth, although not agree-
ing with our views on this subject, points
to the following passage as a most
remarkable instance of accord between
the Vet. Lat. and the Syr. To exhibit
its full force we give the passage in the
three versions.

Ecclus. xx. 14, Greek: "The gift of
one [who is] senseless shall not profit
thee, for in his view [literally, his eye]
instead of one many " [see notes].

Syriac, v. 13: " Donum insipientis
inestimabile est apud ipsum, quoniam
oculi ejus ad compensationem septuplo
majorem [seportandam] positi sunt."
v. 14 : " Parum dat et multiim exprobrat,
et aperiens os suuni male loquitur et
b/aterat."

Vet. Lat., v. 14: "Datus insipientis
non erit utilis tibi oculi enim illius
[so far the three versions agree] septem-
plices sunt." ^.15: " Exigua dab it et
multa improperabit et apertio oris illius
inflammatio est."

The agreement here between the Vet.
Lat. and the Syriac [marked by italics]
is not less striking than their difference
from the Greek.

There are also what appear to us other,
perhaps minor, indications of a connec-
tion between the Vet. Lat. and the Syr.
Thus it seems to mark alike the Christian
character of the Syriac Version and its
relationship with the Vet. Lat., that in
Ecclus. xxxvi. 2 both these versions omit
the word "all" from the sentence : "Send
thy fear upon all the nations." If that
word had not been in the Hebrew original,
it is scarcely likely that the Hellenising
Greek translator would have inserted it.
And the word occurs in 248 and in all
other MSS. ; although 248 — like the
Vet. Lat. — adds after . " nations " the
Christian gloss, "who do not seek Thee"
(Vet. Lat., exquisierunt), for which the
Syr. has, " who have not known Thee."
But, indeed, there are many traces of
such Christian alterations in the Syr.,
but especially in the Vet. Lat., and their
study is very interesting (compare, for

example, the opening verses of chaps.
xxiv. and xxxv., and the closing verses
of the latter — such as xxxv. 25 in the
Vet. Lat.). One of the most curious
instances in which the Vet. Lat. follows
the Syr. [against all the Greek MSS.],
and in which both these versions have
a marked Christian alteration, is xxv. 15
[see the note]. But the tracing of such
indications is apt to become subjective,
gaining force by their cumulation. It
had therefore best be conjoined with a
careful study of the text. This is not
the place to continue the comparison
of the two versions, but we may invite
the consideration of such passages as,
for example, Ecclus. xxv. 9, 12; xxvi.
3, 18 ; xxvii. 3 ; xxviii. 24, 25 ; xxix. 7.
We add as an instance of the corrupt
state of the text of the Vetus Latina
that in Ecclus. xxv. 17, where the Vat
reading has " like sackcloth " and the
Alex. " like a bear," the Vet. Lat. (v. 24)
inserts both: " tamquam ursus, et quasi
saccum ostendet "■ — evidently trying to
make sense out of the two (" ursus " and
then " quasi saccum ostendet "). Pos-
sibly one of these renderings may have
crept in from the margin (see note on
the verse). Similarly in xxv. 18 (Vet.
Lat. 25) the Vet. Lat. combines the
Greek with the Syriac reading, slightly
altering the latter (see note on the verse).
Instances of doublets and possibly triplets
will be found in other places, especially
in the earlier chapters.

§ IX. Other Ancient Versions.1

The Armenian, ^Ethiopic, Syro-Hexa-
plar, Coptic, and Palasoslavonic versions
are all derived from the Greek.

1. The Armenian Version is published

1 The notice of the versions enumerated in
this paragraph is from the pen of Mr. D. S~
Margoliouth, Fellow and Tutor of New College,
Oxford. To the same scholar are also due the
philological and critical parts of the notes from
ch. xxxi. onwards ; the introductions to these
latter chapters, and the exegetical notes on them,
being by Dr. Edersheim, who however holds
himself also responsible for every part. Besides,
the aid and co-operation of Mr. Margoliouth
throughout this commentary — more particularly
in the comparison of the Syriac text — are also
here gratefully acknowledged. Some of his
special suggestions are indicated in the places
where they occur.

INTRODUCTION TO ECCLESIASTICUS.

in the Venetian edition of the Armenian
Bible, but in a fragmentary condition,
having a lacuna from xxxv. 19-xxxviii.
14 (inclusive), and breaking off at xlii. 24 ;
besides omitting minor portions, such as
the whole of ch. viii., and single verses,
e.g. xx. 15, 24 & Like the rest of the
Armenian version of the Bible, it is
minutely faithful and exhibits occasionally
a very unusual knowledge of the Greek
language. The text followed resembles
that of the Alexandrian MS. The most
important variants which it affords will
be found quoted in xl. 6 and xli. 17.

2. The /Ethiopic Version exists only
in MSS., of which eleven are in the
British Museum, and several in the
Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris. A
short account of a copy at Tubingen
was given by Ewald in the first volume
of the ' Zeitschrift der Morgenlandischen
Gesellschaft.' The translation is ignorant
and paraphrastic ; in a few passages it
shews signs of contamination with the
Syriac (viii. 5, xxii. 15, xxxviii. 30, &c).

3. The Syro-Hexaplaris is published
in the magnificent seventh volume of
Ceriani's ' Anecdota Sacra et Profana.'
On this version generally, see the ' Bible
Dictionary,' s. v. Versions. The text
which it follows agrees minutely with
that of MS. 253 in most places; but it
also shews readings peculiar to 248.
The translator would seem to have con-
sulted the Peshittho in the interpretation
of difficult words (e.g. iv. 30, cftavrao-io-

K07TUJV, XXxiv. 21, xlv. 23).

4. The Coptic Version (in the Sahidic
dialect) exists in a unique MS. of the
6th century at Turin, and has been pub-
lished by Lagarde in his ' Aegyptiaca '
(Gottingen, 1884). The MS. (which has
suffered by age) was previously used by
Peyron for his Lexicon. The text
which it follows resembles that of the
Sin., with several omissions and a few
additions : in a very few cases it offers
certain corrections of the Greek. A
fragment of a Memphitic Version (chap,
ii. 1-9) was published by Lagarde in
* Orientalia,' pt. i. (Gott., 1880).

5. The Palseoslavonic Version (pub-
lished in the Slavonic Bibles) follows a
text similar to that of the Complutensian
edition, but with only a portion of the
additions.

Apoc— Vol. II.

A copy of the Arabic Version cor-
rected from the Greek is preserved in
the Medicean library at Florence. The
reviser has added a translation of the
Prologue, in which he curiously makes
the grandson state that he has translated
the book into Syriac. A compendium
of the Arabic Version is preserved in the
Bodleian Library, but in an imperfect
state.

The Scholia of Barhebraeus, to which
reference is occasionally made, are taken
from the Bodleian MS.

§ X. Authority of Ecclesiasticus
in the Synagogue and in the
Church.

The high authority in which our book
was held in the ancient Jewish synagogue
■ — whether on account of its age or
its embodiment of universally received
popular sayings — appears even from the
frequency with which it is quoted in
Talmudic writings. Zunz (' Gottesd.
Vortr.,' pp. 1 01-103) enumerates no less
than forty such citations — anonymous or
expressly in the name of Sirach. Some
of these cannot, however, be identified
either in our present Greek or Syriac
text, although some conjectural attempts
have been made by Horowitz (u. s.).1
What seems the earliest Mishnic refer-
ence to the words of the Siracide (Ecclus.
ix. 9) reaches up to early Maccabean days
(Jose', the son of Jochanan, Abh. i. 5).2

1 For these quotations (mostly given in the
present Commentary) see, besides Zunz [ic. s.),
Delitzsch (' Gesch. d. jiid. Poesie,' pp. 20, &c,
204, &c.) ; Dukes ('Rabbin. Blumenl.' pp. 67,
&c.) ; Schuhl ('Sent, du Talmud,' passim) ;
Fritzsche {11. s., p. xxxvii., &c.) ; Joel ('Blicke
in d. Relig. Gesch.' i. pp. 71, &c.) ; Strack in
Herzog's ' Real-Encykl.' vii. pp. 430, 431 ; and
others — latest, Hamburger in the Supplemental
Part to his ' Real-Encykl' pp. 77-86.

2 It is certainly rather a reference, although
a very close one, than a quotation. It is
adduced as a saying of the sages. On the other
hand, the saying of Jose, the son of Joezer,
" Let thy house be the meeting-place for the
sages" (Abh. i. 4), and this other saying of
the son of Jochanan (Abh. i. 5), "Let the
poor be the children of thy household," might
be intended as a protest against the bacchanalian
feasts alluded to in Ecclus (comp. also Ecclus.
ix. 14-16). On Jose b. Jochanan comp. Frankel
in his ' Monatsschr.' i. (1852), pp. 405-407;
Gratz, ' Gesch.' ii. pp. 274, &c, iii. p. 7.

INTRODUCTION TO ECCLESIASTICUS.

Outward circumstances induced the
Jewish teachers at different times to
pronounce differently upon the book
of Ben Sira. First, we have a series
of quotations in which our book is
adduced with the same formula as the
hagiographa, and indeed is apparently
classed with them.1 Next, we are warned
that, unlike the books of Holy Scripture,
" the writings of Ben Sira ... do not
defile the hands" ('Tos. Yad.' ii. 13, ed.
Zuckerm. p. 683). This, however, only
implies the emphatic exclusion of Ecclus.
from the Canon.2 But the J ewish Fathers
went further. Rabbi Aqibha declared the
book included in those '•outside" writings
the perusal of which involved the loss of
eternal life (Jer. Sanh. 28 #, near top);
and the Midrash on Eccles. xii. 12, by a
play on the words " and what is beyond
(besides) these (viz. the words of the
sages)," explains that " the rest," viz. the
bringing into the house of uncanonical
books such as Ben Sira, only brings con-
fusion (reading instead of nnri'D "^ —
no-inp, confusion). We would suggest
that the change of feeling was connected
with the Christian controversy — being
due partly to apprehension of the danger
of allowing the perusal of not strictly
orthodox Rabbinical works, and partly to
the wide use of Ecclus. in the early
Christian Church. Be this as it may,
the mood was only partial and transient.
In consequence of a discussion on the
saying of Aqibha, Rabbi Joseph, the
head of the Babylonian Academy of
Pumbadita, ultimately gave forth a state-
ment which not only allowed the judicious
use of the book, but leads us to infer that,
as in the Church so in the synagogue, it
was regarded as an ccclesiasticus, suited
for catechetical and homiletic purposes
(Sanh. \oob). The passages specially
recommended for this are the following,
although from the modifications, additions

1 So often : see Zunz, u. s. Strack (' Proleg.
Crit. in V. T.' pp. 64, 65) has certainly not
succeeded in the attempt either to explain or
disprove this. On the other hand, Joel's pro-
posed emendations of the condemnatory terms
used in the Talmud about Ben Sira are inge-
nious, but neither satisfactory nor convincing
(Joel, u. s. pp. 72-75).

: For the meaning of the expression "defileth
the hands," see 'Life and Times of Jesus,'
ch. xxxi. (vol. ii.).

or contractions, as compared with the
Greek text, some of them are only hypo-
thetically identified : Ecclus. xxvi. 3 ;
xxv. 26; xxvi. 1; ix. 3, 8, 9 ; xxvi. 29;
xi. 30 a, 32 a, 33 a ; xi. 29 a ; vi. 6 ; xxx.
21 or else xl. 7 ; xxxi. 4 (?). (Sanh. 100 b.)
Indeed, we find references to our book
not only in the Talmud, but in the
Midrashim.1 And from the first half of
the 14th century comes the explana-
tion that the Talmud had only intended
to prohibit such a study of Ben Sira as
should be made of the Bible, but not
occasional resort to it (Ritba 2 in the En-
Iaqobh to Bab. B. 98 £, a_pud]o'<t\ it. s.,
p. 76).

We only add that, although the so-
called Alphabet of Ben Sira contains in
the first (or Aramaean) Alphabet four
quotations from our book, and in the
second (or Hebrew) Alphabet two such
citations, it must not be confounded with
our Ecclesiasticus,3 and is of very much
later date.

Use in the early Christian Church. —
Leaving aside the general question of
the use of the Apocrypha in the Church
(on which the view of the Church of
England is sufficiently expressed in Art.
VI.), we briefly note some points of
historical interest. Reference has already
been made to the evident acquaintance
with Ecclus. implied in the Epistle of
St. James. There can be little doubt
that in the Ep. of Barnabas xix. we have
a quotation from Ecclus. iv. 31. Ter-
tullian seems to refer to our book (Ecclus.
xv. 18) with the formula: sicut scriptum
est ('de Exhort. Cast.' c. 2, and ' de
Monogam.' c. 14). Clement of Alexan-
dria frequently quotes Ecclus. : thirteen
times with the formula 7) ypa<j>r) Ae'ya,

1 Four in Ber. R. (c. 8 ; 10 ; 73 ; 91) ; one in
Shem. R. ; two in Vayyk. R. ; one in Bamidb.
R. ; one in the Midr. on Prov. c. 22 (?) ; two in
that on Eccles. ; three in the Midr. Tanchuma,
&c.

" The name is an abbreviation from R. Am
Tbbh b. Abraham Ishbili [from Seville].

3 For an English translation of the two Alpha-
bets of Ben Sira, as well as for that of the
Talmudic quotations from our book, I take leave
to refer the reader to my ' History of the Jewish
Nation,' pp. 559-563. Comp. also Dukes (u. s.),
Delitzsch (u. s.), and the literature of the subject
in Fiirst, ' Biblioth. Jud.' iii. p. 341 ; a new ed.
by Steinschneider (' Alphab. Sirac. utr.' Berlin,
1858).

INTRODUCTION TO ECCLESIASTICUS.

<f>rja-iv and the like ; nine times with that
of 7/ o-o0ia Ae'yet, (/jr/o-tV and the like ;
thrice as the words of the 7raiSaycoyos.
But as he also twice designates the book
as ■>) o-o<t>La 'Irjaov, it can scarcely be argued
that he placed it on the same level with
the Solomonic writings (but see ' Strom.'
ii. 5, 24). Similar in form are the quota-
tions of Origen from Ecclus., although he
expressly ascribed the work to Jesus the
son of Sirach ('contra Cels.' vi. 7).
Cyprian, who often quotes from it, seems
to treat it as if belonging to the Canon.1
On the other hand, Jerome expressly
declares it non-Solomonic and non-
canonical (see the quotation in a former
paragraph), and equally emphatically
Athanasius (' Epist. fest.' 39), who ranks
our book with the Didache, ' The Shep-
herd,' &c. None the less was the book
used and quoted by the Fathers in a
manner similar to that of the Jewish
Fathers. Lastly, St. Augustine ranks
the book with the canonical writings on
account of its authority in the Church,
although he denies its Solomonic author-
ship (' de doctr. Christ.' ii. 8). It is
enumerated in the Hebrew Canon by
the Synods of Hippo (393) and Carthage
(397). The inclusion of the Apocrypha
in the Canon by the Council of Trent (in
the 4th Session, 8 April, 1546, 'Canon,
et Deer.' ed. Tauchnitz, pp. 15, 16) is
sufficiently known. (Comp. Herbst,
' Einl.' i. pp. 24, &c. ; De Wette-Schrader,
' Lehrb.' pp. 596-599 ; Keil, ' Einl.' pp.
702, 703, 747 ; Schurer, u. s.)

§ XL Literature of the Subject.

The references in the preceding para-
graphs sufficiently indicate the works
which have been chiefly consulted in
preparing the present commentary.
The literature of the subject is, however,
very large. For its complete enumera-
tion we must refer to the various Ency-
clopaedias (German and English) and to
the books of ' Introduction ' to the Old
Testament. The Greek text used has
been that of Tischendorf ('Vetus Test.
Graece,' &c, ed. vita, 1880), and gene-
rally referred to as the Vatican, though

1 Comp. Schurer in Herzog's ' Real-Encykl.'
art. Apokr., 487 ; ' Gesch.' 597.

it scarcely deserves that designation (see
§ VIII.). The full Vat. and Sin. readings
have been collated from Nestle's supple-
ment to the ed. (Lips. 1887). Besides,
the variants in the magnificent ed. of
Holmes and Parsons have been referred
to. The critical edition of the Apocrypha
by Fritzsche (Lips. 187 1) has been
already described. Of the various sepa-
rate editions of the Greek text of Eccle-
siasticus — with notes — that of Linde has
no special value (' Sententiae Jesu Sira-
cidae,' Gedani, 1795); that of Bret-
schneider has been constantly compared
(' Liber Jesu Sirac. Graece,' Ratisb. 1806).
The Syriac text used has been generally
that in Walton's Polyglot. For Hebrew
translations we have had the render-
ing by Ben Seebh (previously noticed).
The Hebrew is elegant, but the trans-
lation follows sometimes the Syriac, some-
times the Greek — sometimes scarcely
either the one or the other. The Hebrew
in the translation of the Apocrypha by
S. J. Fraenkel (Lips. 1830) is not so
elegant as that of Ben Seebh, nor yet
much more faithful to the text. Trans-
lations into Hebrew of portions of the
text — such as that of ch. xxiv. by Lowth,
emended by Fritzsche, and of ch. Ii. by
Professor Bickell — are noted in their
places in the commentary. The German
translation of Gutmann (' Die Apokryphen
d. A. Test' Altona, 1841) affords not any
help. The English version by Dr. Bissell
(in the vol. on the Apocr. supplemental
to Dr. Schaff's American ed. of the
English translation of Lange's Bible
Comment.) resembles in character that
of Fritzsche. The latter, which is not
strictly literal, is appended to his Com-
mentary on Ecclus. (' Kurzgef. Exeg.
Handb.' 5,e Lief. i860).

The general questions connected with
the book (such as its authorship, date,
arrangement, versions, &x.) are discussed
in the corresponding articles in thevarious
Encyclopaedias — such as (in German)
those of Winer, Schenkel (by Fritzsche),
Herzog (by Schurer), Riehm, and Ham-
burger— although with little variety or
progression. So far as the Apocrypha
and especially Ecclesiasticus are con-
cerned, the like sameness characterises
the account of our book in the various
Introductions to the Old Testament :

D 2

INTRODUCTION TO ECCLESIASTICUS.

De Wette-Schrader, Keil, Reuss (' Gesch.
d. h. Schr. A. T.' 1882). To these must
be added, as containing by far the fullest
treatment of the subject, the account of
Ecclus. by Schiirer in the ' Gesch. des
Jiid. Volkes' (1886), to which reference
has already been made. A special place
must, for various reasons, be assigned
both to Welte's (R. C.) ' Einl. in d.
deuterokan. B. d. A. T.' (in Herbst u.
Welte's ' Einl.' Sect. II. part hi., Freiburg,
1844) and to Eichhorn's 'Einl. in d.
Apokr. Schr. d. A. T.' (Leipz. 1795
— being vol. iv. of his ' Krit. Schr.').
Besides these German works, the articles
Ecclesiasticus and Jesus the Son of Sirach
in Smith's ' Diet, of the Bible ' (vol. i.)
have been consulted, as well as the able
and learned summary by Dr. Davidson
in vol. ii. of his ed. of Home's Introd.
(1856, pp. 1024-1033).

On the relation of our book to Philo
and Jewish Hellenism, the works of
Gfrorer and Dahne and the art. Philo by
the present writer in Smith and Wace's
' Diet, of Chr. Biogr.' have been referred
to. For the relation of the Greek text
to the Syriac and for other general ques-
tions the articles by Geiger in the ' Z. D.
M. G.' xii. 1858, and by Horowitz in
Frankel's ' Monatsschrift,' vol. xiv. (since
published as a separate brochure, 1865),
have been perused. For the relation of
Ecclus. to Proverbs we have referred to
C. Seligmann (' D. B. d. Weish. J. Sir.'
1883); for the references in the Epistle
of St. James, to A. Boon (' Dissert. Exeg.
Theol. de Jac. ep. cum Sir. libro con-
venientia '). As regards the relation of
the Vetus Latina to the Hebrew original,
special notice has been taken of Bengel's
art. in Eichhorn's ' Biblioth.' vol. vii.,
which is repeated in summary in Bert-
holdt's ' Histor. Krit. Einleit.' pp. 2306-
2309. On historical questions the works
of Herzfeld, Ewald, and Gratz have
been referred to. On the Wisdom-
teaching and the Dogmatics and Ethics
of Ecclus., the book of Dr. J. F. Bruch

(' Weisheits-Lehre d. Hebr.' Strassburg,
1 851) and the ' Schul-Programm ' by Dr.
V. Merguet (Konigsberg, 1874) have
been perused.

Beyond the works just referred to, an
exhaustive study of all the Commentaries
on Ecclesiasticus has not been attempted
— the more so that it was wished to make
a fresh study of the book. The Anno-
tations in vol. v. of the ' Critici Sacri '
deserve constant attention, especially
those by Drusius and Grotius. The
latter are mostly the source of the classical
parallels, not unfrequently noted by
writers. For this reason, and because
they are often rather coincidences than
parallels, it has not been deemed neces-
sary to repeat them. It needs scarcely
be said that the Commentary of Fritzsche
(in the ' Exeg. Handb.') has been con-
stantly compared and used. It is by far
the fullest work on Ecclesiasticus, and
its learning and ability are beyond ques-
tion. The (American) Commentary of
Dr. Bissell in vol. xv. of Schaff's ed. of
Lange's Comment, chiefly follows that
of Fritzsche. Besides these, the Com-
mentary of Bretschneider (' Liber Jesu
Siracidae ') deserves and requires careful
perusal, although the book bears marks
of youth and haste. The brief annota-
tions of Joach. Camerarius (' Sententiae
Jesu Sirac.,' at the end of the Greek text,
pp. 136-213) are chiefly interesting for
the quotation of parallelisms from classical
writers. The notes of J. G. Linde
('Sent. J. S.' Gedani, 1785) are very
brief, but occasionally really valuable ;
the few Rabbinic annotations of M.
Gutmann (' D. Apokr. d. A. Test.') are
not only scanty, but also slight.

Lastly, we have now to add to the
literature on Ecclus. the discussion of the
book in Professor Cheyne's ' Job and
Solomon,' pp. 179-198, which came too
late to be used in the preparation of the
present commentary. It is characterised
by the learning, clearness, and beauty of
diction of that writer.

THE WISDOM OF JESUS THE SON OF SIRACH,

ECCLESIASTICUS.

Some refer
his Pro-
ogue to
Uhana-
ius, be-
ause it
s found
a his
Synopsis.

X.A Prologue made by an uncertain Author.

THIS Jesus was the son of Sirach, and
grandchild to Jesus of the same name
with him: this man therefore lived in the
latter times, after the people had been led
away captive, and called home again, and
almost after all the prophets. Now his
grandfather Jesus, as he himself witnesseth,
was a man of great diligence and wisdom
among the Hebrews, who did not only
gather the grave and short sentences of
wise men, that had been before him, but
himself also uttered some of his own, full
of much understanding and wisdom. When
as therefore the first Jesus died, leaving this
book almost || perfected, Sirach his son re-
ceiving it after him left it to his own son
Jesus, who, having gotten it into his hands,
compiled it all orderly into one volume, and
called it Wisdom, intituling it both by his
own name, his father's name, and his grand-
father's ; alluring the hearer by the very
name of Wisdom to have a greater love to
the study of this book. It containeth there-
fore wise sayings, dark sentences, and para-
bles, and certain particular ancient godly
stories of men that pleased God ; also his

prayer and song; moreover, what benefits
God had vouchsafed his people, and what
plagues he had heaped upon their enemies.
This Jesus did imitate Solomon, and was
no less famous for wisdom and learning,
both being indeed a man of great learning,
and so reputed also.]

The Prologue of the Wisdom of Jesus
the Son of Sirach.

WHEREAS many and great
things have been delivered
unto us by the law and the prophets,
and by others that have followed
their steps, for the which things Is-
rael ought to be commended for
learning and wisdom ; and whereof
not only the readers must needs
become skilful themselves, but also
they that desire to learn be able to
profit them which are "without, both 11 Or, of

1 • j •.■ j another

by speaking and writing : my grand- nation.
father Jesus, when he had much

Whereas many and great things have been
delivered unto us.~\ " Great," in the sense of
important ; " delivered," here deSo/xevcop, not
7rapa8i8o(x6ai, as usually and more aptly ; "to
us," viz. to the Jews.

by the Law, the Prophets, and the others
who followed upon them.] Viz. the writers
(not the writings) that followed — presumably,
the authors of the Hagiographa.

for which it is due to commend Israel
for culture (jrai^eia, disciplina ; De Wette,
" instruction ") and wisdom.] The two terms
are again found immediately afterwards, and
(though in inverse order) in Ecclus. i. 27.
In the LXX. naidein is the equivalent of ten
Hebrew words. Here it probably stands
for the Hebrew ID-ID, which is so rendered
twenty-one times in the LXX. rendering of
Prow, while the two terms, as here, are four
times combined (Prov. i. 2, 7, xv. 33, xxiii. 23;
Theod., S.-H., 23, and ten other Godd.), and
in only two instances (Prov. x. 17 b- xvii. 8 ?)

two other Hebrew words are represented by
Traideia in Prov. The Hellenistic tone of this
commendation should be marked. It seems
intended to strengthen the confidence of Israel
in their position among the Greeks, and to
conciliate the favour of the latter.

and since it behoves those who read
(or, readers) not only to become skilful {scientes,
" einsichtsvoll") themselves (X, C, H, 55, 155
read yevecrdai), but also that they who love
learning (are eager after knowledge) should
be able to be of use, both speaking and
writing (by verbal instruction and written
works), to them that are without] This
is the common meaning of the expression.
In that case the reference would seem to be
to Grecian proselytes, or perhaps even to in-
quiring heathens, and only secondarily to the
Jews in the dispersion. But in the usage of
Polybius the expression only means "out-
siders "or " others."

my grandfather Jesus.] Or, possibly : " my

ECCLESIASTICUS.

given himself to the reading of the
law, 2nd the prophets, and other
books of our fathers, and had gotten
therein good judgment, was drawn
on also himself to write something
pertaining to learning and wisdom ;
to the intent that those which are
desirous to learn, and are addicted
to these things, might profit much
more in living according- to the law.
Wherefore let me intreat you to
read it with favour and attention,

and to pardon us, wherein we may
seem to come short of some words.

which we have laboured to inter-
he same things uttered
and translated into an-

pret. for i
in Hebrew,
other tongue, have not the same
force in them : and not only these
things, but the law itself, and the
'prophets, and the rest of the books, "Gr.
have no small 1! difference, when they of/"
are spoken in their own language, ^^eiicncy.
For in the eight and thirtieth year cir. i33.

ancestor Jesus." On the meaning of this word
and on the date of the work of the older
Siracide, comp. Introd.

having given (devoted) himself more
[than others] (so in the usage of Polyb. — am-
plius ; but Wahl, "for longer") to the read-
ing (study), <b'c.~\ The arrangement of the
Old Testament into " Law, the Prophets, and
the other books of the fathers" (comp. St.
Luke xxiv. 27 ; Jos. c. Ap. i. 8), appears here
for the first time. It is probable that this
passage gave rise to the tripartite division of
the Old Testament which was afterwards
universally adopted.

and having gotten therein sufficient
(=much, sat mult us, quod satis est) profi-
ciency.] So in the usage of Polyb. : "as the
result of practice." InLXX. 1 Kings (1 Sam.)
xvi. 7 the word stands for " height."

that those who love (are eager for)
learning.] The next clause is ambiguous.
Most modern writers render it : " becoming
also attached to these things," viz. to this new
contribution of the Siracide. But the render-
ing of the A. V., slightly modified, seems better:
and are become attached to these
things, viz. those things in which Ben Sira
himself had gotten such skill — the Law, the
Prophets, and other writings of the fathers.
This agrees better with the plural number
(jovtwv evo%oi : comp. iv tovtois . . . e$iv),
whereas the work of Ben Sira is referred to
in the singular (n rwv k. t. A.). It also
accords with the general context. The
object of the elder Siracide was to further
in religion those who, comparatively ignorant,
were desirous to learn, and had become at-
tached to these things. On the other hand,
it would be difficult to attach any definite
meaning to their becoming attached to his
new work.

might make all the more progress by
a life (living) according to the Law.]
The 81a is generally rendered " in," not " by,"
but the sense is nearly the same in both cases.

Although the tone of this introductory

statement is Grecian, it is Palestinian in spirit.
For the Rabbis often urge the duty of those
who had learned to teach others. Thus it was
said that the promise Ps. cxii. 3 applied to
those who, having learned, also taught the
Law (Kethub. 50 a); and the expression " the
law of kindness " (Pro v. xxxi. 26) is explained
to mean study in order to teach (Sukk. 49 b).
On the other hand, we are told that there is
not greater vanity than to have learned the
Law and not to instruct others (Deb. R. 2).
Indeed, according to Rabbi Meir, such an
one "despised the word of the Lord," ac-
cording to Numb. xv. 31 (Siphre, ed. Fried-
mann, p. 3 3 a). Similarly, in regard to the
necessity of knowledge in order to attain purity
of life, there was not any principle more gene-
rally current than that an uncultivated person
did not fear sin, and that the ignorant could
not be pious (Ab. ii. 5). Indeed, Rabbinic
study was based on this idea.

In what follows the younger Siracide be-
speaks " favour and attention " for the work
of his ancestor, and as translator asks the
readers to pardon (to have a lenient judg-
ment) wherein (in those things where) we
may appear, while having bestowed
diligent labour on the translation {circa
interpretationem laborando), to have failed
in some of the words. It has, however,
also been proposed to render the sentence:
" Wheresoever we seem in our carefully
elaborated translation in certain of our phrases
to give no meaning." The next sentence —
translated in the A. V. with sufficient accuracy,
though not quite literally — explains as reason
of such failure, that a translation could never
quite convey the force of the original. "These
things" refer to the present work. We
note that the expression " Hebrew" (tongue)
occurs here for the first time in Old Testa-
ment literature.

Lastly, the translator proceeds to give his
reasons for undertaking the work.

For in the eight and thirtieth year, under
king Euergetes.] See Introd. Rather: "I
found no small difference of oulture."

V. I.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. I.

coming into Egypt, when Euergetes
was king, and continuing there some
Or, time, I found a book of no small
elf"^,„ learning : therefore I thought it most
necessary for me to bestow some
diligence and travail to interpret it ;
using great watchfulness and skill in
that space to bring the book to an
end, and set it forth for them also,
which in a strange country are willing

to learn, being prepared before in
manners to live after the law.

CHAPTER I.

I All 'wisdom is from God. 10 He givcth it to

them that love him. 12 The fear of God is

full of many blessings. 28 To fear God
without hypocrisy. P- C.

ever.

LL a wisdom cometh from the

Lord, and is with him

a 1 Kings
for 3. 9.

James 1.
5-

The word which we have rendered "differ-
ence " has been variously translated, and also
means "made like unto." But our version
suits the context best. Having during his
residence in Egypt felt the difference of culture
— in modern parlance : of standpoint and
development — between the Palestinians and
Grecians (whether Jews, proselytes, or Greek
friends and inquirers), he was anxious to pre-
sent the work of his ancestor in a Greek garb.
It will be noticed that, strictly speaking, the
text gives not any information on the contro-
verted question, at what precise date the
younger Siracide had begun his translation,
still less when he finished and published it,
but only states that he had arrived and settled
in Egypt under the reign of Euergetes.

Frit/.sche inserts after " most necessary "
ovv (from X, C, H, 55, 105, a/., Old Latin);
after " thought," kciL, " therefore I also thought"
(from III. and the previously-quoted read-
ings). "Diligence:" rather, zeal [speed,
trouble] and laboriousness. "To inter-
pret it:" rather, "on the translating of
this book." "Using:" add "indeed." "In
that space:" rather, "in the interval of
the time," i.e. while he carried on his work,
he robbed himself of sleep and employed all
his knowledge and skill "in order, having
Drought the book to an end (for fiyovra
read ayayovra, C, H, Alex., 55, 106, 155, 253,
254, 296), to give it forth (publish it) also
for those abroad (in foreign lands, i.e. in
"the dispersion") who are," Sec. The ex-
pression is used of sojourn in a strange land,
as in Acts xiii. 17, 1 Peter i. 17; and in the
same sense the verb (St. Luke xxiv. 18 ;
Heb. xi. 9) and the subst. adjective (Acts
vii. 6, 29 ; Eph. ii. 19 ; 1 Pet. ii. 11 ; and also
frequently in the LXX., in the Apocrypha,
and by Philo). " And are prepared," Sec. :
rather, "prepare themselves in manners
(as to morals and customs) to live after
the law."

CHAPTER I.

This chapter naturally forms the Introduc-
tion to the whole work. It consists of two
equal parts, each of fourteen (2 x 7) verses,
viz. Part I., w. 1-15 (omitting the spurious

•v. 5); Part II., w. 16-30. The first part
may be designated as the theoretical (or
objective), the second as the practical (or
subjective) aspect of the theme.

Each part is again subdivided into equal
stanzas. [In general we notice that the
numerical arrangement of stanzas, and even
verses, throughout this book is marked, and
indeed characteristic] Part I. consists of two
stanzas, each of seven verses (i"t>. 1-8, 9-15).
The first stanza (yv. 1-8) opens with a
statement of the general theme (v. 1)— the
other six verses being an enlargement of v. 1 b,
which sets forth that Wisdom is for ever with
God. Similarly, the second stanza (vv. 9-15)
takes up the first clause of the initial proposi-
tion («y. 1 a), that Wisdom cometh from the
Lord. It is created, and bestowed by God
as His gift to humanity (yv. 9, 10); it is
moral and practical (" the fear of the Lord ")
as well as speculative, and bestows the best
gifts in life and death (yv. 11-13); and it is
a permanent gift alike to the individual and to
humanity (yv. 14, 15). In the last two verses
(14, 15) the author returns to the subject of
the first two verses in the stanza (yv. 9, 10).

Part II. consists of three stanzas of five,
five, and four verses — the last being, however,
a double verse (v. 30). It may be described
as the practical aspect of the subject. Stanza i.
Qvv. 16-20) sets forth what W isdom is, and
what Wisdom does for the wise. Stanza ii.
(yv. 21-26) might be briefly thus inscribed:
" The fool (= ungodly) and the wise (= righ-
teous) ;" and stanza iii. (yv. 27-30) con-
versely : "The wise and the fool."

[On the relation of the Greek text of this
chapter to the Syriac Version, see the notes.]

1. The manner in which Wisdom is set
forth is extremely characteristic of the stand-
point of Ecclesiasticus, as intermediate not
only between the Old Testament and Jewish
Hellenism, but between the latter and what
afterwards was distinctively Palestinian teach-
ing. Gomp. here on the one hand such descrip-
tions of Wisdom as in Wisd. vii. 21-27, and
chap. viii. — or still further in the writings of
Philo — and on the other hand the teaching of
the Rabbis, which identified Wisdom with the
Torah, or Law. Even the opening sentence

ECCLESIASTICUS. I.

[V- 2—5-

B. C.
cir. 200.

2 Who can number the sand of 4 Wisdom hath been created be-
the sea, and the drops of rain, and fore all things, and the understanding

of prudence from everlasting.

5 The word of God most high is
the fountain of wisdom ; and her

B.C.
cir. 200.

the days of eternity ?

3 Who can find out the height of
heaven, and the breadth of the earth,
and the deep, and wisdom ?

ways are everlasting commandments.

of Ecclus. (v. 1) is both Grecian and Hebrew
— the former element appearing in the word
all, the latter in the derivation of" all wisdom "
from God. And this "wisdom" is "for
ever" with God (comp. Job xii. 13). The
okl Lat. Version has: "and was with Him
ever, and is before the Age " (et cum illo fult
semper, et est ante dcvum).

2. The proposition in the second clause of
t. 1 is farther carried out, both negatively
and positively, in the following verses. That
Wisdom is 'really with the Lord for ever,
appears from the inscrutable mysteries by
which we are s irronnded (w. 2, 3). The
whole passage reminds us of Prov. xxx. 4.
"The days" of eternity "—lit. "of -Eon."
The reasoning may be thus paraphrased :
Who can compute either the numberless
grains which make up the sand of the sea, or
the drops in the rainfall, or the series of days
which constitute j£on ? To us it is all in-
scrutable. The term "./Eon" occurs very
frequently in the LXX. — almost exclusively
for the Hebrew Olam. The expression
" days of /ton," or of " the ,£on," is found in
the LXX. rendering of Deut. xxxii. 7 ; Is.
lxiii. 9; Am. ix. 11 ; Mic. v. 2, vii. 14; Mai.
iii. 4. Similarly, the expression " sand of the
sea" is frequent in the LXX., and in the Bible
is employed to denote an innumerable quan-
tity. The reference to the rain-drops recalls
Job xxxvi. 27, where the LXX. use the same
words. It has, however, been also suggested
that v. 2 may not be intended to mark the
inscrutable character of what is there men-
tioned, but rather to indicate topics of com-
parison with the inscrutable character of
Divine wisdom.

3. find out.'] Rather, trace out.

the <!eep.~] Rather, the abyss. The
Armenian Version has: "the abyss of wis-
dom." The Syriac (as also Vet. Lat. and 70)
omits " and wisdom." We regard the words
as a Hellenising addition by the Greek trans-
lator. The language recalls the cosmogony
< f Philo (4de Mundi opif.' ed. Mangey, i. 6,
7 ; ed. Frcf., p. 6), in which first the " un-
bodily " heaven and the " unseen " (invisible)
earth and " the idea" of air and vacuity were
made by God in the "intelligible" (ideal)
world. It seems the more likely that the
younger Siracide may have entertained views
kindred to those afterwards developed by
Philo, since the same ideas appear in the LXX.

rendering of Gen. i. 2 : " And the earth was
unseen (invisible) and unwrought " (unformed
— the word occurs only here in biblical litera-
ture). Among the Rabbis we find similar
speculations — although under ban of the
authorities— about the pre-existence of matter
and the formation, rather than the creation,
of the world (comp. ' Life and Times of Jesus/
vol. i. pp. 50, 51). In these speculations water
was mostly regarded as the original matter.
One Rabbi (Ben Soma) thought that only
two or three fingers' breadth intervened be-
tween the upper and the lower waters (Ber.
R. 1) ; and that these issued from the Thebom,
or abyss. The Hellenistic character of the
views of the younger Siracide accounts for
the otherwise apparently incongruous juxta-
position of "abyss" with " wisdom "—here
in the sense of creative, formative wisdom.

4. understanding of prudence.'] Rather,
intelligence of understanding [purpose?
thoughtfulness ?]. The Armen. Vers, has the
two words in apposition, as similarly Prov. i. 4 ;
their conjunction in Prov. viii. 12, comp. i. 4.
The verse seems another of the Hellenistic
alterations by the Greek translator. The Syr.
renders v. 4 : " More abundant than all these
is wisdom, and stronger is faith." The latter
words suggest a Christian hand.
from everlasting.] Lit. fromlon.
On the negative statement concerning
" Wisdom " (in -w. 2, 3) follows now the
positive. Alike the first and second clauses of
<v. 4 seem parallel to, and are explained by the
first and second clauses of v. 6. Verse 5 is
found only in H, 23, 55, 70, 106, 248, Co.
and in the Old Lat., and has been rightly
omitted by Fritzsche. It is evidently an
interpolation, intended to avert heterodox
teaching or application.

In regard to the term " create " in v. 4, it
is true that in Ecclus. it is used in the sense
of " forming " or preparing (so probably,
though not certainly, in Ecclus. xxxix. 25, and
in xl. 1, xliv. 2, and'more doubtfully, xlix. 14).
But in these passages the word is evidently
employed in a wider, almost figurative sense.
Bretschneider is therefore not justified in con-
tending that the word in our verse does not
mean " to create." It might represent the
Hebrew mp, which the LXX. render in Prov.
viii. 22 by "create" (so also in Gen. xiv. 19,
22, while generally they translate K~Q by
kti£co). Although this view of "Wisdom"
as created before all things is here probably

6—12.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. I.

b. c. 6 h To whom hath the root of
— ^°' wisdom been revealed ? or who hath
jsai. 40. jcnovvn her wjse counsels ?

7 [Unto whom hath the know-
ledge of wisdom been made manifest ?

13-

Wisd. 9.

13-
Rom. 11.

34-

1 Cor. 2.

16.

and who hath understood her great
experience ?]

8 There is one wise and greatly to
be feared, the Lord sitting upon his
throne.

9 He created her, and saw her, b. c.
and numbered her, and poured her C11j_^
out upon all his works.

10 She is with all flesh according
to his gift, and he hath given her to
them that love him.

11 The fear of the Lord is honour,
and glory, and gladness, and a crown
of rejoicing.

12 The fear of the Lord maketh a

Grecian, it may also be referred to Prov. viii. 22.
The Rabbis substituted for " Wisdom" the
Tor ah (Law), which they represented as one
of the six things created before the world
(Ber. R. 1), or according to another passage,
2000 years before it (Midr. on Song v. 11).
They commented on Prov. viii. 22 to this
effect, that God had looked into the Torah,
as an architect into his plans, and so created
the world (Ber. R. 1). The second clause of
•v. 4 may probably refer to the details of
creation. The personification of " W isdom "
in our verse is only figurative. It is interest-
ing to mark that Philo also quotes Prov. viii.
22, interpreting it in a manner similar to the
Siracide (' de Temul.' [ebriet], ed. Mang.
i. 362 ; Frcf. p. 244).

6. Rather, was revealed, and who knew
her subtle devices? "Subtle devices,"
with the additional meaning of secrecy — Vet.
Lat., astutias illius. The inscrutable character
of " Wisdom " is farther shewn in regard to
her root — as being in God, and to her work-
ing. The reference is not to "Wisdom as in
God, but to Wisdom as manifesting herself.
The second half of the verse is omitted in
the Armenian Version. The Syr. begins the

verse with ^OTlp!? \0 — evidently the "from
vt'on " of the close of v. 4 in the Greek
Version.

7. This is another interpolation, found in
the same Codd. as i<. 5.

8. One is wise, and to be feared
greatly, sitting upon His throne: the
Lord.] "To be feared greatly," comp. Joel
ii. 11, and Ecclus. xliii. 29. In Him Wisdom
is joined to power, although the reference
may also be to His moral properties : He is
the Lord. The Syr. and Arab. Versions have :
"ruleth over all her treasures." The Syr.
Vers, and the Old Lat. omit the words " w'ise
and," which probably were not in the Hebrew
original.

9. 10. Beginning of stanza ii. Qvv. 9-15).
The writer proceeds to give an account of
AVisdom as Divinely bestowed. " Numbered
her" — so literally. Although the words of
the Hebrew original were probably taken from

Job xxviii. 27 (see marg.), it does not follow
that the younger Siracide mistranslated them
because they differ from the rendering of the
LXX. (f^r/yrja-aro). Some have translated:
"He divided her," i.e. He bestowed on the
things to be created, to each its part of
wisdom. And this may be the meaning of
the addition in the Syr. and Arab. Versions :
"He numbered and gave it." We hesitate
connecting the expression with the Sephirothr
or " enumerations " (emanations) of the Kab-
balists, although to "enumerate" might be
equivalent to creativelydetermining and setting
it forth, and in that sense revealing it.

There cannot be any doubt as to the
meaning of the next clause, with which the
first part of v. 10 must be logically connected
(the words " she is " are not in the original) :
" He poured her upon all (the Arm. omits
"all") His works — v. 10 a: [together] with
all flesh, according to His good will
(donation) ." That this latter is here the correct
meaning rather than " gift " — certainly not
" appointed portion " — appears not only from
the Syr. and Arab. Versions, but from the
whole context, and seems supported by Ecclus.
xi. 17, where the word 860-19 in the first clause
is parallel to " good pleasure " in the second.
The expression "all flesh" means here "all
mankind," as in Gen. vi. 12 ; Joel iii. 1. The
word " with " seems at first sight to render
the explanation difficult. But it may mean
that wisdom has been bestowed on all God's
works in connexion with man. It follows quite
aptly (f. io£) that "He supplied (bestowed)
her abundantly to them that love Him."
Teaching similar to this, only in more developed
form, occurs frequently in Philo. Notably,
he tells us (' de Profug.' ed. Frcf. p. 470) that
God pours of His etherial wisdom upon all
generous and inquiring minds. But while
they rejoice in it, they know not the author
and source of it. This is God, who has given
His word as the bread from heaven. These
Divine precepts bring to the Israelitish, i.e.
the receptive soul, light and sweetness. And
then Philo proceeds to shew the superior
happiness (as compared with that of the mere
philosopher) of obedience to the command-
ments and the service of God.

ECCLESIASTICUS. I.

[v. 13—15.

B.C.

cir. 200.

P-C. merry heart, and giveth joy, and 14 ^To fear the Lord is the begin-

cir^oD. gj^jjgg^ an(j a [ong |jfe< njng 0f wisdom : and it was created

13 Whoso feareth the Lord, it with the faithful in the womb. [Is-

shall go well with him at the last, and 15 She hath built an everlasting £r

n Or, s/in//he "shall find favour in the day of his foundation with men, and she shall

be blessed, i .1

10.

ov. 1. 7.
5 & 9. 10.

death.

continue (/ with their seed.

2 Chron.
20. si.

11. From this account of Wisdom, as
Divinely bestowed — to which w. 14, 15
correspond (see the introduction) — the writer
passes in v. 11 to Wisdom in its practical
aspect, which is the fear of the Lord, telling
us what it is, and what it bestows, alike in
life and death. The " crown of rejoicing" is
a figure easily understood, derived from the
custom on festive occasions.

12. gladdens (cheers) the heart.] The
same expression occurs in LXX. Prov. xxvii. 9.
The verbs, it should be noticed, are all in the
future tense. For the last clause comp. Deut.
iv. 40, vi. 2; Prov. iii. 1, 2, 16, x. 27;
Ecclus. i. 20. The Rabbis also regard length
of life as the reward of righteousness (Prov.
x. 2): it delivered even from natural death
(Shabb. 156/1), and death at sixtv was "by
the hand of God" (Jer. Bikk. 64 c). Similar
statements frequently occur in the Midrashim.

13. In the margin, " shall be blessed," which
marks the better meaning and reading of III.,
X, H, 23, 70, a/., Co., and the Old Lat. So
also the Syr. and Arab. Versions. We should
be glad to believe that the expression " it
shall be well at the last" (fV eaxurav)
was intended to bear reference to the after-
death. But the term (in the plural), which
occurs in at least live other passages of Ecclus.
(four of them wrongly marked in Trommius,
' Concord.'), refers in only one of these places
(Ecclus. xlviii. 24) to what we would call
"the last things," "the end of time." On
the other hand, the dreary references to death
by Hen Sira (as xviii. 12 ; xxxviii. 17-23 ; xli.
1-4) indicate a poor philosophy and an almost
worse than Sadducean theology, which enter-
tains not any real hope for after death. The
single passage in Ecclus. xlviii. 11, quoted on
the other side, requires special consideration
(see the comment. On the subject generally
see the Introduction). Bretsehneider and
irit/sche understand the clause to refer to a
gentle death (Ecclus. xi. 26). This seems
somewhat jejune. But the Rabbis also speak
ot 903 different kinds of death [this bv gema-
trta . of which that "bv the kiss" (of God)
was the gentlest (Her. 8 a), like drawing a hair
out of the milk (Moed. Q., 28 «, i\ while a
painful death was to be the fate of the wicked.
Inferences as to the condition of the soul
were also derived from the look and even the
posture of the dying (Ab. de R. Nath. 25).
Perhaps the expression in Ecclus. may refer

to death when children are left behind, espe-
cially sons. The Rabbis suppose that this is
marked in Scripture by the expression "falling
asleep," in contradistinction to dying (the
former in the case of David, the latter in that
of Joab). The second half of the verse, how-
ever, seems to refer to public acknowledgment
upon death : and this, even accepting the
reading in the margin, which is that of A, C,
and other Codd., as well as of the Syr. and
Vet. Lat. We know what value the Rabbis
attached to public lamentations of the dead
and to encomium at funeral orations.

14. This and v. 1 5 are extremely interest-
ing from their connexion with w. 9, 10, and
the light which they cast upon them. The
additions in the Vet. Lat. (Latin Version) are
very curious and characteristic of their source.
For the first half of v. 14 comp. Prov. i. 7 ;
ix. 10. The second half is quite in accordance
with the later teaching of Philo, who regarded
as the highest class of virtue that from an
innate good disposition. (' Leg. Alleg.' iii.,
ed. Frcf. p. 76 ; 'de Congr.' u. s. p. 429, and
specially ' de Prof.' p. 474 ; comp. generally
Siegfried, 'Philo,' p. 269, &c, and the art.
" Philo " in Wace and Smith's ' Diet.') The
views of the Rabbis were similar (comp. St.
John ix. 2 ; see ' Life and Times of Jesus,' ii.
p. 178). "The faithful" are the neemanbn
(2 Mace. i. 2) of the Jews. The same expres-
sion occurs also in the LXX. and the N. T.

15. The rendering of this verse is very
difficult. Literally translated, the first half of
it could scarcely mean anything else than :
And with men, as an eternal foundation
(the same word for the Heb. word " place "
in LXX. Job xviii. 4; Is. xiii. 13), she has
huilt her nest — since the verb (voao-eva))
is not a transitive. But as this would pre-
sent a strange mixture of figures, we can only
suggest that there is here a misreading and
misrendering of the original, as in LXX.
Prov. xvi. 16 — perhaps in imitation of it — in
which case the Hebrew original really meant :
" And she has acquired an eternal foundation
(place, habitation) with men." And it is
probable that the substantive (voaaid) is used
with the same application in Ecclus. xxxvi. 26c.
The rendering of the second clause is scarcely
less difficult. Fritzsche translates what he
supposes the original (IP^FI) by " she shall
be continuous," or " accredited, faithful (ap-
proved)," but the better rendering seems to

l6 22.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. I.

B. C

cir. 200,

1 6 To fear the Lord is fulness of
wisdom, and filleth men with her
fruits.

17 She filleth all their house with
things desirable, and the garners with
her increase.

18 The fear of the Lord is a crown
of wisdom, making peace and perfect
health to flourish ; both which are
the gifts of God : and it enlargeth
their rejoicing that love him.

1 g Wisdom raineth down skill

and knowledge of understanding, and .B- c.
exalteth them to honour that hold — ^°'
her fast.

20 The root of wisdom is to fear
the Lord, and the branches thereof
are long life.

21 The fear of the Lord driveth
away sins : and where it is present, it
turneth away wrath.

22 A furious man cannot "be justi- " 0r>
fied ; for the sway of his fury shall be punish-
his destruction. menL

be : she shall be credited {fide digna bahe-
bitur. vel reperietuf). As regards the mean-
ing of the verse, Ecclus. xxiv. 7, 8 seems to
leave no doubt that the reference in the first
clause is to the Mosaic Law, as wisdom that
had obtained an eternal foundation in Israel,
although it seems doubtful whether "their
seed," among which the Law is to shew itself
worthy of credence, or to be approved, refers
to mankind generally, or to the descendants
of Israel.

16. The verse is not merely a repetition,
but opens the second part of the chapter, and
begins a new stanza (see introduction). The
connexion with v. 14 should be marked.
As " to fear the Lord is the beginning of
wisdom " (v. 1 4), so " the fulness " or " abun-
dance" "of wisdom" — the determining sub-
stantive being here used in the sense of a
superlative — is once more "to fear the Lord "
— wisdom begins and ends there; "and
makes them drunk," i.e. fully satisfies them.
See a similar use of the figure in Deut. xxxii.
42, and a similar expression in LXX. Ps. xxii.
5 (A. V. xxiii. 5).

17. Comp. Prov. viii. 18, 19. "All their
house:" rather, all her house. The Syr.
has : " she filleth her treasuries with wisdom
and her treasures" Sec. — the Svr. reading
WmVD for D'OyuO, or perhaps' nV2V\ for
man. "With her fruits:" more literally,
her products. We have little doubt that
here the Greek rendering preserves the
Hebrew original of the older Siracide.

18. The relation between fear of the Lord
as the beginning and the fulness of wisdom in
•w. 14 and 16 is inverted in w. 18 and 20.
This is not the case in the Syr., which has
once more " the beginning of wisdom," and
also more correctly renders the second clause:
"and increaseth peace, and life, and health."
"Perfect health:" literally, health of heal-
ing—health restored. The fear of the Lord
is a crown of wisdom (perhaps in the sense
of Wisdom being crowned when this fear shall
universally prevail), making to nourish

(here probably a Hebraism) peace (between
man and man) and health of healing (the
healing of all present breaches). The senti-
ment, which in its Greek form is one of the
modifications of the original by the younger
Siracide, reappears in Philo. There we find
the same anticipations fully, and in exact
correspondence, expressed in the descriptions
of Messianic times, specially in ' de Pram, et
Pcen.' ed. Mangey, ii. 421, &c. ; ed. Frcf.
pp. 923-925. The clauses in the A. V. after
" to flourish " must be struck out.

19. The A. V. omits (with 253, 248, Co.)
the opening words of the verse: And He
saw and numbered (or revealed) her. The
clause, which is precisely parallel to v. 9 (see
the note), once more points forward to Philo.
But it cannot be omitted, if only because it
supplies the subject — God — for what follows.
The word "Wisdom" with which v. 19
begins in the A. V. does not occur in the
original, and the subject is God. The idea
of presenting Him as "pouring down, like
rain," " skill and knowledge of understanding,"
is thoroughly Hellenistic. Indeed, the first
two clauses of this verse, which are quite
different in the Syr., must be attributed to the
younger Siracide. In the same manner Philo
applied the expression "I will rain bread from
heaven " (Ex. xvi. 4) to the showering down
from above of Wisdom on all who are recep-
tive (' de Prof.,' c. 25, ed. Frcf. p. 470).
"And exalteth them to honour:" rather,
heightens (increases) the honour of them,
Sec. On the whole comp. Prov. iv. 8.

21. This verse in our A. V. is not found in
the best Codd., and must be omitted. From
•v. 20-27 the Syr. contains an entirely different
portion.

22. The verse begins a new stanza.

A furious man.~\ The better reading is
unrighteous anger, although A. V. repre-
sents a correct gloss: comp. Prov. xv. 18.
Shall not be justified — that is, before God;
nor yet will it be vindicated or established
before men. In general the expressions must

ECCLESIASTICUS. I.

[v. 23—30.

B.C.
cir. 200.

23 A patient man will bear for a 27 For the fear of the Lord is wis- B.C.

dom and instruction : and faith and - — '
meekness are his delight.

28 " Distrust not the fear of the 11 Or, Be
Lord when thou art poor ; and ZlldUnt
come not unto him with a double t0-
heart.

29 Be not an hypocrite in the sight
of men, and take good heed what
thou speakest.

30 Exalt not thyself, lest thou fall,
and bring dishonour upon thy soul,

time, and afterward joy shall spring
up unto him.

24 He will hide his words for a
time, and the lips of many shall de-
clare his wisdom.

25 The parables of knowledge are
in the treasures of wisdom : but god-
liness is an abomination to a sinner.

26 If thou desire wisdom, keep the
commandments, and the Lord shall
give her unto thee.

be taken in their widest and most manifold
application. " The sway of his anger," in
the sense of momentum, impetus, "shall be his
destruction" — rather, to his fall — it shall
be the cause or occasion of it. The second
clause of the verse does not give the reason,
but rather explains the meaning of the state-
ment in the first clause, and carries it further.
The transition here from v. 20 b is abrupt,
although v. 22 may possibly be intended as a
demonstration and continuation of w. 19 e,
20 b.

23. In contrast to this "man of wrath"
(Prov. xv. 18) is he who is patient, long suf-
fering OaK/>o<9i7ior, D?BN SQX), as in Prov.
xiv. 29; xv. 18. See also the similar rendering
by Aquila of ^"2: T"!*?*?, Job vi. 1 1. Instead
of " will bear," Fritzsche renders, after an-
other reading (avtgerai) : " will hold out." But
the alteration does not seem to be sufficiently
supported, and the ordinary reading and
rendering best accord with the context. He
will bear till the time(«<rt "foratime") —
ny-ny— viz., of his vindication and deliver-
ance by God.

24. He will bide bis words till the time.]
Till the right time, that appointed of God
for his vindication and deliverance, he will
keep back, restrain, his speech. Comp.
Ps. xxxix. 1 ; Prov. x. 19. The second part
of the verse shews how ample his public vin-
dication shall be. Grotius aptly: " Silen-
tium illius in tempore compensabitur mul-
torum dc ipso sermonibus." The Wisdom
here spoken of is not abstract (aotfna), but
practical (o-vi/to-iy)— intelligence, prudence.

25. In [or among] the treasures of
wisdom is a parable (or else in the collec-
tive sense, -are parables ") of understand-
ing- the latter indicating their qualitv or the
kind ot parable. But quite the opposite are
the views of life and the conversation of the
sinner, v. 25 b.

26. The theoretical and the practical are
here combined : the way to acquire wisdom

is obedience to the commandments. Yet this
wisdom is not in any way the reward of
obedience: and the Lord will abundantly
furnish thee with it. This is not a dis-
tinctively Judaic (Rabbinic) sentiment, but
the writer occupies Old Testament — we had
almost said, New Testament — ground.

27. This verse, which opens the last stanza,
continues the reasoning of v. 26. It also
looks back on the beginning of the previous
stanza in ot. 22, &c. Practical wisdom in
the fear and service of the Lord is here re-
presented as quiet, patient bearing in well-
doing, in opposition to the wrathful self-
assertion of the proud sinner. " Faith and
meekness" — gentleness— " are His delight:"
rather, good pleasure, that with which He
is well pleased, which He approves and loves.
The word evftoKia occurs in the LXX. only
in the Psalms (there eight times) and in the
Apocrypha only in Ecclus. — giving another
indication of the connexion in time between
the version of the Psalms and our book. [In
Cant. vi. 3— LXX. 4 — the name Tirzab is so
rendered.]

28. The clause "when thou art poor"
must be omitted, as not supported by the best
authorities. It is evidently an explanatory
gloss. The rendering "distrust not," "dis-
believe not " (which se;ms supported by LXX.
Is. xxx. 12), appears to correspond better with
the second part of the verse than the " be not
disobedient " of the margin. " A double
heart " (comp. Ps. xii. 2) — one that alter-
nates between faith and unbelief: comp.
St. Jas. i. 8 ; iv. 8.

29. To inward truth outward truthfulness
must correspond. " What thou speakest:"
lit. " in thy lips." With the exception of 250
the Greek Codd. read, instead of "in the
sight of men," " in the mouths [or mouth] of
men." The Greek translator evidently mis-
read »B3 for MB3. The Syr. read it correctly,
and the Vet. Lat. follows it. It seems needless
to limit the verse to a spurious public profes-
sion of religion. The wider view is fully
borne out by the next verse.

v. i— 4.J

ECCLESIASTICUS. I. II.

B.C.
ir. 2oo.

and so God discover thy secrets, and
cast thee down in the midst of the
congregation, because thou earnest
not in truth to the fear of the Lord,
but thy heart is full of deceit.

CHAPTER II.

I God's servants must look for trouble, 7 and
be patient, and trust in him. 12 For tvoc to
them that do not so. 1 5 But they that fear
the Lord -will do so.

MY son, if a thou come to serve B.C.
the Lord, prepare thy soul CI!i^0'
for temptation. 4.^"'

2 Set thy heart aright, and con- 2 Tun- 3-
stantly endure, and "make not haste 1 Pet. 4.
in time of trouble. "' ,

a, . . . n Or, /taste

eave unto him, and depart not not.

away, that thou mayest be increased

at thy last end.

4 Whatsoever is brought upon

30. Comp. St. Matt, xxiii. 12; St. Luke
xviii. 14. " Discover : " in the sense of reveal,
— make publicly known that which had been
hidden. On the first part comp. Prov.
xxvi. 28 ; on the last clause, Acts xiii. 10.
The Syr. has in the closing verses several
other renderings, some of which probably
depend on a different reading of the Hebrew.
One very clear instance of this (pointed out
by Mr. Margoliouth) is in v. 30 ; for " thou
earnest not " the Syr. has " thou bearest the
name" (omitting "not") — evidently the one
reading nnpJ, the other ITHpJ.

CHAPTER II.

The arrangement of this chapter into three
unequal stanzas (1-6 ; 7-1 1; 12-18) is well
marked. The first of them (w, 1-6) con-
nects itself with the penultimate stanza of the
previous chapter (i. 22-26). Similarly, stanzas
ii. and iii. of chapter ii. (especially stanza ii.)
look back on the last stanza of chap, i., and
further develop the idea of " the fear of the
Lord," referred to in the opening and closing
verses of that stanza (i. 27 a, 30 e).

Thus viewed, the first stanza of chapter ii.
continues and carries out what had been set
forth in the previous chapter — especially as to
faith, patience, and meekness. The second
stanza {w. 7-1 1) is well marked by a three-
fold " Ye that fear the Lord," to which an
admonition or a promise is in each case
attached. The two concluding verses of the
stanza — or perhaps three verses, since v. 10
is double — furnish the ground for each of the
preceding admonitions. We mark that each
-of the three verses of admonitions has its
corresponding couplet of lines in the two (or
three) following verses (to. 10, 11).

In stanza iii. (w. 12-18) the three "Ye
that fear the Lord " of the previous stanza
have as their counterpart a threefold " Woe "
Qw. 12-14) — m which we also mark corre-
spondence with the first stanza of the chapter.
The threefold "Woe" is followed by a three-
fold " They that fear the Lord" (iw. 15-17)
— but here of a descriptive, not (as in stanza ii.)
of a hortatory character. The concluding
verse (t.>. 18) furnishes the ground of what

had immediately preceded, and thus corre-
sponds with w. 10, 11 in stanza i.

1. if thou come.'] "Come forward," "set
out." Practical advice is now given to him
who really wishes to serve the Lord, in
opposition to those referred to in the closing
verses of ch. i. The first thing to be re-
membered is that temptation will meet us by
the way. Such temptation may, as Drusius
rightly remarks, come by adversity or by
prosperity. But the reference here is to
adversity, as the following verses shew.

2. Guide thy heart straight, direct,
govern it (so in LXX. Josh. xxiv. 23). This
is the literal meaning of the word. "And
he steadfast," which probably gives the
meaning more fully, as the verb signifies both
" to be staunch " and " to endure patiently."
This in opposition to making haste in the
time of trouble — of distress or misery
(Bissell, " visitation "). The verb is often used
in Philonic writings of afflictions sent. In
such seasons we are to be staunch — not
perturbed nor hasty in thought or deed.
Comp. Ps. xxvii. 14. The verse is wanting
in the Syr.

3. depart not.} Viz. from God— turn not
aside (the Hebrew JO "WD). "Increased:"
in the sense of compensating exaltation
afterwards, at his end, or rather at a later
time, when affliction and temptation well
endured shall give place to happiness. But
there is no reference here to the "after
death." Comp. St. Jas. v. 1 1. For " mayest
be increased at thy last end " the Syr. has :
" mayest be wise in thy paths " — (as has been
noted) reading "pJTimK3, while the Greek

read innnsa.

4. brought upon tbee.~\ Viz. by God ;
" take," viz. upon thyself— accept it, submit
to it. The word " cheerfully " should be
omitted, as not properly authenticated.
" When thou art changed to a low estate "
gives the meaning correctly — lit. " in the
changes of thy humiliation," i.e. when changes
come by which thou art brought into a low
estate. But the reading of 248, aWuyfiari
(in the singular), is supported by the Syr. and
better.

ECCLESIASTICUS. II.

[v. 5—14.

B.C. thee take cheerfully, and be patient
"^°' when thou art changed to a low-
estate.

*Prov. c ''For <j;old is tried in the fire, and

wisd. 3. 6. acceptable men in the furnace of
adversity.

c Ps. 37. 6 e Believe in him, and he will help
thee ; order thy way aright, and
trust in him.

■'Ps. 37-7- 7 Ye that fear the Lord, "'wait for
his mercy ; and go net aside, lest ye
fall.

8 Ye that fear the Lord, believe
him ; and your reward shall not fail.

9 Ye that fear the Lord, hope for
good, and for everlasting joy and
mercy.

10 Look at the generations of old B.C.

. ... . 1 cir. 20c

and see ; rdid ever any trust in the —
Lord, and was confounded? or did 2SPs- 37-
any abide in his fear, and was for-
saken ? or whom did he ever despise,
that called upon him ?

11 -^ For the Lord is full ofcom-rps. 86.
passion and mercy, longsuftering, and £?' ' M5"
very pitiful, and forgiveth sins, and
saveth in time of affliction.

12 Woe be to fearful hearts, and
faint hands, and the sinner that goeth
two ways !

13 Woe unto him that is faint-
hearted ! for he believeth not ; there-
fore shall he not be defended.

14. Woe unto you that have lost

5. The higher reason of the direction of
t. 4 and the comfort in it are indicated. Such
changes are divinely ordered to try and to
purify us. "Adversity : " lit. humiliation. The
figures employed frequently recur in Holy
Scripture (Prow xvii. 3, xxvii. 21 ; Zech.
xiii. 9 ; Mai. iii. 3 ; 1 Pet. i. 7).

6. Help or "take part with thee." The
idea of helping, as in St. Luke i. 54. " Order
thy way aright " gives correctly the sense of
the original — lit. guide (make) thy ways
straight (set, direct them)— certainly not in
the sense of " straightforwardness." " Trust : "
rather, hope. For "hope in Him" the Syr.
has: " and He will direct thy paths."

7. This verse, which begins the second
stanza (see the introd.), farther indicates the
duty of waiting for the merciful deliverance
of God, and the danger of attempts at sinful
self-deliverance. In this and the following
two verses the progression of thought is
always in the second clauses.

8. The promise that their " reward shall
not fail," or be lost, must — at least by us —
not be taken in a Judaic sense.

9. The admonition passes now from the
individual to the general, and hence must be
considered as applicable to the pious at all
times and in all circumstances. This should
be kept in view in the interpretation of the
expression "everlasting joy and mercy." The
term " everlasting" can scarcely be regarded
as equivalent to " lasting" or " long enduring."
Nor yet does it seem to refer to what we
understand by " everlasting." Rather does it
seem to mean that they who fear the Lord
may always look for joy and mercy from
God. That this is the right interpretation
appears from the review in -v. 10 of the
experience of believers in the past.

10. The last clause should be worded like
the two which precede: "Or did any call
upon Him, and He despised them;" rather,
took not notice of them?

11. And this, although we cannot plead
freedom from sin and its ill desert. The
words " longsuffering and very pitiful "
should be omitted, as not supported by the
best authorities.

12. This verse opens the third stanza.
The writer now turns to those who neglect
his admonitions. The antithesis between
•vv. 12-14, and both that which had pre-
ceded and that which follows, should be
marked. The threefold " Woe" is not to be
regarded as a denunciation of judgments,
but rather as equivalent to "Alas for those."
Each of them bears reference to want of that
steadfast faith and unswerving trust previously
recommended. In the first " woe " failure
in a staunch and straight course is denounced;
in the second, failure of courage and assur-
ance ; in the third, that of patient endurance.

faint hands, .] Rather, hands that hang
down (Heb. xii. 12). The expression is
parallel to that in Job iv. 3 and Is. xxxv. 3
(the latter being rendered in the LXX. in
nearly the same manner). " Fearful hearts "
is no doubt the equivalent of the Heb. in
Deut. xx. 8 (in the A. V. "faint-hearted"),
where the LXX. employ exactly the same
words. Similarly also in 2 Chron. xiii. 7,
both in the Heb. and the LXX. To "go
upon two ways" refers not to uncertainty,
but to want of decision and the attempt to
keep in with both sides. The classical reader
will remember the " duabus sellis sedere "
(with our proverbial sequence of " falling
between two stools"); while the biblical
student will recall, both as to expression and

v. 15— 4-]

ECCLESIASTICUS. II. III.

p. c. patience ! and what will ye do when
i£j2oo. ^^^ Lord shall visit you ?

15 They that fear the Lord will
John 14. not disobey his word; and •S'they

that love him will keep his ways.

16 They that fear the Lord will
seek that which is wellpleasing unto
him ; and they that love him shall be
filled with the law.

17 They that fear the Lord will
prepare their hearts, and humble their
souls in his sight,

>2Sam. 18 Saying, We will h fall into the
hands of the Lord, and not into the
hands of men : for as his majesty is,
so is his mercy.

CHAPTER III. b.c.

cir. 200.

2 Children must honour and help both their

parents. 2 1 We may not desire to know all
tilings. 26 The incorrigible must needs perish.
30 Alms are rewarded.

HEAR me your father, O chil-
dren, and do thereafter, that
ye may be safe.

2 For the Lord hath given ^the^Exod.
father honour over the children, and Dein's
hath confirmed the "authority of the I6-

, , J Matt. 15.

mother over the sons. 4.

3 Whoso honoureth his father ^ark 7'
maketh an atonement for his sins : Eph- 6- 2-

4 And he that honoureth his mo j-„J'eni
ther is as one that layeth up treasure.

meaning, Prov. xxviii. 6, 18. (Comp. also
1 Kings xviii. 21.) The verse presents a
climax : heart, hands, walk — moral defect in
either always leading to that in the other.

14. " Patience : " in the sense of endurance
rather than of hope (the latter, Fritzsche).
For " bave lost patience " the Syr. has
" polletis fiducia" — perhaps a confusion of

nas with nn'x.

15. The opposite course is traced as that
which characterises the " fear of the Lord."
One of the most valuable parts of this chapter
is the Old Testament view which it pre-
sents of the "fear of the Lord." "Will
not disobey " — in the Syr. " will not hate " — ■
a different rendering of the word DX?0 in
the original. "His word:" rather, words.
Mark that as in w. 7-9 we have a threefold
admonition to those who " fear the Lord,"
and in irv. 12-14 a threefold "woe" upon
failure in this, so in w. 15-17 a threefold
description of what may be expected of
them who " fear the Lord " — the expression
"they that love Him" (v. 16 b) being almost

parallel to it.

16. that which is wellpleasing unto 6im.~\
This is misleading. The right rendering is,
His good pleasure (evboiciav). "Filled
with : " in the sense of satiating themselves
with it, seeking, aiming, and living only after
His Law.

17. For " bumble their souls " the Syr.
has: "he that forsaketh him shall ruin his
soid" — reading (as has been suggested)

nrvj"' for nrc\

18. majesty.'] Rather, greatness. It is
scarcely necessary to point out the reference
to 2 Sam. xxiv. 14; only that in the present
instance the reason of the choice is indicated
in the preceding context, and also in the last
clause of this verse, which is truly grand and

Old Testament in its conception. It should
be added that the Rabbis also noted that
wherever God's greatness was spoken of in
Scripture, there His condescension was also
immediately indicated. So in Deut. x. 17,
1 8 ; Is. lvii. 15 ; Ps. lxviii. 4, 5 (Meg. 31 a).

CHAPTER III.

This chapter seems to be arranged into four
stanzas. After an introductory line, the first
two stanzas consist each of fourteen lines, in
commendation of filial duty Qw. 1^-9; 10-16).
The third stanza (ot. i 7-24), also of fourteen
lines, is in praise of humility ; while the fourth .
of twelve lines (vv. 26-29; v. 25 must be
omitted), seems chiefly directed against pride
of heart and mind, and intended to inculcate
an opposite frame.

1. your father.] Rather, the father.
This expression, and that of " children," must
not be pressed literally, although the writer
immediately proceeds to describe what is the
proper filial relation. The " safety " here
spoken of—ut salvi sitis— does not refer to
that in the next world, as appears from what
immediately follows.

2. " Given honour " — extolled. Fritzsche,
however, renders " with, or in, the children,"
in the sense that according to Divine appoint-
ment the honour of a father consists in this,
that the children honour him. " The autho-
rity of the mother over sons : " omit the
article. The word "authority" probably
expresses here the meaning better than any
other. The Greek. Kpiais, no doubt corre-
sponds to the Hebrew misbpat, for which it
occurs in the LXX. not less than 132 times.
But mislipat also means " a right" in the
sense of that which is due (so in Deut.
xviii. 3, both in the Hebrew and in the LXX.)
— and the " right " of the mother, that which
is due to her, is equivalent to her authority.

ECCLESIASTICUS. III.

[v. 5—M-

r,. c. 5 Whoso honoureth his father

cir^oo. sjlajj nave j0y 0f jjjs QWn children ;

and when he maketh his prayer, he
shall be heard.

6 He that honoureth his father
shall have a long life ; and he that
is obedient unto the Lord shall be a
comfort to his mother.

7 He that feareth the Lord will
honour his father, and will do service
unto his parents, as to his masters.

f> vcr. 2. 8 h Honour thy father and mother

both in word and deed, that a
blessing may come upon thee from

T.cn 2 them.

27,28, 29. 9 For cthe blessing of the father

,3.1. establisheth the houses of children;

but the curse of the mother rooteth B. c.

r , . cir. 200.

out foundations. —

10 Glory not in the dishonour of
thy father ; for thy father's dishonour
is no glory unto thee.

1 1 For the glory of a man is from
the honour, of his father ; and a
mother in dishonour is a reproach to
the children.

12 My son, help thy father in his
age, and grieve him not as long as he
liveth.

13 And if his understanding fail,
have patience with him ; and despise

him not when thou art "in thy full n Or, in

.1 all thine

strength. abUity.

14 For the relieving of thy father

It need scarcely be pointed out how needful
this admonition is.

3, 4. These verses carry the preceding
into further detail. " Honoureth his father:"
perhaps better reverences, which will also
distinguish this verb from that applied in the
next verse to one's mother. " Maketh an
atonement " — according to the better reading,
in the future tense : shall make atonement,
not in the Christian sense, but in that indi-
cated in i'v. 14 and 15. "As one that layeth
up treasure," providing for the' time of need,
so is he that showeth due honour to his
mother. The word dnodi](ravpi£o) occurs
only in this passage (not in the LXX.) and
in 1 Tim. vi. 19.

5. shall be rejoiced — made happy — by
children. Although the verb does not other-
wise occur with vnd, there cannot be any
doubt that this, rather than eV« rexvois, is
the better reading. In the day of his
prayer: this rather than as in the A. V.,
especially as it seems to point to special
prayer — -primarily, prayer in time of calamity.

6. " A comfort," in the sense of giving
restfulness and refreshment. In the LXX.
it mostly corresponds to the verb n-13, in its
various forms: and 2 Sam. vii. 1, 11 ; 1 Kings
v. 4; 1 Chron. xxii. 9, 18 ; Is. xiv. 3, but
especially Prov. xxix. 17, may here be men-
tioned as parallels.

7. According to the weight of authorities,
the first half of the verse should be omitted,
but alike the preceding verse and the clause
which follows seem to require it— although,
on the other hand, it may have owed its ori-
gin to a feeling of abruptness in the text
without it. The "service" spoken of is
like that of a slave. The Rabbis also held
that a child was bound to do a slave's service

to his father, and likewise to his teacher.
The construction with ev (SoiAeuo-ei iv)
occurs only again in LXX. Jer. xxv. 11.

8. In deed and word (comp. St. Luke
xxiv. 19) reverence thy father, that a
blessing; may come upon thee from him. Thus
according to the better reading, and literally.

9. Better the indefinite article : a father,
a mother. The expression "houses" re-
fers not only to the prosperity but to the
permanence of a family. This appears still
further from the second clause. But Ex. i. 2 1 ,
2 Sam. vii. n, are scarcely parallels.

10. The verse begins the second stanza,
which presents the negative aspect of what
had formerly been inculcated. " Dishonour"
— as generally in reference to fathers, a deriva-
tive of Ti/xdco is used. The verse accurately
represents ancient Hebrew feeling, and re-
bukes the spurious modern boasts of inde-
pendence from ancestry.

12b. For "grieve him not" the Syr. has
" lea-ve not his glory " — as has been suggested,
a confusion of mvj?n with miyn.

13. Make allowance — "have indul-
gence " with him. The Rabbis were wont to
enforce this by an appeal to the beautiful
legend according to which the broken tables
of the Law were likewise preserved in the
Ark (Ber. 8b; Baba B. i4£). "In thy full
strength:" rather, in all thy strength.
The Syr. has: "all the days of his life" —

reading YTl "'£>'' ^O [or ^3], while the Greek

read "fpTI.

14. relieving^ Better, probably, the more
general term " pity " or " mercy." " Instead
of sins," that is in place of the evil and de-
struction which thy sins would have brought,
it shall be built up to thee again, viz.

V. I

5—2I-]

ECCLESIASTICUS. III.

b. c. shall not be forgotten : and instead
cirjjoo. ^ ^.^^ -t sji^ ^e ^fided to build

thee up.

15 In the day of thine affliction it
shall be remembered ; thy sins also
shall melt away, as the ice in the fair
warm weather.

16 He that forsaketh his father is
as a blasphemer ; and he that anger-
eth his mother is cursed of God.

17 My son, go on with thy busi-
ness in meekness ; so shalt thou be
beloved of him that is approved.

<* Phil.

2. 3.

18 ^The greater thou art, the B.C.
more humble thyself, and thou shalt
find favour before the Lord.

19 Many are in high place, and of
renown : but e mysteries are revealed * Ps. 25.
unto the meek. 9' I4'

20 For the power of the Lord is
great, and he is honoured of the
lowly.

21 -^Seek not out the things that^Prov.
are too hard for thee, neither search Rom!'
the things that are above thy I2- 3-
strength.

thy house (or, perhaps : " it shall be added
to thee for building up "). The verb, without
7rp6s, occurs repeatedly in the LXX., notably
in Deut. xiii. 16; Jer. xviii. 9 ; Zech. i. 16;

Mai. iii. 15.

15. He (Syr. "she") shall remember
thee — the Syr. adds to thee — viz. for good, or
for help and deliverance. The correctness of
this rendering is attested by the Syr. Like
fair weather upon ice, so thy sins
shall be dissolved (melt away). The
meaning is, that just as the warmth of fine
weather dissolves the ice which is the result of
cold, so would dutifulness towards parents
remove the guilt and consequences of our sins.
The moral and spiritual view here taken alike
of sin and of duty towards parents is the
opposite of elevated. In the Syriac, "as
heat against ice, to the abolishing of thy
sins ; " in the Arabic we have, instead of the
last clause, "shall drive away evils from thee, as
cold is driven away by the fierceness of heat " —
both explanatory rather than literal renderings.

16. In the Greek the order of the sen-
tences in each of the two members of the
verse is inverted (as compared with the
A. V.), and this makes the meaning much
more emphatic. " Forsaketh :" that is, leaves
unhelped. " Angereth : " probably, by refusing
aid. The tone of at least the first part of this
verse rises to a greater moral height.

17. In the new stanza which here opens,
the writer proceeds to admonish to modesty
and humility ; and this, first, as regards out-
ward conduct and bearing Qw. 17-20); then
as regards the mind {yv. 21-24), ar)d, lastly,
as regards the heart and feelings (ot. 25-28).
The admonition to humility is supported by
three arguments: 1st, it secures the good-
will of pious men — of such as are " approved,"
viz. of God (comp. ii. 5), v. 17; 2ndly, it
gains the favour of God, v. 18 ; which, 3rdly,
is the source of all success, v. 20.

18. Humility should increase with out-
ward success. It almost seems as if the

Apoc— Vol. II

writer had in his mind that otherwise an
envious fate would dispense calamity. A simi-
lar admonition, but from a much higher point
of view, is given in 1 Pet. v. 5.

19. This verse is an interpolation.

20. " The power of the Lord," Syr. " the
mercy of the Lord " — -perhaps a confusion
between TDn and pTI"l. "Honoured of:"
rather, glorified by. Instead of the last
clause the Syr. has: "and to the meek His
secrets are revealed " — probably repeated
from v. 1 9 £.

21. In the admonitions to humility which
now follow, the reasoning is as follows : Ab-
stain from useless speculations and attempts
to comprehend that which is above human
reason {y. 21). Practical obedience is re-
quired, not speculative knowledge, which is
barren (y. 22). The latter.employs our powers
to no purpose, whereas all that is really
necessary has been quite clearly told us
(•y. 23). Lastly, such speculations have led
many fatally astray (v. 24). The argument
is deeply interesting, not only as shewing that
a spirit of inquiry and speculation was abroad,
but as containing one of the passages quoted in
Rabbinic writings as from ' The Book of Ben
Sira.' The fullest recension of it is in Ber.
R. 8 (ed. Warsh. 1 7 a), where v. 2 1 and the
substance of v. 22 are quoted as follows:
" Rabbi Elazar said in the name of Ben Sira
(so also in Jer. Chag. 77 c), What is too
great for thee, seek not out; into what is
too strong (powerful) for thee, search not ;
what is too high for thee seek not to know ;
into what is hidden from thee, inquire not ;
what is within thy power (that which is
within thy reach, that which is practically
before thee), consider, and busy not thyself
with secret things." The same saying is
quoted, with slightly different wording, in the
Jer. Talmud (Chag. 771:), and in the Bab.
Talmud (Chag. 13a — there, as from 'The
Book of Sira'), but without the first two
clauses given in Ber. R. 8. There can be
little doubt that the recension in the Talmud,

ECCLESIASTICUS. III.

[v. 2 2 — 3c

B.C.

cir. 200.

22 But what is commanded thee, evil at the last ; and he that loveth
think thereupon with reverence ; for danger shall perish therein.

it is not needful for thee to see with 27 An obstinate heart shall be
thine eyes the things that are in laden with sorrows ; and the wicked
secret. man shall heap sin upon sin.

23 Be not curious in unnecessary 28 "In the punishment of the
matters: for more things are shewed proud there is no remedy; for the

plant of wickedness hath taken root
in him.

B.C.

cir. 200.

unto thee than men understand

24 For many are deceived by
their own vain opinion ; and an evil
suspicion hath overthrown their judg-
ment.

25 Without eyes thou shalt want man.

light : profess not the knowledge there- 30 & Water will quench a flaming
fore that thou hast not. fire ; and alms maketh an atonement

26 A stubborn heart shall fare for sins.

I! Or, The
proud
man is not
healed by
his pun-
ishment.

29 The heart of the prudent will
understand a parable ; and an at-
tentive ear is the desire of a wise

? Ps. 41.
I, &c.
Dan. 4. 27

Matt. 5. 7

with its four members in exact parallelism, is
the correct one, nor yet that it — rather than
the Greek — represents what had originally
been written by the older Siracide.

22. The words "with reverence" and
"to see with thine eyes" must be omitted.
The last clause should read: for thou hast
no use (or else, no necessity) for (jwn
pertinent ad te) the things that are
hidden — they are not required for any prac-
tical purpose.

23. Rather, In the things which go
beyond (surpass, exceed — both in quantity
and quality) thy works (the requirements of
practice, referred to in the previous verse) be
not a busybody — the same word as in
2 Thess. iii. 11 : here probably in the sense
of meddling with what does not concern one,
wasting one's labour. For what exceeds
(is beyond) the intelligence of man (i.e.
is more than enough for his comprehension,
his practical capacity) has been shewn to
thee (marked out before thee).

24. The admonition to humility in ab-
staining from searching into what is beyond
our ken concludes with a warning: 'For
many has their notion (a notion on their
part, or else, an assumption) led astray
(misled;, and a wrong (noxious) supposi-
tion made their judgment to slip (slide,
tall on a slippery place). Others, however,
have applied the substantives "notion" and
- supposition " to excessive opinion of oneself
-conceit, which led to entering on dangerous
and misleading speculations.

25. This verse must be omitted, as not
supported by the best authorities. In the
Syr. and Arab. Versions it follows after v. 27,
and in the Arab, rather as a paraphrase.

26. Here begins with the last stanza the
commendation of heart-humility. The re-

ference seems to wilful and proud neglect
of the warnings previously given, leading a
person to rush into the fatal dangers above
indicated. Practically the same expression
for a " stubborn heart " occurs in the LXX.
Deut. x. 16 ; Prov. xvii. 20, xxviii. 14; Ezek.
iii. 7. In 1 Kings (1 Sam.) xxv. 3 we have
this about Nabal : 6 avdpwrros aKXrjpos nal
TTovrjpos iv eVtrr/Seiz/xacri. [The Syr. render-
ing of 26 b, "he that loveth good things
shall attain them," is contrary to the whole
structure of this stanza, in which the clauses
of each verse are not in antithesis.]

27. Sorrows, or labours, cares, troubles.
"The wicked man:" rather, the sinner.
We mark as parallel to the second clause
this saying of Ben Azai in Ab. iv. 2 : " One
transgression draws another after it."

28. Probably best rendered: By (in) the
calamity (eVaycoyj/ — H, 248, Co. prefix ip
— that which is brought to him in trial or
punishment) of the proud there is not
healing: it does not lead to his spiritual
healing. The connexion of thought is as
follows : Pride of heart will lead to danger
and ruin (y. 26); sin will prove progressive
(•v. 27), and even trials will not act as cor-
rective (jv. 2 7).

29-31. The last three verses read like a
practical application of the parabolic teaching
of this whole chapter. In opposition to the
stubbornness and conceit which had been
condemned, we have here on the part of the
prudent understanding of the parabolic or
proverbial teaching just given him — his earnest
desire being to learn and obey (v. 29). The
expression "heart" is used in its wider
Hebraic sense for the mind, or what we
might designate the inner man.

30. This practical lesson comes to us
parabolically, that the moral effect of alms

3i— 5-]

ECCLESIASTICUS. III. IV.

B.C. 31 And he that requiteth good

ci^joo. tunis js mindful 0f that which may

come hereafter ; and when he falleth,

he shall find a stay.

CHAPTER IV.

I IVe may not despise the poor or fatherless, 1 1
but seek for wisdom, 20 and not be ashamed
of some things, nor gainsay the truth, 30 nor
be as lions in our houses.

MY son, defraud not the poor of
his living, and make not the
needy eyes to wait long.

2 Make not an hungry soul sor- b. c.
rowful ; neither provoke a man in cnjj^°"
his distress.

3 Add not more trouble to an
heart that is vexed; and " defer not'TProv.3.
to give to him that is in need.

4 Reject not the supplication of

the afflicted ; neither turn away thy b Tobit
face from a poor man. 4- 7-

,™ l , . r Matt. 5.

5*1 urn not away thine eye from 42.
"the needy, and give him none occa- "Or,

-" , to hint tluit

sion to curse tnee : asketk.

upon sins is like that of water upon fire —
it puts an end to their destructive effect.
Low as is the spiritual tone of such a senti-
ment, it is even more painfully and realisti-
cally expressed in the Book of Tobit (comp.
iv. 8-11 ; xii. 9 ; xiv. 11).

31. The word " and " must be omitted ; and
instead of " that which may come hereafter,"
better: the things whioh are after
these (ra fxera raiira) — that is, after that
which is now going on, our present condi-
tion, which may change to one of need.
The Syr. has: " beneficus expeditus est in
via sua"— reading flimX for finnN. Dif-
ference of opinion prevails whether the
subject of the first clause is God or man.
The former view has probably led to the
insertion of the words "the Lord" in 106,
248, Co., H, Vet. Lat. But the reading is
not trustworthy ; and as man is the subject
in the second clause, it seems natural to
supplement also the same word in the first
clause. Thus viewed, v. 31 forms the final
link in the teaching of this chapter. The
man who requiteth benefits — viz. those which
he had received from his parents — is re-
membered in such changes and events as
may come upon him hereafter, and in the
time of his falling shall find support
(stay, succour). Comp. iii. 1-16.

CHAPTER IV.

From the consideration of duty towards
parents the writer proceeds to what is re-
quired of us in regard to our neighbour.
As in the previous chapter, duty is here
primarily viewed under the aspect of bene-
ficence. Hence the relations indicated are
mainly those towards the poor. Here also
the writer shews that true religion, which in
his mind consists in the practice of good
works, is true wisdom. This explains the
transition to the praise of wisdom (w. n—
19). Wisdom is practical religion in well
doing; on the other hand, sin is evil doing
and the loss of wisdom. This appears also
in the third stanza, which, like the conclud-

ing stanza of ch. iii., is chiefly of a warning
character (yv. 20-28). As ch. iii., so ch. iv.
closes with three verses of practical applica-
tion. Thus the chapter consists of three
stanzas — respectively of ten, of nine, and
again of nine verses (jw. 1-10; 11-19;
20-28) — of which the three concluding verses
form the application.

1. This verse may be only introductory
and general, in which case each of the stanzas
of which the chapter is composed would
consist of nine verses. "Defraud," or pos-
sibly in the more general sense specially
applicable in regard to benevolence : " With-
hold not from the poor." The verb is used
in reference to the wages of the poor in the
LXX. Deut. xxiv. 16 (Cod. Alex.; the Vat.
has d-rraSLKTio-eis) and in Mai. iii. 5. Here
it is probably used with wider application
than to wages. For " deprive not," Sec, the
Syr. has : "deride not the life of the poor " —
according to Mr. Margoliouth, the one deriv-
ing the word from the root TD, the other
from i~l]2. " His living : " in the sense of all
that is necessary to sustain life, or for one's
life. The same meaning attaches to the
term in St. Luke xii. 15. Generally comp.
Prov. iii. 28. Both Latin and Greek parallels
might also be here adduced.

2. Few sayings more wise, kind, and suit-
able than this. It is too often the manner of
men to moralise to those who are in sorrow,
and to provoke to anger those who are in
difficulty, embarrassment, or distress. And
even when words are not spoken, our bearing
may effect this. The Syr. has here " forget
not."

3. The direction not to add further distress
to a heart already vexed goes beyond the
previous verse. It has for its counterpart the
admonition not to defer giving (a gift) to one
in need.

4-6. [The Syr. omits 4 b and 5 «.] From
spontaneous compassion the writer next turns
to that which should follow on the appeal of
distress: Refuse not a suppliant who is

E 2

ECCLESIASTICUS. IV.

[v. 6 — 14.

B.C. 6 ^For if he curse thee in the bit-

lrjzoo. temess Qf ^jg SOL1]5 his prayer shall be

jDgUt- heard of him that made him.

7 Get thyself the love of the con-
gregation, and bow thy head to a
great man.

8 Let it not grieve thee to bow
down thine ear to the poor, and
give him a friendly answer with
meekness.

rfisaL 1. 9 d Deliver him that suffereth
k'r 22.3. wrong from the hand of the op-
pressor ; and be not fainthearted
'job 29. wiien thou sittest in judgment.

ID. S 31. JO

10 'Be as a father unto the father-
jam'. 1'. 27.' less, and instead of an husband unto

their mother : so shalt thou be as b. c.
the son of the most High, and he CIL!2°*
shall love thee more than thy mother
doth.

1 1 Wisdom exalteth her children,
and layeth hold of them that seek
her.

12 /He that loveth her loveth life ; f Prov- 3.

T Q

and they that seek to her early shall
be filled with joy.

13 He that holdeth her fast shall
inherit glory ; and wheresoever she
entereth, the Lord will bless.

14 They that serve her shall mi-
nister "to the Holy One : and them r0r. in
that love her the Lord doth love. tuary.

afflicted. In v. \b and v. 5 this is farther
carried out by shewing the consequences of
embittering the soul of the distressed by a
refusal of his entreaty. The admonition goes
indeed further than what we read in Ex. xxii.
22, 23, and Deut. xv. 9, but scarcely beyond
Prov. xxviii. 27. The closing words of
Ecclus. iv. 6 indicate alike the ground on
which our obligation to the poor rests and
the reason why his curse shall not be in vain,
viz. that the God to whom he appeals is his
Maker, and also the Maker of us all. The
teaching of Prov. xiv. 31 and xvii. 5, although
parallel, is higher in character. It need
scarcely be added that the Gospel has pointed
far beyond this.

7. This verse has been regarded by some
critics as inserted in the wrong place, being
apparently unconnected with the previous
argument. The Latin Version has sought to
remove this objection by inserting after " con-
gregation " the words " of the poor." But
the difficulty referred to is rather apparent
than real. There is twofold progression in
w. 7-10 as compared with those which
preceded : first, from the negative to the
positive ; and, secondly, from response to
direct appeals— chiefly for charity— to spon-
taneous action under certain circumstances.
At the same time the advice of -v. 7 is rather
Eastern in character than religious, and
reflects unfavourably on what follows in the
next verses.

8. According to the better reading : In-
cline to the poor thine ear. This and
the next clause, and answer him peace-
ful things (peace) in meekness, are truly
Hebraic. The expression "incline the ear"
occurs in Ps. xvii. 6, Jer. xi. 8 ; and this, " to
answer peace," in Gen. xli. 16 and in Deut.
xx. 11. In fact the LXX. render the latter
passage by exactly the same terms.

9. The first clause perhaps misses the anti-
thetic force of the original: the oppressed
from the hand of the oppressor. " Not
fainthearted : " that is, not afraid to decide in
favour of the poor as against the proud
oppressor.

10. The final admonitions recall Deut.
xxiv. 17-21 ; Job xxix. 15-17, xxxi. 16, &c. ;
and Isa. i. 17. The expression "He shall
love thee more than thy mother doth," seems
to bear reference to Isa. xlix. 15.

11. With this verse commences, according
to Fritzsche, a new section: on Wisdom
(iv. n-vi. 16) — consisting of five parts, the
first containing 20 members (10 + 10) ; the
second, 18 members (6 + 6 + 6) ; the third,
24 (12 -(- 12) ; the fourth, 28 (7 + 14 + 7) ;
and the last, 2 6 members (6 + 6 + 6 + 8). Thus
arranged, Part I. would embrace iv. 11-15
+ iv. 16-19; Part II., iv. 20-28; Part III.,
iv. 29-v. 3 + v. 4-7 ; Part IV., v. 8-10 + 11-
15 + vi. 1-3; Part V., vi. 4-12 + 13-16.

" AVisdom exalteth," viz. to greatness and
happiness, her sons: see St. Matt. xi. 19;
" layeth hold of them that seek her," in the
sense of bringing them help. The word,
which otherwise often occurs in the LXX.
and the New Testament, is used in this
signification only in Heb. ii. 16.

12. that seek to her early — that rise early
after her — to betake themselves to her : indi-
cating zeal and earnestness in the search after
Wisdom, as the main object engaging mind
and heart.

13. wheresoever she entereth.'] Viz.Wisdom,
This seems more congruous to the whole
argument than to render (with Fritzsche)
" whither he entereth," in the sense that what-
soever such a man undertaketh, God will
bless him in it.

14. The cultivation of true wisdom is

V. 15—2 2.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. IV.

15 Whoso giveth ear unto her
shall judge the nations : and he
that attendeth unto her shall dwell
securely.

16 If a man commit himself unto
her, he shall inherit her ; and his
generation shall hold her in possession.

17 For at the first she will walk
with him by crooked ways, and bring
fear and dread upon him, and tor-
ment him with her discipline, until
she may trust his soul, and try him
by her laws.

18 Then will she return the

straight way unto him, and comfort b. c.
him, and shew him her secrets. cir^oo

19 But if he go wrong, she will
forsake him, and give him over to
his own ruin.

20 Observe the opportunity, and
beware of evil ; and be not ashamed
when it concerneth thy soul.

21 For there is a shame that bring;-
eth sin ; and there is a shame which
is glory and grace.

22 Accept no person against thy
soul, and let not the reverence of
any man cause thee to fall.

identical with true religion. Consequently
the relation of God towards us will depend
•on our relation towards Wisdom.

15. The first clause in the Greek seems to
have the great Messianic hope in view, in the
sense that just as at the last that true wisdom
which Israel had received would lead to their
rule over the nations, so in measure would
its acceptance on the part of individuals
secure for them a similar moral supremacy.
But a comparison with the Syr. shews that
the Greek here depends on a misreading of
the Hebrew original. Instead of " shall judge
■nations," the Syr. has : " shall judge truth " —

T1DK, which the Greek misread JlbS, "nations"
{see General Introduction, § VIII.). In-
stead of the correct reading 7rpocrexa>i> (Alex.,
other MSS., Old Lat., Syr., Ar.) the Vatican
has 7rpocre'Kd(ov. The promise of the second
clause, which repeatedly occurs in the Old
Testament, also points to Messianic times for
its final fulfilment. In this connexion the
same expression occurs in LXX. Jer. xxiii. 6 ;
.and with more general application, in LXX.
Deut. xxxiii. 12, 28.

16. If a man commit himself unto ker.~\
Probably better: If a man trust [rely], viz.
in her, commit himself to be led and ruled by
her, not only shall he inherit her, but his
descendants also shall enjoy the benefits
which her possession conveys. The Vat.
has : " If thou trust . . . thou shalt inherit."
But the other reading is the correct and best
supported one.

17. The verse looks back upon the previous
:statement. A man must have "trust" in
Wisdom, for at first her ways will seem to
be neither straight nor happy, but crooked
and trying — it will seem as if they did not
lead to the promised goal, nor yet brought
-either security or happiness. This strange
discipline— until she (Wisdom) have trust
in his soul [the same word as in v. 16] and

have proved him by her statutes [ordi-
nances]. Similarly in Ab. vi. 4 the way of
the Law is described as contentment with the
meanest outward provision and every priva-
tion, combined nevertheless with unceasing
occupation with the Law. If such be our
bearing, we shall inherit the greatest blessing
both in this and in the next world.

18, 19. Then — when Wisdom can put trust
in a man, and he has approved himself by
obeying her precepts through all difficulties —
will she again turn to him according
to the straight way, and there will not
any longer be either sorrow nor yet misunder-
standing about her ways. He that has faith-
fully walked in them amidst trials will be
comforted, and also perceive the meaning of
what to others are secrets. On the other hand,
if a man cannot endure the ordeal, he will be
given over to his own ruin {y. 1 9).

20, 21. The writer proceeds in the next
stanza to set forth the practical aspect of true
wisdom as true religion, and this, first, in a
negative manner. Here he warns us to be
on our guard lest we fall into sin. The second
clause of v. 20 is somewhat difficult. Its
literal rendering, and about [concerning, as
regards] thy soul be not ashamed, leaves
it open to regard it either as an admonition
for the present or as pointing to the future.
The former seems most accordant with v. 21,
which sets forth the difference between false
and true shame. [Verse 21 is inserted in
LXX. Prov. xxvi. 11, at the close of that
verse.]

22. False shame is further described in its
various manifestations ; and first in regarding
or accepting the face of a person — that is,
taking part for or against him— against one's
soul. To this applies the warning in the
second clause, which should be rendered :
and be not abashed [or ashamed, as in
2 Thess. iii. 14 ; Tit. ii. 8] to thy fall. Such
"shame" would lead to one's own fall.

ECCLESIASTICUS. IV.

[v. 23— 31-

B.C.
cur. 200.

II Gr.
in time
of saving,

I Or, and
strive not
against

the

it ream.

23 And refrain not to speak, "when
there is occasion to do good, and
hide not thy wisdom in her beauty.

24 For by speech wisdom shall be
known : and learning by the word of
the tongue.

25 In no wise speak against the
truth ; but be abashed of the error
of thine ignorance.

26 Be not ashamed to confess thy
sins ; "and force not the course of the
river.

B.C.

cir. 200.

27 Make not thyself an underling
to a foolish man ; neither accept the
person of the mighty.

28 Strive for the truth unto death,
and the Lord shall fight for thee.

29 g Be not hasty in thy tongue, rjam. ,.
and in thy deeds slack and remiss. I9-

30 Be not as a lion in thy house,
nor frantick among thy servants.

3 1 /:Let not thine hand be stretch- ;' Acts 20.
ed out to receive, and shut when 3
thou shouldest "repay. 11 Or,.?™*?.

23. The verse marks a progress on the
preceding one. The marginal rendering of
the first clause is the more exact and expres-
sive. The last words of the second clause
(els KaWovTjv) are extremely difficult, nor has
any alteration proposed in the words of the
Greek text or any reference to the Hebrew
original as yet rendered their explanation more
easy. The most likely rendering would
seem: hide not thy wisdom for beauty
(for embellishment, viz. of self) ; that is, in
order thereby to acquire glory. The clause
which is omitted in the Vat., Alex., and Sin.
is found in H, 106, 248, 253, Syr., and Vet.
Lat., and seems almost necessary.

24. This verse indicates the reason of the
previous admonition.

25. If silence may be unseasonable, so may
speech be in certain circumstances. To
speak against the truth, whether purposely
or in ignorance, must be wrong ; to feel our
want of knowledge, and to be abashed by,
and thus to admit it, must be right. The
words " In no wise speak," which depend
on a reading not so well supported, must be
altered to Speak not. For the same reason,
the words " of the error " in the second
clause must be omitted.

26. To the admonition not to be restrained
by false shame from confessing our errors and
sins, the advice is aptly added not to " strive
against the stream ;" that is, not only to give
up seeking excuses for our wrong-doing, but
also to realise that it is impossible to resist
the consequences of our sins. To "strive"
or " swim against the stream " (niti contra
torrent,, m, dirigere brachia c. t.) is an expres-
sion, common among all nations, for attempt-
in- the impossible. For this latter clause the
Syr. has: -and resist not a fool," perhaps
reading the later word rlBB> for F|DtJ>.

27. Make not thyself an underling.'] Lit.
" spread not thyself under as a mat." There
is not, iiowever, any other instance of this
very forcible metaphorical use of the term.

28. the Lord.] According to the better
reading, the Lord God.

29. hasty.] Syr. " boastful." The reading
raxvs seems for various reasons preferable to
that of rpaxvs, although the latter ("rough"
or " harsh ") is adopted by modern inter-
preters: for (1) it forms a good antithesis to
the second clause ; (2) it corresponds to such
passages as Ecclus. v. 11; Prov. xxix. 20;
Eccl. v. 1, 2 (A. V. 2,3). Besides, it finds its
exact counterpart in Rabbinic sayings. Thus
Ab. i. 15 (the saying of Shammai): "Speak
little and do much ; " the praise of silence in
Ab. i. 17 and iii. 13, in Pes. 99 a, and in
Meg. 18/7; and in such passages as Babh.
Mets. 87 a: "The righteous say (promise)
little and do much ; the wicked say much and
do not even a little," the former being illus-
trated by the conduct of Abraham (Gen. xviii.
5 comp. with i'. 7) ; the latter by that of
Ephron (Gen. xxiii. 15 comp. with v. 16).
Comp. also Ab. deR. Nath. xiii. p. 18*/ (top).

30. For " a lion " the Syr. Vers, has " a

dog ; " evidently 272 for "Q^S (as a lion).
" As a lion," — wild, hasty, relentless, destruc-
tive. The verb in the second clause rendered
"be not frantick" really means to indulge in
vain fancies, here probably not only fancies
but suspicions, which would lead to fitful,
moody, and tyrannical conduct towards one's
household.

31. Compare with this the far transcending
words of Christ, treasured up by St. Paul
(Acts xx. 35): "It is more blessed to give
than to receive." The following sentence in
the Epistle of Barnabas (ch. xix.) is so similar
as naturally to suggest derivation from Ecclus.,
or at least connexion with it: "Do not be
ready to stretch forth the hands to take, but
contracting them in regard to giving." In
general the whole chapter in the Epistle of
Barnabas contains much to remind us of
the Book of Ecclesiasticus.

CHAPTER V.

The subject is still the same as before:
deed and speech. As often, the opening
verse of this chapter is connected with the

V. I-

-4-]

ECCLESIASTICUS. V.

B. C
cir. 200

CHAPTER V.

r. 200.

I- We must not presume of our 'wealth and

strength, 6 nor of the mercy of God, to sin. 9

We must not be doubletongued, 1 2 nor answer

without knowledge.

ET not thy heart
goods ; and say not, b I

enough for my life.
2 ^Follow not thine

and thy strength, to walk in the B.C.

r , 1 1 cir. 200.'

ways or thy heart : —

3 And say not, Who shall controul
me for my works ? for the Lord will
surely revenge thy pride. ^Eccies.

4 (/ Say not, i have sinned, and / "'
what harm hath happened unto me ? 3. 9.
''for the Lord is longsufFering, /he -/Exod-

own mind will in no wise let thee go. ch'. 16. 13.

upon thy
have

closing verse of the previous one. And yet
there is manifestly progression in the argu-
ment. The chapter naturally divides itself
into two parts : (.1) as to feeling and conduct,
and (2) as to speech. Verse 1 must be re-
garded as a general introduction : 1 a to the
first part : while 1 b already indicates the
subject of the second part of the chapter, which
is speech. Part II. begins with v. 10, to
which v. 9 a forms an introduction, while
v. 9 b, c connect this new introduction with
the previous part, thus forming a transition.
The general arrangement of the chapter might
be thus outlined : —

Part I. v. 1. General Introduction.

Then follow four verses of two lines each,
and two verses of four lines each.

•v. 8. Conclusion in two lines which precisely
correspond to those of the introductory verse.

v. 9 a, b. Transition connecting what
follows with Part I., and exactly correspond-
ing in its two lines to the two lines of i\ 2,
which forms the opening verse of Part I.

Part II. v. 9 c. Transition from i\ 9 a, b,
and generally from Part I. to Part II.

Then follow four verses of two lines each,
and two verses of four lines, including in
ch. v. the opening verse of ch. vi. (See below.)

1. Set not thy heart.] The verb eVe'xfw
occurs rarely (with different meanings) in the
LXX., but repeatedly in the Apocr. (nine
times in Ecclus. and twice in 2 Mace). As

here with eiri and the dat. it is only met with
in this verse, in v. 8, and in xxxvii. 11. In
the latter passage the meaning seems to be
"to depend," or "rely." But in Hebrew to
" depend " or " rely " is often equivalent to
setting one's heart upon a thing. So certainly
in Ps. lxii. 10 b, of which Ecclus. v. 1 seems
an echo. Thus there would also be a pro-
gression of thought in the second line, which
would on the other hand be only a repetition
of the first clause, if we were to translate
"rely." In the second line the words " for
my life" (H, 248, 253, 308, Co., Vet. Lat. est
mihi sufficiens vita) are a spurious and not
very wise addition. The verse warns against
satisfaction with and confidence in our posses-
sions. Its parallels are Ps. lxii. and St. Luke
xii. 15, 19. In ' Yoma,' 86 b, we read that
the abundance of their silver and gold had
led the Israelites to make themselves gods of
gold.

2. thy mind.] ttj ^/vxri <rov = inclinations:
the words are omitted in the Syr. Vers.

strength.] Either physical strength or else
power and ability — noli facere quicquid potes
ac libet (Bretschn.).

the ways.] 248, Co., 68o7s ; according to>
the correct reading, the desires, emdvpiais-

3. for my works.] These words must be
omitted, according to the better reading. In
the second clause the words "thy pride"
must equally be omitted. The reading
generally accepted has ere, in which case we
should have to translate, will surely punish
thee. But it seems more in accordance with
the Hebraism in the text {€k8ikwv eKbiicrjcrei)
to suppose that the original had Dp3* DpJ,

in which case <re must be omitted (as by some
authorities), and we should have to translate,
" for the Lord will surely avenge."

4. According to the better reading, the
word " harm " must be omitted from the
first clause, and from the second line the
words " he will in no wise let thee go."
The meaning is : Make not wrongful infer-
ence from temporary impunity, nor yet from
the mercy of God. On the contrary, the
latter should lead to repentance and restitu-
tion. This seems indicated in v. 5.

ECCLESIASTICUS. V

[v. 5-

•12.

B.C.
cir. 200.

£ ch . 2 1 . 1 .

;' ch. 16.
11. 12.

5 Concerning propitiation, ■£" be not
without fear to add sin unto sin :

6 And say not, His mercy is great ;
he will be pacified for the multitude
of my sins: ''for mercy and wrath
come from him, and his indignation
resteth upon sinners.

7 Make no tarrying to turn to
the Lord, and put not off from day
to day : for suddenly shall the wrath
of the Lord come forth, and in thy
security thou shalt be destroyed, and

' Prov. 10. < . ' '

9. & xi. 4. perish in the day or vengeance.

I9ZC 8 ' Set not thine heart upon goods

unjustly gotten ; for they shall not B.C.
profit thee in the day of calamity. -1^°

9 Winnow not with every wind,
and go not into every way : for so
doth the sinner that hath a double

tongue.

10 Be stedfast in thy understand-
ing ; and let thy word be the same.

11 *Be swift to hear ; and let thy ^ Jam. t.
life be sincere; 7and with patience /lPet
give answer. xs-

12 If thou hast understanding, an-
swer thy neighbour ; if not, lay thy
hand upon thy mouth.

5. The Syr. transposes w. 5 and 6. It
need scarcely be said that the term " pro-
pitiation" must not be taken in the Christian,
but in the Jewish sense. In illustration of
this saying, we quote the following from the
Mishnah, "If a man says [thinks], I will sin
and repent, I will sin and repent — no further-
ance is given to his repentance. (If he says) I
will sin and the Day of Atonement shall make
atonement (propitiate"), the day of Atonement
will not propitiate [for him] " (' Yoma,' viii.
9). The Mishnah adds that the Day of
Atonement only brings pardon of sins
against God ; as regards those against our
neighbours, reconciliation is first required.
The Talmud, however, explains that pardon
is extended three times on the Day of Atone-
ment (after confession), but not a fourth
time. Yet if a man had sinned and sinned
again, he would come to look upon it as
Lawful (' Yom.' 86 b). In another passage we
are told that forgiveness is procured by " re-
pentance and good works" (k. s. 87 a). [But
tlie Jerus. Talmud (in /or.) attributes pardon
to the Day of Atonement, even without
repentance.] — To be without fear as regards
propitiation might lead to adding sin unto
sin (y. 5 b).

6. pacified forI\ The same expression as
in the previous verse, " propitiation." In the
original the words used were probably ni23
(1: 5), and here "i?3. This would bring the
statement into still closer agreement with
what we read in the Mishnah about the Day
of Atonement (Tom hakkippurim). The
reason for the warning is that not only mercy
but also wrath cometh from God. The
expression "resteth" probably corresponds
to the Hebrew m:, which indicates perma-
nence, continuance (so of the Spirit of God
in Is. xi. 2).

7. On the other hand, repentance should
not be delayed. In the Jerus. Talmud we
have a discussion as to the precise moment

on the Day of Atonement when pardon is
obtained. There also the various sins are
grouped into four classes. Those consisting
of the breach of an affirmative precept are
said to be pardoned immediately on repent-
ance, irrespective of the Day of Atonement
(' Jer. Yoma,' 45 b, c). — The expression for
"from day to day" also occurs in 2 Pet. ii. 8 ;
and in the LXX. Gen. xxxix. 10, Numb. xxx.
15. According to the better reading, the
following italicised words must be omitted
from the last clause: in thy security, and
be destroyed, and.

8. Returns to v. 1 (see introd. remarks).
The reading wcfr^rjo-eis, which Fritzsche
prefers, does not alter the sense. Comp.
Prov. x. 2.

9. This verse forms a very apt transition
to the next subject : the sins of the tongue.
The meaning of the first clause seems to be :
in order to get wealth — it may be unjustly
(v. 8) — do not seize every possible oppor-
tunity that may offer : this would necessitate
sinful temporising and duplicity.

10. On the contrary, inward and outward
stedfast truthfulness is required of us. Sweo-is-
is not exactly " understanding," but the re-
sult of inward perception and conviction.
The verse would therefore convey the ad-
monition to adhere to that of which one
was fully persuaded in one's own mind, and
to be always truthful in the utterance of it.

11. In order that such may be the case,
be swift in thy listening, and with
deliberateness (or forbearance, fiaKpo-
0vp.ia) speak answer. Comp. St. Jas. i. 19.
The words " and let thy life be sincere " are
spurious.

12. In strict accordance with w. 10, n,
it is added: If thou hast knowledge
[avvecris — if thou hast arrived at a state of
clear inward perception], answer thy neigh-
bour: but if not, thy hand be upon thy

13— 2-]

ECCLESIASTICUS. V. VI.

B.C.

cir. 2do.

m Matt.
12. 37.

I Rom. 1.
29.

13 '"Honour and shame is in talk :
and the tongue of man is his fall.

14 "Be not called a whisperer,
and lie not in wait with thy tongue :
for a foul shame is upon the thief,
and an evil condemnation upon the
double tongue.

15 Be not ignorant of any thing
in a great matter or a small.

CHAPTER VI.

2 Do not extol thine own conceit, 7 but nialze
choice of a friend. 18 Seek "wisdom betimes.

20 It is grievous to some, 28 yet the fruits B. C
thereof are pleasant. 35 Be ready to hear cir. 200.
wise men. '

INSTEAD of a friend become not
an enemy ; for [thereby] thou
shalt inherit an ill name, shame,
and reproach : even so shall a sinner
that hath a double tongue.

2 Extol not thyself in the counsel
of thine own heart ; that thy soul
be not torn in pieces as a bull [stray-
ing alone].

mouth, — the latter expression exactly as in
Prov. xxx. 32, ilB? T; Job xxi. 5, nS"7j? T.

13. Comp. Prov. xviii. 21.

14. The word "foul" before "shame" is
scarcely required ; and the last words had
better be rendered the double-tongued.
The verse is intended to point out that to
steal entailed only disgrace, but to detract
from the good name of another would bring
evil condemnation upon him that was guilty
of it. This saying of the Siracide may have
been in the mind of Shakspeare when he
wrote : " Who steals my purse steals trash,"
&c. (' Othello,' Act iii. sc. 3).

15. Be not ignorant.'] Neither this render-
ing nor yet " err not " seems to express the
meaning of ayvoiu. The verb properly signifies
"to be ignorant," and hence " to err," owing
to want of knowledge. Thus it may corre-
spond to the Hebrew J2&', although the latter
term is rather used in contradistinction to
sins " with a high hand," and may therefore
apply to sins caused by weakness as well as
to those that are due to want of knowledge
(comp. Delitzsch, ' Comm. z. Br. an d. Hebr.'
p. 175). In Heb. v. 2 the expression seems
to refer exclusively to sins from want of
knowledge. Similarly, in the passage before
us (Ecclus. v. 15) we would confine the
meaning of the word to a 'want of knowledge.
In that case the verse would (in accordance
with w. 11, 12) convey the admonition to
have definite, right, and well-grounded views
on all subjects, whether great or small. The
verb does not again occur in Ecclus., but
the use of the substantive (xxiii. 3 ; xxviii. 7)
seems to bear out the meaning which we
have assigned to it. We could scarcely
translate the verb by " err," viz. with the
tongue, since the term cannot be used of
purposed sins, while on the other hand it
would be impossible to characterise sins of
the tongue as sins of ignorance.

With this (first) line chap. v. ends in the
LXX. and in the Syriac Version. But it
seems highly probable, as Fritzsche suggests,

that the first verse of chap. vi. should be
added to the close of chap. v. Chap. vi. 1
begins in all MSS. with the word " and." Its
reasoning evidently forms part of chap, v.,
while it is wholly unconnected with the sub-
ject of chap. vi. Accordingly we would join
vi. 1 to v. 15, as follows: "and instead of a
friend become not an enemy." To this we
would add the rest of vi. 1, omitting with the
Syr. the word ourcoy: For an evil name,
shame, and reproach shall the sinner
who is double-tongued inherit.

CHAPTER VI.

The chapter (omitting v. 1) consists of
five parts. Part I., which comprises four
verses (to. 2-5), connects itself with the
previous chapter, and sets forth a twofold
danger — that arising from want of proper
knowledge and that due to intentional sin.
The last verse in the stanza (v. 5) forms a
transition to the admonition to make proper
friendships. Part II., consisting often verses
Qw. 6-15), contains this admonition. Part
III., of two verses (16, 17), forms another
transition, and connects the previous with the
following parts. True friendship is the gift
of God, and must be based on His fear ;
for as the best friendship, so the truest
counsel cometh from the Wisdom that is
from above. In Parts IV. and V., each of
ten verses (18-27; 28-37), this Divine in-
struction is further set forth. The last four
verses form a twofold conclusion, corre-
sponding to that of Part III. (yv. 16, 17).
The verses in this chapter are of two lines,
except in the middle (y. 19) and at the close
{%'. 37), where the verses are of four lines.

2. Exalt not thyself in the counsel of thy
soul]— a common Hebraism (£'5.5~nVV) for
" inmost mind." Considerable difficulty
attaches to the next clause, as in our present
Greek text, partly because the verb diapndfciv
does not admit the rendering " torn away,"
while it is difficult to attach any meaning to
such a strange figure as " torn in pieces like a

ECCLESIASTICUS. VI.

[v. 3-

-10.

p. c.

cir. 200.

cli. 20.

3 Thou shalt eat up thy leaves,
and lose thy fruit, and leave thyself
as a dry tree.

4 A wicked soul shall destroy him
that hath it, and shall make him to
be laughed to scorn of his enemies.

5 '"Sweet language will multiply
friends : and a fairspeaking tongue
will increase kind greetings.

6 Be in peace with many : never-
theless have but one counsellor of a
thousand.

7 If thou wouldest get a friend,
11 prove him first, and be not hasty to
credit him.

8 For some man is a friend for his
own occasion, and will not abide in
the day of thy trouble.

9 And there is a friend, who being
turned to enmity and strife will dis-
cover thy reproach.

10 '''Again, some friend is a com-
panion at the table, and will not
continue in the day of thy affliction.

B.C.
cir. 200.

II Or, get
hint in the

time of
trouble.

b ch. 37.
4. 5-

bull;" but chiefly because there is not any
connexion between v. 2 and v. 3, where,
however, not only the argument but even
the figure must be continued. The Syriac,
even if emended, does not seem to us to clear
up or remove the difficulty. In these circum-
stances we feel inclined to adopt the sugges-
tion of Bottcher, that by one of the most
frequent clerical errors in MSS. — that by
which when a word ends with the same letter
as that with which the next begins, one of
these letters is dropped out — what had been
&>s crravpik may have been miswritten <u?
ravpns. In that case the meaning would be:
'• Set not up thyself in thine own mind and
conceit (like a pole or stake) lest thy soul be
robbed [here = stripped] like (as is) a pole."
Possibly there may even have been in the
Hebrew a word-play between the ilVy, the
" counsel " of his soul, and )'V, or in later
Hebrew HVy, "a pole."

3. If this suggestion in regard to t\ 2 is
correct, the figure would be beautifully con-
tinued in v. 3. And the hypothesis is fur-
ther supported by this, that for cos aravpi'ts
of v. 2 we have in v. 3 the parallel cos
£uW, which is the word by which the LXX.
render yjj in Gen. xl. 19; Deut. xxi. 22;
and Josh. x. 26. Nor could any more apt
description of self-conceit be given than that
it eats up the leaves, destroys (.this probably
better than " loses ") the fruits, and leaves a
man as a dry tree— a pole— instead of a fresh
tree, covered with leaves and fruit.

4. We suppose that the comparison with
a tree stripped of its leaves recalled to the
writer the use of the same figure in Ps. i. in
regard to the wicked. The second line of
T.+ had best be rendered : And shall make
him the derision of enemies— the word
" derision " including the idea of the joy felt
by his enemies, which is conveyed by iiriXapfia.

5. In contrast to this self-conceit— this
folly and wickedness— which will only lead
to destruction, and raise up enemies who
will rejoice at our fall and laugh at us, is the

suggested advice to make friends, who shall
be our counsellors (instead of following the
conceit of our own soul). Only let them be
good, wise friends. And v. 5 indicates how
to make such friends. The first clause lite-
rally rendered is : A sweet throat [larynx]
will multiply his [one's] friends.

6. Let them that are at peace with
theehemany; but thy counsellors one
out of a thousand.] The verse begins
Part II. — concerning friendship. It is quoted
in 'Yebam.' 63 b (towards the end) : "Many
they that seek [inquire for] thy peace : the
secret reveal to one out of a thousand : "
and again in Sanh. 100 b (lines 10, 9 from
bottom) with very slight alterations, and the
addition of the last clause of Mic. vii. 5.

7. If thou art getting [acquiring] a
friend, get him in trial — that is, when
his being a friend shall be tried.

and trust not in him hastily.] Be
not hasty in putting trust in a person. The
last clause should logically stand first, but the
positive is here advanced before the negative.
The reference is to a real friend, whom one
may trust at all times. If we are looking out
for such, let us not be hasty in regarding
acquaintances as friends, but let ours be a
tried friend.

8. For there is a friend in his (own)
time — i.e. as long as it suits him.

9. And there is a friend [who will be]
changed to enmity, and he will reveal
[disclose, make known] the conflict of thy
shame — viz. that conflict through which thou
hadst to pass, with all thy difficulties and
weaknesses and failures, and this will tend
to bring shame upon thee in the opinion of
others.

10. And there is a friend, &c.] Perhaps
the words " companion at the table " do not
fully express the meaning of the original,
which is, that such an one is ready to accept
our hospitality: but when we have not any
longer an invitation to give, his friendship
ceases. This kind of friendship is so frequent

II 20.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. VI

B. C.
cir. 200.

11 But in thy prosperity he will
be as thyself, and will be bold over
thy servants.

12 If thou be brought low, he will
be against thee, and will hide him-
self from thy face.

13 Separate thyself from thine
enemies, and take heed of thy friends.

14 A faithful friend is a strong
defence : and he that hath found such
an one hath found a treasure.

15 Nothing doth countervail a
faithful friend, and his excellency is
invaluable.

16 A faithful friend is the medi-

cine of life; and they that fear the .B- C.
Lord shall find him. - —

17 Whoso feareth the Lord shall
direct his friendship aright : for as he
is, so shall his neighbour be also.

18 My son, gather instruction from
thy youth up : so shalt thou find
wisdom till thine old age.

19 Come unto her as one that
ploweth and soweth, and wait for her
szood fruits : for thou shalt not toil
much in labouring about her, but
thou shalt eat of her fruits right
soon.

20 She is very unpleasant to the

that the writer adds some further details.—
Verses 9 and 10 are omitted in the Syriac.

11. But.] Rather, And.

and speak freely against (or else,
"to") thy servants.] So intimate is he,
as if he were thine alter ego.

12. But when thy circumstances change,
his bearing also changes. Instead of being
" as thou," he is now " against thee ; " instead
of making himself at home in thy house, he
hides himself from thee, so that if thou seekest
him he cannot be found. It is needless to
quote (as in most Commentaries) similar say-
ings from classical writers. The case described
is onlv too common in all countries and in all
ages.

13. These, then, are the three classes of
friends to be avoided : a friend for his own
advantage ; a changeable friend ; a time-
serving friend. While therefore one should
absolutely separate oneself from enemies, " of
thy friends (of such friends) have a care : "
take care in regard to them.

14. To these three classes of spurious
friends a threefold description of true friend-
ship is now opposed. It affords protection,
bestows a treasure, and brings healing in the
troubles of life {yv. 14-16).

15. Of [for] a faithful friend there is
not any equivalent (by zv ay of exchange);
and there is not any balance [by weight]
of his excellence.] avrciWaypa is the
LXX. rendering for "Vnp in 3 Kings xx. 2
(God. Alex.) ; Job xxviii. 15 ; and Jer. xv. 13.
But only in the first of those passages does
it mean an equivalent in money by way of
purchase, in the other two an equivalent by
way of exchange ; and with this agrees the
use of the word in St. Matt. xvi. 26, St. Mark
yiii. 37. Thus v. 16 would carry out the
idea of friendship as a "treasure," broached
at the close of -v. 15.

17. so also is his neighbour.] The
meaning is not that a man so influences his
neighbour that the latter becomes like him-
self, but that a man chooses as his companion
one who is of the same disposition with
himself, so that we can judge of his character
by that of his associate. A similar "common
Proverb" is found in the Midrash Shochar
Tobh on Ps. civ. 1.

18. The two previous verses formed the
transition to the new subject opened in v. 18.
The connexion between them is as follows :
true friendship must be wisely directed by the
fear of the Lord — and this fear is true wisdom.
Son, from thy youth choose [= eltge ex
aliis] instruction [the verb no doubt repre-
sents the Hebrew inn], and unto grey
hairs thou shalt find wisdom. This is
one of the most thoughtful sentences in Ecclus.
Mark the twofold distinction between choos-
ing instruction, and finding wisdom —the one
being the early choice, the other the continual
result to the end.

19. The idea of v. 18 is now presented
under a beautiful figure. The verse would
gain in force if we arranged the words as in
the original: As one that ploweth and
that soweth, come unto her, . . . for in
thy labour about her [the figure of the
work of the husbandman being still continued]
thou shalt [but] a little [time] have
weariness [toilj, and speedily shalt thou
eat of her fruits. The substantive to be
supplied in both clauses is Wisdom.

20. As one that is rough exceed-
ingly [the figure is probably still that of
the soil; or perhaps of the road] she is to
the uninstructed {to the untutored, the
cincudevTois, in opposition to those who from
their youth choose naiSelav, v. 18).] But
it has been suggested that a-cp68pa, " exceed-
ingly," is a clerical error for trotyla, " Wis-
dom," which both the Syr. and the Vet. Lat.

ECCLESIASTICUS. VI.

[v. 21 30.

B.C. unlearned: he that is without "un-
orjzoo. (jcrstan(jjng wju not remain with

1 0r> her

heart. ncr«

21 She will lie upon him as a
cZech. 'mighty stone of trial ; and he will

cast her from him ere it be long.

22 For wisdom is according to her
name, and she is not manifest unto
many.

23 Give ear, my son, receive my
advice, and refuse not my counsel,

24 And put thy feet into her fet-
«0r, ters, and thy neck into her "chain.
^Mat 25 Bow "'down thy shoulder, and
11. 29. bear her, and be not grieved with

her bonds.

26 Come unto her with thy whole B. c.
heart, and keep her ways with all C1- —
thy power.

27 Search, and seek, and she shall
be made known unto thee : and
when thou hast got hold of her, let
her not go.

28 For at the last thou shalt find
her rest, and that shall be turned to
thy joy.

29 Then shall her fetters be a
strong defence for thee, and her
chains a robe of glory.

30 For there is a golden ornament ^nfo/^
upon her, and her bands are " purple hJ"e «v*.

, r ' r r Numb. 15.

lace. 38.

have. The expression " without understand-
ing," nVapSioy, is an exact rendering of the cor-
responding Hebrew terms in Prov. xvii. 16 and
in Jer. v. 2 1 ; comp. also the similar expression
in Prov. x. 13. But in the Hebrew parallels
the " understanding " is that aspect of it which

is directed to what is higher — the "2b.

21. The figure is now changed. Not only
does wisdom seem rough soil, and the
uninstructed not persevere in his work;
but as he approaches it, it proves a heavy
weight which he speedily casts from him.
" The stone of trial " seems to have been one
for trying strength. St. Jerome notes on Zech.
xii. 3 (A. V. and R. V. " a burdensome
stone ") that it had been an ancient custom
in Palestine, continued in his days, to have in
towns and villages a round stone of very great
weight, on which the young men made trial
of their strength, how high they could lift,
and hold it in their hands. For " lie upon
him," rather be upon him, — and he will
not delay to cast her from him[BissellJ.

22. It seems impossible by any critical
ingenuity to explain the first clause of this
verse, since there is not any Hebrew or Greek
word which would admit of a play upon the
word " wisdom." [On the suggested explana-
tion of Hitzig, see Nowack on Eccles. iii. n
in the ' Kurzgef. Exeg. Hdb.' p. 229.] We
must therefore suppose the Hebrew text to
have been corrupted or misread. We may
here quote, without adopting it, the sugges-
tion of Dr. Horowitz (Frankel's 'Monatsschr.
f. Gesch. u. Wissensch. d. Judenth.,' vol. xiv.
p. 197) that the Hebrew original had P10P3,
■"by name," which was misread rIDEb, "ac-
cording to her name." He supposes the
original to have been: N\"l n^L':3 pi nD3nn
V— " wisdom is his [he possesses it] only by

name," or perhaps " it only exists nominally
for him," = he only knows of it by name

(The correction into ny/X', " by hearsay,"
need scarcely be discussed.) In that case the
translator, unable from his misreading to

account for the w, would have dropped it as
a clerical error. But there are serious lin-
guistic objections to the suggestion of Horo-
witz. The Syr. has: " Her name is like her
teaching [hidden ?], and she is not approved
by fools."

23. Having given such full warning, the
writer resumes the subject of which he is
treating.

ad-vice.] Perhaps "judgment," or"opinion."

24. chain.'] Rather, "collar," as in the
margin. The words of our Lord (St. Matt.
xi. 29) will here readily occur to the reader.

25. Bow down.] Rather, put under
[BissellJ.

be not grieved.] Rather, be not weary,
chafe not. The figure is here of an animal
unaccustomed to the yoke.

26. heart.] Literally, " soul." The figure
is now dropped. Verses 24, 25 form an anti-
thesis to v. 20, and verses 26, 27 to v. 21.

28. that shall be turned^] From v. 29 we
infer that the reference is to the previous
trouble and labour (yv. 25, 26), not to
" wisdom." We would therefore translate :
it (thy previous labour) shall be turned
to thee into joy.

29. be to thee for a strong defence,
and her collars [in the sense of "yoke"J
for a robe of glory.] This marks the
change indicated in 1: 28.

30. The figure is now somewhat clumsily
varied. The reference may be to the
High-priest's mitre, which would explain the

3i— 4-]

ECCLESIASTICUS. VI. VII.

B.C. 21 Thou shalt put heron as a robe

cirj2oo. ^ honour, and shalt put her about
thee as a crown of joy.

32 My son, if thou wilt, thou shalt
be taught : and if thou wilt apply thy
mind, thou shalt be prudent.

33 If thou love to hear, thou shalt
receive understanding : and if thou
bow thine ear, thou shalt be wise.

34 Stand in the multitude of the
<ch. 8. 9. e el3ers ; and cleave unto him that is

wise.

35 Be willing to hear every godly
discourse ; and let not the parables of
understanding escape thee.

36 And if thou seest a man of
understanding, get thee betimes unto
him, and let thy foot wear the steps
of his door.

37 Let thy mind be upon the or-
>s. 1. 2. dinances of the Lord, and -^meditate

continually in his
he shall establish

commandments: B.C.
thine heart, and cn_^a

give thee wisdom at thine own desire.
CHAPTER VII.

I We are exhorted from sin, 4 from ambition,
8 presumption, 10 and fainting in prayer:
12 from lying and backbiting, 18 and how to
esteem a friend: 19 a good wife: 20 a ser-
vant: 22 onr cattle: 23 our children and
parents : 3 1 the Lord and his priests : 32 the
poor, and those that mourn.

O no evil, a so shall no harm " 1 Pet. 3.

13.

come unto thee.
Depart from the

unjust, and

iniquity shall turn away from thee

3 My son, ^sow not upon the fur-
rows of unrighteousness, and thou
shalt not reap them sevenfold.

4 Seek not of the Lord preemi-
nence, neither of the king the seat of
honour.

omission of w. 29 b and 30 in the Syr. But,
on the other hand, comp. the expressions in
Jer. iv. 30.

31. a robe of glory . . . upon thee.] Not
" about thee."

32. thou shalt be instructed.] This,
with reference to v. 18.

33. The word " understanding " (a-vvea-iv),
not found in the better MSS., is only a dis-
turbing addition.

34. the multitude.'] Probably ?Hp. Who
is wise (= if any is wise) to him cleave.

35. Here also the order of the sentence
had best be inverted. " Be willing " is
probably not strong enough ; and if the word
corresponded (as Fritzsche supposes) to H3X
or pan, it would imply " desire after," and
" pleasure in." And let not the proverbs

of understanding (TW1 vtiO) escape
from thee. Although the common usage
would suggest the rendering " escape thee,"
viz. from thy memory, yet the other transla-
tion seems better suited to the context.

36. get thee betimes.'] Rather, at early
morning.

37. Last line: And thy desire for wis-
dom shall be granted thee [Bissell].

CHAPTER VII.

This chapter might be generally inscribed :
Rules for the Wise. It consists of two parts :

I. Rules regarding oneself (vv. 1-17);

II. Rules regarding others (yv. 18-36).

To be more detailed: Part I. has (1) a Prooe-
mium in three verses, warning the wise against
sin ; (2) then follow two stanzas of four, and
two stanzas of three verses (= 2 x 7), giving
warning in regard to mind (ambition, w.
4-7); to heart (presumption, w. 8-1 1) ; to
speech (w. 12-14); and, lastly, in regard to
life (w. 15-17). Part II., which gives Rules
in reference to others, consists, like Part I., of
four stanzas (respectively of four, seven, three,
and four verses), with a conclusion (v. 36)
which takes the place of the Proem of Part I.
In Part II. the first stanza gives rules as
regards friends and dependants (yv. 18-21);
the second, in regard to property and family
(yv. 22-28) ; the third, in regard to the Lord
and His priests (w. 29-31); the fourth, in
regard to our neighbour (the poor, mourners,
the sick, i<i>. 32-35). Lastly, v. 36 forms
an apt conclusion to what had preceded.

1. Do not evil, and harm [evil] shall
not befall thee.] Drusius : kokci, mala
culpae ; kcucop, malum poenae.

2. This verse marks an advance in thought -
depart from what is unjust, and it shall
turn away from thee [Bissell] ; i.e. thou
shalt not experience its evil consequences.
The figure of v. 3 repeatedly occurs in the
Old Testament, as in Job iv. 8, Prov. xxii. 8,
Hos. x. 12, and in Gal. vi. 8.

4. With this verse begins the enumeration
of the various occasions to sin, against the
consequences of which the previous verses
had warned.

preeminence.] Rather, leadership (a place
of command), "the seat," — better, a seat.

ECCLESIASTICUS. VII.

[v. 5-

-ii.

B.C.
cir. 200.

5 '"Justify not thyself before the
Lord ; and boast not of thy wisdom
fJobfrM before the kin si.

rs. 143. 2. o

Eccies. 7. 6 Seek not to be judge, being not
Luke 18. able to take away iniquity; lest at
"" any time "'thou fear the person of

iS. C the mighty, and lay a stumbling-
block in the way of thy upright-
ness.

7 Offend not against the multi-
tude of a city, and then thou shalt
not cast thyself down among the
people.

8 Bind not one sin upon another; B.C.

r . . , 1 . cir. 200.

for in one thou shalt not be un- —
punished.

9 'Say not, God will look upon ' Pro v. 21.
the multitude of my oblations, and 2
when I offer to the most high God,
he will accept it.

10 Be not fainthearted when thou
makest thy prayer, and neglect not to
give alms.

1 1 Laugh no man to scorn in the
bitterness of his soul : for -^there is / 1 Sam.
one which humbleth and exalteth.

5. 6. The warning of v. 4 was against
ambition, whether before God or man, but
the arguments by which this advice is now
supported are only of a prudential and worldly
character. The connexion between verses 5
and 6 seems somewhat difficult. We would
propose to arrange them as follows. The
advice in 5 a, make not thyself just
before the Lord (profess not to be righteous
and perfect), is supported by 6 b, lest thou
be not able to put away iniquities; the
advice in 5 b, make not thyself wise
before the king (profess not and pretend
not to be a wise man), is supported by 6 c,
lest haply thou shouldst fear (be timid)
before the face of the ruler (lord) ; and,
lastly, 6 a by 6 d, seek not to become a
judge — and [lestj thou shouldest put
[set up] a stumbling-block in [in reference
to] thy righteousness. But commentators
generally regard clauses b, c, d as connected
with clause a of v. 6, and as indicating the
dangers of becoming a judge. In that case
the two clauses of v. 5 would correspond to
the two clauses of v. 4. But such a parallel-
ism of verses is not common. Further, -v. 6
would begin a new subject, and clause a be
supported by not less than three distinct
arguments.

7. This verse opens another subject, and
indicates those causes of evil which have
their root in the heart, as the others (pride
and ambition) had theirs in the mind.

Sin not.'] The Hebrew Xnn — the same
construction with els in LXX. Gen. xx. 6, 9,
xliii. 9, xliv. 32; 1 Kings ii. 27, xix. 4, 5,
xxiv. 12 ; Prow viii. 36, xx. 2. Here it is
used in the sense of "offend not." On the
other hand, the words: and cast not thy-
self down among the people, bear the
same meaning as our English "throw not
thyself away " (te ipse atjiciet et prosternes,
Cicero), or the German, sicb ivegiverfen.

8. The order is now inverted. In the
previous stanza it was pride, first before God

and then before man ; here it is presumption
first before man (v. 7), then before God —
this being, in each case, the more natural
order. Bind not twice sin; for in the
one thou shalt not be unpunished. Re-
peat not sin ; even its first commission shall
not go unpunished. Bretschneider explains
the words, " bind not up (as a wound) sin ;"
De Wette, "palliate not:" Fritzsche, "atone
not twice." But these renderings seem
forced. In reference to this and the following
verse, we once more recall the saying in the
Mishnah: " If a man says [thinks], I will
sin and repent, I will sin and repent, no
furtherance is given to his repentance ; I will
sin, and the Dav of Atonement shall make
atonement — the Day of Atonement will
[does] not propitiate [make atonement] [for
him] " (' Yoma,' viii. 9). And although the
Talmud rather weakens this saying of the
Mishnah, yet we mark in connexion with
the warning of the Son of Sirach that the
Rabbis also insist that, if a man commits a
sin and repeats it, it appears to him as if it
were lawful (' Yoma,' 86 b, 87 a).

10. Fritzsche supposes that this verse is
intended to indicate " the right means for
pleasing God." But in that case it would
scarcely fit in with the previous verse. We
regard the words as meant to correct any
possible misunderstanding. If the pre-
sumptuous sinner may not hope for acceptance
by sacrifices or the like, others need not, and
must not be faint-hearted in their prayers, and
our best sacrifices are alms. In the Talmud
(' Erubh.' 65 a) the first half of the verse is
adduced, without mentioning its source,
but in the same manner in which ordinarily

Scripture is quoted (TTW ^X "1^*2 nD6UB>).
Comp. St. Jas. i. 6.

11. This verse seems naturally to connect
itself with the last clause of v. 10. Comp.
Prov. xvii. 5.

12. The verse begins another stanza, refer-
ring to sins of the tongue. Characteris-

V. 12 18.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. VII.

B. C.
cir. 200.

12 "Devise not a lie against thy
brother ; neither do the like to thy

IS: Plow friend-

13 Use not to make any manner
of lie : for the custom thereof is not
good.

14 Use not many words

^Eccks. multitude of
Man. 6. 7. not " much

elders, z and
babbling when

in a

make

thou

11 Or, vain pray est.

retention. ^ Hat£ nQt laborious wor^ nei.

ther husbandry, Awhich the most B.C.
High hath "ordained. cir^!°'

16 Number not thyself among the *g^n; 3*
multitude of sinners, but remember nc-r.
that wrath will not tarry long. created,

17 Humble thy soul greatly : for
the vengeance of the ungodly is fire
and worms.

18 Change not a friend for any
good by no means ; neither a faith-
ful brother for the gold of Ophir.

tically, duty is here once more presented
from a negative aspect, the writer indicating
in this and the following verses the various
causes of offence which are to be avoided.

Devise not.~] Rather, plough, not or
" till not." There cannot be question that
the expression was the same as in Prov. iii.
29, but even there the word £Hn seems to
mean " plough " rather than " devise " (the
latter most comment, and Nowack ad /oc).
From the whole context we gather that the
reference is to sins of the tongue, not to the
purpose of sinning. The speech of a man
may be like ploughing and tilling the soil to
bring forth a crop of lies against one's
" brother ; " the term being here equivalent
to " neighbour." Nor need we in that case
feel surprise at the addition in the second
clause, since unfortunately the practice of
" ploughing and tilling lies " is quite as com-
mon, if not more so, in regard to " friends,"
as to one's neighbour generally.

13. The A. V., though not literal, correctly
expresses the meaning of the verse. For the
continuance thereof (is) not unto good,
— such a habit leads, or comes, to no good ;
it has a bad end. A rather low, but pru-
dential, motive for abstaining from partici-
pation in raising a crop of lies.

14. The writer had probably in view some
person of importance — whether really such,
or only in his own opinion — to whom (in his
intense self-consciousness) he addresses coun-
sels. If in the previous verse he had advised
to avoid lying talk about others, which would
lead to no good end, he now warns against
"idle talk." Prate not in the multitude
of elders — talk not idly, babble not. In the
LXX. the verb dSoXeo-^eti/ is always used
sensu bono, except in the solitary instance Ps.
lxviii. (lxix.) 12 — and make not repetition
xn thy prayer: fir/ SevTepaxrrjs \6yov — pro-
bably somewhat different from the ^arrokoytiv
of St. Matt. vi. 7, which was iroKvXoyla
rather than hevripuxris. The verb /3ottoA.
does not otherwise occur either in the LXX.,
the Apocr., or the N. T. Such silly, idle

talk before man or God proves a man to be a
fool, if not a liar.

15. This verse begins the enumeration of
that which in our life may lead to evil conse-
quences. The following are here specially
mentioned: (1) idleness, or unwillingness to
do hard work, especially to engage in hus-
bandry, which was appointed of God, -v. 15 ;
(2) evil companions, v. 16; (3) proud self-
seeking and self-sufficiency, v. 17. In the
latter verse the writer rises from the negative
to the positive. The expression used ("to
humble one's soul ") is in the LXX. indeed
applied to fasting (LXX. Lev. xvi. 29, 31;
xxiii. 29, 32; Is. lviii. 3, 5). But here it
obviously refers to submission to God in a
sense parallel to Mic. vi. 8. At first sight it
seems difficult to refer "the fire and the
worm " (sing., not plural), which are to be
"the punishment [this rather than "ven-
geance"] of the ungodly," to other than
the punishment after death. But in Judith
xvi. 1 7 the same expressions are used in regard
to the presumably temporal judgments on
the heathen in the Messianic day. With this
the descriptions in the Book of Henoch xlvi.
and xlviii. also accord. (Comp. Fritzsche on
Jud. xvi. 17 in the ' Kurzgef. Exeg. Handb.'
2 Lief., p. 208.) These parallelisms and the
general absence in Ecclus. of any reference
to the rewards or punishments of another
life, lead to the inference that such are not
alluded to in our verse. The admonition to
humility (17 a) may have called up byway
of contrast the typical " proud " — the foes
of Israel— and their doom in the Messianic
day (y. 17 b).

18. With this begins Part II., which details
the rules to be observed towards others ; and,
first, in regard to friends and dependants (yv.
18-21). There cannot be any doubt that
the right reading and rendering of -v. 1 8 a is :
Exchange not a friend for [what is] in-
different, d8id<popov. The latter is the tech-
nical term of Stoic philosophy for the media,
the indifferentia, such as "riches, strength,
appearance, honours, rule," &c. (Seneca,
< EpistV Ixxxii. 12). The meaning is, for the

ECCLESIASTICUS. VII.

[v. 19 — 28.

B.C.
cir. 200.

i Prov. 31
10.

* Lev. 19.

13-

ch. 33. 30.

& 34. 22.

I Deut.
25. 4.
Prov. 27.
23, &c.

m Prov.
22. 6.
Ephes.
6.4.

ig Forego not a wise and good
woman : ' for her grace is above gold.

20 k Whereas thy servant worketh
truly, entreat him not evil, nor the
hireling that bestoweth himself wholly
for thee.

21 Let thy soul love a good ser-
vant, and defraud him not of liberty.

22 'Hast thou cattle ? have an eye
to them : and if they be for thy profit,
keep them with thee.

23 Hast thou children ? "'instruct
them, and bow down their neck from
their youth.

B.C.

cir. 200.

24 Hast thou daughters ? have a
care of their body, and shew not
thyself cheerful toward them.

25 Marry thy daughter, and so
shalt thou have performed a weighty
matter : but give her to a man of
understanding.

26 Hast thou a wife after thy
mind ? forsake her not : but give not
thyself over to a "light woman. /°/V/

27 "Honour thy father with thy„Tobit"
whole heart, and forget not the sor- M 3-

ch. 3.

rows of thv mother. 2, &c.

28 Remember that thou wast be-

sake of what is ddidcfropov, do not part with a
friend — neither with a true [yvija-ios here
certainly in that sense ; comp. 2 Mace. xiv. 8 ;
3 Mace. iii. 23] brother for the gold of
Ophir [Sovfaip, as in the LXX.].

19. Turn not away from a wise and
good wife.] We have rendered ao-ro^f Ii> by
"turn away," as being a more comprehensive
term than " forego not." But we have no
doubt that the meaning is, as given by Wahl :
noli separari ab uxore sapiente. This aptly
follows on i'. 18. Grace = gracefulness.

20. After the wife comes the servant : A
[domestic] servant who worketh truly
[really, honestly] illtreat not, nor a hire-
ling who devoteth his soul [life], — who
gives himself wholly to it. The expression

is probably taken from Deut. xxiv. 15 : Nb'J

21. an intelligent servant . . . defraud
him not of release.] Comp. Jerem. xxxiv.
8-16.

22. Rules in regard to property and family
(tt. 22-28); and, first, as to kindness to-
wards animals, yet this tempered by pru-
dential considerations.

23. instruct.'] Rather, train — in the sense
of discipline. In the Syriac Version the second
clause is rendered : " and give them wives in
their youth." This might seem only a
sarcastic paraphrase of what we read in the
Greek. But when in Quid. 30 a (comp. 29 b)
we read the advice to marry one's son, and
in connexion with it find the expression,
while "thy hand is upon" his "neck"

("pm n«lV bv -p\X), U. while he is
young, we conclude that this was an old
Jewish saying, and that the Syriac Version,
winch throughout this section is very apt,
accurately represents the Hebrew original, of
which the younger Siracide only retained
so much in his translation as seemed to him

suitable. And we are confirmed in this view
by the circumstance that Prov. xxii. 6, to
which evidently there is reference in Ecclus,
vii. 23, is expressly quoted in QJdd. 30 a, in
connexion with the advice just mentioned.

24. care of their body.] That it be preserved
pure and chaste.

and make not thy face cheerful to-
wards them.] Let not thy bearing be
jocular, but rather austere and severe. In
what is known as the ' First Alphabet of Ben
Sira' (4) we find the following, which may be
a parallel to v. 23 : "Gold requires beating
and a young man chastising." Similarly, the
Talmud offers a somewhat coarse parallel to
•v. 24, and even more so to Ecclus. xlii. 9,
in what it says of a daughter as a doubtful
boon to her father (Sanh. 100 b). In general,
all such sayings seem the outcome of the
Rabbinic maxim that " Women are of a light
mind " (for example, Qidd. 80 b).

25. Marry."] Lit., give away, viz. out of
the house; a common mode of expression.

thou wilt have performed [completed,
accomplished] a great work: and to s
man of understanding give her.] The
Talmud goes much farther than this, and
advises a father, if his daughter have attained
marriageable age, even to set his slave at
liberty and to marry him to her (Pes. 113 a).

26. do not cast her out [in the sense
of divorce]. H, 248, Syr., Vet. Lat. add the
following clause, as in the A. V. : but give not
thyself to one that is hateful. This, either in
the sense that it would be dangerous to trust
such an one, or else with the meaning attach-
ing to it in the Syr. or in the Arab. Version.
The Syr. has, quod si sit improba ne te con-
credas il/i ; the Arab., nee fdem adhibeas illi
si fuerit impudica. The current views on
divorce are sufficiently known, and receive
further illustration in this verse.

27. sorrows.] I.e. birth-pangs.

v. 29—36.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. VII. VIII.

B.C.

9 Lev. 2.

gotten of them ; and how canst thou
recompense them the things that they
have done for thee ?

29 Fear the Lord with all thy soul,
and reverence his priests.

30 "Love him that made thee with
all thy strength, ^and forsake not his
ministers.

31 Fear the Lord, and honour the
priest ; and give him his portion,
?as it is commanded thee; the first-
fruits, and the trespass offering, and
the gift of the shoulders, and the
sacrifice of sanctification, and the
firstfruits of the holy things.

32 rAnd stretch thine hand unto

B.C.

cir. 200.

the poor, that "thy blessing may be
perfected.

33 A gift hath grace in the sight Jg^.
of every man living ; and for the dead
detain it not.

34 s Fail not to be with them that * Rom. 12
weep, and mourn with them that ?5
mourn.

35 t Be not slow to visit the sick : ' Matt- 2s
for that shall make thee to be beloved. 36' 39' 43'

36 Whatsoever thou takest in
hand, remember the end, and thou
shalt never do amiss.

CHAPTER VIII.

I Whom we may not strive with, 8 nor despise,
10 nor provoke, 15 nor have to do with.

28. the things that they have done for thee.]
Lit, "just as they to thee."

29. Directions as to our duty towards the
Lord and His priests (vv. 29-31). See the
marginal references. In the Syr. Version all
the clauses in v. 31 after " as it is com-
manded thee" are omitted. In their place
the following words are added : " the bread
of oblations and the firstfruits of the hands."
This is undoubtedly a Christian alteration,
and otherwise interesting as probably mark-
ing early Christian practice.

32. Our duties towards our neighbour;
especially the poor, the sick, and the mourners
(vv. 32-35). The injunctions are in entire
accordance with Rabbinic teaching, which
points to God as giving the example of
clothing the naked (Gen. iii. 21), visiting the
sick (Gen. xviii. 1), burying the dead (Deut.
xxxiv. 6), and comforting the mourners (Gen.
xxxv. 9). [So often ; see, for example, Ber.
R. 8.] The "blessing," elXoyla, no doubt
represents the Hebrew i"D"Q, in the sense
of blessing received.

33. This verse seems to present real diffi-
culty. We propose translating, supposing
the text not to be corrupted: Bestowal
[boon, shewing of favour, display of kind-
ness] of gift [of giving] towards every
one alive, and from the dead withdraw
not bestowal. We believe that the Hebrew

original for x<*pis 86fiaros was DHpn T\r?^i,
and we adduce the following as an illus-
trative parallel from Sukk. 49 b (lines 13,
12, n from bottom) : " In three things does
the benefiting [boon, favour] of acts of kind-
ness excel almsgiving. Almsgiving is by
money, gemiluth chasadim alike by money
and personally; almsgiving is to the poor

(mark the prepos. V), gem. chas. is alike to
the poor and to the rich; almsgiving is to
Apoc.— Vol. II.

the living, gem. chas. is alike to the living and
to the dead " (by attending to their bodies,
burial, &c). And the parallelism is the
more marked, that in v. 32 there is express
reference to almsgiving.

34. Comp. the following in ' Der. er. Zuta,'
v. p. 34 d (at the close of vol. ix. in the
Talmud) : " A man should not be weeping
among those who laugh, nor laughing among
those who weep." The same sentiment is
expressed in Rom. xii. 15, but there more truly
and beautifully. A somewhat similar admoni-
tion to take part in mourning for the dead
occurs in Moed. Q., iZb, with special refer-
ence to Ecciesiastes vii. 2.

35. for through these (things) thou
shalt be beloved.

36. In all thy things (\6yoi = Dnm—
acts, undertakings).] A similar saying occurs
in Ab. iii. 1 in the name of Aqabhya the son of
Mahalalel : " Consider three things (D*T31),
and thou shalt not come into transgression —
from whence thou comest, and whither thou
goest, and before whom thou shalt have to
give a judicial account." Thus we are on
thoroughly Jewish ground in these verses.

thou shalt not ever sin.] The els tov
alcbva has evidently here a temporal meaning.

CHAPTER VIII.

From ch. vii. the transition is easy to practical
rules of life in ch. viii. These are once more
divided into two parts : Part I. details those
regarding oneself (vv. 1-7) ; Part II. those
which bear reference to others (vv. 8-19).
Part I. consists of three stanzas, sufficiently
indicated by the initial words : " Strive not,"
v. 1 ; "Jest not," v. 4; "Neglect not," v. 8.
The first stanza is of three verses (2 + 4 + 2),
the second of four verses (4x2), the third
of two verses (2x4). Part II. consists of

ECCLESIASTICUS. VIII.

[v.

12.

b. c. Q* TRI VE not with a mighty man,
-^°' w3 lest thou fall into his hands.
•' Matt. 5- 2 a Be not at variance with a rich
man, lest he overweigh thee : for
*ch. 3i. 6. gold ^hath destroyed many, and per-
verted the hearts of kings.

3 Strive not with a man that is
aPr> .. full of tongue, and heap not wood

of an evil „ o J r

tongue, upon his fire.

4 Jest not with a rude man, lest
thy ancestors be disgraced.

^2 Cor. ^ ^Reproach not a man that turn-

Gai. 6. 2. eth from sin, but remember that we

are all worthy of punishment.

•'Lev. i9. ^ ^Dishonour not a man in his

32.

old age : for even some of us wax
old.

7 Rejoice not over thy greatest
enemy being dead, but remember that
we die all.

8 Despise not the discourse of the b. c.
wise, but acquaint thyself with their xx^f-
proverbs : for of them thou shalt
learn instruction, and how to serve
great men with ease.

9 ''Miss not the discourse of the ' ch- 6- 34-
elders : for they also learned of their
fathers, and of them thou shalt learn
understanding, and to give answer as
need requireth.

10 Kindle not the coals of a sin-
ner, lest thou be burnt with the
flame of his fire.

11 Rise not up [in anger] at the
presence of an injurious person, lest
he lie in wait " to entrap thee in thy "Or,
words.

12 Lend not unto him that is
mightier than thyself; for if thou
lendest him, count it but lost.

for thy
mouth.

four stanzas. It warns against foolish confi-
dence in our private dealings (first stanza,
vv. 10, 11), in business transactions (second
stanza, w. 12-14), in public association (third
stanza, vv. 15, 16), and in private association
(fourth stanza, vv. 17-19). Thus the arrange-
ment would be : Part I., three stanzas —
respectively, 2 + 4 + 2 ; 4X2; 2x4. Part II.,
four stanzas — respectively, 2x2; 3x2; 2x4;
3x2.

1. Strive not.] Viz. in words.

2. Be not at variance [rather, contend
n 0 1 J . . . lest be over-weigh thee [rather, lest he
put against thee weight] — that is, bring
down the opposite scale by the weight of his
wealth.

destroyed.'] Rather, corrupted. The
reference may be not to actual bribery, but
to the influence of greater riches on the mind
and in the esteem of others.

3. full of tongue.] Rather, glib of tongue.
Vet. Lat., linguutus.

4. a rude man.] Rather, one uncultured.
Our ancestors might be "disgraced" by
possible reflections upon them.

5. Omit "but" in the second line. The
reasoning is, that as we have all sinned, so
we all deserve punishment. Seneca : Bet ille
veniam facile, cui venia est opus.

6. Dishonour not [although this is perhaps
rather too strong an expression for want of
respect] a man in his old age, for even some of
us are waxing old.

7. Rejoice not over the dead.] H, 248,
Co., add: "thy greatest enemy being dead,"

— correctly as to sense, but not according to
the best reading.

8. This verse opens the third series of
warnings.

Despise not.] Rather, neglect not.
acquaint thyself] Rather, be oonversant,
busy thyself.

and to serve great men.] Omit "how"
and "with ease" — in all probability in the same
sense as Horace's: Quo tandem pacto deceat
majoribus uti = versari cum magnatibus. (Ep.
I. xvii. 67.)

9. elders.] Rather, old men. Last clause :
and in time of need (viz. when it is re-
quired) to give an answer.

10. Here begins Part II.

ivith the flame.] Rather, "in the flame."

11. Rise not up [in anger or altercation] b e-
fore an insolent pers on.] To judge from
the Greek text {ano irpoo-unvov), the Hebrew

original must have been ""JSD, not ""JD? (perhaps
in a causal sense). The rendering "insolent"
scarcely fully expresses the meaning of the
Greek word, for which the German ubermu-
thig, with the additional idea of godlessness,
seems the appropriate equivalent. In the
LXX. vppio-TTjs occurs five times for JO or
I"1N3. This was probably the word used in
the original work of Ben Sira — probably in the
same form as in theTargum, i"IN|np. Grotius
supposes the scene to be an assembly. Lest
he seat [or set] himself as an ambush [as
lying in wait] to thy mouth — to what thou
sayest.

12. The meaning of the second clause

V. I

3—2-]

ECCLESIASTICUS. VIII. IX.

B. C.
cir. 200.

II Or,
opinion.

f Gen. 4.

« 1'rov. 22.
24.

1 3 Be not surety above thy power :
for if thou be surety, take care to
pay it.

14 Go not to law with a judge ;
for they will judge for him accord-
ing to his i; honour.

15 -^Travel not by the way with
a bold fellow, lest he become grievous
unto thee : for he will do according
to his own will, and thou shalt perish
with him through his folly.

16 -^Strive not with an angry man,
and go not with him into a solitary
place : for blood is as nothing in his
sight ; and where there is no help, he
will overthrow thee.

17 Consult not with a fool ; for
he cannot keep counsel.

18 Do no secret thing before a
stranger ; for thou knowest not what
he will bring forth.

19 Open not thine heart to every
man, lest he requite thee with a
shrewd turn.

CHAPTER IX.

I We are advised how to use our wives. 3 What
women to avoid. 10 And 7iot to change an
old friend. 13 Not to be familiar •with men
in authority, 14 but to know our neighbours,
15 and to converse with wise men.

BE not jealous over the wife of
thy bosom, and teach her not
an evil lesson against thyself.

2 Give not thy soul unto a woman
to set her foot upon thy substance.

B.C.
cir. 200.

would be probably better represented by
translating, instead of " count it but lost,"
make as if (thou hadst) lost, — whether in
the sense of pretending or of considering that
it was lost. Instead of " for " translate and.

13. and . . . consider [have thought, have
a care] that thou shalt [have to] pay.] Be
prepared for it.

14. a judge.] Bretschneider, however,
regards Kpirov as the gen. not of Kpir^s-, " a
judge," but of KpiTos, electus, egregius, prae-
stans, nobilis. A6£a, " honour," " estimation."

15. bold.'] Rather, venturous or daring.

lest he become a burden [burdensome]
to thee . . . and thou shalt perish
through [together with] his folly.] Vet.
Lat. : Ne forte gravet ?nala sua in te . . . et
simul cum stuhitia illius peries.

16. with a furious [perhaps irritable]
man make not strife.] Comp. Prov. xv.
18, xxii. 24, xxix. 22, where in the LXX. also
the word 6vp.o)8t]s is used.

into a solitary place.] Rather, through
the desert.

overthrow thee.] In the sense of killing.

17. for he cannot keep a matter
secret.] \6yov are^ai undoubtedly in the
original, "QT HDD.

18. a stranger.] Probably, although perhaps
not exclusively, a non-Israelite.

bring forth — engender, beget, bring into
the world : what kind of child he will bring
into the world as representing what hast thou
done.

19. lest he requite thee, <b'c] Rather, lest
he return thee ill thanks [Bissell: and

so get an ill return]. Syr. : ne te beneficio
adstringat.

CHAPTER IX.

The prudential rules for social intercourse
are here continued: and, first, in regard to
women Qvv. 1-9), the admonitions being
arranged under four particulars (vv. 1, 2 ;
3,4; 5,6; 7-9) ; secondly, with reference to
what is to be sought or else avoided in inter-
course with acquaintances. The arrangement
is as follows : first, what is to be desired in
regard to friends (v. 10); secondly, what is
not to be sought nor wished for (vv. 11, 12) ;
thirdly, what is to be actually avoided (y. 13);
lastly, again, what is to be desired (w. 14-16).
The two closing verses, which at first sight
seem difficult to arrange, form a very apt
conclusion : v. 17 referring to stanza w.
14-16, and v. 18 to the stanza of six lines in
v. 13.

1. Bretschneider designates this egregium
monitum. The Rabbis also often warn against
groundless jealousy. The reason here given
is that it might direct the mind of a wife to
the very thing feared. Bretschneider quotes
from Tibullus: Ipse miser docui, quo possit
ludere pacto.

2. On the other hand, the opposite ex-
treme is to be avoided.

Give not up thy soul to a woman,
that she set not her feet [step not,
trample not] upon thy power [authority].]
The Talmud has it : " Of three the life is not
a life : of him who hopes [looks] for the table
of his neighbour, of him over whom his wife
holds rule, and of him who is affected with
disease in his body. [To these some add, as
a fourth, him who has only one shirt.] (Bets.
32 b, and otherwise.) In ' Babh. Mets.' 75 b,

F 2

ECCLESIASTICUS. IX.

[v. 3— 1<

B. C.
cir. 200.

a Prov. 7,
5. &C.

II Or,
playeth
upon
instru-
ments,

3 "Meet not with an harlot, lest
thou fall into her snares.

4 Use not much the company of
a woman that " is a singer, lest thou
be taken with her attempts.

5 *Gaze not on a maid, that thou
Mobii 1 ^ not ty those things that are

precious in her.

6 Give not thy soul unto harlots,
that thou lose not thine inheritance.

7 Look not round about thee in
the streets of the city, neither wander
thou in the solitary places thereof.

10. 19.
& 12. 16.

8 'Turn away thine eye from a B.C.
beautiful woman, and look not upon '— °
another's beauty ; for many have ?**'
been deceived by the beauty of a2 Sam-
woman ; for herewith love is kindled Judith
as a fire.

9 Sit not at all with another man's ^gatt- 5-
wife, nor sit down with her in thine
arms, and spend not thy money with

her at the wine ; lest thine heart
incline unto her, and so through thy
desire thou fall into destruction.

10 Forsake not an old friend ; for

three are enumerated who cry in vain : he
who lends money without witnesses ; he who
gets himself a lord over him, and he who is
under the rule of his wife.

4. Use not much the company of] Rather,
Be not long with.

5. We would prefer translating the second
clause : " lest thou be made to offend through
the honours paid to her;" — if this meaning
of tv toI? eniTifiiois avrf/s could be established.
But it will be safer to render it: lest thou
he offended (annoyed) hy the penalties
for her, — the money— or other penalties on
her account, possibly with reference to Deut.
xxii. 29. This seems also to accord with the
Syriac Version. The moral code of the
Rabbis went much beyond this, and forbade
even to look at the finger of a woman, or at
her shoe, as well as to exchange any needless
words with her. Two Rabbis, shoemakers
by trade, are mentioned as extraordinary
instances of forbearing any such forbidden
gaze, even under the daily temptation of their
trade (Pes. 1 1 3 a).

7 b. For " neither wander thou in the soli-
tary places thereof" the Vet. Lat. has : " nee
oberraveris in plateis illius "—perhaps after
the Syr., and reading nVOm for iTDmrt.

8. beautiful."] Rather, handsome, comely,
as referring more to form.

another's beauty.] The beauty of one who
13 another's.

deceived.] Rather, led astray.

for herewith.] Rather, and therefrom.
This and v. 9 are among the passages quoted
in the Talmud as from Ben Sira (Sanh. 100 £,
Yebam. 63 b). As bearing on the mode of
quotation in the New Testament, it is instruc-
tive to find that these Talmudic citations from
Ben Sira are not literal, but probably made
from memory. They are as follows : "Avert
thine eye lest thou be caught in her snare.
Do not resort to her husband to drink with
him wine and strong drink. For bv the

fairness of a beautiful woman manv have been

destroyed, ' and mighty [either in the sense
of numerous, or of strength] are all her slain'
(Prov. vii. 26)." " Many are the wounds
caused by the pedlar [who sells articles de luxe
to women], which lead to the committing of
sin, as the spark kindles the coal. ' As a
cage is full of birds, so are their houses full
of deceit' (Jer. v. 27)." The Syr. places
v. 8 after v. 9.

9. A warning against familiarity which may
lead to sin. A similar, if not the same, saying
is adduced in the Mishnah in the name of
Jose b. Jochanan (Abh. i. 5).

another man's ivife.] A married woman.
The next clause in the A. V., " nor sit down,"
&c, must be omitted. It is evidently a
paraphrastic gloss.

and be not feasting with her at
wine.] The expression (avufioXuKoirclv) pro-
bably means frequent indulgence in feasts or
entertainments where wine is drunk. We
are not to give in her honour nor to take part
in merry wine-parties with her (not necessarily
in the absence of her husband — probably
rather the contrary). Fritzsche applies it to
what he calls " Pikenike," but we have not
been able to discover any trace of picnics
amongst the ancient Jews. The verb is used

for the Hebrew ^'lT in the LXX. Deut. xxi.
20, and also by Aq. ; and either as verb or
substant. for the same Hebrew word by
Theod. in Prov. xxiii. 30; by Aq., Sym.,
and Theod. in Prov. xxiii. 21, and by Aq.
and Theod. in Prov. xxviii. 7 (see the note
on the latter passage in Field's ' Hexapla ').
Schleusner {ad i'oc.) attaches to the word the
somewhat strange meaning of contending in
jokes, bandying jests.

through thy desire.] Or passion, inclina-
tion— Tvvevfxari (nvevjjia here = n-1"l). For
TrvevfMiTi Clemens Alex., the Syr., Arab., and
Vet. Lat. have = aifxaTi. Comp. Lev. xx. 10;
Deut. xxii. 22 ; Prov. vii. 26, 27.

10. The verse begins a new section. The

v. ii— 1 8.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. IX. X.

B.C.

cir. 200.

rfPs. 37. 1
&c. & 73.
3. >7-

the new is not comparable to him :
a new friend is as new wine ; when
it is old, thou shalt drink it with
pleasure.

11 (/Envy not the glory of a sin-
ner: for thou knowest not what shall
be his end.

12 Delight not in the thing that
the ungodly have pleasure in ; but
remember they shall not go un-
punished unto their grave.

13 Keep thee far from the man
that hath power to kill ; so shalt
thou not doubt the fear of death :
and if thou come unto him, make no
fault, lest he take away thy life
presently : remember that thou goest
in the midst of snares, and that thou
walkest upon the battlements of the
city.

14 As near as thou canst, guess

at thy neighbour, and consult with B. c.

.1 ■ cir. 200.

the wise.

15 Let thy talk be with the wise,

^and all thy communication in the 'Ps. 1.2.
law of the most High.

16 And let just men eat and drink
with thee ; and let thy glorying be
in the fear of the Lord.

17 For the hand of the artificer
the work shall be commended : and
the wise ruler of the people for his
speech.

18 A man of an ill tongue is dan-
gerous in his city ; and he that is rash
in his talk shall be hated.

CHAPTER X.

I The commodities of a wise ruler. 4 God setteth
him up. 7 The inconveniences of pride, in-
justice, and covetousness. 14 What God hath
done to the proud. 19 Who shall be ho-
noured, 29 and who not.

second clause would be more adequately
rendered: for the fresh one — he who is
newly made (TvptHTfyaros; comp. Delitzsch on
Heb. x. 20) — is not equal to him. The
third line gains in force by omitting (as in
the original) the words " is as." The
so-called 'First Alphabet of Ben Sira' has
the same or a similar admonition : " An old
friend deny not."

11. the glory .] In the sense of " prosperity."

12. Have not pleasure in [what is] the
pleasure of the ungodly: remember that
they will not be justified (i.e. escape
punishment as the sentence of iheir condem-
nation) unto the grave (Hades) ; that is,
punishment will surely overtake them before
their end.

13. If w, 11, 12 had indicated what a
man should not seek for nor wish, v. 13 con
tinues the same reasoning and shews what he
should actually avoid. " The man that hath
power to kill " is presumably " the sinner " of
v. 11 and "the ungodly" of v. 12, and his
" power to kill " consists in his evil example,
and in the danger accruing from his com-
panionship and from fellowship with his deeds,
which will entail such punishment on the
doer. Keep far from him, — "and thou
shalt not be in the anguish of fear of
death ; and if thou approach for come to]
him, do not go wrong [err not, in the moral
sense], lest he take away [rob] thy life:
know [recognise] that thou goest in the
midst of snares, and that thou walkest on
the battlements of a city;" that is, thou art
like one who walketh on the battlements of

a city besieged — such and so great is thy
danger, and so watchful must thou be.

14. The advice that follows is closely con-
nected with what had preceded: According
to thy power [to the utmost of thy power,
so far as thou canst] seek to make out
[search out] thy neighbour (to know what
he really is). " Consult " in the sense of
taking counsel.

15. Let thy conference (5iaXo-yta-/xos') be
with those of understanding.

16. Omit "and." "Let just [righteous]
men be thy table-companions" (who dine
and sup with thee).

17. In the hand o/"artificers is the work
commended.'] The skilful artificer produces
work that brings its own commendation : the
German, das Werk soil den Meister loben.
"And the ruler" — perhaps, rather, the
leader — "of the people is wise in speech."

18. Dreaded [a matter of fear] in his city
(is) a man glib of tongue \linguatus\ and he
that is rash [reckless, perhaps violent] in his
speech shall be hated.] Thus the two last
verses form an apt conclusion of the preceding
argument.

CHAPTER X.

The second line of chap. ix. 17 evidently
leads up to chap, x., which treats of rulers,
both good and evil. From this subject the
transition to that of pride is easy and almost
natural. Rulership and pride form the theme
of the whole chapter. Its division into two
parts is clearly marked. In Part I. Qw. 1-17)

7°

ECCLESIASTICUS. X.

[v. 1—7.

B. C.

cir. 200.

" Prov.25

12.

A WISE judge will instruct his
people ; and the government
of a prudent man is well ordered.

2 "As the judge of the people is
himself, so are his officers ; and what
manner of man the ruler of the
city is, such are all they that dwell
therein.

3 An unwise king destroyeth his
people ; but through the prudence
of them which are in authority the
city shall be inhabited.

4 The power of the earth is in the

b. c.

cir. 200.

hand of the Lord, and in due time
he will set over it one that is profit-
able.

5 In the hand of God is the
prosperity of man : and upon the

1 person of the scribe shall he lay his lOr./ace,
honour.

6 ^Bear not hatred to thy neighbour * L<=v- 19
for every wrong ; and do nothing at
all by injurious practices.

7 Pride is hateful before God and
man : and by both doth one com-
mit iniquity.

17-

Matt. 18.

rulership and pride are viewed in relation to
God. The argument turns, so to speak, on
the alternate formula : " from God " and " be-
fore God." The first stanza, vv. 1-3 (3 x 2),
shews how a people is bound up with its
rulers. This is followed by a moral reflection,
intended to shew that this is of God's appoint-
ment, vv. 4, 5 (2 x 2). The next stanza,
i"v. 6-8 (3 x 2), reverses the reasoning, and
points out that the fate of rulers is connected
with the state of the people, and winds up
with a moral reflection on the folly of pride
and the transient character of everything
earthly, vv. 9-1 1 (3 x 2). The Part concludes
with a stanza of six verses (vv. 12-17) on the
pride of nations — shewing that the origin and
the essence of pride are departure from God,
and that the issue of such pride are the Divine
judgments (2 + 4 and 4 x 2). In Part II. pride
is treated in a parenetic manner. The follow-
ing are the principal points : (1) To the
question, wherein true honour consists and
how is it to be sought, the answer is twofold :
first, positive, vv. 18-22 (2+4; 2x2);
secondly, negative: in two stanzas, vv. 23-25
and vv. 26, 27 (3x2; 2x2). (2) This is
followed by the usual caution against the
opposite extreme, vv. 28, 29 (2 x 2). (3) The
chapter concludes in a somewhat flat manner
in a stanza of two verses (vv. 30, 31 ; 2 x 2),
of which v. 30 may specially refer to theme 1,
and v. 3 1 to theme 2 of Part II.

1. A general introduction to this part of
the subject. - Judge " is used in the sense of
supreme magistrate, ruler, BBSS'; "instruct,"
ill the sense of moral guidance, discipline.

The general proposition is set forth in the
second clause of the verse: "And the
government of one of understanding
shall be well ordered."

2. As in 1-. 1. the governor is presented in
his twofold capacity, as judge and as ruler. Lit.
According to the judge of his people,
so also his officers [ministrants], and
according to the ruler of the city all
they that inhabit it.

3. unwise.] Rather, uninstructed : here
also in the moral sense, as in v. 1. The verb
answers to the Hebrew "ID11, and the common
rendering of "1D, and "1D1E> in the LXX. is
7ratSeva) and iraibeia. But a city shall be
upbuilt [in the sense of "flourishing"]
through the (good) understanding of
those in authority.

4. in the hand of the Lord (is) the do-
minion of the (whole) earth.] In the LXX.

(tjnvaia is the word used for nX'OQ and the

Chakl. i'J^L". Hence it must here be ren-
dered by "dominion" or "rule." "And
him who is serviceable [profitable, useful
for fulfilling God's purpose] will he raise
up in due time upon it" (upon the earth).

5. In the hand o/"the Lord is the prosperity
of a man.] I.e. his success — here probably
the promotion of an individual to power.
And not only does God so promote him, but
He afterwards sustains and invests him with
His own authority. Instead of "scribe,"
rather officer or ruler; the word ypafipciTevs
here being not the scribe in the ordinary-
Jewish sense, but the equivalent for "^',
" officer " (as in Ex. v. and otherwise), which
word is in the LXX. of the Pentateuch
always rendered by ypap/xarevs, or (in Deut.)
by a compound of it.

6. Transition to the next subject. The
fate of rulers and kingdoms is connected with
the state of the people.

every wrong.] Rather, any wrong.

and do not anything at all in works
of violence.] Probably in the sense: when
violence is wrought against thee. This rather
than that a person should not resent wrong
by violence.

7. Hate fid before God and before men is
pride.] The next line is difficult, and we
render it with some hesitation: and accord-
ing to both (i.e. in the judgment both of
God and man, e| dfKporepwu') it (pride)

v. 8—I4-]

ECCLESIASTICUS. X.

B.C.

cir. 200.

8 Because of unrighteous dealings,
injuries, and riches got by deceit,
the kingdom is translated from one
people to another.

9 Why is earth and ashes proud ?
There is not a more wicked thing
than a covetous man : for such an
one setteth his own soul to sale ;
because while he liveth he casteth
away his bowels.

10 The physician cutteth off a
long disease ; and he that is to day
a king to morrow shall die.

11 For when a man is dead, he

B.C.
cir. 200.

shall inherit ^creeping things, beasts,
and worms.

12 The beginning of pride is when jjIsau I4
one departeth from God, and his
heart is turned away from his
Maker.

13 For pride is the beginning of
sin, and he that hath it shall pour out
abomination : and therefore the Lord
brought upon them strange calamities,
and overthrew them utterly.

14 ^The Lord hath cast down the d '1 Sam.
thrones of proud princes, and set up Luke r.
the meek in their stead.

52.

shall commit wrong [offend wrong].
Bretschneider regards the it- as = evavri.
Grotius would read els dpfpore povs ; but this
is to cut rather than unravel the knot.
Pride is not only hateful before God and
men, but it issues in what is wrong accord-
ing to God and man.

8. This idea is now further developed :
"Because of unrighteousness, violence,
and wrongly gotten wealth" (greed of
wealth ?). Such are the moral reasons which
by the judgment of God and through the
instrumentality of men lead to national
decline.

9. All the calamities mentioned in v. 8 are
really the consequences of that pride to which
v. 7 refers. But for such pride there is
assuredly no reason. " Why is earth and
ashes proud?'' — what is it proud of? The
next two clauses in the A. V. (" There is not
. . . soul to sale ") must be omitted. Their
place is, if anywhere, at the close of v. 8.
The last line is, if we rightly understand it,
not only realistic, but coarse. The question
what man has to be proud of is answered by
this ironical suggestion: for in life [while
he liveth] he casts out [or according to
the other reading : I cast out?] his bowels.
Lindius, " eppi\f/a pro eppL^e ut in pluribus
codicibus." Alex., 157, 248, Co., eppi^rav ;
Vetus Lat., Orig., projecit ; but most modern
critics adopt the Vat. reading eppiyj/a, " I cast
out." The rendering of Fritzsche seems far-
fetched : " For in life [while he liveth] I have
cast down [upset, shaken] his inward or-
ganism." Syr. : cujus latera, dum vivit, vermes
perrepunt. Arab. : e quo vermes scaturiunt
dum vivlt. These variations shew at least
the difficulty of the passage. It is not im-
possible that, as has been suggested, the
Greek depends on a misreading of the original
Hebrew: HDI, jacere , dejicere, for DO"), tabes-
cere. Yet, on the whole, the rendering pro-
posed (which refers to the ordinary fluxus
corporis) seems to us the most likely.

10. a long disease, the physician jokes.]
This either in the sense that he ironically
refers to it as such, or else that he speaks of
it lightly, as a long disease or weakness ; while
in truth he who to-day is a king will even
to-morrow be dead. This would give good
sense. But the Syr. clearly shews us not
only what the original bore, but how the
error in the Greek version arose. The Syr.
has in the first clause : " To-day he walks,"
instead of the Greek : " to-day a king." As
pointed out by Mr. Margoliouth, the Hebrew

was ^n» or IJ^D, "he walketh," which the

Greek misread ">Q12, " a king." The correct
rendering of v. 10 b is therefore: Yea, he
walketh to-day, and to-morrow he shall
die.

11. Such shall be his portion. This and
v. 10 b has been erroneously regarded as
referring to Antiochus Epiphanes (1 Mace,
vi. 8,9; 2 Mace. ix. 9), and hence as a later,
spurious addition. But the restoration of
10 b from the Syr. leaves no room for such a
conjecture.

12. The verse opens the stanza (yv. 12-
17), which treats specially of pride, and more
particularly of national pride, as appears from
vv. 14-17. Indeed, pride had all along been
the subject of moralising. Comp. v. 7. In
v. 12 the source of pride is pointed out.

13. The better reading is: For the be-
ginning of pride is sin. The reading of
the A. V. is that of 248, Co., Syr., Chrysost.

strange calamities. ~\ Rather, unexpected,
unwonted, marvellous. The verb (jrapa-
So|d^od) stands in LXX. Deut. xxviii. 59

for NvDH, and the word generally bears this
meaning in the LXX., whether sensu bono or
malo.

14. The verse points out the final issue,
and at the same time accounts for the extra-
ordinary calamities referred to in v. 13. Omit
" proud," and in the second clause " up."

ECCLESIASTICUS. X.

[v. 15—25.

r.. c.

cir. 200.

II Or,
imstable
genera-
tion.

15 The Lord hath plucked up the
roots of the proud nations, and planted
the lowly in their place.

16 The Lord overthrew countries
of the heathen, and destroyed them
to the foundations of the earth.

17 He took some of them away,
and destroyed them, and hath made
their memorial to cease from the
earth.

18 Pride was not made for men,
nor furious anger for them that are
born of a woman.

19 They that fear the Lord are a
sure seed, and they that love him an
honourable plant : they that re-
gard not the law are a dishonour-
able seed ; they that transgress the
commandments are a " deceivable
seed.

20 Among brethren he that is B. c.
chief is honourable ; so are they that - — '
fear the Lord in his eyes.

21 The fear of the Lord goeth
before 'the obtaining of authority : i Or, prin-
but roughness and pride is the losing' '
thereof.

22 Whether he be rich, noble, or
poor, their glory is the fear of the
Lord.

23 It is not meet to despise the
poor man that hath understanding ;
neither is it convenient to magnify a
sinful man.

24 Great men, and judges, and
potentates, shall be honoured ; yet
is there none of them greater than
he that feareth the Lord.

25 ''Unto the servant that is wise e Prov.
shall they that are free do service : 1?' "

16. countries of the heathen.] Rather, lands
of nations. But the Syr. here offers a
more correct translation, at least in i\ 15.
It reads in v. 15, instead of "nations," and
in v. 16, instead of "the heathen," "the
proud," which suits the context better. The
Syr. may have vocalised W1^ and the Greek
D'3 — or more probably the one read D*N3,
the other D'13. The Syr. rendering is sup-
ported by 248 and the Vet. Lat. in v. 15,
but not in -v. 16.

17. He took some of them away.] Thus, if
we read with A.C.S., when we may either
read with the Compl. e'£ uvtwv or correct
avrovs (as A.S.2 and six other Codd. C. has
aiirui). The Vat. has t£i]pavev e'£ uvtuiv, "he
made waste," dry, "some of them" = 3vinn,
^'2* (Fritzsche). In that case the reference
in the next clause, he destroyed them
•aiTovs), would be to the inhabitants. On
the whole, this gives the better meaning.

18. This verse begins Part II., with mani-
fest, though somewhat loose, reference to
what had before been said of nations.

not made.] Lit., " not created "—pride is
personified. The outcome of it is : " furious
anger " (passionate anger).

of a woman.] Rather, of women.

19. The A. V. here follows the Compl.
and 248, probably representing what origin-
ally had been a marginal gloss. In its place
must be substituted from the Alex, and Vat.
(also in part quoted by Orig. ' c. Cels.' viii.
50): What generation [lit. " seed," jni]
is honoured? The generation of man.
What generation is honoured? They

that fear the Lord. What generation
is unhonoured? The generation of
man. What generation is unhonoured?
They that transgress the command-
ments. Thus man may either attain to high
dignity or the opposite, according to his
relation towards God.

20. In the midst of [among] brethren,
he that is chief among them [their chief]
is honoured.

in his eyes.] i.e. in the eyes of God.

21. This verse (found in 106, 248, Co., at
the end of v. 20) must be omitted.

22. Whatever the outward condition of a
man, that which alone constitutes glory is
the fear of God. This is shewn in detail in
the following verses (23-25). Indeed, the
connexion of v. 22 with the next stanza is
so close that it is not easy to separate them.

23. This verse follows as a corollary from
v. 22. " Meet " = right, righteous.

a sinful man.] Lit. a man, a sinner.
Drusius thinks the use of the word " man "
(avSpa) indicates a rich man [so also the
Syr.], since people generally hold a rich man
in honour, though he be a sinner. But
perhaps we should not conline the idea to
wealth, but extend it to all those outward
distinctions to which men pay regard, irre-
spective of character and conduct. He is
but a man, and as such must be judged
according to v. 22. "Understanding," in
the true sense, as opposed to " sin."

25. wise.] In the same sense as " under-
standing " in i\ 23: "Will not grudge:"
rather, will not murmur (the verb occurs

2 6 2.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. X. XI.

B. C.
cir. 200.

f 2 Sam.

12. 13.

Prov. 13.

Prov.
12. g.

and he that hath knowledge -^will
not grudge when he is reformed.

26 Be not overwise in doing thy
business ; and boast not thyself in the
time of thy distress.

27 -^Better is he that laboureth,
and aboundeth in all things, than he
that boasteth himself, and wanteth
bread.

28 My son, glorify thy soul in
meekness, and give it honour accord-
ing to the dignity thereof.

29 Who will justify him that sin-
neth against his own soul ? and who
will honour him that dishonoureth
his own life ?

30 The poor man is honoured for

his skill, and the rich man is honoured b. c.

r , . . , cir. 200.

for his riches. —

31 He that is honoured in poverty,
how much more in riches ? and he
that is dishonourable in riches, how
much more in poverty ?

CHAPTER XI.

4 We may not vaunt or set forth ourselves, 8
nor answer rashly, 10 nor meddle with many
matters. 14 Wealth and all things else
are from God. 24 Brag not of thy wealth,

29 nor bring every man into thy house.

ISDOM lifteth up the head

11 of him that is of low de- *Ox,o/the
gree, and'Tmaketh him to sit among owy'

fa ■ ' O " Gen. 41.

great men. 4o.

2 Commend not a man for his Ddn'6' 3"

seven times in the N. T.). The words
" when he is reformed," although occurring
in the Syr. and Vet. Lat., should be omitted.
Comp. Prov. xvii. 2.

26. Another species of pride. It probably
refers to a man who imagines himself superior
to doing his own plain work — too wise or
clever for it — and afterwards claims merit
and piety when failure and distress supervene.
For " be not overwise " the Syr. has " be not
slow," which the Vet. Lat. reproduces, al-
though in the second clause [for " beast net
thyself," which it transfers into the first
clause].

28. honour thy soul.'] Honour thyself —
proper self-esteem.

dignity.'] Rather, worth.

29. The sinning here referred to springs
from want of proper self-esteem, from undue
self-depreciation.

30. 31. See introductory remarks to the
chapter.

CHAPTER XI.

The previous chapter had suggested the
contrast between the seeming and the real —
appearance and fact. This is the subject of
ch. xi., the moral being to avoid rashness and
inconsiderate judgment in regard to what we
see (vv. 2-6), what we hear (vv. 7-9), and
what we do (vv. 10-13). This concludes
Part I. In it the writer had already by im-
plication pointed to the Lord as the only
Source of all good — He whose giving alone
bestows what is real. This forms now the
theme of Part II. (beginning with v. 14).
The argument may be thus summarised:
Not the appearance of outward possessions,
but the judgment of the Lord (vv. 14-21);
not the present and immediate sequences —

that which appears — but the final arbitrament
as determined by God (vv. 22-24), when
there shall be a final adjustment of things
(vv. 25-28), and that which before God was
all along the real shall also outwardly be ex-
perienced and become apparent. The last
stanza, beginning with v. 29, seems more
naturally to belong to ch. xii., unless indeed
we were to consider it as another species of
that which presents itself to us in outward
lite, and in regard to which we require to be
warned. Thus the chapter would consist of
two parts, each of thirteen verses (as vv. 1 5
and 16 in Part II. must be omitted). Part I.
would comprise three stanzas (vv. i-6r
3x2+4 + 2x2 lines; vv. 7-9, 3x2 lines;
vv. 10-13, alternately 4, 2 and 4, 2 lines).
Part II. would be similar in its arrangement,
having also three stanzas (vv. 14-21, omitting
vv. 15, 16 in the A. V., or 3x2 + 4 + 2 + 4
lines; vv. 22-24, 3x2 lines; vv. 25-28,
4X 2 lines). The last stanza in the chapter
(vv. 29-34) we prefer regarding as part of
chap. xii.

1. This verse seems really to belong to the
previous chapter, but it may have been placed
at the beginning of chap. xi. as an apt intro-
duction. The better reading of the first clause
is no doubt the Alex, [also C.S. (X), 248,
and seven other Codd.], which has avrov after
KctpaXi'iv. Translate: The wisdom of the
humble [modest] shall lift up his head,
and make him to sit among great men.
There are so many Rabbinic sayings to the
tame effect that this sentiment may be almost
regarded as a Jewish axiom.

2. Commend not.] Praise not, make not
much of him. The writer had probably
1 Sam. xvi. 7 in view, for the Vat. reading
atVeVfi? we must certainly adopt the Alex,
(supported by many others) alpearjs. " His

ECCLESIASTICUS. XI.

[v.

12.

B. C.
cir. 200.

* Acts 12.
21.

c Ps. 139.
14.

IIGr.
tyrants.

<f 1 Sam.
IS- 28.
Ksther 7.
ro.

' Dcut. T J.

14. & 17.

6.7-

beauty ; neither abhor a man for his
outward appearance.

3 The bee is little among such as
fly ; but her fruit is the chief of
sweet things.

4 b Boast not of thy clothing and
raiment, and exalt not thyself in the
day of honour : for 'the works of the
Lord are wonderful, and his works
among men are hidden.

5 Many kings have sat down upon
the ground ; and one that was never
thought of hath worn the crown.

6 '''Many mighty men have been
greatly disgraced ; and the honour-
able delivered into other men's
hands.

7 ''Blame not before thou hast

examined the truth : understand first, p. C.

I , , , Cir. 200

and then rebuke. —

8 -^Answer not before thou hast -^ Prov.
heard the cause : neither interrupt x
men in the midst of their talk.

9 Strive not in a matter that con-
cerneth thee not; and ^sit not 'in *Ps. i. ri
judgment with sinners. iOr,«**«

i\ it 111 -i judgment

10 My son, meddle not with many of sinners.
matters : for if thou meddle much,
thou shalt not be innocent ; and if
thou follow after, thou shalt not
obtain, neither shalt thou "escape by n Or,

£ escape

eeing. hurt.

11 h There is one that laboureth, '• Prov.

10. 3.

Matt. 19.

and taketh pains, and maketh haste, -'

and is so much the more behind.

22.

Tim.

12 Again, there is another that is °- 9-

outward appearance;" i.e. because of its
unattractive character.

3. Before /xeXtcro-a the article should be
inserted, with C, H, and many authorities.
(Gomp. Chrysost, ' Horn. 20 in Eph. v.')

4. Boast not in the putting on of
clothes.] Or else, as in the A.V., " of thy
clothing and raiment." The reference is to
outward prosperity. The Syr. very curiously
renders the first two lines: "deride not him
who is dressed in rags, nor despise him whose
throat is bitter." If the latter sentiment
seems Hebraic, the former is scarcely in
accordance with Jewish thought. Indeed a
Rabbinic work (comp. Zunz, ' Gottesd. Vortr.'
p. 104) quotes as from Ben Sira the following
sentence (found also in ' Der. er. Z.' towards
the end of the last ch.) : " The adornment
(splendour) of God is man ; the adornment
of man is his dress." And this agrees with
many Rabbinic sayings in which attention
to dress is enjoined on the sages. Lines
c and d give the reason for the warning in
lines a and b. God may send sudden re-
versal in punishment of our pride, or else the
prosperity of which we boasted may be only
apparent and temporary. Verses 5 and 6
carry out this idea.

7, 8. Before thou blamest, examine
[omit "the truth"]: consider first.'] This
perhaps rather than "understand first." In
Babha B. 98 b, we find the following as a
quotation from the book of Ben Sira [the
last clause in it we italicise to mark the
quotation from Ecclus. xi. 8 b] : " Everything
have I weighed in the balances, and I have
not found anything lighter than bran (^3-lD
the husks which fall off from the flour in the
mill), yet lighter than bran the bridegroom

who lives in the house of his father-in-law;
and lighter than such bridegroom a guest
who brings a guest ; and lighter than such
guest he who returns answer before he has
heard, and interrupt not in the middle of a
discourse"' [speech]. Comp. Prov. xviii. 13.

9. of sinners.'] That is, where sinners sit
in judgment.

10. From rashness as to what we see and
hear the writer proceeds to rashness in what
we undertake and do.

Son, let not thy deeds [undertakings,
aims] he about many things.] TheA.V.
gives the sense correctly.

for if thou completest.] That is, if thou
art successful. This seems to suit the sense
and context better than " if thou multiply ; "
viz. if thou engage in many pursuits. The
alternative would be : success and failure are
here to be equally deprecated. Success will
involve what is morally blameworthy ; failure
will be disastrous.

if thou pursuest [seekest after, folio west
after, viz.. these various objects], thou shalt
not overtake [seize, catch]; and if thou
runnest away, thou shalt not escape.]
Viz., blame, or else damage. Success involves
guilt, the pursuit will lead to failure, and even
if abandoned it will involve damage.

11. This verse further illustrates the latter
part of v. 10, while w. 12, 13 refer to the
first two lines in v. 10, shewing, in oppo-
sition to that haste after many things which
involves guilt, that the blessing of God en-
richeth and exalteth those who are apparently
not prosperous but pious and content to wait
upon God. Verse 1 1 reads better by omit-
ting the word " one." It tells us that speed
is not success.

13—21.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XL

B. C.
cir. 200.

' Job 42.

■ 1 Sam.

7-
fob I. 21.
Czek. 2S.
:,&C.

slow, and hath need of help, wanting
ability, and full of poverty; 'yet the
eye of the Lord looked upon him for
good, and set him up from his low
estate,

13 And lifted up his head from
misery ; so that many that saw it
marvelled at him.

14 ^Prosperity and adversity, life
and death, poverty and riches, come
of the Lord.

15 Wisdom, knowledge, and un-
derstanding of the law, are of the
Lord : love, and the way of good
works, are from him.

16 Error and darkness had their
beginning; together with sinners : and

to to to

evil shall wax old with them that
glory therein.

17 The gift of the Lord remain-

eth with the godly, and his favour b. c.
bringeth prosperity for ever. cir^oo.

18 There is that waxeth rich by
his wariness and pinching, and this is
the portion of his reward :

19 Whereas he saith, T have found ! Luke 12.
rest, and now will eat continually of "

my goods ; and yet he knoweth not
what time shall 'come upon him, and 11 Or, pass.
that m he must leave those things to >n p5. 49.
others, and die. £ I4 4

20 "Be stedfast in thy covenant, » Matt,
and be conversant therein, and wax IO' 22"
old in thy work.

21 Marvel not at the works of
sinners ; but trust in the Lord, and
abide in thy labour : for it is an
easy thing in the sight of the Lord
on the sudden to make a poor man
rich.

12. On the other hand, "There is that
is slow and hath need of help, is inferior
in strength and aboundeth in poverty,"
&c. It seems a mistake to regard (with
Fritzsche) the person here described as one
who is idle or wanting in energy. Such an
one could not be represented as receiving
Divine help — the argument is not in support
of fatalism, but intended to shew the supe-
riority of moral worth.

yet.~] Rather, and.

13. Omit " from misery," and again,
" that saw it ; " translate the last clause :
and many marvelled at him.

14. 17. Here begins Part II., which
presents the other aspect : so to speak, the
Divine view-point. In v. 14 the general
principle is laid down; in v. 17 it is added
that what God so giveth [or else His " good
will " and " good pleasure;" see i. 10] to the
godly is not merely seeming and transient, as
is the prosperity of the wicked, but abiding.
(Verses 15 and 16, which are wanting in all
the best MSS., and disturbing, must be omitted,
although occurring in the Syr. and the Vet. Lat.)

18-21. These verses contain an antithesis
—two verses (18, 19: 2 + 4 lines) concern-
ing the rich fool being opposed to two other
verses concerning the poor who is pious
(20, 21 : 2 + 4 lines).

19. The A. V. and commentators close v. 1 8
with a colon, and regard v. 19 as indicating
what is "the portion of his reward." But
we would suggest that i<. 18 closes with a
full stop, and that t\ 1 9 constitutes a separate
sentence, complete in itself. Probably the

Hebrew original, as has been suggested, bore :
VT 161 . . . n»S3— a well-known Hebrew

■ t : : T :

construction (for the instances of this use of
2 see ' Noldii Concord. Partic.'). The trans-
lator rendered the Hebrew N1?! . . . 112X2
literallv, iv ra el-nelv . . . kci\ ovk. The
Hebraism iv ra with infinitive is of frequent
occurrence in 'the N. T. (see Vorstius, ' de
Hebraism. N. TV c. xxxii.). It is also met
with in our book (Ecclus. iv. 9, vii. 9, x. 11,
xlvi. 5). The meaning is: While [or al-
though] he saith (viz. in his heart) . . .
and now will eat of my good things, and
knoweth not [or yet knoweth not — Kaiior
8i] what time shall pass. Comp. our
Lord's parable of the rich fool (St. Luke xii.
16, Sec). Similar sentiments are expressed
in Rabbinic writings. Thus in the Midr. on
Eccles. i. 4 : "In this world one man builds
a house and another inhabits it, one planteth a
garden and another eateth the fruit thereof."
Comp. also the Midr. on Eccles. ii. 1.

20. thy covenant^ Viz. with the Lord.
Grotius "here rightly reminds us of Neh. ix.
38.

and have thy conversation in it

(6/xiAeu/, Schleusner = *f?nnn ; for the use
of the word, see LXX. Pro v. xxiii. 31).]
Do thy work quietly and godly to old age.

21. Marvel not, fo-'c.'] Either in the sense
of marvelling at what a sinner doeth, so as
to be disturbed in the quiet pursuit of duty
or in the stedfastness of faith ; or else :
marvel not at the success of his works.
According to the better reading, the last

7<5

ECCLES1ASTICUS. XI.

[V. 2 2 —2 8.

• Mai. 3.

B.C. 22 The blessing of the Lord is in

- — ' the reward of the godly, and sud-
^ew/r°j.a denly he maketh his blessing to
flourish.

23 Say not, "What profit is there
of my service ? and what good things
shall I have hereafter ?

24 Again, say not, I have enough,
and possess many things, and what
evil can come to me hereafter ?

25 In the day of prosperity there
is a forgetfulness of affliction : and

in the day of affliction there is no
more remembrance of prosperity.

26 For it is an easy thing unto the
Lord in the day of death to reward a
man according to his ways.

27 The affliction of an hour
maketh a man forget pleasure :
and in his end his deeds shall be
discovered.

28 Judge none blessed before his
death : for a man shall be known in
his children.

c. c.

cir. 200.

clause must be rendered: "quickly of a
sudden to make a poor man rich." — The
moral of this verse can scarcely be considered
elevated.

22. The blessing of the Lord is for reward.]
Or more simply, is the reward. The
Hebrew had here no doubt 3, which was
literally translated by iv. for this use of 3,
see Ewald, ' Lehrb.' § 2 17/ and § 299 b.

suddenly.'] Literally, in a swift hour. It
has been suggested (by Mr. Margoliouth)
that the Hebrew original had in both lines
the word }\f?n, " the blessing of the Lord
.... his blessing ; " but that there was a
mistake in translating the second }'Sn bv
etXoyia, and referring it to God. In that
case the word would have been used in the
sense of " business," " undertaking," " en-
deavour." In fact there would be a play on
the word }'Qn, and the meaning of the Hebrew
original would have been: The blessing of
the Lord for reward (in reward) of the
godly, and rapidly He maketh his (the
man's) business (undertaking) to nourish.
This seems to accord with the previous verse.
On the arrangement of this (yv. 22-24)
and the following stanza {yv. 25-28), see
the introductory remarks. The Syr. omits
w. 22-27 b.

23. Say not, What need have I?] The
tempting suggestion that the Hebrew original
rendered by ri's 1<tt'i finv xp( '« rnay have been
pen HO, is forbidden by the circumstance
that although the LXX! twice render }'3n,
" pleasure," desiderium, by xPeia (Jer- xx''-
28, xlviii. 38), yet the uniform use in the
Book of Sirach is different. It occurs in it
nineteen times— seventeen times in the sense
of "need," only once fxxxii. 2, or rather
xxxv. 2) in the sense of " business " (work),
and once doubtfully so (iii. 22). We there-
tore feel constrained to adopt the common
usage of the word. The words in the A. V.
" in my service" must be omitted.

and what good things shall I have from
now ?] I.e. in the immediate present.

24. Similarly the opposite extreme must
be avoided. "Say not, I have what is suffi-
cient: and what evil shall befall me from
now]"— in the immediate present. Omit the
words in the A. V., " and possess many things."

25. If in the previous verses the author
displayed a considerable knowledge of human
nature, his philosophy is weak and his the-
ology poor in the last stanza (yv. 25-28),
which gives a kind of general summary and
application of the teachings of this chapter.
Past sufferings will be forgotten by the
righteous when prosperity cometh, and the
opposite will be the case with the wicked. In
his displeasure at not being invited to a feast,
a Rabbi is said to have written to his colleague
on the day of his son's marriage: " After all
thy joy, death ; and what advantage hast
thou then of thy joy ? " (Midr. on Ecc'.es. i.
3.) And it was a common saying that a man
did not depart out of this world till he had
had at least half of his wishes (a. s. i. 13).
Some retribution wouid come in the end to
the wicked. None therefore was to be pro-
nounced blessed before his death.

28. and in his children shall a man be
known.] That is, either generally his punish-
ment would overtake him in the fate of his
children, or else, even if he should die un-
punished, yet his character will appear in his
children and his punishment in their punish-
ment. The Rabbis express similar notions
as to sins of the parents leading to physical
and moral consequences in their children ;
while, on the other hand, it was a common
saying that before the sun of one righteous
person set that of another rose. This was
said with reference to the birth of pious sons
on the day that a pious father died (Midr. on
Eccles. i. 5). The curious idea also prevailed
that a son is commonly like his maternal
uncle (Baba B. no a. In general, as to
children being morally either like or unlike
their parents, see Midr. Shir Hash. 1 a, b).
But, apart from all this, what most painfully
impresses us in w. 25-28 is the marked
absence of anv reference to another life.

29— I.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XI. XII.

cir.

200.

29 Bring not every man into thine
house : for the deceitful man hath
many trains.

30 Like as a partridge taken [and
kept] in a cage, so is the heart of the
proud ; and like as a spy, watcheth
he for thy fall :

31 For he lieth in wait, and turneth
good into evil, and in things worthy
praise will lay blame upon thee.

32 Of a spark of lire a heap of
coals is kindled : and a sinful man
layeth wait for blood.

33 Take heed of a mischievous
man, for he worketh wickedness ;
lest he bring upon thee a perpetual
blot.

34 Receive a stranger into thine
house, and he will disturb thee, and
turn thee out of thine own.

CHAPTER XII.

2 Be not liberal to the ungodly. 10 Trust not
thine enemy, nor the zvickcd.

B.C.

cir. 200.

HEN thou wilt do good, a
"know to whom thou doest7 .V''

29. With this verse chap. xii. manifestly
begins. The first line is quoted in the
Talmud (Yeb. 63 £; Sanh. \oo b) as from
the book of the Son of Sira : " Exclude
many from within thy house, and bring not
every one to thy house." With this may be
compared this other saying : " Never let a
man multiply (let him not have many) inti-
mate friends in his house" (Ber. 63/7; Sanh.
1 00 b). The second clause should be rendered :
for many are the wiles (insidia?) of the
deceitful. For SoXi'ou, 106, 248, Co. read
8ia[36\ov — a strange gloss.

30. The mention of tricks and wiles leads
up to what seems in its present form an
un-Jewish simile, since, although Aristotle
speaks of it ('Hist. An.' ix. 8), we cannot
recall any Jewish reference to the training of
partridges as decoys. The first clause should
be rendered: A decoy-partridge in a
basket. KtipraWos occurs in four passages
in the LXX., each time representing a different
Hebrew word, but all meaning " basket."
The word has also passed into Rabbinic

writings as ^915 and Xn^B*lj2 (Babha
Mets. 42 a; Babha B., 74^7 ;Tand'in Ber. R.
60, Vayy. R. 25). [Bochart — ' Hieroz.' Part
II., b. i., ch. 13 — has a whole chapter on this
verse in Ecclus.]

so the heart of the proud [ynepfjcjiavos, in
the O. T. sense of proud = wicked (just as
" meek " = pious) answering to the Hebrew
IT or nSJ ; indeed our verse seems based on
Ps. cxl. (LXX. cxxxix.) 5, where the LXX.
so render D'KJ]; and as the spy that
watcheth [looketh out] with a view to
(for) the fall (eVijSXeVei).] As already
stated, the illustration is based on Ps. cxl.
5,6.

31. And on things worthy of praise — choice
[excellent] things— will he put a blemish.]
He will affix to them, find in them a blemish,
P-upos, the DIE) of the Levitical law (and
otherwise in the O. T.), maeulam. If even in
the O. T. the word was used to indicate a

moral spot or blemish (Job xi. 15 ; xxxi. 7),
it is frequently so applied by the Rabbis, as
in the following appropriate saying : " he that

is proud is one who has a blemish " (DIE b]}2
Nin), Meg. 29 a. — The Syr. has instead of
this a different verse.

33. Take heed of an evildoer, for he work-
eth ^wickedness.'] In the sense of struo or
machinor ; not so much as regards his own
conduct, but what he deviseth and prepareth.

34. Receive a stranger [rather: take a
stranger, viz. to live with thee] : . . . and he
ivill distract thee with disturbances
and estrange [alienate] thee from thine
oavn — from thine own family. This con-
struction— rather than "turn thee out of
thine own," viz. property — accords with the
context, and is established by its occurrence
in Jos. 'Ant.' iv. 1, 1 (about the middle).
There is evidently here a word-play between
the dWorpios, " the stranger," whom we are
not to take into our house, and its conse-
quence, that he will make us a stranger to
our family : oVaXXoT/jiaxrei o~e tup idicov cov.

CHAPTER XII.

The chapter with which, as previously
stated, the concluding stanza of ch. xi. should
have been joined, treats of our dealings with
others. Ch. xii., as in our A. V., consists of
three stanzas, each of six verses, which mav
be roughly headed as follows : To whom to
do good, and to whom not to do it (stanza 1,
w. 1-6); the reasons for this advice (stanza
2, wu. 7-12); the consequences of neglect-
ing such advice (stanza 3, -w. 13-18). Each
of the first two stanzas might be headed,
Give unto the good; and stanza 3, If thou
doest otherwise, thou wilt have thyself only
to blame. Lastly, each of the three stanzas
may be subdivided into two shorter stanzas,
each of three verses, which respectively mark
progression in thought.

1. This verse forms a general introductory

ECCLESIASTICUS. XII.

[v. 2 — 8.

B.C. it; so shalt thou be thanked for thy

r. 200. 1 r

— benefits.

2 Do good to the godly man, and
thou shalt find a recompence ; and
if not from him, vet from the most
High.

3 There can no good come to him
that is always occupied in evil, nor to
him that giveth no alms.

4 Give to the godly man, and
help not a sinner.

5 Do well unto him that is lowly,
but give not to the ungodly : hold

back thy bread, and give it not unto
him, lest he overmaster thee thereby :
for [else] thou shalt receive twice as
much evil for all the good thou shalt
have done unto him.

6 For the most High hateth sin-
ners, and will repay vengeance
unto the ungodly, and keepeth them
against the mighty day of their
punishment.

7 Give unto the good, and help
not the sinner.

8 A friend cannot be known in

B. C.

cir. 200.

statement — as it were, the text. Instead of
the first clause, " When thou wilt do good,
kno-v" &c, the Syr. has: "If thou doest
good to one who is evil, thou doest nothing "
— evidently a confusion of JH and JH. And
there will be thanks for thy benefits —
beneficia, "good doings."

3. The meaning of this verse is extremely
difficult, and we may conjecture that either
the Greek translator did not properly under-
stand the Hebrew original, or that by an
attempted literalism he clumsily rendered it
into Greek. In either case our commenta-
tion must be somewhat conjectural.

There are not benefits [perhaps DvlDJ
D*31D, or else DHDP1 — in the sense that there
is not room for them, they are not in place,
hence they should not be shewn] (in regard)
to him who is continuous in evil [per-
haps JTO 1*DnD, or else JTQ ^OnDS, in the
later usage of that word], nor [in regard] to
him who (himself) bestoweth not alms.']

The original may have had D^tJ'O, which
bears the twofold meaning of bestowing and
retributing (the older Siracide viewing it in
the latter, the younger Siracide taking it in

the former sense) ; or it may have been T'OJ

K?pn, or even blOJ xfoffQ— for all these ex-
pressions occur, while in Rabbinic thought

□HDH m?*E>:n npYi are always most closely
connected.

4. This verse presents a sad contrast to the
words of our Lord, St. Matt. v. 42-48. But
the saying of the Son of Sirach is entirely in
accordance with Rabbinic views. It occurs
in the so-called ' First Alphabet of Ben Sira'
in the following form : " Do not good to the
evil, and evil shall not befall thee " (comp.
Paul Fagius, ' Sent. mor. Ben Syrae,' c. com-
ment, ix.). It is also found as a proverb in
several of the Midrashim (Ber. R. 22; Vayy.
R. 22 ; Midr. on Eccles. v. 9) in the form
just cited, and also in the following : " If thou

doest good to the evil, thou hast done evil."
In the Midr. on Eccles. v. 9 it occurs (among
a number of legendary illustrations) in con-
nexion with the story of a man who, having
seen a bird restoring another to life by means
of a certain herb, took it with the view of
raising the dead in Palestine. By the way
he saw a dead fox, on whom he made success-
ful experiment of his herb. But when he
afterwards applied the same cure to a dead
lion, the latter straightway rent him in pieces.
— In the Syr. vv. 4 and 5 are inverted.

5. Do iveli] Rather, do good.

loavly.] In the moral sense = pious.

hold back.] Probably the Hebrew JWO, as
Fritzsche suggests.

thy bread.] Rather, his bread, but in
the sense of "the bread which thou givest
him." " Bread " is here used in the sense of

sustenance or support, like the Heb. DIT>.
The meaning of v. 5 c seems to be : lest by
giving him assistance thou furnish him only
with the means of injuring thee ; and then the
consequences will be as described in clauses//
and e. Bretschneider regards vv. 5-7 as a
later addition, chiefly because v. 7 repeats
v. 4. But each of these verses begins a new
stanza and serves as text to it, and the repe-
tition in v. 7 only renders the advice more
emphatic.

6. For.] Rather, For also; a vindica-
tion of the sentiment expressed in v. 5, very
different in spirit from Rom. xii. 19-21.
The last part of the verse in the A. V.
(beginning with " and keepeth," &c.) must
be omitted.

7. Another stanza begins with the same
heading as the former (v. 4).

8. A friend cannot be tested.] The A. V.
adopts the rendering of the Vet. Lat. agnos-
cetur, the reading being emyvcoo-Orjo-eTai, with
106, 253 ; the Alex, has eft/dX^crerai. But
there is no occasion for departing from the

9— 14-]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XII.

B.C.
cir, 200.

prosperity : and an enemy cannot be
hidden in adversity.

9 In the prosperity of a man
enemies will be grieved : but in
his adversity even a friend will
depart.

io Never trust thine enemy: for
like as "iron rusteth, so is his wicked-
ness.

1 1 Though he humble himself, and
go crouching, yet take good heed and
beware of him, and thou shalt be
unto him as if thou hadst wiped a
lookingglass, and thou shalt know

that his rust hath not been altogether
wiped awav.

12 Set him not by thee, lest, when
he hath overthrown thee, he stand up
in thy place; neither let him sit at thv
right hand, lest he seek to take thy
seat, and thou at the last remember
my words, and be pricked therewith.

13 Who will pity a charmer that
is bitten with a serpent, or any such
as come nigh wild beasts ?

14 So one that goeth to a sinner,
and is "defiled with him in his sins
who will pity ?

b. c.

cir. 200.

Or,
mingled.

Vat. reading, (K§iKi]di]<reTai. We feel con-
vinced that the Hebrew word so rendered
was KTT, which the LXX. render by e/cSiKt'w
in Deut. xviii. 19. In our passage the Heb.
word would be used in the sense of " search
out," " test," " prove." Comp. the similar
use of SiKaicodeis in Aesch. ' Ag.' 393. For
"cannot" in both clauses, rather shall
not.

9. enemies ivi/l be grieved. ~\ Rather, his
enemies are in sorrow. For the second
clause comp. Prov. xix. 4, 7.

nvill depart^] Rather, will separate
himself. There seems little doubt that the
original had "112'' "injTlO, as in Prov. xix. 4,
which must be rendered: "but the poor —
his friend separateth himself." (The R. V.
misses the meaning alike in text and margin ;
comp. Nowack ad loc.)

10. Rather, for as the bronze is covered
with rust [= contracteth rust; Vet. Lat.
aeruginat], so his wickedness, viz. con-
tracteth evil. Wahl (after Bretschneider) :
sic malitia ejus semper nova mala park.

11. The construction and meaning, espe-
cially of the last clause, are somewhat difficult.
In any case the Greek cannot be rendered as
in the A. V., " and thou shalt know that his
rust hath not been altogether wiped away."
We propose translating the verse: And
though he humble himself and go
crouching, take heed to thyself [the

Greek expression = 27 JVB>] and beware of
him [Bissell], and be in regard to him as
one that hath wiped a mirror, and thou
shalt know that it is not always tar-
nished— KaTiaxre or KarioTai, as in St. Jas.
v. 3, which we would also render "is
tarnished." The meaning is: if thou take
heed, and wipe the mirror, thou wilt get a
true reflexion, and thus experience that it
does not always give a false image and repre-
sentation. The Hebrew original probably

had ?li6n nVJ1? &6 »D. The word *6n
occurs as a substantive i"tX?n in Ezek. xxiv.
6, 1 1 ; and although it is commonly rendered
"rust," its primary meaning is " tarnishing,"
" dirt " (comp. ' Castelli Lexic' i. 1133, and
especially Pagninus, ' Thes.' 704, 705). Ac-
cordingly the Targum renders the word in

Ezek. by NfiC-inn (=nDinn, norm) from

DHT, "to be dirty," "to defile," "to dirty"
(one of the derivat. is used of the manuring
of plants ; comp. generally Levy ad voc).

In later Hebrew " to be rusty " is wfl, and

mi?n, "rust." Without prolonging this
discussion, we venture to think that the simile
of the Son of Sirach gives an apt meaning
according to our rendering of it, whereas it
would be well-nigh unintelligible if we were
to adopt the common interpretation : that it
[the mirror] does not cover itself to the
last with rust. We scarcely require to add
that the mirror was of polished metal. [The
Syr. has here some strange variants.]

12. Set him not up beside thyself, lest
iv ben he hath overthrown thee he set him-
self up in thy position.] tottos, here
condition in society, dignity.

seat him not at thy right hand [Bissell]
— [give him not the place of honour], lest
he seek thy chair [ica0e8pa, the seat of
honour], and at the last thou come to
recognise [know the truth of] my sayings,
and thou be afflicted [Wahl, acri dolore
afficior, either 3Vynn, as in LXX. Gen.
xxxiv. 7, or nfcWJ, as in Ps. cix. (cviii.) 16]
over my words.] That is, because thou
hast neglected them.

14. With this verse begins the third double
stanza (see introd. to the chapter). The
verb is continued in v. 14, which reads: "So
(who will pity) him that goeth unto a
sinner, and is mingled up (with him)
in his sins." As in the case mentioned in
v. 13, so here: a man has himself to blame

ECCLESIASTICUS. XII. XIII.

[v. 15—2.

B.C.
cir. 200.

* Jer.

41, C'.

I Or,
supplant.

15 For awhile he will abide with
thee, but if thou begin to fall, he will
not tarry.

16 An enemy speaketh sweetly
with his lips, but in his heart he
imagineth how to throw thee into a
pit : he will '''weep with his eyes, but
if he find opportunity, he will not be
satisfied with blood.

17 If adversity come upon thee,
thou shalt find him there first ; and
though he pretend to help thee, yet
shall he undermine thee.

18 He will shake his head, and
clap his hands, and whisper much,
and change his countenance.

CHAPTER XIII. c.b.c.o

I Keep not company with the proud, or a J

mightier than thyself. 1 5 Like will to like.
21 The difference between the rich and the
poor. 25 A maris heart will change his
countenance.

HE that toucheth pitch shall be
defiled therewith; and a he a Dent,
that hath fellowship with a proud 7'
man shall be like unto him.

2 Burden not thyself above thy
power while thou livest ; and have
no fellowship with one that is migh-
tier and richer than thyself: for how
agree the kettle and the earthen pot 1^/}'!";??
together? "for if the one be smitten a^ajn,st u>
against the other, it shall be broken, broken.

for the consequences, if he deliberately goes
into such dangers.

15. For a<while.~\ For a brief time.

but if thou begin to fall.~\ Rather, but if
thou turn aside, — that is, if thou no longer
entirely consort with him and co-operate in
all his schemes.

he will not be staunch.] In such case you
must be prepared for his giving you up, so
that you cannot even reckon on his sympathy
unless you go with him in everything.

16. And with his lips sweetly speaks
the enemy, and [but] in bis heart he is
planning to throw thee into a pit.~] The
expression " he will not be satisfied with
blood " is generally understood as meaning :
he will not be satisfied, even although thy
blood has been shed. But taking it in con-
nexion with the following verse, which in
our view further develops the thought, we
understand it as meaning that such a hypo-
critical enemy will not be satisfied to let
matters have their course to our destruction,
but will himself take part in it.

17. If adversity come upon thee, thou shalt
fmd him there before thee.] This cannot

mean : as if to sympathise, for in such case
he would not be there " before "the adversity
came; but must mean that he will be in
waiting for the event, not leave it simply to
take its course (v. 16): and as though
helping he will trip thee up [Bissell].

18. He will "whisper" [as does a hvpo-
cnte] every kind of evil against thee, 'and
" change his countenance," openly now as-
suming the appearance of an enemy.

CHAPTER XIII.

From warnings of the dangers attaching to
intercourse with evil, the writer proceeds to

describe unwise intercourse : such as the
attempted companionship of the poor with
the rich (w. 2-23); and he concludes by
moralising with the view of dissuading the
pious poor from either wrongfully seeking
riches and courting the rich, or being dis-
contented with their lot. Apart from i\ 1,
which, as often, serves as a link of connec-
tion with the previous chapter, and omitting
v. 14 as a spurious addition, the chapter
consists of twenty-four verses, and is divided
into two parts: Part I., w. 2-13; Part II.,
•vv. 15-26. Part I. contains two double
stanzas, each of six verses (yv. z-^ + i"v. 5-
7 and w. 8-ro+ 11-13), shewing the folly
of such attempted intercourse between poor
and rich. In Part II. the first double stanza,
w. 15-20, shews the impossibility and the
danger of such intercourse (yv. 15-17 : what
fellowship ? i"v. 18-20 : what peace ?). There
is really no equality between the rich and
the poor (w, 21-23), although we ought at
the same time to take the higher view of
riches and poverty (yv, 24-26). Thus Part
II. also consists of two double stanzas, each
of six verses (3 + 3, 3 + 3).

1. Omit " therewith." The Syr., " it sticks
to his hand." The saying has passed into a
common proverb.

shall be like unto him.~] Better, shall
become like him. Syr., "put on of his
ways " — didicit mores ejus (Payne Smith).
The verse forms a transition from the former
to the present chapter.

2. A burden (which is) above thy power
lift not up, and with mightier than
thou and richer than thou have no
fellowship; what fellowship shall
(earthen) pot have with (brass) kettle
[caldron]' It shall hit [knock] against
it [viz. the kettle against the pot, reading
avTr), and not avrrj — so also the Syr.], and it

3— "•]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XIII.

B.C.
cir. 200.

3 The rich man hath done wrong,
and yet he threateneth withal : the
poor is wronged, and he must in treat
also.

4 If thou be for his profit, he will
use thee : but if thou have nothing,
he will forsake thee.

5 If thou have any thing, he will
live with thee : yea, he will make
thee bare, and will not be sorry for it.

6 If he have need of thee, he will
deceive thee, and smile upon thee, and
put thee in hope ; he will speak thee
fair, and say, What wan test thou ?

7 And he will shame thee by his
meats, until he have drawn thee dry
twice or thrice, and at the last he will

laugh thee to scorn : afterward, when
he seeth thee, he will forsake thee,
and shake his head at thee.

8 Beware that thou be not de-

15. c.
cir. 200.

ceivec

d b

tught

lown "in

thy

Or.
jollity. Simplicity.

9 If thou be invited of a mighty
man, withdraw thyself, and so much
the more will he invite thee.

10 Press thou not upon him, lest
thou be put back ; stand not far off,
lest thou be forgotten.

11 "Affect not to be made equal !'0r> For

.. . ,. I, , . ,. nL. bear not.

unto him in talk, "and believe not his n0r bHt
many words : for with much commu-
nication will he tempt thee, and smiling
upon thee will get out thy secrets :

(the pot) shall be broken.] Thus much
for the folly and danger of such attempts.

3. The folly of the whole thing, viewed
from the standpoint of the rich, could scarcely
be more graphically set forth than in this and
the following verses to the end of the stanza
(vv. 3-7). The A. V., although not quite
literal, gives the sense with sufficient ac-
curacy : " and yet he threateneth withal ;"
rather, and is very wroth besides.

4. if thou have nothing.] Rather, if thou
be in want. Similarly we read in Abh. ii. 3 :
" Be cautious (in your intercourse) with
the great [lit., those in authority], for they do
not bring near [to themselves] a man except
for their own purposes : they appear as friends
when it is to their advantage, and stand not
by a man in the hour of his need."

In all probability the epyarai tv col repre^
sents the Hebrew 2 12V.

; ~ t

5. If thou have [anything], he will live
with thee.] In the sense of associating and
making a companion. The Syr. has : " he

will speak fair" — probably n?IT.

make thee bare.] Rather, empty thee
[Bissell].

but he himself will not be sorry.]
Bissell : " will not trouble himself."

6. If he have need of th.'e, he will lead
thee astray.] Not necessarily (as Fritzsche
thinks) to hurt and damage.

What wantest thou ?] Viz. I shall get it
for thee.

7. We cannot help thinking that the
Hebrew had here a word-play between the
alaxwe'i, Ykrr'?D, from K>13, " to be ashamed,"
and *lB»nh, from V2\" to make dry," for the

ApOC— Vol. II.

diroK€vcoo-ei in the second clause. (The word
is only used by Aq., Sym., and Theod. : comp.
Field's' Hex.;' Judg. iii. 2551 Kings [1 Sam.]
xxiv. 4.) — For "by his feasts" the Syr. has:
" by his devices " — the Greek deriving the

word from ?3X, the Syr. from ?3j.

drawn thee dry.] Better, emptied thee.
The idea seems to be that, incited by the
banquets of the great man, the poor man tries
to imitate his prodigality, and, while he is
drained, he is only laughed at for his pains.
The interpretation, that the great man bor-
rows from him and so drains him (Fritzsche),
is unsuited to the context.

8. Beware lest thou be led astray.]
This verse begins a new stanza. The "jollity"
refers to the invitations described in v. 9.
The transition from v. 7 seems clearly marked.
The Vet. Lat. reads dqipoawn, which the
Syr. shews to represent the original.

brought down.] Rather, humbled, or
humiliated.

9. withdraw thyself] Possibly, "appear
reluctant " (Bissell). This would at any rate
be in accordance with Jewish ideas, according
to which a man should require a repeated in-
vitation to a feast before going to it, and, when
called upon for a public function in the
synagogue, at first decline. But the Son of
Sira at the same time warns us to avoid
alike one and the other extreme, v. 10.

11. Affect not [aim not, make not a point
of it] to talk with him as an equal.] I.e.
familiarly, or rather freely and without
resers-e.

with much talk he will tempt thee.]
Viz. unreservedly to open up all that is in
thy mind.

and as smiling he will search thee

ECCLESIASTICUS. XIII.

[v. 12 —

21.

Tl.C.

cir. 200.

1 i Cor. 6.

12 But cruelly he will lay up thy
words, and will not spare to do thee
hurt, and to put thee in prison.

13 Observe, and take good heed,
for thou walkest in peril of thy over-
throwing : when thou nearest these
things, awake in thy sleep.

14 Love the Lord all thy life, and
call upon him for thy salvation.

15 Every beast loveth his like,
and every man loveth his neighbour.

16 All flesh consorteth according
to kind, and a man will cleave to his
like.

17 ''What fellowship hath the

wolf with the lamb? so the sinner J'-c.
with the godly. ir^oo.

18 What agreement is there be-
tween the hyena and a dog ? and
what peace between the rich and the
poor ?

19 As the wild ass is the lion's

prey in the wilderness : so c the rich c jam. 2.
eat up the poor. 6-

20 As the proud hate humility :
so doth the rich abhor the poor.

21 A rich man beginning to fall
is held up of his friends : but a poor
man being down is thrust also away
by his friends.

out.] (Similarly. Bissell.) The rendering of
the A. V. depends on another reading which
seems a gloss on the text.

12. Merciless, he that keepeth not
■words [concealeth not counsel, i.e. betrays
what is said either in confidence or in the
freeness and openness of conversation], nor
will he spare [viz. to inflict, or cause to be

inflicted — in the original, either Din or 7011,
both frequently so translated in the LXX.]
injury or bonds.] He is reckless of con-
sequences.

13. Keep thyself [ = take care of thyself],
and take good heed, for thou walkest
[goest about — Bissell] with thy fall.] A
figurative expression (com p. Job xxxi. 5 ;
Prov. xiii. 20), as it were: thou hast thy fall
as a close companion in thy walk under such
circumstances. The last clause in the A. V.,
beginning with " when thou hearest," &c.,
must be omitted.

14. This verse in the A. V. must be omitted
as a spurious addition ; perhaps a gloss em-
bodying moral reflection.

15. This verse begins Part II. (see intro-
ductory remarks), shewing the reasonableness
and the propriety of the advice hitherto given,
as representing a universal law in the phy-
sical and moral world, as well as of society.
Similis simili gaudet ; aequalis aequalem delect at.

and every man loveth his neighbour^] In
the sense of kindred in mind or station.

16. All flesh consorteth according to kind.']

in:W, LXX. Gen. i. 25, Kara yivos. The
passage is quoted in the Talmud (Babha K.
92 b) in illustration of the proverb, " A bad
date-tree goes and joins itself to the reed."
This saying is illustrated by examples from
the Law, Gen. xxviii. 9; and from the
Prophets, Judg. xi. 3 ; to which is curiously
added as an illustration from the Hagiographa

what is evidently our passage in Ecclus. :
" Every bird dwells with its kind, and man
with him that is his like." It will be noticed

that the Talmud has " every bird " (t|1J? ?2)
instead of" all flesh " {iraa-a (rapt;) — the Greek
translator probably having misread (as Ray-

mundus Martini already suggests) f\M 72 for

Fill? ?D. Other simiiar sayings occur in
Rabbinic writings. The Syr. has a some-
what different, but unsatisfactory, rendering.

17. This figure, taken from Is. xi. 6, has
its parallel in classical writings, among which
the best known is probably that of Horace
(' Epod.' iv. 1): Lapis et agnis quanta sortito
obtigit, tecum mihi discordia est. For other
parallels, see Grotius and Bretschneider.

18. What peace is there between the hyena
and a dog/] Classic writers describe the
enmity between these two, and how the
hyena contrives to allure and then to devour
the dog. The curious reader is referred to
Bochart, 'Hieroz.' Pars i., pp. 832, &c.

19. The prey of lions (are) wild asses
in [of] the wilderness ["Q1CQ D^XIS,
Job xxiv. 5, LXX. 6V01 iv oypo), but see
field's 'Hexapl.' ad loc.]: so the fodder of
the rich (are) the poor.] For the plural
use of the subst. see Winer, ' Gram. d. N. T.
Sprach-Id.' § 27, 3.

20. An abomination to the proud is
lowliness; so (is) the poor an abomi-
nation to the rioh. The verse is omitted
in the Syr.

21. beginning to fall.] Rather, The rich
when he is moved — beginning to shake
■ — in the biblical acceptation, especially in
that of the Psalms (as in Ps. x. 6, and often)
where the LXX. render ttlD by aaXevco. It
is not necessary to confine the meaning of
the clause to the threatening decay of out-
ward fortune; it had better be understood

V. 2 2-

.6.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XIII. XIV.

B.C.
cir. 200.

22 When a rich man is fallen, he
hath many helpers : he speaketh
things not to be spoken, and yet men
justify him : the poor man slipped,
and yet they rebuked him too j

^Eccies. rfhe spake wisely, and could have no
place.

23 When a rich man speaketh,
e every man holdeth his tongue, and,
look, what he saith, they extol it to
the clouds : but if the poor man
speak, they say, What fellow is this ?
and if he stumble, they will help to
overthrow him.

24 Riches are good unto him that

Job 29.

hath no sin, and poverty is evil in b. c.
the mouth of the ungodly. cir^oo

25 The heart of a man changeth
his countenance, whether it be for
good or evil : and S a merry heart / pr0v.
maketh a cheerful countenance. I3' I3-

26 A cheerful countenance is a
token of a heart that is in prosperity ;
and the finding out of parables is a
wearisome labour of the mind.

CHAPTER XIV.

I A good conscience maketh men happy. 5 The
niggard doeth good to none. 13 But do thou
good. 20 Men ai-e happy that draw near to
wisdom.

in the most general and wide application.
Grotius : sustentatur ne mat.

the lowly when he is fallen [when he
is down] is besides pushed away by
friends (Trpocrancodel.Tai).'] One might almost
be tempted to render : " is besides kicked by
friends." Syr. : pellitur ex malo in peius —
evidently a confusion between JH and in.
With this verse a new stanza begins. See
introductory remarks.

22. When the rich maketh a fall [<r(f)a-
\evTos] (there are) many helpers.'] To take
hold of him, to help him, to take his part.

he speaketh [spoke] things not to be spoken.~\
What really only reflects upon or incriminates
him.

and they justify him [declare him just].
The lowly cometh to a fall, and they
rebuke him besides; he speaketh forth
reason [what is reasonable] and no room
is given him] — locum dare alicni; he is
not listened to, nor his reasonable statement
accepted.

23. There is a realistic force in the A. V.
which makes us hesitate to substitute the
more literal rendering : " The rich speaketh
and all are silent, and what he saith
they extol [Syr. "and his favourers extol
him "] to the clouds; the poor speaketh,
and they say, Who is this? and if he
stumble, they overthrow him besides."
[So Bissell, with the exception of the last
four words.]

24. From these worldly experiences the
writer turns in the last stanza to somewhat
tardy and scarcely elevated moralising.

Good are riches to which no sin
attaches.] This seems to suit the context
better than the rendering of the A. V., which,
however, is admissible.

and poverty is evil [wrong?] in the

mouths of the ungodly.] I.e. according
to their sentence, in their view, they declare
it such.

25. But happiness or misery depends not
on outward circumstances, but on the inner
state of a man, on his heart. " Good " and
" evil " must not be here taken in the moral
sense. The saying is quoted in the Midrash
in the name of Ben Sira in illustration of
Gen. xxxi. 2 : " The heart of a man changeth
his countenance, whether for good or for

evil" Qrb {"n 2)ttb pi, Ber. R. 73). The
last clause in the A. V., beginning "and a
merry heart," Sec, must be omitted.

26. Literally, "The token of a heart in
prosperity [in good, in happiness] is a cheerful
countenance, but the finding out of parables
is thinking [cogitations, considerations] with
pain." Manifestly the two sentences must
be intended as antithetical, and equally mani-
festly they are a further development of
the thought in v. 25 in some such form as
this : A heart in prosperity changeth the
coimtenance for good: on the other hand, as
regards the change for evil, the strain of the
mind, whether in finding out wise sayings, or
interpreting parables, or reading the deep
things of Providence or the problems of
social life, — in short, troubling oneself with
such problems and cares only makes a man
miserable, and his appearance indicates it.
Probably the writer had in his mind Eccles.
xii. 12, which warns against much study,
as 1&2 riy:\ " weariness of the flesh." There
also the previous verses (9-1 1) bear reference
to " parables " and " sayings of the wise."
Beyond these (i"l£i"!D "IJV1) we are warned
not to go, since much study is weariness to
the flesh. But by the side of this parallelism
we also mark the wide contrast between
Ecclesiastes and Ecclesiasticus. For while
Eccles. xii. 1 2 is followed by the noble con-
clusion in t"i\ 13, 14, Ecclus. xiii. 26 leads

G 2

ECCLESIASTICUS. XIV.

[v. 1-5-

b. c. r\ LESSED a is the man that hath
l) not slipped with his mouth,

i6?&as. an<^ iS not Pr'cked with the "multi-
tude of sins.

2 b Blessed is he whose conscience

Jam. 3. 2.

Or,

sorrcr^. hath not condemned him, and who

*Rom. 14. js not fallcn from his hope in the
22. »

1 John 3. Lord.

3 Riches are not comely for a nig-

b. c.

cir. 200.

eard : and what should an envious

man do with money r

4 He that gathereth by defrauding

his own soul ^ gathereth for others, ■* ch. u
that shall spend his goods riot-
ously.

5 He that is evil to himself, to
whom will he be good ? he shall
not take pleasure in his goods.

19.

ver. 1=

up to the doubtful, if not actually Epicurean,
stanza in xiv. 1 1-19.

CHAPTER XIV.

There is a close sequence between this
chapter and the previous one. The latter
had ended by shewing that riches are not
always and absolutely desirable, and that
happiness comes from within rather than from
without, concluding with a hint not to burden
oneself with thought or care. Chapter xiv.
begins with a prologue of two verses, which,
as usually, forms a transition from the subject
of the previous to that of the present chapter.
Then follows stanza 1 in eight verses (w. 3-
10), presenting another aspect of the possible
undesirableness of riches : they may not really
be of benefit to a man — not even give him
pleasure. The second stanza of eight verses
(w. 11-18) advises us rather to enjoy life so
far as we can, closing with a transition in
ik 19 to the third stanza of eight verses
(w. 20-27), in which the writer once more
assumes the functions of the moralist, this
time in favour of wisdom.

1. The warning against the trouble and
labour of " finding out parables" leads the
writer to consider more serious consequences
which may ensue : since a man may offend
with his lips, and there may be a more bitter
cause of sorrow than anything outward, even
an evil conscience: "Happy [blessed] the
man that slippeth not with his mouth"
[possibly such passages may have been in the
writer's mind as Ps. xvii. 3 ; xxxix. 1 ; cxli. 3 :
comp. St. James iii. 2], " and is not pricked
[grieved] with the sorrow of sin" (so
according to the better reading), i.e. with
mourning for sin. The Aethiop. somewhat
boldly renders, or rather paraphrases: "Happv
is the sinner who is not troubled by grief."
The Syr. has for the second clause : " from
whose eyes justice is not hidden." Probably
the Greek read: mjflD n^ynn *6) ; the Syr.

vryo osynn 161.

2. Eappy [blessed] (he) whom his soul
convicteth not] The word Karayiv^Ku,
as in the parallel passages i St. John iii. 20,
21, means more than "accuse" and less than

" condemn " in the sense of the actual pro-
nouncing of sentence; in the LXX. it repre-
sents several Hebrew words and bears different
meanings. In the second clause the words
"in the Lord" in A. V. must be omitted,
although in Hebrew " hope " is sometimes
put for the object of hope. Possibly, how-
ever, Eccles. ix. 4, &c., may have been in the
mind of the writer, in which case it would
indicate absolute and final despair.

3. With this verse begins the subject-
matter of the first stanza: "To a niggard
[to a man who is niggard] wealth is
not comely," — it does not really adorn.
We suppose that the writer had in view
Eccles. v. 10-17, which leads up to i\ 18.
Riches in themselves do not make happy —
all depends on the enjoyment of them. Ac-
cordingly Eccles. v. 1 8 proceeds : " Behold,
what I have found good, what is comely [that
it is comely] is to eat and to drink," &c.
The LXX. here render " comely " (PIET) by
KaXuv. We suppose then that the Hebrew
original of Ecclus. also had PIS*, and applied
the reasoning in Eccles. as follows : Since the
niggard does not eat and drink, and enjoy
the good of all his labour, his wealth is not
ko\6s, not PlB\ On the other hand, the
second clause of the verse takes us to Prov.
xxviii. 22:" The man of evil eye hasteth after
riches, and he knoweth not that want will come
upon him." The expression, "the man of
evil eye," is rendered in the LXX. by avrjp
ftiicrKavos ; and similarly in the passage before
us: to what [purpose] are all riches to
a man of evil eye? (aV#pa>7ra> (3a(TKava>) —
since in the end want will overtake him (Prov.
xxviii. 22): comp. Hor. 'Sat.' i. 1, 59, Sec.
The meaning of " man of an evil eye " (comp.
also Prov. xxiii. 6) is best gathered from its
opposite: " he of good eye," Prov. xxii. 9.

4. He that gathereth from (off) his own
soul [i.e. by pinching himself] gathereth for
others [a'XXots], and on his good things
shall others fare sumptuously [revel,
rpv(f)r](Tovcriv erepoi].] Comp. Hor. ' Od.' ii.
14, 25, &c.

5. Clause 1 seems an application and
farther development of Prov. xi. 1 7 : " He that
doeth good to his soul [not in the spiritual

V. 6—12.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XIV.

r.. c.

CI". 2O0.

Prov.

6 There is none worse than he
that envieth himself; and this is a
recompence of his wickedness.

7 And if he doeth good, he doeth
it unwillingly ; and at last he will
declare his wickedness.

8 The envious man hath a wicked
eye ; he turneth away his face, and
despiseth men.

7. 9 A ^covetous man's eye is not
satisfied with his portion ; and the

iniquity of the wicked drieth up his B. c.

1 cir. 2co.

soul.

10 e A wicked eve envieth [his] ' Prov. 23.
bread, and he is a niggard at his table. ' 7'

1 1 My son, according to thy abi-
lity do good to thyself, and give the
Lord his due offering.

12 Remember that death will not
be long in coming, and that the
covenant of the grave is not shewed
unto thee.

sense] is a gracious man, and he that afflicteth
his Hesh is cruel." And he shall not have
pleasure in [be happy in] his riches.

6. There is none more evil [or else wretched]
than he that has an evil eye [grudgeth ?]
towards himself.] In the second clause we
should prefer, instead of " a recompense," " the
recompense," which suits the context better.
The worst evil is when a man grudges things
to himself, and this is what he gets as return
and reward of his wickedness. But accord-
ing to seme the tovto refers to v. 7.

7. And if he doeth good, he doeth it unwit-
tingly [lit., in forgetfulness — so also the Aeth.
— viz. of his real character and course of
conduct. But this forgetfulness does not
last], and in the end he sheweth forth
his wickedness.

8. Wicked (is he) who is evil of eye.]
Viz. in regard to others, who has not pity
nor mercy on them. Bao-KaiVw seems =
jia(TKavi((o oc/)^aX/iw, by which the LXX.
render IJ^y JTin, De'ut. xxviii. 54, comp. v. 56.

and despiseth men.'] The original would
bear this rendering, but the better and more
literal translation would be " and neglecteth
souls," in the sense of the needy and craving.
The Syr. omits this verse.

9. Rather: h not satisfied with a portion,
and wicked injustice drieth up the soul.
The A. V. reads dSiKia -rrovqpov with 248, Co.
The meaning is : not satisfied with a part, he
wants all, and his wicked injustice as regards
the claims of others drieth up every better
feeling. Syr. : qui autem usurpat quod proximi
sui est, evidently mispointing V~). for JH.

10. Some misreading of the Hebrew must
have caused the Syr. rendering : O cuius nequam
midtiplicat panem. The Greek has: "An
evil eye is envious over bread, and [yet?]
there is lack (deficiency) at his table" — ■
although such an one grudgeth and envieth
even bread to his neighbour, yet his own
board is bare ; or else, and at the same time
his own board is bare. This latter view suits
better as a transition to the stanza beginning
ivithi'. n, which recommends free enjoyment

of what we possess, so long as it is in our
power.

11. Son, according as thou hast, do
good to thyself and properly [rightly, duly,
in measure proportionate to thy possessions]
bring oblations to the Lord.] A kind of
attempted combination of enjoyment with
piety, which reminds us of a similar proposal
recorded in Eccles. ii. 3. But perhaps the
writer may have had Prov. xvii. 1 in his mind,
— the " dry morsel " there becoming here
whatever a man has, and the "sacrifices"
being no longer " of strife." The Syriac has
substantially the same for the first clause, but
instead of the second virtually repeats the
first clause : And if thou hast anything, do good
to thyself. The alteration in this case seems
to us to have been in the Syr.

12. the covenant of the graved] Rather,
a covenant of Hades— perhaps a reference
to Isa. xxviii. 15. The expression naturally
conveys the thought that one knows not such
a covenant, that he has not seen it, and that
such an agreement does not exist; in other
words, we have not drawn up a bargain with
Hades that we shall die at a certain fixed
period, and know not at what moment we
may have to depart. Yet there may be
another view of it, which the Greek translator
may have either misunderstood or else chosen
to keep back. We find it, although with an
explanatory paraphrase (marked by us with
square brackets), in the Talmud, which repro-
duces vv. 11, 12, 18, although without quot-
ing them. The subject is introduced by this
admonition of a Rabbi : " Make haste to eat,
make haste to drink, for this world which
we leave is like a wedding " (equally brief).
To which another Rabbi adds this: " If thou
hast anything, do good to thyself [for in
Sheol there is no pleasure], and death knows
no delay : " comp. Ecclus. xiv. 1 1 , 1 2 a. "And
[if thou say, I will leave to my son] the law in

Sheol who will declare to thee?" (^KB>3 pin

tfe TJ* »D) : comp. Ecclus. xiv. 12 b. "The
children of man are like the herbs of the field
— some bloom and some fade away:" comp.
Ecclus. xiv. 18 (Erubh. 54 a).

ECCLESIASTICUS. XIV.

[

V. I

-20.

B.C.
cir. 200.

/ Tobit

4. 7.

Luke 14.
'3-

' Eccles.

5. 18, &c.
& 6. 1, &c

!l Or, the

feast day.
'■ ver. 4.

13 -^Do good unto thy friend be-
fore thou die, and according to thy
ability stretch out thy hand and give
to him.

14 8. Defraud not thyself of l the
good day, and let not the part of a
good desire overpass thee.

15 ''Shalt thou not leave thy tra-
vails unto another ? and thy labours
to be divided by lot ?

16 Give, and take, and sanctify
thy soul ; for there is no seeking of
dainties in the grave.

17 'All flesh waxeth old as a B.C.

' r . r 1 c'r- 2°°'

garment : for the covenant from the —
beginning is, ^Thou shalt die the '26Ps" 102'
death. Uaj.40. 6,

Hebr. i.

18 As of the green leaves on a «.
thick tree, some fall, and some grow ; 1 Pci.'i.10'
so is the generation of flesh and 24"
blood, l one cometh to an end, and I7. &'3.2'
another is born. *9-

19 Every work rotteth and con-j. 4"1
sumeth away, and the worker thereof
shall go withal.

20 '"Blessed is the man that doth »»ps. i.l

13. Do good unto t by friend.'] Rather: to
a friend.

14. Miss not a good day.'] The Alex,
omits (Itt(> dyadijs. There can be little doubt
that the Vat. represents the proper reading:.
But we must not (with Fritzsche) understand
the '"good day" in the later technical signifi-
cation of 310 DV = festive day. The writer
had Eccles. vii. 14 a in his mind, and perhaps
intended this as a paraphrase of rQIO DV3
31l23 !"Pn — LXX. eV rj/J-epa ayaOuKTVvrjs. The
second clause reads: " And let not a portion
of a good desire [perhaps, a part in desirable
good — presumably, participation in lawful
pleasure] go past thee." In short, carpe
diem. The Syr. paraphrases the last clause :
" and desire not an evil desire."

15. thy travails . . . tby labours.] Viz.
the fruit of them.

16. The more than doubtful sentiment of
this verse led to early attempts at emendation.
Grotius would read dydnrjirov for dndrriaov —
a conjecture in which he was anticipated by
the Armen. Version. But we cannot con-
ceive such a use of the word 3HN in the
original The Syr. has " nourish thy soul."
It adds, probably as an apologetic corrective:
" and whatever is fair to be done before the
Lord, that do." Some Codices have aylaaov,
as the A. V.— evidently a later apologetic
emendation ; the Vet. Lat. has justifica. It is
needless to give other conjectural emenda-
tions. The meaning of the verse is: "Be-
guile [Bottcher = oblecta] thy soul [let thy
soul enjoy itself], for there is no seeking
after dainties [here the cause for the effect:
seeking for finding] in Hades." It is indica-
tive of the iormer estimate of the Apocrypha
that, like Ecclus. xiii. 1, the first clause of
v. 16 ("give and take") has passed into a
popular adage, although with a verv different
meaning attaching to it.

_ 17. All fleshy TJ-n ^, a frequent expres-
sion^ even- living creature, and specificallv
all men. But possibly the Hebrew original

simply quoted Ps. cii. 27, -I^T "1333 D?315
which the Greek translator paraphrased for
greater clearness. The LXX. render the verse
in the Ps. by the same words as the Hebrew :
TrdvTfs wf IfxaTiov Tva\aiu>6i]aovTai.

for the covenant from everlasting [an-'
aluvos, but both in the Hebrew usage and
here (comp. xliv. 2) it might be rendered:
"from the beginning"] (is): Dying thou
shalt die (JTlOri JYlE, here literally ren-
dered from the Hebrew, as in LXX. Gen.
ii. 17).] The underlying thought may have
been the same as that of certain Rabbis that
death was not the sequence of sin, but from
the first appointed to man ; although the other
idea is not necessarily excluded, that physical
death came upon all in consequence of Adam's
sin. In Siphre (ed. Friedmann, p. 141 a) we
find a curious application of the words in
Numb. xix. 14, rniflH r\a\, as implying a
Divine decree of death upon all men. The
Syr. has the following, no doubt later
(Christian?) modification of v. 17: "for all
the sons of men are certainly for corruption
(corrumpendi sunt), and the generations of the
world are certainly to die."

18. As green leaves [it is not possible
literally to render (pvXXov 6dXXov] on a thick
tree.] Thick in the sense of " with branches,"
perhaps piH ; but see Schleusner ad -voc.

flesh and blood.] The well-known expres-
sion for man: D~J1 X'3.

19. Conclusion of this and transition to the
next stanza. "Every work which is cor-
ruptible [or perhaps: being corruptible]
shall consume away, and the worker
thereof shall pass away with it." The
Syriac has here also what seems a Christian
modification : " and all his works shall be
searched into before him, and the work of
his hands shall follow after him."

20. New stanza. Happy he that doth
meditate [so the Alex, reading, and others,
and this is preferable to the Vat. reXevrTjaei]
in ivisdom.] Omit " good things." The

V. 21-

-27-]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XIV. XV.

. c.

200.

I Or,

\istakc.

meditate good things in wisdom, and
that reasoneth of holy things by his
understanding.

21 He that considereth her ways
in his heart shall also have under-
standing in her secrets.

22 Go after her as one that
traceth, and lie in wait in her ways.

23 He that prieth in at her win-
dows shall also hearken at her doors.

24 He that doth lodge near her
house shall also fasten a :l pin in her
walls.

25 He shall pitch his tent nigh B.C.
unto her, and shall lodge in a lodging citjJ°?
where good things are.

26 He shall set his children under
her shelter, and shall lodge under her
branches.

27 "By her he shall be covered " wisd.
from heat, and in her glory shall he I(
dwell.

CHAPTER XV.

2 Wisdom cmbraccth those that fear God. 7
The wicked shall not get her. II We may
not charge God with our faults : 14 for lie
made, and left us to ourselves.

verse is evidently based on Ps. i. 2, although
significantly " wisdom " now takes the place
of" His law," — a difference characteristic, on
the one hand, of the age and date of Ps. i.,
and, on the other, of the standpoint of the
Siracide.

and discourseth (about it) in his under-
standing?^ This may also answer to n^n1' in
Ps. i. 2.

21. He considereth [or, "he that con-
sidereth"— if we regard the " happy" of v. 20
as still carried on to this verse] her -ways in
his heart, and pondersth on her secrets.]
Wisdom is here personified.

22. that traceth.] Viz., her footsteps.
The figure is of a hunter. This sentence
must be either regarded as intercalated, by
way of admonition, or else we must suppose
that the Syr. here represents the Hebrew
more accurately when it connects all these
sentences as subordinate to and dependent on

13. 2 0.

23. He prieth in ... and listeneth.] In
other words, all means are used to learn her
secrets.

24. In pursuit of the same object: "He
lodgeth . . . and fasteneth the peg in
her walls." The peg, viz., of his tent. Mark
that Wisdom is represented as having a house
— solid and permanent; whereas the human
searcher after her is described as in a tent.
See next verse. In the LXX. Trdaa-aXos always
represents the Heb. 1JV, except in Ex. xxxix.
33 (of the Hebrew text; in the LXX. there
is a different order, or rather disorder, and
i'. 33 is represented by v. 9).

25. and shall lodge in a lodging where good
things are.] Lit., " in a hostelry of good
things."

26. under her shelter.] The figure varies
now to that of a tree. The shelter which his
lodgment under her branches affords, extends
to " his children " (descendants). The Syr.
has : manus suas jactabit super ramos cius. At

first sight we might conjecture that the Syr.
read VT, "his hands," for \nh\ "his chil-
dren " (as in the Greek Version). But on
further consideration it seems more likely
that the Syr., which here is throughout con-
fused, had somehow transferred hither the
Kara xe'P«? avrfji ("by the side of her") of
i\ 25. But, manifestly, it is impossible to
make any good sense out of the Syr. Version.
When, however, the Syr. has in v. 27 b: et
in habitaculis eius relaxabit animum, it is evi-
dent that it read instead of "Tin, "glory,"
~nn, " chamber," while it understood the
word rendered in the Greek KaraXvcrei, "he
shall lodge," as relaxabit, viz. animum, just
as the LXX. similarly use the same Greek
word (six times) for T)2V or TVSX&fl.

CHAPTER XV.

This chapter forms a natural and easy
continuation of the preceding, and a progres-
sion upon it. If we might borrow the language
of our public life, what in the last stanza
of the previous chapter (xiv. 20-27) was
the moral " amendment " on " the original
motion " to do good to oneself, becomes in
ch. xv. (i-jo) "the original motion," to which
the objections or excuses on the part of a
sinner in w. 11-20 are again a proposed
"amendment" which is discussed and rejected.
Thus the chapter consists of two parts. Part I.
(w. 1-10) : praise of Wisdom, in two stanzas
— stanza 1 (jw. 1 -5), Wisdom from its objec-
tive aspect; stanza 2 {yv. 6-10), Wisdom from
the subjective aspect — the relation of the wise
and of the fool or sinner to Wisdom. Natu-
rally, the latter is chiefly dwelt upon. This
prepares us for the excuses which the sinner
makes for not submitting to Wisdom, that is,
for continuing in his sinful ways. This forms
the subject of Part II. (yv. 11-20), which
also consists of two stanzas, each of five verses.
The first stanza (yu. 11-15) once more pre-
sents the objective aspect of the answer to the
sinner's excuse: I cannot help myself — cir-

ECCLESIASTICUS. XV.

[v.

-IO.

B.C.
cir. 200.

E that fcareth the Lord will
do good ; and he that hath
the knowledge of the law shall obtain
her.

2 And as a mother shall she meet
him, and receive him as a wife mar-
ried of a virgin.

3 With the bread of understand-
ing shall she feed him, and give him
the water of wisdom to drink.

4 He shall be stayed upon her, and
shall not be moved ; and shall rely
upon her, and shall not be con-
founded.

5 She shall exalt him above his
neighbours, and in the midst of the

his b. c.

cir. 200.

congregation shall she open
mouth.

6 He shall find joy and a crown of
gladness, and she shall cause him to
inherit an everlasting name.

7 But foolish men shall not attain
unto her, and sinners shall not see
her.

8 For she is far from pride, and „ „

Ps. "XI I

men that are liars cannot remember Prov. 26.7'.
her.

9 ''"Praise is
mouth of a sinner, for "it was
sent him of the Lord. „/, &>c.

10 For " praise shall be uttered in"Orra-
wisdom, and the Lord will prosper it. pal'abic.

II Or, A

, . . parable.

not seemly in the „ 0r
not ke was

not sent

cumstances, or rather God, caused my choice.
Lastly, the second stanza (yv. 16-20) contains
the answer to be given to the sinner, from the
subjective aspect of the question, viz. man has
liberty, and God will help him, if he seeks to
do well. Naturally the two aspects (and
stanzas) merge into each other (comp., on the
one hand, v. 15 ; and, on the other, w. 18,
20).

1. He that fearetb the Lord shall do this
[viz, so follow, and cleave to, Wisdom, as
described in the last stanza of ch. xiv.] ; and
be that is an adept in the law [a master in
it] shall obtain her.'] Viz. Wisdom. This
verse is both important and characteristic as
marking Hellenistic views. The object is to
represent fear of the Lord as the search after
wisdom, and a proper and full knowledge of
the Law as the attainment of Wisdom. The
transition from "the Law" to "Wisdom"
which was in process in the so-called Cbokhmab-
books (Wisdom-books) of the Old Testament
appears here as an accomplished fact.

2. and receive him as a wife of (one's)
youth.] Comp. Prov. ii. 17. That yWi)
irap8fvias means not virgin-wife, but wife of
one's youth, seems established by LXX. Jer.
111. 4, where napdeviu is the translation of
D'"^, " youth." And here it may be well
to bear in mind that the Book of Jeremiah
was apparently a favourite one with the Alex-
andrians (comp. Philo, Me Cher.' § 14).

3. Fritzsche explains the simile : as bread
and water are the ordinary daily food, so
wisdom supplies him spiritually with ordinary
daily food. But the addition of these ad-
jectives seems needless. The meaning con-
veyed to our minds is that of a supply, which
differs from that of ordinary men as regards
its source, and is suitable for nourishment.
Here and in the following verses we mark a

gradation : food, support (v. 5), advancement
{v. 6), joy (v. 7).

6. Omit " He shall find."

Joy and a crown of gladness, and an ever-
lasting name shall he inherit.] This
begins the second stanza of Part I., and
serves as transition to what follows.

7. Some authorities have Kal — in the A. V.
" but " — which must be omitted. Fools shall
not attain to wisdom; sinners have this goal
not even in sight. Comp. here Erubh. 55 c.

8. cannot remember h;r^\ Rather, shall
not he mindful of her (Bissell) — either in
the sense of bearing her in mind, or caring for
her. For the first part of this verse there are
many Rabbinic parallels, such as: "God
lifteth up him that abaseth himself, and abaseth
him that uplifteth himself "(Erubh. 13^; comp.
St. Matt, xxiii. 12); or "he that becometh
proud shall fall into Gehenna" (Babh. B.
ioi), &c.

9. 10. These are perhaps among the most
difficult verses in Ecclus. The A. V. repre-
sents the Greek text with sufficient accuracy.
Nothing can be learned from a comparison
with the Syriac. We would suggest that the
writer, or the translator, had in his mind and
wished to improve upon Prov. xxvii. 21^,
which in the LXX. has a clause added. It
reads in the LXX. as follows : " but a man
is tried [in the sense of "tested"] by the
mouth of them that praise him. [LXX.
adds:] The heart of the transgressor seeks
after evil [mischief], but an upright heart
seeks after knowledge." In whatever sense
we may understand the somewhat difficult
clause in the Hebrew of Prov. xxvii. 21, the
writer of Ecclus. would, if our view be
correct, have paraphrased or applied it in the
following manner : Such praise as cometh from
a sinner is not seemly, becoming, beautiful.

v. n— is:]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XV.

B.C.
cir. 200.

Jam. r.

11 *Say not thou, It is through
the Lord that I fell away : for thou
oughtest not to do the things that he
hateth.

12 Say not thou, He hath caused
me to err : for he hath no need of
the sinful man.

13 The Lord hateth all abomina-

b. c.

Cir. 203.

tion ; and they that fear God love it
not.

14 He himself '"made man from ''Gen.!,
the beginning ''and left him in the2,'27
hand of his counsel ; 16, i7." "

1 5 If thou wilt, to * keep the com- ' Matt. 19.
mandments, and to perform accept- I7'
able faithfulness.

It is not real praise, however many may utter
it, because it is not sent of the Lord and
has not His sanction. Praise — real praise — •
is uttered in wisdom ( = by the truly wise =
the pious) ; and such praise the Lord will
prosper, that is, confirm and add His bless-
ing to it. Bretschneider would regard aivos

as = 7B>D, dicta sapientia: ; Fritzsche under-
stands it as referring to praise of God (Lob-
gesang) — both, in our view, impossible ex-
planations, alike as regards the meaning of
the words and the context.

11. With this verse Part II. begins (see
introductory remarks). The connexion be-
tween this verse and w. 9, 10 seems as
follows : Praise (although coming from the
ungodly) might lead a man to imagine that he
had the Divine approbation, and so hurry
him on to his fall, which in that case he
might attribute to God. But for any such
error the second clause furnishes a corrective
by giving this test: for what He hateth,
thou shalt not do (so more accurately
than in the A. V.). It is not necessary to
correct ov Troujaeis into 011 notrjo-ei. On
the imperative use of ov with the indie, fut,
see Winer, 'Gram. d. Neut. Spr.' § 43, 5c,
and § 56, p. 445. On the passage generally,
comp. St. James i. 13 — which here, as in so
many places, shews lines of correspondence
with Ecclus. (comp. the General Introduc-
tion).

12. Say not thou, [God] Himself hath
made me stray : for He hath no pleasure
in a sinful man.] In LXX. Prov. xviii. 2

oil xpelav e^f t is the translation of }'SrV"N? ;
comp. also Is. xiii. 17. As the rendering
" He hath no need of a sinful man " does not
give any proper meaning, we conclude that
the Greek translator used the same expression
as in LXX. Prov., where the original had
"SIT. In that case the meaning would be:
it is impossible to impute your conduct to
God, since He has no pleasure in a sinner.
Or else, as Symmachus renders by xP*ia tne
"Sn of Eccies. iii. r, 17, v. 3, which in the
tirst two passages means " purpose," while in
later Hebrew it stands for "a thing (or a
thing valued)," the sentence might also mean :
"for He has no purpose with, or else, He

has no dealing with, or even, He attaches no
value to a sinful man." But our first render-
ing is confirmed by the Syr. : non enim oblec-
tatur homine sceleroso.

13. The Lord hateth every abomination,
and it is not loved by [not loveable toj
them that fear Him.] The Syr. renders
the last clause : " and will not give them [it]
to them that love Him." The rendering
" will give " is unintelligible unless, as has
been suggested by Mr. Margoliouth, the Syr.
misread 2H\ dabit, for inX*

14. Similar evidence of direct translation
from the Hebrew original comes to us from
the use here in the Syriac of the expressions
JVC'X'Q for «£ upx*)s and ~1^"' fc>r hui^ovkiov.
There can be little doubt that the original
contained the term Yetser, although not in
the later application of it to either the good
or the evil impulse in man, but in the earlier
meaning of disposition, mind, counsel (Sinn,
Gesinnung). The Greek rendering also is
manifestly Hebraistic. The original may have
been: \V£) T3 -imnfl, while the e£ apxvs
of the first clause may represent the Hebrew
n:iL"X~inO- But it is not only these expres-
sions which are of interest. The verse is im-
portant as confirming the conclusion derived
from Ecclus. xiv. 17. For whatever meaning
we may attach to the first clause of xv. 14, the
second clause, when taken in conjunction with
•v. 15, implies a virtual denial of the moral
consequences of the fall.

in the hand of his counsel.'] A Hebraism :
rather, "in the power of his counsel"
[will, mind] = to his own free choice. In
passing we may notice that the later Alex-
andrian distinction between the eVXaae, which
was in reference to the " earthly," and the
eTToirjo-e, which applied to the " heavenly man,"
had not yet been made ; comp. Philo, ' Leg.
Alleg.' i. 12, 16.

15. Rather, " If thou wilt, thou shalt
[canst] keep the commandments, [in?] work-
ing [doing] acceptable faithfulness." The
infinitive noujaai in the second clause we
suppose to represent the Hebrew nib'!??, here
used in an adverbial or gerundial sense, in
further explanation of what preceded (comp.
Ewald, ' Lehrb.' pp. 698, 699). It is need-

9°

ECCLESIASTICUS. XV. XVI.

[v. 1 6 — i.

B.C.

cir. 200.

Z Jer. 21.

* Ps. 147.

■ Ps. 33-
18. & 34.

IS-
Hebr. 4.

13-

16 ^He hath set fire and water
before thee : stretch forth thy hand
unto whether thou wilt.

17 ^'Before man is life and death ;
and whether him liketh shall be
given him.

18 ;'For the wisdom of the Lord
is great, and he is mighty in power,
and beholdeth all things :

19 And 'his eyes are upon them
that fear him, and he knoweth every
work of man.

20 He hath commanded no man b. c.
to do wickedly, neither hath he given lrj_^°-
any man licence to sin.

CHAPTER XVI.

1 It is better to have none, than many lewd chil-
dren. 6 The wicked are not spared for their
number. 12 Both the wrath and the mercy
of the Lord are great. 17 The wicked cannot
be hid. 20 Gods works are unsearchable.

DESIRE not a multitude of un-
profitable children, neither de-
light in ungodly sons.

less to mention the explanations and correc-
tions proposed by others, since they only
involve fresh difficulties.

16, 17. These verses begin the last stanza.

16. stretch forth.~\ Rather, " thou mayest
stretch forth thy hand." " Fire and water,"
in the sense of opposite extremes, yet pro-
bably not without some reference to their
effects. The harsh Greek rendering of 1 6 b
would represent what was elegant in the

Hebrew original : ^T"1 n?K\

17 b. and whichever be liketh.'] In the
Hebrew either n^'"l or ]'Dn, for both of
which the word is used in the LXX. —
whichever of the two may be pleasing to him,
or engage his choice: naturally not life or
death, but that which leads to them, shall
be his portion, or " be given him," in the
end. Bearing in mind that verses 1 6 and 1 7
are based on Deut. xxx. 1 5 (comp. Jer. xxi.
8), we are struck with the absence of any
reference to God as placing this choice before
man. Can the translator have intended thus
to emphasize man's absolute self-determina-
tion ? The Syr., although in what seems a
paraphrastic rendering, may perhaps more
faithfully represent the meaning of the He-
brew original. It translates: "For life and
death are given to the children of man that
they may choose life and eschew death."
The last verses form the general conclusion
and application of Part II. With v. 19 a
comp. Ps. xxxiii. 18; xxxiv. 16.

CHAPTER XVI.

This chapter is one of the most loftv
in the book. Omitting vv. 15, 16 — which,
although found in 106, 248, Co., and in
the Syr., are manifestly an interpolation—
the chapter consists of' twentv-eight verses,
which naturally divide themselves into two
equal parts: Part I., -w. T-i4: part n.,
•vv. 17-30- Taken as a whole, the chapter
forms an exact counterpart to the preceding
one. In ch. xv., Part I. in praise of Wisdom

(int. 1-10) led up in Part II. to man's free
determination, shewing his absolute liberty of
choice, in accordance with which God would
ultimately hold him responsible, therein also
vindicating H is own character. On the other
hand, in ch. xvi., Part I. (yv, 1-14) leads up,
not to man's choice and doings, but to God's
determination and work (y. 26 and following),
which appear in those benefits which He so
freely bestowed upon earth. So close is the
correspondence between the two chapters
that Part II. of ch. xvi. (y. 17) begins with
exactly the same words (" Say not thou ")
as Part II. of ch. xv. (y. 11). In both cases
an objection is met: in ch. xv. that man is
not responsible ; in ch. xvi. that he will not
be called to account. In both chapters the
refutation of the objection leads up to the
statement of the positive truth which forms
not only the climax, but the real subject-
matter of each chapter. Part I. of ch. xvi.
consists of three stanzas (5 + 5 + 4 verses).
Stanza 1 is connected with the previous
chapter, and shews that, since man is a re-
sponsible agent, even the most coveted pos-
session— that of a numerous posterity — may
not always prove a blessing. Stanza 2 illustrates
the general inference that only the good will
remain, while those who are evil shall perish
in judgment. This is shewn by a reference
to the history of Israel (yv. 6-10). Lastly,
in stanza 3 the writer proceeds to shew that
God deals in this manner not only with
nations, but also with individuals (yv. 11-14).
At this point the objection is artistically intro-
duced that it is unreasonable to imagine that
every single individual in this vast universe
will be called to give a separate account, t>.
17, which opens the first stanza of Part II.
{yv. 17-23). The answer to this objection
lies in higher views of God, which exhibit His
often hidden wisdom and justice (yv. 18-23).
Lastly, in the second stanza of Part II. (like
the first, of seven verses : vv. 24-30) this is
farther enforced by a consideration of the
sovereignty, care, and personal rule of God.

1. unprofi 'table.] In LXX. Hos. viii. 8 the

V. 2-

-7-]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XVI.

B.C.

cir. 200.

2 Though they multiply, rejoice
not in them, except the fear of the
Lord be with them.

3 Trust not thou in their life,
neither respect their multitude : for
one that is just is better than a thou-
sand ; and better it is to die without
children, than to have them that are
ungodly.

4 For by one that hath under-
standing shall the city be replenished:

but the 'kindred of the wicked
speedily become desolate.

5 Many such things have I

mine eves, an

mine ear

shall

seen
hath

E. C. '
cir. 200.

I Or, tribe.

ch.

1.9.

heard greater things than these.

6 ah\ the congregation of the un-
godly shall a fire be kindled ; and in a
rebellious nation wrath "is set on fire.

7 *He was not pacified toward the b
old giants, who fell away in the wisd.' 14.
strength of their foolishness.

II Or,
been.

hath

same word stands for 12 ]'?n pR. In Jer.
xxii. 28, xlviii. 38 (in LXX. xxxi. 38), the
same Hebrew expression is similarly rendered
(ou/c eori XPeia avTov). Comp. also Philem.
•v. 11 (see the excellent remarks on the
expression in Philem. in the ' Speaker's Com-
ment.' ad loc). In any case the word a^pr/cr-
tos conveys here a much stronger meaning
than our ordinary usage of " unprofitable,"
although probably not one so strong as in
the Hebrew passages referred to, which seem
rather to be represented in Rom. ix. 21;
2 Tim. ii. 20.

neither delight in.'] Better, neither have
joy over. The general meaning of the verse
is farther set forth in v. 2.

3. neither respect their multitude.] Rather,
neither have respect [in the sense of re-
liance] to their place [in the sense of rank
or condition]. The difficulty of the expression
led to such attempts at correcting the text
as the Alex, reading (and that of other
authorities), to nXfjOos, " the multitude," for
tov Toirov — adopted in the A. V. — or the Vulg.
reading, kottov, labores. But from the usage
in the LXX. there cannot be any doubt that
the Hebrew original for tokos was QlpD —
here in the later Targumic and Talmudic
sense of rank, condition (comp. the beautiful
saying : " Not his rank maketh a man honour-
able, but the man his rank," Taan. 2 1 b,
anticipating Burns). Indeed that meaning of
the word seems already implied in Eccles., as
in Eccles. iii. 16, and especially x. 4. Accord-
ingly the words of the Siracide mean : trust
not in their life, and have no reliance on, look
not to, their present rank and condition.
In the next clause the words "that is just"
must be omitted as a later gloss. The last
line of the verse reads: And to die childless
than to have ungodly children [Bissell].

4. Omit " speedily " in the second clause.

the city.] Rather, a city. We retain the
rendering " shall be replenished " for o-woiki-
adi]o-eTai, as more general, and including more
than merely the population of a city. The
expression seems to have been chosen as anti-

thetic to the epr/jua)f?i)o-fTat ("shall be made
desolate ") in the second clause.

but the house of the ivicked shall become
desolate?^ " House " in the wider Hebrew
sense of JV3 or nn2^D = the whole kindred
and family, viewed as a unit. " D esolate : " the
Hebrew word was either 2"in or DEC'.

5. greater.] Rather, more mighty, — I
have heard, or come to know, even more
striking instances of this than those which
I have personally witnessed.

6. This verse begins the stanza of historical
illustrations. If we regard v. 6 as the first
instance of them, the reference would be
primarily to Numb. xi. 1, comp. Ps. lxxviii.
21, although the history of Korah may also
have been in view (Numb. xvi.). In that
case we would translate : " In the congregation
of sinners fire was kindled;" the Greek
translator having for some reason rendered
the Hebrew imperfect (in the first, though
not in the second clause) by the future (in
the LXX. Numb. xi. 1 reads: e^e<av6r) iv
avTols irvp). But it is at least conceivable
that v. 6 a is intended not as a reference to
any particular event, but as a general summary
and inference from the past, and as a predic-
tion of what would take place in the future.
This would avoid the strange transition from
a much later event to the history of the giants,
of Lot, and of Israel, in the following verses,
which are all related in their chronological
order. If this view of v. 6 be adopted, the
future tense must be retained in the transla-
tion: " shall f re be kindled." See note on
v. 8.

7. toward the old giants.] Rather, in
regard to. The reference is to Gen. vi. 1-4.
On the view here taken of this narrative
comp. Wisd. xiv. 6; Bar. iii. 26 ; 3 Mace. ii.
4, the Pseudepigr. (B. of Hen. ; B. of JubiL
Comp. Dillmann, ' B. Hen. Einl.' p. xlii.),
Jos., Philo, and as regards the Greek text of
Gen. vi. 1, Field's 'Hex.' ad loc. On the
interpretation of Gen. vi. 1-4 see the special
literature in Dillmann, ' Die Genesis' (Kurz-
gef. Exeg. Handb., ed. 1882), pp. 113, 114,

ECCLESIASTICUS. XVI.

[v. 8—16.

B. C.

cir. 200.

8 ^Neither spared he the place
where Lot sojourned, but '^ abhorred
them for their pride.

9 He pitied not the people of per-
dition, who were taken away in their
sins :

10 'Nor the six hundred thousand
footmen, who were gathered toge-
ther in the hardness of their hearts.

1 1 And if" there be one stiffnecked
among the people, it is marvel if he

/ch. 5. 6. escape unpunished: for -^mercy and
wrath are with him ; he is mighty
to forgive, and to pour out dis-
pleasure.

c Gen. 19.
= 4-

'- Ezck. 16
49. 5°.

Numb.

M- 15. 35

& 16. 21.
it 21. 6.
& 26. 64.

12 As his mercy is great, so is his B.C.
correction also: ^he judgeth a man clL!f°'
according to his works. I2Ps- 62-

13 The sinner shall not escape
with his spoils : and the patience of
the godly shall not be frustrate.

14. Make way for every work of
mercy : for every man shall find
according: to his works.

15 h The Lord hardened Pharaoh, h Exod. 7
that he should not know him, that 4,' s. H'
his powerful works mio-ht be known Kom-9-
to the world.

16 His mercy is manifest to every
creature; and 'he hath separated « Gen. 1. 4

and Delitzsch, 'Comm. il.d. Gen.' (ed. 1872),
pp. 190, dec.

in the strength of their foolishness.'] Rather,
in their strength, omitting what evidently
was a gloss (emendatory or else apologetic).

8. He spared not those who dwelt
with Lot, whom He abhorred for their
pride.] According to the common interpreta-
tion, the reference is here to the people of
Sodom. But these would not have been
" the sojourners with Lot ;" rather was Lot
a sojourner with them. A further difficulty-
arises from the fact that the following two
verses (yv. 9, 10) can only refer to Israel.
Hence we conclude that all these historical
illustrations are taken from what befell the
professing children of God. Accordingly
they " who dwelt with Lot " must be those of
his own family whose pride prevented their
listening to his warning— irapoiKta standing
for the Hebrew rV2. and not 11 JO, as some-
times in the LXX. On the other hand, the
Syr., which has here several alterations, seems
to wish to apply -w. 6-9 not to Israel, but to
their enemies,— as we think, wrongly.

9. the people of perdition.] I.e. devoted to
perdition. The reference may be to what is
recorded in Ex. xxxii., or else in Numb. xi.

The Syr. would read the Heb. DJ? by Drn &6]
iO"in— a play on the words.

10. Nor.] Rather, and so. The refer-
ence here is to the fact that the 600,000
footmen who came out of Egypt (Ex. xii. 37)
perished in the wilderness on account of the
hardness of their hearts. The rendering of
the Greek : " who were gathered together,"
— iiricrvvaxdivras, — is due to a misunder-
standing of the verb epX (D^BD&On or it
may have been -ISDXp. TJ'X), Which' means
indeed " to gather," but in the twofold sense
of gathering together and of gathering away

= taking away = destroying. The meaning
of the Hebrew original no doubt was : who
were carried 0 ff [swept away] in the hard-
ness of their hearts.

11. Third stanza, preparing for Part II.
Not only a community, but individuals are
punished of God. Omit " among the people."

13 b. nor will He delay [defer, cause to
come too late] the hope of the godly.]
Briefly, God will fulfil, and that ere long, the
hope of His people. The wicked shall not
be allowed to be rich in his robbery, nor yet
the just to fail of his hope. We have
rendered vnopovrj not " patience," but "hope,"
in accordance with the usage of the LXX.
The Hebrew may have been : P^V J"llpn\

14. He will make a place for all
mercy; every one shall find ( = receive)
according to his works.] The difficulty here is
whether the " mercy " {iXer^ixoavvr]) referred
to is that shewn by man, of which God will
make acknowledgment, or that displayed by
God in the sense that, while He will prove
very merciful, every one shall receive a just
retribution. The meaning of the expression
" He will make a place " {wmrja-e 1 tuttov) is
illustrated by Acts xxv. 16; Rom. xii. 19;
Heb. viii. 7, xii. 17. It corresponds to the

Hebrew ? DIpD JH3. Although the term
eXerj^oavvr) is very rarely employed in refer-
ence to God, it is so used in Ecclus. xvii. 29,
and in LXX. Ps. cii. (Heb. ciii.) 6 a, where it
stands for " righteous acts," DIpTV. Indeed,
this latter passage may have been in the mind
of the writer, and the noiiov eXer/^oo-was of
that Ps. have become the 71-0077 eXf-qpoa-vvT]
Tvoujaei Ti'mov of our passage. At the same
time it must be admitted that the addition of
Trda-rj seems to point to the exercise of human
rather than Divine mercies. In that case
" make a place " would = assign a place.

17 22.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XVI.

B.C.
cir. 200.

!l Or,
strong-

his light from the darkness with an
"adamant.

17 Say not thou, I will hide my-
Hon- self from the Lord : shall any re-
member me from above ? I shall not
be remembered anions so many peo-
ple : for what is my soul among such
an infinite number of creatures ?

18 ^'Behold, the heaven, and the
heaven of heavens, the deep, and the
earth, and all that therein is, shall be
moved when he shall visit.

19 The mountains also and foun-

* 1 Kings
S.27.
: Chron.
>. 18.

Pet. 3.

10.

dations of the earth shall be shaken B. c
with trembling, when the Lord look- Cl[^°-
eth upon them.

20 No heart can think upon these
things worthily : /and who is able to 'Rom. n.
conceive his ways ? 33'

21 It is a tempest which no man
can see : for the most part of his
works are hid.

22 Who can declare the works of
his justice ? or who can endure them ?
for his covenant is afar off", and the
trial of all things is in the end.

17. Omit w. 15, 16. (See introductory
remarks.) It adds to our difficulties of inter-
pretation that •w. 15, 16 are found in the Syr.
Again, the Syr. also gives a totally different
turn to v. 17 (comp. Syr. v. 18), and presents
it in a sense foreign, as we believe, to the
purpose of the original writer. It is not
difficult to perceive the apologetic motives
for these alterations — although some may
regard it as open to question whether the
Greek or the Syriac translator tampered with
the Hebrew original. For our own part we
have no hesitation in abiding by the Greek
Version. The last clause of the verse should
be rendered: "For what is my soul in im-
measurable [infinite] creation1?" It
must, however, be admitted that alike the
thought and its mode of expression (ktio-is)
are not Hebrew, but Alexandrian.

18. Omit the words " and all that therein
is"; "shall be moved," &c. — rather: shall
be shaken at His visitation. It is pos-
sible that w. 18-22 still continue the objec-
tions of v. 17, derived from a misapplication
of the observed greatness of God. But
it seems difficult to imagine such language
on the part of an unbeliever. On the other
hand, if, as we suppose, -w. 21, 22 are in-
tended as an answer to his secret thinking,
"w. 18, 19 must also be regarded as part
of the same argument. In that case the
reasoning would be : True, God is very great ;
yet He is not far from His creation, but
penetrates, pervades, and directs all — both
physically and ethically — even though this
may be un perceived or unheeded.

19. shall be shaken, <&'c.~\ Rather: "are
shaken with trembling when He looketh
upon them."

20. But (Wi for Se) upon (ordinarily,

nepi) these things the mind (3?) shall
not think.] The future here in the sense
of " cannot," to express what is morally im-
possible: comp. Rom. v. 7 ; 1 Cor. viii. 8
(Winer's ' Gramm.' p. 250). Most com-

mentators, however, regard the words as
implying a reproof of such a state of mind.

and His ways who shall consider'?]
The interpretation proposed by us of this
and the preceding clause, although not free
from difficulty, agrees best with v. 19. We
may add that the Syr. Version offers not any
help on these difficult verses, and indeed is
not trustworthy.

21. As a tempest, is'c.~\ The figurative
comparison of God's dealings with the wind
seems to have been not only frequent, but to
have become almost proverbial. Comp. Ps.
exxxv. 7 ; Prov. xxx. 4 ; Eccles. i. 6 (viii. 8 ?),
xi. 5 ; and especially St. John iii. 8.

22. The works of (God's) justice
[righteousness] who shall announce, or
who shall expect [await]?] 'Yno^ivnv
stands in the LXX. for a number of Hebrew
words, but in a very large proportion of
instances for such as mean " to expect " or
" await." The meaning here is : as it is
extremely difficult, almost impossible, to an-
nounce and anticipate the manner in which
God's justice shall be manifested (since it is
secret, sudden, irresistible, like the storm),
so, on the other hand, there are few who
expect it.

for far off is the covenant.] The
clause following on these words in the A.V.
must be omitted (in the Syr. the whole verse
is wanting). These words express the false-
inference drawn by men from the impossibility
of announcing God's judgments, as well as
the reason why they are not expected. They
imagine: far off is the covenant. The
reference to the biad^K-q is a favourite one
with the Son of Sirach, who employs the
term twenty-two times. In the LXX. it
stands almost invariably for )V*13. We sup-
pose that " the covenant " here in view is that
with death and Hades, to which reference
was made in Ecclus. xiv. 12, 17. The writer
had probably in his mind LXX. Is. xxviii.
15, and especially v. 17: "And I will cause

ECCLESIASTICUS. XVI.

[v. 23—29.

B.C.
cir. 200.

'" Ps. III.
7,8.

23 He that wanteth understand- them he disposed the parts there-
ins: will think upon vain things : of.

B.C.
cir. 200.

and a foolish man errinp; imagineth

O O

follies.

He garnished his works for
, and in his hand are the "chief

II Or, be-
ginnings.

24 My son, hearken unto me, and of them unto all generations : they
learn knowledge, and mark my words neither labour, nor are weary, nor
with thy heart. cease from their works.

25 I will shew forth doctrine in 28 None of them hindereth an-
weight, and declare his knowledge other, "and they shall never disobey « Ps. 148
exactly. his word.

26 '"The works of the Lord are 29 After this the Lord looked
done in judgment from the begin- upon the earth, and filled it with his

and from the time he made blessings.

ning

judgment to be for hope (here eXnls), and
my compassion ((Xtrjfioa-vvr], as in Ecclus. xvi.
14) for just measures, and ye that trust vainly
in falsehood shall fall : for the tempest
(/carntyi's', as in Ecclus. xvi. 21) shall not by
any means pass by you except it also take
away your covenant of death (Sin^Kr/, as in
Ecclus. xvi. 22), and your hope in Hades
shall by no means stand ; if the rushing tem-
pest (Karaty/f) should come upon you, ye
shall be beaten down by it." In our view
this passage explains not only the expression
" for far off is the covenant," but also the fol-
lowing verse.

23. He that ivanteth understanding [lit.

heart, ZP"1pn] will think these things, and
an unwise and erring man will think
foolish things [pa>pd = i"l?33].

24. Stanza of final admonition. The ex-
pression " mark with the heart," as often in

the Hebrew (3? D^), here apparently de-
rived from Deut. xxxii. 46 (both in the Heb.
and LXX.). Comp. also Ezek. xliv. 5. Hence
the proper translation is: "And set thy
heart upon my words."

25. J twill sheav forth instruction by
weight [carefully and accurately measured
out, perhaps also with a secondary reference
to its value], and declare [announce, set forth]
knowledge with exactness [accuracy,
precision].

26. By [according to] the counsel [ap-
pointment, decree — GSL'V?] of the Lord
(rue) His works from 'the beginning, and

Jrom [the time of?] their making He
assigned [apportioned] their parts [to

each its part ? perhaps ip6n j&n in*?""^-")].]
This vast creation, so far from leading us to
infer— as the foolish had suggested in the
previous stanza— that the individual is lost or
unheeded amidst the vast mass, rather leads
to an opposite conclusion. From the first
all things have had the law of His appoint-

ment impressed upon them, and in every part
of creation we mark this orderly distribution.

27. He ordered [settled, appointed, pre-
pared— adorned?] for ever His works,
and their rule to their generation.]
Simple as these words seem, it is not easy to
decide how exactly to render them. " The
works" here referred to are God's chief works :
the sun and stars to which Jewish Alexan-
drian philosophy attached such high im-
portance, as well as the regulation of all
nature (comp. here especially Philo, ' de
Monarch.' i. § 1 ; comp. ii. 5, 6, and the art.
Philo in Smith and Wace's ' Diet, of Chr.
Biogr.'). We have rendered f<6crprjaev : He
" ordered," " settled," which meaning it cer-
tainly bears in LXX. Mic. vi. 9, as well as a
kindred meaning in other passages. The
common rendering, " garnished " or " beau-
tified," seems to give no meaning, while ours
suits the context. Again, we have rendered
tcis dpxds by " their rule," being the expression
used in reference to the rule of sun and stars
in LXX. Gen. i. 16, 18, and Philo similarly
designates them as ap^ovras (' de Monarch.'
i. 1). As to their "ordering for ever," the
writer had probably Ps. cxlviii. 6 in view,
where the same language is used. Indeed
it is not improbable that the Hebrew original

reproduced the ch^b lV_h DtplDJ^l of that
Ps. (comp. also Ps. exxxv., in the Heb.
exxxvi. 8, 9). It is even possible that the
following clause also, Kai ras dpxus avrcov els
yeveds avrav, may be the younger Siracide's
peculiar mode of rendering the second clause

of Ps. cxlviii. 6 : "lbj^ &6\ jnrpri— "they
neither labour," — rather: they hunger
not.

28. hindereth [crowdeth, in the sense of
moving out of its place] another [lit. "his
neighbour"]. "Each presseth not upon
his neighbour, and unto everlasting
[Aeon] shall they not disobey His word."

29. And after this.'] Viz. after having

i°— 5-]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XVI. XVII.

B. C.
cir. 200.

o Gen. 1.

=5-

P Eccles.

~\. 20.

Gen. 1.
27. & 3.
9. & 5. 2.
Eccles. 3.
20.

IWisd. 2.
2}- & 7-
r

30 "With all manner of living
things hath he covered the face there-
of ; -?*and they shall return into it again.

CHAPTER XVII.

1 J/tni' God created and furnished man. 14
Avoid all sin : 19 for God seeth all things.
25 Turn to him while thou livest.

r I ^HE Lord "created man of the

earth, and turned him into it

2 3He gave them few days, and a b. c.
short time, and power also over the cirj_^°-
things therein. *Jobi4.i.

O C p

3 He endued them with strength 26. &'9*'6-
by themselves, and cmade them ac-lCor-"-
cording to his image, c'oioss. 3.

4 And put the fear "of man upon °'
all flesh, "'and gave him dominion fHm.
over beasts and fowls. rfGen. 1.

a^ain.

5 [They received the use of the

28.

thus established and regulated for ever what
is in heaven above.

30. living thingsJ] Rather, "living
creatures." The Hebrew may have been:

inh'z traa n*M vhv.

T VV T V T

and they shall return into it again.~\ Lit.
" and unto it the return of them."

CHAPTER XVII.

The argument of the previous chapter is
here continued. What had previously been
stated in regard to the world is now shewn
to apply also to man — only that in his case
personal responsibility is superadded. The
world has a Divine Law inherent in itself;
for man, as made in the image of God, his
mental and moral individuality — the mind,
conscience, heart, and free will — are that
Law. Man is thus in the highest sense a
law unto himself. In his case there exists
not any necessity of nature, but he has the
moral freedom of a personal choice, for which
he is also endowed with the necessary moral
qualifications. Hence he is absolutely and
personally responsible (comp. xvi. 17, &c).
This forms the subject of the first stanza
(•w. 1-8 ; <v. 9 must be omitted). Turning
next from this subjective to the objective
aspect of the question, the writer lays down
this further position, that man is intended by
God to glorify Him, for which purpose God
has made Himself known to him, and this
involves another and still higher degree of
responsibility. This forms the subject of the
second stanza (w. 10-15, v. 15 marking the
climax, while i\ 16 must be omitted). But
the highest responsibility attaches to Israel
(stanza 3: w. 17-24). In a concluding
stanza (w. 25-32) the writer makes a
religious application of what had preceded.
Thus the chapter consists of four irregular
stanzas. We add that w. 5, 9, 16, i8,°and
21 in our A. V. must be omitted as spurious.

1. and turned hbn.~] But the sense requires :
"and shall turn him." In the Heb. it
was no doubt iPD*^*, or more probably
■^r^tf'! (comp. Kautzsch-Gesenius, 24th ed.,

p. 145, 4, note); or, as in the Syr., with 21L"
before it. In the latter case the meaning
would have been : He shall certainly turn
him again (Ewald, p. 782). The Greek
translator used the aorist instead of the future,
possibly as in Rev. x. 7 ; 1 Cor. vii. 28
(Winer, /. /. p. 248). The statement itself is
parallel to Ps. cxlvi. 4.

2. fe-ui days.~\ rjpepas dptdpov, lit. "days
of number." A common Hebraism, as in

"ISDO niJC', "a few years," Job xvi. 22, and

13DB WW, "a few days," Numb. ix. 20
(LXX. rjpepas dpidpw), where the words in
the Heb. are however in apposition, while in
Ecclus. the original had ISpO »»*. The

use of the word " number " for " numbered "
= few, is frequent, alike in the Heb. and in
the LXX.

and a (definite) time [a season].] No
doubt ny, perhaps, as suggested by the next
clause, with the secondary sense of a Divine
appointment attaching to it, as in Eccles. iii.
In Ezek. vii. 7, 12, the words "day" and
" season " are also conjoined, both in the
Heb. and the LXX., but in the inverse order
of Ecclus.

and He gave them the dominion
[imperium, as apparent from the gen. of the
object] of what is upon it] Viz. of all
that is upon the earth.

3. He endued them with their own
strength.] I.e. strength of their own (so
the Aethiop.), strength which was their own,
human ; while the Figure, which was behind
that strength and directed it, and of which
they were "the image," was Divine. kciB'
eavrovs, probably for the sake of antithesis to
the kot elKova (" according to His image ")
in the next clause. The <a6' (avrovs stands
here instead of the genitive: comp. Acts
xvii. 28, xviii. 15, xxvi. 3 ; Eph. i. 15 (Winer,
/. /. p. 139, and § 30, Anm. 5, p. 174 of the
6th ed.). The Syr., which renders the second
clause, " and covered them with terror," seems
inapt and a confusion with the first clause of
the next verse.

5. This verse must be omitted. AsGrotius

ECCLESIASTICUS. XVII.

[v. 6—13.

B. c. five operations of the Lord, and in the
cir^joo. gjxtj1 piace ne imparted them under-
standing, and in the seventh speech, an
interpreter of the cogitations thereof.]

6 Counsel, and a tongue, and eyes,
ears, and a heart, gave he them to
understand.

7 Withal he Riled them with the
knowledge of understanding, and
shewed them good and evil.

8 He set his eye upon their hearts,
that he might shew them the great-
ness of his works.

9 He gave them to glory in his
marvellous acts for ever, that they
mi<rht declare his works with under-
standing.

10 And the elect shall praise his
holy name.

1 1 Beside this he gave them
knowledge, and the law of life for an
heritage.

12 He made an everlasting cove-
nant with them, and shewed them
his judgments.

13 Their eyes saw the majesty of

B. c.

cir. 20D.

remarks, it is probably the marginal gloss of
some Stoic annotator.

6. Counsel.'] Rather, a disposition. Cp.
xv. 14. The Syr. omits, as we think rightly,
this word. It should be noted that 8iaftov\i<>v
in the singular does not occur in the LXX.
and only twice in Ecclus. : here and in xv. 14
[see note] in the sense of disposition, mind =
")X\ It occurs in the plural (whether of
SiafiovXia or 8iafiov\iov) in the sense of
" counsels," " purposes," and " thoughts," in
LXX. Ps. v. 1 1 and ix. 23 (Heb. x. 2), and in
Hos. xi. 6 ; also in Hos. iv. 9, v. 4, vii. 2. where
the Heb., however, has "doings" (for the
rendering of X*'p in 2 Sam. [LXX. 2 Kings]
xv. 1 2 by 8iaftov\iop, see Field, ' Hex.' ad Joe).
We infer that the use of SiafiovXtov and of
"IX* in that sense was post-biblical, and, as
regards the Greek term, we would suggest,
Alexandrian. In omitting the word, the Syr.
is probably faithful to the original. We
farther mark that the Syr. order of the verses
differs from the Greek, there being an inver-
sion of w. 6 and 7 as well as of clauses a
and b in v. 9, while clause a of v. 8 is
omitted. The Syriac order therefore is:
"w. 7, 6, 8 b, 9 b, 9 a, these last three clauses
forming Syr. v. 8, then v. 9, which is v. 10
of the A. V. The Vulgate, it must be re-
membered, represents in Ecclesiasticus the
ancient Latin Version (Vet. Lat.). See the
Introd. It omits v. 5 and adds a clause both
at the beginning and the end of v. 6 (in
A. V.). It also inserts a clause between a
and b in 1: 7, and adds a clause to, while it
generally confirms, w. 8-10 (in our A. V.).
Lastly, the reading of A. V. differs from that
of the Vatican, which we are throughout
following. From all this we infer that the
text of these verses has been altered, probably
by successive "hands," from philosophical
and theological motives, which, so far as
•w. 5-7 are concerned, will be easily under-
stood. On the whole, we prefer the Syr.
arrangement of the verses.

to understand^ Perhaps, to consider.

7. Omit " withal."

9, 10. Verse 9 is omitted in the LXX.
(Vatic), while ik 10 reads as follows: And
they shall praise His holy Name fin
the Syr. only : " And that they may praise
His holy Name"] that they may declare
(tell) the greatnesses of His works

(/neyoXeta = niPTJ, Ps. lxxi. 19). Here— or
perhaps at the next verse — begins a new stanza.

11. He gave them besides.] But we
are inclined, in accordance with the Syr., to
emend Trpoa-idrjKeu into TrpotBqKfv. he set
before them. This would suit the context
much better.

and made them inherit a law of
life.] Houbigant understands this as an
allusion to the Law of Nature in man. But
this seems incompatible with clause a and
with %>. 12, both of which — as we understand
them, and as the original no doubt intended
— would point to the Law of Moses. But
we suspect that some alterations were pur-
posely made in this verse by the younger
Siracide. The Syr. has " covenant," and we
suspect that the younger Siracide purposely
changed the IVQ, " covenant," of the original
into "wisdom," eVtor^r/, in order to give
the verse a more general, Alexandrian sense.
Similarly the Syr. has in the second clause
" He taught them " (perhaps Dyniil), which
was changed into " made them inherit," as
if it were a general human inheritance. Thus
Houbigant may, after all, have rightly in-
dicated the intention of the Greek translator,
though not the meaning of the original.

12. This verse confirms our previous in-
terpretation. " His judgments," in the sense
of the Hebrew VtDS^'O = laws, command-
ments, ordinances.

13. Here it is no longer open to doubt
that the reference is to the revelation on
Sinai. " The majesty of bis glory" — rather, the
greatness of the glory (omitting "his") ;

V. 14 2 2.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XVII.

B. C.

cir. 200.

e Exod.

20, & 21,

& 22, & 23.

f ch. 15.

19.

ver. ig.
Hebr. 4.
;, '3-

-r Deut.
32. 8, 9.

* Rom.
13. 1.

«' Deut. 4.
20. & 10.

Exod. 4.
22.

his glory, and their ears heard his nourisheth with discipline, and giving b. C.
glorious voice.

14 And he said unto them, Beware
of all unrighteousness ; and he *gave
every man commandment concern-
ing his neighbour.

15 /Their ways are ever before
him, and shall not be hid from his
eyes.

16 Every man from his youth is
given to evil ; neither could they
make to themselves fleshy hearts for
stony.

17 For -^in the division of the na-
tions of the whole earth he set a
/2ruler over every people j but 'Israel
is the Lord's portion :

18 Whom, *being his firstborn, he

him the light of his love doth not C1L!^°'
forsake him.

19 'Therefore all their works are l ver. 15.
as the sun before him, and his eyes
are continually upon their ways.

20 None of their unrighteous deeds
are hid from him, but all their sins
are before the Lord.

21 But the Lord being gracious,
and knowing his workmanship, wnei- » Deut.
ther left nor forsook them, but spared 3I" 6'
them.

22 The "alms of a man is as a sig- ,: ch. 29.
net with him, and he will keep the -:
good deeds of man "as the apple of"Ps. 17. i
the eye, and give repentance to his
sons and daughters.

and again in the second clause, and the
glory of their voice [sound = their
glorious sound] heard their ear. Many
authorities correct aiirStv, " their " [after
(pavr/s], into avrov, "His," and the Syr. has
the same reading. But there seems no need
for the correction. " Their " voice or sound
was that of the commandments, v. 12, while
thev onlv saw "the greatness of glorv," not
" His " glory itself.

14. The reference seems to be to the
chapters following the ten commandments,
especially Ex. xxi., xxii.

15. This verse sets forth the final inference
from all as regards Israel's personal respon-
sibility, in answer to the objections mentioned
in Ecclus. xvi. 17, Sec.

16. The whole verse must be omitted. It
is so evidently an interpolation and of late,
probably Christian, authorship, that it is
difficult to understand its insertion.

17. Omit "For in the division of the nations
of the whole earth." Fritzsche regards the
"rulers" whom God had set over each nation
as their guardian angels, through whom He
stood in some relationship to "every people,"
and he refers in corroboration to LXX.
Deut. xxxii. 8 and Heb. ii. 5. The latter
passage has not any reference to this subject,
nor does even the former bear out the con-
tention of Fritzsche, since the parallelism be-
tween the verse in Ecclus. and that in LXX.
Deut. is, to say the least, extremely doubtful.
It is indeed true that the LXX. rendering of
Deut. xxxii. 8 reproduces the tradition in the
Jer. Targ. on Gen. xi. 7, 8, where the "We"
who came down to confound the languages
and to scatter the people are explained to be

Apoc— Vol. II.

the seventy angels, having reference to the
seventy nations who would be formed (comp.
also Pirqe d. R. El. 24). In the later Midrash
this is further developed, and God not only
assigns to the nations their bounds "according
to the number of the angels of God " (LXX.
Deut.), but these angel-princes are protectors
of the nations, hostile to Israel, arid shall
ultimately be cast down (Ber. R. 56 ; Shem.
R. 21: Vayy. R. 29; Ruth R. ed. Warsh.
p. 36 b). But in Ecclus. there is as yet not
any mention of such hostility to Israel on the
part of the " angel-princes," nor even a clear
indication of the legend underlying the LXX.
gloss on Deut. and the Jer. Targum. When
to this we add that Michael was similarly
regarded as the "Angel-prince" of Israel, we
are inclined to regard " the rulers " of Ecclus.
xvii. 1 7 as secular princes, and the reference
— if any — to be to Deut. xxxii. 8, 9 in the
Hebrew. And words of comfort like these
would be very appropriate in the political
condition of Israel in the time of the older
Siracide.

18. This verse must be omitted.

19. Omit " therefore."

20. Their unrighteous deeds are not
hid from Hiw, and all their sins are before
the Lord.] The Syr. : " and open before Him
are all their thoughts " — perhaps more true to
the original, or else by way of softening it.

21. This verse must be omitted.

22. The last clause after "apple of the eye"
must be omitted. From the nation the writer
passes to the individual. Although Israel as
a people may suffer for their sins, yet there
are the righteous among them. We have
here clear indication of the later doctrine of

ECCLESIASTICUS. XVII.

[V-

B.C.
cir. 200.

P Matt.
25- 34. 35-

* Acts 3.
19.

r Jer. 3.
12.

DOr,

lessen thy
offence.

II Or, illu-
mination.

23 ^Afterwards he will rise up
and reward them, and render their
recompence upon their heads.

24 ^But unto them that repent, he
granted them return, and comforted
those that failed in patience.

25 ^Return unto the Lord, and
forsake thy sins, make thy prayer
before his face, and "offend less.

26 Turn again to the most High,
and turn away from iniquity : for he
will lead thee out of darkness into
the light of health, and hate thou
abomination vehemently.

27 sWho shall praise the most B.C.

T T . { , • 1 r , cir. 200.

High in the grave, instead or them —
which live and give thanks ? &PiSiS6'i57'.

28 Thanksgiving perisheth from I-^ai- 38-
the dead, as from one that is not : Bamch 2.
the living and sound in heart shall I7'
praise the Lord.

29 How great is the lovingkind-
ness of the Lord our God, and his
compassion unto such as turn unto
him in holiness !

30 For all things cannot be in men,
because the son of man is not im-
mortal.

the meritoriousness of " good works," espe-
cially of ''almsgiving." Altogether the
verse forms a later Judaic paraphrase, or
rather transformation, of Deut. xxxii. 10. It
is now " almsgiving " which is precious as
" the signet " on the hand, and which God
guards as carefully as the apple of the eye.
Nothing can annul what that signet has sealed ;
nothing shall disturb or dim that eye. The
meaning which we attach to this verse is con-
firmed by the paraphrastic Syr. rendering :
"The righteousness [merit] of all the sons of
men is sealed and deposited with Him, and
the goodness of all the sons of men is as the
apple of the eye preserved before Him."

23. From the use of the expression " and
render their recompence upon their own
heads," which is not only exactly parallel to
Joel iii. (Heb. iv.) 6, 7, but reproduces the word-
ing of the LXX., we conclude that this verse
refers not to the subject of v. 22, but to the
punishment of the wicked. With this agrees
the Syr. : " and return [give] their sins (in the

Heb. it was probably D7ID! ; comp. also
Ps. xxviii. 4) upon their head."

24. granteth . . . comforteth . . . fail
in confidence.] That is, those whose hope
or confidence of forgiveness faileth. The
Syr. either misread or misunderstood the
original.

25. Last stanza, and offend less.'] Rather :
and lessen (the occasion for) offence;
lit., "the stumble." The word TrpoaKo^a
is used in that sense (although for different
Hebrew words) in LXX. Ex. xxiii. 33,
xxxrv 12; Is. viii. i4, Xxix. 21; and in
N. I. Rom. ix. 32, 33, xiv. 13, 20; 1 Cor.
vm. 9 : 1 Pet. 11. 8. Substantially, therefore,
the advice is to avoid what would lead to sin.
I he Syr had here either a different text, or

altered the original. Or it may be that the
younger Sirac.de had modified it in his own
fashion. '1 he Greek is certainly feeble as
compared with the Syriac.

26. The clause beginning "for he will
lead thee," and ending "into the light of
health," must be omitted.

27, 28. grave.] Rather, Hades.

thanks . . . thanksgiving.] Rather, praise.

Verses 27 and 28a seem again to imply a
denial of personal immortality. On the other
hand, the Syr. has : " For what delight hath
the Lord in all those who perished in the
world instead of them who live and render
praise to Him ; " Does the Greek text repre-
sent an alteration on the part of the younger
Siracide, or is the Syr. version a Christian
emendation? After "sound" in v. 28 omit
the words " in heart." The gloss may have
been intended to mitigate what might seem
offensive in the original, while the limitation of
" praise " to corporeal and temporal benefits
is quite in the spirit of at least the younger
Siracide.

29. Omit as glosses, similar in character to
that just noticed, in clause a, "our God;"
and in clause b, " in holiness."

30. The first clause in the Greek gives
no meaning. If we were to alter -rvavra into
raiira, it would agree with the Syr. and the
sense would be : " For these things are not in
man." But this does not fit in either with
what precedes or with what follows. It
seems not unlikely that the Hebrew original

was D1X3 h$ *6 »3 or fc'iJN— " for the

t t : ■ ***:

Lord is not as man," and that the younger
Siracide misread ?3 for 7>X and D1X3 for

t t :

D^IX3 (comp. Horowitz, in Frankel's ' Mon-
atschr.' xiv. p. 198). If we may thus account
for the first clause by a misreading of the
Hebrew, it is not easy to explain the second
clause. It accords indeed with the first clause
in the Greek, but we can scarcely imagine that
it faithfully represents the original. Can it have
been intended to convey the same meaning as
w. 27, 28 a— or else to attenuate that meaning

n-4.] ECCLESIASTICUS. XVII. XVIII.

B.C.

cir. 200.

* jo"b75-

5.6.

''What is

the light

brighter

than the
thereof faileth :

sun ? yet

and flesh and blood will imagine evil.
32 He vieweth the power of the
height of heaven ; and all men are
but earth and ashes.

CHAPTER XVIII.

4 God's works are to be wondered at. 9 Jlfan's
life is short. 11 God is merciful. 15 Do not
blemish thy good deeds with ill words. 22
Defer not to be justified. 30 Follow not thy
lusts.

E that liveth for ever ^created b. c.
all things in general. cbl!!0-

2 The Lord only is righteous, and " Gen'
^there is none other but he, * Deut,

3 Who governeth the world with 3S-
the palm of his hand, cand all things c ch. 42.
obey his will : for he is the King of23"

all, by his power ^dividing holy things d Lev. 10
among them from profane.

4 To whom hath he given power

to declare his works ? *and who shall e ps. 106.
find out his noble acts ?

by a vague generality ? The Syr. has : " nor
is his counsel like that of the sons of flesh."

31. Whether we adopt the Greek or the
Syriac version of v. 30, v. 31 is evidently
intended to set forth in contrast to the great-
ness and goodness of God the inherent weak-
ness of the creature : What is more
shining [more brilliant] than the sun?
yet even this is obscured: and an
evil man will think of flesh and blood.
Fritzsche translates : " taketh flesh and blood
into consideration," and regards it as referring
to a moral obscuration. But this explanation is
not satisfactory. For in that case we should
have the inapt comparison of the natural
obscuration of the light of the sun with the
voluntary moral obscuration of the wicked.
Our A. V. adopts the Alex, reading, which
must be regarded as an attempt at emendation.
The Syr. paraphrases. Horowitz (u. s.) con-
jectures that the Hebrew original was : ^3 PJX
mi 1C3 PUM ni3Pn», " how much more
the thoughts of man who is flesh and blood ;"
or else, on a like supposition, D~1X "IV* *3 f)X
mi TJ'3 JTin, " how much more the evil
imagining of man who is flesh and blood."
If so, the Greek translator might have treated
the substantive DP as a verb, and interpreted
it by " meditateth," or " imagineth."

32. He surveys the host of the height
of heaven, and men, all [of them], are earth
and ashes.] We have rendered Svvafuv by
"the host," supposing the original to have
been 7>;n or VH, which is generally rendered
in the LXX. by dvua^s. The Syr. has: " He
judgeth the host of heaven, also the children
of flesh . . ."

CHAPTER XVIII.

As is the case in other chapters, so here
also the closing part of chap. xvii. becomes
the subject of farther teaching in chap, xviii.
It consists of two Parts: Part I., w. 1-18 ;
Part II., v. 19-end. Part I. contains three
stanzas (6— originally 7 ? \- 7 + 4 verses).

The first stanza (yv. 1-7) sets forth the
greatness of God relatively to man ; the second
stanza (w. 8-14), the smallness of man rela-
tively to God in His greatness and goodness;
while the third stanza (yv. 15-18) admonishes
man in his own way to imitate the goodness
of God. This forms the transition to Part II.,
which deals with man. Here also we have
three stanzas (7 + 4 + 4 verses), which may
be thus summarized: stanza 1 (w. 19-25),
man relatively to God; stanza 2 (yv. 26-29),
general inferences; stanza 3 (yv. 30-33), moral
application, or rather the commencement of a
series of useful commonplace sayings.

1. The text seems here corrupt. The Syr.
begins with what we number as v. 4. In the
A. V. v. 3 must be omitted, so that the first
stanza would only consist of six verses. But
we would suggest that both w. 1 and 2 must
in the original have had a second clause, and
that there is a lacuna between w. 2 and 4.
Thus stanza 1 may originally have consisted
of seven verses.

in general.] Rather, generally. This in
the sense of the world as a whole (comp. the
use of koivji in 2 Mace. ix. 26). We con-
jecture that if this verse was in the original
Hebrew, it contained a strong assertion of the
Divine creation of everything out of nothing,
and that the younger Siracide, entertaining the
Alexandrian notion of the pre-existence of
matter, had modified it, but disguised this
under the ambiguous expression kowtj, which
might mean " together," " as a whole," or
" generally."

2. The Lord alone shall be justified
[perhaps: "declared righteous"].] This verse
seems also fragmentary. We can only con-
jecture that it expressed an antithesis to the
imperfectness and defects of all creatures.
See under v. 5. The second clause in the
A. V., " and there is none other but he," as
well as v. 3, must be omitted.

4. To no one [so the better reading]
gave He po-<jjer to proclaim His <worhs.]
Schleusner : facultatem dedit, sett copiam fecit —

H 2

100

ECCLESIASTICUS. XVIII.

[v. 5-

12.

B.C.
cir. 200.

5 Who shall number the strength
of his majesty ? and who shall also
tell out his mercies ?

6 As for the wondrous works of
the Lord, there may nothing be taken
from them, neither may any thing
be put unto them, neither can the
ground of them be found out.

7 When a man hath done, then he
beginneth ; and when he leaveth oft,
then he shall be doubtful.

8 What is man, and whereto

serveth he ? what is his good, and B- c.

.... ... ° cir. 200.

what is his evil r —

9 -^The number of a man's days at f Ps. 9°-

the most are an hundred years.

io As a drop of water unto the

sea, and a gravelstone in comparison

of the sand ; so are a -^thousand years " Ps. 90.

to the days of eternity. 2'pet. 3.1

1 1 Therefore is God patient with
them, and poureth forth his mercy
upon them.

12 He saw and perceived their end

i.e. none of His creatures is able or sufficient
for it ; none is qualified fully to proclaim them.
Fritzsche regards it as = ivtnoi^ae in Ecclus.
xlii. 17. But although the two passages are
parallel, the meaning of (piroifa (in Ecclus.
xlii.) is somewhat different from that of
iKiroUa. The expression " to proclaim His
works " is the same as in LXX. Ps. cvi.
(Heb. cvii.) 22, although the idea is rather
parallel to LXX. Ps. cv. (Heb. cvi.) 2. In
the Syr. : " Who is able to shew forth —
manifest, declare — His works?"

and who can search out His mighty
act si] The same word (as for "search
out ") is used in the LXX. both for Em and
for "lpH ; "mighty acts," fieyaXela, as in LXX.

Ps. Ixx. (Heb. lxxi.) 19 : rt^TI.

5. In the Syr. the Greek v. 4 (there v. 1)
is followed (as v. 2) by what is fragmentarily
preserved in the Greek v. 2 : " The whole
world shall be examined together, and the
Lord alone be just." The Greek v. 5 is
omitted in the Syr. " Number " = enumerate ;
"tell out" = set forth. In the Hebrew
original the second clause (if genuine) may

have been: lHDn T3r6 ei'DV '».

t t -: • ~ : ' ■

6. There is not [it is not possible] to
make fewer [to diminish] nor to add to,
nor is there (fully) to search out the

wonderful works [flixbsJ ; generally —
thirty-one times— so translated in the LXX.]
of the Lord.

7. When a man hath ended, then he begin-
netb.'] I.e. when he is at the end of his
attempts to compute or understand, he is
really only at the beginning of his task and of
God's wonderful works.

and when he cease th [Bretschneider aptly,
sell, opere per ac to— when he gives up the
search, rests from it], then is he per-
plexed.] I.e. astonied, confounded, in
utter perplexity, viz. alike by what he cannot
search out and by the multitude of the things

opening to his view. The most apt rendering
here is the Latin obstupescere. This not only
answers to the Syr. rendering, but tnvopta> is
used in the same sense in the LXX. (see, for
example, Gen. xxxii. 8 (LXX. 7), where it

stands for 'h ~l¥»1) and repeatedly in the N. T.
The Syr. translates " when they return,"
instead of " when he ceaseth." Possibly the
original may have been 2B>*, which the Greek
translator rendered " when he ceaseth :" while
the Syr. derived it from 31B\ The Greek
gives a better sense.

8. This leads up to the second stanza about
man. Instead of " whereto serveth he ?" the
Syr. has, " what is his defect and what his
advantage?" — Heb. irriJV rlO-1 ij'npri HD
— a word-play. Altogether a pessimist view
of man and of life.

9. The number of days of a man [the
duration of his life] many years, (if) an
hundred.] Bretschneider q notes from Seneca,
' de brevit. vitae,' c. 3 : " Pervenisse te ad ulti-
mum aetatis humanae videmus: centesimus
tibi, vel supra, premitur annus." But then the
philosopher continues to shew how much has
to be deducted from this age on account of
trouble, illness, and needless or frivolous
waste, so that the real span of life is after all
very short (ed. Ruhkopf, i. pp. 497, 498).

10. As a drop of water out of the sea and
a little stone out of the sand [the omis-
sion of the prepos. in the second clause is a
Hebraism. See Winer, /. /., p. 373, &c], jo
a few years in the day of eternity.'] The
Syr. here paraphrases in targumic manner.

11. Therefore is the Lord long-suffer-
ing towards them.] He bears with them
in their sins. Bretschneider notes here the
absence of any reference to another life. This
appears especially in v. 12.

12. their end.] KaTa<rrpod)r) is a rather
stronger word than " end," and used sensu
malo. The Hebrew had probably DIVinK, as
in the Syr.

13—20.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XVIII.

101

B.C.
cir. 200.

* Ps. 145.
9-

to be evil ; therefore he multiplied
his compassion.

13 The mercy of man is toward
his neighbour; /(but the mercy of
the Lord is upon all flesh : he reprov-
eth, and nurtureth, and teacheth, and
bringeth again, 'as a shepherd his
flock.

14 He hath mercy on them that
receive discipline, and that diligently
seek after his judgments.

15 /cWLy son, blemish not thy good
deeds, neither use uncomfortable
words when thou givest any thing.

16 Shall not the dew asswage the B. C
heat ? so is a word better than a - — '
gift.

17 Lo, is not a word better than
a gift ? but both are with a gracious
man.

18 A fool will upbraid churlishly,
and a o-ift of the envious consumeth

the eyes.

1 g Learn before thou speak, and
use physick or ever thou be sick.

20 Before judgment 'examinethy- 'iCor.n
self, and in the day of visitation thou 2
shalt find mercy.

13. toward his neighbour.] The Syr., "him
that is near in flesh :" this, in accordance with
Rabbinic usage and ideas.

reproving, and disciplining, and
teaching, and bringing back.J The
reference is to God.

14. He hath mercy on them that accept
discipline, and who hasten [make haste]
after His ordinances.] Lit., "judgments,"
D^DQtJ'D— who submit to the discipline which
He administers and become obedient. The
Syr. here substitutes : " Happy they who
hope in His compassion and they who receive
[approve] His judgments."

15. Third stanza : see Introd.

Son, add not blame in thy good deeds."]
Lit., give not blame, viz. joining words of
reproach to benefits bestowed — a not un-
common mode of pharisaic churlishness. The
opposite characteristic in the gifts of God in
St. James i. 5 — one of the many parallelisms
between that Ep. and Ecclus. (see General
Introd.).

nor with [in] every gift sadness
[mourning] of words.] I.e. words that cause
sadness. The Syr. evidently misunderstood
this verse. The sentiment is truly Jewish in
the best sense.

16. heat."] Perhaps "scorching east- wind:"
in that case it would mean that it restores
what such east-wind, DHp, " has scorched "
(see Grimm, ' Lex. in 1. N* T.' sub Kava-av).

17. a word.] Viz. a good, kind word.

better than a gift.'] In the Hebrew pro-
bably: \mo ate. The Talmud contains
many similar statements. Thus Sukk. 19 b:
Alms are rewarded only according to the
graciousness which accompanies them. In
' Jer. Peah,' viii. 9, it is pointed out that in
Ps. xli. 1 it is said, " Blessed is he that con-
sidered " (not " that giveth to ") " the poor."
In ' Babh. B.' yb we read that he that gave to

the poor a Perutah (the smallest coin) was
blessed with six blessings (according to Is. Iviii.
S, 9), but he that comforted them with words
was blessed with eleven blessings (according
to Is. Iviii. 10-12). Lastly, in 'Ab. de R.
Nath.' xiii. we are told that if one bestowed on
another all the gifts in the world, but with an
unpleasant countenance, it would be reckoned
as if he had not given anything, while if a man
received his neighbour with a pleasant face,
even if he gave him nothing, it would be
reckoned as if he had bestowed on him all the
gifts in the world.

but.] Rather, and.

gracious.] The same expression in St. Luke
i. 28.

18. J fool will upbraid ungraciously, and
the gift of a churl [fidtricavos, Ecclus. xiv.
3, and often— here not exactly = envious, but
corresponding to the German scheelsiichtig,
?nisgunstig] melteth the eyes.] Not, as
Fritzsche understands it : " causeth weeping,"

but as in Job xxxi. 16, for n?3; here possibly
D-ry nV?»— "consumeth the eyes," perhaps
in the sense of their looking and longing in
vain.

19. This verse begins the second Part.

use physick.] Rather, attend to thy
health, or else get thee medicine.
The Syr. : " before thou lightest procure for
thyself an helper, and before thou art sick a
physician."

20. Before judgment.] Here evidently
that of God, whether the controversy be
between Him and man, or between man and
man.

and in the hour of visitation thou shalt
find reconciliation.] Syr.: "Before ad-
versity comes upon thee, pray, and in the
hour of adversity thou shalt find it, and it
will procure favour for thee." The meaning

102

ECCLESIASTICUS. XVIII.

[v. 21 26.

B.C.
cir. 200.

21 '"Humble thyself before thou
be sick, and in the time of sins shew
repentance.

22 "Let nothing hinder thee to
pay thy vow in due time, and defer
not until death to be justified.

23 Before thou prayest, prepare
thyself; and be not as one that
tempteth the Lord.

24 "Think upon the wrath that B.C.
shall be at the end, and the time of '— "
vengeance, when he shall turn away "^ 7' I7'
his face. .

25 When thou hast enough, re-
member the time of hunger : and
when thou art rich, think upon
poverty and need.

26 From the mornino; until the

of the Greek is, that if a man thus makes
timely self-examination, and combines with it
humiliation and repentance, judgment will
not descend upon him.

22. The second clause may refer to the
practice of delaying to perform a vow till just
before death, and then discharging his obliga-
tion, and thereby becoming "justified," that
is, escaping punishment.

In general w. 19-21 are strictly Judaic
and find their parallel in Rabbinic writings.
Thus we read (' Jer. Taan.' iii. 6, p. 9 a) :
" Honour thy physician before thou hast need
of him." In the Midrash it is quoted as a
proverb (Shem. R. 21), and explained to
mean that we are to worship and to entreat
God before we are overtaken by sickness or
adversity (comp. Ecclus. xxxviii. 1). In
another place (Shabb. 32a) we find this:
" Ever let a man seek mercy before he is ill.
For when he becomes sick they say to him :
Shew thy merits, and thou shalt be delivered."
In Sanh. 44 b we read : " Ever let a man pray
before adversity comes." Again in Nedar.
41 a it is said : " The sick does not rise from
his sickness till all his sins are forgiven him;"
and in ' Babh. K.' 46 b, " There is no medica-
ment like the medicine of prayer and of the
Law." Other passages might be quoted from
the tractate ' Berakhoth,' setting forth the
connexion of prayer and humiliation with
the healing of disease. The Syr. renders the
passage somewhat differently, and as it seems
to us, at any rate, paraphrastically.

23. Before thou vowest, prepare thyself.']
That is, we are to consider whether the vow
should be made, and whether we are prepared
to perform it. In the Midrash 'Tanchuma'
(Par. Vayyishlach, ed. Warsh. p. 43 b) this
saying of Ben Sira is quoted as follows:
" Before thou vowest, prepare thy vow lest
thou be [or, that thou be not] as one that
causcth to err." This agrees with the Syr.,
which, however, renders the second clause:
"and be not as a man that tempteth his
lord "—possibly altering the UIX of the
Hebrew original into mx. But from the
quotation in 'Tanchuma' it would rather
seem that neither the one nor the other word
was in the original. The passage is evidently

based on Eccles. v. 4, 5, with which it is
brought into connexion in ' Tanchuma.'

24. The Syr. here paraphrases what the
translator either did not or else would not
understand.

He member [think upon the] wrath in
the days of the end [death ?], and the time
of retribution in the turning away
[or hiding] of the countenance.] Viz.
when God shall turn away or hide His
countenance. This rendering is established
by the use of the similar expressions in LXX.
Deut. xxxi. 18, on which, indeed, the saying
of the Siracide seems founded. Comp. for
the expression also Deut. xxxii. 20 and other
passages. (In general we mark the frequent
reference in Ecclus. to LXX. Deut.) The
verse under consideration has been generally
understood as referring to the time of a
man's death : "the days of the end" = "the
days of death." But in that case we should
have expected the singular, not the plural :
" in the day," as in Ecclus. xi. 26, not " in the
days." Accordingly we would suggest that
the expression refers not to " death," but
represents the Hebrew H^nS : that which
cometh afterwards, the end, in later Heb.
especially the future. Indeed, in LXX. Prov.
xxiv. 14 JVinS is rendered by rikevrf]. Thus
the meaning of the verse would be : remember
the wrath in the days hereafter, in the future,
in the end, and that there will be a time of
tribulation when He turneth away His coun-
tenance. We would farther suggest that the
reference is primarily to the making of vows
by which God is provoked (v. 24), and
secondarily to all sins of rashness. Thus it
would, in the strictest sense, be a paraphrase
of Eccles. v. 6, which should be rendered
(not as in the A. V., nor as in the R. V.,
but) : " Suffer not [cause not] thy mouth to
bring punishment upon thy flesh."

25. Remember the time of hunger
in the time of satiety, (and) poverty
and need in the days of wealth.]
Here also the reference seems primarily to
vows rashly made in a season of prosperity
without bearing in mind the future difficulties
which this may involve. Besides, the verse
may also be intended generally to enjoin the

v. 27-33] ECCLESIASTICUS. XVIII. XIX.

103

/ Prov,
28. 14.

b. c. evening the time is changed, and all
.lrjjoo. tjlm are soon done before the Lord.

27 * A wise man will fear in every
thing, and in the day of sinning he
will beware of offence : but a fool
will not observe time.

28 Every man of understanding
knoweth wisdom, and will give praise
unto him that found her.

29 They that were of understand-
ing in sayings became also wise them-
selves, and poured forth exquisite
parables.

Rom. 6. 20 qQo not after thy lusts, but
refrain thyself from thine appetites.
31 If thou givest thy soul the de-

sires that please her, she will make b. c.
thee a laughingstock to thine enemies C1L!!°'
that malign thee.

32 Take not pleasure in much
good cheer, neither be tied to the
expence thereof.

33 Be not made a beggar by ban-
queting upon borrowing, when thou
hast nothing in thy purse : for thou
shalt lie in wait for thine own life,
and be talked on.

CHAPTER XIX.

2 Wine and women seduce wise men. 7 Say
not all thou hcarest. 1 7 Reprove thy friend
without a?iger. 22 There is no wisdom in
wickedness.

need of timely preparation for the future.
The Rabbis are urgent on the same topic,
chiefly with the view of counselling prepara-
tion in this life for that which is to come:
preparing during the week for the Sabbath ;
providing before setting out for the require-
ments of the journey, &c.

26. By a natural transition the writer passes
to the rapidness of great changes and the con-
sequent need of preparedness.

From morning to evening.] I.e. in
the brief space between these two. For the
expression, comp. Ruth ii. 7 ; Job iv. 20.

the time is changed^] We might almost
incline to regard Kaipos = tempus, in the sense
of " weather," but it gives good sense even if
we retain the ordinary rendering " time."

and all things are rapid before the Lord.~\
As the time quickly flieth — or else as the
weather rapidly changes — from morning to
evening, so all things are in their changeful
occurrence rapid before God.

27. Omit "but a fool will not observe time."

A wise man will be careful [cautious]
in every thing, and in the days of sins — i.e.
in those in which sin abounds — will beware
of offence [transgression].] The Syr. must
here have had another text, since it conveys a
different kind of lesson from the Greek.

28. The Syr. has : " Every wise man has
to teach wisdom, and to render thanks to them
that know her." It must be admitted that
this fits in better with the following verse.

29. They who are of understanding in
sayings — who understand their meaning —
become also wise themselves — probably : also
display their wisdom, and pour forth
exquisite proverbs.] Their wisdom shews
itself in this.

30. This verse is headed in the Greek text
by the words : " Mastery (control) over the
soul." This can scarcely have been in the
original, and probably slipped from the margin
into the text. It is therefore all the more
remarkable that there should be an indication
of this inscription in the Syr. — unless, indeed,
the translator, or a later " hand," had the
Greek before him. The heading itself is not
inapt. In all probability the writer intended
to begin with •v. 30 the exquisite common-
places or proverbs to which reference was
made in v. 29.

but.] Rather, and.

31. If thou ministerest [suppliest] to
thy soul the pleasure [gratification] of
desire [appetite, passion], it will make thee,
<£ft\] Omit the words : " that malign thee."
A man who gives the reins to his desires will
soon become a laughing-stock to his enemies.

32. Delight not in much luxurious-
ness, nor suffer thyself to be bound
to its association.] So literally; the
purport being to warn against being drawn
into association with, or the society of, bons
vivans. 2vfil3o\i], in the LXX. always for
rnin or IVOnO — " Luxuriousness," not
merely in the pleasures of the table, but
including all the wantonness of which this
formed part.

33. banqueting.'] The expression refers to
having a share in joint banquets. Philo (' de
Ebr.,' § 6, ed. Mang. i. p. 360) makes curious
reference to such joint feasts, and in haggadic
manner traces the word o-v/x/3oXoK07reco to a
connexion between o-u/x/3oXai, the contribu-
tions to these feasts^ and kotttco, " I strike,"
" wound," " smite." The last clause in the
A. V. after " thy purse " must be omitted.
The Syr. paraphrases or rather is a Targum
on the verse.

io4

ECCLESIASTICUS. XIX.

[v.

B.C.
cir. 200.

-TTL gi

" Gen. 9.
91. & 19.
32. &C.

* 1 Kings
ii. 1, 4.

LABOURING man that is
given to drunkenness shall not
be rich : and he that contemneth
small things shall fall by little and
little.

2 "Wine and '''women will make
men of understanding to fall away :
and he that cleaveth to harlots will
become impudent.

3 Moths and worms shall have him

to heritage, and a bold man shall be B. c.

° ' cir. 200.

taken away. —

4 'He that is hasty to give credit '"josh. 22.
is lightminded ; ''and he that sinneth "'
shall offend against his own soul. 36.

5 Whoso talceth pleasure in wick-
edness shall be condemned : but he
that resisteth pleasures crowneth his
life.

6 He that can rule his

tongue

CHAPTER XIX.

From what seems a confusion in the text of
w. 3-5, it is not easy to arrange the chapter.
But its general subject seems an admonition
to carefulness : first in reference to sinful in-
dulgence {yv. 1-3 of A. V.); secondly, in
regard to what we listen to, and say (wv. 4-12
of A. V.), and what we credit (yv. 13-17).
Then follows a caution as regards true and
false wisdom, and what hypocritically assumes
the appearance of wisdom {yv. 20-28); the
last two verses forming a general conclusion
(yv. 29, 30).

1. This verse connects itself with the close
of the previous chapter.

and he that despiseth the few things
— either he who is not careful over the few
things which he hath, or else he who freely
spends what in itself seems little, small sums
— shall speedily [soon] fall, in the sense
of being ruined. The Syr. has: "he that
loveth flesh shall inherit poverty." It is diffi-
cult to account for this: the Greek seems
more congruous with the first clause of v. 1 ;
the Syr. with i\ 2.

2. fall away.'] Viz. from God : " will
become impudent;" rather, will be more
reckless (daring, audacious), viz. than those
referred to in the first clause.

3. moths.] In the wider sense of insects
of that kind (maggots).

and a reckless soul shall be de-
stroyed.] Several considerations seem to
suggest corruption in the text. Thus the
description of him that cleaveth to harlots as
more reckless seems strange, while the second
clause of i<. 3 is not only needless, but
weakens the first clause. Accordingly it has
been suggested that the words "will be
more reckless " (roK^portpos) have some-
how intruded from the second clause of v. 3
($vXt) Tokfxrjpa), and that the verse should
read : " he that cleaveth to harlots, moths and
worms shall have him to heritage." This
would be parallel to such passages as Prov. v.
5; vii. 26, 27; ix. 18. But in that case it
would also seem necessary to strike out the

second clause of v. 3, as now doubly incon-
gruous. That clause may originally have been
a marginal gloss, which somehow crept into
the text, and then in turn gave rise to the
intrusion of roXfxrjporepos i'o-Tai in v. 2. The
alterations thus made may seem extensive,
but they are in accordance with the Syr.,
which has : " and he that cleaveth to whoredom
shall perish."

4. The writer now passes to an entirely
different subject, which is connected with the
verses following.

He that hastily [quickly] trusteth
[giveth credence] — who is hasty to give trust
and credence— is of a light mind.] The
next clause presents difficulties. Its literal
translation would be: and he that sin-
neth against his soul shall offend,
or else be guilty. This, rather than the
somewhat unnatural arrangement of the
words adopted in the A. V. and by Fritzsche.
But in any case it is difficult to see the
connexion between this and the first clause
of the verse. As in the LXX. the expression
" against his own soul " is rendered by eis-
ttjv tavTov y\rvxr]v (LXX. Prov. xx. 2 ; comp.
viii. 36) and not i^-vx^v airov, we might be
inclined to suppose that the Son of Sirach
had meant that one who sinned against the
soul of another (not " his own ") by lightly
crediting a report was guilty of offence. But
in the Book of Sirach \^u^/) avrov is also
used for " his own soul." We would there-
fore suggest that the whole of this difficult
clause was not in the original, but has some-
how crept into the Greek text. And we
are confirmed in this view by the circum-
stance that the Syr. substitutes for it : " he
that condemneth himself, who shall justify
him ? " — which is an interpolation from x. 29,
and is omitted in the Arabic Version.

5, 6. We notice, first, that clause 2 of v. 5
and clause 1 of v. 6 must be omitted. But
even so the Greek text is evidently corrupt.
Although generally unwilling to adopt ex-
tensive emendations, yet those proposed by
Drusius are so reasonable and give such a
good meaning that we accept them, although

v. 7 — io-]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XIX.

io5

B. C.
cir. 200.

' ch. 41.

II Or,

of friend

orfoe.

shall live without strife ; and he
that hateth babbling shall have less
evil.

7 ''Rehearse not unto another that
which is told unto thee, and thou
shalt fare never the worse.

8 Whether it be "to friend or foe,
talk not of other men's lives ; and if

thou canst without offence, reveal
them not.

9 For he heard and observed thee,
and when time cometh he will ;1 hate
thee.

10 If thou hast heard a word, let
it die with thee j and be bold, it will
not burst thee.

B.C.

cir. 200.

II Or, sluiu
his /tat red.

they involve some difficulties. The present
text runs : 6 ev(j)paiv6p.evos KapSta Karayva>-
o-di'iaeTai — "he that rejoiceth in heart" [is
of joyous heart (?)] " shall be condemned ; "
ical 6 purcov Xakiav eXctTTovovTcii Kaiciq — " and
he that hateth babbling shall have less evil."
Even Fritzsche admits that nothing can be
made of Kap8ia in the first clause. It is
therefore easiest to suppose with Drusius
that the KapSiq of the first clause, and the
KciKLq of the second, have been misplaced and
must be interchanged. This gives a very
good sense for the first clause: "He that
taketh pleasure in evil shall be condemned,"
i.e. he whose delight it is to hear and spread
evil. In the second clause a further emen-
dation is required. Drusius supposes that
the Hebrew text had r\W, "he that repeateth
a thing," lit. a word, and that the translator
misread it W, "he that hateth," and ac-
cordingly rendered " he that hateth babbling "
(~Q"I). That the original had " he that re-
peateth " is confirmed by the Syr., which has
the same word. The difficulties unsolved
are the substitution of the X for the H, and
that in i>. 7 what at first sight seem to have

been the same Hebrew words (i"l3B>FI ?X
~Q"I) are correctlv rendered in the Greek :

T T J *

fir)8eTTOT€ 8evTepa>(TT]s \6yov (but see v. 7).
Still the suggestion of Drusius offers the only
satisfactory emendation of the verse. We
have little doubt that the same inattention or
ignorance which appears in the rendering " he
that hateth babbling," also led to the strange

error of literally translating 27 ">pn by

iXciTTovovrai KapStq. Thus corrected, the
second clause in the Hebrew may have read

as follows: 2?"lDn (1212;) "I2"7 T\yff\ :

••"-: tt: t t • - *

and the whole verse {yv. 5, 6 in A. V.) would
have to be thus rendered : He that taketh
pleasure in evil shall be condemned;
and he that repeateth a matter is
wanting in understanding.

7. Never repeat a speech [a word],
and thou sbalt fare never the ivorse.] Thus
in the Greek. In the Syriac the last clause
reads : " and no one shall revile thee." The
Greek evidently took the root to be "IDII,
while the Syr. derived the word from IDIl in

the Piel, " to revile." Which of these was
correct ? We incline to the Syr., which
would be a virtual adaptation of Prov. xxv.
9 b, iort. If we were conjecturally to re-
construct it according to that passage, the
Hebrew of v. 7 may have differed from that
in v. 6 (see above), and perhaps have run as

follows: vhx ^boh? a6\?] ■Q'j bjrrta,

" reveal not a matter [we prefer giving "DT
the wider meaning of " matter," rather than
" word " or " speech "J lest man revile thee ; "

or if K?1, "and no one shall revile thee."
But perhaps the construction may have been
somewhat different.

8. Our conjecture of the derivation of v. 7
from Prov. xxv. gb, ion, is strengthened by
v. 8, which would be an enlargement of the

advice in Prov. — in fact, we have the 73H ?X
in the pi) atroKcikviTTe at the close of the
verse. The Syr. has here something quite
different —whether by way of "targum" or
otherwise, it is impossible to say. But we
cannot suppose that it gives a correct repre-
sentation of the Hebrew text, if only because
it dees not in any wise fit into the context.
The Greek text runs: Eelate not [viz. a
speech, or any matter] whether to friend
or to foe [an enlargement on Prov. xxv. 9],
and, unless sin [fault, blame] attach to
thee, reveal (it) not, i.e. either in the
sense that blame or guilt would be imputed
or else that it would really accrue, in which
cases it would be duty to disclose a matter.

9. The Syr. has : " lest he that heareth thee
hateth thee, and regard thee as an harmful
person." This seems a closer paraphrase
of Prov. xxv. 10 than the Greek text. But
the whole section to the end of v. 12 bears
evident reference to that passage. The
verse reads: For he heareth thee, and
is on his guard against thee; and on
occasion [when occasion arises] he will
hate thee; he will not only feel, but shew
hatred. Groti us aptly : occasione exact a odium
tui monstrabit.

10. Hast thou heard a thing1? [lit.
"a word," but Xuyov here = "121]. Let it die
with thee. Take courage! [cheer up.] It
will not burst thee.'] For this latter the Syr.
uses another illustrative figure.

io6

ECCLESIASTICUS. XIX.

[v. II — 20.

Matt. 18.
IS-

. 1!- c. 1 1 A fool travailcth with a word,

cir. 200. '

— ' as a woman in labour of a child.

12 As an arrow that sticketh in a
man's thigh, so is a word within a
12k fool's ' belly.

/"Lev. 19. 13 -^Admonish a friend, it may be
he hath not done it : and if he have
done it, that he do it no more.

14 "Admonish thv friend, it may
be he hath not said it : and if he
have, that he speak it not again.

15 Admonish a friend : for many
times it is a slander, and believe not
every tale.

16 There is one that slippeth in
■willingly, his speech, but not 'from his heart ;

and who is he that hath not offended B- c.

•1 1 • „ . 3 cir. 200.

with his -^tongue r —

17 "Admonish thy neighbour be- f &"2I54'8-
fore thou threaten him; and not James3. 2.
being angry, give place to the law of Jg^.
the most High.

18 AThe fear of the Lord is theAPr°v.
first step "to be accepted [of him,] ch74o. 26.
and wisdom obtaineth his love. » Or, of

19 The knowledge of the com- Z'/u/"'*
mandments of the Lord is the doc-
trine of life : and they that do things

that please him shall * receive the »' Rev. 2. 7.
fruit of the tree of immortality. & 22- 2' I4

20 The fear of the Lord is all
wisdom : and in all wisdom is the

11, 12. Two apt illustrations follow. " A
fool will travail over [by reason of] a

matter \_d7r0 7rpoo"w7rou \uyov = ~QT ^S?^]
as over an infant she that giveth
birth. An arrow stuck in the fleshy
thigh, so (is) a matter [lit. "word," as
above] in the inside of a fool." In the
Heb. (after the analogy of Ps. xl. 9) probably

bap *JJ» Spri2: this, rather than 1$2, since

27 is never rendered in the LXX. by Koikla ;
or it may have been, though less probably,
27)£3. The Syr. : " the thigh of a man."

13. The writer proceeds a step further.
From warning against telling a thing, he goes
on to caution against crediting a matter or
else allowing it a permanent influence.

Cross-question a friend.] More than
merely "question," and not exactly "ad-
monish," = the German zurecbt-zueisen, pro-
bably somewhat stronger than Fritzsche's
£?<r Rede stellen: frequently in the LXX.=
ITrsin. The Syr. adds: "that he may not
do evil." This would require in the Greek
77-01)7077, instead of the iirolrjcre of the text.

and if he did something.] I.e. if he did
any part, although perhaps not the whole of
what is imputed to him, &c.

14. Cross-question [perhaps: "expos-
tulate with "—and so in the following verses]
a friend, perhaps he did not say
(it) [the Syr. makes here an alteration in the
verb similar to that in v. 13] ; and if be has
said (it), that be may not repeat (it)
[say it again].] Fritzsche supposes that the
subject of the admonition, alike in vv. 13
and 14, is "a friend," and that the difference
lies in this, that in the one case his deed, in
the other his speech, is the object of expostu-
lation. Fritzsche reads with C, Sin., some

MSS., the Syr., and Vet. Lat, "the neigh-
bour " instead of " a friend." In that case
the distinction seems to extend also to the
persons — in the one case, a friend; and the
admonition would be, that we should speak
to a friend about what he is supposed to
have done, and to a neighbour about what he
is reported to have said.

15. Admonish.'] Rather, cross-question;
see v. 13.

16. There is that slippeth [omit "in
his speech"]; but not from his soul.] The
reference here seems not to sins of speech
(Fritzsche), but to slips in outward conduct,
which do not always proceed from inward
badness, so that we must not in all cases
judge the one from the other.

and <who sinned not <witb his tongue?]
Sins of deed do not necessarily imply a bad
heart, and every one is guilty of sins of speech.
Syr. : " For there is that sinneth but not from
the heart, and there is that stumbleth but
not with the tongue."

17. Omit in the second clause the words
" not being angry."

Admonish [rather, cross-question] before
thou threaten, and give place to the laiv of
the most High.] Fritzsche understands this
to mean that in doing as directed in the first
clause we shall obey the law of God, as in
Lev. xix. 17. But the phrase means, as in
Rom. xii. 19, Eph. iv. 27, "to give free scope
to a thing." Here : expostulate first, and,
if needful, reprove and threaten ; but beyond
this allow the Law of God to take its course,
give free course to it. Thus Rom. xii. 19
would really be a reference to this passage.
The Syr. is here quite different.

18. 19. These verses must be omitted.
20. All wisdom is fear of the Lord;

V. 21-

7-]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XIX.

107

B.C.

cir. 200.

* Matt. si.
29.

performance of the law, and the
knowledge of his omnipotency.

21 *If a servant say to his master,
I will not do as it pleaseth thee ;
though afterward he do it, he anger-
eth him that nourisheth him.

22 The knowledge of wickedness
is not wisdom, neither at any time
the counsel of sinners prudence.

23 There is a wickedness, and the
same an abomination ; and there is a
fool wanting- in wisdom.

24 He that hath small understand-

ing, and feareth God, is better than b. c.
one that hath much wisdom, and ar^°'
transgresseth the law of the most
High.

25 There is an exquisite subtilty,
and the same is unjust ; and there is
one that turneth aside to make judg-
ment appear ; and there is a wise
man that "justifieth in judgment. 11 Or,

26 There is a wicked man that"'* get
hangeth down his head " sadly ; but 0 Or,
inwardly he is full of deceit,

27 Casting down his countenance,

in black.

and in all wisdom (there) is doing [ful-
filling, observance] of the Law.'] The words
that follow in the A. V. must be omitted.
The writer naturally passes from reference
to the Law of God to true wisdom, which is
its fulfilment. As regards the expression
"doing of the Law," we again mark a
similar use in St. James i. 25 (comp. v. 22),
and the parallelism extends beyond the
wording to the reasoning. But in the form
in which the saying appears in Ecclus. it is
so Alexandrian that we instinctively turn to
the Syr. This has : " The words of prophecy
and all wisdom is the fear of the Lord [re-
ligion ?], and the fear of God is wisdom." If
we could accept this as representing or
approximating to the true text, it would,
first, imply a desire to combine the prophetic
and the " Wisdom "-books of the Old Testa-
ment as constituting the substance of true
religion ; and thus, secondly, represent the
via media in the combination of a moderate
Hellenism with Palestinianism, before their
separation and later antagonism ; in short,
what we consider to have been the peculiar
theological standpoint of which the Book of
Sirach is the expression. It is scarcely neces-
sary to add that if we adopt the Syriac text,
the Greek rendering must be regarded as
an Alexandrian adaptation by the younger
Siracide.

21. This verse must be omitted.

22. And wisdom is not knowledge
of wickedness, nor is, where the counsel
of sinners (is), prudence.] Or else, " there is
no case where the counsel of sinners is pru-
dence." Fritzsche omits Sttov with the Alex. :
" nor is the counsel of sinners prudence."
The verse seems aptly to follow the reasoning
of v. 20. The Syr. gives the sentiment in
a concrete form : " He is not wise who is
wicked," &c.

23. As the first clause yields no proper
meaning, Fritzsche proposes to substitute for
TrovrjpLa, " wickedness," iravovpyia, " clever-

ness," as in t\ 25 — supposing that novqpla
had crept in from the preceding verse. But
there is little MS. support for this emenda-
tion. Besides, even if we were so to correct
the first clause of the verse, a similar want
of meaning exists in the second clause. On
the other hand, it has been well suggested
that a comparison with the Syr. shews that
the word irovrjpia, " wickedness," in the first
clause, has been interchanged with o-cxpia,
" wisdom," in the second clause. Thus cor-
rected, the text reads: "There is a wisdom
and it is an abomination, and there is a
silly person who is without [free from]
wickedness." With this the following
verse agrees.

24. Better one inferior in under-
standing who feareth (the Lord) than
one who excelleth [aboundeth] in cle-
verness and transgresseth the Law.]
The Syr. is only a virtual repetition of the
previous verse.

25. There is an exact [accurate, precise]
prudence [subtilty], and it is unjust.]
The outcome of this precise subtilty is not
truth nor justice, but unrighteousness and
injustice.

and there is that turneth aside (judg-
ment) for the sake of making it ap-
pear judgment.] I.e. he not only makes
his turning aside of judgment appear as if it
were true judgment, but he is so subtle as
to give to that which is really a turning aside
of judgment the appearance of having been
done for the sake of shewing forth judgment
and vindicating the right. The clause is
confessedly very difficult. We supply Kpipa
after t)tao-Tpe(pa>v ; the same expression occurs
in LXX. Ex. xxiii. 6 for DBIPO HUn.

t : * t *

26. The transition is natural from the
clever deceiver to the clever impostor.
"There is that is wicked who is bowed
down with sadness, and . . ."

27. He boweth down the face and

io8

ECCLESIASTICUS. XIX. XX.

[V. 23-:

B.C.

cir. 200.

' ch. 21.
20.

and making as if he heard not :
where he is not known, he will do
thee a mischief before thou be aware.

28 And if for want of power he be
hindered from sinning, yet when he
findeth opportunity he will do evil.

29 A man may be known by his
look, and one that hath understand-
ing by his countenance, when thou
meetest him.

30 A man's attire, and l excessive
laughter, and gait, shew what he is.

CHAPTER XX.

I Of silence and speaking. 10 Of gifts and
gain. 18 Of slipping by the tongue. 24 Of
lying. 27 Of divers advertisements.

THERE is a reproof that is not B.C.
11 . . cir. 200.

"comely: again, some man —

holdeth his tongue, and he is wise. leason-

2 It is much better to reprove, able-
than to be angry secretly: "and he " Pro v.
that confesseth his fault shall be 2 ' I3'
preserved from hurt.

3 How good is it, when thou art
reproved, to shew repentance ! for
so shalt thou escape wilful sin.

4 As is the lust of an '''eunuch to b ch. 30.
deflower a virgin ; so is he that exe- 2<
cuteth judgment with violence.

5 There is one that keepeth silence,
and is found wise : and another by
much babbling becometh hateful.

is deaf with one ear; when he is not
observed [perceived], he will antici-
pate [surprise, prevent] thee.] The A. V.
correctly gives the meaning of the writer.

29. By bis look [i.e. by what is seen of
him, as it were the impression made by his
appearance — •"'XID] shall a man be
known, and one that bath understanding
shall be known — occursu faciei — by the
meeting of countenance.] I.e. by the
manner in which his countenance is met, the
expression it wears.

30. The Talmud also gives rules in regard
to appearance and demeanour by which a man
may be known. Two of those here men-
tioned— dress and gait — are referred to in
Ber. 43 b. Comp. also the three things in
which it is said that a man shews what is in
him: in his cups, in his purse, and in his
anger, to which is added as a fourth — in his
merriment (Erubh. 65 b).

CHAPTER XX.

From the long parenthesis in chap. xix.
20-30 the writer returns to the topic of
chap. xix. 13-17. The main subject discussed
in chap. xx. seems to be that of speech. The
various points in the reasoning are somewhat
loosely connected— rather linked together
than of one piece. But this is characteristic
of the whole book. In the first eight verses
the advantages and disadvantages of silence
and speech are discussed; the moral being
that it is impossible to lay down any absolute
rule, and that sometimes what seems the
worse is the better and more desirable, and
vice vend. This leads the writer into a
series of other illustrations, -w. 9-13. With
y. 1 4 the writer returns to his subject, treat-
ing of the silly man in his talk (yv. 14-17),
of the unpleasant man in his conversation
(vv. 18-20), of rashness, especially in speech

(w. 21-23), of false speaking (yv. 24-26),
and lastly, of the bearing of the wise, whether
as regards speech, silence, or conduct.

1. There is an expostulation [arguing,
t'XeyXos] which is not seasonable.]
'Qpalos bears the twofold sense of our word
" seasonable," — timely and seemly. As pre-
viously indicated, there is not an exact English
equivalent for eXey^oj : it is not precisely
admonition nor yet reproof, but that arguing
which may imply either, or both, or on the
other hand may fall short of them. The
second clause is, if not quite literally, yet so
forcibly rendered in the A. V. and so fully
expresses the meaning of the writer that it
had best be adopted, although for " again,
some man " it will be better to substitute
"and there is."

2. How mucb better to expostulate
tban to cherish anger.] Omit " his fault."

hurt.] Rather, damage. The Syr. has
here something quite different.

Omit v. 3 in A. V.

4. We should be disposed to regard this
as an interpolation, since, at first sight at
least, it does not seem to fit into the context,
but it occurs also in the Syr. If, however,
we regard itouiv Kpt/iara not as meaning to
execute judgment, but, like D'tpstPO nb'J?,
in the Heb. and in the LXX., as occasionally
meaning "to do judgments," in the sense of
doing what is righteous, it would yield a
good sense: "so he that doeth judg-
ments (but) in [by] violence." The
point of comparison in the coarse illustration
of clause 1 would then be the incongruity
and impossibility of the attempt in both cases.
If this be the correct view, -v. 4 may be con-
nected with the first clause of i\ 2.

5. There is that keepeth silence who is
found tvise, and there is that is odious

v. 6— 1 5.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XX.

109

B.C.
cir. 200.

c Eccles.
3-7-

6 Some man holdeth his tongue,
because he hath not to answer : and
some keepeth silence, ^knowing his
time.

7 A wise man will hold his d tongue
till he see opportunity : but a babbler
and a fool will regard no time.

8 He that useth many words shall
be abhorred ; and he that taketh to
himself authority therein shall be
hated.

9 There is a sinner that hath good
success in evil things ; and there is a
gain that turneth to loss.

10 There is a gift that shall not
profit thee ; and there is a gift whose
recompence is double.

1 1 There is an abasement because
of glory ; and there is that lifteth up
his head, from a low estate.

12 There is that buyeth much for
a little, and repayeth it sevenfold.

13 eA wise man by his words
maketh himself beloved : but the
11 graces of fools shall be 'poured out.

14 The gift of a fool shall do thee
no good when thou hast it ; neither
yet of the envious for his necessity :
"for he looketh to receive many
things for one.

15 He giveth little, and ^upbraid-
eth much ; he openeth his mouth
like a crier ; to day he lendeth, and
to morrow will he ask it again : such

B.C.

cir. 200.

' ch. 6. 5.

I Or,

pleasant
conceits.

II Or, lost,
or, spilt.

II Gr. for
his eyes
arc many

for one to
receive.

f ch. 41.
22.

on account of [through] much talk.]
" Found," probably N^'P?, and used in the
same wide sense as = turn out, appear, be.

6. There is that is silent, because he
hath not a reply; and there is that is
silent, knowing the proper time [the
opportunity, nj?j.] There is the silence of
the foolish — because he has nothing to say ;
and there is the silence of the wise, who
waiteth for the proper time and opportunity
for speaking.

7. A wise man will he silent till the
proper time, but a hoaster and a fool
will pass beyond the opportunity.]

The one because he deems himself inde-
pendent of opportunity, the other because he
does not discern it.

8. and he that assumeth authority^]
That is, he who speaks in an authoritative
manner, as if every one must listen and obey.

9. There is prosperity in adversity
[lit. '•evils"" to a man [that is, as we
understand it, what appears to be adverse
may turn out for good], and there is a gain
unto loss.

10. " Recompence " = return, 7-1D3 ;

"double," rather twofold. The Rabbis
speak of certain good deeds, the fruit or
interest of which is enjoyed in this world,
while the capital itself still remaineth for the
next world (Peah, i. 1; Shabb. 127 a; QJdd.
39 b, 40 a). But here it probably refers to
the return which men make to us for our
benefits. The Syr. of w. 10 b and 11 is
quite different.

11. There is loss [damage] on account
of glory.] That is, a man may sustain loss
or damage by reason of the glory which he
either seeks after or attains unto.

from a low estate.'] Out of a low estate,
out of humiliation. The expression " there
is " = there may be. The attainment of high
estate may entail real loss, while sinking to a
humble condition may issue in real exaltation.
In all these matters outward or temporary
appearance must not deceive us.

12. In the end it will cost him seven times
the amount : " repayeth," D?t?\

13. The wise man by his speech . . . but
the amenities of fools shall be poured out.]
That is, all the speeches and the like in
which fools do their best to make themselves
pleasant shall be like water, or some other
fluid, that shall be poured away.

14. The middle clauses in A. V. must be
omitted.

The gift of one [who is] senseless [silly,

foolish — bw, or else ^DD] shall not
profit thee, for in his view [opinion, lit.
his eves — in the Heb. VJ^B, "in his eyes,''
or it 'may have been W '"3 = WJD] in-
stead of one many.] I.e. he considers
one thing as if they were many : not neces-
sarily with a view to the return which he
expects, but it is characteristic of certain
persons that they look upon every little thing
that they have or bestow as if it were an
immense quantity, and so indefinitely multiply-
in their own minds any favour or benefit.
This view is confirmed by the following
verse. [We would here call attention to the
Syr. and the Vet. Lat., both for their addi-
tions and the remarkable agreement between
them, as specially noticed in the General
Introduction, § VIII., when treating of the
Vet. Lat.]

15. Omit the closing words " of God and

man."

ECCLESIASTICUS. XX.

[v. 1 6 — 24.

B. c. an one is to be hated of God and

cir. 200.

— man.

16 The fool saith, I have no friends,
I have no thank for all my good
deeds, and they that eat my bread
speak evil of me.

17 How oft, and of how many
shall he be laughed to scorn ! for he
knoweth not aright what it is to
have j and it is all one unto him as if
he had it not.

18 To slip upon a pavement is
better than to slip with the tongue :
so the fall of the wicked shall come

1 or, speedily.

Anun- in 'An unseasonable tale will

pleasant 1 1 • 1 1 r 1

/Menu., always be in the mouth or the unwise.

20 A wise sentence shall be re- b. c.
jected when it cometh out of a fool's -L-!?°
mouth ; for he will not speak it in
due season.

21 There is that is hindered from
sinning through want : and when he
taketh rest, he "shall not be troubled. ^Gr. shall

22 ^There is that destroyeth his pricked.
own soul through bashfulness, and e ch. 42. 1.
by accepting of persons overthroweth
himself.

23 There is that for bashfulness
promiseth to his friend, and maketh
him his enemy for nothing.

24 hA lie is a foul blot in a man, h ch- 2s- z
yet it is continually in the mouth of
the untaught.

16. speak et'il of me.'] We should prefer
rendering: are paltry [sorry] of tongue.
<Pav\os gives the idea of meanness rather than
evil, and this suits the context very well, since
a silly, boastful person who had an over-
weening opinion of himself would not com-
plain that those who receive his benefits — eat
his bread — speak evil of him, but that they do
not make enough of him or of his good
deeds, give him not sufficient public praise,
are mean and sorry of speech.

17. Omit all after " laughed to scorn."

18. The subject of w. 5 and following is
now resumed, although tongue and speech
have throughout been in the mind of the
writer.

A slip [Slipping] on [because of, on
account of] the ground rather than by
[in] the tongue; so the fall of the wicked
shall come speedily [quickly].] The idea seems
to be: A slip on the ground brings a person
to a sudden fall ; but a slip as regards speech
is far worse : he who committeth sins of
speech may look for a sudden fall, far worse
in every sense than the sudden downfall of a
person who slips while he walks. The Syr.
is quite different.

19. An ungracious man [is like] un-
seasonable talk [speech, saying]: in
the mouth of the uncultured it will
be continuous.] Viz. as unseasonable —
not necessarily foolish or wrong — talk is con-
tinuous in the mouth of uncultured persons,
so is an ungracious personage : even when in
the right he is always mal a propos. This is
followed out in the next verse.

20. A parable from the mouth of a
fool shall be rejected [not necessarily
because it is silly or false, but from this

cause] , for he speaketh it not in its sea-
son.] It is spoken unseasonably : so an
ungracious person is always unseasonable in
what he says and does, even if in itself it
were right, and like an unseasonable saying
he is rejected.

21. Silence from want of having anything
proper to say may be preferable to unseason-
able speech. This is illustrated by an
analogous case.

There is that is hindered from sinning through
<want.~\ Lack of means prevents his sinning
— just as a man may be silent because he has
not anything to say. But what of that ? So
far from being a real disadvantage: and in
his repose he shall not feel remorse.
Once more the Syr. is, for one reason or
another, not of any help to us.

22. On the other hand, there is false and
wrong silence: "there is that through bash-
fulness destroyeth himself" (lit. his

soul, 1K'D3) = he is ashamed or afraid to speak
out and ruins himself by such silence — "and
through a silly face overthroweth
himself." The Syr. has "by covering his
face." This may be merely a Targum of
the Hebrew, just as the Greek was probably
a paraphrase of it — or there may have been a
confusion of the roots HD3, " to cover," and

^D3, " to be foolish."

- T J

23. Similarly bashfulness may lead a person
by his silence to give the impression of having
made a promise to a friend, and thereby turn
him into an enemy "for nothing " — when there
is really no cause for it.

24. in the mouth of the uncultured
it will be continuous.] They will always
tell and do lies.

V. 25—2.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XX. XXI.

1 1 1

B.C.
cir. 200.

I Or,
ignominy,

25 A thief is better than a man
that is accustomed to lie : but they
both shall have destruction to heri-

tase-

26 The disposition of a liar is 'dis-
honourable, and his shame is ever
with him.

27 A wise man shall promote him-
self to honour with his words : and he
that hath understanding will please
great men.

28 'He that tilleth his land shall
increase his heap : and he that pleas-
eth great men shall get pardon for
iniquity.

29 ^Presents and gifts blind the
Or, as a eyes of the wise, and "stop up his

nuzzle z« J , , ,

he mouth, mouth that he cannot reprove.

Prov.
2. 11.

'i 28. 19.

Exod.
3.8.

)eut. 16.
9-

30 Wisdom that is hid, and trea- B. c.
sure that is hoarded up, what profit c"jjf°'
is in them both ?

31 l Better is he that hideth his'_ch-4i-
folly than a man that hideth his
wisdom.

32 Necessary patience in seeking
the Lord is better than he that lead-
eth his life without a guide.

CHAPTER XXI.

2 Flee from sin as from a serpent. 4 His
oppression will undo the rich. 9 The end of
the unjust shall be nought. 12 The difference
between the fool and the wise.

MY son, hast thou sinned ? do
so no more, but "ask pardon "Ps. 41. 4.
for thy former sins. 2I" e I5"

2 Flee from sin as from the face

26. The Syr. has instead of what is ren-
dered " disposition " the word " end." It
has been suggested that the Heb. had JVV1X,
" the end," " what cometh after," and that the
Greek misread it fl'llTlS, "the paths;" in
which case the Greek would have to be
corrected: "The end of a liar is dishonour,
and his shame is continuous with him." But
it must be admitted that the Greek gives also
a good sense and that it suits the context,
while, on the other hand, the second clause
in the Syr. shews that the rendering of the
verse was paraphrastic, in which case we can
understand the use of the word " end " for
" paths," mode of life.

27. From sin and folly in speech, with
their consequences, the writer again turns to
wisdom in speech. The Vatican text has
here again an inscription : " Sayings of
Parables," or rather " Parabolic " or " Pro-
verbial sayings." This has evidently crept
into the text from the margin. It seems
probable that these inscriptions represent an
early attempt to arrange the somewhat loosely
connected reasoning, especially in some parts,
of this book under definite headings. " Shall
promote himself" = make himself promoted.

and a prudent man will please the
great [Bissell].] The morality of the senti-
ment is not very elevated. The Syr. is
doubtful and at best paraphrastic.

28. and he that pleasetb the great shall
atone for unrighteousness.] The point
of comparison is successful labour : as regards
the soil (comp. Prov. xii. 11) and as regards
" the great " — in both cases it is not easy, but
in both it will certainly yield a good return.
The Syr. is quite different.

29. Presents [to guests — xenia, in Lat. as
in Gr.] and gifts blind the eyes of the ivise
[all but the first word is a quotation from
LXX. Deut. xvi. 19]; and, as a muzzle
on the mouth, they turn away re-
proofs [Bissell].

30, 31. These verses occur again in xli. 14,
15. They may have been common sayings;
but their repetition in the one or the other
place is probably due to a marginal reference.

that is boarded?^ Rather, that is not
seen, or, that does not appear. Ineither
case, to be of use they must be brought forth.

he.~] Lit. a man.

32. This verse in A. V. must be omitted.

CHAPTER XXI.

The writer returns in -v. 1 to xix. 1 3 £.
But it is difficult to perceive any orderly
arrangement in this chapter, which is even
more loosely strung together than others.
It was perhaps on this ground that the mar-
ginal heading (see xx. 27) "Parabolic" or
" Proverbial sayings " was chosen. We can,
however, mark the antithetic description of
the sinner and the righteous, and, side by
side with it, of the wise and the fool. The
best arrangement seems to be that of grouping
the chapter into triplets of verses (t\ 28 form-
ing a general conclusion), in which case a
progression of thought may be marked.

1. Comp. xix. 13^. "Thy former:" viz.
sins or else doings. Lit. entreat for thy
former ones.

2. " As from the face of" = as from before,
L'TU \3BQ3. The danger of sin is illustrated
by three figures: the serpent in its stealthy

112

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXI.

[v. 3-8.

B. C.

cir. 200.

* Exod.

3-9-

& 22. 23.

Ps. 34. 6.

of a serpent: for if thou comest too
near it, it will bite thee : the teeth
thereof are as the teeth of a lion,
slaying the souls of men.

3 All iniquity is as a two edged
sword, the wounds whereof cannot
be healed.

4 To terrify and do wrong will
waste riches : thus the house of proud
men shall be made desolate.

5 *A prayer out of a poor man's

mouth reacheth to the ears of God, B.C.
and his judgment cometh speedily. cin^oo.

6 ''He that hateth to be reproved c Prov.
is in the way of sinners : but he that ^'^ IO-
feareth the Lord will "repent from his 11 Gr. be
heart. ""H

7 An eloquent man is known far
and near ; but a man of understand-
ing knoweth when he slippeth.

8 rfHe that buildeth his house d Jer- 22.
with other men's money is like one '

and unobserved approach ; the lion with his
destructive teeth ; and the two-edged sword
with its incurable wounds.

too near.] Rather, near.
slaying.'] Perhaps a somewhat too strong
expression.

souh.~\ Here in the sense of the Heb. CS3,
and not in that which in English commonly
attaches to the word. The Syr. text is
corrupt.

3. Every transgression (is) as a two-
edged savord : for the wound thereof
there is not healing.

4. Second triplet. Terrifying and vio-
lence— the one perhaps referring to words,
the other to deeds, or else : violence and
outrage.

so the house of the proud shall be
made desolate.] "The proud" are the Heb.
D»K1, in the O. T. sense of " proud," which
implies ungodliness. In fact, the clause is a
reproduction of Prov. xv. 25, although the
LXX. there renders D»K| JV3 by o'Uovs

5. The prayer ofthepoor (reacheth) from
the mouth [viz. of the petitioner] to his
ears [viz. those of the proud].] The A. V.
and some interpreters refer the " his " to God,
and would have us translate : " The prayer out
of the mouth of a poor man reacheth to His
ears," viz. those of God. But, first, " out of
the mouth of the poor " would have been e<
(TTOfxaros TrTa>x°v 'i secondlv, pravers that
reach not " to " but " into " the ears of God
are in the LXX. not rendered by «W, which
cannot mean " to " in the sense of " into," but
'•up to," the loci terminus ad quern. The
LXX. in such cases uses els, as in LXX. Ps.
xvn. 7, ds tu cora ai/Tov, or else the writer
would have chosen such an expression as in
Ps. xxxiv. 15 (LXX. Ps. xxxiii. 16), with which
his thought would have been strictly parallel.
Lastly, the avrov, " his," of v. 5 most natu-
rally refers to "the proud" mentioned in
v. 4. So also Grotius, Fritzsche, and Bret-
schneider. Accordingly the judgment spoken

of in the second clause of v. 5 must be re-
garded as that of " the proud," unto but not
into whose ears the prayer of the poor reacheth.
The most curious attempt at interpretation is
that of the Aethiop. : " When the poor man
asketh, he gapes as far as his ears." [Here
and in other references to the Aethiop. :
Margoliouth.]

6. He that hateth reproof (is) in the
track [in the wake] of the sinner.] Which
perhaps is not the same as " he walketh in the
way of the sinner" = in a sinful way, but
rather that he walks in the footsteps, the track,
which sinners who also refuse reproof have left.

reproof?] e'Xey/xos, " expostulation," "moral
argument." The first clause of the verse
evidently refers back to xix. 13-17, and the
second clause to xix. 20.

but he that feareth the Lord ivill repent
[turneth] in heart.] The same verb is
frequently used in the N. T. to indicate
conversion.

7. Third triplet. Known from afar is
he that is mighty in tongue, and [not
"but"] his slips [or "errors"] will not
escape the man of understanding.]
Generally, the " mighty in tongue " is sup-
posed to mean an eloquent man who is known
from afar,— as Fritzsche explains, easily. But
ficiKpodei/ is not used in that sense, nor is it
easy to perceive either the meaning of an
eloquent man being known from afar or the
fitness of introducing him in that connec-
tion. As the whole triplet is condemnatory
in its character, we regard the expression
" mighty in tongue " as used in an ironical or
rather an evil sense, and as referring to " the
tongue that speaketh great things," Ps. xii. 4.
In fact, " the mighty in tongue " are the same
as those in Ps. xii. 5, "who say, With our
tongues we will prevail" — the dwaros iv

ykuxTo-r) is the |i^3 "V3JE> (this rather than

the 7 of Ps. xii. 5 — see Delitzschav/ loc), 1133
being in the LXX. commonly rendered by
ovvaros.

8. The last words in the second clause are

•]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXL

I:3

B.C. that gathereth himself stones for the
cirjaoo. tomk Qf ^jg burjal#

ch. 16. 6. 9 e The congregation of the wicked
is like tow wrapped together : and
the end of them is a flame of fire to
destroy them.

10 The way of sinners is made
plain with stones, but at the end
thereof is the pit of hell.
I7 II /He that keepeth the law of

the Lord getteth the understanding B.C.
thereof : and the perfection of the — °'
fear of the Lord is wisdom.

12 -^He that is not "wise will not ^ Prov.
be taught : ;'but there is a wisdom 1 1"

o il Or

which multiplieth bitterness. -witty.

13 The ''knowledge of a wise man '' Eccies.

II Or,

shall abound like a flood: and his
counsel is like a pure fountain off'J
life.

rendered in the A. V. according to Co., or
rather 248, 106, which agree with the Syr.
In this reading els x^H-a IS substituted for els
XeLfxwva, and the words ra(f)i]s avrov (" of his
burial") are added. But, according to the
generally accepted reading, the second clause
must be translated: as one that gathereth
his stones for [unto] winter. To this it
seems difficult, if not impossible, to attach any
meaning. Fritzsche regards it as implying :
like a fool that gathereth stones instead of
wood for winter. The explanation is even
more difficult than the illustration which it
professes to explain. We would suggest that
the Greek misread ?|")'n, " winter," for l^H,
" desolation," which was the word in the
original. In that case the original would
have been : " He that buildeth his house by
goods [property] belonging to others is as he
that gathereth his stones for desolation [for
a ruin, for what is to be such]."

9. The congregation of transgressors (is
as) tow gathered [heaped] together. .] A
word-play here between trvvriyp.i'vov, " gathered
together," and crwaycoyrj, " the gathering,"
'• congregation."

and their end a flame of fire.] The
reference is probably to Is. i. 31. Omit the
words " to destroy them."

10. Fourth triplet, but.'] Rather, and.

hell.] Rather, Hades. The Syr. has: '"The
path of the wicked is a stumbling-block to
him, because the end thereof is a deep ditch."
Does the difference between the Greek
" made plain with (by) stones " and the Syr.
" stumbling-block " depend upon a different
reading or misreading of the Hebrew — to
which the Aethiop. seems to point by its
rendering, " rough are the stones of the road
of sinners " ? Or did the Syr. alter what
seemed a dangerous statement in the original ?

11. Omit in first clause the words " of the
Lord." Thus corrected, the A. V. expresses
one mode of rendering or rather interpreting
the first clause, in which case it would be
parallel to St. John vii. 17. But, as Fritzsche
rightly observes, the word evvurjfia could
scarcely be used of " understanding " of the

Apoc— Vol. II.

Law. The word does not occur in the LXX.,

and (besides this passage) is only used by Theo-

dotion in the plural for nibanjjl, " the evil
counsels" (of the wicked), Prov. xii. 5. We
prefer therefore another rendering of the
clause, which seems not only more easy,
but entirely agrees with the Syr.: He that
keepeth (~l)pj) the Law getteth the
mastery [rule] over his inclination

[intent, mind, disposition, Vl¥*3 ^,<^'; m tne
peculiar sense of "I-?*]. The next clause of
the verse is so entirely Alexandrian that we
prefer regarding the Syr. as representing the
genuine Hebrew text. It reads: "and he
that feareth the Lord shall not want any-
thing," which is a reproduction of Ps. xxxiv. 9
(Heb. 10). In the Syriac Psalter this verse
seems wanting, but the Syriac of Ecclus. xxi.
1 1 reproduces the wording of the Targum on
Ps. xxxiv. 10.

12. wise.] Rather, prudent.

taught.] Here rather in the sense of moral
teaching. The Alex, rightly inserts 8e, " but,"
at the beginning of the second clause. The
Syr. wholly omits the verse ; and if our con-
jecture be correct as to the Hellenistic alter-
ation introduced in the Greek of v. 1 1 b, we
can understand the motive for such a senti-
ment as -v. 12, which seems an adaptation
from xix. 22-25.

wisdom.] Rather, prudence ; perhaps
here in the sense of subtilty.

13. This verse begins another triplet —
unless, indeed, we were to regard it as com-
mencing with i\ 14, the four lines of t. 15
being in that case two verses thrown together.

shall abound.] Rather, will increase,
— swell, become more full.

counsel.] Probably, as generally in the
LXX., HVy (this rather than rntrnD)— in the
wider sense of " counsel " = resolve, purpose.

pure fountain of life.] Omit the word
" pure." Generally the expression " fountain
of life " is supposed to be = " living waters,"
Q«n WD, but it rather corresponds to "npp
D^n in Prov. xiii. 14, xiv. 27, to both of which

ii4

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXI.

[v. 14-

•20.

* Prov,
9.9.

B. c. 14. 'The inner parts of a fool are

- — ' like a broken vessel, and he will hold
' c . 33- s- no knowledge as lono; as he liveth.

15 If a skilful man hear a wise
word, he will commend it, and *add
unto it : but as soon as one of no
understanding heareth it, it displeas-
eth him, and he casteth it behind his
back.

16 The talking of a fool is like a
burden in the way : but grace shall
be found in the lips of the wise.

17 They enquire at the mouth of B.C.

' . ' . , . cir. 200.

the wise man in the congregation, —
and they shall ponder his words in
their heart.

18 As is a house that is destroyed,
so is wisdom to a fool : and the know-
ledge of the unwise is as talk "without n Or,

not to be
SenSC enquired

19 Doctrine unto fools is as fetters after-
on the feet, and like manacles on

the right hand. . ,

20 /A fool lifteth up his voice 30.

this verse is strictly parallel, and where the
LXX. translates 7n/y?) </"'??• It is, indeed, not
impossible that n-jryij £a>j}? may represent the
Heb. D\»n D>!3 "fipp, "fountain of living
waters," not " fountain of life," since in one
passage (Jer. xvii. 13) it is so rendered in the
LXX. ; but it is very improbable, considering
that in three other passages D^n U)t2 is not
so translated (Cant. iv. 15 ; Jer. ii. 13 ; Zech.
xiv. 8).

14. Omit "as long as he liveth," which,
however, is supported by 106, 248, Co., and
is in the Syr.

be will hold no knowledge. ~] As a vessel
that is broken cannot hold what is put into
it, so are the inner parts of a fool as regards
knowledge — eynara, ~2~)p : so in the LXX.

rendering of Ps. xlix. (LXX., 1.) 12 ; Ps. cviii.

(LXX., cix.) 18. It is not quite = 27 (comp.
Ps. xxxix. 4 ; lv. 5), but rather designates the
seat of feeling and thinking. For " broken
vessel " the Syr. has " broken cistern," which
is both more apt and more biblical.

15. We suspect that in the original v. 15
a, b and c, d formed two verses (see above,
w. 12, 13).

a skilful man.] Rather, a man of under-
standing [knowledge], in the wider biblical
sense, including, and in a sense identifying,
moral and intellectual knowledge, fVio-r^coi/
(in the N. T. only in St. Jas. iii. 13— which
should be marked as farther shewing the cor-
respondence between St. Jas. and Ecclus.) ;
the Heb. |13J (so, with only one exception,
in the LXX.), and generally combined with
"wise."

_ but as soon as one of no understanding hearetb
tf.J Rather, "he that liveth in pleasure
[is given to pleasure] heareth it, and it
displeaseth him." Clauses a and c, b and d
are strictly antithetic. Opposed to " a man of
knowledge "^ is 6 (mara\5,u, " he that is given
to pleasure." The word occurs again in
1 Tim. v. 6 ; St. Jas. v. 5, but it is not used
in the LXX., where we have, however, the

compound KaraanaTaXda in Prov. xxix. 2 1 ;
Amos vi. 4. Whereas the man of under-
standing addeth to a wise word, the man who
liveth for pleasure casteth it behind his back.
For the latter expression, see 1 Kings xiv. 9 ;
Ezek. xxiii. 35 ; Nehem. ix. 26.

16. This verse begins another triplet.
talking.'] Narrative (talk, here perhaps:

explanation).

in the way.] I.e., while journeying — instead
of lightening its difficulties and troubles, only
increasing them.

grace.] Not in the commonly understood
biblical sense, but in that of pleasantness ; see
the Syr., which also instead of "fool" has
" the wicked," and " the pious " instead of
" intelligent."

the wise.] Rather, of him who is in-
telligent— has understanding.

17. The mouth of the prudent will
be sought.] Viz., his word or saying; comp.
as to God Amos viii. 12. In the second
clause we accept (as in the A. V.) the Alex,
reading biavoi^crovrab instead of the Vat.
&iavor)6i](T€Tai.

18. As a house destroyed.] Fritzsche
explains : " as a house destroyed is not of any
use, so is wisdom to a fool." The Syr. has :
" as a prison." We believe that the Syr. read
"l»B>» 1V3 (comp. Gen. xlii. 19) and the
Greek "IfX'O IV3. More puzzling is the
Syr. rendering in the second clause. Here
the Greek has: as words that will not
bear enquiry (A. V., "as talk without
sense"); while the Syr. renders, "like coals
of fire."

19. Another triplet. Fetters on the
feet (so is) instruction to those with-
out understanding.] Alike hindering and
unpleasant, as preventing them from freely
walking in their own ways.

on the right hand.] Which is mostly
engaged in action.

20. with."] Rather, in.

V. 21-

B. C-

cir. 200.

:6.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXI.

with laughter ; but a wise man doth 24 It is the rudeness of a man to

scarce smile a little. hearken at the door : but a wise man

21 Learning is unto a wise man as will be grieved with the disgrace.

an ornament of gold, and like a 25 The lips of talkers will be tell-

bracelet upon his right arm. ing such things as pertain not unto

22 A foolish man's foot is soon in them : but the words of such as have
his [neighbour's] house : but a man understanding are weighed in the
of experience is ashamed of him. balance.

23 A fool will peep in at the door 26 The heart of fools is in their
into the house : but he that is well mouth : but the mouth of the wise is
nurtured will stand without. in their heart.

b. c.

cir. 200.

a wise man.'] Rather, a prudent man.
Grotius quotes Seneca : " risus sit sine
cachinno."

21. Instruction is to a man of under-
standing.] The verse is in antithesis to v. 19.

22. Another triplet. The foot of a fool
(is) quickly into a house. We believe
this to be the passage (hitherto not localised)
which the Talmud has in view, when it quotes
as from 'The Book of the Son of Sira': "Three
I hate and four I do not love— a prince (leader)
who goes about drinking-houses — some say,
who is quarrelsome ; some say, who is quick-
tempered— a man who places his habitation
in the high places of the city . . . [we omit
the third], and a man who enters the bouse of
bis neighbour suddenly" (without knocking)
(Nidd. 16 £; comp. Pes. 112 a).

but a man of experience will feel shame
before the face.] So literally; and the
question is whether we are to explain it as
" the face of him," i.e. before him that is to
be visited, or else as meaning " before the
house." Fritzsche goes so far as to apply the
expression Trpoa-unvov (face) to the inner walls
of the antechamber, before which such a
person is supposed to hesitate or feel reluc-
tance {hat Scheu). The Syr. renders : " bends
down the face." If we suppose the Greek
text to be a correct rendering of the Hebrew,
we should certainly explain it as meaning
"the face of him" in the sense of being bash-
ful when visiting a house. But may it not be

that the Hebrew text was 1»3E& G5>B>3, "hesi-
tates before it," which was misunderstood and
mistranslated as above ?

23. A silly person . . . but a man
who is instructed [cultured, educated; the
German gebi/det].] While a silly person in his
curiosity tries to get a peep of what is going
on, a well-bred person purposely stands far
away. The Syr. has a strange and certainly
inapt rendering.

24. It is want of breeding [rudeness]
. . . but he who is sensible [intelligent,
prudent] will be weighed down [bur-

dened] with the dishonour.] Viz., of doing
such a mean thing.

25. Last stanza. The literal rendering of
the Greek (both Vat. and Alex.) would be :
" Lips of strangers will be burdened in these
things." But as this yields not any intelli-
gible meaning, we conclude that the text
is corrupt rather than that the original had
been mistranslated. For, although a man
might mistranslate, there must at least be
some meaning in his words. But apparently
in the whole clause, ^e i\rj aXkorpiav iv tovtois
fiapvv&rjo-eTai, only the first word (xet'Ar/, lips)
really forms part of the verse. Bretschneider
suggests that the word aAAorpiW, " of
strangers," belongs to the first clause of
v. 24, which should read "to hearken at the
door of strangers," while similarly the iv
rovTois belongs to the second clause of v. 24,
which should read, " is weighed down by the
disgrace in these things." Lastly, the word
l3apvvdrj(T€Tai, " will be weighed down," or
" burdened," seems only a copyist's repetition
from the previous verse. In the absence of
any reliable text little can be learned from the
Syr., "The mouth of the wicked talketh
against his body ; " i.e. his talk is really
against himself, to his hurt and detriment.
In these circumstances we seem restricted to
the Complutensian reading, or rather that of
248, which is adopted in the A. V., " The
lips of talkers will be telling such things as
pertain not unto them " = as are not theirs,
which concern them not and with which they
have not anything to do. Fritzsche conjec-
tures that the Hebrew read : " The lips of the
proud [where he supposes DHT to have been
misread Q^J] are burdened with cursing "
(rPX2, which he supposes to have been mis-
read n?X3). But, to waive other objections,
this would not suit the context.

26. In the mouth of fools is their
heart, but the heart of the wise is their
mouth.] The Syr. is the same except that the
preposition " in " is transferred from the first
to the beginning of the second clause : " the

I 2

i.i6

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXI. XXII.

[v. 27—1.

cir.

200.

'"ch

28.

27 When the ungodly curseth Sa-
tan, he curseth his own soul.

28 '"A whisperer defileth his own
soul, and is hated wheresoever he
dwelleth.

CHAPTER XXII.

I Of the slothful man, 3 and a foolish daughter.

1 1 Weep rather for fools, than for the dead.
13 Meddle not -with them. 16 77iewise man's
heart will not shrink. 20 What will lose a
friend. .

A SLOTHFUL man is compared
to a filthy stone, and every
one will hiss him out to his dis-
grace.

B.C.
cir. 200.

mouth . . . ., but in the heart . . . ." The
first part of the verse does not require any
comment. "To wear one's heart on one's
sleeve " indicates shallowness alike of feeling
and of intellect. The second clause Fritzsche
regards as meaning that the wise have first
well pondered in their hearts what they utter
with their mouths. But the antithesis seems
to suggest more than this, viz. that the wise
are reticent as to their deepest feelings:
they do not parade them before all and every
one — their heart is their mouth.

27. This verse is of the greatest interest,
alike as regards the theology of the writer
and indirectly the age of this book. When
the writer speaks of cursing Satan as seducing
a man unto sin, he refers to the person of
the Devil. But the allusion implies not only
belief in the personality of Satan on the part
of the older Siracide, but that this belief was
so general that the writer could put its ex-
pression into the mouth of the wicked. And
not only so, but by the side of it we find also
the rationalistic corrective that what men
called Satan was really their own evil inclina-
tion. This certainly accords with an excep-
tional Rabbinic view, which identifies Satan
with the Tetser ha-Ra, the evil inclination
(Babh. Bathr. 16 a). But, as just hinted,
this was not the common view, according to
which Satan was also regarded as inciting man
to sin (comp. the A pp. on Satanology in ' Life
and Times of Jesus the Messiah,' vol. ii. p.
7 5 7). We have therefore here alike evidence
of a general belief in Satan and its rationalistic
modification. On the other hand, we also
mark here a development (this rather than a
progression) in the Old Testament standpoint
on this subject. Its various stages in the later
books of the Old Testament may be indicated
in the following order :— Job i.' 6-12, ii. 1-7;
Zech. iii. 1, 2 ; and lastly, 1 Chron. xxi. 1,
with which comp. 2 Sam. xxiv. 1. With
these passages should be compared, on the
other hand, the curious (later) Rabbinic
comments (see ' Miqr. Gedol.,' ad he.).
Considering the developed Angelology in the
Book of Daniel, it seems strange that no refer-
ence should be made in it to Satan. Indeed,
the apparent generality of the belief as implied
in Ecclus. seems incompatible with this silence
in Daniel, if the authorship of the latter were
posterior to that of Ecclesiasticus. In the

later Apocrypha (Bar., Tob.) Demonology
appears in a very developed and Judaic form.
To Wisd. ii. 24 we do not refer, on account
of the late composition of that book. The
Syr. paraphrase for "Satan," "him that has
not sinned against him," is both interesting
and curious. In our view it implies not
another Hebrew text, but the avoidance of
its meaning by a paraphrase.

28. wheresoever he dzuel/eth.'] Rather,
in the neighbourhood, i.e. among his
neighbours. The Syr. has : " The soul of
the wise is grieved (oppressed, in anguish)
on account of the fool, because he knoweth
not what he should say unto him."

CHAPTER XXII.

This chapter is better connected than that
which preceded. The subject seems still a
warning against folly, in its various mani-
festations, specially as regards speech. In
that respect the aspiration of the last verse
forms an appropriate general conclusion. The
first five verses refer to certain aspects of
folly of conduct, especially as regards the
young. From this the transition is natural to
instruction, especially of the young, which is
hopeless in cases where there is a certain dis-
position (five verses, ft'. 6-1 2, as i)-v. 9,10 must
be omitted). This leads to the admonition to
avoid all intercourse with such persons (three
verses, but one of them a triplet, in six lines :
■w. 13-15). Next, the steadfast purpose of
a wise man is contrasted with that of the fool
(three verses : to. 16-18). Lastly, the differ-
ence is described between the speech and
action of the fool in regard to others, with its
sad consequences (four verses, the last of them
double: -vv. 19-22), and the speech and
action of the wise in regard to others, with its
happy results (four verses, the first of them
double: i>i<. 23-26). The chapter closes
with an aspiration after higher direction in
this matter.

1. is eo>?ipared.~\ I.e. is like.

a filthy stone.~\ The lapis latrinarum.

ivill hiss him out to his disgrace.^ Rather.,
will hiss over his dishonour. Generally
the clause is supposed to refer to the filthy
stone which is looked upon as disgusting.
And so the Syr., " every one runs away from

V. 2 IO.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXII.

117

B.C.
cir. 200.

2 A slothful man is compared to
— °" the filth of a dunghill : every man

that takes it up will shake his hand.

3 An evil nurtured son is the dis-
honour of his father that begat him :
and a [foolish] daughter is born to
his loss.

!Prov. 13. 4 "A wise daughter "shall bring
2- an inheritance to her husband : but

>?th?te"she that liveth dishonestly is her
Qfnd facer's heaviness.

5 She that is bold dishonoureth
both her father and her husband, but
they both shall despise her.

6 A tale out of season [is as] mu-

sick in mourning : but stripes and
correction of wisdom are never out
of time.

7 Whoso teacheth a fool is as one
that glueth a potsherd together, and
as he that waketh one from a sound
sleep.

8 He that telleth a tale to a fool
speaketh to one in a slumber : when
he hath told his tale, he will say,
What is the matter ?

9 If children live honestly, and
have "wherewithal, they shall cover
the baseness of their parents.

10 But children, being haughty,

B.C.
cir. 200.

1 Or,
an art.

the smell of it." But it seems better to refer
the clause to the idle man, over whom every-
one will hiss, V?V plX?\, Job xxvii. 23, for
which the Syr. may have read pn*l*, and then
translated paraphrastically.

2. The l36\l3irov Konpimv, "filth of a dung-
hill," is the LXX. rendering of HS>; ^J in
Ezek. iv. 12 (comp. Ewald, § 255 b, p. 639).

shake.~] For the purpose of cleansing. The
Syr. paraphrases, at the same time retaining
the last words of the original : " will shake
his hand." This is instructive.

3. (There is) shame to a father in the
begetting of a son undisciplined, but
a daughter [viz. of this kind; Syr. "a
woman "J is born to loss.] There is pro-
gression here : an undisciplined son is a source
of shame to his father, but an undisciplined
daughter is a source of actual loss — of the
one he may be ashamed, the other will cause
him damage and hurt.

4. y/prudent [sensible, mentally well con-
ditioned] daughter shall obtain her husband
(or are we to follow the Latin : hareditas viro
juo, and to suppose a misunderstanding on
the part of the Greek translator ?).] Bret-
schneider : " av8pa avrrjs, maritum sibi desti-
natum " — and thereby she will bring honour
to her father.

but a daughter that bringeth dis-
grace is unto grief to him [the grief of
him] that begat her.] "That bringeth
disgrace," in the Heb. no doubt nK'^D, but
not in the sense of " disgraceful," as in
Prov. xii. 4, but as in Pro v. x. 5, xiv. 35,
xvii. 2, in that of putting to shame. In these
three passages K^IE always stands antitheti-
cally to ^StPO, "prudent." Probably the
same antithetic expressions may have been
used in the Heb. of our verse, although the

LXX. render 7*3tW0 in Prov. x. 5, xiv. 35,
by voi]jxa>v. The Syr. wholly omits this verse.

5. The bold [viz. daughter] disgraceth
father and husband, and by both will
she be despised.] The term "bold" (77
dpaaela) is used in the sense of noisy self-
assertion and impudence, as in Prov. ix. 13,
which seems parallel, and where the LXX.
render yvvfj acppoov nai Bpaaela — whatever
meaning we may attach to the Hebrew phrase

n-1^D3 nt?:N\ The Syr. has "father and
mother," instead of " father and husband."

6. Unseasonable speech.] Referring to
instruction or admonition addressed to the
young, but at that particular moment not in
season : good in itself, but just then unsuit-
able. The second clause literally translated
would be, "(but) stripes and discipline at
all times (are) of wisdom," which is some-
times explained as meaning that the application
of these at all times is the part of wisdom.
But it is not easy to find this in the Greek text.
The Syr. has : "is wisdom at all times."
There can be little doubt that this represents
the original Hebrew, i"l03n fllTTO?, which
the Greek mistranslated iv navrl Kaipa> aotplas.

1. Whoso.} Rather, he that. Omit "and"
in second clause.

sound sleep.} Rather, deep sleep. The
point of comparison is the uselessness of the
attempt in each case.

8. He that narrateth . . . narrateth to
one that is nodding [slumbering], and upon
the completion he will say: What is it1?]
The simile of v. 7 leads to that about slumber
which is not inapt. The Syr. has in the
first clause instead of our Greek : " like a
man that eateth bread when he is not
hungry."

9, 10. These verses must be omitted.

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXII.

[v. ii — 1 6.

B. C
cir. 200.

* ch. 38.

16.

through disdain and want of nurture
Tj_^°' do stain the nobility of their kindred.

11 ^Weep for the dead, for he
hath lost the light : and weep for the
fool, for he wanteth understanding :
make little weeping for the dead, for
he is at rest : but the life of the fool
is worse than death.

12 cSeven days do men mourn for
him that is dead ; but for a fool and
an ungodly man all the days of his
life.

13 Talk not much with a fool, and
go not to him that hath no under-
standing : ^beware of him, lest thou

c Gen. 50.
10.

<i ch. 12.
12.

have trouble, and thou shalt never B. c.
be defiled "with his fooleries : de- c"if!0'
part from him, and thou shalt find Jgj, he
rest, and never be "disquieted with f-f^tf?
madness. n 0r

14 What is heavier than lead ? and -varied.
what is the name thereof, but a fool ?

15 ""Sand, and salt, and a mass of'Prov.
iron, is easier to bear, than a man
without understanding.

16 As timber girt and bound to-
gether in a building cannot be loosed
with shaking : so the heart that is
stablished by advised counsel shall
fear at no time.

27- 3-

11. Weep for the dead, for light has
failed [ceased, passed away] . . . for
understanding has failed . . . Weep
softly [Bissell] for the dead, for he is at
rest.~\ The contrast is melancholy, as indi-
cating absence of hope as regards an after-life.
The Syr. modifies the last clause and adds :
" for worse than death is an evil life."

12. Seven days.'} The ordinary period of
great mourning (Gen. 1. 10; Judith xvi. 24).
St. Augustine finds in the number seven for
the period of mourning an allusion to the
Sabbath of rest, indicative of this, that the
dead were at sacred rest. The contrast is
very forcible. While we mourn seven days
for the pious who are at rest, the whole life-
time of the fool and the ungodly is a period
of mourning.

13. Another stanza, in which progression
from the former verses is clearly marked.
Lit. : " With one void of intelligence do not
multiply speech." The Syr. has " make not
pleasant " for " multiply not." W e are inclined

to believe that the Heb. had ISK'F) "?S, and
that the Greek took "EC in the sense of

- T

measuring — measuring words, — while the
Syr. understood it in the more common use
of the word. Or may there have been some
confusion of the roots i"Q~l and I1X"! ? For
the second clause the Syr. has : " and with a
pig do not go in the way." Possibly the
original had T»m, "a pig," and the Greek
translator, regarding this as below the dignity
of the argument, may have altered it in
common Rabbinic manner of commentation,
as follows : _ Read not inn, a pig, but "ipn,

wanting = 3 ?~*lDn, wanting in understanding.
The third clause seems to support the Greek
rendering, but the fourth accords rather with
the Syr. On the other hand, the simile of the
pig is not only un-Jewish, but seems abruptly-

introduced. Clause d should be translated :
and thou shalt not be denied by that
which he throws out. This, whether
we understand it realistically, as of saliva or
the like, or figuratively, seems a not inapt
paraphrase of eV to> (vTivay^ia avrov.

The last two clauses of v. 13 read: Turn
away from him, and thou shalt find rest,
and not be overwhelmed by his sense-
lessness. "Overwhelmed" with the addi-
tional idea of fainting or being weary in conse-
quence, corresponding to the Hebrew *\VW,
for which it is used in LXX. Ps. lx. (Heb.
lxi.) 2 ; ci. (Heb. cii.) 1 ; cxlii. (Heb. cxliii.) 4.

14. The Syr. : " for he is much heavier than
lead ; " the Greek and the Syr. rendering the
HD differently.

15. Syr. : " than to dwell with a foolish
man."

16. This verse begins a new stanza.

A tie-beam [comp. Hab. ii. 11: "cross-
beam out of the wood"] bound into a
building will not be loosed in a storm.]
Lit. " commotion," like its Hebrew original
"iyD and myp (or rather in that instance
rhyp), for which it stands in LXX. Jer.

xxiii. 19; 4 (2) Kings ii. 1. In one passage
(LXX. 3 Kings xix. 11) it stands indeed for
B>jn, " earthquake," but that word also bears
the general meaning of " quaking." In any
case, the rendering " storm-wind " suits the
context far better than " earthquake."

so the heart stablished on advised [con-
sidered] thought [purpose] shall not be
afraid at the time.] At the proper time
— ny3, at the right time, that which is to be
looked for — when thought must pass into
action and dangers threaten around (as the
hurricane that falls upon a house), he who i&
as here described shall not give wav through,
fear nor even be perturbed.

v. i7— 24.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXII.

119

B. C.
cir. 200.

Or, of a
foliihcd
wall.

f ch. 41.

17 A heart settled upon a thought
of understanding is as a fair plais-
tering "on the wall of a gallery.

18 Pales set on an high place will
never stand against the wind : so a
fearful heart in the imagination of
a fool cannot stand against any fear.

19 He that pricketh the eye will
make tears to fall : and he that
pricketh the heart maketh it to shew
her knowledge.

20 Whoso casteth a stone at the
birds frayeth them away : and he
that ^upbraideth his friend breaketh
friendship.

21 Though thou drewest a sword
at thy friend, yet despair not : for
there may be a returning [to
favour.]

22 If thou hast opened thy mouth B.C.
against thy friend, fear not ; for C1L^°'
there may be a reconciliation : ex-
cept for upbraiding, or pride, or

s disclosing of secrets, or a treacher- ^ ch. 27.
ous wound : for for these things every a£ 4I"
friend will depart.

23 Be faithful to thy neighbour in
his poverty, that thou mayest rejoice
in his prosperity : abide stedfast
unto him in the time of his trouble,
that thou mayest be heir with him
in his heritage : for a mean estate
is not always to be contemned : nor
the rich that is foolish to be had in
admiration.

24 As the vapour and smoke of a
furnace goeth before the fire ; so re-
viling- before blood.

advised thought] Considered purpose,
hiavor)\i.a ftov\rjs: the former word corre-
sponds to rntSTlO, the latter to i"ixy.

17. A heart settled upon a prudent [an
intelligent] purpose is like the plastered
adornment of a smoothed wall.] As we
understand it, the reference is to a wall built
of rough stones, but which becomes smooth
and polished by being plastered — having the
" plastered adornment." According to Gro-
tius, Fritzsche, and others, the point of com-
parison lies in this, that the plaster does not
fall off, but remains firm even in earthquake,
storm, and rain. But such would certainly
not be the case in an earthquake, while storm
and rain could scarcely in any case affect the
inside of a house. In our view the com-
parison lies in this: that as in a house of
strong stones the " plastered adornment "
gives firmness, beauty, and completion to
what is now a polished wall, so the prudent
purpose of a wise heart.

18. Pales set on a high place [rather, accord-
ing to the Alex, reading: small stones laid
on a high place] . . . so a fearful heart
upon [i.e. caused by, the outcome of] the
purpose of a fool shall not stand against
any alarm.] For -^dpaKes, "pales" (pali-
sades?), the Alex. reads x«Ai*e?, "little stones,"
possibly in the sense of a heap of loose little
stones. This reading is confirmed by the
Syr., which has : " a pebble upon the top of a
lofty stone."

19. Another stanza. He that presseth
[hurteth] the eye [lit. pricketh, in the general
sense of touching to hurt] . . . and he that
hurteth the heart [the same verb as before]

causeth feeling (viz. of pain ?) to appear
[brings it to light].] The point of the com-
parison lies in the making visible, bringing
out the inward sensation or feeling. When
you rub the eye, the visible effect is tears ; if
you similarly hurt the heart of another, the
pain which you give will make itself out-
wardly apparent. This is further developed
and illustrated in -v. 20, where the " upbraid-
ing" in clause b (weihi&iv) is, as it were,
morally casting stones at a friend.

21. Omit "to favour."

22. If] Rather, though. All direct
and open attacks, whether by word or deed,
are not necessarily offences which make a
breach hopeless — there may be " return " or
" reconciliation " — but the mean conduct
mentioned in v. 22 c will for ever alienate a
friend. Omit the word "for" in the last
clause.

23. Last stanza. Win trust with the
[thy] neighbour in (his) poverty.] Gain his
confidence by the way in which thou actest
towards him while be is poor. The Syr.
paraphrases, although in the spirit of the
sentence : " support thy companion in his
poverty."

that thou mayest be heir woith him in his
heritage. ,] Probably rather, that thou
mayest have part with him in his
possession, i.e. when he attains to it. The
rest of the verse in the A. V. must be omitted.

24. Before a fire smoke of the fur-
nace and vapour . . . so reviling before
blood.'] Rather, "before bloodshed" —
alfiara bearing the same meaning as the
Heb. WlDl. Bretschneider would place v. 24

120

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXII. XXIII. [v. 25-2.

B.C.

cir. 200.

* Ps. 141.
3-

25 I will not be ashamed to defend
a friend ; neither will I hide myself
from him.

26 And if any evil happen unto
me by him, every one that heareth it
will beware of him.

27 AWho shall set a watch before
my mouth, and a seal of wisdom
upon my lips, that I fall not suddenly
by them, and that my tongue destroy
me not ?

CHAPTER XXIII.

I A prayer for grace to Jlec sin. 9 We may
not use sivcaring: 14 but remember our
parents.- 16 Of three sorts of sin. 34 The
adulterous wife sinneth many ways.

OLORD, Father and Governor
of all my whole life, leave me
not to their counsels, and let me not
fall by them.

2 Who will set scourges over my
thoughts, and the discipline of wisdom

e. c.

cir. 200.

before v. 23. But t>. 24 aptly precedes v. 25,
if its meaning be : If bloodshed come, I will
not be ashamed nor hesitate to protect a
friend.

25. The Syr. paraphrases: "If thy friend
become impoverished, put him not to shame."

26. The Syr. has instead of this: " If thy
companion reveal to thee a secret, disclose it
not, lest every one that heareth it beware of
thee, and regard thee as an evil-doer." The
Greek text expresses a sentiment by no
means elevated, and which considerably
detracts from the moral value of v. 25.
The meaning seems to be: If harm comes,
the blame will be imputed to the other who
allows his friend to suffer for his sake ; and
thus he, not I, shall suffer in public esteem.
Probably, however, the Syr. expresses what
was the sentiment of the original.

27. Bretschneider and Fritzsche would
connect this verse with the following chapter.
But we have repeatedly observed that the
close of one chapter prepares for the subject
of the following, and in fact forms the con-
necting link with it.

Who shall set.~] Rather, Oh that one
would set, the Greek being only a literal
rendering of a common Hebrew idiom
(Ewald, § 329c"). As the verse is evidently
formed upon Ps. cxli. 3, we may conjecture

the Hebrew to have been \7\\ *» or n»B» *»

*th TCfcV (or point rnDB>).

a seal of wisdom."] Rather, of pru-
dence—this for the elegant Hebrew in the
corresponding clause of the Psalm.

that I fall not suddenly by them. .] Rather,
that I fall not from it, viz. the watch or
guard upon his mouth : for that purpose he
asks for the additional security of a seal on
his lips. Generally it is translated "that I
tall not by it" {"iva fxi) iriau) an avTrjs), and
the reference is supposed to be to the
y\w<T<ra, "tongue," in the last clause. But
it is difficult to understand how the an avrfjs
can refer not to what precedes, but to what
follows in the next clause.

CHAPTER XXIII.

The chapter opens (see xxii. 27) with a
prayer against sins of the tongue, of the eyes,
and of the flesh (vv. 1-6 ; i\ 5 in the A. V.
must be omitted). Then follows what is
appropriately entitled in the LXX. text as
"Discipline of the mouth" (i>v. 7-15).
Here, after a general introduction Qwv. 7, 8),
we have a warning against profane language
(i>v. 9-1 1), against loose language (w. 12,13),
and against disrespectful language Qw. 14, 15).
What may be called Part II. consists of two
stanzas, each of six verses (yv. 16-21; i<v.
22-27), respectively directed against male and
female offenders against purity.

1. 0 Lord, Father and Ruler of my life,
leave me not to their counsel [to what they
suggest], suffer me not, isr'c (Bissell).]
The reference must be to "the lips" in
ch. xxii. 27, since the "their" and "they"
can scarcely be referred to the " adversaries "
of v. 3.

2. Oh that one would put rods [chas-
tisements] upon my thinking [purposing,
hiavw]\x,a, i"Qt'nO ; in the singular only used
in Ecclus., not in the LXX. nor in the N. T.]
and the discipline of ivisdom upon my heart
[either wise discipline or that which leadeth
to wisdom: probably the former] ; in order
that they [viz. the stripes] may not
spare my mistakes ["spare" in the sense
of "be indulgent to," "not punish;" "mis-
takes," H^D, both in the Heb. and in the
LXX. only used in Gen. xliii. 12, but in our
verse used in the plural], and that it [viz.
the discipline of wisdom] may not pass by
their transgressions] — viz. when the
" mistake " or Hj^'D leads on to actual trans-
gression. Or else, if we follow the Latin and
derive napy not from napirjpi (I pass by) but
from TrdpmiL (I am present, I arrive), we
shall have to translate : " and that their trans-
gressions (those which are the outcome of
our mistakes) may not appear," or "come
out." The ultimate meaning is nearly the
same in both cases. The text is so com-
plicated that it gave rise to early attempts at

■9.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXIII.

121

b. c. over mine heart ? that they spare me

;ir. 200. r J '..

not for mine ignorances, and it pass

not by my sins :

3 Lest mine ignorances increase,
and my sins abound to my destruc-
tion, and I fall before mine adver-
saries, and mine enemy rejoice over
me, whose hope is far from thy
mercy.

4 O Lord, Father and God of my
life, give me not a proud look, but
turn away from thy servants always

9r> "... " a haughty mind.

uint-likc. to J .

5 i urn away from me vain hopes
and concupiscence, and thou shalt

hold him up that is desirous always B.C.

j J cir. 200.

to serve thee. —

6 Let not the greediness of the
belly nor lust of the flesh take hold
of me ; and give not over me thy
servant into an impudent mind.

7 Hear, O ye children, the disci-
pline of the mouth : he that keepeth
it shall never be taken in his lips.

8 The sinner shall be left in his
foolishness : both the evil speaker and
the proud shall fall thereby.

9 "Accustom not thy mouth to "oE*0cL
swearing; : neither use thyself to the c]}- 27- h-

to ' J Matt. 5.

naming or the Holy One. 33, 34.

emendation. The most noteworthy of these
is the omission of the pr), " not," from
clause c, and the change of the verb from the
plural to the singular. Thus the clause
would read: "that he (viz. the Lord) would
spare my errors" — the Syr.: "that the Lord
would spare (not punish) my guilt." But
the Syr. adds so much in the sequel that we
must put it aside as a wide and not very apt
paraphrase. Fritzsche not only corrects the
number in clause c (" that he may not spare
my follies"), but alters in clause d "their"
into "my" ("that he may not let pass —
durchliessel — my sins"). This certainly is to
cut the knot.

3. Omit from A. V. " to my destruction ;"
also the last clause, " whose hope," &c.

4. Sins and mistakes, the outcome of the
heart, naturally lead to thoughts of the class
mentioned in w. 4-6.

a proud look.'] Rather, lascivious (or
lustful) eyes; comp. xxvi. 9: literally, "lift-
ing up of eyes." This would correspond to
the Hebrew usage of Q^TV KKO, as in Gen.
xxxix. 7. But in the LXX. the latter passage
is rendered, eVe'^aXei/ tovs 6(pdakfxovs civttjs.
Moreover the word used in our verse for
" uplifting of eyes " (/xerewpta/xos' dcfrBaX/jLiov)
occurs either as a substantive or a verb, or
in some derivative form, not less than twenty
times in the LXX., but always in the sense
of " high," or when connected with " eyes "
for " proud; "so in LXX. Ps. cxxx. (cxxxi.) 1
and in Is. v. 15. Can there have been some
misunderstanding, such as that rYWlO WV,
" eyes of deceit," was misread n'nS Q'TV,
" proud eyes," — there being in the MS. neither
vowel-points nor final letters, nor yet the
separation of words ? In that case a similar
misreading would also have to be assumed in
xxvi. 9. In the so-called ' Second Alphabet

of Ben Sira ' we read : " Woe to him who
walketh after his eyes, and he knoweth that
they are children of whoredom, and he has
nothing from them," — in the sense of not
gaining anything by them (comp. in Jer.
Ber. 3 c and in several Midrashim : " The
heart and the eyes are the intermediaries of
sin "). [On the figurative expression " whore-
dom of the face" for a bold and shameless
look, comp. Hos. ii. 4 in the A. V. and R. V.
ii. 2. Comp. also Prov. vii. 13 ; Jer. iii. 3.]

but turn away, <£rv.] Instead of this clause
in the A. V. (which follows 248, Co.) read:
and turn away lust from me. There
is not, as some have supposed, anything in
this prayer inconsistent with the fullest re-
cognition of personal self-determination.

5. This verse in the A. V. must be omitted.

6. The somewhat realistic rendering of the
A. V. had best be left. Omit from the A. V.
" thy servant," and render : " and give m e
not over to a shameless mind."

7. This verse begins a new stanza. In the
text of the LXX. we have here the inscrip-
tion : " Discipline of the mouth " — originally,
probably, a marginal note. In the second
clause translate: "shall never be caught."
For " caught " the Syr. has " exposed to
infamy." The words following, " in his lips,"
or rather through his lips, must be joined
to t. 8 a. So in the Alex, and in the Syr.

8. Through his lips shall the sinner
be taken [we would read KaTaXrjcfi&Tio-fTai,
supported by 157]: both the railer and the
proud shall be made to stumble by
them.

9. St. James v. 12 seems different in spirit
from this warning, which is rather against the
habit of lightly swearing, as leading to pro-
fanity and profanation. " The naming of
the Holy One "may refer to the invocation

122

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXIII.

[v. IO 12.

B.C.
cir. 200.

10 For as a servant that is conti-
nually beaten shall not be without a
blue mark : so he that sweareth and
nameth God continually shall not be
faultless.

1 1 A man that useth much swear-
ing shall be filled with iniquity, and
the plague shall never depart from his
house: if he shall offend, his sin
shall be upon him : and if he ac-

knowledge not his sin, he
double offence : and if he

B.C.
cir. 200.

maketh a
swear in

vain, he shall not be "innocent, but 11 Gr.
his house shall be full of calamities. &*&**•
12 b There is a word that is clothed * Lev. 24
about with death : God grant that it I;
be not found in the heritage of Jacob;
for all such things shall be far from
the godly, and they shall not wallow
in their sins.

of the name Jahveh in an oath. The utter-
ing of that name was not prohibited at that
time. "The Holy One:" a common mode
of expression for God — the formula in later
Hebrew being K-IH tj-lia WTIpn (ni"pn):
"The Holy One, blessed be '"He." The
Syr. seems to have thought such a light use
of the Holy Name impossible, and hence
applies the passage to judicial investigations.
It renders the second clause: "and be not
sitting among judges " [or may the words
have here slipped in from i>. 14^?]. The
Syr. accordingly continues in v. 10: "For
every son of man who swears much (often)
will not be free from stripes [shall not be
without incurring, or deserving, the punish-
ment of scourging] : similarly he who lyingly
swears shall not be free from guilt." In this
latter distinction the Syr. had perhaps in view
the Rabbinic idea of the punishment " by the
hand of God," or by " cutting off."

10. This verse seems rather to confirm the
impression given by the Syr. (see above), that
in the original the reference was to forensic
swearing, and in that case the Syr. helps us
to understand the otherwise difficult com-
parison in the Greek text.

For as a domestic slave that is con-
tinually being examined shall not be lack-
ing in weals [he will bear the bodily marks
of such investigation, which was by scourging],
so he that sweareth and taketh the Name
(viz. of God) at all times shall not be
clean from sin.] Here in the sense of
being free from guilt. As he lightly or
lyingly resorts constantly to swearing, the
invisible Hand lays on ' him the spiritual
scourge, the weals and bruises of which are
the defilement of sin, the guilt which he
contracts.

11. The figure is continued and developed.
iniquity.} Rather, unrighteousness.

the plague] Perhaps better, stroke, re-
ferring to the stroke of God. In the LXX
it is used for J?J3 in LXX. Ps. xxxviii. (xxxix.)
11; lxxxviii. (lxxxix.) 33; xc. (xci.) 10: and
repeatedly in the N. T. in the general sense
of a Divine stroke.

if he shall offend, <&>c.~] Rather, " if
he offend [transgress], his sin (is) upon
him." The first two clauses having laid down
the general principle, its application is shewn
in three possible cases. The first is that of
swearing and not doing: this involves sin.
The second is : and if he neglect, overlook —
this meaning being established by the use of
the word in Ecclus. (ii. 10; xxxv. 17 [in the
Greek MSS. except in 248, ch. xxxii. 14];
and especially in xxxviii. 16) — that is, if he
simply treat his oath as nothing, then " he
sinned twofold" — once by breaking his
oath, the other time by treating an oath as if
it were nothing. The third case contemplated
is not that of an oath which is broken, nor of
an oath which is treated as if it were nothing,
but of one which is needlessly taken : " and if
he swear in vain" (without cause, DJin, for
which it stands four times in the LXX. : once
for pH?, Lev. xxvi. 16 ; once for Dp1"}, Ps.
xxiv. (Heb. xxv.) 3 ; and only once, in Ps. xxx.
(Heb. xxxi.) 7, for KID') — in such a case "he
shall not be absolved," not be pronounced
innocent, without guilt, not be so treated —
lit. he shall not be justified. The expression
in that sense is common in Hebrew. The
Syr. paraphrases and alters, as it seems to us,
purposely.

12. From swearing the writer passes to
lewd speaking. Generally the verse is re-
garded as referring to blasphemy, but this
does not accord with the third and especially
not with the fourth clause. On the other
hand, the reference to lewd speaking is borne
out by i\ 13. Such speech was only too
common among the surrounding heathen
nations, but happily not " in the heritage of
Jacob."

There is a way of speaking [a speech]
which over against it is surrounded by
death.~\ The consequence of which is death
on every side, avrnvepLfie^Xrjiiivrj. The read-
ing avTLTrapaj3ej3\r]^.evt], "the counterpart of
which is death," is very attractive, but not
necessary, and would only suit the context if
the reference were to blasphemy.

God grant that.'] Rather, may it not be

V. I

7.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXIIL

123

B.C. 1-7 Use not thy mouth to intem-

cir. 200. ^ v , . . ,

— perate swearing, for therein is the
word of sin.

14 Remember thy father and thy
mother, when thou sittest among
great men. Be not forgetful before
them, and so thou by thy custom be-
come a fool, and wish that thou
job 3. hadst not been born, and c curse the
' &c- day of thy nativity.

' 2 Sam. J , r-ry, J 1 1

6.7. 15 I he man that is accustomed

to opprobrious words will never be .B- c.
reformed all the days of his life. ar^oo.

16 Two sorts of men multiply sin,
and the third will bring wrath : a
hot mind is as a burning fire, it will
never be quenched till it be con-
sumed : a fornicator in the body of
his flesh will never cease till he hath
kindled a fire.

17 fAll bread is sweet to a whore- e Prov. 9-
monger, he will not leave off till he die. I?'

found. For " shall " in the next two clauses,
rather " will." Omit " their " before " sins."

13. To filthy [lewd] coarseness ac-
custom not thy mouth.] Indulge not in
that species of coarseness which consists in
filthy talk. The last clause literally rendered
would be : " for therein is word of sin," or
perhaps " speech of sin." But this seems so
inapt that we suppose the Hebrew "G^,
literally " a word," to have been here as
frequently used in the sense of " matter
of," as in TH miy, or JH "im (which,

1 T T - : V ' T T T #V '

however, rather means something noxious) or
yi 12T or as the Rabbis have it : hw 111

- :' • t t

\Op. Accordingly, we would translate : " for
therein is matter of sin." [It has been
suggested that the Xoyns apaprias here may
throw light on the difficult expression ratio
peccati (" the nature of sin ") in Article ix. :
" Of original or birth-sin."] The Syr. once
more gives something different — as we believe,
of purpose.

14. The admonition in regard to the tongue
is now applied in a different direction. Fritz-
sche supposes the writer to be still referring
to the same subject as in v. 13. He proposes
to alter the "for (yap) thou sittest" into
" when thou sittest " (as in the A. V.), and
explains : Let consideration for thy parents,
as those who have educated thee, act as a
deterrent against coarse speech, lest thou
bring them to shame. But irrespective of
the arbitrariness involved in this explanation,
it is difficult to see how indulgence in coarse
speech could lead a person to wish he had
not been born (clause 5). Lastly, %>. 15 for-
bids any reference of v. 14 to lewd speech.
Bretschneider cuts the knot by regarding
i\ 1 4 as spurious, while Grotius proposes a
number of alterations too arbitrary for serious
consideration. In our view the author here
refers to another class of sins of the tongue
— those in breach of the fifth commandment.
It is the latter which he has in view. " Re-
member thy father and thy mother, for thou
sittest in the midst of great ones, that

thou be not forgetful before them (see
Winer, § 56, 2), and by thy custom [viz.
with them, thy habituation, here = familiarity]
thou behave foolishly" — when the con-
sequences mentioned in the last two clauses
would ensue, as threatened on breach of the
fifth commandment. For edicrpos, " custom,"
see LXX. Gen. xxxi. 35 f»|!jn) and 3 Kings

xviii. 28 (BSE**?).

15. A man <who is accustomed [who ac-
customs himself] to words of reproach
[viz. towards his parents, or else words of
shame, viz. in regard to them — either D^D-HS,
as in LXX. Is. xliii. 28, or HS'in] will not
become instructed [in the high moral
sense — trained, educated — and in this, its
true meaning, gebildet] in all his days.]
The Syr. paraphrases — again intentionally —
w. 14, 15 (the former rather according to
our interpretation of it), and adds a clause at
the end of v. 15 which raises the suspicion
of a desire to obscure what was the real
subject referred to in the original.

16. From words the author turns to deeds.
The meaning is sufficiently brought out ins
the A. V. "Two sorts" — "of men" is under-
stood, not expressed in the text. The two
sorts of men referred to are : A soul, hot
as burning fire (so better than in the A. V.);
and, secondly, the man guilty of the sin " in the
body of his flesh," of whom it is said : he will
never cease till he have kindled fire
(so, more correctly). Fritzsche understands
the iv <to) pan aapKos avrov just referred to of
the i'lK'3 "IX^ of Lev. xviii. 6 ; xxv. 49 : but
this is quite differently rendered in the LXX.,
nor could such a sin have been ranked as less
than the third class, described in v. 18, which
is characterised as bringing down wrath Qv.
16 b). The Syr. omits the first of the triad.

17. This verse is a parenthetic sentence
referring to and explaining v. 16, and also
preparing for the enormity off. 18.

Jill bread.'] Every kind of bread ; " bread,"
a euphemism, for which the parallel in
Prov. ix. 17 is doubtful (Prov. xx. 17 does

124

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXIII.

[v. 18—28.

B.C. 18 A man that breaketh wedlock,

say

in<r thus in his heart, -^ Who seeth

«&

s Job 24. me p j am compasse{] about with
Fs.io.ii. darkness, the walls cover me. and no

I FBI. 2Q.

15. body seeth me ; what need I to fear ?

the most High will not remember my
sins :

19 Such a man only feareth the
eyes of men, and knoweth not that
the eyes of the Lord are ten thousand

ch. :5. times brighter than the sun, ^behold-
ing all the ways of men, and con-
sidering the most secret parts.

20 He knew all things ere ever
* Gen. 1. they were created ; /: so also after

they were perfected he looked upon

them all.
' Lev. 20. 21 'This man shall be punished in
J°eut. 22. tne streets of the city, and where he
-2- suspecteth not he shall be taken.

22 Thus shall it go also with the

wife that leaveth her husband, and
stranger, bringeth in an heir by "another.

4- 3-

2? For first, she hath disobeyed B.C.

171 f \ TT-1 J cir- 2°0

the k law of the most Hicrh : and —
secondly, she hath trespassed against 20 *°
her own husband ; and thirdly, she
hath played the whore in adultery,
and brought children by another
man.

24 She shall be brought out into
the congregation, and " inquisition 0 Or,
shall be made of her children.

25 Her ''children shall not take/w;sd.
root, and her branches shall bring
forth no fruit.

26 She shall leave her memory to
be cursed, and her reproach shall not
be blotted out.

27 And they that remain shall
know that there is nothing better
than the fear of the Lord, and that
there is nothing sweeter than to take
heed unto the commandments of the
Lord.

28 It is great glory to follow the

not refer to this). Prov. xxx. 20 is more
parallel, and Ecclus. xxiii. 18 seems to have
this verse in view. But the euphemism was
adopted in later Hebrew parlance (as J"l5
" bread "), and is very coarsely carried into
detail in Shabb. 62 b, last line.

19. The language is abrupt, but all the
more striking.

And the eyes of men are his fear.]
I.e. the object of his fear. It is difficult to
reproduce the last clause. Perhaps this
gives it most nearly: and fully looking
into [perceiving] the secret places (lit.,
" parts "). This verse and that which follows
are a very apt digression, which enhances
the force of the admonition implied in the
previous verses.

20. Before all things were [the All
was] created they were known to Him,
and so also after they were com-
pleted. ] This is a bold Alexandrianism, for
which the Syr. has what we believe correctly
represents the original : " For before things
are they are open before Him, nay and after
the consummation of the world He iudeeth
it." to

21. The writer returns to the subject in
hand, and shews that although the adulterer
may imagine that he can withdraw himself
Irom the sight of God, yet He will bring his
sin to light and punish it publicly by the hand
of man.

22. From the male sinner the writer turns
to the adulteress: Similarly also the
wife. On the form -rrapia-Tcocra, see Winer,
p. 72.

23. Instead of "her own husband," the
Syr. has " the husband of her virginity." It
has also only one verb, instead of the Greek :
" she hath disobeyed . . . she hath trespassed."
Probably the original had only the expressive
rn33, which would equally apply to her sin
before God and towards man.

24. In the first clause the Syr. has: "she
shall be driven from the congregation." The
Greek seems to contemplate the public
inquisition into her crime, which appears
more likely to be correct than the excom-
munication indicated by the Syr., or the Syr.
may have had Deut. xxii. 21 in view. In the
second clause it is added that the consequences
of her sin shall be felt by her children, and
upon her children shall be visitation,
— probably r\2)V 1j?B\ Syr.: "and upon her
children shall her sins be remembered."

27. The Syr. : "and all the inhabitants of
the earth shall know, and all that are left
in the world shall understand." It seems
scarcely likely that these two clauses were in
the original. Was the first clause original,
and was the second taken from a comparison
with the Greek translation ? [See the General
Introduction, § VIII.] Or are we to regard
it as a Christian addition or rather ampli-
fication ?

1-2.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXIV.

B.C.
cir. 200.

Lord, and to be received of him is
Ions; life.

CHAPTER XXIV.

I Wisdom doth praise herself, shew her begin-
ning, 4 her dwelling, 13 her glory, 17 her
fricit, 26 /w increase and perfection.

WISDOM shall praise herself, B.C.
and shall glory in the midst ™—'

of her people. The praise

2 In the congregation of the most wisdom.
High shall she open her mouth, and
triumph before his power.

28. This verse in the A. V. must be
omitted.

CHAPTER XXIV.

Once more the closing lines of the pre-
ceding chapter form a transition to this,
which is aptly headed in the LXX., " Praise
of Wisdom." The beauty of this chapter has
been generally acknowledged. Accordingly
it has not only been separately translated
into German (see the literature in Frit/sche,
p. 124), but also repeatedly into Hebrew.
Here we have to mention first the Hebrew
translation by Lowth (in ' De sacra poesi
Hebr. praelectiones,' ed. Oxon), reprinted by
Fritzsche in his ' Comment, on Ecclus.'
(' Kurzgef. Exeg. Handb. ii. d. Apokr.,' v.,
pp. 134-136), and furnished by him with
Notes marking the alterations made by him
in his own independent translation. While
fully recognising the merits of this version, it
must be admitted that it leaves not a little to
be desired. 'Next, although not in the order
of time, we have the version of Isaac Seckel
Friinkel in his Hebrew translation of the
Apocrypha (Leipzig, 1830). This elegant
rendering is not open to some of the objections
which have been made to that of Lowth. But
it is far inferior in beauty of classical Hebrew
to that of Ben Seebh (see General Introd.).
The latter, however, follows to a great extent
the Syriac, and often deviates from the Greek
text. Passing from this to the subject-matter
of the chapter, its general arrangement seems
as follows. After an introduction in two verses,
in which Wisdom places herself, as it were,
in the midst of Israel, follow three stanzas in
praise of Wisdom, each consisting of five
verses. Stanza I. Qw. 3-7) presents Wisdom
before Israel's history commenced; Stanza II.
describes Wisdom as having taken root in the
midst of Israel (in: 8-12); Stanza III. sets
forth the glory and beauty of the tree thus
planted (-w. 13-17 ; -v. 18 must be omitted).
These three stanzas are followed, in a fourth
stanza (of four verses, 19-22), by an ad-
monition to accept that Wisdom. This
stanza seems to form a transition to what we
regard as the underlying thought in the rest
of the chapter (two stanzas .-6 + 5 verses).
Their purport may, for want of better terms,
be described as prophetic and missionary —
not in any controversial sense, nor even as
directly referring or addressing itself to the

heathen world, but as embodying the thought
and hope that the river of Wisdom, swelling
in the fulness of its waters, shall yet become
a sea ; that her morning light shall spread to
the utmest bounds of earth, and that her
teaching as prophecy shall sound in the ears
of all and to all generations Qw. 30-34). The
Syriac translation leaves no doubt that the
chapter formed part of the original work of
Sirach. Thus viewed, the chapter is of the-"
greatest importance, as illustrating not only
the religious views of the writer but, by
implication, also the date of the composition
of his book and the religious history of that
period. For we mark a decided advance upon
Prov. viiL That chapter itself is character-)
isFic oFthe Chokhmah-Uterature of Israel, but
of its biblical"yTeriocT, although of a late stage
in it. But Ecclus. xxiv. goes much beyond it
in the direction of admitting the influence,
Grecian thought, and indicating a benignant
attitude towards the world outside the
bounds of Israel. The former appears even
from the manner in which Wisdom is de-
scribed ; the latter, from the thoughts and
hopes expressed of the ultimate universal
prevalence and acceptance of Israel's Divine
Wisdom in the happy future in prospect.
Eichhorn regards this chapter as beginning
the Second Part of Ecclesiasticus (to xlii. 14) ;
Fritzsche, as opening Section III.

1. The meaning would probably be more
accurately thus represented : " Let Wisdom
praise herself, and in the midst of her people
let her glory." The writer, as it were, calls
upon Wisdom to open her mouth and to set
forth her excellency before the whole people.
The future tense is to be understood in this
jussive sense. From v. 3 onwards Wisdom
iT~ introduced as responding to this call.

her people.'] The Syr. has " the people of
God." This, no doubt correctly. It also
has " she will be honoured " instead of " let
her glory."

2. In the congregation of the Most High
[probably ^X rni'3, as in the Syr.] let her
open her mouth, and let her glory [i.e. set forth
her glory] before His Might [i.e. before God].]
The most divergent opinions prevail as to
the meaning of the expression "before His
Might" {ivavTi 8wuij.ecQs airov). Lowth

renders i^n ^a?, " before His host," pre-

126

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXIV.

[v- 3—7-

B.C.
cir. 200.

J Or,
a mist.

" Job 22.

■4-

i Ps. 104.

3 I came out of the mouth of the
most High, and covered the earth as
a " cloud.

4 a I dwelt in high places, and
b my throne is in a cloudy pillar.

5 I alone compassed the circuit of

heaven, and walked in the bottom of
the deep.

6 In the waves of the sea, and in
all the earth, and in every people and
nation, I got a possession.

7 With all these I sought rest :

B.C.

cir. 200.

sumably Israel ; Fritzsche, W \3Sp, " before
His Might " ; Frankel, W\ We 'believe that

the original was iTTWan \3??J literally, " be-
fore the Might," but a very common mode of
expression in later Hebrew for "before God."
Perhaps, however, the Hebrew may have been

3. Wisdom responds to the appeal : " I
came forth from the mouth of the Most
High." This is the earliest identification of
Wisdom with the \6yos, but as yet only as
God manifesting, not as having manifested,
Himself: hence not yet "the Word."

cloud.~\ The dark and misty cloud. The
Xoyos as the creative (or rather the forma-
tive) agency is brooding over the face of the
dark chaotic deep. What in Gen. i. 2 is
said of " the Spirit of God " is here attributed
to Wisdom, with this additional difference,
that this emanation of Wisdom from God
as He is manifesting Himself is represented
as immediately preceding that orderly ar-
rangement of the world in which Wisdom is
the agent. The older Church writers regarded
this personification of Wisdom as the Christ.
But the vital difference of thought in Ecclus.
is apparent from the following verses (see
especially v. 9). We find here, not the
beginnings of Christianity, but of Alexan-
drianism ; and the personification (?) or rather
distinction of Wisdom as God manifesting
Himself points forward to Philo, not to the
Gospels.

4. I dwelt in the heights, and my throne
(is, was?) on the pillar of cloud.] We
cannot see in this any reference to the cloudy
pillar in the wilderness. It is true that Philo
(' Quis rer. Div. her.' § 42) regards the cloud
which separated Israel and the Egyptians
(Ex. xiv. 19) as an emblem of Wisdom, but
the whole context forbids us to identify this
allegorical combination with the passage be-
fore us (see Dahne, 'Jiid. Alex. Relig. Phil.'
u-PP- 'H, 135). The figure of Wisdom as
enthroned on a pillar of cloud is sublime.

5. The figure is further developed. Amidst
the solemn silence and solitude prevailing
W lsdom fills all and pervades all.

/ compassed.] In the sense of " I circled,"
or of " I went round about," »ni3D.

alone.] The Syr. has: "together with

Him." The difference is great, and of serious
importance if the inference which it suggests
be well grounded. We can scarcely account
for it merely by a different reading of the
same or similar Hebrew letters. For the

Syr. at least suggests the word \S>V.. And,
irrespective of this, the rendering of the
Greek evidently suits the context, which the
Syriac does not. It would therefore seem
that the Syr. expression " together with Him "
represents an intentional alteration on the
part of the translator ? If so, remembering
that the ancient Christian writers identified
" Wisdom " in Ecclus. with Christ, it suggests
a Christian hand, either in the translation or
the redaction of the text. Without claiming
certainty for our inference, the alteration in
this verse forms an important element in
determining the question of the Christian
authorship of the Syr. Version. In any case
the expression "together with Him" goes
much beyond the language of Prov. viii. 30,
in which Wisdom presents herself as " an

artificer by His side " (1?V^ — certainly not =
"together with Him"). When the Siracide
speaks of the all-pervading presence of Wis-
dom, he refers presumably to her formative
agency in regard to our present world.

in the bottom of the deep.] Lit. in the
depth of the abysses. The expression is
interesting.

6. We advance another step. The rule of
Wisdom is to be traced, not only in nature,
but also among men.

/ got a possession.] Fritzsche supposes the
Greek to have misunderstood 'JVJp in the
original ; that the word here meant " I created "
(as in Prov. viii. 22 and other places); and
that it should have been translated by eicria-a.
But this seems impossible. The underlying
idea would not be Hebraic — in fact, it would
be inconsistent with Prov. viii. 22. Nor yet
would it be Alexandrian, as even the Greek
translation of the verse shews. Still less
would it belong to that intermediate period
to which we ascribe the work of the Siracide.
Lastly, what would be the meaning of a
creative agency of Wisdom " in the waves
of the sea, and in all the earth, and in every
people and nation " ? Our difficulty is rather
increased than diminished by the Syr., which
renders : " I was given rule [or control] over

v. 8— ii.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXIV.

127

B.C.
cir. 200.

and in whose inheritance shall I
abide ?

8 So the Creator of all things gave
me a commandment, and he that
made me caused my tabernacle to
rest, and said, Let thy dwelling be in
Jacob, and thine inheritance in Israel.

9 He c created me from the begin- b. c.

ning before the world, and I shall cirj_^°-

never fail. c Prov- 8-

22.

10 In the ^holy tabernacle I serv- <*Exod.
ed before him ; and so was I esta- 3I- 3-
blished in Sion. R Ts,' r3f"

1 1 e Likewise in the " beloved city 11 Or, holy.

the waves of the sea," Sec. Did the Syr.
purposely choose an expression that might
mean one thing or another, or must we regard
this as an emendation similar to that in v. 5 ?

7. With all these.'] Viz. every people and
nation. "We can scarcely doubt that the
question here propounded by Wisdom (al-
though not necessarily addressed to God, as
Fritzsche supposes) expresses what was after-
wards formulated by the Rabbis in the legend
that the Law had been offered to, and refused
by, every nation before it was accepted by
Israel at Mount Sinai (' Abh. Z.' 2 b, towards
the end). The legend in the Talmud was
supported by an appeal to Deut. xxxiii. 2 and
Hab. iii. 2. Possibly the legend represents
a survival of the fundamental thought of
Alexandrianism, or rather of that more free
thinking which in Palestine itself formed the
root and source of what afterwards was
developed in Jewish Hellenism as the idea of
an original share of all mankind in that highest
Wisdom which found its full expression in
the Law. Long after such views had passed
away in Palestine, and indeed evoked the
bitter antagonism of the Rabbis, its leading
idea may, all unconsciously to themselves,
have survived in this legend. From its theo-
logical aspect that question ultimately resolves
itself into the great problem which must
engage every thoughtful student of Revela-
tion : that of the universal Fatherhood of
God. How differently it was solved in the
Gospel and in Apostolic preaching, need not
here be explained.

8. So.] Rather, then. The reference
here is to the Revelation of God in Israel,
and more particularly to the Law, wherein
Wisdom, which is the emanation of God,
restfully tabernacled upon earth.

and thine inheritance in Israel.] Lit. " and
let thine inheritance be given thee in Israel."

9. from the beginning.] Fritzsche (object-
ing with reason to the JVtrXIE of Lightfoot)
suggests Dlpp as the original Hebrew, but
incorrectly, and his appeal to Mic. v. 1 only
goes against him. We believe the Hebrew

words were D^iyft and B>K")E, as in Prov.
vin. 23, which, indeed, the LXX. renders by
the same words as in our passage {irpo tou
alcovos ... eV dpxjj — in our passage an'

dpxrjs). The verse reads as follows : Before
the Aeon [i.e. before time began], from
the beginning, He created me (the two
terms are evidently not identical, as Fritzsche
supposes); and to the Aeon [i.e. the end
of time] I shall not ever fail. The Syr.
has : " Before the world I was created, and
to the Aeon of Aeons [eternity] my remem-
brance shall not fail." Here also we should
perhaps note as significant the alteration " to
the Aeon of Aeons " in the Syr. for the Greek
" to the Aeon." The expression " Aeon of
Aeons," or, more frequently, " the Aeons of
Aeons," is frequent in the N. Test. It does
not occur in the Gospels, where awTeXeiarov
alSivos is peculiar to St. Matthew (there five
times, once in Heb. ix. 26), but in the Pauline
Epistles (Gal. i. 5 : Eph. iii. 21 ; Phil. iv. 20;
1 Tim. i. 17; 2 Tim. iv. 18), in Heb. (i. 8 ;
xiii. 21), in 1 Pet. (iv. n), and especially in
the Book of Revelation (there fourteen times).
In the Old Testament it is only found in Dan.
vii. 18 (there also in the LXX.). Besides
this, it occurs in the LXX. (with the excep-
tion of 1 Esdr. iv. 38) exclusively, although
frequently, in the version of the Psalms (there
not less than twenty-eight times), and in
Tob. vi. 18. Does this indicate that the
LXX. version of the Psalms was made after
Daniel, in which the expression was ap-
parently introduced — but soon after it, as the
frequency of its occurrence seems to suggest ?
It also occurs in the Targum Onkelos, and
later on in that on the Psalms, which cannot
date earlier than the second half of the 7th
century. We regard it as characteristic of
the anti-Hellenistic tendency of the Syr. that,
while making the last clause of v. 8 a separate
verse (v. 9), it adds to v. 9 (which in the
Syr. is f. 10) the first clause of our Greek
•v. 10. For thereby what in the Greek ex-
hibits Wisdom in a wider and universal
aspect (v. 9) becomes strictly Judaic (comp.
the note on v. 34). If the emendations,
therefore, are Christian, they must be Judaeo-
Christian. To complete its re-arrangement
of the verses, the Syr. adds the Greek v. 10 b
to v. ir, which thus becomes a verse of three
lines.

10. and so.] The Syr. has " and again."
Had the original DJ1, or did the Syr. wish to
convey something special ?

<was I established.] In all probability the

128

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXIV.

[v. 12 19.

B.C. he gave me rest, and in Jerusalem

cir. 200. ° ' J

— was my power.

12 And I took root in an honour-
able people, even in the portion of
the Lord's inheritance.

13 I was exalted like a cedar in
Libanus, and as a cypress tree upon
the mountains of Hermon.

14 I was exalted like a palm tree
in J En-gaddi, and as a rose plant in
Jericho, as a fair olive tree in a
pleasant field, and grew up as a plane

n Or, in tree it by trie Water.

the water. J

151 gave a sweet smell like cin-
namon and aspalathus, and I yielded a
pleasant odour like the best myrrh,

II Or,
Lades.

as galbanum, and onyx, and sweet b. c
storax, and as the fume of /frank-
incense in the tabernacle.

16 As the turpentine tree I stretch-
ed out my brauches, and my branch-
es are the branches of honour and

/ Exod.
3°- 34. 36

grace

17 *As the vine brought I forth fsJ°hn
pleasant savour, and my flowers are

the fruit of honour and riches.

18 I am the mother of fair love,
and fear, and knowledge, and holy
hope : I therefore, being eternal, am
given to all my children which are 1: Or,

dr 1 • chosen.

or him.

19 h Come unto me, all ye that be 55. i."

Hebrew had, as the Syr., *ftt?j?, which bears
the Greek rendering. The verse points to
the presence of God and the Divinely instituted
worship in the Tabernacle, which became
permanent in the Temple. In the Taber-
nacle Wisdom became, as it were, the
ministrant, and in this her office she was
established in Zion. At the same time, this
verse, when viewed in connexion with v. 9,
is not by any means Judaic in the special
sense of the term. For Wisdom, which in
•v. 9 was spoken of in relation to the world
generally, is in v. 10 only presented as con-
centrating her agency : she has her ministra-
tion in the Levitical worship, and her Metro-
polis, so to speak, is in Zion. And this mode
of viewing Wisdom is, as we have seen, cha-
racteristic of the theological standpoint of the
older Siracide.

11. my power.'] Rather, my authority,
" rule," as in the Syr.

12. slnd I took root in an h 0 n 0 u r e d people
[one that attained honour, became distin-
guished through this very thing] in the portion
of the Lord, (the portion) of His inheritance.
(Comp. Deut. xxxii. 9, where the LXX. has
the same two words.)

13. This verse begins a new stanza. I was
exalted.'] Rather, I grew lofty. Wisdom
having thus taken root, her glory is next set
forth under some figures.

14. / was exalted.! Rather, I grew
lofty.

in En-gaddi.] The Vat. text has iv alyia-
\ois, " by the sea-shores," but the reading of
the A. V., found in one or another form in
several MSS., must be preferred, as being
confirmed by the Syr. and also generally
more suitable, since palms are not supposed
to attain any special height by the sea-shore,

while Engedi was celebrated for its palms, as
even its other name, Chat sat son Tamar, indi-
cates. Omit "pleasant" before "field;"
omit also " by the water." The Syr., how-
ever, has the words, " a rose plant," — no
doubt in Heb., as in the Syr., 11\, or else
KTll. The word occurs in the Mishnah.

T •-

15. But there is not only glory; beauty also
and sweetness, as well as rich fruit.

like cinnamon and aromatic aspalathos.]
The latter is described by Pliny as of the
height of a small tree, with flower of rose.
Its root was used for making a precious
ointment.

I yielded.] Rather, I spread, I dif-
fused. The words "in the tabernacle" are
omitted in the Syr. The omission further
indicates the Christian authorship of this
version.

16. Rather, and my branches (were)
branches of glory and grace — "grace"
here in the sense of beauty. For " tere-
binth " the Syr. has " rhododaphne," the rose-
laurel, probably either a species of oleander
or a rhododendron.

17. I, like a vine, budded forth beauty
[adopting the Alex, reading, eliXda-Tijaa], and
my flowers (ripen into) fruit of glory and
riches.] We are here reminded of St. John
xv. 1.

18. This verse in the A. V. must be omitted.
It is probably of Christian authorship. It
is not found in the Syr., which in general
arranges the previous verses somewhat
differently.

19. This verse begins another stanza (see
the introductory remarks to the chapter).
On the ground of the previous description,
Wisdom now makes her appeal to all men.

V. 2

o— 25.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXIV.

129

E. C.
cir. 200.

desirous of me, and fill yourselves
with my fruits.

20 For my memorial is i 'sweeter
than honey, and mine inheritance than
the honeycomb.

21 They that eat me shall yet be
hungry, and they that drink me shall
yet be thirsty.

22 He that obeyeth me shall never
be confounded, and they that work
by me shall not do amiss.

23 All these things are the book b. c.
of the covenant of the most high cnjj^°-
God, even the *law which Moses *Exod.
commanded for an heritage unto the&a£3.
congregations of Tacob. Peut- 4- *•

o e> •> m & 29. 1.

24 Faint not to be strong in the & 33- 4-
Lord ; that he may confirm you,
cleave unto him : /for the Lord Al- 1 isai. 45.
mighty is God alone, and beside him 2I'
there is no other Saviour.

25 He filleth all things with his

fruits.] Lit., products. The Syr. is some-
what paraphrastic.

20. For my remembrance [the memory,
thought of me] is more sweet than honey, and
mine inheritance [this suits the context better
than " portion"] above the honeycomb^] We
read with some MSS. and many authorities,
Krjpiov (Alex., 248, and cognate MSS. nr/plov') ;
the Vulg. (which has Spirit us meus for "my
remembrance") renders: super mel et f avion;
the Syr. has s\m\>\yfwvus. More probably the

Hebrew had £>;n"*|-1¥, as in Prov. xvi. 24 ;
and the word occurs again in D^a-ltf nBJ,
" the forthpouring of the honey cells," Ps.
xix. 11 (see Delitzsch, ad loc). This verse
and the following have this additional interest
that they show the well-known hymn attri-
buted (rightly, in its genuine parts) to St.
Bernard of Clairvaux, to have been based on
Ecclus. xxiv. [The hymn in Daniel, ' Thes.
Hymnol.' i. p. 222 ; Mone, ' Hymni Lat.' i.
p. 329 ; and again in Daniel, u. s. iv. p. 215.
It is in parts translated in the well-known
hymn, " Jesu, the very thought of Thee,"
' Hymns Ancient and Modern,' 178 ; the first
stanza more closely in Hymn 177. In its
entirety it has been translated by the present
writer: ' The Jubilee Rhythm of St. Bernard
and other Hymns,' London, 1867.] The
opening stanza of the hymn is an adaptation of
Ecclus. xxiv. 20 : Jesu dulcis memoria — dans
vera cordis gaudia — sed super mel et omnia —
dulcis ejus praesentia. Again Ecclus. xxiv. 2 1
reappears in lines 45, 46 {apud Mone; 77, 78,
apud Daniel) : qui te gustant, esuriunt — qui
bibunt, adhuc sitiunt. And this settles a
curious literary question. Mone gives the
hymn from the oldest MS. (dating from the
14th cent: see u. s. p. 330), in which it
bears the title: Cursus de aeterna sapientia,
and alike he and Daniel (a. j. t. iv.) are un-
certain as to the origin of the superscription
de aeterna sapientia, which so widely differs
from those in other MSS. But in view of the
connexion between this hymn and Ecclus.
xxiv. its ancient title seems accounted for.
The expression cursus is either = officium
borarum, or else = the 6>6uos tw 7nW coy — in

Apoc— Vol. II.

this instance more likely the latter, although
the hymn is arranged for "the hours."

22. be confounded.'] Rather, be ashamed.

not do amiss.] Rather, not sin. Syr.:
" shall never fall, and all his works shall not
be corrupted" — they shall be incorruptible,
either in the sense of their being permanent
in value and goodness, or in that of not
becoming gradually perverted. The Syr.
version gives, in our view, a better meaning
than the Greek. In the original the first

clause was probably, as in the Syr., v V^W

7\Q\ NP. Fritzsche explains: "he shall not
be put to shame," viz. as regards his hope of
happiness, by obedience to the Divine com-
mandments. But the second clause is against
this interpretation.

23. The Greek is here peculiarly interest-
ing. Literally it reads: "All these [with
reference to all that was previously said of
"Wisdom] the book of the covenant of the
most high God." The sentence requires
some verb. The Syr. has : " all these (things)
are written in the book of the covenant of
the Lord." We believe that the Hebrew

had \\ JVT3 1DD2 H^S ?3, " all these things
are in the book of the covenant of Jehovah,"
and that the Greek, by way of giving a Hel-
lenistic turn to the statement, left out the ^t,
so as simply to identify Wisdom with the
Law. We suspect a somewhat similar ten-
dency in the next clause: "the law which
Moses commanded, an [the?] inheritance to
the congregations of Jacob" (we punctuate
as Tischendorf and as in the Alex.). The
plural " congregations " must refer to the
Diaspora, and would scarcely have been in
the original. The Syr. has : " the law which
Moses commanded, it is an inheritance to
the congregation of Jacob." The expression

D^npD, Ps. xxvi. 12, and rripnpn, Ps. lxviii.
27 — both rendered by the LXX. iv tKick-qo-lais
— certainly do not here afford a parallel so as
to explain the plural. The accus. vufxov, by
virtue of attraction (see Winer, u. s. § 66, 5,
P- 552).

13°

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXIV.

[v. 26 — 31.

B.C. wisdom, as '"Phison and as Tigris in

or* 200.

- — ' the time of the new fruits.
„, en' 2' 26 He maketh the understanding
to abound like Euphrates, and as
"josh. 3. "Jordan in the time of the harvest.

27 He maketh the doctrine of
knowledge appear as the light, and as
Geon in the time of vintage.

28 The first man knew her not
perfectly : no more shall the last find
her out.

29 For her thoughts are more B.C.
than the sea, and her counsels pro- - —
founder than the great deep.

70 I also came out as a "brook " 0r>

r -' , 1 • ■ drain,

from a river, and as a conduit into a or, ditch.
garden.

31 I said, I will water my best
garden, and will water abundantly
my garden bed : and, lo, my brook
became a river, and my river became
a sea.

24. This verse in the A. V. must be
omitted.

25. "Which [viz. the Law] maketh wis-
dom full as Phison, and as Tigris in the time of
the new fruits.] The Greek seems to convey
the meaning that the Law gives the fulness of
wisdom, which is again a Hellenistic turn for
the Syr. : " which is full, as Phison, with
wisdom." And this, as we suppose, the
original had. The point of comparison is :
when these rivers are most full of water.

in the time of the new fruits.] D'H-lSijin »D?9
Numb, xxviii. 26. The allusion here is not
to Pentecost (as seems implied in v. 26 b),
since the rivers would then not be in flood.
St. Jerome (on Hagg. ii.) rightly describes
Nisan (Abhibh) — March or April — as " the
month of the new fruits " (mensis novorum).
Very significantly the streams selected are
those of Paradise: Pishon, Gen. ii. 11, and
Hiddeqel (Tigris), Gen. ii. 14. The figure is
continued in v. 26. The Syr. must have
confused the lines. It has : " as Tigris in the
days of field-products [harvest] . . . and as
Jordan in the days of Nisan."

27. It [the Law] maketh instruction [viz.
of the moral kind, rraiSela] 1 0 appear [brings
it forth], like the Nile.] The Greek has
" as the light," but this evidently from a mis-
understanding of the Hebrew "1S<3, which, as
in Amos viii. 8, stands for "I'^'S, comp. Amos
ix. 5 (see Hitzig-Steiner, 'Kurzgef. Exeg.
Handb.' ad loc; and Gutmann, ' d. Apokr.'
p. 83, note). The Syr. renders the word
correctly.

Geon.'] Gen. ii. 13; afterwards regarded as
the Nile (comp. LXX. Jer. ii. 18).

28. The first [viz. man, not, as Fritzsche
supposes, the first searcher] knew her [viz.,
here again, Wisdom] not perfectly [did not
complete to know her, did not finish know-
ledge of Wisdom]; and likewise the last
(man) shall not search her out.] She is
beyond the complete ken of man.

29. For her thought [thinking?] is full
more than the sea, and her counsel more

than the great deep.] So abundant that it
cannot be all taken in (t. 28 a); so deep that
it cannot be quite searched out (a\ 28 b).
'A7rd — a well-known Hebraism (comp. Vor-
stius, 'de hebr. N. T.,' p. 352).

30. A new stanza. Wisdom being thus
beyond the compass of unaided man, she
made for herself a channel in Revelation, and
specifically in the Law, by which to carry her
fertilising waters in the first place to her
" garden," viz. Israel. But this river is yet to
become a sea: the blessings first communi-
cated to Israel are to be shared by all man-
kind and to all ages, and so shall the final
aim of Wisdom be realised and her true
character appear.

And I came out as a channeiyrow a river,
and as a conduit into an orchard [garden,
park, irapd8ei(ros].] Mark that this channel
and conduit issued from the paradisiac streams
previously referred to. The underlying idea
seems to be that these rivers had compassed
all Paradise — that originally all mankind were
intended to have share in that Divine Wisdom,
but that in the course of time (comp. w. 7-
9) her waters passed through the channel of the
Law into Israel, which thus became " a well-
watered garden," Is. lviii. 11, ktjttos fiedvoov —
the two words actually occur in v. 31. It is
therefore the Law which, as Wisdom resid-
ing in the midst of Israel, is once more the
speaker.

31. Omit from the A. V. "best" before
" garden."

my brook, <b'c] Rather, the channel
hecame to me a river. The last line is
specially interesting : " and my river became
a sea." For this the Syr. has : " and the river
went down to the sea." It is scarcely possible
to account for this difference either by a
misreading or a mistranslation of the original.
Nor can we suppose that the Syr. made an
alteration of the original : first, because the
thought which it expresses is much more
Hebraic than the Greek version (we suppose
both the Heb. and the Syr. to have referred
to the Diaspora) : secondly, because we can-
not perceive any object for such an alteration

v. 32-i.] ECCLESIASTICUS. XXIV. XXV.

I31

B.C.

cir. 200.

32 I will yet make doctrine to
shine as the morning, and will send
forth her light afar otf.

33 I will yet pour out doctrine as
prophecy, and leave it to all ages for
ever.

34 "Behold that I have not la-
boured for myself only, but for all
them that seek wisdom.

CHAPTER XXV.

B.C.
cir. 200.

I What things are beautiful, and what hateful.
6 IVhat is the crown of age. 7 What things
make men happy. 13 Nothing 'worse than a
wicked woman. ,'. ,

gloried.

IN three things I "was beautified, g Gen- 13-
and stood up beautiful both before Ps. i33. i.
God and men : the a unity of brethren, i0.

in the Syriac. For we cannot regard it as
an allusion to the communication of Israel's
Wisdom to the Gentiles by the Gospel (see
next verse). On the other hand, if the altera-
tion be on the part of the Greek translator,
its object and meaning are obvious. The
narrow channel of the Law becomes the wide
river of prophetic declaration, of true Wisdom-
lore, perhaps swelled by Grecian tributaries ;
and this again merges into the boundless sea,
when Wisdom shall be no longer Hebraic
nor yet Grecian, but universal, watering every
shore. That such was the meaning of the
Greek translator seems confirmed by the
verses which follow.

32. I will yet light up instuction [in
the moral and religious sense] as the dawn

[s>p0pos = "in^;, Joel ii. 2 — fens -int:;3

^',"!^n"?y, possibly the figure may have been
in the mind of the writer, although with very
different application], and I will cause it
[instruction] to shine forth [shew it] unto
afar off.] Aura : see Winer, u. s. §22, 3, p. 128,
for the combination of these pronouns in the
plural with a noun in the sing. Fritzsche
suggests that p^para 7rai8eias was in the mind
of the translator. The Syr. has : " Yet again
shall I declare [tell] my doctrine in the morn-
ing and shall leave it to many ages." The
latter clause appears in the Greek as v. 3 3 b. As
regards the first clause, the 3 — as the dawn or
morning — has been evidently misread 3. Irre-
spective of this alteration, it must 'be left
undetermined whether the Greek or the Syr.
correctly represents the Hebrew original.
Our view is in favour of the Syr.

33. / will yet pour forth teaching [in-
struction] as prophecy^ Possibly a Hellenis-
tic adaptation of Joel ii. 28 may have been
intended by the Greek translator. The Svr.
has: "Yet again shall I declare [tell] my
doctrine in prophecy " (once more -possibly
though not probably— a confusion of 3 and 3).

and leave it unto generations of Aeons
= all generations, the els marking the time,
not the persons. For this clause the Syr.
has: "and the end will be unto afar off."
Possibly the original may have had (as in

Talmudic usage) such a word as JWllX,
"doctrines," "teaching," and the Syr. may
have misread it nrTHnX.

t • -: -

34. The final exclamation of the Jewish
Law, thoroughly Hellenistic in spirit : " Behold
that I laboured not for myself only, but for
all them that seek her," viz. Wisdom: the
Law laboured not only for the Jews, but for
all who sought Wisdom. The Syr. omits
this verse, nor do we believe that it was in
the original Hebrew. We may perhaps
suggest that the younger Siracide introduced
it in this place from xxxiii. 1 7 (in the A. V. ;
xxx. 26 in the Greek MSS.), where the
wording is similar, although not the con-
nexion.

CHAPTER XXV.

From the height attained in ch. xxiv. the
writer again descends to the general level of
this book. In the chapter before us various
proverbial sayings, the outcome of a not very
elevated Oriental experience of life, are grouped
under the headings of things desirable and
undesirable. The first two verses are general.
They are followed by a statement of what is
desirable and honourable in old age, and
specially in the eldership (four verses : w. 3-
6), and of what is generally desirable in life
(five verses: -w. 7-1 1). Then follows what
is undesirable in life (three verses: int. 13-
15 ; i'. 12 in A. V. must be omitted);
lastly, what is undesirable in that which
forms the largest factor in life, the family and
the relation between the sexes (eleven verses :

1)13. 16—26).

1. Interpreters have regarded the text as
in a state of confusion, nor indeed is it easy
to determine who is introduced as speaking
in v. 1. The Syr. has: "Three things my
soul desired, and they are beautiful before
God and man." As regards the Greek text
we are inclined to believe that the writer
intended here to introduce universal Wisdom
as speaking in her character of discipline or
" instruction " (xxiv. 32, 33). In any case it
seems difficult, without altering the whole
text, to give it the meaning of the Syr.,
which the Vet. Lat. follows. Translate : con-
cord among brethren (viz. of the same

K 2

I32

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXV.

[v. 2—8.

B- c. the love of neighbours, a man and a

cir. 200. .

- — wife that agree together.

2 Three sorts of men my soul
hateth, and I am greatly offended at
their life : a poor man that is proud,
a rich man that is a liar, and an old
adulterer that doateth.

3 If thou hast gathered nothing in
thy youth, how canst thou find any
thing in thine age ?

4 O how comely a thing is judg-
ment for gray hairs, and for ancient
men to know counsel !

K O how comely is the wisdom B- c.

r i l II 1 • 1 c'r- 2°°

of old men, and understanding and —
counsel to men of honour !

6 Much experience is the crown of
old men, and the fear of God is their
glory.

7 There be nine things which I
have judged in mine heart to be
happy, and the tenth I will utter with
my tongue : A man that hath joy of
his children ; and he that liveth to see
the fall of his enemy :

8 Well is him that dwelleth with

nation. Israel), affection among kindred,
&c. We have thus an ascending climax of
relationship.

2. Bnt three sorts (of men) my soul hateth,
and I greatly abhor [abominate, am vexed
at?] their manner of life [£&»/ — so pro-
bably, although possibly their life = the fact
of their existence ; the latter would be better
Greek]: a poor man who is arrogant
\_vnepT](f)avos, not merely " proud," but arro-
gantly and insolently so], a rich man who
is lying [as it were: a beggar who is a
braggart, and a rich man who makes promises
and breaks them. The bearing or conduct
of these two " sorts *' is utterly incongruous,
absolutely inexcusable, nay unaccountable ;
it is of a character to evoke abhorrence, or
else to make one wish such persons out
of existence], and an aged adulterer [an
adulterous old man] who is wanting in
understanding.] The last clause must
be regarded not as an apposition, but, as
frequently in Hebrew, as generally applying
to and describing the conduct of such
an one. Like that of the other two, his
conduct is utterly incongruous, inexcus-
able, nay unaccountable and abominable.
For what we have rendered "arrogant,"
wrepr]<pavos, the Hebrew had no doubt nXii?

as (four if not five times) in the LXX. ; for
" who is lying " it would have 2T3 ; 2T3 with
7 meaning " to lie to a person," " to deceive
him," — more particularly " to break one's
plighted word " (comp. Ps. lxxxix. 36). The
Syr. does not specify the sin in the third
clause, but has : :' and an old man who is
foolish and wanting in knowledge." Similarly
the Vet. Lat. and the Syr. Hex. The
Talmud mentions these three things as what
u the mind cannot bear," adding as a fourth :
a Parnas — official, administrator in the con-
gregation—who exalts himself over the con-
gregation : either in the sense of vanity or
else of neglecting their wants (Pes. 1 13 £).

3. If thou hast not gathered in youth.]
The Syr. adds " wisdom." Similar sentiments
are expressed in Talmudic writings, the most
closely resembling that of the Son of Sirach
being the following quoted as a proverb : " If
in thy youth thou hast not desired them (the
words of the Law), how shalt thou attain them
in thine old age ?" (Ab. d. R. Nath. xxiv. about
the middle). — The sentence is intended to
prepare for the praise in the next verses of
a wise old age, for which it is necessary to
gather the stores in youth.

4. judgment. 1 DSE'D, in the sense of
" right, justice."

ancient men .] Rather, aged men.

to know counsel.] The Syr., " understand-
ing." Only such old age as here described
is desirable.

5. ho-zu comely is the tvisdom of elders, and
understanding and counsel to those placed in
honour. .] We believe the reference here to
be to the official elders, the yepovres, D*3j?T,
the members of the ytpovuiu. This view is
confirmed by the next verse ; and in that case
•v. 6 also gains additional meaning. Similarly
the Syr. has " dignitaries."

6. The crown of elders [again in the
official sense] is much experience, and
their glory (boast) fear of the Lord.]
See previous verse. This adorns and digni-
fies them in truth.

7. A new stanza: what is desirable in life:
Lit. Nine suppositions [ = cases supposed]
I in heart [i.e. in my own unspoken think-
ing and wishing] deem happy — while as to
the tenth he has no hesitation in uttering and
declaring it. The Syr. has : " Nine (things)
which have not entered into my heart I
have praised, and ten which I have not
uttered." This must depend on a misread-
ing. We would suggest that the original

had »3^8 6V JWfcl, and that the Syr.,
... T . ... / >

dropping out the second V, read : XI? J^'fl

v. g-

•]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXV.

*33

B.C.
cir. 200.

b ch. 14. i,
& 19. 16.
James 3.

*0r,
a friend.

I Prov. 3.
13-

a wife of understanding, and that
hath not ^slipped with his tongue,
and that hath not served a man more
unworthy than himself:

9 Well is him that hath found
"prudence, and he that spealceth in
the ear of them that will hear :

10 cO how great is he that findeth
wisdom ! yet is there none above him
that feareth the Lord.

11 But the love of the Lord pass- B.C.
eth all things for illumination : he cnjJ^°-
that holdeth it, "whereto shall he be n Or,
likened? towho,,u

12 The fear of the Lord is the
beginning of his love : and faith
is the beginning; of cleaving; unto
him.

13 [Give me] any plague, but the
plague of the heart : ^and any wick- ^ver. 19.

''Sbb, or even *a!?"^ *&• The sentiment of
the last clause is certainly not of an elevated
character. For the remaining part of the
verse the Syr. has: "the man who re-
joiceth in his end" (presumably, who looks
forward trustfully and joyously to the final
Divine vindication and retribution, whether
in this life or the next) " while he yet liveth
shall see the fall of his enemies." We may
feel certain that this was not in the original.
It is another question whether the alteration
was intentional or not. We believe the
former, and that the Syr. sought, by a per-
haps slight change in the Hebrew text, to
convert what was an objectionable into a
pious sentiment.

8. Three further "beatitudes" follow (the
third, fourth, and fifth) : " Well is him "—
rather, happy he— "that hath not slipped;"
rather, that slippeth not. Last clause:
"and that serveth not one unworthy
of him" — a person whose character or folly
renders it derogatory, or a trial, to have to
do his bidding or to be his subordinate. To
the first clause of the verse there are many
parallels in Rabbinic writings. But the Syr.
addition to this clause is, so far as we re-
member, the only source of what is an
undoubtedly Jewish simile for an ill-assorted
marriage. The verse in the Syr. version
reads : " Well to the husband of a good
wife, who draws not the plough with an ox
and an ass together." May the apostolic
injunction (2 Cor. vi. 14), " Be not unequally
yoked together with unbelievers" — which
seems, in the first place, to refer to religiously
unequal marriages — have been derived from
a Jewish proverb, preserved in this Syr.
rendering, rather than from Lev. xix. 19;
Deut. xxii. 10 ? Or is the opposite the case,
and did the Syr. derive its simile from 2 Cor.
vi. 14? Instead of "that slippeth not with
his tongue," the Syr. has, " whose tongue does
not overthrow [destroy] him."

9. Beatitudes 6 and 7. Happy he who
findeth [ = attaineth] prudence — cppuvrjo-is,
in the sense of knowledge of what should be
done. " And he that speaketh," viz. it, — that
is, in the prudent direction to duty. The

A. V., although not literal, gives the meaning
accurately. The Syr. has " mercy " instead
of " prudence." Probably the original had
njn, " knowledge," " prudence," as in B»N
Hjn (Prov. xxiv. 5), which the LXX. ren-
ders : avr/p (pp6vr](Tiv i'^wv ; and the Syr.
read, instead of HJH, the word ilJTl — which
means " a friend," or else by a different
punctuation of the Syr. may mean " mercy."
In point of fact, the Vet. Lat. has here "a
true friend."

10. Beatitudes 8 and 9. "Yet is there
none;" rather, yet is he not. The Syr.
omits this verse, but curiously interposes the
following : " well to the man whom poverty
has not broken, nor yet want hath broken " — ■
possibly to make up the number of the beati-
tudes. " Wisdom " in its theoretical aspect
is here distinguished from practical Wisdom,
or the fear of the Lord.

11. The writer now sets forth that " tenth "
thing he had in v. 7 declared it his purpose
to " utter" with his tongue; that is, to make
matter of special and explicit praise without
fear of contradiction.

The fe ar of 't he Lord surpasseth above
every thing.] Thus, and not as in the
A. V. : the vnip in the verb, in addition to that

preposition, represents the Hebrew ?V ""W.
The second clause of the verse is omitted in
the Syr.

holdeth^] Rather, holdeth fast.

<wbereto.] Perhaps, rather, to whom?
To this question no answer is returned, per-
haps to indicate that comparison is here not
possible, since the condition of such a person
surpasseth all else.

12. This verse deserves special attention.
It does not occur either in the Vat. or in
the Sinait. Cod. but in H., 248, Co. We can
scarcely doubt that it is a spurious addition,
and due to a Christian hand. That we find
it in the Syr., and in the Vet. Lat. and the
Arab., does not surprise us, and confirms
our impression of the Christian origin of the
Syr. Version, and of the dependence upon it
of the Vet. Lat.

134

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXV.

[v. 14 — 19.

B.C.
cir. 200.

e Prov. 2

19.

& 25. 24.

edness, but the wickedness of a
woman :

14 And any affliction, but the
affliction from them that hate me :
and any revenge, but the revenge
of enemies.

15 There is no head above the
head of a serpent ; and there is no
wrath above the wrath of an
enemy.

16 T had rather dwell with a lion

B.C.
cir. 200.

II Or, like
a bear.

and a dragon, than to keep house
with a wicked woman.

17 The wickedness of a woman
changeth her face, and darkeneth her
countenance 'like sackcloth.

18 Her husband shall sit among
his neighbours ; and when he heareth
it shall sigh bitterly.

19 -^ All wickedness is but little to-^er. 13.
the wickedness of a woman : let the
portion of a sinner fall upon her.

13. A new stanza. After the res expetendse,
come the res fugiendx.

Any wound but not a wound of the
heart, and any wickedness but not the wicked-
ness of a woman.] The Syr. has in both
clauses, " but not as ; " the Yet. Lat. either
misunderstood or alters the wording. In
the Talmud we have this (we italicise the
parallel words) : " Any disease but not disease
of the bowels ; any wound but not a wound
of the heart ; any ache but not ache of the
head ; any -wickedness but not a wicked woman "
(Shabb. 1 1 a). This is interesting, as shew-
ing that many of these sayings of the Siracide
must have been proverbial among the Jews.

14. Any affliction but not the affliction of
them [ = from them],

15. This verse is one of the most curious
and interesting from the exegetical point of
view. Since the time of Bretschneider, it has
been generally held that what the Greek
rendered " head " and " head of a serpent "
(K((f)a\T)) was a mistranslation of L,;N~I,
"poison," as in Deut. xxxii. 33. And the
evidence of what in itself seems probable lies
in this, that the word 6vfi6s, which occurs in
the second clause of our verse in Ecclus., is
the word by which the LXX. render C'X'"1 in
Deut xxxii. 33. The correct rendering of
the Hebrew text of Ecclus. xxv. 15 would
therefore be: There is not a poison above

I more virulent thanj the poison of a
serpent, nor rage [vehemence of passion]
above the rage of an enemy. But this
is not all. Not only has the Syr. also mis-
translated Pm by " head "—unless the word
means in Syr. also " poison "—but it has:
I here is not a head [poison '] more bitter
than the head [poison ?] of a serpent, and
there is not an enmity of more bitterness
than that of woman." The Vet. Lat. has :
et non est ira super iram mulieris ; thus giving
another evidence of its dependence upon the
Synac As regards the clause itself, we have
little doubt that the Svr. here purposely
altered the original Hebrew, which was cor-
rectly given by the Greek, and the alteration

is the more cunning that it fits so well into
the context of the following verses. But
what was the purpose of the alteration ? We
cannot help suspecting that it was intended to
allude to the doctrine of the fall of man.

16. A new stanza. / would rather [I
should prefer to] dwell together with a
lion and a dragon than dwell in the house
with a wicked 'woman.

17. her face.'] Rather, her appearance.
The meaning of the second clause seems to
be that it makes her face, or herself, sinister
instead of being bright as the day. The Syr.
has: "makes pale the face of her husband,
and makes it dark, &c." It is not easy to
account here for the change of person in the
verse, although the Syr. seems more natural
than the Greek. The Alex, has, instead of
" like sackcloth," "like a bear" — possibly some
misreading. Curiously the Vet. Lat. has both
the Vat. and the Alex, reading : tamquam
ursus, et quasi saccum ostendit. We conjecture
that a later hand had altered the original
translation and put, either in the text or
margin, both the Alex, and the Vat. readings
— markedly, the Alex, first — and that then an
attempt had been made to make sense out of
the two : nequitia . . . obaecat vultum suum
tamquam ursus (in the nomin.), &c.

18. In the midst of his neighbours
[possibly in the sense of relatives] her
husband resteth; and as he heareth
[viz. either what is said of her, or else the
praise of good women], he sigheth bitterly.]
Instead of aKovaas. "and as he heareth,"
other texts have dKovaicos, " involuntarily."
As the Syr. has the same, we imagine that
this must be the correct reading. The Syr. :
" In the midst of his companions sitteth the
husband of the foolish woman, and involun-
tarily he sigheth." The Vet. Lat. seems
once more to combine the two different
readings, slightly altering them.

19. All.] Better, any. The Syr. modi-
fies : " Manifold is wickedness, but it is not
like the smallest wickedness of a wicked
woman." It seems needless to quote Rabbinic

V. 2 0-

-24-]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXV.

135

20 As the climbing up a sandy
way is to the feet of the aged, so is a
wife "full of words to a quiet man.

21 -^ Stumble not at the beauty of
a woman, and desire her not for
pleasure.

22 A woman, if she maintain her
husband, is full of anger, impudence,
and much reproach.

23 A wicked woman abateth the b. c.
courage, maketh an heavy counte- C1^_^°-
nance and a wounded heart: a
woman that will not comfort her
husband in distress maketh weak
hands and feeble knees.

24 Of7' the woman came the be-7' Gen. 3.
ginning of sin, and through her we all x'Tim. 2.
die. I4-

parallels, but we may mention that which, on
the basis of Eccles. vii. 26, prays for deliver-
ance from that which is worse than death
— a wicked woman (Yebam. 63 a).

20. A sandy (place of) ascent, <&V\]
Equally trying to a quiet man is a woman
who always puts in her words. The Syr.
has, " of a long tongue."

21. These things being so, a general warn-
ing follows. " Stumble not," &c. — let not the
beauty of a woman cause thee to stumble
while pursuing thy way — and bear not
desire after a woman. The Alex, supple-
ments after "woman" iv KiiAXei, and Fritzsche
adopts this ; but the addition seems to us
disturbing. The Syr. has : " be not allured
by the beauty of a wicked woman ; and even
if she have wealth, do not desire after her."
This seems rather an alteration than a different
leading of the text. The Vet. Lat. repeats
the tautology of the Alex, reading.

22. Anger, impudence, and great
shame, when a woman supplies [viz.
his livelihood — but the word is difficult] to
her husband.] Such are the consequences
when a husband depends upon his wife for
his living. The Syr. has : " for hard servitude
and evil shame (is) a woman who doeth harm
to and lords over her husband, and with whom
the heart is also covered [who dissemblethj."
The last clause is an addition — unless it be a
strange mistranslation of the opening Greek
words of the next verse (icapSla raiveivr]).
Putting aside this clause, we suppose that
the original had 7\V\) nnny, " cruel wrath,"
— a similar expression in Gen. xlix. 7 — in
which the Greek misunderstood HD'^ for
"impudent," as in Ezek. ii. 4, D^B^p,

and then resolved the substant. and adject,
into two substantives, while the Syr. mis-
read the substantive and misrendered the
adjective as if it had been T\&\> r\"]2V, " hard
service " (taking HCp in the primary meaning
of the word). In that case the original
would have meant " cruel anger" (viz. on the
part of the wife), " and great shame " (viz.
on the part of the husband). But how are
we to account for the difference between the

" sustaining " of the Greek, and the " doing
harm and lording" in the Syriac. Can it be
that there was here a confusion between some
form of 1VD (in the Greek) and "ll?D (in the
Syr.)?

23. A wicked woman [here follow the re-
sults] : a heart depressed, a counte-
nance sullen, and a heart stricken [lit.,
stroke of heart]; hands relaxed [weak,
that hang down], and knees palsied:
such an one as makes not happy her
husband [causes not his happiness]. J Two
kinds of wives are here distinguished : the
wicked woman and, in the second part of the
verse, one who does not actually secure the
happiness of her husband. The influence of
such a wife on his life is paralysing. It
deserves notice that the quotation from Is.
xxxv. 3, "relaxed hands and palsied knees,"
is not literally taken from the LXX. The
passage is again quoted in Heb. xii. 12 —
and there the same difference from the LXX.
obtains, while the words are adduced pre-
cisely as in Ecclus.

24. The verse is remarkable, as ascribing
to Eve not only the introduction of death,
but also the commencement, although not
the introduction, of sin. The first of these
two propositions is not inconsistent with
Ecclus. xiv. 17 (mark there the word 8ia8i']Kr],
and the pointed reference to LXX. Gen.
ii. 17). But we must be careful not to
identify the statement that " of woman [came,
or was] the beginning of sin " with the N. T.
doctrine of original sin. The Hebrew had
probably rVBWl, and the Syr. here repro-
duces it: "from woman began sins." We
surmise that in 1 Tim. ii., culminating in
•w. 14, 15, the Apostle had this verse in
Ecclus. in view, although his reference was
no doubt also to Gen. iii. 17. [We might
almost conjecture that one of the objects in
1 Tim. ii. 14, 15 was to prevent any false
inference as to the undesirableness of the
married estate on the part of Christian
women.] Apart from this, it is noteworthy
that the Apostle emphasises the introduction
of sin through woman. In Galilee it was
the custom for the women to go before the
bier, so as to mark that death came through
woman (Ber. R. 17).

136

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXV. XXVI. [v. 25-3.

B.C. 25 Give the water no passage;

- — " neither a wicked woman liberty to
gad abroad.

26 If she go not as thou wouldest
have her, cut her oft" from thy flesh,
»Deut. 24. and 'give her a bill of divorce, and
Mark 10. let her go.

CHAPTER XXVI.

I A good wife, 4 and a good conscience, do glad
men. 6 A "wicked wife is a fearful thing.
13 Of good and bad wives. 28 Of three

things that are grievous. 29 Merchants and B. C.
hucksters are not without sin. cir. 200.

BLESSED is the man that hath
"a virtuous wife, for the nura- "Prov. 3t.
ber of his days shall be double. IO' &c-

2 A virtuous woman rejoiceth her
husband, and he shall fulfil the years
of his life in peace.

3 hA good wife is a good portion, * Prov. xa.
which shall be given in the portion of22'
them that fear the Lord.

25. neither to a wicked woman rule (per-
haps better: authority or power).'] Omit
"to gad abroad," which is added in 248,
Co. For (govaiav, " rule," Fritzsche would
read with the Sin., Alex., 248, and six other
MSS. irapprjcriav, "liberty," or rather "con-
fidence." But this not only gives the im-
pression of a later emendation, but is for-
bidden by the Syr., which has " rule "
or "power," and therefore establishes the
Vat. text. The A. V. follows 248, Co.
Very curiously the Syr. has : " nor to a
woman face and rule." Did the Syr. make
some confusion with such an expression as
P)S1 in the original, or may the latter have
had D»JB nwfeo, " lifting up of the face," in

the sense of special honour, distinction, which
the Syr. misunderstood ? The Syr. also adds :
" for as the issue of waters as it proceeds
becomes larger, so a wicked woman proceeds
and sinneth." The Vet. Lat. is apparently
emendated, but generally accords with 248,
Co., which (as already indicated) have for
it-ov<Tiav, Trapprjcrtciv etjodov. It renders : non
ties aqiict tua exitum, nee modicum ; nee mulieri
nequani I'eniam prodeundi (the latter also in
A. V.).

26. If she go not according to thy
hand] — that is, either "according to thy

manner," TT3, or more probably TT^,
"under thy leadership." The words " and
give her" — viz. a bill of divorce— "and send
her away " (more freely rendered in the A. V.)
must be omitted. They are neither in the
Vat., the Alex., nor the Sin. (which latter
has in the first clause, instead of ^t Ipd aov,
Xf'tpus <tov). But the clause occurs in 248, Co.,
and also in the Syr. The wording of the
latter (carnem taam reseca) might lead us to
suspect some indelicacy in the original which
the Greek has modified (but see the note on
xxvi. 1 ). The Vet. Lat. is paraphrastic or
explanatory in the second clause.

CHAPTER XXVI.

The arrangement of this chapter presents
special difficulties from the state of the text

since w. 19-27, although found in 248, Co.,
and in the Syr., are not in either the Vat. or
the Alex., while w. 28, 29 evidently belong
to ch. xxvii. (see the notes). The chapter as
thus curtailed treats of the favourite subject
of the Son of Sirach : woman. Four verses
in praise of a good woman are followed by
eight verses (yv. 5-12) which describe the
ills entailed by evil women. Lastly, we have
six verses in praise of a fair woman {yv.
13-18).

1. Happy the husband of a good wife,
and.] This verse and <v. 3 are quoted in the
Talmud in two passages (Yebam. 63 b\ Sanh.
1006) as from Ben Sira. In Sanh. 100 £ they
are introduced as useful for preaching pur-
poses. But although the two verses are
quoted precisely alike in both Talmudic
passages, and are the same as in the Greek
version, their order is inverted, v. 3 (of the
Greek text) preceding v. 1. Moreover, be-
tween these two sayings another is inserted,
which represents the closing verse of the
previous chapter ; being, however, neither
exactly like the Greek nor the Syriac version,
but almost a compromise between the two.
We can scarcely agree with Fritzsche that
the second clause of our verse is explanatory
of the first. The doubling of the number of
days seems a continuation, rather than an
explanation, of the first clause.

2. a brave [worthy] wife.] yvvrj dvbpeia,

by which the LXX. render the h\U DEW of
Prov. xii. 4, xxxi. 10 (LXX. xxix. 28), while
the same Hebrew expression in Ruth iii. 11
is rendered by ywi] 8vi>dp.(a>s — another evi-
dence that the translation of Prov. and that
of Ruth were made by different hands and
presumably at different periods.

his years.] Not "the years of his life,"
as in the A. V. after 248, Co. The Syr.
interchanges w. 2 and 3, and it has "in joy"
instead of "in peace." Such a woman will
be a defence from evil and strife.

3. As regards the second part of the verse,
the repetition of the word " portion " shews
that there must have been some misapprehen-

v. 4 — io.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXVI.

l2>1

B.
cir.

200.

4 Whether a man be rich or poor,
if he have a good heart toward the
Lord, he shall at all times rejoice
with a cheerful countenance.

5 There be three things that mine
heart feareth ; and for the fourth I
was sore afraid : "the slander of a
city, the gathering together of an
unruly multitude, and a false accu-
sation : all these are worse than
death.

6 But a grief of heart and sorrow
is a woman that is jealous over an-
other woman, and a scourge of the

tongue which communicateth with B.C.

Heir. 200.

7 An evil wife is "a yoke shaken 1 Or,
to and fro : he that hath hold of her l/lJen.
is as though he held a scorpion.

8 A drunken woman and a gadder
abroad causeth great anger, and she
will not cover her own shame.

9 The whoredom of a woman may
be known in her haughty looks and
eyelids.

10 cIfthy daughter be shameless, cch. 42.
keep her in straitly, lest she abuse '
herself through overmuch liberty.

sion on the part of the translator. The
mistake is rectified by the quotation in the
Talmud, which has in the second clause p'ns,

" in the bosom," misread by the Greek p?ri3,
" in the portion." Thus the original Heb.
text would have been: she shall be given
[or it shall be given, viz. the gift : fUnD, as in
the Talmud] in the bosom of them that
fear the Lord. The Syr. puts it thus: "a
good wife shall be given to the man who
feareth the Lord in return for good works "
— a somewhat bold emendation, probably in
order to avoid the appearance of fatalism.
The Vet. Lat. here once more shews alike its
dependence on the Syr. as well as on the
Greek by combining the Syr. and the Greek,
as follows: in parte (this from the Greek)
timentium Deuni debitur t'iro (this from the
Syr.) pro factis bonis (this again from the Syr.).

4. The heart of the rich and also of
the poor (is) happy, at all times [here
= under any circumstances] the counte-
nance cheerful.] Viz. if he have such a
wife. The A. V. follows 248, Co.

5. There is some difficulty about the
second clause. The text of the A. V. is here
also that of the Alex, and S2. But this read-
ing seems almost impossible (see Fritzsche).
On the other hand, the Vatic, has : " with the
face I have prayed," which is no doubt the
better text, but gives no meaning, since " to
pray with the face " can scarcely be regarded
as = " to pray humbly," i.e. with down-turned
face. We imagine that the confusion origin-
ally arose from the expression jS, " lest " (of
course our present final letters were not in
use), which the Greek translator misread
'3?, or even DOSS, "face," and thus bunglingly
turned into Trpoamna,, " with the face." But
as the reading " with the face I have prayed "
gave no meaning, it was next emended into
" I have feared." The original had probably
neither one nor the other, but something that

would give this meaning : "Of three things
my heart is afraid, and over the fourth,
lest (|2) it befall me" — or something of
that kind.

the gathering together of the multitude
[presumably, mob-rule and mob-law] . . .
all these are more wretched than death.']
The Syr. combines into one sentence the first
two causes of fear in a manner similar to what
we have noted in xxv. 7 (see the note).

6. This verse states that fourth object
which inspired him with such dread. Omit
" but." The last clause we propose render-
ing: and a scourge of tongue which
(equally) gives a share to all — is equally
administered to all : the sense being that one
of the (three) things connected with a jealous
woman is that her evil speaking — the scourge
of her tongue — equally falls upon all, however
unreasonable and uncalled-for the promptings
of her jealousy may be. The Syr. omits this
verse.

7. a yoke shaken to and fro.'] Rather, " an
ox-yoke moved to and fro," i.e. unsteady
in its movement, one of the animals pulling
in the other direction. The Syr. renders

it by " a hard yoke," perhaps reading HDID,
while the Greek derived the word from the
verb DID.

he that layeth hold of her is as one that
seizes a scorpion^] Which turns round to
inflict a poisonous bite.

8. A woman drunken [and roaming
about, which the A. V. falsely softens].] The
italicised words within brackets, which are
not in the Vat. nor Alex, but in 248, Co., are
also represented in the Syr. The idea sug-
gested is sufficiently plain.

9. in the upliftings of the eyes and.
in her eyelids.

10. Three warnings follow.
shameless.] dduiTperrTos ; lit. "over a

138

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXVI.

[v. ii— 1 8.

B.C.

cir. 200.

11 Watch over an impudent eye :
and marvel not if she trespass against
thee.

12 She will open her mouth, as a
thirsty traveller when he hath found
a fountain, and drink of every water
near her : by every "hedge will she
sit down, and open her quiver against
every arrow.

13 The grace of a wife delighteth
her husband, and her discretion will
fatten his bones.

14 A silent and loving woman is
a gift of the Lord ; and there is no-

thing so much worth as a mind well b. c.

0 , cir. 200.

instructed. —

15 A shamefaced and faithful wo-
man is a double grace, and her con-
tinent mind cannot be valued.

16 As the sun when it ariseth "in \Gr.int/ie

ii-ii -ii r highest

the high heaven ; so is the beauty or a places of
good wife in the "ordering of her house. ''

1 7 As the clear light is upon the ornament.
holv candlestick ; so is the beauty of 0 Or, in

, J r 11 • constant

the race "in ripe age. age.

18 As the golden pillars are upon iOr,
the sockets of silver ; so are the " fair " 'uy'
feet with a constant ''heart. breast.

daughter that cannot be turned aside
— here from lust (this, rather than " head-
strong," see Fritzsche) — keep a strait
watch."

through overmuch liberty.~] Rather, "lest
finding relaxation," i.e. of the watchfulness
advised. Fritzsche tries to explain the sin
referred to in a better sense than that implied
in the A. V. ; but in our opinion with little
success.

11. (To go) After an impudent eye,
he on thy guard (beware, have a care).]
It is scarcely worth discussing the meaning to
be attached to these words, nor whether the
reference is to a daughter, as in v. 10, or to
another woman — probably the latter. If
the warning of the first clause be neglected,
marvel not if she leads thee into sin.

12. As a thirsty traveller will open
his mouth and drink of every water
that is near, so will she sit down he-
fore every peg, <b'c.

13. A new stanza, in praise of woman.
The antithesis to the previous verses which
described the bad woman is not difficult to
trace. The expression " make fat the bones,"
as in Prov. xv. 30.

14. Omit from the A. V. the words " and
a loving" — evidently a later emendatory
addition.

and there is nothing so much worth.] ko.1
ovk ('(ttiv dirdXXay/nn, there is not an ex-
change —here, best : equivalent in value.
Instead of "as a mind well instructed" of the
more polite Greek, the Syr. has "as continence
[exiguity, parsimonyj of throat."

15. Omit from the A. V. the words "and
faithful" (see v. 14). Lit., is grace upon
grace = utmost grace.

cannot be valued.'] A good paraphrase of
ouk eo-n (TTadfios nds d'^toj. Instead of " a
continent mind " the Syr. has " continence
[exiguity, u. s.] of the mouth:" but the

allusion of the Greek is to something different,
and marks a progression on the first clause
of the verse.

16. in the high heaven.} Rather, in the
heights (the highest places, iv v\j/icrTots)
of the Lord.

in the ordering of her house.'] More cor-
rectly, according to the Vat., " the ordering
of his house," viz. that of her lord. The
comparison is between the sun in the heights,
or high places, of his lord, and woman in the
house of her lord : both have a lord, and both
are beautiful in the effectual discharge of the
functions assigned to them. What the sun
is in the house above, woman is in that upon
earth. The Syr. has : " so is the beauty of
a good woman when she abideth in her
house." This probably represents the original
more accurately.

17. As the lamp that shineth forth
upon the holy candlestick, so is beauty of
face upon a steadfast age [life].] The
word T]\iicia is always used in that sense in
the Apocr., and the meaning would be : so is
matronly beauty after a constant, steadfast
life.

18. Another figure, no doubt also derived
from the furniture of the Temple, and equally
designed to exhibit the combination of beauty
with goodness.

As golden pillars upon a silver
base, so fair feet with [lit., upon) the
heart [lit., breasts] of one who is stable
[quiet].j Or, adopting the reading eva-raBeai,
"with a stable [quiet?] heart." The antithesis
to w. 8-12, as well as the parallelism with
the previous verse, are clearly marked. At
the same time it should be mentioned that
commentators following the lead of S1, the
Vet. Lat., and the Syr. propose to alter o-repvots
into Trrepvais, and to translate " so are fair feet
upon firm soles." But this not only destroys
the parallelism, but does not yield any good,
scarcely an intelligible, meaning.

v. 19 — 29.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXVI.

I39

B.C.

cir. 200.

19 My son, keep the flower of
thine age sound ; and give not thy
strength to strangers.

20 When thou hast gotten a fruit-
ful possession through all the field,
sow it with thine own seed, trusting
in the goodness of thy stock.

21 So thy race which thou leavest
shall be magnified, having the con-
fidence of their good descent.

22 An harlot shall be accounted
as "spittle ; but a married woman is a
tower against death to her husband.

23 A wicked woman is given as a
portion to a wicked man : but a
godly woman is given to him that
feareth the Lord.

24 A dishonest woman contemneth
shame : but an honest woman will
reverence her husband.

25 A shameless woman shall be

counted as a dog ; but she that is b. c.
shamefaced will fear the Lord. 1—

26 A woman that honoureth her
husband shall be judged wise of all ;
but she that dishonoureth him in her
pride shall be counted ungodly of all.

27 A loud crying woman and a
scold shall be sought out to drive
awav the enemies.

28 There be two things that grieve
my heart ; and the third maketh me
angry : a man of war that suffereth
poverty; and rfmen of understanding <* Eccies.
that are not set by ; and ''one that 9'1 IS\ „

. - . , J . e Ezek. 18.

returneth from righteousness to sin ; 24.
the Lord prepareth such an one for
the sword.

29 S A merchant shall hardly keep -^ch. 27.
himself from doing wrong ; and an
huckster shall not be freed from

sin.

19-27. These verses, which are not found
either in the Vat. or in the Alex., are an
interpolation, although probably an old one.
They occur in H., 248, and Co. They are
also found in the Syr. (though not in the Vet.
Lat.), but with expressions so strange and
divergent from the Greek as to raise the
suspicion of a later addition. We enter-
tain the less doubt as to the spuriousness of
these verses, since they often contain repeti-
tions of what had been previously said.

28. This verse evidently begins a subject
totally different from that hitherto discussed.
We can scarcely doubt that this and the
following verse form part of ch. xxvii. The
new subject is introduced in a manner similar
to Ecclus. xxvi. 5. The object of the writer
in thus introducing a new theme seems to be,
by first stating three things on which all are
agreed, to prepare for, and to conciliate, the
favourable consideration of his readers in
regard to the new subject which he is about
to bring before them.

Over two things has my heart been
grieved, and over [forj the third strong
feeling cometh upon me . . . and men
of understanding if they are not set by.] As
the fifth line is not introduced in any of the
Greek texts by Kai, we propose beginning
with it a new sentence, and combining it with
the last line: He that returneth from
righteousness to sin, the lord pre-
pareth him Tsuch an one] for the sword.
[So also Bissell, although not as to punctua-
tion.] The Syr. has "and." In this it is followed
by the Vet. Lat., although not in the some-

what peculiar rendering of the three cases
instanced : "a free man" for "a man of war;"
" men of celebrated fame who fall from their
glory," and " over him who turneth from
adherence to God [apostatises from the true
religion]."

29. The sentence is in strict accordance
with Rabbinic sentiment. The efxiropos is here
the "l|Jj) (as in the Syr.) of the Targumim
and Talmud, the larger, resident, or else the
importing merchant (even the dealer en gros),
while the KtinriXos is either the travelling
hawker, the pnp of the Talmud, or more
probably the "O^n, "huckster" or "shopman."
But in the LXX. the epiropos is alike the
inb, although even so a travelling merchant,

and the 73*1 of biblical Hebrew — resident
merchants being apparently unknown. The
word KaTTTjKo^ occurs only in the LXX. modi-
fication of the last clause of Is. i. 22 ("thy
hawkers mix the wine with water " — the intro-
duction of the term seeming to imply different
authorship and perhaps laterdate than other
parts of the LXX. The LXX. in Ezek. has
only efiiropos). The Talmud ranks the *J13n,
" huckster " or " shopkeeper " (by which the
Syr. renders the Ki'nrrjXos of our text among
those whose occupation involves robbing
(Qidd. 82 a, b — altogether a curious passage).
In Ab. ii. 5 we are told that he who trafhcks
much (multiplieth merchandising, iTTinp)
cannot become a sage, while in Erubh. 55 £
Deut. xxx. 13 is thus explained: "Thou shalt
not find it [the Law] either with hawkers or

140

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXVII.

[v.

B.C.
cir. 200.

CHAPTER XXVII.

I Of sins in selling and buying. 7 Our speech
will tell what is in us. 16 A friend is lost by
discovering his secrets. 25 He that diggeth a
pit shall fall into it.

" Prov. s8.

21.

Or, a
thing in-
different.

ANY "have sinned for "a small

matter ; and he that ^'seeketh

abundance will turn his eyes

a"p«>v. a3. awa7-

4-_ 2 As a nail sticketh fast between

for

t Tim. 6.

the joinings of the stones ; so doth

sin stick close between buying and B- C.
selling. —

3 Unless a man hold himself dili-
gently in the fear of the Lord, his
house shall soon be overthrown.

4 As when one sifteth with a
sieve, the refuse remaineth ; so the
filth of man in his " talk. »; °r> ,

-t-i r 11 thought.

5 c 1 he furnace proveth the pot-fprov>
ter's vessels ; so the trial of man is «■

in his reasoning.

with merchants " ((PUTO l6l MTnM l6).

The Syr. curiously adds explanatively : " for if
he stumbles not in this, he stumbles in that."
But ''the shopkeeper" or "hawker" is abso-
lutely given up — he " is not free from sin."

CHAPTER XXVII.

The subject begun in the two closing verses
of ch. xxvi. is continued in the three opening
verses' of ch. xxvii. From " commerce " the
writer proceeds to that other " commerce,"
the intercourse of daily life. This forms the
general subject of the chapter. First, the
source of conversation is traced to the con-
dition of mind and heart (stanza 2, four
verses : 4-7). This gives rise to a parenthetic
stanza of three verses on righteousness and
truth (yv. 8-10). Then follows an antithetic
stanza about the discourse of the wise and that
of the fool (stanza 4 of five verses: 11-15).
Next we have a stanza (the fifth) on un-
warrantable and dangerous speech (six verses:
16-21); and then a sixth stanza of three
verses on deceitful speech and action (yv.
22-24). The last stanza (six verses : 25-30)
—on malice and anger — follows up that which
had preceded, and intimates the righteous
retribution of God on conduct such as that
referred to. This stanza also serves as a
transition from ch. xxvii. to xxviii.

1. a small matter.] Rather, a thing
indifferent, which has no real value and for
which he perhaps little cares. Com p. Note
on vii. 18.

seeketb for abundance.'] To increase = to
accumulate wealth.

will turn away the eye.] Viz., either
from that which is right, or else in the sense
of an obliquity of vision. The Syr. curiously
has : '• he that seeketh to multiply sins turneth
away his eyes."

2. As a peg is driven in [made fast]
between the joinings of stones, so is sin
crushed in between buy big and selling.']
There is some difficulty about the meaning
of a-vvTpii^aeTai (" crushed in "). It is

simply arbitrary on the part of Fritzsche
to change the word into o-wdXiftijcreTai — by
way of following (?) the Vet. Lat., angustia-
bitur. The Syr. renders : " is made strong."
This, as has been suggested, would represent
fWnJjl, or it might be ptnijl, which the Greek,
however, read P.T.njj), " layeth hold of." And
although (TWTpi$r]<jtTai properly means " is
crushed," yet the figure in the first clause
about the peg driven in might naturally sug-
gest this free, but substantially correct, ren-
dering of the Greek for the Hebrew: "layeth
hold of."

3. The previous verse is followed by a
general warning, which in the Syr. and the Vet.
Lat. is cast in the form of a personal address.
The meaning is : Such being the tempta-
tions of daily life, take care lest instead of
building your house by your gains you destroy
it in consequence of your sin. The Syr.
rendering of the second clause is both inapt
and unaccountable.

4. A new stanza, talk.] Rather, think-
ing. As in the LXX. generally, we must
regard Xoyianos, as = HZlu'nE). The object of
the writer is to shew that the real character
of a man will ultimately appear in his dis-
course. The lighter substances may be
shaken out of a sieve, but the heavier re-
main. So it is with a man. The vile remains
in his thinking and purposing, and it will
manifest itself. This is the real test of what
a man is and of what he will do or say.

5. in his reasoning.] Rather, in his con-
sideration— -in his balancing of what course
to take, and in his consequent choice.
This meaning seems to suit the whole con-
text and also best to fit in with w. 8-10.
The expression 8oKifid£ei Kapuvos, " the furnace
proveth," reminds us of LXX. Prov. xvii. 3
(8oKifxd£fTai iv Kafxlvcp) rather than of LXX.
Prov. xxvii. 21. Nevertheless, we suspect that
the gloss (perhaps originally marginal) found
in LXX. Prov. xxvii. 21 may be based on,
Ecclus. xxvii. 5, 6, rather than on LXX.
Prov. xvii. 3 or on xii. 8.

6— 1 6.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXVII.

141

B.C.
cir. 200.

6 d The fruit declareth if the tree
have been dressed ; so is the utter-

r7.latt'7' ance of a conceit in the heart of
man.

7 Praise no man before thou hear-
est him speak ; for this is the trial
of men.

8 If thou followest righteousness,
thou shalt obtain her, and put her on,
as a glorious long robe.

9 The birds will resort unto their
like ; so will truth return unto them
that practise in her.

10 As the lion lieth in wait for
the prey ; so sin for them that work
iniquity.

1 1 The discourse of a godly man

is always with wisdom ; but a fool

changeth as the moon.

be among the indis

12 If thou
creet, observe the time ; but be
continually among men of under-
standing.

13 The discourse of fools is irk-
some, and their sport is the wanton-
ness of sin.

14 ^The talk of him that swear-
eth much maketh the hair stand
upright ; and their brawls make one
stop his ears.

15 The strife of the proud is blood-
shedding, and their revilings are
grievous to the ear.

16 Whoso discovereth secrets los-

b. c.

cir. 200.

ch.

53. 9.

6. The cultivation of a tree its fruit
sheweth forth [mark the similarity with,
and yet difference from St. Matt. vii. 16, 20,
and comp. especially St. Jas. iii. 12, 17], so
the matter [Xoyos = "121, in the sense of
" object "J of desire [or of cogitation]
the hearts of men (taking KapSias as the
accus. plur., not the gen. sing.).] It would
be extremely difficult, and perhaps scarcely
worth the labour of the attempt, to explain
the divergences in the Syr.

7. This verse, which forms the conclusion
of this part, is omitted in the Syr. Translate :
Praise not a man irrespective of (his)
thinking, — viz. before thou knowest what
that is— "for this is the trial [the test] of men."

8. This stanza follows naturally upon what
had preceded. " If thou followest the
right, thou shalt obtain [attain] and put it
•on," &c. The " long robe," nodijprjs, as in
Rev. i. 13, especially the robe of the High
Priest (Ecclus. xlv. 8), and also in the LXX.
O. T. (where its use in Ezek. ix. 2, 3 for
E^lSl deserves notice). Here it indicates
holy beauty and glory as of the raiments of
the High Priest.

9. Birds ivill resort [turn in to lodge
with] unto their like.'] Comp. our note on
xiii. 16; "similarly truth will return," &c. :
will ultimately appear on the side of the
righteous and vindicate them, however they
may have suffered or been misrepresented.
On the other hand, sure destruction will
ultimately overtake those who do the wrong
(y. 10). Omit " as" in the A. V.

11. The Syr. here interposes what in the
Greek is v. 12. A new stanza.

always ivitb ivisdom.'] According to the
better reading, always wisdom. The

constancy of his wisdom, as the outcome of
piety within, is contrasted with the phases
of a fool, changing like those of the moon.
The Vet. Lat. has this peculiar rendering :
homo sanctus in sapientia manet sicut sol,
which gives a better antithesis than either the
Greek or the Syr. text. This may have
suggested the alteration — perhaps with some
(Christian?) reference to Ps. lxxii. 17. It
has indeed been argued that the Vet. Lat.
has here preserved the correct Hebrew text,
TOD illSrO, "as the sun perpetual," which
the Greek misread: TDJ1 110311, "wisdom

■ T TIT7

perpetual = is always." But it is difficult to
understand either the supposed sentiment or
that it should be so expressed (comp. Ps.
lxxii. 17); still more whence the Greek could
have derived the word <W;y?/<Tij, the genuine-
ness of which is attested by its occurrence in
the antithetic v. 13. Lastly, the Syr. has the
verse as in the Greek.

12. Into the midst of [among] those
of no understanding: have heed to the
time — choose the proper season, the proper
moment for going among them; into the
midst of those of understanding: be
continuous.

13. The discourse of fools is an offence,
and their laughter in the ivantonness of sin
— in wanton sin.

14. The profanities and blasphemies in
their brawls are such that one stops his ears.

15. The strife of the audacious [insolent,
proud, vivepri(pdv(i)v] is shedding of blood
• — leads to it — and their angry railing
a grievous sound.] This and the two pre-
ceding verses evidently constitute a climax.
The Syr. text is here confused, and seems
corrupt

142

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXVII.

[v. 17—24.

B. c. eth his credit ; and shall never find

cir. 200. r • 1 , . 1

— friend to his mind.

17 Love thy friend, and be faith-
rch. 22. ful unto him: but /if thou bewrayest

22, _ *.

his secrets, follow no more after him.

18 For as a man hath destroyed
his enemy ; so hast thou lost the love
of thy neighbour.

19 As one that letteth a bird go
out of his hand, so hast thou let thy
neighbour 20, and shalt not get him
again.

20 Follow after him no more, for
he is too far off; he is as a roe es-
caped out of the snare.

21 As for a wound, it may be B.C.
bound up ; and after reviling there - — "
may be reconcilement : but he that
bewrayeth secrets is without hope.

22 He ^that winketh with the eyes - Prov.
worketh evil : and he that knoweth T<
him will depart from him.

23 When thou art present, he will
speak sweetly, and will admire thy
words : but at the last he will
"writhe his mouth, and slander thv»Or, ait,
sayings.

24 I have hated many things, but
nothing like him ; for the Lord will
hate him.

'«■;- i
his speech.

16. Another stanza, and another instance
of " discourse " which betrayeth an unworthy
soul.

discovereth.] Rather, revealeth.

17. beivrayest.] Rather, revealest.

follow no more after him.] It will be
useless trouble, for he will not be reconciled.
The Syr. deserves special notice : " Try thy
friend, and then trust him [this probably
correctly according to the Hebrew, although
perhaps interpolated from vi. 7] ; but if he
reveal the secret of the faith, go no more
after him." The subtle alteration in the
second clause betrays the Christian emendator.
He must have been later than the Arabic
translator, who made his version from the
Syr., and yet does not reproduce this alteration.
Similarly, the addition is not found in the
Vet. Lat.

18. lost.'] Rather, destroyed. The
meaning of the Greek would be : thou hast
completely destroyed all friendship as one
completely destroyeth an enemy. But the
Syr. has, for "his enemy," "has lost his
portion ; " the Vet. Lat., " loseth his friend."
Bretschneider conjectures that the original
had 'lTV, " his prey " (in hunting), for which
the Greek read VlIX, "his enemy." But

although this would accord with the follow-
ing verses, it does not explain the Syr. nor
yet the Latin rendering. Horowitz (in

Frankel's ' Monatsschrift,' xiv. p. 197) adopts
the Syr. reading, and supposes that the

original had Ypiri, " his portion," which the

Greek misread i?nh, " him that hurts or ill-
treats him." In that case it might be further
conjectured that the Vet. Lat., if it had the
Hebrew before it (which is certainly not
impossible), read mn, "his friend." But
the whole combination is very doubtful.

Rather, and as

-a hunting term,

19. As one that letteth.]
thou lettest.

get Aim again."] 6rjpevo~fis-
" catch him in the hunt."

20. he is too far off.] Better, he has
withdrawn himself far off.

as a roe.] Rather, "as a gazelle," or
antelope, known for its fleetness. The Syr.
has here the addition : " and as a bird out of
the snare," evidently taken from Prov. vi. 5.

21. Omit " as " in the A. V.

wound.] For the Vat. dpavpa, "break-
ing," which may represent the Hebrew "0^»
we adopt the Alex, reading rpavpa. There
are hurts which can be healed, but not that
here supposed.

22. A new stanza, describing another
manifestation of the same sin. The A. V.
here follows the reading of H., 248, Co.
(which is also adopted by the Armen.), na\ 6
ftSuy ai>Tov anoo~rr]o-eTai an avrov. This
is certainly preferable to the Vat., nal ovdeis
avrov dnoar^an an' avrov = and no one will
be able to get rid of him. A., C, and eight
MSS. have avra dnoo-rijo-ei — referring to the
" evil " in the first clause.

winketb with the eye.] Indicating malicious
plotting; comp. Prov. vi. 13, x. 10.

23. The writer proceeds to give a de-
scription of such a person. Lit., before
thine eyes he will make his mouth
sweet, &c. ; adopting the reading o-rdpa
avrov with A., C, 55, 106, 157, 248, 307,
Co., Vet. Lat. (the Syr. here is throughout
corrupt). This evidently suits the context
better than the Vat., which has aropa vov,
" thy mouth."

but afterwards he will turn about
his speech.] The last clause, literally ren-
dered, reads: "and will put in' thy
words an offence;" that is, he will pur-

25-i.] ECCLESIASTICUS. XXVII. XXVIII.

B.C.
cir. 200.

I Ps. 7. 1
Prov. 26.

27-
Eccles. 1

» Ps. 9. 1

& 35- 8.

25 Whoso casteth a stone on
high casteth it on his own head ;
and a deceitful stroke shall make
wounds.

26 h Whoso diggeth a pit shall fall
therein : and z he that setteth a trap
shall be taken therein.

27 He that worketh mischief, it
shall fall upon him, and he shall not
know whence it cometh.

28 Mockery and reproach are from
^Deut.32. the proud ; but k vengeance, as a lion,

shall lie in wait for them.

29 They that rejoice at the fall of

35-

Rom. 12

the righteous shall be taken in the b. c.
snare ; and anguish shall consume ari^Z°'
them before they die.

30 Malice and wrath, even these
are abominations ; and the sinful
man shall have them both.

CHAPTER XXVIII.

I Against revenge, 8 quarrelling, 10 anger,
1 5 and backbiting.

HE "that revengeth shall findaDeut-
vengeance from the Lord, and Rom? 12,
he will surely keep his sins [in re- I9*
membrance.]

posely attach to them a meaning which will
cause offence.

24. /hate many things, but nothing like
him.'] Literally, but I do not make them
equal to him, &c, i.e. I do not put other
things hateful to me on the same level with
this.

for.] Rather, also, the Heb. D|. The
Syr. adds : " and will curse him." The Arab,
omits this, which proves that it is a later
emendation of the Syr. Version, which the
Arab, throughout follows.

25. A new stanza, describing the righteous
retribution on such a course.

shall make wounds.] Rather, shall dis-
tribute wounds; an obscure phrase, which
from the context we suppose to mean that
the consequence of a deceitful stroke will be
to wound him that deals it, as well as him to
whom it is dealt.

26. The Syr. is different, and the Vet. Lat.
has an explanatory addition.

27. We are once more carried back to
Prov. vi. : see above, v. 13. The expression
6 TToimv Trovrjpa, "he that worketh evil," is
preserved in the Syr. in its Hebrew form, as
in Prov. vi. 14. There the person described
in Ecclus. xxvii. 23 as "turning about his

speech" is characterised by i3?3 JVDSnFl,
"turnings about in his heart" (comp. Prov.
viii. 13, x. 32, niSSnn *3; Prov. x. 31,

nbsnri f\tih). Again (as in the Syr.) the
■rroicijv irovrjpa is = V~\ BHh, " he that forgeth
evil" (comp. xiv. 22, iii. 29), or in Prov. vi.

is, }.)X nin^no enn n1?.

whence it cometh.] Add: upon him.

28. This verse is not found in the Syr.
(although in the Vet. Lat.), and reads like an
interpolation.

29. The Syr. here has a different and cer-
tainly erroneous rendering, probably due to
a misreading of the Hebrew, which it is
scarcely worth the labour to trace in detail,
although in part it is evident.

30. even these.] Rather, these also.
Omit from the A. V. the final word " both."

CHAPTER XXVIII.

This chapter stands in close internal con-
nexion with the preceding. It deals with
that to which the sins previously referred to
give rise, and finally returns to these sins
themselves. The special topics of the chapter
may be grouped as follows : Revenge (stanza 1,
of seven verses) ; strife (second stanza, of five
verses: -w. 8-12); calumny (third stanza, of
four verses: w. 13-16); its baneful effects
(fourth stanza, of five verses: w. 17-21 —
although this and the previous stanza may
possibly be combined into one). Lastly, we
have a stanza which on the one hand promises
to the righteous safety from the consequences
of backbiting, and on the other admonishes to
watchfulness (five verses : v. 22 to the end).

1. The words italicised, " keep his sins in
remembrance," are inadequate. The verb is
used here as in Ps. exxx. 3 : "if Jehovah keep
sin;" that is, not only remember, but reserve
it for punishment (comp. the figure in Job
xiv. 17), only that here it must have been
~\V.2V\ ibS?, which the Greek preserves, as
well as the Vet. Lat. (servans servabit). We
need scarcely here remind ourselves of Rom.
xii. 19. But the whole sentiment seems so
unlike the spirit of the book, and so Christian
in its conception, that we suspect an inter-
polation. The Syr. is quite different, and
perhaps preserves the Hebrew original. It
begins the verse with what seems a modifica-
tion of the second clause of the last verse in
the previous chapter : " And the deceitful
man destroyeth his way " (perhaps the

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXVIII.

[v. 2—7.

B.C.
cir. 200.

i7' Matt. 6.
14.
Mark 11.

=5-
Luke 6.

37-
c See
Matt. 18.
23, &.C

2 ^Forgive thy neighbour the hurt
that he hath done unto thee, so shall
thy sins also be forgiven when thou
prayest.

3 c One man beareth hatred against
another, and doth he seek pardon
from the Lord ?

4 He sheweth no mercy to a man,
which is like himself: and doth he
ask forgiveness of his own sins ?

5 If he that is but flesh nourish

hatred, who will intreat for pardon
of his sins ?

6 Remember thy end, and let en-
mity cease ; [remember] corruption
and death, and abide in the com-
mandments.

7 Remember the commandments,
and bear no malice to thy neigh-
bour: [remember] the covenant of

the Highest,
ance.

anc

win

k at

lgnor-

B. C.

cir. 200.

original had something like Ps. i. 6 :

*nNFl D^EH), " and will receive retribution

[vengeance] from God, because all his sins
shall be carefully preserved to him."

2. Forgive the unrighteousness [the
wrong, injury] of thy neighbour, and
then when thou prayest thy sins shall
he loosed rAucV/croi/rai ; comp. St. Matt,
xviii. 18].] The latter expression, but chiefly
the addition " when thou prayest " — which
makes the verse parallel with St. iMark xi. 25
— indicates Christian alteration. In Talmudic
writings we find indeed such statements as
" To whom is sin pardoned ? To him who
forgiveth injury" (Rosh Hash, i-ja, and in
other places) ; and again : " every time that
thou art merciful, God will be merciful to
thee ; and if thou art not merciful, God will
not shew mercy to thee " (Jer. Babha 0\_
viii. 10, and other places). Other similar
passages might be quoted, to which St. Jas.
ii. 13 forms the N. T. parallel. But so far as
we know there is not any ancient Jewish
saying strictly parallel to this verse in Ecclus.
We therefore regard it as a later Christian
alteration. The Syr. Christian emendation
goes even further. It has : " Remit what is
in thy heart and afterwards pray, and all thy
sins shall be remitted thee." The Vet. Lat.
follows the Greek.

3. (One) Man keepeth anger against
(another) man, and doth he seek healing

from the Lord?) "Healing," like NSH, or
rather here NB"j», in the sense of forgiveness.
We are here again on strictly Jewish ground.
The N. T. also offers well-known parallels.
Fritzsche quotes from the Pastor of Hermas,
B. iii., Similit. ix. 23. But that passage rather
recalls St. Jas. iv. 12. A better parallel would
have been u. s., B. ii., Comm. ix. : " For He is
not like men who remember evils done against
them ; but He Himself remembers not evils,
and has compassion on His own creatures."
This seems based on the following from
Yoma, 86 b: " Come and see that the measure
[manner of dealing] of the Holy One, blessed
be He, is not like that of flesh and blood. A

man makes his neighbour angry [offends him]
by words, there is a doubt whether or not he
will be assuaged by him ; and if thou sayest,
he will be assuaged by him, there is doubt
whether or not he will be assuaged by words,
but the Holy One, blessed be His Name: a
man committeth a sin in secret — He [God] is
assuaged of him by words (see Hos. xiv. 2)."

4. Rather, he hath not mercy.

doth he ask forgiveness.) Rather, "does
he entreat (viz. mercy) on account of
his sins?" The Syr. omits the verse.

5. He that is flesh keepeth resent-
ment [fxrjviv], who will atone for [expiate]
his sins /] (Bissell.) The Syr. has: "he who
is a son of man is not willing to remit, and
who shall remit his sins ? " These verses are
intended to mark the incongruity of his posi-
tion. But i>. 5 seems also to indicate that
works of mercy were regarded as a kind of
atonement.

6. The writer now proceeds to positive
admonition.

thy end.) Rather, the end. For "abide
in the commandments," the Syr. has " abstain
from sinning " — probably correctly represent-
ing the original, since the first clause of the
next verse is as in the Greek. Verses 6 and 7
mark a progression, which the Greek probably
wished to make more emphatic by this " abide
in the commandments," to be immediately
followed by " remember the command-
ments," &c.

7. bear no malice to.) Rather, be not
angry against.

ivink at.) Rather, overlook,

ignorance.) liyvoia, as in the LXX., always
in the sense of guilt or sin of weakness, nJJC^,
or else Ut'H. and riDG5>K. The Syr. has:

T T t : - '

" Remember the commandment and hate not
thy neighbour before God, and give him what
lacketh to him." It has been ingeniously
suggested that the Syr. for " before " iyOfO)

is corrupt, and that we should read (>a.«£>)
" covenant " — " the covenant of God " — while

8-i4.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXVIII.

i45

B.C. 8 d Abstain from strife, and thou
cir^oo. gjlajt diminish thy sins : for a furious
*ch. 8. 1. man wj]i kindle strife.

9 A sinful man disquieteth friends,
and malceth debate among them that
be at peace.
rProv. 26. 10 'As the matter of the fire is,
so it burneth : and as a man's strength
is, so is his wrath ; and according to
his riches his anger riseth ; and the
stronger they are which contend, the
more they will be inflamed.

1 1 An hasty contention kindleth b. c.
a fire : and an hasty fighting shed- '^jJ
deth blood.

12 If thou blow the spark, it shall
burn : if thou spit upon it, it shall
be quenched : and both these come
out of thy mouth.

13 J Curse the whisperer and dou- / ch. 21.
bletongued : for such have destroyed 2i
many that were at peace.

14 A backbiting tongue hath dis-
quieted many, and driven them from

the other differences between the Greek text
might be explained by supposing that the

Greek read iity 'h KB>J, while the Syr.

read VW.

; t

8. A new stanza : strife.~] Omit from the
A. V. "thy" before "sins." If we abstain
from strife, there will be fewer sins on our
part ; but this will not be the case if a man is
wrathful. The Syr. omits the last part of the
verse.

9. Rather, And a sinful man — the ex-
pression being general, to indicate that other
sins besides fury may lead to strife.

disquieteth.'] rapdt-ei, perturbs, stirs up.
The manner of it is immediately explained :
and casteth in calumny [possibly, ill-
feeling — so the Syr. and Vet. Lat.] among
them that are at peace. Instead of "dis-
quieteth friends," the Syr. has, what seems
more apt : " loveth litigation." If we suppose
that the original had mnO 2HX, "loveth
strife," we might conjecture that the Greek
read ll'HO 2™^, which he interpreted as above.

10. The clauses of this verse are evidently
misplaced in the Vat. The Sin., Alex., and
many other Codd. make the fourth clause the
second ; and as this is also the order in the
Syr. — as well as the natural order — we con-
clude that such was the arrangement in the
original. The Vet. Lat. omits the second
clause. Possibly, it was only inserted in the
Vat. (and there in the wrong place) by a later
corrector. Correcting the order of the clauses
(as above), the first two would read as follows :
According to the fuel of a fire so it
burneth [the Syr.: "whatever thou castest
into the fire will burn"], and according to
the firmness [strength?] of a strife will
it burn up. The Syr.: "the more thou
increasest litigation, the larger will it grow."
The original may have been 3'H nO>*y3,
which the Greek understood as = according
to the strength, the Syriac as = according to
the amount ; (clause c) "according to a

ApOC— Vol. II

man's strength is his wrath;" the Syr.,
" as is the glory of a man's hands, so is his
wrath ; " in the Hebrew original perhaps
VT PD3 (in the LXX. Icrxvs is mostly the
translation of n'3) — " and according to his
wealth his anger riseth."

11. The Syr. evidently read the original
differently: "Pitch and naphtha kindle fire,
and frequent quarrels spill blood." This
seems more apt than the Greek text.

fighting.] Rather, strife.

12. All depends on the disposition of men.
What in the one case issues in fire, in the other
is quenched : it is the individual not the thing
which causeth the mischief. The twofold
simile of fire and water in connexion with
disputes (the latter simile brought out more
fully in the Syr. than in the Greek) recalls
St. Jas. iii. 6 and 10, n. The Syr. is inter-
esting as shewing that, even where it and the
Greek are evidently renderings of the same
Hebrew words, there may be slight differences
between them, because each translator would
deem himself at liberty to translate freely.
The following is quoted in Vayyk. R. 33
(beginning) as from Ben Sira: "Is there a
coal before thee— blow upon it, and it will
kindle up ; spit upon it, and it will be
extinguished."

13. A new stanza (see introductory re-
marks). The Syr. renders: "also 'the third
tongue,' let it be cursed, for it has laid low
many corpses." The expression " third
tongue" is of post-biblical Jewish usage. It
means the calumnious, babbling tongue, and
its designation "third tongue" is explained
by this, that it kills three: the person who
speaks the calumny, the person who listens to
it, and the person concerning whom it is
spoken (Ar. 16 b ; Jer. Peah, 16 a ; in Vayyk.
R. 26 an instance of this is given; in Jer.
Peah it is added that in the time of Saul it
killed four). The Syr. translator seems to
have had this in mind in his paraphrastic
rendering of the verse.

146

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXVIII.

[v.

-23.

B. c. nation to nation : strong cities hath

-l-^0" it pulled down, and overthrown the

houses of great men.

tor, ic A" backbiting tongue hath cast

third. , J . & & , , • ,

out virtuous women, and deprived

them of their labours.

16 Whoso hearkeneth unto it
shall never find rest, and never dwell
quietly.

17 The stroke of the whip maketh
marks in the flesh : but the stroke
of the tongue breaketh the bones.

18 Many have fallen by the edge
of the sword : but not so many as
have fallen by the tongue.

19 Well is he that is defended
from it, and hath not passed through

thereof, nor hath

the venom thereof; who hath not

drawn the yoke

been bound in her bands

20 For the yoke thereof is a yoke
of iron, and the bands thereof are
bands of brass.

21 The death thereof is an evil
death, the grave were better than
it.

22 It shall not have rule over them
that fear God, neither shall they be
burned with the flame thereof.

23 Such as forsake the Lord shall
fall into it ; and it shall burn in them,
and not be quenched ; it shall be
sent upon them as a lion, and devour
them as a leopard.

B.C.
cir. 200.

14. A third [a calumnious] tongue hath
tossed many to and fro.] Before " strong
cities" insert "and." The last clause gains
in emphasis by restoring its order as in the
Greek: and nouses of great men (fieyi-
<tto.v(ov) hath it overthrown. It is very
interesting to find that not only the later
Syriac but the Greek translator knew the
Jewish expression "third tongue," explained
in the previous note, and therefore in all
probability the popular interpretation recorded
in the Talmud. Indeed, the reference to the
influence of a calumnious tongue in regard
to other lands (clause b) recalls the Talmudic
legend (told immediately after the explanation
of the term " third tongue "), in which, in
reply to a question of R. Samuel b. Nachman,
the serpent explains that if its poisonous bite
in one member extends to all the members,
a calumnious tongue speaks in one place and
its killing stroke falls in Rome, or else it
speaks in Rome and its stroke falls in Syria.
The Syr. translates somewhat differently, but
is probably only a free version.

15. virtuous women.] Better, perhaps,
brave women, yvvoaKas avhpelas : comp.
xxvi. 2.

deprived them of their labours^] I.e. of the
fruit of them.

16. He who giveth heed to it shah
never find rest, nor yet shall he dwell
tranquilly.] The Syr. omits this verse.

17. marks in the fleshy Better, weals.

19. Well.} Rather, happy.

and hath not passed through the venom
thereof.} Rather, who has not entered
into the passionate fury thereof; "who
hath not drawn the yoke thereof" (Deut.xxi.

3,?ig? n?fD; in the LXX. elXtcvo-e fryoV),

— a Hebraism, meaning, who does not expe-
rience it.

21. The death thereof] I.e. the death which
it — viz. the calumnious tongue — worketh is
evil, being a moral death (comp. Juvenal, viii.
192, and the note of Mayor).

and the grave.] Rather, and Hades is
profitable rather than it, viz. Hades is
more profitable, serves a better purpose, were
rather to be chosen than such a tongue.

22. Possibly a new stanza : of promise and
admonition. " It " — viz. such a tongue, not
Hades — " shall not have rule." The use of
the genit. here (KpaTrja-rj evo-efioov) shews that
it refers to a continuous hold (see Winer, /. /.
p. 182). The Syr. renders our verse, " burn
not:" in the optative form, "mayestthou not
burn upon the righteous," &c.

23. bum in them = among them.

devour them as a leopard.] Rather, muti-
late them as a leopard (or panther). For
" it shall be sent upon them as a lion," the
Syr. has " it shall rule over them;" evidently
reading (as has been suggested) UX'F), while

the Greek read TmPR. If even in the Greek
the wording of the first two lines (referring
to the flame — although, from the context, that
kindled by the tongue) raises the suspicion of
a Christian modification, so that the words
about the flame that would burn without
quenching might be understood of Hades ;
this suspicion is increased by the Syriac,
which seems to go much further in the same
direction. It has: "All that forsake the fear
of God shall fall into it [the flame] ; upon
them shall the fire kindle and not be extin-
guished, it shall rule over them as a lion, and
as a panther tear them in pieces."

24. 25. The four lines of which these two

v. 24~4.] ECCLESIASTICUS. XXVIII. XXIX.

147

B.C.
cir. 200.

24 Look that thou hedge thy pos-
session about with thorns, and bind
up thy silver and gold,

25 And weigh thy words in a
balance, and make a door and bar for
thy mouth.

26 Beware thou slide not by it,
lest thou fall before him that lieth
in wait.

CHAPTER XXIX.

I We must shew mercy and lend : ^.butthebor-
rower must not defraud the lender. 9 Give
alms. 14 A good man will not undo his
surety. 18 To be surety and undertake for

others is dangerous. 22 It is better to live at B. C.
home than to sojourn. cir. 200.

E that is merciful

will lend ° Ps- 37-
unto his neighbour ; and he
that strengtheneth his hand keepeth
the commandments.

2 b Lend to thy neighbour in time * Deut.
of his need, and pay thou thy neigh- ^t8t" s_
bour again in due season. 42-

3 Keep thy word, and deal faith- 35-
fully with him, and thou shalt always
find the thing that is necessary for
thee.

4 Many, when a thing was lent

verses consist are misplaced in the Vat.
(although Origen — Horn. i. in Ps. xxxviii. and
Horn. Cant. vii. 8 — favours the Vat. arrange-
ment). The natural, and no doubt correct,
succession of the lines is preserved in H., 248,
Co., as well as in the Syr. and the Vet. Lat.
It is as follows: —

v. 24 Lo, surround thy possession [re-
ferring to land] with thorns [a
hedge]

(25 b) And make a door and bar for thy
mouth ;
V. 25 (24 b) Bind up thy silver and thy gold,

(25^) And make for thy words a
beam and weight [an accu-
rate balance].

The latter illustration is the more forcible be-
cause silver and gold, so tied up, were weighed
— money going by weight. The two verses
express the same thought— only the one in a
negative, the other in a positive form. The
hedge round the field, and the door and bar
to the mouth, are to keep out evil; the balance
is to weigh out the precious metals. Instead
of "thy possession" in 24 « the Syr. has "thy
vineyard," and the Vet. Lat. aures tuas (thine
ears), adding the explanative clause : " linguam
nequam noli audire." The aures of the Lat.
instead of the " possession " of the Greek is
strange. The Syr. rendering, " vineyard."
has its parallel in the LXX., where DID is
repeatedly translated by KTrjpa.

26. Beware lest by any means thou
slip by it, Sec.

CHAPTER XXIX.

This chapter is only loosely connected with
that which preceded. Generally we might
say that we have in these chapters a succession
of prudential counsels, conceived in a quasi-
rehgious spirit, grouped under different head-
ings, and bearing on different aspects of daily
life. Possibly there may be some connexion
between what was said at the close of the

previous chapter about the binding up of
silver and gold, and the admonition to mercy
in this chapter ; and again between the pre-
vious admonition to have a care over our
words and the present warning against sureti-
ship for another. The topics of the present
chapter are : ( 1 ) an admonition to mercy in
lending, one stanza of six verses, v. 7 form-
ing the transition to the next stanza, which
(2) presents another phase of Mercy : that
which is not discouraged by misuse, but be-
stoweth freely (w. 8-1 3). (3) The next stanza
presents yet another aspect of Mercy : Sureti-
ship (ot. 14-19 — six verses). Lastly (4), the
opposite point of view is taken, and we are
shewn how desirable it is not to seek nor to
accept Mercy {yv. 21-28).

1. He that is merciful.'] Lit. he that doeth
mercy, Ipn MEty, or IDn v>Di

he that strengtheneth his hand [similarly the
Vet. Lat.: pnrvalet mamt].] Rather, "and
he that maketh strong with [by] his
hand; " that is, supporteth another by helping
him. The Hebrew would be : 1T3 p:rnO, or
p-tn, or P^nD, the construction as in Ezr. i. 6.
As tor "the commandments" thus "kept,"
see Lev. xxv. 35 (13 nptjilQ]) ! Deut. xv. 7, 8 ;
comp. Ps. xxxvii. 26 (there nyPO-1 pin, and in
the next verse Zlitrnb'y). Comp. St. Matt. v.
42.

2. The duty of lending in such a spirit has
for its correlative the obligation of punctual
repayment. The Syr. is explanative rather
than literal.

3. A further admonition to him who has
contracted the obligation.

Keep thy tvord.~] Lit. make strong, con-
firm it — a Hebraism.

alnvaysJ] Lit, at every season, nST^^,
viz. whenever thou shalt need it. Observance
of duty will in that case bring its own
reward.

L 2

1 48

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXIX.

[v- 5—9-

B.C.
cir. 200.

II Or,
If he be
able.

them, reckoned it to be found, and put
them to trouble that helped them.

5 Till he hath received, he will
kiss a man's hand ; and for his
neighbour's money he will speak
submissly : but when he should re-
pay, he will prolong the time, and
return words of grief, and complain
of the time.

6 " If he prevail, he shall hardly
receive the half, and he will count as
if he had found it : if not, he hath
deprived him of his money, and he

hath gotten him an enemy without B.C.

0 , ii- • 1 • cir. 200

cause : he payeth him with cursings —
and railings ; and for honour he will
pay him disgrace.

7 Many therefore have refused to
lend for other men's ill dealing, fear-
ing to be defrauded.

8 Yet have thou patience with a
man in poor estate, and delay not to
shew him mercy.

9 Help the poor for fthe com- f Deut.
mandment's sake, and turn him not
away because of his poverty.

4. Lit. Many consider a loan as a
find— they treat a loan as if they had found
something on the road, which they may appro-
priate and think no farther of him who lost it.
In the second clause the simile is continued:
the lender is represented as having the labour
and trouble of searching after what he had
lost. It has been ingeniously suggested that
in the first clause the original may have had a

word-play between ""ibx^', " a thing asked,"
and tyf," a spoil" or "gain."

5. The description of the dishonourable
borrower is true to the life — only it applies
also to those of a like character who ask and
obtain any favour.

Till he hath received.'] Rather, until lie
obtain.

kiss a man's band.'] Lit. "kiss his hand."

and for bis neighbour s money he will speak
submissly.'] Rather, "about his neighbour's
property he will speak humbly" (lit. humble
the voice). The meaning seems to be: he
will refer in very humble language to the
wealth of another— how easily he could help
him, perhaps what liberal use he was wont to
make of it. The Syr. gives the same impres-
sion. But afterwards matters are quite
('hanged. "When he should repay," lit. at
the time of giving back (dnoSoaews),
then there is postponement: he will pro-
tract the time, the payment is delayed for
the future, while what he does "give back"
(/irro o-eOare "words of sorrow (regret):"
he is very sorry— but the times are so bad.

6. If he prevail [that is, if the creditor
succeed in getting back anv money from the
debtor | he shall hardly recover the half, and
he will regard it [esteem it] as a find
[something that he had considered absolutely
lostj. But if not that is, if the creditor does
not get back anything at all, then] he [the
debtor] hath deprived him [the creditor] of
his property, and [viz. at the same time] be

[the creditor] hath gotten him [the debtor]
an enemy without cause [5o>peai/, D3n — for
nothing].

" Neither a borrower nor a lender be,
For loan oft loses both itself and friend."

Hamlet, Act i., Sc. 3.

The writer then looks back upon v. 5 a, b, c,
d, and marks the contrast. This is the repay-
ment made: Cursings and revilings
will he "give back" to him (a7ro<5a>o-e{
avrca — comp. v. 5^) — such is the coin in
which he pays him back — and instead of
glory [as when he kissed his hand and spoke
so humbly about the other's property] he
will "give back" to him («7ro6cocrei avrco)
dishonour.

7. Lit. Many turned away [viz. from
lending — this, rather than they who came to
borrow] on account of wickedness [viz.
such as that above described] : they feared
to be deprived [viz. of their property] for
nothing. The Syr. has : " Many have refused
to lend, not from [without its being from]
wickedness, but because they were afraid of a
useless quarrel." There can be little doubt
that the Greek and not the Syr. translator
here rightly understood the Hebrew original.
It is therefore all the more deserving our
attention that the Vet. Lat. follows the inter-
pretation of the Syr. It has: multi non causa
nequitiae non foenerati sunt.

8. This verse begins the admonition not to
be discouraged in well-doing, to which v. 7
formed the transition from the previous
stanza. The first clause of the verse refers
to a case in which the delay — blamed in vv.
5, 6 — may not be culpable, and the creditor
should be patient and forbearing: and in
regard to charity [in the sense of bestow-
ing alms or benefits, eV £\trnxo<Tvvqv; the Alex,
and others read: eV eXerjuoavvrj, "in charity"]
do not defer [delay] him — put him not off
to another time ; let him not wait.

9. For the commandment's sake

v. io — 17.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXIX.

149

10 Lose thy money for thy brother
and thy friend, and 'flet it not rust
under a stone to be lost.

11 ''Lay up thy treasure according
to the commandments of the most
High, and /it shall bring thee more
profit than gold.

12 -^Shut up alms in thy store-
houses : and it shall deliver thee from
all affliction.

13 It shall fight for thee against

_E. c.

cir. 200.

*ch. 10.

30.

'Dan. 4.

*7-

Matt. 6.
20.

Luke 11.
41. &
12. 33.
Acts 10. 4.
1 Tim. 6.
t8, 19.

I Matt,
tq. 21.

* Tobit 4. 7, 8, 9, 10, 11. ch. 17. 22.

thine enemies better than a mighty
shield and strong spear.

14 An honest man is surety for
his neighbour : but he that is im-
pudent will "forsake him.

15 Forget not the friendship of
thy surety, for he hath given his life
for thee.

16 A sinner will overthrow the
good estate of his surety :

17 And he that is of an unthank-

b. c.

cir. 200.

Qr.faiU

assist [Syr.: "relieve"] a poor man, and
according to his lack [need, want] turn
him not away empty.] As we understand
the second clause, it may probably point in
the direction of the Rabbinic rule that the
poor should be assisted in a manner conform-
able to their former condition — according to
their lack (Kethub. 67 h). The Syr. render-
ing depends either upon a misreading or is a
mistranslation.

10. Lose money through a brother and
[or] & friend, and let it not rust under the stone
unto loss.] "The stone:" the definite stone
that marks the place where the money is
buried. The meaning is : better to lose money
through a friend than by letting it rust. It is
a secondary point that such an expression as
loss by rust is scarcely applicable to silver.
For there might be loss in such manner, or at
any rate considerable deterioration. On the
other hand, the figure of rust as affecting
metals might be transferred from one metal
to another (see the same about rust as affect-
ing the gold of the idols : Ep. of Jer. w. 12,
24). It is of much greater importance and
interest to notice that this verse affords fresh
evidence of the use which St. James made of
Ecclus. For the figure in St. Jas. v. 3 of the
rust as affecting the unused gold and silver is
not found in any other part of Scripture, and
seems derived from our passage. Moreover,
of the two expressions for " rusted " and
"rust" in St. Jas. v. 3, the one (to?, " rust")
which in this signification occurs only in that
place in the N. T. is used in our passage in
Ecclus. (Ico6^t<o), while the other word in
St. Jas. v. 3 (K«TtWni — "your gold and your
silver are rusted"} does not occur in any other
place in the N. T. nor yet in the LXX., but
only in Ecclus. xii. 1 1. This also indirectly
shews in what general use our book must
have been among the Jews— a fact confirmed,
as we have seen, by the numerous Talmudic
quotations from Ecclus. The Syr. has, instead
of "let it not rust under a stone unto loss,"
this : " rather than thou hide it under the stone
or wall." The difference in the two versions,
"wall" (in the Syr.) and "loss" (in the Greek),

we would account for by the latter reading
nntp, while the Syr. read JlVlS? (Jer. v. 10),
"walls." For the divergence — the Greek
reading " rust," the Syr. " hide " — it is not
easy to offer a satisfactory explanation.
Possibly the Greek translation was not in-
tended to be literal.

11. than gold.'] Rather, "than the gold."
We remember here the better and far higher
direction in St. Matt. vi. 19, 20. The
Rabbis speak of certain things of which
a man enjoys the fruit or interest in this
world, while the capital itself remaineth for
the next (Peah i. 1, and in other places).
Among them — although the study of the
Law is said to outweigh all the others — the

bestowal of mercy is mentioned (n-'P',OJ
DHDn — in Shabb. 127 a this is applied to
hospitality and visiting of the sick). The
Syr. paraphrases this verse.

12, 13. What a man is to lay up in his
storehouses is not grain, nor fruits, nor any
other source of wealth — but alms. This
will prove a preventive against or else a
deliverance from the ill that would otherwise
befall him. The simile is farther developed
in v. 13. When the Vet. Lat. thus para-
phrases v. 12 : conclude eleemosynam in corde
pauperis, et haec pro te exorabit ab omni malo
— it may have had St. Luke xvi. 9 in view.

14. A new stanza : Suretiship. Translate :
"A good man will be surety . . . but he
who has lost shame will leave him," in
the sense of deserting him : such an one will
leave the person who has become surety for
him to bear the consequences of his rash
kindness.

15. the friendship.'] Rather, the favours
■ — the kindness.

he hath given his life.] Lit., his soul, in
the sense of " himself." The Svr. omits the

verse.

16. the good estate^] Rather, the posses-
sions. The Syr. omits this verse, and para-
phrases i'. 17 in a manner which raises
suspicion of a later revision.

*5°

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXIX.

[v. 1 8 — 24.

.p>- c. ful mind will leave him [in danger]
- — ' that delivered him.

18 Suretiship hath undone many
of good estate, and shaken them as a
wave of the sea : mighty men hath it
driven from their houses, so that they
wandered among strange nations.

19 A wicked man transgressing the
commandments of the Lord shall
fall into suretiship : and he that
undertaketh and followeth other
men's business for gain shall fall into
suits.

20 Help thy neighbour according B. c.
to thy power, and beware that thou - —
thyself fall not into the same.

21 The ;'chief thing for life is7<ch. 39
water, and bread, and clothing, and 2
an house to cover shame.

22 Better is the life of a poor man
in a mean cottage, than delicate fare
in another man's house.

2? Be it little or much, 'hold thee ''iTim
contented, that thou hear not the
reproach of thy house.

24 For it is a miserable life to

6, 8.

18. of good estate.'] Rather, that were
in a prosperous condition.

shaken tbem.~] Rather, tossed them.

driven from their houses.'] Rather, made
to emigrate [to remove].

strange nations.] Rather, foreign na-
tions.

19. This verse is found in its simplest and,
no doubt, original form in the Vat. God.
It reads: The sinner [the addition in the
A. V., "transgressing," Sec. occurs in H., 248,
Co., Syr., Vet. Lat., and is no doubt a later
gloss] who falleth into suretiship
[perhaps in the sense of purposely incurring
it, throwing himself into it— or else even in
the sense of "rashly" doing so] and who
pursueth after improper gains shall
be thrown into judgments [law-sen-
tences]. There is probably not a more diffi-
cult expression in Ecclus. than 8i6>kgov epyo-
XajSeta?, which we have rendered: "who
pursueth improper gains" — although with
great doubt. For, assuredly, it does not suit
the context, whether of the previous clause
or of the preceding verses, which throughout
refers to suretiship. If therefore we have not
the courage to give up the usual meaning of
either <5ia>Kcoi> or epyoXafielas, the latter must
at least be taken sensu malo (which it some-
times bears), so as in some way to fit into
the context. But we would venture to
suggest that Slukwv might here be taken as a
law-term—" a prosecutor "—and epyoXa/Scws
as in the genitive. In that case the words
might be rendered: and who prosecutes
[another] for a contract— referring to a
man who first wrongfully or foolishly be-
came surety, and then 'by a law-process
tried to get rid of his engagement. This, if
admissible, would suit the context well. The
Syr seems from its paraphrastic language to
have had difficulty about this verse, and it
inserts between the two clauses what reads
like a later interpretation. The Arab, omits it.

20. On the preceding verse this follows

as a general conclusion and summary: "As-
sist thy neighbour according to thy power,
and (but) take heed to thyself that
thou fall not." The Syr. has instead of
the words in the second clause : " and de-
liver thvself from double." The "take heed
to thyself" (Greek) and "deliver thyself"
(Syr.) may well represent the same Hebrew
word — probably (as in the Syr.) the word
nXS, perhaps with the addition of another

verb as in Ps. cxliv. 7, *37*5tni "OVS; perhaps

it read "^L';p3 b^n) H>*S. As to the Syr.

rendering " double " for the Greek " that
thou fall not," the former may be a para-
phrastic reference to the punishment into
which such an one might fall, or (as has been
suggested) it may depend on a confusion

between hhlft (the Greek) and ^Q3D (the
Syr.).

21. A new stanza. Utmost moderation is
recommended, so as to be independent of
others.

to cover shame.] Rather, " which cover-
eth shame," — conceals what decency forbids
to be in public.

22. Better is the state of life.] Or, the
mode of living, ftius.

in a mean cottage.] Rather, under a-
roof of beams, the opposite of a "ceiled
house."

in another man's house.] Rather, "among
strangers."

23. The second clause, " that thou hear
not," &c. (or rather, and thou shalt not
hear, &c), does not occur in the Vat, the
Sin., nor the Alex., but is found in 248, Go.
The Syr. has: " Whether he (live on) much
or little, no one knoweth : and what he doeth
within his house man does not see it." The
Vet. Lat. has a confused paraphrase.

24. Lit., A wretched life: from
house to house — and where one so-

25-4.] ECCLESIASTICUS. XXIX. XXX.

151

B. c. go from house to house : for where
*- — ' thou art a stranger, thou darest not
open thy mouth.

25 Thou shalt entertain, and feast,
and have no thanks : moreover thou
shalt hear bitter words :

26 Come, thou stranger, and fur-
nish a table, and feed me of that thou
hast ready.

27 Give place, thou stranger, to
an honourable man ; my brother
cometh to be lodged, and I have
need of mine house.

28 These things are grievous to a
man of understanding ; the upbraid-
ing of houseroom, and reproaching of
the lender.

CHAPTER XXX. b.c.

cir. 200.

I It is good to correct our children, 7 and not

to cocker them. 14 Health is better than
wealth. 22 Health and life are shortened
by grief.

HE "that loveth his son causeth chl^en
him oft to feel the rod, that « pr0v.
he may have joy of him in the & 234i3.
end.

2 He that chastiseth his son shall „ 0r> ^^
have "joy in him, and shall rejoice of *y*»».
him among his ''acquaintance. . /&#'*"**"

3 He that '''teacheth his son griev-*r>eut.
eth the enemy : and before his friends 6- ">•
he shall rejoice of him.

4 Though his father die, yet he is
as though he were not dead : for he

journeth [as one not forming part of the
household but admitted to it : Trapoua'jaei] he
cannot open the mouth.

25. Although all the Codd. have, as in the
A. V., £eviels kcu ttothIs, "thou shalt entertain
and feast," it seems absolutely necessary to
adopt the emendation of Bretschneider :
t;evi.o-de\s kcu 7roTiardeis : Thou shalt be
entertained as a guest, and be given
to drink unto ungraciousness = with
ungraciousness, or else, till at last it is made
ungracious — " and besides | afterwards ?]
thou shalt hear bitter things about them,"
viz. about thy entertainment and drink. The
Syr.: "thou art a sojourner ( = fjevie Is ?), and
thou shalt drink contumely."

26. The verse expresses what is virtually
said to such an one : "Go bye (along), so-
journer, prepare a table, and if there
is anything in thy hand (if thou hast
anything) give me to eat" (entertain me).
It is thy turn now, — "give and take," as
men say.

27. Lit.: Go out, sojourner, from the
face [or presence] of glory; probably in
the sense of the A. V. Fritzsche explains :
" Go away from this glory, which is not meant
for thee [this seems strained] — my brother
has been received as a guest. (I have; need
of the house."

28. Lit.: upbraiding of a house —
that is, as Fritzsche explains, connected with
one's being in a house—" and reproach [or
disgrace] of a creditor." These are the
two things which a man of sensibility feels
grievous: the one inside the house, when
things are cast up to him and he has intima-
tion to leave ; the other outside the house,
when he is harassed and importuned and put

to shame by a creditor. The reference, it
need scarcely be said, is to a poor man — but
one of intelligence and education.

CHAPTER XXX.

This chapter, which in its present position
in the Vat. and other Codd. is misplaced (see
the remarks in the sequel), naturally arranges
itself under the two headings : " About
Children" (yv. 1-13) and "About Health"
(i"v. 14-20). Each of these sections begins
with the heading just mentioned. But there
is a third stanza added Qw. 21-25) on joy
of the heart, which belongs to the second
section, and is connected with v. 16 b.

1. Lit., "will continue to him
strokes."

in the end.] Rather, "at last." Comp.
Prov. xiii. 24, xxiii. 13, xxix. 15.

2. Be that chastiseth.'] Perhaps better,
correcteth, or disciplineth.

shall have joy [or advantage] ; and shall
rejoice of him.] Better, and shall glory
in him. For the construction comp. LXX.
Ps. xlviii. (xlix.) 6 ; Prov. xxv. 14 : Rom. v. 2.

3. grieveth.] Rather, "maketh jea-
lous." The second clause differs only
slightly from v. 2 h.

4. Lit., "his father died, and as if
be had not died," &c. The Syr. has:
"and he is companion (associate, fellow ==

~Di"l; the expression is = the Heb. 7 PIS,

. T,

which the Targum renders : 7 K"Gn) to him
that is not dead." The Syr. seems to repre-
sent the Hebrew more faithfully than does
the Greek. The meaning is: the father is

i5»

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXX.

[v. 5-

-12.

B.C. hath left one behind him that is like

cir. 200. , . , r

— himselr.
fps. 123. 5 While he lived, he ^saw and re-
3.6. joiced in him : and when he died, he
was not sorrowful.

6 He left behind him an avenger
against his enemies, and one that
shall requite kindness to his friends.

7 He that maketh too much of his
son shall bind up his wounds ; and
his bowels will be troubled at every
cry.

8 An horse not broken becometh B- c.
headstrong : and a child left to him- - — :
self will be wilful.

9 Cocker thy child, and he shall

make thee "afraid: play with him, 11 Or, asto-
and he will bring thee to heaviness.

10 Laugh not with him, lest thou
have sorrow with him, and lest thou
gnash thy teeth in the end.

11 ^Give him no liberty in his d ch- 7- 23-
youth, and wink not at his follies.

12 Bow down his neck while he is

not really dead, for he continues in his son.
This and the following verse cast light on
one of the great consolations and hopes which
the writer entertained in regard to death :
continuance in one's children.

5. The words " in him," omitted in the
Vat., are found in 248, Co. The Syr. has:
"saw him and rejoiced." The Vet. Lat. has:
i<idit, et laetatus est in illo. We may therefore
conclude that the pronoun was in the original,
although probably in the same order as in the
Syr. The omission in the Vat. may have
been due to a wisli to give the statement a
more general form.

6. Compare here the previous remarks in
the note on v. 4. The Syr. — probably
rightly — inverts the clauses.

7. He that maketh too much of.'] Better,
he that treateth him indulgently
(molliter et leniter) : Trepiyj/vxcov — which the
Vet. Lat. curiously resolves into two words,
pro animabus (filii). The Syr. rightly repro-
duces what probably was in the original :
P.3BO, as in Prov. xxix. 21 (a verse which is
differently understood in the LXX.). In
Ber. R. 22 (on Gen. iv. 6) we read that he
who in his youth indulgently treats (in-
dulged) his (evil) inclination (m"> riX jMSDB>
WVlWn), his end (will be) that it will rule
over him in his old age ; referring to Prov.

Xxix. 2 1.

From this it would appear that when the
LXX. translated Prov. xxix. 21 by m Kara-
(nraTaXa «/c 7raio\5y, " he that liveth wantonly
from a child," they only followed an ancient
Jewish tradition in their identification of
n?y, '• his servant," with \fS)t " his inclina-
tion," since the same explanation as in Ber. R.
22 also occurs in Sukk. 52 £. The other
mistranslation in the LXX. : " and in the end
shall grieve over himself," for the Hebrew
fOD njrP (erroneously rendered both in the
A. V. and the R. V., following Jewish com-
mentators : " shall have him become a son ")
is the same as in the Syr. (which agrees with

the LXX. in the whole clause). The Targum
has : " he that indulges [his inclination ?]
from his youth shall become a servant [to
it?]." But in later Hebrew the word JUO
was understood as meaning : " to lift oneself
up," " to be lord or master." The interest
of the subject will excuse this digression.

shall bind up his wounds.] I.e. he shall
have such wounds to bind up. Hence the
Syr. paraphrastically : " his wounds shall in-
crease." The subject is the indulging father
(so also in the Syr.) and not the indulged son.

and his bowels.'] The Syr. rightly explains,
"the heart."

is troubled at every cry.] Whether of
his son, or more probably, that caused by
him. The Syr. has : " shall empty out."
Perhaps the Hebrew had tenj» Wl P1J53J,

as in Is. xix. 3, where the LXX. renders
rapa^dijo-erai (as in our verse) to ivvtvpa iv
aiirols.

9. Cocker thy child.] Rather, tend as a
nurse thy child. The Syr. has " instruct."
Possibly the Hebrew word was JOX, which
the LXX. renders by our Greek word in
Lament, iv. 5 (comp. Heb. Numb. xi. 12),
and which means " to tend," " to bear " (as a
child is borne ; comp. Is. Ix. 4), and also " to
train," " educate," " guide " (so repeatedly in
the O. T.). The second part of clause 1 the
Syr. translates : " lest thou be put to shame,"
— possibly a paraphrastic rendering dependent
upon the translation of the first word. The
Greek means that by such dealing on the
part of a father the son will come to bring
terror and shame upon him. Fritzsche q uotes
from Solon : liberis ne arrideas, ut in posterum
non fleas.

11 b and 12 a are placed in the Vat. after
v. 13, probably by mistake of a transcriber.
They are omitted in the Alex., C, and other
Codd. They must be restored from H.,
248, Co. They are also in the Syr. and the
Vet. Lat. Verse 12 d is wholly omitted and
restored from H., 106, 248, Co., Vet. Lat.

-^3.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXX.

*53

B.C.
cir. 200.

Of health.

young, and beat him on the sides
while he is a child, lest he wax
stubborn, and be disobedient unto

thee.

an(

bring

sorrow to thine

heart.

13 Chastise thy son, and hold him
to labour, lest his lewd behaviour be
an offence unto thee.

14 Better is the poor, being sound
and strong of constitution, than a rich
man that is afflicted in his body.

15 Health and good estate of body
are above all gold, and a strong body
above infinite wealth.

16 There is no riches above a
sound body, and no joy above the joy
of the heart.

17 Death is better than a bitter
life or continual sickness.

18 Delicates poured upon a mouth
shut up are as messes of meat set
upon a grave.

19 ^What good doeth the offering
unto an idol ? for neither can it eat
nor smell: so is he that is "perse-
cuted of the Lord.

20 He seeth with his eyes and
groaneth, -^as an eunuch that em-
braceth a virgin and sigheth.

21 -^Give not over thy mind to
heaviness, and afflict not thyself in
thine own counsel.

22 The gladness of the heart is the
life of man, and the "joy fulness of a
man prolongeth his days.

23 Love thine own soul, and
comfort thy heart, remove sorrow
far from thee : 7'for sorrow hath

B.C.
cir. 200.

e Bel and
Dragon 7.

11 Or,
afflicted.

f ch. 20.
4-

Z Prov.
12. 25.
& 15. 13.
& 17. 22.

II Or, exul-
tation.

!t 2 Cor. 7.
10.

13. Chastise.] Better, "discipline thy
son;" "hold him to labour." Gaab and De
Wette : " labour with him," " take pains
with him ; " see xiii. 4.

leivd behaviour.] Rather, shameful be-
haviour: "be an offence to thee," Vat.
TTpoo-Ku-^rj]] A., C, and other Codd., Trpocr-
Ko-^/rji. The alterations in the Syr. seem of
little importance.

14. This verse begins the second stanza,
" concerning health." The first clause lit. :
"better one poor, sound and strong
of constitution."

15. and good estate of body.] Rather, a
good constitution. The Syr. differs
slightly — perhaps correctly, perhaps explana-
tively. In the second clause it has: "and a
good spirit above pearls " (viz. " I have loved "
— this in the first clause).— The sentiment
expressed in this verse is farther developed
in 16 b, where the Syr., however, has: "a
good heart."

17. After " a bitter life," H., the Syr., and
Vet. Lat. insert: "and eternal rest then."
This was undoubtedly in the original.
Possibly the words were omitted for "dog-
matic reasons. The construction Kpeicrcrcov
vnip, which in Ecclus. occurs only in this
passage, is found in the LXX., in 3 Kings
xix. 4, and in Ps. xxxvi. 16, Ixii. 4, lxxxiii. 10.
These are the only passages in the Psalms in
which the word occurs. In the other twenty-
eight passages in the LXX. the construction
with Kpe'io-o-oov is different, as also in the
other three passages in Ecclus. in which it
occurs = 'D niD. In the N. T. this con-
struction does not occur.

18. For "poured" (better, "poured
out ") the Syr. — which the Vet. Lat. follows
— reads " covered." May there have been a
confusion between HDD and "]DJ ? At the
same time 248 (which Co. follows) has also
K€k\c icrpeva.

19. That the second clause of v. 18
refers to heathen practices, appears from
i'. 19 a, b. In clause c the marginal rendering,
" afflicted " (viz. by sickness), gives the right
meaning. The Syr. paraphrases it : " so is
he who has wealth and [but] does not use it."

20. At the close of the verse the Syr.
adds : " But the Lord shall avenge it with
His hand," — perhaps a marginal gloss. But
H., 23, 55, 68, 106, 253, 254 have (perhaps
after the Syr. ?) : ovtus 6 -aoiwv ev fiLa tcpi/iara,
interpolated, not unnaturally, from xx. 3.

21. This verse begins the third stanza,
which connects itself with v. 16 b (if not, ac-
cording to the Syr., with 1 5 b). From what
directly affects the body the writer passes to
what influences it through the mind. It is
probably to this verse that the Talmud refers
when it quotes as from Ben Sira (what we
also find — although there probably from
Prov. xxvii. 1 — in St. Matt. vi. 34) : "Sorrow
not the sorrow of the morrow, for thou
knowest not what a day may bring forth ;
perhaps to-morrow he is no more, and so he
shall be found sorrowing over a world which
is no longer his" (Sanh. 100 b; Yebam. 63 b).
Similarly we read (Ber. 9 b), "Suffice sorrow
in its hour " (i.e. when it comes) ; and (Jer.
Abh. Z. 39 £), "The sorrow of the hour
(immediate sorrow) is sorrow."

23. thine own soul = thyself. The Talmud
quotes here as from Ben Sira : " Let not care

i54

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXX. XXXI. [v. 24-25.

killed many, and there is no profit
therein.

24 Envy and wrath shorten the
life, and carefulness bringeth age
before the time.

2C "A cheerful and good heart will B.C.
have a care of his meat and diet.

[anxiety, sorrow] come into thy heart, for
care [anxiety, sorrow] hath killed strong
men" (in another place, " hath killed many ").
(Sanh. 100 Z>.)

24. From sorrow the writer passes to other
noxious affections of the mind.

25. The chapter closes with what in all
the Greek MSS., except 248, which has it in
its right place, stands as xxxiii. 13. In the
Syr., which is followed by the Vet. Lat., it is
in its right place. Translate: "A heart
noble [liberal? — probably in contrast to
v. 24] and good [cheerful?] at [over: see
Winer, pp. 349-351] meat [meats] will
give heed to [attend to — have a care of]
the food." As we understand it, a man free
from envy and anger and cheerful at table will
enjoy his food, and it will do him good. Thus
this sentence is not abrupt, but in strict con-
nexion with the preceding context, which
treats of health and how to promote it. Fritz-
sche (whose interpretation alone we will men-
tion) understands it to mean that a liberal heart
and one that feels cheerily disposed at meat
will have a care for the food— in the sense of
seeing to it that there be not any stint — he
will not be niggard as regards meat. But
this would abruptly introduce what is in no
way connected with the preceding context.
Fritzsche himself refers to the use of emfie-

\ovaai avrod for vby W nDfa* in Gen.

( T T * •" T ' T

xliv. 2 1 [and the expression is not used in the
LXX. in that sense in any other place : in
Ecclus. it occurs only in our verse]. But
this surely means, " I will pay attention to
him," and cannot in any wise lead to the
interpretation which Fritzsche would give to
our verse. The Syr. has : " (he that is of)
a good heart has much meat, and all that he
eats mounts into body." This phrase repre-
sents the Rabbinical IQIJ b]} D^>y ('Abhoth
de R. Nathan,' ed. Schechter, p. 82 a). The
Vet. Lat. seems to have been ambitious of
imitating this, although it omits the second
clause of the Syr., which indeed may have
been only a gloss. It has : " splendid urn cor
et bonum in epulis est: epulae enim illius
diligenter fiunt" We mark that the Syr. is
here not followed by any Greek MS. — not
even by 248.1

As regards the inversion and wrong order
in the Greek MSS., not only of v. 25, but in

1 In regard to what follows after this, see
the note on p. 32 of the General Introduction.

CHAPTER XXXI.

I Of the desire of riches. 12 Of moderation
and excess in eating, or drinking wine.

the following chapters, a few remarks may
here be in place.

The Greek MSS. (with the exception of 248,
the " unus vetustus codex" cited by Nobilius)
proceed from ch. xxx. 24 to ch. xxxiii. 16,
*' as one that gathereth." This is continued
till xxxvi. 11, "Gather the tribes of Israel
together ; " after which follow xxx. 2 5 to
xxxiii. 16, " I awaked up last of all," when the
rest of xxxvi. 1 1 is taken up, slightly altered.
It is evident that this must have proceeded
from a misplacement of the sheets in the
archetype of our Greek MSS. Such an
accident was more likely to remain uncor-
rected in a book like the present, than in
any of which the matter was more strictly
continuous. Hence it happens that a similar
case has occurred in the Greek of the Book
of Proverbs ; that another transposition is
found in many of the MSS. of the Aethiopic
version of Ecclesiasticus ; and yet another in
a British Museum MS. of the same version.
On a similar transposition in the ' Mostellaria'
of Plautus see Ritschl, 'Parerga Plautina/
There, as here, the copyists endeavour by a
slight alteration to conceal the abruptness of
the transition. While the transposed order
is found in the versions clearly derived from
the Greek (Syr. Hexaplaris, Aethiopic, Arme-
nian, and Coptic), with the exception of the
Old Slavonic, the Vetus Latina and Peschitto-
Syriac exhibit that followed by the A. V.,
and clearly shewn by internal evidence to be
correct. This was also exhibited in the Com-
plutensian edition. Owing doubtless to the
authority of the Vulgate (into which the Vetus
Latina had been received), it was followed
in early editions of the LXX.. and in the
versions of Castalio and Tremellius. It is a
sign of the general neglect into which the
book had fallen that Fritzsche (p. 169) can
claim to be the first person who, on critical
grounds, has adopted this as the right order.

CHAPTER XXXI.

This chapter naturally connects itself with
the last stanza of ch. xxx. The somewhat
Epicurean tone of the latter is now to a
certain extent modified, although rather by
the moral which prudence would suggest
than by the higher principles which true reli-
gion would inspire. The general subject of
the chapter is the wise use of wealth and of
what it procures or offers. A stanza of seven
verses in depreciation of too great a desire for
wealth, since most serious dangers are otten

!! Or, A
noble.

v. i— 7-]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXXI.

i55

B.C.

cir. 200.

WATCHING for "riches con-
sumeth the flesh, and the
care thereof driveth away sleep.

2 Watching care will not let a man
slumber, as a sore disease breaketh
sleep.

3 The rich hath great labour in
gathering riches together ; and when
he resteth, he is filled with his deli-
cates.

4 The poor laboureth in his poor b. c.
estate ; and when he leaveth off, he is -1— ^
still needy.

5 He that loveth gold shall not be
justified, and he that followeth cor-
ruption shall have enough thereof.

6 '''Gold hath been the ruin of*ch. 8. :
many, and their destruction was
present.

7 It is astumblingbloclc unto them

involved in its acquisition Quv. 1-7), is
followed by another of four verses (vv. 8-1 1)
in praise of him who, while in the possession
of wealth, has escaped its perils. The tempta-
tions of wealth, especially in the pleasures of
the table — or else thoughts of the greed after
wealth and the other greed to which it so
often leads — suggest stanzas 3 and 4, again
respectively of seven and four verses (y-v. 12-
18 and 19-22). In the first of these modera-
tion at table is recommended, while in the
second the wisdom of such temperance is
shewn. Similarly, in a stanza of six verses
(25-30), moderation in wine is enjoined. This
stanza is prefaced and followed by what
together forms a stanza of three verses Qw.
23, 24 + v. 31), of which the object is not
advice as to our own conduct in regard to
food and drink, but as to our conduct towards
others in these respects Qw. 23, 24), and as
to liberality in providing banquets, and in
•v. 31 as to our bearing towards others at
wine-parties.

1. Watching for riches.'] Rather, "the
sleeplessness of wealth." (Arm., Lat.),
i.e. the sleeplessness which is caused by it. So
Anacreon (Stobaeus, ' Flor.' iii. 241) called a
talent a "gift which necessitates sleeplessness"
(Siopeaz/ r/ avayKu£(i dypvnvtlv}. Similarly
the Syr., " watching consumeth the flesh of
the rich." Apparently "iC'y and T'C'J? were
different punctuations.

2. The second clause in the Greek should
be rendered: and sleep waketh up a
sore disease; or (with a few MSS.)"and
a sore disease waketh up sleep." The Syr.
rendering, "rejecteth," makes it likely that
the Heb. here was riJE> pp\ We believe the
reading of the best MSS. to have been original.
Probably the whole sentence was a descriptive
clause of the dypvirvla nXovrov (or rather
ttXovtos) which forms the subject of the last
verse: "it is a watching care which driveth
away sleep; a sore disease which refuseth
slumber." We thus avoid the tautology of
the present rendering of the first clause. The
Syriac rendering for dypvirvia, " food," seems
difficult to account for, except as a corruption
of mamun, " wealth."

3, 4. A contrast between the labours of the
poor and rich. The parallelism suggests that
ev crvvaycoyfj xpripdroiv ls n°t " t° collect
wealth" (Syr., Fritzsche), but, "owing to
the accumulation of his property," he
had to pull down his barns to build greater
ones (De Wette). Compare Marcus Aurelius,
v. 12. The latter half of the verse represents
the time when he says to his soul, " Eat,
drink, and be merry." On the other hand,
the poorlabours, " owing to the decrease
of his living," for the opposite reason: and
at the end, " after sparing and labouring leaves
not even enough for his burial " (Aristophanes,
' Plutus,' 557). The following verses are
quoted from Ben Sira in the Talmud: "All
the days of the poor are evil, Ben Sira says,
even his nights. His roof is amongst the
lowest of the rooves ; and his vineyard at the
top of the mountains; the rain of other
rooves [flows] down upon his ; and the soil of
his vineyard [falls] down to other vineyards "
(Babh.B. 146^; Sanh. ioo£; Kethubh. no£).

5. he that followeth corruption shall have
enough thereof.] For "thereof" (Alex.) the
best MS. has "himself." "Corruption" is
variously taken to mean "the corruptible"
(Luther, Fritzsche), or " that which leads to
corruption " (Baduellus, who compares Gal.
vi. 8). In both cases the parallelism is lost.
The Syriac has : " he that pursueth wealth
shall be led astray thereby ; " whence Grotius
conjectured didcpopov — oAio-^/;o-erot. The
first of these corrections (which perhaps should
rather be dSidrpopov) we are inclined to accept.
Instead of the second, we think it more pro-
bable that V^W was a false reading for rut?*,
of which, perhaps, the last letter was lost in
the Greek translator's copy. Avtov was
perhaps altered variously to avros and atn-r)?
when Bmcpdopdv was written ; compare the
Coptic rendering, " he that pursueth it shall
be filled with corruption."

6. Gold hath been the ruin, <&Y.] Rather,
"many have been delivered unto ruin
for the sake of gold, and their de-
struction came in their face." The
verse (as the Syriac shews) means, they
perished for all their gold could do; it could

156

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXXI.

[v. 8-14.

B.C.
cir. 200.

c Luke 6.
24.

that sacrifice unto it, and every fool
shall be taken therewith.

8 'Blessed is the rich that is found
without blemish, and hath not gone
after oold.

9 Who is he ? and we will call him
blessed : for wonderful things hath he
done among his people.

10 Who hath been tried thereby,
and found perfect ? then let him
glory. Who might offend, and hath
not offended ? or done evil, and hath
not done it ?

1 1 His good shall be established,
and the congregation shall declare his
alms.

12 If thou sit at a bountiful table,
^"be not greedy upon it, and say not,
There is much meat on it.

13 Remember that ca. wicked eye
is an evil thing : and what is created
more wicked than an eye ? therefore
it weepeth 'upon every occasion.

14 Stretch not thine hand whither-
soever it looketh, and thrust it not
with him into the dish.

B.C.
cir. 200.

d Ps. 141.
4-
Prov. 23.

I| 2. 3-

Ch. 37. 2Q.

II Gr. open.
not thy
throat
upon it.

e Matt.
6. 23.
& 20. 15.
II Or,
before
every
thing that
is pre-
sented.

not prevent the most direct and obvious evils
happening to them. Cp. Prov. xi. 4, 28.

7. unto them that sacrifice unto it, <&JY.]
"With this expression commentators compare
Ephes. v. 5, " nor covetous man who is an
idolater." The Syriac gives us an easier
figure: "Riches are a stumbling-block to
fools, and whosoever strays therein stumbles "
(or " is overthrown thereby "). The words
representing "them that sacrifice" and "fool"
have changed places. It is probable that the
Syriac order is right, and that the Hebrew
word was "Oy, misread by the Greek 131?;
the literal meaning would then be, "Riches
are a stumbling-block in the way of fools, and
every [one] that passeth by stumbles thereon."
"Servus fit rei cui imperare debet" (Grot.).

8. hath not gone after gold.~] Has guided
it instead of being guided by it.

10. then let him glory.'] Lit., let it be
for a glory unto him. In the first clause
the Greek seems to be more correct than the
Syriac: "who has clung to it and hath peace?"
The author probably used the Aramaic verb
P"Q for " to try," misread by the Syrian \)21,
" to cleave ; " while the rest may be explained

from the various punctuations, DX'; and i&'£\

11. His good.] The possession thereof
will be secured him.

his alms.] Here more probably his righ-
teousness.

12. Third stanza: on moderation at table.
The Latin has the heading de continentia. The
author has in mind Prov. xxiii. Compare the
precepts on eating in ' Massekheth Kallah,'
p. 17^; 'Derekh Erets' (ed. Tawrogi), p. 29 ;
and Musonius ap. Stobaeum, i. 369, 45.

12-18. On temperance.

12. bountiful.] Rather, plenteous.

the level of it ").

be not greedy.] Lit., open not thy
throat. The author seems to be merely
interpreting the phrase in Prov. /. c. 2, "put a
knife at thy throat." The warning is probably
not so much against greediness, as against
making any remark.

There is much \_meat] on it.] The ye
is idiomatic, and represents our " What a
lot!" (Kiihner, 'Grammar,' ii. 733.) The
Syriac, "it is not enough for me," is charac-
teristic. The praising of the food in Oriental
countries is done by the host ; the mere act of
admiration by anyone else would be regarded
as dangerous. See Lane, ' Modern Egyp-
tians,' i. 315: "When a person expresses
what is considered improper or curious
admiration of anything, he is generally re-
proved by the individual whom he has thus
alarmed;" and especially ibid. 183, when any
one is invited to partake of a meal, " he must
reply if he do not accept the invitation,
' Heneeiin ' (' may it be productive of enjoy-
ment '), or use some similar expression ; else
it will be feared that an evil eye has been cast
upon the food." Various remedies for the
effects of such a phrase as " how pretty ! "
QcaKov -ye) are given in the former passage.

13. Remember that a wicked eye is an evil
thing.] Syr., " that God hates (D'rfru SUK')
an evil eye." The Greek text has perhaps
toned down this powerfid expression.

therefore it iveepeth upon every occasion.]
Rather, of the whole countenance.
The thought is rightly explained by Fritzsche :
as a sign of its wickedness, or in punishment of
it, it alone of the whole countenance weeps.
In Greek and some other languages SaKpvu,
k\uco are identified with being punished.

14. whithersoever it looketh.] " Whatever
thou seest," according to one MS. and the
Syr. ; and this would be a more natural ex-
pression than that in the text. It is not
unlikely, however, that we should render
(with Grotius) "wherever he looketh" [i.e.
the master of the feast] ; and with this agrees

v. i5-

•]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXXI.

i57

B.C.
cir. 200.

15 Judge of thy neighbour by thy-
self: and be discreet in every point.

16 Eat, as it becometh a man, those
things which are set before thee; and
devour not, lest thou be hated.

17 Leave off first for manners'
/ch. 37. safce /an(J be not unsatiable, lest

29. rr

thou offend.

18 When thou sittest among many,
reach not thine hand out first of all.

19 A very little is sufficient for a
1 Or, and man we]i nurtured, "and he fetcheth

l tet ft not • j 1 1 ■ 1 1

puffing not his wind short upon his bed.
"blowing. 20 Sound sleep cometh of mode-

rate eating : he riseth early, and his B. c.
wits are with him : but the pain of clL^Cfc
watching, and choler, and pangs of
the belly, are with an unsatiable man.

21 And if thou hast been forced to
eat, arise, go forth, vomit, and thou
shalt have rest.

22 My son, hear me, and despise
me not, and at the last thou shalt find
as I told thee : in all thy works be
quick, so shall there no sickness come
unto thee.

23 ^ Whoso is liberal of his meat, ^Prov.
men shall speak well of him ; and 22' 9"

the latter part of the verse : and press not
with him [i.e. come not into conflict with
him] in the dish (as it should be ren-
dered).

15. Judge of thy neighbour :] Lit., the
things of thy neighbour, i.e. his wishes.
Compare Tob. iv. 15 (Fritzsche), and the

phrase nan L,V \TMH B>%n» (Kallsh, /. c).

and be discreet in every point.] Rather, on
all occasions. The clause is omitted by the
Syr. and Vet. Lat, but seems half-apologetic
for the minuteness and apparent triviality of
these precepts.

16. as it becometh a man.] Lit., like a
human being; but the original was pro-
bably B^fcO, "like a man." Lat. quasi homo
frugi ; rather, a grown man, avrjp (Bar-
hebraeus). Aia/jLacrao-dai (devour) must refer
to some childish and offensive way. The word
is used by the comedian Apollophanes (Kock,
' C. A. F.' p. 798 ; compare Aristophanes,
'Vespae,' 780) of a prolonged mastication.
The opposite vice would be Karaine'iv. Similar
precepts in Kallah, /. c. : " ne comedat cunctis
digitis ; ne ingerat manum ori suo ; ne bibat
dum os eius plenum est." The first of these
is to avoid the appearance of gluttony ; the
latter two, to avoid giving offence.

17. Leave off first for manners' sake.] A
most successful translation.

18. These precepts will be illustrated by
Lane, I.e., 183: "The master of the house
first begins to eat ; the guests or others
immediately follow his example : . . . when only
one dish is placed upon the tray at the time,
each takes from it a few mouthfuls, and it is
quickly removed to give place to another."

19. The gloss vinum, which appears in
the Vet. Lat. (" a little wine "), apparently at
an early period supplanted the text; since
Clem. Alex. ' Paed.' 2, 2, quotes the verse
with oivos only. Comp. Prov. xiii. 24.

20. Sound sleep. ,] Lit., sleep of health.

of moderate eating.] Lit., upon a mode-
rate stomach. Similar observations in
Horace, 'Sat.' ii. 2, 81 (Fritzsche). Syr.:
" with a man that is of moderate habit's ; "
and the word " man " seems recommended by
the second clause.

21. arise, go forth, and vomit.] According
to the better reading, rise up in the
middle, i.e. of the banquet; fiaronopwv =
peo-ibv, " being in the middle of a meal " (so
Arm.). Syr., " remove thyself from the midst
of the throng ; " and so the Vet. Lat., surge e
medio. Which of these two was the meaning
of the original, " Rise from the midst of the
party " or " of the meal," is not certain ; nor
is the difference very great. Compare Lane,
/. c, p. 187 : " Each person as soon as he has
finished says, ' Praise be to God,' and gets
up without waiting till the others have done."
Fritzsche's paraphrase, "rise up and take a
good walk," can scarcely be a serious explana-
tion. The addition "vomit" (248, Co., and
Lat.) is a suggestion of the purpose for which
any one would rise; a suggestion drawn, we
may hope, from Roman rather than from
Hebrew customs. Compare the well-known
place, Cic. 'ad Att.' xiii. 52, j, of Caesar:
€/jl€tikov agebat ; itaque et edit et bibit ahews
(" he intended to take an emetic after dinner,"
Watson). Yet it may be merely a ductography.

22. quick.] Rather, active. Syr., " hum-
ble ; " probably an improvement. Fritzsche
connects this activity with the supposed
advice of the last verse.

23. liberal of his meat.] "Qui laute vivit
seu largiter dat epula," Schleusner. Syr., "A
good eye that is good upon bread is blest,"
perhaps " contaminating " the text from Prov.
xxii. 9.

men shall speak well of him.] Lit., lips
shall bless. ' Abhoth de R. N.,' p. 68 b:

i58

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXXI.

[v. 24-

B. C.

cir. 200.

* Isai. 5.
22.

i Judith
13. 2, 8.

the report of his good housekeeping
will be believed.

24 But against him that is a nig-
gard of his meat the whole city shall
murmur ; and the testimonies of his
niggardness shall not be doubted of.

25 Shew not thy /,;valiantness in
wine j 'for wine hath destroyed
many.

26 The furnace proveth the edge
by dipping : so doth wine the hearts
of the proud by drunkenness.

27* Wine is as frpod as life to a B-C.

• r ■ 1 1 11 1 1 Clr- 2°°-

man, if it be drunk moderately : what —
life is then to a man that is without I5-s"
wine ? for it was made to make men £rov- 3»-

D, 7.

glad.

28 Wine measurably drunk and
in season bringeth gladness ot the
heart, and cheerfulness of the mind :

29 But wine drunken with excess
maketh bitterness of the mind, with
brawling and quarrelling.

30 Drunkenness increaseth the rage

" Three things endear a man to the world: an
open hand, a spread table, and lei'itas capitis."
of bis good housekeeping.] Rather, of his
goodness (lit., "beauty"). Syr., "and a
good witness," mistaking nh-10 for HZl'lD.

24. Omitted in the Syr., owing to the
homoeoteleuton.

him that is niggardly.'] Mistaken by the
Vet. Lat. in neqaissimo pane, somewhat natu-
rally. The verse is a reminiscence of Prov.
xi. 25. Cp. sup. xiv. 10.

25-31. On wine.

25. Shew not thy t'aliantness.] From Isa.
v. 22.

wine hath destroyed.] Syr., " old wine ; "
the original therefore varied the word in the
clauses {e.g. j" and ~lE>!"l).

26. The furnace proveth the edge by dipping.]
The interpretation of this verse offers some
difficulties. Commentators seem to confuse
two processes, — the testing of gold and silver
(with which the effect of wine is compared
by Theognis, v. 499, ed. Bergk), and the
dipping of red-hot iron in water to give it
temper. As described in ' Encycl. Metropol'
viii. 408 b, in the latter process the steel is
first heated and immersed to give it hard-
ness, and a second time to give it temper.
The degree of hardness attained is judged of
(in the second process) by the colour which
the metal takes in the several stages of the
heating (ibid.). The verse might allude to
this latter fact, and we might construe, " The
furnace tests the hardness by colouring,"
with which the latter clause, "so doth wine
the hearts of the proud by fighting " (jv. infra),
might be brought into agreement. At the
same time it is very improbable that any
such technicality is alluded to ; and we have
reason to suspect some mistranslation. The
Syriac has : " As the furnace trieth the work
of the goldsmith, even so is wine the provoker
of sin." The second clause in the Greek is
variously read, Kap8iav vnepr](puvcov (Clem.
Alex.) ; Kcipdias iv pdxO vTreprjrpdvoiv (Vat.) ;

iv Kap8ias Kai iv p.ayr\ (155); iv K.ap8i.q vneprj-
cpdvav iv p.idj] (248, Co.). It would appear
that Kap8ias and iv p-axu are various transla-
tions of mpn (or 21p£) ; and that the Syriac
as well as the Greek versions go back to an
original j"HT Hip j" p, "so doth wine the
heart of the proud." As the colour of the
steel is brought out by the furnace, so the
inherent pride is brought out by wine. In
'Abhoth.' p. 68 b (ed. Schechter), wine is
mentioned as one of the three things by
which men are tested.

Fritzsche interprets the second clause
(which he renders " so doth wine the hearts
in the strife of the proud "), " according as
the person who has drunk keeps cool or
otherwise."

27. as good as life.] Syr., "like living
water." DT! *D3 for DTI 103 ?

what life is then.] Rather, is there.
Similarly Panyasis (ap. Stob. ' Flor.' i. 364)
says, " That man seems not to me to live
who, abstaining from wine, drinks another
beverage."

These sentiments were perhaps natural at a
period when there were practically no drinks
known save wine and water ; comp. Virg.,
' Georg.' i. ad init.

28. bringeth.] Lit., is. The Syriac trans-
poses iv K.aipu> into the first clause, rendering
it " good times."

29. bitterness of the mind.] The Syr. has
"pain, poverty, and headache." The verse
should rather have been rendered, Bitter-
ness of soul is wine that is drunk
with excess mid brawling. The mean-
ing of the last word, avrnrTapaTt. (" quarrel-
ling "), is not clear; in xxxii. 30 it can be
rendered "stumbling." Arm. (here), "op-
position;" Fritzsche, "mutual assaults." In
'Abhoth de R. N.,' p. 109, wine is reckoned
among the seven things of which a little is
good, and a large amount harmful. Compare
Theognis, w. 509, 10.

30. Drunkenness increaseth the rage of the
fool till he offend^ Syriac, " Too much wine

v. 3i-

.] ECCLESIASTICUS. XXXI. XXXII.

J59

B.C.

•cir. 200.

of a fool till he offend : it diminisheth
strength, and malceth wounds.

31 Rebuke not thy neighbour at
the wine, and despise him not in his
mirth : give him no despiteful words,
and press not upon him with urging
him [to drink.]

CHAPTER XXXII.

I Of his duty that is chief or master in a feast.
14 Of the fear of God. 18 Of counsel. 20 Of
a ragged and a smooth way. 23 Trust not
to any but to thyself, and to God.

IF thou be made the master [of a .»• c.
feast,] lift not thyself up, but be C1!lff
among them as one of the rest ; take
diligent care for them, and so sit down.

2 And when thou hast done all
thy office, take thy place, that thou
mayest be merry with them, ana
receive a crown for thy well ordering
of the feast.

3 Speak, thou that art the elder,
for it becometh thee, but with sound
judgment j and hinder not musick.

maketh a stumbling to the fool." This we
accept, supposing the Hebrew of the last words

to have been b)V2D h'D^h nnn'y, misread
by the Greek translator "ch ?*D3 rniiy.

and maketh wounds.'] Lit., and addeth
wounds (*|D*),. almost "and multiplieth
wounds " (Syr.).

31. at the wine!] Lit., at the wine-
party.

with urging him to drink.] Rather, with
a demand for repayment (Lat., Arm.).
Gp. xxix. 28. As, however, the Syriac has
" before men," it would seem that we must
accept a-navTr)(jii. (248, Co.) as the true
reading: rendering "and wrangle not with
him openly."

CHAPTER XXXII.

The admonitions of ch. xxxi. in regard to
feasts naturally lead to others concerning the
bearing of those who either preside at a feast
— the hegemon or symposiarch — or at least
occupy a prominent position in it (to. 1-6).
This again gives rise to admonitions as to the
conduct of younger men (in another stanza of
six verses: w. 7-12). The more serious
tone which the writer has gradually adopted
leads, in a third stanza of six verses (to. i 3-1 8),
to the admonition to be guided by the fear of
the Lord and the counsel of wise and expe-
rienced men. Substantially the same is the
subject of the last stanza (also of six verses :
*w. 19-24), although it is presented in a more
epigrammatic form. Thus the chapter con-
sists of four stanzas, each of six verses. The
transition from the First Part of the chapter
(yv. 1-12) to the Second Part, which em-
bodies both the more general and the more
religious part of these admonitions, is clearly
marked (see the note on v. 13).

1. the master [of a feast].] Appointed by
lot or election in the companies described by
the Classics (e.g. Pollux, vi. n). See Wet-
stein on St. John ii. 9, who cites from Plu-

tarch's ' Symposiaca ' similar precepts. The
mention of the office would seem to be rare
in the Rabbinic writings.

be among them as one of the rest.] The
Syriac adds the precept " sit not down at the
head of the rich." Perhaps thesewords are
genuine, the last word being slightly corrupted
in the original (^'V for b'HJ?), and meant " sit
net down at the head of the couch."

take diligent care for them.] This, according
to Plutarch, /. c, would refer to the nature
and quantity of the wine to be given to each.

2. that thou mayest be merry with them.]
Rather, through them. " Ut gaudeas cum
videbis illis placere quae ordinasti," Grot.

and receive a crown for thy well-ordering of
the feast.] Fritzsche finds a reference to a
supposed custom of crowning the successful
symposiarch, — a custom to which the ancients,
perhaps, make no allusion. He seems to us
rightly to reject the explanation of the older
critics, who thought of the crowns which
were worn at drinking-parties by the Greeks
and Romans, and perhaps also by the Hebrews
(Wisdom ii. 8 ; Isaiah xxviii. 1-5 ; Riehm,
s. v. Kranz). The Syriac has here "that thou
mayest receive honour at the table;" the Vet.
Lat., " ut dignationem consequaris corrogati-
onis." The agreement of these two important
witnesses seems to shew that the original had
not " crown," but only " honour ; " although,
if the word "1X3 was used, it might reasonably
have been construed in both senses, though
employed only in the latter. It is rather
more difficult to arrive at a conclusion about
the last word, which the Latin renders so
strangely by corrogationis ; probably = " of
the club" (Grotius; see the last edition of
Ducange). But the Greek (which is well
rendered in the A. V.) gives an excellent
meaning.

3. and hinder not musick!] It is remarkable
that Chrysostom cites this passage (xii. 395,
Ben.) with the word " not " expressly omitted:
ri €(ttiv kcu efXTrodiaeis novatKa ; Beiicvvtrtv in

i6o

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXXII.

[v. 4-

•ii.

B. C
cir. 200.

" Eccles.

ch. 20. 7.

4 a Pour not out words where there
is a musician, and shew not forth
wisdom out of time.

5 A concert of musick in a ban-
quet of wine is as a signet of car-
buncle set in gold.

6 As a signet of an emerald set in
a work of gold, so is the melody of
musick: with pleasant wine.

7 Speak, young man, if there be
need of thee : and yet scarcely when
thou art twice asked.

B.C.

cir. 20c*

8 Let thy speech be short, com-
prehending much in few words ; be
as one that knoweth and yet holdeth
his tongue.

9 b -If thou be among great men, *Job32. 6J
make not thyself equal with them ;
and when ancient men are in place,
use not many words.

10 Before the thunder coeth light-

& to

ning ; and before a shamefaced man
shall go favour.

1 1 Rise up betimes, and be not

tovtov on ovx ovrws av\6s nai Kidapa kol <tv-
piyyes 17811 rols dxovovcriv <os Trpecrfivrov SiSatr-
KdXia . . . Sic- teal (prjaiv • (pnob[(T(is povaiKa •
tovt etrriv, ovk eacreif avra (palveo-dai, tivi-
o-KOTicreis avrois, (rv(Tiaa<T(is avrii (" hence he
says thou wilt hinder the music ; i.e. thou wilt
not suffer it to appear, but wilt obscure it,
throw it into the shade "). The same reading
is found in 248, Co. ; and it is not impossible
that it is right. The text has in other ways
got into some confusion, for w. 3, 7, 8, which
deal with the same subject, are all omitted in
the Syriac. Clemens Alex. (173 B, ed. Potter)
quotes the verse again in a different form, but
more like that of Chrysostom than our text.

4. Pour not out words.] Rather, " prattle;"

late Heb. nrPB>.

'where there is a musician!] Rather, an
entertainment; since the word aKpoapa
includes the performances of jesters, story-
tellers, and acrobats, as well as those of
musicians, vocal and instrumental, " all of
whom were employed to entertain the guests
at the end of the banquets " (Casaubon on
Athenaeus, bk. xiv., the first half of which
contains a lengthy description of these per-
formances). The Latin version, "where there
is no attention," is characteristic ; one Greek
MS. has the same mistake; the Arm. also
renders " attention," but is otherwise faithful.
The Svr. renders " where wine is being
drunk."'

and shew not forth wisdom out of time [Syr.
" at all times ; " ny N73 would be less am-
biguous than ny 733].] I.e. do not play the
sage when others are laughing. Compare
Athenaeus, /. c, p. 613 d.

5. A concert of musick!] Nearly "a band."
a signet of carbuncle set in gold.] Lit.,

upon golden ornament. Syr., "like a
seal upon a purse of gold." On this stone,
probably the ruby, see Riehm, 'Hdw.' s.v.
Edelsteine, i. p. 296 b. The sentiment is very
like Od. ix. 7 ; it is scarcely improved by the
transformation of the " concert " into the

" praise of God " (Syr.). Comp. Prov.
xxv. 1 1 .

6. As a signet of an emerald set in a work of
gold.] Syr. " like a necklace of gold, precious
stones, and emeralds ; " to which reading we
are inclined to give the preference, supposing
that the Greek is merely a second rendering
of 5 a, which had been repeated by error in
the translator's copy.

so is the melody of musick.] Syr. " good
words."

7, 8. These verses are omitted by Syr.

7. and yet scarcely when thou art [rather,
hast been] twice asked.] The verse is simi-
larly rendered in the Vet. Lat. and Arm.
Fritzsche translates, " yet scarcely twice even
if it be desired " (after Baduellus).

8. comprehending.] Literally, multum in
parvo. Compare Aeschylus, ' Suppl.' 200,
Ka\ fxr) Tvp6\e(rx°s M7?^' e^oA/co? ev Xdyco yevrj :
and for the effect described in b, Hor. ' Sat.'
ii. 6, 57, " iurantem me scire nihil mirantur ut
unum scilicet egregii mortalem altique silenti."
Compare generally Riehm, /. c, s. v. Gastmahlr
and 'Derekh Erets,' p. 10 (ed. Tawrogi).

9. make not thyself equal with them.] Syr.

"play not the ruler;" Heb., perhaps 7L"D]"I,
which might be pointed so as to give either
sense.

and when ancient men are in place.] The
better MSS. read: when another is
speaking. The reading of the A. V. is
that of Co., supported by Syr., Lat., and
Copt.; whereas 248 and Arm. represent a
middle stage, " where there are speakers."
To us it seems evident that the received
reading is correct ; and a miswriting of the
Greek will probably be the simplest account
of the variant.

use not many words.] Lit., prate not
much.

10. goeth.] Rather, hasteneth. This
verse is omitted in the Syr., and was con-
sidered by Bretschneider as an interpolation,

V. 12 18.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXXII.

161

B.C.
.ipir. 200.

the last ; but get thee home without
delay.

12 There take thy pastime, and
do what thou wilt : but sin not by
proud speech.

13 And for these things bless him
that made thee, and hath replenished
thee with his good things.

14 Whoso feareth the Lord will
receive his discipline ; and they that
seek him early shall find favour.

15 He that seeketh the law shall B.C.
be filled therewith : but the hypo- cirjJ^°-
crite will be offended thereat.

16 They that fear the Lord shall
find judgment, and shall kindle justice

a light

17 A sinful man will not be
reproved, but findeth an excuse ac-
cording to his will.

18 A man of counsel will be con-
siderate ; but a strange and proud

but on insufficient grounds. The meaning
is thus given by Fritzsche (after Grot.) : " A
modest and graceful manner precedes the
speech of a young man, just as regularly as
the lightning precedes the thunder." With
this we might compare such a description as
that in Plato's ' Charmides,' p. 158 c (Jowett's
translation, i. p. 14) : " Charmides (there the
model of a veavio-Kos o-co(ppu>v) blushed, and
the blush heightened his beauty, for modesty
is becoming in youth ; he then said very
ingenuously," &c. We should, however, pre-
fer to regard x^PLS as tne favour which he
inspires, nor do we perceive any allusion to
his speech.

11. Rise up betimes.'] Compare Philostratus
v. Apollon. p. 26, ed. Kayser: oi nap' i)p.lv
vvnTutp re Kal ovk iv a>pa dvaXvovres.

and be not the last.] Lit., and lead
not the rear. The Vet. Lat. has "at the
time of rising hinder not thyself;" pointing
Dip Dl?3 for Dip nj?3 ; and this seems to
have been the punctuation of the Syriac,
which, however, is slightly corrupt. Ovpdyei
probably represents the Heb. ^DXR, which
the Latin (if it had the Hebrew) might have
pointed ^DXR

without delay.] Lit, and be not idle.
Syr. "while there is memory in thee;" Lat.
et illic avocare.

12. but sin not by proud speech?] " But
not with sin and proud speech " (Lat., Arm.).
Syr. " in the fear of God and not with loss,"
in the last words of which we recognise the
common confusion between "lDFl and TD!"I.
Drusius and Grotius suppose some bodily
exercise or game referred to.

13. for these things.] Rather, after or
upon these things.

replenished thee.] Lit., inebriateth
thee. Perhaps the Heb. original had ^"2^0,
of which the Greek translation would be a
somewhat unfortunate rendering. Drusius
cites an observation of Jerome that the Hebrew
language puts " ebrietas pro satietate."

14. The Syriac connects this paragraph

Apoc — Vol. II.

with the last by introducing the words "in
the fear of the God " into -v. 1 2 b.

His discipline.] Omit " His." For the
expression compare xviii. 1 4. Syr. " he that
seeketh the service of God will receive in-
struction ; and when he prayeth before Him,
He will answer him;" omitting -v. 15.

15. He that seeketh the law.] According
to Fritzsche, " endeavours to fulfil it." We
incline rather to the older view, according to
which it means " seeketh its real meaning."

but the hypocrite will be offended thereat.]
The passage reminds us of St. John vii. 17,
" If any man will do His will, he shall know
of the doctrine whether it be of God." The
difficulties of the purport of the Law will only
be experienced by those who have no serious
desire to put it in practice. See Westcott,
ad I. c.

16. shall find judgment?] They will dis-
cover that true purport.

shall kindle justice as a light.] Syr. " shall
produce much wisdom from their heart."
The Hebrew would seem to have been -IN"^

• T

= ^^j , which the Syrian translator pointed

•IX^ ; a curious vestige of this familiar Arabic
verb. (" From their heart " (Syr.) is probably
therefore an explanation; compare with the
phrase Pindar, ' N.' iv. 8, on yXcoacra (ppevos
e'£e\oi fiadeias, and the Rabbinical DWTflO

D^O, e.g. Midr. ' Schochar-Tob,' p. 3 a.)
Grotius thinks of their good deeds shining
forth throughout the world ; perhaps having
in mind the technical use of hlSD for "alms-
giving," &c. But more probably "righteous
sentences " are meant (Fritzsche).

17. will not be reproved.] Lit., de-
clines (or parries) reproof.

but findeth an excuse.] The Greek word is
the same which was used for "concert" in
n). 5. It is interpreted in the Arm. version as
"models;" i.e. cases in which others have
acted as he ; by Grotius and Fritzsche, as
" an interpretation," viz. of the Law. Plainly

\6i

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXXII.

[v. 19 — 24.

b. c. man is not daunted with fear, even
- — ' when of himself he hath done with-
out counsel.

19 Do nothing without advice; and
when thou hast once done, repent not.

20 Go not in a way wherein thou
mayest fall, and stumble not among
the stones.

21 Be not confident in a plain way.

22 And beware of thine own chil-
dren.

23 In every good work trust thy
own soul ; for this is the keeping of
the commandments.

24 He that believeth in the Lord
taketh heed to the commandment ;
and he that trusteth in him "shall
fare never the worse.

B.C.
cir. 200.

II Or,
shall not
be hurt.

the "interpretation" of the dream in Dan.
ii. 25, where the word is used by the LXX.,
would be quite different to that implied in
the present case. We believe the sense to
be rightly expressed by the Syriac, " and shall
make his path according to his will." He
will find out his own rules and take no
guidance.

18. iv'ill be considerate.] Lit., will not
disregard an idea. There are many
difficulties in this verse.

(a.) " A strange and proud man " seems
an improper expression. Gaab (followed by
Fritzsche) writes aXXorpiov [better dWorpiov],
and renders " will not disregard the suggestion
of a stranger." We believe dWctrpios and
vTreprjcfravos to be both translations of the
same word It, which by the first translator
was read "IT; the correction of the reviser,
vneprjrpavos, was introduced as an addition.

(£.) " Even when of himself he hath done
without counsel " is unsatisfactory as a render-
ing of per avrov avev ftovhrjs, out of which no
meaning can easily be obtained. Fritzsche sup-
poses the original to have been i"IVy X? 10y,
and thus evolves the thought : " The proud
man pays no attention to the opinion of an-
other ; and when he has acted, has no counsel,
i.e. is completely at a loss." We believe avev
,3ouX^9 to be a false repetition of the com-
mencement of the next verse ; and pera. to
noifjcrai per avrov to be a gloss upon ev ra>
Trotrjo-ai of the second clause of v. 19. These
conjectures are confirmed by MS. 157 and
partly by the Armenian version, which reads
as follows : 19. avev jSovXtjs prjdcv 7rotrjo-Tjs . . .
ptrapeXov. 18. avev (HovXijs prj 7rap[djjs 8iavo-
r/pa. aWorpios xa\ VTrtprjCpavos ov Karanrrjtjei
(pofiov. The version, however, breaks off
here. After the ejection of these there
remains: "A man of counsel will not over-
look an idea, and a proud man will feel no
terror." If we compare the Syriac rendering
of clause a, " leaves not wisdom hidden," it

will appear probable that the original had X1?

nSJ? why (Job xlii. 3)—« to darken coun-
sel." According to Gesenius, ' Thes.' s. v.,

D7J? means to censure it, to endeavour to pre-
sent it in an unfavourable light. The second

clause is satisfactorily Targumed by the Syriac :
" but the wicked man hath no control over
his tongue." Compare Prov. xii. 15.

19. advice."] Rather, counsel, or de-
liberation.

and when thou hast once done.] " With
deliberation," as glossed by the Greek (v.
supra").

repent not.] I.e. thou shalt not repent. Cp.
Ewald, ' Lehrb.' p. 602.

20. and stumble not among the stones.]
Rather, stony places. The Syriac ren-
ders " lest a second time thou stumble." The
warning conveyed, according to Fritzsche, is
to avoid courses which may easily lead to
difficult situations.

21. Be not confident in a plain way.] The
meaning of the original is not very clear.
The usage of the Greek of this period seems
in favour of the rendering in the A. V., which
is also that of S. H. The warning will then
be not to trust too much to the apparent ease
and simplicity of a course. The Syriac, " the
path of the wicked," and the Latin labor iosae,
are probably bold alterations.

22. And beware of thine own children.] An
illustration, according to Fr.,of the last warn-
ing : even children must not be trusted, how-
ever natural an object of confidence they
might seem. The sentiment, however, seems
to us here so unnatural and inappropriate
that we incline to the Syriac text, " and be of
good heed in thy paths ;" supposing the Greek
to represent the corruption of "pmmx into
~|rV"inX, which has occurred already.

23. trust thy own soul.] I.e. " be self-
confident;" or we might render it "believe
with thy soul : " but in either case the thought
would be unsatisfactory ; for surely self-
confidence cannot be said to be a way of keeping
the commandments. The Syriac renders:
" keep thy soul : " tjb>S J ")bB> = " be cautious"
(Prov. xvi. 17, xxii. 5, &c), which not only
gives an intelligible phrase, but also restores
the play on the two senses of the word " keep "
intended by the author. Illo-reve comes from
v. 21 or v. 24.

24. He that believeth in the Lord.] So Lat.
and late MSS.; Vat, Alex., in the law.

V. I 2.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXXIII.

163

B.C.
cir. 200.

CHAPTER XXXIII.

1 The safety of him that feareth the Lord.
2 The wise and the foolish. 7 Times and
seasons are of God. 10 Men are in his
hands as clay hi the hands of the potter.
18 Chiefly regard thyself 24 Of servants.

*np]

kHERE shall no evil happen B.C.
unto him that feareth the l^°'
Lord ; b but in temptation even again 2IProv' I2
he will deliver him. x Pet- 3-

2 A wise man hateth not the law ; * i pet

2.9.

CHAPTER XXXIII.

The structure of this chapter is somewhat
difficult. It evidently treats of two different
subjects, rather loosely strung together.
The first section closes with v. 18. Its occa-
sion seems to be taken from the second part
of ch. xxxii. (see introductory remarks to it).
As we have it in the Greek version, Part I. of
ch. xxxiii. contains five stanzas, consisting
respectively of three verses in the first and
second stanza (yv. 1-3, 4-6) ; then of a third
stanza of six verses (yv. 7-12), which is
followed again by two stanzas, each of three
verses (yv. 13-15 and 16-18). In this
arrangement the central (third) stanza of six
verses (yv. 7-12) is evidently the most im-
portant, and contains the main theme of
discussion. This, if we understand it rightly,
is kindred to the problem which partly
formed the topic of discussion in the Book of
Ecclesiastes — viz. the seeming arbitrariness
in the dealings of Providence, the chance
or else fatality which appears to attach to
earthly things. A problem this, which— as
we can readily understand — would naturally,
almost inevitably, engage later Jewish thinking,
not untinged by scepticism, when its ancestral
religious teaching was — not without the in-
fluence of Grecianism — brought face to face
with the moral problems presented in life.
This great question, prompted perhaps by
the second part of ch. xxxii., the writer seeks
to answer. He prepares for it in the two
stanzas (w. 1-3 and 4-6) which precede its
statement in the central stanza (vv. 7-12);
he finds a solution for it in the stanza which
follows (to. 13-15), and he gathers up his
life-experience with its struggles and its vic-
tory in the attainment of that solution, in the
stanza with which the section concludes
(vv. 16-18).

Before proceeding, we mark that the Syr.
version omits w. 2-4. To the question
whether they really existed in the Hebrew
original of the older Siracide and were omitted
for dogmatic reasons by the Syriac translator
(or his redactor), or whether they must be
considered as a Hellenistic addition by the
younger Siracide, it is not easy to give an
answer. On the one hand, the stanza intro-
ducing and preparing for the main question
in vv. 7-12 would give good sense even if we
were to omit (as in the Syr.) vv. 2-4. In
that case v. 1 would set forth the general and
comforting assurance, in view of the seeming

prevalence of mere fate or else accident, that
all shall be well with him who feareth the
Lord. Verses 2 and 3 would next set forth
in warning the influence of this great problem
of life on the two classes differing from the
pious servant of God : the fool — on whom all
has simply a bewildering effect (y. 5), and
the mocking sceptic who laughs at every-
thing, even as a stallion who neighs under
every rider (y. 6). Thus far the argument
in favour of the omission of vv. 2-4 in the
Syr. But, on the other hand, there are dog-
matic and other reasons which might prompt
the Syr. translator to omit these verses from
his rendering of the Hebrew original. Thus
v. 3 might seem a dangerous and rationalistic
depreciation of the ancient Mosaic oracle by
the Urim. And if that verse was to be left
out, it would be natural to omit a whole
triplet for the sake of symmetry ; and in that
case it must be vv. 2-4, since neither v. 1
nor yet tod, 5 and 6 could have been omitted.

On the whole, we are inclined to decide in
favour of the originality and authenticity of
the verses (2-4) omitted in the Syr., and for
the following reasons :—(i) They are requisite
for the symmetrical structure of the whole
section (two stanzas of three verses, one of
six verses, and again two of three verses each) ;
(2) they occur in the Vet. Lat.— and there
apparently not from the Greek, but either
directly from the Hebrew or corrected by it
(seethe notes); (3) a sentiment such as in
v. 3 entirely accords with the theological
standpoint of the older Siracide, however ob-
jectionable it might seem to a later translator,
zealous for orthodoxy as he understood it.

No special difficulties attach to the second
part of ch. xxxiii. (y<v. 19-end). It consists
of three stanzas, respectively of five, five, and
three verses. The subject is so different
from that treated in the first part that we
might be tempted to regard this part as dis-
placed, if it were not that we call to mind
that such sudden, almost capricious, transi-
tions seem in character with the disguised
discussion of a problem such as in the previous
verses. The first stanza (vv. 19-23) bears
on the favourite subject of family life; the
second stanza (-yv. 24-28) gives advice on the
treatment of slaves; the third (yv. 29-31)
enjoins the cautions of religion and prudence
in the matter.

1. in temptation.'] Rather, trial.

even again he will deliver him.'] Heb. (<>

M 2

164

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXXIII.

[v. 3-8.

B. c. but he that is an hypocrite therein is

cir. 200. 1 •

— as a ship in a storm.

3 A man of understanding trust-

eth in the law ; and the law is faith-

\haskme ^ unto him, " as an oracle.

o/Urim* 4. Prepare what to say, and so

thou shalt be heard : and bind up

instruction, and then make answer.

5 The " heart of the c foolish is

bowels.

ch.

like a cartwheel ; and his thoughts
are like a rolling axletree.

6 A stallion horse is as a mocking
friend, he neigheth under every one
that sitteth upon him.

7 Why doth one day excel an-
other, when as all the light of every
day in the year is of the sun ?

8 By the knowledge of the Lord

B.C.
cir. 200.

Syr.) utal 2'C"i, " He will turn and deliver
him ; " i.e. He will reverse what is apparently
His present purpose : the km represents the
Hebrew sign of the apodosis. We might
supply " even in trials [no evil will happen to
him but]."

2-4. These verses are wanting in the Syr.
(see introductory remarks).

2. the law.] Lat. mandata et justitias. On
the assumption that nsv. 2-4 were in the
original Hebrew, we would suggest that the
term rendered " the law " had been 1D-10, which
should rather have been rendered " chasten-
ing." The wise man does not repine at the
Divine chastening, but " kisses the rod;" the
half-hearted, however, is thrown out of his
course by it. For clause b the Lat. has " and
will not founder like a ship in a storm." The

Heb. was probably 7K01, variously interpreted
as bub) and ^D>1. We believe the Latin
interpreter to have been right.

3. as an oracle?^ See margin. For the
readings (which do not interfere with the
sense), see Fritzsche.

4. bind up.] The metaphor is from provi-
sions for a journey that are packed up. Lat.
conservahit. The imperatives (or imperfects)
of VI ¥ and "IVJ have perhaps been confounded
as elsewhere.

then make answer.] " Then " is omitted in
the best MSS.

5. The heart. ~\ Lit. ho we Is.

like a cartwheel.] Syr. " like a swift wheel."
The point of comparison, according to some,
is their unsteadiness ; according to others, the
fact that they move always in the same groove.
The latter, which is Fritzsche's suggestion,
seems to us very improbable; whereas in
support of the former interpretation we might
quote Virgil's comparison of the frenzied
Amata to a top (' Aen.'vii. 378), and the well-
known lines of Tibullus (1. v. 2):

"Namque agor ut per plana citus sola verbere
turbo
Quam celer adsueta versat ab arte puer."

and his thoughts are like a rolling axle-tree.']

" In waggons of the kind called plaustra the
axle-tree was not a fixture, but revolved to-
gether with the wheels" (Rich, 'Diet, of
Antiq.' p. 72). The same author makes axis
-versatilis (Lat. huius loci) " a revolving cylinder,
such as is worked by a windlass, for drawing
up weights." In either case the point of
comparison will be the impossibility of fixing
it. The Syriac has "a swine:" we can
scarcely doubt (with Linde and Bendtsen)
that the original had a derivative of the Ara-
maic verb ~l?n, "to revolve:" compare D*"]t$>n
and D*j?B>0.

6. A stallion horse."] Lat. emissarius, a low
Latin word, on which see Ducange. Syr. "a
ready horse ;" pointing to an original ptO, as
in Jer. v. 8. The primum and secundum com-
parationis are inverted.

a mocking friend?^ Syr. " the friend of the

wicked;" suggesting an original p^'7 3fW,
" one that loveth mockery."

he neigheth under every one that sitteth upon
him.] I.e. on all occasions, whatever the cir-
cumstances (Fritzsche). ?!"l¥, " to neigh," is
used in the later Hebrew for " to giggle,"
e.g. Midrash on 'Proverbs,' p. 21a. One is
tempted to see an allusion to the story of
Darius' horse (Herod, iii. 87), which the
author may have learned from some other
source. The mockery spoken of, if it repre-
sent the Hebrew word suggested, means
" scoffing ;" i.e . at religion and morality (Prov.
ix. 12, &c). He can never be serious.

7. Why doth one day excel another.] I.e. as
a good day, or else as a holy day.

when as.] " This combination lasted till
1670" ('Old and Middle English,' p. 253).
Maetzner, ' English Grammar,' iii. 430, quotes
Shakspere, ' 3 Henry VI.' v. 7, " So Judas
kissed his Master and cried, ' All hail,' when
as he meant ' All harm.' " Marlowe, 'Jew of
Malta,' v. 2, " What boots it thee to be the
governor when as thy life shall be at their
command ? "

8. The answer is, they were separated by
a Divine decree.

he altered.] Rather, He made divers
seasons and feasts.

v. 9 — 1 6.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXXIII.

B.C.
cir. 200.

d he

they were distinguished
altered seasons and feasts.

9 Some of them hath he made
high days, and hallowed them, and
some of them hath he 'made ordinary
days.

10 And all men are from the

I Or,

ordained
for i/w
number
of days.

*Gen. 1. ground, and ^Adam was created of
|7-2 _ earth.

11 In much knowledge the Lord
hath divided them, and made their
ways diverse.

12 Some of them hath he blessed
and exalted, and some of them hath
he sanctified, and set near himself:
but some of them hath he cursed and

9. Some of them?] I.e. the days.

he made high days.~\ Syr. " he blessed," ~]~\2.

he made ordinary days.~] Lit. He put
into the number of days; i.e. days
distinguished by nothing further than their
number (in the month or year). In this use
of the word signifying " number," the Hebrew,
Greek, and Latin languages agree.

10. The Latin translator rendered the
second clause, " and from the ground whence
Adam was created." Cp. Job xxxi. 18.

11. In much knowledge.] I.e. by a plan too
deep for our comprehension. Naturally, we
should have expected that they would all
have been equal.

made their 'ways diverse.] Syr. " and he
made the inhabitants of the earth."

12. The verse gives specimens of these
diversities rather than a classification of them.
The first clause may refer to worldly dignities
(Fritzsche) ; the second, to spiritual dignities ;
the third and fourth, to the destitute and
ruined.

and set near himself?] TlpH IvNI, accord-
ing to Fritzsche; with which compare Jer.
xxx. 21. The Syr., however, renders "and
they came near to him," which reminds us of

the far more common phrase 1 vX 1W1 ; and
since eyyi(w is rarely transitive, rjyyta-ap may
have been originally in the Greek text.

brought low, and turned out of their places.~\
Syr. '_' overturned, and rooted out of their
dwellings." The author has in mind Isa. xxii.
19. For avio-Tpetyev we must read with Co.
avirpe^ev (cp. Cobet, ' Misc. Crit.' p. 382).

13. to fashion it at his pleasure.] The old
Greek MSS. have, instead of this, all his
ways are according to his pleasure.
The reading exhibited by the A. V appears

brought low, and turned out of their b. c.
'places. cir^°-

13 'As the clay is in the potter's !£^,.
hand, to fashion it at his pleasure : 'isai. °
so man is in the hand of him that |*-> 8
made him, to render to them as liketh Jer- i8- 6-

, . , ' Wisd. 15.

him best. n, z.

14 Good is set against evil, and ^>°™;9"
life against death : so is the godly
against the sinner, and the sinner
against the godly.

15 So look upon all the works of

the most High: and Ahere are two -/"ch. 42.

^ . 24.

and two, one against another.

16 I awaked up last of all, as one

that "gathereth after the grapegather- giea'neth.

only in H. and seems to be a conjecture
{jiKacrai avro for ivacrai ai oftol aiirov). The
Syr. Version omits it altogether.

to render to them as liketh him best.~] Lit.
according to his judgment. Syr. "to
set him over (?) all his works." The

Hebrew was very likely HpS1?, which would
bear either meaning.

14. Then follows a list of ctvo-toix^1-

so is the godly against the sinner.] Syr. " and
against the light was created the darkness."
The list of the <tvo-to<.x'm<- of Pythagoras given
by Aristotle, ' Metaphys.'p. 986 (ed. Bekker),
contains (pas nal (tkotos, ayaBov kcu Kanov, but
not "life and death:" cp., however, Plato,
' Phaedo,' p. 71 ; and Zeller, 'Philosophie der
Griechen,' i. 325, 4th edit.

15. look upon.] Syr. " has exhibited."
Either can be supported from Eccles. vii. 14.

16. / awaked up last of all.] Rather, I
lay awake, or "lucubrated;" Syr. "I
came." We suggest, to account for this
curious difference, that the original had Tin,
intended for *riS3, but pointed by the Greek
translator *H3, from fiU, pernoctare, in Chald.
and Syr. "In the feeling," says Fritzsche,
" that he has uttered something of importance,
the author begins to reflect upon his position,
and to feel that, though late in time, he has
not laboured in vain." Still, this verse strikes
us as singularly abrupt, if we compare the
somewhat similar thought in xxiv. 30. The
great transposition in the Greek MSS. and
the versions derived from the Greek occurs
in the middle of this verse. Is it possible
that some paragraphs have been lost ?

as one that gathereth.] Lit. one that
gathereth straws, tt>C?1pD, but used more
generally in Isa. xxiv. 14, &c.

i66

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXXIII.

[v. 17-

.B- c ers : by the blessing of the Lord I

cir 203 *-• ^^

- — ' profited, and filled my winepress like

a gatherer of grapes,
ch. 24. 17 s Consider that I laboured not
for myself only, but for all them that
seek learning.

18 Hear me, O ye great men of
the people, and hearken with your
ears, ye rulers of the congregation.

19 Give not thy son and wife, thy
brother and friend, power over thee
while thou livest, and give not thy
goods to another : lest it repent thee,
and thou intreat for the same

Or,

sell not.

again.

20 As long as thou livest and hast .B- c
breath in thee, " give not thyself over
to any.

2 1 For better it is that thy children
should seek to thee, than that thou
shouldest " stand to their courtesy. j| °T> l?ok

11 In all thy works keep to thy- hands.
self the preeminence ; leave not a
stain in thine honour.

23 At the time when thou shalt
end thy days, and finish thy life,
distribute thine inheritance.

24 Fodder, a wand, and burdens, 0f .

> > 111 servants.

are for the ass ; and bread, correc-
tion, and work, for a servant.

I profited.'] Lit. I got ahead; Syr. "I
rose;" Lat. "I hoped" (VlDg and ?fiPjJi??
The Lat is perhaps an error for properdin}.
The thought that he had got before others
(Fritzsche) is scarcely hinted.

like a gatherer of grapes.] The whole
verse implies that Ben Sira had predecessors
in the class of literature to which this book
belongs, and that he made use of or incor-
porated a number of their sayings (comp.
Gen. Introd. p. 19).

17. This verse is omitted in the Syr.
Version.

18. 19. TheSyriac transposes 19 b after 20.
This gives a more natural order, unless indeed
19 and 18 are parallel sentiments.

19. power over thee.] Rather, authority
over thee, — become not their dependant.

and thou intreat for the same again.] Com-
pare Lysias, p. 638 (ed. Reiske): fiovkovrai
yap ndvres vtto tcov 7tai8(ou depaTreveo-dai, fiaX-
Xoj> rj fueivav Selo- 6ai diropovPTf s. The
rendering in the A. V. follows the Syriac more
nearly than the Greek, which has: lest it
repent thee, and thou intreat for

them. The Hebrew may have had 2-1&6.
The meaning " repent " for this word and its
derivatives is late; and the original may have
meant no more than " lest afterwards thou be
compelled to beg of them."

20. give not thyself over to any.] The
literal meaning may be, either "barter not
thyself with any body " (Arm., Fritzsche), so
that the other person assume thv place, or else
"sell not thyself to any body.'" The Heb.

(Fritzsche) was 1»n bx, which the Syrian
may have interpreted from the Aram. 10, a
"lord" or "master," rendering "make no
flesh lord over thee."

21. stand to their courtesy.] Lit. look

to the hands of thy sons: cp. Ps.
cxxiii. 2. The Arm. omits crov, giving the
meaning "that thy children should be in want."
The same version (with Syr.) substitutes
"their hands" for "the hands of thy sons."
The author may have intended to emphasise
the difference between "children" in clause a,
and " sons " in clause b. But this is one of
the cases in which ancient scribes allowed
themselves considerable liberty in dealing with
authors' texts. For the phrase compare
Aristophanes, ' Vespae,' 6 1 3 (of an old man in
these circumstances) : KtC p.rj p,e 8e ijo-et t\ a-e
(rbv vlov) /3Xe'\//-tu koi tov rap-iav otvot cipicrTov
napadrjo-ei, and 'Abhoth de R. N.,' p. 90 a : " If
a man eat of the property of his father or of
his mother or of his children, his mind is not
established; much more when he eateth of
the property of others."

22. keep to thyself the preeminence.] We
prefer the reading of C. and Arm., virepdvu,

"have the upper hand ;" rbyvb.

leave not.] Rather, set not.

23. The substance of this verse is quoted
in the so-called ' Second Alphabet of Ben Sira '
in the following form : — " Hide, my son, thy
wealth in thy life, and conceal it; and give it
not to thy heirs to the day of thy death."

At the time zuhen thou shalt end thy days,
and finish thy life.] Lit. on the day of
the completion of the days [om. Arm.]
of thy life, and at the time of the
end. Syr. "at the time when the number
of thy days shall be completed, on the day
of thy death, bequeath thy goods to thy son."
Arab, "at the end of thy life bequeath thy
goods to thy son ; " assuredly all that is
required to express the thought.

On Slaves.

24. a <wand.] Lit. a rod. Some have
regarded this verse as a quotation (L. D.

v. 25—31.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXXIII.

167

B.C.

cir. 200.

25 If thou set thy servant to la-
bour, thou shalt find rest : but if
thou let him go idle, he shall seek
liberty.

26 A yoke and a collar do bow
the neck : so are tortures and tor-
ments for an evil servant.

27 Send him to labour, that he be
not idle ; for idleness teacheth much
evil.

28 Set him to work, as is fit for

him : if he be not obedient, put on b. c
more heavy fetters. cn%2oc

29 But be not excessive toward
any ; and without discretion do
nothing.

30 h If thou have a servant, let him ;* ch. 7. ■.
be unto thee as thyself, because thou

hast bought him " with a price. " Gr. in

TrP , , r . blood.

31 lr thou nave a servant, intreat
him as a brother : for thou hast need
of him, as of thine own soul : if

Cramer, ' Moral der Apocryphen,' 201).
Fritzsche finds in the proverbial form of the
sentence the excuse for its coarseness.

correction?^ Probably a euphemism for
" the lash," as the Arm. renders it. Compare
Prov. xxvii. 3, which in Gesner's ' Stobaeus,'
p. 604, is quoted with virga servo imipienti.

25. The Syr. is here different : " Thou
shalt give him no rest ; and if thou raise his
head, he desireth liberty." The Latin version
has also a very interesting rendering : operatur
in disciplina et quaerit requiescere : laxa manus
illi et quaerit libertatem. The variations in the
second clause will be explained if we suppose

the original to have been v> Ppi"l, otherwise

read h D"1H ; the " hands " and " head " are
the supplements (doubtless correct ones) of
the translators. The Greek and Latin of
clause 1 may imply an original "DJD 12]}
nniJO B>pn-1, of which the Greek translator
rightly understood the first two words, while
the Latin translation might be explained by
pointing t?j?3-1 rather than K^l-I : " make a
slave work, and he will seek rest ; relax his
discipline, and he will seek liberty." The
Syriac Version perhaps represents a guess at
the general meaning of the passage rather than
an accurate rendering.

26. a collar.'] Rather, strap; referring
to the reins. The Syriac omits this verse;
and as the Hebrew language apparently pos-
sesses no words for the " rack " and the
" torture," any more than it possesses one for
the " cross," we may hope that it is an inter-
polation.

27. be not idle.] Syr. "that he may not
rebel." We believe the Greek to be right.

28. Set him to work.] Syriac, " give him
authority in thy house," apparently deriving

HDX7D from *]ta, and thinking of the history
of Joseph. The point is only worthy of notice
orthographically.

put on more heavy fetters.] Lit. make
heavy; with which comp. Lament, iii. 7.

29. But be not excessive toward any.] Lit.
he not excessive in any flesh; ex-
plained to mean, punish not too severely.
The verb is used by the LXX. to represent

the Heb. TTVin, so that inirl i?X may be
restored with considerable certainty for the
first words. The Syriac has : " but not so
upon any man." The verse is apparently a
warning against excessive ill-treatment, fir/8ev
aviarov iroieiv. (Aeth. reads TTiuTevcrTjs?) On
the condition of slaves among the Israelites,
see the interesting Art. in Riehm, ' Hdw.'

without discretion do nothing.] Rather,
" without judgment." The Vet. Lat. rightly
glosses, nihil facias grave.

30, 31. The Syriac transposes 30 £ and
3 1 b ; while the Lat. omits 3 1 entirely. The
Syr. makes the sense much clearer by adding
one: " if thou have one servant." Compare
Prov. xii. 9.

with a price.] Greek, in blood. The
A. V. follows Drusius (who is followed by
Bottcher and Fritzsche) in giving the assumed
original the sense of the Aram. JV31, " price."
It is, however, by no means certain that this
is right ; for the minor premise of the argu-
ment involved would not necessarily be true ;
while the major can scarcely be imagined.
The fact, too, that the Syriac and Latin agree
in rendering in sanguine animae tuae makes it
highly probable that the original was U12
*1{}>BJ, The Syr. renders the whole clause:
" and fight not with the blood of thy soul [i.e.
thine own blood; compare Hofmann, ' Julian
der AbtrUnnige,' 169, 3J ; because, if thou
afflict him, he will go away and perish : and
with what spirit [Lag. : but " by what way,"
Pol.] shalt thou find him." The thought is
here intelligible, though the language is some-
what strange. The Arabic translator glosses,
"thine own blood ;" i.e. "thy goods."

as a brother.] So Alex. C, Arm., Lat., Syr.

for thou hast need of him, as of thine own
soul.] The Greek should mean, for thou
shalt need him as thine own soul
(needeth him). Fritzsche would correct the

i68

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXXIII. XXXIV. [v. 1-3.

B.C.
c.r. 200.

thou intreat him evil, and he run ^^HE hopes of a man void of un
from thee, which way wilt thou go
to seek him ?

CHAPTER XXXIV.

X derstanding are vain and false :
and dreams lift up fools.

2 Whoso " regardeth dreams is
like him that catcheth at a shadow,

Of dreams. 13 The praise and blessing of and followeth after the wind.

B.C.
cir. 200.

dreams.

I! Or, hath
his mind
upon.

them that fear the Lord. 18 The offer-
ing of the ancient, and prayer of the poor
innocent.

3 The vision of dreams is the re-
semblance of one thing to another,

Greek eViS//o-ei? ovtov, " thou shalt bind him
to thee " ( a conjecture apparently confirmed
by the Copt.). But the text is sufficiently
supported by the Syr. : " because as thou art
thyself, so is thy want."

The Syriac is evidently right in the trans-
position noticed above, because by its order
it offers some personal reason for treating a
[single] slave as oneself, and some reason
based upon ties of blood for treating him as a
brother. To find out what these are we
must attempt, at least conjecturally, to restore
the Hebrew, as in the following two para-
graphs : —

" If thou have one servant, let him be as

thyself— "p1Dn»3 1^3 °> for like thyself
so is thy need of him." Perhaps we should
correct '"p"llDn03, " in thy poverty," " he is
like thee in thy poverty;" i.e. he is but little
poorer than thou art; he is dependent on
thee entirely, and thou no less upon him.

" If thou have one servant, regard him as

thy brother— "i^SJ 0*13 Mj?n bit, be not
jealous against thine own blood." X3pn was
perhaps read i"Opn by the Greek translator,
as in Prov. iii. 31, and the word " not " omitted
arbitrarily. The reason why he is compared
to a brother is that once lost he cannot be
replaced; whereas other relations (e.g. hus-
bands, sons) may be. This conceit is familiar
to us in the story of Intaphernes (Herodotus,
iii. 119), but it is also employed by Sophocles
(' Antigone,' v. 905) and in Flilgel's 'Gefiihrte
des Einsamen.'

and he run from thee.]
and he start to run
take umbrage and flee."

We should render:
away. Arm. "he

CHAPTER XXXIV.

The religious problems referred to in the
central part of the previous chapter are, as it
seems to us, here once more taken up. Our
author had travelled (v. 11), and his mind
was greatly enlarged by what he observed and
learned in foreign countries. In the first
stanza of the present chapter Qw. 1-8) he
now expresses his view of the manner in
which heathenism attempted to solve the
question how earthly affairs are determined
or may be influenced. Although the Siracide

speaks of heathenism in a liberal manner — as
it were, from a philosophical standpoint,— he
discards its views and practices without hesi-
tation or reserve. Alike his conclusions and
his liberality, he hastens to inform us — not
without righteous self-consciousness — had
been the result of his travels. The reference
to this forms the introduction {yv. 9-13) to
his own solution of these great problems (yv.
14-17). This constitutes the subject of the
second stanza in the chapter. Lastly, in a third
stanza, consisting, like stanza 2, of nine verses
(%"v. 18-26), the writer turns to another aspect
of the subject. He had in the first stanza been
repudiating heathenism, and in the second ex-
pressed the assured conviction of his own
religion. The perversion and the misunder-
standing of that religion form the subject of
the third stanza (w. 18-26). As before he
had censured heathenism, so now a spurious
Judaism — a Pharisaism before the Pharisees,
a legal literalism and zeal for outward obser-
vances, combined with impenitence and sin.
The glimpse which the chapter affords into
the religious condition of the period is as
important, as, on the other hand, it is interest-
ing to hear the views of a travelled, enlightened,
liberal Jew who discourses on the heathen
and the Jewish world.

1. The hopes of a man, &c] Rather, a
man without understanding hath vain
and lying hopes. Syr. "He that looks
for vanity shall find delusion."

and dreams lift up fools.'] Rather, elate.
Syr. (Lag.) " and a dream is a vain delight."

2. followeth after the wind.'] Cp. Hos.
xii. 2. Syr. "who scareth a bird." Both
correspond to Greek proverbs, avipovs Gr^pav
iv SiKTvois, and SiwKeiv noravov Zpviv, doubt-
less, however, common to most nations. The
Syriac, however, seems to be an interpolation
from xxvii. 18; cp. Prov. ix. 12 (LXX.).

3. the resemblance of one thing to another,
&c] Lit. this against this; the re-
semblance of a face opposite a face.
The reading in the text is not quite cer-
tain : for tovto Kara tovtov some MSS. have
tovto Kara tovto, which the Lat. represents.
The Syr. and Arm. omit the first tovto, wh ch
may be a correction of tovtov, inserted in a
wrong place. Accepting the reading of the Syr.,

4—9-]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXXIV.

169

B.C.
cir. 200.

0 Prov. 27
19.

even as the a likeness of a face to a
face.

4 3Of an unclean thing what can
* Job 14. 4. be cleansed? and from that thing

which is false what truth can come ?

5 Divinations, and soothsayings,
and dreams, are vain : and the heart
fancieth, as a woman's heart in tra-
vail.

6 If they be not sent from the

most High in thy visitation, "set not B.C.
thy heart upon them. <ana«*

7 For dreams have deceived many, J^rf
and they have failed that put their t,'em "ot-
trust in them.

8 The law shall be found perfect
without lies : and wisdom is perfec-
tion to a faithful mouth.

9 A man that hath travelled
knoweth many things ; and he that

we obtain "even so is the vision of dreams;"
which is more intelligible than that of the
Lat., which would mean, " dreams are each
exactly like the other."

the resemblance of a face opposite a
face.] The phrase seems to be taken from
Prov. xxvii. 19, a very obscure passage.
Baduellus interprets our passage as an account
of the origin of dreams ; signifying that the
"fancy" reproduces images to the "intellect"
in the same way as a mirror. Grotius, on the
other hand (followed by Fritzsche), finds the
point of comparison in the unreality of the
image : ut imago in spectro visa nihil post se
relinqnit, ita nee somnia. This is more probably
right. Compare 'Julian der Abtrilnnige,' 177,
15:" while thine eyes are on them they are
gone."

4. Of an unclean thing what can he cleansed 7]
The Syriac Version seems at first sight very
different: "and over the head of his people
he will gain the victory." This, however,
means only that the Syrian divided the words
before him wrongly, reading for i"10 y£;"lD
j>"W, pTO r\by t;hn. The Arab, gives' the
following version of the Syriac : " he that
gives them the lie and relies not on them
winneth the victory more than the greatest
of his people." The Syriac Version seems
to imply that the words " unclean " and
" cleansed " should rather have been rendered
" evil " and " righteous." Just as righteous-
ness does not spring out of evil (" Do men
gather grapes of thorns?"), so the truth
does not come out of the false and unsub-
stantial. The Greek text would have referred
to the unclean thing rendering everything else
unclean, — a striking comparison, though not
a very appropriate one.

5. Divinations, fa'c] In this opinion the
author is far in advance of the later Rabbinical
schools.

and the heart fancieth, as a woman's heart
in travail^ Syriac, " he that believeth them,
there is his heart." Lat. et somnia malefaci-
entium vanitas est. The Greek seems evidently
correct. The physical phenomenon alluded
to is sometimes mentioned bv the ancients.

6. in thy visitation.'] Rather, as a visi-
tation; the Vet. Lat. and Armen. : "unless
a visitation be sent." Apparently we have not
here the genuine words of the author. The
Syriac has : " even though it be ordained of
God that men go astray with the fancies of
the night." Combining the Syr. and Greek,
we obtain a text like 1p3n IT nXE DN,
" even though thou be visited from God;" and
it is almost clear that the next verse requires
some such saying. So many have been led
astray by dreams that it is best to distrust
them all, even at the risk of some one being
really inspired. The verse well illustrates the
methods of the two translators.

7. and they have failed, <b"c.~] Rather,
and [many] have failed.

8. The law shall be found perfect without
lies.] Rather (Fritzsche), is perfected
or realised without the help of false
things (such as dreams). Syr. "Where
there is no sin, God is pleased;" Lat. con-
summabitur verbum.

The second clause is difficult : " Wisdom
is perfection to a faithful mouth." Syr. " the
wisdom of the wicked is believed in the night."
Evidently there was a word in the original

read by the one ^v3, by the other b'b'l.
"The wicked" of the Syriac need not be
considered. Probably the original meant
"wisdom is perfected in a faithful mouth;"
i.e. wisdom when combined with sincerity is
perfect.

Arguing back from this, we may interpret
the first clause : " By not lying, the law is
accomplished ;" i.e. the telling of the truth is
so important that by keeping this rule a man
observes the whole law. The Syriac translator
apparently was offended by this sentiment
and diluted it. The author was led up to
these remarks on truth by the falsehood of
dreams.

9. A man that hath travelled knoweth many
things.] So a few MSS., S. H. and Arm. The
best Greek MSS., however, have 7re7raiSfu/*<?-
vos, " a man that is educated, Sec." The
Syriac is here very different : " A wise man
examines much." This seems to shew that
the late Hebrew word, K'j33 exercitatus, was

170

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXXIV

[v. 10 — 17.

B.C.
cir. 200.

hath much experience will declare
wisdom.

10 He that hath no experience
knoweth little : but he that hath
travelled is full of prudence.

1 1 When I travelled, I saw many
things ; and I understand more than
I can express.

12 I was ofttimes in danger of
death : yet I was delivered because of
these things.

13 The spirit of those that fear
the Lord shall live ; for their hope is
in him that saveth them.

14 Whoso feareth the Lord shall

B.C.
cir. 200.

not fear nor be afraid ; for he is his
hope. •

15 Blessed is the soul of him that
feareth the Lord : to whom doth he
look ? and who is his strength ?

16 For cthe eyes of the Lord are ^ ps. 33.

18.

upon them that love him, ^he is their ^
mighty protection and strong stay, <t ps. 61

34- 15-

cover % 3'4\ .

6c 91. 1, 2,

a defence from heat, and a

from the sun at noon, a preservation 3. 4

from stumbling, and an help from

falling.

17 He raiseth up the soul, and
lighteneth the eyes : he giveth health,
life, and blessing.

used here ; the Syriac inverted the order of
the words and read Kiph.

he that hath much experience will declare 'wis-
dom.'] Syr. (as rendered by Dr. Payne Smith,
col. 1 147): qui prosperat omnia examinat
(perhaps, however, we should correct ■ ■ . »^>

for |X), obtaining some later Hebrew word

like ?*3"1). The verse, according to the most
probable readings, refers merely to practice in
the arts or sciences.

10. but he that hath travelled is full of
prudence^] Syriac again, " he that hath had
experience ;" perhaps misreading !"IDJ for yDJ,
with which the author may have intended a
jingle. Lat. qui in multis f actus [qu. iactus or
iactatus ?] est.

11. When I travelled, I saw many things."]
An interesting notice of the author's personal
experience: cp. chap. li. 13. It is much to
be regretted that he does not enter into fuller
details concerning his journeys.

and I understand more than I can express.]
Syr. " and many things have passed over me;"
Lat. et plurimas verborum consuetudines. The
Hebrew to which these three renderings seem

to lead up is ^y DnXl C2T1 ; the Greek
represents a slightly different division of the
first words, »"Q1D 311 ; while the last seems
almost to have been interpreted from the

Arab. *}!**>, confirming Hitzig's conjecture

about chap. vi. 22. The true reading may
possibly be represented by the Syriac, " and
many things have passed over me;" which
would fitly prepare for the next verse. At-
tempts to obtain a satisfactory meaning from
the Greek will be found in Fntzsche.

12. yet I was delivered because of these
things.] _ Syr. "on account of them." This
phrase is obscure. The Greek might con-

ceivably mean "for all that." Aeth. "and
withal God saved me ; " but this the Syriac
seems to forbid. The same difficulty applies
to Fritzsche's explanation, " on account of the
following things;" which is also not in the
manner of our author. We must therefore
follow Bretschneider in making the " things "
his prudence and skill; unless we might
suppose a mistranslation of the Hebrew, e.g.
D-Qyn (read Cmp), by which the author
had intended " when they passed over [me] ;"
sc. the "things" mentioned in the previous
verse.

13. The spirit of those that fear the Lord shall
live.] Cp. Isa. xxxviii. 16: "the life of my
spirit." Syr. " The Lord doeth the business
of them that fear him;" perhaps *"» »Kt nijn

rrnn for rvnn v"» wv nn.

for their hope is towards their Saviour.]
Syr. " for great is his hope and he saves."

14. This verse is omitted in Syr. It may
be a reminiscence of such passages as Ps.
lvi. 12.

15. to whom doth he look'?] A question
employed for the purpose of introducing the
reason of the beatitude : like those at the end
of the Twenty-fourth Psalm.

strength.] Rather, support or stay.
Heb. jytHD.

16. The highly poetical metaphors of this
verse are all diluted in the Syriac Version.

17. Kaising up the soul, and lightening
the eyes.] Syr. "the joy of the soul." Heb.
probably nsb>» : which the Greek trans-
lator would seem to have interpreted from

the Arabic *

he giveth health, life, and blessing^] Syriac,
"medicine of life and blessings." Perhaps
in the original "health, life, and blessing"

v. i8-

;6.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXXIV.

171

B.C.
cir. 200

18 ''He that sacrificeth of a thing

wrongfully gotten, his offering is ridi-

t- culous ; and "the gifts of unjust men

-7

/ Prov.
ls-8.

Or, the are not accepted.

19 /The most High is not pleased
with the offerings of the wicked ;
neither is he pacified for sin by the
multitude of sacrifices.

20 Whoso bringeth an offering of
the goods of the poor doeth as one
that killeth the son before his father's
eyes.

21 The bread of the needy is their
life : he that defraudeth him thereof
is a man of blood.

I3-
Deut. 24.

22 He that taketh away his neigh- b. c.
hour's living slayeth him j and he Cl!i^0"
that ^defraudeth the labourer of his ^ Lev. 19
hire is a bloodshedder.

23 When one buildeth, and an- *£• I5\
other pulleth down, what profit have
they then but labour ?

24 When one prayeth, and an-
other curseth, whose voice will the
Lord hear ?

25 /jHe that washeth himself after * Num-
the touching of a dead body, if he
touch it again, what availeth his
washing; ? . _

,o : 2 Pet. 2

26 'So is it with a man that fast- 20, &c. "

were used as epithets, the word "giveth"
being a gloss.

18. See introductory remarks. The long
passage which follows contains interesting
suggestions, but displays that want of con-
tinuous thinking, which prevented the Jewish
Chokhmah ever developing into a system of
philosophy. The author vacillates between
different points of view, but follows neither
to its legitimate consequences.

He that sacrificeth of a thing wrongfully
gotten, his offering is ridiculous.'] Fritzsche's
suggestion that n2T, " a sacrifice," has been
wrongfully read rnt, is confirmed by Syr.
For "ridiculous" Alex., with some other
MSS., has "culpable" or "contaminated;"
so, too, Lat. and Cyrill. Alexandr. vi. 311,
who quotes this passage with Job viii. 20 and
the end of Isaiah. We believe this (last)
reading to be right, and (comparing it with
the Syriac) suppose that the author must have

intended some play on the words !"6iy and

TOW.

the gifts of unjust men are not accepted."] So
248, Co., Syr., Arm. The best Greek MSS.
(and Lat.) have "mockeries." We venture
to suggest that the author here has another
play on a word: for mt, "sacrifice," he sub-
stitutes nm ("scorn," "mockery," a Syriac
word), DWl \-in for DW1 »rQT. This
sort of witticism has always had peculiar
attractions for the Jewish rriind. So in the
Qaraite- Arabic writings Mohammad is called
Pdsul (" unclean ") for Rasul (" Apostle "),
Mekka Makkdth (" plagues "), Sec. The sub-
stitution of Bosheth ("shame") for Baal
(" lord ") in the biblical text affords an early
example of this. The Syriac, which has here
" offerings," may have simply " corrected "
the text. Comp. Prov. xv. 7 ; xxi. 27.

20. that killeth.] Lit. that s laugh-

ter eth. The point of comparison lies in
the impossibility of conciliating the father
with such a sacrifice. The words remind the
reader of Virgil's Priam, " qui nati coram me
cernere letum fecisti et patrios foedasti funere
vultus."

21. The bread of the needy is their life.]
Rather, is the life of the poor; by no
means a lucid sentiment. Syr. " the bread

of mercy," *lpn Dn?, misread by the Greek,

Ipri 6. " The bread of mercy," i.e . " the
bread of charity;" the abuse referred to
being the diversion of means intended for
charitable purposes, or more properly to be
spent in charitable objects, for more ostenta-
tious employment in sacrifice.

22. He that taketh away, (&c.] The original
apparently was t?T, "takes violently away."
The Syr. misunderstood this, and rendered
" inherits ; " the Arabic translator improves
this into " makes him the heir of his goods."
2v/ij3iWi? is a very unusual expression for
t'ictus, " substance." Either the Aeth. render-
ing, " who separates a man from his wife," or
Grot. " takes away social intercourse," would
be more literal than the A. V. But in favour
of the A. V. we have the obvious sense of the
passage, as well as Arm. and S. H. The Lat.
in sudore panem is remarkable, and seems to
be an allusion to Gen. iii. 19.

23. The order of thought is satisfactorily
explained by Fritzsche. In the case of such
a sacrifice as that described, while one prays
(i.e. the sacrificer), the other (the poor man
whom he has robbed) curses ; how then can
such a sacrifice profit any more than the
operation described in this verse ?

25, 26. Those, too, who approach God
must do so seriously; He cannot be trifled
with. It is not exactly said that the outward
observance of fasts can only be of meaning or

172,

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXXIV. XXXV.

[v.

B.C.
cir. 200.

eth for his sins, and goeth again, and
doeth the same : who will hear his
prayer ? or what doth his humbling
profit him ?

CHAPTER XXXV.

I Sacrifices pleasing to God. 14 The prayer

of the fatherless, of the widow, and of the B. C.
humble in spirit. 20 Acceptable mercy. c'r- 2QO-

HE athat keepeth the law bring- " 'Sam.
eth offerings enough : he that Jer. 7.
taketh heed to the commandment hos.°6.76.
offereth a peace offering. ^g0- 6- 6)

2 He that requiteth a good turnMarkl2-

1 ° 33-

value in so far as it is symbolic of an inward
process, but that a fast for sin and prayer for
its forgiveness can only attain the object
sought, if combined with the abandonment
of sin — just as a bath of purification cannot
avail if a dead body is immediately touched
again. The sentiment seems almost to have
become proverbial in Jewish theology. Thus
we read (Taan. 16 a, line 10 from bottom)
that a man who is guilty of a sin and con-
fesses, but does not turn from it, is like one
who holds an unclean reptile in his hand,
who, even if he immersed in all the waters of
the world, his immersion (bath of purification)
would not profit him ; but if he casts it from
him, when he immerses in forty Seah (the bare
legal measure of water for such a bath), imme-
diately his immersion profiteth (obtains the
object of purification) — the references in proof
being to Prov. xxviii. 13 and Lam. hi. 41
(comp. also Yalkut on the passage in Prov.
and the Midr. R. on that in Lam.). In 'Abhoth,'
ut sup. p. 116, constant repentance with
constant sinning is reckoned among the five
unpardonable offences.

CHAPTER XXXV.

The reference in chap, xxxiv. to heathenism
and to Judaism, whether pure or corrupt,
leads to a farther and, in many respects, most
interesting discussion. The main subject is
that of sacrifices, on which the writer pro-
pounds his own more liberal views, insinuating
rather than stating them, artfully slipping
them in between other sayings irreprehensible
to Jewish orthodoxy — thus finding a place
for what he might scarcely have dared openly
and broadly to teach. Equally interesting is
it to notice how the Syriac translator modifies
and alters in a Christian sense. Not only
does he eliminate all references to sacrificing
in the strict sense, substituting expressions
which a Christian writer might employ, but
his references to the words used by our Lord
are so evident as at once to be obvious to every
reader (comp. the notes on w. 2-9). Thus
the chapter may be regarded as adding im-
portant evidence on the Christian authorship
of the Syr. Version. On the other hand, it does
not seem likely that the Greek translation
contains important Hellenistic alterations by
the younger Siracide. Of such we should
probably have had more distinct expression

than the Greek text contains. Indeed, the
reference to sacrifices is exactly in the spirit
which, as we have all along observed, is cha-
racteristic of the elder Siracide. It is the
Grecianism of Palestine rather than of Alex-
andria— a mild Sadduceeism, before there were
either Pharisees or Sadducees: the influence
of Greek thinking and life upon the more
liberal spirits of Judsea, the effect upon them
of contact with the great world without.

It is difficult to arrange the chapter into
other than two sections, of which the one
treats of sacrifices in their real import and
value {w. 1-11), the other of sacrifices un-
righteous and unacceptable (yv. 12-15). The
mention of the cry of distress addressed to
the Lord Qv. 15) leads to a more detailed
reference to all such appeals, which assuredly
will bring their answer in the Divine inter-
position, whether for deliverance or for judg-
ment. But the greatest wrong was that which
heathen persecution inflicted on the people of
God ; and the loudest cry for Divine judg-
ment, that for vengeance on them and for
smiting into fragments the sceptres of the
unrighteous (v. 18). Thus the appeal for
answer to prayer and for Divine interposition
merges into a strong anti-heathen passage,
while for Israel a season of refreshing mercy
is asked in the interval before the judgment
on their oppressors. We infer that the elder
Siracide must have written in a time of
anticipated persecution and suffering (see
General Introduction).

1. bringetb offerings enough.] Syr. " If thou
doest what is written in the Law, thou hast
multiplied service." If the Greek Version may
be regarded as expressing the views of a Jew
who attached not any absolute value to the
ritual observances of the Law, the Syr. trans-
lator seems purposely to have omitted all
reference to sacrifices and to occupy a totally
different (Christian) standpoint.

he that taketh heed to the commandment
offereth a peace offering^ Syr. " blessed be
his spirit," — alteration of text in the same
spirit as in the first clause.

2. He that giveth a good turn?}, I.e. " re-
quiteth a benefit." The Syriac of this verse
is rendered by Dr. Payne Smith, col. ii79>
" qui donum obfert id facit quod optimam
retributionem s. usuram sibi refert." The

3—12.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXXV.

l73

B.C.

.200.

* Dan. 4.

27.

c Exod.
.23. 15-
Deut. 16.
16.

offereth fine flour ; and he that giveth
alms sacrificeth praise.

3 *To depart from wickedness is
a thing pleasing to the Lord ; and
to forsake unrighteousness is a pro-
pitiation.

4. cThou shalt not appear empty-
before the Lord.

5 For all these things [are to be
done] because of the command-
ment.

6 The offering of the righteous
maketh the altar fat, and the sweet
savour thereof is before the most
High.

7 The sacrifice of a just man is

acceptable, and the memorial thereof B. c.
shall never be forgotten. cn-^200.

8 ^Give the Lord his honour with 4 prov.
a good eye, and diminish not the 3' 9"
firstfruits of thine hands.

9 e\w all thy gifts shew a cheerful g27Cor'
countenance, and "dedicate thy tithes 1 or, «/
with gladness. aparL

10 /Give unto the most High f Jobit

D 4. 8.

according as he hath enriched thee ;
and as thou hast gotten, give with a
cheerful eye. f/^

11 -^For the Lord recompenseth, 2 Cor. 9. 8.
and will give thee seven times as ^^iminish

mUCh. nothing

12 " Do not think to corrupt with offerings.

Hebrew was probably 7-1DJI ?D3, The Syriac
alteration here involves a meaning almost the
opposite of that conveyed by the Greek. The
translator seems to have wished to convey
some of the N. T. directions and promises
about the gracious retribution to those who
give.

sacrificeth praise?] min l"DT. Syr. " keep-
eth the law." Had he read mm for mm ?

3. is a propitiation^] The Syr. once more
alters in the same spirit as before: "and
restrain thy strength that thou do what is
abominable." If the Greek represented re-
pentance as real propitiation, the Syr. omits all
reference to it, and so avoids what might sound
either Jewish or Judaising.

4-11. Nevertheless, though the best sacri-
fice is good conduct, still for the sake of the
commandment, actual sacrifices must be
offered also. This deserves special attention
as expressive of views afterwards more fully
developed in Hellenism.

4. before the Lord.] Syr. " before Him."
For the phrase (or rather quotation), see
references in marg.

5. For all these things are to be done.]
Apparently not of absolute and internal neces-
sity, but simply because ordered in the Law,
and therefore to be observed. The Syriac
translator once more alters the statement
into " every one that do'eth well keepeth the
commandment."

6. maketh the altar fat.] Perhaps JBHO,
which should have been rendered " is thought
fat," i.e. rich, savoury, "the altar" being a
gloss. The Syr.: "is the prayer of their
mouth," — a very significant alteration.

and the sweet savour thereof] Syr. " and
their works cleave open the heavens."

7. the memorial.] Fritzsche suggests that

this may have meant the iTDTX or memorial-
sacrifice of Lev. ii. 2, 9, &c. But this seems
not likely. The Syr. seems to shew that the
word is used in our ordinary English sense.

8. Give the Lord his honour.] Lit. glorify
the Lord. Syr. " give to the poor," &c.

and diminish not the firstfruits of thine hands.]
Syr. " and vacillate not in thy gifts." He may
have read "iyon for DJ?tDD : but the alteration
of " firstfruits " into " gifts " can only have
been intentional. On the "firstfruits," see
'The Temple, its Ministry and Services,'
ch. xix.

9. and dedicate thy tithes^] Syr. " lend to
him that will not pay thee." The alteration
here is not only bold, but the reference to
St. Luke vi. 34, 35 is so clear that we can
scarcely doubt the Syr. intended to put
the words of Christ into the mouth of the
Siracide. Very significantly the Syr. next
reverses the order of the verses that follow,
placing v. n of the Greek in immediate
juxtaposition to v. 9 and v. 10 after our
Greek v. 11. The entire elimination of
allusion to sacrifices and the reference to
the words of our Lord seem to establish the
Christian authorship of the Syriac Version.

10. and as thou hast gotten, give with a
cheerful eye.] Lit. according to the
finding of thy hand, "]T SVDD ; Syr.

" with an ample hand " (fi6o for KXO ?).

11. seven times as much.] Syr. " ten thou-
sand times." The addition in the Syr., " he
that giveth to the poor lendeth to the Lord,
and who shall recompense but He Himself?"
is an interpolation from Prov. xix. 17.

12. Do not think to corrupt with gifts.]
Rather, Think not to bribe. For this
the Syriac has a most interesting variant,
putting simply " hesitate not," without further

i74

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXXV. XXXVI. [v. 13-20.

B.C.
cir. 200.

* Lev. 22.
20, 21, 22.
Deut. 15.
21.

Mai. 1.
8, 13. x4-

« Deut.
10. 17.
2 Chron.
19. 7.

Job 34. 19.
Wisd. 6. 7.
Acts 10.

34-

Rom. 2.
11.

Gal. 2. 6.
Eph. 6. 9.
Coloss. 3.

25-

1 Pet. 1.

17.

k Exod.

22. 23, 27.

gifts ; h for such he will not receive :
and trust not to unrighteous sacri-
fices ; for the Lord is judge, and
with him is ' no respect of persons.

13 He will not accept any person
against a poor man, but ^'will hear
the prayer of the oppressed.

14 He will not despise the suppli-
cation of the fatherless ; nor the
widow, when she poureth out her
complaint.

15 Do not the tears run down the
widow's cheeks ? and is not her cry
against him that causeth them to fall ?

16 He that serveth the Lord shall
be accepted with favour, and his
prayer shall reach unto the clouds.

17 The prayer of the humble
pierceth the clouds : and till it come
nigh, he will not be comforted ; and
will not depart, till the most High
shall behold to judge righteously, and
execute judgment.

18 l For the Lord will not be slack, B.C.

will the Mighty be patient CIJj_^°-
them, till he have smitten ' 2„Pet-

. .3-9'

in sunder the loins of the unmerci-

neither
toward

vengeance to the
have taken away

t0 "' Rom.

according to his deeds,

fill, and repayed
heathen ; till he
the multitude of the "proud, and "°r><:™'/

r 1 • 1 oppressors.

broken the sceptre or the unrigh-
teous ;

19 Till he have m rendered
every man

and to the works of men accord-
ing to their devices ; till he have
judged the cause of his people,
and made them to rejoice in his
mercy.

20 Mercy is "seasonable in the
time of affliction, as clouds of rain in
the time of drought.

CHAPTER XXXVI.

I A prayer for the church against the enemies
thereof. 1 8 A good heart and a froward.
21 Of a good wife.

Gr. fair.

addition. This suits the train of alterations in
the Syr. But possibly "inVJ* has been misread
"init*. Whether the corruption here is in
the Syriac or Hebrew, it is not easy to deter-
mine, though the former seems more likely.
We are inclined to think, however, that the
Hebrew had some denominative of iniL".
The Greek word SapoKondv also occurs in
3 Mace. iv. 19: 8apoKonla is more common.
The Lat. renders offerre munera prava. Arm.
" bring not as a bribe;" and so Aeth. Syr.
Hex. " labour not with offering."

13. He ivill not accept any person^] Rather,
respect any person, according to the
well-known Hebraism. The Syr. has charac-
teristically : " the prayer of the poor comes
before him." This can scarcely be regarded
as a paraphrase ; still less as the true reading.
The " accepting of persons " comes in from
the end of the previous verse.

14. when she poureth out her complaint^]
Lit. "prattle;" a contemptuous word, of
which the original was doubtless purposely
employed. Gemitus, which the Lat. adds at
the end of the verse, seems to be a vestige of
an old reading (which would correspond with
the Syriac) at the commencement of the verse,
afterwards altered to preces, to correspond
with 'iKtreia of the Greek.

15. The verse is omitted by the Syr. trans-
lator, but probably genuine.

17. /;'// it come nigh.'] Syr. " till he examine
it."

18. The writer rapidly passes to an antici-
pation of judgment upon those tyrannical
heathen rulers whose sway rested upon Israel
with such terrible weight of persecution (see
introductory remarks). The Syriac does not
offer any variety of importance in this verse,
though it renders none of the six clauses
exactly as the Greek. Perhaps we may find
a vestige of the old word Pi?j"ip, " a sceptre,"
in o-KTJTTTpa, for which the Syr. offers " rulers."
The Lat., too, in v. 19 has preserved a vestige
of the Hebrew in its rendering "according to
the works of Adam."

20. His mercy is seasonable.] Syr. "the
hater will be ashamed."

of drought.] mV2, which the Syrian in-
terpreted from his own language.

The verse indicates an apprehension of
national suffering, when those under the yoke
of the foreign rulers would long for some
seasonable relief in the present, and earnestly
look for the final deliverance assured to them
in the righteous judgment of the God to
whom they appealed.

CHAPTER XXXVI.

The same abrupt transition as in ch.
xxxiii. (y. 19), from a subject, sublime and
of deepest interest, to another trivial if
not almost repulsive, appears again in this
chapter at -y. 18. Once more we might
be tempted to think of a misplacement in
the text ; but of this there is not any ex-

V. r-

-9-]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXXVI.

*75

B.C.
cir. 200,

HAVE mercy upon us, O Lord
God of all, and behold us :
2 And send thy fear upon all the
nations that seek not after thee.
«jer. 10. 3 aLift up thy hand "against the
strange nations, and let them see thv

II Or, upon. t> ' J

power.
*Ezek. 20. 4 As thou wast ^sanctified in us
&2S. 25. before them : so be thou
I lg\ I* among them before us.
ci Kings 5 And ^let them know thee, as we
6.43. 6°- have known thee, that there is no

God but only thou, O God.

6 Shew new signs, and make

B.C.
cir. 200.

magnified

other strange wonders : glorify thy
hand and thy right arm, that they
may set forth thy wondrous works.

7 Raise up indignation, and d pour d Ps. 79.
out wrath : take away the adversary,

and destroy the enemy.

8 Make the time short, remember

the " covenant, and let them declare 1 Gr. oath.
thy wonderful works.

9 Let him that escapeth be con-
sumed by the rage of the fire ; and let
them perish that oppress the people.

ternal evidence. The first part of the
chapter Qvv. 1-17) connects itself with the
concluding part of ch. xxxv. — both as regards
Israel and the Gentile world. It is a prayer,
at times sublime, for the deliverance of Israel,
the fulfilment of the prophetic promises, and
the advent of the Messianic kingdom, even
although there is not any mention of a personal
Messiah. As points of subsidiary interest
we note, on the one hand, the tone of sadness
as regards the condition of Israel at the time
the chapter was written, pointing back to a
period of persecution and suffering ; and, on
the other hand, the variations introduced in
the Syriac translation, which, although some-
times seemingly slight, are of great significance
as regards the religious views of the translator.
Of the second part of the chapter (w. 1 8-26)
it is neither easy nor pleasant to speak, espe-
cially when following on such sentiments as
in Part I. The connexion between the verses
is not very obvious, although the whole may
perhaps be summed up under the general
heading " Discernment." Possibly also v. 21
may mark the beginning of a sub-section on
the relation of the sexes. We can only add
that the part as a whole descends from anti-
thetic sayings, neither very wise nor very
elevated, to what may be euphemistic allusions
to the dangers threatening married life from
the presence of unmarried acquaintances (w.
25, 26).

1. Have mercy upon us, <frv.] Syr. " Redeem
us, O God, all of us."

behold [its].] Lat. re sphere.

2. send thy fear upon all the nations that
seek not after thee.] The last words must
be omitted as not found in the original MSS.
of the Greek, but only given by the Vet. Lat.
and Syr. The addition may be an interpola-
tion from Jer. x. 25 or Ps. xxxix. 6. The
Vet. Lat. and Syr. also omit " all."

3. the strange nations.] Syr. (perhaps cor-
ruptly) in the singular.

4. As thou wast sanctified.] JltJHpJ, Ezek.
xxviii. 22, &c. God is sanctified either by
rewarding the well-doer or punishing the
evil-doer: here the latter is indicated.

6. Shew new signs.] The reference seems
to the former miraculous deliverances, espe-
cially to that from Egypt.

and make other strange wonders.] This
should be rendered: and do fresh won-
ders, rUB> (Grot., Fritzsche). This is
confirmed by the Syriac.

glorify.] Perhaps " strengthen " (Syr.),
P;Til, was intended.

8. the covenant.] opKicrfiov ; Sin. Spicrfiov,
confirmed by Syr. Lat. finis ; Arm. and S. H.,
"term." We should therefore substitute
the end. " Bring near " (Syr.) seems a
more suitable verb than " remember."

and let them declare thy wonderful works.]
Syriac, " because there is none that sayeth
unto thee, What doest thou?" Whoever
was the author of this phrase, it is very remark-
able. It is intended to excuse the prayer
" hasten on the time." The writer is repre-
sented as pleading that, if the Divine term
were brought somewhat nearer, no one could
find fault with such a change.

9. Let him that escapeth.] Syr. " In wrath
and fire destroy the hater." We are not
likelv to find any easier reconciliation of this
with the Greek than J»Un and K3TE7I, The
expression is like 1 Kings xix. 17.

and let them perish that oppress thy people.]
Lit. find destruction. Syr. "and all the
lords and princes of the people." Probably

the ?31 of the original meant " and destroy "

(nO)\ misread by both translators. The
violence of the sentiment may have led the
Greek to substitute for it the milder prayer
in the text. A literal translation might have
been dangerous to the Jewish community in
Alexandria.

176

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXXVI.

[v. 10 — 18.

B.C.

cir. 200.

' Jer- 31-
10.

f Dan. 9.
18, 19.

z Exod. 4.
22.

A 2 Chron.
6. 41.
Ps. 132.
14.

II Or, thai
it may
magnify
thine
oracles.

10 Smite in sunder the heads of
the rulers of the heathen, that say,
There is none other but we.

II6' Gather all the tribes of Jacob
together, and inherit thou them, as
from the beginning;.

12 O Lord, / have mercy upon the
people that is called by thy name,
and upon Israel, ■s'whom thou hast
named thy firstborn.

13 O be merciful unto Jerusalem,
thy holy city, h the place of thy rest.

14 Fill Sion "with thine unspeak-
able oracles, and thy people with thy
glory.

B.C.
cir. 200.

prophecies.

15 Give testimony unto those that
thou hast possessed from the begin-
ning, and raise up "prophets that 1 Or,
have been in thy name.

16 Reward them that wait for
thee, and let thy prophets be found
faithful.

17 O Lord, hear the prayer of thy
"servants, according to the z blessing :| Or, «,/-
of Aaron over thy people, * that all * '""*',
they which dwell upon the earth 6.*23.
may know that thou art the Lord, k l Kinss
the eternal God.

18 The belly devoureth all meats,
yet is one meat better than another.

8. 60.

10. the heads.~] Cp. Ps. ex. 6. Syr. " the
crown," perhaps softening the expression.
The verse contains a further appeal against
the tyrannical oppressors of the people of
God — those heathen rulers referred to in
ch. xxxv. 18.

of the heathen.'] The better reading is
of the enemy (best Greek MSS., Syr.,
Lat.).

11. and inherit thou them.'] Probably mean-
ing " give them their inheritance." The Greek
MSS. have "and I inherited," to adapt the
syntax to that of xxxiii. 16 (v. supra). Lat.
et her edit ahis eos, following the Hebrew idiom

as from the beginning.] Syr. " and let them
inherit, as thou saidst from the beginning."

12. the people that is called by thy name.]
eV ovofxari crov. Better Greek would perhaps
be eV ovofiaros. They were the " people of
Jahveh."

whom thou hast named.] Best Greek MSS.
which thou hast likened to. The other
reading is supported by the Syr., and is pro-
bably correct, the reference being to Ex.
iv. 22.

13. the place of thy rest.] The expression
is strictly biblical (Ps. exxxii. 14), and here
very significantly used to point to the final
fulfilment of the good promises of God con-
cerning Israel and Jerusalem.

14. Fill Sion with thine unspeakable oracles.]
Rather, with the talk of thy deeds.
The passage has been admirably restored by
Tischendorf from the Vat. aperaXoyias. The
former editions had apai ra Xoyia <rov, which
Fritzsche endeavours to construe. The Latin
in enarrabilibus -verbis, translated in A. V.,
stands for appr/ToXoyias, which S. H. also
represents. The Syriac seems to point to a
Hebrew TTl1?n3. This is apparently the

only place in Greek literature in which a
derivative of ciperaXoyos is used with its
original meaning. Ordinarily it means a
"buffoon" or "jester." See Mayor on
Juvenal xv. 16. The aperai (in Pindar espe-
cially, " great deeds ") will in this case be real
and not exaggerated.

and thy peopled] Emend from the Syriac,
and thy temple (yaov).

15. Give testimony unto those that thou hast
possessed.] Rather, to thy creations,
i.e. " works from the beginning." Prove the
truth of the record of them by doing others
like them. But the Syr., which renders " con-
firm the testimony of thy servants" is far
simpler: and indeed TH^'y (c^ ^cc'es- *x- x>
epyaalai) may mean either, but more naturally:
" thy servants." Perhaps the phrase " which
were of old " led the translator astray.

and raise up prophets.] Rather, and
raise up the prophecies uttered in
thy name. "Raise them up "in the sense
of waking them out of their sleep — fulfil
them. Syr. " let them come." Similarly
Kivelv is used of waking up an obsolete story.

16. The fulfilment of God's promises is
described as the reward of the patience and
faith of those who now suffer, and the con-
firmation of the truth of prophecy.

17. according to the blessing of Aaron.]
Syr. "according to the will of thy people."
The blessing of Aaron is recorded Numb. vi.
23. With the Syriac cp. Ps. cvi. 4 (with
Peshitto). It seems to us clear that the
Greek is a gloss, and a remarkable one.

the eternal God.] Syr. " that thou alone
art God for ever."

18-20. The general subject is that of
" discernment " — in matters relating to the
senses, as regards the speech, and, lastly, the
deeds of men.

19-26.] ECCLESIASTICUS. XXXVI. XXXVII.

177

B.C.
cir. 200.

/Job 34. 3.

19 'As the palate tasteth divers
kinds of venison : so doth an heart of
understanding false speeches.

20 A froward heart causeth hea-
viness : but a man of experience will
recompense him.

21 A woman will receive every
man, yet is one daughter better than
another.

22 The beauty of a woman cheer-
eth the countenance, and a man
loveth nothing better.

23 If there be kindness, meekness,
and comfort, in her tongue, then is
not her husband like "other men.

24 He that getteth a wife begin-

neth "a possession, '"a. help like unto B. c.
himself, and a pillar of rest. cir^aoo.

25 Where no hedge is, there the )^J/tri-z,e
possession is spoiled : and he that >» Gen. 2.
hath no wife will wander up and l8-
down mourning.

26 Who will trust a thief well
appointed, that skippeth from city
to city ? so [who will believe] a
man that hath no house, and
lodgeth wheresoever the night taketh
him ?

CHAPTER XXXVII.

I How to knoiv friends and counsellors. 12 The
discretion and wisdom of a godly man blesseth
him. 27 Learn to refrain thine appetite.

18. The belly. 1 Syr. " the soul " or " appe-
tite ;" and " sweeter " for " better."

19. tasteth [divers kinds of] venison.']
Omit the words within brackets. The
English rendering follows a different inter-
pretation from that of Fritzsche, which is
that the palate distinguishes venison from
other kinds of flesh. The Hebrew expression
(which it is hard to recover) may have signi-
fied " high " meat. It is this which the palate
can distinguish, whereas in v. 1 8 the differ-
ence is discovered during digestion.

20. A froward heart causeth heaviness.]
Syr. " a hidden heart — great is the care
thereof."

but a man of experience ivill recompense him?]
Syr. " understands these things.'

The difference between the two translations
proves the original to have been obscure.
The sentiment intended was very likely that'
of Prov. xx. 5.

21. Omitted by the Syriac.

22. the countenanced] " Her husband's "
(Vet. Lat.) ; cp. xxvi. 2. The Syriac has
"praiseth," reading 113^0 for PISK^D, and
makes the countenance the woman's. The
idea is that of love being kindled by the eyes,
often dwelt on by the Greek poets.

a man loveth nothing better?] Lit. it
surpasseth all human desire. Syr.
"every desire of the eyes;" possibly an in-
tentional sobering down of the expression.

23. and comfort '.] Omit these words (found
in Vet. Lat., Co., 248 ; = XS1D1 according to
Fritzsche).

is not . . . like other men.] His lot far
surpasses theirs, oi kot dvdpanovs is a very
common Greek phrase, always used in the
sense of " better " or " higher than man."
The verse is wanting in the Syriac.
ApOC. — Vol. II.

24. getteth.] Fritzsche, " by purchase or
otherwise."

beginneth a possession?] Commences pos-
sessing. But there is little doubt that we
should read (following the guidance of the
Syriac) : " As the beginning of thy possessions,
obtain a wife," — H^X HJIP pp TWVTI, a
verse modelled on Prov. iv. 7, !"IEDn rPSWl
HDIin n:p. The Greek translator here pointed

nj'p for npp ; but fpdpxercu is very likely an
error of the transcribers for iv apxii- Hesiod
in the well-known lines makes a wife the
second possession.

a help like unto himself] See margin.
and a pillar of rest.] Compare the Latin
phrase acquiescere in aliquo.

25. the possession^] Rather, the vine-
yard. Cp. Syr. here, and note on xxviii. 24.

ivill wander up and down mourning.] " Is.
taken captive and dispersed," Syr. The
original may have been obscure ; the A. V.,
however, suits the context sufficiently. S.
Ephraem (' Opp. Gr.' i. 92 d) quotes this,
verse, substituting however uiropovri, "pa-
tience," for -yvvj].

26. well appointed.] Syr. "like an ante-
lope."

that skippeth.] The better reading (Lat.
exilicus). The Vat. has " that tumbleth."

hath no nest.] Syr. " wife," interpreting.

and lodgeth.] Syr. "and dieth;" but we
should perhaps emend /otj for /nVi i.

wheresoever the night taketh him.] Lit.
wheresoever he happens to be at
eventide. The verb represented is one of
a class of Semitic verbs signifying "to be
somewhere at a certain time." Fritzsche
suggests 3"iJ?n (1 Sam. xvii. 16).

178

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXXVII.

[V-

B.C.
cir. 200.

friend

VERY friend saith, I am his 3 O wicked imagination, whence

friend also : but there is a earnest thou in

which is only a friend in with deceit ?
name. 4. "There is a companion,

2 Is it not a grief unto death, when rejoiceth in the prosperity of a friend,

a companion and friend is turned to but in the time of trouble will be

to cover the earth
which

an enemy

against him.

B.C.
cir. 200.

ch. 6.

CHAPTER XXXVII.

The three main divisions of the chapter are
well marked. Advice in regard to friends
(substantially the same as that given in c. vi.),
whether untrustworthy or otherwise (i>v.
1-6), is followed by directions with reference
to counsel (yv. 7-15) — when and with what
limitations it should be sought and taken.
This naturally leads to general remarks on
the need of reflection and the character of real
wisdom (yv. 16-26). The stanza is very
artistically arranged. Three classes of wise
men who are not really such (w. 19, 20, 22)
are contrasted with three who are really wise
(w. 23, 24, 26). In each case an explanatory
verse is added after mention of the second
class (v. 21, and again v. 25). The conclud-
ing stanza (vv. 27-31) — if here in its right
place — once more diverges, as in previous
chapters, to a subject not worthy of treatment.
The "counsel," " reflection," and "wisdom "
are to discretion in the choice of food and mo-
deration in it. The only link of connexion
between this chapter and the first seventeen
verses of the preceding is in v. 25. Most
probably the last stanza forms part of the
following chapter.

1. Every friend saitb.~] We can here ob-
serve that the Syriac has lost a letter at the
beginning of the line ; for cn\~, ,.• \n we

should perhaps read |^; \\m.

I am bis friend also.] ITinnX or TQilX,
meaning " I love him :" cf. Bottcher, ' Lehrb.'
§ 948 ; Driver, ' Hebrew Tenses,' § 11. For
the expression compare Prov. xx. 9 ; and for
the sentiment, ibid. 6.

but there is a friend which is only a friend in
name.'] Syr. " whose name is friend." Com-
paring Prov. xxi. 24, it would seem that the
Greek interpretation of this is wrong; the
author meaning " there is a friend who deserves
the name," i.e. out of the whole number of
self-styled friends there are a few who really
belong to that class.

2. Is it not a grief unto death.] The Syriac
(continuing the last verse), " who cometh not

unto death." Heb.yp!) n.)0 1J? n"S~I, "Com-
eth it not nigh unto death?" The Syrian
therefore wrongly pointed \X?n for &6n, where-
as the Greek read VV for Vti ; but the latter,

by punctuating correctly, came nearer the
sense of the original. Compare with the
phrase Euripides, ' Heracl.' 247, kcu rdb' dy-
Xovrjs weXas, &c. The omission of the word
"nigh" caused the insertion of the glosses "is
therein " (eW) and " remains " (pivei) in dif-
ferent recensions.

when a companion and friend is turned to an
enemy.] Lit. (according to the better reading)
to enmity. Syr. " a true friend should
be to thee as thyself." The original would
seem to have contained the word iTrO, and
also the word p*1V, curiously interpreted in

one of its Arabic meanings ("^>^oi\) by the

Greek, and in another (Jiti^s^) by the

Syrian.

3. The expression is so bitter that we
might fancy the author to be speaking from his
own experience. "O wicked imagination:"
possibly we should take this phrase generally,
comparing Gen. vi. 9. But it may be (as
Fritzsche thinks) an apostrophe of the horrible
idea of the friend becoming unfaithful.

whence earnest thou in.] Lit. whence
wast thou rolled in, — like an unexpected
figure on a stage by a machine; compare F. V.
Fritzsche's note on ' Thesmophoriazusae,'
p. 97, where phrases like diropd y i)p.ii> irpdy-
Harci daificov tis etcrKeKVK\r]Kev are collected
and explained. As the Syriac and Latin both
render "wast thou created," we think the
translator responsible for the Grecism. The
rolling of water, however, may have been also
in the translator's mind.

4. There is a companion which rejoiceth in
the prosperity of a friend.] (Cp. vi. 8-12.)
The Greek, as Fritzsche observes, admits of
three constructions : of which he prefers that
by which eralpos (plXov are combined, "a com-
panion of the friend." But this seems a very
unnatural expression, especially if we consider
the fondness of the ancient languages for repe-
tition of the same word in such cases. The
Syriac has : " Evil is the friend who approacheth
the table." Evidently we have the same confu-
sion between JH ar,d V~\ which was noticed in
xiv. 9; whereas the last words in both versions
are apparently translations of Znj3 !"in?X>2,
nnDty in the later Hebrew meaning " a feast."
The criticism of this verse is very closely con-

5— io.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXXVII.

E. C.
cir. 200.

5 There isa companion, which help-
— eth his friend for the belly, and taketh
uor. in up the buckler "against the enemy.

presence of , -r? &, r. , . /'

the enemy. o forget not thy friend in thy
mind, and be not unmindful of him
in thy riches.

7 Every counsellor extolleth coun-
sel ; but there is some that coun-
selled for himself.

8 Beware of a counsellor, and
know before 'what need he hath ;
for he will counsel for himself; lest
he cast the lot upon thee,

9 And say unto thee, Thy way is
good: and afterward he stand on
the other side, to see what shall befal
thee.

10 Consult not with one that sus-

b. c.

cir. 200.

II Or, what
use there
is of him.

nected with that of the next, which commences
with the same words in the Greek, but with
"good is the friend" in the Syriac. The
probability seems to us in favour of the latter
being right, the Hebrew text before the Greek
translator having been corrupted in a very
common manner. Probably, however, in
2HS and 2nx 310 should have been rendered
" an evil friend " and " a good friend." The
rule for the postposition of the adjective may
be broken in the case of JH (Prov. xxix. 6 ;
Ewald, 'Lehrb.' p. 751,- compare Noldeke,
'Syr. Gramm.' p. 150). The translation of
the first clause should then have been "an
evil friend approacheth in prosperity." It is
remarkable that the Aethiop. retains "ap-
proacheth."

will be against him.'] Heb. *T3jJ0 (cp. Syr.),
meaning rather, " will stand aloof."

5. There is a companion which helpeth his
friend for the belly.'] (Cp. vi. 10.) I.e. "out
of sordid motives " (Fritzsche). If we adopt
the corrections of the Syriac Version (see last
note), it will be evident that the friend de-
scribed in this verse must be the opposite of the
former, and that the parasite cannot be referred
to. The Syr. renders : " Good is the friend
who fights against the enemy and takes a
shield." It would seem that this represents the
sense of the original. The parallelism, how-
ever, makes it probable that some words had
been omitted, which the Greek xdPw ya<TTP6s
represent. We suggest that the Hebrew was

Dm nys prfo ana aio, «a good friend

nghteth on behalf of a friend," the word Dm
(by a rather violent Aramaism) being used
for " a friend," for the sake of the assonance

with .urbl. The Greek wrongly pointed this
word Drn, "the belly" (cp. Ps. cix. 4), while
the homoeoteleuton caused the omission of
the words in the Syrian's copy.

taketh up the buckler.] Cp. Ps. xxxv. 2.

6. Forget not thy friend in thy mind.] Syr.
"praise not (nat^P) ^ for n3BJn ^) thy
friend lightly" ("at the beginning of the
friendship," Barhebraeus).

and be not unmindful of him in thy riches.]

Syr. "make him not ruler over thy house;"
perhaps lilKETl bx, read variously with V
and & Though the Hebrew text may be
restored with some certainty, it is by no means
easy to detect the original purport of the
clauses. As, however, the tone of most of
these precepts is that of warning rather than
of exhortation, it is probable that the Syriac is
nearer the truth than the Greek. We venture
to suggest (assuming » twice corrupted to a)
that the author meant, " praise not thy friend
above a kinsman, and exalt him not over thy
household;" and, if so, as a corrective to a
misapplication of Prov. xxvii. 10. The Aeth.
translator conjectures (?) TvXn for ^vXrh
"forget not thy friend in thy wealth," — an
attractive suggestion, which, however, would
be certainly misleading.

_ 7. Every counsel/or extolleth counsel.] (Cp.
vi. 6.) Lat. prodit ; " considers his own
counsel best," Schleussner. Fritzsche regards
the text as corrupt. Our simplest course will
be to read i&pel for egaipei, though so obvious
a suggestion can scarcely have been left to us
to make. The verse will then apparently be
modelled on v: 1 (rras (pfoos ipel 'Efyik'ia&a
(lira Kaya), and the original meaning have
been "every counsellor will say: Counsel,"
i.e. will call the course he suggests counsel, and
therefore properly for the benefit of the person
to whom it is given ; whereas in some cases
the counsellor himself is the person intended
to profit thereby. The Syriac, " Behold every
counsellor; yet there is 'counsel that is well
made," seems to be a loose paraphrase rather
than a translation. Compare 'Derekh Erets,'
p. 38: "beware of him that counselleth
according to his own way (for his own
interest)."

8. what need he hath.] I.e. what is his real
purpose or design.

lest he cast the lot upon thee.] It is useless
inquiring what this can mean, since the Syr.,
by its rendering " an evil plot," seems to have

interpreted ?3n rightly as "a net:" "lest he
entangle thee in his net." Fritzsche finds this
meaning in ne forte mittat sudem in terram of
the Lat.

10. Examples of the persons whose advice

N 2

i8o

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXXVII.

[v. ii— 13.

e. c. pecteth thee : and hide thy counsel

:ir. 200. r , .1

— from such as envy thee.

11 Neither consult with a woman
touching her of whom she is jealous ;
neither with a coward in matters of
war ; nor with a merchant concern-
ing exchange ; nor with a buyer of
selling ; nor with an envious man of
thankfulness ; nor with an unmer-
ciful man touching kindness ; nor
with the slothful for any work ; nor

with an hireling for a year of finish-
ing work ; nor with an idle servant
of much business : hearken not unto
these in any matter of counsel.

12 But be continually with a godly
man, whom thou knowest to keep
the commandments of the Lord,
whose mind is according to thy mind,
and will sorrow with thee, if thou
shalt miscarry.

13 And let the counsel of thine

B.C.

cir. 2oo-.

should not be taken. First, one that suspecteth
thee; rather, one that looketh upon
thee with ill-favour: cp. L. and S. s. v.
vTToffKtTTU). The Syriac Version paraphrases
this "thy enemy;" but the Lat. in some MSS.
retains a remarkable variant, " thy father-in-
law," which has indeed no value in itself, but
points to an original TDn, rightly derived by
Syr. and Greek from the Aramaic verb NDn,
" to see," which apparently was used with the
same specialization as the Hebrew \fy and Lat.
invideo. This verse comes in the Vet. Lat.
between 5 and 6 ; see on v. n.

11. Neither consult.'] Necessary to the sense,
but omitted in the Vet. Lat. and Syr. The
Lat. commences with the words, " With an
irreligious man treat about holiness, and with
an unjust man about justice ;" probably inter-
polated, when, owing to the transposition of
■v. 10, the sentence was left without a natural
commencement.

<with a woman touching her of whom she is
jealous.'] dvri^r/Xof. Lagarde, 'Mittheilungen'
(Gottingen, 1884), 133, says: "The thing to
be ascertained by further investigation is the
signification of dvr[(r]\os. We can only
guess that it is fellow-wife, we do not know
it ; from Steph. ' Thes.' i. 2, 908, it cannot be
proved." Syr. "lest thou commit adultery
with her;" probably through some misunder-
standing, though even in the Greek the subject
of deliberation here is not strictly parallel to
the rest. Compare ' Derekh Erets,' p. 19.

neither with a coward in matters of war.]
Syr. " with an enemy lest thou fight."

with a merchant concerning exchange.] I.e.
about goods, and more particularly about his
goods (Syr.). His advice should not be asked
on such matters as the article to be taken. In
all these cases the reader is warned not to ask
counsel of any person directly interested in the
result of the deliberation.

with a buyer of selling.] I.e. about the price,
as Syr. " his price,"— the price which he ought
to pay. In the East it would seem that these
precepts are by no means unnecessary.

Then follows a class of counsellors who,

from their character, are incapable of being
judges of the matter to be discussed.

with an envious man of thankfulness.]
Rather, with an ill-natured man (cf.
Syr. ; Lat. viro livido).

with the slothful for any work.] The habi-
tually timid and shrinking must not be con-
sulted about taking any important step.

with an hireling for a year of finishing work.]
Lit. with a domestic servant. The
readings, however, vary ; and Alex, has " for
a yearly servant," which is supported by Lat.
Syr. " with an evil hireling bind not up [i.e.
confide not] a secret." A man hired by the
time would be a bad counsellor concerning
the point at which the work was finished;
since it would be to his interest to protract
the period as long as possible (Bretschneider).
Since no similar disqualification can be urged
against the " domestic servant," we prefer the
reading eWrei'ou.

with an idle servant of much business.]
Rather, "work." Syr. "with a servant who
seeks to harm his master," in which we re-
cognize 2"Q, but scarcely anything more.
The opinion of a lazy servant must not be
asked on the question whether there is much
work to be done. (Cp. Prov. xviii. 9.)

12. The attributes of the good counsellor
follow.

a godly man, whom thou knowest to keep the
commandments of the Lord.] W hose advice will
therefore be uniformly on the side of right.

whose mind is according to thy mind.] W hose
advice will therefore be disinterested. The
first qualification is wanting in the second
class of counsellors mentioned above ; the
second in the first.

and if thou stumhlest, will grieve
with thee.] For this the Syr. has: "andwho,
when thou art hurt, is hurt himself, and with
whom it goes well when it goes well with thee."
Both are explanations of the previous clause.

13. Yet self-reliance is, after all, better.
And let the counsel of thine own heart

v. 14-

-22

]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXXVII.

181

B.C.

cir. 200.

own heart stand : for there is no man
more faithful unto thee than it.

14 For a man's mind is sometime
wont to tell him more than seven
watchmen, that sit above in an high
tower.

15 And above all this pray to the
most High, that he will direct thy
way in truth.

16 Let reason go before every en-
terprize, and counsel before every
action.

17 The countenance is a sign of
changing; of the heart.

18 Four manner of things appear :

good and evil, life and death : but
the tongue ruleth over them continu-
ally.

19 There is one that is wise and
teacheth many, and yet is unprofit-
able to himself.

20 There is one that sheweth wis-
dom in words, and is hated : he shall
be destitute of all ' food.

21 For grace is not given him
from the Lord ; because he is de-
prived of all wisdom.

22 Another is wise to himself; and
the fruits of understanding are com-
mendable in his mouth.

B.C.

cir. 200.

llOr,

•wisdom.

stand.'] Rather, And call the council of
thine own heart; a figure curiously like
that of Plautus, ' Mostell.' 688, "hue conces-
sero dum mihi senatum consili in cor convoco."
The Syrian probably had a mutilated original
before him.

14. And men's instinct ordinarily tells them
what to do. A similar sentiment to that in
the text occurs in the so-called ' first Alpha-
bet of Ben Sira :' " Let there be to thee sixty
counsellors ; yet desert not thine own soul."
Syr. " the heart of a man rejoices in his way."
Perhaps the renderings represent 13113 TJ11

and "13 7I|J> respectively; and the original
meant " tells him concerning his way."

than seven watchmen that sit above in an
high tower.] Syr. " than the useless wealth
of the world."

15. And after self-reliance, prayer is of
primary importance. The counsellors are
given in the inverse order of importance, —
one's friends, oneself, God.

16. Third stanza (see introd. remarks).
Let reason go before every enterprize.]

Rather, perhaps, a word is the begin-
ning of every act. The Syriac here
Follows a mutilated original : " before all men

and before everything," '3S?1 . . . ?3 *JS?

im . . . ho.

17. The countenance is a sign of changing of
the heart.] The words " the countenance is "
are a gloss from 155, 248, and Co., and must
be omitted. The words remaining, " a sign
of changing of the heart," are in apposition
with ptpr], according to Fritzsche, " four
things come to light as the signs of the chang-
ing of the heart;" a sense which seems ob-
viously inappropriate. Lat. verbum nequam
immutavit cor. The Syriac omits the words.
We believe them to be inexplicable in their

present condition ; and suggest that they are
part of xiii. 21, 22, written by some one on
the margin.

18. Four manner of things appear.] Lit.
four parts. One may compare Deut. xxx.
19, "I have set before you life and death, the
blessing and the curse." The Syriac has:
" the Lord created all things."

but the tongue ruleth over them continually.]
Compare Prov. xviii. 21. Syr. " and he that
ruleth over his tongue shall be saved from
evil." This reminds us very temptingly of

the Arabic _ jo (Wright, ii. p. 1 1 3, Rem. b.).

19. The commentators quote from Menan-
der, fj.i<ra> cro<pi(TTTjv o<ttis ovx avru> (ro<p6s.
The passage cannot have been understood by
the Syr.

20. he shall be destitute of all food.] Syr.
" depriveth himself of all honour;" Lat. " of
everything." The original, however, may
have contained some vigorous phrase.

21. This verse is omitted by Syr., and may
be an explanation of the fact mentioned in
v. 20.

22. the fruits of [add his] understanding
are commendable in his mouth.] " Commend-
able" is an emendation of 248, Co., Lat,
for "faithful," which, as Bretschneider and
Fritzsche have seen, is an interpolation from
the end of the next verse. The Syriac order
is somewhat confused here. It would seem,
however, that the clause corresponding to this
is 23 £, "and the fruits of his works are from
the appearance of his face." The combination
of these two renderings suggests an original

like VD biptt inmy nS1, "and his own
mouth receives the fruit of his understanding."
The Syrian and the first Greek translator both

took ?3DQ as a preposition, whereas ItraiveToi,

182 ECCLESIASTICUS. XXXVII. XXXVIII. [v. 23-31.

B.C.
cir. 200.

b Prov.

35-
II Or,
credit.

23 A wise man instructeth his
people ; and the fruits of his under-
standing fail not.

24 A wise man shall be filled with
blessing ; and all they that see him
shall count him happy.

25 The days of the life of man
may be numbered : but the days of
Israel are innumerable.

26 b A wise man shall inherit ,: glo-
ry among his people, and his name
shall be perpetual.

27 My son, prove thy soul in thy
life, and see what is evil for it, and
give not that unto it.

28 For all things are not profitable

for all men, neither hath every soul B. c.

1 . . J cir. 200.

pleasure in every thing. —

29 c Be not unsatiable in any^ch. 31.
dainty thing, nor too greedy upon I2' I7'
meats :

30 For " excess of meats bringeth n Or,
sickness, and surfeiting will turn into vJf%eats.
choler.

31 By surfeiting have many pe-
rished ; but he that taketh heed
prolongeth his life.

CHAPTER XXXVIII.

I Honour due to the physician, and why.
16 How to weep and mourn for the dead.
24 The wisdom of the learned man, and

of the labourer and artificer : with the use
of them both.

•' praiseworthy," represents a view which made
it a passive participle.

23. A wise man instructeth his people.']
These words remind us of x. i. The Syr.
has : " there is a wise man that is wise at all

times," i.e. reading d?vh for Uvb (= 1DJ&),
and V* for B»K. If we consider (i) the
parallelism, (2) the frequent omission of letters,
we shall perhaps decide in favour of the Syriac
reading. The division implied in these verses
is into (1) the wise to others but not to them-
selves; (2) neither to themselves nor others;
(3) to themselves and not to others; (4) to
both. The Syr. has misunderstood the second
clause. Comp. 'Abhoth de R. Nathan,' p. 87.

25. And that reputation will last, in spite
of the wise man's death. This verse is omitted
by Syr. On the second clause, see the intro-
ductory remarks.

26. shall inherit glory.] So 248, Co., Lat,
Syr. The better Greek MSS. have "faith."
The original probably meant " shall have a
perpetual inheritance."

27. People should find out their particular
weaknesses, and avoid yielding to them.

28. all things are not profitable for all men.]
Syr. " all food is not good." There has been

a confusion between ?3? and ?3X. We
believe the Greek text to be right.

neither hath every soul pleasure in everything.]
" Pleasure in a little," Syr. This seems clearly
corrupt; \\ . \n for V^Vj. The Arabic trans-^'
lator makes of this : " and a little sufficeth for
the soul."

29. Be not unsatiable in any dainty thing.]

The Syriac has again ?3X for ?3.

nor too greedy upon meats.] Lit. be not
poured out, a very elegant Grecism : com-

pare Aristoph. ' Vespae,' 1469. The Syr.
should be rendered " let not thine eye be evil
over," i.e. be not envious of. This points to

a Hebrew inn ?X, a transposition of *ljjn ?X
of the Hebrew (cf. Is. xxxii. 15).

30. ivill turn into choler.] Lit. will
approach, near to. Cp. xxxi. 20 for the
sentiment, and -v. 2 (with note) for the
expression.

CHAPTER XXXVIII.

The concluding stanza of ch. xxxvii. natu-
rally leads to what forms the subject of the
first twenty-three verses of this chapter. But
when taken in connexion with the second
part of the chapter (vv. 24-end), it seems as
if the first part formed a portion of a larger
train of thought. The subject of the second
part is sufficiently set forth, or at least intro-
duced in v. 24. It is the pre-eminence of
"Wisdom — to which Alexandrians and Pales-
tinians would attach different ideas— as that
which alone was worthy of a man's life, but
to which a man's whole life must be devoted
if it was to be attained. As regards this
general proposition, both Alexandrians and
Palestinians would agree. But when the Son
of Sirach proceeds to compare with such
pursuits all other occupations as not only
inferior to, but incompatible with the pursuit
of wisdom, the_Palestinians would have agreed
with him in regard to agriculture, w. 25, 26,
but not as to handicrafts, the praise of which
is very frequent in Talmudic writings. Indeed,
it was a principle (Quid. iv. 14 ; comp. 29 a)r
although not universally admitted (see in Qidd.
iv. 14, the views of Simeon b. Elazar, but
especially those of R. Nehorai), that every
parent should teach his son some trade or
craft. In accordance rather with Hellenic
than Palestinian ideas, the writer declares all

B.C.

cir. 20c

'. I.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXXVIII.

ONOUR a physician with
the honour due unto him for

the uses which ye may have of him :
a for the Lord hath created him.

183

B.C.

cir. 20c

such occupations needful indeed for ordinary
life, "w. 31, 32, but excluding a man from
those higher distinctions and that higher
work which are sketched in truly Palestinian
fashion.

"With this train of reasoning the subject of
the first part of the chapter may be in this
wise connected that it excludes the occupation
of a physician from the general disparagement
of all other pursuits than study. For the
physician has a direct appointment from God;
his medicaments are directly from God ; and
the exercise and success of his profession are
directly dependent upon God. When we
enter into further details, the various topics
in the first part (vv. 1-23) appear well con-
nected, although their connexion is rather
that of succession of thinking than strictly
logical, when one thought springs from the
other. This, indeed, is the case throughout
Ecclesiasticus— we had almost said in much
of Jewish Wisdom-literature, though certainly
not in the canonical Ecclesiastes. The funda-
mental position of the writer is indicated in
the two opening verses of the chapter. It is
twofold : the physician is to be honoured —
the physician is from God. In the first stanza
(yv. 1-8) it is emphasised that the physician
and his medicaments are from God ; in the
second (iw. 9-15), that healing is from God,
and that it implies repentance and good
works on our part. Throughout the writer
does not seem quite clear how to combine
the skill of the physician with absolute
help from God. A very curious instance of
rationalistic interpretation of the miracle re-
corded in Ex. xv. 23-25 occurs in v. 5, which
seems to imply that the healing was in the
wood. (Gomp. the same view in Philo, 'de
vita Moys.' i. 33; and another rationalistic
explanation of the miracle in Jos. ' Antiq.' iii.
1, 2.) The apparent depreciation of the
physician in <v. 15 is not inconsistent with the
honour previously ascribed to him. It only
presents another aspect of the subject, and
the reference in v. 1 5 is not so much to the
physician as to the sick who require his aid —
dangerous illness being regarded, according
to Jewish ideas, as the judgment of the Lord.

From such reference to dangerous sickness
the transition in the third stanza (w. 16-23)
to death and mourning is easy and natural.
The" writer enjoins the duties towards the
dead, and the usual practice of mourning,
but tempers the latter with the caution that
while too little of it would give offence, too
much is unadvisable, as alike hurtful unto
oneself and foolish. We have here that
mixture of selfishness and Eastern world-

wisdom with religion which forms one of the
characteristics of the book (see General
Introduction). Alike its philosophy and its
theology are far from elevated— a kind of
fatalism not unmixed with a constant regard
for self underlying all. Yet even here what
may be designated as the " ground-tone " in
the previous two stanzas is not changed. The
two ideas are still present to the writer : on
the one hand, what men will think of us;
and, on the other, that all is from God.

We feel tempted to note a few Rabbinic
parallels to this chapter. In regard to the
honour due to the physician (see note on i>. 1)
we have the exact parallel in Aramaic in Jer.
Taan. 66 d and in pure Hebrew (though with
different application) in Shem. R. 21 (see our
note on Ecclus. xviii. 19). On the other
hand, we read also : " The best of physicians
deserves Gehenna" (Qidd. iv. 14). The de-
pendence of healing upon God, and the need
of humiliation, prayer, and good works in
such cases, were generally acknowledged
Rabbinic principles. In connexion with
v. 12 we might quote this: " He that suffers
pain goes to the physician " (Babh. Q_v 46 b)
— although the proverb has a wider and
general application in the Talmud. In regard
to v. 15 we read this as " a proverb " : " The
door that is not open to charity (the poor)
shall be open to the physician" (Bemid. R.
9, and Midr. on Cant. vi. 11). The duties in
reference to the dead are often insisted upon
by the Rabbis. As regards excessive sorrow,
referred to in -v. 18, we read: "Every one
who mourns over the dead beyond measure
weeps over another dead " (viz. he will himself
die), MoedQ^2 7^. On the subject of trades
and occupations, we have already given paral-
lels. But as regards the infinite superiority
of the student to all others, referred to in w.
31-end, we recall the contemptuous answer
of Jochanan b. Zakkai to the workman who
claimed equality with the Rabbi, since both
laboured for the public good, and to whom
the Rabbi would apply Eccles. iv. 1 7 (see the
Midrash on the passage). And although (Ber.
1 7 a) the Rabbis are said to have placed on
the same level the work of the labourer in the
field and that of the student in the city, pro-
vided only his heart be directed towards God
— by which, however, we are to understand
that he engaged in study of the Law accord-
ing to his ability — yet the immense superiority
of the professed student of the Law to all other
classes of men is too well known to require
illustration. Lastly, as regards the miracle
recorded in Ex. xv. 25, it may be interesting
to know that the rationalistic explanation

184

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXXVIII.

[v. 2—8.

B.C.
cir. 200.

II Or,
a gift.

2 For of the most High cometh
healing, and he shall receive ,: honour
of the king.

3 The skill of the physician shall
lift up his head : and in the sight of
great men he shall be in admiration.

4 The Lord hath created medi-
cines out of the earth ; and he that is
wise will not abhor them.

5 h Was not the water made sweet b. c.

with wood, that the virtue thereof
might be known ?

6 And he hath given men skill,
that he might be honoured in his
marvellous works.

7 With such doth he heal [men,]
and taketh away their pains.

8 Of such doth the apothecary

* Exod.
*5- 25-

given by the Son of Sirach (in v. 5) occurs
also in the Targum Onkelos. (For the views
of Philo and Josephus, see above.)

1. which ye may have of him.~] These
words must be omitted, as not in the Greek.
Syr. " Honour a physician before thou needest
him;" with which the quotation in the Tal-
mud and Midrash, vhn 1J> TD&6 ">^N
Hv "|1DVn, exactly agrees (Jer. Taan. 66 d;
Shem. R. 21). We learn, therefore, that in
the Greek text (1) we must emend irpo ttjs
Xpt'ias avrov for npos ras xpeias; and (2) we
must omit rivals. This last may be merely
a copyist's error; or it may have been inserted
by some one who desired a more natural con-
nexion between clauses a and b, and imagined
the word ripens (" his natural " or " proper
honours") would give this. We do not think
" honour " is here used in the sense of " pay,"
in spite of the interesting Latinism ut medico
honos haberetur, cited by Baduellus. The sub-
ject of ill-health probably suggested to the
author the remarkable character of the medical
art, which even those who are not afflicted
with illness ought, he thinks, to appreciate.
The sentiment, therefore, is wholly different
from that of xviii. 19, but does not imply
"either that people were in the habit of
employing medical aid too seldom, nor that
the medical profession was insufficiently re-
spected" (Fritzsche).

for the Lord hath created him.~\ Syr. (and
perhaps Greek): " for him, too, the Lord hath
created." Like the poet, nascitur, non fit.
Even the vast advances in the science made
since the author's time do not prevent this
observation still holding good. Yet the mean-
ing may be simply that God hath appointed
the healing art, " which is as necessary to the
human body as cultivation to plants" (Mid-
rash on Samuel, p. 28 b).

2. For of the most High cometh healing, <&>Y.]
Syr. " for by God is a physician taught." It
is probable that both translators are wrong
in supplying a verb in the first clause. The

original (probably tip" -f?DS1 niX31 "»'"•» *3
niNSn) may have meant : " For from a king
one can receive honour ; but from God only
the art of healing ; " the phrases being (as

sometimes in the Proverbs) inverted probably
to call attention to the play on the roots 1X3
and X31; with which compare Isa. lxi. 3.
The author. is not alluding to the custom
of maintaining state-physicians (which is well
attested), but to the nature of his distinction,
which, coming from a higher source, entitles
its recipient to higher respect than any title
bestowed by kings. If the reading "gift"
of the best authorities (for " honour ") be
correct, this note will have to be modified only
in respect of the play on words suggested.

3. The skill of a physician shall lift up his
head.] The author means that this eminence
of the medical profession is as a matter of fact
generally recognised, and that there is no
position of honour to which a physician of
unusual skill may not aspire. The case in
Gen. 1. 2 (cited by Delitzsch, s. v. Arznei-
kunst, in Riehm, 'Handwbrterbuch') is per-
haps to be explained by the special ideas of
the Egyptians.

and in the sight of great men he shall be in
admiration.] Syr. " he shall be brought."
The latter seems a more likely expression
than the Greek rendering.

4. And no suspicion should attach to the
instruments of the art. A paraphrase of the

original is here preserved : DV2D !"l?yn rTPX
pxn p. The word for "medicines" is
adopted by the Syr. and S. H.

will not abhor them.] Perhaps some sects
then, as in our times, disliked the employment
of natural agency in the healing of the sick.
(See Midrash, /. c.)

5. A scriptural argument in proof of the
last assertion.

that the power thereof might be known.]
Syr. " the power of God," perhaps a religious
emendation on the part of the Syrian trans-
lator. Fritzsche (after Bretschneider), think-
ing that it is the virtue of the simples which
is here being insisted on, prefers the reference
to the wood ; and this seems the correct view
(see the introd. to the chapter).

7. With such doth he heal men, and taketh
away their pains.] Syr. " doth the physician
relieve;" similarly Lat., in his curans mitigabit

9-i 6.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXXVIII.

185

B.C.

cir. 200.

; Isai.
38. 2.

lOr,

as <s dead

man.

make a confection ; and of his works
there is no end ; and from him is
peace over all the earth.

9 My son, in thy sickness be not
negligent : but c pray unto the Lord,
and he will make thee whole.

10 Leave oft" from sin, and order
thine hands aright, and cleanse thy
heart from all wickedness.

1 1 Give a sweet savour, and a
memorial of fine flour ; and make a
fat offering, "as not being.

12 Then give place to the phy-
sician, d for the Lord hath created

him : let him not go from thee, for
thou hast need of him.

13 There is a time when in their
hands there is good success.

14 For they shall also pray unto
the Lord, that he would prosper that,
which they give for ease and I remedy
to prolong life.

15 He that sinneth before his
Maker, let him fall into the hand of
the physician.

16 My son, 'let tears fall down
over the dead, and begin to lament,
as if thou hadst suffered great harm

B.C.
cir. 200.

I Or,

curing.

' ch. 22.
n.

1 Thess.
4- 13-

dolorem; and Ben Sira, KSIO NSin Dm
!"DOn nX. The Qal participle having become
a substantive, that of Piel is employed instead.
The Greek original must have been corrupted.

8. Of such doth the apothecary make a con-
fection^ Rather, the perfumer. Heb.
preserved as above in Ber. R. 10, npin DH3

nnp-ion nx np-10.

and of his works there is no end ; and from
him is peace over all the earth.] This means,
according to Drus., Grot., Fritzsche, that
before the drug is made, the patient is already
healed — a hyperbolical description of the ex-
cellence and rapidity of the effects of these
simples. Syr. "that work may not fail, nor
wisdom from the face of the earth ;" repre-
senting the same text with the single alteration
of "wisdom" for "peace." In spite of the
ingenuity of the explanation quoted, we believe
the Syr. rendering to be right ; for the per-
fumer's concoction can have no such effect,
nor were the trades of physician and chemist
distinct in those days. Though all these
artists are inspired by God, yet they are made
to employ certain simple means. The reason
for which, the philosopher thinks, is a Divine
design to encourage science; which otherwise
would vanish, being useless. "Miraculous"
healing would never have suggested a study
of botany or mineralogy. " Peace " in the
Greek text is probably a false repetition of

u?y (avvreXiajf) from the foregoing clause.

9-15. Second stanza,
remarks.

See introductory

9. be not negligent^] The word Trapdfi\e7re
is difficult. Lat. non despicias te ipsum.
Fritzsche, with many others (as A. V.),
"Neglect not to pray;" but it is doubtful
whether the word can bear the meaning.
The Syr. omits it. May it be a marginal
variant from the last verse representing
W^i jj of Syr. there ?

but pray unto the Lord, and he will make thee

whole.'] Syriac, "because he is the healer;"
and either this, or "that he may heal thee,"
must have been the meaning of the original.

10. Leave off from sin, and order thy hands
aright.] Lit. straighten thy hands.
Bretschneider compares such phrases as
" pure hands " (Job xvii. 9, &c.). Fritzsche
thinks guilt is symbolized by crooked hands
(compare with this Propertius, iii. 7, 60). The
expression is in any case a strange one. The
Syriac omits it. Bretschneider remarks on
the Jewish theory that bodily pain was a
punishment for sin.

11. as not being.] "He who regards him-
self as lost will assuredly give the best thing
in his possession to God " (Fritzsche). The
whole verse is omitted in the Syr., and the
last clause of it in the Vet. Lat.

12. for the Lord hath created him . . . go
from thee.] These words are omitted in the
Syr., and may contain an interpolation from v. 1.

14. that he would prosper that, which they
give for ease and remedy to prolong life.]
Rather, for the sake of life; i.e. to
make a living (Fritzsche). Syr. " and by his
hand there may come healing and life."

15. The Armenian Version here recom-
mences. The Syr. renders : " because he that
sinneth ... is given . . . ," which would trans-
form what might seem an attack on physicians
generally into a reason why prayer should be
employed. The sentiment in the Greek form
would seem at first sight unlike what we have
had in the previous verses; but see the remarks
on the subject in the introduction to this
chapter. On the other hand, the Syriac gives
an unnatural expression. For the language,
comp. Prov. xxii. i\b.

16. let tears fall down.] Cp. Jer. ix. 17.
begin to lament.] Probably fU*p KB\

as if 'thou hadst suffered great harm.] The
Hebrew (e.g. "|? SJT1) probably meant " feel

i86

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXXVIII.

[v. 17—28.

B.C. thyself; and then cover his body
1j_^°' according to the custom, and neglect
not his burial.

17 Weep bitterly, and make great
moan, and use lamentation, as he is
worthy, and that a day or two, lest
thou be evil spoken of : and then
comfort thyself for thy heaviness,
/ch. 30. 18 S For of heaviness cometh
=3Cor. 7. death, and the heaviness of the
I0- s heart breaketh strength.

j3Pj°''' 19 In affliction also sorrow re-

& 17. 22. maineth : and the life of the poor is
the curse of the heart.

20 Take no heaviness to heart :
drive it away, and remember the last
end.

21 Forget it not, for there is no
turning again : thou shalt not do him
good, but hurt thyself.

11 Or, the 22 Remember " my judgment : for
nj>ou him. thine also shall be so ; yesterday for
h me, and to day for thee.

12. 20. ' 23 * When the dead is at rest, let

his remembrance rest; and be com- B.C.
forted for him, when his spirit is — °"
departed from him.

24 The wisdom of a learned man
cometh by opportunity of leisure :
and he that hath little business shall
become wise.

25 How can he get wisdom that
holdeth the plough, and that glorieth
in the goad, that driveth oxen, and
is occupied in their labours, and whose

talk is :l of bullocks ? «Gr. of the

26 He giveth his mind to make bullocks*
furrows : and is diligent to give the

kine fodder.

27 So every carpenter and work-
master, that laboureth night and day;
and they that cut and grave seals, and
are diligent to make great varietv,
and give themselves to counterfeit
imagery, and watch to finish a work :

28 The smith also sitting by the
anvil, and considering the iron work,
the vapour of the fire wasteth his

that thou hast suffered," and the Greek
implies the same.

according to the custom.'] Rather, accord-
ing to his due. laB'J'QS — perhaps, in
graveclothes suited to his station ; compare
Herodotus, ii. 139.

neglect not his burial.'] This may refer to
some abuse of the time, but more probably is
only a solemn injunction of what was regarded
as a religious duty.

17. Weep bitterly, and make great moan.]
The Syr. has a very different sentiment :
" Wine and refreshment for mourners ; "
alluding to the customary funeral-feast men-
tioned by Jer. xvi. 7, Tobit iv. 18 (Riehm,
' Handwbrterbuch '). Yet such an allusion
should have been made later on in the
chapter.

24-end. Part II. (see the introd.).

24. The wisdom of a learned man cometh
by opportunity of leisure?] Rather, of a
scribe. The Syriac, "shall increase his
wisdom," seems to be a wilful alteration. As
the Atticists tell us that elicaipia is late
Greek for o-xoAr'/, perhaps one of these
words should be omitted.

and he that hath little business.] And
therefore can enjoy the leisure necessary for
study. Drusius quotes from Hillel, "qui
multum negotiatur non evadet sapiens ;" and
from R. Meir, "minue occupationes et vaca

legi." (The former is a quotation from
Abh. ii. 5 ; the latter from Abh. iv. 10.)

26. to make furrows.] The expression is
a rare one. The Coptic seems to have read
evdiivai or eKnivai, " to straighten." On the
Syriac here, see Payne Smith, 'Thes.' p. 1891.

to give the kine fodder.] Syr. " to finish

his work." Heb. perhaps niSD?, derived by
Syr. from i"l2D instead of X2D. This mis-
take may have led to the other.

27. So.] I.e. cannot become wise.

that laboureth, &-r.] Rather, that spends
the night as the day.

and are diligent to make great variety.']
I.e. to invent fresh and fanciful patterns.

to counterfeit imagery.] I.e. to make the
image resemble the thing counterfeited.

28. considering the iron work.] So the
inferior MSS., Sin., and Alex., Lat., Arm.,
S. H.,Aeth., but Vat. dpya o-iSrjpu, a difficult
phrase. Fritzsche's conjecture that this
means unwrought iron, and that JTP was a
false reading for ]})*, does not seem supported
by the Syr., " considering vessels of weight."

wasteth.] Syr. " splitteth." The Vat.
reading is "stiffeneth." The Heb. ypT
would correspond with the Syr., and is ren-
dered "waste" by the LXX. of Micah i. 4.
Both TT]$ei and irrj^ei might be used for the

v. 29-32.] ECCLESIASTICUS. XXXVIII.

187

B.C.
cir. 200.

flesh, and he fighteth with

the heat
of the furnace : the noise of the
hammer and the anvil is ever in his
ears, and his eyes look still upon the
pattern of the thing that he maketh ;
he setteth his mind to finish his work,
and watcheth to polish it perfectly :
29 So doth the potter sitting at
»'jer.i8.3. his work, and { turning the wheel
about with his feet, who is alway
carefully set at his work, and maketh
all his work by number ;

30 He fashioneth the clay with B. c.
his arm, and " boweth down his cv[^°-
strength before his feet ; he applieth ]^rei&
himself to lead it over ; and he is UwUh
diligent to make clean the furnace :

31 All these trust to their hands :
and every one is wise in his
work.

32 Without these cannot a city
be inhabited : and they shall not
dwell where they will, nor go up and
down :

effects of fire; see Sext. Empir. p. 329, 14
(ed. Bekker).

and be fighteth with the heat of the furnace. ~]
A remarkable phrase. Syr. " he burneth " or
" is burnt with." The original was probably
mnrp, which is almost exclusively employed
of mental warmth, and was probably intended
by the author to refer to the excitement pro-
duced by the heat.

is ever in his ears.~\ Lit. renews his
ears, explained by Grotius as "pleases with
its freshness;" an idea which the context as-
suredly does not confirm. Arm. "excites"
(«!/«?); S. H. "empties" («j/ot?); Aeth.
"annoys" = KvaUt (conjectured also by Grabe),
or rather airoKvaUi, which may be right; aivoK-
paUiv ra. S>Ta, " to wear away the ears," is
a Greek phrase, of which Philo in particular
is fond, applied to persons who are for ever
harping on the same string. No less ingeni-
ous, however, is the conjecture of Fritzsche
that "renews" is a translation of B^rl*, itself a
misreading of BhfV, " deafens," a word formed
like "VIJP. The Syriac has " towards the con-
ception he inclines his hand ; " a remarkable
rendering, the discussion of which would
lead to conjectures not suitable for this place,
but which suggests the correction (f>avf) o-cpiprjs
K\ii>et to ovs airov.

of the thing that he maketh.] Lit. of a
vessel.

The last clause, "he setteth his mind
. . . perfectly," is omitted in the Syr.

29. On the process described in this and
the following verse, see Riehm, 'Hand-
worterbuch,' s. v. Topferei.

•who is airway carefully set at his work.]
Omitted in the Syr.

and maketh all his work by number.] I.e.
makes it to order in definite numbers.

30. He fashioneth the clay with his arm.]
Heb. "1^ ; the Syr. seems to have read ]'T,
"hebreaketh."

and boweth down his strength before his

feet.] The clay is prepared by stamping :
cp. Isa. xli. 25. The Syriac version, "before
his death he is bowed and bent," suggests
that they took " before his feet " as a eu-
phemism (compare the Latin rigidas calces
extendere), scarcely to be found elsewhere.

he applieth himself to lead it over.] " Lead"
must here mean to " glaze," white lead being
employed in certain glazes. On the materials
employed by the ancients in making glazes,
see ' Diet, of Antiq.' s. v. Fictile. The
Hebrew was probably \\TWp (cp. Payne
Smith,'Thes.Syr.'p.224o, s.v. ^joo .j*a2o).
The Syrian, who renders " his work," may
have either confused this with \W))ft, or made
a mere guess at the meaning, as the Aeth.r
who also translates "work," seems to have
done.

and he is diligent [lit. and his sleepless-
ness is] to make clean the furnace^] So that
no improper materials may spoil the pottery.
Syr. " to build " (perhaps corrupt ; cp. Arab.).
Perhaps the phrase in Hos. vii. 4 may suggest

that the Siracide had intended "IJH?, "to

heat," miswritten "H??*

31. All these trust to their hands.] Not,
like the wise man, to their minds. Syr. " all
these for the sake of their profit;" reading,
perhaps, TKD »T3 for TOC 1T2. (Lat.
speraverunt.) Yet there may have been a
play on the words JDX and JON.

and every one is wise.] They have then
a wisdom, which is confined to the narrow
groove of their respective arts; unlike that
described in xxxix. 1. Both the Greek and
Heb. (DDfirP) mean rather "plays the
wise man" than "is wise."

32. These are all essential elements of a
civilised community.

they shall not dwell where they will.] I.e.
men shall not establish any kind of com-
munity (Bad., Drus., Fri.). But the interpre-
tation of Grotius, " they shall not sojourn,"
i.e. these artisans will easily find employment

i88

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXXVIII. XXXIX. [v. 33-34.

B.C
cir. 200

77 They shall not be sought for

r. 200. . OJ , ,. , ' , . P. , .

— in publick counsel, nor sit high in
the congregation : they shall not sit
on the judges' seat, nor understand
the sentence of judgment : they
cannot declare justice and judgment ;
and they shall not be found where
parables are spoken.

34 But they will maintain the B.C.
state of the world, and [all] their -1^?
desire is in the work of their craft.

CHAPTER XXXIX.

A desc7~iption of him that is truly wise.
12 An exhortation to praise God for his
works ; which are good to the good, and evil
to them that are evil.

in their native country, seems more natural.
The Syriac renders : " and wherever they
dwell they shall not hunger." This suggests
that for ov in the Greek we should read ov ;
while " they shall not walk about " (Gr.)
and " they shall not hunger" (Syr.) probably
represent different readings, 1"Qj)* and 12JTP,
of which we should prefer the latter.

33. They shall not be sought for in publick
counsel.'] This clause is not found in any
Greek MSS. except 248 and the second hand
of Sin. ; into the former of which it might
seem to have been introduced from the Syriac.
On the other hand, MS. 248 helps us to correct
the Syriac text (^coAj |j \^y jnVnN,

in which n\^n, "they shall not be wanted,"

is clearly required for " they shall not sit "),
and also preserves apparently a trace of
independence in the preposition iv (Sin. etr).
The true form of the clause would seem to
have been, " they shall not be inquired of
(their opinion shall not be asked) for public
counsel." That the clause forms a genuine
and necessary part of the text is shewn by the
context and the parallelism so forcibly, that
even Fritzsche, ordinarily no friend of either
Syr. or 248, admits it.

nor sit high in the congregation^] Lit.
" overleap." Commentators here think
either of " septa intra quae habetur senatus "
(Grotius) or of "their coming forward into
the front benches " (Arm., Bretschn., Fri.).
Syr. (followed by S. H.): "they shall not be

exalted," perhaps representing a variant wiy

for iy?T, the latter of which, as the more
difficult, should be preferred ; compare also
the uses of t ;, in Syriac (Payne Smith,

' Thes.' p. 945), " gradatim ascendit ad
honores, ad thronum regni promovit."

they shall not sit on the judges' seat.] Cp.
Riehm, s. v. Gerichtszvesen ; Job xxix. 7.

nor understand the sentence of judgment.]
Lit. the covenant of judgment; repre-
senting, according to Fritzsche, DDfJ>D JV"D,
a phrase which he supposes to mean " the
law covenant," i.e. the principles of justice.
No doubt the moral and civil codes were not
separated in those days. Syr. : " covenants
and judgments."

declare.] This requires the alteration of
(K^avaai to ftcfpcivuMTt (Fritzsche).
justice.] Most authorities : "discipline."

they shall not be found where parables are
spoken.] Lit. they shall not be found
in parables; which Grotius interprets of
their not being found quoted among authors
of parables. The Syrian seems to have
pointed "JSIkJO^ actively, " they shall not
find ; " i.e. " they shall not attain to any por-
tion of," which he paraphrastically renders
they shall not " understand." This is pro-
bably the better interpretation. The sug-
gestion that D vtJ>0, " parables," is a mistake

for DvE>D, " rulers " (Gaab), deserves men-
tion.

34. But they ivill maintain the state of the
world.] Grotius quotes the Hebrew phrase

cbty hw 3W jm B»K>, "people by whom the
world is rendered habitable, " applied to artisans,
Sec. Our author's words, however, would

seem to have been W3* D*?W mn DK »3
(Syr. irT). The following clause (in which
their "desire" seems to represent a word
meaning " business," rttl, Syriace) would
appear to give a slight probability to the
Syriac reading "they understand."

and their desire.] The original (probably)
" their meditation : " v. supra.

CHAPTER XXXIX.

This is, perhaps, one of the most interest-
ing chapters in the book. It gives insight
into the views and philosophy of the author,
and into one of the main objects of his work.
Perhaps more clearly than any other it con-
nects itself with the general drift of our
canonical Ecclesiastes in discussing the great
problems of life and the connexion between
the (moral) government of God and the
events and incidents of this world. It sets
forth, from the standpoint of the writer and
presumably of the Chokhmah or religious
philosophy of that period, how the Jewish
sage — the philosophic believer — solved the
great problems of religious thinking. He is
no longer narrow, exclusively Judaic, ignor-
ing other men and other thought, bigoted

B.C.
cir. 200.

!•]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXXIX.

189

UT he that giveth his mind to is occupied in the meditation there- b. c.
the law of the most High, and of, will seek out the wisdom of all cirj_^

and prejudiced. He has learned abroad ; he
has made personal experience of what is
foreign. But, above all, he has been nourished
at the fount of his ancestral religion (t>. 1).
And from a wider consideration of men and
things he returns a firm believer in the God
of Revelation, the God of Israel (yv. 8,
14*/, 15). Alike the main object and the
main result of his thinking and of his investi-
gations was that which also formed the topic
of Cbokhmab-YitereLtuve — presented in Pro-
verbs and Parables (w. 2, 3, 6, 7). This
was the outcome of a proper understanding
of the deeper meaning of the Law, with which
we must here combine the history of Israel,
as the practical application of the fundamental
principles contained in the Law (y. 8), and of
which the full bearing appeared in prophecy
(yv. 1, 22, 23). The. great problem ofi
Chokhmah was to vindicate the ways of God
with man. The thesis itself (or the final
conclusion) is propounded in v. 16 a, and
the manner of its demonstration as well as
its limits are indicated in v. 16 b. Nature,
the history of the world, and the experience
of each individual force upon us— in view of
what seems sometimes unmitigated evil, at
other times like mere accident, or else as if
it were fate— such questions as these : " What
means all this ? wherefore is it ? " (y. 1 7) — that
is, if there be a God, such as Revelation has
set Him forth. The Book of Ecclesiastes
had in part treated the same questions, though
chiefly from the subjective standpoint (as it
were of the laughing philosopher). And it
had answered them by pointing from self, and
seeming accidentalness or fate — in short, away
from moral indifferentism — through eternal,
absolute right and truth, to personal moral
responsibility as the final solution (Eccles. xi.
9 ; xii. 13, 14). But our writer answers them
rather from the objective standpoint. The
progression of thought may be thus marked.
We accept the position that all these seem-
ingly incongruous things, so full of difficulty
when viewed separately, are of and from the
Lord. And we maintain that all His works
are exceeding good — nay, we regard them as
His commands (y. 16): for God reigneth.
But we err and go astray when we view
them separately : we must view them irrtheir
nexus— as integral parts of God's govern-
ment—each "in its season," v. 16 b; each
" for their use," v. 21. And so we reach the
conclusions expressed in w. 33, 34. This,
in our view, will help us to understand alike
the structure and the contents of this chapter,
on which (as so often) the variations in the
Syr. throw additional light.

The praise of the sage in the previous

chapter leads our author to describe the
ideal representative of Hebrew Chokhmah
(Wisdom) in f. 1. In two stanzas, each of
three verses (to 2-4 ; 5-7), his intellectual
and then his spiritual qualifications are de-
scribed. [We omit as spurious the first
clause in v. 6. The pious gloss — omitted in the
Syr. — is worthy of the Greek translator.] In
a third stanza of three verses (w. 8-10) the
activity and final success of this sage are
detailed, the whole appropriately closing with
an encomium in t>. 1 1 which may well be fitted
on to ik 1. We infer that in the view of the
writer the main object and topic of Revela-
tion was Chokhmah or Wisdom. This Wis-
dom was alike based upon and the outcome —
of the Law, as properly understood ; and it
was also fully indicated and vindicated in
prophecy, v. 1. Thus Ben Sira had evi-
dently "passed beyond the merely external
and literal view of the Law, and occupied
the standpoint of the Old Testament Chokh-
wtf£-literature. He continues and further
developes that direction ; but he also imports
into it not indeed Hellenistic ideas, but the
results on his own mind of the influence of
foreign, Grecian, thinking and intercourse.
Similarly, he connects prophecy with the
problems of Chokhmah. In his view it points
to the full vindication of the results of Chokh-
mah. The future kingdom of God, as set
forth in prophecy, would be anti-heathen;
but chiefly he regarded it as the vindication
of the moral government of God, the restora-
tion of moral equilibrium in the world \
(yv. 22-25).

The second part of the chapter (beginning
with v. 12) is intended fully to set forth the
great topic which engages the thinking and
teaching of the Hebrew sage — in other
words, the object and the results of true -
Chokhmah. This is introduced in stanza iv.
(wv. 10-15; six versos) by a solemn appeal,
of which the outcome is that true Chokhmah
will lead to the worshipful acknowledgment
of God. Then follows in the fifth stanza,
also of six verses (-w. 16-21), the statement
of the theme itself (as previously described).
Next we have an analysis of the thesis of
Chokhmah. In stanza vi. of four verses (w.
22-25) tne subject is: the ways of God.
These are described in a threefold antithesis : —
•w. 22 and 23, v. 24*2 and b, and v. 25 a
and b. The seventh stanza, consisting of eight
verses (yv. 26-33), deals with the problem
of the order and phenomena of Nature as
affecting man, and shews that what from
one aspect is good (yv. 26, 27) may from
another aspect prove evil. Yet all cometh
from God, exhibits His wise purposes, and

190

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXXIX.

[v.

-II.

B.C.
cir. 200.

the ancient, and be occupied in
prophecies.

2 He will keep the sayings of the
renowned men : and where subtil
parables are, he will be there also.

3 He will seek out the secrets of
grave sentences, and be conversant
in dark parables.

4 He shall serve among great men,
and appear before princes : he will
travel through strange countries ;
for he hath tried the good and the
evil among men.

5 He will give his heart to resort
early to the Lord that made him,
and will pray before the most High,
and will open his mouth in prayer,
and make supplication for his sins.

6 When the great Lord will, he
shall be filled with the spirit of un-

derstanding : he shall pour out wise b. c.
sentences, and give thanks unto the c'!i!20'
Lord in his prayer.

7 He shall direct his counsel and
knowledge, and in his secrets shall he
meditate.

8 He shall shew forth that which
he hath learned, and shall glory in
the law of the covenant of the
Lord.

9 Many shall commend his under-
standing ; and so long as the world
endureth, it shall not be blotted out ;
his memorial shall not depart away,
and his name shall live from genera-
tion to generation.

10 a Nations shall shew forth his"ch. 44.
wisdom, and the congregation shall I5'
declare his praise.

11 If he die, he shall leave a

executes His behest. The whole concludes
with two verses (yv. 34, 35), of which the
first returns to the original theme (yv. 16,
1 7), while the second reiterates the acknow-
ledgment and praise of God in all things
on the part of true Chokhmah (comp. w.
i±d, i5«, b, c).

1. But he that giveth.] The Greek means
lit. " except him that giveth." There can,
however, be no doubt that the A. V. render-
ing is what the author intended.

of all the ancient.'] Independent literary
effort would seem to have ceased for some
time. At the same time the writer is desirous
of connecting the thinking of his ideal sage
with the results of the previous development,
of which it forms onlv another and further
link.

and be occupied in prophecies^] Cp. Eccles.
i. 13.

2. He <wi/l keep the sajings.] Treasure
them up. Syr. " learn."

and iv here subtil parables are, he nvill be there
also.] The phrase in the Greek (or in the
Hebrew) is taken from Prov. i. 3. The
Syriac has : " and he will reflect on whatever
is deep." We suppose that this represents an
original CpOJJD, corrupted in the copv of the
Greek to D^pjJO, derived from Dpy (Chald.
and Syr.), " perverse," " crooked." For
(TTpncfii) in this sense, a rich collection of
parallels is given by Schleussner, j. v.

3. the secrets of grave sentences.] I.e. the
deeper meaning of wise sayings, which is
secret; that is, hidden from superficial view.

4. Further ways in which he qualifies
himself.

He shall serve among great men.] Syr. " he
shall go."

and appear before princes^] Vat. "a prince."
Syr. this time : " he shall serve among kings
and rulers." The Greek is preferable.

Also he must travel.

he hath tried.] Doubtless the original
meant " he must try," or " is sure to try."
The opening lines of the Odyssey will occur
to every reader.

5. He will look for still higher guidance.

6. And when all these conditions are ful-
filled, a special grace is required to produce
the result. But the words iav . . . Bek^a-rj
are omitted by Syr.

he shall pour out ivise sentences as showers.]
Syr. "parables twofold;" corrected, how-
ever, in the Arab.

and give thanks unto the Lord in his
prayer^] The Syriac renders it : " people will
praise him for his thoughts." Probably the
original was ambiguous.

7. He shall direct his counsel.] Lit. "he
himself."

8. that which he hath learned.] Rather,
wise doctrine.

9. Many shall commend.] Syr. " many shall
learn from;" perhaps Vtf> and 1")V. The
latter in the active could give no satisfactory
sense.

11. If he die.] The Greek MSS. seem all
to have the opposite order: If he persist,

V. 12-

7-]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXXIX.

191

b. c. greater name than a thousand : and
cikjkjo. .j- ^e \[ve^ Y\e shall " increase it.
tor, gam I2 yet have I more to sav, which

unto it. t i-ii 1

I have thought upon ; for I am filled

as the moon at the full.

13 Hearken unto me, ye holy

children, and bud forth as a rose
11 Or, growing by the |; brook of the field :
*Zfwater. x4 -^nd give ye a sweet savour

as frankincense, and flourish as a lily,

send forth a smell, and sing a song

of praise, bless the Lord in all his

works.

15 Magnify his name, and shew

forth his praise with the songs of your b. c.
lips, and with harps, and in praising cir- 2°°-
him ye shall say after this manner :

lb h All the works of the Lord are * Gen. 1.
exceeding good, and c whatsoever he ver. 33.
commandeth shall be accomplished Mark7-
in due season. 1 Tim.

17 d And none may say, What is^'
this ? wherefore is that ? for at time 23- 19.
convenient they shall all be sought d Rom- 9-
out : ''at his commandment the*P
waters stood as an heap, and at the 6> i-
words of his mouth the receptacles 15, 18.
of waters.

he shall leave a greater name than a
thousand; and if he cease, he in-
creases it. The inversion is found very
early, although it does not appear on what
authority. Evidently it was introduced by
some one who hoped thereby to render this
extremely difficult verse easier. The Syriac
renders : " If he will, he shall be praised
among a thousand : and if he be silent, among
a small people." Clearly we have to deal
with a text that has been either corrupted or
misunderstood, for the restoration of which
we venture the following suggestions : — (1)
The verbs "IDJJ and *7E>n might easily be con-
fused, owing to the indistinct pronunciation
of the gutturals in some parts of Palestine.
Between noy DM, "if he stand," and 1CIV DN,
" if he desire," the preference seems to be for
"IDy, on account of "if he cease" in the
second clause. (2) The phrases " he shall
leave a name " and " he shall be praised "
perhaps represent "INK^ and "WW ; doubtless
of the two the latter is the more appropriate.
(3) The phrases eniroid ai™ and "in a small
people " offer no obvious original which would
account for them both ; we suggest, however,
that the original contained words signifying

"without number" (e.g. 13DD i& or "1BDD ^3,

read by the Greek ">SD!? ft). The whole
verse then, we suppose, may have meant : " If
he remain alive, he will be praised by (or 'more
than ') a thousand ; and if he die, by people
without number." Omnia post obitum Jingit
majora vetustas.

12. / am filled as the moon at the full '.] Syr.
" as the moon on the twelfth day;" Heb. ND3
of Prov. vii. 20. The Latin Version has quasi
furore, perhaps having the aeXrjviafrnevoi in
mind.

13. The verses refer, according to Fritzsche,
to the spiritual blooming and blossoming which
will proceed from hearing his hymn.

bud forth as a rose."] The Syriac, " lilies
and cedars," seems to represent different
attempts at rendering "PI.

by the brook of the field.] Better, the
water-brook, as A, C, S, Lat., Arm., S. H.

14. send forth a smell.] Syr. " lift up your
voices."

and sing a song of praise.] Lit. praise
a song; compare Ps. lv. 11. As the trans-
lator is maintaining the schema etymologicum
of the original, he would seem to have derived
aa/jta from ali> eco.

15. Magnify his name.] ?*73 12H.

17. And none may say . . . that.] These
words are omitted in the T. R., but found in
the Greek MSS. (cf. Nestle, p. 127). Their
omission would necessitate the throwing out
of the second clause ; and, as a matter of fact,
both are omitted in the Latin, which sub-
stitutes the second clause here for the second
clause of v. 21. The Syriac, on the other
hand, while omitting t». 21, has our verse in
an enlarged form. Plainly the verse cannot
be original in both places ; the question is
only for which place the author is more likely
to have intended it. Now such a sentiment
seems more natural at the commencement of
the following enumeration than in the middle
of it. We believe, therefore, that the true text
is preserved by the Syriac.

at time convenient they shall all be sought
out.] The Syriac (v. supra) renders: "No
one can say, Wherefore is this and wherefore
that ? for all are created appropriately ; nor
can he say this is good and that evil ; for all
shew themselves men at their time." The
Syriac expression is peculiar, but probably
represents the Heb. "HpC1 (cp. Symm. 1 Sam.
xx. 18), which might well mean "will appear
on the muster-roll."

at his commandment the ivaters stood as an
heap.] I.e. at the Creation, before the sepa-
ration of the waters into their receptacles ; so

igi

ECCLESIASTICUS. XXXIX.

[v. 1 8 — 29.

B.C. 18 -^At his commandment is done

ur^oo. wjiatsoever pleaseth him ; and none

£Ps. 135. can hinder, when he will save.

e Hebr. 19 irThe works of all flesh are

4- 13> before him, and nothing can be hid

from his eyes.

20 He seeth from everlasting to
everlasting ; and there is nothing
wonderful before him.

21 A man need not to say, What
is this ? wherefore is that ? for he
hath made all things for their
uses.

22 His blessing covered the dry
land as a river, and watered it as a
flood.

23 As he hath turned the waters
into saltness : so shall the heathen
inherit his wrath.

i'4H9os' 24 h As his ways are plain unto

cir. 200.

the holy j so are they stumblingblocks v>
unto the wicked.

25 For the good are good things
created from the beginning; : 'so evil ' ch- 4°-

. . o s> io.

things for sinners.

ch. 29.

26 /,;The principal things for the*
whole use of man's life are water,
fire, iron, and salt, flour of wheat, /
honey, milk, and l the blood of the n.cr
grape, and oil, and clothing. ]^ut' 32'

27 "'All these things are for good |h- ^"H
to the godly : so to the sinners they „, Rom J
are turned into evil. 28„

o -t-i 1 • • 1 ilim. 4. 4,

25 1 here be spirits that are cre-
ated for vengeance, which in their
fury lay on sore strokes ; in the time
of destruction they pour out their
force, and appease the wrath of him
that made them.

29 "Fire, and hail, and famine, •< ch. 40.9

Gutmann, Fritzsche. The older interpreters
thought of the Red Sea or the Jordan. The
Syr. has a different verse.

18. At his commandment is done whatsoever
pleaseth him.~\ The Greek means literally,
in his commandment is all pleasure.
The Syriac renders: "with joy is his will
performed."

and none can hinder, ivhen he ivill save.]
Syr. " and none retards his command." Here
a question of some interest arises, which,
owing to the Aramaising character of our
author's Hebrew, is hard to solve. It is quite
clear that the words ppD, " command," and
]p~iS, " salvation," have been confused, but it
is not clear whether that confusion took place
in the Hebrew of the Siracide, or in the Syriac
of the translator. "His command " seems to
us a more natural word in this verse than
" his salvation ;" on the other hand, we have
some hesitation in crediting the Siracide with
so decided an Aramaism as the first hypothesis
requires.

20. The Syriac has a different verse : see
also on v. 16.

22. covered the dry land.] "The dry land"
occurs in the second clause in the Greek.
Lat. inundavit ; Syr. "riseth;" perhaps we
should read eireKKvafP for inwakvtycv.

23. As he hath turned the waters into salt-
ness : so, <b'c] Probably Bretschn. and others
are right in referring " so " to the previous
verse, with the meaning " similarly," " on the
contrary," or " as powerfully." The Syriac
has : " so doth his wrath judge the nations."
Clearly the author meant " his wrath " to be

the subject of the sentence, in antithesis to
his blessing, which is the subject of the previous
verse. The Hebrew then was probably j3
DM2 B»TP in"l, " so doth his wrath drive out
(exterminate) nations ;" and " his wrath " will
also be the subject of the second clause, which
perhaps contains a reference to the Cities of
the Plain. Cp. Ps. cvii. 33.

24. A favourite sentiment with our author.

25. so evil things for sinners.'] Lat. " good
and evil;" Syr. "for sinners also whether for
good or evil." The agreement of these two
versions might seem a strong argument in
favour of this having been the original text.
But the Greek rendering suits the context far
better, and the Syr. and Latin reading may
only represent a later Christian emendation.

26. The place of iron in this list is certainly
remarkable. The Syriac list adds " fat " and
" raiment."

28. The question whether these " spirits "
are angels or winds is discussed by Fritzsche,
who decides for the latter ; yet w. 29, 30
seem to contain a list of these " spirits."
Unless, therefore, it is a poetical phrase for
" forces," we must regard it as embodying
the same idea as in later Rabbinism, which
personified as Angels certain natural pheno-
mena and eventualities.

lay on sore strokes.] Syr. " uproot moun-
tains." The expression D^TH ~lpj? was in
common Rabbinic usage to denote the ac-
complishment of the seemingly impossible or
incredible (see the passages in ' The Life and
Times of Jesus the Messiah,' vol. ii. pp. 109,
376, notes).

-. 3o-35-] ECCLESIASTICUS. XXXIX. XL.

and death, all these were created for good : and he will give every need-
vengeance ; ful thing in due season.

30 " Teeth of wild beasts, and 34 So that a man cannot say, This
scorpions, t " serpents, and the sword, is worse than that : for in time they
punishing the wicked to destruction. shall all be well approved.

31 1 They shall rejoice in his com- 35 And therefore praise ye the
mandment, and they shall be ready Lord with the whole heart and
upon earth, when need is ; and when mouth, and bless the name of the

*93

B. C.
cir. 200.

" Deut. 32
24.

/ Wisd.
16. 5-

II Or,
vipers.

9 Job 38.
35-

Ps. 148. 3. their time is come, they shall not

transgress his word.

32 Therefore from the beginning

I was resolved, and thought upon

these things, and have left them in

♦•Gen. 1. writing.

31. ^

ve'r. 16. 33 r All the works of the Lord are

B.C.
cir. aoo.

Lord.

CHAPTER XL.

Many miseries in a maris life. 12 The
reward of unrighteousness, and the fruit of
true dealing. 17 A virtuous wife and an
honest friend rejoice the heart, but the fear of
the Lord is above all. 28 A beggar's life is
hateful.

29. famine and death.] Syr. " and deadly
stones." Here a somewhat similar difficulty
occurs to that noticed at u 18; for clearly
we have a confusion between P??, "stones,"
and |33, " hunger," and the confusion may
have been either in the Hebrew or the Syriac.
Fewest difficulties will be offered by the sup-
position that the Greek translation is correct.

30. Teeth of ivild beasts. .] Syr. " beasts of
teeth," i.e. wild beasts, a very common Syriac
phrase; and this the order of the Greek
words makes it probable that the Siracide
himself employed.

32. Therefore from the beginning I ivas
resolved.] " Against temptations which might
shake his faith in God's providence" (Grotius).
In that case, for " I thought " we should pro-
bably substitute " I perceived " the true state
of the case. The verse makes the author cite
his words above (16, 17), which the inter-
vening verses have proved. The Syrian, not
seeing this reference, has a rendering which
is very plainly wrong.

33. he ivill gii'e,~\
furnish."

Rather, supply or

34. in time they shall all be ivell approved.]
On the occasion for which they were created.
The Syriac adds, " for they are all stored up
in his treasuries."

CHAPTER XL.

The connexion of this with the preceding
chapter is both external and internal. As
regards the former, the mention of the evils
which afflict us in the world leads to the
discussion of human sorrow and of its causes.
This forms the first part ot the chapter, end-
ing with v. 17; while in the second part, by
way of contrast, the happiness that is in the
- world is described^ and its real source indi-
^ cated as in the fear of the Lord. The

Apoc.— VtiTTTT

internal connexion with the previous chapter
lies in this, that here the object is once more
to shew that the good as well as the evil that
befals men is from the Lord, and thus again
to vindicate the ways of God.

The discussion is introduced by a prefatory
verse, of which the burden is that somehow
sorrow seems the lot of all men. Some of
these sorrows are caused by the conditions
of our existence, by the evil that comes to us
through care, or lastly by our own needless
or foolish apprehensions. This is the theme
of the first stanza of six verses (w. 2-7).
But if this be the common lot of humanity,
it falls sevenfold on the wicked, and theirs
are also real evils — and these come to them
from God in punishment of their sins. This
is the subject of the second stanza (comprising
four verses: w. 8-1 1). A more detailed
exposition of this follows in the third stanza
(w. 1 2-1 7). The first and the last verse in
it are antithetic, and may be regarded as
introductory and concluding, while the inter-
mediate four verses form two couplets: the
first (yv. 13, 14) shewing what becomes of
their ill-gotten goods, the second what be-
comes of their children (w. 15, 16); these
two — property and children — being the chief
objects of desire. And the stanza appro-
priately closes with the antithesis of v. 17.

With v. 18 begins the second part of the
chapter. If there be sorrow in the world —
and real sorrow is the consequence of sin —
there is also much real good and joy, and the
truest and best is the result of fear of the
Lord. This is beautifully set forth in a stanza
of ten verses (w. 18-27), in eight of which the
second clause always forms a counter-climax
to the first, while the ninth verse leads up to
the final conclusion, fully expressed in the
concluding verse Qv. 27), which sets forth
the blessedness resulting from fear of the
Lord.

The concluding stanza of three verses

i94

ECCLESIASTICUS. XL.

[v. i—8.

cir. 200

c f"^ REAT " travail is created for

1^°' VJT every man, and an heavy yoke

i9Gen' 3" 1S upon the sons of Adam, from the

Eccies. 1. Jay tnat they go out of their mother's

womb, till the day that they return

to the mother of all things.

2 Their imagination of things to
come, and the day of death, [trouble]
their thoughts, and [cause] fear of
heart ;

3 From him that sitteth on a
throne of glory, unto him that is
humbled in earth and ashes ;

4 From him that weareth purple

1 Or, to and a crown, " unto him that is clothed

the porter. ^-^ Q //w^ frock>

5 Wrath, and envy, trouble, and }'•■ C.
unquietness, fear of death, and anger, L1Ll^c
and strife, and in the time of rest
upon his bed his night sleep, do
change his knowledge.

6 A little or nothing is his rest,
and afterward he is in his sleep, as
in a day of keeping watch, troubled
in the vision of his heart, as if he
were escaped out of a battle.

7 When all is safe, he awaketh,
and marvelleth that the fear was
nothing.

8 [Such things happen] unto all
flesh, both man and beast, and that
is sevenfold more upon sinners.

(yv. 28-30) is somewhat loosely connected
with the subject-matter of the chapter, being
apparently a practical application in the nature
of advice how to avoid an unhappy life by
industry, frugality, and piety.

1. till the day that they return."] The
Greek of the best MSS. here is difficult, and
indeed unconstruable. Even if we render
" till the day of their being buried into the
mother of all things" (Lat., Aeth.), we obtain
an unnatural expression. We should expect
the word ?]DX or ^DXn, " their being gathered
in," and some word meaning this we believe
the Greek to have had originally ; e.g.
(Tvia-rpocjiris of MS. 157 (rendered in the
A. V.). The Syriac Version has : " and so
long as they grasp the land of the living."

2. Their imagination, &'c.] The text starts
with a remarkable accusative, which the
Lat., S. H., and Arm. versions, beneficio lin-
guarum, faithfully represent. To Bretschn.
is due the suggestion that the original had
nX, " with," which the translator mistook for
the sign of the accusative. However, the
Syriac translation makes the words contained
in this verse the subject of which the sub-
stantives in v. 5 are the predicate, verses 3
and 4 forming a parenthesis, which construc-
tion seems obviously right. The translation
should be emended as below.

their thoughts.] Syr. " their glory."

and the fear of their heart.] Syr.

" and the occupation of their heart."

the imagination of expectation.]

Syr. " and the end of their words."

the day of death.] Syr. "till the day
of their death."

4. a linen frock.] Syr. "the garment of
poverty."

5. According to the punctuation as altered

in agreement with the Syr. (see -v. 2), a stop
should be placed at " strife," and " do " altered
to " doth." The objects of his thought
enumerated are seven : perhaps the last two
seem to be nearly the same as the first ; the
first is rather passion, the sixth rankling
hatred (Lat. furor and iracundia perseverans ;
similarly Arm.).

change his knowledge.] Alter his state of
mind.

6. as in a day of keeping ivatch.] Rather,
of watch, or of watching. Just as the
watcher, says Fritzsche, is alarmed by every-
thing which he sees, so is the dreamer. But
" a day of watching " seems a very unin-
telligible expression. It is unfortunate that
the Syriac deserts us here. The Armenian
Version gives two very satisfactory emenda-
tions, evvnviois and kottm, and after that
he toils with dreams as in the day.
The period during which he really rests is
short, scarcely lasting a moment ; during the
rest of the time he is as hard at work as in
the daytime. Had the Armenian translator
been less faithful, it would not have been so
easy for us to see what he read.

the vision of his heart.] Syr. " of the
night," the more ordinary expression.

7. When all is safe, he awaketh.] So
Grotius. Bretschneider renders : " at the mo-
ment when he is rescued from this troubled
dream." Fritzsche, "at the moment of his
supposed rescue;" i.e. at the critical moment
in the vision, when he fancies himself out of
reach, he wakes up. The expression, how-
ever, is sufficiently strange to indicate either
corruption or mistranslation. The Syr. ren-
ders : " according to the desire in his heart."
It is not easy to suggest any words which
would have given rise to both interpretations.
Perhaps the verse began with words signi-

9-i8.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XL.

b. c. g b Death, and bloodshed, strife,

L — ' and sword, calamities, famine, tribu-
isf^fa'o. lation, and the scourge ;

io These things are created for
, the wicked, and for their salces came

' Gen. 6. '

13. the c flood.

ll'1 11 d All things that are of the

•t Gen. 3. °

19. earth shall turn to the earth again :

c 41 10. an(j tjiat wj1jcj1 js 0f ^e '"waters doth

Eccles.

1. 7. return into the sea.

12 All l! bribery and injustice shall
be blotted out : but true dealing shall
endure for ever.

13 The goods of the unjust shall
be dried up like a river, and shall
vanish with noise, like a great thunder
in rain.

Gr.
bribes.

14 While he openeth his hand he B.C.
shall rejoice : so shall transgressors c,rj_^°'
come to nought.

15 The children of the ungodly
shall not bring forth many branches :
but are as unclean roots upon a hard
rock.

16 -^The weed growing upon every ./jobs. u.
water and £ bank of a river shall be & *8- l6-
pulled up before all grass. 3.

17 Bountifulness is as "a most :i Or,
fruitful garden, and mercifulness en- "that is'1
dureth for ever. Messed:

as ver. 27.

18 To labour, and hto be content apml 4.
with that a man hath, is a sweet life : ":.. , ,

' _ 1 Inn. 6. 6.

but he that nndeth a treasure is above
them both.

lying " he wakes up with . . . and a cry "
(njFUPI, misread by Greek nyi^"). The
phrase Kiupca <rcoTr]pias occurred in iv. 22.

8. [Stub things].'] As those about to be
described.

[happen] unto all flesh.] Rather, are
with all flesh. The verse would seem
to have been corrupted at an early period.
The Syriac omits w. 9, 10.

9. Fritzsche would omit as a gloss the
word " tribulation(s)," partly with the view of
gaining a group of seven, partly because the
word is too general, as he thinks, to occur in
the middle of such a list. The same diffi-
culties may have been felt by those copyists
who put all the words following eVayco-ycu in
the genitive, and make them depend on it ;
compare also Schleussner s. v. In rhetorical
enumerations of this sort, however, we must
not be too critical.

11. that which is of the waters doth return
into the sea.] Syr. " that which is from the
height to the height," reading D10 for D*D.
Between these variants there cannot be any
difficulty in choosing. For the sentiment of
the Greek not only occurs in Eccles. i. 7,
but forms a very appropriate conclusion of
the stanza (see introd. remarks) ; while that
of the Syriac would scarcely be biblical.

12. All bribery and injustice.] Syr. " every
sinner and ungodly man," perhaps para-
phrasing. For the general reasoning see the
introductory remarks.

13. shall be dried up like a river.] Like
an nT3N or stream which fails in the summer.

and shall vanish with noise.] Rather,
shall roar themselves out, i.e. exhaust
their power, like the thunder in summer ; a

remarkable comparison. Fritzsche thinks of
the noise of the thunder being overpowered
by that of the rain.

14. While he openeth his hand he shall
rejoice.] Rather, In the opening of his
hands one shall rejoice (Bissell) — pro-
bably in the sense of: when such an one is
made to restore his ill-gotten gains, or is
emptied of his riches, there is general joy.

15. The children of the ungodly shall not
bring forth, is'c] They will therefore be
unable to fully enjoy their possessions.

but are as.] Lit. "and" (i.e. nor). Syriac:
" the root of sinners is like an ear which
springs up on a rocky crag ; " which, because
it hath no depth of earth, must soon wither
away. It seems as if the Syrian were thinking
of the familiar parable in St. Matt. xiii.

16. The weed.] The Hebrew 1I1X is trans-
literated as in other places of the LXX. It
seems to us that v. \\b should be transferred
hither. Cp. Job viii. 11, 12.

17. is as a most fruitful garden.] Lit. a
garden in blessings. The Syriac has:
" the works of the just shall be blest in time."
It is difficult to tell whether the Hebrew JTJD,
" like Eden," was mistaken for HV^, or
whether the error is no older than the Syriac
Version itself.

18. Here begins the second part of this
chapter (see introductory remarks). The
Syriac Version adds at the end of -v. 17, " and
he that approacheth unto them is like one
that findeth a treasure : " while for this verse
it gives "majesty and honour establish the
name ; yet better than both is he that findeth
wisdom." The first of these clauses seems
identical with the second in the Greek, with a

O 2

196

ECCLESIASTICUS. XL.

[v. 19—28.

B.C.

cir. 200.

19 Children and the building of a
city continue a man's name : but a
blameless wife is counted above them
both.

20 Wine and musick rejoice the
heart : but the love of wisdom is
above them both.

21 The pipe and the psaltery make
sweet melody : but a pleasant tongue
is above them both.

22 Thine eye desireth favour and
beauty : but more than both corn
while it is green.

23 A friend and companion never
meet amiss : but above both is a wife
with her husband.

• 24 Brethren and help are against B- c.
time of trouble : but alms shall de- — - "
liver more than them both.

25 Gold and silver make the foot
stand sure : but counsel is esteemed
above them both.

26 Riches and strength lift up the
heart : but the fear of the Lord is
above them both : there is no want
in the fear of the Lord, and it need-
eth not to seek help.

27 The fear of the Lord is z'"a { ver. 17.
fruitful garden, and k covereth him " 0r>

» ' a garden

above all glory. that is

28 My son, lead not a beggar's '**' '

- 00 £ Isai. 4. 5

life ; for better it is to die than to beg.

slight corruption of DlTOw-'O to some derivative
of CJ3 ; while the remaining two bear most
of the traces of interpolation. The Latin
Version substitutes in ea for imep a/i0orepa.

19. Children and the building of a city.']
Syr. " building and planting." The word
PJ3 might be pointed so as to mean either
" building " or " children." The second word
" building " represents more than once in the
LXX. the Hebrew rv)33, which might also
mean " daughters." A comparison with the
Syriac shews us that tokens is a gloss. The
true text may therefore have been, " Sons and
daughters continue a man's name ; but never-
theless a blameless wife surpasses them."
We suppose the Aramaising form suggested
to have given rise to the error of the trans-
lators. The S. H. Version has here a marginal
note to prevent the misunderstanding in the
case of the first word.

20. Wine and musick.'] Syr. " old wine."

the love of<tvisdo7?i.] If this be correct, the
words must represent the Greek 4>ikocro(pia,
and correspond with similar makeshift ren-
derings of that word in Syriac and other
languages. For that which rejoices the heart
must be something acting on it objectively,
not subjectively, corresponding therefore with
" philosophy," but not with the " love of
wisdom." Syr. " the love of a friend."

2.2. favour.] Old English for "grace." Cp.
" young though thou art, thine eye hath staid
upon some favour that it loves " (Shakespeare,
'Twelfth Night,' ii. 4).

corn ivhile it is green.] Lit. the green
of the sown-land. Compare M. Aurelius,
x. 35: "The healthy eye must not say ra
xXopa 6e\a, I want only green ;" Viridia enim
oculis grata sunt visumque refciunt (Gataker).
A mong the "ingenious sayings " of Mohammad
(Freytag, ' Proverbia Arabum,' iii. 1, 608) is

this : " Aspectus rerum viridium videndi facul-
tatem auget."

23. never meet amiss.] It might be sug-
gested from a comparison with the Syriac
that the Hebrew was here DO"Uft, meaning
" greet " rather than "meet." "Greetings"
or good wishes from friends come never
amiss; and yet more timely are those paid
by a wife to her husband (PIB^K J"IX ; J"IX being
falsely interpreted as " with." This, in ac-
cordance with a later Rabbinic exegetical
rule. Comp. Jer. Ber. 14 £, Ber. R. 1, and
other passages). The Arm. and Aeth. agree
with Syr. in substituting "a good wife" for
the last words.

24. Brethren and help are against time of
trouble.] The Heb. ")]]}, probably employed
in the original, should have been pointed
(with Syr.) "lfy and rendered "ally:" "A
brother and an ally [save] in time of trouble."
The sentiment of the verse is common in our
author and elsewhere (e.g. Prov. xvii. 1 7).

25. make the foot stand sure.] Cp. Ps.
xxxi. 9.

counsel.] Sagacity.

26. it needeth not.] Rather, one need-
eth not in it: i.e. armed with it, a man
requires no other help.

27. a fruitful garden.] See v. 17. The
Syriac renders similarly in both places.

and covereth him above all glory.] The
authorities vary between the sing, and plur.
for "covereth." Fritzsche decides for the
singular, on the ground that the subject must
be " God," who covers his fear [with glory]
more than all greatness. The original must
have been difficult, for the Syrian hesitates
between " is raised " and " is praised."

28-30. Begging. Cp. xxix. 21 sqq.

28. lead not a beggar's life.] The Syriac

29—1.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XL. XLL

197

E. C.
cir. 200.

29 The life of him that dependeth
on another man's table is not to be
counted for a life ; for he polluteth
himself with other men's meat: but
a wise man well nurtured will beware
thereof.

30 Begging is sweet in the mouth
of the shameless : but in his belly
there shall burn a fire.

CHAPTER XLL

I The remembrance of death. 3 Death is not to
be feared. 5 The ungodly shall be accursed.
II Of an evil and a good name. 14 Wisdom
is to be tittered. 16 Of what things we should
be ashamed.

O DEATH, how bitter is the re-
membrance of thee to a man
that liveth at rest in his possessions,
unto the man that hath nothing to

B. C.
cir. 200.

entirely perverts this very simple sentiment :
"refuse not him that asketh thee; be not
good to kill, but be good to preserve alive."

29. that dependeth.~] Lit. that looketh
to. The phrase corresponds with the Rab-
binical TO PI \rh'ch naSDH; " Three lives are
no lives : he that looketh to the table of
another," &c. (Bets. 32 b; Abh. de R. N. 25).

for be polluteth himself. '."] Rather, who
polluteth himself. Fritzsche takes this
literally, on the ground that the meat given
him might very well be unclean ; we prefer
to take it figuratively.

but a ivise man well nurtured^ I.e. well
educated.

30. Fritzsche would understand this of
the contrast between his sweet manner and
his internal feeling of degradation. The
"begging" is more frequently interpreted of
the morsel which he receives, while Grotius
makes the "fire" that of hunger. The
author is apparently thinking of Job xx. 12.

CHAPTER XLL

The chapter consists of two parts (the first
ending with v. 13), which are connected by
succession in thinking rather than by a logical
nexus. The first part of the chapter, how-
ever, is closely bound to the argument in the
previous chapter. There the writer had
treated of the evils that afflict man, among
which " fear of death " was the most real and
common to all (xl. 1-5). Besides, this was
an evil the source of which must be traced to
the Creator Himself. But in the first part
of ch. xli. the writer endeavours to prove even
in this respect his previous thesis by shewing
in the first stanza (jvv. 1-4) that death is not
such an evil as men represent or imagine it ;
and, in the second stanza (w. 5-13), that it
only becomes a real evil to the ungodly (comp.
also xl. 8). Throughout we notice in the
treatment of this subject a melancholy absence
of the hope of another and better life. In the
first stanza consolations are offered derived
from the welcome release which death brings
under certain circumstances, and from its
general incidence, so that after all it was ulti-
mately of little consequence how many years

a man might have to live, while, on the other
hand, it was right to submit to the will of
God. Such being the case, the second stanza
(yv. 5-13) shews that death had real terrors
for the sinner. The three things upon which
a man set value and which would remain, as
reward or otherwise, after his death, are
described in an ascending climax as property,
children, reputation. In all these three would
the sinner suffer after his decease. Of these
three the most precious and most enduring
was a good name, after which we should
chief! y~stnve.

This latter statement naturally leads in the
second part to an enumeration of the things
which were shameful, and should therefore
be avoided. The three introductory verses
(vt>. 14-16) bear particular reference to this,
that to be proud or else ashamed of a thing
it must appear outwardly and publicly : in
other words, that the reputation of which vye
are to have such care depends upon this.
Nineteen things are then enumerated of which
we should be" ashamed. These apply to the
various circumstances of life, and they are
arranged in a certain order and connexion.
We mark that, in accordance with the pur-
pose of the writer, only such offences are
mentioned as may permanently injure a man's
reputation. Some difficulty may be felt as
regards the offence mentioned in v. 19 c. We
have little doubt that (as Fritzsche suggests)
the expression was proverbial. Nor can we
doubt that it referred to an unwillingness to
give to the poor from the abundance of one's
table (comp. St. Luke xvi. 20, 21). And here,
indeed, we have a parallel Rabbinic saying
(Sanh. 92 a) : "He that does not leave a piece
of bread (P.D) upon his table shall never see
a sign of blessing" (nZTQ ]WD = no good
shall ever come to him). [In Jer. Teram.
45 d it is interdicted to put bread under one's
arm. Levy (' Neuhebr. Wbrterb.' iv. 154^)
regards this as directed against superstition,
but the context shews that it was forbidden
because perspiration, except from the face,
was regarded as poisonous.]

1. Drusius compares Seneca's words: " O
vita misero longa, felici brevis."

the remembrance of thee.~] Probably the
original had " art thou" (cf. Syr.).

i98

ECCLESIASTICUS. XLI.

[v. 2—9.

B- c. vex him, and that hath prosperity in
all things : yea, unto him that is yet
able to receive meat !

2 O death, acceptable is thy sen-
tence unto the needy, and unto him
whose strength faileth, that is now

\?wkom 'n tne last age5 anc^ ' ^S vexe^ with

7hF h a^ tnmgs> anc^ to mm tnat despaireth,
trouble- and hath lost patience !

3 Fear not the sentence of death,
remember them that have been be-
fore thee, and that come after ; for
this is the sentence of the Lord over
all flesh.

4 And why art thou against the
pleasure of the most High? there is
no inquisition in the grave, whether

thou have lived ten, or an hundred, B.C.

.11 ' cir. 20:

or a thousand years. —

5 The children of sinners are abo-
minable children, and they that are
conversant in the dwelling- of the
ungodly.

6 The inheritance of sinners' chil-
dren shall perish, and their posterity
shall have a perpetual reproach.

7 The children will complain of
an ungodly father, because they shall
be reproached for his sake.

8 Woe be unto you, ungodly men,
which have forsaken the law of the
most high God ! for if ye increase, it
shall be to your destruction :

9 And if ye be born, ye shall be

liveth at rest in his possessions.] Compare
Dan. iv. 4, with which the expression in the
text may agree.

that hath nothing to vex him.~] The word
in the text is condemned by the Atticists as
late Greek. Perhaps it represents }3NE> (Job
xii. 5).

to receive meat.'] Compare the opening
verses of Eccles. xii. The words perhaps
meant rather to " enjoy the taste (of food);"
the Heb. DJ?D being interpreted by the Greek

after the Arab. ^l*!?.

2. thy sentence.] Also apparently a para-
phrase for "thou." MS. 155 further adds
" and thy remembrance."

that is noiv in the last age.] Fritzsche's
proposed alteration of eV^a-royr/po) to ecr^n-
Toytjpa would introduce an impossible accen-
tuation ; see Kiihner, ' Ausf. Gr.' i. 249, 2nd
edit.

is vexed ivith all things.] There is no
reason for preferring the marginal variant.

that despaireth.] Rather, is disbelieving,
flDN pN. Syr. (Lag.), "without money,"
perhaps JIOO p«.

3. Fear not the sentence of death.] In the
sense that it is the law and common lot of
humanity. Grotius compares a fragment of
Aristophanes, to yap (pojJe~io-6ai rbv davarov
Xrjpos 7ro\vs ■ tvuo-iv yap rjpiv rovr dcpeiXerai
rradelv. The Syr. makes it probable that " the
sentence of" is an insertion by the Greek
translator.

remember them that have been before thee,
and that come after.] Comp. Eccles. i. 10,
WT\nvb DJ1 DWJTlk "Remember that
they are in the same case with thee " (Syr.).

4. And nvhy art thou against.] Lit. why
dost thou decline] Evidently this clause
belongs to the preceding verse.

there is no inquisition in the graved] That
question is not asked there ; it makes no dif-
ference, as regards our condition when we are
dead, whether our life has been short or long.

5. and they that are conversant in the dwell-
ing °f the ungodly.] " The reason why they
are abominable" (Fritzsche). But this ex-
planation does not seem satisfactory. Syr. " and
a race of misery (lit. woe to it !) is the gene-
ration of the wicked." Compare Aeth. "and
their houses shall be overturned." 'Avao-rpt-
(popai is employed in Ezek. iii. 1 5 to represent
DTX'D. It might be suggested that the
original had here D W> 3B>1» D»B>D1, " and
the dwelling-place of the wicked is loathsome."

6. inheritance.] Syr. "sovereignty ;" Heb.
(perhaps) r\'C"\, which might be pointed so as
to mean either ntjH or ]"MJh. The latter
would indeed be a Chaldaism, but not out of
place in our author ; while the former could
scarcely be used in this way. We believe,
therefore, that the Syr. version is here correct.

7. avill complain of] I.e. will have cause
to do so. Syr. " shall curse;" if this be right,

the Hebrew probably contained a jingle l??p»

and )*?p\

8. which have forsaken the law of the most
high God.] Syr. " to whom misery clings till
the day of their death."

for if ye increase, it shall be to your destruc-
tion.] This clause must be omitted, as only
found in 248, Co., and probably a correction
or interpretation of the next clause, "and if
ye be born."

v. io — 19.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XLI.

199

B.C.

cir. 200.

" ch. 40.
11.

i> Prov.

22. I.

cch.

20.

30-

<*ch.

20.

**■

born to a curse : and if ye die, a
curse shall be your portion.

10 a All that are of the earth shall
turn to earth again : so the ungodly
shall go from a curse to destruction.

1 1 The mourning of men is about
their bodies : but an ill name of
sinners shall be blotted out.

12 Have regard to thy name ; for
'' that shall continue with thee above
a thousand great treasures of gold.

13 A good life hath but few days :
but a good name endureth for ever.

14 My children, keep discipline in
peace : for c wisdom that is hid, and
a treasure that is not seen, what
profit is in them both ?

15 d A man that hideth his fool-

ishness is better than a man that
hideth his wisdom.

16 Therefore be shamefaced ac-
cording to my word : for it is not
good to retain all shamefacedness ;
neither is it altogether approved in
every thing.

17 Be ashamed of whoredom be-
fore father and mother : and of a lie
before a prince and a mighty man ;

18 Of an offence before a judge
and ruler ; of iniquity before a
congregation and people ; of un-
just dealing before thy partner and
friend ;

19 And of theft in regard of the
place where thou sojournest, and in
regard of the truth of God and his

B. C.
cir. 200.

9. Your birth and death will both be mis-
fortunes.

a curse shall be your portion.'] -Ip/nFl.

10. The first clause occurred above (xl. 1 1) ;
and as the Syriac omits it, there is grave
reason for doubting its genuineness here. See
below.

so the ungodly shall go from a curse to
destruction.'] In the event of the first clause
being genuine, the application will be found
in the sequence from that with which they
began to that in which they end.

11. The mourning of men is about their
bodies.] I.e. the main object of sorrow with
most men is that their bodies die, but there is
a worse fate than this, which does not excite
their apprehension — the loss of their name.
In the case of the sinner that name will
perish.

but an ill name of sinners shall be blotted
out.] The second hand of S has here ovo/jm
Se ayaBbv ovk i^a\ei(p8r](TeTai, " but a good
name shall not be blotted out." This is sup-
ported by the Arm. Very similar is the reading
of the Syr. " and the name of them that do
good," and of the Copt. " and the name of
good men." This last, <iv6p6mu>v dyadav, is
the reading of MSS. 155, 308; apaprcoXaiv
(which appears exclusively in Aeth. and Lat.)
is perhaps a false interpretation of avav.
From the agreement of the Syr. and the Greek,
it seems probable that " the name of good
men " was clearly expressed in the original.

12. above.] Rather, longer than.
From Prov. xxii. 1. The Midrash on that
passage substitutes "a thousand Dinars of
gold " for the " silver and gold " of the text.

Verses 13-xlii. 8 are omitted by the Syriac,

which substitutes for them a short and
curious sentiment. Some of the verses before
us look like centos or quotations from previous
chapters in the book.

13. A good life hath but few days.] Lit.
a number of days, to which the Arm.
boldly adds " hath not."

14. in peace.] Proleptically, "and enjoy
peace therefrom."

The second half of this verse occurred
word for word in xx. 30, while v. 15 occurred
in xx. 31.

16. Therefore be shamefaced according to
my word.] So Fritzsche and others ; it may,
however, mean only " be heedful of my
word."

it is not good to retain all shamefacedness.]
Rather, to observe.

neither is it altogether approved in every
thing.] This implies the reading ov TvavTcnvao-iv
ev travri (for iv 7n'o-ret), recorded by Hoeschel,
and supported by the Copt. ; and this we be-
lieve to be correct. The best Greek MSS.,
however, offer oviravra irdaiv iv nto-rei, a diffi-
cult expression variously interpreted (" nor is
every thing appreciated truly by all," Fritzsche).
The' Arm. renders " nor at all to please every
one by faith." A more intelligible explanation
would be " nor is the rule ' everything to
every one in confidence ' approved."

17. The list of cases of shame now given
amounts rather to an enumeration of the
persons on whom one should reflect when
tempted to commit any crime, being those
whom the crime most deeply hurts.

before father and mother :] " And mother "
is omitted by the Arm., perhaps accidentally.

19. of theft in regard of the place where

200

ECCLESIASTICUS. XLI. XLII.

[v.

20-

b. c. covenant ; and to lean with thine
1^200. ejj)OW Up0n i-^e meat . an(J 0f scorn-
ing to give and take ;

20 And of silence before them
that salute thee ; and to look upon an
harlot ;

21 And to turn away thy face
from thy kinsman ; or to take away

< Matt. 5. a portion or a gift ; or e to gaze upon .
another man's wife ;

22 Or to be overbusy with . his
maid, and come not near her bed ;
or of upbraiding speeches before

friends; and S after thou hast given, B.C.

... cir. 200.

upbraid not ; —

23 Or of s iterating and speaking f5ch" 2°'
again that which thou hast heard ; fch. 19.7.
and of revealing of secrets.

24 So shalt thou be truly shame-
faced, and find favour before all
men.

CHAPTER XLII.

I Whereof we should not be ashamed. 9 Be
careful of thy daughter. 12 Beware of a
woman. 15 The works and greatness of
God.

thou sojournest, and in regard of the truth of
God and his covenant.'] It seems evident
that a word has here dropped out, since the
rhythm of the sentence is otherwise lost.
Various attempts have been made to correct
the sentence, among which we may mention
Bretschneider's supplement " of disbelief," and
Fritzsche's conjecture that " of the truth "
was a translation of a false reading for " of
the curse." Strangely, the true reading is
here supplied by the Armenian Version, which
gives " of lying in regard of the truth of God
and His covenant," omitting the words "of
a lie before a prince and a mighty man " in
the second clause of v. 17. We believe that
the Armenian translator cannot be conjectur-
ing, but must have found this reading in his
text. Besides settling the difficulty to which
we have referred, it is recommended as
doing away with the tautology of uptrov
koL ap^ovTos following upon rjyovptvoi kcu
ftwaorai. For any difference between them
would be difficult to substantiate. Lastly,
this reading arranges the crimes in a natural
order, ranging from the most deadly to the
lightest. The history of the interpolation of
v. 17 in the Greek would be an important
contribution to our knowledge of the vicissi-
tudes through which the text of this book
has passed.

and to lean ivith thine elboiv upon the meat.]
Lit. to fix the elbow: according to the
commentators, holding it tight, allowing no
one else to obtain a portion of it. (See the
introd. to the chapter.) The Arm. adds
nXXorpt'ous-, " the bread of others ; " and the
Aeth. has " to approach to eat the strangers'
bread."

of scorning to give and take.] Rather,
of railing over giving and taking.
Another reading is o-Kopmo-pov, " scattering,"
which the marginal annotator cf S. H. ex-"
plains of adulteration. " From robbing the
goods of thy neighbour entrusted to thee"
(Aeth.). " Taking and giving," JH21 NL"E,

is a common Rabbinical expression for " com-
merce."

20. of silence before them that salute thee.]
The Syriac, which, as we have noticed, omits
the whole of the preceding passage, dwells
on this point at some length.

21. to turn aivay thy face from.] Rather,
the face of. Heb. D^D n»B>n (1 Kings
ii. 16, &c.), the opposite of opaais of the
last verse.

take aivay a portion or a gift.] Rightly
referred by Fritzsche to the distribution of
goods between kinsmen. For the last word,
JflD, it seems probable that nJD, " a share,"
should have been read ; the corruption per-
haps occurs elsewhere in this book.

22. overbusy.] These "maids" in the
Greek romances and elsewhere are the ordi-
nary go-betweens. The readings, however,
vary.

23. 24. These verses are attached to the
following chapter in the Greek editions.

23. of iterating and speaking again that
which thou hast heard.] This is apparently
the only way in which the T. R. can be
translated ; we should, however, read with S,
0776 fie vT(pa>aea>s Ao-you cikotjs, of repeating
a word which thou hast heard. The
caution is against circulating idle rumours.

24. Cp. xxxii. 10.

CHAPTER XLII.

Having in the previous chapter indicated
what a man should be ashamed to do, the
writer marks in the first stanza of this chapter
(after an introductory verse) the things of
which a man ought not, and needs not, to be
ashamed — bearing in mind that by the latter
expression he means that they wili not really
afiect his reputation. This is indicated in
the last two clauses of v. 8, with which the
stanza closes (w. 1-8). For v . 8 c (the
wording of which should be compared with

V. I

-4- J

ECCLESIASTICUS. XLII.

20 1

B.C.
cir. 200.

F these things be not thou
ashamed, and a accept no
person to sin thereby :

2 Of the law of the most High,
and his covenant ; and of judgment

" Lev. 19

IS-
Deut. 1.

17-
Prov. 24.

ch. 20. 22. to justify the ungodly ;

3 " Of reckoning with thy partners B. c.
and c travellers ; or ■ of the gift of the ci^!°
heritage of friends ; 1: Or,

4 Of exactness of balance
weights ; or of getting much
little ;

„nJ Of thy
ailU partners'

or speech.

1 Or, com-
panions.
Or, of the giving

{

xli. 2 4 a) seems to imply that there was a false
feeling of shame, which might prevent a man
from doing that which, if "truly instructed "
and disciplined, he would not hesitate to do
before all men. The difficulty, that w. 6, 7
seem not to be formally included in the
enumeration of things not to be ashamed of,
is only apparent. The proposal to put
•v. 8 before w. 6, 7 — in which case they
should be included in the next stanza (placed
in connexion with -v. 9) — is attractive, but
not necessary. For, although there may be
difference in form, w. 6, 7 manifestly con-
tain, like the other verses in the stanza, direc-
tions concerning things which a man need not
be ashamed to do. And possibly they may
not have been formally connected with what
a man should not be " ashamed of," because
in the nature of things they would take place
in the privacy of home and not in view of the
public. Lastly, it is evident that with v. 9
another train of thought begins,— no longer
referring to a man's actions, but to his
feelings.

The large number of directions needful in
regard to domestic life naturally leads the
writer to revert to what seems to have been
a topic of frequent lucubration with him :

that of danp-hrprs ;inrj wnrnpn This forms

the subject of stanzas 2 and 3, each of three
verses (yv. 9-1 1; w. 12-14). On each of
these points we might adduce Rabbinic paral-
lels. Indeed, •w. 9, 10— although in a dif-
ferent, and as it seems to us more apt form —
are quoted in the Talmud (perhaps from
memory), as "written in the book of Ben
Sira" (Sanh. 100 b). With this other Tal-
mudic sayings may be compared — such as,
" Happy he who has male children ; woe to
him that has female children " (Sanh. u. s. ;
Qidd. 82 £; Babha B. 16 b); "A boy comes
into the world : his loaf comes in his hand
—a girl, nothing at all with her" (Nidd. 31 b).
Indeed, it was h^udkally explained that the
word mpJ for "maiden " meant n&a H"p3,
" she cometh empty " into the world (Nidd.
u. s.). And as regards women generally, it
is sufficient to refer to such sayings as
" Women are of a light mind " (Shabb. 33 b;
Quid. Sob); "Multiply not talk with a
woman ; they say, with one's own wife : how
much more with the wife of one's neighbour ?
Hence the sages say, if a man multiplies talk
with a woman he brings evil upon himself, he

neglects study of the Law, and his end will
be to inherit Gehinnonv' (Ab. i. 5).

As regards the^econd part of our chapter
(beginning with v. 15), it might seem as if it
were not in any way connected with what
had preceded. But if we regard ch. xxxix. 1 6-
xlii. 14 as so much matter intercalated, then
ch. xlii. 15 would resume and continue the
main subject-matter from ch. xxxix. 15. In
that case one stanza (the fifth in the chapter,
•W. 15-20) would set forth the praises of
God in Creation, Providence, and Revelation ;
while another (the sixth, w. 21-25) would
be more specially devoted to the subject of
Creation. We note in the two concluding
verses two Chokhmab sayings : the antithetic
dualism in nature (similar to that formerly
noticed in the moral world ; cp. xxxiii. 14, 15),
as well as the permanence of nature (xlii. 24) ;
and secondly, the higher beneficial purpose
of every thing in nature {y. 25).

1. accept no person to sin thereby!] Sin not
therein out of false shame.

2. Of the law of the most High.] I.e. to
observe its ordinances and commandments
in any circumstances and before any persons.

and of judgment to justify the ungodly!]
This clause has occasioned some difficulty.
Baduellus thought " be not ashamed " might
mean "be not moved by false shame." Grotius
still more harshly supplies " obloqui sententiis
eorum qui id agunt." Fritzsche would take
the words literally, to justify the ungodly
when he happens to be in the right : a very
improbable sentiment. The MSS. and Ver-
sions give no help. We prefer adopting the
emendation (of Luther ?), tov evo-eftrj, " to
justify the pious;" i.e. to give sentence in
his favour, however unpopular such an action
may be. Cp. Prov. xvii. 15. An interesting
rendering (cited by Fritzsche) is " to punish
the ungodly." Cicero tells us that (diKaia>-
Brjcrav was the euphemistic expression for
" they have been executed," in Sicily.

3. Of reckoning ivith thy partners.] Versions
and commentators are divided between this
interpretation and " of talking with." The
latter, although supported by Grotius (" quid
impedit quominus quis aut sodales aut viae
comites suavi sermone oblectet") and Fritz-
sche,seemstootrifling forthisplace. "Reckon-
ing with thy partners " might mean (as the
Aeth. glosses) concerning the profits; but

'202

ECCLESIASTICUS. XLII.

[v. 5— 10.

B.C.
cir. 200.

II Or,

without

profit.

H Or,
dealest
for.

B Or,

rebuke.

5 And of merchants' " indifFerent
selling ; of much correction of chil-
dren ; and to make the side of an
evil servant to bleed.

6 Sure keeping is good, where an
evil wife is ; and shut up, where
many hands are.

7 Deliver all things in number
and weight ; and put all in writing
that thou " givest out, or receiv-
est in.

8 Be not ashamed to " inform the
unwise and foolish, and the extreme

aged 1 that contendeth with those
that are young : thus shalt thou be
truly learned, and approved of all men
living.

9 The father waketh for the
daughter, when no man knoweth ;
and the care for her taketh away
sleep : when she is young, lest she
pass away the flower of her age ;
and being married, lest she should be
hated :

10 In her virginity, lest she should
be defiled and gotten with child in

B.C.

cir. 200

II Or, _
that is
accused
of forni-
cation.

what is reckoning with travellers ? Further,

"m ?]} (if the original of nepl \6yov) could
scarcely mean more than " concerning the
matter of." We therefore suggest that in
the Heb. IV1K1 "inn 121 by, the last word
was corrupt for nsi, and that the original
meant "concerning the matter of a relative
and a brother," i.e. be not ashamed to own
brotherhood and connexion.

or of the gift of the heritage of friends.'}
Ordinarily interpreted as if the original had
eraipois, i.e. of giving legacies to friends, in
spite of the disapproval of the heirs. Perhaps
the phrase is metaphorical, the " heritage of
friends " meaning those privileges to which
friends have a natural claim. A few MSS.
and Arm. read " others " for " friends."

4. or of getting much or Iitt/e.~] I.e. of
acquiring wealth, whether in large quantities
for fear of envy, or in small for fear of being
thought mean (Grot.).

5. of merchants' indifferent selling?} Rather,
of the money gained by selling and
merchants. But Fritzsche is evidently-
right in substituting for the last word "and
merchandise," supposing "lnD of the original
to have been wrongly pointed.

to make the side, <&>Y.] See xxxiii. 24.

6. The suggestion of Gaab that w. 6, 7
should be placed after v. 8 seems recom-
mended on syntactic grounds ; but it is not
necessary for the sense. (See introd.)

Sure keeping.} Lit. a seal. The seal
is probably to protect the goods (" vilissima
utensilium anulo clausa," Tacitus, 'Annals,'
ii. 2), rather than the woman.

shut up.} Viz. the stores ; Copt, strangelv,
" thy hand."

(where many hands are.} Aeth. " comers."
Rather, "servants." Compare the Latin
fares for " slaves:" exilis domus est ubi non et
multa super sunt et dominion fallunt et prosunt
furibus.

7. Deliver all things?} Lit. whatever
thou deliverest, i.e. to the members of
the household, " [let it be]."

8. that contendeth ivith those that are young.}
I.e. in those contests which are only suitable
for youth. The marginal reading is found in
three MSS., and also in the Arm., Aeth., Copt.,
and S. H. versions. Compare xxv. 2 and the
variant there.

9. The Syriac Version recommences here-
The following passage repeats some of the
matter of chaps, xxv., xxvi. Some fragments
of the original are preserved in the Talmud
(Sanh. 100 b).

The father ivaketh for the daughter ivhen no
man knozveth.} Lit. a daughter is to
her father a hidden sleeplessness.
But iinoicpvcpos might be taken with dvyarrjp,
" a hidden daughter," i.e. a maiden (Grotius).
Syr. " a daughter is very precious to (or heavy)
upon her father." Both these renderings are

mistranslations of the Hebrew (IVnfcO D3
K1C n:i»00). The Talmud quotes (with
slight alterations) w. 9 and 10 as from Ben
Sira : " A daughter is a delusive treasure to
her father [the Heb. words as just quoted] :
from fear he cannot sleep. When she is little,
perhaps she may be seduced (J) ; when she is
grown up, perhaps she will go astray [we trans-
late not literally] ; when she is marriageable
[the difference between this and the previous
age being six months, according to Jer.
Yebam. 3 a], perhaps she will not be married ;
when she is married, perhaps she will not have
children ; when she is old, perhaps she will
practise magic" (Sanh. 100 b, and with only
slight differences in the so-called ' Second
Alphabet of Ben Sira').

lest she pass away the flower of her age.}
Syr. " lest she be despised," in the sense of
not attracting suitors. The meaning is : she
may pass the best of her life without being
married.

10. The antithesis would be improved by
transposing clauses b and c

V. II-

c6.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XLII.

203

c. c.

cir. 200.

her father's house j and having an
husband, lest she should misbehave
herself; and when she is married,
lest she should be barren.

1 1 ^ Keep a sure watch over a
shameless daughter, lest she make
thee a laughingstock to thine ene-
mies, and a byword in the city, and
a reproach among the people, and
make thee ashamed before the multi-
tude.

12 Behold not everybody's c beau-
ty, and sit not in the midst of
women.

13 For from garments cometh a B.C.
moth, and ^from women wickedness. Cl^°-

14 Better is the 'churlishness of a£Gen-3-
man than a courteous woman, a 1 or,
woman, / say. which bring-eth shame wicked-
and reproach.

15 I will now remember the works
of the Lord, and declare the things
that I have seen : In the words of
the Lord are his works.

16 The sun that giveth light look-
eth upon all things, and the work
thereof is full of the glory of the
Lord.

lest she should misbehave herself, '.] = DUCTI,
Syr. (Fritzsche).

11. Keep a sure ■watch over a shameless
daughter.'] = xxvi. 10. The Syr. omits
" shameless," which may have been interpo-
lated from the parallel.

a reproach among the people!] Lit. sum-
moned by the people (Arm.). Syr. "in
the assembly of the people," probably correctly,

^?7\\>1 having been misread TTIpD.

The Syr. adds, " from the place where she
dwells let her not go forth ; and let her not
go about the houses."

12. Behold not every body 's beauty ■.] Rather,
look not upon any man in (= on
account of?) beauty; but iv KaWopfj may
be a mistranslation of rnorn, " with desire."
The Syr. " shew not every man what is in thy
heart," probably represents the same original
differently pointed.

and sit not.] Lit. sit not as counsel-
lor. The original would appear to have

had (cf. Syr.) TlD pTl»n bit, "take not
sweet counsel," in imitation of Ps. iv. 15.

13. wickedness."] Rather, "the wicked-
ness of a woman." So all MSS. ; ywaiKus
is omitted by Aid., Arm., Aeth. ; " of a man "
is substituted by the Lat. The Syr. has : " for
as a moth falls upon a garment, so doth
jealousy upon a woman from the wickedness
of her fellow," clearly endeavouring to explain
a difficult text. It is possible that the Latin
Version may have here preserved the truth :
" from a woman proceeds the evil (or hurt) of
her husband," PIE'S of the original being in-
tended for ntP'K, but read by both Syr. and
Greek as nt*>K. The ancients believed in
"spontaneous generation." The moth coming
out of the garment is used by Menander (ed.
Meineke, p. 198) as an illustration of the fact
that " that which cometh out of the man
defileth the man."

14. Ttte_misogynv of the author reaches
its climax.

churlishness.] The marginal rendering is
preferable. We have already seen reason for
thinking that t^X JT) may have meant " a
wicked man."

courteous.] Rather, who doeth good.

a woman which bringeth shame and re-
proach.] Although the Syriac fails us here, it
seems nevertheless easy to detect a slight mis-
translation. The context shews that some
kind of argument a fortiori was intended;
dyadonoios, nTOD, of the first clause being
opposed to flB^O in the second, the latter
meaning " who doeth evil," as in Prov. xii. 4.
The clause will then mean: and a woman
who doeth evil is a disgrace.

15. and declare the things that I have seen.]
A single experience not sufficing for all.

In the words of the Lord are his works.]
I.e. by His word His works were created, as
the Syr. and Aeth. gloss. The Syr. adds,
"and all creatures do His pleasure;" the Copt.
" and the praise of His judgments has come to
pass (?)." It is not improbable that a clause
may have been lost.

16. With v. 15 begins the second part of
the chapter, on which see the remarks in the
introduction.

The sun that giveth light looketh upon all
things!] The Syr. divides the verbs between
the two clauses : " like a sun that riseth over
all, are the mercies of the Lord revealed
upon all H is works." It is, however, probable
that the second clause was non )b'VD N?0,

t -: - : "

" His works are full of His mercy." The
verse probably means that the whole range
of objects on which the sun looks down are
full of His glory, and is an explanation of the
restriction " that I have seen " in v. 15.

and the work thereof is full of the glory of
the Lord.] Rather, and His work is full
of His glory.

204

ECCLESIASTICUS. XLII.

[v. 17-

-22.

b.c. 17 'The Lord hath not given
- — ' power to the saints to declare all his
27c# ' 43' marvellous works, which the Al-
mighty Lord firmly settled, that
whatsoever is might be established
for his glory.

18 He seeketh out the deep, and
the heart, and considereth their crafty

Or, the devices : for :' the Lord knoweth all
that may be known, and he beholdeth
the signs of the world.

19 He declareth the things that
are past, and for to come, and

revealeth the steps of hidden b. c.

. . cir. 200

things. —

20 S No thought escapeth him, /Job 42,
neither any word is hidden from him. Isai. 29.

21 He hath garnished the excel-15-
lent works of his wisdom, and he is
from everlasting to everlasting : unto
him may nothing be added, neither
can he be diminished, and he hath no
need of any counsellor.

22 Oh how desirable are all his
works ! and that a man may see even
to a spark.

17. bath not given power.'] " Hoc prae-
fatur ne putet a se expectandum ut res verbis
aequet " (Grotius).

iv hie b the Almighty Lord firmly settled, that
whatsoever is might be established for his
glory. .] The Syriac renders, "He has given
courage to them that fear Him to stand
before His glory." The verb represented
by " firmly settled " and " given courage "
would seem to have been "V3jin (Dan. ix.
27). The last clause is probably rightly
rendered by the Syr. " to stand before H is
glory" (see Isa. vi.). So far beyond all de-
scription is that glory, that it cannot even be
contemplated by the angels.

18. the deep and the heart.] The two most
inscrutable things. Comp. ch. i. 3 ; Dan.
ii. 22.

and considereth their crafty devices!] Pro-
bably nisbim (Job xi. 6), "secrets" (cf. Syr.),

perhaps read with 1 for 7 by the Greek
translator.

all that may be knowing " Every conscience,"
a few MSS., Copt., Aeth., Arm. Heb. JTID
of Eccles. x. 20.

and he beholdeth the signs of the world.]
The expression might also be rendered "the
sign of eternity." With the former inter-
pretation it is explained of the portents of the
world (De Wette, Aeth.); with the latter
(Arm.) of the signs whence the future may
be known (Fritzsche). Neither of these views
is satisfactory. The Syr. (in v. 20) renders:
" there are manifest before Him all that come

into the world;" reading cb\S nnix TO for

a'piyn niX by. We are inclined to believe
that this emendation is correct.

19. He declareth.] Comp. Isa. xli. 22, Sec.
But it may be questioned whether the ori-
ginal should not have been pointed JTP, "he

knoweth," rather than l?Hi\

and revealeth the steps of hidden things.]
Perhaps " makes out the track," finds the
clue to. The " hidden things" are not neces-
sarily "the secrets of the Divine world-plan"
(Fritzsche).

21. He hath garnished the excellent works of
his wisdom!] See xvi. 27.

and he is from everlasting to everlasting.]
The MSS. vary between " who is," " and
while he is," " as he is." The first of these
is supported by the versions, but cannot be
right, since evidently the reference is to the
uniformity and perpetuity of nature, not to
the eternalness of God. Fritzsche therefore
adopts ecos for the Hebrew "li]J, in which case
the verse should have been rendered " and
they are still." We believe that either the
reading of S, as (" he has ordered them as they
are," i.e. in that arrangement in which they
abide), must be adopted, or else /cai eort, " and
they exist," must be read, ews being regarded
as having been interpolated from v. 22, of
which wy and 6V were further corruptions.

unto him.] More probably unto them.

may nothing be.] Rather, has nothing
been.

of any counsellor.] " Ad conservandam
earn molem" (Grotius).

22. Oh how desirable are all his works!]

x\va no.

and that a man may see even to a spark.]
Both text and interpretation are uncertain.
The reading rendered by the A. V. is that of
C. S. and a few other MSS. The other
reading, ws, gives practically no meaning.
Baduellus explains the former as signifying
that there is nothing, however small, not even
a spark, which does not give evidence of the
beauty cf creation ; since, adds Grotius, a
spark produces light and heat, both of them
" ad vitam et artes necessariae." ' Drusius
suggests as an alternative, " yet all a man can
see therefore is up to a spark," i.e. human
knowledge of creation does not extend beyond
a minimum. We can scarcelv believe that

B.C.
cir. 200.

ch. 33.

23-25.] ECCLESIASTICUS. XLII. XLIII.

205

23 All these things live and remain of another : and who shall be
for ever for all uses, and they are all with beholding his glory ?
obedient.

24 s All things are double one
against another : and he hath made
nothing imperfect.

25 One thing establisheth the good

filled

B.C.

dr. 200.

CHAPTER XLIII.

I The works of God in heaven, and in earth,
and in the sea, are exceeding glorious and
wonderful. 29 Yet God himself in his power
and wisdom is above all.

the original was rightly translated. A hint,
however, of the true text is probably preserved
in the alternative reading <us-, introducing an
exclamatory clause, parallel to the first ; HJD1

ri1X-r? D»V», " and how sparkling (or
'• brilliant," Ezek. i. 7) are they to look
upon." " Sparks " was a false punctuation of
the second word; o-n-ivdqpes of MS. 106 is
probably the true reading in the Greek.

23. Cp. xxxix. 17.

24. = xxxiii. 15.

imperfect] Rather, failing. Heb. ^Dl
(cp. Syr.), otiosus, in Rabbinic usage fre-
quently in the sense of " idle," " void ;" cp.
Lat. vacuus.

25. One thing establisheth the good of
another.] Syr. " this with this in pairs."

CHAPTER XLIII.

Before giving an outline of this chapter,
we have to remark that we can only do so in
regard to its present Greek form. In the Syr.
the text ceases with v. 12 (indeed, the two
previous verses also are wanting or defective).
We will not offer any conjecture as to the
reason of this remarkable omission. But we
have no hesitation in expressing our belief
that the present Greek text does not faithfully
represent the Hebrew original, but has been
modified in a Hellenistic sense by the younger
Siracide. As a special instance of this we
refer to the purely Hellenistic sentiment in
t\ 27 b, which is certainly a spurious addition.

In the Greek text the chapter continues
the previous argument, and that in a manner
and language which almost reaches the sub-
lime. The theme is Creation : heaven, earth,
and sea, as shewing forth the glory of their
Maker. This, in five stanzas, to which a
sixth is added in praise of the great Creator.
Each of the first five stanzas refers to some
department of God's works, and closes with
a kind of eulogy (in stanza i. v. 5 ; in stanza ii.
v. 10; in stanza iii. v. 12 b\ in stanzas iv.
and v., which are conjoined, v. 26). The last
stanza (vi.) forms a great eulogy. In general
we mark in the first five stanzas two divisions :
things in heaven — the first three stanzas ;
and things on earth — stanzas iv. and v. A
symbolism seems to attach to the number
of the verses in each part. The first part

consists of 5 + 5 + 2 verses — in all twelve
(the symbolical number of Israel), and de-
scribes things in heaven. The second part
consists of fourteen verses — ten (the number
of the world) for earthly phenomena, and
four verses for those in the sea, while the
grand concluding eulogy (in stanza vi.) con-
sists of seven verses, which is the covenant-
number.

The first stanza, with its concluding eulogy,
treats of the sun (i"v. 1-5). The second
stanza, with its eulogy {yv. 6-10), is devoted
to moon and stars. Here we may note some
remarkable Rabbinic parallels as set forth in
Ber. R. (the Midrash on Gen.), par. vi. We
mark especially the designation of the moon
as " an indication of times " — the Jews cal-
culating the year by the moon — and "the
sign of feasts," the festal calendar being
arranged according to the moon. Further,
if, as we believe, the concluding words of v. 6
(arj/jLelov aicovos) should be translated " an
everlasting sign " (not " sign of the world "),
we have here another Rabbinic parallel, since
calculation by the moon was regarded as a dis-
tinctive sign of and for Israel, whereas the sun
served as the distinctive sign for the Gentile
nations who calculated by it. Manifold and
very curious is the application made of this
notion in the Haggadah. Thus the obscura--
tions of sun or moon were supposed to have
each a special significance. Similarly, as the
sun is in the sky only by day, but the moon by
night and day, so the Gentiles had only part in
this world, but Israel in this and the next ; and
again, as when the light of the sun sets that of
the moon grows and spreads, so would it be
in regard to the night of the Gentiles and the
light of Israel. In fact, the constant renewal
of the moon was an emblem of the constant
renovation of Israel. Lastly, as regards the
allusion in v. 8 to the attending " camps " of
the stars (see note on that verse), we recall
the Rabbinic legend, that because the moon
had humbled herself to rule only by night
God had appointed the stars to attend and
accompany her, both when she rose and when
she went down.

The third is a brief stanza about the rain-
bow (yv. 11, 12), and serves as transition
from objects in heaven to phenomena affecting
earth, which are referred to in stanza iv.
(yv. 13-22), while the fifth and closely-allied
stanza (yv. 23-26) is devoted to those pre-

2o6

ECCLESIASTICUS. XLIII.

[v.

-7.

b. c. '"T^HE pride of the height, the clear
JL firmament, the beauty of hea-
ven, with his glorious shew ;

2 The sun when it appeareth, de-
claring at his rising a marvellous

•esse! "instrument, the work of the most
High:

3 At noon it parcheth the coun-
try, and who can abide the burning
heat thereof?

4 A man blowing a furnace is in
works of heat, but the sun burnetii
the mountains three times more ;

stayeth

Ids course.

breathing out fiery vapours, and B. C
sending forth bright beams, it dim- '!l!!
meth the eyes.

5 Great is the Lord that made it ;

and at his commandment !l it run- i; Or, h
neth hastily.

6 " He made the moon also to ° Gen. 1
serve in her season for a declara- p*'_ *„,
tion of times, and a sign of the x9-
world.

7 ^From the moon is the sign of * Exod.
feasts, a light that decreaseth in her
perfection.

sented by the sea. The concluding (sixth)
stanza (yv. 27-33) is> as already stated, a
grand eulogy. As concluding the Chokbmah
utterances, it appropriately closes with a
reference to it (v. 33^).

1. It would be difficult to improve on the
Authorized Version here.

The pride of the height.'] The three mem-
bers of this verse are apparently to be regarded
as co-ordinate, the whole sentence being
either exclamatory, or explanatory of the
"glory" of xlii. 25 b. Grotius and Fritzsche,
however, make " the pride of the height "
predicate and the rest of the verse subject.
The Copt, renders : " the boast of the height
of the purity of the firmament."

2. The sun when it appeareth, declaring at
his rising.'] Some object is wanted for '• de-
claring," which Fritzsche re-translates "ISD'O.
Grotius read iv ev86^<o for eV e'£o8w, with
Co., interpreting this, "telleth of the glorious
one ; " the Aeth. seems to have had some
similar reading, which cannot be right.
Perhaps the original for "13DD had some
derivative of ~)Q£', meaning either " beautiful "

or " shining," Arab, .sun and Jun\ (used

especially of the dawn to translate PU3 by
Jewish- Arabic commentators).

a marvellous instrument?] " A master-
piece."

3. At noon.] Lit. at the noon there-
of, i.e. caused by it.

The second clause is from Ps. xix. 7.

4. A man blowing a furnace is in works
of heat.] "Is" should be omitted. The
sentence will then mean: A man blowing
a furnace in works of heat [produces
great heat]. But this sense is not satisfactory,
for it is much more natural to compare the
sun with the furnace than with the man who
blows it. Syr. " more than the furnace which
blows in the work of the smith ; " and this,
there is reason to believe, represents the

original, except that " blows " should rather
have been rendered " which is blown,"
"fanned" (rlB3D); and "the work of the
smith " perhaps by " in the workshop (officina)
of the smith." Kavfiaros for ^aXicdus is
probably due to Kavparos in v. 3. Grotius
wished to read ivepyos KavfxciTos, " produces
heat," which the Aeth. apparently translates.

breathing out fiery -vapours?] Heb. perhaps
ITD*, for which the Syr. would appear to
have read IITQ, " his ashes."

5. and at his commandment it runneth
hastily.] The other reading, " it stoppeth "
(a few Greek MSS. and S. H.), is merely a
transcriber's error.

6. He fnade the moon also to serve in her
season.] The reading here translated is found
only in 248, Go. The other MSS. read " and
the moon in all things for her season," in
which " in all things " has no obvious meaning.
Syr. : " the moon, too, standeth for a time."
From this it seems clear that Grabe rightly
emended <rV ardcrei for iv nam, " the moon
is at her station at her season," viz. at night
(Grotius).

for a declaration of times.] The calendars
of the ancient nations were lunar; compare
the Greek phrase Kara a-eXrjvrjv ayeiv ras
I'lfiepas. But the special reference here is to
the Jewish calculation of time (see introd.).

and a sign of the world.] Compare xlii. 18.
Rather, an everlasting sign. So also the
Syr., S. H., Copt, Gutmann. This is the
natural interpretation of the words. Fritz-
sche's explanation, " a sign of the future,
whence the future may be known," cannot be
adopted.

7. the sign of feasts.] E.g. the Passover.

a light that decreaseth in her perfection?]
I.e. "after the full moon" (Fritzsche). The
expression reminds us of Job xxvi. 10,
TC'n Dy 11K IV^ri iy. We should expect
a different phenomenon from that men-

8-I4-]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XLIII.

207

B. C
cir. 200.

8 The month is called after her
fl^1' name, increasing wonderfully in her

changing, being an instrument of
the armies above, shining in the fir-
mament of heaven ;

9 The beauty of heaven, the glory
of the stars, an ornament giving light
in the highest places of the Lord.

10 At the commandment of the
Holy One they will stand in their
order, and never faint in their
watches.

11 cLook upon the rainbow, and

praise him that made it ; very beau- B. c.
tiful it is in the brightness thereof.

12 It compasseth the heaven a-
bout with a glorious circle, and

the d hands of the most High have d isai. 4o.
bended it. I2' &c"

13 By his commandment he mak-
eth the snow to fall apace, and
sendeth swiftly the lightnings of his
judgment. 'Deut.28.

14 Through this ''the treasures]^ g 22
are opened : and clouds fly forth as ps- 135- V

r 1 Jer. 10. 13.

fowls. & SI. l6*

tioned in 8 b to be described here ; and indeed
the particular phenomenon which gave the
sign of the feast, viz. the moon being full.
If this was represented by the Aramaic "ID J,
both the Greek and Syriac renderings could
be easily accounted for.

8. The month is called after her name, in-
creasing wonderfully in her changing.] The
tirst clause should be in brackets, since the
second clearly refers to the moon, not to the
month. The verse is thought to have referred
to the Hebrew Uy and rTV; the latter being
the older and more poetical word for the
" month," whereas KH'n was the ordinary
word. The Greek /x?)i/ and ^vq are com-
parable ; Drusius observes that the same
remark holds good of the Flemish and
English words. It does not, however, apply
to the Aramaic and Syriac languages ; whence
the verse has been used to prove that the
Siracide wrote in Hebrew. [Nevertheless
the above interpretation is not free from diffi-
culty. The original of the verse, as the
consensus of Gr. with Svr. shews, must have
been either \OW2 Kl n rTV or 1DBO KIM EHf"!,
either of which would be an unnatural way
of expressing the sentiment in the text';
meaning properly "the month" or "the
moon is like its name," in some particular
to be further explained. If the original con-
tained the latter of the two words suggested,
it should probably have been pointed £5>*7n
" He (or, as we say, she) is new, as his name
(new moon, t^Hh) implies." The last clause
of the former verse will then have referred to
the full moon, and this to the new moon,
while the next clause of this verse refers to
its divers phases.]

an instrument of the armies above.] Rather,
of the camps. Fritzsche accepts the in-
terpretation of Grotius, "a beacon," i.e. a
general signal in accordance with which the
armies direct their movements. Comp. here

also the Jewish legend, referred to in the
introd.

A full stop should be placed at the end of
this verse. The next refers to the stars.

9. in the highest places of the Lord.] Some
MSS. and Versions have: "in the highest
places Lord."

10. they will stand.] Rather, they stand.

in their order.] Heb. Dt32ti*D3, rite.

and never faint in their watches.] Better
Greek would have been KaraXvo-coai ras 4>v\a-
k6s. Syr. " and change not in their courses."
This makes it probable that the original was

1S?JP (Isa. li. 20; misread by the Syr. )zbw),
with which the " courses " (DPPnXVlB ; per-
haps misread DiTmiVO) agree better than
the " watches " of the Greek translator. The
"courses" of the constellations are familiar.

The rest of this chapter is wanting in the
Syriac Version.

11. in the brightness thereof] Cp. Ezek. i. 2 8.

12. have bended it.] Perhaps have
stretched it, the metaphor having changed.

13. By his commandment he maketh the snow
to fall apace.] The sentence is inelegant if
the subject be God (Grotius), but we cannot
well supply " the sky " with Drusius. The
Aeth. would seem to have read xi<°v-> " the
snow pours down ;" Fritzsche's suggestion
that the verbs were used intransitively in the
original is, however, simpler. The mention
of snow itself in this place is rather surprising.

the lightnings of his judgment.] Cp. Ps.
xviii. 15, &c.

14. Through this.] Perhaps p *?$, "for
this purpose."

treasures.] The storehouses in which the
biblical poets figuratively represent hail, snow,
&c.,as piled up; see especially Job xxxviii. 22.

fly forth as fowls.] Compare the phrase
of Aeschylus, XevKomtpoi. vi(pu8(s.

208

ECCLESIASTICUS. XLIII.

!>• i5-

-22.

B. C.

cir. 200.

R'Or, to
groan as
a woman
in her
travail.

15 Bv his great power he malceth
the clouds firm, and the hailstones
are broken small.

16 At his sight the mountains are
shaken, and at his will the south
wind bloweth.

17 The noise of the thunder mak-
eth the earth " to tremble : so doth
the northern storm and the whirl-
wind : as birds flying he scattereth the
snow, and the falling down thereof
is as the lighting of grasshoppers :

18 The eye marvelleth at the
beauty of the whiteness thereof, and
the heart is astonished at the raining
of it.

19 The hoarfrost also as salt he J*, c.
poureth on the earth, and being con- ciri^°'
gealed, ' it lieth on the top of sharp " 0r>

Stakes. the point

20 When the cold north wind "(takes.
bloweth, and the water is congeal-
ed into ice, it abideth upon every
gathering together of water, and
clotheth the water as with a breast-
plate.

21 It devoureth the mountains,
and burneth the wilderness, and
consumeth the grass as fire.

22 A present remedy of all is a
mist coming speedily : a dew coming
"after heat refresheth. the heat.

15. On the one hand, the light and elastic
particles of cloud are combined into heavy
masses ; and, on the other, solid blocks of ice
are splintered into hailstones.

16, 17. These verses have become dis-
arranged in most of the MSS.; the original
order — ija, 16 a, 16 b, 17 b — must be restored
from MSS. 23, &c, S. H., and Copt. Accord-
ingly we arrange them as follows : —

17 a. The noise of the thunder tnaketh the
earth to tremble.'] See margin.

16 a. at his sight the mountains are shaken.]
Cp. Ps. 1. 2, &c. If the original was lJJ'Sin,
it may have signified "at its flashing " {i.e. the
lightning): cp. Job xxxvii. 15.

1Gb. and at his will the south wind bloweth.]
JDTI, Ps. lxxviii. 26.

17 b, &c. so doth the northern storm and the
whirlwind.] Perhaps the original order was
mjJDI H31D }1QS DJ, "so too the north wind,
storm and whirlwind." The variation of ex-
pression in the text is an ornament of Greek
rather than of Semitic poetry.

as birds flying.] Rather, "alighting;"
deponens ad sedendum, Lat.

he scattereth.] Heb. pyi, perhaps here used
intransitively, as in Hos. vii. 9. This will
.accord better with the simile.

lighting of grasshoppers.] More probably,
"of locusts," as the ancient versions render
it. For " lighting " we should perhaps sub-
stitute "encamping;" Heb. m (Ex. x. 14).
The point of comparison lies in their " cover-
ing the eye of the whole earth" (Ex. x. 5).
The simile is a familiar one in Scripture.

18. at the raining of it.] " Solent enim
viatoribus visum adimere" (Grotius). This
is not more probable than Fritzsche's render-
ing, " at the moisture of it." Raining and
snowing are, often confused by the ancients

(see Tafel on Pindar, ' Olymp.' p. 403), but
here some quality of the snow which occa-
sions fear is required. Perhaps the other
sense of the word lDCJ, " its body," i.e. nature
(in Aramaic), was intended.

19. it lieth on the top of sharp stakes?] The
marginal rendering must here be substituted.
Aeth. "it splits like sharp crystal." For
"stakes" we should also substitute thorns.

20. Comp. Prov. xxvii. 16, LXX. (Fritz-

sche).

upon every gathering together?] HJpO, Isaiah
xxii. 1 1 ; the torrents would not freeze.

and clotheth the 'water?] Lit. and the
water puts on as it were a breast-
plate. A jingle may have been intended
between }V1B> and HX* if the latter (Aramaic)
verb was used for " resteth." QJopat- and
lorica are frequently used of any "coating;"
loricatio in Vitruvius is the plastering of a wall.

21. It devoureth the mountains?] " Aufer-
endo virorem " (Grotius).

22. A present remedy of all is a mist coming
speedily.] " Present " and " coming speedily "
represent the same word. If the Hebrew was
mriD "PDH NB*1D, it should probably have
been rendered "a mist quickly healeth all."

a dew coming after heat refresheth.] If the
Greek be here correct, it is clear that a verse
or clause must have been lost in which the
heat was mentioned. This is practically the
view of Gutmann and Fritzsche, who refer
v. 21 to the effects of the hot wind. The
language there used agrees well with the
effects of the DHp or Kavo-av, elsewhere de-
scribed ; see Gen. xvi. 6 (" burnt by the east
wind"), Ezek. xvii. 10, &c. Nevertheless,
the phrase dnavTuxra dno kciiktcovos, mpD J/JS,
must almost necessarily have meant " coming
from the east:" "dew" then means "rain,"

V. 2

■3i.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XLIII.

209

B. c. 23 By his counsel he appeaseth the

or^oo. jeep^ anj pianteth islands therein.

f Ps. 107. 24 f They that sail on the sea tell
of the danger thereof: and when we
hear it with our ears, we marvel
thereat.

*Ts. 104. 25 s For therein be strange and
wondrous works, variety of all kinds
of beasts and whales created.

26 By him the end of them hath

* Col. 1. prosperous success, and h by his word

all things consist.
ch. 42. 27 We may speak much, and * yet

come short : wherefore in sum, he
is all.

28 How shall we be able to mag- B.C.
nify him ? for he is great above all C1L!!0,
his works.

29 k The Lord is terrible and * Ps- 96- 4-
very great, and marvellous in his
power.

30 When ye glorify the Lord, exalt
him as much as ye can ; for even
yet will he far exceed : and when
ye exalt him, put forth all your
strength, and be not weary ; for ye
can never go far enough.

31 /Who hath seen him, that he 'Ps. 106.2
might tell us ? and who can magnify &°5.n37
him as he is? &6*46-

1 8.

and the description is continuous from v. 20.
" Refresheth" should rather have been: which
refresheth. The ancients believed that
snow must be followed by rain within a
definite period: see Herod, ii. 22; Aristoph.
* Vespae,' 260.

23. he appeaseth the deep.~] "The deep
subsideth," according to a few MSS.

and planteth islands therein?^ This would
seem to refer to the sudden emerging of
islands, due to submarine motions ; of which
it is surprising that our author should have
known. Grotius would have altered the text,
so as to make it mean " et si qua est in mari
insula, plantas profert ;" plainly not a fortunate
suggestion. The* word D,3V is rendered
" islands " by the Pesh. in Ps. Ixxii. 9, and a
similar rendering is given theword D'H'V by the
LXX. of Isa. xlv. 16. The former word we
believe to have been used in this place : "and
he planteth her with ships." This, both
on account of the next verses and because the
appearance of ships rather than that of islands
on the sea is the natural consequence of a
calm. The word vi'icrovs, " islands," is here
preserved only by some " interpolated" MSS.,
and the Lat. and S. H. versions. All the old
MSS., with the Aeth. and Copt., shew the
corruption 'Irjaovs, " and Jesus planted her."

24. Cp. Ps. cvii.

the danger thereof} It is not clear what
the original can have been : " terror " was
perhaps meant.

25. 'whales created.} The words must
rather have meant "the [marvellous] creatures,
whales." Compare the ordinary Greek idiom
XPWa Qrjpiov, 8cc.

26. By him the end of them hath prosperous
success.] The best authorities here have :
through him prosperity is the end
thereof. The interpretation of the clause

ApOC— Vol. II.

will vary according as it is supposed to refer
to the immediately preceding verses, or to
those which follow (see the introd.). The
former was the view of the Latin translator,
confirmatus est itineris finis (reading bhav for
avrov ?) ; the latter, however, is more pro-
bable, if we compare the second clause. We
would suggest that the clauses should be
inverted, and that in the first euoSot should be
read for evotiia, with MS. 248: " By his word
all things consist ; and by it he maketh the
extremity of them (= the totality, D"Sp) to
prosper."

27. and yet come short, .] Rather, and we

shall never attain thereto, J*B>J \s>.

wherefore in sum, he is all.'} Rather, and
the sum of the matter is: He is all.
This clause is evidently a spurious Hellenistic
addition by the younger Siracide (see the
introd.).

28. How shall <we be able to magnify him f]
Lit. In glorifying him how shall we
succeed?

he is great.} Lit. the one who is great.

The original, however, VB>]7» ^>3» ^Uil,
would probably mean " the greatest of all his
works" (Ewald, ' Lehrb.' §313).

29. From Ps. xcvi. 4.

30. When ye glorify.} Rather, Glorifying.

exalt him as much as ye can.} It is pro-
bable that " him " was not the object of this
clause, but " your powers " (D31X0 ?) or
" your voices."

be not iveary ; for ye can ne-ver go far
enough.} Apparently a play on the words

31. Who hath seen him.} The passage from
St. John cited in the margin is in a very
different context, and this question is here

2IO

ECCLESIASTICUS. XLIII. XLIV. [v. 32-1.

B.C.
cir. 200.

32 There are yet hid greater things
than these be, for we have seen but
a few of his works.

33 For the Lord hath made all
things ; and to the godly hath he
given wisdom.

CHAPTER XLIV. b.c.

cir. 200.

I The praise of certain holy men : 16 of 'Enoch,

17 Noah, 19 Abraham, 22 Isaac, 23 and

Jacob.

LET us now praise famous men, The praise
and our fathers that begat us. fathers.

unnatural, if not improper
original was HX1
the whole of his work

»», " who

Probably the
hath seen," viz.

32. Cp. xvi. 21.

33. ivisdom.~\ I.e. only the few are privi-
leged to obtain any insight into these things.

CHAPTER XLIV.

From praise of the Creator the writer pro-
ceeds to that of the most prominent and dis-
tinguished of His people. Yet here also the
object is not merely, nor mainly, praise of the
heroes of Jewish history, but rather praise of
God in them and for them. The chapter
naturally arranges itself in four stanzas. In
the first (yv. 1-7) the writer indicates that
his main object is to praise the God who had
bestowed manifold and divers gifts upon men
for the good of His people. The description
of these varied gifts and administrations is here
general, the object being to shew that they all
came from God and all served for the public
good. In the second stanza (yv. 8-15) he
proceeds to shew that there was another class,
by whom also God was praised and whom
He had raised up, although they had not
occupied public or prominent positions, and
their name and fame had not been preserved.
Yet they also had their reward and their
memorial. The latter consisted in their own
happiness and peace unto death, and after it
in the children and the good name which they
left behind them. Once more we notice here
a melancholy absence of all idea of another
life (see especially v. 14). The stanza might
be thus summed up: Not all can be famous,
but all may be good ; and, if so, they will be
useful, happy, enduring, andof blessed memory:
useful in life and after death.

The third stanza (yv. 16-18) begins the
praise of individuals by name. In the Greek
text this embraces Enoch and Noah. But it
deserves special notice that the verse about
Enoch {v. 16) is omitted in the Syr. Version,
which in this is followed by the Arabic. On
examining the Greek text, we find that it
bears traces of Jewish tradition. On com-
paring LXX. Gen. v. 24 with Ecclus. xlv. 16a,
we observe that while in the main the words
of the LXX. are retained, there are also notable
alterations. The LXX. has [we italicise the
words used in common in the LXX. and in
Ecclus.] : " And Enoch pleased God [the

Lord] well, and he was not found because
[these words are omitted in Ecclus.] God
translated him" — where Ecclus. has: "and
he was translated." These alterations and
omissions are very important, as they seem to
avoid the biblical doctrine of Enoch's trans-
lation (to heaven) by God (Ecclus. omits " he
was not found because," as well as the notice
that God translated him). [We mark that
Heb. xi. 5 reproduces the LXX. : see Delitzsch
ad loc.~\ Nor is this modified by Ecclus. xlix.
14 (where the Alex, however reads, not
dveX-qtydr), as the Vat., but ^Tfrddr] as in
xliv. 16). Now it is quite true that the
Rabbis, chiefly in connexion with the Chris-
tian controversy, not only controverted the
ascension to heaven of Moses and Elijah
(Sukk. 5 a), but that the Midrash (Ber. R. 25)
maintains that Elijah had died [this expressly,

and also implicitly by interpreting the np? of
Gen. v. 24 by the use of the same word in
Ezek. xxiv. 16]. The Targum Onkelos boldly
puts : " because God made him to die " [so
the correct text, ed. Berliner]. At a later
period the Targum Pseudo- Jon., however, not
only taught Enoch's ascension to heaven, but
represents him there as Metatron, the highest
of Angels, while, on the other hand, the so-
called Jer. Targ. again omits all this. This
latter may be regarded as the Palestinian
current of opinion. Perhaps little intrinsic
value attaches to the allegorisms of Philo,
who makes the translation of Enoch the
symbol of a change from a worse and blame-
able to a better mode of life ('de Abrah.'
§ 3), or from the domination of the body to
the rule of the soul, and at the same time also
the forsaking of the many for the solitude of
meditation ('de Praem. et Poen.' § 3 — as
regards solitude and meditation, ' de mutat.
nom.' § 4).

It results that Philo (like the majority of
the Rabbis) not only ignored (if not expressly
denied) the ascension of Enoch, but that,
like Ecclus. xliv. 1 6 b, he represented him as
" an example of repentance " — as one who
had changed from a worse to a better state.
But this also accords with Rabbinic tradition.
According to Ber. R. 25, he had been reckoned
among sinners; was by turns wicked and
pious1; and God had said that if he continued
in his piety, He would take him out of the
world. Whatever, therefore, may be said
about the ascension of Enoch (on which

V. 2—4-]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XLIV.

211

B. C.
cir. 200.

2 The Lord hath wrought great derstanding, and declaring prophe-
glory by them through his great cies :

power from the beginning. 4 Leaders of the people by their

3 Such as did bear rule in their counsels, and by their knowledge of
kingdoms, men renowned for their learning meet for the people, wise
power, giving counsel by their un- and eloquent in their instructions :

B.C.

cir. 200.

opinions varied at different times), Philo's
idea about Enoch's repentance seems grounded
on Jewish tradition. [It need scarcely be said
that, with his peculiar views, Philo could not
have believed in any real ascension of Enoch,
any more than the Son of Sirach, who
studiously ignores another life.] So far then
from Ecclus. xlv. 16 being a spurious verse
(as Frankel supposes, ' Einfl. d. Palastin.
Exeg.' p. 44, note e), it accords alike with
Palestinian and Alexandrian notions, and there
is not any reason why the older Siracide should
not have written, and the younger Siracide
translated, this verse — but quite the opposite.
For its omission in the Syr. translation, we
account on the ground that the verse would
appear to the Christian translator inconsis-
tent with Old but especially with New Testa-
ment teaching, and that it might deprive
Christians of a powerful argument for the
Resurrection and Ascension of Christ. That
it was used by Christians in that sense, is
expressly stated in the Jewish Midrash. [We
cannot help suspecting that similar motives
prompted what seems to us the more emphatic
wording of v. 2 1 b in the Syr.] Lastly, we
notice with pleasure in the reference to Noah
the absence of the later repulsive Rabbinic
legends.

The fourth stanza in ch. xliv. {nrv. 19-23)
treats of the Patriarchs : Abraham, Isaac, and
Jacob. Here also we mark the absence of
later Rabbinic legends. Again, it is instruc-
tive— or at least should be so— that, contrary
to the confident assertions of a certain school
of modern critics, Gen. xxii. 18 was under-
stood by the younger Siracide (who presum-
ably knew Hebrew) as by the LXX. to mean :
" in thy seed shall all the nations of the earth
be blessed" — and not "with thy seed shall
they bless themselves." Indeed, not improb-
ably the younger Siracide here quoted from
the LXX.

1. that begat us.] Rather, in their
generation; in chronological order.

2. The Lord hath wrought great glory by
them.] The last two words are not found in
the best MSS. From the Syriac we learn

that the original had Dr6 JflJ, which the
Syr. pointed JFIJ, "let us give," the Greek

2HP[X] JfO; but which should have been
pointed ]fl3, " was given."

through his great power from the begin-
ning^ "His great power" in the Greek is
dependent upon " hath wrought ; " giving in
this context no very satisfactory meaning.
The Syr. has: " because all their greatness was
above the generations of the world." From
this it would appear that the original was

D/'l? riTJE -1^*73, "they were Greater than

t :'t ' * *~

the generations of the world ; " i.e. they were
eminent, conspicuous among them. The

first word was misread wli from ?~)} by

both ; the Syriac, " all [their greatness]," is
an acknowledgment that the pronominal affix
was in the singular.

3. First class of men of eminence.

Such as did bear rule in their kingdoms.']
It is a little remarkable that the complement
in all the other clauses in vv. 3, 4, is some
personal quality of the individuals praised.
Moreover the plural " kingdoms " is improper,
since reference is made only to the kings of
the united people, and then to those of
Judah. The clause is omitted in the Syriac.
Perhaps the author intended " by their coun-
sels," using "pD in the Aramaic sense.

giving counsel by their understanding.] From
the variations in the MSS., the original would
appear to have had the imperfect.

and declaring prophecies^] Lit. and hav-
ing declared by prophecies. The ori-
ginal had probably the perfect -ITiin (cf. Syr.),
and meant "they gave information by their
prophetic power." The Syr. renders: "they
declared signs by their prophetic power."
" Signs " reads like a mistranslation of ni*fiV>,
" coming events."

4. Second class : leaders and teachers.

Leaders of the people by their counsels^] Aeth.
'• kings of the earth in their expeditions."

and by their knowledge of learning meet for
the people.] The Greek is here difficult and
certainly corrupt. For ypa/a/iarf las we should
emend -ypa/xfiareis-, from the Aethiopic and
Coptic versions ; and so Fritzschesugeested.
The same is apparently supported by the Syr.
The original of this was either 'HOB* or *t33E?,
"judges of the people by their prudence."
A possible version of the uncorrected text is
that of Grotius, "and with wisdom [= pos-
sessed of wisdom] meet for the scribes of the
people."

P 2

212

ECCLESIASTICUS. XLIV.

[v. 5-

12.

b. c. c Such as found out musical tunes,

cir. 200. , , I,

— and recited verses in writing; :
ditties. 6 Rich men furnished with abi-

lity, living peaceably in their habita-
tions :

7 All these were honoured in their
generations, and were the glory of
their times.

8 There be of them, that have
left a name behind them, that their
praises might be reported.

q And some there be, which have
22. no memorial; a who are perished,

as though they had never been ; and b. c.
are become as though they had never — ^°
been born ; and their children after
them.

io But these were merciful men,
whose righteousness hath not been
forgotten.

ii With their seed shall continu-
ally remain a good inheritance, and
their children are within the co-
venant.

12 Their seed standeth fast, and
their children " for their sakes. them.

(wise and eloquent in their instructions.]
Lit. in whose instruction were wise
words.

5. Third class : poets and composers.

found out musical tunes.~\ The word signi-
fies perhaps no more than " producing " or
" performing." The Syriac suggests that it
was the inventors of the instruments to
whom allusion was made.

and recited verses^] The difficult com-
bination " recited in writing " seems to have
led the Syrian to transfer "in writing" to
the next clause. " Verses " apparently repre-
sents DvfO ; for " recited " the comparison
of Greek and Syriac suggests that the original
was "HOK. Fritzsche regards this as an
allusion to the books of Job and Canticles.

6. furnished with ability. ,] Heb. perhaps
^n ^lOD (cp. Gen. xxvii. 37, t"Tni pi
VrODD), " well supplied with goods." The
reference might be to the Patriarchs (Bret-
schneider) ; more probably it is to the
wealthy landowners, the Naboths and Arau-
nahs, to whom incidental allusion is made.

in their habitations.'] Compare Dan. iv. 1.

7. and qvere the glory of their times .] We
have reason for believing (cp. Syr.) that the
original of the first clause would have been
translated literally, " all these — there was
honour to them." The translator being unable
to paraphrase the second clause as he had
paraphrased the first, left it, somewhat care-
lessly, unaltered. He should have rendered
it, "and had boasting {i.e. magnificence) in
their days."

8. 9. Second stanza. Yet not all of these
became celebrated in after-times, nor had they
even their memorial preserved.

8. that their praises might be reported.']
Lit. that [men] might recount [their]
praises.

10. The difference is due to the use made

by them severally of their privileges; the
latter sui memores alios fecere merendo.

ivhose righteousness.] Lit. righteous-
nesses; i.e. righteous acts (Isa. lxiv. 5).

hath not been forgotten.] Grotius (wrongly),
" apud Deum scilicet."

11-13. With their seed shall continually
remain a good inheritance, <&c] There is some
confusion in these verses, which with the help
of the Syriac may be partly corrected, (a.)
Syr. " With their seed remaineth their for-
tune." We follow Fritzsche in believing that
" good " was a substantive in the original ;
this may have been mm or D21B. {b.) The
Syr. continues : " their root is to their children's
children." He read therefore DBH!? where
the Greek read (perhaps) nE5>l*. If we com-
bine these readings into DEn11, i.e. D-IEJHy these
will inherit them," eKyova avrwv will be intel-
ligible : " and their children shall inherit them "
(or "have inherited them"), (c.) The Syr.
proceeds: " In their covenant remaineth their
seed." This can be obtained from the Greek
by shifting a stop. The covenant which God
made with their fathers is extended by H im
to the sons ; and the covenant is called theirs,
just as the " covenant of Abraham," &c. is
spoken of. (d.) Gr. 12 b: " And their chil-
dren through them;" Syr. "and their
children's children in good works." It is
easy here to detect two readings — D"Uy3,
"on their account," and D13V3, "in works;"
and we cannot hesitate to prefer the former.
It is possible that in (c.) " by their cove-
nant " would have been a better rendering.
(e) -v. 1 3 : " Their seed shall remain for ever."
Here we accept the emendation of the Syr.
"their remembrance," D"DT for DJDT. We
have heard enough in the previous clause of
the advantages enjoyed by their descendants.

The Syriac omits -w. 15 b, 16 ; the omission
of this mention of Enoch is not a little remark-
able, for it is the first time that he appears in
the character of prophet. See the introduction.

v. 13—21.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XLIV.

213

B.C. 1 ^ Their seed shall remain for

- — ' ever, and their glory shall not be
blotted out.

14 Their bodies are buried in
peace ; but their name liveth for
evermore.
ch. 39. 15 *The people will tell of their
wisdom, and the congregation will
shew forth their praise.

16 c Enoch pleased the Lord, and
was translated, being an example of
repentance to all generations.
Gen. 6.9. 17 d Noah was found perfect and
righteous; in the time of wrath he

Oen. 5.

•A-

:h. 49. 14.

lebr. 11.

c 7. 1.
lebr. 11.

was taken in exchange [for the
world ;] therefore was he left as a

remnant unto the earth, when the u. c.
flood came. ciLf!°-

18 An e everlasting covenant was e Gen. 9.
made with him, that all flesh should ""
perish no more by the flood.

19 Abraham was a /great father / Gen. 12.
of many people : in glory was there | \
none like unto him ; & 17- 4-

20 Who kept the law of the most
High, and was in covenant with him :

he established the covenant in £ his s Gen. 17.
flesh ; and when he was h proved, he &'a'\
was found faithful. * Gen. 22.

21 Therefore he assured him by *'

an * oath, that he would bless the ' Gen- 2z-
nations in his seed, and that he would Gal. 3. 3.'

16. being an example of repentance?] As fully
stated in the introduction, Philo takes Enoch's
translation as symbolic of his change to a
better life; cf. Geiger, 'Urschrift,' p. 198.
The versions all alter this sentiment (except
Aeth.) : Lat. ut det gentibus poenitentiam ;
Copt. " an example of wisdom " (diavolas ?) ;
S. H. "to be an everlasting example" (with
MS. 253). On the whole subject comp. the
remarks in the introduction.

17. See the references.

he was taken in exchange [for the world].]
Lit. became a substitute; the Syr. and
Aeth. versions gloss as the A. V. He became
a substitute in the sense that his preservation
served instead of the preservation of the whole
world. This is more natural than to render
" he became the price of the salvation of the
world," with Grotius and Fritzsche ; giving a
sentiment which is doubly inaccurate. Never-
theless, we shall find occasion at xlvi. 1 5 for

supposing that the word fpn was used by our
author in its Arabic sense of " to leave be-
hind." He may have used a derivative here
also in the sense of " remnant," as Barhebraeus
suggests.

when the flood came.] The Vat. and some
other authorities have (corruptly) : " on this
account the flood came."

18. everlasting covenant."] For the phrase
comp. Ex. xxxi. 16.

no more.] Lit. not.

by the flood.] Rather, by flood.

19. a great father, fac] The author
would appear to have employed a schema ety-
mologicum, CPU pDH n~l *3K. 3*1 is omitted
(perhaps rightly) by Syr. The true etymon
is still obscure.

in glory was there none like unto him.] Lit.
not found. Syr. "there was no stain set

on his glory." This seems to point to two

separate readings, ?m»3 NVD: tih and i&
□ 10 }ni The latter expression occurs more
than once in this book, and is likely to have
been introduced here by the reminiscence of
those other passages.

20. and was.] Lit. became = entered
into (Syr.).

he established the covenant in his flesh.] The
subject is probably still Abraham. JV"D, as
Grotius observes, is a technical term for
" circumcision." But the probable occurrence
of that word in the preceding clause and the
jingle make it not unlikely that the Aramaic
Wp was here used : Wp D'pni. " Establish "
means here to " ratify," the sign in his flesh
being compared to the pillars on which treaties
were engraved by the ancients.

and when he was proved.] See Gen. xxii.
These " merits " of Abraham are largely
insisted on in the Jewish ritual.

21. he assured him by an oath.] Rather,
made good to him; and this is the
Hebrew sense of Q,pn and D*j?. This ex-
pression might be justified on the ground that
the promise of God is so sure as to be iden-
tical with its fulfilment. Nevertheless the
regular use of the verb D"p in Aramaic for
"to swear" (see Buxtorf, 'Lex. Rabb.' coll.
J992) 3)» together with the Syriac version
here, make it probable that the author meant
" swore him an oath." Compare v. 22.

that he would bless the nations in his seed.]
The best authorities have the passive, " that
all nations should be blessed." It is well
known that many modern critics make the
original mean "that all nations should bless
themselves by," i.e. in their blessings cite the
name of Abraham. See Edersheim's ' Pro-
phecy and History,' &c, p. 55.

214

ECCLESIASTICUS. XLIV. XLV. [v. 2.

B.C. multiply him as the dust of the earth,
l-J0°' and exalt his seed as the stars, and
cause them to inherit from sea to sea,
and from the river unto the utmost
part of the land.
* Gen. 26. 22 x'With Isaac did he establish
likewise [for Abraham his father's
sake] the blessing of all men, and the
covenant,

23 And made it rest upon the head b. c.
of l Jacob. He acknowledged him clT^°-
in his blessing, and gave him an 28Gen' 2?"
heritage, and divided his portions ; &23- J4-
among the twelve tribes did he part
them.

CHAPTER XLV.

I The praise of Moses, 6 of Aaron, 23 and of
Phinees.

as the dust of the earthy See Gen. xv. 5 ;
xxii. 17. Syr. and Aeth. "like the sand of
the sea," perhaps correcting from the above
passages.

exalt his seed as the stars.~\ The Aeth.
substitutes " multiply." The Syr. renders :
" that he would set his seed above all nations."

and cause them to inherit, <&'c] (Gen. xv. 1 8 ;
Ex. xxiii. 31 ; Deut. xi. 24 ; Josh. i. 4.) I.e.
from the Red Sea to the Mediterranean,
and from the Euphrates to the Arabian
deserts. These boundaries were attained
during the most flourishing period of Israel.
But the writer seems also to have had in
mind Ps. lxxii. 8.

22. did he establish.] I.e. " swear," D*j3 ;
v. supra. There is no reason for the brackets
in the A. V.

the blessing of all men and the covenant.']
There is some confusion in these verses.
The Syr. has: " and the blessing of all them
that went before rests upon the head of
Israel." The words " and made it rest " of the
next verse seem to represent the Heb. PIT.
This probably referred to Isaac and meant
"he transmitted it." The addition in the
Syriac would seem to be an interpretation of
the first word of v. 23.

23. And made it rest upon the head.] The
phrase is from Gen. xlix. 26; the author has
also in mind Gen. xlviii. 14. As Jacob repre-
sents the unity of the people, the blessing is
not conveyed to any single individual after
him.

He acknowledged him in his blessing.] Syr.
"whom he called my first-born Israel." It
seems that Him and rnb3, " birthright,"
have been confused ; nor can we doubt that
the Syriac in the main represents the true
tradition. Transposition ot letters is one of
the most familiar sources of corruption in
Semitic texts. The fact that the birthright
was assigned to Jacob is too characteristic
for our author to have passed over. inTD*l
n~lD23, or some similar phrase, corresponding
with the legal expression in Deut. xxi. 17,
TO'1 "03H FIX '3, "he must recognise the
firstborn as such," was probably employed.
The subject is probably Isaac, not God.

and gave him an heritage^] Lit. in heri-
tage. Perhaps "he installed him in the
heritage." The Aeth. shews a reading, " the
inheritance itself;" the Syr., Lat., and one
Greek MS., " the inheritance," either of which
would be easier.

and divided his portions.] Fritzsche would
make this refer to the land.

CHAPTER XLV.

A continuation of the previous chapter.
The subjects of praise are Moses (vv. 1-5),
Aaron (vv. 6-22), and Phinehas (w. 23-25).
The chapter concludes with a brief address
to the high-priest then in office {v. 26). In
the first stanza (vv. 1-5) we mark the (per-
haps first) occurrence of what afterwards
became a usual mode of expression : " his
memory to blessing" (see note). It is not
easy to decide whether at any rate v. 2
does not contain an allusion to some of the
legends connected with the early history of
Moses (for a popular summary of them, see
B. Beer, ' Leben Moses ' [posthumous and
incomplete]). In stanza ii. (vv. 6-22) we
notice a greatly disproportionate length
and excessive abundance of detail, the more
remarkable from its contrast with the com-
parative brevity of the encomium upon Moses,
the great hero of Rabbinic conception and
legend. This led writers in various ages to
regard the author of this book as a priest
(see General Introduction). To us it rather
indicates that he wrote at a period when alike
the civil and spiritual power was in the hands
of the high-priest (the 7rpoa-TcxTT]s rov \aov).
The emphatic reference to the succession in
the high-priesthood seems (as explained in
the General Introd.) to indicate an allusion
to contemporary events. According to Jose-
phus, Simon L- — whom he designates as
Simon the Just — was succeeded not by his
son Onias (who was still a minor), but by his
brother Eleazar, and afterwards by another
brother, Manasseh. And it was only after the
death of the latter that Onias II. became high-
priest, being succeeded by his son, Simon II.
(For the various dates see Gen. Introd. § II.)
As stated in another place, we regard Ecclus.
xlv. 25 as alluding to the long extrusion of

v- i— 5-]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XLV.

«5

B. C.

cir. 200.

Exod.

ND he brought out of him a
merciful man, which

favour in the sight of all flesh,

I Exod.
I 8, 9, 10,
jiapters.

found
even
a Moses, beloved of God and men,
whose memorial is blessed.

2 He made him like to the glori-
ous saints, and magnified him, so that
his enemies stood in fear of him.

3 By his words he caused the won-
ders to cease, and he made him
b glorious in the sight of kings, and

gave him a commandment for his b. c.
people, and c shewed him part of his CILI!°"

gioir- ;4E6?d-

4 d He sanctified him in his faith- a Numb.
fulness and meekness, and chose him I2- 3-
out of all men.

5 He made him to hear his voice,

and e brought him into the dark ' Ex°d-
cloud, and /gave him command-/Exod,
ments before his face, even the law *9- ?■
of life and knowledge, that he might 1, a.

Onias from the pontificate, due to intrigues
of the actual occupants of the office with the
Egyptian suzerains of Palestine. Similarly,
we consider -v. 26 as addressed to Onias II.
The political rule of Judaea was in his hands
(Jos. 'Ant.' xii. 4, 1), but to none of his
successors could such language as in v. 26
have been addressed (see the General Intro-
duction). On the bearing of all this upon the
question of the date of the original composition
of Ecclesiasticus, see the General Introduc-
tion. (For a brief summary of the history
of that period, see ' Life and Times of Jesus
the Messiah,' App. IV., vol. ii. pp. 668-670 ;
and for a detailed account, Herzfeld's' Gesch.
des Volkes Israel.')

1. And he brought out of him a merciful
man.'] Syr., Lat., Copt, and Aeth. connect
this with the last verse of the previous chapter,
and put the verb in the plural. The phrase
"and he brought out" is from Isa. lxv. 9.

whose memorial is blessed^ i"D"Q7 1J"DT,
an early case of this prayer, invariably attached

(usually in the abbreviated form b"1) to the
names of dead Israelites.

2. Hie to the glorious saints.] Lit. to
tie glory of the saints; "the angels"
(Grotius, Sec.) ; " the priests " (Fritzsche).

and magnified him, so that his enemies stood
in fear of him.] Lit. in the fears of
his enemies: "enemies" appears to be
a gloss, by the Syr. rendering "among the
timid." The original (DHnsn ?) meant
" with terror," and is rightly represented by
the Greek. This suggests doubts concerning
the originality of dyicav in clause 1, to which
the Syriac has nothing to correspond ; while
for "he likened" (IHOTl) it has "he raised"
On?TD- " He raised him high with glory "
was perhaps the original verse; the Syriac
"with blessings" (for "with glory") seems
to be an interpolation from the end of the
last sentence.

3. By his words he caused the wonders to
cease.] Lat. monstra placa-vit ; a phrase
taken very improperly from the Roman

religion. Grotius refers the words to the
wonders of the Egyptian magic ; Fritzsche
to the withdrawal of the plagues. The
words are too brief for the former interpre-
tation, while we should expect the perform-
ance of the miracles to be mentioned rather
than the withdrawal of them. The original
was probably rPSH, which may mean either
"he sent down" or "he caused to cease:"
the translator not surprisingly adopted the
wrong signification. The clause is omitted in
the Syr. Copt, and Aeth., "he performed:"
this may be either a liberty, or represent a
reading iiroirjae, which could have no claim
to originality.

he made him glorious in the sight of kings.]
Syr. " he made him to stand before the king."
"To stand before the king" is a Hebrew
phrase meaning " to be the king's minister "
(Gesen., 'Thes.,' col. 1039 a and iiiiZ>);
not quite an appropriate notion here, which
the Greek translator may have intentionally
avoided. The author's idea was probably
more similar to that of Ps. cxix. 46 or Isa. lii.

15. Yet "OS? is occasionally used in the
sense of inst'ar, " like ; " " and he established
him as a king " would here be very suitable.
and gave him a commandment for his people.]

The original, 1DJ> by lfnpB*l (cp. Syr.), pro-
bably meant : " he set him over his people."

part of his glory.] Most of the versions
obliterate the partitive genitive, which is here
highly significant.

4. He sanctified him.] B>»*Tpn ; compare
Jer. i. 5. "In" perhaps means "on account
of" (Aeth.).

5. He made him to hear.] The privilege
given him above " all flesh " (Deut. xxxiv. 10).
The Syr. puts these words at the end of v. 3.

and gave him commandments before his face.]

Probably Vl*h fm, "and set before him."
The personal conference is sufficiently insisted
on in the previous clauses.

of life.] I.e. " which if a man do he shall
live " (Ezek. xx. 11) : compare Prov. vi. 23 ;
supra, xvii. 11.

2l6

ECCLESIASTICUS. XLV.

[v. 6-

-ii.

b. c. teach Jacob his covenants, and Israel

ir. 200. ... 1

— his judgments.

Exod. 4. 6 He ^exalted Aaron, an holy-
man like unto him, even his brother,
of the tribe of Levi.

7 An everlasting covenant he made
AExod.28. with h'im^ an(j Agave him the priest-

11 Gr.he hood among the people; 1!he beauti-
Messed. £ecj hjm with comely ornaments, and
clothed him with a robe of glory.

8 He put upon him perfect glory;
1 Gr-, and strengthened him with "rich
ox.ins'tru- garments, with breeches, with a long

robe, and the ephod.

b. c.

cir. 200.

9 And he compassed him with
1 pomegranates, and with many gold-
en bells round about, that as he \fx°^'
went there might be a k sound, and * Exod.
a noise made that might be heard 28- 35-
in the temple, for a memorial to the
children of his people ;

10 With an holy garment, with
gold, and blue silk, and purple, the
work of the embroiderer, /with a ' Exod.
breastplate of judgment, and with 2'
Urim and Thummim ;

1 1 With twisted scarlet, the work m
of the cunning workman, m with pre- 28, 17.

that he might teach, fee] Cp. Ps. xxv. 14 ;
and especially Ps. ciii. 7.

6. There is one word too much for the
rhythm: "he exalted," "holy," "his brother"
(cp. Ps. cvi. 16), are omitted by different
versions. The last of these, which is omitted
by the Syr., may perhaps be an interpolation.
" The tribe is mentioned here, being in the
case of Aaron of such importance" (Fritzsche).

7. he made with him.] See above, xliv. 21.
Our author gives Aaron a higher place than
the Pentateuch ascribes to him.

and gave him the priesthood among thepeoplei]
Syr. " he set him for the truth of his people."
This variation is curious, because it suggests
that our author made use here of a verv
decided Arabism, \OV HOS from HEX =
Arab, 'immatun, " priesthood," more familiar
in its derivative Imam (used by the Jewish-
Arabic commentators in the sense of " high-
priest"). The natural punctuation would
have been IIBtf, "truth;" and indeed the
Greek translator must have been following
some family tradition about the pronunciation
of this word, if our conjecture be correct.

he beautified him with comely ornaments^]
The marginal variant should have been " he
called him happy." This the Lat. and Aeth.
render " he beatified," while the Copt, bene-
Jicio linguae reproduces the Greek word.
That there must be a misreading or mis-
translation here seems clear, as is observed
by Fritzsche, who supposes that liTCS' was a
corruption for in~ITN\ "he girt him." The
Syr. renders : " and gave him." This points,
we believe, to an original 13"1^'1, which might
well have signified in the Aramaising dialect
of the time UTJ'K'', but actually meant 131^,
" and he gave him," from the verb 11E', used
by Isa. lvii. 9 with a similar construction, of
which mVJTI, " a gift," is a derivative.

clothed him.~\ Lit. girt him. Syr. " he
chose him with the sublimity of his glory."

We recognise the two meanings of DTIX,
"magnificence" and "robe;" if the Syr.
" chose " is not corrupt, it probably represents
a corruption, IIIT for "I JIT. "Magnificence"
is more suitable to this verse, since the gar-
ments are so fully described in what follows.

8. He put upon him perfect glory.] Syr.
" garments of purple : " apparently the original

had only rP3FI, "purple," very ignorantly read

^ :?}?> " perfection," by the Greek translator.

and strengthened him with rich garments.]
Lit. with vessels of strength. Fritz-
sche's ingenious suggestion that the Heb. had
P;tn, meaning " girt," is probably correct,
though not confirmed by the Syr. The re-
mainder of the verse seems correctly restored

by the same critic, TJ? v3X ty has not un-
frequently the meaning " magnificence."

It is not a little remarkable that the follow-
ing list of garments is omitted by the Syriac
translator. It seems natural to attribute this
to a wish on the part of a Christian trans-
lator or emendator not to enlarge on the
glories of the Jewish priesthood. But as we
miss in it the rhythm of the rest of the
chapter, it may be an interpolation.

9. The A. V., with S. H., seems rightly to
connect xPV(TO'ls with "the bells." On all
these see the various Bibl. Encyclopaedias.

that as he went there might be a sound.']
Rather, to give forth a sound: r)xfLV 1S
transitive.

and a noise made.] Rather, and to make
a noise.

in the temple^ An apparent (not a real)
anachronism.

for a memorial.] Meaning " for a reminder.''

10. breastplate of judgment.] Lit. a plat-
form of judgment. The reason of this
translation of the Heb. }CTI is obscure.

V. I

s— 18.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XLV.

217

28. ^6.

b. c. cious stones graven like seals, and
1^200. set .^ goJj^ the worlc of the jewel-
ler, with a writing engraved for a
memorial, after the number of the
tribes of Israel.

12 "He set a crown of gold upon
the mitre, wherein was engraved
Holiness, an ornament of honour, a
costly work, the desires of the eyes,
goodly and beautiful.

13 Before him there were none
such, neither did ever any stranger
put them on, but only his children
and his children's children perpe-
tually.

14 ° Their sacrifices shall be wholly
consumed every day twice continu-
ally.

15 ^ Moses consecrated him, and

Numb.
28. 3, 4.

anointed him with holy oil : this was b. c.
. i_ • 1 c;r- 2°°-

appointed unto rum by an ever- —

lasting covenant, and to his seed, so
long as the heavens should remain,
that they should minister unto him,
and execute the office of the priest-
hood, and q bless the people in his «■ Numb.

' r 6. 23, 24.

name.

16 r He chose him out of all men rNumb.
living to offer sacrifices to the Lord, i7Sam. 2.
incense, and a sweet savour, for a a8-
memorial, to make reconciliation for

his people.

17 * He gave unto him his com- s Deut- *?-

/ O ... ioj II.

mandments, and authority in the & ai. 5.
statutes of judgments, that he should Mai3.' a™',
teach Jacob the testimonies, and in-
form Israel in his laws. , XT ,

. . « Numb.

18 * Strangers conspired together 26. 1.

12. wherein was engraved Holiness, ,] Ex.
xxviii. 36 has: "holiness to the Lord," which
Fritzsche thinks should be restored here.
The last words of the sentence (" the desires
of the eyes," &c.) may either refer to the
garments as a whole, or to that last mentioned.

13. any stranger^] I.e. " of another tribe,"
as S. H. paraphrases it.

14. Their sacrifices . . . wholly consumed^]
See Ex. xxix. 38, 39. As the chief part of
the daily worship in the Temple, our author
makes the daily sacrifices include all the
others. (Comp. Dan. viii. 11-13; xi. 31;
xii. 11.) The substantives from the verb
okoKavrovv are common in the LXX. ; the
verb itself is very rare.

15. Moses consecrated him.'] Lit. filled
his hand, IT K70, from Ex. xxviii. 41;
on the import of this expression, see the
Commentaries. The Syr. renders: "placed
his hand upon him ; " a phrase that is used
of the consecration of Joshua (Num. xxvii.
18), but not of Aaron. On the later use of
the PD'CD in the designation to the Rabbinic
office, see ' Life and Times of Jesus the
Messiah,' ii. p. 382. We can scarcely fail
to see here a trace of the Syrian's Christianity.

anointed him with holy oil.] Ex. xxix. 7.
Did our author know of the anointing of
Aaron only ? On this question see Dillmann
on Lev. viii. 12.

this was appointed unto him by an everlasting
covenant.] Rather, this became for him
an everlasting covenant.

so long as the heavens.] *ID*3 (Syr., Lat.)
was a better reading than ^H (Gr.).

minister unto him.] 1? T\"W7 ; the Levites
" ministered " to the priests.

and execute the office of the priesthood.]
Ex. xxviii. 41, 43, &c. The Syr. omits these
words.

and bless the people.] Num. vi. 23. Aaron
and his sons are commanded to do this.

16. The position of this verse compared
with the last clause of 14 is curious; how-
ever, accurate order is not a characteristic of
our author.

out of all men living.] *n ?3, Gen. iii. 2 0r
= every man. In the passage cited the
phrase is clearly intended as an idiom.

for a memorial.] I.e. " for a burnt offer-
ing :" see Lev. xxiv. 7, &c.

for his people.] " Thy people," most MSS.
and Copt. ; "all Israel," Syr.

17. He gave unto him his commandments.]
The best MSS. (except S) give " He gave
unto him in His commandments ;" and this
seems to be the original reading, although
the Syr. favours the A. V. The author
meant that God gave Aaron this authority

(X'pn) by committing unto him the thorah.

in the statutes of judgments.] Lit. in the
covenants of judgments: v. ad sup. xxxviii.
43. The Syr. varies here as there.

The last clauses are omitted by the Syr.
(See note on v. 8.)

inform.] Lit. to illuminate, = "PNn?,.
which however is rare and late in this con-
struction. See Ps. cxix. 135.

18. Strangers conspired together.] I.e. per-
sons belonging to different families. In Num.
xvii. 5 "IT £"K is explained to mean : " not of

2l8

ECCLESIASTICUS. XLV.

[v. 19—23.

B.C.

cir. 200.

" Numb.

17. S.

* Numb.

18. 12, 13.

against him, and maligned him in the
wilderness, even the men that were
of Dathan's and Abiron's side, and
the congregation of Core, with fury
and wrath.

19 This the Lord saw, and it dis-
pleased him, and in his wrathful
indignation were they consumed : he
did wonders upon them, to con-
sume them with the fiery flame.

20 u But he made Aaron more
honourable, and gave him an heri-
tage, ^'and divided unto him the
firstfruits of the increase ; especially
he prepared bread in abundance :

21 For they eat of the sacrifices B.C.
of the Lord, which he gave unto him Clrj_^°-
and his seed. *iCor.9.

22 z Howbeit in the land of the * Numb.
people he had no inheritance, neither ceu\°'I2.
had he any portion among the people : "■

for the Lord himself is his portion
and inheritance.

27 "The third in glory is Phinees ° Numb-

J O J 25. II, 12,

the son of Eleazar, because he had 13.
zeal in the fear of the Lord, and g4.
stood up with good courage of
heart when the people were turned
back, and made reconciliation for
Israel.

the seed of Aaron." Fritzsche's conjecture
that the author wrote DHT, " wicked men "
(cp. Num. xvi. 26), is not confirmed by
the Syr.

and maligned] = and envied, 1XJp,,1, of
Ps. cvi. 16.

the men that were of Dathan's and Abiron's
side.] Heb. *tMN (Gesenius, ' Thes.' p. 85^),
very happily rendered by this Greek idiom,
which does not imply necessarily more than
the people themselves.

and the congregation of Core.] Omitted in
Ps. /. c. and in Deut. xi. 6.

nvithfury and wrath.] One of these words
is sufficient for the rhythm, and only one is
offered by Syr. and Lat. Cp. Num. xvi. 13

sqq.

19. and it displeased him.] Lit. and he
was not pleased. Syr. "and he waxed
wroth." The latter is so much the more
natural expression that we might conjecture

that the Hebrew was 1? "IITl, corrupted in
the Greek translator's text to "CI, " and it
pleased him ; " " not " being the translator's
addition.

and in his wrathful indignation ivere they
consumed.] The Syr. transposes this clause
and the fourth.

he did wonders.] Perhaps &TQ rWQ of
Num. xvi. 30, of which the Syr. preserves a
trace.

to consume them.] I.e. consuming them
(Ewald, ' Lehrb.' § 2Sod).

20. he made Aaron more honourable.]
Rather, he gave him yet more glory,
i.e. yet more than that described above. The
rebellion of Korah did not directly increase
his glory, although it publicly manifested and
attested his Divine appointment.

and gave him an heritage.] Cp. Num.
xviii. 20.

divided unto him.] Rather, apportioned
to them.

thefrstfruits of the increase.] Dn*|33 rVBW,
Ex. xxiii. 19 ; Ezek. xliv. 30, — a phrase of
uncertain analysis, on which see Dillmann
ad I. c. Exod.

especially he prepared bread in abundance^]
" Bread " of course means food in general.
" He provided " is perhaps for ~pj?, misread
by the Syrian (" order ") ^J?.

21. From Lev. vi. 9.

22. An explanation of what was meant by
the inheritance of v. 20.

he had.] Rather, he hath or "shall have."

for the Lord himself is his portion and
inheritance.] Lit. (according to Vat.) he
himself is thy portion, inheritance.
There is no reason to doubt the genuineness
of this text. The author probably intended a
poetical apostrophe, in order, partly, to avoid
the ambiguity of the repeated pronoun ("for
He is his portion ") ; and he further employed

a poetical construction (prob. n?n3 "|p?n),
" thy portion as far as inheritance goes,"
which the translator did not fully understand ;
cp. Wright, 'Arabic Grammar,' ii. § 44^.
The Syrian adds, " and his inheritance is the
house of Israel."

23. The third in glory.] Syr. " has received
treble glory."

because he had zeal in the fear of the Lord.]

nin*7 liOpn (cp. Num.xxv. 13); apparently,
however, the translators wished to avoid the
juxtaposition of the two words in the original.

and stood up with good courage of heart
when the people were turned back.] The V at.
gives " caused to stand ; " but " stood " is
defended by Syr. and by 1W in Ps. cvi. 30.
TpoTrr] represents the Heb. J^g, "breach,"
which the Syrian renders more faithfully

24-3] ECCLESIASTICUS. XLV. XLVI.

2,19

B. C.
cir. 200.

(> 1 Sim. 7.

24 Therefore was there a covenant
of peace made with him, that he
should be the chief of the sanctuary
and of his people, and that he and his
posterity should have the dignity of
the priesthood for ever :

25 b According to the covenant
made with David son of Jesse, of
the tribe of Juda, that the inherit-
ance of the king should be to his
posterity alone : so the inheritance of
Aaron should also be unto his seed.

26 God give you wisdom in your
heart to judge his people in righteous-
ness, that their good things be not
abolished, and that their glory may
endure for ever.

& 12. 7.

CHAPTER XLVI. b.c.

cir. 200.

1 The praise of Joshua, 9 of Caleb, it, of

Samuel.

JESUS a the son of Nave was vali- " Numb,
ant in the wars, and was the sue- Deut/34.
cessor of Moses in prophecies, who \^, x,
according to his name was made great s
for the saving of the elect of God,
and taking vengeance of the enemies
that rose up against them, that he
might set Israel in their inheritance.

2 How great glory gat he, when he
did lift up his hands, and stretched
out his sword against the cities !

3 Who before him so stood to it ?
for the Lord himself brought his
enemies unto him.

(here followed by S. H.). It means the plague
which overtook the people.

and made reconciliation.'] 7?3',1 in Ps. cvi.
31 ; the Syr. renders "and prayed."

24. a covenant of peace.'] Num. xxv. 12:
cp. Geiger, 'Urschrift,' p. 76.

that he should be the chief?] Not only in
things pertaining to the sanctuary, but also
the political chief of his people — with special
reference to the circumstances of the time
when the Siracide wrote (see the introd.).

of the sanctuary?] Lit. of the holy
things, sacra. Fritzsche, " the holy ones,"
i.e. priests.

dignity of the priesthood] = the high-priest-
hood. The author would appear to have
used an Aramaic derivative from a compound

word (e.g. njH3 ' rb^l from bli }n3).

25. According to the covenant.] The Syriac
Version has : " even David the son of Jesse
inherited alone the inheritance of kings ; and
the inheritance of Aaron is to him and his
sons." The parallel is as follows: just as
the royal succession was in the house of
David from father to son, so was it appointed
that the succession in the high-priestly office
should be in the direct line. For the allusion
in this to the history of the time and the
succession of Onias II., see the introduction.

26. God give you wisdom.] Syr. "there-
fore bless God who has given you wisdom."

and that their glory may endure.] Rather,
and [give] their glory. The original may
have been misunderstood in some way.

CHAPTER XLVI.

This chapter treats of Joshua, Caleb, the
Judges, and Samuel — in so many stanzas of

unequal length. What is said concerning the
Judges in v. 12 a is not inconsistent with the
writer's ignoration of another life after death.
For (1) the Greek rendering must be cor-
rected by the Syr. (see note on v. 12); (2)
the statement itself is modified in v. 12 b;
(3) we have a significant expression in regard
to Samuel in v. 19 a. More difficulty in this
respect is presented by v. 20 a. We had
best explain the seeming inconsistency by sup-
posing either that the writer understood the
prophesying after death in some peculiar
manner ; or, more probably, that he regarded
those in Hades as unconscious indeed — not
truly living— but not as absolutely annihilated.

1. the son of Nave.] Corrupt for " Nun "
(Syr.). The same designation is used in the
LXX.

■was valiant in the wars.] Heb. ?TI "1122
(cf. Syr.), " a valiant hero."

the successor of Moses in prophecies.] The
author perhaps referred to Joshua the promise
of Deut. xviii. 18 (Fritzsche). Syr. "who
was reserved (or "observed") to be like
Moses," omitting the two following clauses.

according to his name.] Jeshu'a and J'shu'ah
(" salvation ").

2. and stretched out his snvord.] So Alex. ;
Vat. " to decline." The reference is to Jos.
viii. 18, 27, where Joshua stretches out his
spear at the siege of Ai.

3. so stood to it.] The sentiment required
seems rather what the Syriac has, " who was
able to stand before him." Perhaps the word
rendered " so " may have been intended to

mean

then.:

for the Lord himself brought his enemies unto
him.] This seems no adequate reason for the
statement in the previous clause. The best

220

ECCLESIASTICUS. XLVI.

[v. 4—7-

B. C.
cir. 200.

4 ''Did not the sun go back by
T—°' his means ? and was not one day as

USZ lons as two ?

5 He called upon the most high
Lord, when the enemies pressed upon
him on every side ; and the great
Lord heard him.

6 c And with hailstones of mighty
power he made the battle to fall
violently upon the nations, and in

B.C.

cir. 20a.

c Josh. 10,
11.

the descent [of Beth-horon] he de-
stroyed them that resisted, that the
nations might know all their strength,
because he fought in the sight of the
Lord, and he followed the Mighty
One.

7 ^In the time of Moses also he f4N6umb-
did a work of mercy, he and Caleb J Mac- 2-

SS So.

the son of Jephunne, in that they
withstood the congregation, and with-

interpretation is that of Fritzsche, who would
make the words signify " the Lord brought
them on," delivering state after state into the
hands of the invader. We suppose that there
is here a mistranslation. The Syriac renders:
"for he did the wars of the Lord" {i.e. fought
the battles of the Lord). This suggests an
original ZHp K1PI v"> 2"lp FIN »3. The Greek
(whether "wars," noXf^ovs, or "enemies,"
7ro\(fiiovs, be the right reading) missed the
construction of the sentence ; and, besides,
failed to observe that the second 2~ip, " he
fought," was a denominative from the first
2~lp, " war," and accordingly rendered it
"brought near." It is not impossible that
the sentence should have been introduced with
" when " rather than " for." Compare, how-
ever, Jos. x. 18.

4. go back.~] The author should have said
"stand still." As, however, the Syr. repre-
sents this, the passage may have been inter-
polated from infra, xlviii. 23. The true read-
ing is perhaps represented by MS. 155, iveiro-
ftiaOr), " was hindered," followed by the Lat.
It is in any case strange that he did not adopt
the characteristic word quoted from the Book
of Jashar.

by his means.'] Lit. in his hand =
through his instrumentality.

5. 'when the enemies pressed upon him on
every side.] " When he pressed the enemies"
would (in this Greek) be also a possible ver-
sion. The scene referred to is apparently
that of Josh. x. 8, but does not correspond
accurately with the description here. The
Syriac Version, " and he answered him and
put power in his hand," represents perhaps
the correction of someone to whom the same
difficulty occurred.

heard him.] Rather, answered them
(Vat.).

6. And with hailstones.] The Greek text
omits " and," and connects the words " with
hailstones" with the previous clause: "and
answered them" (except perhaps A, S; see
Nestle, 'Append.' p. 128). The hailstones
were the answer.

he made the battle to fall violently upon the

nations.] The Greek text must here be
corrected from the Syr. and Lat. : " which he
hurled upon the hostile nation." In this phrase
we recognise the VTN '13 of Josh. x. 13.

and in the descent he destroyed them that
resisted.] I.e. the descent of Beth-horon
(Josh. x. n).

that the nations might know all their strength^]
Rather, according to the Vat. (with some
other MSS.), his strength, i.e. Joshua's,
or more probably God's. The Syr. has a re-
markable reading : " all the accursed nations,"

ICnn »oy ^3. 'Oin Dy, "the people on
whom My curse has fallen," is a phrase used
by Isaiah, and would here be appropriate.

because he fought in the sight of the Lord.]
Lit. that [or because] against [or in the
presence of J God is his war. We should
render "that they are fighting against God;"
the Syriac inverts the expression, " that God
is fighting with them."

and he followed the Mighty One.] Rather,
for he followed also behind a mighty

one; D»fl^K nnx vhb N1H 03: cp. Josh.
xv. 8 (Fritzsche). This should be connected
with the next verse.

7. a work of mercy.] The word in the
original probably rather meant " piety."

in that they withstood the congregation.] All
the best Greek MSS. have "the enemy,,"
which Fritzsche understands of the inhabitants
of Canaan, whom they professed themselves
willing to fight. It would be less strained to
interpret it, with earlier commentators, of
the rebels among the congregation. "To
oppose the enemy " in the sense of the evil
spirit which suggested these murmurings
would also be intelligible. The Syr. renders,
" standing in the breach of the people," as
sup. 23. This phrase, however, would not
be suitable here, since Caleb and Joshua did
not succeed in making reconciliation for the
people, but only for themselves. The conduct
referred to must certainly be that recorded
in Numbers xiv. 6-10. Most probably we

have to do with euphemisms. i?XT^'1 bfi? MOP,
" the enemies of Israel," is the euphemism

v. 8-

13.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XLVI.

221

B. C.

cir. 200.

e Numb.
26. 65.
Deut. 1.
35. 3°-

f Numb.
14. 38.
Josh. 14.
11.

held the people from sin, and appeased
the wicked murmuring.

8 *And of six hundred thousand
people on foot, they two were pre-
served to bring them into the herit-
age, even unto the land that floweth
with milk and honey.

9 /The Lord gave strength also
unto Caleb, which remained with
him unto his old age : so that he
entered upon the high places of the
land, and his seed obtained it for an
heritage :

*" Josh.
14. 8, 9.

10 That all the children of Israel B.C.
might see that it is good to s follow
the Lord.

11 And concerning the judges,
every one by name, whose heart
went not a whoring, nor departed
from the Lord, let their memory be
blessed.

12 Let their bones h flourish out7'ch-49-
of their place, and let the name of
them that were honoured be con-
tinued upon their children. >' 1 Sam.

13 * Samuel, the prophet of the &'i0. 13.

for Israel used in the Rabbinic writings when
any evil is spoken of the nation. " To with-
stand the congregation " would have been an
offensive phrase if used as a ground of pane-
gyric. The copy followed by the Syrian is
equally euphemistic, but has taken a different
line.

and appeased the wicked murmuring.'] Syr.
" and taking away the ill report from the
land of promise." The difference between
the versions is here one of conception of the
situation, the Syr. having reference to Num.
xiii. 27, the Greek to Num. xiv. 7. This,
however, does not necessarily imply any differ-
ence in the original, in which we should ex-
pect at least one of the characteristic words
riDH and nn to be used. If the author
employed the phrase pNH mi, the Greek
"murmuring of wickedness " might conceiv-
ably (as to the latter word) come from an
Aramaic gloss, JTIX, which had crept into the
text.

8. people on foot?] Numbers xi. 21.

to bring them.] I.e. " to be brought," since
none of the others survived.

9. See Josh. xiv. 6, n.

he entered upon the high places of the land.]
Rather, lie rode upon. "To ride upon
the high places of the earth " occurs in
Deut. xxxii. 13 and Isa. lviii. 14. Hebron
is called " a hill " in Joshua /. c.

10. that it is good to follow the Lord.] Syr.
" that he had fulfilled the Law of God." The
phrase is from Josh. xiv. 8, 9, 14. The word
3lD had fallen out of the Syrian's copy.

11. the judges.] The Syriac Version seems
to attach this word to the former verse, " that
he had fulfilled the Law of God and His judg-
ments." Probably, however, for w' dinauhy
we should read w' dayyonauhy.

every one by name?] I.e. severally. The
author will not mention their names now,
but bids the reader pray for their memory.

went not a whoring.] As was the case
with Gideon. " Idolatry " of course is meant.

12. flourish out of their place.] Syr. " like
lilies." The simplest way of reconciling these
two versions will probably be to suppose that
the original was DDp"U2, the change of which
into DOIpDD is not wholly unintelligible. We
do not doubt that the Syriac is right ; since
"their place" will not give in this context
any satisfactory meaning. Wishes that the
graves of men might be green, which are so
common in the Greek Anthology, scarcely
seem to occur in the Bible. The wish, on
the other hand, that their bones might flourish
" like the narcissus," i.e. that their memory
might survive and flourish, is very suitable to
this passage.

and let the name of them that were honoured
be continued upon their children?] The Greek
words are difficult. A more literal rendering
would be, " and let their name [remain] upon
their children, being taken in exchange for
their glorified persons ;" possibly in this sense :
may their children continue to treasure their
names as some sort of substitute for their
departed owners. The Syriac renders : " and
let them leave their good name to their
children and their glory to all the people."
It would seem from this (1) that the word
rendered avriKaTaKKao-cro^ivov in the Greek

was PpnJ (so Fritzsche), which the Syrian
translator rightly connected with the Arab.
Khalaf in the sense of " to leave behind ; "
(2) that the last word was D"li23, " their
glory," parallel with " their name " in
the first clause; (3) that for avrau (DH1}
" them"), the true reading was DJ?ni, of which
the third letter was omitted by a copyist's
error. We render therefore: their name
is left behind with their children, and
their glory for their people. Their
names, on the one hand, are a glory to their
descendants ; but, on the other, they are the
pride of the people from whom they sprang.
The effect of their particular achievements

Ill

ECCLESIASTICUS. XLVI. XLVII.

I_v. 14—2.

B.C.
cir. 200.

* 1 Sam. 3
19, 20.

Lord, beloved of his Lord, established
a kingdom, and anointed princes over
his people.

14 By the law of the Lord he
judged the congregation, and the
Lord had respect unto Jacob.

15 k By his faithfulness he was
found a true prophet, and by his
word he was known to be faithful in
vision.

16 He called upon the mighty
Lord, when his enemies pressed upon
him on every side, when he offered

1 1 Sam. 7. the l sucking lamb.

17 And the Lord thundered from
heaven, and with a great noise made
his voice to be heard.

18 And he destroyed the rulers of
the Tyrians, and all the princes of
the Philistines.

9, 10

19 And before his long sleep he B.C. I
made "* protestations in the sight of clLf?0'
the Lord and his anointed, I have "'2^.An
not taken any man's goods, so much
as a shoe : and no man did accuse
him.

20 And after his death * he pro- " r Sara|
phesied, and shewed the king his end,
and lifted up his voice from the earth
in prophecy, to blot out the wicked-
ness of the people.

CHAPTER XLVII.

I The praise of Nathan, 2 of David, 12 of
Solomon his glory, and infirmities. 23 Of
his end and punishment.

AND after him rose up a Nathan °#2aSam-
to prophesy in the time of&^-i-

D. j 1 Chron.

avid. i7. j.

2 As is the fat taken away from

may have long been lost and effaced, but their
names are an heirloom which survives.

13. his Lord.'] Syr. " his Creator," adding
" him that was asked (lent) from the womb
of his mother." This reference to the story
of his birth is not inappropriate, and may
have fallen out of the copy used by the Greek

through homoeoteleuton, bfitlDV PN^ID.

But some other insertions in the Syr. of this
verse render this doubtful.

14. bad respect unto Jacob.'] I.e. the Lat.
respexit, " -visited them."

15. he was found a true prophet.] Lit.
was known for certain to be one.

and by his word.] So most MSS., for the
Vat. reading 7ri<rro, " in his faith." The Syr.
fails us here.

16. w hen he offered the sucking lamb.]
1 Sam. vii. 9, 10.

18. the Tynans.] Bottcher (' A. L.' 103)
conjectured that the original meant " enemies,"
and was wrongly pointed by the translator.
We regard this conjecture as improbable,
because (1) the parallelism requires a proper
name; (2) " captains of the enemies" is an
improbable phrase; (3) the Syriac agrees
with the Greek ; (4) the Syriac suggests that
the original was in the singular, "\YH. The
writer had in mind Ps. lxxxvii. 6.

19. before his long sleep.] Syr. " at the
time that he rested on his bed;" cp. Isa. lvii. 2.
For the text, cp. Jerem. li. 39.

and [his] anointed.] The pronoun can
only have been omitted by error in the best
Greek copies.

This is found in the
13, in place of some

so much as a shoe.]
LXX. of 1 Sam. xii.

difficult words in the Hebrew. Its occurrence
here would be of critical importance for that
passage, were it not that the Syr. here omits it.
Probably, therefore, it is here an interpolation.

20. and shewed the king his end.] Syr.
" his path : " the third instance which we have
had of confusion between mN and JVinX.

to blot out the wickedness of the peopled]
On the analogy of Ps. 1. 10, this should mean
" to atone for," " to obtain forgiveness for; "
which is surely out of place. It would be
possible to render the words (in Hebrew)
" bidding him blot out the wickedness." But
Samuel's words contain no such bidding.
The interpretation which refers the words to
the coming calamity is forced ; moreover, the
biblical narrative makes the sin of which it
was the consequence Saul's exclusively. We
suggest that the words had no place in the
original text, but were a gloss "IH fj? 1233,
" in the village of Endor," referring to the
scene of Samuel's posthumous prophecy,
but rendered as above by the Greek trans-
lator. (The Syr. omits " people.")

CHAPTER XLVII.

After a brief allusion to Nathan — natural
as following on the praises of Samuel — the
writer, omitting Saul, passes first to David
(vv. 2-1 1 ), and then to Solomon (vv. 12-22).
Possibly v. 22 a, b may contain some dim
reference to a hope of the restoration of
the ten tribes. In any case the writer seems
to expect a restitution of the Davidic king-
dom. The closing stanza (vv. 23-25) is

5-ii.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XLVII.

223

B. C.
cir. 200.

|0r,

He smote
lions.

b 1 Sam.
17- 34-
a 1 Sam.
17- 49, 50,

1 Sam.
18. 7.

2 Sam.
7. &8.
&c.

Or, con-
temned.

the peace offering, so was David
chosen out of the children of Israel.

3 "He played with b lions as with
kids, and with bears as with lambs.

4 c Slew he not a giant, when he
was yet but young ? and did he not
take away reproach from the people,
when he lifted up his hand with the
stone in the sling, and beat down the
boasting of Goliath ?

5 For he called upon the most
high Lord ; and he gave him strength
in his right hand to slay that mighty
warrior, and set up the horn of his
people.

6 So the people honoured him
with ^ten thousands, and praised him
in the blessings of the Lord, in that
he gave him a crown of glory.

7 For e he destroyed the enemies
on every side, and B brought to nought

the Philistines his adversaries, and b. c.
brake their horn in sunder unto this c^i^
day.

8 In all his works he praised the
Holy One most high with words of
glory ; with his whole heart he sung
songs, and loved him that made
him.

9 / He set singers also before the f* Chron.
altar, that by their voices they might x ' 4'
make sweet melody, and daily sing;
praises in their songs.

10 He beautified their feasts, and
set in order the solemn times " until " 0r>
the end, that they might praise his'
holy name, and that the temple might
sound from morning.

1 1 ^ The Lord took away his sins, ? 2 Sam.
and exalted his horn for ever : he I2' I3"
gave him a covenant of kings, and a

U II C 1 • T 1 » 0r> «f a

throne ■ or glory in Israel. kingdom.

perfectly.

devoted to a reprobation of Rehoboam and
Jeroboam.

2. The fat was burnt on the altar, the rest
given to the priest.

taken aivay.] Rather, separated; per-
haps Diin.

3. He played.~] The other reading, " he
struck " (see marg.), has little MS. support,
but is supported by the Syriac.

5. that mighty warrior.] From 1 Sam.
xvii. 33.

6. So the people honoured him ivith ten
thousands^] Syr. " the women praised him."
Hebrew, unlike the other Semitic languages,
has no distinction of gender in the 3rd
person of the perfect plural. The expres-
sion " honoured him with ten thousands "
is curiously concise, if the reference be to
1 Sam. xviii. 7. The next clause, " and
praised him in the blessings of the Lord,"
is omitted in the Syriac. It is possible that
these two clauses are only different transla-
tions of the same, with a various reading
niD-ja for ni3">3. The former of them, "they
praised him [with] blessings " (Ewald, ' Lehrb.'
§ 279 d), may have been what the author
intended.

in that he gave him.~\ Lit. when a
crown, of glory was being won for
him ; or (possibly) " carried by him "
(Aeth.). The clause does not read naturally,
but cannot be corrected from the Syriac
"he fought little," which would be most
inaccurate, and is also evidently corrupt.

7. and brought to nought. .] Syr. " was
avenged upon the Philistines;" Lat. extirpavit.
The verb used in the Greek properly means
" despised," but is occasionally employed in
the LXX. to represent the Hebrew D12, "to
trample." It is more likely that the LXX.
misunderstood the Greek than the Hebrew
word.

8. he praised.'] Lit. lie gave thanks-
giving. It seems probable that the words
at the end of the clauses have been trans-
posed, and that the author intended, " he
gave glory ... in words of thanksgiving."
" Words of glory " is scarcely a Hebrew
phrase ; whereas " to give glory " and " a voice
of thanksgiving " are common expressions.

9. This verse is interesting as shewing that
our author was acquainted with the Book of
Chronicles.

and daily sing praises in their songs.] This
clause is omitted in all MSS. save 248 (and
Co.). It is apparently due to a reminiscence
of the Syriac verse, " every day continually
he spake his praises before the altar ; he gave
mighty praises yearly."

10. He beautified their feasts^] Lit. he
put beauty in feasts.

and set in order the solemn times.] Times
of singing.

until the end.] Rather, perfectly.
the temple.] Rather, the sanctuary.

11. took azvay his sins.] See 2 Sam. xii. 13;
and (perhaps) Ps. It. 9.

he gave him a covenant of kings.] The

224

ECCLESIASTICUS. XLVII.

[v. 12 — 2;

B.C. 12 After him rose up a wise son,

cirjzoo. ^^ ^ ^.g sa^e ^^ dwelt at large.

* i Kings 13 * Solomon reigned in a peace-
25.21' 24, able time, and was honoured ; for
&5-4. 5- God made all quiet round about

him, that he might build an house in

his name, and prepare his sanctuary

for ever.
1 1 Kings 14 'How wise wast thou in thy
4- 29, 30- youj-h^ and, as a flood, filled with

understanding !

15 Thy soul covered the whole

earth, and thou filledst it with dark

parables.

* 1 Kings 16 *Thy name went far unto the
& H' T islands ; and for thy peace thou wast

beloved.
1 x Kings 17 'The countries marvelled at

thee for thy songs, and proverbs, and

parables, and interpretations.

18 By the name of the Lord God,

which is called the Lord God of
m 1 Kings Israel, thou didst "'gather gold as

tin, and didst multiply silver as lead.

19 "Thou didst bow thy loins B.C.
unto women, and "by thy body thou 1 —
wast brought into subjection. "^ £&|]

20 Thou didst stain thy honour, 0 or, in.
and pollute thy seed : so that thou
broughtest wrath upon thy children,

and wast grieved for thy folly.

21 "So the kingdom was divided, " * Kings
and out of Ephraim ruled a rebellious i7, 20!
kingdom.

22 ^But the Lord will never leave p 2 Sam-
off his mercy, neither shall any ofPs. 89. 33
his works perish, neither will he
abolish the posterity of his elect, and
the seed of him that loveth him he
will not take away : wherefore he
gave a remnant unto Jacob, and out
of him a root unto David.

23 Thus rested Solomon with his
fathers, ?and of his seed he left be- <? 1 Kings
hind him Roboam, even the foolish- r
ness of the people, and one that had
no understanding, who ^turned away '' * Kings
the people through his counsel. i3' i4!

verse seems to refer to the covenant that the
throne should be in his house for ever : see
Ps. lxxxix. 29. " A covenant of kings," how-
ever, is a curious phrase. But 248, Co., Lat.,
and perhaps Syr., read fiaaiXeias, " a charter
•of royalty."

12. at large.~] Syr. " in quiet." The Heb.
■was probably nni~Q.

13. made quiet.] For this phrase, see
Deut. xii. 10, &c.

that be might build.] I.e. have time to
build. Compare also 1 Chron. xxviii. 3.

14. For the simile, see sup. xxiv. 25.

15. covered.] The image of the river (the
Nile?) is kept up (Fritzsche).

16. far unto the islands.] Cp. the comm.
on Isa. xxiv. 15.

for thy peace.] This clause seems somewhat
unnatural in the context. Syr. " and they

wait[ed] for thy report " = 7P0vh D^nOI.

Possibly licbvh D'OriDI was a corruption of
this, or there may have been a word-play on
the name of Solomon.

18. By the name of the Lord God.] The
prosperity of Israel in the time of Solomon is
attributed to his piety, and especially to the
agency of the Lord.

as lead.] Syr. " as dust," connecting
mBjJ with "IDl?.

19. thou <wast brought into subjection.] Lit.
and hadst authority exercised over
thee.

20. and wast grieved for thy folly.] Vat.
"lam grieved." The Syriac has : " that they
should groan upon their beds."

21. So the kingdom.] Lit. that the king-
dom should be; with confusion of purpose
and consequence.

22. take away.] Rather, annihilate.

any of his works.] The Syriac : " of his
words."

23. the foolishness of the people.] This
phrase has caused great difficulty to com-
mentators, although the epithet " foolishness
of the people " might perhaps stand for " the
most foolish of the people" (Grot.), or " the
author of the foolishness of the people."
Fritzsche most ingeniously conjectures that
we should read J1DJJ JHTO, "from the seed
of Ammon," referring to the lineage of Reho-
boam's mother; and that "foolishness" should
be turned into " a fool." We do not doubt,
however, that the Syriac rendering, " multi-
plying folly," is on the whole right, though
the original text is hard to reconstruct.

<zuho turned aavay.] I.e. caused them
to revolt. Syr. "who led the people by
his counsel ; " perhaps we should emend
;f^3 for -o,, " who scattered " or " divided."

24~2.] ECCLESIASTICUS.

B.C.
cir. 200.

s 1 Kings
12. 28, 30.

' 2 Kings
17. 6, 18.

There was also Jeroboam the son of
Nebat, who * caused Israel to sin, and
shewed Ephraim the way of sin :

24 And their sins were multiplied
exceedingly, that 'they were driven
out of the land.

25 For they sought out all wicked-
ness, till the vengeance came upon
them.

There ivas also Jeroboam the son of Nebat.]
In the Greek this is the object of "left" in
the first part of the verse. Syr. " let there
be no remembrance to Jeroboam."

CHAPTER XLVIII.

The subject of the first stanza (w. 1-11)
is Elijah; that of the second (to 12-16),
Elisha. In stanza ii. v. 16 forms a natural
transition to the mention of the pious rulers.
Accordingly, king Hezekiah, with whom the
prophet Isaiah is joined, forms the subject of
the third stanza (to 17-24). The combina-
tion of prophets with kings (Nathan with
David, xlvii. 1 ; Isaiah with Hezekiah), as
well as the emphatic notice of the prophets
(Samuel, Elijah, Elisha), shew that the author
intended a review of the history of Israel
from its religious aspect— although, at the
same time, he may in his own mind also have
classed the prophets with the representatives
of Chokhmah.

As regards the theological standpoint of the
writer, this chapter is of great interest and
importance. We mark in it several points,
as they successively emerge. (1) Verse 5 b
seems to give further confirmation to the
opinion previously expressed (see introduction
to ch. xlvi.) that the writer regarded the de-
parted in Hades not as annihilated, although
not in a state of consciousness nor of real life.
(2) While we mark in to. 10-12 the absence
of any mention of or reference to a personal
Messiah, there cannot be any doubt that the
writer expected a Messianic kingdom, accord-
ing to the Jewish conception of it. Its nega-
tive aspect in the punishment and destruction
of the heathen was already set forth in ch.
xxxv. 18, 19, and in the prayer, xxxvi. 1-17,
where we should also notice the anticipated
fulfilment of prophecy (y. 15) in the restora-
tion of Israel and the exaltation of Zion, on
which see also xxxvii. 25 £. This positive
aspect of " the kingdom " was further empha-
sised in the reference to Abraham in ch. xliv.
21, and to Isaac (o>. 22); in that to David in
ch. xlvn. 1 1, and even in the allusions contained
in v. 2 2. These hopes are now fully expressed
in ch. xlvm. 10, 11. (3) We gather from
xlvm. 10, 11, that the writer identified the
advent of this happy period with the return of

Apoc— Vol. If

XLVII. XLVIII.
CHAPTER XLVIII.

225

B.C.
cir. 200.

I The praise of Elias, 12 of Eliseus, 17 and of cir' 2°
Ezekias.

THEN stood up "Elias the pro- ai Kings
phet as fire, and his word I?' *'
burned like a lamp.

2 ^He brought a sore famine upon b J
them, and by his zeal he diminished I;
their number.

am. 5.

Elijah— sharing in this the ordinary Jewish
views. (4) For the understanding of <w. 10,
1 1 we must call special attention to the Syriac
translation, as not only restoring in some
important particulars the correct text (as in
the Hebrew original), but as affording to
our mind clear evidence that the Syriac trans-
lation was made by a Christian hand. We
further notice (5) that in -y. 13 the Syriac
evidently rightly omits the second clause ;
and lastly (6) that the writer not only fully
admits the miraculous in the scriptural record
of Israel (as in Samuel, Elijah, Elisha), but
also the reality of prophecy as in the case of
Isaiah in ra 22-24. As regards the latter
verses, there are notable differences in the Syr.
Version. For, first, the Syr. has in v. 22 e, d,
" as had commanded him Isaiah the prophet,
the most glorious of the prophets." Secondly,
•v. 24 in the Syr. does not necessarily convey,
as in the Greek, that Isaiah prophesied of
" the last things." The Syr. version is as
follows: "And in the spirit of might [pro-
bably according to Hebrew usage = " the
Spirit of God "] he saw [prophesied] new
things and comforted the mourners of Zion.
And so long as he was in the world he saw
[prophesied] signs and wonders when they
were not existent [before they took place]."
Comparing the Greek with the Syriac version
(the Arab, is very corrupt), we ask ourselves
whether the Syr. does not here represent the
true Hebrew original and the Greek a later
alteration ?

Looking back on the large belief in the
supernatural on the part of the writer, his
ignoration of another life seems certainly — to
say the least — logically an inconsistency. But
it is just the kind of inconsistency at which
we do not wonder, which indeed we almost
expect, on the part of such a religious philo-
sopher as our author.

1. as fire :] Cp. Isa. xxx. 28. The author
refers to the fierce and uncompromising
character of this prophet's messages.

a lamp.] Rather, a torch. Cp. Zech. xii. 6.

2. by his zeal.] With reference to 1 Kings
xix. 10.

he diminished their number.] Syr. " he split
them." If the Greek translation be correct,

226

ECCLESIASTICUS. XLVIII.

[v. 3— ii.

B.C.
cir. 200.

II Or, made
heaven to
hold uj>.

c 1 Kings
18. 38.
2 Kings 1.
IOi 12.

d 1 Kings
17. 21, 22.

II Or,
grave.

e 1 Kings
1. 16.

II Or, seat.

f 1 Kings
19. 8, &c.

3 By the word of the Lord he
"shut up the heaven, cand also three
times brought down fire.

4. O Elias, how wast thou honour-
ed in thy wondrous deeds ! and who
may glory like unto thee !

5 ^Who didst raise up a dead man
from death, and his soul from the
"place of the dead, by the word of the
most High:

6 "Who broughtest kings to de-
struction, and honourable men from
their "bed:

7 Who heardest the rebuke of the
Lord in Sinai, -^and in Horeb the
judgment of vengeance :

B.C.

cir. 200.

8 •s'Who anointedst kings to take
revenge, and prophets to succeed after WJ_^H

"him • ri Kings

nlm • 19. 15, 16.

o, A Who wast taken up in a whirl- u or, thee.
wind of fire, and in a chariot of fiery '*s Kings
horses :

10 Who wast "ordained 'for re- 11 Or, wr J
proofs in their times, to pacify the .'* ,
wrath or the Lords judgment, be- 5, 6.
fore it brake forth into fury, and to ^
turn the heart of the father unto the
son, and to "restore the tribes

T . establish.

Jacob.

1 1 Blessed are they that saw thee,
and "slept in love; for we shall surely "9r'

r * J ador

live.

Luke 1.

Of II Or. _
establish

wen
■ncd
with lov,

the author refers to the "seven thousand"
who were left (1 Kings xix. 18).

3. he shut up the heaven.'] He held
back would be more literal than the mar-
ginal alternative.

and also.] Lit. and so; i.e. and likewise.

4. For the apostrophe, compare supra,
xlvii. 14.

6. Who broughtest kings to destruction^]
Gp. 1 Kings xxi. 20; also xix. 16.

from their bed.] The phrase naturally
reminds us of 2 Kings i. 16, where Ahaziah
is represented as on a sick-bed. Yet it is
remarkable if the " bringing down " of a sick
man to the grave is regarded by the writer as
a remarkable feat of prophetic power. Pro-
bably our author used BHJJ in its familiar
, Arabic sense of " throne." K'*1]J?N is tech-
nically "the throne of God."

7. Who heardest the rebuke of the Lord in
Sinai.] The Syr. has a strange corruption,
"in his temptation;" WW for VTD. '-The
Lord" is omitted by the best MSS. " Rebuke"
meant rather " reasoning," Drain.

the judgment of vengeance.] 1 Kings xix.
17, 18.

8. to take revenge.] Heb. 7IBJ7. This is
clearly stated as the purpose of the anointing
of the kings in 1 Kings xix. 16-18. The
author may well take notice of the dignity of
the prophetic office here exercised.

10. Who ivast ordained for reproofs in their
times.] More lit. who wast written
(specified) in reproofs for times, which
Fritzsche ingeniously interprets, " who wast
specified in the prophecy of Malachi to come
at a certain time;" i.e. at the time of the
restoration. [The Syriac Version has here
only: "who is destined to come before the

day of the Lord cometh."] In Hos. v. 9
nrfoin UV means " day of judgment," and we
imagine that the author must have intended
some phrase like this. This might be obtained
by reading e'Ae-y/xds- and els naipov with inferior

mss.; nnain nj/? mnnn, "he that is

written for [= to appear at] the time of
judgment."

to pacify the wrath of the Lord's judgment.]
According to the better reading, to pacify
wrath before rage, i.e. before it burns
(Fritzsche). The Lat. has " to pacify the
wrath of the Lord." Compare Ps. ii. ad fin.
The author is interpreting the last words of
Malachi.

to restored] From Isa. xlix. 6. The Syriac,
"to preach to," betrays a Christian hand.

11. Blessed are they that satv thee, and slept
in love.] The best Greek copies have " were
adorned in love ; " but as this can give no
reasonable meaning in the context, we prefer
the reading of the inferior MSS. " Slept in
love" must, however, mean " slept contented,"
feeling that their best wish had been granted
them ; and this " in contentment " is pro-
bably only a gloss, though a singularly happy
and appropriate one. This brings us to the
text of the Syriac, " happy is he that shall
have seen thee and die," HOI "pK"l >t* ;
i.e. " happv is he that shall see thee before
he die."

for iv e shall surely live.] A difficult phrase,
interpreted by the Vet. Lat. "we only live
this life;" by Grotius and Fritzsche, "yet
we shall surely remain alive," i.e. we shall
surely live to see that day. Fritzsche finds
in this passage evidence that the author looked
forward to a speedy restitution, and imagined
that he would live to see it. It seems to us
unlikely that so cautious a writer would ex-
press his confidence so positively. We believe

V. 12-

[8.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XLVIII.

227

b. c. 12 * Elias it was, who was covered

cir^oo. wjtj1 a wnjrlwjnd : and Eliseus was

2.2iiKiin5gs ^lled with his sPirit "• whilst he lived,
1 2 Kings 7he was not moved w/r/j the presence
3- J4- 0f any prince, neither could any bring

him into subjection.
» Or, 13 a No word could overcome him ;

'"and after his death his body pro-
13-21- phesied.

14 He did wonders in his life, and
at his death were his works marvel-
lous.

15 For all this the people repented
not, neither departed they from their

Nothing.
m 2 Kings

sins, "till they were spoiled and B.C.
carried out of their land, and were c,Ii^0'
scattered through all the earth : vet *aa Kmgs

O J lo. 1 1, 12.

there remained a small people, and a
ruler in the house of David :

16 Of whom some did that which
was pleasing to God^ and some multi-
plied sins.

17 "Ezekias fortified his city, and "2Chron.
/brought in water into the midst32'5',
thereof: he digged the hard rock2c?2o!ng
with iron, and made wells for waters.

18 In his time q Sennacherib came ? 2 Kings
up, and sent Rabsaces, and lifted up isai.3^!7!.

that the true text is preserved by the Syr. :
" yet he shall not die ; he shall surely live."
The author recalls his former words "and die."

12. tvas covered with a whirlwind.] The
expression is a strange one. Schleussner
(hi. p. 50) would emend inerda-Ori for
idKeiracrBr) (from a quotation of Jerome),
" flew up ; " and this seems confirmed by
the Aeth. (2"iy), though the freedom of that
translator renders him untrustworthy. The
Syriac renders : " Elias was gathered to
heaven in storehouses ; " the Hebrew of this
was probably *]DXJ nS1D3, " was gathered
(or taken up) by a whirlwind." The Syriac
translator was deceived by the intentional
assonance, and the Aramaising orthography
several times noticed gave him the right to
read the former word HDDX2 (see Nehem.
xii. 25). The Aethiopic connects this clause
with the preceding by inserting "for the sake
of Elias who was," &c.

iv as filled with his spirit. ,] Syr. "and
received double prophecy ; and many tempta-
tions (read ; signs ') and wonders spoke his
mouth."

whilst he lived, (&JY.] The reference is to
2 Kings hi. 13, and vi. 16.

13. No word could overcome him.~\ This
may mean either that no difficulty was too
great for him, or that no secret was hid from
him (Syr.). Probably there is special refer-
ence to the cleansing of Naaman, and there-
fore the first interpretation is to be preferred.

and after his death his body prophesied.]
Lit. when lie was at rest. The Syr.
omits this clause; and its meaning is
doubtful. The only possible reference is
apparently to 2 Kings xiii. 21. But against
this interpretation is (1) the certainty of the
reference of 14 b to that fact, (2) the strange-
ness of the expression "prophesied." It has
been suggested that the clause is spurious.
If it were genuine, \\b could only refer to
Elisha's interview on his death-bed with the

king ; for in the case of such a worker of
miracles the author would have no occasion
to refer to the same act twice. But the
language of the clause plainly renders any
such reference impossible. Fritzsche's con-
jecture on this point is very improbable.

14. wondrous were his works.] Syr.
" he raised the dead to life ; " perhaps an in-
correct gloss (see above).

15. till they were spoiled and carried.~\
Omit the last two words as an addition of the
A. V. Fritzsche's ingenious conjecture that
■Q5M and IDE?} have been confused, and that
the true reading signified "were carried
away captive" is confirmed by the Syr.

The author thus closes the history of the
great and good men of Israel.

yet there remained a small people?] Com-
pare Isa. vi. 11.

and a ruler in the house of David.'] The
Syr. renders this verse : " and Judah was
left alone a small domain for the house of
David." It is likely that the Syrian rightly
translated the word ]u?W, "dominion," and
that the original meant either " the realm of
the house of David," or " as subjects for the
house of David."

16. that which ivas pleasing to God.] The
MSS. omit the last two words.

17. water.] The best MSS. strangely
give tov ro>y, " Gog," ingeniously interpreted
by Geiger ('Z. D. M. G.' xii. 542) as a corrup-
tion for dyayov, "a conduit;" a conjecture
confirmed by S2. Fritzsche suggests a cor-
ruption of "Gihon." " Water" is the render-
ing of the Syr., Lat, Aeth., S. H. (marg.), and
the reading of many MSS. The corruption
must have originated in a Greek MS. The
Hebrew word was probably rf?yn.

wells.] Rather, reservoirs.

18. and sent Rabsaces.] The best MSS.
add " and he marched." As the Syr. and

Q 2

228

ECCLESIASTICUS. XLVIII. XLIX. [v. 19— i.

b. c. his hand against Sion, and boasted

cir. 200. .1 °

— proudly.

19 Then trembled their hearts and

hands, and they were in pain, as

women in travail.

a Kings 20 rBut they called upon the Lord
19. 15, 20. .... /- . . * . .

which is merciful, and stretched out

their hands toward him : and im-
mediately the Holy One heard them
out of heaven, and delivered them by
tOi.hand. the J ministry of Esay.
f 2 Kings 21 *He smote the host of the As-
isai?37.3'i. Syrians, and his angel destroyed them.

?Mac*"7X.8' 22 'For Ezekias had done the
thing that pleased the Lord, and was

strong in the ways of David his

'2 Kings father, as Esay the prophet, who was

great and faithful in his vision, had

commanded him.

41.

2 Mac. 8
19.

23 "In his time the sun went back- b. c.
ward, and he lengthened the king's C1L!^°"

UfP " 2 Kings

1UC- 20. 10, 11.

24 He saw by an excellent spirit lsai- 38- 8.
what should come to pass at the last,

and he comforted them that mourned
in Sion.

25 He shewed what should come
to pass for ever, and secret things or
ever they came.

CHAPTER XLIX.

I The praise of yosias, 4 of David and Ezekias,
6 of Jeremy, 8 of Ezekiel, II Zorobabel,
12 Jesus the son of Josedec, 13 of Necmias,
Enoch, Sem, Seth, and Adam.

THE remembrance of "Josias is " 2 K;nes
like the composition of the per- 2 chron.
fume that is made by the art of the 34' "'

Lat. versions omit this, and it is unnecessary
if not perplexing in this context, it must be
regarded as a dittography of *ai enfipev.

lifted up his hand.] This is the reading of
the worse MSS., but doubtless correct. For
the expression, compare 2 Sam. xx. 21.

19. Omitted in the Syr.

22. ivas strong in.~\ Rather, abode by,
p^Tnn (Fritzsche). On the Syriac of clauses
c and d, see the introd.

23. In his time.'] Syr. "by his hands,"
reading VT3 (for 1*10*2), which is probably
right; compare, however, sup. xlvi. 4. The
Syriac reading also makes the transition to
Isaiah less abrupt.

24. what should come to pass at the last.~\
nitSHn, "new things" (Isa. xlii. 9), like the
Lat. novissima, seems from the Syr. to have
been in the original. On the Syr. rendering
of this verse, see the introd.

them that mourned in Sion.] From Isa. lxi.
2, 3-

25. or ever they came?] Isa. xlii. 9.

CHAPTER XLIX.

This chapter consists of four stanzas. The
subject of the first (yv. 1-3) is pious king
Josiah, on whom, as a bright example of
piety in very dark days, the writer dilates
with peculiar tenderness. In the second
stanza (w. 4-10) the mention of the three
pious kings — David, Hezekiah, and Josiah
— leads him, by way of contrast, to speak
of the wicked kings who had brought such
unutterable misery on Israel. In accordance
with our author's method of combining kings

(or reigns) with prophets, the reference to
these kings brings up the names of Jeremiah
and Ezekiel, as well as the twelve prophets.
The two former are described in accordance
with the scriptural presentation of the leading
features in their prophetic activity. We mark
that, as afterwards Philo, our author gives
special prominence to Jeremiah. The ar-
rangement of his prophecies into those of
judgment and consolation (y. 7 c, d) is in
accordance with Jewish views. In v. 9 the
subject is not Ezekiel but God, whose vision
by Ezekiel had been described in v. 8 (see note
on -v. 9). In regard to «y. 10 b, see the note.
The third stanza (yv. 11-13) refers to
the activity of the post-exilian Jewish heroes:
Zerubbabel, Joshua, and Nehemiah. Ezra is
not mentioned. The review of Israel's history
closes, not inaptly, in the fourth stanza (yv.
14-16) with a retrospect upon the fathers
of Israel's history : Enoch, Shem, Seth, and
Adam. It will be observed that they are
enumerated in the inverse order of their
succession. They are selected as the worthies
to whom Israel's covenant-history would be
traced up. In regard to Adam, however, it
is not clear whether v. 16 b does not refer
mainly to his priority in time, as the first
human being, the father of the whole race.

1. Josias.] See the passages cited in the
margin.

like.] Lit. serves for. With the ex-
pression compare Cant. i. 2.

the composition of the perfume.] See Ex.
xxv. 6, xxxi. 10. The translator adopts the
LXX. version of the Hebrew words, in which
JTlDp is perhaps derived from a wrong root,
meaning properly " burning," " fumigation."

V. 2-

-9-]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XLIX.

229

B.C.
cir. 200.

«0r,

prospered.

& 2 Kings
23. 4, &c.
2 Chron.
34- 3. 33-

c 2 Kings
23. 3, 25.

d 2 Chron.

36. 17.

I Or, horn.

apothecary : it is sweet as honey in
all mouths, and as musick at a ban-
quet of wine.

2 He "behaved himself uprightly
in the conversion of the people, *and
took away the abominations of ini-
quity.

3 cHe directed his heart unto the
Lord, and in the time of the ungodly
he established the worship of God.

4 All, except David and Ezekias
and Josias, were defective : for they
forsook the law of the most High,
even the kings of Juda failed.

5 ^Therefore he gave their "power
unto others, and their glory to a

strange nation.

6 ''They burnt the chosen city of
the sanctuary, and made the streets
desolate, "^according to the prophecy
of Jeremias.

7 For they ^entreated him evil,
who nevertheless was a prophet,
''sanctified in his mother's womb,
that he might root out, and afflict,
and destroy ; and that he might
build up also, and plant.

8 *It was Ezekiel who saw the
glorious vision, which was shewed
him upon the chariot of the cheru-
bims.

9 For he ^made mention of the
enemies under the figure of the rain,
and "directed them that went right.

B.C.
cir. 200.

' 2 Kings
25. 9.
2 Chron.
36. 19.

« Or, by
the hand
of Jeremy.

f Jer. 37.
8.

' Jer. 38.
6.

* Jer. 1.

i Ezek. 1.
3. 4, IS-

k Ezek. 13.

ir.

& 38. 9,

16, 22.

II Or, did
good.

that is made.'] The Greek text refers
" made " to the remembrance ; the English
translation follows a necessary correction.

as musick, <&c.~\ For the author's estimate
of this, see sup. xxxii. 5, 6.

The reference in clause 1 is not, however,
necessarily to the incense of the sanctuary,
but the meaning may be that of pleasure
and refreshment, such as is conveyed to all
the senses by perfume, honey, and music.
And so it was a Jewish saying that " three
things calm the mind of man, and they are
these : sound [voice, music], sight, and smell
[perfume] " (Ber. 57 b).

2. He behaved himself uprightly.] The
original probably meant " he succeeded."
The Syr. renders : " he was hidden from
temptations." This perhaps represents no
different reading, but a false connexion of
the derivative of 2V& employed by the author
with !"Qt£>, "to carry captive; " which led to
this glossing of the word " succeeded." The
verse indicates why his "remembrance" was
so precious. On the activity of Josias,
comp. 2 Kings xxiii. 24.

3. he established the worship of God.] Lit.
he strengthened.

4. The verse begins the second stanza.
The author, one imagines, might also have
mentioned at least Jehoshaphat and Asa;
but (as Fritzsche remarks) the worship in
the " high places" continued in their time.

failed.] I.e. came to ruin. Or, per-
Jiaps, rather, they deserted their post
of duty.

5. he gave.] The Greek MSS. have all
they gave, and this is rendered certain
by the Syr. The author either refers to those
foreign alliances which the prophets so severely
condemned, or makes them responsible for the

result to which their actions led. Indeed,
the two would be combined in the view of
the writer. He would chiefly have in mind
the calling in of the Assyrian power by Ahaz,
with all its disastrous consequences to Judah
and Israel ; comp. 2 Kings xvi. 7.

6. They.] The strange nation.

the streets.] Syr. " the ruins thereof." ni3TI
and rTQm were various readings. Doubtless
the Greek reading is to be preferred.

according to the prophecy.] Lit. " by the
hands." We must read with the Syr. 'D'2,
" in the days" of Jeremiah. The same varia-
tion was noticed at xlviii. 23.

7. Comp. the corresponding passages in
Jeremiah, which can scarcely leave a doubt
that the younger Siracide had the LXX.
version of Jeremiah before him. The refer-
ence is to the twofold commission of Jeremiah :
to destroy and to build.

8. the glorious vision.] Rather, the
vision of the glory = TIMfl. The
reference is to the visions described in
Ezek. i., viii., and x.

which was shewed him.] Rather, which
he shewed him.

9. For he made mention of the enemies
under the figure of the rain.] Lit. in rain.
" Rain " is referred by the commentators to
the verbs KaraKkvfav, "flooding rain," with
which in Ezek. xiii. 11 (LXX.) the false
prophets are threatened. But the whole
verse is so difficult and unsatisfactory that
it cannot be supposed to represent the ori-
ginal faithfully. The Aeth. renders: " and he
mentioned the enemy with wrath," antici-
pating Fritzsche's conjecture that the Hebrew
DVT, " wrath," was corrupted into D"lT,
" flooding rain," in the translator's copy.
The Syr., " and even concerning Job he

23°

ECCLESIASTICUS. XLIX.

[v. 10—13.

1). c.

cir. 200.
ch. 46.

'" Ezra 3.

Hag. 2. 23,

10 And of the twelve prophets let 12 So was "Jesus the son of Jose- B.C.

memona

1 be blessed, and 'let dec : who in their time builded the

the

their bones flourish again out of their house, and set up an holy temple to2'Ezra3-
place : for they comforted Jacob, the Lord, which was prepared for Ha«.i. 12.
and delivered them by assured hope. everlasting glory. Zech. 3. 1.

11 How shall we magnify "'Zoro- 13 And among the elect was Nee-

babel ? even he was as a signet on
the right hand :

mias, whose renown is great, "who«Neh.
raised up for us the walls that were

7.1.

said," clearly reading 31*K for T1X, as
Arnaldus and Geiger observed. Accepting
this correction (" Job " for " the enemy "),
both these scholars imagine the reference to
be to Ezekiel's mention of Job (xiv. 14).
But it is improbable that so unimportant a
fact would be alluded to here, although
Ezekiel's mention of Job might have reminded
our author of him. We would propose
translating: For He [God] remembered
[made remembrance of = 1ST, so rendered
in the LXX., especially frequently in the
Psalms; see particularly Ps. ix. 12 (Heb. 13)
and Ps. Ixxiv. 22 (LXX.: Ps. lxxiii.)] the
enemy in storm. We suggest that the
Greek translator misread D"VyC'2, " in rain-
shower" (Deut. xxxii. 2, which the LXX.
render by 6'/x/3pos as in our verse), instead of
rniT^'2, "in storm" — or else "He remem-
bered the enemy in wrath," if he misread
D"IT for Dyt. Either of these corrections
would make clause 1 correspond with clause 2,
which would not be the case if we were to
correct " enemy " into " Job," the intro-
duction of that name being also unsuited to
the context.

and directed them that tvent right.'] Lit.,
according to the better reading, to do
good to them, &c. Geiger ('Z. D. M. G.'
xii. 572) emended the whole verse as follows:

w *3*n bnb myDa -dt nvx nx pa.

" Job, too, he remembered in the whirlwind
to repay his righteous dealing." To the
twofold commission of Jeremiah (v. 7), which
the writer conceives to be further confirmed
by the visions of Ezekiel (v. 8), corresponds
the twofold activity of God: towards His
enemies and to those that " go right."

10. let the memorial be blessed.] This clause
is found only in MS. 248.

let their bones flourish again.] The Syriac
here supports the Greek. The repetition of
these words from ch. xlvi. 12 (see the con-
nexion there) deprives them of the meaning
which some might attach to them as re-
ferring to the resurrection of the body.

for they comforted.] On the supposition
that these two clauses are here in their right
place, we must adopt this reading, which
is supported by the Syr. and the Vet. Lat.,
though not found in the best MSS., which

give the singular. The latter would neces-
sitate a reference to God (f. 9), and also
the transposition (Fritzsche) of the last two
lines of v. 10 to v. 9. In that case v. 10
would consist of only the first three lines in
the A. V. On the whole we prefer this
re-arrangement for the reason about to be
mentioned.

and delivered them by assured hope.] Lit.
by (in) assurance of hope. Whether
we retain this and the previous line in their
present position, or, as we prefer, add them
to v. 9, the subject must be " God." The
Syr., which adopts the plural number (" they
comforted ") consistently with the reference
to the prophets, alters the last line as follows :
" and promised them that they should be
delivered."

11. Here begins stanza iii. The omission
of Ezra is somewhat remarkable. It is
scarcely accounted for by the circumstance
that only the rebuilding of the Temple and
city were in the mind of the writer (Fritzsche).
Did he feel out of sympathy either with the
person or the special activity of Ezra in regard
to the Law ?

a signet.] The author adheres to his
custom of employing characteristic phrases.
In our view the writer does not intend to
refer to the signet as an ornament, but to
indicate that in and by Zerubbabel the pre-
vious promises of God to Israel were sealed.

12. Jesus the son of Josedec] See Zech. iii.
1-9.

ivho in their time.] The addition seems
needless, and, as we might expect, the Syriac is
different ; " by their exhortation," Polyglot ;
"in their poverty," Lagarde: the former is
supported by the Arab., which, however, is
corrupt. It is probable that the author wrote
"with their hands," D!"P"P2, which was cor-
rupted into DiTCO, as so often in these
chapters.

builded the house, and set up an holy temple.]
Syr. "setup an altar and built a holy temple."
This rendering avoids the tautology.

prepared.] A reference to Haggai's well-
known prophecy ; though the Siracide had no
conception of the manner in which it would
be fulfilled in the coming of the Messiah.

v. 14— i.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. XLIX. L.

fallen, and set up the

gates

the bars, and raised up our

and
ruins

ao;ain

24-

ch. 44. 16.
Hebr. 11.

1 Gen. 41.

43-

& 42. 6.

& 45- 8.

& 50. 25.

Exod. 13.

19.

14 But upon the earth was no
man created like ^ Enoch ; for he
was taken from the earth.

15 Neither was there a man born
like unto ? Joseph, a governor of his
brethren, a stay of the people, whose
bones were regarded of the Lord.

16 ''Scm and Seth were in great B.C.
honour among men, and so was C1!i^°-
Adam above every living thing in r Ge2n' s-
the creation.

& 11. 10.

CHAPTER L.

1 Of Simon the son of Onias. 22 How the
people zuere taught to praise God, and pray.
27 The conclusion.

IMON the high priest, the son
of Onias, who in his life re-

13. And among the elect was.'] The better
reading is, and may the memory of
Nehemias be great. Compare Jos. ' Ant.'
xi. 5, 8, where it is recorded that Nehemiah
called priests and Levites from the country
into the thinly populated city, and built them
houses at his own expense (Fritzsche).

ourruins.] Lit. our ground-plots. The
original was probably, however, JT)2"in,
" ruins."

14. The author having come to the end of
the national history in the last stanza takes
a retrospect of the " fathers " of Israel's cove-
nant-history. It was perhaps in order to
indicate this that their names are introduced
in the reverse order of their chronological
succession. If Enoch was rightly omitted
by the Syr. in xliv. 16, the introduction of
his name here will be more intelligible.

was no man.] Syr. " few; " doubtless an in-
tentional alteration, perhaps from a Christian
hand.

15. a governor.] Rather, a leader; the
reference is to Gen. xlix. 26, Vns "VT3.

a stay of the people.] This and the previous
clause are omitted by Syr.

whose bones were regarded of the Lord?]
"Of the Lord" must be omitted. Aeth.
" his bones found mercy." Lat. et post mortem
prophetwverunt, an interpolation from xlviii.
13. Syr. "and his body was gathered in
peace ; " whence it appears that the refer-
ence is to the careful conveyance of the body
of Joseph from Egypt (see Ex. xiii. 19; Jer.
xxiv. 32). Possibly the author used the word
1"Qp3, "were buried," of which the second
and third letters had become transposed in the
Greek translator's text ; the word "Ipl (" to
look to," "to care for") is occasionally ren-
dered enio-KeTTTecrdai in the LXX. The Syriac
adds the words " in peace." It is possible that

that word itself (D?"C'2) represents a corrup-
tion of "in Shechem" (DDi^n).

16. were in great honour among men, <b'c]
Syr. " Seth, Shem, and Enos were created
among men ; and over all these is the glory
of Adam." It has been suggested that the
Hebrew original may have consisted of a com-

bination of the first clause of the Greek with
the second of the Syriac. Some word which
either bore the two meanings, " create " and
" glorify," or while signifying the latter was
similar in form to a word meaning the former,
must have been employed in both clauses.
Shem and Seth represent the ancestors of the
pious part of the postdiluvian and antediluvian
world respectively. The " Enos " of the
Syrian is probably nothing more than a ditto-

graphy of ^'13X2, "among men."

CHAPTER L.

This chapter describes the services of the
Temple in the time of Simon I., whose cha-
racter and administration are highly extolled,
and whose appearance in the various functions
of his high-priestly office are also set forth
under a variety of figures. It closes with a
grand eulogy, perhaps in imitation of those at
the end of each of the five books in the
Psalter. This is followed by what we regard
as a spurious later addition, alike in the
Hebrew original and the Greek Version (see
note on w. 25, 26). The book concludes
with the name of the writer and a general
commendation of that which formed the
subject of the whole work.

The chapter seems arranged into six
stanzas : — Stanza i., vv. 1-4 : praise of Simon I.
as high-priest and ruler (see the General In-
troduction). Stanza ii. : the high-priest on
the Day of Atonement, w. 5-10. Stanza iii. :
the high-priest in the ordinary functions of
his office, v-v. 11-20. Stanza iv. : grand
eulogy, "v-v. 22-24. [Stanza v.: later inser-
tion, w. 25, 26.] Stanza vi. : general con-
clusion, w. 27-29. Thus the chapter would
consist of four verses (stanza L), six verses
(stanza ii.), ten verses (4 4- 6, stanza iii.),
four verses (stanza iv.), and, omitting the
interpolated stanza v., three verses (stanza vi.).

1. Simon the high priest, the son of Onias.]
Syr. "son of Nathaniah," a name with an
easier etymon than " Onias." In the list of
the high-priests of that period we have no
fewer than three of the name of Onias (four, if
we include Menelaus ; five, if we add the Onias
who founded the temple at Leontopolis) in

232

ECCLESIASTICUS. L.

B.C.

cir. 200.

" 1 Kings
7- 23.

his

paired the house again, and
days fortified the temple :

2 And by him was built from the
foundation the double height, the
high fortress of the wall about the
temple :

3 In his days the "cistern to re-

sea, was covered with plates of
brass :

4 He took care of the temple that
it should not fall, and fortified the
city against besieging :

5 How was he honoured in the
midst of the people in his

B. C

cir. 200.

Gr. the

ceive water, being in compass as the out of "the sanctuary!

coming ' <-"•• tie

0 house of
the veil.

Egypt. As regards the question which Simon
is referred to in this verse — whether the first
or the second of that name — we refer to the
General Introduction, § II. The Syr. adds,
" greatest of his brethren and crown of his
people was." And some such phrase seems
required to give the sentence a commence-
ment ; it may have been omitted in the Greek
copy by design or by neglect — probably the
former.

repaired the bouse.~\ Gr. imeppa^tv, well
rendered in Latin by Kessler, "sartam tectam
praestitit;" Heb. ND"l (Fritzsche). On the
subject of these repairs we must once more
refer to the General Introduction, § II.

fortified the templet] Rather, strength-
ened or "rebuilt;" see the references in
Ges. ' Thes.' s. v. p-Trl.

2. And by him was built, <&jY.] This verse
is obscure, and precise historical details are
wanting (see General Introduction, § II.). The
author apparently refers to a high surrounding
wall built round the Temple ; many of the
words are to be found in the description of the
palace at Persepolis given by Diodorus xvii. 7 1.
The second clause may be translated " a lofty
structure, a surrounding wall for the Temple."
' Xvak-qppa— in the LXX. 2 Chron. xxxii. 5
for " Millo " — is employed to designate any
massive structure ; see Wesseling ad I. r.,
Diod., Suidas s. v., with the references in
Bernhardy's edition. The first clause is ren-
dered more difficult by the phrase v^os SinXrjs;
which should mean, " by him was founded
(= built) to the height of a double;" "a
double," BnrXrj, signifying some measure of
length. In any case vx/z-oy, so close to vtyrjKov,
would suggest that the text was either cor-
rupt or mistranslated. Perhaps the former
was the case, and the original had DEMI, signi-
fying a "double wall" (compare /. c. Diod.),
which the Syrian (whose text, however, is de-
ficient) misread TV2)p, " height." For various
suggestions on this locality, see Fritzsche.

3. The A. V. here follows an emended text.
The Greek literally rendered would be : in
his days was diminished a receptacle
of waters, brass [or, with some MSS., "a
lake"J, in circumference like that of a
sea. It is clear that this "diminished " can-
not represent the original correctly ; nor are

the attempts that have been made to correct
the Greek text successful. Fritzsche, whose
criticisms on the attempts of his predecessors
are here as elsewhere painfully sharp, reads
f\aTOfiT]6r], "was cut out of stone;" a correc-
tion far inferior to that of Herzfeld (' Gesch.
Israels,' ii. 1 95), tjXcltcoBt]. The Syriac Version,
though it only preserves two words of the
verse, enables us to correct the error with
certainty. It renders " he dug a well," shewing
that "iDn, " diminished," in the Greek copy
was an error for "IQI"!, "dug." But this also
shews us that in the second clause Xukkos,
"a lake," must be substituted for ^aX/cos,
" brass," of the best MSS. ; a substitution in
accordance with the canon that a more diffi-
cult reading is to be adopted in preference to
one easier. The whole verse should then be
rendered, in his days was dug out a
receptacle of waters, a reservoir in
circumference like a sea. There seems
here an allusion to some public work, pro-
bably with a view to render a longer defence
of Jerusalem possible.

4. He took care of the temple?^ The A. V.
follows an emendation ; all the best autho-
rities have: who took thought for his
people.

that it should not fall.] Rather, against
ruin.

against besieging.] The author would seem
to mean "to stand a siege in," i.e. so that it
could stand a siege. 'EfnroXiopKflcrdai would
have been the correct Greek rather than
ifXTroXiopKrjcrai. The mistake may be due either
to the translator or to his copyists.

5. Stanza ii. The description of the high-
priest during the most solemn function of his
office : on the Day of Atonement.

in the midst of the people.] Ewald took the
words to mean " during the circuit of the
people," i.e. " on the solemn feast-day when
the people walked in solemn procession round
the sanctuary." But this is impossible, since
there was no such circuit on the Day of
Atonement. Syr. "when he departed out of
the temple ; " whence Bretschneider corrected
the Greek vaov for Xaov.

in his coming out of the sanctuary.] Rather,
when he came out from the house of

v. 6 — ii.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. L.

*33

B.C.
cir. 200.

6 He was as the morning star in
the midst of a cloud, and as the
moon at the full :

7 As the sun shining upon the
temple of the most High, and as the
rainbow giving light in the bright
clouds :

8 And as the flower of roses in the
spring of the year, as lilies by the
rivers of waters, and as the branches

of the frankincense tree in the time of b. c.
summer : cir_!!°-

9 As fire and incense in the cen-
ser, and as a vessel of beaten gold set
with all manner of precious stones :

10 And as a fair olive tree bud-
ding forth fruit, and as a cypress tree
which groweth up to the clouds.

1 1 When he put on the robe of
honour, and was clothed with the

the veil, i.e. from behind the Veil — from the
Holiest of all. As the high-priest only entered
the Holiest of all on the Day of Atonement,
the reference must be to his " glorious "
appearance on that day. For details of the
services of that day, we refer to ' The Temple
and its Services,' ch. xvi. The appearance of
the high-priest is described in the following
verses under eleven figures.

6. as the morning star.] Compare Isa.
xiv. 12.

in the midst of a cloud.] Syr. " between
clouds."

the moon at the full.] Lit. full in
days. Syr. "in the days of Nisan;" a
remarkable reading, which, if right, would
seem to refer to the Paschal moon— but, if so,
incorrectly. On the other hand, the autumn
full moon — the harvest-moon — would be a
much more suitable figure. It, as well as some
of the subsequent figures, gains in significance
when we remember that on the Day of Atone-
ment the high-priest wore " linen garments "
(' Temple and its Services,' pp. 266, &c).

7. As the sun shining upon the temple of the
most High.] Syr. " upon a palace " (Heb.

?^T] ? or pSX ?). The author is referring
to gilt rooves.

in clouds of glory.] Svr. omits "of
glory."

8. as the flower of roses in the spring of the
year.] The expression " spring of the year "
is the same as in xxiv. 23. Syr. "like the
ears of the field;" an equally natural simile
in our author's mind: see on xl. 22.

as the branches of the frankincense tree.]
The meaning of the expression jAaarol \i(3d-
vov has been questioned. That represented by
the A. V. is adopted by Fritzsche ; and the
reference to midsummer is explained by him
(after Hug) from the observation of Theo-
phrastus (' Hist. Plant.' ix. 1, 6), that the tree
is tapped "under the Dog-star and in the
hottest days." It has been suggested that
the mention of frankincense in the next clause
renders this interpretation improbable ; and
that we should translate "the shoots of Leba-
non," \M1? 'XJf. This might indeed be referred

to the fragrant herbs which grew there (so
Herzfeld, /. c. ; compare Cant. iv. 11), but it is
more probably to be interpreted of the cedars,
whose magnificent growth affords the material
for so many biblical similes; since rich and
luxurious vegetation rather than fragrance is
the characteristic of all the plants mentioned
in v. 10. On the other hand, however,
aromatic plants alone are mentioned in one
verse, and the mention of " branches of the
frankincense tree " would form an apt transi-
tion to " the incense " in the next verse.

in the time of summer.] Probably " in
harvest time," "VXp '0*2 ; cp. Syr. here, and
LXX. of Prov. xxvi. 1. This corresponds
with the date of the Fast.

9. As fire and incensed] The figure of
hendiadys is not common in the Semitic
languages. We prefer, therefore, the reading

of the Syr., H33^ 'B>K, " offerings of incense "
— conjectured independently by Fritzsche.

as a vessel of beaten gold.] Compare the
similes in xxxii. 5, 6.

10. a fair olive tree.] " Fair " is found
only in 248, Co.

budding forth fruit.] Rather, bringing
forth. Syr. "whose branches are mighty,"
perhaps thinking of mtcD for i"P~)2.

as a cypress tree which groweth up to the
clouds.] The cypress is </>iWei v^rjKov (Theo-
phrastus, ' Caus. Plant.' III. vii. 4). The tree
spoken of, however, seems to have been the
jCC y]l, or oleaster (cp. Syr.). The expres-
sion " which groweth up to the clouds " is
so strange that even without the Syriac we
might have guessed that the author had used
the word 2V, which bears the twofold meaning
of " cloud " and " foliage," and that the latter
was the sense which the author intended to
convey. Theophrastus ('Hist. Plant.' I. viii.
3 and ill. vi. 2) observes on the regularity of
the boughs of this tree. To this feature our
author probably alludes, but the original is
difficult to reconstruct out of v^ov^iivrj and

11. Second stanza.

When he put on the robe of honour.] The

^34

ECCLESIASTICUS. L.

[v.

12-

-19.

b. c. perfection of glory, when he went
cirjsoo. ^ to t^e ^o|^. ajtar^ ^g ma(je tne

garment of holiness honourable.

12 When he took the portions out
of the priests' hands, he himself stood
by the hearth of the altar, compassed
with his brethren round about, as a
young cedar in Libanus ; and as
palm trees compassed they him round
about.

13 So were all the sons of Aaron
in their glory, and the oblations of
the Lord in their hands, before all the
congregation of Israel.

14 And finishing the service at
the altar, that he might adorn the
offering of the most high Almighty,

*Deut.32. 1^ }-[e stretched out his hand to
ch. 39. 26. the cup, and poured of ^the blood of

the grape, he poured out at the foot of b. c.
the altar a sweetsmelling savour unto c'li^a
the most high King of all.

16 Then shouted the sons of Aa-
ron, and c sounded the "silver trum-rNumb.
pets, and made a great noise to be *°o ' I(
heard, for a remembrance before the trumpets
most High. £S"

17 Then all the people together ™ith the
hasted, and fell down to the earth
upon their faces to worship their
Lord God Almighty, the most High.

18 The singers also sang praises
with their voices, with great variety
of sounds was there made sweet
melody.

19 And the people besought the
Lord, the most High, by prayer
before him that is merciful, till the

distinctive vestments of the high-priest (see
'The Temple and its Services,' p. 72).
Although during the ordinary part of the
services on the Day of Atonement the high-
priest wore his usual vestments — "the robe
of honour," or, as it is called, " the golden
vestments " — yet it seems more likely that the
reference now is to the ordinary, or to the
Sabbatic, or other festive functions of the high-
priest. This, partly because it is not likely
that these functions would remain wholly
unnoticed, partly because we should scarcely
expect that after the full description of the
appearance on the Day of Atonement the
writer would go back to it again. The wear-
ing of the " golden vestments " during part of
the Day of Atonement seems alluded to in
the figure of v. 9. In connexion with this it
here deserves notice that the services of that
day were concluded by the high-priest in his
"golden vestments" ('Temple and its Services,'
pp. 285, 286). Indeed, a comparison of the
figures in w. 5-10 will shew that they cor-
respond with the rubric regarding the vest-
ments to be worn by the high-priest in the
various functions of that solemn day.

he made the garment of holiness honourable^]
Rather, he made the surrounding [the
ambitus] of the sanctuary glorious.
" The surrounding of the sanctuary " is the
Court of the Priests where " the holy altar,"
i.e. the altar of burnt-offering, stood. For
the rendering of ayiaa^a by "sanctuary,"
comp. Ecclus. xlvii. 10, 13 ; xxxvi. 15 ; xlix. 6.
The high-priest might officiate on any day
and in any of the priestly functions.

12. the portions.] Syr. " of flesh." The
sacrifice was cut up in pieces according to

certain rules, and salted before being laid on
the altar. For the various rubrics, comp.
'The Temple and its Services,' pp. 90, 100,
135, 141.

compassed nvith his brethren round about.]
On the number of priests who carried up the
various sacrifices, comp. u. s. p. 90.

as a young cedar in Libanus?] Omitted by
Syr. ; perhaps it has come in from -v. 8.

13. For the detailed explanation of the
order of service as here described we must
refer to the account of these services, u. s.
ch. viii.

14. And finishing the service at the altar.]
Lit. and performing completion on
the altars; Syriac, " until he had finished
serving the altar." The latter would seem to

represent the better reading ; PHC^O was read

by the Greek translator TTVD, and rta 1$
taken by him for an adverbial phrase (pro-
bably we should read els o-wre'Xetai/ for
teal a\).

that he might adorn the offering!] Rather,
while adorning or performing.

15. the cup.] Heb. nbp, not used in sin-
gular. The "drink-offering" was poured on
the base of the altar : comp. ' The Temple
and its Services,' p. 142.

16. silver.] The marginal rendering is
more literal. Immediately after the " drink-
offering," the Temple-music began («. s.
pp. 142-144). On the musical part of the
service, comp. u. s. pp. 52-57.

19. "The Psalm of the day was always
sung in three sections. At the close of each

V. 2 0 — 26.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. L.

*35

b. C. solemnity of the Lord was ended,
'Lf!°' and they had finished his service.

20 Then he went down, and lifted
up his hands over the whole con-
gregation of the children of Israel, to
give the blessing of the Lord with
his lips, and to rejoice in his name.

21 And they bowed themselves
down to worship the second time,
that they might receive a blessing
from the most High.

Ps. 72. 22 Now therefore d bless ye the
God of all, which only doeth won-
drous things every where, which
exalteth our days from the womb,

and dealeth with us according to his b. c.
mercy. cWl^

23 He grant us joyfulness of heart,
and that peace may be in our days in
Israel for ever :

24 That he would confirm his
mercy with us, and deliver us at his
time !

25 There be two manner of na-
tions which my heart abhorreth, and
the third is no nation :

26 They that sit upon the moun-
tain of Samaria, and they that dwell
among the Philistines, and that foolish
people that dwell in Sichem.

the priests drew three blasts from their silver
trumpets, and the people bowed down and
worshipped" (u. s. p. 143).

20. On the priestly benediction and the
response of the people, see u. s. p. 141. In
the Temple of Herod the priestly blessing
was given before the meat- and drink-offering
and the Psalmody.

21. Although this verse seems naturally to
connect itself with that which precedes, the
structure of the chapter (see introduction)
requires it to be connected with the hymn
which follows.

22-24. Although put in the mouth of the
people, this is rather ideal than real, and the
hymn of thanksgiving must be regarded as
the original composition of the Siracide rather
than as forming part of the services in the
Temple. Its catholic character, as distin-
guished from narrow Jewish views (t>. 22 a, b) ;
its expression of a wider gratitude (v. 22 c, d) ;
its healthy tone (v. 23), and its pathetic
utterance of hope (v. 24), entitle it to a place
among the loftiest of uninspired hymns. As
noticed in the General Introduction, it has
been reproduced in the well-known German
hymn of Rinckart (about 1648) : Nun danket
alle Gott — with special appropriateness to the
circumstances of the time of its composition
— the close of the Thirty Years' War. (For
its translation into English, see ' Hymns
Ancient and Modern,' No. 379.) The Syriac
version of the hymn is as follows :

" And let the people of the earth praise the

Lord,
, Who doeth famous things on earth,

And created the sons of man from out the

womb of their mother,
And ruleth them according to His will,
To give unto them wisdom of heart ;
And let there be peace between them ;

And let mercy be established with Simon :
[or : And let it be established with Simon

the Just (see General Introduction,

p. 6)]
And with his seed, as the days of heaven."

It will be observed that while the Syriac
rendering is in the first five lines more uni-
versal in its tone than the Greek, being pro-
bably modified by the Syriac translator, the
last three lines seem more accurately to
express what one would expect to have been
in the mind of the original Hebrew writer.

25, 26. There be tivo manner of nations,
<b'c.'] It has been suggested that these two
verses have the appearance of being a riddle,
containing the author's name or an indication
of the date at which the book was completed.
Upon the whole their insertion in this place
— after the concluding eulogy of to 22-24
and before the customary close in w. 28, 29
■ — seems so strange and incongruous that we
are disposed to regard them as the later addi-
tion of a scribe, and as dating from near the
time of Herod. This on account of the
covert allusion to Edom, which, as the birth-
place of the family of Herod, the Idumasan, was
held in such general hatred at that time. For
the reference to " the mountain of Samaria "
must have been intended to cover some other
allusion, the Samaritans being referred to in
the last clause of the verse. The Hebrew
original had no doubt "in mount Seir," refer-
ring to Edom. This is preserved in the Syr.

72i (comp. Ps. lxxxiii. 8 — while in the Samar.
version of* the Pentateuch Seir is rendered by

n?33). Similarly, the Vet. Lat. translates : in
monte Seir. By the expression " Philistines,"
we conjecture that the foreign — Grecian —
settlers in Palestine (adi'enx) are meant, espe-
cially those who inhabited the older Philistine
and Phoenician cities bv the sea-coast. The

236

ECCLESIASTICUS. L. LI.

[v. 27—4.

B.C. 27 Jesus the son of Sirach of Je-

- — ' rusalem hath written in this book

the instruction of understanding and

knowledge, who out of his heart

poured forth wisdom.

28 Blessed is he that shall be
exercised in these things ; and he
that layeth them up in his heart shall
become wise.

29 For if he do them, he shall be
strong to all things : for the light of
the Lord leadeth him, who giveth
wisdom to the godly. Blessed be the
Lord for ever. Amen, Amen.

CHAPTER LI.

A Prayer of Jesus the son of Sirach.
WILL thank thee, O Lord and
King, and praise thee, O God

give praise unto

b. c.

cir. 200.

my Saviour : I do
thy name :

2 For thou art my defender and
helper, and hast preserved my body
from destruction, and from the snare
of the slanderous tongue, and from
the lips that forge lies, and hast been
mine helper against mine adversaries :

3 And hast delivered me, accord-
ing to the multitude of thy mercies
and greatness of thy name, from "the vGx.tJu

1 f 1 1 1 gnashitu

teeth of them that were ready to of the '
devour me, and out of the hands '

sought

of such as

from the manifold

I had :

iftei

life, and

afflictions which

i'om

the

choking

of fi

re on

side, and from the midst of the

every

fire which I kindled not ;

words " they that dwell among " are taken from
H, 248, Co., but are not in any of the principal
MSS., which have only "the Philistines."

CHAPTER LI.

Viewed generally, this chapter consists of
three parts: Part I., w. 1-12 ; Part II., w.
13-27; Part III., i"i'. 28-30. The first two
parts consist of several stanzas. Part I. has
two stanzas, each of five verses (yv. 1-5 ;
6-10), and closes with a stanza of two verses
(yv. 11, 12). Part II. has three stanzas, each
of five verses (yv. 13-17; 18-22; 23-27).
Part III., which may be regarded as the
general conclusion, consists of one stanza of
three verses. Not only the different parts of
this chapter, but the stanzas of which each
part consists, are well marked by the differ-
ence of the subject in each of them. Perhaps
this is least clear in Part I. But here also
we notice that from the record of strictly
personal events in stanza i. {yv. 1-5) the
writer passes in the second stanza (yv. 6-
10) to a more general religious considera-
tion of them and a statement of his own
spiritual experience, which in the third stanza
rises into thanksgiving (<w. 11, 12). This
forms an apt conclusion of Part I. In Part II.
the writer once more gives in the first stanza
('w. 13-17) what may be called a more
personal account of his inner life as regards
Wisdom, and again passes in the second
stanza (yv. 18-22) to a more general state-
ment in regard to it. Lastly, stanza iii. is
an admonition addressed to all, and based on
the writer's personal experience of Wisdom.
This prepares for Part III., which contains

a general commendation of the pursuit of
wisdom and piety.

As regards critical points we note that this
chapter is wanting in the S. H. Version, and in
one or two MSS. Fritzsche would place it
before v. 27 of the last chapter, without any
adequate ground. Bickell endeavours to
prove that it was an alphabetical psalm. In
any case, from its personal character, the
author was justified in making it an appendix
to his book, within which it would have been
entirely out of place. The Syriac Version has
many strange variations (as in the preceding
chapters), all of which do not require to find
a place here.

1. / ivill thank thee, <b'c] Cp. the com-
mencement of Ps. cxxxviii. The Aeth. inverts
clauses 1 and 2. On the circumstances of
danger which beset the author, see the General
Introduction, pp. 4, 8, 13.

2. For thou art.'] Rather, hast been on
a particular occasion.

from the snare of the slanderous tongue.]
For the circumstances in Ben Sira's personal
history which explain this verse, comp. the
General Introduction, pp. 4, 8.

mine adversaries.] Lit. those who
stood beside me — naturally in a hostile
sense, "waiting to destroy me."

3. and greatness of thy name.] Lit. and
of thy name. The text, if right, exhibits
a remarkable zeugma. Aeth. " and on account
of thy name." Some MSS. (with the Lat.)
solve the difficulty by omitting the copula ;
and this Fritzsche adopts after Drusius.
The original is likely to have been ''TDn 2~D
"pW, "according to the multitude of the

v. 5—15-

ECCLESIASTICUS. LI.

237

5 From the depth of the belly of
hell, from an unclean tongue, and
from lying words.

6 By an accusation to the king
from an unrighteous tongue my soul
drew near even unto death, my life
was near to the hell beneath.

7 They compassed me on every
side, and there was no man to help
me : I looked for the succour of men,
but there was none.

8 Then thought I upon thy mercy,
O Lord, and upon thy acts of old,
how thou deliverest such as wait for
thee, and savest them out of the
hands of the enemies.

9 Then lifted I up my supplica-
tion from the earth, and prayed for
deliverance from death.

10 I called upon the Lord, the

Father of my Lord, that he would b. c.
not leave me in the days of my cir' 2°°"
trouble, and in the time of the proud,
when there was no help.

ill will praise thy name con-
tinually, and will sing praise with
thanksgiving ; "and so my prayer was u or,
heard : b£™se

12 For thou savedst me from c\t-Pra>'er-
struction, and deliveredst me from

the evil time : therefore will I give
thanks, and praise thee, and bless thy
name, O Lord.

13 When I was yet young, or

ever I "went abroad, I desired wisdom » Or, went
openly in my prayer. astray.

14 I prayed for her before the
temple, and will seek her out even to
the end.

15 Even from the flower till the

mercies of Thy Name," when the * was cor-
rupted into 1 . The reason for the periphrase
must have been rhythmical.

4. which I kindled not.] I.e. trouble
which I had brought on by no folly of my
own. It is likely, however, that there is a
mistranslation, and that the original meant
" so that I was not burnt."

5. the belly of hell '.] Or, rather, Hades
— so also in -v. 6. The phrase is from Jonah's

hymn (ii. 3, ?1XK> |tD3), to which this chapter
contains several allusions. The meaning is
that he was guiltless.

unclean tongue.] Comp. Isa. vi. 5, "of
unclean lips," which, however, is rather
different.

6. By an accusation to the king from an
unrighteous tongue.] The text of the best
MSS. is here corrupt and must be corrected.
The inferior MSS. read Siu/3oXr)s for hiafioXr].
The text means : from a false accusation
to the king, from the accusation of
an unrighteous tongue. The A. V.
follows a correction, 8iaj3oXfj. Copt. " from
the calumny of the tongue of violence of the
king." This clause, however, really forms
part of the preceding verse, to which it should
be joined. With the next clause begins the
second stanza, which is connected with the
first by the resumption of the reference to
Hades.

my soul drew near, <b'c] Similar complaints
are frequent in the Psalms.

7. They compassed me.] Syr. " I turned
behind."

8. out of the hands of the enemies^] The
better MSS. have: hands of the Gen-
tiles. This would also fit in better with
the peculiar circumstances of danger in which
the writer was placed.

10. the Lord, the Father of my Lord.]
" Christi ut apud Davidem Ps. ex. 1 " (Gro-
tius). This, however, is impossible in such
a book as this. The Syriac shews us that
the original text signified: " unto the Lord,
my father, O Lord."

in the time of the proud, when there ivas no
help.] The construction is difficult ; the best
critics seem, however, agreed about the
meaning.

11. Concluding stanza of Part I.

and so (rather, yea) my prayer ivas heard.]
Apodosis of v. 10. The whole cast of this
stanza is entirely in accord with the spirit of
the Old Testament. Whatever Israel lost in
its degenerate times, it was not the dignity of
suffering.

13. The verse begins Part II. Here
Bickell makes the alphabetical portion begin.

or ever Invent abroad.] The commentators
are divided between this meaning and that
suggested in the margin. For the author's
travels, see xxxiv. 1 1. Yet " to wander " need
mean no more than " to leave the nest."

openly.] Perhaps " loudly."

14. before the temple.] Cp. Ps. v. 8 ;
exxxviii. 2. The posture of the suppliant
is that of looking towards the sanctuary.

and 'will seek her out.] A holy resolution
to persevere in what he had from the first

238

ECCLESIASTICUS. LI.

[v. 1 6 — 26.

B. c. grape was ripe hath my heart de-
_?°' lighted in her : my foot went the

right way, from my youth up sought

I after her.

16 I bowed down mine ear a lit-
tle, and received her, and gat much
learning;.

17 I profited therein, therefore will
I ascribe the glory unto him that
giveth me wisdom.

18 For I purposed to do after
her, and earnestly I followed that
which is good ; so shall I not be
confounded.

19 My soul hath wrestled with
her, and in my doings I was exact :
I stretched forth my hands to the
heaven above, and bewailed my ig-
norances of her.

iOr, 1 got 20 "I directed my soul unto her,
'standing, and I found her in pureness : I have

had my heart joined with her from
the beginning, therefore shall I not
be forsaken.

B.C.

cir. 200.

heart was troubled in 1 Or,
therefore have I gotten

21 My
seeking her
a good possession

22 The Lord hath
tongue for my reward, and
praise him therewith.

23 Draw near unto me.

given

me a

I will

un-

learned, and dwell in the house of
learning.

Wherefore are ye slow, and

s, seem

24 vv neretore are
what say ye of these thi
your souls are very thirsty ?

25 I opened my mouth, and said,
"Buy her for yourselves without
money.

26 Put your neck under the yoke,
and let your soul receive instruction :
^she is hard at hand to find.

Iss

ai. 53

* Deut. 30.
14-

sought, and in which experience had con-
firmed the wisdom and goodness of his choice.

15. Even from the flower till the ripen-
ing grape.] The writer has in mind Isa.
xviii. 5. If the reading adopted by the A. V.
be right, the author is referring to his own
lifetime, "from earliest youth to manhood."
The simile is a common one in the classical
poets. Horace's immitis uvae and Pindar's
yevv(TL cpaii'cov Ttpeivav pcirep olvavdas onutpav

will occur to many readers. Most MSS.,
however, have cos, " as," for ecos, " till," giving
a difficult verse, which might be explained
with Fritzsche : "from her [Wisdom's] Mower,
as from the ripening grape," Sec.

16. and gat myself, fac.] Compare the
phrase in the Prologue.

17. / prof ted.] Rather, I made pro-
gress. Syr. "her yoke became a glory

to me." Perhaps rb]J has been confused

with rby.

18. This verse begins a new stanza.

19. hath wrestled with her.] Syr. " clung
to' her." Can there be any reference here to
the wrestling of Jacob ? But the word is not
the same as that used in Gen. xxxii. 21.

and in my doings I was exact."] The best
MSS. have "and in the doing of hunger,"
which is evidently impossible. The reading
of the A. V. is found in a few MSS. Possibly
we should accept Fritzsche's correction,
TToi-qa-ei vopov, "doing of the law:" comp.
xix. 18.

20. The order of the clauses in the T. R.
is as follows: " I directed my soul," " I have
had," "I found her." It is clear that the
order of the A. V. is correct, which is sup-
ported by A and S.

I have had my heart joined.] Lit. I
gained heart, i.e. I acquired wisdom,

y? 'JVJp (as the Syr. shews).

with her.] The T. R. has " with them."
The Syr. omits the phrase.

21. My heart.] The marginal reading is
that of all the best authorities, doubtless
altered for decency's sake. Syr. "my entrails
burned like an oven."

23. This verse begins a new stanza. The
Orientals feel no modesty in praising their
own works. In an Arabic letter shewn the
commentator, the author of a poem in honour
of Mohammad writes: "Have you not heard
what the author of it says of it ? — ' Blessed
are all they that read it ; lost are all they that
cast it aside.' " At the same time the praise
in this verse may be intended rather for what
formed the subject of the work than for the
writer's mode of presenting it.

24. and what say ye of these things.]
These words are omitted by the best MSS.,
and are shewn to be spurious by the Syr. In
reality they represent a gloss rt Xr'jyere upon
the Ston varepe'iTe, "why are ye slow," of
the text.

25. A recommendation willingly to submit
themselves. The expression " yoke " for
" obligation " is common in Jewish writings :

v. 27—30.]

ECCLESIASTICUS. LI.

239

B.C. 27 c Behold with your eyes, how

cch. 6. 19. have gotten unto me much rest.

28 Get learning with a great sum
of money, and get much gold by
her.

29 Let your soul rejoice in his b. C.
mercv, and be not ashamed of his c'Il^°'
praise.

30 Work your work betimes, ^and d Rom. 2.

in his time
reward.

he will give you your

6, 7.

comp. Ab. iii. 5 ; Ber. iii. 2 (especially the
latter).

26. Syr. adds, "and he that giveth his soul
will find her."

27. The labour was brief, the rest great
and lasting. We prefer referring the sentence
to the author's experience as regards his sub-
mission to wisdom and piety than to the labour

of composing his book and the satisfaction
ensuing from it.

rest.~\ The Syr. omits the word. Perhaps
nrpp, "a present," should have been read
rather than nri3?3, " rest."

28. Concluding part. The Syr. renders
this verse : " Hear my teaching though little,
and ye shall gain silver and gold by me."

BARUCH.

INTRODUCTION.

PAGE

§ T. Contents and Division . . 241
§ II. The reputed Author . . 242

§ III. The alleged Place and Time

of Writing .... 244
§ IV. Relation to the Canonical

Books of the Old Testament 24S

§ I. Contents and Division.

The Book of Baruch, as it stands in the
Authorized Version, consists of several
parts distinctly marked : —

Chap. i. 1-14. Historical Preface,
describing the origin of the book.

Chap.i. 15 — hi. 8. Israel's Confession
and Prayer in the time of captivity.

Chap. hi. 9 — iv. 4. Israel admonished
to return to the Fountain of Wisdom.

Chap. iv. 5 — v. 9. Encouragement
and promise of a happy deliverance.

The Epistle of Jeremy, which
appears in the A.V. as Baruch chap, vi.,
is a distinct work, which it will be better
to consider in a separate Introduction.

The first step towards determining the
relation of these several parts to each
other, and to the whole, is to state briefly
the contents of each, before attempting
to examine them critically.

Chap. i. 1-14. The Historical Pre-
face, (a) Origin of the Book in Baby-
lon (i. 1-9). (b) Message sent with the
Book to Jerusalem (i. 10-14).

(a) This is the Book which Baruch
wrote in Babylon, in the fifth year after
the destruction of Jerusalem by the Chal-
deans, and read in the ears of King
Jechonias and all the captives who dwelt
by the river Sud. "Whereupon they
wept, fasted, and prayed before the

Apoc.— Vol. II.

PAGE

§ V. Original Language . . . 248
§ VI. Probable Date . . . 250

§ VII. Text 251

§ VIII. Place in Canon . . . 252
Appendix : The Titles of God
in Baruch .... 253

Lord;" and, having collected money,
sent it to Jerusalem with the book (v. 14),
and with the silver vessels brought from
the Temple, which Zedekiah had made
after Jechonias had been carried away
captive by Nebuchadnezzar (1-9).

(b) With the money and the book was
sent this message : " Spend the money in
sacrifices, pray for Nebuchadnezzar and
his son Balthasar, that we may live long
and happily under their shadow, and
that God may forgive us our sins, and
turn his anger from us. Read this book
of confession and prayer in the Temple
upon the solemn Feasts" (10-14).

Chap. i. 15 — iii. 8. Israel's Con-
fession and Prayer, (a) Confession
of sins (i. 15 — ii. 10). (b) Prayer for for-
giveness and deliverance (ii. n — iii. 8).

(a) The Lord is righteous, but we and
our fathers have sinned against Him
since the day that He brought them out
of the land of Egypt (i. 15-19). The
judgments therefore which God foretold
by Moses and the Prophets have justly
fallen upon us ; yet, notwithstanding all
God's terrible chastisements, we have
not repented and turned to Him (i. 20 —
ii. 10).

(b) And now, Lord, remembering Thy
mercy to our fathers in Egypt, we ac-
knowledge our sins, and pray Thee to
" deliver us for thine own sake," that our

242

INTRODUCTION TO BARUCH.

afflicted souls may live to praise Thee
(11-18). We plead not any righteousness
of our fathers, or of our kings. Thy
prophets warned us to submit to the king
of Babylon, but we hearkened not to the
warnings which Thou hast now made
good upon our fathers, upon us, and
on Thy holy House (19-26). Yet in all
this Thou hast dealt mercifully with us,
according to Thy word by Moses, that,
after being made few in number and
scattered among the heathen, Thy people
should remember themselves and turn
unto Thee, and be brought back to the
land promised to their forefathers, and
be joined to Thee in an everlasting co-
venant, and be no more cast out of the
land (27-35).

We cry to Thee in anguish : hear us
in Thy great mercy : hear the prayers of
Thy people, and remember not their ini-
quities : for now Thou hast put Thy fear
in our hearts, and we praise Thee this
day in the midst of our captivity (iii.
1-8).

Chap. iii. 9 — iv. 4. Admonition to

RETURN TO THE FOUNTAIN OF WlSDOM.

Why art thou in captivity, Israel? Be-
cause thou hast forsaken the Fountain of
Wisdom. Where Wisdom is, there is life
and peace (9-14). But who has found
the place of Wisdom ? Not the rulers of
the earth, nor those whose hearts were
set upon riches ; neither they, nor their
children after them, nor the wise of all
nations, nor the giants of old time have
found Wisdom. None hath found her in
all the wide world, in the sky, or beyond
the sea; none but the All-Wise, the
Maker of the world and all that is
therein, whom the light and the stars
obey (15-34). This is our God, and He
hath given wisdom unto Israel in the
Law that endureth for ever. Happy art
thou, O Israel, if thou wilt walk in that
light (iv. 1-4).

Chap. iv. 5 — v. 9. Encouragement,
and Promise of a happy Return.
Let Israel take courage. The remnant
shall not perish, though they have pro-
voked God to jealousy by idolatry, and
have grieved Jerusalem their mother

(5-8).

Sion appeals to her neighbours for
pity, because her children have departed
from God's law, and been carried into

captivity by a strange and terrible nation
(9-16). Turning now to her children,
she cries, How can I help you ? He
that hath sent these evils on you will de-
liver you. Go your way ; and while I in
sackcloth cry unto the Eternal, cry ye
also to Him for deliverance. For He
has given me a joyful hope that ye shall
return with gladness. Therefore bear
His chastisement patiently, and ye shall
see the destruction of your enemies.
Seek Him with tenfold earnestness, and
He will save you (17-29).

Jerusalem herself now receives a mes-
sage of comfort. Woe to thy enemies !
Woe to the city where thy children are in
bondage ! She shall be desolate, burned
with fire, a habitation of demons.

See thy children gathered to thee
again. Put on again thy glorious apparel.
God giveth thee a new name. Arise !
Stand upon the height, and see every
valley exalted, every mountain brought
low, that thy children may be brought
back to thee in the light of the glory of
God (iv. 30 — v. 9).

Looking back over this summary of
the contents, we see clearly that there is
no essential connexion between the first
portion i. 1 — iii. 8, consisting of the
Prayer and its historical preface, and the
second part iii. 9 — v., containing the
Praise of Wisdom and the Promise ot
speedy deliverance.

Accordingly, in considering the ques-
tions of Authorship, of the Time and
Place of Composition, and of the Ori-
ginal Language, we cannot admit any
argument which rests on the supposed
unity of the Book, but must examine the
two parts separately, before attempting
to discover how they came to be con-
nected.

§ II. The reputed Author.

We do not propose in this section to
discuss the authenticity of the book, but
only to review the historical and tra-
ditional notices of Baruch, the reputed
author.

The book which bears the name " Ba-
ruch" ("Blessed") professes to contain
" the words of the book which Baruch
the son of Neriah . . . wrote in Babylon

INTRODUCTION TO BARUCH.

243

in the fifth year " after " the Chaldeans
took Jerusalem and burnt it with fire."

The Baruch here meant is unques-
tionably the companion of the prophet
Jeremiah, described by Josephus as
" being of a very illustrious family, and
eminently learned in his native tongue."
(' Ant.' x. ix. § 1.) He is first mentioned in
Jer. xxxii. 12, as "the son of Neriah;"
and was thus the brother of " Seraiah,
the son of Neriah, the son of Maaseiah,"
who went to Babylon with Zedekiah,
king of Judah, taking with him the book
in which Jeremiah had written " all the
evil that should come upon Babylon "
(Jer. li. 59, 60).

The ancestry of Baruch is traced back
for three generations before his grand-
father Maaseiah in Baruch i. 1, an his-
torical notice the truth of which is gene-
rally admitted.

In Jeremiah xxxvi. Baruch appears as
the prophet's faithful friend, who wrote
in the roll of a book, and read first to the
people assembled in the outer court of
the Temple on a public Fast-day, in
December 605 B.C., and then in the ears
of the princes of Judah, all the words
in which Jeremiah gave warning of the
coming destruction. Of Baruch we do
not hear again until after the capture of
Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar, 588 B.C.;
but from the statement of Josephus, in
the passage already quoted, that Jere-
miah, when set free from chains at
Ramah (Jer. xl. 1-6), entreated Nebu-
zaradan to release Baruch also, we may
infer that he had shared his master's
captivity.

After the murder of Gedaliah and the
flight of Ishmael (Jer. xli.), the prophet
delivered to " the remnant of Judah " a
warning from God not to seek refuge in
Egypt, but to remain quietly in their own
land (xlii.). The advice was rejected,
and Baruch was accused of urging Jere-
miah to deliver the people into the hands
of the Chaldeans (xliii. 3) ; and both the
prophet and his faithful companion were
compelled by "the captains of the host"
to go with them into Egypt, where they
dwelt at Tahpanhes (v. 7), a town of
Lower Egypt on the eastern border, near
Pelusium, called by Herodotus Daphnae,
and identified by Sir Gardner Wilkinson
with Tel-Defenneh (' Diet, of the Bible ').

There Jeremiah uttered his prophecies
of the conquest of Egypt by Nebuchad-
nezzar (xliii. 8-13 and xlvi., xlvii.), and
his remonstrance against the idolatry of
his countrymen in Egypt (xliv.). The ful-
filment of Jeremiah's predictions, though
not recorded in the historical books of
the Old Testament, is attested by Jose-
phus, who says that Nebuchadnezzar
slew the king of Egypt, and setup another
in his place, and again made captive the
Jews who were in Egypt, and led them
away to Babylon ('Ant.' x. 9, § 7).

According to a Jewish tradition {Seder
olam rabba, c. 26) Jeremiah and Baruch
were both carried away to Babylon at
this time, and a trace of this same tra-
dition is seen in the Greek superscription
of Ps. exxxvii., which the Vatican Codex
attributes to Jeremiah (T<3 AainS 'lepe-
ficov).

Another tradition, mentioned by S.
Jerome ('adv. Jovin.' ii. 9), states that
Jeremiah and Baruch both died in Egypt,
the. former being stoned by the Jews at
Tahpanhes, for his stern rebuke of their
apostasies. This is usually regarded as the
most trustworthy account : but, according
to another rabbinical tradition, Baruch
left Egypt after his master's death, and
himself died in Babylon twelve years
after the destruction of Jerusalem.

In concluding this notice of the re-
puted Author of the Book, we may draw
attention to an interesting view of the
personal character of Baruch in Jer. xlv.
The chapter expressly refers to the
fourth year of Jehoiakim, when Baruch
wrote the words of Jeremiah in a book,
and read them in the ears of the princes
(Jer. xxxvi.). Baruch himself was deeply
affected by the message which he had to
deliver : " Thou didst say, Woe is me
now ! for the Lord hath added grief to
my sorrow ; I fainted in my sighing (R.V.
I am weary with my groaning), and I
find no rest."

But the word of the Lord must be ful-
filled : " That which I have planted I
will pluck up, even this whole land."
Let Baruch therefore form no vain
hopes, nor seek great things for himself,
but be content to know that wherever he
may go his life shall be protected.

The nature of this prophecy explains
its position : being purely personal and

R 2

244

INTRODUCTION TO BARUCH.

private, it is not inserted in the course of
the history after Jer. xxxvi., but appended,
with other isolated prophecies, at a later
period, probably after the death of Jere-
miah, to his final remonstrance against
the idolatry of his countrymen in Egypt.

§ III. The alleged Place and Time

of Writing.

According to the account given in
Baruch i. 1-14, the book was written by
Baruch, the son of Neriah, " in Babylon,
in the fifth year, and in the seventh day
of the month, what time as the Chaldeans
took Jerusalem and burnt it with fire."

The first question is, To what capture
of Jerusalem does this statement refer ?

(1.) In the year b.c. 606, Nebuchad-
nezzar " came up, and Jehoiakim became
his servant three years " (2 Kings xxiv.
1): "then he turned and rebelled
against him. And the Lord sent against
him bands of the Chaldees, ....
and sent them against Judah to destroy
it, according to the word of the Lord,
which he spake by his servants the pro-
phets " (v. 2). On this occasion, accord-
ing to 2 Chr. xxxvi. 6, Nebuchadnezzar
bound Jehoiakim "in fetters, to carry
him to Babylon," but this intention seems
to have been frustrated by the death of
Jehoiakim (2 Kings xxiv. 6; Jer. xxii.
18, 19): " Nebuchadnezzar also carried
of the vessels of the house of the Lord
to Babylon " (2 Chron. xxxvi. 7).

Jehoiachin, who succeeded, reigned
only three months, and then was carried
to Babylon by Nebuchadnezzar, with
great treasure, and with the princes and
all the men of might. These events
took place B.C. 599-597 ; but though
Jerusalem was besieged and taken more
than once, there is no mention of its
being burnt with fire at this time.

(2.) In the eleventh year of Zedekiah,
B.C. 588, the king having been previously
carried away captive to Babylon, " came
Nebuzaradan . . . unto Jerusalem, and
he burnt the house of the Lord, and
the king's house, and all the houses of
Jerusalem, and every great man's house
burnt he with fire " (2 Kings xxv. 9). The
same event is described in similar lan-
guage in 2 Chron. xxxvi. 19, it being
expressly mentioned that " they burnt

the house of God, and brake down the
wall of Jerusalem, and burnt all the
palaces thereof with fire."

It is beyond all reasonable doubt that
this latter destruction of Jerusalem is the
event referred to in the words of Baruch
i. 2, " what time as the Chaldeans took
Jerusalem, and burnt it with fire :" and
in the fifth year after that event, i.e. in
583 B.C., Baruch is said to have written
the book and read it in the ears of Jehoi-
achin. (Compare note on i. 2.)

The objections urged against the his-
torical truth of this statement are nu-
merous, the most important being drawn
from the representations in i. 1— 14 : but
our course will be cleared if we deal first
with arguments drawn from other por-
tions of the book.

Thus, in the sections iii. 9 — iv. 4 and
iv. 5 — v. 9, there are expressions which
betray a later date than the fifth year
after the burning of Jerusalem in 588
B.C. In iii. 10 a late period of the Cap-
tivity is implied in the words " thou art
waxen old in a strange country : " and in
iv. 22, 24, 25, the assurance that the
promised deliverance is near at hand is
emphatically repeated.

It is not enough to answer, as Reusch
does on iv. 22, that " the seventy years of
the exile are but a short time in comparison
with the ' everlasting joy ' which follows
thereon (iv. 29 ; v. 1 : compare Isa. liv.
7, ' For a small moment have I forsaken
thee ; but with great mercies will I gather
thee. In a little wrath I hid my face
from thee for a moment ; but with ever-
lasting kindness will I have mercy on
thee).'" In fact, the continuance of
the Exile for seventy years was foretold,
not as a short but as a long time, in
direct contradiction to the false prophet
who promised deliverance within two
full years (Jer. xxviii. 3, 11; xxix. 5-10).

With regard to Isa. liv. 7, 8, the pro-
phet appears to set himself in imagina-
tion beyond the close of the Captivity,
whereas Baruch is supposed to write not
long after its commencement. In looking
back upon the Exile as past, it was quite
natural to regard it as of short duration :
but the hope of speedy deliverance in
Baruch iv. 22-25, though put into the
mouth of Sion at the time of her chil-
dren's departure, is in fact only suited

INTRODUCTION TO BARUCH.

245

to a late period of the Captivity, and is
directly contrary to the expectation ex-
pressed in i. 12, "We shall serve them
many days."

The true answer is that the objection
is decisive as to the later date of these
sections, but does not affect the previous
section, i. 1 — iii. 8, which is perfectly
distinct.

Returning to the introductory section,
i. 1-14, we have to consider the objection
that it " contains historical errors which
are inconceivable in a contemporary, but
may fairly be imputed to a later writer."

The general charge, thus stated by
Fritzsche and adopted by most Protes-
tant commentators, is based upon alleged
misrepresentations of — (A) the personal
history of Baruch ; (B) the circumstances
of the captives in Babylon ; (C) the con-
dition of Jerusalem.

A. The presence of Baruch in Babylon
in the fifth year after the destruction of
Jerusalem (1) has no other evidence,
and (2) is improbable, because Baruch
attached himself constantly to the person
of Jeremiah, and he was at that time still
alive (Fritzsche : so also Lange).

(1.) As regards the want of evidence
to confirm the statement that Baruch
was in Babylon (i. 1), it might be
fairly answered that there is no evidence
against it, and therefore no inference to
be drawn either way. The scriptural
history, as we have seen, is silent con-
cerning the latter years of Jeremiah and
Baruch after their arrival at Tahpanhes.

Either of the traditions above men-
tioned, that they were both carried away
by the Chaldeans from Egypt to Babylon,
or that Baruch after his master's death
joined the Jewish exiles in Babylon and
died there twelve years after the de-
struction of Jerusalem, is in itself as pro-
bable as the other tradition, that both
remained in Egypt and died there.

(2.) The confident assumption that
Jeremiah was still alive in the fifth year
after the destruction of Jerusalem is not
supported by any particle of evidence.
On the other hand, the tradition that
both died in Egypt states also that
Jeremiah was stoned by his countrymen :
if this were so, the occasion was probably
his rebuke of their idolatry, which seems

to have occurred soon after his arrival at
Tahpanhes (Jer. xliii. 8 — xliv.) ; and
probability is thus given to the view that
Baruch survived him. We conclude that,
beyond the statement of i. 1, 2, there is
no evidence either for or against Baruch's
visit to Babylon, and no improbability in
it. Certainly we cannot admit Fritzsche's
positive assertion : " There is, therefore,

an error in 1. 1, 2.

B. (1.) " According to L 3, King Jt-
hoiachin was present at the reading ; but
at that time he was still in prison"
(Fritzsche).

This objection rests solely upon an ex-
tremely literal, and probably exaggerated,
view of the statement in 2 Kings xxv.
27, concerning the release of Jehoiachin
by Evil-Merodach many years later. It
is not probable that the king or his fel-
low-captives were kept for thirty-seven
years in such close confinement as to be
forbidden to meet together to listen to
the reading of a book by one of their
number.

(2.) "In i. 11 the son of Nebuchad-
nezzar is called Balthasar."

Balthasar, i.e. Belshazzar (Dan. v. 1),
was the grandson of Nebuchadnezzar,
and, according to the custom of the
writers of the Old Testament, might be
called his son, as in Dan. v. 2, 11, 18,
Nebuchadnezzar is called the " father"
of Belshazzar, being in fact his grand-
father. Our author, taking the expres-
sion too literally, makes Belshazzar heir
to the throne during the life of Nebu-
chadnezzar.

Nebuchadnezzar's son and successor,
Evil-Merodach (2 Kings xxv. 27; Jer.
Iii. 31), was murdered by his brother-in-
law Neriglissar, on whose death (556 B.C.)
his infant son, Laborosoarchod, was
murdered by the usurper Nabonadius
(Labynetus). This last having married
a daughter of Nebuchadnezzar (Nitocris),
associated his eldest son, Belshazzar, with
himself as co-regent, thus restoring the
line of Nebuchadnezzar. Nabonadius,
when defeated by Cyrus, fled to Borsippa,
while Belshazzar was shut up in Babylon
and there perished, B.C. 538. The touch-
ing prayer of Nabonadius for Belshazzar
— " my eldest son, the offspring of my
heart," — in one of the cuneiform inscrip-
tions, is given in the 'Speaker's Com-

246

INTRODUCTION TO BARUCH.

mentary' on Dan. v. 1, where the
history of the period is admirably dis-
cussed.

C. State of Jerusalem.— {1.) It is ar-
gued that the state of Jerusalem in the
fifth year after its destruction by the
Chaldeans could not have been such as is
assumed in the request of the exiles that
their money might be spent in sacrifices
(i. 10), and the book read in the house
of the Lord upon the feasts and solemn
days.

Reusch answers that of the people
who had not been carried away some
would naturally gather again round Jeru-
salem (compare Jer. xl. 12), having
among them some priests who had either
been left behind by the Chaldeans or
had escaped and hidden themselves :
that though Temple and Altar had both
been destroyed, they might have raised
an Altar among the ruins, and resumed
their sacrifices and observance of the
Feasts, as well as the circumstances
would permit. This explanation is in
fact justified by the statement in Jer.
xli. 5, that there came Jews " from She-
chem, and Shiloh, and Samaria, with
offerings and incense in their hand, to
bring them to the house of the Lord."

Thus the ruins of the Temple (as the
chief modern interpreters agree) are still
called by Jeremiah himself "the house
of the Lord ;" and if offerings are brought
in less than three months after its de-
struction, much more may have been
done in five years towards a partial
restoration of the accustomed worship.

(2.) " It is not true that Joachim was
at that time the High Priest."

In this objection there are two points
to be examined : (a) The title ascribed
to Joachim, the son of Hilkiah ; (b) The
date.

(a) "The priest" (6 lepers, i. 7)
very frequently means "the High Priest,"

this latter title (^n jribn) being rare in
the Pentateuch, and the corresponding
dpxiepevs still rarer. On the other hand,
apxitpevs has become frequent in the
Apocryphal books, while 6 Upevs is, ap-
parently, only once in them applied to
the High Priest (1 Mace. xv. 1, 2).

In Jeremiah (xx. 1; xxi. 1; xxix.
20, 21; xxxvii. 3; lii. 21) we find "the

priest " (6 leper's) used as a distinctive
title of persons who were not the High
Priests, as "Pashur the son of Immer, the
priest, who was also chief governor in the
house of the Lord " (xx. 1-6) in the time
of King Jehoiachim, and "Zephaniah the
son of Maaseiah, the priest " (xxi. 1 ;
xxxvii. 3) in the time of Zedekiah. To
this Zephaniah a letter was sent by
Shemaiah from Babylon, in which he
said, " The Lord hath made thee priest
in the stead of Jehoiada the priest, that
ye should be officers in the house of the
Lord" (xxix. 26).

The office in which Zephaniah suc-
ceeded Jehoiada was that of "second
priest," or "Sagan," as we learn ex-
pressly from Jer. lii. 24 : " The captain of
the guard (Nebuzaradan) took Seraiah
the chief priest, and Zephaniah the second
priest," and brought them to Riblah,
where they were put to death, B.C. 587,
and Seraiah was succeeded as High
Priest by his son Jehozadak, who was
carried away captive to Babylon (1 Chr.
vi. 14).

Thus the contemporary usage of the
title by Jeremiah, and the absence of
the name of Joachim from the list of
High Priests in 1 Chr. vi. 13, 14, com-
bine to shew that Joachim is called
"the priest/' as being the successor
of Zephaniah in the office of "second
priest" and " governor of the house of
the Lord."

(b) As to the date Kneucker (p. 208)
argues that " the author of the (alleged)
interpretation (i. 4-9) has no doubt mis-
taken the time at which Joachim son of
Hilkiah attained the office of ' second
priest,' when he puts him in office in the
fifth year after the capture of Jehoiachim,
i.e. B.C. 595 : for he was much earlier."

But "the fifth year" is not B.C. 595,
but, as we have shewn, B.C. 583, and
even with this later date there is no such
mistake as is alleged.

Hilkiah is mentioned as High Priest
in the eighteenth year of Josiah (2 Kings
xxii. 4), i.e. about 620 B.C. His son
might therefore well be the "second
priest" in 583 B.C., about thirty-seven
years later ; and in that office he would
have the care of the treasury, more
especially in the absence of the High
Priest in Babylon.

INTRODUCTION TO BARUCH.

247

(3.) Another alleged error is the state-
ment that " vessels of the house of the
Lord" were at that time brought back,
" namely silver vessels " which Zedekiah
had made (i. 8).

The golden vessels provided by Solo-
mon (1 Kings vii. 48-50 ; 2 Chr. iv. 19-
22) are said to have been "cut in pieces"
(2 Kings xxiv. 13), or, according to
2 Chr. xxxvi. 10, carried away by Nebu-
chadnezzar, when he brought Jehoiachin
" to Babylon, with the goodly vessels of
the house of the Lord."

On this occasion (599 B.C.) there is
no mention of silver vessels. But at the
end of Zedekiah's reign, when Nebu-
zaradan " burnt the house of the Lord,"
we read (2 Kings xxv. 9, 15) that "the
fire-pans, and the bowls, and such things
as were of gold, in gold, and of silver, in
silver, the captain of the guard took
away."

This express mention of silver vessels
at the end of Zedekiah's reign, and the
absence of any such mention on the
previous occasion, seem to give proba-
bility to our author's statement (i. 8) that
they had been made by Zedekiah to
replace the golden vessels which had
been destroyed and carried away at the
beginning of his reign : just as, when
Shishak carried away the golden shields
which Solomon had made, Rehoboam
made shields of brass to replace them
(2 Chr. xii. 10). " It is true," says
Reusch, " that in Kings and Chronicles
(where the narrative of the reign of
Zedekias is very defective) this is not
expressly stated, but it is in itself very
probable that Zedekias, the successor of
Jehoiachin, caused those golden vessels,
such at least as were indispensable to the
Temple service, to be replaced by new,
cheaper, silver ones.

"These new silver vessels, together with
the others which had been left behind in
599 B.C., were carried away to Babylon in
588 B.C., after the destruction of Jeru-
salem (2 Kings xxv. 13 ff.j, and were
(as we learn from Baruch) restored at this
time, — being either redeemed by the
exiles or restored by Nebuchadnezzar
out of compassion to the penitent Jews ;
while the other silver and the golden
vessels remained in Babylon till the time
of Cyrus."

There is nothing improbable in this
explanation, and the allegation of error,
resting only on an argument e si/entio, is
by no means proved.

The following is, according to Reusch
(p. 47), the most probable combination of
events partly stated, partly assumed, in
the Book of Baruch.

" In the fifth year after the destruction
of Jerusalem, i.e. in 583 B.C., Baruch was
in Babylon, and read his book to Jecho-
niah and an assembly of the Jewish
exiles.

" This assembly made a collection of
money, and sent the produce to Jeru-
salem.

" In the letter which accompanied it,
the Jews at Jerusalem were exhorted to
present offerings for Nebuchadnezzar and
for the exiles, and to read Baruch's book
(sent with the letter) on Feast-days."
Baruch himself was the bearer : he was
going back to Jerusalem to restore
some of the vessels of the Temple which
had been carried off at the time of its
destruction ; namely, silver vessels made
by Zedekiah to replace the original golden
vessels carried off by Nebuchadnezzar at
the capture of the city in the time of
Jehoiachin, B.C. 599.

" In this there is nothing inconsistent
with the supposition that Baruch himself
composed this short historical preface to
his book, though it is also possible that
some one else may have added it after-
wards."

This defence is ingenious, but not
adequate. We may acknowledge our
belief that the tendency of modern criti-
cism has been to exaggerate the supposed
evidence of spuriousness drawn from the
historical statements of the book. If, how-
ever, these statements were entirely free
from any great inaccuracy, it would not
necessarily follow that Baruch was the
author, but only that the real author was
well informed concerning the events of
which he writes. On the other hand, the
serious error of representing Belshazzar
as contemporary with Nebuchadnezzar
(see above, B 2) is fatal to the theory of
Baruch's authorship, and betrays an
ignorance which can only be imputed
to one who lived long after the death
of Belshazzar and the return of the
exiles.

248

INTRODUCTION TO BARUCH.

§ IV. Relation to the Canonical
Books of the Old Testament.

One of the commonest and strongest
arguments against the genuineness of the
Book of Baruch is based upon its want
of originality and its close dependence
upon earlier books. There is much truth
in the objection, at least as applied to
the earlier portion (i. i — iii. 9); but
there is also much exaggeration and
inaccuracy in the expressions used.

Eichhorn, as quoted by Reusch, p. 66,
calls the book " a mere rhapsody out
of various ancient Hebrew scriptures,
especially Daniel and Nehemiah." Keerl,
also quoted by Reusch, writes still more
strongly: "Every Prophet of the Old
Testament brings new as well as old out
of his treasure. The worthy Baruch
contents himself with transcribing the
older prophecies. In comparing the
contents of his book, there comes over
one a feeling as if some incompetent
scribbler had wished to do an exercise
in the language and style of the Prophets ;
it reminds one of the rhetorical practice
of a feeble schoolboy, who composes an
opusculum out of all sorts of passages."

Fritzsche, with more justice, speaking
of the first part only, calls it " a cento
from earlier writings, in which Jeremiah,
Daniel, Nehemiah, Deuteronomy, and
Isaiah are so strongly used, that this
necessarily carries us on into a later time
which had lost all productive prophetical
power."

We do not find, even in the first part,
any proof of dependence on Nehemiah ;
but the use made of Deuteronomy and
Jeremiah in the first section, and of
Isaiah in the second, is such as goes far
to justify the conclusion which Fritzsche
has drawn.

The similarity between Baruch i. 15-
ii. 17 and Daniel ix. 7-19 is too evident
to be denied, and too close to be acci-
dental. The two passages are so much
alike, not merely in single phrases and
sentences, but in the whole course of
thought, that no one can help assuming
a connexion between them. But while
fully admitting this connexion, Reusch
tries to maintain the genuineness of
Baruch by suggesting that he, and not
Daniel, is the original author. In sup-

port of his opinion he appeals to the
frequent resemblance to passages of
Jeremiah, and argues that the prayer,
composed by Baruch, may have come
into general use among the Jews in
captivity, to whose circumstances and
feelings it is very suitable, and thus its
language was adopted by Daniel in his
prayers, as also in " the Prayer of the
Three Children in the Furnace."

This argument, if well founded, would
be more effectual in destroying the
genuineness of Daniel than in establish-
ing that of Baruch.

A more impartial judgment on the
relation between Baruch and Daniel is
expressed by critics like Fritzsche and
Kneucker, who deny the authenticity of
both alike. They " can afford to see,"
as Dr. Pusey says of Fritzsche, " that
the Book of Daniel was used " in Baruch,
on account of the late date assigned to
the latter.

Dr. Pusey's own judgment is too valu-
able to be omitted : " The great prayer
of Daniel is made the basis of the early
portion of the prayer in Baruch. . . .
The agreement is not in formulas, but in
whole verses, and that in the same order.
Nor can there be any doubt, that Daniel
is the original, which is filled up and
expanded in Baruch. The prayer of
Daniel is one whole, whose inspired
thoughts, like those in the Psalms, have
formed the devotions of 2300 years, ever
gushing forth in renewed fulness. . . .

"... The prayer in Baruch, on the
contrary, is a mosaic formed of jewels
from Daniel, Nehemiah (?), and Jeremiah,
blended together, yet not forming one
distinct whole." (' Lectures on Daniel,'
p. 362.)

§ V. Original Language.

Three different opinions have been
held concerning the original language of
the book : (a) that the Greek text is
throughout original ; (b) that it is through-
out a translation from Hebrew ; (c) that
the part i. 1 — iii. 8 was originally written
in Hebrew, and iii. 9 — v. 9 in Greek.

It will be desirable to consider the
language of these two parts separately, it
being universally admitted that they do
not contain equally strong evidence of a
Hebrew original.

INTRODUCTION TO BARUCH.

249

In 1. 14 the author, writing in the name
of the Exiles, directs that his book shall
be read publicly in the Temple at
Jerusalem. This of course implies that
the book to be so read was written in
Hebrew, and the evidence would be con-
clusive if the Introduction (i. 1-14) were
the genuine work of Baruch : even a
later author may have intended his
prayer to be used in public worship, and
we are " hardly justified in assuming this
direction to be a mere fiction " (Fritz-
sche). The real evidence, however, lies
in the language of the Greek text itself,
and in its relation to the Hebrew Scrip-
tures and Septuagint.

It may be admitted that a transla-
tion from Hebrew might possibly be
written in so pure a style as not to be dis-
tinguishable from an original work in
Greek; or, on the other hand, a book
written in Greek by a Jew, accustomed
to think and write in Hebrew, might
bear the appearance of a translation
from Hebrew.

The question is therefore put on a
right basis by Fritzsche when he says that
even strong Hebraisms may indicate
only that the writer was a Jew, not ne-
cessarily a translator ; "but the question
is as to the nature of those Hebraisms
and of the whole work. Where a man's
thoughts and words run back at once
into Hebrew, where we find what is
absolutely contradictory to the genius of
Greek not distinguished from the context,
and can discover only faint colouring of
genuine Greek, while on the other hand
considerable knowledge of Greek acci-
dence and, in a measure, of syntax is
shewn, — there the writing must be a
translation, because otherwise this very
knowledge must have had a more decided
influence, and the appearances can only
be explained by the restraint which
hampers the writer. And this principle
is applicable here : the section i. i-iii. 8
contains not only individual examples of
strong Hebraism, but is almost one entire
Hebraism, and reads like another trans-
lation in the Septuagint " (p. 71).

We proceed to notice the special
instances alleged in proof of a Hebrew
original.

(a) The constant use of km (Heb. 1)
at the beginning of a sentence, when in

ordinary Greek some other conjunction
would be used.

(b) The relative followed by a demon-
strative, as in Hebrew (itW).

ii. 4, ov (SieWetpev) . . . €Ket. The
same construction occurs also in ii. 13,
29 ; iii. 8. All these passages are derived
directly or indirectly from Deut. xxx. 3,
where the LXX. have the same close
imitation of the Hebrew.

ii. 26, ov lir€K\.r)6r] to ovofid o~ov €7r'
airw. This is taken from Dan. ix. 18,
exactly as in the LXX.

(c) i. 15, J)? fj rjfiepa avrr}. The same
phrase is repeated in i. 20; ii. 6, n, 26,
in all of which places it is in quotations
from canonical books, and agrees with
the rendering of the LXX.

The instances given above are gene-
rally accepted as proofs of a Hebrew
original (Fritzsche, Reusch, Lange,
Kneucker). If their evidence is some-
what weakened by their occurrence in
citations from the Hebrew Scriptures
and their close agreement with the
Septuagint, it is on the other hand worthy
of notice that the later section of Baruch
is almost, if not entirely, free from these
forms of Hebraism.

In i. 10, irepl a/xapTias, meaning " sin
offerings," is a phrase which may have
become familiar in Hellenistic Greek
from its use by the LXX ; and in ii. 25
the strange use of olttoo-toXtj for " pesti-
lence " is closely connected with Jer.
xxxii. 36.

More decisive evidence of translation
from Hebrew is found in the following
passages, and discussed in the notes on
them : —

i. 10,/x.avaa, said to be used in trans-
lations only, not in any original Hellen-
istic writing.

ii. 18, €7rt to fieyeOos can, as it seems,
only be explained as representing some
Hebrew word which has been misread or
misunderstood.

On ii. 29, /36{j.f3r](n<s, and iii. 4, t€$vt]k6-
iw, see the Additional Notes.

In these and other passages we may
recognise the truth of Fritzsche's remark
that, in this first section, " the very literal
translation allows the exact Hebrew to
gleam through."

A further proof of the existence of a
Hebrew original is found in the fact

250

INTRODUCTION TO BARUCH.

mentioned by Schurer ('Geschichte d.
Jiid. Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu Christi,'
p. 724), that in the Milan MS. of the
Hexaplar Syriac there is a marginal note
at i. 17 and ii. 3, "This is not found in
the Hebrew."

In the second part (iii. 9 — v. 9)
Kneucker gives a long list of Hebraisms,
most of which are so thoroughly natu-
ralised in Hellenistic Greek, that they
prove nothing concerning a Hebrew

original

m. 11.
iii. 24.

iii. 31.

i»- 33-
iii. 35.

iv. 5.
iv. 18,

iv. 20.

irpoae\oyio-8rjs /xera rwv us aSov, a cita-
tion from Ps. lxxxviii. 4.
oIkos deov for "heaven:" see note on

ii. 16.
ovk tcrriv 6 yivcLffKwv.
d a.Tto(TTiWu>v rb (pibs Kal iropeverai.
XoyicrQiicriTai irpbs avr6v. Is not this

good Greek ?
\aos fxov.
21. e|eAe'(T0at e'/c x*lP°s ix^P^"'-
iv reus rj/xepais ixov,
iv. 26, v. 5. a-rrb avaToXHf eus SvcTfiuv. See

Matt. viii. II.
v. 3. TJ7 inr' obpavbv -waai). See Luke xvii.

'24.
v. 4. KaXelffQai, in the sense " to be : " " thy
name shall be called."

Such examples are far too weak to
prove a Hebrew original, and cannot
be compared to the instances collected
from the first part.

The following are more deserving of
consideration, though far from con-
vincing : —

iii. 17. koX ovk ecrrt re\os. Compare Nah. ii. 9 ;

iii. 3, 9 ; Isa. ii. 7, ix. 7 j Eccl. xii. 12.
iii. 18. Kal ovk to-Tiv e'|eup7j<m. Compare Job

v. 9 ; Ps. cxlv. 3 ; Prov. xxv. 3 ;

Eccl. viii. 16 ; Isa. xl. 28.
iv. 22. tov aloiviov o'urripos. See the note.
v. 6. &>s 8p6vov fiaaiAeias. See the note.

The insufficiency of the evidence
derived from these Hebraisms in the
second part is admitted even by the
advocates of a Hebrew original. They
acknowledge also that the Greek style
differs from the language of the earlier
chapters, being purer, more flowing,
more choice in particular words and
phrases.

The contents also are more original,
and " in the appreciation and treatment
of older prophetic and didactic passages
(the author) shews a certain indepen-
dence and versatility, and here and there
we cannot deny to him a certain poetic
force and vivid representation. Com-

pare, e.g., iii. 15, 24, 32 ; iv. 5, 23, 30,
36 " (Kneucker).

On the whole, we may safely conclude
that the evidence of translation is almost
irresistible in the first part, while in the
second there is more probability in
favour of the Greek as original. In
Dr. Pusey's judgment the latter part
bears " no marks of a translation " (' Lec-
tures on Daniel,' p. 361)

§ VI. Probable Date.

The marked difference between the
two portions of the book, both in style
and contents, casts much doubt upon
the unity of authorship, and makes it
not improbable that the two parts were
composed by different authors at different
times : but when, or by whom, we have
not the means of deciding.

Ewald assigns an early date to the
first section of the book, — "written
during the last period of the Persian
rule, as the communities in and around
Jerusalem were becoming more restless
and disaffected towards the existing rule,
and, on the other hand, the communi-
ties in the East were fearing, and perhaps
had actually experienced therefrom, great
injury both to themselves and the cause
of the true religion generally." (' Pro-
phets of the Old Testament,' v. 109.)

This early date is declared by
Kneucker (p. 55) to be "absolutely
impossible," without any reason except
that it is opposed to his theory of the
late date of Daniel. Fritzsche, ap-
parently for the same reason, assigns the
composition to the late Maccabean
period ; while Kneucker himself is un-
able to reconcile the contents and pur-
poses of the book with the circumstances
of the Jews in any period prior to the
destruction of Jerusalem by Titus,
a.d. 70.

The earlier date assigned to this first
portion of the book by Ewald appears
much more probable : the arguments in
favour of it are very forcibly stated by
Ewald in 'The History of Israel,' v.
p. 207 (Engl. Tr.), and again in the work
quoted above.

In regard to the second section
(iii. 9-v. 9), Ewald's judgment, that "in
point of age, subject, and purpose, as

INTRODUCTION TO BARUCH.

251

well as art and execution, it was originally
a different piece," will hardly be ques-
tioned by any one who is not interested
in maintaining that the whole book is the
genuine work of Baruch.

The uncertainty as to the original
language of this section increases the
difficulty of assigning it to any definite
period. Dr. Pusey, speaking of the latter
portion, says, " that mostly original and
beautiful section was probably written
not so long after the close of the Canon.
It is written amid hopes of a speedy
restoration, but in a calm atmosphere of
trust, in the consciousness of no troubles
beyond those which were the results of
the Captivity, and with no anticipation of
the distresses of the Maccabean period.
It was, then, doubtless written before
Antiochus Epiphanes." If, however, the
Greek text is the original, the compara-
tively late date of the composition is
rendered probable by its dependence
upon the Septuagint, in such expressions
as ivwrtaaaOe (hi. 9), Tt otl (hi. 10), tt}
vtt ovpavbv 7rdcrr) (v. 3) ; and especially
in the words cwp«r«a Sofri? (v. 1), and
els 6[j.a\icriJi.6v (v. 7), on which see the
notes.

Schiirer (p. 724) sees a decisive proof
of very late date in the remarkable simi-
larity between Baruch v. and Psalm of
Solomon xi. The Psalms of Solomon
were not written till after the death of
Pompey (b.c. 48), that event being
graphically described in Ps. ii. 30, 31.
But there is no sufficient evidence' that
our author borrowed from this late
Psalter. From a careful examination of
the similar passages, it seems more pro-
bable that both borrowed independently
from the Septuagint.

§ VII. Text.

For the purpose of this Commentary
it will be sufficient to mention briefly a
few of the chief authorities to which we
may have occasion to refer in discussing
the more important variations of the
Greek text.

I. The Textus Receptus is contained
in the edition of the Septuagint pub-
lished at Rome in 1587 by authority
of Pope Sixtus V., and based upon the
famous Vatican Codex (B). The text
of the Roman edition was several times

republished by Tischendorf, and a sixth
edition by Nestle in 1880, with prolego-
mena, emendations, and the various
readings of the oldest uncial MSS.

II. The Vatican Codex (B) of the
14th century, edited by Vercellone and
Cozza ('Bibliorum Sacrorum graecus
codex Vaticanus,' Romae, 1868-1875,
torn. i.-v.). The Book of Baruch is in
the fourth volume.

III. Codex Alexandrinus (A), of the
5th century, in the British Museum,
edited by Grabe (Oxon. 1707-1720) and
by Baber (1812-1828), is the basis of
the edition of the Septuagint published
by Field (Oxon. 1859), at the cost of the
Society for the Promotion of Christian
Knowledge.

The Codex has been recently pub-
lished in a photographic fac-simile. A
full account of it is given by Tischen-
dorf in the Prolegomena to his edition
of the Septuagint (pp. lii.-lxii.).

Of the value of the text of this
famous uncial Fritzsche (p. vi.) gives
the following estimate : — " Greater atten-
tion has been given to the Codex
Alexandrinus only in order to shew that
it is greatly overvalued; and notwith-
standing its antiquity, it ought, with its
made-up text, to be used only with great
caution."

In the great critical edition of the
Septuagint by Holmes and Parsons
(Ox. 1 798-1827), the variations of
twenty-five manuscripts are compared
with the Vatican Text of the Book of
Baruch. After comparing these varia-
tions in thirty-one passages, Kneucker
(p. 97) thus states his conclusion : — ■
" Although the original text of the
Greek Version is found in no one MS.
entirely pure, yet it may be recognised
and restored with certainty everywhere, .
except in some four passages [ii. 10, 18,
29, 31], from the Vatican Codex with
help of other manuscripts, of which five
are sufficient for the purpose, — namely,
III. (Alex.), XII. (Marchalianus), 22,
233, 239."

XII. Codex Marchalianus (Vat. 2125),
an uncial of the 6th or 7th century, but
of no great critical value.

233 (Vat. 2067), a cursive of the 12th
century.

239 (Bologna 641) is dated 1046 a.c.

252

INTRODUCTION TO BARUCH.

These three MSS. contain both Baruch
and the Epistle of Jeremy.

22 (British Museum), a cursive of the
nth or 1 2th century, contains Baruch.

This MS. and 233 are said to " belong,
according to a recent discovery of Paul
de Lagarde and Mr. Field, to the recen-
sion of the martyr Lucian made in the
3rd (?) century" (Lange, p. 61). The
recension here meant seems to be the
revised version of the Septuagint made
by Lucian in the 4th century : see
'Dictionary of Christian Biography,'
Lucianus (12).

Fritzsche (p. 174) gives the following
classification of the MSS. collated by
Holmes and Parsons for the Book of
Baruch : —

" (1) To the first class belong 22* 48,
51, 231, 62, 96. These agree closely
throughout, and often stand alone, but
then always give arbitrary changes ; e.g.
in i. 9 they give, in agreement with the
Syriac, kou tovs r^xvira^ an interpolation
from Jer. xxiv. 1 (Sept.).

" In general agreement with these are
also 36, 49, 26, 198 (reaching to ii. 19),
and 229.

" (2) The second class consists of the
Codex Alexandrinus, 33, 70, 86, 87, 88,
90, 91, 228, *233, *239. In this class,
however, particular divergences are more
frequent. Thus Alex, stands oftener
alone, and here, as elsewhere, it is shewn
that its text is an amended one, which
existed elsewhere in a purer form.

" Lastly, *XIL, 23 [Venetus, an uncial
marked by Holmes and Parsons as a
cursive], and 106 are of a very mixed
nature, agreeing sometimes with the first
class, sometimes with the second."

The Received Text is acknowledged
to be an essentially good one : the two
classes into which Fritzsche divides the
MSS. represent two revisions of it, not
strictly independent, yet often preserving
the original reading, especially when their
chief witnesses agree.

The Codex Sinaiticus (Friderico-Augus-
tanus) and the famous Codex Ephraem
Syri rescriptus (C) do not contain Baruch
or the Epistle of Jeremy. For these
books Tischendorf compares the Roman
Text with the Vatican and Alexandrine
MSS. only, making no use of Versions or
Fathers (Proleg. p. xxii.).

Versions. — The ancient versions,
Latin (2), Syriac (2), Arabic, yEthiopic,
Coptic, Armenian, are all made from the
Greek.

The Latin Version adopted in the
Vulgate ( Vetus Lat. a) is part of the so-
called Itala, in use before the time of
Jerome, who did not include either
Baruch or the Epistle of Jeremy in his
revision.

It is an extremely literal, even servile,
rendering of the Greek : Fritzsche does
not hesitate to call it also "a patois
full of provincialisms and grammatical
blunders." Kneucker, who gives a
detailed account of the readings of this
version (pp. 141-151), concludes that
" The old Itala, for the Book of Baruch,
has followed a Greek text which is not
contained entire in any of the known
Greek Codices, which are also altogether
of later origin, — a mixed text, which may
be traced most frequently (apart from
the Vatican Codex II.) in the MSS. 62,
36, III. (Alex.), 48, 231."

The second Latin Version ( Vet. Lat. b),
first published at Rome by Tommasi,
1688, was re-edited by Sabatier ('Bibli-
orum Sacrorum Latinae Versiones
Antiquae'), and thought by him to
represent the earliest form of the Itala,
but is described by Fritzsche as a less
literal and more latinised reproduction of
Vet. Lat. a, collated with a Greek text.

A full account of the Syriac and other
ancient versions is given by Kneucker.

The English Authorized Version agrees
generally with the Vatican Text; where
this differs materially from the Alexan-
drine, or from the Latin, the readings of
these latter will be noticed in the Com-
mentary, but minute textual criticism is
not embraced in the plan of this work.

§ VIII. Place in Canon.

St. Jerome expressly states that neither
the Book of Baruch nor the Epistle of
Jeremy had any place in the Hebrew
Canon ; nor is any portion of either work
extant in Hebrew.

On the other hand, it is stated in the
' Apostolical Constitutions,' v. xx., that
the Jews, " even now on the tenth day of
the month Gorpiaeus, when they assemble
together, read the Lamentations of Jere-

INTRODUCTION TO BARUCH.

253

miah" (iv. 20), "and Baruch, in whom
it is written, This is our God, &c." (Bar.
iii. 36). This statement may possibly
have arisen from the direction in i. 14.

In the Greek Bible both works are
placed among the writings of Jeremiah ;
and in the Vatican and Alexandrine
MSS., as also in the Roman edition, they
stand in the following order : (1) Jere-
miah, (2) Baruch, (3) Lamentations, (4)
Epistle of Jeremy.

In the Latin Bible as revised by St.
Jerome, Baruch and the Epistle are both
omitted for the reason above stated, nor
have they any place in the oldest known
MS. of the Vulgate, the Codex Amia-
tinus.

In the Clementine, and other editions
of the Vulgate, "the Prophecy of
Baruch," including the Epistle of Jeremy
as chap, vi., is placed after Lamenta-
tions.

At the Council of Trent it was recog-
nised, among the other deutero-canonical
books, as part of the Old Testament
Canon (' Cone. Trid.' S. 4, deer, de can.
Script, cited by Reusch).

In the English Bible, at the time of
the Reformation, it was removed to the
place where we now find it among the
Apocrypha.

Appendix : The Titles of God
in Baruch.

It is interesting to notice the use of
different titles of God in different parts
of the book.

In the First Section, i. 1 — iii. 8 : —

(a) Kvpios and its cases without the
article stand alone more than twenty
times, and with the article twice (ii. 9, 17).

(b) Kvpio9 0eos yfiuv about five times
(i. 18, 19, 22 ; ii. 5 ; iii. 8).

Kvpios 6 #€OS rjfxwv ('lerpa^A, clvtwv)

about ten times (i. 10, 13, 21 ; ii. 11, 12,
15, 19, 27, 31 ; iii.^ 6).

6 Kvpios 6e6<s rjixuv (i. 13, 15 ; ii. 6).

In the Second Section, iii. 9 — v. 9 : —

(a) Kvptos apparently does not occur
at all, but only 0eos, or 6 0eos, as far as
iv. 7.

(b) In iv. 8 atwvtos first occurs in the
combination 6ebv alwviov. Compare Isa.
xL 28.

(e) In iv. 10, 14, 20, 22 (first part),
24, 35, and v. 2, 6 alwvLos seems to take
the place of Kupios as representing the
sacred name Jehovah.

Also in the latter part of iv. 22 (7mpa
rov alwvcov o-amjpos v/awv) it probably has
the same sense, " The Eternal your
Saviour," corresponding to " The Lord
(Jehovah) your Saviour " in Isa. xlix. 26 ;
lx. 16.

(d) 'O ayto?, "The Holy One," is not
found in the First Section ; but in iv. 22,
37 and in v. 5 it stands alone, as in
Isa. xl. 25 and Hab. iii. 3. In the
canonical books it is commonly found
in combination with other words, e.g.
" the Holy One of Israel."

This remarkable difference between
the two parts of the book in the words
used to represent the sacred name
Jehovah seems strongly to confirm the
other evidence that the two parts had
different authors or translators.

For the general argument and main
substance of this note on the titles of
God, and for very valuable criticism on
other parts of this commentary on
Baruch and the Epistle of Jeremy, I am
indebted to the Rev. P. H. Mason, B.D.,
Tutor, President, and Hebrew Lecturer
of St. John's College, Cambridge.

J E. H. G.

BARUCH.

CHAPTER I.

I Baruch wrote a book in Babylon. 5 The
Jews there wept at the reading of it. 7 They
send money and the book to the brethren at
Jerusalem.

ND these are the words of the

book, which a Baruch the son " Jer. 36.
of Nerias, the son of Maasias, the 4"
son of Sedecias, the son of Asadias,
the son of Chelcias, wrote in Babylon,
2 In the fifth year, and in the

CHAPTER I.

1-14. Historical Preface.

On the contents of these verses see the In-
troduction, § 1.

1. And these are the ivcrds.] Compare Jer.
xxix. 1, " Now these are the words of the
letter," &c. The conjunction implies that
the Book of Baruch is to be connected with
the writings of Jeremiah, which it follows
immediately in the ancient MSS. (See the
Introduction, § viii.)

the son of Nerias, the son of Maasias.-]
Compare Jer. xxxii. 12. The same descent
is ascribed in Jer. li. 59 to Seraiah, Baruch's
brother, who was the chief chamberlain of
Zedekiah, and went with him to Babylon.
This Maasias, or Mahseyah (Heb. rTDriD),
is not to be confounded with the Maaseiah
(Heb. rwyft) who is mentioned in Jer.
xxxv. 4 and in 2 Chron. xxxiv. 8 as " governor
of the city " in the time of Josiah, nor with
the Maaseiah in Jer. xxix. 21.

Sedecias.] The name is the same as Zede-
kiah, but the person here meant is not to be
identified (as in the ' Dictionary of the Bible,'
art. " Sedecias ") with the false prophet in Jer.
xxix. 21, 22: see the preceding note.

Asadias.] The name, not the person, is
the same as in 1 Chron. iii. 20, " Hasadiah."
The Syriac Version gives " Saraia," from a
mistake between two similar letters.

Chelcias.] The same name, in the Hebrew
form, was borne by Hilkiah, the father of Elia-
kim, " who was over the household " of Heze-
kiah (2 Kings xviii. 18, 26; Isa. xxii. 20,
xxxvi. 3); by Hilkiah, the High Priest in the
reign of Josiah (2 Kings xxii. 4); and by
Jeremiah's father, one " of the priests that
were in Anathoth " (Jer. i. 1).

The Old Latin (b) adds after the name of
Chelcias " of the tribe of Simeon ;" but we
have no proof of this statement in the gene-
alogies, only a bare possibility being implied

in the fact noticed in 2 Chr. xv. 9, that some
of the tribe of Simeon joined themselves to
Judah and Benjamin in the reign of Asa.

In the work known as 'The rest of the
words of Baruch ' Jeremiah is called a priest,
and Baruch a Levite.

" The strange Rabbinic tradition (Carpzov.
' Introd. in lib. Vet. Test. Jerem.') that eight
of the persons most conspicuous in the reli-
gious history of this period (Jeremiah, Baruch,
Seraiah, Maaseiah, Hilkiah, Hanameel,Huldah,
Shallum) were all descended from the harlot
Rahab, may possibly have been a distortion of
the fact that they were connected, in some
way or other, as members of a family" (' Dic-
tionary of the Bible,' art. " Jeremiah ").

in Babylon^] On the question whether
Baruch was ever in Babylon, see Introduc-
tion, § iii. p. 245.

2. In the fifth year.] The date from which
this " fifth year " is to be reckoned must, of
course, be gathered from the context, and
accordingly can be no other than the time
when "the Chaldeans took Jerusalem and
burnt it with fire," i.e. 588 B.C.

The proposal to refer the date to the fifth
year of the exile of Jehoiachin, B.C. 595, is
quite arbitrary, and only serves to make a
difficulty where none really exists.

in the seventh day of the month.] According
to 2 Kings xxv. 8, Nebuzaradan came " unto"
Jerusalem in the fifth month, " on the seventh
day of the month :" according to Jer. Iii. 12,
he came " into" Jerusalem in the fifth month,
"in the tenth day of the month." The
burning of the city, which followed, is not
limited by either of these passages, nor by
Baruch, to one particular day ; there is there-
fore no necessary discrepancy.

It is possible (as Kneucker suggests) that
the original reading in Baruch was — " in the
fifth year, in the fifth month, and in the
seventh day of the month;" and that the
second clause being so similar to the first was
accidentally omittedj as in Ezekiel xxxii. 1 7

v. 3—7-]

BARUCH. I.

*$$

seventh day of the month, what time
as the Chaldeans took Jerusalem,
and burnt it with fire.

3 And Baruch did read the words
of this book in the hearing of Je-
chonias the son of "Joachim king of
Juda, and in the ears of all the
people that came to hear the book,

4 And in the hearing of the no-
bles, and of the king's sons, and in
the hearing of the elders, and of all

the people, from the lowest unto the
highest, even of all them that dwelt
at Babylon by the river Sud.

5 Whereupon they wept, fasted, , 0r> and
"and prayed before the Lord. vowed

6 They made also a collection of '
money according to every man's
power :

7 And they sent it to Jerusalem
unto 'Joachim the high priest, the no,
son of Chelcias, son of Salom, and to

compared with xxxii. i. But that the con-
jecture, though possible, is not necessary, is
shewn in the next note.

what time as.] Literally, "at the season
in which." The same phrase is used by the
LXX. in Deut. xvi. 6, where it is stated ex-
pressly that the Passover is to be sacrificed
" at even, at the going down of the sun," but
the month and day of the month are only de-
fined by the words " at the season that thou
earnest forth out of Egypt." So here, the day
of the month is expressly stated, but the
month itself, and the year, are both defined
by reference to " the season in which the
Chaldeans burnt Jerusalem with fire." " The
remembrance of the destruction of Jerusalem
must have been especially vivid at this season,
and therefore their hearts peculiarly suscep-
tible to admonition " (Tirinus).

3. in the hearing.'] Literally, " in the ears,"
as in Jer. xxxvi. 6, io, 13, 14, and frequently.

Jechonias the son of Joachim.] I.e. Jehoia-
chin son of Jehoiakim (2 Kings xxiv. 6, 15 ;
Jer. xxiv. 1, xxvii. 20).

that came to hear the book.] Literally, " that
came to the book." The tense indicates a
repeated coming, as if the book were read
" day by day," as in Neh. viii. 18.

The idea that "the book of the law" is
meant, and that in this gathering of the people
by the river-side we see the origin of the
Jewish synagogue, has no foundation in this
passage, where " the book " (7-171/ /Si'|3Xoi>, cf.
Jer. xxix. 1) is evidently the same as in the
beginning of the verse (7-6 /3i/3XiW). Both
the Greek words are used to translate the
same Hebrew word (12D) in Jer. xxix. 1 ;

xxx. 2 ; xxxii. 10-12. " The book of the law"
could not, in this context, have been de-
scribed simply as " the book," without some
addition.

4. the nobles.] "the mighty men" (ra>v
hwarav), as in 11. 9.

the king's sons.] " the kings' sons," accord-
ing to the better reading of the Vatican Co-
dex, /'.<?. the princes of the house of David, not

sons of Jehoiachin. See the note on Jer. xxii.
30, " Write ye this man childless," and com-
pare the expression "our kings " in v. 16.

the elders.] These are mentioned (with
the priests and the prophets) in Jer. xxix. 1
as "the residue of the elders which were
carried away captive."

from the lowest unto the highest.] " from
the least even unto the greatest," as in
Jer. xlii. 1, or "both small and great," as
in 2 Kings xxiii. 2, where the same words are
used by the LXX., meaning " both young
and old."

the river Sud.] Of this river nothing is
known except from this passage. We may
infer that it was not far from Babylon, but
beyond this the endless conjectures concerning
its position are of little use.

5. Whereupon, <&'c] " And they wept and
fasted." Compare 2 Sam. i. 12.

Instead of the contents of the book being
given here, as we might have expected, the
effects of the reading are first stated.

and prayed.] The rendering in the margin,
" vowed vows," represents the reading of the
Alexandrine and other MSS., which may have
been suggested by the mention of offerings in
what follows (yv. 6, 10).

6. according to every man's power.] Liter-
ally, " according as each man's hand was able ; "
an evident Hebraism. Compare Deut. xvi. 10
(Sept.) and 17 : " every man shall give as he is
able;" marg. "according to the gift of his
hand."

7. sent it.] The " it " should be in Italics,
being rightly supplied, as is seen from v. 10.
Ewald's rendering " sent him," i.e. Baruch, is
less natural.

Joachim the high priest, the son of Chelcias,
son of Salom.] Read, " Joachim the priest,
son of Hilkiah, son of Shallum." Joachim
is not here called the High Priest, but simply
"the priest" (6 Upevs), being thus distin-
guished from the general body of priests, pro-
bably because he was (like Pashur, Jer. xx. 1,
and Zephaniah, Jer. xxix. 25, 26) the "chief

CL$6

BARUCH. I.

[v. 8—

10.

the priests, and to all the people which
were found with him at Jerusalem,

8 At the same time when he re-
* 2 Kings ceived *the vessels of the house of

the Lord, that were carried out of
the temple, to return them into the
land of Juda, the tenth day of the
month Sivan, namely, silver vessels,
which Sedecias the son of Josias
king of Juda had made,

9 After that Nabuchodonosor king

24. 13

2 Chron.
36. 10.

of Babylon had carried away Jecho-
nias, and the princes, and the "cap- » Or,

* ii-i 1 ./ prisoners.

tives, and the mighty men, and the
people of the land, from Jerusalem,
and brought them unto Babylon.

10 And they said, Behold, we
have sent you money to buy you
burnt offerings, and sin offerings, n Gr. cor-
and incense, and prepare ye "manna, ™^3f°'
and offer upon the altar of the Lord that js» *

r meat

OUr CjOd ; offering.

governor in the house of the Lord," and
therefore the proper person to receive the
money. Compare Ezra viii. 29, 33; and see
more on this point in the Introduction,
§ iii. p. 246.

nvhich ivere found ivith him.] Compare 1
Sam. xiii. 15," and Saul numbered the people
that ivere present (marg. " found," LXX. top
cvpedevra) with him."

8. At the same time when he received^]
Omit the words " at the same time," which
are not expressed in the Greek, nor required
in the English. The person meant is evi-
dently not Joachim, for he is described as
being already at Jerusalem, but the chief per-
son previously mentioned, namely Baruch,
who being at Babylon (is said to have) re-
ceived the vessels in order " to return them
into the land of Juda."

the temple.'] The sanctuary, or Holy Place
(6 fads), distinguished from " the house," as a
whole, and from "the oracle" or Holy of
Holies: see 1 Kings vi. 3, 5.

to return them.] The Greek word (dno-
orpfyai), not very commonly used in this
sense "to restore," seems to be taken from
Jer. xxviii. 3, where Hananiah falsely prophe-
sies that within two years God would " bring
again " all the vessels of the Lord's house that
Nebuchadnezzar had taken away, and also
bring back Jehoiachin and all the captives.
Compare Jer. xxix. 10 and Baruch i. 12. No
restoration of the vessels is elsewhere recorded
before the time of Cyrus.

the tenth day of the month Sivan.] The
Vat. Codex has SeiovdA, which is probably an
error for Seiouai/, the name of " the third
month, that is the month Sivan " (Esther viii.
9), corresponding nearly to June. The words
seem to be misplaced here, and Hitzig thinks
their proper place is in v. 14. If retained
here, they define more closely the time when
Baruch is said to have " received the vessels."
Reusch supposes that his intended departure
was delayed some weeks ; and the assembly,
which is to be regarded as immediately pre-

ceding it, took place " on the seventh day of
the fifth month."

silver vessels.] On the historical worth of
the statement concerning these vessels, see the
Introduction, § iii. p. 247.

9. The whole verse is taken from 2 Kings
xxiv. 14 and Jer. xxiv. 1, with some remark-
able variations.

the princes.] These are not princes of the
royal blood, but the chief officers of the court
(Jlpxowas, DI|1E^).

the captives.] See the Additional Note.

the mighty men.] Greek, bwarovs. These
might be either, as in 2 Kings xxiv. 14, " the
mighty men of valour" (tovs dvvarovs lax™),
or more generally, as in 2 Kings xxiv. 15, "the
mighty of the land " (tovs lo-xvpovs ttjs yj?s),
i.e. the rich and powerful, the same class who
in v. 4 are called " the nobles " (t&p dwarav).

This latter sense is the more probable, as
corresponding more nearly to the Septua-
gint version of Jer. xxiv. 1 (tovs ttXovo-lovs,
"the rich").

and the people of the land.] These, in con-
trast to " the mighty men " above mentioned,
can only be the common people in general :
many of these were carried away into cap-
tivity; for, according to 2 Kings xxiv. 14,
" none remained save the poorest sort of the
people of the land."

10-14. A message sent from the captives
in Babylon to Jerusalem, with the gold and
the Book of Baruch.

10. sent you money to buy you burnt offerings^]
Read, "sent unto you money, and buy ye
for the money burnt offerings."

sin offerings.] Literally, "for sin" (irep\
apapTias), as in Isa. liii. 10 ; Ps. xl. 6 ; Heb.
x. 6, 8.

manna.] Read, " a meat offering." The
reading of the Vatican and Alexandrine
MSS. pawa is a frequent corruption of
tiavad, the Greek form of the Hebrew word
for "a meat offering" (nn:0, mincbdh):

V. II-

14.]

BARUCH. I.

*57

Izx3l 6.

29. 7.

11 And fpray for the life of Na-
buchodonosor king of Babylon, and
for the life of Balthasar his son, that
their days may be upon earth as the
days of heaven :

12 And the Lord will give us
strength, and lighten our eyes, and
we shall live ^under the shadow of
Nabuchodonosor king of Babylon,
and under the shadow of Balthasar
his son, and we shall serve them

many days, and find favour in their
sight.

13 Pray for us also unto the Lord
our God, for we have sinned against
the Lord our God ; and unto this
day the fury of the Lord and his
wrath is not turned from us.

14 And ye shall read this book
which we have sent unto you, to
make confession in the house of the
Lord, upon the feasts and solemn days.

compare in the Septuagint Jer. xvii. 26,
xli. 5.

offer upon the altar.] See Introduction, § iii.
p. 246.

11. In Jer. xxix. 7, the exiles themselves
are bidden to seek the peace of the city whither
they are carried away captive.

Balthasar his son.] The LXX. use. the
same Greek form of the name both for Belte-
shazzar (Dan. i. 7) and for Belshazzar (Dan.
v. 1). This latter, here called the son of
Nebuchadnezzar, was in fact his grandson :
see the notes on Dan. v. 2, 1 1, in the ' Speaker's
Commentary,' and our Introduction, § iii.
p. 245.

On the meaning of the name Belshazzar
(" Bel protect the king "), see the Additional
Note on Dan. i. 7.

as the days of heaven upon the earth.] Both
here, and in the original passage (Deut. xi. 21)
from which this phrase is taken, the more
exact rendering is "as the days of the
heavens above the earth," i.e. as long as the
heavens continue to cover the earth, — in other
words, to the end of time. Compare Job
xiv. 12, "till the heavens be no more, they
shall not awake ;" Ps. Ixxxix. 29, "his throne
as the days of heaven."

12. And the Lord will give us strength!]
Compare Ps. xxix. 11 : "The Lord will give
strength unto his people." The effect of the
prayers for the kings of Babylon will be that
in their prosperity they will be favourable to
the captives, who will long enjoy their protec-
tion. " In the peace thereof shall ye have
peace " (Jer. xxix. 7).

lighten our eyes.] I.e. give us safety and
prosperity. Compare Ezra ix. 8 ; Ps. xiii. 3,
xix. 8 ; and Baruch iii. 14.

live under the shadow.] The protection
enjoyed under the rule of a powerful monarch
is compared to the shadow of a great tree :
thus Ezekiel, when describing the Assyrian as
" a cedar in Lebanon," says that " under his
shadow dwelt all great nations " (xxxi. 6 ;

Apoc— Vol. II.

compare Dan. iv. 12). It is a different image
when the Psalmist speaks of "the shadow
of God's hand," or "the shadow of his
wings."

serve them many days.] In accordance with
Jer. xxix. 5,28.

13. Pray for us also.] Ewald draws atten-
tion to the tone of genuine humility in these
Jewish exiles, who, " with a consciousness of
their errors and calamities, gladly accept for
themselves the intercession at Jerusalem."

sinned against.] Greek, " sinned unto," as
in ii. 5 ; Prayer of Manasses, 7.

the fury of the Lord and his ivrath.] Both
words in the Greek express strong emotion ;
but when they are distinguished, " wrath "
(opy?j) is the settled feeling of anger, and
" fury " (#u/xos) its sudden blaze. The dis-
tinction is well seen in Ecclesiasticus xlviii.
10 : "to pacify the wrath of the Lord's judg-
ment before it brake forth into fury " {Kondaai.
opyr)v ivpb dvpov).

14. this book.] The Book of Baruch, re-
ferred to in i. 1, and contained in i. 15 —
iii. 8.

to make confession.] This meaning of the
Greek word (Ji;ayopevo-ai) is fully established
by its use in Ezra x. 1, "when Ezra had
prayed, and when he had confessed (e'^yd-
pfvae), weeping, and casting himself down ;"
and in Neh. ix. 2, "stood and confessed (e£ij-
yopevaav) their sins," and ib. v. 3. It is found
also in Lev. v. 5, xvi. 21, xxvi. 40; Num. v.
7 ; Neh. i. 6 ; Ps. xxxii. 5 ; Dan. ix. 20. A
public confession is to be made in the very
words of the book, which follow in v. 15 ff.

The meaning given by Fritzsche and
Lange, " we have sent you this book to make
it known," is very feeble.

in the house of the Lord.] See note on
v. 10; and Introduction, § iii. p. 246.

solemn days.] Lit., " days of season," an
unusual expression : but compare Ecclesias-
ticus xxxiii. 8, "He altered seasons and
feasts."

258

BARUCH. I.

[v. 15—19.

' Dan. 9.
7. ch. 2. 6.

15 And ye shall say, ' To the Lord
our God belongeth righteousness, but

9. 32, &c. unto us the confusion of faces, as it
is come to pass this day, unto them
of Juda, and to the inhabitants of
Jerusalem,

16 And to our kings, and to our
princes, and to our priests, and to our
prophets, and to our fathers :

17 For we have ^sinned before the f Dan. 9.
Lord, 5-

18 And disobeyed him, and have
not hearkened unto the voice of the
Lord our God, to walk in the com-
mandments that he gave us openly :

19 Since the day that the Lord
brought our forefathers out of the
land of Egypt, unto this present day,

L 15 — iii. 8. The Confession of the Cap-
tives in Babylon.

Verses 15-18. These verses correspond
closely with the prayer of Daniel (ix. 7-10),
with some omissions and variations. The
character of the variations shews — (1) that
the Greek texts of the two passages are inde-
pendent versions, and (2) that they are taken
from two different Hebrew books. On the
other hand, the correspondence is so close
that these two Hebrew originals cannot have
been wholly independent of each other. See
the Introduction, § iv. p. 248.

15. To the Lord our God belongeth righteous-
ness.'] Compare Dan. ix. 7, 9. The A. V.
rightly supplies a verb in the present tense ;
for the meaning is, not " God's was the right-
eous cause " (Hitzig on Daniel), but " right-
eousness " is the eternal attribute of God ma-
nifested in all His dealings with Israel, even
in their deepest misfortunes. Compare the
words of Azarias in The Song of the Three
Holy Children, w. 4, 5 : u For thou art
righteous in all the things that thou hast done
to us : yea, true are all thy works, thy ways
are right, and all thy judgments truth. In all
the things that thou hast brought upon us,
and upon the holy city of our fathers, even
Jerusalem, thou hast executed true judg-
ment." Compare also Bar. ii. 9; Dan. ix. 14.

the confusion of faces, .] Omit the article,
with the Vatican MS.

as it is come to pass this day.] Lit., " as this
day is." Ewald's rendering—" shame of face
now at this time " — is inadequate: there is a
comparison implied in the Greek — To us
belongs confusion of face, as this day is an
example and a proof. Compare Deut. ii. 30;
Jer. xxv. 18, xliv. 6, 23; Dan. ix. 15; and
especially Ezra ix. 7, " and to confusion of
face, as it is this day."

unto them of Juda.] Literally, "to the
man of Judah," as Ewald renders: but the
Hebrew word (£"X) is often used collec-
tively, and the phrase "the men of Judah
and the inhabitants of Jerusalem" occurs fre-
quently in the prophetic books, especially in
Jeremiah, e.g. xi. 2,9. See Gesenius, ' Hebrew
Gr.' § 108, 1.

16. our kings, <b'c] The like enumeration
of special classes, beginning with the highest,
and so shewing that none are to be excepted,
is frequent in Jeremiah, ^g-. xxxii. 32 : in Dan.
ix. 8, the priests and the prophets are not
mentioned, but the fuller enumeration given
by our author is found also in Neh. ix. 32.

and our fathers.] All generations as well as
all classes are included in the author's view,
which embraces the whole history of Israel
from the giving of the Law to the time pre-
sent (v. 19).

17. For <we have sinned.] "For that:"
compare Dan. ix. 8, "because we have sinned
against thee ;" and see the note at the end of
the chapter on the Greek construction, and on
the evidence of a Hebrew original of Baruch.

18. And disobeyed him.] Our author sub-
stitutes this for the beautiful passage in Dan.
ix. 9 : " To the Lord our God belong mercies
and forgivenesses, though we have rebelled
against him." How can we fail to recognise
here the difference between the real prophet
and the copyist ? The remainder of the verse
is taken entirely from Dan. ix. 10, but with
variations, which imply that the Book of
Baruch was first compiled in Hebrew. See
the note at the end of the chapter on v. 17.

the commandments.] In Dan. ix. 10 both
Hebrew and Greek have " in his laws :" our
author's phrase is especially frequent in
Ezekiel.

that he gave us openly.] The same words
(e'SoHce Kara Trpoo-amov rjfiaiv) are better ren-
dered in ii. 10 and in Daniel, "which he
set before us," i.e. as the rule and guide of
our life.

19. The sin confessed is no occasional
transgression, but continual disobedience from
the first day of the national existence till now.
For the phrase compare 2 Sam. vii. 6, " since
the time that I brought up the children of
Israel out of Egypt, even to this day;" 2
Kings xxi. 15; Jer. vii. 25.

nve have been disobedient^ The unusual
form of the verb (rj^da dneiOovvTes) ex-
presses very strongly the continuous persist-
ence in disobedience: compare Deut. ix. 7,
24 (LXX.).

20 — 22.]

BARUCH. I.

259

*"Deut.
*8. i5.
Dan. 9. :

we have been disobedient unto the
Lord our God, and we have been
negligent in not hearing his voice.

20 ■£" Wherefore the evils cleaved
unto us, and the curse, which the
Lord appointed by Moses his servant
at the time that he brought our fathers
out of the land of Egypt, to give us
a land that floweth with milk and
honey, like as it is to see this day.

21 * Nevertheless we have not* Dan. <>
hearkened unto the voice of the IO-
Lord our God, according unto all

the words of the prophets, whom he
sent unto us :

22 But every man followed the
imagination of his own wicked heart,
to serve strange gods, and to do
evil in the sight of the Lord our
God.

<we have been negligent in not bearing."] The
Greek word (o-xeSia£o>), meaning to do any-
thing in a slight, careless, negligent way, does
not occur elsewhere in the LXX. It is well
translated by Ewald, " we were too careless
to hearken." A comparison with Dan. ix. 11,
"by departing (J^Kkivav, LXX.) that they
might not obey," shews the independence
both of our translator and of his Hebrew
text. See the note on o-^efiiafw at the end of
the chapter.

20. Wherefore the evils cleaved unto us.]
Better rendered by Ewald : " So there clave
unto us the evils." Compare Dan. ix. 11 :
" Therefore (/eat, Heb. l) the curse is poured
upon us, and the oath that is written in the
law of Moses the servant of God." The re-
ference is to Deut. xxviii., where see especially
v. 2 1 , " The Lord shall make the pestilence
cleave unto thee " (7rpoo-KoXX^o-ai Kvpios) ; and
v. 60, " and they shall cleave unto thee "
(KoWr)6r]crovTai ev croC).

appointed by Moses.] "appointed unto
Moses," i.e. commanded Moses to declare :
see Ex. xvi. 16, 32, 34 (LXX.).

at the time.] "in the day:" compare
Jer. xi. 4; Dan. ix. 15.

like as it is to see this day.] "as it is this
day:" see on v. 15. In Jer. xi. 4, 5, from

which our passage is evidently taken, the
clause refers to the continued possession of
the land : " in the day that I brought them
forth out of the land of Egypt . . . that I
may perform the oath which I have sworn
unto your fathers, to give them a land flowing
with milk and honey, as it is this day." In
the present context the last clause seems to
refer to the beginning of the verse: "clave
unto us ... as it is this day."

21. Nevertheless.] Literally, " And." The
words are taken from Dan. ix. 10, as in «y. 18
above.

22. But every manfollowed the imagination.]
"And we walked every one in the imagi-
nation of his evil heart." The same phrase
(8idvota KcipSias) occurs in ii. 8, and in 1 Chr.
xxix. 18, but apparently nowhere else in the
LXX., and once only in the N. T. (Luke
i. 5i).

to serve.] The same Greek word (Jpya-
(eadat, " to work ") occurs below in ii. 2 1, 22,
24: "to serve the king of Babylon." The
translator of Jeremiah alone appears to use
it in the sense of " serving God " or " serv-
ing false gods " (xxx. 8, 9), though elsewhere
he renders the Hebrew root (*jy ) by its
usual equivalent (SoiAeufij/).

in the sight, 6v.] Compare Jer. xxxii. 30.

ADDITIONAL NOTES on verses 9, 17, 19-

9. the captives.] The Hebrew word (IJlpD),
which is rendered in our A. V. " smiths^" is
originally a Hiphil participle, which means
" shutting up," and is used as a noun in two
senses: (1) a prison, Ps. cxlii. 7; Isa. xxiv.
22, xlii. 7. (2) a smith, i.e. locksmith,
2 Kings xxiv. 14; Jer. xxiv. 1, xxix. 2. In
the first of these passages the LXX. have
rendered it by avyKkelav, and by Seo-pwT;??
in both passages of Jeremiah. These are,
according to Fiirst, the only places in which
it occurs.

The active sense (avyKkeiav) corresponds
to the Hebrew, and is required by the con-
text, in which "IJ1KD is associated with fc^"in,

•* : - t t '

" craftsmen " or " carpenters."

But the translator of Jeremiah took it in a
passive sense — " one who is shut up," " a pri-
soner " — and the mistranslation is repeated in
Baruch.

Reusch supposes that Bea-fiwTTjs is used by
the translator in an active sense (Schlosser =
locksmith), and thus substitutes ignorance
of Greek for a mistaken rendering of the
Hebrew.

The inference in any case is clear that the
writer of the Greek text of Baruch was either
the same person as the translator of Jeremiah,
or at least had the Greek version of Jeremiah
before his eyes.

In the Latin " cunctos potentes" is thought
to be a corruption of "vinctos et potentes,'

S 2

i6o

BARUCH. II.

[v. 1—4.

the original word having been afterwards put
in a wrong place — " duxit eos vinctos in Ba-
bylonem."

17. tov TjfiapTo^v.'] The construction of
the relative is difficult, but there is no
variation of reading : the conjecture dvff
hv is therefore inadmissible, as having no
support.

Fritzsche thinks that the relative, which
should have been in the nominative (o\ rjpdp-
TOfiev), is attracted to rjpiov, but such an
attraction of the nominative is utterly in-
admissible.

A better construction is found by referring
hv back to alaxvvr] for its government —
" shame for the sins which we have com-
mitted." The distance, however, between
the two words makes their connexion obscure,
and in any case it must be admitted that the

translator has given a very vague interpreta-
tion of the Hebrew fl^X).

Instead of o>v Tjp.dprop.ev evavn Kvpiov, as in
Baruch, the LXX. give in Dan. ix. 8 olrives
yjpdpropiv aoi. Some light is thus thrown on
the composition of our book : for the dif-
ferent renderings of the relative shew that the
Greek texts have different authors, while
the further variation evavri. Kvpiov for aoi is
more than a mere diversity of translation,
and proves that there must have been a He-
brew text of Baruch differing here from the
text of Daniel.

19. eaxf^idaapev.] The word is used in
the same sense, " to act carelessly," by Poly-
bius, XII. iv. § 4, vnep a>v Tipaios kciklos koi
rrapepycos laroprjaas eV^eSt'acrev ; and XXIII. ix.
§ 12, ovroi fiev eaxedianores efpaivovro rots
KaKols Trpdypacriv.

" Dan. 9
12, 13.

CHAPTER II.

The prayer and confession which the Jeivs at
Babylon made, and sent in that book unto the
brethren in Jerusalem.

vHEREFORE the Lord hath
made good his word, which
he pronounced against us, and against
our judges that judged Israel, and
against our kings, and against our
princes, and against the men of Israel
and Juda,

rr-pj

2 To bring upon us great plagues,
such as never happened under the
whole heaven, as it came to pass in
Jerusalem, according to the things
that were written in the law of
Moses ;

3 That a man should 3eat the flesh
of his own son, and the flesh of his
own daughter.

4 Moreover he hath delivered them
to be in subjection to call the king-

* Deut.
28. S3.
Lam. 2.
20. &4- 10

c 2 Kings
24. 2.

CHAPTER II.

Lit.,

1. Therefore the Lord made good.]
" And the Lord established."

The whole verse is taken, with slight varia-
tions and additions, from Dan. ix. 12, on
which see the notes in the ' Speaker's Com-
mentary.'

his word.] The LXX. in Daniel render
the Hebrew less exactly by ivpoardypara.

judges that judged Israel.'] The meaning
of "judges" in Daniel /. c. is rightly expanded
in the words which are here added by our
compiler, " and against our kings and against
our princes." For in Daniel we are not to
think only of " the judges " specially so called,
though in our passage the word is so limited.
Compare 1 Sam. vii. 16, 17. The wider
sense occurs in Ps. ii. 10 ; Hos. vii. 7.

2. To bring upon us, fac] Explanation of
the way in which God fulfilled His word.
On this explanatory use of the Greek infini-
tive (with rov} " in epexegesis, where the simple
infinitive with or without coo-re might have
been used," see Winer, ' Greek Gr.' § xliv.
p. 410, E. Tr. This construction is very

common in the LXX., 7 with the infinitive
denoting both design and consequence.

great plagues, such as never happened, <&c.~]
There is a sort of redoubled comparison
resulting from a combination of two thoughts :
(1) plagues such as never happened elsewhere,
and (2) such plagues never happened else-
where as happened at Jerusalem. There is a
similar mode of expression in Col. i. 6.

under the whole heaven.] Deut. iv. 19;
Dan. vii. 27 ; Baruch v. 3.

3. The reference is to Lev. xxvi. 29, and
Deut. xxviii. 53— passages which are recalled
in Jer. xix. 9 ; compare Lam. ii. 20 and iv. to :
" The hands of the pitiful women have sodden
their own children : they were their meat in
the destruction of the daughter of my people."

That a man should eat, fac] More exactly,
" That we should eat, each man the flesh of
his son, and each man the flesh of his daugh-
ter." The Greek here follows closely the
idiomatic use of the Hebrew word C"X.

4. Moreover he hath delivered them to be in
subjection.] "And he made them subject:"

5— ii-]

BARUCH. II.

26:

d Isai. 43.
28.

' Jer. 25.
38. & 44-
6, 22.

II Gr. were
beneath,
and not
above.
f Deut.
28. 43, 44.

z ch. 1.

15-

I Dan. 9.
11, 12.

ch. 1. 20.

I Dan. g.

|i3. &c

doms that are round about us, to be
as ^a reproach and ^desolation among
all the people round about, where
the Lord hath scattered them.

5 Thus we "-^were cast down, and
not exalted, because we have sinned
against the Lord our God, and have
not been obedient unto his voice.

6 ■S'To the Lord our God apper-
taineth righteousness : but unto us
and to our fathers open shame, as
appeareth this day.

7 h For all these plagues are come
upon us, which the Lord hath pro-
nounced against us.

8 * Yet have we not prayed before
the Lord, that we might turn every

one from the imaginations of his
wicked heart.

9 Wherefore the Lord watched
over us for evil, and the Lord hath
brought it upon us : for the Lord is
righteous in all his works which he
hath commanded us.

10 Yet we have not hearkened
unto his voice, to walk in the com-
mandments of the Lord, that he hath
set before us.

11 kAnd now, O Lord God oPDan-9-
Israel, that hast brought thy people

out of the land of Egypt with a
mighty hand, and high arm, and
with signs, and with wonders, and ^
with great power, and 'hast gotten 10.

compare Gen. ix. 2, xiv. 20 ; Josh. xi. 8, &c.,
where the A. V. renders " delivered into the
hand."

all the kingdoms that are round about us.]
Egypt, Assyria, Babylon.

to be as a reproach.'] Omit " as." The
primary passage, Deut. xxviii. 37, is repeated
in various forms in 2 Chr. xxix. 8 ; Jer. xxv. 9,
11, 18, xxix. 18, xlii. 18, xliv. 12, 22.

and desolation.] Rather, "and an aston-
ishment." Compare Jer. xxix. 18: "I will
deliver them to be removed to all the kingdoms
of the earth, to be a curse and an astonish-
ment, and an hissing, and a reproach, among
all the nations whither I have driven them."
See the Additional Note.

where the Lord hath scattered them.] Com-
pare Jer. xxix. 14, 18, xl. 12; Dan. ix. 7, in
all which places the same Hebraism (ou . . .
e'fcei) is found in the LXX., as it is also in the
original passage Deut. xxx. 3.

5. Thus <we were cast do<wn.] " And they
were cast down." Compare Deut. xxviii. 13
(whence the words are taken, in converse
order), and v. 43, " thou shalt come down
very low," &c.

and have not been obedient unto his voiced]
Better rendered by Ewald (E. Tr.): "not to
hearken unto his voice."

6. See on i. 15, and compare Ezra ix. 7.

open shame.] "confusion of face:" lite-
rally, " the shame of faces."

7-17. This passage is taken in great part
from Dan. ix. 13-18.

7. See the Additional Note. If we retain
the reading of the chief MSS. (Vatican and
Alexandrine), we may connect vv. 7-9 closely
with v. 6, and render the whole passage thus :

"confusion of face, as appeareth this day,
(according to) what the Lord pronounced
against us, all these evils which are come
upon us, and we did not entreat the face
of the Lord, that we should turn ever)' one
from the thoughts of his wicked heart, and
so the Lord watched over the evils, and
the Lord Drought them upon us."

pronounced against us.] Compare Jer. xvi.
10, xix. 15, xxv. 13, xxxv. 17, xxxvi. 31 : and
observe the close dependence of our author
upon Jeremiah as well as upon Daniel.

8. prayed before the Lord.] More literally,
"did not entreat the face of the Lord."
Compare the rendering given in the margin
(E. V.) in 1 Kings xiii. 6; Ps. cxix. 58 ; Jer.
xxvi. 19 ; and many other passages, including
Dan. ix. 13, from which our verse is wholly
taken. The corresponding Hebrew phrase
is very expressive, — " stroke the face."

imaginations.] "thoughts {vo^jiarav) ;"
not the same word as in i. 22.

9. watched over us for evil.] " watched
over the evils," as in Dan. ix. 14.

in all his works which he hath commanded
us.] Dan. ix. 14, "which he doeth: for we
obeyed not his voice:" an acknowledgment of
the justice of the chastisements inflicted. Our
author refers it to what God has required
of Israel, whose sin was aggravated because
God required only what was right and good.

10. set before us.] See on i. 18.

11. The whole verse is taken literally from
Dan. ix. 15, with the insertion of the words
" and high arm, and with signs, and with
wonders, and with great power," taken from
Jer. xxxii. 21 : compare Ps. cxxxvi. 12.

hast gotten thyself a name.] Compare Neh.
ix. 10 ; Ex. xiv. 18 ; and margin, Dan. ix. 15.

262

BARUCH. II.

[v. 12 17.

thyself a name, as appeareth this
day :

12 O Lord our God, we have sin-
ned, we have done ungodly, we have
dealt unrighteously in all thine ordi-
nances.
^Dan. 9. 13 '"Let thy wrath turn from us:
!,6'T&C' for "we are but a few left among the
2. heathen, where thou hast scattered us.

14 Hear our prayers, O Lord, and
our petitions, and deliver us for thine
own sake, and give us favour in the
sight of them which have led us av/ay :

15 "That all the earth may know " isai. 37.
that thou art the Lord our God, *°Gr f.
because ^Israel and his posterity is name is

11 1 1 1 called up-

called by thy name. on Israel.

16 O Lord, ?look down from /Dan. 9.
thine holy house, and consider us : ^9Deut
rbow down thine ear, O Lord, to 26. i5-

, Isai. 63.

hear us. xs.

17 Open thine eyes, and behold ; >- Dan. 9.
*for the dead that are in the graves, *8ps
whose "souls are taken from their & xys. \7\
bodies, will give unto the Lord nei- J^*
ther praise nor righteousness : EcC28S' I?

3 Gr. spirit, or, life.

12. Compare Dan. ix. 15, 16.

in all thine ordinances (StKaico/^ao-t)-] 1°
Daniel the corresponding words are con-
nected with the following verse : " O Lord,
according to all thy righteousness, I beseech
thee, let thine anger be turned away."

For " righteousness " the LXX. there read
" mercy " (JXerjixoavvrj), an admissible mean-
ing, but one which shews that our compiler
used not the Greek version, but the original
Hebrew, to which his translator gave a
meaning different from that given by the
LXX.

13. Let tby wrath turn from us.~] There is
an evident abruptness and want of connexion,
which is removed by the reading of Cod. A
(dnoa-Tpa^Tco firf), in which §7; answers to the
Hebrew particle of entreaty (W), rendered
in the A.V. " now," or " I pray thee ;" or as

n Dan. ix. 16, " I beseech thee."

a few left among the heathen^ Compare
Deut. iv. 27, " And the Lord shall scatter you
among the nations, and ye shall be left few in
number among the heathen, whither the Lord
shall lead you;" Lev. xxvi. 33; Deut. xxviii.
62 ; Ps. xliv. 11 ; Jer. xlii. 2, xlix. 15 ; Obad. 2.

where thou hast scattered us.] Dan. ix. 7 ;
compare v. 4, and v. 29 below.

14. Hear our prayers, fac] "Hearken
unto our prayer, O Lord, and our suppli-
cation:" Dan. ix. 17; 2 Chr. vi. 19.

for thine own sake.] Dan. ix. 19.
led us away.] "carried us away cap-
tive :" as in Jer. xxix. 14, and constantly.

15. That all the earth may know.] 1 Sam.
xvii. 46 ; 2 Chr. vi. 33, &c.

called by thy name.] "And that thy name
is called upon Israel and upon his
race." See the marginal notes in the A.V. on
Dan. ix. 18; Jer. xiv. 9; 2 Chr. vi. 33, &c.

16. from thine holy house.] Deut. xxvi. 1 5 :
" Look down from thy holy habitation, from
heaven."

bow down thine ear, O Lord, to hear us.]
"and hear;" as in Dan. ix. 18, "incline thine
ear, and hear." The original is Isa. xxxvii.
17, the prayer of Hezekiah against Senna-
cherib.

17. Comp. Isa. xxxvii. 17: "Open thine
eyes, O Lord, and see." The remainder of
the verse is taken substantially from Isa.
xxxviii. 18, Hezekiah's prayer after his re-
covery from sickness.

in the graves.] Literally, "in Hades:"
"in the unseen world." The souls, not
the bodies of the dead, are of course meant.
See the next note.

whose souls are taken.] "whose spirit is
taken." The construction of the relative
pronoun is closely copied from the Hebrew.
See Introd. § v. p. 249.

from their bodies.] The Greek word
{(nvkayxva) rendered " bodies " means really
the inner organs, especially the nobler organs,
lungs, heart, and liver. The description
strengthens the contrast between the living
and the dead, who, being deprived of the
"spirit," have no longer any living bodily
powers wherewith on earth to praise God.

By " spirit" is here meant "the breath of
life " (Gen. ii. 7, vi. 17, &c).

will give unto the Lord neither praise nor
righteousness.] "will not give unto the Lord
glory and righteousness." The Gk. word
(8iKaicofia) rendered " righteousness " in A.V.
may mean, as in 2 Sam. xix. 28, a " right," a
just claim, equivalent to " due honour." The
corresponding Hebrew word (nj5"iy) has
the same sense also in Neh. ii. 20, but more
usually means "justice" or righteousness
shewn in act: compare Keil's note on Dan.
ix. 16. The meaning of our passage therefore
seems to be to "ascribe to God glory and
justice." In the phrase " give glory to God "
the Hebrew word always used (1133) means
not mere " praise" or " recognition," but inhe-
rent glory. See notes on Rom. ill- 23 in the

V. iS 21.]

BARUCH. II.

263

18 But the soul that is greatly
vexed, which goeth stooping and
feeble, and the eyes that fail, and
the hungry soul, will give thee praise
and righteousness, O Lord.
'Dan. 9. ig * Therefore we do not make our
humble supplication before thee, O
Lord our God, for the righteousness
of our fathers, and of our kings.

20 For thou hast sent out thy
wrath and indignation upon us, as
thou hast spoken by thy servants the
prophets, saying,

21 "Thus saith the Lord, Bow " Jer- 27-
down your shoulders to serve the

king of Babylon : so shall ye remain
in the land that I gave unto your
fathers.

'Speaker's Commentary.' Our interpretation
is rendered certain by the corresponding
passage in v. 18, where the more usual word
(diKaioo-iivri) is employed.

The doctrine of the verse concerning the
state of the dead does not differ from that
which is found in the original passage (Isa.
xxxviii. 18), and frequently in the Psalms.
Compare the notes in the ' Speaker's Com-
mentary' on Pss. vi. 5, xxx. 9, lxxxviii. 10-12,
cxv. 1 7 ; and see the same thought expressed
in Ecclus. xvii. 27, 28. The meaning of such
passages is well stated by Cornelius a Lapide
in his ' Commentary on Baruch,' quoted here
by Reusch : " The dead, it is said, praise not
God, (1) because in their state as dead they
cannot praise Him with bodily organs, the
mouth and tongue. (2) They do not praise
God for new mercies received from Him day
by day in wonderful deliverance from troubles
as happens to the living (Ps. lxxxviii. 11 :
4 Wilt thou shew wonders to the dead ? . . .
Shall thy wonders be known in the dark ? and
thy righteousness in the land of forgetful-
ness ? '). (3) They praise not God with such
praise as the living praise Him withal, nor
with such praise as the living can hear ; where-
fore in respect of the living there is from the
dead no praise, even as there is no voice, no
life. . . .

" For the Old Testament understands by
the praise of God an outward and perceptible
praise, which may edify others and encourage
them to join in the same, such as the praise
of penitents entreating and imploring God's
mercy, as was this praise of Baruch and the
Jews, which is properly called ' giving glory :'
for ' glory ' is praise and renown made public,
whereas praise and honour may be private
and secret."

18. greatly vexed.] The Greek means lite-
rally " vexed at the greatness " (eVi to /xeye-
80s) ; and this reading is fully supported in
the MSS. But there is almost certainly some
corruption, or error of translation : for the
following clause, " which goeth stooping and
feeble," is descriptive of the body, not of
" the soul."

Ewald (reading teal for eVi) renders : " the
grieving soul, and the pride which goeth along
bowed and fainting ;" but neither this, nor

any other possible meaning of peyedos, is
satisfactory. The whole verse is imitated
from Deut. xxviii. 65 : " Neither shall the
sole of thy foot have rest : but the Lord shall
give thee a trembling heart, and failing of
eyes, and sorrow of mind." See the Addi-
tional Note, and Introd. § v. p. 249.

the eyes that fail.'] Compare Deut. xxviii. 65 :
" The Lord shall give thee there a trembling
heart, and failing of eyes, and sorrow of mind."
The words of Deuteronomy were evidently
in our author's mind here as in so many other
passages of this chapter.

the hungry soul.] Compare Jer. xxxi. 25 :
" For I have satiated the weary soul, and I
have replenished every sorrowful soul." For
" sorrowful soul " the LXX. there have
"hungry soul;" the Hebrew word there
and in Deut. xxviii. 65 ("sorrow of mind")
meaning literally to " pine " or " waste away."

19. Therefore ive do not make our humble
supplication before thee.] Literally, "For we
do not cast down our supplication before thy
face." Compare Jer. xxxvi. 7, xxxvii. 20,
xxxviii. 26, xlii. 2 ; Dan. ix. 20.

for the righteousness.] Literally, " upon
the righteous deeds," as a ground or founda-
tion for our petition. Compare for the
thought Deut. ix. 4-6. Ewald thinks that
an additional clause, such as that in Daniel,
" but for thy great mercies," has been omitted
here ; but our author postpones that plea till
v. 27.

20. thou hast sent out.] Omit " out."

and indignation.] "and thine indigna-
tion."

by thy servants.] Literally, " by the hand
of thy servants," following the Hebrew
closely.

21. The verse is compiled from Jer. xxvii.
11, 12.

Bow down your shoulders.] "shoulder."
The Greek words used here (ayios) and in
v. 33 (j/coroy) are both different from the
word (rpaxi^os, " neck," Hebrew 1-1X) used
by the LXX. in the corresponding passages
of Jeremiah (xxvii. 2, 8, 11, 12 ; xxviii. 12, 14);
another Hebrew word (vi?) is represented

264

BARUCH. II.

[v. 2 2 — 27.

22 But if ye will not hear the

voice of the Lord, to serve the king

of Babylon,

x Jer. y 23 * I will cause to cease out of

94&2s." the cities of Juda, and from without

IO- Jerusalem, the voice of mirth, and

the voice of joy, the voice of the

bridegroom, and the voice of the

bride : and the whole land shall be

desolate of inhabitants.

24 But we would not hearken
unto thy voice, to serve the king of
Babylon : therefore hast thou made
>jer. 8. good y the words that thou spakest
by thy servants the prophets, namely,
that the bones of our kings, and the

bones of our fathers, should be taken
out of their places.

25 And, lo, z they are cast out to * Jer- 36.
the heat of the day, and to the frost

of the night, and they died in great
miseries by famine, by sword, and by
pestilence.

26 And the house which is called
by thy name hast thou laid waste, as
it is to be seen this day, for the wicked-
ness of the house of Israel and the
house of Juda.

27 O Lord our God, thou hast
dealt with us after all thy goodness,
and according to all that great mercy
of thine.

throughout, as also in the epithet " stiff-
necked" {(rvXrjpoTpd^Xos) in v. 30.

In Jeremiah the command to bring the
neck under the yoke of the king of Babylon
was enforced by the prophet's symbolical
action in putting bonds and yokes upon his
own neck.

to serve.'] Literally, " to work for," as in
i. 22. Compare Jer. xxviii. 14, xl. 9.

so shall ye remain in the land.] " and abide
upon the land:" i.e. do not attempt to escape
into Egypt. Compare Jer. xlii. 10, 13.

23. The verse is taken very literally from
Jer. vii. 34, which passage is in part repeated
in xvi. 9, and in Jer. xxv. 10, a context already
quoted by our author : the translation, how-
ever, is independent of the LXX.

desolate of inhabitants.] See notes on v. 4;
and compare Jer. xxxii. 43, xlviii. 9.

24. But ive ivould not hearken.] "And we
hearkened not." The prophecy especially
meant is Jer. viii. 1 : " They shall bring out
the bones of the kings of Judah, and the
bones of the princes, and the bones of the
priests, and the bones of the prophets, and
the bones of the inhabitants of Jerusalem out
of their graves."

places.] "place."

25. Instead of continuing the quotation
from Jer. viii. 2, " And they shall spread them
before the sun, and the moon, and all the host
of heaven, whom they have loved," &c, the
author passes to another prediction of similar
import.

to the heat of the day, and to the frost of the
night.] Or, "to the heat by day. and to the
frost by night." The Greek words are the
same as in Jer. xxxvi. 30, where they refer to
the dead body of Jehoiakim. This obvious
reference of the passage is overlooked by
Ewald, who imagines that there is an omis-

sion in the text, which he would supply thus :
" and now are they cast out of their graves ;
and thy surviving ones are exposed to the
heat," &c.

they died.] This refers to the people gene-
rally, as in Jer. xxi. 9.

in great miseries.] A free but good ren-
dering of the Greek (nopots novr^poli).

by pestilence.] The Greek word (ano-
0-7-0X17) means properly " a sending forth ;" but
here, and in Jer. xxxii. 36, with which our
passage closely corresponds, it is used as an
equivalent to the Hebrew word meaning
" pestilence." See the fuller explanation at
the end of the chapter.

26. nvhich is called by thy name.] Literally,
as in Dan. ix. 18, " upon which thy name has
been called:" compare v. 15.

hast thou laid waste, as it is to be seen this
day.] The Greek means simply, " hast thou
made as it is this day." See note on i. 15.

house of Israel.] " The evil of the house of
Israel" is in like manner called to remem-
brance in Jer. xi. 17, a passage written more
than a hundred years after the fall of the
kingdom of Israel. Compare ii. 1.

27. O Lord our God, thou hast dealt with
us.] "And yet, O Lord," &c.

goodness.] The Greek word (fVieiKe/a),
in its form as a substantive, seems to occur
only here and in the books which were writ-
ten originally in Greek (The Song of the
Three Children, v. 19, "loving-kindness;"
Wisdom ii. 19, "meekness;" xii. 18, " equity;"
2 Mace. ii. 22, "favour;" x. 4, "mercy").
The adjective, however, is used by the LXX.
to render the Hebrew word meaning " ready
to forgive " in Ps. lxxxvi. 5.

according to all that great mercy of thine.]
See the note on v. 19, and compare Dan. ix. 18.

v. 28—35-]

BARUCH. II.

265

|3° Lev. 26.
114, &c.
BDeut. 28.
'15, 62.

I II Gr. this
Wp-eat

\swartn.

!* Lev. 26.
1 32, &c.

II Or, come
to thetn-
\selvcs.

"Ps. 9. 16.

! rf Deut.

[130. 6.
Jer. 24. 7.
'KB2- 39-

28 As thou spakest by thy servant
Moses in the day when thou didst
command him to write thy law before
the children of Israel, saying,

29 aIf ye will not hear my voice,
surely "this very great multitude shall
be turned into a small number among
the nations, where I will scatter
them.

30 For I knew that they would
not hear me, because it is a stiff-
necked people : but ^in the land of
their captivities they shall "remember
themselves,

31 cAnd shall know that I am
the Lord their God : for d I will give
them an heart, and ears to hear :

32 And they shall praise me in

the land of their captivity, and think
upon my name,

33 And return from their stiff

11 neck, and from their wicked deeds: for « Gr. back
they shall remember the way of their
fathers, which sinned before the Lord.

34 *And I will bring them again 'Jer- l6-
into the land which I promised with

an oath unto their fathers, Abraham,
Isaac, and Jacob, and they shall be
lords of it : and I will increase them,
and they shall not be diminished.

35 And / I will make an everlast- f Jer. 31.
ing covenant with them to be their 32! 3s,'40.
God, and they shall be my people :

^and I will no more drive my people ^Lam. 4.
of Israel out of the land that I have
given them.

29. surely. 1 Greek ti fxrjv, on which see
Winer, ' Grammar of N. T.,' pp. 553, 627, and
the commentators on Heb. vi. 14.

this very great multitude shall be turned,
<&'c] "this swarm so great and so many
shall turn," &c. The nation is compared to
a great swarm of bees, the Greek word being
an imitation of their humming. As a sub-
stantive it is apparently only used here, but
the verb (fiopfielv) occurs in Jer. xxxi. 3 5 ;
1 Chr. xvi. 32 ; and in Plato, ' Rep.' viii. 564,
D. See more in the Additional Note.

30. I knew that they would not hear me.~\ " I
know that they will not," &c. The same
tense (eypcov) is used by the LXX. in Jer. xiv.
20, xviii. 23, xxxiii. 3, xlviii. 30; in all which
places the A. V. has the present.

captivities.'] "captivity," as in v. 32.
The Greek word (d7rotKio-/xoO) is used by the
LXX. only in Jeremiah.

shall remember themselves.'] Literally, " will
return to their heart." Similar phrases occur
in 1 Kings viii. 47; 2 Chr. vi. 37; Dan. iv.
34, 36.

31. an heart.] I.e. " a heart to know me "
(Jer. xxiv. 7), "an understanding heart" (as
some MSS. here read) ; or else "a new heart "
(Ezek. xviii. 31). Compare Jer. xxxii. 39,
where for " one heart " the LXX. read " an-
other heart."

ears to hear.] Literally, " hearing ears :"
compare Prov. xx. 12, "the hearing ear and
the seeing eye."

See note on v. 21.

See note at the end of the

33. stiff neck.]

wicked deeds.]
chapter.

the way of their fathers.]

I.e. their evil

course of conduct, as in Ezek. xvi. 61 ; xx. 43 ;
xxxvi. 31, 32.

34. The promise of restoration is already
given in Lev. xxvi. 42-45 ; Deut. xxx. 1-5.

the land which I promised with an oath.]
See Deut. xxxiv. 4.

35. / will make an everlasting covenant
•with them.] In Lev. xxvi. 44, 45, God pro-
mises to " remember the covenant of their
ancestors." Here the " everlasting covenant,"
as in Jer. xxxii. 40 and frequently, is the " new
covenant " of Jer. xxxi. 31-33.

/ will no more drive my people of Israel out
of the land.] This corresponds to Jer. xxxii.
41, "I will plant them in this land assuredly
with my whole heart, and with my whole
soul ;" xxiv. 6, " I will plant them, and not
pluck them up;" and xlii. 10, "I will plant
you, and not pluck you up."

Some modern interpreters, while acknow-
ledging that these passages express a Mes-
sianic hope, deny the accomplishment of that
hope in Jesus of Nazareth, and say that the
promise has never been fulfilled : they see in
it nothing more than a promise of material
prosperity made to Israel after the flesh.
Grotius gives rather a different view : " This
covenant with Israel continued until Messiah
came, and would have continued afterwards if
they had received the Messiah,— a condition
which is sometimes expressed, sometimes to
be understood."

But both these views are directiy opposed
to the distinguishing characteristic of the
" new covenant," that it shall never be broken,
as the old covenant was (Jer. xxxi. 32, &c).
The description of the " new covenant " in
Jeremiah as one which shall be written upon
the heart can only apply to the spiritual

266

BARUCH. II.

covenant which God has made with the true
Israel in Jesus Christ (Isa. lv. 3 ; Heb. viii. 6).
The Messianic hope had its material as
well as its spiritual side, and the two are often
combined in one view by the prophets, look-
ing forward to the restoration of Israel and

redemption in Christ as one event. In the
former, however, the material aspect of the
promise had its temporal and symbolical ful-
filment: in the latter, the spiritual fulfilment
in the establishment of the kingdom of Christ
in the hearts of men.

ADDITIONAL NOTES ON

4. desolation.'] Gr. clparov. The corre-
sponding Hebrew word (nS'^) meant ori-
ginally, according to FUrst, "astonishment,"
and then " desolation." It is translated by
many different words in the Septuagint, as
will be seen by referring to Deut. xxviii. 37 ;
2 Kings xxii. 19; 2 Chr. xxix. 8, xxx. 7;
Jer. xviii. 16, xix. 8, xxv. 9, xlii. 18.

Passages in which afiaros is used as the
translation of n£DK> are Jer. xxv. 18, 38;
xliv. 22 ; xlviii. 9 ; xlix. 13, 17.

It is only in Jeremiah, apparently, that
either nBt? or its cognate nODC> is rendered
by «/3aro? ; a circumstance which favours the
conjecture that Baruch and Jeremiah were
translated into Greek by the same person.
But see the note onu 21,

7. The received reading (Vat. and Alex.)
is as follows: — a iXdXrjo-e Kvpios e(p' r)pds
TcavTO. to. nana ravra a rfXdev e(jj' rjpds. To
avoid the apparent difficulty of construction,
the second d is omitted in Codd. XII., 26, 33,
36, 49, &c. ; while Sioti is substituted for the
first a in Codd. 22, 48, 51, supported by the
Lat. quia [and Syr. : Fritzsche].

The latter reading, though an evident gloss,
points to the true explanation, the first a being
a bald translation of "ItJ'K, which may be
construed in two ways. Either it is simply
the relative, referring to v. 6 ; or it has here,
as in other places, the force of a conjunction
" as " (Ewald), or " because." On this use of
Ti^X, see Gesenius, 'Hebr. Gr.,'§ 155, 1 and
3. Ewald begins a new sentence with v. 7 :
" As the Lord spake all the evils concerning
us which came upon us, but we did not
entreat the face of the Lord . . . so the Lord
watched over the evils," &c.

18. The Received Text (dXX' 1) ■v/'n^v y
XvTrovpivr] eirl to peyedos; o /3a8i£ft kvtttov Kdi
aa-Qevovv) is supported by all the MSS., except
that some cursives omit 0, and others, with
Theodoret, insert irvevpa before fia8i£ei.
Neither of these corrections would remove
the difficulties of the passage. No help is given
by the free paraphrases of the Latin Versions.

Most of the modern commentators suppose
that the Hebrew text was itself corrupt, or
was misunderstood by the translator.

Reusch and Kneucker, referring to the
original passage Deut. xxviii. 65, suggest that
here also there was a similar antithesis be-
tween the soul and the body, or some part of
it, e.g. the foot.

verses 4, 7, 18, 25, 29, 33.

All that can be said with certainty is that
the passage gives strong evidence of a Hebrew
original.

25. pestilence.'] That the word dTroarToXrj is
here used in this peculiar sense is clear from
the parallel passage (Jer. xxxii. 36), where it is
employed by the LXX. to translate the He-
brew word ("O^), which is commonly used
for "destruction," "death," "pestilence"
(ddvaros, Jer. xiv. 12, xxi. 6, 7, &c). As to
the origin of a meaning so remote from the
etymological sense of cotco-toX 17, " a sending
forth," Fritzsche suggests that it arose from
the frequent use of the phrase dnoo-TeXXeiv
ddvarov (Lev. xxvi. 25 ; 2 Chr. vii. 13; Jer.
xxiv. 10; Ezek. xiv. 19, 21, xxviii. 23 ; Amos
iv. 10).

29. multitude.] The Greek substantive
j36p(3rjo-is, " buzzing," is said to be used no-
where else: the Hebrew word (fl^n) to

which it corresponds (as /3o/z/3e7z> to nJOH in
Jer. xxxi. 35 ; xlviii. 36) occurs in 1 Kings
xx. 13 ; 2 Kings xxv. 11 ; Isa. xiii. 4, xvii. 12 ;
Ezek. xxx. 15, and is variously rendered by
the LXX. as 6'^Xoy, (6vq, 7rXr)8os.

From this frequent use of pDH for " mul-
titude," Kneucker argues that "the Greek
translator here certainly misses both the
sense and the right word, and is guilty of
a mis-translation." But an examination of
the passages quoted above from Isaiah will
shew that in his use of the word the idea of
"multitude" is derived from that of a
" humming noise." Our author's attempt
to represent this original meaning of the
Hebrew by the new but rightly formed word
(36)xftr](ris cannot justly be called a mis-
translation. It is, however, a strong proof of
a Hebrew original.

33. wicked deeds.] For Trovrjpaiv irpay-
fidrav, which is the reading of the Codex
Alexandrinus, the Vatican has Tvovqp&v %po-
aTaypdrav, and this is adopted by Fritzsche
in the same sense as " statutes that were not
good" (Ezek. xx. 25). But there the "sta-
tutes " are represented as given in anger by
God : here, if the word (npoo-TaypaTa) is re-
tained, it should be compared with Deut.
xxviii. 20 (jTovrjpd. (Tn,TT]8evp.aTa, " the wicked-
ness of thy doings") ; Jer. xxiii. 2, 22, xxv. 5,
xxvi. 3. A better word than "deeds" or
"doings" would be "practices;" i.e. ha-
bitual deeds, — customs recognised and, as it
were, prescribed (jvpoaTdypara).

I-4-]

BARUCH. III.

267

CHAPTER III.

3 The rest of their prayer and confession con-
tained in that book, "which Baruch writ, and
sent to Jerusalem. 30 Wisdom was shewed
first to Jacob, and was seen tipon the earth.

LORD Almighty,

sraei

the

soul in

God of

ano-uishu

the troubled spirit, crieth unto thee.

2 Hear, O Lord, and have mercy;
for thou art merciful : and have pity
upon us, because we have sinned
before thee.

3 For "thou endurest for ever, and a Ps- 102
we perish utterly. 26'

4 O Lord Almighty, thou God of
Israel, hear now the prayers of the
dead Israelites, and of their children,

CHAPTER III.

1-8. An earnest prayer for deliverance,
founded upon God's ancient promise recited
in ii. 18-35.

Some commentators regard this as a sepa-
rate prayer composed by Baruch for the
exiles independently of the preceding chap-
ters, alleging that " every link of transition,
and still more every indication pointing to the
preceding promise, is wanting " (Reusch).

No link of transition is needed, for the
prayer follows quite naturally upon the pro-
mise.

The indications pointing to the preceding
promise are numerous, as will at once appear
by comparing <v. 6 with ii. 31, 32, 35; -v. 7
with ii. 31-33 ; <v. 8 with ii. 29, 33.

Besides these references to the promise (ii.
28-35), Kneucker has shewn that every verse
has some phrase or thought connecting it
with the preceding portion of the book, i.
15— ii.

This will be the more evident if, instead of
quoting the parallel passages in the notes on
each verse, we bring together a few of the
more striking into one view.

Compare iii. v. 1 with ii. 18.

iii. v. 2 „ ii. 14, 27.

iii. -v. 3 „ ii. 13, 29.

iii. v. 4 „ i. 20; ii. 7, 10.

iii. v. 5 „ ii. 11, 15, 19.

iii. v. 6 „ i. 15, 18, 21, &c.

iii. 1: 7 „ i. 16-19; ". 6, &c.

iii. v. 8

1. 15, 19, 20; 11. 4.

While thus closely connected with the pre-
ceding chapters, the whole prayer is more in-
dependent of other books of Scripture ; more
forcible, tender, and earnest. By whomsoever
and whenever composed, it expresses the
genuine feelings of the writer.

1. the soul in anguish^ "a soul in an-
guish;" literally, "in straits" (eV artvoh).
Compare 2 Sam. xxiv. 14; Susanna 22. Our
English rendering of this word, and the equi-
valent (o-revoxapia, Isa. xxx. 6 ; Wisd. v. 3),
is derived from the Vulgate (in angustiis).
See Trench, ' N. T. Synonyms,' ii. 20.

the troubled spirit.'] "and a troubled spirit."
The Greek word (JKndida>) means originally
"to be without care or sorrow," ai\d hence in

its later use " to be insensible to pain," " to be
past feeling," "dependent," "heavy." It is
used by the LXX. in Isa. lxi. 3, " spirit of hea-
viness ;" Ps. cxix. 28, " my soul melteth away
for very heaviness."

2. As the verse stands in the A.V., two
reasons are urged why God should shew
mercy to Israel: (1) His own nature as "a
merciful God" (Deut. iv. 31, &c); and (2)
the suppliants' confession of sin, as in Ps. xli.
4, " I said, Lord, be merciful unto me : heal
my soul ; for I have sinned against thee."

On the omission of the words " for thou
art merciful : and have pity upon us," in the
Vatican MS., see the note at the end of the
chapter.

3. A further twofold motive to compassion
lies in the contrast between the eternal ma-
jesty of God and the helplessness of His
perishing creatures: Isa. lvii. 15, 16.

endurest.] "sittest (in the throne)."
Compare Ps. ix. 4, xxix. 10; Lam. v. 19.

perish utterly.] "are perishing for
ever." The A.V., though it misses the force
of the repetition "for ever," seems to apply
the words rightly to Israel as a nation : We,
the remnant of Thy people, left few in number
among the heathen, are perishing in exile, and
with us Thy people Israel will perish " for
ever." Compare Jer. xl. 15, "the remnant in
Judah perish ;" Lev. xxvi. 38 f. ; Deut. xxx.
18 ; Jer. xxvii. 10, 15.

4. hear now the prayers of the dead Israel-
ites^] This strange expression — " the prayer
of the dead of Israel" — has given rise to
much discussion. " Some ancient interpre-
ters understood by it, what seems to be the
most obvious meaning, that the pious ances-
tors in limbo patrum prayed for their nation "
(Reusch) : and an appeal is made to such
passages as Ps. xcix. 6 ; Jer. xv. 1 ; 2 Mace,
xii. 43 ff., xv. 12, 13, to shew that such a
view concerning the state of the dead is not
without support in the O. T. A glance at
these passages will shew how little they
support the view in question: but even if
their testimony were stronger, it could not
be set against our author's own statement in
ii. 17: " The dead . . . will give unto the
Lord neither praise nor righteousness."

268

BARUCH. III.

[v. 5—7-

which have sinned before thee, and
not hearkened unto the voice of thee
their God : for the which cause these
plagues cleave unto us.

5 Remember not the iniquities of

power and thy name now at this
time.

6 For thou art the Lord our God,
and thee, O Lord, will we praise.

7 And for this cause thou hast put

our forefathers : but think upon thy thy fear in our hearts, to the intent

Another opinion is that the phrase refers to
the prayers which righteous men, now dead,
such as Moses or Samuel or Solomon, had
offered during their life (Ex. xxxii. 32; 1
Kings viii. 25 ff.) : but this explanation is very
far-fetched, and inconsistent with the plain
meaning of the words " Hear the prayer of
the dead," which can hardly be understood of
prayers offered many centuries before.

A third view, held by many commentators
(Maldonatus, a Lapide, Calmet, Grotius,
Luther, Ewald, Reusch), is that by " the
dead of Israel" are meant the suppliants
themselves, who in their misery speak of
themselves hyperbolically as " the dead." It
is true that in v. 3 they speak of themselves
as "perishing," and in v. 11 as "counted
with them that go down into the pit ;" but
those expressions are evidently metaphorical,
and can only apply to the living, while here it
seems equally clear that the perfect participle
(t&v reOvrjicoTcov, as in ii. 17) can only apply
to those who are actually dead.

It is, in short, impossible to find a satisfac-
tory explanation of the words " prayer of the
dead :" their meaning is clear, but quite inad-
missible in this context, and directly opposed
to our author's statement in ii. 17.

There is no various reading in the Greek
text, except " prayers" for "prayer," which
gives no help. But if proof were needed that
the Greek text is not the original, we may
find it in these words.

In Hebrew the difference between "the

dead of Israel" (?$$) 'HD) and "the men

of Israel" fy"W\ *T\P) lies only in the
vowel-points of the first letter, and is no
greater than the difference between methey
and rrithey. In the Hebrew original of
Baruch, written, as it must have been, without
vowel-points, there could not have been any
sign at all of the two meanings of TlJO. This
at once makes it probable that a translator
from the Hebrew may have put "the dead
of Israel" instead of "the men of Israel,"
which latter reading removes the difficulty of
our passage.

The probability of this explanation is raised
almost to certainty, when we consider the
frequent mistakes which Greek translators
have made in rendering the Hebrew word
(D^nO, "men"), and especially when we
find that in Isa. v. 13 the Seventy, and in
Isa. xli. 14 Aquila and Theodotion, give it

the meaning " dead," as our translator does
here.

For a fuller discussion of the subject, see
the critical note at the end of the chapter.

and of their children, which have sinned
before thee, and not hearkened unto the voice of
thee their God.] Render, "and sons of the
sinners before thee, which hearkened
not," &c. " The sinners " meant are spoken
of in the relative clause which follows in the
3rd person, and clearly distinguished from the
suppliants who speak of themselves in the 1st
person (rjfiiv). Thus in the former part of
the verse they give a twofold description
of themselves : (1) as the remnant of Is-
rael, and (2) as sons of the sinners whose
disobedience has brought evil upon their
children. This interpretation is confirmed by
w. 5, 7, 8, in which the fathers only are
mentioned as sinners before God. The pre-
sent participle (twc afxapravovraiv) makes no
difficulty, as it answers to the Hebrew par-
ticiple, which has no distinction of tense: in
both languages the participle is often a time-
less substantive; see Winer, 'Gr.' § xlv. 7.

for the which cause these plagues cleave unto
us.] "and so the evils clave unto us."
Compare i. 20. It was a characteristic ten-
dency of the Jews to trace the misfortunes of
the children to the sins of their fathers : Ezek.
xviii. 2 ; Lam. v. 7 ; Jer. xxxi. 29 ; Tobit iii.
3, 4-

5. forefathers.] "fathers."

think upon thy power.] "remember thy
hand:" compare ii. 11; Isa. Ii. 9.

and thy name.] Ps. lxxix. 9, cvi. 8 ; Isa.
lxiii. 12 ; Jer. xiv. 21.

6. thee, O Lord, will we praise.] The in-
verted order of the words produces an em-
phasis which is not in the original : "we will
praise thee, 0 Lord."

7. And for this cause.] "for therefore,"
i.e. that we should praise Thee, as is explained
below.

to the intent that we should call upon thy
name.] Or, according to the Vatican MS., —
"and (made us) to call," — a second thing
put into the heart by God.

and praise thee.] "and we will praise
thee;" namely, because through Thy grace
we have repented, according to Thy promise :

v. 8— io.]

BARUCH. III.

269

that we should call upon thy name, to all the iniquities of our fathers,
and praise thee in our captivity: for which departed from the Lord our
5we have called to mind all the ini- God.

quity of our forefathers, that sinned
before thee.

8 Behold, we are yet this day in our
captivity, where thou hast scattered
us, for a reproach and a curse, and
to be subject to payments, according

9 Hear, Israel, the commandments
of life : give ear to understand wis-
dom.

10 How happeneth it, Israel, that
thou art in thine enemies' land, that
thou art waxen old in a strange

compare ii. 31, 32. For this we will praise
thee even now, while yet in exile.

called to mind.'] "put away from our
heart :" see the note at the end of the chap-
ter, on the reading.

8. captivity.'] More literally, " place of
exile" (dnoiKiq). Compare ii. 13.

and to be subject to payments.] " and
a penalty" (Ewald). The Greek word
(o(j)\rf(riv) does not occur elsewhere in the
Septuagint, and its meaning here is not very
clear. The A. V. seems to refer it to " pay-
ing tribute;" Grotius understands it of
" debt," referring to Deut. xxviii. 44 ; others
of the guilt and penalty of sin (Reusch);
Kneucker thinks that the Greek translator
misread or misunderstood the Hebrew word.
But, instead of resorting to uncertain con-
jecture, it is better to take the Greek word in
its proper sense of " paying a penalty," and to
connect it closely with the words which fol-
low. We thus get a thought perfectly appro-
priate to the context, that God has scattered
the Israelites among the heathen to be an
object of reproach and of cursing, and " to
pay the penalty for [literally, " according
to"] all the iniquities" of their fathers. Com-
pare ii. 4, and the notes there.

iii. 9 — iv. 4. Israel admonished to return
to the Fountain of Wisdom.

9. Hear, Israel.] An echo of Deut. v. 1,
or rather of Deut. vi. 4, " the beginning of
what is termed the Sh'ma (" Hear ") in the
Jewish services " (' Speaker's Commentary ').

commandments of life.] The genitive ex-
presses the effect or purpose, as in Rom. v.

18, "justification of life." Compare Rom. vii.

10, "the commandment which was unto

life," and the note there. The same thought

is more fully expressed by our author in
iv. 1.

give ear to understand^] The Greek word
(evooTicraaBe) is common in the LXX. ; e.g. in
Ex. xv. 26, "give ear to his commandments."
Here, as in Ps. xlix. 1, it refers to what has
gone before: Ponder them in your ears,
to understand wisdom.

10. Honv happeneth it, Israel, that thou art
in thine enemies' land?] "Why is it, Israel,
why is it, that thou," &c. The same con-
struction (tL oti) is found in 1 Sam. i. 8,
Isa. xxii. 1 (Septuagint), and in Mark ii. 16,
Luke ii. 49, Acts v. 4, 9. Much of the
vivacity of the question is lost in the Authorized
Version by omitting the second interrogative
with Codex A and other MSS. The attention
is first roused, then quickened by the repeti-
tion, as in Prov. xxxi. 2 : " What, my son ?
And what, the son of my womb ? And what,
the son of my vows ? "

The question includes vv. 10, n, and is
answered in vv. 12, 13 : its four clauses form
a climax of misery, completed in the words
" counted with them that go down into the
grave."

thine enemies' land.] This cannot possibly
mean, as Ewald supposes, " the ancient native
land of Israel here called a foreign land
{v. 10)," because " the most utterly foreign
nations and rulers marched over its soil, as if
it were entirely lost to Israel." This verse is
in its plain and obvious meaning fatal both to
Ewald's theory, that the Section iii. 9 — v. 9
is " A prophetic Liturgy on the basis of the
Law," "intended to be used at a public
service of humiliation in the Temple at Jeru-
salem; • and to Noldeke's view (mentioned
by Kneucker) that it is an address of " consola-
tion for the Israelites left behind in misery
after the destruction of Jerusalem."

waxen old.] Compare Ps. vi. 7, xxxii. 3 ;
Lam. iii. 4 ; and especially Dan. xi. 33, where,
instead of " fall by the sword, and by flame,
by captivity, and by spoil many days," the
Vatican text of the LXX. means "they shall
fall upon the sword, and wax feeble [lit.
"old "J by it, and by captivity," &c. Compare
also Ps. xviii. 45, "The strangers shall fade
away" (JiraKaicoBriuav), where, as in Ps. vi. 7,
the idea of decay is more prominent than that
of age.

Hence Reusch and Kneucker argue that
the phrase " waxen old " does not necessarily
point to a late period of the Captivity : but
see Introduction, § iii. p. 244.

defiled with the dead.] Not " by the dead,"
but " equally with the dead." This meaning

270

BARUCH. III.

[v. ii — 14.

country, that thou art defiled with
the dead,
Ts. 28. 1. 11 That thou art 'counted with
them that go down into the grave ?

1 2 Thou hast forsaken the fountain
of wisdom.

d Ps. 81.
13. J4-

the way of God, thou shouldest have
dwelled in peace for ever.

14 Learn where is wisdom, where
is strength, where is understanding ;
that thou mayest know also where is
length of days, and life, where is the

13 ^For if thou hadst walked in light of the eyes, and peace

is required by the Greek (<rvvefj.idv6r)s), and
agrees better with the parallel clause which
follows. The defilement meant is probably
the contact with idolatry, as in Jer. ii. 23;
Ezek. xx. 31. The meaning suggested by
Grotius, that the Jews in Babylon were made
to serve in burying the dead, is a mere con-
jecture, having no support either in the
context or in history.

11. counted with them that go down into the
graved] The language is taken exactly from
Ps. lxxxviii. 4, "except that "Hades" is
substituted for "the pit." Compare v. 19
below.

Ewald interprets the passage metaphorically
of "the dead, i.e. such as were without the
true pure life mentioned in -v. 9, i.e. among
heathen and under their rule," so that Israel
is " itself, as it were, dead and polluted by the
dead." But the true meaning is that which
is more fully developed in the Psalm from
which the clause is quoted, Ps. lxxxviii. 3-6,
where the suppliant describes himself as one
brought down by extreme misery, as it were,
to the very edge of the grave, and cast aside
like a neglected corpse.

12. The speaker who addresses Israel now
answers his own question. It is because
" Thou hast forsaken the fountain of wisdom,"
i.e. God Himself, as in Jer. ii. 13, "They
have forsaken me, the fountain of living
waters," xvii. 13, andPs. xxxvi. 9, " With thee
is the fountain of life."

In Ecclesiasticus i. 5 the Authorized Ver-
sion gives, " The word of God most high is
the fountain of wisdom ; " but the verse is not
found in the Vatican Codex, and is generally
regarded as spurious. Also in 2 Esdras xiv.
47 (A. V.) it is said of certain books : " In
them is the spring of understanding, the
fountain of wisdom " (fons sapientiae) : this
Book of Esdras does not exist in Greek.

In our passage it is certainly best to in-
terpret "the fountain of wisdom" of God Him-
self, according to Ecclus. i. 1 : " All wisdom
cometh from the Lord, and is with him for
ever." Israel had forsaken God by ceasing
to walk in His way, as is explained in the
next verse.

13. For if.] Omit " for."

" The way of God " is the way in which
God teaches man to walk : compare Ps. xxvii.
11," Teach me thy way, O Lord, and lead me

in a plain path ; " Micah iv. 2. On the reading
see the Additional Note.

14. Learn where is wisdom.'] Since the
cause of thy misery is that " thou hast for-
saken the fountain of wisdom" Qv. 12), learn
now once more who possesses and imparts
her Qvv. 15, 27, 32). Compare Job xxviii.
12 ff.

wisdom.] "prudence" (<fip6vr)cris). "The
Divine Principle which alone produces true
life and happiness is here personified, and
characterised in three distinct elements as eppo-
j/Tjcrts, ' insight,' ' prudence ;' Icrxvs, ' strength,'
and o-vveais, ' understanding.' . . . But the
same Principle is also characterised simply as
<f>p6vr]cns (v. 28), ao<pia Qv. 23), and eirtarfifu],
wv. 20, 27, 36." (Fritzsche.)

See further, on the distinction between these
words, in the Additional Note.

strength.] I.e. the moral and spiritual
power which belongs essentially to godly
wisdom. Compare Mic. iii. 8, "Truly I am
full of power by the Spirit of the Lord, and
of judgment, and of might, to declare unto
Jacob his transgression ; " Job xii. 13, " With
him is wisdom (o-ocpia) and strength (Swa/itf),
he hath counsel and understanding (avveens)"
See also Prov. ii. 2, 3, 6 in the Greek.

also.] "at the same time."

length of days.] The Greek substantive
(paKpofiiaxTis) seems to occur only here.
Kneucker remarks that the Semitic maxim,
" With the ancient is wisdom ; and in length
of days understanding" (Job xii. 12), takes
from the religious standpoint of the Jews the
converse form : " The fruit of wisdom (as
revealed in God's law) is long life and happi-
ness : Ex. xx. 12; Deut. iv. 6; Prov. iv. 10."
See also Prov. iii. 16, " Length of days is in
her right hand."

life.] True "life" (£0^7), as in v. 9, is
more than mere " length of days ; " it is life
in its essence as a spiritual force, " the strength,
freshness, and bloom of life." (Reusch.) For
this emphatic sense of " life," compare Ps. xvi.
1 1 ; Prov. iv. 1 3 : " Keep her (instruction), for
she is thy life."

the light of the eyes.] I.e. cheerfulness,
happiness : see note on i. 12.

peace.] Prov. iii. 17: "all her paths are
peace."

i5— 17-]

BARUCH. III.

271

Job 28.
, 20.

15 *Who hath found out her place ?
or who hath come into her treasures ?

16 Where are the princes of the
heathen become, and such as ruled
the beasts upon the earth ;

17 They that had their pastime
with the fowls of the air, and they that
hoarded up silver and gold, wherein
men trust, and made no end of their
getting ?

15. The question, Where is Wisdom to
be found ? is repeated under various forms,
and many imaginary answers are rejected, but
the true answer is not given till v. 3 2 ff.

Compare Job xxviii. 12, 20, "Whence
then cometh wisdom (<ro<£i'a), and where is
the place of understanding (en-ior^s) ? " v.
23, " God understandeth the way thereof, and
he knoweth the place thereof," i.e. her dwell-
ing-place (Ps. xxxvii. 10). "Wisdom" is
here used in its comprehensive sense as that
which exists in God as its source, and must
be sought by man from Him.

It is regarded (in the question) as something
hidden and hard to find : as in Job xxviii. 21,
" It is hid from the eyes of all living." Its
place is known to none but God (Bar. iii. 32).

into her treasures^] "treasuries," or
"treasure-houses." Compare Job xxxviii. 22,
" Hast thou entered into the treasures of the
snow ? " Ps. cxxxv. 7, " He bringeth the
wind out of his treasuries."

16. Where are the princes of the heathen
become.'] Omit " become."

The author first brings examples to prove
that none but God hath found the place of
Wisdom. The enumeration of the different
conditions, ages, and races of men serves to
magnify the incomparable worth of wisdom.

the princes of the heathen^ These princes
or rulers (apxovres) stand first, as the types
of human grandeur, pride, and arbitrary
power: compare Ecclus. x. 14. Some find
here an allusion to the great kings of Babylon,
and to Nebuchadnezzar in his madness
(Kneucker). But the past tenses, and the
whole context, shew that in words at least
the author refers to the mighty rulers of past
ages; such, for example, as Nimrod, the
"mighty hunter before the Lord." That
there may at the same time be a veiled allu-
sion to Nebuchadnezzar seems not improbable
when we look at such passages as Jer. xxvii.
6 : " And now have I given all these lands
into the hand of Nebuchadnezzar the king of
Babylon, my servant : and the beasts of the
field have I given him also to serve him."

The same thought concerning the dominion
over the beasts of the field as given to Nebu-
chadnezzar is found also in Jer. xxviii. 14 ;
Dan. ii. 38 ; Judith xi. 7.

such as ruled the beasts^] " they that had
dominion over the beasts:" compare Jer.
xxvii. 6 ; Dan. ii. 38.

17. They that had their pastime with the

fowls of the air.] Job xli. 5 : " Wilt thou
play with him as with a bird ? Or wilt thou
bind him for thy maidens ? "

The Seventy seem to have understood
Ps. civ. 26 in the same way: "There is that
leviathan whom thou hast formed to take thy
pastime with him (Spd/ccoi/ ovros ov eVAac-oV
ifxiral^eiv avra)." On this traditional Jewish
interpretation, adopted by some modern com-
mentators, see the note in the ' Speaker's
Commentary.'

The meaning of the allusion to " the beasts "
and " the fowls of the air " in connexion with
the search after Wisdom is seen by referring
to such a passage as Job xii. 7 : " Ask now the
beasts, and they shall teach thee : and the
fowls of the air, and they shall tell thee."
These mighty rulers in all their pride could
find nothing better to do than to amuse them-
selves with such trifles, and yet they have
not learned wisdom from the birds who have
travelled so far and seen so much : compare
Job xxxv. 11: "But none saith, Where is
God my Maker, . . . who teacheth us more
than the beasts of the earth, and maketh us
wiser than the fowls of heaven ? " — a passage
which may otherwise be rendered : " Who
teacheth us by the beasts of the earth, and
maketh us wise by the fowls of heaven." See
Delitzsch and the 'Speaker's Commentary.'

ivherein men trust, and made no end of their
getting.] Literally, "wherein men trusted,
and there is no end of their getting." In
the former clause the Greek translator has
rightly given the past tense: in the latter,
which represents a common Hebrew phrase
that has no verb expressed, he seems inad-
vertently to have used the present (tort)-
In Isa. ii. 7 the LXX. rightly use the past
tense (ovk rjv dpidnos). The sense and con-
nexion are clearly shewn in the A.V. : " they
that hoarded up silver and gold, . . . and
made no end of their getting." Neither
their absolute power, nor their boundless
riches, could give wisdom to those princes
of the heathen. On the Hebraisms of this
and the next verse, see the Introd. § v. p. 250.

18, 19. There is some difficulty in deter-
mining the sense and construction of these
verses, and their relation to the preceding
context. Much depends upon the meaning
of the first clause, which in the Vulgate (qui
argent urn fabric ant) and A.V. is referred to
the silversmiths, and more particularly (as
Kneucker thinks) to the makers of silver

272

BARUCH. III.

[v. l8 22.

18 For they that wrought in silver,
and were so careful, and whose works
are unsearchable,

19 They are vanished and gone
down to the grave, and others are
come up in their steads.

20 Young men have seen light,
and dwelt upon the earth : but the

knowledge

have they not

way
known,

21 Nor understood the paths there-
of, nor laid hold of it : their children
were far off from that way.

22 It hath not been heard of in
Chanaan, -^neither hath it been seen f Jer- 49-

in Theman.

idols, the value of "whose works" is "un-
searchable " from their number and excel-
lence. Taken in this sense, and in connexion
with w. 16, 17, the general meaning of the
passage will be, that not only the mighty and
the rich, but the skilful artists whose works
were so precious, — all are gone.

On the other hand, it must be considered
that the Greek word (reKraivcoi), though not
uncommon in the Septuagint, seems never to
be there used of material, but only of moral
working. With the usual meaning " con-
trive " or " devise," i.e. how to get, the whole
passage, w. 16-19, may be thus rendered:
" Where are the rulers of the nations, and
they that had dominion over the beasts
upon the earth; they that played with the
birds of heaven, and hoarded up silver and
gold wherein men trusted, and there was
no end of their getting ? — For they that
wrought to get silver, and were full of
care, and whose works are past finding
out, they are vanished," &c.

See the Additional Note for a fuller discus-
sion of the sense and connexion of the whole
passage.

18. so careful.] The same word as in
Matt. vi. 34.

nvhose works are unsearchable^] The pro-
bable meaning is, "whose labours are infi-
nite." Compare in the Greek Isa. xl. 28:
" there is no searching of his understanding."

20, 21. One generation after another has
failed to find wisdom.

20. Young men have seen light.'] "Younger
men have seen light ;" i.e. have been born
and lived. Compare Job iii. 16: "infants
which never saw light."

By " the way of knowledge " and " the
paths thereof " is meant the way that leads to
knowledge (eTnarrjfxr], " science," Aristot.) :
so in w. 23, 27, 31, 36.

21. nor laid bold of it.] These words
should begin anew sentence: "Nordidtheir
sons lay hold of her, they wandered far,"
&c.

from that <way.~\ Literally, " from the way
of them " (avrwv), which De Wette explains
as meaning " the way of their fathers " (ii.
33): the children wandered away far be-
yond their fathers.

It would be simpler to refer airu>v to the
children themselves — "they wandered far
out of their way," i.e. out of the right way
in which they should have sought Wisdom.
Compare Job xvii. 9, " The righteous also shall
hold on his way ;" Prov. v. 8, " Remove thy
way far from her ;" x. 10, " He that perverteth
his ways shall be known ;" xi. 5, " The right-
eousness of the perfect shall direct his way ; "
xix. 3, "The foolishness of man perverteth his
way;" xx. 24, "Man's goings are of the
Lord : how can a man then understand his
own way ? "

Even this rendering may be questioned
on the ground that throughout the whole
passage it is " the way of knowledge " that is
mentioned: w. 23, 27, 31, 36. Fritzsche,
Reusch, and Kneucker prefer the various
reading (civttjs for avrav), which has little
authority.

22, 23. " He enumerates the nations that
prided themselves on wisdom" (Theodoret).

22. Chanaan.] According to the later
usage of the name, Canaan refers to the Phoe-
nicians who dwelt on the sea-coast (Zeph. ii.
5; Matt. xv. 22), "whose merchants are
princes, whose traffickers are the honourable
of the earth" (Isa. xxiii. 8). Compare 2 Chr.
ii. 7, and Ezek. xxviii. 3-5, where of "the
prince of Tyre " it is said : " Behold, thou art
wiser than Daniel ; there is no secret that
they can hide from thee : with thy wisdom
and with thine understanding thou hast gotten
thee riches, and hast gotten gold and silver
into thy treasures: by thy great wisdom,
and by thy traffic, hast thou increased thy
riches," &c. Compare Zech. ix. 2, 3.

" Theman," or Teman, a district and city
in the south of Edom, was as famous for
wisdom in counsel, and for proverbial sayings,
as Canaan for arts and commerce. Jer. xlix.
7: "Concerning Edom, thus saith the Lord
of hosts, Is wisdom no more in Teman ? Is
counsel perished from the prudent ? Is their
wisdom vanished ? " Compare Obad. 8, 9.

23. The Agarenes.] "The sons also of
Agar," i.e. the Ishmaelites (Gen. xvi. 15;
xxxvii. 25 ; Ps. lxxxiii. 6).

that seek wisdom upon earth.] Gen. xxxvii.
25 : " Behold a company of Ishmaelites came

23—24.]

BARUCH. III.

*73

23 The Agarenes that seek wis- standing ; none of these have known

dom upon earth, the merchants of the way of wisdom, or remember her

Or ,ex- Meran and of Theman, the "authors paths.

of fables, and searchers out of under- 24 O Israel, how great is the house

from Gilead, with their camels bearing spi-
cery and balm and myrrh, going to carry it
down to Egypt." These travelling merchants
are here represented as " seeking wisdom
upon earth " on the principle that knowledge
is increased by travel. The same word
(avveais) is in this verse first rendered
"wisdom," and then (as in -v. 14) "under-
standing :" the latter should be used in both
places, though there is no emphasis on the
special sense.

On the reading see the Additional Note.

the merchants of Meran.'] The name " Me-
ran " is not found elsewhere, and is thought
to be a corruption, though there is no various
reading. The most probable conjecture is
that "l has been substituted for 1 in the
Hebrew form of the name " Medan," which
in Gen. xxxvii. 36 is supposed to be applied
to the Midianites (y. 28) or Ishmaelites
who bought Joseph. " The different names
given to the traders do not shew that the
account has been drawn from different
legends, but that these tribes were often con-
founded, from the fact that they resembled
one another so closely, not only in their
common descent from Abraham (Gen. xvi.
15 ; xxv. 2, ' Medan and Midian,' both sons
of Keturah), but also in the similarity of
their mode of life and constant change of
abode, that strangers could hardly distinguish
them, especially when they appeared, not as
tribes but as Arabian merchants, such as they
are here described as being, 'Midianitish
men, merchants'" (Keil and Delitzsch on
Gen. xxv. 2). Thus " the merchants of
Medan " who were sons of Keturah are very
naturally mentioned in connexion with the
" sons of Agar " or Ishmaelites, as in Genesis.

and of Theman.'] This is not necessarily
the name of the same people as in 1;. 22. The
Greek name (Qaipiciv) represents two dif-
ferent Hebrew names: " Theman " or " Te-
man" (Gen. xxxvi. 11), grandson of Esau;
and " Tema," son of Ishmael (Gen. xxv. 15),
mentioned in Job vi. 19, Jer. xxv. 23, Isa.
xxi. 13, 14. The modern name is Teyma
(' Dictionary of the Bible ').

the authors of fables?^ The Greek word
(pvdoXoyoi) is not found elsewhere in the
Greek Scriptures, and pvOos only in Ecclus.
xx. 19, followed by Trapaj3okrj in v. 20.

Various meanings are here proposed.
Ewald writes: "This undoubtedly refers to
a literature of legends and stories, much read
at that time, and which spread from this

Apoc— Vol. II.

people over the whole earth, a precursor of
the later 'Thousand and One Nights,' Sec."

The older commentators think that it
means those who in Oriental fashion clothed
their thoughts in fables, parables, or pro-
verbs: e.g. Ezek. xvii. 2; xviii. 2, 3. Com-
pare Ps. xlix. 4, " I will incline mine ear to a
parable: I will open my dark saying upon
the harp ;" lxxviii. 2, " I will open my mouth
in a parable : I will utter dark sayings of old ;
which we have heard and known, and our
fathers have told us," &c. On the full
meaning of Mashal, compare Lowth (' Sacred
Poetry of the Hebrews,' sect. iv. p. 43) :
" The Persians, the Arabs, and many of the
most ancient of the Eastern nations, pre-
served in verse their history and politics, as
well as the principles of religion and morals."

searchers out of understanding.] This addi-
tional description confirms the view which
we have taken of the preceding clause. If, as
Bishop Lowth suggests, the legendary lore
included under the name Mashal embraced
" all science, human and divine," these my-
cologists might well be called inquirers after
wisdom, or " searchers out of understanding."

none of these have known.] Literally, "but
the way of wisdom they have not known."
The construction is irregular, but the mean-
ing not obscure : The sons of Agar and mer-
chants of Medan and Teman have been dili-
gent searchers after knowledge about earthly
things, yet they have not found the way that
leads to true wisdom (aocpia).

On the construction and reading, see the
Additional Note.

24-28. In this third part of the answer to
the question, Who hath found out the place
of Wisdom (y. 15)? the author passes from
the consideration of particular classes of men,
the mighty and rich (16-19), the ancients
and their descendants (20, 21), nations most
famous for enterprise, commerce, and intelli-
gence (Phoenicians and Arabians), and rises
to a higher thought that in the whole created
world, great as it is, Wisdom is nowhere to
be found, except in Him who is " the foun-
tain of wisdom " (t>. 1 2).

" Hitherto he has said that earthly might
and riches, and human study and search,
cannot bring men to the attainment of wis-
dom ; the thought now takes the turn that
human strength (Kraft) gives no claim to the
reception of wisdom, — that in imparting it
God has no regard to power and might."
(Reusch.)

274

BARUCH. III.

[v. 25—30.

of God ! and how large is the place
of his possession !

25 Great, and hath none end ;
high, and unmeasurable.

26 There were the giants famous
from the beginning, that were of so
great stature, and so expert in war.

27 Those did not the Lord choose,
neither gave he the way of knowledge
unto them :

28 But they were destroyed, be-
cause they had no wisdom, and
perished through their own foolish-
ness.

2Q ^Who hath gone up into hea- ■*" Deut-
ven, and taken her, and brought herRom?'i6.'
down from the clouds ? 6' 7*

30 Who hath gone over the sea,
and found her, and will bring her for
pure gold ?

24. O Israel.} The motive of this appeal
is explained by v. 36. The thought that
God has made His wisdom known to Israel
only is already passing through the writer's
mind.

the house of God.} This phrase, which first
occurs in Gen. xxviii. 1 7, is always applied in
the O. T. to some place or building where
God grants His presence. But here its mean-
ing cannot be limited to an earthly sanctuary,
which would neither suit the description
in v. 26, nor the mention of the giants in
•v. 27. Nor does «y. 27 allow us to apply it
to "the heavens" as God's dwelling-place.
(Gomp. ' De Mundi opif.,' § 7.) It must have
the wider meaning in which Philo-Judaeus
(' de Incorr. Mundi,' § 21, Belov 8e n neyedos
6 KocrfJ-os Ka\ olkos 6eov a\o~6r}Ta>v) applies it to
the whole created universe. It is, however,
possible that this idea of " the universe " is
expressed by combining the two clauses of
the verse, the heaven being " the house of
God," and earth " the place of his possession."
The latter phrase is illustrated by Ps. civ.
24: "The earth is full of thy riches" (ktij-
(Tta>s, the word here rendered " possession").

25. This thought of the immensity of the
world serves to render God's favour to
Israel the more conspicuous: "The earth is
the Lord's, and the fulness thereof: the
world, and they that dwell therein" (Ps.
xxiv. 1) ; and yet "He hath chosen Jacob
unto himself, and Israel for his peculiar trea-
sure" (Ps. cxxxv. 4).

26. There were the giants, <&V.] The
author follows the Septuagint version of
Gen. vi. 4 more closely than is here shewn in
the A.V. " There were the giants born, who
were from the beginning men of renown,
of great stature, expert in war." Other refer-
ences to Gen. vi. 4 are found in Ecclus. xvi. 7 ;
Wisdom xiv. 6.

27. Those did not the Lord choose?} "Not
these did God choose." Reusch refers to
Deut. iv. 37 : " Because he loved thy fathers,
therefore he chose their seed after them, . . .
to drive out nations from before thee greater
and mightier than thou art ;" and argues that
our author is thinking especially of the giant

sons of Anak, and the Rephaim, because it
was more directly to them that Israel was
preferred. But the allusion to the giant race
of the world before the Flood is more in
accordance with the wide scope of the whole
passage (yv. 24-30), and the grandeur of the
thoughts which it borrows from the ancient
Scriptures.

28. But they were destroyed, <b'c.} "So
they perished, because they had no pru-
dence ((f>p6uT]cnv) ; they perished because of
their foolishness." The language is not so
well suited to the Canaanites who zvere de-
stroyed by Israel, as to the flood of waters "in
the old time, when the proud giants perished "
(Wisdom xiv. 6).

29, 30. The language is borrowed from the
description of the Divine commandment in
Deut. xxx. 12 : " Who shall go up for us to
heaven, and bring it unto us ? . . . Who
shall go over the sea for us, and bring it unto

? "

But the language is not used by our author
to enforce the same argument as in Deuter-
onomy. There the purpose is to make Israel
feel that the wisdom of God has been brought
very near to them, even in their heart and
conscience, and therefore need not be sought
far off, " in heaven," or " over the sea." Here
the meaning is, that man can never find
wisdom for himself, not even if he could
mount up to heaven or cross over the sea.
Our author's use of the passage thus falls far
short of that deep significance which St. Paul
discerned in it (Rom. x. 5-9). The addition
of the words " brought her down from the
clouds " rather points to a connexion of our
passage with Ecclus. xxiv. 3, — where Wisdom
says of herself: " I came out of the mouth of
the most High, and covered the earth as a
cloud. I dwelt in high places, and my throne
is in a cloudy pillar. I alone compassed the
circuit of heaven, and walked in the bottom
of the deep." The conclusion of that passage,
as of our own, is that Wisdom could find no
resting-place except in Israel. Compare also
Job xxviii. 14.

30. pure gold.} Literally, " choice gold : "
compare Job xxviii. 15-19.

v. 3i— 3 6-]

BARUCH. III.

275

31 No man knoweth her way, nor
thinketh of her path.

32 But he that knoweth all things
knoweth her, and hath found her out
with his understanding : he that pre-
pared the earth for evermore hath
filled it with fourfooted beasts :

33 He that sendeth forth light,
and it goeth, calleth it again, and it
obeyeth him with fear.

34 The stars shined in their
watches, and rejoiced: ;'when hehFs->47'
calleth them, they say, Here we be ; 4'

and so with cheerfulness they shewed
light unto him that made them.

35 This is our God, and there
shall none other be accounted of in
comparison of him.

36 He hath found out all the way
of knowledge, and hath given it unto

31. No man knoweth.'] "There is none
that knoweth."

her path.] l.e. the path that leads to
Wisdom.

32. But he that knoweth all things knoweth
her.] The comparative poverty of our lan-
guage makes it almost impossible to reproduce
the distinction between the two Greek words:
one of which (eificos) represents the ever-
present knowledge of Him " that knoweth
all things ; " while the other (yryvaxricei)
ascribes to God the same mental process by
which man gets to know what was not
previously known to him. See the Additional
Note. The latter idea is developed in a still
more anthropomorphic fashion in the follow-
ing words : " and hath found her out with
his understanding."

The description of God's creative action
as extending over all His works serves
to confirm the truth that He must know
fully the way of wisdom, for only by wisdom
hath He made them all. This argument also
is taken from Job xxviii. 23, 24 ff. It serves
to exalt the glory of Him, who is in an
especial sense the God of Israel, by whom
the chosen nation has been so highly favoured
(vv. 35, 36).

for evermore?] Compare Eccles. i. 4:
" One generation passeth away, and another
generation cometh: but the earth abideth for
ever." Thus the earth may be called eternal
in comparison with man and his works, but
the statement must not be taken in an
absolute sense. The duration of God's works
exalts His power.

33. By " light " some here understand the
light of the sun, and others lightning. In
favour of the former they refer to Job xxxi.
26: "If I beheld the sun (margin, " light ")
when it shined." This seems to be the
only passage in which the Hebrew word for
"light" (liK) is translated "sun" (fjXiov,
LXX.), though of course it often means the
light of the sun.

On the other hand, " light " (lix) is used
for " lightning " in Job xxxvi. 30, 32, xxxvii.
3, 11, 15; from which passages the description

seems to be taken. Compare Job xxxviii.
35: "Canst thou send lightnings that they
may go ? "

with fear.] The lightning is personified,
and described as conscious of God's power
and command.

34. The stars shined in their watches.]
Compare Ecclus. xliii. 10: "At the com-
mandment of the Holy One they will stand
in their order, and never faint in their watches."

" A metaphor from soldiers keeping watch :
for the stars are the host of heaven " (Cornelius
a Lapide). The old commentator in this
good note anticipates the poet's thought :

" The sentinel stars set their watch in the sky."

and rejoiced.] Compare Job xxxviii. 7,
" The morning stars sang together; " and Ps.
cxlviii. 3, "Praise him, all ye stars of light;"
and Shakspeare's allusion to the former
passage (' Merchant of Venice,' v. 1) :

"There's not the smallest orb which thou be-
holdest,
But in his motion like an angel sings,
Still quiring to the young-eyed cherubims."

when he calleth them.] Ps. cxlvii. 4 ;
Isa. xl. 26.

Here we be.] Compare Job xxxviii. 35 :
" Canst thou send lightnings, that they may
go, and say unto thee, Here we are ? "
Judith ix. 6. "They spake not byword, but
by deed" (Cornelius a Lapide).

35. Compare Ps. xlviii. 14, "This God is
our God for ever and ever; "and cxiii. 5,
" Who is like unto the Lord our God ?"

This mighty God, the Maker of the world,
to whose power and wisdom all things in
heaven and earth bear witness, is in an especial
sense our God, whom alone we worship, and
who has chosen us to be His peculiar people.

36. The question of -v. 15 now receives its
full answer. God alone has " found out all
the way [or rather "every way"! of know-
ledge."

Compare Job xxviii. 23: "God under-
standeth the way thereof, and he knoweth
the place thereof ;" i.e. of wisdom.

T 2

276

BARUCH. III.

[v- 37-

Jacob his servant, and to Israel his
beloved.

37 'Afterward did he shew himself1' Prov. 8.
upon earth, and conversed with men. johm.

and bath given it unto Jacob bis servant.']
Ps. cxlvii. 19: "He sheweth his word unto
Jacob, his statutes and his judgments unto
Israel. He hath not dealt so with any nation;
and as for his judgments they have not known
them." Compare also Isa. xliv. 1, "Jacob
my servant, and Israel whom I have chosen;"
and Deut. iv. 5.

Moved.'] See Deut. xxxii. 15, in the LXX.
(iXaKTicrev 6 Tjyanrjpfvos).

37. Afterward did be sbeiv himself upon
earth!] "Afterward she was seen upon
earth." No subject is expressed in the Greek,

but there can be no doubt that the statement
refers to " knowledge" (cVicti^, v. 36), not
as in A. V. to God. Compare Ecclus. xxiv.
8: "So the Creator of all things gave me a
commandment. . . . Let thy dwelling be in
Jacob, and thine inheritance in Israel . . .
and so was I established in Sion " {y. 10).

and conversed with men.] In Prov. viii.
31 Wisdom speaks thus of herself: " Rejoic-
ing in the habitable part of his earth : and my
delights were with the sons of men."

On the supposed reference of this verse to
the Messiah, see the Additional Note.

ADDITIONAL NOTES on verses 2, 4, 7, 12, 13, 14, 18, 23, 32, 37.

2. The Vatican MS. omits the words on
6e6s e\tr)p.a>v ft * Ka\ €~kerj(rov, which are found
in the Alexandrine and most other MSS. and
Versions. They are rejected by some modern
commentators, and Kneucker argues that the
superfluity of words does not suit the deep
emotion of the suppliant ; a criticism which
is not convincing.

4. The great difficulty of the expression
" Hear the prayers of the dead Israelites,"
the complete removal of the difficulty by the
proposed emendation " the prayer of the
men of Israel," and the striking proof which
the supposed mistake affords of a Hebrew
original, — all make it desirable to examine
carefully the way in which the LXX. render
the word DTI??, and its construct ''HO.

The word first occurs in the phrase ""fltt

"I3DO, " men of number," i.e. " few in number"

(A.V.), men easily counted {evapldp.r)Toi rives).

This formula occurs in Gen. xxxiv. 30
(okiyoo-Tos iv dpiO/jLco) ; in Deut. iv. 27 (oXt'yot
dpidpat) ; 1 Chron.xvi. 19 (oXryooTovs dpi6p.(o)\
Ps. CV. 12 (dpi6pa> ($pci)(ets 6\iyo<TTOvs). We
see that in the Greek translation no trace
appears of the original meaning " men ; " and we
shall find further reason to doubt whether the
translators had any knowledge of this meaning.

In Deut. xxxiii. 6, " Let not his men
be few" (literally, " a number"), the
LXX. give Kal e'arco irokiis (V dpi6p.u>. In
Deut. xxvi. 5 and xxviii. 62 we find another
combination, OJ?0 ''HOa ; meaning literally

'• with men of fewness," and rendered in both
places by the LXX. iv dpi6pa> Ppaxci-

In all these passages the idea ot a " small
number" is expressed by the words with
which ^TO is combined, but was apparently
attached by the Greek translators to that
word itself. Thus in Isa. xli. 14, " Fear not,

thou worm Jacob, and ye men of Israel,"
the LXX. have oXiyoa-ros 'laparjX, and the
margin of the A. V. gives as an alternative
" few men of Israel."

The mistaken notion of the LXX. becomes
apparent when we turn to passages in which
there is no idea of number in the Hebrew.
Thus in Job xi. 3, " Should thy lies put men
(DTlJp) to silence?" they seem to wander
in total darkness, writing evXoyrjpevos yevvrjTos
ywaiKos 6\iy6Pios, and still clinging in the
last word to their error. Still more remark-
able is their rendering of Ps. xvii. 14 : " From
men which are thy hand, O Lord, from men
of the world." Here OTTOD is first trans-
lated dno e\6pa>v, and the second time an
6\iycov (of which dnoXvwv, Cod. Vat., is a
manifest corruption).

The same ignorance of the true meaning of
the word appears in other passages: Deut. ii.
34, iii. 6; Job xi. 11, xix. 19, xxii. 15, xxiv. 12,
xxxi. 31 ; Ps. xxvi. 4; Isa. iii. 25, v. 13. These
are all the passages in which the word occurs,
according to Fiirst's Concordance; and the
only one of them in which the Greek trans-
lators may be thought to have known its
meaning is Job xxii. 15, where they turn
" wicked men " (A. V.) into avSpes SiVatot.

In Isa. v. 13 they have confounded 'JTltD,

" men," with ^HO, " dead " (vacpwv), having

turned " men of famine " into " dead through
famine."

It is remarkable that the same confusion is
seen in the Latin rendering of another passage
quoted above — Isa. xli. 14, "ye men of Israel,"
—for which we find, qui mortui estis ex Israel,
which is derived from the Greek version of
Aquila (rtdvewTes) or Theodotion (veKpoi).

With these proofs of the confusion of the
two words, it seems impossible to doubt that
here also a translator's mistake has given us

BARUCH. III.

277

" the dead of Israel " instead of " the men of
Israel."

Mr. Cheyne, in a critical note on Isa. iii.
25, observes that D^fT? "implies depend-
ence or weakness." Hence he renders it in
xli. 14, " ye petty folk of Israel." But in fact
the idea of " weakness " seems to be quite
excluded by the parallelism of the two clauses
in Isa. iii. 25 : Thy men shall fall by the sword,
and thy mighty in the war. Compare Job
xi. 3. There is no need to assume, as some
do, that the Hebrew word itself has come to
connote "fewness" from its frequent occur-
rence in the combination "12DD 'JlO, " men of
number," i.e. "few." See' Deiitzsch, and
Rosenmiiller on Isa. xli. 14 ; and on Baruch iii.
4, Welte, Hitzig, Kneucker, and Reuss.

7. The A.V. (" called to mind") represents
the reading of Cod. Alex, and other MSS.,
direo-rpeyj/apev eVi Kap8Lav, for which Cod.
Vat. has anb Kap8[as. The Vulgate gives
convert imur ab iniquitate patrum.

12, 14. The author uses three synonyms in
this section, which may be thus distinguished:
"understanding" (o-vveo-ts) is a purely critical
faculty; "prudence" or "discretion" ((ppo-
w/<ns) is practical and directive ; and these
both have as their object things human and
temporal; while "wisdom" (o-ocpla) is "the
perfect combination of science (eVicn-j^r?) and
intelligence (yovs), having for its object the
highest natures" (Hampden, 'Fathers of
Greek Philosophy,' p. 145). Compare Arist.
' Eth. Nic' vi. 6 : e'lrj av tj aocpia voiis nai
fmarrjpr], axTTTtp Ke(pa\f]V e'xovaa ejri(rTT]p,rj
tq>v Tipicordrcov. Schol. Tipiararai 8i ai
dpxai.

13. for ever.-] The Alexandrine and many
other MSS. read rbv alava xpdvov, as in v. 32;
Isa. xiii. 20, xiv. 20. For such adjectival use
of alcbva, see Matth., ' Gk. Gr.,' ii. § 429, 4.

18. For they that wrought in silver.'] Use
of reKTaivo) (-o/xtu) in the LXX. : —

Prov. iii. 29. p^ reKTaive iirl crbv <pl\ov ko.k&.
VI. 14. TeKTaivtrai KaKa.
xii. 20. SoAos iv KapSia reKTaiuo/xevov

KCIK&.
xiv. 22. wAavu/xevoi reKTaivovai nana '
e\eoi> 5e kcu aArjdeiau Te/crat-
vovffiv ayaOoi.
Ps. cxxix. 3. The ploughers ploughed (eVe/e-
tcuvov ol apaprcoAoi) upon my
back.
Ezek. xxi. 36. reiiTouvovTuv 8ia<p6opdv.
Sirach xi. 32. irovrjpd yap renTaivei.
xxvii. 22. reKTaivn icand.

In none of these passages is there any
support for the A.V. " wrought in silver."

In classical authors the verb is found only
in the Middle Voice, and its meaning (" to
build") is expressly distinguished from the
notion of working in metal by Plato, ' Legg.'

viii. 846 E : fir)8e\s xaX«ceiW apa reKralvevda,
prjb av TeKraivopevos xa^K€V°VT03V aWav
€iripekei(r6a> pdWov 1) tt)S iavrov re'vi/^?.

We thus seem to be driven to adopt the
metaphorical use of the word, which alone is
found in the Septuagint : in this sense it is
rendered "devise" in Prov. iii. 29, vi. i4)
xiv. 2 2 ; and in the last of these passages it is
immediately followed by pepipvwvn, as here
by pepipvcovres. The meaning will then be—
" they that did devise to get silver, and were so
careful;" and this is the meaning generally
adopted by modern commentators, as Fritz-
sche, Reusch, Ewald, and Reuss.

But another question remains concerning
the connexion of vv. 16, 17 with w. 18, 19.
Fritzsche supposes that the answer to the
questions in vv. 16, 17 is not expressed but
understood after v. 17: "Where are the
mighty and the rich ? " " They are gone."
And then the proof of this suppressed answer
follows in v. 18, where we have a very ir-
regular construction, a nominative absolute,
followed by an apodosis introduced by a
superfluous nai : " For they who devised to
get silver, and were so careful — their works
are nowhere to be found." Then v. 19 forms
a separate sentence. It is obvious that this
entire separation of v. 19 makes the construc-
tion of v. 18 very harsh, and the general con-
nexion is better represented in the A. V.

_ 23. The reading of the chief MSS. (ol eVi
ttjs yrjs) gives no satisfactory sense. Fritzsche
and Reusch omit the ol, with six or seven
cursives : its presence in the older MSS. is
probably due to an ancient error of transcrip-
tion, caused by the previous occurrence of
the same word in the earlier part of the verse.
In 686v 84 . . . the omission of 8e by the
Alexandrine and other MSS. is a manifest
attempt to correct a supposed error of con-
struction. But this use of 8e in apodosis is
not uncommon in good Greek authors, and
is here justified by the implied contrast of
the sentence: "the searchers after wisdom
yet have not learned." See Schafer, ' Appar.
Demosth.,' iii. p. 448 ; Winer, ' Gramm./ p.
694. This idiomatic use of Se is not likely
to have been introduced into a translation
from Hebrew.

32. Kneucker argues that d8a>s is here an
error of translation for l&wv, because the latter
would have expressed more correctly the
meaning of the Hebrew in Job xxviii. 24
(" seeth ") : but the argument is not conclusive,
since the author may have taken el8ms from
the finite verb (pl8ev), which the LXX.
employ in v. 23 to translate the Hebrew
y-p, which " includes the action of know-
ing both as commencing, and as completed "
(Gesenius).

"The analysis of the Divine wisdom is
here pushed to an excess : God finds wisdom
by means of His intelligence: instead of saying

278

BARUCH. III. IV.

[v.

simply that He alone possesses that which is
denied to men." (Reuss.)

37. Afterward did he shew himself upon
earth, and conversed with men.'] This passage,
understood of God as its subject, is constantly
used by the Greek and Latin Fathers as a
distinct prophecy of the Incarnation, and a
proof that Christ is God. One example may
suffice : " The prophet also, amazed at His
great solicitude on behalf of the world, cried
out clear and loud in these words, ' Our
God was seen upon earth, and conversed
with men.' " (Ghrysost. ' Ecloga,' Horn,
xxxiv.)

Augustine quotes the passage for the same
purpose, ascribing it to Jeremiah (' c. Faus-
tum,' xii. cap. 43).

Kneucker adopts this hyper-orthodox in-
terpretation in order to turn it into an argu-
ment against the genuineness of the verse,
which he regards as a spurious interpolation
added by some Christian for a dogmatic
purpose.

Against the more natural interpretation of
the verse as referring to the abiding and pro-
gressive revelation of Divine truth to Israel,
Kneucker argues (p. 312): " How could the
author describe this as ' Wisdom appearing
and walking among men'? If uxpdr] means
anything at all, it means a visible form (against
which even an appeal to v. 22 cannot avail),
and indeed by virtue of the words ' conversed
among men,' a human form (Phil. ii. 7), and
nothing to the contrary is proved by such
passages as Lev. xxvi. 12; 2 Sam. vii. 7."

In answer to this it is enough to say with
Bishop Horsley ('Biblical Criticism,' ii. 64)
that " Divine knowledge is personified in this
discourse;" and "that 'knowledge' is the

true subject of the verbs in this 3 7th verse,
appears indisputably from the 1st verse of the
following chapter, which explains how Know-
ledge was seen upon earth by means of her
conversation with men under the Jewish
Dispensation."

When a personification is employed, the
language must necessarily be such as would
apply to a visible human form : and the evi-
dence of this afforded by v. 22 (uxpdrj) cannot
be set aside by mere assertion, however
confident.

It may be well to refer to the views of
some of the best Roman Catholic commen-
tators, as represented by Reusch. " Maldo-
natus, Corn, a Lapide, and Calmet, although
they agree with this (the Messianic) inter-
pretation, yet remark that cocpdi) and crwe-
<TTpd(pr] may also be referred to Wisdom ; and
according to the context it seems to me quite
inadmissible to give them any other reference :
the whole preceding section treats of Wisdom;
<To<pLa is equally the general subject of the
whole section : it is professedly a discourse
concerning Wisdom, for it is of her that the
inquiry was made in v. 15; God is mentioned
only on account of the connexion in which
Wisdom stands to Him. Moreover we read
immediately in the following verse iravres oi
Kparovvres avrrjp, SC. <ro(piav, where again
the subject of discourse is Wisdom ; and a
connexion with what follows can scarcely be
established, unless we refer this verse to
Wisdom."

While thus rightly defending the true
grammatical interpretation, Reusch holds
that there is still an implicit reference to the
Messiah, in whom " in the fullest sense
Wisdom appeared upon earth and walked
among men."

CHAPTER IV.

I The book of commandments is that wisdom
which was commended in the former chapter.
25 The Jews are moved to patience, and to
hope for the deliverance.

THIS is the book of the com-
mandments of God, and the
law that endureth for ever : all they
that keep it shall come to life ; but
such as leave it shall die.

CHAPTER IV.

The new chapter ought to begin with v. 5,
for it is evident that vv. 1-4 are closely con-
nected with the description of " Wisdom " in
the preceding chapter, and form the proper
conclusion of the argument introduced in
iii. 9. For while in hi. 36, 37 the thought
has been stated in a general form, that Israel
is the nation which God has distinguished by
the gift of Wisdom, the practical application
of the whole argument lies in the fact that
this Divine Wisdom is identified with the
Law of Moses, and that Israel can be restored

to true happiness and prosperity only by faith-
ful observance of the Law (vv. 1-4).

1. This is the book, <b'c.~] This Wisdom
or Knowledge (iii. 36), which God has given
to Israel, " is the book of the commandments
of God." For the mode of expression com-
pare Ecclus. xxiv. 23, where Wisdom herself
speaks : "All these things are the book of the
covenant of the most High God, even the law
which Moses commanded," Sec. The book
of the Law is the actual expression of the
Wisdom given by God to Israel. This was
the foundation of all religion for the Jews,
and by none of them was the book of the Law

2—6.]

BARUCH. IV.

279

2 Turn thee, O Jacob, and take 4 O Israel, happy are we : for
*£'«£'*' hold of it: walk "in the presence of things that are pleasing to God are
before the the light thereof, that thou mayest made known unto us.
hereof, be illuminated.

3 Give not thine honour to another,
nor the things that are profitable unto

thee to a strange nation.

5 Be of good cheer, my people,
the memorial of Israel.

6 "Ye were sold to the nations,
not for [your] destruction : but be-

a Isai. 50.
1. & 52- 3.

more highly reverenced or more diligently
studied than by the Babylonian Dispersion.
" When the Law had fallen into oblivion, it
was restored by Ezra of Babylon ; when it
was a second time forgotten, Hillel the Baby-
lonian came and recovered it ; and when yet
a third time it fell into oblivion, Rabbi Chija
came from Babylon and gave it back once
more." (Succoth 20 a, quoted by Dr. Eders-
heim, 'Jesus the Messiah,' i. 12.)

the law that endureth for ever.] Compare
Ecclus. i. 15: " She (Wisdom) hath built an
everlasting foundation with men, and she shall
continue with their seed." It is no doubt
true, as Fritzsche observes, that the Jewish
belief " in the eternal duration of the Law
was a result of their Theocratic mode of
viewing it :" but this does not affect the truth
on which their belief was founded.

Reusch quotes with just approval the dis-
tinction drawn by Aquinas, and after him by
Cornelius a Lapide, that "the Law is in its
moral precepts absolutely eternal, but in its
ceremonial ordinances eternal only in so far
as they are completed and fulfilled in their
Antitype : for in the new Law, that is in the
mysteries of Christ and of His Church, the
figures which foreshadowed them continue
and are fulfilled." Compare Ps. cxix. 44, 52,
89, 96, 144, 152 ; Matt. v. 18 ; Luke xvi. 17.

t bey that keep it.] "they that keep hold
of her:" Ps. lxxiii. 23, "Thou didst hold me
by my right hand " (eKparrjaas, LXX.).

but such as leave it.] "but they that
forsake her:" compare iii. 12.

2. of it.'] "of her."

that thou mayest be illuminated.'] This clause
is misplaced, and very freely paraphrased.
Render the passage thus: " direct thy way
towards her shining, in the presence of
her light." The two clauses are parallel,
as in Isa. lx. 3 : " The Gentiles shall come to
thy light, and kings to the brightness of thy
rising." The figure of walking by the light
of a torch or lamp is applied in a similar way
in Job xxix. 3: "When his candle shined
upon my head, and when by his light I walked
through darkness."

3. thine honour.] "thy glory;" i.e. the
special privilege of Israel in being the sole
possessor of God's law (iii. 36): compare
Deut. iv. 6, " This is your wisdom and your

understanding in the sight of the nations;"
Ps. cxlvii. 19, 20 ; Ecclus. i. 19.

4. Compare Deut. xxxiii. 29: "Happy art
thou, O Israel."

for things.] " for the things," &c. Compare
for the thought Ps. cxix. 1, 2; Ex. xv. 26;
Wisdom ix. 18, "Men were taught the things
that are pleasing unto thee, and were saved
through wisdom."

iv. 5 — V. 9. CONSOLATION AND ENCOU-
RAGEMENT for Israel.

5-8. Let the people be of good courage,
for their captivity is not meant for their
destruction, but for chastisement.

5. Be of good cheer.] The Greek word
(dapo-elre) is the same which is thus translated
in the New Testament : it is used sometimes
by the LXX. to represent the Hebrew which
is more exactly rendered in the A. V. " Fear
not."

my peopled] God is here the speaker.

the memorial of Israeli] The remnant
which keeps alive the remembrance of the
nation is here called its "memorial." This
meaning of the word (p.vr\\i.6<jvvov) follows
very naturally from its use in such passages
as Ps. ix. 6, xxxiv. 16, cix. 15, in which the
utter destruction of a people is described as
cutting off their " memorial." In this latter
way the word is used very often in Ecclesi-
asticus. The sacrificial sense of " memorial "
(Lev. ii. 2, Sec.) is less appropriate here, though
adopted by Ewald, whose explanation is rather
fanciful : " Thou incense-offering Israel: thus a
poet or bold speaker might denominate that
nation whose whole life (and therefore itself
in a certain sense) ought to be continually a
sweet odour for the true God."

6. 2"i? if ere sold to the nations.] " Ye were
sold to the heathen," — i.e. given over into
bondage or captivity, as in Lev. xxv. 39;
Deut. xxviii. 68 ; and metaphorically in Rom.
vii. 14, " sold under sin."

not for [your] destruction.] Omit " your."
This additional thought clearly shews that
the author has borrowed his language from
Esther vii. 4, " we are sold to be destroyed,"
— literally, "for destruction," the Greek
words being the same as here (enpddr)p.(v . . .
els anio\eiav).

a8o

BARUCH. IV.

[v. 7-

■II.

* Deut.
32. 17.

1 Cor. 10.

cause ye moved God to wrath, ye
were delivered unto the enemies.

7 For ye provoked him that made
you by b sacrificing unto devils, and
not to God.

8 Ye have forgotten the everlast-
ing God, that brought you up ; and
ye have grieved Jerusalem, that nursed
you.

9 For when she saw the wrath of

God coming upon you, she said,
Hearken, O ye that dwell about
Sion : God hath brought upon me
great mourning ;

10 For I saw the captivity of my
sons and daughters, which the Ever-
lasting brought upon them.

11 With joy did I nourish them;
but sent them away with weeping
and mourning.

but.'] The conjunction (pi), though omitted
in the Textus Receptus (Teschendorf), is
undoubtedly genuine, and strengthens the
antithesis to the negative clause, " not for
destruction." It is thus clearly implied that
the Captivity is meant to be only a temporary
chastisement.

delivered unto the enemies.] " delivered
over to your adversaries" (vnevapriois, as
in Josh. v. 13; Isa. i. 24).

7, 8. Proof of the charge that Israel had
" moved God to wrath." The description of
God as " him that made you," and in v. 8 as
him " that brought you up," or nurtured you
(tov TpofavaavTo), serves to aggravate the in-
gratitude of His people. The language of the
two verses is chiefly taken from Deut. xxxii.
15-18: "He forsook God which made him
. . . they provoked him to jealousy . . . they
sacrificed unto devils, not to God . . . thou
hast forgotten God that formed thee."

7. unto devils, and not to God.] Besides
Deut. xxxii. 17, compare Ps. xcvi. 5, " For all
the gods of the nations are idols " (ha.ip.6via,
LXX.); cvi. 37, "Yea, they sacrificed their
sons and their daughters unto devils;" iGor.
x. 20, on which passage see the note in the
' Speaker's Commentary.' The true meaning
of the original passage of Deuteronomy is
given in the margin of the A. V., "devils
which were not God," and placed beyond
doubt by v. 21, "that which is not God"

(Vx-K^a, en ov 6e6}). Render therefore

here — "unto daemons and no God." The
substitution of "daemons" for "devils" is
required by the fact that "devil " (6 Stu/3oXos)
is a name appropriated to " the Prince of the
daemons," and the Greek word is never used
as a substantive in the plural. Compare
Archbp. Whately, ' Good and Evil Angels,'
p. 88. See the Additional Note.

8. the everlasting God.] Isa. xl. 2 8 ; Sus.
v. 42.

that brought you up.] Literally, " nursed
you:" the LXX. use the Greek word
(rpocfrevu)) only in Ex. ii. 7, of Moses' nurse.

ye have grieved Jerusalem, that nursed you.]

Jerusalem is personified as the mother and
nurse of her people: compare Isa. liv. 1-6,
13 ; Lam. i. 5, 16 ; Tobit xiii. 9. She mourns
over the sins which have driven her children
into captivity, and made her desolate.

9-16. Jerusalem appeals to her neighbours
for pity.

9. For w hen she saw the wrath of God
coming upon you, she said.] "For she saw
the wrath of God which had come upon
you, and said." The cause of the grief of
Jerusalem is stated in the principal sentence
"for she saw the wrath of God:" this
therefore must not be reduced to a subordi-
nate clause, as in the A. V.

Hearken, O ye that dwell about Sion.] Com-
pare v. 14, and v. 24 where the same words (al
■n-dpoiKoi) are translated " the neighbours of
Sion." In this its original and simple mean-
ing the word is used by classical writers, and
by Aeschylus ('Persae,' 869) is applied, exactly
as it is here, to neighbouring cities or states :
compare Jer. xlix. 18; 1. 40, " Sodom and
Gomorrah and the neighbour cities thereof."
The more common meaning of the word
(jvapoucos) in the LXX. is "stranger" or
" sojourner."

God hath brought upon me great mourning.]
Most of the MSS. and versions insert " for"
(yap) to mark more expressly the cause of the
appeal, which Jerusalem makes to her neigh-
bours for sympathy. But the conjunction is
not necessary, and is very frequently omitted
after "Hearken" or "Hear." Compare
1 Chron. xxviii. 2 ; — 2 Chron. xiii. 4, 5 ; xv. 2;
xviii. 18; — Isa. xxviii. 22; xxxii. 9, 10; xxxix.
5; — Jer. vi. 19; — Amos iii. 1 ; iv. 1 ; v. 1;
vii. 16, &c.

10. For I saw, <b-'c] "For I have seen
the captivity of my sons and daughters, which
the Eternal hath Drought upon them."
Here, as in the last clause of v. 9, the aorists
referring to events supposed to be recent are
better rendered by the perfect.

The Alexandrian Codex and the Vulgate
insert " my people " (tov Xaov) before " my
sons and daughters," — a needless gloss.

11. With joy.] "For with joy."

V. 12 1 6.]

BARUCH. IV.

281

12 Let no man rejoice over me, a
widow, and forsaken of many, who
for the sins of my children am left
desolate ; because they departed from
the law of God.

13 They knew not his statutes,
nor walked in the ways of his com-
mandments, nor trod in the paths

1 Or, .ofhis n0f discipline in his righteousness.
\inrighte- 14 Let them that dwell about Sion
ms""s- come, and remember ye the captivity

of my sons and daughters, which the
Everlasting hath brought upon them.

15 For che hath brought a nation cDeut.
upon them from far, a shameless na- 2
tion, and of a strange language, who
neither reverenced old man, nor
pitied child.

16 These have carried away the
dear beloved children of the widow,
and left her that was alone desolate
without daughters.

sent them away.'] I.e. into captivity : com-
pare a>. 23.

12. rejoice over me.] I.e. exult in my mis-
fortunes, as in v. 31; Mic. vii. 8 ; Obad.
•v. 12.

a widow.'] The Greek word (xipd)
sometimes has, both in classical and biblical
usage, a general meaning, " desolate " or
" bereft." It is thus applied to Jerusalem in
Isa. xlix. 21 : "I have lost my children, and
am desolate " (x^P") ; compare w. 16 and 19,
Lam. i. 1, and the opening lines of Heber's
' Palestine : '

" Reft of thy sons, amid thy foes forlorn,
Mourn, widow'd Queen ; forgotten Zion,
mourn."

It is not necessary therefore to press the
meaning " forsaken of God."

who . . . am left desolate.] " For the sins
of my children am I left desolate." The
proper connexion of this with the following
clause preserves the parallel arrangement of
the original.

departed.] "turned aside:" Job xxxi.
7; Ps. cxix. 51, "declined." The clause is
taken word for word from Job xxxiv. 27,
where A. V. has " turned back."

13. knew not.] "considered not" (ovk
eyvaxrav) ; i.e. did not give heed to understand
and observe them. This clause, like the last,
is taken word for word from Job xxxiv. 27,
except that there the LXX. have eneyvaaav,
" would not consider," A.V. Here the read-
ing of Cod. A (J(pv\a£av, " kept ") is a gloss.

his commandments .] "the commandments
of God," according to the better reading.

trod in the paths.] Omit " in."

of discipline in his righteousness.] The
words may be connected in two ways : " of
his discipline in righteousness " (Gaab), or
"of discipline, in his righteousness." The
former might be justified by Ecclus. I. 27,
" The instruction (naifeias) of understanding
and knowledge," but it is simpler to connect
'' in his righteousness " with the verb " trod."

discipline.] The Greek word (jraibela), like
the Hebrew ("ID-10) to which it answers,
is applied to the " correction " of children by
their parents (Prov. xxii. 15 ; xxiii. 13) and
of men by God (Jer. ii. 30) ; but also has the
meaning "instruction" (Prov. i. 2, 7, and very
frequently).

Thus "the paths of discipline" are the
paths in which God's instruction and correc-
tion should teach men to walk.

14. A renewed appeal to the neighbouring
cities, beginning in the 3rd person, passes by
a lively and not unusual transition to the
2nd person. The remainder of the verse is
repeated from v. 10.

15. Taken from Deut. xxviii. 49: "The
Lord shall bring a nation against thee from
far."

a shameless nation.] This answers to "a
nation of fierce countenance," in Deut. xxviii.
50, which is literally " a nation strong of face,"
and is rendered by the LXX. dvaides Trpoa-w-n-a,
"shameless of face." Compare Dan. viii. 23.

of a strange language^] The LXX. use the
same word (dX\6y\a>o-o-ov) in Ezek. iii. 6 : it is
rather a paraphrase than a literal rendering of
the Hebrew in Deut. xxviii. 49, "whose
tongue thou shalt not understand " (A. V.).

who neither reverenced.] "For they neither
reverenced." With "for," the reading of
the Vatican MS., this sentence gives the
reason for the description "a shameless
nation." In Deut. xxviii. 50 it is — "which shall
not regard the person of the old, nor shew
favour to the young :" but according to the
LXX. " nor pity the young."

16. These have carried away.] " And they
have carried away," — a continuation of the
statement, " he hath brought a nation upon
them from far " (v. 15).

the dear beloved children^] " the beloved
sons:" the mention of daughters separately
shews that "sons" are here meant.

and left her that was alone desolate without
daughters^] " and robbed the lone woman,
of her daughters." Codex A reads fiovoyei/rj,

282

BARUCH. IV.

[v. 17—25.

« Or, pros- I
perity.

17 But what can I help you?

18 For lie that brought these
plagues upon you will deliver you
from the hands of your enemies.

19 Go your way, O my children,
go your way : for I am left desolate.

20 I have put off the clothing of

tht

II Or, in
tlie time
of 'mine
affliction.

<*Ps. 116.
2. & 137.
7-

peace, and put upon me tne sac
cloth of my prayer : I will cry unto
the Everlasting Urfin my days.

21 Be of good cheer, O my chil-
dren, cry unto the Lord, and he
shall deliver you from the power and
hand of the enemies.

22 For my hope is in the Ever-
lasting, that he will save you ; and
joy is come unto me from the Holy
One, because of the mercy which

shall soon come unto you from the
Everlasting our Saviour.

23 For I sent you out with mourn-
ing and weeping : but God will give
you to me again with joy and glad-
ness for ever.

24 Like as now the neighbours of
Sion have seen your captivity : so
shall they see shortly your salvation
from our God, which shall come upon
you with great glory, and brightness
of the Everlasting.

25 My children, suffer patiently
the wrath that is come upon you
from God : for thine enemy hath
persecuted thee ; but shortly thou
shalt see his destruction, and shalt
tread upon his neck.

which word is used by the LXX.in the sense
of " desolate " in Ps. xxv. 1 6.

17-29. After appealing to the neighbouring
cities, Jerusalem now speaks to her children,
as they are being led away into captivity.

17. But what can I help you f] " But I —
in what am I able to help you ? " There
is strong emphasis on the pronoun, the mean-
ing being made clear by the next verse : " It
is not I, but God that must help you."

18. hands.] "hand," in the sense of
" power," the common Hebrew idiom. See
the Introd., §vi. p. 250.

20. the clothing of peace :] "the rohe of
peace ; " i.e. the beautiful garment worn in
times of prosperity. The word (0-7-0A77) is
generally used by the LXX. for a priestly,
royal, or festal robe : compare Luke xv. 22, xx.
46 ; John xix. 2, 5 ; Rev. vi. 11, vii. 9, 13, 14.

the sackcloth of my prayer. ~\ "the sackcloth
of my supplication," i.e. the sackcloth which
I wear as a suppliant in my distress. But in
Ps. xxii. 24 the LXX. use derjais for "afflic-
tion ; " and a comparison of v. 1 makes it
probable that we should adopt the same
meaning here, — " the sackcloth of my afflic-
tion." Compare Esther (Apocr.) xiv. 2.

J twill cry unto the Everlasting in my days.']
"I will cry unto the Eternal all the days
of my life." Compare Ps. cxvi. 2, " I will
call upon him as long as I live," where the
margin gives " in my days," and the Greek is
the same as here, and in Isa. xxxix. 8.

21. unto the Lord.} " unto God."

22. For my hope is in the Everlastings that he
will save you.] "For I hope in the Eternal
for your salvation." See the Additional
Note. By "salvation" is here meant a

happy return from exile (see w. 24, 29, 37),
with all the blessings which Prophecy con-
nected with it.

the Holy One.] This, as a title of God, is
repeated in v. 37 and v. 5 : compare Hab. iii.
3 ; Isa. xl. 25, &c.

shall soon come.] Compare vv. 24, 25, and
see Introduction, § iii. p. 244.

the Everlasting our Saviour.] " the
Eternal your Saviour;" see Appendix at the
end of the Introduction, p. 253. The words
are partly taken from Ps. xxiv. 5, which may
be rendered, according to the LXX., "He
shall receive blessing from the Lord, and
mercy from God his Saviour." Ps. cvi. 2 1 :
"forgat God their Saviour." The phrase
"God of (our) salvation " in the A.V. of the
Psalms is in the LXX. " God our Saviour."
Compare Isa. xliii. 3, Sec.

24. Like as noau.] "For like as now."
By " the neighbours of Sion " are meant the
neighbouring cities, as in v. 9.

By " brightness " is meant the moral
splendour of God's attributes, which will be
displayed in the deliverance and restoration of
His people.

25. siffer patiently.] The verb is properly
intransitive, " be long-suffering," and seems
to be nowhere else followed by an accusative.

for thine enemy hath persecuted thee.] Omit
" for," which is not found in the Vatican MS.
"The shorter and more abrupt reading is
better suited to the impassioned tone of the
context." (Fritzsche.)

tread upon his neck.] "tread upon their
necks." Taken from the Septuagint version
of Deut. xxxiii. 29. The frequent inter-
changes of the singular and plural are

v. 26 — 34-]

BARUCH. IV.

283

l Or, My
\dar lings.

26 "My delicate ones have gone
rough ways, and were taken away as
a flock caught of the enemies.

27 Be of good comfort, O my
children, and cry unto God : for ye
shall be remembered of him that
brought these things upon you.

28 For as it was your mind to go
astray from God : so, being returned,
seek him ten times more.

29 For he that hath brought these
plagues upon you shall bring you
everlasting joy again with your sal-
vation.

30 Take a good heart, O Jeru-
salem : for he that gave thee that
name will comfort thee.

31 Miserable are they that afflicted
thee, and rejoiced at thy fall.

32 Miserable are the cities which
thy children served : miserable is she
that received thy sons.

33 For as she rejoiced at thy ruin,
and was glad of thy fall : so shall
she be grieved for her own deso-
lation.

34 For I will take away the re-
joicing of her great multitude, and

characteristic of the speaker's emotion. For
examples in the N. T., see Winer, § lxiii.

26. My delicate ones.'] Mic. i. 16; Deut.
xxviii. 56; Isa. xlvii. 1, 8. "He calls them
delicate who lived in ease and plenty, as
having no experience of hardships." (Theo-
doret.)

and were taken away.] "they were taken
away."

a flock caught of the enemies^] u a flock
ravaged by enemies."

27. Repeated from v. 21.

that brought^ " that b r i n g e th," Cod. Vat.

28. so, being returned, seek him ten times
more.'] "so tenfold more return and
seek him."

29. everlasting joy again with your salva-
tion.] Omit " again," to which there is nothing
answering in the Greek. " Your salvation "
— i.e. your restoration from exile — shall be
accompanied with the enduring joy " which
goes hand in hand with righteousness and the
fear of God : see v. 36 ; v. 1-4." (Fritzsche.)
See above onu 22.

iv. 30 — v. 9. Jerusalem now ceases to ad-
dress her children, and herself receives com-
fort from the prophet.

30. he that gave thee that name will comfort
thee.] The etymology of the name Jerusalem
is much disputed : according to Gesenius and
Fiirst it means " Foundation of peace." Here
the allusion is to the latter part of the name,
" peace." It is, however, doubtful whether
there is any allusion to the name "Jerusalem"
at all. The A. V. needs correction, thus :
"he that called tbee by name."

Many names are suggested : " the holy
city " (Isa. xlviii. 2 ; lii. 1); " the city of God "
(Pss. xlvi. 4; xlviii. 1, 8 ; lxxxvii. 3): "the
city of the Lord" (Isa. Ix. 14) ; " the city of
righteousness" (Isa. i. 26); "the thrcne of
the Lord " (Jer. iii. 1 7). Other commentators
refer to such passages as ii. 15 ; Jer. xxv. 29,

"the city which is called by my name;" and
Isa. lxii. 2, "Thou shalt be called by a new
name, which the mouth of the Lord shall
name," and v. 4, " Thou shalt be called
Hephzibah."

It is not necessary to the argument to
determine what particular name, if any, is
intended: "The fact that God has 'called
thee by name' is itself a pledge that He will
comfort thee."

31. Miserable.] The word (8e!Xmoi) ex-
presses contempt as much as pity : it is the
opposite to jiaKapioi, v. 4.

32. which thy children served.] "to which
thy children became bondsmen."

she that received thy sons.] The verb
(Se'xo/iat) seems hardly appropriate to re-
ceiving captives, yet Babylon is evidently
meant here ; and though the preceding de-
scriptions are more vague, they also point to
Babylon, as is clear from comparing <y. 31
with v. 33. The cities mentioned in ^.32
are the cities of Babylonia among which the
Jewish exiles were distributed.

33. Kneucker (who in this follows Schurer
and Volkmar) finds in these verses allusions
to the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans
a.d. 70, and to the great triumph of Titus.
But see Introduction, § vi. p. 250.

rejoiced at thy ruin, and was glad of thy fall.]
In the Greek the words of the latter clause
(ev(f>pdv6t], TTTVfia) are stronger than those of
the former (exapi> tttoxj-is). The case is ex-
actly the reverse in our A.V., which borrows
the strong word " ruin " from the Latin. A
more correct rendering would be: "was
glad at thy falling, and rejoiced over
thy rnin."

34. According to the frequent custom of
the prophets, God is introduced for a mo-
ment as speaking in the first person.

For I will take away the rejoicing of her
great multitude.] "And I will take away

z$4-

BARUCH. IV.

[v. 35—37-

her pride shall be turned into mourn-
ing.

35 For fire shall come upon her

from the Everlasting, long to endure;

and she shall be inhabited of devils

for a great time.

eh. s- 5- 36 *0 Jerusalem, look about thee

toward the east, and behold the joy
that cometh unto thee from God.

37 Lo, thy sons come, whom thou
sentest away, they come gathered
together from the east to the west
by the word of the Holy One, re-
joicing in the glory of God.

from her the rejoicing," &c. The latter
words may describe either the rejoicing of the
city over her great population (genitive of the
object, 7ro\vox~hias) or the joy of the great
multitude itself. This latter is the usual con-
struction of dyaWiafia in the LXX. See Ps.
xlviii. 2, cxix. 11 1 ; and, for the thought, Isa.
xxiv. 8-12.

35. Here the prophet speaks again. There
is an allusion to the fate of Sodom and
Gomorrah, to which the destruction of
Babylon is compared also by Isaiah, xiii. 19.

long to endure.'] Literally, " for long days,"
i.e. "for many days."

devils.] "daemons:" see on v. 7, and
compare Isa. xiii. 21:" Owls (p-eiprjve $•) shall
dwell there, and satyrs (8aifi6via) shall dance
there ; " namely, in Babylon.

for a great time.] See note on Epistle of
Jeremy (Baruch vi.), <v. 3. "The expression
shews that he did not predict that she should
be always utterly uninhabited, but for a long
time : and she is inhabited now by a few
Jews." (Theodoret.)

36, 37. Prophecy of the return of the

captives from Babylon. The author in the
assumed person of Baruch, professing to
predict the return from captivity, sets himself
in the very time of that return, — a proof that
such was the well-known style of the real
prophets, and therefore a refutation of the
main objection which modern critics have
urged against Isaiah's authorship of the latter
portion of the book which bears his name.
See Introduction, § hi. p. 244.

36. the joy that cometh unto thee from God.]
That is the joy foretold in v. 22.

37. from the east to the ivest.] I.e. from
all quarters. The phrase is repeated below
v. 5. Compare Isa. xliii. 5 ; Zech. viii. 7.
" When the exiles in Babylon had returned,
those also came back who had fled at the
time of the war, and occupied the western
and southern regions ; and this is why he
made mention of those who came from the
west." (Theodoret.)

rejoicing in the glory of God.] " Because it
is not in their own power that they have got
the better of their enemies, but God, who
gave them up, restored their liberty." (Theo-
doret.)

ADDITIONAL NOTES TO verses 7, 8, and 22.

7, 8. Kneucker regards the whole passage
from " him that made you " Qv. 7) to " forgot-
ten" in -v. 8 as an interpolation on the following
grounds, which appear to be quite erroneous:

(1) In Deut. xxxii. 18, "God that formed
thee," the participle stands in apposition to a
preceding subject; and the omission of the
subject by our author is not in accordance
with Hebrew usage. But a similar use of
the Hebrew participle, not in apposition to
a preceding subject, is often found, as, for
instance, in Job xxxi. 15, xl. 19 ; Isa. xvii. 7,
xii. 11.

(2) " Forgotten " is very weak after " pro-
voked," to which the only proper parallel is
" ye have grieved." But " forgotten " is taken
exactly from the original passage, Deut. xxxii.
18.

7. devils.] Fritzsche and Reuss find here
in the word daipoviois an imaginary proof that
the author held the later Alexandrine doctrine
concerning devils. " According to the prophets,

the false gods are purely imaginary beings,
but they were regarded later as evil spirits
who had induced men to worship them "
(Reuss).

The supposed proof is at once confuted by
the fact that the LXX. use daipoviois in Deut.
xxxii. 1 7, from which our author is evidently
borrowing his language. The acceptance of
a word already employed in the Septuagint
version is no proof that the writer holds the
Alexandrine doctrine.

22. The peculiar construction — eVl tS
ala>vico fj\Trio~a tt)v awTrjpiav vpcov — is explained
by Fritzsche as being made up of the two usual
constructions eXniCtiv n and e\Tri(eiv iiri tivi.
But Reusch and Kneucker regard it as a close
imitation of a Hebrew construction such as is
found in Ps. xxxvii. 5, " Commit thy way unto
the Lord," and Prov. xvi. 3, "Commit thy
works unto the Lord," in both which passages
the Hebrew verb means literally "roll," i.e.
" devolve."

v. i— 5-]

BARUCH. V.

CHAPTER V.

I Jerusalem is moved to rejoice, 5 and to behold
their return out of captivity with glory.

PUT off, O Jerusalem, the gar-
ment of thy mourning and
affliction, and put on the comeliness
of the glory that cometh from God
for ever.

2 Cast about thee a double gar-
ment of the righteousness which

cometh from God ; and set a diadem
on thine head of the glory of the
Everlasting.

3 For God will shew thy bright-
ness unto every country under heaven.

4 For thy name shall be called of
God for ever The peace of righte-
ousness, and The glory of God's
worship.

5 Arise, O Jerusalem, and stand

CHAPTER V.

A Promise of lasting Happiness and
Blessing to Jerusalem.

1. the comeliness of the glory.] The same
Greek words (evirpiireia do^rjs) are used by
the LXX. in Jer. xxiii. 9, but are there an
evident mistranslation. The metaphor here
is the same as in iv. 20 (where see note), and
is frequent in Isaiah, e.g. lii. 1, "put on thy
beautiful garments" (ttjv 86$av oW) ; lxi. 3,
"the garment of praise" (Sd^y) ; lxi. 10,
" the garment of salvation." Compare Psalm
of Solomon xi. 8, "Put on, O Jerusalem, thy
garments of glory, make ready thy robe of
holiness."

2. a double garment.'] "the double gar-
ment " (SinXoida) ; i.e. a large mantle or
cloak. When Samuel appears to the witch
of Endor (1 Sam. xxviii. 14), "he is covered
with a mantle." In Ps. cix. 29 it is said
concerning the wicked, " Let them cover
themselves with their own confusion as with
a mantle;" and in Job xxix. 14, "I put on
righteousness, and it clothed me," the LXX.
render the last clause " like a mantle " (i'o-a
8nr\oi8i).

Fritzsche remarks : " It is to be observed
that here ' righteousness,' i.e. right conduct
in all respects, is in the most general sense
traced back to God as its source from whence
it proceeds: . . . and from v. 4 it is quite
clear that 'righteousness' as a virtue is in-
tended."

This sense of the word (biKaiovvvrj) is
acknowledged by all in v. 4, but here the
meaning appears to be the same as in v. 9,
— namely, " goodness," " kindness," " mercy."
The word often has this meaning in the
Septuagint, as will be seen by comparing the
following passages in which it is employed in
the Greek with the A. V., which renders the
Hebrew word ("Ipn) by "mercy " or " kind-
ness:" Gen. xix. 19, xx. 13, xxi. 23, xxiv. 27,
xxxii. 10 ; Ex. xv. 13, xxxiv. 7 ; Prov. xx. 28 ;
Isa. lxiii. 7.

a diadem.] "the diadem" (ttju fiirpav), the
same word which the LXX. use in Isa. lxi.

10: compare Judith x. 3, xvi. 8, "a tire."
In these passages it means the turban or tiara
worn by women, but it is also frequently
used of the High Priest's " mitre," as in
Ex. xxviii. 37. Jerusalem, decked once more
as a bride, is to be crowned with " the glory
of the Eternal."

3. unto every country under heaven.] For
the Greek phrase, which means literally
"the whole region under heaven," compare
Ex. xvii. 14, Deut. xxv. 19, and especially
Luke xvii. 24.

4. called of God.] See note on iv. 30.

The peace of righteousness.] I.e. the peace
which is the fruit of righteousness : compare
Isa. xxxii. 17; James iii. 18.

The glory of God's worships The Greek
word (dtoo-efieia) means in the Septuagint
" the fear of God" (Gen. xx. 11 ; Job xxviii.
28), or "godliness" (Ecclus. i. 25); and
thus in 1 Tim. ii. 10 differs from evo-e'/3eta
in the same chapter, v. 2, only in being
expressly limited to the reverence and piety
which are shewn towards God. (See Trench,
' N. T. Synonyms,' i. 202.)

The meaning, therefore, of the second
name here promised to Jerusalem is, " The
glory which is the fruit of godliness." The
A.V. seems to fix the thought chiefly upon the
glory of outward worship, as (many suppose)
in Ps. xxix. 2.

Reusch, who regards the book as a genuine
prophecy of Baruch, argues that the promises
of this verse extend to a moral renewal and
perfecting of Israel ; and that this having been
only partially and imperfectly realized by the
Jews after their return from captivity, the
complete fulfilment is only seen " in the Jeru-
salem to which the Jerusalem of the Old
Testament is transfigured by the Messiah in
the Church." But the Messianic tone is
sufficiently accounted for by the author's
intimate knowledge and free use of the pro-
phetic books, without our assuming that the
writer was Baruch, and Baruch a prophet.

5. Arise, 0 Jerusalem^] Isa. Ii. 17," Stand
up, O Jerusalem."

286

BARUCH. V.

[v. 6 — 9.

ch. 4.36. on high, and "look about toward the
east, and behold thy children gathered
from the west unto the east by the
word of the Holy One, rejoicing in
the remembrance of God.

6 For they departed from thee
on foot, and were led away of their
enemies : but God bringeth them
unto thee exalted with glory, as
children of the kingdom.

7 For God hath appointed that

* Isai. 40.
4-

'every

high

hill, and banks of long

continuance, should be cast down,
and vallies filled up, to make even
the ground, that Israel may go safely
in the glory of God.

8 Moreover even the woods and
every sweetsmelling tree shall over-
shadow Israel by the commandment
of God.

9 For God shall lead Israel with
joy in the light of his glory with the
mercy and righteousness that cometh
from him.

and stand on higb.~\ "and stand upon,
the height:" compare Isa. xl. 9.

look about, qs'c] Isa. lx. 4 : " Lift up thine
eyes round about, and see: all they gather
themselves together, they come to thee : thy
sons shall come from far," &c. See on iv. 37,
and compare Ps. of Solomon xi. 3, "Stand
upon high, O Jerusalem, and see thy children
gathered from the east and from the west."

in the remembrance of God.~\ " in God's
remembrance : " the obvious reference to
iv. 27, " Ye shall be remembered of him that
brought these things upon you," leaves no
room for the ambiguity contained in the A.V.

6. For they departed, <b'c] " For they
went out from thee on foot led away by
enemies, but God bringeth them in unto
thee lifted up with glory as a royal
throne." Compare Isa. xlix. 22, " They shall
bring thy sons in their arms, and thy daughters
shall be carried upon their shoulders ;" lxvi.
20, " And they shall bring all your brethren
for an offering unto the Lord, out of all
nations, upon horses, and in chariots, and in
litters, and upon mules, and upon swift beasts,
to my holy mountain Jerusalem."

The comparison to "a royal throne,"
literally "throne of the kingdom" (1 Kings
i. 46 ; 2 Chron. vii. 18), has been regarded
by most interpreters as unusual, and by some
as inadmissible. The origin of the various
reading " as sons of a kingdom " (Cod. A,
Sec.) is probably to be traced to this sup-
posed difficulty. But the use of a " moving
throne " among the Persians, and of litters or
palanquins by the Egyptians, makes it pro-
bable that what is here meant is such a seat
or throne either carried on men's shoulders
or as a horse-litter. The figure is then most
appropriate to the triumphant return of the
captives in regal state. See Delitzsch on
' The Song of Solomon,' iii. 7-9 ; and Kitto,
' Biblical Cyclopaedia,' Litter.

7. God hath appointed.'] An evident refer-

ence to Isa. xl. 4, the language of which
passage is closely followed here.

every high hill and banks of long continuance^]
"every high mountain and lasting hills: "
Deut. xxxiii. 15, and xii. 2 (divav).

cast do<wn.] "made low."

to make even.] Mic. vii. 12 (ety SfiaXia-fiov).
Compare Ps. of Solomon xi. 5, "The high
mountains hath he brought down to make
even ground (els ofiaXiafiov) for them." The
LXX. use the word only in Mic. vii. 12, and
there it is a mistranslation.

go safely in the glory of God.] The allusion
here, as in v. 9, " in the light of his glory," is
to the light that guided Israel in the wilder-
ness. See Ps. of Solom. xi. 7, quoted below
on v. 8. For the construction compare Job
XXIX. 3 (ore to) (fxori avrov eTvopevojinv),
" when by his light I walked."

8. and every sweetsmelling tree.] The
Greek words (jrav ^vkov eicoSt'as) are not
found in the Septuagint, but only in Ps. of
Solomon xi. 7, " Every sweetsmelling tree
did God cause to spring up for them, that
Israel micrht pass on in charge of the glory of
their God."

shall overshadow Israel.] "madeashade
for Israel " (Ewald) : compare Jonah iv. 6.
In the liveliness of his description the author
writes as if the return were already past.
Compare Ps. of Solomon xi. 6, "The forests
made a shade for them."

9. God shall lead Israel.] Ex. xiii. 21
(Tjyeiro).

in the light.] "by the light:" see on v. 7.

the mercy and righteousness that cometh
from him.] The goodness of God towards
His people is called " mercy," as being un-
merited, and "righteousness," as being a
faithful adherence to His promises. See note
on v. 2.

THE

EPISTLE OF JEREMY.

INTRODUCTION.

§ I. Contents
§ II. The supposed Author
§ III. The original Language
§ IV. Object of the Epistle

§ I. Contents.

PAGE
, 287
. 287
, 288
1 290

§ V. Approximate Date

§ VI. Text .

§ VII. Place in Canon

PAGB
. 29O

• 291

. 291

Verses 1 - 7 : Prefatory State-
ment.— The " Epistle of Jeremy " pro-
fesses to be a copy of a letter sent by
the prophet Jeremiah to the Jews who
were about to be carried away captives to
Babylon by Nebuchadnezzar. He tells
them, by God's command, that their
captivity is the punishment of their sins,
and that it will be long before they shall
be brought back in peace {vv. 1-3).

Meanwhile they must keep themselves
free from the idolatry which they will see
in Babylon, and remain true to the Lord,
whose angel will protect them (vv. 4-7).

Verses 8-72 : The vanity of Idols.
— From this point onward the whole
Epistle is occupied in setting forth at
large the vanity of idols and the folly of
idol-worship.

There is no clear logical arrangement
of the thoughts, but the divisions are
marked by the recurrence of a refrain,
which is apparently intended to give a
sort of rhythmical air to the whole com-
position.

This refrain occurs first at v. 16, "they
are known not to be gods : therefore
fear them not :" it is repeated with slight
variations at vv. 23, 29, 65, and 69 ;
which verses may therefore be taken as
marking the divisions of the Epistle.
The question, " How can they be called

gods ?" also recurs in slightly varied
forms at vv. 30, 40, 44, 46, 49, 52, 56.

Most of the thoughts are found in
Ps. cxv. 4-8 (cxxxv. 15-18); Isa. xliv.
9-19; Jer. x. 3-9; Wisdom xiii. 10-19,
xv. 13-17.

§ II. The supposed Author.

The occasion described in vv. 1, 2
seems to be that on which Nebuchad-
nezzar, " in the eighth year of his reign "
(2 Kings xxiv. 12), carried away Jecho-
niah and all the chief men of Judah, with
great treasures, to Babylon.

At that time (b.c. 597) Jeremiah sent
a letter "from Jerusalem unto the residue
of the elders which were carried away
captives . . . from Jerusalem to Baby-
lon, after that Jeconiah the king and the
queen . . . were departed from Jeru-
salem" (Jer. xxix. 2).

The fact that Jeremiah had written
one such letter to the captives seems to
have suggested the idea of dignifying by
his name another letter not written in
reality till many ages after his death.

The purport also of this second letter,
as an argument against the folly of idol-
atry, was appropriate to the character
and position of Jeremiah, and to the
spirit of his genuine writings. It is in
fact little more than an enlargement of
the prophet's warning against idolatry in

288 INTRODUCTION TO

chap. x. 1-16, from which passage, and every point of view, and shews not the

from Ps. cxv. 4-8 and Isa. xliv. 9-19, remotest movement towards prophetic

much of the argument, and even of the flight (' History of Israel,' v. 479, E. Tr.),

language, is freely borrowed. Reusch can only reply that "the Jews who

The assumption of the name of Jere- were carried into captivity with Zedekiah

miah does not necessarily imply an in- belonged for the most part to the lower

tention to deceive : it was in accordance classes ; and the fact that the letter was

with the literary usage of the later cen- intended chiefly for the great mass of the

turies B.C., and was probably understood people, explains its popular form and

to mean nothing more than that the the mode of representation which is cha-

author had endeavoured to imitate the racterised by Ewald quite correctly. For

manner and spirit of the elder prophet, such readers it was very proper to draw

and to write for his own generation as attention to the multitude of tangible

he supposed Jeremiah might have written facts which shew the nothingness of the

under the same circumstances. false gods. This also explains why the

That the imitation is not very sue- letter agrees in the thoughts with other

cessful, may be judged from the admis- passages in which Jeremiah speaks of

sions even of those who try to maintain idolatry, especially with chap, x., but

the actual authorship of Jeremiah : thus differs in its mode of expression from his

Reusch (p. 78), in describing the com- prophecies. Its particular and tem-

position, says : " There is a long series porary aim also helps to explain why it

of facts brought forward, from which it was not adopted into the collection of

may be clearly seen that the gods have the prophet's predictions."

no power nor life. There is no strict Unhappily for this argument, the

logical arrangement prevailing in the author professes to write to the Jews

development of the subject, but the who were carried into captivity, not with

facts are simply placed one after another, Zedekiah, but previously with Jechoniah ;

some of them repeated several times in a and these belonged for the most part

slightly modified form, and sometimes not to the lower, but to the higher classes

also facts wholly different in character (2 Kings xxiv. 14-16).

are set side by side. The enumeration When an able and zealous advocate

of them is only interrupted by the state- of the genuineness of the Epistle is re-

ment — ten times repeated as a sort of duced to so feeble a defence, based upon

refrain at varying intervals and in varied a palpable error, it is needless to discuss

form — ' whence it is seen, that they are the question of Jeremiah's authorship any

no gods : therefore fear them not.' " further.

It is strange that a scholar who sees

so clearly and describes so fairly the § m The original Language.
character of the writing can yet believe

that Jeremiah was its author. It has An advocate of the genuineness_ of the

none of the grace or power of Hebrew Epistle must of necessity maintain that

poetry, nor even its outward form, — it was written at first in Hebrew. This

nothing but a monotonous repetition of opinion, though still defended by some

one prosaic sentence as a sort of refrain. Roman Catholic commentators, as Welte

From first to last we feel not a breath of and Reusch, is rejected without hesita-

the genuine spirit of prophecy; no spark tion by the great majority of competent

of the fire which burned so fiercely in and impartial critics. The general judg-

the words of Jeremiah, and made him so ment is thus expressed by Fritzsche (p.

terrible to the sinners of his day; not 206) : "If any one of the Apocryphal

one sound of the sorrowful sighing of books was composed in Greek, this cer-

his soul over the sins and calamities of tainly was. The style, it is true, bears

his country. traces of the Hellenistic dialect, but, for

The inferiority of style is admitted : Hellenistic Greek, it is very pure, and

how is it to be explained ? When Ewald contains many rare forms and combina-

says that the author writes like an orator tions. Of Hebraism there are but rare

who proves and exhausts his subject from and slight reminiscences."

THE EPISTLE OF JEREMY.

289

The facts upon which this judgment is
based cannot be denied : and Reusch, in
reply to it, can only plead that " This cha-
racter of the writing is far from proving
that the letter could not possibly be a
translation from the Hebrew. The trans-
lator, who perhaps is not the same as the
translator of the book Baruch, might pos-
sibly translate freely and in seemingly
good Greek style; and in the explanation
of the Epistle occasion will often be pre-
sented for pointing to passages which a
Greek author would certainly have ex-
pressed otherwise, and which betray a
translator who in some particulars did
not perfectly understand the original, or
know how to render it, and did not con-
fine himself so closely to the letter of
the original as we could have wished."

The instances quoted by Reusch from
Welte in support of this answer are the
following : —

(a. ) Inconsistencies of Greek construction.
— Verse 6 : irpoo-KweZv with the accusa-
tive, and with the dative in the very next
verse.

The worthlessness of this objection is
apparent from Reusch's own note on v.
6 : " Hpoo-Kvvtiv is construed sometimes
with the dative, sometimes with the
accusative : the latter is more in accor-
dance with the Greek usage, the former
with the Hebrew."

In John iv. 23 we find the same varia-
tion in a single verse : it is therefore no
evidence of a Hebrew original.

Verses 8, 68 : " The neuter plural with
its verb in the singular, and in the plural
in the same verse."

Again we refer to Reusch himself on
v. 8 for an answer : " 'Eoti and Svpavrac ;
after the subject in the neuter plural the
singular is admissible, and the plural."

The transition in the same verse from
singular to plural, both referring to the
same subject, is found also in John x. 4.

Verse 38 : " ev iroielv with the accusa-
tive, and in v. 64 with the dative."

Reusch's note on v. 38 is : " ev -Koielv
here, as is usual, with the accusative ; in
v. 64, Hebraistically with the dative."
The classical usage with the accusative
is most common in the LXX. But the
dative occurs in Ex. i. 20, Josh. xxiv. 20,
and five times in Ecclesiasticus : it also
occurs in Mark xiv. 7 with ev iroiiivt and

Apoc— Vol. II.

in Luke vi. 27 with KaXw? 7roieiv. It may
therefore rightly be called Hellenistic,
but does not give evidence of a Hebrew
original.

(b.) " The use of the future in a
thoroughly Hebraistic manner in vv. 33,
34, 67." On v. 33 Reusch writes : " The
future ivSva-ovaiv is here especially harsh,
and in this and other passages is only to
be explained from a close adherence to
the Hebrew."

But there is no need to assume " a
close adherence to the Hebrew ;" for the
future is better explained as expressing
a general truth (Rom. iii. 20; Gal. ii. 16),
or probable event. See Winer, ' Gr. of
N. T. Greek,' in. xl. 6; Bernhardy,
'Syntax,' p. 377.

(c.) " The construction /3ov\evecr6at
7r/3os nva (v. 48) is not found in classi-
cal Greek, but answers closely to the

Hebrew % fSfa."

In Tromm's Concordance the Greek
construction is cited only thrice (2 Kings
vi. 8; Isa, xl. 14; Jer. xxxvi. 16), and
only in the first instance is it a translation
of the Hebrew phrase quoted by Reusch.
Its occurrence in the Epistle only shews
that the author was familiar with the
style of the Septuagint.

(d.) Welte notices also the use of the
singular to irpoa-oiTrov avrCjv in vv. 13, 21
for the plural, as shewing that there
stood in the Hebrew text BrVJS.

The inference is quite unwarranted.
In v. 22 we find in like manner to <rwp,a.

airdv, as in I Cor. vi. 19 (to auy/xa

vfxwv) ; and this use of the singular, to
express an object which belongs to each
of several individuals, is not at all un-
common. See Matt. xvii. 6, xxii. 16;
Luke ii. 31 ; 2 Cor. viii. 24, passages in
which 7rpocrw7rov is so used.

If these supposed traces of Hebraism
be compared with the instances found in
the first part of Baruch (Introduction to
Baruch, § V.), it will be evident that they
are quite insufficient to give even a show
of probability to the theory of a Hebrew
original.

When Reusch replies that there is no
proof " that a Hebrew original is impos-
sible," he makes an unreasonable demand
for such demonstrative evidence as the
nature of the case excludes.

290

INTRODUCTION TO

We may safely accept Ewald's judg-
ment (' Prophets of the O. T.,' v. 139, E.
Tr.), that the author's " Greek language
seeks occasionally [as in v. 4, a^ofxouoOiv-
T€s d(f>o/j.oio)6r]Te\ to assume the peculiari-
ties of the Hebrew : but even in this
respect he only partially succeeds."

Schurer also (in his ' History of the
Jewish People in the time of Jesus
Christ,' Leipsic, 1886) decides that the
Greek is certainly original.

§ IV. Object of the Epistle.

Though the author writes under an
assumed name, his work is not on that
account to be put aside as a mere literary
forgery: it has a serious practical purpose
which cannot be overlooked.

The writer is evidently making an
earnest appeal to persons actually living
in the midst of heathenism, and needing
to be warned and encouraged against
temptations to apostasy (vv. 5-7). He
shews an intimate knowledge of the
details of idol-worship such as could
hardly be possessed by any but an eye-
witness : and thus, as Ewald observes
(' History of Israel,' v. 479, E. Tr.), " the
numerous close allusions to idolatrous
usages confer on this composition a high
historical value." The condition of the
readers thus indicated corresponds with
that of the Jewish communities de-
scended from those captives who, after
the destruction of Babylon, instead of re-
turning to Jerusalem, chose to remain in
the country where they had made them-
selves a home. These, who were by far
the greater portion of the Captivity,
formed the nucleus of those numerous
colonies throughout the East " from India
unto Ethiopia" (Esther viii. 9), which
were included under the general title of
" The Dispersion " (James i. 1 ; 1 Pet.
i. 1).

Thus, whether the letter was intended
for the common benefit of " the Disper-
sion among the Greeks" (John vii. 35),
or for some particular community, the
local colouring is with perfect propriety
borrowed from the position of their an-
cestors, the original captives in Babylon.

That position is admirably described
by Ewald (' History of Israel,' v. 24) :
" The very closeness of this contact

(with heathenism), and the accuracy of
the knowledge thus obtained, must have
created a profound repulsion in all the
deeper minds; and the fact that the
genius of heathenism had been developed
by the Babylonians of this very period to
the highest point of art and science of
which it was susceptible, but had become
utterly corrupt as a rule of life, neces-
sarily increased the horror with which it
was regarded. Thus the rejection, in the
most contemptuous manner conceivable,
of every feature of heathenism kept pace
with the deepening consciousness of the
eternal truth of their own religion : and
never before had all the senseless and
therefore intrinsically ridiculous notions
involved in idol - worship been pur-
sued and exposed in detail as they were
now."

Though the historian is here speaking
of the actual period of the Captivity, and
grounding his remarks, according to his
own well-known theory, upon the wri-
tings of Jeremiah and the so-called Deu-
tero-Isaiah or " Great Unnamed," his
description is quite as appropriate to the
circumstances of " the Dispersion " seve-
ral centuries later, and especially to the
Epistle of Jeremy.

The author was certainly a Hellenistic
Jew, and possibly, as Fritzsche thinks, a
Jew of Alexandria : but, whether living
in Egypt or elsewhere, he doubtless had
good reason for laying the scene in
Babylon, and veiling his fierce attack on
idol-gods under the venerable name of
Jeremiah, instead of openly deriding in
his own name the religion of the people
among whom he dwelt.

§ V. Approximate Date.

Attempts have been made to find a
relative date for the Epistle of Jeremy
from a supposed allusion to it in 2 Mace,
ii. 1, 2, where it is said to have been
" found in the records, that Jeremy the
prophet commanded them that were
carried away . . . not to forget the
commandment of the Lord, and that
they should not err in their minds, when
they see images of silver and gold with
their ornaments."

The language of the last clause is very
similar to that of the Epistle in vv. 4-6 ;

THE EPISTLE OF JEREMY.

291

and Ewald, who recognises the allusion,
observes that " there is no reason why
the writer of 2 Maccabees should not
have been acquainted with our little
book" ('Prophets,' v. 141, E. Tr.).
Herzfeld takes the opposite view, that
the coincidence of language proves the
Epistle to be the later work. Fritzsche
however, with better judgment, thinks
that the similarity of language is not such
as to afford a safe criterion.

At all events, the supposed allusion to
our Epistle seems to be excluded by the
statement in 2 Mace. ii. 4 : "It was also
contained in the same writing, that the
prophet, being warned of God, com-
manded the tabernacle and the ark to go
with him, as he went forth into the
mountain, where Moses climbed up, and
saw the heritage of God." The Epistle
contains no such reference to the taber-
nacle and the ark, nor to the command
" to take of the fire " (v. 1).

Another supposed note of time is the
frequent reference to offending, resisting,
setting up, and putting down kings (vv. 1 8,

34, 53, 56> 59, 66), in which Ewald finds
an indication of the times of the last

Seleucidae and Ptolemies, and so fixes
the date of the Epistle "about the begin-
ning of the last century before Christ."

" The Grecian kings had then already
greatly fallen in estimation and power,
and were easily deposed."

This date, 100 B.C., differs little from
that which is usually assigned to the
Epistle, — namely, the later period of the
Maccabees, the last of whom, John
Hyrcanus, died about 106 B.C.

§ VI. Text.

The Epistle of Jeremy is found in the
same Greek MSS. which contain the
Book of Baruch, except a few cursives.
" The character of the MSS. in relation
to each other is very much the same as
in Baruch, only more invariable here "
(Fritzsche). On this point see the In-
troduction to Baruch,§ VII. pp. 251, 252.

§ VII. Place in Canon.

In some Greek MSS. the Epistle of
Jeremy is included in the Book of Baruch,
but in Cod. Vat. and Cod. Alex, it is
separated from Baruch, and follows the
Lamentations of Jeremiah. It has, in
fact, no connexion with Baruch, except
through the author's assumption of the
name of Jeremiah, and his imitation of
parts of his prophecy.

U 2

THE

EPISTLE OF JEREMY.

(BARUCH, Chapter VI., in A. V.)

I The cause of the captivity is their sin. 3 The
place whereto they were carried is Babylon :
the vanity 0/ whose idols and idolatry are set
forth at large in this chapter.

A copy of an epistle, which Jeremy-
sent unto them which were to be
led captives into Babylon by the
king of the Babylonians, to certify
them, as it was commanded him
of God.

BECAUSE of the sins which ye
have committed before God,

ye shall be led away captives into
Babylon by Nabuchodonosor king of
the Babylonians.

3 So when ye be come unto Ba-
bylon, ye shall remain there many
years, and for a long season, namely,

seven generations

and after that I will " *-"s'
bring you away peaceably from thence, is- .

4 "Now shall ye see in Babylon %,9',io'.&.
gods of silver, and of gold, and of Visd. 13!'
wood, borne upon shoulders, which *°^Iac 2
cause the nations to fear. 2.

Verses 1-7. Introductory Statement
of the alleged authorship and
Occasion of the Epistle.

On the general contents of these verses,
see the Introduction, § I.

The superscription is counted as v. 1 in
the E. V., but not in the Greek.

1. were to be led.] From this expression
and from vv. 2, 3 we see that the letter pro-
fesses to have been written at a time when
the captives had been removed out of Jeru-
salem, but had not yet left their own country
for Babylon. This agrees with the occasion
described in Jer. xxix. 2.

to certify them.] "to announce," or "to
tell them." This message from God to the
captives is evidently suggested by Jer. xxix.
4 : " Thus saith the Lord of hosts, the God of
Israel, unto all that are carried away captives."

2. Because of the sins which ye have com-
mitted.'] Compare the answer given in Jer.
xvi. 10-13 to the question of the people:
" Wherefore hath the Lord pronounced all
this great evil against us ? "

The remembrance of the sins which had
led to the Captivity should cause it to be
borne with patience.

3. remain there . . . for a long season.]
" he there ... a long time." Compare
Jer. xxxii. 14, and Bar. iv. 35. The false
prophet Hananiah, having foretold a speedy
return from Babylon, was rebuked by Jere-
miah (xxviii. 2-1 7), who in his letter to the

captives bade them look for a long continuance
of their exile : " Build ye houses, and dwell
in them ; and plant gardens, and eat the fruit
of them : take ye wives, and beget sons and
daughters . . . And seek the peace of the
city whither I have caused you to be carried
away captives, and pray unto the Lord for it :
for in the peace thereof shall ye have peace."
(Jer. xxix. 5-7.)

namely, seven generations^] " even unto
seven generations." See the Additional Note.

I will bring you away peaceably from thence.]
"I will bring you out thence in peace:"
Ezek. xxxiv. 13, "I will bring them out from
the people." It is the same word (Jf-ayeiv)
which is constantly used of bringing . out the
people from Egypt.

4. Now shall ye see.] " But now ye will
see : " now, i.e. for the present, and as long as
your captivity shall last.

gods of silver, and of gold, and of wood.]
The Vulgate changes the order, and reads:
" gods of gold and of silver and of stone and
of wood." The addition may have been
suggested by the original passage (Deut. iv.
28): "There ye shall serve gods, the work of
men's hands, wood and stone, which neither
see, nor hear, nor eat, nor smell."

Tertullian (' Scorpiace,' c. 8) quotes the
words in the order in which they stand in
the A. V. H is version of the passage (yv. 4-6)
is quite independent of that given in the Vul-
gate: he cites the whole passage as from
Jeremiah.

v. 5— ii.]

EPISTLE OF JEREMY.

293

5 Beware therefore that ye in no
wise be like to strangers, neither be
ye afraid of them, when ye see the
multitude before them and behind
them, worshipping them.

6 But say ye in your hearts, O
Lord, we must worship thee.

7 For mine angel is with you, and
I myself caring for your souls.

8 As for their tongue, it is polished
by the workman, and they them-

selves are gilded and laid over with
silver; ^yet are they but false, and
cannot speak.

9 And taking gold, as it were for
a virgin that loveth to go gay, they
make crowns for the heads of their
gods.

10 Sometimes also the priests con-
vey from their gods gold and silver,
and bestow it upon themselves.

11 Yea, they will give thereof to

Ps.

10.

borne upon shoulders^] The custom of
carrying the images of the gods in proces-
sion upon festival days is often ridiculed by
the Hebrew prophets, as by Isaiah (xlvi. 7),
"They bear him upon the shoulder, they
carry him, and set him in his place ;" and by
Jeremiah (x. 5), " They must needs be borne,
because they cannot go."

which cause the nations to fear.~\ " which
strike terror into the heathen;" lite-
rally, " shewing terror to the heathen : " com-
pare Ps. lx. 3, " Thou hast shewed thy people
hard things;" and Ps. lxxi. 20, " Thou which
hast shewed me great and sore troubles."

5. that ye in no nuise be like to strangers.]
"lest ye also become altogether like
unto the aliens." The repetition (dcpo-
/jLouodevres . . . dcjjoiioiwdrjre) is employed, like
the corresponding Hebrew idiom, to give
emphasis. Compare for the thought Deut.
xii. 30, xviii. 9 ; Jer. x. 2.

neither be ye afraid of them.] "and lest
fear of them take hold of yon." Com-
pare (A. V.) Ps. xlviii. 6 : " Fear took hold
upon them there."

6. in your hearts.~] Literally, " to your
mind" (ttj biavoia): compare Gen. xxvii. 41 ;
Jer. v. 24. Cyprian (' On the Lord's Prayer,'
c. 5, E. Tr.), less correctly, connects these
words with the clause which follows : " The
Holy Spirit, moreover, suggests these same
things by Jeremiah, and teaches, saying, In the
heart, O God, ought we to worship Thee."

O Lord, tve must worship thee.~\ "Thou,
O Lord, art he whom we ought to wor-
ship." The emphasis excludes the worship
of any other god.

The whole verse is omitted in the Alex-
andrine Codex.

7. God is here introduced as speaking.
The thought is connected with w. 5, 6,
thus : " Fear them not, but worship Me only,
for mine angel is with you." Compare Ex.
xxiii. 23, xxxii. 34, xxxiii. 2, 3, 14, 15, and
notes on these passages in the ' Speaker's
Commentary.'

and I myself P\ Our A.V. follows the Latin

(exquiram) in understanding this clause in
the 1 st person as referring to God. It is
simpler to refer it to the angel, instead of
introducing a new subject: "Mine angel is
with you, and he careth for your souls."
This construction is confirmed by a similar
use of the pronoun in v. 8 : " and they them-
selves " (avra re). The phrase (jK.(r)TaiV ray
yj/vxus), literally, " seeking out your souls,"
is sometimes used of seeking to destroy life
(2 Sam. iv. 8 ; Ps. liv. 3). Here, however, it
evidently has the same meaning as in Ps. cxlii.
4, "No man cared for my soul" (margin:
" sought after ") ; and in Prov. xxix. 10, " The
bloodthirsty hate the upright : but the just
seek his soul," i.e. watch over, and protect
his life.

Verses 8-16. Idols are Things without
Life, the Work of Men's hands,
senseless and helpless.

8. Reasons for not fearing the idols. The
conjunction (yap) which shews the con-
nexion with v. 5 should not have been
omitted in the A. V.

As for their tongue.] "For as for their
tongue." Ps. cxv. 4 : " Their idols are silver
and gold, the work of men's hands. They
have mouths, but they speak not ; " repeated
in Ps. cxxxv. 15.

false.] Compare -u-y. 48, 59. The substan-
tive (-v^evSos) is used for an idol in Isa. xliv. 20 :
"Is there not a lie in my right hand?"
Compare Jer. xiii. 25, xvi. 19; andRom.i. 25.

9. that loveth to go gay.] Literally, " fond
of ornament " (cpikoKoaiica), a word used by
late Greek writers, — Plutarch, Aelian, and
Lucian, — but not found elsewhere in the
LXX. or N. T.

for the heads of their gods.] "to set upon
the heads," &c.

10. convey.] This word means " to remove
secretly," as in John v. 13 ; or "to steal,"
a sense in which it is commonly used by our
older writers : " Convey the wise it call "
(Shakespeare). This is also the meaning of
the Greek word (y(j)aipovfievoi).

294

EPISTLE OF JEREMY.

[v. 12 1 8.

ii Or, the "common harlots, and deck them
prostitute as men with garments, [being] gods
themselves f sjiver and o-ods of gold, and wood.

openly* ? o o *

12 Yet cannot these gods save
themselves from rust and moths,
though they be covered with purple
raiment.

13 They wipe their faces because
of the dust of the temple, when there
is much upon them.

14 And he that cannot put to
death one that offendeth him holdeth
a sceptre, as though he were a judge
of the country.

15 He hath also in his right hand
a dagger and an ax : but cannot de-
liver himself from war and thieves.

16 Whereby they are known not
to be gods : therefore fear them not.

17 For like as a vessel that a man
useth is nothing worth when it is
broken ; even so it is with their
gods : when they be set up in the
temple, their eyes be full of dust
through the feet of them that come
in.

1 8 And as the " doors are made l^l't,.
sure on every side upon him that

bestow.'] " consume." The LXX. use the
same Greek word in Deut. iv. 24 and ix. 3 :
" The Lord thy God is a consuming fire."

Arnobius ('Adversus Gentes,' vi. 21) re-
peats some amusing tales of robberies from
the images of the gods.

11. and deck them.] I.e. the gods. This
clause should be preceded by a fuller stop
than in A.V. After the digression concern-
ing the thievish priests in w. 10, n a, the
author resumes his account of the false gods :
"And they deck them with their vestments
as men."

and gods of gold.] The repetition of the
word "gods" strengthens the expression of
scorn.

12. Tet cannot these gods.] The word
" gods " is not in the Greek, but the addition
agrees well with the scornful irony of the
passage : so also " cannot " is better than
the more exact " do not."

moths.] Literally, " parts eaten away " (/Spw-
fiaruv), corrosion, or "decay:" a similar
word (fipSicris) is used in Matt. vi. 19.

Compare for the thought Arnobius (vi. 16) :
"Do you not see that these images, which
seem to breathe, whose feet and knees you
touch and handle when praying, at times fall
into ruin from the constant dropping of rain,
at other times lose the firm union of their
parts from their decaying and becoming
rotten (putredinis modo carie relaxari) . . .
and are eaten away with rust ? "

though they be covered with purple raiment.]
The construction of the Greek (genitive ab-
solute) shews that this clause should rather
be joined with the following verse, as in the
Latin and Arabic Versions.

13. They wipe their faces.] Compare v. 24.
Here the Middle Voice (fKpdo-o-ovrai) is re-
markable, but may perhaps imply that the
priests do not themselves wipe off the dust,
but get it done.

when there is much.] "which, is thick."

14. he that cannot put to death.] Here,
as in v. 11 and frequently in the Epistle, the
future expresses as certain what the author
thinks likely. See Introduction, § III. b.
Though " cannot " is not actually expressed
in the Greek (ovk dveXel), it is correct in
sense. Perhaps also, as Reuss thinks, there
is a touch of irony in the future.

The author here passes to the singular,
which makes the description more lively, as
though he had some particular idol before
his eyes.

as though he were a judge.] "like a man
that is a judge."

15. He hath also in his right hand a dagger.]
"And he holds a dagger in his right
hand." The dagger and axe were not likely
to be placed both in the same hand, as might
be supposed from the A.V. The same Greek
word for " dagger " (eyxeiptSiov) is used by
the LXX. in Jer. 1. 42, where A.V. has
" lance," and in Ezek. xxi. 3, 4, 5, where A.V.
has "sword."

thieves.] " robhers " (Xjjo-twv), as in
v. 18: the more exact rendering agrees
with the idea of defence against violence.

16. Whereby.] "Whence:" the verse
draws the conclusion from the whole para-
graph, w. 8-15, and also forms an intro-
duction to the next paragraph.

fear them not.] Jer. x. 5.

Verses 17-23. The Idols are useless
and helpless.

17. Compare Jer. xxii. 28: "Is this man
Coniah a despised broken idol ? Is he a
vessel wherein is no pleasure ? "

the temple.] Literally, "their houses,"
as in v. 55.

18. upon him that offendeth the king.]

19— 25-]

EPISTLE OF JEREMY.

295

offendeth the king, as being com-
mitted to suffer death : even so the
priests make fast their temples with
doors, with locks, and bars, lest their
gods be spoiled with robbers.

19 They light them candles, yea,
more than for themselves, whereof
they cannot see one.

20 They are as one of the beams
of the temple, yet they say their
hearts are "gnawed upon by things
creeping out of the earth ; and when
they eat them and their clothes, they
feel it not.

21 Their faces are blacked through

the smoke that cometh out of the
temple.

22 Upon their bodies and heads
sit bats, swallows, and birds, and the
cats also.

23 By this ye may know that they
are no gods : therefore fear them not.

24 Notwithstanding the gold that
is about them to make them beautiful,
except they wipe off the rust, they
will not shine : for neither when they
were molten did they feel it.

25 The things wherein there is no
breath are bought for "a most high,IOr. a,o

0 b fines.

price.

Render: "And as when one hath wronged
a king the courts are made close around
him," Sec.

"the courts" (aiiAcu) are the courts of
a prison, as in Jer. xxxii. 2, xxxiii. 1. Suidas
gives this explanation of the word : " av\rj,
that which is now called apx^lov, where the
condemned are led away, and the attendants
there were called avXiKoi."

as being committed] A various reading
(7) is), " or as around one who has been led
away to death," makes little difference in the
sense.

their temples.'] "their houses."

with robbers.] "by the robbers."

19. candles] "lamps." There is pro-
bably an allusion to the Egyptian " Festival of
Lamps" at Sais (Herod, ii. 62). Compare
Lactantius (' Institut' vi. 2) : " They burn
lights as for one in the dark. Can a man be
considered sane who presents candles and
wax lights to the author and giver of light ? "

they cannot see."] " Eyes have they and see
not" (Ps. cxv. 5).

20. They are] "He is." The singular
"one of the beams" shews that the thought
is here directed to one idol.

yet they say their hearts are gnawed upon by
things creeping out of the earth ; and when they
eat them, is'c] Render : " Yet men say their
hearts are eaten out: when the creeping
chings out of the earth eat them and their
raiment, they feel it not."

21. through.'] "from" (otto). Ewald
('Prophets of the O. T.' v. 144) adopts the
reading of the Alexandrine MS. (tov sk rijs yrjs
Kaiofxivov), and renders: "They observe not
how they are blackened in the face with the
smoke which burneth out of the earth."

22. Upon their bodies and heads sit bats,

dtrc] "Upon their bodies and upon their
heads bats and swallows alight."

and birds, and the cats also.] "and other
birds, and likewise cats also." Compare
Lactantius ('Inst.' ii. 4): "The very birds
alight upon their images . . . and build their
nests, and befoul them."

23. By this.] "Whence:" compare v. 1 6.

Verses 24-29. The costly but helpless
Idols are dishonoured by their own
Priests.

24. Notwithstanding the gold.] "For as
to the gold." The sentence, if completed as
it begins, would have been — "For the gold
will not shine." But the plural subject, intro-
duced in the relative clause — "with which
they are set about for beauty" — is
carried on into the principal sentence — " they
will not shine."

that is about them] The construction is
thoroughly classical (6 TvepiKclvrai), but is
found also in 4 Mace. xii. 3 (rot 8e<rfxa 7re/n-
Kei'/xevoj/) and in Acts xxviii. 20, and Heb.
v. 2.

they wipe.] "one wipe."

rust.] Gold is, in fact, remarkable for its
freedom from rust, but here the style is
popular and rhetorical, as in S. James v. 3 :
" Your gold and silver is cankered : and the
rust of them shall be a witness against you."

neither.] "not even."

25. bought for a most high price] It is
better to retain the order of the Greek words :
"They have been bought at all cost —
things wherein is no breath." Compare Jer.
x. 14, "There is no breath in them;" and
Ps. exxxv. 17, " Neither is there any breath
in their mouths," and Hab. ii. 19, quoted
below on -v. 39.

ig6

EPISTLE OF JEREMY.

[v. 26 — 31.

c Isai. 46.
7. ver. 4.

I Or,
rfferings.

I Or,

spend.

26 cThey are borne upon shoulders,
having no feet, whereby they declare
unto men that they be nothing worth.

27 They also that serve them are
ashamed : for if they fall to the
ground at any time, they cannot rise
up again of themselves : neither, if
one set them upright, can they move
of themselves : neither, if they be
bowed down, can they make them-
selves straight : but they set "gifts
before them, as unto dead men.

28 As for the things that are
sacrificed unto them, their priests
sell and "abuse ; in like manner their

wives lay up part thereof in salt ; but
unto the poor and impotent they give
nothing of it.

29 Menstruous women and women

in childbed ^eat their sacrifices : by1*1-**-
these things ye may know that they
are no gods : fear them not.

30 For how can they be called
gods ? because women set meat be-
fore the gods of silver, gold, and
wood.

31 And the priests sit in their
temples, having their clothes rent,
and their heads and beards shaven,
and nothing upon their heads.

26. The clauses should be transposed:
" Having no feet, they are borne upon
shoulders." See on v. 4.

whereby they declare unto men that they be
nothing worth.] "displaying unto men
their own w orthlessness;" i.e. that they
cannot walk, but must be carried. But a
different meaning is suggested by the use of
the Greek word (dri/iia, "shame") in Jer.
xiii. 26; Nah. hi. 5.

27. for, &c] "because, if they fall to
the ground, they never rise up again of
themselves."

set them upright, fa'c] " set it upright," &c.
There are frequent changes from the plural
to the singular throughout the description
of the idols.

be bowed down.] " be laid down."

make themselves straight.'] "set them-
selves upright."

but they set gifts before them, as unto dead
men?] "but the offerings are set beside
them as beside the dead." Compare
Ps. cvi. 28: "They joined themselves unto
Baal-Peor, and ate the sacrifices of the dead."
Ecclus. xxx. 18, 19: "Delicates poured upon
a mouth shut up are as messes of meat set
upon a grave. What good doeth the offer-
ing unto an idol ? for neither can it eat nor
smell." Tobit iv. 17: "Pour out thy bread
on the burial of the just, but give nothing to
the wicked;" or, according to the Vatican
Codex, " Pour out thy wine and thy bread
over the tombs of the just."

For the custom of setting a feast before an
idol, see Bel and the Dragon, w. 3-15. The
same custom is said to remain among the
Arabs of Barbary ('Diet, of the Bible:'
Mourning, p. 437 b).

28. As for the things that are sacrificed unto
them, their priests sell and abuse.] "But
their sacrifices their priests," &a

in like manner their wives.] "and in like
manner their wives also."

hut unto the poor, fee] "but give no
part either to the poor or to the feeble."

29. eat.] "touch," and thereby defile:
compare Lev. xii. 4, " she shall touch no
hallowed thing."

by these things ye may know.] "Knowing
then from these things."

30. how can they be called.] The Vatican
MS. preserves the true reading (i<\r]6e[r]o-ai>,
the optative without civ), meaning, " How
could they be called?" "How could such
a thing be thought of? "

because women, dsfc] "for women," &c.
A reason why the Jews could not regard the
idols as gods ; for among the Jews women
had no share in the service of the Tabernacle
or Temple.

31. The idolatrous priests assume in their
worship all the signs of mourning because
(as Grotius observes) those whom the Baby-
lonians, like the Egyptians, regarded as gods,
were in reality dead men. Among the Jews,
on the contrary, the priests of the living God
were expressly forbidden to defile themselves
for the dead (Lev. xxi. 1-11 ; Ezek. xliv. 25).

sit.] Compare 1 Sam. i. 9 : " Eli the priest
sat upon a seat («rt rod dlcppov, 'upon the
seat,' LXX., the Hebrew also having the
article) by a post of the temple." The Greek
word (8i<fipevovo-i.v) is rightly rendered " sit "
in the A.V., as in the Latin and Syriac Ver-
sions : but its more special meaning, " to sit
in a chariot," is more common ; and inter-
preters, assuming this to be the only meaning,
have adopted various readings which are quite
inadmissible.

having their clothes rent.] Lev. xxi. 10:
" The high priest . . . shall not uncover his
head, nor rend his clothes."

v. 32—40-]

EPISTLE OF JEREMY.

297

32 They roar and cry before their
gods, as men do at the feast when
one is dead.

33 The priests also take off their
garments, and clothe their wives and
children.

34 Whether it be evil that one
doeth unto them, or good, they are
not able to recompense it : they can
neither set up a king, nor put him
down.

35 In like manner, they can nei-
ther give riches nor money : though
a man make a vow unto them, and
keep it not, they will not require it.

36 They can save no man from

death, neither deliver the weak from
the mightv.

37 They cannot restore a blind
man to his sight, nor help any man
in his distress.

38 They can shew no mercy to the
widow, nor do good to the fatherless.

39 Their gods of wood, and which
are overlaid with gold and silver, are
like, the stones that be hewn out of
the mountain : they that worship
them shall be confounded.

40 How should a man then think
and say that they are gods, when even
the Chaldeans themselves dishonour
them ?

and their heads and beards shaven?] Lev.
xxi. 5 : " They (the priests) shall not make
baldness upon their head : neither shall they
shave off the corner of their beard." Com-
pare Jer. xlviii. 37.

32. They roar and cry before their gods.~\
Ezek. xxiv. 17: "Forbear to cry, make no
mourning for the dead."

at the feast ivhen one is dead.~] " at a
feast for the dead" (Jv Tvepihe'nrva> vc<pov).
Compare Jer. xvi. 7 : " Neither shall men
tear themselves for them (marg. ' break bread
for them ') in mourning to comfort them for
the dead : neither shall men give them the
cup of consolation to drink for their father
or for their mother." St. Jerome, in his com-
ment on the passage, compares the Jewish
custom to "the feasts which the Greeks call
7repidenrva, and the Latins parentalia."

33. The priests also, <&c] "From their
raiment the priests will take part to
clothe," &c. On this use of the future see
above, v. 14. Reusch sees in it a close imi-
tation of the Hebrew, but without reason.

Verses 34-38. Contrast between the
Idols and the Lord.

34. Whether it be evil that one doeth unto
them, or good, <&c] "if they be evil en-
treated of any, nor if they be entreated
well," &c.

they can neither set up a king, nor put him
down.] The recurrence of this and the
like ideas in wv. 53, 56, 66, has been thought
to indicate a time in which kings were
often deposed. See Introduction, § V. The
general thought of the passage, -w. 34-38, is
that the idols have not the attributes of the
true God : for "He putteth down one, and
setteth up another " (Ps. lxxv. 7). Compare
Job xii. 18 ; Ps. cxiii. 7, 8 ; Dan. ii, 21.

35. money."] Literally, "brass" or "cop-
per," a common term for small money : Matt.
x. 9; Mark xii. 41. Observe the contrast to
1 Sam. ii. 7, " The Lord maketh poor, and
maketh rich."

they will not require it.] The thought and
language are evidently taken from Deut. xxiii.
21:" When thou shalt vow a vow unto the
Lord thy God, thou shalt not slack to pay
it : for the Lord thy God will surelv require
it of thee."

36. They can save no man from death.]
Deut. xxxii. 39, "There is no god with me:
I kill, and I make alive ; " 1 Sam. ii. 6, " The
Lord killeth, and maketh alive : he bringeth
down to the grave, and bringeth up."

37. to his sight.] Omit " his." Compare
Ps. cxlvi. 8 : " The Lord openeth the eyes of
the blind : the Lord raiseth them that are
bowed down."

38. Ps. cxlvi. 9: "He relieveth the father-
less and widow."

39. Read: "They are like unto the
stones from the mountain, these wooden
things, and things overlaid with gold
and silver." Compare Hab. ii. 19: "Woe
unto him that saith to the wood, Awake ; to
the dumb stone, Arise, it shall teach ! Behold,
it is laid over with gold and silver, and there
is no breath at all in the midst of it."

shall be confounded.] "and they that
serve them shall be put to shame." The
reference is to the priests wrho "serve"
{depaneiovTei) the idols, rather than to the
worshippers in general.

40. Here, as in v. 30, the refrain, accord-
ing to the A. V., forms the conclusion of one
section, and the introduction to the next.
But the last clause should more properly be
joined with the next verse.

298

EPISTLE OF JEREMY.

[v. 41—44.

41 Who if they shall see one dumb

)rmcaf.' t^lat cannot sPeak, they "bring him,
upon Bel. and intreat Bel that he may speak,
as though he were able to under-
stand.

42 Yet they cannot understand
this themselves, and leave them : for

1 0r' they have no "knowledge.

43 The women also with cords
about them, sitting in the ways, burn

bran for perfume : but if any of
them, drawn by some that passeth
by, lie with him, she reproacheth her
fellow, that she was not thought as
worthy as herself, nor her cord
broken.

44 Whatsoever is done among
them is false : how may it then
be thought or said that they are
gods ?

Verses 41-44. The Idols are put to
dishonour by the chaldeans them-
SELVES.

when even the Chaldeans, <&Y.] A new
sentence begins here, but its apodosis must
be supplied from the preceding, — thus : "And
moreover — (how can a man think them to
be gods) — when even the Chaldeans dis-
honour them ? "

Their own worshippers put their idols to
disgrace, "by continually demanding from
them what they know cannot be performed "
(Grotius).

41. Who if they shall see one dumb.~\ " Who
when they see a dumb man."

bring him.'] I.e. the dumb man, whom
they bring to the idol : according to another
construction, it may mean "they bring Bel
and entreat him."

as though he were able to understand."} By
entreating Bel, who cannot even hear (alo-Qi-
<r6ai) their prayer, to make a dumb man
speak, they put their idol to open shame.

42. Yet they cannot understand this them-
selves, and leave them.'] This is much better
than the rendering which some commen-
tators adopt: "And though they are them-
selves aware of this, they cannot leave them ; "
for the next clause states that they, the wor-
shippers themselves, " have no knowledge "
(aia-dqa-iv, " perception," or, as in the margin,
"sense "), and therefore cannot forsake their
foolish idolatry.

43. Compare Herodotus, i. 199: "The
most disgraceful of the customs among the
Babylonians is the following. Every woman
of the country must once in her life go and
sit in the temple of Aphrodite and have inter-
course with some strange man . . . Sitting
in the temple-court of Aphrodite with a
wreath of cord (Bcopiyyos) round their heads
are many women, for some are coming and
others going: and ropes stretched to form
passages in every direction keep a thorough-
fare among the women, along which the
strangers pass through and choose for them-

selves. And when a woman takes her seat
there, she is not allowed to go away to her
home until one of the strangers throws a
piece of money into her lap and takes her
with him outside the temple."

Strabo (lib. xvi. c. 1) gives a similar ac-
count, and states that the practice was insti-
tuted in consequence of some oracle.

The goddess called by Herodotus My-
litta, and identified with Aphrodite, seems to
be the same with Milta, Bilta, or Beltis, the
wife of Bel or Bil: see Rawlinson, 'Hero-
dotus,' i. 199.

Selden (' de Diis Syris,' ii. 8) supposes this
custom to be the same which is mentioned in
2 Kings xvii. 30, " The men of Babylon made
Succoth-benoth," where the last words mean
literally " booths of daughters." See, however,
the note in the ' Speaker's Commentary ' on
Kings, where the words are differently ex-
plained.

with cords about them.] Literally, "having
put ropes round about them" (axoivia
TTepiBepivaC) : this does not refer to wearing
girdles of cord, nor to a wreath of cord round
the head (0<u/iiy£, Herod. ; 8a>fiiyyi S' etrreir-
rai inda-TT], Strabo), but to the roped passages
(o-xoivorevees 8Ugo8oi, Herod.), each woman
being enclosed within a rope, which must be
broken that she might be led away.

burn bran for perfume.] "burn bran as
incense," — namely, to the goddess, that
through her favour a paramour may be found.
Compare Theocritus, ' Idyl.' ii. 33 and 161 ;
Virg. ' Eel.' viii. 82 : " sparge molam."

but if any of them, drawn by some that
passeth by, lie with him.] "and when one
of them has been dragged off by one
of them that pass by to lie with him."

was not thought as worthy as herself]
"has not been thought worthy, like her-
self."

her cord.] "her rope."

44. done among them.] "done on them;"
it refers to the idols (Jv avrols, Vat.), rather
than to the worshippers or priests (nap'
airols, Alex.).

•• 45—54-]

EPISTLE OF JEREMY.

299

isai. 44. 45 'They are made of carpenters
" and goldsmiths : they can be nothing
else than the workmen will have them
to be.

46 And they themselves that made
them can never continue long ; how
should then the things that are made
of them be gods ?

47 For they left lies and reproaches
to them that come after.

48 For when there cometh any
war or plague upon them, the priests
consult with themselves, where they
may be hidden with them.

49 How then cannot men perceive
that they be no gods, which can nei-
ther save themselves from war, nor
from plague ?

50 -Tor seeing they be but of-^Ps. us
wood, and overlaid with silver and wisd. 13.
gold, it shall be known hereafter that IO-
they are false:

51 And it shall manifestly appear
to all nations and kings that they
are no gods, but the works of men's
hands, and that there is no work
of God in them.

52 Who then may not know that
they are no gods ?

53 For neither can they set up a
king in the land, nor give rain unto
men.

54 Neither can they judge their
own cause, nor redress a wrong, being
unable : for they are as crows between
heaven and earth.

Verses 45-52. Idols are mere Works
of Men's hands.

45. made of carpenters."] "made by car-
penters." Isa. xl. 19 ; Jer. x. 3, &c.

they can be nothing else than the workmen
will have them to be.~] So Horace (1 Sat.
viii. 1) scoffs at the statue of Priapus in his
garden : —

" Olim truncus eram ficulnus, inutile lignum,
Quum faber incertus scamnum faceretne Pri-

apum
Maluit esse deum. Deus inde ego."

Lactantius quotes the same passage (' Instit.'
ii. c. 4).

46. be gods.] These words (elvai Beoi)
are found in many MSS. and Versions, but
not in the Vatican Codex. Without them
the meaning will be: "The makers them-
selves do not continue, and how then is it
likely that their works should be of long con-
tinuance ? for what they have left to those
that come after them are lies and disgrace."

47. lies.] I.e. false gods : see note on v. 8.

48. any <war or plague.] "For whenever
war or troubles come upon them."

49. from war, nor from plague.] " from
wars nor from troubles."

51. And it shall manifestly appear to all
nations and kings.] "To all the heathen
and to their kings it shall be mani-
fest."

there is no work of God in them?] I.e.
They cannot do any work such as a god
can do.

52. Who then may not know.] "To whom

then shall it not be known." The Vati-
can Codex omits the negative particle, which
is necessary to the sense. Without it we
should have the inappropriate question —
" Whereby then shall it be known that they
are not gods ? " The other reading is also
confirmed by the form of the questions in
w. 49, 56, &c.

53. a king in the land.] "a king of the
land." See note on v. 34.

give rain unto men.] Compare Deut. xi.
14 ; Ps. cxlvii. 8 ; Acts xiv. 1 7 ; Jas. v. 7.

54. their own cause.] Compare v. 14.
Some would render : " they cannot judge
men's causes." But there is a keener re-
proach in the A.V.

nor redress a wrong.] Or, as in Isa. i. 17,
"relieve the oppressed." See the note
at the end of the chapter on the various read-
ing.

being unable.] "impotent as they are."

for they are as crows, &c] The Alex-
andrine and other MSS. connect this with
the preceding clause, omitting yap: "being
helpless as the crows that are between heaven
and earth." This does not affect the sense,
which, however, the commentators have failed
to discover. Thus Reuss : " This seems to
be a proverbial saying. Anyhow the com-
parison is to the feebleness of the crow, not
to its position. Yet the animal is much less
feeble (!) than the idol."

Certainly a living crow does not appear to
be feeble, especially when flying " between
heaven and earth." But what is more im-
potent than a dead crow hung up " between
heaven and earth," to scare his fellows. The
same thought recurs in v. 70.

3oo

EPISTLE OF JEREMY.

[v. 55—64.

55 Whereupon when fire falleth
upon the house of gods of wood, or
laid over with gold or silver, their
priests will flee away, and escape ;
but they themselves shall be burned
asunder like beams.

56 Moreover they cannot with-
stand any king or enemies : how can
it then be thought or said that they
be gods ?

57 Neither are those gods of wood,
and laid over with silver or gold,
able to escape either from thieves or
robbers.

58 Whose gold, and silver, and
garments wherewith they are clothed,
they that are strong do take, and go
away withal : neither are they able
to help themselves.

59 Therefore it is better to be a
king that sheweth his power, or else
a profitable vessel in an house, which
the owner shall have use of, than
such false gods ; or to be a door in

an house, to keep such things safe as
be therein, than such false gods ; or
a pillar of wood in a palace, than such
false gods.

60 For sun, moon, and stars, being
bright, and sent to do their offices,
are obedient.

61 In like manner the lightning
when it breaketh forth is easy to be
seen; and "after the same manner 0 Or,
the wind bloweth in every country. *£m,

62 And when God commandeth
the clouds to go over the whole
world, they do as they are bidden.

63 And the fire sent from above
to consume hills and woods doeth
as it is commanded : but these are
like unto them neither in shew nor
power.

64 Wherefore it is neither to
be supposed nor said that they are
gods, seeing they are able neither to
judge causes, nor to do good unto
men.

the

55. Whereupon when.] "For even when."
burned asunder.'] "burned through, and

through" (jtxe'o-ot).

56. thought or said?] "admitted or sup-
posed."

Verses 57-59. Idols most helpless and

USELESS EVEN OF Men's WORKS.

57. Neither are those gods of wood, <h'c?]
There is more force in the proper order:
"Neither from thieves nor from robbers
can they escape, — these gods of wood,"
&c.

53. Whose gold and silver . . . they that
are strong do take.] Here, again, the force is
better preserved by retaining the order of the
Greek: "From whom the strong will
strip off the gold and the silver and
the raiment that is about them."

neither are they able?] "and they will
not be able to defend themselves."

59. power?] "courage" (avhpdav).

a profitable vessel in an house, which the
owner shall have use of] "a vessel in a
house useful for the purpose for which
the owner shall have need of it." See
Additional Note on the various reading.

such false gods.] " the false gods." The
same words are repeated thrice in this verse,
like a new refrain.

or to be a door.] "or even a door," &c. ;
i.e. is better than they.

Verses 60-63. God's Works are all
useful in their several offices.

60. sent to do their offices.] Literally, " sent
forth for needful purposes."

61. easy to be seen?] " brilliant " {evoirros),
or "fair to see."

and after the same )?ianner the wind
bloweth in every country.] This version, with
a slight addition, represents correctly the
Received Text: "the wind also bloweth,"
&c. As sun, moon, stars, and lightning are
all useful in their several offices, " after the
same manner the wind also" everywhere
does its work.

On the marginal rendering, " the same wind
bloweth in every country," see the Additional
Note.

62. And ivhen God commandeth, fy'c]
"And when the clouds are commanded
by God."

they do as they are bidden?] "they fulfil
his bidding."

63. And the fire, fac] "And the fire
when sent forth from above to consume
mountains and forests doeth that which
is appointed."

but these.] "but these (idols)."

v. 65—73-]

EPISTLE OF JEREMY.

301

65 Knowing therefore that they
are no gods, fear them not.

66 For they can neither curse nor
bless kings :

67 Neither can they shew signs
in the heavens among the heathen,
nor shine as the sun, nor give light
as the moon.

68 The beasts are better than they :
for they can get under a covert, and
help themselves.

69 It is then by no means manifest
unto us that they are gods : therefore
fear them not.

70 For as a scarecrow in a garden
of cucumbers keepeth nothing : so

are their gods of wood, and laid over
with silver and gold.

71 And likewise their gods of
wood, and laid over with silver and
gold, are like to a white thorn in an
orchard, that every bird sitteth upon ;
as also to a dead body, that is cast
into the dark.

72 And ye shall know them to be " Or,
no gods by the l! bright purple that and
rotteth upon them : and they them- „"fsh/'
selves afterwards shall be eaten, and
shall be a reproach in the country.

73 Better therefore is the just man
that hath none idols : for he shall be
far from reproach.

66. Compare Jer. x. 5 : "They cannot do
evil, neither also is it in them to do good."
But God's curse or blessing affects even
kings.

67. Compare Jer. x. 2: "Learn not the
way of the heathen, and be not dismayed at
the signs of heaven."

68. get under. ,] "escape into."

69. by no means. ~] "in no wise." These
words may be connected with the close of
the sentence, thus : "In no wise then, it is
manifest unto us, are they gods."

therefore] " wh e r e f 0 r e."

70. a scarecrow."] Lobeck (' Phrynichus,'
p. 86) quotes this passage and a Scholiast's
note upon it : " The prose writers of the
Greeks give the names Trpofiao-Kavia and <e-
pipfirfka to things which the watchmen in a
field set up to frighten birds or even men.
But these latter are called poppokvKeia."

in a garden of cucumbers.'] Compare Isa.
i. 8, with S. Basil's comment on the word:
"A place that produces quick-growing and
perishable fruits." On the form of the word,
see the Additional Note.

keepeth nothing] "that keepeth nothing."
"He compares the idols to these scarecrows,
which do not in reality protect the fruits but
in the imagination of the birds, which suppose
them to be real men, while they are only
imitations of men : so also the idols are not
gods, but images " (Corn, a Lap.).

71. And likewise.] "In the same man-
ner also."

like to a white thorn.] The idols are as

senseless and helpless as a thorn-bush (" Rham-
nus:" 'Diet, of the Bible'), which cannot
drive away the birds that settle on it: see
•v. 22.

cast into the dark.] " The dark " (eV ctko-
ret) does not here mean " the grave," as
Reusch supposes, nor " sheol." The idols
are as senseless and as little respected as
a corpse cast out unburied in some dark
place. The same Greek word (ippippevos)
is used in Judges iv. 22 of the corpse of
Sisera, and in 1 Mace. xi. 4: compare Bar.
ii. 25.

72. by the bright purple, <&c] "by the
purple also, and hy the brightness that
rotteth upon them," &c. The word ren-
dered in the margin " brightness " (pappd-
pov) means properly " marble," so called in
Greek from its brightness. Marble was no
doubt sometimes used to overlay and adorn
wooden images, but the idea of rotting (0-7777-0-
pivrjs) does not agree very well with marble,
which moreover has not been mentioned in
the preceding descriptions of the idols. Other
words have been suggested, but the reading
is not doubtful, and it is best to accept
the general sense of "brightness" with the
margin.

a reproach in the country] Compare w. 27
and 47.

73. the just man that hath none idols.]
"a righteous man that hath no idols."
The author breaks off rather abruptly with
the general reflection that it is better to have
nothing to do with idols, which bring only
disgrace upon their worshippers.

ADDITIONAL NOTES ON verses 3, 27, 54, 59, 6r, 70.

3. seven generations] The Greek word years: and if it has this meaning here, the dura-
(yeved) usually meant a space of about thirty tion assigned to the Captivity is just thrice as

302

EPISTLE OF JEREMY.

long as in Jer. xxix. 10: "For thus saith the
Lord, That after seventy years be accomplished
at Babylon, I will visit you, and perform my
good word toward you, in causing you to
return to this place."

The commentators on the Epistle attempt
in various ways to reconcile or explain the
apparent discrepancy. Some refer to Suidas,
who observes that yeved was used in medical
language for a period of seven years : but
that was evidently an exceptional use, which
would be quite inappropriate here. Just as
little help can be gained from a very doubtful
passage in which Diogenes Laertius is sup-
posed to use yeved for a period of ten years.
Reusch, a Roman Catholic commentator,
who maintains that the Epistle is a genuine
work of the prophet Jeremiah, supposes that
yeved is the translation of the Hebrew word
(in), which, " where it is used as a defini-
tion of time, signifies only in a general way
' a period of time,' ' a succession of years : '
and why should not Jeremiah have said here
' many years and a long time even unto seven
periods,' and there have recalled the more
exact determination which he had already
given elsewhere (xxv. 12)?" Other sugges-
tions, such as &ei<d8iov for yevecov (Houbi-
gant), or three for seven (i.e. y for £') ( Welte),
are still less probable.

Modern commentators, including the
Roman Catholics, have for the most part
given up the genuineness of the Epistle, and
hold that it must have been written several
centuries after the death of Jeremiah. A Jew
of that later period, seeing that so large a
portion of his nation was still scattered among
the heathen in Babylon and in many other
lands, might well think that the promised
restoration of God's people, with all the
great and glorious blessings which were to
accompany it, could not have been fulfilled
by the return of a small part of the exiles
from Babylon. Unable to discern the spi-
ritual meaning of the promises, and looking
still for a more complete restoration of the
greatness and glory of the nation, he might
be inclined to extend the duration of the
exile from "seventy years" to the longer
and more indefinite period of " seven gene-
rations."

This view is held, with various modifica-
tions, by Fritzsche, Lange, Ewald (' Hist, of
Israel,' v. 140, E. Tr.), and is on the whole
the most probable.

27. (a.) The Vatican and Alexandrine MSS.
both read 61a to p.r]7roTe eVi ttjv yrjv Trecrj)
5V avrcov dvio-Taadai. If this be retained, the
sense will be that the attendants are ashamed
" because (the idols), lest they should fall to
the ground, are set up by them." The con-
struction is perfectly regular, but the sense
not satisfactory.

A better reading is suggested by the vari-

ations in the two following clauses, which
both begin in the Codex Alex, with prjiroTe
edv, but in the Cod. Vat. with prjre edv. The
IxrjTTore is evidently wrong in these two
clauses, but seems to have been transferred
from the first clause, so that the true reading
would be 81a to prjTTOTe, edv enl ttjv yi]v ireo-y,
81 avTcov aviaTaaOai, pi]Te edv tls k. t. X.

(A.) edv tis avTO dpdov o-Tr)o-fl k.t.\. In
the two following clauses Fritzsche says that
"the author in p;re k.t. X. speaks out his
own opinion (von sich) positively." But if
so, he must have written 01/Ve, not pi)Te. The
true explanation of his using prjre seems to
be that he is still expressing the thought of
the attendants, but, instead of continuing the
construction with the infinitive (Sia to prj-
TTOTe . . . dvio'Taadai, p^Te . . . KivrjBrjO'e-
o-dai), passes over at the end of the sentence
to the indicative.

(c.) S>o~irep veKpols. The comparison of
the idol-gods to corpses occurs in several
of the very early Christian writings: Pseudo-
Clemens Rom. 2 Cor. iii. : i)pels ol £aWes
toIs veKpols 6eols ov 6vop.ev. Epist. ad
Diognetum, c. ii. : ov Kcocpd irdvTa ; ov Tv(p\d ;
ova u^v)(a ; ovk dvaio~6r]Ta ; ovk aKivrjTa ; . . .
TavTa deoiis /caXetre k. t.X. The same com-
parison is also found in the AtSa^?) tcov t/3'
dwoo-ToXcov (published by Bryennius at Con-
stantinople, 1883), cap. vi. : dnb be tov eiSco-
\o6vtov Xlav Trpocre^e" XaTpeia yap e'ort 6ewv
venpav.

54. OiiSe p,r) pio-avTai ubiKrjpa. Instead of
this reading of the Vatican MS., which is
adopted in the Received Text (Tisch.), the
Codex Alex., with many Cursives and Ver-
sions, has dbiKovpevov.

d. Fritzsche suggests different explanations
of d8iKr]p.a.

(1) " Nor can they rescue a thing stolen
from them." Plato, 'Republ.' ii. 365 e. :
dbucrjTeov Kai BvTeov e< tcov d8i<r]fj,dTcov.
But this sense of dbiKrjpa is not found in
biblical Greek, and in the passage quoted its
meaning is in part defined by the context.

(2) " Nor can they hold back (from them-
selves) an injury." In Homer, ' Odyss.'
xxiii. 243 : —

*H<2 8' avre
fivcraT «V 'nueavcp xPvcr^P0V0Vi

the meaning is simply to " hold back," not to
" repel " from oneself.

Fritzsche is himself not satisfied with these
explanations, and as an alternative suggests
a purely conjectural emendation, epvo-covTcu.

/3'. The other reading (dbiKovpevov) is well
authenticated, and gives a better sense : The
idols can neither judge their own cause,
"nor relieve the oppressed." This is
the common use of pveo-dai, both in the
LXX. (Isa. i. 17: pvcracrde ddi.iiovp.evov) and

EPISTLE OF JEREMY.

303

vii. 24; 2 Cor. i. 10:

in the N. T. (Rom.
2 Tim. iii. 11, &c.).

59. iv hie h the owner shall have use qf.~]
The reading xpwerai (Alex.) has probably
been substituted for the less usual /ce^p?;-
aerai (Vat.), and a feeble tautology thus
introduced into the passage. As xPW@aL
is, apparently, never found with iiri and a
dative, icp" w also was changed in some MSS.
into iv <S, e<p' o, 0, or «, which last form is
represented in the Authorized Version.

Neither of the changes is required. That
Kfxpw*™ means " shall need," rather than
" shall use," is probable from the use of /ce-
xprjpivos in this sense (Homer, ' Od.' i. 13,
xiv. 155; Soph. 'Phil.' 1264, &c). If we
then understand i<p' w in the usual sense of
purpose, the meaning of the passage is clear :
" a vessel useful for the purpose for which
the owner shall have need of it." The Latin
Version {gloriabitur) represents a reading
Kavxwerai, and so confirms the form Kexprj-
aerai.

61. The Vatican text of this verse has to
8' avro /cat Trvevpa. k. t. X. The Alexandrine,
which omits /cat, may be rendered, as in the
margin, " and the same wind bloweth in
every country." In support of this render-
ing, Fritzsche refers to The Song of the
Three Children, -v. 43 : " O all ye winds,
bless ye the Lord." But the sense thus
obtained, that wind is everywhere the same,
the work of the same Creator, is less appro-
priate to our passage than that of the Vatican
text — that as the other elements of nature all

are useful, so the wind also is everywhere
active.

This construction leaves irvevaa without
an article, as rjXios, o-fXrjvr], ao-rpa, do-TpaTTT],
which go before, and ve<f>eXais which follows,
all are. Compare for this omission of the
article the passage cited by Bishop Middle-
ton, ch. vi. § 2, from Plato, ' Cratylus,' 408 F:
fjXlov re /cat o-fXrjvjjs /cat acrrpav /cat yr/s Kai
aldepos /cat aipos /cat 7rvpos /cat vdaros /cat

u>pa>v /cat iviavTov; — and the earlier passage,

397 D: (paivovrai poi 01 npuiTOi rav dv$pa)Tra>v
rwv TTepl ttjv EXXaSa rovrovs p.6vovs irov Oeoi/s
Tj-yelcrdai, ovenvep vvv 7roXXot rcoj/ ftapftdpcov,
rjXiov /cat creXijvrjv /cat yrjv /cat ao-rpa *cat ov-
pavdv.

For the quasi-adverbial use of to avro,
compare Philipp. ii. 18.

70. eV crt/cur/pdrw.] Both here and in
Isa. i. 8, the MSS. vary between this form
and crt/cvTjXdrw. Fritzsche prefers the latter
on two grounds : —

(1) That it is better supported by MSS. in
other authors, as Hippocrates, Cyril of Jeru-
salem, and Cyril of Alexandria. Basil quotes
from Isaiah iv o-L<vripdTa>, but himself writes
o-iKvfjXaTov immediately after.

(2) Fritzsche finds no satisfactory etymo-
logy for o-iKVTjparov, but compares o-ucvrjXaTov
with ^aX/cijXaro?, xpvo-qXaros.

Lobeck (' Phrynichus,' p. 86) speaks of
criKvrjXarov as a faulty reading in some editions
of the Bible. The combined authority of the
Vat. and Alex. Codd. in favour of aucvripaTov
in both passages must outweigh the testimony
of the Cursives.

ADDITIONS TO DANIEL.

I. THE SONG OF THE THREE HOLY CHILDREN.

Bar'ku Yahweh mal'akau
Gibbore koh 'ose hail

Lismo' beqol debaro.

* * *

Bar'ku Yahweh kol-c'ba'au

M'sar'thau 'ose recono.

* * ~ *

Bar'ku Yahweh kol-ma'sau
Bekol m'qomoth memsalto
Bar'ki nafsi eth-Yahvveh.

(Ps. ciii. 20 sqq.)

THE numerous Talmudic and Midra-
shic references to the story of Hana-
niah, Mishael, and Azariah make it pro-
bable that at one time Jewish tradition
had more to tell about the three martyrs
than is now read in Dan. iii. A story
of this kind would naturally be a popular
favourite, and as such would be pecu-
liarly liable to amplification and em-
bellishment. Hence it is not surprising
to find that the Greek versions of Daniel,
followed by the Syriac, Latin, and Arabic,
have interpolated at chap. iii. 23 a Prayer
which Azarias utters in the name of the
Three, and a Canticle which they are sup-
posed to have chanted together in the
midst of the flaming furnace.1

Independently of the Story of the
Three Children, it appears from Jer.
xxix. 22 sg., that burning alive was, as a
matter of historical fact, a Babylonian
mode of execution; and we have an older
notice in the records of Assurbanipal,
king of Assyria, who thus revenged him-
self on his rebellious brother Samas-sum-
ucin, viceroy of Babylon (arc. 648 b.c.).2
Firdausi tells a story which shews that
Persian tradition also had its martyr-

1 Thl? Prayer ancl Canticle are also read as
Nos. viii.-x. among the hymns appended to the
Ethiopic Psalter, where they are properly
arranged, as poetical pieces, according to the
rhythm.

2 See the Introd. to the Prayer of Manasses.

Apoc— Vol. II.

hero who came unhurt out of a fiery
lurnace (Malcolm's ' Persia,' i. 29, 30).
The passage about the Two Wicked
Prophets, quoted from the Midrash Tati-
hfima in the Introd. to Susanna, makes
Nebuchadnezzar refer to the case of
Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego ; and
curiously relates that whereas Ahab and
Zedekiah perished in the flames, their
holy companion, Joshua, the High Priest,
came forth without other harm than
the singeing of his garments. In such
legends it is possible to see a literal appli-
cation of scriptural passages like Ps. lxvi.
12, "We went through fire and water,
and thou broughtest us out ; " Zech. iii.
2, " Is not this man [i.e. Joshua, the High
Priest] a brand plucked out of the fire ? "
and Isa. xliii. 2, " When thou walkest
through the fire, thou shalt not be burnt,
neither shall the flame kindle upon thee."
From texts such as these, the Haggadic
expositors might easily develop stories
illustrating their apparent meaning. The
case is precisely analogous to that of
Bel and the Dragon, and the Story of
Susanna.

In the Midrash we find, besides, the
following references to the Story of the
Three Children. In Wayyiqra Rabba
(Parash. xxxiii., cap. xxv. i),1 Nebuchad-
nezzar remonstrates with them thus :
" Did not idolatry originate among you ?
Is it not written, 'And their graven
images from Jerusalem and Samaria ' [a
misrendering of Isa. x. 10] ? And come
ye now to make nought of my god ?
When ye were in your own land, ye
sent to us, and procured claws, hair,
and bones of idols, and drew them, in

1 Apud Dr. Aug. Wunsche's < Bibliotheca.
Rabbinica.'

306

INTRODUCTION TO THE SONG OF

order to fulfil that which is written
(Ezek. xxiii. 14), 'the images of the Chal-
deans pourtrayed with vermilion ; ' and
come ye now to make my idol image
nought?" R. Jehudah bar R. Simon
makes the king remonstrate in like
manner, on the ground of Ezek. xvi. 25 ;
xxiii. 42, 43 (with a ref. to Jer. li. 44).
" R. Samuel bar Nachmani said : Nebu-
chadnezzar said unto them : ' Your idol
image was of silver and gold, as it is said
(citing Hos. viii. 4) ; but my idol image
is wholly of the purest gold, as it is said
(Dan. hi. 1) ; and come ye now to make
mine idol nought ? Did not Moses write
for you in the Law (Deut. iv. 28), There
ye shall serve gods the work of men's
hands ? ' They answered : ' My lord, O
king, to bow before does not mean to
worship, but to be subject to them in the
way of forced labours, subsidies, poll-
taxes, and fines.' Our Rabbis have
taught : Nebuchadnezzar said unto them,
Did not Jeremiah write for you (xxvii. 8),
' The nation and kingdom that will not
serve N. the king of Babylon,' &c." Sha-
drach, Meshach, and Abednego gave the
same explanation as before, adding, with
reference to the command to worship
the image, " ' Thou art "fi»-D133 ; bark
(nil = na) like a dog, swell thyself out
like a water-jar ("D), and chirp like
a cricket ' ("imv). Straightway he barked
like a dog, swelled himself out like a
water-jar, and chirped like a cricket" (a
reference to Nebuchadnezzar's madness).
In the Talmud Bab. Abo d ah Zarah 3 a,
it is said that the heathen will attest before
Messiah's tribunal that Israel has kept
the whole Law. Nimrod will declare
that Abraham chose to be cast into his
fiery furnace rather than worship his
idols. Nebuchadnezzar will witness in
favour of Hananiah, Mishael, and Aza-
riah.

Sanhedrin, 93 a (referred to in the
Introd. to Susanna), makes Nebuchad-
nezzar reply to his daughter thus concern-
ing the proposals of the Two Wicked
Prophets : " The god of these men hateth
lust (net) ; when they come unto thee,
send them unto me. When they came
unto her, she sent them unto her father.
He said unto them, Who told you ?
They said, The Holy One (blessed be
He !). [He said :] Behold Hananiah,

Mishael, and Azariah, I have asked
them, and they have told me it is for-
bidden (tids). They said unto him,
We too are prophets like them. He
(God) spake not unto them ; unto us
He hath spoken. He said unto them,
I desire to prove you as I proved Hana-
niah, Mishael, and Azariah. They said
unto him, They were three, and we are
two. He said unto them, Choose you
whom ye desire along with you. They
said, Joshua, the High Priest. They
thought, Let Joshua come ; for his merit
is great, and will shield us." The result
was that they were burnt, and Joshua's
garments singed (Zech. iii. 1, 2). "He
(Nebuchadnezzar) said unto him, I know
that thou art righteous ; but what is the
reason that the fire gained a slight advan-
tage over thee, and none at all over
Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah? He
said to him, They were three, and I
(am only) one. He said to him, And
behold Abraham was alone there, and
there were no wicked men with him,
and yet leave was not given to the
fire (to burn him)." " Here there were
wicked men with me, and leave was given
to the fire. This is what they say, Two
dry sticks (H1N, torres) and one green
one. The dry ones kindle the green one."
Taanith, 18 b, also alludes to the
miracle of the deliverance of the Three..
Pcsachim, 118 a, has the following:
" Hizkiah said [with reference to the text
" Not unto us, O Lord, not unto us "] r
It implies a descent of the righteous into
the furnace of fire, and an ascent there-
from : a descent, as it is written : Not
unto us, O Lord, not unto us. Hananiah
said, But unto thy Name give the praise.
Mishael said, For thy loving-kindness
and for thy truth's sake. Azariah said,.
Wherefore should the heathen say?
They all said, on coming up from the
furnace of fire, that which is written :.
Praise the Lord, all ye heathen. Hana-
niah said : Laud him, all ye peoples.
Mishael said : For his loving-kindness is
mighty upon us. Azariah said : And the
truth of the Lord endureth for ever;

praise ye J ah."

*****

" In the hour when Nimrod the wicked
threw Abraham our father into the midst
of the furnace of fire, quoth Gabriel

THE THREE HOLY CHILDREN.

307

before the Holy One (blessed be He !) :
Lord of the World, I will go down, and
cool, and deliver the righteous one out
of the furnace of fire. The Holy One
(blessed be He !) said unto him : I am
alone in my world, and he is alone in his
world : it becometh the Only One to de-
liver the only one. And as the Holy One
(blessed be He !) doth not cut off the re-
ward of any creature, He said : Thou
shalt prevail, and thou shalt deliver
three of his sons' sons.1 R. Samuel the
Shilonite discoursed thus : In the hour
when Nebuchadnezzar the wicked threw
Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah into
the midst of the furnace of fire, Yorqemi,
the Prince of Hail, stood before the Holy
One (blessed be He !). Said he before
Him : Lord of the AVorld, Let me go
down and cool the furnace, and deliver
these righteous ones out of the furnace
of fire. Quoth Gabriel unto him : The
Omnipotence of the Holy One (blessed
be He !) is not (involved) in this, that thou
the prince of the hail (cool the flames),
when all men know that waters (natu-
rally) quench fire ; but I, the Prince of
Fire, will go down and make it cool within
(D»3MO "npx) and hot without, and thus
work a miracle within a miracle. The
Holy One (blessed be He !) said unto
him, Go down. In the self-same hour
Gabriel opened his mouth and said :
And the truth of the Lord endureth for
ever." Cf. also Pesac/i., 94 a.

The above passages not only illus-
trate the tendency to put appropriate
thanksgivings into the mouth of the
Three Martyrs, which we find exem-
plified at length in our Apocryphon :
they also shew that the conception of a
deliverance from a fiery furnace was
traditional among the Jews, in all proba-
bility from very ancient times. And
we have to bear in mind a fact familiar
enough to students of the Talmudic and
Midrashic literature, though apparently
unknown to many expositors of" Scrip-
ture, whose minds conspicuously lack that
orientation which is an indispensable
preliminary to a right understanding of
the treasures of Eastern thought ; I
mean, the inveterate tendency of Jewish
teachers to convey their doctrine not in
the form of abstract discourse, but in a
1 I.e. the Three Holy Children.

mode appealing directly to the imagina-
tion, and seeking to rouse the interest
and sympathy of the man rather than the
philosopher. The Rabbi embodies his
lesson in a story, whether parable or
allegory or seeming historical narrative;
and the last thing he or his disciples
would think of is to ask whether the
selected persons, events, and circum-
stances which so vividly suggest the
doctrine are in themselves real or
fictitious. The doctrine is everything ;
the mode of presentation has no inde-
pendent value. To make the story the
first consideration, and the doctrine it
was intended to convey an after-
thought, as we, with our dry Western
literalness, are predisposed to do, is
to reverse the Jewish order of thinking,
and to do unconscious injustice to the
authors of many edifying narratives of
antiquity.

The composer of the Song of the
Three Children has drawn largely upon
the Psalter, and the Prayer of Azarias
follows scriptural models. Although the
Greek text as Greek reads rather baldly,
we cannot agree with Fritzsche that " the
accumulated doxologies " of the Song are
an artistic defect; nor do we think the
separate enumeration of the manifold
powers of creation " frigid." The mono-
tony of form is itself effective. It is like
the monotony of the winds or the waves ;
and powerfully suggests to the imagina-
tion the amplitude and splendour of
God's world, and the sublimity of the
universal chorus of praise. The instinct
of the Church, which early adopted the
Benedicite for liturgical use, was right.

The supposition that the Prayer and
the Hymn are due to different authors
rests upon a false contrast between vv.
15 and 31, 62. It is true that the former
passage presupposes the destruction of
the Temple and the cessation of sacrifice,
but the latter does not contradict this,
for " the temple of thine holy glory " is
the celestial temple or palace (see note
ad loc. and Isa. vi. 1) ; and the language
of v. 62, " O ye priests of the Lord,"
&c, is accounted for either by the con-
sideration that there were priests among
the exiles, or by the fact that the verse is
taken bodily from Ps. cxxxiv. 1, and the
author's view is ideal. Fritzsche thinks

X 2

3o3

INTRODUCTION TO THE SONG OF

he "has simply fallen out of his cue."
In v. 15 he certainly appears to have done
so, in the remark that " there is no pro-
phet," which would suit his own time,
but not that of the Exile. But here, too,
the writer may have been influenced by
a reminiscence of such passages as are
cited in the note on the verse.1 The
style of prayer and song is identical
throughout.

As to the original language of all the
Three Additions to Daniel, it was pro-
bably in each case either Hebrew or
Aramaic. The Greek text consequently
is either a translation or a paraphrastic
remodelling of the pieces. Eichhorn
at first argued for a Greek original, as
in the case of Judith also, but later
he changed his opinion so far as to
leave the question undecided.2 Keil and
Fritzsche maintain the originality of the
Greek. The latter observes that in
cases of this kind a Hebrew original has
usually been inferred from the strongly
Hebraizing character of the Greek ; but
there is always a great difference between
a translation and an original Hellenistic
text. In the latter a Greek colouring
will always make itself apparent ; in
the former, awkward renderings, if not
actual blunders, will always be discerni-
ble. Fritzsche admits however that, as
regards the Song of the Three Children,
its brevity and simplicity are against his
decision ; and we think that he is wrong
in the assertion that there is no trace any-
where of a Hebrew text. It may be true
that a Hellenist familiar with the LXX.
might have written such a piece ; and it
is true that no mistakes in translation
can be certainly specified. This last is an
important point ; for, as Dr. Pusey has
well observed, " Hebraisms in themselves
prove nothing ; for one who thinks in
his own language and writes in another
is, in fact, translating, although mentally.

One, e.g., who had the word 'OS1? in his

1 Compare also Wayyiqra Rabba, xxx. 23, 40 :
" R. Isaac explained the verse (' He will regard
the prayer of the destitute,' Ps. cii. 17) with
reference to the generations in which the people
of Israel has no king and no prophets and no
priests, and no Urim and Thummim, but only
Prayer. Hence David said before God, ' Lord of
the World, despise not their prayer.' "

2 ' Einleit. in d. Apokr. Schr.,' p. 419 ; ' Ein-
leit. in d. A. T.,' iv. 530.

mind, might just as well use IvavrCov for
it, instead of ivwTnov, as one who had it
before his eyes ; and so on. But mis-
takes in translating shew that the writer
and translator were different."1 The sug-
gestion, however, that in v. 14 the Heb.

^DO has been misread as bl2 is plau-
sible. The difficulty in v. 17 may indicate
not so much a corruption of the Greek
text as a confusion of the Heb. noun

Wo, "holocaust," with the verb bbl, "to
perfect ; " and it is doubtful whether
a Hellenist would have used such an

V i /

expression as kcu e7rotr]o-e to fxeaov tt/s
Ka/xLvov (Wei 7rvev[j.a Spoaov Siatru-
pi£ov (v. 27), unless he were translating
from a Semitic original. The word
7rv€Vfj,aTa for dve/x,ot (v. 43) may point
to Heb. nini"i, which covers both terms ;
cf. v. 64. The commentary adds
other indications, and demonstrates the
strongly Hebraic cast and complexion
of the Prayer and Song. But the argu-
ment for an original Hebrew text does
not rest only upon such grounds as
these. It may also be based upon
the contents of all three Additions,
which are indeed hardly conceivable as
the fictions of Alexandrian Hellenists.
The passages above quoted from the
Babylonian Talmud and the Midrash
prove that the Story of the Three Chil-
dren was a favourite topic with the
Rabbis and their disciples, and seem to
indicate the existence of a more extended
tradition, which may have included the
Prayer of Azarias and the Song of the
Three. Perhaps the Greek translator
found this piece in a Hebrew Midrash
Daniel. This would account for the
recurrence to the Hebrew names of the
Three. In the Aramaic of Dan. iii.
they bear their Babylonian designations.
See further the Introd. to Bel and
Susanna.

The Additions constitute integral
portions of the LXX. text of Daniel,
and it is obviously difficult to suppose
that the author of that text invented
these stories himself, or incorporated
in his version of a work written in
Hebrew and Aramaic three important
pieces which he only knew in a Greek
dress. Moreover, the strange juxta-

1 <

Daniel the Prophet,' p. 377, note 7.

THE THREE HOLY CHILDREN

309

position of the two languages in Daniel
may indicate, as Lenormant suggested,
that certain lacunae in the Hebrew text
have been supplied from an Aramaic
version ; and if that be so, it is not im-
possible that one or more of our three
Additions represent sections of the lost
Aramaic text, which may have been
fuller than the Hebrew Daniel. Little,
at all events, can be alleged against the
supposition that the Alexandrian trans-
lator of Daniel rendered these narratives
from a Hebrew or Aramaic original,
and added them to his version of the
main work, as pertaining to the same

subject. The identity of style, even in
minute particulars, strongly favours this
conclusion. And, as regards the nume-
rous variations between the different
versions, especially in the case of Bel
and Susanna, we may apply the words of
Dr. Neubauer : " No books are more
subject to additions, alterations, and
various adaptations, than popular his-
tories ; the text is in the hands of a few,
and the contents are related orally to the
people : hence the great variety in the
texts even of the early translations."
What Dr. Neubauer thus writes of Tobit,
has equal force in the present instance.

THE SONG OF THE

THREE HOLY CHILDREN,

Which followeth in the third Chapter of DANIEL after this ptece—fell down
bound into the midst of the burning fiery furnace. — Verse 23. That which
followeth is not in the Hebrew, to wit, And they walked — unto these words,
Then Nebuchadnezzar — verse 24.

2 A zarias his prayer and confession in the flame,
24 wherewith the Chaldeans about the oven
were consumed, but the three children within
it were not hurt. 28 The song of the three
children in the oven.

AND they walked in the midst of
the fire, praising God, and
blessing the Lord.

2 Then Azarias stood up, and
prayed on this manner : and opening
his mouth in the midst of the fire
said,

3 Blessed art thou, O Lord God of
our fathers : thy name is worthy to be
praised and glorified for evermore :

TITLE. — The Song of the Three Holy Chil-
dren.'] In the Vatican LXX. the title is
' Prayer of Azarias ' and ' Hymn of the
Three.' The Alex. MS. omits! Fritzsche
edits : ' Prayer of Azarias and Laud of the
Three Children' (jrpocrevxh 'A-Caplov <ai tiov
Tpioiv 7raiSa>i> a'ivecris). The Gk. term ulvtais

may represent Heb. r6nn, laus, psalmus, as
in Ps. cxlv. (title), or riTin, actio gratiarum
(Ps. xxvi. 7). In the Vulgate, S. Jerome
notes : " Quae sequuntur in Hebraeis volu-
minibus non reperi." Walton's Syriac has
the heading, "Prayer of those with Hana-
niah;" the Ethiopic, "Prayer of Azariah."
The Syriac edited by Bugatus from the
Ambrosian MS. has no heading.

2. Then Azarias stood up and prayed.] The
text of Theodotion connects this section with
Dan. iii. 23 thus: "And they were walking in
the midst of the flame, praising God and
blessing the Lord. And standing with (them :
Codd. 34, 36, al.), Azarias prayed on this
manner," &c., as in the A. V. The Ambrosian
Syriac, which represents the LXX., has :
" 23. The men, therefore, that bound them
of the house of Azariah, when the flame
had gone forth from the furnace, it kindled
and slew ; but they were preserved. 24. Thus,
therefore, prayed Hananiah and Azariah and
Mishael, and praised the Lord, when the
king commanded to cast them into the
furnace. 25. But when Azariah rose up, he
prayed thus; and when he had opened his
mouth, he was giving thanks to the Lord,
with his fellows who were with him in the
midst of the fire, when the furnace was being
heated [mestaggar, "kindled"] by the Chal-
deans mightily : and they said."

Fritzsche edits : " On this manner, there-
fore, prayed Ananias and Azarias and Misael,
and sang praises unto the Lord, when the
king commanded that they should be cast
into the furnace. Now (Sc) Azarias stood
and prayed on this manner, and opening his
mouth began to give thanks (e^w/ioXu-yciro)
unto the Lord, with his companions in the
midst of the fire, as the furnace was being
heated by the Chaldeans exceedingly, and
they said." Theodotion pruned away this
prolixity, and improved the connexion of the
inserted piece with the original text. The
mention of " the Chaldeans" here, and again
in v. 24, as executing the royal decree, is
remarkable. In the canonical text of Daniel
they are mentioned but once (Dan. iii. 8),
where it is said that " certain Chaldeans
slandered the Jews" to Nebuchadnezzar.
Moreover, the recurrence to the Hebrew
names of " Shadrach, Meshach, and Abed-
nego " is surprising ; for throughout the
narrative in Dan. iii. they are called by their
Babylonian designations. It is also to be
noted that in Dan. i. and ii. the order of the
names is always "Hananiah, Mishael, and
Azariah," never, as in the addition, Hananiah,
Azariah, and Mishael (here, and «u. 65).
These peculiarities may be allowed to have
some weight, in considering the question
whether the piece originally belonged to the
Book of Daniel or not ; but they certainly do
not tend to prove that the original language
of this piece was Greek.

3. Blessed art thou, 0 Lord God of our fa-
thers.] A common formula of Jewish prayer.
Cf. 1 Chron. xxix. 10, 20; 2 Chron. vi. 3, 4.

thy name is nvorthy to be praised.] So Syr.

v. 4-3.] SONG OF THE THREE CHILDREN.

311

Dan. 9. 4 ''For thou art righteous in all

f" the things that thou hast done to us :

yea, true are all thy works, thy ways

Ps. 25. are right,and '''all thy judgments truth.

5 In all the things that thou hast

brought upon us, and upon the holy

city of our fathers, even Jerusalem,

thou hast executed true judgment :

for according to truth and judgment

didst thou bring all these things upon

us because of our sins.

6 For we have sinned and com-
mitted iniquity, departing from thee.

7 In all things have we trespassed,
and not obeyed thy commandments,
nor kept them, neither done as thou
hast commanded us, that it might go
well with us.

8 Wherefore all that thou hast
brought upon us, and every thing
that thou hast done to us, thou hast
done in true judgment.

W., Vulg., Arab., and Ethiopic. Teschendorf
and Fritzsche read alveros for cdverov (so
fifteen cursive MSS., Syr. Hex., and Co. Aid.),
and connect the epithet with the preceding
clause. We think the reading of the four
versions agrees better with that parallelism
which is one of the principles of Hebrew
poetical construction. Else the term alveros,
Heb. hbnft, is applicable in both ways :
Ps. xviii. 3 ; cxiii. 3.

The word o~e8o{jao-pevov, " glorious," gloria
siffectus = afficiendus, may represent Heb.

^H3, magma, as in Mai. i. 11, "My name
is great among the nations ;" or rather 1333,
honorandus, laudandus : cf. Ps. lxxxvi. 9, 12 ;
lxxxvii. 3.

4. For thou art righteous in all the things.']
em nam, " in reference to all." The phrase
occurs in Neh. ix. 33 — a very similar context.
Cf. 'II.' xix. 181 : cjucaiortpos Ka\ eV a'XXco
eWeat. This clause is amplified in the suc-
cessive sentences of the prayer to the end of
v. 8. The spirit of it all is the same as that
which finds expression in Ps. li. 4. Cf. also
Jer. xii. 1. Ethiopic: "in all that thou hast
brought upon us" (Gen. xxvi. 10).

yea, true are all thy works."] Gk. <a\ rvdvra
to i'pya crov akijOivd. Cf. Dan. iv. 34 : Kai
rravra ra (pya avrov a\rj6ivd kol al rpifioi
airov Kpicreis. Also Deut. xxxii. 4: 6eos,
aX-qdiva ra epya avrov, <a\ iracrai al 680I avrov
icpio-fis. And for the next clauses, Hos. xiv.
10; Ps. xix. 9. "Truth" — dX^eia — is the
reading of Codd. II., III. al. ; but Fritzsche
edits dXrjdLval, " true." In Ps. xix. 9 tikTjdiva
= Heb. nON, " truth." Syr. W., "/'« truth ;"
Syr. Hex., " truth."

5. In all the things.] Literally, " And
judgments of truth thou diddest, according
to all that thou broughtest upon us, &c.
[Ethiop. : " and thou hast done judgment and
justice in all that thou hast done to us "J ;
because in truth and judgment thou didst all
these things [so Syr. Hex. ; but Theod., Syr.
W., Vulg., Arab., Ethiop., eirrjyayis ravra
Ttavra] on account of our sins." Cf. Gen. vi.

17; Jer. xix. 15; Judg. xvi. 19; Ps. iii. 7.
The construction of eirayav with the dative
is unusual in the LXX.

6. For tve hai'e sinned.] Fritzsche edits:
" Because we sinned in all things (eV irdcnv,
omitted by Theod.), and did lawlessly, to
revolt from thee." Cf. 2 Chron. vi. 37 ; Dan.
ix. 9, 15 ; Jer. xvii. 5. Instead of rjvop.rjcrap.ev
cmoo-rr]vaL (=we made lawless revolt), Codd.
III., XII. al. read r)vop. anoo-ravres, "we did
lawlessly by revolting." Syr. W. : " On account
of our trespasses which we sinned and did
wickedly (before thee), and went far from
thee, (and did against thy word,) and sinned
unto thee in all, and unto thy command-
ments we hearkened not," Sec. Syr. Hex.
omits the bracketed clauses. Ethiop. : " be-
cause we have transgressed and gone astray,
in that we have forsaken thee."

7. In all things have <we trespassed.] /cat
(£r)fidprop.ev iv irdcri. The last verse began
with on rjpdpropev. It is likely that the
compound verb represents a different Heb.
verb, viz. JWirt, impie egit : see Neh. ix. 33.
The Syr. Hex. has " we sinned ... we went
astray in everything."

thy commandments.] Fritzsche : " the
commandments of thy law." Theod; omits
rov vopov, and reads the simple f]Kovcrap.ev,
instead of vnr]Kovo-ap.ev. All the verbs are
aorists : " And we did wickedly in all things,
and the commandments of thy law we obeyed
not, nor observed straitly (o-vvrrjpt'iu), nor did
as thou commandedst us, that it might well
befal us."

8. Wherefore^] Rather, "and now." This
Kai vvv — Heb. nnyi— is a very common
formula in later Hebrew style : cf. Neh. ix. 32 ;
2 Chron. vi. 16, 17, 40, 41. Theod., Syr. W.,
Arab., wrongly omit the characteristic vvv.
The formula recurs in w. 9 and 17 infra.
The writer repeats the statement of v. 4, as a
preliminary to specifying what it is that God
has brought upon His people. This pecu-
liarity is another indication of a Hebrew
original.

312

SONG OF THE THREE CHILDREN, [v. 9-12.

9 And thou didst deliver us into
the hands of lawless enemies, most
hateful forsakers of God, and to an
unjust king, and the most wicked in
all the world.

10 And now we cannot open our
mouths, we are become a shame and

reproach to thy servants, and to them
that worship thee.

11 Yet deliver us not up wholly,,
for thy name's sake, neither disannul
thou thy covenant :

12 And cause not thy mercy to
depart from us, for thy beloved

9. And thou didst deliver us.] I.e., " in that
thou didst deliver us." The verse is an ex-
plication of the last. (Heb. lj:nni.) In
Fritzsche's text the verse runs : " and thou
didst deliver us into the hands of our lawiess
enemies, and most hateful renegades." So
Syr. Hex. Theodotion omits t]pa>v and kol
before exdio-rcov. His text may be rendered
as in A. V., or perhaps thus : " enemies, law-
less, abominable, apostate."

The term anoo-TUTai, " rebels " or " rebel-
lious," does not seem suitable as applied to
the Chaldeans. In Isa. xxx. i, the Jews are
called reuva a7roo-T«rai ; in the Heb., " stub-
born, contumacious children." In Ezra iv.
12, 15, Jerusalem is called "rebel city" —
7rdXiy aTYoarTciTis — in regard to the Persian
kings. Here, as in Num. xiv. 9, Josh. xxii. 19,
the term represents the Heb. and Aramean
TlD, " contumax fiat, defecit a domino" (cf.
2 Mace. v. 8). Michaelis thought that
moredim might mean " haughty " or " cruel,"
and he refers to the rarer Arabic and Syriac
usage of the same root. The term " apostates "
would then be an instance of mistranslation
from the Hebrew original. But the Chaldeans
are, from a Jewish point of view, not only
avofioi, but also dnoa-raTai — " renegades "
from Jehovah's law. (Cf. Jer. ii. 5 ; Ps. cxix.
150; and the Syr. Hex. term here.) The
meaning need not be restricted to the Mosaic
system. The universal laws of morality may
be intended: cf. Amos i. 3 ; ii. 1. For the
wicked lawlessness of the Chaldeans, cf.
Hab. i. 11 sqq. : Is. xiv. 20 sq.

The Greek text continues : " and to a
king unjust and very wicked beside (jrapci)
all the earth." The superlative Tvov-qporaTM is
curious in connexion with irapa. I cannot
find another instance. Otherwise the ex-
pression is thoroughly Hebraic (cf. the
Ethiop., " evil above all the earth "). Such a
description of Nebuchadnezzar appears, how-
ever, to be most unmerited, when considered
in the light of what we are told about that
great monarch in the Book of Kings, and in the
writings of the contemporary prophets Jere-
miah and Ezekiel. The words rather express
the bitter feeling of the later Jews towards
their Syrian tyrants, especially Antiochus Epi-
phanes, whom they regarded as a " new
Nebuchadnezzar." Syr. W. : " Into the hand
of our wicked enemies, who are far from

thee, and unto the lordship of the godless
kingdom, which is worse than all the king-
doms of the earth." Ethiopic : " Sinners who
are far off and removed from thee " (omitting
''most hateful").

10. ive cannot open our mouths.'] Because we
feel that our doom is just. Cf. Ps. xxxix. 9,.
" I am dumb, I open not my mouth ; because
thou hast done it;" also Matt. xxii. 12.

ive are become a shame and reproach.] So
Vulgate; but Greek, Syriac, Arabic, "shame
and reproach have fallen to thy bondmen,
and to them that worship thee."

11. Yet deliver us not up.] Theod. p-r},
8q 7rapaba>s. Fritzsche omits the particle.
"Wholly" is els reXos, which may be a ren-
dering either of n?D7, ad consummationem, i.e.

prorsus, plane (2 Chron. xii. 12), or of I1V37,
in aeternum, as so often in the Psalms. Syr.
H.: Fharta, "to the end."

disannul.] The Gk. is biao-Kehao-rjs, " scat-
ter abroad ;" " fling to the winds," as we
might say. In connexion with the term
8ia6fjKT}, it is the usual LXX. rendering of the
Heb. JV"Q ")2n, /regit, i.e. violavit foedus:
Gen. xvii. 14; Lev. xxvi. 15, 44.

12. cause not thy mercy to depart.] Compare
the promise to David (2 Sam. vii. 1551 Chron.
xvii. 13).

for thy beloved Abraham's sake.] The
Gk. is bia 'A/3, tov rjycmrjpevov hub crov.
This expression is usually compared with
that of 2 Chron. XX. 7 : ebaicas ovttjv o-rrtp-
pari 'Aftpaap to rjyanrjpeva crov, where the
Hebrew is, "Andgavest it to the seed of
Abraham thy lover" (or "friend," "pnx)-
But Dr. Bissell is doubly wrong in the asser-
tion that " only in 2 Chron. xx. 7 is Abraham
elsewhere called 'the beloved (A.V. 'friend')
of God.' " The same Hebrew term is applied
to the patriarch in Isa. xli. 8 : "seed of Abra-
ham, my lover ! " where the LXX. mis-
renders ov rjytnvrjo-a = tov TjyaTTrjpevov pov Or
in epov. It is certainly curious that the Greek
version should in both cases render 3HX,
amans, as if it were 2-1 HX, amatus. St. James

(ii. 23) writes that Abraham "was called
friend of God " (cpiXos 6eov exX^). This,
it is well known, is the common designation
of the patriarch in the East ; and had Greek

v. i3-i6.] SONG OF THE THREE CHILDREN.

3X3

Abraham's sake, for thy servant
Isaac's sake, and for thy holy Israel's
sake ;

13 To whom thou hast spoken and
Gen. 22. promised, c that thou wouldest mul-
tiply their seed as the stars of heaven,
and as the sand that lieth upon the
seashore.

'Baruch 14 d For we, O Lord, are become
less than any nation, and be kept

under this day in all the world be-
cause of our sins.

15 Neither is there at this time
prince, or prophet, or leader, or burnt
offering, or sacrifice, or oblation, or
incense, or place to sacrifice before
thee, and to find mercy.

16 e Nevertheless in a contrite e Baruch
heart and an humble spirit let us be z- lS"
accepted.

been the original language of this Prayer,
the expression of the text would most likely
have been 81a 'A/3, top (piXop <rov. Some
critics have supposed that the original ex-
pression in the present context was the
Chaldee t|D*J"n. It may, however, have been
the Hebrew term just indicated, or the
synonymous yw : comp. Deut. xxxiii. 12,
iTirP TT = i]yci7TT]iJL.ivos iiirb Kvpiov, and Isa. v.

1, where HHv is twice rendered tu> rjya-
TTt]fj.eva ; and the Targum has DiTQX"! rpyiT
*Dm, " the seed of Abraham my lover." So
Syr. VV. here; Syr. H., " who is dear (habib)
to thee." Ethiop. "beloved," "friend"
(Hos. hi. 1).

for thy holy Israel's sake.] The phrase
" Israel (i.e. Jacob) thy holy one " is un-
known to the O. T. In Exod. xix. 6 it is
ordained that the people of Israel shall be
" a kingdom of priests, and a holy nation ; "
and the idea is reiterated in the succeeding
portions of the Pentateuch, e.g. Lev. xi. 44,
45 ; Deut. vii. 6. Compare also Dan. vii. 18,
21 sqq. Applied to Jacob, the term seems
to carry the same general sense : separated
from the rest of the world, and devoted to
Jehovah. Cf. o<tios in Ps. iv. 3 ; xvi. 9. Syr.
H., "Israel thy people."

13. To ivhom thou hast spoken.] So Theod.,
ols eXaXijaas Trpbs avrovs, Xeycop, " unto whom
thou spakest, saying." We prefer this Hebra-
ism to Fritzsche's w$ eXdX. k.t.X. (The Vatic.

LXX. omits irpbi avrovs, DH ?K-) For the pro-
mise, see Gen. xxii. 17.

14. For <ive . . . are become less than any
nation.'] Whereas Jehovah had promised to
make them numerous as the stars of heaven and
the sand of the seashore, they are " minished
below all the (heathen) nations " (io-piicpvv-
drjpev irapa travra to. e6vr)). For the verb,
see Jer. xxix. 6 (DJfO) ; 1 Chron. xvi. 19.

" O Lord " is 8eo-rroTa OnK), instead of
the commoner Kvpu. Comp. Gen. xv. 2, 8 ;
Luke ii. 29.

be kept wider . . . world.] " Are low
(rcnravol) in all the earth." It is possible
that Mem and Beth have been confused here,

and 7D2 written for ^DO- In that case the
original text was, " and are lower than all the
earth," which agrees better with the parallel
clause. Comp., however, Judg. vi. 15 (LXX.
Alex.). For rcnreLvbs, see Ps. xviii. 27; Isa.

xiv. 32; 1 Sam. ii. 8 (7^j = raireivos in Judg.
vi. 15). Syr. W., "we are scattered ;" Vulg.
humiles ; Syr. Hex. meskine, "poor."

15. Neither is there at this time.] Comp.
Hos. iii. 4 : " For the children of Israel shall
abide many days without a king, and without
a prince, and without a sacrifice, and without
a Maccebah (sacred pillar), and without an
Ephod and Teraphim." Also 2 Chron. xv. 3 ;
Isa. iii. 1 sqq., ix. 15.

This verse bears on the question of date,
inasmuch as the assertion that there was no
prophet implies a time subsequent to that of
the Exilic prophets. The author uncon-
sciously transfers a feature of his own day to
that of Daniel. On the other hand, the sus-
pension of the sacrificial rites is in keeping
with the supposition that at the time of
composition the Temple lay in ruins.

sacrifice or oblation.] The Gk. terms dvala
(PUT? " peace offering ") and trpoo-cpopa (nnjE.
" meat offering ") are thus associated in
Ps. xl. 6 : " Sacrifice and meat offering thou
wouldest not."

or place to sacrifice . . . and to find mercy.]
Because "in Jerusalem was the place (DlpO)
where men ought to worship." Cf. 2 Chron.
vi. 20; 1 Chron. xxii. 1: 2 Chron. vii. 12;
Deut. xii. 5 sq. The term rendered "to
sacrifice " is Kapncao-cu, which in Attic Gk.
means " to bear fruit," " to crop land," " to
enjoy the fruits or interest " of a thing or a
sum of money. Here, as in Lev. ii. 11, it
denotes "to offer a meat offering," and
represents the Heb. !"IB>K, "a fire offering"
(= Kapncopa, Lev. ii. 9, 10 et al.). Syr. W.,
" nor a place where we may offer sweet
spices and a sacrifice;" Syro-Hex., "a place
to offer fruits;" so Ethiop. For "find
mercy" — evpe'iv i'Xeos — comp. Gen. xix. 19;
Num. xi. 15 (Heb. \T\, gratia).

16. contrite heart.] Gk. "contrite soul."
Cf. Isa. lxi. 1 ; Ps. xxxiv. 18, cxlvii. 3. In-

3T4

SONG OF THE THREE CHILDREN, [v. 17-21.

S Ps. si.

»7-

* Ps. 25,
2. 3-

1 7 Like as in the burnt offerings
of rams and bullocks, and like as in
ten thousands of fat lambs : /so let
our sacrifice be in thy sight this day,
and grant that we may wholly go
after thee : for s they shall not be
confounded that put their trust in thee.

18 And now we follow thee with
all our heart, we fear thee, and seek
thy face.

19 Put us not to shame : but deal
with us after thy lovingkindness, and
according to the multitude of thy
mercies.

20 Deliver us also according to
thy marvellous works, and give glory
to thy name, O Lord : and let all
them that do thy servants hurt be
ashamed ;

21 And let them be confounded

stead of TTveifiari reraTveivapiiva, Theod. gives
irvivp.. raTrcivcixrecds. The former is preferable.
Cf. Ps. li. 18 : irvevfia — avvrerpippivov —
Kaphiav awrerp. koi TeTcnTeiva>fxevr)v.

17. the burnt offerings.'] Some MSS. of
Theod., ohoKavTiocrei, sing. ; Fritzsche, 6X0-
KuvTMjiaa-i, " burnt offerings ; " so Syr. Hex.
With the general sentiment here, compare
Ps. cxli. 2 : " Let my prayer be set forth before
thee as incense, and the lifting up of my
hands as the evening sacrifice." Also Ps. li.
16, 17. Instead of "let us be accepted,"
Syr. W. has : " we have drawn near to the
burning of the fire, praying that the offering
of our soul to-day be more than bullocks and
rams and many fat lambs."

and grant that ive may wholly go after
thee.] LXX. icai e'£iAacrai oTviaOiv aov. Theod.
nai (KTeXf'crai (al. eKreXeladco} omcrdev arov.
Fritzsche conjectures ko.\ i) etjiXaais ep.-
irpoaQiv aov, " and our propitiation before
thee," which satisfies the sense and parallelism.
Eichhorn truly observes that the whole verse
is so obscure and unintelligible, that no
original Greek writer could have penned it.

It is likely that the Hebrew W>3, " whole,"
" perfect," and then " whole offering," 6X0-
KavTcnp.a, has been confused with the verb

?"0, "to finish." See Lev. vi. 15 sq. ; Ezek.
xvi. 14; xxvii. 4, 11. Walton's Syriac has,
" And let not thy servants be ashamed ;" but
the Syro-Hexaplar agrees with LXX., and
notes the reading of Theod. The Ethiopic
gives the verse thus : " As the sacrifice of
rams and bulls, and as thousands, etc., so be
our sacrifice before thee to-day, and let it be
perfect with thee " (i.e. in thy sight).

they shall not be confounded.] Lit., " there
shall not be [Fritzsche, " there is not "]
shame (i.e., disappointment) to them that
put," &c. Cf. Ps. xxv. 2, 3, xxxi. 1 ; Rom.
ix. 33. The present tense is preferable,
because the clause alleges a fact of general
experience: cf. v. 18. So Syro-Hex.

19. lovingkindness.] The Greek is Ittu'l-
Keia, which, as a human quality, Mr. Matthew
Arnold would call " sweet reasonableness."
In Ps. lxxxvi. 5 the adjective eTvi.eiK.rjs renders

a Heb. term which means " placable," "for-
giving," and is followed immediately by no-
XveXeos, " merciful." So here " forgiving-
ness " is the meaning (cf. Baruch ii. 21), and
the term is followed by to nXrjdos tov eXeovs
aov, which is a substantival expression corre-
sponding to TToXveXeos.

20. thy marvellous works.] Or, " miracles ;"

to @avp.a<na aov, "priJOQi : Ps. ix. 1, and often.
Cf. Exod. iii. 20. It should be remembered
that what we call " operations of Nature "
were, to the Old Testament mind, " marvel-
lous works (or miracles) of Iahweh ;" a view
which is at once less " scientific " and more
profoundly true than ours.

give glory to thy name.] Ps. xxix. 1, 2 ;
cxv. 1. Cf. also John xii. 28.

let all them that do thy servants hurt be
ashamed.] Literally, " Let all them that
shew evil things to thy servants be turned
about" (or, "put to shame," Ael. 'V. H.'
iii. 17 ; or "feel shame," 2 Thess. iii. 14;
Titus ii. 8 : see Liddell and Scott, s.v. iv-
TpeTra). The verb renders two Heb. syno-
nyms denoting " shame :" see Ps. xxxv. 4, 26 ;
and also a term meaning " was humbled," or
" humbled oneself:" Judges iii. 30 ; 2 Chron.
xii. 7).

Those who argue for a " Chaldee " ori-
ginal have supposed that oi ev8eiKvvp.€voi
(kuko) represents pi?n» or PXHO. But the
Greek is not peculiar. An exact parallel
occurs in the LXX. of Gen. 1. 15, 17, where

the Heb. ny~i 7DJ is rendered Kaica eVSfiV-
wadai tivi. Syr. W. : " think evil things
against." Syr. Hex. : " shew in (against) thy
servants evil things " (dam'hawwen V labde
dilok bisotho).

21. in all their power and might.] The
Gk. dno TTciarjs owaareias, in connexion with
KaTaiaxvv6iir]aav, can only mean, " Let them
be ashamed of all (their) power" (warlike
prowess, n~l12J), as of a thing which had
deceived their expectations. See the same
phrase and construction, Jer. ii. 36, "Thou
shalt be ashamed of Egypt, as thou wast
ashamed of Assyria." Also Ps. cxix. 16.
Ethiopic : " in all their tyranny " (Amos iii. 9).

v. 22—27.] SONG OF THE THREE CHILDREN.

3*5

|il Or, iy

thy power
\and
I might.

:aOr,

: naphtluz,
which is a

Certain
kind of fat

• and chalky

' clav,

: Plin. lib.
2. cap. 105.

"in all their power and might, and let
their strength be broken ;

22 And let them know that thou
art Lord, the only God, and glorious
over the whole world.

23 IF And the king's servants, that
put them in, ceased not to make the
oven hot with " rosin, pitch, tow, and
small wood;

24 So that the flame streamed
forth above the furnace forty and
nine cubits.

25 And it passed through, and
burned those Chaldeans it found
about the furnace.

26 But the angel of the Lord came
down into the oven together with
Azarias and his fellows, and smote
the flame of the fire out of the oven ;

27 And made the midst of the
furnace as it had been a c moist 1 or, cool.
whistling wind, so that the fire
touched them not at all, neither hurt

nor troubled them.

22. And let tbetn know.'] Fritzsche omits
teal. Some MSS. of Theod. give it, and it
accords better with Hebrew style to retain it.
So Walton's Syr.

thou art Lord, the only God.] Or, "thou
art alone the Lord God " — crv el povos Kvpios
6 deos (Fritzsche). But Theod. <ri> d Kvpios
(6, III., XII. al.) 6e6s fiovos, " thou art the
Lord God alone." Gf. 2 Kings xix. 19, "All
the kingdoms of the earth shall know that
<rv (et) Kvptos 6 6e6s povos." The article
before 6eds is not in the Hebrew.

world.] rj oiKovptvq, sc. yi). So Syro-Hex.
Sometimes the Greek term renders "^X,
" earth," " land," "country," e.g. Isa. x. 23;

but more often ?2FI, terra fertilis et habit ata,
and then generally orbis terrarum (Prov. viii.
31). See Delitzsch ad Ps. xc. 2. Walton's
Svr., " in all thy works."

23. And the king's servants.] The A.V.
follows the text of Theodotion, which con-
tracts the verse considerably. Fritzsche gives
the full reading : " And when they had cast
the three all at once into the furnace, and the
furnace was red-hot (Sidwvpos), according to
the heating of it seven times as much ; — and
when they had cast them in, they who cast
them in were above them (yTzepdvu avrav,
Ezek. x. 19; xi. 22), while the others were
kindling underneath them (vneKaiov vttokcitu>-
8iv avrwv : see Ezek. xxiv. 5) naphtha, and tow,
and pitch, and brushwood." So Syro-Hex.

" Naphtha " is appropriately mentioned, as
it was a natural product of Babylonia (Dio-
scor. i. 101). The word is of Persian origin
(jiafi), and denotes a clear rock-oil or petro-
leum, used by the Jews for lighting purposes.
See Targum Jerus. on Exod. xiv. 24: '-And
he cast upon them naphtha (NtpS?.) and fire
and hail stones." The term is also Talmudic
(DSJJ: Shabb. 24 b, line 19. See also Plin.
xxxv. 15 ; ii. 105. Syr. Hex. id.

" Tow " — Fritzsche o-tvtt'lov, Theod. o-titt-
nvov, but more correctly arvmrelov, accord-
ing to inscriptions — is the Latin stuppa.
Judges xvi. 9 ; Isa. i. 3i = rpi^, stuppa.

" Smallwood," or brushwood, twigs, Kkr)pa-
rls, is properly " vine-twigs:" cf. Thucyd. vii.
53 (plur.). Isa. xviii. 5 = J"liB"tM, palmites.

" Pitch," mo-cra, is the H eb. DST (Isa. xxxiv. 9).

24. So that the flame streamed forth.]
Rather, " and the flame was spreading about"
(Ste^etro : used of a disease, Lev. xiii. 22 =
nL'*S, diffudit se. Cf. Thucyd. ii. 75: o7ra>s-
pi) Sia^e'otro eVt noXv to ^uipa). Syro-Hex.
7?iestaffHa, "poured out;" but Walton,
" And the flame of the fire made a noise,
and rose above the furnace."

forty and nine cubits.] " Up to, as far as (eVi)»
forty-nine cubits." Not about (jrep\, dpcpl),
as Bissell translates, with a false reference to
Hdt. iv. 190 (181 ?). As regards the number,
it was natural to use a multiple of the sacred
number 7 (cf. Dan. ix. 25; x. 2, 13; Lev.
xxv. 8) ; and definite numbers are often as-
signed in the O.T., according to the vividness
of Eastern style, where we should use an
indefinite expression of quantity or extent.

25. And it passed through.] Gen. xii. 6
(SicoSeuo-e, Theod.). Fritzsche edits 8ie£d>-
&(vo-ev, " it escaped," " made its way out."
But the other is the usual word in the LXX.
Syro-Hex., " it came forth."

26. the angel of the Lord.] As ayyeXos

Kvplov represents niiT IX^D, this is right.
Walton's Syriac has " the angel of dew :" cf.
the next verse.

came doivn into . . . together with.] 2uy-
Karetfr) . . . apa. The verb occurs Ps. xlix.
17, as rendering of Heb. innX TV, "his
wealth shall not descend (into the grave)
after him." Cf. also Wisd. x. 14.

Azarias and his fellows.] The well-known
idiom ol 7i(pl tov 'A^apiuv : cf. Ezek. xxxviii.
6, 9 ; xxxix. 4. Syr. W. gives the three names ;
Syr. H., " those of the house of Azariah."

smote.] Lit., "shook out." This verb
(eKTivdcro-a) renders lyj in Exod. xiv. 27,
and other places. Walton's Syr., " thrust,"
" drove ;" Syro-Hex., " shook " (Acts xviii. 6).

27. a moist whistling wind.] Lit., " a

316

SONG OF THE THREE CHILDREN, [v. 28-

-36.

28 Then the three, as out of one
mouth, praised, glorified, and blessed,
God in the furnace, saying,

29 Blessed art thou, O Lord God
of our fathers : and to be praised and
exalted above all for ever.

30 And blessed is thy glorious and
holy name : and to be praised and
exalted above all for ever.

31 Blessed art thou in the temple
of thine holy glory : and to be praised
and glorified above all for ever.

32 Blessed art thou that beholdest
the depths, and sittest upon the cheru-

bims : and to be praised and exalted
above all for ever.

33 Blessed art thou on the glorious
throne of thv kingdom : and to be
praised and glorified above all for ever.

34 Blessed art thou in the firma-
ment of heaven : and above all to be
praised and glorified for ever.

35 ;' O all ye works of the Lord, n ps.
bless ye the Lord : praise and "exalt
him above all for ever.

103.

2?.

II Or,
highly

36 'O ye heavens, bless ye the so1i/tifn<

the

Lord : praise and exalt him above all rest-

r t > Ps. 148.

for ever. 4.

wind of dew" (i.e. "a dewy wind;" or,
" a dew-laden wind," i.e. a damp rainy wind,
■nvevpa votiov), "whistling continually " (bia-
(Tvpi^ov). The phrase irvevpa avpi^ov occurs

Wisd. xvii. 17. The Heb. might be ?!0 n-11
np"ip* ; so Syro-Hex. Dew is mentioned
Dan. iv. 15, 23, 25, 33; v. 21. Gf. also
Ecclus. xviii. 16 : " Shall not the dew assuage
the heat ? " and xliii. 22.

28. Then.] So Theod. (tot*). But Fritz-
sche, dvukapovrc s Se, " But taking up the
discourse;" so Syro-Hex., "answered:" cf.
Num. xxiv. 2, 15. The following verbs are
all imperfects : " were praising " or " began
to praise," &c. (vixvovv).

29. exalted above all.'] Headed: "IX.Prayer
of the 3 Children" in the Ethiopic Psalter.
The Greek word wepw^ow is used in Dan.
iv. 34 in connexion with alvu>. The Syr. is
>o;.lcpc, which suggests Heb. D»1"l», as in

Neh. ix. 5. In Syr. W. w. 29-34 nave the
same refrain : Laudatus tu et exaltatus in
saeculuml So probably the Hebrew.

30. thy glorious and holy name.~\ Lit., " the
holy name of thy glory;" a Hebraism.

31. the temple of thine holy glory.] A
phrase not found in the Hebrew O. T.
The reference is probably to the heavenly
Temple: Hab. ii. 20; Ps. xi. 4; Isa. vi. 1.
lxvi. 1. There is thus no inconsistency
between this verse and v. 14 sq. as some
have supposed (yide Introd.). Syr. W., " the
temple of thine holiness," which may be
original.

"To be praised" is here vnepvp-vrfTos.
Neither this term, nor vnepiv§oi;os which
follows it, nor vntpaiverbs in the last verse, is
met with elsewhere in the LXX. (Trommius.)

32. 33. Fritzsche transposes these two
verses, after LXX., Syr. H., Vulg.

32. For " depths " (Z&v&o-oi = rflDinn ; so
the Syriac texts) see Ps. xxxiii. 7 ; lxxvii. 16.

In classical Gk. the word is an adjective, mean-
ing " bottomless," and then " boundless,"
" immense," in a general sense. In the LXX.
77 atSvaa-os = " the ocean," and this accords
with the Sumerian and Assyrian abzu, apsii.
which denotes the ocean flowing round the
earth and under the earth, which, according
to the Babylonian cosmogony, was the sower
(i.e. father) of all things. In Rev. ix. 1, 77
lifivcrcros is the pit of hell.

and sittest upon the cherubims.~\ See Isa.
xxxvii. 16 ; Ps. lxxx. 1.

33. the glorious throne of thy kingdom.]
Lit., " the throne of the glory of thy king-
dom." Fritzsche omits So^r/s-, which is found
in some MSS. of Theod. Syr. W. omits;
Syr. H. marks it with an asterisk. Cf. 1 Sam.
ii. 8 ; 2 Sam. vii. 13 ; Jer. xiv. 21.

to be praised and glorified above all.~\
Fritzsche, u^i/i7to j Kalinvepv^oapevos', Theod.,
vTT(pv)xvrjTos mil vnepvp.vovfj.fvos. The last
word is probably due to a transcriber's error.

34. in the firmament of heaven.] So Theod.
Fritzsche omits " of heaven ; " but cf. Gen.
i. 6. It is probably original.

35. The extract in our Prayer-book called
the Benedicite, appointed to be sung as an
alternative to the Te Deum, begins with this
verse, and ends with the corresponding part
of v. 65. It is headed, as a separate piece, in
the Ethiopic Psalter: "X. Where Hananiah,
Azariah and Mishael blessed." Cf. Ps. ciii.
2 2. The " works of the Lord " are the entire
creation, visible and invisible, as appears from
the subsequent enumeration of them. Cf. in
general Pss. civ., cxlviii.

The refrain of this and the following verses,
" praise and exalt him above all for ever " — or,
as the P.B. gives it, " Praise him and magnify

him for ever" — might be -in»»hl irkbjl

WDLA])b. Cf. Dan. ii. 4 ; Ps. lxxvii. 7.

36. 0 ye heavens.'] Syr. W. adds "of the
Lord." Fritzsche puts the next verse before

v. 37"

4o.] SONG OF THE THREE CHILDREN.

3*7

■■ Ps. 148.

I Ps. 14S.
4-

37 * O ye angels of the Lord, bless
ye the Lord : praise and exalt him
above all for ever.

38 'O all ye waters that be above
the heaven, bless ye the Lord : praise
and exalt him above all for ever.

39 O all ye powers of the Lord,
bless ye the Lord : praise and exalt
him above all for ever.

40 m O ye sun and moon, bless ye '" Ps. i48.
the Lord : praise and exalt him above 3

all for ever.

this one, and so the Prayer-book version. The
order of the text is that of Theod., Syr., Old
Lat. and Vulg. The general term " heavens "
naturally precedes, as including the special
angels. Moreover, the "works of the Lord"
are subdivided into celestial and terrestrial,
the former category covering everything from
v. 36 to -v. 51. Fritzsche therefore is wrong
in stating that " By ovpavol, in contrast with
v8ara, ^.38, only the visible arch of heaven
[das Getvolbe] is meant, and that for that
reason the angels are named first." Ovpavol —
W]W — is a term including both the material
and the spiritual heavens. Indeed the dis-
tinction is hardly made by Hebrew thought.
In Ps. cxlviii. 1,2, we have the same order as
here,— first the heavens, then the angels; cf.
Ps. ciii. 19, 20. But cp. also Ps. cxlviii. 4.
The contemplation of the heavens is a natural
source of elevated thought. And this is not
less the case now when so much more is
known about their mechanical structure and
laws than it was in those ancient times, when
they and all that they contained were re-
garded as intrinsically divine. Kant's saying
about " the starry heavens above and the
moral law within " has become a common-
place. " The philosopher who knows most,
whether in the courses of the stars, or in the
unfolding of the embryonic point, or in any
other department of knowledge, is of all others
in a position to feel in the highest degree the
greatness of that which lies behind the pheno-
menal. The emotions which are considered
more distinctly religious cannot be rendered
less active by a higher intellectual appreciation
of the greatness of their object." (Wm.
Huggins, F.R.S., Times, Jan. 19, 1884.) F°r
the later Jewish theory about the seven
heavens and their contents, see Chagigah,
12 B.

37. 0 ye angels.~] The language of this
hymn does not go beyond that of the Hebrew
psalms within the Canon, as may be seen by
referring to the parallels (Ps. ciii. 20; cxlviii. 2 ;
lxxviii. 2 5 ; civ. 4). There is therefore no
need to discuss the doctrine of angels here.
See the story quoted in the Introd. from
Pesachim, 1 1 1 ! A sq. Gabriel, as the Prince of
Fire, reminds us of Gibil, the ancient Baby-
lonian genius or spirit of fire.

38. ye waters that be above the heaven.]
The upper deep or celestial ocean, whose
waters pour down in rain when " the flood-

gates of heaven are opened:" see Gen. i. 7,
vii. 11: Isa. xxiv. 18. This ancient Semitic
conception, so faithfully reflecting the sim-
plicity with which primitive man regarded
the phenomena of the natural world, will be
a "rock of offence" to none, except to those
who stickle for " the scientific accuracy of
the Bible," and thereby evince a perversity of
thought hard to be understood by any who
perceive the glaring anachronism of the
phrase.

39. 0 all ye powers of the Lord.] Avvapis

often represents 7*n, vis, robur, -virtus, copia;
but very often also X2V, militia, exercitus,
especially in the phrase (6) Kvpios twv 8vvd-
peaiv, " the Lord of hosts." That the
latter is the case here is plain from the
archetypal passage, Ps. ciii. 2 1 : evXoye Ire
rbv Kvpiov naaai al dvvdpeis avrov ; Heb.

VX2V ?3. What these powers are is defined in
the following verses, viz. the principal objects,
processes, and phenomena of the natural
world, especially the sun, moon, and stars.
The last were pre-eminently "the host of
heaven." Cf. Gen. ii. 1 ; Ps. xxxiii, 6 ; Isa.
xxxiv. 4; Eph. i. 21 ; Col. i. 16; 1 Peter iii.
22. Fritzsche explains "the mighty denizens
of heaven," " the celestial powers in general."
In Syr. W. this verse precedes v. 38.

40. 0 ye sun and moon.'] Eichhorn and
others since have objected that the language
of this hymn is inappropriate to its alleged
occasion. We may, however, observe an
ideal fitness here and elsewhere. For the
Three Holy Children are martyrs, and the
idolatry against which they bear their testi-
mony of suffering is a worship of the powers
of nature. Anum, the spirit of heaven ; Ea,
the spirit of earth ; the Igigi or good angels,
and the Annunnaki or evil angels; Sin, the
moon-god, and Shamash, the sun-god ; Mero-
dach (Jupiter), Dilpad (Venus), Kaiwanu
(Saturn), and the other heavenly bodies ; as
well as Rimmon, the god of the air, Gibil
(fire), and other natural objects and processes,
were worshipped in Babylon. Above all
these the hymn exalts Iahweh, their Creator.

Here, as in Ps. cxlviii. 3, the order of the
words is noticeable. The Assyrian inscrip-
tions reverse it, reading Sin, Shamash, &c, in
their lists of gods. The moon was the more
important deity in Semitic mythology. The
verse is starred as spurious in Syro-Hex.,

3i8

SONG OF THE THREE CHILDREN, [v. 41-46.

" Ps. 148.
3-

» Ps. 148.
8.

41 " O ye stars of heaven, bless ye
the Lord : praise and exalt him above
all for ever.

42 O every shower and dew, bless
ye the Lord : praise and exalt him
above all for ever.

43 "O all ye winds, bless ye the
Lord : praise and exalt him above all
for ever.

44 ^O ye fire and heat, bless ye / ps. 148.
the Lord : praise and exalt him above 8"

all for ever.

45 O ye winter and summer, bless
ye the Lord : praise and exalt him
above all for ever.

46 O ye dews and storms of snow,
bless ye the Lord : praise and exalt
him above all for ever.

whence it would appear to be an addition of
Theodotion's. But the sun and moon would
hardly be omitted where the stars are men-
tioned (see the parallel passage cited above) ;
and the presence of the verse in the Greek
MS. favours its genuineness.

41. 0 ye stars. ~\ The worship of the stars,
so often denounced in the O. T. (cf. 2 Kings
xvii. 16, xxi. 3; Deut. iv. 19; Isa. xiv. 13,
xxiv. 21-23), was widespread among the
primitive Semites. A star was the character
representing the word i/u, " god," in the old
Babylonian writing ; and star-worship was
practised among the Sabeans of S. Arabia,
as well as in the countries beyond the Eu-
phrates. In an Assyrian mythological in-
scription the stars are called " the flock of
Ami;" and in another (the Fifth Tablet of
the Creation Series), it is said that the
Creator " constructed the stations of the great
gods," i.e. the positions of the stars in heaven.

42. O every shower and de<w.~] See Deut.
xxxii. 2, where Spftpos = E^V^', "showers."
The reference of this verse and the following
reminds us that, according to the preceding
narrative, the Angel of Iahweh " made the
midst of the furnace as it had been a whistling
wind of dew." Rain and dew, moreover,
here have that prominence which naturally
belongs to them in the parched East. Some
scholars have even supposed that the sacred
name of Iahweh originally meant, not " He
who becomes " or " causes to become," but
" He who causes (the rain) to fall " upon the
thirsty soil. At all events, the term Shaddai,
rendered " Almighty " in our Bibles, may
fairly be connected with the roots 'as bad,
sbadab (effudit), and be explained " He who
pours forth " the rain, and waters the earth
(Arab, thada, madefecit, rigavit) : cf. Ps. civ.
3, 13; Joel ii. 23.

43. 44. Instead of " O all ye winds,"
Syr. W. has " O ye waters and wind." See
Ps. cxlvii. 18, " He causeth his wind to blow,
and the waters flow;" Ps. cxlviii. 8, " Fire
and hail, snow and vapour, stormy wind
fulfilling his word ;" and Ps. civ. 3, 4,'" AVho
appointeth clouds for his chariot, who walketh
on the wings of the wind ; who maketh his
angels winds, his ministers flaming fire." Cf.

also Gen. viii. 22 (Kavpa = ah- So Syr. here);
Isa. xxxiii. 14; Deut. iv. 24; Exod. iii. 2T
xix. 18, xiii. 21; Amos v. 6; Dan. vii. 9;
Ps. xviii. 12-14. From these and other
passages it will be seen that fire was first the
visible element in Theophanies, and then the
standing symbol of the Divine splendour and
purity.

45. winter and summer?^ I.e., yjsvxos nai
Kavauv (al. Kavfxa), the reading of Theod.
KniKTOiv is sun or summer heat : Isa. xlix. 10 ;
Matt. xx. 12. Sometimes it is the hot east
wind: Hos. xii. 1 ; xiii. 15. Fritzsche edits
here : piyos (? p'tyos) ko\ y^vxos, " O ve frost
and cold." So Syr. H. ; but Syr. W.,'" O ye
souls of the righteous." In his commentary
he remarks : " The text and yet more the
arrangement of these verses (45-51) apud
Theod. is unsettled. The MSS. which
directly follow the LXX. deserve no con-
sideration. After the -rvvp ko\ Kavpa of
verse 43 (44) the LXX. suitably wrote
piyos kci\ yl/vxos, vers. 44 (45) ; but the
objection is that ndyoi nai yp-vxos, 'frosts
and cold,' follows as verse 46 (47) in the
LXX. To judge by the evidence in Holmes
and Parsons' work, verse 46 of the LXX. was
struck out, and 7rvp nai Kavpa was altered into
\jsvxos Ka\ Kavpa (others better, Kavcrav; 147,
233, Kavo-ns). Whereas then, some good
witnesses, like the Old Lat., place the verse
after verse 43, others, as the Vatic. LXX.,
place it after verse 47. Internal probability
favours the latter arrangement, as the altera-
tion of piyos Kalyj/vxos into •\^{5^oy Ka\ Kavo~av
would have been preposterous; and, exter-
nally, the fact that some MSS. (e.g. 33)
apparently give only irayos kcli ^u^os (after
the LXX.), but placed after verse 47. With
' Light and darkness,' verse 47, ' cold and (sun)
heat ' might undoubtedly be connected."

46. deivs and storms of snoiv.~\ Gk. hpoa-ot
KciivKpcTol. Theod. omits this verse (so Syr. W.),
and also that which follows it in Fritzsche's.
edition : fuAoyel-re rcdyoL Ka\ if/vxos rbv Kvpiov
k.t.\. (yid. last note). Fritzsche remarks :
" Theodotion purposely omitted evKoyeire
hpoo-oL ko\ vicp(To\ k.t.A. after verse 43 (44) ;
for the MSS. which give it are evidently inter-
polated from the LXX. Similarly he passed
over ( iiXoyure Trayoi Ka\ \j/vxos k.t.A., vers. 46

47-52-] SONG OF THE THREE CHILDREN.

47 O ye nights and days, bless ye 50 O ye frost and snow, bless ye
the Lord : praise and exalt him above the Lord : praise and exalt him above

3l9

all for ever.

48 O ye light and darkness, bless
ye the Lord: praise and exalt him
above all for ever.

49 O ye ice and cold, bless ye the
Lord : praise and exalt him above all
for ever.

all for ever.

51 O ye lightnings and clouds,
bless ye the Lord: praise and exalt
him above all for ever.

52 O let the earth bless the Lord :
praise and exalt him above all for
ever.

(47), and then put verse 47 (50) euA. ivuxvai.
Kcii y^Loves k.t.X. after ev\. ^/-v^os kci\ kcivctoov
k.t.X. (his verse 46)."

For the collocation of " dew and snow-
storm," see LXX. Deut. xxxii. 2; Mic. v. 7
(Theod.). The Heb. word rendered v«})ct6s
is in both cases O'Q'OI, " raindrops," " rains."
The mention of " dew " twice, first with
"shower" (v. 42) and then with "snow-
storms," is curious. Perhaps it represents
some other Heb. word here, as in Prov.

xxvi. 1, where the LXX. renders 3?^
" snow," by dpoaos.

47. O ye nights and days.] The order is
that observed in the first cosmogony (Gen.
i.-ii. 3). The Hebrews, as is well known,
reckoned their day from evening to evening.

48. O ye light and darkness.] It is not
clear from the Heb. of Gen. i. 2 whether
darkness is there regarded as prior to creation
or as itself a product of the Divine activity.
Yet v. 5, where Elohim gives a name to the
darkness, seems to imply much what the
great Prophet of the Captivity meant, when
he said, " 1 form the light and create darkness "
(Isa. xlv. 7). Light and darkness are often
symbolical of the two aspects of God. The
former sets forth the Divine as revealing
itself to the faith of humanity ; the latter, as
hiding itself in impenetrable secrecy from all
attempts to fathom its transcendent nature.

49. 50. O ye ice and cold ... ye frost and
snoiv.] See notes on w. 45, 46. The P.B.
has : " O ye frost and cold ... O ye ice and
snow." The Greek is : " O ye frosts (iraym)
and cold ... O ye hoar frosts (ndxvai) and
snows." Syr. W., " O ye cold and heat" —
"summer and winter"; Syr. H. omits.

Dr. Child Chaplin welf observes that "the
services of frost and snow in Nature's eco-
nomy are apt to be overlooked," owing to
their more familiar associations with physical
suffering. Here "they are dwelt upon as
illustrations not only of Power, but also of
Goodness and Wisdom." The Three Chil-
dren might be supposed to remember that the
great stream of " the Euphrates was still
copiously fed from its snowy reservoirs on the
Armenian mountains," even amid the parch-

ing heats of an Eastern summer. The beauty
of ice and snow, as seen in Alpine and in
Arctic regions ; the utility of that cold which
" brings sleep to the vegetable world, and
prepares it by a period of rest to burst forth
with fresh vigour in the spring," — of those
frosts which crumble the hard clods and
mellow the soil and check the exuberance of
insect life, and of those deep snows which
shelter the tender plants from the cold which
would kill them, — is well set forth and ex-
panded in his interesting work. The Book
of Job supplies instances of the wonder and
admiration excited by the beauty of the pheno-
mena of ice and snow (xxxvii. 6 ; xxxviii. 29).

51. O ye lightnings and clouds.] In con-
nexion with lightning, we naturally think of
thunder-clouds. These grand and awful
phenomena of nature have been associated
with the idea of Theophanies from time im-
memorial. The black train of storm-clouds
sweeping across the sky appears to have
suggested the poetic conception of the cherub
as the war-horse or war-chariot of Iahweh :
see Ps. xviii. 10; Hab. iii. 8; and esp. Isa.
xix. 1, " Behold, Iahweh rideth upon a swift
cloud." The lightnings were His arrows, or
the shining lance which He hurled at His
enemies (Hab. iii. 11; Ps. xviii. 14). The
thunder was His terrible voice, striking the
world with dismay (Ps. xviii. 1 3 ; Ps. xxix.
passim). How inveterate this idea was among
the Jewish people may be seen from the fact
that down to the latest times of Rabbinism,
the mysterious Bath Q6J, or voice from hea-
ven, was believed to be final arbiter of dis-
puted questions.

52. 0 let the earth bless the Lord.] Having
appealed to the principal phenomena of
the heavens, the Psalmist now turns to
the earth, and, after a general appeal, makes
successive mention of each of its more
obvious features and denizens. In order to
realize how fully the earth does evermore
witness to the glory of God, we may recall,
with Dr. Child Chaplin, that wealth of natu-
ral beauty which clothes its varied surface,
and constitutes so appropriate a covering for
the priceless treasures hidden in its bosom.
We may consider the earth as the storehouse

32°

SONG OF THE THREE CHILDREN, [v. 53-S8.

*Ps. 148. 53 ^O ye mountains and little
hills, bless ye the Lord : praise and
exalt him above all for ever.

54 O all ye things that grow on
the earth, bless ye the Lord : praise
and exalt him above all for ever.

55 O ye fountains, bless ye the
Lord : praise and exalt him above all
for ever.

56 O ye seas and rivers, bless ye
the Lord : praise and exalt him above
all for ever.

57 O ye whales, and all that move
in the waters, bless ye the Lord :
praise and exalt him above all for ever.

58 rO all ye fowls of the "air.

bless ye the Lord : praise
him above all for ever.

and exalt

r Ps. 14
10.

liGr.
heaven.

whence all our material and many of our
mental and spiritual wants are supplied ; and
as presenting an overwhelming abundance of
riches, in which nothing is superfluous, every-
thing precious, when once we have mastered
the secret of its application. We may see in
the distribution of land and water, the ar-
rangement and dislocation of strata, and other
geological characteristics, no ambiguous proofs
that long before man's appearance on the
scene, his heavenly Father was providing for
his well-being in what was to be his earthly
home. " God has encompassed us on every
side with symbols that recall Him to our
thoughts, and it is habitual neglect alone
which makes them profitless."

53. 0 ye mountains and little hills.'] Gk.
oprj kcil fiovvoi. As to the latter word, Liddell
and Scott remark that it is probably a Cy-
renaic word (see Hdt. iv. 158, 199), adopted
by Aeschylos in Sicily, and frequent after-
wards. Fritzsche refers to Sturz, ' De Dial.
Maced. et Alex.,' p. 153 sq. In LXX. it
commonly renders Heb. njDS, collis : Exod.
xvii. 9, 10. Hills and mountains are natural
types of strength and permanence. In the
flat plains of Babylonia the Jewish exiles
might fondly remember the Hermons and
Carmel and " the hills standing about Jeru-
salem;" and the thought of Him whose
"righteousness standeth as the strong moun-
tains " would be their comfort in the hour of
despondency. " In sublimity," writes Dr.
Child Chaplin, " mountains rank with the
ocean and the clouds. . . . On the one hand,
their height, their mass, and the deep plant-
ing of their roots in the earth, — on the other,
the beauty which rests upon their varied out-
lines, which clothes their sides and precipices,
and lies among their valleys and deep glens,

■ — mark them out not only as the most con-
spicuous, but also as among the most attrac-
tive objects in the world." In them, too,
beauty and utility coincide. They play an
indispensable part in the economy of Nature.
" They act as loadstones to the clouds, and
draw down from them the fertilising rain."

54. 0 all ye things that grow on the earth.]
So Syr. H. : Syr. W., " all ye herbs of the earth."
Theod., "in the earth." In the Prayer-book

it is : " O all ye green things upon the earth."
" Like the ' voices of the stars,' the green
things upon the earth are truly a fair Hymn
of Praise written all over the land, not in
dull words, but in living characters of beautv."
(Dr. Child Chaplin.) Syr. W. adds: " Oall
ye things that sprout upon the earth," &c.
After this follow : " O ye seas and rivers "
— " O ye sources and all fountains " — " O ye
fishes and all that creep in the waters."

55. O ye fountains.] Prayer-book :" O ye
wells." Ai 7TT]yal, " fountains " or " springs,"
is the Heb. $70 or \% rather than 1X3
" well " ((fipiap). Cod. Chisian. reads ev\o-
yelre 'dpftpoi <a\ al Trrjyal, " O ye rains (or
rain-storms) and fountains." Syr. H. obelizes
the added words as Theodotion's. Fritzsche
is wrong in stating that Syr. W. also contains
them. Theod. transposes irv. 55, 56.

56. 0 ye seas and rivers.] Some copies of
Theod. have "sea" (ddXaaaa). Fritzsche
observes that it is unlikely that Theod.
changed ddXao-aai into the sing., as the for-
mer reading of his text is very well attested
by some MSS.,and the Old Lat.,Vulg., Syr. W.,
and Arab, versions. Besides, the plur. agrees
better with norapoL. If not accidental, the
variant is due to the comparative rarity of
the plural form (cf. Gen. i. 10).

57. 0 ye whales, and all that move in the
waters.] K^rrj, Old Lat. and Vulg. cete, de-
notes the larger denizens of the sea in gene-
ral ; the monsters of the deep. It represents
Heb. DWfl, Gen. i. 21 ; W, "fish," Jonah

ii. 1, 11 ; and |JVv? (peya ktjtos), Job iii. 8.
Cf. our scientific term Cetacea. For navra
to. Kivovpeva, cf. Gen. vii. 14, ix. 2 ; Lev. xi. 46.

58. 0 all ye fowls of the air.] irdvra ra
Trereiva rov ovpavov, " all ye birds of the
heaven" (Gen. ii. 19, 20). "Air" would be
expressed in Heb. by D^t?, " heavens." The
Rabbinic adopts the Greek drjp, in the form
"V1X- ndvra is wanting in Syr. H., 147, and
Old Lat. With this verse and the next cf.
Ps. cxlviii. 10. The animate creation is now
called upon to take its part in the great
chorus of praise. It is observable that the
order is the same as in Gen. i. 20-26: fish,
birds, beasts, men.

59-66.] SONG OF THE THREE CHILDREN.

321

Ps. 148. 59 jO all ye beasts and cattle,
bless ye the Lord : praise and exalt
him above all for ever.

60 O ye children of men, bless ye
the Lord : praise and exalt him above
all for ever.

61 O Israel, bless ye the Lord :
praise and exalt him above all for ever.

134.1. 62 'Oye priests of the Lord, bless
ye the Lord : praise and exalt him
above all for ever.

*rs.

63 O ye servants of the Lord,
bless ye the Lord : praise and exalt
him above all for ever.

64 O ye spirits and souls of the
righteous, bless ye the Lord : praise
and exalt him above all for ever.

65 O ye 'holy and humble men of »0r,
heart, bless ye the Lord : praise and "'
exalt him above all for ever.

66 O Ananias, Azarias, and Mi-
sael, bless ye the Lord : praise and

saints.

59. beasts and cattle.'] I.e., wild beasts, ra
Grjpia, the " beasts of the field," nlb'n rVTI,
Lev. xxvi. 22, and domestic animals, to. kti'jvtj,
including both jumenta (Old Lat.) and pecora
(Vulg.); Heb. TOna (Gen. i. 25; Ps. cxlviii.
10). So Syr. \V.

Some MSS., e.g. 36, 49, read navra before
ra KTrjvrj instead of ra dqpia, — according to
Fritzsche, improperly. But Ps. cxlviii. 10 has
ra drjpia kul naura ra KTrjvr/. Syr. H. has
" quadrupeds and wild beasts of the earth."
Syr. W. adds : " O everything that creepeth
upon the earth," &c.

60. 0 ye children of men.~\ I.e., DHX 'J3,
" sons of man " (Ps. xxxiii. 1 3 ; cvii. 8) ; the
human race, human kind. The Gk. phrase
occurs Mark iii. 28 ; Eph. iii. 5. There is a
progress in w. 60-62 from the lower to the
higher rank of being, similar to that of the
preceding verses.

62. 0 ye priests of the Lord.] After Israel,
the chosen people, the priests or chosen
representatives of that people are mentioned :
just as in Pss. cxv. 9, 10; cxviii. 2, 3 ; cxxxv.
19, 20; in which passages the priests are
addressed as the "house of Aaron." The
passage Exod. xix. 6, " Ye shall be unto me a
kingdom of priests, an holy nation," is some-
times alleged as if it contradicted the idea of
any special priesthood exercised by a parti-
cular class of duly appointed persons. But
what Israel collectively was to the peoples of
the earth, that the Aaronic priesthood was
intended to be to Israel. The two spheres of
sacerdotal privilege do not clash, and are by
no means incompatible with each other.

Fritzsche edits, "O ye priests," and in
t\ 63, "O ye servants," omitting ': of the
Lord," which Theod. adds, and which seems
necessary to the sense : cf. Ps. cxiii. 1 ; cxv. 1 1 ;
cxviii. 4; cxxxiv. 1 ; cxxxv. 1.

Syr. W. has : " O all ye of the house of
Israel," &c— " O all ye priests of the Lord,"
&c. Syr.H.: " O Israel, bless the Lord"—
" O ye priests, bless the Lord."

63. 0 ye servants of the Lord.] Not wor-
shippers in general, who are addressed in

ApOC— Vol. II.

w. 64, 65, but, as the priests have just been
named, v. 62, the Levites or lower ministers
of all classes, including the Nethinim or
lepodovXoi. See Ps. cxxxiv. 1,2; cxxxv. 1, 2 ;
1 Chron. ix. 33.

64. 0 ye spirits and souls of the righteous.]
Theodoret explained this as an appeal to the
spirits in Paradise. But what precedes and
follows forbids such a reference as incon-
gruous. The righteous on earth are meant..
By the terms " spirit," nvevp.a, ITI"), spiritus,
and " soul," ^vxh, ^S3, anima, the Bible in-
dicates the higher and lower principles or
elements of man's immaterial being. This
contrast is presented, e.g., in 1 Thess. v. 23,
where man's composite existence is analysed
as a Trichotomy of body, soul, and spirit ;.
and in Heb. iv. 12. In Gen. i. 20 we read:
" And God said, Let the waters swarm with
a swarm of living souls;" and again, -v. 24,
" Let the earth bring forth living souls after
their kind;" cf. also Gen. ix. 10, 12, 15, 16,
where " living creature " = Heb. " living soul."
This shews that nephesh, yjsvxri, includes the
vegetive and sensitive (to BpeivTiKov . . .
to alcrBrjTiKov), but not the reasonable soul
(to XoyLo-TiKov or votjtikov).

65. 0 ye holy and humble men of heart.] The
Gk. ocrioi /cat Taneivol (tjj most MSS. of
Theod.) KapSlq may better be rendered :
" O ye pious and heart-humbled folk," or
" O ye pious ones and broken in heart."
The word oo-ios is the regular LXX. equiva-
lent for Heb. TDn, "good," "pious" (Ps. iv.
3 ; xii. 1 ; cxlviii. 14). The D^pn or 00-101

were, as is well known, the patriotic and
religious party of the times of Antiochus IV.
Epiphanes. Syr. W. : " perfect," i.e. blameless.
Tawewovs t&> nvevpciTi occurs Ps. xxxiv. 18,
as the rendering of Heb. " crushed in spirit,"
which is parallel to " broken in heart ;" and
the meaning, both there and here, is " heart-
broken by the oppression of enemies." Thus
the appeal is to the exiles in Babylonia
(Grotius, Judaei deportati). Another sense
of Taneivos tjj Kap8la occurs Matt. xi. 29.

66. 0 Ananias, Azarias, and Misael.] The

322

0 Or, the
grave.

SONG OF THE THREE CHILDREN, [v. 67-68.

exalt him above all for ever : for he 67 "O give thanks unto the Lord, « Ps.i3ft

hath delivered us from "hell, and because he is gracious: for his

saved us from the hand of death, and mercy endureth for ever.

delivered us out of the midst of the 68 O all ye that worship the Lord,

furnace and burning flame : even out bless the God of gods, praise him,

of the midst of the fire hath he and give him thanks : for his mercy

delivered us. endureth for ever.

appeal to the three youthful martyrs is
obviously suggested by the preceding appeal
to " the pious and broken in heart," or the
Chasidim in general, the pious patriots who
clung to their ancestral manners and worship
in spite of tyrannical persecution. Of such
the Three Children were bright examples.

As to their names, the first means " Iah
bestoweth ; " the second, " Iah helpeth ; " and

the third, bxvhl?, Mishael, " Who is what
God is ? " The Babylonian designations of the
three youths have occasioned much perplexity.
Perhaps instead of Shadrach, Meshach, and
Abednego, they should be (Amil)-Merodach
[TnD for "p1K>]» Sheshach [see Jer. xxv. 26 ;
li. 41], and Abad-Nebo. In the first two we
may suppose that by some accident of tran-
scription D and B> changed places. The dif-
ference between "|TID and ~|~njy is otherwise
trifling. Sheshach ("^J?) occurs as a nomen
individui in the Talmud, e.g. Abod. Zarah,
65 A, line 20. Perhaps, however, the ending

-A

-ak points to Babylonian Aku, the moon-god.
Then Shadrach would mean " command of

Aku ; " and Meshach might be me sa Aki,
" water (i.e. son) of the moon-god."

for he hath delivered us from hell.'] " From
Hades," i.e. Sheol, the place of the departed.
This clause, together with the rest of the
verse, certainly wears the appearance of an
interpolation intended to make what is in
reality a kind of General Thanksgiving more
applicable to the special circumstances of the
Three Children. The psalm indeed may
have been adapted to its present purpose,
much as portions of several psalms are adapted
in 1 Chron. xvi.

saved us from the hand of death.] Cf. " God
will redeem my soul from the hand of the
grave," Ps. xlix. 1 5 ; and Ps. lxxxix. 48 ;
Hos. xiii. 14; Dan. vi. 27.

delivered us out of the midst.] Fritzsche
edits : " rescued us out of the midst of burn-
ing flame." Some copies of Theod. have:
" rescued us out of the midst of a furnace of
burning flame." But the addition (nan'ivov)
is wanting in Old Lat, Vulg., Syr. W., XII.,
23, Tur., and other versions and MSS.

even out of the midst of the fi re.] Rather,

" and out of the fire he ransomed us" (e'Xvrpw-
o-cito). Theod. reads : " and out of the midst
of fire he rescued us," repeating the word
(ppvo-aro from the last clause. Cf. Micah
iv. 10. Syr. W. : " he brought us forth."

67. O give thanks.] A common liturgical
formula, introduced here, as in 1 Chron. xvi.
34, to form a doxology. See Ps. cvi. 1 : cvii.
1; cxviii. 1, 29; cxxxvi. 1. In the latter
two psalms, as in 2 Chron. v. 13, it is ayaBos
for xpw™s- The Heb. word is the same in

all (am).

" Give thanks " is i^0jio\oye'i(r6f, " confess
ye fully ;" cf. Matt. xi. 25. The LXX. use the
verb to render Heb. PITH properly "to con-
fess," e.g. sin (Ps. xxxii. 5); then "to ac-
knowledge " God's favours, and " to praise "
Him.

68. O all ye that worship the Lord.]
Syr. H. marks " the Lord " as added by Theod.
On this ground Fritzsche thinks the original
text was simply ndi/res ol o-eldopepoi, " O all
ye that worship ;" o-((56p.evoi being used thus
absolutely in later times, e.g. Wisd. xv. 6 ;
and they who are meant are the worshippers
of the one God in general ; not proselytes in
particular, as Theodoret suggests, and as the
word is used in Acts xvii. 4, 17. But cf. Ps.
cxv. 11; cxviii. 4 ; cxxxv. 20: "ye that fear
the Lord," ni!T C*KT'. The verb X"l\ "to
fear," is rendered aefiopai in Josh. iv. 24,
xxii. 25; Job i. 9; Jonah i. 9. Moreover,
the Greek verb occurred v. 7 supra with an
object. We think, therefore, that tov Kvpiov
should be retained.

bless the God of gods.] See Ps. cxxxvi. 2 ;
Deut. x. 17 ; Dan. ii. 47, xi. 36. At the end
of this verse the Vulgate has the note :
" Hucusque in Hebraeo non habetur : et quae
posuimus, de Theodotionis editione translata
sunt."

Syr. W. adds to the last verse " Praise him
and exalt him for ever," and concludes thus :
" O all ye that fear God, bless the God of
gods ; praise him and exalt him for ever.
O give thanks unto the Lord, because he is
gracious, and his mercy endureth for ever."
Syr. H. adds, doubtfully, " and unto an age
of ages" (so Cod. Chisianus). The innova-
tions on the simple and almost stereotyped
formula of the original text are obvious.

ADDITIONS TO DANIEL.

II. THE HISTORY OF SUSANNA.

THIS piece is not so intimately con-
nected with the canonical Book of
Daniel as the preceding. In fact, it rather
resembles one of the separate narratives
which collectively make up the first six
chapters of that work, in being a whole
complete in itself. It is variously entitled
Susanna' (Syro-Hex.) or 'History of
Susanna ' (so Syr. W^), or 'Daniel ' (Syr.
W2., ' The Book of little Daniel ; the His-
tory of Susanna'), or 'The Judgment of
Daniel,' &c. The last title is certainly
that which expresses the clearest insight
into the real point of the story. So far
as is known, its claims to credibility and
consequently to canonicity were first
called in question by the historian
Julius Africanus, circ. 240 a.d., who ex-
pressed his doubts in a letter to Origen.
Africanus roundly calls it a spurious
portion (KtfiSrjXov /xe'pos) of the Book of
Daniel ; and while admitting its merit
as a graceful story, he declares it to be a
modern fabrication (xaPLw /*«' aAAws crvy-
ypafjijxa, veajreptKW Bk /cat TreirXaa jxivov) .l
Origen, after recourse to some Rabbis
of his acquaintance, wrote an elaborate
reply to the objections of his cor-
respondent. The first of these was
that vv. 45, 46, which represent Daniel
as prophesying under direct inspiration
(e7ri7rvota irpo(pijTtKfj), are inconsistent with
what is told of him elsewhere. By way
of answer to this really pertinent ob-
jection, Origen simply refers to Heb. i. 1.
Not less cavalierly, as Fritzsche observes,
does he set aside the second objection,
that the conviction of the Elders in
vv. 52 sqq. has an element of the thea-
trical, by appealing to the Judgment of

1 ' Africani ad Orig. Epist.' p. 10, apud Migne,
xi. col. 44.

Solomon as related in 1 Kings iii. 16
sqq. But he is greatly perplexed by the
remark that the paronomasias of vv. 55,
59, prove that the original text was
Greek. He says : " As this passage gave
me no rest, and I often dwelt upon it
in doubt, I had recourse to not a few
Hebrews with the question what was the
7rptVo? called in their tongue, and what
was the word for irpltfuv, and similarly
how they expressed cr^ivos and a-ylt^iv."
Some did not know the Greek terms,
but asked to be shewn the trees, which
Origen accordingly pointed out, but to
no purpose. One said that he could
not tell what a tree not mentioned in
Scripture would be called in Hebrew.
Sometimes a perplexed writer would for
despatch use a Syriac instead of a Hebrew
term. He too asked Origen to shew him a
passage of Scripture where the holm-oak
and mastick-tree were certainly men-
tioned. Origen concludes : "As this was
what the Hebrews said with whom I
conversed, and so nothing is to be
learned about it, I am careful not to
express an opinion whether these words
are preserved among the Hebrews in
such a relationship and in the like sig-
nificance or not." x It does not seem to
have occurred to this learned Father that
a twofold coincidence of this kind in two
languages so remote from each other as
Greek and Hebrew was a thing not to
be expected. But what is more sur-
prising than an ancient writer's philo-
logical perplexity is the fact that modern
critics have actually found in these in-
stances of paronomasia the clearest proof
that the piece was originally composed

1 Migne, xi. pp. 61-65.

Y 2

324

INTRODUCTION TO THE

in Greek. Eichhom, Bertholdt, Gratz,
and Fritzsche do not seem to have re-
membered how common the figure paro-
nomasia is in Hebrew and Oriental
literature, and at the same time the
extreme unlikelihood that any given
instance could be exactly reproduced in
an alien language. Can we successfully
imitate in English the prophet Isaiah's
" He looked for judgment (tSBtro), but
behold oppression (riKTO) ; for righteous-
ness (npiv), but behold a cry (npys)"?
Whether, as Scholz supposed, the Greek
translator of Susanna correctly rendered
the Hebrew verbs, and then chose names
of trees to match, or whether he found it
necessary to give up both the verbs and
the nouns of the original text, in order
to produce a successful imitation, can
hardly perhaps be decided. But the
fact that one of Lagarde's Syriac texts
(L2.) gives a fair paronomasia in the
first case between ^©Aoi£>, pasted, " pis-
tachio-tree," and the verb ^naia, pesaq,
" to cut off," — and in the second, be-
tween ^iicoF, rummdnd, " a pome-
granate-tree," and |>s*lco;, rumcha, "a
sword," — is enough to relieve us from
the perplexities of Africanus and Origen.
This Syriac version may, in fact, have
preserved the original names of the trees :
for, as Jacob of Edessa, cited by Bugati,
observes, neither the o-^Tj/os or mastick-
tree, nor the 7rpu'os or holm-oak, was
native in Babylonia, nor were they planted
in gardens ; whereas the pistachio and
the pomegranate, mentioned in the
Syriac version of his day, were both
garden trees, although their names did
not correspond in sound with the terms
ro^mj, nesaddeqdk, "he will rend thee,"

and r-rmj, nesserdk, "he will saw thee,"

used by Daniel in cursing the Elders.
The Greek translator may have been
reminded by pasteqd of the like-
sounding Greek term pao-rcxy, which
means "gum mastick," the resin of
the <rx<k>s, which last he, therefore,
adopted. The Heb. rimmbn (Syr.
rummana) in like manner reminded him
of 7rptvos. But what could have been the
Heb. paronomasias thus imitated in Syriac
and in Greek? Perhaps as Brull thinks,
-]<&m pDBV.NpnDS and ^'Nl Dnn|...1D1 :
Dan. viii. n ; Ezek. xxi. 26.

But there are plenty of other possi-
bilities, as the following will shew : —

T13N, "nut-tree," Cant. vi. n, and often in
Bab. Talmud. -in\ "will cut in two,"
I Kings iii. 25. Or W ; cf. Nah. i. 12.

n:Nn, "fig-tree;" "the angel will multiply
thy sorrow," iTOXl Ti^xh "]2 H3T, Lam.
ii. 5 ; Isa. xxix. 2. Cf. also Ps. xci. 10.
See Sanhedr. 41 A, cited infra.

"1DD, " cypress" (a Babylonian tree) .... JO

"P "IW, "he will not forgive thee."
1H2T), "palm," the Babylonian tree par excel-
lence ; "I1? TQ\ Ruth i. 20.
If Aramaic was the original language of the
piece, Krm\ "a palm," and }3X, "to
cool " (of passion).

Other such plays on words might be sug-
gested ; but these may suffice to shew
how far those of the Greek text are from
constituting an insuperable objection to
the theory of a Hebrew original.1

Africanus next expresses suspicion of
the fact implied by the narrative, that
the Jews during the Exile were permitted
to exercise the power of life and death
among themselves, and even, as in this
case, over the royal consort. If, on the
other hand, Joacim was not tire former
king, the account of his external pros-
perity and high distinction is not true
to the historical conditions of the time.
Origen's reply is that the state of the
Jewish community in the Exile was not
altogether wretched ; Joacim was the for-
mer king; and as to the jus g/adii, even
at the present day conquered peoples-
are sometimes allowed to live under
their own native jurisdiction. Moreover,
it might be that such cases were tried
secretly. He is greatly perplexed by the
remark that the piece is not found in
the Book of Daniel as received by the

1 " The History of Susanna was confessedly
written in Greek. No other explanation can be
given of the verbal allusions 54-5, 5S-9. In.
regard to the other additions there are no data."
(Pusey, ' Daniel the Prophet,' p. 378 and note.)
In the same context, Dr. Pusey remarks of the
LXX. version of the Book of Daniel, that " the
Greek itself is, in many parts, purer and more
elegant than that of any other of the Septuagint
translations. The translator avoided Hebra-
isms, which Theodotion subsequently restored,
and, in some places, substituted a classical
Greek word." {Ibid. 378-9.) So far, then, as
this applies to the Additions, it is obviously no
argument against the supposition that they were
originally written in Hebrew or Aramaic, like
the rest of the book.

HISTORY OF SUSANNA.

325

Jews ; and can only reply that the Jews
must have intentionally omitted it, on
account of its contents. Many other
pieces are also found only in the LXX.,
and so would have to be rejected along
with Susanna. But may it not be that
Providence was mainly solicitous of edi-
fication in the Holy Scriptures; and
ought we not to be mindful of the
proverb, " Remove not the ancient land-
mark" (Prov. xxii. 28)? Africanus
further objected that no prophet else-
where makes use of a quotation in the
manner of v. 53, for no prophet required
to do so ; and lastly he thinks the style
different from the Book of Daniel, which
Origen denies ; but neither goes into
detail.

For many centuries the matter lay
where Africanus and Origen had left
it. After the Reformation, Protestant
writers, such as Ludovicus Cappellus,
strongly attacked the piece, in the in-
terests of theological controversy, calling
it a " silly fable " — -fdbula ineptissima, —
and the author a " trifler " — nugator.
Houbigant replied with considerable ad-
vantage. Michaelis set himself to ex-
pose a whole mass of absurdities in the
legal proceedings against Susanna and
her accusers. Eichhorn again examined
the question, only to prove that " the
whole piece may be a moral fiction "
(eine moralische Dichtung). Jahn saw
in it a parable, shewing that " not al-
ways even to men of riper years must
an unerringly right judgment be attri-
buted." Bertholdt divined its nature far
more correctly in pronouncing the piece
a traditional history ox Jewish Haggada:
'ii Es scheint daher besser zu sein die
Sache als eine Sagengeschichte, als eine
judische Aggadah zu betrachten." The
moral appended in the LXX. text, w. 63,
64, which is the ground of Jahn's con-
clusion, is merely a reflection added by
the author of that text, and is wanting in
Theodotion. Fritzsche rightly remarks
that the story is told as authentic history ;
and he adds : " It is very possible that a
tradition (Sage) lay at the basis of the
narrative, as the substance of it un-
happily stands in direct contradiction
to no period ; but it may with more
certainty be affirmed that the connexion
with Daniel is arbitrary. The person of

Daniel is, in our opinion, involved in
much obscurity; hence it is the more
remarkable that this piece is connected
with him, according to the etymology
of his name [Daniel, " my judge is El "],
and that here, as in Ezek. xiv. 14 sqq.,
xxviii. 3, he is represented as a model
of righteousness and wisdom." And
here he leaves the matter, although
Plessner had already pointed to ma-
terials in the Talmud and Midrash
which confirm Bertholdt's conjecture.
Frankel and Geiger have referred to an
old Halachah, which explains much that
is surprising in the story; and lastly,
Dr. N. Briill, in an elaborate mono-
graph, has sought to establish, by a
careful combination of all available mate-
rials, the probable meaning and character
of this curious relic of antiquity.1 Among
these materials are certain statements
in Origen's reply to Africanus which re-
ceive an entirely new significance, when
brought into connexion with the data
supplied by the Hebrew sources. Thus
Origen relates that a learned young Jew,
the son of a Rabbi, had informed him
that the Two Elders of the story were
Ahab and Zedekiah, the false prophets
spoken of in Jer. xxix. 20-23, and that
the punishments Daniel predicts for
them refer to the other world.

What else Origen heard about these
Elders may be given in his own words : Kai
erepovSe olSa'E(3pouoi>,Trepl twv 7rpe(rfivTepwv
tovt<dv Toiairras 7ra/3a8o(T£is <pepovra, otl
Tots iv rrj at^/xaAwcrta Zkiritpvaiv Sia t?}s
Xpio-roi; iTn8r]p.ia<; iXevOepwOrjaeo-Oai airo
Trj<s vtto Tots e^^pots SouAetas TrpocrtTroiovvTO
ol irpeo-fivrepoi ovtol ws etSores to. Trepi
Xpta-Tov cra^-qvL^uv. Kai eKaVcpo? ainw
dv<x pepos rj 7repuTvyxave yvvaud kolL tjv
8ia<p6elpai ifiovXero, eV aTropprpu) 8rj$ev
'd(pacrK€v, ws dpa Se'fWai auTW airo Oeov
cnrzipai tov Xpurrov. ut air ut w p ivr) rfj
iXTriSt tov yevvrjcrai tov Xtov r) yvvr] £7reSt8w
lavTi]V Tcp airaruiVTi. Kai ourws epot^wvro
ras yuraiKas tw ttoXltwv ol 7rpeo-j3, A^i.a/3

Kai 2e<5e/aa?. To these malpractices,
added the Jew, Daniel alludes in ad-
dressing the first Elder with 7T€7raAatcopeVe

1 What follows is mainly an abstract of Dr.
BriiU's ingenious argument, Das apokryphische
Susanna-Bitch, in his ' Jahrbiicher fiir Judische
Geschichte und Literatur ' (Frankfurt am Main :
1877).

326

INTRODUCTION TO THE

ry/xcpw^ kclkuv (v. 52), and the second with

OlTTtoS €7TOl£tT€ OvyaTpd(TLV 'lo-parjX K.T.X.

(v. 57). St. Jerome also was acquainted
with this Jewish tradition, indepen-
dently of Origen, as it would seem, for
he makes the false prophets give a dif-
ferent reason for their conduct : " Aiunt
Hebraei — quod propheta nunc loquitur,
Et locuti sunt in nomine meo mendaciter,
quod non mandavi eis (Jer. xxix. 20),
illud significari putant, quod miseras
mulierculas, quae circumferuntur omni
vento doctrinae, sic deceperint, quo dice-
rent eis, quia de tribu erant Juda Chris-
tum de suo semine esse generandum ;
quae illectae cupidine praebebant cor-
pora sua, quasi matres futurae Christi "
(' Comm. in Jerem.' ad fin.). Compare
with these passages Susanna 56, 57. In
the Midrash Tankumd on Leviticus,
No. 6, we read : " Ahab b. Koiaiah and
Zedekiah b. Maaseiah were already
sinners in Jerusalem, but that was not
enough. Carried captive to Babylon, they
pushed their wickedness there to even
further lengths. What did they in Jeru-
salem ? There they were lying prophets.
But in Babylon they did not abdicate
this their profession, and they assisted
each other's guilty designs. Ahab went
to one of the magnates of Babylon and
said, ' God has sent me hither to speak
a word to thy wife.' He said : ' She is
before thee ; go in.' When Ahab found
himself alone with her, he said, ' God
willeth that thy children be prophets.
Go, therefore, and company with Zede-
kiah, and thou shalt become the mother
of prophets.' She believed him, and
did accordingly. In the same way,
Zedekiah went, and acted for Ahab. . . .
So they went on, until they came
to Semiramis, the wife of Nebuchad-
nezzar. When Zedekiah went to her and
spake as before, she answered, ' I can do
nothing without my husband's consent ;
he must come and tell us that he wills
it.' So she went to her husband Nebu-
chadnezzar, and said, ' Send for them.'
When they were come, he asked them,
' Did ye speak thus to my wife ?' They
said, ' Yes, for God will cause prophets
to come of her.' ' I have heard,' said
N., ' that your God abhors unchastity.
Did 24,000 men perish, because of
Zimri's degeneracy (Num. xxv. 8, 9),

and can you assert such a thing ? Has
your God changed his mind ? Whether
ye be true or false prophets, I know not ;
but Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah I
have already proven. Although I had
the furnace heated seven days for them,,
yet they came forth alive and well. For
you I will only heat it one day. If you
are not hurt by the fire, I shall have the
best proof that you are true prophets,
and we will do all your bidding.' They
objected : ' Hananiah, Mishael, and Aza-
riah were three, we are only two, and a
miracle cannot be wrought save for three.'
Nebuchadnezzar asked : ' Is there then a
third such as you ?' ' Yes, the High
Priest Joshua.' They thought they would
be saved for his sake. So Joshua was
brought, and thrown with them into the
furnace. They were both consumed, but
Joshua remained unhurt, as it is said,
Zech. iii. 2, ' Lo, that is the brand plucked
from the burning.' And from Zedekiah
and Ahab was the curse taken which was
in the mouth of the whole captivity at
Babylon : ' The Lord make thee like
Zedekiah,' &c. (Jer. xxix. 22)."

The same story occurs in the Talmud
Babli Sanhedrin 93 A, where the same
passage of Jeremiah is cited with com-
ments. " ' It is not said whom he burnt
(DDX*), but whom he roasted (D^p),' said
R. Johanan in the name of R. Simeon
ben Jochai, teaching that they did as it

were vilenesses (nvi'ps)." Comment-
ing on the next verse, " Because they have
done folly in Israel, and have committed
adultery with their neighbours' wives,"
the Gemara continues : —

nana -ivnmnrr rrrro *ib bm niny *n»
rrp~w ;T|nv ba *jf»DB>n 'n ids ro rh "idk
n^TN 3xn« bit *ywn n -idk no tok

" By doing what? by going to Nebu-
chadnezzar's daughter. Ahab said to her,
Thus saith the Lord, hearken thou to
Zedekiah ; and Zedekiah said, Thus
saith the Lord, hearken thou to Ahab.
She went and told her father," &c.
(The italicized variation will be noticed.)
The Baraita of R. Eliezer again, c. 33,
on the authority of R. Johanan, men-
tions neither the wife nor the daughter
of Nebuchadnezzar, but the Chaldean

HISTORY OF SUSANNA.

327

women generally, as thus attempted by
Ahab and his confederate in guilt, whom
it represents, not as false prophets, but
medical charlatans : —

\xari \&yi rrcyo p n^pnxi nh^ p nxnx
toni y?»n yo^ ntaon p*&pna Dnny

• ID-lit'1?

" Ahab ben Qolaiah and Zedekiah
ben Maaseiah became pretended physi-
cians. And they used to treat the wives
of the Chaldees, and debauch them.
The king heard thereof, and commanded
them to be burnt."

In the Pesiqta again (Ed. Buber),
No. 25, p. 164 f., the story is further
modified : —

ips? »**aa rptppo p nnivi n^ip p nxnK
T&& jy* T'nn jrvjn wi petes rni rn
era ts"D n»Di») "iji itry
N'nrvK vib Wn pn:» nn pny pin noi
n»"pq nxi -p:6 nan wn iron ninow

. bxwi ana

z>. "Ahab ben Qolaiah and Zedekiah
ben Maaseiah were pretended prophets.
And they used to commit adultery with
their neighbours' wives, as it is written,
Jer. xxix. 23. And what would they do ?
One of them went to a woman and said
unto her, ' I have seen (in a vision) that
my fellow will come unto thee, and that
thou wilt raise up a prophet in Israel.' "
The matter went on, until they attempted
the queen in the same fashion, with the
result mentioned above. Here we are at
once struck with the strangeness of the
implication that not only Jewesses, but
even Babylonian ladies, even the queen,
could be influenced by the promise of
giving birth to a Jewish prophet. How
are we to account for this transformation
of the original tradition, which brings in
Babylonian women instead of Jewesses ?
The reason, Briill thinks, was probably
genealogical. In the interests of purity
of descent, the fact had to be suppressed
that during the Babylonian Exile Jewish
matrons had been misled into fornication.
If the Haggada also told of an attempt
upon a noble lady — say the wife of a
former Jewish king — and this attempt
led to the ruin of the perpetrators, the
wife of Nebuchadnezzar was naturally

substituted ; and to make everything
plausible, she was provided with a suit-
able name, Semiramis. And as the old
tradition made the two miscreants pro-
mise the birth of the Messiah, and this
could be no inducement to Babylonian
women, this difficulty was got rid of by
substituting prophet for Messiah. The
Messianic reference, Briill thinks, would
have been pointless, unless made at a
time when there was no representative
of the House of David to whom such
hopes could attach. This feature of
the Haggada, therefore, agrees with the
theory that the Joacim of Susanna is
Jehoiachin or Jeconiah, the Jewish king
who languished in prison throughout the
reign of Nebuchadnezzar. A captive at
the age of 18, he either had no children,
or only such as " were made eunuchs in
the palace of the king of Babylon." The
situation was one which afforded free
scope to pretenders of all sorts ; and it
is quite possible that Ahab and Zedekiah
had higher designs than the mere grati-
fication of lust in their attempt on
Susanna. In the Midrash Wayyiqra
Rabba, Par. xix., a story is told indi-
cative of contemporary Jewish fears that
the House of David might become ex-
tinct with Jehoiachin's death. The
Great Sanhedrin is said to have sought
and obtained, through the intercession
of Queen Semiramis, permission for the
wife of Jehoiachin to visit him in his
prison. In the sequel of the story,
which it is unnecessary to translate, the
wife of Jeconiah appears as preserving
her purity, according to Jewish ideas,
under circumstances of great tempta-
tion : and she utters an exclamation,
WJTI nDHK nrci^O, which, curiously
enough, contains the name of the heroine
of our Apocryphon. Dr. Briill supposes
that this cry of hers gave rise to her
popular designation ; a supposition which
he confirms by the fact that Susanna is
not known as a Hebrew proper name of
earlier date. (See Bk. of Jubilees, viii. 1.)
And when she leaves her husband, she
takes a bath of purification, which detail
coincides with the fact that Susanna
in the Apocryphon is about to take a
bath when the Elders attack her. On
these grounds, Briill thinks, and we are
disposed to agree with him, that the

328

INTRODUCTION TO THE

Susanna of our story is the king's wife in
the Midrash. And this is borne out by-
other points of coincidence. Susanna
was the wife oli Joacim ; and Joacim was
the most prominent personage among
the Exiles. The description only suits
Jehoiachin-Jeconiah, the former king
of Judah, who some twenty-five years
after his imprisonment was restored by
Evil-Merodach to kingly honours at the
court of Babylon. In these changed
circumstances we may be sure that the
respect of his own countrymen would
not be wanting ; Jehoiachin would be
regarded as the Prince of the Captivity,
and would leave his dignity to his suc-
cessors. It is beyond question, says
Briill, that the Babylonian Exilarchate,
which reached in almost unbroken suc-
cession down to the second half of the
14th century, as also the Palestinian
Patriarchate founded by Zerubbabel,
originated in the position of honour ac-
corded to king Jehoiachin. There is no
difficulty in supposing a confusion of the
names Jehoiachin and Jehoiakim such
as occurs elsewhere : see S. Jerome's cau-
tion on this point ('Comm. in Dan.'i. 1).
Moreover, S. Hippolytus identified Je-
hoiachin-Jeconiah with the Joacim of
our work. See Georg. Syncell. Chronogr.
218: 'O [epos el7T7roAirros cv ra Kara rrjv
2aKrawav ko.1 tov Aavir/A ypdp.p.an rpia.
errj Ae'ya tov vlbv 'IwiaKeip. 'Iwa^ctju, tov
kcu 'Ie^oviav )U.€Ta tov iraripa KparrjcravTa
pL€Ta.Kop.LO-6rjvai 6ts BaySuAwva o~vv Tots

/\ot7TOlS J)S TVpOKUTai. TOV 8k AaVLTjX /cat

rovs Tpets 7rat8as ttjs 7rapovo-r)s at^/xaAwcrtas
Aeyei. TotTov Se Aeyet kcu t^s ^ojcravvij^
avopa elvai' kou 7ri#avos 6 Aoyos. Africa-
nus and Origen, in the correspondence
referred to above, were of the same
opinion, though the former suggests a
possible difference. Upon the whole,
then, it is highly probable that the
Susanna of our story is the wife of king
Jehoiachin, of whom the Midrash speaks.
Amid whatever variations of outward
form, an essential similarity has so far
been established between the Greek
History of Susanna and certain Haggadic
passages in the Talmud and Midrash.

We have now to consider the inter-
vention of Daniel, and his examination
of the two false witnesses. In the Mid-
rashic story, too, we see a third person

intervening, whose moral rectitude shines
out in vivid contrast with the turpitude
of the two prophets, at the moment of
their penal destruction. Joshua ben
Josedech the High Priest is so far an
adumbration of the Daniel of Susanna.
But the conception of Daniel as a judge
cross-questioning the witnesses is conspi-
cuous by its absence from the Talmudic
and Midrashic stories about the wicked
prophets and about Susanna ; that is to
say, it is unknown to the popular tradi-
tion ( Volkssage), and did not belong to
the original story of Susanna. It is not,
however, due to the mere fancy of the
author; and as it, in fact, constitutes
the kernel of the whole narrative, it de-
serves careful consideration. Now there
happens to be preserved in the Mishna
a fragmentary notice of an exactly
similar examination of witnesses. In
Sanhedr. 5, 2, it is written : p-\2V nt'TQ
nmn ^piyn ♦JOT p, " Once upon a time
Ben Zakkai put questions about fig-
stems." Two other fragments of this old
Halachah are quoted in Bab. Sanhedr.

41 a: inn rmsn nnn h n»s, "They

said unto him, ' He slew him under a fig-
tr^e.' " This informs us of the charge.

pDJ n^pw ppi rvxpw it nrxn ;r6 -mdk

•nm1? D^xn nmnc n^xn " He said unto
them, ' As to that fig-tree, were its stems
thin or thick? were the figs dark or
pale ? ' : This shews the nature of the
cross-examination of the accusers. The

deduction mitro'riT nn nipnan naion ^3,
" Whoso doeth much in cross- question-
ing witnesses, lo that man is to be
praised," indicates that the cross-exami-
nation resulted in a disproof of the
charge ; so that the case is a complete
parallel to the one before us. Here
again, therefore, the proper conclusion
seems to be that the author of Susanna
has simply given another shape fo pre-
existing materials. What was his object
in thus remodelling, combining, and
enlarging the old popular traditions ?
The moral added in the LXX. text
shews that it was early perceived that
the aim of the piece was didactic, not
historical. But the contrast between
youth and age is too superficial. The
contrast is between two kinds of criminal
procedure, which are represented, not

HISTORY OF SUSANNA.

329

by a dry general description, but by a
concrete instance of their actual working.
The author's aim is to portray certain
deplorable defects inherent in the ad-
ministration of justice in his own time,
and to suggest a radical cure.

The proofs are evident in the story itself.
(1.) Ahab and Zedekiah, who elsewhere
are lying prophets, or medical rogues,
are here judges who bear false witness.
(2.) Daniel too is a judge, though else-
where he has nothing to do with things
judicial. (3.) The entire action is mainly
developed in the hall of judgment. (4.)
The two references to Scripture which
occur in the piece bear upon justice and
its administrators (Exod. xxiii. 7 ; Zech.
5, 6, 8, n). (5.) The indirect citation of
the Pentateuchal law for punishing false
witnesses with the same penalty that the
accused would have suffered, would seem
superfluous, if the author had not meant
to shew that the application of the same
was in place in the case he describes.
(6.) The plan of the piece indicates that
the traditions about the Babylonian false
prophets and Susanna are merely the
substructure for the representation of
the examination of witnesses by which
Susanna's innocence was established.

And here we may add another remark-
able coincidence. Simon ben Shetach, the
well-known President of the Sanhedrin,
taught in words what Ben Zakkai taught
by example. See Pirqe 'Abot/i, i. 9 :

m -\\prb nmo "in -win4 noK> p py»e>

" Simon ben Shetach used to say, Ex-
amine the witnesses abundantly, and be
cautious in thy words, lest they learn from
them to give false answers." This saying
appears to have been the fruit of bitter
personal experience. Simon's own son is
said to have been condemned to death,
on the testimony of witnesses suborned
by Simon's enemies. The witnesses con-
fessed the truth just before the execu-
tion ; but their victim refused to be
tried again. " Father," said he, " if thou
desirest that help come through thee,
use me as a threshold." (Jems. Sanhcdr.
vi. 3 : -|T bv nywn N121? nvpi dx xnx

nSflpDiO "'niX iTJ'!?.) In other words,
the son was willing to be a conspicuous

example of the judicial abuse against
which his father was agitating. About
this time probably Ben Zakkai lived,
who, as we have seen, instituted a more
stringent process of inquiry; and the
Story of Susanna may well be a product
of the same period, intended to advocate
the claims of this innovation in the prac-
tice of the courts, by a striking example
of the miscarriage of justice under the old
system, and of its complete vindication
by the new method. But Simon ben
Shetach was also the champion of another
reform in connexion with the law of
testimony. As the brother-in-law of king
Alexander Jannreus (ace. 106 b.c), he
was able, after a long struggle, to secure
the triumph of his party the Pharisees
in the Sanhedrin, and of their principles
in the administration of the law, over
their opponents the Sadducees, who had
been dominant under Hyrcanus and
until the close of the reign of Jannai.
According to Sadducean principles, they
who had falsely accused a man of a
capital crime were only put to death, if
the sentence had already been executed
on their victim. The legal aphorism,
"life for life," was construed literally.
The Pharisees, on the other hand, re-
lying upon Deut. xix. 19, considered the
intention of the accusers as equivalent to
actual murder. According to them, the
maxim " life for life " came into applica-
tion as soon as, in consequence of the
false depositions, sentence had been
pronounced, although not yet carried
out. The law at the time extraordinarily
favoured informations. The witnesses,
who were also the accusers, were only
examined about the main fact, so that
their falsehood could not easily become
evident ; and even if it did, they got off
without punishment, though the accused
had actually been executed.

This crying evil the Pharisaic party
sought to remedy by the introduction of
a more rigorous examination of witnesses,
and by making the law more severe
against false witnesses. The partiality
and prejudice of the judges are attested
by a saying of Judah ben Tabbai, the
colleague of Simon ben Shetach; see
Pirqe 'Aboth, i. 8. And, according to the
Talmudic Sota 2 2 b, Jannai left his wife
Salome the warning : " Be not afraid of

INTRODUCTION TO THE

the Pharisees, nor of those who are not
Pharisees (i.e. the Sadducees) ; but (be
afraid of) the painted ones, who look
like the Pharisees, whose works are
like the work of Zimri, and who seek
the reward of Phinehas." The state
of things thus indicated is mirrored in
our Apocryphon. The two Elders are
counterparts of the " painted ones."
Susanna is treated as an adulteress,
without examination of the witnesses.
At the right moment, Daniel, the per-
sonified judgment of God, appears on
the scene. He knows Susanna's inno-
cence by inspiration; but he will shew
the people how a Sanhedrin ought
to ascertain the truth. Each of the
witnesses must be questioned separately
about the details of the charge. The
Sadducean interpretation of the law
would have let off the guilty Elders;
but the Pharisaic principle is rigorously
carried out in their execution.

From all this, it appears to be a
highly probable conclusion that this
Apocryphon is an Anti-Sadducean Ten-
denz-Schrift, in which not unskilfully the
matter of an old tradition about the
punishment of some seducers of women
is worked up into an instructive picture
of a certain period. Its aim was two-
fold : (i) To illustrate the utility of an
investigation of particulars such as Ben
Zakkai actually practised at the time ;
and (2) to accentuate the necessity of
a rigorous punishment of false witnesses,
independently of the question whether
an accused person has suffered on the
ground of their evidence, or not. The
former point is especially prominent, as
being distinctly an innovation. The
fact that the son of Simon ben Shetach
was obliged to submit to death in order
to secure the punishment of his lying
accusers, proves that the court which
tried him consisted of members of the
Sadducean party. This event, which
probably occurred during the bloody
struggles between the persecuted Phari-
sees and the Sadducees favoured by
Jannai, between the years 94-89 B.C.,
must have roused popular indignation,
and powerfully furthered Simon's pro-
jects of legal reform, and the ascendency
of the Pharisaic party. It also called
forth the Historv of Susanna. If this

account of the origin and tendency of
the work be accepted, it must evi-
dently be regarded as a plant of Pales-
tinian rather than Alexandrian growth.
The primary language was probably neo-
Hebrew. The Greek of Theodotion falls
back easily into Hebrew, and that of
the LXX., although somewhat more free,
and variously interpolated, is essentially
Hebraising. From Babylonia the original
elements of the story passed to Judaea,
and the Alexandrian translator and
editor may have received it thence either
in the shape of an oral or a written re-
lation. It is true that we have no direct
evidence from ancient times for the ex-
istence in Hebrew or Chaldee of the
Story of Susanna as we know it. Nach-
mani, the only old Jewish writer who
mentions it, quotes part of Judith i.
7, 8, 11 from the Peshito Syriac, with
the reference ftnt? n^JEQ IW&V 103, " as
it is written in the Roll of Shushan," i.e.
probably Susanna. Perhaps he has not
so much confused Judith with Susanna,
as cited the former from a ' Book of
Holy Women ' in which the Story of
Susanna came first.

In the Greek MSS. and common
editions, the narrative is commonly given
as Dan. i. So also in Old Lat. and
Arab. Chronological propriety suggested
this arrangement, as it purports to relate
an episode of Daniel's youth. But as
the place is Babylonia, and the time
the Captivity, a better position would
obviously have been after Dan. i. The
LXX. text, the Vulgate, and the Com-
plutensian edition, relegate the piece to
the end of Daniel, as a mere addition
or appendix to the canonical work
(ch. xiii.). The Syro-Hexaplar also
places it, along with Bel and the Dragon,
at the end of the book, separating it
from the canonical portion by the note,
" Finished is Daniel according to the
tradition of the Seventy," and by a
further note relating to the Greek codex.

The two Greek texts, that of the LXX.
and that of Theodotion, differ remarkably
in the opening of the story. There are
four Syriac texts, of which two appear
in Walton.1 The others known to the

1 The remarkable additions and omissions of
these texts may partly depend on traditions
known to the translators, but long since lost.

HISTORY OF SUSANNA.

33i

writer are the Syro-Hexaplar, and a
fourth text, of which Lagarde has given
extracts in his ' Apocrypha Syriace.' 1

1 These texts are indicated in the notes as
Syr. Wj. and Syr. \V2. (the so-called Harklen-
sian) ; Syr. H. ; and Syr. L2. I have used
A. M. Ceriani's beautiful photo-lithograph of
' Codex Syro-Hexaplaris Ambrosianus ' (Milan,
1874), as well as Bugati (1788). This version
was made at Alexandria, A.D. 617, according to
the subscription, which runs thus: "Daniel
according to the Seventy. Finished is the Book
of Daniel the prophet, which has been interpreted
from the tradition of the Seventy and Two,
who in the days of Ptolemy, king of Egypt,
before the coming of the Messiah a hundred
years, more or less, interpreted the Holy Scrip-
tures out of the Hebrew tongue into Greek, in
Alexandria the great city. Now this book was
interpreted also out of Greek into Syriac in the
city Alexandria, in the month Kanun Posterior
of the year nine hundred and twenty-eight of
Alexander, Fifth Indiction." It is an accurate
rendering from the Greek, and contributes much
to the restoration of the text.

The Syro-Hexaplar is from the LXX. ;
the rest apparently are based upon
Theodotion's recension. In the LXX.
text there is a strange lacuna at the out-
set, in which the context indicates that
particulars relating to the two Elders
must have been imparted. The words
of Daniel to the two miscreants (vv. 52,
56) involve references to former mis-
conduct not related in the existing
mutilated narrative, but once probably
communicated in the missing verses.
Perhaps the omission was intentionally
made by those who inserted the narrative
in the Hagiographa, in order to avoid
defaming the Jewesses of the Exile.
Theodotion completed the truncated
text by details about Susanna's family
connexions, and this involved further
changes. The expression " in that year "
(v. 5) points to the existence of a chrono-
logical datum in what once preceded.

THE

HISTORY OF SUSANNA,

Set apart from the beginning of DANIEL^ because it is not in the Hebrew,

as neither the Narration of "BEL and the DRAGON. I Gr. b**

dragon.

1 6 Two judges hide themselves in the garden of
Susanna to have their pleasure of her : 28
which when they could not obtain, they accuse
and cause her to be condemned for adultery :
46 but Daniel examincth the matter again,
and findeth the two judges false.

THERE dwelt a man in Babylon,
called Joacim :
2 And he took a wife, whose name

was Susanna, the daughter of Chel-
cias, a very fair woman, and one
that feared the Lord.

3 Her parents also were righteous,
and taught their daughter according
to the law of Moses.

4 Now Joacim was a great rich
man, and had a fair garden joining

Verses \-^a belong to Theodotion, and
Cod. Ghisian. and Syr. H. have marked them
as added to the LXX. from his text.
Fritzsche thinks that the LXX. either began
the story with -v. 5, or that some such words
as rjcrav 8e 8vo TrpeafivrepoL iv BafivXuvi
have been lost in their text. But see the
Introduction ad fin. Syr. W2.: "When
Daniel was twelve years old, there was a
man whose name was Joacim, and he had
a wife whose name was Shushan," <Scc.

1. Joacim.] Joacim, in the Gk. 'laaicelp., is

of course the Heb. D'p'irP or Jehoiakim.
Cf. Judith iv. 6. Ammonius, Hippolytus,
Syncellus, and many others have identified
him with the king of Judah who was carried
captive to Babylon and afterwards liberated :
2 Kings xxiv. 15 ; xxv. 27 sqq. Bugati's ob-
jection that this is to confuse D^liT with
V3*irP, Jehoiakim with Jehoiachin, does not
hold: see 3 Esdr. i. 39, 43, and 2 Chron.
xxxvi. 5, 9. Fritzsche observes that although
Joacim is styled " more honourable than all
others " (v. 4), his entire position in the story
■does not harmonize with the hypothesis that
he was king ; indeed, had he been so, it must
have been expressly stated. But see the
Introd.

2. Susanna, the daughter of Chekias.] The
majority of MSS. spell the first name 2ovcrdvva.
Fritzsche notes that Cod. II. and others give
Itixravva ; and so Tischendorf has edited
(LXX. Vat., 5th ed.) : but Dr. Bissell says
this is a mistake as regards Cod. II., which
has lovadwa. throughout. The name is atrans-
literation of TlWW {Sosanna), " lily," which
does not occur as a proper name in the
O. T. ; but see Luke viii. 3. This story of
the woman who was both chaste and fair as
a lily may have popularized the name. Shu-

shan, Dan. viii. 2, the capital of Susiana, is
obviously not an originally Heb. word. Chel-
cias, Gk. XikuLas, is the Heb. ppp?n,
" Hilkiah." So the Arab, and Syr. H. The
common text (Walton, Lagarde) has jxcAcn,
which apparently confuses the name with El-
kanah. The latter text makes him a priest,
and relates that the synagogue met in the
house of Joacim, and that Susanna lived in
wedlock a few days only, and had spent the
rest of her time as a pious widow. Compare
the story of Judith. Hilkiah was a common
priestly name: see 1 Chron. vi. 13, 45, ix.
1 1 ; Jer. i. 1 ; also 2 Kings xviii. 18, xxii. 8, 12.
a very fair woman, and one that feared the
Lord.] The union of beauty with virtue, the
ideal of womanhood, was realized in her.
Verse 3, as Hippolytus notes, suggests the
reason.

3. righteous.] 8lkciiol, D"pHV. As such,
they " taught " (i8l8a$av — had taught) their
daughter, as the Law enjoined : Deut. iv. 9, 10 ;
vi. 7, 20 ; Ex. xiii. 14.

4. a great rich man.] Lit., " very rich " —
ttXovo-ios cr(p68pa (Gen. xiii. 2). The term ren-
dered " fair garden " is Trapd8ei<ros, the Gk.
form of a word denoting in Persian a royal
park or pleasure-ground. Xenophon brought
the term into Gk. use: cf. 'Anab.' i. 2, 7 ;
' Cyrop.' i. 3, 12. Photius and Pollux state
that the word is Persian. In Heb. it occurs
in the form 0"\~\B, pardes, Cant. iv. 13 ; Eccl.
ii. 5 ; Neh. ii. 8. The Vendidad has it in the
form pairidaeza, " enclosure," " park ; " and
in Armenian pardez is " the garden round a
house." Cf. the Syr. pardaisd," garden." The
Old Lat. here has -viridarium, " a planta-
tion " or " pleasure-garden ; " Vulg. poma-
rium, " orchard."

joining.] " Joining" is yeirviav, " neighbour-

5-6.]

HISTORY OF SUSANNA.

333

unto his house : and to him resorted
the Jews ; because he was more
honourable than all others.

5 The same year were appointed
two of the ancients of the people to
be judges, such as the Lord spake of,

that wickedness came from Babylon
from ancient judges, who seemed to
govern the people.

6 These kept much at Joacim's
house : and all that had any suits in
law came unto them.

ing : " see Job xxvi. 5 (Symmachus) ; 2 Mace.
ix. 25.

resorted.] " Used to resort," ivpocrrjyovTo
(Josh. vii. 17, 18). 2wr]y., the reading of Codd.
34, 36, 48, &c, is more usual in this sense.
As a wealthy and influential man, Joacim was
accustomed to receive numbers of his country-
men, and no doubt to dispense to them his
advice and assistance in case of need. Syr.
W2. adds : " and the synagogue was in his
house. And few days was Susanna with her
husband, and the rest of her life was she in
widowhood, and day and night in the service
of the Lord was she occupied."

Julius Africanus objected to the statement
of this verse, that it was incredible that Joacim
could have been so rich and powerful in the
Captivity. Origen rightly replied that the
deported Jews were not all so plundered that
none were left wealthy. Besides, we know
that when they had had time to settle down
in their new country, they soon began to
prosper as merchants and traders, just as they
have done in every other foreign land through-
out the history of their dispersions. Com-
paratively few of the exiles availed themselves
of Cyrus' permission to return to Judah.
The great majority remained in their adopted
country ; and in the Roman times Babylonia
and Mesopotamia were the home of vast
communities of Jews, who possessed great
wealth, and dwelt in strongly-fortified cities.
Cf. Tobit i. 13, 14, 22.

5. The same year.] "In that year;" i.e.,
apparently, the year of Joacim's marriage,
•v. 2. For " ancients " or elders see note on
Judith vi. 16. Cf. also Isa. iii. 14. It is clear
from various passages of the O. T. that Is-
raelite townships enjoyed a kind of municipal
government under their own elders, who
constituted the town council or ye/iovo-la
(senatus). Josephus, ' Ant.' iv. 8, ascribes to
Moses the constitution of a council of seven
elders or magistrates for each city. But see
Ruth iv. 2, where ten elders of Bethlehem are
spoken of. Grotius thinks that the two Elders
of this story were appointed as assessors of

the alxfJ-(i\a)Tapxris or sni?3 C"H, the chief
of the exiles. There is no reason to doubt
that the scattered communities of the deported
Jews were permitted, as in later times, to
observe their own laws : cf. Esth. iii. 8. But
it is hardly likely that their judges exercised
the power of life and death, as v. 62 implies.

such as the Lord.] Rather, " of whom the
Lord spake : Lawlessness hath gone forth
from Babylon from elder-judges who were
accounted to govern the people." The words
purport to contain a direct reference to some
prophetic utterance ; and in form partly cor-
respond with Jer. xxiii. 1 5 : anb tu>v npn(prjTu>v
lepovcrakTjp eijrjXde poXv&pbs irdcrri tjj yjj. It
is very probable, as Fritzsche observes, that
the apparent quotation is really due to a
reminiscence of Jer. xxix. 20-23. Jewish
tradition, indeed, identifies the two Elders
with the adulterous prophets Ahab and
Zedekiah, " whom the king of Babylon
roasted in the fire." But the tradition may
have grown out of Jeremiah's words, " Be-
cause they have committed villany in Israel,
and have committed adultery with their neigh-
bours' wives." The objection to it is that
Ahab and Zedekiah were prophets, not elder-
judges ; they were burned alive by Nebuchad-
nezzar, whereas the two Elders were stoned
by the Jews, according to the Law (y. 62.
The LXX., however, says : 6 ayyeXos Kvplov
eppitye irvp 81a picrov avriov). Walton's
Syr. 2 is unique in giving the names of the
two Elders, Amid and Abid (not Anid, as.
Fuller); i.e., apparently, "Drowned" and
" Lost."

As regards the words "who seemed to
govern " — o'l e'doKow Kvfcpvav — we may com-
pare Mark x. 42 (see Matt. xx. 25); Luke
xxii. 24; Gal. vi. 3, ii. 9 (ot donovvTes <ttvXol
thai); 1 Cor. x. 12, vii. 40, xi. 16, xiv. 37.
This seems better than to understand by the
words that the Jews had only the shadozv of
self-government at the time. S. Jerome :
" Qui injuste praesunt populo tantum nomea
habent judicum: regere videntur populum
magis quam regunt." (So Ammonius : t<pa[-
vovto yap Kvfiepvrjcrai, Kat. eis vavayia (noiovv
epiTfo-elv ras ^i^ay.) Syr. W,. : " who were
ministering in the temple" (!). Syr. W2. :
" who are accounted heads of the people."

6. These kept much.] The Gk. verb is
irpoa-eKapripovv; Vulg. frequent abant : see
Num. xiii. 20; Acts i. 14, ii. 46. Render:
" These would (or were wont to) abide . . .
and all . . . would come."

and all that had any suits.] ol Kpivupevou,
litem age re ; Job xxxv. 14, xiii. 19; Matt
v. 40 ; 1 Cor. vi. 6 : adeX(pos pera d8eX(f>ov
Kpiverai. LXX. : " and suits (caussae) used to
come from other towns unto them," viz. for
hearing. Cf. Exod. xxii. 9; xxiv. 14.

334

HISTORY OF SUSANNA.

[v. 7-14.

7 Now when the people departed
away at noon, Susanna went into her
husband's garden to walk.

8 And the two elders saw her going
in every day, and walking ; so that
their lust was inflamed toward her.

9 And they perverted their own
mind, and turned away their eyes,
that they might not look unto
heaven, nor remember just judgments.

10 And albeit they both were

wounded with her love, yet durst not
one shew another his grief.

1 1 For they were ashamed to de-
clare their lust, that they desired to
have to do with her.

12 Yet they watched diligently
from day to day to see her.

13 And the one said to the other,
Let us now go home : for it is dinner
time.

14 So when they were gone out,

7, 8. Now when the people departed away.]
Lit. "And it came to pass (so also ■». 19),
when the people used to run away, Susanna
would go in and walk about in her husband's
garden. And the two elders used to wateh
her," &c. (The verbs are imperfects.) The
LXX. uses airoTpix* ivi " to run °ff>" as = Heb.
^?n, abiit : Gen. xiii. 19. Syr. W,. adds,
" with her maidens ; " Syr. W2. omits the
verse.

Instead of v. 8, Syr. \V2. has: "And
these two heads of the people loved Susanna,
without each other's knowledge; and desire
of her beauty held them."

The LXX. text of these two verses runs
thus: "These having seen a woman of a goodly
countenance (da-reiav tu et'fiei : cf. Jud. viii.
7), wife of a brother (i.e. fellow-countryman ;
Exod. ii. 11. Heb. usage, Acts hi. 22) of
theirs, one of the sons of Israel, by name
(ovofia, as in Xen. ' Anab.' i. 2, 23, &c. ; cf.
Matt, xxvii. 5 7) Susanna, daughter of Chelcias,
wife of Joacim, walking in her husband's
garden at eventide (to SeiXiiw, Lev. vi. 20 ;
Exod. xxix. 39, 41 ; Gen. iii. 8 ; 1 Kings xviii.
29), and having desired her (Matt. v. 28) they
perverted their own mind," &c. It is, in fact,
evident from that part of this text which cor-
responds to v. 28 ap. Theod. that the Elders
are not conceived as living in the same town
as Joacim, and that Susanna's trial was held
neither in his house nor even in his place of
residence. Nor does the older text allege the
fact that Joacim's house was a meeting-place
for his fellow-countrymen as the occasion of
the Elders seeing Susanna. It simply states
that they did happen to see her walking in her
husband's garden.

9. they perverted their own mind, <h'c.]
Theod. has retained this verse from the older
text.

turned away their eyes that they might not.]
Cf. Dan. ix. 11 : f^etcXivav tov pfj anovaai rfjs
(pavrjs o-ov. Contrast Dan. ix. 3 : " I set my
face unto the Lord God," &c. ; and Ps. cxix.
37, Heb. xii. 2. The "just judgments" are
those of Heaven against evil-doers. (Syr. W2.
adds " of God.") Cf. Ps. cxix. 120. The last

clause clearly defines the preceding one more
accurately ; or else we might take the words
in the sense of right decisions or resolves. See
John ix. 39; Acts xxiv. 25; Ps. cxix. 75.
There is something pictorial, too, in making
these men look downwards, like the brute
beasts whose example they were following.
" Heaven," however, is doubtless here, as in
Luke xv. 18, a metonym for God — cf. Dan.
iv. 23 — which became quite common in later
Hebrew, e.g. in Maccabees, and the Mishna.

10, 11. And albeit they both.] Lit. " And
they were both sorely pricked about her,
and they declared not to one another their
pain," &c. xaTavevvynevoi is " sore pricked," or
"stung;" cf. Acts ii. 37, KaTevvyrjaav tt) Kap8ia.
But the words that follow seem to indicate
that another meaning— that of stupefaction
or silence — may be intended here : see Lev.
x. 3 ; Isa. xlvii. 5 ; Ps. iv. 4 ; and especially
Dan. x. 9, 15. For the sense of being stung
with pain, remorse, &c, see Gen. xxxiv. 7 ;
Ecclus. xii. 12, xiv. 1, xx. 21, xlvii. 20.

The Vulg. has : iwlnerati amore ejus.

For w. 10, 11, Syr. Wr has : " And they
both desired her, to be with her after the
manner of women: and they revealed not
their stroke, one to another, because they
were wishing to be with her in secret." Syr.
W2. : "But they two were watching for her,
and were wishing to disgrace her."

After the words, " And both were sorely
pricked about her," the LXX. text continues:
" and one to the other would not admit the
evil (ov TrpocreTrou'iTo to Kanov^) which pos-
sessed them about her, nor did the woman
know this matter." Ov irpoo-eiroid.To, dis-
simulabat, i.e. made as if the thing were not
so — masked or disguised his real state of feel-
ing. (Thucyd. iii. 47. 3.)

12. Yet they watched diligently] "And
they kept close and rival watch " (irapfTrjpov-
o-av (piXoTipas). For the form of the aorist,
see ti8o<rav, v. 18; e^T]\6oaav, v. 19 ; eicXai-
oo-av, v. 33 in LXX.; coplXovaav, i\ 57. At
the end, Syr. W2. rightly adds : " alone."

13. And the one said.] Something seems
to have fallen out of the text. Syr. W2. fills

v. 15— 2a]

HISTORY OF SUSANNA.

335

they parted one from the other, and
turning back again they came to the
same place ; and after that they had
asked one another the cause, they
acknowledged their lust : then ap-
pointed they a time both together,
when they might find her alone.

15 And it fell out, as they watched
Gr. as a fit time, she went in "as before with
end?/u'y two maids only, and she was desirous

to wash herself in the garden : for it
was hot.

16 And there was no body there
save the two elders, that had hid
themselves, and watched her.

ay
efore.

17 Then she said to her maids,
Bring me oil and washing balls, and
shut the garden doors, that I may
wash me.

18 And they did as she bade them,
and shut the garden doors, and went

out themselves at 'privy doors touOr.wife
fetch the things that she had com-^"'
manded them : but they saw not the
elders, because they were hid.

19 Now when the maids were
gone forth, the two elders rose up,
and ran unto her, saying,

20 Behold, the garden doors are
shut, that no man can see us, and

up the apparent lacuna thus : " Now it hap-
pened one day, when the assembly broke up,
they were waiting to see her when she entered
the garden, and they parted not the one from
his fellow." Then follows v. 13.

Instead of in>. 12-21, the LXX. has: "And
when it was early morning (i.e. on the day of
the elders' wicked attempt), they tried to
steal a march on each other, making haste
to see which would present himself to her
first, and address her (ep^opevoi (KXenTov
aWrfkovs cnrevdovres, tis (pavfjaerai avTjj
irporepos k.t.X. Cf. Mark xvi. 9). And, be-
hold, she, according to her custom, was
walking about, and the one of the elders
was come ; and, behold, the other arrived,
and one questioned the other, saying, Why
wentest thou forth thus at early morning
by thyself, without taking (Matt. iv. 5) me
along with thee ? And they fully confessed
to one another each his pain. And one said
to the other, Let us go unto her ; and having
agreed (o-wdepevoi), they came to her, and
began to press her hard (i&fiia(ovTo avrtji/,
Ps. xxxviii. 12 ; Wisd. xiv. 19 ; Esth. vii. 8 (b)).
And the Jewess said to them," &c. (v. 22).

14. asked one another^] 'AveTci^ovres aXXr)-
Xovf ttjv alriav. The rare average iv (here used
c. dupl. ace.) occurs Judges vi. 29 (Alex.),
where the Vatic. MS. has the common imCrj-
relv, and in Acts xxii. 24, 29, in the sense of
questioning a man by torture.

The Syriac texts vary much from the other
versions and from each other in this verse.

appointed they a time.'] SwerdgavTo naipov.
For the verb, see Polyb. ix. 17. 1 ; Job ii. 11
(varr.). "Both together" is koiptj (Codd.
34, 230, 245 add yvaprj): Ecclus. xviii. 1.

15. as they watched a Jit time.'] See v. 1 2
for the verb. With rjyuepav evderov cf. iv
Kaipa (vderid, Ps. xxxii. 6 (Keb. " at a time of
finding").

she iveni in as before.] Lit., "she went

in once, as yesterday and the day before ;" i.e.
as aforetime (darj\6e nore Kadios x@*s KaL
TpiTTjs fjpepas. Codd. XII. 26, T,^,TpiTT]v^pipav,
which is the more usual Gk. form of this
common Hebrew phrase. See Gen. xxxi. 2 ;
Exod. v. 7, 14; Josh. iv. 18. Homer's x^lCtl
re Kai npw'i^a, and the Attic ey^es Kat TJ-pcoTji;
are similar). Syr. W2. : " according to the
custom she had."

16. that had hid themselves, and iv ate bed
her.] '' In hiding, and watching her closely ;"
like evil beasts biding their time for a spring.
The verb is naparjjpfco, which is almost
equivalent to insidiari: see w. 12, 15, supra.
Syr. W2. calls them "chiefs of the syna-
gogue."

17. 'washing balls.] Gk. dp^ypara (III.
23, 26, al. a-prjypa). The more Attic form
is a-prjpa. In the LXX. (Esth. ii. 3,9, 12) the
word renders Heb. D*j34TDfl, abstersiones, a
term denoting the cleansing of the person
by means of cosmetics, which was customary
on reception into the harem. Here, too, the
sense seems to be the same, viz. perfumed
unguents, cosmetics, rather than soap (Jer. ii.
22). Syr. Wj. has jvo.vi, the same word
(o-prjpa) apparently ; Syr. W2. jLvj, which is
said to mean the herb alkali. Fritzsche refem
to Athenaeus and Galen for proof that tht
Greek term was used in three senses : (1) soap ;
(2) perfumes; (3) in medical writers, vege-
table saps, and ointments.

Susanna wanted the oil and cosmetics for
use after, not before or in, the bath.

18. shut.] " Shut fast " (aneKXeivav).

at privy doors.] " By the side doors " —
Kara tcis nXaylas Qvpas. Vulg. per posticum,
" through a back door." Arab. : " side doors."

because.] Rather, "that." The construc-
tion is like that of Gen. i. 4 ; Exod. ii. 2.

19. ran unto her.] " Ran upon her," in
the 6ense of assault: see 1 Mace. vi. 45.

336

HISTORY OF SUSANNA.

[v. 21 28.

we are in love with thee : therefore
consent unto us, and lie with us.

21 If thou wilt not, we will bear
witness against thee, that a young
man was with thee : and therefore
thou didst send away thy maids from
thee.

22 Then Susanna sighed, and said,
I am straitened on every side : for if
I do this thing, it is death unto me :
and if I do it not, I cannot escape
your hands.

23 It is better for me to fall into
your hands, and not do it, than to sin
in the sight of the Lord.

24 With that Susanna cried with
a loud voice : and the two elders
cried out against her.

25 Then ran the one, and opened
the garden door.

26 So when the servants of the
house heard the cry in the garden,
they rushed in at a privy door, to see
what was done unto her.

27 But when the elders had de-
clared their matter, the servants
were greatly ashamed : for there was
never such a report made of Susanna.

28 And it came to pass the next
day, when the people were assembled

20, 21. consent unto ns.~\ o-vyKarddov fjn'iv.
Cf. Exod. xxiii. 1, 32; Luke xxiii. 51. Old
Lat. consenti nobis. For the following phrase
(Gk. yevov ped' rffiav'), see Gen. xxxix. 10;
2 Sam. xiii. 20; Tobit iii. 8 ; and v. 54 infra
(LXX. text). Having resolved on the deed,
these Elders and these Judges make no
scruple about words. Cf. the scene in
which Angelo declares his purpose to Isabel,
' Measure for Measure,' Act ii. sc. 4, towards
the end :

" I have begun ;
And now I give my sensual race the rein :
Fit thy consent to my sharp appetite.

* * * *

As for you,
Say what you can, my false o'erweighs your
true."

22. sighed."] Or, "groaned aloud" (dve-
o-Teva£e). Cf. Lam. i. 4; Eccles. xxv. 18.

/ am straitened on every side.] For this
phrase — arevd fioi iravToGev — see 2 Sam. xxiv.
14 (1 Chron. xxi. 13), where it is used by
David. It expresses the sense of a dilemma.
Susanna felt her choice restricted to two
alternatives, either of which would destroy
her. If she yielded, she would be liable to
death as an unfaithful wife (Lev. xx. 10;
Deut. xxii. 22 ; John viii. 5); and if she re-
fused, false witness would bring about the
same result, and upon the same ground. She
does not, like Shakspere's Isabel, in the first
moments of surprise and indignation at the
discovery of their shameful purpose, break
out into threats of exposure. The lamb
knows itself in the power of the wolves.

Old Lat. angustiae mihi undique. The phrase
is wanting in the LXX. text, where Susanna's
words begin : " I know that if I do this
thing," &c, as in Theod. After " it is death
to me," Syr. W,. : "because I (shall) have
dishonoured my husband Joacim's bed ; and
if I do it not, I shall receive an evil death at

your hands, with an evil name that beseemeth
not my rank ; and shame I shall leave to all
my family, from the false witness of wicked
men, who add to the breach and evil of Israel
with derision among the strange peoples."

23. // is better.] Compare Joseph's reply
to his tempter, Gen. xxxix. 9 ; and David's
words, 2 Sam. xxiv. 14.

S. Jerome objects, that to say continency is
better is to allow some sort of goodness to
the sin itself. But the comparison is not here
instituted of the morality of the actions, but
of the danger attending them ; in other words,
she argues that it is better to suffer a temporal
than an eternal punishment.

24-27. These details are wanting in the
text of the LXX. and in Syr. H. Theodotion
has developed the story considerably.

24. cried out against her.] " Over against
her;" "before her." tGk. KciTtvavri avrfjs.

Vulg. adversus earn. It is the Heb. TJJ, "1:137,.
or "OS? ; the Chaldee ?2\p, Dan. v. 1. (So-
Syr.)

25. Then ran the one.] Lit. "and the
one ran and opened the doors:" nempe quasi
adulterum persequens, as Grotius rightly ex-
plains.

26. the servants of the housed] ol e< rrjs.
olictas. A well-known idiom, expressing in
brief that the servants in the house rushed
out from the house. Syr. : "sons of the house."

rushed in at a privy door.] " Leaped in
through the side door," or "postern." Cf.
v. 18 supra; Gen. vi. 16: tjjv <5e 6vpav ttjs
Kiftwrov 7voujCT{is etc Trkayiatv. For the verb,
Amos v. 19.

27. declared their matter.] " Spoken their
words ;" i.e. their accusation of Susanna, which,
Syr. Wr gives at length, beginning: "It
happened, as we were passing by outside of the

v. 29—36.]

HISTORY OF SUSANNA.

337

to her husband Joacim, the two elders
came also full of mischievous imagi-
nation against Susanna to put her to
death ;

29 And said before the people,
Send for Susanna, the daughter of
Chelcias, Joacim's wife. And so
they sent.

30 So she came with her father
and mother, her children, and all her
kindred.

31 Now Susanna was a very deli-
cate woman, and beauteous to behold.

32 And these wicked men com-
manded to uncover her face, (for she
was covered) that they might be filled
with her beauty.

33 Therefore her friends and all
that saw her wept.

34 Then the two elders stood up
in the midst of the people, and laid
their hands upon her head.

35 And she weeping looked up to-
ward heaven : for her heart trusted in
the Lord.

36 And the elders said, As we

garden, tue looked over to see the garden, and
we saw Susanna," &c. The italicized words
do not agree with vv. 36, 38 infra. Syr. W2.
is briefer : " Susanna has committed adultery,
and we caught her with a young man in the
garden." At the end it adds : " And they
threw chains upon Susanna, and she was in the
house of ward three days." The confusion
of the slaves, and the reason assigned for it, is
a natural touch. Had their mistress been sub-
ject to ill report, they would hardly have been
so strongly affected in the present instance.

28. full of mischievous imagination. .] " Full
of their (1-77?) lawless {i.e. iniquitous) intent."
They sat as judges frequently in Joacim's
house: w. 4, 5 supra. (Syr. Wv adds the
purpose of the assembly : " to inquire con-
cerning Susanna; that if she had indeed done
this uncleanness . . . she might be put to
death.") The two miscreants determined to
destroy Susanna, not only to protect them-
selves from possible consequences of their
villany, but also because foiled passion is apt
to turn to deadly hate. The cool audacity of
their behaviour reminds us again of Shakspere's
Angelo :

" 'Tis not impossible
But one, the wicked'st caitiff on the ground,
May seem as shy, as grave, as just, as absolute,
As Angelo ; even so may Angelo,
In all his dressings, characts, titles, forms,
Be an arch-villain."

After the words of Susanna (v. 23), the
LXX. proceeds thus : " But the men of Belial
(ot TTcipdvonoL av8pes, Deut. xiii. 13 ; 1 Mace.
i. 12, 36; Wisd. iii. 16) departed, threatening
in themselves (Gen. xxvii. 42), and plotting
(eveSpevovres, Ecclus. xi. 3 1 . H esych. explains,
86Xov prjX'tvaTaC), that they might put her to
death ; and they came to the synagogue of
the city where they were dwelling, and they
who were there, all the sons of Israel, held a
council {(TvvTjbpevo-av). And the two elders
and judges stood up, and said, Send for
Susanna, &c. {v. 29), and straightway they
called her."

Apoc.— Vol II.

29. Send for . . . so they sent.~\ 'AttootcXXco
eVi Tiva in this sense is rare : Deut. xxviii. 8 ;
2 Chron. xxx. 1 : Neh. vi. 3.

31. very delicate.~\ rpvcpepa <r(p68pa. The
word is here used in a good sense, of personal
beauty: cf. Deut. xxviii. 54, 56. Often it
means " voluptuous," " luxurious," " effemi-
nate:" Isa. xlvii. 1, 8. Syr. W,. adds: "and
she was gentler than all women, and her attire
was very sober "

32. commanded to uncover her face.~] Or,
"that she be unveiled:" see Num. v. 18 (LXX.).
The act was according to law, but the Elders
had another motive, as the verse declares.
The LXX. text states this even more plainly :
2va ep.Tr'krjo-dwiTi iiriBvpias KciXkovs avrr/s (so
Syr. H. and W2.). To strip off the veil was
to treat her as a common courtesan.

33. her friends and all that saw her.~\
" Now her friends (ol nap' avrr)s, Xen. ' Anab.'
i. 1, 5), and all who saw (XII. 23, et midti ;
el86res, ' knew :' LXX. oaoi '//deicrav, Dan. vi.
5, 8 ; Mark i. 34; Vulg. qui noverant) her
were weeping " (or, " began to weep," at the
sight of the degradation done to her). In
the LXX. v. 30 runs thus : " Now when the
woman arrived with her father and mother,
her men-servants also and her maids, being
in number five hundred, arrived, and the four
children (iraihia) of Susanna." Syr. H. also
gives the number 500 (not " fifty," as Fuller).

34. laid their hands upon her head.] The
symbolical act which the law prescribed for
witnesses in criminal cases. See Lev. xxiv.
14; Deut. xiii. 9, xvii. 7 ; Acts vii. 58. Dr.
Bissell wrongly refers to lifting up the hand
as a sign of adjuration (Gen. xiv. 22; Deut.
xxxii. 40). The LXX. text is : " But the elders
and judges (see vv. 29, 41 : their usual
designation. On the present occasion they
were witnesses, not judges) stood up and laid
their hands upon her head."

35. looked up toward heaven.] At the moment
when the accusers laid their hands upon her
head. Comp. Matt. xiv. 19; Luke ix. 16;

33*

HISTORY OF SUSANNA.

[v. 37—44.

walked in the garden alone, this
woman came in with two maids, and
shut the garden doors, and sent the
maids away.

37 Then a young man, who there
was hid, came unto her, and lay with
her.

38 Then we that stood in a corner
of the garden, seeing this wickedness,
ran unto them.

39 And when we saw them toge-
ther, the man we could not held :
for he was stronger than we, and
opened the door, and leaped out.

40 But having taken this woman,
we asked who the young man was,

but she would not tell us : these
things do we testify.

41 Then the assembly believed
them, as those that were the elders
and judges of the people : so they
condemned her to death.

42 Then Susanna cried out with
a loud voice, and said, O everlasting
God, thou knowest the secrets, and
knowest all things before thev be :

43 Thou knowest that they have
borne false witness against me, and,
behold, I must die ; whereas I never
did such things as these men have
maliciously invented against me.

44 And the Lord heard her voice.

Markvi. 41, vii. 34; and contrast "v. 9 supra.
The upward look referred the cause to a
higher tribunal, and expressed entire con-
fidence in its righteous dealing. The lesson
taught is essentially the same as that of Dan.
iii. 17, 18 ; vi. 16, 22.

The LXX. gives the verse thus: "But
her heart was trusting upon the Lord her
God, and having thrown her head back (dwi-
Kvi\ra<Ta = av£Ji\€i\rev els rov ovpavov, Theod.)
she wept in herself, saying, O Lord, the eternal
God," &c. (v. 42). Fritzsche, after Bugati,
inserts rp\s before the participle, remarking,
" non legitur in c. Chis. sed habet Syr. B."
But the Syriac word wrongly rendered rp\s
by Bugati means " she lifted up " (A^.^).

37. The meaning of dvtne ere (/xer' avTjjs) is
not noticed in the last ed. of Liddell and Scott.
Vulg. concubuit cum ea. The usual meaning
of the word is " to recline at table," like dva-
Ke'ipai: Tobit ii. 1; Judith xii. 15; Ecclus.
xxxii. 1. In Gen. xlix. 9, however, the word
is used of " lying down to sleep " — uvcnreo-u>v

fKOlfJLTjdj] COS XeCOV.

39. bold.] Lit., "get the mastery of,"
('yKpards yeveo~6ai. The phrase occurs 2
Mace. viii. 30, x. 17, xiii. 13; Ecclus. vi. 27.
Cod. III. reads irepiKpaTels ; see Acts xxvii.
16, irepiKp. yeveadai rijs aKacp-qs. For the
next phrase, cf. Exod. i. 9.

40. having taken this woman.] " Having
laid hold of her ; " eirikafiopevoi ravrqs : cf.
Tudges xii. 6; xvi. 3, 21 ; xix. 25, 29; Isa.
iv. 1.

41. Then the assembly^] Lit., " And the
synagogue believed them, as elders of the
people and judges " (Syr. W2. : " chiefs of the
priests "). The elders had the same advantage
over Susanna, as Angelo over Isabel in the play.
See ' Meas. for Meas.,' Act ii. sc. 4, where
Angelo demands :

" Who will believe thee, Isabel?
My unsoiled name, the austereness of my life,
My vouch against you, and my place i' the state,
Will so your accusation overweigh,
That you shall stifle in your own report,
And smell of calumny."

they condemned her to death.] Kareicpivav
nvTTjv aTvoBavelv, " they gave sentence that
she be put to death : " the absolute use of the
verb, as in Mark xiv. 64. Cf. Esth. ii. 1.

Syr. \V2. adds : " saying, Whoso com-
mitteth adultery is worthy of death, and to
be stoned with stones. And the ninth hour
was Susanna delivered up, to be cast down
from the place whence adulteresses are thrown
headlong, and many were gathered together
to behold it."

42. 0 everlasting God.] 'O Geos 6 alicvios.
Isa. xxvi. 4, 6 Of 6s 6 peyas 6 a'i'Sivins ; Gen.
xxi. 33. Compare also Dan. iii. 34, iv. 31,
vii. 1 4, 27; Gen. ix. 16; Exod. xii. 14; Mic.
ii. 9. The term aiavios, applied to the
mountains, to the divine covenant with Abra-
ham and his seed, to the Mosaic institutions,
to the kingdom of the Messiah, to the Deity
himself, denotes "age-long," "enduring,"
" perpetual." Sometimes the meaning falls
very far short of " everlasting," " eternal," in
our stricter sense of the words : e.g. Prov.
xxii. 28, xxiii. 10; Isa. lxi. 4, Ixiii. 11; Job
xl. 23: where " immemorial," " ancient,"
" permanent," sufficiently express it.

that knowest the secrets.] 'O ru>v Kpvirrcov
yvoxTTtjs (not in LXX.). In 2 Kings xxi. 6,
and elsewhere, yvo)arr]s is " a wizard." With
its use in the present passage, cf. the epithet
Kap8ioyvcoo-TT)s, Acts i. 24, xv. 8 (so Syr. W„.
here) ; and Deut. xxix. 29, " The secret things
(to KpvnTa) belong unto the Lord our God."
In Dan. ii. 29, 47, God is called 6 d-n-oKaXimTcov
pvarrjpia, " He that revealeth mysteries."

43. maliciously invented.] 'Y^irovrjpevo-avTO

v. 45— 48-]

HISTORY OF SUSANNA.

339

45 Therefore when she was led to them toward him, and said, What
be put to death, the Lord raised up mean these words that thou hast
the holy spirit of a young youth, spoken ?
whose name was Daniel : 48 So he standing in the midst of

46 Who cried with a loud voice, them said, Are ye such fools, ye sons
7 Matt. 27. a I am clear from the blood of this of Israel, that without examination

woman. or knowledge of the truth ye have

47 Then all the people turned condemned a daughter of Israel ?

kcit ifiov. Cf. v. 62 ; Gen. xxxvii. 18 (=they
■iuere plotting to kill him); Deut. xix. 19
(DD{)- See also 1 Chron. xvi. 22, kciI ev

Tols irpo(pi)Tais fiov p,i] Trovrjpevecrde. Old Lat.
Quae hi maligni finxerunt adversum me; Vulg.
Quae isti malitiose composuerunt adv. me.

The LXX. text now gives the formal ac-
cusation of the Elders: " But the two elders
said, We were walking in her husband's
garden, and as we rounded the course (kvk-
\ovvres to arddiov) we saw this woman re-
posing {avaTTavop.(vi)v) with a man, and we
stopped and were watching them dealing with
one another. And they did not know that we
were standing (there). Then we made agree-
ment (awe indfxeda, Dan. ii. 9) with one
another, saying, Let us learn who they are.
And we approached and recognised her ; but
the young man fled in disguise (or muffled
up, o-vyKcica\vnfievos, 1 Sam. xxviii. 8 ; 1 Kings
xxii. 30). But having laid hold of this woman,"
&c. (v. 40). " And all the synagogue believed
them, as being elders, and judges of the
people {Jos npe cr{BvTepo)i> ovtcov /c.r.A.)." Then
follows, instead of Susanna's appeal to Heaven,
which has already been given, a verse cor-
responding to (Theodotion's) -v. 45 : " And
behold, an angel of the Lord, as she was being
led forth to perish, — and the angel gave, as he
was commanded, a spirit of understanding to
one yet a youth (veutrepa dvn, Jud. viii. 20;
Ps. cxlviii. 12), Daniel."

45. the Lord raised up the holy spirit of a
young youth.'] Rather, " God roused (or woke)
the holy spirit of a young boy." According to
the LXX., this was done through the instru-
mentality of an angel, who gave Daniel "a
spirit of understanding " (rrvevpa aweo-eas,
lsa. xi. 2 ; Deut. xxxiv. 9), i.e. a power to
discern the true relations of things. Theo-
dotion modified this statement, as not con-
sistent with Dan. iv. 9, 18 ; v. 11 : according
to which passages Daniel was endowed with
" the spirit of the holy gods ; " in virtue of
which no secret was hidden from him. The
•account of the LXX. is, however, consistent
with such passages as Dan. ix. 21 ; x. 5 sqq.,
in which the angel Gabriel communes with
Daniel. (Syr. Wv: "And God stirred up
his Holy Spirit in Daniel, a youth ; " W2. :
" And straightway the Holy Spirit abode upon
young Daniel, who was twelve years old.")

46. I am clear.] Gk. ddwos eyco dno, which
is equivalent to Heb. p *pj "^N : see Gen. xxiv.
41 ; Num. v. 19 ; and cf. Matt, xxvii. 24 (the
cry of Pilate). Codd. III., XII., 23, al have
the synonymous nadapos, "pure"= p "iinti,
Job xiv. 4 ; cf. Acts xx. 26. So Old Lat. and
Vulg. mundus. The impulse under which
the holy youth proclaimed aloud that he
would be no partner in the wrong that was
about to be done is fittingly ascribed to an
inspiration from above. The potency of his
witness must, of course, be considered from
an ethical and religious rather than from a
strictly historical standpoint. In the latter
case, the thing may appear wholly improbable ;
in the former, it is a good illustration of the
Psalmist's words : " Out of the mouth of
babes and sucklings hast thou ordained
strength, because of thine adversaries; that
thou mightest still the enemy and the
avenger." This verse is not in the LXX.,
which continues the narrative thus, after
the passage translated above: "But Daniel
having put asunder (Siao-ra'AasO the crowd,
and taken his stand in the midst of them,
said," &c. (as in v. 48, save that for Kare-
Kpivare, "ye have condemned," the reading
is an-eKretWe, "ye have killed"— a more
graphic expression). " And now put them
me asunder one far from another, that I may
examine (erdo-w) them. But when they had
been put asunder, Daniel said to the synagogue,
Now regard it not that these are elders, say-
ing, They will never lie; but I will interro-
gate (dvanpivu, Thucyd. i. 95) them, accord-
ing to what things occur to me" (Kara to
vTTOTTiirTovTd fioi. Cf. Polyb. i. 68. 3 ; xx. 9,
10). Syr. H., "according as it appears to
me."

48. standing in the midst.] Or, "having
taken his stand in the midst." Cf. 2 Chron.
vi. 12 ; 1 Kings viii. 22.

Are ye such fools, ye sons of Israel]
this question, Syr. W2. interpolates:
when Daniel had risen amongst them, he
prophesied and said : ' Hear ye the word of
the Lord, and hearken to the voice of his
prophet ! and condemn not the innocent in
the righteous judgment of God. Judge the
judgment of truth, that the Lord send not
upon you the heat of his anger ; for fearful is

Z 2

Before

"And

34°

HISTORY OF SUSANNA.

[v. 49—53-

49 Return again to the place of
judgment : for they have borne false
witness against her.

50 Wherefore all the people turned
again in haste, and the elders said
unto him, Come, sit down among us,
and shew it us, seeing God hath
given thee the honour of an elder.

51 Then said Daniel unto them,

Put these two aside one far from
another, and I will examine them.

52 So when they were put asunder
one from another, he called one of
them, and said unto him, O thou
that art waxen old in wickedness,
now thy sins which thou hast com-
mitted aforetime are come to light :

53 For thou hast pronounced false

its stroke (Ecclus. xxiii. 11), and ye cannot
bear it.' " It omits v. 49.

49. place of judgment I] Or, "tribunal."
T6 Kpirrjpiovis so used in Plat. ' Laws,' 767 B ;
Polyb. ix. 33. 12. See Dan. vii. 10, 26 ; Exod.
xxi. 6 ; Judges v. 10 ; James ii. 6.

they have borne false witness.] The emphasis
lies on the word " false." Daniel's positive-
ness is natural, on the assumption that he was
guided in the manner stated, v. 45 supra.
This also explains the sudden revulsion of
popular feeling caused by his words (y. 50).

50. the elders said.] Hardly the two cul-
prits; but other elders of the people, who
would naturally preside over an inquiry in
which the conduct of the two who had been
appointed judges was called in question. This
seems clear from Daniel's reply, v. 51 : " And
Daniel said unto them {i.e. to the presiding
elders), Put these two (the criminals) asunder,
one far from another." Besides, it is not to
be supposed that when, at Daniel's bidding,
the people returned to the place of judgment
to reconsider the case, they would suffer the
very persons whom Daniel accused to sit in
judgment on their own cause. Walton's Syr.
texts, however, have " those two elders,"
"those rulers of the synagogue;" and the
Arabic has "the two sheikhs." Syr. W2.
adds : " And they brought a throne out of
the treasury, and set it up (Dan. vii. 9) for
Daniel to sit upon ; and Daniel began to
judge those wicked judges. Then they
released Susanna. And Daniel said : ' I will
not judge Susanna sitting, but standing on mv
feet.' "

seeing God hath given.] Lit., " because to
thee hath God given the eldership." This
seems to imply that Daniel was already known
as a subject of inspiration. But perhaps it is
better to understand the words as an inference
from the words he had just spoken and their
magical effect upon the minds of the people.
Cf. also Num. xi. 24-30. Any indication of
the will of the Invisible King was sufficient in
the Theocracy to supersede the operation of
ordinary rules and restrictions: the theory
being that the Divine Sovereign chose His
own ministers when and how and whence He
pleased. The term to Trpfo-fielov denotes

"age," Ps. lxxi. 18; and then the respect or
honour which naturally belongs to age, the
privilege of age: Demosth. 1003. 10; Gen.
xhii. 33, 6 TvpaiTUTOKos Kara to. 7rpeo~/3fui
ai>Tov. Here the function of judging is chiefly
in view. Vulg. honorem senectutis. Codd. III.,
35, 36, &c. read Trpeo-fivripuw, a term which
first occurs in the N.T., and always bears the
sense of " a senate " or " college of elders ; "
e.g. Luke xxii. 66. In ecclesiastical writers it
denotes the office of a presbyter.

52. 0 thou that art voaxen old in wicked-
ness.] Gk. 7remi\aicofj.ev( j)p.€pa>v kcikcov, "aged
(or grown hoar) in evil days." The genitive
is relative: cf. Dan. vii. 22, 6 TraXaios i)p.(pcop,
"the Ancient of (i.e. in respect of) Days."

The LXX. text runs thus : " And he called
the one of them, and they brought the elder
to the younger, and Daniel said unto him :
Hearken, hearken, O thou that art waxen
old," &c. (53), "when thou wert trusted with
hearing and judging capital cases (Kpivav
Kplaeis ddvarov eirKpepovcras), and the inno-
cent thou didst condemn, but the guilty
(evoxovs, Mark xiv. 64) thou usedst to let
go (i)(pUis, Mark i. 34), though the Lord
said," Sec, as below.

nonv thy sins tvhich thou hast committed.]
Lit., " now are come (rJKamv = {jkovctlv) thy
sins, which thou usedst to commit aforetime "
(eVoi'eis to Trporepov). The term ijnaaiv does
not mean "are come to light" (Schleusner's
patefiunt), but rather, "are come home to
thee ;" thy present miserable situation is the
consequence, as it is the climax, of a life of
sin. There is nothing unreal in this asser-
tion. The deliberate and flagrant wrong of
which this Elder had just been guilty, using
the sanctity of office for a cloke of malignity
and lust, could not be interpreted as a sudden
and unaccountable aberration of conduct.
It rather was an index of a corrupt character,
whose principle was selfish advantage, and
whose practice judicial injustice. But we
must not forget that the imective of the youth-
ful speaker is supposed to be divinely
prompted (v. 45), and his insight into fact
inspired.

It is curious that the Syriac versions get
rid of the quotation (Syr.'Wj. : "And the

v. 54— 57-j

HISTORY OF SUSANNA.

14*

V Exod
23. 7.

judgment, and hast condemned the thou hast lied against thine own

innocent, and hast let the guilty go head ; for even now the angel of God

free; albeit the Lord saith, '''The hath received the sentence of God to

innocent and righteous shalt thou not cut thee in two.
slay. 56 So he put him aside, and com-

54 Now then, if thou hast seen manded to bring the other, and said
her, tell me, Under what tree saw- unto him, O thou seed of Chanaan,
est thou them companying together ? and not of Juda, beauty hath deceived

b Gr. Un- Who answered, Under a " mastick thee, and lust hath perverted thine

tree. heart.

55 And Daniel said, Very well ; 57 Thus have ye dealt with the

tisk tree.

Lord is righteous and innocent ; " Syr. W2.
omits).

54. Now then, if thou hast seen ber.~\ The
emphasis is on her: " Now then, if her thou
savvest." His conviction of her innocence is
absolute. LXX. : " Now then, under what tree
and at what sort of (noTcnvu> = iroicp, Mark
xiii. 1) place of the garden hast thou seen
(i&paKas) them together ? (ovras ctvv iavrols).
And the impious one (do-efirjs) said, Under a
mastick tree."

mastick tree.'] See the margin. The axtvos
is the Pistacia lentiscus of Linnaeus ; see Pliny,
'Hist. Nat.' xiv. 20, xv. 6, xxiv. 6, Sec. This
tree or shrub yielded a resin or gum which
was much used, and oil also was prepared
from its berries. See further Dioscor. i. 50 ;
Hdt. iv. 177. Of the versions Old Lat. rightly
gives lentiscus; Vulg. and Syr. H. keep the
Greek word; Syr. Wr has "terebinth:"
W2. and L2. have " pistachio-tree." Mastick
is the odoriferous gum of the tree (Gk.
/iao-n'x'7).

55. Very well; thou hast lied against thine
own head.] Rather, " Well hast thou lied
against (els, Luke xii. 10) thine own head"
(i.e. thyself, thy person, Gen. xl. 13 ; 1 Sam.
xxviii. 2: 2 Sam. i. 16; Pro v. x. 6; Dan. i.
10). LXX. "against thine own soul." In
Heb. " soul " (t?Q3) is a common periphrasis
for "self." Cf. also Acts v. 3, 4. The "well"
(dp05>s = ev) is ironical.

for even tiow the angel of God.] " For pre-
sently will an angel, having received God's
sentence (or bidding) from God, cleave thee
asunder" (cf. Matt. xxiv. 51). So, according
to Fritzsche's text. Codd. III., XII., 26, ah,
order the words differently : " for presently
will an angel of God, having received a sentence
from God," &c. <J>ao-i? (from (priv-i) is "judg-
ment," " sentence," not " apparition " (from
(paivoy), as Tromm gives it. See Acts xxi. 31.
Old Lat. praeceptum ; Vulg. sententia. LXX. :
" For the angel of the Lord will cleave thy soul
(i.e. according to Heb. use, "thyself," "thee")
to-day." Cf. Luke ii. 35: "A sword shall
pierce through thine own soul (thyself) also."

There is a paronomasia in the Greek, or play
on the assonance between the words o-^ti/oy,
" mastick-tree," and a^urei, "will cleave thee;"
and a similar one in w. 58, 59, on irplvos, "a
holm-tree," and the verb irpicrai, "to cut
(saw) thee." Such a conceit may seem to us
far-fetched and inappropriate; but the Oriental
mind delights in such lusus verborum, and
the peculiar force of many passages of the
Hebrew prophets is lost in our version,
because they have not been preserved in
translation. See, for instance, Isa. v. 7 ;
Mic. i. 10-15. In the present case, the
Vulgate has: " Sub schino — Ecce enimAngelus
Dei scindet te medium." But it neglects the
paronomasia in vv. 58, 59. Luther imitates
thus: "'Unter einer Linden.' — Der Engel
des Herrn wird dich finden. 'Unter einer
Eichen.' — Der Engel des Herrn wird dich
zeichen." In English we might write : " ' Under
a clove-tree.' — For presently will an angel . . .
cleave thee asunder. ' Under a yew? — The
angel will hew thee asunder." The cleaving
and sawing of the text are, of course, meta-
phorical, and the terms used are conditioned
by the necessities of the paronomasia. The
legal punishment was death by stoning. See
note on v. 62 infra.

56. seed of Chanaan, and not of Juda.] If
character were the criterion of race, then this
Elder belonged to the nations that were ex-
tirpated for their religiously sanctioned im-
moralities, rather than to the house of Judah
which had dispossessed them. Cf. St. Paul's
argument, Rom. iv. 12, 16. The LXX. gives
the verse thus : " Why was thy strain (lit.,
seed; the vital principle in thee: 1 John hi.
9) perverted (huaTpappevov, Deut. xxxii. 5 ;
Matt. xvii. 17) like that of Sidon (Gen. x.
15 ; Matt. xi. 21), and not like that of Judah ?
(Ezek. xvi. 3). Beauty deceived thee, paltry
desire" (77 piKpa ewidvpla. Perhaps, "tran-
sient, shortlived lust").

beauty hath deceived thee.] Cf. Judith ix.
10 ; xiii. 16 ; xvi. 8.

57. Thus have ye dealt.] Lit., "So used
ye to do to the daughters of Israel, and they,
for fear, would company with you (be your

(42

HISTORY OF SUSANNA.

[v. 58—63.

daughters of Israel, and they for fear
companied with you : but the daugh-
ter of Juda would not abide your
wickedness.

58 Now therefore tell me, Under
what tree didst thou take them com-
panying together ? Who answered,

lUDr, kind Under an " holm tree.

59 Then said Daniel unto him,
Well ; thou hast also lied against
thine own head : for the angel of
God waiteth with the sword to cut
thee in two, that he may destroy
you.

60 With that all the assembly

cried out with a loud voice, and
praised God, who saveth them that
trust in him.

61 And they arose against the
two elders, for Daniel had convicted
them of false witness by their own
mouth :

62 And according to the law of
Moses 'they did unto them in such r Deut.
sort as they maliciously intended to p9r'ov< I(
do to their neighbour: and they puts-
them to death. Thus the innocent
blood was saved the same day.

63 Therefore Chelcias and his wife
praised God for their daughter Su-

19.

paramours)." The former Elder was charged
by the young prophet with corrupting justice ;
thisone is upbraided with habitual corruption of
his countrywomen — a reminiscence, probably,
of 1 Sam. ii. 22, where the two sons of Eli are
represented as guilty of such debauchery. The
contrast of the noble firmness of " a daughter
of Juda" (Susanna) with the weak submission
of "the daughters of Israel" (the women of
the Northern kingdom, or the Ten Tribes) is
curious. Cf. Hos. iv. 15.

58. Under an holm tree.'] The Gk. term
nplvos denotes the " ilex " or " evergreen
oak:" see Theophr. 'Hist. Plant' iii. 16;
Dioscor. iv. 48. According to Liddell and
Scott, Trp'ivns is also the name of a small
species, with prickly leaves, bearing berries;
from the kermes of which a scarlet dye was
made, i.e. Quercus cocci/era (Theophr. 'Hist.
Plant.' iii. 7. 3), which is still called npivdpi in
Greece. The Vulg. and Syr. H. keep the
Greek word ; Old Lat. has ilex (so Syr. W,.
and Arab.); but Syr. W2. and L2. "pome-
granate."

59. Well; thou hast also lied.] Rather,
" Well hast thou also lied." See i\ 55 supra.

the angel of God ivaiteth.] Or, " the angel
of God is waiting, sword in hand, to saw
thee asunder, that he may utterly destroy
you (both)." Cf. Num. xxii. 3152 Sam. xxiv.
16; 1 Chron. xxi. 16, 27. LXX. : "And
Daniel said, Thou sinner, now the angel of
the Lord standeth with the sword — until the
people shall destroy you— that he may saw
thee up " (ha Karanpio-r] ere). " And all the
synagogue cried out over the youth (eV« to
vearepco), that out of their own mouth he had
brought them both to confessing their false
Witness ' (6po~\6yovs avrovs Karfarrjcrev dp(po-
rtpovs yf/ev8op.dpTvpas : cf. Eurip. ' Androm.'
635). " And as the law orders (Siayopevu),

they did unto them, according as they had
maliciously intended against their sister " (so
Syr. H.).

62. maliciously intended.] See v. 43 supra.
As to the law referred to, see Deut. xix. 1 6-21.
Death by stoning was the penalty for adul-
terers: see Deut. xxii. 24^. Cod. 34 ex-
pressly notes that the two Elders were stoned,
both here and at v. 45 supra.

'Thus the innocent blood.] " And innocent
blood was saved on that day." See Deut. xix.
10 ; xxi. 8, 9. This phrase and the two follow-
ing verses are not read in the LXX., which
concludes the piece thus : " And they gagged
them (((pifiuxrav, Mark i. 25 ; Matt. xxii. 34),
and having led them forth threw them into a
ravine. Then the angel of the Lord threw
fire between (81a. p.io-ov) them, and innocent
blood was saved on that day. Therefore the
young men of Jacob are beloved in their
simplicity (anXtWrjTi), and, for ourselves, let
us guard as sons virtuous young men (so
Fritzsche). For young men are pious, and
there will be in them a spirit of knowledge
and understanding for ever and ever." But

2 Sam. ii. 7, vlovs Swarovs = 7TI *33, suggests
a doubt of Fritzsche's emendation of the harsh
and, as he says, unexampled construction
(pv\acro~d>p.(da els vlovs Svvarovs vewripovs into
<pv\. 01s vlovs k.t.X. The meaning may be :
Let us guard youths for (=that they may
become) sons of valour (men of valour or
worth, virtus'). But perhaps we should
translate : " Let us watch over (Heb. PHIDSW

PX, 1 Sam. xxvi. 15) capable sons when
young." It is difficult to imagine that Greek
was the original language of this closing sen-
tence. As Greek it is intolerable as well as
unintelligible ; as a bald rendering from a
Semitic tongue its peculiarities are intelligible
enough.

v. 64.]

HISTORY OF SUSANNA.

34.

sanna, with Joacim her husband, and 64 From that day forth was Da-
all the kindred, because there was no niel had in great reputation in the
dishonesty found in her. sight of the people.

63. dishonesty^ Lit., "unseemly act" —
auxwov 7rp«yjuo- In Gen. xxxiv. 7, "folly"
(= unchastity) is rendered Ii(txwovi ancl 'n
Deut. xxiv. 1 we read on evptv iv avrji
<iaxr]fiov it pay pa (Heb. "\21 m~iy = turpe
quid), "because he hath found some shameful
thing in her."

64. From that day forth, <&v.] Lit., " And
Daniel became great before the people, from
that day and onward" (iirtKfiva, ultra). Cf.
Luke i. 15, where it is said of St. John
Baptist, " He shall be great before the Lord ;"
and Gen. x. 9. Syr. \V2. prolongs the
verse.

ADDITIONS TO DANIEL.

III. BEL AND THE DRAGON.

n: Dip ?n yo mm xntrt D"njn xnm^o pn k*vdk miiis^ b

" All mockery is bound (forbidden) save mockery of idolaters, which is loose (allowed), as it is
written, Bel boweth down, Nebo stoopeth." — Sanhedr. 63 B, 1. 30.

THE Midrashic literature supplies evi-
dence that the stories of Bel and
the Dragon existed in Aramaic, and pro-
bably in Hebrew, at a very early date.
Thus Raymund Martini (a.d. 1250)
cites w. 28-42 from a Midrash Bereshith
Rabba. He introduces the passage
thus : " Habacuc vero prophetam fuisse
contemporaneum Danieli inde colligitur
ubi in Bereschit Rabba hoc modo scribitur
de Joseph." Then follows the extract
from the Midrash, written in what may
perhaps be called Syro-Chaldee, in
default of a better description : " ' And
they cast him into the pit ' [Gen. xxxvii.
24]. This is as it is written in Daniel :
'And the Babylonians gathered them-
selves together against the king, and
turned against him, and were saying one
to another, The king has become a
Jew ; Bel he has broken in pieces, and
the dragon he has killed, and the priests
he has killed,' " &c. &c. to the end of
the story, where Martini adds : " Hu-
cusque Traditio." Vid. his ' Pugio
Fidei,' fol. 742 (ed. of Voisin, Paris,
1651, p. 742; ed. of J. B. Carpzov,
Lipsiae, 1687, p. 956). The extract
agrees generally, though not verbatim,
with the corresponding portion of the
Syriac text in Hebrew characters, pub-
lished by Dr. Neubauer in the Appendix
to his ' Book of Tobit ' (Oxford, 1878),
as part of an extract from the Midrash
Rabbah de Rabbah, which he identifies
with Martini's Bereshith Rabba. The
whole section, as given by Dr. Neubauer,
may be thus translated : —

''■Midrash Rabbah de Rabbah, Para shah

' And Jacob dwelt ' [Gen. xxxvii. 1], at
the verse ' And they cast him into the
pit ' [Gen. xxxvii. 24]. ' I called upon thy
name, O Lord, out of the lowest pit'
[Lam. iii. 55]. This is Daniel, who
prayed before the Holy One (blessed be
He !) out of the pit, and the Holy One
(blessed be He !) heard the voice of his
prayer, and delivered him from the lions.
This is what is written : ' Thou hast
heard my voice,' &c. ' Thou drewest
near in the day that I called upon thee,'
&c. [Lam. iii. 56, 57]. And so he saith :
' My God hath sent his angel, and hath
shut the lions' mouths, that they have not
hurt me ; forasmuch as before him inno-
cency was found in me' [Dan. vi. 23].
And it sufficed not that he delivered
him, but he avenged him of his enemies.
This is what is written : ' O Lord, thou
hast pleaded the causes of my soul,
thou hast redeemed my life' [Lam.
iii. 58]. And so he saith : ' And the
king commanded, and they brought those
men which had accused Daniel, and they
cast them into the den (pit) of lions ;
them, their children, and their wives :
and the lions had the mastery of them,
and brake all their bones in pieces, or
ever they came at the bottom of the den '
[Dan. vi. 25]. Behold, we find that
Daniel was delivered out of the pit,
from the Scripture (xipon), and our'
Rabbis have said, ' A tradition (miDO )
is in our hands that another time Daniel
was delivered out of the pit of lions, in
the days of Cyrus the Persian, because
he had denied the idol (Y'V, lit. strange
worship) and destroyed it. They have

INTRODUCTION TO BEL AND THE DRAGON.

345

said : ' The king Astigos (marginal gloss :
He is Darius the Mede) was gathered
unto his fathers, and Cyrus the Persian
received his kingdom,' &c." The Mid-
rash here introduces the stories of Bel
and the Dragon from the Syriac version,
but in Hebrew characters. The text
coincides, save in a few minor variations,
with the Syriac of Walton's Polyglot.
After v. 22 follows the subscription in
Hebrew : " Ended is the story of Bel, the
image of the Chaldeans." The story of
the Dragon is introduced by this super-
scription : " The matter of the destruction
of the Dragon (won), which is called
The Burden (or Story) of the Dragon (xC'ft
pnn)." After the telling of it in Syriac,
the Midrash resumes, of course in
Hebrew : " Therefore it is said, ' They
have cut off my life in the pit, and
cast a stone upon me. Waters flowed
over mine head ; then I said, I am
cut off. I called upon thy name, O
Lord, out of the lowest pit' [Lam. iii. 53-
55]. It is found that Daniel was twice
cast into the pit : once, in the days of
Darius the Mede, and another time in
the days of Cyrus the Persian his son-in-
law (linn). And on the former occa-
sion he remained not therein but one
night, and was delivered ; and on the
second, he remained therein seven days,
and was delivered. And this, the second
history, is not written in the Holy Books
(CHpn nsDn). It was perceived that,
as the Righteous Man {i.e. Daniel) was
accustomed to this miracle, it sufficed to
mention it once."

The transcriber of the MS. added the
following note : — •" These two histories
— to wit, the History of Bel, the Image
of the Chaldeans, and the Burden of the
Dragon — the Nazarenes [i.e. Christians]
comprise them in the Canon of the
Twenty-four Books of the Prophets, along
with three other books. And the trans-
lator of them saith that he found them not
in the Sacred Tongue [i.e. in Hebrew]."
The stratagem by which Daniel suc-
cessfully exposed the trickery of the
priests has its duplicate in a passage of
the Babylonian Talmud (Bechoroth, 8 b).
The Midrash Bereshith Rabbah, § 68,
contains the following reference to the
story of the Dragon. " Another word.
' And behold the Lord stood above it.'

' And behold the angels of God' — this is
Daniel — ' ascending and descending on
it ' [see Gen. xxviii. 12, 13], who ascended
and brought forth that which it had swal-
lowed out of the midst of its mouth. This
is what is written : ' And I will punish Bel
in Babylon, and I will bring forth out of
his mouth that which he hath swallowed
up ' [Jer. li. 44]. For Nebuchadnezzar
had a dragon (jon), which would
swallow up whatever they cast before it.
Quoth Daniel to him, ' Give me leave ;
and I extirpate him ' (^ntt OX). He
gave him leave. WThat did he do ? He
took straw, and hid nails in the midst
thereof. He cast it before it, and the
nails pierced its bowels. This is what
is written : ' I will bring forth out of his
mouth that which he hath swallowed up.'"
In the great prophecy against Babylon
(Jer. li.) the following words are put into
the mouth of the subverted Jewish peo-
ple : " Nebuchadnezzar the king of Ba-
bylon hath devoured me, he hath crushed
me, he hath made me an empty vessel,
he hath swalhnucd me up like a dragon, he
hath filled his belly ; from my delights he
hath pushed me away" (v. 34); and
these into the mouth of God, " / will
punish Bel in Babylon, and I will bring
forth out of his mouth that which he hath
swallowed up ; and the nations shall not
flow together any more unto him : yea,
the wall of Babylon is fallen " (v. 44).
In the former part of the prophecy the
omnipotence of the Creator is finely
contrasted with the powerlessness of
dead idols : " The Lord of hosts hath
sworn by himself ... He hath made
the earth by his power, he hath esta-
blished the world by his wisdom, and
hath stretched out the heaven by his
understanding. When he uttereth a voice
(i.e. thundereth), there is a tumult of
waters in the heavens ; and he causeth
the vapours to ascend from the ends of
the earth : lightnings for the rain he
maketh, and bringeth forth the wind out
of his treasures. Every man is become
brutish, without knowledge : every
founder is ashamed of the image -.for his
molten image is a lie, and there is no breath
in them. They are vanity, a butt for
mockeries ; in the time of their punishment
they shall perish. The portion of Jacob
[i.e. Jehovah] is not like them ; for he is

346 INTRODUCTION TO BEL AND THE DRAGON.

the fashioner of all things . . . Jehovah tives : for although, as we have seen, the

Sabaoth is his Name." Here, then, we Haggadic exposition or expansion of J er.

have the original germs of the two li. 34, 44 is sufficient to account for the

strange narratives before us. Just as the growth of the two fables, it is still pos-

nucleus of the Story of Susanna is found sible that the phraseology of the prophet

in a passage of the great prophet of himself is coloured by mythical concep-

Judah's decline and fall, so the legends tions of Babylonian origin. Dr. Bissell

of Bel and the Dragon find their ultimate refers to 'Records of the Past,' ix. 137,

source in another oracle of the same for the story of " a contest between Bel

prophet. Jeremiah furnishes the motive, and the Dragon." That legend, however,

which the Haggada has developed in its like the others of the same series, is

own fashion, turning the prophet's poetic exceedingly difficult to understand, and

imagery and metaphor into coarsely con- the translation referred to is now quite

crete matter of fact ; but at the same antiquated. I give portions of the text,

time illustrating in a highly effective man- transliterated into Roman characters,

ner the prophet's own moral of the utter with a version which is the result of a

futility of idols, and the sole sovereignty careful comparison of my own translation

of the God of Israel. with another generously communicated

It is natural to ask whether the cunei- by Professor Sayce. The passages illus-

form inscriptions contribute anything to trating our Apocryphon are tolerably

the elucidation of these curious narra- clear.

Tablet K 3437, Brit. Mus. Assyrian Documents.

Obverse.

. . . bat-ta imnasu usahiz

u ispatu"1 idussu ilul

.... (is)cun birka ina panisu
.... mustahmetu zumursu umtalli
(e)busma s'apara sulmii pispis Ti'amat
(ir)bitti sari ustir^bita ana la afe mimmisa
saru iltanu saru sutu saru sadu sa.ru aharru
idus sapara ustakriba cisti adsu dingir Anim
ibni imhulla saru limna meha. asamsutum
sari arba sari vii saru GUGU saru NU-DI-A
use9amma sari sa ibnii s'ibittisun
pispis Ti'amat sutluhu tibii arcisu
issima belum abuba izcu-su GALa
narcabta si culla mahri galitta ircab
i9batsimma irbit na9madi idus sa ilul

* * * * *

Reverse.

ana ADAD-e'a limuttaci tuctinni

. . . dat ummatci luritcusu sunu izcuMES-ci

endimma anacu u casl nibus sasma

Ti'amat annita ina semisa

mahhur itemi usanni tensa

is's'ima Ti'amat sitmuris elita

sursis malmalis idrura isda . . .

imanni sipta ittanamdi ta(sa)

u ilani sa tahazi usahilu sunu izcumes su(nu)

inninduma Ti'amat NUN ME DINGIR MES DINGIR AMAR UT

sasmis idlubu kitrubu tahazis

usparirma belum saparasu usalmisi

imhulla 9abit arcati panussu umtassar

iptema pisa Ti'amat ana lahatisu (or sa)

imhulla usteriba ana la catam saptisa

izzuti sari carsasa izanuma

innikud libbasa ma pasa uspalci

issuk mulmulla ihtepi carassa

kirbisa ubattika usallit libba

INTRODUCTION TO BEL AND THE DRAGON. 347

icmisi ma napsatas uballi
salamsa idda elisa izaza (or iziza)
ultu Ti'amat alic pani inaru
cicrisa uptarrira buharsa issapha
u dingir mes riciisa alicu idisa
ittarru iplahu usahhiru* arcatsun

usecuma napsatus ediru
ittalamii naparsudis la lihe
. . . bu sunuti ma izcumes sunu usabbir

Translation.
Obverse,

(a weapon) his right hand he made grasp ;

.... and the quiver at his side he slung (from his shoulder : cf. ' II.' i. 45).

He shot lightning with his countenance.

With whirling (wrath ?) his body he filled.

He made also a net,* to throw round* the monster Tiamat.

The four winds he seized, that nothing* of her might go forth :

The north wind, the south wind, the east wind, the west wind.

By his side he placed the net, the gift of his father Ami.

He created a stormwind, a baleful wind, a hurricane, a whirlwind,

Four winds, seven winds, a destroying wind, a wind not to be stilled.

He sent forth also the winds which he had made, the seven of them.

The monster Tiamat coileth herself, cometh after him.

The Lord also raised the Flood, his mighty weapon ;

That chariot which levelleth all enemies, he rode.

Reverse,

" . . . . against my fathers thine enmity thou didst harden.
Let thy people . . . . , let them marshal thine arms !
Stand, I and thou will do battle."
Tiamat, on hearing this,

Encounter ordered she, she repeated her command.
*******
*******

She rehearsed a spell, she poured forth her charm ;
And the gods of battle called for their arms.
Then Tiamat assailed the prince of the gods Merodach ;
In battle she came on, she closed in conflict.
The Lord also spread his net, he threw it around her ;
A stormwind, taking the rear, before him he let loose.
Tiamat opened her mouth to draw it in :

The stormwind she received within her, so that she could not close her lips.
With violence the winds filled her belly, and

She was pierced through her heart, and her mouth she opened wide.
She bit the shaft ; her belly was stricken through.
Her inside he thrust through, he mastered the heart ;
He bound her, and her life he swallowed up.
Her carcase* he cast down, upon her he stood.
When Tiamat the leader he had vanquished,
Her might he broke, her army was routed ;
And the gods her helpers, marching beside her,
Wheeled round, were terrified, turned* their back.
*******

They clung together in flight, powerless.

.... them, and their weapons he brake in pieces.

The above rendering is far from being dent course not to attempt the inter-
equally certain throughout. In many pretation of these enigmas of speech,
places the writer has greatly doubted Nothing indeed could more forcibly
whether it would not be the more pru- bring home to the mind the great uncer-

* The terms marked with an asterisk were Department of the British Museum, who kindly
suggested by Mr. T. G. Pinches, of the Oriental read through this portion of the sheet with me.

34»

INTRODUCTION TO BEL AND THE DRAGON.

tainty which still clogs the progress of
students of Assyrian, than the attempt
to wrest an intelligible meaning out of
the mythological tablets.

The reader will notice the curious coin-
cidence between the mode in which the
Dragon is slain by Daniel, and Tiamat
by Merodach. This can hardly be acci-
dental. The legends which form the
basis of our Apocryphon must have ori-
ginated among the Jews of Babylon, who,
as the Talmud shews, were more or less
acquainted with Babylonian myths about
dragons and sea-monsters. It is not of
course necessary to suppose that the
Jewish authors of these stories were
versed in cuneiform writing, or even
that they had any accurate knowledge of
the mythus of The Combat of Mardug
and Tiamat. They could hardly, how-
ever, have been wholly ignorant of
the popular legends ; and the com-
mon representations on seals, of which
so many examples are preserved in the
Museums of Europe, would afford the
inexact sort of knowledge which finds
its expression in the Haggada. Dragons
and serpents of huge size are often re-
ferred to in the Babylonian Talmud.
Thus in the Mishna (Aboddh Zdrdh, 42 b)
we read : " Whoso findeth vessels where-
on is the form of the sun, the form of
the moon, the form of a dragon (rvvs
]1p"n), let him throw them into the
Sea of Salt. Rabbi Simeon ben Gamaliel
saith, Those which are upon valuable
vessels are forbidden ; those which are
upon common vessels are allowed." In
the Gemara (id., 43 A, line 15) R. Joshua
ben Levi is related to have said : " I was
once walking after R. Eliezer haQafar
Beribbi in the way, and he found there
a seal-ring, whereon was an image of a
dragon. And he met a young pagan,
and spake not to him at all. He met an
adult pagan, and said to him, Desecrate
it; but he would not. He beat him,
and (then) he desecrated it " (by breaking
off a bit of the image). The Jews in
Babylonia must have often found such
objects graven with the images of Bel-
Merodach and Tiamat, and other mytho-
logical subjects, and doubtless their fa-
naticism destroyed many. The idol Bel-
Merodach, the tutelar deity of Babylon,
had a famous temple there, which is

mentioned thus in Aboddh Zdrdh, iib,
tned. : " R. Hanan son of R. Hisda says
that Rab said— or, according to others,
R. Hanan son of Rabba says that Rab
said — Five houses of idols are pre-emi-
nent (pynp). These are the house of Bel
at Babel, the house of Nebo at Cursi,
Tra-'hta which is at Mepheg [Ashtoreth-
Derceto at Hierapolis-Mabug], Cari-
pha which is at Ascalon [Hdt. i. 105,
Aphrodite], Nashra which is in Arabia
[i.e. the Eagle, which in Arabic as in
Assyro-Babylonian is the name of a star
or star-group]. When R. Dimi came
(from Palestine to Babylon), they added
to them Jarid \_Jdrud, serpent] which is at
Ain Beci, Nidbaca which is at Accho —
there are some who say, Nithbara which
is at Accho. R. Dimi of Nehardea hands
down the converse, viz. Nidbaca in Ain
Beci and Jarid in Accho." It is note-
worthy that serpent-worship is here re-
corded of a Palestinian town.

But although this long tractate has
strange worship, i.e. idolatry, for its topic,
it does not again mention Bel ; and it is
curious how little of correct reminiscence
of this kind is to be found in Jewish lite-
rature. Bel-Merodach is one of the
numerous solar figures of Oriental mytho-
logy, and his adversary Tiamat is the
primeval chaos or darkness, out of which
all things emerged. She had her dwell-
ing in the sea, and is represented on the
seals and cylinders as a winged monster
with horns, hooves, sharp talons, and a
scaly tail. She and her demon troops
waged unceasing war against the god of
light. The student of universal mytho-
logy will be familiar with such concep-
tions. Night, the clouds, the sea, are in
turn described as monstrous serpents or
dragons, now vanquishing and now van-
quished by the god of day. The resolu-
tion of almost all genuine products of
the mythopoeic faculty into variations of
this one theme will surprise nobody who
recollects that the mental infancy of
man is characterised, not by exuberant
fertility, but by a uniform barrenness of
imagination. Tiamat may be compared
with Apepi, the great dragon of the
Egyptian mythus, who is called Hcm-
hemti, " the Roarer " (i.e. the thunder-
cloud), before whom Ra is " in a
flutter"; "Seb standeth still in terror,

INTRODUCTION TO BEL AND THE DRAGON.

549

and the company of the mighty gods is
in a quake." Apepi is at last " overcome
by the fire and flinty sword of the Sun-
god, and is forced back into his cavern,
and over him is placed a stone of forty
cubits, while the devouring flame preys
upon his bones " (Renouf). A trace of
the like symbolism may perhaps be seen
in Job xi. 13.

It is evident from Gen. i. 21, Ps.
lxxiii. 13, that pn (dragon) usually
meant any kind of aquatic monster
(ktjtos). In Isa. li. 9, Ezek. xxxii. 2, it
is " the crocodile," as an emblem of
Egypt. In Exod. vii. 9, 10, 12, it denotes
" serpent," the etymological import of
the term being apparently " that which
is much extended." For Talmud ic stories
about huge serpents, see Balm Bathra,
73 b, et sea.; C/utllin, 127 a: Sanhedr.
59 b. Compare also the legends about
the Leviathan, which in Scripture means
the crocodile (Isa. xxvii. 1 ; Ps. lxxiv.
14, civ. 26; Job xl. 21), but in the
Talmud a mysterious monster, created
male and female on the fifth day {Bab.
Bathra, 74 b). Fearing that if they mul-
tiplied they would ravage the earth, God
emasculated the male and killed the
female, and preserved her flesh for the
great banquet of the righteous in the
world to come. A similar tale is added
about the Behemoth (hippopotamus). Cf.
also A bod. Zara/i, 3 a. The following
extracts from Abodah Zarah (Mishn. 7,
Per. 4) are good instances of the
mingled shrewdness and sarcasm with
which the old Rabbis could argue
against idolatry. " They asked the
Elders in Rome, If his (God's) good
pleasure be not in idol-worship, why does
he not put an end to it ? They answered,
If they {i.e. the heathen) worshipped a
thing that was not necessary to the
world, he would put an end to it. As it
is, they worship the Sun, the Moon, and
the Stars, and the Zodiacal Signs; must
he destroy his world for the sake of the
fools? They answered, If so, let him
destroy anything (any object of idolatry)
that is not necessary to the world, and
let him leave anything that is necessary.
They (the Jews) answered, Then we
should be strengthening the hands of the
worshippers of these things, who would
say, Ye see that they are gods, for they

are not put an end to." The Gemara has

the folio wing wise remarks : — " Lo,he that
stealeth a seah of wheat, and soweth it in
a field — it were right that it should not
come up (being stolen goods). But the
world goes on in its wonted course ; not-
withstanding, the fools who deal corruptly
will have to pay the penalty. If a man
go in unto his neighbour's wife, she ought
not to conceive. But the world goes on
in its wonted course, and fools who deal
corruptly will have to pay the penalty.
A philosopher asked R. Gamaliel, It is
written in your law, The Lord thy God
is a consuming fire, he is a jealous God
(Deut. iv. 24) : why is your God jealous
at the worshippers and not at (the idol)
itself ? He said unto him, I will tell thee
a parable wherefore it is so. The matter
is like the king who had a son, who
reared a dog, and named it after his
father's name, and whenever he swore
would say, By the life of the dog Abba.
When the king heard thereof, with whom
would he be angry, with the son or with
the dog? He said, With the son. He
said (also) unto him, Thou art calling it
(the idol) a dog ; and is there no reality
(EteO) in it ? He (R. Gamaliel) saith,
And what hast thou seen ? He saith
unto him, Once a fire broke out in our
city, and the whole city was burnt, but
the idol-house was not burnt. He saith
unto him, I will tell thee why, by a para-
ble. The matter is like the king against
whom a province had rebelled. When he
made war, did he make it with the living
or with the dead ? He saith unto him,
Dog thou callest it, dead thou callest it.
If it be so, let him destroy them (the
idols) out of the world. He saith unto
him, If the heathen served only a thing
that the world had no need of, he would
abolish it. As it is, they serve the
Sun, the Moon, the Stars, the Zodiacal
Signs, the Rivers, and the Valleys :
must God destroy his world for the sake
of fools?"

After what has been said, it is hardly
worth while to notice the objections
raised by matter-of-fact critics against
the two closely-connected stories of our
Apocryphon. " Anachronisms," " lite-
rary extravagances," " a legendary cha-
racter," are obvious on the face of the
narratives; but such faults as these,

150

INTRODUCTION TO BEL AND THE DRAGON.

though valid against any pretensions to
the rank of authentic history, do not
render the stories less effective as pieces
of Haggadic satire, or less interesting as
preserving vestiges of a cycle of popular
legends relating to Daniel. In the LXX.
the piece bears the curious title eV-
Trpo^TjTf.ia'i ' A/jLftaKovfx vlov '\rjaov Ik t?}s
c}>v\r}<; Kevi : " From the prophecy of
Habakkuk son of Joshua, of the tribe
of Levi." (So also the Syro-Hexaplar.)
Bertholdt supposed that this Habakkuk
was an Egyptian Jew, who worked up
a Volkssage about Daniel into the pre-
sent narrative. It is more likely that
the prophet Habakkuk, who probably
flourished in the last decade of the

7th cent. B.C., and may well have been
a Levite (see the subscription to chap,
iii. 19), is the author intended (so
S. Jerome) ; l in which case, as Fritzsche
observes, the piece may be an extract
from a pseudepigraphic writing attributed
to that prophet. This partly explains
the language of S. Athanasius (' Synops.
Script. Sacr. ; ' in Migne, ' Series Grsec'
torn, xxviii. 432): Bapov^ ' A/.i.(3aKovfji
'E^e^tr/A. Kai AaviT^A. if/ev8eTriypa(f)a. The

fact that in the LXX. Daniel is intro-
duced as spriest, and as a person other-
wise unknown, points in the same
direction.

1 Eusebius supposed another Habakkuk and
another Daniel.

THE HISTORY OF THE DESTRUCTION

I Gr. Bet's
irazon.

BEL AND THE DRAGON,

Cut off from the end of DANIEL.

19 The fraud of BeVs priests is discovered by
Daniel, 27 and the dragon slain, which was
worshipped. 33 Daniel is preserved in the
lions'1 den. 42 The king doth acknoivledge the
God of Daniel, and casteth his enemies into
the same den.

ND king Astyages was gathered
to his fathers, and Cvrus of

ii to his fathers, and Cyru
Persia received his kingdom.

1. king Astyages.~] See Hdt. i. 107, accord-
ing to which passage Cyrus was son of
Mandane, daughter of Astyages the Mede,
and Cambyses the Persian. Hdt. i. 130
relates that Cyrus deprived Astyages of his
kingdom, and kept him at his court until the
old king died. Our text appears to assert
that Cyrus only assumed the sovereignty on
the death of his grandfather. Ancient autho-
rities are not agreed as to whether Cyrus was
the immediate successor of Astyages (Diod.,
Justin, Strabo, Canon of Ptolemy), or not
(Xen. 'Cyrop.'i. 19, Cyaxares; Joseph. 'Ant'
x. 11. 4, Darius); nor as to the manner in
which the Persian sovereign got possession
of the Median realm. The recently dis-
covered cuneiform records of Nabonidus
and Cyrus himself have thrown unexpected
light upon difficulties which were the despair
of bygone generations of scholars. Cyrus
relates that Astyages " assembled (his forces),
and against Kurash king of Anshan (Cyrus
king of Persia) to take him he marched
. . . Ishtuvegu (Astyages), his forces rebelled
against him, and with hands seized (took
him prisoner), to Kurash they ga(ve him
up). (xMarched) Kurash to the land of
Agamtanu, the royal city; silver, gold . . .
of the land of Agamtanu he carried off, and
to the land of Anshan he took the plunder."
This generally confirms the statements of
Herodotus on the matter. (See ' Trans. Soc.
Bibl. Arch.' vii. 155.) Nabonidus {Nabu-
nahid) states that his god Merodach " Kuras
king of Anzan, his young servant, with his
clansmen caused to march ; the far-reaching
people of Manda (the Medes) he defeated;
Ishtuvegu king of the people of Manda he
captured, and his hoards to his own land
he took." (' Cylinder of Nabonidus,' lines

2 And Daniel 'conversed with then Or, lived.
king, and was honoured above all hisfij.*'
friends.

3 Now the Babylonians had an
idol, called Bel, and there were spent
upon him every day twelve great
measures of fine flour, and forty
sheep, and six vessels of wine.

2 7-29.) In the Vulgate, this is the concluding
verse of Susanna.

2. And Daniel conversed with the king.']
Lit., " and Daniel was a companion of the
king." 2vn(3icoTr]s, conviva, is a term so
used in Polyb. viii. 12. 3 ; and Cic. Tarn.,*
ix. 10. Plutarch has the word of the con-
fidants of the Emperors ('Jul. Caes.' 21).
2u^/3i'o)o-u occurs in Wisd. viii. 3, 9, 16.
Syr. W. prefixes the statement: "And Daniel
—his glory was equal with that of the king."

<was honoured above all his friends. .] Comp.
the favour which Daniel is said to have
enjoyed with Darius the Mede (Dan. vi. 3).
In ch. i. 21 we read that Daniel "continued
even unto the first year of king Cyrus," i.e.
remained in Babylon until the year when
permission was given for the Jewish exiles
to return. Ch. x. purports to relate a vision
seen by Daniel " in the third year of Cyrus
king of Persia."

The LXX. and Syr. H. begin the narrative
thus : " A man there was, a priest, whose name
was Daniel son of Abal, a companion of the
king of Babylon." Thus the particular king
is left undetermined. See Ezra viii. 2, Neh.
x. 7, for a priest named Daniel, contemporary
with Ezra. According to Dan. i. 3, 6, the
prophet of this name was hardly a priest.
The name "A/3aX is probably corrupted from
some word like 'A/^X or 'A/3iXa/X (Num. iii.
35). This seems better than to regard it as

a variant of "A/3fX, ^n, Abel, Gen. iv. 2.
Epiphanius (' Advers. Haeret' lv. 3) speaks
of Zapaav (? pjftp = WW, Simeon) as the
father of the prophet Daniel.

3. Bel.] B^X, in Herod. Zeis BiJXoj, the
Assyro-Babylonian Belu, Bel; that is, Bel-

35*

BEL AND THE DRAGON.

Lv- 4—5-

4 And the king worshipped it, and
went daily to adore it : but Daniel
worshipped his own God. And the
king said unto him, Why dost not
thou worship Bel ?

5 Who answered and said, Be-
cause I may not worship idols made
with hands, but the living God, who
hath created the heaven and the earth,
and hath sovereignty over all flesh.

Merodach, the tutelar god of Babylon. Cf.

lsa. xlvi. i, ?2, which reproduces this foreign
name accurately. It answers to the Heb.

b]}2, Aram. !?JJ2, Baal. This Bel, who is
identified with Merodach, the god of the
planet Jupiter, is distinct from the old Bel of
the first triad of gods, who is called the
" father of the gods," and whose consort is
Belit (Beltis),"the mother of the gods." Bel-
Merodach is, in fact, styled " Belli the son of
Belu." His consort is Zarpanitum or Zir-
baniti, called " mistress (belit) of the coun-
tries " and " mistress of the gods," and " first-
born of Anum." She is the planet Venus
(Dilbad). See also Hdt. i. 131; MuAirra =
Belit.

there were spent upon him every day.] It
appears from Herodotus that the god was
honoured in this fashion with what the
Romans called lectisternia : Hdt. i. 183. Cf.
also Diod. Sic. ii. 9. The Philhpps' Cylinder
gives us Nebuchadnezzar's testimony to the
same fact :

" When Merodach, mighty lord, to the lordship

of the land
Raised me, and

Widespread peoples for shepherding gave me ;
To Merodach, the god my maker, I was

reverently obedient,
To follow his laws I bowed the neck.
His rich oblations,
His splendid freewill offerings,
Above the former amount I increased.
For one day an ox, fme(?), fat, ....

Fish, fowl, spices (?)

Honey, curd, milk, the best of oil,

Sweet wine (?), mead (?), strong drink, . . .

Costly wine, wine of Izallam,

Of Tu'immu, of Cimmini, of Helbon,

Of Aranabanum, of Suham,

Of Bit-kubatim and Bitatim,

Like the waters of a river, numberless,

In the chalices of Merodach and Zarpanitu,

My lords, I made to abound."

(1 R. 65, col. I, 8 sqq.)

great measures of fine flour, . . . vessels of
•wine.] 2ep.i§d\fa>s aprdfiai . . . o'ivov pe-
Tprjrai. The first word, which means " the
finest wheaten flour " (Lat. simila, similago),
represents Heb. nn:», " meat-offering," A.V. :
see Lev. ii. 1, 2, 4, 5, 7 ; lsa. i. 13. Cf. also
Gen. xviii. 6. 'Apr«/3f; occurs lsa. v. 10, for
Heb. ipn, " homer," A.V. The Artaba was
a Persian measure, containing 1 medimnus
3 choenices, according to Hdt. i. 192; or

1 medimnus, according to Suidas and Hesy-
chius. The former assignment is probably
the more exact. The p.erpr]Tf]s was the
common Athenian liquid measure ( = dp.-
(popevs), holding about 9 gallons. The Vulg.
gives amphorae; but the Roman amphora = |
Attic metretes. In 2 Chron. iv. 5 the term
renders Heb. J"D, " bath ;" in 1 Kings xviii. 32
HSD, " seah," crarov. It is the " firkin " of John
ii. 6. For another account of Bel's daily
allowance, see Josippon ben Gorion, apud
Selden, Syntag. 2, 'de Belo et Dracone.'

Instead of " 40 sheep," LXX. and Syr. H.
have the disproportionate 4 ; and " oil " in-
stead of "wine." See "vi\ 10, 14, 21 (LXX.).
Syr. W. : " 40 rams."

4. the king worshipped.] The verb is
eVe/3ero, venerabatur (Josh. iv. 24) = XT,
thnuit (Jon. i. 9 ; Job i. 9). Cyrus, per-
haps, was not a monotheist ; if he was, he
displayed a politic toleration of the reli-
gions of his foreign subjects, not unlike that
which afterwards distinguished the Roman
empire. In the annals of Nabu-ndhid, he
represents himself as enjoying the special
favour of Merodach, who foretells his march
upon Babylon, and accompanies him thither.
Cyrus even asserts that he has made daily
prayers to Bel and Nebo that they might
intercede with Merodach on his behalf. The
legend before us, therefore, in its representa-
tion here, happens to coincide in part with
the facts of history.

Daniel worshipped.] npocreKvvti, " used to
fall down before," often in LXX. as =
ninncn, se procubuit, an act of homage to
God or man (1 Chron. xxix. 20 ; Gen. xviii. 2,
xxiv. 26). In Daniel = Chaldee "13 D (ii. 46 ;
iii. 5, 6, 7, &c). (The same verb as "to
adore" ante.)

LXX., Syr. H. : Aavn)\ 8e 7Tpocrr]vxeTO
7rp6s Kvpiov, " but Daniel used to pray unto
Jehovah." A similar contrast is presented in
Dan. iii.; cf. also Dan. vi. 11. So Syr. W. :
" God," absolutely. At the end it adds
rightly, " my god."

5. Who answered and said, <h'c.] Lit.,
" But he said, Because I worship (<re;3opai)
not idols," &c. (lsa. ii. 8, xxxi. 7 ; Deut. iv.
28 ; 2 Kings xix. 18 ; Ps. cxv. 4).

who hath created the heaven^] top KriaavTa
top ovpavov k.t.\. So the LXX. Gen. xiv„
19, 22, for Heb. "possessor of heaven and
earth." The word here may have been XTn,
creans (lsa. xlv. 7, 8 ; Amos iv. 13).

6—io.]

BEL AND THE DRAGON.

353

the king unto him,

6 Then said
Thinkest thou not that Bel is a living
God ? seest thou not how much
eateth and drinketh every day ?

Ecclus.
o. 19.

them, If ye tell me not who this is
that devoureth these expences, ye
shall die.

9 But if ye can certify me that
7 Then Daniel smiled, and said, O Bel devoureth them, then Daniel shall

for this is but die : for he hath spoken blasphemy
against Bel. And Daniel said unto
the king, Let it be according to thy
word.

10 Now the priests of Bel were

king, be not deceived :

clay within, and brass without, and

did never "eat or drink any thing.

8 So the king was wroth, and
called for his priests, and said unto

hath sovereignty over all flesh.] %-^ovra
Trdcrrjs aapKos nvpeiav. The uncommon term

Kvpeia, imperium, = Chaldee N3u?C;, Dan.
iv. 19, vi. 27 : and in Dan. xi. 3, 4, 5 = Heb.

!?B>D» and &>».

The LXX. has: "And Daniel said unto
the king, None worship I save Jehovah {jivpiov
anarthrous), the God who created the hea-
ven," &c. Theod. is more antithetical. He
contrasts idols which are manufactured, and
therefore lifeless objects, with the living God
who made all things and is the rightful Lord
of all living. Cf. Num. xvi. 22 : " El, god of
the spirits of all flesh." This is, of course,
written from the Jewish standpoint. We may
remember that the Bel of the first triad was
called the " Creator " (bdnu) ; and Merodach,
to whose worship the great Nebuchadnezzar
was especially devoted, is styled by him and
others " king of heaven and earth," " exalted
ruler," " the god my Maker," " the god of
gods," &c.

6. Thinkest thou not that Bel.] LXX. :
u This one, then, is he not a god ? Seest thou
not how much is spent upon him (vid. -v. 3
supra) every day?" The second question in
Theod. is 77 o&x Spas k.t.X., " Or (if thou dost
not) seest thou not," &c. There is some-
thing intensely ironical in the proof alleged
for Bel's real existence — no other or higher
function of life than " eating and drinking,"
the almost mechanical process of nutrition
(to Bpe-rrriKov) which man shares with the
brute creation. Gf. Ps. 1. 7-13. The stress
laid on the quantity of food consumed shews
that the god is regarded merely as a sort of
giant or magnified man. A necessity of eat-
ing is a proof not of divinity but of mortality;
it is a contradiction of the autarkeia of deity
(Arnald).

7. smiled — yeXao-a? — is added by Theod.
For the compound of " clay and brass," cf.
Dan. ii. 32, 34.

be not deceived^ p.rj nXavio, " do not go on
deceiving thyself." Cf. Gen. xxxvii. 14;
Wisd. ii. 21. The LXX. is more emphatic:
" By no means let any man mislead thee by
false argument" Oirjoapajj p?Sei'j ae napa-

ApOC— Vol. II.

\oyi£io-da3. Gen. xxix. 25 ; Josh. ix. 22) ;
" and I swear unto thee by Jehovah the God
of gods (Syr. H. obelizes the oath), that this
one hath never eaten anything." For the
expression " God of gods," see Dan. xi. 36,
ii. 47; Deut. x. 17; Ps. cxxxvi. 2; and the
note on i\ 5 supra.

8. his priests, J I.e. the priests of Bel, as
Syr. W. explains. LXX., " the overseers of
the temple " — tovs npoeo-TrjKOTas tov Upov.

If ye tell me not.] Cf. Dan. ii. 5. LXX.
and Syr. H. : " Shew {irapahei^aTe, Ezek. xxii.
2 ; Exod. xxvii. 2) who eateth the things pre-
pared for Bel; otherwise ye shall die — or
Daniel, who allegeth that the things (aira)
are not eaten by him " (i.e. Bel). The king
means to say, One or the other must die, and
the issue will depend on your answer. The
brevity of expression is remarkable, el 8i

prjye dnudave'io-Oe, fj Aavii]X 6 (pdcrKcoi' k.t.X. :
"or (if ye do shew it) Daniel (shall die), who
pretendeth," &c. The LXX. text continues :
" But they said, ' Bel himself is he that de-
voureth them.' But Daniel said unto the
king, ' Let it be thus : If I shew not that it is
not Bel that devoureth these things, I will
die (= let me be put to death) and all my
friends'" (of nap' ip.0'1. Susann. 33, of nap"
avTTjs. This seems to shew that of trap' ipov
should be read here. See v. 14 infra, where
for "his servants" LXX. has tovs 7rap'

Kl'TOv).

expences.] hairdvrj. Hesychius explains the
word by rpo<pr;, " keep." Cf. Ezra vi. 4, 8 ;
and bandvripa, 2 Mace. xi. 31. The Syr. W.
and Arabic versions have a term which lite-
rally means " outgoing" (cf. " income"). Per-
haps the Heb. was the late nxvin. See the
verb in 2 Kings xii. 13.

10. Noiv the priests of Bel.] The number
assigned looks small beside that of Ahab and
Jezebel's Baal-priests (1 Kings xviii. 19, 22).
After this statement of the sum of the priests,
LXX., Syr. H. proceed as follows: " But they
led the king into the idol's chamber (ef8a>-
\e7ov, 1 Mace. i. 47 ; 1 Cor. viii. 10), and the
meats were set on in the presence of the king
and Daniel, and wine mingled was brought

2 A

354

BEL AND THE DRAGON.

[

V. II-

13-

threescore and ten, beside their wives
and children. And the king went
with Daniel into the temple of Bel.

1 1 So Bel's priests said, Lo, we go
out : but thou, O king, set on the
meat, and make ready the wine, and
shut the door fast, and seal it with
thine own signet ;

12 And to morrow when thou
comest in, if thou findest not that
Bel hath eaten up all, we will sufFer
death : or else Daniel, that speaketh
falsely against us.

13 And they little regarded it : for
under the table they had made a
privy entrance, whereby they entered

in and set on for Bel. And Daniel said, Thou
thyself seest that these things are here (k(Itcii),
O king. Thou, then, shalt seal the bolts (ras
nXe'iSas = KkeWpa here) of the temple, when
it shall be shut. But the saying pleased the
king. But Daniel ordered his people (tovs
nap' aurov) to put all men out (e/c/3aAdi>ra?,
Mark v. 40) of the temple, and sprinkle all the
temple with ashes, without the knowledge of
any of those who were outside of it. And
then having sealed the temple, he bade seal it
with the king's seal and with the seals of
certain honoured priests. And it was done
so." The word " sprinkle " — Karanao-ai — is
Fritzsche's emendation of Karaar^o-aL (Cod.
Chisian.): cf. 2 Mace. x. 25. He also sug-
gests Karao-TpaKTai and Karacre7aai (see note
onu 14 infra). Syr. H. : "to prepare."

" Temple" is " house," oIkos, rvn (1 Kings
vi. 1; 2 Kings xix. 37). The specific Heb.

term for " temple " or " palace," hekal (b^Tl),

Assyr. Ekallu"'~ , is said to be of pre-Semitic
origin, and is referred to the Accadian e-gal,
" great house." At Babylon the chief temple
of Bel crowned a pyramid built of brick in
eight stages, now represented by the mound
called Bdbil.

11. ive go out.] Gk. dirorpexop-ev i'£o>.
See note on Susanna 7.

set on the meat.] irapdBes tu (Bpcopara.
UapaTiBrjpi is the usual expression for " set-
ting food before" guests, from the Homeric
poems downwards. Cf. Gen. xviii. 8 ; Luke
x. 8 ; 2 Kings vi. 22.

make ready the tvine.] Gk. rbv olvov Kepdaas
6es, "mingle the wine and set it (on):" cf.
John ii. 10, 7rcis av6pa>7Tos irpwrov rbv Kakbv
olvov TiBrjcri. Fritzsche observes that it was
a Greek and Roman, but hardly an Oriental,
and least of all an old Jewish custom, to
mingle wine with water, as here represented.
But such passages as Prov. ix. 2, 5 ; Isa. i. 22,
may be alleged in favour of a contrary
opinion ; and Gesenius (' Thesaur.,' p. 808,
s. v. ~|DO) declares that the Hebrews and
Arabs sometimes followed this practice.
Moreover, the red wine of the Passover cups
was tempered with water — usually in the pro-
portion of two parts of water to one of wine ;
whence was derived the custom of the early
Church in the matter of mixing the Eucha-

ristic chalice. It appears to have been also
an Oriental practice to flavour wines with
spices, honey, and other condiments ; and
some understand the passages Prov. ix. 2, 5
in this sense: cf. Isa. v. 22; Mark xv. 23;
and the Talmudic Abod. Zar. 58 B; Maaser
sbeni, 2 A; Pesacb. 108 B (where wine is dis-
tinguished as Tl, vivum, i.e.purum, and 1)112,
mixtum. The same root in Arab, means " to
mix wine with water," and is used here in
the Arab, and Syriac versions). Gesenius
explains the word 2TE in Cant. vii. 3 thus:
" vinum idque poculo infusum ibique aqua
teitiperatum."

In an inscription of Nebuchadnezzar no
fewer than eight kinds of " costly" wines —
one that of Helbon, so highly prized by the
Persian kings afterwards — are mentioned as
used in libations. See Schrader, ' Keilin-
schr.,' p. 426.

shut the door fasti] UTTOKKeio-ov. Vid.
Susanna 18.

seal it nvith thine onvn signet.] According
to the LXX. (vid. supr.~) the door was sealed
also with the signets of some of the principal
priests. In like manner the lions' den was
sealed with the signet of the king, and with
that of his lords (Dan. vi. 17). Seals were
of peculiar importance in Babylonian business
of all kinds ; and great numbers of royal and
other seals, made of carnelian, agate, jasper,
alabaster, &c, have been found in Assyrian
and Babylonian mounds, inscribed with my-
thological subjects and sometimes inscriptions
in cuneiform.

12. that speaketh falsely against us.] 6
yj/ev86pevos KaO' rjpcbv : cf. James iii. 14. The
sense involves " shall die," which Syr. W.
adds.

13. they little regarded it.] That is, the
danger. SoDeWette: " they were careless."
The Gk. is avrol 8e KciT«pp6vovv, " but they,
on their part, were disdainful," or " behaved
scornfully." Vulg. : contefnnabant autem.
The verb is used absolutely, as in Thucyd. ii.
11. It hardly means " reflecting," either here
or in Hdt. viii. 10, as Fritzsche suggests;
vid. also Dan. iii. 12, xi. 37. "Continually"
isStdXou; vid. Ezek. xxxviii. 8. The verbs
are imperf. : " they used to enter and con-
sume " (dvjjkovv). Syr. W. : " But they, be-

14-

:8.]

BEL AND THE DRAGON.

355

in continually, and consumed those
things.

14 So when they were gone forth,
the kino- set meats before Bel. Now
Daniel had commanded his servants
to bring ashes, and those they strew-
ed throughout all the temple in the
presence of the king alone : then
went they out, and shut the door,
and sealed it with the king's signet,
and so departed.

15 Now in the night came the
priests with their wives and children,
as they were wont to do, and did eat
and drink up all.

16 In the morning betime the king
arose, and Daniel with him.

17 And the king said, Daniel, are
the seals whole ? And he said, Yea,
O king, they be whole.

18 And as soon as he had opened
the door, the king looked upon the

cause they were confident — for there was
made for them an entry," &c. ; an anacolu-
thon. Ad fin. : " they would eat everything
that was set on for Bel, and carry off any-
thing that was left."

14. So . . . the king set.~] Lit., " and it
came to pass . . . and the king set" — a
common Hebraism: }m TP1- "The meats,"
i.e. the customary viands, which had been
prepared. Syr. W. is again fuller, and looks
more original : " When, then, the priests of
Bel had gone forth, the king brought meats,
and filed the table, and set it before Bel ; and
he filled the 'vessels avith ivine, after their
custom, and went forth." What follows is
literally : " and Daniel commanded his young
men (jraihapiois) and they brought ashes
(recppa, Tobit vi. 17; viii. 2: LXX. has
o-7ro8ds) and shook down all the temple "
(KarfVeto-ai/ o\ov tov vaov, a singular and iso-
lated use of Karao-elo). Fid. I Mace. vi. 38).
Syr. W., " and he sifted it in a sieve before
the king, in all the house of Bel ; " Vulg.,
cribravit per totum templum. A. V. follows
the reading of Codd. 34, 49, al. : tcare-
(TTpaxrav. Another reading is KaTeirao-av, " be-
sprinkled" (Cod. 148); cf. LXX. Karandcrai.,
and Arist., ' Clouds,' 177.

with the king's signet.] Syr. W. adds, " and
with the seal of Daniel." Vid. note on -v. 12
supra.

16. In the morning betime the king arose.']
" And the king arose early in the morning."
A common Heb. phrase. Cf. Josh. iii. 1 ;
viii. 10. Syr. W. adds: "and they went
thither."

17. whole.] « Intact," " untampered with,"

integer, incolumis ; awos = u?V.

The narrative in the LXX. is again con-
siderably different : " And it came to pass
on the morrow they came unto the place,
but the priests of Bel through secret doors
(\l/ev8o6vpibuiv, v. 20 ra \jsev8odvpia, semel
<//fta=Theod. 17 Kpyrrrrj Qvpa. Cf. \jsev866vpov;
Cic. ' in Verr.' ii. 2, 20) had entered and eaten
up all the things which lay before Bel (ra

■7va.paKeip.eva tw B. vid. Ecclus. xxxiv. 16;
Polyb. iii. 57. 8) and the wine. (Syr. H.gets
rid of the zeugma by supplying " drunk "
before " the wine.") And Daniel said, Look
upon (Jirei^ov, Exod. ii. 25 ; 1 Mace. iii. 59)
your seals, whether they remain (unchanged),
O ye priests ; and thou, O king, consider
whether aught hath taken place not according
to thy will (o"K€\p-at prj tl croi aavpfpuivov
yeyevrjrai, Wisd. xviii. 10; Acts xxviii. 25.
A covert allusion to what had really happened
in the temple). And they found that the
seal had lasted " (evpov a>s ?jv [77 Fr.] o-qipayis ;
cf. Dan. i. 21). The words cannot mean:
"they found it as it was yesterday," for
" yesterday " is not in the Greek. They
might be rendered : " They found how the
seal (really) was ; " or if a(ppay\s be struck
out, as Fr. suggests, "they found how it
was." But Syr. H. has the word. "And
they cast away the seal, and on opening the
doors saw all things consumed (y. 3, 8e8a7ravi]-
p.eva) that had been set on, and the tables
empty ; and the king was glad and said to
Daniel, Great is Bel, and there is not with
him deceit (cf. John i. 48). And Daniel
laughed much, and said to the king : Hither !
behold the deceit of the priests. And Daniel
said, O king, these footsteps — whose are
they ? And the king said, Of men and women
and children. And he came unto the house
wherein the priests were abiding (Jja-av — tcara-
yivopevoC), and found (Syr. H. " they found ")
the meats of Bel and the wine; and Daniel
shewed the king the secret doors, whereby
the priests used to enter and consume (eband-
vcov) the things set on for Bel. And the
king brought them forth from the Belium
(JiilXiov, " temple of Bel ;" here only. Cf.
JJvdiov, Thucyd. ii. 15), and delivered them
to Daniel, and that which was expended (ttjv
SaTravrjv, v. 8) upon him (i.e. upon the god)
he gave to Daniel, but Bel he overthrew."
With the king's cry of " Great is Bel," cf.
Acts xix. 28. In the words "Hither, behold
the deceit (SoXoy) of the priests," there is an
intentional antithesis to the king's exclama-
tion, " Great is Bel, and there is not with him
deceit," which Theod. has eliminated (y. 19).

2 A 2

3DU

BEL AND THE DRAGON.

[v. 19—23.

table, and cried with a loud voice,
Great art thou, O Bel, and with thee
is no deceit at all.

19 Then laughed Daniel, and held
the king that he should not go in,
and said, Behold now the pavement,
and mark well whose footsteps are
these.

20 And the king said, I see the
footsteps of men, women, and chil-
dren. And then the king was angry,

21 And took the priests with their
wives and children, who shewed him
the privy doors, where they came in,
and consumed such things as were
upon the table.

22 Therefore the king slew them,
and delivered Bel into Daniel's power,
who destroyed him and his temple.

27 "And in that same place there 1: Some ad

tnis title

was a great dragon, which they of 0/ the
Babylon worshipped. dragon.

add

20. And then the king ivas angry.] This
clause — it is not a sentence in the Greek —
belongs to the next verse. " And in a rage
(opyurdeis) the king then seized (o-vi>eXa/3e)
the priests and their wives, <Scc. and they (the
priests, in fear of their lives) shewed him the
secret doors whereby they used to enter, and
consume (edcnrdvwv, Judith xi. 13 ; xii. 4) the
things upon the table" (ra eVt rrjs rpane^s.
Codd. II I., XII., 26, al., Tj]TpaTTt(j]. Fritzsche
compares 2 Sam. ix. 7, 10, n, 13 ; Lukexxii.
30 ; but those passages speak of persons eating
at a table. The dative, or the reading of
Codd. 34, 49, al., iv rfj rpmre(t], seems
better). For a parallel to the doings of the
priests, see Aristoph. ' Plutus,' iii. 2. The
scene is the temple of Aesculapius. " At
length the sacristan, having put out the lights,
ordered us to go to sleep ; and charged us,
if we heard any noise, not to cry out. We
then lay down all of us in a very orderly
manner; but I could not sleep. . . . Then
looking up, I saw the priest greedily snatching
away the cakes and figs from the sacred
table ; after which, he took his rounds about
the altars, to see if there was any loaf left,
and consecrated all he found — into a wallet
which he carried for that purpose." (Fielding
and Young's translation, p. 214.)

22. delivered Bel into Daniel's power.] efiooKe
tov firjX (k8otov ra A. For the Gk. phrase,
see Demosth. 648. 25; and cf. Acts ii. 23.
The present passage is the only reference in
Trommius. Syr. W., Arab. : " gave Bel as
a gift to Daniel."

<who destroyed^] " And he overthrew."
" Temple " is to lepov, which sometimes
denotes the edifice as distinct from the
Tfp.evos or sacred enclosure, and sometimes
the group of sacred buildings as contrasted
with the vaos or temple proper. Here the
word is used as equivalent to vaos (which
Codd. XII., 26, 34, read). Cf. 1 Chron.
xxix. 4 ; Ezek. xxviii. 18, xlv. 19; 1 Mace.
x. 43, 84; xi. 4. Of course the asser-
tion that Daniel was thus permitted to
destroy Bel and his temple is merely part of
the Haggada. According to Hdt. (i. 183),

Xerxes plundered the temple ; according to
Strabo (xvi. 1) and Arrian (' Exped. Alex.'
vii. 17), he destroyed it. Alexander intended
to restore it. We know also from authentic
inscriptions of the period that the historical
Cyrus assumed a very different attitude
towards the gods of Babylon from that here
supposed in the interest of the legend. The
slaughter of the priests may be compared
with that of the " wise men of Babj-lon "
(Dan. ii. 12), and that of Daniel's accusers
(Dan. vi. 24).

23. great dragon.] Homer uses dpanav
= o(pLs, 'II.' ii. 200-208; and this appears
to be the fundamental conception, which
becomes so greatly distorted in the fabu-
lous dragon. The serpent is a very ancient
figure in mythology. Thus Egyptian myth
tells of a great dragon Apepi (" he who
mounts up "), who has no eyes, nose, or ears,
but roars as he comes along. Apepi is
the storm-cloud, and he is overcome by the
fire and flinty sword of the Sun-god, and
is forced back into his cavern, and over him
is placed a stone " of forty cubits," while the
devouring flame preys upon his bones. (Vid.
a learned and interesting article by Mr. Le
Page Renouf in 'Trans. Soc. Bibl. Arch.,'
vol. viii. pt. 2.) We find traces of similar ideas
in the Hebrew Scriptures, where they are
apparently used consciously as mere poetic
imagery, e.g. Job xxvi. 13, "By his breath
(wind) the skies are beauty; his hand
pierceth the fugitive serpent;" Isa. Ii. 9,
xxvii. 1; Ps. lxxiv. 13, 14; Ezek. xxix. 3.
Among the Babylonian inscriptions preserved
in the British Museum there is a fragmentary
account of a fight between Bel and the monster
Tiamat (the sea — D1i"IJ"l — personified); and
Berosus (apud Euseb. ' Chron.' i.) describes
how Belus cut l0p6pa>Ka QaXarO in two, and
formed heaven and earth out of the two
halves, destroyed the sea-monsters who were
the offspring of the union of the primeval
waters of Apsu and Tiamat, and then struck
off his own head. The other gods mixed the
blood that flowed from Bel with earth, and
so fashioned man.

v. 24—28.]

BEL AND THE DRAGON.

357

24 And the king said unto Daniel,
Wilt thou also say that this is of
brass ? lo, he liveth, he eateth and
drinketh ; thou canst not say that he
is no living god : therefore worship
him.

25 Then said Daniel unto the
king, I will worship the Lord my
God : for he is the living God.

26 But give me leave, O king, and
I shall slav this dragon without sword

or staff. The king said, I give thee
leave.

27 Then Daniel took pitch, and
fat, and hair, and did seethe them
together, and made lumps thereof:
this he put in the dragon's mouth, and
so the dragon burst in sunder : and
Daniel said, "Lo, these are the gods 'Or, Be-

1 • holdwliat

ye worship. yewor.

28 When they of Babylon heard shi^
that, they took great indignation, and

The " dragon " of our text is not described,
but is obviously intended to be understood of
a living creature, probably a large sacred
serpent. It is true that such worship is not
known to have been practised at Babylon ;
but the purpose of our Haggada is to ridicule
idolatry and to magnify Daniel, not to teach
history. (Cf. Wisdom xv. 18.) At the same
time, we know from the monuments that the
Babylonians had a snake-deity, whom they
called ilu Cir, "the Serpent-god" (1 R. 70,
col. 1, 13. 21) ; and that, side b»y side with the
winged man-headed bulls, at the gates of
cities, temples, and palaces, huge serpents of
stone and bronze were erected as protecting
powers. (Nebuch. India House Inscr. vi. 5,
16, 17; Phillipps Cyl. i. 44; Nerigl. i. 21
sqq. ; Diod. Sic. ii. 9.) Living serpents, like
crocodiles, cats, and other animals, were
worshipped in Egypt (Aelian. 'de Animal.' xi.
17); and a sacred serpent was kept in the
temple of Aesculapius at Epidaurus (Val.
Max. i. 8), which the Romans sent to fetch
on occasion of a plague. It will be noticed
that both in East and West the serpent sym-
bolised a beneficent, not a malignant power.

24. thou canst not say . . . god.~\ Added by
Theod. Cf. note on v. 6 supra. Verse 25 is
also wanting in the LXX. Cf. Deut. vi. 13 ;
Matt. iv. 10; Dan. vi. 20, 26 ("living god") ;
1 Thess. i. 9.

26. give me leave."] " Leave " is e^ovaUi,
" delegated authority," as in N. T. of the
authority Christ received from His Father.
For "slay" (AnoKrepu) the LXX. has "take
off," " get rid of " (aveAw) ; and for " sword "
(naxalpas), "iron" (criS^pou), which in Job v.
20 renders 2"in, " sword ; " cf. ferrum. For
the combination " sword or staff," cf. 1 Sam.
xvii. 40, 43, 45, 47 ; Matt. xxvi. 47, 55.

I give thee leave.] Ai'Sco/zi croi, scil. i^ovo-lav.
LXX., " And the king yielded to him (<rwe-
X&prio-fv civtco), and said to him, It is given
thee " (Se'SoTai croi).

27. pitch.] LXX., "of pitch thirty minas."
The fj-va. was originally a Babylonian weight
— the mana of the inscriptions, and the rO'O,

maneh, of the Bible. Cf. 1 Mace. xiv. 24.
Theod. omits the weight, probably because
it seemed too large a dose ; but then the
" dragon " is conceived as large.

lumps.] pd£as. Cod. Chis. pd£av; Vulg.,
massas. The Gk. term means " cakes "
(Arist., 'Knights,' 55). Trommius cites the
present passage only. The Syr. texts have a
Syriacized form of o-cpalpas, i.e. " round
cakes." Syr. W. adds : " and the dragon
swallowed them." According to Josippon
ben Gorion, Daniel fastened a number of iron
combs together, back to back, and baited the
teeth with lumps of flesh and fat, smearing
the parts of them that remained visible with
pitch and sulphur, to hide them. This mass
he threw into the mouth of the dragon, which
swallowed it ; and when the bait had dissolved,
the iron teeth pierced its stomach, and the
creature died miserably on the following day.
This may represent an older, as it certainly is
a more reasonable, form of the story.
"Lumps of pitch and fat and hair" would
not make an animal " burst," though they
might perhaps choke it.

Lo, these are the gods ye worship.] 18ere to.
a^dap-ara vpcbv, " behold ye your deities ! "
(objects of reverence and worship) : cf. Acts
xvii. 23 ; Wisdom xiv. 20, xv. 17. The LXX.
has : " And he shewed him to the king, saying,
Is it not these things (such helpless, crazy
objects) that ye worship, O king:" A stinging
question (ou ravra o-e/3eo-#e ; nonne haec vene-
ramini ?). The plural generalizes the term ;
and this remark applies to Theodotion's i'dere.
Or we may explain, " Behold, thou and thy
people ! " TSf, l§ov are therefore needless
corrections. Syr. W. : " O Babylonians ! "

28. When they of Babylon.] " And it came
to pass, when the Babylonians heard, they
were sore displeased {}]yavaKTr]o-av Xiau : cf.
Wisdom xii. 27), and they conspired . . .
(o-vveo-rpcKprio-iiv, " united," " clubbed to-
gether," 2 Kings ix. 14, xxi. 23 ; Thucyd. iv.
68, vhi. 54) and said." LXX. : " and they of
the country (o! and rrjy xcopay) came together
all against Daniel and said."

BEL AND THE DRAGON.

[v. 29—32.

conspired against the king, saying,
The king is become a Jew, and he
hath destroyed Bel, he hath slain the
dragon, and put the priests to death.

29 So they came to the king, and
said, Deliver us Daniel, or else we
will destroy thee and thine house.

30 Now when the king saw that

they pressed him sore, being
strained, he ^delivered Daniel
them :

31 Who cast him into the
den : where he was six days.

32 And in the den there
seven lions, and they had given them
every day "two carcases, and

con-

UlltO *Dan.6.

16.
lions'

were

LWO slaves.

The king is become a Jew.] So Syr. The
context is against Grotius' rendering, " A Jew
has become king " (he strikes out the article).
The saying put into the mouth of the people
is perfectly just and suited to the supposed
circumstances. For " Jew," cf. Dan. iii. 12 ;
2 Kings xxv. 25; Esth. viii. 17 (lovScnfw,
Judaizo, "trpnn). " Destroyed" is KaTfo-rraae,
"dragged down" (2 Kings x. 27 ; 2 Chron.
xxiii. 17). The LXX. has Kareo-Tpetye, as in
v. 22.

and put the priests to death.] Kareo-cpa^e,
" slaughtered " them. The clause is suitably-
added by Theod.

29. destroy thee and thine house.'] " Kill thee
and thy family." The LXX. text of the verse is :
" And the king seeing that the mob (6'^Xoy)
of the country had come together against him
(eV abrov, against Daniel), called his fellow-
livers and said, I give Daniel unto destruc-
tion " (8(So)/xt rov A. (Is cnrvhfiav. Ezek. xxix.
10, xxxii. 15: cf. Dan. ii. 5, iii. 29). We
have to think of a popular rising ; but even
so, the menace addressed to the Great King
hardly appears probable when we remember
the strength of Oriental despotism. The
Haggadist is profoundly unconscious of the
absurdity of supposing that the recently sub-
jugated Babylonians could venture thus to
threaten their conqueror.

30. Now when the king.] With the king's
unwillingness to sacrifice Daniel, cf. Dan. vi.
14, 15. The verse is added by Theod. The
LXX. continues : " Now there was a den (An/c-
kos, " pit ; " 3J, Dan. vi. 8, &c.) in which seven
lions were kept (Dan. iv. 12), unto which
they that plotted against the king (ol tTriftovKoi
rov /3acnA«W) used to be delivered up, and
there were provided (ex°l:"iye Wo, Judith xii. 2)
for them day by day of the condemned (row
<=Tn6avaTi(x>v, Dionys. Hal. vii. 35) two bodies "
(o-a)fiuTa. The term need not denote
" corpse." It is used for the " living body,"
"person," "human being," and in later usage
for " slave." Cf. Gen. xxxvi. 6 ; Tob. x. 10 ;
Rev. xviii. 13 : Polyb. xii. 16. 5).

The number seven is noticeable, as also
the reference to " plotters against the king."
Here as elsewhere it would be easy to decide
in favour of the priority and higher originality

of the LXX. text, even in the absence of
external evidence.

31. Who . . . where.'] " But they . . . and he
was there." As to the lions' " den," Fritzsche
observes that in Dan. vi. it is a mere cistern,
whereas here it is a proper den or vivarium,
into which people looked down from above.
We fail to see the difference he suggests.
Both accounts seem to indicate a partly sub-
terranean chamber; and it is certainly difficult
to understand how lions could live for any
length of time under such cramped conditions
as Dan. vi. 1 7 implies. LXX. : " And the
throngs (ol 0x^.01) cast Daniel into that pit, in
order that he might be devoured, and might
not even meet with burial." The last par-
ticular, omitted by Theod., is important in
several respects. The ancients generally
considered the lack of customary obsequies
to be the greatest calamity and dishonour.
(Cf. the plot of Sophocles' ' Antigone;' and
Horace, ' Carm.' 1. xxviii. See also 2 Mace,
xiii. 7 ; ix. 15.) In the latter place it is said
of Antiochus Epiphanes that he had not
judged the Jews worthy of burial, but " to be
cast out with their children to be devoured of
the fowls and wild beasts." Dr. Neubauer,
in the preface to his ' Book of Tobit,' men-
tions " the frequent and strange allusion to a
secret burial of dead men, the special demand
of Tobi to bury him and his wife in honour,
the lamentation of Sarah that she had no one
to bury her parents," as special phenomena of
that beautiful story, whence he concludes that
it belongs to a time when the Jews were
prohibited from practising their peculiar rites
of burial. We agree with this, though we
cannot accept the date which, after Griitz, he
assigns to the work in question. But we
think that we may in like manner conclude
from the present indication, taken along with
2 Mace. ix. 15, that this story of Bel and the
Dragon belongs to the times following upon
the persecution of Antiochus Epiphanes.

six days.] On the occasion Dan. vi. 19, he
" continued not in the pit save one night," as
the Midrash remarks. (See Introd.)

32. every day.] rrjv Tipepav, an unusual
expression. Properly " during the day," i.e.
during each day, the article being distributive
in sense.

33— 4i-]

BEL AND THE DRAGON.

359

r, sod.

zek.

sheep : which then were not given to
them, to the intent they might devour
Daniel.

33 Now there was in Jewry a
prophet, called Habbacuc, who had
11 made pottage, and had broken bread
in a bowl, and was going into the
field, for to bring it to the reapers.

34 But the angel of the Lord said
unto Habbacuc, Go, carry the dinner
that thou hast into Babylon unto
Daniel, who is in the lions' den.

35 And Habbacuc said, Lord, I
never saw Babylon ; neither do I
know where the den is.

36 Then the angel of the Lord
took him by the crown, and cbare
him by the hair of his head, and

17. 4.

through the vehemency of his spirit
set him in Babylon over the den.

37 And Habbacuc cried, saying,
O Daniel, Daniel, '''take the dinner a 1 Kings
which God hath sent thee.

38 And Daniel said, Thou hast
remembered me, O God : neither
hast thou forsaken them that seek
thee and love thee.

39 So Daniel arose, and did eat :
and the angel of the Lord set Hab-
bacuc in his own place again imme-
diately.

40 Upon the seventh day the king
went to bewail Daniel : and when he
came to the den, he looked in, and,
behold, Daniel was sitting.

41 Then cried the king with a

two carcases.'] " Bodies," " persons ; " per-
haps condemned criminals or slaves : cf. Rev.
xviii. 13.

which then were not given.'] This aggrava-
tion of the lions' natural ferocity reminds us
of the sevenfold heating of the furnace above
what was requisite (Dan. iii. 19).

33. Now there was . . .] Lit. "and
Habakkuk (Gk. Ambakouni) the prophet was
in Judea, and he had seethed a seething "
(Tj\j/i]o-ev e\^€/nn, Gen. xxv. 2952 Kings iv. 38 ;
Hagg. ii. 12). LXX., Syr. H. : "And it
came to pass on the sixth day that Habakkuk
had loaves (so Theod. /iprovs) broken (eirf-
0pv/j.fxevovs, " crumbled ; " the proper word
for making sop) in a bowl, in a seething
(eV e\j/rjiJ.aTi\ and a jar (o-rduvos, Arist.
' Plut.' 545 : 1 Kings xiv. 3) of wine min-
gled, and was going into the field unto
the reapers."

34. the angel of the Lord.] This is right,
though the Gk. is ayyeXos Kvpiov, for that

expression = nin'' "|K?D. Susanna 42. As
to "dinner" — apio-rov — see Susanna 13, note.
LXX. : " And the angel of the Lord spake
unto Habakkuk, saying, Thus saith the Lord
God unto thee," &c. ; and in the next verse
Habakkuk replies, " Lord God."

36. through the -vehemency of his spirit.] iv
ru> poi(a> roii Trvevparos avrov. Cf. Ezek. xlvii.
5 ; Wisdom v. 1 r ; for polios, which may
mean any whistling or rushing sound, as of
arrows, wings, winds, &c. ; and (2) a rushing
motion, rush. Syr. W. and Midrash Bereshith
Rabba: " in the might of the Holy Ghost;"
but the Vulg. comes nearer, in impetu spiritus

sui. The reference is to the swiftness of the
angel's panting flight. Cf. Dan. ix. 21 ; Ezek.
viii. 3 : " And he put forth the form of an
hand, and took me by a lock of mine head ;
and a spirit (or a wind) lifted me up between
the earth and the heaven, and brought me in
the visions of God to Jerusalem." LXX.:
" And the angel of the Lord having laid hold
of him, to wit, of Habakkuk, by the hair of
his head, set him over the den in Babylon."
Cf. 1 Kings xviii. 12; 2 Kings ii. 11, 16;
Ezek. iii. 12, 14; Acts viii. 39 : "The Spirit
of the Lord caught away Philip," where
Cod. A has "an angel of the Lord." Ps.
civ. 4.

37, 38. LXX., Syr. H.: "And Habakkuk
said unto Daniel, Arise and eat the dinner
which the Lord God hath sent thee. And
Daniel said, Yea, for the Lord God, who
forsaketh not them that love him, hath
remembered me " {ipv^adrj yap. So Theod.
ipvf]o-8r]s yap. Cf. 1 Thess. ii. 20).

39. LXX., Syr. H. : " And Daniel did eat.
But the angel of the Lord conducted (xari-
o-Trjo-e, Acts xvii. 15) Habakkuk (to the place)
whence he took him, on the same day : but
the Lord God remembered Daniel."

set . . . again.] direKaTto-TTjcre, "restored,"
"carried back" (Jer. xvi. 15; Gen. xxix. 3 ;
Judith vi. 10).

40, 41. LXX. : " But the king went forth
afterthese things, bewailing Daniel, and having
stooped down to peep into the pit (iyKi>\j/as
els . . .) he seeth him sitting." Cf. Dan.
vi. 26. Syr. W. omits the last clause of v.
41.

36°

BEL AND THE DRAGON.

[v. 42.

s Jer- 37-

*7-

/ Dan. 6.

24.

loud voice, saying, Great art thou, O
Lord God of Daniel, and there is
none other beside thee.

42 e And he drew him out, -^and

cast those that were the7 cause of
his destruction into the den : and
they were devoured in a moment
before his face.

42. drew him out. .] "up" — avecnrao-ev. So
Syr. W. ; but LXX., Syr. H. : " And the king
brought Daniel forth out of the pit."

before his face.] I.e. Daniel's. See LXX. :
" And those that were the cause of his de-
struction he cast into the pit before Daniel,
and they were devoured." Cf. Dan. vi. 24.
The Vulgate adds: Tunc rex ait: Paveant
omnes habitantes in universa terra Deitm

Danielis : quia ipse est sah'ator, faciens signa
et mirabilia in terra ; qui Uberavit Danielem
de lacu leonum. This conclusion, borrowed
from Dan. vi. 26, 27, fitly expresses the
moral of both stories — a moral of which the
sterling value is not sensibly diminished by
the historical improbability of a Median or
Persian monarch decreeing universal homage
to the God of Israel.

THE

PRAYER OF MANASSES.

: rrntrn ^yn bv \nrt> naiio n"ny!? p^n i1? ps ns^J» imxn i?3 priv tx

" Said R. Johanan : Whoso saith, ' Manasseh hath no part in the world to come,' discourageth
the penitent." — Sanlmir. 103 A, line I.

IN 2 Chron. xxxiii. 1 seq. we are told
that Manasseh, the son and successor
of Hezekiah, king of Judah, zealously-
restored the polytheism abolished by his
father, even setting up " the graven
image of the idol which he had made in
the house of God" at Jerusalem (v. 7).
" And the Lord spake to Manasseh and
to his people [by prophets] ; but they
would not hearken. Wherefore the Lord
brought upon them the captains of the
host of the king of Assyria, which took
Manasseh with the hooks [Amos iv. 2 ;
Isa. xxxvii. 29], and bound him with the
double chain of copper, and carried him
to Babylon. And when he was in afflic-
tion, he besought the Lord his God, and
humbled himself greatly before the God
of his fathers, and prayed unto him : and
he vouchsafed him grace, and heard his
supplication, and brought him again to
Jerusalem into his kingdom. Then
Manasseh knew that the Lord he was
Go<l" {vv. 10-13). The narrative then
describes the amends made by the re-
stored sovereign, and concludes with an
explicit reference to the sources of the
story : " Now the rest of the history of
Manasseh, and his prayer unto his God,
and the words of the seers that spake
to him in the name of the Lord God of
Israel, behold, they are written in the
History of the Kings of Israel. And his
prayer, and the grace vouchsafed him,
and all his sin and his treachery (to God),
and the places wherein he built high
places, and set up the Asherim and the
graven images, before he was humbled :
behold, they are written in the History of
the Seers " [or Hozai = Hozaiah ; a par-
ticular seer. In any case a section of the
great History of the Kings of Israel].
Eminent scholars and critics, like De

Wette, Graf, and Noldeke, * have
thrown suspicion upon this account.
basing their objections partly on the
silence of the Book of Kings, and partly
upon supposed internal evidence. The
former argument is hardly worth noticing.
As to the latter, it was asserted that his-
tory was against the implied supremacy
of Assyria in Western Asia at the period
in question (the first half of the 7th cent.
B.C.) ; exception was taken to the state-
ment that the officers of an Assyrian
king had carried their captive to Babylon,
and not to Nineveh, the Assyrian capital ;
and, apart from these supposed errors of
fact, it was declared to be wholly impro-
bable that Manasseh should first have
been loaded with chains and treated with
such indignity as the text represents, and
then restored to his former kingly state.
But these difficulties, which used to be
asserted with such confidence by assail-
ants of the Chronicler's historical vera-
city, have disappeared in the light
unexpectedly contributed by cuneiform
discovery. We now know that Ashiira-
hiddin (Esarhaddon), the son of Sana-
hirib or Sennacherib, king of Assyria
(681-668 B.C.), rebuilt Babylon, which his
father had razed to the ground (b.c. 691),
and held his court there during six
months of the year.2 Further than this,
" Manasseh, king of the land (or city) of
Judah "—Menasi {Minse) shar mat (or at)
Ya'udi — is actually mentioned in a list of
twenty-two kings of Phoenicia-Palestine
and Cyprus, who, as vassals of Esar-

1 See Schenkel's ' Bibellexicon,' s. v. Manass.
According to Noldeke, the story is an edifying
fiction, intended to moderate the impression
produced by the otherwise unbroken prosperity
of so wicked a king.

- Vid. Sayce, 'Herod.' App. ii. p. 382.

362

INTRODUCTION TO

haddon, contributed materials for the
building of his palace at Nineveh.1
Professor Sayce thinks that it was Esar-
haddon who had Manasseh conveyed as
a prisoner to Babylon, after crushing his
revolt.2 But the inscription referred to,
as Schrader observes, says nothing of any
rebellion in Palestine ; and, upon the
whole, it appears more probable that
Manasseh either participated, or was sus-
pected of participating, in the general
rising of Shamash-shwn-ukhi, viceroy of
Babylon and brother of Ashurbanapli
(Assurbanipal), the son and successor of
Esarhaddon, arc. 648 B.C. Assurbanipal
himself informs us that not only Elam,
Guti, and Meluhhe (Meroe or Ethiopia),
but also mat Al/arri, " the land of the
west," or Phoenicia-Palestine, was impli-
cated in this revolt.3 After the overthrow
of Shamash-shum-ukin (Gk. Saosduchinos
or Sammughes), and the assumption by
Ashurbanapli of the Babylonian sceptre,
it is natural to suppose that the Great
King sometimes resided at his second
capital, and that on one of these occasions
Manasseh was brought in chains before
him, to answer the charges laid against
him. The inscriptions expressly state
that Ashurbanapli received a Cypriote
embassy at Babylon after his victory.

The last objection of the critics is met
by an exactly parallel case. In Smith's
' Abp.' 43, 45, we read : " Shar-ludari
(and) Nlku they seized ; with bands of
iron, (and) fetters of iron, they made
fast (their; hands and feet." Afterwards,
when Niku (Necho) had been carried
thus to Nineveh, Ashurbanapli " granted
him grace," and allowed him to return
to his vassal- kingdom of Sais and Mem-
phis in Egypt. Schrader supposes that
Manasseh was taken to Babylon in the
year 647 b.c.4

Assuming, then, as we are fully entitled
to do, the good faith of the Chronicler, it
is evident from the references in 2 Chron.
xxxiii. 18, 19, that a Prayer of Manasseh,

1 See ' The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western
Asia,' vol. i. 47. 5, 11 ; vol. iii. 16. 12 sqq. ; —
and Mr. E. A. Budge's 'Hist, of Esarhaddon,'
pp. 78, 102 sqq.

2 ' Fresh Light from the Ancient Monuments,'
p. 152.

3 Smith's 'Abp.' 154. 33 sqq.

4 Vid. ' Die Keilinschr. und das Alt. Test.'
2nd edit., pp. 369-372.

written in Hebrew, lay before that
writer ; and we may perhaps venture
to add that there is nothing in the form
or substance of the prayer before us
which can fairly be alleged against the
possibility of its having been ultimately
derived from that lost Hebrew original.
The ancient Church believed the prayer
to be authentic, and read it with other
Scriptures. Fritzsche, however, declares
that though the Greek style of the piece
is Hebraizing (liebraisirende), it is evi-
dently not a translation. He consi-
ders the prayer to be a later production
based upon the story in Chronicles, and
in this respect to be classed in the same
category with the Additions to Esther,
ch. ii.-iv. 6, and the Addition to Dan.
iii. 23 (Prayer of Azarias and Song of
the Three Children). We hesitate to
accept Fritzsche's dictum on this point
without reserve : for although the Greek
proves the writer to have possessed a fair
command of that language, such profi-
ciency as it evinces was not impossible to
an Hellenistic Jew; and the writer may
have taken pains to soften down the
harshness of a baldly literal version.
Besides, it seems unlikely that so short a
piece should have survived for so long a
period as Fritzsche allows, if it had from
the first stood isolated, as it stands at
present, from any historical context. We
incline to think that the Greek is a free
translation from some lost Haggadic nar-
rative, which was itself perhaps founded
upon the older document from which the
Chronicler derived his peculiar details of
the history of Manasseh. Fritzsche him-
self has given certain references to
Jewish and Christian sources, to which
we may add one or two others from the
Talmud, which seem to indicate the
former existence of a more copious and
in part legendary account of Manasseh's
captivity and deliverance. In the ' Apos-
tolical Constitutions,' ii. 22— the earliest
known citation of the Prayer — it is given
with the addition : " And the Lord
hearkened to his voice, and there became
about him a flame of fire, and all the
irons about him melted/' In S. John
Damascene l we read : " Scholion. It is
related in [Julius] Africanus that while
Manasseh was saying a psalm [woV/v,
1 ' Parall.' ii. 15 (Opp. ii. p. 463).

THE PRAYER OF MANASSES.

)°0

i.e. his Prayer], his bonds, though of iron,
burst asunder, and he escaped." Ana-
stasius in Ps. vi. writes : " The ancient
historiographers affirm that Manasseh,
the king of Israel, when carried away by
the Chaldeans, in Babylon of Persis was
confined in a brazen figure [KareKXttcrOi]
et§ £w8lov xclXkovv — like the Bull of
Phalarisj, by the king of the Persians,
and being within, in such a figure, he
prayed with tears."1 Suidas (from Ce-
drenus), s. v. Mavao-cn}? : " Wherefore . . .
by Merodach [Mardug, the tutelar god
of Babyhm\ he was carried away captive
in bonds to the city of Nineveh [the As-
syrian capital : vid. sufira\ and was shut
into the Brazen Statue [k. h to xaA.KoiV

ayaA/xa KaOetp^Or]'] ... he besought

the Lord . . . and the statue by di-
vine power burst asunder, &c. . . . But
to him bound, being in prison in brazen
fetters in Babylon, they used to give
scant bread made of bran, and a little
water with poor wine measured out (o-vv
6'fci /xerp^Tw), to keep him alive, and no
more. [This last sentence occurs also
in the ' Apost. Constit.'] And then he
prayed to the Lord, ' O Lord Almighty,' "
&c. (See Targum, 2 Chron. xxxiii. n.)2
In the Talmud, Manasseh is adduced as
a gross example of the scoffer, the idolater,
the unclean person, and as an extreme
case of the value of penitence. Sanhedrin,
99 b : " Our Rabbis have taught (Num.
xv. 30), 'And the soul that dealeth with
a high hand' — This is Manasseh, son of
Hezekiah, who was sitting and delivering
offensive expositions. He said : ' What !
had Moses nothing else to write but
(Gen. xxxvi. 22) "And the sister of
Lotan was Timna, and Timna was con-
cubine to Eliphaz;" (or Gen. xxx. 14)
" And Reuben went in the days of wheat
harvest, and found mandrakes in the
field " ? ' Came forth the Bath Qol, and
said unto him : ' Thou sittest, against
thy brother thou speakest ; against thy
mother's son thou utterest offence.
These things thou hast done,' &c. (Ps. 1.
20, 21). And of him is interpreted by
tradition, ' Woe unto them that draw ini-

1 Canisius, ' Thesaur. Monum.' ed. Basnage,
i. 495, date 1725.

2 Translated at the end of the commentary.
See also Fabricius, ' Bibliotheca Graeca,' ed.
Harless, iii. p. 733, hh.

quity with cords of vanity,' &c. (Isa. v.
18)." See also Sank. 103 b. : "Our
Rabbis have taught that Manasseh made
fifty and five changes in the Law of the
Priests, according to the years of his
reign." [Rashi explains : " He innovated
in the Book of Leviticus every year,
and expounded it captiously" — itnm

A few lines below, 2 Kings xxi. 16 is
quoted, with the remark, " This they in-
terpret of his having killed Isaiah."
Further on it is said that Rabbi
Johanan explained the "graven image"
and "graven images" of 2 Chron. xxxiii.
7, 19, in this wise : "At first he made
for it (the idol) one face, and in the
end he made for it four faces, that the
Shekhina might see and be provoked."
" Manasseh erased the Azkarbth [the
Divine Name, mrp, wherever it was
written], and overturned the Altar."
" Manasseh went in unto his own sister."

The manner of Isaiah's death is de-
scribed, Jeba77ioth, 49 B.

According to Rabbi Aha bar Ame,
the fire that came down from heaven
in Solomon's days was not withdrawn

[np'priDJ X1?] from the Brazen Altar
until Manasseh came. Then it departed.
In Sanhedr. 103 a, line 3, it is gathered
from comparison of 2 Kings xxi. 1, 3,
with 1 Kings xvi. 29, that " Manasseh
wrought repentance thirty-three years."
It is added that, according to R. Joha-
nan, the Lord " made a kind of aperture
[mnno] in the firmament, in order to
receive him in repentance, because of the
Property of Justice " [pnn nT» *3S»] :
in other words, the Property of Mercy
could only be indulged surreptitiously, in
the case of so flagrant a sinner. The
argument turns on the substitution of

<h iniT'l, " and he made a hole for

him," for )b injn, "and he vouch-
safed him grace" (2 Chron. xxxiii. 13).

Lastly, in Sanhedr. 101 A, we read
the following story : " Our Rabbis have
taught that when R. Ehezer was sick,
four Elders went in to visit him, viz. R.
Tarphon and R. Joshua and R. Eliezer
ben Azariah and R. Aqiba. Answered
R. Tarphon and said : ' Better art thou
to Israel than a drop of rain, which is
a drop of rain in this world ; but Rabbi

364

INTRODUCTION TO

(is better) in this world and in the world
to come.' Answered R. Joshua and
said : ' Better art thou to Israel than the
sun's orb, which is such in this world, but
Rabbi (is better) in this world and in the
world to come.' Answered R. E. ben
Azariah and said : ' Better art thou to
Israel than father and mother, who are
father and mother in this world, but
Rabbi,' &c. Answered B. Aqiba and
said : ' Brecious are chastisements.' (The
sick Rabbi) said to them, ' Brop me up,
that I may listen to the words of my dis-
ciple Aqiba, who hath said, Brecious are
chastisements.' Aqiba said unto him :
' How can you prove that saying ? ' He
said, ' I explain the text (2 Kings xxi. 1)
" Manasseh was twelve years old when he
began to reign, and he reigned fifty-five
years in Jerusalem. And he did the Evil
in the eyes of the Lord :" and the Scrip-
ture (Brov. xxv. 1): "These are also
Broverbs of Solomon, which the men of
Hezekiah, king of Judah, copied out."
Could Hezekiah teach the Law to all the
world universally, and fail to teach the
Law to Manasseh his son ? but after all
the pains he took with him, and after all
the labour he bestowed on him, nothing
brought him to well-doing, but chastise-
ments : as it is said (2 Chron. xxxiii.
10-13), " And the Lord spake to
Manasseh . . . And when he was in
affliction, he besought the Lord, &c.
Then Manasseh knew that the Lord he
was God." There ! Thou hast learned
that chastisements are precious.' "

I am tempted to translate what imme-
diately follows this story. " Our Rabbis
have taught, Three are they who came

(before God) with cunning (rMjn IKl) :

they are Cain, Esau, and Manasseh.
Cain, as it is written (Gen. iv. 13), ' My
sin is too great for pardon.' Quoth he,
before the Lord of the World, 'What ! is
my sin greater than that of the 600,000
who will hereafter sin before Thee, and
Thou wilt pardon them ? ' Esau, as it is
written (Gen. xxvii. 38), ' Hast thou but
one blessing, my father ? ' Manasseh at
first called upon many gods, and at last
called upon the God of his fathers."
[Rashi : " He said, ' If thou save me not,
what doth it profit me that I have called
on thee, more than the other gods?'"]

This passage contradicts others, in that
it implies that Manasseh did not really
repent, but prevailed upon God by chal-
lenging His superiority to idols.

Some of the added details in these
passages (Manasseh's incest, his cavilling
at Scripture, murder of Isaiah, &c),
taken along with those from the Greek
writers cited above, appear to strengthen
the supposition of the former existence
of a Haggadic legend or group of legends
about Manasseh, with which the Brayer
before us may have been connected.
However this may be, the Brayer is cer-
tainly the work of a Jew, and belongs,
not as Bertholdt supposed, to the 2nd or
3rd cent, a.d., but to a much earlier
period. The ideas throughout are Jewish,
and the same may be said of the dis-
tinctive form, which is that of a Hebrew
Tephillah. As a psalm of penitence, it
might perhaps have been composed in
the stirring times of the Maccabean
revolt, to which other portions of the
so-called Apocrypha belong. In those
trying times the Brayer would obviously
suggest that the sincere penitence and
trust in Jehovah which had been so
effectual for Manasseh's deliverance might
again prove similarly effective to the de-
liverance of the nation. Fritzsche refers
the Brayer to about this period. Dr.
Bissell follows him, asserting that " there
are no traces whatever of its being a
translation." Berhaps not, if we conclude
thus from the absence of awkward and
clumsy expressions, and obvious mis-
understandings of Hebrew terms and
phrases, such as may be pointed out in
other Apocryphal texts ; and from the
presence of participial constructions, and
the use of certain particles, which are not
common in highly Hebraized Greek.
But all this, as we have said, may only
prove that the possible translator knew
both languages well. Fiirst believes the
Brayer to be aversion of the lost Hebrew
original ; and Ewald thinks it not im-
possible that it is a survival from the
nin nm (2 Chron. xxxiii. 19). Bert-
holdt, on the other hand, found proof of
its late origin in the exaggerated idea
it expresses of the merits of the Three
Batriarchs, and in such non-biblical
phrases as 6 #eos twv SikcuW and 0eos rw
IxeTavoovvTwv. It is true that the first of

THE PRAYER OF MANASSES.

365

these conceptions is peculiarly charac-
teristic of Rabbinism. Yet the later
Jewish theology, in laying such stress
upon the merits of the Fathers, built at
least upon a biblical foundation. Such
a passage as Exod. xxxii. 13, where
Moses prays, " Remember Abraham,
Isaac, and Israel, thy servants," might
easily suggest, taken along with its con-
text, that the merits of the Patriarchs
could avail for their posterity. Even the
self-revelation of God as "the God of
your fathers, the God of Abraham," &c.
(Exod. iii. 6) might be so understood ;
and the conception would be further
strengthened by such passages as Gen.
xviii. 26 sqq., xix. 29 ; 1 Kings xi. 12;
Isa. xxxvii. 35, xli. 8, li. 1, 2 ; Ezek. xiv.
14, 20; Ps. cxxxii. 1, 10; 2 Chron. xx.
7. Anyone who remembers the fre-
quent and emphatic assertions of personal
integrity made in the Psalms, and such
passages as Gen. vi. 9, xvii. 1 (cited in
the Talmud Ncdarim, 32 a ; Sanhedr. 1 08
a; Erubtn, 18 b), will hardly be much
surprised at the Rabbinical inference of
the sinlessness of the three patriarchs,
and other great personages of antiquity,
such as Moses and Aaron (S/iabbath, 55
b), David and Solomon, and even others
of less worthy fame (S/iabbath, 55 b, 56).
Cf. also Baba Bathra, 17 a, where it is
declared that the jnn ~iV, or innate in-
clination to evil, had no power over
Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob.

As for the other two phrases, although
neither occurs in the O. T., it would be
easy to shew that each merely formulates
■O. T. ideas. The Psalmists constantly
base their appeals for Divine help on the
ground that the righteous God cannot
but favour the righteous, and frown upon
the wicked. In their thought, and almost
in their words, Jehovah is emphatically
■" the God of the righteous."

Similar remarks would apply to the
-second phrase ; a fact which was fully
perceived by Rabbi Johanan when he

said {Berach. 34 b) : ab ^13 BW33TI ^3

fttlSMl ^>jnb t6x IKMFU. "All the pro-
phets prophesied not but with reference
to penitents." Cf. the Penitential
Psalms, and Isa. lvii. 15, lxvi. 2, among
a host of other passages.

Clearly, then, the internal evidence of

the Prayer does not necessitate the late
origin supposed by Bertholdt. The fact
that ' Apost. Constit' ii. 22 contains the
earliest citation of it led J. A. Fabricius
to conjecture that the author of that
work was the author of the Prayer. But,
as already observed, the writer of the
Prayer was a Jew, not a Christian ; and
the text as given in the 'Apost. Constit.,'
though mostly conciding with that of the
biblical MSS., is inferior in one or two
places (ed. P. A. Delagarde, Lipsiae —
Londinii 1862).

A Hebrew version from the Greek
may be seen in Wolfs ' Bibl. Hebr.' i.

778.

The usual position of the Prayer in

Greek MSS. is among the Hymns ap-
pended to the Book of Psalms ; it is so,
for instance, in the Codex Alexandrinus,
in the Zurich Psalter, and in the Ethiopic
version of the Psalms edited by J. Ludolf
(Frankfort, 1701, 4to). The Prayer is
also given in the Ethiopic version of the
' Apostolical Constitutions,' which was
made from the Greek (ed. Thomas Pell
Piatt. London, 1834). Its genuine
worth, as being no mere cento of scriptural
phrases, but an original composition in
the manner of the Penitential and Sup-
plicatory Psalms, would naturally lead to
its adoption into liturgical use, and its
transference from the original setting to
the appendix to the Psalter. Since the
Council of Trent, it has been relegated
along with 3 and 4 Esdras to the end of
the Vulgate. In my copy (Paris, i860)
it is given after some indexes, with a
prefatory note that, though excluded from
the Canon by the Council of Trent, it
and the two Books of Esdras are here
added, "lest they should become al-
together lost; inasmuch as they are
occasionally cited by some Fathers, and
are found in some Latin MSS. of the
Bible, as well as printed copies."

The common Greek text is good, and
is supported by the well-executed Latin
version, which, as not due to S. Jerome,
may be designated Old Lat., though it
is later than and superior to that version
elsewhere. There are, besides, Arabic
MSS. of the ' Apostolical Constitutions '
containing the Prayer. Vid. the cata-
logues of the British Museum and the
Bodleian Library.

THE

PRAYER OF MANASSES

KING OF JUDAH,

When he was holden captive in Babylon.

B.C.
cir. 676.

OLORD, Almighty God of our
fathers, Abraham, Isaac, and
Jacob, and of their righteous seed ;
who hast made heaven and earth,

with all the ornament thereof; who
hast bound the sea by the word
thy commandment ; who hast shut
up the deep, and sealed it by thy

B.C.

c cir. 676^

or —

In the Greek the heading is " Prayer of
Manasses, son of Ezekias."

0 Lord, Almighty God, <&>Y.J The stop-
ping is wrong. The comma should follow
the word "Almighty." The words "O
Lord, Almighty, &c. . . . importable" con-
stitute the opening address or invocation of
the prayer. (The following "but " should be
cancelled.) "Lord Almighty" is the Gk.
equivalent of Iahn.veh Sabaotb. Cod. III. adds
iirovpavu, " Heavenly One ! " Cf. Dan. iv.
23. The term renders " Shaddai," Ps. lxviii.
14; cf. also Matt, xviii. 35. The "fathers"
are named, because their merits were and are
supposed by Jews to be efficacious for their
descendants.

and of their righteous seed.'] An advanced
theological idea, according to which Jehovah
is not the God of the Jews in general, but
only of the righteous remnant. Below, He is
addressed as." God of the just" or "righte-
ous." Cf. also Rom. ix. 6-8 ; Ecclus. x. 19.

ivith all the ornament thereof?^ Gk. avv

7TLIVTI TO) KO(TfXO) aVTtitV,

" with all the order of

them;" an equivalent of the Heb. "with all
the host of them" (Gen. ii. 1). KoV/xo? re-
presents X2V, the ordered host of heaven
(i.e. the stars) in Deut. iv. 19, xvii. 3; Isa.
xxiv. 21, xl. 26. The Ethiopic has "world,"
which indicates a Greek original.

who hast bound the sea.] Or, "fettered,"
Job xxxvi. 8 ("IDX). It was done with a
mere word: Job xxxviii. 8-1 1 ; Gen. i. 9
(Ps. civ. 9). Ethiopic : " rebuked."

the deep.] ttjv ilj3v(raov = Dinn (Gen. i. 2,
vii. 11, viii. 2). The Gk. term seems to
answer to the Assyrian Apsu, as Dinn to Assyr.
Tidmtii" or Tidmat. According to the
Heb. conception, the earth rests on the fa-
thomless deep : see Ps. xxiv. 2, xxxiii. 7,
cxxxvi. 6 ; Job xxxviii. 6. The " sealing " of
the deep signifies that its bounds are firmly

secured, or inviolable. Cf. Rev. xx. 3, " Cast
him into the bottomless pit (ttjv afSvo-crov) and
shut him up, and set a seal upon him ;" Dan.
vi. 17; Matt, xxvii. 66; Bel 14; Job ix. 7,
" which commandeth the sun, and it riseth
not ; and sealeth up the stars." God sealed
up the deep " with his terrible and glorious
name;" in connexion with which, it may be
remembered that a magical efficacy was at-
tributed by the later Jews to the Divine
Name or Tetragrammaton (nirp)- Solomon
especially was credited with working many
wonders by means of it. His seal was graven
with the Ineffable Name. In the Talmud
{Gittin, 68 A) it is said that Ashmedai (Zend.
Aeshmadaeva),the king of the demons (*TE5>),
lived on a mountain, where was a well full of
water, which was covered with a stone and
sealed with his seal. " And every day he
goeth up to the firmament. And the session
(school) of the firmament endeth, and he
comes down to the earth. And the session of
the earth endeth, and he cometh and in-
spected his seal, and uncovereth it, and
drinketh, and covereth it, and sealeth it, and
departeth." Solomon having obtained this
information from demons, " sent Benaiah ben
Jehoiada, having given him a chain whereon
was engraven the name, and a seal-ring
(Snpty) whereon was engraven the Name, and
fleeces of wool, and skins of wine. He went
and digged a cistern below, poured into it
water, and concealed it with the fleeces of
wool ; and he dug a cistern above, and poured
into it wine, and hid it. Then he went up
and sat in the tree. When he (the demon)
came, he inspected the seal, removed it, found
the wine, said : It is written, ' Wine is a
mocker,' &c, and it is written, ' Whoredom,
wine, and new wine take away the heart :' I
will not drink, for my thirst is not great. He
drank, became drunk, and fell asleep. Benaiah
came down (from the tree), and went and
threw upon him the chain and sealed it.

PRAYER OF MANASSES.

367

B.C.
cir. 676.

B.C.

terrible and glorious name ; whom is unmeasurable and unsearchable ;

all men fear, and tremble before for thou art the most high Lord, "of cir' 6?c'

thy power; for the majesty of thy great compassion, long-suffering, very" Ps-86-

glory cannot be borne, and thine merciful, and repentest of the evils of Joel 2. 13

angry threatening toward sinners is men. Thou, O Lord, according to

importable : but thy merciful promise thy great goodness hast promised

AVhen he woke, he was in irons. Said Be-
naiah to him, ' The name of thy Lord is
upon thee ! The name of thv Lord is upon
thee ! ' "

tvhom all men fear.] Rather, "all
things " (tt6.vtol). " Fear " is (ppicro-et,, borret,
Job iv. 15; which takes an ace us. pers. vel
rei, in the sense of " to shudder at " (' II.' xi.
383 ; Judith xvi. 10).

tremble before thy poiver.] Tpepfiv also,
like (ppiao-eiv, may take an accus.rei (Isa. lxvi.
2, 5) ; so that Fritzsche may be wrong in his
remark, " Zu Tpepei ist bv nicht mehr zu bezie-
hen ;" and Schleussner right in explaining airb
Trpoacowov = propter, in which sense the Heb.
»3QD sometimes occurs (Gen. vi. 13; Judg. vi.
6; Isa. x. 27). As however verbs of fearing
are usually joined with 13QO = dwo 7rpoaco7rov
twos, perhaps, after all, Fritzsche is right (so
A. V.) : see Judg. v. 5 ; 1 Sam. vii. 7.

the majesty . . . cannot be borne.] 7) p.e-
yaXo7rp(TT€ui (Ps. cxlv. 5, 12, where the term
is associated with "glory;" Ps. viii. i,lxxi. 7).
It represents other but svnonymous Heb.
terms. Cf. Arist. ' Eth. Nic' iv. 2, 5. "Aa-
t€ktos, "insufferable;" Old Lat. importabilis.
The word is rare. Trommius does not
give it. Ethiopic : " For there is no end of
the greatness of thy glory."

thine angry threatening?] Lit., "the anger
of thy threatening against sinners ;" a He-
braism. 'AneiXi) = Qyt and t)]ft, ira ; Hab.
iii. 11 ; Prov. xix. 12. Also myj, increpatio ;
Prov. xiii. 8, nrcoxos 8e ov^ vcpicrTaTai imaXrjv ;
compare awn-oararos, " importable," i.e. " in-
supportable," insustentabilis ; 2 Mace. i. 13;
Ps. exxiv. 5, to uScop avviroo-TciTov (Heb. "the
proud waters"). Ethiopic: "Fearful is the
chastisement of thy wrath against sinners."

but thy merciful promise?] The " but "
(S<T) is due to the later editions. The iMSS.
have re. The reading Se was, no doubt, sug-
gested by the apparent need of a clause con-
trasting formally with v. 5 : " Intolerable is
the splendour of thy glory, &c. But immea-
surable and unsearchable the mercy of thy
promise " (so lit.). The Old Lat. thus has
•vero et. The reading re implies the begin-
ning of a direct sentence, after the manifold
invocation of God by His different attributes :
" O Lord Almighty, &c. Whomadest, &c. Of
whom all things are in awe, &c. Because
the splendour of thy glory is intolerable, &c.

Both immeasurable and unsearchable is the
mercy of thy promise. For," &c. However,
we cannot help thinking that the mention of
mercy is really co-ordinate with that of
" anger " in the former clause ; and besides,
God's mercy, as well as His wrath, may be
properly alleged as a ground of the fear of
Him : Ps. exxx. 4. We may, therefore, as-
sume that i"v. 5-7 are subordinate to 1/. 4 ;
and that the invocation really concludes with
•v. 7.

unmeasurable and unsearchable.] See Ecclus.
xvi. 15 ; Rom. xi. 33 ; Isa. xxii. 18 ; Job v. 9,
ix. 10.

for thou art the most high Lord.] Cf.
Ps. xlvii. 2, xcvii. 9. Instead of o~v yap, Cod.
III. otl cru; Old Lat. quoniam tu ; ? Heb.

}VbV HliT nnX »3 ; Old Lat. altissimus super
omnem terram (as Ps. xcvii. 9).

of great compassion.] evo-rrXayxvos, a term
of which Trommius gives no instance. See
Eph. iv. 3 2 ; 1 Pet. iii. 8. For the next two
epithets, paKpodviios k. noXveXeos, see Ps.
Ixxxvi. 15 ; Exod. xxxiv, 6; and the passages
from Joel and Jonah infra. Ethiop. " mer-
ciful."

and repentest of the evils of men?] Fritzsche
omits kciI (" duce T."). But the words are
really a quotation either from Joel ii. 13,/xa-
Kpo&vpos k. TroXveXfos Kol p.eTavoav eVi Tais
KciKiats, or from Jonah iv. 2, where the same
expressions recur. The meaning is, " re-
morseful at the calamities of men," which He
inflicts on them for their sins (Amos vii. 3,6;
1 Chron. xxi. 15). The opening invocation
ends here.

Thou, 0 Lord, according to thy great good-
ness.] Lit., "the multitude of thy goodness."
Cf. Neh. xiii. 22; Ps. cxlv. 7. As to pro-
mises of repentance and forgiveness to " them
that have sinned," the expression does not
take away the moral initiative from the sin-
ners themselves: but, as the next clause
makes evident, it simply means to say that
God's gracious promise has coupled forgive-
ness with repentance, making the one conse-
quent upon the other: cf. Isa. i. 16 sqq. ;
Ezek. xviii. 21 sqq. ; Hos. i. 10; ii. ; vi. 1, 2;
xiv. From another point of view, of course
it is true that God gives the impulse to re-
pentance, as well as the ensuing pardon. And
in the present instance, as in that ideal one con-
templated in Hos. ii., it was God's chastise-

368

PRAYER OF MANASSES.

B.C. repentance and forgiveness to them
cn_J_ ' that have sinned against thee : and of
thine infinite mercies hast appointed
repentance unto sinners, that they
may be saved. Thou therefore, O
Lord, that art the God of the just,
hast not appointed repentance to the
just, as to Abraham, and Isaac, and
Jacob, which have not sinned against

thee ; but thou hast appointed re-
pentance unto me that am a sinner :
for I have sinned above the number of
the sands of the sea. My transgres-
sions, O Lord, are multiplied : my
transgressions are multiplied, and I
am not worthy to behold and see the
height of heaven for the multitude of
mine iniquities. I am bowed down

B.C.

cir. 676.

ment which gave it. See Wisdom xii. 1 9 :
" Thou givest repentance for sins." Perhaps,
however, " repentance " in this line refers to
God, in the sense of " relenting." The par-
ticiple was so used in the line before : " Thon
hast promised that thou wilt relent and par-
don." Then, in the next line, we have re-
pentance on man's part : " And in the multi-
tude of thy tender mercies " — an expression
occurring in Ps. li. 1, lxix. 16 — "hast ap-
pointed [or " didst appoint," " appointedst."
The Heb. perfect = Gk. aor. and perfect]
repentance to sinners for salvation " (els cra-
rrjpiav. Rom. x. 1, 10; Exod. xv. 2; Job
xiii. 16). Cf. our Lord's word: " I came not
to call the righteous, but sinners to repent-
ance." The two lines, " Thou, O Lord . . .
may be saved," are omitted in Codd. III., T.
The text of the ' A post. Const.' is here
confused, and the Ethiopic version omits.

Thou therefore!] av ovv. The particle is
equivalent to nny (Exod. iii. 18, x. 17).

appointed.] Or " ordained " — i'dov ; Old Lat.
posuisti; flEE' (Job xxviii. 3 ; 2 Sam. vii. 10).
In the former verse, the term was wpio-as
(Rom. i. 4). With the idea, compare our
Lord's words just quoted, and Luke xv. 7,
" ninety and nine just persons, which need no
repentance." But our Lord obviously used
the term "righteous" or "just" in a relative
sense ; whereas here the mention of Abraham,
Isaac, and Jacob, with the qualification toIs
ovx T]^.apTT]K6aLv am, plainly indicates some-
thing more. The truth is that, although the
failings of the Patriarchs are not concealed in
their histories (Gen. xii. 13, &c), the Jewish
mind of later times idealised them as perfect
characters, whose merits were sufficient, not
for themselves only, but also for their entire
posterity. According to the Talmud, all
Israel has part in the world to come (Moed
Qaton, 9 A; Ketubh. in A; Sanhedr. 10 A,
&c.) ; and " everything comes to Israel on
account of the merits of the Fathers " (Siphri
<m Deut., p. 108 b). The Jews appear, in
fact, to have felt secure of the future, on the
ground of their descent from Abraham (Matt,
iii. 9 ; John viii. 33,39). He sits at the gate
of hell, to save any Israelite from entering it ;
for his merit avails even for the wicked (Ber.
Rab., 48; Shabbath, 55 a). The merits of the

Fathers, however, do not avail outside the land
of Israel (Baba Bathra, 81 a). The language
of this verse, therefore, proves the Jewish
origin of the prayer.

unto me.] iii epoi, as if "put repentance
upon me." But Cod. III. omits iiri.

Ethiopic : " but turn thou (unto) the
repentance of me a sinner."

that am a sinner.] Rather, " the sinner,"
above all others, kcit i&xrjv. Luke xviii. 13:
" God be merciful to me the sinner.'"

for I have sinned.] Or, " I sinned " (rjpap-
rov). For what follows, cf. Ps. xl. 5, 12 ; Job
vi. 3. Instead of yjscippos, the more classical
form, the LXX. usually has appos. See
Wisd. vii. 9 (Ecclus. xxii. 15) for the former.

The clause amplifies the expression rw
apapra)\u>, with which the preceding clause
terminates.

My transgressions.] Gk. (TiK^dwav at
avopiai pov, Kvpu, iTr\i]8vvav. (Fr. omits at
chop, pov the second time, after Cod. Tur.
Cod. III. and Apost. Const, omit Kvpie en\r]6.
as well. The Ethiopic has only : " and many
are my sins," which it connects immediately
with the preceding clause.) The verb
7v\r]6Cvu) is generally transitive in LXX.,
as in classical usage. But later writers con-
fuse it with TrXrjdvco, which is intrans. Cf.
Acts vi. 1. In v. 10 infra, " multiplied of-
fences" (ifhrjOvvcx}) occurs in its usual sense.
With the emotional and emphatic repetition,
comp. w. 12, 13 infra ; Ps. lxxv. 1, lxxvii. 1,
cxxiii. 3. For the thought, see Isa. lix. 12.

to behold and see the height of heaven.] The
first verb — arevicrai — means "to gaze ear-
nestly:" Luke iv. 20. Trommius refers to
3 Esdr. vi. 28 only. Aristotle has the term
constructed with els n (' Meteor.' i. 6, 12) and
■n-pos ti. " The height of heaven " (Ecclus.
xvii. 32; Ps. ciii. 11) is mentioned as God's
abode: Isa. xxxviii. 14 (" Mine eyes failed tov
(SKtireiv els to v\j/os tov ovpavov 7rpos tov
Kvpiov"). Cf. also Luke xviii. 13; Susanna
9 ; Ps. cxxiii. 1 ; and the proper name Elio-
enai, " unto Jah are mine eyes."

for the multitude.] a7r' rrkiiBovs. See Job
xxxv. 9; iitto = \0, "from," i.e. owing to,
because of. Gen. xxxvi. 7, ijqo : see note on

PRAYER OF MANASSES.

369

with many iron bands, that I cannot
lift up mine head, "neither have any
release : for I have provoked thy
wrath, and done evil before thee : I

commandments : I have set up abomi-
nations, and have multiplied offences.
Now therefore I bow the knee of
mine heart, beseeching thee of grace.

did not thy will, neither kept I thy I have sinned, O Lord, I have sinned,

B.C.
cir. 676.

v. 4 supra. " Iniquities," ddmiai, niJIJ? (Jer.
xi. 10); or the sing, py (Jer. ii. 22; Hos.
iv: 8).

J am botved dotvn with many iron bands.']
Lit., " being bowed down with many an iron
band, so that," &c. The words are wrongly-
divided from what precedes by the English
punctuation. There should be a comma only
after " iniquities." For cn8r]p(o (adj.), Cod.
III. and ' Apost. Const.' have o-c8i)pov, " of
iron." Cf. Dan. iv. 15, 23. According to
the narrative in 2 Chron. xxxiii. 11, Manasseh
was bound with a double chain of copper by
his captors. Here he is represented as loaded
with chains of iron, as a captive in a dungeon.
But the sense is perhaps rather metaphorical,
and refers to the chain of sin and misery :
cf. Ps. cvii. 10, 14; Lam. i. 14; and the
Ethiopic version : " I have laboured in fetters
of iron, that I might get rest from sin for my
soul : and by this also I have not gotten rest."

that I cannot lift up.~\ els to p,r) dvavev-
o-ai. The word usually means " to throw the
head back in token of denial," as we shake
the head. Then sometimes " to throw the
head up," whence avuvevevica>s, " upright,"
" with the head erect ;" Polyb. xviii. 13. 3 ; cf.
bk. i. 23. 5 ; Lucian, ' Necyom.' 4. Old Lat.
well : ut non possim att oiler e caput meum. Cf.
Ps. xl. 12 ; ex. 7. The reading of Cod. III.
is remarkable : els to dvavevaai pe vnep dpap-
Tiwv p.ov, " so that I throw back (my head)
over my sins," as if "shake my head over
them." But this reading probably rests on
misapprehension.

neither have any release.] xai ovk. ecrriv pot
civeo-is, " and I have no remission or respite :"
Old Lat. respiratio. Cf. 3 Esdr. iv. 62 ;
Ecclus. xv. 20 ; 2 Cor. vii. 5. The next
clauses are closely connected with this one,
and a comma would be better than a colon
after " release :" " Because I provoked thy
wrath, and did that which was evil before
thee (Ps. Ii. 4; 2 Chron. xxxiii. 2), by not
doing (pi] Tvoir]cras) thy will, and not keeping
thy commandments, by setting up abomina-
tions, and multiplying objects of offence" (o-ttj-
aas fibeXvyixaTo. k. TrXrjdvvas 7rpoo~ox8i.o~paTa).
The words are an expansion of what is said of
Manasseh (2 Chron. xxxiii. 6) : en\r)6vve tov
Troir)o~ai to -Kovrjpov evavriov Kvpiov tov irapop-
yio-ai avrov. Cod. III. and the ' Apost. Const.'
(Gk. and Ethiop.) omit pi) iroirjaas . . .
7rpoo~Tdyp.aTci o~ov, and Tur. omits arrjeras . . .
7rpoaox8io-p.a.Ta. Fritzsche pronounces against
ApOC — Vol. II.

the former clause as needless and almost
disturbing ; and further, because it is also
omitted in the Latin MSS., and because, if it
were genuine, we should expect /cat before
o-rrjo-as. But Km before arrjaas would destroy
the symmetry of the two compound clauses ;
and both are suitable as defining Manasseh's
provocation of God on the negative and posi-
tive side — his sins of omission and commission.
Cf. Dan. ix. 5, 6, 11 ; and the General Con-
fession, "We have left undone those things
which we ought to have done," &c. For the
second clause, the Ethiopic has : " While I
observed vanities, and multiplied that which
profited me not."

The phrase " done (the) evil before thee "
refers especially to idolatry: see Deut. iv. 25 ;
and the use of the phrase as a fixed formula
in the annalistic epitome of Kings (2 Kings
xvii. 17, &c). Idols and idolatrous rites are
called [Ib'e'kvyp.aTa, "abominations," rTQyin
(Deut. xxxii. 1652 Kings xvi. 3 ; 2 Chron.
xxxiii. 2, and elsewhere often). Cf. Dan. ix.
27; Matt. xxiv. 15. IIpoo-6xQto-p.a, offendi-
culum, f1|X', is similarly used (2 Kings xxiii.
13 ; Ezek. vii. 20).

Notu therefore.] " And now " — koI vvv
= nnyi ; a common concluding formula in
Heb. prayers (Dan. ix. 15, 17; — 2 Chron.
xx. 10; vi. 16, 17, 40, 41); and in other
addresses (1 Chron. xxviii. 8, xxix. 13; —
2 Chron. ii. 13, 15).

/ boiv the knee of mine hearth] The Greek
kX/i/co ydvv Kaphias fiov (Cod. III. omits p.ov)
is peculiar. The usual phrase is KapnTa) eVi
to. y6vara(^2 Kings i. 13). KdpTrreiv is intrans.
(tov Tpdxq^ov) in Ecclus. vii. 23. KKiveiv to
ovs is common. Manasseh means, of course,
that his prayer is sincere ; that his inward and
outward postures correspond. Cf. " Rend
your heart and not your garments " (Joel ii.
13). A similar metaphor is "the calves of
our lips" (Hos. xiv. 2; cf. Ps. Ii. 17); and
St. Paul's phrase " circumcision of the heart "
(Rom. ii. 29).

beseeching thee of graced] deopevos ttjs irapd.
o-ov xPW~°Tr)T°s, "craving, begging for the
goodness that cometh from thee." " Good-
ness," v. 7 supra ; 2)D, Ps. xxv. 7 ; or n-lLD,
Ps. xxxi. 19. " Beseeching goodness from
thee " would require gen. pers. et rei, or gen.
pers. et accus. rei (Thucyd. i. 32). The Old
Lat. precans a te bonitatem fails for want of a
Latin article.

2 B

37°

PRAYER OF MANASSES.

B.C. and I acknowledge mine iniquities: reserving evil for me; neither Con-
or^, ^gj-gfoj.^ j humbly beseech thee, demn me into the lower parts of the
forgive me, O Lord, forgive me, and earth. For thou art the God, even
destroy me not with mine iniquities, the God of them that repent ; and in
Be not angry with me for ever, by me thou wilt shew all thy goodness :

B.C.

cir. 676

I acknowledged] Fritzsche, f-yw yivoz-
o-xco, from Codd. III. and T. The common
reading is avayivaxTKu*, agnosco (Hdt. ii. 91).
In LXX. this verb generally means " to read "
(xnp) : Dan. v. 7, 8 ; 1 Mace. v. 14; Exod.
xxiv. 7. See Ps. Ii. 3 : "I acknowledge my
transgressions," &C, rr^v avo^iav fiov eya
yivao-Kco. Ethiop. : " my sin I confess."

wherefore, I humbly beseech thee.] Old Lat.
quare. But the Gk. is ahX alrovfiai deofievos

crov, " but I ask (hilW, Ps. xxi. 4, xxvii. 4),
craving of thee." Cod. III. omits dk\\

forgive me.] aves /xoi (Ps. xxxix. 13). Cf.
aveais supra. There is an ellipsis of ra dfiap-
Tr]naTu fiov: cf. Josh. xxiv. 19; Isa. i. 13.
Old Lat. remitte mihi. The verb is joined
with an accus. pers. (Gen. xviii. 24 ; Isa. ii. 9).

and (God. III. omits) destroy me not ivitb
mine iniquities.] Old Lat. ne simul per das me
cum, &c. Ethiopic : " deliver me not over to
my sin." Schleussner is wrong in rendering
ne prorsus perdas (o-vvcnroXecrfls) ob (reus) pec-
cat a mea, as Fritzsche observes. Cf. Gen.
xviii. 23, xix. 15; Numb. xvi. 26; and espe-
cially Wisd. x. 3, Ecclus. viii. 15. What
follows is more closely connected with this
than the full stop in our version suggests :
"neither, cherishing wrath (firjulaas, 'II.' i. 422,
v. 178, Sec. ; poet, word) for ever, lay up the
evils for me." [For firjvia, see Ps. ciii. 9 ;
Jer. iii. 12, " keep anger for ever." For 7-77/317-
arjs (Cant. vii. 13) = pv (Ps. xxxi. 19),
" How great is thy goodness which thou hast
laid up for them that fear thee." Old Lat.
reserves mala mihi!] Cf. also Exod. xxxiv. 7.
" The evils " — ra koku — are the unknown
evils which a guilty conscience dreads ; or the
article may be generic ; or there may be a re-
ference to penalties in the world to come.
See next line.

neither condemn me into.] fir]8e KaTa8iKao-r]s
fxe (Ps. xxxvii. 33 ; Dan. i. 10. The classical
construction is twos, the later riva) iv rois
KaTurdrois ttjs yrjs, " Neither sentence me in
the lowest parts of the earth ;" as if " mulct
me in" (punish me with) the penalty of
Hades ; or, " treat me as one condemned in
Hades." Fid. Deut. xxxii. 22 ; Ps. exxxix.
15, lxxxvi. 13; Isa. xliv. 23; Ezek. xxvi. 20,
for the conception of Hades as ret Kararara
rrjs yfjs, the Underworld. See also Isa. xiv. 9,
14, 15; Ezek. xxxii. 18, 21 sqq. ; Job x. 21,
22;_xxyi. 5 sqq.; "The Rephaim (*.* ghosts,
spirits in Hades) tremble, whose dwelling is

beneath the waters. Sheol (Hades) is naked
before him, and Abaddon (the place of de-
struction) hath no covering " (Heb.). A
vast subterranean and sub-oceanic cavern,
void of light and utterly cheerless, peopled
by feeble shadows of the departed, appears
to have been the ancient Hebrew concep-
tion of Hades. This accords with the
old Assyrian mythus of Ishtar's Descent into
Hell (' Cuneif. Inscr. of West. Asia,' iv.
31), where it is called "the land of no
return," "the region of darkness,"" the house
of darkness, the seat of (the god) Irkalla " (i.e.
Plutus), "the house which they that enter
go not forth (therefrom)," "the road whose
course returneth not," " the house which they
that enter long for light," "a place where
much dust is their food, and their victual
clay;" "the light they see not, in darkness
they sit ; they are clad also, like birds, with
apparel of wings; on the door and the bar
dust is spread." Similar,' too, is the Homeric
conception of the nether world, and the Norse
notion of Hela's realm is not very different.

It is not quite clear whether Manasseh
prays merely against death, like Hezekiah
(Isa. xxxviii. 10, 11, 18), and the Psalmists
(Ps. vi. 5 ; xxx. 9 ; lxxxviii. 10, 11 ; xxxix. 13) ;
or whether he prays for deliverance from the
penalties of the after-life. The Targums
often speak of Gehinnom or Gehenna, i.e.
hell in our sense, as " the house of woe and
pain " reserved for the wicked ; and the Book
of Enoch describes two places of torment, —
one, that of the fallen angels, under the moun-
tains at the ends of the earth ; the other, for
human offenders, in the valley of Hinnom.
But this belongs to the time of the Last
Things; and we prefer the former, as the
simpler and moie natural view. Compare,
however, the Ethiopic: "and remember not
against me my evil for ever, and take not
vengeance upon me in the depths of the
earth."

For thou art the God.] Rather, " Because
thou art God, (the) God of them that repent."
The article is omitted before the second Geos,
as in Heb. D^mn t6x. This clause, too,
should be taken with what precedes, as al-
leging the ground of those entreaties.

and in me thou ivilt shenv.] The result,
"So— if thou hear my prayer — in me thou
wilt shew," &c. (Exod. ix. 16). " My case is
so heinous, that mercy to me would be a
conspicuous revelation of Divine goodness;

B.C.
cir. 676.

PRAYER OF MANASSES.

371

for thou wilt save me, that am un-
worthy, according to thy great mercy.
Therefore I will praise thee for ever
all the days of my life : for all the

powers of the heavens do praise thee, B.C.
and thine is the glory for ever and cnlJL '
ever. Amen.

because, though unworthy, thou wilt save me,
according to thy great mercy." The wonder
always is, not that God should love the good,
but that He should save the guilty. Aelgys
(Codd. III. and T.) joins on with the fore-
going construction fi-qbe KarabiKda-rjs.

goodness.~\ ayadaavvr], |"Q1D (2 Chron. xxiv.
16 ; Rom. xv. 14). The next clause developes
the result, as it respects Manasseh's own
conduct. " And I will praise thee alway (Sta
navTos) in the days of my life (Codd. III. and
T.) [vulgo, 7rdaas ras rjfxepas, " all the days "] ;

for thee hymneth all the might of heaven, and
thine is the glory for ever and ever {unto the
ages). Amen." Comp. the close of Heze-
kiah's psalm (Isa. xxxviii. 19, 20).

thy great mercy.~\ to noXv e'Xedy aov (Ecclus.
xvi. 12). Elsewhere, to piya eA.

the powers of the heavens.] f] 8vvapis twv
ovpavwv means " the host of heaven " (so
Ethiop.); i.e. the angels: Isa. xxxiv. 4; 2
Chron. xviii. 18; Matt. xxiv. 29. For the
praise of the angels, see Ps. xxix. 1 ; Ixxxix. 5 ;

ADDENDUM TO INTRODUCTION, p. 363 supra.

The Targum of Chronicles adds, after 2 Chron. xxxiii. 11 : "And the Chaldeans made a
copper mule, and pierced it all over with little holes, and shut him up therein, and kindled
fire all around him. And when he was in straits, he besought help of all the idols which he
had made, and was not helped, because they were worthless. And he turned, and prayed
before the Lord his God, and humbled himself exceedingly before Jehovah, the God of his
fathers ; and he prayed before Him. Forthwith went all the angels, that are set over the
entrances of the gates of prayer in heaven, and closed on his account all the entrances of the
gates of prayer in heaven, and all the windows and lattices of heaven, that his prayer might
not be received. And forthwith rolled round the pity of the Lord of the World, whose right
hand is stretched out to receive the sinners that return to the fear of Him, and break the
disposition of their heart by penitence. And He made a lattice, and an aperture in heaven,
beneath His glorious throne, and heard his prayer, and received his petition. And He shook
the world with His word, and the mule burst asunder, and he went forth therefrom. And
the Spirit from between the wings of the Cherubim went forth and breathed upon him by
decree of the Word of the Lord, and he returned unto his kingdom, unto Jerusalem. And
Manasseh knew that the Lord He was God, Who had worked with him these signs and
wonders ; and he turned with all his heart before the Lord, and forsook all the idols, and
served them not." (Targum of Chronicles, ed. M. F. Beck: August. Vindel. 1680; with
corrections of the text from P. de Lagarde's ' Hagiographa Chaldaice,' Lipsiae, 1873.)
Compare the fragmentary accounts at p. 363 supra; and the Introduction to the Song of the
Three Children.

2 B 2

THE FIRST BOOK

OF THE

MACCABEES.

INTRODUCTION.

§ I.

Subject of the Book and its

Divisions ....

373

§ II.

Style and Diction .

§111.

Authenticity of the Narra-

tive

374

§ IV.

Unity of the Work .

376

Language and

§ V. Original

Author
§ VI. Date of Composition
§ VII. Sources of the Work
§ VIII. Religious Tone and

racter

Cha-

PAGE

376
378
378

380

§ I. Subject of the Book and its
Divisions.

THE First Book of Maccabees is an
historical treatise, and professes to
deliver to us the history of the Jews at a
most critical time — the time of their revolt
against the tyranny of the Syro-Macedo-
nian kings, and re-establishment of their
national independence. The events of
the main narrative, which begins with
ihe attempt of Antiochus Epiphanes to
crush the Jewish religion and terminates
with the death of Simon the High Priest,
cover a space of about forty years, ex-
tending from B.C. 175 to B.C. 135. This
narrative commences in chap. i. 10, and
proceeds uninterruptedly to the end of
the treatise, with the single exception of
a parenthesis in chap. viii. (vv. 1-16),
which traces the gradual growth of the
Roman power, and summarises the views
entertained by the Jews of the Maccabean
period on the constitution and character
of the Roman State. This main narrative
is preceded by an " Introduction" (chap,
i. 1-9) on the subject of the establish-
ment of the Macedonian power in Asia,
whereby the Jews had fallen under the
dominion of the Greeks. This " Intro-
duction " covers a space of a hundred
and forty-five years, from B.C. 331 to
B.C. 176.

The main narrative of the Book divides
itself into fiveportions : — 1. An accountof
the proceedings of Antiochus Epiphanes,
and the Hellenizing party which sup-
ported him, for the abolition of the Jewish
religion and the desecration of the Tem-
ple (chap. i. 10-64). 2. The revolt of a
certain number of Jews under Mattathias,
and the commencement of the war of
independence under his guidance and
management (chap. ii. 1-79). 3. The
conduct of the war by his son, Judas
Maccabasus, from B.C. 166 to B.C. 161
(chaps, iii. — ix. 22). 4. The conduct of
the war and of affairs generally by Jona-
than, brother of Judas, from B.C. 161
to B.C. 143. And 5. The conduct of
affairs by Simon, brother of Judas and
Jonathan, from B.C. 143 to B.C. 135.

§ II. Style and Diction.

The style of the Book is varied. By
far the greater part is written in a plain
and simple narrative style, very similar
to that of Judges, Samuel, and the two
Books of Kings. There is the same
brevity, the same lack of ornament, the
same absence of what are commonly
regarded as the graces of composition.
But, on occasions, this style passes into
a higher one. Under the influence of
excited feeling the writer warms into

374

INTRODUCTION TO THE

eloquence, and expresses himself with
rhetorical emphasis and amplification.
Examples of this style are the following :
— " Therefore there was great mourning
in Israel, in every place where they were,
so that the princes and elders mourned,
the virgins and young men were made
feeble, and the beauty of wisdom was
changed. Every bridegroom took up
lamentation, and she that sat in the
marriage chamber was in heaviness.
The land also was moved for the inha-
bitants thereof, and all the house of Jacob
was covered with confusion " (chap. i.
25-29). "Thus they shed innocent
blood on every side of the sanctuary, and
defiled it ; insomuch that the inhabitants
of Jerusalem fled because of them; where-
upon the city was made an habitation of
strangers, and became strange to those
that were born in her; and her own
children left her. Her sanctuary was
laid waste like a wilderness, her feasts
were turned into mourning, her sabbaths
into reproach, her honour into con-
tempt. As had been her glory, so was
her dishonour increased, and her ex-
cellency was turned into mourning"
(chap. i. 37-40). " Upon this the host
assembled themselves together, and went
up into Mount Sion. And when they
saw the sanctuary desolate, and the altar
profaned, and the gates burned up, and
shrubs growing in the court as in a
forest, or in one of the mountains, yea,
and the priests' chambers pulled down,
they rent their clothes, and made great
lamentation, and cast ashes upon their
heads, and fell down fiat to the ground
upon their faces, and blew an alarm with
the trumpets, and cried toward heaven "
(chap. iv. 37-40). Further instances will
be found in chaps, vi. 39, ix.io, xiv. 8-15.
Finally, there are places where the style
is not so much rhetorical as poetical,
actual poems being worked into the
narrative, which have all the excellences
of the highest Hebrew art. Of these, the
most remarkable is the " Lament of
Mattathias," in chap. ii. 7-13 J1 but
further specimens will be found in the
dying utterance of Mattathias (chap. ii.
49-68), in the eulogium on Judas (chap.

1 See the comment on the passage, where an
attempt has been made to give the rhythmic
effect of the original.

iii. 3-9), in his prayers (chaps, iii. 18-22 ;

iv. 8-1 1,

53 ; vii. 41, 42), in the

prayer of the Jews on the height over
against Jerusalem (chap. iii. 50-53), and
in the last words of Epiphanes (chap. vi.
10-13). It is remarkable that the poetic
passages are contained, all of them, in the
first seven chapters; and even of the
highly rhetorical passages there is one
only (chap. xiv. 8-15) which belongs to a
later portion of the treatise. This will
be seen to be a matter of some im-
portance, when we come to consider the
probable " sources " of the narrative.1

The work, as we have it, is written in
Hellenistic Greek, like the Septuagint
and the New Testament. It is, however,
even more full than most Hellenistic
Greek, of marked and sometimes harsh
Hebraisms. This point will be further
considered in a later section.2 The
peculiar words (a7raf Ae-yo/Aeva) are not
many in number. The following are all
that have been noticed : — e'fovSeVwo-i?
(chap. i. 39), cfiovoKTovia (ib. 24), SeiAoo/u.cu
(iv. 8, 21, &C.), acnnS[crK7] (iv. 5 7), 0/07/301 for
ofxyjpoi (viii. 7, &c.), 8eL^6\j/vxos (viii. 15),
l^ova-id^tcrOai (x. 70), ij/oyeu) for ij/eyio (xi.
5, 1 1 ), TiXiavelaOat (xiii. 39Y a.Tro(TKopTvi£,u>
(xi. 55), OTrXoSorew (xiv. 32), iirio-vo-Tpecfxi*
(ib. 44), and a^aip^a (xv. 5). Besides
these, a certain number of words are
employed in new and strange senses, as
81010-1-0X77 in chap. viii. 7, aSpvvo) in chap,
viii. 14, and 7rapao-Tacris in chap. xv. 32.

§ III. Authenticity of the Narrative.

Serious attempts to impugn the authen-
ticity of the history contained in the First
Book of Maccabees were made in the
last century. E. T. Wernsdorf in the
year 1746, and his brother Gottfried in
1747, subjected the work to a rigid ex-
amination, and believed that they had
discovered in it historical errors so nu-
merous and important as to deprive it of
all authority.3 But the discussion which
these attacks raised terminated in favour
of the work impugned, and among modern
critics of the literature of the period there

1 See below, § VII. 2 See § V.

3 See E. H. Wernsdorf s ' De fontibus historic
Syriae,' Lipske, 1746; and Gottf. Wernsdorfs
' Comment, hist. crit. de fide librorum Maccab.,
Vratisl., 1747.

FIRST BOOK OF THE MACCABEES.

375

is scarcely one who does not, expressly
or by implication, allow the Book to be
of the highest value, trustworthy in the
main, and an authority for the history of
the period second to no other. De
Wette says of it, that it is "im Ganzen
sehr glaubwiirdig, genau chronologisch,
und sich vor den andern historischen
Erzeugnisser dieser Zeit vortheilhaft aus-
zeichnend." 1 Ewald remarks: "The
author was probably one of the first who
embraced the whole compass of these
thirty or forty years in a popular narra-
tive, and his work still breathes the freshest
inspiration of the peculiar elevation and
glory of the time. In simple language it
reproduces the clearest i-ecollection of the
full and many-sided truth of this great
age, and its various development." 2 Both
he and Dean Stanley base their narrative
of the period mainly upon the statements
of the writer of the Book, whose means
of information they regard as good, and
his honesty as unimpeachable.

The evidence of authenticity may be
summed up under the two heads of
external and internal evidence. The
external evidence is somewhat scanty,
owing to the fact that the remains of
classical antiquity which bear upon the
period and country are less copious than
might have been desired. Still, the
history recorded has many points of
agreement with Polybius, Appian, Dio-
dorus Siculus, and Porphyry (ap. Euseb.
' Chron. Can.'), and also some with the
epitomes of Livy's later books, with
Justin, and with Granius Licinianus;
while it nowhere contradicts any state-
ments of these writers, except where they
are at variance one with another. It is,
moreover, in complete harmony with
the coins of the Syrian kings belonging
to the period, and with the evidence —
slight, no doubt, but not unimportant
— furnished by the coins of Judasa.

Internal evidence of authenticity is
furnished, first, by the general air of
probability in the narrative, and especially
by the entire absence from it of the
miraculous element. Considering the
circumstances of the time, the prevalent
exaltation of spirit and strength of faith,

1 ' Einleitung in das Alt. Test.,' § 299, p. 398.

2 « History of Israel,' vol. v. p. 465, E. T.

it might have been expected that a similar
tone would have pervaded the narrative
to that which we find in the Second
Book, where miraculous appearances are
of frequent occurrence, and the continual
active interposition of God in human
affairs is a fundamental idea. In the
First Book this idea finds no place, or at
any rate no further place than is involved
in the belief that " the effectual fervent
prayer of a righteous man availeth much "
(James v. 16. Comp. 1 Mace. iv. 10-14,
30-34; vii. 41-43; xi. 71, 72). The
successes of the Jews are the result of
faith in God, and of earnest appeals to
Him for protection and assistance, but
are not accomplished by any visible
supernatural agency. Secondly, the
writer shews his candour and love of
truth by an unsparing exposure of all the
shortcomings of his own people — of their
sinfulness, their half-heartedness, their
defeats, their frequent despondency. On
the other hand, he does not unduly dis-
parage his people's adversaries. Having
once designated Epiphanes as " a wicked
root" (pi£a a/j.aprwX6s, chap. i. 10), he
abstains from any further word of dis-
praise. He bestows no abusive epithet
on any Syrian general, neither on Lysias,
nor Bacchides, nor Nicanor, nor Cende-
bseus.1 Again, there is a moderation in
his estimates of numbers which is remark-
able,2 indicating, as it does, a clear
intention of not overstepping the truth.
Finally, there is a particularity and exact-
ness in his geographical notices, such as
belongs commonly to authentic narra-
tives, while it rarely characterises those
which are fictitious, mainly or wholly.

Still, though the work is to be regarded
as, in the main, a thoroughly credible

1 Contrast the practice of the writer of the
Second Book (ch. v. 24 ; vii. 29, 34, &c. ;
viii. 32, 34 ; ix. 28 ; xii. 35 ; xv. 3, 32).

2 The largest Syrian force mentioned in
1 Mace, consists of 120,000 foot and 8,000 horse
(ch. xv. 13) — not an extravagant estimate, con-
sidering that Antiochus the Great had 170,000
men at Magnesia (App. 'Syriaca,' § 32). The
greatest number of Syrians slain in any one battle
is 5,000 (ch. iv. 34 ; vii. 32) ; the entire number
of Syrians slain, 26,800. The author of the
Second Book, on the other hand, makes the
slain twice 20,000, twice a little over 20,000,
twice 25,000, once 30,000, and once 35,000
(ch. xv. 27) ; while his total of slain mounts up
to 221,100 !

376

INTRODUCTION TO THE

history, it must be confessed that it con-
tains a considerable number of mistakes.
These belong especially to the portions
of the history which treat of foreign
nations, and of times somewhat remote
from the writer's own day. In his
sketch of the rise and progress of the
Macedonian power, the writer wrongly
states, i. That Alexander the Great
" slew the kings of the earth " (chap. i.
2) ; 2. That on his death-bed he made a
partition of his kingdom among his
friends (ib. 6) ; and 3. That these friends
" all put crowns upon their heads" (ib.
9). His longer and more elaborate
account of the growth and character of
the Roman Republic contains the follow-
ing errors : — 1. That the Romans had,
in B.C. 161, " brought the Galatians under
tribute " (chap. viii. 2) ; 2. That, by the
same time, they had conquered the whole
of Spain (ib. 4) ; 3. That the elephants
brought into the field by Antiochus the
Great at the battle of Magnesia amounted
to 120, whereas the real number was 54
(ib. 6) ; 4. That Antiochus was taken
prisoner in the engagement (ib. 7) ;
5. That India formed a portion of his
dominions at the time ' (ib. 8) ; 6. That
India and Media were ceded by Anti-
ochus to Rome and made over by Rome
to Eumenes (ib.) ; 7. That the Greeks
aimed at invading Italy and destroying
Rome (ib. 9) ; 8. That the Romans had
conquered Greece before b.c. 161 (ib.
10) ; 9. That the number of the Roman
Senate was 320 (ib. 15); 10. That the
Senate sat daily (ib.); xi. That the
Romans were governed by a single
annual magistrate (ib. 16); and 12. That
" there was neither envy nor emulation
among them" (ib.). The number and
character of these errors detract seriously
from the authority of the writer as a
general historian, but leave his credibility
in respect of his own nation and times un-
touched. He may not indeed be always
absolutely correct on these subjects ;
but his testimony is not to be set aside
without very strong counter-evidence.

§ IV. Unity of the Work.

The unity of the work has not, so far
as we are aware, been called in question.
The unity of its plan is evident ; and

though a greater elevation of style cha-
racterises the portion anterior to the
death of Judas1 (chaps, i.-ix. 18), yet the
difference is not very marked, and there
is one passage in a later chapter (chap,
xiv. 4-15) where the author takes almost
as high a flight as in any section of the
earlier narrative. The diction is through-
out uniform ; and there are one or two
peculiarities of the writer which may be
traced through the whole Book from first
to last. The most striking of these is his
reticence with respect to the Holy Name,
which occurs, according to the best
manuscripts, once only in the entire
history (chap. iv. 24). The usual mode
of avoidance is a substitution of the word
"Heaven" for "God" or "Lord,"2
while sometimes there is a mere awkward
omission, which our translators have
thought it necessary to supply.3 Another
peculiarity is exactness with respect to
dates ; and this is a feature equally
conspicuous throughout.4

§ V. Original Language and Author.

That the First Book of Maccabees
abounds in Hebraisms of a marked and
somewhat harsh character is generally
admitted. Such phrases as " recovering
the Law out of the ha?id of the Gentiles "
(chap. ii. 48), " zoalking according to a
man's sayings" (chap. vi. 23), "finding
favour in metis sight " (x. 60), " the book
of the days of his priesthood " (chap. xvi.
24), are unmistakable, and betray a fami-
liarity with Semitic turns of expression
which sufficiently indicates the ethnic
type whereto the writer belonged. But
it has been questioned whether this would
by itself prove that the original work was
written in Hebrew, since " the Hebraisms
which exist- are," it is said, " such as
might have been naturalised in the
Hebrew-Greek of Palestine."5 The writer

1 See above, § II.

2 See ch. iii. 50, 60 ; iv. 10, 40 ; ix. 46 ; xvi. 3.

3 As in ch. i. 62 ; ii. 21, 26 ; iii. 22, 53, 60 ;
iv. io, 55 ; xvi. 3. In ch. iii. 18, vii. 27, and
vii. 41, the MSS. have two readings, one sup-
pressing, the other expressing, the Holy Name.

4 See ch. i. 54 ; ii. 70 ; iii. 37 ; iv. 52 ; vi. 16,
20; vii. I, 49 ; ix. 3, 54; x. 1, 57, 67 ; xi. 19 ;
xiii. 41, 51 ; xiv. 1, 27 ; xv. 10 ; xvi. 14.

4 Smith, 'Dictionary of the Bible,' vol. ii.
p. 172.

FIRST BOOK OF THE MACCABEES.

577

might have been a Semite, a native of
Palestine, a Jew, and yet have written in
Greek, as did James and John, Peter,
Mark, and Jude. If this had been the
case, his Greek would no doubt have
been deeply tinged with a Hebraistic
character. Is it more deeply tinged
than would be accounted for by this
hypothesis? It is difficult to give a
decided answer to this question ; but
our own impression is that, even apart
from any external testimony, sound criti-
cism would have pronounced the work
a translation from a Semitic original.1

1 It is impossible fully to exhibit the evidence
on which our impression rests, but the following
list of Hebraisms in the first half of the first
chapter may be taken as a sample of it : —

Ch. i. I. Kal iyeveTo, as an opening phrase,
corresponds to the Heb. VM (Judg. i. i ;

Ruth i. i ; Nehem. i. I ; Esth. i. I, &c).
n<xTa|cu for "to defeat" corresponds to the
Hebrew use of H3n. y yv XeTTetel/* literally
renders the Heb. D>fl3 j^K.

Ch. i. 3. 'EviLiriou avTov literally renders

VJS by. 'Eir-opey 7) KapSla literally renders

ni? D"l»1.

TT-*

Ch. i. 4. 'Eysvovro els <popov literally renders
Dtt^ irm (Gen. xlix. 15).

Ch. i. 10. Kal i-K\7)Qvvav ev rrj yy literally
renders jn.K3 fcTl»l.

Ch. i. 11. 'Pifr (of a man) literally renders

Ch. i. 12. AiaOeffOai Sia0T}Kriv literally renders
IVO m3. KvKKcf (jin&v) literally renders 2',2p.

Ch. i, 13. Kal Ttyadvvdr] o \6yos ev 6cpda.Xfj.o7s
literally renders WJD -Q^n 3tt«1.

Ch. i. 16. Kal eTrpddrjaav tov Troirjexai to
■Kovt)p6v literally renders J?"]n TiW$} -1~l3»n»1
(2 Kings xvii. 17).

Ch. i. 17. Kal i]Toifj.acr6ri tj f3aai\eia literally

renders na^OSH }3Pn.

T T ; v - 1 . .

Ch. i. 18. 'Ev ox^-V jSapel literally renders

133 !?;na.

Ch. i. 19. Kal eireaov rpav^ariai iroWoi lite-
rally renders CSP Dv?n &3»1. 'Airb Trpo<runrov
a.vTov literally renders VJSO.

Ch. i. 23. Trjv rpdirefav rrjs irpode<rea>s literally
renders TO^n |f^B>.

Ch. i. 24. Ta aKivri to. ein6v/j.r)Td literally
renders PHOn ^73.

Ch. i. 29. Kal eaeicQi] tj 77) inlrobs KaroiKovvras

The matter, however, is one which we
need not call in the aid of criticism to
determine. The positive testimony of
antiquity is such as to leave no doubt on
the subject. Origen informs us that the
title under which the work was known in
his day was * Sarbeth Sarbaneel,' which
is a Hebrew and not a Greek description
of its contents,1 while Jerome states that
he was acquainted with a Hebrew text
which he evidently regarded as the
original.2 As Origen and Jerome are at
once the most critical of the Fathers, and
the best acquainted with the Hebrew
language and literature, their testimony
must be looked upon as entirely decisive
of the point here under discussion.

Concerning the author, tradition is
wholly silent. The internal evidence
shews him to have been a Palestinian
Jew, an earnest patriot, and a devout
member of the orthodox party. He is
deeply impressed with the heroism of the
national leaders, and bent on glorifying
them, yet not to the extent of concealing
their errors or reverses. There is no
appearance of his having actually taken
part in the events which he relates ; but
his sympathy with those who were at the
head of affairs is so keen that it is diffi-
cult to suppose him unacquainted with
them. He is a man, however, of the pen
rather than of the sword, and probably
belonged to the literary class which
sprang into being under the stimulating

abr-hv literally renders n^'bv r^SH Pjnni.

'EvedvcraTo alax""V'/ literally renders ri^3 C37.

Ch. i. 30. MeTa Svo err] 7)fj.epc2v literally
renders D','?', D^rOt^ ['££?. "Apxovra <popo\oyias
literally renders DO "it?.

Ch. i. 31. Kal eA.a\7j(Tfc \6yovs elpTjviKovs lite-
rally renders tibv nzn t»k»i.

Ch. i. 32. 'Eirdra^e iT\T\yriv ixeyaX-qv literally
renders n^HJ H3Q H2H.

t : T - T •

Ch. i. 33. Kal iveir v pure irvpi avTrff literally
renders L>\S3 REW).

Ch. i. 38. Els SidfioXov -Kovr)p6v literally ren-
ders yi }Bfe6.

- t t :

1 Sarbeth sarbane-el is thought to be put for

^K \33 V\b nsn^, " History of the princes of

the Sons of God " (De Wette, Grimm) ; but is,
in any case, a Semitic, and not a Greek title.

2 Prolog. Galeat.

37$

INTRODUCTION TO THE

influence of the great national movement
and development of the Maccabean
times.

§ VI. Date of Composition.

The statement in chap. xiii. 30, that the
splendid monument which Simon erected
to the memory of his father and brothers
was still standing in the writer's day, at
once removes him by a not inconsider-
able interval from the period of Simon's
accession, B.C. 143. It does not, how-
ever, remove him from it by such an
interval as the ordinary reader might
suppose, since the disturbed state of
Palestine must be taken into account,
and the likelihood that some of the ene-
mies of the Asmonoean dynasty might
have destroyed any monument of their
glory before it had stood very long.
Grimm's estimate * of " thirty years " as
the shortest period that can be supposed
to be intended is a tolerably fair one ;
and we might therefore conclude from
this passage alone that the Book before
us was probably not written earlier than
about B.C. 113.

It has been generally concluded from
the closing words of the Book (ch. xvi.
23, 24), that a still later date must be
assigned to it. The writer, it is said,
speaks of the reign of John Hyrcanus as
if it were over, thereby implying that he
outlived him, and wrote after his death.2
Now John Hyrcanus died in B.C. 106.
It is impossible, however, to prove from
the words of the writer in the passage
adduced, that John Hyrcanus was not
still living when he penned them. He
merely says that his deeds, from the time
that he became high-priest, were written
in the high-priestly chronicles. He says
nothing of his death or burial. No
doubt his words are modelled upon those
with which the writers of Kings and
Chronicles wind up their account of each
monarch upon his demise ; but they
differ in containing no mention of a
funeral or of a successor. Those critics
seem to have reason on their side who

1 ' Der Erste Buch der Maccabaer erklart,'
Einleitung, § 7, p. xxiv.

2 De Wette, 'Einleitung in das Alt. Test.,'
§ 300; Grimm, 'Einleitung,' l.s.c; Ewald,
* History of Israel,' vol. v. p. 463, E. T.

have concluded that the First Book of
Maccabees may have been written in the
time of John Hyrcanus, but at an ad-
vanced period of his reign1 (say B.C.
1 1 6-1 06).

We thus obtain the earliest probable
date for the composition. The latest
probable date is more difficult to deter-
mine. The grounds of argument are
here, comparatively speaking, intangible
and matters of opinion. The considera-
tion of style is thought to indicate a date
at least a century earlier than any por-
tion of the New Testament. The simple
faith which runs through the account
given of Roman disinterestedness (chap,
viii. 12-16) could not possibly have out-
lived the proceedings of Pompey, when
in B.C. 63 he took Jerusalem, and is
likely to have come to an end much
earlier. The jubilant and triumphant
tone of the narrative is unsuitable to any
time later than the close of the reign of
John Hyrcanus, since troubles then set
in, which continued, at any rate, till the
accession of Herod the Great. The
life and spirit of the narrative, and the
minuteness of the geographical and local
details, are also in favour of a compara-
tively early composition. Altogether
B.C. 105 — the year after the death of
Hyrcanus — seems to be the latest date
that is at all probable, though a date
later than this by thirty or forty years
cannot be said to be altogether im-
possible.2

§ VII. Sources of the Work.

The writer clearly possesses a number
of state-documents, which he regards as
authentic, and inserts, either in full or
else in an abbreviated form, in his narra-
tive. Such are : 1. The letter of the
Romans to the Jewish people (chap. viii.
23-32), sent by Eupolemus and Jason,

1 Hengstenberg, 'Authentie des Daniel,' p.
293 ; Bertheau, ' De Secundo Maccabteorum
libro,' p. 27 ; Westcott in Dr. W. Smith's
' Dictionary of the Bible,' vol. ii. p. 173.

2 See the arguments of Grimm, in his ' Intro-
duction,' § 7, p. xxv., who assigns for the date
the interval between B.C. 105 and B.C. 64 ; and
compare, on the other side, Ewald (/. s. c), who
suggests B.C. 105 definitely, and Westcott in
Smith's ' Dictionary,' who places the composition
between B.C. 120 and B.C. 100.

FIRST BOOK OF THE MACCABEES.

379

the ambassadors dispatched to Rome by-
Judas Maccabaeus ; 2. The letter of Alex-
ander Balas to Jonathan (chap. x. 18-20),
granting him the office of High Priest ;
3. The letter of Demetrius I. to the
Jewish people, offering terms of peace
and alliance (chap. x. 25-45) ; 4. The
letter of Demetrius II. to Jonathan,
which was to be " set in a conspicuous
place" (chap. xi. 30-37); 5. The letter of
Jonathan to the Lacedaemonians, pro-
posing a renewal of friendship and
brotherhood (ch. xii. 6-18); 6. The pre-
vious letter of Areus, king of Sparta, to
Onias I., the High Priest (ch. xii. 20-23);

7. The letter of Demetrius II. to Simon
the High Priest, renewing friendship and
granting privileges (chap. xiii. 36-40) ;

8. The letter of the Lacedaemonians to
Simon renewing friendship (ch. xiv. 20-
23) ; 9. The decree of the Jewish people
establishing the high priesthood in
Simon's family and conferring various
privileges upon him (chap. xiv. 27-45) ;

10. The letter of Antiochus Sidetes to
Simon proposing alliance and extending
Simon's privileges (chap. xv. 3-9) ; and

11. The circular letter of the Romans,
addressed to states and kingdoms under
their influence, on behalf of the Jews
(ch. xv. 16-21). These documents have
a general air of authenticity about
them; but it has to be borne in mind
that they are, at the best, translations
of translations, having been written
originally either in Latin or Greek, then
translated by the author of the Book
into the later Hebrew, and from this
again rendered into Greek by the Greek
translator of the Book, who is not
likely to have had access to the original
documents.

It has sometimes been supposed that,
besides these written authorities — au-
thorities of great value, but scattered and
discontinuous — our author may have had
access to a set of state papers, which
contained something like an unbroken
history of his nation from the time of the
completion of the Second Temple, B.C.
516. Ewald supposes that "the high-
priestly journals were kept up continually
after the foundation of the new temple,"
and that "after the Asmonaeans became
high-priests and national princes, they
were elevated to the rank of the previous

annals of the kingdom." 1 He even
quotes 1 Mace. xvi. 23, 24 as favouring
this view.2 But though that passage
distinctly proves the keeping of such
journals from the accession of John Hyr-
canus (b.c. 135), it furnishes an argument
against, rather than for, their composi-
tion during the preceding period. For
it is difficult to conceive of any reason
having determined the writer of the Book
on concluding his own narrative with the
accession of John, other than the fact
that he considered the existence of the
high-priestly chronicles from that date to
render the continuance of his history
unnecessary.3 In fact, the troubles of
the time were so great from the begin-
ning of the oppression of Epiphanes,
B.C. 170, to the accession of Simon,
B.C. 143, that we can scarcely imagine
any records kept, so that the question
seems to narrow itself to this : Did or
did not Simon leave an official record of
his high-priesthood ? The answer would
seem to be, that, however probable it
may appear that he would have done so,
there is no evidence that he did. In any
case, the high-priestly journals must have
failed our author for the greater portion
of the time whereof he treats, and it
becomes necessary to consider whether
we cannot trace his main narrative,
certainly or probably, to a different
source.

It has been suggested that he took his
account of the origin of the insurrection
and of the exploits of Judas from an
earlier literary work treating expressly of
that period.4 His own words in chap. ix.
22 have been supposed to imply that
such a work existed ; and the peculiarly
poetical character of the portion of the
Book dealing with the history of Judas
has been thought to be best accounted

1 ' History of Israel,' vol. v. p. 462, E. T.

2 See note 2 ad loc.

3 See the remarks of Grimm (' Einleitung,'
§ 6, p. xxiii.), "Da der Berichterstatter unter
Verweisung auf Johan. Hyrcan's Jahrbucher den
Faden der Erzahlung gerade da fallen lasst, wo
ihn diese Jahrbucher aufnehmen, so scheinen
iiber die Thaten und Schicksale der drei Vor-
ganger Hyrcan's keine derartigen Jahrbucher
vorhanden gewesen zu seyn, indem in solchem
Falle der Verfasser sein Unternehmen fur iiber-
fliissig erachtet haben wiirde."

4 Smith, 'Dictionary of the Bible,' vol. ii.
p. 171.

33o

INTRODUCTION TO THE

for by the view that he there transcribed
from a work cast in a poetic mould. But
this argument, though ingenious, is weak.
It is certainly not said in ch. ix. 22, that
any written account existed of the ex-
ploits of Judas except that of our author ;
and the difference of tone between the
earlier and later chapters of his treatise
is sufficiently explained by the superior
grandeur and pathos of the events related
in the former. The most heroic deeds
contained in his history were those of
Mattathias and Judas ; the latter phases
of the war were, comparatively, common-
place. Thus the style merely varies with
the subject-matter.

If then the writer is not to be viewed
as having derived the general facts of his
history either from a chronicle kept by
the High Priests and deposited in the
archives of the kingdom, or from any
work of an earlier historian, what other
source is there which can be regarded as
open to him ? The answer to this ques-
tion is twofold. In the first place, it is
quite possible that he may have written
largely from his own recollections. If he
wrote, as Ewald supposes, in B.C. 105,
and was seventy years old at the time,
which cannot be regarded as improbable,
his boyhood would have synchronised
with the time of Mattathias and Judas,
his early manhood with that of Jonathan,
and his middle age with the pontificate
of Simon, so that the bulk of his history
would be an account of the events of his
own day. If, on the other hand, he was
a comparatively young man when he
wrote, he would have had to obtain his
facts from those among his elder con-
temporaries who had witnessed and
shared in the transactions. As there are
now (1887) living many Waterloo heroes,
so in b.c. 105 there would have existed
in the Jewish community persons who
had seen the " abomination of desola-
tion " on the altar of burnt sacrifice, who
had fled into the wilderness with Mat-
tathias, and fought in the early battles of
Judas. In default of personal experience
the writer would naturally have recourse
to these veterans, and would receive at
their mouth the graphic descriptions, so
minute, so exact, so full of geographical
detail, which charm us in his narrative.
On the whole, it may be said that the

work is most probably based in part upon
the writer's personal knowledge of the
facts which he records, more largely upon
inquiries which he had made of persons
present at events which he did not him-
self witness, and partly also, but to a
comparatively small extent, on documents
laid up in the Jewish archives or inscribed
on bronze tablets and set up in some
public place in Jerusalem (chap. xi. 37 ;
xiv. 18, 27).

§ VIII. Religious Tone and Cha-
racter.

The strong religious feeling of the
writer, his deep regard for the Law, the
Temple, and the Temple worship, his
horror at the profanities of Epiphanes
and the blasphemies of Nicanor, and his
earnest belief in a superintending Provi-
dence, are very apparent. But he is
careful not to obtrude the religious ele-
ment into his narrative unnecessarily.
His nature is particularly reverent and
reticent. He declines, as a general rule,
to introduce into his treatise the Holy
Names of " God " and " Lord," whereby
the Supreme Being was commonly desig-
nated.1 He does not even expressly
refer the triumphant successes of the
Maccabean princes to the Divine protec-
tion and assistance. It would not, per-
haps, be remarkable that he mentions no
miraculous occurrence as taking place
during the war, but for the fact that the
authors of the Second and Third Books
relate so many. It is clear that he him-
self believed the successes of the Asmo-
naeans to have been achieved, without
miraculous interference, by the ordinary
action of those causes and laws which
govern the world. Among these causes,
however, he assigned an important place
to the action of God upon men's minds,
whereby courage is infused or a panic
fear produced, so that " the victory of
battle standeth not in the multitude of an
host" (chap. iii. 19), but "many are shut
up into the hands of a few " (ib. 18).

The principle of reticence on sacred
subjects may also have caused the
absence from his writings of any clear
notice of the Messianic hopes which pre-
vailed in his day, and which appear from

1 See above, § IV., sub fin.

FIRST BOOK OF THE MACCABEES.

38i

the ' Psalms of Solomon ' and the ' Book
of Enoch,' works of the same age, to
have been raised to a high pitch by the
successes of the Maccabean princes in
their struggle after independence. He
has indeed, in one place, a regretful
reference to the suspension of prophecy
in the past (chap. ix. 27), and twice he
" anticipates the future coming of a Pro-
phet as of one who should make a direct
revelation of the will of God (chap. iv.

46), and supersede the temporary
arrangements of a merely civil dynasty
(chap. xiv. 41)." 1 But the Messianic idea
occupies no prominent place in his Book,
which is narrative, not didactic ; and
which, so far as it teaches at all, teaches
by example, not by inculcation of belief
or even definite statements of doctrine.

1 Westcott in the ' Dictionary of the Bible,'
vol. ii. p. 174.

THE FIRST BOOK

OF THE

MACCABEES.

CHAPTER I.

14 Antiochus gave leave to set up the fashions
of the Gentiles in Jerusalem, 22 and spoiled
it, and the temple in it, 57 and set tip therein
the abomination of desolation, 63 and slew
those that did eireumcise their children.

B.C.
cir. 331.

AND it happened, after that
Alexander son of Philip, the
Macedonian, who came out of the
land of "Chettiim, had smitten Darius 1! 0r»
king of the Persians and Medes, that

CHAPTER I.

§ 1. Preliminary Historical
Sketch.

1-9. The author introduces his narrative
by a brief summary of the events which had
placed the Jews under Greek rule — to wit,
the conquests of Alexander the Great, and
the continued power of his successors.
These events covered a space of a hundred
and fifty-six years (B.C. 331-175), counting
from the battle of Arbela. It is remarkable
that he makes no mention of the circum-
stances, that, in the original division of
Alexander's empire, Judasa fell to Ptolemy,
king of Egypt ; and that its transfer to Syria
did not take place till B.C. 203, when it
voluntarily placed itself under the Seleucidas.

1. And it happened^] The Greek words,
Ka\ iyevero, are a translation of the Hebrew
•vayehi, so frequently used by the Old Testa-
ment writers at the commencement of their
narratives (Josh. i. 1 ; Judg. i. 1 ; Ruth i. 1 ;
1 Sam. i. 1 ; Neh. i. 1 ; Esth. i. 1 ; Jonah i. 1).
The original intention of the phrase was to
connect the narrative which it introduced
with some previous history ; but at the time
at which this book was written it had lost
this special force, and was a mere archaism.
It would be best translated in this place
"Now it happened."

Alexander son of Philip.'] Alexander the
Great is thus distinguished from the Seleucid
Alexanders (Balas and Zabinas), with whom
the author and his readers would be familiar.
They were known respectively as the sons of
Antiochus Epiphanes and Alexander Balas.

the Macedonian^] The epithet belongs to
Alexander, not to Philip. It further dis-
tinguishes him from other Alexanders.

the land of Chettiim.'] Chettiim, or Chittim

(Num. xxiv. 24 ; Dan. xi. 30), seems primarily
to have designated Cyprus (Joseph. ' A. J.,'
i. 6, § 1), whose chief town in the more ancient
times was Cition ; but a later usage extended
the term to the islands off the coast of Asia
Minor generally, and even to the European
coast that lay beyond them. Here "the
land of Chettiim " can only be Greece or
Macedon. Grimm well compares the loose
employment of the word " Frank " by Turks
and Arabs.

smitten.] Le. " defeated." The writer
uses the verb 7rara'o-o-co in this sense constantly
(see ch. iii. 1 1 ; iv. 2 ; v. 7, &c). It is a
Hebraism, common in the Septuagint (Num.
xxi. 24; Deut. ii. 33, vii. 2; Josh. viii.
22, 24, &c).

Darius king of the Persians^] This is
Darius III., or Darius Codomannus, the
same king whose name occurs in Nehem.
xii. 22. Alexander defeated Darius III.
twice — at Issus in B.C. 333, and two years
later at Arbela, in the ancient Assyria. As it
was this last victory which gave him the
empire of the East, it is no doubt the one
here intended.

and Medes.] It is curious to find "the
Medes " still obtaining such honourable men-
tion. No doubt they were always regarded
as the chief of the subject nations ; but it is
in the earlier times of the Persian empire that
their rank is most apparent. In Daniel
Media even has precedence over Persia (Dan.
v. 28; vi. 8, 12, 15). In Esther the position
is reversed (Esth. i. 3, 14, 18, 19), except in
one place (ch. x. 2). In Ezra and Nehemiah
the Medes drop wholly out of sight. It
would seem, however, that their honourable
position was, in point of fact, maintained until
the close of the Empire (Arrian, ' Exp. Alex.,'
iv. 7, § 2 ; xii. 4, § 1 1).

V. 2—3.]

I. MACCABEES. I.

3*3

t B. C
Icir. 3!i.

he reigned in his stead, the first over
— Crreece,

2 And made many wars, and won
many strong holds, and slew the
kings of the earth,

And went through to the ends b. c.

cir. 325.

of the earth, and took spoils of many —
nations, insomuch that the earth was l^Jr/was
quiet before him : whereupon 'he was exalted

1 , , . . , ».,- , and lifted

exalted, and his heart was lifted up.

up.

be reigned in his stead, the first over Greece.]
There is probably some corruption here, or
some mistranslation of the Hebrew original.
The Syriac version has — " he reigned in his
stead, but previously he had reigned over
Greece," and this may give us a clue to the
real intention of the writer. It is absurd to
suppose, with Eichhorn and Hengstenberg,
that he was so ignorant of history as to imagine
that Darius Codomannus had been King of
Greece.

2. And made many wars.] Some of these
were in Europe, before he crossed into Asia,
as those with the Triballi and Gets, and
with the Illyrians. The remainder were in
Asia, and included his war with Darius and
his conquests, after Darius's death, in Bactria,
Sogdiana, Arachosia, and India. Alexander's
career of victory covered the space between
B.C. 335 and b.c. 324.

and won many strong holds."] As Thebes,
in B.C. 335; Miletus, Halicarnassus, and
Celaense, in B.C. 334; Tyre and Gaza, in
B.C. 332 ; Babylon, Susa, and Persepolis, in
B.C. 331; Ecbatana and Rhagae in B.C. 330;
Bactra and Maracanda, in B.C. 329 ; Choriene
and the rock of Aornus, in B.C. 327. Alex-
ander made it a point of honour to take
every stronghold which refused to submit to
him (Arrian, 'Exp. Alex.' iii. 30; iv. 17, 18,
22, &c).

and slew the kings of the earth.] This is
scarcely a correct statement, since Alexander's
clemency was remarkable. Probably the
writer was not intimately acquainted with
the great conqueror's history, and moreover
expressed himself rhetorically, meaning simply
that he prevailed over all his adversaries. It
is quite inadmissible to regard him as alluding,
in such a connection as the present, to the
murder of Clitus, or the execution of sus-
pected officers.

3. And went through to the ends of the
earth.] Samarcand, the Sutlej, and the Indian
Ocean were " ends of the earth " to all but a
select few in the first and second centuries
B.C. Alexander's soldiers had themselves
complained, by the mouth of Ccenus, that he
had led them to the extreme limit of the
habitable world (" Paene in ultimo mundi fine
consistimus." Q^Curt. 'Hist. Al.' ix. 3).

and took spoils.] The booty which Alex-
ander acquired in the course of his conquests
was, according to all accounts, immense. At

Issus the Persian camp was found full of
gold and silver plate, the royal tent exceeding
all others in magnificence. A large treasure
was captured, soon after the battle, at
Damascus (Arr. 'Exp. Alex.' ii. 11, § 13;
Parmen. ap. Athen. 'Deipn.' xiii. p. 607).
Another considerable gain was made at
Arbela, after the great fight (Q^Curt. ' Hist.
Al.' v. 1). But all these were small matters
compared with the enormous captures made
at Babylon, Susa, and Persepolis. The spoils
of Babylon enabled the victor to give to every
man in his army sums varying from six
pounds sterling to eighteen; at Susa the
treasury contained 50,000 talents, or above
12,000,000/. of our money; while at Perse-
polis the value of the precious metals captured
is reckoned at above 27,000,000/. (See
Grote, ' History of Greece,' vol. viii. p. 394.)
When Alexander reached Ecbatana, he de-
posited there the almost incredible sum of
180,000 talents, or above 43,000,000/. {Ibid.
p. 400.)

insomuch that the earth was quiet before
him.] Literally, " And the earth was quiet
before him." No one, i.e., ventured to
oppose him (compare ch. xi. 38) — his will
was law to all.

he was exalted.] Rather, as in the margin,
" his heart was exalted." (Compare Hosea
xiii. 6.) The effect produced on Alexander
by the intoxication of success is abundantly
noted by profane historians. " Here," says
Curtius (i.e. in Parthia), " he openly gave the
rein to his desires, and exchanged restraint
and moderation, the highest excellences of
exalted fortune, for pride and licence. He
laid aside the customs of his ancestors, as
unsuited to his own greatness, and, adopting
those of the Persian court, aspired to equal
the lofty grandeur of the gods. He began to
allow himself to be worshipped by prostrate
crowds, and aimed at making his victorious
companions in arms as base and servile as
their vanquished foes. He assumed the
diadem of purple spotted with white which
Darius had worn, and took the Persian habit,
regardless of the evil omen involved in re-
placing the ensigns of conquest by those of
defeat. He boasted that thus he bore the
spoils of Asia on his person ; but in reality
with the spoils he donned Asiatic manners,
and added to pride of array an insolent and
overbearing spirit " (Q^Curt. ' Hist. Al.' vi. 6,
§ 1 ; compare Arrian, ' Exp. Al.' iv. 8, § 7)-

384

I. MACCABEES. I.

[v. 4—8.

cir.

323-

"Or,

kingdoms

•which

became,

&*c.

I Gr. that

lie dieth.

4 And he gathered a mighty strong

host, and ruled
nations.

over

and " kings,

tributaries unto him.

5 And after these

sick, and perceived "

die.

countries, and
who became

things

that

he fell
he should

6 Wherefore he called his servants, one in his place.

such as were honourable, and had
been brought up with him from his
youth, and parted his kingdom among
them, while he was yet alive.

7 So Alexander reigned twelve
years, and then died.

8 And his servants bare rule every

B.C.
cir. 323.

4. he gathered a mighty strong host.'] The
army with which Alexander invaded Asia
amounted to no more than 30,000 foot and
4,500 horse (Grote, ' Hist, of Greece,' vol. viii.
p. 305) ; but the reinforcements which he
received from time to time were large, and at
Arbela his troops did not fall far short of
50,000 (Arr. 'Exp. Al.' Hi. 12). It is not
probable that he ever collected together a
much larger force than this. The " strength"
of his army was in its quality rather than its
numbers.

and ruled over . . . kings.] The marginal
" kingdoms " is certainly wrong. By rvpawoi
the writer probably means "satraps," or
" rulers of provinces." Compare Esther ix. 3,
where akhashdarpenim, " satraps," is rendered
by rvpawoi. Alexander for the most part
kept up the Persian satrapial system. In
some places, however, he allowed petty kings
to retain their titles (Arrian, ii. 13, 20 ; iii. 2,
Sec. ; Justin, xi. 10).

•who became tributaries unto him.] It was
among the main duties of the satraps under
the Persian governmental system to collect
the tribute of the several provinces and remit
it to the Court. Hence had arisen the
immense accumulations already mentioned.
(See the comment on v. 3.) It was Alex-
ander's intention to continue the same system
(Grote, 'Hist, of Greece,' vol. viii. p. 469) ; but
he had scarcely time to establish it fully
before his premature death.

5. he fell sick.] Literally, " he fell upon
his bed," or, as we say, " took to his bed."
(Compare Judith viii. 3, where nearly the same
expression is used.) Alexander's illness lasted
nine days (Arrian, vii. 25, 26 ; Plut. ' Vit. Alex.'
§ 76) ; but it was only for the last two days
that he remained in bed without rising.

and perceived that he should die.] Alexander
seems scarcely to have realised the fact that
he was dying until very shortly before he be-
came speechless. Had he done so, he would
probably have taken more decided steps with
regard to the succession than he did.

6. he called his servants^] By " his ser-
vants" the writer means "his courtiers."
Compare 1 Kings xi. 26, xvi. 9; 2 Kings
xxi. 23 ; Matt. xiv. 2, &c.

such as were honourable.] Or " such as
were held in repute."

brought up with him from his youths] The
" Companions," as they were called — reduced
by the deaths of Hephaestion, Parmenio, Phi-
lotas, and Clitus to some nine or ten — were
Antigonus, Cassander, Craterus, Leonnatus,
Lysimachus, Meleager, Menander, Perdiccas,
Pithon, and Seleucus. The Macedonian
system placed the young nobles on a near
equality with the heir-apparent.

parted his kingdom among them, while he
was yet alive.] Here the author reports an
incorrect tradition, or follows an untrust-
worthy authority. Few facts of history are
more certain than that the great Macedonian
made no disposition of his dominions before
his decease. In his last hours the problem
which suggested itself to him was, who
should be his successor. He never con-
ceived the idea of dividing his empire. It
was to go "to him who was worthiest,"
according to his last words; to Perdiccas,
according to his last act, the transfer to that
general of his signet-ring. When, however,
political exigencies had produced the parti-
tion of his dominions, the rumour soon
spread that this had been done by Alex-
ander's desire. The general report was,
that he had made the division by will
(Q^ Curt. 'Hist. Al.' x. 10, § 5; Amm.
Marc, xxiii. 6 ; Mos. Chor. ' Hist. Arm.' ii.
1; Joh. Mai. 'Chronograph.' viii. p. 195;
Diod. Sic, xx. 81). It would seem, how-
ever, from the present passage, that there
was another version of the story also cur-
rent, by which the distribution made after
his demise was said to be in accordance with
instructions given by him upon his death-
bed. Both reports may be traced to the
desire of legitimating what had been done
by referring it to the express commandment,
spoken or written, of the half-deified king.

7. Alexander reigned twelve years.] From
July, B.C. 336, to May, B.C. 323 (Clinton,
'F.H.,' vol. ii. pp. 281-284), or twelve
years and ten months, seemingly. Diodorus
says (xvii. 117), twelve years and seven
months; Arrian (vii. 28), twelve years and
eight months.

8. his servants bare rule every one in his

v. 9 — i o.J

I. MACCABEES. I.

385

B.C.
cir. 323.

9 And after his death they all put
crowns upon themselves ; so did their

10 And there came out of them b.c.i7s.
a wicked root Antiochus surnamed

sons after them many years : and evils Epiphanes, son of Antiochus the
were multiplied in the earth. king, who had been an hostage at

place.] Ptolemy, son of Lagus, in Egypt;
Pithon in Media; Antigonus in Phrygia,
Lycia, and Pamphylia ; Eumenes the Car-
dian in Cappadocia; Leonnatus in Mysia;
Lysimachus in Thrace; Menander in Lydia;
Asander in Caria; Philotas in Cilicia; Lao-
medon in Syria ; Antipater and Craterus, as
guardians and regents for Philip Arrhidaeus,
in Macedon.

9. after his death they all put crowns upon
themselves.'] The author does not state that
the crowns were assumed immediately after
Alexander's death, nor does he, in all proba-
bility, intend his expression, " they all put
crowns upon themselves," to be taken lite-
rally. The greater part of the chiefs above
named did assume the diadem; and ulti-
mately all the fragments of Alexander's
empire became kingdoms under crowned
rulers. It is the latter fact which the author
has specially in his mind.

their sons after tbem.~\ All the monarchies
formed out of Alexander's empire were here-
ditary, the right of succession belonging to
the eldest son. Naturally, each such prince
assumed the diadem on his father's demise.

many years.] From Alexander's death, in
B.C. 323, to the accession of Antiochus Epi-
phanes, in B.C. 175, was a hundred and forty-
eight years — nearly a century and a half.
During the whole of this time "evils were
multiplied upon the earth." Ewald says of
" the Greek age," as he calls it : " The first
decades of this period passed away amid the
continuous wars of Alexander, and the still
more devastating campaigns of his successors,
which were little favourable to the fusion of
the two nationalities. Beneath the tinsel
of Greek culture the times were exceedingly
disordered; and all the nations of Asia had
much to suffer from the craving for new do-
minions and the perpetual wars of the suc-
cessors of Alexander, whose own thirst for
conquest was only quenched by death"
('History of Israel,' vol. v. p. 225, E.T.).
Palestine was, during the whole period, the
battle-ground between the rival powers of
Egypt and Syria, whose armies were con-
tinually traversing the territory, and carrying
fire and sword into its most sequestered
districts and hamlets.

§ 2. Accession of Antiochus Epiphanes,
and Commencement of Hellenizing
Practices.

10-15. From his brief introductory sketch
the writer passes at a bound to the special

Apoc.— Vol II.

subject of his narrative— the tyranny of Antio-
chus Epiphanes, and the events which grew
out of it. After noting the accession of the
hated monarch, he gives an account of the
proceedings soon after taken by a Hellenizing
party among the Jews themselves, who were
opposed to the ordinary Hebrew exclusive-
ness, and desired a fusion with the heathen.
This party had grown up by degrees under
the Ptolemaic and Seleucid rule, and em-
braced a considerable portion of the upper
and middle classes, who were attracted by
the culture of the Greeks, by their light-
heartedness, by the splendour of their cities,
and the pleasurable character of their amuse-
ments. The Greeks had built numerous
towns in Palestine ; had introduced their lan-
guage, literature, and art ; had given thejews
privileges at Alexandria and elsewhere, and
studied and appreciated to some extent the
Jewish sacred writings. Without any vio-
lent efforts, such as those made by Epiphanes
(vv. 41-61), there was serious danger of the
Jews relinquishing all their peculiar tenets
and usages, and becoming amalgamated with
Greco-Macedonians.

10. a wicked root.] The word shoresh
in Hebrew, and its correspondent, pi£a, in
Greek, though properly meaning " root," are
used also to denote a sprout or sapling which
springs up from an old stem or stock. (Cf.
Is. x. 10, liii. 2; Rev. v. 5, xxii. 16.) And
this seems to be its sense here. On the
"wickedness" of Antiochus Epiphanes, see
Stanley's ' Jewish Church,' vol. iii. pp. 288-9 :
"Antiochus IV. was one of those strange
characters in whom an eccentricity, touching
insanity on the left and genius on the right,
combined with absolute power and lawless
passion to produce a portentous result. . . .
There was an extravagance, a littleness, in
all his demeanour, which agrees with the un-
intelligible madman of the Gentile writers,
and 'the vile person' of the Hebrew poets
and historians."

Antiochus surnamed Epiphanes^] Or " illus-
trious." Appian ridiculously connects the
epithet with the sudden appearance (eVi-
cpdveia) of the monarch on his return from
his Roman captivity (' Syriaca,' § 45). But
it had been previously borne by Ptolemy V.
in Egypt, and is evidently on a par with the
other flattering titles of the time, Euergetes,
Philadelphus, Eupator, Callinicus, and the
like. The coins of the king bear the title very
commonly.

son of Antiochus.] Epiphanes succeeded

2 C

386

I. MACCABEES. I.

[v. II— 13.

B.C. 175. Rome, and he reigned in the hundred round about us : for since we de- b. c. 174.

and thirty and seventh year of the parted from them "we have had much 11 Gr.

kingdom of the Greeks. sorrow. 'wiuhavi

11 In those days went there out 12 So this device pleased them well, found us.

of Israel wicked men, who persuaded 13 Then certain of the people

many, saying, Let us go and make were so forward herein, that they

a covenant with the heathen that are went to the king, who gave them

his brother, Seleucus IV., Philopator (2 Mace.
iv. 7) ; but he was the son of Antiochus III.,
commonly called " Antiochus the Great."
Antiochus III. reigned from B.C. 223 to B.C.
187 ; Seleucus IV. from that date to B.C. 175.

who had been an hostage at Rome.] The
relative " who " refers to Epiphanes, and not
to his father. When the Romans quarrelled
with Antiochus the Great, and, having invaded
Asia in force, defeated him at Magnesia (b.c
190), they required him, as one of the terms
of peace, to give hostages for his good beha-
viour. These were twenty in number ; and
among them was his younger son, Antiochus
(Appian, ' Syriaca,' § 38). Shortly before
his death (b.c 176) Seleucus, the elder son
and successor of Antiochus the Great, ex-
changed his own son, Demetrius, for his
brother, Antiochus; and the latter was on
his way home when Seleucus was murdered
by Heliodorus, his treasurer (ibid. § 45).

the hundred and thirty and seventh year of
the kingdom of the Greeks.'] The " era of
the Greeks " commenced in October, B.C.
312, when Seleucus Nicator assumed the
diadem. The 137th year of the Greeks
would consequently commence in October,
B.C. 175, and terminate in October, B.C. 174.
Epiphanes probably became king early in
this interval. The Seleucid era was not
only employed by the Syrians, and there-
fore, naturally, by their subjects the Jews,
but was even adopted by the independent
nation of the Parthians, and is found upon
their coins down to the very close of the
empire, a.d. 226. (See the author's 'Sixth
Monarchy,' p. 367.)

11. In those days.] A common note of
time in Hebrew and Hellenistic Greek. (See
Ex. ii. 11; Judg. xviii. 1, xix. 1; 1 Sam.
iii. 1 ; 2 Kings xx. 1 ; Matt. iii. 1, &c.) It
always implies a certain vagueness, meaning,
not " at that time," but " about that time."

'went there out of Israel wicked men.] Grimm
compares Deut. xiii. 13, where the LXX.
have e^rj\6ov e'£ 'Icrpar/X tlvbpes Ttapdvopou
" Wicked men " was probably in the original
" sons of Belial." The writer, it will be ob-
served, does Epiphanes the justice to allow
that the first steps in the Hellenizing move-
ment, to which he is so much opposed, were
taken by an irreligious party among the
Jews themselves, who courted the change

which Epiphanes afterwards strove to bring
about. Such a latitudinarian spirit first
shewed itself among the Jews in the time
of Ezra and Nehemiah, by whom it was
sternly, and (as it would seem) for a time
successfully, repressed (Ezra ix. and x. ;
Nehem. xiii. 1-28). Now it had once more
broken out, and come to a head. The chief
patron of the Hellenizing party was Joshua,
a brother of the high -priest Onias, who
Grecized his name into Jason, and, betaking
himself to Antioch, entered into negotiations
with Epiphanes, which had the results indi-
cated in w. 13-15.

Let us . . . make a covenant with the heathen
that are round about us.] The author does
not mean " with the surrounding heathen
generally" — the Syrians, Phoenicians, Phi-
listines, Arabians, Egyptians, &c, — but only
with the Greeks. The Greeks had planted
so many cities in every part of Palestine,
that they might well be said to dwell " round
about" Judsea. That a definite " covenant,"
or agreement, was made between Jason and
Epiphanes appears from 2 Mace. iv. 7-10.

since w departed from them.] I.e. " since
we separated ourselves off from the rest of
the world by our peculiar customs," or, in
other words, " since we accepted the law of
Moses as the law of the state."

we have had much sorrow.] Literally, as
in the margin, " many evils have found us."
No doubt certain inconveniences followed on
the maintenance by the Jews of their exclu-
sive position as " the people of God," separated
from and exalted above all the nations of the
earth. The heathtn resented their exclusive-
ness, and were led to hamper their commerce,
to inflict on them petty annoyances, and to
make them the object of their ridicule. These
inconveniences were magnified into " evils "
by the Hellenizing party, who proposed to
escape them by throwing down every barrier,
and effecting a fusion of two incompatible
religions and nationalities.

12. this device pleased them well.] Literally,
"the saying was good in their eyes" — i.e.
" what was said pleased them."

13. they went to the king.] Compare
2 Mace. iv. 7-10, where we learn that; Jason,
the brother of the high-priest Onias, led the
embassy.

v. 14 — 16.]

I. MACCABEES. I.

3*7

*>. t~. 174.

a 2 Mac.
4. 12.

II Or, j**

»/ an

open.

school at

jfentsa-

lein.

I> 1 Cor. 7

licence to do after the ordinances of
the heathen :

14 Whereupon *they " built a place
of exercise at Jerusalem according to
the customs of the heathen :

15 And ^made themselves uncir-
18.

cumcised, and forsook the holy b. c. i74.

covenant, and joined themselves to
the heathen, and c were sold to do
mischief.

16 Now when the kingdom was
established before Antiochus, he

c 1 Kings
si. 25.

171.

<who gave them licenced] It would seem
(from 2 Mace. vii. 9) that a royal licence was
needed for the opening of a palaestra, or
gymnasium, at Jerusalem. Possibly such a
licence was required everywhere, since the
gymnasia were centres of attraction, and too
many provincial gymnasia would be viewed
with jealousy by the metropolis. But perhaps
the need arose from the peculiar circumstances
of Jerusalem, where it may have been thought
that the event might produce an outbreak,
and that therefore the express authorization
of the king was necessary.

14. Whereupon they built a place of exercise.-]
Or "gymnasium." Gymnasia were courts
surrounded by walls, and containing exercise-
grounds, rooms, and porticoes, intended for
the bodily training of both youths and adults.
Their most essential features were an open
space, usually either square or oblong, sur-
rounded by colonnades, in which most of the
exercises — e.g. wrestling, leaping, throwing
the quoit, boxing, and throwing the javelin —
were performed ; a stadium, or course for the
foot-race ; and a xystus, or quiet recreation-
ground, usually planted with trees. Among
the rooms were one for dressing and undress-
ing, a cold-bath room, a hot-bath room, a room
where oil was rubbed in, a perspiring-room
(sudatorium), a cooling-room (frigidarium),
and others. The rooms and exercise-grounds
were continually thronged by those who
frequented the gymnasia for gymnastic pur-
poses ; the porticoes furnished agreeable
lounges for philosophers, rhetoricians, artists,
and spectators, who wished to while away a
leisure hour. Dean Stanley says with much
force, in speaking of the erection of this first
gymnasium in Jerusalem, " It is startling to
think of the sudden influx of Grecian manners
into the very centre of Palestine. The
modesty of the sons and daughters of Abra-
ham was shocked by the establishment of the
Greek palaestra under the very citadel of
David (2 Mace. iv. 12), where, in defiance of
some of the most sensitive feelings of their
countrymen, the most active of the Jewish
youths completely stripped themselves, and
ran, wrestled, leaped in the public sports, like
the Grecian athletes, wearing only the broad-
brimmed hat, in imitation of the head -gear of
the god Hermes, guardian of the gymnastic
festivals. Even the priests in the Temple
caught the infection (2 Mace. iv. 14), left

their sacrificial duties unfinished, and ran
down from the Temple court to take part in
the spectacle, as soon as they heard the signal
for throwing the discus, which was to lead
off the games." ('Jewish Church,' vol. ill.
p. 291.)

15. And made themselves uncircumcised.~\
Le. sought to conceal their circumcision by
means of a further surgical operation. (See
Gelsus, 'De Medic' vii. 18; and compare

1 Cor. vii. 18.)

forsook the holy covenant.'] "The holy
covenant" is not so much the covenant of
circumcision made with Abraham (Gen.
xvii. 10), as that far broader covenant made
between God and His people at Sinai (Ex.
xxiv. 3-8). The expression seems to be
adopted from Dan. xi. 28-30, where it is
used three times in connection with the
wicked doings of Epiphanes.

joined themselves to the heathen.] Lite-
rally, " yoked themselves." (Compare 2 Cor.
vi. 14.)

were sold to do mischief.] Compare 1 Kings
xxi. 20, 25 ; 2 Kings xvii. 17.

§ 3. The War of Epiphaxes with
Egypt.

16-19. The war of Antiochus Epiphanes
with Egypt was not a pure war of aggression.
It was provoked by the Egyptian king,
Ptolemy VI. (Philometor), who claimed
Coelesyria and Palestine as the dowry of his
mother, Cleopatra, and, when Epiphanes re-
fused to yield them, flew to arms and actually
invaded 'the Syrian territory (B.C. 172).
Antiochus in B.C. 171, having collected a
considerable army, undertook the recovery of
the places occupied by the Egyptians, and,
having succeeded in his object so far, pressed
forward into Egypt, defeated the forces of
Ptolemy at Pelusium, and endeavoured to
make himself master of the whole country.
He would probably have succeeded, had not
the Romans interposed, and required him to
relinquish his conquests.

16. ivhen the kingdom tvas established.]
Compare 1 Kings ii. 12, 46; 2 Chr. i. 1;

2 Kings xiv. 5. There was usually a time of
trouble at the commencement of an Oriental
monarch's reign, at the end of which his
power became " established." Epiphanes'
troubles lasted from B.C. 175 to B.C. 171.

2 C 2

388

I. MACCABEES. I.

[v. 17 20.

B.C. 171- thought to reign over Egypt, that
he might have the dominion of two
realms.

17 Wherefore he entered into
Eo-ypt ^with a great multitude, with
chariots, and elephants, and horse-
men, and a great navy,

18 And made war against Ptole-
mee king of Egypt : but Ptolemee

rf Dan. 11

25-

was afraid of him, and fled; and B.C. 170
many were wounded to death.

19 Thus they got the strong cities
in the land of Egypt, and he took
the spoils thereof.

20 And after that Antiochus had
smitten Egypt, he returned again

in the hundred forty and third , T.x69'

' T , ' Dan. 8.

year, and e went up against Israel 12.

he thought to reign over Egypt.~] Antiochus
can scarcely have begun the war with this
expectation ; but after the battle of Pelusium
he no doubt entertained the idea. Had it not
been for the Romans, he would probably have
effected his purpose.

of two realms. .] Rather, "of the two
realms " — i.e. Syria and Egypt.

17. he entered into Egypt with a great
multitude.'] Rather, "with a strong force."
Compare Dan. xi. 25. The number of his
forces is nowhere recorded.

chariots, and elephants, and horsemen."] The
employment of war-chariots by the Seleucidae
is noticed by Appian (' Syriaca,' § 52), Livy
(xxxvii. 40), and others. They are said
to have been armed with spears projecting
from the pole, and scythes (or rather sickles)
attached to the naves of the wheels and the
ends of the yokes (Liv. xxxvii. 41 ; compare
2 Mace. xiii. 2). Elephants were also em-
ployed by the Syrian kings in large numbers
(Liv. xxxvii. 40, xxxviii. 38 ; Polyb. xxii. 26,
xxxi. 3, &c). Eighty are said to have been
brought by Lysias against Jerusalem (2 Mace.
xi. 4).

and a great navy.] The march of armies
from Syria into Egypt, or from Egypt into
Syria, is much facilitated by the support of a
" navy." The great Pharaohs of the eighteenth
and nineteenth dynasties made Syrian expedi-
tions both by land and sea (Brugsch, ' Hist,
of Egypt,' vol. i. pp. 371-3, &c.). So did the
Psammetichi (Herod, ii. 159, 161). When
Cambyses invaded Egypt, he took care to be
accompanied by Greek and Phoenician ships
(jb. hi. 13, 19). Alexander's long delay at
Tyre when on his way to Egypt was to
secure a naval force. A navy is especially
needed when the attack is made from Syria,
since not only is it serviceable for conveying
supplies, but necessary in order to command
the Egyptian waters. The fleet of Epiphanes
is mentioned by Livy (xliv. 19; xlv. 11). It
proved stronger than the Egyptian fleet.

18. Ptolemee king of Egypt.] This king
was Ptolemy VI., called Philometor, the son
of Ptolemy Epiphanes and of Cleopatra,
Antiochus's sister. He was a weak prince,

and no more than seventeen years of age at
the time of Antiochus's invasion.

Ptolemee was afraid of him, and fled.] This
is scarcely in accordance with the history as
it has come down to us from other writers.
At the first great battle near Pelusium
Ptolemy appears not to have been present
(Diod. Sic. p. 579, ed. Wesseling). After-
wards, fearing perhaps the consequences of
further resistance, he submitted to his uncle,
and became his tool ; but he never fled from
any show of force, much less from any actual
engagement.

19. they got the strong cities!] As Pelu-
sium, Memphis, and others. Alexandria still
held out under Ptolemy Physcon, the brother
of Philometor, whom the Egyptians had
placed at their head when Philometor sub-
mitted to Antiochus.

§ 4. The Return of Antiochus from
Egypt, and his Proceedings at Jeru-
salem.

20. he returned again!] The return of
Antiochus to Syria in the winter of B.C. 170-169
was partly in consequence of his inability to
capture Alexandria, partly on account of the
interference of the Romans (Polyb. xxviii. 15,
ad fin!), whom he did not dare to defy. His
proud spirit must have been deeply hurt at
the issue of his two years' war ; and he was
consequently prepared to vent his pent-up
anger on the first victim that offered itself.

and went up against Israel and Jerusalem!]
A pretext was found in the series of events
related in 2 Mace. iv. 23-43 i v- 5~7- Jason,
outbid and deprived of the high-priesthood
by Menelaus, had raised a rebellion, and ob-
tained certain successes. Various other
troubles had occurred. But the real ground
of the attack was cupidity. The Syrian
treasury was exhausted, and needed to be
replenished. The wealth of the Temple was
well known, and had already provoked one
attempt (2 Mace. iii. 6-40). Now another
was to be made with greater success. The
angry king, smarting under disappointments
incurred in Egypt, leads his army against
Jerusalem, and, though unresisted, treats it
as a captured city.

V. 21 26.]

I. MACCABEES. I.

389

B.C. 169. and Jerusalem with a great multi-
tude,

21 And -^entered proudly into the
sanctuary, and took away the golden
altar, and the candlestick of light, and
all the vessels thereof,

22 And the table of the shewbread,
and the pouring vessels, and the vials,
and the censers of gold, and the veil,
and the crowns, and the golden
ornaments that were before the
temple, "all which he pulled off.

I Or, he

pilled all
things.

23 He took also the silver and the B.C. 169.
gold, and the ■ precious vessels : also 1 Gr.

he took the hidden treasures which desirabu-
he found.

24 And when he had taken all
away, he went into his own land,
having made a great massacre, and
spoken very proudly.

25 Therefore there was great
mourning in Israel, in every place
where they were ;

26 So that the princes and elders

21. entered proudly into the sanctuary.']
The assault and capture of the city, enlarged
upon in 2 Mace. v. 11-14, are omitted by the
present writer, who cares for nothing in com-
parison with the profanation of the Holy
Place, and the other sacrilegious acts of the
misguided king. Menelaus, the apostate
high-priest, served as guide to Epiphanes on
the occasion (2 Mace. v. 1 5), and led him into
the inner sanctuary, or Holy of Holies
(Diod. Sic. xxxi. 1, 48).

the golden altar.] I.e. the altar of incense,
which stood inside the Temple, just in front
of the veil. (Compare Ex. xxx. 1-6 ; 1 Kings
vii. 48.) Solomon's altar was no doubt
carried off by Nebuchadnezzar ; but a similar
one had been made and placed within the
Temple by Zerubbabel or Ezra.

the candlestick of light.] The seven-
branched lampstand, which stood against the
south wall of the Holy Place (Ex. xxv. 31-37 ;
xl. 24), and was an essential part of the
Temple furniture (2 Chr. xiii. 11). Such a
" candlestick," however often carried off, was
always restored ; and the Arch of Titus
shews us that the Romans found one in the
Temple when they finally captured and
destroyed it.

the vessels thereof.] The " lamps," " tongs,"
and "snuff-dishes" of Ex. xxv. 37, 38, which
were all " of pure gold."

22. And the table of the she-wbread.] See
Ex. xxv. 23-30 ; 1 Kings vii. 48.

the pouring vessels and the vials.] In the
original o-nov§e1a na\ <f)id\as — "flagons and
chalices" — vessels to contain the wine for
the drink-offerings, and cups or goblets out
of which to pour them. Compare Ex. xxv.
29, xxxvii. 16; where, however, the (ptaXai.
are called Kvadot.

the censers of gold.] Incense-pots, in which
incense was offered on the table of shewbread,
together with the loaves (Lev. xxiv. 5). They
are mentioned in Ex. xxv. 29 and xxxvii. 16
(where the A.V. translates by " spoons "), and
are represented on the Arch of Titus.

the veil.] See Ex. xxvi. 31, xl. 21 ; 2 Chron.
iii. 14.

the crowns.] Compare below, ch. iv. 57.
Whether these " crowns " were votive offer-
ings hung in front of the Temple, or the
capitals of the pillars of the porch, is un-
certain.

the golden ornaments that were before the
temple . . . he pulled off".] Much of the orna-
mentation consisted of woodwork plated with
gold (Ex. xxvi. 29 ; 1 Kings vi. 20-22 ; 2 Kings
xviii. 16). This Epiphanes stripped off.

23. the silver and the gold and the precious
vessels.] I.e. all the gold and silver vessels
that he found in the Temple — an example of
hendiadys.

also . . . the hidden treasures!] I.e. the
contents of the various treasuries, whether
public or private. (See Joseph. ' Bell. Jud.' ii.
9, § 4; 2 Mace. iii. 10-12.) The value of the
precious metals carried off was estimated at
1800 silver talents, or nearly 350,000/. (See
2 Mace. v. 21.)

24. having made a great massacre.] At
his entry, not at his departure (2 Mace. v.
12-14). The slain were estimated at 80,000;
but this was probably an exaggeration.

§ 5. The Mourning of the Jews
after his Departure.

25-28. Words are poor to tell of the
effect on the Jewish mind of these terrible
calamities. Nothing like them had occurred
since the destruction of the first Temple
by Nebuchadnezzar. The fact that Helio-
dorus had been so recently baffled in a some-
what similar attempt (2 Mace. iii. 14-29) must
have made them the more unexpected. The
writer graphically describes in four short
verses the general consternation.

26. the princes and elders.] Probably the
same as the " council " or " senate " of 1 Mace,
xii. 6, and of 2 Mace. i. 10, iv. 44, xi. 27 —
a body corresponding to the later Sanhedrin,

39°

I. MACCABEES. I.

[v. 27—33.

B.C. 170. mourned, the virgins and young men
were made feeble, and the beauty of
women was changed.

27 Every bridegroom took up
lamentation, and she that sat in the
marriage chamber was in heaviness.

28 The land also was moved for
the inhabitants thereof, and all the
house of Jacob was covered with
confusion.

29 And after two years fully ex-
pired ^the king sent his chief col-
lector of tribute unto the cities of
Juda, who came unto Jerusalem
with a great multitude,

167.

* 2 Mac
5- 24-

30 And spake peaceable words unto B.C. 167.
them, but all was deceit : for when
they had given him credence, he fell
suddenly upon the city, and smote it
very sore, and destroyed much people
of Israel.

31 And when he had taken the
spoils of the city, he set it on fire,
and pulled down the houses and walls
thereof on every side.

32 But the women and children
took they captive, and possessed the
cattle.

33 Then builded they the city of
David with a great and strong wall,

which was composed of chief priests (heads
of courses), elders, and scribes.

§ 6. Second Attack upon Jerusalem,
by Apollonius, Chief Collector of
Tribute.

29-32. The circumstances of this attack
are given with some particularity in 2 Mace. v.
24-27. We find there the name of the leader,
Apollonius; the number of his army, 22,000
men ; and the fact that the attack was made
on the sabbath day, suddenly and without a
pretext, by the armed soldiers, who had been
received peaceably into the town, upon the
unarmed Judasans. The intention must have
been the same as that of certain f miliar ds in a
neighbouring capital in our own day — to strike
terror into the inhabitants and reduce them
into a state of abject subservience.

29. after two years.] In December B.C.
168, or January B.C. 167 (Clinton, 'F. H.'
vol. iii. p. 321).

fully expired.] Literally, " years of days "
— a Hebraism. Compare Gen. xli. 1 ; Lev.
xxv. 29; 2 Sam. xiii. 25, &c.

with a great multitude.'] Rather, " with a
strong force" — an army of 22,000 men
(2 Mace. v. 24).

30. spake peaceable words.] Compare
2 Mace. v. 25 ; Joseph. ' Ant. Jud.' xii. 5, § 4.
Had he come as an open enemy, the in-
habitants might have shut the gates, and
stood on their defence with a good prospect
of success.

but all was deceit.] Rather, " deceitfully."

he fell suddenly upon the city.] Waiting for
the sabbath, he gave his soldiers orders to
arm themselves, and, sallying forth into the
streets, to kill all the men whom they met in
any part of the town. The women and
children they were to seize and sell for

slaves. (See 2 Mace. v. 24-26.) The sale of
these numerous captives (as Ewald notes)
" helped to fill the empty treasury of the
king."

31. he set it on fre.] There can scarcely
have been any intention to burn the city, or
the intention would have been carried out.
Probably, in the confusion of the plundering,
various houses were set on fire accidentally.

pulled down the houses and walls.] I.e.
demolished the fortifications, or at any rate
broke large breaches in them, and destroyed
such houses as abutted on the demolished
portions of the walls.

32. and possessed the cattle^] On the
keeping of cattle within the precincts of cities
in ancient times, see Jonah iv. n. The word
employed (kttjvt]) will, in its Hellenistic use,
include horses.

§ 7. Permanent Occupation of a part
of Jerusalem by the Syrians.

33-37. The object of the occupation of
" the city of David " was clearly to molest
such Jews as wished to visit the Temple from
the " upper city " by crossing the Tyropceon,
and at the same time to make into a special
Syrian stronghold the most commanding posi-
tion in the whole town. It is to be remem-
bered that the " acra," or " citadel," as it was
called, overlooked the Temple (Joseph. ' Ant.
Jud.' xiii. 6, 7).

33. the city of David.] It is generally
agreed that this means the special hill on
which had stood the palace of David. But
the position of this hill is questioned. Most
writers regard it as a portion of the high
ground north, or rather north-west, of the
Temple. But Colonel Warren, with the most
complete local knowledge, has recently argued
that it was a portion of the western hill, oppo-
site the Temple (' Transactions of Society of

v. 34—40.]

I. MACCABEES. I.

391

B. Oj67. and with mighty towers, and made it
a strong hold for them.

34 And they put therein a sinful
nation, wicked men, and fortified
themselves therein.

35 They stored it also with armour
and victuals, and when they had
gathered together the spoils of Jeru-
salem, they laid them up there, and
so they became a sore snare :

36 For it was a place to lie in wait
against the sanctuary, and an evil
adversary to Israel.

37 Thus they shed innocent blood
on every side of the sanctuary, and
defiled it :

38 Insomuch that the inhabitants B.C. 167.
of Jerusalem fled because of them :
whereupon the city was made an
habitation of strangers, and became
strange to those that were born in

her ; and her own children left
her.

39 Her sanctuary was laid waste

like a wilderness, ^her feasts were * Totit '•
turned into mourning;, her sabbaths 2 Mac. 6.

©)

into reproach, her honour into con-
tempt.

40 As had been her glory, so
was her dishonour increased, and
her excellency was turned into
mourning.

Bibl. Archaeology,' vol. vii. pp. 309-3 15). The
whole question of the topography of ancient
Jerusalem is still undetermined.

a great and strong ivall, and zvith mighty
towers.'] All the early fortifications con-
sisted of projecting towers, square or round,
with a curtain between them (Rawlinson,
' Ancient Monarchies,' vol. ii. p. 405 ; vol. iii.
pp. 76, 82 ; ' History of Egypt,' vol. i. p. 465 ;
Herod, i. 179, Sec). Numerous towers in
the wall of Jerusalem are mentioned by
Nehemiah (ch. iii. 1, 11, 25, 26, 27).

a strong hold.'] In the original, a<pa, a
"citadel," or " acropolis." The word became
the proper name of this fortress.

34. a sinful nation.] Compare Tobit xiii.
6. The Jews divide the world into Jews and
Gentiles — "the righteous" and "sinners."
Here, however, something more is meant.
The Syrian Greeks, as the aiders and abettors
of Epiphanes, were considered to be sinners
in an especial sense. See the words which
follow — " wicked men " — and compare ch. ii.
48, 62 ; iii. 15, 20, Sec.

35. they became a sore snare.] We should
read iyivero here, rather than eyivovro, and
translate — "It became a sore snare." Dean
Stanley says : " It was regarded as a per-
petual tempter, an adversary or devil in stone
— as a personal enemy " (' Jewish Church,'
vol. iii. p. 295). Compare v. 36. Hence
the joy and rejoicing when ultimately it was
captured (infra, xiii. 51).

§ 8. Flight of the godly Jews,
and Suppression of the Jewish Re-
ligion.

38-53. Unable to frequent the Temple by
reason of the perpetual sallies made upon
them from the Acra, the religious Jews quitted

Jerusalem and gave it up to the Hellenizing
party. Antiochus hereupon, regarding all
opposition as over, launched his Edict of In-
tolerance— "That all should be one people,
and that every one should leave his laws"
(yv. 41, 42). A special commissioner was
sent down from Antioch to enforce the
king's orders (2 Mace. vi. 1). Not only was
the practice of the Jewish religion or the
observance of any of its ceremonies forbidden
under penalty of death (v. 50), but active
participation in the abominations of idol
worship was required of all (-v. 47 ; com-
pare 2 Mace. vi. 7). The possession of the
sacred writings was also made a capital
offence (f. 57). Under the chief com-
missioner were appointed " overseers," whose
business it was to carry out the king's orders
in all the various cities and towns throughout
the whole of Judasa. The determination was
to stamp out the Jewish religion absolutely
and utterly, and to establish the sensual
idolatry of the Greeks in its place.

38. the city ivas made an habitation of
strangers^] This must not be understood
too broadly. Menelaus, the high-priest, re-
mained at Jerusalem with his partisans, and
gave the support of his authority to all the
measures of Antiochus. It was among the
most bitter trials of the faithful, that many of
their own countrymen took part with the
heathen against them. (See irv. 43 and 52.)

39. Her sanctuary teas laid nvaste.] Rather
"was empty" or "desolate." Itwasno
part of the policy of Epiphanes to destroy, or
even to injure, the Temple building. He
proposed to retain it as the centre of the new
religious worship which he was about to set
up. (See 2 Mace. vi. 2-4.)

her feasts <were turned into mourring.] As
prophesied by Amos (viii. 10), whose words,

I. MACCABEES. I.

[v. 41— 51.

B. C 167.

II Or, the
laws and
rites 0/ the
strangers
of the
land.

41 Moreover king Antiochuswrote
to his whole kingdom, that all should
be one people,

42 And every one should leave his
laws : so all the heathen agreed ac-
cording to the commandment of the
king.

43 Yea, many also of the Israelites
consented to his religion, and sacrificed
unto idols, and profaned the sabbath.

44 For the king had sent letters
by messengers unto Jerusalem and
the cities of Juda, that they should
follow " the strange laws of the land,

45 And forbid burnt offerings, and
sacrifice, and drink offerings, in the
temple ; and that they should profane
the sabbaths and festival days :

46 And pollute the sanctuary and B.C. 167.
holy people :

47 Set up altars, and groves, and
chapels of idols, and sacrifice swine's
flesh, and unclean beasts :

48 That they should also leave
their children uncircumcised, and
make their souls abominable with
all manner of uncleanness and pro-
fanation :

49 To the end they might forget
the law, and change all the ordi-
nances.

50 And 'whosoever would not do',2Mac-
according to the commandment of

the king, he sald^ he should die.

51 In the selfsame manner wrote

he to his whole kingdom, and ^ap- 5. 22.

■ 1

nui
■ft I

la,

.:::.

11.
let.

as rendered by the LXX., are here closely
followed.

41. king Antiochas wrote to his nvhole
kingdom.] The special edict directed against
the Jews (w. 44-50) seems to have been
preceded by a general proclamation of uni-
formity in religion throughout the whole king-
dom. This was a sort of blind, there being
no very clear intention of forcing changes on
any people except the Jews. Hence the
heathen nations generally "agreed" to the
edict. (See v. 42, and compare ch. ii. 19;
but, on the other hand, see ch. hi. 29.)

43. many . . . of the Israelites consented.']
See note on v. 38.

44. letters . . . unto Jerusalem!] By the
hand of the special commissioner deputed to
seethe royal commands carried out (2 Mace.
vi. 1).

the strange laws of the land.] Rather, as
in the margin, " the laws (or customs) of the
strangers of the land" — i.e. the Syrian
Greeks.

45. burnt offerings, and sacrifice, and drink
offerings.] I.e. offerings of any kind.

46. And pollute . . . holy people.] I.e. the
godly, the faithful. The readiest mode of
pollution was forcing them to eat swine's
flesh. (See 2 Mace. vi. 18-31 ; vii. 1.)

47. groves.] Rather, "precincts." The
"groves" of the Old Testament are certainly
not intended. These were idolatrous emblems
in wood or metal, resembling probably the
"sacred tree" of the Assyrians. (See the
author's' Ancient Monarchies,' vol. ii. p. 236.)
" Precincts " (jfjxivr]) were sacred enclosures,
surrounded by walls, and generally containing
within them a temple or shrine.

chapels of idols.] Or " idol temples." (See

1 Cor. viii. 10.) The word eldaXflov is used
of the heathen temples generally, vaos or vews
being reserved for the temples of the true
God.

unclean beasts!] Literally, "common."
Compare Acts x. 14, 15, 28; and for an ac-
count of the animals which were " unclean "
to the Jews, see Lev. xi. 3-30. The swine
was the only animal offered commonly in
sacrifice by heathen nations, which the Jews
might not offer.

48. That they should. . .leave their children
uncircumcised.] Could circumcision have
been abolished, the whole distinction between
Jew and Gentile would very shortly have
been done away. Circumcision admitted
into covenant ; and without it a Jew would
have felt that he was not a Jew, but a mere
uncovenanted heathen. Hence the strenuous
efforts made to stop circumcision (yv. 60, 6 1 ;

2 Mace. vi. 10, viii. 4, Sec).

50. he should die.] Like other thorough-
going persecutors — Diocletian, Galerius,
Isdigerd II., the Inquisition — Epiphanes en-
forced conformity under the penalty of death.
This heroic remedy necessarily results in
either submission or insurrection.

51. In the selfsame manner 'wrote he to his
whole kingdom!] I.e. mutatis mutandis. But
it may be questioned whether any religions
but the Jewish and Samaritan were seriously
threatened. The various forms of polytheism
were too nearly allied to quarrel, and readily
understood one another. The Phoenician,
Syrian, and Babylonian deities had all of them
their Greek counterparts ; and a syncretic
spirit was so generally prevalent, that we need
stronger evidence than is anywhere forth-

v. 52—56.]

I. MACCABEES. I.

393

. B. C. 167.

[ I Or, And

\ they made

I Israel

I hide theni-

\ selves in
holes in
! every
'. place of
I succour.
: 1 2 Mac.

il6. 11.
Heb. 11.

Is.8-

:i See ch. 2.
31, 36,41.

cir. 168.

pointed overseers over all the people,
commanding the cities of Juda to
sacrifice, city by city.

52 Then many of the people were
gathered unto them, to wit, every one
that forsook the law ; and so they
committed evils in the land ;

53 "And / drove the Israelites into
secret places, even wheresoever they
could flee for succour.

54 Now the fifteenth day of the

month Casleu, in the hundred forty b. c.
and fifth year, they set up "*the c"i_L7'
abomination of desolation upon the ^ *£•
altar, and builded idol altars through-
out the cities of Juda on every side ;

55 And burnt incense at the doors
of their houses, and in the streets.

56 And when they had rent in
pieces the books of the law which
they found, they burnt them with
fire.

coming to convince us that Epiphanes con-
templated imposing on all his subjects complete
religious uniformity.

and appointed overseers^] Ewald views
these " overseers " as " an army of spies and
wardens, accusers and watchmen " (' Hist, of
Israel,' vol. v. p. 299) ; but Dean Stanley is
probably right in regarding them as local
commissioners, acting under the chief com-
missioner, and carrying out the king's behests
in the provinces (' Jewish Church,' vol. iii.
P- 295).

52. many of the people were gathered unto
them.'] A Hellenizing faction shewed itself
in all parts of the land, not in J udsea only,
but also in Samaria (2 Mace. vi. 2) and Galilee
(1 Mace. v. 15).

53. drove the Israelites into secret places]
To escape the persecution of the " overseers,"
the Israelites were compelled to betake them-
selves to hiding-places— caves, deserts, and
hill fastnesses (2 Mace. v. 27)— just as had
been done of old by David and his com-
panions (1 Sam. xx.-xxvi.) when they fled
from Saul.

§ 9. The Abomination of Desolation
set up in the Temple, and the Per-
secution CARRIED ON RELENTLESSLY.

54-64. The finishing touch was now to be
put to the whole scheme of persecution. The
daily sacrifice had been already abolished
(v. 45) ; but, to prevent any pious Jew from
surreptitiously offering it, the altar itself was
to be polluted by a permanent erection. On
the 15th of Chisleu (December B.C. 168, or
January B.C. 167) an altar to the Olympian
Jupiter was set up on the top of the brazen
altar of burnt sacrifice erected by Zerubbabel
(Ezra iii. 2, 3) ; and ten days afterwards the
profanation was completed by the offering
of sacrifice to Jupiter upon the new altar.
At the same time images of heathen gods
were set up at the doors of houses and in the
streets, and incense burnt to them. The
Books of the Law were searched for, and,
when found, were burnt. A vigorous perse-

cution of all who disobeyed the royal edicts
was commenced. The mothers of children
who had been recently circumcised were put
to death with the children, and the dead
bodies of the latter were hung about the
mothers' necks. Those by whom the opera-
tion had been performed were likewise
executed. Attempts were made to compel
men to eat unclean meats, and their refusal
to do so was also punished with death. The
author of the Second Book of Maccabees
goes into considerable detail on these subjects,
relating at length some particular instances of
cruel punishments (2 Mace. vi. 10-31; vii.
1-42).

54. they set up the abomination of desola-
tion upon the altar.'] That " the abomination
of desolation " was an altar appears from
v. 59. The phrase is not previously used in
the Septuagint, though nearly allied to one in
Daniel ix. 27, where an "abomination of
desolations" is mentioned. The expression
in Dan. xi. 31, which refers to the event here
recorded, is different. It had been customary
from the time of Moses to call idolatrous
objects " abominations." The present writer
goes further, and marks his hatred of this
particular object by attaching to it a further
epithet of abhorrence.

and builded idol altars.] " Idol altars "
(/3w/iot) are contrasted with the altar of God
(9vo-Lao-TT}piov). It was common among the
Greeks to erect such altars in the streets of
towns before images of gods and goddesses,
especially Hermes, Dionysus, Apollo, and
Artemis. Hence these deities were some-
times spoken of as 6eol dyviels — " deities of
the street."

55. burnt incense at the doors of their houses?^
It was usual in Greek towns to place images
of the household gods in the vestibules or
porches of houses (Dollinger, 'Jew and
Gentile,' vol. i. p. 242, E. T), and to offer to
them incense, cakes, and other sacrificial
dainties. Artemis was sometimes honoured
in this way, and was then called r,po6vpaia
(' Orph. Hymn.' i. 4).

56. when they had rent in pieces the books

394

B.C.
cir. 167.

II Gr. the
king's
command-
went put
him to
death.

" 2 Mac.
6. 10.

n Gr. that
had cir-
cumcised
their
children.

I. MACCABEES. I. II.

[v. 57—64.

57 And wheresoever was found
with any the book of the testament,
or if any consented to the law, " the
king's commandment was, that they
should put him to death.

58 Thus did they by their autho-
rity unto the Israelites every month,
to as many as were found in the
cities.

59 Now the five and twentieth
day of the month they did sacrifice
upon the idol altar, which was upon
the altar of God.

60 At which time according to
the commandment "they put to death
certain women, "that had caused their
children to be circumcised.

61 And they hanged the infants
about their necks, and rifled their

houses and slew them that had cir-
cumcised them.

B.C.
cir. 167

62 Howbeit many in Israel were

fully resolved and confirmed in them-
selves not to eat any unclean thing.

63 Wherefore they "chose rather ' 2Mac- 6-
to die, that they might not be defiled &V.i,&&
with meats, and that they might not
profane the holy covenant : so then
they died.

64 And there was very great wrath
upon Israel.

CHAPTER II.

6 Mattathias lament eth the case of Jerusalem.
24 He slay eth a Jew that did sacrifice to idols
in his presence, and the king's messenger also.
34 He a?id his are assailed upon the sabbath,
and make no resistance. 50 He dieth, and
instructeth his sons ; 66 and makcth their
brother Judas Maccabeus general.

of the law .... they burnt them.'] Compare
the conduct of Zedekiah (Jer. xxxvi. 23).
Hatred of God's Word leads wicked men to
make its destruction sure.

57. wheresoever was found with any the
book of the testament.'] Rather, " a book of
the covenant " — i.e. anyone of the five books
of Moses. It is implied that private persons
not unfrequently possessed a portion, if not
the whole, of the Pentateuch. A great multi-
plication of copies had followed on the
institution of " scribes."

if any consented to the law.] Mere ob-
servance of the law, apart from possession of
any portion of it, was made a capital offence.

58. every month.] It would seem that
each town was visited once a month by its
inspector, and a bloody assize held. The
country districts were probably under less
strict surveillance.

59. they did sacrifice upon the idol altar.]
Diodorus (xxxiv. 1) says that a herd of a
hundred swine was driven into the Temple
and slaughtered in the sacred precincts.
One huge sow was chosen out of the number
for sacrifice upon the newly-erected altar, on
which a portion of its blood was poured,
while another portion was taken inside the
Temple building and poured out within the
Holy of Holies. (Compare Joseph. 'Ant.
Jud.' xii. 5, § 4.)

60. that had caused their children to be
circumcised.] Literally, " that had circumcised
their children." But no doubt the meaning
is that they had authorized the act. See the
next verse. From 2 Mace. vi. 10 we gather
that only two women were treated with this
extreme barbarity

61. they hanged the infants about their
necks.] Partly to aggravate the sufferings of
the mothers ; but also to ensure the death of
the children, who were precipitated with
their mothers from the top of the city wall
(2 Mace. /. s. c).

rifled their houses^] I.e. gave them up to
pillage.

slew them that had circumcised them.]
I.e. put to death those who had performed
the rite.

63. they chose rather to die, that they might
not be defiled with meats.] On the modes of
compulsion used, and the noble resistance
made, see 2 Mace. vi. 18-31 and vii. 1-41.

64. there was very great wrath upon
Israel.] The persecution of Epiphanes was
looked upon as a judgment sent upon the
nation by God on account of its sins. The
very martyrs themselves took this view, and
acknowledged God's justice in the chastise-
ment (2 Mace. vi. 18, 33). It may be con-
cluded from this that Ps. lxxiv. does not
belong to the period, since it contains no
confessions of national ill-desert.

CHAPTER II.

§ 1. The Family of Mattathias.

1-5. The desperate strait in which the
Jewish nation was placed having been suffi-
ciently set forth in ch. i., the writer proceeds
in ch. ii. to a theme that is more congenial to
him — the mode of the national deliverance;
and as this was the special work of a single
family, he commences this portion of his
history with an account of the family, so far

v. i— 5-]

I. MACCABEES. II.

395

I" N those days ' arose Mattathias 3 Simon, called Thassi :

B. C. 167.

nu- J- the *°n of John, the son of Si- 4 Judas, who was called Macca-

| ££**'* , meon, a priest of the sons of a Joarib, beus :

I john.&c. from Jerusalem, and dwelt in Modin. 5 Eleazar, called D Avaran : and " 0r> Ava-

Jromje- 2 And he had five sons, Joannan, Jonathan, whose surname was Ap-Tlarok:

< ««'«*, "called "Caddis : phus. Seech.6.

i or, out of r

1 Jerusalem. a i Chron. 24. 7. II Or, who was called: and so afterward in the rest. II Gaddis.

43-

as it was known to him. Mattathias, its
chief at the time when the sanctuary was
profaned, he traces back through two pro-
genitors, his father and his grandfather, to
the great priestly clan or course of Joarib
(or Jehoiarib), to which David and Solomon
had assigned the first place among the at-
tendants on the altar (i Chr. xxiv. 7). He
represents him as having been, at the time
when the persecution began, a dweller in
Jerusalem, but as having fled thence and
taken refuge in his ancestral city, Mode'in,
where he was " an honourable man " and " a
ruler "(v. 8). He was accompanied by his
five sons (three of whom became personages
of importance) — Joannan or John, Simon,
Judas, Eleazar, and Jonathan. Each of
these youths enjoyed the distinction of a
second name.

1. Mattathias] The name is not wholly
new. A " Mattathiah " had supported Ezra
when he came forward to read the law to the
people (Neh. viii. 4). Two others appear in
St. Luke's genealogy of our Lord (Luke
iii. 25, 26).

a priest of the sons of Joarib] That
descendants of Joarib, or Jehoiarib, returned
from the Captivity is declared in 1 Chr. ix. 10
and Neh. xi. 10, xii. 6, 19.

in Modin.] More properly " Modem " or
" Mode'im." The place has not been men-
tioned in the Hebrew Scriptures, and occurs
only in connection with Maccabean history
(ch. ii. 70; ix. 19; xiii. 25, 30; xvi. 4;
2 Mace. xiii. 14). It appears by 1 Mace. xvi.
to have lain on the edge of the hill-country
overlooking the Philistine plain ; and here
Jerome places it (' Onomast.' ad "voc.
Modim), near Diospolis, or Lydda (now
Ludd). The exact site is disputed.

2. Joannan.] The name is identical with
the Johanan or Jehohanan of the Hebrew
Scriptures (1 Chr. iii. 15, 24; vi. 9, 10;
Jer. xl. 8-16, &c). It means "Jehovah
gave." On the after-career of Joannan see
ch. ix. 36-38, and 2 Mace. viii. 22 (where he
is by mistake called " Joseph ").

called Caddis.] There is no traditional
interpretation of this surname. It may per-
haps represent the Hebrew " Gaddi" (Num.
xiii. n), which seems to be a denominative
formed from " Gad," " fortune," and to mean
" fortunate." Compare the Roman " Felix."

Or, possibly, it is a transliteration of the
Chaldee B>Hj3, " holy."

3. Simon.] The career of Simon occupies
chaps, xiii.-xv. and ch. xvi. 1-16. He was the
fourth Maccabee leader.

called Thassi.] The Syriac has " Tharsi, '
which may mean " director," or " guide,"
since Simon was "a man of counsel " (v. 65).

4. Judas, <who <was called Maccabeus.]
Judas was selected by his father to succeed
him as leader (ch. ii. 16). His exploits
occupy chaps, iii.-ix. 1-17. He is the great
hero of the Second Book of Maccabees. His
surname of Maccabeus has been variously
derived: 1, from the Hebrew macedbdh, "a
hammer ;" 2, from chabah, " to extinguish ;"
3, from 2pV, in the sense of "to track"
or "trace out." (See the Introduction to
Judith, § IV.)

5. Eleazar, called Avaran] The sur-
name of Eleazar is given as " Savaran " in
ch. vi. 43. The true form, however, is pro-
bably Avaran, which may be connected with
the Chaldee and Syriac Tin, "to be pale."
For the exploit from which Eleazar got his
name, see ch. vi. 43-46.

Jonathan, whose surname <was Apphus]
On the exploits of Jonathan, see chs. ix.-xii.
His surname, Apphus, is thought to mean
" the Dissembler," and to have been given
him on account of his first exploit against the
Beni-Jambri, who had slain his brother John
(ch. ix. 37-41).

§ 2. The Lament of Mattathias
over Jerusalem.

6-14. This genuine outpour of natural
grief has all the appearance of being a con-
temporary document, and may well have
been the composition of the aged priest on
the occasion in question. It is composed on
the model of the Davidic Psalms, but with
somewhat less of exact balance in the clauses
than is customary. The rhythmic effect is
wholly spoiled by the arrangement into verses
which our translators have followed ; the
true arrangement is as follows : —

" Woe is me ! Wherefore was I born to see
the misery of my people,
And the misery of the Holy City ?
And to dwell there when it was delivered into
the hand of the enemy,
And the sanctuary into the hand of strangers ?

396

I. MACCABEES. II.

[v. 6 — 14.

eir.

C.
167.

*ch.
24.

1-23.

6 And when he saw the blasphe-
mies that were committed in Juda
and Jerusalem,

7 He said, Woe is me ! wherefore
was I born to see this misery of my
people, and of the holy city, and to
dwell there, when it was delivered
into the hand of the enemy, and the
sanctuary into the hand of strangers ?

8 Her temple is become as a man
without glory.

9 *Her glorious vessels are carried
away into captivity, her infants are
slain in the streets, her young men
with the sword of the enemy.

10 What nation hath not had a B.C.
part in her kingdom, and gotten of C1LL7'
her spoils ?

11 All her ornaments are taken

away

of a free woman she is be-

come a bondslave.

12 And, behold, our ' sanctuary, \?2lJ?1y
even our beauty and our glory, is
laid waste, and the Gentiles have
profaned it.

13 To what end therefore shall we
live any longer ?

14 Then Mattathias and his sons
rent their clothes, and put on sack-
cloth, and mourned very sore.

Her temple is become as a man of no reputa-
tion :
Her glorious vessels are carried away captive :
Her young children are slain in the streets,
Her youths with the sword of the enemy.
What nation has not inherited part of her
kingdom,
Nor gotten a portion of her spoils?
All her adornment hath been taken away from
her ;
Instead of a free woman, she is become a bond
slave.
Behold, our sanctuary, even our beauty and our
glory, is laid waste ;
The nations have profaned it. Wherefore do
we still live?"

6. when be saw.] " He" refers to Matta-
thias, the chief subject of the first section.

blasphemies.'] Impious deeds, rather than
impious words, seem to be intended. (Gomp.
ch. i. 35-63.) Deeds alone could be seen.

in Juda and Jerusalem.'] I.e. " in Judsea,
and especially in Jerusalem."

7. wherefore was I born to see this misery ?]
Rather, " Wherefore was I born for this, to
see the misery," &c. ? The sentiment may
be compared with that of Job iii. 3-1 1, and
Jeremiah xx. 14-18. A heathen poet went
so far as to say that it would have been better
for every man not to have been born (Soph.
'CEd. Col.'l. 1225).

9. Her glorious vessels.] Comp. ch. i. 21-23 5
and note the stress that is laid on the capture
of the " vessels " belonging to the earlier
temple in the canonical Books of the Old
Testament (2 Kings xxv. 14-17; 2 Chr.
xxxvi. 7; Jer. Iii. 17-23; Dan. i. 2, v. 2;
Ezra i. 7, &c).

her infants are slain.] See ch. i. 61 ;
2 Mace. vi. 10.

her youn% men with the sword.] See 2 Mace.
v. 24.

10. What nation hath not had a partf]
The thought of the poet goes back, perhaps,
from the present to the past, and shows him
Judaea as the prey of a long succession of
nations — Egyptians (1 Kings xiv. 25, 26),
Assyrians (2 Kings xviii. 13-16; 2 Chr.
xxxiii. 11-13), Babylonians (2 Kings xxiv. 1 ;
xxv. 1-2 1), Syrians (ib. xvi. 5, 6), Moabites
(ib. xxiv. 2), Ammonites (ib.), Persians
(Ezra ix. 9), Greco-Macedonians — who had
all robbed her, more or less, of her sove-
reignty, and been partakers of her spoils. Or,
perhaps, he only means that the armed force
which Antiochus employed to carry out his
measures was drawn from all the various
nations under his dominion (comp. 2 Mace. viii.
9), and that in this way there was scarcely a
people which had not profited by the spolia-
tion of Jerusalem (ch. i. 35). In either case,
his language is rhetorical, and not to be
pressed to the letter.

11. of a free woman she is become a bond"
slave.] Judaea lost her independence at the
time of the Babylonish Captivity, and only
recovered it through the efforts of the
Maccabee princes. She was subject to
Babylon from B.C. 606 to B.C. 538 ; to Persia
from B.C. 538 to B.C. 332; and to the Greco-
Macedonians from B.C. 332 to B.C. 168, when
Mattathias revolted. But the poet ignores
the fact of political subjection, and considers
that, so long as she was allowed the free
exercise of her religion, she was free.

12. our sanctuary . . . is laid waste.]
Rather, "is waste," "is desolate" — i.e.
has none to worship in it. There had as yet
been no damage done to the Temple build-
ing. Compare note on ch. i. 39.

the Gentiles have profaned it.] See ch. i.
54, 59-

14. rent their clothes and put on sackcloth.]
These were usual signs of mourning in the
East, and were not peculiar to the Jews.

v. i5— 18.]

I. MACCABEES. II.

397

B.C.
cir. 167.

15 In the mean while the king's
officers, such as compelled the people
to revolt, came into the city Modin,
to make them sacrifice.

16 And when many of Israel came
unto them, Mattathias also and his
sons came together.

17 Then answered the king's offi-
cers, and said to Mattathias on this
wise, Thou art a ruler, and an hon-

ourable and great man in this city, b. c.
and strengthened with sons and cl!iL''
brethren :

18 Now therefore come thou first,
and fulfil the king's commandment,
like as all the heathen have done, yea,
and the men of Juda also, and such as
remain at Jerusalem : so shalt thou
and thy house be in the number of
the king's friends, and thou and thy

(See Diod. Sic. i. 72 ; Herod, viii. 99 ; Jonah
iii. 6, 8 ; Job i. 20, ii. 12, &c.)

§ 3. The Circumstances under which
Mattathias began the Revolt.

15-28. Mattathias and his sons had with-
drawn from Jerusalem, when the persecution
grew hot there, and retired to their ancestral
city, or village, on the verge of the Shefelah,
or great Philistine plain, where they may
have expected that they would be unmolested.
But, after a short pause, the persecutors
spread themselves from the capital over the
country. The "king's officers" — probably
the "overseers" of ch. i. 51 — appeared at
Modem, and required submission to the royal
edict on the part of its inhabitants. As
Mattathias was the chief man of the place,
and had attended the first meeting which
the officer summoned, he was called upon
first and foremost to obey the edict and
sacrifice. This, in the name of himself, his
sons, and his brethren, he solemnly refused
to do. As he ceased speaking, one of the
Hellenizing party presented himself before
the commissioner, and signified his desire
to do what Mattathias would not. Mat-
tathias at once slew him, and followed up
his bold act by also killing the commissioner
and destroying the idol altar. He then went
through the city, and summoned all who
were zealous for the law to follow him ; after
which, with his followers, he quitted the city,
and betook himself to the mountains. Thus
was open war declared between the small
band of faithful Jews and the mighty Antio-
chus.

15. In the mean <while.~\ There is no such
expression in the original. Probably some
weeks intervened between the "mourning"
of Mattathias and the arrival of the officers.

the king's officers^ Literally, "the men
from the king" — i.e. those whom he had
commissioned for the purpose of carrying out
his orders.

such as compelled the people to revolt^
Rather, "to apostatize." The "revolt "in-
tended is rebellion against the laws of God.

to make them sacrifice^ Comp. i. 51.

16. Mattathias . . . and his sons came to-
gether^ No doubt the inhabitants gene-
rally were summoned to appear before the
commissioner. Mattathias and his sons
came, since it was not for them to anticipate
what he was about to say to them. He might
have come upon some harmless errand.

17. answered . . . and said.~] Rather,
"took the word, and said." The expression
is used by the LXX. of opening speeches,
without any reference to anything said, or
even thought, by the opposite party. See
below, ch. viii. 19.

Thou art a ruler. ,] In the East every petty
town and village has its "head-men," who
represent it with the government, apportion
its taxes, collect them, and otherwise act as
its chiefs. Mattathias held such a position at
Modem, probably from his birth and wealth,
not from his priestly character.

an honourable and great man.] Not only
a ruler, but one of good repute, and a " great
man " compared with the rest of the inhabit-
ants ; as Ewald says, " the most important
personage of the place."

18. like as all the heathen have done.'] See
note on ch. i. 42.

such as remain at Jerusulem.] An acknow-
ledgment that great numbers had refused to
remain, and had left the capital. (See ch.
i. 38.)

so shalt thou and thy house be in the number
of the king's friends.'] Something more is
meant than a promise that they should be
accounted loyal subjects. The Persian kings
had their " Royal Benefactors," who formed
a distinct class (Herod, iii. 140; viii. 85),
were known as Orosangs, and had probably
special privileges. Alexander had his " com-
panions," who were a definite privileged class.
The Syro-Macedonian kings seem to have
distinguished two classes of persons, one as
their "companions," and another as their
"friends" (Polyb. xxxi. 3, § 7), and to have
permitted to each certain distinctions of
dress, precedence, and the like. Mattathias
and his sons were offered admission into the
class of " friends." (Comp. ch. x. 65.)

39«

I. MACCABEES. II.

[v. 19—25.

B.C.

cir. 167.

children shall be honoured with silver
and gold, and many rewards.

19 Then Mattathias answered and
spake with a loud voice, Though all
the nations that are under the king's
dominion obey him, and fall away
every one from the religion of their
fathers, and give consent to his com-
mandments :
josh. 24. 20 c Yet will I and my sons and
my brethren walk in the covenant of
our fathers.

21 God forbid that we should for-
sake the law and the ordinances.

22 We will not hearken to the
king's words, to go from our religion,

cir. 167.

either on the right hand, or the b. c
left.

23 Now when he had left speak-
ing these words, there came one of
the Jews in the sight of all to sacri-
fice on the altar which was at Modin,
according to the king's command-
ment.

24 Which thing when Mattathias
saw, he was inflamed with zeal, and
his reins trembled, neither could he
forbear to shew his anger according
to judgment : wherefore he ran, and
slew him upon the altar.

25 Also the king's commissioner,
who compelled men to sacrifice, he

honoured with silver and gold.~] Gifts of
ornaments in the precious metals had been
bestowed upon their courtiers by the Persian
kings from time immemorial (Xen. ' Cyrop.'
viii. 2, §§ 7-12). The practice passed from
them to the Syro-Macedonians. (See below,
ch. x. 20, 89.)

19. ivitb a loud 'voice.'] To attract atten-
tion. Mattathias desired that his fellow-
townsmen should hear him.

Though all the nations.] Mattathias does
not question the statement made to him (v.
18), that " all the heathen have done accord-
ing to the king's commandment." True or
false, it is the same to him. He will not
"follow a multitude to evil" (Ex. xxiii. 2).
Though all the world should fall away, yet
will he be faithful, and his father's house. His
boast was better kept than that of St. Peter
(Matt. xxvi. 33).

under the king's dominion.'] Literally, " in
the house of the king's kingdom."

20. the covenant of our fathers?] I.e. the
covenant (or agreement) which God made
with our ancestors at Mount Sinai (Ex. xix. 8 ;
xxiv. 3-8).

22. either on the right hand, or the left?]
Gomp. Deut. v. 32 ; xvii. 20; xxviii. 14.

23. when he had left speaking.] Rather,
"as he left speaking."

there came.] Or, " there approached."
The man seems to have come up casually,
not having been among those assembled at
the first (v. 16), and so not having heard the
indignant protest of Mattathias. He was no
doubt a zealous Hellenizer, anxious to gain
favour with the authorities by coming for-
ward among the first His example, if Mat-
tathias had done nothing, might have had
a most demoralising effect.

24. his reins trembled.] Comp. Ps. lxxiii.
21, "I was pricked in my reins:" and see also
Job xvi. 13, xix. 27 ; Ps. vii. 9; Lam. iii. 13.
The Hebrew physiology connected that in-
ward emotion which stirs men, and forces
them to sudden act, as much with the " reins"
(i.e. kidneys) as with the heart. Hence the
two are constantly joined together (Ps. vii. 9,
xxvi. 2; Jer. xi. 20, xvii. 10, xx. 12; Rev.
ii. 23).

neither could he forbear to shew his anger?]
Rather, "and he poured forth his anger"
— did not restrain it — gave it free vent.

according to judgment.] Or, " to condem-
nation." In his fury he judged and con-
demned the man, accounting him worthy of
death, either from a natural impulse, or
perhaps with conscious reference to the
command given in the Law (Ex. xxii. 20 ;
Deut. xiii. 6-9, &c), that idolaters should
be killed without pity. Jewish opinion
would entirely approve of such an execution
without formal trial or sentence, when the
sinner was caught in the act and there could
be no doubt of his guilt. (Comp. Ex. xxxii.
27, 28; Num. xxv. 8; 1 Kings xviii. 40;
2 Kings x. 25, xxiii. 25, &c.)

he ran.] His haste shewed his zeal.

upon the altar.] In the very act of sacri-
ficing (comp. 2 Kings xxiii. 25). Josephus says
that Mattathias, and his sons, rushed upon
the man, armed <with broad knives ((co7r/8es),
and slew him ; but probably he draws upon
his imagination for these additional facts.

25. the king's commissioner.] Josephus
calls him "the king's general," and gives his
name as Apelles. The Law did not require
this act, since the commissioner was a hea-
then, engaged in executing the orders of his
legitimate sovereign. It must be justified,
if justified at all, as an act of warfare, one by

v. 26 — 3°-]

I. MACCABEES. II.

399

B.C.
cir. 167.

killed at that time, and the altar he
pulled down.

26 Thus dealt he zealously for the
law of God, like as d Phinees did
unto Zambri the son of Salom.

27 And Mattathias cried through-
out the city with a loud voice, saying,
Whosoever is zealous of the law, and
maintaineth the covenant, let him
follow me.

28 So he and his sons fled into B. c.
the mountains, and left all that ever cujJ_7
they had in the city.

29 Then many that sought after
justice and judgment went down into
the wilderness, to " dwell there

30 Both they, and their children,

II Gr. sit,

or, abide.

and their wives, and their cattle ; "

because " afflictions increased
upon them.

were mul-
SOre tiplied

upon
them.

which Mattathias consummated, and pro-
claimed, his rebellion.

the altar he pulled down.'] In accordance
with the commands given in Ex. xxxiv. 13
and Deut. xii. 3, and after the example of
the best kings (2 Kings xviii. 4; xxiii. 13-20).
An idolatrous altar was a pollution to the
holy land.

26. like as Phinees did unto Zambri."] The
reference is to Numb. xxv. 7, 8, where the
act of Phinehas (Gk. Phinees) is recorded.
Phinehas, like Mattathias, had executed
divine vengeance on two persons, an Israelite,
and a heathen who was partaker in his
offence. His " zeal " received the approval
of God {ibid. w. 11-13 ; Ps. cvi. 30, 31).

27. maintaineth the covenant.] Literally,
" maintaineth covenant" — i.e. keeps faith with
God. The covenant was entered into by
circumcision, and involved a keeping of all
the commandments. Mattathias' appeal was
intended to rally to him all who were pre-
pared to maintain their religion against the
attempt of the king to put it down.

let him follow me.] Mattathias knew that
it would be impossible to resist the force
that Antiochus had at his command in a
petty town like Modein, which was perhaps
not even walled. His plan was to withdraw,
with such support as he could obtain, into
the wildest part of the hill-country of Judasa,
where David had so long resisted Saul, and
thence to carry on a guerilla warfare against
the persecuting king. His success is related
in the next section.

§ 4. The War of Independence, as con-
ducted by Mattathias himself.

29-48. At first there was a great want of
unity and cohesion among the religious party.
They fled to the wilderness in small and
separate bodies, as persecution pressed upon
them, without any one acknowledged leader,
without even any generally accepted plan of
defence. They were scattered over a wide
extent of country, and it was no doubt diffi-
cult for the chief men to meet and consult
together. When the war began by the

forces of Antiochus entering the hill-country
and requiring the submission of the fugitives,
it had not even been determined what course
was to be pursued with respect to the ob-
servance of the sabbath, whether or no the
rest commanded was to be regarded as
involving a complete suspension of military
operations on that day. Among the first of
the patriots attacked were some who took
the strictest possible view, and felt bound to
offer no resistance at all to the enemy on the
day of rest. The consequence was at least
one serious disaster, involving the loss of
a thousand lives (<y. 38). After this, Matta-
thias, and those under his immediate com-
mand, resolved to take the opposite course,
and defend themselves on the sabbath to the
utmost of their power, if attacked. Success
followed this change of tactics. The scat-
tered bands of fugitives rallied to the leader
whose courage and strong sense seemed to
promise victory (y. 43). The secret ad-
herents of true religion in Jerusalem and
other places held by the Syro-Macedonians
came flocking in (y. 42). Mattathias was
able to take the offensive. In many places he
and his adherents overthrew the idolatrous
altars, drove the apostates away, and re-
established the old Jewish customs and
usages. The Syro-Macedonians seem to
have been afraid to meet him in the field, and
to have on certain occasions retreated from
his pursuit (v. 47).

29. many that sought after justice and judg-
ment?] I.e. many who were not content to
live under the detestable rule of the Syro-
Macedonians, by whom the principles of
justice were daily outraged, to their constant
loss and hurt. (See the next verse.)

30. their cattle.] The highlands of Pales-
tine can always afford nourishment to a con-
siderable number of cattle ; and all the tribes
by whom they have been possessed have
always been rich in cattle, as the Midianites
(Num. xxxi. 9), the Amalekites (1 Sam. xv. 9 ;
xxx. 20), the Moabites (2 Kings iii. 4), and
others. Jerome says that about Tekoah
" there was no village, not even rustic cot-
tages, nor, on account of the dryness and
sandiness, were any crops raised ; but the

4oo

I. MACCABEES. II.

Lv- 31—37-

B.C. 31 Now when it was told the

culL7' king's servants, and 'the host that
ch- 1. 33. was at Jerusalem, in the city of Da-
vid, that certain men, who had broken
the king's commandment, were gone
/ch.1.53. down into /the secret places in the
wilderness,

32 They pursued after them a great
number, and having overtaken them,
they camped against them, and made
war against them on the sabbath day.

33 And they said unto them, Let
that which ye have done hitherto
suffice ; come forth, and do according

to the commandment of the king, b. c.
and ye shall live. cir^7.

34 But they said, We will not
come forth, neither will we do £ the ^ch. 1.45.
king's commandment, to profane the
sabbath day.

35 So then they gave "them thel'°r>'*«
battle with all speed.

36 Howbeit they answered them
not, neither cast they a stone at them,
nor stopped the places where they lay
hid;

37 But said, Let us die all in our

!• 1 1 1 1 11 " Gr- Sl"1'

' innocency : heaven and earth shall purity.

whole district was full of herdsmen" ('Proleg.
in Amos'). Comp. Luke ii. 8.

afflictions^] I.e. ill-treatment at the hands
of the Syro-Macedonians.

31. the king's servants^] Literally, " the
king's men " — i,e. the men placed in authority
by the king, to uphold his interests and govern
the country — the civil authorities of the land.

the host.] The armed force, placed at the
disposal of the civil authorities.

that was at Jerusalem, in the city of David '.]
Rather, "that was in Jerusalem, the city
of David." The two are not distinguished,
but identified, according to the existing text.
It is conjectured, however, that either "Jeru-
salem" is a gloss which has crept into the
text from the margin, or else that the prepo-
sition iv has fallen out after "Jerusalem."
In the latter case our translation would give
the true meaning, and " the city of David "
would be the part of Jerusalem which was
occupied by the Syro-Macedonian garrison.
(Comp. ch. i. 35.)

the king's commandment^] See ch. i. 44-50.

secret places.] See note on ch. i. 53.

32. made war against them.] Le. at-
tacked them. No doubt it was known to the
Syro-Macedonians, or at any rate suspected
by them, that, in their zeal for the Law, the
insurgents would feel bound by its letter,
and would offer no resistance upon the sab-
bath. Such an interpretation of the Fourth
Commandment was not unnatural in a time
of high religious excitement ; but it does not
appear to have suggested itself to any mind
prior to the Captivity.

33. they said unto them.] The offer was
an amnesty for the past, on condition that
the fugitives returned to their several cities
or villages, and submitted themselves to the
royal decrees— perhaps not bad terms, hu-
manly speaking, under the circumstances.

34. But they said.] The terms offered were
utterly rejected. " We will not come forth,"
they said. We refuse to quit our refuge,
dry and arid region though it be, since we
are not prepared to obey the king's decrees.
On the contrary, we are resolved to disobey
them. Resistance to the civil authority, when
its commands are contrary to the law of God,
is the duty of every religious man, and is fre-
quently commended in Holy Scripture. (See
Dan. iii. 18-30, vi. 10-26; Acts iv. 19, 20,
v. 29, 30, &c.)

to profane the sabbath day.] Comp. ch. i.
45. As the text stands, this can only refer to
the royal command issued to all Jews, to
profane the sabbath. It is suspected, how-
ever, that in the original Hebrew the words
were — " neither will we profane the sab-
bath;" i.e. by fighting. There certainly
seems to be no reason for the selection of
the one point of sabbath profanation out
of the many included in the royal decree
(ch. i. 44-49)-

35. with ail speed.] Lest they should
change their minds, and resolve to resist.

36. they answered them not.] They made
no response to the attack — took no steps to
meet it, but remained absolutely inactive.

neither cast they a stone at them.] The
sling was at all times one of the main weapons
employed by the Israelites (Judg. xx. 16;
1 Sam. xvii. 40; 2 Kings iii. 25; 1 Chr.
xii. 2), and was especially suited for an ex-
temporised army of shepherds Qv. 30) and
townsmen.

nor stopped the places where they lay hid.]
They would not even block the passes by
which their hiding-places had to be ap-
proached.

37. Let us die . . . in our innocency.] Lite-
rally, " in our simplicity."

heaven and earth shall testify \] Rather,
"are witness." The remonstrance had no

v. 38—43-]

I. MACCABEES. II.

401

B.C. testify for us, that ye put us to death
cujJ_7' wrongfully.

38 So they rose up against them
in battle on the sabbath, and they
slew them, with their wives and chil-
dren, and their cattle, to the number

\jmen!U of a thousand "people.

39 Now when Mattathias and
his friends understood hereof, they
mourned for them right sore.

40 And one of them said to an-
other, If we all do as our brethren
have done, and fight not for our lives
and laws against the heathen, they will
now quickly root us out of the earth.

41 At that time therefore they de- B.C.
creed, saying, Whosoever shall come Cl!i_lf7-
to make battle with us on the sab-
bath day, we will fight against him ;
neither will we die all, /zas our bre-*ver-38-
thren that were murdered in the secret
places.

42 Then came there unto him a
company of Assideans, who were
mighty men of Israel, even all such
as were voluntarily devoted unto the
law.

43 Also all they that fled for per-
secution joined themselves unto them,
and were a stay unto them.

effect. In spite of it the Syro-Macedonians
fell upon them, and slew every soul— men,
women, and children. Not even were the
cattle spared. (See the next verse.)

39. iv hen Mattathias and his friends un-
derstood hereof.'] It is evident that the disas-
ter occurred to a body of patriots not under
the command of Mattathias. Probably there
were many such bodies scattered over the
length and breadth of the hill region, fugi-
tives from various parts of Judaea, as yet
without concert or even knowledge of each
other. Each such band followed its own
views of what was right.

40. one of them said to another.'] The
intelligence received, set men thinking what
was the proper course to pursue. There
was no established practice, since the Jews
had remained at peace daring the whole
period of the Persian dominion (b.c 536—
332), and had submitted to Alexander with-
out offering any resistance (Joseph., ' Ant.
Jud.,' xi. 8, § 5). What the rule had been in
the old wars was forgotten. We can scarcely
suppose it to have forbidden resistance to an
attack.

41. they decreed^] Or " resolved." The
form used expresses a resolve taken after
deliberation. We must suppose a council to
have been held among the chiefs, the ques-
tion to have been debated, and a decision
reached. But the decision was scarcely a
" decree."

Whosoever shall come . . . nve <will fight
against him.] The line taken seems to have
been that it was lawful to stand on the de-
fensive and resist attack, but not to take
the offensive, upon the sabbath. The same
course was pursued in the first Roman war
(Joseph., ' Ant. Jud.,' xiv. 4, § 3), with the
worst results, since the Romans pushed for-
ward their works, drove mines under walls,

ApOC — Vol. II.

and in all respects took advantage of their
enemies' inactivity upon the sabbath. The
Syro-Macedonian strategy appears to have
been inferior, and the Jews to have lost little
by their resolution.

that were murdered^] Rather, "killed."
The Syrians are not reproached for the ad-
vantage which they took of their adversaries'
scrupulosity.

in the secret places.] Josephus speaks of
caves, which certainly abound in the region
(1 Sam. xxii. 1 ; xxiv. 3, &c.), and says that
the Syro-Macedonians heaped brushwood
against the mouths of the caves, and set it
on fire, thus burning or suffocating the in-
mates (' Ant. Jud.,' xii. 6, § 2). Such a thing
has often been done in savage, and even in
civilised warfare; but there would seem to
have been no necessity for it on the present
occasion, since the Israelites offered no re-
sistance.

42. unto him.] Rather, " unto them."

a company of Assideans.] This is probably
the true reading, instead of the " Judasans "
of some MSS. " Assideans " (or rather,
" Asidasans " — 'Ao-iSaloi) is the Greek equi-
valent of the Hebrew Khasidim, " pious ones '
— a name assumed by a section of the reli-
gious Jews at this period. (Comp. ch. vii.
13 and 2 Mace. xiv. 6.) The sect seems to
have been formed quite independently of the
Maccabee family, and to have held more
rigid views. Under the circumstances, how-
ever, they agreed to a coalition.

43. all they that fed for persecution.]
The Asidaeans were a religious party, spread
throughout the whole land. They sent a
contingent of warriors. The persons now
spoken of were casual refugees, driven to
quit their homes and take refuge in the wil-
derness by the actual pressure of persecution.
They joined Mattathias en masse.

2 D

402

I. MACCABEES. II.

[v. 44—49-

b. c. a a So they joined their forces, and

Or. 167. • r 1 J • u •

— smote sinrul men in their anger, and
wicked men in their wrath : but the
rest fled to the heathen for succour.

45 Then Mattathias and his friends
went round about, and pulled down
the altars :

46 And what children soever they
found within the coast of Israel un-
circumcised, those they circumcised

\Or,by 11 valiantly.

force, , /

47 They pursued also after the

horn to thi\
sinner.

proud men, and the work prospered B. c

i.i 1 cir. 167.

in their hand.

48 So they recovered the law out
of the hand of the Gentiles, and out „

' II Gr. gave

of the hand of kings, neither "suffered they the
they the sinner to triumph.

49 Now when the time drew near dr. i6fi
that Mattathias should die, he said
unto his sons, Now hath pride and
rebuke gotten strength, and the time
of destruction, and the wrath of in-
dignation :

44. they joined their for res.'] Rather, " they
formed an army." The refugees were now
numerous enough, and bold enough, to levy
an army out of their number, and with it to
assume the offensive. Their first attacks
were directed against the " sinful " and
"wicked" — i.e. against such of their own
nation as had conformed to the state religion.
They attacked outlying Jewish communities
of this character, and "smote" them with
the sword, regarding them as at once their
enemies, and deserving of death for their
apostasy. Such as escaped on occasion of
these attacks fled to places where the Syro-
Macedonians were in force, and could pro-
tect them.

for succour.] Rather, "to save them-
selves."

45. pulled down the altars.] I.e. the idol-
altars which had been set up in the several
villages and towns, as at Modem (i>. 23).

46. children . . . uncircumcised.] See
above, ch. i. 48.

47. They pursued also after the proud
men.] By the " proud men " (vlovs rrjs v-rve-
prjfpavias) the Syro- Macedonians are clearly
intended. Not content with punishing their
own apostates, and driving them from their
homes (v. 44), the party of Mattathias had
occasional encounters with the Syro- Mace-
donian oppressors, put them to flight, and
" pursued " them.

the work prospered.] Literally, " the work
was put in a right way " — i.e. a good com-
mencement was made. It was only needful
that the resistance should be carried on in
the same spirit for success to be assured.

48. they recovered the law.] The Law is
regarded as captured and enslaved by the
Syro-Macedonians, from whom Mattathias
and his followers rescued it.

out of the hand of kings.] Literally, " out
of the hand of the kings." The officers of
Antiochus, who carried out his will in the
provinces, are viewed as " kings " in a certain

sense, since they shared in the royal autho-
rity.

neither suffered they the sinner to triumph.]
he. "they prevented the Hellenizers among
the Jews from succeeding in their attempts."
(See above, v. 44.)

§ 5. The Last Words of Mattathias,
and his Death.

49-70. It appears from v. 70, that Matta-
thias continued at the head of the patriotic
movement only for about a year. He was,
no doubt, far advanced in years when the
persecution broke out, and the hardships of
warfare and of a desert life would tell upon
him more than upon younger men. In the
course of the first year of the war he found
his end approaching, and felt that it devolved
on him to make arrangements for the future.
Accordingly, he called his sons together, and
made them the speech recorded in w. 49-
68, exhorting them to faithfulness by the
examples of the men of old time, and appoint-
ing his son Simon as chief counsellor and
ruler, his son Judas as captain. After this
he blessed all his sons, and so died. He was
buried by his sons at Modem, which was one
of the places already recovered (yv. 45-48),
in the sepulchre of his fathers.

49. when the time drew near that Matta-
thias should die.] The form of expression
implies a natural death in a ripe old age.
(Comp. Gen. xlvii. 29; 1 Kings ii. 1.)

he said unto his sons.] The second address
of Mattathias has not the rhythmic perfection
of the first. Still, it is cast in a poetic mould ;
and a balance of clauses may be traced
throughout. We can scarcely suppose that
either speech does more than follow the
general outline of what Mattathias said.

Now hath pride and rebuke gotten strength.]
The " pride" is that of the Syro-Macedonians,
who (in -v. 47) are called "sons of pride."
The " rebuke " is that to which the people of
God were exposed at the hand of scoffers.

the time of destruction and the wrath of

v. 5o— 58.]

I. MACCABEES. II.

403

B. c. 50 Now therefore, my sons, be ye

C.r^i66. zeaJQUS fQV tfoe ]aw^ ancJ gjve y0ur

lives for the covenant of your fathers.

51 Call to remembrance what acts

\Gr.gene- our fathers did in their "time; so

rations. ,

shall ye receive great honour and an

everlasting name.
I Gen. 22. ^2 2' Was not Abraham found faith-
Kom. 4. 3. ful in temptation, and it was imputed

Jam. 2. 21, , . r • 1 , 5

22, 23. unto him for righteousness r
* Gen. 41. 53 k Joseph in the time of his dis-
tress kept the commandment, and
was made lord of Egypt.

40.

54 /Phinees our father in being
zealous and fervent obtained the
covenant of an everlasting priest-
hood.

55 '"Jesus for fulfilling the word
was made a judge in Israel.

56 "Caleb for bearing witness be-
fore the congregation received the
heritage of the land.

57 "David for being merciful pos-
sessed the throne of an everlasting
kingdom.

58 -^Elias for being zealous and

b. c.

cir. 166.

1 Numb.
25. i3.
Ecclus. 45
23, 24.

'" Josh. 1.
2.

" Numb.
14. 6, 7, 24
Josh. 14.
9. 13-

0 2 Sam. 2
4. & 7. 16

/ 2 Kings
2. 11.

indignation.] Rather, " a time of destruction
and a passion of rage."

50. be ye zealous for the law.] The com-
mendation of " zeal for the law," which marks
the Maccabee period (ch. ii. 24, 26, 27, 54,
58), led ultimately to the formation of the
sect of " zelots," which so greatly distin-
guished itself in the last siege of Jerusalem,
and of which the apostle, Simon Zelotes, was
a member (Luke vi. 15).

the covenant of your fathers.'] See note on
*y. 20.

51. in their time.'] Literally, "in their
generations."

so shall ye receive great honour and an
everlasting name.] Greek ideas had to a
considerable extent leavened the whole mass
of the Jewish nation, even the most religious.
In the old times the Jews did not fight for
their own honour, or to " get them a name,"
but for God's glory, that His name might be
held in honour, and His might shewn forth to
the heathen. But now it was different. The
low motive of personal ambition and desire
of posthumous fame was allowed to influence
conduct, and is continually mentioned as the
predominant incentive to great deeds and ex-
ploits. (See below, ch. v. 57, vi. 44, ix. 10,
xiv. 29; 2 Mace. vi. 23, &c.)

52. Was not Abraham found faithful in
temptation?^ I.e. when tried whether he
would be willing to sacrifice Isaac or no.
(Gen. xxii. 1-12; Heb. xi. 17; Ecclus. xliv.
20.)

it was imputed unto him for righteousness.]
The words are an exact quotation from the
Septuagint version of Gen. xv. 6. (So St.
James in his epistle, ch. ii. 23; and St. Paul
in Rom. iv. 3, Gal. iii. 6.) " Reckoned," or
" counted," is, on the whole, a better render-
ing of the original than " imputed." (See the
Revised Version.)

53. Joseph ., . . kept the commandment.]
See Gen. xxxix. 7-12.

54. Phinees our father.] Mattathias means
to claim descent from Phinehas, who at any
rate was of the same tribe with him and his
sons. On the great deed which distinguished
Phinehas, see note on v. 26. On his obtain-
ing, in reward for his deed, " the covenant of
an everlasting priesthood," see Num. xxv. 13 ;
and comp. Ecclus. xlv. 24.

55. Jesus for fulfilling the word was made
a judge.] Joshua received his appointment on
account of his general obedience to God's
word, not on account of any single act. He
was "a man in whom was the spirit" (Num.
xxvii. 18), and had fulfilled every duty laid
upon him up to the time of his appointment.
(See Ex. xvii. 10-13, xxiv. 13, xxxii. 17,
xxxiii. 1 1 ; Num. xiv. 6-9.)

56. Caleb for bearing witness before the
congregation.] Caleb was joined with Joshua
in one of his righteous acts. Like Joshua, he
gave a true report of the land of Canaan and
its inhabitants after being sent to spy it out.
This was the " witness " which he bore
"before the congregation" (Num. xiv. 6-9),
and for bearing it he ran a near risk of being
stoned.

received the heritage of the land.] I.e. was
allowed to enter the holy land (Num. xiv. 30-
38), and given a heritage in it (Josh. xiv. 13).

57. David for being merciful.] The merci-
fulness of David is not elsewhere commended ;
but it is to be remembered that he twice spared
Saul's life when he might have taken it (1 Sam.
xxiv. 4-1 1 ; xxvi. 5-12), and also allowed
Shimei to live, notwithstanding that he had
cursed him (2 Sam. xix. 2351 Kings ii. 8).

possessed the throne of an everlasting king-
dom.] For the promise made to him of such
a kingdom, see 2 Sam. vii. 13, 16. The con-
tinuance of the temporal kingdom was con-
ditional (Ps. exxxii. 12), and ultimately the
promise was so far forfeited. But the spiritual
kingdom remains in the line of David for
ever and ever through the eternity of the
kingdom of Christ.

2 D 2

4°4

I. MACCABEES. II.

|v. 59—66.

b. c. fervent for the law was taken up

cir. 166. • , i

— into heaven.
'Dan. 3 rg q Ananias, Azarias, and Misael,
a6. by believing were saved out or the

flame.
^Dan. 6. £0 *• £)aniel for ^{g jnnocency was

delivered from the mouth of lions.

6 1 And thus consider ye through-
out all ages, that none that put
their trust in him shall be overcome.

62 Fear not then the words of a
sinful man : for his glory shall be
dung and worms.

63 To day he shall be lifted up,

and to morrow he shall not be found, b. C.

b, , , . cir. 166.

ecause he is * returned into his —

dust, and his thought is come to j9Gen" 3'

nothing. Ps- z*6- *

64 Wherefore, ye my sons, be va-
liant, and shew yourselves men in
the behalf of the law ; for by it shall
ye obtain glory.

65 And, behold, I know that your
brother Simon is a man of counsel,
give ear unto him alway : he shall be
a father unto you.

66 As for Judas Maccabeus, he
hath been mighty and strong, even

58. Ellas for being zealous and fervent for
the law.] Comp. 1 Kings xviii. 19-40, xix.

10, xxi. 20-24 > 2 Kings i. 3-12.

ivas taken up into heaven^] See 2 Kings ii.

11, and comp. Ecclus. xlviii. 9.

59. Ananias, Azarias, and Misael.'] See
Dan. i. 6-19; ii. 17, 49; iii. 12-30. The
occurrence of these names, and the simplicity
and brevity of the statement, that they " were
saved out of the flame " — so closely parallel
to the antecedent statements with respect to
Abraham, Joseph, Phinehas, Joshua, Caleb,
David, and Elijah —is strong evidence that
the Book of Daniel was received into the
Canon at the time when this work was written
— nay, at the time of Mattathias' death. His
dying words were tolerably sure to have been
remembered ; and their recorder would have
shrunk from interpolating into them a passage
which, if Daniel were a historical romance,
written in the thick of the struggle, his
contemporaries would have known that
Mattathias could not have uttered.

by believing were saved.] See Dan. iii. 17.
They believed that they would be saved ; and
their faith gave them the strength which
carried them through the terrible ordeal.

60. Daniel for bis innocency was delivered^]
The reference to Dan. vi. 22 is palpable,
though the Greek word translated "inno-
cency " is different in the two passages.

61. throughout all ages.] Literally, " from
generation to generation."

shall be overcome^] Rather, " shall fail,"
or "be without strength."

62. the words of a sinful man.] The
"sinful man" especially glanced at is Antio-
chus, and the " words " are those of his
decrees ; but the warning passes beyond the
particular case to all others resembling it.
The words of those who can do no more than
" kill the body " are at no time to be " feared "

when they run counter to the commandments
of God.

his glory shall be dung and worms.] I.e.
" shall rot and perish." There is no allusion
to the " worms " which " rose up out of the
body " of Antiochus (2 Mace. ix. 9).

63. his thought.] Literally, "his calcula-
tions," i.e. the expectations that he formed of
the results which he was about to accomplish.
Comp. Ps. cxlvi. 4, where the LXX. use the
same word — 6iaXo-yio-/xoi.

64. be valiant and shew yourselves men.]
Comp. Josh. i. 9; x. 25.

shall ye obtain glory.] See note on v. 51.

65. your brother Simon is a man of counsel.]
In the Greek, it is " Simeon " here, though
elsewhere always " Simon" (ch. ii. 3 ; xii. 33,
38 ; yim.-wi. passim). He appears to have been
the least warlike of the five brethren, and was
not made " captain " till the other four were
dead (ch. xiii. ?, 9). We do not hear of his
advice being sought by the others during
their terms of office ; but his own conduct of
affairs is remarkable for the preference shewn
to prudent management over brute force
(ch. xiii. 33, 47, 50; xiv. 10, 24; xv. 26).

a father.] Grimm explains this as
" patriarchal chief," or " head of the family."
But it is unnecessary to suppose that John,
the eldest son (v. 2), was deposed from this
position. " Father " means here, rather,
" counsellor and guide."

66. Judas Maccabeus.] His surname evi-
dently attached to Judas with peculiar close-
ness (comp. ch. iii. 1, and 2 Mace. v. 27), so
that even his father called him by it. On its
meaning, see note on v. 4.

mighty and strong.] Literally, " mighty in
strength." The author of the Second Book
of Maccabees seems to consider that Judas
took a prominent part in the original with-
drawal of the patriots into the wilderness

v. 67—3-]

I. MACCABEES. II. III.

405

battle of
tlupeople.

b. c. from his youth up : let him be your
- — ' captain, and "fight the battle of the
«&** people.

67 Take also unto you all those
that observe the law, and avenge ye
the wrong of your people.

68 Recompense fully the heathen,
and take heed to the commandments
of the law.

69 So he blessed them, and was
gathered to his fathers.

70 And he died in the hundred
forty and sixth year, and his sons
buried him in the sepulchres of his
fathers at Modin, and all Israel made
great lamentation for him.

166.

CHAPTER III. b.c.

I The valour and fame of Judas Maccabeus. Clr' l66,
10 He overthroweth the forces of Samaria
and Syria. 27 Antiochus sendeth a great
power against him. 44 He and his fall to
fasting and prayer, 58 and are encouraged.

THEN his son Judas, called Mac-
cabeus, rose up in his stead.

2 And all his brethren helped him,
and so did all they that held with
his father, and they fought with
cheerfulness the battle of Israel.

3 So he gat his people great ho-
nour, and put on a breastplate as a
giant, and girt his warlike harness
about him, and he made battles, pro-
tecting the host with his sword.

(2 Mace. v. 27; viii. 1), being the military
leader, rathei than Mattathias, from the first.
But he perhaps over-glorifies his hero.

of the peopled] Rather, " of the p e 0 p le s "
— the Jews and the Syro-Macedonians.

69. he blessed them.'] Compare the acts
of Isaac (Gen. xxvii. 4-40), Jacob {ibid. xlix.
3-28), and Moses (Deut. xxxiii. 1-29).

was gathered to his fathers.'] An ordinary
phrase for dying among the Hebrews (Judg.
ii. 10; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 28; Bel and the Dragon,
v. 1 ; Acts xiii. 36), alternating with the still
more usual one, "was gathered unto his
people" (Gen. xxv. 8, 17, xxxv. 29; Num.
xxiv. 265 Deut. xxxii. 50, &c).

70. in the hundred forty and sixth year."]
B.C. 167-6, the year after the persecution
began (ch. i. 54).

at Modin.'] Modem must, therefore,
have been among the places recovered from
the Syro-Macedonians during the lifetime of
Mattathias. (See -w. 44-47.)

all Israel made great lamentation for him.]
By "all Israel" we must understand all those
who were in arms for their religion. On the
lamentations usual at the deaths of great men,
see Gen. 1. 10 ; Deut. xxxiv. 8 ; 2 Sam. i. 12 ;
2 Chr. xxxv. 24, 25, &c.

CHAPTER III.

§ 1. General Account of Judas Mac-
cabeus, his Character and Fame.

1-9. There can be no doubt that Judas
was the most popular of the Maccabean
heroes. As Dean Stanley says, " he became
the Jewish ideal of 'the Happy Warrior.'"
His appearance, his gestures, his voice, his
character, were equally objects of admiration
and of delightful remembrance. We see in
the Second Book of Maccabees how entirely

by some the whole glory of the revolt and
deliverance was ascribed to him. His great
fame rested principally on his recovery of
Jerusalem and the Temple (ch. iv. 36-54;
2 Mace. x. 1-5); but other circumstances were
not without an influence upon it. His com-
manding stature, like that of a giant of old
time {v. 3), challenged the admiring regard
of a people which set much store by physical
strength. His battle-cry had a ring in it
which caused it to be compared to a lion's
roar (v. 4), and stirred the hearts of all
who heard it. His long career of victory,
scarcely chequered by a reverse until his defeat
and death at Eleasa (ch. ix. 12-18), added to
his reputation, and made the later scenes of
the struggle seem tame by comparison. No
exploit in the entire war was thought equal
to the triumph over Nicanor (ch. vii. 31-49;
2 Mace. xv. 20-37). Hence Judas remained
the great national hero so long as Judasa was
an independent country ; his life was written
and re-written ; and the name originally
peculiar to him (1 Mace. ii. 4) prevailed and
became the best-known title of the entire
family, as the five extant books of 'Maccabees '
sufficiently indicate.

2. all they that held with his father.] See
ch. ii. 42-44. The union among all the
patriots, established by Mattathias after the
first disaster (ch. ii. 38), continued under
Judas. All accepted him as leader cheerfully.

3. as a giant.] Some allusion to his
personal appearance seems to be intended.
Dean Stanley says, "His countrymen de-
lighted to remember the stately appearance,
as of an ancient giant, when he fastened on
his breastplate" ('Lectures on the Jewish
Church,' vol. hi. p. 306).

protecting the host.] Literally, " the camp ;"
but no doubt the host is intended.

with his sword.] On the sword of Judas,

40 6

I. MACCABEES. III.

[v. 4-

-ii.

B. c. 4 In his acts he was like a lion,
- — ' and like a lion's whelp roaring for his
prey.

5 For he pursued the wicked, and
sought them out, and burnt up those
that vexed his people.

6 Wherefore the wicked shrunk
for fear of him, and all the workers of
iniquity were troubled, because sal-
vation prospered in his hand.

7 He grieved also many kings, and
made Jacob glad with his acts, and
his memorial is blessed for ever.

8 Moreover he went through the p. c.
cities of Juda, destroying the un- C1liif6'
godly out of them, and turning away
wrath from Israel :

9 So that he was renowned unto
the utmost part of the earth, and he
"received unto him such as were ready ^/^rej

to perish. together.

10 Then Apollonius gathered the
Gentiles together, and a great host
out of Samaria, to fight against Is-
rael.

11 Which thing when Judas per-

see verse 12, and compare 2 Mace. xv. 15, § 2. The first Battles of Judas — He
16. defeats Apollonius and Seron.

4. In his acts he ivas like a Hon."] Judah,
Israel, and Gad are compared to lions in the
Pentateuch (Gen. xlix. 9; Num. xxiv. 9;
Dent, xxxiii. 20). Saul and Jonathan are said
to have been "stronger than lions" (2 Sam.
i. 23) by David. The metaphor is not
common with the later Jewish writers, but
is found, applied to Judas and his companion's,
in 2 Mace. xi. 11.

5. he pursued the wicked.] Literally, " the
lawless ones," i.e. those who had cast aside
the observance of the Law. (See ch. i. 43, 5 2 ;
ch. ii. 23.)

burnt up those that vexed his people."] I.e.
" consumed with fire the cities and strong-
holds of the Syro-Macedonians." (See below,
ch. v. 5, 28, 35, &c. ; and comp. 2 Mace,
viii. 6, x. 36, Sec.) Occasionally, the de-
fenders were burnt with their strongholds
(2 Mace. x. 36).

6. salvation prospered in his hand.] I.e.
the work of shaking off the Syro-Macedo-
nian tyranny, and rescuing the Jewish people
from it, went on prosperously under his
guidance.

7. He grieved also many kings.] Antiochus
Epiphanes, Antiochus Eupator, and De-
metrius Soter are especially intended ; but
the term " king " is probably used with some
vagueness, as in ch. ii. 48.

his memorial is blessed for ever?] See note
on ch. ii. 51.

9. he received unto him such as tvere ready
to perish.] This has been supposed to point
to a chivalrous readiness to receive and pro-
tect persons in extreme distress or danger
^Stanley, 'Lectures on the Jewish Church,'
I.s.c.); but it may be questioned whether more
is meant than that he gathered to his standard,
and united in one, the scattered Jews who
vvere otherwise on the point of perishing.
(Comp. ch. ii. 43, 44.)-

10-26. The force under the command ot
Judas amounted to six thousand warriors
(2 Mace. viii. 1). With this he assumed the
offensive, and beginning with night attacks
(ib. verse 7), he took town after town from
the enemy, enlarging his own borders and
narrowing theirs. After a time, Apollonius,
the " chief collector of tribute," who had
made the assault on Jerusalem in B.C. 167
{supra, i. 29-32 ; 2 Mace. v. 24-26), and was
apparently established as governor of Samaria,
thought it incumbent on him to endeavour
to put down the rebellion, and, having col-
lected a large army, marched against Judas,
who boldly met his attack half-way, defeated
and slew him, and took his sword to be his
own weapon (vv. 10-12). This futile effort
was followed by the attempt of Seron,
governor of Coelesyria, who seems to have
brought a very considerable force against
the Jewish leader (vv. 15-19), and to have
invaded the hill country in the neighbourhood
of Beth-horon. He too was met and de-
feated, with the loss of 800 men, and his army
was driven to take refuge in Philistia (vv.
23, 24). The military talent of Judas was
sufficiently established by these two engage-
ments, and his reputation spread far and wide
(vv. 25, 26).

10. apollonius.] Probably the same as the
" chief collector of tribute " mentioned in ch.
i. 29, whom the author of the Second Book
calls "that detestable ringleader" (2 Mace,
v. 24). Josephus calls him "commandant of
Samaria" ('Ant. Jud.' xii. 5, § 5) : and we may
conclude that he exercised satrapial authority
over that district.

gathered the Gentiles together, and a great
host out of Samaria.] The army which he col-
lected consisted in part of Syro-Macedonians
("Gentiles"), in part of Samaritans, always
hostile to the Jews, and now especially
estranged from them. For the history of the

12 16.]

I. MACCABEES. III.

407

B.C.
cir. 166.

ceived, he went forth to meet him, and
so he smote him, and slew him : many
also fell down slain, but the rest fled.

12 Wherefore Judas took their
spoils, and Apollonius' sword also,
and therewith he fought all his life
long.

13 Now when Seron, a prince of
the army of Syria, heard say that
Judas had gathered unto him a
multitude and company of the faith-
ful to go out with him to war ;

14 He said, I will get me a name B- c.
and honour in the kingdom ; for I Cirli_ '
will go fight with Judas and them

that are with him, who despise the
king's commandment.

15 So he made him ready to go up,
and there went with him a mighty
host of the ungodly to help him,
and to be avenged of the children of
Israel.

16 And when he came near to the
going up of Bethhoron, Judas went

enmity, see Ewald's 'History of Israel,' vol. v.
pp. 213-222, E. T. Its germ may be found
in the refusal of Zerubbabel to let the semi-
heathen nation take part in the rebuilding of
the Temple (Ezra iv. 2-4), its expansion in the
circumstances connected with the establish-
ment of Manasseh at Samaria as Samaritan
high priest (Joseph. 'Ant. Jud.'xi. 7, §2 etseqq.),
and its full development in the establishment
of a rival Temple, with a rival " Law " and a
rival worship, on Mount Gerizim soon after
the conquest of the Persian empire by Alex-
ander. The bitter feeling of the Jews against
their neighbours shortly after this time is
strongly indicated by the words of the Son
of Sirach at the close of his book : " There
be two manner of nations which my heart ab-
horreth, and the third is no nation : — they that
sit on the mountain of Samaria, and they that
dwell among the Philistines, and that foolish
people that dwell in Sichem" (Ecclus. 1. 25,
26).

11. Judas . . . went forth to meet him.] It
was a part of the system of strategy adopted
by Judas to take the offensive as much as
possible. He never retreated before an enemy
or avoided an engagement. Even when sought
out by an aggressive foe, he always met him
half-way. (See w. 16, 23 ; and comp. ch. iv.
12, 29, 34; v. 3, 6, 39, &c.)

he slew him.'] Not "with his own hand,"
as Scholz supposes, or the expression would
have been different. All that is meant is,
that Apollonius fell in the battle.

many fell down slain.'] Or " were wounded
to death," as the same phrase is rendered in
ch. i. 18.

12. Judas took . . . Apollonius' sword.]
Dean Stanley well compares David's use of
the sword of Goliath (1 Sam. xxi. 9). It was
one of the main disadvantages of the patriotic
party that they were ill-armed (ch. iv. 6).
The Jewish sword appears to have been a
short straight weapon, like the Persian
('Ancient Monarchies,' vol. iv. p. 114), not
much better than a dagger. The Mace-

donian sword was of the same shape, but
probably longer and better tempered.

13. Seron.] Seron is not known as a Greek
name. Perhaps it represents the Phoenician
Hiram, which was sometimes rendered into
Greek by Seiromus or Seirom (Herod, vii.

98).

a prince of the army of Syria.] Rather,
"the commander of the army of Syria."
Josephus calls him "the general of Ccele-
syria" — i.e. the commander of the troops
stationed in that province, which adjoined
Palestine on the north. It would be the
duty of such an officer, without special orders,
to undertake the suppression of a rebellion in
Judaea as soon as the governor of Samaria
had made an attempt and failed.

a multitude and company of the faithful.]
I.e. not an organised army, but a mere mob
of untrained men; in contrast with the
"mighty host" of v. 15.

14. who despise the king's commandment.]
Literally, " who set at nought the word of
the king." (Comp. ch. i. 62; ii. 19-22, 34.)

15. a mighty host of the ungodly.] I.e. "a
powerful army of Syro- Macedonians" — pro-
bably all the troops stationed in the province,
who may have amounted to some 1 0,000 or
12,000 men.

16. he came near to the going up of Beth-
horon.] Rather, "they came near." The
"going up of Beth-horon" was the ascent
from the Philistine plain to the highland of
Judaea, which led from the coast to Jerusa-
lem by way of Lydda, Gimzo, the two Beth-
horons, and Gibeon. Seron, like most in-
vaders, had kept the low ground until he
reached the enemy's country, when he had to
make the ascent from the Shefelah to the
highland. His route must have led him near
Modem. It is thought to have been that
followed by Sennacherib. (See note on
Josh. x. 10 in the ' Speaker's Commentary
on the Old Testament,' vol. ii. p. 49.)

Judas went forth to meet him.] See note

4o8

I, MACCABEES. III.

[v. 17 — 24.

B.C. forth to meet him with a small

cir. 166.

— company :

17 Who, when they saw the host
coming to meet them, said unto
Judas, How shall we be able, being
so fewy to fight against so great a
multitude and so strong, seeing we
are ready to faint with fasting all
this day ?

18 Unto whom Judas answered,
ffiSam. a\t js no jiar(} matter for many to

2 chron. be shut up in the hands of a few ;
and with the God of heaven it is all
one, to deliver with a great multi-
tude, or a small company :

19 For the victory of battle stand-
eth not in the multitude of an host ;
but strength cometh from heaven.

20 They come "against us "in B-C.

, . / , . . R , cir. 166.

much pride and iniquity to destroy —
us, and our wives and children, and jjj^' uwt0

tO Spoil US : D Gr. in

21 But we fight for our lives and ^tff
our laws. Z'JT,?-

22 Wherefore the Lord himself guity.
will overthrow them before our face :
and as for you, be ye not afraid of
them.

23 Now as soon as he had left off
speaking, he leapt suddenly upon
them, and so Seron and his host was
overthrown before him.

24 And they pursued them "from «Gr.&«J
the going down of Bethhoron unto down.
the plain, where were slain about

eight hundred men of them ; and

on v. 11. The MSS. vary between " to meet
him " and " to meet them."

"with a small company, .] Literally, "with
a few out of many." Judas probably re-
garded the pass of Beth-horon as affording
space for only a small number, and therefore
occupied it with a small picked force.

17. when they saw) the host coming to meet
them.'] The " little company " with Judas,
posted at the head of the pass, would have
a clear view of the " mighty host " of Seron
as it ascended the long valley from the plain,
and may be excused if it misdoubted its
ability to resist so great a multitude. How
it had happened that the men had been al-
lowed to become " faint with fasting " we are
not told, and can only conjecture. Perhaps
Judas had expected Seron's troops to arrive
earlier at the point where he designed to give
them battle, and in this expectation had not
encumbered himself with a commissariat.

18. It is no hard matter for many to be
shut up in the hands of a few.] Or, " deli-
vered into the hands of a few." (Comp.
1 Sam. xxiii. 12, xxiv. 18; 2 Sam. xviii. 28.)
God, that is, can with the greatest ease de-
liver many into the hands of a few, to be
destroyed by them. This is a lesson con-
stantly taught in the Old Testament (Judg.
vii. 2-7 ; 1 Sam. xiv. 6-16 ; 2 Chr. xiv. 9-13,
xx. 12-24), ar>d is one for all time. Heaven
is not always on the side of " big battalions."

with the God of heaven^ Several MSS.
omit tov 6eov — " the God ; " and it is more
consonant with the general practice of the
author to omit the Holy Name than to ex-
press it. (See the Introduction, § 4.)

it is all one, to deliver with a great multi-

tude, or a small company^] Comp. 1 Sam.
xiv. 6, and 2 Chron. xiv. n, where the senti-
ment is exactly the same, though the expres-
sions slightly differ.

20. They come against us in much pride and
iniquity.] Rather, " with great insolence
and lawlessness." The proceedings of
Antiochus were altogether contrary to the
engagements which Alexander had made
with the Jewish nation, and also with the un-
derstanding upon which they had transferred
their allegiance from the Ptolemies to the
Seleucidas. This is perhaps the lawlessness
(dvopia) intended. Or it may be the non-
observance by the Syro-Macedonians of the
ordinary laws of warfare among civilised
nations, as indicated in the remainder of the
verse. The Greeks did not commonly make
war on " women and children."

22. the Lord himself will overthrow them.]
Our translators supply the nominative, "the
Lord;" which is not expressed in the
original. The writer of the Book avoids, as
much as possible, all mention of the Divine
Name. (Compare the practice of the writer
of Esther.)

23. he leapt suddenly upon them.] Those
who hold a pass line its sides, concealing
themselves. At a given signal they rise, and
(as it were) " leap upon " the foe.

24. they pursued them from the going down
of Beth-horon unto the plain.] Rather, "they
pursued him along the going down of
Beth-horon." The Jews hung upon the
defeated enemy all along the descent into the
Philistine plain, as their ancestors under
Joshua had hung upon the defeated Canaan-
ites (Josh. x. 10, 1 1), and as their descendants

V. 2

5—29-]

I. MACCABEES. III.

409

B. C.

cir. 166.

the residue fled into the land of the
Philistines.

25 Then began the fear of Judas
and his brethren, and an exceeding
great dread, to fall upon the nations
round about them :

26 Insomuch as his fame came
unto the king, and all nations talked
of the battles of Judas.

27 Now when king Antiochus
heard these things, he was full of

indignation : wherefore he sent and
gathered together all the forces of his
realm, even a very strong army.

28 He opened also his treasure,
and gave his soldiers pay for a year,
commanding them to be ready "when-
soever he should need them.

29 Nevertheless, when he saw
that the money of his treasures failed,
and "that the tributes in the country
were small, because of the dissension

B.C.
cir. 166.

II Gr. at

every

need.

II Gr. that
the col-
lectors of
tribute
in the
country
■were few.

in the great Roman war hung upon Cestius
Gallus and his legionaries (Joseph. ' Bell.
Jud.' ii. 19). Under the circumstances, the
slaughter of "eight hundred men" is less
than we should have expected, and indicative
of a retreat in tolerably good order, which at
no time became a rout.

the land of the Philistines.] The low
tract between the hill country of Judaea —
known as the shefelah — was still in posses-
sion of the Philistines, but belonged to the
Syrian king. Its strong cities afforded the
defeated troops of Seron a safe refuge.

25. Then began the fear of Judas and his
brethren.] Hitherto the revolt had been
looked upon as a trouble and annoyance, but
not as a danger. Now that Judas, with only
a small portion of his forces, had defeated a
large detachment of the Syrian army, it was
recognised that the consequences might be
of serious importance to the Syrian empire
and its dependencies — " the nations round
about them."

26. his fame came unto the king.] Antio-
chus came to hear of Judas by name, and to
understand that the Jews were acting under
his leadership.

all nations.] A usual hyperbole — mean-
ing all the nations of that part of the world.

§ 3. Antiochus goes to Persia, leav-
ing Lysias to conduct the War
against Judas.

27-37. The ill-success of Seron moved
Antiochus to increased exertion. He levied
his whole military force, consisting probably
'of above 100,000 men, and gave them a
year's pay in advance, perhaps to quiet ap-
prehensions, which may have existed, that
pay would not be forthcoming. He then
found his treasury exhausted; and, as the
tributes of some provinces were unpaid, he
resolved to divide his troops, and proceed
with one half of them to the eastern portion
of the empire, for the purpose of collecting
the arrears due to him there, leaving the
other half under the command of a general

named Lysias, to conduct the war against
the Jews. Lysias was instructed to invade
Judaea in force, and crush the rebellion by
killing, or selling for slaves, the entire Jewish
nation, after which he was to people the land
with foreigners brought from a distance.
Having given these commands, Epiphanes
quitted Antioch, and proceeded through
Mesopotamia to Persia.

27. all the forces of his realm.] Accord-
ing to the numbers assigned in ch. iii. 39
and ch. iv. 28 to the troops collected by
Lysias, the entire armed force of the Syrian
monarchy at this time should have consider-
ably exceeded 100,000 men, since Lysias was
left with only one half of the army (v. 34).
The estimate does not seem to be unreason-
able, since Antiochus the Great had 170,000
men at Magnesia (Appian, ' Syriaca,' p. 32),
and Sidetes is said to have had 128,000 at
Dora (ch. xv. 13).

28. He . . . gave his soldiers pay for a
year?] The exhaustion of the Syrian treasury
under Epiphanes has been already mentioned
in the notes on ch. i. 20. His expenditure
was reckless (see especially Polyb. xxxi.
3,4); and it may well be that the soldiers
were often left without pay, while huge sums
were lavished on shows and games. Thus
it was necessary, in order to secure the good-
will of the troops, to make them at the
beginning of the campaign an advance of
a year's pay.

29. the money of his treasures failed?] Po-
lybius says, " he needed supplies of money "
(xxxi. 11). It seems certain that the Syrian
finances were seriously disordered under An-
tiochus Epiphanes, and that his policy was
largely influenced by the necessity of obtain-
ing supplies from one quarter or another.
Hence his original attack upon the Temple
of the Jews (ch. i. 21-23); ar>d hence his
present expedition into the eastern provinces
which may, however, have embraced also
other objects.

the tributes in the country were small]
Rather, "the tribute collectors in the
country were few." Headmen of villages

4io

I. MACCABEES. III.

[v. 30— 35.

b. c. and plague, which he had brought

cir i6«c * n ■ • 1

- — ' upon the land l!in taking away the
\he taking laws which had been of old time ;
away of 30 He feared "that he should not

11 Gr. that De aD^e to Dear tne charges any

he should longer, nor to have such gifts to give

so liberally as he did before : for he

had abounded above the kings that

were before him.

31 Wherefore, being greatly per-
plexed in his mind, he determined
to go into Persia, there to take the
tributes of the countries, and to
gather much money.

32 So he left Lysias, a nobleman,

and one of the blood royal, to over-
see the affairs of the king from the
river Euphrates unto the borders of
Egypt:

33 And to bring up his son An-
tiochus, until he came again.

34 Moreover he delivered unto
him the half of his forces, and the
elephants, and gave him charge of all
things that he would have done, as
also concerning them that dwelt in
Juda and Jerusalem :

35 To wit, that he should send an
army against them, to destroy and
root out the strength of Israel, and

B. C.

cir. 165.

are the main collectors of taxes in the East.
AVhen a population became disaffected, they
would refuse to act. The taxes would remain
uncollected, and the result would be as ex-
pressed in the text.

because of the dissension and plague?] It
would seem, from the expressions here used,
that the general proclamation issued by Epi-
phanes, commanding uniformity in religion
(ch. i. 41, 42), had provoked troubles in some
regions besides Judaea, and led to a disor-
ganisation which had told on the revenue.
Setting aside Judaea, there was no part of
the empire where religious reforms were so
likely to be resisted as in Persia (see v. 31,
and comp. ch. vi. 1-4), which clung to
the religion of Zoroaster, and ultimately re-
established it as the religion of the state.

in taking aivay the laws.] See above, ch. i.
42, " Every one should leave his laws."

30. the charges.] " The charges " are the or-
dinary expenses of the government, to which
Epiphanes added greatly by his reckless libe-
rality to individuals and states — often when
they had absolutely no claim upon him. On
occupying Naucratis, in Egypt, he went out
of his way to present a gold piece to each of
its Greek inhabitants (Polyb. xxviii. 17, § n).
On another occasion he sent a golden crown
(worth fifty talents) to the Romans, and at
the same time he sent a hundred talents to a
certain number of the Grecian states (ib.
18, § 3). Polybius praises his " liberality ;"
but it was rather a culpable profusion that
distinguished him.

liberally, .] Literally, " with a lavish hand."

31. he determined to go into Persia.] "Persia"
seems to be used vaguely in the two books of
the Maccabees for the more eastern portion
of the Syro-Macedonian kingdom. (Comp.
ch. vi. 1, 5, 56; 2 Mace. 1. 13, ix. 1, 21.)

to gather much money.] Antiochus did not

look to obtain money solely by collection of
the tribute due to him, but also by war and
plunder, by the robbing of temples, and per-
haps by other equivocal means. He led an
expedition into Armenia early in B.C. 165,
defeated the king, Artaxias, and took him
prisoner (Appian, 'Syriac.' p. 117, B), and
carried off a large booty (Diod. Sic. in
C. Midler's ' Fragm. Hist. Gr.' vol. ii. p. x.;
Strab. xi. p. 531, &c). In the ensuing
year, B.C. 164, he made the attempt to
plunder the temple of Nanaea, or Ana'itis,
which is recorded in ch. vi. 1-4, and in
2 Mace. ix. 2.

32. Lysias, a nobleman.] Rather " a man
of note." Lysias is mentioned by Polybius,
Livy, Appian, and Porphyry, as guardian of
Antiochus Eupator, and regent during his
minority. He was a man of considerable
ability, though of no great military talent.

one of the blood royal.] Comp. 2 Mace. xi. 1.

33. his son Antiochus.] I.e. Antiochus
Eupator, who succeeded his father at the
age of nine (Appian) or twelve (Porphyry),
and reigned two years — from B.C. 164 to
B.C. 162 — when he was put to death by
Demetrius (ch. vii. 3, 4).

34. the half of his forces.] On their
numbers, see the comment on v. 27.

and the elephants.] On the employment of
war-elephants by the Syro-Macedonian kings,
see note on ch. i. 17. In B.C. 164 Lysias
is said to have brought eighty of these beasts
against Jerusalem (2 Mace. xi. 4). Epiphanes
knew that he could not make use of them in
the mountain-region of Armenia, and there-
fore left the entire force to his officer.

35. to destroy and root out the strength of
Israel.] It was not an ordinary war, but a
war of extermination, that Lysias was com-
manded to wage. The Jews were to be
utterly rooted out, and their places supplied

v. 36—33.]

B.C.
cir. 165

the remnant of Jerusalem, and to
take away their memorial from that
place ;

36 And that he should place stran-
gers in all their quarters, and divide
their land by lot.

37 So the king took the half of the

I, MACCABEES. III.

forces that remained,

411

and departed B.C. 165.
from Antioch, "his royal city, the oGr. acity
hundred forty and seventh year ; and °{i'"gsdo„h
having passed the river Euphrates,
he went through the high countries.

38 Then Lysias chose Ptolemee
the son of Dorymenes, and Nicanor,

by strangers. Such a system had often been
followed by the Assyrian and Babylonian
monarchs, and had generally proved success-
ful. One of the best known instances was
the deportation of the Israelites to Mesopo-
tamia and Media by Tiglath-pileser and Sar-
gon, and the re-peopling of their country by
colonists from Babylon, Cutha, Susiana,
Elymais, &c, by Esarhaddon (2 Kings
xvii. 6, 24 ; Ezra iv. 9, 10). The design of
Epiphanes was to effect a similar result, but
by means of even greater severity, since the
Jews, instead of being deported to a new
locality, were to be either slain or sold as
slaves. (See v. 41, and comp. 2 Mace. viii.
10, 11.)

the remnant of Jerusalem^] I.e. " the few
Jews left at Jerusalem " (ch. i. 38, 53).

36. that he should place strangers.] Lite-
rally, "that strangers should settle." But
perhaps the true reading is KnroiKicrai, which
would give the sense of the text.

37. the half of the forces that remained^]
Rather, "the half that remained of the
forces." The other half, which had been
assigned to Lysias, must have previously
quitted Antioch.

Antioch, his royal city.'] Originally Babylon
had been fixed upon as the capital of the
Syro-Macedonian kingdom ; but Seleucus
Nicator transferred the seat of government
first to Seleucia, upon the Tigris, and after-
wards to Antioch, which he built and called
after his son. No doubt there were im-
portant interests which were best served by
having the seat of government in the west ;
but Syria was weakened both for attack and
defence by having its capital at one extremity
of a long straggling territory. Antioch was
from the first a flourishing city. Epiphanes
had added greatly to its magnificence by
carrying a broad colonnaded street through
the heart of the place from one end to the
other. (See K.. O. M tiller's ' Antiquitates
Antiochenas,' Gottingen, 1839.)

the hundred forty and seventh year.] B.C.
166-5. The departure from Antioch was
probably in the spring of B.C. 165. Ar-
menia could not be invaded with effect till
about April.

having passed the river Euphrates.] The
Euphrates would probably be crossed at Bir,

and the march would then be by way of
Orfah (Edessa) to Diarbekr (Amida), whence
the way lay open into Armenia by any of the
head-streams of the Tigris. The " high
countries" are the mountainous tracts of
upper Mesopotamia, in contrast with the low
regions, which extend from the foot of the
mountains to the Persian Gulf.

§ 4. Lysias sends an Army against
judiea under ptolemy, nlcanor, and

GORGIAS.

38-41. Lysias, being left as regent of the
western provinces, and under-estimating, it
may be, the importance of the Jewish revolt,
thought it sufficient to send an army to carry
out the designs of the king, and did not lead
it in person. Probably he remained at
Antioch. The generals whom he selected
were Ptolemy, the son of Dorymenes, gover-
nor of Ccelesyria and Phoenicia (2 Mace.
viii. 8); Nicanor, the son of Patroclus {ib.
■v. 9) ; and Gorgias, a captain of great ex-
perience {ibid.). The army under their com-
mand consisted of 40,000 foot and 7000
horse, according to our author ; but of
20,000 men only, according to the writer of the
Second Book of the Maccabees (/. s. c). Like
Seron's army, it took the line of the coast tract,
and moved into the Philistine plain, where it
occupied a station near Emmaus. The army
was swollen by some native Syrian and
Philistine levies, while the camp was crowded
with merchants from the same regions,
attracted by the expectation of a large sale cf
Jewish captives at low prices (2 Mace. viii. 11).

38. Lysias chose Ptolemee the son of Dory-
menes^] " Ptolemee, the son of Dorymenes,"
seems to be the same person as the " Ptolemy
surnamed Macron," of 2 Mace. x. 12. If so,
he was quite unconnected with the Egyptian
Ptolemies, being the son of an j^tolian. He
had, however, taken service under Ptolemy
Philometor, and been by him made governor
of Cyprus, but deserted this post, and trans-
ferred himself to the service of Epiphanes
(2 Mace. x. 12, 13), who received him with
favour, and gave him the government of
Ccelesyria and Phoenicia {ib. viii. 6). At
this time Ptolemy had been apprised by
" Philip the Phrygian," governor of Jeru-
salem (2 Mace. v. 22), of the perilous state of
affairs in Judasa, and had probably made a

412

I. MACCABEES. III.

[v. 39—42.

b. c. and Gorgias, mighty men of the

cir. 165. , . > r- j & J

— king s mends :

39 And with them he sent forty-
thousand footmen, and seven thou-
sand horsemen, to go into the land of
Juda, and to destroy it, as the king
commanded.

40 So they went forth with all
their power, and came and pitched by
Emmaus in the plain country.

the b. c
fame of them, — s

41 And the merchants
country, hearing the
took silver and gold very much, with
"servants, and came into the camp to '0r»
buy the children of Israel for slaves :

a power also of Syria and of the land

"of the Philistines joined themselves " 0r- °f

unto them.

42 Now when Judas and his bre-
thren saw that miseries were multi-

strangers.

report on the subject to Lysias, who there-
upon gave him a command.

Nicanor.] Nicanor is placed at the head
of the expedition by the writer of the Second
Book (ch. viii. 9-24), who gives Ptolemy no
part in it, and barely mentions the name of
Gorgias [ibid. v. 9).

39. forty thousand footmen, and seven thou-
sand horsemen.} These numbers are confirmed
by Josephus, and are not intrinsically im-
probable. The Syriac version has, however,
" ten thousand " in the place of forty thousand,
and the author of the Second Book estimates
the entire force at 20,000 (2 Mace. viii. 9).

40. by Emmaus in the plain country?}
This Emmaus is undoubtedly the city known
afterwards as Nicopolis, which was twenty-
two Roman miles distant from Jerusalem and
ten from Lydda. (See ' Itin. Hieros.'p. 600,
Wesseling.) It lay in the Philistine plain, at
the foot of the mountains of Judaea, and is
now represented by the small village of
Amwas (Robinson, ' Researches in Palestine,'
vol. iii. p. 147). The "Emmaus" of
St. Luke's Gospel (xxiv. 13) must have been
a different place.

4L the merchants of the country.'] The
dealers were probably, in the main, Phoeni-
cians, though the seaport towns of Philistia
may have furnished some. According to the
author of the Second Book, Nicanor had
apprised the merchants of his intention to
sell the Jewish captives, and had fixed the
low rate of ninety for a talent (less than 3/.
each) as the price at which they would be
sold (2 Mace. viii. 11).

with servants.] It is not very clear why
these " servants " should be mentioned. The
Syrian version has "fetters and chains,"
Josephus " fetters." We may suspect the
mistake of a copyist, who wrote ircubas for
TreSas. The dealers brought " fetters " to
place upon such of their purchases as they
might deem dangerous.

a power also of Syria.] I.e. native Syrians
not enrolled in the Syro-Macedonian army.
They were attracted probably by the hope of
plunder.

of the land of the Philistines?] Literally,
" the land of foreigners." But the expression
is often used, both in the Canonical and the
Apocryphal books, to designate the Philistines.
(See below, ch. iv. 30 ; v. 66, 68, &c.)

§ 5. Judas takes his Forces to Miz-
peh, over against jerusalem, and
makes Appeal to God in sight of
the Holy City.

42-54. On learning the extreme danger
that now threatened the patriots — their ex-
termination decreed, and nearly 50,000 men
sent to effect the execution of the decree —
Judas took a remarkable resolution. He
resolved, before engaging his new adversaries,
to approach Jerusalem as closely as he could,
and in the sight of the Temple and the
Holy City to "make prayer to God, and ask
mercy and compassion" (v. 44). He ac-
cordingly " led his scanty host over the
mountains to the ridge of Mizpeh — the spot
where Alexander had met Jaddua, and
where, after the Chaldaean capture of Jeru-
salem, the pilgrims had come to wail over
the Holy City. It was a mournful scene.
They could see from that high rocky platform
the deserted streets, the walls and gates
closed as if of a besieged town, the silent
precincts of the Temple, the Greek garrison
in the fortress. Before that distant presence
of the Holy Place, to which they could gain
no nearer access, the mourners came wrapt
in tatters of black hair-cloth, with ashes on
their heads. They spread out the copies of
the law .... they waved the sacerdotal
vestments .... they shewed the animals and
the vegetables due for hrstfruits and tithes,
they passed in long procession the Nazarites
with their flowing tresses, who were unable
to dedicate themselves in the sanctuary."
(Stanley, ' Jewish Church,' vol. iii. pp. 307-8.)
After this, they called on God to be their
helper, and concluded their " sorrowful cere-
mony " with a blast of trumpets, emblematic
of expected triumph.

42. when Judas .... saw that mise-
ries were multiplied.] Rather, "that evil
increased upon them." Each success

v. 43—47-]

I. MACCABEES. III.

B.C.

cir. 165.

plied, and that the forces did encamp
themselves in their borders ; for they
knew how the king had given com-
mandment to destroy the people, and
utterly abolish them;

43 They said one to another, Let
us restore the decayed estate of our
people, and let us fight for our peo-
ple and the sanctuary.

44 Then was the congregation
gathered together, that they might
be ready for battle, and that they
might pray, and ask mercy and com-
passion.

413

B.C.

cir. 165.

45 Now Jerusalem lay void '''as a
wilderness, there was none of her
children that went in or out : the Lch" *" 3S'
sanctuary also was trodden down, and
aliens kept the strong hold ; the
heathen had their habitation in that

place ; and joy was taken from Jacob,
and the pipe with the harp ceased.

46 Wherefore the Israelites as-
sembled themselves together, and came
to "Maspha, over against Jerusalem ;
for cin Maspha was the place where
they prayed aforetime in Israel.

47 Then they fasted that day, and

II Or,
Mitzfa.

c Judg. 20.

1 Sam. 7. 5.

seemed only to bring them into greater diffi-
culty.
for they knew?] Rather, "and knew."

to destroy the people, and utterly abolish
them.'] See above, w. 35, 36. The ex-
tremity of their danger aroused extreme
enthusiasm. The resistance would have been
less desperate, and might possibly have been
less successful, had Antiochus been content
with milder measures.

43. They said one to another.'] The move-
ment is represented as spontaneous and
general. " Each man said to his neighbour,
Let us upraise the low estate of our people,"
Sec. No doubt, Judas directed the general
enthusiasm ; but it burst forth of itself, and
required no stimulus. The congregation
gathered itself together (t>. 44), and was
ready either for battle or for supplication.
Judas took advantage of the stir of feeling,
and, quitting the neighbourhood of Emmaus,
took his army to the heights of Mizpeh.

45. Jerusalem lay void as a wilderness.]
This is not to be taken quite literally. A
certain number of the inhabitants of Jeru-
salem had conformed to the decrees of
Antiochus (ch. i. 52), and had "remained"
in the city (ch. ii. 18). But her true children
had left her. And to those who gazed from
Mizpeh into her comparatively empty streets
and squares, it seemed as if the populous city
had become a desert, and was no more
inhabited.

aliens kept the strong hold.] See ch. i. 3 3-36.
A Syro-Macedonian garrison held the for-
tress, which had been seized and fortified
when Apollonius made his first attack.

the heathen had their habitation in that
place.] Rather, "she was a dwelling-
place for the heathen." Jerusalem, de-
serted (in the main) by her own children,
had become a city of the heathen.

the pipe with the harp ceased.] Isaiah,

"the
were

speaking of the Israelites, says that
harp, and the viol, the tabret, and pipe
in their feasts" (ch. v. 12). A similar em-
ployment of music at festivals is touched
upon by Amos (ch. vi. 5). Under the exist-
ing calamities there was an end of feasting,
and consequently a cessation of music. (Cf.
Is. xiv. 11.)

46. Maspha.] Literally, " Massepha."
The identity of " Maspha," or " Massepha,"
with Mizpah or Mizpeh, is generally allowed.
The LXX. express Mizpah by " Maspha" in
2 Chron. xvi. 6 and Neh. iii. 7, 15 ; in 1 Sam.
they use the longer form " Massephath,"
which is almost identical with the " Mas-
sepha" of the present passage, th being a
mere feminine ending. The exact situation,
however, of Mizpeh has been much contro-
verted. Dr. Robinson places it on Neby-
Samwil, five miles from Jerusalem, to the
north-west (' Researches,' vol. i. p. 460). But
this seems too far off to suit the present
description. Recent travellers have therefore
sought another site for Mizpeh, and have
found it on the broad ridge directly north of
the city, which is a continuation of the Mount
of Olives, whence there is an excellent view
of both the city and the temple site. The
distance is considerably less than a mile ; and
the site is undoubtedly that of the " Scopus "
of Josephus (' Bell. Jud.' v. 2, § 3), which
seems to be a Greek translation of the
Hebrew Mizpeh, "a watch-tower." Here is
a village called Safat, or Shafat, which seems
to be a corruption of the ancient name.

in Maspha was the place where they prayed
aforetime in Israel.] On the sacred character
attaching to Mizpeh in early times, see Judg.
5, 6 ; x. 17-25. Jerome

1 ; 1 Sam. vii.

xx.

says that it is one of the places where the
ark abode for a time (' Quasst. Heb.' on
1 Sam. vii. 2).

47. they fasted, <b'c] They began with
humiliation, accumulating all its various signs

414

I. MACCABEES. III.

[v. 48—54-

B.C.
cir. 165.

I Or, for

the which
the

heathen
had made
diligent
search,
that they
might
paint
therein the
likeness of
their idols.

d Numb.
6. 2, 13.

put on sackcloth, and cast ashes
upon their heads, and rent their
clothes,

48 And laid open the book of
the law, "wherein the heathen had
sought to paint the likeness of their

images.

49 They brought also the priests
garments, and the firstfruits, and the
tithes: and the ^Nazarites they stir-
red up, who had accomplished their
days.

50 Then cried they with a loud
voice toward heaven, saying, What

shall we do with these, and whither b.
shall we carry them away ? -

51 For thy sanctuary is trodden
down and profaned, and thy priests
are in heaviness, and brought low.

52 And, lo, the heathen are assem-
bled together against us to destroy
us : what things they imagine against
us, thou knowest.

53 How shall we be able to stand
against them, except thou, O God,
be our help ?

54 Then sounded they with trum-
pets, and cried with a loud voice.

165.

— sackcloth, clothes rent, ashes on the head,
and fasting. (Comp. 1 Kings xxi. 27 ;
Jonah iii. 6.) The intention, no doubt, was
to acknowledge their own sinfulness in God's
sight, before entreating His favour.

48. And laid open the book of 'the laiv.] It
would seem by the expression used that they
had but one copy, or at any rate that they
produced only one. The Syro-Macedonians
had torn up and burnt the greater number of
the copies at the beginning of the persecution
(ch. i. 56). They had been content, however,
with disfiguring some by pictures of their
own idols, or perhaps rather of their deities.
It was to exhibit this profanation before the
eye of God that the Book was " laid open."
Compare the act of Hezekiah, when he
" spread before the Lord " the blasphemous
letter of Sennacherib (2 Kings xix. 14).

the heathen had sought to paint the like-
ness.] Only a few of the MSS. preserve
the true reading. The majority, and most
of the printed texts, omit the mention of
" painting."

49. They brought also the priests' garments, .]
On the holy garments commanded for the
Jewish priests, see Ex. xxviii. 4-42. Appa-
rently, they were now exhibited to shew that
Judas and his followers were ready and
anxious to resume the Temple worship, and
only hindered by Jerusalem being in hostile
hands. It was recognised that there could
be no sacrificial worship outside the Temple.

and the firstfruits, and the tithes^ It had
been determined in the time of Nehemiah,
that all the firstfruits, and " the tithe of the
tithes" — i.e. the priests' portion — should be
carried every year to the Temple, and there
made over to the sacerdotal authorities, who
were thus to be spared the trouble and
expense of collection (Neh. x. 35-39). The
firstfruits and tithes were now brought as
near to the Temple as possible under the
circumstances, to indicate the readiness of

the people to conform to the law of God in
all things, so far as they could.

and the Nazarites they stirred up.~] The
completion of the ordinary, or limited,
Nazarite vow could only take place in the
Temple, where certain offerings had to be
made, and the hair, which had been left
untouched during the term of the vow, had
to be cut off and burnt under the sacrifice
upon the altar (Num. vi. 13-18). The
Nazarites were now "stirred up" to come
and present themselves as near the Temple as
possible, to shew their readiness to complete
their vows, unless hindered by the heathen.

50. Then cried they ivith a loud voice toward
heaven.] "Crying toward heaven" is the
ordinary expression of the writer for making
an appeal to God. (See ch. iv. 10, 40 ; v. 31 ;
ix. 46, &c.)

What shall <we do with these ?] I.e. How
shall we enable them to complete their vow ?
Whither shall we take them ? We cannot
take them to the Temple. Will not God
shew us a way out of these difficulties ?

53. except thou, 0 God, be our help.] The
first thing is humiliation (t». 47) ; the next, an
exposition of their enemies' impiety (i\ 48) ;
the third, a setting forth of their own needs
(w. 49-52) ; in conclusion, there is an appeal
to God for aid {v . 53). This appeal is accom-
panied by a loud blare of trumpets, and a shout
that was heard far and wide (v. 54). The
blast of trumpets was not a mere signal for
breaking up the camp (Num. x. 2) — united,
as it was, with the loud shout, we must
understand it as in part a defiance to the
garrison in Jerusalem, in part an expression
of confidence in the speedy triumph of the
good cause.

§ 6. Military Measures taken by Ju-
das IN VIEW OF THE IMPENDING DANGER.

55-60. It would seem that hitherto the
Jews under Judas had fought as an un-

v. 55— 6o.]

I. MACCABEES. III. IV.

4i5

B.C.
cir. 165.

55 And after this Judas ordained
captains over the people, even cap-
tains over thousands, and over hun-
dreds,

an<

over fifties, and

over

tens.

e1^"1'20' 56 But as for such as ''were build-
ing houses, or had betrothed wives,

^Judg. or were planting vineyards, or -^were
fearful, those he commanded that they
should return, every man to his own
house, according to the law.

57 So the camp removed, and
pitched upon the south side of Em-
maus.

58 And Judas said, Arm your-
selves, and be valiant men, and see

that ye be in readiness against the b. c.
morning, that ye may fight with clLif5,
these nations, that are assembled
together against us to destroy us and
our sanctuary :

59 For it is better for us to die in
battle, than to behold the calamities
of our people and our sanctuary.

60 Nevertheless, ^as the will of^2f*m'
God is in heaven, so let him do.

CHAPTER IV.

6 yudas defeateth the plot, 14 and forces of
Gorgias, 23 and spoileth their tents, 34 and
overthroweth Lysias. 45 He pulkth down
the altar which the heathen had profajied,
and selteth tip a new : 60 and maketh a wall
about Sion.

disciplined mass, with no officers but Judas
and his brothers to guide them. Now that
he had to contend with half the might of
Syria {y. 34), the leader recognised the
necessity of having recourse to something
more of system. A decimal organisation
seemed the easiest, and was already familiar
to the thoughts of the nation from its adop-
tion in former times. (See Ex. xviii. 21;
Judg. xx. 10; 1 Sam. viii. 12 ; 2 Kings i. 9;
xi. 4 ; 2 Chr. xxv. 5.) Accordingly, he in-
troduced it in the old familiar shape, which,
though not theoretically perfect, had been
practically found convenient. A petty officer
was appointed to each ten men, a superior
one to five such bodies, a captain to each
hundred, and a colonel to each thousand.
Before, however, this arrangement had been
made, the army was weeded of its less willing
members — the timorous, the newly-married,
and the immersed in worldly business — ac-
cording to the injunctions laid down in
Deuteronomy (ch. xx. 5-8) — and a picked
force was thus obtained. The enemy was
then sought out, the army returning to the
neighbourhood of Emmaus; and in a short
spirited harangue Judas bade them prepare
to give the Syrians battle on the morrow.

55. Judas ordained captains over the
people.'] The arrangement is identical with
that recommended by Jethro to Moses for
judicial purposes (Ex. xviii. 21). It differs
from the ordinary Jewish military system by
the institution of " captains of tens."

56. such as were building houses.'] These
may have been a tolerably numerous class,
since the patriots were to a large extent
fugitives from Jerusalem and other towns,
who, having quitted their houses, would have
to build others.

or were fearful.] Compare the action of

Gideon (Judg. vii. 3), who, by dismissing the
"fearful," reduced his army from 32,000 to
10,000. The reduction may not have been
great in the present instance, since few but
brave men would have been likely to join the
patriots.

57. So the camp removed^ Judas never
sought to avoid battle, or stood simply on
the defensive. When a force was sent against
him, his object was to engage it — in the confi-
dent belief that, with God's help, he would
overcome it. So, having held his prayer-
meeting at Mizpeh, he broke up his camp,
and marched westward, a distance of above
twenty miles, to meet the enemy, whose posi-
tion at Emmaus was well known to him.

and pitched upon the south side of Emmaus .]
Emmaus was at the northern foot of a spur
which projected into the Philistine plain from
the hill - country of Judasa. Judas, while
encamping south of Emmaus, still remained
on the high ground.

58. Arm yourselves.] Literally, "gird
yourselves," but in the general sense of
" prepare " — " make ready."

60. as the will of God is in heaven, so let
him do.] Absolute resignation to the will of
God is nowhere better expressed. Judas
was content to succeed or fail, as God chose.
Only, he hoped that, if he failed, he might be
allowed to die (v. 59).

CHAPTER IV.

§ 1. Judas and his Men defeat and
disperse the forces under nlcanor
and Gorgias.

1-27. The army under Judas is said in
2 Mace. viii. 16 to have numbered six thousand
men. As the Syro-Macedonians were more
than seven times as numerous (ch. iii. 3 9), it did

416

I. MACCABEES. IV.

[v. i—6.

cir,

B.C. /np^HEN took Gorgias five thou-
r—5' X sand footmen, and a thousand

of the best horsemen, and removed

out of the camp by night ;

2 To the end he might rush in
upon the camp of the Jews, and smite
them suddenly. And the men of the
fortress were his guides.

3 Now when Judas heard thereof,
he himself removed, and the valiant
men with him, that he might smite

the king's army which was at Em- B-'-

& J cir. i

maus.

4 While as yet the forces were
dispersed from the camp.

5 In the mean season came Gor-
gias by night into the camp of Judas :
and when he found no man there, he
sought them in the mountains : for
said he, These fellows flee from us.

6 But as soon as it was day, Ju-
das shewed himself in the plain with

6s-

not seem a risk to their commanders to divide
their force in two, and send a portion into
the mountains to attack the Jewish camp, if
a favourable opportunity offered, while the
main body still continued in the plain. The
command of the attacking force, which just
equalled the army of Judas, was taken by
Gorgias, the captain of " great experience "
(2 Mace. viii. 9), while Nicanor remained at
the head of the others, who occupied a
fortified camp in the plain. Nothing is heard
of Ptolemy, who was apparently absent.
Gorgias hoped to surprise Judas, and to this
end made a night march from Emmaus into
the hill-country; but Judas, learning his
intention, frustrated it by a counter-move-
ment, abandoning his camp to Gorgias, while
he flung himself on the forces of Nicanor.
The result was a complete victory (w. 14,
15 ; 2 Mace. viii. 24, 25). Nicanor's army was
routed and dispersed, after which battle was
offered to Gorgias, who declined it, and re-
treated with precipitation (yv. 16-22). The
first attempt of Lysias thus completely failed.
Out of the 47,000 men engaged in the war,
9000 were slain outright, and probably a still
larger number wounded (2 Mace. viii. 24).
Lysias was greatly disappointed and dis-
couraged, but still determined to make a
further effort to carry out the king's designs
in the ensuing year.

1. Then took Gorgias Jive thousand footmen.~\
It is not clear whether Gorgias made his move-
ment at the request of Nicanor, and in con-
cert with him, or whether he had an inde-
pendent command, and acted on his own
responsibility. Dean Stanley supposes him
to have been " commander of the forces at
Jerusalem" (' Jewish Church,' vol. iii. p. 308).
But nothing has been said of his having
quitted Emmaus (ch. iii. 38-40); and it
seems best to suppose that he had remained
there till now. Verse 4 makes this almost
certain.

removed out of the camp by night.'] Rather,
"his camp" or "his army removed by
night."

2. the men of the fortress were his guides.]

This is generally explained as "apostates
from the citadel of Jerusalem." But the
"fortress" intended may be the citadel of
Emmaus. Persons belonging to the neigh-
bourhood were likely to be better guides than
men who came from a distance.

3. ivhen Judas heard.] Judas had his
"intelligence department," and was quickly
apprised of the enemy's movement. To him
the division of the Syro- Macedonian force
seemed a strategic mistake, and he resolved
at once to take advantage of it. "While as
yet the forces were dispersed from the camp "
(■v. 4), he determined to make an onslaught
on those who remained to guard it. He may
not have known their numbers, but he felt
that at any rate it was best to fight before
the troops of Gorgias rejoined those of
Nicanor. (Cf. Joseph. ' Ant. Jud.' xii. 7, § 4.)

5. came Gorgias by night into the camp of
Judas.] This was what Judas had intended :
he had left his tents standing, and had thus
drawn Gorgias on. He may even have left
booty in the camp, to occupy the attention of
the soldiers. Meanwhile he had himself de-
scended into the plain with 3000 men (v. 6),
leaving perhaps 3000 as a reserve on the out-
lying hills.

he sought them in the mountains.] Gorgias
thought that the soldiers of Judas, learning his
approach, had fled and concealed themselves
in the fastnesses of the mountains, and pro-
ceeded inland, in search of them.

6. as soon as it ivas day, Judas shelved
himself in the plain.] On the Jews' part the
time for night attacks was past (2 Mace. viii.
7). Broad daylight best suits a foe who is
confident of victory, either in his own
strength, or through trust in a strength that
is not his, but vouchsafed to him. Judas
descended into the plain by night, but waited
for the day to make his dispositions, and
proceed to the assault. The exact dispositions
which he made are given in the Second Book
(2 Mace. viii. 22, 23); which, however, doubles
the number of the Jewish army engaged in
the struggle.

v. 7— 14-]

I. MACCABEES. IV.

417

b. c. three thousand men, who neverthe-
- — ' less had neither " armour nor swords
targets. to their minds.

7 And they saw the camp of the
heathen, that it was strong and well
harnessed, and compassed round about
with horsemen ; and these were ex-
pert of war.

8 Then said Judas to the men that

were with him, Fear ye not their

multitude, neither be ye afraid of

their assault.

aExod. g Remember how aour fathers

14. 30. ^

were delivered in the Red sea, when

Pharaoh pursued them with an army.

10 Now therefore let us cry unto

heaven, if peradventure the Lord will

have mercy upon us, and remember B.C.
the covenant of our fathers, and C'L166'
destroy this host before our face this
day :

11 *That so all the heathen may*lSam.
know that there is one who delivereth I7' 4 '
and saveth Israel.

12 Then the strangers lifted up
their eyes, and saw them coming over
against them.

13 Wherefore they went out of
the camp to battle ; but they that
were with Judas sounded their trum-
pets.

14 So they joined battle, and the
heathen being discomfited fled into
the plain.

who . . . had neither armour nor swords
to their minds.'] See note on ch. iii. 12.

7. the camp of the heathen.] Some trans-
late, " the host of the heathen," but probably
the camp is intended. (Gomp. v. 13.)

well harnessed^] I.e. well guarded with a
rampart or breastwork. So 6o>pr]^ is used
by Herodotus (i. 181), and BapaKiov by
Diodorus (xvii. 44), Philo (ii. 324), and
others.

compassed round about with horsemen^]
Patrols of horse guarded the camp on every
side, so that it was impossible to surprise it.

8. Then said Judas, <b'c] This seems to
be the place where the fuller account of
2 Mace. viii. 16-23 properly comes in. Judas
addressed his men at some length ; exhorted
them not to be afraid of the enemy (2 Mace,
viii. 1 6) ; reminded them of the wrongs which
they had suffered at their hands (ib. -v. 17) ;
spoke of former deliverances — that from
Pharaoh at the Red Sea (1 Mace. iv. 9), that
from Sennacherib (2 Mace. viii. 19), and that
from the Celtic invaders of Asia somewhat
recently (ib. -v. 20) ; and finally bade them
make an earnest appeal to heaven for help
and salvation (1 Mace. iv. 10, 11); after which
he made a fresh disposition of his force.
Dividing it into four equal bands, assuming
the command of one of them himself, and
assigning the other three to his brothers
John, Simon, and Jonathan respectively, he
ordered the fifth brother, Eleazar, to recite
from the Holy Boob (2 Mace. viii. 21-23);
and then, while the words sounded in their
ears, commanded his army to advance to the
attack, himself leading the way.

Fear ye not.] Comp. ch. iii. 22.
their multitude.] Even if Judas advanced
Apoc— Vol. IT.

with his entire force of six thousand men
(2 Mace. viii. 16, 2 2), still he was outnumbered
at least sevenfold (ch. iii. 39, 41 ; iv. 1).

11. That so all the heathen may know.]
Comp. Ex. xv. 14; Ps. lix. 13, lxxix. 10;
lxxxiii. 18, xcviii. 2, &c. The vindication of
God's honour in the sight of the heathen is
one of the most legitimate objects of human
effort; and the saints of God make it the
subject of frequent petition. Moses in the
wilderness has no more potent argument
either when he requests God's aid, or when
he deprecates the punishments which the
people's sins have deserved. (See Ex. xxxii.
12; Num. xiv. 15, 16; Deut. ix. 28; xxxii.
27, &c.)

12. the strangers lifted up their eyes.] The
enemy, to their surprise, saw the small Jewish
force rapidly advancing upon them across the
plain. They could not for very shame decline
the combat, so they quitted their walled
camp (-v. 7), and drew themselves up in
order of battle (v. 13). The Jews, as they
charged, blew their well-known trumpet-blast,
an encouragement to themselves, a terror to
the adversary.

14. being discomfited.] The expression used
in the original is stronger, implying a crushing
defeat.

fled into the plain.] There is a slight diffi-
culty here, since Emmaus itself was " in the
plain " (ch. iii. 40), and Judas has descended
" into the plain " (ch. iv. 6), in order to attack
the Syro-Macedonian army. Probably the
writer is thinking of the entire broad tract
of Philistia, and regarding that as the true
plain, rather than the embayed recess about
Emmaus, which was a sort of valley con-
nected with the plain.

2 E

4i8

I. MACCABEES. IV.

[v. 15—20.

B.C. 15 Howbeit all the hindmost of

cir^jj;. tjiem were s]ajn with the sword : for

ll.Gr- thev pursued them unto "Gazera, and

Assure- J r _ 1 «

moth. unto the plains of Idumea, and Azo-
tus, and Jamnia, so that there were
slain of them upon a three thousand
men.

16 This done, Judas returned again
with his host from pursuing them,

17 And said to the people, Be not
greedy of the spoils, inasmuch as
there is a battle before us,

18 And Gorgias and his host are

here by us in the mountain : but B- c.

dJ . . cir. 165.

ye now against our enemies, —

and overcome them, and after this ye

may boldly take the spoils.

19 As Judas was yet speaking
these words, there appeared a part
of them looking out of the moun-
tain :

20 Who when they perceived that
the Jews had put their host to flight,
and were burning the tents ; for the
smoke that was seen declared what
was done :

15. they pursued them unto Gazera^] The
position of " Gazera " (or Gazara), long re-
garded as uncertain, seems to have been
fixed by the discoveries of M. Clermont-
Ganneau, who first found a Tel-el-Jezer
mentioned by the Arabian geographers in
the required locality, then obtained the same
name from the present inhabitants, and finally
came upon a rock inscription in which the
name of Gezer was repeated twice (' Quarterly
Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund,'
Oct. 1875, PP- 200-1). The position is one
three miles W. of Khulda, and about six E.
of Akir (Ekron), at a village called Abu-
Shooshah, of which the Tel forms a part.
The distance from Emmaus (Amwas) is about
eight miles.

the plains of Idumea, <b'c.~] The defeated
army, having kept together as far as Gazara,
there separated, and fled in three directions,
westward to " the plain of Jamnia," marked
by the modern Yebneh, in the Sorek valley ;
south-westward to " the plain of Ashdod,"
marked by the modern Esdud; and south-
ward or south-eastward to " the plain of
Idumasa," the country south of Judaea, be-
tween Hebron and Beersheba. The limits
of Idumasa, vague at all times, are perhaps
extended by the writer so as to include the
flat country about Tel-el-Safi and Merash or
Mareshah.

Azotus.] The identity of the ancient Ash-
dod (or Azotus) with the modern Esdud is
generally allowed. Esdud is situated about
three miles from the coast, a little south of
the water-course known as the "valley of
Elah." It stands on a slight elevation, which
looks down upon the plain, and makes the
situation a commanding one. Ashdod was
one of the most ancient of the Philistine
towns (Josh. xv. 47; 1 Sam. v. 5). It was
taken by Sargon in B.C. 711, and by Psama-
tik I. about B.C. 630, after a long siege
(Herod, ii. 157).

Jamnia.'] " Jamnia " appears as Jabneel in

Joshua (xv. 11), and as Jabneh in Chronicles
(2 Chr. xxvi. 6). It was some three or four
miles from the sea, but had a port depend-
ent on it, which bore the same name (2 Mace,
xii. 9 : Plin. ' H. N.' v. 1 2). Ordinarily, it was
a Philistine possession. The site seems to be
marked by the modern Yebneh, a small
village south of the Sorek, eleven miles from
Joppa, and sixteen from Esdud.

there were slain of thetn upon a three
thousand^] The writer of the Second Book
says " nine thousand " (2 Mace. viii. 24), which
is more in accord with the strong expression
used above, in v. 14. He adds that "the
most part of Nicanor's host " was " wounded
and maimed " by the patriots.

16. Judas returned again .... from pur-
suing them.'] The battle took place upon the
sixth day of the week, and by the time that
Gazara was reached the sabbath was ap-
proaching. Judas therefore withdrew his
men, being unwilling to desecrate the sabbath,
and contented himself with firing the camp
and despoiling the slain of their armour (2
Mace. viii. 27). The other reason here
alleged for the recall — the near presence of
Gorgias — may also have actuated him.

17. Be not greedy of the spoils.] I.e. " wait
for the present — do not attempt to plunder
the camp — if you were once engaged in
plundering, Gorgias might take you at a dis-
advantage."

there is a battle before us.] Rather perhaps,
" there is ivar before us," the entire force of
the enemy is not accounted for — Gorgias still
remains somewhere in our neighbourhood:
the war is not over.

18. in the mountain.] Rather, " in the hill-
country." (Gf. v. 5.)

boldly.] Or "confidently." Without any
fear of a hostile attack upon you on the part
of Gorgias.

19-22. The detachment under Gorgias,
having searched the interior of the hill-country

V. 21-

= 7-]

I. MACCABEES. IV.

419

B. C.
cir. 163.

' Ps. 136.
1.

21 When therefore they -perceived
these things, they were sore afraid,
and seeing also the host of Judas in
the plain ready to fight,

22 They fled every one into the
land of strangers.

23 Then Judas returned to spoil
the tents, where they got much gold,
and silver, and blue silk, and purple
of the sea, and great riches.

24. After this they went home, and
son g of thanksgiving, and

of thanksgiving,
praised the Lord in heaven : cbe

sung a

cause "it is good, because his mercy B- c-
enduretn ror ever.

25 Thus Israel had a great deliver- " 0r' ,ie'
ance that day.

26 Now all the strangers that had
escaped came and told Lysias what
had happened :

27 Who, when he heard thereof,
was confounded and discouraged,
because neither such things as he
would were done unto Israel, nor
such things as the king commanded
him were come to pass.

near Emmaus and found no trace of Judas or
his army, had returned to the outskirts, and
" looked out " from some high position upon
the plain. The sight revealed to them was
that of Nicanor's camp in flames, and his
troops dispersed far and wide over the Shefe-
lah (jv. 15), while the army of Judas was
drawn up in battle array, ready for combat.
It is not surprising that, under these circum-
stances, his troops " were sore afraid," and
" fled every one " into the Philistine country,
seeking to rejoin the troops of Nicanor.

23. Judas returned to spoil the tents.]
Rather, "the camp " — no doubt the camp of
Nicanor, near Emmaus. The inflammable
portions had been burnt ; but the flames would
have made small impression on the more
valuable portion of the spoil. There would
remain an abundance of arms and armour
(2 Mace. viii. 27), sorely needed by the
patriots (1 Mace. iv. 6); there would be silver
and gold, in specie, in ornaments, in vases
and dr'mking-cups ; there would be precious
stuffs and fabrics, damaged, it may be, more
or less, but still of considerable value. Judas
and his men " got much gold, and silver, and
blue (silk), and purple of the sea, and great
riches."

blue silk.] There is no word expressive of
" silk " in the original ; and it is more than
doubtful whether " silk " is intended. The
blue of the Tabernacle was either a woollen
or a linen fabric (Ex. xxxv. 25) ; and the same
may be said of the "blue" of Solomon's
Temple (2 Chr. ii. 7, 14). There is no
distinct reference to silk in the Old Testa-
ment ; and it is scarcely likely to have been
found in the camp of Nicanor. The blue, or
rather violet, apparel found, would probably
be of wool, as would be also the purple (or
crimson) apparel.

purple of the sea.] Le. apparel dyed with
the juice of the Murex trunculus, a shell-fish
common in the eastern Mediterranean, and
particularly abundant upon the coast of

Phoenicia. The hue varied from a deep
purple to a light crimson. It was greatly
affected by the Eastern nations (Ex. xxv. 4 ;
Judg. viii. 26; 2 Chr. hi. 14; Esther i. 6,
viii. 15; Prov. xxxi. 22; Jer. x. 9; Ezek.
xxvii. 7, 16 ; Ecclus. xlv. 10 ; Baruch vi. 12 ;
1 Mace. x. 20 ; 2 Mace. iv. 38, &c).

24. they went home.] Literally, " they
returned " — i.e. quitted the plain, and re-
occupied the hill-country.

praised the Lord in heaven.] Rather,
"they praised the Lord unto the heaven." —
i.e. with eyes and voices lifted up to heaven.

because it is good, tec] I.e. they sang the
usual hymn of thanksgiving — the hundred and
thirty-sixth Psalm— "the national anthem"
(as it has been called) " of the Jewish race "
(Stanley, ' Jewish Church,' vol. iii. pp. 308-9).
Cf. 1 Chr. xvi. 41; 2 Chr. v. 13, vii. 3, xx.
21 ; Jer. xxxiii. 11 ; Ezra iii. 11.

26. all the strangers.] The Syro-Mace-
donian soldiers. (Cf. v. 12.)

§ 2. Attack made on Judas by Lysias

in PERSON.

28-35. The defeat of his generals in-
duced Lysias to take the field in person.
Having spent the winter in collecting a force
almost half as numerous again as the former
one — 60,000 foot and 5000 horse — he marched
early in the ensuing year, B.C. 164, into
Idumsea, and took up a position at Bethsura,
or Beth-zur, on the road from Hebron to
Jerusalem, about five miles from the former
and thirteen from the latter place. Here
Judas met him, with an army of 10,000 men.
After the Jewish chief had prayed earnestly
for a blessing on his arms (v-v. 30-33), the
two hosts joined battle, and once more the
Syro-Macedonians suffered a complete defeat.
The slain are estimated at 5000, and the
wounded must have been much more
numerous. Lysias accepted the trial of arms
as decisive, and returned to Antioch without

2 E 2

4-20

I. MACCABEES. IV.

[v. 28—33.

b. c. 28 The next year therefore follow-

"lL4' ing Lysias gathered together three-
score thousand choice men of foot,
and five thousand horsemen, that he
might subdue them.

29 So they came into Idumea, and
pitched their tents at Bethsura, and
Judas met them with ten thousand
men.

30 And when he saw that mighty
army, he prayed and said, Blessed art

«?xSam. thou, O Saviour of Israel, ^who
didst quell the violence of the mighty

' 1 Sam.
14- I3» 14-

man by the hand of thy servant David, b. c.
and gavest the host of "strangers into culi_4*
the hands of 'Jonathan the son of )£&£$
Saul, and his armourbearer ;

31 Shut up this army in the hand
of thy people Israel, and let them
be confounded in their power and
horsemen :

32 Make themto be of no courage,
and cause the boldness of their
strength to "fall away, and let them
quake at their destruction :

33 Cast them down with the sword

L Gr. meli

making any further effort. His only hope
was in his power of collecting a still larger
force, and making another expedition (v.
35).

28. threescore thousand choice men.] As
large a force as he could easily raise, seeing
that Antiochus had left him one-half only of
the military strength of the empire (ch. iii.
34)-

five thousand horsemen?] The proportion
is unusually small. But it was difficult for
cavalry to act in the hill-country of Judaea.

that he might subdue them.'] Rather, "to
the end that he might utterly subdue them."
It is implied that Lysias thought the force
which he had gathered together would be
irresistible, and must shortly bring the re-
bellion to an end. As Judas was unable to
muster more than 10,000 men against 65,000,-
the expectation was not unreasonable.

29. So they came into Idumea.] This was
strategy of a new character. The Syro-
Macedonians marched round their enemies'
left flank, and effected a lodgment in their
rear. The Idumaeans, being hostile to the
Jews at all times (Num. xx. 21 ; 1 Sam. xiv.
47; 2 Sam. viii. 14 ; 1 Kings xi. 16; 2 Kings
viii. 20; Ps. cxxxvii. 7; Ezek. xxv. 12;
2 Chron. xxviii. 17; &c), would be sure to
support the attack, and do their best to make
it successful (ch. v. 3). If the attempt suc-
ceeded, the Jews would be caught in a trap
from which there was no escape, and either
slaughtered or made prisoners.

and pitched their tents at Bethsura.] Beth-
sura appears as Beth-zur, "the House of the
Rock," in Josh. xv. 58, where its position is
marked as in the mountains reckoned to
Judah, between Halhul and Gedor. It was
among the towns fortified by Rehoboam in
expectation of the attack of Shishak (2 Ghr.
xi. 7) ; and was still regarded as belonging to
Judah in the time of Nehemiah (Neh. iii. 16).
It had now passed, however, from the Jews
into the hands of the Idumseans, and was a

strong fortress on the border of the two
countries. (See?/. 61, and cf. ch. vi. 7, 26; ix.
5 2 ; xiv. 3 3 ; &c.) At a later date it was
called Bethasora ('Itin. Hieros.' p. 599, 1),
and is now known as Beit-Sur. The position
is commanding, and is well supplied with
water (' Quarterly Statement of Pal. Expl.
Fund,' April 1875, P- 67)-

with ten thousand men.] A larger force
than he had ever gathered together before.
It was natural that his successes should
swell his army.

30. O Saviour of Israel.] The exact ex-
pression, " Saviour of Israel," is found only
here and in Jer. xiv. 8. But expressions
closely akin occur in Judg. iii. 9 ; 2 Kings
xiii. 5 ; Is. xlix. 26, lx. 26, lxiii. 8, &c. The
God of the Old Testament was well known
as the Saviour of His people from the time of
Moses downwards.

ivho didst quell the violence of the mighty
man by the hand of thy servant David.] The
allusion is probably to David's victory over
Goliath (1 Sam. xvii. 38-51).

and gavest the host of strangers into the
hands of Jonathan.] Rather, " the host of
the Philistines." The occasion intended
is that which nearly cost Jonathan his life,
when he and his armour-bearer smote the
Philistine camp in Michmash, and Jonathan
unwittingly contravened the command of Saul,
that none should eat food until the evening
(1 Sam. xiv. 6-27).

31. Shut up this army in the hand.] Or,
" deliver this army into the hand." See note
on ch. iii. 18.

let them be confounded?] Literally, " let
them be brought to shame."

in their power and horsemen?] " Power "
(dvvams) is used by the writer especially of
foot-soldiers (see ch. xv. 41).

32. Make them to be of no courage.] Lite-
rally, " give them cowardice."

cause the boldness of their strength to fall'

v. 34—36.]

I. MACCABEES. IV.

421

B.C.
cir. 164.

of them that love thee, and let all
those that know thy name praise thee
with thanksgiving.

34 So they joined battle ; and
there were slain of the host of Lysias
about five thousand men, even before
them were they slain.

35 Now when Lysias saw his army
put to flight, and the manliness of
Judas' soldiers, and how they were

ready either to live or die valiantly,
he went into Antiochia, and gathered
together a company of strangers, and
having made his army greater than it
was, he purposed to come again into
Judea.

36 Then said Judas and his bre-
thren, Behold, our enemies are dis-
comfited : let us go up to cleanse and
"dedicate the sanctuary.

B.C.

cir. 164.

II Or,

repair.

away.] Rather, "melt the boldness of then-
strength," or " cause it to melt away."

33. let all those that kno-zu thy name praise
thee.] I.e. " let us be victorious, and then we
shall sing to thee a psalm of thanksgiving."
(Cf. -v. 24.)

35. Lysias . . . gathered together a company
of strangers.] Rather, " proceeded to levy
mercenaries." This is the constant meaning
of gevoXoyelv and its cognate terms in Polybius,
Plutarch, Diodorus, and other late Greek
writers. It even occurs in the same sense in
Isocrates and Demosthenes. Lysias having
found the full force of Syria, so far as he had
control over it, insufficient, made up his mind
to enrol an army of mercenary soldiers. Mr.
Grote has some good remarks on the multi-
plication of such soldiers in Greece after the
Peloponnesian War, and the mischievous con-
sequences which followed from it (' History
of Greece,' vol. viii. p. 35). The practice
rather increased than diminished after the
time of Alexander.

having made his army greater than it tvas.]
This was his purpose. It does not appear
that he effected it. Before the time came
for renewing his attack, the news of Epi-
phanes' death reached him, and he became
involved in a civil war, first against Philip,
whom Epiphanes had made regent shortly
before his death (ch. vi. 55-63), and then
against Demetrius (ch. vii. 1-4).

§ 3. Judas recovers the Temple,
purifies and re-dedicates it, and
re-establishes the temple worship.

36-59. The repulse of Lysias at Beth-
zur changed the character of the struggle.
Hitherto the patriots had stood almost en-
tirely on the defensive, maintaining their
independence by vast efforts, continually
attacked, and contenting themselves with
repulsing one attack after another. Now
they felt that, for a time at any rate, they
were safe from molestation, and might in
their turn act on the offensive. The Syrian
army was dispersed ; they were masters of
the whole open country; Syria could count

as hers only the few strongholds in which
she had left garrisons. Among these the
most important — that to which the hearts
and minds of all faithful Judaeans turned —
was Jerusalem. Though they might not be
powerful enough at present to drive the Syrians
out of the strong fortress which they had
raised upon the western hill (ch. i. 33-36), it
was quite possible that they might be able to
recover and re-occupy the eastern or Temple
eminence. The Temple worship was so
much the centre and kernel of the Jewish
religion, that naturally all hearts and minds
were turned in this direction, and when
Judas, interpreting the general feeling, ex-
claimed, " Our enemies are discomfited — let
us go up to cleanse and dedicate the sanc-
tuary," there was a universal acquiescence.
The Temple site was occupied, the defile-
ments removed, the place renovated, and,
while the foreign garrison was kept at bay
(v. 41), the whole area was cleansed, and
the place re-dedicated (yv. 54-56). In the
enthusiasm of the moment it was decreed
that the " Feast of the Dedication " should be
henceforth held each year for seven days,
beginning with the 25th of the month Casleu
— the day of the resumption of the morning
and evening sacrifice (v. 59).

36. let us go up to cleanse . . . the sanc-
tuary.] See ch. i. 46. The sanctuary is said
to have been polluted, not only by the
idolatrous altar erected on the top of the
altar of burnt offering (Jb. v. 54), but also by
introducing a herd of swine into the Holy
Place and slaughtering them within its pre-
cincts (Joseph. ' Ant. Jud.' xii. 5, § 4; Diod.
Sic. xxxiv. 1). The entire sanctuary thus
required cleansing.

and dedicate.] Zerubbabel had " dedicated "
the house of God which he raised on the site
of the Temple of Solomon after the return
from the Captivity (Ezra vi. 16, 17), when
the place had merely lain waste, without any
positive desecration. Still more necessary
was it, after such a pollution as that described
in the preceding note, that the place should
be purified and set apart for God afresh by
a solemn act of re-dedication.

422

I. MACCABEES. IV.

[v. 37—43-

b. c. 27 Upon this all the host assem-
c'li_4' bled themselves together, and went
up into mount Sion.

38 And when they saw the sanc-
tuary desolate, and the altar profaned,
and the gates burned up, and shrubs
growing in the courts as in a forest,
or in one of the mountains, yea, and
the priests' chambers pulled down ;

39 They rent their clothes, and
made great lamentation, and cast
ashes upon their heads,

40 And fell down flat to the ground

upon their faces, and blew an alarm b. c.
with the trumpets, and cried toward C'LL4'
heaven.

41 Then Judas appointed certain
men to fight against S those that^ch-1
were in the fortress, until he had
cleansed the sanctuary.

42 So he chose priests of blameless
conversation, such as had pleasure in
the law :

43 Who cleansed the sanctuary,
and bare out the defiled stones into
an unclean place.

37. into mount Sion.] "Mount Sion"
here, as generally in the Maccabees, means
the eastern hill, on some part of which the
' Temple was built. The modern Sion is the
south-western hill. It is argued by some of
the best modern authorities that the Sion of
David — the true Sion — was neither of these,
but a separate hill, north of the modern Sion,
and nearly due west of the Temple. (See
Col. Warren's paper in the ' Transactions of
the Society of Bibl. Archaeology' for 1881,
pp. 3 1 1-3 1 5.)

38. the gates burned up.] The gates had
been destroyed to lay the place open and
prevent its being defensible. They seem to
have been five in number. (See 2 Kings
xi. 6, 19 ; 1 Chr. xxvi. 1652 Chr. xxiii. 5, 20.)

shrubs . . . as in a forest.] Rather, " as
in a coppice." But the expression is exag-
gerated, since the site had not lain waste so
much as four years.

the priests' chambers pulled down.] The
term used here, 7raoro(popia, is a rare one.
There was a class of priests in Egypt, called
by the Greeks iraa-ro^opoi, whose business it
was to carry the images of gods enclosed in
small shrines (Diod. Sic. i. 29 ; Clem. Al.
p. 253). The chambers in the Egyptian
temples occupied by these priests were called
naaTocpopLa or TraaTotyope'ia. After the Jews
began to have chambers for priests in their
temple (Neh. xiii. 5, 7, 9 ; Esdr. viii. 59), the
word was applied to them, not very appro-
priately.

39. They rent their clothes, <fo-'c] Comp.
ch. iii. 47. The mourning was not carried
out to such lengths as the former one, since
then there seemed small hope of undoing the
accursed work of the heathen, whereas now
that work was about to pass wholly away.

40. fell down fat. In a sort of ecstasy of
horror — not to worship, but to humiliate
themselves.

and blew an alarm with the trumpets J\

Rather, " and sounded with the signal
trumpets." The silver trumpets of the Le-
vitical law (Num. x. 2-10) were to be used for
signals of all kinds, and were therefore called
by the LXX. o"dX7riyye? tu>v crrjpaatcov,
" trumpets of signals," or " signal trumpets "
(Num. xxxi. 6). The phrase took the place
of the Hebrew khat sot s^ roth hat-teruah,
which, however, meant rather " trumpets of
loud sound " than " trumpets of signal."
The trumpets were used probably on this
occasion to give the signal for a general pros-
tration, to be followed by a " cry to heaven."

cried toward heaven^] See the comment
on ch. iii. 50.

41. to fight against those that were in the
fortress.] The stronghold, called liKpa by the

author of this book, probably identical with
the akra of Josephus, was still occupied by
the Syrian garrison, which had seized and
fortified it three years and a half before.
(See ch. i. 33, 34.) Whether its position
was due north of the Temple, as generally
supposed, or due west, as Col. Warren
argues, is perhaps doubtful.

until he had cleansed.] The object of
Judas was not to take the fortress, but to
occupy the attention of the garrison, and
prevent them from making sallies to molest
the workmen and others who were engaged
in restoring and purifying the Temple. The
fortress was not taken till twenty-three years
later, under Simon. (See ch. xiii. 51.)

42. priests of blameless conversation.']
Grimm suggests that the true meaning
of ap.wp.ovs here is " free from legal defile-
ment ; " but the rendering of the A. V.,
which accords with the invariable use of the
term in the New Testament (Eph. i. 4 ; v. 27 ;
Col. i. 22 ; Heb. ix. 14 ; 1 Pet. i. 19 ; Jude 24 ;
Rev. xiv. 5), is greatly preferable.

43. an unclean placed Probably the
valley of the Kidron, which was regarded as
essentially impure. Here Asa had burnt the

v. 44—49-]

I. MACCABEES. IV.

4^3

B. C.

cir. 104.

* ch. 9.

27.

& 14. 41.

44 And when as they consulted
what to do with the altar of burnt
offerings, which was profaned ;

45 They thought it best to pull it
down, lest it should be a reproach to
them, because the heathen had defiled
it : wherefore they pulled it down,

46 And laid up the stones in the
mountain of the temple in a con-
venient place, ^uritil there should

come a prophet to shew what should b. c.
be done with them. cirl!l*-

47 Then they took whole stones
^according to the law, and built a h Exod-
new altar according to the former ; Deut5.'r7.

48 And made up the sanctuary, josh. s.
and the things that were within the 31-
temple, and hallowed the courts.

49 They made also new holy ves-
sels, and into the temple they brought

idol of his mother, Maachah (1 Kings xv. 13);
here Hezekiah had deposited the pollutions
of Ahaz, and Josiah, the remains of the grove,
altars, and idolatrous vessels of Manasseh
(2 Kings xxiii. 4, 6, 12; 2 Ghr. xxix. 16);
here, according to Josephus ('Ant. Jud.' ix. 7,
§ 3), the wicked Athaliah had been executed.
The " defiled stones " spoken of were pro-
bably those of which had been made the altar
to Olympian Jove, built by the Syrians on the
summit of the old altar of burnt-offerings.
(See ch. i. 54, and note ad loc.)

44. they consulted what to do with the
altar of burnt offerings."] This was the struc-
ture raised up by Zerubbabel after the return
from the Captivity, as related in Ezra iii. 2, 3.
It had been laid " upon the bases " of
Solomon's altar, which the exiles were able
to trace out, and was thus a square structure
of thirty feet each way (2 Chr. iv. 1). In
material, however, it differed from Solomon's
altar, being of stone (y. 46), whereas his
was of bronze. We can well understand
that there might be a difference of opinion as
to what it was best to do with the altar,
which some might think that the sacrifices of
nearly 400 years had made indelibly holy,
while others might feel that the recent pollu-
tion had incurably desecrated it. The result of
the " consultation " was a compromise. The
altar was " pulled down ; " but the stones
composing it were carefully " laid up " within
the Temple precincts.

45. They thought it best to pull it down.]
Rather, "and the happy thought fell
upon them to pull it down." (" Es fiel
ihnen bei ein guter Rath " — Grimm.)

lest it should be a reproach to them.] Here
we have the paramount motive. Had they
dwelt by themselves they might have deter-
mined otherwise ; but living among the
heathen, they had to consider, not so much
what was abstractedly right as what was
expedient under the circumstances. Re-
tention of the altar would have laid them
open to reproach. Its destruction was the
strongest possible protest against idolatry.

46. in the mountain of the temple.] I.e,
some part of the temple hill."

in a convenient place.] Tradition said that
the "place" selected was a room belonging
to the high priest at the north-western corner
of the Temple (' Middoth,' Mishna, iv. 46).

until there should come a prophet.] Comp.
Ezra ii. 63; Neh. vii. 65; 1 Mace. xiv. 4L
In the interval between the death of Malachi
(ab. B.C. 400) and the coming of John the
Baptist (ab. A.r>. 27), the Jews were con-
tinually expecting a prophet to appear, with
authority to settle all matters of religion on
which there was any doubt. The general
expectation was that Elijah would rise from
the dead and "restore all things" (Matt,
xvii. 11) ; but some expected Jeremiah
(ib. xiv. 14) ; while others merely supposed
that God would not — could not — long leave
his " peculiar people " without an inspired
guide to direct them. The expectation did
not die away as time went on, but rather
grew in force, and became a definite anticipa-
tion of the coming of " Messiah the Prince "
before the Baptist came forth from his
seclusion.

47. they took whole stones according to the
law.] By " whole stones " are meant stones in
their natural condition, untouched by the saw
or the graving-tool, such as are commanded
to be used in Ex. xx. 25 ; Deut. xxvii. 5.

built a new altar.] Literally, " built the
altar anew." Being on the same site, it was
still regarded as the same altar.

48. And made up the sanctuary.] Rather,
"built up." The walls had probably suffered
wanton injury in places.

and the things that were within the templet]
Rather, "and the inner parts of the
temple" — i.e. the walls and other partitions
which divided the Temple into portions.
These too had suffered damage, and required
repairs.

and hallowed the courts.] I.e. removed all
defilements from them, and perhaps purified
them with " the water of separation " (Num.
xix. 9-21), as Grimm supposes.

49. new holy vessels.] " Furniture " is
intended, rather than "vessels." The ori-
ginal furniture of the Temple had consisted of

424

I. MACCABEES. IV.

Lv- 5°—55-

b. c. the candlestick, and the altar of burnt
'L_L4- offerings, and of incense, and the
table.

50 And upon the altar they burn-
ed incense, and the lamps that were
upon the candlestick they lighted, that
they might give light in the temple.

5 1 Furthermore thev set the loaves
12-lad uP°n the table, and "spread out the
abroad t/ie veils, and finished all the works which
or, St'lffjd they had begun to make.

'veik? 52 Now on the five and twentieth

day of the ninth month, which is
called the month Casleu, in the hun-

dred forty and eighth year, they rose b. c.
up betimes in the morning, - — *"

53 And offered sacrifice accord-
ing to the law upon the new altar
of burnt offerings, which they had
made.

54 Look, at what time and what
day the heathen had profaned it, even
in that was it dedicated with songs,
and citherns, and harps, and cymbals.

55 Then all the people fell upon
their faces, worshipping and praising
the God of heaven, who had given
them good success.

four objects : — 1. The ark, with the cherubim
and the mercy-seat ; 2. The golden candle-
stick, or lamp-stand ; 3. The table for the
shewbread; and 4. The altar of incense. The
ark and mercy-seat appear to have been
destroyed by Nebuchadnezzar (2 Esd. x. 22),
and the second temple had not even any
counterparts of them (Joseph. ' Bel. Jud.' v. 5,
§ 5 ; Tacit. ' Hist.' v. 9). Hence the pieces of
furniture had been reduced to three. These,
having been carried off by the Syro-Mace-
donians (ch. i. 21, 22), were now replaced by
new constructions. According to the Tal-
mud, the candlestick now made was not of
gold, but of iron cased with wood (Derem-
bourg, ' History of Palestine,' p. 54).

the altar of burnt offerings, and of incensed]
This is the reading of the Aldine edition, and
of several MSS. It is, however, manifestly
erroneous. The " altar of burnt-offerings "
could not be " brought into the Temple,"
since it was a solid stone structure built in
the outer court (v . 47) ; nor could there have
been any occasion to mention it a second
time. Most manuscripts, including the Codex
Alexandrinus, read to dvo-iao-TTjptov rav 6vy.ia-
(MiiTcov, " the altar of incense," omitting the
words oXoKavTwudroiv kciL On the " altar of
incense," or the " goldjn altar," see note on
ch. i. 21.

50. they burned incense, and the lamps . . .
they lighted. .] Compare Ex. xl. 25, 27. They
resumed each of the practices disused during
the time of desolation.

51. they set the loaves upon the table."] The
twelve loaves of the shewbread, which were
the continued thank-offering of the twelve
tribes of Israel. (Comp. Ex. xxv. 30; xl. 23 ;
Lev. xxiv. 5-9.)

spread out the 'veils.'] By "the veils" we
must understand : — 1. The veil proper, which
separated between the "Holy Place" and
the "Holy of Holies;" and 2. The "hang-
ing " at the door of the " Holy Place," which

divided it from the porch (Ex. xxvi. 36;
xxxvi. 37).

52. on the five and twentieth day of the
ninth month.] Exactly three years from the
date of the first sacrifice on the idol-altar set
up by the Syro-Macedonians. (See ch. i.
54, 59 ; and comp. 2 Mace. x. 5.)

they rose up betimes^ They were impatient
of delay — eager to witness the rekindling of
the flame upon the altar, which was the
symbol of the national life, and the renewal
of the daily sacrifice, which was the sign of
the nation's self-dedication to God. Accord-
ing to the writer of the Second Book, the
sacrificial fire was obtained by striking two
stones together for the purpose (2 Mace. x. 3).
Light so obtained was reckoned holy, as
coming straight from nature, i.e. from God.

53. offered, sacrifice according to the law.]
he. "offered the morning sacrifice, a lamb
of the first year, with its appointed meat-
offering and drink-offering." (See Ex. xxix.
38-40.)

54. Look, at what time, is-'c] There is no
" Look " in the original. The fact is simply
narrated, that the dedication took place at
the same time, or rather " season " — i.e. in
the month Chisleu — and on the same day as
the profanation. Judas, no doubt, arranged
that so it should be.

avith songs, and citherns, and harps, and
cymbals.] I.e. with the recognised musical
service of the sanctuary, where the psalmody
was usually accompanied by the harp, the
cymbal, and the cithern or psaltery. (See
1 Chr. xxv. 6; 2 Chr. v. 12.) The cithern is
the German zither, a sort of guitar or viol.
(Comp. ch. xiii. 51.)

55. all the people fell upon their faces '.] I.e.
prostrated themselves in adoration.

praising the God of heaven, ivho had given
them good success.] Rather, "praising up
to heaven" (i.e. lauding to the skies) "him

v. 56 — 6 1.]

I. MACCABEES. IV.

4*5

B.C. 56 And so they kept the dedica-

clTjJ_4- tjon 0f j-^e aitar eight days, and of-
fered burnt offerings with gladness,
lOr./w^anJ sacrificed the sacrifice of "deli-

offenngs.

verance and praise.

57 They decked also the forefront
of the temple with crowns of gold,
and with shields ; and the gates and
the chambers they "renewed, and

0 Or, w* "hanged doors upon them.

58 Thus was there very great
gladness among the people, for that
the reproach of the heathen was put
away.

59 Moreover Judas and his bre-

II Or,

dedicated.

tliem.

thren with the whole congregation b. c.
of Israel ordained, that the days of cuj_L4'
the dedication of the altar should
be kept in their season from year to
year by the space of eight days, from
the five and twentieth day of the
month Casleu, with mirth and glad-
ness.

60 At that time also they builded
up the mount Sion with high walls
and strong towers round about, lest
the Gentiles should come and tread it
down, 'as they had done before. 'ch- *■ 31-

61 And they set there a garrison
to keep it, and fortified Bethsura to

who had given them good success." With
his usual reticence, the writer keeps back the
name of God, while making his reference to
Him sufficiently apparent.

56. they kept the dedication of the altar
eight days.] The word translated " dedica-
tion " is eyKaivio-fios, which serves to connect
this occasion with the permanent eyxaivia, or
" Feast of the Dedication " of the New Testa-
ment (John x. 2 2). It was this occasion which
that feast of the mid-winter commemorated.
As Solomon's dedication feast had lasted
" eight days" (1 Kings viii. 63-66), so Judas
fixed the same term for the duration of his.

and sacrificed the sacrifice of deliverance and
praise.] Rather, " and sacrificed a sacrifice
of peace-offerings aad thanksgiving."
Comp. Lev. vii. 11, 12, where the LXX.
use the same expression — dvcria (rooTrjpiov and
ulveaecos.

57. They decked also the forefront of the
temple with crowns of gold.] There was no
direct precedent for this in Jewish practice.
It was rather analogous to the heathen orna-
mentation of temples and public buildings
with garlands and festoons at times of public
rejoicing.

with shields.] Literally, " small shields " —
in imitation, probably, of the golden shields
of Solomon (1 Kings x. 17), which Shishak
carried off (ib. xiv. 26). Philo tells us that
in Alexandria the Jewish synagogues were
adorned with shields (' Leg. ad Caium,'
p. 994).

the gates and the chambers they renewed.]
Rather, "they consecrated." On the
" chambers," see the comment on v. 38.

59. Judas . . . ordained, that the days . . .
should be kept.] The festival of the iyKalvta
maintained its place to the last days of Jewish
national existence. It was celebrated nearly
in the same manner as the Feast of Taber-

nacles, with festal processions, in which
branches of trees, especially of the palm,
green even in mid-winter, were borne, and
psalms were sung, by the worshippers (2 Mace.
x. 6, 7). Josephus says that in his time its
common name was " the Feast of Lights "
(ra <£a>ra) ; and at a later period there was
certainly a custom of illuminating private
houses with lamps or candles during its con-
tinuance. It is conjectured that the great
golden candelabra in the court of the Temple,
which were lighted on the first night of the
Feast of Tabernacles, were also lighted on
the first night of this feast (Stanley, ' Jewish
Church,' vol. iii. p. 312); but there is no
historical evidence of this practice.

§ 4. Defensive Measures of Judas—
The Temple Hill, and the City
of Bethzur fortified.

60. they builded up the mount Sion with
high walls and strong towers round about.]
As the Acra, and indeed the whole of Jeru-
salem except the Temple hill, remained in
the hands of the Syrians, who maintained
a strong garrison in the place, Judas felt it to
be necessary now, for the first time in Jewish
history, to fortify with walls and towers the
entire Temple circuit. Hitherto, only the
eastern side, which coincided with the outer
circuit of the city, had been thus guarded
from attack. From this time till B.C. 142 the
two Jerusalems stood one over against the
other, watchful and hostile, like the Latin and
the Sabine Romes on the Quirinal and the
Palatine.

tread it down.] I.e . " ruin it" — "destroy
it." Comp. ch. iii. 45.

61. fortified Bethsura.] A wise measure.
The possession of a strong place in the hill-
country south of Jerusalem was of the
greatest importance, more especially as the
Idumaeans were hostile (ch. v. 1-3), and

426

I. MACCABEES. V.

V. I-

b. c. preserve it : that the people might

cir. 164. £ , ' • T J

— have a defence against Idumea.
CHAPTER V.

3 yudas smiteth the children of Esau, Bean,
and Amnion. 17 Simon is sent into Galilee.
25 The exploits of 'Judas in Galaad. 51 He
destroyeth Ephron, for denying him to pass
through it. 56 Divers, that in Judas' absence
would fight with their enemies, are slain.

»ir. i£3. \T OW when the nations round
1\| about heard that the altar was
built, and the sanctuary renewed as
before, it displeased them very much.
2 Wherefore they thought to de-
stroy the generation of Jacob that
them, and thereupon

was

among

they began to slay and destroy the
people.

3 Then Judas fought against the
children of Esau in Idumea at "Ara-
battine, because they besieged Israel :
and he gave them a great overthrow,
and abated their courage, and took
their spoils.

4 Also he remembered the "injury
of the children of "Bean, who had
been a snare and an offence unto the
people, in that they lay in wait for
them in the ways.

5 He shut them up therefore in
the towers, and encamped against
them, and destroyed them utterly,

B.C.
cir. 163.

II Or, AraA
bat thane, I
or, Ara-
battan, or,
A krabat-
tine.

II Or,
malice.

II Or,
Hakan,
Gen. 36.
27.

Numb. 33.
3*> 32-

might attack the patriots upon the south,
while they were engaged against the Syrians
on the north.

to preserve it.] These words seem super-
fluous. They are omitted in some of the
best MSS., and in the Syriac Version. Pro-
bably their original intrusion was an error of
repetition by a scribe. If we retain them, we
must understand that Bethsura was occupied
in order that from it a watch might be kept
on the Temple fortress.

CHAPTER V.

§ 1. Offensive Measures of Judas
against idum7ea, the children of
Bean, and Ammon.

1-8. Having recovered the Temple site,
restored the edifice, and strongly fortified the
entire hill, Judas felt himself strong enough
to resume his offensive operations, and chastise
the tribes in his immediate neighbourhood
which had recently lent their aid to the
Syrians. Of these the most important were
the Idumseans or Edomites, "the children
of Bean," and the Ammonites. The year
B.C. 163 seems to have been employed in
three campaigns against these three enemies.

1. // displeased them -very much."] Rather,
" They were greatly enraged." The
spiritual worship in the Temple at Jerusalem
was a perpetual protest against the licentious
idolatries of the neighbouring tribes, and was
therefore the object of their constant hatred.
They had imagined for three years that it was
swept away for ever. Naturally, its re-estab-
lishment called forth their anger.

2. Wherefore they thought to destroy, <h'c?]
A deliberate design to exterminate all Israel-
ites, within their borders, seems to be charged
upon them. Whether there was really such
an intention, may perhaps be doubted.

the generation of Jacob that ivas among
them.'] I.e. " the Israelites who dwelt in their
midst." It must be borne in mind, that,
amid the general confusion, the tribes men-
tioned had probably encroached upon Israelite
territory.

they began to slay and destroy the people.']
Rather, "among the people." They vented
their vexation at what had occurred by putting
certain Israelites to death.

3. at Jrabattine.] Rather, " Acrabattine."
The place is reasonably identified with the
" Akrabbim" of the Canonical Books (Num.
xxxiv. 4; Josh. xv. 3 ; Judg. i. 36), which lay
south or south-west of the Dead Sea, in the
Idumaean territory.

they besieged Israel.] Rather, "blocked
Israel in" — i.e. cramped her, confined her,
were a continual menace to her borders. See
note on ch. iv. 29.

4. the injury of the children of Bean.]
Rather, "the malice," or "wickedness." It
is not any single act, but a continuous state
of hostility, that is pointed at. The " Beni
Bean " are not elsewhere mentioned under
this name ; but perhaps they are identical
with the Mehunim or Maonites (pJJO or
D^IJJD) of the Canonical Books, since 2 and
£ are constantly confused. The Maonites
are mentioned as enemies of Israel in Judg.
x. 12; 2 Chr. xxvi. 7; and (perhaps) in
2 Chr. xx. 1.

5. He shut them up in the tonversT] I.e.
" in their towers " — in the strongholds from
which they were wont to issue on their raids.

destroyed them utterly.] Literally, " de-
voted them," but in the sense of" devoting to
destruction," which is a common meaning of
nvad(paTi(cD in the Septuagint version, where
it replaces the Hebrew hakharem.

6—8.]

I. MACCABEES. V.

427-

B. C.
cir. 163.

and burned the towers of that
place with fire, and all that were
therein.

6 Afterward he passed over to the
children of Amnion, where he found
a mighty power, and much people,
with Timotheus their captain.

7 So he fought many battles with
them, till at length they were dis-
comfited before him ; and he smote
them.

8 And when he had taken Jazar,
with the towns belonging thereto, he
returned into Judea.

b. c.

cir. 163.

burned the towers of that place.'] As no
" place " has been mentioned, it seems im-
possible that the reading can be sound. Avtcjv,
instead of avTTjs, is what we should have ex-
pected ; but it seems unlikely that any copyist
would have blundered in that case. Perhaps
a city was mentioned, the name of whicli has
been corrupted into avrr/s.

6. he passed over to the children of Ammon.~]
I.e. he crossed the Jordan, and proceeded to
attack the Ammonites, who held the country-
east and north-east of the Dead Sea, between
the Arnon and the Jabbok. The Ammonites,^
like the Edomites, had always been enemies of
Israel, though not very formidable enemies.
They joined with Moab in the attempt to
induce Balaam to curse Israel (Deut. xxiii.
4) ; they invaded the Israelite territory in the
time of Jephthah (Jud. xi. 4, 12), and again
in the days of Saul (1 Sam. xi. 1-3). They
brought about the great confederacy against
David, which was crushed by Joab (2 Sam.
x. 6-19). In conjunction with the Moabites
and Edomites, they made an unprovoked
attack upon Jehoshaphat (2 Chron. xx. 1-3) ;
they frequently invaded the Transjordanic
region under Uzziah (Am. i. 13); they had
wars with Jotham (2 Chr. xxvii. 5). When
Nebuchadnezzar was threatening Jerusalem
with destruction, they joined his forces
(2 Kings xxiv. 2). When Nehemiah received
his commission to rebuild the walls of
Jerusalem, the Ammonite, Tobiah, was among
the most violent of his opponents (Neh. ii.
10, 19; iv. 3, 7; vi. 1, 12, 17-19)-

much people.] Justin Martyr says (' D ialog.
c. Tryphon.' p. 347, c.) that the Ammonites
were even in his day a numerous people (tto\v
TrXrjdos). Josephus calls the force which they
now brought into the field " multitudinous "
(no\vdvdpa>nos). We have no exact estimate
of the population ; but the country is rich and
capable of supporting large numbers (see
Tristram, 'Land of Israel,' p. 541 et seqq.).

Timotheus their captain.] This Greek name
is a novel feature in Ammonite history. We
must suppose Timotheus to have been either
a Syro-Macedonian official, exercising an
authority under the Syrian crown, to which
the Ammonites were subject, or a soldier of
fortune whom the Ammonites had invited to
take the command of their troops. It is
possible, no doubt, but scarcely probable that

he was a genuine Ammonite with a Greek
name (Grimm).

7. till at length they were discomfited.]
Rather, "and they were discomfited in
each." The triple use of the aorist implies
that, as often as he engaged them, so often
were they discomfited and smitten.

8. when he had taken Jazar.] Jazar,
Jazer, or Ja'azer, was a town of the Trans-
jordanic region, in the district assigned to
Gad (Josh. xiii. 25). It was taken by Moses
from the Amorites in the war with Sihon
(Num. xxi. 32), and destroyed, but after-
wards rebuilt by the Gadites (ib. xxxii. 35).
The country around was " a land for cattle,"
very rich and fertile (ib. xxxii. 1), and suited
for the cultivation of the vine (Is. xvi. 8, 9 ;
Jer. xlviii. 32). Jazar became a Levitical
city, when the Levites received their inherit-
ance (Josh. xxi. 39). It is usually mentioned
in conjunction with Heshbon, from which it
was about 14 miles distant (Hieronym. ' Ono-
mast.'). The site is scarcely sufficiently
identified at present, but is thought to be at
Szir or Seir, near the source of the Wady
Seir, which flows into the Jordan. Szir is
about 12 miles nearly due north of Heshbon,
and 9 west by south'of Rabbath-Ammon.

with the towns belonging thereto.] Lite-
rally, " with her daughters." The expression
is common in the Hebrew Scriptures (Num.
xxi. 25, 32; Josh. xv. 45, 47; Judg. xi. 26;
1 Chr. xviii. 1; Neh. xi. 25-31; &c.) ; but
the Greek translators do not often render it
literally. The Complutensian Codex has it,
however, several times in Neh. xi. It is
exactly analogous to the very widely used
expression — " mother city." The " towns,"
or " villages," dependent on Jazar seem to
have been of unusual importance. (See Num.
xxxii. 35.)

§ 2. Retaliatory Movements on the
part of the heathen — i. in gllead ;
2. In Galilee.

9-15. Judas, after his three successful
attacks upon his neighbours, had " returned
into Judea" (z>. 8), and dismissed his army,
which scattered itself over the territory (v.
16), expecting to enjoy a period of repose.
Of this state of things, the enemies of the
Jews at once proceeded to take advantage

428

I. MACCABEES. V.

[v. 9—15.

E. C.
cir. 163.

9 Then the heathen that were at
Galaad assembled themselves toge-
ther against the Israelites that were
in their quarters, to destroy them ;
but they fled to the fortress of Da-
thema,

10 And sent letters unto Judas
and his brethren, The heathen that
are round about us are assembled
together against us to destroy us :

1 1 And they are preparing to come
and take the fortress whereunto we
are fled, Timotheus being captain of
their host.

12 Come now therefore, and de-

liver us from their hands, for many of
us are slain :

13 Yea, all our brethren that were
in the places of "Tobie are put to
death : their wives and their children
also they have carried away captives,
and borne away their stuff"; and they
have destroyed there about a thousand
men.

14 While these letters were yet
reading, behold, there came other mes-
sengers from Galilee with their clothes
rent, who reported on this wise,

15 And said, They of Ptolemais,
and of Tyrus, and Sidon, and all

B.C.
cir. 163.

II Or,
Tubin.

i. In Gilead. Timotheus having rallied his
troops, crossed the Jabbok, and invaded
Gilead, where many Jews who had taken no
part in the Maccabean insurrection were
quietly residing. Falling upon them un-
awares, he slew some, and drove the others to
take refuge in their strongholds, such as Boz-
rah, Bosor, Alema, Casphor, Maked, and
Ashtoreth-Carnaim (v. 26). 2. In Galilee.
Here the Judasans were attacked by the Gen-
tiles who were mixed up with them, in con-
junction with the inhabitants of Tyre, Sidon,
and Ptolemais, or Acre. The object was to
crush the scattered members of the Judsean
race, who, if let alone, might be expected
ultimately to join the patriots.

9. the heathen that ivere at Galaad.]
Rather, "in Gilead." Gilead is a district,
not a city. It is the region north of Moab
and Ammon, on the east side of the Jordan,
between the Jabbok and the Hieromax. It
is " a rich pasture land, with shady forests,
and copious streams " (' Diet, of the Bible,'
vol. i. p. 699) — one of the most fertile por-
tions of Palestine.

that were in their quarters.'] There are
two readings, iv to7s npiois, and «V1 toT?
opiois. The former is with reason preferred
by our translators, since the Israelites attacked
were evidently scattered over the whole
country, and not merely " upon its borders."

they fled to the fortress of Dathema.] The
readings vary between A«#e/xa, Aapeda, and
Aiddefia. Some have supposed Ramoth-
Gilead to be meant, since the Syriac has
" Ramtha ;" but this is very uncertain. We
must regard Dathema as a site still not iden-
tified.

13. in the places of Tobie.] The Syriac
has " Tubin," and so the Vulgate. The
MSS. vary between Tco,3i'ov and Tovfilov. It
is conjectured with reason that " the land of

T6b," which adjoined on Gilead (Judg. xi. 3),
is intended ; and that to the same place be-
longed the " Jews called Tubieni " of 2 Mace,
xii. 17. If the same place is alluded to in the
" Ish-Tob " (" men of Tob ") mentioned in
2 Sam. x. 6, we may regard the name as
attaching to the region called afterwards
Golan or Gaulonitis.

about a thousand men.] Literally, " about
a chiliarchy of men ; " but the word ^tXtapx4'"
seems to be used here as a mere synonym for
XiXioi. It is, as Grimm says, " rein nume-
risch."

15. They of Ptolemais.] When Palestine,
at the death of Alexander, was assigned to
Ptolemy Lagi, together with Egypt, Accho,
its best port, received the name of Ptolemais,
which it retained until the time of Herod the
Great, when the name was lost in that of his
new city, Caesarea. The site, at the northern
extremity of a wide bay, and in the centre of
a considerable plain, commanding moreover
the coast road, together with that which led
inland into the great plain of Palestine — that
of Esdraelon — was very important, and natu-
rally led to Accho becoming, after the downfall
of Tyre, the chief seaport of Phoenicia, and
indeed of Syria generally. Its position in
the present list shews its superiority over
Tyre and Sidon, while the position assigned
it in the later history (ch. v. 55 ; x. 1, 58 ;
xii. 48; xiii. 12; 2 Mace. xiii. 24, 25) suffi-
ciently indicates the value which was set on
it by all parties. The place has now re-
covered its old name, and is known as " Acre "
to Europeans, as " Akka" to its inhabitants.

of Tyrus.] Tyre, though almost entirely
destroyed by Alexander (Q^Curt, ' H ist. Alex.'
iv. 4), very quickly rose from her ashes, and
recovered a certain amount of prosperity.
She played, however, a very secondary part
in the history of the Maccabee period.

and Sidon.] Sidon was a flourishing com-

v. 1 6 — 19.]

I. MACCABEES. V.

429

[ b. c. Galilee of the Gentiles, are assem-
c,r_^3' kje(j t0gether against us to consume

us.

16 Now when Judas and the peo-
ple heard these words, there assembled
a great congregation together, to con-
sult what they should do for their
brethren, that were in trouble, and
assaulted of them.

17 Then said Judas unto Simon
his brother, Choose thee out men,
and go and deliver thy brethren that

are in Galilee, for I and Jonathan my
brother will go into the country of
Galaad.

18 So he left Joseph the son of
Zacharias, and Azarias, captains of
the people, with the remnant of the
host in Judea to keep it.

19 Unto whom he gave command-
ment, saying, Take ye the charge of
this people, and see that ye make not
war against the heathen until the
time that we come again.

B.C.
cir. 163.

mercial town during the Maccabee and Roman
periods, but had little military importance,
and is seldom mentioned by the historians.

Galilee of the Gentiles^] Comp. Is. ix. I,
where a similar expression is used. Israelites
and Gentiles seem to have been always mixed
together in Galilee, where " the people dwelt
careless, after the manner of the Zidonians"
(Judg. xviii. 7). The near neighbourhood of
Phoenicia and Syria tended to produce a mixed
population. Tiglath-pileser carried off great
numbers of the Israelites in the eighth cen-
tury B.C. (2 Kings xv. 29), and the later
Assyrians replaced them by a foreign popula-
tion. It is more surprising that the Jews,
after their return from the Captivity, obtained
a certain hold on the remote Galilee, while
the nearer Samaria remained separate and
hostile, than that the Gentile inhabitants con-
tinued numerous.

§ 3. Judas divides his Forces, and,
leaving some to defend judiea,
sends his Brother Simon to help
the Galileans, while he himself
goes to assist the jews in gllead.

16-54. Judas now for the first time felt
himself strong enough to divide his forces.
Leaving two captains, Joseph and Azarias,
in Judaea, with strict orders to remain on the
defensive, he sent his brother Simon, with
3000 men, to the assistance of the Galilean
Jews, while he himself, with 8000 men,
marched into Gilead (wv. 16-20). Simon's
campaign is not related at any length. He
gained several victories, chased the enemy to
the gates of Ptolema'fs, and took advantage of
his successes to remove the Galilean Jews
into Judaea {yv. 21-23). The campaign of
Judas is given in greater detail. Assisted by
an Arab tribe (i>. 25), he relieved the towns
into which the Jews had been driven, one
after another ; defeated Timotheus himself
before Dathema, and again near Raphon
(-w. 37-43); took Ashtoreth - Carnaim
{v. 44) and Ephron (-w. 46-51); and
returned into Judaea with much spoil, and

accompanied by the Jews of Gilead, whom he
proposed to settle in Judaea (v. 45). The
return was celebrated by a thanksgiving fes-
tival at Jerusalem (v. 54).

16. there assembled a great congregation
together^] The word translated " congrega-
tion " is €KK\r)(rla, which in Greek political
science means " an assembly of the people for
legislative or deliberative purposes." "We must
conclude that Judas did not rule autocratic-
ally, but called " assemblies " from time to
time, to deliberate and determine what should
be done. A larger body than the Sanhedrim
is certainly intended.

assaulted of them.'] I.e. " attacked by the
heathen." (Seer. 15.)

17. Then said. Judas unto Simon his brother :]
Simon had been nominated by Mattathias to
the second position among the five brethren
(ch. ii. 65, 66), but as counsellor rather than
as general. Still, Judas thought it befitting,
as soon as the command was to be divided,
that Simon should occupy the post next in
importance to his own.

Choose thee out men.] As Simon was to
have the smaller force (v. 20), he was allowed
to select the troops which he thought the
best.

I and Jonathan^ The selection of Jona-
than by Judas as joint - commander with
himself shews the confidence felt in his mili-
tary ability. Hence, on the death of Judas,
Jonathan was appointed to succeed him
(ch. ix. 28-30).

18. he left Joseph . . . and Azarias, cap-
tains of the people.] Rather, " he left Joseph
and Azarias to be rulers of the people," i.e.
to have the chief authority. They would, of
course, combine the chief military with the
chief civil power. Hence, in -v. 56, they are
called " captains of the host " (apxovres ttjs
Svvufj-eoos). Neither Joseph nor Azarias
obtain mention elsewhere than in this chapter.

to keep it.] Or, " to guard it."

19. see that ye make not ivar against the-

43°

I. MACCABEES. V.

[v. 20 26.

B. c. 20 Now unto Simon were given

■- — ' thtee thousand men to go into Ga-
lilee, and unto Judas eight thousand
men for the country of Galaad.

21 Then went Simon into Galilee,
where he fought many battles with
the heathen, so that the heathen
were discomfited by him.

22 And he pursued them unto the
gate of Ptolemais ; and there were
slain of the heathen about three
thousand men, whose spoils he took.

'i Or, a,/,. 2^ ^nd "those that were in Ga-

live Jews. ,.,'-'

hlee, and in Arbattis, with their wives
and their children, and all that they

had, took he away with him^ and b. c.
brought them into Judea with great °'LL '

j°y-

24 Judas Maccabeus also and his
brothen Jonathan went over Jordan,
and travelled three days' journey in
the wilderness,

25 Where they met with the Na-
bathites, who came unto them in a
peaceable manner, and told them
every thing that had happened to
their brethren in the land of Galaad : '' 0r>

26 And how that many of them BOr C/kJ
were shut up in "Bosora, and Bosor, cor> °r>
and Alema, "Casphor, Maked, and as^erT*^

heathen^] For their transgression of this
command, see w. 55-62.

20. three thousand . . . eight thousand.]
The continually increasing strength of the
patriots is here seen. At Emmaus the fight-
ing men were but 3000 (ch. iv. 6) ; at Beth-
sura they were 10,000 (Jb. -v. 29); they must
now have considerably exceeded 13,000.
(Compare v. 60.)

21. the heathen (were discomfited by him.']
Literally, "before his face" — a common
Hebraism.

22. the gate of Ptolemais.'] Ptolemais had,
no doubt, more than one gate. " The gate " here
is that to which the enemy fled, probably the
eastern gate. There is no sufficient reason
for adopting the reading of a few MSS., tu>v
7ru/\ea)j>, instead of rf/s TrvXr/s.

23. in Arbattis.] Rather, "in Arbatta"
(ev 'Ap/3drrcHy). The readings vary greatly,
including 'ApjSdicTois (Cod. Alex.), 'Apparovois
and 'ASpa/3urroij. It has been suggested that
the region intended is probably that called
Acrabatine by Josephus ('Bell. Jud.' iii. 3,
§ 4, &c), which lay between Neapolis and
Jericho (' Diet, of the Bible,' vol. i. p. 101);
but this is much too far to the south. " Ar-
batta"must have adjoined on Galilee. Ewald's
conjecture that it was the low land through
which the Jordan flows into the Sea of
Tiberias (' Hist, of Israel,' vol. v. p. 314, note,
E. T.) is not improbable.

25. they met with the Nabathites.] Rather,
"the Nabataeans" (rot? Na/SaraiW). The
Nabataeans,or Nabathasans, are a well-known
Semitic tribe; whether Syrians or Arabians
is disputed. Alexander Polyhistor mentions
them as included among the desert tribes
conquered by David (Fr. 18); but they first
shew themselves in contemporary history
when they are reduced to subjection by
Sennacherib ('Ancient Monarchies,' vol. ii.

p. 430). About 40 years later they appear as
independent, and assist an Arabian monarch
in his war with Sennacherib's grandson,
Asshur-bani-pal (Smith, 'Annals of Asshur-
bani-pal,' pp. 264-295). Diodorus tells us
that they were attacked by Antigonus, about
B.C. 311, and again a few years later, but
defended themselves successfully (Diod. Sic.
xix. 44-48). At that time, and later also, their
head-quarters were the neighbourhood of
Petra. Judas appears to have fallen in with
them in Gilead, which may be accounted for
by their nomadic habits. The whole of
Northern Arabia seems to have been at all
times traversed by their swarms, which passed
from the Lower Euphrates to the Elanitic
Gulf of the Red Sea without fear of meeting
a superior. The readiness of the Nabathasans
to assist the Israelites (compare ch. ix. 35)
may have arisen mainly from the hope of
plunder; but it may have rested in part on
the tradition of relationship, since the sup-
posed progenitor of the Nabathasans was
Nebaioth, the eldest of the sons of Ishmael
(Gen. xxv. 13).

26. Bosora and Bosor.] These are evi-
dently two different places. Bosora is reason-
ably identified with the Hebrew Bozrah (Is.
lxiii. 1), the modern El-Buseireh. Bosor is
perhaps the Bezor of Josh. xx. 8, which was
a Levitical city on the east side of Jordan in
the Mishor or down country.

Alema.] "Alema" is conjectured to be
the Beer-Elim of Is. xv. 8 — "the fount of the
terebinth-trees." Of its position nothing is
known.

CasphorT] Josephus has " Casphoma ;" the
Vulgate, "Casbon;" several MSS., "Chascor."
In v. 36 of the present chapter, the name is
given as Casphon, which is a possible re-
presentation of the H ebrew " Heshbon." The
site cannot be fixed, unless Heshbon is in-
tended.

27— 31-]

I. MACCABEES. V.

43 1

B. c. Carnaim : all these cities are strong

I cir. 163. . ' °

— and great :

27 And that they were shut up
in the rest of the cities of the coun-
try of Galaad, and that against to

jOr the morrow "they had appointed to bring
their host against the forts, and to
take them, and to destroy them all in
one day.

28 Hereupon Judas and his host
turned suddenly by the way of the

£°J;r wilderness unto "Bosora; and when
he had won the city, he slew all the
males with the edge of the sword,

and took all their spoils, and burned b. c.
the city with fire. ciLlf3-

29 From whence he removed by
night, and went till he came to the
fortress.

30 And betimes in the morning

they "looked up, and, behold, there was Jj,9ji^
an innumerable people bearing ladders eyes.
and other engines of war, to take the
fortress : for "they assaulted them. \faihen
21 When Tudas therefore saw that assaulted

the Tt?ws*

the battle was begun, and that the
cry of the city went up to heaven,
with trumpets, and a great sound,

Maked.] For " Maked " we have "Maged"
in v. 36; but the MSS. have Maxe'S in both
places. The town is wholly unknown.

Carnaim.'] This is probably the place
called Ashtoreth-Karnaim (" Venus of the
Two Horns") in Genesis xiv. 5. It must
have been an old Phoenician, or, at any rate,
Syrian settlement, dedicated to the " Dea
Syra," who was called Ashtoreth (Astarte,
Ishtar) by some of the Semitic races, Atargatis
or Derketo by others. The epithet " Kar-
naim" probably refers to the mode in which
the goddess was represented in her temple
at the place in question (x>. 44), the crescent
moon being placed on her head, and thus
giving it the appearance of being " horned."
The site is uncertain, but may perhaps be
identified with the El-Kurnein of Robinson
(' Researches in Palestine,' vol. hi. App. ii.
p. 168).

27. against the forts .] The "forts" are
evidently the towns previously mentioned —
viz. Bosora, Bosor, Alema, Casphor, Maked,
Carnaim (v. 26), and Dathema (v. 9). The
design " to destroy them all in one day "
was probably connected with the notion of
a surprise.

28. unto Bosora.'] The MSS. vary between
"Bosor," " Bosorra," and " Bossora." The
" Bosora" of v. 26 is probably intended,
since " Bosor " is mentioned as captured in
■v. 36.

he slew all the males.] We must under-
stand all those who were not Jews. The
cities of Gilead appear to have had at this
time a mixed population— in part, Jewish, in
part heathen. (See also -v. 35.) The Jews
were threatened by an armed force outside
the cities, and also by the heathen population
within them. Judas, after all his successes,
felt it safest to withdraw the Jews from
Gilead into Judaea (i>. 45).

29. and went till he came to the fortress^]
"The fortress" is clearly Dathema, which
Judas was about to relieve, when the in-
formation of the Nabathceans induced him to
turn aside from his route, and make an attack
on Bosora (to. 25-28). It appears to have
been within a night's march of Bosora.

30. And betimes in the morning they looked
up, <&'c] Literally, " And it was dawn, and
they lifted up their eyes, and beheld much
people, which could not be numbered."

bearing ladders.] I.e. scaling - ladders.
Their use appears in the Assyrian sculptures
from the time of Asshur-nazir-pal (b.c 880),
and in those of Egypt from the earlier portion
of the nineteenth dynasty, about B.C. 1400.
They are not mentioned in the Canonical
Scriptures; but the Greeks employed them
in the Peloponnesian War (Thuc. ii. 20), and
the Romans in the Second Punic War
(Liv. xxvi. 45).

other engines of war.] There is no
" other " in the original, since " ladders "
scarcely come under the denomination of
" warlike engines." The machines intended
are probably the battering-ram, the catapult,
and the ballista, all of which were well known
to the Greeks long before the time of Alex-
ander, and were commonly used in sieges.
The Assyrians and Babylonians employed
them in all their great wars. The Egyptian
" engines " were simpler and less effective.

for they assaulted them.] Rather, "were
assaulting them" — were beginning the
attack, not aware of the near vicinity of Judas.
Compare v. 27.

31. with trumpets.] The heathen had
trumpets no less than the Israelites. We see
them represented in the Egyptian and As-
syrian sculptures (Rosellini, ' Mon. Storici,'
pi. xliv. 3 ; Layard, ' Monuments of Nineveh,'
2nd Series, pi. 15) ; and we hear of them as
in use among the Greeks and Romans from a

43 2

I. MACCABEES. V.

[v. 32—41.

B-C- 32 He said unto his host, Fight

- — ' this day for your brethren.

33 So he went forth behind them
in three companies, who sounded
their trumpets, and cried with prayer.

34 Then the host of Timotheus,
knowing that it was Maccabeus, fled
from him : wherefore he smote them
with a great slaughter ; so that there
were killed of them that day about
eight thousand men.

35 This done, Judas turned aside
to Maspha; and after he had as-
saulted it, he took it, and slew all the
males therein, and received the spoils
thereof, and burnt it with fire.

36 From thence went he, and took
^Secver. a Casphon, Maged, Bosor, and the

other cities of the country of Galaad.

37 After these things gathered
Timotheus another host, and en-

camped against Raphon beyond the B.C.
brook. cir^ij

38 So Judas sent men to espy the
host, who brought him word, saying,
All the heathen that be round about
us are assembled unto them, even a
very great host.

39 He hath also hired the Ara-
bians to help them, and they have
pitched their tents beyond the brook,
ready to come and fight against thee.
Upon this Judas went to meet them.

40 Then Timotheus said unto the
captains of his host, When Judas and
his host come near the brook, if he
pass over first unto us, we shall not
be able to withstand him j for he will
mightily prevail against us :

41 But if he be afraid, and camp
beyond the river, we shall go over
unto him, and prevail against him.

very early date. Their most common em-
ployment was in war, either for giving signals
or for cheering men on to the attack. (See
Horn. 'II.' xviii. 219, xxi. 388; Dionys. Hal.
iv. 1 7, &c.)

33. he went forth behind them.'] Rather,
"after them" — i.e. in pursuit of the as-
sailants, following upon their footsteps.

in three companies.'] After the example of
Gideon (Judg. vii. 16).

35. Maspha.] "Maspha" is probably
" Mizpeh of Gilead " (Judg. xi. 29), the city
of Jephthah the Gileadite (tb. 34). It is
curious that Josephus should give the name
as Malle, an utterly unknown place ('Ant.
J ud.' xii. 8, § 3). Mizpeh of Gilead is still
an undiscovered site.

he slew all the males.] See note on -v. 28.

36. Casphon.] Called "Casphor" in
•v. 26 — perhaps Heshbon.

Maged.] No doubt the " Maked " of v. 26
— an unknown, and apparently an unimpor-
tant place, the capture of which is not men-
tioned by Josephus.

Bosor.] See the first note on v. 26.

37. Raphon^] Pliny mentions a "Ra-
phana" as one of the ten cities included
in the "Decapolis" of his day, which lay
south of the Sea of Galilee, and east of the
Jordan. The site has still to be discovered.

beyond the brook.] Literally, " the ravine "
or " water-course." The streams of Gilead
are for the most part perennial (Tristram,

'Bible Places,' p. 322); but this one, near
Raphon, is characterised as a xetl1^PPovsf
or stream running only in the winter.
Ewald supposes that at the time it not only
carried water, but was " a good deal swol-
len "('Hist, of Israel,' vol. v. p. 314); but there
is no statement to this eflect, either in the
First Book of the Maccabees or in Josephus.

39. He hath also hired the Arabians to help
them.] Arab tribes will join any standard
under which they have a good hope of suc-
cess, and of the booty that follows success.
They are quite willing to be subsidized.
Arabians had joined with Ammonites in op-
posing the efforts of Nehemiah to raise Jeru-
salem from a humble to a high position
(Neh. iv. 7). They now once more took
service under an Ammonite leader (i>. 6)
with the same object.

Upon this Judas went to meet them.] Upon
the report of his spies, Judas broke up his
quarters, and marched at once to meet the
new danger. It is characteristic of him to
take the initiative.

40, 41. Then Timotheus said, <b'c.] Timo-
theus regarded it as a dangerous thing to
fight a battle with such an obstacle as the
watercourse immediately in one's rear. He
was therefore disinclined to pass over it
himself, and determined to leave it to Judas
to cross or not, as he pleased. He felt, how-
ever, that, if Judas crossed, the act was one
of such boldness as to foreshadow victory ;
while, if he shrank from so doing, his timidity
would give courage to the other side, who

v. 42 — 46.]

I. MACCABEES. V.

433

B.C.
cir. 163.

II Judas
and his
company.

42 Now when Judas came near
the brook, he caused the scribes of
the people to remain by the brook :
unto whom he gave commandment,
saying, Suffer no man to remain in
the camp, but let all come to the
battle.

43 So he went first over unto
them, and all the people after him :
then all the heathen, being discom-
fited before him, cast away their
weapons, and fled unto the temple
that was at Carnaim.

44 But "they took the city, and

burned the temple with all that were B, c.
therein. Thus was Carnaim subdued, Cl!li_3'
neither could they stand any longer
before Judas.

45 Then Judas gathered together
all the Israelites that were in the
country of Galaad, from the least
unto the greatest, even their wives,
and their children, and their stuff, a
very great host, to the end they might
come into the land of Judea.

46 Now when they came unto
Ephron, (this was a great city in the
way as they should go, very well

might then proceed to the attack with con-
fidence, as against an enemy who distrusted
his own strength, and would probably offer
no very stout resistance. No doubt he hoped
that Judas would adopt the more timid
course.

42. the scribes of the people.'] Ewald re-
gards these " scribes " as identical with the
"officers" of Deut. xx. 5-9, who (he says)
" kept the lists of the troops, assigned the
place of encampment, and looked after the
order of the march" ('Hist, of Israel,' vol. v.
p. 314, note). Grimm notes that there were
persons exercising, apparently, the same office
in the later times of the monarchy (see
2 Chron. xxvi. n). The Maccabean leaders
had fallen back upon the military system of
ancient times.

Suffer no man to remain in the camp.~\
Rather, "Suffer no man to encamp;" i.e. do
not allow any tents to be pitched on the
near side of the stream, make the whole host
pass over. Judas had need of his entire force
against the vast numbers of the enemv (see
v. 38).

43. the heathen . . . cast away their
weapons.] Rather, "their arms." The shield,
as the greatest encumbrance, was usually
cast away first of all (comp. Hor. ' Od.' ii. 7,
1. 10: " Relicta non bene parmula").

and fled unto the temple that ivas at Car-
naim.] Rather, " the sacred precinct that
was at Carnaim." Temples were surrounded
with walled inclosures, which were sometimes
of sufficient size to allow of a large force
encamping in them. The flight may have
been directed to this place on some idea that
it was sacred, and so inviolable, for the right
of asylum was widely recognised in ancient
times. But if so, the heathen had failed to
apprehend the peculiar religious sentiments of
the Jews, who saw nothing sacred in places
of worship where idols were honoured and
false gods received the adoration of their

Apoc. — Vol. II.

votaries. (See below, ch. x. 83, and cf.
Ex. xxiii. 24, xxxiv. 13; Judg. vi. 25-27;
2 Kings x. 25-27, &c.)

44. they . . . burned the temple?^ The
temple was known as the " Atargateum," or
temple of Atargatis (2 Mace. xii. 26), who was
the Syrian Venus, worshipped with rites of
unmentionable lewdness by the soft and
sensuous Aramaeans. (See Dollinger, 'Jew
and Gentile,' vol. i. pp. 428-431.) Judas
cannot be blamed for the destruction of such
a sink of inicpiity.

with all that were therein.] The " laws of
war" have always been held to justify the
destruction of enemies by fire, cruel as such
destruction may be. Joshua " burnt Jericho
with fire and all that was therein " (Josh. vi.
24). An Egyptian king took Gezer, and
" burnt it with tire and slew the Canaanites
that dwelt in the city" (1 Kings ix. 16).
Cleomenes of Sparta acted almost exactly as
Judas, when, having defeated the Argives, he
shut up the remnant of their army in the
sacred grove of Argus, and " ordered the
helots to bring brushwood and heap it around
the grove ; which was done accordingly ; and
Cleomenes set the grove on fire " (Herod, vi.
80). Even in modern times red-hot shot are
fired into besieged towns and forts, and foes
who take refuge in caves are destroyed by
blocking their mouths with brushwood and
setting it alight. Humanity protests; but
international law is silent.

neither could they stand any longer.] This
last massacre brought the armed resistance to
a close. Judas, however, did not venture to
leave his fellow-countrymen in the district
which he had overrun, and, in a certain sense,
subjugated. Had he done so, his withdrawal
would, he knew, have been the signal for
terrible reprisals. Hence the "exodus "re-
corded in v. 45.

46. they came unto Ephron.] Ephron is
well identified by Ewald (' Hist, of Israel,' vol.

2 F

434

I. MACCABEES. V.

[v. 47—54-

B.C.
cir. 163.

fortified) they could not turn from
it, either on the right hand or the
left, but must needs pass through the
midst of it.

47 Then they of the city shut
them out, and stopped up the gates
with stones.

48 Whereupon Judas sent unto
them in peaceable manner, saying,
Let us pass through your land to go
into our own country, and none shall
do you any hurt ; we will only pass
through on foot : howbeit they would
not open unto him.

49 Wherefore Judas commanded
a proclamation to be made through-
out the host, that every man should
pitch his tent in the place where he
was.

50 So the soldiers pitched, and

assaulted the city all that day and all
that night, till at the length the city
was delivered into his hands :

51 Who then slew all the males
with the edge of the sword, and rased
the city, and took the spoils thereof,
and passed through the city over
them that were slain.

52 After this went they over Jor-
dan into the great plain before
Bethsan.

53 And Judas gathered together
those that "came behind, and "ex-
horted the people all the way through,
till they came into the land of Judea.

54 bo they went up to mount Sion
with joy and gladness, where they
offered 'burnt offerings, because not
one of them were slain until they
had returned in peace.

B.C.

cir. 163.

II Or, went
hindmost,
Num. 10.

25-

II Or, com-
forted,
or, en-
couraged.

II Ox, peace
offerings,
Joseph.
Antiq. 12.

13.

v., p. 315, note) with the Gephrun, which was
taken by Antiochus the Great in his war with
Ptolemy Philopator (Polyb. v. 70), the ain
of Ephron being represented (as so often) by
the Greek y. The site has not yet been fixed,
but it must lie on the direct route between
Ashtaroth-Karnaim and Beth-shan, at no
great distance E. of the Jordan.

48. Judas sent unto them in peaceable manner.]
Literally, " with peaceable words." The city
was strong, and had not as yet been actively
hostile. Judas was therefore willing to
abstain from active measures against it. His
proposals resemble those which Moses made
to the Edomites (Num. xx. 14-17), the
Amorites (ib. xxi. 22), and others on approach-
ing the borders of the Holy Land.

we will only pass through on foot,~] Cf.
Num. xx. 19 ; Deut. ii. 28. The meaning is :
" We will take nothing, damage nothing, but
simply pass through the territory."

50. the city was delivered into his hands.]
Not " surrendered," or " betrayed," but by
God's providence given into his power.

51. rased the city.'] This may account for
there being no later mention of it by historians
or geographers.

52. went they over Jordan into the great
plain before Beth-san.] The Jordan can be
forded in three places nearly opposite Beth-
san (now Beisan). Its width is about fifty
yards (Robinson, 'Later Researches,' p. 325).
The "great plain before Beth-san" is pro-
bably not the valley-plain in which Beth-shan
stands, which is only "from two to three

miles broad between the mountains of Gilboa
and the northern hills" (jb. p. 326), but
rather the Ghor itself, or Jordan valley, into
which the Beth-shan valley opens. This is a
" broad and fertile plain " traversed by
numerous streams, and extending not less
than twelve miles between the Jalud and the
Wady Malik, with a width of seven or eight
miles. (Robinson, p. 334.)

53. Judas gathered together those that came
behind.] Rather, " those that lagged behind."
Judas employed himself in keeping the host
together, and hastening the laggards all down
the Jordan valley, till he turned westward,
probably by the Jericho route, into Judaea
Proper. The whole of the Jordan valley
seems to have been hostile territory.

54. they went up to mount Sion with joy
and gladness.] A thanksgiving service after
such signal victories was most appropriate.
If really not a single Israelite was slain in a
campaign wherein above six cities were
stormed, and two great battles fought, with a
loss to the enemy in one of them of " about
eight thousand men" (v. 34), there was in-
deed occasion for the expression of national
gratitude. It can scarcely, however, be sup-
posed that such absolute impunity was en-
joyed. The writer, no doubt, reports the
tradition which he had heard ; but it must
be remembered that he probably wrote his
history after the death of John Hyrcanus
(ch. xvi. 24), which was in B.C. 106, or
nearly sixty years from the date of this
campaign of Judas. In sixty years' time
" with small loss " easily becomes " without
the loss of a man."

v. 55—65.]

I. MACCABEES. V.

435

B.C. 55 Now what time as Judas and

CI— 3' Jonathan were in the land of Galaad,
and Simon his brother in Galilee
before Ptolemais,

56 Joseph the son of Zacharias,
and Azarias, captains of the garrisons,
heard of the valiant acts and warlike
deeds which they had done.

57 Wherefore they said, Let us
also get us a name, and go fight
against the heathen that are round
about us.

58 So when they had given charge
unto the garrison that was with them,
they went toward Jamnia.

59 Then came Gorgias and his

\neeulem men OUt °f the cit7 "t0 fight against

in battle, them.

60 And so it was, that Joseph and
Azarias were put to flight, and pur-
sued unto the borders of Judea : and
there were slain that day of the

people of Israel about two thousand b. c.

r r cir. 163.

men. J

61 Thus was there a great over-
throw among the children of Israel,
because they were not obedient unto
Judas and his brethren, but thought
to do some valiant act.

62 Moreover these men came not
of the seed of those, by whose hand
deliverance was given unto Israel.

63 Howbeit the man Judas and
his brethren were greatly renowned
in the sight of all Israel, and of all
the heathen, wheresoever their name
was heard of;

64 Insomuch as the people assem-
bled unto them with joyful acclama-
tions.

65 Afterward went Judas forth
with his brethren, and fought against
the children of Esau in the land
toward the south, where he smote

§ 4. Military Operations of the Lead-
ers left by Judas to defend Judaea,
and their Failure.

55-64. A desire to emulate the successes
of Judas in Gilead, and Simon in Galilee, led
Joseph and Azarias, the two " captains " who
had been left in Judaea with special orders
that they were to act only on the defensive
(-y. 19), , to disregard their instructions, and
make an expedition westward, against Jamnia,
which was held by the Syrians. They were
met by Gorgias, the opponent of Judas in
the campaign of B.C. 165, outside the town,
and defeated with a loss of 2000 men. The
circumstance leads the author to contrast the
glories of the leaders raised up by God with
the futile efforts of those who did not belong
to the chosen family.

55. Now what time.~\ The narrative goes
back somewhat. In the absence of Judas,
Jonathan, and Simon, at the time when Simon
was before Ptolemais (y. 22), events of im-
portance had occurred in Judaea.

56. captains of the garrisons^] Literally,
"of the host." In v. 18, Joseph and Azarias
are called " captains of the people," or rather
" leaders of the people." (See note ad Ioc.)

58. toward Jamnia.'] On the position of
Jamnia, and its identity with the modern Jab-
neh, see note on ch. iv. 15.

59. Then came Gorgias.] See above, ch.
iii. 38, iv. 1-22 ; and compare 2 Mace. viii. 9,
where Gorgias is called " a captain who in

matters of war had great experience." He
was evidently a general not to be trifled with.

62. these men came not of the seed of those,
by whose hand deliverance was given.] The
author evidently regards the Maccabee family
as chosen by God to work His people's de-
liverance, though no external call had desig-
nated them for their post. He thinks it was
a presumption on the part of Joseph and
Azarias to undertake of themselves to help in
freeing the Jews, since they were not of the
right blood. Moderns will scarcely sympa-
thise with this view, though they may be
ready to blame the unsuccessful captains for
their disobedience to the orders given them.

63. the man Judas and his brethren were
greatly renowned.] The ill-success of Joseph
and Azarias added to the renown of the Mac-
cabee brothers, since it shewed that the enemy,
against whom they were engaged, was far
from contemptible, and also that the Jews
were formidable foes only under their leader-
ship. The expression — " the man Judas "—
seems an imitation of that in Ex. xi. 3 : " more-
over the man Moses was very great." (Com-
pare Num. xii. 3.)

§ 5. Expedition of Judas into Idumjea

AND PlIILISTIA.

65-68. It was not till nearly Pentecost in
the year B.C. 163 that Judas returned to Jeru-
salem from his Gilead expedition (2 Mace. xii.
31, 32). After a very short delay, he again
took the field, and made a raid into Idumsea.

2 F 2

43 6

I. MACCABEES. V. VI.

[v. 66—68.

b. c. Hebron, and the " towns thereof, and
C1!ll.3' pulled down the fortress of it, and
daughters, burned the towers thereof round
about.

66 From thence he removed to go

\tningers. 'nto t^ie ^anc^ °^ "t^e Philistines, and
passed through Samaria.

67 At that time certain priests,
desirous to shew their valour, were
slain in battle, for that they went out
to fight unadvisedly.

68 So Judas turned to Azotus in

the land of the Philistines, and when b. c.
he had pulled down their altars, and —
burned their carved images with fire,
and spoiled their cities, he returned
into the land of Judea.

CHAPTER VI.

8 Antiochus dieth, 12 and confesseth that he is
plagued for the wrong done to Jerusalem.
20 Judas besiegeth those in the tower at
Jerusalem. 28 They procure Antiochus the
younger to come into Judea. 5 1 He besiegeth
Sion, 60 and maketh peace with Israel ; 62 yet
overthroweth the wall of Sion.

where he destroyed Hebron (y. 65). Thence
he marched, through Mareshah into Philistia,
where he captured the strong city of Ashdod,
destroyed its idol shrines, and ravaged its ter-
ritory. Having so done, he returned into
Judssa.

65. Hebron.] This well-known city was
situated in the hill-country originally assigned
to Judah (Josh. xv. 54), at the distance of
about twenty miles from Jerusalem towards
the south. Its original name was Kirjath-
Arba. After having been the capital of David
for seven years (2 Sam. v. 5), it sank into a
position of very secondaiy importance, and is
seldom mentioned in the history of the kings.
Rehoboam fortified it against Shishak (2 Chr.
xi. 10). It was re-occupied by the returned
Judaeans after the Captivity (Neh. xi. 25).
We hear of it in the last war with Rome as
captured by an officer of Vespasian (Joseph.
' Bell. Jud.' iv. 9, § 9). The Crusaders cap-
tured it in the twelfth century, and made it
the seat of a bishopric. Soon afterwards it
was recovered by the Mohammedans, and
has remained in their hands. The mosque is
supposed to contain the tombs of Abraham
and Sarah, Isaac and Rebekah, Jacob and Leah,
and also of Joseph ; and is reckoned a place
of great sanctity. The modern Arab name is
El Khalil — " the friend " — a term by which
Abraham is intended, who was " the friend of
God" (2 Chr. xx. 7 ; Is. xli. 8 ; James ii. 23).

66. and passed through Samaria.] " Sa-
maria " is palpably a wrong reading. The
direct route between Hebron and Ashdod or
Azotus, would not pass within seventy miles
of Samaria, which is further removed from
both Hebron and Ashdod than they are from
each other. Josephus substitutes Marissa — •
i.e. Mareshah — for Samaria; and no doubt
this is the true reading. Mareshah lay on
the natural line of march from Hebron to
Ashdod. It was situated on a gently swell-
ing hill that sinks down into the great Philis-
tine plain, and commanded one of the best
approaches to the high country. Fortified by
Rehoboam against Shishak (2 Chr. xi. 8), it

was soon afterwards threatened by Zerah (ib.
xiv. 9), but witnessed his defeat by Asa and
the complete destruction of his army. After
this we hear nothing of Mareshah until the
present occasion, when it appears to have
been the scene of a struggle in which Judas
was not so successful as usual. (See v. 67,
and compare 2 Mace. xii. 34, 35.) We hear
of Mareshah again in the later wars. It was
taken and destroyed by John Hyrcanus about
B.C. 120, restored by Pompey about B.C. 62,
and once more taken and plundered by the
Parthians in B.C. 39. The site is marked by
the modern village of Marash on the route
between Hebron and Beit-Jibrin.

67. they went out to fight unadvisedly^
The writer of the Second Book says, that
those who were slain were semi-idolaters,
upon whose bodies were found things that
had been consecrated to idols (2 Mace.
xii. 40).

68. Azotus.] See note on ch. iv. 15.

their carved images.] That the Philistines
had images of their gods appears from 1 Sam.
v. 3, 4, where the destruction of the image of
Dagon, at this very town of Ashdod, is re-
corded. Derceto or Atargatis seems to have
been worshipped by the Philistines of Ascalon.
Their other deities, if they had any, are un-
known to us. A more complete destruction
of Azotus, with its idol temple, was effected
at a later date by Jonathan (ch. x. 84).

CHAPTER VI.

§ 1. Death of Antiochus Epiphanes,
and Accession of his Son, Antiochus
Eupator.

1-17. That Antiochus Epiphanes died in
the distant East, after an abortive attempt to
plunder a temple of Nanaea or Anaitis, the
Persian Venus (or Diana), must be regarded
as historically certain, on the concurrent and
uncontradicted testimony of Polybius (xxxi. 2).
Appian (' Syriac.' 66), Josephus (' Ant. Jud.'
xii. 9, § 1), and our author. That his death

I-4-]

I. MACCABEES. VI.

437

B.C.

cir. 163.

11 Or,
shields.

II Or,
armour.

ABOUT that time king Antiochcis
travelling through the high
countries heard say, that Elymais
in the country of Persia was a city
greatly renowned for riches, silver,
and gold ;

2 And that there was in it a very
rich temple, wherein were "coverings
of gold, and breastplates, and "shields,
which Alexander, son of Philip, the

Macedonian kino-, who reigned first B.C.

't>5

among the Grecians, had left there.

3 Wherefore he came and sought
to take the city, and to spoil it ; but
he was not able, because they of the
city, having had warning thereof,

4 Rose up against him in battle :
so he fled, and departed thence with
great heaviness, and returned to
Babylon.

cir. 16:

was the consequence of mental suffering, and
not of violence, or bodily disease, though not
allowed on all hands, may be considered as in
a high degree probable. It was natural that
various stories should be told about an event
so strange, so unexpected, and so removed
from the general cognizance ; and so we find
a violent death in the temple which he was
plundering reported in one place (2 Mace. i.
13-16), and a death by a lingering and dread-
ful disease recorded in another (ib. ix. 5-28).
Polybius, however, and our author agree, that
the monarch's sufferings were mental ; and
further, that they arose, at any rate in part,
from religious qualms connected with his
desecration of temples. No confidence can
be placed in the historical truth of the death-
bed speech ascribed to him in verses 10-13 j
though it is quite possible that Philip, or some
other person who was with him when he died,
may have reported a change in his sentiments
respecting the Jews. Little, however, in
the present narrative can be accepted as cer-
tainly true beyond the attack on the temple
{■w. 1-3), its failure (i». 4), the king's
intense grief (yv. 8, 15), his appointment
of Philip as guardian of his son's rights
(yv. 14, 15), and his decease soon after
(t>. i 6).

1. the high countries.'] See note on ch. iii.
37, where the same expression occurs.

Elymais in the country of Persia ivas a city.]
This seems to be a mistake. No mention is
made of such a city by any writer, except our
author, and Josephus, who simply follows
him (' Ant. Jud.' xii. 9, § 1). Elymais was a
country, properly a portion of Susiana, lying
towards the north in the Zagros mountain-
region (Strab. xi. pp. 759-62; xvi. p. 1056);
but as Susiana itself was reckoned a part of
Persia {ib. xv. 3, § 2), Elymais would be " in
the country of Persia" (compare 2 Mace. i. 13).
The city attacked by Antiochus is called (in
2 Mace. ix. 2) " Persepolis ; " but this impor-
tant place was never reckoned to Elymais.

greatly renowned for riches?^ Polybius
agrees in viewing the attack of Antiochus on
the temple in question as arising entirely from
cupidity (xxxi. 2). He does not mention the

name of the city, but agrees that it was in
Elymais. So also Appian (' Syriac' § 66).

2. a very rich templet] Polybius calls it
" a temple of Artemis " — Appian, " a temple
of Aphrodite," — the author of the Second
Book "a temple of Nanaea" (ii. 13). Accord-
ing to some accounts, Antiochus put forward
as a pretext for his designs upon the temple-
treasures, that he wished to espouse the god-
dess, and would take the gold and silver as
her dowry (2 Mace. i. 14; Granius Licin.
quoted by Ewald, ' Hist, of Israel,' vol. v.
p. 316, note 2). On the true character of
Nanaea, see note on 2 Mace. i. 13.

coverings of gold, and breastplates, and
shields.] Rather, "coverings of gold, both
breastplates and shields." The " coverings "
are the chief species of defensive arms. (See
ch. iv. 6.)

Alexander, son of Philip.] Cf. ch. i. 1-7.
There had been so many Alexanders — Alex-
ander, son of Alexander the Great; Alexander,
son of Polysperchon ; Alexander Balas, Sec.
— when the author wrote, that some distinc-
tive title or description was necessary.

had left there.] Not " had left untouched,"
but " had himself left as presents." Alexander's
habit was to acknowledge the gods of all the
countries which he conquered, and to make
offerings to their temples. It was customary
to offer arms in temples as thank-offerings on
account of victories (Herod, ii. 159; iii. 47,
&c).

3, 4. they of the city . . .rose up against him.]
So Polybius, /. s. c. It is curious that Anti-
ochus should have made this attempt, when
his father had failed in a similar one on a
temple of Belus in this same region, and had
actually lost his life. (See Strab. xvi. 1, § 18 ;
Justin, xxxii. 2.) His cupidity seems to have
blinded him.

returned to Babylon.] Polybius says that
he " retired to Tabas in Persia ; " but that
place may have been on the way to Babylon.
Our author does not really say that he " re-
turned to Babylon," but that he quitted
Elymais with the intention of returning
thither (anfipev eiceWev . . . n7roaTpe\//'ai els

43§

I. MACCABEES. VI.

[v. 5-

-12.

'••c. 5 Moreover there came one who
CIHL3" brought him tidings into Persia, that
the armies, which went against the
land of Judea, were put to flight :

6 And that Lysias, who went forth
first with a great power, was driven
away of the Jews ; and that they
were made strong by the armour, and
power, and store of spoils, which they
had gotten of the armies, whom they
had destroyed :

7 Also that they had pulled down
° ch. i. 54. « the abomination, which he had set

up upon the altar in Jerusalem, and
that they had compassed about the
sanctuary with high walls, as before,
and his city Bethsura.

8 Now when the king heard these
words, he was astonished and sore
moved : whereupon he laid him down

upon his bed, and fell sick for grief, b. c.
because it had not befallen him as he CiT_U'
looked for.

9 And there he continued many
days : for his grief was evermore and
more, and he made account that he
should die.

io Wherefore he called for all his
friends, and said unto them, The
sleep is gone from mine eyes, and my
heart faileth for very care.

11 And I thought with myself,
Into what tribulation am I come, and
how great a flood of misery is it,
wherein now I am ! for I was boun-
tiful and beloved in my power.

12 But now I remember the evils

that I did at Jerusalem, and that bl &J"1 2I'

took all the vessels of gold and silver

that were therein, and ''sent to destroy c<=h- *■ S7-

Bapvkwva). He places his death in Persia
(yv. 5, 9, 56).

6. that Lysias .. .was driven away.] See
ch. iv. 34, 35.

they were made strong by the armour . . .
which they had gotten^] The great want of
the patriots at first had been arms and armour
(ch. iv. 6). Judas took the sword of Apollonius,
and " therewith fought all his life long " (ch.
iii. 12). His followers no doubt imitated
him, and armed themselves with the weapons
and armour of the Syrians whom they slew in
battle.

7. they had pulled down the abomination^
See above, ch. iv. 43.

compassed about the sanctuary with high
walls, as before^] See ch. iv. 60. It may be
questioned whether the Temple area had ever
previously been completely fortified. No doubt
there had always been fortifications on the
east, and the south-east, where the line of
the Temple area coincided with the outer
limits of the town. But until the occupation
by Judas, it had not been necessary to fortify,
as against an enemy, the northern or western
parts, which abutted on the city itself.

and his city Bethsura.'] Jerusalem might
perhaps be justly claimed by them as their
city, but Bethsura at least belonged to Anti-
ochus ; yet they had fortified that also ! (See
ch. iv. 41.)

8. he . . . fell sick for grief.'] Polybius
(/. s. c.) connects the death of Antiochus, not
with any intelligence that reached him from
Syria, but with the attack upon the temple of
Nanaea and its failure. There had, he says,

been certain supernatural appearances on the
occasion of that misdeed ; and Antiochus was
smitten thereby with a superstitious dread,
which led to his demise. Josephus catches
at the alleged cause, and asks, with some
force, " Is it not more likely that his re-
morse and despair were caused by the dese-
cration of the Temple at Jerusalem, which
he actually carried into effect, than by a
contemplated sacrilege, in which he was
foiled ? " (' Ant. Jud.' xii. 9, § 1.)

9. there he continued.] By "there" is
meant the place in Persia where he was
when the bad news reached him (v. 5) — i. e.
Tabae, as we learn from Polybius. (See
the comment on w. 3, 4.)

10. he . . . said unto them.] The speech
here given differs wholly from that sketched
in 2 Mace. ix. 12-17, and is probably equally
unhistorical. The writer follows the ex-
ample of the principal historians who had
preceded him, and gives, in the form of
speeches, the feelings which he supposes his
chief personages to have entertained.

11. J was bountiful and beloved in my
power.] The liberality of Epiphanes has been
already noticed (see the comment on ch. iii.
30). That he was generally popular with
his heathen subjects, and especially with those
of the capital, whom he delighted with shows
and festivals (Polyb. xxxi. 3, § i-ro), is
highly probable. Even his edict of intole-
rance (ch. i. 41, 42) seems to have provoked
no hostility among any people excepting the
Jews (ch. i. 42 ; ii. 18, 19).

12. J took all the vessels of gold and silver.]
See ch. i. 21-23.

v. 13— 19-]

I. MACCABEES. VI.

439

b. c. the inhabitants of Judea without a

cir. 163. J

— cause.

13 I perceive therefore that for
this cause these troubles are come
upon me, and, behold, I perish through
great grief in a strange land.

14 Then called he for Philip, one
of his friends, whom he made ruler
over all his realm,

15 And gave him the crown, and
11 Or. iu his robe, and his signet, to the end
faketis " ne should bring up his son Antio-
sonAnti- chus, and nourish him up for the

oclnis to . . . *

Mm. kingdom.

16 So king Antiochus died there b. c
in the hundred forty and ninth cui_l3,
year.

17 Now when Lysias knew that
the king was dead, he set up Antio-
chus his son, whom he had brought
up being young, to reign in his stead,
and his name he called Eupator.

18 About this time they that were
in the tower shut up the Israelites
round about the sanctuary, and sought
always their hurt, and the strength-
ening of the heathen.

19 Wherefore Judas purposing to

I . . . sent to destroy the inhabitants of
Judaa.] See ch. iii. 35, 36.

14. Philip, one of his friends, ,] The author
of the Second Book says (ch. ix. 29) that
Philip was the o-vvrpocpos of Epiphanes, i.e.
his foster-brother. He is thought by some
to be identical with the Philip who was made
governor of Jerusalem immediately after the
plunder of the Temple by Antiochus (2 Mace,
v. 22), who was "a Phrygian, and for man-
ners more barbarous " even than his master.
It is a further conjecture that he was "the
master of the elephants " at the battle of
Magnesia (Liv. xxxvii. 41). But these
guesses are of little value.

whom he made ruler.~\ I.e. " regent." His
intention was, that Philip should have the
custody of his son's person, the direction of
his education, and the supreme authority
during his minority. Probably he regarded
Lysias as having forfeited the post by the
proofs which he had given of military inca-
pacity.

15. his signet.} The signet-ring was the
special mark of royal authority. (See Gen. xli.
42; Esther iii. 10, viii. 2.) Alexander the
Great gave his to Perdiccas, and thereby
marked him out as next inheritor of his power
(Arrian, ' Exp. Al.' vii. 26, § 5).

to the end he should bring up his son.]
The Greek will not bear this translation. As
the text Stands (tou ayayelv 'Ait/o^oi/ rbv vlbv
aurov), it can only mean "to the end that he
should take Antiochus his son." Josephus,
however, appears to have had in his copies
'Aitio'^w rw via avrov — a reading which would
give the sense, " to take them (i.e. the crown,
signet, &c.) to Antiochus." (See Joseph. 'Ant.
Jud.' xii. 9, § 2.)

16. in the hundred forty and ninth year.]
Towards the close of B.C. 164, or in the
earlier part of B.C. 163.

17. Lysias . . . set up Antiochus his son.]

So Josephus (' Ant. Jud.' /. s. c.) and Appian
(' Syriac.' § 46).

being young.] Appian makes Antiochus
Eupator no more than nine years old at his
father's death (' Syriac' § 45 and § 66). But
Porphyry (ap. Euseb. 'Chron.' Can. i. 40,
§15) makes him twelve. This latter account
agrees better than the other with the part said
to have been taken by Eupator in the Jewish
war Qw. 28-47).

his name he called Eupator.] Appian says
that " the Syrians " gave him the name
('Syriac' § 46) on account of the good
qualities of his father.

§ 2. Judas besieges the Syrian Garrison
in the Tower at Jerusalem— Appeal
made to Eupator for Assistance.

18-27. The position of the two garrisons,
Judasan and Syrian, in the Temple mount
and the "tower," built by Epiphanes over
against it (ch. i. 33-36), must have been in-
tolerable to both parties. The tower was an
eTriTtixicrH-°s °f ^ie most annoying kind ; and
we cannot be surprised that the Maccabee
leader, flushed with the victories that he had
gained on all sides, should have determined
on making a strenuous effort to capture it.
It would seem that his attack promised to be
successful, and that the defenders felt their
only hope of safety to lie in the approach of
an army of relief. Hence their appeal to
Eupator.

18. they that were in the tower.] See ch. i.
33 and iv. 41.

shut up the Israelites round about the
sanctuary.] The writer does not mean that
the Israelites were formally besieged or
blockaded, but that their movements were
cramped, and that it was not safe for them
to go beyond their walls. (Compare ch. i.
36 and 37; and Josephus, 'Ant. Jud.' xii. 9,
§ 3 : tovs avafialvovTas els rb Upbv, Bvorcu

44o

1. MACCABEES. VI.

[v. 20 — 27.

b. c. destroy them, called all the people

r-^-i together to besiege them.

162- 20 So they came together, and

besieged them in the hundred and
fiftieth year, and he made mounts for
shot against them, and other engines.

21 Howbeit certain of them that
were besieged got forth, unto whom
some ungodly men of Israel joined
themselves :

22 And they went unto the king,
and said, How long will it be ere
thou execute judgment, and avenge
our brethren ?

23 We have been willing to serve
thy father, and to do as he would have
us, and to obey his commandments ;

B. C.

cir. 162.

24 For which cause they of our
nation besiege the tower, and are
alienated from us: moreover ^as rfch. 5. 22,
many of us as they could light on 4 ' s
they slew, and spoiled our inherit-
ance.

25 Neither have they stretched
out their hand against us only, but
also against all their borders.

26 And, behold, this day are they
besieging the tower at Jerusalem,
to take it : the sanctuary also and

e Bethsura have they fortified. 'ch. 4- 61.

27 Wherefore if thou dost not
prevent them quickly, they will do
greater things than these, neither
shalt thou be able to rule them.

ftov\ofievovs, e^aicpvrji inrpixovTes ol (frpovpol
8U(p6fipav.~)

20. the hundred and fiftieth year?] The
year commencing in the autumn of B.C. 163,
and terminating in that of B.C. 162.

he made mounts for shot against them.~\
Rather, "towers for shooting at them."
The /^eXotrrao-eis of the text seem to have been
moveable towers, such as were used both by
the Assyrians and the Greeks, which were
brought near to the walls, and enabled the
assailants to attack the defenders on the
same level. (See ' Ancient Monarchies,' vol. i.
pp. 470-2.) The word is used by the LXX.
in Ezek. xvii. 17, xxi. 22, where our trans-
lators have " forts," " a fort."

and other engines. .] Rather, "and engines."
The "towers" were not regarded as "en-
gines," which term applied especially to cata-
pults, ballistae, and battering-rams. It is
rightly observed (Stanley) that Judas here for
the first time brought into use a battering-
train.

21. ungodly men.~\ I.e. "men of the Hel-
lenizing party." (See above, ch. i. 43, 52 ;
ii. 18, &c.)

22. they went unto the king.'] The writer
does not seem to realize the fact of Eupator's
immature age. He has called him vecorepov
(v. 1 7), but apparently is not aware that he
was a mere child, twelve years old at the
most.

23. We have been willing to serve thy
father.] Rather, "we were of those who
willed to serve," &c. i.e. we belonged to the
conforming party, and obeyed the edicts of
Antiochus Epiphanes (ch. i. 41-50), which a
part of our nation refused to obey, and now
we are brought into trouble on' that very
account (v. 24).

to do as he would have us.] Literally, " to
walk according to his sayings."

24. as many of us as they could light on
they slew.] See above, ch. ii. 44 ; iii. 8.

25. against all their borders.] Compare
ch. v. 3-51.

26. the sanctuary also and Bethsura have
they fortified.] On the fortification of the
Temple by Judas, see ch. iv. 60 ; and on that
of Bethzur (Bethsura), see ch. iv. 61.

§ 3. The War of Lysias and Eupatok
against Judas— Fall of Bethsura —
Siege of the Temple.

28-54. The boldness of Judas, the danger
of the Syrian garrison in the Tower (Acra )
at Jerusalem, and the very cogent arguments
of the renegade Jews at Antioch (vv. 22-27),
roused the Syrians to a great effort. The
author of the Second Book tells us, that
there was at first some difference of opinion
at the Court, a certain Ptolemy Macron
advising that good terms of peace should be
offered to the party of Judas (2 Mace. x. 12) ;
but sterner counsels prevailed — Lysias was
all-powerful — and the resolution was taken
to crush the patriots by sending against them
an overwhelming force. It is not clear that
as yet Lysias apprehended danger either from
Philip, the regent appointed by Epiphanes on
his deathbed (v. 15), or from Demetrius,
who was still in custody at Rome (ch. vii. 1).
If he did, there would, however, be the more
reason for haste, in order to get rid of one
enemy before the necessity arose for dealing
with others. The immense army described
in vv. 30-41 was therefore collected and
marched upon Bethzur. Judas was for the
first time defeated {yv. 42-47). Beth/ur
capitulated (vv. 49, 50) ; and siege was laid
to the Temple (yv. 51-54).

v. 28—33-]

I. MACCABEES. VI.

441

C.
162.

28 Now when the king heard this,
he was angry, and gathered together
all his friends, and the captains of his
army, and those that had charge of
the horse.

29 There came also unto him from
other kingdoms, and from isles of the
sea, bands of hired soldiers.

30 So that the number of his army
was an hundred thousand footmen,
and twenty thousand horsemen, and
two and thirty elephants exercised in
battle.

31 These went through Idumea, B.C.
and pitched against Bethsura, which J_I-2"
they assaulted many days, making
engines of war ; but they of Beth-
sura came out, and burned them with

fire, and fought valiantly.

32 Upon this Judas removed from
the tower, and pitched in Bath-
zachawas, over against the king's
camp.

33 Then the king rising very
early marched fiercely with his host
toward Bathzacharias, where his ar-

28. ivben the king heard this, he nvas
angry.'] The representations were probably
made, not to the boy king, but to Lysias,
who may well have been " angry," or at any
rate greatly vexed, at what he heard. It
must certainly have been Lysias who gave
the orders for the collection of the forces of
the kingdom.

those that had charge of the horsed] Lite-
rally, "those that were over the reins" — an
expression which seems to point to a chariot
force. According to the author of the Second
Book (2 Mace. xiii. 2), Lysias brought with
him on this occasion 5300 horsemen, and
" three hundred chariots armed with hooks."

29. from other kingdoms.'] As Pergamus
and Bithynia, perhaps also Paphlagonia and
Pontus.

from isles of the sea.] Crete, Rhodes, and
Cyprus were always willing to furnish mer-
cenary troops in the wars of this period.
They usually served as slingers and archers.
(See Appian, 'Syriac.' §32; 'Bell. Civ.' ii.
§ 70, &c.)

30. the number of his army.] The num-
bers here given are confirmed by one passage
of Josephus (' Ant. Jud.' xii. 9, § 3), but con-
tradicted by another, where they are said to
have been 50,000 foot, 5000 horse, and 80
elephants (' Bell. Jud.' i. 1, § 5). The author
of the Second Book (2 Mace. /. s. c.) makes the
horse 5300, which may be accepted as pro-
bably the true number. He makes the foot
1 10,000, which is not improbable ; the ele-
phants twenty-two, which may also be cor-
rect. By the treaty of Magnesia the Syrian
king was bound to keep no war-elephants.
Polybius tells us that Eupator had broken
the engagement (' Hist.' xi. 12, § 11) ; but it
is scarcely likely that he had collected a
very large corps. We may safely reject the
"eightv elephants" of Josephus (' Bell. Jud.'
/. s.c).

31. These went through Idumea.] The
Syrians considered that the best mode of

attacking Judasa was to proceed along the
coast of the Mediterranean from Carmel
southwards, and then make the assault upon
the west, or upon the south. They had
attacked twice from the west, first under
Seron (ch. iii. 14-16), and again under
Nicanor and Gorgias (ch. iii. 38-41 ; ch. iv.
1-23). Later, under Lysias himself, they had
attacked from the south (ch. iv. 28-34).
Lysias now repeated this movement.

they of Bethsura.] These words are want-
ing in the original, but are rightly supplied
by our translators.

and burned them with fre.] This was
a usual practice of besiegers. As the military
engines of the time were chiefly composed of
wood, they readily took fire. We find the
Assyrians protecting their engines against fire
by means of curtains of cloth, leather, or
other non-inflammable material (' Ancient
Monarchies,' vol. i. p. 471); and a similar
practice seems to have been known to the
Greeks (Thucyd. ii. 75). Sometimes, how-
ever, the flames were simply met and kept in
check by means of a supply of water.

32. Judas removed from the tower.] The
first result of the attack on Bethsura was to
raise the siege of "the tower." Judas felt
that his presence was required to meet and
check the enemy in the south, and accord-
ingly gave up the siege, struck his camp, and
marched to Beth-Zacharias, which Josephus
says (' Ant. Jud.' xii. 9, § 4) was 70 stades,
or'eight miles, from Bethsura. It commanded
a narrow pass, and has been almost certainly
identified with the modern Beit-Sasariyeh,
which lies nearly due north of Beit-sur, at
a distance by the road of about nine Roman
miles (Robinson, ' Researches,' vol. iii. p. 284).

over against the king's camp.] This ex-
pression is hard to reconcile with the distance
assigned by Josephus. (See the last note.)
It implies that the two camps were, at any
rate, within sight of each other.

33. the king . . . marched fiercely^] In the

442

I. MACCABEES. VI.

[v. 34—38.

15. C.
cir. 162.

mies made them ready to battle, and
sounded the trumpets.

34 And to the end they might
provoke the elephants to fight, they
shewed them the blood of grapes and
mulberries.

35 Moreover they divided the
beasts among the armies, and for
every elephant they appointed a
thousand men, armed with coats of
mail, and with helmets of brass on
their heads ; and beside this, for
every beast were ordained five hun-
dred horsemen of the best.

36 These were ready at every oc-
casion : wheresoever the beast was,
and whithersoever the beast went,
they went also, neither departed they
from him.

37 And upon the beasts were
there strong towers of wood, which
covered every one of them, and were
girt fast unto them with devices :
there were also upon every one two

that fought
Indian that

cir.

162

and thirty strong men,
them, beside the

upon
ruled him
38 As

for the remnant of the

original, the " fierceness," or " eagerness to
attack the foe," is ascribed, not to the king,
but to the host. Translate — " Then the king,
rising very early, marched his host, which
was eager for the fight, toward Beth-Zacha-
rias."

sounded the trumpets.'] Rather, " sounded
with trumpets." On the use of trumpets in
war by the Greeks and Romans, see note on
ch. v. 31.

34. to the end they might provoke the
elephants, <h'c] It has been supposed that
the elephants were " provoked " by the sight
of red wine and of a spirituous liquor ob-
tained from mulberries, both being beverages
of which they were fond (Grimm) ; but wine
is not called " the blood of grapes " except in
highly wrought poetry (Gen. xlix. 11 ; Deut.
xxxii. 14; Ecclus. 1. 15) ; nor is a spirituous
liquor obtained from mulberries a thing
known to antiquity. Probably the two
liquids were the expressed juice of the two
fruits, unfermented, and were intended to
represent blood to the animals, and so to
remind them of battle and prepare them
for it.

35. they divided the beasts among the
armies.] Rather, "among the legions" or
"companies." It was more usual to draw
up the elephants in a separate body, generally
in front of the other troops, and to make
them advance first upon the enemy. Anti-
ochus the Great had, however, at Magnesia
interposed his elephants in pairs between the
divisions of his phalanx (Liv. xxxviii. 40 ;
App. 'Syriac' § 32), and thus set the example
of separating them. A new disposition was
now tried.

armed with coats of mail.] Rather,
"wearing corslets of chain armour."
Chain armour was known to the Assyrians,
but appears to have been used by them only
as an appendage to the helmet ('Ancient
Monarchies,' vol. i. p. 441, plates). Corslets

were in the early times generally of leather,
protected by metal scales. In Roman times,
however, the corslets here mentioned became
common. (See Polyb. vi. 21 ; Arrian,
'Tact.' pp. 13, 14, .Sec.)

36. These were ready at every occasion, (toV.J
Rather, "these were with the beast,
wherever he was, even before the
fight began." (IIp6 naipov cannot possibly
mean " on every occasion.") The object
was to accustom the elephants to the men
and horses of their own side, and to accustom
the horses to them. In default of such mutual
acquaintance, elephants were apt to inflict
more damage on the army to which they
belonged than on the enemy.

37. upon the beasts were there strong towers
of wood.] In the Indian war of Alexander
the Great, where elephants first make their
appearance in Greek warfare, we do not hear
of " towers " being placed on them. Appa-
rently, the practice commenced with the
Syrians, whose " beasts " were thus armed at
Magnesia in B.C. 190, nearly thirty years
before the present engagement. (See Liv.
xxxvii. 40.) The "towers" cannot really
have been of any great size, or have contained
more than three or four soldiers.

with devices.] " Girths " seem to be in-
tended. So heavy a fabric as a "tower"
could not otherwise have been kept in place.

two and thirty strong men.] This is quite
impossible. Livy (/. j. r.) makes the number
of soldiers to each elephant in the army of
Antiochus the Great four ; Allian gives, as the
ordinary Indian equipment, three ; some
moderns say that in recent times towers on
elephants have held a garrison offve. Pro-
bably, either no number was given here in
the original text ; or else the text ran, i(p'
e/cao"Tou avrcov fivftpes Swcuxecos Svo rj rpeis —
" on each of them strong men to the number
of two or three."

beside the Indian that ruled him.] Lite-

v, 39—42-1

I. MACCABEES. VI.

443

[B.C.

fir. 162.

")r, stir-
.\g them
I and
ng co 1 li-
ned
tkthe
iks, or,
'ended
th the
lleys.

horsemen, they set them on this side
and that side at the two parts of the
host, "giving them signs what to do,
and being harnessed all over amidst
the ranks.

39 Now when the sun shone upon
the shields of gold and brass, the
mountains glistered therewith, and
shined like lamps of fire.

40 So part of the king's army
being spread upon the high moun-

tains, and part on the valleys b. c.
below, they marched on safely and clH!fa*
in order.

41 Wherefore all that heard the
noise of their multitude, and the
marching of the company, and the
rattling of the harness, were moved :
for the army was very great and
mighty.

42 Then Judas and his host drew
near, and entered into battle, and

rally, "beside his Indian." It is assumed
that, as a matter of course, each elephant
would have an Indian driver. The elephants
employed by the Seleucidae were originally
derived from India, and, though bred in part
at Apamea, no doubt required to be kept up
by frequent importations from the region
where they were indigenous. Expert Hindoo
drivers would accompany each such impor-
tation.

38. the remnant of the horsemen?] Those
that remained over, after the thirty-two
troops attached to the elephants had been
deducted. They would have amounted,
according to the numbers previously given,
to four thousand.

they set them on this side and that side.~]
Compare the arrangement at Magnesia (Ap-
pian, 'Syriac.' § 32: imreis 8' eKarepadev
TvapaTira^aTo).

giving them signs 'what to do.'] The mean-
ing of the text is very uncertain. Karacreico
is properly " to shake down," and is used
primarily of shaking down fruit from trees.
It also means " to shake up and down," as
" the hand," or " a stick ;" and hence signifies
sometimes " to make a sign with the hand,"
as in Acts xii. 17, xiii. 16, xix. 33, and
xxi. 40, where, however, rfj x(lPL ls always
added. It has further the meanings " to
disturb," " to throw down," " to make a man
unsteady through drink," and " to affright."
None of these significations seems particularly
appropriate here; and hence the reading is
with reason suspected.

being harnessed all over amidst the ranks.]
This clause is even more difficult than the
preceding. There are two readings, iv raU
cpaXayt-iv and iv rah <pdpay£iv, of which the
latter, being the most difficult, should, ac-
cording to the ordinary laws of criticism, be
preferred. " Being harnessed all over " is
a possible meaning of Karacppaa-cropevoi, but
grammatically the word does not refer to the
horsemen, but to the generals who set them
their places, whose wearing of complete ar-
mour would scarcely be mentioned. Schleus-

ner explains Karacppna-a-opfvoi here as
" guarding " or " covering their flanks with
them." 'Ev Tcilr cpapay^iv would mean " among
the precipices," where extra precaution would
no doubt be necessary.

39. the shields of gold and brass.] It is
not probable that " shields of gold " were ever
employed in warfare. They were used as
the ornaments of temples (1 Kings x. 16) or
sent as presents to the authorities of foreign
states (1 Mace. xiv. 24; xv. 18, &c.). Silver
shields were, however, actually borne by
troops in the field, notably by those of Alex-
ander the Great (Arrian, ' Exp. Alex.' vii. 11)
and his successors (Polyb. v. 79, § 4 ; Liv.
xxxvii. 40 ; App. 'Syriac' § 32, &c.). These
may have been mistaken by the Jews for
golden shields, when the sun shone upon
them, or the writer may only mean that the
shields were partly of brass and partly of
gold, which is quite possible.

40. the high mountains . . . the valleys.]
Rather, "the high hills— the low ground."
The hills of southern Judaea do not attain the
dignity of "mountains," nor are the wadys
which separate them exactly " valleys." The
army of Antiochus advancing from the south
upon Beth-Zacharias probably proceeded up
the Wady Shukheit, which is " straight and
shallow " (Robinson, ' Researches,' vol. iii.
p. 283), its flanks crowning the hills on either
side, which are quite practicable, even for
cavalry. The country presents no remarkable
difficulties, though Beth-Zacharias is strongly
posted.

41. the army 'was very great and mighty.]
It was the utmost force that Syria could raise
under the circumstances, larger (according
to one account, Liv. xxxvii. 40) than that
which had met the Romans at Magnesia, and
very much the largest army with which Judas
had as yet contended.

42. Judas and his host drew near.] Judas
followed his usual tactics. He did not shut him-
self up within Beth-Zacharias, or even stand
on the defensive, but advanced to meet the foe.
(See ch. iii. 11, 16, 23 ; iv. 12, 29 ; v. 43, &c.)

444

I. MACCABEES. VI.

[v. 43— 51-

B.C.
cir. 162.

S ch. 2. 5.

king's

army

I Or, so

that lie
cut them

in pieces.

there were slain of the
six hundred men.

%. -^Eleazar also, surnamed Sa>
that

43
varan.

perceiving tnat one
beasts, armed with royal harness,
was higher than all the rest, and
supposing that the king was upon
him,

44 Put himself in jeopardy, to the
end he might deliver his people, and
get him a perpetual name :

45 Wherefore he ran upon him
courageously through the midst of
the battle, slaying on the right hand
and on the left, "so that they were
divided from him on both sides.

46 Which done, he crept under
the elephant, and thrust him under,
and slew him : whereupon the ele-

phant fell down upon him, and there b. <fl

u j • j cir- *l

he died. — 1

47 Howbeit the rest of the yews
of the seeing the strength of the king, and

the violence of his forces, turned
away from them.

48 11 Then the king's army went
up to Jerusalem to meet them, and
the king pitched his tents ' against 1 Or, I
Judea, and against mount Sion.

49 But with them that were in
Bethsura he made peace: "for they 11 Add
came out of the city, because they phu°"
had no victuals there to endure the th&,

. , . r 1 yteldea

siege, it being a year or rest to the them-
land. ^ ;

50 So the king took Bethsura,
and set a garrison there to keep it.

51 As for the sanctuary, he be-

tbere were slain of the king's army six
hundred men.'] The first assault was, appa-
rently, successful. But numbers prevailed in
the end, and Judas felt himself compelled to
beat a retreat (y. 47).

43. Eleazar, surnamed Savaran.] Com-
pare ch. ii. 5, where he is said to have been
called " A varan." Dean Stanley conjectures
that the name was given on account of the
deed here recorded, and translates, "the
Beast-Sticker" (' Jewish Church,' vol. iii. p.
318).

armed with royal harness^] Heavy armour
was worn, both by elephants and horses, in
the wars of this period. By " royal harness "
we must understand armour of unusual rich-
ness and magnificence, such as seemed to
indicate a royal rider. Grimm supposes that
the beast was really "the royal elephant,"
though it did not at this time carry the king,
who was too young to take actual part in the
battle.

supposing that the king was upon him.~\
Literally, "he looked as if the king was upon
him." The phrase used implies that the fact
was otherwise.

44. and get him a perpetual name.] On
the prevalence of this motive among the best
Jews of the time, see note on ch. ii. 51.

45. through the midst of the battled] Lite-
rally, " into the midst of the phalanx." Ele-
azar cut his way through the enemy's ranks
until he reached the elephant which he was
bent on attacking.

46. and thrust him under.] Rather, "and
got beneath him." We must supply eavrov

after vnt6i]Kev. It is impossible to supply
£i(f)os.

47. The author is loth to acknowledge the
complete defeat of the Jews, and seeks to
throw a veil over it ; but nevertheless he
makes it sufficiently apparent by the facts of
his narrative. The Jews, he admits, " turned
away " from their foes — i.e. retired before them
— retreated (as Josephus tells us, ' Ant. Jud.'
xii. 9, § 5) to Jerusalem. The Syrians felt
strong enough to divide their forces. While
a part besieged Beth-zur (y. 49), the bulk
marched on Jerusalem, and commenced the
siege of the Temple fortress (yv. 48, 51).

49. with them that were in Bethsura he
made peace.] Again a softening of the facts.
\\ e see from what follows that Bethsura was
besieged, reduced to extremity, and " taken "
{v. 50). The garrison may have been
allowed terms, but what they were is not
stated. Josephus (/. s. c.) says that they sur-
rendered themselves on the condition that
their persons should be safe.

it being a year of rest to the land.] I.e. it
was a sabbatical year, and the granaries were
exhausted. (Compare v. 53.) It may
seem strange that greater precautions had not
been taken ; but J udas's long career of success
had probably blinded him to the danger which
might impend in case of a reverse. Evidently,
neither Beth-zur nor Jerusalem had been
properly provisioned against the chance of a
siege.

51. As for the sanctuary, he besieged it
many days.] The Temple had now become a
fortress. Judas had fortified it "with high
walls and strong towers round about " (ch. iv.

v. 5 2— 57-.1

I. MACCABEES. VI.

445

.c.

!i62.

L made

n'.s

t Me

sieged it many days: and "set there
artillery with engines and instruments
to cast fire and stones, and pieces to
cast darts and slings.

52 Whereupon ''they also made
engines against their engines, and
held them battle a long season.

53 Yet at the last, their vessels
being without victuals, (for that it
was the seventh year, and they in
Judea, that were delivered from the
Gentiles, had eaten up the residue of
the store ;)

54 There were but a few left in
the sanctuary, because the famine

did so prevail against them, that they b. c.
were fain to disperse themselves, C1[ii_2-
every man to his own place.

55 At that time Lysias heard say,
that Philip, whom Antiochus the
king, whiles he lived, had appointed
to bring up his son Antiochus, that
he might be king,

56 Was returned out of Persia
and Media, and the king's host also
that went with him, and that he
sought to take unto him the ruling
of the affairs.

57 Wherefore he went in all haste,
and said to the king and the captains

60), defences of such strength that, soon after
this, the Syrians destroyed them, though they
had bound themselves by an oath to do
nothing of the kind (y. 62). The advantage
of the situation was great — the artificial bul-
warks strong— the siege must in any case be
long. If the place had been duly provisioned,
it would have been in no danger, unless regu-
larly invested, and besieged for months or
years.

artillery.'] Rather, "towers." (See note
on v. 20.)

instruments to cast fire and stones.] Arrows
with tow twisted round their heads, dipped in
pitch, and set alight, were shot from catapults,
to fire the works or dwellings of an enemy.
(See Thucyd. ii. 75.) Stones were hurled
from ballistic to break down battlements, and
crush their defenders.

52. they also.] I.e. the besieged.

made engines against their engines^] Such
engines as those already mentioned (y. 51)
were used for the defence no less than for the
attack, and were mounted on the walls and
towers of besieged places, whence they played
upon the enemy with the advantage of a higher
position. (See 2 Ghr. xxvi. 15.)

53. their vessels being without victuals.]
The same neglect to provide sufficient stores,
which had lost Beth-zur (■:;. 49), now endan-
gered Jerusalem. The author offers two
excuses for it. (1) It was a sabbatical year;
(2) The influx of Jews from distant parts,
rescued from among the heathen by Simon
(ch. v. 23) and Judas (ib. i>. 45), had caused
an unusual consumption, and so exhausted
the magazines.

54. There were but a few left.] The gar-
rison diminished in number day by day, — in
part, no doubt, by the ordinary casualties of
a siege, but mainly through desertion, the
famine driving many to quit the place and
seek safety in flight.

§ 4. Lysias, called off to Antioch by
the Proceedings of Philip, makes
peace with the jews, but does not
observe its Terms.

55-63. Jerusalem was at the last gasp.
The revolt seemed about to be crushed.
Judas can have had no hope of relief, and
must have been contemplating surrender, or
death amid the enemy's ranks, when an un-
expected event saved him, and with him his
nation. Philip, the regent appointed by Epi-
phanes just before his decease, arrived at
Antioch with the army which had accom-
panied Epiphanes to the Eastern provinces,
was admitted into the town, and assumed the
government of the kingdom. It was neces-
sary to march against this new foe at once;
and Lysias, without a moment's hesitation,
resolved to make peace with the Jews. The
terms he granted them were all that they could
desire — they were to return to their allegiance,
but were to be allowed the free observance of
all their own laws and usages, as before the
edict of Epiphanes (1: 59). Their fortifica-
tions were also to remain untouched. This last
stipulation was, however, not kept (v. 62).
Eupator (or rather Lysias), who must have
been the real director of everything, when he
saw the strength of the defences, "commanded
to pull down the wall." This done, he
marched his army off to Antioch t/y. 63).

55. Philip.] See v. 14; and compare
2 Mace. ix. 29.

56. Was returned out of Persia and Media.]
l.e. from the eastern provinces, into which
Epiphanes had marched for the purpose of
collecting money (ch. iii. 31, 37).

the king's host also that went with him.]
Half the forces of the empire, according to
ch. iii. 37.

57. he •went in all haste, and said.] Rather,
"he hastened to depart, and to say."
His special haste was to depart, and set out

446

I. MACCABEES. VI. VII.

[v. 58—1.

B.C.
cir. 162.

of the host and the com

pany,

I Gr. give
hands.

decay daily, and our victuals are but
small, and the place we lay siege unto
is strong, and the affairs of the king-
dom lie upon us :

58 Now therefore let us "be friends
with these men, and make peace with
them, and with all their nation ;

59 And covenant with them, that
they shall live after their laws, as
they did before : for they are there-
fore displeased, and have done all
these things, because we abolished
their laws.

60 So the king and the princes
were content : wherefore he sent
unto them to make peace ; and they
accepted thereof.

61 Also the king and the princes
made an oath unto them : whereupon
they went out of the strong hold.

62 Then the king entered into
mount Sion ; but when he saw the
strength of the place, he brake his
oath that he had made, and gave
commandment to pull down the wall
round about.

63 Afterward departed he in all
haste, and returned unto Antiochia,
where he found Philip to be master
of the city : so he fought against
him, and took the city by force.

CHAPTER VII.

I Antiochns is slain, and Demetrius reigiteth
in his stead. 5 Alcimus would be high priest,
and complaineth of Judas to the king. 16 He
slayeth threescore Assideans. 43 Nicanor is
slain, and the king's forces are defeated by
Judas. 49 The day of this victory is kept
holy every year.

B.
cir.

N the hundred and one and fif- cir'11

tx „ j^jg

tieth year * Demetrius the son of i4. 1.'

for Antioch; but to effect this, he had to
persuade the Icing and the commanders. So
he " hastened " also to speak to them. The
power of a regent would seem not to have
been absolute.

We decay daily, and our •victuals are but
small.] The besiegers, it would seem, suf-
fered almost as much as the besieged. They
also were ill-provisioned, and could obtain
but little from the adjacent country, which
had no crops on account of the sabbatical
year. They, too, " decayed," or lost men,
" daily " by casualties.

the affairs of the kingdom lie upon us.~]
Rather, "press upon us." The situation is
pressing, and brooks no delay.

60. he sent unto them to make peace.]
The author of the Second Book professes to
give the letters which passed on the occasion
(1) between Lysias and the Jews; (2) be-
tween Antiochus and Lysias ; and (3) between
Antiochus and the Jews (ch. xi. 16-33). But
his documents seem to be forgeries. (See
Evvald, ' Hist, of Israel,' vol. v. p. 318, note 6,
E. T.)

61. the king and the princes made an oath.]
The treaty was concluded with all the cus-
tomary forms. Oaths were interchanged.
As the king was a minor, "the princes" — ■
Lysias and the other generals — took the oath
also.

they went out.] This may have been a
condition, for the honour of the royal arms.

62. he brake his oath that he had made.]'
We must not impute the perjury to the king,

who was a mere boy. The orders to destroy
the wall were, no doubt, given by Lysias.

63. iv here he found Philip.] According to
the writer of the Second Book, Philip, fear-
ing Eupator, fled into Egypt, and found
a refuge with Ptolemy Philometor (2 Mace,
ix. 29). It is possible that he escaped after
the siege of the city was begun.

CHAPTER VII.

§ 1. Demetrius assumes the Syrian
Crown, and kills Eupator and
Lysias.

1-5. Demetrius, first cousin of Eupator,
and the son of the elder brother, had an
undoubted claim to the Syrian throne, espe-
cially as he was grown up, while Eupator
was a minor. His father had sent him, when
a child, to Rome as a hostage ; and he had
been retained there ever since, despite his
many remonstrances. At last, despairing of
getting the Senate's permission to quit Rome,
he secretly made his escape, sailed to Syria,
was received with favour by the mass of the
inhabitants, and having got Lysias and Eupa-
tor into his power, caused them to be put to
death (Appian, ' Syriac' § 47). He then
reigned for some years without a rival, but
was ultimately dispossessed by Alexander
Balas, Eupator's half-brother.

1. In the hundred and one and ff tieth year.]
The year B.C. 162-1.

Demetrius the son of Seleucus.] Demetrius
was the only son, so far as appears, of Seleu-
cus IV. (Philopator), who succeeded his

V. 2—8.]

I. MACCABEES. VII.

447

B. C.
, eir. 161.

I Tripolis,
Jos. Ant.

; lib. 12.

cap. 16.

II Gr. house
of J he
kingdom
of his
father.

Seleucus departed from Rome, and
came up with a few men unto "a city
of the sea coast, and reigned there.

2 And as he entered into the
"palace of his ancestors, so it was,
that his forces had taken Antiochus
and Lysias, to bring them unto him.

3 Wherefore, when he knew it, he
said, Let me not see their faces.

4 So his host slew them. Now
when Demetrius was set upon the
throne of his kingdom,

5 There came unto him all the
wicked and ungodly men of Israel,

having Alcimus, who was desirous to b. c.
be high priest, for their captain : "Li1,

6 And they accused the people to
the king, saying, Judas and his bre-
thren have slain all thy friends, and
driven us out of our own land.

7 Now therefore send some man
whom thou trustest, and let him go
and see what havock he hath made
among us, and in the king's land,
and let him punish them with all
them that aid them.

8 Then the king chose Bacchides,
a friend of the king, who ruled

father, Antiochus the Great, in B.C. 187-6,
and was himself succeeded by Antiochus Epi-
phanes in B.C. 176-5. According to the strict
law of primogeniture, as understood in mo-
dern times, he was the rightful king ; but, as
the crown had, on account of his minority at
his father's death, passed to a brother, by the
Macedonian law his title was disputable.

departed from Rome.] Made his escape
secretly, as we learn from Polybius (xxxi.
19-23) and Appian (/. s. c). The Senate pre-
ferred that Syria should be under the rule of
a boy, and lent no encouragement to the claims
of Demetrius. After consultation with Poly-
bius, who was his private friend, and with
others, he determined to depart clandestinely,
and succeeded in effecting his purpose.

a city of the sea coast.'] Demetrius landed
at Tripolis in Phoenicia, according to the
author of the Second Book (ch. xiv. 1), who is
followed by Josephus (' Ant. Jud.' xii. 10, § 1).

reigned there.] I.e. " was proclaimed
king." He does not appear to have remained
at Tripolis more than a very short time.

2. he entered into the palace of his ancestors?]
The royal palace of the Syrian kings was at
Antioch. It was situated in the northern part
of the city, close upon the Orontes.

his forces had taken Antiochus and Lysias.]
Demetrius landed in Syria with but " a few
men" (v. 1); but the Syrian army almost
immediately declared in his favour. Eupator
and Lysias were arrested by their own guards,
who would have delivered them alive to the
new monarch, but, on the intimation of his
pleasure recorded in v. 3, put them to death.

§ 2. Demetrius makes Alcimus High
Priest, and sends Bacchides to ar-
range Affairs in Jvdjea.

4-9. On quitting Jerusalem with Eupator,
Lysias had carried off the High Priest, Onias
or Menelaus, and had caused him to be put

to death, thus leaving the high priesthood
vacant. The rightful successor to the office
was Menelaus' son, Onias; but another
claimant arose in the person of Alcimus, who
was of a different family from Menelaus, but
claimed to be descended from Aaron, and
had had ancestors among the High Priests
(2 Mace. xiv. 7). According to Josephus,
Lysias invested Alcimus with the office ('Ant.
Jud.' xii. 9, § 7) ; but our author evidently
supposes him to have first received the ap-
pointment from Demetrius. Demetrius, at
any rate, acknowledged him, and at his insti-
gation sent Bacchides with a large army into
Judaea, with orders to crush Judas and his
party, and to instal Alcimus as governor of
the country.

5. the -wicked and ungodly men of Israel.]
I.e. the men of the Hellenizing party. (See
above, ch. i. 43, 52 ; ii. 44; iii. 8, &c.)

Alcimus.] Ewald identifies the name
with the Hebrew "Eliakim" ('Hist, of
Israel,' vol. v. p. 319, note 6, E. T.) ; but Jose-
phus says that the original name of Alcimus
was not Eliakim, but Jakim or Jehoiakim. In
meaning the words are equivalents, but, as
names, they were considered to be distinct
and different (2 Kings xxiii. 34). Alcimus
was a good Greek name, meaning " valiant."
was . . . their captain.] Rather, " their
leader" — the chief man of the embassy, not
a military commander.

6. they accused the people to the king.] By
" the people " here, we must understand the
patriots — that part of the nation which clung
to the Law, and accepted Judas for their
leader. It was true that Judas and his fol-
lowers had pursued to the death those of
their nation who took the opposite view and
sided with the Syrians. (See ch. ii. 44 ; iii. 8.)

8. Bacchides, a friend of the king.] Jose-
phus calls him " a friend of Antiochus Epi-
phanes" (' Ant. Jud.' xii. 10, § 2). He is not
mentioned by the classical writers.

448

1. MACCABEES. VII.

[v. 9—18.

B.C. beyond the flood, and was a great
^LL1' man in the kingdom, and faithful to
the king.

9 And him he sent with that
wicked Alcimus, whom he made
high priest, and commanded that he
should take vengeance of the children
of Israel.

10 So they departed, and came
with a great power into the land of
Judea, where they sent messengers
to Judas and his brethren with peace-
able words deceitfully.

1 1 But they gave no heed to their
words ; for they saw that they were
come with a great power.

|0r 12 Then did there assemble unto

officers, Alcimus and Bacchides a company

governors, r , .. ...

chief men, of "scribes, to require justice.
^uZ'rity. 13 Now the Assideans were the

first among the children of
that sought peace of them :

14 For said they, One that is a
priest of the seed of Aaron is come
with this army, and he will do us no

Israel b. c,

cir. 161.

wrong.

15 So he spake unto them peace-
ably, and sware unto them, saying,
We will procure the harm neither of
you nor your friends.

16 Whereupon they believed him :
howbeit he took of them threescore
men, and slew them in one day, ac-
cording to the words which he wrote,

17 ^The flesh of thy saints have b?s-i<i-
they cast out, and their blood have 3'
they shed round about Jerusalem,

and there was none to bury them.

18 Wherefore the fear and dread
of them fell upon all the people, who

<who ruled beyond the flood.'] I.e. " beyond
the Euphrates." Josephus says that he was
" governor of all Mesopotamia."

§ 3. The Attempt of Bacchides to pa-
cify Jud^a by Fraud and Treachery.

10-20. Bacchides seems to have hoped to
end all by enticing Judas to a conference, and
there seizing his person. When this plot
failed, he had no further resource, except to
exercise his arts of persuasion and treachery
upon persons of less, indeed of scarcely any,
importance. What result he expected from
his massacres, it is hard to say. He must
have wholly misunderstood the character of
the Hebrews, if he thought that severities
would terrify them into submission. Armed
force he appears to have been afraid to use ;
he made no attack upon the army of Judas or
upon the Temple fortress; and after doing
the Syrian cause as much harm as was pos-
sible in the time, seemingly well content with
his work, he left Jerusalem and returned to
Antioch.

10. they sent messengers to Judas, isfc.]
To invite to a conference and there seize the
persons of obnoxious leaders has been a
favourite device of Orientals in all ages. So
Tissaphernes seized the Greek generals after
Cunaxa ; so the Parthians got possession of
Crassus after Carrhae ; so the Affghans en-
trapped MacNaughten and his staff at the
beginning of the great outbreak. Judas was
more prudent and cautious than most com-
manders. He declined all offers of a parley,
and maintained a vigilant defensive attitude,
probably in the Temple fortress.

12. a company of scribes^] The "scribes"
of this verse are probably to be connected
with the "Assideans" (Khasidim) of the
next. Though Judas had been too wary to
be deceived, a portion of the " party of the
Pious " (see note on ch. ii. 42) suffered
themselves to be entrapped. From their
secure position, either in the Temple fortress,
or in some other fortified place, they sent
a strong deputation of "scribes" to confer
with Bacchides and Alcimus, and " adjust
equitable terms of peace." It seemed to
them impossible that one of their own nation,
more especially one " of the seed of Aaron,"
should act treacherously towards them.

15. he spake unto them peaceably?^ The
mask was not thrown off at once. Alcimus
bound himself by an oath in no respect to
injure the deputies, and then suddenly arrested
sixty of them, and put them to death. Jose-
phus throws the blame of the proceeding
on Bacchides ('Ant. Jud.' xii. 10, § 2): but
no doubt he and Alcimus were equally in
fault.

16. according to the words which he <wrote.~\
It has been proposed to supply a nominative,
as " Asaph," " David," " the Prophet"— and
so some MSS. and versions. But the con-
struction without a nominative is not unex-
ampled, and may be explained as an ellipse,
Kara rbv \6yov ov eypa^ei/ [6 ypatyas],

17. The flesh of thy saints, <&Y.] See Ps.
lxxix. 2, 3, which is thought to have been
written in the earlier part of the Maccabee
period.

18. the fear and dread of them.J A com-

[9—24.]

I. MACCABEES. VII.

449

B.C.

cir. 161

sai

id. There

is neither truth nor
in them ; for they

21 But Alcimus "contended for the B.C.

went

righteousness
ig~ have broken the covenant and oath
that they made.

19 After this removed Bacchides
from Jerusalem, and pitched his
tents in Bezeth, where he sent and
took many of the men that had for-
saken him, and certain of the people
also, and when he had slain them,
che cast them into the great pit.

20 Then committed he the coun-
try to Alcimus, and left with him a
power to aid him : so Bacchides went
to the kins.

high priesthood.

cir. 161.

g Jer. 41.
7-

22 And unto him resorted all such \^;Jda't0

as troubled the people, who, after they <fe/W/w
had gotten the land of Juda into their priest-
power, did much hurt in Israel.

23 Now when Judas saw all the
mischief that Alcimus and his com-
pany had done among the Israelites,
even above the heathen,

24 He went out into all the coasts B or,jied
of Judea round about, and took/™"7"7"
vengeance of them that had "revolted enemy.
from him, so that they durst no more 1] 0r. **■

n f , . , J vade t/te

"go forth into the country. country.

mon Hebrew pleonasm. (See Gen. ix. 2 ;
Ex. xv. 16 ; Deut. ii. 25, xi. 25 ; Isa. viii. 13.)

19. pitched his tents in Bezeth.'] Bezeth is
probably the same as the Bezetha of later
times, which was the name of the hill due
north of the Temple-mount, on which a por-
tion of the later city was built. We learn
from Josephus that the word is a contraction
of Beth-Zeth, which would mean " the house
of the olive," and would imply that the hill
was originally devoted to the cultivation of
that tree. As it is a sort of continuation of the
Mount of Olives, this may well have been so.

the men that had forsaken him.~\ Rather,
"that had deserted from him." After the
massacre related in v. 16, many of the Jews
who had ranged themselves on his side,
naturally enough, deserted the standard of
Bacchides, and fled to strongholds. Of these
we must suppose " the village of Beth-Zeth "
(Joseph. 'Ant. Jud.' xii. 10, § 2) to have
been one.

certain of the people also.'] I.e. " of the
original inhabitants of Beth-Zeth," who had
offended him by harbouring the fugitives.

the great pit.] &peap is properly " a well,"
and may have the meaning in this place. The
massacre of Cawnpore has made moderns
familiar with such a disposal of the bodies of
victims.

20. Then committed he the country to Alci-
mus.] Alcimus was left to be civil ruler, as
well as High Priest. Indeed, as he was
excluded from the Temple, his functions
would be chiefly civil.

§ 3. Alcimus, being in difficulties,
applies for aid a second time to
Demetrius, who sends Nicanor with
an Army.

21-26. The situation of Alcimus was full
of difficulty. He claimed to be High Priest,

Apoc. — Vol. II.

yet had no access to the Temple. He was
nominally civil governor of Judaea, but found
his authority overshadowed by that of Judas.
Bacchides had in fact left him in the throes
of a civil war, in which he found himself
losing ground continually. "Judas and his
company had gotten the upper hand " (v. 25).
Under these circumstances, he had no re-
source but to make a second appeal to Deme-
trius, for more effectual aid against his adver-
sary. Demetrius upon this sent Nicanor at
the head of a considerable army, with orders
to " destroy " the party of Judas.

21. Alcimus contended for the high priest-
hood^] Until he could obtain possession of
the Temple, Alcimus felt his high priesthood
insecure — a mere name, not a reality. Hence
the need of his " contention."

22. all such as troubled the peopled] Com-
pare 1 Kings xviii. 18. The irreligious and
idolatrous are always the true " troublers of
Israel," even when authority is on their side,
and their opponents may seem to be those
who cause disturbance.

24. all the coasts of Judea.] All parts of
the country. (Compare Deut. xvi. 4 ; Judg.
xix. 29, &c.)

them that had revoked from him.] Literally,
" that had deserted." Both sides considered
that those who went over from their party to
the other were " deserters," and merited
death. (See v. 19.)

they durst no more go forth i?ito the country.]
" None of them dared any longer to shew
themselves openly " (Ewald).

25. said all the worst of them that he could.]
Literally, " accused them of evil deeds." In
the eyes of Alcimus, and of Demetrius no
less, all the gallant actions of Judas and his
followers were "evil deeds" — acts of rebel-
lion against lawful authority.

2 G

45°

B.C.

cir. 161.

II Or, -were
grown
very
strong.

II Gr. to

abide

them.

£ 2 Mac.
14. 12.

cir. 161.

II Gr.
peaceable.

I. MACCABEES. VII.

[v. 25—31.

25 On the other side, when Alci-
mus saw that Judas and his company
"had gotten the upper hand, and
knew that he was not able "to abide
their force, he went again to the
king, and said all the worst of them
that he could.

26 ^Then the king sent Nicanor,
one of his honourable princes, a man
that bare deadly hate unto Israel, with
commandment to destroy the people.

27 So Nicanor came to Jerusalem
with a great force ; and sent unto
Judas and his brethren deceitfully
with "friendly words, saying,

28 Let there be no battle between

me and you ; I will come with a few b. c.

, ■' T 11 • cir. 161.

men, that 1 may " see you in peace. —

29 He came therefore to Judas, ^j^J
and they saluted one another peace-
ably. Howbeit the enemies were
prepared to take away Judas by
violence.

30 Which thing after it was known
to Judas, to wit^ that he came unto
him with deceit, he was sore afraid
of him, and would see his face no
more.

-?i Nicanor also, when he saw that ■ ' ?*• me.el

J ' Judas in

his counsel was discovered, went out battle.
to DhVht against Judas beside ° Ca- " 0r> Car-

00 •* phasa-

pharsalama : lama.

26. the king sent Nicanor^] It is uncertain
if this was the " Nicanor " of ch. iii. 36, who
was selected to command in the Jewish war
by Lysias. He was undoubtedly the person
mentioned by Polybius (xxxi. 22, § 4) as
among the friends of Demetrius at Rome,
and as having accompanied him in his flight.
(Cf. Joseph. 'Ant. Jud.' xii. 10, § 4.) Josephus
calls him " the best-affectioned and most
faithful of Demetrius' s friends." The author
of the Second Book says, that he had been
" master of the elephants " (2 Mace. xiv. 12).

a man that bare deadly hate unto Israel.~\
These words are curiously at variance with
the representations of the writer of the Second
Book, who makes Nicanor studiously mild
towards the Jews at first (ch. xiv. 23-28),
and says that he " loved Judas from his heart "
(ib. v. 24). It has been supposed that his
hatred arose from his having been defeated at
Emmaus (ch. iv. 14, 15).

with commandment to destroy the peopled]
Compare above, ch. iii. 35, 36.

§ 4. The Expedition of Nicanor and its
Results — The Battles of Caphar-
salama and adasa.

27-50. Nicanor, like Bacchides, seems to
have thought at first, that he might effect the
object of his expedition by craft and guile.
He entered into negotiations with Judas, and
even persuaded him to come to a conference,
at which he intended to seize his person
(v. 29). Judas, however, had guarded
against the treachery by having soldiers at
hand (2 Mace. xiv. 22), who would have re-
pelled force with force; and the attempt
therefore was not actually made. Failing
here, the Greek general commenced hostili-
ties, and engaged the forces of Judas at Ca-
phar-salama on the Samaritan frontier, but was

defeated with the loss of 5000 men (v. 31).
He then endeavoured to induce his own party
to surrender Judas by threats, that, if they
refused, he would destroy the Temple
Qv. 35) ; but, finding that his menaces had no
effect, he once more resorted to arms, and
fell upon a small force which was encamped
with Judas at Adasa. Here again, however,
he was unsuccessful : his army suffered a com-
plete defeat ; and he was himself slain in the
battle. Judaea had then " rest a little while "
Qv. 50).

27. with a great forced The amount is
nowhere stated. According to the author of
the Second Book, thirty-five thousand were
slain in the battle of Adasa (2 Mace. xv. 27);
but the numbers of this writer cannot be
trusted.

28. that I may see you.} Literally, " that I
may see your faces." A common Hebraism.

29. the enemies were prepared to take away
Judas.~\ Josephus says that Nicanor in the
middle of the interview gave a signal to his
subordinates to seize Judas (' Ant. Jud.' xii.
10, § 4). Judas, however, perceiving his
danger, jumped up and flew to his friends.
The writer of the Second Book notes that he
had prepared his friends for the emergency
(ch. xiv. 22).

31. beside Capharsalama.~\ This place is
unknown to the Hebrew Scriptures. The
first element of the word may compare with
the "Caper" in Capernaum, which means
"village," and the second with the "salem"
in Jerusalem, which means " peace." In the
Middle Ages we find a "Carvasalim" near
Ramleh, on the Samaritan frontier, N.W. of
Jerusalem, which is probably the same place.
From 2 Mace. xv. 1 we learn that, about this
time, " Judas and his brethren were in the
strong places about Samaria."

v. 32— 3 8.]

I. MACCABEES. VII.

45i

cir.

IGr.

defiU
them

c. 32 Where there were slain of.Ni-
-1' canor's side about five thousand men,

and the rest fled into the city of

David.

33 After this went Nicanor up to
mount Sion, and there came out of
the sanctuary certain of the priests
and certain of the elders of the people,
to salute him peaceably, and to shew
him the burnt sacrifice that was
offered for the king.

34 But he mocked them, and
laughed at them, and "abused them
shamefully, and spake proudly,

35 And sware in his wrath, say- b. c.
ing, Unless Judas and his host be "LL1"
now delivered into my hands, if ever

I come again "in safety, I will burn "Gr-"»

o j * peace.

up this house : and with that he went
out in a great rage.

36 Then the priests entered in,
and stood before the altar and the
temple, weeping, and saying,

37 Thou, O Lord, didst choose
this house to be called by thy name,
and to be a house of prayer and
petition for thy people :

38 Be avenged of this man and his

32. the rest fled into the city of David.] The
western portion of Jerusalem, which had
always remained in the possession of the
Syrians. (See ch. i. 33-38; iv. 41; vi. 18-
26, &c.)

33. ivent Nicanor up to mount Sion.] Nica-
nor made a demonstration against the Temple
fortress. He descended from the Akra, and
" ascended " the Temple hill, and probably ap-
proached the gates, and demanded a confer-
ence with the authorities. Whether he was
admitted within the enclosure into the great
outer court, as the author of the Second Book
supposes (2 Mace. xiv. 31-33), is perhaps
doubtful. The statement here, that the
priests " came out " to meet him, rather im-
plies the contrary. But, on the other hand,
we are told (in v. 35) that he "went out,"
so that seemingly he must have penetrated
inside. It is, however, quite clear that he
was at no time master of the fortress, which
was held for Judas by the " priests " and
" people."

there came out of the sanctuary^] " The
sanctuary," ra ayia, may mean either the
Temple, taken altogether, to Upov, or the
sacred building in the centre of the inner
court, 6 vaos.

the elders of the peopled] The Temple for-
tress sheltered at this time, not only a body
of priests, but a "people," the families of those
who were in the field with Judas. It also
had, in all probability, a garrison. (See ch.
iv. 61.)

to shew him the burnt sacrifice that ivas
offered for the king.] The Jews did not as yet
claim actual independence. Their demand
was to live under their own laws and enjoy the
free exercise of their own religion, while at
the same time they were subjects of the Syrian
king. They therefore, according to their
universal practice when under foreign govern-
ment, offered special sacrifices and prayers for
the Syrian monarch. (See Ezra vi. 10; Jer.

xxix. 7 ; Philo, ' Leg. ad Caium,' vol. ii.
p. 592.)

34. he . . . abused them shamefully^] Lite-
rally, " he polluted them." Gorionides says,
" by spitting upon them j" but this can be no
more than a conjecture.

35. Unless Judas and his host be now deli-
vered into my hands.] Nicanor appears to have
thought that Judas was within the Temple
fortress, and that the priests and elders had it
in their power to deliver him up. This was
not the case (2 Mace. xiv. 32). Judas was
still with his army in the field.

I <will burn up this house.] The author
of the Second Book gives a somewhat dif-
ferent account. According to him, Nicanor
" stretched out his right hand towards the
Temple, and made an oath in this manner —
If ye will not deliver me Judas as a prisoner,
I will lay this temple of God even with the
ground, and I will break down the altar, and
erect a notable temple to Bacchus" (2 Mace,
xiv. 33). The threat, however expressed,
reminded those who heard it of the blas-
phemous menaces of Sennacherib. (See v. 41,
and compare 2 Kings xviii. 29-35.)

he went out.] On the force of this expres-
sion, see the comment on i>. 33.

36. the priests entered in.] We may un ■
derstand this of the priests quitting the outer,
and entering the inner, court. They would
then, naturally, stand "before the altar and
the Temple" — the altar being directly in
front of the Temple building.

37. Thou, O Lord.] The word Kvpie is
wanting in many MSS., and is probably not
from the hand of the author, who systemati-
cally avoids the use of the holy Name. (See
note on ch. iii. 22.)

didst choose this house, <b'c] See Deut. xii.
5, 11, 14, &c. ; 1 Kings xi. 36, xiv. 21, &c.

to be a house of prayer and petition^] See
Solomon's dedication speech (1 Kings viii.

2 G 2

45 2

I. MACCABEES. VII.

[v. 39—46.

B.C.
cir. 161

host, and let them fall by the sword :
remember their blasphemies, and
suffer them not to continue any-
longer.

39 So Nicanor went out of Jeru-
salem, and pitched his tents in Beth-
horon, where an host out of Syria
met him.

40 But Judas pitched in Adasa
with three thousand men, and there
he prayed, saying,

4.1 ^O Lord, when they that were

sent from the king of the Assyrians

Eccius.48. blasphemed, thine angel went out,

and smote an hundred fourscore and

five thousand of them.

42 Even so destroy thou this host
before us this day, that the rest may
know that he hath spoken blasphe-
mously against thy sanctuary, and

c 2 Kings

*9- 35-
Isai. 37

21.

2 Mac. 8.
19. & 15.

22.

judge thou him according to his B.C. 161,
wickedness.

43 So the thirteenth day of the
month Adar the hosts joined battle :
but Nicanor's host was discomfited,
and he himself was first slain in the
battle.

44 Now when Nicanor's host saw
that he was slain, they cast away
their weapons, and fled.

45 Then u they pursued after them L^'/^
a day's journey, from Adasa unto
Gazera, sounding an alarm after
them with their trumpets.

46 Whereupon they came forth
out of all the towns of Judea round
about, and closed them in ; so that
they, turning back upon them that
pursued them, were all slain with the
sword, and not one of them was left.

28-52), and compare Is. lxi. 7, Matt. xxi.
13, Sec.

39. in Beth-horon.~\ On the situation of
Beth-horon, see note on ch. iii. 16.

40. in Adasa.'] According to Josephus,
Adasa was 30 stades (35 miles) distant from
Beth-horon. Eusebius places it near Gophna
(Jifna). Recent research has shewn that it
lay at the junction of the two main lines of
advance on Jerusalem from the north, not far
from El-Jib (Gibeon).

nvith three thousand men.-] This is a sur-
prisingly small number, since we have found
Judas previously at the head of a body of
10,000 (ch. iv. 29), and on one occasion,
when he divided his forces into three parts,
they exceeded 13,000 (ch. v. 20, 60). Small
as the number is, however, Josephus reduces
it still further, making it no more than 1000
('Ant. Jud.' xii. 10, § 5). The forces on the
other side he estimates (/. s. c.) at 9000. The
author of the Second Book makes them
35,000 (2 Mace. xv. 27).

41. 0 Lord.] Here, again, as in v. 37,
most MSS. omit Kvpie, which was probably
not expressed by the original writer. (See
note on t». 37.)

the king of the Assyrians!] I.e. Senna-
cherib. It has been observed already that
Nicanor's menaces recalled to the minds of
those who heard them the threats of Rab-
shakeh. It may be added, that Jewish tradi-
tion makes the destruction of Sennacherib's
host to have taken place in the same region
where Judas was at the present time encamped.

This view, however, is not borne out by
Scripture.

an hundred fourscore and five thousand?]
See 2 Kings xix. 35.

42. the rest.] I.e. " our other enemies " —
Syrians, apostate Jews, Edomites, Ammonites,
&c.

43. the thirteenth day of the month Adar.]
" Adar " corresponded to the latter part of
February and the first three weeks of March.
The thirteenth day of Adar was the day imme-
diately preceding the two days' Feast of
Purim, which was kept on the fourteenth
and fifteenth of Adar (Esther viii. 21-32), the
fourteenth day being known as " the day of
Mordecai" (2 Mace. xv. 36). Henceforth
three days were observed, the first of them
being called " Nicanor's day."

45. a day's journey, from Adasa unto Ga-
zera.] On the position of Gazera and its
identity with the modern Tel-Jezar, see the
comment on ch. iv. 1 5. The direct distance
from Adasa is about 15 miles, which the
turns and twists of the passes would increase
to about 20 — a good " day's journey."

sounding an alarm, fac] Literally, " and
they trumpeted after them with their signal
trumpets." The notes of the trumpets an-
nounced victory, and gave a signal to the vil-
lagers and others to intercept the passes and
cut off the retreat. (See the next verse.)

46. they came forth out of all the towns.]
Rather, "villages" (kco/xcoi>).

closed them in.] Literally, "out-flanked
them." (See Polyb. xi. 23, § 5 ; Plutarch,
'Vit. Brut.'§ 23.)

47— i-]

I. MACCABEES. VII. VIII.

453

B.^61. 47 Afterwards they took the spoils,
and the prey, and smote off Nica-
nor's head, and his right hand, which
he stretched out so proudly, and
brought them away, and hanged them
up toward Jerusalem.

48 For this cause the people re-
joiced greatly, and they kept that
day a day of great gladness.

49 Moreover /they ordained to
keep yearly this day, being the
thirteenth of Adar.

/ 2 Mac.
15. 36.

<co Thus -^the land of Juda was in B.C.

J ,. . ... J cir. 161.

rest a little while. —

ch.o. 57.

CHAPTER VIII.

I Judas is hiformed of the power and policy of
the Romans, 20 and maket/i a league with
them. 24 The articles of that league.

\T OW Judas had heard of the
1 \ fame of the Romans, that they
were mighty and valiant men, and
such as would lovingly accept all
that joined themselves unto them,

47. they took the spoils, and the prey.] The
inanimate and animate objects — women, chil-
dren, and slaves — that the enemy had left be-
hind him. For this sense of Tvpovo^r] see the
Septuagint version of Deut. xxi. 10.

smote off Nicanor s bead.'] This barbarous
practice was common in antiquity. The
Egyptian kings represent themselves as bring-
ing home the heads of rebel enemies, sus-
pended to their chariots (Lepsius, ' Denkma-
ler,' part iii. pi. 128 a) and even as smiting off
their heads with their own hands {ib. pi. 61).
The Philistines cut off Saul's head, and " sent
it into their land round about" (1 Sam. xxxi.
9). Judith is represented as cutting off the
head of H olofernes in his tent and carrying
it away with her (Jud. xiii. 8-15). Xerxes
had the corpse of Leonidas beheaded after
Thermopylae (Herod, vii. 238). The similar
indignity offered to the body of Pompey by
the semi-barbarous Egyptians of the time is
too well known to need more than simple
mention.

and his right hand.] This was unusual.
Right hands were sometimes cut off as a
means of counting the slain ; but the present
instance does not come under this category.
It must be ascribed wholly to the action of
Nicanor in threatening the Temple with a
gesture of his right hand (2 Mace. xvi. 33).
The guilty right hand was cut off in the way
of punishment.

hanged them up toward Jerusalem.] They
were probably hung up on one of the Temple
gates looking westward, toward the fortress
and city occupied by the Syrians. The later
traditions, and even the details of 2 Mace. xv.
32-35), are scarcely trustworthy. Such ex-
posures naturally followed on the barbarities
practised upon the corpses of enemies in the
ancient world generally. (See the author's
* Hist, of Egypt,' vol. ii. p. 255 ; 1 Sam. xxxxi.
12 ; ' Behist. Inscr.' col. ii. par. 13, § 7 ; par.
j4; §16; &c.)

50. the land of Juda was in rest a little
^uhile.] A few weeks only. The second

expedition of Bacchides followed on the
defeat of Nicanor within a month at the
utmost. (Compare ch. vii. 1, 43 with ch. ix.

I-3-)

CHAPTER VIII.

§ 1. Judas receives Information con-
cerning the Power and Greatness
of the Romans.

1-16. The account of the Romans con-
tained in this passage is interesting, as shew-
ing, not so much the amount of knowledge
which Judas Maccabeus possessed of them,
as the amount possessed by the writer of the
Book, some thirty or forty years after the
death of Judas. The picture is graphic, and,
despite its inaccuracies (vv. 8, 15, 16), not
unfaithful, presenting to us fairly enough the
general outlines, at once of their national
character, of their military history, and of
their institutions. The writer evidently holds
the nation in high respect and esteem. He
recognises all its good qualities ; he is appa-
rently not aware of its bad ones. The policy
of Judas in opening communications with
the Romans has his approval. He expects
nothing but good to result from it ; he sees
no peril as threatening either the religious
life or the political independence of his people.
Yet the facts stated in v. 13 might well
have stirred some feelings of distrust and sus-
picion.

1. Judas had heard of the fame of the Ro-
mans.] The Romans first became known in the
East as a great military power at the beginning
of the second century B.C., by the war which
they waged with Antiochus the Great. The
battle of Magnesia, B.C. 190, established their
reputation. The treaty which followed gave
them a right, which they were not slow to
use, of perpetual interference in the affairs of
Asia. Their " commissioners " (legati) were
constantly visiting the different courts, making
demands and imposing conditions. It was a
part of their policy to support all the weak
states against the stronger ones, in order that
no one power might swallow up the rest.

454

I. MACCABEES. VIII.

[V. 2 4.

B. C.
cir. 161.

I Or,

French-
men.

B. C. i&

and make a league of amity with all
that came unto them ;

2 And that they were men of
great valour. It was told him also
of their wars and noble acts which
they had done among the " Gala-
tians, and how they had conquered
them, and brought them under
tribute ;

3 And what they had done in the
country of Spain, for the winning of

the mines of the silver and gold which
is there j

4 And that by their policy and
patience they had conquered
place, though it were very far from
them ; and the kings also that came
against them from the uttermost part
of the earth, till they had discomfited
them, and given them a great over-
throw, so that the rest did give them
tribute every year :

B.C.

cir. 201.

all the ■°^ I

mighty and •valiant men.] Literally,
" mighty in strength," a phrase equivalent to
the " mighty men of valour " of the Canonical
Books (Judg. vi. 12, xi. 1 ; 1 Kings xi. 28;
2 Chr. xvii. 17, &c).

such as would lovingly accept, &c.'] The
Romans had received into alliance Attalus of
Pergamus, Ariarathes of Cappadocia, Ptolemy
Philometor, and the Rhodians. They were
on such terms with Demetrius Soter as made
it probable that they would accept an offer
of friendship from any state that was hostile
to him.

2. they 'were men of great valour^] This
clause is repeated from v. 1, either by acci-
dent, or for the sake of emphasising it.

their wars . . . among the Galatians.]
The Galatians of Asia Minor were the rem-
nant of that vast body of emigrants which
entered Macedonia from the valley of
the Danube in B.C. 279, and for a time
threatened to overwhelm Macedonian and
Greek civilisation. Repulsed at last, they
made their way into Thrace, and thence passed
over into Asia Minor, some of them on the
invitation of Nicomedes (b.c 277), others of
their own accord. Here they settled in
Northern Phrygia (which became " Galatia ")
and continued for nearly a century an annoy-
ance and a terror to their neighbours. At
last, in B.C. 189, the year after Magnesia,
Cn. Manlius Vulso undertook an expedition
against them, which was completely success-
ful, and in a great measure put a stop to their
ravages. (See Liv. xxxviii. 37; Polyb. xxi.
38, &c.)

brought them under tribute.'] This is, pro-
bably, an inaccuracy. The Romans withdrew
from Asia altogether after the campaign of
B.C. 189, and left the Galatians to themselves,
merely enjoining upon them the discontinu-
ance of their constant raids (Liv. xxxvii. 40).

3. iv hat they had done in the country of
Spaing The conquest of Spain was effected,
nominally, in the course of the Second Punic
War (B.C. 218-201); and its cession was one
of the conditions enforced on the Cartha-

ginians in the last-named year. But the
Celtic and Iberian tribes were not really sub-
dued till much later, resistance being only
terminated by the campaigns of Agrippa and
Carisius in B.C. 27-19.

for the winning of the mines of the silver and
gold.] The wealth of Spain in the precious
metals was no doubt the main reason of its
possession being coveted, alike by the Romans
and the Carthaginians. Silver was especially
plentiful (Polyb. xxxiv. 9, § 8) ; and the silver-
mines of New Carthage (Carthagena) formed
the great attraction which originally drew the
Carthaginians to the Spanish shores. Gold
was also obtained in considerable quantities ;
and Pliny goes so far as to say, that " almost
the whole of Spain abounds with mines of
lead, iron, copper, silver, and gold " (' H. N.'
xxxiii. 21). The influx of the precious metals
into Italy, chiefly from Spain, after the close
of the Second Punic War, was very great,
and caused a marked decline in their value.

4. by their policy and patience they had con-
quered all the place.] This was certainly not
true at the time'when Judas sent his embassy.
The name " Spain " applied to the whole of
the peninsula, which was not entirely re-
duced, as already observed, until B.C. 19.
But the reduction of the Lusitani in B.C. 140,
and of Numantia in B.C. 133, had produced
a cessation of open resistance at the time
when our author wrote.

though it were -very far from them.] It is
remarkable that the distant Spain was con-
quered, while the nearer Gaul remained inde-
pendent, and indeed unattacked, the Roman
armies being sent to Spain by sea.

kings . . . from the uttermost part of the
earth.] The author has perhaps in his mind
the invasions of Italy by Pyrrhus (b.c 280)
and Hannibal (b.c 218), whom he may regard
as a king, though, strictly speaking, he was
only a general. But he has evidently no more
than a vague acquaintance with the Roman
military history.

a great overthrow.] No particular battle
is intended, but rather the whole course of

v. 5— 7-J

I. MACCABEES. VIII.

455

B. C. 197. 5 Beside this, how they had dis-
comfited in battle Philip, and Per-
seus, king of the " Citims, with others
that lifted up themselves
them, and had overcome them

6 How also Antiochus the great
king of Asia, that came against them
in battle, having an hundred and

against

twenty elephants, with horsemen, b. c. 190.
and chariots, and a very great army,
was discomfited by them ;

7 And how they took him alive,
and covenanted that he and such as
reigned after him should pay a great
tribute, and give hostages, and that
which was agreed upon,

Roman victory, the word TrXrjyr} being used
" distributively " (Grimm).

5. how they had discomfited in battle Philip.']
Philip III., king of Macedon, made alliance
with Hannibal in the year B.C. 215, and went
to war with the Romans in the year following.
After seven years of not very successful war-
fare, he was glad to conclude a separate peace
in B.C. 207. In B.C. 200, however, he volun-
tarily renewed the war, but after a short
struggle was completely defeated by the
Roman general, Flamininus, at Cynocephalse,
in Thessaly, B.C. 197. This is no doubt the
" discomfiture " whereto our author alludes.

and Perseus^] Perseus, son and successor
of Philip III., and last king of Macedon, was
forced into a war with Rome against his will
in B.C. 171, and, after three years of desultory
fighting, suffered complete defeat at the hands
of L. jEmilius Paullus in the great battle of
Pydna, which extinguished the Macedonian
monarchy. (Polyb. xxix. 1 7 ; Liv. xliv. 40,
et seqq.}

king of the Citims.] The Citim, Chittim,
or Citaeans, were, properly, the inhabitants of
the town called Citium (Kinov), in Cyprus;
but the Hebrew writers had from the time
of Moses (Gen. x. 4; Num. xxiv. 24) been
accustomed to use the term in a wider sense,
either for the Cyprians, or even for the inha-
bitants of the isles and coasts of Greece gene-
rally (Is. xxiii. 1, 12; Jer. ii. 10; Ezek. xxvii.
6 ; Dan. xi. 30 ; Joseph. ' Ant. Jud.' i. 6, § 1,
&c). Compare above ch. i. 1, and the
comment ad loc.

6. Antiochus, the great king of Asia?\ An-
tiochus III., son of Seleucus Callinicus,
ascended the Syrian throne in B.C. 223, and
reigned thirty-six years, dying B.C. 187. He
is called " the Great King of Asia," as repre-
senting in the extent and geographical position
of his dominions the old Persian monarchs, to
whom the title of " Great King " had attached
for more than two centuries. He assumed as
his distinctive epithet the term 6 Meyas — " the
Great," and is generally so designated by the
classical historians (Polyb. xx. 8; Appian,
'Syriac' § 66; Cic. ' Orat. pro Sextio,'
§ 27, &c).

that came against them in battle, having an
hundred and twenty elephants.] Antiochus III.

first engaged the Romans with a small force at
Thermopylae in B.C. 192 (Appian, 'Syriac'
§ 18-20), and suffered a severe defeat; but
the present reference is not to this conflict,
where only a few elephants were present, but
to the far more important battle of Magnesia
— one of the " decisive battles of the world" —
in which the whole strength of the Syrian
kingdom was pitted against Rome, and proved
unequal to the encounter. The elephants
brought into the field on this occasion were
probably all that were available, and formed a
conspicuous feature of the engagement (Liv.
xxxvii. 39; Appian, 'Syriac' § 32); but their
number, according to Livy, did not exceed
fifty-four.

with horsemen, and chariots^] The " horse-
men " in the army of Antiochus are said by
Livy (xxxix. 40) to have exceeded 11,700, of
whom 6000 were clothed in heavy armour,
and mounted on armoured horses. The cha-
riots carried scythes at their axles, and were
greatly feared by the adversaries of the Syrians,
but actually caused most damage to their
own side (App. ' Syriac' § 33).

a very great army.] Amounting to 170,000
men, according to Appian ('Syriac' § 32, ad
init.).

7. they took him alive.] This is contrary
to the fact. Antiochus fled from the field
of battle to Sardis, thence to Celaenae, and
thence to Antioch (ib. § 36). His ambas-
sadors concluded peace with Rome in the
course of the same year (b.c 190).

and covenanted that he . . . should pay a
great tribute.]' Antiochus agreed to pay down
500 Eubceic talents, to pay 2500 more on the
ratification of the treaty by the senate, and
further to send to Rome 1000 talents yearly
for the next twelve years (Liv. xxxviii. 39 ;
Appian, § 38). This annual payment might
be viewed as a (temporary) " tribute."

such as reigned after him.] Antiochus the
Great outlived the battle of Magnesia by only
three years. His obligations, consequently,
had to be discharged by his successors, Seleu-
cus Philopator, and Antiochus Epiphanes.
The payments were not made with regu-
larity, and we find them running on into the
reign of Epiphanes, who made the last remit-
tance under the treaty in B.C. 173, seventeen
years after Magnesia (Liv. xlii. 6).

456

I. MACCABEES. VIII.

[v. 8-

■io.

B. c. 190. 8 And the country of India, and
Media, and Lydia, and of the good-
liest countries, which they took of
him, and gave to king Eumenes :

9 Moreover how the Grecians had
determined to come and destroy them ;

10 And that they, having know-
ledge thereof, sent against them a

certain captain, and fighting with B.C.
them slew many of them, and carried C1I_^°'
away captives their wives and their
children, and spoiled them, and took
possession of their lands, and pulled
down their strong holds, and brought B. c. 146.
them to be their servants unto this
day :

and give hostages."] Twenty hostages were
required, with liberty to the Romans to select
whom they pleased (Appian, § 38). Among
those chosen was Epiphanes, the younger son
of Antiochus the Great, who was afterwards
exchanged for Demetrius, his nephew.

and that which was agreed upon.] The
word thus translated (SuiotoAjj) is rare in
Hellenistic, and not very common in classi-
cal, Greek. In Ex. viii. 23, it signifies "divi-
sion," or " difference ; " but that sense will
not suit here. Some suppose the meaning
here to be " exchange," since the hostages
might be exchanged for fresh ones from time
to time (Appian, /. s. c). Others suggest the
rendering, " a portion of his kingdom." But
the word has nowhere else either of these
senses.

8. India, and Media, and Lydia.] India
proper was at no time included within the
dominions of Antiochus the Great, and
therefore could not have been ceded by him
to Rome. His furthest eastern possession
was Arachosia, a portion of Afghanistan.
Media and Lydia were under his rule, the
former permanently, the latter from B.C. 221
to 214. But Media is not mentioned as ceded
by any other writer, and lay too far to the east
to have been made over to Eumenes. Attempts
have been made to save our author's credit
by turning " India" into " Ionia," and "Me-
dia" into "Mysia;" but the simple fact seems
to be that he had no accurate knowledge of
any history which was not immediately con-
nected with that of the Jews. He is correct
in saying that the Romans compelled Antio-
chus to cede to them a portion of his do-
minions, and that the countries ceded were
attached by Rome to the kingdom of Eume-
nes ; he is mistaken as to the territories which
thus changed masters. What Antiochus ceded
was all Asia north of the Taurus (Liv. xxxvii.
44). The greater part of this tract Rome
gave to Eumenes (ib. 56).

°f t,je goodliest countries?] Literally, " of
their goodliest countries " (and rav KaWiaToov
X^pmv avTu>v). It is proposed to read avrov
(" his ") for avrcov ; but the change is un-
necessary. "Their" refers to the Syrians.
On the goodliness of the countries yielded,
see Herod, i. 142 ; and compare Sir C.
Fellows's 'Asia Minor,' pp. 16, 22, 27, &c.

king Eumenes^] This was Eumenes II.,
the eldest son and successor of Attalus I.,
fourth king of Pergamus, one of the lesser
kingdoms formed out of the dominions of
Alexander the Great. From a small princi-
pality this kingdom became under Eumenes
II. the principal power in Asia Minor, Rome
rewarding his services at Magnesia and else-
where with the gift of all the territory that
she had taken from Antiochus the Great,
except Lycia and part of Caria, which were
assigned to the Rhodians.

9. bow the Grecians had determined to
come and destroy them.] This representa-
tion of the grounds of quarrel between the
Romans and the Greeks breathes the spirit
of a thoroughgoing partisan of the former.
In reality, it was Rome which aimed at de-
stroying Greece, not Greece which even
dared to think of destroying Rome. The
yEtolians indeed, on one occasion, threatened
to invade Italy, and give an answer to the
Roman demands on the banks of the Tiber
(Liv. xxxv. 33) ; but the real aggressor in the
contest was Rome, and it was Rome which
insisted on carrying matters to the last ex-
tremity.

10. a certain captain.] Manius Acilius
Glabrio, who was sent against the yt'tolians
in B.C. 191, has been looked upon as the "cap-
tain " here spoken of: but the rest of the verse
points, not to the ^tolian war of B.C. 194-
190, but to the final struggle of the Achasans
in B.C. 146. If we understand the passage in
this sense, the " captain " will have to be re-
garded as L. Mummius, who crushed Grecian
independence at Leucopetra ; and the author
will have been guilty of an anachronism.

carried away captives their wives and their
children.] On the capture of Corinth, all the
full-grown men were put to death, while the
women and children were sold to be slaves
(Justin, xxxiv. 2). Achaea was reduced into
the form of a Roman province, and the last
remnant of Grecian independence was swept
away.

pulled down their strong holds.] The forti-
fications of Thebes and Chalcis were de-
stroyed in the last Achaean war ; Corinth was
burnt; and the other strongholds generally
were dismantled.

ii— is-]

I. MACCABEES. VIII.

457

ll It was told him besides, how

under

brought

kingdoms
resisted

they destroyed and
their dominion all other
and isles that at any time
them ;

12 But with their friends and such
as relied upon them they kept amity :
and that they had conquered king-
doms both far and nigh, insomuch as
all that heard of their name were
afraid of them :

13 Also that, whom

they

would
help to a kingdom, those reign ; and
whom again they would, they dis-
place : finally, that they were greatly
exalted :

14 Yet for all this none of them
wore a crown, or was clothed in
purple, to be magnified thereby :

15 Moreover how they had made
for themselves a senate house, where-
in three hundred and twenty men sat

B.C.

cir. 170.

11. all other kingdoms?^ As that of De-
metrius of Pharos, conquered in B.C. 219;
Cis-Alpine Gaul, conquered in B.C. 191;
Liguria, conquered in B.C. 154; Lusitania,
conquered in B.C. 140, Sec.

and isles.] Sicily was ceded to Rome by
the Carthaginians at the close of the First
Punic War, B.C. 241. Sardinia was seized
in B.C. 238, and ceded the next year. Cor-
sica was annexed in B.C. 236. Corcyra be-
came Roman about B.C. 228.

12. twit A their friends and such as relied
upon them they kept amity.'] This, again, is
the estimate of a partisan. Rome's principle
was to favour her friends, so long as she
needed them ; to cast them aside, so soon as
she could dispense with their services. Each
friend in turn becomes an enemy, when he has
ceased to be valuable, and is swallowed up
as Ulysses would have been by Polyphemus,
if he had not made his escape. But at the
time when our author wrote, this was not
generally recognised. The aggrandizement
of Eumenes and the Rhodians after Magnesia
placed the conduct of Rome towards her
allies in a very favourable light.

all that heard of their name were afraid of
them.] Signal indications of the alarm felt,
even by the most powerful kings, are seen in
the submission of Epiphanes to the dictation
of Popillius (Liv. xlv. 12) and the murder of
Hannibal by Prusias at the first hint that
Rome was displeased at his harbouring her
enemy (ib. xxxix. 51).

13. whom they twould help to a kingdom, those
reign.] From about the year B.C. 169 Rome
acted as arbiter among the rival claimants of
the Egyptian throne. In Asia Minor, from
the date of the battle of Magnesia (B.C. 190)
her influence was frequently employed to
establish or displace monarchs. Alexander
Balas owed his throne in a great measure to
the hostility of Rome towards Demetrius.
Nicomedes II. of Bithynia, Ariarathes V. of
Cappadocia, and others, succeeded in estab-
lishing themselves, because Rome favoured
their claims.

14. Yet for all this none of them twore a
crown.] To an Oriental this seemed the
most extraordinary fact of all — royal power
exercised, yet the insignia of royalty carefully
eschewed — the State everything, the indi-
vidual nothing. Crowns of gold were con-
tinually sent to Rome as acknowledgments of
sovereignty by the Eastern communities
(Polyb. xxii. 17, §4; xxiv. 1, §7; xxviii. 18,
§ 3, &c). These, however, were not appro-
priated by any individuals, but went into the
public treasury.

or was clothed in purple.] Purple first appears
as a specially royal colour in the Book of J udges,
where we hear of the " purple raiment that
was on the kings of Midian " whom Gideon
slew (Judg. viii. 26). It does not appear to
have been worn by the Assyrian monarchs,
but was first brought into general repute by
being selected for their wear by the Median
kings (Xen. 'Cyrop.' i. 3, § 2). From the
Medes the Persians adopted it {ibid. viii. 3,
§ 13) ; and from them it passed to the Greco-
Macedonians (Q^ Curt. ' Vit. Alex. Magn.'
vi. 6), and ultimately to the Romans.
Though no Roman of the times of the re-
public clothed himself in purple habitually, it
was an ordinary colour of the paludamentum
or general's cloak, the emblem of supreme
command.

15. a senate house, wherein three hundred and
twenty men sat.] The number of the Roman
Senate was at no time legally fixed at three
hundred and twenty members. The original
number was 100 (Liv. i. 8) — the complete
number under the monarchy, 300 (Dionys.
Hal. iii. 67 ; Liv. ii. 1). No further augmen-
tation was formally made until the dictator-
ship of Sulla, when he arbitrarily increased
the Senate to between 500 and 600. Our
author's estimate of 320 may be a simple
mistake, or it may have arisen from the fact
that in his time the actual number, including
the two classes of full senators and persons
having a right to a seat from their having
served certain offices, was commonly about
320. (See Dr. W. Smith's ' Diet, of Gk. and
Rom. Antiq.' p. 1018 ; 2nd edit.)

458

I. MACCABEES. VIII.

[v. 1 6— 1 8.

B.C.
cir. 161.

in council daily, consulting alway for
the people, to the end they might be
well ordered :

16 And that they committed their
government to one man every year,
who ruled over all their country, and
that all were obedient to that one,
and that there was neither envy nor
emulation among them.

17 In consideration of these things,
Judas chose Eupolemus the son of
John, the son of Accos, and Jason the
son of Eieazar, and sent them to
Rome, to make a league of amity and
confederacy with them,

18 And to intreat them that they
would take the yoke from them ;
for they saw that the kingdom of

B.C.
cir. 161.

daily.] This statement is also inaccurate.
The Senate sat regularly, only on the Calends,
Nones, and Ides of each month (Cic. ' Ad
Q. Fratrem,' ii. 13); though extraordinary
meetings might be convoked, on any day that
was not nefastus, by the proper magistrate.
Continuous sittings occurred only in the
month of February, when audience was given
to foreign ambassadors de die in diem ; but
this practice belongs only to the last period
of the Republic. It may, however, have mis-
led the writer.

16. they committed their government to one
man every year.] Another mistake, but one
which foreigners were not unlikely to make.
The two consuls were ordinarily required
sortiri provincial, " to cast lots for their re-
spective provinces;" and their spheres were
for the most part not only distinct, but distant
one from the other. The Orientals would
never be brought into contact with more than
one consul at a time. It is unnecessary to
suppose a reference to the temporary and
occasional dictatorship.

there <was neither envy nor emulation among
them.'] This view of the Roman polity is far too
rose-coloured. In addition to the old rivalry
of patrician and plebeian, and the constant
struggle between consuls and tribunes, there
was not infrequently a jealousy felt by the
consuls one towards the other, which seriously
interfered with the right conduct of affairs.
In the early part of the Second Punic War,
the rivalry between Servilius and Flaminius,
jEmilius Paullus and Terentius Varro, had
very disastrous consequences. Even a
'" Master of the Knights " was occasionally a
thorn in the side of a dictator (Liv. xxii. 14,
27-29).

§ 2. Embassy sent by Judas to the
Romans, and Treaty concluded
between the two nations.

17-30. The determination of Judas to ask
the aid of Rome was a piece of worldly policy
which seemed prudent at the time, and which
for many years had no ill consequences, but
which implied a lack of simple earnest faith,
and which ultimately led to the destruction
of the Jewish state. Humanly speaking, and

apart from a miraculous deliverance, Rome
must no doubt have in the end absorbed the
Israelite community : but it is to be regretted,
for the sake of Judas himself, with his general
nobility of character, that he was not above
" trusting to an arm of flesh," and calling in a
foreign power to give the help which could
only have been given effectually by Jehovah.
The history of his own nation might have
warned him how fatal was the step he took.
The appeals of Ahaz to Tiglath-pileser
(2 Kings xvi. 7), and of Hezekiah to Mero-
dach-Baladan (ii. xx. 13), had produced the
most unfortunate results. A protector natu-
rally becomes a sovereign. Had Judas known
a little more of the real history of the Roman
State, he would have recognised the fact, that
he was calling in the wolf to mount guard
over the sheep. As it was, he appears to have
been deceived by the conduct of Rome to-
wards Eumenes, which seemed disinterested,
and which had vastly aggrandized the kingdom
of Pergamus. (See v. 8.)

17. In consideration of these things.] These
words are interpolated by our translators.
The Greek has simply <ai — the original had
doubtless the mere vau connective.

Judas chose Eupolemus . . . and Jason!]
It has been remarked (Stanley) that these
names are Greek, and inferred that " Judas,
with his usual sagacity, chose his envoys, not
from the stricter, but from the free-minded
section of his nation."

the son of John.] This John is mentioned
in 2 Mace. iv. 11, as having been the interme-
diary by means of whom special privileges
had been obtained for the Jews from Anti-
ochus the Great. His son, Eupolemus, is
identified by some with the writer on Jewish
history, so largely quoted by Alexander Poly-
histor. (See the fragments of Polyhistor in
C. Midler's 'Fr. Hist. Graec.' vol. ill.)

Accos!\ This is the Greek equivalent of
the Hebrew Hakkoz, or Hakkots, a common
priestly name (1 Chr. xxiv. 10; Ezra ii. 61;
Neh. iii. 4, 21).

18. to intreat them that they would take
the yoke from them.] The embassy was
probably sent before the defeat of Nicanor,

v. 19 — 24.]

I. MACCABEES. VIII.

459

c. the Grecians did oppress Israel with
— ' servitude.

19 They went therefore to Rome,
which was a very great journey, and
came into the senate, where they
spake and said,

20 Judas Maccabeus with his bre-
thren, and the people of the Jews,
have sent us unto you, to make a
confederacy and peace with you, and
that we might be registered your
confederates and friends.

21 So that matter pleased the
Romans well.

22 And this is the copy of the b. c.
epistle which the senate wrote back — '
again in tables of brass, and sent to
Jerusalem, that there they might have

by them a memorial of peace and
confederacy :

23 Good success be to the Romans,
and to the people of the Jews, by sea
and by land for ever : the sword also
and enemy be far from them.

24 If there come first any war
upon the Romans or any of their
confederates throughout all their
dominion,

when the cause of the patriotic party seemed
well-nigh desperate.

the kingdom of the Grecians.'] I.e. the
Greco-Macedonian kingdom established in
Syria under the Seleucidae.

19. They went therefore to Rome, which
was a very great journey.'} The journey
had to be made by sea, and followed the line
of the coast, except that the jfLgean and the
Adriatic might be crossed at their mouths,
the former by way of the Cyclades, or of
C nidus, Garpathus, and Crete, the latter from
Gorcyra to Iapygia. The voyage of St.
Paul from Csesarea to Puteoli seems to have
taken about six months ; but half of this time
was spent at Melita. Three months was
probably about the usual time spent in the
passage.

and came into the senate."] The practice
of introducing foreign ambassadors into the
Senate, and allowing them to speak for them-
selves, is well attested by the classical writers
(Liv. vii. 20; viii. 1, 5, Sec. ; Polyb. xxxi. 6,
14; xxxii. 1, 7, 24, &c. ; Cic. 'Ad Q^ Fra-
trem', ii. 13, &c). It was the established
usage during the entire period of the Re-
public.

where they spake and said.] Literally,
" where they answered and said." But our
translators are probably right as to the
meaning. See the comment on ch. ii. 1 7.

20. Judas Maccabeus, is'c.] It must not be
supposed that this is all that the ambassadors
said. No doubt, they fully stated their case,
and recommended the alliance by all the
arguments which they thought likely to be
effectual. But the sum of all was the request
to be inscribed on the list of Rome's allies.
We are not to suppose that there was an
official "register ;" the names and number of
the allies were known by means of the treaties
preserved in the Tabularium of the Capitol.

22. this is the copy of the epistle which

the senate wrote back again.] The reply of
the Senate was to send back a duplicate copy
of the treaty, which they formally concluded
with the Jewish ambassadors, for the Jews to
preserve in their own archives, while they
retained another similar document themselves.
Duplicate treaties on plates of metal were as
old as the time of Rameses the Great
(b.c. 1350), whose treaty with the Hittites in
his twenty-first year was inscribed on two
tablets of silver (' Records of the Past,'
vol. iv. pp. 27-32).

in tables of brass. ] Rather, "ontabletsof
bronze." The custom of inscribing treaties on
bronze tablets was ancient at Rome. Polybius
says that the various treaties between Rome
and Carthage, commencing with the one con-
cluded in the first year of the Republic, were
preserved to his day in the Capitol iv
XaKKU)fxao-i (iii. 26, § 1). Dionysius states
that the laws of the Twelve Tables were
engraved on brazen pillars (vTTJhais xa^-Ka'LSr
x. 57); and Pollux says that laws of all kinds,
both sacred and profane, were inscribed simi-
larly (viii. 128).

23. Good success be to the Romans, and to
the people of the Jews.] A translation, as
has been well noted (Grimm), of the old-
Roman formula, " Quod bonum, faustum,
felixque sit populo Romano et genti Judae-
orum," with which the treaty would naturally
begin.

24-30. We have here a specimen of the
sort of treaty which Rome was at all times
ready to conclude with any independent
power, beyond the line of her frontiers, but
within the sphere of her activity. To such
powers she was always ready to promise pro-
tection and assistance, in return for an engage-
ment on their part, to help her with a con-
tingent when required {v. 25), and to ren-
der no aid to her enemies (y. 26). A stu-
dious appearance of equity and moderation
is observable in such documents. See the

460

I. MACCABEES. VIII.

I>. 25-

B. C.
clr. 161.

25 The people of the Jews shall
help them, as the time shall be ap-
pointed, with all their heart :

26 Neither shall they give any
thing unto them that make war upon
them, or aid them with victuals,
weapons, money, or ships, as it hath
seemed good unto the Romans ;
but they shall keep their covenants
without taking any thing there-
fore.

27 In the same manner also, if
war come first upon the nation of
the Jews, the Romans shall help
them with all their heart, accord-
ing as the time shall be appointed
them :

28 Neither shall victuals be given
to them that take part against them,
or weapons, or money, or ships, as it
hath seemed good to the Romans ;

but they shall keep their covenants, b. c.

, , J • , 1 . cir. i6x.

and that without deceit. —

29 According to these articles did
the Romans make a covenant with
the people of the Jews.

30 Howbeit if hereafter the one
party or the other shall think meet
to add or diminish any thing, they
may do it at their pleasures, and
whatsoever they shall add or take
away shall be ratified.

31 And as touching the evils
that Demetrius doeth to the Jews,
we have written unto him, saying,
Wherefore hast thou made thy yoke
heavy upon our friends and confede-
rates the Jews ?

32 If therefore they complain any
more against thee, we will do them
justice, and fight with thee by sea
and by land.

three treaties with Carthage given by Poly-
bius (iii. 22, 24, and 25).

25. as the time shall be appointed.'] I.e. on
the day, and in the manner that Rome shall
appoint. Rome would not always, nor indeed
very often, ask aid.

with all their hearth] Literally, " with a
full heart " — i.e. heartily and zealously.

26. Neither shall they give any thing."] A
common stipulation, generally expressed more
briefly by the phrase, " nulla ope juvato," or
"neu commeatu, neu qua alia ope juvato."
(See Liv. xxxviii. 11, 38, &c.)

as it hath seemed good unto the Romans.]
These words seem to imply that Rome had a
list of " contraband of war " extending beyond
the four items enumerated, which are given as
suggestive, not as exhaustive. The Jews
were not to supply to nations at war with
Rome any of the articles on the Roman list.

without taking any thing therefore.] With-
out expecting to be paid for it.

28. without deceit.] The Latin form was,
no doubt, "sine dolo malo." (Gomp. Liv.
xxxviii. 11.)

30. Howbeit, &c] This was a supple-
mental clause, and is therefore separated off
by the parenthetic v. 29 from the rest of
the treaty. Such a power to add to, or take
from, the provisions of treaties by mutual
agreement was often provided, though occa-
sionally it gave rise to suspicion and complaint
(Thucyd. v. 23, 29;, as do "secret clauses"
in modern treaties.

§ 3. Threatening Message sent by
Rome to Demetrius.

31-32. If the treaty was to give any im-
mediate relief to the Jews, it was necessary
that the fact of its conclusion should be noti-
fied to Demetrius. Rome gave the notifica-
tion in the rudest and bluntest way. Ever
since Magnesia, she had domineered over the
Syrian kings; and Demetrius was especially
odious to her, since he had assumed the
crown without her authorisation, and against
her wishes (Polyb. xxxi. 19-23).

31. we have written unto him, saying.] Here
again we are not to suppose that the writer
gives the entire rescript. Though the forms
of ancient diplomacy were simpler and more
direct than those which prevail at the present
day, still for the most part proposals, and
even commands, were wrapt up in a number
of unmeaning phrases, which softened them to
the recipient. Here, the main thing was to
intimate that the status of the Jews was
changed — they had become " friends and con-
federates " of the Romans. Rome therefore
could not suffer them to be oppressed. But
the question, " Wherefore hast thou made thy
yoke heavy ? " &c, can scarcely have been put
so barely as it is expressed in the text.

32. If therefore they complain any morel]
Rather, " if they apply to us any more."
The application would, of course, involve a
complaint.

we will . . . fight with thee by sea and by
land.] " Terra marique pugnabimus contra
te." This was at least explicit. Demetrius was

V. I-

-3-1

I. MACCABEES. IX.

461

B. C.

cir. 161.

CHAPTER IX.

I Gr. he
added, or,
proceeded
to send. fllS

I Alcimus and Bacchides come again with neiu
forces into Judea. 7 The army of Judas flee
from him, 1 7 and he is slain. 30 Jonathan
is m his place, 40 and revengeth his brother
John's quarrel. 55 Alcimus is plagued,
atid dieth. 70 Bacchides maketh peace with
Jonathan.

URTHERMORE when De-

metrius heard that Nicanor and
host were slain in battle, "he

sent Bacchides and Alcimus into the B.C.
land of Judea the second time, and — '
with them "the chief strength of his \fT£tthe

host : wing.

2 Who went forth by the way that
leadeth to "Galgala, and pitched their \£%Uam
tents before Masaloth, which is in
Arbela, and after they had won it,
they slew much people.

3 Also the first month of the hun-

told what he had to expect. Rome, however,
was in no hurry to carry out her threats. She
had numerous wars on her hands, and waited
with more prudence than boldness until the
appearance ot a pretender to the Syrian
crown enabled her to wreak her vengeance
on Demetrius without risking too much.
(See ch. x. 1-50.) Meanwhile the Jews suf-
fered at the hands of the Syrians as much as
ever, or even more grievously (ch. ix. 1-66).

CHAPTER IX.

§ 1. Renewed Attack upon Judaea by
Bacchides and Alcimus— Defeat of
Judas at Eleasa— His Death and
Burial.

1-22. The application to Rome was made
too late to be of any service to Judas. While
his ambassadors were on their way to Italy,
Demetrius made a fresh effort. Nicanor
being dead, Bacchides was a second time
intrusted with the command, and Alcimus,
whom the Hellenizing party among the Jews
acknowledged as High Priest, accompanied
him. The "strength" of the Syrian army
(«y. 1) — twenty thousand foot and two
thousand horse (y. 4) — was sent into
Palestine, Masaloth was taken (jv. 2), and
Judas challenged to an engagement. As at
Adasa against Nicanor (ch. vii. 40), so now,
Judas was unable to muster more than
3000 men (v. 5) ; and these were so faint-
hearted that their number continually di-
minished by desertions, until no more than
800 were left. The inclination of these 800
was to retire (y. 9), and probably to dis-
perse ; but Judas would not hear of such an
end to all his efforts, and preferred to resist
to the last. With his small band he engaged
the hosts of Syria at Eleasa, not far from
Jerusalem, and, after a battle which lasted all
day, and which seemed at one time about to
terminate in his favour Qv. 15), he suffered
complete defeat, and with the greater part
of his troops was slain (-v. 18). His two
most famous brothers, Jonathan and Simon,
obtained possession of his body, and buried
him in his ancestral sepulchre at Mode'in,
with a funeral ceremony which lasted " many

days" (v. 20). Such was the heroic end
of the first and greatest of the Maccabees, the
life and soul of the insurrection during the
space of seven years.

1. Nicanor and bis host tuere slain in battle.]
Compare ch. vii. 43, 44, where we learn that
the greater part of the host escaped.

he sent Bacchides and Alcimus . . . the
second time.'] On the previous sending of
Bacchides and Alcimus, and their respective
positions, see ch. vii. 8, 9, and the comment
ad he.

the chief strength of his host.] Literally,
" the right wing." This is explained to mean
the half of the Syrian army which guarded the
countries on the right bank of the Euphrates.
(Compare ch. iii. 32-37.) The strength' of
that division had, however, been seven thou-
sand horse and forty thousand foot a few
years previously (ch. iii. 39).

2. by the <way that leadeth to Galgala.]
" Galgala " seems to be the same as " Galilee "
(Joseph. 'Ant. Jud.' xii. n); and the mean-
ing is, that the expedition was sent by land,
and entered Palestine on the north, not (as
former ones) by sea to the western coast.
(See ch. iii. 40; vi- 31 ? &c0

Masaloth.] It is conjectured that " Masa-
loth " represents the cave-region only to be
reached by steps {msilloth) on the north side
of the Wady-el-Humam, near Irbil (Arbela),
which was anciently used as a sort of fortress,
and which in the time of Herod stood a long
siege (Joseph. 'Bell. Jud.' i. 16, §4). See
Stanley's 'Jewish Church,' vol. in. p. 324,
note 2. Certainly the campaign described in
this verse, which must have belonged to the
close of the 151st year, appears to have been
quite distinct from that of the 152nd year,
which was in the vicinity of Jerusalem.

in Arbela.] Arbela is usually spoken of as
a village, or town ; but here the name must
designate a tract. (Compare the double use
of the word " Samaria.") The tract would
seem to be that immediately south of the
Wady-el-Humam, on the west coast of the
Sea of Galilee, where the name Arbela still
lingers in the modern " Irbid " or " Irbil."

462

I. MACCABEES. IX.

[v. 4—9.

DOr,

Berretho,

Joseph.

B. C. 160. dred fifty and second year they en-
camped before Jerusalem :

4 From whence they removed, and
went to " Berea, with twenty thou-
sand footmen and two thousand
horsemen.

5 Now Judas had pitched his tents
at Eleasa, and three thousand chosen
men with him :

6 Who seeing the multitude of
the other army to be so great were
sore afraid ; whereupon many con-
veyed themselves out of the host,
insomuch as there abode of them no
more but eight hundred men.

7 When Judas therefore saw that

his host slipt away, and that the b. c. 160
battle pressed upon him, he was sore
troubled in mind, and much distressed,
for that he had no time to gather
them tog-ether.

8 Nevertheless unto them that re-
mained he said, Let us arise and go
up against our enemies, if peradven-
ture we may be able to fight with
them.

9 But they dehorted him, saying,

We shall never be able : "let us now J^jJ
rather save our lives, and hereafter ^
we will return with our brethren, and Copy.
fight against them : for we are but
few.

a:
tt;

'■■:

.■■
;■
t

3. t be first month of the hundred fifty and
second year.~] The 152nd year of the Seleu-
cidas began in October B.C. 161, according
to Clinton. The "first month" is, however,
in all probability, the first month of the Jews
— April B.C. 160.

they encamped before Jerusalem.'] Without,
it would seem, encountering any resistance.
Ewald supposes that the Jews were surprised
as they were keeping the Passover ('Hist, of
Israel,' vol. v. p. 323); but Grimm points out
that chronological considerations (see ch. vii.
49) make it impossible that the appearance
before Jerusalem can have taken place until
the later part of the month Nisan, when the
Passover would have been completed some
weeks. Judas seems certainly to have been
taken off his guard. Perhaps he supposed
that the defeat and death of Nicanor had
secured for Israel a time of quiet.

4. From whence they removed, and went to
Berea.'] Bersea is probably the modern Bireh,
which is the ancient Beeroth, situated about
ten miles north of Jerusalem on the road to
Samaria. The removal of Bacchides, from
the near vicinity of Jerusalem to a place ten
miles distant, must have been the result of
intelligence that Judas was collecting a re-
lieving army, which might threaten the com-
munications of the Syrians, and place them
between two dangers. Bacchides must have
felt it necessary to deal with Judas first.

with twenty thousand footmen and two
thousand horsemen.] A moderate number,
compared with others previously mentioned
(ch. iii. 39; iv. 28; vi. 30). It may well be
accepted as authentic.

5. Judas had pitched . . . at Eleasa.] A
site called " Ilasa " has been found in the
near vicinity of Bir-ez-Zeit : and this is now
thought to be " Eleasa." (See the ' Quarterlv

Statement ' of the Palestine Exploration Fund
for Jan. 1881, p. 45.) It commands "the
narrow pass through which the road from
Samaria to Jerusalem leads in the vicinity of
Ain-el-Haramiyeh."

three thousand chosen men with him.] The
same number as at Adasa (ch. vii. 40) against
Nicanor — perhaps as many as the nature of
the ground permitted — certainly not as many
as he was able to collect in the time (Ewald),
since they were " picked men " — i.e. carefully
selected out of a greater number.

6. Who seeing the multitude . . . were sore
afraid.] It is not clear why this was so, since
the soldiers of Judas were accustomed to
contend against greater odds than were now
arrayed against them. Perhaps the presence
of Alcimus with the enemy exercised a para-
lysing influence — perhaps they experienced
one of those unreasonable panics to which
all troops are from time to time subject.
Had the 3000 firmly stood their ground,
there is no reason why the same successful
result should not have been achieved at Eleasa
as at Adasa.

7. his host slipt away.] Little by little his
soldiers drew off, dispersed themselves, and
retired to their homes. Had Judas acted
with his usual promptness, this would scarcely
have occurred.

the battle pressed upon him.] The enemy,
that is, allowed him no respite, but sought by
all means to force on a general engagement.

8. Let us arise and go up.] Here the old
spirit of the hero shews itself. (Compare ch.
iii. 16-23; iv. 8-12, 29-34, &c0 ^ was his
general system to take the offensive, however
small his forces might be.

9. they dehorted him.] Not for the first
time. Compare ch. iii. 17.

v. io — 1 6.]

I. MACCABEES. IX.

463

'. B. c. 160.

I Gr. let

,US not
leave any
just cause
behind us,
why our
glory
should be
spoken
against.

II Or, tlie
Jews.

10 Then Judas said, God forbid
that I should do this thing, and flee
away from them : if our time be
come, let us die manfully for our
brethren, and "let us not stain our
honour.

11 With that the host of Bac-
chides removed out of their tents, and
stood over against "them, their horse-
men being divided into two troops,
and their slingers and archers going
before the host, and they that marched
in the foreward were all mighty men.

12 As for Bacchides, he was in the
right wing : so the host drew near on

the

and sounded their b. c. 160.

two parts,
trumpets.

13 They also of Judas' side, even
they sounded their trumpets also, so
that the earth shook, at the noise of
the armies, and the battle continued
from morning till night.

14 Now when Judas perceived
that Bacchides and the strength of his
army were on the right side, he took
with him all the hardy men,

15 Who discomfited the right
wing, and pursued them unto the
mount Azotus.

16 But when they of the left

10. if our time be come, let us die manfully.']
Judas, it would seem, had a presentiment of
his defeat and death. Never before had he
been deserted by his troops ; never, probably,
before had he fought at the head of so small
a company. Eight hundred to twenty-two
thousand was a disproportion of numbers
against which even his valour and strategic
skill could not hope to obtain success. So,
like Leonidas at Thermopylae, he made up
his mind to die.

let us not stain our honour^] Compare ch.
ii. 51, 64; iii. 3,9; v. 57, &c.

11. the host of Bacchides removed out of
their tents.] Rather, "the host of Judas."
(So Grimm.) At the stirring words of
Judas, his host marched forth ; whereupon
" they," i.e. the Syrians, went out to meet
them : with their horse (v. 4) divided, as
was usual, into two bodies, and placed no
doubt at the extremity of either wing. The
light-armed, archers and slingers, marched
first, like the Roman hastati; behind them
came the TrpaTayoivio-rai, the strength of the
army, like the Roman principes. (See Liv.
viii. 8.)

all mighty men.] Rather, " all t h e mighty
men." All the best soldiers were massed to-
gether, and fought in the front rank of the
phalanx, immediately behind the light-armed.

12. Bacchides . . . was in the right wing.]
An Oriental leader usually placed himself in
the centre of his army (Herod, vii. 121 ; Xen.
' Anab.' i. 3, §6, 12 ; Arrian, ' Exp. Alex.' iii.
n); but a Greek frequently preferred to
command one wing. Alexander the Great
led the right wing in each of his three battles
against the Persians (Arrian, ' Exp. Alex.' i.
14, §10; ii. 9 ; iii. 12).

the host drew near.] Literally, " the phal-
anx," i.e. the main army of the Syrians,
advanced against the enemy.

on the two parts.] Rather, "with both
divisions." The Syrian army is regarded as
formed of two divisions, a right wing and a
left, without any centre. Both wings advanced
simultaneously to the attack.

13. the earth shook.] A common hyper-
bole. (See 2 Sam. xxii. 8 ; Ezek. xxvi. 10,
15 ; xxvii. 28, &c.) The concussion of the
air causes men to feel as if the earth were
trembling beneath them.

the battle continued from morning till night.]
This is a tangible and very important fact.
Judas with his " little band " of eight hundred
men was able to make head against the entire
host of Syria, to resist and continue the com-
bat during the whole day, " until night," or
rather, " until evening." So prolonged a re-
sistance of a mere handful of men to over-
whelming numbers, in a position of no
very great strength, is scarcely on record.

14. when Judas perceived, &c] This in-
cident is even more extraordinary than the
prolonged resistance. There is, however, no
reason for doubting it. After a combat of
hours, which must have seriously diminished
the number of his troops, Judas concentrated
his efforts on the attack of the enemy's right
wing, where Bacchides was, and actually
succeeded, "discomfited" it, and drove it
from the field in headlong flight to a neigh-
bouring mountain.

all the hardy men.] Rather, " the valiant
men " — those who were most courageous.

15. mount Azotus.] The reading is un-
certain. Some MSS. have " Azara," while
Josephus ('Ant. Jud.' x. 11, §6) has " Aza."
The mountain near Bir-ez-Zeit, to which the
name Atara now attaches, seems to be in-
tended (Robinson, 'Researches,' vol. ii. p.
264).

16. when they of the left wing saw, <&c.]
The Syrian left wing, sweeping before it the

464

I. MACCABEES. IX.

[v. 17-

B. C. 160.

ch.

26.

13-

wing saw that they of the right wing
were discomfited, they followed upon
Judas and those that were with him
hard at the heels from behind :

17 Whereupon there was a sore
battle, insomuch as many were slain
on both parts.

18 Judas also was killed, and the
remnant fled.

19 Then Jonathan and Simon took
Judas their brother, and buried him in
the sepulchre of his fathers in Modin.

20 Moreover they bewailed him,
*and all Israel made great lamenta-

tion for him, and mourned many days, b. c.
saying,

21 How is the valiant man fallen,
that delivered Israel !

22 As for the other things con-
cerning Judas and his wars, and
the noble acts which he did, and his
greatness, they are not written : for
they were very many.

23 11 Now after the death of Judas
the wicked began to put forth their
heads in all the coasts of Israel, and
there arose up all such as wrought
iniquity.

16c

few men whom Judas had not taken with
him to make his attack, wheeled round in the
rear of the Israelites, and fell on them from
behind while they were still engaged with the
right wing in front. The result was that
they were crushed between the two masses.

18. the remnant fled.] Very few indeed
can have escaped, and they, probably, only
under cover of the darkness, which by this
time must have set in. (See v. 13.)

19. Jonathan and Simon took Judas.] Ap-
parently they had been in the fight, and seeing
their brother fall they gave up resistance,
contenting themselves with carrying off his
body to Modem, which lay at no great distance
from the battle-field. On the sepulchre of
the Maccabee family at Modem, see ch. xiii.
25-30, and the comment ad he.

20. all Israel made great lamentation for
him.'] Compare 2 Chr. xxxv. 24, and infra,
ch. xiii. 26. Great public lamentations for
their dead kings were not very usual among
the Jews. They seem to have been reserved
for such as were slain by a public enemy.

and mourned many days.] The mourning
for Jacob lasted seventy days (Gen. 1. 3), that
for Aaron (Num. xx. 29) and for Moses
(Deut. xxxiv. 8) thirty. Thirty days are
also mentioned as the period for a solemn
mourning by Josephus (' Bell. Jud.' iii. 9, § 5).

21. How is the valiant man fallen.] Com-
pare the refrain in David's lament for Saul
and Jonathan — " How are the mighty fallen ! "
(2 Sam. i. 19, 25, 27.)

that delivered Israel.] Rather, "that was
wont to deliver Israel." The present par-
ticiple has a frequentative force.

22. the other things concerning Judas.] Or
"the rest of the acts of Judas." Compare
1 Kings xi. 41; xiv. 29; xv. 23, &c. The
author has evidently these and similar pas-
sages in his mind ; but, instead of referring
us to other sources of information for the

remainder of Judas' acts, as do the writers of
Kings and Chronicles for those of their
heroes, he simply declares, that they have not
been written (by himself), since they were
(too) many. He gives us no indication of
acquaintance with any other historian who
had written concerning Judas.

§ 2. Interregnum and Appointment of
Jonathan to be Governor.

23-30. The sudden death of Judas had
left the patriotic party without a head. Three
sons of Mattathias still survived: John, the
eldest, who was comparatively speaking un-
distinguished ; Simon, the second, whom his
father had recommended to be his brethren's
counsellor (ch. ii. 65); and Jonathan, the
youngest, whom Judas had made his special
companion in war (ch. v. 17, 24). No one
of these could assert any clear right of pre-
cedence over the others, and it would seem
that no one of them preferred any claim at
all. The leadership was the post of danger,
and the post of danger was perhaps not
coveted by any. Thus the death of Judas
was followed by an interregnum, during
which the patriots suffered grievously (jw.
23-27). The scourge of famine was added
to the horrors of persecution ; and the. afflic-
tion was such as seemed almost unparalleled
(y. 27). Under these circumstances the
need of a leader became palpable, and the
chief friends and counsellors of Judas assem-
bled together to select one. Jonathan, though
the youngest, was chosen, as the greatest
captain, and, unanimously as it would seem,
appointed to succeed his brother Qw. 28-30).

23. the ivicked began to put forth their
heads.] " The wicked " are, not the heathen,
but the idolatrous Jews, whom Judas had
kept in check (ch. vii. 24, 25). They began
now to raise their heads and " peep forth,"
which is the exact meaning of innviTTa.

all such as wrought iniquity.] These are

!4— 33-]

I. MACCABEES. IX.

465

B. C. 160.

II Bac-
chides and
his com-
pany.

24 In those days also was there a 29 Since thy brother Judas died, b.c. i<>&
very great famine, by reason whereof we have no man like him to go forth
the country revolted, and went with against our enemies, and Bacchides
"them. and against them of our nation that

are adversaries to us.

30 Now therefore we have chosen
thee this day to be our prince and

25 Then Bacchides chose the
wicked men, and made them lords of
the country.

26 And they made enquiry and captain in his stead, that thou mayest
search for Judas' friends, and brought fight our battles,
them unto Bacchides, who took 31 Upon this Jonathan took the
vengeance of them, and "used them governance upon him at that time,
despitefully. and rose up instead of his brother

27 So was there a great affliction Judas.

in Israel, the like whereof was not 32 But when Bacchides gat know-

Ich. 4. 46. since the time '''that a prophet was ledge thereof, he sought for to slay

not seen among them. him.

28 For this cause all Judas' friends 33 Then Jonathan, and Simon his
came together, and said unto Jona- brother, and all that were with him,
than, perceiving that, fled into the wilder-

II Gr.

mocked
them.

the same persons. The second clause repeats
and intensifies the first, but adds no new fact.

24. ivas there a very great famine^] On
the liability of Palestine to famine, see Gen.
xii. 10, xlii. 5, xlvii. 13 ; Ruth i. 1 ; 2 Sam.
xxi. 1, Sec. If the spring rains fail, there is
no possibility of a crop ; irrigation, except in
the valley of the Jordan, being impracticable.

the country revolted, and ivent ivith tbem.~\
Ewald takes this to mean, that " the land
itself deserted the holy cause, and was as false
and faithless as its children (' Hist, of Israel,'
vol. v. p. 324) ; but it may be doubted whether
the prosaic paraphrase of Josephus — " so that
many through lack of provisions deserted to
the Syro-Macedonians " — does not better
express the writer's meaning. By " the
country " he intends " its inhabitants."

25. Bacchides chose the wicked men J]
Bacchides put idolatrous Jews in positions
of authority all over the country.

26. Judas' friends.'] " The early friends
of Judas were," as Ewald says, " sought out,
betrayed, mocked, and punished." 'Evinai(f v
is " mocked," rather than " used despitefully."

27. since the time that a prophet ivas not
seen.'] Malachi was regarded as "the last of
the Prophets." His date is not altogether
certain ; but upon the whole it appears most
probable that he was contemporary with
Nehemiah during the later portion of his
governorship (b.c 43 1-430). The expression
used would thus mean, "for the last 270
vears."

30. to be our prince and captain^] Rather,
"our ruler and captain." Jonathan, like
Judas (ch. ii. 66), is called apxov, "ruler;"

Apoc—Vol. IT.

Simon is the first who bears the formal title
oftdvdpxrjs, "prince" (ch. xv. r, 2).

§ 3. War of Jonathan with Bacchides
— He avenges the Death of his
Brother John, and defeats the
Syrians at the Jordan.

31-49. The news of Jonathan's appoint-
ment moved Bacchides to fresh efforts. He
had slain Judas ; could he slay the remaining
sons of Mattathias, he hoped that the insur-
rection would come to an end. He therefore
once more took the field. Jonathan retreated
before him into " the wilderness of Thecoe,"
or the wild district south-east of Jerusalem,
towards the Dead Sea. Here, encumbered
with baggage and non-combatants, he sent
these under the conduct of his brother John
to be cared for by his friends (ch. v. 25), the
Nabathaeans, in their remote country near
Petra. The line of their march is not clear ;
but it appears that they were attacked on
their way by a tribe of roving Arabs, called
the Beni Jambri. who killed John, and took
the convoy. Jonathan, to revenge his brother's
slaughter, crossed the Jordan into the Beni
Jambri territory, surprised a wedding party
by an ambush, and was returning laden witli
booty, when he found his retreat cut off
by Bacchides on the left bank of the river.
Forced to risk an engagement, he was so far
successful as to inflict on Bacchides the loss
of a thousand men, and to make good the
return of his own men to the right bank by
means of their swimming the river.

31. Jonathan . . . rose up instead of his
brother Judas.] Compare ch. iii. 1, where the
same expression occurs.

2 H

466

I. MACCABEES. IX.

d. c. i6o. ness of Thecoe, and pitched their
tents by the water of the pool As-
phar.

their

carnage,

[v. 34—37-
which was B- c. 16a

llOr,
Which
when Bac-
chides un-
derstood,

Which when Bacchides un-

BGr.
A mbri.

oji the sab- derstood, he came near to Jordan
with all his host upon the sabbath
day.

35 Now Jonathan had sent his

brother ^John, a captain of the

people, to pray his friends the Na-

* bathites, "that they might leave with

carriage, or, stuff.

bath day
he came

II Joseph.
Antiq. lib.
13. cap. 1.

II Gr. that
lie might

them
much

36 But the children of "Jambri
came out of Medaba, and took John,
and all that he had, and went their
way with it.

37 After this came word to Jona-
than and Simon his brother, that the
children of Jambri made a great
marriage, and were bringing: the

- . ^ ^ S Or

bride from ' Nadabatha with a great Medaba.

33. the nvilderness of Thecoe^] Thecoe is
the same as "Tekoah" or " Tekoa" (2 Sam.
xiv. 2, xxiii. 26: Neh. iii. 5, 27, &c). It
was a small town in Southern Judsea, six
miles south of Bethlehem. The site is rea-
sonably identified with the modern Teku'a.
" The wilderness of Thecoe " is the broad
tract of high ground lying east and south-east
of the city, which is at first a table-land, but
breaks up into rugged and desolate mountains
as it descends to the level of the Dead Sea
(Robinson, ' Researches,' vol. i. p. 486). Com-
pare 2 Chr. xx. 20.

the pool Asphar.] Aukko? is not a natural
pool, but a" cistern" or" reservoir." It is
probable that there were many such in the
Judaean hill-country, besides the well-known
ones near Jerusalem. The rain-water was
stored in them. No other author mentions
the Xa/cKo? 'Acrcpdp.

34. This verse appears to be an anticipa-
tion of v. 43. The author was about to
hasten from the account of Jonathan's en-
campment at " the pool Asphar " to his en-
gagement east of the Jordan with Bacchides ;
but, on second thoughts, perceived that his
narrative would scarcely be intelligible unless
lie explained the circumstances which had
brought Jonathan to that locality. He there-
fore interposed at this point the narrative of
John's death and the vengeance taken for it
(jwv. 35-42), which is a sort of long paren-
thesis.

near to Jordan.-] This is a mistranslation
— tvipav rod 'lopddvov can mean nothing but
"across the Jordan."

35. a captain of the people.] Rather, "in
command of the camp-followers,"
which is a common meaning of 6'xXos (Xen.
* Anab.' iii. 4, § 26 ; iv. 3, § 26, &c).

his friends the Nabathites.] Compare
above, ch. v. 25, and seethe comment ad loc.

their carriage.] Literally, " their baggage."
No doubt the wish was to deposit with the
Nabathasans all the impedimenta — women,
children, camp-followers, baggage, &c. " Car-

riage" may stand, if it be taken in the sense
of all that the army carried with it.

36. the children of Jambri.] A tribe not
otherwise known— unless we suppose the
Amorites to be meant. Josephus has oi
'Apapalov iraiBes (' Ant. Jud.' xiii. 1, § 2), and
several MSS. read 'Ap,{3pL or 'Ap.(BpoL for
'lapfipl. At an early date the Amorites cer-
tainly held portions of the Moabite country
(Num. xxi. 31); and they may never have
been wholly dispossessed.

Medaba.] " Medaba " appears as a Moabite
town as early as the time of Moses (Num.
xxi. 30). On the Moabite Stone it is said to
have been taken by the Israelites under Omri,
and held for forty years, after which the
Moabites recovered it (' Records of the Past,'
vol. xi. p. 166). Isaiah mentions it among the
towns of Moab (Is. xv. 2). The place re-
tains its name almost unchanged, and has
been visited by many modern travellers. It
is in the Belka, or down county, of Moab,
about four miles S.E. of Heshbon.

took John.] It appears, by v. 42, that
John was not made prisoner, but slain. Per-
haps he fell into the hands of the enemy when
mortally wounded.

all that he had.] All the persons, and all
the baggage, that he was conveying into the
Nabathsean country.

37. from Nadabatha.] " Nadabatha "
(~Sa8aj3ci8) is known to us only from this
passage. It was probably a small town, or
village, in the Moabite country, or at any rate
in the region east of Jordan. Josephus has
" Gabatha" ('Ant. Jud.' xiii. 1. § 4) — a name
equally obscure.

nvith a great train.] The custom of es-
corting a bride from her own home to the
bridegroom's house, is one practised com-
monly in the East, and often involves the
passage of " a great train." The bridegroom
is accompanied by a larger or smaller number
of his intimate friends (Judg. xiv. n), and
frequently by a band of musicians (Jer. vii.
34; xvi. 9). 'The bride has her own atten-

;S-45-]

I. MACCABEES. IX.

46'

b. c. 160. train, as being the daughter of one of
the great princes of Chanaan.

38 Therefore they remembered
John their brother, and went up, and
hid themselves under the covert of
the mountain :

39 Where they lifted up their
eyes, and looked, and, behold, there
was much ado and great carriage :
and the bridegroom came forth, and
his friends and brethren, to meet

\9T; , them with !l drums, and !l instruments

timbrels. '

iOr,musi- of musick, and many weapons.

dans. ^o Then Jonathan and they that

were with him rose up against them
from the place where they lay in
ambush, and made a slaughter of
them in such sort, as many fell down

dead, and the remnant fled into the
mountain, and they took all their
spoils.

41 Thus was the marriage turned
into mourning, and the noise of their
melody into lamentation.

42 So when they had avenged
fully the blood of their brother, they
turned again to the marsh of Jordan.

43 Now when Bacchides heard
hereof, he came on the sabbath day
unto the banks of Jordan with a
great power.

44 Then Jonathan said to his
company, Let us go up now and
fight for our lives, for it standeth not
with us to day, as in time past :

45 For, behold, the battle is be-

B. C. 160.

dants; and when the two parties unite, the
entire procession is sometimes very numerous.
The more wealthy and important the fami-
lies to which the bride and bridegroom be-
long, the larger the accompanying train. In
the present instance, both families were evi-
dently of high rank, the bride especially, who
was "the daughter of one of the great princes
of Chanaan."

Chanaan^] The term is large enough to
cover the Moabites (Judith v. 3), to whom
the bride's family probably belonged. By
" great princes " we must understand leading
men in the city to which the bride belonged.

38. hid themselves under the covert of the
mountain.'] The mountain region east of
Jordan is in many places richly clothed with
wood, and is very suitable for ambuscades.
" The traveller," says Canon Tristram, " rides
up and down deep concealed glens ; sometimes
by a track meandering along the banks of a
brook, with a dense fringe of oleanders. . . .
Lovely knolls and dells open out at every
turn, gently rising to the wooded plateau
above. Then we rise to higher ground, and
ride through noble forests of oak " (' Bible
Places,' p. 322).

39. there was much ado and great car-
riage.] Rather, "much noise and great
convoy of baggage."

to meet them.] I.e. to meet the bride and
her attendants.

with drums.] Drums, shaped like a kettle-
drum, were in use among the Syrians and
other Oriental nations, and were much em-
ployed in religious orgies of a wild and en-
thusiastic character, such as those of Bacchus
and Cybele. It is possible that they may

have been also used on such an occasion as
the bringing home of a bride. Or the word
translated " drums " may here mean " tam-
bourines," which would almost certainly have
been among the "instruments of music"
employed.

many weapons.] The Easterns always go
armed, and would think it especially necessary
to carry arms when they were about to serve
as escort for a bride. "OrrXa will include both
defensive and offensive arms, but scarcely
" torches," as Grimm supposes.

40. fell down dead.] Literally, "fell
wounded." Compare ch. ill. 11. Josephus
says that the number of the slain was 400
('Ant. Jud.'xiii. 1, § 4).

42. the marsh of Jordan.] " Jordan over-
floweth all his banks all the time of harvest "
(Josh. iii. 15); and this overflow leaves a
marshy tract on either side of the river for
several weeks, more especially in the lower
part of its course, near its entrance into the
Dead Sea (Lynch, ' Expedition to Jordan and
Dead Sea,' p. 171; Robinson, 'Researches,'
vol. ii. p. 502). Jonathan had to encamp in
this marshy district.

43. Bacchides . . . came . . . unto the banks
of Jordan.] Bacchides, who had already-
crossed the river (v. 34) — probably by a ford
higher up — interposed his army between the
Jordan and the place where Jonathan was
encamped, thus cutting off his retreat.

on the sabbath day.] Under the notion,
apparently, that the Jews would not fight on
the sabbath (ch. ii. 32-38), or at any rate
would not interfere with his troops taking up
their position.

45. the battle is before us and behind us.]

468

I. MACCABEES. IX.

[v. 46—50-

B. c. 160. fore us and behind us, and the water
of Jordan on. this side and that side,
the marsh likewise and wood, neither
is there place for us to turn aside.

46 Wherefore cry ye now unto
heaven, that ye may be delivered
from the hand of your enemies.

47 With that they joined battle,
and Jonathan stretched forth his
hand to smite Bacchides, but he
turned back from him.

48 Then Jonathan and they that

were with him leapt into Jordan, and B- c. 160.
swam over unto the farther bank :
howbeit the other passed not over
Jordan unto them.

49 So there were slain of Bac-
chides' side that day about "a thou- '"'> ''<"*-

J sa>ui men,

sand men. Joseph.

50 Afterward returned Bacc hides X3. cap. 1
to Jerusalem, and ''repaired the B Or.tuitt.
strong cities in Judea ; the fort in
Jericho, and Emmaus, and Beth-
horon, and Bethel, and Thamnatha,

The Syrians were in front, the Beni Jambri,
burning for revenge, behind. The Jordan
barred their progress both to the right and
left, if they should attempt to avoid the host
of Bacchides by making a circuit. In their
rear lay marsh and jungle. The situation
might well have seemed almost desperate.

46. cry ye now unto heaven.] Compare
ch. hi. 18, 50; iv. 10. The author avoids, as
usual, the introduction of the name of God.

47. be turned back from him.] Bacchides
did not altogether decline an engagement. It
would have been scarcely possible for him to
do so, with the river directly at his back. But
after a resistance in which he lost a thousand
men (v. 49), he drew off his forces, probably
towards the north, and left the passage of the
river clear. Jonathan immediately took ad-
vantage of the movement, and with his men
swam the river. None of the Syrian host
attempted to follow.

§ 4. Bacchides establishes Garrisons
in all the chief towns of judvea,
and takes the sons of the chief men
as Hostages — Attempt of Alcimus
to dismantle the temple, and his
Death — Bacchides returns to An-
tioch.

50-57. Despite the slight success obtained
by Jonathan over Bacchides at the Jordan,
the fortunes of the insurrection were now at
their lowest ebb. Bacchides was master of
Jerusalem, and of all the more important of
the Jewish cities. Alcimus, his creature,
lorded it in the Temple. For the better re-
pression of patriotic effort, the Syrian garri-
sons were spread over the land. All men of
note, suspected of disaffection, were compelled
to give their sons as hostages for their good
behaviour. Alcimus, the Hellenizing High
Priest, began alterations in the Temple, which
were probably intended to weaken it as a
fortress, and perhaps to assimilate it to the
Grecian model. The patriots made no head ;
they were weak and scattered ; they appeared

to have almost ceased to exist ; and when,
upon the death of Alcimus, tranquillity con-
tinued undisturbed, Bacchides, regarding the
insurrection as put down, returned to Antioch,
and left Judaea to itself for two years.

50. the fort in Jericho."} Jericho, one of
the chief strongholds of the Canaanites, was a
place of little importance under the inde-
pendent Jewish monarchy, but rose to emi-
nence after the return from the Captivity,
and became a favourite residence of Herod
the Great. When Pompey took it, two
forts, called " Threx " and " Taurus," com-
manded its approaches (Strab. xvi. 2, § 40).
Whether it was one of these that Bacchides
now built is uncertain.

Emmaus.'] This is probably the place
mentioned in ch. iii. 40, which afterwards
became Nicopolis, and is now 'Amwas, about
20 miles west by north of Jerusalem.

Bethhoron.~\ On the site of Beth-horon,
see the comment on ch. iii. 16.

Bethel.'] Bethel, the southern seat of the
idolatrous calf-worship instituted by Jero-
boam, was attached to the kingdom of Judah
by Josiah (2 Kings xxiii. 15) and re-occupied
by some of the exiles who returned with
Zerubbabel (Ezra ii. 28), continuing thence-
forth to be recognised as a Jewish city (Neh.
xi. 31). It was, however, of small import-
ance, and obtains no mention in the later
Jewish history, except in the present passage.

Tbamnatba, Pharatboni.] No comma
should separate these words. The " Tham-
natha" here mentioned is distinguished
from other cities of the same name by the
epithet of " Pharathoni." There was a Tim-
nath-heres (Judg. ii. 9) or Timnath-serah
(Josh. xix. 50) in Mount Ephraim, where
Joshua was buried (jb. xxiv. 30), and a Tim-
nathah in the Philistine country, from which
Samson took his wife (Judg. xiv. 1-5). The
latter is mentioned, under the form of Tamna,
in Sennacherib's inscriptions. Timnatha-
Pharathoni was probably distinct from both.

v- 51— 57-]

I. MACCABEES. IX.

469

B. C.

cir. 1 61.

II loseph.
Tecoa.

Gr. the

city in

Pharathoni, and "Taphon, these did
he strengthen with high walls, with
gates, and with bars.

51 And in them he set a garrison,
that they might work malice upon
Israel.

52 He fortified also ,!the city Beth-
Bethsura. sura, and Gazara, and the tower,

and put forces in them, and provi-
sion of victuals.

53 Besides, he took the chief men's
sons in the country for hostages, and
put them into the tower at Jeru-
salem to be kept.

54 Moreover in the hundred fifty
and third year, in the second month,
Alcimus commanded that the wall of

B. C. 159.

the inner court of the sanctuary B.C. i3q.
should be pulled down ; he pulled
down also the works of the pro-
phets.

55 And as he began to pull down,
even at that time was Alcimus
plagued, and his enterprizes hindered :
for his mouth was stopped, and he
was taken with a palsy, so that he
could no more speak any thing, nor
give order concerning his house.

56 So Alcimus died at that time
with great torment.

57 Now when Bacchides saw that
Alcimus was dead, he returned to

the king: whereupon ^the land of'ch-7-so.
Judea was in rest two years.

Taphon.] Rather, "Tepho" — probably
identical with the '• Beth-Tappuah " of Josh.
XV; 53, near Hebron, which is now "Tefleh "
(Robinson, ' Researches,' vol. ii. p. 70).

51. in them.'] I.e. " in each of them."

work malice upon Israeli Literally, " be
at enmity with Israel."

52. Bet/jsura and Gazara.] On " Beth-
sr.ra," see above, ch. iv. 61, and compare
ch. vi. 26, 31, 50; on Gazara, or Gazera, see
ch. iv. 15, and the comment ad loc.

the tower.] The Syro-Macedonian fortress
in the city of Jerusalem (ch. i. 33-36; iii.
45 ; iv. 41 ; vi. 18-24, 61).

53. he took the chief mens sons . . . for
hostages.] A new stroke of policy, and one
likely to prove very effective. It had long
been employed by the Romans (supra, ch.
viii. 7).

54. in the hundred fifty and third year.]
B.C. 160-159. The " second month " is pro-
bably the Jewish second month, Zif or lyar,
corresponding mainly with our May, and, as
the Syro-Macedonian year began in October,
would be May B.C. 159.

Alcimus commanded that the wall of the
inner court of the sanctuary should be pulled
down.] The inner court of the sanctuary
was that accessible to the Priests and Levites
only. Its destruction would tend to oblite-
rate the difference between clergy and laity,
thus assimilating the Jews to their Grecian
neighbours, among whom there was no such
thing as a priest caste. At the same time,
its destruction would tend to weaken the
defences of the Temple, since each enclosing
wall might be defended separately, and a
besieged force would retreat from one court
to another. The Temple, though in a certain

sense under Alcimus, who was now generally
accepted as High Priest, seems to have been
still viewed as probably, in the last resort,
the fortress to which the patriots would
gather, and where they would resist to the
uttermost.

he pulled down also the works of the
prophets.] What these were is uncertain.
The second Temple had been built by
Zerubbabel under the guidance and en-
couragement of Zechariah and Haggai (Ezra
v. 1 ; vi. 14 ; Hag. i. 1, 12-14 ; Zech. iv. 6-10,
&c.) ; but it is not clear that they had had any
part in the arrangement of the plan of the
building. Still, it may well be, that, at the
distance of above 350 years, some special
parts of the edifice were ascribed to them.

55. And as he began to pull down, even at
that time was Alcimus plagued.] The writer
undoubtedly regards the death of Alcimus as
God's judgment upon him for his impiety in
meddling with the time-honoured arrange-
ments of the Temple building. He seems to
have had a stroke of paralysis (fVXjjyj;) ex-
actly at the time when the workmen com-
menced to carry out his alterations. His
illness caused a stoppage of the works.

his mouth was stopped.] Some obstruction
of the power of speech is a common feature
of paralysis. The affliction of Alcimus was
such that he could not even leave directions
concerning his household affairs.

56. Alcimus died . . . with great torment.]
He died — as we should now express it — after
severe sufferings.

57. when Bacchides saw that Alcimus was
dead, he returned to the king.] It is probable
that Alcimus, like other renegades, had beeii
more bitter against those who kept to the
old faith, than the party to which he had

470

I. MACCABEES. IX.

[v. 58 — 62.

B.C.
cir. 157.

58 Then all the ungodly men held
a council, saying, Behold, Jonathan
and his company are at ease, and
dwell without care : now therefore
we will bring Bacchides hither, who
shall take them all in one ni^ht.

59 So they went and consulted
with him.

60 Then removed he, and came
with a great host, and sent letters
privily to his adherents in Judea, that

they should take Jonathan and those B. c.
that were with him : howbeit they C1[_^7'
could not, because their counsel was
known unto them.

61 Wherefore they took of the
men of the country, that were au-
thors of that mischief, about fifty
persons, and slew them.

62 Afterward Jonathan, and Si-
mon, and they that were with him,
got them away to Bethbasi, which is

joined himself. He had, it would seem,
stimulated the lukewarm zeal of Bacchides,
and held him to the work of persecution. No
sooner, therefore, was Alcimus dead, than
the Syrian chief changed his policy, left the
religious Jews in peace, and returned to
Antioch. The result was a respite from
suffering. "The land of Judaea was in rest
two years."

§ 5. Last Efforts of Bacchides and
their Failure — Peace made between
Bacchides and Jonathan— Jonathan

RULES JUDiEA FROM MlCHMASH.

58-73. In Judaea, left to itself, the pa-
triotic party speedily revived, and obtained
the upper hand. " Jonathan and his company
were at ease and dwelt without care " (i>. 58).
All that they needed was to be let alone, and
the nation would be sure to rally to them.
But, in the space of two years (x>. 57), this
became fully evident to the opposite party,
who saw that without external aid they were
lost. Once more, therefore, they had re-
course to Bacchides, and induced him, in
B.C. 158-7, to make a fresh invasion, under
promise that they would deliver Jonathan
into his hands. But they were unable to
redeem their pledge, and Bacchides, enraged
at his failure, put fifty of them to death
(v. 61). Still, he did not desist, but made a
further attack, probably in B.C. 157-6, when
he besieged the stronghold of Beth-basi,
which the patriots had made their head-
quarters. Defeated here by a combined
movement, skilfully executed by Jonathan
and Simon (vv. 65-68), he again vented his
wrath on his supporters, by fresh executions
(v. 69) ; and determined to give up the
struggle. Though Bacchides alone is men-
tioned, we must suppose Demetrius cognizant
of all, and a party to the change of policy. It
is a reasonable conjecture that Roman in-
fluence was the main factor in producing the
change, and that the agreement between
Jonathan and Bacchides {-w. 70-72) was the
direct consequence of the treaty made by
Judas with Rome (ch. viii. 17-30), and of

the message sent to Demetrius, warning him
against interference with Rome's allies {ibid.
31, 32). The new policy was probably in-
augurated about B.C. 156. and for four years
Jonathan governed Israel quietly from the
ancient city at Michmash.

58. the ungodly men.~\ I.e. the Hel-
lenizing party. (See ch. ii. 44 ; hi. 5, 8, &c.)

Jonathan and bis company are at ease, and
dwell without care.] Literally, " dwell at
ease and are trustful." They had confidence
in the good faith of Bacchides, and were,
therefore, quite easy in their minds, expecting
nothing hostile.

who shall take them all in one night.]
Apparently the design was to bring Bacchides
with an army into the country secretly, and
to make a night attack on Jonathan and his
friends, whom it was expected to surprise and
capture.

60. Then removed he, and came.~\ Rather,
"Then removed he, to come." The inten-
tion, not its execution, is stated.

and sent letters.] On starting from Antioch,
Bacchides wrote to his partisans in Judaea,
throwing on them the duty of seizing Jonathan
and his friends, which they had assigned to
him Qv. 58). This duty they were unable to
execute, since their designs had got wind, and
Jonathan was upon his guard.

their counsel was known unto them.] I.e.
the counsel of the Hellenizers was known
to Jonathan and his friends.

61. they took.] A new subject is to be
supplied by the common sense of the reader,
viz. " the Syrians." The Syrians, disappointed
at the failure of an enterprise, which had
been represented as so easy, took vengeance
on those who had deluded them by putting
fifty of them to death. So Josephus (' Ant.
Jud.' xiii. 1, § 5). Grimm, however, and
Ewald suppose that the executions were the
work of Jonathan.

62. Bethbasi.] This is a wholly unknown
site, and receives no light from the alternative
reading of " Beth-alaga " in Josephus (/. s. c).

v- 63—73-]

I. MACCABEES. IX.

471

B.C.
cir. 156.

in the wilderness, and they repaired
the decays thereof, and made it

strong.

11 Or, to
such of the

63 Which thing when Eacchides

knew, he gathered together all his

host, and sent word 'to them that

untry as were of Judea.

friends to 64 Then went he and laid siege

%%!'" against Bethbasi ; and they fought

against it a long season, and made

engines of war.

65 But Jonathan left his brother
Simon in the city, and went forth
himself into the country, and with a
certain number went he forth.

66 And he smote "Odonarkes and

a Or, Odo-
tiiarra.

his brethren, and the children of
Phasiron in their tent.

67 And when he began to smite
them, and came up with his forces,
Simon and his company went out of
the city, and burned up the engines
of war,

68 And fought against Bacchides,
who was discomfited by them, and
they afflicted him sore : for his coun-
sel and travail was in vain.

69 Wherefore he was very wroth b. c.
at the wicked men that gave him '— '
counsel to come into the country,
insomuch as he slew many of them,

and purposed to return into his own
country.

70 Whereof when Jonathan had
knowledge, he sent ambassadors unto
him, to the end he should make peace
with him, and deliver them the pri-
soners.

71 Which thing he accepted, and
did according to his demands, and
sware unto him that he would never
do him harm all the davs of his
life.

72 When therefore he had re-
stored unto him the prisoners that he
had taken aforetime out of the land
of Judea, he returned and went his
way into his own land, neither "came ]^jd;
he any more into their borders. to come

73 Thus the sword ceased from aHy *
Israel : but Jonathan dwelt at Mach-
mas, and began to " govern the peo- \ G,r-
pie ; and he destroyed the ungodly
men out of Israel.

The place was probably in some part of " the
wilderness of Tekoa" (i>. 33). It had been
fortified, but had fallen into decay.

63. all his host.'] I.e. the " great host " of
*v. 60, which he had brought with him from
Antioch.

sent word to them that were of Judea.]
To his partisans among the Jews — the
Hellenizers.

64. and made engines of war.] Bacchides
had not expected a severe struggle, and had,
therefore, not brought with him a siege
train. He was consequently compelled to
set to work and make his own military
engines. This delay afforded an opportunity
to Jonathan.

65. Jonathan left his brother Simon, &c]
Jonathan divided his forces. Leaving Simon
in the city under the protection of walls, he
took the post of danger, and "went out,"
with the object of collecting a relieving army
and so saving the place. The operation was
completely successful {yv. 66-68).

with a certain number.] Rather, " with a
small number." Compare Is. x. 19 ; Lcclus.
xvii. 2.

66. he smote Odonarkes.] The MSS.

have either " Odoarrhes " or " Odomera."
Neither form of the name is otherwise known ;
nor can it be determined whether an inde-
pendent chief, or an officer in the service of
Bacchides, is intended.

children of Phasiron.] One of the many
desert tribes that are not otherwise known
to us.

69. he slew matiy of them.] Compare
v. 61, and for the readiness of Bacchides to
massacre men in cold blood, see ch. vii. 19,
24; ch. ix. 26.

70. the prisoners.] I.e. those of the
patriotic party whom he had previously
arrested and held as prisoners. See i>-v. 26
and 72.

73. Jonathan dwelt at Machmas.] "Mach-
mas " is undoubtedly the " Michmash " of
1 Sam. xiii. and xiv., where Saul and Jonathan
defeated the Philistines. It lay about seven
miles north of Jerusalem, in a very strong
position, on the northern edge of the great
YVady Suweinit. Sennacherib occupied it on
his first expedition against Hezekiah (Is. x.
28); and it was among the places where
the Jews re-established themselves on their
return from the Captivity (Ezra ii. 27; Neh.

47^

B. C.
cir. 152.

I. MACCABEES. X.

[v. 1—4.

CHAPTER X.

Demetrius maketh large offers to have peace
luith Jonathan. 25 His letters to the Jews.
47 Jonathan maketh peace with Alexander,
50 who killeth Demetrius, 58 and marrieth
the daughter of Ptolemeus. 62 Jonathan is
sent for bv him, and much honoured, 75 and
prevaileth against the forces of Demetrius
the younger, 84 and burnetii the temple of
Dagon.

N the hundred and sixtieth year

II Joseph.
the son of
Antiochus

flumes, chus surnamed Epiphanes, went up

Alexander, "the son of Antio-

and took Ptolemais : for the people R c.
had received him, by means whereof —
he reigned there.

2 Now when kins; Demetrius
heard thereof, he gathered together
an exceeding great host, and went
forth against him to fight.

3 Moreover Demetrius sent letters
unto Jonathan with loving words, so
as he magnified him.

4 For said he, Let us first make

vii. 31, xi. 31). The site is still known as
"Mukhmas" — a small and poor village.
Jonathan's choice of Michmash indicates a
feeling of insecurity, and a desire to establish
himself in a position where he could not be
easily surprised or overpowered.

CHAPTER X.

§ 1. Alexander Balas sets himself up
as a Rival to Demetrius — Both
Princes court the Favour of the
Jews, who determine to side with
Alexander.

1-47. Rome had never cordially forgiven
Demetrius his escape from her custody and
seizure of the Syrian crown without her
permission. She had actually acknowledged
him as king, but she was glad of any oppor-
tunity to do him an injury. In this spirit
she had promised the Jews her protection
(ch. viii. 22-32) about the year B.C. 160, and
now in B.C. 153-2 she openly supported the
pretensions of a Syrian, who assumed the
name of Alexander, and claimed to be
the son of Antiochus Epiphanes, to the Syro-
Macedonian throne (Polyb. xxxiii. 1 6). Under
her sanction he enrolled troops, allied himself
with Attains of Pergamus, Ariarathes of Cap-
padocia, and Ptolemy Philometor, and landing
at Ptolemais, on the coastof Palestine, assumed
the title of king. Demetrius had rendered
himself odious to a large number of his
subjects ; he had become a habitual drinker,
and was intoxicated during the greater part of
each day {ibid, xxxiii. 14, § 1). Alexander's
pretensions were consequently received witli a
considerable degree of favour; tiie Syrians were
divided into two parties, and a civil war of
some duration ensued. Under these circum-
stances, it was natural that both parties should
desire the friendship of the Jews, and should
endeavour to outbid each other in the offers
which they made to Jonathan. The first
offers of Demetrius are contained in w. 3-6,
those of Alexander in <w. 18-20, the second
offers of Demetrius in -w. 25-45. These
last were very tempting : but it was felt that

no dependence could be placed upon the king's
adherence to them, if he were successful.
The Jews therefore threw in their lot with
Alexander, and continued his firm adherents
throughout the struggle (v. 47).

1. In the hundred and sixtieth year."] The
1 60th Seleucid year commenced in October,
B.C. 153, and terminated in October B.C. 152.
The seizure of Ptolemais is thought to have
taken place in the first half of the latter year
(Clinton, ' F. H.' vol. iii. p. 325).

Alexander, the son of Antiochus^] It was
natural that the Jews should accept this
view of the matter, which even the Roman
Senate did not shrink from endorsing with
their authority (Polyb. xxxiii. 16, § 9). But
it is generally maintained by the classical
writers, that there was in reality no such
relationship between Alexander Balas and
Epiphanes (Polyb. xxxiii. 16, § 10; Appian,
' Syriac' § 67 ; Justin, xxxv. 1). Justin goes
so far as to say that Balas was a man of low
birth.

and took Ptolemais.'] On the situation of
Ptolemais, see the comment on ch. v. 22. It
was at this time, next to Seleucia, the most
important city on the Syrian coast.

the people had received him.~\ I.e. the
people of Ptolemais.

2. Demetrius . . . <went forth against him
to fght.~\ Justin (/. s. c.) tells us that De-
metrius shewed much courage and spirit in
defending his crown. In the first battle
which he fought with his antagonist he was
successful ; and it was only when the forces
of Egypt, Cappadocia, and Pergamus were
brought into the field against him that he
succumbed. Nearly two years elapsed be-
tween the landing of Alexander at Ptolemais
and the defeat and death of his adversary.

3. with loving words. ~] Literally, " witlt
peaceful words."

so as he magnified him.'] Rather, "so as to
magnify him." That proposals of peace and
alliance should have been made to him by
the great Syrian king was for the honour of

v. 5— 1 5-]

I. MACCABEES.

473

or.

c peace with him, before he join with
— ' Alexander against us :

5 Else he will remember all the
evils that we have done against him,
and against his brethren and his
people.

6 Wherefore he gave him autho-
rity to gather together an host, and
to provide weapons, that he might
aid him in battle : he commanded
also that the hostages that were in
the tower should be delivered him.

7 Then came Jonathan to Jeru-
salem, and read the letters in the
audience of all the people, and of
them that were in the tower :

8 Who were sore afraid, when
they heard that the king had given
him authority to gather together an
host.

9 Whereupon they of the tower
delivered their hostages unto Jona-
than, and he delivered them unto
their parents.

10 This done, Jonathan settled B.C.
himself in Jerusalem, and began to cir_^±3-
build and repair the city.

1 1 And he commanded the work-
men to build the walls and the mount
Sion round about with square stones
for fortification ; and they did so.

12 Then the strangers, that were
in the fortresses which Bacchides
had built, fled away ;

13 Insomuch as every man left
his place, and went into his own
country.

14 Only at Bethsura certain of
those that had forsaken the law and
the commandments remained still :
for it was their place of refuge.

15 Now when king Alexander had
heard what promises Demetrius had
sent unto Jonathan : when also it
was told him of '.he battles and noble
acts which he and his brethren had
done, and of the pains that they had
endured.

Jonathan, and raised him in the opinion of
his neighbours.

6. he gave him authority to gather together
an host, .] Even in seeking their alliance, Deme-
trius did not fail to maintain his sovereign
rights as lord paramount over the Jews. His
permission implied that they might not levy
an army, or forge weapons, unless he gave
them leave.

the hostages that were in the tower.] See
above, ch. ix. 53.

7. Jonathan . . . read the letters.} Jonathan
summoned an assembly of the people, and
invited the Syrian authorities who held " the
tower" to attend it. He then read aloud
before them the letters which he had received
from Demetrius. Their genuineness was at
once admitted, and acted on. The hostages
were given up.

9. their hostages.'] Rather, "the hostages.*'

10. Jonathan settled himself in Jerusalem.]
I.e. removed from Michmash, and made
Jerusalem the seat of his government.

began to build and repair the city.] Instead
of collecting troops and forging arms, as
Demetrius had suggested, in order to come
to his help against Balas, Jonathan considered
primarily his own interests and those of his
nation. These required the immediate re-
novation of the Temple fortress, which had

been much weakened by Lysias (ch. vi. 62}
and Alcimus (ch. ix. 54).

11. the mount Sion.] I.e. the Temple
mount. (See the comment on ch. iv. 37.)

with square stones.] Rather, "squared
stones" — stones hewn into a rectangular
form. Ordinary fortifications were often con-
structed of stones that were unhewn and of
irregular shapes.

12. the strangers.] The foreign garrisons,
placed by Bacchides in the various strong-
holds which he fortified in different parts of
the country (ch. ix. 50-52).

15. king Alexander . . . heard.] The im-
portance of an alliance with the Jews had
not occurred to Alexander at first. It was
only when he heard of the offers made by his
rival, that he woke up to an appreciation of
the aid which it was in their power to render
to the side whose cause they espoused. He
was thus somewhat tardy in his application.
He had it, however, in his favour, — 1. That
no bitter memories overshadowed his past —
2. That there was no reason to doubt his
good faith. It may also have been an im-
portant circumstance in his favour that he
was known to have the support of Rome,
and that an alliance with him would certainly
not injure the Jews with their Western pro-
tectors.

the battles and noble acts which he audi

474

I. MACCABEES. X.

[v. 1 6 — 24.

B.C.
cir. 152.

16 He said, Shall we find such
another man ? now therefore we
will make him our friend and con-
federate.

17 Upon this he wrote a letter,
and sent it unto him, according to
these words, saying,

18 King Alexander to his brother
Jonathan sendeth greeting :

19 We have heard of thee, that
thou art a man of great power, and
meet to be our friend.

20 Wherefore now this day we
ordain thee to be the high priest of
thy nation, and to be called the king's
friend ; (and therewithal he sent him
a purple robe and a crown of gold : )

and require thee to take our part, and
keep friendship with us.

21 So in the seventh month of the
hundred and sixtieth year, at the feast
of the tabernacles, Jonathan put on
the holy robe, and gathered together
forces, and provided much armour.

22 Whereof when Demetrius
heard, he was very sorry, and said,

23 What have we done, that Alex-
ander hath prevented us in making
amity with the Jews to strengthen
himself?

24 I also will write unto them
words of encouragement, and promise
them dignities and gifts, that I may
have their aid.

B.C.
cir. 152.

his brethren had done.] See above, ch. iii.-vii.
and ch. ix.

18. King Alexander to his brother Jonathan.]
The expression " brother " was a full acknow-
ledgment of Jonathan's independence and
actual sovereignty. Demetrius had not gone
nearly so far. We may fairly conclude that
the concession, which was not a mere flattery
(Grimm), had considerable weight in de-
termining Jonathan to accept the alliance of
Balas.

19. We have heard.] The plural of dignity
was commonly affected by the Oriental kings,
from an early, though not from the very
earliest, date. Traces of its use are found in
Herodotus (i. 32, 35). But it scarcely seems
to have become the ordinary form of speech
until the time of which our author treats.
(Compare ch. xi. 31-35, xiii. 37-40, xv. 9 ;
2 Mace. xi. 23-26, 28, 29, &c.) Even then
it was frequently superseded by the first
person singular. (See below, w. 29-40, 52-
56 ; xi. 9, 10 ; xv. 3-6, &c.)

20. <iue ordain thee to be the high priest of thy
nation.] The Syrian kings, from the time of
Epiphanes, had claimed the right of appoint-
ing the Jewish High Priests from among the
qualified persons, i.e. from among the de-
scendants of Aaron. Epiphanes had appointed
successively as High Priests Jason and Mene-
laus, deposing Onias to make room for
Jason, and Jason to make room for Menelaus
(2 Mace. iv. 7-26). Demetrius had given the
office to Alcimus (supra, vii. 9). Since the
death of Alcimus in B.C. 159 (ix. 56) it had
remained vacant, neither Jonathan nor any
other person having ventured to assume the
position, and Demetrius having made no fresh
appointment. It now occurred to Balas, or his
advisers, that it would be an excellent way of

securing the favour of Jonathan to confer the
office on him, since he could not but covet it,
and his accepting it at the hands of Balas
would be an acknowledgment of him as
Syrian king.

and to be called the king's friend.] See
the comment on ch. ii. 18.

a purple robe and a crown of gold.] The
symbols of sovereignty. Compare ch. viii.
1 4, and the comment ad loc.

21. in the seventh month.] The seventh
(Jewish) month, Ethanim or Tisri, corre-
sponding with the latter part of September
and the earlier of October, would be the
twelfth Syrian month of the year. The Feast
of Tabernacles was on the fifteenth day of
the month (Lev. xxiii. 34).

the holy robe.] Not the "purple robe"
which Balas had sent him (v. 20), but the
entire priestly dress (0x0X171/), as described in
Ex. xxviii. 4-39.

22. Demetrius . . was very sorry.] Lite-
rally, '• was grieved." He saw that he had
been outbid — he had missed a great oppor-
tunity by not offering terms sufficiently liberal
at once. Still, he hoped that it might not be
too late to retrieve his error ; and certainly
the terms that he now submitted for the con-
sideration of the people were sufficiently
liberal. As Ewald observes, "there seems
every reason to regard the document con-
tained in w. 25-45 of this chapter as genuine,
and of high historical importance" (' Hist, of
Israel,' vol. v. p. 328, note2). It throws a
large amount of light on the ordinary fiscal
relations subsisting between the Syrian mon-
archs and their Jewish subjects.

24. promise them dignities.] Rather, " pro-
mise them exaltation." It was a general

V. 2-

;°0

I. MACCABEES. X.

475

B.C

152- 25 He sent unto them therefore
to this effect : King Demetrius unto
the people of the Jews sendeth
greeting :

26 Whereas ye have kept cove-
nants with us, and continued in our
friendship, not joining yourselves
with our enemies, we have heard
hereof, and are glad.

27 Wherefore now continue ye
still to be faithful unto us, and we
will well recompense .you for the
things ye do in our behalf,

28 And will grant you many im- uc. 152.
munities, and give you rewards.

29 And now do I free you, and for
your sake I release all the Jews, from
tributes, and from the customs of salt,
and from crown taxes,

30 And from that which apper-
tained unto me to receive for the
third part of the seed, and the half
of the fruit of the trees, I release it
from this day forth, so that they shall
not be taken of the land of Judea,
nor of the three governments which

elevation of their position among his subjects,
rather than any special " dignities " or offices,
that Demetrius now offered.

25. King Demetrius unto the people of the
Jews?] The contrast between this address
and that of Balas (v. 18) is striking. De-
metrius ignores Jonathan altogether, regard-
ing him doubtless as pledged to his rival, and
addresses himself to the " people," whom he
perhaps hopes to separate from their leader.
Throughout his whole long letter he makes
no allusion to Jonathan's existence.

26. Whereas ye have kept covenants with
us.'] Rather, "your covenants." As no overt
act of hostility had been yet committed, De-
metrius is able to assume the friendliness of
the Jews towards himself, and their fidelity
to the engagements which existed between
him and them (ch. ix. 70-72). He thinks it
prudent to take this line, as making it easier
for them to revert to his alliance, if so dis-
posed.

28. many immunities?] Literally, " remis-
sions." (See the enumeration of them in
w. 29-31.)

29. I free you, and for your sake I release all
the Jews.] There is nothing corresponding
to " for your sake " in the original. By " you "
Demetrius means the Jewish community in
Palestine ; by " all the Jews," all those settled
in any part of his dominions. There were
many thousands at Antioch.

from tributes.] Rather, "from the poll-
tax." In Oriental countries, a poll-tax (not
necessarily the same for all) is always levied
on all the inhabitants. It is ordinarily levied
by the head men of each town and village,
and remitted by them to the government.
The Syro-Macedonians, and after them the
Romans, kept up the immemorial practice
(Luke xx. 22, xxiii. 2 ; Rom. xiii. 6).

from the customs of salt.] Or " from the
duty on salt." The salt of Palestine was
derived chiefly from the Dead Sea, where it

is formed naturally. Private persons were
allowed to collect it, but had to pay a duty,
of the nature of an excise, to the government
before removing what they had collected.
The effect was to raise the price of salt to
the consumer generally.

and from crown taxes.] Rather, "from
the payment in lieu of crowns." It had
been customary for the subject-nations to make
presents of crowns of gold to the reigning
monarch on various occasions, as when he
gained a victory, or recovered from an illness,
or when they had any petition to ask of him.
In course of time it was thought convenient
to commute this irregular and voluntary pay-
ment into a fixed sum due to the government
annually, and known as (popos o-Tecpavirns
(Joseph. ' Ant. Jud.' xii. 3, § 3) or arccpaviKw
reXea-fia (Suidas), corresponding to the Ro-
man aurum coronarium (Cic. ' Leg. Agr." ii. 22).
This is the payment of which Demetrius
offered the remission.

30. And from that which appertaineth unto
me to receive for the third part of the seed.]
Rather, "for the third part of the crop."
2iroph is used here for the " crop " or " pro-
duce," as oTropos is more commonly (Herod.
iv. 53; Soph. 'Philoct.' I. 706, Sec). In
Oriental countries, as much as one-half of
the produce is said to have been sometimes
claimed by the state (Mirkhond, ' Histoire
des Sassanides,' p. 372); and the same pro-
portion was required of the Spartan helots
(Tyrt. Fr. 5 ; Pausan. iv. 14, § 3). The pay-
ment in kind had, under the Seleucidas, been
commuted for a payment in money.

and the half of the fruit of the trees.]
Rather, "and for the half," Sec. The tree-
tax had been commuted, like the corn-tax.
A tax on fruit-trees has been common in the
East in all ages. (See Tabari, 'Chronique,'
vol. ii. p. 226; Magoudi, 'Prairies d'Or,' vol.
ii. p. 204.)

the three governments which are added there-
unto?] Compare v. 38, and see also ch. xi.

476

I. MACCABEES. X.

[v. 31—34.

B- C- 153- are added thereunto out of the coun-
try of Samaria and Galilee, from this
day forth for evermore.

31 Let Jerusalem also be holy and
free, with the borders thereof, both
from tenths and tributes.

32 And as for the tower which is
at Jerusalem, I yield up my authority
over it, and give it to the high priest,
that he may set in it such men as he
shall choose to keep it.

33 Moreover I freely set at liberty

every one of the Jews, that were d.c. i5a|,c
carried captives out of the land of
Judea into any part of my kingdom,
and / tvill that all my officers remit
the tributes even of their cattle.

34 Furthermore / will that all the
feasts, and sabbaths, and new moons,
and solemn days, and the three days
before the feast, and the three days
after the feast, shall be all days of
immunity and freedom for all the
Jews in my realm.

28, 34. It appears from ch. xi. 34, that
these " governments " were named respec-
tively Aphaerema, Lydda, and Ramathem
(= Ramathaim). "Aphaerema" is thought
to be a Greek corruption of the Hebrew-
word " Ephraim," and to designate the most
southern part of the Samaritan territory.
Lydda must be the tract about that town,
which lay on the edge of the plain of
Sharon, north-west of Jerusalem. Rama-
them is probably the tract about Rama-
thaim, the city of Samuel's father (1 Sam.
i. 1), the exact position of which is unknown.
Under what circumstances these three dis-
tricts had been detached from Samaria and
added to Judaea, we have no record; but the
transfer had probably been made to punish
some Samaritan rebellion. (See Ewald, ' Hist,
of Israel,' vol. v. pp. 227, 228.)

and Galilee.'] These words seem super-
fluous, and are quite out of place here. Else-
where the three districts are uniformly re-
presented as Samaritan ; and Galilee was too
far off for any portion of it to have been
attached to Judaea at this period. If not
the error of a scribe, accustomed to couple
Galilee with Samaria, the words must be
ascribed to an error on the part of the
author.

31. both from tenths and tributes.'] Rather,
"and the tithes, and the taxes." Jeru-
salem was to be free of all payments to the
crown, and so were to be the tithes collected
for the support of the Levitical priesthood,
and the taxes levied on the Jews by the native
authorities for the support of the fabric and
service of the Temple (Neh. x. 32-37). No
deduction was to be made from either of
these two sources of revenue for the benefit
of the Syrian exchequer.

32. as for the tower.] Compare ch. i.
33-36; and see, in the present chapter,
w. 6-9.

I . . . give it to the high priest.] De-
metrius speaks as though he were ignorant
who had assumed the office of High Priest,

but concluded that the nation, under the
circumstances, would set one up. There can
be little doubt that he knew of Jonathan's
elevation, and purposely ignored it.

3 3 . I freely set at liberty every one of the Jews
that were carried captives.] This is a new
point. In the wars between the Syrians and
the patriotic party in Judaea a large number
of captives must have been made. These
languished in confinement in various parts of
the Syrian dominions. It was a tempting
offer to the friends of the captives, that they
should, all of them, be at once set free.

I will that all my officers remit the tributes
even of their cattle.] This is obscure. By
the context, the remission should concern
especially the captive Israelites; but it is
not likely that they would possess cattle. If
the concession was to be general, perhaps
Joscphus may not have been not far wrong
in explaining it as an exemption of the Jewish
animals from compulsory employment in the
service of the Syrian state. (See Joseph.
'Ant. Jud.' xiii. 2, § 3.)

34. all the feasts . . . and solemn days.]
A distinction seems to be intended between
the recognised feasts, whether commanded
in the Law, or established by ecclesiastical
authority, and occasional days appointed (otto-
oeSeiy/xeVoi) from time to time to be kept holy
by those to whom the right of such appoint-
ment belonged. Both classes of days were
to be equally days of state exemption for the
Jewish community. The exemption was to
consist of drfXeia, " freedom from tax " — the
advantage of which, when limited to certain
days, is not very apparent, and afaais, " re-
mission of state claims on their time," which
would clearly have been a considerable boon
to certain classes — e.g. soldiers, state officials,
and other employes.

the three days before the feast, and the three-
days after the feast.] The time commonly
spent in their journeys backwards and forwards
by such Syrian Jews as were in the habit cf
attending the great Jewish festivals.

55— 40.]

I. MACCABEES. X.

477

.Oj52. 25 Also no man shall have au-
thority to meddle with them, or to
molest any of them in any matter.

36 / will further, that there be
enrolled among the king's forces
about thirty thousand men of the
Jews, unto whom pay shall be given,
as belongeth to all the king's forces.

37 And of them some shall be
placed in the king's strong holds, of
whom also some shall be set over the
affairs of the kingdom, which are of
trust : and / will that their overseers
and governors be of themselves, and

\Gr.waik. that they "live after their own laws,

even as the king hath commanded in B.c. 152
the land of Judea.

38 And concerning the three go-
vernments that are added to Judea
from the country of Samaria, let them
be joined with Judea, that they may
be reckoned to be under one, nor
bound to obey other authority than
the high priest's.

39 As for Ptolemais, and the land
pertaining thereto, I give it as a free
gift to the sanctuary at Jerusalem

for the necessary expences "of the " Pri^"
sanctuary. things.

40 Moreover I give every year

35. no man shall have authority to meddle
with them.'] We must understand, " at such
times." Demetrius could not mean that no
one should under any circumstances arrest,
or take legal proceedings against, a Jew.

36. J will further, that there be enrolled
among the king's forces about thirty thousand
men of the Jew si] The enrolment of Jews
among the king"s forces would mark them
as full citizens, trusted to bear arms, and
receive a military training, as much as any
others. It was a privilege, and not a burthen,
especially as the soldiers received pay. The
number, 30,000, would be surprising, if the
Jews of Palestine only were meant ; but we
must remember that there were large colonies
of Jews in various parts of the Empire, as,
especially, at Antioch, Babylon, Seleucia,
Nearda, &c. ; and that the Jews of those
places might have been glad to take military
service.

37. And of them some shall be placed in the
king's strong holds.'] A further mark of con-
fidence. The Jews were to be employed,
equally with the rest of the Syrian troops, in
garrison duty.

of whom also some shall be set over the
affairs of the kingdom, which are of trust.]
An employment of Jews in offices of trust is
here promised ; but the nature of the offices
is not specified. The promise was vague, and
might easily have been evaded. It certainly did
not amount to a declaration that Jews were
to be regarded as "qualified for all offices"
(Ewald, 'Hist, of Israel,' vol. v. p. 328).

J will that their overseers and governors be
of themselves^] This would, no doubt, have
been a considerable boon. It would have se-
cured the Jews from having heathen governors
placed over them. Still it would have admitted
of their being subjected to the tender mercies

of renegades and Hellenizers, such as Mene-
laus and Alcimus.

and that they live after their own laws.]
An entire revocation of the edict of Epiphanes
(ch. i. 41-50), by which the Jews were re-
quired to " leave their laws," and " follow
the strange laws " which he made the " law
of the land " (ib. v. 44.).

38. concerning the three governments 7] See
the comment on v. 30. It is probable that
these districts had hitherto had separate
governors, or a separate governor. Now
they were to be subjected to the sole authority
of the High Priest. The ungrammatical
construction of the Greek, which follows a
Hebrew idiom, does not introduce any am-
biguity into the meaning of the stipulation.

39. As for Ptolemais, ... J give it as a
free gift.] It is pertinently remarked, that

Ptolemais was not now in the possession of
Demetrius, so that he could give it away.
Ptolemais was exactly the place where the
rival king had established his court, and fixed
his government. It was, no doubt, selected
to be made over to the Jews on this account.
The appeal made to them was to this effect —
" If you will lend your assistance to crush
Balas and recover Ptolemais, which has pro-
claimed him king, the city and its territory
shall be ceded to you as a permanent pos-
session." To have greater weight with the
religious Jews, the ceded territory was made
part of the endowment of the Temple.

40. Moreover I give every year ff teen thou-
sand shekels.] Rather, "I for my part," or
"I, in my own person, give," &c. This
is put in contrast with the gift— given once for
all — of the revenues of Ptolemais. The con-
text shews that it was to be a contribution
on the part of the king to the Temple
service. Fifteen thousand shekels of the
Maccabee period would be worth from twelve
to fifteen hundred pounds sterling.

4/8

I. MACCABEES. X.

[v. 41—47-

B.C. 152. fifteen thousand shekels of silver out
of the king's accounts from the places
appertaining.

41 And all the overplus, which the
officers payed not in as in former
time, from henceforth shall be given
toward the works of the temple.

42 And beside this, the five thou-
sand shekels of silver, which they
took from the uses of the temple out
of the accounts year by year, even
those things shall be released, because
they appertain to the priests that
minister.

43 And whosoever they be that
flee unto the temple at Jerusalem, or
be within the liberties thereof, being
indebted unto the king, or for any
other matter, let them be at liberty,
and all that they have in my realm.

44 For the building also and re- B.q
pairing of the works of the sanctuary
expences shall be given of the king's
accounts.

45 Yea, and for the building of the
walls of Jerusalem, and the fortify-
ing thereof round about, expences
shall be given out 0f the kind's ac-

counts, as also for the building of the
walls in Judea.

46 Now when Jonathan and the
people heard these words, they gave
no credit unto them, nor received
them, because they remembered the
great evil that he had done in
Israel ; for he had afflicted them
very sore.

47 But with Alexander they were
well pleased, because he was the first
that entreated of true peace with

13-

out of the kings accounts.] To be de-
ducted, that is, from the balance due to the
king, and to be kept back by the Jewish
authorities.

from the places appertaining.] Rather,
"from the (most) convenient places."

41. all the overplus, which the officers payed
not in as in former time.] The intention of
this is obscure. It would most naturally
point to the outstanding debts due to the
treasury from the collectors of taxes ; but it
is difficult, in that case, to understand the
expression "as in former time" — literally
"as in the first years" — since under any
system of taxation there will always be such
arrears. Perhaps in the first years of the
Syrian rule the practice had been that these
arrears of the king's taxes went to the Temple
treasury, and Demetrius proposed a restora-
tion of the system. " As in the first years "
must then be connected with what follows,
not with what precedes it.

42. beside this, the five thousand shekels,
&c] A temple tax of 5000 shekels a year
had, apparently, been exacted by the Syrian
monarchs. This Demetrius proposed to
remit.

43. whosoever they be that flee unto the
temple^ The right of asylum, which the
Greeks regarded as attaching, in some degree
or other, to all their own temples, was to be
recognised as belonging in a high degree to
the Temple at Jerusalem. It was to be
possessed, not only by the main building, but
by all its purlieus and precincts (opta), and
was to cover, not only criminals, but debtors

— or at any rate, crown debtors. Even the
goods of such debtors were to be safe from
attachment, during their abode in the Temple.

44. For the building also and repairing of
the works of the sanctuary.'] See above,
VV. 10, 11.

of the king's accounts.] Rather, " out of
the king's accounts."

45. for the building of the walls in
Judea.] Rather, "for the building of the
forts," or "strongholds." Compare above,
ch. ix. 50-52. Demetrius was ready to
undertake all these expenses, but of course
on the implied condition that Jerusalem and
the "strongholds" should be held for him,
and against his adversary.

46. when Jonathan and the people heard
these words.] Demetrius failed to stir up anv
jealousy or dissension between the people and
their leader. Liberal as his offers were, and
tempting as they might have been, if regarded
as an honest expression of his intentions with
respect to the Jewish nation, they had under
the circumstances no weight or power of
attraction. They were regarded as extorted
from him by his needs, and no confidence
was felt that he would consider himself bound
to their observance, if he should succeed in
crushing Balas.

he had afflicted them very sore.] Through
Alcimus, Bacchides, and Nicanor. See espe-
cially ch. vii. 16, 19, 22, 34; ch. ix. 2, 25-27,
&c.

47. he was the first that entreated of true
peace with them.] Our translators have in-

v. 43—52.]

I. MACCABEES. X.

C.I52- them, and they were confederate with 50 And he continued the battle
him always. very sore until the sun went down :

ir. 150. 48 Then gathered king Alexander and that day was Demetrius slain.

51 Afterward Alexander sent am-
bassadors to Ptolemee king of Egypt
with a message to this effect :

52 Forasmuch as I am come again
to my realm, and am set in the
throne of my progenitors, and have

479

B. C. 150.

great forces, and camped over against
Demetrius.

49 And after the two kings had
joined battle, Demetrius' host fled :
but Alexander followed after him,
and prevailec

:d against them.

serted the epithet "true" before "peace,"
without any warrant from the original, in
order to overcome the difficulty which arises
from the fact, recorded earlier in the chapter
Qw. 3-6), that Demetrius, and not Balas,
began the negotiations. In point of fact,
there is a contradiction between int. 3 and
47, which cannot be got over. As Homer
" nods" sometimes, so does our author.

§ 2. The War between Demetrius and
Balas — Defeat and Death of De-
metrius.

48-50. The details of the war between
Demetrius and Alexander Balas are but little
known. It appears to have lasted somewhat
more than two years (b.c 152-150). Attains,
king of Pergamus, induced Balas to come
forward, but did not at first support him
with his troops. After his seizure of Ptole-
ma'i's, or Acre, in B.C. 152, Demetrius attacked
him, and in the first engagement gained a
decided victory (Justin, xxxv. 1). Attalus
then took part in the war openly, as did
Ptolemy Philometor of Egypt, and Ariarathes
V. of Cappadocia. Thus strengthened, Balas
fought a second battle, which is the one here
spoken of (yv. 49, 50). The fortunes of the
fight were chequered; but in the end Balas
was victorious, and Demetrius was slain
(Justin, /. s. c. ; Joseph. 'Ant. Jud.'xiii. 2, § 4).

48. Then gathered king Alexander great
forces.'] Justin tells us that the three kings,

Attalus, Ptolemy, and Ariarathes, sent their
forces to his aid: Porphyry says he had an
army of mercenaries, and contingents from
Ptolemy and Attalus (Euseb. ' Chr. Can.' i. 40,
§15).

49. Demetrius' host fled.] According to
Josephus, Demetrius had at first the advan-
tage. After inflicting a great slaughter, he
put the army of Balas to flight, and was hotly
pursuing them, when his horse became en-
tangled in a bog and threw him, whereupon
he was overpowered and slain (' Ant. Jud.'xiii.
2, § 4). The party of Balas then gained the
day. Justin also says that Demetrius had
" killed many thousands," before he fell fight-
ing bravely in the thick of the struggle. The
battle must have taken place about August,

B.C. 150 (Clinton, ' F. H.' vol. iii. p. 324), when
Demetrius had held the throne for nearly
twelve years. (See ch. vii. 1.)

§ 3. The Marriage of Balas with Cleo-
patra, Daughter of Ptolemy Philo-
metor— Honours paid to Jonathan
at the Time of the Wedding.

51-66. It was natural that Balas should
wish to strengthen himself by a matrimonial
alliance. Upstarts are always eager to obtain
admittance into the family circle of kings ;
and Balas was an upstart of an exceedingly
weak character, who could feel no confidence
in himself. The Syrian monarchs had already
intermarried with the Ptolemies, so that there
would be nothing strange or unusual in the
proposal of another such alliance. Ptolemy
Philometor readily accepted it, expecting no
doubt to gain something for himself by the
transaction. The author relates the affair of
the marriage mainly on account of the
honours paid to Jonathan at the time of its
celebration (w. 59-65).

51. Ptolemee king of Egypt. .] The Ptolemy
contemporary with Balas was Ptolemy VI.
(Philometor), who ascended the Egyptian
throne in B.C. 181 and reigned till B.C. 146.
He became king at the age of seven, and was
consequently at this time about 38 or 39
vears of age. Demetrius had angered him by
an attempt to obtain possession of Cyprus,
which was an appanage of the Egyp-
tian crown ; and, though the attempt failed,
Philometor never forgave it. His support
of Balas, even to the extent of accepting him
for a son-in-law, was, in fact, a mode of
avenging his wrongs. But it may also have
been dictated by policy. Balas was so weak
that Philometor may have expected to wrest
from him Ccele-Syria and Palestine — the
desire of Egypt at this time — without much
difficulty. (See ch. xi. 1.)

with a message.'] he message was pro-
bably sent off almost immediately after the
battle. Balas at once assumed all the airs of
a great king. He takes to himself the whole
credit of the victory, without any mention of
the aid lent him by Ptolemy and the other
kings. He, of course, assumes his legitimacy,

48o

I. MACCABEES. X.

[v. 53—61.

B- c. 150. gotten the dominion, and over-
thrown Demetrius, and recovered
our country ;

53 For after I had joined battle
with him, both he and his host was
discomfited by us, so that we sit in
the throne of his kingdom :

54 Now therefore let us make a
league of amity together, and give
me now thy daughter to wife : and
I will be thy son in law, and will give
both thee and her gifts according to
thy dignity.

55 Then Ptolemee the king gave
answer, saying, Happy be the day
v/herein thou didst return into the
land of thy fathers, and satest in the
throne of their kingdom.

56 And now will I do to thee, as
thou hast written : meet me there-
fore at Ptolemais, that we may see
one another ; for I will marry my

daughter to thee according to thy B.C. 15c
desire.

57 So Ptolemee went out of Egypt ■
with his daughter Cleopatra, and
they came unto Ptolemais in the
hundred threescore and second year :

58 Where king Alexander meet-
ing him, he gave unto him his daugh-
ter Cleopatra, and celebrated her
marriage at Ptolemais with great
glory, as the manner of kings is.

59 Now king Alexander had writ-
ten unto Jonathan, that he should
come and meet him.

60 Who thereupon went honour-
ably to Ptolemais, where he met the
two kings, and gave them and their
friends silver and gold, and many
presents, and found favour in their
sight.

61 At that time certain pestilent
fellows of Israel, men of a wicked

and claims descent from the old line of the
Syrian menarchs. He addresses Ptolemy as
altogether his equal, if not his superior, and
demands, rather than requests, his daughter
in marriage.

54. I . . . 'will give both thee and her gifts.]
Presents to the bride and her father (Jf8va,
ttbva) were usually made before marriage by
the Greeks. The bride's portion was called
fapvf], and became part of her dower ; the
father's represented the actual purchase-money
of primitive times. The character of the gifts
varied according to the rank of the parties.

56. now will I do to thee, as thou hast
written.'] Ptolemy's ready acceptance of the
proposal of Balas is not, perhaps, surprising.
He may have believed him to be a son of
Epiphanes, in which case the match would
have been an equal one ; and he may have
^expected to derive advantage of some kind or
other from the connection, although the
exact nature of the advantage could scarcely
have been as yet apparent. It would depend
on circumstances and the character of Balas.

meet me therefore at Ptolemais.] The
message of Balas had probably been sent
from Antioch, whither he no doubt proceeded
after his victory. But Ptolemais, halfway
between Egypt and Antioch, seemed to
Philometor a more convenient place for the
wedding. He proposed, therefore, to bring
his daughter thither.

57. in the hundred threescore and second
year.] The 162nd Seleucid year would com-

mence in October B.C. 151, and terminate in
October B.C. 150. It was probably towards
the close of the year that the wedding took
place.

59. Now king Alexander had written unto
Jonathan.] Here we have the first hint of
the writer's purpose in dwelling so long upon
the wedding. It is Maccabee, not Syrian,
history that he is writing ; and, but for Jona-
than being a guest at the wedding, he might
scarcely have noticed it. He regards the
occasion, however, as having greatly re-
dounded to Jonathan's glory; since, 1, he
went there on special invitation: 2, he
stayed there as an equal and companion of
two of the greatest kings of the East ; 3, he
received special honours while there, which
are described in w. 62-65.

60. went honourably to Ptolemais.] Rather,
" went magnificently." A large train and
much display of wealth are implied in the
expression, peril 86£i]s.

he . . . gave them and their friends . . . many
presents^] According to the usual Eastern
custom. It was especially incumbent on a
king to be lavish of gifts (Xen. 'Cyrop.'
viii. 2) ; and Jonathan, having been raised to
the kingly rank {supra, -w. 18-20), contrived
by some means or other to obtain sufficient
wealth to play the part of king nobly.

61. certain pestilent fellows.] Literally,
" men (who were) pests." The expression,
rare in Greek (Demosth. in Reiske's ' Orat.

V. 62 — 67.]

I. MACCABEES.

481

B. c. 150. life, assembled themselves against him,
to accuse him : but the king would
not hear them.

62 Yea more than that, the king
commanded to take off his garments,
and clothe him in purple : and they
did so.

63 Also he made him sit by him-
self, and said unto his princes, Go
with him into the midst of the city,
and make proclamation, that no man
complain against him of any matter,
and that no man trouble him for any
manner of cause.

64 Now when his accusers saw b. c. 150.
that he was honoured according to

the proclamation, and clothed in
purple, they fled all away.

65 So the king honoured him, and
wrote him among his chief friends,
and made him a duke, and "partaker !l ^

' r governor

of his dominion. of a pro-

66 Afterward Jonathan returned '
to Jerusalem with peace and gladness.

67 Furthermore in the hundred dr. 148.
threescore and fifth year came Deme-
trius son of Demetrius out of Crete

into the land of his fathers :

Aft.' 794. 5), is common enough in Latin,
and is well rendered in our Version.

men of a wicked life.] Literally, "men
who were transgressors of the law." Pro-
bably no more is meant than by the cus-
tomary civofioi. (ch. ii. 44 ; iii. 6 ; vii. 5 ; ix. 23,
58, &c), men who had given up the obser-
vance of the Jewish law, and regarded it as
no longer binding. Such persons did not
necessarily lead an immoral life. On the
contrary, they often sought to recommend
their views by strictness and purity of living.
It was natural that the leaders of the Hel-
lenizing party, finding that Jonathan was in
such favour, should make a last effort to
discredit him with the Syrian king.

62. the king commanded to . . . clothe him
in purple.} Jonathan had, apparently, not
yet assumed the royal apparel which had
been conceded to him (v. 20). At this time
the efforts of his enemies resulted in his open
and manifest exaltation to the royal dignity.

63. Also be made him sit by himself] I.e.,
" he (Balas) made him (Jonathan) take the
seat by his side" — perhaps on the same
throne — thus publicly exhibiting him as his
equal.

Go ivith him into the midst of the city, and
make proclamation!] Compare Gen. xli. 43 ;
Esther vi. 9-1 1. The main object was to
make Jonathan's royal dignity known as
widely as possible.

65. the king . . . ivrote him among his
chief friends.] It is implied that there was a
catalogue in which the names of the " king's
friends" were inscribed, as there was of
"royal benefactors" among the Achaemenian
Persians (Herod, viii. 85; Esther ii. 23,
vi. 1). It appears further that there were
gradations of rank among the " friends," the
bulk of them forming an "ordinary" class,
while a certain number were recognised as
" chief friends." (See the comment on ch. ii.

!8.)

Afinr Vnl TT.

made him a duke!] Rather, " a general " —
i.e. gave him the rank of general in his army.
The Latin dux did not come to have a mere
titular force till after the time of Constantine.

partaker of his dominion!] Rather, " pro-
vincial ruler," or " governor of a district."
The word used is rare, being only found in
this place and in Josephus (' Ant. Jud.' xii. 5,

§5).

§ 4. Demetrius II. claims the Syrian
Crown — War between his General,
Apollonius, and Jonathan — Success
of Jonathan, and fresh Honours
granted to him.

67-89. Balas was scarcely settled on the
throne when he shewed himself quite unfit
for sovereignty. He committed the affairs
of the kingdom to a certain Ammonius, who
robbed and murdered at his pleasure, while
his master gave himself up to all kinds of
vicious indulgences. He thus alienated the
affections of his subjects, and gave an oppor-
tunity to the son of the late king, of which
he was not slow to take advantage. In
B.C. 148-7, when Balas had been king about
two years, this prince left Crete, where he
had been staying, accompanied by a body of
Cretan mercenaries, and, landing on the coast
of Cilicia, assumed the title of king. Alex-
ander, on hearing the intelligence, quitted
Ptolemai's, his favourite residence, and went
first to Antioch (v. 68) and thence into
Cilicia (ch. xi. 14), where he endeavoured to
crush the revolt. Meanwhile Jonathan
maintained his cause in Palestine against the
general Apollonius, who held Ccelesyria for
Demetrius, and obtained the important suc-
cesses which are related in w. 74-86. Balas
shewed his gratitude by conferring on the
victorious Maccabee a new dignity and an
increase of dominion (yv. 88, 89).

67. in the hundred threescore and fifth
year.] The 165th Seleucid year began in

482

I. MACCABEES. X.

[v. 68—73.

B.C.

cir. 148.

68 Whereof when king Alexander
heard tell, he was right sorry, and
returned into Antioch.

69 Then Demetrius made Apollo-
nius the governor of Celosyria his
general, who gathered together a great
host, and camped in Jamnia, and sent
unto Jonathan the high priest, saying,

70 Thou alone liftest up thyself
against us, and I am laughed to scorn
for thy sake, and reproached : and
why dost thou vaunt thy power
against us in the mountains?

71 Now therefore, if thou trustest b. c.

, . , j cir. 148.

in thine own strength, come down —
to us into the plain field, and there
let us try the matter together : for
with me is the power of the cities.

72 Ask and learn who I am, and
the rest that take our part, and they
shall tell thee that thy foot is not
able to stand before our face ; for thy
fathers have been twice put to flight
in their own land.

73 Wherefore now thou shalt not
be able to abide the horsemen and so

October B.C. 148, and ended in October
B.C. 147.

Demetrius, son of Demetrius.] The elder
Demetrius, when attacked by Balas, sent his
two sons, Demetrius and Antiochus, to
C nidus, to the care of a friend. Neither of
them was grown up at the time (b.c 152).
Four years later, the elder, Demetrius, having
attained to manhood according to Eastern
ideas, came forward and claimed his father's
crown (Justin, xxxv. 2).

out of Crete.~\ Demetrius, when he de-
termined to assert his rights, seems to have
left Cnidus and gone to Crete, where he
collected a body of mercenaries, with whom
he crossed the sea and landed on the coast of
Cilicia (Joseph. 'Ant. Jud.' xiii. 4, § 3).

68. king Alexander . . . returned into
Antioch.) From Ptolema'is, which he had
made his principal capital.

69. Demetrius made Apollonius the gover-
nor of Celosyria his general.] The form of
expression used shews that Apollonius was
already governor under Balas. His defection
must have been a severe blowto that monarch's
cause, as Celosyria, or rather Ccelesyria,
embraced the entire tract between Emesa
(Hems) and the borders of Egypt. It has
been suggested that the Apollonius here
mentioned was the foster-brother and friend
of the elder Demetrius, of whom Polybius
speaks (xxxi. 21, § 2), who accompanied him
when he made his escape from Rome
(Grimm). The supposition is not improbable,
and would account for the part which
Apollonius played.

Jamnia.'] See the comment on ch. iv. 15.
Jamnia lay almost due west of Jerusalem, at
the distance of about thirty miles. It was in
the Shefelah, or low coast plain.

sent unto Jonathan.] Challenges to com-
bat, conveyed in insulting terms, were not
uncommon in the ancient world, and with
the Greeks had the sanction of Homeric
usage. It was expected that taunts would

rouse passions strong enough to overpower
reason, and lead men to fight at a disadvantage.

70. Thou alone.] The expression in the
original is stronger — av ^ovaraTos — " thou
altogether by thyself."

why dost thou vaunt thy power against us
in the mountains?] The character of the
hill-country of Judasa no doubt gave its
defenders a certain advantage, though the
elevation of the hills is not great, in no case
exceeding 4000 feet. There was no call
upon Jonathan, either of duty or of honour,
to forego this advantage.

71. with me is the power of the cities.]
The force of this argument is not quite clear.
Perhaps Apollonius means that he might
shut himself up in his walled cities, if he
liked, as Jonathan shut himself up in his fast-
nesses, and that thus there was no unfairness
in his asking the Jewish leader to come down
and fight him in the open plain. Each side
would be making a sacrifice.

72. thy fathers have been twice put to
flight in their own land.] By " thy fathers "
we are probably to understand " thy pre-
decessors"— "those who have headed this
revolt before thee" — Apollonius not caring
to be accurate about the relationship. What
two occasions are intended is uncertain ; but
probably one of them is the battle in which
Judas was slain (ch. ix. 14-18), while the
other may be either the defeat of Joseph and
Azarias (ch. v. 60), or that of Judas near
Beth-Zacharias, which was partially redeemed
by the exploit of Eleazar (ch. vi. 42-47). It
is surprising that Apollonius did not enlarge
his taunt, since there were more occasions of
defeat than these. (See ch. ii. 38; v. 67;
vii. 19 ; ix. 2, 36, &c.)

73. thou shalt not be able to abide the
horsemen.] Cavalry was the arm in which
the Syrians placed their principal trust. _ In
B.C. 166-5 Nicanor and Gorgias brought into
the field 7000 horse (ch. iii. 39) ; and Lysias,
in the ensuing year, had 5000 (ch. iv. 28).

v. 74—78.]

I. MACCABEES. X.

483

i?'iC's Sreat a power in the plain, where is
— ' neither stone nor flint, nor place to
flee unto.

74 So when Jonathan heard these
words of Apollonius, he was moved
in his mind, and choosing ten thou-
sand men he went out of Jerusalem,
where Simon his brother met him for
to help him.

75 And he pitched his tents against
Joppe : but they of Joppe shut him
out of the city, because Apollonius
had a garrison there.

76 Then Jonathan laid siege unto

it : whereupon they of the city let B. C.
him in for fear : and so Jonathan C1^8-
won Joppe.

77 Whereof when Apollonius
heard, he took three thousand horse-
men, with a great host of footmen^

and went to Azotus "as one that ^°J; "*,
journeyed, and therewithal "drew him ™<wd
forth into the plain, because he had a tVroughiu
great number of horsemen, in whom ' pr, led

1 . 1 - his corn-

he put his trust. pany,

78 Then ^Jonathan followed after
him to Azotus, where the armies
joined battle.

The horsemen of the same commander in
B.C. 163-2 are reckoned at 20,000 (ch. vi. 30).
Cavalry, however, was of little service among
the Judaean hills, which were unsuitable for its
movements ; and an army, the chief strength
of which was in its horse, would naturally
desire to meet its enemy " in the plain."

iv here is neither stone nor flint.] Rather,
" neither stone nor shingl e." The statement
is an exaggeration, but expresses in a graphic
way the general contrast that exists between
the hill-country of Judaea and the low
Philistine plain at its base.

nor place to flee unto.'] Rather, " nor place
for flight." In the plain there was no place
where flight would not be disastrous, and
consequently no situation that tempted to it.

74. when Jonathan heard these 'words, . . .
he was moved in his mind.] The taunts used
had their intended effect. Unlike the great
Fabius (Liv. xxii. 12), Jonathan allowed him-
self to be " moved " by them, and descended
from the high ground to the level plain, there
to meet his rival. Better fortune than he
deserved awaited him (yv. 78-84).

choosing ten thousand men.'] Judas, as we
have seen (v. 36), had at one time brought
into the field more than 13,000. Jonathan
seems now to have at his command not fewer
than 20,000. (See Grimm, ad /oc.)

where Simon his brother met him.] Rather,
"and Simon, his brother, met him." The
place of meeting is not indicated.

75. he pitched his tents against Joppe.]
Joppe, or Joppa (now Jaffa), is generally
spoken of as "the port of Jerusalem." It was
the principal harbour on the sea-board be-
longing to Judsea, which was of restricted
dimensions, shut in by Philistia on the one
hand and Phoenicia on the other. Allotted
to Dan at the time of Joshua's conquest of
Palestine (Josh. xix. 46), and apparently re-

occupied at the return from the Captivity
(Ezra iii. 7), it had at all times a Jewish
population, which may have encouraged
Jonathan to select it as the object of his first
attempt against Apollonius. It would seem
to be implied, in the latter part of the verse,
that the population would have admitted him
within the walls at once, had they not been
overawed by the foreign garrison which
Apollonius had put there.

76. they of the city.] I.e. "the native
inhabitants." They took heart after a while,
and admitted Jonathan despite the Syrian
garrison.

77. he took three thousand horsemen.]
Literally, " he put under arms," or " formed
an expedition of" three thousand horsemen,
&c. These evidently constituted his main
force, and were his chief dependence (v. 73).
It might well have seemed that in the smooth
Philistian plain they would be irresistible.

and went to Azotus as one that journeyed.]
Instead of marching northwards from Jam-
nia (v. 69) against Joppa, Apollonius, as
though unconscious or careless of Jonathan's
movement, proceeded southwards, as if he
were making a mere tour of inspection,
towards Azotus, spreading his troops over
the plain, and thus tempting Jonathan to
make an attack upon him.

and therewithal drew him forth into the
plain.] Rather, "and therewithal kept ad-
vancing into the plain." nporjyev is imper-
fect, not aorist, and intransitive, not transitive.
The action of Apollonius in spreading his
troops is described.

78. Jonathan followed after him to Azotus.]
Thus, once more, taking the exact course
which Apollonius desired, and for which his
plans had been laid. Apollonius must have
been delighted to see that his enemy fell, as it
seemed, blindly into the trap laid for him.

where the armies joined battle.] This is
said with some vagueness. The armies joined

2 I 2

484

I. MACCABEES. X.

[v. 79 — 86.

B.C.

cir. 148.

II Joseph.
Antiq. lib.
13. cap. 8,

79 Now Apollonius had left a
thousand horsemen in ambush.

80 And Jonathan knew that there
was an ambushment behind him ; for
they had compassed in his host, and
cast darts at the people, from morning
till evening.

81 But the people stood still, as
Jonathan had commanded them :
and so the ".enemies' horses were tired.

82 Then brought Simon forth his
host, and set them against the foot-
men, (for the horsemen were spent,)
who were discomfited by him, and
fled.

83 The horsemen also, being scat-
tered in the field, fled to Azotus, and
went into Beth-dagon, their idol's
temple, for safety.

84 But Jonathan set fire on Azo-
tus, and the cities round about it, and
took their spoils ; and the temple of
Dagon, with them that were fled into
it, he burned with fire.

85 Thus there were burned and
slain with the sword well nigh eight
thousand men.

86 And from thence Jonathan re-
moved his host, and camped against
Ascalon, where the men of the city

B.C.

cir. 148.

battle in the neighbourhood of Azotus, not
directly under the walls of the towh. When
the horsemen of Apollonius were " scattered
in the field," they "fled to Azotus" (v. 83).

79. in ambush.~\ Josephus says that they
were concealed in the channel of a winter
torrent, which is highly probable.

80. Jonathan knew.] How Jonathan dis-
covered the ambush, we are not told. He can
scarcely have conjectured its existence from
the mere fact, that he was surrounded and ha-
rassed with darts from morning till evening.
Probably he had information from his scouts,
or through deserters from the enemy.

81. the people stood still.'] If a retreat had
been ordered, the ambush would have risen
up in the path of the retreating army, and
would most probably have completed its dis-
comfiture. By remaining in the position
where he was attacked, and sturdily main-
taining his ground, Jonathan rendered the
ambush wholly useless.

the enemies' horses were tired.] The horse
of Apollonius did not charge, but hovered
about the force of Jonathan, and, galloping
hither and thither, discharged its arrows at
them. Jonathan's troops remaining absolutely
on the defensive, in course of time the assail-
ants grew weary. Both horses and men were
tired out by their long-continued exertions.

82. Then brought Simon forth his host.]
The troops of Simon had, apparently, not
been as yet engaged. When the horse of
Apollonius, exhausted by its efforts, desisted
from the assault, and retired, Simon's force
attacked the infantry of the Syrians, which
was defeated with ease.

83. The horsemen . . . went into Beth-
dagon, their idol's temple.] A temple, as the
Greeks understood the term, was a conse-
crated space, walled round, within which,
and occupying only a small part of it, was a

sacred building, constituting the sanctuary or
shrine. In the open space between the outer
wall and the sanctuary, a beaten force not
unfrequently took refuge. (See Thucyd. iv.
96, 97 ; and cf. above, ch. v. 43.) Beth-Dagon,
" the house of Dagon," was the native name
of the entire consecrated space which was
sacred to that deity. Dagon's temple at
Ashdod (Azotus) is mentioned in 1 Sam. v.
2-5. (On the position of Dagon in the
mythology of Phoenicia, see note in " Speaker's
Commentary" on Judg. xvi. 23; and cf. Raw-
linson's 'Ancient Religions,' pp. 162-164.)

84. the temple of Dagon, with them that
were fled into it, he burned with fre.] As
Judas had done with the temple of Ashte-
roth-Karnaim, and those who sought refuge
in it (supra, ch. v. 44. See the comment on
the passage).

86. Jonathan . . . camped against Ascalon.]
Ascalon, or Askelon, one of the five cities
of the Philistine Pentapolis (Josh. xiii. 3 ; 1
Sam. v. 16-18), appears as a place of im-
portance in the Syrian wars of Rameses II. —
the probable Pharaoh of the Israelite oppres-
sion— about B.C. 1350. It lay in the tract
assigned by Joshua to the tribe of Judah
(Josh. xv. 45-47), and was conquered by the
men of that tribe soon after Joshua's death
(Judg. i. 18), but soon regained its indepen-
dence (ib. xiv. 19). About the year B.C.
700, it was taken by Sennacherib (' Ancient
Monarchies,' vol. ii. p. 431). In the great
Scythian invasion of B.C. 630-620, it was
occupied by the hordes, who plundered its
temple of Astarte, or Atargatis (Herod, i.
105), but otherwise did it no injury. On the
return of the Jews from the Captivity, we
find it still spoken of as powerful (Zech. ix. 5),
and threatened with destruction. It now
appears for the first time in the Maccabean
wars, and seems to have been a place of no
great strength, since it submits at once. The

v. 87-i.]

I. MACCABEES. X. XI.

485

cir.

C- came forth, and met him with great
— pomp.

87 After this returned Jonathan
and his host unto Jerusalem, having
many spoils.

88 Now when king Alexander
heard these things, he honoured
Jonathan yet more,

89 And sent him a buckle of gold,
as the use is to be given to such as
are of the king's blood : he gave him
also Accaron with the borders thereof
in possession.

B.C.

cir. 146.

CHAPTER XI.

12 Ptolemens taketh away his daughter from
Alexander, and entereth upon Iris kingdom.
17 Alexander is slain, and Ptolemeus dieth
■within three days. 20 Jonathan besiegeth
the tower at Jerusalem. 26 The Jews and
he are much honoured by Demetrius, 48 who
is rescued by the Jews from his own subjects
in Antioch. 56 Antiochus the younger
honoureth Jonathan. 61 His exploits in
divers places.

AND the king of Egypt gathered cir. :4a.
J~\_ together a great host, like the
sand that lieth upon the sea shore,

position of Ascalon, half-way between Ashdod
and Gaza, on the Philistine coast, is well
ascertained, a small village, which occupies
the site, still retaining the name.

89. a buckle of gold.] A buckle or rather
a broach (nopnri, fibula), was commonly used
to fasten the cloak, or shawl, which formed
the chief outer garment of both Greeks and
Orientals, and prevent it from falling off the
wearer. The most ordinary place for it was
above the right shoulder. Several shapes were
employed; but the most common was a flat cir-
cular ring with a pin passing across its centre.

as the use is to be given to such as are of the
kings blood.] Cf. ch. xi. 58 ; xiv. 44. The
usage here mentioned seems to have been
peculiar to the Syrian kings. At least it is
not recorded of any others.

he gave htm also Accaron^] " Accaron " is
the ordinary form used in the Septuagint to
express the Hebrew Ekron. This was, like
Ascalon, one of the five associated cities of
the Philistines. It was the most northern
of the five, and the nearest to the Hebrew
border. The site is probably identified with
that of the modern " Akir," a small village
about five miles south-west of Ramleh, and
three miles east of Yebna.

in possession.'] Grimm suggests that the
gift was not a transfer of jurisdiction, but a
mere assignment to Jonathan individually,
during his lifetime, of the crown revenues of
Ekron. He compares Thucyd. i. 138 ; Corn.
Nep. ' Vit. Themist.,' § 10; 2 Mace. iv. 30.
But the term used — KXrjpoSoala — seems to
imply a more complete and absolute cession.

CHAPTER XI.

§ 1. Expedition of Ptolemy Philometor
into Syria — His crafty Proceedings,
and Defeat of Alexander — His
Death. Demetrius II. mounts the
Throne.

1-17. The issue of the war between
Alexander Balas and the younger Demetrius

was decided by the defection of Ptolemy.
The cause of his defection is uncertain.
Josephus says that Balas had formed designs
against his life (' Ant. Jud.' xiii. 4, § 6), and
that, on discovering them, Ptolemy changed
sides and went over to Demetrius. But our
author takes an entirely different view Qw.
10, 1 1), and he is supported to some extent by
Diodorus (Milller's ' Fragmenta Hist. Gr.,'
vol. ii. Fr. 19, p. xvl). Diodorus regards
Ptolemy as having entered Syria with the inten-
tion of assisting Balas, and as changing his
mind on finding that his son-in-law was wholly
weak and incapable. Our author thinks that
he was false and treacherous from the first
{•v. 1). But both agree that he invented the
charge against Balas as a mere pretext for
deserting him. And probability leans this way.
Ptolemy seems to have been moved wholly
by ambition. He thought that he saw in the
weakness of Balas and the distressed state of
Syria, an opportunity for his own aggrandize-
ment, and he resolved to take advantage of it.
Whether he aimed at annexing all Syria, or
only Ccelesyria and Palestine, is perhaps un-
certain. He may have aimed originally at
the greater design and have ultimately ac-
quiesced in the lesser. But his ambitious
schemes, whatever dimensions they may
have had, were cut short by his death, which
was caused by the wounds received in the
great battle in which Balas lost his crown
\<w. 15-18). His removal, and that of Balas,
by the treachery of an Arab sheikh, left the
throne vacant for Demetrius II., who was
generally recognised as Syrian king in the
year b.c 146-5.

1. the king of Egypt.] Ptolemy Philo-
metor, who had assisted Balas previously,
and given him his daughter in marriage (ch
x. 56-58).

gathered together a great host, like the sand
that lieth upon the sea shore.] The author is
here poetical beyond his wont. But the
phrase was too familiar to the Jews to seem
forced or out of place. (See Gen. xxii. 17 ;

486

I. MACCABEES. XI.

[v. 2—8.

B.C.
C.r. 146.

and many ships, and went about
through deceit to get Alexander's
kingdom, and join it to his own.

2 Whereupon he took his journey
into Syria in peaceable manner, so as
they of the cities opened unto him,
and met him : for king Alexander
had commanded them so to do, be-
cause he was his father in law.

3 Now as Ptolemee entered into
the cities, he set in every one of them
a garrison of soldiers to keep it.

4 And when he came near to Azo-
tus, they shewed him the temple of
Dagon that was burnt, and Azotus
and the suburbs thereof that were
destroyed, and the bodies that were

cast abroad, and them that he had B.C.
burnt in the battle ; for they had ar— '
made heaps of them by the way
where he should pass.

5 Also they told the king whatso-
ever Jonathan had done, to the in-
tent he might blame him : but the
king held his peace.

6 Then Jonathan met the king
with great pomp at Joppe, where

they saluted one another, and "lodged. °Gf-*^m

7 Afterward Jonathan, when he
had gone with the king to the river
called Eleutherus, returned again to
Jerusalem.

8 King Ptolemee therefore, having
gotten the dominion of the cities by

xxxii. 12; Josh. xi. 4; Judg. vii. 12; 1 Sam.
xiii. 5 ; 1 Kings iv. 29.)

many sbips.~\ Egypt was a naval power from
a very early date. A sea-fight between the
Egyptians and the Tekaru is represented in
the sculptures of Rameses III. (See Rosellini,
' Monumenti Storici,' pi. cxxxi.) Neco had
two fleets, one in the Red Sea and another in
the Mediterranean (Herod, ii. 159). Apries
fought at sea with the Tyrians (ib. 161).
Egypt furnished 200 triremes to the fleet of
Xerxes (ib. vii. 89, § 2). Under the Ptolemies
a large navy was maintained (Polyb. v. 34,
35); and even Cleopatra was able to furnish
Antony with sixty ships at Actium.

went about through deceit to get Alexander's
kingdom.'] This is probably a false charge.
The writer has a strong bias in favour of
Balas, and therefore a strong prejudice
against all those who were instrumental in
effecting his downfall. Diodorus, who has no
feeling either way, says that Ptolemy entered
Syria with the full intention of helping Balas
(Fr. xix.). So also Josephus ('Ant. Jud.'
xiii. 4, § 5)-

2. they of the cities opened unto him.~\ I.e.
admitted him within their walls, with his
troops.

and met him.'] In friendly fashion, and
probably with pomp and display. (Compare
ch. x. 86.)

3. Ptolemee . . . set in every one of them a
garrison.] The writer sees in this an ill
intention ; but it would have been quite natural
for a friend and ally, whose forces were large
(v. 1), to strengthen the garrisons in the
various towns through which he passed, in
order to secure them against the partisans of
the pretender.

4. the temple of Dagon that ivas burnt.]

See above, ch. x. 84. Jonathan's proceedings
had been high-handed and harsh, but not
beyond what the usages of war were held to
justify. The Ashdodites hoped that Ptolemy
would regard them as not warranted under
the circumstances ; but either he thought
differently, or else he wished to avoid a
rupture with the Jewish leader, who had
shewn himself at once an able general and a
faithful subject. Hence he took no notice of
the Ashdodite complaints (y. 5).

6. Jonathan met the king tvith great pomp
at Joppe.] After reducing Ascalon, Jonathan
had returned to Jerusalem (ch. x. 87). It
was open to him to have remained there ;
but no doubt the recognised etiquette of the
time and country pointed out as proper the
course which he took, namely, that of meeting
the Egyptian king, and escorting him as far
as he conveniently could. He met him "at
Joppe," as the first city towards the south
which he could claim as his own, Gaza,
Ascalon, and Ashdod being Philistine, and
not Judasan.

7. the river called Eleutherus.] The Eleu-
therus is made by Strabo the boundary be-
tween Syria and Palestine (xvi. p. 753). It
is mentioned also by Pliny (' H. NT.' v. 17)
and Ptolemy (v. 15). The former says that
it flows from Lebanon and empties itself into
the sea between Tripolis and Orthosia. These
notices are sufficient to identify it with the
modern Nahr-el-Kebir, which has " its highest
source at the north-east base of Lebanon,"
and " sweeps round the northern end of the
range," falling into the sea about twenty-five
miles north of Tarabulus (Tripolis). " During
summer and autumn the Eleutherus is but a
small stream, easily forded ; but in winter it
swells into a large and rapid river " (Porter,
in Smith's ' Diet, of the Bible,' vol. i. p. 519).

9— 1 4.]

I. MACCABEES. XL

48?

b. c. the sea unto Seleucia upon the sea
- — ' coast, imagined wicked counsels
against Alexander.

9 Whereupon he sent ambassadors

unto king Demetrius, saying, Come,

let us make a league betwixt us, and

I will give thee my daughter whom

Alexander hath, and thou shalt reign

1 •
in thy father s kingdom :

10 For I repent that I gave my
daughter unto him, for he sought to
slay me.

11 Thus did he slander him, be- B.C.
cause he was desirous of his kingdom. cir'

12 Wherefore he took his daugh-
ter from him, and gave her to Deme-
trius, and forsook Alexander, so that
their hatred was openly known.

13 Then Ptolemee entered into
Antioch, where he set two crowns
upon his head, the crown of Asia,
and of Egypt.

14 In the mean season was king
Alexander in Cilicia, because those

8. Seleucia upon the sea coast.~\ There were
numerous Seleucias. The most important
was that built by Seleucus Nicator on the
right bank of the Lower Tigris, opposite to
which arose the city of Ctesiphon in Parthian
times. This was an inland city. There
was also an inland Seleucia in Syria on the
course of the Orontes. From this the
maritime Seleucia — the port of Antioch — is
distinguished, as 77 napadaXatrcria, or 17 eVl
BahaTTj) (Polyb. v. 59). It lay some seven
or eight miles north of the mouth of the
Orontes, at the foot of a lofty mountain
known as Mount Coryphaeus, and was the
second city of Syria Proper during the Seleu-
cid period. The site, which is still known
as Selefkiyeh, is marked by some consider-
able ruins (Chesney, ' Journal of the Royal
Geograph. Society,' vol. viii. p. 228 et seqq.).

imagined wicked counsels against Alexander.']
It may have been when he was at Seleucia
that Ptolemy became convinced of the utter
incapacity of Balas (Diod. Sic. Fr. 19), and re-
solved on a " new departure." Relinquishing
the idea of supporting his son-in-law against
Demetrius, he made up his mind to come to
terms with the latter. To justify his change
of sides, he professed to have discovered a
plot laid by Balas against his life (infra,
1: 10 ; Diod. Sic. /. s. c.) ; but of the existence
of this plot there is no evidence.

9. he sent ambassadors unto king Demetrius .~\
Demetrius was probably still in Cilicia, where
Balas was confronting him with the chief
forces of the empire (see v. 14). Ptolemy
could easily communicate with him by sea.

J 'will give thee my daughter whom Alexander
hath.'] Divorce for political reasons was
common at the time among all the Oriental
princes. Ptolemy evidently regarded his
daughter as a mere pawn to be played in the
political game — to be married, divorced, re-
married, perhaps divorced anew, at his
pleasure. It is not clear how or when he
obtained possession of her — whether at
Ptolema'i's, or when he was received into
Antioch.

10. he sought to slay me.] It is certain
that Ptolemy made this charge against Balas
(Diod. Sic. l.s.c; Joseph. 'Ant. Jud.' xiii. 4,
§ 6); whether justly or not is disputed.
Diodorus considered the charge to have been
unjust ; Josephus admits its truth.

11. Thus did he slander him.] 'E\(/6yT](reu
is not " slandered," but simply "blamed" —
"found fault with." Our author does
not distinctly state whether he believed the
accusation or not.

12. he took his daughter from him, and
gave her to Demetrius?] So Livy (' Epit.' lii.)
and Diodorus (Fr. xix.).

13. Then Ptolemee entered into Antioch?]
Diodorus (/. s. c.) enters into some detail. On
quitting Antioch and marching into Cilicia to
meet Demetrius, Balas had entrusted affairs
to two men, Hierax and Diodotus. These
persons, regarding his cause as desperate
when Ptolemy declared against him, and
being afraid of Demetrius because they had
taken part against his father, made the city
over to Ptolemy, in the hope that he would
accept the government and protect them
against both the Syrian princes. Outwardly
he acquiesced in their plans, entered the city
as Syrian king, and assumed the diadem ;
but secretly he came to an agreement with
Demetrius to resign the crown in his favour,
and retain only Ccelesyria and Palestine.

he set two crowns upon his head.] We
must not understand this literally. The
meaning is, that he accepted a second crown.
Being already king of Egypt, he allowed
himself to be crowned also as king of Syria.
Hence, Polybius gives him the title (xl. 12).

the crown of Asia.] Syria was reckoned
the great Asiatic monarchy at this time, the
successor of Assyria, Babylon, and Persia.
The Seleucidae, like the Achasmenidae (Herod,
i. 4; iv. 1, 118, 119), claimed to be "lords of
Asia." (Compare above, ch. viii. 6.)

14. In the mean season was king Alexander
in Cilicia.] Demetrius set himself up for
king in Cilicia (Joseph. 'Ant. Jud.' xiii. 4,

488

I. MACCABEES. XL

[v. 15 20.

B.C.

cir. 146.

that dwelt in those parts had revolted
from him.

15 But when Alexander heard of
this, he came to war against him :
whereupon king Ptolemee brought
forth his host^ and met him with a
mighty power, and put him to flight.

16 So Alexander fled into Arabia,
there to be defended j but king Pto-
lemee was exalted :

17 For Zabdiel the Arabian took

B.C.
cir. 146.

Gr. and

tliose tliat

off Alexander's head, and sent it unto
Ptolemee.

18 King Ptolemee also died the
third day after, "and they that were
in the strong holds were slain one of »^w«

*U„_ the holds

another. were slai„

iq By this means Demetrius reign- p/,thfse

7 / & that ivere

ed in the hundred threescore and *« the
seventh year.

20 At the same time Jonathan
gathered together them that were

holds.

§3), and was there supported by the bulk of
the inhabitants. Balas attacked him in that
country, and was still engaged in the struggle
when he heard of the movement that had
taken place in his rear. Regarding Ptolemy
as the more dangerous of his two enemies, he
retraced his steps, and marched upon An-
tioch, near which the battle was fought that
cost him his crown (Porphyr. ap. Euseb.
' Ghron. Can.' i. 40, § 16).

16. Alexander fled into Arabia?^ Diodorus
confirms this. " Alexander," he says, " after
his defeat, fled with 500 followers to the place
called Abae in Arabia, to the dynast Diodes,
with whom he had previously placed his infant
son, Antiochus. Then two of those who
had accompanied him, the captains Heliades
and Casius, sent a message secretly to Deme-
trius, promising that, if he would grant them
their lives, they would assassinate Alexander.
Demetrius agreeing to this, from traitors they
became murderers, and put the king to death.
Alexander was in this way made away with
by his friends " (Fr. xx.).

17. Zabdiel the Arabian took off Alexander 's
head.~\ Zabdiel is probably the person whom
Diodorus calls "Diodes." The bearing of
two names is characteristic of the Maccabee
period. If, as is probable, he was privy to
the designs and proceedings of Heliades and
Casius, the murder might with reason be
ascribed to him. His sending Alexander's
head to Ptolemy is parallel to the act of those
who brought Pompey's head to Julius Caesar.
The intention was to give actual proof of the
death to the person chiefly interested.

18. King Ptolemee also died the third day
after. .] Ptolemy died of an injury received
in the battle. His skull was fractured by a
fall from his horse, and he was obliged to
submit to an operation similar to the modern
"trepanning." But either the surgeons were
unskilful, or his system could not bear the
shock, and he expired under the knife. (See
Livy, ' Epit.' lii.)

they that ivere in the strongholds were slain
one of another.'] Literally, " those who were

in the strongholds were slain by those who
were in the strongholds." The meaning
seems to be, that the garrisons which Ptolemy
had left in the walled cities along the Syrian
coast (yv. 3, 9) were massacred by the
native inhabitants of the cities.

19. Demetrius reigned in the hundred three-
score and seventh year.] The year beginning
in October B.C. 146, and terminating in
October B.C. 145.

§ 2. Jonathan, having laid siege to
the Syrian Fortress at Jerusalem,
is summoned to meet Demetrius at
PtolemaYs — Favourable Result of
the Interview.

20-37. On the death of Balas and acces-
sion of Demetrius II., who could not but
have his hands full under the troubled cir-
cumstances of the time, Jonathan thought
that he saw an opportunity of quietly re-
lieving Jerusalem of an ever-impending danger,
by reducing the fortress which Epiphanes
had set up (ch. i. 33-36), and which had
sheltered a foreign garrison ever since. He
accordingly collected siege artillery, and set
himself down before the place (ch. xi. 20).
But his enemies were too watchful to allow
such an important matter to be carried
through without opposition. They at once
made representations to Demetrius Qv. 21)
on the subject, and prevailed on him to
summon Jonathan to a conference, where
he should give account of his proceedings
(v. 22). Jonathan, who trusted much to his
address and personal influence, obeyed the
summons, and met Demetrius at PtolemaYs,
probably in B.C. 145. Terms of peace were
agreed upon. Demetrius confirmed Jona-
than in the High Priest's office, "gave him
pre-eminence among his chief friends " (1;. 27),
and consented to most of the remissions
previously offered by his father (ch. x. 29-43) ;
but, in return, he required a payment of 300
talents (i>. 28), and the continuance of the
Syrian garrison in Jerusalem (implied in the
subsequent history). The letter containing
the terms, after delivery to Jonathan, was to

V. 21 27-]

I. MACCABEES. XL

489

B.C.
cir. 145.

in Judea, to take the tower that was
in Jerusalem : and he made many
engines of war against it.

21 Then certain ungodly persons,
who hated their own people, went
unto the king, and told him that
Jonathan besieged the tower.

22 Whereof when he heard, he
was angry, and immediately removing,
he came to Ptolemais, and wrote
unto Jonathan, that he should not lay
siege to the tower, but come and
speak with him at Ptolemais in great
haste.

23 Nevertheless Jonathan, when
he heard this, commanded to besiege

it still : and he chose certain of the
elders of Israel and the priests, and
put himself in peril ;

24 And took silver and gold, and
raiment, and divers presents besides,
and went to Ptolemais unto the king,
where he found favour in his sight.

25 And a though certain ungodly
men of the people had made com-
plaints against him,

26 Yet the king entreated him as
his predecessors had done before, and
promoted him in the sight of all his
friends,

27 And ^confirmed him in the
high priesthood, and in all the ho-

b. c.

cir. 145.

a ch. 10.
61, &c.

b ch. 10.
20.

& 14. 38.
ver. 57.

be " set in a conspicuous place upon the holy
mount" (y. 37).

20. the tower that nvas in Jerusalem.']
See ch. i. 35 ; iv. 41 ; vi. 19-26, 32 ; ix. 53 ;
x. 6-9 and 32.

he made many engines.-] " Engines " were
commonly made for the occasion of a siege,
and probably broken up when the siege was
over. They were too cumbersome to be
generally kept in store and conveyed from
place to place. (See ch. vi. 31, 52 ; ix. 64;
xv. 25.) Still, we hear occasionally of " great
provision " of them being laid up in a fortified
town (2 Mace. xii. 27).

21. certain ungodly persons^] Literally,
"transgressors of the law" — men who had
cast oft" its authority, and desired to Hellenize
the nation. (Compare above, ch. ii. 44;
iii. 6, &c. ; and see the comment on ch. x. 61.)

•who hated their own people.] No doubt
the feelings of the Hellenizers towards their
orthodox brethren were very bitter; but so
were those of the orthodox towards them
(_ch. ii. 44; iii. 5-8; vii. 24, &c). Neither
party " hated their own people." Both sought
its advancement, but in different ways.

22. he was angry.] Demetrius I. had
" yielded up his authority over the tower,"
and "given it to the High Priest, that he
might set in it such as he should choose to
keep it" (ch. x. 32). But this gift had been
cancelled by the determination of the Jews to
support Balas. Demetrius II., the present
king, naturally regarded the citadel of Jeru-
salem as a part of his dominions, and resented
the attack upon it as an act of war against
himself.

immediately removing, he came to Ptole-
mais.] Probably from Antioch. His rapid
movement would shew Jonathan that he was

in earnest; and his presence at Ptolemais,
within a hundred miles of Jerusalem, would
be something of a menace. At the same
time it might be viewed as an act of polite
consideration, relieving Jonathan from the
necessity of making a longer journey.

23. Jonathan . . .put himself in peril.] No
doubt he incurred a considerable risk by
going to Ptolemais, especially as he had de-
clined to desist from the siege of " the tower."
He had confidence, however, in his own
adroitness, and in his power of purchasing
impunity, and even favour. He may have
also calculated that Demetrius would be
afraid to exasperate the entire Jewish nation
by treacherously arresting their High Priest
and king.

24. took silver and gold, and raiment, and
divers presents besides.] Intending evidently
to procure the favour of others besides the
king. Jonathan felt that if he could dispose
favourably towards himself the minds of the
royal attendants, officers, and ministers, he
would be tolerably sure of gaining their master
also. Gifts of "raiment" have always been
common in the East (Gen. xxiv. 53, xlv. 22 ;
2 Kings v. 5 ; 2 Chr. ix. 24, &c).

26. the king entreated him as his prede-
cessors had done before.] The reference is
especially to the treatment which Jonathan
had received at the hands of Balas (ch. x.
59-65), but may include also some allusion
to the "loving words" of Demetrius I. re-
corded in ch. x. 3-6. Ptolemy Philometor
would scarcely be recognised by Deme-
trius II. among his " predecessors."

promoted him.] Rather, "exalted him " —
i.e. paid him marked respect and honour.

27. confirmed him in the high priesthood^]
The same expression is used with respect to
Alcimus in ch. vii. 9, where it seems to mean

49°

I. MACCABEES. XL

[v. 28—33.

B.C. nours that he had before, and gave
- — him preeminence among his chief
friends.

28 Then Jonathan desired the
king, that he would make Judea
free from tribute, as also the three
governments, with the country of
Samaria ; and he promised him three
hundred talents.

29 So the king consented, and
wrote letters unto Jonathan of all
these things after this manner :

30 King Demetrius unto his bro- b. c.
ther Jonathan, and unto the nation c'Lils*
of the Jews, sendeth greeting :

31 We send you here a copy of
the letter which we did write unto
our cousin Lasthenes concerning you,
that ye might see it.

32 King Demetrius unto his father
Lasthenes sendeth greeting :

33 We are determined to do good
to the people of the Jews, who are
our friends, and keep covenants with

u conferred on him the high priesthood ;" but
here confirmation in the office, rather than
appointment to it, is clearly intended. (See
the next clause.) Jonathan had been ap-
pointed High Priest by Balas (ch. x. 20).

all the honours that he had before^] As
the right to wear a crown of gold (ch. x.
20), a buckle of gold {ib. 89), and a purple
robe {ib. 20), together with the official
titles of " general" and " provincial governor"
(ib. 65).

gave him preeminence among his chief
friends?] Grimm translates " made (men)
regard him as among his chief friends,"
which is a possible rendering of the original ;
but the meaning suggested by our translators
is a more natural one. The " preeminence "
was perhaps confined to the occasion.

28. Then Jonathan desired the king, that he
ivould make Judea free from tribute?] This
was a bold proposal. Sovereignty over a sub-
ject nation in the East is chiefly marked by
payment of tribute, and dominion over foreign
races is chiefly sought as a means of increasing
the revenue. To ask exemption from tri-
bute was almost equivalent to asking inde-
pendence. It is true that the king's father,
Demetrius I., had promised such exemption
(ch. x. 29, 30); but only in an emergency,
when the Jews had shewn a preference for his
rival, and with the object of outbidding him.
Demetrius II. was as yet in no such diffi-
culties. The boldness of Jonathan at this
time is thus scarcely diminished by the fact
of the elder Demetrius's offer. He had to
persuade the Syrian king that the friendship
of the Jewish nation was worth a large pecu-
niary sacrifice. It may be questioned whether
he would have succeeded had he not been
prepared to offer a considerable immediate
payment for the help of the king's neces-
sities.

as also the three governments.'] Compare
above, ch. x. 30, 38 ; and below, v. 34.

•with the country of Samaria.] A corrup-

tion of the text is here suspected. Jonathan
would scarcely have stipulated for the exemp-
tion from tribute of Samaria, a hostile country,
in whose welfare he had no interest. The
true reading is probably U7r6 ttjs Scifiapeiribos,
or dno ttjs x<ipa9 'Safiapeias. (See 1). 34> and
compare ch. x. 38.)

three hundred talents. '\ About 72,000/. of
our money.

30. King Demetrius unto his brother Jona-
than.'] Compare ch. x. 18. The term
" brother " corresponded in the diplomacy
of the time to the " mon cousin" of modern
Europe. It marked admission into the pri-
vileged circle of royal personages.

and unto the nation of the Jeivs.] Compare
ch. x. 25. Alexander had addressed Jona-
than only; Demetrius I. the Jewish nation
only; Demetrius II. addressed the two in
combination.

31. our cousin Lasthenes.] It is a reason-
able conjecture that this " Lasthenes " is the
Cretan who (according to Josephus, 'Ant.
Jud.' xiii. 4, § 5) collected the troops with
which Demetrius II. effected his landing in
Cilicia. His services had probably been re-
warded by the governorship of Ccelesyria,
on which Judasa was to a certain extent de-
pendent. The terms granted to Jonathan
had therefore to be communicated to him,
and it was sufficient to send the Jews a copy
of the communication. The term " cousin "
of our version is somewhat too definite, the
true correspondent of the Greek o-vyyevys
being " kinsman."

that ye might see it.] Rather, " that ye
may see it." The clause depends, not on
" we did write," but on " we send you here."

32. his father Lasthenes.] Like " kins-
man," this is a title of honour. Its applica-
tion to Lasthenes implies that he was a man
of some considerable age. (Compare 2 Kings
ii. 12 ; v. 13 ; xiii. 14, Sec.)

33. keep covenants with us.] Rather,
"observe their duties towards us."

v. 34—33-]

I. MACCABEES. XL

491

B.C.

cir. 145.

H Joseph.
Antiq. lib.
13. cap. 8.

ch.

42.

us, because of their good will toward
us.

34 "Wherefore we have ratified
unto them the borders of Judea, with
the three governments of Apherema
and Lydda and Ramathem, that are
added unto Judea from the country
of Samaria, and call things apper-
taining unto them, for all such as do
sacrifice in Jerusalem, instead of the
payments which the king received of
them yearly aforetime out of the
fruits of the earth and of trees.

35 And as for other things that

and b. c.

. cir. 145,

ISO

5 29.

belong unto us, of the tithes
customs pertaining unto us, as
rfthe saltpits, and the crown taxes, d
which are due unto us, we discharge
them of them all for their relief.

36 And nothing hereof shall be
revoked from this time forth for ever.

37 Now therefore see that thou
make a copy of these things, and let
it be delivered unto Jonathan, and
set upon the holy mount in a con-
spicuous place.

38 After this, when king Deme-
trius saw that the land was quiet be-

There had not as yet been any " covenant "
between the Jews and Demetrius II.

because of their good will.'] The good will
had been shewn by the professions, gifts, and
especially the promises of Jonathan {v. 28),
whom Demetrius was willing to regard as
representing the feelings of his nation.

34. the three governments of Apherema
and Lydda and Ramathem.] See the com-
ment on ch. x. 30.

that are added.] Rather, "that were
added." The aorist expresses a definite
point of past time. (Compare ch. x. 38.)

for all such as do sacrifice in Jerusalem^]
A distinction is drawn between those Jews
who offered sacrifice at Jerusalem and those
who had laid aside the practice. Only the
former were to be exempt from the payments
commonly exacted by the Syrian kings from
their subjects. A strong inducement was
thus held out for members of the Hellenizing
party to go over to the side of the orthodox,
since otherwise they would enjoy none of the
new privileges.

instead of the payments, fee] The syntax
is difficult, and Grimm suggests that some
word or words must have fallen out. But
the general meaning is tolerably clear. In-
stead of the customary payments to the
Syrian crown on account of each of the at-
tached provinces and of Judsea itself, the
provinces with their taxation were wholly
made over to the Jews themselves, who were
no longer to pay anything to their nominal
sovereign, the Syrian monarch.

out of the fruits of the earth and of trees.]
Compare ch. x. 30, and the comment ad Ioc.

35. And as for other things.] Rather, " as
for t h e other things " — i.e. all the other heads
of revenue.

of the tithes and customs^] See ch. x. 31,
which shews that the Syrian crown levied

a tax upon the tenths paid by the Jews for
the support of the Levitical priesthood, and
also upon other " dues " paid to the priestly
authorities, e.g. the half shekel for the service
of the sanctuary (Neh. x. 32 ; Matt. xvii. 24-
27). Henceforth no claim was to be made
by the Syrian crown on either of these two
accounts.

the saltpits.] See the comment on ch. x.
29. Shallow ponds, connected with the Dead
Sea, into which its water was admitted, and
the salt then allowed to form itself by evapo-
ration, are intended. (See Ezek. xlvii. 11;
Zeph. ii. 9.)

the crown taxes.] See the comment on
ch. x. 29.

37. see that thou make a copy of these
things.] The copy here spoken of is not
that which Demetrius sent to Jonathan
(v. 31) in the form of a letter, written pro-
bably on parchment or paper, but one which
Lasthenes was to have made, as a permanent
memorial, and which was to be set up in
a conspicuous place on the Temple mountain.
It was probably inscribed, like other " memo-
rials" of the kind (ch. viii. 22), on a bronze
tablet.

§ 3. Demetrius offends his native Sol-
diers — Trypho prepares to bring
forward antiochus, son of balas —
Demetrius promises Jonathan to
recall the syrian garrisons from
Jud^a, if the Jews will help him
against his Enemies, but, though
helped, breaks his Promise.

38-53. Demetrius II., after he had reigned
a very short time, became unpopular. He is
accused by Justin of laziness, by Livy of
cruelty (Justin, xxxvi. 1 ; Liv. ' Epit.' Hi.).
According to our author, he gave offence by
disbanding his Syrian troops, and maintain-
ing an army of foreign mercenaries. The
charges may, one and all, be true. That of

492

I. MACCABEES. XL

[v. 39—41-

B, c. fore him, and that no resistance was
c'j_!!5' made against him, he sent away all
his forces, every one to his own place,
except certain bands of strangers,
whom he had gathered from the isles
of the heathen : wherefore all the
forces of his fathers hated him.

39 Moreover there was one Try-
phon, that had been of Alexander's
part afore, who, seeing that all the
host murmured against Demetrius,
went to Simalcue the Arabian, that

brought up Antiochus the young son
of Alexander,

40 And lay sore upon him to de-
liver him this young Antiochus, that
he might reign in his father's stead :
he told him therefore all that De-
metrius had done, and how his men
of war were at enmity with him,
and there he remained a long sea-
son.

41 In the mean time Jonathan
sent unto king Demetrius, that he

b. a

cir. 14.5.

cruelty is to some extent confirmed by Dio-
dorus, who says he was hated for his lawless-
ness (Fr. xxi.). The result was a rebellion,
which for a time drove Demetrius from his
throne (w. 55, 56). It was while this rebel-
lion was preparing that Jonathan, probably
knowing the difficulties that beset Demetrius,
made a request for the withdrawal from
Judaea of the Syrian garrisons, which was
favourably entertained by the Syrian king
(v. 4.2). The king, however, required first
to be helped against his enemies, whereupon
Jonathan lent him a body of troops, which
put down a rising in his capital. Regarding
himself as now safe, the king flung his promise
to the winds, did not withdraw the garrisons,
and " estranged himself " from his recent ally
(yv. 43-53)-

38. he sent away all his forces . . . except
certain bands of strangers.] Josephus is the
only writer who confirms this (' Ant. Jud.'
xiii. 5, § 1); but it is, intrinsically, not im-
probable. Demetrius had gained his first
successes by the swords of his mercenaries
(see note on ch. x. 67), and had been opposed
by the Syrian levies. He therefore naturally
distrusted the latter.

whom he had gathered from the isles of the
heathen.'] Certainly from Crete (ch. x. 67) ;
possibly from Rhodes, Cyprus, and the islands
of the Archipelago.

the forces of his fathers.] 'I.e. of his pre-
decessors on the Syrian throne.

39. there was one Tryphon.] Tryphon is
mentioned by Diodorus (Fr. xxi.), by Appian
(' Syriac.' § 68), by Livy (' Epit.' lv.), and by
Strabo (xvi. p. 752). His real name was
Diodotus, Tryphon being a surname which
he adopted after he had made himself king.
He was a native of Casiana, a fortified place
in the district belonging to the Apamea of
Syria. Alexander Balas distinguished him
with his favour, and appointed him, conjointly
with Hierax, to take the direction of affairs at
Antioch, when he marched into Cilicia to
meet Demetrius (Diod. Sic. vol. x. p. 73).

This trust he abused by admitting Ptolemy
Philometor into the city after he had declared
against Balas (see the comment on ch. xi. 13).
We now find him playing a still bolder game.
He conceives the design of bringing forward
a pretender to dispute the crown with De-
metrius, and ultimately murders his trotege',
and makes himself king in his place.

Simalcue the Arabian.] Rather, " Imalcue."
He is called " Malchus " by Josephus (' Ant.
Jud.' /. s. c), and " Jamblichus " by Diodorus
(Fr. xxi.). Grimm conjectures that he was
the son of the " Diodes," with whom Balas
placed Antiochus, when danger first threatened
him (Diod. Sic. Fr. xx.). But this is very
uncertain. The name is probably a formation
from the root melek (Arab, malik), " king."

Antiochus, the young son of Alexander^]
Antiochus is said by Diodorus (Fr. xx.) to
have been " an infant " (vrjirios) when placed
with Diodes. If he was the son of Alexander
by Cleopatra (Appian, 'Syriaca,' § 68), who
became his wife in B.C. 151, he could not,
when Tryphon went to seek him in Arabia
(b.c 145), have been more than five years
old. Livy (according to the extant reading)
makes him as little as two (' Epit.' lii.) ; but
the reading is with reason questioned, and a
probable emendation ("puero" for " bi-
mulo ") makes Livy merely say that he was
" quite a boy." This is perhaps as much as
can be affirmed with certainty.

40. And lay sore upon him.] I.e. " im-
portuned him"— "kept urging him con-
tinually."

there he remained a long season.] Literally,
" many days." Probably not more is intended
than a' stay of some weeks.

41. In the mean time Jonathan sent unto
king Demetrius.] Demetrius's difficulty was
Jonathan's opportunity. Affairs in Syria
having reached the condition described in -w.
38-40, Jonathan thought the time was come
when the Syrian king would be prepared to
pay a considerable price for the Jewish
alliance. He therefore made the proposal

B.C.
cir. 145.

v. 42—47-]

I. MACCABEES. XI.

493

would cast those of the tower out
of Jerusalem, and those also in the
fortresses : for they fought against
Israel.

42 So Demetrius sent unto Jona-
than, saying, I will not only do this
for thee and thy people, but I will
greatly honour thee and thy nation,
if opportunity serve.

43 Now therefore thou shalt do
well, if thou send me men to help
me ; for all my forces are gone from

me.

44 Upon this Jonathan sent him
three thousand strong men unto

Antioch : and when they came to b. c.
the king, the king was very glad of C1LI15'
their coming;.

45 Howbeit they that were of the
city gathered themselves together
into the midst of the city, to the
number of an hundred and twenty
thousand men, and would have slain
the king.

46 Wherefore the king fled into
the court, but they of the city kept
the passages of the city, and began
to fight.

47 Then the king called to the
Jews for help, who came unto him

recorded in this verse. No doubt, he gave it
to be understood that, if his request were
granted, Demetrius would receive a quid pro
quo.

that he would cast those of the tower out of
Jerusalem.'] Cause, that is, the Syrian fortress
in Jerusalem (Acra) to be evacuated.

and those also in the fortresses^] Bacchides
had established Syrian garrisons in Jericho,
Emmaus, Beth-horon, Bethel, Thamnatha-
Pharathoni, Tephon, Beth-shur, and Gazara
(ch. ix. 50-5 2). At the commencement of the
war between Balas and Demetrius I., most of
these places were evacuated (ch. x. 12, 13).
Beth-shur, however, was not yielded (ib. v.
14), and probably others of the cities named
were re-occupied. Jonathan asked that the
garrisons should, one and all, be withdrawn.

they fought against Israel.] The main
object of garrisoning the Jewish town was to
afford a support to the Hellenizing Jews. It
is not probable that the garrisons came often
into collision with the patriots ; but they were
felt to be a hostile force ranged on the side of
the opposite party.

42. J will not only do this for thee, <&c.]
Demetrius was prompt to promise, since he
did not regard any promise as binding. He
" dissembled in all that ever he spake " (v.
53). His short-sighted policy led him to tide
over each difficulty, as it arose, by giving
pledges which it was not his intention to
redeem. The result was that his difficulties
continually increased upon him. Probably
a real honest alliance with Jonathan would
have been more for his true interest than any
other course. But he was not clear-sighted
enough to see this. He supposed that political
advantage was only to be gained by treachery
and intrigue.

J will greatly honour thee and thy nation^]
Literally, " Glorifying I will glorify thee."

Cf. ch. xiv. 29, 39 ; xv. 9. The idiom is a
common one in Hebrew (Gen. iii. 16; xxii.
17, &c).

44. three thousand strong men.] This
seems a weak contingent under the circum-
stances, and one from which no very impor-
tant service could be expected. But even a
small body of trained soldiers is of value
against a city rabble, which was what De-
metrius had chiefly to fear. His troops had
been disbanded, and sent away to their homes
(y. 38). It was the populace of Antioch that
especially threatened disturbances — a populace
very fickle, very unruly, and very cowardly.
By " strong men " is meant " good soldiers,
brave and experienced."

45. they that were of the city gathered them-
selves together.] This revolt, or riot, is not
mentioned by the classical writers, whose
notices of the reign of Demetrius II. are few
and scanty. It is, however, quite in accord
with the general character of the Antiochene
populace.

to the number of an hundred and twenty
thousand men.] The population of Antioch
is said to have amounted to 400,000 ; so that
a riot in which 120,000 men took part would
be quite possible.

46. the king fled into the court.] I.e. " into
the palace." The rioters chose a time when
he was outside the palace walls, hoping no
doubt to seize his person ; but in this intention
they were baulked. Demetrius succeeded in
escaping from them, and shutting himself up
within the royal residence, which was a de-
fensible position.

the passages.] The main " thoroughfares "
of the city seem to be intended — those
especially which led from the palace to the
city gates. The object was to prevent the
escape of the king.

47. the king called to the Jews for help.'}

494

I. MACCABEES. XL

[v. 43-5:

B. c. all at once, and dispersing themselves

Cir^I45- t}lrougJ1 ^g cjty gjew t}lat Jay jj) J-^g

city to the number of an hundred
thousand.

48 Also they set fire on the city,
and gat many spoils that day, and
delivered the king.

49 So when they of the city saw
that the Jews had got the city as
they would, their courage was abated :
wherefore they made supplication
to the king, and cried, saying,

lf°-r'dC 5° "Grant us peace, and let the
-with ns. Jews cease from assaulting us and the
city.

5 1 With that they cast away their ?■ c.
weapons, and made peace ; and the -— 1
Jews were honoured in the sight of

the king, and in the sight of all that
were in his realm ; and they returned
to Jerusalem, having great spoils.

52 So king Demetrius sat on the
throne of his kingdom, and the land
was quiet before him.

53 Nevertheless he dissembled in
all that ever he spake, and estranged
himself from Jonathan, neither re-
warded he him according to the
benefits which he had received of
him, but troubled him very sore.

Josephus says, that Demetrius called to his
aid " the Jews sent by Jonathan, and his own
mercenaries" ('Ant. Jud.' xiii. 5, § 3), which
is probable. The latter, no doubt, amounted
to some thousands (see v. 38). Together,
they effected a great slaughter of the rioters ;
but we may be excused from believing that
the slain were really 100,000. The estimate
is manifestly one of the roughest kind ; and
we may detect in it the usual Oriental ex-
aggeration.

48. Also they set fire on the city.] Perhaps
not intentionally. In every great disturbance
within an Oriental town, where the buildings
are chiefly of wood, there is much danger of
an accidental conflagration.

gat many spoils.~\ They had probably the
king's permission to plunder, not only the
persons, but the houses, of the rioters.

49. their courage was abated.'] Literally,
"they fainted in their spirits." (Cf. Is. vii. 4 ;
where the LXX. have nearly the same ex-
pression.)

51. they cast away their weapons.] The
rabble of Antioch was not an unarmed rabble.
In the East almost every man carries some
weapon or other, life being so insecure that it
is necessary to have the means of defending
it. The expression " cast away their arms "
seems to imply, not so much a formal sur-
render, as a tumultuary movement, in which
each strove to rid himself of the incumbrance
of armour and weapons.

the Jew <s were honoured.] Rather, "glori-
fi e d." The entire series of events was honour-
able to the Jews ; and all faithful subjects of
the Syrian king naturally gave them praise
and glory. They had risked their lives in
defence of the monarch — they had fought
against enormous odds — they had carried all
before them. Their exertions had saved the
king's life (t>. 48). Faithful subjects could

not but give honour and glory to those who
had so acted.

52. the land was quiet before him.] Cf. the
opening clause of u 38. Again, it must be
understood that the tranquillity was of very
short duration. Tryphon came forward as
the champion of the young Antiochus before
the close of the 168th Seleucid year, which
began in October B.C. 145, and ended in
October B.C. 144. Probably he was only
absent a few months in Arabia, and proclaimed
his protege before the year B.C. 145 was
ended. (See Clinton, ' Fasti Hellenici,' vol.
iii. p. 327.)

53. he dissembled in all that ever he spaie.]
Rather, "he gave the lie to all his pro-
fessions"— that is, all those that he had
made to Jonathan (jvv. 42, 43).

but troubled him very sore.] Josephus says
that Demetrius threatened Jonathan with war,
unless all the payments were made regularly,
which had been customary under the early
Syrian kings. This, if true, was a revocation
of the terms granted by his letter (vv . 32-36),
which had been set up by his orders in a
conspicuous place upon the holy mount Qv.
37). Nothing could be a more palpable breach
of faith.

§ 4. Tryphon brings forward Antiochus,
Son of Balas, and seats him upon
the Throne — Friendly Relations
established between the new klng
and the Jews.

54-59. Tryphon found some difficulty in
persuading the Arab chief (v. 39) to entrust
Antiochus to his care; but his importunity
prevailed after a time. Antiochus was pro-
claimed king in B.C. 145-4, and given the
names of " Epiphanes " and " Dionysus." He
could not have been more than five or six
years old at the time. The disbanded sol-

v. 54—58.]

I. MACCABEES. XL

495

B.C. 54. After this returned Tryphon,

cir^44- an^ wjtji kjm tjie y0ung child

Antiochus, who reigned, and was
crowned.

55 Then there gathered unto him
all the men of war, whom Deme-
trius had put away, and they fought
against Demetrius, who turned his
back and fled.

56 Moreover Tryphon took the
leasts. "elephants, and won Antioch.

57 At that time young Antiochus b. c.
wrote unto Jonathan, saying, I con- "jj^*
firm thee in the high priesthood, and
appoint thee ruler over the four
governments, and to be one of the
king's friends.

58 Upon this he sent him golden
vessels "to be served in, and gave him \^-a^td
leave to drink in gold, and to be
clothed in purple, and to wear a
golden buckle.

diers of Demetrius embraced his cause with
ardour, and flocked to the standard of
Tryphon, who marched upon Antioch, met
Demetrius in the field and defeated him,
captured his elephants, and became master of
the capital {yv. 55, 56). Tryphon, upon
this, caused letters to be written to Jonathan
in the name of the boy-king, confirming him
in the High Priesthood, and granting him
various privileges (vv. 57, 58). At the same
time, he conferred on Simon, Jonathan's
brother, a military command extending from
" the ladder of Tyre " to the borders of
Egypt (v. 59).

54. the young child Antiochus^ See the
comment on v. 39.

who reigned and was crowned.] Literally,
" who reigned and assumed the diadem."
The fact of the reign is proved by coins,
which extend from the 16 8th Seleucid year
to the 170th. It is allowed by Appian
(' Syriaca,' § 68) and Diodorus (Fr. xxi.).
Porphyry, on the other hand, omits it (ap.
Euseb. 'Chron. Can.' i. 40, p. 194). Of
course the boy-king was a mere puppet in
the hands of Tryphon, as Eupator was in
those of Lysias {supra, ch. vi. 17, 63).

55. there gathered unto him all the men of
war whom Demetrius had put away.] See
above, v. 38. Diodorus tells us that Tryphon
had at first only a small force, with which he
took up a position near Ghalcis, on the
borders of Arabia. Demetrius despised him
as a mere robber-chief, and ordered his
arrest, but sent no expedition against him.
Tryphon, thus left to himself, largely increased
his troops, the discontented flocking to him
from all quarters, so that Demetrius was
compelled to regard him as a serious rival
(Fr. xxi.).

they fought against Demetrius, tuho turned
his back and fled.'] The defeat of Demetrius
by Tryphon is confirmed by Livy (' Epit' lii.),
who says that after the battle he fled to
Seleucia. No description of the battle has
come down to us.

56. Tryphon took the elephants^] Literally,

" the beasts ; " but no doubt elephants are
meant. Though by the treaty of Magnesia
the Syrian monarchs were to cease to main-
tain any war-elephants, they undoubtedly
continued to do so. Antiochus Eupator had
at least twenty-two (see the comment on ch.
vi. 30). Demetrius is likely to have main-
tained at least as large a number.

and moon Antioch?^ The occupation of
Antioch by Tryphon follows naturally from
the retreat of Demetrius to Seleucia, attested
by Livy (' Epit.' lii.). It has also the witness
of Porphyry (ap. Euseb. 'Chron. Can.' i. 40,
§i7).

57. young Antiochus wrote unto Jonathan^]
The letter was, no doubt, written in the
name of the young prince, but really emanated
from Tryphon. (Compare ch. vi. 57-61.)

I confirm thee in the high priesthood.']
Compare ch. x. 20 ; xi. 27.

and appoint thee ruler over the four govern-
ments.'] The " four governments " are Judaea,
Aphaerema, Lydda, and Ramathaim. See
v. 34.

one of the king's friends^] See above,
ch. x. 20, 65; ch. xi. 27.

58. he sent him golden vessels to be served
in.] Literally, " golden vessels and service "
—an instance of hendiadys. Our translation
gives the true sense. Gifts of golden vessels,
or ornaments, by kings to those whom they
delighted to honour were common in the
East from very ancient times. An Egyptian
of the age of Thothmes III. (b.c 1600)
boasts that Amenophis I. had given him
" two golden armlets, a bracelet, a sword, and
a crown inlaid with gems;" Thothmes I.,
" two golden armlets, four collars, a bracelet,
a sword, and two golden war-axes ; " and
Thothmes II., "two gold armlets, six collars,
three bracelets, and a war axe of silver"
(' Records of the Past,' vol. iv. p. 8). The
Persian practice is abundantly witnessed to
by Xenophon (' Cyrop.' viii. 3, § 35 ; ' Anab.'
i. 2, § 27, &c.) and others. The Syro-Mace-
donians adopted the usage from the Persians.

gave him leave to drink in gold.] Com-

496

I. MACCABEES. XI.

[v. 59— 6 1.

B.C.
cir. 144.

59 His brother Simon also he made
captain from the place called The
1 1 Or, went ladder of Tyrus unto the borders of

beyond the •„ *

river, and SLPVpt.

through 60 Then Jonathan "went forth,
^o/wext' anc^ Passed through the cities beyond

and passed beyond the river and through the cities, Gr.

the water, and all the forces of Syria
gathered themselves unto him for to
help him : and when he came to
Ascalon, they of the city met him
honourably.

61 From whence he went to Gaza,

B.C.

cir. 144.

pare 1 Esdras iii. 6. It may be doubted
whether such permission was ever practically
necessary, but it may have been a piece of
court etiquette to grant it. So with our-
selves, the Crown grants permission to a man
to assume a name, which he can assume with
equal ease apart from any such permission.

and to be clothed in purple. .] See the com-
ment on ch. x. 20.

and to wear a golden buckle.'] Compare
ch. x. 89, with the comment ad loc.

59. His brother Simon.'] Simon had greatly
distinguished himself in the war which Jona-
than waged, on behalf of Alexander Balas,
against Apollonius, the general of Deme-
trius (ch. x. 74-82), and seemed therefore to
deserve special honour at the hands of
Alexander's son.

the place called The ladder of Tyrus.] Ac-
cording to Josephus (' Bell. Jud.' ii. 10, § 2),
" the ladder of Tyre " was a high mountain
on the Syrian coast, 100 stades north of
Ptolemais, or Acre. A lofty headland, the
Ras-en-Nakhurah, which descends sheer into
the sea, and effectually cuts off the Bay of
Acre from the maritime plain to the north, is
found in this position, and is generally re-
garded by modern travellers (Stanley, Porter,
Robinson, &c.) as the " ladder " in question.
It is surmounted by a path cut in zigzags,
and exceedingly steep. Dean Stanley notes
that it forms " the natural barrier between
Phoenicia and Palestine" ('Sinai and Pales-
tine,' p. 264).

the borders of Egypt :] The Wady-el-Arish
(or " Torrens Mgypti ") was commonly re-
garded as forming the southern boundary of
Palestine and separating it from Egypt.
Simon's authority over the tract within the
limits named is somewhat doubtful. It
certainly did not supersede that of his
brother.

§ 5. Campaign of Jonathan on behalf
of Antiochus VI. — Submission of Asca-
lon and Gaza — Battle of Kadesh.

60-74. Embracing with ardour the cause
of the young king, Jonathan busied himself
in bringing all Palestine, and Syria as far as
Damascus, under his rule. He seems to
have first received the submission of the
Trans- Jordanic region Qv. 60), after which

he visited Philistia, occupied Ascalon, and
besieged Gaza, which was forced to submit
(vv. 61, 62). Hence he marched northward
to Damascus, suppressing resistance on his
way, and establishing everywhere the autho-
rity of the son of Balas. Meanwhile Deme-
trius had recovered from his first defeat, and
recommenced the struggle for the Syrian
crown. His generals proceeded against
Palestine, which they entered on the north
by way of Kedesh and Hazor. Jonathan
met them near the site of the latter city, and
a battle was fought, in which he narrowly
escaped defeat and destruction, but ultimately
retrieved the day by the help of two of his
officers (y. 70), and gained a complete vic-
tory (yv. 73, 74). Meanwhile Simon, who
had been left behind in Judaea, besieged
Beth-zur, and forced it to surrender
(vv. 65, 66).

60. beyond the water?] Rather, "beyond
the river." "The river" here can only be
the Jordan. Jonathan began with a progress
through the Trans-Jordanic region, already
well known to him from the expedition of
Judas in B.C. 164 (ch. v. 24-52), which he
accompanied, and from his own raid in
B.C. 160 (ch. ix. 37-48).

all the forces of Syria.] The Syrian garri-
sons in Judaea are probably intended. They
had embraced the cause of Antiochus, and
were ready to give Jonathan all the help in
their power. The main force of the empire,
divided between Demetrius and Tryphon,
carried on the civil war in the neighbourhood
of Antioch.

when he came to Ascalon?] The transition
is abrupt, and can only be excused by the
author's desire of studying brevity. After
arranging matters in the country east of the
Jordan, Jonathan must have returned into
Judaea proper, and commenced a second
progress through Philistia, where he suspected
disaffection. Ascalon, the first town which
he visited, received him readily, being quite
willing to acknowledge Antiochus as king.

61. From whence he went to Gaza.] Gaza.
was the most southern of the five cities
forming the Philistine Pentapolis. It lay at
the distance of twenty stades (2! miles) from
the sea, about fifteen miles south-west of
Ascalon. With the exception of Ashdod, it
was the strongest of the cities ; and its position

v. 62—65.]

I. MACCABEES. XI.

497

E. C.

:ir. 144

II Or, the
winces
there-
about.

Gr. he

■ them
the right
hand.

but they of Gaza shut him out ;
wherefore he laid siege unto it, and
burned cthe suburbs thereof with fire,
and spoiled them.

62 Afterward, when they of Gaza
made supplication unto Jonathan, Jhe
made peace with them, and took the
sons of their chief men for hostages,
and sent them to Jerusalem, and passed
through the country unto Damascus.

63 Now when Jonathan heard that b. c.
Demetrius' princes were come to c!ilj4'
Cades, which is in Galilee, with a

great power, purposing; "to remove |: Or,to,-e-

P- r \ move him

him out or the country, from the

64 He went to meet them, and "£'/Zf
left Simon his brother in the country. dom-

65 Then Simon encamped against
Bethsura, and fought against it a
long season, and shut it up :

gave it an importance beyond that which
could be claimed even by Ashdod. It was
the key of Syria on the one hand and of
Egypt on the other. The ancient Egyptian
Pharaohs had to occupy it before they could
safely conduct any expedition into Asia ; and
hence it is frequently mentioned in the early
hieroglyphical inscriptions, where it is called
"Gazatu" ('Records of the Past,' vol. ii.
pp. 38, 115, &c). The Assyrian conquerors
were equally bound to make themselves
masters of it before they could invade Egypt ;
and hence we find accounts of its siege and
capture in the inscriptions of the Sargonidae.
Sargon himself took it about B.C. 720, after
defeating Khanun, its king. Asshur-bani-pal
marched through it on his way to Egypt, and
received the submission of its king (G. Smith,
' Assurbanipal,' pp. 18, 31). It is probably
the " Cadytis" which was taken by Pharaoh-
Necho (Herod, ii. 159). Cambyses made
himself master of it before he entered Egypt
(Pomp. Mel. i. n); and Alexander the
Great was detained before it for rive months
(Arrian, 'Exp. Alex.' ii. 26, 27). It is now
" Ghuzzeh," a town of 16,000 inhabitants, on
the verge of the desert which separates Egypt
from Palestine.

they of Gaza shut Mm out.-] Trusting, no
doubt, in the strength of the position and the
defences.

burned the suburbs.'] As he had formerly
burned those of Azotus {supra, -v. 4).

62. he . . . took the sous of their chief
men for hostages.'] Compare ch. ix. 53, where
Bacchides is represented as acting similarly.
It marks the semi-independence of Jonathan,
that he retained the hostages in his own
power, and did not hand them over to
Tryphon.

passed through the country unto Damascus.]
Damascus was far beyond the limits of Jona-
than's proper territory; but in his zeal to
serve the cause of Antiochus he pushed his
conquests as far north as this ancient town,
which had once been the capital of Syria.

63. Demetrius'1 princes.] Literallv, " De-
metrius' rulers " — i.e. his generals.

ApOC— Vol. II.

Cad.'s, which is in Galilee.] There were
at least four cities of the name of Kadesh
( = " Holy"), or Kedesh, one at the extreme
south of Judah, known as Kadesh-Barnea
(Num. xxxii. 8; Josh. x. 41); another in
Issachar (Josh. xii. 22; 1 Chr. vi. 72); a
third in Naphtali (Josh. xix. 37: Judg. iv.
6); and a fourth in the Orontes valley, the
scene of the famous battle between Ra-
meses II. and the Hittites ('Records of the
Past,' vol. ii. pp. 67-78). The only one of
these that was " in Galilee " is the Naphta-
lite town, which was in the hilly region
north-west of the Lake of Merom, not far
from Hazor (Joseph. ' Ant. Jud.' xiii. 5,
§ 6; ' Bell. Jud.' ii. 18, § 1 ; iv. 2, § 3). It
was the home of Barak, the son of Abinoam
(Judg. /. s. c), in the early days of the
Judges, and was taken by Tiglath-Pileser in
his first campaign against Israel (2 Kings xv.
29). The site is almost certainly that occu-
pied by the modern " Kedes," four miles from
the north-west corner of Lake Merom in
a north-westerly direction (Robinson, ' Re-
searches,' vol. hi. p. 366).

purposing to remove him out of the country.]
Rather, "purposing to remove him from his
office." As Ewald remarks ('Hist, of Israel,'
vol. v. p. 331, note 5), " office " or " public
occupation " is a common meaning of xPiia
(ch. xiii. 15, 37). Polybius has almost the
exact phrase here used for " removing from
office "(' Hist.' iv. 87, § 9).

64. He went to meet them, and left Simon.]
Jonathan had probably returned from Da-
mascus to Jerusalem before he heard of the
attack on his northern frontier. Resolving
to go in person and fight his antagonists, he
" left Simon *' as his representative, in Judasa.

65. Simon encamped against Bethsura.]
Bethsura (Beth-zur) was taken by the Sy-
rians in the reign of Eupator (ch. vi. 50), and
strongly garrisoned. The fortifications were
strengthened by the elder Demetrius (ch. ix.
52). When the fortresses generally were
evacuated by the Syrian garrisons at the com-
mencement of the war between Demetrius
and Balas (ch. x. 12), Bethsura formed an
exception {ib. i\ .13). It was no doubt one

2 K

49 8

I. MACCABEES. XL

[v. 66 — 70.

B.C. 66 But they desired to have peace

CIllif4' with him, which he granted them,

and then put them out from thence,

and took the city, and set a garrison

in it.

67 As for Jonathan and his host,
they pitched at the water of Gen-
nesar, from whence betimes in the
morning they gat them to the plain
of Nasor.

68 And, behold, the host of stran-
gers met them in the plain, who,

having laid men in ambush for him }'■ c.
in the mountains, came themselves c'!— ^'
over against him.

69 So when they that lay in am-
bush rose out of their places, and
joined battle, all that were of Jona-
than's side fled ;

70 Insomuch as there was not
one of them left, except Mattathias
the son of Absalom, and Judas the
son of Calphi, the captains of the
host.

of the places from which Jonathan had re
quested the younger Demetrius to withdraw
his forces (ch. xi. 41), and which he had pro-
mised to evacuate (ib. v. 42). But this promise
had remained a dead letter {v. 53). Under
these circumstances it was resolved that an
effort should be made by Simon to expel the
garrison by force.

shut it up.~] I.e. strictly blockaded it. The
defences were, probably, so strong that it
could only be reduced in this way.

67. the water of Gennesar.~\ Undoubtedly
the " Sea of Galilee " or " Lake of Genne-
sareth." We have here for the first time,
the name in a form from which " Genne-
saret " would be an easy derivation. In the
earlier Scriptures the lake has been called
"the Sea of Chinnereth" (Num. xxxiv. n;
Deut. iii. 17), from a town in its neighbour-
hood (Josh. xix. 35). Etymological laws do
not allow of Chinnereth having become Gen-
nesar, and it is therefore best to suppose an
entirely distinct origin for the latter name.
It appears to have belonged primarily to the
fertile tract at the north-western angle of
the lake, which was called " the land of Gen-
nesaret " (Matt. xiv. 34), and was a " garden "
(gannah), perhaps a " garden of princes "
(gannath sarini) at some ancient date. Or,
sar may be the residuum of a proper name.
The water of Gennesaret, so seldom men-
tioned in the Old Scriptures, obtains a posi-
tion of high honour in the New, and to the
Christian is inseparably associated with the
life, teaching, and miracles of his Lord.

they gat them to the plain ofNasor.~\ Several
MSS. have "Asor" for "Nasor:" and so
Josephus, and the Syriac and Vulgate trans-
lations. The initial v has probably been re-
peated from the terminal v of the preceding
word (neSlov). "Asor" is, in all proba-
bility, Ha/or, for which it stands throughout
the Septuagint Version. Hazor was one of
the most ancient cities of Palestine. It is
first found as the capital of the elder Jabin
(Josh. xi. 1), and after Jabin's defeat by

Joshua it fell into the hands of the latter
{ib. v. 10), who destroyed it by tire {ib.
v. n). It seems, however, to have been
soon rebuilt, for it is mentioned among the
"fenced cities" assigned to Naphtali {ib.
xix. 36). Early in the period of the Judges
it is once more Canaanite, and a second
Jabin reigns there (Judg. iv. 2), who op-
presses Israel, and contends with Deborah
and Barak. Solomon made it one of his
fortified posts (1 Kings ix. 15); and Tiglath-
Pileser seized it on his first expedition against
Israel (2 Kings xvi. 29). The site of Hazoi
is not yet satisfactorily identified. Capt.
Conder places it at Hadireh (Map, Sheet IV.),
fourteen miles west of Merom ; but the posi-
tion suggested by Robinson (' Researches."
vol. iii. pp. 364-5), on a hill, immediately
above the lake, seems preferable. " The
plain of Asor" would in that case be the
tract lying north-west of this site, between
Tel-el-Khuraibeh and Kedes.

68. the host of strangers.'] Grimm sup-
poses the " strangers " of i>. 38 to be meant ,
but the word in the original is different.
Probably dXkityvXoi is merely used, as in ch.
iv. 12, 26, 30, for the more common dAAdrpioi,
in the sense of " foreigners."

69. all that were of Jonathan's side Jled.]
This is an evident exaggeration. Josephus
softens the tale, and reduces it to the level of
the possible, by saying ('Ant. Jud.' xiii. 5,
§ 4) that "all fled except about fifty men,"
who remained with Mattathias and Judas : but
it may be doubted whether he had any autho-
rity for his statement.

70. Mattathias the son of Absalom, anil
Judas the son of Calphi.] That these chiefs
especially distinguished themselves in the
battle cannot be doubted. Otherwise their
names would not have been placed on record
with such particularity. Probably they
restrained their immediate followers from
flight, when the panic seized the rest of the
army, and so enabled Jonathan to restore
the battle. Our author does not say (as

v. 7i— 3-]

I. MACCABEES. XI. XII.

499

B. C.

Cir. 144.

7 1 Then Jonathan rent his clothes,
and cast earth upon his head, and
prayed.

72 Afterwards turning again to
battle, he put them to flight, and so
they ran away.

73 Now when his own men that
were fled saw this, they turned again
unto him, and with him pursued them
to Cades, even unto their own tents,
and there they camped.

74 So there were slain of the hea-
then that day about three thousand
men : but Jonathan returned to
Jerusalem.

CHAPTER XII.

I Jonathan reneweth his league with the Romans
and Lacedemonians. 2S The forces of Deme-
trius, thinking to surprise Jonathan, flee
away for fear. 35 Jonathan fortifieth the
castles in Judca, 4S and is shut up by the
fraud of Tryphon in Ptolemais.

"\T OW when Jonathan saw that
1 \| the time served him, he chose
certain men, and sent them to Rome,
"for to confirm and renew the friend-
ship that they had with them.

2 He sent letters also to the Lace-
demonians, and to other places, for
the same purpose.

3 So they went unto Rome, and

B. C.

cir. 144.

"ch.

20.

Josephus does) that they were " the captains
of the host," but only that they were " cap-
tains " (Jipxovres, not ol ap^ovres).

71. Jonathan rent his clothes, and cast
earth upon his head.'] Possible actions in an
Oriental under such circumstances, though
so contrary to the manner of the West.
(Compare above, ch. iv\ 39; and see Herod,
iii. 66, viii. 99, ix. 34, Sec.)

and prayed.] Compare the prayers of
Judas (ch. iv. 10, 30-33).

73. pursued them to Cades.] Kedes is
about 2t miles north-west of the supposed
site of Hazor (see the comment on v. 67), and
would naturally serve as a refuge to the
fugitives.

even unto their own tents.] Rather, " their
own camp." See -v. 63.

74. there were slain of the heathen . .
about three thousand men.] Josephus, with
unusual moderation, reduces the number of
the slain to two thousand.

CHAPTER XII.

§ 1. Jonathan sends Embassies to Rome
and Sparta — Representations made
by his Ambassadors.

1-23. It is not very clear what advantage
Jonathan expected to derive from an inter-
change of compliments with Rome and
Sparta. Perhaps the object was merely to
assert his own rank and dignity as a sove-
reign prince, semi-independent at any rate.
Possibly, however, his recognition as an ally
by the Romans may have helped to encourage
those who were disposed to be friendly to
him, and have tended to alarm his enemies.
It seems certain that he sought no material
aid in either quarter. His ambassadors were
sent with complimentary messages only. They

started in the winter of B.C. 145-144, but did
not return until after his death in the last-
named year. The embassy to Rome was in
continuation of the friendly relations esta-
blished by Judas (ch. viii. 1-32); that to
Sparta stood connected with an earlier effort
of the same kind made in the reign of the
Spartan king Areus, who ascended the throne
in B.C. 309, and held it till B.C. 265.

1. when Jonathan saw that the time served
him.] I.e. " was convenient," either because
there was nothing more important to occupy
his attention, or because the situation of
affairs seemed to favour some fresh diplo-
matic efforts.

he chose certain men.] For the names of
the men selected see v. 16, and compare
ch. xiv. 22.

for to confirm and renew the friendship
that they had with them?] See ch. viii.
1-32. Judas in his last days had been in-
duced to seek the moral support of the
Roman alliance. It no doubt added to his
prestige, and may even have been of some
material value, by determining the attitude
of powers which took an active part in the
contest for political predominance that was
going on at the time.

2. He sent letters also to the Lacedemonians?^
Literally, " to the Spartans ;" and so through-
out the chapter. The Spartans, or people of
the capital, Sparta, had alone in the ancient
times exercised political power. Hence, even
in the later times, when a tyranny had been
established, the entire people were as often
called Spartans as Lacedaemonians.

to other places.] As, perhaps, Pergamus,
between which and Judaea there were friendly
relations (Joseph. 'Ant. Jud.' xiv. 10, § 22).

3. they . . . entered into the senate.] See
the comment on ch. viii. 19.

2 K 2

5°°

I. MACCABEES. XII.

[v. 4-

-io.

b. c. entered into the senate, and said,
ar^i44. jonat|ian t}-je high priest, and the

people of the Jews, sent us unto you,
to the end ye should renew the
friendship, which ye had with them,
and league, as in former time.

4 Upon this the Romans gave them
letters unto the governors of every
place, that they should bring them
into the land of Judea peaceably.

5 And this is the copy of the let-
ters which Jonathan wrote to the
Lacedemonians :

6 Jonathan the high priest, and
the elders of the nation, and the
priests, and the other people of the
Jews, unto the Lacedemonians their
brethren send greeting :

7 There were letters sent in times b. c.
past unto Onias the high priest from cltH4'
L Darius, who reigned then among \.Areus:

j t m o D bee

vou, to signify that ye are our bre- Joseph.

1- l. U J V Antiq. lib.

thren, as the copy here underwritten i3. CaP. 8.
doth specify.

8 At which time Onias entreated
the ambassador that was sent ho-
nourably, and received the letters,
wherein declaration was made of the
"league and friendship. !,9r> J

'"t-l c l ll_ V kindred,

9 1 hererore we also, albeit we Joseph.
need none of these things, for that

we have the holy books of scripture
in our hands to comfort us,

io Have nevertheless attempted
to send unto you for the renewing
of brotherhood and friendship, lest

to the end ye should renew the friendship.]
Such " renewals " were frequent in anti-
quity, even where there had been no rupture
of friendship. They were regarded as spe-
cially appropriate when a new sovereign had
ascended the throne (see Polyb. iv. 26, § 8;
vii. 3, § 1 ; xi. 34, § n ; xxiii. 1, § 5 ; xxviii. 1,
§ 9; xxxiii. 16, § 2).

as informer time.] Compare ch. viii. 2 1-32.

4. the Romans gave them letters^ Appa-
rently Rome hesitated to commit herself,
perhaps doubting how the contest would go
between Tryphon and Demetrius. She could
not do less than what she did — i.e. grant the
ambassadors a safe conduct through her
dominions on their return.

5. this is the copy of the tetters.] Rather, "of
the letter." The plural enia-ToXai is used
for a single letter in Greek (Thucyd. i. 132),
as litter* in Latin. Cf. ch. x. 17; xi. 29;
xii. 19; xiv. 20; xv. 1. Our version gives the
correct translation in ch. x. 1 7.

6. the elders of the nation.] Literally, " the
senate." According to the author of the
Second Book, the Jews had a recognized
" senate " in the time of Antiochus Eupator
(2 Mace. xi. 27) and even in that of Epiphanes
(ch. iv. 44) ; but this is the first mention of
such an institution by the author of the First
Book. Grimm conjectures that the institu-
tion really originated in the time of Jonathan ;
but of this there can scarcely be said to be
any evidence. Probably the "senate" of
Maccabean times was the same body with
the Herodian " sanhedrin " (Joseph. 'Ant.
Jud.' xiv. 9, § 4).

their brethren^ See below, v. 21, where
the supposed connection, and the grounds of
it, will be considered.

7. There were letters sent in times past unto
Onias the high priest from Darius.] For
" Darius" we must certainly read " Areus,"
as in 1: 20. Areus, grandson of Cleomenes II.,
succeeded his grandfather as King of Sparta
in B.C. 309, and had a reign of forty-four
years (Diod. Sic. xx. 29), dying B.C. 265. He
was contemporary with the Jewish High
Priest, Onias I., successor of Jaddua, for
nine years — from B.C. 309 to B.C. 300. Sparta
was greatly depressed at this time, crushed
under the yoke of Alexander's " successors,"
and may well have sought to strengthen her-
self even by so humble an alliance as one with
the Jews of the time, who were dependants
upon Egypt.

8. the letters.] Rather, "the letter." See
the comment on <v. 5.

wherein declaration was made of the league
and friendship.] Rather, "of alliance and
friendship." For the " declaration " itself, see
i\ 23.

9. albeit we need none of these things.] I.e.
" neither alliance nor friendship." The boast
is strange, since " alliance and friendship "
were being sought ; but the very strangeness
is in favour of the genuineness of the passage.
The Jews always felt themselves to be a
favoured nation, and entered into diplomatic
relations with other countries, as it were,
under protest, and with the feeling that they
were conferring, not receiving, a benefit.

for that we have the holy books of scripture
in our hands.] The words " of scripture " are
added by our translators, and should be in
italics.

10. for the renewing of brotherhood.] I.e.
"of the acknowledgment of brotherhood.'"

(.See w. 6,

ii.) The brotherhood itself

V. II 20.]

I. MACCABEES. XII.

5QI

b. c. we should become strangers unto
1^144. ^^ altogether : for there is a long
time passed since ye sent unto us.

1 1 We therefore at all times with-
out ceasing, both in our feasts, and
other convenient days, do remember
you in the sacrifices which we offer,
and in our prayers, as reason is, and
as it becometh us to think upon our
brethren :

12 And we are right glad of your
honour.

13 As for ourselves, we have had
great troubles and wars on every side,
forsomuch as the kings that are round
about us have fought against us.

14 Howbeit we would not be trou-
blesome unto you, nor to others of
our confederates and friends, in these
wars :

15 For we have help from heaven B.C.
that succoureth us, so as we are de- —
livered from our enemies, and our
enemies are brought under foot.

16 For this cause we chose Nu-
menius the son of Antiochus, and
Antipater the son of Jason, and sent
them unto the Romans, to renew the
amity that we had with them, and
the former league.

17 We commanded them also to
go unto you, and to salute you, and
to deliver you our letters concern-
ing the renewing of our brother-
hood.

18 Wherefore now ye shall do

well to give us an answer thereto. n Readout

19 And this is the copy of the °„f^°|eph'
letters "which Oniares sent. Areus

20 Areus king of the Lacedemo- dnias.

was a (supposed) fact, which might be ac-
knowledged or disputed, but which it was
impossible to " renew."

there is a long time passed since ye sent unto
sts.] No less a time than 155 years, or from
that to 164 years. If the alliance was to be
kept up, it was certainly high time that some
further demonstration should be made. The
advantage, however, of a sentimental friend-
ship between states so distant, and so isolated
one from the other, as Sparta and Judaea, is
more than doubtful.

11. our feasts.'] The Passover, Pentecost,
Tabernacles, Dedication, and Purim.

other convenient days.] Such as Sabbaths,
and " new moons."

do remember you in the sacrifices ivhich <zve
•offer.] The Jews prayed for the prosperity
■of any kingdom or state whereto they were
subject (Ezra vi. 10; Jer. xxix. 7) so long as
they were subject to it ; and this practice
•continues to the present day. But prayer
and sacrifice on behalf of allies is not else-
where mentioned. Probably Jonathan means
to say, not that the Spartans were specially
named in the Jewish public worship, but
'that, as prayer was made for the " brethren "
generally, and the Spartans were " brethren,"
they were included.

13. the kings that are round about us have
fought against us.] Exact accuracy is not to
ibe expected in a diplomatic paper transmitted
lei a distant state. Probably Jonathan had
•especially in his mind the wars with the
Syrian kings, Epiphanes, Eupator, Demetrius
I., and Demetrius II. He may also have

intended to glance at the attacks which had
been made on the Jews by the Edomites (ch.
v. 3), the people of Ptolemais, Tyre, and
Sidon (ib. v. 15), and those of the Trans-
Jordanic heathen (ib. •w. 9-51).

14. iv e would not be troublesome unto you.]
"We have therefore not asked you, nor any of
our allies, for material help ; but have carried
on all the wars in which we have been en-
gaged, without even seeking to obtain the
aid of foreign troops.

15. ive have help from heaven.] See above,

ch.

111.

18-23; iv. 8-14, 30-34, &c. Though

not miraculously helped, the Jews of Mac-
cabean times believed, as firmly as their fore-
fathers of any previous age, that success in
war was granted them from God. The great
odds against which they contended and their
almost unbroken series of victories deepened
and strengthened the impression.

16. ive chose Numenius the son of Antiochus,
and Antipater the son of Jason.] Hellenistic
Jews, or at any rate Jews with Greek
names, and belonging therefore toHellenizing
families, are again chosen (see above, ch. viii.
17) as channels of communication with the
heathen, to whom they would be more ac-
ceptable than the more strictly orthodox.
Antipater was perhaps a son of the Jason sent
on the former occasion.

17. our letters.] Rather, "our letter."
See the comment on v. 5.

19. Oniares.] This word is manifestly
composed of the two names, Onias and
Areus. Probably the original reading was as
follows: — Toiro to avTiyparfiov tu>v (ttioto-

5°2

I. MACCABEES. XII.

[

V. 2 1 2

B.C.

cir. 144.

IGr.

peace.

nians to Onias the high priest,
Greeting :

21 It is found in writing, that the
Lacedemonians and ]e\v° arc bre-
thren, and that they are of the stock
of Abraham :

22 Now therefore, since this is
come to our knowledge, ve shall do
well to write unto us of your pros-
perity.

23 We do write back again to you,
that your cattle and goods are our's,
and our's are your's. We do com-
mand therefore our ambassadors to
make report unto you on this wise.

24 Now when Jonathan heard that
Demetrius' princes were come to
hirht against him with a greater host
than afore,

25 He removed from Jerusalem,

B.C.

cir. 144.

\o)v iov ant(TT(ikev Ovta Apevs ' 'Apevs j3aai-
Xeis ^TrapTiaTcov k.t.\. A copyist omitted one
'Apevs by accident, or thinking to correct a
mistake, and the reading became that of which
we have a trace in the Vulgate : " Hoc est
rescriptum epistolarum quod miserat Oniae
Arius, rex Spartanorum." Another (later)
copyist turned 'Ouia 'Apevs into 'Oviapevs,
which passed into 'Ovidprjs.

21. // is found in writing, that the Lacede-
monians and the Jeius are brethren^] Literally,
" It was found in a writing." The reference
seems to be to some particular (supposed) dis-
covery. Cf. Josephus ('Ant. Jud.' xii. 4,
§ 10) : 'Evrv)(6vTesypa(prj tlvl evpop.ev. What
the writing was, what its authority, how it
made out the relationship, are points on which
we are reduced to mere conjecture, and on
which even a plausible conjecture is difficult.
One thing alone the present writer tells us —
the relationship was traced through Abraham.
Both the Jews and the Lacedaemonians were
regarded as his descendants (e* yevovs
'Afipadp.). Hence the supposed connec-
tion could not have been traced through
Peleg, regarded as the progenitor of the
Pelasgi, since Peleg was not a descendant, but
an ancestor, of Abraham, not to mention that
the Spartans were not Pelasgi (Herod, i. 56).
Probably some verbal resemblance was found,
like that of Perseus with the Persians, or of
Udx'us with Judaea (Steph. Byz. ad voc.
'lovdaia), on which the ethnic affinity was
built up. In reality, the Jews and Spartans
were races as diverse and unconnected as
any two that it is possible to mention. The
relationship, however, once asserted, was
believed very generally, and affected the
treatment and conduct of individuals (2 Mace,
v. 9; Joseph. 'Bell. Jud.' i. 26, § 1).

22, 23. The nexus of these verses is not
shewn in our translation. They should be
thus rendered: — -"Now therefore, since this
is come to our knowledge, ye shall do well to
write to us of your prosperity ; and we (in
that case will) write back to you. Your
cattle and goods are ours," &c. (On the
particular mode of expressing alliance, cf. 1
Kings xxii. 4 ; 2 Kings iii. 7.)

The genuineness of this letter (yv. 20-23)
has been called in question, and the very fact of
any diplomatic intercourse between the Jews
and Spartans denied ; but the best authorities,
even within the sceptical school, regard the
intercourse as distinctly made out (Ewald,
' Hist, of Israel,' vol. v. pp. 245, 332); and
the letter, though not an actual transcript of
the original, but the translation back into
Greek of a Hebrew translation of it, probably
gives the real purport of the communication
addressed by Areus I. to Onias, between
B.C. 309 and B.C. 300.

§ 2. Second Campaign of Demetrius'
Generals against Jonathan — Its
Failure — Jonathan attacks the
zabdjeans ; after which he and"
Simon strengthen the Jewish For-
tresses.

24-38. The defeat at Kadesh (ch. xi. 73,
74) was not accepted by the Demetrian
generals as decisive. They still hoped to get
the better of Jonathan. Accordingly, in B.C.
144, having collected a large force, they again
advanced upon Palestine by the Orontes
Valley, intending to repeat their invasion.
Jonathan, however, was not inclined to allow
his own territory to be the seat of war, but
crossed the frontier and met the invaders in
the old " land of Hamath," known at the time
as " Amathis." The two armies encamped
opposite each other ; and Jonathan learned by
his spies that he was to be attacked by night ;
but his preparations so deranged the enemy's
plans that, instead of carrying them out, they
lied, hastily, leaving their camp-fires burning.
He pursued as far as the river Eleutherus,
but was unable to come up with them. The
retreat, however, set him free to act on the
offensive, and he at once fell on a hostile Arab
tribe, the Zabdaeans, whom he defeated, after
which he took possession of Damascus.
Simon, meanwhile, was active in the south,
where he occupied Ascalon and Joppa, secur-
ing the latter by a strong garrison. Efforts
were then made to isolate the Acra of
Jerusalem, which the Syrians still occupied ;
the wall of Jerusalem was repaired ; and a

v. 26—33-]

I. MACCABEES. XII.

5o.

b. c. and met them in the land of Ama-
"^44- tjijs . ^-or j^ gave tjiem no reSpite "to

]f?o)'inhfs enter his country.

26 He sent spies also unto their
tents, who came again, and told him
that they were appointed to come
upon them in the night season.

27 Wherefore so soon as the sun
was down, Jonathan commanded his
men to watch, and to be in arms, that
all the night long they might be ready
to fiirht : also he sent forth centinels

round about the host.

28 But when the adversaries heard
that Jonathan and his men were
ready for battle, they feared, and

trembled in their hearts, and "they B. C.
kindled fires in their camp. -li^

29 Howbeit Jonathan and his com- Aidq.Pub
pany knew it not till the morning : z}- caP- 9

K ■?. ii-ii • they went

for they saw the lights burning.

30 Then Jonathan pursued after
them, but overtook them not: for they
were gone over the river Eleutherus.

31 Wherefore Jonathan turned to

the Arabians, who were called "Za- \^°^^a
badeans, and smote them, and took theans, or,

• • -i Zaba-

their Spoils. theans.

32 And removing thence, he came
to Damascus, and so passed through
all the country.

33 Simon also went forth, and

fortified post established between Jerusalem
and Joppa, at Adida. The Demetrians were
thoroughly worsted ; but it was perhaps not
quite clear to the opposite party, that they
were advantaged — the Jewish chieftain may
have appeared to them bent on making his
principality altogether independent.

25. the land of Amathis.] The gentle
elevation which, midway in the Ccelesyrian
valley, forms the watershed separating the
stream of the Orontes from that of the
Litany, was known in ancient times as " the
entering in of Hamath " (Num. xxxiv. 8, &c),
and the valley beyond the " entering in " was
the "land of Hamath" (rj ' A fiadlns x"Pa)-
Hamath itself was situated at the distance of
above 70 miles from the watershed, but the
whole of the upper valley was considered to
belong to it, and (as the present passage
shews) retained its name, though the town
had become Epiphaneia.

26. He sent spies also unto their tents. ,]
Rather, "into their camp."

27. he sent forth centinels.'] Rather "out-
posts" or "picquets" {trpo^vKaKes). This
was not an ordinary practice in the East, or
even among the Romans. The gates and
walls of camps were guarded ; but detached
bodies of troops, in front of the walls or
lines, were uncommon. Their employment
on this occasion marks Jonathan's military
capacity.

28. trembled in their hearts^] Literally,
" cowered." An access of panic fear seems
to be spoken of. It had been expected that
the Jews would be taken unawares, and easily
defeated and dispersed. When they were
found on their guard, ready to resist an
attack, not only did the attack seem hopeless,
but the assailants despaired of success alto-
gether, and determined on a hasty retreat.

they kindled fires in their camp.] As a
means of concealing their retreat. The
stratagem has been largely employed, both in
ancient and in modern times. (See 2 Kings
vii. 7 ; Herod, iv. 135 : Polyb. ii. 25, § 5 ; hi.
50, §9; ix. 5, §7, Sec.)

30. they ivere gone over the river Eleu-
therus^] The boundary between Palestine
and Syria, as already mentioned. (See the
comment on ch. xi. 7.)

31. the Arabians who ivere called Zaba-
deans.] This tribe is not elsewhere mentioned.
It probably held possession of that portion of
the Antilibanus range where we still find
existing the names Zebdeni and Zebad. The
former is a village of nearly 3000 inhabitants,
situated in a plain, known as the " Ard Zeb-
deni," on the course of the upper Barada,
and upon the direct route from Balbek to
Damascus. A rivulet which rises behind the
village is called the " Moiet Zebdeni," and the
mountains of the district are known as the
Jebel Zebdeni. (See Burckhardt, ' Syria,'
p. 3.) Kefr Zebad is a village not far from
Zebdeni, on the western slopes of the Antili-
banus. Josephus has wrongly substituted
the well-known" Nabataeans," who are never
found so far north, and who were friendly
to the Jews (ch. v. 25), for the obscure Zaba-
dceans.

32. he came to Damascus.] Compare ch.
xi. 62. From the two passages combined we
gather that Jonathan now regarded Damascus
as within the limits of his principality, and
exercised authority over it. Damascus had
sunk into comparative insignificance on the
rise of Antioch, but was still a large and
populous town.

33. Simon also went forth.] Simon's new
rank and position (ch. xi. 59), though not
rendering him independent of Jonathan,

504

I. MACCABEES. XII.

[v. 34-33.

B.C. passed through the country unto
- — ' Ascalon, and the holds there adjoin-
ing:, from whence he turned aside to
Joppe, and won it.

34 For he had heard that they
would deliver the hold unto them
that took Demetrius' part ; wherefore
he set a garrison there to keep it.

35 After this came Jonathan home
again, and calling the elders of the
people together, he consulted with
them about building strong holds in
Judea,

36 And making the walls of Jeru-

great

B. C.

cir. 144.

salem higher, and raising a
mount between the tower and the
city, for to separate it from the city,
that so it might be alone, that men
might neither sell nor buy in it.

37 Upon this they came together
to build up the city, "forasmuch as "0^'inA,ct"0
part of the wall toward the brook on *he

1 -j c 11 J J koman

the east side was fallen down, and reading,
they repaired that which was called ""mtnea*
Caphenatha. *gj

?8 Simon also set up Adida in brook t «-

riii 1 1 • • 1 ward the

bephela, and made it strong with east.
gates and bars.

seemed to call i:pon him for some corre-
spondent exertion. Accordingly, during
Jonathan's absence in the Ccelesyrian and
Damascene regions, he busied himself in
obtaining a firmer grasp of the south.

passed through the country unto Ascalon.]
Ascalon had submitted to Jonathan in B.C.
147 (ch. x. 86). On its situation and history,
see the comment ad loc.

turned aside to Joppe, and won it.'] Rather,
" occupied it." Joppa had been " won " by
Jonathan in the same year as Ascalon (ch. x.
76), and had remained in his possession ; but
there was a danger, as we learn from v. 34,
of the inhabitants, or a portion of them,
admitting the soldiers of Demetrius into the
citadel, and so handing the place over to the
Demetrian party. To frustrate this scheme,
Simon anticipated the movement, by suddenly
occupying the citadel with his own troops
and leaving a sufficient garrison there.

35. Jonathan . . . calling the elders of the
people together.'] See the comment on v. 6.
Ewald regards this as the calling together
of a "popular assembly" ('Hist, of Israel,'
vol. v. p. 332) ; but a consultation of the
yepovcria of i>. 6 is probably intended.

36. raising a great mount between the
tower and the city.] No remains of any such
" mount " are now to be seen. Indeed, the
design seems never to have been executed,
since when Simon obtained possession of the
Acra, it still overlooked the Temple, and was
such a menace that he not only destroyed it,
but cut down the hill on which it stood
(Joseph. ' Ant. Jud.' xiii. 6, § 7).

that men might neither sell nor buy in it.]
The words " in it " are added by our trans-
lators, and give a wrong sense. Evidently,
the erection of a mound between the citadel
and the Temple could be no hindrance to
traffic among those who were inside the

citadel itself. Jonathan's object was to im-
pede the traffic which went on between the
garrison of the Acra and the Jews without,
especially those of his own portion of Jeru-
salem, that situated on the Temple hill. He
wished, as Josephus says (' Ant. Jud.' xiii. 5,
§ 1 1), to restrict their marketing, and diminish
their supply of provisions.

37. part of the wall . . . was fallen
down.] "Eneae is undoubtedly the true
reading, and not rjyyiae.

the brook on the east side.] I.e. the brook
Kidron, or Cedron, the deep ravine on the
eastern side of Jerusalem, which carries off
the heavy rains that sometimes fall, but is
dry during by far the greater part of the year.
A portion of the wall along the brow of the
hill overhanging the ravine had " fallen," ap-
parently by natural decay.

that which was called Caphenatha.] " Ca-
phenatha" is not otherwise known to us.
It is conjectured to have been " a small forti-
fication " on the eastern side of the city
(Ewald, ' Hist, of Israel,' vol. v. p. 332, note S).
Perhaps it was "the tower that lay out"
(Neh. iii. 26).

38. Adida in Sephela.] Adida is probably
the 'Hadid' of the Canonical Books (Ezra
ii. 33; Neh. vii. 37, xi. 34). According to
Josephus (' Ant. Jud.' xiii. 6, § 4), it was
situated on a hill, at the edge of the low plain
of the Shefelah, on which it looked down.
Eusebius places it three miles east of Lydda
(Ludd) : and in this position is found a
village, called " El-Haditheh," which occupies
the summit of a round hill, and answers per-
fectly to all the notices of Adida. The place
lay on the direct route between Joppa and
Jerusalem. We must regard its occupation
and fortification as intended to check the
march of any Syrian force which might be
landed at Joppa, and attempt to seize Jeru-
salem.

v. 39—45-]

I. MACCABEES. XII.

505

B. C.
ar. 144.

39 Now Tryphon went about to
get the kingdom of Asia, and to kill
Antiochus the king, that he might
set the crown upon his own head.

40 Howbeit he was afraid that
Jonathan would not suffer him, and
that he would fight against him ;
wherefore he sought a way how to
take Jonathan, that he might kill
him. So he removed, and came to
Bethsan.

41 Then Jonathan went out to
meet him with forty thousand men
chosen for the battle, and came to
Bethsan.

42 Now when Tryphon saw that

Jonathan came with so great a force, b. c.
he durst not stretch his hand against c'L!j4-
him ;

43 But received him honourably,
and commended him unto all his
friends, and gave him gifts, and com-
manded his men of war to be as obe-
dient unto him, as to himself.

44 Unto Jonathan also he said,
Why hast thou put all this people to
so great trouble, seeing there is no
war betwixt us ?

45 Therefore send them now home
again, and choose a few men to wait
on thee, and come thou with me to
Ptolemais, for I will give it thee, and

■§ 3. Tiie Design of Tryphon to make
himself King — He succeeds in en-
trapping Jonathan — The Remnant
of Jonathan's Army makes good its
Retreat.

39-53. It is probable that Tryphon had
had his own interests in view from the first
moment that he came forward as the cham-
pion of Antiochus. But hitherto he had
masked his personal ambition under the pre-
tence of advocating a particular cause. The
time, however, had now come when he
thought he might venture to throw off
the mask. A boy king would naturally
stir little enthusiasm: and the cause of
Antiochus had sunk low, before Tryphon
initiated the new movement. He might hope,
in striking for the crown, to rally to his
standard all the more ambitious spirits, and
the bulk of those who were discontented
with the Seleucid rule. But he felt that
Jonathan could not be counted on to support
his enterprise. He therefore resolved to
remove him before proceeding to the last
extreme against the titular king. The author
relates, in w. 40-48, the attempt of Tryphon
against Jonathan, and its successful issue.
In im. 49-53, he gives the sequel of the
attempt— (1) the escape of the 2000 men
whom Jonathan had left in Galilee; and
(2) the consternation of the Jews and satis-
faction of their enemies at what had befallen
Jonathan.

39. Tryphon went about to get the kingdom
of Asia.] Tryphon's ambitious views are
attested by Josephus, Appian, Justin, Strabo,
and others. His actual assumption of kingly
power is proved by his coins.

and to kill Antiochus.'] See ch. xiii. 31,
and comment ad he.

40. So he removed, and came to Bethsan.']

Bethsan was in the Jordan valley, on the
right bank of the stream, at the point where
the valley of Jezreel opens into the Jordan
vale from the west. It was a place of great
antiquity, having belonged to the Canaanites
before the entrance of Israel into Palestine,
and it remained in their possession till long
after (Judg. i. 27). A probable etymology
of the word is " the house of San." or " of
the Sun," San being the Babylonian Sun-God.
In Roman times the place was undoubtedly
called " Scvthopolis " (Strab. xvi. 2, §40:
Plin. 'H. N.' v. 18 ; Polyb. v. 70, § 4, &c);
but under what circumstances the change of
name took place, or what exactly was intended
to be signified by it, is uncertain. At present
the old name has recovered itself, and the
village which marks the site is known as
"Beisan." Tryphon's coming so far south
unopposed is an indication that Jonathan was
taken by surprise.

41. Jonathan went out to meet him with
forty thousand men.] This number is very
much larger than had as yet been brought
into the field by any Maccabean leader, and
marks the great increase of power and terri-
tory which had been effected under Jonathan,
whose rule extended from Damascus to
the borders of Egypt. The force was not
the greatest that he could have raised, but
one consisting of " picked men."

43. commended him unto all his friends.]
Rather, "introduced him" — "brought him
into their company."

gave him gifts.] Compare ch. x. 20, 60,
89 ; xi. 58, Sec.

45. come thou with me to Ptolemais, for I
will give it thee.] At first sight, the device
by which Tryphcn got Jonathan into his
power seems too transparent to have imposed
on any one who was not greatly wanting in

5o6

I. MACCABEES. XII.

[v. 46—51.

B. c. the rest of the strong holds and forces,
- — ' and all that have any charge : as for
me, I will return and depart : for
this is the cause of my coming.

46 So Jonathan believing him did
as he bade him, and sent away his
host, who went into the land of
Judea.

47 And with himself he retained
but three thousand men, of whom he

[Gr.ie/t usent two thousand into Galilee, and

ZWO tllflll- ...

one thousand went with him.

48 Now as soon as Jonathan en-
tered into Ptolemais, they of Ptole-
mais shut the gates, and took him,

Galilee.

and all them that came with him they B.
slew with the sword. —

49 Then sent Tryphon an host of
footmen and horsemen into Galilee,
and into the great plain, to destroy
all Jonathan's company.

50 But when they knew that Jo-
nathan and they that were with him
were taken and slain, they encouraged
one another, and went close together,
prepared to fight.

51 They therefore that followed
upon them, perceiving that they were
ready to fight for their lives, turned
back as;ain.

144.

sagacity, and we feel inclined to be angry
with Jonathan for his simplicity. But it
must be borne in mind, that this was not the
first occasion upon which the cession of
Ptolemais had been suggested with an ap-
pearance of sincerity. Demetrius I. had
made a similar offer during his war with
Balas (ch. x. 39), certainly without any
treacherous intent. Still, there were sus-
picious circumstances in Tryphon's rapid
march without notice, and his sudden as-
sumption of a friendly tone, which should
have put the Jewish prince upon his guard ;
and we cannot altogether exonerate him from
the charge of rashness and credulity.

and the rest of the strong holds.'] " The
strong holds " are the places in Judasa still
occupied by Syrian garrisons, among which
by far the most important was the Acra, or
"citadel" of Jerusalem (see v. 36). The
prospect of having these surrendered to him
must have been very tempting to Jonathan ;
but the greater the value of the thing promised,
the less likely was it that the promise was a
sincere one.

and forces, and all that have any charge.]
It was unlikely that the strongholds would be
voluntarily surrendered. It was still more
unlikely that they would be surrendered,
with their garrisons, and with the civil officers
who resided in them. Yet this was what
Tryphon's words imported. It is strange that
Jonathan did not share the feelings expressed
by the familiar words — "Timeo Danaos et
dona ferentes."

46. who went into the land of Judea.]
Bethsan was reckoned to Galilee at this time,
and was at a considerable distance from
Judaea proper. Jonathan, by sending his
troops back to JiuUa, put it out of his power
to recall them.

47. three thousand men, of whom he sent
two thousand into Galilee.] Three thousand

men were too many for a body-guard, too
few for an army. Jonathan did well to reduce
his three thousand to one, since he therebv
endangered fewer lives, without really lessen-
ing his own chance of safety. When he had
once consented to dismiss his army, he had
put himself into Tryphon's power; and it
was his best policy to appear to feel perfect
confidence in the Syrian's pledged word.

49, into the great plain.] " The great
plain " of this place is regarded by some as
identical with " the great plain before Beth-
san," mentioned in ch. v. 52. But, in the
absence of any qualifying phrase, it is more
natural to understand the really " great
plain " of Palestine, reckoned at this time to
Galilee, the " plain of Esdraelon." This was
the level tract lying north-east of the Carmel
range and watered by the Kishon river, which
extended nearly twenty miles from the roots
of Mount Gilboa to the pass into the plain of
Akko, and was from five to ten miles broad.
Here were the important towns of Megiddo,
Jokneam, Taanach, En-gannim, Jezreel and
Japhia, which Jonathan would be anxious to
secure in case of any accident happening to
himself, and hither would he most readily
have sent the 2000 men, whom he probably
dismissed on entering the Akko plain by the
pass above mentioned. (See Joseph. 'Ant.
Jud.' xiii. 6, § 2.)

to destroy all Jonathan's company.] I.e. the
two thousand whom he had " sent into Gali-
lee"^'. 47).

50. when they knew that Jonathan and
they that were with him were taken and slain.]
Report exaggerated the disaster. The men
had been slain (y. 48) ; but Jonathan had
merely been arrested, and was a prisoner in
the hands of Tryphon. (See ch. xiii. 15-19.)

went close together.] Or " marched in close
array," like the Ten Thousand on their return
from Cunaxa (Xen. ' Anab.' iii. 3, § 6, &c).

52-i.]

I. MACCABEES. XII. XIII.

507

B. c. 52 Whereupon they all came into

- — ' the land of Judea peaceably, and there
they bewailed Jonathan, and them
that were with him, and they were
sore afraid ; wherefore all Israel made
great lamentation.

53 Then all the heathen that were
round about them sought to destroy
them : for said they, They have no
captain, nor any to help them : now
therefore let us make war upon them,

and take away their memorial from B.C.

J cir. 144.

among men

CHAPTER XIII.

8 Simon is made captain in his brother Jona-
than's room. 19 Tryphon getteth two of
Jonathan's sons into his hands, and slayeth
their father. 27 The tomb of Jonathan.
36 Simon is favoured by Demetrius, 40 and
■winneth Gaza, and the tower at Jerusalem.

OW when Simon heard that
Tryphon had gathered toge-

52. they bewailed Jonathan^] I.e. they
mourned him, as dead, being still under the
impression that he had been slain with his
troops (see v. 50).

all Israel made great lamentation. _, Com-
pare the lamentation at the death of Josiah
(2 Chron. xxxv. 24, 25), and the more recent
one at the death of Judas (ch. ix. 20).

53. all the heathen that were round about
them sought to destroy them.'] This is rather
rhetorical than historical. We see no move-
ment of " the heathen round about " after the
death of Jonathan, as we do after the first
successes of Judas (ch. v. 9-15). The heathen
no doubt rejoiced and were excited, but there
was no general attack. Tryphon alone followed
up his first blow by an invasion (ch. xiii. 1,12,
20), which however was attended with no
great success.

take away their memorial from among men.']
Compare ch. iii. 35.

CHAPTER XIII.

§ 1. Simon comes forward, and is ac-
cepted as Leader in Jonathan's
Place — His Campaign against Try-
phon.

1-24. Simon occupied a position of greater
dignity (ch. xi. 59) at the capture of Jona-
than, than that which Jonathan had held at
the death of Judas. Hence there was at this
crisis no interregnum. Simon came forward
at once in his brother's place, and actively
exerted himself to compose the fears of the
people, and rouse them to fresh efforts. He
offered himself to be their leader; and his
offer was, as a matter of course, accepted,
since there was no one else to whom it was
possible for the people to have turned. His
first measures were thoroughly judicious;
he completed the fortifications of Jerusalem
(v. 10), and sent a trusty captain to secure
Joppa (t\ 11). Tryphon's counter move-
ments were not wanting in cleverness. He
marched his army straight into Judaea, hoping
to find affairs in disorder, but, when met by
Simon at Adida, he astutely altered his tone,

declared that he only held Jonathan in con-
finement on account of his being indebted to
the Syrian crown, and promised to release
him on the payment of 100 talents of silver,
and on receiving two of his sons as hostages
for his good behaviour (v. 1 6). Simon, though
misdoubting him, thought it necessary to
accept the conditions (w. 17-19), and "sent
the money and the children," but without
result, since Tryphon was false to his word,
and still kept Jonathan a prisoner. Foiled,
however, in his attack by Simon's advance to
Adida, he formed a new plan, and " marching
round the western mountains of Judah in a
southerly direction " (Ewald. ' Hist, of Israel,'
vol. v. p. 333), made a fresh attempt upon
Judaea by way of Adora, south-west of
Hebron, laying the country waste far and
wide, and compelling Simon to take the field
against him in this quarter (jv. 20). Mean-
while, by Simon's orders, the siege of the Acra
at Jerusalem was pressed, and the garrison
brought into difficulties. Tryphon was in-
treated by the famished defenders to come to
their relief, and had arranged to conduct a
convoy to Jerusalem, when a sudden fall of
snow rendered the execution of his plans
impossible. Further operations under the
circumstances seemed hopeless; and the
adventurer returned through the Trans-
Jordanic region to Syria, ridding himself on
the way of his prisoner, Jonathan, whom he
put to death at an obscure village called
Bascama Qv. 23).

1. when Simon heard.] Simon had probably
been left to conduct affairs in Judaea, when
Jonathan marched at the head of his 40,000
men upon Bethsan. Originally designated by
Mattathias to be the counsellor of his brethren
(ch. ii. 65), he had gradually come more and
more forward, until, in the time of Jonathan,
he was distinctly recognised as only second to
him in rank and authority. Hence, on Jona-
than's disappearance, it at once devolved upon
him to determine on the course which should
be taken.

that Tryphon had gathered together a great
host.] The treachery practised upon Jonathan
was designed as a step towards the subjugation

5o8

I. MACCABEES. XIII.

[v. 2 II.

c- c ther a great host to invade the land
— ' of Judea, and destroy it,

2 And saw that the people was in
great trembling and fear, he went up
to Jerusalem, and gathered the people
together,

3 And gave them exhortation,
saying, Ye yourselves know what
great things 1, and my brethren, and
my father's house, have done for the
laws and the sanctuary, the battles also
and troubles which we have seen,

4 By reason whereof all my bre-
thren are slain for Israel's sake, and
I am left alone.

5 Now therefore be it far from
me, that I should spare mine own
life in any time of trouble : for I am
no better than my brethren.

6 Doubtless I will avenge my

nation, and the sanctuary, and our b. c.
wives, and our children : for all the CT_^,*'
heathen are gathered to destroy us of
very malice.

7 Now as soon as the people heard
these words, their spirit revived.

8 And they answered with a loud
voice, saying, Thou shalt be out-
leader instead of Judas and Jonathan
thy brother.

9 Fight thou our battles, and what-
soever thou commandest us, that will
we do.

io So then he gathered together
all the men of war, and made haste
flto finish the wails of Jerusalem, and " Sc«ch.
he fortified it round about.

1 1 Also he sent Jonathan the son
of Absalom, and with him a great
power, to Joppe : who casting out

of Judaea. The " great host " was held in
readiness, and no sooner was Jonathan a
prisoner than it commenced its march. Simon
found himself confronted with a great danger
upon the frontier, and almost unsupported at
home.

2. the people <was in great trembling and
fear.] Compare ch. xii. 52.

be . . . gathered the people together .] Some-
thing more than a meeting of the council (ch.
xii. 35) seems to be here intended. Simon
meant to suggest his elevation to the post
of leader: and this position could only be
conferred by the nation at large, or some
popular gathering sufficiently representing it.
(Compare ch. ix. 28-31.)

3. my fathers house.] Compare ch. xiv.
26 ; xvi. 2. Grimm concludes from this, that
the brothers and other relatives of Matta-
thias had taken part in the struggle; but it
may be questioned whether the expression is
not simply pleonastic. We never hear of any
relatives of Mattathias, except his sons, assist-
ing him.

4. all 7ny brethren are slain.] Simon, like
"the Jews generally (ch. xii. 50-52), believed
Jonathan to be dead. His three other
brothers had actually fallen in fight (ch. vi.
46; ix. 18, 36-38).

6. Doubtless I ivill avenge my nation^] In
■offering himself as an "avenger," Simon sug-
gested his appointment to be leader. It was
a post of honour certainly, but still more
a post of danger. Simon's courage is to be
commended ; a more timid man would have
shrunk from the perils.

all the heathen are gathered to destroy us.]
Compare ch. xii. 53. Simon may well have
expected a general rising, though apparently
none took place.

8. Thou shalt be our leader.] Compare the
appointment of Jonathan (ch. ix. 30). It is
not clear whether the "leadership" carried
with it the high priesthood, or whether that
office remained for a time in abeyance. Simon
is first addressed as "High Priest" in the
letter sent him by Demetrius (infra, v. 36).

10. he . . . made haste to finish the walls of
Jerusalem.] The strengthening and, in part.
rebuilding of the walls had been commenced
by Jonathan while he was on friendly terms
with Tryphon and at war with Demetrius
(ch. xii. 36, 37). Simon had therefore only
to " finish " what was already begun.

he fortified it round about.] I.e." strengthened
the defences round the entire circuit of the
wall."

11. Jonathan the son of Absalom^] This
individual has not been previously mentioned.
He may, not improbably, have been the son
of the "Absalom" mentioned in ch. xi. 70, as
the father of a " Mattathias " who was one of
the " captains of the host." Absalom, a de-
voted adherent of the Maccabeans, had named
his sons after the most distinguished members
of the patriotic family.

to Joppe.] As the port from which Jeru-
salem was most accessible, Joppa had a quite
peculiar importance. We see traces of this
in ch. x. 76 and xii. 33 : as also in the fortifi-
cation of Adida (ch. xii. 38), which lay on
the direct route between the two cities.

V. 12-

:o.j

I. MACCABEES. XIII.

5°9

B.C.

cir. 144.

them that were therein remained
there in it.

12 So Tryphon removed from
Ptolemais with a great power to in-
vade the land of Judea, and Jonathan
was with him in ward.

13 But Simon pitched his tents at
Adida, over against the plain.

14 Now when Tryphon knew that
Simon was risen up instead of his
brother Jonathan, and meant to join
battle with him, he sent messengers
unto him, saying,

15 Whereas we have Jonathan
thy brother in hold, it is for money
that he is owing unto the king's

owing

I! Or,
for the
affairs, or,

offices,tkat treasure, ■ concerning the business
'thelfeces- tnat was committed unto him.
T?:'//'s, J6 Wherefore now send an hun-
had. dred talents of silver, and two of his

sons for hostages, that when he is at B.C.
liberty he may not revolt from us, C1!lij<"
and we will let him go.

17 Hereupon Simon, albeit he per-
ceived that they spake deceitfully
unto him, yet sent he the money and
the children, lest peradventure he
should procure to himself great hatred
of the people :

18 Who might have said, Because
I sent him not the money and the
children, therefore is Jonathan dead.

19 So he sent them the children
and the hundred talents : howbeit
Tryphon dissembled, neither would he
let Jonathan go.

20 And after this came Tryphon
to invade the land, and destroy it,
going round about by the way that
leadeth unto Adora : but Simon and

Simon, distrustful of the native inhabitants,
determined on their expulsion at this time, in
order to secure his own hold upon the place.
(See Joseph. ' Ant. Jud.' xiii. 6, § 3.)

12. Tryphon removed from Ptolemais with
a great power to invade the land of Judea.~\
Tryphon's march was probably along the
coast, through the plain of Akko, and round
the base of Carmel into the tract known as
Sharon. Thence he struck inland towards
Jerusalem.

Jonathan was with him in ward.] He
took Jonathan with him, to convince the Jews
that he was still alive, and to make some
profit out of his captive.

13. Simon pitched his tents at Adida.] Adida
had been occupied and fortified (ch. xii. 38),
as commanding the approaches to Jerusalem
from the coast. It looked down on the
Shefelah, or great Philistine plain (Joseph.
' Ant. Jud.' l.s.c). No invader could venture
to march past it, and proceed along the direct
road to Jerusalem, while it lay unconquered
in his rear. Tryphon had to choose between
delivering an attack on the position, in which
he would probably have suffered a repulse,
and advancing by some other line of route.
Having determined on the latter course, he
set himself to utilise the possession of his
captive by proposing terms of redemption,
which, he had no intention to observe, as
related in the three following verses.

14. Simon was risen up.'] I.e. " was at
the head of affairs." Compare ch. ix. 31.

15. Whereas we have Jonathan thy brother
in hold.] Apparently this was the first inti-

mation that Simon, or any of the Jews, had
of Jonathan's being still alive.

it is for money that he is owing unto the king's
treasure.] This, of course, was a mere pre-
text. It may, however, have had a founda-
tion in fact. Tryphon may have regarded
Jonathan as bound to pay over annually to
the royal treasury certain sums, which Jona-
than considered himself entitled to keep.
The relations of the Judean sub-king to the
Syrian monarch were at this time unsettled ;
and it might well be that their respective
views and claims clashed.

concerning the business that ivas committed
unto him.] Rather, " concerning the offices
which he held." The governorship and
high priesthood are probably intended.

16. now) send an hundred talents of silver.]
If Attic talents are intended, as is probable,
the sum demanded was considerable, ex-
ceeding 24,000/. Simon felt compelled to
pay it, lest he should seem to interfere, for
his own advantage, with his brother's being
set at liberty. But he was not deceived by
Tryphon's artifices. (See v. 1 7.)

19. he sent them the children.] Rather,
" he sent the children." There is no word
corresponding to " them " in the original ;
and the children and money were sent to
Tryphon.

dissembled.] Rather, "hid," or "broke
his word."

20. after this came Tryphon . . . going;
round about by the way that leadeth unto
Adora.] Adora is probably the " Adoraim "
of the author of Chronicles, which was forti-

5 io

I. MACCABEES. XIII.

[v. 21—25.

B. c. his host marched against him in every
cir^44. pjace^ wheresoever he went.

21 Now they that were in the
tower sent messengers unto Tryphon,
to the end that he should hasten his
coming unto them by the wilderness,
and send them victuals.

22 Wherefore Tryphon made ready
all his horsemen to come that night :
but there fell a very great snow, by
reason whereof he came not. So he

departed, and came into the country B. c.

r r> 1 1 ' cir- I44'

or Lralaad. —

23 And when he came near to
Bascama, he slew Jonathan, who
was buried there.

24 Afterward Tryphon returned
and went into his own land.

25 Then sent Simon, and took the cir. iJ
bones of Jonathan his brother, and
buried them in Modin, the city of his
fathers.

fied by Rehoboam against Shishak (2 Chr.
xi. 9), and which lay on the southern border
of Judaea, between Lachish and Hebron.
The MSS. of Josephus shorten the name
into Dora, which corresponds closely to the
modern " Dura," a village in the required
position (Robinson, ' Researches,' vol. ii.
p. 215). The Syrians seem to have regarded
the approach to Jerusalem as easier from the
side of Idumsea than from any other quarter.
(See ch. iv. 29 ; vi. 31-54.)

Simon and his host marched against him.']
As Tryphon made his circuitous march,
Simon, acting on an inner circle, always
opposed his troops between the army of
Tryphon and Jerusalem. Meanwhile he
was strenuously pushing the siege of the Acra
at that place, and had almost brought the
Syrian garrison to extremities. (See the
next verse.)

21. they that ivere in the tower.] See
above, ch. xii. 36. It is clear that Simon had
continued the policy of Jonathan with respect
to the Acra, and had so far succeeded in
cutting off its supplies as greatly to distress
the garrison, which was therefore urgent on
Tryphon to come or send to its relief.

by the wilderness.] The tract south-east
of Jerusalem, towards the Dead Sea, was
known as " the wilderness of Judaea." The
garrison suggested a march through this
tract, which was undefended by any fortress.

22. Tryphon made ready all his horsemen to
come that night.] A night march of the
cavalry for the relief of the fortress was
arranged, the intention being no doubt to
traverse the whole distance — about twenty
miles — before dawn. " But there fell a very
great snow." The somewhat unusual oc-
currence of a heavy fall of snow frustrated
the enterprise, and induced Tryphon to break
up from his quarters, and return through the
Trans-Jordanic region to his own country.
Snow falls in Palestine occasionally between
October and March. It rarely 'lies more
than a day; but sometimes it is deep, and
remains on the ground several days, or even

as much as a fortnight. Heavy falls occurred
in the winters of 1722, 1754, 1818, and
1854-5. (See Grove, in Dr. Smith's 'Diet,
of the Bible,' vol. ii. p. 692.)

he departed, and came into the country of
Galaad.] Grimm conjectures that he marched
round the southern extremity of the Dead
Sea, thus reaching Gilead through the Moabite
territory.

23. when he came near to Bascama.] Bas-
cama, shortened by Josephus into Basca (' Ant.
Jud.' xiii. 6, § 5), is an unknown site in the
Trans-Jordanic region. No mention of it
occurs anywhere excepting as the scene of
Jonathan's murder.

§ 2. Simon removes the Body of Jona-
than TO MODEiN, AND ERECTS A MAG-
NIFICENT Monument there over the
Graves of his Father, his Mother,
and his four Brothers.

25-30. On learning his brother's death
and burial at Bascama, Simon sent persons to
obtain the body and convey it to Modem, the
native place of the Maccabee family (ch. ii.
1-18), where Mattathias (ch. ii. 70) and the
three sons previously deceased were already
buried (ch. ix. 19; xiii. 27). It was probably
not until after he had captured the Acra
(v. 50) and settled himself in his kingdom
that Simon undertook the architectural works
mentioned in w. 27-29, which are noticed
at this point of the narrative, from the con-
nection of subject-matter, and not of time.

25. Then sent Simon, and took the bones of
Jonathan^] By a well-known Hebrew idiom,
the dead body of a man is called " his bones,"
whatever condition it is in. Thus the
mummy of Joseph is spoken of as his
"bones" in Gen. 1. 25, and Ex. xiii. 19; and
the bodies of Saul and his sons, when taken
from the wall of Bethshan, are called " their
bones," in 1 Sam. xxxi. 13.

in Modin, the city of his fathers.] Compare
ch. ii. 70 ; and on the site of Modin, or
Mode'in, see the comment on ch. ii. 1.

v. 26 — 3°-]

I. MACCABEES. XIII.

b. c. 26 And ^'all Israel made great la-

cir^43. ment:at:jon fov h\m^ ancj bewailed him
*ch.9.20. many daySi

27 Simon also built a monument
upon the sepulchre of his father and
his brethren, and raised it aloft to
the sight, with hewn stone behind
and before.

28 Moreover he set up seven
pyramids, one against another, for

his father, and his mother, and his B.C.
four brethren. —

29 And in these he made cun-
ning devices, about the which he set
great pillars, and upon the pillars he
made all their armour for a perpetual
memory, and by the armour ships
carved, that they might be seen of all
that sail on the sea.

30 This is the sepulchre which he

26. all Israel made great lamentation?]
This seems to have been a second mourning,
additional to the premature one mentioned
in ch. x. 52. It is described in almost the
same words as the mourning for Judas (ch. ix.
20), a fact which would seem to shew that
the Jews held the two brothers in equal, or
nearly equal, honour.

27. Simon also built a monument.'] Com-
pare Joseph. ' Ant. Jud.' xiii. 6, § 5. It had
been customary for the Jews to bury in rock-
cut graves, with little or no external display.
The Greeks and Romans, on the contrary,
like the Egyptians, Lydians, Lycians, and
other Orientals, erected conspicuous monu-
ments over their dead, which were often
costly and magnificent. The vast monument
raised by Artemisia in honour of her husband,
Mausolus, at Halicarnassus, shortly before
the time of Alexander, was greatly admired
by the ancients, and was even reckoned one
of the wonders of the world. The example
thus set spread, and many tombs of much
architectural pretension exist in Asia and
Africa which follow the type of the mauso-
leum, and appear to have been reproductions,
to a greater or less extent, of its principal
features. The monument erected by Simon
at Mode'in is no exception to the general
rule. It was " of hewn stone behind and
before ; " it was " raised aloft to the sight ; "
it had "great pillars" set about it, which,
according to Josephus, formed porticoes
(o-roai). Mr. Fergusson's restoration of the
Mausoleum (' Hist, of Architecture,' vol. i.
p. 249) furnishes probably a good idea of the
general character of Simon's monument;
which was, however, different from all simi-
lar structures by the combination of the
pyramid with the pillared tomb, of the old
sepulchral architecture of Egypt with the
comparatively recent style of Asia Minor.
Simon's " seven pyramids " can only have
been adjuncts to his main structure, from
which they were probably separated by some
little distance.

with hewn stone.~] Literally, " with polished
stone." Josephus adds that the colour of the
stone was white.

28. seven pyramids?] So also Josephus.
As six would have been the proper number
for his parents and brothers, we must suppose
that Simon looked forward to the time when
he too would be gathered to his fathers, and
erected one pyramid for himself. It was
common in the East for monarchs to prepare
their own tombs.

one against another.] The pyramids were
built, it would seem, in two rows, so that
each had its fellow opposite to it. This
arrangement could only extend to six pyra-
mids out of the seven. The seventh must
have stood by itself, without a companion.

29. in these he made cunning de-vices?]
Rather, "on these," or "for these." The
pyramids were not plain, like the Egyptian.
but ornamented with sculpture on then-
surfaces.

about the ivhich he set great pillars.] The
pillars appear to have been set " about " the
pyramids, in a manner quite unknown in
Egypt, but probably with the object of mark-
ing out a tetnenos, or "sacred enclosure,"
within which no one might intrude. A set of
pillars, which seem, like these, to have been
unconnected, mark out the temenos attached
to the Tomb of Cyrus. (See 'Ancient
Monarchies,' vol. iv. p. 295.)

upon the pillars he made all their armour.]
Rather, "he represented panoplies." Imi-
tations, probably, of the ordinary Greek
trophy, which consisted of a helmet and coat
of mail, supported by a post or trunk of a
tree.

ships carved.] The " ships " probably
commemorated the capture of Joppa (ch. x.
76), and the impulse thereby given to the
commercial activity of the Jews. Cf. ch.
xiv. 5.

that they might be seen.] It is impossible
that the details of the sculptures can have
been visible from the Mediterranean, which
was at least twelve miles off; but the main
monument, and even the pyramids, may, in
the clear Syrian atmosphere, have been dis-
cernible from that distance.

5™

I. MACCABEES. XIII.

B.C. made at Modin, and it standeth vet
CIr- '43 * ..u- J

— unto this day.

31 Now Tryphon dealt deceitfully
with the young king Antiochus, and
slew him.

32 And he reigned in his stead,
B. c. 142. and crowned himself king of Asia, and

brought a great calamity upon the land.

33 Then Simon built up the strong

holds in Judca, and fenced them b. c.
about with high towers, and great c'_^l2-
walls, and gates, and bars, and laid
up victuals 'therein. " Gr.

34 Moreover bimon chose men, strong
and sent to king Demetrius, to the ■'
end he should give the land an im- ^r\"Jn»
munity, because : all that Tryphon doings

,• 1 J -i J lucre rob-

U1Q was to Spoil. beries.

30. it standeth yet unto this day.~\ Josephus
says that it still remained when he wrote
(about A.D. 70). So also Eusebius (' Ono-
masticon,' ad i<oc. Modim), writing about
A.D. 320. Modern researches are thought
to have discovered some trace of it in the
remains of large sepulchral vaults and broken
columns near the modern village of Medieh ;
but the traces are few, and perhaps not alto-
gether certain. (See the ' Quarterly State-
ment of the Palestine Exploration Fund'
for April 1873, p. 93)-

§ 3. Tryphon murders the young Anti-
ochus, AND BECOMES KlNG — SlMON

makes a Treaty with Demetrius.

31-42. After three years and a half of
hesitation Tryphon (in B.C. 142) threw off
the mask, murdered the puppet king, whose
cause he had professed to espouse, and as-
sumed the crown himself. Simon, upon
this, broke off all relations with his brother's
murderer, and entered into negotiations with
Demetrius, who still maintained the struggle
with Tryphon from Seleucia, where he had
fixed his head-quarters. Naturally Deme-
trius received his overtures favourably, and
proposed the terms which are given in w.
36-40. These terms involved the practical
independence of Judaea. So important was
the new agreement considered, that in con-
nection with it a new era was set up, which
thenceforth prevailed in legal instruments
and contracts, though the Seleucid era was
not wholly disused.

31. Tryphon dealt deceitfully ivith the young
king Antiochus. 1 According to Livy (' Epit.'
lv. ad Jin.), he gave out that Antiochus suf-
fered from calculus, and required an opera-
tion for his relief, which the physicians were
instructed to render fatal. The unfortunate
boy was but ten years of age at his decease.

32. he . . . crowned himself king of Asia J]
The actual reign of Trypho is attested by
a coin, which has the inscription Bao-iAe'cos-
Tpvcfriovos alroKpuTopos (Smith's ' Diet, of the
Bible,' vol. iii. p. 1573). According to
Clinton (' F. H.' vol. iii. pp. 327-8), he held
the throne from early in B.C. 142 to late in
B.C. 139- something short of four years. On

the title " King of Asia," see the comment on
ch. viii. 6.

brought a great calamity upon the la>ul.~]
Josephus says that he shewed himself " a tho-
rough lover of luxury," and thereby alienated
the soldiery, who went over to the party of
Demetrius. Diodorus speaks of his having
carried on wars with various "satraps" in
Mesopotamia, Ccelesyria, and the vicinity
of Antioch (Fr. xxv.). His reign was un-
doubtedly a time of continuous warfare and
disturbance, in which " the land," i.e. Syria,
suffered greatly.

33. Then Simon built up the strong holds in
Judea.] Simon was the most prudent of the
sons of Mattathias (ch. ii. 65). He never let
slip an opportunity. Tryphon's difficulty was
his opportunity. While the civil war raged
in his neighbourhood he held aloof from it,
and devoted his energies to strengthening the
defences of his own country. The chief
" strongholds " of Judaea are enumerated in
ch. ix. 50-52. Simon not only put them in
a state to resist a sudden assault, but pro-
visioned one and all against a siege.

high towers, and great walls, and gates,
and bars.] These were, in the time of Simon,
and for many centuries afterwards, the main
defences of every fortified city. Walls were
carried to a height which (it was thought)
scaling-ladders could not equal : the towers
which flanked them, or dominated them, were
strengthened in every possible way ; gates
were made of the most solid and least com-
bustible materials ; bars were multiplied and
augmented in thickness. Simon included in
his scheme of defence all that the art of the
time had elaborated with respect to the forti-
fication of strongholds.

34. Simon . . . sent to king Demetrius.'] De-
metrius appears to have been at Seleucia (Liv.
'Epit.' Iii.; Porphyr. ap. Euseb. 'Chron.
Can.' ii. 40, § 17 ; Joseph. ' A. J.' xiii. 7, § 1).
Simon could readily communicate with him
by sea from his port of Joppa (ch. xiv. 5).

to the end he should give the land an im-
munity.] Simon required the renunciation,
on the part of the Syrian king, of all claim to
tribute or tax of any sort or kind. Deme-
trius granted the demand (v. 39).

15—42.]

I. MACCABEES. XIII.

5*3

B.C. or Unto whom king; Demetrius

cir. 142. J-' , , r° , .

— answered and wrote after this man-
ner :

36 King Demetrius unto Simon
the high priest, and friend of kings,
as also unto the elders and nation of
the Jews, sendeth greeting :

37 The golden crown, and the
scarlet robe, which ye sent unto us,
we have received : and we are ready
to make a stedfast peace with you,
yea, and to write unto our officers,
to confirm the immunities which we
have granted.

38 And whatsoever covenants we
have made with you shall stand ; and

42.

the strong holds, which ye have .B-c
builded, shall be your own. - —

39 As for any oversight or fault
committed unto this day, we forgive
it, and the crown tax also, which ye
owe us : and if there were any other
tribute paid in Jerusalem, it shall no
more be paid.

40 And look who are meet among
you to be in our court, let them be
enrolled, and let there be peace be-
twixt us.

41 Thus the yoke of the heathen

was taken away from Israel in the ecii
hundred and seventieth year.

42 Then the people of Israel

all that Trypbon did was to spoil.] Lite-
rally, "all the acts of Tryphon were rob-
beries." It is not quite clear that this charge
had any other foundation besides the exacticn
of the hundred talents (v. 19) as ransom.
Tryphon had scarcely sufficient power to
compel Simon to pay him tribute.

36. Kino; Demetrius unto Simon the high
priest. .] Simon had become " High Priest"
at the deatli of his brother Jonathan, if not even
earlier. (See the comment on v. 8.) It is to
be noted that Demetrius does not even claim
to confer the title on him.

and friend of kings. .] Compare ch. x. 16,
19, 20, 65 ; xi. 27, Sec.

the elders. .] Probably the members of the
council or senate. (See ch. xii. 6, and com-
ment ad loc.)

37. The golden crown and the scarlet robe.]
On the practice of sending crowns of gold as
presents to states or sovereigns about this
period, see the comment on ch. viii. 14, and
compare ch. x. 20. The word translated
" scarlet robe " seems to mean really " a
splendid over-robe embroidered with golden
palm-twigs, as symbols of victory " (Ewald,
' Hist, of Israel,' vol. v. p. 334, note 5). Com-
pare the Roman palmata.

to confirm the immunities which we have
granted.] Rather, "to grant you im-
munities." The immunities intended may
be those promised in ch. xi. 34, 35 ; but it is
not so stated in the text, which is vague.

38. 'whatsoever covenants we have made
with you.] This is a distinct reference to the
treaty made with Jonathan in B.C. 146-5
(ch. xi. 29-37), and revived all its conditions.

the strong holds .] See v . 33.

39. As for any oversight or fault committed
. . . we forgive it.] In these words there

A foe. — Vol. II.

would seem to have been granted a general
amnesty for all offences committed against
the Syrian crown, and therefore for all the
recent acts of rebellion of which the Jews
had been guilty since they forsook the cause
of Demetrius and espoused that of Tryphon
(ch. xi. 54-59)-

the crown tax also.] See the comment on
ch. x. 29.

if there were any other tribute^] On the
various dues claimed by the Syrian monarchs
before the time of the Maccabee princes, and
paid by the Jews, see ch. x. 29, 30. All these
were to cease, and Judaea to be exempt from
any payment whatever to the Syrian crown.

40. look who are meet among you to be in
our court.] The invitation is not to furnish
courtiers to the Syrian court, but soldiers
towards the royal body-guard. Compare
ch. x. 36. The value of a contingent of
Jewish troops in his capital had been already
experienced by Demetrius (ch. xi. 47-51).
For "be in our court," translate, "be en-
rolled in our guard."

41. Thus the yoke of the heathen was taken
away.] Ewald remarks with truth, that " the
concessions and engagements of the kings and
other potentates of this period generally lasted
so long as they were destitute of the power
to elude or repudiate them " (' Hist, of Israel,'
vol. v. p. 335) ; and Judaea was certainly still
far from having secured absolute indepen-
dence. Still it would seem that, on the whole,
there was no time at which a greater step was
made towards independence than the present,
and thus it was quite reasonable that the year
of the agreement with Demetrius (b.c. 142)
should be made an era, and called " the first
year of freedom." The " yoke of the heathen,"
if not now absolutely " taken away," was, at
any rate, made considerably lighter.

2 L

I. MACCABEES. XIII.

[v. 43—48.

B.C.

cir. 142.

c ch. 14.
27.

began cto write in their instruments
and contracts, In the first year of
Simon the high priest, the governor
and leader of the Jews.

43 In those days Simon camped
against Gaza, and besieged it round
about ; he made also an engine of
war, and set it by the city, and bat-
tered a certain tower, and took it.

44 And they that were in the en-
gine leaped into the city ; whereupon
there was a great uproar in the city :

45 Insomuch as the people of the
city rent their clothes, and climbed

upon the walls with their wives and
children, and cried with a loud voice,
beseeching Simon "to grant them
peace.

46 And they said, Deal not with
us according to our wickedness, but
according to thy mercy.

47 So Simon was appeased toward
them, and fought no more against
them, but put them out of the city,
and cleansed the houses wherein the
idols were, and so entered into it
with songs and thanksgiving.

48 Yea, he put all uncleanness out

B.C.
cir. 142

II Gr. to
give the)
his rig hi
/land.

§ 4. Silcon's Siege and Capture of
Gazara.

43-48. That Simon turned his treaty with
the Syrian king to account by at once en-
gaging in the reduction of those fortresses
which most interfered with Jewish inde-
pendence is clear. But there is a doubt as
to the city which he first attacked. All the
MSS. of the First Book of Maccabees, and
also the ancient versions, give the name of the
city as " Gaza." Josephus, on the contrary,
has " Gazara," both in ' A. J.' xii. 6, § 7, and
in ' B. J.' i. 2, § 2. And probability is in
favour of Gazara having been the object of
attack. The remote Gaza was no obstacle
to Judasan independence; the near Gazara
was at once a menace and a real danger. It
is most unlikely that, before attacking the
great stronghold of his adversaries, the Acra
at Jerusalem, Simon should have felt it in-
cumbent on him to engage in a war at the
extreme south of Philistia ; it is quite reason-
able that he should have delivered his first
assault upon the fortress which was, next to
the Acra, the main support of the Helle-
nizers (ch. x. 52), since its fall would at once
be a relief to the neighbouring Judaeans, and
an alarm to the garrison of the Acra. The
siege and capture appear to have occupied
but a short time.

43. In those days.] See the comment on
ch. i. 11.

Simon camped against Gaza."] On the
probability that " Gazara " is the true read-
ing, see the comment on w. 43-48.

besieged it round about.] Literally, " sur-
rounded it with his camps."

he made also an engine of war.] Most of
the MSS. have iXejrokeis, " engines of war,"
but the mention of a single such engine in the
next verse seems to imply that the singular
number must have been used here also. The
helepolis was a moveable tower, resting on

wheels, which was brought up close to the
walls of a besieged town, and which operated
both on the wall itself and on the defenders.
Demetrius Poliorcetes had a single engine of
this kind at Salamis in Cyprus, and was in-
debted to it for his successful siege of that
place (Diod. Sic. xx. 48). He had also
another at the siege of Rhodes, which was an
engine of even greater power. As one " iron-
clad " of the first rank decides a modern sea-
fight, so one of these " helepoleis " often de-
termined the fate of a siege in ancient times.

44. there ivas a great uproar in the city.]
Rather, "a great commotion."

45. climbed upon the wall.] Rather, "went
up upon the walls." There would be no need
to " climb," since the wall would be readily
ascended on the inside by frequent flights of
steps.

46. Deal not with us according to our wicked-
ness.] The " wickedness " which the Gazarites
confessed was probably that sin of religious
apostasy which the Maccabee princes always
so sternly denounced and sometimes so
severely punished (ch. ii. 24, 44 ; iii. 8 ; vii.
24, &c). They seem to have feared lest
Simon should put them all to the sword.

47. So Simon ivas appeased toward them.]
Simon accepted their submission and spared
their lives, but forced them to quit the city,
and re- peopled it with persons whom he could
trust (v. 48).

cleansed the houses wherein the idols were.]
We see by this that the " Hellenizing " of the
time was not a mere preference for Grecian
manners and amusements (ch. i. 14), but an
actual lapse into idolatry. Images of heathen
gods were set up in the private houses of the
Hellenizers, and the customary offerings
made to them. (Cf. ch. i. 55.)

48. he put all uncleanness out of it.] I.e. all
the traces of idolatry — altars, images, emblems,
sacrificial vessels and dresses, unclean beasts
for sacrifice. &c.

v. 49— 51-]

I. MACCABEES. XIII.

5i5

B.C. of it, and placed such men there as
clIlif2' would keep the law, and made it
stronger than it was before, and built
therein a dwellingplace for himself.

49 They also of the tower in Je-
rusalem were kept so strait, that they
could neither come forth, nor go into
the country, nor buy, nor sell : where-
fore they were in great distress for
want of victuals, and a great number
of them perished through famine.

50 Then cried they to Simon, be-

seeching him "to be at one with b. C
them : which thing he granted them ; cv!i??'
and when he had put them out from J,°£/"
thence, he cleansed the tower from^«"'/4

,, . them.

pollutions :

51 And entered into it the three
and twentieth day of the second
month, in the hundred seventy and B- C 141.
first year, with thanksgiving, and
branches of palm trees, and with
harps, and cymbals, and with viols,
and hymns, and songs : because

placed such men there as would keep the
law.] Not specially pious men, but men of
the party of the orthodox, who could be
trusted to allow no Hellenizing practices.

and built therein a dwellingplace for him-
self.'] This furnishes a strong argument
against the city intended being Gaza, since it
would be quite out of the question that Simon
should ever reside so far south. It is also a
positive argument ror the city being Gazara,
since we find by verse 53 (cf. ch. xvi. i. 19, 21)
that John Hyrcanus, the son of Simon, had
his ordinary residence in that town.

§ 5. Simon obtains possession of the
Acra or Citadel of Jerusalem, and
makes his Son John Captain of the
Host.

49-53. At length the time was come when
the defenders of the Acra at Jerusalem could
no longer maintain themselves. They had
been the object of frequent attacks on the
part of the Maccabee princes for above
twenty years. (See ch. vi. 20, and cf. ch. xi.
20, 23, 41 : xii. 36; xiii. 21.) Hitherto they
had successfully held their most important
position, and had been a thorn in the side of
each successive Jewish ruler. From time to
time the Syrian kings had relieved them, re-
inforced them, and no doubt re-victualled
them. But, as the power of Syria declined
and that of Judea increased, this ceased to be
possible. Tryphon's hands were at this time
too full for him to repeat the effort which had
been baffled by the snow-storm (ch. xiii. 20-
22). Demetrius had allied himself with
Simon, and could not venture to offend him.
The garrison was thus left to its fate. Simon,
with the prudence which distinguished him
(ch. ii. 65), resolved to waste no lives on an
assault, but to trust to famine for the achieve-
ment of his purpose. The event was as he
expected. In the spring of b.c. 141 the
garrison of the Acra was starved out and
surrendered itself Qw. 49, 50). Simon
granted them their lives, and took possession

of the vacant stronghold with every demon-
stration of joy and thankfulness (v. 51). He
ordered an annual commemoration of the
happy event {v. 52), demolished the Acra and
(according to Josephus) cut down the hill on
which it stood, while he made the Temple still
stronger than it had been previously. Shortly
afterwards, feeling the decay of his own
physical strength, he made over the command
of the army to his son John (<y. 53), who
afterwards became his successor (ch. xvi. 24).

49. They . . . of the tower . . . were kept so
strait.] Cf. ch. xii. 36, where we find the
policy of " straitening " the place and
cutting off its supplies first adopted. No
doubt, after getting rid of Tryphon, Simcn
was able to make his blockade of the place
more effective.

nor buy, nor sell.] See the comment on
ch. xii. 36.

• 50. he cleansed the tower from pollutions.]
Here, too, idolatry had been practised, and
purification was necessary before the place
could be a fit dwelling for Jews. (Comp. v.
48.)

51. the three and twentieth day, <&c.] The
three and twentieth day of the second (Jewish)
month, Zif or Iyar, of the 171st (Seleucid)
year, would correspond with May B.C. 141.

with thanksgiving, and branches of palm
trees.] The use of palm-branches had
belonged originally to the feast of Tabernacles
(Lev. xxiii. 40 ; Neh. viii. 15), in the celebra-
tion of which it had been customary, not only
to weave them into booths, but also to carry
them in the hand. (See Smith's ' Diet, of the
Bible,' vol. hi. p. 1421.) From this festive
employment of it, the palm-branch came to
be a general sign of rejoicing, and was used in
triumphal processions of all kinds (2 Mace,
x. 7 ; John xii. 13).

harps, and cymbals , and with viols.] Compare
ch.iv. 54 ; where, however, the cithern (itiQapa)
takes the place of the viol (vdj3Xa) of this
passage. Both words are probably translations
of the same Hebrew original, nebel.

2 L 2

51*

I. MACCABEES. XIII. XIV.

[v. 52—2

b. Gmi. there was destroyed a great enemy
out of Israel.

52 He ordained also that that day
should be kept every year with glad-
ness. Moreover the hill of the tem-
ple that was by the tower he made
stronger than it was, and there he
dwelt himself with his company.

53 And when Simon saw that
John his son was a valiant man, he
made him captain of all the hosts ;

<*ch. 16. 1. an(j </ne dwelt in Gazara.

CHAPTER XIV.

3 Demetrius is taken by the king of Persia.
4 The good deeds of Simon to his country.
18 The Lacedemonians and Romans reneio
their league with him. 26 A memorial of
his acts is set up in Sion.

NOW in the hundred threescore
and twelfth year king Deme-
trius gathered his forces together,
and went into Media, to get him help
to fight against Tryphon.

2 But when Arsaces, the king of

B. C. 140

there nuas destroyed a great enemy out of
Israel.] Compare ch. 1. 36, where the Acra
is called " an evil adversary (8ia'/3oXos 71-01//7-
p6s) to Israel."

52. He ordained also that that day should be
kept.] The celebration of the day does not
appear to have continued very long. Josephus
makes no mention of it.

the hill of the temple . . . be made stronger.]
Josephus says nothing of this, but declares
that Simon's tirst care, after taking the Acra,
was to raze it to the ground, after which he
proceeded to cut down the hill upon which
the fortress had been built, so that it might
no longer command the Temple site. Three
years of continual labour on the part of the
people of Jerusalem were necessary for the
accomplishment of the work (' Ant. Jud.' xiii.
6, § 6). Ewald accepts his narrative as true
in its main features ; and the recent excavations
conducted by the Palestine Exploration
Society are thought to confirm it. (See the
' Transactions of the Bibl. Archaeology
Society,' vol. vii. pp. 309-315.) But ch. xiv.
37 throws some doubt on the story.

53. Simon saiv that John his son <zuas a
•valiant man.] Literally, "was a man." but
probably in an intensive sense. Compare ch.
v. 63.

he made him captain of all the hosts.] Simon
must have been now advanced in years. He
was the second son of Mattathias, and as
early as B.C. 167-6 had earned a character for
caution and prudence (ch. ii. 65). If he was
then forty, he would have been now sixty-
five. It was well that he should shift the
active duties of military command on younger
shoulders.

he dwelt in Gazara.] Gazara seems to
have been viewed at this time as the Jewish
fortress next in importance to Jerusalem (ch.
xiv. 7). On this account Simon had " built
therein a dwelling-place for himself; " and in
this dwelling-place he now installed his son
John, the commander-in-chief of his forces.

CHAPTER XIV.

§ 1. The March of Demetrius into
Media, and his Capture by Arsaces.

1-3. The alliance which he had made with
Simon, and the success of Simon against
Tryphon (ch. xiii. 20-24,43-50), encouraged
Demetrius (in the year B.C. 141-0) to attempt
an enterprise of extreme importance. This
was no less a thing than the recovery of his
eastern provinces out of the hands of the
Parthians, who, in the space between B.C. 163
and B.C. 141, had overrun the entire country
between Parthia proper and the Euphrates,
thus reducing the kingdom of the Seleucidse
to less than half its previous dimensions. No
effort had been as yet made to reclaim the lost
territory. Demetrius seems now to have
thought that he might safely leave Tryphon
to be kept in check by his wife, Cleopatra,
and his generals, while he marched eastward
and drove the Parthians beyond his borders.
He intended then to come back to Syria with
an army levied from among his eastern sub-
jects, and hoped by their aid speedily to
reduce Tryphon to submission (t>. i ). Jus-
tin tells us that he was at first very successful,
gaining several victories over the Parthian
monarch (' Hist. Phil.' xxxvi. 1) ; but after a
while he fell a victim to Asiatic treachery, was
entrapped at a conference, seized, and made
a prisoner, while his army was at the same
time surprised and defeated. (Compare App.
' Syriaca,' § 67 ; Porphyr. ap. Euseb. ' Chron.
Can.' i. 40, § 17 ; Joseph. ' A. J.' xiii. 5, § n,
where, however, the expedition is misdated.)

1. in the hundred threescore and t-xvelftb

year.] The 172nd Seleucid year began in

October B.C. 141, and ended in October B.C.

140. The expedition of Demetrius seems

not to have been made till late in this year.

to get him help to fight against Tryphon.]
The Parthian rule over the newly-conquered
countries was detested (Justin, /. s. c.), and
Demetrius had therefore reason to believe
that the native inhabitants would flock to his
standard as soon as they had the opportunity.

v. 3—5-]

I. MACCABEES. XIV.

5i7

b. c. i4o. Persia and Media, heard that Deme- 4 As for the land of Judea, athat

trius was entered within his borders, was quiet all the days of Simon ; for

he sent one of his princes to take him he sought the good of his nation in

alive : such wise, as that evermore his au-

3 Who went and smote the host thority and honour pleased them

of Demetrius, and took him, and well.

brought him to Arsaces, by whom he 5 And as he was honourable in all

was put in ward. his acts, so in this, that he took Joppe

B.C.

cir. 140.

: ch. 7. 50

In this he was not disappointed. Numbers
of the Persians, Elymasans, and even the
Bactrians joined him and fought on his side.
Had he been proof against Parthian craft, his
enterprise would probably have had all the
success which he expected from it.

2. Arsaces, the king of Persia and Media."]
This was Arsaces VI., better known as
Mithridates I. of Parthia, the great conqueror
who carried his arms from the Hindu Kush
to the Euphrates, and transformed the Par-
thian kingdom into an Empire. His reign
lasted from B.C. 174 to B.C. 136. All the
Parthian monarchs took the name Arsaces,
and placed it upon their coins. Those of
Mithridates bear the legend, "The king of
kings, the great and illustrious Arsaces." In
calling him " king of Persia and Media," our
author means to point out that, from the
time of Mithridates, the Parthian monarchy
became the great power of Western Asia,
the true successor and representative of that
Persian kingdom which had ruled over the
East for above two centuries.

Demetrius <was entered ivithin his borders.]
Mithridates claimed the newly-conquered
provinces as his. Demetrius, no doubt, dis-
puted the claim, and regarded himself as
still in his own territories. Josephus says he
crossed the Euphrates into Mesopotamia.

he sent one of his princes^] One of the
i'itax<e, or governors of provinces, of whom
there were fourteen or fifteen. (See Rawlin-
son's ' Sixth Monarchy,' p. 87.)

to take him alive.] This is probably
our author's conclusion from the subsequent
event. But it is very unlikely that the com-
manders employed against Demetrius ori-
ginally received any such instructions. Their
object was to defeat him ; but this for a con-
siderable time they failed to do, suffering
defeat themselves in several engagements
(Justin, /. s. c).

3 . Who went and smote the host of Demetrius,
and took him.] There is no reason to doubt
the statement of Justin, that Demetrius was
deceived by a pretence of negotiations and so
captured (" pads simulatione deceptus ca-
pitur "). An attack on his army seems how-
ever to have been made at the same time with

his own seizure, and the result was its com-
plete defeat (Justin, xxxviii. 9).

he -was put in ward.] At first Demetrius
was put in fetters of iron (Porphyr. ap. Euseb.
' Chron. Can.' i. 40, § 17), and carried about
through the provinces which had embraced his
cause, to excite ridicule (Justin, xxxvi. 1) ; but
afterwards he received courteous and even
kindly treatment. He was assigned a resi-
dence in Hyrcania, where he was maintained
as a prince, and given a wife in the person of
Rhodogune, Mithridates' daughter (Appian,
' Syriaca,' § 67).

§ 2. The Prosperity of Jvdjea under
Simon.

4-15. A short period of tranquillity followed
the recovery of the Acra, and the departure
of Demetrius on his eastern expedition. Try-
phon was sufficiently occupied in Syria proper
to make no further attempt against Judaea.
The Hellenizing party among the Jews was
paralysed by the loss of the Acra and of
Gazara, and by the firmness with which Simon
governed the land. Antiochus, the brother of
Demetrius, had not yet quitted his obscure
retreat at Sida, and when he did so was for
some time engaged in contest with Tryphon.
Thus "the land was quiet in the days of
Simon." From B.C. 141, when the Acra was
recovered, to B.C. 138-7, when Cendebseus
made his invasion (ch. xv. 40), the land rested.
It is this period especially which the author
here describes.

4. the land . . . nvas quiet all the days of
Simon.] This is contradicted by the later
narrative (ch. xv. 38-41 ; ch. xvi. 1-19), and
must be viewed as a rhetorical exaggeration.
Simon's reign was on the whole quiet, com-
pared with those of Judas and Jonathan, and
again of John Hyrcanus; but it was not a
time of uninterrupted tranquillity.

for he sought.] Rather, "And he sought."

5. he took Joppe for an haven.] I.e. " with
the view and object of making it a haven."
The "ships" on Simon's monument at Modem
(ch. xiii. 29), the employment of Joppa as a
haven, and the opening of trade between
that port and " the isles of the sea," are to be
connected together. Regarding war as over,

5i8

I. MACCABEES. XIV.

[v. 6 12.

B. c for an haven, and made an entrance

cir. 140. 1 • 1 r 1

— to the isles or the sea,

6 And enlarged the bounds of his
nation, and recovered the country,

7 And gathered together a great
number of captives, and had the
dominion of Gazara, and Bethsura,
and the tower, out of the which he
took all uncleanness, neither was
there any that resisted him.

8 Then did they till their ground
in peace, and the earth gave her in-
crease, and the trees of the field their
fruit.

9 The ancient men sat all in the b. c.
streets, communing together of " good 'j_H0*
things, and the young men put on \2SiS^
glorious and warlike apparel. the land.

10 He provided victuals for the
cities, and set in them all manner of
munition, so that his honourable
name was renowned unto the end of
the world.

11 He made peace in the land,
and Israel rejoiced with great joy :

12 For ^every man sat under his *_I2^mgs
vine and his fig tree, and there was Mic. 4- 4-

o * Zech. ~\*

none to fray them : 10.

Simon turned himself to the works of peace,
which were most congenial to his tempera-
ment, and determined on the encouragement
of trade and commerce. He has been called
the " Solomon " of the Asmonasan kingdom
(Stanley, 'Jewish Church,' vol. hi. p. 363);
and certainly in this respect he imitated the
example of his great predecessor and prototype
(1 Kings ix. 26-28; 2 Chr. viii. 17, 18; ix.
10, 21).

the isles of the sea.] By " the isles of the
sea" (Heb. iyyey hayydni) we must understand
the islands and sea-coasts of Europe generally
(compare ch. vi. 29; xv. 11) — by "making an
entrance to them," allowing them freely to
import their commodities into his country.

6. enlarged the bounds of his nation.] The
reference is probably to the recovery of Gazara
and the Acra (ch. xiii. 43-51) and to the
occupation of Joppa by Judaeans (ib. 11).
Otherwise Simon does not appear to have
made any conquests.

7. And gathered together a great number of
captives.'] I.e. he redeemed from slavery many
Jewish captives — probably, prisoners of war —
and restored them to their native country.
Compare the boast of Nehemiah (Neh. vi.
8).

had the dominion of Gazara^] Rather,
"made himself master of Gazara." (Cf.
ch. xiii. 43-7.)

and Bethsura.] Compare v. 33, and see
also ch. xi. 65-66. From the latter passage it
appears that the capture of Beth-sura was
effected by Simon during Jonathan's life-
time.

and the tower.] The Acra, or citadel of
Jerusalem. (See ch. xiii. 49-51.)

neither was there any that resisted him.] This
is another exaggeration (see the comment on
v. 4). Antiochus of Sida resisted him (ch. xv.
27-39); Cendebxus resisted him (ib. w. 40,
41; ch. xvi. 1-10), and his own son-in-law,

Ptolemy the son of Abubus, not only resisted
him but murdered him at a banquet (ch. xvi.
11-16).

8. Then did they till their ground in peace.]
Agriculture, neglected during the time of
war and disturbance, once more flourished ;
the earth brought forth abundance both of
grain and fruit.

the trees of the feld.] Vines and olives,
especially, figs and pomegranates also to some
extent. (Compare Deut. viii. 8 ; Josh. xxiv.
1351 Sam. viii. 1452 Kings xviii. 32 ; Hag. ii.
19; &c.) The fruit crop was reckoned by
the Jews quite as important as the crop of
grain.

9. The ancient men sat all in the streets.]
The prophecy of Zechariah was fulfilled,
which said : " There shall yet old men and
old women dwell in the streets of Jerusalem,
every man with his staff" in his hand for very
age " (Zech. viii. 4). Grimm rightly observes
that the author has this text in his mind.

the young men put on glorious and warlike
apparel.] The young men wore for display
" the accoutrements in which they had won
their country's freedom " (Stanley, ' Jewish
Church,' vol. iii. p. 364).

10. set in them all manner of munition.]
Literally, " made them all into vessels of
strength." The fortification of the cities
seem to be intended. (Compare ch. xiii. 10,
33, 48, 52; xiv. 33, 34.)

his honourable name was renowned unto the
end of the world.] I.e. "far and wide." Simon
attracted attention at Rome (w. 16, 24, and
ch. xv. 16-24), at Sparta {-w. 16-23), in
Asia Minor (ch. xv. 23), in Rhodes, Cyprus,
and Cyrene (ibid.). No prince of the Asmo-
nean family had as yet been so generally
famous.

12. every man sat under his vine and his

fig tree.] Compare 1 Kings iv. 25; Mic. iv.

4; Zech. iii. 10. The phrase was used to

v. is— 1 7-]

I. MACCABEES. XIV.

5*9

B.C.
cir. 140.

13 Neither was there any left in
the land to fight against them : yea,
the kings themselves were overthrown
in those days.

14 Moreover he strengthened all
those of his people that were brought
low : the law he searched out ; and
every contemner of the law and
wicked person he took away.

15 He beautified the sanctuary,

and multiplied the vessels of the .B-c«

. x cir. 140.

temple. —

16 Now when it was heard at
Rome, and as far as Sparta, that
Jonathan was dead, they were very
sorry.

17 But as soon as they heard that
his brother Simon was made high
priest in his stead, and ruled the
country, and the cities therein :

express perfect tranquillity and security. It
came home to each Jew who was wont to
sit under the shadow of "the vine which
overspread his own house, and the fig-tree in
his own garden " (Stanley, ' Jewish Church,'
/. s. c).

there was none to fray them.] Rather, " to
affright them." But the word "fray" had
this meaning, when our translation was made.
(See Deut. xxviii. 26 ; Jer. vii. 33 ; Zech. i. 2 1 ;
Ecclus. xxii. 20.)

13. Neither was there any left in the land to
fight against them.] See the introductory

paragraph to this section.

the kings themselves were overthrown in
those days.] The writer refers probably to the
defeat and captivity of Demetrius, who was
made prisoner by the Parthians in B.C. 138,
and the reverses suffered by Tryphon in B.C.
138-7. (See ch. xv. 10-37.)

14. he strengthened all those of his people
that were brought low.] Literally, " all the
humble of his people." By "the humble"
are meant, not the pious generally, but the
oppressed and those of low estate.

the law he searched out.] I.e. studied its
full meaning, with a view to its better ob-
servance. Compare the Sept. version of Ps.
civ. 45, where our translators give "keep his
laws."

every contemner of the law and wicked
person he took away.] Like his predecessors
(ch. ii. 24, 44 -t iii. 5, 8 ; vii. 6, 24, &c), Simon
acted with severity against all those who
neglected the observance of the law, and
assimilated themselves to the heathen, rooting
them out (e£m'pcoi/), i.e. either putting them
to death, or banishing them from the land.
Some modern critics regret this "intoler-
ance;" but it was in accordance with the
commands given by God to Moses; and a
gentler policy would, in all probability, have
produced the effacement of the nation.

15. He . . . multiplied the vessels of the
temple.] On the numerous " vessels" required
in the temple service, see 1 Kings vii. 38-50;
2 Chr. iv. 11-22; Ezra i. 9-11, viii. 25-30.

It was always regarded as an act of piety to
" multiply " them.

§ 3. Simon has friendly Communication
with Sparta and Rome.

16-24. From his general sketch of the
prosperity of Judasa under Simon, in which
" the prosaic historian of fifty (?) years later
warms almost into poetry " (Stanley, ' Jewish
Church,' vol. iii. p. 363), the author proceeds
to other points which reflected credit and
glory upon his hero. In the present section
he tells of two embassies which he received — ■
the sequel of the steps taken by his brother,
Jonathan (ch. xii. 1-18) — one from Sparta
and the other from Rome, unequal no doubt
in value, but both of them giving him dignity
in the eyes of surrounding nations. The
respective ambassadors brought with them
documents renewing the leagues which were
recognised as subsisting between the nations
which they represented and the Jews.

16. at Rome, and as far as Sparta.] Though
Sparta was geographically so much nearer to
Judaea than Rome, it was practically more
remote. Rome was in constant communica-
tion with Syria and Palestine. Her agents
were everywhere. The little state of Sparta
had, on the contrary, no agents, and but rare
communication with any foreign country.

they were very sorry.] A diplomatic sor-
row is intended. They expressed themselves
as deeply grieved.

17. as soon as they heard.] Grammati-
cally, both the Romans and the Spartans
should be spoken of; but there is a difficulty
in supposing that the Romans really acted in
the manner here stated. It was not their
practice to volunteer communications with
new rulers of countries in alliance with them.
Their diplomacy was more reserved. They
waited till the new ruler made overtures to
them and asked for a renewal of alliance
(Polyb. xxxi. 14, xxxiii. 16; Liv. xlii. 6, &c).
Perhaps the writer has misplaced the conclu-
sion of the Roman treaty, which in point of
fact did not precede, but followed, the em-
bassy of Numenius (v. 24).

52°

I. MACCABEES. XIV.

[v. 18—24.

B.C.
cir. 140.

c See ch
12. 6.

18 They wrote unto him in tables
of brass, to renew the friendship and
league which they had made with
Judas and Jonathan his brethren :

19 Which writings were read be-
fore the congregation at Jerusalem.

20 And this is the copy of the
letters that the Lacedemonians sent ;
The rulers of the Lacedemonians,
with the city, unto '"Simon the high
priest, and the elders, and priests, and
residue of the people of the Jews, our
brethren, send greeting :

21 The ambassadors that were
sent unto our people certified us of
your glory and honour : wherefore
we were glad of their coming,

22 And did register the things

that they spake in the "council of the B.C.
people in this manner ; Numenius cl^Lil°"
son of Antiochus, and Antipater son of \2bhck
Jason, the Jews' ambassadors, came records.
unto us to renew the friendship they
had with us.

23 And it pleased the people to
entertain the men honourably, and
to put the copy of their ambassage in
publick records, to the end the people
of the Lacedemonians might have a
memorial thereof : furthermore we
have written a copy thereof unto
Simon the high priest.

24 After this Simon sent Nume-
nius to Rome with a great shield of
gold of a thousand pound weight, to
confirm the league with them.

18. They wrote unto him in tables of brass. ,]
Compare ch. viii. 22, and comments loc.

the . . . league . . . made with Judas.]
See ch. viii. 22-30.

and Jonathan.] The Senate had perhaps
received Jonathan's ambassadors (ch. xii. 16)
before his death, and consented to a renewal
of the treaty of alliance with him.

20. this is the copy of the letters that the
Lacedemonians sent.} Rather, " of the letter."
(See comment on ch. xii. 5.) Here again we
have not a copy of the actual Greek original,
bat a Greek translation of the Hebrew version
of that original. With this qualification, the
document would seem to be an authentic
one. It may, perhaps, be abbreviated.

The rulers of the Lacedemonians.] In the
time of Onias the Spartans had still their two
kings of the two ancient royal houses, Areus
(ch. xii. 20) belonging to the house of the
Agidas. After the old hereditary monarchy
came to an end (b.c 220), the state was ruled
for a time by " tyrants " — e.g. Lycurgus, Ma-
chanides, Nabis. After the death of Nabis
in b.c 192, the " rulers " of the state were the
Ephors.

with the city.'] I.e. " the people." Except-
ing when she was under tyrants, Sparta had
always an assembly of the people, which
exercised a large, though undefined, authority.
(Compare v. 23.)

unto Simon the high priest, and the elders?]
The " elders " of this passage correspond to
the " senate of the people " mentioned in
ch. xii. 6.

our brethren?] This is emphatic. (Com-
pare ch. xii. 7, 21.) The Spartans continue
to claim a close kinship with the Jews, not-

withstanding the entire absence of any foun-
dation for the claim. (See the comment on
ch. xii. 2 1.)

21. The ambassadors that were sent.] I.e.
Numenius and Antipater, who were sent to
Sparta and Rome by Jonathan in B.C. 144
(ch. xii. 16, 17).

certified us of your glory and honour?] I.e.
told of the flourishing condition of Judaea
under Jonathan at the time when he sent the
embassy. (See ch. xi. 60-74; cn- xu- li 20

22. And did register the things that they
spake in the council of the people?] Rather,
" And registered among the decrees of the
people the things that they spake." For
ftovXr) in the sense of " decree," see Andoc.
p. 9. 1. 4; p. 23, 1. 15, &c. The sense of
" council " is not suitable here, more especially
as the word is in the plural.

Numenius, 4s' c] See ch. xii. 16, and the

comment ad loc.

23. the copy of their ambassage?] Lite-
rally, " the copy of their words."

in publick records.] Rather, " in the public:
records " (literally, " in the appointed books
of the people ").

24. with a great shield of gold?] The prac-
tice of courting the favour of the Roman state
by rich gifts was very common at the time
whereof our author treats. The usual form
which the gifts took was that of a crown of
gold, as mentioned in the comment on ch. viii.
14; but occasionally this form was varied, and
a golden shield, or some other article of value,
substituted. The golden shields, often pre-
sented to the Roman emperors as gifts of
honour, formed a sort of continuance of the
ancient practice (Suet. ' Vit. Calig.' §16;

V. 2 5— 2 S.J

I. MACCABEES. XIV.

5*1

B.C. i4o. 25 Whereof when the people heard,
they said, What thanks shall we give
to Simon and his sons?

26 For he and his brethren and
the house of his father have estab-
lished Israel, and chased away in
fight their enemies from them, and
confirmed their liberty.

27 So then they wrote it in tables
of brass, which they set upon pillars
in mount Sion : and this is the copy
of the writing ; The eighteenth day of
the month Elul, in the hundred three-
score and twelfth year, being the
third year of Simon the high priest,

28 At "Saramel in the great con-

common hall where they met to consiclt of matter

B. C. 140.

II Or, Je-
rusalem,

peradven-
ture by
corruption
and trans-
position of
letters ; or,
as some
think, the
•s of estate

Jul. Capit. ' Vit. Anton. Pii,' § 5 ; Trebell.
Poll. 'Vit. Claud.' § 3, &c).

of a thousand pound weight. ~] If the Attic
mina is intended, our " pound " may be re-
garded as fairly representing it; but if the
Hebrew gold maneh is meant, the weight
would be nearly double. Josephus, in a pas-
sage (' A. J.' xiv. 8, § 5) which probably treats
of the present embassy of Numenius, though
by some blunder he has referred it to a later
date, gives the value of the shield as fifty
thousand aurei, or nearly 53,000/.

§ 4. The Jews set up a Memorial of
Simons Acts and Honours in the
Temple.

25-49. The culminating honour paid to
Simon proceeded from his own nation. Roused
to an unwonted enthusiasm by his important
successes (ch. xiii. 43-50; ch. xiv. 33) and
by the acknowledgments of his power and
greatness which they saw made by foreign
countries (ch. xiv. 16-23; 38_4°)) they
gathered themselves together, and held a
great assembly {-v. 28), in which it was re-
solved that there should be set up within the
precincts of the sanctuary a document, en-
graved on a brazen tablet, containing a record
of his glorious deeds and honours, recognising
him as their prince and leader, conferring
011 him absolute power (yv. 42-45), and
making the high priesthood hereditary in his
family (yv 25, 41, 49). So far as we know,
such an honour had never been paid by the
Jews to any of their rulers before: it was in
its conception rather Greek than Hebrew,
and shewed how Hellenic civilisation affected
even those most opposed to it ; but it fitly
crowned the edifice of Simon's fame, indicating
to after generations the exalted, and indeed
unique, position which this particular Macca-
bee prince held in the estimation of his
countrymen.

25. What thanks shall <we give to Simon
and his sons?] The important fact, that now
for the second time only in the life of the
nation a hereditary monarchy was set up, is
just hinted at in these first words — by the
mention of Simon's " sons " — as it is again in
the closing words of the narrative (y. 49).

See Ewald's 'Hist, of Israel,' vol. v. p. 336,
note G.

26. he and his brethren and the house of his
fat her. .] Compare ch. xiii. 3 ; xvi. 2.

27. they ivrote it in tables of brass, ,] The
Romans had familiarised the Jews with in-
scriptions on bronze tablets (ch. viii. 22 ; xiv.
18), and they now set up such an inscription
themselves. In Assyria the material had
been used, both for sculptures and for in-
scriptions, at a much earlier date ('Transac-
tions of the Society of Bibl. Archaeology,'
vol. vii. pp. 84-88). The Greeks employed
it for inscriptions, at any rate from the time
of the Persian War (Herod, ix. 81 ; Pausan.
v. 23, § 1). The Romans inscribed their
treaties upon bronze tablets from the first
year of the Republic (Polyb. iii. 22, § 1 ;
26, § 1).

upon pillars.'] The 0-7-17X01 of the original
are scarcely " pillars." They represent
rather those upright fiat stones which the
Greeks and Romans were accustomed to
erect, either as funeral monuments, or as me-
morials of various other kinds.

in mount Sion.] I.e. the Temple hill, as
constantly in this Book (ch. iv. 37, 60 ; v. 54 ;
vii. 33). Compare -v. 48.

The eighteenth day of . . . Elul.] Elul, the
sixth month of the Jewish sacred year, cor-
responded with the latter part of August and
the earlier portion of September. It was
the last month of the Jewish civil year. The
Elul of Mr. Seleuc. 172 would fall in the
autumn of B.C. 140.

the third year of Simon.] Compare ch.
xiii. 42.

28. At Saramel.] The word " Saramel "
occurs here only. It is supposed by some to
be the name of a place in Jerusalem where
popular assemblies were held ; but it scarcely
seems possible that, if this were the case, we
should find no other notice of it, either in the
Bible, or in Josephus, or in the Talmud.
Most commentators suppose a corruption, or
rather a failure to understand the original
Hebrew text on the part of the Greek trans-
lator. The original words are generally
thought to have been either ba-batsar 'am

522

I. MACCABEES. XIV.

[v. 29—33.

B. c. 140. gregation of the priests, and people,
and rulers of the nation, and elders
of the country, were these things
notified unto us.

29 Forasmuch as oftentimes there
have been wars in the country,
wherein for the maintenance of their
sanctuary, and the law, Simon the
son of Mattathias, of the posterity of
Jarib, together with his brethren, put
themselves in jeopardy, and resisting
the enemies of their nation did their
nation great honour :

30 (For after that Jonathan, hav-
ing gathered his nation together, and

been their high priest, was added to b. c. 140.
his people,

31 Their enemies purposed to in-
vade their country, that they might
destroy it, and lay hands on the
sanctuary :

32 At which time Simon rose up,
and fought for his nation, and spent
much of his own substance, and
armed l!the valiant men of his nation, !IOr. ''<«

' men of

and gave them wages, war.

33 And fortified the cities of Ju-
dea, together with Bethsura, that
lieth upon the borders of Judea,
where the "armour of the enemies weapons.

El, " in the court of the people of God," or
bash-sha 'ar 'am 'El, " at the gate of the people
of God " — /'. e. " in the great court of the
temple," or " at the great gate of the temple."
Grimm, however, proposes a different expla-
nation. The word belongs, he thinks, to the
preceding verse, and represents the Hebrew
hash-shar 'am 'El, " the prince of the people
of God," which is no doubt a possible title of
Simon. The preposition iv he supposes to
have been inserted by a transcriber who
thought hash-shar 'am 'El was the name of a
place. On the whole, the explanation of
Saramel (Asaramel in some MSS.) as hat-
sar'am El, which is Evvald's (' Hist, of Israel,'
vol. v. p. 336, note 5), seems to be the best.

in the great congregation.'] Rather, " in a
great assembly." There is no article; and
a political, rather than a religious, gathering is
intended.

of the priests, and people, <&JY.] " Priests,"
" people," " rulers," " elders," do not form a
very correct logical division ; but it is easy to
see that an enumeration which shall comprise
the whole nation is meant. Had the order
been, " the priests, the rulers, the elders, and
the people " — i.e. the rest of the people — the
laws of logic would have been fairly satisfied.

<were these things notified unto us.~\ This
meaning cannot be got out of the existing
text ; but it is likely to have been that of the
original Hebrew, which the Greek translator
misunderstood. (See Grimm's note on the
passage.)

29. of the posterity of Jarib.] " Jarib " is
a contracted form of "Joarib" (ch. ii. 1)
which is itself a contraction of " Jehoiarib "
(1 Chr. ix. 10). Jehoiarib was the head of
the first out of the twenty-four " courses "
of priests according to the arrangement of
the priests made by David (1 Chr. xxiv. 7).
The return of some priests of this " course "
from the Babylonian captivity is attested,

both by the author of Chronicles (1 Chr. ix.
10) and by Nehemiah (Neh. xi. 10; xii.
6, 19).

30. Jonathan . . . gathered his nation to-
gether.] The " gathering " is said to have
been voluntary on the part of Jonathan's
friends in ch. ix. 28. But he was no doubt
cognizant of it and gave it his sanction.

and been their high priest^] Rather, " and
been made their high priest."

was added to his people.] I.e. " died." Com-
pare the expression in ch. ii. 69 — " So he
(Mattathias) died, and was gathered to his
fathers." The verb is the same in both
places.

31. Their enemies purposed to invade their
country.] Compare ch. xiii. 1-20.

32. Simon . . . spent much of his own sub-
stance.] This had not been stated previously ;
but it is quite in accordance with the general
spirit of liberality which pervades Simon's
acts. (Seech, xiii. 17, 27-29; xiv. 7, &c.)
We are not to suppose that he raised armies,
like Crassus, from his private means, but that
he used them to supplement the public funds
which were at his disposal : supplying his
troops with better arms, and higher pay, than
would otherwise have been possible.

33. fortified the cities of Judea.] Compare
ch. xiii. 33.

together with Bethsura.] See ch. xi. 65,
66 ; where Simon's capture of Bethsura,
during his brother Jonathan's lifetime, is
related.

that lieth upon the borders of Judea.] On
the position of Bethsura (Beth-zur) in the
border country of Judah and Edom, see the
comment on ch. iv. 29. It would seem to have
been recently made into an arsenal by the
Syrians. Simon took it, garrisoned it with
Jews, and strengthened its defences.

v. 34—39-]

I. MACCABEES. XIV.

5*3

b. c. had been before ; but he set a gar-

cir. 140. . r T ,1

— nson or Jews there :

34 Moreover he fortified Joppe,
O*, which lieth upon the sea, and ™ Ga-

zara, that bordereth upon Azotus,
where the enemies had dwelt before :
but he placed Jews there, and fur-
nished them with all things con-
venient for the reparation thereof.)

35 The people therefore, seeing the
acts of Simon, and unto what glory he
thought to bring his nation, made him
their governor and chief priest, because
he had done all these things, and for
the justice and faith which he kept to
his nation, and for that he sought by-
all means to exalt his people.

36 For in his time things prosper- .b c
ed in his hands, so that the heathen — '
were taken out of their country, and

they also that were in the city of
David in Jerusalem, who had made
themselves a tower, out of which
they issued, and polluted all about
the sanctuary, and did much hurt "in !| 0r,«*/«

1 religion.

the holy place :

37 But he placed Jews therein,
and fortified it for the safety of the
country and the city, and raised up
the walls of Jerusalem.

•38 Kino; Demetrius also "'confirm- d ch- IO-

\J t # O i m 20.

ed him in the high priesthood ac- & n. 57-
cording to those things,

39 And made him one of his

34. Moreover he fortified Joppe.~\ Joppa
had been taken by Jonathan in his war with
Apollonius, the general of Demetrius II.
(ch. x. 76). Simon had afterwards, in the
lifetime of Jonathan, occupied the city, and
placed a Jewish garrison in it (ch. xii. 33, 34).
After his accession to the high priesthood
and leadership of the nation, he had made
Joppa an open port (ch. xiv. 5), and, probably
at the same time, had fortified it.

and Gazara, that bordereth upon Azotus?]
For the situation ofGazara, see the comment
onch. iv. 15. Its "bordering on Azotus" must
be understood somewhat vaguely. Azotus
was distant from it at least seventeen miles in
a south-westerly direction. But it is possible
that the territory of Azotus extended to a
considerable distance inland, and that the
land dependent on Azotus and that which
belonged to Gazara were contiguous. Simon's
conquest of Gazara is related in ch. xiii.
43-47. His fortification of it in ch. xiii. 48.

'where the enemies had dwelt before?] Ga-
zara appears in ch. iv. 15 (b.c 165) as a
place in the possession of the Syrians. It
was fortified by Bacchides at the time (B.C.
169) when he was at war with Jonathan
(ch. ix. 52). The Jews do not seem to have
made any serious attempt to wrest it out of
the hands of the Syrians until the siege by
Simon in B.C. 142. It had then been in the
hands of the Syrians for at least twenty-three
years.

he placed Jews there.~\ Compare ch. xiii.
48 — " He placed there such men as would
keep the law."

35. The people . . . made him their governor
and chief priest.] See ch. xiii. 8. Simon is
first called " high priest " in the letter of
Demetrius to him (ch. xiii. 36), but he seems

to have been " appointed " by the people, and
only " confirmed " in office by the Syrian
monarch (see below, v. 38).

the . . . faith which he kept to his nation.]
Fidelity to the promises which he made on
the capture of Jonathan (ch. xiii. 5, 6).

36. the heathen were taken out of their
country.] I.e. out of the Jews' country. (See
ch. xiii. 47 ; xiv. 33.) The Syrian garrisons
were entirely cleared out from the whole of
Judaea.

they also that were in the city of David.]
See ch. xiii. 48-51.

iv bo . . . did much hurt in the holy place.]
Rather, "did much hurt to its purity." The
vicinity of idols and idol-altars, the sights
and sounds connected with the idol-worship,
such as music, dancing, and the smoke of
idol-sacrifices, were felt to be a pollution to
the purity of the Temple itself, from which it
was impossible to shut them out.

37. be placed Jews therein and fortified it.]
If Josephus is correct in his statement, that
Simon destroyed the Acra and cut down the
hill on which it stood (see the comment on
ch. xiii. 52), we must regard that proceeding
as an afterthought. It is evident that his
first intention was to maintain the Acra for
the better defence of the city.

38. Demetrius . . . confirmed him in the
high priesthood.] Perhaps by the simple act
of acknowledging him as High Priest in the
formal letter which he addressed to him in
B.C. 142 (ch. xiii. 36) ; perhaps in some more
ceremonious way.

according to those things.] Or, " in con-
formity with those things." The rank and
place of High Priest were suitable to one
who had so greatly distinguished himself.

5^4

I. MACCABEES. XIV.

[v. 40—44.

b- c friends, and honoured him with great

cir. 140. . c

— - honour.
^ch. «. 20. ^0 jror he had heard say, that e the
Romans had called the Jews their
friends and confederates and bre-
thren ; and that they had entertained
the ambassadors of Simon honour-
ably ;

41 Also that the Jews and priests
were well pleased that Simon should
be their governor and high priest

/ch.4.46. for ever, / until there should arise a
faithful prophet j

42 Moreover that he should be

their captain, and should take charge b. c.

r \ 1 cir. 140.

of the sanctuary, to set them over —
their works, and over the country,
and over the armour, and over the
fortresses, that, / say, he should take
charge of the sanctuary ;

43 Beside this, that he should be
obeyed of every man, and that all
the writings in the country should be
made in his name, and that £ he s oh- 10-

1 1 . 2°» °9-

should be clothed in purple, and & n. 58.

r gold

44 Also that it should be lawful
for none of the people or priests to

39. And made him one of his friends^]
Compare ch. xiii. 36.

40. For he had heard say, <&c] Though
Rome as yet possessed not a rood of ground
in Asia, her influence was enormous. Con-
tinual embassies were passing between the
Senate and the kings and potentates of Asia
Minor, Syria, and Egypt, through which
Rome, to a great extent, directed the course
of events in the East as she thought best for
her own interests. None of the states could
afiord to quarrel with the great power of the
West, and the moment any community ob-
tained her protection, or any prince her
alliance, the respect of all the neighbouring
states and princes was at once secured. We
may gather from the present passage that
Demetrius did not send his letter to Simon
(ch. xiii. 36-40) until he knew that Numenius
and Antipater had obtained favour at Rome.

the Romans had called the Jews their friends
and confederates and brethren.'] It is not
likely that the Romans really called the Jews
" their brethren," or that the ground of
kinship was put forward in the negotiations
with Rome, as it was in those with Sparta
(ch. xii. 6, 7, 17, 21). The writer has care-
lessly used an unfit expression.

41. Also that the Jews and priests 'were
well pleased.'] The word " that " (6Vt) is
superfluous, and has probably crept in by the
carelessness of a scribe, who had kcu 6Vt before
him in the preceding line. The verse is to
be connected with v. 35. " The people made
Simon their governor and chief priest"
(•v. 35) — not only so, but they made him
"their governor and high priest for ever;"
i.e. they established the governorship and
hi^h-priesthood in the family of Simon, to be
his and his sons' in perpetuum.

until there should arise a faithful prophet."]
During the entire period between Malachi
and John the Baptist, it was recognised by
the Jews themselves that they had no prophet.

Arrangements for the civil government had
to be made in the interval, and to be varied
from time to time ; but they were regarded
as provisional, to be confirmed or altered by
the next prophet, when he should arise. That
a prophet would arise — a true prophet (ttmttos)
— was regarded as certain on account of
Mai. iv. 5.

42. Moreover that he should be their cap-
tain.] Literally, " their general " — the com-
mander of their armies. They placed the
civil, the ecclesiastical, and the military au-
thority in the same hands. Simon afterwards
transferred the military authority to his
sons (ch. xvi. 2, 3).

to set them over their works^] I.e. to
assign their respective duties to all those
employed in the Temple service.

and over the country, <&c.] I.e. to assign
offices generally, as those of district gover-
nors, judges, &c, those of keepers of arsenals,
and those of commandants of fortresses. A
universal power of appointment seems to be
intended.

43. that all the writings in the country
should be made in his tiame.] Rather, " all
the contracts," or "all the legal instru-
ments " (see ch. xiii. 42). It appears by the
Babylonian contract tablets, that agreements,
in order to be valid, had to be dated, and the
only known mode of dating was by the regnal
years of the kings. In Judaea the practice
had been to date by the Seleucid era (as in
1 Mace. i. 10, 54, ii. 70, &c. ; 2 Mace. i. 7,
xi. 33, &c.) ; but, from the first year of
Simon, that system of a double date was
introduced, of which we have a specimen in
this chapter {v. 27). Henceforth all Jewish
contracts mentioned both the Seleucid year
and also the year of the High Priest. The
regulation was a mark of sovereignty.

that he should be clothed in purple, and wear
gold.] Compare ch. viii. 14; x. 20, 62;
xi. 58

v. 45— i-]

I. MACCABEES. XIV. XV.

5*5

.B-C break anv of these things, or to gain-

cir. 140. . . ■> . & ' , °

— say his words, or to gather an as-
sembly in the country without him,
or to be clothed in purple, or wear a
buckle of gold :

45 And whosoever should do other-
wise, or break any of these things, he
should be punished.

46 Thus it liked all the people to
deal with Simon, and to do as hath
been said.

47 Then Simon accepted hereof,
and was well pleased to be high
priest, and captain and governor of
the Jews and priests, and to defend
them all.

48 So they commanded that this

writing should be put in tables of b. c.
brass, and that they should be set up a!l!f0
within the compass of the sanctuary
in a conspicuous place ;

49 Also that the copies thereof
should be laid up in the treasury,
to the end that Simon and his sons
might have them.

CHAPTER XV.

4 Antioclnts desircth leave to pass through
Judea, and granteth great honours to Simon
and the Jews. 16 The Ho mans write to
divers kings and nations to favour the Jews.
27 Antiochus quarrellcth -with Simon, Tfiand
sendelh some to annoy Judea.

OREOVER Antiochus son dr. .39>
of Demetrius the king- sent

44. wear a buckle of go!d.~\ See the com-
ment on ch. x. 89.

45. he should be punished.] Literally, " he
should be liable to punishment."

47. Simon . . . was well pleased to be high
priest, and captain and governor of the Jews.]
Literally, " high priest, and general, and
ethnarch. of the Jews." The word " eth-
narch " is unusual. Etymologically it means
the " ruler of a nation." Practically, it was
applied only to petty sovereigns, as to Simon
on this occasion (comp. Joseph. ' A. J.' xiii. 6,
§ 6), to Archelaus, the son of Herod the
Great (ib. xvii. 13, § 4), to Aretas (2 Cor.
xii. 32), and a few others. Though not
necessarily implying independent sovereignty,
it was an advance beyond the upxcov, which
had been the title of the earlier Maccabee
princes (ch. ii. 66 ; ix. 30). The head of the
Jews in Alexandria had long borne the title
(Joseph. ' A. J.' xiv. 7, § 2 ; xix. 5, § 2, &c).

and to defend them all.] Rather, " and to
be over them all."

48. they commanded that this writing should
be put in tables of brass.] Compare v. 27,
and comment ad loc.

within the compass of the sanctuary.] I.e.
within the wall that enclosed the sanctuary.
Compare ch. iv. 60, vi. 62, x. 11; 2 Mace,
vi. 4, Sec.

in a conspicuous place.] It is impossible to
say what this place was ; but clearly one is
intended which every priest might have
examined at the time when our author wrote.
This is a strong argument in favour of the
authenticity of the document. (See Ewald,
' Hist, of Israel,' vol. v. p. 336, note G.)

49. Also that the copies . . . should be laid
up in the treasury.] Rather, " a copy." The

plural is used on account of the antecedent
("tables ") being in the plural. To. dvrlypcKpa
is literally " their counterparts."

to the end that Simon and his sons might have
them.] See the comment on v. 25. Simon's
sons were as much interested as himself in a
decree which made the monarchy, and the
high priesthood, hereditary (y. 41).

CHAPTER XV.

§ 1. Antiochus Sidetes claims the
Syrian Crown, and seeks the Sup-
port of Simon.

1-9. During the absence of Demetrius in
the eastern provinces the civil war in Syria
had slumbered. Tryphon heid Antioch and
most of Syria proper; but Cleopatra main-
tained her husband's cause from Seleucia, and
was still unsubdued. She felt herself, how-
ever, insecure ; and after a time invited her
husband's brother, Antiochus of Sida (Sidetes),
to her aid. Antiochus readily embraced her
overtures, and Tryphon having become un-
popular through his luxury and tyranny, he was
able to take the offensive, and drive Tryphon
out of Syria (v. 11). First, however, he sent
an embassy to Simon with the proposals
contained in vv. 2-9.

1. Antiochus son of Demetrius the king.]
It is not quite clear whether the author
rightly comprehended the relationship of this
new Antiochus to his predecessors. He was
not the son of Demetrius II., as we should
naturally have imagined from the present
passage, but his brother (App. ' Syriac' § 68 ;
Justin, xxxvi. 1 ; Porphyr. ap. Euseb. ' Chron.
Can.' i. 40, § 18, See), and the son of the
former Demetrius, of whom our author
speaks in chs. viii.-x. He is distinguished

526

I. MACCABEES. XV.

[v. 2 6.

b. c. letters from the isles of the sea unto
— ' Simon the priest and prince of the
Jews, and to all the people ;

2 The contents whereof were
these : Kins; Antiochus to Simon
the high priest and prince of his
nation, and to the people of the
Jews, greeting :

3 Forasmuch as certain pestilent
men have usurped the kingdom of
our fathers, and my purpose is to
challenge it again, that I may restore
it to the old estate, and to that end

have gathered a multitude of foreign b. c.
soldiers together, and prepared ships c'!l29
of war ;

4 My meaning also being to go
through the country, that I may be
avenged of them that have destroyed
it, and made many cities in the king-
dom desolate :

5 Now therefore I confirm unto
thee all the oblations which the kings
before me granted thee, and whatso-
ever gifts besides they granted.

6 I give thee leave also to coin

from the other Antiochi by the epithet Sidetes,
which probably meant " of Sida," a Pamphylian
town where he was brought up (Porphyry).
On his coins he takes the title of Euergetes,
"the Benefactor." He seems to have held
the throne from B.C. 139 to B.C. 128, when
he was defeated and slain by the Parthians.

sent letters.'] Rather, " a letter." See note
on ch. xii. 5.

from the isles of the sea.] Antiochus seems
to have been at Rhodes when Cleopatra's
invitation reached him (Appian, ' Syriac.'
§ 68). It is probable that among the first
steps which he took was the dispatch of an
embassy to Simon.

Simon the . . .prince of the Jews.] Literally,
" the ethnarch." (See the comment on ch. xiv.
47.)

2. King Antiochus.] If we may accept this
letter of Sidetes as genuine, it would seem
that he took the royal title from the first (cf.
-v. 3), thus setting himself up as a rival, not
only to Tryphon, but also to Demetrius, who
was not taken captive by the Parthians until
at least a year later (see Clinton's ' F. H.'
vol. iii. p. 346). Our information is very
scanty with respect to the Seleucid monarchs,
and to some extent contradictory.

3. certain pestilent men.] Compare ch. x.
61. The. phrase seems to be used here as a
periphrasis for the usurper, Tryphon. Com-
pare the ordinary Greek idiom, 01 7repi
'ZatcpciTovs for 'EcoKpa.Trjs.

the kingdom of our fathers.] Sidetes could
trace his descent through six ancestors, who
had all been kings, up to Seleucus Nicator,
the companion of Alexander. He had a clear
hereditary right to the throne, in succession
to his elder brother, Demetrius. Tryphon
had no claim of this land, being a mere
upstart.

I . . . have gathered a multitude of foreign
soldiers together^ Any one with a name and
a sufficient supply of the " sinews of war,"

could at this time easily collect a strong force
of mercenaries, chiefly Greeks, prepared to
shed their blood in his cause. Sidetes,
probably supplied with money by Cleopatra,
had succeeded in gathering together, while
still at Rhodes, a considerable force of this
kind.

and prepared ships of war.] " Ships of
war" were a matter of absolute necessity to
a pretender who started from Rhodes (see
the comment on v. 1), and had to convey his
troops from that island to the mainland. The
first object of Sidetes was to join his forces to
those of Cleopatra at Seleucia.

4. My meaning . . . being to go through the
country.] Rather, "to disembark in the
country," i.e. to invade it from the sea. No
other course was open to the young prince.
Like Demetrius I., he had to throw himself
upon the coast of Syria, with such forces as he
could muster, and to risk the result. The
port of Seleucia was open to him ; and it is
probable that he made his landing there.

5. I confirm unto thee all the oblations.] The
reading is doubtful. The Alexandrian Codex
has dcptfiara for d(paipepLa.Ta. ; and d(jiep.a.Ta is
the word used in the previous passages to
which this verse seems to refer (ch. x. 28 ;
xiii. 37). If we adopt this reading, we must
translate, " all the exemptions" or " immunities."
'A<paipe'fj.aTa may, however, be correct; but
it can scarcely mean " oblations " in this con-
nection. Translate rather "deductions."

they granted.] Rather, "they remitted."
Former kings had " remitted," or excused,
the payment of certain fixed charges which
were of the nature of a tribute, and also
certain customary "gifts." Antiochus con-
firms both remissions.

6. J give thee leave also to coin money.]
Critics are divided on the question, whether
Simon was the first of the Maccabee princes
who struck coins, some extant specimens
being referred by some to Judas Maccabeus,
and others to Jonathan. But, on the whole.

v. 7— ii.]

I. MACCABEES. XV.

5^7

B.C. monev for thy country with thine

cir. 139. j J J

— own stamp.

7 And as concerning Jerusalem
and the sanctuary, let them be free ;
and all the armour that thou hast
made, and fortresses that thou hast
built, and keepest in thine hands, let
them remain unto thee.

8 And if any thing be, or shall
be, owing to the king, let it be for-
given thee from this time forth for
evermore.

9 Furthermore, when we have

obtained our kingdom, we will honour b. C.
thee, and thy nation, and thy temple, C,L!2>
with great honour,so that your honour
shall be known throughout the world.

10 In the hundred threescore and
fourteenth year went Antiochus into
the land of his fathers : at which
time all the forces came together
unto him, so that few were left with
Tryphon.

1 1 Wherefore being pursued by
king Antiochus, he fled unto Dora,
which lieth by the sea side :

it appears most probable that the archaic
types, with which the entire series of Jewish
coins confessedly commences, belong to the
time of Simon, and were issued by him.
These consist of shekels and half-shekels in
silver, and of corresponding copper coins,
bearing upon them such emblems as a pot or
vase, a lily, a wheat-sheaf, a palm-tree, a
fruit or fruits, with short legends in the
archaic Hebrew character, which in the case
of the silver coins read " shekel of Israel," or
" half-shekel," and " Jerusalem the Holy"—
in the case of the copper ones, " Year 4 of
the redemption of Israel." The silver coins
belong to three distinct years, and are marked
as those of " Year 1," " Year 2," and " Year
3 ; " after which they cease and the copper
begin, all of these belonging to " Year 4." It
is remarkable that Simon did not put his
name upon his coins, as did the later princes
of the family, and it is to be noticed that his
emblems were all of one class— "indications
of the peace and plenty which he had ushered
in " (Stanley, ' Jewish Church,' vol. iii. p.
363). The right of striking coins was re-
garded in the ancient world as essentially
attaching to independent sovereignty.

7. the armour . . . and fortresses.'] Com-
pare ch. xiv. 10, 42.

8. if any thing be . . . owing.] If there
be any outstanding claim for arrears due to
the Syrian crown before the immunity of the
land from taxation and tribute was formally
granted.

§ 2. War of Antiochus with Tryphon.

10-14. The struggle between Antiochus
Sidetes and Tryphon was but brief. Tryphon
had alienated his subjects, and even his troops,
by his excessive luxury and his caprices.
Antiochus was no sooner landed on the Syrian
coast than deserters from his rival's army
flocked to his standard (y. 10). He was
able at once to assume the offensive, and to
challenge Tryphon to a trial of strength.

According to Josephus (' A. J.' xiii. 7, § 2),
the two armies met in a pitched battle, and
Sidetes was victorious. Tryphon fled to
Dor, or Dora, a maritime town situated south
of Carmel, where he was besieged by Sidetes,
who blockaded the place both by land and
sea Qv. 14). The end was not long in
arriving. Tryphon broke the blockade and
escaped to Orthosias {-v. 37), whence he made
his way to Apameia (Joseph. ' A. J.' /. s. c),
where he either committed suicide (Strab.
xiv. 5, § 2) or was put to death (Appian,
' Syriac' § 68).

10. In the hundred threescore and fourteenth

year.] The 1 74th Seleucid year commenced

in October B.C. 139, and terminated in

October B.C. 138. Tryphon's death is placed

by Clinton in November B.C. 139.

11. Dora, which lieth by the sea side.] Dora,
" which lieth by the sea side," is almost cer-
tainly Dor, an old Phoenician settlement
(Plin. 'H. N.' v. 17 ; Steph. Byz. ad voc), on
the coast of Palestine, between Caesarea and
the foot of Carmel. Dor had its own king
in the time of Joshua (Josh. xii. 23^ who was
one of those "smitten" by him. _ In the
partition of the territory it was assigned to
Manasseh (ib. xvii. 11), but remained in the
possession of the old inhabitants, paying a
tribute (Judg. i. 27, 28). Solomon placed one
of his "purveyors" in the "region of Dor"
(1 Kings iv. 11). Tiglath-Pileser conquered
the city about B.C. 730 (' Ancient Monarchies,'
vol. ii. p. 398). Dora is reasonably identified
with the modern Tantura, a village of about
thirty houses, wholly constructed of ancient
materials, and occupying the position indicated,
about nine miles north of Caesarea, and fifteen
from the southern foot of Carmel. In the
latter part of the modern name we have prob-
ably a corruption of Dora. Frontinus says
(' Stratagem.' ii. 1 3) that Tryphon, as he fled
from Antiochus, scattered money along his
line of route, and thus succeeded in delaying
the horsemen who had been sent to pursue
and capture him.

528

I. MACCABEES. XV.

[v. 12 19.

B.C.
cir. 139.

12 For he saw that troubles came
upon him all at once, and that his
forces had forsaken him.

13 Then camped Antiochus
against Dora, having with him an
hundred and twenty thousand men of
war, and eight thousand horsemen.

14 And when he had compassed
the city round about, and joined ships
close to the town on the sea side, he
vexed the city by land and by sea,
neither suffered he any to go out
or in.

15 In the mean season came Nu-
menius and his company from Rome,
having letters to the kings and coun-

tries ; wherein were written these b. c.

1 • cir. 139.

things : — -

16 Lucius, consul of the Romans,
unto king Ptolemee, greeting :

17 The Jews' ambassadors, our
friends and confederates, came unto
us to renew the old friendship and
league, being sent from Simon the
high priest, and from the people of
the Jews :

18 "And they brought a shield of"2ch x+-
gold of a thousand pound.

19 We thought it good therefore
to write unto the kings and coun-
tries, that they should do them no
harm, nor fight against them, their

12. his forces had forsaken him.'] Justin
says that the favour which had greeted him
when his power was new, soon passed away
(xxxvi. 1).

13. an hundred and twenty thousand . . .
eight thousand.] These numbers are probably
exaggerated. They exceed all that have
occurred previously, and are far greater than
would have been needed for the blockade of a
small town like Dor.

14. and joined ships close to the town on the
sea side.] Rather, " and his ships had
completed the circuit on the sea side."
The object was to invest the place com-
pletely.

§ 3. Return of Numenius from Rome,
and Result of his Embassy.

15-24. The valuable gift which Numenius
took to Rome not only obtained him an early
audience, but secured the complete success
of his mission. The Jews were distinctly
acknowledged as friends and allies of the
Romans ; and at the same time a circular
letter was written and sent to all the states
and monarchs regarded as friendly to Rome
in Greece, Western Asia, and East Africa,
requiring them to abstain from all acts of
hostility towards Simon, and further, to sur-
render to him all Jewish refugees whom he
might require to be given up. A copy of the
letter was entrusted to Numenius, to be
placed in Simon's hands, that he might take
action accordingly.

15. came Numenius . . . from Rome.]
Compare ch. xiv. 24, where the embassy of
Numenius is mentioned.

having letters to the kings.] The writer
probably does not mean that the Romans
entrusted the twenty-four copies of their
circular letter to Numenius, to be delivered

by him, or dispatched by Simon to their
various destinations, but only that they sent
by him "a letter" (eVio-roXds ), which was
addressed to numerous kings and countries.
The "kings and countries" are enumerable
in verses 22, 23.

16. Lucius, consul of the Romans.] The
" Lucius" intended is probably L. Calpurnius
Piso, who was consul, together with M.
Popillius Laenas, in B.C. 139. The ordinary
lists, it is true, give his prasnomen as " Cneius,"
but incorrectly, as has been shewn by Dr.
Westcott (' Diet, of the Bible,' vol. ii. p. 148).
It is curious, however, to find a Roman
consul designated by his praenomen only, as
also to find a document running in the name
of one consul alone ; and the conclusion is
forced upon us that we have not an exact
transcript of the circular letter sent, or even
a correct translation of it. Still, there is no
reason to doubt that the matter of the letter
is correctly given.

unto king Ptolemee.] The letter addressed
to the King of Egypt is taken as a specimen,
sufficiently representing the remainder. The
Ptolemy of the time was Ptolemy VIII. —
known as Ptolemy Physcon, and also as
Ptolemy Euergetes II. — who had been joint-
king with his brother, Philometor, from B.C.
169 to 165, and reigned as sole king from
B.C. 146 to B.C. 117.

17. to renew the old friendship and league.]
I.e. the friendship and league made with Judas
Maccabeus in B.C. 161-0. (See ch. viii. 17-
30.)

18. they brought a shield of gold.] See ch.
xiv. 24.

19. that they should do them no harm.]
Literally, " that they should not seek their
hurt."

their cities or countries.] Rather, " their
cities or country."

V. 20 23.]

I. MACCABEES. XV.

ck.*iC'. Cltieh or countries, nor yet aid their
— ' enemies against them.

20 It seemed also good to us to
receive the shield of them.

21 If therefore there be any pes-
tilent fellows, that have fled from
their country unto you, deliver them
unto Simon the high priest, that he

may punish them according to their
own law.

22 The same things wrote he like-
wise unto Demetrius the king, and
Attalus, to "Ariarathes, and Arsaces,

23 And to all the countries, and to
LISampsames, and the Lacedemonians,
and to Delus, and Myndus,and Sicyon,

529

B.C

cir. 139.

I Or,

Arat/tes.

"Or,

saccs.
Lat.
Lamp'
sacus.

nor yet aid their enemies against them.]
Literally, " nor yet aid those who make war
upon them."

20. It seemed . . . good to us to receive the
shield^ Reception of the present brought by
envoys was considered to bind the recipient
to give a favourable answer to their requests.
Rome, in the great majority of cases, kept to this
understanding, but with an occasional depar-
ture from it. Very recently she had accepted
a golden figure of Victory from Tryphon, and
had melted it into a figure of the murdered
Antiochus, placing his name upon it as though
he had been the giver, and declining to
acknowledge any obligation to Tryphon
(Diod. Sic. vol. x. p. 88 ; Ed. Bipont.).

21. pestilent fellows, that have fled from
their country unto you.'] The severe measures
of Simon against the Hellenizing faction (ch.
xiv. 14) had evidently caused many Jews to
betake themselves to voluntary exile. Nume-
nius must have requested an exertion of the
influence of Rome to force these exiles back
upon their own country. Such an extradition
of political offenders, though not unprece-
dented, was very unusual. It may be doubted
whether many of the " kings and countries "
addressed by the Romans acted upon the
instructions here given to them.

22. The same things wrote he likewise unto
Demetrius.] One of the circular letters was
addressed to Demetrius II., who was re-
garded as the legitimate king of Syria, and
whose capture by the Parthians had either
not taken place, or at any rate was not known
at Rome, when the circular letters were
written. According to Clinton (' F. H.'
vol. iii. p. 346) Demetrius was not made pri-
soner till Nov. B.C. 138. The letters were
written in B.C. 139. (See comment on -v. 16.)

and Attalus.] Attalus II. is no doubt
intended. He was still king of Pergamus
when the letters were written, not having
been succeeded by his nephew, Attalus III.,
till B.C. 138. The Pergamene dynasty was
connected with Rome by peculiarly close
terms of alliance.

to Ariarathes.] Ariarathes V. (Philopator)
was king of Cappadocia from B.C. 162 to
B.C. 131. He "maintained the alliance be-

Apoc — Vol.IL

tween Cappadocia and Rome with great
fidelity" ('Manual of Ancient History,' p.
300), and was a man of pure and blameless
character. The Romans could count with
a near approach to certainty on his compliance
with their wishes.

and Arsaces^] It is surprising to find it
stated that a letter was addressed at this time
to Arsaces, the Parthian monarch, who was
absolutely and entirely independent of the
Romans, and was scarcely likely to pay the
very slightest attention to their requests. As
Grimm observes, the letter, if really written,
must have been wholly different in tone from
those addressed to the other monarchs. But
our author's testimony, entirely unsupported
as it is, can scarcely be regarded as sufficient
to establish the fact— antecedently most im-
probable— that Arsaces was addressed upon
the subject. The Arsaces intended would
be Mithridates I., the opponent of Deme-
trius. (Cf. ch. xiv. 2, 3.)

23. to Sampsames.] It is quite uncertain
what country is intended here. The Vul-
gate gives " Lampsacus ;" but Lampsacus
was not at this time an independent state,
much less one that would be likely to be
given the foremost place in such a list as the
present. Grimm's conjecture of " Samsoun "
— a name which first appears in the geography
of Abulfeda (a.d. 1330) — is in the highest
degree improbable.

Delus, and Myndus.] Delus, or rather
Del os, the smallest of the Cyclades, had
been given to Athens by the Romans in
B.C. 167 (Polyb. xxx. 18, § 7). After the
fall of Corinth, in B.C. 146, it became the
centre of an extensive commerce, and (seem-
ingly) regained its independence. Myndus
was a small town in Caria, not far from
Halicarnassus.

Sicyon.] Sicyon was one of the most im-
portant towns of the Peloponnese. It had
been the place of meeting for the Council of
the Achaean League (Polyb. v. 1, § 7 ; xxv. 1,
§ 5, &c), and was a town of great strength
(ib. xxx. 15, § 1). After the dissolution of
the League, Sicyon, though really subject to
Rome, was allowed the shadow of inde-
pendence. (See Mommsen, ' Hist, of Rome,'
vol. iii. p. 50, E. T.)

2 M

53°

I. MACCABEES. XV.

[v. 24 — 27.

B. c. and Caria, and Samos, and Pamphy-

- — ' lia, and Lycia, and Halicarnassus,

!&*«/& an<^ Rhodus, and "Phaselis, and Cos,

and Side, and Aradus, and Gortyna,

and Cnidus, and Cyprus, and Cyrene.

24 And the copy hereof they

iGr- wrote to Simon the high priest.

bringing 25 So Antiochus the king camped

his farces • t^ 1 1 1 11

to it. against Dora the second aayy "as-

saulting it continually, and making
engines, by which means he shut up
Tryphon, that he could neither go
out nor in.

26 At that time Simon sent him
two thousand chosen men to aid
him ; silver also, and gold, and much
armour.

27 Nevertheless he would not re-

b. c.

cir. I39.

Carta, . . . and Pamphylia, and Lycia.~\ After
a period of subjection to Rhodes, Caria and
Lycia had regained their freedom by a decree
of the Senate in B.C. 168 (Polyb. xxx. 5,§ 12).
Pamphylia, after its conquest by Achseus in
B.C. 219 (Polyb. v. 77, § 1), was recovered to
the Seleucid kingdom, but in the recent
troubles may have become free.

Phaselii .] Phaselis was a city on the coast
of Lycia, with an excellent port and a con-
siderable trade, more especially in the early
times (Herod, ii. 178). It was independent
until B.C. 75, when the Romans deprived it of
freedom as a punishment for the share which
it had taken in the organised piracy of the
time.

Side, and Aradus, and Gortyna^] Side, the
city in which Antiochus Sidetes was brought
up (see note on v. 1), was a Greek town
belonging to Pamphylia, situated upon the
coast between the Eurymedon and the Melas
rivers. Like so many of the Hellenic mari-
time towns, it seems to have enjoyed a prac-
tical independence (Polyb. v. 73, § 4). Ara-
dus was a Phoenician town, situated on the
island now called Ruad, which lies off the
Syrian coast, in lat. 340 51'. It appears as
independent in the war between Antiochus
the Great and Ptolemy Philopator, B.C. 219
(Polyb. v. 68, § 7). Gortyna was one of the
chief cities of Crete. Cnidus, Cyprus, and
Cyrene are too well known to need identi-
fication or description.

24. the copy hereof?] The exact counter-
part of the circular letter addressed to the
Roman allies was sent to Simon, that he might
know what injunctions had been laid upon
them.

§ 4. Antiochus Sidetes continues his
War with Tryphon — He picks a
Quarrel with Simon.

25-37. The siege of Dor continued, and
Simon (according to Josephus) was of great
service to Antiochus, by supplying him with
money and provisions during the earlier part
of the siege ('A. J.,' xiii. 7, § 2). During
this period he was in high favour with the
Syrian king. But later on, in what seems to be
called " the second siege" Qv. 25), when suc-

cess appeared to be certain, Sidetes changed
his tone. The supplies of men and money
which Simon sent him were rudely rejected
(v. 27), and a demand was made on him for
the payment of a thousand talents (more
than 240,000/.), under the threat of imme-
diate hostilities. The only alternative sug-
gested was the surrender of Joppa, Gazara,
and the Acra of Jerusalem, which Antiochus
declared to be "cities of his realm" (v. 28)
Simon was probably quite unable to pay the
sum demanded, and he was quite determined
not to surrender the fortresses, but, with the
moderation which characterised him, he pro-
posed a middle course — he would give a
hundred talents (24,000/.) for the two con-
quered cities, albeit they belonged of right to
Judaea, but he would give no more. The
reply infuriated Sidetes, from whom Tryphon
had recently escaped, having fled from Dor
to Orthosias, a Phoenician city further to the
north.

25. Antiochus the king camped against
Dora the second day.] Rather, " for the
second time," or "in the second siege" —
iv rfj devrepa [noXiopKia]. Ewald has shewn
that an interval of time is required between
the events related in w. 13, 14, and those
now spoken of ('Hist, of Israel,' vol. v. p.
338, note 4).

assaulting it continually, and making en-
gines.'] The original intention was to reduce
the place by blockade (y. 1 4) ; but this plan
seems to have been found too tedious. In
the "second siege" continual attacks were
made upon the walls by military engines,
which were supported by troops.

26. Simon sent him ttvo thousand chosen
men.] A small contingent, but nearly as
many as had enabled Demetrius to quell the
great insurrection in Antioch (ch. xi. 44-5 r),
and exactly the number that had defied the
entire " host " of Tryphon in Galilee (ch. xii.
47-5i)-

much armour.] Literally, ' ' many vessels."
The original no doubt had keli, which is a
word of very wide significance.

27. Nevertheless he would not receive them.]
There is not necessarily any contradiction
between this statement and that of Josephus,

v. 28—34-]

I. MACCABEES. XV.

53i

B.C.

cir. 139.

D Or, ex-
cept the
borders,

ceive them, but brake all the cove-
nants which he had made with him
afore, and became strange unto him.

28 Furthermore he sent unto him
Athenobius, one of his friends, to
commune with him, and say, Ye
withhold Joppe and Gazara, with the
tower that is in Jerusalem, which are
cities of my realm.

29 The borders thereof ye have
wasted, and done great hurt in the
land, and got the dominion of many
places within my kingdom.

30 Now therefore deliver the cities
which ye have taken, and the tributes
of the places, whereof ye have gotten
dominion K without the borders of
Judea :

31 Or else give me for them five

B.C.

cir. 139.

hundred talents of silver ; and for the
harm that ye have done, and the
tributes of the cities, other five hun-
dred talents : if not, we will come
and "fight against you. 1 Or, «<}-

32 So Athenobius the king's friend /Ju™
came to Jerusalem : and when he

saw the glory of Simon, and the cup-
board of geld and silver plate, and
his great attendance, he was astonished,
and told him the king's message.

33 Then answered Simon, and
said unto him, We have neither
taken other men's land, nor holden
that which appertaineth to others,
but the inheritance of our fathers,
which our enemies had wrongfully
in possession a certain time.

34 Wherefore we, having oppor-

that Simon supplied the troops of Antiochus
with provisions and pay ('A. J.' xiii. 7, § 2),
if we regard Josephus as speaking of the
earlier, and our author of the later siege.

brake all the covenants which he had made
'with him afore.'] Compare vv. 2-9. It is
impossible to assign any other ground for
Sidetes' change of policy, except his convic-
tion that he was strong enough to hold his
own without the help of the Jews, and his de-
termination to bring Judaea back to the posi-
tion of weakness and dependence which she
had occupied in the more flourishing times of
the Seleucid monarchy. This policy he pur-
sued steadily during the remainder of his
reign (ch. xv. 38-41, xvi. 5-10; Joseph.
1 A. J.' xiii. 8).

became strange unto him.~\ Compare ch. xi.
53, where the same expression is used with
respect to Demetrius II. and Jonathan.

28. Ye 'withhold Joppe.] Rather, " Ye
hold." On the occupation of Joppa by Simon,
see ch. xii. 33 ; xiv. 5, 34.

and Gazara?] Compare ch. xiii. 43-48;
xiv. 34.

with the tower that is in Jerusalem.] I.e.
the Acra, which Simon had taken after it had
been held by the Syrians for twenty-six years.
(See ch. xiii. 49-51.) Antiochus calls it a
" city of his realm," since, though originally
a mere fort, it had in course of time collected
a cluster of houses around it.

29. The borders thereof ye have wasted?]
Rather, "ye have made solitary." The ex-
pulsion of the Syrian garrisons, with their
sympathizers, from Joppa (ch. xii. 34) and

Gazara (ch. xiii. 47 ; xiv. 34), seems to be
intended.

got the dominion of many places?] This is
rhetorical amplification. The only other
place that can be named is Ekron, which
had been voluntarily ceded by Balas (ch. x.
89).

30. the tributes of the places?] I.e. the
sums that would have been paid to the royal
treasury as tribute by the cities occupied, if
they had remained in the possession of the
Syrians. The amount due is estimated later
on (v. 31) at 500 talents !

32. the cupboard of gold and silver plate.]
A " beaufet," or " sideboard," on which the
gold and silver plate was displayed, is meant.
An ostentatious display of magnificent drink-
ing-vessels had been common in the East
from Persian times (Xen. 'Cyrop.' viii. 8,
§ 18 ; Herod, ix. 80; Strab. xv. 3, § 19, &c),
and probably even from an earlier date. The
practice spread from the Persians to the
Greco-Macedonians, and seems to have passed
from them to the Jews.

his great attendance.] Compare 2 Chr. ix.
4. Simon had evidently adopted a pomp and
magnificence unknown to previous Macca-
bean princes, and unusual in a mere vassal
king.

33. We have neither taken other men's land,
fac?] Simon means to say that Joppa and
Gazara, and still more the Acra, were an-
cient possessions of the Jewish nation, with-
held from them for a time by force, but
always really theirs. Consequently, they had
but taken that which was their own. (See
Josh. xvi. 3, xix. 46 ; 2 Chr. ii. 16, &c.)

2 M 2

53-

I. MACCABEES. XV.

[v. 35— 4°-

b. c tunity, hold the inheritance of our

or. 139. r .u

— fathers.

35 And whereas thou demandest
Joppe and Gazara, albeit they did
great harm unto the people in our
country, yet will we give an hun-
dred talents for them. Hereunto
Athenobius answered him not a
word ;

36 But returned in a rage to the
king, and made report unto him of
these speeches, and of the glory of
Simon, and of all that he had seen :
whereupon the king was exceedirg
wroth.

37 In the mean time fled Tryphon
by ship unto Orthosias.

38 Then the king made Cendebeus
captain of the sea coast, and gave him
an host of footmen and horsemen,

39 And commanded him to re-
move his host toward Judea : also he
commanded him to build up " Cedron,
and to fortify the gates, and to war
against the people ; but as for the
king himself, he pursued Tryphon.

40 So Cendebeus came to Jamnia,
and began to provoke the people, and
to invade Judea, and to take the
people prisoners, and slay them.

B.C.
cir. 139

II Or,
Gedor.

35. will tve give an hundred talents for
tbem.~\ Simon was always ready to avert
war by a moderate pecuniary sacrifice (ch.
xiii. 19); but the demand for 1000 talents
was preposterous. It is doubtful whether by
any exertions he could have raised such a
sum.

36. the king was exceeding wroth.'] He
had probably expected a submissive answer —
the arrival of ambassadors with presents to
deprecate his displeasure — the surrender, per-
haps, of Joppa or Gazara, or both. He
could certainly not have expected the resto-
ration of the Acra. The boldness, however,
and uncompromising plainness of Simon's
reply offended him, and roused a feeling of
anger, which led him to declare war at once
against his recent ally.

37. Tryphon fled by ship unto Orthosias.']
It is extremely difficult to keep up a blockade
by sea. Rough weather deranges it, causing
the blockading vessels to put to sea, or else to
seek shelter in harbours. Again, a small boat
easily slips past the vessels under cover of
darkness. Thus Tryphon was able to elude
his enemy, and remove from Dor to Orthosias.
This latter city lay about 140 miles north of
Dor, on the coast of Phoenicia, between
Tripolis and the river Eleutherus (Plin.
*H. N.' v. 17). The exact position is un-
certain. Tryphon, on making his escape from
Dor, appears to have fled first to Ptolema'i's
(Charax, Fr. 14), whence he proceeded to
Orthosias, and thence to Apamea in the valley
of the Orontes. At Apamea, he either com-
mitted suicide (Strab. xiv. 5, § 2), or was put
to death (Joseph. ' A. J.' xiii. 7, § 2).

§ 5. War of Antiochus Sidetes with
simon— jud^a invaded bycendebieus.

38-41. On the escape of Tryphon, Antio-
chus resolved to divide his forces, and, while
pursuing Tryphon with a portion, to send the

remainder, under a general named Cendebaeus,
to invade Judasa. He was sagacious enough
to perceive that Tryphon had ceased to be
formidable, and must soon be taken or sur-
render himself, while Simon was far more to
be dreaded. Cendebaeus had orders to move
southwards towards Judaea, and occupy a
strong post, known as Cedron, in the vicinity
of Jamnia, whence he would be able to make
inroads into the Jewish territory. The
present passage describes his execution of
these orders, and establishment at Jamnia
and Cedron, to the great detriment of Simon's
subjects in that quarter.

38. captain of the sea coast.] The tract
from Carmel to Gaza is probably intended.
It was a long tract of lowland, known as
Sharon in the more northern, and as Philistia
in the more southern portion. The chief
maritime towns, besides Dor and Gaza,
were Apollonia, Joppa, Jamnia, Ashdod, and
Ascalon.

39. commanded him to remove his host
toward Judea.] Literally, "to encamp over
against Judasa," i.e. to take up a position out-
side the Jewish territory, but near it, and
opposite to it, so to speak.

to build up Cedron.] Literally, "to build
Cedron." Cedron has not been previously
mentioned. It must have been within a short
distance of Jamnia (Jabneti) and Azotus
{Esdud), and must have had a watercourse
eastward of it. These conditions are fulfilled
by the modern Katra or Kutrah, which lies
in the flat country a little below the river
Rubin and three miles S.W. of Akir or
Ekron, and which is therefore thought to be
" Cedron."

40. Cendebeus came to Jamnia?] Jamnia,
when last mentioned (ch. x. 69), was in the
possession of Demetrius II. It now readily
acknowledged the authority of Sidetes.

began to provoke the people?] I.e. the Jews.

v. 4i— 3-]

I. MACCABEES. XV. XVI.

533

B. c. 41 And when he had built up Ce-
llJ.9' dron, he set horsemen there, and an
host of footmen, to the end that issuing
out they might make outroads upon
the ways of Judea, as the king had
commanded him.

CHAPTER XVI.

3 Judas and John prevail against the forces
sent by Antiochus. 11 The captain of Jericho
inviteth Simon and two of his sons into his
castle, and there treacherously murdereth them.
19 John is sought for, 22 and escapeth, and
killeth those that sought for him.

•dL 13. '^r^HEN came up John "from Ga-
JL zara, and told Simon his father
what Cendebeus had done.

2 Wherefore Simon called his two b. c.
eldest sons, Judas and John, and said "l^8,
unto them, *I, and my brethren, and *<*-»4-
my father's house, have ever from our
youth unto this day fought against

the enemies of Israel ; and 'things ^ 3-66-
have prospered so well in our hands,
that we have delivered Israel often-
times.

3 But now I am old, and ye, by
God's mercy, are of a sufficient age :
be ye instead of me and my brother,
and go and fight for our nation,
and the help from heaven be with
you.

41. they might make outroads upon the ways
of Judea.] The word " outroad," which does
not occur elsewhere in the A. V., is scarcely
English. Translate — '' they might make ex-
peditions along the roads of Judaea." It
is clear that the position of Cedron com-
manded several lines of route from the low
country into Judaea, and thus afforded facili-
ties for invasion.

CHAPTER XVI.
§ 1. Sequel of the War of Sidetes

against Simon — Cendebjeus defeated

by John Hyrcanus.

1-10. The war of petty inroad, now on
one line of route, now on another, which
Cendebaeus was carrying on by the directions
of Sidetes (ch. xv. 41), was an annoyance rather
than a danger, yet seemed to need to be met
by prompt action. John, therefore, the son
of Simon, who commanded in these parts,
having his head-quarters at Gazara (ch. xiii.
54; xvi. 1), proceeded to Jerusalem to con-
sult his father on the emergency. Hereupon
Simon, who had already designated his son
John for captain of the host (ch. xiii. 54),
formally devolved the command on him and
his brother Judas, whom he directed to march
against Cendebaeus at the head of an army of
20,000 men, composed both of horse and
foot. His commands were executed, and in a
pitched battle, fought with Cendebaeus near
Cedron, the two brothers gained a great
victory, completely routing the Syrian host,
which fled from the field to Cedron, and from
Cedron to the watch-towers of Ashdod.
Judas being wounded, John conducted the
pursuit, and pressed it to Ashdod itself, which
he took and burnt. He then returned to
Judaea in peace.

1. Then came up John from Gazara.~\ Com-
pare ch. xiii. 54, where we are told that
John's residence was fixed at Gazara, which
lay but a short distance from Cedron.

and told Simon . . . vuhat Cendebeus had
done.] Rather, what "Cendebeus was ac-
complishing." He was continually making
inroads, ravaging the territory, killing such as
resisted, and carrying off numerous prisoners
(ch. xv. 40). These were no doubt sold to
the slave-merchants. (Compare ch. iii. 41.)

2. his two eldest sons.] Literally, " his
two elder sons." He seems to have had, in
all, three sons: Judas, the eldest; Johanan
or John, the second ; and a third, whose name
was Mattathias. The eldest and youngest
sons were involved in the fate of their father,
being murdered by Ptolemy the son of Abubus
at a banquet (infra, v. 16). John alone
escaped, and thus, though only the second
son, succeeded his father (w. 22, 23).

I, and my brethren, and my father's house.]
See note on ch. xiii. 3.

have delivered Israel oftentimes.] I.e. " have
repulsed and defeated an invader." Compare
ch. iii. 11, 23; iv. 14, 34; vii. 43; ix. 66-68;
x. 82.

3. now I am old.] On the probable age of
Simon, see the comment on ch. xiii. 53.

by God's merry.] Literally, " through
mercy." With his usual extreme reverence
and reticence, the author abstains from in-
troducing the name of God. Compare ch. iii.
18, 22, 33 ; iv. 10, 55 ; vii. 37, 41, Sec.

be ye instead of me and my brother.] Simon
is thinking of the time, when, all the brothers
being dead but himself and Jonathan, the
cause of national independence and religious
purity was upheld by the two conjointly,
both being at the head of armies, and lending
valuable aid the one to the other. (See ch. ix.
62-67; x. 74-84; xi- 60-74; xii. 24-38.) He
intends Judas and John to act similarly, and an-
ticipates a long and prosperous career for both.

the help from heaven.] I.e. God*s help;
but again the Holy Name is suppressed.

534

I. MACCABEES. XVI.

[v. 4 — 10.

B. C.
cir. 138.

4 So he chose out of the country
twenty thousand men of war with
horsemen, who went out against Cen-
debeus, and rested that night at
Mod in.

5 And when as they rose in the
morning, and went into the plain,
behold, a mighty great host both of
footmen and horsemen came against
them : howbeit there was a water
brook betwixt them.

6 So he and his people pitched
over against them : and when he
saw that the people were afraid to
go over the Water brook, he went
first over himself, and then the men
seeing him passed through after him.

7 That done, he divided his men, .B- c- '
and set the horsemen in the midst of

the footmen : for the enemies' horse-
men were very many.

8 Then sounded they with the
holy trumpets : whereupon Cende-
beus and his host were put to flight,
so that many of them were slain, and
the remnant gat them to the strong
hold.

9 At that time was Judas John's
brother wounded ; but John still
followed after them, until he came to
Cedron, which Cendebeus had built.

10 "So they fled even unto the
towers in the fields of Azotus ;
wherefore he burned it with fire : so

II Or,
Which

when lie
had set o\

fire, they
fied unto !

the tower,

in the
fields of

Azotus;

and there

were

slain, &&

4. he chose out . . twenty thousand men."]
He could now bring into the field 40,000
men, if necessary (ch. xii. 41); but the oc-
casion did not seem to require so many. He
preferred a smaller picked army.

<with horsemen.'] Cavalry are here for the
first time mentioned as employed by the
Maccabee princes. The force was probably
a small one (see v. 7).

at Modin.~] Modin, or Modei'n, was not
very far from Cedron, and lay on the direct
route between that place and Jerusalem. (See
the comment on ch. ii. 1, and ch. xiii. 25-30.)
It commanded the view over the maritime
plain far and wide. Posted at Modei'n,
Judas and John would be able to see the
entire disposition of the enemy's forces.

5. there was a water brook betwixt them J]
Rather, "a water-course" — i.e. the dry
stream of a winter torrent. This is supposed
to have been the modern Wady Rubin, which
runs a little to the east of Kutrah, the sup-
posed site of Cedron. (See the comment on
ch. xv. 39.)

6. he and his people.] It is questioned,
which of the brothers is intended, Judas or
John. As Judas has certainly been assigned
the most prominent place in v. 2, it might so
far be supposed that the reference was to him.
But on the other hand, we have to remember
(1) That John was designated as "captain of
all the hosts" in B.C. 141, without any men-
tion of Judas (ch. xiii. 53); (2) That it was
John who took the important step of con-
sulting Simon on the emergency; and (3) That
John is so much the foremost figure on the
Jewish side in the eye of the writer, that, to
identify Judas, he speaks of him as " John's
brother" Qv. 9). These facts give a pro-
minence to John, which makes it almost cer-

tain that the actions recorded in -w. 6 and 7
are his.

the people were afraid to go over the water
brook!] They would be at a disadvantage if
attacked while they were crossing ; and they
would fight at a disadvantage with such au
obstacle in their rear.

7. he divided his men, and set the horsemen
in the midst of the footmen.] The meaning
seems to be, that, instead of placing the
cavalry on the wings, according to ordinary
practice, or drawing them up in a body, to
watch events and make a charge when neces-
sary, John intermixed the two arms of the
service, blending cavalry and infantry together
into a mixed mass. The arrangement is not
one likely to commend itself to modern tac-
ticians. It was, however, adopted upon oc-
casions by the Romans (Val. Max. i. 3, § 3 ;
Denison's ' History of Cavalry,' p. 73). John
had recourse to it, because his cavalry was
scanty, and, if it had acted alone, might easily
have been annihilated by the numerous cavalry
of the enemy.

8. Then sounded they with the holy trumpets^]
Compare ch. iv. 13; v. 33; ix. 12, &c. The
epithet " holy " is omitted in several MSS.

many of them were slain.] Literally, " many
of them fell wounded." (Compare ch. iii. 11.)

the remnant gat them to the strong hold.]
l.e. to Cedron (ch. xv. 39, 41).

10. the towers in the fields of Azotus!]
Watch-towers were common, both in Pales-
tine, and in the adjacent countries, which were
liable to sudden incursions of the wandering
tribes, Arabs, Edomites, Amalekites, &c.
Hence the expression " from the tower of the
watchman unto the fenced city" (2 Kings
xvii. 9, xviii. 8).

he burned it with fire.] The Vulgate has

V. II-

■14.]

I. MACCABEES. XVI.

535

b. c. that there were slain of them about
C1!li£ ' two thousand men. Afterward he re-
turned into the land of Judea in peace,
dr. 13s. 11 Moreover in the plain of Je-
richo was Ptolemeus the son of
Abubus made captain, and he had
abundance of silver and gold :

12 For he was the high priest's
son in law.

13 Wherefore his heart being lift-

ed up, he thought to get the country b. c.
to himself, and thereupon consulted Clll215'
deceitfully against Simon and his
sons to destroy them.

14 Now Simon was visiting the
cities that were in the country, and
taking care for the good ordering of
them ; at which time he came down
himself to Jericho with his sons,
Mattathias and Judas, in the hun-

"them" for "it," as though there had been
a reading of avroiis for avTrjv, but this read-
ing is not found in the MSS. If avrf]v be
preferred, we must regard the antecedent as
Azotus, which was probably at this time not
a place of much strength. (Compare ch. x.
84 ; xi. 4.)

two thousand men.'] The MSS. vary be-
tween 1000, 2000, and 3000. The Syrian
Version has 3000. We should have expected
a greater destruction from the terms in which
the host of Cendebasus is described in v. 5.

§ 2. Murder of Simon, and two of his
Sons, by Ptolemy the Son of Abubus.

11-17. If the war with Cendebaeus was in
B.C. 138, as seems probable, there must have
been an interval of about three years between
its termination and the death of Simon. It
was probably now that Simon found time for
the accomplishment of his works of peace
(ch. xiii. 27-30 ; xiv. 5-15). After the failure
of the expedition of Cendebasus, Sidetes left
Simon to himself, waiting for a favourable op-
portunity to renew his attack. Simon's ad-
ministration of the government continued to
be active and energetic, the old man personally
visiting the various cities of his kingdom, and
inquiring into their condition. It was while
he was engaged in one of these tours of
inspection that he laid himself open to a
treacherous onslaught. He had married a
daughter to a certain "Ptolemy, son of
Abubus," and had intrusted to his govern-
ment the rich district about Jericho.
Ptolemy had grown wealthy in this office,
and aspired to the supreme power. If he
could remove Simon and his sons, he thought
Sidetes might be prevailed on to accept him
as vassal monarch. Accordingly he arranged
matters so that when it was his turn to be
visited, Simon should fall into a trap and lose
his life. Had all Simon's sons accompanied
him, the plot might have had a complete
success. As it was, Mattathias and Judas
shared the fate of their father ; but John, who
was at Gazara, escaped.

11. in the plain of Jericho.'} The " Arboth-
Jericho," or " plain of Jericho," was the rich

tract towards the mouth of the Jordan de-
scribed by Josephus (' B. J.' iv. 8, § 3) as
seventy stades (eight miles) long by twenty
stades (2? miles) broad. It was well watered
by a " most exuberant fountain." The " fer-
tility of the soil was unexampled. Palms of
various names and properties — some that
produced honey scarcely inferior to that of the
neighbourhood; opobalsamum, the choicest
of indigenous fruits ; Cyprus and myrobalsa-
mum, throve there beautifully, and were
thickly dotted about in pleasure grounds"
(' Diet, of the Bible,' vol. i. p. 769)-

<was Ptolemeus . . . made captain.'] The
office assigned him was, probably, at once
civil and military. Jericho had to be held
as an outpost against the Trans- Jordanic
nomades. At the same time its governor
was expected to remit to the treasury a con-
siderable revenue.

he had abundance of silver and gold.] His
wealth, as Grimm thinks, may have been
derived, in part at least, from the dowry
which he had received with his wife, Simon's
daughter (see the next verse) ; but it is likely
to have resulted as much from the opulence
and fertility of the province which he admin-
istered. (Compare Joseph. /. s. c)

13. he thought to get the country to himself.]
The success of such upstarts as Balas and
Tryphon, who, born in a private station,
nevertheless placed the Syrian crown on their
heads, must have been exceedingly demoral-
ising at this period, and have lit up the flame
of ambition in many a heart. The relation
of Juda:a to Syria still further favoured ille-
gitimate attempts, since the Syrian monarchs
were at once open to bribes and to cajolery.

against Simon and his sons.] Ptolemy
seems to have been quite aware that his work
would be but half done, if he allowed any
son of Simon to escape. It was a part of
his scheme to remove John (v. 19) no less
than Judas and Mattathias.

14. Mattathias and Judas.] The order of
the names is curious, since Judas was cer-
tainly the elder brother (see v. 2). We
cannot conclude from it, however, that the

536

I. MACCABEES. XVI.

[v. 15—17.

B.C.
cir. 135.

dred threescore and seventeenth
year, in the eleventh month, called
Sabat :

15 Where the son of Abubus re-
ceiving them deceitfully into a little
hold, called Docus, which he had
built, made them a great banquet :
howbeit he had hid men there.

16 So when Simon and his sons

had drunk largely, Ptolemee and
his men rose up, and took their
weapons, and came upon Simon into
the banqueting place, and slew him,
and his two sons, and certain of his
servants.

17 In which doing he committed
a great treachery, and recompensed
evil for good.

B.C.
cir. 135.

author does not, as a genera/ rule, mention
brothers in the order of their seniority.

in the Jmndred threescore and seventeenth
rear.] The 177th Seleucid year began in
Oct. B.C. 136 and ended in Oct. B.C. 135.
As the month Sabat corresponded nearly to
February, we may place the death of Simon
in Feb. B.C. 135.

the eleventh month, called Sabat .] Com-
pare Zech. i. 7.

15. a little hold, called Docus.~] Rather,
"called Dok." The Syriac version has
" Doak," the Greek Awk. Josephus gives
the name as " Dagon," which is not likely to
have been the name of a place. The word
Dok seems to remain in the modern Ain-
Duk, a set of " copious and excellent springs
which burst forth in the Wady Nawa'imeh
at the foot of the mountain of Quarantania,
about four miles north-west of Jericho "
(' Diet, of the Bible,' vol. i. p. 446). Above
the springs are traces of ancient foundations,
which may be the remains of Ptolemy's
" little hold."

16. had drunk largely. .] The original goes
further than this. It says that they " were
drunken." Intemperance, though not a
characteristic national vice, was far from
being unknown among the Jews. (See
Deut. xxi. 20; 1 Sam. xxv. 36; 2 Sam. xi.
13 ; 1 Kings xvi. 9, Sec.) It may lower our
estimate of this Maccabean hero, to find that,
when tempted, he gave way to this vice ;
but there is really no ground for surprise,
that, in a rough age, even Jewish princes
indulged in the habits common to royal
personages of the period. The Maccabee
princes were not saints.

Ptolemee and his men rose up.~] The ex-
pression used seems to imply that Ptolemy
took an active part in the murders. Royal
murderers usually depute the actual execution
of their schemes to others ; but Ptolemy was
not averse from sharing in the scene of
blood himself.

bis two sons.] I.e. the two who had ac-
companied him to Jericho, Judas and Matta-
thias. (See v. 14.) The account in Jose-
phus (' A. J.' xiii. 8, § 1), that these princes

were made prisoners, and only put to
death after a long delay, is contradictory
to the narrative of our author, and deserves
no credit. The pathetic history of their
mother is, to some extent, discredited by its
connection with false statements ; but it may
nevertheless be true, since it is compatible
with all that related by our author. (Cf.
Stanley, ' Jewish Church,' vol. iii. p. 365.)

17. he committed a great treachery.] 'AOearia
is from dderelv, and properly means a rightful
or wrongful repudiation of engagements.
But in the later Greek, it is always employed
in a bad sense, of engagements that have been
perfidiously broken. (Polyb. ii. 32, §8; iii.
49, §2 ; 70, §45 78, §2, &c.)

§ 3. Sequel to the bold Attempt of
Ptolemy. He designs to kill John
Hyrcanus, but fails.

18-22. It must be supposed that Ptolemy
had belonged to the patriotic party ; otherwise
he would certainly not have been accepted as
a son-in-law by the High Priest {v. 12).
Still, under the existing circumstances, he
had to throw himself on the support of the
opposite side. Accordingly, he at once sent
off envoys to Sidetes, offering to restore the
whole country to its former condition of
subjection to Syria, on condition of receiving
the support of a Syrian army. At the same
time he dispatched emissaries to Gazara, with
orders to kill John (v. 19). Nor did he
neglect the capital, but sent such a force as
he could spare, to seize both the city of Jeru-
salem and the Temple hill {v. 20). His plans
were exceedingly well laid, if only he had had
sufficient force to carry them out. But John
received timely warning of what was intended,
and frustrated all Ptolemy's projects. He
seized and executed the emissaries who had
accepted the mission to put him to death
(v. 22), and, as we learn from Josephus
(' A. J.' xiii. 8, § 1), at once took the offensive
against his adversary, shut him up in Dok,
and after a little time drove him to seek a
refuge in the Trans- Jordanic territory, after
which nothing more is heard of him. John
succeeded to his father's double office of civil
governor and High Priest of the nation.

v. 1 8 — 24.]

I. MACCABEES. XVI.

537

B.C. 18 Then Ptolemee wrote these

c— 5' things, and sent to the king, that he
should send him an host to aid him,
and he would deliver him the coun-
try and cities.
"19 He sent others also to Gazara

\2i,lsCof~ to kill Jonn : anc* unto tne "tribunes
thou- he sent letters to come unto him,

that he might -'give them silver, and

gold, and rewards.

20 And others he sent to take Jeru-
salem, and the mountain of the temple.

21 Now one had1 -run afore to Ga-
zara, and told John that his father
and brethren were slain,' and,, quoth

he, Ptolemee hath sent to slay thee b. c.
also. ciLL35

22 Hereof when he heard, he was
sore astonished : so he laid hands on
them that were come to destroy him,
and slew them ; for he knew that
they sought to make him away.

23 As concerning the rest of the
acts of John, and his wars, and worthy
deeds which he did, and the building of
thewallswhich he made,and hisdoings,

24 Behold, these are written in
the chronicles of his priesthood, from
the time he was made high priest
after his father.

18.- Ptolemee wrote these things^] Ptolemy
made a merit of his atrocious action in his
application to the Syrian king, and attempted
no concealment of it. He had removed one
of Antiochus's most dangerous enemies, there-
by entitling himself to that monarch's grati-
tude. He asked for aid in return. Aware,
however, that gratitude does not always deter-
mine the policy of kings, he sought to enlist
the king's self-interest on his side.

be would deliver him the country and cities."]
Antiochus had offered to remain at peace with
Simon on the restoration of Joppa, Gazara,
and the Acra. Ptolemy is willing to concede
not only these, but the entire " country."

19. He sent others also to Gazara.] Where
John resided (ch. xiii. 53 ; xvi. 1).

unto the tribunes he sent letters.'] Literally,
to the " chiliarchs " or "captains of thousands."
The appointment of such officers by Judas
Maccabeus had been previously mentioned
(ch. iii. 55).

21. his father and brethren were slain.]
Compare v. 16, and comment ad loc.

22. he laid hands on them that <were come
to destroy him, and slew them.] Self-defence
would have justified the act, had he been a
mere private person. But the terms of the
decree recorded in ch. xiv. 27-45 bad invested
him with the office of hereditary ruler, and
from the moment of his father's death he was
chief of the state, and bound to crush an
attempt at revolution.

§ 4. The Reader referred to the
Chronicles of John's High-Priest-
hood FOR THE REST OF HIS ACTIONS.

23-24. The writer— for what reason is
uncertain — does [not design to carry on his
history beyond the death of Simon. Though
acquainted with the " wars " of John, and his
" worthy deeds," he abstains from recording

them. He tells us they are to be found in
the " Chronicles of his Priesthood." And
with these words he terminates his history.
The " Chronicles of the High Priests " have
perished ; and for a knowledge of the actions
of John historians have to depend wholly
and solely upon Josephus. Josephus is far
from deserving of implicit credence; but his
history of John, running counter, as much of
it does, to his national vanity, seems to be, in
its general outline, trustworthy. The reader
desirous of pursuing the subject may be re-
ferred to Joseph. ' A. J.' xiii. 8-10 ; to Ewald,
'Hist, of Israel,' vol. v. pp. 342-384; and to
Dean Stanley's ' Lectures on the Jewish
Church,' vol. iii. pp. 366-368.

23. the rest of the acts.] The Greek has
" of the words;" but the Hebrew dibrey,
which has both meanings, here, no doubt,
signified " acts."

his wars.] See Josephus, 'A. J.' /. s. c.

the building of the walls which he made.]
Antiochus Sidetes, after his successful siege
of Jerusalem, in B.C. 133, required the de-
struction of the walls of Jerusalem (Joseph.
' A. J.' xiii. 8, § 3 ; Porphyr. ap. Euseb.
'Chron. Can.' i. 40, § 18). It cannot be
doubted, that when, about B.C. 125, the civil
war in Syria enabled John to resume a posi-
tion of independence, one of his first acts would
have been the restoration of the defences of
the capital. This is probably the " building
of the walls " of the present passage.

24. Behold, these are written in the Chro-
nicles of his Priesthood^] Literally, " in the
book of the days of his priesthood." It
may perhaps account for the author con-
cluding his history at this point, that, from
the time of John Hyrcanus, a public record
of all important facts, intermitted for so
many years, began once more to be kept, so
that the labours of a mere private writer
ceased to be necessary.

THE SECOND BOOK

OF THE

MACCABEES.

INTRODUCTION.

§ I. Plan of the Work, and its
Divisions ....
§ II. Style and Diction .
§ III. Historical Value of the Book
§ IV. Sources of the Book

PAGB

539
540
540
543

543

§ I. Plan of the Work, and its
Divisions.

THE object of the writer was to give an
account of the circumstances under
which Judas Maccabeus raised the stan-
dard of revolt against the Syrian power,
and succeeded after many desperate
battles in establishing Jewish indepen-
dence. His main narrative commences
in chap, iii., and is divided into five por-
tions : 1. An account of the troubles in
Judaea from the coming of Heliodorus to
Jerusalem until the pollution of the Tem-
ple and suspension of the Jewish worship
(chaps, iii.-v.) ; 2. An account of the
profanation of the Temple, the suspension
of the Jewish worship, and the cruel per-
secution of the Jews by Antiochus Epi-
phanes (chaps, vi., vii.) ; 3. A history of
the insurrection under Judas, and his
struggles to establish Jewish freedom up
to the death of Antiochus Epiphanes
(chaps, viii.-x. 9) ; 4. An account of the
continuation of the struggle up to the
death of Antiochus Eupator (chaps, x. 10
-xiii.) ; and 5. An account of the war
with Demetrius I. up to the defeat and
death of Nicanor (chaps, xiv., xv.). The
history covers a space of about twenty
years, commencing about B.C. 1S0, in the
reign of Seleucus Philopator over Syria
and the high priesthood of Onias III.,

§ V. Treatment of his main Source

by the Writer .
§ VI. Date of Composition, and

Author . . . .544
§ VII. Religious Toxe of the Book . 544

and terminating in the second year of
Demetrius Soter, B.C. 161. It is the
writer's special desire to glorify Judas
Maccabeus, whom he views as the
founder of the independence of Judaea,
and he therefore abruptly terminates
his history with the defeat of Nicanor
at Adasa, choosing to consider that
by that defeat the independence was
won.

To his main narrative the writer pre-
fixes an introduction, which divides itself
into two parts. The former part consists
of two detached documents, purporting
to be letters that had been addressed by
the Jews of Jerusalem to their brethren
in Egypt, on the subject of keeping the
Dedication festival instituted by Judas
Maccabeus on his recovery of the Tem-
ple. The first of these letters occupies
nine verses at the beginning of the first
chapter of the work ; the second extends
from chap. i. 10 to chap. ii. iS. The
letters are curious, but of scarcely any
historical value, being the production of
some forger or forgers, who imposed
upon the simplicity of our author. They
have scarcely any connection with the
historical narrative to which they are pre-
fixed ; and the supposed facts related in
the second are wholly unworthy of credit.
The second portion of the introd uctioa
extends from chap. ii. 19 to 32, and is of

540

INTRODUCTION TO THE

the nature of a modern " preface," con-
taining a brief summary of contents, a
statement of the source from which the
writer derived his materials, and an

explanation of the mode in which he
proposed to deal with them. Thus the
scheme of the work may be exhibited as
follows : —

Introduction
(chaps, i., ii.).

Main

narrative

(ch. iii.-xv.).

Detached documents i First Letter (chap. i. 1-9).

(chaps, i.-ii. 18). \ Second Letter (chap. i. 10 to chap. ii. 18).
Preface (chap. ii. 19-32).

/'The troubles anterior to the pollution of the Temple by Antiochus Epiphanes
(chaps, iii.-v.).
The pollution and the persecution which followed it (chaps, vi., vii.).
The insurrection of the Jews and the war of Judas with Epiphanes (chaps, viii.-x. 9).
The war of Judas with Antiochus Eupator (chap. x. 10 to chap. xiii. 26).
The war of Judas with Demetrius I. up to the death of Nicanor (chaps, xiv., xv.).

§ II. Style and Diction.

The diction of the Second Book of
Maccabees offers a remarkable contrast
to that of the First Book. Whereas in
the First Book Hebraisms are almost
continual, in the Second they are of ex-
ceedingly rare occurrence. Only two or
three have been pointed out ;x and they
are not of a very marked character. On
the other hand, the use of idiomatic
Greek phrases is constant; and the
Greek generally is almost as good as that
of Polybius or Appian. Novel words
are, however, frequent,2 and many words
are used in strange and unusual senses.3

1 See chap. viii. 15 ; ix. 5 ; xiv. 24.

2 The following have been noticed by Prof.
Westcott : — ifj.<pavt(TiJ.6s (chap. iii. 9) ; aAAocpv-
Aio>o's (iv. 13 ; vi. 24) ; Si€ixir(fj.TrAr]/j.i (iv. 20) ;
6u>paKicriJi6s (v. 3) ; 5v<nreT77,ua (v. 20) ; ffvvac-
KevTiiv (v. 26) ; kKh-r\vi<riJi6s (vi. 13) ; (rirAayxvicrp-os
(vi. 7, 21 ; vii. 42) ; airevdavaTifctv (vi. 28) ;
eTacr^Js (vii. 37) ; irpoaavaAsyeaQai (viii. 19) ;
oirAoAoyew (viii. 27, 31) ; 5o£lk6s, viii. 35) ;
iroAe/xoTpo</>eiV (x. 14, 1 5) ; avSpoAoyia (xii. 43) ;
SidffraXffis (xiii. 25); irpoa-Kvpovv (xiv. II);
eirei/Ao^eio-eai (xiv. 1 8) ; KarevQiKTuv (xiv. 43) ;
and irpoffVKOjjLijj.vr](TK(:iv (xv. 9). To these may
be added 6av/j.acr/x6s (chap. vii. 18) ; irpcaroKAiaia
(iv. 21) ; 8e£ia£<:(70cu (iv. 34) ; irpoTrrvetv (vi. 20) ;
airoSiaoreWco-dai (vi. 5) j tnep«f6vras (vii. 20) ;
ivyefi^etv (x. 13); \tovn\§6v (xi. Ii); evairdvTr)TOS
(xiv. 9) ; airopftuyds (xiv. 46) ; and avAahs
(xiv. 41).

3 As the following : — elfficvKAf'iodai (chap.
ii. 24), "to engage oneself in a subject,"
usually "to be rolled in " or "brought in;"
SmA^iv «x€'" (ih. 32); "to conceive" —
generally "to have a discussion" or "to be
reputed ;" \pvxLKu>s (iv. 37 ; xiv. 24) ; " heartily,
ex animo" — in ordinary Greek, "spiritually;"
<ppvd(T(Tofj.ai (vii. 34), " to be elated," commonly
" to fret, rage, be insolent ; " avafyy-i) .(ix. 2),
"return, retreat," ordinarily "journey, moving
of a camp;" ivaTrepei8o/j.ai (ix. 4), "to avenge,
retaliate," properly " to strike a blow on," or
"to drive a sting in;" irecppevaifi.4vos (xi. 4),

Still, the meaning is, for the most part,
sufficiently clear, the novel words being
mostly derivatives from well-known
roots.

There is a great variety in the style of
writing. Sometimes, though not often,
it is simple and natural ; but more com-
monly it is stilted and artificial, deformed
by a straining after rhetorical effect, by
the affectation of unnecessarily long
words and ponderous sentences, by an
excessive use of ornament, and the em-
ployment of far-fetched images and false
antithesis. Occasionally it falls into the
very opposite faults, is rude and broken,
awkward from its brevity, more resem-
bling the first rough notes of a tyro from
which he intends to work out his narra-
tive, than the completed composition of
a literary adept. Altogether the style is
unpleasant and unsatisfactory, giving the
idea of effort and display, of affectation
and bad taste, of over-elaboration and
over-colouring, and producing a certain
distrust of the writer's strict adherence
to truth.

§ III. Historical Value of the Book.

In estimating the value of the Second
Book of Maccabees as an historical
authority, we must begin with drawing a

"puffed up," properly "gifted with intellect;"
eKAveiv (xii. 18), "to depart" instead of "to
faint;" SevrepoAoyew (xiii. 22), "to address a
second time," generally " to make the second
speech, some one else having made the first ; "
b.KA-ripe1v (xiv. 8), "to be wretched," properly
"to be without a share;" <pvya8eveiv (xiv. 14),
' "to fly from," properly "to put to flight;"
Sietdyeiv (xiv. 30), "to behave," commonly
"to pass (one's life)," or "to take care of," and
airoKaBicrrdvai (xv. 20), "to arrange, station,"
commonly " to restore."

SECOND BOOK OF THE MACCABEES.

54i

marked line between the " Introductory
Documents " and the " Main Narrative."
The introductory documents are almost
certainly forgeries. It is highly improb-
able that the Jews of Jerusalem should,
amid the troubles of the year B.C. 144-3,
have addressed a letter to their brethren
at Alexandria desiring them to keep the
festival of the Dedication. It is quite
impossible that, either in B.C. 165 or B.C.
125,1 they should have written the far-
rago of false history and trashy legend
which constitutes the second letter, and
is said to have been sent by Judas Mac-
cabeus to Aristobulus, Ptolemy Philo-
metor's teacher (chap. i. 10). The author
of the Book is, however, not necessarily
to be charged with the fabrication of the
two documents which he prefixes to his
narrative, and with one of which his
narrative is in direct contradiction.2 It
is far more probable that he found the
documents already in existence at the
time when he wrote, but had not the
critical acumen to discover their worth-
lessness. Alexandria was, in the second
century B.C., a workshop where letters,
decrees, and public communications of
all kinds from one government to
another were freely produced by the
facile pens of literary adventurers.3 His-
torical criticism was ill developed at the
time when our author wrote, and he was
certainly not a person of sound judgment.
It is easy to understand his being im-
posed upon by works the tone of which
was agreeable to him, though no great
ingenuity had been shewn in their
concoction.

The main narrative is not to be con-
demned unheard on account of its poor
and somewhat tawdry frontispiece. It
proceeds, as will appear hereafter,4 from
an entirely different source. It breathes
a tone that is, on the whole, not un-
truthful or extravagant. It admits
faults and sins on the part of the writer's
countrymen,5 which a dishonest man

1 The MSS. vary between these two dates in
chap. i. 10.

2 Compare chap. i. 13-16 with chap. ix. 1-4.

3 See Ewald, ' History of Israel,' vol. v.
p. 467, E. T.

4 See § 4, on the Sources of the Book.

5 See chap. iv. 3, 7-17, 32; v. 15, 23;
vi. 12-17; viii. 13; x. 20; xii. 40; xiii. 21;
xiv. 3.

would have concealed. Though in
general excessive in its numerical state-
ments, it is occasionally more moderate
than even the First Book,1 and it is con-
firmed in some important particulars by
classical writers and classical remains.2

On the other hand, it must be admitted,
first, that the work contains numerous
historical mistakes; and, secondly, that
the writer has certain prejudices and
prepossessions which render him in some
matters untrustworthy as an historian.
Among historical errors of an obvious
character may be mentioned the fol-
lowing : — 1. The presence of Antiochus
Epiphanes in Jerusalem at the time of
the great persecution, and his actual
superintendence of the tortures inflicted
on the martyrs (chap. vii. 3-39) ; 2. The
circumstances of the death of Antiochus
Epiphanes (chap. ix. 4-28) ; 3. The
time of the first expedition of Lysias into
Judaea (chap. xi. 1-15); 4. The relations
between Lysias and Antiochus Eupator
(chap. x. 11); 5. The period of time
during which the Temple lay waste before
its purification and re-dedication by
Judas (chap. x. 3) ; 6. The date of the
recovery of the Acra (chap. xv. 31, 35);
7. The landing of Demetrius I. on the
coast of Syria " with a great power and
navy" (chap. xiv. 1). Among the
writer's prejudices and prepossessions
two are especially noticeable : — 1. His
bitter hatred of the Syrians, which is
manifested at every turn (chap. v. 1 1-24 ;
vii. 3, 4, 9, 27, 34; viii. 32, 34; ix. 7,
13, 28 ; xii. 23 ; xiii. 9 ; xiv. 27, 39 ; xv.
3, 6, 32, 33), and which cannot but make
him an unfair judge of their conduct and
intentions ; and 2. His predilection for
the marvellous, which causes him to
accept as true, and put forward with the

1 The highest estimate of the Syrian forces
made by the author of the Second Book is
115,300 (chap. xiii. 2), whereas the author of the
First Book gives the number on one occasion as
128,000 (chap. xv. 13), and on another (chap,
vi. 30) as 120,000. Nicanor's force in B.C. 166-5
is reckoned at 54,000 men in 1 Mace. iii. 39, at
no more than 20,000 in 2 Mace. viii. 9.

2 The position of Heliodorus in the court of
Seleucus (chap. iii. 7, 37, is confirmed by Appian,
(' Syriaca,' § 45) ; the conferring of an Antiochian
citizenship on inhabitants of other towns (chap,
iv. 9, 19) by coins of Ptolemai's (Mionnet,
' Description de Medailles,' vol. v. Nos. 333,
472, 522-534; vol. viii. No. 159).

542

INTRODUCTION TO THE

utmost force of which he is capable,1
the " manifestations " of Divine Power
(€7ri(£aj'e<.'as) which were said to have
occurred in the course of the struggle
between the Jews and their oppressors,
and by means of which, principally, the
Jews achieved their independence. Con-
sidering the fact that the author of the
First Book, certainly a writer nearer to
the events, knows of no such " mani-
festations," we may assume that the
period was not one in which miracles
were really wrought. The cVi^avetat
of 2 Maccabees are thus later additions
to the real history, either invented by
literary men as embellishments, or beliefs
that gradually grew up among a credulous
and marvel-loving people. Our present
author may not have been the first to
introduce them into a written history, but
his full acceptance of them cannot but
detract from our estimate of his critical
judgment

Yet the value of the Book is consider-
able. For a certain period of Jewish
history — the four or five years preceding
the accession of Epiphanes (chap. iii.-iv.
6) — it is our sole authority. For the suc-
ceeding period — from B.C. 176 to B.C. 166
— it runs parallel with 1 Mace. i. 10-64,
but is much more full and exact in de-
tails (chap. iv. 7 to end of chap, vii.),
and therefore very serviceable. For the
closing period of which it treats — from
B.C. 166 to b.c. 161 — it is of greatly
inferior value, being on about the same
scale as the First Book, and of much
weaker authority. Still, even in this last
portion (chaps, viii.-xv.), its historical
value is not absolutely nil, since it oc-
casionally furnishes trustworthy details
on points on which the writer of the
First Book has omitted to touch. In-
stances of this are the account of Ptolemy
Macron in chap. x. 12, 13 ; the story of
the covetousness of Simon (chap. x. 19-
22) ; the wicked deed of the men of
Joppa (chap. xii. 3-5) ; Judas's victory
over a body of Arabs (chap. xii. 10-12) ;
the fate of Menelaus (chap. xiii. 3-8) ;
the treachery of Rhodocus (chap. xiii.
21); the landing of Demetrius I. at
Tripolis (chap. xiv. 1) ; the negotiations
between Judas and Nicanor (chap. xiv.

_ > See chap. iii. 25, 26, 33, 34 ; x. 29, 30 ;
xi. 8 ; xii. 22 ; xv. 23-27.

19-26) ; and the suicide of Razis (chap,
xiv. 37-46). Where the writer of the
Second Book is at variance with the
author of the First, his authority must be
set aside as worthless ; but where his
narrative is additional, compatible, and
not in itself improbable, it may be fairly
used to eke out the somewhat meagre
sketch which the writer of the First
Book has thought sufficient for his pur-
poses. A delicate discrimination is no
doubt needed for the separation of the
false from the true in the writer's state-
ments, the genuine from the fabricated ;
but the truly critical historian will, we
believe, find it feasible to obtain from the
Second Book of the Maccabees a not
inconsiderable amount of valuable his-
torical material.1

§ IV. Sources of the Book.

According to the express statement of
the writer (chap. ii. "19-23), his main nar-
rative is drawn entirely from a single
source, being simply an epitome of a
work written by a certain " Jason of
Cyrene," of whom we have no other
notice. Jason's work, he says, was one
in five " Books," which he proposed to
concentrate into a single treatise. It
comprised an account of the deeds of
Judas Maccabeus and his brothers, of
the purification of the Temple, the dedi-
cation of the altar, the wars of the
Jews with Antiochus Epiphanes and his
son Eupator, and the manifestations of
Divine power (£7n.<£av6ias) which had
enabled the Jews to overcome their ene-
mies, and bring the struggle to a suc-
cessful issue. It was a laborious history,
teeming with facts, and bristling with
numerical statements (chap. ii. 24), afford-

1 Ewald says: "A closer acquaintance with
the style and method of the Book, and the
discernment of those portions in which the mere
form of the historical elements predominates,
enable us, in the deficiency of other and older
sources, to derive from it much genuine historical
material, especially for the earlier part of the
history " (' History of Israel,' vol. v. p. 467,
E. T.). Professor Westcott considers the work
"not a connected and complete history, but a
series of special incidents from the life of Judas,
illustrating the providential interference of God
in behalf of His people, true in substance, but
embellished in form" ('Diet, of the Bible,'
vol. ii. p. 177)-

SECOND BOOK OF THE MACCABEES.

543

ing interesting but somewhat dry reading
to students, but not calculated to attract
the regard or attention of those who read
books, not to increase their stock of
knowledge, but as an agreeable occupa-
tion. The object of our author was to
popularise this work, which he proposed
to do by condensing its facts and abridg-
ing its narratives, at the same time
adorning them with elegant phrases and
other graces of composition (chap. ii.
26-31).

Nothing is known of "Jason of Cy-
rene," or his work, beyond what may be
gathered from these statements of our
author. A native of Cyrene, though a
Jew, would almost certainly write in
Greek ; and it may perhaps be assumed
from the general character of the style
and diction of the work, as we have it,
that he wrote in good Greek. How he
obtained his knowledge of the Mac-
cabean struggle we have no means of
determining, nor is it altogether clear to
what public he addressed himself. Per-
haps the most probable conjecture is,
that, though born at Cyrene, he yet, like
Callimachus, and other Cyrenaeans, re-
sided at Alexandria, and composed his
treatise for the benefit of the Jewish
community in that city. It is plain from
chap. ii. 22, that the marvellous portions
of the history, as we have it, are due to
him, and not to the Epitomator, and we
may therefore presume that to him too
is owing the didactic and admonitory
character of the entire treatise (chaps, iii.
28, 29; iv. 16, 17, 38; v. 9, 10, 19, 20;
vi. 12-17, 31 ; viii- 35, 36 ; ix. 5-10, 28 ;
xii. 41-45 ; xiii. 7, 8, &c). The date
at which Jason lived and wrote is even
more uncertain than most other points
respecting him. It is conceivable that
his book may have been composed within
a few years of the latest event that he
notices, which is the embassy of Eupo-
lemus to Rome (ch. iv. 11) in B.C. 161 ;
it is, on the other hand, possible that he
may not have written till shortly before
the destruction of Jerusalem. Conjecture
has placed the composition about the
year b.c. 100. x

The work of Jason is to be viewed as
the sole historical source of the Book

1 Westcott, /. s. c. ; Stanley, ' Lectures on the
Jewish Church,' vol. iii. p. 370.

from chap. iii. 1 to chap. xv. 37. Two short
passages — chap. ii. 19-32 and chap. xv.
38, 39 — are the mere expression of the
thoughts of the writer. The remaining
passage (chap. i. together with chap. ii. 1-
18) is a transcript of documents which had
fallen into the writer's hands, and which
he appears to have set forth verbatim.
The source of these documents would
seem to have been the prolific imagina-
tion of certain Alexandrian litterateurs of
little ability and less judgment.

§ V. Treatment of his main Source
by the Writer.

It has been observed in the preceding
section, that the object of the author of
the present work was to popularise the
History of Jason of Cyrene, partly by
abridging it, and partly by decking it out
with supposed graces of composition.
To what extent the abridgment pro-
ceeded, not having Jason's work, we
cannot tell. Jason's work was " in five
books" (chap. ii. 23), our author's is in one;
but this does not prove that he has com-
pressed Jason's narrative into one-fifth of
the original space. There is only one
place in the entire treatise (chap. xiii.
22-26) where the style of an abbrevia-
tor is very evident. There a narrative
which may have occupied several pages
is compressed into a dozen lines; but
elsewhere there is no appearance of
brevity having been especially studied.
If it be allowable to make a conjecture,
we should say that the "abridgment"
(chap. ii. 26-31) was probably effected,
rather by omission of considerable por-
tions of the narrative, than by con-
densation of the parts selected for re-
publication.

Less obscurity rests upon the Epi-
tomator's method of adorning the work
of his predecessor. His own proper
style is sufficiently revealed by the two
passages which are wholly from his pen —
the " prologue " (as he calls it) in chap. ii.
(verses 19-32), and the epilogue in
chap. xv. (verses 38, 39). The style of
these passages is of a very marked cha-
racter. It is involved, highly rhetorical,
full of long grand-sounding compound
words, with an affected balance in the
clauses, a labouring after antithesis, and

544

INTRODUCTION TO THE

an unnecessary introduction of similes.
It would seem to be almost certain that
where these characteristics, or a con-
siderable number of them, are found in
the main narrative, there the Epitomator
has re-written, instead of merely abbre-
viating, the history as given by Jason.
Such passages as chap. iii. 14-30 ; iv.
13-17; v. 13-21; vi. 18-31; vii. 1-41;
ix. 4-17 ; xiv. 41-46 ; xv. 7-16 betray the
hand of the rhetorician, and are dressed
out in a garb which only an accom-
plished litterateur could have furnished.
The letters also which are assigned to
Epiphanes, Lysias, and Eupator (chap. ix.
19-27 ; xi. 16-33) bear traces of having
been worked up, and have probably re-
ceived their present shape rather from
the Epitomator than from Jason. On
the other hand, we may conclude that
we have Jason's writing nearly untouched
in the places from which the Epitomator's
peculiarities are absent, as is the case in
ch. iii. 4, 5, 7-1 1, 35-40; ch. iv. 3-10,
18, 19, 21-24, 27-36, &c.

§ VI. Date of Composition, and
Author.

It would follow from the dates con-
tained in the first chapter (verses 7 and
10), if they have not suffered corruption,
that the author composed his work sub-
sequently to the accession of Deme-
trius II. (Nicator), and even (if the
second date be allowed) subsequently to
that of Alexander II. (Zabinas), who
succeeded Demetrius in B.C. 126. If,
however, with Ewald l and two MSS.,
we substitute Tcaa-apaKoarov for oySorj-
ko(ttov in chap. i. 10, then the latest date
mentioned by the author will be B.C.
144-3, or the third year of Nicator in
Syria, and the first of Simon in Judaea;
and his work, so far, may have been
composed as early as b.c. 142-140. Sup-
posing Jason of Cyrene to have written
his history about B.C. 160, which we have
shewn to be possible,2 the Epitomator
may well have thought that the time was
come for an adaptation of Jason's work
to the taste of the general reader about
twenty years later. If, however, for any

1 ' History of Israel,' vol. v. p. 259, note \ The
date PMH would readily pass into PIIH.
3 See § IV. p. 171.

reason, we lower the date of Jason, we
must correspondingly lower that of the
epitome. Those who assign the com-
position of Jason's history to about
b.c. 100 suggest b.c. 50 for the present
work ; 1 but this is to allow an unneces-
sarily long interval between the two
writers. B.C. 80 is quite as late a date as
it is at all reasonable to assign to the
Book, as we have it, even if Jason wrote
about b.c. 100.

The author is probably an Alexan-
drian Jew. His Greek is too good
for a native of Palestine at the period
(b.c. 140-80). And his rhetoric is ex-
actly what was in vogue at Alexandria
under the later Ptolemies. He belongs
to the most orthodox school of religious
thought among the Jews; and though
there is no reason for supposing that he
was an actual Pharisee,2 yet he would
doubtless have sympathised with the
Pharisees in their contentions with the
Sadducean faction. He desires a more
strict observance of the Palestinian fes-
tivals by his countrymen in Egypt (chap,
i. 9, 18) than they were inclined to ren-
der ; and perhaps designs to lessen their
reverence for the Temple at Leontopolis,
and induce them to carry their offerings
to Jerusalem instead, and to deposit them
in that most holy sanctuary " renowned
all the world over" (chaps, ii. 22 ; iii. 12),
which even kings themselves had de-
lighted to " honour and magnify with
their best gifts " (chap. iii. 2).

§ VII. Religious Tone of the Book.

In respect of its religious tone the
Book stands in a most remarkable con-
trast with the First Book of Maccabees.
Both writers are indeed pious and God-
fearing men ; both belong to the strictly
orthodox party among their countrymen ;
both desire to keep to the old ways and
avoid all Hellenistic innovations ; and
both, moreover, have the strongest pos-

1 Westcott, ' Dictionary of the Bible,' vol. ii.
p. 175 ; Stanley, 'Lectures on the Jewish
Church,' vol. iii. p. 370.

2 Pharisaic teaching has been discovered in
the entire concluding section of the work
(chaps, xii.-xv.), and especially in chap. xii.
43-45, which is said to have been "plainly
levelled against the Sadducees " (Bertholdt,
quoted in Grimm's ' Introduction,' p. xv.).

SECOND BOOK OF THE MACCABEES.

545

sible conviction that God governs the
world, and directs the course of mundane
affairs by His over-ruling providence.
But, in all other respects, their ideas and
habits of thought on religious subjects
are diametrically opposite. The writer
of the First Book is reticent to excess on
matters of religion, and especially chary
of mentioning the Divine Name, if he
can anyhow avoid it. The writer of the
Second Book is wholly devoid of any
such scruple; he openly declares his
religious views and feelings on all suitable
occasions, and freely uses the words
" God " and " Lord " whenever his sub-
ject-matter leads him to refer to the
Supreme Being. Again, the writer of the
First Book abstains from introducing
into his narrative any account of recent
miraculous occurrences — he is either not
aware that miracles were believed to have
been wrought during the course of the
Syro-Macedonian struggle, or, if he
knows the stories, he disbelieves them.
In the Second Book, on the contrary,
the miraculous element is a main
feature ; and though no doubt the writer
was following his authority, Jason, when
he gave it a place in his narrative (chap,
ii. 21), yet his elaboration of the stories,
and the length at which he dwells on
them, are a sufficient indication that he
accepted their truth, and regarded them
as among the most important events of
his history. Further, the writer of the
First Book is careful not to assume the
role of a religious teacher ; he withholds
all observations on the history which he
relates, and leaves the events themselves
to make their own impression. The
writer of the Second Book acts in an ex-
actly opposite manner. He is pointedly
didactic and admonitory. Sometimes he
formally addresses religious exhortations
to his readers (e.g. vi. 12-17; xu« 43-
45) ; more usually, he appends his ob-
servations on the events as if they were
forced from him by the strength of his
own feelings and were not intended as
admonitions (chap. iv. 16, 17,38 ad fin.;
v. 9, 10, 17-20; vi. 31; ix. 8-10, 28;
xi. 10; xiii. 7, 8, 17; xv. 27,35). The
result is that the religious aspect of the
history is kept continually before the
reader's mind, who is taught on every
page that impiety and blasphemy receive

Apoc. — Vol. II.

signal punishment at God's hands ; that
prayer is heard ; that God fights openly
on the side of His saints and delivers
them; that, if He suffers them to be
afflicted, it is for the purpose of chasten-
ing and purifying them ; and that, even
if they suffer the worst that can happen
to man in this life, they will be rewarded
in the Resurrection.

There is a certain amount of difference
also between the tone of the two Books
in respect of the stress laid on what is
external in religion. The writer of the
First Book has the Temple in high
regard, but the writer of the Second is
never wearied of extolling it. He calls
it "the great temple" (chap. ii. 19),
"the holy temple" (chap. xv. is),
" the great and holy temple " (chap,
xiv. 31), "the temple renowned all the
world over" (chap. ii. 22), "the temple
honoured over all the world " (chap. iii.
12), and "the most holy temple of all
the world" (chap. v. 15). He places the
pollution of the Temple in the forefront
of his history (chap. i. 8); relates at
length the various attempts made, suc-
cessful and unsuccessful, to plunder its
treasures (chap. iii. 6-35 ; iv. 32, 39 ; v.
15-21); triumphantly sets forth its re-
covery (chap. x. 1-8), and winds up with
an elaborate account of its deliverance
when it was threatened with destruction
by Nicanor (chap. xiv. 31-36; xv. 17—
36). With the Temple he constantly
couples the altar (chaps, ii. 19; iv. 14 ;
vi. 4, 5 ; x. 1-3 ; xiv. 33), where he
represents the priests as serving (chaps,
iv. 14 ; xv. 31) in their " holy vestments "
(chap. iii. 15) with a continual " service
of sacrifices " (chap. iii. 3). The incense,
lights, and shewbread of the sanctuary
obtain honourable mention from him
(chaps, i. 8 ; x. 3) ; as do the sabbath
(chaps, vi. n ; viii. 26; xii. 38) and the
festivals of Pentecost (chap. xii. 32),
Tabernacles (chap. x. 6), Purim (chap,
xv. $&), and Dedication (chaps, i. 9, 18 ;
ii. 16; x. 5-8). His anxiety that the
Feast of the Dedication should be kept
by his countrymen in Egypt seems to be
the only reason that can be assigned for
his prefixing the two letters (chaps, i. 1 —
ii. 18) to his narrative. He is further
especially regardful of the " holy vessels,"
the conversion of which to profane uses

2 N

546 INTRODUCTION TO SECOND BOOK OF MACCABEES.

he regards as " sacrilege " (chap. iv. 39), those who are guilty of it (chaps, iv. 42 ;
and as bringing a terrible judgment on v. 16; ix. 16).

CHRONOLOGICAL SCHEME OF THE HISTORY CONTAINED IN THE FIRST AND

SECOND BOOKS OF MACCABEES.

B.C.

336
323
I87
I76
176

171

I70
I70
168

-323
-187
-176

-171
-170

-168

Reign of Alexander the Great .

Reigns of Alexander's successors down to Seleucus IV.

Reign of Seleucus IV. Attempt of Heliodorus

Accession of Antiochus Epiphanes

Reign of Antiochus until his first expedition into

First expedition of Antiochus into Egypt .

Plundering of the Temple by Antiochus

Oppressive rule of Philip ....

Massacre of Apollonius and desecration of the Temple

168 — 167 l Cruel persecution under Philip .

167
166-

Revolt and war under Mattathias
-165 I War continued under Judas Maccabeus

166—165

164
164
164

. — 163 I War of Judas in Idumrea and Gilead .

165
165
165
164

164
163
162
162

Expedition under Nicanor and Gorgias

First expedition under Lysias .

Recovery and purification of Temple by Judas

Fortification of Jerusalem and Bethsura

-163
-162

162 — 161

161
161-

160-
158-

J57-
152
152-
151

151-

14S-

148-

147-
146-
146-

145-

144

144-

142

141

141-

139-

*39-

138-

136-

■160
•159
-157
152

■151

150

-147
-147
-146
-145
-145

-144
-143

-140
-138
-138

-137

Death of Epiphanes and accession of Eupator
Second expedition under Lysias
Death of Eupator and accession of Demetrius I.
Establishment of Alcimus as High Priest .

Expedition of Nicanor ....

Embassy sent by Judas to the Romans

Expedition of Bacchides and death of Judas

War of Bacchides with Jonathan

Second expedition of Bacchides against Jonathan

Jonathan rules in peace at Michmash

Invasion of Syria by Alexander Balas

Civil war between Alexander and Demetrius

Death of Demetrius ....

Meeting of Jonathan with Demetrius and Ptolemy

Invasion of Syria by Demetrius II. .

War of Jonathan with Apollonius

Civil war between Balas and Demetrius II.

Death of Balas and accession of Demetrius II.

Civil war between Demetrius II. and Tryphon

Victory of Jonathan near Hazor

Embassies sent by Jonathan to Rome and Sparta

War of Jonathan with Tryphon

Death of Jonathan and accession of Simon .

Judaean independence acknowledged .

Simon takes Gazara and the Acra

Demetrius II. makes war on Arsaces.

Demetrius taken prisoner.

Antiochus Sidetes invades Syria

Sidetes breaks faith with Simon

•137 Expedition of Cendebseus against Simon .
-135 Murder of Simon by Ptolemy, son of Abubus

Egypt

1 Mace.

2 Mace.

ch. i. 1-7

ch. i. 8, 9

ch. i. 10
ch. i. 10-17
ch. i. 17-20
ch. i. 20-24
ch. i. 24-28
ch. i. 29-59

ch. i. 60-64 . J

ch. ii. 1-70

ch. iii. I-26 .
/ch. iii. 27 to"!
I iv. 27 . /

ch. iv. 26-35.

ch. iv. 36-59.

ch. iv. 60, 61

ch. v. 1-68 .

ch. vi. 1-16 .
ch. vi. 17-63.
ch. vii. 1-3 .
ch. vii. 4-25 .

ch. vii. 26-50

ch. viii. 1-32
ch. ix. 1-22
ch. ix. 23-57
ch. ix. 58-72
ch. ix. 73
ch. x. 1
ch. x. 2-49
ch. x. 50
ch. x. 51-66
ch. x. 67
ch. x. 68-89
ch. xi. 1-18
ch. xi. 19
ch. xi. 39-56
ch. xi. 63-74
ch. xii. I-23
ch. xii. 39-53
ch. xiii. 1-23
ch. xiii. 34-42
ch. xiii. 43-53
ch. xiv. I, 2
ch. xiv. 3
ch. xv. 1-14
ch. xv. 25-36

fell. xv. 38 to

[ xvi. 10
ch. xvi. 11-17

ch. iii. 1 to iv. 6
ch. iv. 7
ch. iv. 7-50
ch. v. 1 -1 1
ch. v. 1 1-2 1
ch. v. 22, 23
ch. v. 24 to vi. 9
ch. vi. 10 to vii.
42

ch. viii. 1-8

ch. viii. 9-36

(ch. xi. 1-38?)
ch. x. 1-8

fen. x. 14-3S ;
{ xii. IO-45
ch. ix. 1-29
ch. xiii. 1-26
ch. xiv. 1, 2
ch. xiv. 3-14
fch. xiv. 15 to
1 xv. 37
ch. iv. 11

THE SECOND BOOK

OF THE

MACCABEES

CHAPTER I.

I A letter of the Jeios from Jerusalem to them
of Egypt, to thank God for the death of Anti-
ochus. 19 Of the fire that was hid in the
pit. 24 The prayer of Neemias.

cir. 144.

HE brethren, the Jews that be
at Jerusalem and in the land
of Judea, wish unto the brethren, the

CHAPTER I.

§ 1. First Letter of the Palestinian
Jews to the Brethren in Egypt.

1-9. The main narrative, contained in chs.
iii.-xv., is preceded by a sort of " preface " or
" introduction," consisting of two parts. First
come two letters supposed to have been writ-
ten by the Jews of Palestine to their brethren
in Egypt — one in the reign of Demetrius Ni-
cator, about B.C. 144, and the other under
Judas Maccabasus {y. 10), probably about
B.C. 165. These letters occupy ch. i. and
ch. ii. as far as v. 18. The writer then (in
ch. ii. 19-32) explains the circumstances
under which the remainder of the work was
composed. There is great reason to doubt
the genuineness of both the letters, which,
however, the author probably found among
the Jewish archives in Egypt, and which his
simplicity prevented him from suspecting.
The relation of the letters to the remainder
of the work, and the author's object in insert-
ing them, are somewhat obscure.

1. The brethren?] Moses had enjoined on
the Israelites, even in Egypt, to regard each
other as "brethren" (Acts vii. 26). The
term is used in the Old Testament of Israelites
generally (Ex. ii. 11; Ps. cxxxiii. 1 : Tobit i.
10, 16; iv. 13; xiv. 4, 7, &c.) ; but not with
the same frequency with which it is applied
to Christians in the New Testament.

the Jews that are throughout Egypt.] After
Alexandria, Leontopolis was probably the
place where there were most Jews in Egypt
(Joseph. ' Ant. Jud.' xiii. 3, § 1-3). There

Jews that are throughout Egypt,
health and peace :

2 God be gracious unto you, and
remember his covenant that he made
with Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, his
faithful servants ;

3 And give you all an heart to
serve him, and to do his will.

were colonies of them also in other cities (Is.
xix. 18 ; Joseph. ' A. J.' xii. 1).

health and peace."] A combination of the
Greek with the Hebrew idiom. In the letter
of Jonathan (1 Mace. xii. 6) the Greek idiom
only is used; in the second letter of the
Palestinian Jews (v. 10) the Greek and
Roman idioms are combined.

2. God be gracious unto you.'] Compare
Gen. xliii. 29; Num. vi. 25; Ps. lxvii. 1;
Mai. i. 9.

and remember his covenant.] The cove-
nant with Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob was
threefold: — 1. To multiply their seed as the
stars of heaven ; 2. To give their seed Ca-
naan as their inheritance; 3. To bring it to
pass, that in their seed all the families of the
earth should be blessed. (See Gen. xii. 3 ;
xv. 13-21; xvii. 2-8; xviii. 18, &c.) When
the Israelites angered God and He punished
them, He was said to " forget His covenant ;"
when they humbled themselves, and returned
to Him, He was said to " remember " it (Lev.
xxvi. 42-45 ; Ps. cvi. 45 ; Ezek. xvi. 60 ; Luke
i. 72).

his faithful servants.] It is the chief praise
of a "servant" to be "found faithful" (1
Cor. iv. 2). The faithfulness of Abraham is
declared in 1 Mace. ii. 52 and Heb. xi. 8-19;
that of Isaac in Heb. xi. 20; that of Jacob
in Heb. xi. 21. Though not without faults,
they clung to God till their life's end.

3. to do his will.] Literally, "His wills"
or " wishes" (ra BeXtjuara nvrov). Compare
Ps. ciii. 7 in the Sept. Version.

2 N 2

548

II. MACCABEES. I.

[v. 4-8.

with a good courage and a willing
mind ;

4 And open your hearts in his law
and commandments, and send you
peace,

5 And hear your prayers, and be
at one with you, and never forsake
you in time of trouble.

6 And now we be here praying
for you.

7 What time as Demetrius reigned,
cir. M4. in the hundred threescore and ninth

year, we the Jews wrote unto you in

the extremity of trouble that came

upon us in those years, from the

time that "Jason and his company " ch- 4- 7-

revolted from the holv land and

kingdom,

8 And burned the porch, and shed
innocent blood : then we prayed
unto the Lord, and were heard ; we
offered also sacrifices and fine flour,
and lighted the lamps, and set forth
the loaves.

with a good courage.] Literally, "with a
large heart" — i.e. "earnestly, heartily, with
might and main."

a willing mind.'] Rather, " a willing
soul."

4. And open your hearts in his law.] This
is an unusual phrase. It is best explained as
a prayer, that God would open their hearts
to attend to His law and commandments. Cf.
Acts xvi. 14.

5. and be at one with you.] Rather, " and
be reconciled to you." The doctrine of
" reconciliation " is one on which the author
pointedly and frequently insists. (See ch. v.
20; vii. 33; viii. 39, &c.) According to his
view, God, the offended party, requires to be
" reconciled " to man, the offender ; in the
New Testament, it is rather man, the offender,
who has to be "reconciled" to the God whom
he has offended (Rom. v. 10; 2 Cor. v. 18-20;
Col. i. 20, 21, &c).

and never forsake you.] Compare Ps.xxxviii.
21 ; lxxi. 9. Sometimes God forsakes His
own "for a small moment" (Is. liv. 7), but
only to return and have mercy upon them,
and " gather them with great mercies " (ibid.).

6. we be here praying for you.] I.e. " Be
assured that we, here in Jerusalem, continue
always to pray (Jcrpev npoaevxafJ-evoi) for
you."

7. What time as Demetrius reigned, in the
hundred threescore and ninth year.] Deme-
trius II. (Nicator) was king of Syria from the
167th Seleucid year (1 Mace. xi. 19) to the
175th, and again from the 186th to the 189th.
He would seem to be the king intended.
The 169th Seleucid year began in Oct. B.C.
144, and terminated in Oct. B.C. 143. It was
the year in which Jonathan was taken prisoner
by Tryphon (1 JVIacc. xii. 48) and murdered
(ib. xiii. 23).

we the Jews wrote unto you.] Rather,
"have written." The use of the perfect
tense shews that we have here the professed
date of the epistle (Ewald, ' Hist, of Israel,'

vol. v. p. 468, note 3) ; not, as Grimm sup-
poses, a reference to an earlier communica-
tion. In that case the aorist must have been
employed.

in the extremity of trouble that came upon us
in those years.] Rather, "in these years."

from the time that Jason and his company
revolted.] On Jason and his doings, see ch.
iv. 7-26. Josephus says that his real name was
Joshua ('irjaovs), and that he himself changed
his name into Jason (' Ant. Jud.' xii. 5, § 1).

from the holy land and kingdom?] Rather,
" from the holy land, and from the kingdom."
The " holy land " is undoubtedly Palestine —
the " land of promise " — the Upa x<*Pa °f
Philo (' Leg. ad Cai.' § 42). " The kingdom,"
nar' e£o\i]v, is probably "the kingdom of God
upon earth," or the Jewish Church, which
had become an actual earthly kingdom, before
our author wrote.

8. And burned the porch.] The principal
porch of the Temple building (1 Kings vi. 3)
seems to be intended ; but we have not else-
where any special mention of injury done to
this particular part of the edifice. All the
outer gates were burnt (1 Mace. iv. 38; 2
Mace. viii. 32), and the main building was
made a desolation- (1 Mace. i. 39; ii. 8; iii.
45, 51 ; iv. 38): but it may be doubted if any
wanton injury was done to the Great Porch.
The Temple, it must be remembered, was,
in the designs of Epiphanes, to have become
a heathen sanctuary (2 Mace. vi. 2).

and shed innocent blood?] See ch. iv. 34-36 ;
v. 6 ; vi. 10, 18-31 ; vii. 1-42, &c.

we offered also sacrifices and fine flour?]
The reference is probably to the recovery of
the Temple by Judas Maccabseus, and the
restoration of sacrifices made by him in the
year B.C. 166 (1 Mace. iv. 36-53) — the occa-
sion ever after celebrated by the "Feast of
the Dedication" (JyKaivia).

and lighted the lamps, and set forth the
loaves.] See 1 Mace. 50, 51. The "lamps"
were those of the candelabrum which supplied

v. 9 — 12.]

II. MACCABEES. I.

549

* Lev. 23.

34-

9 And now see that ye keep the feast
of ^tabernacles in the month Casleu.

10 In the hundred fourscore and
eighth year, the people that were at
Jerusalem and in Judea, and the
council, and Judas, sent greeting
and health unto Aristobulus, king
Ptolemeus' master, who was of the

stock of the anointed priests, and to
the Jews that were in Egypt :

11 Insomuch as God hath deliver-
ed us from great perils, we thank
him highly, as having been in battle

against a king.

12 For he cast them out
fought within the holy city.

that

the place of the original golden candlestick
(Ex. xxv. 3 1-37) ; the " loaves," those of the
table of shewbread (ib. 23-30).

9. the feast of tabernacles!] The writer
tells us further on (ch. x. 6) that the Feast of
Dedication was kept on the first occasion
'•after the manner of the Feast of Taber-
nacles," with " branches, and fair boughs, and
palms also" (ib. -v. 7). From this circum-
stance it seems to have been sometimes called
'• the Feast of Tabernacles in the month
Chisleu," while the true Tabernacles' Feast
was known as " the Feast of Tabernacles in
the month Tisri " (Grimm).

the month Casleu.'] This month corre-
sponded, in part, to our December; in part,
to January. It was the ninth month of the
Jewish year (1 Mace. iv. 52). In the Hebrew
it was called Chisleu (Neh. i. 1 ; Zech. vii.
1). The celebration of the Feast of Dedica-
tion by the Egyptian Jews, enjoined both
here and in -v. 18, would have been an ac-
knowledgment on their part of a higher
sanctity belonging to the Temple at Jerusa-
lem than to that at Leontopolis.

§ 2. Another (earlier) Letter of the
Palestinian Jews to their Brethren
in Egypt.

First Portion of the Letter Qw.
10-17). The death of Antiochus is the first
subiect treated of in the second letter. This
event, which happened in B.C. 164, is related
with details, which are irreconcilable with
the narrative of the same event in ch. ix. 1-28,
and also with that in 1 Mace. vi. 1-16.

10. In the hundred fourscore and eighth
jear.] This would be B.C. 125-4, thirty-
six years after the death of Judas Maccabeus,
by whom the letter is said to have been sent,
and nearly forty years after the death of
Epiphanes, which is represented as the occa-
sion of its having been written. As so large
a chronological error is scarcely possible, we
may perhaps accept the reading of two MSS.,
viz. 148 for 188. The professed date of the
letter will then be B.C. 165-4.

the people . . . the council, and Judas!] The
order is unusual, and tends to throw doubt
on the genuineness of the letter. The na-
tural order would be "Judas, and the council,

and the people." Compare 1 Mace. xii. 6.
The existence of a Jewish council, or "senate,"
at this time has been questioned (Grimm), but
without reason. A senate is mentioned in
1 Mace. /. s. c; 2 Mace. iv. 44, xi. 27.

Aristobulus, king Ptolemeus'' master.] Rather,
"teacher." Aristobulus, the Peripatetic
philosopher, is undoubtedly meant. He held
a high position at the court of Ptolemy Philo-
metor during the first half of the second
century B.C., being at once tutor to the king
and the chief of the Jewish community at
Alexandria. His work, ' Explanations of the
Mosaic Law,' was addressed to Ptolemy him-
self, and is quoted by Clement of Alexandria
('Strom.' i. p. 342) and Eusebius (' Praep.
Ev.' vii. 13, viii. 8-10, ix. 6, xiii. 11 ; ' Eccles.
Hist.' vii. 33), and referred to by Origen
(' Contr. Celsum,' iv. 6, § 4). He en-
deavoured to reconcile the Hebrew Scriptures
with the philosophy of Aristotle. (See Ewald,
' Hist, of Israel,' vol. v. p. 259 ; Stanley, ' Lec-
tures on the Jewish Church,' vol. iii. pp.
277-280.)

11. God hath delivered us from great perils.]
See 1 Mace. iii. 10-60; iv. 1-35; v. 1-61.

as having been in battle against a king.]
Rather, "as fighting frequently against
the king." The present participle gives the
sense of repetition : the word /3acnAevs', with-
out the article, designates the Seleucid monarch
here, as k does the Persian monarch in the
classical writers. The Jews had not been
actually engaged in battle with Antiochus;
but they had had at least five engagements
with his generals. And the war was still
continuing.

12. he cast them out that fought -juithin the
holy city.] Rather, " He Himself "—/'.<-. God
— "cast them out," Sec. Compare ch. x. 1.
According to the author of this Book, Judas
recovered both the Temple and the city, in
which case of course the Syrian garrison
must have be«n " cast out " of the latter.
But the circumstantial narrative of the First
Book shews that the "city of David," with
its fortress, the Acra, did not really fall into
the hands of the Jews until the principate of
Simon ( 1 Mace. iv. 37-60; xiii. 49-5 1; xiv.
36, 37; Ewald, 'Hist, of Israel,' vol. v.
pp. 311-12, and p. 335).

55°

II. MACCABEES. I.

[v.

-17.

13 For when the leader was come
into Persia, and the army with him
that seemed invincible, they were
slain in the temple of Nanea by the
deceit of Nanea's priests.

14 For Antiochus, as though he
would marry her, came into the place,
and his friends that were with him, to
receive money in name of a dowry.

15 Which when the priests of
Nanea had set forth, and he was
entered with a small company into

13. the leader.'] This can only be Anti-
ochus ; but it is a curious term to be used of
the Great King.

into Persia.] Elymais, the country in which
the temple of Nanaea was situated, appears to
have been reckoned at this period a part of
Persia. (See 1 Mace. vi. 1.)

the army . . . that seemed invincible.] Half
the forces of Syria, according to the author
of the First Book (1 Mace. iii. 37) — probably
from 60,000 to 70,000 men. (See 1 Mace,
iv. 28.)

they were slain.] Literally, " cut to pieces."
This is an over-statement. Antiochus him-
self was certainly not killed in the Temple, or
anywhere near it (1 Mace. vi. 4-16 ; Polyb.
xxxi. 2), nor does it seem that he lost many
of his troops. Lysias brought back with him
the bulk of the force when he returned to
Antioch (1 Mace. vi. 56).

in the temple of Nanea.] Compare 1 Mace,
vi. 2; Polyb. /. s. c. ; App. ' Syriac' § 66.
The Syrian goddess, Nanea, or Nanaea, was
identical with the Nana of the Babylonians,
who was called Ishtar in Assyria and Ash-
toreth (or Astarte) in Phoenicia. She is
commonly identified with the Aphrodite of
the Greeks and the Venus of the Romans,
but is sometimes compared with Artemis and
Diana. Variant forms of the name are Nanaea,
Anasa, Ana'i'tis, Tanata, Tanath, Tana'i's. The
Egyptians, on adopting her into their system,
called her Anta. In Phoenician inscriptions
Tanath is found, as well as Ashtoreth.

14. Antiochus, as though he would marry
her.] The employment of this pretext by
the needy monarch when he was plundering
temples is confirmed by the recently dis-
covered fragments of Granius Licinianus
(p. 9 ; ed. of 1858) ; and receives illustration
from Antony's conduct at Athens, as related
by Seneca : " Quum Antonius vellet se Li-
berum patrem dici, et hoc nomen statuis suis
subscribi juberet, habitu quoque et comitatu
Liberum imitaretur, occurrerunt venienti ei
Athenienses et Aiuwaov salutaverunt. . . .

the compass of the temple, they shut
the temple as soon as Antiochus was
come in :

16 And opening a privy door of
the roof, they threw stones like
thunderbolts, and struck down the
captain, hewed them in pieces, smote
ofF their heads, and cast them to
those that were without.

17 Blessed be our God in all
things, who hath delivered up the
ungodly.

Dixerunt, despondere ipsos in matrimonium
Minervam suam, et roga-verunt ut duceret.
Ac Antonius ait ducturum, sed dotis nomine
imperare se illis mille talenta" (' Suasor.' § 1).

15. when . . . he was entered . . . into the
compass of the temple.] Rather, " When he
was entered within the circuit of the
precinct." 'O nepifioXos rov repevovs is
the wall that surrounded the enclosure within
which the Temple stood.

16. opening a privy door of the roof] In
the original it is " the privy door," as if every
temple had one.

they threw stones . . . and struck down.]
Compare the proceedings of the Corcyraean
democrats when they mounted on the roof of
the building within which they had confined
the chief aristocrats, and, after breaking a
hole in the roof, destroyed them by hurling
down on them darts, javelins, and pieces of
the tiling wherewith the roof was covered
(Thucyd. iv. 48).

the captain.] Or "the leader" — the same
word as in v. 13. Antiochus is nodoubt meant.

hewed them in pieces.] As there is no
antecedent to " them," it has been suggested
that some such words as nal tovs per' avrou
— "and those with him" — have fallen out
after " captain."

17. iv ho hath de liver ea up the ungodly^]
Rather, " who delivered up those that had
committed impiety," — i.e. Antiochus and his
soldiers. That the entire narrative is a fiction,
so far as Antiochus Epiphanes is concerned,
cannot be questioned ; but it is quite possible,
as Scholz has suggested, that it describes the
fate of Antiochus the Great, who was killed
while plunderingatemple of Belus in this same
region (Diod. Sic. p. 573 ; Justin, xxxii. 2 ;
Strab. xvi. 1, § 18).

Second Portion of the Second Let-
ter Qw. 18-36). From their account of the
death of Antiochus, the writers of the letter
are represented as proceeding to enjoin upon
their Egyptian brethren the celebration of two

V. iS 21.]

II. MACCABEES. I.

1 8 Therefore whereas we are now

ftMac.4. purposed cto keep the purification of

ch. 2. 16. the temple upon the five and twen-

*Lev. 23. tjeth day of the month ^Casleu, we
24, 27, 34. j r a '

Numb. 23. thought it necessary to certify you

thereof, that ye also might keep it,

as the feast of the tabernacles, and

of the fire, which was given us when

Neemias offered sacrifice, after that

he had builded the temple and the

altar.

19 For when our fathers were led
into Persia, the priests that were
then devout took the fire of the al-

tar privily, and hid it in an hollow
place of a pit without water, where
they kept it sure, so that the place
was unknown to all men.

20 Now after many years, when
it pleased God, Neemias, being sent
from the king of Persia, did send of
the posterity of those priests that
had hid it to the fire : but when they
told us they found no fire, but thick
water ;

21 Then commanded he them to
draw it up, and to bring it ; and
when the sacrifices were laid on,

days — 1. Thatof the Dedication of the Temple
by Judas Maccabeus after his purification of
it : and 2. That of Nehemiah's recovery of
the sacred fire. The legend of the recovery is
then given at length.

18. whereas we are now purposed to keep,
<&c.] The second celebration of the festival
at Jerusalem is probably intended, since the
first preceded the death of Epiphanes, as
appears from 1 Mace. iv. 52 compared with
1 Mace. vi. 16.

we thought it necessary!] Rather, "we
thought it fitting."

that ye also might keep it as the feast of the
tabernacles.'] Rather, " that ye might keep the
day of the Tabernacles' feast." The writers
call the Feast of the Dedication itself o-k^vo-
7777710, as did those of the previous letter
(v. 9). For the reason of the name see the
comment on that place.

the fire which was given us.] Our trans-
lators have supplied the clause, "which was
given us," from the Vulgate. Something
must certainly have fallen out after " fire " —
perhaps tov evpedevros or tov (pavevros.

after that he had builded the temple and the
altar.] This is a curious perversion of his-
tory, and indicates a great ignorance of
Holy Scripture on the part of the writer of
the letter. The altar was set up, and the
Temple built by Zerubbabel, nearly a century
before the time of Nehemiah (Ezra hi. 3, vi.
15 ; Zech. iv. 9). Nehemiah's work was the
restoration of the gates and walls of Jerusalem
(Neh. iii. 1-32, vi. 1, vii. 1 ; Ecclus. xlix. 13).
A further exaggeration of Nehemiah's great-
ness appears in ch. ii. 13.

19. when our fathers were led into Persia.]
I.e. into Babylonia, which was afterwards
swallowed up in Persia.

the priests . . . took the fire of the altar
privily, and hid it.] There is no reason to
suppose any truth at all in this narrative,

which is entirely unsupported by anything
contained in the canonical Books. Had the
fire been preserved, it is almost certain that
either Jeremiah, or Ezra, or the writer of
Kings, or the writer of Chronicles, would
have recorded it.

in an hollow place of a pit without water.]
A tradition which can be traced back to the
tenth century gives to the well at the con-
junction of the Kedron with the Hinnom
valley — the En-rogel of holy Scripture — the
name of " the well of Nehemiah," with allusion
to this story. Such traditions are however
worthless, unless they have a very much greater
antiquity than can be claimed for this.

where they kept it sure.] Rather, " where
they made it sure," — i.e. concealed it safely.

20. Neemias, being sent from the king of
Persia.] The king who "sent" Nehemiah,
or rather allowed him to go, to Jerusalem
(Neh. ii. 4-6) was Artaxerxes, the son of
Xerxes and grandson of Darius Hystaspis,
who was known to the Greeks as Macrocheir
and to the Romans as Longimanus.

when they told us.] The pronoun of the
first person seems very much out of place, the
professed date of the letter being nearly three
centuries after Nehemiah's time. Gaab ex-
plains it as equivalent to "our countrymen.''
Grimm supposes the authors of the letter to
quote from a document purporting to have
been written by eye-witnesses of the events
narrated. But in that case the first person
would probably have occurred oftener. I
should suspect that the t]crav of buad(prjo-ai'
was first repeated by a clumsy scribe, and
then turned by a corrector into rjp.lv. I should
omit the i)plv, as is done by two MSS. and the
Syriac Version.

21. to draw it up and to bring it.] Rather,
"to draw of it (cnvofiutyavTas) and bring it."

when the sacrifices were laid on.] I.e. " placed
on the altar."

55*

II. MACCABEES. I.

[v. 2 2 25.

Neemias commanded the priests to
sprinkle the wood and the things laid
thereupon with the water.

22 When this was done, and the
time came that the sun shone, which
afore was hid in the cloud, there was
a great fire kindled, so that every man
marvelled.

23 And the priests made a prayer
whilst the sacrifice was consuming,
/ say, both the priests, and all the rest,
Jonathan beginning, and the rest

answering thereunto, as Neemias
did.

24 And the prayer was after this
manner ; O Lord, Lord God, Crea-
tor of all things, who art fearful and
strong, and righteous, and merciful,
and the only and gracious King,

25 The only giver of all things,
the only just, almighty, and ever-
lasting, thou that deliverest Israel
from all trouble, and didst choose the
fathers, and sanctify them :

22. there <was a great fire kindled.] The
acceptance of the entire story of the recovery
of the holy fire by Joseph Ben-Gorion (' Hist.
Jud.' i. 16, 17) does not add anything to its
credibility. Ben-Gorion is aware that the
altar was set up, and sacrifice renewed by
Zerubbabel and Jeshua, and assigns them a
place in the transactions; but he spoils his
story by introducing into it also the names of
Ezra and Nehemiah, who lived nearly a cen-
tury later. The Rabbinical writers generally
ignore the story ; and indeed contradict it by
their almost unanimous declaration that " the
holy fire " was one of the five things possessed
by the first Temple which were wanting in
the second. (See Buxtorf's treatise 'De igne
sacro' in Ugolino's 'Thesaurus,' vol. x. p.
426.)

23. Jonathan beginning.'] The "Jonathan"
intended is probably the high-priest of that
name mentioned in Neh. xii. 1 1, and called
by Josephus " John" ('A. J.' xi. 7, § 1), who
was the grandson of Eliashib and the father
of Jaddua. The writer of the letter may
have supposed that he was contemporary
with Nehemiah, whereas his high-priesthood
must really have fallen about half a century
later. By "beginning" is meant pronoun-
cing each clause of the prayer first, so that
the people might hear it and repeat it after
him.

24. the prayer ivas after this manner^]
The accumulation of epithets in the address
to God (i)i). 24, 25) is the most remarkable
feature of this prayer. The simplicity of
early times was content to address God by
one or two titles (Ex. v. 22, xv. 11, xxxii.
11 ; Num. xvi. 22 ; 2 Chron. vi. 14, 16, &c).
From the time of Daniel (Dan. ix. 4), three
or four are common (Neh. i. 5 ; Judith ix. 12 ;
Add. Esth. xiii. 9 ; Ecclus. li. 1). The prayer
ascribed to Manasseh has eleven, and the
address of Jonathan in the present passage
iifteen. The particular epithets are, for the
most part, such as occur separately elsewhere.

O Lord, Lord God.] This is not a mere

repetition, such as we find in Ps. xxii. 1 ; Add.
Esth. xiii. 9; 3 Mace. ii. 2 ; Matt. vii. 21, &c,
but a strengthened form of address, like " O
Lord, O Lord my God," in the Psalms (xxv.
1, 2 ; xxxv. 22, 24; lxxi. 1, 4, &c).

Creator of all things.] Compare 3 Mace,
ii. 2, and Prayer ot Manasses, v. 2.

who art fearful and strong, and righteous,
and merciful] Literally, "the fearful, and
strong, and righteous, and merciful one" —
i.e. the only Being really possessed of those
qualities. God is addressed as " fearful " (or
"terrible") by Daniel (ch. ix. 4), and Nehe-
miah (ch. i. 5); as "righteous" by David
(Ps. cxix. 137) and Ezra (ch. ix. 15); as
" strong " by Job (ix. 19) and again by David
(Ps. lxxxix. 8), and as "very merciful" by
Manasseh (Prayer, v. 5). The order of the
epithets is that of moral climax.

the only and gracious King.] Rather, "who
alone art King and gracious."

25. The only giver of all things.] Or,
" the only supplier of things needed." The
word used (xopyyo*) designates the person
who supplied whatever was necessary to put
an author's play upon the stage.

the only just, almighty, and everlasting.]
Omnipotence and eternal existence (i.e. exist-
ence without either beginning or end) are by
common consent attributes which belong to
God alone. Justice or righteousness is, in a
certain qualified sense, predicable of man
(Job i. 1, 8 ; Ps. vii. 8 ; Ezek. xviii. 9 ; Matt.
i. 19) ; but in the truest and highest sense of
God only. (See Matt. xix. 17: " There is
none good but one, that is, God.")

that deliverest Israel from all trouble.]
Compare Ps. xxxiv. 17.

and didst choose the fathers^] Literally,
"and didst make the fathers [Thy] chosen
ones." The true Israelites are called God's
"elect" in Is. lxv. 9, 15, 22, in a spiritual,
and not merely in a temporal, sense; but here
the election intended is probably the choice
of Israel out of all the nations of the earth to

v. 26—34.]

II. MACCABEES. I.

553

26 Receive the sacrifice for thy
whole people Israel, and preserve
thine own portion, and sanctify it.

27 Gather those together that are
scattered from us, deliver them that
serve among the heathen, look upon
them that are despised and abhorred,
and let the heathen know that thou
art our God.

28 Punish them that oppress us,
and with pride do us wrong.

eDeut.3o. 29 Plant thy people again in thy
ch. 2. 18. holy place, e as Moses hath spoken.

30 And the priests sung psalms of
thanks o-ivins:.

31 Now when the sacrifice was

consumed, Neemias commanded the
water that was left to be poured on
the great stones.

32 When this was done, there was
kindled a flame : but it was con-
sumed by the light that shined from
the altar.

33 So when this matter was known,
it was told the king of Persia, that
in the place, where the priests that
were led away had hid the fire, there
appeared water, and that "Neemias J P1;^'*
had purified the sacrifices therewith, company

34 Then the king, inclosing the
place, made it holy, after he had tried
the matter.

be God's " peculiar people " (Deut. xiv. 2).
The aorist marks a single act of choice.

26. Receive the sacrifice for thy whole
people.'] Compare Lev. ix. 15-18 ; Ezra vi.
17; Neh. x. 33, &c.

preserve thine own portion.] " The Lord's
portion is His people "(Deut. xxxii. 9) — that
" portion " of the world's inhabitants which
He chose and set apart for Himself. (Compare
Add. Esth. xiii. 16 ; Ecclus. xvii. 17, xxiv. 12 ;
3 Mace. vi. 3.)

27. those . . . that are scattered from us.]
Literally, " our dispersion " (rr)i> biao-iropav
fjficov) — the abstract for the concrete. Com-
pare the Sept. translation of Ps. cxlvi. 2, and
see also John vii. 35 ; Jas. i. 1 ; 1 Pet. i. 1.
The word came gradually to be used in a
technical sense of the Jews dispersed through-
out the world. Jonathan's prayer, so far, is
not inappropriate to the supposed time and
circumstances, since, though many had re-
turned with Zerubbabel, a still greater number
had remained behind (Joseph. 'A. J.' xi. 1,
§ 3), and continued scattered among the
nations.

deliver them that serve.] The prayer now
becomes inappropriate. Cyrus had given a
general permission to leave their homes to all
Israelites in any part of his dominions and
return to Palestine (Ezra i. 2-4). Artaxerxes,
in the time of Ezra and Nehemiah, renewed
the permission (ib. vii. 13). No Israelites
could, under these circumstances, be detained
in slavery against their will in any part of the
Persian Empire, and there is no reason to
suppose that any had been carried beyond it.
The remainder of the prayer is also pitched
in too low a key to suit the time of the Return
from the Captivity.

29. Plant thy people again.] Compare

Ex. xv. 17; 2 Sam. vii. 10; Ps. xliv. 2, lxxx.
8, &c.

as Moses hath spoken.] See Deut. xxx. 1-5,
and compare Neh. i. 8, 9; Baruch ii. 28-34.

30. And the priests sung psalms of thanks-
giving.] Rather, " And the priests pro-
ceeded to sing the psalms." When the
prayer was ended, the priests followed on
with the chanting of the usual psalms. Com-
pare Ezra hi. 11 ; 1 Mace. iv. 24; and see
the comment on the latter passage. Of course
the psalms would be "psalms of thanksgiving ;"
but our author does not say so.

31. Neemias commanded the ivater that was
left to be poured on the great stones.] The
existing Greek text will in no way bear this
meaning, since it has KaTaaxelv, and not
Karaxew. If we retain the reading of the
MSS., we must translate — " Nehemiah com-
manded the water that was left to be confined
by means of great stones ; " literally, " that
great stones should confine it." Our transla-
tion follows the Vulgate, which has — " Ex
residua aqua jussit Neemias lapides majores
profundi." This involves the reading Ktrraxeiv,
and requires further the insertion of e'jrl before
~Kidovs.

33. there appeared water.'] Rather, " there
had appeared."

Neemias.] Rather, "Neemias and those
who were with him." The idiom employed,
which belongs to the best Greek, is a favourite
one with the author. (See ch. x. 16, 25, 33 ;
xi. 6 ; xii. 11, 14. 15. Z6 ; xiii- *, 23 5 xiv. 18 ;
xv. 1, 6, 25, 26, &c.)

34. the king, inclosing the place, made it
holy.] This is another indication that the
whole story is a fable. A Persian king would
have been very unlikely to have taken any
notice of what would have seemed to him so
small a matter as that related in the text.

554

II. MACCABEES. I. II.

Lv- 35—4-

35 And the king took many gifts,
and bestowed thereof on those whom
he would gratify.

36 And Neemias called this thing
Naphthar, which is as much as to
say, a cleansing : but many men call
it Nephi.

CHAPTER II.

I What "Jeremy the prophet did. 5 Hoiv he
hid the tabernacle, the ark, and the altar.
13 What Neemias and Judas wrote. 20
What Jason ivrote in five books : 25 and how
those were abridged by the author of this book.

T is also found in the records,
that Jeremy the prophet com-

manded them that were carried away

to take of the fire, aas it hath been " ch-'- ">

signified :

2 And how that the prophet, hav-
ing given them the law, charged
them not to forget the command-
ments of the Lord, and that thev
should not err in their minds, ^when *Eamch
they see images of silver and gold, '4'
with their ornaments.

3 And with other such speeches
exhorted he them, that the law
should not depart from their hearts.

4 It was also contained in the
same writing, that the prophet being

36. Neemias called this thing Naphthar,
which is as much as to say, a cleansing.] The
MSS. vary between" Nephthar," " Nephthai,"
and " Nephtha." No word at all near to
any of these forms has the meaning of " a
cleansing" in Hebrew. It has been conjec-
tured that the original word used was nithhdr,
which might perhaps have this meaning ; but
more probably the etymology of the forger of
the letter was at fault, and he gave a fanciful
explanation of a word whose true meaning
was unknown to him. " Naphtha " was the
name given by the Greeks to a form of mineral
oil produced in many parts of Persia, which
was highly inflammable ; and it is this Greek
term which the author of the letter intended
to use. Perhaps he mis-spelt it ; or perhaps
it was corrupted by the copyists, first into
" Nephtha," and then further into " Neph-
thar."

many men .] Rather, "most men."

CHAPTER II.
Third Portion of the Second Letter
(w. 1-8). As a sequel to the storyof the Holy
Fire, the pretended writers of the letter give,
professedly from certain records {dnoypacpai)
which they have consulted, an account of the
doings of Jeremiah at the time of the Captivity :
how he gave orders for the preservation of the
tire (v. 1), warned the captives against idola-
try (v. 2), and concealed in a cave on the
top of Mount Pisgah the Tabernacle (!), the
Ark of the Covenant, and the Altar of incense
(vv. 3-5), where he declared that they would
remain until the final restoration of Israel
(vv. 6-8).

1. It is also found in the records.] It
is impossible to say what "records" are
referred to, or whether the writer of the
letter had really any documents in his posses-
sion which contained the legends here set
forth. Certainly the later Maccabean time
was one in which "the unhistorical spirit

grew rapidly and dangerously" (Ewald,
' Hist, of Israel,' vol. v. p. 460) ; and, among
the many apocryphal writings of the period,
there may have been some which pretended to
be "records " kept during the Captivity ; but
the unlikelihood of such records having been
kept in such a time of trouble is patent, and
their presumed contents do not lend them
any credit.

Jeremy the prophet commanded.] Jeremiah
at the time of the Captivity was in no posi-
tion to "command" anyone. He was shut
up in the court of the prison (Jer. xxxviii. 28),
and was not released until after the Temple
had been destroyed and the prisoners carried
off (ib. xxxix. 8-14).

as it hath been signified^ In ch. i. 19.

2. how that the prophet, having given
them the law, charged them, <b-'c] Some
formal delivery of a copy of the law by
Jeremiah to the captives, and some set ad-
dress, seem to be intended. But the prophet
himself tells us nothing of either. Nebuzar-
adan, he says, took him in chains with the
other prisoners to Ramah, and there struck
off his chains; after which he sent him to
Gedaliah at Mizpah (Jer. xl. 1-6), while the
remainder of the captives proceeded on their
way to Babylon.

when they see.] Rather, " when they should
see."

images of silver and gold.] Literally, "of
gold and silver." The Babylonian images
were mainly of the former material. (See
Dan. iii. 1, v. 4; Herod, i. 183; Diod. Sic.
ii. 9, § 5, &c.)

with their orname?its.] The Babylonian
idols had in some instances gold crowns on
their heads (Baruch vi. 9). They were also
clothed in rich garments (ibid, n, 33, 58).

4. It was also contained in the same
writing.] The past tense— "it was"— is to
be explained as a reference to the time when

v. 5-3.]

II. MACCABEES. II.

55.

warned of God, commanded the
tabernacle and the ark to go with
f Deut-3- him, as he went forth into cthe
mountain, where Moses climbed up,
and saw the heritage of God.

5 And when Jeremv came thither,
he found an hollow cave, wherein he
laid the tabernacle, and the ark, and
the altar of incense, and so stopped
the door.

6 And some of those that followed
him came to mark the way, but they
could not find it.

7 Which when Jeremy perceived,
he blamed them, saying, As for that
place, it shall be unknown until the
time that God gather his people
again together, and receive them unto
mercy.

8 Then shall the Lord shew them
these things, and the glory of the
Lord shall appear, and the cloud also,

^as it was shewed under Moses, and afE*od*
"as when Solomon desired that the «x Kings
place might be honourably sancti- 8- 10~
fied.

the pretended writers of the letter consulted
the supposed writing.

being warned of God.] Compare Matt. ii.
12. The actual word used for "warning"
(XpT^aTtoyxdy) occurs in the Greek Scriptures
only here and in Rom. xi. 4. It is, however,
common in classical Greek. (See Polyb.
xxviii. 14, § 10; 16, § 4; Lucian, "Gall."
25 ; Diod. Sic. i. 70, 78, &c.)

the tabernacle?] The "tabernacle" made
by Moses, or its representative at the time,
was removed from Gibeon to Jerusalem by
Solomon (1 Kings viii. 4; 2 Chr. v. 5) on the
occasion of his dedicating the Temple ; but
what was then done with it is not mentioned
in Scripture. The forger of the letter evi-
dently imagines that it was placed inside the
Temple, and remained there until the capture
of the city by Nebuchadnezzar. But the silence
of Scripture makes this very improbable.

to go with him.] Literally, "to follow
him" — i.e. " to be carried after him." So
j£lian says that the Choaspes water "fol-
lowed " Xerxes (' Var. Hist.' xii. 40). By
what right or power Jeremiah gave these
orders, and got them executed, the author
does not explain.

the mountain where Moses climbed up.~] See
Dent, xxxiv. 1. This mount was probably
made the hiding-place with some reference to
the hidden sepulchre of Moses, which was in
the vicinity (ib. v. 6).

the heritage of God.] I.e. the land of Ca-
naan, which God had given to Israel for its
inheritance (Gen. xii. 7 ; xiii. 15 ;xv. 7, &c).

5. an hollow cave.] Literally, " a cave-like
dwelling." The place is so much a " dwell-
ing " that it has a " door."

the altar of incense.] See Ex. xxx. 1-10.
It seems strange that this had not been men-
tioned as carried forth from Jerusalem in
v. 4. Probably the legend grew gradually.
First, the tabernacle and the ark only were
supposed to have been hidden ; then, the

golden altar, the most sacred thing in the
Temple next to the ark, was added ; finally,
the list was increased by the addition of the
table of shewbread, the golden candlestick,
and the sacred utensils generally, as we find
it in Syncellus (' Chronograph.' p. 409).

stopped the door.] I.e. " blocked it up," so
that it was no longer visible.

6. to mark the way.] I.e. to set up some
permanent marks by which it might be pos-
sible to find the cavern again and recover
the treasures.

7. perceived.] Rather, "learnt."

he blamed them?] Not, as Scholz supposes,
for carelessness in neglecting to put up the
marks earlier, but for over-care in supposing
them needed. God would bring the deposit
to light without human aid, when the fitting
time came.

until the time that God gather his people
again together.] After the return from the
Captivity, the Israelites still looked forward to
a further gathering in of their brethren from
distant countries, and to a great increase in
the population of J udasa and Jerusalem. (See
Zech. viii. 7, 8, x. 10; and compare the
comment on ch. i. 27.)

8. the glory of the Lord shall appear, and
the cloud also.] The expectation was of some
such visible manifestation of the Divine Pre-
sence as is recorded in Ex. xl. 34, 35, and
2 Chr. v. 13, 14; 1 Kings viii. 10, 11, when a
luminous cloud, dazzling to beholders, filled
the Holy Place, and "the glory of the Lord"
was, in a certain sense, revealed to the eyes
of men. The expectation rested on passages
in the prophets where " the glory of God "
was promised to the second Temple in a
spiritual sense (Is. lx. 1, 19 ; Hag. ii. 9 ; Zech.

ii. 5).

Fourth Portion of the Second Let-
ter {yv. 9-12). The records said to have
been consulted by the pretended writers of
the letter are now declared to have contained

556

II. MACCABEES. II.

[v. 9-

9 It was also declared, that he being
;K&fs wise-coffered the sacrificeof dedication,

and of the finishing of the temple.

10 And ^as when Moses prayed
unto the Lord, the fire came down
from heaven, and consumed the sacri-
fices : even /,!so prayed Solomon also,
and the fire came down from heaven,
and consumed the burnt offerings.

8. 62, &c

Z Lev. 9.

23, 24.

* 2 Chron.
7. 1.

&C.

11 And l Moses said, Because the Mr
_ . ' . 16, &i

sin offering was not to be eaten, it
was consumed.

12 So Solomon kept those eight
days.

13 The same things were also re-
ported in the writings and commen-
taries of Neemias ; and how he found-
ing a library gathered together the

allusion to the two previous occasions on which
fire had come down from heaven and con-
sumed the sacrifices laid upon the altar of burnt
offering — namely, that in the time of Moses,
mentioned in Lev. ix. 24, and that in the time
of Solomon, mentioned in 2 Chron. vii. 1,
whereby an indication is given ot the purpose
for which the holy fire was supposed to
have been reserved by Jeremiah, as stated in
•v. 1.

9. It nvas also declared.'] In the records,
supposed to have been consulted by the
writers of the letter. (See w. 1 and 4.)

that be being wise.'} " He " is undoubtedly
Solomon, the Hebrew ideal of human wisdom
(1 Kings iii. 12 ; iv. 29-34).

offered the sacrifice of dedication?] See
1 Kings viii. 62 ; 2 Chr. vii. 1. The fact of
the miraculous descent of fire from heaven on
this occasion has been denied, on account of
the silence concerning it maintained by the
author of the First Book of Kings ; but the
denial involves the rejection of the authority
of the Books of Chronicles, which are as
integral a part of the sacred Volume as any
other.

10. as ivhen Moses prayed . . . fire came
down from heaven?] See Lev. ix. 24. Moses,
however, is not said in Leviticus to have
"prayed" for the descent of the fire. The
fire fell as he was blessing the people.

11. And Moses said, (b"c] No words re-
sembling these are ascribed to Moses in the
Old Testament ; nor, if they had been, is the
appositeness of their quotation in the present
connection very apparent. Perhaps some
allusion to Lev. x. 16-20 is intended.

12. So Solomon kept those eight days.]
That Solomon " kept eight days " was con-
cluded from the mention of " the eighth day "
in 1 Kings viii. 66 and 2 Chr. vii. 8 ; but it is
not quite clear that the Festival proper lasted
more than seven days. No doubt, however,
the iyKaivia of Judas Maccabeus was made
an eight days' festival with reference to the
supposed duration of the Dedication feast of
Solomon.

Fifth Portion of the Second Letter
(■vv. 13-16). The object of the pretended

writers in this section is directly practical.
They make an offer, and they repeat their
previous request. Judas Maccabeus, follow-
ing the example of Nehemiah, has collected a
number of the sacred writings of former
times which had been lost during the recent
troubles ; if the Egyptian Jews wish, they
can have a portion by sending persons to
fetch them. In any case they will do well to
keep the Dedication Festival.

13. The same things ivere also reported?]
Literally, " They related also the same things."
The past tense is used," as in w. 4 and 9,
with reference to the time when the writers
of the letter were supposed to have consulted
the document which they profess to quote.

in the writings?] I.e. the " records " of
•v. 1. The word is nearly, though not quite,
the same.

and commentaries.] Rather, "and also in
the commentaries." The intention is to
quote two entirely distinct works. The
" commentaries of Nehemiah " cannot be the
Book which has come down to us under his
name, or even the original Book whereof that
was a part, which comprised our present
Book of Ezra, since no such statements as
those of ch. ii. 1-12 are made in either of
those works. The allusion is probably to ac
apocryphal book, which did not long survive
its composition.

he founding a library.] This is explained by
what follows. Nehemiah, or Ezra and Nehe-
miah in conjunction, took pains to collect
together the various sacred writings of the
Jews, additional to the Law, such as the
Books of the Kings, those of the Prophets,
and the writings ascribed to David ; to which
they added a collection of the letters of the
Persian kings respecting their offerings to the
Temple. "This earliest tradition with re-
spect to the agglomeration of the sacred
Hebrew literature certainly indicates that it
was in Nehemiah's time that the various
documents of the past history of his race
were united in one collection. . . It is evident
from the terms of the description that ' Nehe-
miah's Library' was not co-extensive with
any existing volume. It was not a formation
of Divine oracles so much as a repository of

v. 14 — i S.J

II. MACCABEES. II.

557

acts of the kings, and the prophets,
and of David, and the epistles of the
kings concerning the holy gifts.

14 In like manner also Judas ga-
thered together all those things that

\ut'^elt "were lost by reason of the war we
duHng the had, and they remain with us.

15 Wherefore if ye have need
thereof, send some to fetch them unto
you.

he promised in

16 Whereas we then *are about
to celebrate the purification, we have
written unto you, and ye shall do
well, if ye keep the same days.

17 "We hope also, that the God,
that delivered all his people, and gave
them all an heritage, and the king-
dom, and the priesthood, and the
sanctuary,

18 'As he promised in the law,

the law : for we hope in God that he will shortly, &r>c.

*ch. 1. 1 3-

I Gr. Now
God it is
that saved
all his
people,
and ren-
dered the
heritage,
and the
kingdom,
and tlie
priest-
hood, and
tlte sanc-
tuary, a
t ch. i. '^>

whatever materials from whatever source
might be useful for the future history of his
people." (Stanley, ' Lectures on the Jewish
Church,' vol. iii. pp. 139, 140.)

the acts of the kings.'] Under this desig-
nation would be included the Books of
Samuel, of Kings, and of Chronicles, if already
written ; perhaps even the Books of Joshua
and Judges.

and of David.] Rather, " and the writings
of David," or " the writings ascribed to
David," by which the Psalms generally, so
far as they extended at the time, but not the
entire ' Hagiographa,' would be meant.

the epistles of the kings concerning the holy
gifts.] The " epistles " intended are probably
those of the Persian kings Cyrus, Darius,
and Artaxerxes, who are known to have made
gifts to the Temple (Ezra i. 7-1 1 ; vi. 8, 9 ;
vii. 15, 19-22). We have a specimen of the
kind of document in the " copy of the letter
that the king Artaxerxes gave unto Ezra the
priest, the scribe" (ibid. vii. 11-26). The
" letter unto Asaph, the keeper of the king's
forest" (Neh. ii. 8), may have been included
in the collection.

14. In like manner also Judas.] " As
Nehemiah," says Dean Stanley, "had agglo-
merated round the Law the works which
had gradually taken form by his time, so
Judas Maccabseus and his companions eagerly
gathered round Nehemiah's group of sacred
literature the scattered remains which had
escaped, like fragments of a wreck or sur-
vivors of a battle, or ' brands plucked from
the fire,' out of the ruin of the Syrian war."
('Lectures on the Jewish Church,' vol. iii.
PP- 338, 339-)

that ivere lost.] This expression is some-
what too strong!' If they had been " lost,"
Judas could not have collected them. The
word used, SiairervTUKOTa, means "that had
fallen through " or " fallen out of knowledge."
It is no doubt sometimes used of absolutely
" lost " books (Phot. ' Bibliothec' p. 120, ed.
Bekker), but cannot have that sense here.

by reason of the war.] Or, " in the course
of the war."

15. Wherefore if ye have need thereof, send,
&c] This offer, even if a fact, and not a
fiction, does not shew that the Palestinian
Jews possessed a much larger number of
sacred writings than the Egyptian ones
(Grimm), but only that they regarded it as
possible that they might possess some of
which the Egyptian Jews had no copies.

16. Whereas we then, &Y.] Compare ch. i.
18. To impress upon the Egyptian Jews the
importance of keeping the Dedication Feast
must be regarded as the principal object of
this epistle, whether genuine or not.

Sixth and last Portion of the Se-
cond Letter (yv. 17, 18). The supposed
writers conclude with the expression of a
pious hope, that, as God has already done so
much for them in the way of deliverance and
restoration, He will shortly complete His work
by bringing the whole nation together out of
all lands under the sun into His " holy place,"
which is now cleansed from pollution.

17. the God that delivered all his people.]
The deliverance is that effected by Judas
Maccabeus, when, after defeating the generals
of Epiphanes, he " recovered the Temple "
(ch. x. 1) and "cleansed" it, and restored
the daily sacrifice and the regular course cf
worship. We need not perhaps be surprised
if, in the first burst of exultation, the deliver-
ance was spoken of as more complete than
the course of after events shewed it to be.

and gave them all an heritage.] I.e. re-
stored the Holy Land to them as their inhe-
ritance, after it had been taken from them by
the Syrians.

and the kingdom.] Though Judas never
assumed the title or state of king, his position
was that of an independent ruler, and he
might be fairly considered to preside over a
" kingdom." He was in fact a king in all but
the name.

and the sanctuary.] Rather, "and the
cleansing," i.e. the purifying and sanctify-
ing anew of the Temple. (See ch. x. 3, and
compare 1 Mace. iv. 43-51.)

18. As he promised in the law.] The

55%

will shortly have mercy upon us,
and gather us together out of every
land under heaven into the holv
place : for he hath delivered us out
of great troubles, and hath purified
the place.

19 Now as concerning Judas Mac-
cabeus, and his brethren, and the
purification of the great temple, and
the dedication of the altar,

20 And the wars against Antio-

II. MACCABEES. II.

chus Epiphanes,

[v. 19 — 22.
and Eupator his

son.

21 And '"the manifest signs that '"ch-3-24
came from heaven unto those that & 10. 29.
behaved themselves manfully to their & 15! ii
honour for Judaism : so that, being

but a few, they overcame the whole
country, and chased barbarous multi-
tudes,

22 And recovered again the tem-
ple renowned all the world over, and

reference is probably to such passages as
Deut. iv. 29-31, xxx. 3-10, where full restora-
tion to God's favour is promised upon a
national repentance.

into the holy place.'] Compare ch. i. 29.
The "holy place" is Judaea, which Judas
is viewed as having cleansed and puritied at
the same time with the Temple.

§ 3. The Author's Account of the
Source, and Plan, of the Remainder
of the Work.

19-32. This " prologue " or " preface,"
as it is generally called by commenta-
tors, comprises: 1. An enumeration of the
main contents (vv. 19-22); 2. A statement
of the source from which they are taken
{v. 23); and 3. A declaration of the objects
had in view by the writer, and the plan pur-
sued by him in the arrangement of his work
(yv. 24-32). By the way, he notes that his
task has been no easy one, but has involved
much labour and trouble (w. 26, 27).

19. as concerning Judas Maccabeus."] In
the preceding letter^ the Jewish leader has
been " Judas " simply ; now he is " Judas
Maccabeus," or more literally " Judas the
Maccabean." So also in ch. v. 27, and viii. 1.
In the remainder of the Book he is " the
Maccabean " or " Judas " indifferently. On
the origin of the name, see the comment on
1 Mace. ii. 4.

and his brethren.] Unlike the author of
the First Book, the writer assumes a general
knowledge of the history on the part of his
readers. He gives no formal list of the
brothers, corresponding to that in 1 Mace. ii.
2-5, but introduces them casually, when they
have to play a part in the history, as well-
known personages (ch. x. 22, 23).

the purification of the great temple.] See
ch. x. 5-7. The epithet " great " is omitted
by most of the MSS., and is scarcely appro-
priate to the Temple, which was a small
building. Elsewhere the writer calls the
Temple "renowned" (v. 22), "holy" or
"hallowed" (ch. xv. 18), and "most holy"

(ch. v. 15), but not "great." Meyiorou
(ch. xiv. 13 and 31) means "most noble,"
not " greatest."

the dedication of the altar.] See ch. x. 3,
and compare 1 Mace. iv. 47, 53.

20. the wars against Antiochus Epiphanes
and Eupator.] The former are contained in
chs. viii. and ix. ; the latter in chs. x.-xiii.
Chs. xiv. and xv. treat of the war between
Judas and Demetrius Soter.

21. the manifest signs that came from
heaven.] These " manifest signs " (em(j)d-
veiai) are a marked characteristic of 2 Mace.,
and have been said to " form the staple of the
Book." ( Westcott in Smith's ' Diet, of the
Bible,' vol. ii. p. 178.) The most remarkable
will be found in ch. iii. 24-29, 33, 34;
v. 2-4 ; x. 29, 30 ; xi. 6-1 1 ; xii. 22.

for Judaism.] " Judaism " means here,
and in ch. viii. 1, the Jewish religion. It is
antithetical to ''EWrjvicrfj.os ("the Greek re-
ligion ") and a\\o<pv\i(Tn6s (" the Gentile
religion "). The word occurs in the same
sense in Gal. i. 13 ; Ignat. ' Ep. ad Magnes.'
§ 10; Justin. Mart. ' Resp. ad Orthodox.'
p. 2, and elsewhere. It belongs in this sense
only to the later Hellenistic Greek.

they overcame the whole country.] Rather,
"they plundered the whole country." The
writer refers in part to those expeditions
which Judas made from time to time against
the Hellenising Jews, to punish them for their
ungodly conduct (1 Mace. iii. 5, 8 : vii. 24),
in part to those which he conducted against
the heathen who possessed much of the land
(1 Mace. v. 21-51).

and chased barbarous multitudes.] See
below, ch. viii. 6, 24; x. 32; xi. 11 ; xii. 22,
&c. The author retorts on the Greeks the
epithet of " barbarous," habitually applied by
them to all nations but their own.

22. the temple renowned all the world
over.] Compare ch. iii. 12. Philo calls it rbv
TvepitTrjixoTarov nai e7ri(f>av((rTa.Tov vei>v (' Leg.
ad Cai.' § 29). It does not appear to have
really attracted very much attention on the

v. 23 — 28.]

II. MACCABEES. II.

559

freed the city, and upheld the laws
which were going down, the Lord
being gracious unto them with all
favour :

23 All these things^ I say^ being
declared by Jason of Cyrene in five
books, we will assay to abridge in one
volume.

24 For considering the infinite
number, and the difficulty which they
find that desire to look into the
narrations of the story, for the variety
of the matter,

25 We have been careful, that they
that will read may have delight, and
that they that are desirous to commit

to memory might have ease, and that
all into whose hands it comes might
have profit.

26 Therefore to us, that have
taken upon us this painful labour of
abridging, it was not easy, but a
matter of sweat and watching ;

27 Even as it is no ease unto him
that prepareth a banquet, and seeketh

the benefit of others : yet "for the '0p.'o
pleasuring of many we will undertake weUof
gladly this great pains ; many.

28 Leaving to the author the exact
handling of every particular, and
labouring to follow the rules of an
abridgement.

part of the heathen nations, at any rate until
its rebuilding by Herod the Great. The
dimensions were small (Ezra vi. 3), and the
ornamentation not very rich (Ewald, ' Hist, of
Israel,' vol. v. p. 113).

freed the city.] Compare ch. x. 1. Some
portion of the city was no doubt situated on
the Temple hill, and passed into the hands of
Judas with the Temple itself. But the " city
of David," as it was called (1 Mace. i. 33)
on the western hill, being commanded by the
Acra, remained in the possession of the Syrians
until it was taken by Simon (ib. xiii. 49-51 ;
xiv. 36).

the laivs nvhicb ivere going down.-] Rather,
"which were about to be abolished"
(1 Mace. i. 42-52 ; 2 Mace. vi. 1-9). If
Epiphanes had been allowed to have his way,
the observance of the Mosaic Law would
have wholly ceased.

23. these things . . . being declared by Jason
of Cyrene.] Jason of Cyrene is not otherwise
known to us. He has been thought to be
the same with the " Jason, son of Eleazar,"
mentioned in 1 Mace. viii. 1 7 : but it is not
at all probable that that Jason was a Cyrenasan.
Cyrene under the Ptolemies belonged to
Egypt, and the Cyrenasan Jews were a sort
of offset from those of Alexandria, with whom
they had constant intercourse. Professor
Westcott regards the work of Jason as
written at Alexandria (' Diet, of the Bible,'
vol. ii. p. 175).

in five booh.] The " five books " of Jason's
work are thought to have corresponded to five
marked divisions in the epitomator's narrative
— the first at the end of ch. iii., the next at
the close of ch. vii., the third between w. 9
and 10 of ch. x., the fourth at the close of
ch. xiii., and the fifth at the end of the first
clause of v. 37 in ch. xv.

24. considering the infinite number.] Rather,
"considering the multiplicity of the num-
bers." The writer alludes to the numerous
dates, estimates of the numbers of armies, of
the slain, and of prisoners taken, which are to
be found in ordinary histories. These he re-
gards as dull and uninteresting, and considers
it to be the epitomator's duty to eliminate.

that desire to look into the narrations of the
story.] Rather, "that desire to employ them-
selves in historical narratives."

for the 'variety of the matter.] Rather, " the
superabundance of the matter."

25. We have been careful.] Or, " it has
been our aim." Three things have been
specially considered — 1. The gratification of
the ordinary reader; 2. The ease and con-
venience of those who might wish not merely
to read, but to commit to memory ; and 3.
The general benefit of all into whose hands
the book might come. The rarity and high
price of manuscripts caused the practice of
committing whole treatises to memory to be
common in the ancient world.

26. Therefore^ Rather, "And truly"
(fcai fiev).

a matter of . . . watching.] Literally, " of
sleeplessness " — i.e. of sitting up at night.

27. him that prepareth a banquet.] The
dpxirpiKXivos or " governor of a feast," who
had the preparation and direction of it, but
was not the giver. (See John ii. 10 ; Ecclus.
xxxii. 1, 2.)

28. Leaving to the author.] Rather, " to the
historian." It is the part of a historian
to give all the facts (etao-rci), and to set them
forth with completeness and accuracy. An
abbreviator must leave out many particulars,
and be content, even with respect to such as he
selects, to set them forth less fully and exactly.

560

II. MACCABEES. II. III.

[v. 29 1.

29 For as the master builder of a
new house must care for the whole
building; : but he that undertaketh to
set it out, and paint it, must seek out
fit things for the adorning thereof:
even so I think it is with us.

30 To stand upon every point,
and go over things at large, and to be
curious in particulars, belongeth tj
the first author of the story :

31 But to use brevity, and avoid
much labouring of the work, is to be
granted to him that will make an
abridgement.

32 Here then will we begin the
story : only adding thus much to that
which hath been said, that it is a
foolish thing to make a long prologue,
and to be short in the story itself.

CHAPTER III.

1 Of the honour done to the temple by the kings
of the Gentiles. 4 Simon uttereth what
treasures are in the temple. 7 Heliodorus
is sent to take them away. 24 He is stricken
of God, and healed at the prayer of Onias.

NOW when the holy city was dr. 187
inhabited with all peace, and

29. the whole building.'] Literally, "the
whole ground-plan ; " but the writer probably
intended to use the word in a wide sense.

he that undertaketh to set it out.] Rather,
"to adorn it by means of encaustic."
The writer seems here to claim, as within his
province, the right of working up the mate-
rials which he takes from Jason, of beautify-
ing and adorning them. Encaustic was used
by the Babylonians, Assyrians, Greeks, and
Romans in the ornamentation of their houses.
The exposed surface of bricks or tiles was
covered with a glaze, on which patterns or
ligures were painted, and the painting was
then fixed by being subjected to the heat of
a furnace. The colours were thus " burnt in."

so I think it is with us.] This combina-
tion of the first person singular with the first
person plural is curious. It looks like an
accident. Elsewhere, through the whole of
the preface, the first person plural only is
used. At the close of the work, however
(ch.xv. 37, 38), the first person singular recurs.

30. To stand upon every point.] Rather,
"to go into matters," or "insist upon
them."

and go over things at large.] Or " treat
of all points."

and to be curious.] Or "elaborate."

31. to use brevity.] Literally, " to aim at
brevity of expression." Our author sometimes,
though but seldom, does this. (See ch. xiii.
18-26.) For the most part, he is wordy and
elaborate, as in this quite unnecessarily long
preface. He evidently wishes to be regarded
as " a fine writer."

and avoids Literally, " beg off" or "excuse
oneself from."

much labouring of the work.] Rather, " much
elaboration of the history." The author
seems to regard it as the epitomator's task to
take his facts from his author and add nothing
to them, but to set them forth with all the

rhetorical artifices of which he is master. (See
v. 29.)

32. -will we begin.] Literally, " let us
begin."

only adding.] Rather, "having only
added."

thus much.] Verses 19-31.

that it is.] Rather, " for it is." This is
not the " addition " spoken of, but the reason
for not adding anything more.

CHAPTER III.

HISTORY OF THE JEWS FROM B.C. 180 TO
B.C. 161.

PART I.

§ i. The Attempt of Heliodorus to
plunder the temple treasury, and
its Frustration.

1-3. To increase the horror of his narra-
tive by the force of contrast, the writer opens
this section of his work with a brief but
graphic picture of the deep peace which the
proceedings of Heliodorus, and of those who
incited him, disturbed. A good and pious
king, Seleucus IV., held the Syrian crown,
and shewed favour to the Jews, even going so
far as to furnish from his own revenue the
entire cost of the Temple sacrifices Qv. 3).
An excellent High Priest, Onias III., pre-
sided over the Temple services (v. 1). The
people generally were zealous observers of the
Law ; and if any had the desire to cast aside
its shackles, they were restrained by their
fear of Onias, who was a stern repressor of
all attempts to escape from legal obligations
(ibid.).

1. the holy city.] I.e. Jerusalem. (See
ch. i. 12; and compare Is. xlviii. 2, lxiv. 9;
Dan. ix. 24; Neh. xi. i, 18.)

with all peace.] Neither danger nor dis-
turbance threatening, either from without or

V. 2—5.]

II. MACCABEES. III.

56i

B.C. the laws were kept very well, be-
- — ' cause of the godliness of Onias the
high priest, and his hatred of wicked-
ness,

2 It came to pass that even the
kings themselves did honour the
place, and magnify the temple with
their best gifts ;

3 Insomuch that Seleucus king of
Asia of his own revenues bare all the

costs belonging to the service of the b. c.
sacrifices. cilif7'

4 But one Simon of the tribe of
Benjamin, who was made governor
of the temple, fell out with the high
priest about disorder in the city.

5 And when he could not over-
come Onias, he gat him to Apol-
lonius the son of Thraseas, who then
was governor of Celosyria and Phenice,

from within. Internal peace is specially in-
tended.

and the laivs were kept very well] Rather,
"while the laws were still observed most
excellently." There is an allusion to the
subsequent coming of a time when the Mosaic
law was transgressed and forsaken, and strange
laws set up and followed. (See 1 Mace. i.
15, 42-49-)

Onias the high priest] The " Onias " in-
tended was the third of the name. He was
the son and successor of Simon II., and the
grandson of Onias II. He held the office of
High Priest from B.C. 198 to B.C. 175. On
the excellency of his character, see ch. iv. 2
and xv. 12.

2. the kings themselves.] I.e. the Syrian
monarchs, Antiochus the Great, and his son,
the Seleucus of v. 3.

did . . . magnify the temple nvith their best
gifts.] As the Ptolemies had done before
them. (See Joseph. 'A. J.' xii. 2, § 5 ;
' Contr. Ap.' ii. 5.)

3. Seleucus king of Asia] Seleucus IV.
(Philopator) was the son of Antiochus the
Great, and succeeded him on the throne in
B.C. 187. He was a weak prince, and reigned
only eleven years, from B.C. 187 to B.C. 176.
It is within this space that the events recorded
in the present chapter must be placed. On
the title "king of Asia," see the comment
upon 1 Mace. viii. 6.

bare all the costs belonging to the service of
the sacrifices] This was the customary form
which royal bounty took, when it was ex-
tended to a temple. D arius Hystaspis assigned
revenues for the purpose of furnishing the
Jewish sacrifices in B.C. 519 (Ezra vi. 9), and
Artaxerxes Mnemon in B.C. 457 (ib. vii. 20-
23). Demetrius I. offered to do the same in
B.C. 152 (1 Mace. x. 39).

4-7. The circumstances which led to the
attempt of Heliodorus are now related with
extreme brevity : " One Simon, of the tribe of
Benjamin," who held the office of governor
of the Temple, quarrelled with Onias, the
High Priest, on the subject of certain infrac-
tions of the Law which were going on in

Apoc.— Vol. II.

Jerusalem, which Simon desired to shield and
Onias to punish. As Onias would not yield,
Simon, in revenge, suggested to Apollonins,
governor of Ccelesyria and Phoenicia, the ad-
vantage that it would be to the king to seize
the Temple treasures. Apollonius communi-
cated the suggestion to Seleucus, with the
result that Heliodorus was selected to effect
the seizure.

4. governor of the temple] The exact
nature of this office is uncertain. Ewald says
that Simon, " under the honourable desig-
nation of overseer, was charged with provid-
ing the various supplies for the Temple, and
hence had great influence on the prices of
corn and other necessaries of life in Jerusalem."
(' Hist, of Israel,' vol. v. p. 292.) Others
suppose him to have been the Temple treasurer
(yalo(pv\atj, Joseph. ' Ant. Jud.'xx. 8, § 11),
or the "captain of the Temple" (Acts iv. 1,
v. 24) ; but this last-named office did not
exist till Roman times. Possibly, as Calmet
thinks, he was the surveyor who had charge
of the Temple buildings.

fell out ivith the high priest about disorder]
Rather, "about transgressions of the Law"
(Trapavopia). The Hellenising spirit was just
beginning to shew itself, and the opposition
between the Hellenists and the Chasidim or
" pious " to break forth. Onias, naturally,
was on the side of the latter; Simon under-
took the patronage of the former.

5. Apollonius the son of Thraseas] Rather,
"the son of ThrasaBus." It has been pro-
posed to identify this person either with the
Apollonius of 1 Mace. iii. 10-12, Judas
Maccabeus' first antagonist, who was com-
mandant of Samaria about nine years later,
according to Josephus (' A. J.' xii. 7, § i), or
with the Apollonius of Polybius(xxxi. 21, § 2),
who is said to have had great influence with
Seleucus IV., and who after the accession of
Epiphanes betook himself to Miletus(Grirnm).
But there are no sufficient grounds for either
identification.

governor of Celosyria and Phenice] " Celo-
syria " is a wrong form, and should be cor-
rected into " Ccelesyria," wherever it is
found. 'II K01A77 Su/n'a was (strictly speaking)

2 O

562

II. MACCABEES. III.

[v. 6 — 11.

B- c- 6 And told him that the treasury

cir_li_7' in Jerusalem was full of infinite sums
of money, so that the multitude of
their riches, which did not pertain to
the account of the sacrifices, was in-
numerable, and that it was possible
to brins; all into the kind's hand.

7 Now when Apollonius came
to the king, and had shewed him
of the money whereof he was told,
the king chose out Heliodorus his
treasurer, and sent him with a com-
mandment to bring him the foresaid
money.

8 So forthwith Heliodorus took
his journey, under a colour of visit-

ing the cities of Celosyria and Phe- B- c.
nice, but indeed to fulfil the king's C1LL7'
purpose.

9 And when he was come to Je-
rusalem, and had been courteously
received of the high priest of the
city, he told him what intelligence
was given of the money, and declared
wherefore he came, and asked if these
things were so indeed.

10 Then the high priest told him
that there was such money laid up
for the relief of widows and fatherless
children :

1 1 And that some of it belonged
to Hircanus son of Tobias, a man of

the deep valley between Libanus and Anti-
libanus, which formed the bulk of the Syrian
territory. The term was used, however, more
generally, of the whole of Southern Syria.

6. the treasury in Jerusalem.'] The Temple
treasury seems to have grown up out of the
" chambers for the treasures " (Neh. xii. 44),
in which were stored the tithes and offerings
of the faithful (2 Chr. xxxi. n, 12 ; Neh. xiii.
5, 12, 13), which were chiefly paid in kind.
As time went on, the gifts of princes and of
private individuals, in gold and silver vessels
and in specie, were added to the other de-
posits; and ultimately private individuals,
such as widows and orphans, or even wealthy
men, who wanted to put their money in a
sure place, were allowed to lay it up in the
Temple treasury, as in a bank, from which
they could draw it in their need. It was thus
especially that the vast quantity of wealth in
the treasury of the Temple at Jerusalem had
been accumulated, and that it had reached an
amount which naturally attracted the cupidity
of public personages.

full of infinite sums of money.'] Literally,
" of untold sums."

which did not pertain, <&>Y.] I.e. " besides
what had reference to the Temple service,
the support of the priests, and other similar
objects."

was innumerable.] The reading of most
MSS. is the opposite of this — "was nume-
rable ; " but it is absolutely necessary to
make the correction (of evap[6p.rjTov into
dvapid)xr)Tov) which produces the sense given
by our translators. The Alexandrian and
nine other MSS. have the true reading.

it was possible to bring all into the king's
hand.] Literally, "it was possible that all
this should fall into the king's power."

7. Heliodorus his treasurer.] Rather, " his
chief minister" (rbv eiii ra>v 7rpayp.aT<x>v).
Heliodorus is mentioned as one of the cour-
tiers of Seleucus by Appian ('Syriac' § 45).
He ultimately murdered his master, and
seized the throne, which he occupied for a
short space.

8-22. Heliodorus at first clokeshis design,
but, in a conference with the High Priest,
reveals it and appoints a day for carrying it
out. The grief and horror of all classes, and
their appeals to God to prevent the sacrilege,
are graphically described.

8. under a colour, is'c] If Heliodorus
had avowed the object of his journey, the
news might have preceded his arrival at
Jerusalem, and the treasures might have been
removed and concealed.

9. what intelligence was given of the
money.] I.e. what information concerning it
had been given by Simon to Apollonius (supra,
v. 6).

10. Then the high priest told him.] Rather,
" shewed him."

that there was such money laid up for the
relief of widows, <b'c.] Literally, " that the
money consisted of the deposits of widows
and orphans." It had been laid up in the
Temple treasury for better security by them or
their guardians. In the absence of secular
banks of deposit, temples were not unfrequently
made a substitute for them in ancient times.
Of course, no interest was allowed ; but the
depositors were entitled to withdraw their
deposits at any moment.

11. Hircanus son of Tobias.] Rather,
"Hyrcanus." Josephus makes Hyrcanus
the grandson of Tobias, and the son of a
certain Joseph, who grew rich by farming
the revenues of Palestine under the Egyptian

I2~ is-]

II. MACCABEES. III.

563

b. c. great dignity, and not as that wicked
clLi_7' Simon had misinformed : the sum
whereof in all was four hundred ta-
lents of silver, and two hundred of
gold :

12 And that it was altogether im-
possible that such wrongs should be
done unto them, that had committed
it to the holiness of the place, and to
the majesty and inviolable sanctity of
the temple, honoured over all the world.

13 But Heliodorus, because of the
king's commandment given him, said,

That in any wise it must be brought b. c.

■ . .1 1 • J 1 D cir. 187.

into the king s treasury. —

14 So at the day which he ap-
pointed he entered in to order this
matter : wherefore there was no
small agony throughout the whole
city.

15 But the priests, prostrating
themselves before the altar in their
priests' vestments, called unto hea-
ven upon him that a made a law con- a Rxod.
cerning things given to be kept, that 22' 7'
they should safely be preserved for

government. Joseph's mother was a sister
of Onias II., the High Priest. Hyrcanus was
his father's favourite son, and became his
representative at the Egyptian court, where
he ingratiated himself with the monarch, and
was made, like his father, a collector of the
revenue. The jealousy of his brothers, who
were at open feud with him, forced him after
a time to withdraw himself into the country
east of the Jordan, where he built himself a
castle near Heshbon, and amassed consider-
able wealth, partly by collecting the taxes,
partly by plundering the wild Arabs of the
vicinity. Ultimately, in the reign of Antio-
chus Epiphanes, fearing that he would be
attacked and punished for his irregular pro-
ceedings, he committed suicide. (Joseph.
'A. J.' xii. 4, § 2-1 1.) His name is thought
to remain in the modern jlrak-e\-Em\r, the
present appellation of the castle where he
spent the latter portion of his life. (Stanley,
' Lectures on the Jewish Church,' vol. iii.
p. 247.)

not as that wicked Simon had misinformed^]
Simon had represented the whole as public
money, whereas the greater part, or at any
rate a great part, was private ; belonging
either to Hyrcanus, or to the widows and
orphans.

the sum . . . four hundred talents of silver,
and two hundred of gold.] Four hundred
silver talents would be equal to about 96,000/.
of our money. Two hundred gold talents,
taking gold at fifteen times the value of silver,
would be equal to 720,000/. Thus the total
value would be about 816,000/. When
Pompey entered the Temple, the treasury
contained no more than 2000 silver talents,
worth 480,000/. (See Joseph. 'A. J.' xiv.

4» § 4-)

12. it <w as altogether impossible^] I.e. it
was so monstrous an iniquity as to seem to
him morally impossible.

that had committed it.] Rather, " that had
trusted."

the temple honoured over all the world.]
See the comment on ch. ii. 22.

14. at the day . . . appointed he entered in.]
Rather, " he was about to enter in." The
imperfect tense is used here, and again in
verse 23, in the sense from which it derives
its name, of an act contemplated but not
accomplished. (Compare Herod, i. 68 :
'E/iiadovTO nap ovk ckSiSovtos ttjv avKrfv.')

there was no small agony throughout the
•whole city.] Dean Stanley calls the descrip-
tion which follows " a complete representation
of what must have been the general aspect of
a panic in Jerusalem " (' Lectures,' vol. iii.
p. 287). "The priests," he continues, "in
their official costume are prostrate before the
altar. The High Priest is in such ' an inward
agony of mind that whoso had looked at his
countenance and changing colour, it would
have wounded his heart.' The Temple courts
are crowded with supplicants ; the matrons,
with bare bosoms, running franctically through
the streets; the maidens, unable to break
their seclusion, yet peering over walls, and
through windows, and at every door to catch
the news ; the pitiless officer bent on dis-
charging his mission."

15. before the altar.] Probably, the altar
of burnt offering in the court directly in front
of the Temple, where they would be con-
spicuous to all.

in their priests' vestments^] See Ex. xxviii.
40. Vestments of fine white linen, with em-
broidered girdles, and white linen caps or
turbans upon their heads.

called unto heaven.] Compare 1 Mace,
iii. 50; ix. 46.

that they should be safely preserved.] R ather,
"that he would safely preserve them."
The clause expresses the matter of the priests'
prayer, not the object of the law which God
had given.

2 0 2

564

II. MACCABEES. III.

[v. 16 — 24.

B-C. such as had committed them to be

c:r. 1S7. ,

— kept.

16 Then whoso had looked the
high priest in the face, it would have
wounded his heart : for his counte-
nance and the changing of his colour
declared the inward agony of his
mind.

17 For the man was so compassed
with fear and horror of the body,
that it was manifest to them that
looked upon him, what sorrow he
had now in his heart.

18 Others ran flocking out of their
nor, to houses "to the general supplication,
general because the place was like to come

non!ka' into contempt.

19 And the women, girt with
sackcloth under their breasts, abound-

ed in the streets, and the virgins that ^- c.

, . P cir. 187.

were kept in ran, some to the gates, —
and some to the walls, and others
looked out of the windows.

20 And all, holding their hands
toward heaven, made supplication.

21 Then it would have pitied a
man to see the falling down of the
multitude of all sorts, and the "fear of u Gr. ex-
the high priest, being in such an pectatu
agony.

22 They then called upon the Al-
mighty Lord to keep the things com-
mitted of trust safe and sure for those
that had committed them.

23 Nevertheless Heliodorus exe-
cuted that which was decreed.

24 Now as he was there present
himself with his guard about the

18. Others ran flocking . . . to the general
supplication^] Rather, " to a general suppli-
cation." It is not implied that any order
had been issued for the people to assemble ;
rather, there was a general instinctive rush of
all classes from their houses to the Temple
for the purpose of supplicating God. By the
universality of the instinct, the supplication
became a " general " one.

the placed I.e. "the temple." Compare

"V. 2.

19. the women (i.e. the married women)
girt with sackcloth under their breasts^] I.e.
with breasts bare, and clad below the breast
with a robe or gown of sackcloth. (Compare
1 Mace. ii. 14; iii. 47.)

the "virgins that were kept in.~\ Compare
3 Mace. i. 18. The old freedom had been
laid aside, and the Jewish maidens, reduced
to the general Asiatic level, were kept within
doors, and, as much as possible, in the female
apartments. (See Philo, ' De spec. Leg.,' §31.)

to the gates.] I.e. the doors of their re-
spective mansions.

the walls.] Scarcely the town walls.
Rather, the walls of gardens; or, perhaps,
the parapets round the roofs of houses.

the windows.] See Judg. v. 28; 2 Sam.
vi. 16; 2 Kings ix. 30. Windows, guarded
by a lattice, often gave upon the street, and
furnished convenient posts of observation for
those who wished to see without being seen.

21. the falling down of the multitude.] I.e.
their prostration in prayer.

the fear of the high priest^] Rather, "the
suspense," or " strained expectation."

22. They . . . called upon the Almighty Lord.]
Most of the MSS. and versions have " the
Almighty God." With the prayer itself,
compare v. 15.

23-34. The sounds and sights which sur-
rounded him did not deter Heliodorus from
his purpose. Epiphanes had laid his com-
mands upon him to bring the money into his
treasury Qw. 7, 13) ; and it would have been
incurring a great risk to disobey his orders.
Heliodorus therefore proceeded to accomplish
his task. But, according to our author, at
this point opposition manifested itself. A
warrior in golden armour, mounted upon a
fierce horse, suddenly appeared within the
Temple precinct bearing down upon the Syrian
minister ; the horse struck at him with his
fore feet, while two footmen, standing one on
either side of him, scourged the rash intruder
with many stripes. Heliodorus fell to the
ground dazed and powerless, and was borne
off in a litter, after the High Priest had offered
sacrifice for him, and entreated God to spare
his life. The writer regards the whole scene
as miraculous ; but he admits that there
were some who traced in it the contriving
hand of Onias, and believed the ghostly
warriors to have been ordinary men, who,
at the instigation of the High Priest, had
terrified and chastised the king's emissary
(ch. iv. 1).

23. Heliodorus executed.] Rather, "pro-
ceeded to carry out." (See the comment
on v. 14.)

24. with his guard.] That he had come
with a considerable armed force, in case he
should meet with resistance, is apparent also
from w. 28 and 35.

v. 25—30.]

II. MACCABEES. III.

565

B.C. treasury, the "Lord of spirits, and the

Prince of all power, caused a great

\/lur°rd apparition, so that all that presumed

/afters. to come jn wJth him were astonished

at the power of God, and fainted,

and were sore afraid.

25 For there appeared unto them
an horse with a terrible rider upon
him, and adorned with a very fair
covering, and he ran fiercely, and
smote at Heliodorus with his fore-
feet, and it seemed that he that sat
upon the horse had complete harness
of gold.

26 Moreover two other young men
appeared before him, notable in
strength, excellent in beauty, and
comely in apparel, who stood by him
on either side, and scourged him con-
tinually, and gave him many sore
stripes.

27 And Heliodorus fell suddenly B. C.
unto the ground, and was compassed C"^J_7'
with great darkness : but they that

were with him took him up, and put
him into a litter.

28 Thus him, that lately came
with a great train and with all his
guard into the said treasury, they
carried out, being unable to help
himself with his weapons : and mani-
festly they acknowledged the power
of God :

29 For he by the hand of God was
cast down, and lay speechless with-
out all hope of life.

30 But they praised the Lord, that
had miraculously honoured his own
place : for the temple, which a little
afore was full of fear and trouble,
when the Almighty Lord appeared,
was filled with joy and gladness.

about the treasury.] Rather, " at the
treasury" — probably at the door, about to
enter.

the Lord of spirits.] So the Alexandrian
Septuagint, the Syriac, and several MSS.;
but the Vatican Codex and the MSS. generally
have " the Lord of our fathers. ' The ordi-
nary expression is "the Lord God of our
fathers" (Ex. ii. 13, 15, 16; iv. 5:— Deut. i.
1 1 ; iv. 1 ; xii. i, &c.).

caused a great apparition.'] On the fond-
ness of the author for " apparitions " see the
comment on ch. ii. 21.

that presumed '.] Rather, "that had pre-
sumed."

25. he . . . smote at Heliodorus with his fore
feet.] Herodotus tells of a horse which was
trained, on approaching an enemy, to rear
up and attack him with his fore feet and teeth
(v. 111). The owner of the animal was
a Persian.

he that sat upon the horse had complete harness
of gold.] So the angelic horseman in ch. xi. 8.
Those in ch. x. 29 have "golden bridles."
Masistius, the commander of the Persian
cavalry at the battle of Plataea, wore a cuirass
which was made of golden scales (Herod.
ix. 22).

26. two other young men appeared before
Aim.] I.e.. " were seen in front of the rider."

27. Heliodorus fell suddenly unto the groiaid.]
It is not said that he was cast on the ground
by the horseman, much less that he was
" trampled under foot " (Stanley) ; but rather

that he fell fainting under the blows of the
scourgers, and lost consciousness.

put him into a litter.] Litters were used
by the Egyptians from a very early date, and
are represented in the painted ornamentation
of the tombs (Rosellini, ' Mon. Civili,' pi.
xciii. 2). They were slung on poles, and
carried on the shoulders of slaves. From
the Egyptians they passed to their Persian
conquerors, who used them even in their
warlike expeditions (Herod, vii. 41).

28. with a great train.] Rather, " with
many horsemen."

unable to help himself with his 'weapons.]
There is no mention of " weapons." The
statement is that he was " quite unable to
help himself," — "altogether helpless," as we
should now say.

manifestly they acknowledged the power of
God.] His bearers, some of his own heathen
attendants, were so impressed by what they
had seen that they openly acknowledged what
had been done to have been effected by the
power of God.

29. by the hand of God.] Rather, " by the
might of God."

30. when the Almighty Lord appeared.]
It is not meant to identify the angelic appari-
tion of v. 25 with God himself, as some have
supposed. Any surprising occurrence was
regarded by the later Jews as a Divine mani-
festation (emcfxiveia) or revelation of the
presence of God — even a timely and unex-
pected shower of rain. (See Joseph. 'A. J.'
xviii. 8, § 6 : cO 6(6s irapov<rlav ibeinvve

566

II. MACCABEES. III.

oo-

B.C. 31 Then straio-htways certain of

cir 187 O /

- — Heliodorus' friends prayed Onias,
that he would call upon the most
High to grant him his life, who lay
ready to give up the ghost.

32 So the high priest, suspecting
lest the king should misconceive that
some treachery had been done to
Heliodorus bv the Tews, offered a
sacrifice for the health of the man.

33 Now as the high priest was
making an atonement, the same

young men in the same clothing ap- b. C.
peared and stood beside Heliodorus, Cl!jj_7'
saying, Give Onias the high priest
great thanks, insomuch as for his
sake the Lord hath granted thee
life :

34 And seeing that thou hast been
scourged from heaven, declare unto
all men the mighty power of God.
And when they had spoken these
words, they appeared no more.

35 So Heliodorus, after he had

Ti)v avrov Tlfrpccvlco ... 6 UfTpwvios Se
/carf7reVXr;Kro, 6pS>v evapya><: top 6eov . . .
TroXhrjv UTVoa"qp.T]vavTa tt]v in itpdve toi/.)

31. the most High.] The heathen could
recognise Jehovah as ''the most High," either
identifying Him with their own chief Deity —
Bel, or Merodach, or Ormazd, or Zeus, as
the case might be — or regarding Him as the
" god of the land," and so as " most High "
within His own jurisdiction. Nebuchadnezzar
had given the title to the god of the Jews
more than once (Dan. iii. 26; iv. 2, 34);
Darius the Mede had called Him " the living
God" (ib. vi. 20, 26); Cyrus, "the God"
(ha-elohim) ; Darius Hystaspis, "the God of
heaven" (Ezra vi. 9, 10); Artaxerxes, the
same (ib. vii. 21, 23). Acknowledgments of
this kind involved no change of religion, and
were readily enough made, when there was
anything to gain by making them.

to grant him his life.] Rather, "and
thus give life to him who," &c. Onias is
viewed as giving the life which he prays God
to spare.

ivho lay ready to give up the ghost.]
Literally, " who lay at the last gasp."

32. suspecting lest the king should miscon-
ceive that some treachery had been done to
Heliodorus.] This is probably the true ex-
planation of the whole occurrence recorded.
As it was certainly not in the designs of
Providence to preserve the Temple treasures
from the cupidity of the Syrian kings (1 Mace.
i. 21-23), we cannot, with the author of the
Book, suppose a real miracle to have been
wrought. Neither can we imagine the story
to have taken the full and substantial shape
which it wears in this chapter without some
solid foundation. Heliodorus must have
made the attempt recorded ; and Heliodorus
must have been baffled. The question is,
what baffled him ? Probably, arrangements
made, with the connivance of the High
Priest, to impose upon his credulity by ap-
pearances which he might think supernatural,
and before which he might therefore yield.

Compare the arrangements by which the
Delphian priests succeeded in preserving the
treasures of their temple from Xerxes in
B.C. 480 (Herod, viii. 37-39), and again from
the Gauls in B.C. 279 (Pausan. x. 23). Onias
might well fear lest the true nature of the
obstacles to which Heliodorus yielded should
become known.

33. as the high priest was making an
atonement^] Rather, "the propitiation"
(tov l\ao-fi6v) — i.e. as he was offering the
sacrifice which was to expiate Heliodorus's
crime.

appeared.] Rather, "appeared a second
time " (jraXiv').

34. seeing that thou hast been scourged from
heaven^] The Vatican and several other
MSS. have v-a avrov, " by him," instead of
e'£ ovpavov, " from heaven ; " while the Syrian
and Vulgate versions have "by God." cYtt'
avrov is probably the true reading, God being
intended, not however as the actual scourger,
but as the originator of the punishment, which
angel hands carried out. (See the comment
on -v. 30.)

they appeared no more.] Rather, "they
disappeared from sight." These later details
are most probably embellishments — perhaps
" encaustics " of the epitomator (ch. ii. 29).

35-40. Sequel of the story. Helio-
dorus, having offered sacrifice and given
thanks to God, returns to Antioch, and de-
clares to all what has happened to him. On
being asked by Seleucus what sort of person
he would recommend to be sent to Jerusalem
on an errand similar to his own, he advises
the king to select an enemy or a traitor
(v. 38), since whoever goes will be sure to
suffer pretty severely, even if he escape with
his life.

35. Heliodorus, after he had offered sacrifice.]
It was open to any one, whether Jew or
heathen, to offer sacrifice in the Jewish
temple. The offerer brought the sacrifice
and laid his hand on its head, thus identifying

v. 36-

-!•]

II. MACCABEES. III. IV.

567

b. c. offered sacrifice unto the Lord, and
cl!lL7' made great vows unto him that had
saved his life, and saluted Onias,
returned with his host to the king.

36 Then testified he to all men
the works of the great God, which
he had seen with his eyes.

37 And when the king asked He-
liodorus, who might be a fit man to
be sent yet once again to Jerusalem,
he said,

38 If thou hast any enemy or
traitor, send him thither, and thou
shalt receive him well scourged, if he
escape with his life : for in that place,
no doubt, there is an especial power
of God.

39 For he that dwelleth in heaven
hath his eye on that place, and de-
fendeth it ; and he beateth and de-

stroyeth them that come to hurt B.C.
it. cW^

40 And the things concerning He-
liodorus, and the keeping of the
treasury, fell out on this sort.

CHAPTER IV.

I Simon slandcreth Onias. 7 Jason, by cor-
rupting the king, obtaineth the office of the
high priest. 24 Menelaus getteth the same
from Jason by the like corruption. 34 An~
dronicus traitorously murdereth Onias. 36
The king being informed thereof, causeth An-
drouicus to be put to death. 39 The wicked-
ness of Lysimachus, by the instigation of
Menelaus.

THIS Simon now, "of whom we cir. 187.
spake afore, having been a be- ° ch- 3- *•
wrayer of the money, and of his
country, slandered Onias, as if he
had terrified Heliodorus, and been
the worker of these evils.

himself with his offering. Originally he slew
it (Lev. i. 5, 11 ; iii. 2, 8, 24, &c.) ; but ulti-
mately the Levites undertook that office (2
Chr. xxx. 17 ; xxxv. 6). The blood was then
taken by the priests and poured upon the
altar. Either the whole victim, or certain
parts of it, were also burnt by the priests
upon the altar. Thus both the layman and
the priest might be said, in different senses,
to " offer " the sacrifice.

made great vonvsJ] The words ev'xeo-#ai
and evxal are used indifferently of prayer,
praise, vows proper, and thanksgiving. Here
the offering of praise and thanksgiving would
seem to be intended.

saluted Onias.~] Rather, "held friendly
converse with Onias." Compare ch. xiii.
24.

with bis host.'] See the comment on v. 24.

36. the works . . . which he had seen with
his eyes.] Heliodorus did not consider that
he had had a vision. The beings whom he
regarded as supernatural had yet been seen
by his natural eyes.

37. who might he a fit man.] Rather,
" what sort of a man would be a fitting one
to send." Seleucus did not ask him to desig-
nate the individual.

38. traitor] Literally, "plotter against
thy government." This was what Helio-
dorus himself became soon afterwards (Ap-
pian, ' Syriac' § 46).

if he escape.] Rather, " e v e n if he escape "

(idv TT(f> »cai).

40. the keeping of the treasury] I.e. the

watch and ward kept over the Temple
treasury by angelic beings, which the story
illustrates.

CHAPTER IV.

PART II.

§ 1. Further Troubles caused by Simon
in Jerusalem.

1-6. On the return of Heliodorus to An-
tioch empty-handed, Simon was not slow to
suggest that Onias had been at the bottom of
the pretended miracles by which Heliodorus
had allowed himself to be terrified. Onias
was, he said, a " plotter against the govern-
ment," and ought to be punished as such.
At the same time his faction committed
murders in Jerusalem, and he was known to
be upheld in his opposition to Onias by the
Apollonius to whom he had applied in the
first instance (ch. iii. 5), the governor of
Ccelesyria and Phoenicia. Under these cir-
cumstances the High Priest felt it incumbent
on him to proceed to the Court, to defend
his own conduct and induce Seleucus to put
a stop to Simon's insolence.

1. a bewrayer of the money and of his
country.] See ch. iii. 4-7. In betraying the
secret of the richness of the Temple treasury,
he had been a betrayer of the interests of his
country.

slandered Onias.] Literally, "spake evil
of Onias."

as if he had terrified Heliodorus.] Rather,
"that it was he who had terrified Helio-
dorus." (See the comment on ch. iii. 32.)

568

II. MACCABEES. IV

[v.

B.C.

cir. 187.

2 Thus was he bold to call him a
traitor, that had deserved well of the
city, and tendered his own nation,
and was so zealous of the laws.

3 But when their hatred went so
far, that by one of Simon's faction
murders were committed,

4 Onias seeing the danger of this
contention, and that Apollonius, as
being the governor of Celosyria and

Phenice, did
mon's malice.

rage,

anc

increase

Si-

ll He went to the kino-, not to be B.C.

r i- b 1 cir. 187

an accuser or his countrymen, but —
seeking the good of all, both publick
and private :

6 For he saw that it was impos-
sible that the state should continue
quiet, and Simon leave his folly,
unless the king did look there-
unto.

7 But after the death of Seleucus, B.C. 176.
when Antiochus, called Epiphanes,

took the kingdom, Jason the bro-

The accusation, no doubt, was that Onias had
contrived the whole business.

2. Thus auas he bold to call him a trait or. ,]
Literally, "a plotter against the government."
The words are the same as those used by
Heliodorus in ch. iii. 38.

zealous of the laws.] Compare ch. iii. 4, 5.
Onias was the head of the orthodox, Simon of
the Hellenizing party. The antagonism which
broke out openly soon afterwards {w. 7-17)
was already shewing itself. (See the comment
on ch. iii. 4.)

3. their hatred.~\ I.e. the feud between
Onias and Simon.

4. Apollonius.'] Compare ch. iii. 5.

did rage.] Apollonius was as angry as
Simon that the attempt to seize the Temple
treasures had failed. He had probably looked
to rise high in the favour of the king by being
instrumental in obtaining him such a windfall.
The failure of Heliodorus had disappointed
this hope.

5. not to be an accuser of his countrymen^]
Compare Acts xxviii. 19 : " Not that I had aught
to accuse my nation of." No act could be
worse in the eyes of Jews than that one of
their own number should lay a complaint
against his nation before a heathen tribunal.
The author, who is very jealous of the honour
of Onias (ch. iii. 1 ; iv. 2, &c), wishes to
clear him of any such charge. It was not
his nation, but a few individuals of his nation,
that he accused, and this he did only because
it was required for the general good of the
whole community.

both publick and private?] Or, " both col-
lectively and individually."

6. unless the king did look thereunto.] It
does not appear that Seleucus took any active
steps in consequence of the visit of Onias.
Perhaps he might have done so had it not
been for his untimely death. Or perhaps he
may have sympathised rather with Simon the
Hellenist, than with the strict Jew who
wanted Simon to be suppressed.

§ 2. On the Death of Seleucus and
Accession of Antiochus Epiphanes,
Jason is made High Priest. Rapid
Advance of the Hellenizing Move-
ment.

7-22. The sudden death of Seleucus and
accession of his younger brother, Antiochus
IV., known as Epiphanes, introduced a new
element of discord into Jewish affairs. Jason,
or rather Joshua, the brother of Onias, re-
garded the accession of a new king as favour-
able to his own ambition, and, having pur-
chased the high-priestly office of Epiphanes,
threw himself heart and soul into the Hel-
lenistic movement. He began by erecting a
gymnasium after the Grecian fashion in the
immediate neighbourhood of Jerusalem (t>.
12) ; after which he discontinued the Temple
service {-v. 14), aped in all respects Grecian
manners, and sent envoys to Tyre, who were
to take part in a sacrifice to Melkarth, the
Tyrian Hercules {-v. 19). He also obtained
for the inhabitants of Jerusalem the citizenship
of Antioch, and taught them to call them-
selves Antiochians (yv. 9, 19).

7. after the death of Seleucus.] Nothing
is known of the death of Seleucus beyond
the bare fact that he was plotted against and
slain by Heliodorus, one of his courtiers
(App. ' Syriac.' § 46), who is probably iden-
tical with the "treasurer" or "minister" of
ch. iii. 7-40. Heliodorus seized the throne,
but was in a little time driven from it by
Eumenes of Pergamus, who had espoused the
cause of Antiochus, Seleucus' brother.

ivheti Antiochus, called Epiphanes, took the
kingdom.] On the name " Epiphanes," see
the comment on 1 Mace. i. 10. Epiphanes
received the kingdom from Eumenes in
B.C. 176. He reigned till B.C. 164.

Jason the brother of Onias.] The original
name of Jason was Joshua (Joseph. ' A. J.'
xii. 5, § 1). In connection with his general
Hellenizing policy, he changed his name into
Jason, the Greek appellation which most
nearly approached to it.

•]

II. MACCABEES. IV.

569

b. c. ther of Onias laboured underhand

cir. 175. , 1 • 1

— to be nigh priest,

8 Promising unto the king by in-
tercession three hundred and three-
score talents of silver, and of another
revenue eighty talents :

9 Beside this, he promised to as-
sign an hundred and fifty more, if he

»iMac.i. might have licence to set him up bz
place for exercise, and for the training
up of youth in the fashions of the
heathen, and to write them of Jeru-
salem by the name of Antiochians.

10 Which when the king had
granted, and he had gotten into his
hand the rule, he forthwith brought

his own nation to the Greekish b. c.
fashion. cl!J_!Z5"

1 1 And the royal privileges granted
of special favour to the Jews by the
means of c John the father of Eupole- 'See
mus, who went ambassador to Rome 17.
for amity and aid, he took away ;
and putting down the governments
which were according to the law,

he brought up new customs against
the law :

12 For he built gladly a place of
exercise under the tower itself, and
brought the chief young men under
his subjection, and made them wear
a hat.

laboured underhand to be high priest.] Jo-
sephus knows nothing of Jason having sup-
planted his brother in the high priesthood,
or bought the dignity of Epiphanes. On the
contrary, he regards him as having succeeded
regularly to the office at his brother's death,
the only son left behind him by Onias being
still a child, and therefore ineligible (' A. J.'
/. j. c .).

8. by intercession?] Rather, "at an inter-
view." The present equivalent of 440 talents
would be above 75,000/. sterling. It appears
by the later narrative {y. 23) that the money
was not paid till three years afterwards.

9. he promised to assign an hundred and
fifty more.] Rather, " he promised to give a
written undertaking for a hundred and
ftfty more."

to set him up a place for exercise.] See
1 Mace. i. 14, and the comment ad loc.

for the training up of youth in the fashions
of the heathen.'] Nothing is said in the origi-
nal about "the fashions of the heathen," nor
was the place intended to be one of general
education. A " gymnasium " and '_' ephebia "
was an exercise-ground for the bodily training
and recreation of young men, whose mental
and moral training was otherwise provided
for. Still the institution was so thoroughly
Greek, and so much at variance with staid
Hebrew habits, that it could not but exert a
very great influence over the general tone of
morals and manners. (See Ewald, ' Hist,
of Israel,' vol. v. p. 294; Stanley, 'Lectures
on the Jewish Church,' vol. Hi. p. 291.)

and to write them of Jerusalem by the name
of Antiochians.] Rather, " and to register
as Antiochians all those who dwelt in
Jerusalem." There was, it would seem, a
"citizenship of Antioch," as there was a
citizenship of Rome, which could be freely

imparted to non-residents. There are coins
which mention such a class of persons at
Ptolema'fs (Mionnet, ' Description des Me-
dailles,' torn. v. pp. 37, 88, 216; torn. viii.
p. 30, &c). Jason obtained this citizenship
for the people of Jerusalem. What rights it
conferred is uncertain.

10. when . . . he had gotten into his hand
the rule.] I.e. the high-priestly office, with the
civil power which at this time belonged to it.

he forthwith brought.] Rather, " pro-
ceeded to bring " (the imperfect tense).

11. the royal privileges granted of special
favour to the Jews.] Those given by Anti-

ochus the Great (Joseph. ' A. J.' xii. 3, § 3)
are, it is probable, especially meant. The
most important of these was the right of
being governed by their own laws (7roXirev-
eadcoo-av navTes oi e< rov edvovs Kara tovs
naTpaovs vopovs).

by the means of John the father of Eupole-
mus.] Compare 1 Mace. viii. 17. We have
no further knowledge of this "John," or of the
part which he played in obtaining the privi-
leges from Antiochus. He was evidently a
less famous man than his son.

who went ambassador to Rome.] In B.C.
162-1. For an account of the embassy, see
1 Mace. viii. 17—32.

putting down the governments.] Rather,
"the modes of government."

12. under the tower itself '.] Rather, " under
the citadel." The particular " tower" (o/cpa),
of which we hear so much in the First Book,
was not yet built (see 1 Mace. i. 33). \\ hat
is here intended would seem to be the southern
or south-western hill, the loftiest part of the
entire site. The writer regards it as aggra-
vation of Jason's offence, that he built the
gymnasium so near the city.

made them wear a hat.] To moderns this

57°

II. MACCABEES. IV

[v.

-19.

B.C.
cir. 175.

I Or, the
Discus,
which was
a stone
with an
hole in the

13 Now such was the height of
Greek fashions, and increase of
heathenish manners, through the
exceeding profaneness of Jason, that
ungodly wretch, and no high priest ;

14 That the priests had no cou-
rage to serve any more at the altar,
but despising the temple, and neglect-
ing the sacrifices, hastened to be
partakers of the unlawful allowance
in the place of exercise, after the game
of "Discus called them forth ;

15 Not setting by the honours of
their fathers, but liking the glory of

midst. the Grecians best of all.

16 By reason whereof sore calamity B. c.
came upon them : for they had them clIliZs*
to be their enemies and avengers,
whose custom they followed so ear-
nestly, and unto whom they desired

to be like in all things.

17 For it is not a light thing to do
wickedly against the laws of God :
but the time following shall declare
these things.

18 Now when the game that was
used every fifth year was kept at
Tyrus, the king being present, „ Gr J

iq This ungracious Tason sent were rem

II • 1 ° r T 1 gwusam-

" special messengers from Jerusalem, bassador*

does not appear a great offence. But the
particular hat mentioned — the broad-brimmed
hat or petasus — was discredited in Jewish
eyes by its association with figures of Mercury,
the presiding god of gymnasia, and so seemed
almost an idolatrous emblem.

13. Jason, that ungodly wretch, and no high
priest.'] Unworthy, i.e., to be counted among
the real High Priests. (Compare St. Paul,
of himself, " that am not meet to be called an
apostle.")

14. the priests had no courage.] Rather,
" no readiness," or " no inclination." As
Dean Stanley says, "The priests in the
Temple caught the infection, left their sacri-
ficial duties unfinished, and ran down from
the Temple court to take part in the spec-
tacle as soon as they heard the signal . . .
which was to lead off the games" (' Lectures
on the Jewish Church,' vol. iii. p. 291).

the unlawful allowance?] Rather, "the
unlawful shows" or "exhibitions." A
large outlay was made by the authorities to
render the gymnasia attractive. They were
a kind of "People's parks," which it cost a
good deal to keep up. Athletes contended
in them ; rhetoricians declaimed ; jugglers
probably exhibited their tricks. The office
of yv^ivaa-iapx^j or provider of the gymnasia
with whatever was required to make them
attractive, was reckoned a very expensive
one.

after the game of Discus called them forth.]
Rather, "after the proclamation of the
disk-throwing had been made." The
exercises opened with disk, or quoit, throwing,
which was itself preceded by a tvpokXtjo-is —
an invitation to all who wished to take part
in it.

15. Not setting by the honours of their
fathers <b'c] This is scarcely intelligible.

Translate — " not setting store by the honours

which their sires esteemed, but deeming those
glories the highest which were approved bv
the Greeks."

16. By reason whereof sore calamity came
upon them?] The writer views the desecra-
tion of the Temple by Antiochus, and the
persecution that followed, as a judgment on
the nation for the levity with which it had
welcomed the first departures from ancient
Hebrew practice, and introduction of Hellenic
novelties. There was a special Nemesis, he
considers, in the instruments of their chastise-
ment being the very people whose manners
and customs on some points they had been
so eager to make their own.

whose custom.] Rather, " whose customs."

17. the time following shall declare these
things.] I.e. " the course of time will always
shew that it is no light matter to do wickedly
against God's laws."

18. w hen the game that was used every
fifth year was kept at Tyrus.] The " Great

Games " of Greece were celebrated either
every alternate year, or once in four years.
The greatest of all — the Olympian and the
Pythian — fell under the latter category. And
such was also the case with this festival at
Tyre, which was perhaps an imitation of the
Olympic one (Grimm).

the king being present.] Epiphanes was a
lover of shows and games (Polyb. xxxi. 3, 4).
and naturally attended so important a festival
as this seems to have been. Jason probably
sent his gift on account of Epiphanes being
there, to draw the king's attention to his
Hellenizing zeal.

19. This ungracious Jason.] Rather, " this
wicked Jason."

sent special messengers.] Rather, "sacred
envoys." The word (deapoi) is used only of
messengers sent on a sacred errand.

V. 20-

-22.]

II. MACCABEES. IV.

57i

b. c. who were Antiochians, to carry three
11^174. jlun(jrecj drachms of silver to the sa-
crifice of Hercules, which even the
bearers thereof thought fit not to
bestow upon the sacrifice, because it
was not convenient, but to be reserved
for other charges.

20 This money then, in regard of
the sender, was appointed to Hercu-
les' sacrifice ; but because of the
bearers thereof, it was employed to
the making of gallies.
dr. I73. 21 Now when Apollonius the son

of Menestheus was sent into Egypt b. c.
for the "coronation of king Ptolemeus cl!iIZ3'
Philometor, Antiochus, understanding \®tT,'iro_
him not to be well affected to his ***i*g>
affairs, provided for his own safety :
whereupon he came to Joppe, and
from thence to Jerusalem :

22 Where he was honourably re-
ceived of Jason, and of the city,
and was brought in with torch light,
and with great shoutings : and so
afterward went with his host unto
Phenice.

who were Antiochians.] See the comment
on v. 9.

three hundred drachms of silver.] This is
so small a sum — less than 10/. sterling — that
the reading is with reason suspected. Several
MSS. and the Syriac Version have 3,300,
which is a far more likely amount.

the sacrifice of Hercules.] The Tyrian
Melkarth was identified by the Greeks with
their own Hercules, though on no very suffi-
cient grounds. He was more properly an
aspect of Baal, the Sun-god — Baai viewed as
" the king of the city," the special guardian
and protector of Tyre. (See ' Ancient Reli-
gions,' pp. 161, 162.)

which even the bearers . . . thought fit not to
bestow upon the sacrifice.'] The bearers were
more scrupulous than their master. They
shrank from making an offering to a heathen
god, regarding it as "not convenient," or rather
as "unfitting." They applied the money
therefore to a different purpose. (See v. 20.)

20. This money . . . was appointed.] Our
translators read eneo-ev for eVe/x^ey, with
three or four MSS., which certainly gives a
better sense.

it was employed to the making ofgallies.]
The bearers gave it to the Syrian king, as a
contribution towards the expenses of his navy.

21. Apollonius the son of Menestheus.]
" Son of Menestheus " is added, to distinguish
him from the " son of Thraseas," of whom
we have heard in ch. iii. 5-7 ; iv. 4. Grimm
conjectures that he may be the Apollonius
who headed an embassy sent to Rome by
Epiphanes, mentioned in Livy (xlii. 6).

for the coronation of king Ptolemeus Phi-
lometor.] The meaning of the word 7rpcoro-
KXicria is very obscure; but of all the signifi-
cations suggested " coronation," or rather
" inthronisation," is perhaps the best — the
word being equivalent to prima sessio in solio.
This event took place in B.C. 173, eight
vears after his accession, on the death of his

mother, when he had attained the age of
fifteen. Antiochus Epiphanes had then been
king three years.

Antiochus, understanding him not to be well
affected to his affairs.] The alienation of
Philometor from Antiochus was the work of
his ministers Eulxus and Lenasus, in whose
hands the weak boy was a mere tool.
Deeming Epiphanes half a madman, they
thought it would be easy to deprive him of
Ccelesyria and Palestine, and recover them to
the Ptolemaean kingdom. They therefore
made demands which could not be acceded
to, and plunged Egypt into war.

he came to Joppe.] By sea, probably, from
Seleucia, the port of Antioch.

22. Where he was honourably received.]
Rather, "magnificently received."

was brought in with torch light.] Pro-
cessions where torches were held in the hand
are mentioned among the religious cere-
monies of the Greeks; but a torch-light
reception of a great man by a town seems to
have been an illumination of the town by
means of torches placed along the roofs of
the houses. (See Athen. ' Deipnosoph.' iv. 29.)

§ 3. Menelaus obtains the High
Priesthood from Antiochus. Flight
of Jason.

23-28. Three years after his purchase of
the high-priestly office, Jason sent the sum
of money which he had undertaken to pay to
Antiochus, by the hands of a certain Menelaus,
whom Josephus makes his brother, but whom
our author calls the brother of Simon the
Benjamite (ch. iii. 4). Arrived at the Court,
Menelaus took the opportunity to undermine
Jason, and, by the promise of a much larger
sum than he had paid, induced Antiochus to
depose Jason, and transfer the high priesthood
to himself. Jason, upon receiving the intelli-
gence, fled into the country of the Ammonites.
Not long afterwards, Menelaus, having failed

572

II. MACCABEES. IV.

[

V. 2'

-28.

B.C.
cir. 171.

23 Three years afterward Jason
sent Menelaus, the aforesaid Simon's
brother, to bear the money unto the
king, and to put him in mind of cer-
tain necessary matters.

24 But he being brought to the
presence of the king, when he had
magnified him for the glorious ap-
pearance of his power, got the priest-
hood to himself, offering more than
Jason by three hundred talents of
silver.

25 So he came with the king's
mandate, bringing nothing worthy
the high priesthood, but having the

fury of a cruel tyrant, and the rage of
a savage beast.

26 Then Jason, who had under-
mined his own brother, being under-
mined by another, was compelled to
flee into the country of the Am-
monites.

27 So Menelaus got the princi-
pality : but as for the money that he
had promised unto the king, he took
no good order for it, albeit Sostratus
the ruler of the castle required it :

28 For unto him appertained the
gathering of the customs. Wherefore
they were both called before the king.

cir.

C.
171.

to pay the sum which he had promised, was
summoned to Antioch.

23. Tfjree years afterguard.'] Probably in
B.C. 171.

Menelaus, the aforesaid Simon s brother^]
According to Josephus, Simon, the son of
Onias II., had three sons — Onias III., Jason,
and a second Onias, who took the name of
Menelaus (' A. J.' xii. 4, § 10 ; 5, § 1). After
Jason had supplanted Onias III., a civil war
broke out between him and his brother,
Menelaus, in which the latter was worsted ;
whereupon he appealed to Antiochus, who
made him High Priest and deprived Jason.
It is impossible to reconcile this account with
our author's. We must necessarily choose
between them. The primary objection to our
author's statement is, that Menelaus, if a
Benjamite, could not be a priest, much less
High Priest. It is a sufficient reply to this,
that the Syrian kings had no regard for the
Jewish Law, and that Antiochus was at this
time aiming at its entire abolition. It is
also noticeable that when Alcimus was ap-
pointed High Priest by Eupator, confidence
was felt in him because, as was said, " One
that is a priest of the seed of Aaron is come
with this army" (1 Mace. vii. 14), implying
previous irregularity. Josephus's statement
that two brothers, who both grew up, had
the same ntme, is moreover suspicious.

24. offering more than Jason by three
hundred talents^] Three hundred talents
would be equal to 72,000/. of our money.
It is not clear whether the payment was to be
made once for all, or annually.

25. So he came.] "Returned," i.e. "to
Jerusalem."

having the fury of a cruel tyrant.] See
below, Try. 34, 39; ch. v. 15, 16.

26. Jason . . was compelled to fee into

the country of the Ammonites.] As persistent
enemies of Israel (see the comment on
1 Mace. v. 6), the Ammonites would be
ready enough to give an asylum to powerful
Jewish refugees, who might be counted upon
to injure and harass their own countrymen,
as Jason afterwards did (ch. v. 5-7).

27. the money that he had promised.] See
•v. 24.

the ruler of the castle.] Rather, "the
commandant of the citadel." On the
position of the " citadel," see the comment
on <v. 12. Sostratus is not elsewhere men-
tioned.

28. the customs.] Rather, "the taxes."
The Syrian commandant in Jerusalem had
the duty of collecting all the taxes of the
city and province, and of remitting them to
the king's treasury. Sostratus claimed that
his right extended to the sum which the
High Priest had agreed to pay for his office.
Menelaus disputed this claim, which seems
to have been a novel one, since Jason sent
his money by his own special messenger
(?■ 23)-

§ 4. Menelaus, having left his Brother
Lysimachus in charge at Jerusalem,
goes to Antioch, but finds the King
absent, and andronicus regent.
Having bribed Andronicus with
some of the temple treasures, he
is rebuked by onias, whereupon he
procures onias's death.

29-35. In obedience to the king's sum-
mons both Menelaus and Sostratus quitted
Jerusalem and went to Antioch, leaving de-
puties to take their place. On their arrival,
they found that the king had quitted the city,
in order to put down an insurrection in Cilicia,
and had left a certain Andronicus as regent
till his return. Menelaus, to ingratiate him-

v. 2 9—33-]

II. MACCABEES. IV.

573

29 Now Menelaus left his bro-
ther Lysimachus in his stead in
the priesthood ; and Sostratus left
Crates, who was governor of the
Cyprians.

30 While those things were in
doing, they of Tarsus and M alios
made insurrection, because they were
given to the king's concubine, called
Antiochis.

31 Then came the king in all
haste to appease matters, leaving

Andronicus, a man in authority, for b. c.
his deputy. ci2_L71-

32 Now Menelaus, supposing that
he had gotten a convenient time,
stole certain vessels of gold out of
the temple, and gave some of them to
Andronicus, and some he sold into
Tyrus and the cities round about.

33 Which when Onias knew of a
surety, he reproved him, and withdrew
himself into a sanctuary at Daphne,
that lieth by Antiochia.

self with the regent, presented him with some
golden vessels, which he was believed to have
stolen from the Temple. Hereupon Onias,
the ex-High Priest, who was in the neigh-
bourhood, ventured to rebuke him, having
previously, however, knowing his danger,
taken sanctuary in one of the temples at
Daphne. Menelaus had sufficient influence
with Andronicus to induce him, contrary to
all the Greek notions of what was just and
right, to draw forth Onias from his asylum
by a promise of safety, and then immediately
to violate it by casting him into prison and
there putting him to death.

29. Menelaus left his brother Lysimachus
in his stead.] This seems to be the true
meaning, though the word translated " in his
stead " is StaSo^oy, which commonly signifies
a " successor." There is a similar use of the
word in ch. xiv. 26.

Crates, who was governor of the Cyprians.]
This cannot mean, " who was at the time
governor of the Cyprians," since the governor
would naturally reside in the island, and at
any rate would not, while governor, be hold-
ing a subordinate post at Jerusalem — not to
mention that Cyprus was at the time a de-
pendency of Egypt. Crates must be called
" governor of the Cyprians," either as having
once held that office under one of the Pto-
lemies, or else, by prolepsis, as the man who
subsequently was appointed governor, when
in B.C. 168 Epiphanes conquered the island.

30. they of Tarsus and Ma/Ios.] Tarsus
and Mallos were, both of them, Cilician
cities — the former the well-known capital of
Cilicia Campestris, the latter a less important
place in the same region, situated near the
sea, to the east of the old bed of the Pyramus,
in lat. 36° 36', long. 350 20' nearly. (See
Beaufort's ' Karamania,' p. 294.)

they were given to the king's concubine.] It
was a practice of the Achasmenian Persians
to assign the revenues of one or more cities
to individuals as an act of favour. Artaxerxes
Longimanus made over the revenues of three

Greek cities to Themistocles (Thuc. i. 138) ;
Mnemon gave those of several villages in
Syria to Parysatis (Xen. ' Anab.' i. 4, § 9).
According to Herodotus, Anthylla, a city
of Egypt, was permanently assigned under
the Achsemenians, as pin-money, to the wife
of the satrap of Egypt for the time being
(Herod, ii. 98). The practice is mentioned
as a general one by Cicero (' Orat. in Verrem,'
iii. 33). It is also noticed by Plato, Athenaeus,
Cornelius Nepos, Plutarch, and Philostratus.

31. Then came the king.] I.e. Epiphanes
departed from Antioch, and went with all
speed into Cilicia, to put down the insurrec-
tion.

leaving Andronicus.] This Andronicus is
not otherwise known. The name is a common
one.

32. Menelaus, supposing that he had gotten
a convenient time.] It is not clear why the
time should have seemed particularly " con-
venient." Menelaus, being at Antioch, could
only have obtained the vessels by requiring
his deputy, Lysimachus, to send them, which
would have given the affair unnecessary pub-
licity. Probably he had brought the vessels
with him from Jerusalem.

stole certain vessels of gold out of the temple.]
Literally, " appropriated to himself some of
the golden vessels of the temple."

and some he sold into Tyrus.] Rather, " and
others he had previously sold."

33. he reproved him, and withdrew him-
self] This translation inverts the order of
the events. The Greek text states that
Onias, " having first withdrawn himself into
sanctuary at Daphne, then proceeded to
reprove Menelaus."

a sanctuary at Daphne.] Daphne, often
spoken of as a "suburb" of Antioch (Dio
Cass. Ii. 7; Am. Marc. xix. 12, § 19), was
really situated about five miles to the south-
west'. It was a sacred precinct, nearly ten
miles in circumference, on the northern slope
of the hills which shut in the Orontes valley

574

II. MACCABEES. IV.

tv- 34—37-

B.C. 24 Wherefore Menelaus, taking

-1_Z " Andronicus apart, prayed him to get
Onias into his hands ; who being
persuaded thereunto, and coming to
Onias in deceit, gave him his right
hand with oaths ; and though he
were suspected by hi/ny yet persuaded
he him to come forth of the sanc-
tuary : whom forthwith he shut up
without regard of justice.

35 For the which cause not only
the Jews, but many also of other

nations, took great indignation, and
were much grieved for the unjust
murder of the man.

36 And when the king was come
again from the places about Cilicia,
the Jews that were in the city, and
certain of the Greeks that abhorred
the fact also, complained because
Onias was slain without cause.

37 Therefore Antiochus was heart-
ily sorry, and moved to pity, and
wept, because of the sober and

B.C.
cir. 171J

upon the south. Naturally a place of extreme
beauty, with an abundance of perennial springs
and frequent groves of bay and cypress trees
(Liban. ' Antioch.' p. 356), it was adorned also
by art with several temples and shrines, as
well as with numerous statues and fountains.
The main temple was one of Apollo and Diana,
built by the first Seleucus. That the right
of asylum belonged to the place is mentioned
by Polyaenus ('Strateg.' viii. 50).

that lietb by Antiochia.~] The Syrian
capital was distinguished from other cities
of the same name by the suffix eVi Ad^vrjs,
" near Daphne." It has been questioned
whether, under any circumstances, a religious
Jew, such as Onias is represented to have
been (ch. iii. 1 ; iv. 2, &c), would have con-
sented to take sanctuary in a heathen pre-
cinct, especially in one so notorious for licen-
tiousness and debauchery as that of Daphne.
But our author, at any rate, did not think
such a thing impossible.

34. to get Onias into his hands."] Or, " to
put Onias to death." The verb used (x«-
povcrdat) has this sense (Xen. ' Cyrop.' vii. 5,
§ 30; Milan, ' Var. Hist.' iv. 5 ; 3 Mace,
vii. 15).

yet persuaded he him to come forth of the
sanctuary^] This was a common proceeding.
The Greeks had a strong objection to vio-
lating the right of sanctuary by actual
slaughter of the refugee within the place of
asylum, though in hot blood they would do
this sometimes (Plutarch, ' Vit. Solon.' § 12);
but they thought little of evading the right,
and reducing it to a nullity. Sometimes they
would surround the asylum, prevent the
entrance of food, and, having reduced their
victim to the last gasp, remove him without
violence, and let him perish just outside the
sacred place (Thucyd. i. 134); sometimes
they would make the most solemn promises
to spare the victim's life, yet cut him down
the moment he had left the asylum. It was
universally allowed that such conduct was
wrong, and the guilt of it attached not merely
to the individual, but to his descendants

(Herod, v. 70; Thucyd. i. 126-135); but
the sin was reckoned less than that of
actually violating a sanctuary, and admitted
of expiation.

whom forthwith he shut up.] The Vulgate
and Syriac versions translate, " he put to
death ; " and so Wahl and Grimm. But it
is admitted that 7rapa/cXeta) has nowhere else
this meaning. Still, the next verse shews
that, in point of fact, Andronicus did put
Onias to death.

§ 5. Antiochus avenges the Murder of
Onias by the Execution of Andronicus.

36-38. On his return from Cilicia to An-
tioch, after the suppression of the revolt, Anti-
ochus found the inhabitants generally, both
Jews and Gentiles, in a state of indignation
at the murder of Onias. Participating in this
feeling himself, since he had greatly respected
Onias, he first degraded Andronicus by strip-
ping off his purple robe, and tearing his under
garments, and then put him to death on the
spot where he had killed the ex-High Priest.

36. the places about Cilicia.] I.e. Tarsus
and Mallos. (See v. 30, and the comment
ad loc.}

the Jews that were in the city.] I.e. in
Antioch. The Jewish colony in Antioch was
very large, though its numbers cannot be
exactly estimated. (See Ewald, ' Hist, of
Israel,' vol. v. pp. 237, 239, 241.)

and certain of the Greeks . . . complained.]
The Greek text rather implies that the Jews
alone " complained," but that the Greeks
generally sympathised with them.

37. Antiochus was heartily sorry, and moved
to pity, and wept.] The character of An-
tiochus Epiphanes was extraordinary. Dean
Stanley's estimate of it has been already
quoted. (See the comment on 1 Mace. i. 10.)
It was remarkable for its strange inconsisten-
cies and curious combination of opposites.
Here we have one of the softer and more
pleasing traits. The " Great King; " yields to

;8— 4o.]

II. MACCABEES. IV.

b. c. modest behaviour of him

cir. 171. 1 j

— . dead.

that

was

38 And being kindled with anger,
forthwith he took away Andronicus
his purple, and rent off his clothes,
and leading him through the whole
city unto that very place, where he
had committed impiety against Onias,
there slew he the cursed murderer.
Thus the Lord rewarded him his
punishment, as he had deserved.

39 Now when many sacrileges had

been committed in the city by Ly-
simachus with the consent of Mene-
laus, and the bruit thereof was spread
abroad, the multitude gathered them-
selves together against Lysimachus,
many vessels of gold being already
carried away.

40 Whereupon the common peo-
ple rising, and being filled with rage,
Lysimachus armed about three thou-
sand men, and began first to offer
violence; one !Auranus being the

575

B.C.
cir. 171.

I Or, Ty-
rannus.

his feelings, and "weeps" on account of the
untimely end of one whom he had admired
and respected.

the sober and modest behaviour.] Or, " the
sobriety and great modesty." The same two
qualities are ascribed to Scipio .'Emilianus by
Polybius (xxxii. 11, § 8).

38. being kindled with anger.] Rather,
"inflamed with anger."

he took away Andronicus his purple.] We
have seen in the First Book of the Maccabees
that the privilege of wearing purple was con-
fined to a few. (See 1 Mace. viii. 14; x. 20,
62.) Andronicus, as regent (1;. 31), had
naturally been entitled to the distinction.
Stripping his purple off him was like striking
a knight's spurs from his heels before exe-
cuting him.

rent off his clothes.] Rather, "rent his
clothes " — i.e. tore them so that they looked
like the clothes of a mean person.

leading him through the whole city.] That
his disgrace might be seen by all. The pro-
ceeding was the converse of that enviable
display of such as a king "delighted to
honour" in the sight of a whole town,
whereof we read in Gen. xli. 43 ; Esther vi.
11 ; and 1 Mace. x. 63.

there slew he the cursed murderer '.] It has
been questioned whether the passage has this
meaning. The verb translated " he slew "
means ordinarily "he stript off his ornaments"
— an impossible signification here : (1) as his
ornaments were already taken from him;
(2) as such a punishment could not have
been regarded by a Jew as equal to his
deserts. Ewald would give the word here
the meaning of " he banished ; " but this is
wholly without authority. The Syriac and
Vulgate render, " he killed " or " he deprived
of life ; " and this meaning is etymologically
possible, since cnroKoanelv might conceivably
mean, " he removed from the world." The
writer affects strange words and strange
meanings for his words, and especially en-

deavours to vary those which express the
taking of life. (See above, -v. 34, and below,
v. 42.)

Thus the Lord rewarded him his punish-
ment.] It is characteristic of the writer to
see everywhere the hand of Divine Provi-
dence. (Compare ch. iii. 24, 28, 29, 33 ;
v. 20 ; vi. 12-16, (Sec.)

§ 6. The sacrilegious and violent
Proceedings of Lysimachus cause
a Tumult at Jerusalem, wherein
he is slain.

39-42. In the absence of Menelaus, Lysi-
machus followed the bad example which he
had set, and continued to steal the gold
vessels belonging to the Temple. After a
time his doings became generally known, and
roused public feeling to such an extent that
gatherings took place, and insurrection seemed
imminent. Hereupon Lysimachus took the
initiative, and, arming 3,000 men, let them
loose upon the people. A bloody tumult
followed, in which Lysimachus himself and
many of his partisans were slain.

39. 'when many sacrileges had been com-
mitted.] Literally, "when the temple had
been many times robbed."

with the consent of Menelaus.] It is not
clear whether Menelaus had returned to
Jerusalem from Antioch, or whether he was
detained there by Antiochus, either on
account of his debt (v. 27), or of the part
which he had taken with respect to Onias
(f. 34). On the whole it seems most pro-
bable that he had been placed under arrest.
(See the comment on v. 45.)

40. Lysimachus armed about three thousand
men.] Literally, " armed men up to the
number of three thousand." It is implied that
he gave them the regular offensive and de-
fensive arms of soldiers.

one Auranus being the leader^] Some MSS

576

B.C.
cir. 171.

II. MACCABEES. IV.

[v. 41—47.

leader, a man far gone in years, and
no less in folly.

41 They then seeing the attempt
of Lysimachus, some of them caught
stones, some clubs, others taking
handfuls of dust, that was next at
hand, cast them all altogether upon
Lysimachus, and those that set upon
them.

42 Thus many of them they
wounded, and some they struck to
the ground, and all of them they
forced to flee : but as for the church-
robber himself, him they killed beside
the treasury.

43 Of these matters therefore

there was an accusation laid against b. c.

M, ° cir. 171.

enelaus. — .

44 Now when the king came to
Tyrus, three men that were sent from
the senate pleaded the cause before
him :

45 But Menelaus, being now con-
victed, promised ^Ptolemee the son ^1 Mac
of Dorymenes to give him much 3* 3 '
money, if he would pacify the king
toward him.

46 Whereupon Ptolemee taking
the king aside into a certain gallery,
as it were to take the air, brought
him to be of another mind :

47 Insomuch that he discharged

have " one Tyrannus ; " but it is unlikely
that so familiar a name (Acts xix. 9 : Apollod.
ii. 4, § 5; Bockh, 'Corp. Inscr.' No. 1732)
should have been changed into the other-
wise unknown " Auranus." Procli-vi lectioni
pr^estat ardua.

41. seeing the attempt of Lysimachus?]
Rather, " the attack of Lysimachus."

upon Lysimachus, and those that set upon
them.] Literally, " upon Lysimachus and his
partisans."

42. the church-robber.] Lysimachus. Their
killing him "beside the treasury " may have
been accidental, but looks more like a de-
signed act of retribution, like the execution
of Andronicus on the very spot where his
great crime had been committed {y. 38).

§ 7. Menelaus, accused to Antiochus
as the true cause of the disturb-
ANCES, bribes Ptolemy, son of Dory-
menes, to intercede for him. By
this device he escapes, and his
Accusers are executed.

43-50. Antiochus, being at Tyre, and
having Menelaus with him, as a prisoner
whose fate was not yet decided, the Jewish
senate sent three commissioners to accuse
him to the king as the " fons et origo mali," —
the real originator of all the troubles, both as
having begun the plunder of the Temple
treasures, and as having set over the city so
execrable a governor as Lysimachus. Mene-
laus upon this, aware of his danger, promised
a sum of money to Ptolemy, son of Dory-
menes, one of Antiochus's courtiers, if he
succeeded in getting him pardoned. This
Ptolemy did ; and Antiochus not only found
him innocent of the crimes laid to his charge,
but punished his accusers with death. The

flagrant injustice of this sentence aroused the
indignation of the Tyrians, who, to mark their
disapproval, gave the commissioners a magni-
ficent funeral.

43. there <was an accusation laid against
Mene/aus.] Literally, " a trial was impending
over Menelaus."

44. three men . . . sent from the senate?^
The number may have been chosen with
reference to Deut. xix. 15: "At the mouth
of two or three witnesses shall the matter be
established." On the existence of a Jewish
senate, or council, at this time, see the
comment on ch. i. 10.

45. Menelaus, being now convicted^ It
is difficult to see how this meaning is to be
obtained from the Greek. The ordinary
reading, XfAet^eiw, has usually the sense of
" being left behind," or " still surviving."
~EI\t]hij.€vos, a conjectural reading of Ewald's,
would mean " being taken," " being held in
fetters." AdireaBat. has sometimes the mean-
ing of "being defeated," but scarcely when
the matter in contention is a lawsuit.
Perhaps Ewald's reading and rendering
should be accepted.

Ptolemee the son of Dorymenes.] See 1 Mace,
iii. 38 ; 2 Mace. viii. 8, x. 12, 13. He seems
to have succeeded Apollonius in the govern-
ment of Ccelesyria and Phoenicia.

46. taking the king aside into a certain
gallery, as it were to take the air.] If we
could accept these details as fact, we should
have to suppose that the original author,
Jason, had a very exact knowledge of all the
particular circumstances of the history, and
was either an eye-witness, or wrote from the
reports of eye-witnesses. As it is, we cannot
but suspect that the epitomator is here intro-
ducing some of his " painting " and " en-
caustic." (See ch. ii. 29.)

v. 48—2.]

II. MACCABEES. IV. V.

y<r

s. c. Menelaus from the accusations, who
- — ' notwithstanding was cause of all the
mischief : and those poor men, who,
if they had told their cause, yea,
before the Scythians, should have
been judged innocent, them he con-
demned to death.

48 Thus they that followed the
matter for the city, and for the
people, and for the holy vessels, did
soon suffer unjust punishment.

49 Wherefore even they of Tyrus,
moved with hatred of that wicked
deed, caused them to be honourably
buried.

50 And so through the covetous-
ness of them that were of power
Menelaus remained still in authority,

increasing in malice, and being a B.C.

great traitor to the citizens.

CHAPTER V.

cir. 171.

2 Of the signs and tokens seen in Jerusalem.

6 Of the end and -wickedness of Jason. 11

The pursuit of Antiochns against the Jews.

15 The spoiling of the temple. 27 Maccabeus

flccth into the wilderness.

ABOUT the same time Antio- dr.171.
chus prepared his second voy-
age into Egypt :

2 And then it happened, that
through all the city, for the space
almost of forty days, there were seen
horsemen running in the air, in cloth
of gold, and armed with lances, like
a band of soldiers,

47. if they bad told their cause, yea, before
the Scythians.] St. Paul in one place uses the
word " Scythian " as an equivalent for " bar-
barian " (Col. iii. 11), as does Cicero fre-
quently (' Orat. in Verr.' ii. 5, § 58 ; ' Orat.
in Pison.' § 8). So also does the writer of
the Third Book of Maccabees (vii. 5).
According to the pictures drawn by Hero-
dotus (iv. 1-142) and Hippocrates ('De
Aere, Aqua, et Locis/ § 47), the savagery of
the nation was of an extreme type. (See
'Ancient Monarchies,' vol. ii. pp. 222-226.)

48. they that followed the matter for the
city.] Rather, "they who had pleaded on
behalf of their city."

49. caused them to be honourably buried?]
Rather, " conducted their obsequies with

magnificence.''

50. a great traitor to the citizens.] Rather,
"a great plotter against his fellow-citi-
zens." (See below, ch. v. 15, 16, 23.)

CHAPTER V.

§ 8. The Signs and Wonders seen in
Jerusalem during the time of Epi-
phanes' Second Expedition into
Egypt.

1-4. Epiphanes had invaded Egypt in B.C.
172, taking the offensive, as Ptolemy refused
to remain at peace. He now, B.C. 171, invaded
it a second time. During his absence,
strange portents appeared in the sky through
a space of nearly six weeks, armed hosts
seeming to contend one with the other. As
calamity was thought to be portended, the
Jews prayed that the evil, whatever it was,
might not fall on their nation.

ApOC— Vol. II.

1. Antiochus prepared his second voyage into
Egypt.] Literally, " his second journey ; " but
the meaning is, " his second expedition." On
the circumstances of the first expedition, see
the comment on 1 Mace. i. 16-19. In the
second expedition, Antiochus took Pelusium
and Memphis, and obtained possession of the
person of Ptolemy Philometor ; but Philo-
metor's brother, Physcon, still maintained
himself at Alexandria. (See Polyb. xxviii.
20-22 ; Appian, 'Syriac.'§ 66.)

2. through all the city.] " The city " is
here Jerusalem, as generally with our author
(ch. iii. 14; iv. 39; v._ 5, 17; viii. 3, &c),
though not always (ch. iv. 36).

for the space almost of forty days.] " Forty "
is not only a "sacred" number with the
Hebrews, but it has always been a common
"round " number with Orientals, who will
use it whenever the actual number exceeds
twenty and falls short of a hundred. Thus
the ruined palace at Persepolis is called that
of " the forty pillars ; " a generation is " forty
years ; " Abdon has " forty sons " who ride on
" forty ass colts " (Judg. xii. 14) ; a numerous
band of robbers is spoken of as " the Forty
Thieves," &e. Here there is an (unusual)
admission, that the number is not exact.

there 'were seen horsemen running in the air.]
Such sights have frequently been reported,
and seem to be quite possible, through a pecu-
liar state of atmosphere, which intensifies re-
fraction and reflection. Tacitus says, in speak-
ing of the last Jewish war : " Visae per caelum
concurrere acies, rutilantia arma " (' Hist.' v.
1 3). Josephus gives it as the statement of
many eye-witnesses, that at this time chariots
and armed squadrons were seen in the air
throughout the length and breadth of the land

2 P

II. MACCABEES. V.

[v. 3—6.

stazes.

b. c. •? And troops of horsemen in ar-

ch. 171. ° . f 1

— ray, encountering and running one

against another, with shaking of
n Or, shields, and multitude of " pikes, and
drawing of swords, and casting of
darts, and glittering of golden orna-
ments, and harness of all sorts.

4 Wherefore every man prayed
that that apparition might turn to
good.

5 Now when there was gone forth b. c.
a false rumour, as though Antiochus cir" * m
had been dead, Jason took at the

least a thousand men, and suddenly
made an assault upon the city ; and
they that were upon the walls being
put back, and the city at length taken,
Menelaus fled into the castle :

6 But Jason slew his own citizens
without mercy, not considering that

(' Bell. Jud.' vi. 5, § 3). Moderns add similar
testimony (Brewster, ' Natural Magic,' pp.
201-223; edit, of 1883). As ships at sea have
frequently been seen in the sky by abnormal
refraction and reflection, so may armed hosts
be seen, when a countiy is alive with soldiers
marching and counter-marching. On the
other hand, under excitement of feeling, men
may see in mere clouds a semblance of armies.

in cloth of gold.] Literally, " in gold ap-
parel." (Compare Polyb. xxxi. 3, § 13.) On
the actual use of gold or gilded armour, see
the comment on ch. iii. 25.

3. encountering and running one against
another.'] Rather, " charging and making
raids" — some of course doing the one, some
the other.

glittering of golden ornaments.] Orientals
usually indulge in this species of display. The
greater part of a man's wealth is often carried
openly upon his person. Herodotus speaks of
the Persians slain at Platcea as having worn
bracelets and chains and scimitars with golden
ornaments (ix. 80). Xenophon says that
golden earrings and collars were worn by the
Persians generally ('Anab.' i. 2, § 27). The
Syro-Macedonians had probably adopted this
practice, together with other Persian customs.

harness of all sorts.] Rather, "corslets
of all manner of kinds." These were some-
times of linen (Herod, ii. 182 ; iii. 47), more
commonly of metal, which was either of a
single piece, like the breastplates of modern
cuirassiers, or made of scales, one overlay-
ing another (ib. ix. 22).

4. every man prayed that that apparition
might turn to good.] The appearances were
taken as portending war. The Jews prayed
that the war might turn out to their advan-
tage and not to their hurt.

§ 9. On a Rumour of the Death of
Epiphanes, Jason makes an Attack
upon Jerusalem. His Attack fails.
His unhappy Fate.

5-10. On quitting Jerusalem, Jason had
taken up his abode in the Ammonite countrv

to the east of the Jordan. There he could
easily watch the course of events, and be ready
to take advantage of any turn in affairs that
might seem to give him a chance of re-estab-
lishing himself. The report that Epiphanes
had died in Egypt seemed to him just the
opportunity which he needed. Though he
could hastily raise no more than about a
thousand men, he swooped on Jerusalem, took
the town all but the citadel, whither Menelaus
retired, and proceeded to revenge himself
upon his nation by numerous cruelties. He
was, however, compelled after a short time to
evacuate the city and retreat across the
Jordan. Here he was attacked by Aretas, an
Arabian chief, who drove him from place to
place, till at last he was obliged to take refuge
in Egypt with the Ptolemies. Eventually he
retired to Lacedaemon, where he claimed
protection as being of a kindred race, but
lived and died unhonoured.

5. <w hen there <was gone forth a false rumour,
as though Antiochus had been dead.] It is im-
possible to say how this report arose. Anti-
ochus does not appear to have run any risk
of his life in Egypt. He was successful from
first to last, and would have completed the
conquest of the country, but for the Romans.

the city . . . taken.] Rather, "on the
point of being taken." That Jason should
so nearly have succeeded in his attempt
when he was at the head of only a thousand
men, must be accounted for, first, by the
suddenness of his attack ; and, secondly, by
his having many partisans within the walls.
It must be borne in mind that he was the
legitimate High Priest.

Menelaus fled into the castled] Rather,
"into the citadel." See the comment on
ch. iv. 12.

6. Jason sle-iu his own citizens without
mercy.] The original is still stronger. It
implies that the ex-High Priest, during the
time that he held the city, made repeated
massacres of the unresisting citizens.

not considering, tfev.] Literally, "not con-
sidering that to gain the day over his own
kinsmen was the greatest possible loss of the
day for himself; but imagining that he was

B. C.
:ir. 171.

7 — IO.]

II. MACCABEES. V.

579

to get the day of them of his own all men, hated as a forsaker of the B. c.

nation would be a most unhappy day laws, and being had in abomination

for him ; but thinking they had been as an open 'enemy of his country °,^„"f

his enemies, and not his countrymen, and countrymen, he was cast out into

whom he conquered. Egypt.

7 Howbeit for all this he obtained 9 Thus he that had driven many
not the principality, but at the last out of their country perished in a
received shame for the reward of his strange land, retiring to the Lace-
treason, and fled again into the coun- demonians, and thinking there to find
try of the Ammonites. succour by reason of his kindred :

8 In the end therefore he had an 10 And he that had cast out many
unhappy return, being accused before unburied had none to mourn for him,
Aretas the king of the Arabians, nor any solemn funerals at all, nor
fleeing from citv to city, pursued of sepulchre with his fathers.

erecting trophies of victories over enemies,
and not over his countrymen."

7. he obtained not the principality.] He did
not succeed in ousting Menelaus and re-estab-
lishing himself in the civil governorship of
Jerusalem. On the contrary, as Menelaus
held out, and Antiochus started for Jerusalem
"in a furious mind" (v. 11), as soon as he
heard of Jason's attack, he felt compelled to
retreat, and to place the Jordan between
himself and the Syro-Macedonian monarch.

and fled again.] See ch. iv. 26.

8. In the end therefore he had an unhappy
return.] Many other renderings have been
proposed ; but on the whole this seems to be
the best. lie pas is used adverbially, as reXos
so often ; and dvao-Tpo<pr) is to be preferred to
KaraaTpofpT) — the reading of several MSS. —
and understood of Jason's " turning back " to
the point from which he started.

being accused before Aretas.] Our trans-
lators, following Luther and Grotius, have
preferred the reading eyi<\r]de\s to ey/cketa-deis.
But the latter has far more authority than
the former, and yields at least an equally
good sense. Aretas " imprisoned " Jason,
who escaped, and fled from city to city,
everywhere an object of hatred, until at last
he was, as it were, "thrust" into Egypt.
No doubt the passage is coloured by Jewish
animosity; but its main facts may be ac-
cepted. The supplanter of the good Onias,
the first purchaser of the high priesthood, the
introducer into Jerusalem of a Greek gym-
nasium, the sacrificer (so far as intention went)
to Hercules, had a miserable ending, wandered
from land to land, and died in poverty and exile.

the king of the Arabians^ Aretas is often
found as the name of Arab chiefs. It is per-
haps the native Harith. An Aretas, whose
capital was Petra, had a war with Herod
Antipas (Joseph. 'A. J.' xviii. 5, § 1), and
subsequently held Damascus for a time, soon
after the conversion of St. Paul (2 Cor. xi. 32).

Another, called also Obedas, was engaged in a
war with Alexander Jannaeus (Joseph. 'A. J.'
xiii. 13, § 5) about B.C. 79, and was afterwards
attacked by the Roman general, Scaurus
(ibid. xiv. 5, § 1). The Aretas of the present
passage is distinct from both of these.

he ttfas cast out into Egypt.] In Egypt he
would be sure of a refuge, as an enemy of
Epiphanes.

9. Thus he that had driven many out.]
Rather, " And he that had driven," Sec. The
writer sees in the ultimate fate of Jason
another instance of exact retribution, and so
of strict justice, as defined by the poet — ei
Ke tzaQoi to. k epe£e, 8iicr] k idela yevotro.
(Compare ch. iv. 38.)

the Lacedemonians , . . . his kindred.] See

1 Mace. xii. 7, 10, 21; Joseph. 'Bell. Jud.'
i. 26, § 1. Utterly unfounded as was the
idea of a connection between races so entirely
unlike in all respects as the Spartans and the
Jews, it was apparently accepted as a fact by
both nations.

10. nor sepulchre with his fathers!] To be
" gathered to their fathers " was always the
Jews' desire in death (Gen. xlix. 30, 31 ;

2 Kings xi. 43, xiv. 31, &c. ; 1 Mace. ix. 19,
xiii. 25). It was felt as the denunciation of a
heavy penalty, when the sentence went forth :
" Thy carcase shall not come into the sepulchre
of thy fathers" (1 Kings xiii. 22). Ancestral
tombs were sunk deep in the rock, which
received generation after generation. In every
case there was a desire at least to rest in the
holy soil, and not in the unsanctified earth of
a " strange land."

§ 10. Return of Antiochus from his
Second Egyptian Campaign. He
vents his Fury upon the Jews by
Massacres in the City, and by
the Plundering of the Temple.
Menelaus abets his Proceedings.

11-21. Antiochus was disappointed with
the results of the Egyptian war. Though he

2 P 2

58o

II. MACCABEES. V

[v. ii — 16.

B.C. ii Now when this that was done

0^x71. came to tjie king's ear^ he thought

that Judea had revolted : whereupon

' i Mac. i. a removing out of Egypt in a furious

mind, he took the city by force of arms,

12 And commanded his men of
war not to spare such as they met,
and to slay such as went up upon the
houses.

13 Thus there was killing of young
and old, making away of men, wo-
men, and children, slaying of virgins
and infants.

14 And there were destroyed with- B-
in the space of three whole days -
fourscore thousand, whereof forty
thousand were slain in the conflict ;
and no fewer sold than slain.

15 Yet was he not content with
this, but presumed to go into the
most holy temple of all the world ;
Menelaus, that traitor to the laws,
and to his own country, being his
guide :

16 And taking the holy vessels
with polluted hands, and with pro-

i7i.

had been generally successful, yet Alexandria
had escaped him, and the representations of
foreign powers had induced him to forego
almost all the advantages which he had gained.
The disturbances in Jerusalem during his ab-
sence («yy.5-7) had also displeased him, and he
needed a scapegoat on which he might vent
his fury. He was likewise terribly in want
of money ; and recent events had made it
clear, 1. That there was a vast accumulation
of treasure at Jerusalem; and 2. That there
was a strong party among the Jews them-
selves which would connive at the conversion
of these treasures to secular purposes. Epi-
phanes therefore resolved to treat Jerusalem
as a revolted city — to assault it, take it, and
plunder it. Our author says that 80,000 of
the inhabitants were slain in the assault and
massacre, and an equal number sold as slaves.
Menelaus served Epiphanes as guide to the
Temple treasures, which were plundered and
carried off, to the amount of 1800 talents
(432,000/.).

11. be thought that Judea had revolted?]
This might naturally be the first impression
that the tidings made; but it is impossible
that Epiphanes should not have been better
informed before he gave the order for the
assault. He must have become aware that,
whatever Jason's intentions may have been —
and it is improbable that even he had aimed
at shaking off the Syro-Macedonian yoke —
Jason had been foiled, and the authority of
Menelaus re-established. The assault can
only be looked on as a wanton outrage, for
which the motive was cupidity. The Syrian
treasury needed replenishing. No easier mode
of filling it offered than the seizure of half
a million of money and the sale of 80,000
(or even 10,000) captives.

12. such as went up upon the houses.'] They
were to kill all whom they found in the
streets, and all who took post upon the
house-roofs in what might be viewed as a
threatening attitude.

13. The point of this verse is the pro-
miscuous character of the slaughter. Neither
age nor sex was spared. Young and old.
men and women, even infants, were ruthlessly
massacred.

14. three <whole days.~] Rather, " three days
altogether." The massacre was continued
on into the third day.

fourscore thousand.] It may be suspected
that this number is exaggerated. The writer's
numbers are frequently suspicious (ch. viii.

20, 30 ; ch. x. 17, 31 ; ch.

xi. 11, &c); anc

here he seems greatly to over-estimate the
population of Jerusalem, which he makes
considerably more than 160,000. Josephus
('A. J.'xii. 4, § 5) does not say how many were,
killed on this occasion, but gives the number of
the prisoners as " about ten thousand." The
slain are not likely to have much exceeded
this amount.

no fewer sold.] On the practice of selling
captives as slaves, see 1 Mace. iii. 4152 Mace,
viii. 10, 11.

15. presumed to go into.] Compare 1 Mace.
i. 21 ; Joseph. 'A. J.' xii. 4, § 5.

the most holy temple of all the world.] See
above, ch. ii. 22 ; iii. 12.

16. the holy vessels.] Cyrus had made
over to Zerubbabel a number of the original
vessels of Solomon, which Nebuchadnezzar
had carried off. These consisted of 5,400
vessels in all (Ezra i. 11). Artaxerxes Longi-
manus had subsequently made a present of
further vessels to the Temple by the hand of
Ezra (ibid. vii. 19). Others may have been
added by successive high priests. These
"holy vessels" had, it would appear, until
the high-priesthood of Menelaus, remained
intact. Menelaus, first of all, laid his profane
hands upon them (ch. iv. 32, 39, 42). Epi-
phanes now, at one fell swoop, carried off the
remainder. (Compare 1 Mace. i. 21-23.)

with polluted hands . . .with profane hands.]
Rather, "with his polluted hands . . . with
his profane hands."

v. 1 7-

II.]

II. MACCABEES. V.

581

b. c. fane hands pulling down the things

^JL1.70" that were dedicated by other kings

to the augmentation and glory and

honour of the place, he gave them

away.

17 And so haughty was Antiochus
in mind, that he considered not that
the Lord was angry for a while for
the sins of them that dwelt in the
city, and therefore his eye was not
upon the place.

18 For had they not been formerly
wrapped in many sins, this man, as
soon as he had come, had forthwith
been scourged, and put back from

5<:h. 3-25. his presumption, 3as Heliodorus was,
whom Seleucus the king sent to view
the treasury.

19 Nevertheless God did not choose

the people for the place's sake, but
the place for the people's sake.

20 And therefore the place itself,
that was partaker with them of the
adversity that happened to the na-
tion, did afterward communicate in
the benefits sent from the Lord :
and as it was forsaken in the wrath
of the Almighty, so again, the great
Lord being reconciled, it was set up
with all glory.

21 So when Antiochus had carried
out of the temple a thousand and
eight hundred talents, he departed
in all haste unto Antiochia, ween-
ing in his pride to make the land
navigable, and the sea passable by
foot : such was the haughtiness of
his mind.

B.C.

cir. 170.

fulling down.] Rather, "sweeping off."

he gave them away.] This cannot be the
author's meaning. The whole object of
Epiphanes in plundering the Temple was the
replenishment of his treasury. His motive
was, as Josephus says, " covetousness " (n\e-
ovet-ia). Grimm understands, " he gave them
to his servants to convey to Antioch." But
possibly the reading is a corrupt one.

17. so haughty was jlntiochus.] Rather,
"so lifted up."

18. had they not been formerly wrapped in
many sins.] Rather, "Had it not chanced
that they were wrapped up in many sins."
It is the present time, not any earlier one,
whereof the writer is speaking.

scourged . . . as Heliodorus was.] See
above ch. iii. 26.

Seleucus the king.] I.e. Seleucus IV., called
Philopator. (See the comment on ch. iii. 3.)

19. Nevertheless.] Rather, "But."

God did not choose the people for the place's
jake.] The Temple was not the end but the
means. God's object was to purify to Him-
self a peculiar people, zealous of good works.
The Temple was hallowed, and sanctified,
and protected, and kept free from pollution,
in order to help towards the people's purifi-
cation and sanctification. When the people
had corrupted themselves (ch. iv. 12-15),
notwithstanding God's care of the Temple,
there was no longer any object in maintaining
the Temple's sanctity. Its pollution was
therefore permitted.

20. the place . . . did afterward commu-
nicate in the bevef.ts sent from the Lord.] See

below, ch. x. 1-8 ; compare 1 Mace. iv.
36-59-

21. a thousand and eight hundred talents.]
If this is the estimate of the value of the
whole booty in the ordinary (Attic) silver
talent, the amount would be little short of
half a million of our money. If it is a state-
ment of the weight, the value must remain
unknown, since we cannot tell what propor-
tion the gold vessels bore to the silver.

weening in his pride to make the land navig-
able, and the sea passable by foot.] I.e. think-
ing himself capable of reversing the order of
nature, as Xerxes had done, when he bridged
the Hellespont and cut through Athos
(Herod, vii. 22-24, 36 ! Justin, ii. 10, § 24).
It is not meant that Epiphanes entertained
any such projects.

§ 11. Epiphanes continues his Oppres-
sion by his Instruments, Philip, An-
dronicus, menelaus, and apollonius.
Judas Maccabeus, with nine others,
retires to the wilderness.

22-27. Not content with the cruelties
which he had superintended in person, Epi-
phanes, on quitting Jerusalem, left a heathen
governor in the city further to oppress the
people, and also left another in Samaria,
besides confirming Menelaus in the high-
priestly office. After his arrival at Antioch
— two years after, according to 1 Mace. i. 29
— he further sent his chief officer of revenue,
Apollonius (probably the person who is called
"governor of Ccelesyria and Phoenicia" in
ch. iii. 5 ; iv. 4), to commit fresh atrocities.
Apollonius made a great massacre of the
males on the Sabbath day, and, seizing the

58^

II. MACCABEES. V.

[v. 2 2 27.

p- c 22 And c he left governors to vex
the nation : at Jerusalem, Philip, for

^Mac. ^ countIy a Phrygian, and for man-
ners more barbarous than he that set
him there ;

23 And at Garizim, Andronicus ;
and besides, Menelaus, who worse
than all the rest bare an heavy hand
over the citizens, having a malicious
mind against his countrymen the
Jews,
cir. 16S. 24 He sent also d that detestable

i.29.Iac' ringleader Apollonius with an army
of two and twenty thousand, com-
manding him to slay all those that

were in their best age, and to sell b. c.

. 11 cir. 168.

the women and the younger sort : —

25 Who coming to Jerusalem,
and pretending peace, did forbear till
the holy day of the sabbath, when
taking the Jews keeping holy day,
he commanded his men to arm
themselves.

26 And so he slew all them that
were gone to the celebrating of the
sabbath, and running through the „ Gr 7vht
city with weapons slew great multi- ™™£;"
tudes. _ e 1 Ma5,

27 But Tudas Maccabeus "with1- 53.

1 11 • i_ Hebr u.

nine others, or thereabout, e with- 38.

women and children, sold them as slaves.
Upon this, Judas Maccabeus, with nine others,
withdrew from the city into the wilderness,
and lived on the wild fruits of the earth,
becoming the nucleus of the rebellion which
followed.

22. Philip . . . a Phrygian^ " Philip the
Phrygian " must have continued to be
governor of Jerusalem through all the time
of the severe persecution (chs. vi.-vii.), since
we find him still at the head of affairs in
B.C. 166-5, when he sends to the governor of
Ccelesyria to help him against the rebels under
Judas (ch. viii. 8).

23. And at Garizim, Andronicus.'] " Ga-
rizim " seems to be used here as an equivalent
of Samaria. Properly it was the name of the
hill on which the Samaritans had built their
temple (John iv. 20 : " Our fathers wor-
shipped in this mountain "). The Syro-
Macedonians seem at this time to have
confounded the Samaritans with the Jews,
and to have looked on both with equal
suspicion. Samaria had therefore to be
garrisoned, and to receive a Syro-Mace-
donian governor. He has been supposed to
be the Andronicus of ch. iv. 31-38; but we
have shewn reasons for believing that that
individual suffered death before this. (See
the comment on ch. iv. 38.)

24. that detestable ringleader?] Rather,
"that ringleader of corruption." The
article (t6i> pva-apx^v) implies that Apollo-
nius is already known to the reader, whence
it may be concluded that he is the " governor
of Ccelesyria " mentioned in ch. iii. 5; iv. 4.
He may have exchanged that office recently
for the chief collectorship of revenue which
is assigned to him in 1 Mace. i. 29. A
Ptolemy is found as governor of Coelesyria in
B.C. 166-5 (2 Mace. viii. 8).

all those that were in their lest age.]

Rather, " all those of the military age " — i.e.
all those between 17 and 47, or whatever
were the limits of military service recognised
by the Syro-Macedonians.

to sell the women and the younger sort.]
Compare above, v. 14.

25. did forbear till the holy day of the
sabbath.] The Sabbatarian feeling was, we
know, strong among those of the religious
and patriotic party. At a later date than
that to which the narrative has brought us,,
they still refused to resist attack upon the
Sabbath, and allowed themselves to be
slaughtered like sheep (1 Mace. ii. 36-38).
Apollonius must have calculated upon this
feeling.

keeping holy day.] Literally, " resting " —
or " observing rest."

26. And so he slew all them that were
gone.] Rather, "that were gone forth" —
i.e. that had quitted the city, and gone across
to the Temple hill, to attend the Temple
worship.

and running through the city.] Rather,
"into the city." Besides his attack on the
worshippers in the Temple, he sent his bands
into the city on the western hill, and there
killed " great multitudes."

27. Judas Maccabeus with nine others.]
It is remarkable that the author ignores
Mattathias wholly, and makes Judas the
leader of the revolt. In this there can be no
doubt that he is unhistorical. The authority
of the First of Maccabees and of Josephus
must override his. Judas, however, it is
clear, remained, in the eyes of his country-
men, the great hero of the war of independ-
ence—the chief to whom all others were
secondary. It was he who first defeated
armies ; who first made success seem pos-
sible: above all, who first recovered and

1-2.]

II. MACCABEES. VI.

5*3

LB-C- drew himself into the wilderness,
J - — and lived in the mountains after the
manner of beasts, with his company,
who fed on herbs continually, lest
they should be partakers of the pol-
lution.

CHAPTER VI.

I The Jews are compelled to leave the law of
God. 4 The temple is defiled. 8 Cruelty

upon the people and the women. 12 An ex- B.C.
hortation to bear affliction, by the example of cir. 168.
the valiant courage of Eleazarus, cruelly
tortured.

purified the Temple, and re-established the
daily sacrifices.

withdrew himself into the wilderness, and
lived hi the mountains.'] Compare i Mace. ii.
26, 27. The place chosen seems to have
been "the wilderness of Judea," or the tract
south and south-east of Jerusalem, between
the great southern road and the Dead Sea.

after the manner of beasts^] This is rhe-
torical exaggeration. Neither in the time of
Judas, nor even in that of Mattathias, were
the patriots brought so low as is here
asserted. They had always "cattle" (1 Mace,
ii. 30), and the spoil of cities (ibid. 44-47 ;
iii. 8), and consequently the ordinary means
of sustaining life.

lest they should be partakers of the pollution.']
We learn from 1 Mace. ii. 1-28, that Matta-
thias and his sons did not withdraw into the
wilderness until an attempt had been made,
at their own village of Modein, to force them
to offer sacrifice on a heathen altar to heathen
gods. It was this " pollution " in which they
refused to partake. Compare the conduct of
the early Christians (Plin. ' Epist.' x. 97).

CHAPTER VI.

§ 12. A Royal Commissioner sent to
Jerusalem with Orders to extirpate
the Jewish Religion. His Proceed-
ings with this Object.

1-9. Epiphanes now thought that the time
was come when he might be able wholly to
obliterate the Jewish religion ; and accord-
ingly he sent a commissioner — an Athenian,
according to our author — with full powers,
and strict orders to put down all Jewish
usages. The Temple was to be re-dedicated
to Jupiter Olympius; heathen festivals with
licentious rites were to be celebrated in it ;
the altar was to be polluted by the sacrifice
of swine upon it ; the observance of the
Jewish feasts and even of the Sabbath was to
be prohibited ; circumcision was to be for-
bidden ; the copies of the Law were to be
destroyed (1 Mace. i. 56) ; and the Jews
were to be compelled to join in the heathen
feasts and sacrifices. Finally, the commands

T OT long after this the king sent

an old man of "Athens to com- \Antioch,
pel the Jews to depart from the laws tf^Kt-
of their fathers, and not to live after ers-
the laws of God :

2 And to pollute also the temple

and prohibitions were extended beyond Judaea
to the neighbouring Grecian cities ; and the
Jews of all parts of the Empire were forced
under the penalty of death to adopt Gentile
customs.

1. Not long after this.] In the same year with
the attack of Apollonius (B.C. 168), towards
its close — in November or December.

the king sent an old man of Athens.] The
Vulgate has " an old man of Antioch " — a
reading of which Ewald approves ('Hist, of
Israel,' vol. v. p. 298, note 5). But, as Anti-
ochus was at the time engaged in building
the magnificent temple of Jupiter Olympius
at Athens (Polyb. xxvi. 1, § 10), of which the
ruins are still to be seen on the banks of the
Ilissus, it is quite likely that he may have
selected an Athenian to introduce the worship
of the same god at Jerusalem. The worship
would thus, as Dean Stanley observes (' Lec-
tures on the Jewish Church,' vol. iii. p. 295)
have seemed to be " introduced from its most
genuine seat."

to depart from the laws of their fathers.]
Compare 1 Mace. i. 42-50; Joseph. ' A. J.'
xii. 5, § 4. Josephus says: "He compelled
them to lay aside the ceremonial observances
of their own God, and to worship the gods
whom he acknowledged ; to build temples
and erect altars in every city and village, and
to offer upon them every day a sacrifice of
swine. He also forbade them to circumcise
their children, and threatened all who should
be caught so doing with punishment."

2. to pollute also the temple.] " It was the
23rd of the month Marchesvan (November),"
says Dean Stanley (' Lectures,' vol. iii. p. 297),
" that the enclosure was broken between the
outer and inner court ; in after days the
breaches were pointed out in thirteen places.
On the 15th of the next month (Chisleu —
December) a small Grecian altar was planted
on the huge platform of the altar of Zerub-
babel in honour of the Olympian Jupiter.
On the 25th the profanation was consum-
mated by introducing a herd of swine and
slaughtering them in the sacred precincts.
One huge sow was chosen from the rest.
Her blood was poured on the altar before
the Temple and on the Holy ot Holies

584

II. MACCABEES. VI.

[v. 3—7-

B.C.

cir. 1 68.

II Out of
Joseph,
lib. 12.
cap. 7.
or, as they
tvere.

in Jerusalem, and to call it the tem-
ple of Jupiter Olympius ; and that
in Garizim, of Jupiter the Defender
of strangers, ' as they did desire that
dwelt in the place.

3 The coming in of this mischief
was sore and grievous to the people :

4 For the temple was filled with
riot and revelling by the Gentiles,
who dallied with harlots, and had to
do with women within the circuit of
the holy places, and besides that
brought in things that were not
lawful.

i. +7

5 a The altar also was filled with _b. c.
profane things, which the law for- C1]j_^8-
biddeth.

6 Neither was it lawful for a man
to keep sabbath days or ancient
feasts, or to profess himself at all to
be a Jew.

7 And in the day of the king's
birth every month they were brought
by bitter constraint to eat of the
sacrifices ; and when the feast of
Bacchus was kept, the Jews were
compelled to go in procession to
Bacchus, carrying ivy.

within. A mess of broth was prepared from
the flesh, and sprinkled on the copies of the
Law. This was the ' abomination of deso-
lation ' — the horror which made the whole
place a desert."

the temple of Jupiter Olympius.] Jupiter
(Zeus) was worshipped as " Olympian " chiefly
at Olympia in Elis (Herod, ii. 7) ; but Anti-
ochus had recently begun to build a temple
to him under the same title at Athens (see
the comment on v. 1). He perhaps identified
the Greek " Zeus Olympios " with the Roman
"Jupiter Capitolinus," to whom he had built
a splendid temple at Antioch (Liv. xli. 20).

of Jupiter the Defender of strangers.'] Zeus
is mentioned as worshipped under this title
(Xenius) very frequently by the classical
writers (Horn. 'II.' xiii. 625; ' Od.' i. 270;
•fsch. 'Agam.' 11. 61, 362, 748; Pind. ' Ol.'
viii. 38; Eurip. ' Cycl.' 1. 357; Xen. 'Anab.'
iii. 2, § 4 : Plat. ' De Leg.' v. 730 ; Arist. ' De
Mundo,' § 7; Pausan. iii. 11, § 11; Athen.
' Deipn.' xv. p. 696, D, &c). He was re-
garded as careful to avenge any wrongs suf-
fered either by strangers or by guests or hosts.

as they did desire that dwelt in the place.]
Rather, "as they were that dwelt in the
place." The writer means that the title was
selected in reference to the character of the Sa-
maritans, who were "protectors of strangers"
themselves. It is remarkable that a Jew
should give this testimony.

3. grievous to the people.] Rather, " griev-
ous even to the multitude." I.e. not only
was it disliked by the upper orders, or the more
strictly religious, but it was felt as a grievance
by the common people generally.

4. revelling.] Literallv, "bands of revel-
lers."

<who dallied with harlots.] On the licentious
character of the Gentile worship at this
period, and the indecent orgies permissible in
heathen temples, see Dollinger's 'Judentlnim

und Heidenthum 'passim. The Syro-Mace-
donians were especially addicted to these
unspeakable abominations, and Antioch with
its notorious suburb of Daphne was the
head-quarters of religious profligacy. Hence
we may well believe that the charges here
made were not without a foundation in fact.

brought in things that ivere not lawful.']
As swine, and broth made from the flesh of
swine. (See the comment on v. 2.)

5. The altar . . . 'was filed with profane
things.] It was permanently surmounted by a
heathen altar, on which heathen sacrifices were
offered. It was trampled on by the feet of
the heathen sacrificing priests, and was also
on at least one occasion purposely polluted
by the pouring upon it of swine's blood
(Diod. Sic. xxxiv. 1).

6. Neither was it lawful . . . to keep
sabbath days.] Compare 1 Mace. i. 45.

or ancient feasts.] Literally, " ancestral
feasts " — those which had come down to the
Jews of the day from their forefathers — the
Passover, Pentecost, Tabernacles, Purim, &c.

7. in the day of the king's birth every
month.] Rather, " on the day." It is ques-
tioned whether this statement is worthy of
belief. No other instance has been as yet
found of a king's birthday being kept monthly,
and it is thought improbable that even Epi-
phanes would have introduced such a custom.
Grimm suggests that the author has confused
the annual royal birthday with the monthly
sacrifice mentioned in 1 Mace. i. 59.

when the feast of Bacchus was kept.] In
every Greek state " Dionysia" were celebrated
at least once a year ; in some, as at Athens,
they were celebrated twice. Autumn was
the usual time for them, the feast being
specially connected with the vintage, and its
celebration being accompanied with wild
dances, coarse gestures and songs, uproar,
tumult, and revelry. A " pomp " or " pro-

v. 8— ii.]

II. MACCABEES. VI.

585

B-C. 8 Moreover there went out a de-

^LL ' cree to the neighbour cities of" the

„Gr-. "heathen, by the suggestion or" Pto-

lemee, against the Jews, that they

should observe the same fashions, and

be partakers of their sacrifices :

9 And whoso would not conform
themselves to the manners of the
Gentiles should be put to death.
Then might a man have seen the
present misery.

10 For ''there were two women
brought, who had circumcised their
children ; whom when they
openly led round about the city, the
babes hanging at their breasts, they
cast them down headlong from the
wall.

1 1 And others, that had run to-
gether into caves near by, to keep
the sabbath day secretly, being dis-
covered to Philip, were all burnt to-

B. c.

cir. 168.

had^Mac-«'

cession " was a necessary part of the festival.
The worshippers denied through the streets
in a long train, on their way generally to some
temple, where sacrifice was to be offered and
a sacrificial feast to follow. Ivy was worn by
those who went in the procession, as the
sacred plant of Dionvsus (3 Mace. ii. 29;
Eurip. 'Bacch.' 1. 81).

8. to the neighbour cities of the heathen.]
Rather, "of the Grecians." The cities in-
tended must have lain within the dominions
of the Seleucidae, as PtolemaTs, Epiphaneia,
Apameia, and perhaps Antioch. The Jewish
population at Antioch was considerable.

by the suggestion of Ptolemee.~] Many
MSS., including the Vatican, have "by the
suggestion of the Ptolemies" which could
only be understood of the Egyptian royal
house. But it is inconceivable that the
foreign princes who ruled in Egypt should
have undertaken to advise Epiphanes on a
matter belonging entirely to the internal
administration of his own empire. The
reading which our translators have followed
is therefore greatly to be preferred ; and the
" Ptoleinee " intended is probably " Ptolemee
the son of Dorymenes " (ch. iv. 45), who
was among the chief advisers of the Syro-
Macedonian king.

against the Jews.] The existing text does
not admit of the translation, " there went out
a decree against the Jews." To obtain this
meaning we must change the place of the
clause, Kura twv 'lovhaiav, which has no
meaning where it stands at present.

that they should observe the same fashions.']
Literally, " that thev should lead the same
life."

9. And wboso would not conform . . .
should be put to death.] Here was the sting
of the decree. Both in Judaea and elsewhere
it was made a capital offence to observe

Jewish customs, or profess oneself a Jew, or
even to possess a copy of the Jewish scriptures.
Any one mi,rht denounce his neighbour, and
death was the consequence. (See 1 Mace.
i. 50, 57, 60, 63.)

to the manners of the Gentiles.] Rather,
"to the customs of the Greeks" (cm tu
'EiXXrjvtKa),

Then might a man have seen, <&'c] This is
a transition clause from the general to the
particular. It concludes the writer's survey
of the general position of his countrymen
under the edicts issued by Epiphanes, and
introduces the graphic account which he pro-
ceeds to give in the remainder of the chapter
and in ch. vii., cf the practical results which
followed from the edicts.

§13. Special Instances of Persecu-
tion. Case of the Two Women.
Case of those burnt for keeping
the Sabbath.

10, 11. The writer proceeds now to adduce
special instances of persecution. He begins
with the case, noted also by the writer of the
First Book ( 1 Mace. i. 60, 6 1 ), of two mothers,
who, contrary to the king's edict, had had their
children circumcised, who were led round the
city, with their children hung around their
necks, and then cast headlong from the city
wall into the ditch. He next notes a case
where persons who had met secretly for
worship on the Sabbath day in some of the
caves near Jerusalem, were burnt to death in
them unresistingly, as their conscience would
not allow them to defend themselves on the
Sabbath.

10. there were two women brought.]
Rather, "brought up," or " brought before
the court."

who had circumcised their children.] I.e.
" who had caused them to be circumcised."
The operation was performed by men. (See
1 Mace. i. 61.)

the babes hanging at their breasts.] Liter-
ally, "after they had hung the babes at their
breasts."

11. others that had run together into caves
near by.] Literally, " into the caves." The
limestone rocks of Palestine are everywhere
perforated with caves, some natural, some arti-

586

II. MACCABEES. VI.

[v. 12 17.

b. c. gether, because they made a con-

"- — ' science to help themselves for the

honour of the most sacred day.

12 Now I beseech those that read
this book, that they be not discou-
raged for these calamities, but that
they judge those punishments not
to be for destruction, but for ?
chastening of our nation.

13 For it is a token of his great
goodness, when wicked doers are not
suffered any long time, but forthwith
punished.

14 For not as with other nations,
whom the Lord patiently forbeareth

to punish, till they be come to the b. c.
fulness of their sins, so dealeth he C1— '
with us,

15 Lest that, being come to the
height of sin, afterwards he should
take vengeance of us.

16 And therefore he never with-
draweth his mercy from us : and
though he punish with adversity,
yet doth he never forsake his
people.

1 7 But let this that we have spoken pir. 167.
be for a warning unto us. And now

will we come to the declaring of the
matter in few words.

ficial, and often capable of containing a consi-
derable assemblage of persons. The " cave of
Adullam " (1 Sam. xxii. 1; 2 Sam. xxiii. 13) is
notorious. Other scriptural notices of caves
in Palestine are Gen. xxiii. 1 7 ; Josh. x. 1 6 ;
1 Sam. xxiv. 3 ; 1 Kings xviii. 4 ; Heb. xii. 38.

being discovered to Philip.] I.e. to "Philip
the Phrygian," the Syro-Macedonian governor
of Jerusalem (ch. v. 22).

were all burnt together^] Perhaps rather
suffocated than burnt. When brushwood is
piled at the mouth of caves and set on
lire, the inmates are mostly suffocated. The
operation is among the recognised ones even
of modern warfare. It was practised by the
French in the subjection of Algeria.

they made a conscience to help themselves.]
I.e. they had a conscientious scruple against de-
fending themselves on the Sabbath. (Compare
1 Mace. ii. 32-38.)

§ 14. Remarks of the Author on the
purpose of God in suffering His
People to be thus persecuted.

12-17. The writer here interrupts his
narrative, and interposes certain remarks on
the method of God's government, in order to
prevent his readers from being depressed and
disheartened by his history. God, he says,
allows other nations to persist in their iniqui-
ties, until they have filled up the measure of
them and are the proper objects of His ven-
geance. With Israel He acts differently.
Their transgressions He constantly corrects
and chastens, before they come to a head ;
and so He brings them back to himself,
and is never driven to destroy them, or
forsake them utterly. The persecutions
which he is relating were Divine chastise-
ments with a merciftd object.

12. / beseech those that read this book.]

Literally, " those that happen upon this book "
or " chance to meet with it."

that they judge those punishments not to be
for destruction.] Rather, "that they take
into account that those punishments were
not for our destruction." The persecutions
did not destroy Israel, but purified the nation,
and raised it up to a height of glory and pros-
perity which it had not enjoyed for centuries.

13. ivicked doers.] The "wicked doers"
intended are not Epiphanes and his advisers,
but the irreligious Israelites — Jason, Menelaus,
and their partisans — whose impieties are
viewed as having brought a general judgment
upon the nation.

14. other nations . . . the Lord patiently
forbeareth to punish, till they be come to the ful-
ness of their sins.] Compare Gen. xv. 16;
Dan. viii. 23. The principle was not, how-
ever, as the writer thought, one from the
operation of which the Jews were exempt.
They too, ultimately, " filled up the measure
of their iniquities " (Matt, xxiii. 32 ; 1 Thess.
ii. 16), and, having exhausted the patience and
long-suffering of God, were dealt with pe-
nally, cast off, and " forsaken." God, how-
ever, having once chosen them to be His
" peculiar people," did watch over them,
chastise them, check their wanderings, recall
them to the right path, with especial patience,
especial tenderness. (See 2 Kings xvii. 9-23;
2 Chron. xxxvi. 14-16 ; Is. i. 2-27.)

17. But let this . . . be for a warning unto
us.] Rather, "for a reminding." Men are
apt to forget the method of God's dealings
with them. They need to have their hearts
stirred up " by way of remembrance." This
is the object which the writer has proposed
to himself in his digression.

in fenv words.] Rather, "after brief
divergence." The writer does not pretend

v. 18—23.]

II. MACCABEES. VI.

587

B-C. 18 Eleazar, one of the principal

cir. 167. ., , j r

— scribes, an aged man, and or a
well-favoured countenance, was con-
strained to open his mouth, and to eat
swine's flesh.

19 But he, choosing rather to die
gloriously, than to live stained with
such an abomination, spit it forth,

Hebr. 11. an(j came 0f h;s own acCord to cthe

torment,

20 As it behoved them to come,
that are resolute to stand out against
such things, as are not lawful for love
of life to be tasted.

21 But they that had the charge
of that wicked feast, for the old ac-
quaintance they had with the man,

taking him aside, besought him to B. C.
bring flesh of his own provision, such c"i_L7"
as was lawful for him to use, and
make as if he did eat of the flesh
taken from the sacrifice commanded
by the king ;

22 That in so doing he might be
delivered from death, and for the old
friendship with them find favour.

23 But he began to consider dis-
creetly, and as became his age, and
the excellency of his ancient years,
and the honour of his gray head,
whereunto he was come, and his
most honest education from a child,
or rather the holy law made and
given by God : therefore he an-

that he is about to use brevity in his coming
narrative, which is remarkably diffuse.

§ 15. Account of the Martyrdom of
Eleazar.

18-31. One of the simplest modes of com-
pelling Israelites to transgress the Law, was
to make them swallow unclean food ; and of
unclean foods the readiest at hand was the
flesh of swine, which were largely used
by the heathen for sacrifice and for the
food of the common people. In carrying
out their system of persecution, the authori-
ties at Jerusalem required one Eleazar, an
old man of ninety and one of the chief scribes,
to thus pollute himself; but when the flesh
was forced into his mouth, Eleazar spat it
out. They then suggested privately, that he
might provide himself with clean meat, and
pretend to eat the swine's flesh offered him ;
but Eleazar rejected this proposal as an
unworthy hypocrisy and as the setting of a
bad example. He was accordingly martyred,
being cruelly beaten to death.

18. Eleazar.] A common name among
the Jews, and one certainly in use at the time,
since it was borne by one of the sons of
Mattathias (r Mace. ii. 5) — not, as some have
supposed, a fancy name, ascribed to an ideal
personage. In the Hellenistic Greek "Elea-
zar " became " Lazarus."

one of the principal scribes.] Therefore,
probably, a member of the Sanhedrin — per-
haps also a priest, as stated in 4 Mace. v. 3,
34; vii. 6, 12, but certainly not "high priest,"
as called by Josephus Gorionides (iii. 4). A
man of high station, however, on terms of
intimacy with the authorities, as appears
from w. 21, 22.

an aged man?] Ninety years old (see v. 24).

of a ivell-fai'oured countenance?] The
original is stronger. Translate, "of a most
beautiful countenance." The face of the
first Christian martyr, when he addressed
the Jewish council, is said to have been " as
the face of an angel " (Acts vi. 15).

19. came of his oivn accord to the torment.]
Literally, "to the instrument of torture."
What exactly was the nature and construc-
tion of the tympanum is uncertain. By v. 30
it would seem that the machine was not one
which caused death, since Eleazar was killed
by repeated blows of a whip or scourge.

21. they that had the charge of that wicked
feast.] It would seem that, in order to carry
on the persecution, a special sacrifice of swine
was made, after which the Jews at hand were
brought in to take part in the customary
" feast upon the 1'iscera" {a-ir'Kay^vKTuos,
visceratio). The mouths of those who
resisted were forced open, and the unclean
meat put into them. All was done in the
presence, and with the sanction, of the civil
authorities. At a little distance was the
"torture-instrument," on which those were
placed who would not swallow the unclean
food.

23. the excellency of his ancient years.] So
Grimm, who quotes ch. xv. 1 3. But vTrepoxrj
y'rfpas more naturally means " extreme
advance in years," and should be so taken
here; the clause <a\ ttjj tov y. vTrepoxijs being
exegetical of the preceding rf/s fjXiKias.

and the honour of his gray head, 'whereunto
he 'was come.] This is a somewhat loose
paraphrase. Nothing is said in the original
about "honour." Translate — "and the con-
spicuous gray head whereto he had come."

or rather the holy law.] Rather, " and
still more the holy legislation."

583

II. MACCABEES. VI.

[v. 24—31.

cir. 167

B-C. swered accordingly, and willed them
straightways to send him to the
grave.

24 For it becometh not our age,
said he , in any wise to dissemble,
whereby many young persons might
think that Eleazar, being fourscore
years old and ten, were now gone to
a strange religion ;

25 And so they through mine
hypocrisy, and desire to live a little
time and a moment longer, should
be deceived by me, and I get a stain
to mine old age, and make it abo-
minable.

26 For though for the present
time I should be delivered from the
punishment of men : yet should I
not escape the hand of the Almighty,
neither alive, nor dead.

27 Wherefore now, manfully chang-
ing this life, I will shew myself such
an one as mine age requireth,

28 And leave a notable example

to such as be young to die willingly b. c.
and courageously for the honourable C1LL7'
and holy laws. And when he had
said these words, immediately he
went to the torment :

29 They that led him changing the
good will they bare him a little be-
fore into hatred, because the foresaid
speeches proceeded, as they thought,

from « a desperate mind. \Zhuu,

30 But when he was ready to die ox, pride.
with stripes, he groaned, and said, It

is manifest unto the Lord, that hath
the holy knowledge, that whereas I
might have been delivered from
death, I now endure sore pains in
body by being beaten : but in soul
am well content to suffer these things,
because I fear him.

31 And thus this man died, leav-
ing his death for an example of a
noble courage, and a memorial of
virtue, not only unto young men, but
unto all his nation.

twilled them.] Rather, " bade them."

24. a strange religion.] The same word
as that translated " heathenish manners " in
ch. iv. 13. The term is used by our author
as antithetical to 'lovSairr/xos, and designates
" the religion of the Gentiles," as 'IovSaicr/xos-
does that of the Jews.

26. yet should I not escape the hand of the
Almighty, neither alive, nor dead.] It is belief
in a future life, and in the just judgment of
God, that has always sustained the martyrs,
both Jewish and Christian, and enabled them
to set the threats of their persecutors at
defiance. The author of the Epistle to the
Hebrews probably refers to this passage,
among others, when he says — " And others
were tortured, not accepting deliverance, that
they might obtain a better resurrection " (Heb.
xi. 35).

28. to die.] Rather, "to die a noble
death." Our version fails to give any ex-
pression to the tv in airevBavciTi&iv.

29. proceeded, as they thought, from a
desperate mind.] Literally, " were, as they
thought, mere folly." The world always
counts suffering for conscience sake to be
folly. It is accepting present certain evil, in
the hope of future and (as they think) veiy
uncertain good. Christianity itself was "to
the Greeks foolishness " (1 Cor. i. 23). Patd
was thought by Festus to be "beside him-

self" (Acts xxvi. 24). The life of the good
man is generally " accounted madness, and his
end to be without honour" (Wisd. v. 4).

30. ivhen he ivas ready to die with stripes.]
Literally, " with the blows " — i e. those which
he received while stretched upon the tym-
panum. By the word nao-Tiyovfievos towards
the end of the verse they would appear to
have been blows from a scourge. The
writer evidently regards the mode of punish-
ment as familiar to his readers, and therefore
does not describe it. Martyrdoms by
scourging are mentioned in the Epistle to
the Hebrews (ch. xi. 36).

31. leaving his death for an example^] It
is as " examples " that the martyrs of this and
of other times are brought forward in the
Epistle to the Hebrews, where they are joined
with the Christian's great example, Jesus
(Heb. xii. 1, 2).

and a memorial of virtue.] " Virtue "
(dperr)), or moral excellence — the perfection
of man's moral nature, according to Greek
philosophy — is not very often brought forward
either in the Apocrypha or in the Canonical
Scriptures as the condition at which men
should endeavour to arrive. Piety (tvo-efieLa)
and righteousness (Sikciloo-vit)) are commonly
the ends set before him. 'Aperrj, however,
receives occasional acknowledgment. (See
Philipp. iv. 8 ; 2 Pet. i. 5 ; Wisd. iv. 1 ;
2 Mace. xv. 12 ; 3 Mace. vi. 1, Sec.)

v. i— 5-]

II. MACCABEES. VII.

589

b.c. CHAPTER VII.

cir. 167.

The constancy and cruel death of seven brethren

and their ///other in one day, because they
■would not eat stcine's Jlcsh at the king's com-
mandment.

IT came to pass also, that seven
brethren with their mother were
taken, and compelled by the king
against the law to taste swine's flesh,
and were tormented with scourges
and whips.

2 But one of them that spake first
said thus, What wouldest thou ask
or learn of us ? we are ready to die,
rather than to transgress the laws of
our fathers.

3 Then the king, being in a rage,
commanded pans and caldrons to be
made hot :

4 Which forthwith being heated, he
commanded to cut out the tongue of
him that spake first, and to cut off the
utmost parts of his body, the rest of his
brethren and his mother looking on.

5 Now when he was thus maimed
in all his members, he commanded
him being yet alive to be brought to
the fire, and to be fried in the pan :
and as the vapour of the pan was for
a good space dispersed, they exhorted
one another with the mother to die
manfully, saying thus,

B. c.

cir. 167.

CHAPTER VII.

§ 16. Account of the Martyrdom of
the Seven Brothers and their
Mother.

1-42. The martyrdom of the seven brothers
is a main subject of the Fourth Book of the
Maccabees, where it occupies the chapters
from ch. viii. to the end. They were known
as the " All-Holy Hebdomade " (iravayia
(\8e\(f)S)v H38ofids, 4 Mace. xiv. 7), and were
believed to have suffered all in one day
{v. 20). The place where they suffered is
uncertain. The present narrative does not
fix it, excepting in so far as the presence of
Epiphanes, who is said in ch. v. 25 to have
returned to Antioch, may be considered to
suggest the Syrian capital as the scene. The
author of the Fourth Book makes them suffer
at Jerusalem (ch. iv. 22; v. 1), as also does
Cedrenus (vol. i. p. 223). Josephus Gorio-
nides gives " the neighbourhood of Jeru-
salem" as the place (iii. 5, § 2); while John
of Malala (' Chronograph.' viii. p. 206) and
the Roman Martyrology distinctly say that
the martyrdom was at Antioch. Our author
has observed that the persecution was not
confined to Judaea, but extended to the
" neighbour cities of the heathen" also
(ch. vi. 8). Even, however, if Antioch was
the scene, it is very unlikely that Antiochus
would have been present at the executions.

1. seven brethren . . . were taken.'] I.e.
" seized," " apprehended."

against the law.] The Jewish law of
unclean meats is of course intended. (See
Lev. xi. 7.)

scourges and whips.] " Scourges " (jid-
cmyes) were whips of cords (John ii. 15);
" whips " (yevpa) were of untanned hide. The
latter inflicted far more suffering than the
former.

2. What wouldest thou ask?] "Why,"
i.e., " this mockery of an inquiry ? What is
there to learn ? Habes confitentes reos. We
are Jews ; we admit it ; and we are resolved
not to transgress the Law. Put us to death
at once."

3. the king . . . commanded pans and
caldrons to be made hot.] The " caldrons "
(Ke^rjrts) of the present passage seem to have
been the vessels that contained the fire, on
the top of which were placed the "pans"
(jriyava), that these latter might be heated to
a glow. The victims were placed in the
"pans" {v. 5). Burning to death was a
recognised Assyrian and Babylonian practice
(' Records of the Past,' vol. i. p. 77 ; vol. ix.
p. 56, &c. ; Dan. iii. 6-27; Jer. xxix. 22),
but seems to have been effected ordinarily by
means of a furnace.

4. to cut off the utmost parts of his body.]
On this punishment, see Xen. ' Anab.' i. 9, § 1 3 ;
' Beh. Inscr.' col. ii. par. 13, 14 •, Nic. Damasc.
Fr. 132; Herodian. vi. 6, §6; viii. 4, § 29, Sec.
Our translators, like the Syriac, have omitted
wholly to attempt any rendering of the par-
ticiple ir(pt(TKvdicravT€s, which must certainly
designate some other distinct cruelty. It
probably means "scalping," or "removing
the scalp" — a noted Scythian practice (Herod.
iv. 64; Plin. ' H. N.' vii. 11; Hesych. ad voc.
SkvcWti xf'P('MaK1"P0V)- Tne Vulgate gives
" cute capitis abstracta."

5. as the vapour of the pan was for a good
space dispersed.] The meaning seems to be,
that the scent of the roasting flesh extended
to a considerable distance, reaching the spot
where the mother and her other children
stood. So the Syriac Version, and Dean
Stanley (' Lectures on the Jewish Church,'
vol. iii. p. 299, note l), who parallels the
remark with the jests of St. Lawrence in the
martyrologies.

59°

II. MACCABEES. VII.

[v. 6-

-12.

b. c. 6 The Lord God looketh upon us,

- — ' and in truth hath comfort in us, as

a Deut. « Moses in his sons:, which witnessed

32. 36. C*

to their faces, declared, saying, And
he shall be comforted in his servants.

7 So when the first was dead after
this manner, they brought the second
to make him a mocking stock : and
when they had pulled off the skin
of his head with the hair, they asked
him, Wilt thou eat, before thou be
punished throughout every member
of thy body ?

8 But he answered in his own
language, and said, No. Wherefore
he also received the next torment
in order, as the former did.

9 And when he was at the last
gasp, he said, Thou like a fury takest
us out of this present life, but the
King of the world shall raise us up,
who have died for his laws, unto
everlasting life.

10 After him was the third made
a mocking stock : and when he was
required, he put out his tongue, and
that right soon, holding forth his
hands manfully,

11 And said courageously, These
I had from heaven ; and for his laws
I despise them ; and from him I hope
to receive them again.

12 Insomuch that the king, and
they that were with him, marvelled

B.C.
cir. 167.

6. The Lord God looketh upon us.] Rather,
"the Lord God keepeth. watch" — has an
eye, not only over us, but over all things.
The expression is quite general.

bath comfort in us.~\ Rather, "is compas-
sionate towards us," according to the
general meaning of the phrase. (See Deut.
xxxii. 36; Ps. xc. 13, cxxxv. 14.)

Moses in his song, which witnessed to their
faces.'] Rather, "which witnessed against
them to their faces" (rrjs avriixaprvpova-rjs
coS?js). The reference is to w. 15-33 °f
the " Song," where Moses reproaches the
Israelites with their unfaithfulness.

saying, And he shall be comforted in his
servants.] Our version of the " Song" gives
— " and repent himself for his servants "
(Deut. xxxii. 36).

7. to make him a mocking stock.] Com-
pare Heb. xi. 36, "and others had trials of
cruel mockings and scourgings ;" and for the
practice of mocking an accused person before
executing him, see Matt, xxvii. 29, 30 ;
Mark xv. 20, 31 ; Luke xxiii. 11, 36.

when they had pulled off the skin of his head
with the hair.] A variant mode of describing
the operation of scalping. Compare v. 4,
and the comment ad loc.

Wilt thou eat?] Supply "swine's flesh"
■from i'. 1.

before thou be punished throughout every
member of thy body.] As the first brother had
been punished. (See to, 4 and 5.)

8. he answered in his own language.] I.e. in
the Syriac of the time, which the executioners
would understand well enough, though An-
tiochus, as seems to be implied below (<y. 24),
might not, as a Greek, be familiar with any
other language than his own.

9. Thou like a fury.] Rather, "Thou,
0 wicked one." An aXdorcop is a man who
does deeds of wickedness that cannot be
forgotten (6 HXaara Sedpanas). The word
is rarely found in prose, but is common with
the tragedians. (See TEsch. ' Ag.' 1482;
' Eum.' 227; ' Suppl.' 410; 'Pers.' 256; — ■
Soph. < (Ed.- Col.' 788; 'Aj.' 372;— Eurip.
'Hec' 675, 949; 'Phcen.' 1556, &c.)

shall raise us up . . . unto everlasting life.]
See the comment on ch. vi. 26. As that
passage alludes to the punishment after death
of those who offend God, so the present
brings forward with great distinctness the
happiness enjoyed after death by those who
have remained faithful to Him. Whatever
obscurity had hung about the doctrine of a
future life and future rewards and punish-
ments, during the earlier period of the Mosaic
dispensation, it is clear that at this time there
was a firm belief in them among all the reli-
gious part of the nation. (See vv. 11, 14, 23,
29, 36; and compare ch. xii. 43-45, xiv. 46.)

10. After him was the third made a
mocking stock.] See the comment on v. 7.

11. These I had from heaven.] I.e. they
were given to me by God at my birth. His
hands " made me and fashioned me " (Job
x. 8). " In his book were all my members
written ; which day by day were fashioned,
when as yet there was none of them" (Ps.
cxxxix. 16).

from him I hope to receive them again.]
Here we have belief in the resurrection of the
body expressed. This doctrine is perhaps
scarcely taught in Job xix. 25-27, where
some have thought to find it ; but it appears
distinctly in Daniel (xii. 2) and Ezekiel
(xxxvii. 1-14), and seems to have been the
general belief of the Jews after the return
from the Captivity.

13—21.]

II. MACCABEES. VII.

59i

cir.

C at the young man's courage, for that
— 7" he nothing regarded the pains.

13 Now when this man was dead
also, they tormented and mangled the
fourth in like manner.

14 So when he was ready to die he
said thus, It is good, being put to death
by men, to look for hope from God to
be raised up again by him: as for thee,
thou shalt have no resurrection to life.

15 Afterward they brought the
fifth also, and mangled him.

16 Then looked he unto the king,
and said, Thou hast power over men,
thou art corruptible, thou doest what
thou wilt ; yet think not that our
nation is forsaken of God ;

17 But abide a while, and behold
his great power, how he will torment
thee and thy seed.

18 After him also they brought

the sixth, who being ready to die B.C.
said, Be not deceived without cause : C12_L7'
for we suffer these things for our-
selves, having sinned against our God :
therefore marvellous things are done
unto us.

19 But think not thou, that takest
in hand to strive against God, that
thou shalt escape unpunished.

20 But the mother was marvellous
above all, and worthy of honourable
memory : for when she saw her seven
sons slain within the space of one dav,
she bare it with a good courage,
because of the hope that she had in
the Lord.

21 Yea, she exhorted every one of
them in her own language, filled with
courageous spirits ; and stirring up
her womanish thoughts with a manly
stomach, she said unto them,

12. the king.'] Rather, "the king himself."

14. when he was ready to die.~\ Or, " at
the point of death."

to look for hope from God to be raised up again
by him.'] It was distinctly recognised by the
Jews that there could be no natural resur-
rection. The " dead bones " could not " live,"
unless through some miraculous exertion of
Divine power upon them. Consequently
each Jew looked to be raised up to a new
life after death by a distinct act of Omnipo-
tence performed for his individual benefit.

as for thee.] The denunciations of their
persecutor by the martyrs, here and in w. 1 7,
J9i 31) 35—37, are such as Christian martyrs
have been taught by their Lord not to utter
(Matt. v. 44; Luke xxiii. 34). They are,
however, such as the brutal conduct of An-
tiochus well deserved, and such as human
nature instinctively utters, unless subdued
and perfected by grace. Compare the de-
nunciations of the Psalms (Ps. xxxv. 4 ; xl.
14, 15; lv. 15; lix. 10-13; &c).

16. Thou hast power . . . thou art cor-
ruptible . . . thou doest.] The nexus of the
clauses is lost by this interpretation. Trans-
late— "Thou that art corruptible, yet hast
power over men, doest what thou wilt."
The point of the reproach is, that, being a
frail perishing mortal, entrusted with power
over men, he should suppose himself at liberty
to treat them according to his mere will and
pleasure. Compare John xix. 11, where our
Lord suggests to Pilate his responsibility for

the use of a " power given to him from
above."

17. abide a while.] Literally, " Be
patient ; " i.e. " Do not be in a hurry to judge :
wait, and see the result."

how he will torment thee and thy seed.]
Compare ch. ix. 5-28; xiv. 2. The speaker
does not claim the prophetic gift, but utters
his threat upon the general conviction that
God will punish evil-doers, and their seed
after them. (Compare Ex. xx. 5, xxxiv. 7 ;
Lev. xxvi. 39, &c.)

18. being ready to die.] Rather, "when
he was about to die."

for ourselves.] Rather, "on our own
account " — because we have sinned, and God
is punishing us in this life, to purity us and
make us fit for the life which is to come in
heaven. (See ch. vi. 13.)

20. the mother was marvellous above all.]
First, as a woman, whereas the rest were men
and might be expected to bear pain and
death ; secondly, as subjected to worse
suffering than the others, since there is no
such agony as that felt by a mother who sees
her children tortured and slain. But the
crowning marvellousness is no doubt that
related in ot. 24-29 — the mother exhorting
her youngest not to accept the offer of his
life and of the royal favour, but to die nobly
like his brethren.

21. in her own language.] See the com-
ment on v. 8.

stirring up her womanish thoughts with a

592

II. MACCABEES. VII.

[v. 22 27.

b. c. 22 I cannot tell how ye came into

C'LL7- my womb ; for I neither gave you

breath nor life, neither was it I that

formed the members of every one of

you;

23 But doubtless the Creator of
the world, who formed the generation
of man, and found out the beginning
of all things, will also of his own
mercy give you breath and life again,
as ye now regard not your own selves
for his laws' sake.

24 Now Antiochus, thinking him-
self despised, and suspecting it to
be a reproachful speech, whilst the
youngest was yet alive, did not only

exhort him by words, but also as- b. c.
sured him with oaths, that he would C1!H_7,
make him both a rich and a happy
man, if he would turn from the laws
of his fathers ; and that also he
would take him for his friend, and
trust him with affairs.

25 But when the young man would
in no case hearken unto him, the
king called his mother, and exhorted
her that she would counsel the young
man to save his life.

26 And when he had exhorted her
with many words, she promised him
that she would counsel her son.

27 But she bowing herself toward

manly stomach."] Gregory Nazianzen says
she had the soul of a man in the body of a
woman ('Horn, in Mace.' p. 399). The
language is perhaps rather conventional, than
in accordance with the facts of human nature,
since in enduring pain women have at all
times exhibited at least equal courage with
men, and the martyrologies shew as many
female names as male.

22. I cannot tell how ye came into my wo>nb.]
Compare Eccles. xi. 5. Conception, gene-
ration, growth, have always been mysteries,
and remain such, despite of vivisection and
the microscope. The formation of human
beings in the womb is fairly paralleled with
their re-formation after death and dissolution
have taken place. Each is a Divine work, and
requires Divine power and Divine knowledge
for its accomplishment. God's ability to
effect the one may well encourage us to
believe that He can effect the other. This is
the mother's argument.

I neither gave you breath nor life.] The
most earnest wishes, the greatest care, on the
part of the mother will not secure the child's
being born alive. God alone gives the life,
the vital principle, the soul, or whatever we
choose to call it, the germ of personality and
of an undying existence.

nor was it I that formed the members.]
Compare Job x. 8-12: "Thine hands have
made me and fashioned me together round
about . . . thou hast made me as the clay . . .
thou hast clothed me with skin and flesh, and
hast fenced me with bones and sinews. Thou
hast granted me life and favour," &c. See
also Ps. exxxix. 13-16.

23. the Creator . . . who formed the gene-
ration of man.'] See Gen. i. 26, 27 ; ii. 7, 18-22.

and found out the beginning of all things.]
he, who determined after deep thought

the constitution of the universe. Compare
Eph. i. 11, "Who worketh all things after
the counsel of his will."

of his own mercy.] Rather, "of his mercy."
There is no epithet to eXeos.

24. Antiochus . . . suspecting it to be a re-
proachful speech.] Rather, "suspecting the
tone of reproach in which she spoke."
Antiochus could not understand what the
woman said, as he did not know Syriac ; but
he caught the tone of the speech (rf)v (fxovrjv^,
which sounded like one of reproach ; and this
made him suspicious of the tenor of her
words.

he would take him for his friend.] On the
position of " king's friend " at the Syrian
Court, see the comment on 1 Mace. ii. 18,
where the offer here made is repeated to
Mattathias.

25. in no case.] Rather, "in no wise."

the king . . . exhorted her.] Either the
mother is to be regarded as understanding
Greek, or Antiochus as having spoken to her
through an interpreter.

26. she promised him that she 'would counsel
her son.] Literally, " that she would persuade
her son." The king, no doubt, understood
this to mean, that she would persuade him to
accept his offer ; but the mother only meant
that she would use her influence with him,
and persuade him to do what she thought
right.

27. bowing herself toward him.] I.e.
leaning towards him, so as to bring herself
nearer, and to give her words greater effect.
The touch is most graphic and affecting.
She was afraid that her youngest, probably a
mere boy, might yield, and so tarnish the
glory of her race, and at the same time
become eternally lost to her (v. 29).

V. 28-

"32

]

II. MACCABEES. VII.

593

b. c. him, lauffhin? the cruel tyrant to

Cir. 167. ' 1 • 1 1

— scorn, spake in her country language
on this manner ; O my son, have
pity upon me that bare thee nine
months in my womb, and gave thee
suck three years, and nourished thee,
and brought thee up unto this age,
and endured the troubles of education.

28 I beseech thee, my son, look
upon the heaven and the earth, and
all that is therein, and consider that

»Rem. 4. <^Q0CJ made them of things that were
not ; and so was mankind made
likewise.

29 Fear not this tormentor, but,

being worthy of thy brethren, take b. c.
thy death, that I may receive thee C1LL7,
again in mercy with thy brethren.

30 Whiles she was yet speaking
these words, the young man said,
Whom wait ye for ? I will not obey
the king's commandment : but I will
obey the commandment of the law that
was given unto our fathers by Moses.

31 And thou, that hast been the
author of all mischief against the
Hebrews, shalt not escape the hands
of God.

32 For we suffer because of our
sins.

laughing the cruel tyrant to scorn.'] Rather,
"passing a cheat on the cruel tyrant" —
i.e. making him think she was persuading her
son to accept his offer, when she was doing
the opposite.

that bare thee.'] Literally, " that carried
thee about."

and gave thee suck three years.] Compare
2 Chr. xxxi. 16, where we find that the
children of the priests had no daily portion of
food assigned them until they were three
years old. Children are still suckled in the
East for three, or even four, years.

and endured the troubles of education.]
Rather, "and did thy nursing." Compare
Deut. i. xxxi; and Acts xiii. 18 (according to
one reading). The word points to the ten-
dance of a nurse, not to " education " in our
sense of the term.

28. consider that God made them of things
that ivere not.] 'E| ovk ovtcov. Compare Heb.
xi. 3 : " Things which are seen were not
made of things which do appear." The
creation of the universe out of nothing, which
was an idea never reached by heathen philo-
sophy, seems to have been from the first
the conception of the Hebrews. No pre-
existent matter is spoken of in Genesis,
where God makes all things by a mere word.
Compare the declaration of the Psalmist,
*• By the word of the Lord were the heavens
made, and all the host of them by the breath
of his mouth " (Ps. xxxiii. 6). Contact with
Greek philosophy at Alexandria modified the
Hebrew view ; and we find the author of the
Book of Wisdom declaring, quite in the
language of a Platonist, that God's "almighty
hand made the world out of matter without
form " (e£ v\rjs dfx6p(f>ov). Compare Plat.
' Tim.' p. 30, A ; and Tim. Locr. § 1.

and so ivas mankind made likezuise.] This
is not altogether true. " God formed man
Apoc.— Vol II.

of the dust of the ground " (Gen. ii. 7), and
formed woman out of man (ib. w. 21, 22).
But he had previously formed the dust of the
ground out of nothing.

29. this tormentor.] Or, " this hangman."
The word employed is the usual one for the
common executioner. It is a term, not
merely of vituperation, but of insult.

that I may receive thee again.] The mother
expects to meet her sons again in the other
world, and to hold still the relation of a
mother towards them.

30. Whiles she ivas yet speaking.] Some
MSS. have KaTakrjyovo-rjs, which would mean
" as she was leaving off; " and Grimm prefers
this reading ; but it does not suit the prece-
ding eVt, " yet." We can say, " while she
was yet speaking," but not " while she was
yet leaving off." The Vulgate, the Syriac,
and Joseph. Gorion. (iii. 6), confirm the re-
ceived text.

I will not obey.] Literally, " I obey not "
— i.e. " I decide not to obey."

31. the author of all mischief] Literally,
" the inventor of all evil." Compare Rom.
i. 30. Jason, Menelaus, and others had no
doubt been the original conceivers of much
of the "mischief;" but nothing could have
been done except by command of Antiochus.
On him therefore the responsibility rested.

against the Hebrews.] The old ethnic
name, "Hebrews" (Ex. ii. 13), which had
fallen out of use for many centuries, was
revived in the course of the second century
B.C., and came to be regarded as a title of
honour. (See 2 Mace. xi. i3,xv. 37; 4 Mace,
iv. 11, v. 1, viii. 2, &c. ; Acts vi. 1 ; 2 Cor.
xi. 22 ; Philipp. iii. 5.) It has not, however,
any special force in this place.

32. ive suffer because of our sins.] Com-
pare v. 18. j

2 Q *.

594

II. MACCABEES. VII. VIII.

[v. 33—42.

B- c. 33 And though the living God be

C1!li_7' angry with us a little while for our
chastening and correction, yet shall
he be at one again with his ser-
vants.

34 But thou, O godless man, and
of all other most wicked, be not lifted
up without a cause, nor puffed up with
uncertain hopes, lifting up thy h?nd
against the servants of God :

35 For thou hast not yet escaped
the judgment of Almighty God, who
seeth all things.

36 For our brethren, who now
have suffered a short pain, are dead
under God's covenant of everlasting
life : but thou, through the judgment
of God, shalt receive just punishment
for thy pride.

37 But I, as my brethren, offer up
my body and life for the laws of our

c ., , fathers, beseeching God that he would
13- speedily be merciful unto our nation ;

&c.9 and that "thou by torments and

plagues mavest confess, that he alone B.C.

A j J ' Cir. 167.

IS God ;

38 And that in me and my brethren
the wrath of the Almighty, which is
justly brought upon all our nation,
may cease.

39 Then the king, being in a
rage, handled him worse than all the
rest, and took it grievously that he
was mocked.

40 So this man died undented, and
put his whole trust in the Lord.

41 Last of all after the sons the
mother died.

42 Let this be enough now to
have spoken concerning the idola-
trous feasts, and the extreme tortures.

CHAPTER VIII.

I facias gathereth an host. 9 Nicanor is sent
against him : %vho presumeth to make much-
money of his prisoners. 16 fudas encourageth
his men, and putteth Nicanor to flight, 28
and divideth the spoils. 30 Other enemies are
also defeated, 35 and Nicanor fleeth with grief
to Antioch.

34. puffed up with uncertain hopes.] The
vain hope of forcing Hellenism on the whole
Jewish nation, and inducing them to renounce
their own religion.

35. iu bo seeth all things.'] Rather, " who
keepeth a watch" — i.e. who has an eye on
men and their doings (Jivo-nT^s, not nav-

36. God's covenant of everlasting life.] It is
not easy to see how, anterior to Christianity,
God could be said to have entered into cove-
nant with man, to give him " everlasting life."
Daniel had declared that, of those who slept in
the dust of the earth, some should " awake to
eternal life, and some to shame and everlasting
contempt " (ch. xii. 2) ; but the declaration
was in no way a " covenant." David, it is
true, had spiritualised the idea of Canaan,
and spoken of an entrance into rest as
guaranteed to true Israelites, which was still
future in his day (Ps. xcv. 8-1 1 ; Heb. iii.
7-19, iv. 5-9). But this was far short of a
covenant to give eternal life. Perhaps the
covenant was regarded as anterior to revela-
tion, and implied in man's moral nature.
Perhaps no very definite account could have
been given of it, even by those with whom it
was an article of faith.

37. that thou by torments and plagues
mayest confess, that he alone is God.] The
"torments and plagues," which the writer
believes Antiochus to have suffered, are set

forth in ch. ix. 5-1 1 ; the confession, which
he supposes him to have made, in ch. ix.
12-17. Of these, the latter seems to be an
invention (see 1 Mace. vi. 11-13), while the
former are much exaggerated (ibid. 8-10).

39. and took it grievously.] Rather, "since
he took it grievously." The author assigns
this as the reason of his rage, and of his
excessive cruelty towards the youngest of the
brothers.

40. and put his whole trust, <h'c] It
would be better to translate — " trusting
wholly in the Lord." The trust was before,
and at the time of, death.

42. Let this be enough now to have spoken.]
Compare the summaries in ch. iii. 40, x. 9,
xiii. 26, and xv. 38, 39. It is the author's
habit to end each portion of his work with
a sort of summary or recapitulation.

CHAPTER VIII.
PART III,

THE WAR OF JUDAS MACCAB/EUS WITH
ANTIOCHVS EPIPHANES.

§ i. The Beginnings of Maccabeus.
Philip's Application to Ptolemjeus,
Governor of Ccelesyria.

1-8. The writer had told us (ch. v. 27),
that Judas Maccabasus, with about nine

-5-]

II. MACCABEES. V11I.

595

^pHEN

Judas Maccabeus, and
they that were with him, went
privily into the towns, and called
their kinsfolks together, and took
unto them all such as continued in
the Jews' religion, and assembled
about six thousand men.

2 And they called upon the Lord,
that he would look upon the people that
was trodden down of all ; and also pity
the temple profaned of ungodly men ;

3 And that he would have com-
passion upon the city, sore defaced,

and ready to be made even with the
ground ; and hear the blood that cried
unto him,

4 And remember the wicked
slaughter of harmless infants, and
the blasphemies committed against
his name ; and that he would shew
his hatred against the wicked.

5 Now when Maccabeus had his
company about him, he could not be
withstood by the heathen : for the
wrath of the Lord was turned into
mercy.

B.C.

cir. 166.

others, withdrew himself from Jerusalem,
soon after the cruel massacre of unarmed
Jews in the streets of Jerusalem by Apollo-
nius (ibid. i>. 26). He now resumes his
account of this hero and his marvellous
doings, occupying with them the remainder
of his treatise, but dividing them into three
portions, corresponding to the three reigns of
Antiochus Epiphanes, Antiochus Eupator, and
Demetrius Soter. Here he relates how
Judas, having collected about six thousand
men, and made solemn prayer to God, began
a series of offensive operations, chiefly by
night, and thus got into his hands many of
the Judaean towns, and gained several victories
over the king's troops. At last, Philip, the
commandant of Jerusalem, finding himself
overmatched, applied to Ptolemy, governor
of Ccelesyria and Phoenicia, for aid, and
begged him to interpose in the war, which
was going against the interests of the king.

1. they that were with him.] The little
knot of nine or ten friends, who, according to
our author, had withdrawn with him from
Jerusalem. We know from 1 Mace. ii.
27-48 that the first army was in reality col-
lected, and the first battles fought, by Mat-
tathias, whom the author of the Second Book
wholly ignores.

about six thousand men.] According to
the author of the first book, Judas had no
more than 3000 men in his contest with
Gorgias and Nicanor (1 Mace. iv. 6). Against
Lysias he mustered 10,000 (ibid. v. 29).
The estimate of numbers with Orientals is
always vague and uncertain.

2. they called upon the Lord.] On the
strong devotional spirit that animated Judas,
see 1 Mace. iii. 18-22, 46-60; iv. 8-11, 24,
3°-33> 36-59; be. I0- The present passage
(yv. 2-4) is quite in accordance with those
above quoted, and adds the further fact, that
his army was animated by much the same
spirit as himself, and " continued calling upon
God" (JiveKa\ovvTo tov Kvpwv) day by day
and hour bv hour.

that was trodden down of all.] Trampled
upon by Syrians, Phrygians (ch. v. 22), and
renegade Jews, the last the worst enemies of
God's faithful people.

the temple profaned of ungodly men.] See
ch. v. 15-21, vi. 2-5; and compare 1 Mace,
i. 21-59, iii. 45. If the profanation described
in ch. vi. 4 continued, we can well understand
the horror of all pious Jews, and their earnest
prayers that such pollutions might cease.

3. the city, sore defaced, and ready to be made
even with the ground.] Apollonius had " set
the city on fire, and pulled down the houses
and walls thereof on every side" (1 Mace.
i. 31).

the blood that cried unto him.] I.e. the
blood of the 80,000 slain by Antiochus
himself (ch. v. 14), of the 22,000 slaughtered
by Apollonius (ibid. v. 24), and of all the
later martyrs (ch. vi. 10-31). Innocent
blood, shed by man, cries to God for ven-
geance (Gen. iv. 10 ; Rev. vi. 10).

4. the wicked slaughter of harmless irfants.]
See 1 Mace. i. 61 ; 2 Mace. vi. 10.

the blasphemies committed.] As calling the
temple of Jehovah that of Jupiter Olympius
(ch. vi. 2). Impious deeds, however, seem
to have been regarded as " blasphemies," no
less than impious words. (See the comment
on ch. ii. 6.)

that he would shew his hatred against the
wicked.] Literally, " that he would hate
wickedness." But the translation does not ill
express the meaning of the writer.

5. his company.] Le. his army of 6,000
men (see v. 1).

he could not be withstood.] See 1 Mace,
iii. 10-26.

the wrath of the Lord was turned into
mercy.] The prayers of the seven brethren
had been heard (Grimm). The tide had
turned. The fortunes of Israel were once
more in the ascendant. Instead of a nation

2 Q 2

596

II. MACCABEES. VIII.

[v. 6—9.

b. c. 6 Therefore he came at unawares,

C1L^ ' and burnt up towns and cities, and
got into his hands the most com-
modious places, and overcame and
put to flight no small number of his
enemies.

7 But specially took he advantage
of the night for such privy attempts,
insomuch that the bruit of his ma.ili-
ness was spread every where.

8 So when Philip saw that this b. c
man increased by little and little, — —
and that things prospered with him

still more and more, he wrote unto
Ptolemeus, the governor of Celosyria
and Phenice, to yield more aid to the
king-'s affairs.

9 Then forthwith choosing Nica-
nor the son of Patroclus, one of his
special friends, he sent him with no

crushed beneath the heel of the oppressor,
there was now to be seen a nucleus of
patriots, determined on resisting the tyrant to
the uttermost, and on maintaining at once
the national religion and the separate national
existence. Uninterrupted success attended
the early efforts of this party under the
leadership of Judas.

6. at unawares.] His first successes were
a series of surprises. He suddenly appeared
before towns and villages which did not
expect him, besieged, stormed, and burnt
them. His attacks were chiefly made by
night (see v. 7).

and got into his hands . . . and overcame.]
Rather, "and by getting into his hands the
most commodious places, he overcame," &c.
The seizure of important posts is represented
as the cause of his victories.

7. specially took he advantage of the nigbt.~]
Night attacks are regarded by the Orientals
as especially dangerous, and are very seldom
adventured on. A leader whose attacks were
systematically made by night would in the
East soon acquire a reputation for extra-
ordinary daring.

8. So tvhen Philip saw.] " Philip the
Phrygian " was the Syro-Macedonian go-
vernor of Jerusalem, whom Antiochus had
'.eft there when he withdrew to Antioch
(ch. v. 22). His continuance in the office is
implied in ch. vi. n.

he wrote unto Ptolemeus.] The name
Ptolemy was very common at the time, and
causes much confusion ; but the Ptolemy
here intended is probably the son of Dory-
menes, already mentioned by the author as
high in the favour of Antiochus (ch. iv. 45, 46),
and coupled with Nicanor and Gorgias by the
writer of the First Book (1 Mace. iii. 38).
For the antecedents of this Ptolemy, see the
comment on the last-quoted passage.

the governor of Celosyria and Phenice."]
Apollonius had ceased to hold that office
(ch. iii. 5, iv. 4, v. 24, compared with
1 Mace. i. 29, iii. 10-12), apparently before
his death, and had been replaced by Ptolemy.

§ 2. The Expedition of Nicanor and
Gorgias against Judas. Victory of
Judas. His solemn Thanksgiving
and Prayer.

9-29. This passage has to be compared
with 1 Mace. iii. 38-60, iv. 1-25, which
relates to the same occurrences. The chief
differences between the two accounts are —
(1.) That in 1 Mace. Lysias is made to
conceive the expedition, while Ptolemy,
Nicanor, and Gorgias are entrusted with its
execution ; but in 2 Mace. Ptolemy forms
the plan and assigns its execution to the two
others. (2.) In 1 Mace. Gorgias appears as
the actual commander, while Nicanor is
barely mentioned ; in 2 Mace, the position of
the two is reversed. (3.) The writer of
1 Mace, estimates the Syro-Macedonian
forces at 47,000 (ch. iii. 39) ; those under
Judas at 3,000 (ch. iv. 6), while our author
makes the respective numbers 20,000 (v. 9)
and 6,000 (v. 16). On the other hand, the
number of the slain on the Syro-Macedonian
side, which is but 3,000 in 1 Mace. iv. 15, is
raised to 9,000 in 2 Mace. viii. 24. (4.) The
account in 1 Mace, goes into much greater
detail than that in 2 Mace, with respect to
the movements on either side, military and
other; while 2 Mace, adds an interesting
feature in the division of his forces made by
Judas (y. 22), and another in the part assigned
to Eleazar (v. 23). (5.) The account of
Judas's march on Jerusalem and return to
Emmaus is peculiar to 1 Mace. (ch. iii. 46-57),
while the accounts of his speech immediately
before the battle (2 Mace. viii. 16-20) and
his thanksgiving afterwards (ibid. w. 27-29)
are given at length only in 2 Mace. Alto-
gether the two accounts have little that is
contradictory except the numbers, and help
to fill out each other.

9. Then forthwith choosing.] Rather,
"And he {i.e. Ptolemy) forthwith choosing,"
&c. Ewald says that our author regards
Philip as appointing these officers ('Hist, of
Israel,' vol. v. p. 310, note '); but this is in-
correct. The pronoun 6 can only refer to the
latest antecedent, Ptolemy.

Nicanor the son of Patroclus.] See 1 Mace.

io— 15.]

II. MACCABEES. VIII.

597

B. c. fewer than twenty thousand of all

cir. 166. . ii- ^i_

— nations under him, to root out the
whole generation of the Jews ; and
with him he joined also Gorgias a
captain, who in matters of war had
great experience.

10 So Nicanor undertook to make
« 1 Mac. so much money of "the captive Jews,
vcr. 25,34. as should defray the tribute of two

thousand talents, which the king was
to pay to the Romans.

1 1 Wherefore immediately he sent
to the cities upon the sea coast, pro-
claiming a sale of the captive Jews,
and promising that they should have
fourscore and ten bodies for one
talent, not expecting the vengeance

that was to follow upon him from the
Almighty God.

12 Now when word was brought
unto Judas of Nicanor's coming, and
he had imparted unto those that were
with him that the army was at hand,

13 ^They that were fearful, and ^
distrusted the justice of God, fled, and
conveyed themselves away.

14 Others sold all that they had
left, and withal besought the Lord
to deliver them, being sold by the
wicked Nicanor before they met to-

b. c.

c:r. 106.

gether

15 And if not for their own sakes,
yet for the covenants he had made
with their fathers, and for his holy

iii. 38, and Joseph. 'Ant. Jud.'xii. 7, § 3. It is
probable, though not quite certain, that this is
the same Nicanor who made the expeditions
against Judsea of which an account is given
by our author in chs. xiv. and xv.

no fewer than twenty thousand.] Forty-
seven thousand, according to 1 Mace. (iii. 39)
and Josephus (/. s. c). Ewald accepts the
larger number.

to root out the 'whole generation of the
Jews.] Rather, "the whole race." Compare
1 Mace. iii. 35, 36, where this design is dis-
tinctly ascribed to Antiochus himself.

with him he joined also Gorgias.] See
1 Mace. iii. 38; iv. 1, 5, 18; Joseph. 'Ant.
Jud.' xii. 7, §§ 3, 4.

10. Nicanor undertook.'] Rather, "deter-
mined." It is represented as his own idea
that he should raise the money wanted for
the tribute by the sale of Jewish slaves.
Note that the writer of the First Book knows
nothing of this proposed application of the
money, and that Roman history knows nothing
of any " tribute " due at this time to Rome
from Antiochus. Syria was not tributary to
Rome ; and the last instalment of the indem-
nity to which Antiochus the Great became
liable after the battle of Magnesia, was paid
by Epiphanes in B.C. 173 (Liv. xlii. 6), eight
years before this expedition of Nicanor's.

11. the cities upon the sea coast.] The
Phoenician cities especially, which profited
largely by the sale of slaves (Ezek. xxvii. 13).

fourscore and ten bodies for one talent.]
Slaves were called "bodies" in the later Greek,
being regarded materially, as mere live im-
plements {e'fjL\^vxa opyava, Arist. 'Pol.' i. 2).
Ninety slaves for a talent was an extraordi-
narily low price, when all classes of slaves

were to be included ; since it was very little
above the lowest current rate. That, accord-
ding to Xenophon (' Mem.' ii. 5, § 2), was half
a mina (2/.). Captives in war were ordinarily
redeemable at a mina (Arist. ' Eth. Nic' v. 6,
§ 1). Strong and capable slaves fetched
commonly ten mina (40/.) ; superior ones
sometimes fetched a talent (240/.). The rate
established by Nicanor made the price of a
slave two-thirds of a mina (2/. 13J. 4^.).
He must have expected to sell 180,000, in
order to obtain the 2000 talents which he
intended to raise. On the flocking of the
slave-merchants to the Syrian camp on the
occasion, see 1 Mace. iii. 41.

13. They that were fearful . . . fled.] The
author of the First Book says that Judas issued
an order that all those who were afraid should
disperse to their homes (1 Mace. iii. 56).

14. Others sold all that they had left.]
Rather, "the others," or "the remainder."
The fact is unnoticed by the writer of the
First Book, and may perhaps be doubted. It
is not very clear what fugitives like those who
formed the army of Judas (1 Mace. iii. 43,
44) would have to sell, or to whom they could
sell, unless it were one to another.

before they met together^ Rather, " before
he fell in with them," or "before he
joined battle with them." Nicanor had
as good as sold them; i.e. he had arranged
for their price, and invited their purchasers
into his camp, before he had even so much as
met them in the field.

15. for the covenants he had made with
their fathers.] As with Abraham, Isaac,
and Jacob (see ch. i. 2), and again with the
whole nation in the wilderness (Ex. xix. 5-8;
xxiv. 3-8; xxxiv. 10).

and for his holy and glorious name's sake

598

II. MACCABEES. VIII.

[v. 16-

-20.

B.C.

cir. 166.

c 1 Mac.
4.8.

and glorious name's sake, by which
they were called.

16 So Maccabeus called his men
together unto the number of six
thousand, and exhorted them ^not to
be stricken with terror of the enemy,
nor to fear the great multitude of the
heathen, who came wrongfully against
them ; but to fight manfully,

17 And to set before their eyes the
injury that they had unjustly done to
the holy place, and the cruel handling
of the city, whereof they made a
mockery, and also the taking away of
the government of their forefathers :

18 For they, said he, trust in their
weapons and boldness ; but our con-
fidence is in the Almighty God, who

at a beck can cast down both them b. c.
that come against us, and also all the -lL '
world.

19 Moreover he recounted unto
them what helps their forefathers had
found, and "'how they were delivered, d J Mac-
when under Sennacherib an hundred <*. 15. 25
fourscore and five thousand perished.

20 And he told them of the battle
that they had in Babylon with the
Galatians, how they came but eight
thousand in all to the business, with
four thousand Macedonians, and that
the Macedonians being perplexed, the
eight thousand destroyed an hundred
and twenty thousand because of the
help that they had from heaven, and
so received a great booty.

by which they were called.} Rather, " and
because of their being called by his holy and
glorious name." Because, i.e., they were
known as " the people of God " (Ex. xxxiii.
13 ; Deut. ix. 26, &c), and their destruction,
at which Nicanor aimed, would have been a
sort of dishonour to God himself.

16. unto the number of six thousand.} The
writer seems to have forgotten what he had
said, of many having "fled and conveyed
themselves away" (v. 13). He makes the
number of Judas's army, after this defection,
exactly the same as before it. (See v. 1.)
The writer of the First Book, on the con-
trary, makes the armed men who remained
with Judas no more than 3,000 (1 Mace. iv. 6),
and Josephus agrees with this estimate (' Ant.
Jud.' xii. 7, § 4).

nor to fear the great multitude.} Compare
1 Mace. iv. 8.

17. the injury . . . unjustly done to the holy
place.} See above, ch. vi. 2-5.

the cruel handling of the city, whereof they
made a mockery.} The inhabitants of the city,
rather than the city itself, seem to be here
intended, and the reference to be to the
"cruel handling" and "mocking" of the
martyrs. (See ch. vii. 7, 10, 13, &c.)

the taking away of the government of their
forefathers.} The appointment of Philip the
Phrygian as Syro-Macedonian governor of
Jerusalem (ch. v. 22), and the sending of royal
commissioners from Antioch with unlimited
powers (ch. vi. 1), were infringements of the
terms on which the Jews had become sub-
jects of the Syro-Macedonian kingdom, and
amounted to an abolition (KaraXva-is) of their
ancestral government. Under the new sys-

tem, the High Priest was a mere puppet in
the hands of the Syro-Macedonian governor.

19. Moreover he recounted unto them what
helps their forefathers had found.} The
writer of the First Book makes his sole
historic reference to be to the deliverance of
Israel from the Egyptians at the Red Sea (ch.
iv. 9). This our present author omits, while
bringing forward two other great deliverances.

under Sennacherib.} See 2 Kings xix. 35 ;
and compare 1 Mace. vii. 41.

20. the battle that they had in Babylon with
the Galatians.} Rather, "in Babylonia."
Nothing more is known of this engagement.
Galatian troops were widely employed as
mercenaries by the Asiatic kings for some
time after the great Galatian inroad into Asia
Minor in the third century B.C. (Justin, xxv.
2, § 10), and are said to have fought on both
sides in the war of Antiochus the Great with
Molo. As Babylon was in fact the scene of this
struggle, it is conjectured that Judas alludes
to some episode of the contest, not elsewhere
mentioned, in which the Jews who served
under Antiochus had gained a victory over a
large body of Galatians in the service of Molo
(Grimm).

with four thousand Macedonians?^ I.e.
" Syro-Macedonians" — Greek subjects of the
Seleucidae.

the eight thousand destroyed an hundred and
twenty thousand.} Here there is probably a
great exaggeration. The Galatians, in the
height of their prosperity, never brought into
the field more than about 20,000 warriors
(Liv. xxxviii. 16). Moreover, the number of
mercenaries in the service of any single Asiatic
king is not found to have exceeded 8,000.

and so received a great booty.} Literally,

V. 21 2 7.]

II. MACCABEES. VIII.

599

B. c. 21 Thus when he had made them
clIlL ' bold with these words, and ready to
die for the laws and the country, he
divided his army into four parts ;

22 And joined with himself his
own brethren, leaders of each band,
to wit, Simon, and Joseph, and Jona-
than, giving each one fifteen hundred
men.

23 Also he appointed Eleazar to
read the holy book : and when he
had given them this watchword,
The help of God ; himself leading
the first band, he joined battle with
Nicanor.

24 And by the help of the Al- ?■ c.
mighty they slew above nine thou- C1— *
sand of their enemies, and wounded

and maimed the most part of Nica-
nor's host, and so put all to flight ;

25 And took 'their money that ' ver- Io-
came to buy them, and pursued
them far : but lacking time they
returned :

26 For it was the day before the
sabbath, and therefore they would
no longer pursue them.

27 So when they had gathered „ That is
"their armour tog-ether, and spoiled'-4?^-

1IIICS

their enemies, they occupied them- armour.

u great advantage." The nature of the ad-
vantage is not stated.

21. be divided his army into four parts.]
Literally, "He made a sort of fourfold
division of his army." It is not meant
that he made an actual separation of his men,
and sent some to fight in one place and some
in another, as was done by his adversaries (1
Mace. iv. 1-7), but only that he enrolled his
soldiers in four regiments, each under its own
leader. The leaders were himself and three
of his brothers, Simon, John, and Jonathan.

22. Joseph.] This " Joseph " is clearly
the brother called John by the author of the
First Book (ch. ii. 2 ; ix. 36, 38). It is not,
however, a wrong reading, or even a mere
slip of the pen on the part of the writer, but
probably an actual mistake. He repeats the
error in ch. x. 19.

giving each one fifteen hundred men.] This
statement assumes that the total number was
6,000, as stated in v. 16. If it was really
no more than 3,000, we must regard the
" regiments " as consisting each of 750 men.

23. Also he appointed Eleazar to read the
holy book.'] The existing Greek text is un-
grammatical, and cannot be said to have any
clear and distinct meaning. It seems neces-
sary to change napayvovs into napayvwvai, in
order to obtain anything like a satisfactory
sense. We may then supply era^e from the
ra^as at the beginning of v. 22, and translate
as in the English Version. The 8ovs of the
second clause probably misled the copyists.

this watchword, The help of God.] Com-
pare ch. xiii. 15. On the practice of giving
a watchword to an army about to engage in
battle, see Xen. ' Anab.' i. 8, § 17; ' Cyrop.'
iii. 3, § 58; vii. 1, § 10; Appian, 'Bell. Civ.'
ii. 76 ; Veget. ' De Re Mil.' iii. 3, &c.

himself leading the first band.] I.e. the

first of the four regiments into which he had
divided his army (v. 21).

he joined battle with Nicanor.] Nicanor, it
appears, was in command of the main body of
Syro-Macedonian troops encamped at Em-
maus, which Judas attacked, after Gorgias
had been sent with five thousand men into the
hill-country to attack him (1 Mace. iv. 1-14).

24. they slew above nine thousand.] The
slain are reckoned by the writer of the First
Book as "upon a three thousand " (ch. iv. 15).
So also Josephus (' Ant. Jud.' xii. 7, § 4). The
probability is in favour of the smaller number.

and wounded and maimed the most part of
Nicanor's host.] Another exaggeration. If
3,000 were killed, it is not likely that more
than 6,000 were wounded. But Nicanor's
host had numbered twenty thousand, accord-
ing to our author (v. 9); forty-seven thou-
sand, according to the writer of the First
Book (1 Mace. iii. 39).

25. And took their money that came to buy
them.] See above, v. 1 1 , and compare 1 Mace,
iii. 41. On the richness and abundance of the
spoil taken after the battle, see 1 Mace. iv. 23.

and pursued them far.] To Gazara, Azotus,
Jamnia, and the borders of Idumaea (ibid.
v. 15).

but lacking time they returned.] The writer
of the First Book attributes the short pursuit
and speedy return of Judas's army to the
fact that Gorgias, with an unbroken body of
Syro-Macedonian troops, was in the imme-
diate neighbourhood, and had to be guarded
against ( 1 Mace. iv. 15-18). He says nothing
of the approach of the Sabbath.

27. when they had gathered their armour to-
gether.] Here there is an " undesigned coinci-
dence " between the accounts of the two his-
torians. The writer of the First Book notes,
that the troops of Judrs before the battle

6od

II. MACCABEES. VIII.

[v- 28-3-

n. c.

cir. 166.

"Or,
lamed
uiit/t
tortures.

selves about the sabbath, yielding
exceeding praise and thanks to the
Lord, who had preserved them unto
that day, which was the beginning of
mercy distilling upon them.

28 And after the sabbath, when
they had given part of the spoils to
the "maimed, and the widows, and
orphans, the residue they divided
among themselves and their ser-
vants.

29 When this was done, and they
had made a common supplication,
they besought the merciful Lord to
be reconciled with his servants for
ever.

30 Moreover of those that were
with Timotheus and Bacchides, who

fought against them, they slew above b. a
twenty thousand, and very easily got clTj_^_5'
high and strong holds, and divided
among themselves many spoils more,
and made the "maimed, orphans, " 0r»
widows, yea, and the aged also, equal
in spoils with themselves.

31 And when they had gathered
their armour together, they laid them
up all carefully in convenient places,
and the remnant of the spoils they
brought to Jerusalem.

32 They slew also Phylarches,
that wicked person, who was with
Timotheus, and had annoyed the
Jews many ways.

33 Furthermore at such time as
they kept the feast for the victory in

" had neither armour nor swords to their
mind," but says nothing of their stripping the
dead after their victory. The author of the
Second supplies this fact, without having pre-
viously noted the want of satisfactory arms
on the part of the Israelites.

yielding exceeding praise and thanks to the
Lord.~\ Compare 1 Mace. iv. 24.

which nv as the beginning of mercy distilling
upon them.'] Our translators preferred the
reading o-TatjavTos or ard^avn, which is fol-
lowed also by the Vulgate. But the ordinary
reading of the MSS. (rdgavros or rdgavrt)
is more probable, and gives as good a sense.
Translate, " and had appointed a beginning of
mercy for them." The author, apparently,
is not aware of the previous victories of Judas
over Apollonius and Seron (1 Mace. iii. 10-24).

28. the maimed.] Those who had been
injured, without being killed, by the persecu-
tors. Compare ch. vii. 1-4.

29. they . . . made a common supplica-
tion.] The " supplication " was apparently
additional to the thanksgiving of v. 27, and
subsequent to it. No mention is made of it
by the writer of the First Book.

§ 3. Further Successes of Judas
against Timotheus and Bacchides.

30-33. The successes here briefly men-
tioned seem to be those which the writer of
the First Book considers to have been gained
over Lysias (1 Mace. iv. 28-34), ar>d which
belong to the year B.C. 165-164, the year
following the defeat of Nicanor. It is possible
that Timotheus and Bacchides were generals
under Lysias during the campaign of this
year, though they are not mentioned by the
writer of the First Book.

30. they slezu above twenty thousand.] Irr
the great battle between Judas and Lysias
5,000 only were slain (1 Mace. iv. 34; Joseph.
' Ant. Jud.' xii. 7, § 5). There may have been
other engagements with his generals ; but it
is not at all likely that the entire loss of the
Syro-Macedonians in the campaign can have
reached the figure here given. " Twenty
thousand" is a favourite number with our
author. (See ch. viii. 9; x. 17, 23, 31.)

and . . . got high and strong holds.] One
of these was certainly Bethsura (Beth-Zur),
which fell into the hands of Judas after the
defeat of Lysias, according to the writer of
the First Book. (See 1 Mace. iv. 29, 61.)

31. when they had gathered their armour
together.] See the comment on i». 27. The
Jewish levies were still glad to obtain the
superior arms and armour of their enemies-
(See 1 Mace. iii. 12 ; iv. 6.)

32. They slew also Phylarches.] Rather,
"the phylarch." Had the word been a
proper name, it would not have been accom-
panied by the article. Moreover, the proper
name is " Phylarchaj," not " Phylarchw."

that wicked person.] Rather, "a most
impious person." Nothing more is known
of him than what is here stated.

33. at such time as they kept the feast for
the victory.] Victories were celebrated by
festivals both among the heathen and among
the Jews. In the case of a great victory, the
day was sometimes observed annually (ch.
xv. 36 ; Joseph. ' Ant. Jud.' xii. 10, § 5).

in their country.] Jerusalem is probably
meant rather than Judaea, since there would
have been no need to state that Judaea was
the scene of a Jewish feast.

v. 34— 36-]

II. MACCABEES. VIII. IX.

601

b. c. their country they burnt Callisthenes,

' * -5' that had set fire upon the holy gates,

who had fled into a little house ; and

so he received a reward meet for his

wickedness.

34 As for that most ungracious
Nicanor, who had brought a thousand

, ver. 25. merchants Ao buy the Jews,

35 He was through the help of
the Lord brought down by them, of
whom he made least account ; and
putting off his glorious apparel, and
discharging his company, he came
like a fugitive servant through the
midland unto Antioch, having very

great dishonour, for that his host was b. c.

9 , cir. 165.

destroyed. —

36 Thus he, that •s'took upon him fw- xa
to make good to the Romans their
tribute by means of the captives in
Jerusalem, told abroad, that the Jews
had God to fight for them, and
therefore they could not be hurt,
because they followed the laws that
he gave them.

CHAPTER IX.

I Antiochus is chased from Pcrscpolis. 5 H*
is stricken with a sore disease, 14 and
promiscth to become a Jew. 28 He dieth
miserably.

they burnt Callisthenes. .] According to the
majority of MSS., the passage runs thus : —
" They burnt those who had set fire to the
holy gates, namely Callisthenes and certain
others, who had all fled into one small house ;
and so they received a reward meet for their
wickedness." Grimm prefers the reading
which our translators have followed ; but it is
a fatal objection to it, that it makes the writer
say that " one man fled into one small house"
(ek tv o\kL8iop), as if it were possible for a
man to fly into several. If it be said that tv
may be an equivalent of tl (Wahl, ' Clavis
Lib. Apoc' ad voc. eis), the reply is, that in
no other passage does the writer of this Book,
whose Greek is (on the whole) good, make
this unclassical substitution. The fact of the
burning may be compared with what is related
in ch. vi. 11, and vii. 5, 8, &c. If the one side
employed this horrid mode of execution, the
other side was in a manner driven to it.

that had set Jire upon the holy gate s.] See
1 Mace. iv. 38.

§ 4. Nicanor's Flight, and Testimony
concerning the jews.

34-36. According to our author, Nicanor,
after his defeat, disguised himself, and. dis-
missing his retinue, returned to Antioch a
solitary fugitive. Arrived there, he bore
witness to the Providence which kept watch
over the Jews, and declared his conviction
that under the protection of their resistless
God they were invincible. But little trust
can be placed in any portion of these state-
ments, which have the appearance of rhetorical
embellishments. (See ch. ii. 29.)

34. that most ungracious Nicanor.] Liter-
ally, "the threefold sinner." Compare ch. xv.
3. The epithet is applied to Haman in the
'Additions to Esther,' ch. xvi. 15, where our
translators render it by " wicked wretch."

ivbo had brought a thousand *>ier chants. ,]

Rather, "the man who brought the
thousand merchants to buy the Jews." The
writer speaks as if he had mentioned the
thousand merchants before, which he had
certainly not done, either in v. 11 or else-
where ; or else as if the number was a well-
known fact. It is probably one of his
exaggerations.

35. putting off his glorious apparel.~] I.e.-
his dress as commander of the army.

and discharging his company^] Rather,.
" his retinue." Literally, the phrase used isP
" making himself a solitary."

having very great dishonour.'] Rather,
"having met with a great misfortune."

36. that took upon him to make good to the
Romans their tribute.'] See the comment on
v. 10. It is there shewn that no tribute was
at this time payable by the Syro- Macedonians
to the Romans.

the Jews . . . could not be hurt.] Literally,.
" could not be wounded" or " were invul-
nerable ; " but the meaning is, that they could
not be conquered. Compare the testimony
which Heliodorus is said by the writer to
have borne, when he returned to Antioch.
from Jerusalem after the failure of his attempt
to plunder the Temple treasury (ch. iii.

36-39).

CHAPTER IX.

§ 5. The Expedition of Antiochus Epi-
phanes into Persia, and the Afflic-
tion THAT BEFELL HIM AS HE WAS
RETURNING.

1-10. This entire chapter runs parallel
with 1 Mace. vi. 1-16. The accounts agree
(1) with respect to the attempt made by
Antiochus to plunder a Persian temple, and
its frustration by popular resistance; (2) with
respect to news reaching him on his way
home of the reverses which had befallen his

602

II. MACCABEES. IX.

[v.

-5-

c.B-C- A BOUT that time came Antio-
- — ' ii chus "with dishonour aout of
orderly.' tne country of Persia.
a i Mac. 2 For he had entered the city
6" "' &c' called Persepolis, and went about to
rob the temple, and to hold the city ;
whereupon the multitude running to
defend themselves with their weapons
put them to flight ; and so it hap-
pened, that Antiochus being put to
flight of the inhabitants returned with
shame.

3 Now when he came to Ecba-
tane, news was brought him what had
happened unto Nicanor and Timo-
theus.

4 Then swelling with anger, he b. c.
thought to avenge upon the Jews the CIHL3'
disgrace done unto him by those that
made him flee. Therefore command-
ed he his chariotman to drive without
ceasing, and to dispatch the journey,

the judgment of God now following
him. For he had spoken proudly in
this sort, That he would come to
Jerusalem, and make it a common
buryingplace of the Jews.

5 But the Lord Almighty, the
God of Israel, smote him with an
incurable and invisible plague : for as
soon as he had spoken these words,

l'a. pain of the bowels that was reme- e.\g, if

arms in the Jewish war; (3) with respect to
the fact of his then falling into a severe ill-
ness, from the effects of which after a little
time he died. They differ (1) in the place
where the temple was situated ; (2) in the
cause and character of the sickness; and (3)
in the steps taken by Antiochus when he
knew that he was dying. The account in
1 Mace. vi. has more air of truth about it
than that of our present author.

1. came Antiochus ivith dishonour out of . . .
Persia.] Rather, " it happened that Antiochus
had set off with dishonour on his return." He
died at Tabs, in Persia (Polyb. xxxi. 11, § 3).
The "dishonour" is explained in the next verse.

2. he had entered the city called Persepolis.]
Polybius (/. s. c.) and Appian (' Syriac' § 66)
place the temple which Epiphanes tried to
plunder in Elymai's, and therefore consider-
ably to the north-west of Persepolis, which
was in Persia Proper.

the multitude running to defend themselves.']
Compare 1 Mace. vi. 3, 4: "They of the city,
having had warning, rose up against him in
battle." Polybius agrees, but Appian says
that he succeeded in plundering the temple.

3. ivhen he came to Ecbatane.] According to
the author of the First Book, Epiphanes after
his repulse set out for Babylon (ch. vi. 4),
but died, before reaching it, in Persia (w. 5,
16). Ecbatana would lie very far to the
north of this route.

news was brought him what had hap-
pened.] Compare 1 Mace. vi. 5-7. This
writer includes in the news the recovery of
the Temple by Maccabeus, which our author
seems to place later (ch. x. 1-3).

4. the disgrace done unto him by those that
made him flee.] I.e. his repulse from the
temple which he had tried to plunder (t>. 2).

the judgment of God now following him.]

Rather, "when the judgment of heaven was
now approaching him." The original ex-
presses the idea of the judgment being just
on the point of falling. The actual fall is
declared in the next verse.

5. the Lord Almighty^] Literally, "the
All - supervising " or " All - superintending
Lord." The author of the Book aims at
strongly impressing upon his readers God's
superintending providence and constant
watchfulness over the world, and especially
over the actions of its inhabitants. He does
not view God so much in the light of an
Almighty Being (jravroKpaTaip), able to create
worlds out of nothing and destroy them by
the breath of His mouth, as in the light of an
All-watchful Being (ivaveTvoirTrjs), constantly
supervising human life and actions, with the
special intent of bringing vengeance down
on the proud and overbearing, and shewing
mercy on the sinner who is self-abased and
penitent. (See ch. ii. 22; iii. 24-29, 38, 39;
v. 17-20; vi. 12-16; vii. 6, 23, 28, 31-36;
viii. 2-4, 18, 29, 35, &c.)

smote him ivith an incurable and invisible
plague.] It is remarkable that Polybius so
far agrees with our author as to ascribe the
death of Epiphanes to a Divine visitation
(daifiovrjaas e£e\nre tov /3i'oj/). He con-
nects the visitation, however, with the at-
tempt upon the Elymxan temple. Josephus,
not without reason, objects to this view, that
the accomplished sacrilege at Jerusalem was
more calculated to draw down the Divine
vengeance than the contemplated profanation
in Elymai's (' Ant. Jud.' xii. 9, § 1). The
author of the First Book of Maccabees con-
siders the death natural, a pining away
through grief and disappointment (ch. vi.
8-13). But it is hard to say where what is
natural ends, and what is providential begins.

a pain of the bowels, is'c] The physical

6— io.]

II. MACCABEES. IX.

603

B. c. diless came upon him, and sore tor-
CI!lL3' ments of the inner parts ;

6 And that most justly : for he
had tormented other men's bowels
with many and strange torments.

7 Howbeit he nothing at all ceased
from his bragging, but still was filled
with pride, breathing out fire in his
rage against the Jews, and command-
ing to haste the journey : but it came
to pass that he fell down from his
chariot, carried violently ; so that
having a sore fall, all the members of
his body were much pained.

8 And thus he that a little afore
thought he might command the

descriptions of our author (vv. 5-12) are
probably "evolved from his inner conscious-
ness." They receive no kind of confirmation
from any of the other accounts.

6. And that most justly.'] Here we have
the origin of the narrative. Antiochus was
made to suffer that which the Jewish writers
thought it would have been strict justice for
him to have suffered.

7. he nothing at all ceased 'from his bragging.]
Rather, " from his haughtiness."

he fell down from his chariot, carried
violently.'] This tale is probably derived
from the fact related by Granius Licinianus,
that, on its way to Antioch, his body fell
into a river, through the animals by which it
was conveyed taking fright.

all the members of his body were much
pained.] Rather, " were racked." Nemesis
required this, as he had himself racked many.

8. he that a little afore thought he might
command the waves of the sea'] See above,
ch. v. 2i. The meaning is that Epiphanes
thought himself a god upon earth. It is
certain that he allowed himself to be ad-
dressed as " God " (debs) by his subjects
(Joseph. 'A. J.' xii. 5, § 5), and assumed the
same title upon his coins (Eckhel, ' Doct.
Num.' vol. iii. p. 224.^ seqq.). How far he
himself believed in his own divinity may be a
question.

and weigh the high mountains in a balance.]
Compare Isaiah xl. 12, where God is said to
have "weighed the mountains in scales and
the hills in a balance."

cast on the ground.] See v. 7.

carried in an horselitter.] R ather, " in a
litter." It is not said that the litter was
drawn by horses ; and we may gather from
v. 10 that, at first at any rate, it was borne

waves of the sea, (so proud was he b. c.
beyond the condition of man) and C1!^3'
weigh the high mountains in a ba-
lance, was now cast on the ground,
and carried in an horselitter, shewing
forth unto all the manifest power of
God.

9 So that cthe worms rose up out* Acts 12.
of the body of this wicked man, and
whiles he lived in sorrow and pain, his

flesh fell away, and the filthiness of his
smell was noisome to all his army.

10 And the man, that thought a
little afore he could reach to the stars
of heaven, no man could endure to
carry for his intolerable stink.

on the shoulders of men. Egyptian litters
were certainly thus borne (Rawlinson, 'His-
tory of Ancient Egypt,' vol. i. p. 535), and so
was the Roman lectha.

9. the worms.] Rather, "worms." The
Greek has no article. On this form of malady,
see Herod, iv. 205 ; Plut. ' Vit. Artaxerx.' § 16 ;
Acts xii. 23.

his flesh fell away.] " Piecemeal," as
Grimm observes ; one portion of flesh at one
time, one at another. The description is
graphic, but drawn probably from the ima-
gination of the writer. Polybius gives no
hint of any such terrible end, nor is it pro-
phesied in the Book of Daniel.

the filthiness of his smell.] Compare w. 10
and 12. This would be a natural feature of
the disease described ; but the author's know-
ledge of it does not add anything to the
credibility of his narrative.

10. the man that thought . . . he could
reach to the stars of heai'en.] The idealised
king of Babylon is declared by Isaiah to have
" said in his heart, I will ascend into heaven,
I will exalt my throne above the stars of God
... I will ascend above the heights of the
clouds ; I will be like the Most High " (ch.
xiv. 13, 14).

§ 6. Antiochus humbles himself, and
promises Freedom and Favour to
the Jews.

11-17. Our author regards Antiochus as
brought to feel remorse at any rate, if not
true repentance, by his sufferings — as ac-
knowledging in them the hand of God, and
proceeding from such acknowledgment to
make four solemn promises to God on the
subject of Jerusalem and the Jews: viz.,
(a) a promise that he would make Jerusalem
a free city ; (b) a promise that he would give

604

II. MACCABEES. IX.

[v. ii — 1 6.

.B- c. ii Here therefore, being plagued,

— " he began to leave ofF his great pride,
and to come to the knowledge of
himself by the scourge of God, his
pain increasing every moment.

12 And when he himself could not
abide his own smell, he said these
words, It is meet to be subject unto
God, and that a man that is morral
should not proudly think of himself,
as if he were God.

13 This wicked person vowed also
unto the Lord, who now no more
would have mercy upon him, saying
thus.

14 That the holy city (to the which b. c.
he was going in haste, to lay it even with C1|j_i_3*
the ground, and to make it a common
buryingplace,) he would set at liberty:

15 And as touching the Jews,
whom he had judged not worthy so
much as to be buried, but to be cast
out with their children to be devoured
of the fowls and wild beasts, he would
make them all equals to the citizens

of "Athens : iOr,

16 And the holy temple, which
before he had spoiled, he would gar-
nish with goodly gifts, and restore all
the holy vessels with many more,

Antioch.

all Jews the Athenian (Antiochian ?) citizen-
ship ; (c) a promise that he would restore
the holy vessels to the Temple and re-esta-
blish the ancient worship ; and (d) a promise
that he would himself become a Jew, and go
through the world proclaiming the power of
the God of the Jews. In these statements,
and in the " letter " which follows (vv. 19-
27), we have probably exaggerations and
embellishments of the fact recorded by the
author of the First Book (ch. vi. 12, 13), that
in his last illness Epiphanes expressed regret
for his cruel treatment of the Jews, and his
desecration of the Temple.

11. being plagued.'] Rather, " being broken
in spirit."

by the scourge of God, his pain increasing
every moment.] Rather, "the pain that he
suffered through the scourge of God
increasing every moment." The " scourge
of God " is the disease that had fallen upon
him. (See v. 5.)

12. when he . . . could not abide his own
smell.] Compare vv. 9, 10.

13. the Lord, who now no more would have
mercy upon him.] It is possible to exhaust
the patience and mercy of God. " Esau found
no place for repentance, though he sought
it carefully with tears " (Heb. xii. 1 7). " W is-
dom " warns men in the Book of Proverbs :
" Because I have called, and ye have refused ;
I have stretched out my hand, and no man
regarded ; but ye have set at nought all my
counsel, and would none of my reproof; I
also will laugh at your calamity ; I will mock
when your fear cometh ; when your fear
cometh as desolation, and your destruction
cometh as a whirlwind ; when distress and
anguish cometh upon you ; then shall they
call upon me, but I will not answer; they
shall seek me early, but they shall not find
me ; for that they hated knowledge, and did

not choose the fear of the Lord ; they would
none of my counsel ; they despised all my
reproof. Therefore shall they eat of the fruit
of their own ways, and be tilled with their
own devices. For the turning away of the
simple shall slay them, and the prosperity of
fools shall destroy them" (Prov. i. 24-33).
Antiochus had reached this point. He had
provoked God beyond endurance. He had
" filled up the measure of his iniquity." No-
thing remained for him, but that " fearful
looking for of judgment and fiery indignation "
whereof the Apostle speaks to the Hebrews
(Heb. x. 27).

14. the holy city to the which he was going
in haste.] See above, vv. 5 and 7.

he would set at liberty?] I.e. restore to the
degree of freedom which it had enjoyed under
his father Seleucus (ch. iii. 1-3).

15. the Jews, whom he had judged not
worthy so much as to be buried?] This piece
of savagery is not ascribed to Epiphanes by
any other author, and cannot be accepted as
true on the unsupported authority of the
present writer.

he would make them all equals to the citizens
of Athens.] If the text is sound, we must
suppose that (in the view of the author)
Antiochus had conferred on all Athenians a
certain status, perhaps isopolity, within his
dominions, and that he now expressed the
intention of conferring a similar privilege on
the Jews. Perhaps, however, 'Adrfvaiois is a
corruption of 'Avrio^fa-i, and the privilege
now promised to all Jews is that already
granted to the people of Jerusalem (ch. iv. 9).

16. the . . . temple . . . he would garnish
with goodly gifts.] See the comment on
ch. iii. 2.

restore all the holy vessels.] See above,
ch. v. 16. The vessels had probably, long

V. 17 2 2.]

II. MACCABEES. IX.

605

39. 4°-

B. c. and ^out of his own revenue defray the
C1!1L3* charges belonging to the sacrifices :
I So Ezra ^ Yea, and that also he would
1 Mac 10. become a Jew himself, and go
through all the world that was in-
habited, and declare the power of
God.

18 But for all this his pains would
not cease : for the just judgment of
God was come upon him : therefore
despairing of his health, he wrote
unto the Jews the letter underwritten,
containing the form of a supplication,
after this manner :

19 Antiochus, king and governor,

to the good Jews his citizens wisheth b. c.
much joy, health, and prosperity : C1j^_3-

20 If ye and your children fare
well, and your affairs be to your
contentment, I give very great
thanks to God, having my hope in
heaven.

21 As for me, I was weak, or else
I would have remembered kindly
your honour and good will. Return-
ing out of Persia, and being taken
with a grievous disease, I thought it
necessary to care for the common
safety of all :

22 Not distrusting mine health,

before this, been melted down at the royal
mint, to help the king's necessities. He
might, however, have given back others like
them ; and this is perhaps what is meant.

and out of his own revenue defray the
charges.} As his father had done (ch. iii. 3).

17. he <would become a Jew himself. ~\ I.e. a
proselyte. It is extremely improbable that
Epiphanes ever expressed any such intention.

$ 7. Supposed Letter of Antiochus to
the Jewish Nation.

18-27. Jason of Gyrene had apparently an
especial liking for documents, and accepted
any that came in his way without subjecting
them to a very searching criticism. The
present " letter " is a manifest forgery ; since

(a) it is written in slipshod Greek such as
no educated Hellene would have put on paper;

(b) it gives Epiphanes a title (o-Tparrj-yos,
■" general ") which he would never have con-
descended to take ; (c) it makes Epiphanes say
that he had often visited the inland provinces,
whereas he only visited them once; (</) it
speaks of his having committed the care of
his son to the Jews during these frequent
absences ! (V) it represents Eupator as grown
up, whereas he was certainly no more than
twelve years old at his father's death.

18. containing the form of a supplication.']
Rather, "bearing the character of a
supplication " — written, i.e., in the tone, not
of a harsh master, but of a timid supplicant.
See especially v. 26.

19. Antiochus, king and governor^] Rather,
" king and general." It is not likely that any
Syro-Macedonian king would have added the
poor title of " general " to the grand one of
" king." Such an addition is not made in any

of the other letters ascribed to the Seleucidas.
(See 1 Mace. x. 18, 25; xi. 30, 32 ; xiii. 36;
2 Mace. xi. 22, 27, &c.)

to the good Jews.} An improbable piece of
flattery.

his citizens.'] They were not yet, except
the Jews of Jerusalem, "citizens." Anti
ochus had only promised to make them such.
(See v. 15.)

wisheth much joy, health, and prosperity.]
This form is quite unusual. It combines
the Greek xaipeiu with the Latin "salutem
dat," and adds to them a third good wish,
not found elsewhere in salutations of the
time and country.

20. If ye . . . fare well.] This Latinism
is scarcely likely to have been used by the
Syro-Macedonian kings. It is taken from
the ordinary " S. V. B. E. E. Q^ V." (Com-
pare ch. xi. 28.)

having my hope in hearven?i The use of
" Heaven " for " God," common in the Hel-
lenistic Greek of the period (1 Mace. iii. 18,
60 ; iv. 10, 55, &c), is not in accordance with
the classical Greek idiom.

21. As for me, I was weak, or else.] There
is no " or else " in the original, which is ab-
solutely ungrammatical and gives no sense.
To produce a sense, either ei ^7 must be
inserted before daOevas, or aXXcos yap before
iifiuiv.

I would have remembered . . . your honour.]
I.e. the honour in which you have held me.

Returning out of Persia.] Literally, " out
of the regions about Persia" — the same ex-
pression as that used in v. 1.

22. Not distrusting mine health.] Grimm
finds a contradiction between this statement
and that oft'. 18, that Antiochus wrote the
letter because he " despaired of his health."

6o6

II. MACCABEES. IX.

[v. 23—27.

B- c. but having great hope to escape this

cir. 163. . , & 6 r r

— sickness.

23 But considering that even my
father, at what time he led an armv
into the high countries, appointed a
successor,

24 To the end that, if any thing
fell out contrary to expectation, or
if any tidings were brought that were
grievous, they of the land, knowing
to whom "the state was left, might

man jo

affairs, not be troubled :

25 Again, considering how that
the princes that are borderers and

neighbours unto my kingdom wait for
opportunities, and expect what shall
be the event, I have appointed my
son Antiochus king, whom I often
committed and commended unto
many of you, when I went up into
the high provinces ; to whom I have
written as followeth :

26 Therefore I pray and request
you to remember the benefits that I
have done unto you generally, and
in special, and that every man will be
still faithful to me and my son.

27 For I am persuaded that he

PC.

cir. 163.

But it is conceivable that he might really
despair of it, yet wish the Jews to think
otherwise.

to escape this sickness.] Rather, " to escape
from this sickness " — i.e. to survive it, recover
from it.

23. my father!] Antiochus III., known
as "the Great" (Appian, 'Syriac' § 65).
In the year B.C. 187 this monarch made a
journey into the eastern provinces for the
purpose of collecting treasure, and, having
entered Elyma'fs, attempted to plunder a rich
temple of Belus, but was met with armed
resistance by the natives, who overpowered
his attendants, and slew the king himself.
(See the comment on ch. i. 17.) It is quite
possible that he may have "appointed a
successor" before starting on his expedi-
tion ; but we have no confirmation of our
author's statement on this point by any other
authority.

the high countries.'] Literally, "the upper
regions" — i.e. those at a distance from the
Syrian sea-coast. (Compare the expression
7) ava 'A0-U7, so common in Herodotus.)

appointed a successor.] The practice was
common in the East, and was followed by
Cyrus (Herod, i. 208), by Alyattes (ib. i. 92),
by Darius (ib. vii. 3), and many others. A
monarch was regarded as entitled to make a
selection from among his grown-up sons, and,
if no son were grown up, might either name
a regent or pass the crown on to a brother.
In practice, the law of primogeniture was,
for the most part, respected.

24. if anything fell out . . . grievous.] A
long periphrasis is preferred to a direct men-
tion of the calamity intended, viz. the king's
death, which it was of evil omen to mention.
The euphemism is in entire accordance
with Oriental practice.

25. Jgain.] Rather, "And further."

the princes that are borderers and neighbours
unto my kingdom.] Rather, " the princes that
are borderers, and the (other) neighbours
unto my kingdom." The " princes " intended
are probably Ptolemy Philometor, Attalus of
Pergamus, and Ariarathesof Cappadocia; the
" other neighbours," the Jews themselves, the
Arab tribes, the Idumaeans, Moabites, &c.
All would be on the look-out for an oppor-
tunity to aggrandise themselves, if internal
troubles should break out in Syria on the
death of the king.

I have appointed my son Antiochus king.]
Compare 1 Mace. vi. 15. The nomination
was necessary in order to give Eupator any
title to the throne, since the legitimate heir
was Demetrius, son of Seleucus Callinicus,
the elder brother of Epiphanes, who was not
of age to mount the throne at his father's
death, but was now grown to manhood.

whom I often committed and commended unto
many of you!] Literally, "to most of you."
The " committal " of the young heir to the
special guardianship of the Jews, is a fiction
of a very barefaced character. The assertion
that such a committal had taken place " often "
is a further indication of the recklessness and
ignorance of the writer. (See the comment
on w. 18-27.)

to whom I have written as followeth.] We
must suppose that a second letter, addressed
to Eupator, was originally appended to the
existing document (vv. 19-27), but that this
was omitted, either by Jason of Cyrene,or by
our author.

26. I pray . . .you to remember the benefits!]
It is perhaps not wholly absurd for Epiphanes
to be made to speak of his " benefits " to the
Jewish people. He would consider the
Antiochene citizenship which he had conferred
on the inhabitants of Jerusalem (ch. iv. 9), and
perhaps even the permission to set up a gym-
nasium (ibid.), as " benefits."

v. 28 — 29.]

II. MACCABEES. IX. X.

607

B. c. ' understanding my mind will favour-
cir^i63- akjy an(j graci0usly yield to your

following, desires.

28 Thus the murderer and blas-
phemer having suffered most griev-
ously, as he entreated other men, so

tdied he a miserable death in a strange
country in the mountains.

29 And Philip, that was brought

27. understanding my mind.] Rather,
•carrying out my intention."

iv'tll favourably and graciously yield to your
desires.'] Literally, "will deal with you
graciously and lovingly." The author of the
letter would scarcely have made Epiphanes
pledge himself so positively as to his son's
system of government, had he remembered
that Eupator was at his father's death, at
most, twelve years of age. Appian says nine
(' Syriac' § 45).

§ 8. Death of Epiphanes and Flight
of Philip to Egypt.

28, 29. The death of Epiphanes in Persia
is a certain fact. The author of the First
Book tells us that, previously to his decease,
he appointed Philip, one of his "friends,"
regent of the kingdom, and guardian of his
son Eupator (ch. vi. 1 4, 1 5). Philip conducted
the Syro-Macedonian army from Tabs, where
Epiphanes died, to Antioch (ibid. 55, 56).
He no doubt brought with him the body of
the king. At Antioch he was well received
and possessed himself of the government
(ibid. 63), but was unable to take charge of
Eupator, who was absent from the city, with
Lysias in Judaea. Lysias, on learning what
had happened, patched up a peace with Judas
Maccabaeus, and marched rapidly against
Philip, whom he besieged in Antioch. After
a short siege, he took the city by storm ; but
it is possible that Philip had previously quitted
it and escaped to Egypt.

28. the murderer and blasphemer?] Com-
pare ch. v. 12-21 ; vi. 1-8, &c.

as he entreated other men.] See above, v. 6.

in the mountains?] Here the writer has got
hold of a true tradition. Tabs, where Epi-
phanes died, was in Elymais, a portion of the
mountainous Zagros region, which separates
the high plateau of Persia from the Mesopo-
tamian lowland. The writer's object in men-
tioning the fact is (as Grimm notes) rhetorical
rather than geographic. He means to say,
" This great king died, not in a royal palace,
not in a luxurious city, but in a wild and
lonesome tract, far from the haunts of civilised
men."

up with him, carried away his body, B. c.
who also fearing the son of Antio- C'LL3"
chus went into Egypt to Ptolemeus
Philometor.

CHAPTER X.

I Judas recoveretk the city, and purifieth the
temple. 14 Gorgias vexeth the Jews. 16
Judas ivinncth their holds. 29 Timothais
and his men are discomfited. 35 Gazara is
taken, and Timothcus slain.

29. Philip.] Compare 1 Mace. vi. 14, 55,
63. Some critics regard him as identical
with "Philip the Phrygian" (2 Mace. v. 22),
whom Epiphanes made governor of Jeru-
salem ; but this is scarcely probable. Philip
the Phrygian was governor of Jerusalem at
the time of the expedition of Gorgias and
Nicanor (ch. viii. 8); Philip the regent had
probably accompanied Epiphanes into Ar-
menia and Persia previously.

carried away his body.] I.e. " took it with
him," to give it honourable burial at Antioch.
The meaning, " buried it," or " caused it to
be buried," which Grimm suggests, is un-
supported by any parallel passage.

twho also fearing the son of Antiochus went
into Egypt.] It is very questionable whether
this passage has any historical value. Our
author's statements, when unsupported, must
be accepted or rejected, according to their
internal probability. Now, it is clear that
Philip could not have "feared" Eupator,
whose legal protector he had been consti-
tuted, until he found, on returning to
Antioch, that Lysias was in possession of the
boy's person, and was prepared to maintain
that he, and not Philip, was the rightful
regent. Possibly he may then have gone
by sea from Antioch to Alexandria, in the
hope of obtaining aid from Philometor ; but
to quit the capital would, under the circum-
stances, have been a great risk, and one
which he is scarcely likely to have incurred
on the faint hope of getting Ptolemy to help
him. Or, again, he may, after the siege was
begun, have escaped from the town and made
his way to Egypt, where Ptolemy may have
given him refuge. We have to set against
this, however, the positive statement of
Josephus (' Ant. Jud.' xii. 9, § 7), that he was
made prisoner at the capture of the city, and
put to death by Lysias.

CHAPTER X.

§ 9. Recovery of the Temple by Ju-
das, and Restoration of the Jewish
Worship. Institution of the Feast
of the Dedication.

1-9. The present writer does not fix the
exact date of the recovery of the Temple,

6o8

II. MACCABEES. X.

[v- i— 5-

b. c. t64. "XT OW Maccabeus and his com-
± \| pany, the Lord guiding them,
recovered the temple and the city :

2 But the altars which the hea-
then had built in the open street,
and also the chapels, they pulled
down.

3 And having cleansed the tem-
" i Mac. pie "they made another altar, and

striking stones they took fire out of
them, and offered a sacrifice after two
years, and set forth incense, and
lights, and shewbread.

4 When that was done, they fell

besought the Lord B- c- ,64

4- 47

flat down, and

that they might come no more into
such troubles ; but if they sinned
any more against him, that he him-
self would chasten them with mercy,
and that they might not be delivered
unto the blasphemous and barbarous
nations.

5 Now b upon the same day that * i Mac.
the strangers profaned the temple, 4' 5
on the very same day it was cleansed
again, even the five and twentieth
day of the same month, which is
Casleu.

which, however, we know from the First
Book (ch. iv. 28) to have occurred in B.C. 164.
Antiochus died in B.C. 163. Thus, there is a
departure from chronological order in chs. ix.
and x., the first section of ch. x. (vv. 1-8)
belonging to a time anterior to any of the
events related in ch. ix. This dislocation
does not arise from ignorance on the part of
our author, since he not only (in ch. x. 9)
states that the recovery took place within the
lifetime of Epiphanes, but (in ch. viii. 31)
gives an indication that he knew of Jerusalem,
or a part of it, being in possession of the
patriots before the illness of Epiphanes began.
His object in departing from chronological
order seems to have been rhetorical. He
wished to conclude the second portion of his
narrative with the grand event of Judas's
earlier career — the recovery of the Temple
from the hands of the heathen, and its re-
dedication to the worship of the true God.

1. Maccabeus . . . recovered the temple and
the city.] This is an over-statement. All that
Judas recovered was the Temple and such
part of the city as stood upon the Temple
hill. The remainder, including all the build-
ings upon the western hill, which was the
main city, continued in the possession of the
Syro- Macedonians until the time of Simon,
Avhose great glory it was that he drove out
the heathen from it, and completed the re-
covery of Jerusalem. (See 1 Mace. iv.
41-60; vi. 18-26; xiii. 49-51 ; xiv. 36.)

2. the altars •which the heathen had built
in the open street.] Rather, " in the market-
place." It was the custom of the Greeks to
have numerous altars to different gods in
various parts of their cities. Some of these
may have been erected in the agora of the
eastern city. (Compare 1 Mace. i. 47, 54.)

and also the chapels.] Rather, " the sacred
enclosures." Compare the comment on
1 Mace. i. 47.

3. having cleansed the temple.] See 1
Mace. iv. 43.

they made another altar.] The old altar of
burnt offering having been polluted by having
an idolatrous altar erected on the top of it
(1 Mace. i. 54), it was thought best to pull
it down, and build a new one with unhewn
stones, in accordance with Ex. xx. 25. (See
the fuller narrative of the cleansing in 1 Mace.
iv. 41-51.)

and striking stones they took fire out of them.]
The author of the First Book omits this
characteristic feature. It was quite in ac-
cordance with the spirit of the command to
build the altar of rough natural stones, the
idea being that nature was unpolluted, while
everything with which man had come into
contact had more or less of pollution attach-
ing to it. We may well accept our author's
statement in this place, contradictory as it is
to the tale told in ch. i. 18-36, as "the simple
historical account" of the matter (Stanley,
'Lectures on the Jewish Church,' vol. iii.
p. 311).

after two years.] This is a mistake. The
exact dates of the First Book (1 Mace. i. 54 ;
iv. 52) shew three years to have elapsed be-
tween the desecration of the Temple by Epi-
phanes and its purification by Maccabasus.

incense, and lights, and shewbread.] Com-
pare 1 Mace. iv. 50, 51.

4. they . . . besought the Lord . . . that he
himself would chasten them.] So David, when
given his choice of punishments (2 Sam. xxiv.
14).

blasphemous and barbarous nations.] See
the comment on ch. ii. 21. The cruelties of
the Syro- Macedonians might well justify the
epithet "barbarous" (ch. v. 12-14, 24-26;
vi. 10, 11, 18-31 ; vii. 3-40, &c).

5. upon the same day.] Compare 1 Mace
i. 59 ; iv. 52-54. Judas, no doubt, intentionally
arranged this exact correspondence, in order
that the sense of national humiliation should
be swallowed up in that of joy and triumph,
when the fated dav came round.

v. 6 — ii.]

II. MACCABEES. X.

609

B.C. 164. 6 cAnd they kept eight days with

cxTiIc. gladness, as in the feast of the taber-

4"s6, nacles, remembering that not long

afore they had held the feast of the

tabernacles, when as they wandered

in the mountains and dens like beasts.

7 Therefore they bare branches,

and fair boughs, and palms also, and

sang psalms unto him that had given

them good success in cleansing his

Mac Place-

3. 8 ^They ordained also by a com-

mon statute and decree, That every b. c. 164.
year those days should be kept of the
whole nation of the Jews.

9 And this was the end of Antio- B. c. 163.
chus, called Epiphanes.

10 Now will we declare the acts
of Antiochus Eupator, who was the
son of this wicked man, gathering
briefly the calamities of the wars.

1 1 So when he was come to the
crown, he set one Lysias over the
affairs of his realm, and appointed

6. they kept eight days.'] See the comment
on 1 Mace. iv. 56.

as in the feast of the tabernacles.'] See the
next verse, and compare Joseph. 'Ant. J ud.'
xii. 7, § 7; xiii. 13, § 5.

not long afore they had held the feast of the
tabernacles.] The Feast of Tabernacles was
celebrated on the fifteenth day of the month
Tisri, or rather from the fifteenth day to the
twenty-second, about three months previously
to the twenty-fifth of Casleu, or Chisleu.
The similarity in the observances customary
at the two feasts led to their being known
respectively as " the Tabernacle Feast of the
Autumn," and " the Tabernacle Feast of the
Winter." (See the comment on 1 Mace. iv.

59-)

they wandered in the mountains and dens
like beasts.} Compare ch. v. 27. The writer
seems to forget that the patriots had long
since issued from their fastnesses, and made
themselves masters of towns and villages
(ch. viii. 6), and become a power in the land
(ibid. 16-32).

7. they bare branches, and fair boughs, and
palms also.] Compare Neh. viii. 15. They
made the Feast of the Dedication a sort of
supplement to that of Tabernacles, which had
no doubt been celebrated under difficulties,
while the campaign against Gorgias and
Nicanor was going on, and had been shorn
of some of its customary rites.

8. They ordained also by a common statute
and decree.] See 1 Mace. iv. 59. The festival
continued to be celebrated in the time of
our Lord's ministry (John x. 22), and indeed
was only discontinued when the Temple was
finally destroyed.

9. this iv as the end of Antiochus, called
Epiphanes!] Rather, "And thus ended the
reign of Antiochus, who was called Epi-
phanes." The writer does not refer to the
circumstances of Epiphanes' death, but simply
notes that this is the point in his narrative
where the reign of Epiphanes ends and that
of Eupator begins. It is also the point where

Apoc. — Vol. II.

the Third Portion of his work ends, and the
Fourth Portion begins.

PART IV.

THE WAR OF JUDAS WITH ANTIOCHUS
EUPATOR.

§ i. Lysias succeeds Ptolemy Macron
as Governor of Ccele-Syria and
Phoenicia.

10-13. In accordance with his idea that
Eupator was grown to manhood at his father's
death, and had the actual direction of affairs
(see the comment on ch. ix. 18-27), the
writer represents him as selecting Lysias for
high office, and assigning him a certain com-
mand. In reality, Lysias had been left at the
head of affairs in Syria by Epiphanes, when
he departed for the East (1 Mace. iii. 32-38)
and had been made Eupator's guardian
(v. 33). When Epiphanes died, Eupator was
at the most twelve years old, and was a mere
puppet in the hands of the regent. Lysias pro-
claimed him, and ruled in his name (1 Mace.
vi. 17), but kept all power in his own hands
(ibid. 53-60). It is not likely that he held at
any time so subordinate an office as that of
"governor of Ccele-Syria and Phoenicia:"
and if Ptolemy was at this time superseded,
it cannot have been with the object of Lysias
taking his place.

10. Antiochus Eupator!] On the name and
reign of this prince, see Appian, ' Syriaca,'
§45;— Polyb. xxxi. i2,§7; 19, § 2;— Porphyr.
ap. Euseb. ' Chron. Can.' Part i. 40, §15, Sec.
His age at his father's death, according to
Appian, was nine; according to Porphyry,
twelve.

gathering briefly the calamities of the avars.]
Compare above, ch. ii. 31, where the author
promises " brevity."

11. he set one Lysias over the affairs of his
realm.] It has been noted above, that Lysias
was placed in power, not by Eupator, but by
Epiphanes, and that the boy Eupator was a
puppet in his hands. Lvsias is strangely intro-

2 R.

6io

II. MACCABEES. X.

[v. 12—15.

B. c. i6j. him chief governor of Celosyria and
Phenice.

12 For Ptolemeus, that was called
Macron, choosing rather to do jus-
tice unto the Jews for the wrong
that had been done unto them,
endeavoured to continue peace with
them.

13 Whereupon being accused of
the king's friends before Eupator, and
called traitor at every word, because

he had left Cyprus, that Philometor b. c. 163
had committed unto him, and departed
to Antiochus Epiphanes, "and seeing no r,and\
that he was in no honourable place, "°tg%*r'
he was so discouraged, that he ^o\- a"t!^r'ty\
soned himself and died. cometha

Br /~i ■ nobleman'.

ut when Cjrorgias was gover-
nor of the "holds, he hired soldiers, lOr,
and nourished war continually with/^a'l
the Jews :

15 And therewithal the Idumeans,

duced in this place as " one Lysias," or " a
certain Lysias" (Avo-iav ripa), an expression
which commonly denotes obscurity of birth
and condition. Lysias was in fact, as the
writer very well knew (ch. xi. 1), a member
of the royal family, and one of the most dis-
tinguished persons in the kingdom. He was
the actual ruler of Syria for above three years,
from the departure of Antiochus for the East
in B.C. 166-5, to his own destruction by De-
metrius in B.C. 162-1. He is mentioned as
regent of Syria by Appian, Polybius, Livy,
and Porphyry. (See the comment on 1 Mace,
iii. 32.)

12. Ptolemeus, that was called Macron.~\
Evidently the same with the Ptolemeus
mentioned as "governor of Coelesyria and
Phcenice " in ch. viii. 8, and therefore probably
the same as "Ptolemee, son of Dorymenes"
(1 Mace. iii. 38 ; 2 Mace. iv. 45, 46).

choosing rather to do justice unto the Jews.]
It has been made an argument against
the identification of Ptolemy Macron with
Ptolemy the son of Dorymenes (Grimm),
that the latter was ill-disposed to the Jews
(2 Mace. vi. 8), while the former favoured
them. But there is no difficulty in conceiving
that a better acquaintance with the nation
may have induced the governor of Ccele-
Syria and Phoenicia to change his policy.

for the wrong that had been done unto
them.] The wrong done was such as might
well have called forth the pity of a conscien-
tious heathen. (See ch. v. 12-26; vi. 1-11,
18-31 ; vii. 1-41, &c.)

endeavoured to continue peace with them.']
Rather, "endeavoured to manage his
dealings with them peaceably." Ptolemy
thought that the policy of war and violence
hitherto pursued was wrong, and recom-
mended a complete change. He would have
had all the matters in dispute arranged by
negotiation and diplomacy.

13. being accused of the kings friends.~\
The simplest translation would be — "by his
friends;" but as this is unlikely, we may
perhaps accept the gloss of our translators,
who have regarded "the friends" as "the

king's friends" — i.e. the courtiers of the first
rank, who bore that title. (See 1 Mace. ii.
18; iii. 38; vi. 28; vii. 8; x. 20, 60, 65, &c.)

before Eupator.] Formally, the boy king
may have presided at the investigation ; but
the real judge of the cause must have been
Lysias.

because he had left Cyprus, <b'c] See
Polyb. xxvii. n. Ptolemy Macron had been
appointed governor of Cyprus by Philometor,
but in the campaign of B.C. 169 had deserted
his cause, and made the island over to Epi-
phanes. It was hard that he should be taxed
with treachery by the side to which he had
deserted.

and departed.] Rather, "and gone over."

§ 2. gorgias, in conjunction with the
idumjeans, makes war upon judas.
Successes of Judas.
14-23. We seem here to have an account,
given with some detail, of the Idumaean war
briefly touched on by the writer of the First
Book in ch. v. 2, 3. We learn from the
present passage that Gorgias had a share in
the operations, which however were chiefly
in the Idumaean country, where Judas made
himself master of various strongholds, and put
to death their garrisons. It is impossible to
accept our author's numbers, in <w. 17, 23;
but we may gather from his statements that the
Maccabee leader acted during the campaign
with great severity, both towards the enemy
and towards those of his own party who were
inclined to leniency. (See w. 20-22.)

14. when Gorgias was governor of the
holds.] Gorgias had been previously men-
tioned as " a captain of great experience," and
as joined with Nicanor in the campaign of
B.C. 165 (ch. viii. 9). The active part which
he took in that campaign appears from
1 Mace. iv. 1-5, 18-22.

he hired soldiers.] I.e. " he collected a force
of mercenaries." Compare what is said of
Lysias in 1 Mace. iv. 35.

15. And therewithal the Idumeans.] Rather,
"And in conjunction with him the
Idumceans also."

l6 21.]

II. MACCABEES. X.

611

13. C. 163. having gotten into their hands the
most commodious holds, kept the
Jews occupied, and receiving those
that were banished from Jerusalem,
they went about to nourish war.

16 Then they that were with
Maccabeus made supplication, and
besought God that he would be
their helper ; and so they ran with
violence upon the strong holds of the
Idumeans,

17 And assaulting them strongly,
they won the holds, and kept off all
that fought upon the wall, and slew
all that fell into their hands, and
killed no fewer than twenty thousand.

18 And because certain, who were
no less than nine thousand, were

fled together into two very strong b. c. 163,
castles, having all manner of things
convenient to sustain the siege,

19 Maccabeus left Simon and Jo-
seph, and Zaccheus also, and them
that were with him, who were enough
to besiege them, and departed him-
self unto those places which more
needed his help.

20 Now "they that were with Si- » Or,
mon, being led with covetousness,
were persuaded for money through
certain of those that were in the
castle, and took seventy thousand
drachms, and let some of them es-
cape.

21 But when it was told Macca-
beus what was done, he called the

having gotten into their hands the most com-
modious holds.~\ Rather, "being masters
of certain commodious strongholds." It is
not implied that they had recently taken these
holds, but only that they were in possession
of them.

receiving those that ivere banished from
Jerusalem. J It was a natural consequence of
the recovery of the Temple hill by Judas,
that a number of those Jews whom he found
established there should be expelled from their
homes and driven to seek a refuge elsewhere.
They would be necessarily Jews of the
Hellenizing party, whose continued presence
within the recovered portion of the city would
be a danger. Compare the exodus of the
inhabitants from the western city, when it
was taken by Simon (1 Mace. xiii. 50).

16. ran with violence.'] Rather, "marched
hastily."

17. kept off all that fought upon the wall.]
Rather, "repulsed" them, "drove them
back."

slew all that fell into their hands.~\ Rather,
"all with whom they fell in." It is not
intended that there was a massacre of pri-
soners in cold blood, but that the soldiers of
Judas, when they burst into each town,
killed every one whom they found in the
streets. Their proceedings were in accord-
ance with the barbarous usage of the time.

and killed no fewer than twenty thousand.]
This number is quite incredible, and may be
confidently regarded as one of our author's
many exaggerations. " Twenty thousand "
recurs too frequently in his estimates to have
any historical value. (See ch. viii. 9, 30 ; ch.
X. 23, 31.)

18. certain, who ivere no less than nine
thousand, were fed . . . into two . . . castles.]
Rather, "into two towers." Nine hundred
would be a more probable number than " nine
thousand " for " two towers " to receive and
shelter.

19. Simon and Joseph, and Zaccheus.] "Si-
mon " is, no doubt, the elder brother of Judas
(1 Mace. ii. 3), whom Judas commonly made
his second in command (1 Mace. v. 20, 55 ;
2 Mace. viii. 22). "Joseph "is probably, as
in ch. viii. 22, the eldest son of the family,
whose real name was " Joannan," or John
(1 Mace. ii. 2). Zaccheus is otherwise un-
known.

20. they that were with Simon.] The ordi-
nary meaning of the phrase used is " Simon and
his friends ;" but it would seem to have here
a narrower meaning, and to designate strictly
" those who were about Simon," i.e. his
chief officers. They may have acted without
his authority or knowledge.

in the castle.] Rather, " in the castles" or
"towers."

seventy thousand drachms.] About 2840/.
At the ordinary rate of a mina for a man,
this sum should have ransomed 700 persons.

21. when it was told Maccabeus.] Judas,
having returned from the expedition glanced
at in v. 19, learnt what had been done in his
absence. He appears to have been greatly
angered. To spare the lives of enemies given
by God into his hand he regarded as inexcus-
able, since it was an endangering of the lives
of Israelites, whom the escapea" enemies
might afterwards kill in battle. He therefore
determined to visit the offence with exemplary
punishment.

he called the governors of the people to-

2 R 2

6ii

II. MACCABEES. X.

[v. 2 2 27.

B. c. 163. governors of the people together, and
accused those men, that they had sold
their brethren for money, and set their
enemies free to rl^ht against them.

22 So he slew those that were
found traitors, and immediately took
the two castles.

23 And having good success with
his weapons in all things he took In
hand, he slew in the two holds more
than twenty thousand.

' 1 Mac. 24 Now Timotheus, e whom the
Jews had overcome before, when he
had gathered a great multitude of
foreign forces, and horses out of Asia
not a few, came as though he would
take Jewry by force of arms.

5- 6, 7.

25 But when he drew near, "they b. c. 163.
that were with Maccabeus turned 11 Or,
themselves to pray unto God, and fe"s%'nd
sprinkled earth upon their heads, they thai
and girded their loins with sack- him.
cloth,

26 And fell down at the foot of
the altar, and besought him to be
merciful to them, and to be /an/'Exod-

. . . 23- 22-

enemy to their enemies, and an ad- i->eut.

3 1 • 1 • u 28. 7.

versary to their adversaries, as the
law declareth.

27 So after the prayer they took
their weapons, and went on further
from the city : and when they drew
near to their enemies, they kept by
themselves.

gether.] Rather, "the leaders of the
people ;" who, when the people were engaged
in a campaign, would be their officers.

and accused those men.] The men had a
formal trial. Judas was not the judge, but
the prosecutor. They were condemned by
their peers.

they had sold their brethren for money.'] See
•v. 20.

23. he slew in the two holds more than
twenty thousand.] Compare the comment
on -v. 17; and remark, that 9,000 only are
said to have taken refuge in the towers
(v. 18); that a certain number of these had
been allowed to escape (v. 20): yet that at
the final assault the slain are, as in the strong-
holds previously captured (v. 17), "twenty
thousand " !

§ 3. Campaign against Timotheus. His
supposed Death.

24-38. This campaign of Judas against
Timotheus is probably the one briefly de-
scribed in 1 Mace. v. 6-8, which terminates,
like this, with the capture of a " Jazar " or
" Gazara." It is true that this campaign
begins near Jerusalem (yv. 26, 27), while that
of the First Book is wholly in the Ammonite
country; but we may reconcile the two
narratives by supposing an omission of the
earlier circumstances of the campaign by the
author of 1 Mace, and an imperfect know-
ledge of the geographical data on the part of
the present writer. Timotheus may have begun
by invading Judaea and threatening Jerusalem,
but may afterwards have withdrawn across
the Jordan, whither Judas may have pursued
him.

24. Timotheus, whom the Jews had over-
come before.] See above, ch. viii. 30. The

author of the First Book makes no mention of
this earlier defeat.

foreign forces.] By " foreign forces " the
writer means " hired mercenaries." On the
employment of such troops by the Syro-
Macedonians, see 1 Mace. iv. 35; 2 Mace.
x. 14.

horses out of Asia not a few.] To mount
a portion of his mercenaries, Gorgias pur-
chased horses in various parts of Asia, as (pro-
bably) Media, Armenia, and perhaps Persia.
The Median horses were especially famous.

25. they that were with Maccabeus . . .
sprinkled earth upon their heads.] It was
more usual to sprinkle ashes upon the head
(2 Sam. xiii. 19; Job ii. 8, 12; Jonah iii. 6;
Lam. ii. 10) ; but, if ashes were not at hand,
earth was used (1 Sam. iv. 12; 2 Sam. i. 2,
xv. 32 ; Neh. ix. 1 ; 1 Mace. xi. 71, &e).

26. fell down at the foot of the altar.]
This shews that Judas and his army were at
Jerusalem, at the time when Timotheus in-
vaded Judaea, and " drew near " to them.

and besought him.] I.e. " besought God, "
before whose altar they had prostrated them-
selves.

as the law declareth.] See Ex. xxiii. 2 2 :
" I will be an enemy unto thine enemies, and
an adversary unto thine adversaries."

27. after the prayer they . . . went on further
from the city.] Rather, " they went on a long
distance from the city "—across the Jordan
into the country of the Ammonites, according
to the author of the First Book (ch. v. 6).
Timotheus had probably found that he could
not attack the newly-fortified Temple hill
(ib. iv. 60) with any prospect of success, and,
after threatening it for a while, had removed
into the Transjordanic territory.

V. 28— 3 2. J

II. MACCABEES. X.

613

E- c. i63. 28 Now the sun being newly
risen, they joined both together ; the
one part having together with their
virtue their refuge also unto the Lord
'Or, for a l! pledge of their success and
^sunty. victory : the other side making their
rage leader of their battle.

29 But when the battle waxed
*" Seech, strong, £ there appeared unto the

enemies from heaven five comely
men upon horses, with bridles of
gold, and two of them led the Jews,

30 And took Maccabeus betwixt

them, and covered him on every side b. C. 163.
with their weapons, and kept him
safe, but shot arrows and lightnings
against the enemies : so that being
confounded with blindness, and full
of trouble, they were killed.

31 And there were slain of footmen
twenty thousand and five hundred,
and six hundred horsemen.

32 As for Timotheus himself, he
fled into a very strong hold, called
Gazara, where Chereas was gov-
ernor.

they kept by themselves.] I.e. " they halted "
— they did not at once engage the enemy, but
encamped at a little distance.

28. Now the sun, <£jv.] Translate, " and
when the sun was newly risen, both sides
advanced to the attack." Each army was
equally eager to attack the other— there was
a simultaneous advance.

their refuge . . . unto the Lord.] I.e. the fact
that they had resorted to God, and cast all
their care upon Him (see v. 23). This act of
faith wrought in them a confidence of success,
which had a supernatural foundation. Their
adversaries were animated by mere natural
courage and high spirit {6vfi6s).

29. <iv hen the battle waxed strong. ~] Rather,
" waxed fierce " — i.e. when both sides fought
bravely, and neither had any advantage over
the other.

there appeared unto the enemies from heaven
five comely men.'] Compare ch. ii. 25, 26.
The interference of angelic beings in the com-
bats of men upon earth was widely credited
in antiquity. Ares and Aphrodite took a
prominent part in the battles under the walls
of Troy (Horn. ' 11.' v. 840-63). A celestial
warrior fought on the Greek side at Marathon,
and carried dismay into the ranks of the Per-
sians (Herod, vi. 117). When Delphi was
attacked, two local demigods aided the
Greeks who defended it, and put the assailants
to flight (ibid. viii. 38, 39). At the battle of the
Regillus Castor and Pollux lent their assist-
ance to the Romans, and were mainly instru-
mental in securing them the victory (Dion. Hal.
vi. 12). Such stories are poetic embodiments
of beliefs entertained by the combatants, that
they enjoyed supernatural protection. Our
author is a firm believer in the reality of his
apparitions. (See ch. iii. 25, 26, 33, 34 : xi. 8.)

upon horses.] So the adversary of Helio-
dorus (ch. iii. 25), and the angel who assisted
Maccabaeus (ch. xi. 8).

with bridles of gold.] The horse on which

the adversary of Heliodorus sat had complete
harness of gold ; the angelic assistant of
Judas was clothed in a panoply of gold. So,
in the Revelation of St. John, the "seven
angels " have " their breasts girded with
golden girdles " (ch. xv. 6). Gold is assigned
to angels on account of its purity, beauty,
and value.

two of them.] Literally, " the two " — i.e.
" the principal two," whose chief business it
was to protect Judas. (See the next verse.)

30. covered him on every side with their
weapons.] Literally, " with their panoplies."

shot arrows and lightnings.] Employed
against the enemy both human and divine
weapons. So the deities who protected the
temple of Delphi not only brought a storm
of thunder and lightning upon the invaders
(Herod, vii. 37), but also slew the hindmost
of them, as they fled away, with spear and
sword (ibid. 38).

being confounded with blindness.] Blindness
was inflicted on Epizelus, according to the
legend, by the near presence of the angelic
warrior at Marathon (Herod, vi. 117). Here,
however, the blindness is probably intended
to have followed from the flashes of lightning.

31. there were slain . . . twenty thousand
and five hundred.] An unusual affectation of
exactness. The writer may have begun to
suspect that he will not be believed, if he
always makes the number of those slain in a
battle exactly 20,000 (ch. viii. 30; x. 17, 23).

32. a very strong hold, called Gazara.]
Not the "Gazara" of 1 Mace. xiii. 53; xiv.
34 ; xvi. 1, 19, 20, which was in the Shefelah,
six miles east of Ekron (see the comment on
1 Mace. iv. 15), but the " Jazer," or Gazara,
of the Transjordanic region, which was twelve
or thirteen miles north of Heshbon, in the
country assigned to Gad by Moses (Num.
xxxii. 35). Compare 1 Mace. v. 8, and the
comment ad loc.

where Chereas was governor.] Chereas, or

614

II. MACCABEES. X. XI.

[v- 33"

B. c.163. 33 But they that were with Mac-
cabeus laid siege against the fortress
courageously four days.

34 And they that were within,
trusting to the strength of the place,
blasphemed exceedingly, and uttered
wicked words.

35 Nevertheless upon the fifth
day early twenty young men of
Maccabeus' company, inflamed with
anger because of the blasphemies,
assaulted the wall manly, and with a
fierce courage killed all that they met
withal.

36 Others likewise ascending after
them, whiles they were busied with
them that were within, burnt the
towers, and kindling fires burnt the
blasphemers alive ; and others broke

open the gates, and, having receiv- B.C. 163
ed in the rest of the army, took the
city,

37 And killed Timotheus, that
was hid in a certain pit, and Chereas
his brother, with Apollophanes.

38 When this was done, they
praised the Lord with psalms and
thanksgiving, who had done so great
things for Israel, and given them the
victory.

CHAPTER XL

3 Lysias, /kinking to get Jerusalem, 8 is put to
flight. 16 The letters of Lysias to the Jews :
22 of the king unto Lysias, 27 and to the
Jews : 34 of the Romans to the Jews.

NOT long after this, Lysias the
king's "protector and cousin, ;: Gr.
who also managed the affairs, took '

rather Chagreas, is said in v. 37 to have been
a brother of Timotheus. He is known to us
only through the present writer.

33. courageously.'] Rather, "gladly," "joy-
fully " — confident, as it would seem, that the
siege would not be a long one.

34. they that <were in i thin . . . blasphemed
exceedingly.] I.e. defied the Jews and then-
God. (See 1 Mace. vii. 35, 38, 42.)

35. ivitb a fierce courage.] Literally, " with
a courage like that of wild beasts." The
" blasphemies " of the besieged had lashed
them into a fury, and made them more like
wild beasts than men.

36. and kindling fires burnt the blasphemers
alive.] Compare 1 Mace. v. 5, 44 ; x. 84, 85 ;
and see the comment on 1 Mace. v. 44.

37. And killed Timotheus, that ivas hid in a
certain pit.] Timotheus reappears as alive in
ch. xii. 2, 18-24, and certainly survived the
capture of Gazara. (See 1 Mace. v. 11-40.)
He may have been found hid in a cistern — a
usual place of concealment (2 Sam. xvii. 18 ;
Joseph. ' Bell. Jud.' iii. 8, § 1) — when the city
fell, and have been made a prisoner ; but he
must have contrived to obtain his release,
as he did also at a later period (2 Mace,
xii. 25).

Chereas . . . Apollophanes.] Unknown
persons, but for the present narrative. Chae-
reas was the commandant of the town (v.
32).

38. they praised the Lord.] Compare ch.
viii. 27; ix. 7; xi. 9, Sec. A formal service
of thanksgiving, like a modern Te Deum after
a victory, seems to be intended.

CHAPTER XI.

§ 4. First Campaign of Lysias against
Judas.

1-12. The author of the First Book places
this campaign in the reign of Antiochus
Epiphanes, during the absence of the monarch
in the eastern provinces (ch. v. 28-35); and
with this agree the dates in <w. 21, 33, and
38 of the present chapter. We must there-
fore regard the writer of the Second Book as
having misplaced the campaign by one or two
years. It belongs to B.C. 165-4, Epiphanes
not having died till B.C. 164-3. The two
writers agree as to the locality of the cam-
paign— idumosa, and especially the region
about Beth-zur; as to the great disproportion
between the forces brought into the field on
either side ; and as to the complete discom-
fiture of the Syro- Macedonians. They differ
chiefly in the details of the numbers engaged
and slain. The author of the Second Book,
or his authority, Jason of Cyrene, embellishes
his narrative with an apparition ((mrfidveia),
and attaches to it an account of negotiations
and treaties, whereof the author of the First
Book knows nothing. This writer, on the
other hand, professes to give (ch. iv. 30^-33)
the exact words of the prayer offered by
Maccabsus before the battle.

1. Lysias the king's protector and cousin.]
The true position and rank of Lysias is here
for the first time acknowledged. He is no
longer Avauis ns, " a certain Lysias " (ch. x.
11), but "the king's cousin" — no longer a
"governor" whom the king has "set up,"
but his "protector" or " guardian." Unfor-
tunately these acknowledgments are made at

V. 2-

-6.]

II. MACCABEES. XL

B.C.
cir. 164.

Mac.

4. 28

(I Or,
Grecians.

sore displeasure for the things that
were done.

2 *And when he had gathered
about fourscore thousand with all
the horsemen, he came against the
Jews, thinking to make the city an
habitation of the "Gentiles,

3 And to make a gain of the tem-
ple, as of the other chapels of the
heathen, and to set the high priest-
hood to sale every year :

4 Not at all considering the power
of God, but puffed up with his ten thou-

sands of footmen, and his thousands of b. c.
horsemen, and his fourscore elephants. — - *

5 So he came to Judea, and drew
near to Bethsura, which was a strong
town, but distant from Jerusalem
about five furlongs, and he laid sore
siege unto it.

6 Now when " they that were with 11 Macca-
Maccabeus heard that he besieged Jj^
the holds, they and all the people t'l"y-
with lamentation and tears besought

the Lord that he would send a good
angel to deliver Israel.

a wrong date, before Lysias had entered on
his office of " guardian."

took sore displeasure for the things that were
done.'} At the results of the Idumsean and
Ammonite wars (ch. x. 14-37), according to
the mind of the writer ; at the failures of
Nicanor and Gorgias in the campaign of
B.C. 166-5, according to the author of the
First Book. (See 1 Mace. iv. 26, 27.)

2. when he had gathered about fourscore
thousand.} This is intended as an estimate of
the footmen, whom the writer of the First
Book reckons at 60,000 (1 Mace. iv. 28).

all the horsemen.} Five thousand, according
to the same authority.

thinking to make the city an habitation of the
Gentiles.} Literally, " of the Greeks." The
campaign really tell at a time when the whole
city was in possession of the Syro- Mace-
donians, before Judas had recovered any
part of it. (See 1 Mace. iv. 28-59.) But
our author imagined that it took place after
the recovery, which, according to him, was a
recovery of both "the temple and the city"
(ch. x. 1). He could thus view Lysias as
designing to put "the Greeks" once more in
possession.

3. to make a gain of the temple.} In what
way, is not clear. Perhaps by requiring an
annual payment from those who worshipped
in it.

as of the other chapels of the heathen.} Tefxtvi]
should be translated " sacred precincts," not
" chapels." (See the comment on 1 Mace,
i. 47.)

to set the high priesthood to sale every
jear.} Jason had bought the high-priestly
office of Epiphanes (ch. iv. 7, 8) ; and Mene-
laus had three years later done the same,
outbidding Jason (ib. vv. 24-27). Lysias
now, according to our author, conceived the
design of holding an annual sale of the office.
Fortunately for the Jewish nation, this ex-
treme degradation was never reached.

4. his fourscore elephants?} This is a very

improbable number. Antiochus the Great
had but fifty-four elephants (Liv. xxxvii. 39)
at Magnesia. Lysias, in his second expedi-
tion, had only twenty-two (2 Mace. xiii. 2),
or at most thirty-two (x Mace. vi. 30).
Josephus, however, in one passage (' Bell.
Jud.' i. 1, § 5), makes the elephants in the
second expedition " eighty."

5. he . . . drew near to Bethsura?} Beth-
sura, or Beth-Zur, was at this time reckoned
to Idumaea (1 Mace. iv. 39). It was a strong
place, occupying a commanding position, in
the border country of Judaea and Edcm.
(See the comment on 1 Mace. iv. 29.)

distant from Jerusalem about five furlongs?}
This is a mistake. The distance of Beit-Sur
from Jerusalem is, at least, 160 furlongs.
Two MSS. have axoLvovs for o-rabiovs, but
our author habitually measures distances by
stades (ch. xii. 9, 16, 17, 29), never by schceni.

he laid sore siege unto it.} Another mistake.
Bethsura, at the time of Lysias's first expe-
dition, was in the possession of the Idumasans,
who were subject allies of the Syro-Mace-
donians. Lysias occupied it without any
resistance (1 Mace. iv. 29).

6. when they that were with Maccabeus
heard that he besieged the holds?} " He " refers
to Lysias, whose (supposed) siege of Beth-
sura is looked upon as the beginning of a
systematic attack upon, and occupation of,
all the strongholds.

they . . . besought the Lord that he would
send a good angel.} God had promised to
" send an angel " before Israel to bring them
safely into Canaan (Ex. xxiii. 20, 23; xxxii.
34; xxxiii. 2) ; and, more generally, to " give
his angels charge over the righteous, to keep
them in all their ways" (Ps. xci. 11 ; comp.
Ps. xxxiv. 7). He had also, on various occa-
sions (Josh. v. 13-15: Judg. vi. 11-23, xiii.
3-20; 2 Sam. xxiv. 16, 17; 2 Kings vi. 17),
allowed the angels, who are His ministers,
visibly to appear to His servants. It was thus
natural that pious Israelites should in times

6i6

II. MACCABEES. XI.

[v. 7-

,B-C. 7 Then Maccabeus himself first

— ' of all took weapons, exhorting the
other that they would jeopard them-
selves together with him to help their
brethren : so they went forth to-
gether with a willing mind.

8 And as they were at Jerusalem,
* ch. 2. 2i. ^there appeared before them on

horseback one in white clothing,
shaking his armour of gold.

9 Then they praised the merciful
God all together, and took heart,
insomuch that they were ready not
only to fight with men, but with
most cruel beasts, and to pierce
through walls of iron.

10 Thus they marched forward

in their armour, having an helper B.C.
from heaven : for the Lord was 'Un-
merciful unto them.

1 1 And giving a charge upon their
enemies like lions, they slew eleven
thousandyis/w^w, and sixteen hundred
horsemen, and put all the others to
flight.

12 Many of them also being
wounded escaped naked ; and Lysias
himself fled away shamefully, and so
escaped.

13 Who, as he was a man of
understanding, casting with himself
what loss he had had, and consider-
ing that the Hebrews could not be
overcome, because the Almighty

of danger put up such a petition as that re-
corded in the text, not necessarily meaning
to ask for a visible angelic manifestation, but
only for the promised angelic aid, which
might be given either visibly or invisibly. It
is the author's belief that, on this occasion,
as on many others in the course of the Mac-
cabxan struggle, the aid was given visibly.
(Seech, iii. 25, 26, 33, 34; x. 29, 30.)

7. to help their brethren?] Besieged, as the
writer supposes, in Bethsura. (See w. 5, 6.)

8. And as they were at Jerusalem.] Rather,
"And there, while they were at Jerusalem."
Judas and his army are regarded as having
their head-quarters at Jerusalem, which was
really not yet recovered. (See the comment
on v. 2.)

there appeared before them on horseback?]
Compare the apparitions in chs. iii. and x.

one in white clothing.'] White symbolised
purity. Hence the garments of the Levitical
priests were almost wholly white (Ex. xxviii.
40-43), even those of the High Priest ordi-
narily. Angels have white raiment (Ezek. ix.
2 ; Matt, xxviii. 3 ; Mark xvi. 5 ; Luke xxiv.
4; John xx. 12 ; Acts i. 10, x. 30), and saints
in the glorified state (Rev. iii. 4, 5 ; iv. 4 ; vi. 1 1 ;
vii. 9, 14, &c). So our Lord at His trans-
figuration (Matt. xvii. 2).

shaking his armour of gold.] Literally, " his
panoply." " Panoply " is used by our author,
in its etymological sense, for all the arms, both
offensive and defensive, that a warrior wears.
Here he is thinking; especially of the shield
and spear (or sword) in the two hands of the
angel, which he " shook" as he led the way.

9. to pierce through walls of iron.] I.e.
"walls however strong." (Compare Jer. i.
18; xv. 20.) The expression was almost
proverbial.

10. they marched forward in their armour?]
Rather, "in preparation for battle."

having an helper from heaven?] Rather,,
" having (with them) their helper from
heaven."

11. like lions.] Compare 1 Mace. iii. 4,
and the comment ad loc.

they slew eleven thousand footmen and sixteen
hundred horsemen?] The Syro-Macedonian
loss, according to the author of the First
Book (1 Mace. iv. 34), was "about five
thousand " — a far more probable number.

12. Many of them also being wounded?]
Rather, " of these the greater part being
wounded."

escaped naked.] I. e. " without their arms,"
having thrown them away.

§ 5. Terms of Peace agreed upon
between Judas and Lysias.

13-15. According to the author of the
First Book, Lysias was so far from entertain-
ing thoughts of peace in his heart at this time,
that on his return to Antioch he immediately
set to work to hire a vast number of merce-
naries, with the object of invading Judaea as
soon as possible with an army more numerous
than the defeated one (1 Mace. iv. 35). The
present writer has apparently confused the
first expedition of Lysias with the second, at
the end of which peace was actually concluded
(ibid. vi. 55-61); or else he has been misled
by the documents which he appends (v. 16-
38), which he believed to be genuine and to
belong to this year.

13. as he was a man of understanding?]
Literally, "as he was not without intelli-
gence " — an instance of meiosis.

what loss he had had.] Rather, "the de-
feat which he had suffered."

v. i4 — iS.]

II. MACCABEES. XI.

617

s. c. God helped them, he sent unto

cir. 164. , r '

— them,

14 And persuaded them to agree
to all reasonable conditions^ and

f 1 Mac. 6. promised c that he would persuade the
' king that he must needs be a friend
unto them.

15 Then Maccabeus consented to
all that Lysias desired, being careful
of the common good ; and what-
soever Maccabeus wrote unto Lysias
concerning the Jews, the king grant-
ed it.

16 For there were letters written B.C.
unto the Jews from Lysias to this - — '
effect : Lysias unto the people of the
Jews sendeth greeting :

17 John and Absalon, who were
sent from you, delivered me the
petition subscribed, and made request
for the performance of the contents
thereof.

18 Therefore what things soever
were meet to be reported to the king,
I have declared them, and he hath
granted as much as might be.

because the Almighty God helped them."]
Lysias is scarcely likely to have been actuated
by a religious motive. He may have thought
that the God of the Hebrews was a pro-
tector not to be despised ; but it is more
probable that he put aside altogether the
religious aspect of the matter, and merely
viewed the Jews as a brave and determined
mountain people, whom it was very difficult
to subdue. Still, he looked to succeed, if he
could collect a larger and a better army
(1 Mace. iv. 35).

14. persuaded them to agree to all reasonable
conditions.'] Rather, " persuaded them to
make peace upon perfectly just con-
ditions."

that he must needs be a friend unto them.]
The Greek idiom will not permit of this
translation. 'Avayicd£ei.v is " to compel," and
j3a<ri\ea must be its object, not its subject.
Lysias promised either to persuade or to com-
pel the king to be their friend. One of the
two verbs is redundant, and is probably a
gloss, suggested by a scribe, who thought to
improve upon his author.

15. whatsoever Maccabeus wrote unto Lysias
concerning the Jews.] Maccabxus is supposed
to have accepted the proposal of Lysias, and
then to have represented to him what he
thought must be understood by the phrase
" upon perfectly just conditions " (eVi nacn
fiiicaiois). Eupator, according to our author,
accepted the interpretation of Maccabeus.

the king granted it.] Eupator is viewed by
our author as in full possession of the kingly
power. (See above, ch. x. n, 13 ; xi. 18, 22-
33-)

§ 6. Letter of Lysias to the Jews.

16-21. This letter is clearly unsuitable to
the time when Lysias had just suffered a severe
defeat (yv. 11, 12). But it may well be a
misdated document of the year B.C. 163-2,

when Lysias's career of victory was stopped
by intelligence of Philip's occupation of
Antioch (1 Mace. vi. 55), and he patched up
a hasty peace with the Jews (ibid. vv. 58-61).
Its form and language, setting aside the date,
are unexceptionable.

16. For there were Setters written.] Rather,
" For the letter, which was written to
the Jews from Lysias, was to this effect."

Lysias unto the people of the Jews.] Com-
pare 1 Mace. x. 25. The Syro-Macedonians-
had not yet acknowledged any right or
authority as belonging to the Jewish leaders.
Alexander Balas was the first to make such
recognition, when he addressed Jonathan as
"his brother" (ibid. v. 18).

17. John and Absalon.] " John " may
have been the brother of Maccabaeus, whom
the writer has hitherto, by mistake, called
Joseph (ch. viii. 22; x. 19). " Absalon ,r
is not elsewhere mentioned. A forger would
scarcely have invented, without necessity, two
names.

delivered me the petition subscribed.] The
" petition " is probably the document which
Judas sent to Lysias, summing up what
he considered to be the just claims of the
Jews. (See the comment on v. 15.) It
was " subscribed," i.e. appended to Lysias's
letter, as sent, though not reported by our
author. (Compare ch. ix. 25.)

made request for the performance of the
contents thereof] Rather, "made inquiry
concerning the contents thereof;" i.e.
asked whether the claims of the Jews, as
stated by Judas, were allowed or no.

IS. what things soever were meet to be
reported to the king.] Some reference to
Eupator had, no doubt, to be made, at any
rate as a formality. (See 1 Mace. vi. 60, 61.)
But it was probably Lysias himself who de-
termined which of the Jews' demands were,
and which were not, admissible.

6i8

II. MACCABEES. XI.

[v. 19—25.

B-C- 19 If then ye will keep yourselves

- — ' loyal to the state, hereafter also will

I endeavour to be a means of your

good.

20 But of the particulars I have
given order both to these, and the
other that came from me, to com-
mune with you.

21 Fare ye well. The hundred
and eight and fortieth year, the four
and twentieth day of the month

V°r> "Dioscorinthius.

Vioscorus. XT ii-ji -l

22 INow the King s letter contained
these words : Kins; Antiochus unto
his brother Lysias sendcth greeting :

23 Since our father is translated

unto the gods, our will is, that they
that are in our realm live quietly,
that every one may attend upon his
own affairs.

24 We understand also that the
Jews would not consent to our
father, for to be brought unto the
custom of the Gentiles, but had
rather keep their own manner of
living : for the which cause they
require of us, that we should suffer
them to live after their own laws.

25 Wherefore our mind is, that
this nation shall be in rest, and we
have determined to restore them
their temple, that they may live

cir.

l63-

20. both to tbese.~\ I.e. to the Jewish
envoys, John and Absalon.

and the other that came from me.] Rather,
"the others that come from me" — i.e. the
envoys whom I am now sending to you.

to commune ivith you.] Or " hold a dis-
cussion with you." Small matters of detail
were to be settled between the Jewish au-
thorities at Jerusalem and envoys whom
Lysias sent to convey his letter.

21. The hundred and eight and fortieth
year.] It has been already noticed (see the
comment on w. 1-12) that this was the
year before the death of Epiphanes, which
fell in the 149th year of the Seleucid era,
B.C. 164-3. The expedition of Lysias, which
terminated in a peace, fell into the 1 50th
year (1 Mace. \i. 20; vii. 1), or b.c 163-2.
The present date is one year too late for the
first, and two years too early for the second,
expedition of Lysias.

the month Dioscorinthius.] No such month
was known to the Greeks. There was a
Macedonian month, Dins, the sixth of the
year, corresponding nearly to our March,
and a Cretan month, Dioscurus, which fell at
the same time. But a month called Dios-
corinthius is wholly unknown to the ancients.
Our author has fallen into a mistake.

§ 7. Supposed Letter of Eupator to
Lysias.

22-26. The genuineness of this letter is
generally disallowed. In the first expedition
of Lysias, he could hold no communication
with the king, who was absent in Persia. In
the second, letters were out of place, since
the king was in the same camp with Lysias
(1 Mace. vi. 28, 33, 47, 50, 57, &c). The
letter itself contains also inappropriate ex-
pressions, and at least one untrue statement.

22. King Antiochus unto his brother Lysias.]
It is inconceivable that either Epiphanes or
Eupator should have addressed Lysias as his
" brother." As "cousin" expresses equality
of rank among modern European sovereigns,
so did "brother" among the Asiatics. (See
1 Mace. x. 18, and compare 1 Kings xx. 32.)
Lysias was a subject, and, though of the
blood royal, would certainly not have been
addressed as " brother " even by Eupator.

23. Since our father is translated unto the
gods.] One Seleucid monarch (Antiochus I.)
had taken the title of Geo? during his lifetime,
and there is reason to believe that all were,
more or less, objects of worship, at least to
some of their subjects. Eupator might thus
perhaps assume the apotheosis of his father
after death.

they that are in our realm.] Rather, "of
our realm," i.e. dependent upon it.

24. the custom of the Genti/es.] Rather,
" of the Greeks." Compare 1 Mace. i. 54-59,
ii. 15-18; 2 Mace. iv. 9-15, &c; and for a
similar mistranslation, see v. 2.

they require of us, that <we should suffer them
to live after their own la-ivs.] This was,
beyond a doubt, the main requirement made
by Judas in his letter to Lysias (v. 15). Its
concession by Lysias and Eupator is vouched
for by the author of the First Book (1 Mace,
vi. 59-61).

25. <we have determined to restore them
their temple.] The Syro-Maccdonians never
"restored their temple" to the Jews. Mac-
cabjeus recovered it by force of arms in
B.C. 165-4, ar>d from that time it remained
continuously in the possession of the patriotic
party. It is inconceivable that Eupator should
have made the misstatement here ascribed to
him.

that they may live according to the customs

v. 2 6—34-]

II. MACCABEES. XI.

619

B.C. according to the customs of their
c1IlL3' forefathers.

26 Thou shalt do well therefore
11 Or, to send unto them, and "grant them
Sassura,'"c. peace, that when they are certihed

of our mind, they may be of good
comfort, and ever go cheerfully about
their own affairs.

27 And the letter of the king unto
the nation of the Jews was after this
manner : King Antiochus sendeth
greeting unto the council, and the
rest of the Jews :

28 If ye fare well, we have our
desire ; we are also in good health.

29 Menelaus declared unto us,
that your desire was to return home,
and to follow your own business :

30 Wherefore they that will de- B.C.
part shall have safe conduct till the c"jJ_3,
thirtieth day of Xanthicus with se-
curity.

31 And the Jews shall use their
own kind of meats and laws, as be-
fore ; and none of them any manner
of ways shall be molested for things
ignorantly done.

32 I have sent also Menelaus, that
he may comfort you.

33 Fare ye well. In the hun-
dred forty and eighth year, and

the fifteenth day of the month ''Xan-^0^.,
thicus.

34 The Romans also sent unto
them a letter containing these words :
Quintus Memmius and Titus Man-

of their forefathers.'] This was, in fact, one
of the main conditions of the peace of
B.C. 163-2. (See 1 iMacc. vi. 59.)

§ 8. Supposed Letter of Eupator to
the Jews.

27-33. Again, the genuineness of the
document is suspected. Eupator was not in
a position to write letters of any binding
authority. He had only to give a formal
assent to the terms which Lysias proposed.
Suspicious points of detail in the letter are :
1, the employment of Menelaus as their
ambassador by the Jews; 2, the Latin cha-
racter of the opening salutation; 3, the per-
mission to depart under safe conduct during
fifteen days ; 4, the date, five months after the
letter of Lysias to the Jews.

27. unto the council.] Or " the senate."
(See 1 Mace. xii. 6; 2 Mace. i. 10, iv. 44.)

28. If ye fare well, &c] Compare
ch. ix. 20, and the comment ad he.

29. Menelaus declared unto us.] Grimm
assumes that this " Menelaus " is not the
High Priest of ch. iv. 23-50 ; v. 5, 15, 23, but
some entirely different person, otherwise un-
known. But it is far more probable that our
author, or the inventor of the letter, whoever
he was, intended the High Priest, the only
known Menelaus of the day. The Jews,
however, can scarcely have in fact employed
so bitter an adversary as their ambassador.

30. they that nuill depart shall have safe
conduct.] This permission in no wise suits the
circumstances of either expedition of Lysias.
In both, the Syro- Macedonians took a hasty
departure, leaving the Jews to themselves.
The Jews had on neither occasion any reason

to wish to " depart," nor any need of ': safe
conduct " if they departed.

the thirtieth day of Xanthicus.] " Xanthi-
cus "was the sixth Macedonian month, and
corresponded nearly with the Jewish Nisan.
It was the fifth month after Dius, which
corresponded with Marchesvan.

31. the Jews shall use their own kind of
meats.] Literally, " of expenses " (see Bel
and the Dragon, v. 8) ; but "meats" are no
doubt intended. (Compare Pclyb. ix. 42,
§40

for things ignorantly done.] I.e. for in-
fractions of the law through ignorance or
accident. (Compare 1 Mace. xiii. 39.)

33. the fifteenth day of the month Xanthicus.]
Nearly five months after the date of the letter
of Lysias (supra, v. 21). The concocter of
the letter has supposed Eupator to be at
Antioch, Lysias in Judaea, and has therefore
taken care to put an interval between the
letters. But the interval is in any case too
long, and Eupator was really in Judsea with
Lysias (1 Mace. vi. 57-63).

§ 9. Supposed Letter of two Roman
Commissioners to the Jews.

34-38. This fourth document is a manifest
forgery. Judas had not as yet entered into
communication with the Romans (1 Mace,
viii. 17-32); nor did he do so till after the
landing of Demetrius and the death of
Nicanor (ibid. vii. 47; ix. 1). Moreover,
neither of the two names given is found
among the legati of Rome in Asia at the
period.

34. Quintus Memmius.] The Memmii
were a respectable Roman Family of the time

6zo

II. MACCABEES. XI. XII.

[v. 35—2-

b. c.

cir. 163.
tOr,

COHStlls.

lius, "ambassadors of the Romans,
send greeting unto the people of the
Jews.

35 Whatsoever Lysias the king's
cousin hath granted, therewith we
also are well pleased.

36 But touching such things as
he judged to be referred to the kino-,
after ye have advised thereof, send
one forthwith, that we may declare
as it is convenient for you : for we
are now going to Antioch.

37 Therefore send some with
speed, that we may know what is
your mind.

38 Farewell. This hundred and

B.C.

cir. 163.

eight and fortieth year, the fifteenth
day of the month Xanthicus.
CHAPTER XII.

I The king's lieutenants vex the Jews. 3 They
of Joppe droiun two hundred Jezus. 6 Judas is
avenged upon them. 1 1 He maketh peace
•with the Arabians, 16 and taketh Caspis.
22 Timotheus' armies overthrown.

WHEN these covenants were
made, Lysias went unto the
king, and the Jews were about their
husbandry.

2 But of the governors of several dr. 163.
places, " Timotheus, and Apollonius "Seech,
the son of Genneus, also Hieronymus, *'
and Demophon, and beside them
Nicanor the governor of Cyprus,

(Liv. xli. 25; xliii. 5, &c.); but no Qu'intus
Memmius is found, nor any Memmius at all
among the commissioners sent into Asia.
These are :

C. Sulpicius
Ma. Sergius
Cn. Octavius
Sp. Lucretius
L. Aurelius
Tib. Gracchus
L. Lentulus
Servilius Glaucia -

in B.C. 165

- — 163

Titus Man lius.'] A " Titus Manlius Tor-
quatus" was Roman commissioner in Egypt
in B.C. 163; but his colleague was Cneius
Merula (Polyb. xxxi. 18, § 9) ; and he had no
authority in Asia.

ambassadors of the Romans?] Rather,
" commissioners." The Roman legate of this
period were representatives of the republic,
empowered to act very much as they pleased
for the purpose of advancing Roman interests
in the quarter to which they were sent. They
had more practical functions, and far more
freedom of action, than ambassadors ordinarily
possess.

36. touching such things as he judged to be
referred to the king.] See above, v. 18.

33. the fifteenth day of the month Xanthicus.]
This letter is very improbably dated on the
same day as that of Eupator (v. 33), nearly
five months after that of Lysias {v. 21). If
an authentic document, it would naturally
have followed close upon Lysias's letter, on
which it is a comment. An interval would
then have occurred, during which Roman
influence would have been used, and then
Eupator would have announced his final deci-
sion. As it is, the Jews are asked to consult
together, and to inform the Romans of their
wishes after the final decision has been taken.

CHAPTER XII.

§ 10. The Jews vexed by the Provin-
cial Commandants. Judas attacks
joppa and jamnia.

1-9. According to our author, though
peace had been made between Judas on the
one hand, and Lysias and Eupator on the
other, yet hostilities continued between the
Jews and the provincial commandants. Par-
ticular captains and particular towns set
themselves to vex and harass the obnoxious
nation, which, while living in their midst,
conformed to none of their usages, but main-
tained pertinaciously its own religion and its
own customs. Among the towns which
shewed the most violent hostility were Joppa
and Jamnia, the latter contemplating, and the
former executing, a treacherous outrage, and
thus calling down on themselves the vengeance
of Judas, who burnt the havens of the two
towns.

1. Lysias ivent unto the king.] See the
comment on ch. xi. 33.

2. the governors of several places.] Rather,
" the commandants " (en-parryyot, not eVri-
OTOTai).

Timotheus.] This is probably the same
leader who is mentioned as an adversary of
the Jews in ch. viii. 30-32, and ch. x. 24-37.
In the latter place our author has wrongly
represented him as slain. (See the comment
on ch. x. 37.)

Apollonius the son of Genneus.] The epi-
thet, "son of Genneus," distinguishes this
Apollonius from two others — the "son of
Thraseas," mentioned in ch. iii. 5, iv. 4, Sec. \
and the " son of Menestheus," mentioned in
ch. iv. 21.

Nicanor the governor of Cyprus.] Rather,
" the Cypriarch " — probably the highest reli-

3—9-]

II. MACCABEES. XII.

621

I B.C. would not suffer them to be quiet.

or. 163. 1 1- •

— and live in peace.

3 The men of Joppe also did such
an ungodly deed : they prayed the
Jews that dwelt among them to go
with their wives and children into
the boats which they had prepared, as
though they had meant them no hurt.

4 Who accepted of it according
to the common decree of the city, as
being desirous to live in peace, and
suspecting nothing : but when they
were gone forth into the deep, they
drowned no less than two hundred
of them.

5 When Judas heard of this cru-
elty done unto his countrymen, he
commanded those that were with him
to ?nake them ready.

6 And calling upon God the righ- B. c.
teous Judge, he came against those cl!iL3'
murderers of his brethren, and burnt

the haven by night, and set the boats
on fire, and those that fled thither
he slew.

7 And when the town was shut

up, he went backward, "as if he "Or, with
would return to root out all them of a 1 return.
the city of Joppe.

8 But when he heard that the
Jamnites were minded to do in like
manner unto the Jews that dwelt
among them,

9 He came upon the Jamnites also
by night, and set fire on the haven
and the navy, so that the light of the
fire was seen at Jerusalem two
hundred and forty furlongs off.

gious official in Cyprus during the time that
Antiochus Epiphanes held the island, Crates
having been the civil governor (ch. iv. 29).
Compare the terms " Asiarch " (Actsxix. 31),
*' Syriarch," &c. This " Nicanor " is most
likely a different person from "the son of
Patroclus," mentioned in ch. viii. 9-24, 34,
35; xiv. 12-39; xv. 1-37.

3. The men of Joppe.~] Joppa was at this
time in the possession of the Syro-Mace-
donians, who maintained a garrison there
(1 Mace. x. 75). The inhabitants were of
mixed race, in part Jewish, in part Syrian,
probably also in part Greco-Macedonian.
In the present passage, the non- Jewish ele-
ment is spoken of as preponderating, the
Jewish as a sort of colony of foreign settlers.
(^Compare 1 Mace. xiv. 34.)

did such an ungodly deed.~\ Rather, " did
the following ungodly deed."

4. Who accepted of it according to the com-
mon decree of the city.'] These words shew
that the massacre was not the private act of
certain irresponsible persons, but was publicly
determined on by the State. The Jews must
have at first misdoubted the offer made to
them, and have hesitated to accept it : where-
upon a formal decree was passed to reassure
them; and it was in reliance on this public
act of the people that they embarked and met
their doom. We cannot be surprised that
Judas visited such a treachery with extreme
severity (v. 6).

6. calling upon God the righteous Judged]
Compare Gen. xviii. 25; Ps. vii. n; a Tim.
iv. 8.

burnt the haven by night.'] I.e.

whatever was inflammable in it, as docks,
wooden piers, landing-places, &c.
he slew?] Or, " put to the sword."

7. iv hen the town ivas shut up.] I.e. " when
he found that the gates of the town were
closed, and that it could not be taken by
surprise during the night."

as if he would return.] Rather, "intend-
ing to come again."

8. the Jamnites?] The inhabitants of Jam-
nia. On the position of Jamnia, see the
comment on 1 Mace. iv. 15; and, on its
importance, compare 1 Mace. v. 58, x. 69,
xv. 40, with Joseph. ' Ant. Jud.' xii. 8, § 6 ;
' Bell. Jud.' ii. 18.

ivere minded to do in like manner?] Not,
probably, to drown them treacherously — a
plan which could scarcely prove successful
twice — but to massacre them in one way or
another. On the massacres of Jews in towns
where they formed a minority of the popula-
tion, see Joseph. ' Ant. Jud.' xviii. 9, §§ 8, 9.

9. two hundred and forty furlongs?] Yebna.
the modern representative of Jamnia, is about
28 miles from Jerusalem, or 243 stades. The
port is distant from the town about two
miles, or 17 stades, more, making a total of
260 stades. The conflagration must have
been very great to have been seen from such
a distance.

§ 12. A Body of Arabs attacks Judas,

AND IS DEFEATED. HE MAKES PEACE
WITH THEM.

10-12. It has been suggested that this is a
variant account of the transactions related in
1 Mace. v. 37-39 (Grimm) ; but the scene of

622

II. MACCABEES. XII.

[v. 10—15.

.B- c- 10 Now when thev were gone

cir. 163. . • 6

— from thence nine furlongs in their
journey toward Timotheus, no fewer
than five thousand men on foot and
five hundred horsemen of the Ara-
bians set upon him.

1 1 Whereupon there was a very
sore battle ; but Judas' side by the
help of God got the victory ; so that
the Nomades of Arabia, being over-
come, besought Judas for peace,
promising both to give him cattle,
and to pleasure him otherwise.

12 Then Judas, thinking indeed
ii Or, went that they would be profitable in
''t'o'piic?0* many things, granted them peace :
■with their whereupon they shook hands, and so

til )n ' ilics

a?id cattle, they "departed to their tents.

13 He went also about to make B.C.

1 -j . • • cir. 163.

briar"

a bridge to a certain strong city,
which was fenced about with walls,
and inhabited by people of divers
countries j and the name of it was
Caspis.

14 But they that were within it
put such trust in the strength of the
walls and provision of victuals, that
they behaved themselves rudely to-
ward them that were with Judas,
railing and blaspheming, and utter-
ing such words as were not to be
spoken.

15 Wherefore Judas with his
company, calling upon the great
Lord of the world, ^who without * josh,
any rams or engines of war did cast 6* 2°'

that encounter is the Transjordanic region,
while the battle here mentioned took place
little more than a mile from Jamnia. Wander-
ing Arabs might be met with in almost any
part of southern or eastern Palestine, and
would be apt to attack any force to which
they thought themselves superior. There is
no evidence that these Arabs were in league
with Timotheus.

10. in their journey toward Timotheus?]
Having punished Joppa and Jamnia, Judas
next proceeded against this powerful captain,
the chief of the commandants left by Lysias
to maintain the authority of Eupator in
Palestine. (See v. 2.) He had, apparently,
betaken himself to the Transjordanic terri-
tory, and was greatly harassing the Jews in
those parts (1 Mace. v. 6, n, 34, 40).

Jive thousand men on foot. J That the 5,000
were " men on foot " is not expressed, but is
gathered from the context, and from the
practice of the author to omit 7re£o\ in his
estimates of the numbers of an army. (See

ch. x. 31 ; xi. 2, 11.)

•

11. Whereupon there was a very sore battled]
Rather, "a stout fight." If Judas had, as
appears from 1 Mace. v. 20, eight thousand
men with him, it might have been expected that
he would have gained an easy victory. But
Arab troops often fight with desperation, even
against superior numbers.

promising . . . to give him cattle.'] Almost
the whole wealth of the nomadic Arabs con-
sists in cattle. Tributary Arab tribes paid
their tribute in beasts (2 Chr. xvii. n;
G.Smith, 'History of Asshur-bani-pal,' pp.
287, 288).

12. they shook hands.] Rather, " they
joined hands;" i.e. pledged their faith to each

other, by each grasping the other's right
hand.

§ 13. Judas besieges and takes Caspin.

13-16. The "Caspis" or "Caspin" of this
passage is probably the " Casphon " of 1 Mace,
v. 36, which was a strong city of the Trans-
jordanic region, and is probably identified
with Heshbon. The details here given are
exegetical of the brief statement in the
passage above quoted, that " Judas took
Casphon."

13. He went also about to make a bridged]
It has been proposed to read ytcpvpuis for
ye(f>vpovv, and to translate (with the Vulgate)
"a city strong through bridges" (Grimm).
But there is no need of any change. If the
city was protected by a deep moat or by
ravines, Judas may have designed to make
his approaches by means of a mound of earth
carried across the obstacle. Tecpvpais would
not readily pass into y«pvpovv.

inhabited by people of divers countries.] The
population was very mixed in the Trans-
jordanic region. Amorites, Moabites, Am-
monites, and Arabs were intermingled
throughout the territory, which contained
also a large number of Jews. (Compare
1 Mace. v. 9, 25, 39, 45.) There was also, no
doubt, a sprinkling of Syro-Macedonians.

the name of it ivas Caspis.] The Vulgate
has " Caspin ;" and the Greek admits of this
rendering. (Compare the " Casphon " of
1 Mace. v. 36.)

14. behaved themselves rudefy.] Literally,
" somewhat rudely."

15. calling upon the great Lord of the
world.] Literally, "the great Dynast," — i.e.

v. 1 6 — 19.J

II. MACCABEES. XII.

623

B. c down Jericho in the time of Joshua,
CIU_3' o-ave a fierce assault against the

walls.

16 And took the city by the will
of God, and made unspeakable
slaughters, insomuch that a lake two
furlongs broad near adjoining there-
unto, being filled full, was seen run-
ning; with blood.

1 7 Then departed they from thence
seven hundred and fifty furlongs, and

came to Characa unto the Jews that p- C-
are called Tubieni. ar^.,.

18 But as for Timotheus, they
found him not in the places : for
before he had dispatched any thing,
he departed from thence, having
left a very strong garrison in a cer-
tain hold.

19 Howbeit Dositheus and Sosi-
pater, who were of Maccabeus' cap-
tains, went forth, and slew those that

the sovereign ruler of the universe. The ex-
pression used is a rare one.

without any rams.'] The battering-ram
was employed by the Assyrians as early as
the time of Asshur-nazir-pal (B.C. 880). The
Greeks used it in the Peloponnesian war
(Thucyd. ii. 76); and the Macedonians em-
ployed it with great effect from the time of
Philip. By the Greeks and Romans the head
of the implement was actually fashioned in
the shape of a ram's head, whence the names
Kpu'is and arks.

engines of war.] Other "engines of war"
known to the ancients were the balista, which
hurled stones ; the catapult, which threw
darts; and the belepolis, which was a com-
plicated machine of great size, combining the
several engines already mentioned.

did cast down Jericho.'] See Josh. vi. 20.

gave a fierce assault.] Literally, " rushed
against the walls like wild beasts." Compare
ch. x. 35, where a similar expression is used.
In both cases the soldiers of Judas are repre-
sented as lashed into fury by the " blas-
phemies" of their adversaries.

16. a lake two furlongs broad.] There is
a large reservoir near Heshbon, towards the
south, a few yards from the base of the hill
(Burckhardt, 'Travels in Syria,' p. 365),
which seems to be alluded to in Cant. vii. 4,
and which may have been the original basis of
this " lake two stades broad." The descrip-
tion is marked by our author's vice of ex-
aggeration.

§ 14. Expedition of Judas against Cha-
rax. Defeat of Timotheus, who is
allowed by dositheus and sosipater
to escape.

17-25. The expedition against Charax for
the relief of the Jews called "Tubieni," is
omitted by the author of the First Book, who
however mentions the sufferings of certain
" brethren " who dwelt " in the places of
Tobie" (1 Mace. v. 13). The defeat of
Timotheus here given with some detail seems

to be that mentioned by the author of the
First Book in ch. v. 37-43. Our author, as
usual, exaggerates the numbers of the troops
engaged, and of the slain (i/t\ 19, 20, 23).

17. seven hundred and fifty furlongs.] This
is a distance of somewhat over 86 miles, and
is quite incompatible with the "Charax" in-
tended being " Charax-Moab," or Karak,
since that place is less than forty miles from
Heshbon. Some other "Charax" must be
sought for, in a northerly direction (where
lay the " land of Tob "), not very far from
Ashtoreth-Karnaim (y. 26). Charax, "pali-
saded camp," is a name which may well have
belonged to many distinct localities.

to Characa^] Rather, " to Charax."
" Characa " is merely the accusative case of
the word.

the Jews that are called Tubieni.] Compare
1 Mace. v. 13. The "Tubieni" — "men 01
Tub " — correspond to the Ish-Tob, " men of
Tob," mentioned in 2 Sam. x. 6, 8. Their
country, the "land of Tob" (Judg. xi. 3),
was a portion of Gilead, probably towards
the north-west.

18. as for Timotheus.] See above, v. 10.
Judas had set out from Jamnia with the
intention of engaging the army of Timotheus.

they found him not in the places.] He was
neither at Caspin nor at Charax.

for before he had dispatched any thing.]
Rather, "for having failed to accomplish
anything." The word impaKTos conveys the
idea of an attempt which had ended in
failure.

he departed.] Rather, "he had departed."
He had quitted Charax before Judas and his
army arrived.

19. Dositheus and Sosipater.] The pre-
valence of Grecian names, even among the
chief officers of Judas, is an indication of the
extent to which the Hellenizing mania had
affected even the soundest part of the nation.
(Compare 1 Mace. viii. 17.)

who were of Maccabeus' captains.] Judas
did not allow himself to be diverted from the

624

II. MACCABEES. XII.

[v. 20 — 25.

B-c. Timotheus had left in the fortress,

or. 103. 111

— above ten thousand men.

20 And Maccabeus ranged his
uDosi- army by bands, and set "them over

the 11 s and 111 1 • /-r-<-

Sosipater. the bands, and went against 1 lmo-
theus, who had about him an hun-
dred and twenty thousand men of
foot, and two thousand and five
hundred horsemen.

21 Now when Timotheus had
knowledge of Judas' coming, he sent
the women and children and the
other baggage unto a fortress called

c i Mac. c Carnion : for the town was hard to

Can'iaiift. besiege, and uneasy to come unto, by

reason of the straitness of all the places.

22 But when Judas his first band
came in sight, the enemies, being
smitten with fear and terror through
the appearing of him that seeth all
things, fled amain, one running this

way, another that way, so as that
they were often hurt of their own
men, and wounded with the points
of their own swords.

23 Judas also was very earnest in
pursuing them, killing those wicked
wretches, of whom he slew about
thirty thousand men.

24 Moreover Timotheus himself
fell into the hands of Dositheus
and Sosipater, whom he besought
with much craft to let him go with
his life, because he had many of the
Jews' parents, and the brethren of
some of them, who, if they put him
to death, should not be regarded.

25 So when he had assured them
with many words that he would
restore them without hurt, according
to the agreement, they let him go
for the saving of their brethren.

b. c. :ac

cir. 163. ii.r

pursuit of Timotheus by the garrison which
that commander had left behind him to
threaten Gharax, but, detaching a force under
two of his principal officers to attack the
garrison in its stronghold, himself pressed
forward against the main army and the chief
commander. (See v. 20.)

20. set them over the bands.'] Rather, as
in the Syriac, " set captains over the bands."
Avrovs is a wrong reading, and should be
changed into tovs.

an hundred and twenty thousand men of foot. ~\
This is a very improbable number. The highest
estimate of footmen elsewhere, even in a royal
Syro-Macedonian army, is 110,000(2 Mace,
xiii. 2), which the author of the First Book
reduces to 100,000 (1 Mace. vi. 30). It is
therefore quite inconceivable that a mere
"commandant" (see v. 2) should have col-
lected 120,000. All the numbers in this
chapter are greatly exaggerated. (See vv.
19, 23, 26, 28, &c.)

21. a fortress called Camion.] The sub-
sequent mention of the " temple of Atargatis "
at Carnion (v. 26) identities this place with
the " Carnaim" of the First Book (1 Mace. v.
26, 43), which is generally allowed to be the
" Ashtoreth-Karnaim" of Gen. xiv. 5. On
the probable site, see the comment on 1 Mace,
v. 26.

uneasy to come unto.] Guarded, as we learn
from the First Book (1 Mace. v. 39-43), by
a deep ravine or watercourse, diy in the
summer time, which had to be crossed before
an attack could be made on the fortress.

22. Judas his first band.] Compare v. 20.
Judas had divided his troops into several
" bands."

through the appearing of him that seeth all
things.] A miraculous manifestation of the
Divine presence is clearly intended, on a par
with those mentioned in chs. iii. 25, 33 ; x. 29 ;
xi. 8 ; xv. 27. The author of the First Book,
though he mentions the battle (1 Mace. v.
43), says nothing of any such manifestation.

24. Timotheus . . . fell into the hands of
Dositheus and Sosipater.] This is not stated
in the First Book, and is, apparently, dis-
believed by Ewaid and Dean Stanley, who say
nothing of it. But the tale is not one which
it would have been worth while to invent ;
and it may fairly be regarded as one of our
author's contributions to the history of the
period.

with much craft.] Rather, "with much
imposture." The author means that Timo-
theus invented the whole story of his having
Jewish captives in his power, who would be
ill-treated if he were put to death.

§ 15. Capture of the Atargateum at
Carnion — Fall of Ephron— Return
of Judas by way of Scytiiopolis to

Jerusalem.

26-31. This passage runs parallel with
1 Mace. v. 44-54, with which it agrees in all
the main particulars. It adds the facts, that
Lysias had a house in Ephron, and that the
inhabitants of Scythopolis (Beth-shan) lived
on friendly terms with the Jews of the vicinity.

v. 26 — 31-]

II. MACCABEES. XII.

625

c- 26 Then Maccabeus marched forth

-3" to Carnion, and to the temple of
tis. "Atarrratis, and there he slew five
and twenty thousand persons.

27 And after he had put to flight
and destroyed them, Judas removed
the host toward Ephron, a strong
city, wherein Lysias abode, and a
great multitude of divers nations, and
the strong young men kept the walls,
and defended them mightily : wherein
also was great provision of engines
and darts.

28 But when Judas and his com-
pany had called upon Almighty God,
who with his power breaketh the

strength of his enemies, they won the B. c.
city, and slew twenty and five thou- C1U_3'
sand of them that were within.

29 From thence they departed to
Scythopolis, which lieth six hundred
furlongs from Jerusalem.

30 But when the Jews that dwelt
there had testified that the Scytho-
politans dealt lovingly with them,
and entreated them kindly in the
time of their adversity ;

31 They gave them thanks, desir-
ing them to be friendly still unto
them : and so they came to Jeru-
salem, the feast of the weeks ap-
proaching.

Its estimates of the numbers slain by Judas
are of the usual exaggerated character. (See
the comment on ru. 20.)

26. the temple of Atargatis.] The author
of the First Book has "the holy precinct (re'/uf-
vos) in Carnaim" (ch. v. 43), which was
evidently large enough to afford a camping-
ground to the remnant of the defeated army.
Atargatis, or Derketo (Derketis), was the
great Syrian nature goddess (Dea Syra), cor-
responding to the Phoenician Ashtoreth and
the Babylonian Ishtar or Nausea. The chief
seats of her worship were Hierapolis (Mabog)
and Aphek or Aphaca. On its essential im-
purity, see Euseb. ' Vit. Constant.' iii. 56;
Lucian, ' De Dea Syra,' §§ 4-10.

27. Ephron, a strong city.'] On the identity
of " Ephron " with Gephrun (Polyb. v. 70)
and its probable position, see the comment on
1 Mace. v. 46.

•wherein Lysias abode.] The writer does
not intend to say that Lysias was in Ephron
at the time of the siege, but that he had a
house there, in which he sometimes resided.
There is no improbability in this statement.

and a great multitude of divers nations^]
Compare t<. 13.

28. iv hen Judas . . . had called upon Al-
mighty God.] Literally, " upon the Dynast."
Compare v. 15.

29. Scythopolis.] Called " Beth-shan " in
1 Mace. v. 52, as in Josh. xvii. n ; Judg. i.
27, and generally in the canonical Books of
the Old Testament — "Scythopolis " only here
and in Judith iii. 10. Anciently the city be-
longed to the Canaanites, and from them
probably received its name of Beth-Shean
or Beth-Shan. The name "Scythopolis"
(2Kv8mv 770X19) is first found given to it in"
Polybius (v. 70, § 4), who wrote about B.C.

ApOC— Vol. II.

140, and afterwards occurs as the regular
Greco-Roman name in Strabo, Pliny, Euse-
bius, Josephus, and the Itineraries (' Itin.
Ant,' p. 197; 'Itin. Hierosol.' p. 586), main-
taining itself till the time of William of Tyre,
after which the old name recurs in the form
of Beisan. Scythopolis is thought to have
derived its name from a settlement of Scythians
at the spot, made perhaps at the time of the
great Scythic invasion of Palestine mentioned
by Herodotus (i. 106), which took place about
B.C. 600. It was at all times more a heathen
than a Jewish city (Judg. i. 27; Mishna
' AbodaZara,' i. 4 ; Joseph. ' Bell. Jud.' ii. 18,
§ 3, &c).

six hundred furlongs from Jerusalem.]
This estimate is fairly correct. Beisan is
distant from Jerusalem, as the crow flies,
nearly 500 stades, and could not be reached
by any ordinary route without an augmenta-
tion of the distance by at least one-fifth.

30. the Scythopolitans dealt lovingly ivith
them.] This was not so at a later date. On
the breaking out of the last Roman war, A.D.
65; the heathen inhabitants rose up against
their Jewish fellow-citizens, and massacred
them to the number of 13,000 (Joseph. ' Bell.
Jud.' /. s. c).

31. they came to Jerusalem.] Compare 1
Mace. v. 54. It is a new fact, contributed by
the writer of this Book, that the return im-
mediately preceded the Feast of Pentecost.
On the appellation " Feast of Weeks," see
Deut. xvi. 10, 16, and compare Lev. xxiii. 15,
16.

§ 16. Expedition of Judas into Idu-
w^ea. Gorgias is nearly captured.
Defeat of his Army.

32-37. The expedition touched on by the
author of the First Book in ch. v. 65 is here

2 S

626

II. MACCABEES. XII.

[v. 32—37.

B. C. 163.

II Or,
Jamnia,
1 Mac.

5-s8.

32 And after the fcast^ called
Pentecost, they went forth against
Gorgias the governor of "Idumea,

33 Who came out with three
thousand men of foot and four hun-
dred horsemen.

34 And it happened that in their
fighting together a few of the Jews
were slain.

35 At which time Dositheus, one
of Bacenor's company, who was on
horseback, and a strong man, was
still upon Gorgias, and taking hold of
his coat drew him by force ; and when

B.C.
cir. 163.

he would have taken that cursed man
alive, a horseman of Thracia coming
upon him "smote off his shoulder, so »Or,/al
that Gorgias fled unto Marisa. arm-, or.

36 Now when they that were with u

"Gorgias had fought long

him in the

and were shoulder-

the Lord,
be

weary, Judas called upon

that he would shew himself to

their helper and leader of the battle.

37 And with that he bagan in his
own language, and sung psalms with

or, struck
him in the
shoulder.

II Or, _
Rsdrin.

loud

voice, an(

ushing

unawares

upon Gorgias' men, he put them to

flight.

given with some detail. It appears that
Gorgias was the leader against whom Judas
contended. Judas had only a small army (y.
33), and was in danger of suffering defeat,
but by an appeal to the religious feeling of his
troops gained the victor}'. In the struggle
Gorgias was almost captured by Dositheus,
but escaped through the latter being wounded.
No mention is made of Hebron, which, ac-
cording to the author of the First Book, was
captured by Judas.

32. after the feast called Pentecost.'] Com-
pare Tobit ii. 1. The name is a translation
of the Hebrew D'fc'pn D'T1, which was
given to the Festival because it fell on the
fiftieth day after the Passover sabbath (Lex.
xxiii. 15, 16).

Gorgias the governor of Idumea.] Gorgias
has been already mentioned as in league with
the Idumaeans against Judas (ch. x. 14, 15).
He had, shortly before this, inflicted a defeat
on a body of Jews who had attacked Jamnia
under Azarias and Joseph (1 Mace. v. 56-60).
His command seems to have extended over
Idumaea and northern Philistia.

33. Who came out with three thousand
men.] This translation makes the estimate
one of the army of Gorgias. But there can
be little doubt that the author intends to
give the numbers of the army of Judas. (See
Grimm ad loc.) Gorgias's forces were pro-
bably far more numerous. Translate —
"Now he came out with three thousand
men."

35. Dositheus, one of Bacenor's company]
It would seem that this "Dositheus" is not
the commander of w. 19, 24, or he would
not have been called "a certain Dositheus"
(Acocrideos tls), "one of Bacenor's men."
He was, apparently, a common soldier.

was still upon Gorgias.] Rather, "attached
himself to Gorgias; " i.e. made a set upon
him— challenged an encounter, and would
not be denied.

taking hold of his coat.] Rather, " catching
hold of his cloak." The chlamys was a sort
of cloak or scarf, fastened round the neck,
and hanging loosely behind the warrior. (See
Smith's 'Diet, of Antiquities,' cuts on pp. 196,
275, 276, 519, Sec.) It was easily caught
hold of, and gave the man who seized it a
grasp of his foe which was not easily escaped.

a horseman of Thracia coming upon him.]
The Thracians were renowned as light-armed
troops, and served both on foot and horse-
back. They were constantly enrolled as
mercenaries by the Epigoni, or " successors "
of Alexander, and are found serving in al-
most all the large armies collected by them
(See Polyb. v. 65, § 10 ; 79, § 6, &c.)

smote off his shoulder.] I.e. his arm at the
shoulder. (Compare ch. xv. 30.)

Gorgias fled unto Marisa.] " Marisa," the
Greek equivalent of the Hebrew " Mareshah,"
was the name of a city of Judah situated in
the low Philistine plain, or Shefelah. It was
distant from Hebron about thirteen miles to
the north-west, on the direct route to Ash-
dod. It seems to be represented by the
modern " Marash" (Robinson, ' Researches,'
vol. ii. pp. 67, 68). The Syriac alteration of
"Marisa" into "Samaria" is quite inde-
fensible.

36. iv hen they that were ivith Gorgias hau
fought long and were weary.] " Gorgias " is

"the reading of a few MSS. only; the great
majority have " Esdris." A Jewish, and
not a Syro-Macedonian, commander is cer-
tainly intended. Note that "Ezri"( = Es-
dris) occurs as a Jewish name in 1 Chr. xxvii.
26.

37. with that he began in his own language
and sung psalms] Rather, "with that he
led off, in the national tongue, the war-
cry that was joined with psalms." Some
well-known war-song must be meant.

Gorgias' men] The army which Gorgias
had just deserted. (See v. 3 .)

v. 33-4-'.]

II. MACCABEES. XII.

627

B.C. 38 So Judas gathered his host, and

- — 3* came into the city of Odollam. And
when the seventh day came, they
purified themselves, as the custom
was, and kept the sabbath in the
same place.

39 And upon the day following,
0r» , "as the use had been, Tudas and his

at such 1 1 1 1 •

time, &c. company came to take up the bodies
of them that were slain, and to bury
them with their kinsmen in their
fathers' graves.

40 Now under the coats of every

one that was slain they found things b. c.
consecrated to the idols of the Jam- c'r" * 3'
nites, which is forbidden the Jews
by ^the law. Then every man saw rf Dent. 7.
that this was the cause wherefore 2S' 26'
they were slain.

41 All men therefore praising the
Lord, the righteous Judge, who had
opened things that were hid,

42 Betook themselves unto praver,
and besought him that the sin com-
mitted might wholly be put out of
remembrance. Besides, that noble

§ 17. Burial of the Jewish slain. Dis-
covery of Idol-offerings upon their
persons. Atonement made for them.

38-45. Judas, after the battle, occupied
" Odollam " or " Adullam," and there rested
during the Sabbath. On the day following
he proceeded to bury the bodies of those
soldiers belonging to his own side who had
fallen in the fight. According to our author,
it was found that all the slain had, concealed
on their persons, objects which had been
carried oft from the idol temples of Jamnia.
Hence their deaths were regarded as Divine
judgments. Judas, having improved the oc-
casion to warn the people against idolatry,
made a collection for an offering to be sent
to Jerusalem, in expiation of the sin which
his soldiers had committed.

38. the city of Odollam?] Adullam appears
as a Canaanite city in Josh. xii. 15 (compare
Gen. xxxviii. 1, 12). In the division of the
Holy Land it was assigned to Judah (Josh.
xv. 35). The place appears to have been in
the Shefelah. It is probably identified with
the " Aid-el-Ma " discovered by M. Clermont-
Ganneau, near which is a cave, " sufficiently
large to have been the habitation of David
while his band were garrisoning the hold or
fortress " (' Quarterly Statement ' of Pal.
Explor. Fund for Jan. 188 1, p. 44). Aid-el-
Ma is marked in the twenty-first sheet of the
great map published by the Fund.

they purified themselves. .] Contact with the
heathen would have made most of them
" unclean," more especially such as had killed
an enemy (Num. xxxi. 19). The purification
would be by means of ablution.

39. os the use had been.'] Rather, "ac-
cording as necessity required." The
burial of the slain could not be longer de-
ferred without danger to the living from the
setting in of decomposition.

to bury them with their kinsmen in their
fathers' graves.] This would scarcely have
been possible in many cases, since the slain

were, no doubt, from various and distant
localities. They were probably all interred
on the field of battle.

40. under the coats.] The xlT^v ls the
close-fitting inner garment, corresponding to
the modern " shirt," and in no way re-
sembles our " coat." Evidently the soldiers
sought to conceal the idol-offerings which
they wore, as much as possible.

things consecrated to the idols of the Jam-
nites.] Votive offerings in silver or gold,
such as abounded in every heathen temple,
are probably intended. A superstitious
feeling had induced the soldiers of Judas to
carry these off from the temples of the Jam-
nites, and suspend them about their persons
as amulets, which would avert dangers. The
fact is very important, as indicating an under-
current of heathenish feeling and belief,
even among those Jews who, on the whole,
clave to the Law, and ventured their lives in
its defence. Judas would naturally be shocked
by the discovery, and, to check such a de-
parture from true religion, he made it public,
and put it before his soldiers, that the amulets,
instead of averting danger, had attracted it,
and been " the cause " wherefore those who
wore them had been slain.

which is forbidden the Jews by the law.]
The Law was very strict in forbidding any
adoption of even innocent heathen rites, or
any conformity with heathen religious prac-
tices. (See Ex. xx. 4, 23, xxiii. 24, xxxiv. 13 ;
Deut. xiv. 1, &c.) The particular practice
here mentioned is not, however, forbidden in
the Law expressly.

41. the Lord, the righteous Judge.] Com-
pare above, v. 6.

who had opened, <b'c] Rather, " who
makes manifest the things which have
been hid." The statement is quite general,
though, no doubt, a special reference to the
recent discovery is intended.

42. might wholly be put out of remem-
brance.] Literally, "might be completely

2 S 2

628

II. MACCABEES. XII. XIII.

Lv- 43—45-

B. c. Judas exhorted the people to keep

C'LL3- themselves from sin,forsomuch as they

saw before their eyes the things that

came to pass for the sins of those

that were slain.

43 And when he had made a
gathering throughout the company
to the sum of two thousand drachms
of silver, he sent it to Jerusalem to
offer a sin offering, doing therein very
well and honestly, in that he was
mindful of the resurrection :

44 For if he had not hoped that

they that were slain should have risen B.C.
again, it had been superfluous and '— '
vain to pray for the dead.

45 And also in that he perceived
that there was great favour laid up for
those that died godly, it was an holy
and good thought. Whereupon he
made a reconciliation for the dead,
that they might be delivered from sin.

CHAPTER XIII.

I Enpator invadeth Judea. 1 5 Judas by night
slayeth many. 18 Eupator's purpose is de-
feated. 22 He maketh peace with Judas.

wiped out." Sin is " wiped out " by being
forgiven, rather than by being forgotten.
God can really never forget anything.

43. tivo thousand drachms of silver.]
About eighty pounds of our money. Some
MSS. give "three thousand;" the Vulgate,
"twelve thousand." The money would be
employed in the purchase of victims.

to offer a sin-offering.] On the law of
sin-offerings, see Lev. iv. 2-35; v. 1-19 ;
vi. 2-7. There is no indication in the Law
that they were intended to be offered for the
dead, nor any evidence to shew that they had
ever been so offered before this occasion.
Hence the anxiety of the writer to justify the
act of Judas, which he does on general
grounds.

doing therein very well and honestly.] Rather,
"very well and rightly." 'Aorflos in the
later Greek has the general sense of what is
right and good.

he ivas mindful of the resurrection^] See
the comment on ch. vi. 26; vii. 9.

44. to pray for the dead.] Offerings were
supposed to be always accompanied by prayer.
When a " sin-offering " was offered, it was,
as a matter of course, accompanied by
prayer that the sin for which the offering
was made might be forgiven. (Compare v.
42.) The Jewish liturgies contain a form of
"Prayer for the dead," called "the Kaddish,"
which is believed to be at least as old as the
time of our Lord. (Farrar, ' Eternal Hope,'
p. 216.)

45. And also, <b'c] Verse 44 is paren-
thetic, being exegetical of the assertion in
•v. 43, that Judas "was mindful of the re-
surrection." Verse 45 is to be closely con-
nected with the last clause of v. 43.

there was great favour laid up.] Compare
ch. vii. 9, n, 14, 23. The conviction of a
happy future beyond the grave as reserved
for the righteous was one of the chief animating
principles of the Maccabxan revolt, and seems

to have been confidently held by all classes.
Judas regarded the sinners who had fallen as
purged from their sin by the sin-offering and
the prayers of the people, so that they passed
into the class of those who " died " — or rather
" slept " — in godliness, and became possessors
of the "favour" laid up for that class.

it ivas an holy and good thought.] This clause
is best detached from the preceding one, and
taken as a sort of summary. The entire con-
ception which Judas had formed on this
matter was " holy and good."

he made a reconciliation^] Rather, "the
reconciliation " — that which had been already
mentioned (v. 43).

CHAPTER XIII.

§ 18. Great Expedition of Eupator
and lysias into judaea.

1-26. This expedition is, beyond a doubt,.
identical with that which the author of the
First Book describes in ch. vi. 23-63, and
which he assigns to the 1 50th Seleucid year
(ib. v. 20). It was provoked by attacks,
which Judas was continually making, upon
the Acra of Jerusalem, and the Syro- Mace-
donian garrison which held it (ib. 18-27).
The army collected by Lysias was the largest
ever brought against Judaea by the Syro-
Macedonians. It was composed of foot,
horse, chariots (2 Mace. xiii. 2), and ele-
phants. The main campaign was on the
Idumxan border, about the city of Beth-sura
(1 Mace. vi. 31-50; 2 Mace. xiii. 19). The
Syro-Macedonians had greatly the advantage
over the Jews in the struggle ; and the latter
were only saved from complete subjugation
by the sudden march of Philip on Antioch
(1 Mace. vi. 35; 2 Mace. xiii. 23), which
forced Lysias to bring the war to an end by a
peace, under which the Jews were granted very
favourable terms (1 Mace. vi. 59). The facts
wherewith the author of the present Book
enriches the historv are his accounts of the

-4-]

II. MACCABEES. XIII.

629

B.C.

cir. 162.

* ch. 11.

IN the hundred forty and ninth
year it was told Judas, that
Antiochus Eupator was coming with
a great power into Judea,

2 And with him a Lysias his pro-
tector, and ruler of his affairs, having
either of them a Grecian power of
footmen, an hundred and ten thou-
sand, and horsemen five thousand
and three hundred, and elephants two

and twenty, and three hundred cha- b. C.
riots armed with hooks. '— '

3 Menelaus also joined himself
with them, and with great dissimula-
tion encouraged Antiochus, not for
the safeguard of the country, but
because he thought to have been
made governor.

4 But the King of kings moved
Antiochus' mind against this wicked

execution of Menelaus (vv. 3-8), of the
prayer and fast of Judas (vv. 10-12), of his
night attack on the Syrian camp near Modem
(to 14-17), and of the disturbance at Ptole-
ma'fsonthe return of the Syrians from Judaea
to Antioch (vv. 25, 26). The details of the
great battle between Lysias and Judas are
given only in the First Book (ch. vi. 33-47).

1. In the hundred forty and ninth year?]
Really in the 150th year, which began in
October, B.C. 163, and terminated in October,
B.C. 162. It is conjectured that the author
of the Second Book counts the Seleucid years
from B.C. 313, instead of from B.C. 312.

that Antiochus Eupator was coming."] As
in ch. xi., so here, the writer speaks of Eupator
as if he had an actual part in the conduct of
affairs, whereas he was a mere boy, entirely
under the direction and control of Lysias.
Lysias took him to the war in order that he
might not lose sight of him.

2. Lysias his protector, and ruler of his
affairs!] Compare ch. xi. i, and 1 Mace. vi.
17.

having either of them a Grecian power of
footmen"] It is not at all likely that the Syro-
Macedonian forces were, in any sense, par-
titioned between Eupator and Lysias. Lysias
was in command of the entire army.

an hundred and ten thousand?] The com-
ponent elements of the army of Lysias at this
time are stated somewhat differently in the
first and Second Books of Maccabees: —

In the First Book.

Foot . . 100,000
Horse . 20,000
Elephants 32

In the Second Book.

Foot . . 110,000

Horse . 5 , 300

Elephants 22

Chariots . 300

Josephus contradicts himself as to the
numbers (comp. 'Ant. Jud.' xii. 9, § 3, with
i Bell. Jud.' i. 1, § 5), and cannot be regarded
as a trustworthy authority. The numbers of
the Second Book are here, on the whole, the
most probable.

three hundred chariots armed with hooks.]
Rather, " with scythes " or " sickles."
Scythed chariots were employed by the Per-

sians at Cunaxa (Xen. ' Anab.' i. 8, § 10) and at
Arbela (CK Curt. ' Vit. Alex.'iv. 9: Diod. Sic.
xvii. 53). In B.C. 220 they are said to have been
brought by Molo against Antiochus the Great
(Polyb. v. 53, § 10); and in B.C. 190 they
were brought by Antiochus himself against
the Romans (Liv. xxxvii. 41). There is thus
nothing improbable in their employment by
Eupator in B.C. 162. The number (300)
seems, however, excessive ; since Codomannus
brought but 200 to Arbela (Arrian, ' Exp.
Alex.' iii. 11).

3. Menelaus also joined himself with them.]
Nothing is said of Menelaus having joined the
expedition by the author of the First Book.
It is conceivable, however, that he may have
done so. Alcimus joined the expedition of
Bacchides in the year following (1 Mace. vii.
9, 12). Menelaus's functions had ceased
when the Temple was profaned (ch. vi. 2-4) ;
and he had probably remained at Antioch
during the interval between B.C. 168 and 162.

with great dissimulation.] HlpSveia here
is "simulation" rather than "dissimulation."
Translate "with great pretence of patriot-
ism."

not for the safeguard of the country.] I.e.
"not really for the salvation of his country,
as he pretended, but from a personal motive."
Menelaus doubtless professed to see in the
destruction of the Maccabean party and the
full re-establishment of the Syrian yoke the
only chance of prosperity for his unhappy
country. So traitors argue at all times.

he thought to have been made governor?]
Literally, "he thought to be established in
his office." The " office " intended is that
of High Priest, from which he had been,
practically, deposed for five years.

4. But the King of kings.] This is probably
the earliest application to God of a title
frequently assumed by earthly sovereigns. It
is found also in 3 Mace. v. 35, and in the
Book of Enoch (ix. 4). The writers of the
New Testament have adopted it, and given
it the highest possible consecration. (See
1 Tim. vi. 5 ; Rev. xvii. 14, xix. 16.)

moved Antiochus'' mind against this wicked

630

II. MACCABEES. XIII.

[v. 5-

10.

n. c. wretch, and Lysias informed the king
'- — ' that this man was the cause of all
mischief, so that the king commanded
to bring him unto Berea, and to put
him to death, as the manner is in
that place.

5 Now there was in that place a
tower of fifty cubits high, full of
ashes, and it had a round instrument,
which on every side hanged down
into the ashes.

6 And whosoever was condemned
of sacrilege, or had committed any
other grievous crime, there did all
men thrust him unto death.

7 Such a death it happened that
wicked man to die, not having so

much as burial in the earth ; and b. c.

1 1 cir. 162.

that most justly : —

8 For inasmuch as he had com-
mitted many sins about the altar,
whose fire and ashes were holy, he
received his death in ashes.

9 Now the king came with a bar-
barous and haughty mind to do far
worse to the Jews, than had been
done in his father's time.

10 Which things when Judas per-
ceived, he commanded the multitude to
call upon the Lord night and day, that
if ever at any other time, he would
now also help them, being at the point
to be put from their law, from their
country, and from the holy temple :

wretch."] The execution of Menelaus, if it
took place as here narrated, must have been
the work of Lysias far more than of Eupator,
whose consent to it would be a mere matter
of form, like the signature, by modern con-
stitutional sovereigns, of a death-warrant.
How Menelaus had offended Lysias, or why
the latter wished him to be put to death, is
not apparent.

the cause of all mischief.'] Rather, " the
cause of all the mischief." It is quite con-
ceivable that this might be asserted, especially
as the real originator of the mischief, Jason
(ch. iv. 7-26), was a fugitive in a distant land
(ch. v. 8), and could not be made the scape-
goat.

unto Berea.] The " Bercea " here intended
is, no doubt, that which lay halfway between
Hierapolis and Antioch (Plin. ' H. N.' v. 19 ;
Strab. xvi. p. 751), on the site of the modern
Aleppo. It was not a place of much import-
ance in ancient times.

as the manner is in that place.] We have
no other evidence of the existence of this
cruel custom at Bercea ; but suffocation in a
pit full of ashes was a recognised Persian
punishment, and one frequently inflicted on
offenders of a high class. (See Ctesias,
'Persic. Excerpt.,' §§ 48, 52; Val. Max. ix.
2, § 7-)

5. a round instrument.] Rather, " an in-
strument that turned round;" a sort of wheel,
whereon a man could be placed, which turned
with him, and. after making half a revolution,
dropped him off it into the ashes.

6. whosoever was condemned of sacrilege.]
Menelaus had been guilty of sacrilege (ch. iv.
32), but it is scarcely likely that he was con-
demned for it, since his sacrilege consisted in
his plundering the Jewish temple. He was

probably executed as a traitor. Still there
was an appropriateness in his being awarded
a punishment specially assigned by custom to
sacrilegious persons.

there did all men thrust him unto death.] A
tumultuary proceeding seems to be intended,
when a man, taken in the act, was hurried by
a mob to the tower, and violently pushed
against the machine described above, which
caught him, and bore him to his death.

8. he had committed many sins about the
altar.] Menelaus had accompanied Epi-
phanes into the Temple and given the sanction
of his authority to the profanation of the
sanctuary and the altar then begun, and
carried afterwards to such lengths (ch. v. 15,
23; vi. 2-5, &c). In the view of the Jews
he was guilty of the entire series of pollutions
to which his acts had led the way, and which
he had at no time withstood. His death at
this time, at the instance of Lysias, and the
scene of it, Bercea, are confirmed by Josephus
(' Ant. Jud.' xii. 9, § 7). The author of the
First Book passes the matter over in silence.

9. the king came . . . to do far worse to
the Jews, than had been done in his father's
time.] Rather, "to do to the Jews the
worst that had been done in his father's
time." It would not have been possible to
" do worse " than Epiphanes, who had pro-
faned the Temple, put down the religion, set
up idolatry, and commanded Lysias to slay or
sell for slaves the entire nation (1 Mace. iii.
35-42). Eupator, or rather Lysias, came
now with similar intentions (see v. 10).

10. being at the point to be put from their
law, from their country, and from the holy
temple.] This does not appear from the First
Book. In collecting, however, the unusually
large army brought against Judxa on this

y. ii-

■5-J

II. MACCABEES. XIII.

631

B.C.
cir. 162.

11 And that he would not suffer
the people, that ''had even now

)2dkad been but a little refreshed, to be
a little in subjection to the blasphemous

respite. . •> r

nations.

12 So when they had all done this
together, and besought the merciful
Lord with weeping and fasting, and
lying flat upon the ground three days
long, Judas, having exhorted them,
commanded they should be in a
readiness.

13 And Judas, being apart with
the elders, determined, before the
king's host should enter into Judea,
and get the city, to go forth and try

B.C.

cir. 162.

the matter in fight by the help of the
Lord.

14 So when he had committed all

to the y Creator of the world, and l°r>
exhorted his soldiers to fight man-
fully, even unto death, for the laws,
the temple, the city, the country,
and the commonwealth, he camped
by Modin :

15 And having given the watch-
word to them that were about him,
Victory is of God ; with the most
valiant and choice young men he
went in into the king's tent by night,
and slew in the camp about four
thousand men, and the chiefest of the

occasion (see v. 2 and the comment), Lysias
can scarcely have had any other design than
to carry out fully the object with which he
had entered on his first expedition, which was
the complete extirpation of the entire people
(1 Mace. iii. 35). So far as human foresight
can judge, the design would have been
triumphantly carried out and the Jewish
nation swept from the earth, had not Philip,
at the most critical moment, marched on
Antioch and forced Lysias to turn all his
attention towards him. (See especially
1 Mace. vi. 47-54, where the extremity to
which Judas was reduced is made far more
apparent than it is by the present writer.)

11. but a little refreshed.'] Rather, " but
for a short time refreshed." It was three
years only since the recovery of the Temple.

12. tying flat upon the ground.] The ordi-
nary prostration in prayer is intended. (Com-
pare 1 Mace. iv. 40 ; 2 Mace. x. 4.)

commanded they should be in a readiness.]
Rather, "commanded that they should come
to him."

13. with the elders^] Compare 1 Mace,
vii. 33. This is the first indication of Judas
having so far organised a civil government as
to have established a council of " elders." No
doubt, however, from the time of the recovery
of the Temple hill, the national character of
the outbreak wrs recognised, and, while
Judas commanded in the held, something
like a civil power held possession of eastern
Jerusalem. With this civil power he from
time to time took counsel.

before the king's host should . . . get the
city.] I.e. recapture the part of Jerusalem
which Judas had recovered (ch. x. 1).

to go forth and try the matter^] I.e. to
march against the enemy — not to wait within
walls for the royal assault, but to take the

field, and seek an opportunity for attack, as
he had always done previously (r Mace. iii.
11, 23; iv. 12; v. 33, 43; 2 Mace. viii. 6,
23, &c).

14. the Creator of the world.] Compare
ch. i. 24; vii. 23. The "Creator of the
world " could not but be all-powerful, and
able to give the victory to whomsoever He
pleased.

for the laws, the temple, the city, the country,
and the commonwealth.] For all that they
valued, either in Church or State — for the
Divine laws, the Temple, Jerusalem, Judaea,
their new freedom and self-government.

he camped by Modin.] The Syrian line of
march was along the coast from Carmel,
through the low plains of Sharon and Philistia.
(See the comment on 1 Mace. vi. 31.) They
were wont to attack Judsea either from the
west or from the south. Judas therefore
marched westward to the commanding posi-
tion of Modin or Modem, whence he could
observe the movements of Lysias, and watch
his opportunity for striking a blow.

15. the watchword . . . Victory is of God.]
Compare the watchword given in the battle
with Nicanor (ch. viii. 23) — "Help is from
God." It was especially necessary to give a
watchword before a night attack.

he . . . slew in the camp about four thousand
men.] It is strange that the author of the
First Book says nothing of this daring exploit.
Perhaps he omitted it, since it did not affect
the result of the war. Lysias continued his
march, only with greater caution than pre-
viously, and took up the position in Idumaea
which he had probably from the first intended.
It was the same position which he had occu-
pied in his previous attack upon Judas
(1 Mace. iv. 29).

the chiefest of the elephants.] It is not at

632

II. MACCABEES. XIII.

[v. 1 6 22.

B- c. elephants, with all that were upon

cr. 162.

— him

16 And at last they filled the camp
with fear and tumult, and departed
with good success.

17 This was done in the break of
the day, because the protection of
the Lord did help him.

18 Now when the king had taken
a taste of the manliness of the Jews,
he went about to take the holds by
policy.

19 And marched toward Bethsura,
which was a strong hold of the Jews :

but he was put to flight, failed, and B.C.

1 , r l • cir. 162.

lost or his men :

20 For Judas had conveyed unto
them that were in it such things as
were necessary.

21 But Rhodocus, who was in the
Jews' host, disclosed the secrets to
the enemies ; therefore he was sought
out, and when they had gotten him,
they put him in prison.

22 The king treated with them in
Bethsura the second time, gave his
hand, took their's, departed, fought
with Judas, was overcome ;

all clear how this could be known, in the
confusion and darkness of a night attack.
One is led to suspect some confusion between
this exploit of Judas and the later one of his
brother Elea/.ar, who in broad daylight
singled out the biggest of the elephants in
the army of Eupator, attacked him and slew
him, sacrificing his own life in the encounter
(1 Mace. vi. 43-46).

<with all that were upon him.] Literally,
" with the crowd that was in his house." The
" house " is the wooden tower on the ele-
phant's back. This was believed by the Jews
of Maccaboean times to have been occupied by
above thirty men ! (See 1 Mace. vi. 37.)

17. This was done in the break of the day.]
Or, "This took place when the day was
already breaking." Though the protection
of the darkness was withdrawn, God's pro-
tection saved Judas from disaster.

18. Now when the king had taken a taste,
<b'c] A change of policy is indicated. The
Syrians had started forth on their expedition
confident in their overwhelming strength.
Judas's slaughter of 4000 men in their camp
not far from Modem, had dispelled this con-
fidence and made them see the necessity of
proceeding with caution. The rest of the
campaign was carried on according to the
most approved rules of military art (Sm
jue#o8o>i/).

19. And marched toward Bethsura^] Com-
pare 1 Mace. vi. 31.

ivhich was a strong hold of the Jews.] Judas
had seized it and fortified it, after the failure
of Lysias's first expedition (1 Mace. iv. 61).
Previously it seems to have been held by the
Idumseans (ib. v. 29).

he was put to fight, failed, and lost of his
men.] This does not appear in the narrative
of the First Book, where we have a descrip-
tion of a great battle between the hosts of
Judas and Lysias in the vicinity of Bethsura,

in which, though Lysias suffered certain losses,
he was in the end completely victorious,
forcing the army under Judas to retreat and
leave Bethsura to its fate (1 Mace. vi. 42-47).
It may be true, however, that Lysias made
one assault upon the place which failed.

20. For Judas had conveyed unto them.]
Rather, "And Judas [hereupon] conveyed
unto them." It is meant that Judas took
advantage of Lysias's failure to throw pro-
visions into the town.

21. Rhodocus.] Nothing more is known of
this traitor ; for it is a wild fancy of Hit/.ig's
that he was the author of the 86th and 88th
Psalms.

disclosed the secrets^] Rather, "their se-
crets " — as their numbers, plans, weak points,
and the like. Having to acknowledge,
grudgingly, certain successes on the part of
Lysias (y. 22), the author seeks to minimise
the credit attaching to him for them by
suggesting that they were attributable to
treachery in the Jewish camp.

22. The king treated with them in Beth-
sura, &c.] In point of fact, Bethsura seems
to have surrendered at discretion. The
provisions were exhausted, and it was im-
possible to make any further resistance.
(See 1 Mace. vi. 49, 50.)

fought with Judas, was overcome.] It is
impossible to characterise this statement
otherwise than as an absolute falsehood.
Both the author of the First Book (1 Mace,
vi. 47) and Josephus ('Ant. Jud.' xii. 9, § 5)
admit the complete defeat of Judas, who
retired with the remnant of his army to Jeru-
salem, whereupon Lysias, dividing his forces,
pressed the siege of Bethsura to a successful
issue, while ' at the same time he advanced
upon Jerusalem and besieged Judas within
its walls. Jerusalem itself must have sur-
rendered, being well-nigh starved out, had
not the news of Philip's march upon Antioch
made it imperative upon Lysias to forego his

v. 23 — 2 6.]

II. MACCABEES. XIII.

B.C.

cir. 162.

flOr.
rebelled.

633

23 Heard that Philip, who was
left over the affairs in Antioch, "was
desperately bent, confounded, in-
treated the Jews, submitted himself,
and sware to all equal conditions,
agreed with them, and offered sacri-
fice, honoured the temple, and dealt
kindly with the place,

24 And accepted well of Macca-
beus, made him principal governor from
Ptolemais unto the Gerrhenians ;

25 Came to Ptolemais : the people b. c.
there were grieved for the covenants ; '!JJ_2,
for they stormed, because they would
make their covenants void :

26 Lysias went up to the judg-
ment seat, said as much as could be
in defence of the cause, persuaded,
pacified, made them well affected,
returned to Antioch. Thus it went
touching the king's coming and de-
parting.

prize, and return in all haste to the Syrian
capital. (See 1 Mace. vi. 4S-60.)

23. Heard that Philip, who was left over
the affairs in Antioch, was desperately bent.~\
Rather, "heard that Philip, who had been
left over the affairs, was entered on
desperate courses at Antioch." Philip,
" left over the affairs " of the empire by
Epiphanes in his last moments (1 Mace. vi.
14, 15), returned to Antioch during Lysias's
absence in Palestine, and there took the
• desperate, or at any rate the dangerous, course
of setting himself up as actual ruler of the
kingdom (ib. vv. 56, 63). Lysias, finding his
position challenged, had to meet his rival
without delay.

confounded.] Rather, "was confounded."
"'The king" is the grammatical, Lysias the
rightful subject. At the receipt of the in-
telligence concerning Philip, Lysias was for a
time " confounded," and scarcely knew what
he should do. He soon, however, recovered
himself, and took the needful steps.

intreated the Jews, submitted himself] These
terms are somewhat too strong : but they
perhaps fairly represent the construction
which the Jews put on Lysias's sudden
change of front, and spontaneous offer of
terms of peace to them (1 Mace. vi. 60).

sware to all equal conditions.] Compare
1 Mace. vi. 59, 61. The chief proviso was,
that the Jews should be allowed to "live
after their own laws, as they did before."

offered sacrificed] This statement is ad-
ditional to those made in the First Book ; but
it is quite in harmony with them. Of course
the act of sacrifice was performed by the
Jewish priests.

dealt kindly with the place!] The writer of
the First Book notes one exception. When
the strength of the fortifications was seen, the
Syro-Macedonian leaders, though they had
sworn to leave all intact, broke their oaths,
and demolished great part of the defences (1
Mace. vi. 62, 63). We must understand the
present writer as meaning that they did no
wanton injury to the sacred buildings.

24. made him principal governor.] Rather,
"made Hegemonidas governor." (So the
Syriac Version, and, among commentators,
Wernsdorf, Hasse, Scholtz, and Grimm.) It
is very unlikely that Judas would have been
made governor, and still more unlikely that,
if he had been made governor, the author of
the First Book would not have mentioned it
The word rjyfpovib^s, moreover, is not found
elsewhere as an adjective.

unto the Gerrhenians!] The " Gerrhenians"
should be the inhabitants of Gerrha, which
lay between Pelusium and Rhinocolura. But
as even Rhinocolura belonged at this time to
Egypt (Polyb. v. 80, § 3), it is impossible
that Gerrha can be intended. Perhaps
Tepp-qvoi is a corruption of TepaprjvoL (found
in one MS.), and Gerar, not Gerrha, is
pointed out as the southern limit of the
Syro-Macedonian dominion.

25. Came to Ptolemais.] On the site and
history of Ptolemais, see the comment upon
1 Mace. v. 15.

the people there were grieved for the cove-
nants.] Ptolemais, as one of the most rising
cities of these parts, was especially jealous of
Jerusalem. It had taken a prominent part in
the general rising which had followed the
recovery of the Temple by Judas (1 Mace. v.
15), and had suffered shortly afterwards at
the hands of Simon (ib. v. 22). Hence there
was great indignation at Ptolemai's when the
favourable terms of peace granted to the
Jews were made known to the inhabitants.

their covenants.] Rather, "the covenants "
— i.e. the terms of peace between Judas and
Eupator.

26. Lysias went up to the judgment seat.]
Rather, "to the tribune" — the rostra — the
place from which speeches were made to the
people.

persuaded, pacified, made them well affected,
returned to Antioch!] The extreme brevity of
the style in vv. 19-26 is very remarkable,
and recalls the author's observations, in
ch. ii. 29-32, on the duty of an epitomator.

634

II. MACCABEES. XIV.

Lv- *— 2

li. C.
cir. ii'i.

" i Mac.
7. 1.

CHAPTER XIV.

6 Alcimus accuseth Judas. 18 Nicanor maketh
peace with Judas. 39 Hcsecketh to take Razis,
46 who, to escape his hands, killeth himself.

AFTER three years was Judas
informed, that Demetrius the
son of Seleucus, "having entered by
the haven of Tripolis with a great
power and navy,

2 Had taken the country, and B.C.
killed Antiochus, and Lysias his -ifa
protector.

3 Now ^'one Alcimus, who had *i Mac.
been high priest, and had defiled him- 7' 5"
self" wilfully in the times of their ming-
ling with the Genti/es, seeing that by

no means he could save himself, nor
have any more access to the holy altar,

CHAPTER XIV.
PART V.

RELATIONS BETWEEN THE SYRIANS AND THE
JEWS IN THE REIGN OF DEMETRIUS SOTER.

§ i. Demetrius having made himself
King, Alcimus complains to him of
Judas. Nicanor commissioned by
Demetrius to kill Judas and esta-
blish Alcimus as High Priest.

1-14. Omitting the contest between Lysias
and Philip (briefly touched in 1 Mace. vi. 63),
our author passes to the time when Deme-
trius, the son of Seleucus IV., having escaped
from Rome, landed on the Syrian coast and
commenced his struggle for the crown. At
first he met with great success, defeating
Lysias, and killing both him and Eupator.
Being established as king at Antioch, he re-
ceived an application from a certain Alcimus.
who claimed that the high priesthood be-
longed to him of right, and besought Deme-
trius to establish him in the office, at the
same time deposing Judas from his high posi-
tion. Demetrius adopted the advice, and
sent Nicanor against Judas, with orders to
kill him and establish Alcimus as High Priest.
The passage runs parallel with r Mace. vii.
1-26, but contains some remarkable differ-
ences from that narrative. According to the
present writer, Demetrius responded to the
appeal of Alcimus by the immediate appoint-
ment of Nicanor to the chief command
against Judas, and that commander began by
attempts to negotiate a peace. According
to the author of the First Book and Josephus,
the person sent to instal Alcimus was Bac-
chides (1 Mace. vii. 8; Joseph. 'Ant. Jud.'
xii. 10, § 2): and it was at a considerably
later date that, on a special application from
Alcimus, who found his position in Judaea
untenable, Nicanor was sent. Nicanor's re-
lations with Judas are also very differently
represented by the two writers. According
to the First Book, he was " a man that bare
deadly hate unto Israel" (ch. vii. 26) ; accord-
ing to the Second, he was altogether friendly,
and was forced by Demetrius against his will
to adopt hostile measures. On the whole,
the representations of the author of the First
Book appear to be most worthy of credit.

1. After three years.] Demetrius effected
his landing, as our author intimates below
{v. 4), in the 151st Seleucid year, or B.C.
1 62-1. The expedition of Eupator and Lysias
was, according to him, in the 149th year
(ch. xiii. 1) — B.C. 164-3, or only two years
earlier. Thus our author must mean by his
" three years " one entire year and fractions
of two others.

Demetrius the son of Seleucus.'] See the
comment on 1 Mace. vii. 1.

having entered by the haven of Tripolis.']
" Tripolis," now represented by Tarablous,
was a port on the Syrian coast, about 70
miles north of Sidon, and 115 south of Se-
leucia. It was an old Phoenician settlement,
said to have been a joint colony from Tyre,
Sidon, and Aradus (Strab. xvi. 2) ; but had
by this time been thoroughly Hellenized.
The landing of Demetrius at Tripolis is con-
firmed by Porphyry ('Excerpt' p. 71) and
Eusebius (' Chron. Can.' i. xl. § 15).

voith a great power and navy.] The author
of the First Book says, on the contrary, that
he landed " with a few men " (1 Mace. vii. 1),
which is far more in accordance with the
narrative of Polybius and with probability.
His success was consequent on the revolt of
the Syrian army, which seized its leaders,
Lysias and Eupator, and went over in a body-
to Demetrius (ib. v. 2).

2. Had . . . killed Antiochus and Lysias.^
The rebel army actually killed them, on De-
metrius hinting a wish that they should so do
(ib. vv. 3, 4).

3. one Alcimus, ivho had been high priest,
and had defied himself <ivilfully, thj-'c] The
writer seems to mean that Alcimus had held
the high priesthood some time previously —
perhaps before Jason — and now claimed to
be reinstated in it ; not that he had received
the office from Lysias, as Josephus imagines
(' Ant. Jud.' xii. 9, § 7).

in the times of their mingling.] The time
when Hellenism was rampant and a fusion of
the Jews with the Syro-Macedonians was
almost brought about. (See 1 Mace. i. 41-
57; 2 Mace. iv. 7-19, vi. 1-9.)

by no means he could save himself] Lite-

4—9-]

II. MACCABEES. XIV.

635

B. C.

cir. 161.

4 Came to king Demetrius in the
hundred and one and fiftieth year, pre-
senting unto him a crown of gold, and
a palm, and also of the boughs which
nor, were "used solemnly in the temple:
^To/the" and so that day he held his peace.
temple. ^ Howbeit, having gotten oppor-

tunity to further his foolish enter-
prize, and being called into counsel
by Demetrius, and asked how the
jews stood affected, and what they
intended, he answered thereunto :

6 Those of the Jews that be called
Assideans, whose captain is Judas
Maccabeus, nourish war, and are se-

ditious, and will not let the realm be
in peace.

7 Therefore I, being deprived of
mine ancestors' honour, I mean the
high priesthood, am now come hi-
ther :

8 First, verily for the unfeigned
care I have of things pertaining to
the king ; and secondly, even for
that I intend the good of mine own
countrymen : for all our nation is in
no small misery through the unad-
vised dealing of them aforesaid.

9 Wherefore, O king, seeing thou
knowest all these things, be careful

B.C.
cir. 161.

rally, " there was no safety for him." If he
had, like Jason, used his office to further the
destruction of Judaism, he would no doubt
have provoked a hostile feeling on the part of
the more religious Jews, which he may have
felt as continually threatening his life.

nor have any more access to the holy a!tar.~\
Of course, while the Maccabaean party had
possession of the Temple, it was impossible
that a renegade from the faith should be
allowed to officiate at the altar.

4. Came to king Demetrius in the hundred
and one and fiftieth year.} See the comment
on v. i.

presenting unto him a crown of gold '.] Such
presents were common at the time (Polyb.
xxii. 13, § 10; 17, § 4; xxiv. 1, § 7;— Liy.
xxxviii. 14, &c), and without them no appli-
cant could expect to obtain favour at the
Syrian court.

and a palm, ,] A golden vine (Herod, vii.
27) and a golden plane-tree (Athen. 'Deipn.'
xii. p. 414, F) were among the most precious
ornaments of the great palace of the Persian
kings. A golden palm is probably here in-
tended, a work of art possessing the double
value of precious material and artistic work-
manship.

and also of the boughs which were used, <&c]
Palm boughs are probably meant, such as
were used at the Feast of Tabernacles ( Neh.
viii. 15) and at the Feast of the Dedication
{supra, ch. x. 7). This presentation to De-
metrius might be regarded as a mode of con-
gratulating him on his successes, since to the
Greeks the palm was the sign of victory.

that day he held his peace.] Alcimus did
not at once prefer his request, lest it should
be too palpable that the present was a bribe.
Menelaus had not been so scrupulous (ch. iv.
24).

5. and being called into counsel.] Rather,

"since he was called into counsel." This
was the opportunity.

6. Those of the Jews that be called As si-
deans.] On the meaning of the word " Assi-
dean," see the comment on 1 Mace. iii. 43.
Originally it was the name of a strict sect, but
Alcimus now applies it to the whole of the
patriotic party under Judas.

nourish war and are seditious.] I.e. are
determined to resist to the uttermost the
overthrow of their religion.

will not let the realm be in peace.] The
realm could " be in peace " at any time, by
the concession to the Jews of the right to
retain the use of their own laws and religion.
This both the Syrians and Alcimus knew very
well. (See 1 Mace. vi. 59.)

7. being deprived of my ancestors' honour.]
It is allowed on all hands that Alcimus was
"of the seed of Aaron" (1 Mace. vii. 14), and
so had had one of his ancestors a High Priest;
but it is not clear that any other of his an-
cestors had ever enjoyed the honour. The
statement that he had been " deprived " rests
on the view put forward in v. 3, which is not
borne out either by Josephus or by the author
of the First Book.

8. First, verily, <&Y.] Alcimus puts for-
ward two motives as actuating him : (1) re-
gard for the king's interests ; and (2) regard
for the well-being of his countrymen. He
keeps his own aggrandisement, which was his
true motive, wholly in the background.

the unadvised dealing of them aforesaid^]
I.e. of the Assideans — the party that sup-
ported Judas (see v. 6).

9. seeing thou knowest.] Rather, "when
thou hast acquired a knowledge of."
The suggestion is that the king should first
inquire into the truth of Alcimus's assertions,
and then, if he found them true, act upon
them — a reasonable course to recommend.

636

II. MACCABEES. XIV.

[v. 10—15.

B. c. for the country, and our nation,
- — ' which is pressed on every side, ac-
cording to the clemency that thou
readily shewest unto all.

10 For as long as Judas liveth, it
is not possible that the state should
be quiet.

1 1 This was no sooner spoken of
him, but others of the king's friends,
being maliciously set against Judas,
did more incense Demetrius.

12 And forthwith calling Nicanor,
who had been master of the elephants,

and making him governor over Judea, b. c.
'he sent him forth, ci^'-

13 Commanding him to slay Ju-^iMac.
das, and to scatter them that were 7'
with him, and to make Alcimus high
priest of the great temple.

14 Then the heathen, that had
fled out of Judea from Judas, came
to Nicanor by flocks, thinking the
harm and calamities of the Jews to be
their welfare.

15 Now when the Jews heard of
Nicanor's coming, and that the hea-

our nation, 'which is pressed on every side?]
It must be admitted that there was ground
for this representation. The policy of Judas,
whenever he was left to himself by the Syrians,
was to harass and oppress, and so far as pos-
sible root out, the opposite party. No sooner
was the peace made with Lysias than he
proceeded to " make havock " among his
adversaries (1 Mace. vii. 7), to put to death
some and banish others (ibid. v. 6 : compare
ch. iii. 8, vi. 24, vii. 24, &c), so that the
opposite side had reason to complain.

11. others of the king's friends ?\ Rather,
"the remainder of the king's friends."
Alcimus, having been " called into counsel "
(v. 5), is reckoned among the number of such
persons. On the details of the complaints
made, see 1 Mace. vii. 5-7.

12. jind forthwith calling Nicanor.'] It has
been already noticed that, according to
Josephus and the writer of the First Book,
Demetrius called in the first instance, not on
Nicanor, but on Bacchides. Bacchides, at
the head of an army, accompanied Alcimus to
Jerusalem, and installed him in the western
city under the protection of the garrison of
the Acra, after which, having met with no
resistance in the field, he returned to Antioch
(1 Mace. vii. 8-20). All this the present
writer omits, being, apparently, unaware of it.

who had been master of the elephants?]
Rather, " who had been made master of the
elephants;" i.e. who had received this appoint-
ment on the accession of Demetrius to power.
It has been argued that Nicanor could not
have been appointed to the office at this time,
since the elephants had been destroyed by the
Romans before Demetrius landed in Syria
(Appian, ' Syriac.' § 46) ; but we may question
whether Rome was ever able to obtain the
complete execution of her orders with regard
to the Syrian elephants. Lysias had a number
in Judaea in B.C. 162 (1 Mace. vi. 20, 30), and
Nicanor seems to have had some in the same
country in B.C. 161 (2 Mace. xv. 21). The

younger Demetrius had an elephant corps in
B.C. 145 (1 Mace. xi. 56).

making him governor over Judea.] Rather,
" commandant in Judaea." A military, not a
civil, office is intended.

13. high priest of the great temple.] Alcimus
had been granted the high-priestly office by
Demetrius, and proclaimed by Bacchides ;
but he had not been given possession of the
Temple. It is possible that Nicanor was com-
manded to complete his installation by taking
the Temple from the partisans of Judas, and
handing it over to Alcimus as its proper
master.

§ 2. Expedition of Nicanor. His
friendly relations with judas. or-
DERED by Demetrius to arrest Judas,

HE BREAKS WITH HIM AND THREATENS
TO DESTROY THE TEMPLE.

15-36. According to the writer of the
First Book, Nicanor, on reaching Jerusalem,
made some attempts at negotiations with
Judas, but without any honest intent, his
design being to get possession of his person
(1 Mace. vii. 27-30). Judas avoided his
snares, and soon broke off communications
with him. Our present author puts before us
an entirely different view. According to him,
Nicanor " loved Judas from his heart " (v. 24),
and acted in the most friendly manner towards
him. until Alcimus complained to Demetrius
of his conduct; and Demetrius, having ex-
pressed disapproval of the negotiations, re-
quired his officer to break off" friendly relations
with the arch-rebel, to seize him, and send
him a prisoner to Antioch. It was in conse-
quence of these peremptory orders that
Nicanor took a hostile tone towards Judas,
required the patriots who held the Temple
to give him up, and, when they professed
inability, threatened the Temple itself with
destruction.

15. they cast earth upon their heads.] Com-
pare ch. x. 25.

:6 — 22.]

II. MACCABEES. XIV.

6j7

B.C.
cir. 161.

II Or, were
I joined to
them.

then "were up against them, they
cast earth upon their heads, and
made supplication to him that had
established his people for ever, and
who always helpeth his portion with
manifestation of his presence.

16 So at the commandment of the
captain they removed straightways
from thence, and came near unto
them at the town of Dessau.

17 Now Simon, Judas' brother,
had joined battle with Nicanor, but
was somewhat discomfited through
the sudden silence of his enemies.

18 Nevertheless Nicanor, hearing
of the manliness of them that were
with Judas, and the courageousness
that they had to fight for their coun-

try, durst not try the matter by the b. c.

1 ' , J J cir. i6r,

sword. —

19 Wherefore he sent Posidonius,
and Theodotus, and Mattathias, to
make peace.

20 So when they had taken long
advisement thereupon, and the captain
had made the multitude acquainted
therewith, and it appeared that they
were all of one mind, they consented
to the covenants,

21 And appointed a day to meet
in together by themselves : and when
the day came, and stools were set for
either of them,

22 Judas placed armed men ready
in convenient places, lest some trea-
chery should be suddenly practised

him that had established his people for ever!]
See Deut. xxviii. 9 ; xxix. 1 3. The promise
was, however, conditional, and was forfeited
when the conditions were broken.

ivho ahvays helpeth his portion.'] Israel is
called God's " portion " (kbeleq) first in Deut.
xxxii. 9. A similar phrase is used by Jeremiah
(xii. 10) and Zechariah (ii. 12). The word
implies a peculiar right of exclusive owner-
ship.

nvith manifestation of his presence!] The
writer has probably in his mind, especially,
the sensible manifestations in which he believes
so firmly. (See ch. iii. 25, 26, 33, 34; x. 29,
30; xi. 8; xii. 22.) But he no doubt in-
tended to include spiritual manifestations
also.

16. the captain!] I.e. Judas.

they removed . . . from thence!] From the
place where they were assembled, probably
Jerusalem, i.e. the eastern city.

came near unto them at the tozvn of Dessau.]
The '• town " or rather " village " of Dessau
is otherwise unknown, unless we identify it
(as Ewald suggests) with the " Adasa " of
1 Mace. vii. 40.

17. Simon . . . had joined battle ivith
Nicanor.] We have no other mention of this
encounter. It probably took place while
Nicanor was on the march. (See Ewald,
' Hist, of Israel,' vol. v. p. 321, note 2.)

through the sudden silence of his enemies.]
'A<j>a<rta is not simple " silence," but " speech-
lessness" caused by consternation. Such
" speechlessness " on the part of an enemy
could not produce a defeat. Probably we
should translate, with Grimm, " through the
sudden consternation into which they were

thrown by their enemies." The afyacria was
on the part of Simon's men — not of Nicanor's.

18. the courageousness that they had tofght
for their country.] Rather, "their courage in
the battles that they had fought for
their country."

durst not try.] Rather, "shrank from
trying."

19. he sent Posidonius . . . to make peace!]
The writer of the First Book admits the fact
of the negotiations (1 Mace. vii. 27-29), but
represents them as broken off almost im-
mediately, on the discovery that they were not
sincere, but a device for seizing the person of
Judas. Our present author allows that Judas
had suspicions, but represents Nicanor as
honest, and declares that peace was actually-
made. It is difficult to suppose ihat the cir-
cumstances related in -vv. 20-29 are wholly
fictitious.

20. iv hen . . . the captain had made the
multitude acquainted therewith.] By "the
multitude" must be meant the mass of the
troops. (Compare v. 41.)

21. appointed a day to meet in together by
themselves.] Compare 1 Mace. vii. 29.

ivhen the day came.] It is doubtful whether
the words used can have this sense. Grimm
translates, " And Judas came to the discus-
sion."

stools.] I.e. " seats of honour."

22. Judas placed armed men ready!] As a
measure of precaution. On any appearance
of treachery, they would have started from
their hiding-places, and rushed forward to give
him protection. According to our author, the
suspicions of Judas were unfounded, and the
precautions taken unnecessary.

638

II. MACCABEES. XIV.

[v. 23—31.

b. c. by the enemies : so they made a
- — ' peaceable conference.

23 Now Nicanor abode in Jerusa-
lem, and did no hurt, but sent away
the people that came flocking unto
him.

24 And he would not willingly
have Judas out of his sight : for he
loved the man from his heart.

25 He prayed him also to take a
wife, and to beget children : so he

■Or, lived married, was quiet, and "took part of

together 1 • yr

ivithkim. tnis lire-

26 But Alcimus, perceiving the
love that was betwixt them, and con-
sidering the covenants that were
made, came to Demetrius, and told
him that Nicanor was not well af-
fected toward the state ; for that he
had ordained Judas, a traitor to his
realm, to be the king's successor.

27 Then the king being in a rage,
and provoked with the accusations
of the most wicked man, wrote to

Nicanor, signifying that he was much b. c.
displeased with the covenants, and -L_i
commanding him that he should send
Maccabeus prisoner in all haste unto
Antioch.

28 When this came to Nicanor's
hearing, he was much confounded in
himself, and took it grievously that
he should make void the articles
which were agreed upon, the man
being in no fault.

29 But because there was no deal-
ing against the king, he watched his
time to accomplish this thing by
policy.

30 Notwithstanding, when Macca- dr. 161.
beus saw that Nicanor began to be
churlish unto him, and that he en-
treated him more roughly than he

was wont, perceiving that such sour
behaviour came not of good, he ga-
thered together not a few of his men,
and withdrew himself from Nicanor.

31 But the other, knowing that he

23. Nicanor . . . sent away the people that
came flocking unto him.~\ Rather, "that had
come flocking to him." The reference is to
the " heathen " that had come to him " by
flocks," when he set out on his expedition
against Judas (i>. 14). These he now dis-
missed to their homes, either as a blind, or
honestly thinking that he would have no need
or their services.

24. be -would not willingly have Judas out of
kis sight.'] Literally, " he kept Judas in sight
continually." Contrast the statement made
by the writer of the First Book : " After it
Avas known to Judas, that he (Nicanor) came
unto him with deceit, he was sore afraid of
him, and would see his face no more " (1 Mace.
vii. 30).

25. He prayed him also to take a wife.] He
represented to him that the time of war and
struggle was over, and that it would be well
for him now to contract the ties which every
Jew was expected to contract — to marry and
have children. According to our author, Judas
followed his advice, " married, and was quiet,
and took part of this life," — i.e. became a
peaceable citizen.

26. Alcimus . . . considering the covenants
that were made.] Rather, "taking with
hiin the treaty that had been made." Al-
cimus contrived to get a copy of the treaty,
and took it with him to shew to the king.

he had ordained Judas . . . to be the kings

successor.] Such a design as this could never
have entered into the head of Nicanor or of
any one else, and Alcimus would have been
very silly to have accused him of it. The
design really imputed is an intention to instal
Judas as "his own successor" in the go-
vernment of Palestine. Alcimus desired this
post for himself.

28. he was much confounded in himself]
Rather, "perplexed." "Confounded" is
too literal a translation.

the man.] I.e. Judas,

29. he watched his time to accomplish this
thing by policy.] Here the writer of the
Second Book becomes of accord with the
author of the First. He admits that Nicanor,
while still pretending friendship towards Ju-
das, sought to arrest him (1 Mace. vii. 29,
30). Judas perceived the change in Nicanor's
sentiments, though no doubt he intended to
conceal them.

30. withdrew himself from Nicanor?]
Literally, "concealed himself." The author
of the First Book says that he quitted Jeru-
salem and went to Caphar-salama, whither
Nicanor followed him at the head of his
army. A battle was fought between the
two, and Nicanor was defeated with the loss
of 5000 men (1 Mace. vii. 31, 32). Nicanor
and his beaten troops returned to Jerusalem.

31. knowing that he was notably prevented
by Judas' policy?] Literally, " perceiving that

v. 32— 36-]

II. MACCABEES. XIV.

639

b.c. was notably prevented by Judas'

cir" '6l" policy, "'came into the great and

rfiMac. holy temple, and commanded the

7-33»"&c priestS) that were offering their

usual sacrifices, to deliver him the

man.

32 And when they sware that
they could not tell where the man
was whom he sought,

33 He stretched out his right hand
toward the temple, and made an oath
in this manner : If ye will not

iiGr. deliver me Judas as "a prisoner, I will

hound' lay this temple of God even with

the ground, and I will break down

the altar, and erect a notable temple b. C.

' Cir. 161.

unto Bacchus. —

34 After these words he departed.
Then the priests lifted up their hands
toward heaven, and besought him
that was ever a defender of their
nation, saying in this manner ;

35 Thou, O Lord of all things,
who hast need of nothing, wast
pleased that the temple of thine habi-
tation should be among us :

36 Therefore now, O holy Lord
of all holiness, keep this house ever
undefiled, which lately was cleansed,
and stop every unrighteous mouth.

he was notably out-generalled by Judas" — i.e.
" outwitted, overreached."

came into the great and holy temple.'] The
author of the First Book tells us that he " went
up to Mount Sion" and that there " certain of
the priests and elders came out of the sanctuary
to him," and proposed to shew him the burnt
sacrifice that was offered continually for the
Syrian king, but says nothing of Nicanor
being received within the Temple walls. Still
it is possible that he may have been admitted
into the outer court. But the party of Judas
remained masters of the Temple, which
Nicanor could only impotently threaten.
(See v. 33.)

commanded the priests . . . to deliver him
the man.'] Compare 1 Mace. vii. 35. Ni-
canor seems to have supposed that Judas was
somewhere within the Temple fortress.

33. He stretched out his right hand toward
the temple.] Rather, " toward the sanctuary "
(els top veu>). The vabs of this passage is to
be carefully distinguished from the Upov of
v. 31. Nicanor was in the one; he stretched
out his hand towards the other.

break down.] Rather, "raze — utterly de-
stroy."

and erect a notable temple unto Bacchus.]
The Syro-Macedonian worship of Dionysus,
or Bacchus, has already appeared in ch. vi. 7.
It was evidently felt that there was something
specially repugnant to Jewish ideas in the
cult, which was therefore both threatened
and, when opportunity served, actually en-
forced upon the nation. Dionysiac orgies
were of the most disgusting character. (See
Dollinger, 'Jew and Gentile,' vol. i. pp. 154-
156.)

34. Then the priests lifted up their hands
toward heaven.] Compare 1 Mace. vii. 36,
where we are told that the priests " entered
in, and stood before the altar and the temple,

weeping." The threat of Nicanor was felt as
a terrible blasphemy.

a defender of their nation.] Literally, " of
our nation" — a transition from the third to
the first person which gives the narrative
greater liveliness.

35. O Lord of all things] Rather, " O
Lord." The phrase tq>v 6Xav is not to be
attached to Kvpie, but to an-poo-Se^?.

who hast need of nothing.] Compare 3
Mace. ii. 9, and Josephus, 'Ant. Jud.' viii. 3,
§ 3, where a similar clause is introduced into
Solomon's consecration prayer. The avrdp-
Keia of God has been a favourite theme with
theologians (Clem. Alex. 'Homil.' ii. 44;
Pearson, 'Exposition of the Creed,' Art. 1,
PP- 94, 95, &c.).

the temple of thine habitation] Even in the
absence of the Shechinah, which, according to
Jewish tradition, never shewed itself in the
second Temple, the building was still re-
garded as the "habitation" of God— His
house, in which He dwelt. (See Ezra vii. 15,
19 ; Ps. exxxv. 21 ; Zech. ii. 12, 13, vii. 2, &c.)
Hence the extreme wickedness of profaning
it, or even threatening it.

36.0 holy Lord of all holiness.] I.e. " holy
Lord, the source and fount of all other holi-
ness in things or beings."

and stop every unrighteous mouth] This
clause is omitted in some MSS. It is, of
course, an allusion to the "unrighteous
mouth" of Nicanor (v. 33). The author of
the First Book makes the prayer of the priests
mainly an imprecation of evil on Nicanor's
head (1 Mace. vii. 38).

§ 3. Nicanor orders the Arrest of
Razis, who, rather than re made
Prisoner, commits Suicide.

37-46. The story of Razis rests solely on
the authority of the present writer, being

640

II. MACCABEES. XIV.

[v. 37—4L

B.C.
Cir. 161.

37 Now was there accused unto
Nicanor one Razis, one of the elders
of Jerusalem, a lover of his country-
men, and a man of very good report,
who for his kindness was called a
father of the Jews.

38 For in the former times, when
they mingled not themselves with
the Gentiles, he had been accused of
Judaism, and did boldly jeopard his
body and life with all vehemency for
the religion of the Jews.

39 So Nicanor, willing to declare B.C.
the hate that he bare unto the Jews, C'L1.1'
sent above five hundred men of war

to take him :

40 For he thought by taking him
to do the Jews much hurt.

41 Now when the multitude would
have taken the tower, and violently
broken into the outer door, and bade
that fire should be brought to burn it,
he being ready to be taken on every
side fell upon his sword ;

wholly untouched by either Josephus or the
author of the First Book. Though probably
exaggerated in its details, it is likely to be
true in respect of its main substance, since so
full and circumstantial an account of the death
of a Jew of rank under such extraordinary and
painful circumstances is not likely to have
been invented. The name Razis may be
compared with the Reesaias of 1 Esdr. v. 8.
The temper displayed is not unsuitable to a
Jew of the period — an age when heathen
sentiments and rules of conduct penetrated
deeply among the mass of the more religious
Jews and largely influenced their conduct.
(Compare the comment on 1 Mace. ii. 51.)

37. one of the elders of Jerusalem.] Com-
pare 1 Mace. vii. 33, where certain of the
elders of Jerusalem are said to have gone out
to meet Nicanor.

ivho . . . was called a father of the Jews.]
See Job xxix. 16, "I was a father to the
poor;" and compare Ecclus. iv. 10; 1 Mace,
ii. 65. In the East a protector is commonly
called a " father."

38. in the former times, when they mingled
not themselves with the Gentiles.] Not the
times before the Hellenizing movement, es-
pecially promoted by Jason (ch. iv. 7-22), set
in, but the early days of the persecution,
when the religious Jews fled from the cities
of Judah into " secret places " (1 Mace. i. 53 ;
ii. 31), in order to continue the exercise of
their religion, and thus separated themselves
wholly from the Gentiles.

he had been accused of Judaism.] Judaism,
the mere confessing oneself to be a Jew, had
been made a crime by Epiphanes (ch. vi. 6),
just as Christianity was by the early Roman
emperors. Death was the punishment of
persistence, as appears by the narratives in
chs. vi. 1S-31, vii. 1-42.

did boldly jeopard his body and life.'] It
does not appear how Razis escaped ; but we
may be sure that it was by no unworthy
compliances.

39. Nicanor, willing to declare the hate

that he bare unto the Jews.] Compare 1
Mace. vii. 26. Nicanor probably felt it
necessary to rebut the accusations of Alcimus
(x\ 26) by some act of violence which should
be sure to come to the king's ears. It does
not appear that he was really actuated by
hatred of the Jewish people.

sent above five hundred men of war to take
him.] This can scarcely have been necessary.
It must almost certainly have been done to
draw attention and remark.

41. when the multitude?] I.e. the 500-
soldiers. Compare v. 20.

would have taken the tower.] Rather,
"were at the point of taking the tower."
It is difficult to explain the use of the article
before the word " tower," unless by supposing
the abbreviator to follow his author in so
doing, but to have omitted a previous reference
to the fact that Razis took refuge in a tower.
Gorionides says that he took refuge in his
private house, which may, however, have
possessed a " tower " or " keep " of its own.

and violently broken into the outer door.]
Rather, "and were forcing the outer door."
The avKaia (or avkeia) dupa is the door
leading from the street into the av\i), or main
court of the mansion. It consisted of two
flaps or valves meeting in the middle. Hence
the singular 6vpa of this clause is followed by
the plural, Bvpai, in the next.

and bade.] Rather, "and were com-
manding."

he . . . fell upon his sword.] Suicide was.
most rare among the Jews until the time of
the Zealots (Joseph. ' Bell. Jud.' iii. 7 ; iv. 1).
Saul's suicide is doubtful (compare 1 Sam.
xxxi. 4 with 2 Sam. i. 6-10). Samson's
act, if it is to be considered a suicide, is
that of a very mixed and imperfect character.
There is no praise, no approval, no allowance
of suicide in the inspired Scriptures. Even a
heathen (Plato) could see that it was deser-
tion of the post in which a man had been
placed by God (' Phasdo,' § 6). The author
of the present Book evidently approves of

42—1.]

II. MACCABEES. XIV. XV.

641

B.C.

cir. 161.

42 Choosing rather to die man-
fully, than to come into the hands of
the wicked, to be abused otherwise
than beseemed his noble birth :

43 But missing his stroke through
haste, the multitude also rushing
within the doors, he ran boldly up to
the wall, and cast himself down man-
fully among the thickest of them.

44 But they quickly giving back,
and a space being made, he fell down
into the midst of the void place.

45 Nevertheless, while there was
yet breath within him, being inflamed
with anger, he rose up ; and though
his blood gushed out like spouts of
water, and his wounds were grievous,
yet he ran through the midst of the

throng ; and standing upon a steep b. c.
rock, >jjj-

46 When as his blood was now
quite gone, he plucked out his
bowels, and taking them in both his
hands, he cast them upon the throng,
and calling upon the Lord of life and
spirit to restore him those again, he
thus died.

CHAPTER XV.

5 Nicanor1 s blasphemy. 8 Judas encourageth
his men by his dream. 28 Nicanor is slain.

BUT Nicanor, hearing that Judas
and his company were in the
strong places about Samaria, resolved
without any danger to set upon them
on the sabbath day.

it under certain circumstances. He admires
Razis, who acts " manfully " (y. 42), " boldly "
(or " nobly ") and " courageously " (y. 43). It
has been forcibly argued from this, that he is
not an inspired writer. (See Grimm ad loc.)

42. to be abused otherwise than beseemed his
noble birth.'] Grimm translates — "otherwise
than beseemed his nobility of character" In
either case, the motive is a low and selfish
one, resting upon pride and self-conceit, not
a motive that could in any way justify even a
doubtful action.

43. through haste."] Literally, "through
the haste of the struggle ;" i.e. the haste which
the struggle necessitated.

the multitude also.] Compare i\ 41. "The
multitude" are the 500 men-at-arms (y. 39).

up to the wall.] Rather, " up on the wall."
He ran up the steps which led to the top of the
tower and mounted on the parapet of the wall.

44. he fell down into the midst of the
•void place.] Keveiov has this meaning in
Nonnus and the Greek Anthology. Among
the classical writers it means "the flank" —
" the hollow between the ribs and the hip."
Some would translate here — "he fell on his
loins" or "on his belly." But the A.V. is
probably right.

45. 46. The description of these last two
verses is in the worst possible taste. It is dis-
gusting, horrible, and a heap of impossibilities.
If the narrative up to the end of v. 44 is true,
we may be quite certain that Razis was killed
by his fall, and did not rise from the ground
after he struck it. The author has an un-
fortunate habit of gloating over the details of
horrid deaths (ch. vii. 3-13; ix. 5-10, &c),
and here outdoes himself in coarseness and
ferocitv of description.

Apoc — Vol. II.

46. calling upon the Lord of life and spirit
to restore him those again.] Compare ch. vii.
11. The doctrine of the "resurrection of
the body " is evidently held by the writer in
its plainest and most literal sense.

CHAPTER XV.

§ 4. Nicanor designs to attack Judas
on the Sabbath, but is balked of
his purpose.

1-6. The author does not seem to be
aware that it had been determined, even
under M attathias, that defensive warfare was
permissible on the Sabbath (1 Mace. ii. 41);
since which time no Syro-Macedonian leader
could expect to gain much by choosing that
day for attacking the patriots. Apparently,
he supposes that Judas would not have offered
resistance on the Sabbath. But, had that been
the case, the insurrection must have been
strangled in its birth. The present passage
has thus no historical value.

1. Judas and his company were in the strong
places about Samaria.] Capharsalama, where
Nicanor engaged Judas before his denuncia-
tions against the Temple (1 Mace. vii. 31-35),
was on the Samaritan border; but Adasa,
where Judas had now stationed himself (ib.
•v. 40), was much nearer Jerusalem, being in
the immediate vicinity of Beth-horon, and
not far from Bethel. Thus the writer's geo-
graphy is at fault, no less than his history.

resolved without any danger to set upon
them.] This had been done once, and once
only, in the course of the war — viz. at its
very commencement. (See 1 Mace. ii. 32-38.)
The Jews had then offered no resistance and
been massacred. Subsequently a common-
sense view prevailed; and while the Jews,

2 T

642

II. MACCABEES. XV.

[v.

B.C.
cir. 161.

2 Nevertheless the Jews that were
compelled to go with him said, O
destroy not so cruelly and barba-
rously, but give honour to that day,
which he, that seeth all things, hath
honoured with holiness above other
days.

3 Then the most ungracious wretch
demanded, if there were a Mighty
one in heaven, that had commanded
the sabbath day to be kept.

4 And when they said, There is
in heaven a living Lord, and mighty,
who commanded the seventh day to
be kept :

5 Then said the other, And I also I
am mighty upon earth, and I com- jj
mand to take arms, and to do the
king's business. Yet he obtained
not to have his wicked will done.

6 So Nicanor in exceeding pride
and haughtiness determined to set up
a publick monument of his victory
over Judas and them that were with
him.

7 But Maccabeus had ever sure
confidence that the Lord would help
him :

8 Wherefore he exhorted his peo-
ple not to fear the coming of the

whenever they could, rested on the Sabbath,
they held themselves free to fight if attacked.
It is certainly strange that the writer did not
know this.

2. the Jews that were compelled to go with
him.] This, too, is probably unhistorical.
It was not the habit of the Syro-Macedonian
commanders to impress the devout Jews into
their service, and force them to bear arms
against their compatriots. They do not seem
even to have enrolled in their armies the Jews
who sided with them.

he that seeth all things.'] Rather, "He
that overseeth all things" — that has the
oversight and management of them.

3. the most ungracious wretch.] See the
comment on ch. viii. 34. It is sinfulness,
not ungraciousness, that is charged against
Nicanor.

if there were a Mighty one.] Literally, " a
Dynast," " a Ruler." Nicanor does not doubt
the existence of a dynast in heaven — he would
probably have admitted many such dynasts :
what he doubts is, whether any one of them
has commanded the observance of the seventh
day.

4. they said, There is in heaven, <te'c] Their
reply was — " The Lord who liveth in heaven
is himself a Mighty one, who has commanded
the observance of the Sabbath day."

5. And I also am mighty upon earth.]
Rather, "a mighty one." The point of the
story is that Nicanor, in a certain sense,
places himself on a par with God. " There
is perhaps a Mighty one in heaven who has
commanded one thing; but there is also a
Mighty one upon earth — myself — who com-
mands the contrary. Which will you obey ?"
It is implied that the Jews in his army (v. 2)
preferred to obey God, and that, in conse-
quence, his design came to nought. Grimm's
objection, that their number cannot have
been large enough to induce him to alter his

plans, is an objection, not to this view of the
author's meaning, but to the historical cha-
racter of his narrative.

6. So Nicanor . . . determined.] Rather,
"Now Nicanor had determined." He had
made up his mind to destroy the whole party
of Judas at one fell swoop, and then to set
up a grand monument to commemorate his
victory. The monument was to follow the
general character of the Greek " trophee."

§ 5. Maccabjeus raises the Spirits of
his Countrymen by putting before
them various considerations, and
especially by relating to them a
Vision which has appeared to him.

7-16. There is nothing improbable in this
narrative. Judas, reduced to great straits, at
the head of a force consisting of no more
than 3000 men (1 Mace. vii. 40), and opposed
to a large army of Syro-Macedonians under a
leader of repute, was likely to use every effort
to raise the spirits of his soldiers, and may
well have encouraged them to engage, not
only by employing the ordinary topics, but
by telling them of a vision that he had had.
On the eve of a battle, great commanders of
a sensitive temperament are liable to have
strange dreams. (See 'Records of the Past,'
vol. iv. p. 43 ; Plut. ' Vit. Alex.' § 24; Joseph.
' Ant. Jud.' xi. 5, &c.) And, as the thoughts
of Judas during the day were turned espe-
cially toward the subject of Divine aid (v. 7),
they may well have shaped his dreams at
night into the form here given. We may
even go further, and say that the occasion
would not have been an unworthy one for
an actual Divine vision. Israel was brought
very low. Had the three thousand not been
animated by a confident hope, ihey would pro-
bably have suffered complete defeat, and the
national movement might have been crushed.
This was not in accordance with the Divine

<*]

II. MACCABEES. XV.

643

;-B. c. heathen against them, but to remem-
■'Li_1- ber the help which in former times
they had received from heaven, and
now to expect the victory and aid,
which should come unto them from
the Almighty.

9 And so comforting them out of
the law and the prophets, and withal
putting them in mind of the battles
that they won afore, he made them
more cheerful.

10 And when he had stirred up
their minds, he gave them their
charge, shewing them therewithal
the falsehood of the heathen, and the
breach of oaths.

11 Thus he armed every one of
them, not so much with defence of
shields and spears, as with comfort-

able and good words : and beside b. c.
that, he told them a dream worthy ILL1,
to be believed, as if it had been so
indeed, which did not a little rejoice
them.

12 And this was his vision: That
Onias, who had been high priest, a
virtuous and a good man, reverend
in conversation, gentle in condition,
well spoken also, and exercised from
a child in all points of virtue, holding
up his hands prayed for the whole
body of the Jews.

13 This done, in like manner there
appeared a man with gray hairs,
and exceeding glorious, who was of a
wonderful and excellent majesty.

14 Then Onias answered, saying,
This is a lover of the brethren, who

will, and something beyond natural means
may have been employed to prevent it.

8. to remember the help which in former
times they had received from heaven.] See
above, ch. viii. 5, 6, 18, 23, 24, 36 ; x. 16, 17,
25, 29 ; xii. 22, &c.

the victory and aid which should come unto
them.] Judas was confident on account of
his vision. He was not always so certain of
victory. (See 1 Mace. iv. 10, ix. 10; 2 Mace.
xi. 7.)

9. And so comforting them out of the law
and the prophets.] There is no " so " in the
original. A fresh mode of encouragement is
intended, additional to those previously
mentioned. This was probably the reading
of certain appropriate passages from the Law
and the Prophets aloud before the people.
(Compare ch. viii. 23.)

that they won afore.] Rather, " that they
had won " — the battles against Apollonius (1
Mace. iii. 11), Seron (ib. vv. 23, 24), Gorgias
(ib. iv. 14, 15), Lysias (ib. vv. 34-36), Ti-
motheus (ib. v. 43 ; 2 Mace. viii. 30), and
others.

10. he gave them their charge] Probably
to seize their arms and begin the march
(Grimm).

shewing them . . . the falsehood . . . the
breach of oaths.] According to our author,
there had been an actual peace concluded
between Judas and Nicanor, which the latter
had been compelled by Demetrius to "make
void " without having any excuse to offer for
so doing (ch. xiv. 27, 28). If this were so,
Judas had ample foundation for his complaints,
without raking up such bygone matters as the

treachery of Apollonius in B.C. 168 (ch. v. 25)
or the misdeed of the Joppites in B.C. 164
(ch. xii. 3, 4).

11. a dream worthy to be believed, as if it had
been so indeed.] It is not very clear what our
translators meant by this. The MSS. have
two readings— oveipov a^iomarov vivap n and
ov. d£. virep ri. If we prefer the former, we
must translate " a dream worthy of belief,
which was a sort of waking vision ; " if the
latter, "a dream worthy of belief beyond
aught else." In neither case is any doubt
intended to be cast on the reality of the
vision.

12. Onias, who had been high priest.] Com-
pare ch. iii. 1. Onias III. is meant, who held
the high-priestly office from B.C. 198 to
B.C. 175.

a virtuous and a good man.] On the
character of Onias, see above, ch. iii. 1, 4, 5 5
iv. 2. On his murder by Andronicus, see
ch. iv. 34, 35.

gentle in condition] Rather, "in be-
haviour."

13. a man with gray hairs and exceeding
glorious.] Literally, " a man conspicuous for
gray hairs and glorious appearance."

14. Onias answered, saying.] Judas had
recognised Onias, whom he had doubtless
known, but could not tell who was his com-
panion. Onias "answered" his thought or
look of inquiry.

This is a lover of the brethren.] Literally,
"the lover," i.e. the one among the saints who
loves them beyond all others. It is not clear
why Jeremiah should have been assigned so
prominent a position ; but there are several

644

II. MACCABEES. XV.

[v. 15—19.

B. c. prayeth much for the people, and for
- — ' the holy city, to wity Jeremias the
prophet of God.

15 Whereupon Jeremias holding
forth his right hand gave to Judas a
sword of gold, and in giving it spake
thus,

16 Take this holy sword, a gift
from God, with the which thou shalt
wound the adversaries.

17 Thus being well comforted by
the words of Judas, which were very
good, and able to stir them up to
valour, and to encourage the hearts

of the young men, they determined
not to pitch camp, but courageously
to set upon them, and manfully to
try the matter by conflict, because
the city and the sanctuary and the
temple were in danger.

18 For the care that they took for
their wives, and their children, their
brethren, and kinsfolks, was in least ac-
count with them : but the greatest and
principal fear was for the holy temple.

19 Also they that were in the city
took not the least care, being trou-
bled for the conflict abroad.

B.C.
cir. 161.

indications that he occupied a leading place in
the thoughts of the later Jews. (See ch. ii. 1-
8; Matt. xvi. 14; 2 Esdras ii. 18.) Dean
Stanley says that he " had come to be regarded
as almost the Patron Saint of Palestine"
(' Lectures on the Jewish Church,' vol. iii.
p. 321).

15. Jeremias . . . gave to Judas a sword of
gold.] The " sword " of this passage (pop(pala )
is to be distinguished from the " sword "
(fiuxatpa) of 1 Mace. iii. 12, which Judas had
hitherto employed. The pofKpaui was the
long broadsword of the Thracians— a much
more formidable weapon than the short pi^ai-
pa or £i'0oj ; and though given only in vision,
indicated an increased power of slaughtering
enemies. By " a sword of gold " we are to
understand a sword with a golden hilt, and
with the blade also, perhaps, inlaid partly with
gold. On the appropriation of gold to the
dress, arms, and accoutrements cf divine per-
sonages, see the comment on ch. x. 29.

16. with the which thou shalt wound the
adversaries.] Rather, as Dean Stanley trans-
lates, " And with it thou shalt crush thine
enemies." The whole idea of the vision was,
that such a powerful aid was vouchsafed from
heaven as would utterly crush and destroy the
entire force of the Syro-Macedonians.

§ 6. The two Armies advance to the
Conflict. The Prayer of Judas ii\i-
mediately before engaging.

17-24. Animated to the highest pitch of
confident daring by the exhortations of Judas,
and especially by his narrative of his vision,
the small company of Jews insisted on march-
ing at once against the enemy, being eager to
engage. They felt that the battle would be
decisive of their fate as a nation. If they
were successful, all would be well ; if the con-
trary, the country, city, Temple would be lost.
The writer represents them as chiefly anxious
about the Temple— so lately recovered, so

greatly in danger of being again lost, so
blasphemously threatened by their proud
enemy. Friends, brethren, kinsfolk, even wife
and children, were of less account than the
recently purified sanctuary (6 Ka8r)yiao-pevos
vaos). At Jerusalem the peril was equally
clearly seen, and the issue expected with even
greater anxiety. The two armies drew near.
Judas, " with his small band, saw the large
and variegated host of the Syrians approach,
the furious elephants snorting in the centre,
the cavalry hovering on the wings. It was, if
ever, a time and place to invoke the Divine
aid which supports the few against the many "
(Stanley). Judas's prayer is given with sub-
stantial agreement by the authors of both the
First and the Second Book (1 Macc.vii.41, 42 ;
2 Mace. xv. 22-24). It invoked upon the
proud blasphemer of the day the fate of
Sennacherib.

17. the words of Judas, which were very
good.] Rather, "which were altogether
noble."'

to encourage the hearts oftheyoung.] Rather,
"to revive the spirits." It is implied that
they had been drooping and depressed.

they determined not to pitch camp.] The
author of the First Book says, that Judas
" pitched in Adasa " (ch. vii. 40). The present
writer does not contradict the statement. He
only means that, after hearing the account of
the vision, the army on the same day en-
countered the enemy.

the sanctuary.] Grimm translates, " the
religion ; " but it is better to understand by ra
oyia, " the Temple building," and by to upov,
" the sacred enclosure."

18. the care that they took.] Rather, "the
anxiety that they felt."

was in least account.] Rather, "in less
account." No doubt it was very great ; but
it was not so great as their anxiety for the
Temple.

19. they that were in the city took not the least

V. 20 25-]

II. MACCABEES. XV.

645

b. c. 20 And now, vrhen as all looked

C1!li_1' what should be the trial, and the
enemies were already come near, and
the army was set in array, and the
beasts conveniently placed, and the
horsemen set in wings,

21 Maccabeus seeing the coming
of the multitude, and the divers pre-
parations of armour, and the fierceness
of the beasts, stretched out his hands
toward heaven, and called upon the
Lord that worketh wonders, knowing
that victory cometh not by arms, but
even as it seemeth good to him, he
giveth it to such as are worthy :

22 Therefore in his prayer he said b. c.
after this manner ; O Lord, athou C1LL1'
didst send thine angel in the time of a *£)™\
Ezekias king of Judea, and didst slay ch- 8- 19-
in the host of Sennacherib an hundred
fourscore and five thousand :

23 Wherefore now also, O Lord of
heaven, send a good angel before us
for a fear and dread unto them ;

24 And through the might of
thine arm let those be stricken with
terror, that come against thy holy
people to blaspheme. And he ended
thus.

25 Then Nicanor and they that

care.] Dean Stanley notes that the hills about
Beth-horon, near which the fight took place,
"are visible from Jerusalem." Thus the city
was in the greatest excitement. Translate,
"They that were in the city experienced
no common agony."

20. when as all looked what should be the
trial.] Rather, "what should be the deci-
sion " — how the matter should end.

the beasts conveniently placed.] By " the
beasts" are clearly meant "the elephants."
It has been argued that Nicanor could have
had no elephants, since, shortly before De-
metrius obtained the throne, certain Roman
commissioners had forced Lysias to surrender
the Syrian elephant-force, and had massacred
the unfortunate animals (Grimm on 2 Mace,
xiv. 12). Such a massacre certainly took
place (Polyb. xxxi. 12 ; Appian, ' Syriac' § 46).
But it is open to question, (1) whether Lysias
surrendered the <wbole force ; and (2) whether
Demetrius did not supply the place of those
that were killed by fresh purchases. The
onerous conditions of the treaty of Magnesia
were, as much as possible, evaded by the
Syrian kings.

the horsemen set in wings.] Rather, "on
the wings." Compare the arrangement of
Antiochus the Great at Magnesia (Liv.
xxxvii. 40).

21. the divers preparations of armour^]
Livy says of the army of Antiochus the
Great at Magnesia — " Regia acies varia
magis multis gentibus, dissimilitudine armorum
auxiliorumque erat " (/. s. c). Nicanor's army
probably presented a similar variety on a
smaller scale.

called upon the Lord that worketb wonders.]
Or, according to another reading, " called
upon the wonder-working, all-seeing God."

22. thou didst send thine angel in the time
of Ezekias.] See 2 Kings xix. 35 ; 2 Ghron.
xxxii. 21 ; Is. xxxvii. 36.

and didst slay.] Some MSS. give <a\ dvelXev,
" and he slew," for nal aVeZA.es-, " and didst
slay." The difference is unimportant.

23. send a good angel before us.] Compare
ch. xi. 6.

24. those . . . that come against thy holy
temple.] Rather, "that came." The refer-
ence is to the past action of Nicanor recorded
in ch. xiv. 31-33.

§ 7. Defeat and Death of Nicanor.
Treatment of his Body. Appoint-
ment of Nicanor's day.

25-36. The two armies advanced to the
encounter, the Syrians with trumpets and
singing, the Jews with calling on God and
prayer. There was scarcely any struggle.
Nicanor fell in the first onset (1 Mace. vii.
43), and his army "cast away their weapons
and fled" (ib. v. 44). The rout was com-
plete. Our author calculates the slain at
35,000: but the older historian does not
venture on any estimate. On the return
from the pursuit, Nicanor's body was found,
and on account of his blasphemies was treated
with indignity. The head and right arm
were struck off and carried to Jerusalem,
where they were held up before the Syrian
garrison in the Acra by way of derision. The
head, after the tongue had been cut out, was
actually nailed to the wall of the heathen
fortress. The tongue which had blasphemed
was chopped into small pieces and thrown to
the birds. The hand and arm that had been
stretched out to threaten the Holy Place was
fastened to the "Beautiful Gate" — thence
called " the Gate of Nicanor." Finally, in
commemoration of the victory, the day of its
occurrence, the 13th of Adar, was appointed
for annual observance, and became known as
" Nicanor's day."

25. Nicanor and they that were with him
came forward with trumpets and songs.] On

646

II. MACCABEES. XV.

[v. 26—3;

B.C.
cir. 161.

* 1 Mac.
7- 43-

were with him came forward with
trumpets and songs.

26 But Judas and his company
encountered the enemies with invo-
cation and prayer.

27 So that fighting with their
hands, and praying unto God with
their hearts, they slew no less than
thirty and five thousand men : for
through the appearance of God they
were greatly cheered.

28 Now when the battle was done,
returning again with joy, they knew
that ^Nicanor lay dead in his harness.

29 Then they made a great shout
and a noise, praising the Almighty
in their own language.

30 And Judas^ who was ever the

chief defender of the citizens both
in body and mind, and who con-
tinued his love toward his country-
men all his life, commanded to rstrike
off Nicanor's head, and his hand with
his shoulder, and bring them to
Jerusalem.

31 So when he was there, and had
called them of his nation together,
and set the priests before the altar, he
sent for them that were of the tower,

32 And shewed them vile Nica-
nor's head, and the hand of that
blasphemer, rf which with proud brags
he had stretched out against the holy
temple of the Almighty.

33 And when he had cut out the
tongue of that ungodly Nicanor, he

B.C.
cir. 161.

c 1 Mac.
7-47«

d ch. 14.
33-

the use of "trumpets" by the Syrians see
ch. v. 31. The "songs" intended are war-
songs — properly " songs of triumph after a
victory" (Liddell and Scott ad njoc), but
sometimes also sung before one (Thuc. i. 50,
iv. 43 ; J£sc\\. 'Pers.' 1. 393 ; Xen. ' Cyrop.'
iv. 1, § 6 ; Plut. ' Vit. Lycurg.' § 22), in anti-
cipation of it. Nicanor and his men were no
doubt confident of victory.

27. fighting with their hands, and praying
unto God ivith their hearts.] Dean Stanley
compares the conduct of Cromwell's Iron-
sides (' Lectures on the Jewish Church,'
vol. iii. p. 322).

they slew no less than thirty and five thou-
sand men.'] Compare the estimates in ch. x.
17, 23; xii. 23, 26, 28. The graduation by
sums each 5000 more or less than the others
(20,000, 25,000, 30,000, 35,000) indicates the
roughness of the estimate. At the same time
the fact that this is the largest amount of
slain recorded by the author indicates that he
considered the defeat to be the most crushing
that the Syrians suffered at the hands of
Judas.

for through the appearance of God they were
greatly cheered.] Once more a miraculous
appearance, generally visible to the army,
seems to be meant — an appearance whereof
the earlier historian has no knowledge, (Com-
pare ch. iii. 25, 33 ; ch. x. 29, 30 ; ch. xi. 8 ;
and ch. xii. 22.)

28. when the battle was done.] Literally,
" when they were come from the business."
The " business " of the pursuit and slaughter
is intended.

they knew that Nicanor lay dead.] Rather,
"they perceived." Dean Stanley supposes
that he was recognised by the splendour of
his armour (' Lectures,' Slc, vol. iii. p. 323).

29. in their own language.] The use of
this phrase seems to imply that Greek was
already the tongue most frequently spoken by
the Jews.

30. Judas . . . who continued bis love
toward his countrymen all his life.] Rather,
" who still retained the love for his country-
men that lie had in his youth."

to strike off Nicanor's bead and his band.]
The head and hand had both sinned— the
head, in that the brain conceived the blas-
phemous thought of ch. xiv. 33, and the mouth
littered it ; the hand, in that it was stretched
out threateningly against the Most High. It
was not the habit of the Jews to mutilate the
bodies of the slain ; but the case of Nicanor
was regarded as exceptional, and so as justify-
ing exceptional treatment.

with his shoulder.] Rather, " with the
arm." Compare ch. xii. 35.

31. he sent for them that were of the tower.]
The chief men of the Acra are evidently
intended. They were certainly not under his
authority, and he could not require their at-
tendance. But he may have sent for them on
the plea of negotiations (Grotius), or simply
telling them that he had something of import-
ance to communicate. It was for them to
attend or not as they pleased. According to
our author, they obeyed his summons.

32. shewed them vile Nicanor s head and
the hand, &c] Not only certifying to them
Nicanor's death, but making them aware, at
any rate in part, of the punishment with which
it had been determined to visit his blasphemy.

which . . . he had stretched out against the
holy temple?] See ch. xiv. 33, and compare
1 Mace. vii. 47.

33. when he had cut out the tongue of that

v. 34—38-]

II. MACCABEES. XV.

647

commanded that they should give it
by pieces unto the fowls, and hang up
the reward of his madness before the
temple.

34 So every man praised toward
the heaven the glorious Lord, saying,
Blessed be he that hath kept his own
place undefiled.

35 He hanged also Nicanor's head
upon the tower, an evident and mani-
fest sign unto all of the help of the
Lord.

36 And e they ordained all with a B.C.
common decree in no case to let that
day pass without solemnity, but to x

Mac.

7. 49.

celebrate the thirteenth day of the
twelfth month, which in the Syrian
tongue is called Adar, the day before
-^Mardocheus' day. / Esth. 5

37 Thus went it with Nicanor : I7' 2I"
and from that time forth the Hebrews

had the city in their power. And
here will I make an end.

38 And if 1 have done well, and as

ungodly Nicanor.'] The object was to em-
phasize the guilt of this particular member,
which had committed the chief sin. No
doubt there was a ghastly horror and savagery
about the act ; but it was striking, dramatic,
and well calculated to make the Syrians cau-
tious of repeating such wild threats as those
which Nicanor had uttered. Compare the
alleged treatment of the head of Cyrus by
Tomyris (Herod, i. 214) and the Parthian
treatment of the head of Crassus (Florus, iii.
11, § 11 ; Dio Cass. xl. 27).

unto the fowls.'] I.e. "the birds of the air."

and hang up the reward of his madness
before the temple.] " The reward " (or rather
"punishment") of Nicanor's madness seems
to be the severed right hand and arm, which,
according to tradition, was " nailed to the
main eastern entrance of the inner court of
the Temple, known long after as the Gate
Beautiful, but also as ' the Gate of Nicanor '
from this terrible reminiscence" (Stanley,
' Lectures,' /. s. c).

34. every man praised toward the heaven
the glorious Lord.] " Crying toward heaven "
is a common expression in the First Book,
where the name of God is generally avoided.
" Praising toward heaven " is a rare ex-
pression, but may be understood to mean,
" with eyes and hands lifted up heavenwards."
The word translated " glorious " means pro-
bably " present to aid," and glances back at
v. 27.

35. He hanged also Nicanor's head upon the
tower.] Je. upon the external wall of the
Acra. Compare the fastening of Saul's body
by the Philistines to the wall of Beth-shan
(1 Sam. xxxi. 10).

36. they ordained all with a common decree.]
A decree of the Council of Elders, which
was the chief civil authority at Jerusalem
(ch. x. 8 ; xi. 27; xiv. 37), is probably in-
tended. It was recognised that the civil
power might lawfully appoint days for com-
memoration of events important to the nation

with a religious ceremonial. (See Hooker,
' Ecclesiastical Polity,' v. 81, § 6.)

to celebrate the thirteenth day of the twelfth
month?] Compare 1 Mace. vii. 49.

which in the Syrian tongue is called Adar?]
" Adar " (Addaru) was the name of the
twelfth month in the Babylonian Calendar
('Records of the Past,' vol. i. p. 164); and
this name seems to have been adopted by the
Jews during the Captivity from the Baby-
lonians. Still it is quite possible that the
Syrians knew the month by the same name.
Or the writer may call the language which
the Jews brought back from Babylon "the
Syrian tongue."

the day before Mardocheus' day.] See
Esther ix. 21.

§ 8. Epilogus, or concluding Remarks
of the Author.

37-39. The author states his reason for
concluding his work at this point, and invites
the judgment of his readers on the manner
in which he has accomplished his task. He
has sought to give them a tempered draught,
neither too stimulating nor too tasteless.
The proof that he has succeeded will be in
their satisfaction.

37. from that time forth the Hebrews had
the city in their power.] This is scarcely
true, if the entire city is meant; since the
Acra and the whole western hill remained in
the possession of the Syrians until the time of
Simon, B.C. 142-1. (See 1 Mace. xiii. 49-51 ;
xiv. 36.) It may have been true of the
eastern city, if the author wrote before the
time of John Hyrcanus, who was forced to
surrender the entire city to Antiochus Sidetes
in B.C. 133. Most critics, however, suppose
that he wrote considerably later than this.

And here will I make an end.] In the
original this clause stands in the closest con-
nection with what precedes. Translate —
" Matters having thus gone with Nicanor
and the Hebrews having from that time forth

648

II. MACCABEES. XV.

tv- 39-

B.C.
cir. 161.

is fitting the story, it is that which I
desired: but if slenderly and meanly,
it is that which I could attain unto.

39 For as it is hurtful to drink
wine or water alone j and as wine

mingled with water is pleasant, and
delighteth the taste : even so speech
finely framed delighteth the ears of"
them that read the story. And here
shall be an end.

B.C.

cir. 161.

had the city in their power, I also will here
bring my relation to an end." The author
means that he ends where the danger to the
(eastern) city and Temple ended.

38. if slenderly and meanly, it is that which
I could attain unto.'] Observe that the writer
claims no inspiration — no divine assistance at
all. The work is his own composition, and
if defective is so through his defects. He
only claims to have done as well as he could.

39. as it is hurtful to drink tuine or water
alone.] To drink wine untempered with
water would be regarded in the East as

naturally leading to intoxication. To drink
water alone was probably reckoned unwhole-
some. (See 1 Tim. v. 23.)

speech finely framed.] Rather, " the arrange-
ment of the narrative." The pleasure, i.e., of
reading a history depends on the arrangement
of its various facts and circumstances by the
author, who must mingle "wine" with
"water"— or highly-wrought and exciting
passages with others of a more level and
tamer cast — if he would give satisfaction to
the reader. How far he has done this, the
author leaves the reader to say.

THE END OF THE APOCRYPHA.

LONDON : PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOW I'" S AND SONS, LIMITED,
STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS.

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Full text of "The Holy Bible, according to the authorized version, A.D. 1611 : with an explanatory and critical commentary and a revision of the translation by clergy of the Anglican Church. Apocrypha"

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