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Full text of "The Holy Bible : a facsimile in a reduced size of the Authorized version published in the year 1611"











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THE 









HOLY BIBLE 

A Facsimile in a reduced size of the 
Authorized Version published in the year 



i 



611 



*** ^ 



WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY A. W. POLLARD 

AND ILLUSTRATIVE DOCUMENTS 




OXFORD 

PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 
LONDON : HENRY FROWDE 

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS, AMEN CORNER 
NEW YORK: 35 WEST 32ND STREET 

191 I 



4 






OXFORD 

PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 

BY HORACE HART 



CONTENTS. 



BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION . 



PREFACE 

CHAPTER 

I. The Earlier English Translations (1380-1582). 

II. The Bible of 161 1 

III. The Later History of the Bible of 161 1 



PAGE 
7 



9 
33 



APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION. 

DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE MAKING, PRINTING, AND PUBLISHING OF THE ENGLISH 
TRANSLATIONS OF THE BIBLE, FROM TYNDALE'S NEW TESTAMENT OF 1525 TO THE 
APPEARANCE OF THE VERSION OF 161 1. 



NUMBER 
I. 



II. 

III. 

IV. 

V. 

VI. 

VII. 

VIII. 

IX. 

X. 

XI. 

XII. 

XIII. 

XIV. 

XV. 

XVI. 

XVII. 
XVIII. 

XIX. 

XX. 

XXI. 

XXII. 



Prohibition of English Translations of the Bible from the time of Wyclif unless 

authorized by a Bishop or a Provincial Council 
Sir Thomas More on the Prohibition 
More's Plan for a Limited Circulation . 
Tyndale's Translations .... 

Tyndale's Story of his Translation 

The Printing of the first New Testaments 

The News sent to the King 

The supposed Trial Version of S. Matthew . 

The Beginning of Tyndale's Prologue to the first New Testament 

Tyndale's Epilogue to the second New Testament 

Henrv VIII's belief that Tyndale was instigated by Luther . 

Tyndale on his fellow ' apostate ' William Roy 

An Expert Criticism of Tyndale's Version .... 

The Criticisms of Sir Thomas More ..... 

Episcopal Prohibition ........ 

The Search for English New Testaments and other Heretical Books at Antwerp 

and endeavour to get their Printers punished 

The Bishop of London buys New Testaments 

The Bishop of Norwich refunds the Archbishop part of his outlay on New 

Testaments ...... 

The Confession of Robert Necton that bought and sold New Testaments in 

English . ......... 

Bishop Nix implores the King's help ..... 

The King consults his Council and the Bishops, May 25, 1530 
The King's Proclamation, June, 1 5 50 . 



41 
41 
43 
44 
46 
48 
52 
53 
53 
54 
55 
56 
57 
59 
61 

62 
68 

69 

70 
72 
73 
73 



Contents. 



NUMBER 

XXIII. 

XXIV. 

XXV. 

XXVI. 

XXVII. 



XXVIII. 

XXIX. 

XXX. 

XXXI. 

xxxu. 

XXXIII. 



xxxiv. 

XXXV. 
XXXVI. 



XXXVII. 

XXXVIII. 

XXXIX. 



Tyndale's Terms of Submission. 
Frith's Defence of Tyndale and his Work . 
George Jove's Letter to the King and Queen 
The Bishops' Petition for an English Bible 

George Joye's unauthorized Revision of Tyndale's New Testament : 

A. Tyndale's Complaint 

B. George Joye's Answer 

C. The Reconciliation breaks down 

D. Jove's Narrative 

Tyndale's Work as a Transit 

The Projected Bishops' Version 

Financial help given to Coverdale by Jacob van Meteren . 

Co\ erdale's Bible, i ; ;; : 

A. End of Dedication .... . . 

B. Beginning of the Address to the Reader .... 

Coverdale's Latin-English New Testament following the Vulgate Text 

A. Dedication to the First Edition ..... 

B. Preface to the same Edition ...... 

I lit licensing of Matthew's Bible : 

A. Letter from Cranmer to Cromwell, August 4. 1537 . 

B. Cranmer to Cromwell, August 13, 1537 . 
I'. Cranmer to Cromwell. August 28, 1537 . 

D. Richard Grafton to Cromwell August 28, 1537 

E. Richard Grafton to Cromwell, after August 28, 1537 

Fox's Account of the Printing of the Great Bible of 1539 

The French King's Licence ....... 

Reports of Progress : 

\. Letter of Coverdale and Grafton to Cromwell, June 23, 1538 

B. Letter of Edward Whitchurch to Cromwell (undated) 

C. Letter of Coverdale, Grafton, and W. Gray to Cromwell. August 9, 15; 

D. Coverdale and Grafton to Cromwell, September 12, 1538 . 

E. Bishop Bonner to Cromwell, October 7, 1538 . 

The King's Proclamation, November 16, 1538 .... 

More Reports from Paris : 

A. Grafton to Cromwell, December I, 1538 . 

B. Coverdale to Cromwell. December 13, 1538 

llu Bibles Confiscated: Cromwell's Efforts to obtain their release: 

\. Citation of Francois Regnault for Printing the Bible at Paris. Decern 

ber ;-. ... 

B. Castillon, the French Ambassador 111 England, to the Constable of 

France, December 31, 1538 . 
('. Extract from Letter of the Imperial Ambassador in England to the 

cror Charles V. January 9, 1 5 jg 
l». Postscript ol .1 Lettei from the French Ambassador. Charles Marillac 
to the Grand Constable of France. May 1, 1539 

E. Extract from a Letter from the Grand Constable oi France to the 

French Ambassador in England, May 6, 1539 

F. Extract from a 1 1 French Ambassador to the Constable 

July 5. 1539 



Contents. 



NUMBER 
XL. 

XLI. 

XLII. 
XLIII. 
XLIV. 



XLV. 

XLVI. 

XLVII. 

XLVIII. 

XLIX. 
L. 



LI. 
LII. 



LIII. 

LIV. 
LV, LVI. 



LVII. 

LVIII. 

LIX. 

LX. 

LXI. 

LXII. 

INDEX TO 



The Price and Copyright of the Great Bible ..... 

Patent for Bible Printing granted to Cromwell ..... 

Anthony Marler and the Privy Council ...... 

The King's Proclamation for the English Bible to be set up in Churches 

The Reading of the Bible : 

A. Draft for a Proclamation ....... 

B. An Admonition and Advertisement given by the Bishop of London to 

all Readers of the Bible in the English Tongue. 154- . 

C. The Narrative of William Maldon of Newington 

The Great Bible condemned ....... 

Preface to the Geneva New Testament ..... 

Preface to the Geneva Bible ....... 

Privilege and Licence to John Bodley for printing the Geneva Bible for seven 
years ............ 

Parker and Grindal on the Renewal of Bodley's Privilege . 

The Preparation of the Bishops' Bible : 

A. Letter of Richard Cox, Bishop of Ely, to Cecil 

B. Parker invites Cecil to take part in the Revision 

C. Strype's Summary of other Correspondence .... 

Parker announces to Cecil the completion of the Bishops' Bible . 

Presentation of the Bishops' Bible to the Queen, and Story of the Revision : 

A. Archbishop Parker to Cecil ....... 

B. Archbishop Parker to Queen Elizabeth ..... 

C. Parker's Note as to the Translators ..... 

The Inception of the Rheims New Testament ..... 
Preface to the Rheims New Testament ...... 

Jugge and Barker and their Patrons : 

A. The High Commissioners' Order taken between Richard Jugge and others 

of the Stationers' Company ...... 

B. The Beginning of the Bible Stock ..... 

C. Barker's Satisfaction to Jugge ..... 

Barker establishes his Monopoly ..... 

Barker's Circular to the City Companies . . . . 

Draft for an Act of Parliament for a New Version of the Bible 

The Attempt to provide for the Translators of 161 1 : 

A. Bishop Bancroft circulates a Letter from the King 

B. Bancroft's Exhortation to the Bishops to subscribe 



PAGE 

1 10 

1 1 1 
1 1 1 
112 

113 

114 
ii5 
116 
117 
119 

121 
121 

122 
122 
122 

124 

124 
125 
125 

127 

128 



132 
133 
134 



137 
138 

139 
140 

141 



The Bible Stock in 1606 ........ 

Report on the Making of the Version of 16 ri presented to the Synod of Dort 141 

THE BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION 143 



Contents. 



FACSIMILE OF THE 1611 BIBLE. 

The Epistle Dedicatory. 

The Translators to the Reader. 

Calendar. 

An Almanack for 39 Years. 

Directions to find Easter. 

The Order of Psalms and Lessons to be said at Morning and Evening Prayer. 

The Names and Order of the Books of the Old and New Testament. 

Genealogies of Holy Scripture. 

Map of Canaan. 

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 
THE APOCRYPHA. 
THE NEW TESTAMENT. 



BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. 

PREFACE. 

In writing a Bibliographical Introduction to the Oxford University Press reprints 
of the English Bible of 1611 I found myself constantly hampered by the lack of such 
a collection of original documents as has here been brought together. Quite a large 
number of important documents had never been printed in full ; others were available 
only in books now out of print or for other reasons difficult to obtain. Many of the 
books, moreover, were extremely bulky, and when it was desired to consider afresh the 
evidence of several different documents in order to straighten out some small tangle, 
the difficulties of remembering where each was to be found and getting hold of the 
right books were somewhat harassing. I was thus moved, when my Introduction 
was nearing completion, to suggest to Mr. Frowde that a collection of original docu- 
ments relating to the making, printing, and publishing of the English translations 
of the Bible, from Tyndale's New Testament of 1525 to the appearance of the version 
of 161 1, would be as appropriate a commemoration of the Tercentenary as could 
well be conceived. Mr. Frowde cordially agreed, and the volume was accordingly 
put in hand. The natural desire of publisher and editor that it should be available 
for the use of those taking part in the Tercentenary Celebrations in March 191 1 will 
be no defence if any serious fault should be found, but may perhaps be allowed some 
weight by readers who would have liked fuller notes to some of the documents, or see 
room for minor improvements in other respects. 

Although the documents here printed are mainly those which I used in writing 
my Introduction 1 they take a considerably wider range. The personal element which 
the bibliographer was bound to leave very imperfectly indicated here crops up at 
every turn, and in their own words in prefaces and letters, or in the narratives and 
comments of contemporaries we get intimate glimpses into the characters of many of 
those who played their part in the century which it took to determine the great question 
as to what Bible the English people should be allowed to read. Another point which 
the documents emphasize is the political importance attached to that struggle. Just 
as the documents relating to the quarrel of Tyndale and Joye have little bearing on 
the main history of the English Bible, and yet are worth all the pages they fill because 
of their human interest, so the long reports of Hackett to Wolsey, or, again, the diplo- 
matic correspondence about the Bible of 1539, which takes us so far away from text and 
translators, are yet thoroughly relevant as showing the immense importance attached 
by the statesmen of the day to stopping or forwarding the supply of the Scriptures 
in English, according as their policy dictated. 

I have already indicated in my Introduction my belief that after the accession 
of Queen Elizabeth the question of what Bible the English people should be allowed 

1 In reprinting this, marginal references by their numbers have been given to the documents used. 



8 Bibliographical Introduction. 



to read was almost as keenly contested as before. The documents kindly supplied 
to me by Mr. Charles Rivington, just in time for insertion (see Nos. LVI and LXI), 
justify far stronger language than on the evidence at first before me I ventured to use. 
As long as he lived Archbishop Parker kept the Geneva Bible from being printed in 
England, and secured a monopoly for the Bishops' Bible, and for Jugge as its printer. 
We now know that it was within three weeks of Parker's death that J ugge's monopoly 
was broken down and that not more than three days later, at the instance of seven 
members of the Privy Council, Christopher Barker was allowed to enter the Geneva 
Bible ' for his copy ' at Stationers' Hall. In 1577, when Jugge died, the office of 
Queen's Printer was conferred on Barker by a patent which gave him the most absolute 
control over Bible-printing in England, and until the accession of Whitgift this patent 
was used to secure a monopoly for the Geneva version as rigorous as that which Parker 
had obtained for the Bishops'. To the reasons I have given in my Introduction for 
believing that after a few years of grace recourse was had to the methods of Arch- 
bishop Parker to support the version 'of 1611 as against that of Geneva, I should like 
to add here that the real triumph of the 161 1 version came in the days of the Common- 
wealth, when its hold on the affections of the people proved so strong that its supremacy 
remained undisturbed. The leaders of the two great parties in the Church had loyally 
co-operated in making it, and after the experience of a third of a century it was 
recognized as the Bible of the whole Church and the whole Nation. 

It only remains to acknowledge some personal obligations. The heaviest of these 
is to my friend Mr. H. R. Plomer, by whom the greater part of the documents were 
transcribed. 1 Mr. Plomer took the keenest interest in the work, and without his 
experienced helpfulness I could have done nothing. Like most other students of the 
subject, I have found Anderson's Annals of the English Bible (1845) of great use despite 
its vehement partisanship. I also owe many valuable references to Professor Arber's 
introduction to his facsimile of the Grenville fragment of Tyndale's New Testament 
of 1525; to Mr. J. A. Kingdon's privately printed monograph on Two Members of the 
Grocers 1 Company, Richard Grafton and Thomas Poyntz ; to the admirable Historical 
Catalogue of Printed Bibles by Messrs. Darlow and Moule ; and to that standard work, 
A General View of the History of the English Bible by the late Bishop Westcott, as 
edited by Dr. Aldis Wright. 

ALFRED W. POLLARD. 

1 With the exception of a few in Episcopal Registers all documents have been transcribed from, 
or collated with, the originals. These have been transcribed as they stand, but contracted forms have 
been written out. In some documents the form ' & ' has been expanded ; in others it has been allowed 
to stand. 



BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. 

CHAPTER I. 

THE EARLIER ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS (1380-1582). 

Mainly, no doubt, because of the predominance of French as the language 
of educated people in England from the time of the Norman Conquest until the 
middle of the fourteenth century, the Bible, as a whole, remained untranslated into 
English, until the last years of the life of Wyclif. A version was then made, about 
1380-3, and some years later this was revised and substantially rewritten in 
a simpler style by another hand. That the reformer himself took any personal share 
in either of these versions which pass popularly under his name is unlikely, and in the 
case of the second is not seriously contended. We know from a manuscript at 
the Bodleian Library, Oxford, that Nicholas of Hereford, who up to the time of the 
final defeat of Wyclif 's cause at Oxford (June 1382 ) figured as one of his strongest sup- 
porters at the University, was the author of the first version as far as Baruch iii. 20, 
where it breaks off in the manuscript abruptly, presumably because of Hereford's 
flight. The authorship of the rest of this version is unknown, and being unknown has 
been ascribed to Wyclif himself, with more piety than probability, since the master 
does not often take up the work of the disciple, and Wyclif, after June 1382, was 
both old and ill. The authorship of the second version was tentatively ascribed 
to one of Wyclif's followers, John Purvey, by Daniel Waterton in 1729 {Waterton's 
Works, vol. x, p. 361), and although Waterton says himself that he merely guessed 
and ' pitched upon ' Purvey as the author, and his reason for doing so has not been 
confirmed, the suggestion was accepted by Forshall and Madden in their splendid 
edition of the two versions in 1850, and is now frequently stated as a fact. 

A name which long before Waterton's time was connected with an English 
version of the Bible was that of John of Trevisa, of whom Caxton wrote in the 
preface to his edition of Higden's Polychronicon that at the request of ' one Sir 
Thomas lord barkley ', to whom he acted as priest, he had translated the Poly- 
chronicon, the Bible, and the De Proprietatibus Rerum of Bartholomaeus Anglicus, 
one of the best known of mediaeval encyclopaedias. The first and third of these 
translations survive. Of that of the Bible (mentioned also, probably on Caxton's 
authority, in the preface to the Bible of 1611) nothing is known, unless it can be 
identified either with the completion of the first version begun by Nicholas of 
Hereford or with the second version which has somewhat lightly been assigned to 
Purvey. For our present purpose it is unnecessary to enter further into these 
questions of authorship. It is sufficient to note that the translator of the second 
of the two extant versions worked, according to his own account, ' with diverse felawis 
and helpars ' and had ' manie gode felawis and kunnynge at the correccioun of 
his translacioun '. It thus seems certain that there was something of the nature 
of an informal board or company of translators, and if piety did not constrain 
us to speak of these two versions, not indeed as the Wyclif, but as the Wyclifite 
Bible, we might well have been content, as the present writer suggested ten years 
ago, to have called this the Oxford Bible, since it was with the reform party at 
Oxford that it took its inception and, despite its origin among Wyclif 's followers, 
there was no attempt in either version to translate in any party spirit, or to do 
anything else than give a faithful rendering of the Vulgate Latin. 

As early as 1397 at least one copy of this English Bible was in the possession of 
a royal duke, and the names of other noble owners during the fifteenth century, as 
well as fine manuscripts decorated so as to be worthy of such ownership, remain on 
record. In 1408 the Convocation held at Oxford had forbidden the possession 
of any English version of the Bible without licence from a bishop, but it is plain that 
such a licence could be procured, and we even hear of a copy belonging to such an 
eminently orthodox community as the Bridgetine house of Sion, at Isleworth. But 
the existence of Lollardy had reawakened such fears as Aelfric had expressed lest 
his epitome of the Pentateuch should entrap the unwary to believe in the lawfulness 
of polygamy, and a reader of the merchant class who had asked his priest to get him 



The 

Wyclifite 

Bibles. 



Record i, 
iii. 



Tyndale's 
New 
Testa- 
ment. 



iv, note 4. 
viii, jriii, 
xix. 

vii. 



IO 



Bibliographical Introduction. 






a licence to own an English Bible towards the end of the fifteenth century would 
probably have met but small encouragement. Add to this the fact that by this time 
the language of the Wyclifite versions was fast becoming obsolete, and also the vast 
expense of such an enterprise, and we have no reason to wonder that Caxton 
neither printed either of the existing translations, nor set himself to procure, or 
(hardened translator as he was) to make, a new one. But a generation later, 
other ideas had sprung up, and at least one man in England, William Tyndale, 
was determined that there should be an English Bible which not merely merchants 
but ploughboys could buy and read. 

William Tyndale had come to London, with a translation of a speech of Isocrates 
as a proof of his ability, in the hope of finding encouragement from the Bishop of 
London (Cuthbert Tunstall) to make a new translation of the New Testament not, 
as the ' Wyclifite ' translators had done, from the Latin Vulgate, but from the 
original Greek. Erasmus had published his famous edition of the Greek Testament 
in 1516, and this had been revised and reprinted in 1519 and 1522. Along with it 
he had printed a new translation into Latin. Tyndale had probably heard Erasmus 
lecture at Cambridge, and he must have been prepared, if Tunstall had given him 
any encouragement, to make his English version in the spirit of Erasmus. But 
there was no room for a translator of the Bible in the Bishop's house, nor indeed, 
as Tyndale said bitterly, in all England, so in 1524 he betook himself to Hamburg, 
with the help of a subsidy of £10 given him by a generous and devout London 
merchant, Henry Monmouth, and completed his translation undisturbed. There are 
references to what may have been trial issues of Matthew and Mark, but if, which 
is doubtful, these ever had a separate existence, no traces of them remain. But 
before December, 1525, copy had been handed to a Cologne printer, probably 
vi. connected in some way with the important printing-house of Peter Ouentell, founded 
some fifty years earlier, and ten quires (eighty pages) of an edition of 3,000 copies in 
small quarto had been printed off, when an anti-Lutheran controversialist, Johann 
Dobneck, 1 better known as Cochlaeus, anxious to ingratiate himself with the king 
of England, persuaded the magistrates of Cologne to interfere. To escape arrest, 
Tyndale and his amanuensis, William Roy, fled along the Rhine to Worms, taking 
the printed quires with them, and it was thus at Worms, not at Cologne, that the 
first printed edition of the New Testament in English was brought out. 

By a lucky chance a single copy of eight of the ten quires of Tyndale's New 
Testament printed at Cologne has been preserved, wanting only the first leaf, and 
is now in the British Museum, to which it was bequeathed by Thomas Grenville. 
According to Dobneck, a quarto edition was published at Worms, but whether this 
incorporated and completed the sheets printed at Cologne, or was entirely reset, is 
unknown, as no copy has survived. Our knowledge of Tyndale's Testament in its 
unrevised form thus rests on an octavo edition which has been identified from its 
types and illustrations as printed at Worms by Peter Schoeffer, the second son of the 
Schoeffer of the same name who had helped to make the art of printing a practical 
success at Mainz some seventy years before. This has survived in a copy at the 
Baptist College, Bristol, lacking only the first leaf, and another, much more imper- 
fect, at St. Paul's Cathedral. According to Dobneck, Tyndale printed 6,000 New 
Testaments at Worms ; it is thus probable that both the Worms quarto edition 
and the octavo, like the projected Cologne quarto, consisted of 3,000 copies. 

The thirty-one leaves still extant of the Cologne fragment contain Tyndale's 
Prologue and the text of St. Matthew down to the middle of chapter xxii. To 
the text are attached marginal notes, some of them vehemently anti-Roman. In the 
Worms octavo the marginal notes have been removed, but the prefaces are largely 
based on those of Luther, and the translation of the text shows abundant traces of 
Luther's German version. It is clear that Tyndale worked with this, the Vulgate, 
the Latin version of Erasmus, and the Greek text all before him, but it is also clear 
that it was primarily from the Greek that he translated, and that the other three books 
were only aids in the use of which he exercised his own very competent judgement. 
We have his personal assurance ('I had no man to counterfet, nether was holpe 
with englysshe of eny that had interpreted the same, or soche lyke t hinge m the 
scripture beforetyme ') that among his aids there was no copy of either of the 

1 Dobneck has left three accounts of his exploit, of which he seems to have been more than 
a little proud, written respectively in 153;, and [538 and (the fullest) in his De actis ct senilis 
Martini Lutheri of 1549 (see Record vi). 



The Earlier English Translations. 



1 1 



' Wyclifite ' versions, and though some resemblances have been quoted between his 
translation and these, they are not sufficient to cast any doubt on his statement. 
On the other hand, Tyndale's own work fixed, once for all, the style and tone of the 
English Bible, and supplied not merely the basis of all subsequent Protestant ren- 
derings of the books (with unimportant exceptions) on which he laboured, but their 
very substance and body, so that those subsequent versions must be looked upon as 
revisions of his, not as independent translations. 

After the octavo printed at Worms, no fragment of the text of any subsequent 
edition earlier than August 1534 is known to exist. Tyndale was at work on the 
Old Testament and refused all requests to supervise reprints of his version of the New. 
J Copies of this are heard of as selling in England as early as the spring of 1526, and they 
I were episcopally denounced in the following autumn. We hear of English Testa- 
| ments sold the next year at five and seven groats apiece (is. 8d. and 2s. 4^., answering 
to a modern value of ten or twelve times as much), and the profit on these prices 
may have been sufficient of itself to evoke unauthorized reprints, though it is equally 
probable that the unauthorized reprinters were enthusiasts who did not make 
pecuniary profit their chief object. According to George Joye, the editor of the 
unauthorized edition of August 1534, ' anon after ' Tyndale's own issue (i. e. of 
1525), the 'Dutchmen ' got a copy and printed it again in a small volume, adding 
the Kalendar at the beginning, concordances (i.e. references to parallels) in the 
margins, and a Table at the end. 1 A second reprint was in a larger form, and with 
larger type 2 and with figures, i.e. wood-cuts, in the Apocalypse. Of these two editions 
there were about 5,000 copies printed and these were all sold out some time in 
1533. A third reprint, consisting of 2,000 copies, Joye was asked to revise, but 
refused. When, however, yet another was in preparation, rather, according to his 
own account, than allow 2,000 additional copies to be placed on the market with the 
errors which by this time a succession of Dutch compositors had introduced, he under- 
took to correct the edition which appeared in August 1534. For doing this he was 
paid at the rate of <\\d. for sixteen leaves, a small enough sum even when multiplied 
by ten to give it its" modern value, but probably the full market-price of press- 
correction at that day. Unhappily, Joye did not confine himself to press-correction, 
but not only botched Tyndale's English in places where he thought it obscure, but in 
certain passages gave practical effect to views which he had expressed in private 
controversy with Tyndale by substituting the words ' the life after this ' and similar 
phrases for Tyndale's ' the resurrection '. This edition was very neatly printed in 
sexto-decimo at Antwerp by the widow of Christoffel van Endhoven, whose husband's 
share in Bible printing is mentioned below (note 1). 

Meanwhile, Tyndale himself had at last revised his translation, and his new 
edition was printed as an octavo at Antwerp in November 1534 by Martin Emperour, 
otherwise known as Martin Caesar or Keysere. Tyndale had time to insert into this 
a vigorous and deserved denunciation of Joye, whom, however, he probably wronged 
in depicting him as actuated by merely mercenary motives. In 1904 the British 
Museum, which possesses both these editions, was fortunate enough to acquire yet 
another, previously unknown, ' prynted now agayne at Antwerpe by me Catharyn 
wydowe [the words 'of Christoffel of Endhouen ' appear to have dropped out] in the 
yere of our lorde M. ccccc. and xxxv, the ix. daye of Januarye.' This contains a letter 
from Joye ' Unto the Reader ' written at a moment when friends had brought 
the two men together, and Tyndale had agreed to withdraw his ' uncharitable pistle ', 
as Joye calls it, and substitute a ' reformed ' one in which they were both to 
' salute the readers with one salutacion '. But the reconciliation was shortlived, the 
appearance of Joye's new edition being probably itself a fresh cause of offence ; 
Tyndale drew back, and on February 27, 1535, Joye sent to press an Apology, in 

1 This edition was apparently printed at Antwerp in 1526 by Christoffel van Endhoven, who 
was in trouble about it with the city authorities by the end of the year, and in 1 531 died in prison 
at Westminster as a result of trying to sell Testaments in England. Endhoven also called himself 
Van Ruremond (in various spellings), and until Mr. Gordon Duff cleared up the matter in his 
Century of the English Book Trade, much confusion was caused by the natural assumption that the 
two names belonged to different men. 

2 This may be the edition of 1532 of which Dr. Angus possessed a mutilated title-page. Joye 
certainly seems to be enumerating all the editions of which he knew, and, although he may have 
used one or more which actually appeared, statements like that of Anderson (Annals of the English 
Bible), that there were six editions before the end of 1530, seem based on very slender evidence. 



XVI A, 

note 2. 



Cover- 
dale's 
Bible. 



12 



Bibliographical Introduction. 



VI, Vll, XI, 

xiii, xiv. 



which he made out the best case he could for himself and incidentally tells us that 
Tyndale was paid £10 for his edition of November 1534. 

In December 1534 the Upper House of Convocation of the province of Canter- 
bury had departed so far from its attitude of mere resistance as to petition the 
King that the Bible might be translated by authorized translators, and the progress 
which this denotes accounts for the rapidity with which one edition of Tyndale 's 
New Testament follows another at this period. Tyndale himself revised one more, 
printed for him by G. H., i.e. Godfrid van der Haghen, ere he was enticed from the 
house of the English merchants at Antwerp in May 1535, with the result that once 
beyond the walls of the free city he was arrested by the imperial authorities and 
carried to imprisonment and death at Vilvorde. Yet another 1535 edition may be 
noticed (probably printed by Hans van Ruremond), because its strange spellings 
(faether, moether, &c.) at one time were imagined to have been adopted to assimilate 
its language to the dialect of the ploughboys for whom Tyndale had declared that 
he would write. More prosaic commentators attributed it to the vagaries of Flemish 
compositors. But several similar spellings are found in a letter written this year by 
Tyndale's friend, Thomas Poyntz, with whom he lodged at the ' English house ' at 
Antwerp, and it is possible that they should be looked upon as among the phonetic 
devices by which many bookish people in the sixteenth century tried to express their 
views on pronunciation. All these phonetic devices without exception were bad, 
and it would be well if we could get rid of them, but while many remained to 
trouble us in the twentieth century, some were rejected very quickly, and those 
of the Antwerp press-corrector (possibly Thomas Poyntz himself) w : ere among those 
which never obtained currency. It may be noted that the Van der Haghen edition 
of 1535 has sometimes been confused with this which has the strange spellings, and 
also that the spellings are repeated in a reprint known only from a fragment in the 
British Museum. Seven different issues or editions of Tyndale's New Testament 
appeared in 1536, the year of his martyrdom (October 6), and between 1525 and 
1566, when the last dated edition was issued, more than forty editions were printed, 
of which definite evidence has been preserved. From the fact that many of these 
are known only from a single copy, or fragment of a copy, we may be sure that 
other editions have perished entirely. 

Had Tyndale escaped his enemies for but a few more years he would assuredly 
have translated the whole Bible. He had published an English Pentateuch in 
January 1530 [1531 ?], purporting to be printed by Luther's favourite printer, 
Hans Luft, not at Wittenberg but at ' Malborow [Marburg] in the land of Hesse ' 
(an imprint of which the genuineness has been alternately accepted and denied by 
bibliographers for a fatiguing number of years 1 ), and a second edition of this with- 
out date, or imprint (? Antwerp, Martin Keysere, 1531) ; also, 'The prophete Ionas, 
with an introduction before, teachinge to understawde him and the right use also 
of all the scripture.' To his New Testament of November 1534, moreover, he had 
appended English versions of all the lessons from the Old Testament appointed to 
be read in the liturgy instead of Epistles. As we shall see, he had also left behind 
him, in all probability, a manuscript translation of the Old Testament as far as the 
end of Chronicles. But the completion of an English Bible was reserved for a man 
of far less scholarship, but an equally happy style, Miles Coverdale, a Yorkshireman 
born in 1488, and educated at Cambridge, where he had taken the degree of Bachelor 
of Canon Law as recently as 1531. 

The most explicit information which Coverdale 's Bible offers as to its provenance 
is that of its colophon, which reads: 'Prynted in the yeare of oure LORDE 
M.D.XXXV. and fynished the fourth daye of October.' Its earliest title-page begins 
with the word ' Biblia ' in roman majuscules, followed in German script type of 

1 The recent investigations of Mr. Steele have tended to connect the types and ornaments 
with some firm at Antwerp, but Fox states circumstantially that Tyndale took his translation to 
be printed at Hamburg, lost the manuscript by shipwreck on the coast of Holland, and when he 
reached Hamburg in another ship was obliged to begin his work anew, completing it with the aid 
of Miles Coverdale. There are some difficulties in this account, but the hue and cry for Lutheran 
books raised by Wolsey's agents in Antwerp at the end of 1526 and beginning of 1527 make it not 
at all improbable that a press and materials may have been shipped from Antwerp to Hamburg 
(also a Free City and under ordinary circumstances comparatively safe) in 1527, and that books 
may have been produced there until printing at Antwerp could be resumed. The attribution of 
them to Luther's printer would have gained ready credence at the time, as Tyndale's adversaries 
had greatly exaggerated Luther's influence on his work. 



The Earlier English Translations. 



13 



various sizes by the explanation : ' The Bible, that || is, the holy Scripture of the ]| 
Olde and New Testament, faith || fully and truly translated out || of Douche and 
Latyn in to Englishe || m.d.xxxv.' Subsequently this was replaced by another title 
in English black-letter with the shortened formula, ' faythfully translated in || to 
Englyshe.' The whole of the text of the book is in a small German script, and it had 
originally preliminary leaves in the same type (of which only one has survived) ; these, 
however, were reprinted in English black-letter at the same time as the title-page. 

In his dedication to the king Coverdale protests ' I haue nether wrested nor 
altered so moch as one worde for the mayntenaunce of any maner of secte : but 
haue with a cleare conscience purely and faythfully translated this out of fyue sundry 
interpreters, hauyng onely the manyfest trueth of the scripture before myne eyes '. 
Investigation has shown that of the five ' interpreters ' here mentioned two must 
have been ' Douche ' i. e. (i) the Swiss-German version of Zwingli and Leo Juda, first 
printed at Zurich by Christopher Froschouer in the years 1527-9, and (ii) Luther's 
German, of which the New Testament was printed in 1522, the Old Testament as 
far as the Song of Songs in 1523-4, and a complete edition in 1534 ; two Latin, 
i. e. (hi) the new rendering of Sanctes Pagninus, an Italian Catholic theologian, pub- 
lished with papal sanction at Lyons in 1527-8, and (iv) the Vulgate ; and one 
English, i.e. (v) the New Testament and Pentateuch translated by Tyndale. 

Coverdale graduated as Bachelor of Canon Law at Cambridge in 1531, but there- 
after until 1536 his movements are unknown. 1 There has consequently been much 
dispute as to where and by what firm his Bible was printed in 1535. Early in the 
18th century, however, Humphrey Wanley, the librarian of Robert Harley, Earl of 
Oxford, suggested that the printer was probably Christopher Froschouer of Zurich, 
who fifteen years later produced another edition of it. Investigation showed that two 
of the larger types of the English Bible of 1535 were in the possession of Froschouer, 
but these were used also by other German printers, and the matter remained 
undecided until, in his article on Coverdale in the Dictionary of National Biography, 
Mr. H. R. Tedder by the kindness of Dr. Christian Ginsburg was enabled to state 
that he had seen two leaves of a Swiss-German Bible printed in the same German 
type as the text of Coverdale's English version. The complete book, an unrecorded 
edition of 1529-30 from the press of Froschouer, had once been in Dr. Ginsburg 's 
possession, but I learn from Dr. Ginsburg himself that this disappeared from his 
library in a very painful manner, and only these leaves remain. While it is regret- 
table that the complete evidence can no longer be produced, they may be taken as 
sufficiently establishing that it was at Zurich and by Froschouer that the first 
printed English Bible was issued. 

The problem presented by the reprinted preliminary leaves is not very difficult. 
These, as printed at Zurich, probably did not exceed four, of which the first was 
occupied by the title with a list of the books of the Bible printed on the back, the 
second and third by Coverdale's Prologue, the fourth by the statement as to ' The 
first boke of Moses, called Genesis, what this boke conteyneth '. When it was 
ascertained that the book would be allowed to circulate in England it was very 
desirable to distinguish it from the Antwerp New Testaments which had brought 
such trouble on their purchasers. The word ' Douche ' was therefore eliminated 
from the title-page (' Latyn ' going with it), 2 a dedication to the king was inserted 
and the whole quire was printed in English black-letter, almost certainly by James 
Nycholson at Southwark, first with the date mdxxxv on the title, afterwards 
with that of the following year. There would be the less difficulty in doing this, 
as under an Act passed in 1534 books printed abroad could not be imported into 
England ready bound, but only in sheets (so that English binders might make their 
profit off them), and there was thus no need to pull the book to pieces in order to 
make the change. In the revised form the preliminary quire was made up as follows : 

i a , title; i b , blank; 2»-4 i , an Epistle || Unto the Kynges Highnesse ; 4 b -7% A prologe || To 
the reader ; 7 b -8", The bokes of the hole Byble || how they are named in Englyssh, etc. ; 8 b , 
The first boke of |] Moses, called |l Genesis ]| what this book conteyneth. 

1 If the story that he was subsidized while translating by Jacob van Meteren of Antwerp be 
believed he was probably part of the time at Antwerp. 

2 The space thus saved was devoted to extending the third of three texts quoted in the title 
by an additional two lines. It has been contended that the mention of ' Douche and Latyn ' 
was removed expressly to make room for this. Such a view surely reverses the relative im- 
portance of the two changes. 









14 



Bibliographical Introduction. 



Matthew's 
Bible. 



xix, 

note 8. 



Coverdale's version was reprinted in folio and quarto by James Nycholson in 
1537, each edition bearing on its title, not over truthfully, the words ' newly ouersene 
and corrected ', or, as the last word stands in the quarto, ' correcte.' The quarto 
title, which must thus be the later of the two, bears also the still more reassuring 
announcement, ' Set foorth with the Kynges moost gracious licence.' When as 
much favour was shown to it as this, it is surprising that this text of 1537 was not 
taken as the official version, since Coverdale was a much suppler and more concilia- 
tory translator than Tyndale, and whereas the latter had consistently substituted 
(even going out of his way, at times, to do so), the less ecclesiastical terms congre- 
gation, elder, favour, knowledge, love, repentance, for church, priest, grace, confession, 
charity, penance, Coverdale was ready to use either or both. While, however, his 
folio and quarto were being printed at Southwark, a new Bible was being set up, 
almost certainly at Antwerp, which used Coverdale's version of the Old Testament 
from the end of Chronicles, including the Apocrypha, but Tyndale 's New Testament, 
as revised by him for the edition of May 1535, and also his Pentateuch and a hitherto 
unprinted version of Joshua — 2 Chronicles, which has been conjectured with every 
appearance of reason to be Tyndale 's continuation of his translation to the point, or 
very near the point, 1 which he had reached at the time of his arrest. This version 
was corrected for the press by Tyndale 's disciple, John Rogers, and was put forward 
as ' truly and purely translated into Englysh by Thomas Matthew ', a probably 
fictitious and certainly deceptive attribution, the name serving at the time to cover 
the share of Tyndale, but being afterwards unequivocally treated as the alias of the 
real editor, Rogers. 

Almost childish as the device of attributing a translation of the Bible made up 
of the work of Tyndale and Coverdale to a fictitious or man-of-straw Thomas 
Matthew 2 now appears, it served to save the face of the king and the bishops by the 
pretence that this was a new version, and so one which might be considered to 
have been made in compliance with the petition sent to the king by the Upper 
House of Convocation in December 1534. Cranmer had originally planned that 
such a version should be made by the English bishops, sharing the task between 
them, and there is evidence to show that some steps in this direction had actually 
been taken. But while some of the bishops had little fitness for such a task, others 
had still less inclination, and the work made no progress. Thus when the Matthew 
Bible was submitted to Cranmer, he wrote urgently to Cromwell (August 1537), 
entreating him to use his influence to get from the king ' a license that the same may 
be sold and redde of every person withoute danger of any acte, proclamacj'on or 
ordinaunce hertofore graunted to the contrary, untill such tyme that we the Bishops 
shall set forth a better translation, which I thinke will not be till a day after 
Domesday '. The petition thus made was granted, Cromwell's goodwill having 
apparently been already secured, and, with a lightheartedness which is realty 
amazing, official sanction was given to a Bible largely made up of the work of 
Tyndale, and which included his markedly Protestant Prologue to Romans (based 
on Luther), and equally Protestant side-notes, some of them supplied by Rogers 
from the version of the French reformer Olivetan. In his letter to Cromwell 
Cranmer characterizes the book as ' a Bible in Englishe both of a new translation 
[which, save for the portion Joshua — 2 Chronicles, from Tyndale's unpublished 
manuscript, it was not] and of a new prynte [Antwerp!], dedicated unto the 
Kinges Majestie, as farther apperith by a pistle unto His Grace in the begynnyng of 
the boke ', and further remarks. ' as for the translation, so farre as I haue redde 
therof I like it better than any other translation hertofore made.' No doubt in 1537 
the king had moved a long way in the direction of Protestantism — for the moment 
— but considering his character, the whole transaction bore a remarkable resemblance 

1 According to Halle's Chronicle, printed by Richard Grafton in 1548, Tyndale also translated 
Nehemiah, ' the Prophet Jonas and no more of the holy scripture. ' Why Coverdale's version 
was preferred to his for Nehemiah is hard to see, but the statement strongly confirms the attribu- 
tion of Joshua — 2 Chronicles to Tyndale. The manuscript of this may have been handed by 
Thomas Poyntz, Tyndale's host at Antwerp, either to Rogers, the editor, or to the two English 
printers, Grafton and Whitchurch, who are known to have superintended the production of the 
edition. Poyntz and Grafton were both members of the Grocers' Company, at this time appa- 
rently very favourable to Protestantism. The attribution of the edition to a press at Antwerp 
is confirmed by Grafton sending Bibles to Cromwell by the hands of a servant who, as he tells 
Cromwell, had just arrived from I [an lei 

1 A few years earlier a real Thomas Matthew lived at Colchester. 





















The Earlier English Translations. 



15 



to playing with gunpowder. From a letter of Grafton's it appears that 1,500 copies 
of this Bible were printed, and that it had cost him £500. 

As was inevitable, the Matthew Bible was quickly superseded, but its importance 
was very great, since it formed the starting-point of the successive revisions which 
resulted in the version of 1611, a matter for sincere congratulation, as it contained 
(save for the rejection of his version of Nehemiah, Jonah, and the ' Epistles ' from the 
Old Testament) the greatest possible amount of the work of Tyndale, who was a far 
better scholar than Coverdale. "Tt was, however, to the latter, who is known to have 
been in England early in 1538, that the task of revising it, and expunging all con- 
troversial annotation, was entrusted. It was intended, at first, to substitute new 
notes, but although signs drawing attention to these were printed, the notes themselves 
were suppressed. For the revision of the text, great use was made in the Old 
Testament of a new Latin translation from the Hebrew by Sebastian Miinster, 
published in 1534-5, while the New Testament was compared afresh with the transla- 
tion of Erasmus and the Complutensian Polyglott. No English office being considered 
sufficiently well equipped to produce so large a book in a handsome manner, or 
with the speed desired, it was resolved to have recourse to the great Paris firm 
of Francois Regnault, who up to 1534 had been accustomed to print service-books 
for the English market. Coverdale and Grafton went to Paris to see the work through 
the press, and an edition of 2,000 copies was put in hand, the funds being provided 
wholly or mainly by Cromwell. Letters written by Coverdale and Grafton to Crom- 
well in June, August, and September, 1538, speak of the rapid progress of the book, 
and its arrival in England seemed to be only a matter of a few months. In November 
the king issued a proclamation which reflects the scandal caused to the less progressive 
Churchmen by the notes and prologues in Matthew's Bible. The contents of the 
earlier sections are thus summarized by Mr. Robert Steele (Bibliography of Royal 
Proclamations of the Tudor and Stuart Sovereigns, No. 176) : 

In consequence of the import of certain printed books from abroad and the publication of 
others here 'with privilege' containing annotations in the margins, &c, imagined by the 
makers and printers of these books, dissension has been set up concerning the sacraments, &c. 
It is therefore ordered (1) that no English books printed abroad be brought into the country 
on pain of forfeiture of all goods and imprisonment. (2) No person to print any English 
book except after examination by some of the Privy Council or other persons appointed. The 
words ' cum privilegio regali ' not to be used without ' ad imprimendum solum ', and the whole 
copy or the effect of the licence to be printed underneath. No copies of Scripture with anno- 
tations to be printed except they are first examined, but only the plain sentence with a table. 
No translations to be printed without the name of the translator, unless the printer answer 
for it as his own. (3) No printer to publish any books of Scripture in English till they are 
examined by the King, or one of the Privy Council, or a bishop. 

While these provisions were clearly directed to prevent a recurrence of the scandal 
of 1537, some of them naturally caused great alarm to Grafton and Coverdale, who 
wrote at once to Cromwell to know how they were to be met. But a heavier blow 
was awaiting them. The relations between England and France were becoming 
critical, and the French ambassador, learning of Cromwell's personal interest in the 
English Bible which was being printed at Paris, wrote home suggesting that it should 
be seized. On December 9 the crisis was intensified by the execution of Cardinal Pole's 
relations on a charge of treason. On December 13 Coverdale became alarmed and 
wrote to Cromwell that he had deposited some of the printed sheets (quantity 
unspecified) with the English ambassador, Bishop Bonner, that something at least 
might be saved from the threatened wreck. Four days later the Inquisitors were 
let loose on the printing office, Regnault was arrested, the English correctors had to 
flee for their lives, and all the stock on the premises was seized for conveyance to 
the custody of the University of Paris. As early as December 31 we find Cromwell 
asking the French ambassador in London to secure its return. He had spent, he 
said, £400 on the work, and any good offices rendered in this matter should meet 
with due acknowledgement. Mention of the Bibles recurs in the ambassador's corre- 
spondence, and as late at least as July 1539 it is evident that the stock still lay 
at the University, and that the negotiations for its return were at a standstill. Yet 
the printed copies of the book bear a colophon which reads : ' The ende of the New 
Testament and of the whole Byble. Fynisshed in Apryll Anno M. ccccc. xxxix. 
A dowino factum est istud.' 

It seems probable that in the colophon just quoted there was at least a touch 
of bravado. Doubtless the completion in any form of the edition in April 1539 was 



The Great 
Bibles. 



XXXVI c. 

xxxviii b. 
xxxiv. 



XXXV, 

xxxix B. 



XXXV1C, D. 

xxxvii. 



XXXVlll A 



XXXV111 B. 






XXXIV, 

note 10. 



xliii, 
note I. 

xliii. 



xlii. 

xl. 



16 



Bibliographical Introduction. 



xli. 



indeed ' the Lord's doing ', and doubtless its editors desired that it should appear 
marvellous in the eyes of their enemies. But it is far from certain that the existence 
of the colophon denotes the existence of sufficient copies for an edition to have been 
issued anywhere near the date named. In the later editions of his Actes and Monu- 
mentes, John Foxe added to his ' Story of the L[ord] Cromwell ' a section ' Of the 
Bible in English printed in the large volume ', and although almost every statement 
in this which can be tested can be shown to be inexact, his account of what happened 
in Paris is worth quoting : 

And so the printer went forward and printed forth the booke euen to the last part, and then 
was the quarell picked to the printer, and he was sent for to the inquisitors of the fayth, and 
there charged with certaine articles of heresie. Then were sent for the Englishmen that were : 
at the cost and charge thereof, and also such as had the correction of the same, which was 
Myles Coverdale, but hauing some warning what would folow the said Englishmen posted away 
as fast as they could to saue themselves, leauing behynd them all their Bibles, which were to i 
the number of 2500, called the Bibles of the great volume, and neuer recouered any of them, | 
sauing that the Lieftenaunt criminal hauing them deliuered vnto hym to burne in a place of ] 
Paris (like Smithfield) called Maulbert place, was somewhat mooued with couetousnes, and 
sold 4 great dry fattes of them to a Haberdassher to lap in caps, and those were bought againe, 
but the rest were burned, to the great and importunate losse of those that bare the charge of , 
them. But notwithstandyng the sayd losse after they had recouered some part of the fore- 
sayde bookes, and were comforted and encouraged by the Lord Cromwell, the said Englishmen 
went agayne to Paris, and there got the presses, letters, and seruaunts of the aforesayd Printer 
and brought them to London, and there they became printers themselues (which before they 
neuer entended) and printed out the said Bible in London, and after that printed sundry 
impressions of them ; but yet not without great trouble and losse, for the hatred of the 
Bishops, namely, Steven Gardiner, and his fellowes, who mightily did stomacke and maligne 
the printing thereof. [Acts and Monuments, newly recognised and inlarged by the Authour, 
John Foxe, 1583, page 1191). 

It is clear from this narrative that the French authorities, while holding the bulk of 
the stock as an asset in their negotiations with Cromwell, made a pretence of burning | 
it, and that of the copies set aside to be burnt, Grafton rescued a certain number, 
possibly sixty or eighty, as it would need a large vat to hold more than a score of 
them. Add the copies deposited with Bonner before the raid, and there may have 
been a hundred or so available for issue, enough for distribution, but not a quantity 
which could be put on the market. When, therefore, on the arrival of type and 
printers from France, the missing sheets were printed and the first edition finished, 
a new one, answering to the first page for page, so that sheets would be inter- 
changeable, was put in hand, at the expense this time, not of Cromwell, but of a 
member of the Haberdashers' Company, Anthony Marler. In November 1539 there 
is good evidence that Grafton was once more in Paris, and nothing is likely to 
have taken him there save the business of the Bible. It seems probable that 
this time he succeeded in rescuing the remains of the confiscated stock, and that 
this first Great Bible was thus ready for issue some time before the end of the year 
1539, which, it must be remembered, answered to March 24, 1540, the more prevalent I 
English reckoning at this time being from the Incarnation, not the Nativity, nor the 
Jan. 1 of the Roman Civil Year. Thus the issue of ' April 1539 ' was probably 
followed within a few weeks by that of April, 1540, and this by a third in July, and 
a fourth in November, while yet others followed in May, November, and December, 1 
1541, making seven Great Bibles in all. Only by an output on this scale could 
it be possible for every parish church to supply itself with a copy, as Cromwell had 
bade in the Injunctions which, as Vicar-General, he issued (before the trouble in 
Paris) in September, 1538, and as the king commanded afresh by a proclamation of 
May 6, 1541, the limit of date being then fixed at the feast of All Saints (November 
1), under penalty of a fine of forty shillings for each month's delay. In order to 
lighten the obligation, the price of the book was fixed as low as 10s. unbound, or 
12s. well and sufficiently bound, trimmed and clasped. This price of ten shillings 
was only formally imposed by the Privy Council on April 25, 1541, but as early as 
November, 1539 we find Cranmer writing to Cromwell that Berthelet (the king's 
printer) and Whitchurch had been with him, and that he had sanctioned a charge of 
13s. 4^., but that as the printers understood that Cromwell desired it to be 10s., 
they were contented to sell them for that, if they could be protected against com- j 
petition. This Cromwell effected the same day, by getting a patent from the king 
made out to himself, which enabled him to make the authorized printers and | 
publishers his deputies. All the same, the substitution of ios. for 13s. 4^. as the 



The Earlier English Translations. 



1 7 



price must have hit the producers rather heavily, as from a curious lawsuit 
decided — such were the law's delays in Tudor times — in 1560, it appears that Anthony 
Marler had actually agreed to repurchase Bibles from a stationer rfamed Philip 
Scapulis at the rate of 10s. ^d. apiece, or 4^. more than the price which he was 
himself allowed to charge (see ' Anthony Marler and the Great Bible ', by H. R. 
Plomer. The Library, 3rd Series, i. 200-6). If he had made many such con- 
tracts the vellum copy of the issue of April 1540, which Marler presented to the 
king, can hardly have been paid for out of profits. 

In the fine wood-cut title-page, designed, it is said, by Holbein, for these Great 
Bibles, the king is shown seated while Cranmer and Cromwell stand distributing 
copies to the people, who receive them with shouts of ' Vivat Rex '. For the 
1539 Bible Cranmer had done nothing, and it is accordingly called Cromwell's. 
That of April 1540 and the subsequent issues are enriched ' with a prologe 
thereinto, made by the reuerende father in God. Thomas archbysshop of Canterbury ', 
and these are usually called Cranmer's. 1 The April 1540 text shows fairly numerous 
signs of further revision by Coverdale, and that of July of a few further changes ; 
the remaining editions were reprints. The first, third, and fourth of the seven 
editions bear the name of Grafton, the second and fifth that of Whitchurch, the 
sixth mostly Whitchurch with a few Grafton titles, the seventh mostly Grafton 
with a few for Whitchurch. The second, third, fifth, and seventh bear only the 
notice, ' This is the Bible appoynted to the vse of the churches ' ; the fourth and 
sixth bear title-pages specially worded to comply with the proclamation, viz. : 

The Byble in Englyshe of the largest and greatest volume, auctorised and apoynted by 
the commaundement of oure moost redoubted prynce and soueraygne Lorde, Kynge Henry 
the VIII, supreme head of this his churche and realme of Englande : to be frequented and 
vsed in euery church w'in this his sayd realme, accordynge to the tenoure of hys former 
Injunctions g'euen in that behalfe. Ouersene and perused at the comaundement of the kinges 
hyghnes by the ryght reuerende fathers in God, Cuthbert, bysshop of Duresme, and Nicholas 
bisshop of Rochester. Printed by Rycharde Grafton [in other copies by Edwarde Whitchurch]. 
Cum priuilegio ad imprimendum solum, 1541. 

Diligent investigation has not yet discovered in what the episcopal revision consisted. 

A smaller folio edition was printed in 1540 by Petit and Redman for Berthelet, 
who, from his presence at the interview between Cranmer and Whitchurch as to 
the price of the Great Bible, seems to have helped Whitchurch with funds. It 
should be mentioned also that in 1539 an independent version by Richard Taverner, 
a barrister with a considerable knowledge of Greek, was printed by Petit for 
Berthelet, but this, as attaining little success at the time and having no influence 
on the version of 161 1, need not detain us here. 

After December, 1541, no more English Bibles were printed during the reign 
of Henry VIII. Proposals were made for a more conservative rendering, with due 
retention of ecclesiastical phrases, but these came to nothing. During the short 
reign of Edward VI the idea was entertained of a new revision by Fagius and 
Bucer, but this also fell through. Reprints, however, were very numerous, 
Matthew's Bible, the Great Bible, and Tyndale's Testament (revised and unrevised) 
being the most favoured, but Coverdale's Bible was also reprinted, and even 
Taverner's version of the Old Testament was touched up and reissued with 
Tyndale's of the New. 

Under the reign of Mary there was no Bible-printing in England, but the 
number of Protestant exiles, holding extreme views and interested in scholarship, 
who found themselves congregated at Geneva, led to a new revision of great 
importance in the history of the English Bible. The Geneva Bible itself did not 
appear until 1560, but it was preluded in 1557 by a New Testament, obviously the 
work of a single translator, identifiable with practical certainty as William Whitting- 
ham, a senior student of Christ Church, Oxford, who subsequently (1563) became 
Dean of Durham, although he had received no episcopal ordination. While working 
on his translation Whittingham was acting as a ' senior ' or elder of the Church 
at Geneva, of which in 1559 he became deacon and the following year minister. He 
is said to have been connected by marriage with Calvin, who contributed to the 
New Testament of 1557 ' The Epistle declaring that Christ is the end of the Lawe ', 
and he was undoubtedly the moving spirit of the Bible of 1560, which he stayed at 

1 After Cromwell's execution in July, 1540, his arms were cut out from this title-page. 



xlv. 



The 

Geneva 

Bible. 



xlvi. 



1 8 Bibliographical Introduction. 



xlvi. 



y 



xlvii. 



Geneva to complete when other exiles were hurrying home on the accession of 
Elizabeth. Moreover, while the 1557 translation of the New Testament was very 
thoroughly revised when reprinted in the Bible of 1560, the general lines of the 
earlier book were carefully followed in the later, and even some phrases were 
taken over from its preface. There is thus a very strong presumption that the new 
translation, destined to so great a popularity, originated with Whittingham, and 
that the trial New Testament was his individual work. The printing of this was 
completed at Geneva ' this x. of Iune ' 1557, by Conrad Badius, the book being a 
pretty little 32 , in the style at that time specially popular at Lyons, with ornamental 
capitals and headpieces, printed in a small clear roman type, with a still smaller type 
of the same class for the marginal notes, and italics as a subsidiary fount. The 
title of the book reads : 

The || New Testa- 1| merit of our Lord Ie. || sus Christ. ||| Conferred diligently with the Greke, 
and best ap- || proued translations. || With the arguments, aswel before the Chapters, as for 
euery Boke || & Epistle, also diuersities of readings, and moste proffitable || annotations of all 
harde places : wherunto is added a copi- || ous Table. [Woodcut illustrating the theme ' : 
God by time restoreth Truth jj and maketh her victorious.] At Geneva l| Printed by Conrad 
Badius, || M.D. LVII. 

In the preface, quoted in full in the Records, Whittingham says that in his trans- 
lation he has chiefly had respect to the ' simple lambes, which partely are already 
in the folde of Christ, and so willingly heare their Shepeheards voyce, and partly 
wandering astray by ignorance, tary the tyme tyll the Shepeherde fynde them and 
bring them vnto his flocke ', being himself ' moued with zeale, counselled by the 
godly, and drawen by occasion, both of the place where God hath appointed vs to 
dwel, and also of the store of heauenly learning & iudgement, which so abundeth in 
this Citie of Geneua, that iustely it may be called the patron and mirrour of true 
religion and godlynes '. 

To these therfore which are of the flocke of Christ which knowe their Fathers wil, and are 
affectioned to the trueth, I rendre a reason of my doing in fewe lines. First as touching the 
perusing of the text, it was diligently reuised by the moste approued Greke examples, and 
conference of translations in other tonges as the learned may easiely iudge, both by the 
faithful rendering of the sentence, and also by the proprietie of the wordes and perspicuitie of 
the phrase. Forthermore that the Reader might be by all meanes profnted, I haue deuided 
the text into verses and sections, according to the best editions in other langages, and also, as 
to this day the ancient Greke copies mencion, it was wont to be vsed. And because the 
Hebrew and Greke phrases which are strange to rendre in other tongues, and also shorte, 
shulde not be so harde, I haue sometyme interpreted them without any whit diminishing the 
grace of the sense, as our langage doth vse them, and sometyme haue put to that worde, which 
lacking made the sentence obscure, but haue set it in such letters as may easely be dis- 
cerned from the commun texte. 

He goes on to explain his system of annotation, and the critical marks by which he 
drew attention to differences in the Greek manuscripts, either in single words or ' in 
the sentence ', and finally expatiates at some length on the value of the Arguments 
' aswel they which conteyne the suwme of euery chapter, as the other which are 
placed before the bookes and epistles, wherof the cowmoditie is so great that they 
may serue in stede of a Commentarie to the Reader.' 

Space forbids more quotation, but it will be evident from these extracts that 
it is to Whittingham's New Testament that the Version of 1611 owes two of its 
prominent features, its division into verses (taken by Whittingham from Etienne's 
Greek-Latin Testament of 155 1) and the use of italics for explanatory and con- 1 
nective words and phrases (taken from Beza's New Testament of 1556). Whitting- 1 
ham's chapter-summaries, moreover, were much fuller than those of the Great Bible. I 

All the features in the New Testament of 1557 are repeated in the Bible of) 
1560, in preparing which Whittingham had the help of Anthony Gilby and Thomas i 
Sampson, afterwards (from 1561 till his deprivation in 1565) Dean of Christ Church. 
The funds for this were apparently subscribed by the Protestant exiles or sent out ' 
by friends in England, since the translator speaks of ' being earnestly desired and by 
diuers, whose learning and godlynes we reuerence, exhorted and also incouraged by 
the ready willes of suche, whose heartes God likewise touched, not to spare any 
charges for the fortherance of suche a benefite and fauour of God toward his Churche '. 

1 It is evident that we have hire the inspiration for the pageant of Time, Truth, and the Bible 
at ' the Little Conduit in Cheape ' which attracted so much attention at the progress of Queen 
Elizabeth from Westminster to the Tower the next year. 



-\ 



The Earlier English Translations. 



1 9 



xlix. 



One of these helpers was John Bodley (father of Sir Thomas), who in January, 1561, 
received an exclusive patent from Elizabeth for printing this Bible under episcopal [ xlviii 
supervision for seven years, a grant which in March, 1565 (? 1566), Parker and] 
Grindal recommended should be extended for another twelve, but still subject to 
implied conditions which apparently Bodley could not accept. By the help of these 
funds the translators were able to borrow or buy woodcuts to illustrate the descrip- 
tions of the tabernacles, &c, in Exodus, 1 Kings, and Ezekiel from Antoine Rebul, 
the publisher of the French Bible printed at Geneva in the same year. They allude 
to these cuts in their preface and also to the addition of verse-numbers in the 
chapter-summaries, by which these were brought into the form used in 1611. 

As regards the literary influences which affected the Geneva version, it is clear 
that increased use was made of the Latin translation of Pagninus, the revised Bible 
of Leo Juda, and that of Sebastian Miinster, also of the French revisions of 
Olivetan. For the New Testament Whittingham had constant recourse to the French 
version of Beza (Theodore de Beze), published in 1556 ; further use was made of this 
in 1560, while in 1576 Laurence Tomson (a Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford, who 
sat for fourteen years, 1575-89, in the House of Commons) used the Geneva version 
as the basis of a direct translation from the French of Beza, and editions of this 
were often bound up with the Geneva Old Testament. 

After Elizabeth's accession the Great Bible was once again, by the Injunctions of 
1559, ordered to be set up in churches, and new editions were printed by R. Harrison 
at London in 1562, and at Rouen in 1566 by Cardin Hamillon, at the expense of 
Richard Carmarden (an Englishman connected with the customs), this foreign edition 
disarming suspicion by stating on its title-page that it was ' According to the trans- 
lation apoynted by the Queenes Majesties Iniunctions to be read in all Churches 
with in her Majesties Realme '. Archbishop Parker had shown no ill-will to the 
Geneva version, was even, indeed, subject to conditions, ready to support John 
Bodley's application for an extension of his privilege for it, but the use of a trans- 
lation with bitterly controversial notes in the public services of the Church was 
contrary both to Tudor ideals of uniformity and to Parker's own preference for 
the via media. In or before 1566, therefore, perhaps at the instigation of Richard 
Cox, Bishop of Ely, he revived the project, which had come to naught in Cranmer's 
day, of a new revision to be mainly the work of the Anglican bishops. Beyond 
two or three quotations in Strype's Life of Parker from letters of prelates engaged 
in the task we know curiously little about its progress until October 5, 1568, when 
Parker was able to send to Sir William Cecil a bound copy for presentation to the 
Queen, and enclosed with it a dedicatory letter, and (for Cecil's information) a list 
of the revisers and a copy of the ' Observations respected' by them. The observations 
tell us that the revisers were to follow the Great Bible ' and not to recede from it 
but where it varyeth manifestly from the Greek or Hebrew original ', to make use 
of the versions of Pagninus and Miinster, to abstain from bitter or controversial 
notes, to mark sections not edifying for public reading, and to substitute more 
convenient terms and phrases for ' all such words as sound [tend] in the old trans- 
lation to any offence of lightnes or obscenity '. 

As regards the personality of the revisers, Parker tells Cecil ' bicause I wold yow 
knewe all, I here send yow a note to signifie who first travelled in the diverse 
bookes, though after them sum other perusing was had ; the lettres of their names 
be partlie affixed in the ende of their bookes ; which I thought a polecie to showe 
them, to make them more diligent, as awnswerable for their doinges'. When we 
turn to the Bible itself we find initials such as Parker thus leads us to expect not 
only at the end of certain books, but also in certain cases printed in or under 
the ornamental capital with which a book or chapter begins. We may thus con- 
struct the following table : 



1 A, B. 

The 

Bishops' 

Bible. 

lc. 

li, lii. 



B 2 



20 



Bibliographical Introduction. 



The sum of the Scripture 
The Tables of Christ's Line 
The Arguments of the 

Scripture 
The first Preface unto the 

Whole Bible . 
The Preface unto the Psalter 
The Preface unto the New 

Testament 
Genesis 
Exodus 
Leviticus . 
Numbers . 
Deuteronomy 
Joshua 
Judges . 
Ruth 

Kings (Samuel) I, II 
Kings III, IV (I, II) 
Chronicles I, II 
Job . 
Proverbs . 
Ecclesiastes 
Cantica 
Ecclesiasticus 
Susanna . 
Baruch 
Maccabees 
Esdras 
Judith 
Tobias 
Wisdom . 
Isaiah 
Jeremiah . 
Lamentations 
Ezekiel 
Daniel 
Minor Prophets 



Matthew 

Mark 

Luke 

John 

Acts . 

Romans 

i Corinthians 

2 Corinthians 

Galatians 

Ephesians 

Philippians 

Colossians 

Thessalonians 

Timothy . 

Titus 

Philemon 

Hebrews . 



Canonical Epistles 
Apocalypse 



Parker's Note. Indications in the Bible. 



M. Cant. 



M. Cant. . 

Cantuariae 
W. Exon. . 



Ik. 



Meneven 



Ed. Wigorn 

Cantuariae 

Cantabri- 
giae 

J. Norwic 



W. Cices- 
tren. 



R. Winton 

J. Lich. and 
Covent. 
Ed. London . 



M. Cant. . 

Ed. Peterb. 

R. Eliensis 
D. West- 



L M. Cant. 



N. Lincoln 



The Archbishop's arms quar- 
tered with those of Christ 
Church, Canterbury, in the 
capital before the Table of 
Christ's Line ; his personal 
arms in the capital before the 
general preface or prologue 

Initials M. C. under capitals . 



W. E. at end . 

R. M. at end . . . . 

E. W. under capital and at 
end 

A. P C at end of each book 
A P E at end .... 



J.N. 



W. C. (in some copies) at end 
of Wisdom 



R. W. at end . 

T. C. L. at end 

E. L. at end 

M. C. under first capital 



R. E. at end of both 
G. G. at end 



M. ('. under capitals beginning 
J Corinth., Galatians (in some 
copies), Ephesians, Philipp., I , 
2 Coloss., i, 2 Thessal., Titus, 
Philemon, Hebrews 



H. L. under capitals beginning 
i IVter v, 2 Peter iii, I John 
v, 3 John, Jude and Apoca- 
lypse xxii 



Author. 



Matthew Parker, Archbishop 
of Canterbury. 



Matthew Parker. 

Andrew Pierson, Prebend, of 

Canterbury. 
William Alley , Bishop of Exeter. 

Richard Davies, Bishop of St. 
Davids. 

Edwin Sandys, Bishop of 
Worcester. 
Andrew Pierson, Prebend, of 
Canterbury. 

Andrew Perne, Dean of Ely. 



John Parkhurst, Bishop of 
Norwich. 



William Barlow, Bishop of 
Chichester. 



Robert Home, Bishop of Win- 
chester. 

Thomas Bentham, Bishop of 
Coventry and Lichfield. 

Edmund Grindal, Bishop of 
London. 

Matthew Parker. 

Edmund Scambler, Bishop of 
Peterborough. 

Richard Cox, Bishop of Ely. 

Gabriel Goodman, Dean of 
Westminster. 



Matthew Parker. 



Nicholas Bullingham, Bishop 
of Lincoln (? completed by 
Hugh Jones, Bishop of Llan- 
daff). 



1 c. 



It will be noticed that in the above list (the books in which are given in 
Parker's order, but with English instead of Latin names) there is no mention of the 
Psalms. These had originally been assigned to Guest, Bishop of Rochester, but the 
intention he expressed in a letter quoted by Strype of bringing his translation into 
violent conformity with the New Testament quotations had apparently alarmed 
Parker, and the initials at the end of the book are T. B. These Strype interpreted 
as standing for Thomas Becon, a prebendary of Canterbury, but a very unlikely 
man. Dr. Aldis Wright, in his revision of Westcott's General View of the History of 
the English Bible assigns them, no doubt rightly, to Thomas Bickley, one of Parker's 



The Earlier English Translations. 



21 



chaplains, afterwards Bishop of Chichester. The only other difficulty is as to the 
responsibility for the Canonical Epistles and the Apocalypse. Until Dr. Wright 
drew attention to them, the initials beneath the capitals in such seemingly haphazard 
positions had escaped notice. His conjecture that the revision was begun by the 
Bishop of Lincoln and completed by his brother of Llandaff meets the case, though 
it is strange that the first worker should have left so many of his books unfinished. 

Portioned out, as it was, among a number of individual revisers who, as far as we 
know, never checked each other's work, the Bishops' Bible, as it came to be called 
from the number of prelates who collaborated in it, while an improvement on the 
Great Bible, more especially in the New Testament, can hardly be regarded as much 
more than a makeshift. In form, on the other hand, it is a handsome book, 1 and 
Parker highly commended Richard Jugge, the printer, to Cecil for the pains he had 
taken with it, even to the point of printing the New Testament on thicker paper 
to withstand the extra amount of wear it was likely to receive. The Bible is 
embellished with numerous woodcuts, and also with a fine engraved title-page, 
attributed to Franciscus Hogenberg, bearing in the centre a rather pleasing portrait 
of the Queen. Before the Book of Judges there is another engraved portrait, 
representing the Earl of Leicester, in whom the bishops apparently found some 
resemblance to Joshua, and at the beginning of the Psalms a third portrait, of Lord 
Burghley holding a B, which thus at once does duty for a capital and helps to 
identify its holder. Punning capitals, of which this may claim to be one of the least 
pleasing, had been for some time in vogue, but in the second folio edition, published 
in 1572, the B was taken out of the plate and Burleigh divorced from his immediate 
connexion with the Psalter. A little further revision was bestowed on the New 
Testament in this reprint, and the Psalter is printed twice over, once as revised, 
and once in the text of the Great Bible, still familiar to all churchgoers as the 
' Prayer-book version '. 

The struggle for supremacy between the Geneva and the Bishops' version leads 
so directly to the undertaking of that of 1611 that we must leave the discussion of 
it to our next chapter. Meanwhile there is still another translation to be noticed here. 

The years which followed the publication of the Bishops' Bible witnessed a devoted 
attempt by the Jesuits to win back England to the faith. It appears to have been 
in connexion with this attempt that the New Testament was rendered into English 
by members of the English College at Douay early in their temporary exile to 
Rheims which began in 1578. In a Latin letter written by Cardinal Allen to 
Dr. Vendeville, September 16 in that year, 2 we find this interesting passage, in 
a description of the life of the college : 

On every Sunday and festival English sermons are preached by the more advanced students 
on the gospel, epistle or subject proper to the day. . . . We preach in English, in order to acquire 
greater power and grace in the use of the vulgar tongue. ... In this respect the heretics, 
however ignorant they may be in other points, have the advantage over many of the more 
learned Catholics, who having been educated in the universities and the schools do not com- 
monly have at command the text of Scripture or quote it except in Latin. Hence when they 
are preaching to the unlearned and are obliged on the spur of the moment to translate some 
passage which they have quoted into the vulgar tongue, they often do it inaccurately and 
with unpleasant hesitation, because either there is no English version of the words or it does 
not then and there occur to them. Our adversaries on the other hand have at their fingers' 
ends all those passages of Scripture which seem to make for them, and by a certain deceptive 
adaptation and alteration of the sacred words produce the effect of appearing to say nothing 
but what comes from the bible. This evil might be remedied if we too had some catholic 
version of the bible, for all the English versions are most corrupt. I do not know what kind 
you have in Belgium. But certainly we on our part, if his Holiness shall think proper, will 
undertake to produce a faithful, pure and genuine version of the bible in accordance with the 
edition approved by the Church, for we already have men most fitted for the work. 

The man of all others most fitted for the work in Allen's eyes was Gregory 
Martin, one of the original scholars (1557) of St. John's College, Oxford, when 
Edmund Campion was a Fellow, now, in 1578, lecturer in Hebrew and Holy Scripture 
at the Douay-Rheims College. According to the entry in the College Diaries he 
began to translate the Bible on or about October 16 (i. e. just a month after Allen's 
letter), and in order to get on with it rapidly, made a practice of translating two 

1 Messrs. Darlow and Moule note that 27s. Sd. was paid for a copy by St. John's College, 
Cambridge, in 1571. 

"■ The text is given on pp. 52-67 of Letters and Memorials of William Cardinal Allen by 
T. F. Knox (1882) the translation on p. xl. sq. of the First and Second Diaries of the English 
College at Douay by the same editor (1878). 



lii A. 
Hi c. 



The 
Rheims 
New 
Testa- 
ment. 

liii. 









liv. 



A 



liv. 



22 



Bibliographical Introduction. 



chapters daily, his version being corrected by Allen himself and by Richard Bristow, 
Moderator of the College. His work occupied him altogether three years and a half, 
the entry, ' Hoc ipso mense extrema manus Nouo Testamento Anglice edito imposita 
est ' occurring in the Diary under March, 1582, and in the same year the New 
Testament was published with the title : 

The New Testament of Iesus Christ, translated faithfully into English, out of the authentical 
Latin, according to the best corrected copies of the same, diligently conferred with the 
Greeke and other editions in diuers languages : With Arguments of bookes and chapters, 
Annotations, and other necessarie helpes, for the better vnderstanding of the text, and 
specially for the discouerie of the corruptions of diuers late translations, and for cleering the 
controuersies in religion of these daies : in the English College of Rhemes. [Quotations 1 in 
Latin and English]. Printed at Rhemes by Iohn Fogny. 1582. Cum priuilegio. 

On the back of the title is ' The Censure and Approbation ' signed by four 
licensers, and this is followed by twenty-two pages of small print containing ' The 
Preface to the Reader treating of these three points : of the translation of Holy 
Scriptures into the vulgar tongues, and namely into English ; of the causes why 
this new Testament is translated according to the auncient vulgar Latin text : & of 
the maner of translating the same.' Quotations from this interesting preface will be 
found in our Records ; here it may be well to remind any reader struck with the 
superficial absurdity of translating from a translation instead of an original, that if 
St. Jerome worked from better Greek manuscripts than any which were known 
in the sixteenth century, his Latin translation might, at least theoretically, represent 
the original Greek better than any manuscript used by Erasmus. Practically, 
of course, the question would be one of the balance between loss and gain, and 
in striking this balance Gregory Martin, or whoever wrote the preface, was probably 
very insufficiently conscious that if the available Greek texts were corrupt the 
available Latin texts were very corrupt also, and far from representing what 
St. Jerome really wrote. Thus from the point of view of scholarship the decision 
to translate from the Vulgate was doubtless wrong, but it was not absurd, and 
there is ample evidence that Martin and his supervisors were good Graecists, and 
on any point, such as the use of the article, on which they felt free to interpret 
the Latin by the Greek, did so with conspicuous success. 

Another point which must be made is that the translation is much simpler than 
popular accounts of it make out. It is quite true that the translators acted up to 
their declaration, ' we presume not in hard places to mollifie the speaches or phrases,- 
but religiously keepe them word for word, and point for point, for feare of missing 
or restraining the sense of the holy Ghost to our phantasie,' and it is possible to 
quote verses, especially from the Epistles, which remain utterly unintelligible until 
we know the original. In this the translators seem to have forgotten the needs of 
popular preaching which Cardinal Allen made the main ground for setting Gregory 
Martin to work. But ' hard places ' do not occur on every page of the New Testa- 
ment, and it is easy to find long passages in the Gospels without a difficult word in 
them, and which a good reader could make all the more dramatic because of the 
abruptness of some of the constructions and transitions. 

The Jesuit New Testament was reprinted at Antwerp in 1600. In 1593 the 
College returned from Rheims to Douai, and in 1609-10, a press having been set up 
in the town, the Old Testament was printed there. This had been mentioned in 
the Introduction of 1582 as ' lying by us for lacke of good meanes to publish the 
whole in such sort as a worke of so great charge and importance requireth ', and it 
was doubtless the news of the forthcoming new Anglican version which at last 
brought it to the light. No use was made of the Old Testament by the Anglican 
revisers, but in his excellent study, The Part of Rheims in the making of the 
English Bible (1902), Dr. James G. Carleton has shown that the influence of the 
Rheims New Testament on the version of 1611 was very considerable. That it 
attained this influence was mainly due to the exertions of the Rev. William Fulke, 
D.D., who in 1589 published ' The Text of the New Testament of Iesus Christ, 
translated out of the vulgar Latine by the Papists of the traiterous Seminarie 

1 The first from Psalm 118' Give me vnderstanding, and I wil searche thy law, and wil keepe 
it with my whole hart ', the second from St. Augustine, tract 2, on the Epistles of St. John ' al 
things that are readde in holy Scriptures we must heare with great attention, to our instruction 
and saluation : but those things specially must be commended to memorie, which make most 
against Heretikes : whose deceites cease not to circumuent and beguile al the weaker sort and 
the more negligent persons.' 



The Earlier English Translations. 



23 



at Rhemes ', and very honestly reprinted the whole translation with its notes, 
parallel with the Bishops' version and alternated with his own confutations. 
Fulke's folio (reprinted in 1601, 1617, and 1633) was regarded for over forty years 
as a standard work on the Protestant side, and probably every reviser of the New 
Testament for the edition of 161 1 possessed it. Along with Tyndale, Cover dale, 
Whittingham, and Parker, the exiled Jesuit, Gregory Martin, must be thus recog- 
nized as one of the builders of the version of the Bible which after three centuries 
is still in scarcely disturbed possession of the affections of the English people. 

CHAPTER II 
THE BIBLE OF 1611. 

In his letter of October 5, 1568, to Cecil, forwarding a copy of the Bishops' 
Bible for presentation to the Queen, Archbishop Parker writes with obvious 
timidity : ' The printer hath honestly done his diligence ; if your honour would 
obtain of the Queen's Highness that this edition might be licensed and only 1 
commended in public reading in churches, to draw to one uniformity, it were no 
great cost to the most parishes, and a relief to him for his great charges sustained.' 
That the adoption of the new version for use in churches should thus be urged 
mainly on the ground of an obligation to recoup the printer is certainly strange, but 
the very half-hearted canons on the subject passed by the Province of Canterbury 
in 1571 show that there was not much enthusiasm to be reckoned on. The passage 
usually quoted (Cardwell, Synodalia, 115) is indeed almost malicious, since it merely 
lays down that every archbishop and bishop is to have the book (' sacra Biblia in 
amplissimo volumine, uti nuperrime Londini excusa sunt ') in his own house along 
with Fox's Book of Martyrs and other similar works, and that deans were to see that it 
was bought and placed in their cathedrals in order that vicars, minor canons, the 
servants of the church, strangers, and wayfarers might read and hear it, and were 
also to buy it for their own households, i. e. the chief obligation imposed was on 
the bishops and other ' superior clergy ' to buy their own revision. In a later canon 
(Cardwell, Synodalia, 123) churchwardens are enjoined to see that a copy of the 
new edition is placed in every church, 2 but the proviso, ' if it can be done 
conveniently,' is in striking contrast with the royal order to provide a copy by 
a certain day under penalty of a fine of four times its cost for every month of 
delay, which had been issued by Proclamation in the case of the Great Bible. 

With little backing, either from the State or from his own Convocation, Parker 
was left to deal with the question of the circulation of the Bible by means of his 
own resources, and these, it must be remembered, owing to the duties cast on him in 
connexion with the licensing of books for the press, were, for any negative purpose, 
very great. In March 1565 (? 1566) he and Grindal, who as Bishop of London shared 
these duties, had recommended Cecil to extend John Bodley's exclusive privilege for 
printing the Geneva Bible for another twelve years on the ground that ' thoughe 
one other speciall Bible for the churches be meant by us to be set forthe, as 
convenient time and leysor hereafter will permytte : yet shall it nothing hindre, but 
rather do moch good to have diversitie of translations and readinges '. They had 
added, however, ' and if his licence, hereafter to be made, goe simplye foorthe with- 
owt proviso of owr oversight, as we thinke it maye so passe well ynoughe, yet shall 
we take suche ordre in writing withe the partie, that no impression shall passe but 
by our direcaon, consent and advise.' In the face of this last sentence it is highly 
significant that during Parker's life no edition of the Geneva Bible was printed in 
England, although at Geneva itself one was published by John Crispin in 1570. At 
variance with the Privy Council over the question of ' prophesyings ' during 1574, 
Parker was unable during the last months of his life to attend its meeting owing to 
his rapidly failing health. He died on May 17, 1575, and the first Geneva New 
Testament printed in London is dated in. this year without specifying the month; 
we have, however, documentary evidence that Parker was dead before its publica- 
tion, and there are excellent reasons for placing this in the latter half of the year. 
It is impossible, therefore, to avoid the conviction that to the very end of his life 
Parker used his control over the Stationers' Company to prevent the Geneva version 

1 i. e. to the exclusion of any other. 

2 ' Curabunt etiam ut sacra Biblia sint in singulis ecclesiis in amplissimo volumine (si 
commode fieri possit) qualia nunc nuper Londini excusa sunt.' 



Hi. 



xlix. 






24 Bibliographical Introduction. 



lvi. A. 
lvi. B. 



lvi. c. 



lvii. c. 



being printed in England, and also to secure for Jugge the monopoly of printing the 
Bishops' Bible. 

According to the ideas of the day the exclusion of the Geneva Bible was perhaps 
justified by the character of a few of the notes. The monopoly secured for Jugge 
might also have been defended from the Tudor standpoint, if it had been accom- j 
panied by an insistence that the Bishops' version should be effectively circulated; 
but, as far as the evidence before us shows, there was no such insistence. Editions 
in large folio were printed in 1568, 1572, and 1574 ; others in large quarto in 1569 
and 1573. Evidence as to editions in octavo, either of the whole Bible or of the 
New Testament, is much less exact, owing on the one hand to the curious absence of 
dates from the two or three editions probably of this period of which copies remain, 
and on the other to the possibility of one or more entire editions having perished. 
But taking the most favourable view possible, it seems certain that the Archbishop 
cared little for providing Bibles for private reading. He saw and met the need of suit- 
able editions for the service of the church, but to use a phrase which, though it has a 
ring of these present times, is taken from the preface to the version of 161 1 (where it is 
applied to the Roman Catholic position) he did not ' trust the people ' with cheap 
editions of the Bible, and his lack of confidence sealed the fate of the Bishops' Bible. 
Immediately after the death of Archbishop Parker, the other printers of London, 
who had previously acquiesced in Jugge 's monopoly of Bible-printing, took courage 
to urge their right to share it. A compromise was patched up by which Jugge was 
left with the exclusive right of printing editions of the Bible in quarto, and of the 
New Testament in sextodecimo, while the other sizes were left free, subject (pre- 
sumably to secure responsibility for accuracy) to a licence from the Stationers' 
Company. Licences were obtained, and on November 24, 1575, there appeared a j 
folio edition of the Bishops' Bible, printed by Jugge, but on behalf of William 
Norton, Luke Harrison, and other stationers, each of whom put his name on 
a portion of the edition. This was apparently the beginning of the ' Bible Stock ' of 
the Stationers' Company, a company within a company, the subsequent history of 
which is very obscure, but which is said to have earnt profits and possessed funds 
which enabled it, on occasion, to lend money at interest to the Stationers' Company 
itself. If, as is usually said, the revisers of 1611 received any payment from the 
Company, it must have been from this separate Bible Stock that it was derived. 
The existence of this Stock also offers a strong ground for believing that the com- 
promise of 1575 continued to affect the business of Bible-printing in ways of which 
we have no knowledge. But for this we should be bound to believe that it had no 
other result than the folio edition of the Bishops' Bible already mentioned. In this 
same year, 1575, under the powerful patronage of Sir Francis Walsingham, Christopher 
Barker, who had been in Walsingham's service, and was himself a man of some 
means, employed Thomas Vautrollier to print for him an edition in duodecimo of 
the Geneva Bible, hitherto unprinted in England, and printed another edition himself 
in octavo. Barker advertised his connexion with Walsingham by taking the latter's 
crest, a tiger's head, as the sign of his house, and used a cut of it as an ornament 
in his books. He also printed in 1576 the already mentioned translation of Beza's 
French New Testament, on the basis of the Geneva version, made by Laurence 
Tomson, who was in Walsingham's service. He further printed two folio editions 
of the Geneva Bible in 1576 and another in 1577. In that year Richard Jugge made 
his will, on August 17 and 18, and died. From subsequent allusions we know that 
his patent as Queen's printer must immediately have been obtained (if the reversion 
had not already been secured) by Thomas Wilkes, a diplomatist of some ability. 
The new patent extended to all editions of the Bible, and Wilkes must have tried 
at first to work it through John Jugge, the son of Richard, since John, who had 
begun business for himself the previous May by copyrighting two insignificant books, 
is actually called Queen's Printer about this time in a largely signed petition against 
monopolies. He disappears, however, possibly by death, possibly because Wilkes 
learnt that he was receiving under his father's will the inconsiderable sum of ios., 
and was thus not a person to be dealt with. On September 28, at Wilkes's instance, 
a new patent conferring complete monopoly of Bible-printing was granted to 
Christopher Barker. Five years later, in 1582, when monopolies were again 
challenged, Barker wrote as follows : 

The whole bible together required! so great a somme of money to be employed in the 
imprinting thereof : as Master Iugge kept the Realme twelue yere withoute, before he Durst 



The Bible of 1 6 1 1 



25 



aduenture to print one ' impression ■ ; but I considering the great somme I paide to Master 
Wilkes, Did (as some haue termed it since) gyue a Desperate aduenture to imprint tower 
sundry impressions for all ages, wherein I employed to the value of three thowsande pounde 
in the terme of one yere and an halfe, or thereaboute : in which tyme if I had died, my wife 
and children had ben vtterlie vndone, and many of my frendes greatlie hindered by disbursing 
round sommes of money for me, by suertiship and other meanes : as my late good master 
Master Secretary for one, so that nowe this gappe being stopped, I haue little or nothing 
to doe, but aduenture a needlesse charge ; to keepe many Journemen in worke, most of 
them seruauntes to my predicessours. 

The ' fower sundry impressions ' to which Barker here alludes, comprised a small 
folio and octavo in 1577, and two large folios in 1578. One of the large folios was of 
the Bishops' version but of this we find him writing to the City Companies as 
' another Bible, which was begon before I had authoritie, as it is affirmed, which 
could not be finished but by my consent and therefore hath the name to be printed 
by the assignement of Christopher Barker '. All the other three impressions were 
of the Geneva version, and the large folio is a very notable volume since it 
was clearly intended for use in churches and was accompanied by a prayer-book 
in which the word ' minister ' was throughout substituted for ' priest ', and references 
to the books from which they come printed instead of the text of the Gospels 
and Epistles. All this surely shows that, despite the suspension of Grindal, the 
extremer Protestant party were very strong, and that behind these printing ventures, 
for which Walsingham helped to find money, there was something more than 
ordinary trading. Numerous other editions of the Geneva version were printed 
during the next five years, but I can find no single Bishops' Bible to balance them. 
When, however, Whitgift succeeded Grindal as Archbishop, Barker was awakened 
from his dream that the ' gappe ' was stopped, and ordered to put in hand 
a smaller and larger edition of the Bishops' Bible, as to which when they were both 
ready (the quarto in 1584, the folio in 1585), and apparently had not sold very 
quickly, Whitgift wrote (July 16, 1587) to the Bishop of Lincoln : 

Whereas I am credibly informed that divers, as well parish churches, as chapels of ease, 
are not sufficiently furnished with Bibles, but some have either none at all, or such as be torn 
and defaced, and yet not of the translation authorized by the synods of bishops : these 
are therefore to require you strictly in your visitations, or otherwise, to see that all and 
every the said churches and chapels in your diocese be provided of one Bible, or more, at 
your discretion, of the translation allowed as aforesaid, and one book of Common Prayer, as 
by the laws of this realm is appointed. And for the performance thereof, I have caused 
her highness's printer to imprint two volumes of the said translation of the Bible aforesaid, 
a bigger and a less, the largest for such parishes as are of ability, and the lesser for chapels 
and very small parishes ; both which are now extant and ready. 

One other folio of the Bishops' Bible was printed by Christopher Barker 
himself in 1588. In August, 1589, he secured a fresh patent from the queen for 
his own life and that of his son Robert, and thenceforth entrusted his Bible-printing 
to deputies, until his death in 1599. During the fourteen years 1589-1603 three 
more folio editions of the Bishops' Bible appeared, no quarto, and three or four 
octavos. Against this, during the entire period from 1575 onwards, on an average 
three editions of the Geneva version were produced each year, the majority of 
them in small sizes for private reading. How far this superiority was the result 
of demand, how far it was produced by a control of the supply, is a question which, 
difficult as it is to answer, deserves more attention than it has received. It is 
clear, on the one hand, that during Parker's life the circulation of the Geneva 
version was artificially barred, and nothing was done to popularize its rival. It is 
clear, I think, also, that from the death of Parker to the appointment of Whit- 
gift, the positions were reversed, and that in these eight years the Geneva version, 
which was not only favoured, but pushed, by the aid of Walsingham and his friends, 
with a zeal in which politics, religion, and desire or gain (closely allied in those days) 
were all combined, was put on the market in such quantities as to give it a real 
hold on the English people. After Whitgift's accession it is possible that, as the 
scales were more evenly held, the editions of each version came gradually to be 
issued mainly in accordance with the demand, although until nearly the end of 
the century the rarity of octavo editions of the Bishops' version is very noticeable. 
But taking the period as a whole it is obvious that other influences than those 
of publishers merely anxious to make money were contending over the fortunes 

1 This must refer to the period before 1568. 



lviii. 



26 



Bibliographical Introduction. 



of the two versions, and that the short-sighted policy of Parker gave Walsingham 
and his friends a chance of which they availed themselves to the full. Interpret 
the evidence as we may, the fact must steadily be borne in mind that throughout the 
reign of Elizabeth, the production of editions of the Bible was always a controlled 
production, and when we come to consider the fortunes of the version of 1611 it 
will be well to remember that the control still went on. 

The lack of agreement between the Bible which men read in their houses and 
that which they heard in church must have caused annoyance to both parties. 
It is creditable to the scholarship, and perhaps also to the foresight, of the 
Puritan party, that at the Conference at Hampton Court, which James I called 
together (quite informally) in January 1604 to ascertain how far the Puritan com- 
plaints could be met, the demand for a new translation, which would command 
the assent of the whole church, came from their spokesman, Dr. John Reynolds, 
President of Corpus Christi College, Oxford. According to the fullest account of 
the Conference which has come down to us, Reynolds began by raising questions 
about the Catechism, &c. 

After that, he moued his Maiestie, that there might bee a newe translation of the Bible, 
because, those which were allowed in the raignes of Henrie the eight, and Edward the sixt, 
were corrupt and not aunswerable to the truth of the Originall. For example, first, 
Galathians, 4, 25, the Greeke word avarotxi' is not well translated, as nowe it is, Bordreth, 
neither expressing the force of the worde, nor the Apostles sense, nor the situation of the place. 

Secondly, Psalme, 105, 28, they were not obedient ; the Originall beeing, They were not 
disobedient. 

Thirdly, Psalme, 106, verse 30. Then stood up Phinees and prayed, the Hebrew hath 
Executed iudgement. To which motion, there was, at the present, no gainsaying, the obiections 
beeing triuiall and old, and alreadie, in print, often aunswered ; onely, my Lord of London well 
added, that if euery mans humour should be followed, there would be no ende of translating. 
Whereupon his Highnesse wished that some especiall paines should be taken in that behalfe 
for one vniforme translation (professing that hee could neuer yet see a Bible well translated 
in English ; but the worst of all, his Maiestie thought the Geneua to bee) and this to 
bee done by the best learned in both the Vniuersities, after them to be reuiewed by the 
Bishops, and the chiefe learned of the Church ; from them to bee presented to the Priuie- 
Councell ; and lastly to bee ratified by his Royall authoritie ; and so this whole Church to be 
bound vnto it, and none other ; Marry, withall, hee gaue this caueat (vpon a word cast out 
by my Lord of London) that no marginall notes should be added, hauing found in them which 
are annexed to the Geneua translation (which he sawe in a Bible giuen him by an English 
Lady) some notes very partiall, vntrue, seditious, and sauouring too much of daungerous, 
and trayterous conceites. As for example, Exod. 1, 19, where the marginal note alloweth 
disobedience to Kings. And 2. Chron. 15, 16, the note taxeth Asa for deposing his mother, 
onely, and not killing her : And so concludeth this point, as all the rest with a graue and 
iudicious aduise. First, that errours in matters of faith might bee rectified and amended. 
Secondly, that matters indifferent might rather be interrupted and a glosse added ; alleaging 
from Bartolus de regno, that as better a King with some weaknesse, then still a chaunge ; 
so rather, a Church with some faultes, then an Innovation. And surely, sayth his Maiestie, 
if these bee the greatest matters you be grieued with, I neede not haue beene troubled 
with such importunities and complaintes, as haue beene made vnto me ; some other more 
priuate course might haue bene taken for your satisfaction, and withall looking vppon 
the Lords, he shooke his head, smiling. 1 

It is evident from every page in the narrative that the writer of it, William 
Barlow, had no love for the Puritans, and that his report is highly prejudiced. We 
cannot, therefore, feel sure that Reynolds ignored the Bishops' Bible by referring 
only to the versions allowed in the reigns of Henry VIII and Edward VI, in the 
rather insulting way that the text represents. The renderings to which he objected 
are found also in the Bishops' Bible, and if Reynolds passed over this, either as 
a mere reprint, or as not formally ' allowed ' (i. e. approved), he was needlessly 
provocative. But the genuine interest which the king at once took in the proposal 
swept away any difficulty which might have been raised by its form. Nor was that 
interest transient. The Dean of Westminster and the Regius Professors of Hebrew 
at the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge must have been instructed with little 
delay to suggest the names of revisers, and by June 30 Bancroft, Bishop of London, 

1 ' The Summe and Substance of tin Conference, which it pleased his Excellent Maiestie to 
haue with the Lords, Bishops and other of his Clergie, (at which the most of the Lordes of the 
Councell were present) in his Maiesties Priuy-Chamber, at Hampton Court, Ianuary 14, 1603. 
Contracted by William Barlow, Doctor of Diuinity, and Deane of Chester. Whereunto are added, 
some Copies, (scattered abroad), vnsauory, and vntrue. London, Printed by Iohn Windet, for 
Matthew Law and are to be sold at his shop in Paules Churchyeard, neare S. Austens Gate. 1604.' 
It should be noted that a different turn is given to the Puritan complaint in the preface to the 
161 1 Bible. 






The Bible of i 6 1 1 . 



27 



with whom (in the vacancy of the see of Canterbury) the King communicated, was 
able to write : 

His Majesty being made acquainted with the choice of all them to be employed in the 
translating of the Bible, in such sort as Mr. Lively can inform you, doth greatly approve of 
the said choice. And for as much as his Highness is very anxious that the same so religious 
a work should admit of no delay, he has commanded me to signify unto you in his name that 
his pleasure is, you should with all possible speed meet together in your University and begin 
the same. 

The Mr. Lively here named was the Professor of Hebrew at Cambridge, and must 
have specially attracted the notice of the king, by whom he was presented to the 
rectory of Purleigh, Essex, in September 1604. His death the following May was 
a great blow to the work. The interest taken by James is further shown by a 
circular sent out by Bancroft to the other Bishops on July 31 enclosing a letter 
of the 22nd from the king, stating that he had appointed ' certain learned men to 
the number of four and fifty 1 for the translating of the Bible, and that in this 
number divers of them have either no ecclesiastical preferment at all, or else so very 
small, as the same is far unmeet for men of their deserts '. The king himself being 
unable to remedy this 'in any convenient time ', enjoins all patrons of parsonages or 
prebends, of the value of twenty pounds at least, to certify him of the next vacancy 
in order that he may commend to them ' some such of the learned men as we shall 
think fit to be preferred unto it '. In another circular of the same date Bancroft 
asks each bishop ' not only to think yourself what is meet for you to give for this 
purpose, but likewise to acquaint your dean and chapter ' that they might subscribe 
also. The response to the first of these circulars seems to have been very slight ; 
that to the second nil. 

Of the lists of the translators which have come down to us, the most trustworthy 
is that printed by Bishop Burnet in his History of the Reformation, 2 which is here 
given together with the Rules by which the revisers were to be guided, and brief 
biographical notes, based on those by Cardwell, supplemented from the Dictionary of 
National Biography and other sources : 

An Order set down for the Translating of the Bible, by King James. 

The Places and Persons agreed upon for the Hebrew, with the particular Books by them 

undertaken. 



Irstrmnstrr. 



'Mr. Dean of Westminster 
Mr. Dean of Paul's 
Mr. Doctor Saravia 
Mr. Doctor Clark 
Mr. Doctor Lei field 
Mr. Doctor Teigh 
Mr. Burleigh 
Mr. King 
Mr. Thompson 
Mr. Beadwell 



Penteteuchon. 
The Story from Joshua 
to the first Book of 
Chronicles, exclusive. 



Mr. Dean of Westminster : Lancelot Andrewes, made Bishop of Chichester in 1605. 

Mr. Dean of Pauls : John Overall, made Bishop of Coventry, 1614. 

Mr. Dr. Saravia: born at Hesdin in Artois in 1531, Professor of Divinity at Leyden, 1582; Rector 
of Tattenhill, Staffs, 1588; Prebendary of Canterbury and Vicar of Lewisham, 1595 ; Pre- 
bendary of Worcester and Westminster, 1601 ; died, 1612. 

Mr. Dr. Clark : Dr. Richard Clark, Fellow of Christ's College, Cambridge. 

Mr. Dr. Leifield: Dr. John Layfield, Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge (resigned 1603), Rector 
of St. Clement Danes, London, 1601. 

Mr. Dr. Teigh : Robert Tighe, Vicar of All Hallows, Barking, and Archdeacon of Middlesex. 

Mr. Burleigh, probably the Dr. Francis Burley, who was one of the first Fellows of Chelsea College. 

Mr. King : Geoffrey King, Fellow of King's College, Cambridge, and Regius Professor of Hebrew 
(1607-8) in succession to Spalding. 

Mr. Thompson : Richard Tomson, of Clare Hall, Cambridge, B.D. 1593. 

Mr. Beadwell : William Bedwell, Arabic Scholar, Rector of St. Ethelburga's, Bishopsgate Street, 
1601. 



1.x. A. 



lx. B. 



1 Only about fifty names in all have come down to us, and only forty-seven in any one list. 
It may have been intended at first that there should be nine revisers on each board. 

2 The History of the Reformation of the Church of England. By Gilbert Burnett. The Fourth 
Edition, with Additions, He. London, 17 1 5. Part II. A Collection of Records, p. 333 sqq. 
The document has the side-note ' Ex MS. D. Borlase ', i. e. Edmund Borlase, the physician and 
historian. There are several similar lists in MS. in the British Museum, with unimportant variants. 
One of these (Add. 34218) is dated ' Anno secundi regis Iacobi 1604 ', and there is no doubt that 
the lists refer to that year, although Cardwell, from a mistake as to the date of Barlow being 
made Dean of Chester, thought otherwise. 



28 



Bibliographical Introduction. 



iTambriBgr. 



©iforB. 



OmbriBgr. 



[ Mr. Lively 

Mr. Richardson 

Mr. Chatterton 

Mr. Dillingham 
| Mr. Harrison 
I Mr. Andrews 
1 Mr. Spalding 
(Mr. Binge 

Doctor Harding 

Dr. Reynolds 

Dr. Holland 

Dr. Kilbye 

Mr. Smith 

Mr. Brett 

Mr. Fairclough 

Doctor Dewport 

Dr. Branthwait 

Dr. Radclifc 

Mr. Warde, Eman. 

Mr. Downs 

Mr. Boyes 

Mr. Warde, Reg. 



From the First of the 
Chronicles, with the 
rest of the Story, and 
the Hagiographi, viz. 
Job, Psalms, Pro- 
verbs, Canticles, Ec- 
clesiastes. 



The four, or greater 
Prophets, with the 
Lamentations, and 
the twelve lesser 
Prophets. 



The Prayer of Ma- 
nasses and the rest 
of the Apocrypha. 



The Places and Persons agreed upon for the Greek, with the particular Books by them 

undertaken. 



[Mr. Dean of Christchurch 
\ Mr. Dean of Winchester 
Mr. Dean of Worcester 



©iforD. 



Mr. 
Mr. 
Dr. 
Dr. 
Mr. 



Dean of Windsor 

Savile 

Perne 

Ravens 

Harmer 



The four Gospels. Acts 
of the Apostles. Apo- 
calyps. 



Mr. 
Mr. 

Mr. 

Mr. 

Mr. 
Mr. 

Mr. 

Mr. 

Dr. 
Dr. 
Dr. 
Dr. 
Mr. 



Mr. 
Mr. 
Dr. 
Dr. 

Dr. 
Mr. 
Mr. 

Mr. 
Mr. 

Mr 



Lively: Edward Lively, appointed Regius Professor of Hebrew at Cambridge, 1580; pre- 
sented by the king to the rectory of Purleigh, Essex, September 20, 1604; died, May 1605. 
Richardson : Dr. John Richardson, Fellow of Emmanuel College, Regius Professor of Divinity, 

1607 ; Master of Peterhouse, 1609-15 ; then of Trinity. 
Chatterton : Laurence Chaderton, Master of Emmanuel College, 1 584-1622. Took part as 

a Puritan in the Hampton Court Conference. 
Dillingham : Francis Dillingham, Fellow of Christ's, author of numerous books, 1599-1609 

(or later) ; Incumbent of Wilden, Beds. 
Harrison : Thomas Harrison, a noted Hebraist, Vice-Master of Trinity College, Cambridge. 
A ndrews : Roger Andrewes, brother of Lancelot, Fellow of Pembroke, Master of Jesus College, 

Cambridge. 
Spalding : Robert Spalding, Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge, Regius Professor of 

Hebrew in succession to Lively (1605-7). 
Binge : Andrew Byng, Regius Professor of Hebrew at Cambridge in succession to King, 1608. 

' About 1605 we find a decree of the Chapter of York to keep a residentiary 's place for him.' 

[D.AT.B.] 
Harding: John Harding, Regius Professor of Hebrew (1 591-8, 1604-10) and President of 

Magdalen College, Oxford. 
Reynolds : John Reynolds or Rainolds, President of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, from 

1598. Died, 1607. 
Holland: Thomas Holland, Regius Professor of Divinity, 1589; Rector of Exeter College, 

1592. Died, 161 2. 
Kilbye : Richard Kilbye, Rector of Lincoln College, 1590 ; Regius Professor of Hebrew, 

1610-21. 
Smith : Miles Smith, of Brasenose, Prebendary of Hereford and Exeter Cathedrals, a noted 

Orientalist, one of the two final revisers of the version of 161 1, and the writer of the 

preface ; made Bishop of Gloucester, 161 2. 
Brett: Richard Brett, Fellow of Lincoln College, Rector of Quainton, Bucks, 1595. 
Fairclough : Richard Fairclough, Fellow of New College, Rector of Bucknell, Oxford, 1593. 
Dewport : John Duport, Master of Jesus College, Cambridge, 1590 ; Prebendary of Ely, 1609. 
Branthwait: William Branthwait, Fellow of Emmanuel College, 1584; Master of Gonville and 

Caius, 1607. 
Radcliffe : Jeremiah Radcliffe, Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. 

Warde: Samuel Ward, Fellow of Sidney Sussex, 1599; master, 1610; King's Chaplain, 161 1. 
Downs : Andrew Dowries, Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge, 1581 ; Regius Professor 

of Greek, 1 585-1624. 
Boyes : John Boys, Fellow of Clare Hall, 1593 ; Dean of Canterbury, 1619. 
. Dean of Christchurch : Thomas Ravis, Dean of Christ Church, 1596 ; Bishop of Gloucester, 

1605; Bishop of London, 1607 ; died, 1609. 
Dean of Winchester : George Abbot, Master of University College, 1597 ; Dean of Winchester, 

1600 ; Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, 1609 ; of London, 1610 ; Archbishop of Canterbury, 

1611. 



I Dean of Chester 
I Dr. Hutchinson 
1 Dr. Spencer 
KScstminstrr.-; Mr. Fenton 
Mr. Rabbett 
Mr. Sanderson 
I Mr. Dakins 



The Epistles of St. 
Po!(/. The Canonical 
Epistles. 



Mr. Dean of Worcester : Richard Edes, Dean of Worcester, 1597; Chaplain to James I.; died, 

November 19, 1604. Edes was succeeded by James Montague, afterwards (1608) Bishop 

of Bath and Wells, &c. Fuller is the authority for identifying Edes as the (intended) 

reviser. 
Mr. Dean of Windsor : Giles Thompson, or Tomson, Fellow of All Souls, Bishop of Gloucester, 

161 1 ; died, 1612. 
Mr. Savile : Sir Henry Savile, Warden of Merton, 1585-1622 ; Provost of Eton, 1596 ; knighted, 

1604; edited works of Chrysostom, 1610-13. 
Dr. Feme: John Perin, Fellow of St. John's, Oxford ; Regius Professor of Greek, 1597-1615; 

Canon of Christ Church, November 24, 1604. 
Dr. Ravens : apparently an error. See below. 
Mr. Harmer : John Harmer, Fellow of New College, 1582 ; Regius Professor of Greek, 1585 ; 

Head Master of Winchester, 1588 ; Warden of St. Mary's College, 1596 ; died, 1613. 
Dean of Chester : William Barlow, Fellow of Trinity Hall, Dean, 1602 ; Bishop of Rochester, 1605 ; 

died, 1613. 
Dr. Hutchinson : Ralph Hutchinson, President of St. John's College, Oxford. 
Dr. Spencer : John Spenser, Editor of Hooker, 1604 ; President of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, 

1607. 
Mr. Fenton : Roger Fenton, Fellow of Pembroke Hall, Cambridge, Vicar of Chigwell, 1606 ; 

Prebendary of St. Paul's, 1609. 
Mr. Rabbett : Michael Rabbett, Rector of St. Vedast Foster, 1603. 
Mr. Sanderson : Thomas Sanderson, Rector of All Hallows the Great, Thames Street, 1603 ; 

Archdeacon of Rochester, 1606. 
Mr. Dakins : William Dakins, Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, Professor of Divinity, 

Gresham College, London, 1604; died in 1607. 

In other lists the name of J. Aglionby, Principal of St. Edmund Hall, is substituted for that 
of the Dean of Worcester, and that of L. Hutten, Canon of Christ Church, for the mysterious 
Dr. Ravens. The choice of the revisers seems to have been determined solely by their fitness, 
and both parties in the Church were represented by some of their best men. 






The Rules to be observed in the Translation of the Bible. 

1 . The ordinary Bible read in the Church, commonly called the Bishops Bible, to be followed, 
and as little altered as the Truth of the original will permit. 

2. The Names of the Prophets, and the Holy Writers, with the other Names of the Text, to 
be retained, as nigh as may be, accordingly as they were vulgarly used. 

3. The old Ecclesiastical Words to be kept, viz. the Word Church not to be translated 
Congregation &c. 

4. When a Word hath divers Significations, that to be kept which hath been most commonly 
used by the most of the Ancient Fathers, being agreeable to the Propriety of the Place, and 
the Analogy of the Faith. 

5. The Division of the Chapters to be altered, either not at all, or as little as may be, if 
Necessity so require. 

6. No Marginal Notes at all to be affixed, but only for the Explanation of the Hebrew or 
Greek Words, which cannot, without some circumlocution, so briefly and fitly be express'd in 
the Text. 

7. Such Quotations of Places to be marginally set down as shall serve for the fit Reference 
of one Scripture to another. 

8. Every particular Man of each Company, to take the same Chapter, or Chapters, and having 
translated or amended them severally by himself, where he thinketh good, all to meet 
together, confer what they have done, and agree for their Parts what shall stand. 

9. As any one Company hath dispatched any one Book in this Manner they shall send it 
to the rest, to be consider'd of seriously and judiciously, for His Majesty is very careful in 
this Point. 

10. If any Company, upon the Review of the Book so sent, doubt or differ upon any Place, 
to send them Word thereof ; note the Place, and withal send the Reasons, to which if they 
consent not, the Difference to be compounded at the General Meeting, which is to be of the 
chief Persons of each Company, at the end of the Work. 

11. When any Place of special Obscurity is doubted of. Letters to be directed, by Authority, 
to send to any Learned Man in the Land, for his Judgement of such a Place. 

12. Letters to be sent from every Bishop to the rest of his Clergy, admonishing them of 
this Translation in hand ; and to move and charge as many as being skilful in the Tongues ; 
and having taken Pains in that kind, to send his particular Observations to the Company, 
either at Westminster, Cambridge or Oxford. 



3o 



Bibliographical Introduction. 



13. The Directors in each Company, to be the Deans of Westminster and Chester for that 
Place ; and the King's Professors in the Hebrew or Greek in either University. 

/ Tindoll's. 

14. These translations to be used when they Matthews. 
agree better with the Text than the Bishops J Coverdale's. 
Bible. I Whitchurch's. 

\ Geneva. 

15. Besides the said Directors before mentioned, three or four of the most Ancient and 
Grave Divines, in either of the Universities, not employed in Translating, to be assigned by 
the Vice-Chancellor, upon Conference with the rest of the Heads, to be Overseers of the 
Translations as well Hebrew as Greek, for the better Observation of the 4th Rule above specified. 

In contrast with all these preparatory arrangements and rules, we may now quote 
the only nearly contemporary account of the experiences of one of the revisers 
which has come down to us. This relates to one of the second Cambridge group, to 
whom was committed the translation of the Apocrypha, Dr. John Boys, afterwards 
(1619) Dean of Canterbury, but at this time the holder of a living at Boxworth, 
which, it is to be feared, he rather neglected during his work as a translator. His 
biographer, Dr. Anthony Walker, writes : 

When it pleased God to move King James to that excellent work, the translation of the 
Bible ; when the translators were to be chosen for Cambridge, he was sent for thither by those 
therein employed, & was chosen one ; some university men thereat repining (it may be not 
more able, yet more ambitious to have born [a] share in that service) disdaining that it should 
be thought they needed any help from the country. — Forgetting that Tully was the same man at 
Tusculan[um] as he was at Rome. Sure I am, that part of the Apocrypha was alotted to him 
(for he hath shewed me the very cop}- he translated by), but to my grief I know not which part. 

All the time he was about his own part, his commons were given him at St. John's ; where 
he abode all the week, till Saturday night ; & then went home to discharge his cure : 
returning thence on Monday morning. When he had finished his own part, at the earnest 
request of him to whom it was assigned, he undertook a second ; and then he was in commons 
in another college : but I forbear to name both the person and the house. 

Four years were spent in this first service ; at the end whereof the whole work being finished, 
& three copies of the whole Bible sent from Cambridge, Oxford & Westminster, to London ; 
a new choice was to be made of six in all, two out of every company, to review the whole 
work ; & extract one [copy] out of all three, to be committed to the presse. 

For the dispatch of which business Mr. Dovvnes & Mr. Bois were sent for up to London. 
Where meeting (though Mr. Downes would not go till he was either fetcht or threatned with 
a pursivant) their four fellow labourers, they went dayly to Stationers Hall, & in three quarters 
of a year, finished their task. All which time they had from the Company of Stationers xxx' 
[each] per week, duly paid them : tho' they had nothing before but the self-rewarding, ingenious 
industry. Whilst they were imployed in this last businesse, he & he only, took notes of their 
proceedings : which notes he kept till his dying day. 1 

Dr. Boys's biographer seems ignorant of the fact that alike at Oxford, Cambridge, 
and Westminster, there were two companies, making six in all, so that if two revisers 
went to Stationers' Hall from each company, this final board of revision must have 
had twelve members instead of the six of which he speaks. We know this indeed as 
a fact from the report of the English delegates to the Synod of Dort, among whom 
was Samuel Ward, one of the revisers. 2 On the basis of a board of twelve, paid 
30s. each a week for 39 weeks, the sum disbursed would be £702. That this sum was 
paid by the Company is incredible ; it is just possible, however, that it was the 
contribution of the proprietors of the ' Bible Stock ' already mentioned, which can 
only have continued in existence all these years if its owners were admitted by the 
holder of the royal patent to share a portion of the expenses and profits either of 
all editions or of those in particular sizes. Even, however, if this were so it is evident 
that such a payment would only be made in pursuance of a private agreement 
with Robert Barker, and forty years after the Bible was published we meet with 
a definite statement 3 that Barker had, in fact, ' paid for the amended or corrected 

1 From Desiderata Curiosa : or a collection of divers scarce and curious pieces. By Francis 
Peck. New ed., 1779. Part viii, p. 325 sqq. ' The life of that famous Grecian, Mr. John 
Bois, S.T.B. one of the translators of the Bible, temp. Jac. I. . . Bv Anthony Walker, M.A., of 
St. John's College, Cambridge. From a 4 MS. in the hands of the publisher. The gift of the 
Rev. Mr. Thomas Baker.' 

2 ' Post peractum a singulis pensum, ex hisce omnibus duodecim selecti viri in unum locum 
convocati integrum opus recognoverunt ac recensuerunt. ' 

a In William Ball's Briefe treatise concerning the regulating of printing, 1651. On May 10, 1612, 
Robert Barker obtained an extended patent, and on February II, 1617, this was re-granted to 
him for his own life and for thirty years after his death to his son, Robert II. In 1635 the rever- 
sion was re-granted to Charles and Matthew Barker. Robert died in 1646, ahd in 1664 a moiety 
of these rights was valued at ^1,300. See the article by H. R. Plomer, 'The King's Printing 
House under the Stuart-.' in The Library, 2nd Series, vol. 8 (1901). 



Translation of the Bible £3,500 : by reason whereof the translated copy did of right 
belong to him and his assignes.' If, as the statement should mean, this sum was 
actually paid to the translators, it would have represented between £50 and £60 
apiece for the work done during the sittings of the six companies. Now the preface 
to the Bible says of the translation that it ' hath cost the workemen, as light as it 
seemeth, the paines of twise seven times seventy-two dayes and more ', or about two 
years and nine months. On the basis of the prebend of the value of £20 at least 
which the King desired to secure for the translators, this would mean a payment of 
just £55, either to the translators direct or to the colleges which boarded them. But 
neatly as these figures work out, the hypothesis thus suggested is quite uncorroborated, 
and we have really no sound basis even for guessing how the £3,500 was paid. The 
sessions of the six companies, it may be noted, are usually supposed to have begun 
(although doubtless there were preliminary meetings) in 1607, the years 1605, 1606 
being thus allotted to private research, 1607-9 *° the work of the six boards, part 
of 1610 to that of the twelve revisers at Stationers' Hall, and the rest of 1610 and part 
of 1611 to printing. From the Report to the Synod of Dort (November 16, 1618) 
already mentioned, we learn that the final touches to the translation were given bv 
Bilson, Bishop of Winchester, and Miles Smith, afterwards Bishop of Gloucester. 1 
The former was not a member of any of the boards of revisers, but that the work 
of the revisers should subsequently be ' reviewed by the Bishops and the chiefe learned 
of the Church ' was part of the scheme which the King had sketched out at the 
Hampton Court Conference, and another Bishop, Bancroft of London, is said to 
have insisted on fourteen alterations. Whether in further pursuance of the King's 
programme the version was presented by the bishops to the Privy Council, and lastly 
ratified by his Royal authority, we cannot say. As is well known no authority has 
ever been discovered for the words ' Appointed to be read in Churches ' which appear 
on the title-page of all editions, nor for the phrase, the ' Authorized Version ', by 
which the Bible is usually known. When, however, this point was raised at the time 
of the Revision of 1881, Lord Chancellor Selborne wrote to the Times (June 3, 1881), 
giving it as his opinion that if the version 

was ' appointed to be read in churches ' (as is expressly stated on the title-page of 161 1), at 
the time of its first publication, nothing is more probable than that this may have been done 
by Order in Council. If so, the authentic record of that order would now be lost, because all 
the Council books and registers from the year 1600 to 161 3 inclusive were destroyed by a fire 
at Whitehall, on the 12th of January, 1618 (O.S.). Nothing, in my opinion, is less likely 
than that the King's printer should have taken upon himself (whether with a view to his own 
profit or otherwise) to issue the book (being what it was, a translation unquestionably made by 
the King's commandment to correct defects in earlier versions of which the use had been 
authorized by Royal injunctions, &c. in preceding reigns) with a title-page asserting that it 
was ' Appointed to be read in Churches ' if the fact were not really so. 

Lord Selborne proceeds to speak of the terrors of the Court of High Commission 
and the Star Chamber as making it ' incredible ' that Barker should have taken 
any risks. But he does not seem sufficiently to have distinguished between 
what may be done when authorities are amiable and when they are the reverse. The 
Version of 1611 was produced to take the place of the Bishops' Bible, on the 
title-pages of which, in the editions from 1585 to 1602 (the last) inclusive, had 
been printed the words 'Authorised and Appointed to be read in Churches'. In 
the small folio edition of 1584 the phrase runs, ' Of that Translation authorised 
to be read in Churches.' Previously to this (1574-8) we find only 'Set foorth by 
aucthoritie '. In 1568, 1569, and 1572, there are no words to this effect of any 
sort or kind, although we know that Parker would have liked to use them. Parker 
had even had to endure the sight of an edition following the text of the Great Bible, 
which was published in 1569 by Cawood, and advertized itself as ' According to the 
translation that is appointed to be read in the Churches ', a phrase which he might 
not use of his own. None the less, the Bishops' Bible superseded the Great Bible, 
and as the need for distinguishing it from the Geneva version made itself felt we find 
Jugge (and the assigns of Christopher Barker in the folio of 1578) using the words, 
' Set foorth by aucthoritie '. When Whitgift became Archbishop we get first the 
phrase of 1584 and then the fuller 'Authorised and Appointed to be read in 

1 ' Postremo Reverendissimus Episcopus Wintoniensis Bilsonus una cum Doctore Smitho nunc 
Episcopo Glocestriensi, viro eximio, et ab initio in toto hoc opere versatissimo, omnibus mature 
pensitatis et examinatis, extremam manum huic versioni imposuerunt.' 



lxii. 






3 2 Bibliographical Introduction. 



Churches ' of 1585-1602. As far as I know it has never been contended that there 
was any Order in Council passed in 1584 or 1585 to justify this, and it seems 
therefore far from safe to postulate the existence of such an Order in 1611. 
There is indeed negative evidence that there was no such order, for the word 
' Appointed ', is considerably weaker than the ' Authorised and Appointed ' which it 
replaced. By itself ' Appointed ' means little more than ' assigned ' or ' provided ', 
and the words ' Appointed to be read in Churches ' literally expressed the facts 
that this Bible was printed by the King's printer with the approval of the King 
and the Bishops for use in churches, and that no competing edition ' of the largest 
volume ' was allowed to be published. Theoretically this justification by facts may 
have been insufficient ; but when all the parties are agreed, legal formalities are 
often omitted. 

If the notes which Dr. Boys treasured so carefully to the end of his life had been 
preserved, it might be possible to trace, if only for a single section, the work done at 
the different stages of the revision. As it is we have nothing but the finished result 
and a few remarks on it in the preface. As far as ecclesiastical politics were 
concerned the task of the revisers was with the smallest possible amount of 
disturbance to harmonize the Bishops' version with the Geneva wherever the latter 
was more correct, and the desire to do this accounts for the vast majority of the 
changes which in any way affect the sense. The revisers were concerned also, 
although pride prevented any reference to the fact, to meet the objections which 
had been urged in the preface and notes to the Rheims New Testament, and it is 
to their credit that they not only did this, but took from that version much that 
was good, though with no other acknowledgement than a gibe. Other changes were 
due to the study of two new Latin versions, that by Arias Montanus of the Old 
Testament printed in the Antwerp Polyglott, and that by Tremellius of the Old and 
New Testament, with the Apocrypha by his son-in-law, Franciscus Junius ; yet 
others from the Geneva French version (1587-8), Diodati's Italian (1607), and the 
Spanish (1602) of Cipriano de Valera. These three foreign translations seem to 
have attracted considerable attention, as they are mentioned not only in the Preface, 
but by Selden, in whose Table-Talk we read (clearly of the meetings of the final 
board of twelve) that : 

The translators in king James's time took an excellent way. That part of the Bible was 
given to him who was most excellent in such a tongue (as the Apocrypha to Andrew 
Downs) and then they met together, and one read the translation, the rest holding in their 
hands some Bible, either of the learned tongues, or French, Spanish, Italian, etc. If they found 
any fault they spoke ; if not, he read on. 

Whether the wonderful felicity of phrasing should be attributed to the dexterity 
with which, after meanings had been settled and the important words in each 
passage chosen, either the board of twelve or the two final revisers put their 
touches to the work, or whether, as seems more likely, the rhythm, first called into 
being by Tyndale and Coverdale, reasserted itself after every change, only gathering 
strength and melody from the increasing richness of the language, none can tell. 
All that is certain is that the rhythm and the strength and the melody are there. 

The Bible of 161 1, being only a revised edition, was not entered on the Stationers' 
Registers, nor have we any information as to the month in which it was issued. In 
its original form it is a handsome, well-printed book, set up apparently with newly 
cast type yielding a clean and sharp impression, and on excellent paper. It begins 
with an engraved title-page signed ' C. Boel fecit in Richmont ', i.e. by Cornells 
Boel, an Antwerp artist, who about this time produced portraits of the Queen, the 
Princess Elizabeth, and Prince Henry. In the upper panel SS. Peter and James 
sit, holding between them an oval frame within which is a representation of the 
Lamb ; at the sides are SS. Matthew and Mark. On the two sides of the title stand 
Moses and Aaron in niches. At the foot are seated SS. Luke and John, while 
between them is another oval frame containing a picture of a pelican feeding her 
young. The title reads : 

' The Holy Bible, conteyning the Old Testament and the New. Newly Trans- 
lated out of the Originall tongues : & with the former Translations diligently 
compared and reuised by his Maiesties speciall Coman dement. Appointed to be 
read in Churches. Imprinted at London by Robert Barker, Printer to the Kings 
most Excellent Maiestie. Anno Dom. 1611.' 



The Bible of 1 6 1 1 . 



33 



Leaves 2 and 3 a are occupied with the Dedication : ' To the most High and Mightie 
Prince, lames by the grace of God King of Great Britaine, France and Ireland. 
Defender of the Faith, &c.' ; 3 b -8, by the preface headed ' The Translators to the 
Reader ', 9-14 by a Calendar ; 15", by ' An Almanacke for xxxix. yeeres ', 1603- 
1641 ; I5 b , by Directions ' To finde Easter for euer ' ; 16-18* by ' The Table and 
Kalendes, expressing the order of Psalmes and Lessons to be said at Morning and 
Euening prayer ', and a table headed. ' These to be obserued for Holy dayes, and 
none other ; ' 18'', by ' The names and order of all the Bookes of the Olde and New 
Testament, with the Number of their Chapters '. Inserted at the binder's pleasure 
after the preface, after leaf 18 or elsewhere, are usually eighteen leaves of the 
Genealogies of Holy Scripture and a sheet containing a Map of Canaan with a table 
! of the places named printed on the reverse. In October 1610 John Speed had 
obtained a privilege from the king enabling him for ten years to saddle every edition 
of the Scriptures with his decoratively printed but useless Genealogies, and so the 
cost of the book was needlessly increased by from sixpence to two shillings a copy, 
according to the size. In some copies, it may be mentioned, the Genealogies begin 
with a blank page ; in others this is occupied by a fine cut of the royal arms, 
subscribed Cum Priuilegio Regis Maiestatis. 

The text of the Bible is printed in black-letter with the inserted words (now 
printed in italics) in small roman, and roman type is also used for the summaries 
at the head of each chapter, for the subject headlines at the top of each page, and 
for the references to parallel passages in the margin ; the alternative renderings in 
the margins are in italics. 1 The text is printed in double columns enclosed within 
rules, with ornamental headpieces and a few tailpieces and capitals at the beginning 
of each chapter and psalm. At the outset it was clearly intended that the capital 
at the beginning of a book should occupy the depth of nine lines of text, that at 
the beginning of each chapter after the first the depth of five ; but the run on 
capitals in the Psalter caused four- and six-line blocks to be used, and after this the 
arrangement is more frequently disturbed, 2 though it still remains the normal one. 
In order to begin the Psalter (one of the old five sections into which Bibles used to 
be divided), on a right-hand page, the page before it is left blank, but there is no 
typographical break throughout the Old Testament. The New Testament has a 
separate title-page, with a woodcut previously used in editions of the Bishops' Bible. 
It was also taken as a new typographical starting-point. The book consists in all 
of 366 sheets of two leaves, or four pages each, grouped in 123 quires or gatherings 
signed as follows : Preliminaries : A-D. Old Testament : A-Z, Aa-Zz, Aaa-Zzz, 
Aaaa-Zzzz, Aaaaa-Ccccc. New Testament : A-Z, Aa. 

With the exception of B and D, in the preliminaries, of which the former has 
only one sheet, the latter only two, every quire is regularly made up of three sheets 
or six leaves. The whole book is homogeneous, and was almost certainly set up and 
printed in its own sequence, not in different sections worked simultaneously. Of 
the Bible thus set up only a single issue was printed. The so-called second issue 
is an entirely distinct and separate edition, save that a few leaves of the original 
edition, of which an excessive number had been printed by some mistake, are some- 
times found used in it. It is the exact text of this first edition that the present 
reprint reproduces. 

CHAPTER III. 

THE LATER HISTORY OF THE BIBLE OF 1611. 

As we have seen, every parish in England had been obliged to provide itself 
with a Bible of the ' largest volume ' in 1541 under penalty of a fine of 40s. for 
every month of delay, the book costing 10s. in sheets and 12s. bound. Beyond 
the words on the title-page, ' Appointed to be read in Churches,' which, as they stand, 
are purely affirmative, not exclusive (unlike, for instance, the ' These to be obserued 

1 The alternative renderings and references to parallels are probably the work of the six com- 
panies ; the chapter summaries and subject headlines are usually attributed to the two final 
revisers. In later editions the subject headlines, which are based on the chapter summaries, have 
usually been left to the printer's reader. 

: In the New Testament two of the mythological ten-line set, the use of which in the Bishops' 
Bible had justly been censured, reappear'at the beginning of Matthew and Romans ; and small 
pictorial capitals of an evangelist writing, at the beginning of the gospels according to S. Luke 
and S. John. 



34 Bibliographical Introduction. 






for Holy dayes, and none other' of this very volume), there is no tittle of evidence for 
any Order in Council having enjoined parishes to buy copies with inconvenient haste. 
In the year of issue the Dean and Chapter of Worcester bought ' a Great Bible of the 
new translation ' for £2 18s., which probably represents the cost of the book in 
a binding good enough for cathedral use. From a book printed in 1641 (Michael 
Sparke's Scintilla) we learn that the price of Church Bibles had then recently been 
raised from 30s. to 40s., and that ' in former times ' these were sold in quires at 25s., 
to which must be added the cost of binding. It would have been highly unpopular 
to force an expenditure of this kind on every parish, however small. To do so, more- 
over, would have been alike impolitic and needless ; impolitic, because any haste in 
the matter would have suggested that very slur on the Bishops' version which the 
Preface so earnestly disclaims 1 ; needless, because the supply of Bibles being, as we 
have pointed out, a regulated and controlled supply, whenever an old Church Bible 
was worn out, it was necessarily replaced by a new one of the version of 161 1, because | 
no other Bible in large folio was purchasable. In an interesting article on The 
Authorisation of the Englisli Bible, contributed by the present Archbishop of Canter- 
bury to Macmillan's Magazine for June 1881, we find it stated : 

Of twenty-four [25 ?] ' inquiries ' between 161 2 and 1641 thirteen Bishops and Archdeacons, 
ask for ' a Bible of the latest edition ', or ' of the last translation ', while twelve ask only for 
' a Bible of the largest volume ', in accordance with what had been the usual form of the 
question prior to 161 1. Among the latter are Bishop Neile of Lincoln (1614) ; Bishop Williams 
of Lincoln (1631) ; Bishop Duppa of Chichester (1638) ; and the Archdeacons of London, York 
and Colchester (1640). Archbishop Abbot in his metropoliticall visitation in i6i6asks only for 
' the whole Bible of the largest volume ', though three years later, in a visitation of the Diocese 
of Canterbury, he carefully refers to ' the Bible of the New Translation, lately set forth by 
His Majesty's authority '. Archbishop Laud, however, in a Diocesan visitation in 1634, depart- 
ing from the form adopted by his predecessor, asks only for ' the whole Bible of the largest 
volume '. 

With the policy of patience and quiet penetration which the bishops as a body 
(some, no doubt, being more urgent than others) thus seem to have pursued, the 
bibliographical evidence is in entire agreement. Misapprehension of the ecclesiastical 
position has indeed caused some bibliographers to go astray, and to imagine the 
simultaneous printing of two issues in 1611 to meet a demand for 20,000 copies, such 
as Grafton and Whitchurch had to provide for in 1540 and 1541. But the demand 
for 20,000 copies and the double issue are equally imaginary. After the first edition, 
completed in 1611, an entirely new one was put in hand, the issue of the bulk of 
which belongs to 1613, and in this year there appeared also a folio reprint for church 
use in smaller type'-; a third edition in the largest type was published in 1617, 
a fourth in 1634, a fifth in 1640. It is clear that if every parish had acquired a copy 
in 1611, there could have been no demand for new editions in 1613 and 1617. It is 
also clear, from the seventeen years interval before a reprint, that the 1617 edition 
did substantially complete the necessary supply. If so, the editions may have been 
of as many as 5,000 copies apiece. 

To understand the trouble which has arisen it must be remembered that in the 
case of Bibles all editions of the same size were so printed that, the contents of 
corresponding sheets being the same, the sheets should be interchangeable. This 
probably made for correctness in reprinting, and the reprints follow each other so 
closely, mostly line for line, and always leaf for leaf, that they can only be distin- 
guished from the copy they follow by careful collation. But the printer's object in 
this arrangement was probably the lower one of being able to use up sheets which 
had been printed in excess of the requirements of one edition by printing fewer copies 
for the next, and also, when any sheets of a nearly exhausted edition had accidentally 
been spoilt, by printing these particular sheets in advance of the next edition, to 
make one setting serve for both purposes. In a well-managed printing-office, neither 
class of accident would recur with sufficient frequency to be worth providing against ; 
but Barker's office was not well managed, and from his plea in one of the intermin- 
able lawsuits which made him end his days in a debtor's prison, we learn that about 

' ' Truly (good Christian Reader) wee neuer thought from the beginning, that we. should neede 
to make a new Translation, nor yet to make of a bad one a good one, (for then the imputation of 
Sixtus had bene true in some sort, that our people had bene fed with gall of Dragons instead of 
wine, with whey instead of milke :) but to make a good one better.' 

2 By printing 72 instead of 59 lines to a column, and a corresponding lateral saving, the 
number of leaves was reduced from 732 to 508. 



The Later History of the Bible of i 6 1 1 



35 



1616-18 he owed over £200 to various booksellers as compensation for having 
supplied imperfect books. 1 

Before the end of 1611 the stock of the first edition of the new Bible was suffi- 
ciently low to cause a second to be put in hand. The engraved plate from which 
the title had been printed must by this time have been much worn and (possibly 
after some hesitation) henceforth Barker preferred the woodcut border which appears 
in the New Testament for the general title as well. The easiest hypothesis to account 
for the peculiarities which we find in the edition which he now proceeded to print 
is that he first reprinted the sheet which bears the title, and a few other sheets at 
various points, to complete imperfect copies of the first edition^ and then settled 
down to reprint the rest, completing this, if we are bound to press the date 1611 
found on the New Testament, within the year, somewhat ahead of the demand. 
Before this became urgent a serious accident must have happened in his warehouse, 
which rendered unusable a large part of the stock (about 119 out of 138 sheets) 
in one part of the book, viz. the quires signed Aa-Zz and Aaa-Zzz. A few sheets, 2 
which I conjecture to have been among those printed in advance of the rest and 
kept in a different place, escaped, but the stock of the rest had to be completed by 
a second reprinting, and the completed stock was then stored according to the exigen- 
cies of the warehouse. By 1613 the supply of the title-sheet, of which only a small 
number seems to have been printed in 1611 (possibly because Barker at first thought 
of re-engraving the original copper-plate 3 ) was exhausted, and this sheet was then 
reprinted and dated 1613. During the next three or four years the copies sold 
exhibit so many combinations of the two printings of the sheets bearing the double 
and treble signatures (Aa and Aaa, &c), that with the exception of a group of 
about twenty hardly any two copies agree. The inference is that this score of copies 
represent the part of the edition sold to the booksellers when first it was ready, 
since these copies would all be made up at the same time, and the sheets required 
for them would be extracted from the same part of each bundle. On the other 
hand, copies made up at later dates in response to the casual daily demand would 
naturally differ according to the whim of the man who picked out the sheets for them. 

The above explanation is based 4 on the very able paper by the Rev. Walter E. 
Smith, published in three numbers of The Library for 1890 under' the title The Great 
She-Bible, and is intended to account for the following facts : 

(i) While the great majority of the extant title-pages of the second edition are 
dated 1613, those in at least three copies are dated 1611, and this title with the 
j woodcut border and the date 1611 has also been found on some copies of the editio 
princeps. The title-page of the New Testament in all copies is dated 1611. 

(ii) Out of a total of 357 sheets of text, four of those singly signed (E,, P 2 , :i . X 2 ), 
and 119 of those doubly and trebly signed (Aa, &c, Aaa, &c.) are found" in two 
different forms, constituting different editions of these individual sheets, one of j 
which can almost always be positively proved to have been set up from the other. 

(iii) The sheets of these signatures first printed are not, as a rule, all found 
together in some copies, and the reprints of them in others, but the two printings 
are very much mixed together, and in very various ways. 

The explanation is probably only a very rough approximation to the truth, and 
further investigation is rendered almost hopeless by the fact that collectors like Lea 
Wilson and Francis Fry (the latter of whom bought and sold an extraordinary number 
of copies), and many much more easily forgivable booksellers, have transferred sheets 
from one copy to another to bring them into accord with their own mistaken ideas 
of perfection, and the evidence has thus been hopelessly confused. Nor if, as I 
believe, the way in which copies of this second edition were made up depended 
mainly on the whim of Barker's storekeeper, is it possible as regards the bulk of 

1 See Mr. H. R. Plomer's article in The Library (Second Series, vol. ii, pp. 353-375), oil ' The 
King's Printing House under the Stuarts '. 

• Viz. (probably) Aa,, Ft, Gg„ ,,, Kk,, Tt,_„ Aaa,,, Bbb,, Iii , Lll„ Ooo„ „ Qqq 3 , Sssl,_„ Zzz ; . 

3 I may note that the engraved title is said to be found in a ' very few ' copies of the cheaper 
Church folio (72 line) of 161 3. In one at least of these it is clearly inserted. But as long as the 
plate existed it might be used on an emergency to complete copies. 

1 I use this word because Mr. Smith did not fully express his views on the significance of the 
161 1 printed title-page, as to which he obtained additional information after his text was 
printed, and in some points I think I interpret the evidence he collected a little differently. 
His paper settled the main question quite finally. 



C2 



36 



Bibliographical Introduction. 






the copies 1 to say with any probability that one is earlier than another. The 
important point is that we must repudiate altogether the misuse of bibliographical 
terms by which Mr. Fry constantly wrote of a certain type of copy of the second 
edition as the second ' issue ' of the first. A sheet of the first edition may here and 
there be found (for the reasons given) in a copy of the second, but the second edition 
as a whole, whether it bears a 1611 title or a 1613 title, was printed from a new 
setting up of the type, whereas the essence of a new ' issue ' is that it is printed 
from the same setting up, but with additions, cancels, or other subordinate changes. 
The only first edition is that which is here reprinted. 

A still more serious error was committed by the distinguished scholar, Dr. F. H. A. 
Scrivener, who in 1884, in his book entitled The Authorised Edition of the English 
Bible (1611) : its subsequent reprints and modern representatives (an enlargement of 
his Introduction to the Cambridge Paragraph Bible of 1873) argued strenuously, but 
in entire ignorance of the customs of the book trade in the seventeenth century, that 
copies of the (second) edition with the woodcut title dated 1611 preceded the (first) 
edition with the engraved title, here reprinted. Dr. Scrivener was led to this con- 
clusion by the idea, natural to a modern scholar, that the opportunity of a new 
edition would be used for making the text more correct. So far from this being the 
case it is a practically invariable experience that for every error corrected in a 
seventeenth-century reprint, at least two are introduced. Dr. Scrivener allowed that 
the accepted editio princeps was the finer and better, but did not see how incredible 
it is that an eagerly expected book like the version of 1611, of which copies would 
at once be given to the king and other great persons, should have been put on the 
market in the first instance in an inferior form, have been then improved in almost 
every respect in a second edition, and then have gone back to its original state, or 
a little worse, in a third. The relations of the copies with the 1611 and 1613 wood- 
cut titles constitute another insuperable difficulty to his theory, but the priority of 
the true editio princeps can be proved bibliographically in a dozen different ways. 
A few of these may be indicated : 

(i) Dr. Scrivener himself noted a blunder in the editio princeps by which three 
lines are repeated in Exodus xiv. 10. In the second edition we can see the printer, 
who could not ignore this particular error, bringing a couple of words on to another 
line, and leaving extra space at the head of chapter xv, in order to fill the gap 
created by omitting the three repeated lines. 

(ii) The editio princeps, as we have seen, begins with a regular system of nine-line 
capitals at the beginning of the first chapter of each book, and five-line capitals at 
the beginning of other chapters, and only gradually departs from it. In the second 
edition the printer is careless all the way through, using additional capitals from other 
1 sets, and making changes in the line-arrangements obviously dictated by the different 
sizes of the new capitals. 

(iii) In the editio princeps the word 'Lord' is printed throughout the book of 
Genesis as LORD, afterwards as Lord. In the second edition it is always printed 
Lord. 

All of these changes are intelligible if the second edition was printed from the 
first. None of them can be explained if the first edition was printed from the second. 
Add the fact that the type of the second edition is distinctly more worn, and the true 
sequence is obvious. This is now generally recognized, and it is only just to say 
that on this point Mr. Francis Fry was quite sound. 

It remains to be added that the first edition of the new translation is frequently 
called the He-Bible and the second the She-Bible, from the fact that in Ruth iii. 15 
the former reads ' He went into the city ', and the latter ' She '. All such nicknames 
for editions of the Bible are objectionable, and this, which suggests that the two 
editions form a pair, is mischievous. Their relation is not that of equality as 
between man and woman, but the second is derived from the first, as a child from 
its parents, an entirely new and distinct edition, reprinted from the original, and 
not a contemporaneous issue. 

Turning now from the Church Bibles to those for private use we find that two 
quartos and two octavos were issued in 1612, one quarto and one octavo following 
the editio princeps, and the other quarto and octavo following the second edition. 

1 Those with one or more 1O11 sheets used in them may perhaps be set down as earlier, and 
those with 161 7 sheets as later. But even this is not always certain. 



The Later History of the Bible of 1 6 1 1 . 37 



A quarto and octavo were printed at the turn of the years 1612-13, two other 
quartos and an octavo in 1613, two quartos in 1613-14, and two more quartos and 
an octavo in 1614, almost all of these following the text of the second edition. 
These fourteen editions (there may have been more) seem to have satisfied the 
immediate demand, and after this we find one, two, and three editions printed in 
different years. Very few editions of the New Testament seem at first to have been 
printed separately, and it is interesting to find Messrs. Darlow and Moule, in their 
catalogue of the treasures of the Bible Society, recording editions of the Bishops' 
version as being printed in 1613. 1614, 1615, and 1617. After this New Testaments 
of the new translation became more common. 

As regards the Geneva Bible, of which a folio and quarto had been printed in 
1611, we find another folio published in 1612, three quartos in 1614, two more 
quartos in 1615, and a folio in 1616. After this, although for another fifteen or 
twenty years eminent ecclesiastics, ordained before 161 1, continued to take into the 
pulpit their old Geneva pocket editions, no doubt marked and familiar to their 
hands, and had no hesitation in using this version for their texts, the king's printers 
were encouraged to print no more Geneva Bibles, and the production of them was 
thus driven underground. It has long been a puzzle to bibliographers why there 
should be so many different editions (at least six), of the Geneva Bible asserting 
themselves on their title-pages to have been ' Imprinted at London by the Deputies 
of Christopher Barker, Printer to the Queenes most excellent Maiestie. 1599.' One 
of these editions is found also bearing the much more truthful statement, ' By 
Iohn Fredericksz. Stam, dwelling by the South Churche at the signe of the Hope. 
1633 ' (see Bible Society Catalogue, Nos. 191 and 364). Mr. N. Pocock, who wrote 
on the subject in the Bibliographer, vol. iii, stated as his conclusion that ' the whole 
investigation seems to show that these editions of the Geneva-Tomson [Bible] were 
published at different times at Amsterdam and Dort, and adopted afterwards by 
Barker, who affixed the date 1599, probably because this was a well-known and 
popular edition'. A still more probable reason for the selection of the date 1599 is 
surely that in 1600 Robert Barker took over his father's business, and the deputies 
vanished. Thus this particular imprint was the latest with which editions could 
circulate freely in England, without Robert Barker being personally implicated. 
Whether Robert himself was always in the position of having ' a few remaining 
copies ' of one or other of these editions in stock we can only surmise. But the 
complete, or nearly complete, cessation of English-printed editions of the Geneva 
Bible after 1616, combined with the appearance of Dutch-printed editions, one at 
least of which belongs to the year 1633, disguised by spurious imprints, is fair proof 
that the Geneva Bible was now again subjected to the silent boycott by which 
Parker had repressed it until the year of his death. Fortunately, lethargy no 
longer accompanied repression, and the supply of Bibles of every size was abundant, 
although we hear murmurs that the king's printers were allowed to charge too much 
for them. 

Although there can be no doubt that the price of Bibles gradually rose, in 1629 
buyers of small folios and large quartos were for a short time able to obtain them 
cheap enough, as, on the Cambridge University Press for the first time exercising 
its right to print a Bible, and putting a small folio on the market at 10s. instead of 
12s., the king's printers sold a specially printed folio edition and a thousand copies 
in quarto at ~,s. apiece, ' to overthrow the Cambridge printing, and so to keep all in 
their own hands' (Sparke's Scintilla, 1641). This Cambridge edition of 1629 is 
noteworthy also, not only as exceptionally well printed, but as bearing marks of 
careful revision, carried still further in an edition of 1638, which went so far as to 
improve the text (I quote from Dr. Scrivener) ' by inserting words or clauses, 
especially in the Old Testament, overlooked by the editors of 161 1 ; by amending 
manifest errors ; by rendering the italic notation at once more self-consistent, and 
more agreeable to the design of the original translators.' According to a con- 
temporary note the revisers were Dr. Goad, of Hadley, Dr. Joseph Mede, Dean 
Boys, and Dr. Samuel Ward, of Sidney Sussex, of whom the last two were survivors 
of the original Cambridge board of 1611. Between these two Cambridge editions 
came one from the king's printers in 1631, for which the firm was fined £300 for 
omitting the word not in the seventh commandment. After 1638 carelessness still 
continued, and the London market was also flooded with incorrect editions printed 
in Holland. In the eighteenth century even Baskett, as a rule a careful printer, 



X 






38 Bibliographical Introduction. 

in aiming at sumptuousness could produce the Bible of 1716-17 x with its ' basket- j 
full ' of errors. In 1762 a Bible revised by Dr. Thomas Paris of Trinity College 
was printed at Cambridge, and seven years later a similar revision was carried 
through at Oxford by Dr. Benjamin Blavney, of Hertford College. It must be 
remembered that no copy of the version of 1611 had been ' sealed ' as a standard, 
as was done in the case of the Prayer-book, and these attempts to increase con- 
sistency and to remove errors were wholly laudable. On the other hand it is 
obvious that under cover of such minor revisions more serious changes might be 
introduced, and in 1831, in a pamphlet entitled The Existing Monopoly an inadequate 
protection of the Authorised Version of the Scripture, Thomas Curtis, of Islington, 
called public attention to a number of departures from the original text. The 
uneasiness thus created was effectually dispelled by the Oxford University Press 
producing, in 1833, a line for line reprint of the editio princeps, the extraordinary 
accuracy of which has been everywhere acknowledged. 

ALFRED W. POLLARD. 

1 The so-called Vinegar Bible, from the misprint Vinegar for Vineyard in the headline to 
Luke xx. 



APPENDIX TO THE INTRODUCTION. 

DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE MAKING, PRINTING, 
AND PUBLISHING OF THE ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS 
OF THE BIBLE FROM TYNDALE'S NEW TESTAMENT 
OF 1525 TO THE APPEARANCE OF THE VERSION 

OF 1611. 



RECORDS. 

I. PROHIBITION OF ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS OF THE BIBLE FROM 
THE TIME OF WYCLIF UNLESS AUTHORIZED BY A BISHOP OR 
A PROVINCIAL COUNCIL. 

The text of the Constitution adopted by the Provincial Council at Oxford, 1408, from 
Lyndewode's Provinciate, Antwerp, Christopher of Endhoven, December 20, 1525, fo. ccvi, 
compared with the same constitution as ratified by the Provincial Council which met at 
St. Paul's, London, January 14, 1408-9, from Wilkins's Concilia, 1737, vol. iii. 317. 

1 Scriptura sacra non transf eratur in linguam vulgarem nee translata interpretur 
donee rite fuerit examinata sub pena excommunicationis et nota hereseos. 

Periculosa [quoque 2 ] res est, testante beato Hyeronymo, textum sacre scripture 
de uno in aliud ydioma transferre, eo quod in ipsis translationibus non de facili idem 
sensus in omnibus 3 retinetur, prout idem beatus Hyeronymus, etsi inspiratus 
fuisset, se in hoc sepius fatetur errasse. Statuimus igitur et ordinamus, ut nemo 
deinceps textum aliquem 4 sacre scripture auctoritate sua in linguam Anglicanam, 
vel aliam transferat, per viam libri vel libelli aut tractatus, nee legatur aliquis 
huiusmodi liber, libellus, aut tractatus iam nouiter tempore dicti Iohannis Wyklyff, 
siue citra, compositus, aut in posterum componendus, in parte vel in toto, publice 
vel occulte, sub pena maioris excommunicationis, quousque per loci diocesanum, 
seu, si res exegerit, per concilium prouinciale ipsa translatio fuerit approbata. Qui 
vero 5 contra fecerit, ut fautor heresis et erroris similiter puniatur. 

Translation. 

The Holy Scripture not to be translated into the vulgar tongue, nor a translation 
to be expounded, until it shall have been duly examined, under pain of excom- 
munication and the stigma of heresy. 

Moreover it is a perilous thing, as the Blessed Jerome testifies, to translate the 
text of Holy Scripture from one idiom into another, inasmuch as in the translations 
themselves it is no easy matter to keep the same meaning in all cases, like as the 
Blessed Jerome, albeit inspired, confesses that he often went astray in this respect. 
We therefore enact and ordain that no one henceforth on his own authority 
translate any text of Holy Scripture into the English or other language, by way 
of a book, pamphlet, or tract, and that no book, pamphlet, or tract of this kind be 
read, either already recently composed in the time of the said John Wyclif, or 
since then, or that may in future be composed, in part or in whole, publicly or 
privily, under pain of the greater excommunication, until the translation itself 6 
shall have been approved by the diocesan of the place or if need be by 
a provincial council. Whoever shall do the contrary to be punished in like manner 
as a supporter of heresy and error. 

II. SIR THOMAS MORE ON THE PROHIBITION. 

From ' A dyaloge of syr Thomas More . . . Wherin be treatyd dyuers maters, as of the . 
worshyp of ymagys . . . With many othre thyngys touchyng the pestylent sect of Luther and 
Tyndale. London, J. Rastell, 1529. (fol. xciii verso.) 

The thyrde boke. The xvi. chapyter. 

The messenger * reherseth som causys whych he hath herd layd by som of the 
clergye, wherfore the scrypture shold not be suffred in englysh. And the author 

I. * The heading given by Wilkins is : ' Ne quis texta (sic) S. Scripturae transferat in 
linguam Anglicanam,' but he quotes from a Lambeth MS. the variant: ' Ne textus aliquis 
S. Scripturae in linguam Anglicanam de caetero transferatur per viam libri aut tractatus.' 

2 From Wilkins. 3 Wilkins, 'in omnibus sensus.' 
4 Wilkins, ' aUquem textum.' 6 Wilkins omits ' vero '. 

8 It wilt be noted that it is the translation itself ('ipsa translatio') which the Bishop or 
Provincial Council was to approve. In the uncertainty which almost from the beginning 
surrounded the origin of the Wyclifite versions it seems to have become the practice to grant 
a licence to specified readers instead of to a specified version. 

II. ' More secures entire freedom of speech for his interlocutor by making him merely the mes- 
senger of a friend, who reports everything he hears said without taking any responsibility for it. 



42 



Sir Thomas More on the Prohibition. 



sheweth hys mynde that yt were conuenyent to haue the byble in englyshe. And 
therwyth endeth the thyrd boke. 

Syr quod your frende, yet for all thys can I se no cawse why the clergye shold 
kepe the byble out of lay mennys handys, that can no more but theyr mother 
tonge. 

1 had wente quod I that I had proued you playnly, that they kepe yt not from 
them. For I haue shewed you that they kepe none frome theym, but suche trans- 
lacyon as be eyther not yet approued for good, or such as be all redy reproued for 
naught, as Wyclyffys was and Tyndals. For as for other olde onys, that were 
before Wyclyffys days, [these] remayn lawful, and be in some folkys handys had 
and red. 2 

Ye say well quod he. But yet as women say, somwhat yt was alway that the 
cat wynked whan her eye was oute. Surely so ys yt not for nought that the 
englysh byble is in so few mennys handys, whan so many wold so fayn haue yt. 

That ys very trouth quod I. For I thynke that though the fauourers of a secte 
of heretyques be so feruent in the settynge forthe of theyr sect, that they let not 
to lay theyr money togyder and make a purse amonge them for the pryntyng of 
an euyll made or euyll translated boke, whych though yt happe to be forboden and 
burned yet som be solde ere they be spyed, and eche of theym lese but theyr parte, 
yet I thynk ther wyll no prynter lyghtely be so hote to put eny byble in prent at 
hys own charge, wherof the losse sholde lye hole in hys owne necke, and than hange 
vppon a doutfull tryall whyther the fyrst copy of hys translacyon was made before 
Wyclyffys dayes or synnys. For yf yt were made synnys, yt must be approued 
byfore the pryntynge. And surely howe yt hathe happed that in all thys whyle 
god hathe eyther not suffred or not prouyded that eny good vertuouse man hath 
had the mynde in faythfull wyse to translate yt, and thervppon eyther the clergye , 
or at the lest wyse som one bysshop to approue yt, thys can [I] no thynge tell. But \ 
howe so euer yt be, I haue herd and here so myche spoken in the mater, and so j 
mych dout made therin, that peraduenture yt wold let and wythdrawe eny one | 
bishop from the admyttyng therof, wythout the assent of the remanaunt. And t 
where as many thyngys be layd agaynst yt, yet ys there in my mynde not one thyng 
that more putteth good men of the clergye in dout to suffer yt, than thys that they 1 
se somtyme myche of the worst sort more feruent in the callyng for yt, than them j 
whom we fynde far better. Whych maketh theym to fere lest such men desyre yt 
for no good, and lest yf yt were had in euery mannys hand, there wold gret parell 
aryse, and that sedycyouse people shold do more harme therwyth, than god and 
honest folke sholde take frute therby. Whyche fere I promyse you no thyng fereth 
me, but that who so euer wolde of theyre malyce or foly take harme of that thynge 
that ys of ytself ordeyned to do all men good, I wold neuer for thauoydyng of theyr 
harme, take frome other the profyte whyche they myght take, and no thyng deserue 
to lese. For ellys yf thabuse of a good thyng shold cause the takynge awaye therof 
frome other that wolde use yt well, Cryst shold hym selfe neuer haue ben borne, nor 
brought hys fayth in to the worlde, nor god sholde neuer haue made yt neyther, yf 
he shold for the losse of those that wold be dampned wreches, haue kepte away the 
occasyon of reward from theym that wold wyth helpe of hys grace endeuoure theym 
to deserue yt. . . . 

2 In ' An Answere vnto Sir Thomas Mores dialoge ' Tyndale (fol. cv) thus comments on this 
section : ' What maye not Master More saye by auctorite of his poetrie ? there is a lawfull trans- 
lacion that no man knoweth which is as moch as no lawfull trauslacion. Whi mighte not the 
bisshopes shew which were that lawfull translacion and lat it be printed ? Naye if that might 
haue bene obteyned of them with large money it had be printed ye maye besure longe yer this. 
But sir answere me here vnto, how happeneth that ye defendars translate not one youre selues, 
to cease the murmoure of the people, and put to youre awne gloses, to preuent [i. e. forestall] 
heretikes ? Ye wold no doute haue done it longe sens, if ye coude haue youre gloses agre with 
the texte in euery place. And what can you saye to this, how that besydes they haue done 
their best to disanull all translatynge by parlement, they haue disputed before the kinges grace 
that it is [text is it] perelous and not mete and so concluded that it shal not be, vnder a pretence 
of deferrynge it of certayne yeres. Where Master More was there speciall orator, to fayne lyes for 
their purpose.' 



More's Plan for a Limited Circulation. 



43 



III. MORE'S PLAN FOR A LIMITED CIRCULATION. 

From the same (fol. xcvii., recto). 

Fynally me thynketh that the constytucyon prouyncyall of which we spake 
ryght now hath determyned thys questyon all redy. For whan the clergye therin 
t agreed that the englysh bybles shold remayne whyche were translated afore 
Wyclyffes dayes, they consequently dyd agre that to haue the byble in englysh was 
' none hurte. And in that they forbade eny new translacyon to be redde tyll yt were 
approued by the bishoppes, yt appereth wel therby that theyre entent was that the 
bysshoppe shold approue yt yf he founde yt fawtelesse, & also of reason amend yt 
where yt were fawtye, but yf the man were an heretyque that made yt, or the fawtis 
suche and so many, as yt were more ethe 1 to make yt all new than mend yt. As yt 
happed for bothe poyntys in the translacyon of Tyndall. 

Nowe yf yt so be that yt wold happely be thought not a thyng metely to be 
aduentured, to set all on a flushe at onys, & dash rashly out holy scrypture in euery 
lewde felowys tethe, yet thynketh me there mighte suche a moderacion be taken 
therin, as neyther good vertuous lay folk shold lacke yt, nor rude and rashe braynes 
abuse yt. For it might be with dylygence well and truly translated by som good 
catholyke and well lerned man, or by dyuerse dyuydynge the laboure amonge theym, 
and after conferryng theyr seuerall partys together eche with other. And after 
that myght the work be allowed and approued by the ordynaryes, and by theyre 
authorytees so put vnto prent, as all the copyes shold come hole vnto the 
bysshoppys hande. Whyche he maye after hys dyscrecyon and wysedome delyver 
to suche as he perceyueth honest sad and vertuous, with a good monicyon & 
fatherly counsayl to vse yt reuerently wyth humble hart and lowly mynd, rather 
sekyng therin occasyon of deuocyon than of dyspycyon 2 . And prouydyng as mych 
as may be, that the boke be after the deceace of the partye brought agayn and 
reuerently restored vnto the ordynary. So that as nere as may be deuysed, no man 
haue yt but of the ordynaryes hande, and by hym thoughte and reputed for suche, 
as shall be lykely to vse yt to goddys honour and meryte of his own soule. Among 
whome yf eny be proued after to haue abused yt, than the vse therof to be for- 
boden hym, eyther for euer, or tyll he be waxen wyser. 

By our lady quod youre frende thys way myslyketh not me. But who sholde set 
the pryce of the boke ? 

Forsothe quod I that reken I a thynge of lytell force. 3 For neyther were yt a grete 
mater for any man in maner to geue a grote or twayne aboue the meane pryce for 
a boke of so great profyte, nor for the byshop to gyue them al fre, wherin he myght 
serue hys dyocyse wyth the coste of .x. li. I thynke or xx. markys 4 . Whyche some 
I dare saye there is no bysshop but he wold be glad to bestowe about a thynge that 
myght do hys hole dyocyse so specyall a pleasure wyth suche a spyrytuall profyte. 

By my trouth quod he yet wene I that the people wolde grudge to haue yt 
on thys wyse delyuered theym at the bysshops hand, and had leuer pave for yt to 
the prenter than haue yt of the bysshop fre. 

It myght so happen wyth some quod I. But yet in myne opinion there were 
in that maner more wylfulnesse, than wysedom or eny good mynd in such as wold 
not be content so to receyue them. And therfore I wolde thynke in good fayth 
that yt wold so fortune in fewe. But for god the more dowte wolde be, leste the[y] 
wolde grudge and holde them self sore greued, that wolde requyre yt and were 
happely denyed yt. Whych I suppose wolde not often happen vnto eny honest howse- 
holder to be by hys dyscrecyon reuerently red in hys howse. But though yt were 
not taken 5 to euery lewd ladde in hys awn handes to rede a lytel rudely whan 
he lyst, and than cast the boke at hys" helys, or among other such as hym selfe to 
kepe a quodlibet 6 and a pot parlement vppon, I trowe there wyll no wyse man fynde 
a fawte therin. 

1 A misprint for ' easy ' ? 2 Discussion, disputation. 3 Importance. 

4 The larger of these two sums is only twice as much as Bishop Nix contributed to the cost of 
buying up Tyndale's New Testaments (see no. xviii). It might have paid for thirty folio bibles 
or fifty in quarto. 

s Entrusted. * Argument on any subject. 



IV. TYXDALE'S TRANSLATIONS. 

From Fox's 'Actes and Monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in 
the Church. . . . Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time 
agayne published . . . by the Authour. 1 /. Daye, London, 1583. pp. 1076 sq.' 

To be short, M. Tyndal being so molested and vexed in the countrey by the 
Priests, was constrained to leaue that country and to seke an other place : and so 
comming to M. Welche, he desired him of hys goodwill that hee myght depart from 
him, saying on this wise to him : Syr, I perceiue I shall not be suffered to tary long 
heere in this countrey, neither shall you be able though you woulde, to keepe me 
out of the hands of the spiritualitie, and also what displeasure might grow therby to 
you by keeping me, God knoweth : for the which I shoulde be right sorie. So that 
in fine, M. Tindall with the good will of his maister, departed, and eftsoones came vp 
to London, and there preached a while, according as he had done in the country 
before, and specially about the towne of Bristowe, and also in the sayde towne, in 
the common place called S. Austines Greene. At length he bethinking him selfe 
of Cutbert Tonstall, then Byshop of London, 2 and especially for the great commenda- 
tion of Erasmus, who in his annotations so extolleth him for his learning, thus cast 
with himselfe, that if hee might attaine vnto his seruice hee were a happy man. 
And so comming to Syr Henry Gilford the kings controller, 3 and bringing with him 
an Oration of Isocrates, which he had then translated out of Greeke into Englishe, 
he desired him to speake to the sayde B. of London for him. Which he also did, and 
willed him moreouer to wryte an Epistle to the Byshop, and to go him self with 
him, Which he did likewise and deliuered his Epistle to a seruaunte of his, named 
William Hebilthwait, a man of his olde acquaintaunce. But God who secretely dis- 
poseth the course of things, saw that was not the best for Tyndals purpose, nor for 
the profite of hys Churche, and therefore gaue him to finde little fauor in the Bishops 
sight. The answer of whom was thys, that hys house was full, he had mo then he could 
wel finde, and aduised him to seeke in London abroade, where hee saide hee coulde 
lacke no seruice, &c. and so remained hee in London the space almoste of a yeare, 
beholding and marking wyth him selfe the course of the world, and especially the 
demeanour of the preachers, howe they boasted them selues and set vp their authoritie 
and kingdome : beholding also the pompe of the Prelates, wyth other thynges 
moe whiche greatly misliked him : In so muche that he understoode, not onely there 
to be no rowme in the Bishops house for hym to translate the new Testament : but 
also that there was no place to do it in al England. And therfore finding no place 
for his purpose within the realme, and hauing some ayde and prouision, by Gods 
prouidence ministred vnto hym by Humphrey Mummouth aboue recited, as you may 
see before, pag. 1076. 4 and certain other good men, hee tooke hys leaue of the realme, 

1 The fourth edition was the last which Fox revised. In the case of Tyndale Fox had inserted 
new information in the second edition of 1570, and this is here reprinted. The extract begins 
with Tyndale's leaving Gloucestershire, where he had acted as tutor in the house of Sir John Walsh 
at Little Sodbury, and had had controversies with the neighbouring clergy. 

2 Cuthbert Tunstall or Tonstall (1474-1559), bishop of London, 1522-30 ; bishop of Durham, 
1530 ; confined to his house, 1550, deprived 1553, restored on Mary's accession the same year ; 
deprived again, 1559. For Tyndale's own version of his relations with Tunstall, see No. V. 

3 Sir Henry Guildford (1489-1532), Master of the Horse and Comptroller of the King's 
Household. 

4 A wrong reference, 1076 being the page of the present text. ' The trouble of Humfrey 
Mummuth, Alderman of London,' is told on p. 997. His story begins : ' Maister Humfrey 
Mummuth was a right godly and sincere Alderman of London, who in the dayes of Cardinall 
Woolsey, was troubled and put in the Tower, for the Gospell of Christ, and for mainteyning them 
that fauoured the same. Stokesley then Bishop of London, ministred Articles unto him, to the 
number of xxiiij, as for adhereing to Luther and his opinions : for hauing and reading heretical 
bookes and treatises, for geuing exhibition [i.e. maintenance] to William Tindall, Roy, and such 
other, for helping them ouer the sea to Luther, for ministring priuie helpe to translate, as well 
tin Testament, as other bookes into English, for eating flesh in Lent [&c] . . . He being of these 
articles examined, and cast in the Tower at last was compelled to make his sute or purgation, 
writing to the foresaid Cardinall, then Lord Chauncelor, and the whole Counsayle out of the 
Tower. In the contents whereof he answered to the criminous accusation of them which charged 
him with certayne bookes, receyued from beyond the sea : Also for his acquaintance wyth 
M. Tindall. Whereunto he sayde, th.it tie denied not, but that foure yeares then past, he 
had heard the said Linda] preach t\\<> 01 three sermons at S. Dunstons in the west, and after- 
ward meeting with the said Tindall, had certaine communication with hym concerning his 



Tyndale's Translations. 



45 



and departed into Germanie. Where the good man being inflamed with a tender care 
and zeale of his countrey, refused no trauell nor diligence howe by all meanes possible, 
' to reduce his brethren and countreymen of England to the same tast and vnderstand- 
yng of Gods holy word and veritie. which the Lord had endued him withal. 

\Yhereupon he considering in his minde, and partely also conferring with Iohn 
Frith, 5 thought wyth him selfe no way more to conduce therunto, then if the Scrip- 
ture were turned into the vulgar speach, that the poore people might also reade and 
see the simple plaine woord of God. For first hee wisely casting in hys minde, 
perceiued by experience, how that it was not possible to stablish the lay people in 
any truth, except the Scripture were so plainly layde before theyr eyes in theyr 
mother tongue, that they myght see the processe, order, and meaning of the text : 
For els what so euer truth shuld be taught them, these enemies of the truth would 
quenche it againe, either wyth apparant reasons of Sophistrie, and traditions of their 
own making, founded without all ground of Scripture : either els iuggling with the 
text, expounding it in such a sense, as impossible it were to gather of the text, if the 
right processe, order, and meaning thereof were seene . . . 

For these and such other considerations, this good man was moued (and no doubt 
styrred vp of God) to translate the Scripture into his mother tongue, for the publicke 
vtility and profit of the simple vulgar people of the country: first, setting in hand 
with the newe Testament, whiche he first translated aboute the yeare of our Lord 
1527. 6 After that he tooke in hand to translate the olde Testament, finishing the 
fiue bookes of Moyses, with sondry most learned and godly prologues prefixed before 
euery one, most worthy to be read and read againe of all good Christians : as 
the lyke also he did vpon the new Testament. 

Hee wrote also diuers other woorkes vnder sundry titles, among the which is that 

. most worthy monument of his, intituled : The obedience of a Christian man : wherin 

' with singulare dexteritie he instructeth all men in the office and duetie of Christian 

. obedience, wyth diuers other treatises : as The wicked Mammon : The practise of 

\ Prelates, wyth expositions vppon certaine partes of the Scripture, and other Bookes 

also aunswearing to Syr Thorn. More and other aduersaries of the truthe, no lesse 

delectable, then also most fruitfull to be read, which partly before beyng unknowen 

vnto many, partly also being almost abolished and worne out by time, the Printe ■ 

heereof (good Reader) for consenting and restoring such singulare treasures, hath 

collected and set foorth in Print the same in one generall volume, 7 all and whole 

together, as also the woorkes of John Frith, Barnes, and other, as are to be seene 

most special and profitable for thy reading. 

These bookes of W. Tyndal being compiled, published and sent ouer into England, 
it cannot be spoken what a dore of light they opened to the eies of the whole 
English nation, which before were many yeres shut vp in darkenesse. 

At his first departing out of the realme, he toke his iorny into the further parts 
of Germany, as into Saxony, where he had conference with Luther and other learned 
men in those quarters. Where, after that he had continued a certen season, he 
came down from thence into the netherlands, & had his most abiding in the town 
of Antwerp, vntil the time of hys apprehension : wherof more shalbe said god 
willing hereafter . . . 

These godly bookes of Tindall, and specially the newe Testament of his trans- 
lation, after that they began to come into mens handes, and to spread abroad, as 

• 
Huing, who then told him that he had none at all, but trusted to be in the Bishop of London 
I his seruice : for then he laboured to be his chaplayne. But being refused of the Bishop, so 
came agayne to the sayd Mummuth this examinate, and besought him to helpe hym. Who the 
same tyme tooke hym into hys house for halfe a yeare, where the said Tindall liued (as he sayd) 
like a good priest, studieng both night & day. He would eat but sodden meate, by his good 
will, nor drink but small single beere. He was neuer seene in that house to weare lynnen 
about him, al the space of his beyng there. Whereupon the sayd Mummuth had the better liking 
of hym, so that he promised him ten pound (as he then sayd) for his father and mothers soules, 
and all Christen soules, which money afterward he sent him ouer to Hamborow, according to his 
promise. And yet not to him alone he gaue this exhibition,' &c. 

s John Frith (1503-33), of King's College, Cambridge, junior canon of Wolsey's College, 
Oxford, imprisoned there in 1528 for helping to circulate Tyndale's Testament, on his release 
went to Marburg ; returning to England, was imprisoned (1532) and burnt. 

6 Fox's mistake for 1525. 

' ' The whole workes of William Tyndall, John Frith and Doct. Barnes,' edited with bio- 
1 graphical introductions by Fox and printed by John Day, 1573. 



46 Tyndale's Translations. 

they wroughte, great and singuler prolite to the godly : so the vngodly enuying 
and disdaining that the people should be any thing wiser then they, and againe 
fearing least by the shining beames of truth, their false hypocrisie & workes of 
darkenesse should be discerned : began to stirre with no small ado, like as at the 
birth of Christ, Herode & al Ierusalem was troubled with him. But especially Sathan 
the prince of darkenes, maligning the happy course and successe of the Gospel, set 
to his might also, how to empeache and hinder the blessed trauailes of that man : 
as by this, and also by sondry other wayes may appeare. For at what time Tindall 
had translated the fift booke of Moises called Deuteronomium, minding to Printe the 
same at Hamborough, hee sailed thereward : where by the way vpon the coast 
of Holland, he suffred shipwracke, by the which he loste all his bookes, wrytings 
and copies, and so was compelled to begin al againe a new, to his hinderance and 
doubling of his labors. Thus hauing lost by that ship, both money, his copies and 
time, he came in an other ship to Hamborough, where at his appoyntment M. Couer- 
dale taried for him, and helped hym in the translating the whole 5 bookes of Moises, 
from Easter till December, in the house of a worshipfull widowe, Maistres Margaret ■ 
van Emmerson. Anno 1529. a greate sweating sicknesse being the same time in the 
Towne. So hauing dispatched his businesse at Hamborough, he returned afterward ! 
to Antwerpe againe. 8 

V. TYNDALE'S STORY OF HIS TRANSLATION. 

This forms the preface to Tyndale's translation of Genesis in his version of the Pentateuch 
printed in 1530. 1 

W. T. To the Reader. 

When I had translated the newe testament, I added a pistle vnto the latter ende, 2 
In which I desyred them that were learned to amend [it] if ought were founde amysse. 
But oure malicious and wylye hypocrytes which are so stubburne and hard herted 
in their weked abhominacions that it is not possible for them to amend any thinge 
at all (as we see by dayly experience when their both lyvinges and doinges are 
rebuked with the trouth) saye, some of them that it is impossible to translate the 
scripture in to English, some that it is not lawfull for the laye people to have it in 
their mother tonge, some that it wold make them all heretykes, as it wold no doute 
from many thinges which they of longe tyme haue falsely taught, and that is the 
whole cause wherfore they forbyd it, though they other clokes pretende. And some 
or rather every one, saye that it wold make them ryse ageynst the kinge, whom 
they them selves (vnto their damnatyon) never yet obeyed. And leste the 
temporall rulars shuld see their falsehod, if the scripture cam to light, causeth them 
so to lye. 

And as for my translation in which they afferme vnto the laye people (as I haue 
hearde saye) 3 to be I wotte not how many thousande heresyes, so that it can not 
be mended or correcte, they haue yet taken so greate payne to examyne it, and to 
compare it vnto that they wold fayne haue it and to their awne imaginations and 
iugglinge termes, and to haue some what to rayle at, and vnder that cloke to 
blaspheme the treuth, that they myght with as little laboure (as I suppose) haue 
translated the moste parte of the bible. For they which in tymes paste were wont 
to loke on no more scripture then they founde in their duns 4 or soch like develysh 
doctryne, haue yet now so narowlye loked on my translatyon, that there is not 
so much as one I therin if it lacke a tytle over his tied, but they haue noted it, 

" This paragraph first appeared in Fox's second edition (1570). It is so precise in its state- 
in. m s that Fox would seem to have written it from special information. It agrees with what we 
know of the state of affairs at Antwerp, where Wolsey's agent, Hackett (see No. XVI A-E.) made 
such a hue and crv after English-Lutheran books in December, 1526, and January, 1527, that 
it may well have seemed advisable to move a press and printing materials elsewhere. The 
Pentateuch and other books of this period profess to have been printed at ' Malborow [Marburg] 
in the land of Hesse ' by Hans Lufft, Luther's printer. 

V. ' This piece is given in this place because its interest lies chiefly in its narrative of Tyndale's 
1 \|i- in in 1 in London when he desired to translate the New Testament there. In this and the 
other English tracts printed abroad it should be noted that in the middle of words 11 an 1 v 
are used indifferently. 

: The Epilogue to the Worms octavo, printed in full below. See Xo. X. 

3 The text omits the second bracket. ' i.e. the commentaries of Duns Scotus. 






and nombre it vnto the ignorant people for an heresy. Fynallye in this they be all 
agreed, to dryve you from the knowlege of the scripture, and that ye shall not haue 
the texte therof in the mother tonge, and to kepe the world styll in darkenesse, 
to thentent they might sitt in the consciences of the people, thorow vayne super- 
stition and false doctrine, to satisfye their fylthy lustes their proude ambition, and 
vnsatiable couetuousnes, and to exalte their awne honoure aboue kinge & emperoure, 
i yee and aboue god him silfe. 

A thousand bokes had they lever to be put forth agenste their abhominable 
doynges and doctrine, then that the scripture shulde come to light. For as longe 
as they may kepe that doune, they will so darken the ryght way with the miste 
of their sophistrye, and so tangle them that ether rebuke or despyse their abhomina- 
tions with argumentes of philosophye and with wordly 5 symylitudes and apparent 
reasons of naturall wisdom. And with wrestinge the scripture vnto their awne 
purpose clene contrarye vnto the processe, order and meaninge of the texte, and so 
delude them in descantynge vppon it with alligoryes, and amase them expoundinge 
it in manye senses 6 before the vnlerned laye people (when it hath but one symple 
litterall sense whose light the owles can not abyde) that though thou feale in thyne 
harte and arte sure how that all is false that they save, yet coudeste thou not solve 
their sotle rydles. 

Which thinge onlye moved me to translate the new testament. Because I had 
perceaved by experyence, how that it was impossible to stablysh the laye people 
in any truth, excepte the scripture were playnly layde before their eyes in their 
mother tonge, that they might se the processe, ordre and meaninge of the texte : 
for els what so ever truth is taught them, these ennymyes of all truth qwench it 
ageyne, partly with the smoke of their bottomlesse pytte wherof thou readest apoca- 
lipsis ix. that is, with apparent reasons of sophistrye and traditions of their awne 
makynge, founded with out grounde of scripture, and partely in iugglinge with the 
texte, expoundinge it in soch a sense as is impossible to gether of the texte, if thou 
see the processe ordre and meaninge thereof. 

And even in the bisshope of londons house I entended to have done it. For when 
I was so turmoyled in the contre where I was that I coude no lenger there dwell 
(the processe wherof were to longe here to reherce) I this wyse thought in my 
silfe, this I suffre because the prestes of the contre be vnlerned, as god it knoweth 
there are a full ignorant sorte which haue sene no more latyn then that they read 
in their portesses 7 and missales which yet many of them can scacely read (excepte it 
be Albertus 8 de secretis mulierum in which yet, though they be neuer so soryly 
lerned, they pore day and night and make notes therin and all to teach the mydwyves 
as they say, and linwood 9 a boke of constitutions to gether tithes, mortuaryes 10 , 
offeringes, customs, and other pillage, which they calle, not theirs, but godes parte 
and the deuty of holye chirch, to discharge their consciences with all : for they are 
bound that they shall not dimynysh, but encreace all thinge vnto the vttmost of 
their powers) and therfore (because they are thus vnlerned thought I) when they 
come to gedder to the alehouse, which is their preachinge place, they afferme that 
my sainges are heresy. And besydes that they adde to of thir awne heddes which 
I never spake, as the maner is to prolonge the tale to shorte the tyme with all, and 
accuse me secretly to the chauncelare u and other the bishopes officers, And in 
deade when I cam before the chauncelare, he thretened me grevously, and revyled 
me and rated me as though I had bene a dogge, and layd to my charge wherof 
there coude be none accuser brought forth (as their maner is not to bringe forth the 
accuser) and yet all the prestes of the contre were that same day there. As I this 
thought the bishope of London came to my remembrance whome Erasmus (whose 
tonge maketh of litle gnattes greate elephantes and lifteth vpp above the starres 
whosoever geveth him a litle exhibition) prayseth excedingly amonge other in his 
annotatyons on the new testament for his great learninge. Then thought I, if I might 
come to this mannes service, I were happye. And so I gate me to london, and thorow 
the accoyntaunce of my master came to sir harry gilford 12 the kinges graces coun- 

' Worldly, the first 1 in which was often dropped. 

8 The ' sensus mysticus ' was a distinct department of Biblical exposition. 
' Breviaries. 8 i. e. Albertus Magnus. 

9 William Lyndewode's Proainciale, a digest of English canon law written in 1433. See 
above, No. I. 10 Customary gifts claimed from the heirs of dead parishioners. 

11 i. e. the Bishop's Chancellor of the diocese. " See note 3 to No. IV. 



4 8 Tyndale's Story of his Translation. 



troller, and brought him an oration of Isocrates which I had translated out of greke 
in to English, and desyred him to speake vnto my lorde of london for me, which he 
also did as he shewed me, and willed me to write a pistle to my lorde, and to goo to 
him my silf which I also did, and delivered my pistle to a servant of his awne, one 
Wyllyam hebilthwayte, a man of myne old accoyntaunce. But god which knoweth 
what is within hypocrites, sawe that I was begyled, and that that councell was not 
the nexte way vnto my purpose. And therfore he gate me no favoure in my lordes 
sight. 

\Yherevppon my lorde answered me, his house was full, he had mo then he coude 
well finde, and advised me to seke in london, wher he sayd I coude not lacke a service. 
And so in london I abode almoste an yere, and marked the course of the worlde. 
and herde oure pratars, I wold say oure preachers how they bosted them selves and 
their hye authorite, and beheld the pompe of oure prelates and how besyed thev 
were as they yet are, to set peace and vnite in the worlde (though it be not possible for 
them that walke in darkenesse to continue longe in peace, for they can not but ether 
stomble or dash them selves at one thinge or another that shall clene vnquyet all 
togedder) and sawe thinges wherof I deferre to speake at this tyme, and vnderstode 
at the laste not only that there was no rowme in my lorde of londons palace to translate 
the new testament, but also that there was no place to do it in all englonde, as 
experience doth now openly declare. 

Vnder what maner therfore shuld I now submitte this boke to be corrected and 
amended of them, which can suffer nothinge to be well ? Or what protestacyon shuld 
I make in soch a matter vnto oure prelates those stubburne Nimrothes which so 
mightely fight agenste god and resiste his holy spirite, enforceynge with all crafte 
and sotelte to qwench the light of the everlastinge testament, promvses, and 
apoyntemente made betwene god and vs : and heapinge the firce wrath of god 
vppon all princes and rulars, mockinge them with false fayned names of hypocrvse, 
and servinge their lustes at all poyntes, and dispensinge with them even of the very 
lawes of god, of which Christe him silf testifieth. Mathew v. that not so moch as one 
tittle therof maye perish or be broken. And of which the prophete sayth Psalme 
cxviij. Thou hast commaunded thy lawes to be kepte meod 13 , that is in hebrew 
exceedingly, with all diligence, mighte and power, and haue made them so mad with 
their iugglinge charmes and crafty persuasions that they thinke it full satisfaction for 
all their weked lyvinge, to torment soch as tell them trouth, and to borne the worde of 
their soules helth and sle whosoever beleve theron. 

Not withstondinge yet I submytte this boke and all other that I have other 
made or translated, or shall in tyme to come (if it be goddes will that I shall further 
laboure in his hervest) vnto all them that submytte themselues vnto the worde 
of god, to be corrected of them, yee and moreover to be disalowed & also burnte, 
if it seme worthy when they have examyned it wyth the hebrae, so that thev first 
put forth of their awne translatinge a nother that is more correcte. 

VI. THE PRINTING OF THE FIRST NEW TESTAMENTS. 

From the ' Commentaria Ioannis Cochlaei, de Actis et Scriptis Martini Lutheri Saxonis chrono- 
graphice ex ordine ab anno Domini 15 17 usque ad annum 1546 inclusiue, fideliter conscripta. 
Apud S. Victorem prope Mognntiam, ex officina Francisci Bchem typographi. 1549, pp. 1 }2-i 35.' ' 

. . . Sed multo adhuc impudentiori audacia Lutherus aggressus est Regem Angliae. 
Henricum VIII. Quern publice prius tot probris kedoriis. sannis atque calumniis. 
ad populos & Nationes traduxerat. Ipse quidem affirmabat se illectum fuisse a Rege 
Daniae Christierno (qui e regnis suis profugus, exul, per Germaniam uagabatur) ut 
ad ipsum scriberet Regem Angliae. Verum Duo Angli Apostatae, qui aliquandiu 
fuerant Vuittenbergae, non solum quaerebant subuertere Mercatores suos, qui eos 
occulte in exilio fouebant & alebant : Verum etiam cunctos Angliae populos. uolente 
nolente Rege, breui per nouum Lutheri Testamentum, quod in Anglicanam traduxerant 

1 3 "UNO 

VI. l Johann Dobneck, or as he called himself, Cochlaeus. born in 1470, proved himself next to 
Eck the keenest and most energetic controversialist on the Catholic side. He had already, in 1533 
and 1538, given two brief accounts of his exploit 111 routing I 'yndale out of Cologne, aiid now in 
the last year of his life narrated it in full. He -tails his story with Luther's unlucky second 
letter to Henry VIII, in which he tried to make his peace for his previous attacks. 



The Printing of the First New Testaments. 49 



linguam, Lutheranos fore sperabant. Venerant iam Coloniam Agrippinam, ui Testa- 
mentum sic traductum, per Typographos in multa Milia multiplicatum, occulte sub 
aliis mercibus deueherent inde in Angliam. Tanta enim eis erat rei bene gerendae 
fiducia, ut primo aggressu peterent aTypographis, Sex Milia sub praelum dari. Illi autem 
subuerentes, ne grauissimo afncerentur damno, si quid aduersi accideret, tantum Tria 
Milia sub praelum miserunt : Quae si fceliciter uenderentur, facile possent imprimi 
denuo. Iam literas ad Sanctos, qui sunt in Anglia, praemiserat Pomeranus, 2 & ad 
Regem quoque scripserat ipse Lutherus. Cunque nouum Testamentum mox subse- 
quuturum crederetur, tanta ex ea spe laetitia Lutheranos inuasit ac uanas fiduciae 
uento inflauit, ut gaudio distenti, ante diem ruperint secretum uanis iactationibus. 
Exulabat eo tempore Coloniae Ioannes Cochlaeus, Decanus Ecclesiae B. Virginis Franco- 
fordiensis, Qui per hospitem suum, Georgium Lauer, Canonicum ad Apostolos, 
Abbati Tuitiensi redditus familiariter notus, ubi audisset opera quaedam Ruperti 
Tuitiensis quondam Abbatis, mittenda esse Nurenbergam, ut a Lutheranis aederentur 
in publicum : ccepit summo studio earn rem & dissuadere & impedire. Nam Lutherani 
in eum usque diem, cum omnes Bibliothecas antiquas diligentissime exquisiuissent 
ac discussissent, nullum prorsus autorem ex cunctis tot saeculorum Doctoribus Ecclesiae 
inuenire potuerunt, qui Lutheri dogmata comprobasset. Inuentum tandem illius 
Ruperti, qui ante 400. annos uixerat, opusculum, cui titulus erat, De Victoria uerbi 
Dei, mox Nurenbergae a Lutheranis euulgatum est. Quod suo titulo ita mox placuit 
omnibus Lutheranis, ut nihil uideretur eo autore desiderabilius. Interim ex Tritemio 3 
intelligebant, ilium complura scripsisse opuscula, sed duo tantum paruula inuenerant. 
Quorum unum de potentia, alterum de uoluntate Dei inscriptum erat. In eorum 
aeditione multa Lutherice apposuerat Osiander, 4 uxoratus presbyter & praedicator, 
quibus pium autorem impiae sectae patronum facere tentabat. Et iam dudum egerant 
cum ipso Abbate Tuitiensi : ut reliqua Ruperti Opera Nurenbergam excudenda, 
transmitteret. Me uero, ut a Cochlaeo audiuit, quantum periculi foret ea in re, si 
pium autorem traderet in manus impiorum, qui eum non solum impiis praefationibus 
& annotationibus fcede contaminaturi essent : Verum etiam integros & sanos illius 
sensus deprauaturi, ex Catholico antiquo facturi essent haereticum nouum, qui 
uideretur cuncta Lutheri dogmata ante annos 400. approbasse. Abbas igitur ille, uir 
bonus, mutata sententia, uolumina iam in grandem fascem compacta, uelut Nuren- 
bergam transmittenda, apud se retinuit. In quo sane fasce erant xiiii. libri in 
Euangelium Ioannis, XII. libri in Apocalypsim eiusdem, & xn. libri, de Diuinis 
Officijs. Cum autem Monachi quieturi non essent, nisi aederentur opera ilia : Cochlaeus 
Petro Quentellio, 5 & Arnoldo Berckmanno sedulo suasit, ut communibus inter se 
impensis & lucris ea opera susciperent aedenda. Persuadere tamen non potuit, donee 
tandem omnem suam operam ad aeditionem illam eis pollicitus esset. Cunque aeditio 
ilia satis quaestuosa eis existeret, non egebant amplius impulsore Cochlaeo, sed ipsimet 
ultro plura illius opuscula desiderabant : rogantes nunc Abbatem, nunc Cochlaeum, ut 
undecunque plura conquirerent. Abbas itaque ex uetustis S. Benedicti Monasteriis 
perquisiuit xxxn.libros in xn.prophetas minores, & vn.libros in Canticum Canticorum. 
Cochlaeus uero inuenit Colonias in Bibliotheca Maioris Ecclesiae ix. libros, De glorifica- 
tione Trinitatis, & processione Spiritus sancti. Et in scholis Artium grande uolumen, 
quod de operibus Trinitatis inscriptum, xlii. complectebatur libros. E quibus in 
Genesim erant ix. In Exodum nil. &c. Cunque sciret Rupertum olim Leodij ad 
S. Laurentium fuisse Monachum, scripsit Theodorico Hezio, Canonico Leodiensi, quern 
Romae post obitum Adriani VI. (cuius ille a Secretis intimus extiterat) familiarius 
cognouerat, obsecrans, ut is in eo Monasterio perquireret, quidnam ex Ruperti libris 
extaret. Ille ergo repperit maxime desideratum opus, xm. libros in Matthaeum, de 
Gloria & honore filij hominis. Verum transmittere Coloniam non potuit Archetypum, 
nisi ipse cum duobus alijs Canonicis, pro restituendo exemplari, cuncta bona sua in 
hypothecam Monachis obligarent. Ea igitur uolumina uniuersa Cochlaeus, Moguntiam 
euocatus, secum detulit. atque ibi residens, ad aeditionem praeparauit, Coloniamque 
aedenda remisit. Hinc Typographis Coloniensibus notior ac familiarior factus,audiuit 
I eos aliquando inter pocula fiducialiter iactitare, Velint Nolint Rex & Cardinalis Angliae, 

2 Johann Bugenhagen, of Pomerania, Protestant theologian, 1484-1558. 

3 i. e. from the Catalogus Illustrium Virorum of Johann Tritheim, abbot of the Benedictine 
1 monastery at Spanheim, which enumerates the writings of many early German authors. 

' Andreas Osiander, Protestant theologian, 1498-1552. 

1 Peter Quentell was a prominent printer at Cologne, and Arnold Birckmann a bookseller 
largely engaged in supplying books to the English market. 



50 The Printing of the First New Testaments. 



totam Angliam breui fore Lutheranam. Audiuit item, duos ibi latitare Anglos, eruditos 
linguarumque peritos et disertos, quos tamen uidere aut alloqui nunquam potuit. Vo- 
catis itaque in hospitium suum quibusdam Typographis, postea quam mero incaluis- 
sent, unus eorum in secretiori colloquio reuelauit illi arcanum, quo ad Lutheri partes 
trahenda esset Anglia. Nempe uersari sub praelo Tria Milia Exemplarium Noui 
Testamenti Lutherani, in Anglicanam linguam translati, ac processum esse iam usque 
ad literam Alphabeti K. in ordine Cjuaternionum. Impensas abunde suppeti a Mer- 
catoribus Anglicis, qui opus excusum clam inuecturi per totam Angliam latenter 
dispergere uellent, antequam Rex aut Cardinalis rescire aut prohibere possit. Cochlaeus 
intra se metu & admiratione uarie affectus, foris mirabundus mcerorem dissimulabat. 
Altero autem die, periculi magnitudinem tristis secum expendens, cogitabat, quo nam 
pacto possit commode pessimis illis conatibus obsistere. Abijt igitur clam ad Her- 
mannum Rinck, Patricium Coloniensem, ac Militem Auratum, qui & Caesari & Regi 
Angliae familiaris erat & Consiliarius, eique rem omnem, ut acceperat uini beneficio, 
indicauit. Ille, ut certius omnia constarent, alium misit exploratum in earn domum, 
ubi opus excudebatur iuxta indicium Cochlaei. Cunque ab illo accepisset rem ita 
habere, & ingentem Papyri copiam ibi existere : adijt Senatum, atque effecit, ut Typo- 
graphis interdiceretur, ne ultra progrederentur in eo opere. Duo Apostatae Angli, 
arreptis secum Quaternionibus impressis, aufugerunt, nauigio per Rhenum ascen- 
dentes Vuormaciam, ubi plebs pleno furore Lutherizabat, ut ibi per alium Typographum 
coeptum perficerent opus. Rincus uero & Cochlaeus de his mox admonuerunt Uteris 
suis Regem, Cardinalemque & Episcopum Roffensem. 6 ut quamdiligentissime prae- 
cauerent in omnibus Angliae portubus, ne merx ilia perniciosissima inueheretur. 
Ferunt Dominum Cuthebertum Tunstallum, uirum disertissimum, Episcopum tunc 
Londinensem, nunc Dunelmensem, cum adeptus fuisset unum ex illis exemplaribus, 
in maxima concione ad populum Londini publice affirmasse, supra duo Milia depraua- 
tionum atque peruersitatum se in uno opere illo depraehendisse. Dum hasc agerentur, 
peruenit tandem in manus Regis Angliae epistola Lutheri, 7 quam is anno superiore 
scripserat Vuittenbergae, prima die Septembris. 

Translation. 8 

With a hardihood even still more impudent Luther approached the King of 
England, Henry VIII, whom he had previously traduced in public before peoples 
and nations with so many slanders, revilings, gibes, and calumnies. His own con- 
tention was that he had been enticed by King Christiern of Denmark (who was 
wandering about Germany as a fugitive exile from his realm) to write to the King of 
England. But two English apostates who had been sometime at Wittenberg were 
not only seeking to undo their own merchants, who were secretly supporting and 
maintaining them in exile, but were also hoping that all the peoples of England, 
whether the King liked it or not, would shortly become Lutherans by means of the 
New Testament of Luther which they had translated into English. They had al- 
ready come to Cologne that thence they might convey to England, secretly, under 
cover of other goods, the Testament so translated after it had been multiplied by 
printers into many thousands. For they had so much confidence of managing the 
business well that at the first onset they asked of the printers that six thousand 
should be printed. The printers, however, fearing a very heavy loss if anything 
went wrong, sent only three thousand copies to press, on the ground that if these 
were successfully sold they could easily be printed afresh. Already Bugenhagen had 
sent forward letters addressed 'To the Saints who are in England', and Luther 
himself had also written to the King. When it was believed that the New Testa- 
ment would quickly follow, so great joy from that hope seized the Lutherans and 
inflated them with vain confidence, that, swollen with delight, they prematurely 
broke their secret by their idle boasts. 

At that time Johann Dobneck, Dean of the Church of the Blessed Virgin at 
Frankfort, was living in exile at Cologne, and through his host, Georg Lauer, Canon 
at [the church of] the Apostles, he was put on familiar terms with the Abbot of Deutz. 
On hearing, therefore, that certain works of Rupert, a former Abbot of Deutz. were 

6 Bishop Fisher. 

' Epistola Martini Lutheri ad Henricum viii Anglia" ac Franciae Regem, et in qua veniam petit 
eorum quae prius stultus in eundem regem emiderit. 

8 Partly based on that in Anderson's Annals of the English Bible. 



The Printing of the First New Testaments. 5 1 



to be sent to Nuremberg for publication by the Lutherans he began very zealously 
to dissuade from and hinder the business. For down to that time the Lutherans, 
although they had most diligently searched and ransacked all the old libraries, could 
find not a single author of all the Doctors of the Church for so many centuries 
whom they could quote as favouring the doctrines of Luther. At last there was 
discovered a little book of this Rupert, who had lived 400 years before, with the title 
On the Victory of the Word of God, and this was presently published by the Lutherans 
at Wittenberg, its title giving all the Lutherans so much pleasure that nothing 
could seem more delightful than the author. Meanwhile they learnt from Tritheim 
that he had written many small works, but they had only discovered two little 
ones, of which one was entitled On the Power, the other On the Will of God. In 
editing these, Osiander, a married priest and preacher, made many additions in the 
Lutheran manner in the endeavour to turn the pious author into the patron of an 
impious sect. They had now for some time been treating with the Abbot of Deutz 
to send the rest of the works of Rupert to Nuremberg to be printed. But the Abbot, 
as soon as he heard from Dobneck what danger there would be in delivering the 
pious author into the hands of impious editors, who would not only contaminate 
him foully with impious prefaces and notes, but would corrupt his upright and 
sound opinions and out of an ancient Catholic make a modern heretic who should 
seem to have approved all Luther's doctrines 400 years before, — the Abbot, I say, 
good man, changed his mind and kept in his own custody the volumes which had al- 
ready been tied up in a bulky parcel to be sent to Nuremberg. In this parcel there 
were fourteen books on the Gospel of S. John, twelve books on the Apocalypse, and 
twelve on the Divine Offices. When, however, the monks were not to be quieted 
without these works being published, Dobneck put pressure on Peter Quentell and 
Arnold Birckmann to undertake their publication as a joint venture. But he could 
not persuade them to do this, until he had finally promised to give the edition all the 
help in his power. The venture proving profitable enough the publishers no longer 
needed Dobneck's incitement, but of their own accord began to look out for more of 
Rupert's little books, asking now the Abbot, now Dobneck, to hunt out more from 
wherever they could. The Abbot accordingly searched out from old Benedictine 
monasteries thirty-two books on the twelve Minor Prophets, and seven on the Song 
of Songs. Dobneck on his part discovered at Cologne, in the library of the greater 
Church, nine books on the Glorifying of the Trinity and the Procession of the Holy 
Spirit, and in the School of Arts a large volume entitled On the Works of the Trinity 
in forty-two books, of which nine were on Genesis, four on Exodus, &c. And when 
he learnt that Rupert had been formerly a monk at Liege he wrote to Dietrich 
Heze, Canon of Liege, whom he had known intimately at Rome after the death of 
Adrian VI, to whom he had been a privy councillor, and besought him to search in 
that monastery for any books of Rupert's that could be found. The Canon lighted 
upon a work much in request, the thirteen books on Matthew, On the Glory and 
Honour of the Son of Man. But he could not send the original to Cologne until he 
himself and two other canons pawned all their property to the monks as a pledge 
for its return. All these volumes, therefore, Dobneck, when he was called away to 
Mainz, took with him, and while he was living there prepared them for publication 
and sent them to Cologne to be published. 

By all this business Dobneck had become pretty intimate and familiar with the 
Cologne printers, when one day he heard them boasting confidently over their wine 
that whether the King and Cardinal of England liked it or no, all England would soon 
be Lutheran. He heard also that there were there in hiding two Englishmen, learned, 
skilled in languages and ready of speech, whom, however, he could never see nor speak 
to. Dobneck therefore asked certain printers to his inn and, after he had warmed 
them with wine, one of them in confidential talk revealed to him the secret by which 
England was to be brought over to the side of Luther — namely that there were in 
the press three thousand copies of the Lutheran New Testament translated into 
English, and that in the order of the quires they had got as far as letter K ; funds 
were being freely supplied by English merchants who meant secretly to importthe 
work when printed and disperse it surreptitiously through all England before King 
or Cardinal could discover or forbid it. 

Alarmed and bewildered as he was, Dobneck disguised his grief under an appear- 
ance of admiration ; but the next day, weighing the greatness of the danger, he 
began to think by what means he could conveniently thwart the wicked project. 



D 2 



5 2 The Printing of the First New Testaments. 



He went, therefore, secretly to Hermann Rinck, a patrician of Cologne, and military 
knight, intimate with the Emperor and the King of England and of their counsel, 
and to him disclosed the whole business as, thanks to the wine, he had heard it. 
Rinck, to make more certain, sent another person to the house where, according to 
Dobneck's discovery, the work was being printed, to search. When this man 
reported that the facts were as stated, and that a great quantity of paper was lying 
there, Rinck approached the Senate and brought it about that the printers were 
forbidden to go on with the work. The two English heretics, hastily taking with 
them the printed quires, made their escape by boat up the Rhine to Worms, where 
the people were all mad on Luther, in order that there by another printer they 
might complete the work. Rinck and Dobneck, on their part, presently advised the 
King, Cardinal, and Bishop of Rochester of the affair by letters, so that they might 
take diligent precautions at all the English ports to prevent these pernicious wares 
being imported. It was while this affair was in progress that there reached the 
hands of the King of England the letter of Luther which he had written the year 
before at Wittenberg, on September ist. 

VII.- THE NEWS SENT TO THE KING. 

From a letter to Henry VIII, written by Edward Lee, afterwards (1531) Archbishop of York, 
dated December 2. — Cotton MS. Vespasian, C. Ill, fol. 21 1. 

Please it your highnesse morover to vnderstond, that I arae certainlie enformed 
as I passed in this contree, that an englishman your subiect at the sollicitacion and 
instaunce of Luther, with whome he is, hathe translated the newe testament in to 
Englishe, and within four dayes entendethe to arrive with the same emprinted in 
England. I nede not to aduertise your grace, what infection and daunger maye 
ensue heerbie, if it bee not withstonded. This is the next waye to fulfill your realme 
with lutherians, for all Luthers peruerse opinions bee grownded vpon bare wordes of 
scriptur not well taken ne vnderstanded, wiche your grace hathe opened 1 in sondrie 
places of your royall booke. All our forfaders gouenors of the chirche of England 
hathe with all diligence forbed & exchued publicacion of englishe bibles, as appereth 
in constitutions prouincall of the chirche of Englond. Nowe sire as god hathe en- 
dued your grace with Christian couraige to sett forthe the standard against thees 
Philistees & to vanquish them, so I doubt not but that he will assist your grace to 
prosecute & performe the same, that is to vndertreade them that they shall not 
nowe againe lift vppe their hedds, wiche they endevor nowe by meanes of englyshe 
bibles. They knowe what hurte suche bookes hathe doone in your realme in tymes 
passed. Hidretoo blessed bee god, your realme is save from infection of luthers 
sect, as for so mutche that althowgh anye peradventure bee secretlie blotted within, 
yet for feare of your royall maiestie, wiche hathe drawen his swerd in godes cawse, 
they dare not openlie avowe. Wherfor I can not doubte but that your noble grace 
wil valiauntlie maynetaine that you have so noblie begonne. 

This realme of fraunce hathe been somewhat tooched with this sect, in so mutche 
that it hathe entred amongs the doctors of parisse, wherof some bee in prison, some 
fled, some called in Iudicium. The bisshoppe also of Meulx called Molday is sum- 
moned for that cause, for he suffred luthers peruerse opinions to bee preached in his 
diocese. Faber 2 also a man hidretoo noted of excellent good lief and lemyng is 
called among them, but some saye heer for displeassure, wiche I can well thinke. The 
Parliament of Parisse hathe had mutche businesse to represse this sect. And yet 
blessed be god, your noble realme is yet onblotted. Wherfor lest anye daunger 
myght ensue, if thees bookes secretlie shold bee browght in, I thowght my duetie to 
advertise your grace therof, considering that it toochethe your highe honor, & the 
wealthe & intregrite of the christen fayth within your realme wiche can not long 
endure, if thees bookes may come in. . . . At Burdeaulx the second Dav of Decembre 
[15251- 

Your most humble preest. subiect & almesman 

Edouardo lee. 
[Endorsed: 'To the kinges higness p . . . th 3 the same thing.'] 

1 Expounded. 2 Jacques Lefevre d' Etaples, the translator of the Bible. 

a The damaged word may be ' proveth '. The king was warned also by Dobneck, Rinck, and 
probably others. 



Tyndale's Prologue to the First New Testament. 5 3 



VIII. THE SUPPOSED TRIAL VERSION OF S. MATTHEW. 

From The Life of John Frith, by Foxe, prefixed to Frith's writings in Foxe's edition of The 
Whole Workes of IV. Tyndall, Iohn Frith and Doct. Barnes. London, John Day, 1573. 

Not long after the sayd William [Tyndale] & Iohn Frith had many metinges and 
great conferences, and by the sayd William he fyrst receaued into his hart the seede of 
the Gospell and sencere godlines, & after with great perill and Daunger they both 
being inquired & sought for, fled. William Tyndall first placed him selfe in Germany, 
and there did first translate the Gospell of S. Mathewe 1 into Englishe, and after 
the whole new testament &c. And not long after the departure of Tyndall. Iohn 
Frith escaped and fled into Flaunders, etc. 

IX. THE BEGINNING OF TYNDALE'S PROLOGUE TO THE FIRST 

NEW TESTAMENT. 

From the unique copy of the Cologne fragment of 1525 in the British Museum. 

The Prologge. 

I haue here translated (brethren and susters moost dere and tenderly beloued in 
Christ) the newe Testament for youre spirituall edyfyinge, consolacion, and solas : 

Exhortynge instantly and besechynge those that are better sene in the tonges 
then y, and that have hyer gyftes of grace to interpret the sence of the scripture, and 
meanynge of the spyrite, then y, to consydre and pondre my laboure, and that with 
the spyrite of mekenes. And yf they perceyue in eny places that y have not attayned 
the very sence of the tonge, or meanynge of the scripture, or haue not given the 
right englysshe worde, that they put to there handes to amende it, remembrynge that 
so is there duetie to doo. For we have not receyved the gyftes of god for oureselues 
only, or forto hyde them : but forto bestowe them vnto the honouringe of god and 
christ, and edyfyinge of the congregacion, which is the body of christ. 

The causes that moved me to translate, y thought better that other shulde 
ymagion, then that y shulde rehearce them. 

More over y supposed yt superfluous, for who ys so blynde to axe why lyght shulde 
be shewed to them that walke in dercknes, where they cannot but stomble, and where 
to stomble ys the daunger of eternall dammacion, other so despyghtfull that he wolde 
envye eny man (y speake nott his brother) so necessary a thinge, or so bedlem madde 
to affyrme that good is the naturall cause of yuell, and derknes to procede oute of 
lyght, and that lyinge shulde be grounded in trougth and verytie, and nott rather 
clene contrary, that lyght destroyeth dercknes, and veritie reproveth all manner 
lyinge. 

After hit had pleasyd god to put in my mynde, and also to ge[v]e me grace to 
translate this forerehearced newe testament in[t]o oure englysshe tonge, howesoever 
we have done it. I supposed yt very necessary to put you in remembraunce of 
certayne poyntes, which are : that ye well vnderstand what these wordes meane. C The 
olde testament. C The newe testament. CThelawe. C The gospell. C Moses. 
C Christ. C Nature. C Grace. C Workinge and belevynge. C Dedes and f aythe, 
Lest we ascrybe \ to the one that which belongeth to the other, and make of Christ 
Moses, of the gospell the Lawe, despise grace and robbe faythe : and fall from meke 
lernynge into ydle despicionns 2 , braulinge and scoldynge aboute wordes. 

VIII. ' Compare the reference of Robert Ridley (No. XIII) to the ' commentares and annotations 
in Mathew & Marcum in the first print ', and that of Robert Necton (No. XIX) to ' the chapiters of 
Matthew '. In the Confession of John Tyball, a Lollard, charged with heresy (printed by Strype, 
Memorials, I. ii. 50-56, from Bishop Tunstall's Register), one paragraph reads : ' Furthermore, he 
saythe, that abowght ii. yeres agon he companyed with Sir Richard Fox Curate of Bumstede, and 
shewid hym al his bookys that he had : that is to say, the New Testamente in Englishe, the Gospel 
of Matthew and Mark in Englishe : which he had of John Pykas of Colchester, and a book ex- 
poundyng the Pater Noster, etc' All these references fall a little short of a decisive proof that 
the gospels of Matthew and Mark in Tyndale's version were printed separately, otherwise than in 
the ten quires set up at Cologne for Tyndale in 1525. Perhaps the easiest hypothesis is that Tyndale 
completed the Cologne fragment at Worms to the end of Mark, and put this in circulation, subse- 
quently printing an entirely fresh quarto at Worms. 

IX. • Misprinted 'astrybe.' 2 Discussions. 



54 Tyndale's Prologue to the First New Testament. 



The olde testament is a boke, where in is wrytten the lawe and commaund- 
mentes of god, and the dedes of them which fulfill them, and of them also which 
fulfill them nott. 

The newe testament is a boke where in are coteyned the promyses of god, and 
the dedes of them which beleue them or beleue them nott. 

Euangelion (that we cal the gospel) is a greke worde, & signyfyth good, mery, 
glad and ioyfull tydinges, that maketh a mannes hert glad, and maketh hym synge, 
daunce and leepe for ioye As when Davyd had kylled Golyath the geaunt, cam glad 
tydinges vnto the iewes, that their fearfull and cruell enemy was slayne, and they 
delyvered oute of all daunger : for gladnes were of, they songe, daunsed, and wer 
ioyfull. In lyke manner is the evangelion of god (which we call gospell, and the newe 
testament) ioyfull tydinges, and as some saye : a good hearing publisshed by the 
apostles through oute all the worlde, of Christ the right Davyd howe that he hathe 
fought with synne, with dethe, and the devill, and over cume them. Whereby all 
men that were in Bondage to synne, wounded with dethe, ouercum of the devill, are 
with oute there awne merrittes or deservinges losed, iustyfyed, restored to lyfe, 
and saved, brought to libertie, and reconciled vnto the favour of god, and sett at 
one with hym agayne : which tydinges as many as beleve laude prayse and thancke 
god, are glad, synge and daunce for ioye. 

This evangelion or gospell (that is to saye, suche ioyfull tydinges) is called the newe 
testament. Because that as a man when he shall dye apoynteth his gooddes to be 
dealte and distributed after hys dethe amonge them which he nameth to be his 
heyres. Even so Christ before his dethe commaunded and appoynted that suche 
evangelion, gospell, or tydynges shulde be declared through oute all the worlde, 
and there with to geue vnto all that beleve all his gooddes, that is to saye, his lyfe, 
where with he swalowed and devoured vp dethe : his rightewesnes, where with 
he bannyshed synne : his salvacion, wherewith he overcam eternall damnacion 3 . 
Nowe can the wretched man (that is wrapped in synne, and is in daunger to dethe 
and hell) heare no moare ioyus a thynge, then suche glad and comfortable tydinges, 
of Christ. So that he cannot but be glad and laugh from the lowe bottom of his hert, 
if he beleve that the tydynges are trewe. . . . 

X. TYNDALE'S EPILOGUE TO THE SECOND NEW TESTAMENT. 

From the Facsimile of the edition of Worms 1526, published in 1862. 

To the Reder. 

Geve diligence Reder (I exhorte the) that thou come with a pure mynde, and 
as the scripture sayth with a syngle eye, vnto the wordes of health, and of eternall 
lyfe : by the which (if we repent and beleve them) we are borne a newe, created 
a fresshe, and enioye the frutes off the bloud of Christ. Whiche bloud cryeth not for 
vengeance, as the bloud of Abel : but hath purchased, lyfe, love, faveour, grace, 
blessynge, and whatsoever is promysed in the scriptures, to them that beleve and 
obeye God : and stondeth bitwene vs and wrathe, vengeaunce, cursse, and whatsoever 
the scripture threateneth agaynst the vnbelevers and disobedient, which resist, and 
consent not in their hertes to the lawe of god, that it is ryght, wholy, iuste, and 
ought soo to be. 

Marke the playne and manyfest places of the scriptures, and in doutfull places, 
se thou adde no interpretacion contrary to them : but (as Paul sayth) let all be con- 
formable and agreynge to the fayth. 

Note the difference of the lawe, and of the gospell. The one axeth and requyreth, 
the wother perdoneth and forgeveth. The one threateneth, the wother promyseth all 
good thynges, to them that sett their trust in Christ only. The gospell signifieth 
gladde tydynges, and is nothynge butt the promyses off good thynges. All is not 
gospell that is written in the gospell boke : For if the lawe were awaye, thou couldest 
not know what the gospell meante. Even as thou couldest not se perdon, favour, 
and grace, excepte the lawe rebuked the, and declared vnto the thy sinne, mysdede, 
and treaspase. 

Repent and beleve the gospell as sayth Christ in the fyrst of Marke. Applye all 

3 Misprinted 'damancion.' 



Tyndale's Epilogue to the Second New Testament. 5 5 




waye the lawe to thy dedes, whether thou finde luste in the bottom of thyne hert to 
the lawe warde : and soo shalt thou no dout repent, and feale in the silfe a certayne 
sorowe, payne, and grefe to thyne herte : because thou canst nott with full luste do 
the dedes off the lawe. Applye the gospell, that is to saye the promyses, vnto the 
deservynge off Christ, and to the mercye of god and his trouth, and soo shalt thou 
nott despeare : butt shalt feale god as a kynde and a mercifull father. And his 
sprete 1 shall dwell in the, and shall be stronge in the : and the promises shalbe geven 
the at the last (though not by and by 2 , lest thou shuldest forgett thysylfe, and be 
negligent) and all threatenynges shalbe forgeven the for Christis blouddis sake, to 
whom commit thy silfe all togedder, with out respect, other of thy good dedes or of 
thy badde. 

Them that are learned Christenly, I beseche : for as moche as I am sure, and my 
conscience beareth me recorde, that of a pure entent, singilly and faythfully I have 
interpreted itt, as farre forth as god gave me the gyfte of knowledge, and vnder- 
stondynge: that the rudnes off the worke nowe at the fyrst tyme, offende them not : 
but that they consyder howe that I had no man to counterfet, nether was holpe with 
englysshe of eny that had interpreted the same, or soche lyke thinge in the scripture 
before tyme. Moreover, even very necessitie and combraunce (God is recorde) above 
strengthe, which 1 will not rehearce, lest we shulde seme to bost ourselues, caused that 
many thynges are lackinge, which necessaryly are requyred. Count it as a thynge 
not havynge his full shape, but as it were borne afore hys tyme, even as a thing 
begunne rather then fynnesshed. In tyme to come (yf god have apoynted vs there 
vnto) we will geve it his full shape : and putt out yf ought be added superfluusly : 
and adde to yff ought be oversene thorowe negligence : and will enfoarce to brynge to 
compendeousnes, that which is nowe translated at the lengthe, and to geve lyght 
where it is requyred, and to seke in certayne places more proper englysshe, and with 
a table to expounde the wordes which are nott commenly vsed, and shewe howe the 
scripture vseth many wordes, which are wother wyse vnderstonde of the commen 
people, and to helpe with a declaracion where one tonge taketh nott another. And 
will endever oureselves, as it were to sethe it better, and to make it more apte for the 
weake stomakes: desyrynge them that are learned, and able, to remember their 
duetie, and to helpe therevnto : and to bestowe vnto the edyfyinge of Christis body 
(which is the congregacion of them that beleve,) those gyftes which they have receaved 
of god for the same purpose. The grace that commeth of Christ be with them that 
love hym. praye for vs. 

XI. HENRY VIII'S BELIEF THAT TYNDALE WAS INSTIGATED 

BY LUTHER. 1 

Extract from ' A copy of the letters, wherin the most redouted & mighty prince our souerayne 
lorde kyng Henry the eyght . . . made answere vnto a certayne letter of Martyn Luther. London, 
Rycharde Pynson [1526-27] (Sig. Av recto.) 

So came it than to passe, that Luther at laste, parceyuyng wyse men to espye 
hym, lerned men to leaue hym, good men to abhorre hym, and his frantyke fauourers 
to fall to wracke, the nobles and honest people in Almaygne, beynge taught by the 
profe of his vngratyous practyse, moche more hurt & myschefe to folowe therof, than 
euer they loked after, deuysed a letter to vs written, to abuse them and all other 
natyons, in suche wyse, as ye by the contentes therof herafter shal well perceyue. 
In whiche he fayneth hymselfe to be enformed, that we be tourned to the fauour of 
his secte. And with many flateryng wordes, he laboreth to haue vs content that he 
myght be bolde to write to vs in the mater, and cause of the gospell. And thervpon 
without answere had from vs, nat onely publysshed the same letter and put it in 
print, of purpose that his adherentes shulde be the bolder, vnder the shadowe of our 
fauour, but also fell in deuyce with one or two leude persons, borne in this our 
realme, for the translatyng of the Newe testament in to Englysshe, as well with many 
corruptions of that holy text, as certayne prefaces, and other pestylent gloses in the 
margentes, for the aduauncement and settyng forthe of his abhomynable heresyes, 

X. ' Spirit. 2 Immediately. 

XI. l Luther's letter was dated September i, 1525. The King's answer in the Latin edition, 
which differs from the English, is dated 1526. This English edition probably belongs to March, 
1527. 



56 Henry VIIFs Belief that Tyndale was Instigated. 



entendynge to abuse the gode myndes and deuotion, that you oure derely beloued 
people beare, towarde the holy scrypture, & to enfect you with the deedly corruption 
and contagious odour of his pestylent errours. In the aduoydynge wherof, we of our 
especiall tendre zele towardes you, haue with the deliberate aduyse of the most reue- 
rende father in god, Thomas lorde Cardynall, legate de Latere of the see Apostolyke, 
Archebysshop of Yorke, primate and our Chauncellour of this realme, and other 
reuerende fathers of the spyritualtye, determyned the sayde corrupte and vntrue 
translatyons to be brenned, with further sharpe correction & punysshment against 
the kepars and reders of the same, rekenyng of your wisdomes very sure that ye wyll 
well and thankfully parceyue our tendre and louyng mynde towarde you therin, and 
that ye will neuer be so gredy vppon any swete wyne, be the grape neuer so plesaunt, 
that ye wyll desyre to taste it, beyng well aduertised that your enemy before hath 
poysoned it. 

XII. TYNDALE ON HIS FELLOW 'APOSTATE' WILLIAM ROY. 1 

The beginning and end of the preface to Tyndale's Parable of the Wicked Mammon Printed 
at Malborowe in the londe off Hesse by Hansluft the viij. day of May Anno M.D.xxviij. 

William Tyndale otherwise called hychins to the reader. 

Grace and peace with all maner spirituall fealinge and livinge worthy of the 
kyndnes of Christ, be with the reader and with all that thurst 2 the will of God 
Amen. The cause why I sett my name before this little treatyse and have not rather 
done it in the new testament is that then I folowed the cownsell of Christ which 
exhorteth men Matth. vj. to doo theyr good deades secretly and to be content with 
the conscience of well doynge, and that God seeth vs, and paciently to abyde the 
rewarde of the last daye, which Christ hath purchased for vs and now wold fayne 
have done lykewyse, but am compelled other wyse to doo. 

While I abode a faythfull companyon 3 which now hath taken another vyage apon 
him to preach Christ where (I suppose) he was never yet preached (God which putt 
in his herte thither to goo sende his sprite with him, comforte him and bringe his 
purpose to good effecte) one William Roye, a man somewhat craftye when he cometh 
vnto new accoyntaunce and before he be thorow knowen and namely when all is 
spent, came vnto me and offered his helpe. As longe as he had no money, somewhat 
I could ruele him, but as sone as he had goten him money, he became lyke him 
selfe agayne. Neuer the lesse I suffered all thinges till that was ended which I 
coulde not doo alone without one both to write and to helpe me to compare the 
textes together. When that was ended I toke my leve and bode him farewell for oure 
two lyves, and as men saye a daye longer. After we were departed 4 he went, and 
gate hym new frendes which thinge to doo he passeth all that ever I yet knewe. 
And there when he had stored him of money he gote him to Argentine 5 where he 
professeth wonderfull faculties and maketh bost of no small thinges. A yere after 
that and now xij. monethes before the printinge of this worke, came one Jerom 
a brother of Grenewich 6 also, thorow wormes to Argentine, saienge that he entended 
to be Christes disciple a nother while and to kepe (as nye as God wolde geve him 
grace) the profession of his baptim, and to gett his lyvinge with his handes, and to 
live no lenger ydely and of the swete and laboure of those captives which they had 
taught, not to beleve in Christ : but in cuttshowes 7 and russet coetes. Which Jerom 
wyth all diligence I warned of Royes boldnesse and exhorted him to bewarre of him 
and to walke quyetly and with all pacience and longe sofferinge acordinge as we 
have Christe & his Apostles for an ensample, which thinge he also promised me. 
Neverthelesse when he was comen to Argentine william Roye (whos tonge is able 
not only to make foles sterke madde, but also to disceave the wisest that is at the 

1 Roy, who had studied at Cambridge, was a Franciscan, and belonged to a convent at 
Greenwich. The sequence of Tyndale's paragraphs suggests that Roy had been claiming some 
more important part in the translation of the New Testament than the facts justified. The 
passage is printed here because in several of the hostile references the ' two apostates ' are treated 
as on an equality, whereas, according to Tyndale, Roy was merely his amanuensis. 

■ This is probably meant for ' trust ' rather than for ' thirst '. " 

:! Presumably Frith. ' Separated. a Strassburg. 

° Jerome Barlow, presumably of Roy's convent at Greenwich. 

' I cannot explain this word. Russet coats are those of the Franciscans. 




first sight and accoyntaunce) gate him to him and sett him a werke to make rimes, 8 
while he him selfe translated a dialoge 9 out of laten in to englisch, in whose prologe 
he promyseth moare a greate deall than I fere me he will ever paye. . . . 

End. 

They wolde devide you from Christe and his holy testamente, and ioine you to 
the pope to beleve in his testamente and promisses. Some men wil aske parauenture 
why I take the laboure to make this worke in as moch as they will brunne it seinge 
they brunt the Gospel I answare in brunninge the new testamente they did none 
other thinge then that I loked for, no more shal they doo if the[y] brunne me also 
if it be gods will it shall so be. Neverthelesse in translatinge the new testamente 
I did my dutye, and so doo I now, and will doo as moch more as god hath ordened 
me to doo. And as I offered that to all men to correcte it, whoso ever coulde even so 
doo I this. Who so euer therfore readest thys, compare it vnto the scripture. If 
gods worde beare recorde vnto it and thou also felest in thine herte that it is so be of 
good comfort and geve god thankes. Iff gods worde condemne it, then hold it acursed, 
and so do all other doctrines. As Paul counseleth his galathiens. Beleve not every 
spyrite sodenly, but iudge them by the worde of god which is the triall of all doctrine 
and lasteth for ever Amen. 



XIII. AN EXPERT CRITICISM OF TYNDALE'S VERSION., 

Letter from Robert Ridley, chaplain to the Bishop of London, to Henry Gold, chaplain to the 
Archbishop of Canterbury, dated February 24, almost certainly of the year 1527. From British 
Museum Cotton MS. Cleopatra E. v. 362 b . 

Maister gold I hartly commaunde me vnto you, as concernyng this common & 
vulgare translation of the new testament in to englishe, doon by M. William hichyns, 
other wais called M. W. tyndale & frear William roy, manifest lutheranes heretikes 
& apostates, as doth opynly apeir not only by their daily & continuall company 
& familiarite with Luther & his disciples, but mych mor by their comentares & 
annotations in Mathew & Marcum, in the first print, also by their preface in the 
2d prent, 1 & by their introduccion in to the epistle of paule ad romanes, al to 
gither most posoned & abhominable hereses that can be thowht, he is not filius 
ecclessiae christi that wold receaue a godspell of such damned & precised heretikes, 
thowh it wer trew lyk as paule & our saviour christ, wold not take the trew testi- 
monial of evil spretes that prased christe treith (?) saying quod filius dei erat, 
& quod ipse paulus seruus esset veri dei. As for errors, if ye haue the first prent 
with annotationes in Mathew and Marcus, & the preface al is mere frenesy, he saith 
that euangelium nihil est aliud quam dulcis promissio gratiae, so that by that 
meanes, penitentiam agite [Matt. hi. 2I 2 , is no part of the evangelion, the pater 
noster is no part of the godspell, 'ite maledicti in ignem eternum ' [Matt.xxv. 41], no 
part of the evangelion, but only such appropinquavit regnum celorum [Matt. iii. 2], 
inuenietis requiem animabus vestris [Matt. xi. 29]. Also he writeth in that preface 
& annotationes that there is no difference between virginite & an hoor of the stewes, 
if she cum to repentaunce, Also that lyk as no man doth evil to the extent that 
he show[d] be punyshed or hanged there for, so no man showd do good to haue 

8 i.e. the tract in verse known as Rede me and be not wroth, printed at Strassburg by Johann 
Schott in 1528. 

9 i.e. The Dialogue between the Father and the Son, also printed in 1528 at Strassburg by Johann 
Schott. The authorities at Strassburg were persuaded by Wolsey's agent, Hermann Rinck (see 
No. VI, pp. 50, 52), to order Schott to deliver the copies of this tract to him on payment of 
his bill. It was believed that with the exception of two they were all destroyed, but Mr. Robert 
Steele has lately shown (Bibliographical Society's Newsheet, January, 191 1) that they must have 
been brought to England and delivered in Edward VI's reign to a printer named Walter Lynne, 
who cancelled the preliminary half-sheet, and reissued the text in 1550, with a new introduction, 
under the title The true belief in Christ. 

XIII. 1 See No. VIII. A few lines lower down Ridley writes of ' the first prent with annota- 
tiones in Matthew and Marcus & the preface ' as if the annotations and preface came in the same 
book or fragment. If what he calls the ' 2d prent ' contained the introduction to Romans it cannot 
have been the Cologne fragment. Despite some confusion it seems as if his ' first prent ' must be 
the Cologne fragment, and his ' 2d prent ' the Worms unannotated edition. 

2 The references in brackets are all here added. 






58 An Expert Criticism of Tyndale's Version. 



any rewarde therfor contra ad faciendas iustiikationes tuas propter retributionem 
[Ps. cxix. 112] et ad Hebraeos [xi. 26] de Mose aspiciebat enim in remuneratorem 
alias remunerationem et illud facite vobis amicos de mammona, ut cum defeceritis 
recipiant eos in eterna tabernacula [Luke xvi. 9]. Also that by good warkes we 
do no thyng merite, contra illud ad Corinthos ut referat unusquisque prout gessit 
siue bonum siue malum [2 Cor. v. 10] et illud genes, [xxii. 16] ad Abram quia fecisti 
hanc rem etc. item illud Matthsei quod sitiui et dedistis mihi potum [Matt. xxv. 35] 
&c. et vemte benedicti patris mei [Matt. xxv. 34]. Also he saith that he that 
doth any thyng to haue hy place in heven, he is satanice & luciferine supervius. 
I have none of thies bowkes but only I remembre such thynges I redde in the 
prefaces & annotations. As for the texte of the godspell, first the title is hereticall 
saying that it is prent as it was writen by the evangelistes : cum neque consentiat 
cum antiqua translatione neque cum erasmica this is the bowk of generacion of 
ies[us] the son of Abraham & also the son of david. Cum in archetypo sit nominatus 
absolutus et in illo filii Abraham filii Dauid &c. [Matt. i. 1] fit sensus ipse unum 
solum affert eumque minus germanum ; voluit clam ab ea diuertere he wold have 
put hir away [Matt. i. 10] ; in quo omnes peccauerunt ad Romanos [hi. 12] in so 
mych that every man hath synned, et homo stultissime poenitentiam agite [Matt, 
iii. 2], repent. By this translation shal we losse al thies christian wordes. penance, 
chante, confession, grace, prest, chirche, which he alway calleth a congregation! 
quasi turcharum et brutorum nulla esset congregatio nisi velit illorum etiam esse 
ecclesiam : Idololatria callith he worshyppyng of images, I wold that ye showd 
have seen my lordes bowkes. As for the translation in franche vvithovvt any postille 
it is for certane condemned in parys decreto publico thow it be trewly doon, 
condemned I say that it shal not be lawfull to publishe it to every layman, bot by 
prestes quorum labia custo[diunt] sc[ientiam] so it was in the olde law & in the 
tyme of the apostles. Vide Sutorem de Translatione Bibliae. 3 

I certefy you if ye look well, ye shal not look iij lynes withowt fawt in al the 
bowk, bot I haue not the bowk to marke them owt, ye showd haue had lasure your 
selff to have doon it, how be it, it becummyth the people of truste to obey & 
folowe their rewellers which hath geven study & is lerned in such matters as thys. 
People showd heir & beleve, thai showd not iudge the doctrine of paule ne of paule 
vicares & successors bot be iudged by their learnyng, as long as thai knaw no thyng 
contrary goddes lawes as saynt bernard saith most goodly & clerkly in libro" de 
dispensatione & precepto. Vale in al haist 

Yo r awn 

Robert Ridley prest. 

item idem pauli stultas questiones devita &c. [2 Tim. ii. 23], bewarre of fowlishe 
problemes or questiones in the scoles, Hoc procul dubio dictum in odium scolastice 
theologie & universitatum. Such a thyng is in the translation, thowh it be not in 
the same wordes. Ego & pater unum sumus [John x. 30]. We are on quasi diceret 
unus sumus & not on substance or on thyng. 

Shew ye to the 'people that if any be of so prowde & stuburne stomac that he 
will beleve ther is no fawt ne error except it be declared to hym that he may se it, 
latt hym cum hither to my lordes which hath profowndly examined al & he shal 
heir & se errors except that he be blynde & have no eys. 

24 February. 

Master Gold I pray you be good to this pore whoman Gylbarttes whyff as vet 
your tenaunt. 4 

Ye shal not neede to accuse this translation, it is accused & damned by the con- 
sent of the prelates & learned men, and comanded to be brynt both heir & beyonde 
the see, wher is many hundreth of theym brynt. So that it is to layt now to ask 
reson why thai be condemned, & which be the fawtes & errores. Luther & his scoole 
teachith quod nos non cooperamus cum gratia dei sed tantum patimur ut saxa et 
stipites, bycawse of that, this texte non ego sed gratia dei mecum [1 Cor. xv. 10], 

3 Petrus Sutor's ' De tralatione Bibliae et nouarum reprobatione interpretationum ' Paris 
J. Petit, 1525. 

* Added in a different handwriting at the foot of the first page. 



An Expert Criticism of Tyndale's Version. 59 



thus is translate not I bot the grace of god in me. Ouam hoc heretice, maligne, 
sediciose et falso translatum sit, qui non perpendit stupidus est. My lorde your 
maister hath of thies bowkes geven & send to hym by my lorde my master. 

Shew the people that ye be cum to declare vnto them, that certane bowkes be 
condemned by the cownsell and profownde examination of the prelates & fathers of 
the chirch. 

[Addressed] : To Master henry golde chaplayne to my lorde of Canterbury, at 
Knolle. 



XIV. THE CRITICISMS OF SIR THOMAS MORE. 

From 'A dyaloge of syr Thomas More', 1529, as No. II. (fol. lxxix.) 

The thyrd booke. — The viij chapyter. 

The author shewethe why the new testament of Tyndales translacyon was 
burned, & shewith for a sample certain wordes euill & of euyll purpos changid. 

But now I pray you let me kno your mynd concernyng the burning of the new 
testament in english, which Tindal lately translated, & (as men say) right wel, whiche 
makethe men mich meruayl of the burning. 

It is, quod I, to me gret meruayl, that eny good cristen man hauing eny drop of 
wyt in hys hed, wold eny thing meruell or complayn of the burning of that boke if 
he knowe the mater which who so callith the new testament calleth it by a wrong 
name, except they wyl call yt Tyndals testament or Luthers testament. For so had 
tyndall after Luthers counsayle corrupted & chaunged yt from the good & holsom 
doctryne of Criste to the deuylysh heresyes of theyr own, that it was clene a 
contrary thing. 

That were maruayle quod your frend that it shuld be so clene contrary, For to 
som that red it yt semed very lyke. 

It ys quod I neuer the lesse contrary, and yet the more peryllous. For like as to 
a trew siluer grote a fals coper grote is neuer the lesse contrary thogh yt be quyk 
syluered ouer, but so mych the more false in how mich it is counterfeted the more 
lyke to the trouth, so was the translacion so mich the more contrary in how mich it 
was craftely deuysed like, and so mych the more peryllus in how miche it was to 
folke vnlernyd more hard to be dyssernid. 

Why quod your frend what fautes wer ther in yt ? 

To tell you all that quod I were in a maner to reherse you all the hole boke, 
wherin ther were founden and noted wrong & falsly translated a boue a thousand 
textes by tale. 

I wolde quod he fayn here some one. 

He that shuld quod I study for that, shuld study where to hnde water in the see. 
But I wyll shewe you for ensample two or thre suche as euery one of the thre ys 
more than thryes thre in one. 

That were quod he very straunge except ye mene more in weyght. For one can 
be but one in nomber. 

Surely quod I as weyghty be they as eny lyghtly can be. But I mene that euery 
one of them is more than thryes thre in nomber. 

That were quod he sum what lyke a rydel. 

This rydell quod I wyl sone be red. For he hath mystranslated .iii. wordes of gret 
weyght & euery one of them is as I suppose more than thryes three tymes repeted 
and rehersed in the boke. 

Ah that may well be quod he, but that was not well done. But I pray you 
what wordes be they ? 

The tone ys quod I this word prestys. The tother, the chyrch. The thyrd 
charyte. For prestis wher so euer he speketh of the prestes of Crystis chirch he 
neuer calleth them prestes but alway senyours, the chyrch he calleth alway the 
congregacyon, and charyte he callyth all loue loue. Now do these names in our 
englysh tong neyther expresse the thyngis that be ment by them, and also there ap- 
pereth (the circumstaunces well considered) that he had a mischeuous mind in the 
chaunge. For fyrst as for prestes and presthed though that of old they vsedcomenly 



60 The Criticisms of Sir Thomas More. 



to chese wel elderly men to be prestes, & ther fore in the greke tong prestys wer 
called presbeteri, as we myght sav elder men, yet nether were all prestes chosen 
old as apperyth by sainte Poule wryting to Timotheus, nemo iuuentutem tuam con- 1 
tempnat let no man contempne thy youth, nor euery elder man is not a prest. And 
in our englysh tonge thys word senyor sygnyfieth nothing at al, but is a trench word 
vsed in englysh more than halfe in mockage, whan one wyll call a nother my lord in j 
scorn. And if he mene to take the laten worde senyor, that word in the laten tong 
neuer sygnyfyed a prest but only an elder man. By whych name of elder men yf 
he wold call the prestes englishly, than shold he rather sygnify theyr age than theyr 
offyce. And yet the name doth in english plainly sygnify thaldermen of the cyties, | 
and nothyng the prestys of the chyrch. And thus may we perceyue that rather than I 
he wolde call a prest by the name of a prest, he wold seke a new word he neyther , 
wyst nor cared what. 

Now where he calleth the chyrch alvvay the congregacyon, what reson had hej 
therin ? For euery man well seeth that though the chyrch be in dede a congregacion, j 
yet is not euery congregacion the chirch bu[t] a congregacion of cristen peple, 
whiche congregacion of crysten peple hath ben in englond alway called & known by 
the name of the chirch, which name what good cause or colour could he find to torn 
into the name of congregacion, whych worde is comen 1 to a company of cristen men 
or a company of turkys ? - . . . 

Ibid. fol. lxxx. col. 2. 

For now yt ys to be consydered that at the tyme of thys translacyon hvchens 
was wyth Luther in wyttenberge, and set certayne glosys in the mergent, framed 
for the settyng forthe of that vngracious sect. 

By saynt John quod your frende yf that be true that Hychens were at that tyme 
with Luther, it is a playne token that he wrought sumwhat after hys counsayle, 
and was wyllynge to helpe hys maters forwarde here. But why ther Luthers matters 
be so badde as they be made for, that shall we see hereafter. 

Very true quod I. But as touchyng the confederacye betwene Luther and hym, 
is a thyng well knowen and playnly confessed, by suche as haue ben taken and 
conuycted here of herysye comyng from thense, and some of them sente hyther 
to sowe that sede aboute here, and to sende worde thyther fro tyme to tyme how 
yt sprang. 

But now the cause why he chaunged the name of charyte and of the chyrche 
and of presthed, is no very grete dyffyculte to perceyve. For sithe Luther and his 
felowes amonge other theyre damnable heresyes haue one, that all our saluacj'on 
standyth in fayth alone, and toward our saluacyon nothynge force of good workys, 
therfore yt semeth that he laboreth of purpose to mynyshe the reuerent mynd 
that men bere to charyte, and therfore he chaungeth that name of holy vertuous 
affeccyon, in to the bare name of loue comen 1 to the vertuouse loue that man 
berith to god, & to the lewd loue that is bytwene flekke & his make. 3 And for by 
cause that Luther vtterly denyeth the very catholyque chyrche in erthe, and sayth 
that the chyrch of Crist is but an vnknowen congregacyon of sum folke, here ii & 
there iii, no man wot where hauyng the ryght fayth, whych he calleth onely hys 
owne new forgede faythe, therfore Hichens in the new testament can not abyde the 
name of the chyrch, but turneth it into the name of congregacyon, wyllyng that yt 
shuld seme to englysh men, eyther that Cryste in the gospell had neuer spoken of 
the chirch, or ellys that the chyrche were but such a congregacyon as they myghte j 
haue occasyon to say, that a congregacyon of some such heretyques were the chyrch 
that god spake of. 

Now as towchinge the cause wiry he chaunged the name of prest into senior, ye 
muste vnderstand that luthere and his adherentys holde thys heresye, that all holy 
order ys nothyng. And that a prest is nothyng ellys, but a man chosen among the 
peple to preche, and that by that choyce to that offyce he is preste by and by wyth- 
oute eny more ado, and no preste agavne whan so euer the people chese a nother 
in hys place, and that a preestys offyce is no thynge but to preche. For as for saynge 
masse and hervnge of confessvon and absolucyon theruppon to be geuen, all thys he 

1 common. - Turks. 

1 \ contemptuous exprn->3ion for a man and his paramour (Oxf. Eng. Did.). 



The Criticisms of Sir Thomas More. 



61 



sayethe that euery man woman and childe may do as well as eny preste. Now 
doth Hychen therfore to set forthe thys opynyon wythall after hys masters herysye 
putte awaye the name of preste in hys translacyone, as thoughe prestehede were 
nuthvng, where so euer the scrypture speketh of the prestys that were amonge the 
Iewe's, there dothe he in hys translacyon call theym styll by the name of prestis. 
But where so euer the scrypture spekith of the prestys of Christis chyrche, there 
doth he put away the name of prest in his translacyon, bycause he wold make hyt 
seme that the scrypture dyd neuer speke of eny prestys dyfferent from leymen 
amonge chrysten peple. 



XV. EPISCOPAL PROHIBITION. 

Text and translation from Fox's Acts and Monuments (first edition). John Day, 1563, pp. 449, 450. 

A prohibition sent out by Cuthberth Tunstall Byshop of London, to the Arche- 
deacons of his dioces, for the calling in of the newe Testamentes translated into 
Englyshe. 1 

Cvtbertus permissione diuina Lond. Episcopus dilecto nobis in Christo Archi- 
diacono nostro Londo. 2 seu eius officiali salutem gratiam & benedictionem, Ex 
pastoralis officij nostri debito ea quae ad subiectorum nostrorum periculum et maxime 
ad internetionem animarum earundem tendere dinoscuntur, salubriter propellere & 
totis viribus extirpare astringimur, sane ex fide dignorum relatione ipsaque rei 
euidentia, ad nostram iamdudum peruenit noticiam, quod nonnulli iniquitatis filij 
ac Lutheriane factionis mmistri quos summa excecauit malicia a via veritatis & ortho- 
doxe fidei declinantes sanctum dei euangelium in vulgare nostrum Anglicanum 
subdola versutia transferentes ac nonnullos heretical prauitatis articulos & opiniones 
erroneas perniciosas pestiferas, scandalosas & simplicium mentium seductiuas inter- 
miscentes, illibatam hactenus sacre scripture maiestatem, suis nepharijs & tortuosis 
interpretationibus prophanare, & verbo domini sacrosancto & recto sensu eiusdem 
callide et peruerse abuti tentarint. Cuius quidem translationis nonnulli libri impressi 
quidam cum glosis, quidam sine glosis vt accepimus dictum pestiferum et perniciosum 
virus invulgari idiomate in se continentes in promiscuam nostrarum dioc. et iuris- 
dictionis Lond. multitudine sunt dispersi, qui sane gregem nobis commissum nisi citius 
prouideatur tarn pestifero veneno et mortifero prauitatis heretics morbo proculdubio 
inficient et contaminabunt in animarum nobis commissarum graue periculum et 
diuine maiestatis grauissimam offensam. Vnde nos Cutbertus episcopus ante dictus 
de predictis magnopere dolentes et antiqui hostis calliditati ire, quam suis satellitibus 
ad animarum subditorum nostrorum interemptionem subministrat, obuiam curaque 
pastorah super grege nobis commisso diligenter inuigilare ac remedia oportuna pre- 
missis adhibere cupientes, vobis coniunctim et diuisim comittimus ac firmiter in vir- 
tute sancte obediencie qua nobis tenemini iniungendo, mandamus quatenus autori- 
tate nostra moneatis monerive faciatis omnes et singulos tarn exemptos quam non 
exemptos, infra vestrum Archidiaconatum vbi libet commorantes, quatenus infra 
xxx. dierum spacium quorum quidem dierum decern pro primo, decern pro secundo, 
et decern pro tertio et peremptorio termino sub excommunicationis poena ac criminis, 
hereseos suspitionis incurrende eis assignamus omnes et singulos huiusmodi libros 
translationem noui testamenti in vulgarem linguam factam continentes ad nos seu 
nostrum in spiritualibus vicarium generalem inferant et realiter tradant. Et quid in 
premissis feceritis nos aut vicarium nostrum huiusmodi infra duos menses a die data 
presentium debite certificare personaliter vel per literas vestras patentes vna cum 
presentibus autentice sigillatas non omittatis sub poena contemptus. Dat. sub sigillo 
nostro 24. die mensis Octobris An. M.D. 26. nostra; cons. An. quinto. 

1 Fox adds here the words ' with diuers other bookes, the Cataloge whereof hereafter ensueth '. 
But the list of books which he mistakenly appends belongs to a later date than October 1526, 
when this prohibition was issued. In reprinting Fox's text a few obvious misprints have been 
corrected. 

2 Fox notes ' The like commission in like manner and forme was sent to the thre other 
Archdeacones, of Middlesexe, Essex, and Colchester, for the execution of the same matter, vnder 
the Byshoppes seale '. 



62 Episcopal Prohibition. 



Thus in Englyshe 
Cutbert by the permission of god, byshop of London, vnto our wellbeloued in 
christ the Archdeacon of London, or to his officiall, helth grace and benediction. 
By the deuty of our pastorall office, we are bounde diligently with all our power 
to forsee, prouide for, roote out and put away all those things, which seme to tende 
to the perill and daunger of our subiectes and specialy the distraction of ther soules, 
wherfor we hauing vnderstanding by the reporte of diuers credible persones, and also 
by the euident apparaunce of the matter, that many children of iniquitie mainteiners 
of Luthers sect, blinded through extreame wickednes, wandring from the way of truth 
and the catholike faith, craftely have translated the new testament into our English 
tongue, entermedling there with many hereticall articles anderronious opinions, perni- 
cious and offensiue, seducing the simple people, attempting by their wicked and per- 
uerse interpretations, to prophanate the maiestie of the scripture, whiche hetherto 
hath remayned vndefiled, and craftely to abuse the most holy word of God, and the 
true sence of the same, of the whiche translation there are many bokes imprinted, 
some with gloses and some without, conteining in the english tongue that pestiferous 
and moste pernicious poyson dispersed throughout all our dioces of London in great 
nomber, whiche truely without it be spedely forsene without doubt will contaminate 
and infect the flocke committed vnto vs, with moste deadly poyson and heresy. To 
the greuous perill and daunger of the soules committed to our charge, and the offence 
of gods diuine maiestie. Wherfore we Cuthbert, the byshop aforesaid, greuously 
sorowing for the premisses, willing to withstande the craft and subteltie of the 
auncient enemy and his ministers, which seke the destruction of my flock, and with 
a diligent care to take heade vnto the flocke committed to my charge, desiring to 
prouide spedy remedies for the premisses, we charg you iointly and seuerally, and 
by vertue of your obedience, straightly enjoyne & comaund you that by our autorytie 
you warne or cause to be warned, all and singuler aswell exempte as not exempt, 
dwelling with in your Archdeacons that with in xxx. daies space, wherof ten daies 
for the first, x for the second and x. for the third peremptory terme, vnder payne 
of excommunication, and incurring the suspicion of heresie, they do bring in and 
really deliuer vnto our vicar -general!, all and singular such books conteyning the 
translation of the new testament in the English tongue, and that you doo certyfie vs 
or our said comissary, within ii monthes, after the day of the date of these presents, 
dewly, personally or by your letters, together with these presentes, vnder your 
seales, what you haue done in the premisses, under paine of contempt, geuen vnder 
our seale the xxiii. of October, in the v. yeare of our consecration. 

XVI. THE SEARCH FOR ENGLISH NEW TESTAMENTS AND OTHER 

HERETICAL BOOKS AT ANTWERP AND ENDEAVOUR 

TO GET THEIR PRINTERS PUNISHED. 



Extract from a letter of John Hackett ' to Wolsey, November 24. 1526 (Letters and Papers of 
Hen. VIII, vol. iv, 2652). From the original in the Record Office. 

Aftyr my comyng here to thys towne, I haue send prively to all places here 
to know surly, wher that thys nywe translatyd volumes be pryntyd In Inglishe, 
or to be sold, & as I haue fownd by Inquesission ther be tweyn 2 In thys towne that 

1 One of Wolsey 's confidential agents. 

1 One of these two printers of English heretical books was Christopher van Endhouen, also 
known as Christopher van Ruremond, the printer of the first Antwerp New Testament, 1526; 
the name of the other is not known. From the fact that only Christopher is subsequently 
mentioned it is possible that this other printer was Hans van Ruremond (presumably a kinsman 
of Christopher), who had been convicted by the town council on October 30, 1525, of printing 
Lutheran books, and ordered to leave the town and go on a pilgrimage to the Holy Blood at 
Wilseraken in Prussia (see Duff, Westminster and London Printers, p. 223). Mr. Duff writes : 
'Christopher left in Antwerp soon afterwards started on the very dangerous undertaking of 
printing English New Testaments, which were sent into England and sold there by Hans. In 
1528 in the table of certain persons abjured within the diocese of London we find " John Raimund 
a Dutchman for causing fifteen hundred of Tyndale's New Testaments to be printed at Antwerp 
and for bringing five hundred into England ". John Raimond is clearly the English form of 
Jan Roemundt [otherwise Hans van RuremondJ and is probably identical with the Dutchman 
who earlier in the year was in the Fleet for having sold to Robert Necton some 200 or }oo copies 



The Search for English New Testaments, &c. 63 



pryntys & syllys the sayd bokes, wherfore I wrott sodenly to my lord of palermo 3 
That he shold aduertyse my lady * & requyre hyr that she shold make comand- 
ment to the margrave of thys towne to se thys errurs Remedyyd, whych mediatly 
she has done, & I was thys day meselfe with the sayd margrave & have had long 
comm[un]ycasionto gyddyr, & showdme the sayd lady ys 5 letter. whych was wrytten 
In very good forme, & att a conclusion he promest me by hys faythe that he wyll 
do hys ottermust best to fulfyll my lady ys commandment, the kynges hyghnes & 
yowr grace ys mynd & dessyr. In thys matner & all odyr wher he may do hys 
hyghnes or your grace any honor plessure or seruys convenient. 

I send your grace here Inclosed ij of thys nywe translatyd volumes In Inglyshe. 
of the whych sorte I tryst or xiiij dayys cum to an end to se agrett meyne of them 
afyre, & as shortly as I can ther shalbe adefens 6 made to all the Inprimurs of thys 
contre that from hensforward They shall nott pryme neddyr byne syll 7 non of syche 
lyke bokes & what ther shalbe don I wyll aduertysse your grace praynge the holy 
trynyte to preserwe your grace wher euer ye be, from andwerpe The xxiiij day of 
novembre. 1526. 

per your humbyll Bedesman. John Hackett. 

Addressed : — ' Legat ys good grace.' 

B. 

Extract from letter of John Hackett to Wolsey, December 22, 1526 (Letters and Papers of 
Henry VIII, vol. iv, 2721). Printed from Cotton MS. Galba B. IX. 37, which like many other 
Cotton MSS. has been damaged by fire. 

. . . By my last lettris datyd the xvij th day of thys monythe I wrott to 
[Mr.] Bryan tuck 1 how that the lordes of the towne of andwerpe showyd [to] me 
that thei had submyttyd them selfs as towchynge the correccion o[f] thys nywe 
bokes In Inglyshe, to be ordryd aftyr the dyscression [and] avyse of the lady 
margrett 2 and hyr consell, And aftyr thys conclusion takyn, the forsayd lordes 
came to the cowrte wher I was present, & [I] showyd to the sayd consell. howe that 
I made grett dylygence to se the for[sayd] bokes bowrnt & the Inprimwrs to 
be crimynally punnyshyd acordyng to the . . . merytees, & that they have had 
in party the examinacion of the sayd impri[murs]. 

But consyderynge that syche byssynes as thys ys towchys both lyfe [and goods] 
the sayd lordes of andwerp declaryd vnto the forsayd consell that thei th[ought] nott 
in no wysse to Juge apon the example of anothyr Juge ys Ju[gement] wythowt thei 
hawe perfytt knowlege apon the fowndment & reyson that [thei] may do hytt, 
Desyrynge the sayd consell that thei myght haue the sayd [bokes] translatyd in 
to lattyn or duche, so that they myght wnderstand the [menin]ge. Where apon 
that thei may gywe the sentence, to the whych the off 3 the prive consell wold lyghtly 

of the New Testament. On a previous page (21S) Mr. Duff recorded how a certain Jan Silverlink 
recovered April 4, 1 53 1, from the heirs of Francis Birckmann (a member of the same family of 
book-agents as the Arnold Birckmann mentioned by Cochlaeus, cp. No. VI, p. 51) the balance 
of an account of £28 1 ys. 3d. for 700 New Testaments, obviously delivered on behalf of Hans 
or Jan van Ruremond, since the heirs were allowed to deduct a debt due from him to Birckmann. 
Mr. Duff identifies Christopher van Endhouen or Van Ruremond with the Antwerp bookseller 
named Christopher, of whom Fox writes, under the year 1531, that for selling certain New Testa- 
ments in English to John Row, bookbinder, he was thrown into prison at Westminster, and there 
died. This is confirmed by his business being found after this date in the hands of his widow (see 
No. xxvii, A.B.). Hans van Ruremond is further identified by Mr. Duff with the 'John Holi- 
busche alias Holybusche of London, Stationer otherwise bookbinder, born in Ruremond under 
the obedience of the Emperor ' on a London list of denizens in 1535, and through this entry with 
the Johan Hollybushe whose name was put by John Nycholson of Southwark on the title-page 
of his second edition of the Latin-English New Testament in 1538 (' Faythfullye translated by 
Johan Hollybushe') after his quarrel with Coverdale. This would not, of course, imply that 
the Dutch bookseller had really revised Coverdale's work, but merely that Nycholson desired to 
provide himself with a scapegoat. 

3 The Archbishop of Palermo. 

' Margaret of Savoy, Archduchess of Austria, Regent of the Netherlands. 

° Hackett's way of forming the possessive case. 

8 i. e. a prohibition. ' They shall not print, neither buy nor sell. 

B. l This letter of December 17, 1526, to Sir Brian Tuke, has not been preserved. 

'' Margaret of Savoy. 3 ' the off ' must be read ' they of '. 



64 The Search for English New Testaments 



consent, But I answeryd apon [that] artycle that hytt were not convenyent to 
permit that syche translation] shold be don in thys syde of the sees, for lafully I 
wold suspect [eny] that wolds medyll In the same, They answeryd me that the 
[iuges] Ought not to iuge without they knewe the fowndement of the cawse. I 
answerd them that the kynge my sowerayne lord & master ys lettris were sufficient 
Inoughe for the defence of syche a cawse, and for the condemnacion of thys bookes 
& all syche othyr lyke erytycke scriptours as has ben condemnyd & bowrnd In 
Ingland, They answeryd me agayne that yf that the kynges highnes or your 
grace had send them hyther of euery booke one of syche lyke as ye haue bowrnd 
there, that fyndynge syche bookes here thei wold do syche lyke Iustyce, Yea there 
has ben one of them that sayd that euery contre hawe ther owne lawys & that 
the Juges of thys contres ought as well to know where apon thei shall Juge. as owr 
Juges knowys what they have Jugyd, & apon what grownd hytt standes. But to 
cum to a conclusion aftyr many arguments, nott as in fowrme of consell, but mediatly 
to brynge owr matur to an effecte, I toke apon me to wryte wnto yowr grace, & that 
within short tyme. yow shall send to the lady margrett, or to the forsayd lordes of 
andwerpe sufficient certyficacion with one or tweyne or tre off syche lyke bokes, 
whyche as were condemnyd & bowrnt In Ingland : whych I supose ye have kept 
sum for syche an intent, & here apon the lordes off the prive consell defferyd the 
translacion of the forsayd bokes, & requyrd me to wryte wnto yowr grace to have 
the same, [& that thei wold as fayne do the Justyce apon syche lyke cawsys, as we 
to desyre ytt, & that as sone as your good answere cumys, that thei wyll admynystre 
the Iustys In syche fowrme & maner that ther shalbe suffycient correccion don apon 
them that do offende, Whych surly I certefye yor grace hytts very nessessary & 
tyme to be done, afore the end of thys barro 4 markett, But the fyrst begynynge 
& execusion must be done in the towne of andwerpe whych ys the fowntayne of 
sych tynges, & here with all othyr places shall take an ensample, & consyderynge 
that thys byssynes requyres dylygence, I send thys paper post purposely vnto yowr 
grace to have yowr gracious answere & Instruccions when ye tynke the tyme. 

And yf hapent that yowr grace had nott ressewit sum othyr bookes of thys 
translacions, as I have send yow her before, now att all aventures, I yow with thys 
inclosyd one of syche lyke, as has ben impryntyd in the sayd towne of andwerpe, of 
the whyche be arestyd in the Justyce their handes ny a iii abydyng sentence, & yf 
yowr grace haue any othyr of syche lyke bookes, hytt were nessessary to send one 
of euery sorte hydyr to the condemnasion of all syche othyrs as we can fynd in 
thys partyys . . . mechlyn the xxij th day of dessember. 1526. 

per yowr hummyl Bedesman 

John Hackett. 

C. 

Extract from letter of John Hackett to Brian Tuke, January 4, 152S (Letters and Papers of 
Henry VIII, vol. iv, 2778). Printed from Cotton MS. Galba B. IX. 38. 

My last wrytyng vnto your grace was datyd the 22 day of dessember which 
letter derecktyd I post to my lord legattes grace, only for the recoveryng of sych 
bokes as ye have send me now with yowr wrytyng datyd the xj' h day of the 
forsayd monyth which be cum too my handes a monday last was at after dynner, 
And sodenly the same day betwx four & fyve of clock I came to audyence in the 
preve counsell, & aftir I schowd them aparty of the substance of your wrytyngs 
vnto me, be my [lordj legattes comandment, & schowyng them the forsayd bookes 
awant syngnyd 1 with my lord of london ys hand wrytyng, the lord of hooghestrat 2 
& monsieur de Palermo 3 ordynyt & concludyd that my lady schold wryt to the 
margr[ave] & consell of the towne of andwerp to do Ju[stice] & corexion apon all 
sych lycke bookes as the[y] can fynd in ther lemyttes or Juredyctyons, & so hyt has 
ben don, & I delyuyrd me self the sayd lady ys lettrys to the forsayd marfgrave] in 
pressens of the hole consell of the sayd towne of andwerp & aftir that they had the 
redyfng] of the sayd letters, they answered me in good maner that they schold do ther 

4 Barro or Barrow, the English form of Berghen op Zoom, a port in North Brabant. 
('. ' avant [?] signed, signed at the beginning. 

5 Antoine de la Lalaing, Count of Hochstrate. 3 The Archbishop of Palermo. 



and other Heretical Books at Antwerp, &c. 65 



dewoy acordyng to ryght & raysson & that within fo[wer] days I shall knowe howe 
they sail procede in th[ys] byssenys, my trust ys that they sail do well. 

From andwerp the iiij th day of Ienne . . . 1526 
per yowr own John Hackett. 

D. 

Extract from Letter of John Hackett to Wolsey, January 12, 152^ (Letters and Papers of 
Henry VIII, vol. iv. 2797). Printed from Cotton MS. Galba B. IX. 40. 

Plesse yowr grace to vnderstand that my last lettris vnto yowr grace was datyd 
xxijtf day of December. & synnes I hawe ressewt 1 a lettyr fro Mr. bryan tuke 
d[atyd] the xi th day off the sayd monyth & with the sayd lettyr I ressewyth syche 
. . . Bookes as I dessyred by my last wrytyng vnto your grace, the whych bookes 
lyke ... I hawe wrytten to the sayd Mr. tuke the fowrthe day of thys present monyth. 
Trywe hytt ys that by the avysse off thees lordes of the prive consell, I del[yuered] 
them with the lady margrett ys lettris wnto the lorde margrave off andwerpe in presens 
of all the lordes that admynystris the lawys no we in the sayd to[wne] off andwerpe. 
And aftyr that they had red the sayd lady ys lettris, & visityd [my] lorde off london 
ys veryficacion in the fyrst levys of the forsayd bookes, w[ith] grett honor & reuer- 
ence they made answere wnto me that they wold gladl[y] do ther devoyre, and that 
within iij or iiij dayes ther aftyr that I sh[old] know ther resolute answere. 

Where apon I desyred them in the kyng my souerayne lorde & maisteris na [me] 
for the incressynge & preseruacion of owr crysten feythe & for the anychil [atyon] & 
extyrpacion off the malycious sept lutherianen that in as muche as h [yt] apers by 
one off syche orygynall bookes as were condemnyd & bowrnt in Ingland whyche was 
ther present afore them, & that hytt apers playnly that ther [ys] no defference 
nethyr defuculte, but that in the text of ther bookes that [were] imprynted in thys 
towne, ther conteynes all syche errures & herissees as conteyne[d] in the text of the 
forsayd condemnyd & bownt bookes, requirenge them that they showld do apon the 
sayd bookes that be here, syche correccion & punission as ye & dayly ys done apon 
syche lyke & semblabell heretyke bookes in Ingland. 

The sayd lordes answeryd me agayne that within the space aforesaid I showlde 
know ther intere resolucion. 

In the space of the whyche tyme the margrave aforsayd as the Emperor is officer 
d[esyred] Justyce to be done, declarynge to the sayd lordes how that hytt aperyd 
by the verification] off my lorde the byshope off london that in the text off the 
bookes that be inp[rinted] in thys towne, conteynes all the same errures & heresees 
as has conteyned . . . the text off the orygynall bookes that were condemnyd & bownt 
in Ingland [as] hytt may apere by one of the sayd orygynall bookes whych ys nowe 
h[ere] present, & ought to be sufficient profe & certifycacon to collacion the tone by 
the todyr. Wherfore & consyderynge that the Emperor had commandyd apon peyne 
off bany[shment] & to lese the tyrdpart off hys goodes that showld inprime syche 
errures or ... as thys be, that the Inprimer of the sayd bokes namyd Christofer 
endhowe . . . 2 ought to be banyshyd owte off all the Emperor is landes & contres & 
that t [he] tyrd part off all hys goodes showld be confyskyd in the Emperor is han [dis] 
& all the forsayd Englyshe bookes bowrnt to the fyre acordynge to the Emperor is 
last mandment apon syche lyke eryssees. 

And ther beynge present the Inprimure of the forsayd bookes, hys atorney or 
procurer spake . . . spal for hym, sayenge that he had nott offendyd the Emperor ys 
mandment nedyr that Tie had nott inprymed no bookes with heryssees. And more 
sayd forthe that the Emperor is subiectes beynge in the Emperor is contres and in 
land of Justyce, ought nott to be Jugyd nedyr condemnyd by the sentence or con- 
demnacion of the lawys or luges off eny othyr contres concludynge by the lawe that 
the luges of thys contres ought nott to gyve no blynd sentence to banyshe dishonor 
or confyske eny man or hys goodes with owt that they knew ryght well them selfs 
the very fowndment & cawse, sustenyng lyke wyse that with owt that the lord mar- 

1 received. 

a Christopher of Endhoven, the printer of the Antwerp New Testament of 1526. See 
I No. XVI, note 2. 



66 The Search for English New Testaments 



grave as the Emperor is officer can showe or do show sum particuler articlyes in the 
sayd bookes wher that theis forsayd errures & herissees ben fownd, that the forsayd 
Christofer inprimure ought to be eslargyd owt off prisone & to do hys plessure with 
the forsayd bookes. 

And for a conclusion aftyr many othyr replikes & duplikes done on bothe sides 
betwix the margrave & the sayd malefactor & hys procuror, nott withstandynge the 
promesses that the lordes of the prive consell made vnto me when I send yow my last 
post, whyche promesses was, that with condicion that I myght showe them here eny 
of syche lyke bookes as has ben condemnyd & bownrt in Ingland, that they as ther, 
showld orthyn 3 & comand all othyr syche lyke bokes or with syche lyke heressees as 
myght be fownd in thys contres to be condemnyd & bowrnt in lyke wyse. But yett 
for all thys, nethyr for my lady ys fyrst second nethyr tyrd lettyr whyche were 
wrytten in metly good fowrme, the lordes of andwerpe has gyven for ther sentence 
that afore the banyshment of the sayd Inprimure the confeskacion of hys goodes or 
the burnynge off hys bookes that the margrave aforesayd as officer for the Emperor 
shall show and declare sum articles conteynyge in the sayd bookes wher thys errures 
& heryssees ben fownd, And in thys maner the margrave told me that he cowd 
procede no ferdyr in thys byssines. Wherfore I have turned to the cowrte agayne 
fro the sayd towne of andwerpe to showe my lady & the lordes of hyr pryve consell, 
the denegacion off Justyce that they off the towne of andwerpe has done vnto me att 
thys tyme. there apon I have had grett comunycacion with the forsayd lordes of the 
pryve consell. Showyng them with fayre wordis that I had grett marvell of the 
fyrst denegacion off Justyce that they of andwerpe dyd vnto me I showynge them 
the efecte & substance off the kyng my souerayne lorde ys lettris with presentynge 
them the lettris of my lady margrett confowrmynge to my comyssion, & now that 
acordynge to the presentacion that they made vnto me whych was lyke as aforsayd 
ys, that yff I had here to showe any syche boke or bokes as has ben bowrnt in Ing- 
lande, & fyndynge any syche lyke bokes, in thys contres, that they sholde do syche 
lyke Justyce off them. 

And lyke as hytt aperes off trowte that they have had the vysytacion of the sayd 
bookes, & hawe seyne my lord the byshope off london is verificacion, in the fyrst 
levys of thos same, whych books with the lady margrett is second & tyrd lettrys to 
them of Andwerpe I dyd deliuer, & for eny reyson that I myght show besydes 
nethyr for no lettyr that the sayd lady cowd wryte nethyr for none ... off Justyce 
that the margrave off andwerpe dyd desyre, yett cowd I have none othyr Justyce 
off them but lyke as afore sayd ys. 

Wher apon sum off the sayd lordes answeryd me that hytt ys as gr[eat] Reyson 
that the luges of thys contres ought as well to know what the}' shall Juge here as 
the Juges off owr contre knowys what thei juge there. 

I answeryd agayne that hytt was very hard to make a man vnders[tand] the 
Inglyshe tunge in generall, that can nott speke hytt nethyr neuer has lernyd hytt 
in particuler, & that I cowd fynd no defference in yewynge off correccion to hym 
that has fyrst forgyd or cownyd [false] mone 4 by hym that secondly has forgyd or 
inynyd syche lyke. 

They answeryd me that hytt ys becawse that they have nott the perfytt knowlege 
whyther the fyrst or second be false or not & that they wyll do ther best to know 
the veryte in thys contre & that they w[yll] as feyne do good Justyce in thys 
contres as we can or may desyre hytt. 

I answeryd them that I knowe nott. nethyr I am assuryd, that ther [ys] nott 
in all the Emperor is lands, in thys syde the sees no susi . . . ne bettyr lernyd men 
to kan determe the Englyshe tunge fro the latten, & latten fro Inglishe then syche 
prelates doctours & lerny[d] men off the kynges consell that has fownd the errures 
& heressee[s] off siche bookes as has ben condemnyd & bowrnt In Ingland. A[nd] 
here apon my lorde of palermo, presens my lorde off hoghestrate & othyrs off 
the sayd lordes, required me to be plesyd that thy[se] maturs myght be. spoken of 
yett onys agayne, amonges them, & that aftyr that they may know the lordes of 
andwerpe is [ex]cusacions. Whyche be here cum to cowrte for syche an intent 
[and] that as then by my lady ys advyse, & delyberacion of consell [they] trustyd 
to gywe me sysh answere that resonably, I showld [have] no caw[s]e to cumplayne. 
but what hytt shalbe I can nott [tell] and knowynge the resolucion I wyll send yowr 

a ordain ? * Money ; ' inynyd ' in the next line awaits explanation. 



and other Heretical Books at Antwerp, &c. 67 

grace the hole [of the] declaration, sertyfyenge yowr grace that I was onys so dysplesyd 
with them [of] Andwerpe that I was purposed to a bought vp all the forsayd bookes 5 
& to a send them to yowr grace there to burne & destrue there att home lyke as all 
syche maliciovvse bookes meritably & wordy ar to be done, but aftyrward that my 
colora was descendyd & by consell off a good frend of myne I thought hytt was 
bettyr to antyse my lady & hyr consell, fyrst to knowe & see fynally what remedy 
that they showld do apon my complayntes & yff ther resolucions lykyd me nott 
that as then I wold by all the forsayd bookes or as many as I cowde fynd & send 
ham yow there to do yowr grace ys plessure lyke as I wyll in deyd yff they do nott 
here bettyr Justyce. 

Hytt shall plese yowr grace to wnderstand that where ther was two inprimurs 
taken prisoners, there ys but one off them that was fownd gylty in the inprimynge 
off the Englyshe bookes, whych ys namyd Christofer endhowen as afore wryten ys. 

I hawe wryten to my lorde of barro requyrynge hym in the kynges ys hyghnes 
& yowr grace hys name, that for the preseruacion off the cristen feythe & the extyr- 
pacion off the abhomynable secte luterian that he wold se Justyce to be done in 
hys towne, apon all syche Inglyshe bookes entytled the nywe testment, & all syche 
lyke bookes as I have infowrmyd to the gouuenor off owr nasion whych shall show hys 
lordshype the efecte of all syche byssynes. 

My lorde of Valleyne came yesternyght to thys towne & showyd me by mowttie 
that my sayd lorde hys fadyr recomandyd hym unto me & that he has promest surly 
that he wyll se syche Justyce to be done, that the kynges hyghnes nethyr yowr grace 
shall have no cawse to be, but well plesyd with hym, desyrynge me that I myght 
cum me selfe to barro as sone as I cowde to awans 6 the sayd bysynes lyke as I wyll 
as sone as I shall know how that the maturs betux me & the lordes of andwerpe shalbe 
determyned. 

I haue begon the wrytynge off thys letyr att andwerpe and fynshyd hytt here att 
maghlynge. 7 The xij th day of Jenner, 1526. 

Afftyr this letter wryten I hawe spocken with my lady margret touchyng thes 
Inglis bookes, & sche promest me suyrly that afore fywe dayys to a nend that 
ther salbe sych justyce don of them that I salbe plessyd, then as then, 

per yowr hummyll Bedesman John Hackett. 



Extract from letter of John Hackett to Wolsey, February 20, 152^ (Letters and Papers of 
Henry VII J, vol. iv, Xo. 2903). Printed from Cotton MS. Galba, B. VI. 4. 

Plesse yowr grace to wnderstand that synnes my last wrytyngs [to your] g[race] 
I hawe ressewyth none of yowrys. I trust by this tyme that yowr [grace has] 
ample infowrmacion off syche execucion & Justyce as has bene done in [these] 
townes of Andwerpe & barrow apon all syche Inglyshe bookes as we [could] fynd 
in thys contres. semblablys to trye syche othyr bookes as yowr g[race shall] send 
wnto me, with my lorde the byshope off london is sygnature, And b[y my] last 
wrytyngs wnto M r bryan tuke I aduertyssyd hym that there [were] dyvers marchands 
off scottland that bought many off syche lyke bookes [to take] Them in to scottland, 
aparty to edenbowrghe & the most party to the tow[ne of] sent androys for the 
whyche cawse when I was at barro beyng a . . . the skottyshe shyppes were in 
se land thare the sayd bookes were ladyn . . . sodenly thedyrwarde thynkynge yff 
that I had fownd syche stuffe th[at] I wold cawse to make as good a fyer off 
them as there has bene [made] off the remenaunt in brabant, but fortune wold nott 
that I showld [this] tyme, for the forsayd shyppes were departyd a day afore my 
cummyng so I must atakyn pacience for all my labowre, with levyng my lady is 
lettris & good instruction with my lorde off beveris & the rent m[aste]r off . . . con- 
cernyng the forsayd byssynes. 

6 This suggestion was subsequently carried out bv Tunstall and Warham. See Nos. XVI] 
and XVIII. 

6 Advance. ' Mechlin. 



E 2 



Cutbard 

Tonstall 

bishop o£ 

London 

bought 

Newe 

Testa- 

raentes to 

burne. 



Augus- 
tyne 

Packyng - 
ton the 
Bishop of 
Londons 
mer- 
chaunt. 



68 The Search for English New Testaments, &c. 



The margraw off andwerpe & drossard of barghys requyred & pray[ed] yff hytt 
were possibell to cawse them to gett qute off Ingland a [notyfyjcacion off sum 
partyculer artyclys off erryssees conteynynge in the say[d bokes] by the whyche 
notyfycacion, they may lafully nott only to bowrne syche . . . bookes, but also to 
correcte & punnj'she the inprymurs byers & syllers of [them] bothe in body & in goodes, 
for els acordynge to the lawys off thys [land] They may nott punnyshe nethyr make 
correcion apon the forsayd [imprimurs] nethyr apon there goodes, as they say. 

. . . att maglyne the . . . day off Februer. 

per yowr ryght hummyll Bedes [man] 

John hackett. 
[Addressed : ' My Lorde Legate.'] 

F. 

Extract from postscript to previous letter (Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, vol. iv, No. 2904). 
Printed from Cotton MS., Galba B, IX, 235. 

. And as for the xl mark that I ressewt here at y[owr] grace ys comandment. I 
tynke ye wyll alowe me the same for the expenssis extra ordenary that I have done 
in comyng & goyng & abyddyng at andwerpe at Barow selomd (?) & elswher. with 
the prewe 1 Inquesissiones that I have don at gant at bruges at Brussellis, and 
lowayn and els wher touchyng the recoverans & execussyons to be don apon all syche 
heretyk bokes as I myght fynd in this contres acordyng vnto your grace ys mynd 
instruxions & wryghtyngs sobmytyng me self all ways to be ordyrt acordyng vnto ' 
your gracious comandment goodwyll & plessure. 

[The postscript is dated 'fro machlvng the xx th day of fewrer a 1526.] 

XVII. THE BISHOP OF LONDON BUYS NEW TESTAMENTS. 

Extract from Halle's Chronicle, or ' Union of the two noble and illustrious famelies of Lancastre 
and Yorke', London, R. Grafton, 1548, fol. clxxxvi. 

Here is to be remembred, that at this present tyme, Willyam Tyndale had newly 
translated and imprinted the Newe Testament in Englishe, and the Bishop of 
London, not pleased with the translacion thereof, debated with hymself, how he | 
might compasse and deuise, to destroye that false and erronious translacion (as he 
saied). And so it happened that one Augustine Packyngton, a Mercer and Merchant 
of London, and of a greate honestie, the same tyme was in Andwarp, where the i 
Bishope then was, 1 and this Packyngton was a man that highly fauored William 
Tindale, but to the bishop vtterly shewed hymself to the contrary. The bishop 
desirous to haue his purpose brought to passe, commoned of the New Testamentes. 
and how gladly he would bye them. Packyngton then hearyng that he wished for, 
saied vnto the bishop, my Lorde, if it bee your pleasure I can in this matter dooe 
more I dare saie, then moste of the Merchauntes of Englande that are here, for 
I knowe the Dutchemen and straungiers, that haue bought theim of Tyndale, and 
haue theim here to sell, so that if it be your lordshippes pleasure, to pave for theim, 
for otherwise I cannot come by them, but I must disburse money for theim, I will 
then assure you, to haue every boke of them, that is imprinted and is here vnsolde. 
The Bishop thinkyng that he had God by the too, 2 when in deede he had (as after 
he thought) the Deuell by the fiste, saied, gentle Master Packyngton, do your dili- 
gence and get them and with all my harte I will paie for them, whatsoeuer thei cost 
you, for the bokes are erronious and naughtes and I entende surely to destroy theim 
all, and to burne theim at Paules Crosse. Agustine Packyngton came to Willyam 
Tyndale and saied, Willyam I knowe thou arte a poore man, and hast a hepe of 
newe Testamentes, and bokes by thee, for the whiche thou hast bothe indaungered 
thy frendes, and beggered thy self, and I haue now gotten thee a Merchaunt, whiche ' 

XVI. F. ' Privy. 

XVII. > Presumably in connexion with the negotiations closed by the Treaty of Cambrai, 
between France and Spain, August 1529. * Toe. 



The Bishop of London buys New Testaments. 69 



with ready money shall dispatche thee of all that thou hast, if you thynke it 
so proffitable for your self. Who is the Merchant said Tyndale ? The bishoppe 
of London, saied Packyngton, O that is because he will burne them saied Tyndale, ye 
Mary quod Packyngton, I am the gladder said Tyndale for these two benefites shall 
come therof, I shall get money of hym for these bokes, to bryng myself out of debt 
(and the whole world shall crie out vpon the burnynge of Goddes worde.) And 
the ouerplus 3 of the money, that shall remain to me, shall make me more studious, 
to correct the said Newe Testament, and so newly to Imprint the same once again, 
and I trust the second will muche better like you, then euer did the first : And so 
forward went the bargain, the bishop had the bokes, Packyngton had the thankes, 
and Tyndale had the money. 

Afterward when mo newe Testamentes were Imprinted, thei came thicke and 
threfolde into Englande, the bishop of London hearyng that still there were so many 
Newe Testamentes abrode, sent for Augustyne Packyngton and saied vnto him : 
Sir how commeth this, that there are so many Newe Testamentes abrode, and you 
promised and assured me that you had bought al ? then saied Packyngton, I promes 
you I bought all that then was to bee had : but I perceiue thei haue made more 
sence, and it will neuer bee better, as long as thei haue the letters and stampes, 
therefore it wer best for your lordshippe to bye the stampes to, and then are you 
sure : the bishop smiled at hym and saied, well Packyngton well, and so ended 
this matter. 

Shortly after it fortuned one George Constantine, 4 to be apprehended by Sir 
Thomas More, whiche then was lorde Chauncellor of England of suspicion of certain 
heresies. And this Constantine beyng with More, after diuerse examinacions of 
diuerse thynges, emong other, Master More saied in this wise to Constantine. Con- 
stantine I would haue thee plain with me in one thyng that I will aske of thee, and 
I promes thee I will shewe thee fauor, in all the other thynges, whereof thou art 
accused to me. There is beyond the sea Tyndale, Ioye, and a great many mo of you. 
I knowe thei cannot hue without helpe, some sendeth theim money and succoureth 
theim, and thy self beyng one of them, haddest parte thereof, and therefore knowest 
from whence it came. I praie thee who be thei that thus helpe them ? My lorde 
quod Constantine, will you that I shal tell you the truthe ? Yea I praie thee quod 
my Lorde. Mary I will quod Constantine, truly quod he it is the Bishoppe of 
London that hath holpen vs, for he hath bestowed emong vs, a greate deale of 
money in New Testamentes to burne theim, and that hath and yet is our onely 
succoure and comfort. Now by my trothe quod More, I thynke euen the same, and 
I said so muche to the bishop, when he went about to bye them. 



XVIII. THE BISHOP OF NORWICH REFUNDS THE ARCHBISHOP 
PART OF HIS OUTLAY ON NEW TESTAMENTS. 

Letter of Richard Nix, Bishop of Norwich, to the Archbishop of Canterbury, June 14, 1527. 
Printed from Cotton MS. Vitellius B, IX, 117. 

In right humble maner I commende me vnto your goode Lordeshippe, Doynge 
the same tundrestand, that I lately receyued your letters dated at your manor of 
Lambethe, the xxvj daie of the moneth of Maij . by the whiche I do perceyue that 
youre grace hath lately goten into your handes all the bokes of the newe testamente 
translated into Englesshe and pryented beyonde the see aswele those with the gloses 
ioyned vnto theym as thoder without the gloses, 1 by meanes of exchaunge by you 
made therfore to the somme of lxij/. ixs. iiijrf. 2 

Surely in myne opynion you have done therin a graciouse and a blessed 

3 Tyndale had first to repay the merchants who advanced money to print his Testaments. 

' George Constantine, a Cambridge graduate. When under examination by More he gave 
information as to the method of shipping the Lutheran books. For his activity before his arrest, 
see No. XIX. 

XVIII. ' The books purchased must have been the 8° and 4 printed at Worms. 

2 Large as this sum is, about ^700 of modern value, if the average retail price of a New 
Testament was six groats (five for the 8° and seven for the 4 , see No. XIX) or 2s., the number 
purchased would only be about 663, and even if 50 per cent be added to this to represent the 
allowance made to a wholesale buyer, it would amount to about one thousand, or one-sixth of 
the total number printed. 



70 The Archbishop's Outlay on New Testaments. 



dede, and god I doubt not shall highly rewarde you therfore, And where in your 
said letters ye write, that in so moche as this matur and the daunger therof if 
remedie had not be prouyded shulde not only haue towched you but all the 
Busshoppes within your province, and that it is no reason that the holle charge 
and coste therof shulde reste only in you, but that thei and euery of theym for 
their parte shulde avaunce and contribute certain sommes of money towarde 
the same. And for that entente desire me to certifie you what conuenyent somme 
I for my part wulbe contented to avaunce in this behalue, and to make paymente 
therof vnto Maister William Potkyn your seruaunte. Pleaseth it you tundrestande 
that I am right wele contented to geue and avaunce in this behalue ten markes, 3 
and shall cause the same to be delyuered vnto the said maister Potkyn shortely 
the which somme I thinke sufficient for my parte if euery Busshopp within your 
said provynce make like contribution & avauncemente after the Rate and substance 
of their benefices. Neuer the lesse if your grace thinke this somme of ten markes 
not sufficient for my parte in this mater, (the nombre and substance of thoder 
your suffragans considered) your furdre pleasure knowen I shalbe as gladde to 
conforme my self therunto in this or any other mater concernynge the churche, as 
any your subgiet within your provynce. As knowes Almyghty god, who longe preserue 
you to his moste pleasure and your hertes desire. At hoxne in Suff. the xiiij daie 
of Junii 1527. 

Your humble obediencur and baidman 

R. Norvich. 

I wolde be as gladde to wayte vpon your lordeshipp and do my duetie vnto 
you as any man lyvinge, but I thynke that I can not so do this somer, I praye 
god I may haue some tyme for to do it. 

[Addressed : To my Lorde of Canterbury is goode lordeshippe.] 

XIX. THE CONFESSION OF ROBERT NECTON 1 THAT BOUGHT AND 
SOLD NEW TESTAMENTS IN ENGLISH. 

From Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials, 1822, vol. i, Pt. II, pp. 63-5. Reference given to MSS. 
Fox. Regist. Cuthb., i.e. to the Register of Cuthbert Tonstall, Bishop of London. 

He bowght at sondry tymes of Mr. Fyshe 2 dwellyng by the Whight Frears in 
London, many of the New Testaments in English ; that is to say, now V. and 
now X. And sometyme mo, and sometyme less, to the nombre of XX. or XXX. 
in the gret volume. The which New Testaments the said Mr. F3'she had of one 
Harmond, an English man, beyng beyond see. But how many he had this 
respondent cannot tell. And this respondent saith, that about a yere and half 
agon he fell in a quaintaunce with Vicar Constantyne 3 here in London. Which 
shewed this respondent first, that the said Mr Fyshe had New Testaments to sell ; 
and caused this respondent to by some of the said New Testaments of Mr Fyshe. 
And the said Mr Fyshe, at the desire and instance of Vicar Constantine, browghte 
the said New Testaments home to this respondents house. And before that Vicar 
Constantine caused this respondent to by some of the said New Testaments, he 
had none, nor no other books, except the chapiters of Matthew. 4 

And moreover, this respondent saith, that about the same tyme he sold fyve 
of the said New Testaments to Sir 5 William Furboshore synging man, in Stow- 
market, in Suffolk, for vii or viii grotes a pece. Also, two of the same New Testa- 
ments in Bury St. Edmunds : that is to say, to Raymond Wodelesse one ; and 
Thomas Horfan another, for the same price. 

Also, he saith, that about Cristmas last, he sold one New Testament to a Priste ; 

3 i.e. £6 13s. 4d., about one-tenth of the whole sum. 

XIX. ' Probably a kinsman of Thomas Necton, sheriff of Norwich (1531), whose sympathies ' 
were with the Protestants. 

* Simon Fish, a student of Gray's Inn, who subsequently wrote the Supplication of the Beggars. 

3 See No. XVII, note 4. 

4 This reference may equally well be to the Cologne fragment of the New Testament, or to a 
separate edition. 

' Here and elsewhere ' Sir ' denotes a prir^t. 



The Confession of Robert Necton. 



7 1 



whose name he cannot tell, dwellynge at Pycknam Wade in Northfolke ; and two 
Latin books, the one Oeconomica Christiana ; and the other Unio Dissidentium. 
Also, one Testament to William Gibson merchant man, of the parish of S. Margaret 
Patens. 

Also, Vicar Constantyne at dyvers tymes had of this respondent a XV. or XVI. 
of the New Testaments of the biggest. 6 And this respondent saith, that the sayd 
Vicar Constantyne dyvers tymes bowght of him certayne of the sayd New Testaments : 
and this respondent lykewise, of hym. Also, he sold Sir Richard Bayfell two New 
Testaments unbound about Cristmas last : for the which he payd iiis iiii^. 

Farthermore, he saith, that he hath sold V or VI of the said N. Testaments 
to diverse persons of the cite of London : whose namys, or dwellyng places, he doth 
not remember. 

Moreover, he saith, that since Easter last, he bowght of Geffray Usher of Saynct 
Antonyes, with whom he hath byn aqueynted by the space of a yere, or thereabout 
(by reason he was Mr Forman, the person of Hony Lane his servant, and for that 
this respondent did moche resort to the said persons sermons) XVIII N. Testaments 
in English of the smal volume, and XXVI. books, al of one sort, called Oeconomica 
Christiani in Latin ; and two other books in Latin called Unio Dissidentium. For 
which he payed hym xls. Of the which Oeconomica Christiana Vicar Constantyne 
had XIII. at one tyme. 

And of which N. Testaments since Easter this respondent caryed XV of them, and 
thother XXIII Oeconomica Christiana, to Lynne, to sell. Which he wold have sold 
to a young man, callid William . . . merchant man, dwellyng by one M r Burde 
of the same towne. Which young man wold not medle with them, because they 
were prohibite. And so this respondent left the said books at Lynne with the 
said William, untyll his retornyng thider ayen. And so the said bookes do remayne 
ther still, as yet. And two of the said N. Testaments he hath in his own custodie, 
with another of the great volume. Also, another Testament of the smal volume 7 
he sold since Easter to young Elderton, merchant man, of Saynct Mary Hill parishe. 

Howbeit he saith, that he knew not that any of thies bookes were of Luthers 
sect. 

To the xvnjtb, That he hath byn a receptor, he saith, that he twice or thryese 
hath byn in Thomas Mathews 8 house of Colchestre. Wheras he hath red diverse 
tymes in the N. Testament in English, before the said Thomas Matthew, his wif, 
William Dykes, and other servantes ther. And there, and then have herd old Father 
Hacker speke of prophesies ; and have had communications of diverse articles : 
which he doth not now remember. 

To the XIX th , so begynnyng, That he went about to by a great nombre of N. 
Testaments, he saith, that about Cristmas last, there came a Duche man, 9 beyng 
now in the Flete, which wold have sold this respondent ii or iii hundreth of the 
said N. Testaments in English : which this respondent did not by ; but sent him 
to M r Fyshe to by them : and said to the Duche man, Look what M 1 ' Fyshe doth, 
I wil do the same. But whether M r Fyshe bowght any of them, he cannot tell : 
for the which iii hundreth he shold have paid xvi I V sh. after IX d. a pece. 10 

To the xx article, That he is inframed ; he saith, that since Easter last, he was 
at Norwiche at his brothers house, wher as one had complayned of this respondent 
to my Lord of Norwiche," because he had a N. Testament. Wherfor his brother 
counceled this respondent to send or delyver his said N. Testament, and said to 

8 i.e. of the quarto edition with marginal notes. 

I Presumably the octavo Worms edition. 

8 The name is worth noting, as it is possible that this Thomas Matthew was used in connexion 
with the Bible of 1537 as a scapegoat, on whom, after he had been got out of the way, any blame 
could be laid. Compare the part possibly played by Hans van Ruremond as the ' Johan Holly- 
bushe' of the second Latin-English New Testament printed by Nicholson in 1538 (see note 
to No. XVI. A). 

9 Probably Hans van Ruremond acting for Christoffel van Endhoven or van Ruremond, who 
brought out an edition at Antwerp in 1526 (see note to No. XVI. A). This was apparently a little 
i6mo, and sold consequently wholesale at either gd. or is. id., according to which emendation 
of the faulty reckoning made at the end of the paragraph is adopted. The 700 copies sold to 
F. Birckmann for £2$ 17s. 3d. work out at just under lod. each. But in the case of copies sold in 
England the price would naturally be higher. 

10 Three hundred copies at gd. each come to £11 5s., not ^16 5s. 

II See Nos. XVII and XIX. 



him, If he wold not delyver it, my Lord of Norwiche wold send him to my Lord 
of London, his Ordinary. And so afterwards he sent it to London by the caryer. 

To the xxi. article, so begynnyng, That contrary to the prohibition, he hath 
kept the N. Testament, he confessith, that after he had knowledge of the con- 
dempnation of the said N. Testament, by the space of a yere, or more, he hath had 
in his custodie, kept, and studyed the same Testament, and have red it thoroughly 
many tymes. And also have red in it as wel within the citie and diocess of London, 
as within the citie and diocesse of Norwiche. And not onely red it to himself, but 
redd and tawght it to diverse other. 

To the xxii. he awnsweryth and denyeth, that he had Wycliefs Wycket or the 
Apocalips at any tyme. 

Per me Robert Necton. 



XX. BISHOP NIX IMPLORES THE KING'S HELP. 

From a letter of Richard Nix, bishop of Norwich, to the Archbishop of Canterbury, May 14, 
1530 (Cotton MS. Cleopatra E. V. 360). 

After moste humbill recomendation, I do your grace tvndrestande that I am 
accombered with suche as kepith and redethe these Arronious bokes in engleshe 
and beleve and gif credence to the same and teacheth other that they shuld so 
doo, My Lorde I have done that lieth in me for the suppression of suche parsons, 
but it passith my power, or any spirituall manne for to do it, for dyuerse saith 
openly in my diocesse, that the kinges grace wolde that they shulde have the saide 
Arronious bokes, and so maynteynith them self of the kinge, wherupon, I desired 
my lorde Abbot of Hide to shew this to the kinges grace, besechinge him to sende 
his honorabill lettres vndre his seall downe to whome he please in my diocesse 
that they may shew and publiche that it is not his pleasure that suche bokes shuld 
be had or red. And also punyshe suche as saith soo, I truste before this lettre 
shall come vnto you, my saide lorde Abbot hath donne soo, the saide Abbot hath 
the names of some that crakith in the kinges name that ther false opinions shuld 
goo furth, and will dye in the quarell that ther vngracious opinions be true, And 
trustith by michalmas daye ther shalbe more that shall beleve of ther opinions 
than they that beleveth the contrary. If I had knowen that your grace had 
bene at london, I wolde have commanded the saide Abbot to have spoke with you, 
but your grace may sende for him whan ye please, and he shall shew you my 
holl mynde in that mater, and how I thought best for the suppression of suche 
as holdeth these Arronious opinions, for if they contynue any tyme I thinke they 
shall vndoe vs all, The said Abbot departed from me on monday laste and sith that 
tyme I have had moche trobill and busynes with other, in like mater, And they 
say that where somever they go they here say that the kinges pleasure is the new 
testament in inglishe shulde go forth, and men shuld have it, and rede it, and 
from that opynion I canne no wise induce them, but I had gretter auctorite to 
punyshe them, thanne I haue, Wherfor I besiche your good lordeshippe to advertise 
the kinges grace, as I trust the saide abbot hath done before thes lettre shall come 
vnto your grace that a remedy may be had, for now it maye be done well in my 
diocesse, for the gentilmen and the commentye be not greatly inseth, but marchantes 
and suche that hath ther abyding not ferre from the see, the saide Abbot of Hide 
canne shew you of a curat and well lerned in my diocesse, that exorted his parishioners 
to beleve contrary to the Catholicall faith. 

Ther is a collage in Cambrige called gunwell haule 1 of the foundacion of a 
Bishoppe of Norwiche. I here of no clerke that hath come ought lately of that col- 
lage but saverith of the friainge panne thoughe he speke never so holely, I beseche 
your grace to pardon me of my rude and tedious writinge to you, the zele and love 
that I ough to almighty god cause me this to do, And thus almighty god longe 

1 Gonville Hall was founded in 1 348 by Edmond GonviUe, rector of Terrington in Norfolk, but 
William Bateman, Bishop of Norwich, whom Gonville left his executor, changed both the site and 
the statutes of the Hall, and added to its endowments in 1353, and is thus reckoned as its 
second founder. The Hall became Gonville and Caius College by the benefactions of Dr. John 
Caius, its third founder, in 1558. 



Bishop Nix Implores the King's Help. 



73 



preserue your grace in good prosperite and helth. At hoxne the xiiij ,h Day of 
Maii 1530. 

Your obediensary and 

Daily orator 

Ri Norwich. 

XXI. THE KING CONSULTS HIS COUNCIL AND THE BISHOPS. 

May 25, 1530. 

Extract from Halle's Chronicle, The Union of the two Noble Houses, &c. Grafton, 1 548, fol. 192. 

The xxii yere 

In the begynnyng of this two and twentie yere, the kyng like a politike and pru- 
j dent prince, perceiued that his subiectes and other persons had diners times within 
1 foure yeres last past, brought into his realme, greate nombre of printed bokes, of the 
new Testament, translated into the English tongue by Tyndall, Joy, and other, 
which bokes the common people vsed and dayly red priuely, which the clargie would 
not admit, for thei punnished suche persones as had red studied or taught the same 
with greate extremitie, but bycause the multitude was so greate, it was not in their 
power to redresse there grefe : wherefore they made complaint to the Chauncelor 1 
(which leaned much to the spirituall mennes part, in all causes) where vpon he im- 
prisoned and punished a greate nomber so that for this cause a great rumor and 
controuersie rose daily emongst the people : wherfore the kyng consideryng what 
good might come of readyng of the new Testament with reuerence and folowyng the 
same, and what euell mighte come of the readyng of the same if it were euil trans- 
lated, and not folowed : came into the starre chambre the hue and twentie day of 
May, 2 and there commoned with his counsaile and the prelates concernyng this 
cause, and after long debatyng, it was alleged that the translacion [s] of Tyndall and 
Joy were not truely translated, and also that in theim were prologues and prefaces 
which sounded to heresie, and rayled against the bishopes vncharitably, wherefore all 
such bokes were prohibited and commaundement geven by the kyng to the bishop- 
pes, that thei callyng to theim the best learned men of the vniuersities should cause 
a new translacion to be made, so that the people should not be ignoraunte in the 
law of god : And notwithstandyng this commaundement the bishopes did nothing at 
all to set furth a new translacion, which caused the people to stody Tindalles trans- 
lacion, by reason where of many thinges cam to light, as you shall here after. 

In this yere in Maye, 3 the bishop of London caused al his newe Testamentes 
which he had bought with many other bokes. to be brought into Paules churche- 
yarde in London and there was openly burned. 



XXII. THE KING'S PROCLAMATION, JUNE, 1530. 
From the copy in the British Museum, printed by Thomas Berthelet. 

Mense Junii, Anno regni metuendissimi domini nostri regis Henrici octaui. xxii. 

A proclamation made and diuysed by the kyngis highnes, with the aduise of his 
honorable counsaile, for dampning of erronious bokes and heresies, and prohibitinge 
the hauinge of holy scripture, translated into the vulgar tonges of englisshe, frenche, 
or duche, in suche maner, as within this proclamation is expressed. 

The kinge our most dradde soueraigne lorde, studienge and prouidynge dayly for 

1 Sir Thomas More. 

2 Of the proceedings of May 24 (see XXII, note 1 ) the ' Bill in English to be published by the 
prechours ' says that ' his gracious highnes, being in parson in the chapell called the " Old 
Chapell ", which sometime was called Saint Edwards chambre, sett on the est side of the parlia- 
ment chambre, within his gracis palace at Westminster, then and there in the presence of all the 
parsonages there assembled and gathered ' caused three notaries to record the decisions arrived at. 

3 Tunstall succeeded Wolsey as Bishop of Durham in February, 1530, and John Stokesley, his 
successor, was nominated July, 1530, and consecrated the following November. There can be no 
doubt that Tunstall is meant. 



74 The King's Proclamation, June, 1530. 



the weale, benefite, and honour of this his most noble realme, well and euidently 
perceiueth, that partly through the malicious suggestion of our gostly enemy, partly 
by the yuell and peruerse inclination and sedicious disposition of sundry persons, 
diuers heresies and erronious opinions haue ben late sowen and spredde amonge his 
subiectes of this his said realme, by blasphemous and pestiferous englisshe bokes, 
printed in other regions, and sent in to this realme, to the entent as well to peruerte 
and withdrawe the people from the catholike and true fayth of Christe, as also to 
stirre and incense them to sedition, and disobedience agaynst their princes, soue- 
raignes, and heedes, as also to cause them to contempne and neglect all good lawes, ! 
customes, and vertuous maners, to the final subuersion and desolation of this noble j 
realme, if they myght haue preuayled (whiche god forbyd) in theyr most cursed per- ' 
suasions and malicious purposes. Where vpon the kynges hignes, by his incom- j 
parable wysedome, forseinge and most prudently considerynge, hath inuited and called 
to hym the primates of this his gracis realme, and also a sufficient nombre of dis- 
crete vertuous and well lerned personages in diuinite, as well of either of the vniuer- 
sites, Oxforde and Cambrige, as also hath chosen and taken out of other parties of 
his realme : gyuinge vnto them libertie, to speke and declare playnly their aduises, 
iudgementes, and determinations, concernynge as well the approbation or reiectynge 
of suche bokes as be in any parte suspected, as also the admission and diuulgation 
of the olde and newe testament, translated in to englisshe. Wher vpon his highnes, 
in his owne royall person, callynge to hym the said primates and diuines, hath 
seriously and depely, with great leisure and longe deliberation, consulted, debated, 
inserched, and discussed the premisses : and finally, by all their free assentes, con- 
sentes, and agrementes, concluded, resolued, and determined, that these bokes 
ensuynge, That is to say, 1 the boke entitled the wicked Mammona, the boke named 
the Obedience of a Christen man, the Supplication of beggars, and the boke called 
the Reuelation of Antichrist, the Summary of scripture, and diuers other bokes made 
in the englisshe tonge, and imprinted beyonde the see, do conteyne in them pesti- 
ferous errours and blasphemies : and for that cause, shall from hensforth be reputed 
and taken of all men, for bokes of heresie, and worthy to be dampned, and put in 
perpetuall obliuion. The kynges said highnes therfore straitly chargeth and com- 
maundeth, all and euery his subiectes, of what astate or condition so euer he or 
they be, as they wyll auoyde his high indighacion and most greuous displeasure, 
that they from hensforth, do not bye, receyue, or haue, any of the bokes before 
named, or any other boke, beinge in the englisshe tonge, and printed beyonde the 
see, of what matter so euer it be, or any copie written, drawen out of the same, or 
the same bokes in the frenche or duche tonge. And to the entent that his highnes 
wylbe asserteyned, what nombre of the sayd erronious bokes shalbe founde from 
tyme to tyme within this his realme, his highnes therfore chargeth and commaundeth, 
that all and euery person or persones, whiche hath or herafter shall haue, any boke 
or bokes in the englisshe tonge, printed beyonde the see, as is afore written, or any 
of the sayde erronious bokes in the frenche or duche tonge : that he or they, within 
fyftene dayes nexte after the publisshynge of this present proclamation, do actually 
delyuer or sende the same bokes and euery of them, to the bisshop of the diocese, 
wherin he or they dwelleth, or to his commissary, or els before good testimonie, to 
theyr curate or parisshe preest, to be presented by the same curate or parisshe preest, 
to the sayd bisshop or his commissary. And so doynge, his highnes frely pardoneth 
and acquiteth them, and euery of them, of all penalities, forfaitures, and paynes, 
wherin they haue incurred or fallen, by reason of any statute, acte, ordinaunce, 
or proclamation before this tyme made, concernynge any offence or transgres- 
sion by them commytted or done, by or for the kepynge or holdynge of the sayde 
bokes. 

Forseen and prouided alwayes, that they from hensforth truely do obserue, kepe, 

1 These works, by Tyndale, Simon Fish, and Frith, form the first five of the seven books, a 
list of the ' heresies and errours ' in which was set forth in the ' Publick Instrument made A.C. 
M.D.xxx. May 24 in an assembly of the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of Durham, and 
others, by order of King Henry VIII containing divers heretical and erroneous opinions, con- 
sidered and condemned.' Printed ' Ex reg. Warham, fol. 188. a. in Wilkins, Concilia, iii. 728 sqq. 
There is reference in this to ' the translation also of Scripture corrupted by William Tyndall, as 
well in the Olde Testamente as in the Newe ', and again in ' the bill in Englisshe to be published 
by the prechours ' to ' the Newe Testament in Englisshe of the translation which is nowe prynted ', 
but the Instrument was mainly I'niuvrni-d with the controversial books. 



The King's Proclamation, June, 1530. 75 



and obey this his present gracis proclamation and commaundement. Also his high- 
nes commaundeth all mayres, sheriffes, bailliffes, constables, bursholders 2 , and other 
officers and ministers within this his realme, that if they shall happen by any 
meanes or wayes to knowe that any person or persons do herafter bye, receyue, 
haue, or deteyne any of the sayde erronyous bokes, printed or written any where, or 
any other bokes in englisshe tonge printed beyonde the see, or the sayd erronious 
bokes printed or written in the frenche or duche tonge, contrarye to this present 
proclamation, that they beinge therof well assured, do immediatly attache the saide 
person or persons, and brynge hym or them to the kynges highnes and his most 
honorable counsayle : where they shalbe corrected and punisshed for theyr con- 
tempte and disobedience, to the terrible example of other lyke transgressours. 

More ouer his highnes commaundeth, that no maner of person or persons take 
vpon hym or them to printe any boke or bokes in englisshe tong, concernynge holy 
scripture, not before this tyme printed within this his realme, vntyll suche tyme as 
the same boke or bokes be examyned and approued by the ordinary of the diocese, 
where the said bokes shalbe printed : And that the prynter therof, vpon euery of the 
sayde bokes beinge so examyned, do sette the name of the examynour or examyn- 
ours, with also his owne name vpon the sayde bokes, as he wyll answere to the 
1 kynges highnes, at his vttermoste peryll. 

And farthermore, for as moche as it is come to the herynge of our saide 
soueraigne lorde the kynge, that report is made by diuers and many of his subiectes, 
that as it were to all men not onely expedyent, but also necessarye, to haue in the 
englisshe tonge bothe the newe testament and the olde : and that his highnes, his 
noble men, and prelates were bounden to suffre them so to haue it : His highnes hath 
therfore semblably there vpon consulted with the sayd primates and vertuous, dis- 
crete, and well lerned personages in diuinite forsayde, and by them all it is thought, 
that it is not necessary, the sayde scripture to be in the englisshe tonge, and in the 
handes of the commen people : but that the distribution of the sayd scripture, and 
the permyttyng or denyenge therof, dependeth onely vpon the discretion of the 
superiours, as they shall thynke it conuenyent. And that hauing respecte to the 
malignite of this present tyme, with the inclination of people to erronious opinions, 
the translation of the newe testament and the olde in to the vulgare tonge of englysshe, 
shulde rather be the occasion of contynuance or increace of errours amonge the sayd 
people, than any benefyte or commodite towarde the weale of their soules. And that 
it shall nowe be more conuenient that the same people haue the holy scripture ex- 
pouned to them, by preachers in their sermons, accordynge as it hath ben of olde 
tyme accustomed before this tyme. All be it if it shall here after appere to the 
kynges highnes, that his saide people do vtterly abandon and forsake all peruerse, 
erronious, and sedicious opinyons, with the newe testament and the olde, corruptly 
translated in to the englisshe tonge nowe beinge in print : And that the same bokes 
and all other bokes of heresy, as well in the frenche tonge as in the duche tonge, be 
clerely extermynate and exiled out of this realme of Englande for euer : his highnes 
entendeth to prouyde, that the holy scripture shalbe by great lerned and catholyke 
persones, translated in to the englisshe tonge, if it shall then seme to his grace con- 
uenient so to be. Wherfore his highnes at this tyme, by the hoole aduise and full 
determination of all the sayde primates and other discrete and substanciall lerned 
personages, of both vniuersites, and other before expressed, and by the assent of his 
nobles and others of his moste honorable Counsayle, wylleth and straytly com- 
maundeth, that all and euery persone and persones, of what astate, degree or condi- 
cion so euer he or they be, whiche hath the newe testament or the olde translated into 
englisshe, or any other boke of holy scripture so translated, beinge in printe, or 
copied out of the bokes nowe beinge in printe, that he or they do immediatly brynge 
the same boke or bokes, or cause the same to be brought to the bysshop of the 
dyocese, where he dwelleth, or to the handes of other the sayde persones, at the daye 
afore limytted, in fourme afore expressed and mencioned, as he wyll auoyde the 
kynges high indignation and displeasure. And that no person or persons from hens- 
forth do bie, receyue, kepe or haue the newe testament or the olde, in the englisshe 
tonge, or in the frenche or duche tonge, except suche persones as be appoynted by 
the kinges highnes and the bishops of this his realme, for the correction or amendinge 
of the sayd translacion, as they wyll answere to the kinges highnes at their vttermost 

2 I cannot explain this word. 



76 The King's Proclamation, June, 1530. 



perils, and wyll auoyde such punysshement, as they doinge contrary to the purport of 
this proclamacion shall suffer, to the dredefull example of all other lyke offenders. 

And his highnes further commandeth, that all suche statutes, actes, and ordi- 
nances, as before this tyme haue be made & enacted, as well in the tyme of his moste 
gracious reigne, as also in the tyme of his noble progenitours, concernynge heresies, 
and hauynge and deteynynge erronyous bokes, contrary and agaynst the faith catho- 
lyke, shall immediatly be put in effectuall and due execution ouer and besyde this 
present proclamation. 

And god saue the kynge. Thomas Bertheletus regius impressor excusit. 

Cum priuilegio. 



XXIII. TYNDALE'S TERMS OF SUBMISSION. 

From a'letter written by Stephen Vaughan to Henry VIII. 1 Printed from Cotton MS. Galba 
B. X, 5 (a corrected draught), completed from the letter itself in the Record Office. 

I have agayne byn in hande to perswade Tyndall and to draw him the rather to 
fauour my perswasions and not to thinke the same fayned, I shewed hym a clause 
conteyned in Maister Crumwells lettre conteynynge these wordes followinge, And not 
withstanding other the premisses in this my lettre conteyned if it were possible by 
good and holsom exhortacions to reconsile and convert the sayde tyndall, from the 
trayne and affection whiche he now is in, and to excerpte and take away the opynyons 
and fantasies sorely rooted in hym, I doubte not, but the kynges highnes wolde be 
muche ioyous of his conversion and amendement, And so beinge converted, if then he 
wolde returne into his realme, vndoubtidly, the kinges royall magestie is so inclined 
to mercie, pitie and compassion, that he refusethe none, whiche he seyth 2 , to submyt 
them self to the obedyence and good order of the worlde. 

In these wordes I thought to be suche swetnes and vertue, as were able to perse 
the hardest harte of the worlde, And as I thought so it cam to passe. For after 
sight therof I perceyued the man to be excidinge altered, and [moued] to take the 
same very nere vnto his harte, in suche wise that water stode in his yees 3 , And 
answered, what gracious wordes are these, I ass[ure] youe, sayed he, if it wolde stande 
withe the kinges most gracious pleas[ure] to graunte only a bare text of the scrip- 
tures 4 to be put forthe emonge h[is] people, like as is put forthe emonge the subgectes 
of the emperour in th[ese] parties, and of other cristen princes be it of the translation 
of what perso[n] soeuer shall please his magestie, I shall ymedyatly make f aithf ul[l ) 
promyse, neuer to wryte more, ne abide ij. dayes in these parties after th[e] same, 
but ymedyatly to repayre into his realme, and there most humbly submytt my selfe 
at the fete of his roiall magestie, offerynge my bodye, to suffer what payne or torture, 
ye what dethe his grac[e] will, so this be obteyned, And till that time, I will abide 
thasper[itie] of all chaunses what so euer shalle come, and indure my lyfe, in asm[any] 
paynes, as it is able to bere and surfer, And as concernynge m[y] reconsiliacion, his 
grace maye be assured that what soeuer I haue sayd or written, in alle my lyfe 
agenste thonour of goddes worde, and so proued, the same shall I before his magestie 
and all the worlde v[tterlie] renownce and forsake, and with most humble and meke 
mynde im[brace] the truthe, abhorringe all errour, soner at the most gracious and 
benygne req[uest] of his royall magestie, of whose wisdome, prudence, and learnynge, 
I [here] so greate prayse and commendation, then of any other creature, ly[uyng]. 
But if those thinges whiche I haue written, be true, and stande w[ith] goddes worde, 

1 Stephen Vaughan, who in 1534 became Governor of the English Merchant Adventurers [ 
at Antwerp, was charged by Henry VIII in 1531 to persuade Tyndale to retract and return to j 
England. On January 26 he reported to the king that he had written letters to Tvndale addressed 
to Frankfort, Hamburg, and Marburg, not knowing in which place he was, and encloses his 
answer (State Papers, v. 65) ; on March 25 he reports to Cromwell his negotiations with Tyndale 
(ib., 153) ; in a mutilated letter assigned to April he reports to the king an interview with Tyndale 
outside Antwerp (ib., 201). The present letter begins with secular politics, then refers to Frith, and 
finally to Tyndale. Besides the draft here printed it exists also in the Record Office, ib., vii. 301. 
It must have been crossed by an answer to No. 1 53 from Cromwell commanding Vaughan to break 
off all negotiations with Tyndale. 

2 Sees. 3 Eyes. 

1 This expression has sometimes been twisted so as to denote a preference on Tyndale s part 
for unannotated texts. It is clear that he preferred annotated ones, but would have accepted the 
circulation of the bare text of the scriptures as a compromise. 



Tyndale's Terms of Submission. 



77 



why shulde his magestie hauynge so excellent a gu[yfte] of knowlege in the scrip- 
tures, moue me to do any thinge agenst m[y] conscience, with many other wordes 
whiche were to longe to writte, Fyn[ally] I haue some good hope in the man, and 
wolde not doubte to bringe [hym] to some good poynt, were it that some thing now 
and then myght pro[ceede] from your magestie towardes me, wherby the man 
myght take the better comforte of my perswasions. 

[I] aduertised the same tyndall, that he shulde not put forthe [t]he same booke 5 , 
tyll your most gracious pleasure were knowen, wherunto he answered, myne aduertise- 
ment cam to late, for he feared lest one that had his copie wolde put it very shortly 
in prynte, whiche he wolde lett if he coulde, if not there is no remedy, I shall 
staye it asmuche as I can, as yet it is not come forthe, ne will not in a while by 
that I perceyue. 

Luther hathe lately, put forthe a worke agenst themperour in the German tongue, 
whiche I wold cause to be translated into laten, and send it to your magestie, if 
I knew your gracious pleasure, in it were many thinges to be seen. 

from Barroughe [the xxDaye of Maye an° M.D. XXXI] 

the most humble subgect of your Royall 

Magestie 
S[tephen] V[aughan]. 

XXIV. FRITH'S DEFENCE OF TYNDALE AND HIS WORK. 

From 'An answer to the preface of master mores boke ',' part of ' A Boke made by John Frith 
prisoner in the Tower of London, answeringe unto M. more's lettur which he wrote agenst the 
first title treatyse that John Frith made concerninge the sacramente of the body and bloud of 
Christ. Monster. C. Willems, 1533.' 

It ys not possyble for hym that hathe hys eyen and seth hys brother which 
lackyth sight in Ieoperdye of peryshynge at a perylous pyt, but that he must com 
to hym and guyde hym tyll he be past that Ieoperdye, and at the lest wise, yf he ] 
can not come to hym, yet wyll he calle a crye vnto hym to cause hym chose the 
better waye, excepte hys herte be cankered with the contagion of suche hatered that 
he can reioyse in hys neighbours distructyon. And euyn so ys yt not possyble for vs 
whiche haue receyuyd the knowelege of goddes worde, but that we moste crye and 
call to other, that they leue the perillous pathys of ther owyn folishe phantasyes. 
And do that only to the lorde, that he comandeth them, nether addinge any thinge 
nor diminishyng. And therfor vntyll we se som meanes founde, by the which 
a reasonable reformacyon may be had on the on partye, And suffecyent instructyon 
for the pore comens I insure yow, I nether wyll nor can cease to speake, for the 
worde of God boylyth in my bodye, lyke a feruent fyere, and wyll nedes haue an 
issue and breakyth oute, whan occasyon ys geuyn. But this hath ben offered yow, 
ys offered, and shall be offered ? Graunt that that the worde of God, I meane 
the text of scrypture, may goo abrode in oure ynglyshe tonge, as other nacyons 
haue yt in ther tonges, and my brother Wyllyam tendale, and I haue don, and wyll 
promisse you to wryte no more. Yf yow wyll not graunt this condicyon then wyll 
we be doynge whyle we haue brethe and shewe in fewe wordes that the scrypture 
doth in many : and so at the lest saue some. . . . 

[Sig. B 8 recto : 2 ] And Tyndale I truste leuyth, well content with suche a poore 
apostylis lyffe, as god gaue his son christe, and hys faythfull ministers in this worlde 
which ys not sure of so many mites, as ye be yerly of poundes, allthough I am 
sure that for hys lernynge and Iudgement in scrypture, he were more worthye to 
be promoted, then all the bushoppes in england. I receyuyd a letter from hym, 

6 Presumably Tyndale's Answer to Sir Thomas More's 'Dialoge '. 

XXIV. ' Frith answers More paragraph by paragraph. He here replies to More's wish as to 
the reformers, ' sith there can nothing refrayne their studie from deuising and compassyng of euill 
and ungracious writyng, that they would and could kepe it so secretly, that neuer man should 
see it, but such as are so farre corrupted, as neuer would be cured of their canker.' 

2 More had accused Frith of ' teaching in a few leaues shortly al the poyson that Wickleff, 
Oecolampius, Tyndall, and Zwinglius haue taught in all their bookes before '. Frith eulogizes 
each in succession. 



which was wrytyn syns crystmas wherin amonge other maters he wrytyth thus. 
I calle God to record agaynst the day we shall apere before our lorde Iesus to geue 
a reconynge of our doynges, that I never altered one sillable of goddes worde, 
agaynst my conscyence nor wolde do this daye, yf all that ys in yerth, whether 
yt be honour, pleasure or rychis, mighte be geuyn me. Moreouer I take God to 
record to my conscience that I desyre of God to my sellf in this world no more then 
that with oute which I can not kepe his lawes, &c, Iudge Christen reader whether 
thes wordes be not spoken of a faythfull, clere innocent harte. And as for hys 
behauyour ys suche that I am sure no man can reproue hym of, any synne, howbeyt 
no man ys innocent before god which beholdeth the harte. 



XXV. GEORGE JOYE'S LETTER TO THE KING AND QUEEN. 

From A Letter of M. W. Tyndall to John Frith, in Foxe's edition of The Whole Workes of 
W. Tyndall, Iohn Frith and Doct. Barnes (London, John Day, 1573), p. 454. 

George Ioye 1 at Candlemasse being at Barrow, Printed two leaues of Genesis in 
a greate forme, and sent one Copy to the King, and an other to the newe Queene, 
with a letter to N. for to deliuer them : and to purchase licence, that he might so 
goe through all the Bible. Out of that is sprong the noyse of the new Bible : and 
out of that is the greate seeking for Englishe bookes at all Printers & Booke bynders 
in Antwarpe, and for an English Priest that shoulde Printe. This chaunced the 
ix. day of May [1533]- 



XXVI. THE BISHOPS PETITION FOR AN ENGLISH BIBLE. 

Petitio synodi Cantuariensis provinciae de libris suspectis exhibendis, et de transferendis Bibliis 
in linguam Anglicanam. 19 Dec, 1534 (From Wilkins's Concilia iii, compared with the Cotton 
MS. Cleopatra E. v. 339 b.). 

Decimo nono die Decembris, anno Domini Millesimo Quingentesimo tricesimo 
quarto, Episcopi, Abbates et Priores superioris domus conuocationis, siue sacre synodi 
Cantuariensis provincie, In domo Capitulari Ecclesie Cathedralis diui Pauli London, 
in presentia Reuerendissimi in Christo patris et domini, domini Thome, permissione 
diuina Cant, archiepiscopi, totius Anglie Primatis, et Metropolitani legitime con- 
gregati, unanimi eorum consensu pariter et assensu consentiebant, quod dictus 
Reuerendissimus pater apud Illustrissimum in Christo Principem et dominum no- 
strum, dominum Henricum, Dei gratia Anglie et Francie regem, fidei defensorem, et 
dominum Hiberniae, Ecclesiaeque Anglicane (sub Deo) caput supremum, instantiam 
faceret, quatenus sua regia maiestas dignaretur pro augmento fidei subditorum 
suorum decernere et mandare, Quod omnes et singuli subditi sui, penes quos aut 
in quorum possessione aliqui libri suspecte doctrine existunt, presertim in lingua 
vulgari, citra aut ultra mare impressi, moneantur et cogantur eosdem suspecte doc- 
trine libros infra tres menses a tempore monitionis in ea parte facte, coram personis 
per regiam majestatem nominandis presentare, et realiter exhibere, sub certa pena per 
regiam maiestatem moderanda, et limitanda. Et quod ulterius sua regia maiestas 
dignaretur decernere, quod sacra Scriptura in vulgarem linguam Anglicanam, per 
quosdam probos et doctos viros per dictum illustrissimum regem nominandos trans- 
feratur, et populo pro eorum eruditione deliberetur et tradatur. Ac insuper quatinus 
sua Regia maiestas dignaretur prohibere et mandare, etiam Indicta et imposita pena, 
ne quisquam laicorum aut secularum subditorum suorum de fide catholica aut arti- 
culis fidei, sacrave scriptura, aut eiusdem intellectu publice disputare, aut aliquo 
modo rixose contendere presumat infuturum. 

1 George Joye was a Cambridge graduate, and fellow of Peterhouse (15 17). On being de- 
nounced as a heretic to the Bishop of Lincoln in 152;, he fled to Strassburg. Four years later 
(May 10, 1 531) he published there a translation of 'the prophet Isaye '. Of these two leaves 
of Genesis, copies of which Joye sent from Barrow (i.e. Bergen-op-Zoom), Humphrey Wanley, 
Harley's librarian, is said to have possessed an example. Joye aided Tyndale in his controversy 
with More, but the tone of Tyndale's reference here printed suggests that the latter thought his 
action ill considered, and the two men came into violent collision the next year (see No. XXVII). 



The Bishops Petition for an English Bible. 79 



Translation. 

The petition of the synod of the province of Canterbury concerning the declaring 
suspected books and the translation of the Bible into English. 

On the 19th day of December, in the year of the Lord one thousand five hundred 
and thirty four, the Bishops, Abbots and Priors of the upper house of convocation, 
otherwise the sacred synod of the province of Canterbury in the chapter house of 
the Cathedral Church of S. Paul, London, in the presence of the most reverend 
father in Christ and lord, the lord Thomas, by divine permission archbishop of 
Canterbury, Primate of all England and Metropolitan, lawfully assembled, unani- 
mously alike by consent and assent agreed that the said most reverend father should 
make instance to the most illustrious prince in Christ and our lord, the lord Henry, 
by the grace of God, King of England and France, defender of the faith, and lord of 
Ireland, and (under God) supreme head of the English Church, that his royal majesty 
should think fit for the increase of the faith of his subjects to decree and command 
that all and singular his subjects, in whose keeping or possession are any books 
of suspected doctrine, more especially in the vulgar tongue, whether printed here or 
beyond the sea, be admonished and compelled to show and actually declare 1 those 
books of suspected doctrine within three months from the date of the admonish- 
ment being published in that district, before persons to be named by the king's 
majesty, under a fixed penalty to be controlled and limited by the king's majesty. 
And that furthermore the king's majesty should think fit to decree that the holy 
scripture shall be translated into the vulgar English tongue by certain upright and 
learned men to be named by the said most illustrious king 2 and be meted out and 
delivered to the people for their instruction. And moreover that his royal majesty 
should think fit to forbid and command, with a penalty assigned and imposed, that 
no layman or secular person among his subjects should for the future presume pub- 
licly to dispute or in any manner to wrangle concerning the catholic faith, or the 
articles of the faith, the Holy Scripture or its meaning. 



XXVII. GEORGE JOYE'S UNAUTHORIZED REVISION OF TYNDALE'S 

NEW TESTAMENT. 

A. Tyndale's Complaint. 

From a supplementary preface to Tyndale's revised New Testament, Antwerp, 
Martin Keysere, November 1534. 

Willyam Tindale, yet once more to the christen reader 

THou shalt vnderstonde moost dere reader, when I had taken in hande to looke 
ouer the new testament agayne and to compare it with the greke, and to mende 
whatsoeuer I coulde fynde amysse and had almost fynesshed the laboure : George 
Ioye secretly toke in hand to correct it also by what occasyon his conscyence knoweth : 
and preuented 1 me, in so moche, that his correccyon was prynted in great nombre, 
yer 2 myne beganne. When it was spyed and worde brought me ; though it semed 
to dyuers other that George Joye had not vsed the offyce of an honest man, seinge 
he knewe that I was in correctynge it myselfe : nether dyd walke after the rules of 
that loue and softenes which christ, and his disciples teache vs, how that we shuld 
do nothynge of stryfe to moue debate, or of vayne glorie or of couetousnes. Yet I 
toke the thinge in worth as I have done dyuers other in tyme past, as one that have 
moare experyence of the nature and dysposicion of the mannes conplexion, and sup- 
posed that a lytle spyse of couetousnes and vayne glorie (two blynde gydes) had 
bene the onlye cause that moued him so to do, aboute which thynges I stryue with 
no man : and so folowed after and corrected forth & caused this to be prynted, 
without surmyse or lokynge on his correctyon. 

But when the pryntynge of myne was almost fynesshed, one brought me a copie 
and shewed me so manye places, insoche wyse altered that I was astonyd and won- 






XXVI. ■ ' realiter exhibere,' they were to produce the books. 
2 Compare No. XXIX and note. 

XXVII. * Forestalled. Joye's edition appeared in August, Tyndale's in November. 



before. 



8o George joye's Unauthorized Revision 



dered not a lytle what furye had dryuen him to make soche chaunge and to call it a 
diligent correction. For thorow oute Mat. Mark & Luke perpetually : and ofte in the 
actes, and sometyme in John and also in the hebrues, where he fyndeth this worde 
Resurreccion, he chaungeth it into the lyfe after this lyfe, or verie lyfe, and soche 
lyke, as one that abhorred the name of the resurreccion. 

If that chaunge, to turne resurreccion into lyfe after this lyfe, be a dylygent cor- 
reccion, then must my translacion be fautie in those places, and saynt Jeromes, and 
all the translatours that euer I heard of in what tonge so euer it be, from the 
apostles vnto this his dylygent correccyon (as he calleth it) which whither it be so 
or no, I permyt it to other mennes iudgementes. 

But of this I chalenge George Joye, that he dyd not put his awne name thereto 
and call it rather his awne translacion : and that he playeth boo pepe, and in some 
of his bookes putteth in his name and tytle, and in some kepeth it oute. It is lawfull 
for who will, to translate and shew his mynde, though a thousand had translated 
before him. But it is not lawfull (thynketh me) ner yet expedyent for the edifienge 
of the vnitie of the fayth of christ, that whosoeuer will shall by his awne auctorite, 
take another mannes translacion and put oute and in and chaunge at pleasure, and 
call it a correccion. 

Moreover, ye shall vnderstonde that George Joye hath had of a longe tyme mar- 
velouse ymaginacions aboute this worde resurreccion, that it shuld be taken for the 
state of the soules after their departinge from their bodyes, and hath also (though he 
hath been reasoned with thereof and desyred to cease) yet sowen his doctryne by 
secret lettres on that syde the see, and caused great division amonge the brethren. 
In so moche that John Fryth beynge in preson in the toure of London, a lytle 
before his death, wrote that we shuld warne him and desyer him to cease, and wolde 
have then wrytten agaynst him, had I not withstonde him. Therto I have been 
sence informed that no small nomber thorow his curiositie, 3 vtterly denye the resur- 
reccion of the fleshe and bodye, affirminge that the soule when she is departed, is the 
spirituall bodye of the resurreccion, & other resurreccion shall there none be. And 
I have talked with some of them myselfe, so doted in that folye, that it were as good 
perswade a post, as to plucke that madnes oute of their braynes. And of this all is 
George Joyes vnquyet curiosite the hole occasion, whether he be of the sayde faccion 
also, or not, to that let him answere him selfe. 

If George Joye wyll saye (as I wot well he will) that his chaunge, is the sence 
and meaninge of those scriptures. I answer it is soner seyde then proved : howbeit 
let other men iudge : But though it were the verie meaninge of the scripture : yet if 
it were lawfull after his ensample to every man to playe boo pepe with the transla- 
cions that are before him, and to put oute the wordes of the text at his pleasure and 
to put in everywhere his meaninge ; or what he thought the meaninge were, that 
were the next wave to stablyshe all heresyes and to destroye the grounde wherewith 
we shuld improve them. As for an ensample, when Christ sayeth Jo : v. The tyme 
shall come in the which all that are in the graves shall heare his voyce and shall come 
forth ; they that have done good vnto resurreccion of lyfe, or with the resurreccion of 
lyfe, and they have done evell, vnto the [resu]reccion or with the resurreccion of 
damnacion ; George Joyes correccion is, they that have done good shall come forth 
into the verie lyfe, and they that have done evell into the life of damnacion, thrust- 
inge cleane oute this worde resurreccion. Now by the same auctorite, and with as 
good reason shall another come and saye of the rest of the text, they that are in 
sepulchres, shall heare his voyce, that the sence is, the soules of them that are in the 
sepulchres shall heare his voyce, and so put in his diligent correccion and mocke oute 
the text, that it shall not make for the resurreccion of the flesshe, whiche thinge also 
George Joyes correccion doth manyfestlye affirme. If the text be lefte vncorrupt, 
it will pourge hir selfe of all maner false gloses, how sotle soever they be fayned, as 
a sethinge pot casteth vp hir scome. But yf the false glose be made the text, 
diligentlye oversene and correct, 4 wherewith then shall we correcte false doctrine and 
defende Christes flocke from false opinions, and from the wycked heresyes of raven- 
inge of wolves ; In my mynde therfore a lytle vnfayned love after the rules of Christ, 
is worth moche hie learninge, and single and sleyght vnderstondinge that edifieth in 

3 Fancifulness. 

* The words ' diligentlye oversene and correct ' should be read as a sarcastic quotation. These 
sentences sum up Tyndale's case. 



of Tyndale's New Testament. 



81 



vnitie, is moche better then sotle curiosite, and mekenes better then bolde arrogancye 
and stondinge over moche in a mannes avvne consayte. 

Wherfore, concernynge the resurreccion, I protest before god and oure savioure 
Jesus Christ, and before the vniversall congregacion that beleveth in him, that I be- 
leve accordynge to the open and manyfest scriptures and catholyck fayth, that Christ 
is rysen agayne in the flesshe which he receaved of his mother the blessed virgin 
marie, and bodye wherin he dyed. And that we shall all both good and bad ryse both 
flesshe and bodye, and apere together before the iudgement seat of christ, to receave 
every man accordynge to his dedes. And that the bodyes of all that beleve and con- 
tynew in the true fayth of christ, shalbe endewed with lyke immortalyte and glorie as 
is the bodye of christ. 

And I protest before God and oure savioure Christ and all that beleve in him, that 
I holde of the soules that are departed as moche as maye be proved by manifest and 
open scripture, and thinke the soules departed in the fayth of Christ and love of the 
lawe of God, to be in no worse case then the soule of Christ was, from ye tyme that 
he delivered his sprite into the handes of his father, vntyll the resurreccion of his 
bodye in glorie and immortalite. Neverthelater, I confesse openly, that I am not 
persuaded that they be all readie in the full glorie that Christ is in, or the elect 
angels of god are in. Nether is it anye article of my fayth : for if it so were, I se not 
but then the preachinge of the resurreccion of the flesshe were a thinge in vayne. 
Notwithstondinge yet I am readie to beleve it, if it maye be proved with open scrip- 
ture. And I have desyred George Joye to take open textes that seme to make for 
that purpose, as this is, To daye thou shalt be with me in Paradise, to make therof 
what he coulde, and to let his dreames aboute this worde resurreccion goo. For 
I receave not in the scripture the pryvat interpretacion of any mannes brayne, with- 
out open testimony of eny scriptures agreinge thereto. 

Moreover I take God (which alone seeth the heart) to recorde to my conscience, 
besechinge him that my parte be not in the bloude of Christ, if I wrote of all that 
I have wrytten thorow oute all my boke, ought of an evell purpose, of envie or 
malice to anye man, or to stere vp any false doctrine or opinion in the churche of 
Christ, or to be auctor of any secte, or to drawe disciples after me, or that I wolde 
be estemed or had in pryce above the least chylde that is borne, save onlye of pitie 
and compassion I had and yet have on the blindnes of my brethren, and to bringe 
them vnto the knowledge of Christ, and to make every one of them, if it were possi- 
ble as perfect as an angell of heaven, and to wede oute all that is not planted of oure 
hevenly father, and to bringe doune all that lyfteth vp it selfe agaynst the knowledge 
of the salvacion that is in the bloude of Christ. Also, my parte be not in Christ, if 
myne heart be not to folowe and lyve accordinge as I teache, and also if myne heart 
wepe not nyght and daye for myne awne synne and other mennes indifferentlye, 
besechinge God to convert vs all, and to take his wrath from vs, and to be mercifull 
as well to all other men, as to myne awne soule, caringe for the welth of the realme 
I was borne in, for the kinge and all that are therof, as a tender hearted mother 
wolde do for hir only sonne. 

As concerninge all I have translated or other wise written, I beseche all men to 
reade it for that purpose I wrote it : even to bringe them to the knowledge of the 
scripture. And as farre as the scripture approveth it, so farre to alowe it, and if in 
anye place the worde of God dysalow it, there to refuse it, as I do before oure savyour 
Christ and his congregacion. And where they fynde fautes let them shew it me, if 
they be nye, or wryte to me, if they be farre of : or wryte openly agaynst it and 
improve it, and I promyse them, if I shall perceave that there reasons conclude 
I will confesse myne ignoraunce openly. 

Wherfore I beseche George Joye, ye and all other to, for to translate the scripture 
for them selves, whether oute of Greke, Latyn or Hebrue. Or (if they wyll nedes) as 
the foxe when he hath pyssed in the grayes 5 hole chalengeth it for his awne, so let 
them take my translacions and laboures, and chaunge and alter, and correcte and 
corrupte at their pleasures, and call it their awne translacions, and put to their awne 
names, and not to playe boo pepe after George Joyes maner. Which whether he have 
done faythfully and truly, with soche reverence and feare as becommeth the worde of 
God, and with soche love and mekenes and affeccion to vnite and circumspexcion 
that the vngodlye have none occasion to rayle on the verite, as becommeth the 

6 A badger. 



82 



George Joye's Unauthorized Revision 



servauntes of Christ, I referre it to the iudgmentes of them that knowe and love 
the trouth. For this I protest, that I provoke not Joye ner any other man (but am 
prouoked, and that after the spytfullest maner of provokynge) to do sore agaynst 
my will and with sorow of harte that I now do. But I nether can ner will soffre of 
anye man, that he shall goo take my translacion and correct it without name, and 
make soche chaungynge as I my selfe durst not do, as I hope to have my parte in 
Christ, though the hole worlde shuld be geven me for my laboure. 

Finally that new Testament thus dyligently corrected, besyde this so ofte puttinge 
oute this worde resurreccion, and I wote not what other chaunge, for I have not yet 
reede it over, hath in the ende before the Table of the Epistles and Gospelles this 
tytle : 

(Here endeth the new Testament dylygentlye ouersene and correct and printed 
now agayne at Andwarp, by me wydow of Christophell of Endhouen. In the 3'ere of 
oure Lorde. A.M.D. xxxiiii in August) Which tytle (reader) I have here put in 
because bv this thou shalt knowe the booke the better. Vale. 



B. George Joye's Answer. 

From Joy's second edition. Antwerp, by Catharyn (wydow of Christoffel of Endhouen), 
January 9, 1535, 1 sigs. C 7-C 8 recto. 

Vnto the Reader. 

Thus endeth the new Testament prynted after the copye corrected by George 
Joye : wherin for englisshyng thys worde Resurrectio, the lyfe after this. W. Tindale 
was so sore offended that he wrote hys vncharitable pistle agenst me prefixed [to] 
his newe corrected testament, prynted 1534. in Nouember, entytled. W. T. yet once 
more to the Christen redere. Which pistle W. T. hath promysed before certayne 
men and me (or els I wolde my selfe haue defended my name and clered myselfe 
of those lyes and sclaunders there writen of me) that he wolde calle agene his Pystle 
and so correcte yt, redresse yt, and reforme yt accordinge to my mynde that I shulde 
be therewyth contented, and vs bothe (as agreed) to salute the readers withe one 
salutacion in the same reformed pistle to be set before his testament now in 
printing. And that I, for my parte shulde (a rekeninge and reson firste geuen 
of my translacion of the worde) permyt yt vnto the iudgement of the lerned in 
christis chirche. Which thynge, verely I do not onely gladly consent there to, vpon 
the condicion on his parte, but desyer them all to iuge expende and trye all that euer 
I haue or shall wryte, by the scriptures. 

Let yt not therfore in the mean ceason offende the (good indifferent reder) nor yet 
auerte thy mynde nether from W. Tindale nor fro me : nor yet from redyng our 
bokis whiche teche and declare the very doctryne and Gospel of Christe, because yt 
thus chaunceth vs to varye and contende for the trewe englisshing of this one worde 
Resurrectio in certayne places of the newe Testament. For I doubt not but that 

1 As this edition has only recently come to light I append a collation. 

Title missing. — Colophon : C The ende of the hole new Testamet | with the Pistles taken out 
of the olde | Testament/ to be red in the chirche | certayn dayes thorowt the year. | Prynted 
now agayne at Ant- | werpe by me Catharyn wy- | dowe [of Christoffel of Endhouen] in the yere 
of oure I lorde. M.CCCCC, and | xxxv, the ix. daye of | Januarye. 

472 leaves. Sigs. : + a-z, A-H, Aa-Xx, Aaa-Ccc, A-C in eights. 32 lines to a page. 16 . 

[Title »J« 1' ; Almanacke •$< i b ;1 Kalendar [►£« 2 a ]-»I« 7" ; The Gospell of S. Matthew &c. to end 
of the Actes •£■ 8 b -2tx8 b ; title to the Epistles of the Apostle of S. Paul, within a border containing 
the mark c | e Aai", verso blank ; The Epistles &c. Aa 2"-[Bbb i b ]; Table/ wherein you shall 
fynde/ the Pistelys to the Gospellys after the vse of Sarysbuery. Bbb ii-[Ccc 6 b ], followed by 
Ccc 7 and 8, which may have been both blank ; [? Title to the Pistles taken out of the olde Testa- 
ment] Ai ; heading to the Pistles and text A2"-C6 b ; Vnto the Reader, C7 a -C8* ; Colophon, C8 b . 

The heading to the Epistles reads as follows : 

C Here folow the pistles | taken out of the olde Testament to be | red in the chyrche certayn 
dayes tho : | rowt the year : traslated by George Jo- | ye/ 1 copared with the Pistles pointed | 
forth ad red in the messe boke/ and also j withe the chapiters alleged in the By- [ ble : so that 
nowe here they maye be fo- | unde easlyer then euer before. Whiche | thys my laboure in trans- 
latyng these | pistles in correcking 1 redressing them | to make them correspondent wyth the 
chapters alleged in the byble ad with | the pistles red in the chirche/ whe- | ther yt be more 
diligent then [ hathe ben shewd hitherto | lot the indifferent re- | ders be iuges. 

The unique copy in the British Museum wants sigs-(- 1, 2, Ee I Bbb 1, Bbb 8-Ccc 2, Ccc 6-8, A 1. 



of Tyndale's New Testament. 



83 



God hathe so prouyded yt, that our stryfe and dyssent shalbe vnto hys chirche the 
cause of a perfayter concorde and consent in thys mater, Noman to thinke hence 
forth that the soulis departed slepe with out heauen feling nether payne nor ioye 
vntill domes daye as the Anabaptistis dreame but to be a lyue in that lyfe after thys 
whithe, and in Christe in blysse and ioye in heuen, as the scriptures clerely testifye. 
Whych verite and true doctrine off Christe and his apostles, as yt is a swete and 
present consolacion vnto the pore afflicte persecuted and trowbled in thys worlde for 
Christis sake when they shall dye, so doeth the tother false opinion and erroneouse 
doctryne, that is to weit, that they sleap out of heauen nether feling payn nor ioye, 
minyster and geue perellous audacite and bolde suernes to the vngodly here to lyue 
styl and continew in their wickednes, sith they se and be so taught that after their 
departing there is no punysshment but sleap and reste as wel as do the soulis of the 
good and ryghteous tyll domes daye. Which daye as some of them beleue it to be 
very longe ere yt come, so do many of them beleue that yt shal neuer come. Also 
to stryue for the knowlege of the trowth with a meke and godly contencion hathe 
happened vnto farre perfayter men then we be bothe, Nether haue there bene euer 
any felowship so fewe and smal, but some tyme syche breache and imperfeccion hath 
hapened emonge them for a lytle ceason (as I trust in god this shal not continew 
longe betwene vs two) ye and that euen emonge the apostles as betwene Paule and 
Peter, and Paule and Bernabas. This thing (I saye) may fall vpon vs also to lerne 
men that all men be but lyers and maye erre, and to warne vs that we depende not 
wholl vpon any mannis translacion nor hys doctryne nether to be sworne nor addicte 
to any mannis lerning, make he neuer so holye and deuoute protestacions and pro- 
logs, but to mesure all mennis wrytingis, workis and wordis wyth the infallible worde 
off God to whom be prayse and glory for euer. 

Amen. 



C. The Reconciliation breaks down. 

Extracts from An Apologye made by George Joye to satisfye (if it may be) W. Tindale of hys 
new Testament, 1535. (Unique copy at the University Library, Cambridge, Sayle 568.) 

How we were once agreed 

After that w. Tyndale had putforth in prynt and thrusted his vncharitable pystle 
into many mennis handis, his frendis and myne vnderstanding that I had prepared 
my defence to pourge and clere my name whyche he had defamed and defiled, called 
vs togither to moue vs to a concorde and peace, where I shewed them my grete 
greif and sorowe, for that he shulde so falsely belye and sclaunder me of syche 
crymes which I neuer thought, spake, nor wrote, and of siche which I knowe wel 
his owne conscience doth testifye the contrarie, euen that I denied the Resureccion 
of the bodie, but beleue it is constantly as himselfe : and this with other haynous 
crymes whiche he impingeth vnto me in his pistle, nether he nor no man els shall 
neuer proue : wherfore except Tin. (sayd I) wil reuoke the sclaunders fayned vpon 
me hym self, I wyl (as I am bounde) defende my fame and name, whiche there 
is nothyng to me more dere and leif And to be shorte aftir many wordis : It was { 
thus thorowe the mocion of our frendis concluded for our agrement and peace : That 
I shulde for my parte (a reason and rekenyng firste geuen why I translated this 
worde Resurrectio into the lyfe after this) permyt and leaue my translacion vnto the 
iugement of the lerned in christis chirche. And T. on his parte shuld cal agein his 
pistle into his hand, so to redresse it, reforme it, and correcke it from siche sclaun- 
derous lyes as I was therwith offended and he coude not iustifye them, that I shulde 
be therwith wel contented, T. addyng with hys own mouthe that we shulde with one 
accorde in his next testament then in printing in the stede of this vncharitable pistle 
wherwith I was offended, salute the reders with one comon salutacion to testifye our 
concorde : of these condicions we departed louyngly. Then after .v. or vj. dayes 
I came to Tin. to se the correccion and reformacion of hys pistle, and he sayd he 
neuer thought of it sence, I prayd him to make yt redy shortely (for I longed sore 
to se it) and came agene to him after .v. or .vj. dayes. Then he sayd it was so 
wryten that I coude not rede it : and I sayd I was wel aquainted with his hande and 



The con- 
dycionsof 
oure agre- 
ment. 



F 2 



Tindal 
first 

breaketh 
hys pro- 
myse. 



Nolite iu- 
dicare vt 
non iu- 
dicemini. 



84 George Joye's Unauthorized Revision 



shulde rede it wel ynough : but he wolde not let me se it. I came agene the thirde 
tyme desyring him to se it, but then had he bethought him of this cauyllacion con- 
trary to the condicions of our agrement, that he wolde firste se my reasons and 
wryte agenst them ere I shulde se this his reformacion and reuocacion. Then thought 
I, syth my parte and reasons be put into the iugement of the lerned, T. ought not 
to write agenst them tyl their iugement be done, no nor yet then nether, syth he 
is content before these men to stonde to their iugement, and not to contende any 
more of thys mater withe me. yet I came agene the fourthe tyme, and to be shorte : 
he persisted in his laste purpose and wolde fyrste se my reasons and wryte agenst 
them and then leaue the mater to the iugement of Doctour Barnes 1 and of his 
felowe called Hijpinus pastour of s. nicholas parisshe in Hambourg, adding that he 
wolde reuoke that euer he wrote that I shulde denye the resurreccion. Then I tolde 
one of the men that was present at the condicions of our agrement all this mater: 
and wrote vnto the other these answers that I had : so ofte seking vpon T. to be at 
peace and to stande to hys promyse, desyering them al to moue him and aduyse 
him to holde his promyse, or els, if he wolde not, them not to blame me thoughe 
I defende my selfe and clere my fame whiche he hath thus falsely and vncharitably 
denigrated, deformed, and hurte. But in conclusion I perceyued that T. was half 
ashamed to reuoke according to his promyse al that he coude not iustifye by me, 
and with whiche I was so offended, wherfore sythe he wolde not kepe promyse, I am 
compelled to answere here now for my selfe : which I desier euery indifferent reder 
to iuge indifferently. 

D. Joye's Narrative. 

From the same, ff. 19-23. 

Lo good Reder, here mayst thou se of what nature and complexion T. is so 
sodenly fyercely and boldely to choppe in to any mannis conscience and so to vsurpe 
and preuent the office of god in iugment which is onely the enseer and sercher of 
herte and mynde. Thys godly man, iugeth and noteth me vayngloriouse curiouse 
and couetouse, and al for correcking a false copie of the testament that thei mought 
be the trwelyer printed agen, and so not so many false bokis solde into the realme 
to the hurt and deceyt of the byers and reders of them. I correcked but the false 
copye wherby and aftir whyche the printer dyd sette his boke and correcked the 
same himself in the presse. 

But I shall now playnly and sengly (for the trowth knoweth no fucated polesshed 
and paynted oracion) declare vnto euery man, wherof, howe, and by whom I was 
moued and desyered to correcke this false copie that shulde els haue brought forth 
mo then two thousand falser bokes more then euer englond had before. 

First, thou shalt knowe that Tindal aboute .viij. or .ix. yere a goo translated and 
printed the new testament in a mean great volume, 1 but yet wyth oute Kalender, 
concordances in the margent, and table in thende. And a non aftir the dwche men 2 
gote a copye and printed it agen in a small volume adding the kalendare in the 
begynning, concordances in the margent, and the table in thende. But yet, for that 
they had no englisshe man to correcke the setting, thei themselue hauyng not the 
knowlege of our tongue, were compelled to make many mo fautes then were in the 
copye, and so corrupted the boke that the simple reder might ofte tymes be taryed 
and steek. Aftir this thei printed it agein also without a correctour in a greatter 
letter and volume with the figures in thapocalipse whiche were therfore miche falser 
then their firste. 3 when these two pryntes (there were of them bothe aboute v. 
thousand bokis printed) were al soulde more then a twelue moneth a goo, Tind. was 
pricked forthe to take the testament in hande, to print it and correcke it as he 
professeth and promyseth to do in the later ende of his first translacion. 4 But T. 
prolonged and diff erred so necessary a thing and so iust desyers of many men. In 
so miche that in the mean season, the dewch men prynted it agen the thyrde tyme 
in a small volume lyke their firste prynt, but miche more false than euer it was 

1 Robert Barnes, formerly Prior of the Cambridge Augustinians, burnt in 1540. 
D. ' A mean great volume, apparently the Worms octavo of 1526. 

2 Christoffel and Hans van Endhoven in their Antwerp edition of 1526. 

3 This may be the edition of 1532 of which Dr. Angus possessed a mutilated title-page 
a tracing from which was reproduced by Mr. Demaus in his Life of Tyndale. 

' i. e. in the Epilogue to the Worms octavo. See No. X. 



of Tyndale's New Testament. 



85 



before. And yet was T. here called vpon agen, seyng there were so many false 
printed bokis stil putforth and bought vp so fast (for now was ther geuen thanked 
be god a lytel space to breath and reste vnto christis chirche aftir so longe and 
greuouse persecucion for reading the bokes) But yet before this thyrd tyme of 
printing the boke, the printer desiered me to correcke it : And I sayd It were wel 
done (if ye printed them agene) to make them truer, and not to deceiue our nacion 
with any mo false bokis, neuertheles I suppose that T. himself wil put it forth more 
perfait and newly corrected, which if he do, yours shalbe naught set by nor neuer 
solde. This not withstanding yet thei printed them and that most false and aboute 
.ij. M. bokis, and had shortly solde them all. Al this longe while T. slept, for nothing 
came from him as farre as I coude perceiue. Then the dewche began to printe 
them the fowrth tyme because thei sawe noman els goyng aboute them, and aftir thei 
had printed the first leif which copye a nother englissh man had correcked to them, 
thei came to me and desiered me to correcke them their copie, whom I answered as 
before, that if T. amende it with so gret diligence as he promysethe, yours wilbe neuer 
solde. Yisse quod thei, for if he prynte .ij. m. and we as many, what is so litle 
a noumber for all englond ? and we wil sel ours beter cheape, 5 and therfore we doubt 
not of the sale : so that I perceyued well and was suer, that whether I had correcked 
theyr copye or not, thei had gone forth with their worke and had geuen vs .ij.m. mo 
bokis falselyer printed then euer we had before. Then I thus considred with myself : 
englond hath ynowe and to many false testaments and is now likely to haue many 
mo : ye and that whether T. correck his or no, yet shal these now in hand goforth 
vncorrecked to, except some body correck them : And what T. dothe I wote not, he 
maketh me nothing of his counsel, I se nothyng come from him all this longe whyle. 
wherin with the helpe that he hathe, that is to saye one bothe to wryte yt and to 
correcke it in the presse, he myght haue done it thryse sence he was first moued to do 
it. For T. I know wel was not able to do yt with out siche an helper which he 
hathe euer had hitherto. Aftir this (I saye) consydered, the printer came to me 
agen and off red me .ij. stuuers and an halfe for the correcking of euery sheet of the 
copye, which folden contayneth .xvj. leaues, and for thre stuuers which is .iiij. pense 
halpeny starling, I promised to do it, so that in al I had for my labour but .xiiij. 
shylyngis flemesshe, which labour, had not the goodnes of the deede and comon 
profyte and helpe to the readers compelled me more then the money, I wolde not 
haue done yt for .v. tymes so miche, the copie was so corrupt and especially the 
table : and yet saith T. I did it of couetousnes : If this be couetousnes, then was Tindal 
moche more covetouse, for he (as I her say) toke .x. ponde for his correccion. I dyd 
it also, sayth he, of curiositie and vaynglory, ye and that secretly : and did not put 
to my name, whiche, I saye, be two euydent tokens that I sought no vaynglory, for 
he that doth a thing secretly and putteth out hys name, how seketh he vaynglory? 
and yet is not the man ashamed to wryte that vaynglory and couetousnes where my 
two blynde goides, but I tell Tin. agen, that if malyce and enuy (for all his holy pro- 
testacions) had not bene his two blynde goidis, he wold neuer haue thus falsely, 
vncharitably, and so spightfully belyed and sclaundred me with so perpetual an 
infamie. Tin. saith I walked not aftir the rules of loue and softenes, but let men 
read how maliciously he belyeth and sclaundereth me for wel doing : and iuge what 
rule of loue and softnes he obseruethe. It is greate shame to the teacher when his 
owne deedis and wordis reproue and condempne himself : He hath grete experience 
of my natural disposicion and complexion saith he. But I wyll not be his Phisicion 
and decerne his water at this tyme. And as for his two disciplis that gaped so 
longe for their masters morsel that thei might haue the aduauntage of the sale of his 
bokis of which one sayd vnto me. It were almose 6 he were hanged that correcketh 
the testament for the dewch, and the tother harped on his masters vntwned string, 
saying that because I englissh Resurreccion the lyfe aftir this, men gatherd that 
I denied the general resurreccion : which errour (by their own sayng) was gathred 
longe before this boke was printed, vnto which ether of theis disciples I semed no 
honest man for correcking the copye, I wil not now name them, nor yet shew how- 
one of them, neuer I dare say seyng s. Ierome de optimo genere interpretandi, yet 
toke vpon him to teche me how I shuld translat the scripturis, where I shuld geue 
worde for worde, and when I shulde make scholias, notis, and gloses in the mergent 

5 Joye apparently saw nothing objectionable in this intention to undersell Tyndale's own 
revision. 8 Almose, alms, a mercy. 



86 George Joye's Unauthorized Revision. 



as himself and hys master doith. But in good faithe as for me I had as lief put the 
trvvthe in the text as in the margent and excepte the glose expovvne the text (as many 
of theirs do not) or where the text is playn ynough : I had as lief leue sich fryuole 
gloses clene out. I wolde the scripture were so purely and playnly translated that it 
neded nether note, glose nor scholia, 7 so that the reder might once swimme without 
a corke. But this testament was printed or T. was begun, and that not by my 
preuencion, but by the printers quicke expedicion and T. own longe sleaping, for as 
for me I had nothing to do with the printing ther of, but correcked their copie only, 
as where I founde a worde falsely printed, I mended it : and when I came to some 
derke sentencis that no reason coude be gathered of them whether it was by the 
ignorance of the first translatour or of the prynter, I had the latyne text by me and 
made yt playn : and where any sentence was vnperfite or clene left oute I restored it 
agene : and gaue many wordis their pure and natiue signification in their places 
which thei had not before. For my conscience so compelled me to do, and not 
willingly and wetingly to slip ouer siche fautis into the hurte of the text or hinderance 
of the reder. 



XXVIII. TYNDALE'S WORK AS A TRANSLATOR. 

From Halle's Chronicle, ' The Union of the two noble and illustre families of Lancastre 
& Yorke.' London, R. Grafton, 1548, reign of Henry VIII, fol. CC.xxvii. 

This yere in the moneth of September Wyllyam Tyndale otherwyse called Hichyns 
was by the crueltie of the clergie of Louayn condempned and burned in a toune 
besyde Bruxelles in Braband called Yylford. This man translated the New testa- 
ment into Englishe and fyrst put it in Prynt, and likewise he translated the 
v. bookes of Moses, Iosua, Iudicum, Ruth, the bookes of the Kynges and the bookes 
of Paralipomenon, Nehemias or the fyrst of Esdras, the Prophet Ionas, and no more 
of the holy scripture. He made also diuers treatises, which of many were well 
lyked and highly praysed, and of many vtterly dispised and abhorred, and especially 
of the moste part of the bishoppes of this realme, who often by their great labours 
caused Proclamacions to be made against his bookes, and gatte them condempned 
and brent, aswell the Newe testament as other woorkes of his doynges . . . 

XXIX. THE PROJECTED BISHOPS' VERSION. 

From Harley MS. 422, fol. 87. One of Fox's manuscripts. 

The lyke fyne answer he 1 [Mr. Thomas Lawney] made of Bisshopp Stokeleys 
answer made to my Lorde of Cant, his letters requiryng his part of the translation 
of the new Testament. 

My Lorde Cromwell mynding to haue the New Testament thoroughlie corrected, 
deuided the same into ix or x partes and caused yt to be written at large in paper 
bokes and sent vnto the best lernyd Bisshopps, and other lernyd men, tothintent 
thei sholde make a perfectt correction thereof, and when thei hadd don to sende 
them vnto hym at Lambethe by a day lymyted for that purpose. It chanced that 
the Actes of the Apostells were sent to Bisshopp stokisley to ouersee and correcte 
than Bisshopp of London, When the day came euerymanne hadd sentt to Lambeth 
thair partes correcte, 2 onlie Stokisley's portion wanted, My Lorde of Cant, wrote to 
the Bisshopp lettres for his parte, requiring to delyuer them vnto the bringer this 
his Secretary. Bisshopp Stokesley being at Fulham receyued the lettres, vnto the 
whiche he made this answer, I maruaile what my Lorde of Canterbury meaneth, 
that thus abuseth the people in gyving them libertie to reade the scriptures, which 

' It is Joye who writes this, not Tyndale (cp. note to XXIII), and he desired to make it 
possible by manipulating the text according to his views. The text reads ' puerly and plyanly '. 

XXIX. ■ Thomas Lawney was chaplain to the Duke of Norfolk. 

' This seems highly improbable (cp. No. XXXIII). One bishop, however, Stephen Gardiner, 
performed his task, as on June 10, 1535, he wrote to Cromwell : ' I haue as gret cause as any 
man to desire rest and quiet for the helth of my body ; wherunto I thought to haue entended and 
to absteyne from bookes and wryting, hauing finished the translation of Saynt Luke and Saynt 
John, wherin I have spent a gret labour.' (Slate Papers of Henry VII I, vol. i, p. 430. Printed 
' From Crumwell's Correspondence in the Chapter House. Bundle \V.') 



The Projected Bishops' Version. 



a? 



doith nothing els but infect them with heryses, I haue bestowed neuer an howre 
apon my portion nor neuer will. And therfore, my lorde shall haue his boke againe, 
for I will neuer be gyltie to bring the simple people into error. 

My Lorde of Cant, servaunte toke the boke, and brought the same to Lambeth 
vnto my Lorde, declaring my Lorde of London's answer. When my 1. had perceyued 
that the Bisshopp hadd don nothing therein, I marvaile quod my Lorde of Cant, 
that my Lorde of London ys so frowarde, that he will not do as other men do. 
Mr Lawney stode by hearyng my lorde speake somoche of the Bisshopps vnto- 
wardnes, saied, I can tell your grace whie my Lorde will not bestowe any labor or 
payne this way. Your grace knoweth well (quod Lawney) that his portion ys a pece 
of Newe Testament, And than he being persuaded that Christe had bequeth hym 
nothing in his Testament, thoughte it were madnes to bestowe any labour or payne 
where no gayne was to be gotten, And besides this It ys the Actes of the Apostells, 
whiche were symple poore felowes, and therfore my lord of London disdayned to 
haue to dc* with any of thair Actes. 

My Lorde of Cant, and other that stode by coulde not forbere from lawghter 
to here Mr Lawney's accute invensyon in answeryng to the Bisshopp of London's 
frowarde answer to my lorde of Cant, lettres. 



XXX. FINAXCIAL HELP GIVEN TO COVERDALE BY 
JACOB VAN METEREN. 

A. 

Part of a deposition of Jacob's son Emanuel in 1609, as to the Dutch Church in London, 
quoted from the transcript in ' The Marriage, Baptismal and Burials Registers of the Dutch 
Reformed Church, Austin Friars, London; edited by W. J. C. Moens.' Lymington, 1884. 

Emanuel Demetrius, marchant of Andwarp, aged about 74 yeares, doth witnes 
and can depose. That he was brought in England Anno 1550 in King Edward's 
the 6 dayes, by his Father, a furtherer of reformed religion, and he that caused the 
first Bible at his costes to be Englisshed by Mr. Myles Coverdal in Andwarp, the 
which his father, with Mr. Edward Whytchurch, printed both in Paris and London, 1 
by which meanes he, wel acquaynted, was one of the Suters for the erection of 
a Dutche Church at the Augustin Fryers and made this Deponent a member of the 
same Anno I55 2 - 

And he doth wel remember that the Churchyeard and houses on bothe sydes of 
the West dore of the Church were inhabited and possessed by the Members of the 
Church. And harde his sayd father and others of the Elders of the Church often 
tymes consel of buylding there [&c] . . . Thus much I can depose, in London, 
28 of May, 1609. Emanuel Demetrius. 

B. 

Part of ' Het leven ende sterven vanden eerweerden, vromen ende vermaerden, Emanuel van 
Meteren, cortelijck beschreven door sijnen ghetrouwen Vriendt, Simeon Ruytmck,' forming 
an appendix to ' Emanuels van Meteren Historie der Nederlandscher ende haerder Naburen 
Oorlogen ende geschiedenissen. ' In 's Graven-Haghe, 1614. 

Emanuel van Meteren, die met grooten vlijt ende yernuft desen Boeck by een 
versamelt was heeft, t' Antwerpen gheboren den 9. Iulij 1535. 

Sijn Vader hiet Iacob van Meteren van Breda, Sone van Cornelius van Meteren. 
Sijn Moeder hiet Ottilia Ortels, docter van Willem Ortels van Ausborch, die Groot- 
vader was, van den wijdt-beroemden Werelt beschrijver, Abrahamus Ortelius. 

Sijn Vader in sijn Ieucht hadde ghelurt die edele Conste van't Letter setten, 
hy was begaeft met de kennisse van veelderley talen ende andere goede weten- 
schappen, wist van in die tijden t'licht t'onderscheyden van dysternisse, ende 
bethoonde sijnen bysonderen yver in't becostighen vande oversettinghe ende Druck 
vanden Engelschen Bijbel binnen Antwerpen, daer toe ghebruyckende den dienst 

1 There is an obvious confusion here between the 'first Bible' of 1535, which was certainly 
not printed at Paris and London, and the first Great Bible, which was begun at Pans and finished 
at London. 



88 Financial Help given to Coverdale. 



van een gheleert Student met namen Miles Couerdal, tot groote bevoorderinghe 
van het Rijcke Iesu Christi in Enghelandt. 

Translation. 

Emanuel van Meteren, who with great industry and intelligence brought together 
the present book, was born at Antwerp, 9 July, 1535- 

His father, named Jacob van Meteren of Breda, was son of Cornelius van 
Meteren. His mother, named Ottilia Ortels, was daughter of Willem Ortels of 
Augsburg, the grandfather of the far-famed Cosmographer, Abraham Ortelius. 

His father had taught him in his youth the noble art of letter-setting, and he 
was endowed with a knowledge of several languages and other useful sciences. He 
knew how to distinguish light from darkness, and showed his zeal more especially 
in bearing the cost of the translating and printing of the English Bible at Antwerp, 1 
using for this purpose the services of a learned student named Miles Couerdale, to 
the great advancement of the kingdom of Jesus Christ in England. 



XXXI. COVERDALE'S BIBLE, 1535. 

A. 

[end of dedication.] 

Considerynge now (most gracyous prynce) the inestimable treasure, frute & pros- 
perite euerlastynge, that God geueth with his worde, and trustynge in his infynite 
goodnes that he wolde brynge my symple and rude laboure herin to good effecte, 
therfore as the holy goost moued other men to do the cost herof, 1 so was I boldened 
in God, to laboure in the same. Agayne, consyderynge youre Imperiall maiestye 
not onely to be my naturall soueraigne liege Lorde & chefe heade of the church 
of Englonde, but also the true defender and maynteyner of Gods lawes, I thought it 
my dutye, and to belonge vnto my allegiaunce, whan I had translated this Bible, 
not onely to dedicate this translacyon vnto youre highnesse, but wholy to commytte 
it vnto the same : to the intent that yf any thynge therin be translated amysse (for 
in many thynges we fayle, euen whan we thynke to be sure) it may stonde in youre 
graces handes, to correcte it, to amende it, to improue it, yee and cleane to reiecte 
it, yf youre godly wysdome shall thynke it necessary. And as I do with all hum- 
blenes submitte myne vnderstondynge, and my poore translacyon vnto the spirite 
of trueth in your grace, so make I this protestacyon (hauyng God to recorde in my 
conscience) that I haue nether wrested nor altered so moch as one worde for the 
mayntenaunce of any maner of secte : but haue with a cleare conscience purely and 
faythfully translated this out of fyue sundry interpreters, 2 hauyng onely the many- 
fest trueth of the scripture before myne eyes : Trustynge in the goodnes of God, 
that it shalbe vnto his worshippe : quietnes and tranquilite vnto your highnes : a 
perfecte stablyshment of all Gods ordynaunces within youre graces domynion : 
a generall comforte to all Christen hertes, and a continuall thankfulnesse both of 
olde and yonge vnto god, and to youre grace, for beynge oure Moses, and for 
bringynge vs out of this olde Egypte from the cruell handes of our spirituall Pharao. 
For where were the Iewes (by ten thousande partes) so moch bounde vnto Kynge 
Dauid, for subduynge of greate Goliath, and all theyr enemyes, as we are to your 
grace, for delyuerynge vs out of oure olde Babylonycall captiuyte ? 3 For the whiche 
delyueraunce and victory I beseke oure onely medyatoure Iesus Christ, to make 
soch meanes for vs vnto his heauenly father, that we neuer be vnthankfull vnto 
him, ner vnto youre grace : but that we euer increace in the feare of him, in 

1 If this version of the Van Meteren legend were not at third hand, Ruytinck's version of 
Emanuel's recollections of what his father had told him, it would be entitled to some weight 
as evidence as to where the Bible of 1535 was printed. As it stands it can hardly be adduced as 
evidence of more than some general support of Coverdale. 

XXXI. A. ' The plural here seems to negative any theory that Jacob van Meteren bore the 
whole expense, as has been contended. It is probable that Cromwell was one of Coverdale's 
instigators; whether he helped him with funds is much more doubtful. 

2 See Introduction, p. 13. 

3 The phrase is from Luther's tract, De Captiuitate Babylonica Ecdesiae. 



Coverdale's Bible, 1535. 



89 



obedience vnto your hyghnesse, in loue vnfayned vnto oure neghbours : and in all 
vertue that commeth of God. To whom for the defendynge of his blessed worde 
(by your graces most rightfull administracyon) be honoure and thankes, glory and 
dominyon, wo ride without ende, Amen. 

Youre graces humble sub- 

iecte and daylye oratour, 

Myles Couerdale. 



B. 

[beginning of the address to the reader.] 

A prologe. 
Myles Couerdale Vnto the Christen reader. 

COnsiderynge how excellent knowlege and lernynge an interpreter of scripture 
oughte to haue in the tongues, and ponderyng also myne owne insufficiency therm, 
and how weake I am to perfourme the office of translatoure, I was the more lothe to 
medle with this worke. Notwithstondynge whan I consydered how greate pytie it 
was that we shulde wante it so longe, and called to my remembraunce the aduersite 
of them, which were not onely of rype knowlege, but wolde also with all theyr hertes 
haue perfourmed that they beganne, yf they had not had impediment 1 : considerynge 
(I saye) that by reason of theyr aduersyte it coulde not so soone haue bene broughte 
to an ende, as oure most prosperous nacyon wolde fayne haue had it : these and 
other reasonable causes consydered, I was the more bolde to take it in hande. And 
to helpe me herin, I haue had sondrye translacions, not onely in latyn, but also 
of the Douche interpreters 2 : whom (because of theyr synguler gyftes and speciall 
diligence in the Bible) I haue ben the more glad to folowe for the most parte, 
accordynge as I was requyred. 3 But to saye the trueth before God, it was nether 
my laboure ner desyre, to haue this worke put in my hande : neuertheles it greued 
me that other nacyons shulde be more plenteously prouyded for with the scripture 
in theyr mother tongue, then we : therfore whan I was instantly requyred, though 
I coulde not do so well as I wolde, I thought it yet my dewtye to do my best, and 
that with a good wyll. 

where as some men thynke now that many translacyons make diuisyon in the 
fayth and in the people of God, that is no[t] so : for it was neuer better with the 
congregacion of god, then whan euery church allmost had the Byble of a sondrye 
translacyon. Amonge the Grekes had not Origen a specyall translacyon ? Had 
not Vulgarius one peculyar, and lykewyse Chrysostom ? Besyde the seuentye inter- 
preters, is there not the translacyon of Aquila, of Theodotio, of Symachus, and 
of sondrye other ? Agayne amonge the Latyn men, thou findest that euery one 
allmost vsed a specyall and sondrye translacyon : for in so moch as euery bysshoppe 
had the knowlege of the tongues, he gaue his diligence to haue the Byble of his 
awne translacion. The doctours, as Hireneus, Cyprianus, S. Iherome, S. Augustine, 
Hylarius and S. Ambrose vpon dyuerse places of the scripture reade not the texte all 
alyke. 

Therfore oughte it not to be taken as euel, that soche men as haue vnderstondynge 
now in our tyme, exercyse them selues in the tongues, and geue their diligence to 
translate out of one language in to another. Yee we ought rather to geue god 
hye thankes therfore, which thorow his sprete stereth vp mens myndes, so to exercise 
them selues therin. wolde god it had neuer bene left of after the tyme of S. Augustine, 
then shulde we neuer haue come in to soch blindnes and ignoraunce, in to soch erroures 
and delusyons. For as soone as the Byble was cast asyde, and nomore put in exercyse, 
then beganne euery one of his awne heade to wryte what so euer came in to his brayne 
and that semed to be good in his awne eyes : and so grewe the darknes of mens 

1 The reference seems to be clearly to Tyndale, but Coverdale must have begun his task long 
before Tyndale's arrest. 

2 See Introduction, p. 13. 

3 Compare the first note to the preceding section. 



go Coverdale's Bible, 1535 



tradicions. And this same is the cause that we haue had so many wryters, which 
seldome made mencyon of the scripture of the Byble : and though they some tyme 
aleged it, yet was it done so farre out of season and so wyde from the purpose, that 
a man maye well perceaue, how that they neuer sawe the oryginall. 

Seynge then that this diligent exercyse of translatynge doth so moch good and 
edifyeth in other languages, why shulde it do so euell in oures ? Doutles lyke as 
all nacyons in the dyuersite of speaches maye knowe one God in the vnyte of faith, 
and be one in loue : euen so maye dyuerse translacyons vnderstonde one another, 
and that in the head articles and grounde of oure most blessed faith, though they 
vse sondrye wordes. wherfore me thynke we haue greate occasyon to geue thankes 
vnto God, that he hath opened vnto his church the gyfte of interpret acy on and of 
pryntyng, and that there are at this tyme so many, which with soch diligence and 
faithfulnes interprete the scripture to the honoure of god and edifyenge of his people, 
where as (lyke as whan many are shutynge together) euery one doth his best to 
be nyest the marke. And though they can not all attayne therto, yet shuteth one 
nyer then another, and hytteth it better then another, yee one can do it better 
then another, who is now then so vnreasonable, so despytefull, or enuyous, asto 
abhorre him that doth all his diligence to hytte the prycke, 4 and to shute nyest 
it, though he mysse and come not nyest the mark ? Ought not soch one rather 
to be commended, and to be helped forwarde, that he maye exercyse himselfe the 
more therin ? 

For the which cause (acordyng as I was desyred) I toke the more vpon me 
to set forth this speciall translacyon, not as a checker, not as a reprouer, or despyser 
of other mens translacyons (for amonge many as yet I haue founde none without 
occasyon of greate thankesgeuynge vnto god) but lowly and f aythfully haue I folowed 
myne interpreters, and that vnder correccyon. And though I haue fayled eny where 
(as there is noman but he mysseth in some thynge) loue shall constyrre 5 all to the 
best without eny peruerse iudgment. There is noman lyuynge that can se all thynges, 
nether hath god geuen eny man to knowe euery thynge. One seyth more clearly 
then another, one hath more vnderstondyng then another, one can vtter a thynge 
better then another, but noman oughte to enuye, or dispyse another. He that 
can do better then another, shulde not set him at naught that vnderstondeth lesse : 
Yee he that hath the more vnderstondyng, ought to remembre that the same 
gyfte is not his but Gods, and that God hath geuen it him to teach & enfourme 
the ignoraunt. Yf thou hast knowlege therfore to iudge where eny faute is made, 
I doute not but thou wilt helpe to amende it, yf loue be ioyned with thy knowlege. 
Howbeit wherin so euer I can perceaue by my selfe, or by the informacyon of 
other, that I haue fayled (as it is no wonder) I shall now by the helpe of God ouerloke 
it better and amende it. 



XXXII. COVERDALE'S LATIN-ENGLISH NEW TESTAMENT 
FOLLOWING THE VULGATE TEXT. 

A. Dedication 1 to the First Edition Printed by J. Nycholson at 

Southwark. 

To the moost noble, moost gracious, and oure moost dradde soueraigne lord 
kynge Henry the eyght, kynge of Englande and of Fraunce, &c. Defender of 
Christes true fayth, and vnder God the chefe and supreme heade of the churche of 
Englande, Irelande, &c. 

COnsyderynge (moost gracious Soueraigne) how louyngly, how fauourably, and 
how tenderly your hyghnesse hath taken myne infancy & rudenesse in dedicat- 
ynge the whole bible in Englysh to your moost noble grace. And hauyng sure 
experience also how benygne and gracious a mynde your hyghnes doth euer beare 
to all them that in theyr callyng are wyllynge to do theyr beste : It doth euen 

* The bull's eye. * Construe, interpret. 

XXXII. ' From the edition which Coverdale caused to be printed at Paris we learn that he 
supplied James Nycholson of Southwark with copy, but was obliged to leave the correction of 
the press in his hands. The result was an edition so incorrect that Coverdale repudiated it and 
printed a new edition, which he dedicated to Cromwell. Nothing daunted, Nycholson printed it a 
second time as ' Faythfully translated by Johan Hollybushe ' (cp. No. XVI A, note J). 



Coverdale's Latin-English New Testament. 91 



animate and encorage me now lykewyse to use the same audacite towarde your 
grace : Neuer intendyng nor purposynge to haue ben thus bold, yf your most noble 
kyndnes and princely benygnite had not forced me here vnto. This (doutles) is 
one of the chefest causes why I do now with moost humble obedience dedicate and 
offre this translacion of the new Testament vnto your moost royall maiestye. And 
to saye the truth : I can not perceaue the contrary, but as many of vs as intende 
the glory of god haue all nede to commytte vnto your gracious protection and defence 
aswell our good doynges as our selues : Oure good doynges I meane, and not our euel 
workes. For yf we went aboute euel, god forbyd that we shuld seke defence at 
your grace. But euen our weldoynges, our good wylles and godly purposes, those 
with all humble obedience must we and do submytte to your graces moost sure pro- 
tection. For as our aduersary the deuell walketh about lyke a roarynge lyon, and 
seketh whom he may deuoure. And as the enemies of Christ went aboute to tangle 
hymselfe in his wordes, and to hunt somwhat out of his owne mouth : Euen so do 
not the enemies of gods word ceasse yet to pycke quarels, and to seke out new 
occasions, how they may depraue and synistrally interprete our wel doynges. And 
where as with all faythfulnes we go about to make our brethren (youre graces 
louynge subiectes) participante of the frutes of oure good wylles, they yet not 
regardynge what profite we wolde be glad to do them, reporte euell of vs, sklaunder 
vs, and saye the worste of vs : Yee they are not ashamed to affirme, that we intende 
to peruerte the scripture, and to condemne the commune translacion in Latyn, 
whych costumably is red in the church : where as we purpose the cleane contrary. 
And because it greueth them that your subiectes be growen so farre in knowlege 
of theyr dewtye to God, to youre grace, and to theyr neghboures, theyr inwarde 
malyce doth breake oute in to blasphemous and vncomlye wordes, in so much that 
they cal your louynge and faythfull people, heretikes, new fangled fellowes, English 
biblers, coblers of diuinite, fellowes of the new fayth &c, with such other vngodly 
sayenges. 

How nedefull a thynge is it then for us to resorte vnto the moost lawfull protection 
of God in youre graces suppreme and imperiall authorite vnder hym ? Without 
the which moost lawfull defence now in these turbulent and stormy assaultes of 
the wycked, we shuld be, but euen Orphanes, and vtterly desolate of comforte. But 
God whom the scripture 2 calleth a father of the comfortles and defender of wedowes, 
dyd otherwyse prouyde for us, whan he made youre grace his hye supreme mynister 
ouer vs. 

To come now to the original and fyrst occasion of this my moost humble laboure, 
and to declare howe lytle I haue or do intende to despyse this present translation 
in Latyn (or ony other in what language so euer it be) I haue here set it forth and 
the Englysh also therof, I mean the text which communely is called S. Hieroms, and 
is costumably red in the church. And thys (my moost gracious Soueraigne) haue 
I done not so much for the clamorous importunyte of euell speakers, as to satisfye 
the iust request of certayne youre graces faythfull subiectes. And specially to 
induce and instructe such as can but Englishe, and are not learned in the Latin, that 
in comparynge these two textes together, they maye the better vnderstonde the one 
by the other. And I doute not but such ignoraunt bodies as (hauynge cure and 
charge of soules) are very vnleamed in the Latyn tunge, shall trough thys smal 
laboure be occasioned to atteyn vnto more knowlege, and at the leest be constrayned 
to saye well of the thynge, whyche here tofore they haue blasphemed. The igno- 
raunce of which men yf it were not so exceadyng great, a man wolde wonder 
what shulde moue them to make such importune cauillacions agaynst vs. It is to 
be feared, that frowardnesse and malice is myxte with theyr ignoraunce. For in 
as much as in our other translacions we do not followe thys olde Latyn texte word 
for word they crye out vpon vs : As though al were not as nye the truth to translate 
the scripture out of other languages, as to turne it out of the Latyn. Or as though 
the holy goost were not the authoure of his scripture aswell in the Hebrue, Greke. 
French, Dutche, and in Englysh, as in Latyn. The scripture and worde of God 
is truly to euery Christen man of lyke worthynesse and authorite, in what language 
so euer the holy goost speaketh it. And therfore am I, and wyl be whyle I lyue 
(vnder youre moost gracious fauoure and correction) alwaye wyllynge and ready to 
do my best aswell in one translation, as in another. 






2 Marginal note : Ps. lxvii. 



g 2 Coverdale s Latin-English New Testament. 



Now as concernynge thys present text in Latyn, for asmuch as it hath bene 
and is yet so greatly corrupt, as I thynke none other translacion is, it were a godly 
and gracious dede, yf they that haue authorite, knowlege, and tyme, wolde (vnder 
youre graces correction) examen it better after the moost auncient interpreters 
and moost true textes of other languages. For certaynly, in comparynge dyuerse 
examplers together, we se, that in many places one copye hath eyther more or 
lesse then a nother, orels the texte is altered from other languages. 

To geue other men occasion now to do theyr best, and to expresse my good wyll, \ 
yf I could do better, I haue for the causes aboue rehearsed, attempted this smal 
laboure, submyttynge (with all humblenesse and subiection) it and all other my 
lyke doinges, to your graces moost noble Maiestye. Not onely because I am bounde 
so to do, but to the intent also that through youre moost gracious defence, it maye 
haue the more fredome amonge your obedient subiectes, to the glory of the euer- 
lastynge God: To whom onely for your grace, for youre mooste noble and deare 
sonne Prynce Edward, for youre moost honourable counsell, and for all other hys 
syngular gyftes that we daylye receaue in youre grace. To hym I saye, which is 
the onely geuer and graunter of all thys oure welth, be honoure and prayse for 
euermore. To youre grace, continual thankfulnesse, and due obedience with longe 
lyfe and prosperite : Fynally to vs the receauers of gods good gyftes, be daylye 
increace of grace and vertue more and more. Amen. 

Youre graces humble 
and faythfull subiecte 

Myles Couerdale. 



B. Preface to the same Edition. 
To the Reader. 

I Must nedes aduertise the (moost gentle Reader,) that this present text in Latyn 
which thou seist set here with the Englyshe, is the same that costumably is red 
in the church, and communly is called S. Hieroms translacion. Wherin though 
in some places I vse the honest and iust libertye of a grammaryan (as nedeful is 
for thy better vnderstondynge,) yet because I am lothe to swarue from the texte, 
I so tempre my penne, that yf thou wylt, thou mayest make playne construction 
of it, by the Englyshe that standeth on the other syde. Thys is done now for the 
that art not exactly learned in the latyn tunge and woldest fayne vnderstonde it. 
As for those that be learned in the latyn already, thys oure small laboure is not 
taken for them, saue onely to moue and exhorte them, that they lykewyse knowynge 
of whome they haue receaued theyr talent of learnynge, wyll be no lesse greued 
in theyr callyng to serue theyr brethren therwith, than we are ashamed here with 
thys oure small mynistracion to do them good. I besech the therfore take it in 
good worth ; for so well done as it shulde and myght be, it is not : But as it is, [ 
thou hast it with a good wyll. 

Where as by the authorite of the text I somtyme make it cleare for thy more 
vnderstondyng, there shalt thou fynde thys mark [ ] whych we haue set 
for thy warnynge, the texte neuerthelesse nother wrested nor peruerted. The cause 
wherof is partely the figure called Eclipsis diuerse tymes vsed in the scriptures, 
the which though she do garnysh the sentence in latyn, yet wyll not so be admitted 
in other tunges : wherfore of necessite we are constrayned to enclose suche wordes 
in thys marke. Partely because that sundery, and sometyme to rash wryters out 
of bokes, haue not geuen so greate diligence, as is due in the holy scripture, and 
haue lefte out, and sometyme altered some word or wordes and another vsynge 
thesame boke for a copy, hath commytted lyke faut. Let not therfore thys oure 
diligence seme more temerarious vnto the (gentle reader,) than was the diligence of 
S. Ierome and Origene vnto learned men of theyr tyme, which vsynge sundery 
markes in theyr bokes, shewed theyr iudgmente what were to be abated or added 
vnto the bokes of scripture, that so they myghte be restored to the pure and very 
originall texte. Thy knowlege and vnderstondynge in the worde of God shall iudge 
thesame of vs also, yf it be ioyned with loue to the truth. And though I seme to be 
al to scrupulous callyng it in one place penaunce, that in another I call repentaunce : 



Coverdale's Latin-English New Testament. 93 



and gelded, that another calleth chaist, thys me thynk ought not to offende the 
seynge that the holy goost (I trust) is the authoure of both our doynges. Yf I of 
myne owne heade had put in to the new Testament these wordes : Nisi poenitueritis 
Poenitemini, Sunt enim eunuchi, Poenitentiam agite. &c. then as I were worthy to 
be reproued, so shulde it be ryght necessary to redresse thesame. But it is the holy 
gooste that hath put them in, and therfore I hartely requyre the thynke nomore 
harm in me for callyng it in one place penaunce, that in another I call repentaunce, 
then I thynk harme in hym that calleth it chaist, which I by the nature of thys 
worde Ennuchus cal gelded. Let euery man be glad to submytte his vnderstondyng 
to the holy goost in them that be learned and no doute we shall thynk the best one 
by another, and fynde no lesse occasion to prayse god in another man, then in our 
selues. As the holy goost then is one, workynge in the and me as he wyl, so let us 
not swarue from that vnite, but be one in him. And for my parte I ensure the I am 
indifferent to call it aswell with the one terme as with the other, so longe as I knowe 
that it is no preiudice nor iniury to the meanynge of the holy goost : Neuerthelesse 
I am very scrupulous to go from the vocable of the text. 

And of truth so had we all nede to be : For the worlde is capcious, and many ther 
be that had rather fynde xx fautes, then to amende one. And ofte tymes the more 
laboure a man taketh for theyr commodite, the lesse thanke he hath. But yf they 
that be learned and haue wherwith to maynteyne the charges dyd theyr dewty, 
they themselues shulde perfourme these thynges, and not onely to loke for it at other 
mens handes. At the leest yf they wolde nother take the payne of translatynge 
themselues, nor to beare the expenses therof, nor of the pryntyng, they shulde yet 
haue a good tunge, and helpe one waye, that they can not do another. God graunt 
thys worlde once to spye theyr vnthankfulnesse. Thys do not I saye for onye lucre 
or vauntage that I loke for at your handes ye rych & welthy bellyes of the worlde : 
for he that neuer fayled me at my nede, hath taught me to be content with such 
prouision as he hath and wyll make for me. Of you therfore that be seruauntes 
to your owne ryches, requyre I nothynge at all, saue onely that which S. lames 
sayeth vnto you in the begynnynge of hys fyfth chapter : Namely, that ye wepe and 
howle on your wrechednesse that shall come vpon you. For certaynly ye haue 
greate cause so to do, nother is it vnlyke but greate misery shal come vpon you, 
consyderynge the gorgious fare and apparell that ye haue euery daye for the proude 
pompe and appetite of your stynkynge carcases, and yet be not ashamed to suffre 
youre owne fleshe and bloude + o dye at youre dore for lacke of your helpe. O synfull 
belly Gods. O vnthankfull wretches. O vncharitable Idolatrers. Wyth what con- 
science darre ye put one morsell of meate in to youre mouthes ? abhominable 
helhoundes, what shall be worth 1 of you ? I speake to you, ye ryche nyggardes of 
the worlde, whych as ye haue no fauoure to gods holy worde, so loue ye to do 
nothynge that it commaundeth. Our LORDE sende you worthy repentaunce. 

But now wyll I turne my penne vnto you that be lordes and rulers of youre 
ryches. For of you whom God hath made stewardes of these worldly goodes. Of 
you whom God hath made plenteous aswell in hys knowl[e]ge, and in other ryches, 
of you (I saye) wolde I fayne requyre and begge (euen for his sake that is the 
geuer of all good thynges) that at the last ye wolde do but youre dewty, and 
helpe aswell with youre good counsell as with youre temperall substaunce, that 
a perfyte prouision maye be made for the poore, and for the vertuous bryngynge vp 
of youth : That as we now already haue cause plentyfull to geue God thankes for 
his worde and for sendynge vs a prynce (with thousandes of other benefytes) Euen 
so we seynge the poore, aged, lame, sore, and syck prouided for, and oure youth 
brought vp aswell in gods knowlege as in other' vertuous occupations maye haue 
lykewyse occasion sufficient to prayse God for the same. Our LORD graunt that 
this oure longe beggyng and moost nedeful request, may once be herde. In the 
meane tyme tyll God brynge it to passe by his ministers let not thy counsel nor 
helpe be behynde (moost gentle Reader) for the furtheraunce of the same. And 
for that thou hast receaued at the mercifull hande of god already, be thankful 
alway vnto hym, louynge and obedient vnto thy Prynce. And lyue so continually 
in helpynge and edifyenge of thy neghbours, that it may redounde to the prayse and 
glory of God for euer : AMEN. 



Become. 



XXXIII. THE LICENSING OF MATTHEW'S BIBLE. 
A Letter from Cranmer to Cromwell, 4 August [1537]. 

From the original in the Record Office. (Letters and Papers of the reign of Hem y VIII, 1537, 

vol. xii, pt. 2, 434.) 

My especial good Lorde after moost hartie commendacions unto your Lordeship. 
Theis shalbe to signifie vnto the same, that you shall receyue by the bringer herof, 
a Bible in Englishe, both of a new translacion and of a new prynte, dedicated vnto 
the Kinges Majestie, as farther apperith by a pistle vnto his grace in the begynnyng 
of the boke, which, in myn opinion is very well done, and therefore I pray your 
Lordeship to rede the same. And as for the translacion, so farre as I haue redde 
therof I like it better than any other translacion hertofore made ; yet not doubting 
but that ther may, and wilbe founde some fawtes therin, as you know no man euer 
did or can do so well, but it may be from tyme to tyme amendid. And forasmoche 
as the boke is dedicated vnto the kinges grace, and also great paynes and labour 
taken in setting forth the same, I pray you my Lorde, that you woll exhibite the 
boke unto the kinges highnes ; and to obteign of his Grace, if you can, a license that 
the same may be sold and redde of euery person, withoute danger of any acte, procla- 
macion, or ordinaunce hertofore graunted to the contrary, vntill such tyme that we, 
the Bishops shall set forth a better translacion, 1 which I thinke will not be till a day 
after domesday. And if you contynew to take such paynes for the setting forth of 
goddes wourde, as you do, although in the meane season you suffre some snubbes, 
many sclandres, lyes, and reproches for the same, yet one day he will requite alto- 
gether ; and the same wourde (as Saincte John saieth) Whiche shall judge every 
man at the last daye must nedes shewe favour to theym, that now do favour it. 
Thus my Lorde, right hartely faire you well. 

At Forde the 4th of August, 

Your assured ever, 



T. Cantuarien. 



To the Right Honourable 
and my especiall good Lorde 
my Lorde Pryvye Seale. 



B. Cranmer to Cromwell, 13 August [1537]. 

From Cotton MS. Cleopatra E. v. 329 b. [348.] 

My verey singuler good Lorde, in my moost hartie wise I commend me unto 
your Lordeship And whereas I vnderstande, that your Lordeship at my requeste 
hath not only exhibited the Bible which I sent vnto you, to the Kinges majestie, 
but also hath obteigned of his grace, that the same shalbe alowed by his auctoritie 
to be bowght and redde within this realme. My Lorde for this your payne, taken 
in this bihalf, I give vnto you my moost hartie thanks, assuryng your Lordeship for 
the contentacion of my mynde. you have shewed me more pleasour herin than yf 
you had given me a thowsande pownde ; and I doubt not but that herby such 
fruicte of good knowledge shall ensewe, that it shall well appere herafter, what high 
and acceptable service you have don unto godde and the King, whiche shall somoche 
redovvn to your honour, that, besides goddes reward you shall opteyn perpetuall 
memorye for the same within this Realme. And as for me, you may recken me 
your bondeman for the same, and I dare be bold to say so may ye do my lorde of 
Wurcester. Thus my Lorde, right hartely faire you well. Att Forde the xiii day of 
Auguste. 

Your own Bowndman ever 



T. Cantuarien. 



1 Cp. No. XXIX, note 2. 



The Licensing of Matthew's Bible. 



95 



C. Cranmer to Cromwell. 28 August [1537]. 

From Cotton MS. Cleopatra E. v. 292. 

My very singuler and especiall good Lorde in my most hartie wise I comend me 
to your Lordeship. Theis shalbe to give to you most hartie thanks that any harte 
can thinke, and that in the name of theym all which favoreth goddes wourde, for 
your Diligence at this tyme in procuring the Kinges highnes to set forth the said 
goddes wourd and his gospell by his graces auctoritie. For the whiche acte not only 
the Kinges maiestie, but also you shall have a perpetuall Lawde and memorye of 
all theym that be now or hereafter shalbe goddes faithfull people and the favorers 
of his wourde. And this dede you shall here of at the greate daye, whan all thinges 
shalbe opened and made manifest. For our Saviour Christ saieth in the said 
gospell, that whosoeuer shrynketh from hym and his wourde. and is abasshed to 
professe and sett it forth bifore men in this worlde, he will refuse hym at that day. 
And contrarye, whosoeuer constantly doth professe hym and his wourde, and 
studeth to sett that forwarde in this worlde, Christe will declare the same at the 
laste daye bifore hys father and all his Angells, and take upon hym the defence of 
those men. Theis shalbe farder to aduertise youre Lordeship that syns my last 
commyng frome London into Kent I have founde the people of my dioces very 
obstinately given to observe and kepe with solempnitie the halidayes lately abro- 
gated. 1 Whereupon I have punisshed diuers of the offenders, and to diuers I have 
given gentill monition to amende . . . Whan shal we perswade the people to ceasse 
from kepynge theym. For the Kyngs own howse shalbe an example vnto all the 
realme to breake his own ordinances . . . 

Thus my Lorde right hartely faire you well 

At Forde the xxviij day of Auguste. 

Your Lordeshipps own euer 

T. Cantuarien. 



D. Richard Graftox to Cromwell. August 28, 1537. 

From Cotton MS. Cleopatra E. v. 330. 

Moost humbly besechynge your lordship to vnderstand that accordynge to your 
request, I haue sent your lordship vj bybles, which gladly I wolde haue brought 
my selfe, but because of the sycknes which remayneth in the cytie. And therfore I 
haue sent them by my servaunt which this daye came out of Flaundyrs, requyrynge 
your lordship yf I maye be so bolde as to desyer you to accept them as my symple 
gyfte, geuen to you for those most godly paynes, for which the heuenly father is 
bounde euen of his Justice to rewarde you with the euerlastynge kyngdom of god. 
For your lordship mouynge our moost gracyous prynce to the alowance and lycensynge 
of soche a worke, hath worought soche an acte worthy of prayse, as neuer was men- 
cyoned in any cronycle in this realme. And as my lorde of Cantorbury sayde The 
tydynges therof dyd hym more good then the gyfte of ten thousand pounde. Yet 
certen there are which beleue not that yt pleased the kynges grace to lycence yt 
to go forth. Wherfore yf your lordshippes pleasour were soche that we myght 
have yt lycensed vnder your preuy seale. Yt shuld be a defence at this present 
and in tyme to come for all enemyes and aduersaryes of the same. And for 
as moche as this request is for the maynetenaunce of the lordes worde, which is 
to mayntayne the lorde him selfe. I feare not but that your lordship wilbe 
ernest therin. And I am assewred that my lorde of Cantorbury, Worsetter and 
Salsbury, will geue your lordship soche thankes as in them lyeth and sewre ye 
maye be that the heuenly lorde will rewarde you for the establysshynge of his 
gloryous truthe. And what youre lordshipes pleasor is in this request, yf it maye 
please your lordship to enforme my servaunt, I and all that loue god hartely 

1 By the Injunctions of 1536, which were specially directed against ' holydayes in haruest time '. 






9 6 The Licensing of Matthew's Bible. 



are bound to praye for your preseruacyon all the dayes of our lyfe. At london 
the xxviij daye of this present moneth of August 1537, 

Your Orator whyle he lyueth 

Rychard grafton grocer. 
To the honorable lorde pryvaye Seale. 



E. Richard Grafton to Cromwell, after August 28, 1537. 

From Cotton MS. Cleopatra E. v. 325. 

Moost humbly besechynge your lordshippe to vnderstand that accordynge as 
your comyssyon was by my servaunt to sende you certen bybles, so have I now 
done, desyrynge your lordship to accept them as though they were well done. And 
where as I wryt vnto your lordship for a preuye seale to be a defence vnto the 
enemyes of this byble I vnderstonde that your lordshipes mynde is that I shall not 
nede it. But now moost gracyous lorde, for as moche as this worke hath bene 
brought forthe to our moost great and costly laboures and charges, which charges 
amount aboue the some of v c li., and I haue caused of these same to be prynted 
to the some of xv c bookes complete. Which now by reason that of many this 
worke is commended, there are that will and dothe go aboute the pryntynge of j 
thesame worke againe in a lesser letter, 1 to the entent that they maye sell their 1 
lytle bookes better chepe then I can sell these gret, and so to make that I shall sell 
none at all, or elles verye fewe, to the vtter vndoynge of me your orator and of all 
those my credytors that hath bene my comforters and helpers therin. And now this 
worke thus set forthe with great stodye and laboures shall soche persons (moued 
with a lytle couetousnes to the vndoynge of other for their owne pryuate welthe) ' 
take as a thynge don to their handes, in which halffe the charges shall not come j 
to them that hath done to your poore orator. And yet shall they not do yt as they ! 
fynde yt, but falsefye the texte, that I dare saye, looke how many sentences are in I 
the byble, euen [as] many fautes and errours shalbe made therin. For their sekynfg] i 
is not to set it out to goddes glorie and to the edefyenge of christ congregacyon (but j 
for couetousnes) and that maye apere by the former bybles that they have set forthe, ! 
which hath nether good paper, letter, ynke ner correccyon, 2 Sir euyn so shall they [ 
corrupt this worke and wrapp yt vp after their fassyons, and then maye they sell 
yt for naught at their pleasor. Ye and to make yt more trewer then yt is, therfore 
douchemen 3 dwellynge within this realme go about the pryntyng of ytt, which can 
nether speke good englyshe, ner yet wryte none, and they wilbe bothe the prynters 
& correctors therof, because of a lytle couetousnes that wyll not bestow xx or 
xl li to a learned man to take payne in yt to haue yt well done. It were therfore 
(as your lordship dothe euydently perceaue) a thynge vnreasonable to permyt 
or softer them (which now hath no suche busynes) to enter into the laboures of them 
that hath had bothe sore trouble and vnreasonable charges. And the truthe is this 
that if yt be prynted by any other before these be solde (whiche I thynke shall 
not be this iij yere at the least) that then am I your poore Orator vtterly vndone. 

Therfore by your moost godly fauor if I maye obtayne the kynges moost gracyous 
priuiledge that none shall prynt them tyll these be solde, which at the least shall 
not be this iij yere, your lordship shall not fynde me vnthankfull, but that to 
the vtter most of my power I wyll consyder yt, and I dare saye that so will 
my lorde of Cantorbury with other my moost speciall frendes. And at the least, 
god will loke vpon your mercifull heart that consydereth the vndoynge of a pore 
yonge man. For truly my whole lyuynge lyeth hervpon, which if I maye have sale i 
of them, not beynge hyndered by any other man, yt shalbe my makyng and welthe, 
and the contrary is my vndoynge. Therfore most humbly I beseche your lordship 
to be my helper herin that I maye obtayne this my request. Or elles yf by no meanes 

1 Grafton probably feared competition from Nycholson. 

2 The reference is to Nycholson's quarto editions of Coverdale's Bible. 

3 This supports Mr. Gordon Duff's identification of Johan Hollybushe with Hans van Rure- 
mond. See No. XVI A, note 2, and XXXII, note I. 



The Licensing of Matthew's Bible. 



97 



this pryuyledge maye be had (as I have no dout thorow your helpe yt shall) and 
seinge men are so desyrous to be pryntynge of yt agayne to my vtter vndoynge 
as aforsayde. That yet for as moche as it hath pleased the kynges highnes to 
lycence this vvorke to go abroade and that it is the moost pure worde of god which 
teacheth all true obedyence and reproueth all scismes and contencyons. And the 
lacke of this worde of the allmightie god is the cause of all blyndenes and super- 
sticion, yt maye therfore be commaunded by your lordship in the name of our most 
gracyous prynce that euery curat haue one of them that they maye learne to knowe 
god and to instruct their parysshens. Ye and that euery abbaye shuld have vj 
to be layde in vj seuerall places that the whole covent and the resorters thervnto 
maye have occasyon to looke on the lordes lawe. Ye I wold none other but they 
of the papisticall sorte shuld be compelled to haue them, and then I knowe there 
shuld be ynow founde in my lorde of londons dyocesse to spende away a great part 
of them, and so shuld this be a godly acte worthy to be had in remembrance whyle 
the world doth stande, Sir I know that a small comyssyon wyll cause my lorde 
of Cantorbury, Salsbury & Worscetter to cause yt to be done thorow their dyocesse, 
Ye and this shuld cease the whole scisme and contencyon that is in the realme, 
which is, some callyng them of the olde and some of the new, now shuld we all 
folow one god. one boke and one learnynge, and this is hurtfull to no man but proffyte 
to all men. I will trouble your lordship no lenger for I am sory I have troubled 
you so moche. But to make an ende I desyer your moost gracyous answer by 
my servaunt, for the sycknes is bryme 4 aboute vs or elles wolde I wayte vpon your 
lordship, and because of comynge to your lordship, I have not soffred my servaunt 
with me sence he came ouer. Thus for your contynuall preseruacyon I with all 
that truly loue god do most hartely praye that you maye ouercome all your 
aduersaryes of the papisticall sorte. 

Your Orato r Rychard grafton. 



XXXIV. FOX'S ACCOUNT OF THE PRINTING OF THE GREAT 

BIBLE OF 1539. 

From Fox's Acles and Monumenles, Fourth Edition. London, 1583, p. 1191. 

% Of the Bible in English printed in the large volume, and of Edmund 
Boner preferred to the Bishoprike of London, by the meanes of the Lord 

Cromwell. 

ABout the time and yere, when Edmund Boner bishop of Hereford, and ambassa- 
dour resident in Fraunce, began first to be nominate and preferred by the meanes of 
the lord Cromwel to the bishoprike of London : which was, anno 1540, 1 it happened 
that the said Thomas, Lord Cromwell and Erie of Essex, 2 procured of the king of 
england his gracious letters to the French king to permitte and licence 3 a subiect of 
his to> imprint the Bible in English within the vniuersitie of Paris 4 because paper 
was there more meete and apt to be had for the doing therof, then in the realme of 
England, and also that there were more store of good workmen for the readie dispatch 
of the same. And in like maner at the same time the said king wrote vnto his 
ambassadour, who then was Edmund Boner Bishop of Herford lying in Paris, that 
he should ayde and assist the doers thereof in all their reasonable sutes. The which 
Bishop outwardly shewed great friendship to the merchants that were the imprinters 
of the same, and moreouer did diuers and sundrie times call and commande the 
said persons, to be in maner daily at his table both dinner and supper, and so 
much rejoyced in the workemanship of the said Bible, that he himselfe would 
visite the imprinter's house, where the same bibles were printed, and also would take 

4 Furious. 

XXXIV. ' This is a year too late for the beginning of the Great Bible. Bonner was elected 
Bishop of London October 20, 1539, confirmed November 11, consecrated April 4, 1540. 

2 Cromwell was only made Earl of Essex on April 17, 1540, less than four months before his 
execution (July 28). 

3 See No. XXXV. 

' The University had the supervision of all printing in Paris, and the chief printers were 
libraires juris of it. 



The 

Bibles of 
the great- 
est vo- 
lume 
printed 
in Paris. 

The doers 

hereof 

were 

Rich: 

Grafton 

and 

Whyt- 

church. 

Edmund 

Boner a 

great fur- 

therer in 

printing 

the Bibles 

in Eng- 

lishe. 



The new 
testa- 
ment in 
Englishe 
and 
La tine 
put in 
print by 
Boner. 

Edmund 
Boner 
made 
Byshop 
of Lon- 
don. 

Boners 
wordes to 
Grafton, 
when he 
toocke his 
othe to 
the king. 

Boner re- 
proueth 
Stokesley 
for his 
perse- 
cuting. 

Boners 
promise 
to set 
forth the 
Scripture 
in Eng- 
lishe. 

Boner 
sweareth 
hartely to 
thekinges 
suprem- 
acy. 
Myles 
Couer- 
dale cor- 
rector in 
printing 
the Bible 
of the 
large 
volume. 

The print- 
ing of the 
Bible 
stayed at 
Paris 
thorough 
the prac- 
tise of 
Englishe 
Bishops. 

English 
Bibles 
burnt at 
Paris. 



9 8 



Fox's Account of the Printing 



part of such dinners as the Englishmen there had, and that to his cost, which, as 
it seemed he little vvayed. And further the sayd Boner was so feruent that he 
caused the said Englishmen to put in print a new testament in english & latine, 5 and 
himselfe took, a great many of them and payd for them and gaue them to his friends. 
And it chaunced the meane time, while the said Bible was in printing, the king Henry 
the 8. preferred the said Boner from the said bishoprike of Herford, to be bishop of 
London, at which time 6 the said Boner according to the statute law of England, tooke 
his othe to the king, knowledging his supremacie, and called one of the aforesaid 
Englishmen that printed the bible, whom he then loued, although afterward vppon 
the change of the worlde he did hate him as much, whose name was Richard Grafton : 
to whom the said Boner saide when he tooke his othe, maister Grafton, so it is, that 
the kings most excellent maiestie hath by his gracious gift presented me to the 
Bishoprike of London, for the which I am sory, for if it would haue pleased his 
grace, I could haue bene well content to haue kept mine old bishopricke of Herford. 
Then said Grafton I am right glad to heare of it, and so I am sure will bee a great 
number of the Citie of London : for though they yet know you not, yet they haue 
heard so much goodnes of you from hence, as no doubt they will hartily reioyce 
of your placing, Then said Boner, I pray God I may doe that may content them, 
and to tel you M. Grafton, Before god (for that was commonly his othe) the 
greatest fault that I euer found in Stokesley, was for vexing and troubling of 
poore men, as Lobley the bookebinder 7 and other, for hauing the scripture in 
english, and God willing he did not so much hinder it, but I wil as much 
further it, and I wil haue of your Bibles set vp in the Church of Paules, at 
the least in sundrie places sixe of them, and I will pay you honestly for them and 
giue you hartie thankes. 8 Which wordes hee then spake in the hearing of diuers 
credible persons, as Edmund Stile Grocer and other. But now M. Grafton at this 
time I haue specially called you to be a witnes with me that vpon this translation 
of Bishops Sees, I must according to the statute take an othe vnto the kings maiestie 
knowledging his Supremacie, which before God I take with my heart and so thinke 
him to be, and beseech almightie God to saue him, and long to prosper his grace : 
holde the booke sirah, and reade you the oth (said he) to one of his chapleins, and 
he layd his hand on the booke and so he tooke his othe. And after this he shewed 
great friendship to the saide Grafton and to his partener Edward Whitchurch, 
but specially to Myles Couerdall, who was the corrector of the great Bible. 

Now after that the foresaid letters were delivered, the French kyng gaue very 
good wordes, and was well content to permit the doing therof. And so the printer 
went forward and printed forth the booke euen to the last part, and then was the 
quarrell picked to the printer, and he was sent for to the inquisitors of the fayth, 
and there charged with certaine articles of heresie. Then were sent for the English- 
men that were at the cost and charge thereof, and also such as had the correction of 
the same, which was Myles Couerdale, but hauing some warning what would folow 
the said Englishmen posted away as fast as they could to saue themselues, leauing 
behynd them all their Bibles, which were to the number of 2500, 9 called the Bibles 
of the great volume, and neuer recouered any of them, sauing that the Lieftenaunt 
criminal hauing them deliuered vnto hym to burne in a place at Paris (like Smith- 

6 This is the Paris edition of Coverdale's Latin and English New Testament printed to 
supersede the faulty edition published by Nycholson; see No. XXXII A, note i, and No. XXXVIII. 
Inasmuch as it was translated from the Vulgate this would be regarded as more likely to be 
orthodox than those which followed the Greek or German. But there is no reason to think 
that Bonner 'caused ' it to be printed. 

6 i.e. in October or November, 1538. 

' Michael Lobley was indicted in 1531 for buying heretical books at Antwerp and speaking 
against images and purgatory. He lived, however, to be a warden of the Stationers' Company 
in 1560. 

8 Bonner carried out this promise, and on the occasion of his doing so issued the exhortation 
mentioned in No. XLIV, B. 

9 The true number was 2,000, as stated by Grafton in his 'Abridgement of the Chronicles of 
England . . . 1564. In aedibus Richardi To'thyl,' fol. I35 b : 'In this yere the Great Bible in 
English in the Great Volume was printed in Paris in as privy a manner as might bee, but 
when it was knowne, not only the same Bible beeing XXC in nomber was seased and made 
confriscat, but also both the printer, marchants, and correctors in great jeopardy of their lyves 
eskaped.' There is not the smallest reason to attribute the interference of the Inquisition to 
'the practise of the Englishe Bishops'. It was a political move, suggested by the French 
ambassador in London, see No. XXXIX C. 



of the Great Bible of 1539. 



99 



field) called Maulbert place, was somewhat mooued with couetousnes, and sold 4. great 
dry fattes of them to a Haberdasher to lap in caps, and those were bought againe, 
but the rest were burned, to the great and importunate losse of those that bare the 
charge of them. But notwithstandyng the sayd losse after they had recouered 
some part of the foresayde bookes, and were comforted and encouraged by the 
Lord Cromwell, the said Englishmen went agayne to Paris, 10 & there got the presses, 
letters, and seruaunts of the aforesayd Printer, and brought them to London, and 
there they became printers themselues (which before they neuer entended) and 
printed out the said Bible in London, and after that printed sundry impressions of I 
them: but yet not without great trouble and losse, for the hatred of the bishops 
namely, Steven Gardiner, and his fellowes, who mightily did stomacke and maligne 
the printing thereof. 

Here, by the way, for the more direction of the story, thou hast louying Reader, 
to note and vnderstand that in those daies there were ii sundry Bibles in English, 
printed and set forth, bearing diuers titles, and printed in diuers places. The first 
was called Thomas Mathews Bible, printed at Hambrough, u about the yeare of our 
Lord, 1532. 12 the corrector of which print was then John Rogers, of whom ye shall 
heare more Christ willing hereafter. The Printers were Richard Grafton, and 
Whitchurch. In the translation of this Bible, the greatest doer was in deede 
William Tyndall, who with the helpe of Miles Couerdale had translated all the 
bookes thereof, except onely the Apocrypha, 13 and certaine notes in the margent 
which were added after. But because the said William Tyndall in the meane 
tyme was apprehended before this Bible was fully perfected, it was thought good 
to them which had the doing therof, to chaunge the name of William Tyndall, 
because that name then was odious, and to father M it by a strange name of Thomas 
Mathew, John Rogers the same time beyng corrector to the print, who had then 
translated the residue of the Apocrypha, and added also certaine notes thereto in 
the margent, and thereof came it to be called Thomas Mathewes Bible. Which 
Bible of Thomas Mathew, after it was imprinted and presented to the Lord Crom- 
well, and the Lord Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury, who liked very well of it, the 
sayd Cromwell presented it to the kyng, and obteined that the same might freely 
passe to be read of hys subiectes with hys graces licence : So that there was Printed 
upon the same booke, one lyne in red letters with these wordes : Set forth with the 
kings most gracious licence. 

The setting forth of this booke did not a little offend the Clergy, namely, the 
Bishop aforesayd, both for the Prologues and specially because in the same booke was 
one special table collected of the common places in the Bible, and the scriptures for 
the approbation of the same, and chiefly about the supper of the lord and manage of 
priests, and the masse, which there was said not to be found in Scripture. 

Furthermore, after the restraint of this foresayde Bible of Mathew, another Bible 
began to be printed at Paris, an. 1540. which was called the Bible of the large 
Volume. The Printers whereof were the foresayde Richard Grafton, and Whit- 
churche which bare the charges. A great helper thereto was the lord Cromwell. 
The chiefest ouerseer was Myles Couerdale, who taking the translation of Tyndall, 
conferred the same with the Hebrue, and amended many things. 

In this Bible, although the former notes of Thomas Mathew was omitted, yet 
sondry markes and handes were annexed in the sides, which ment that in those 
places shuld be made certeine notes, 15 wherwith also the clergy was offended, though 
the notes were not made. 

After this, the bishops bringing their purpose to passe, brought the Lord Crom- 
well out of fauour, and shortly to his death : and not long after, great complaint 
was made to the king of the translation of the Bible, and of the preface of the 
same, and then was the sale of the Bible commaunded to be stayed, the B[ishop] 
promising to amend and correct it, but neuer performing the same : 16 Then Grafton 

10 It was presumably during this visit to Paris that Grafton witnessed the taking by Bonner 
of the Oath acknowledging the king's supremacy in October or November 1538. 

" No one believes that the Bible was printed at Hamburg. 

12 Fox's mistake for 1537 (reading MDXXXVII as MDXXXII). 

13 This exaggerates Tyndale's share. None of the Old Testament after 2 Chronicles is believed 
to be his. See No. XXVIII. 

11 Misprinted ' farther '. 

ls See Nos. XXXVI C, XXXVIII B. IG See No. XLV. 



How 
Grafton 
and Whit- 
church 
became 
printers. 



Tho: 
Mathewes 
Bible, by 
whom 
and how. 



The Bible 
presented 
to the 
king by 
the Lord 
Crom- 
well. 

The 

Bybleput 
forthwith 
the kings 
priui- 
ledge. 

An other 
Byble of 
the great 
volume 
printed 
at Paris. 

The 

Byshops 
offended 
at the 
Byble 
trans- 
lated into 
Englishe. 

The sale 
of the 
Byble 
stayd by 
the king, 
throug[h] 
the Bys- 
hops 
meanes. 



G 2 






Rich. 
Grafton 
imprison- 
ed for 
printing 
the Bible. 



Edm. 
Boner a 
great 
trend to 
L. Crom- 
well, al 
the tyme 
of his 
pros- 
peritye. 

Steph. 

Gardiner 

and 

Boner of 

enemyes 

made 

frendes. 

Doct. 
Boner al- 

tereth his 
frendship 
and re- 
ligion. 

Doctor 
Boner a- 
gaynst 
the 

L. Crom- 
well. 



i oo Fox's Account of the Printing of the Great Bible. 



was called, and first charged with the printing of Mathewes Bible, but he being feare- 
ful of trouble, made excuses for himselfe in all things. Then was he examined of the 
great Bible, and what notes he was purposed to make. To the which he aunswered, 
that he knewe none. For his purpose was to haue retayned learned men to have 
made the notes, but when he perceyued the kynges maiestie, and his Clergye not 
willing to haue any, he preceded no further. But for al these excuses, Grafton was 
sent to the Fleet, and there remayned vi weekes, and before he came out, was 
bound in CCCli that he should neither sell nor imprint, or cause to be imprinted any 
moe Bibles, vntill the king and the clergy should agree vpon a translation. And 
thus was the Bible at that tyme stayed, during the raigne of Kyng Henry the viii. 

But yet one thing more is to be noted, that after the imprinters had lost their 
Bibles, they continued suiters to Boner, as is aforesaid, to be a meane for to ob- 
teyne of the French king their bookes againe : but so long they continued suters, 
and Boner euer fed them with faire wordes, promising them much, but did nothing 
for them 17 , till at the last Boner was discharged of his ambassade, and returned 
home, where he was right ioyfully welcomed home by the lord Cromwell, who loued 
him dearely, and had maruelous good opinion of him. And so long as Cromwell 
remained in autoritie, so long was Boner at his beck and friend to his friends and 
enimy to his enimies; as namely, at that tyme to Gardiner B[ishop] of Winchester, 
who neuer fauoured Cromwell, and therefore Boner could not fauour him, but that 
he and Winchester were the greatest enemies that might be. But so soone as Crom- 
well fel, immediately Boner and Winchester pretended to be the greatest men that 
liued, and no good word could Boner speake of Cromwell, but the lewdest, vilest, and 
bitterest that he could speake, calling him the rankest heretike that euer liued : and 
then such as the sayd Boner knew to be in good fauour with Cromwell, he could 
neuer abide their sight. Insomuch, as the next day after that Cromwell was appre- 
hended, the abouenamed Grafton, who before had bene very familiar with Boner, 
met with the sayd Boner sodenly. and sayd vnto hym, that he was sory to heare of 
the newes that then was abroad. What are they, sayd he ? Of the apprehension of 
the L. Cromwell sayd Grafton. Are ye sory for that (sayd he ?) It had bene good 
that he had bene dispatched long ago. With that Grafton looked vpon hym and 
knew not what to say, but came no more to Boner. Howbeit afterward the sayd 
Grafton beyng charged for the imprinting of a ballet made in the fauour of Crom- 
wel was called before the Councel, where Boner was present and there Boner charged 
hym with the wordes that hee spake to hym of Cromwell, and told out a great long 
tale. But the lord Awdeley, who then was Lord Chauncellor, right discretly and 
honourably, cut of the matter, and entered into other talke. 



XXXV. THE FRENCH KING'S LICENCE. 1 

Printed from an early transcript, Cotton MS. Cleopatra, E. v. 326. 

Franciscus etc. dilectis nobis Richardo Grafton et Edwardo Whitchurch Anglis et 
civibus londini salutem, Quia fide digno testimonio accepimus quod charissimus 
frater noster anglorum Rex vobis cuius subditi estis sacram bibliam tarn latine quam | 
britannice sive anglice imprimendi ac imprimi curandi et in suum Regnum appor- 

17 This is contradicted by XXXIX B (last sentence but one). 

XXXV. ' The date of this document being in dispute it is here placed immediately after Fox's 
narrative. It is, however, fairly obvious, since it mentions Latin as well as English printing, that 
it must be placed after the appearance of the faulty edition of Coverdale's Latin-English Testa- 
ment at Southwark, which caused him to desire to print a more perfect one in Paris, and as it 
was his absence which obliged him to leave the correction of the proofs to Nycholson, this licence 
cannot have been obtained until after he had been some time at Paris. On the other hand, as the 
Latin-English New Testament was safely printed in 1538 it seems impossible to agree with Dr. 
Kingdon, who in his monograph on Poyntz and Grafton contends that this licence was only- 
granted on the return of Grafton to Paris late in 1 539 (see No. XXXIV, note 10). That theory is 
also negatived by the fact that ample facilities then existed for printing Bibles in England, and 
Grafton only wanted to get back the stock. The true date appears to be some time after the 
letter of June 23 (see next document), in which the printers ask Cromwell to write letters on 
their behalf to the English ambassadors, who would supply the ' fide dignum testimonium ' 
alluded to in the opening paragraph of the licence. While, however, issuing the licence in accord- 
ance with Cromwell's request, the French king, by the vague stipulation that the translation 
should avoid all private and unlawful opinions, made it valueless. 



The French King's Licence. 



101 



tandi et transferendi libertatem sufficientem et legittimam, concesserit, et vos turn 
propter chartam turn propter alias honestas considerationes animos vestros in hac 
parte iuste moventes dictam bibliam sic imprimendam Parisiis infra hoc nostrum 
Regnum curaveritis ac in Angliam quam primum transmittere intenderitis, Nos ut 
hec vobis facere liceat potestatem facientes, vobis coniunctim et deuisim ac procura- 
toribus factoribus et agentibus vestris et cuiuslibet vestrum, vt in Regno nostro 
apud calchographum quemcumque dictam sacram bibliam tarn latine quam anglicana 
lingua tuto imprimere et excudere possitis et possint, necnon excussam et impressam 
in Angliam dumtaxat sine ulla perturbacione aut molestia vel impedimento quocum- 
que transmittere et apportare, dummodo quod sic imprimentes et excudentes sincere 
et pure quantum in vobis erit citra vllas privatas aut illigittimas opiniones impressum 
et excussum fuerit, et onera ac officia mercatoria nobis et ministris nostris debite in 
hac parte extiterint prosoluta licentiam nostram impartimur et concedimus specialem 
per presentes, Datis et ceteris. 

Translation. 

Francis, etc. to our well beloved Richard Grafton and Edward Whitchurch English- 
men and citizens of London greeting. Whereas by trustworthy testimony we have 
been informed that our most dear brother the King of the English, whose subjects 
ye are, hath granted you sufficient and lawful liberty of printing and getting printed 
the Holy Bible both in Latin and in British or English and of bringing and trans- 
porting it into his kingdom, and that ye, alike for the sake of the paper and for 
other honourable reasons rightfully influencing you in this matter, have taken steps 
for thus printing the said Bible at Paris within this our kingdom and intend as 
soon as may be to send it over to England. We therefore, that you may be able to 
do this, empowering you jointly and severally, and also the representatives, factors 
and agents of both or either of you, that within our kingdom in the house of any 
printer you and they may safely impress and print the said Holy Bible alike in Latin 
and in the English tongue and when it is printed and impressed may transport it 
into England without any interference, annoyance, or hindrance, provided always 
that ye shall so print and impress it sincerely and purely so far as in you lies, 
avoiding any private or unlawful opinions, and when it is so printed and impressed 
all imposts and custom duties have been duly paid to us and to our officers, grant 
and concede our special licence by these presents. Dated, etc. 



XXXVI. REPORTS OF PROGRESS. 
A. Letter of Coverdale and Grafton to Cromwell, June 23, 1538. 1 

From the original in the Record Office, (Letters and Papers of the reign of Henry VIII, 

vol. xiii, pt. 1, 1249). 

After moost humble and hartie commendacions to your good lordship. Pleaseth 
the same to vnderstand, that we be entred into your worke of the byble, wherof 
(accordynge to our moost bounden dutie) we haue here sent vnto your lordship ij 
ensamples, one in parchement, wherin we entende to prynt one for the kynges grace, 
and another for your lordship : and the seconde in paper, wherof all the rest 
shalbe made, trustynge that it shalbe, not onlye to the glorye of god, but a synguler 
pleasure also to your good lordship the causer therof , and a generall edefyenge of the 
kinges subiectes, accordynge to your lordshipes moost godlye request. For we 
folowe not only a standynge text of the hebrue, with the interpretacion of the Caldee, 
and the greke, but we set also in a pryuate table the dyuersite of redinges of all 
textes, with soche annotacions in another table, as shall douteles delucidate and 
cleare thesame, as well without any singularyte of opinions as all checkinges and 
reprofes. The prynt no dout shall please your good lordship. The paper is of the 
best sorte in Fraunce. The charge certaynly is great, wherin as we moost humbly 
requyer your fauourable helpe at this present, with whatsoeuer yt shall please 

1 [Docketed] Myles Coverdale and Rychard Grafton letter certefyinge that the byble is almost 
prynted at Parys. 



102 



Reports of Progress. 



your good lordship to let vs haue, 2 so trust we, (yf nede requyer) in our iust busynes, 
to be defended from the papistes by your lordshipes fauourable letters, which we 
moost humbly desyer to haue, (by this berer, Wyllyam Graye) ether to the bysshop 
of Wynchester, 3 or to some other whome your lordship shall thinke moost expedyent. 
We be daylye threatened, and look euer to be spoken withall, as this berer can 
farther enforme your lordship, but how they will vse vs, as yet, we knowe not. 
Neuerthelesse for our farther assewraunce where thorough we maye be the abler to 
performe this your lordshipes work, we are so moche the bolder of your good lord- 
ship, for other refuge haue we none vnder god and our kynge, whom with noble 
prynce Edward and all you their most honorable councell, god allmightie preserue 
now and euer, Amen. Wrytten at Parys the xxiij daye of Juyn by your lordshipes 
assured and daylye oratours, 

Myles Couerdale 
Rychard Grafton grocer 

To the right honorable and their syngular good lorde, the lorde Cromewell and 
lorde preuaye Seale. 

B. Letter of Edward Whitchurch to Cromwell, undated. 1 

From the original in the Record Office (Letters and Papers of the reign of Henry VIII, 

vol. xiii, pt. 2, 1086). 

Pleas it your lordship to be advertysed, that your lordships certyfying me, that 
you wold not wryt your lettres, nor medle at all, with owr purposed worke, Lately 
taken in hand for your lordship, so greatly dyscomforted me your poore Orator, that 
it almost brought me vtterly into dispeire, but that I hadd sum hope of comfort, 
when I Rem[em]bryd your godly Intent euer in preferyng of all thyngs wyche were 
for goddes glory trustyng that your sayd lordship woll styll contenew in the same. 
And ayde & defend vs in thys our iust besynes. Havyng non other refuge vnder god 
and the Kynges highnes but of your lordship. Wherfor I most humbly beseche 
your lordship not to refuse vs now, but wythe your goodnes to helpe vs in the 
furtherans of our sayd worke, And when yt shall pleas your lordship to command 
me I shall informe your lordship of those people, and moste chieffly of our contrey- 
men, wyche doo compleyn on vs vnto the vniuersitye, & most shamfully vsethe 
their toungs toward the Kynges grace, & his most honorable counsaill. 

Your bound Orator 

Edward Whitchurche. 



C. Letter of Coverdale, Grafton, and W. Gray to Cromwell, 

August 9, 1538. 1 

From the original in the Record Office (Letters and Papers of the reign of Henry VIII, 

vol. xiii, pt. 2, 58). 

After moost humble and due salutacion to your good lordship. Pleaseth the 
same to vnderstand, that your worke going forward, we thought it oure moost 
bounden dutie to sende vnto your lordship certayne leaues therof, specially, 
seynge we had so good occasyon, by the return ynge of your beloued seruant 
Sebastian. And as they are done, so will we sende your lordship the residue from 
tyme to tyme. As touchynge the maner and order that we kepe in thesame worke, 
Pleaseth your goode lordship to be aduertised that this merke <IT in the text, 
signifieth, that vpon the same (in the later ende of the booke) there is some notable 

! Cromwell informed the French ambassador that he had himself spent on the work £400. 
See No. XXXIX, B and C. 

3 Stephen Gardiner, the English ambassador, superseded by Bonner in July of this year. 

B. ' This letter being undated its place is uncertain. It is inserted here on the supposition that 
Cromwell at first replied unfavourably to the letter of Coverdale and Grafton of June 23, but 
was moved by the appeal from Whitchurch to instruct the English ambassador to take action. 

C. ' Endorsed : ' Myles couerdale Ric. Grafton Win. Gray certefying the maner howe they are 
in hand to translate the Byble. At Parys. ix Aug.' 



Reports of Progress. 



103 



annotation, which we haue writen, without any pryuate opinion, 2 onlye after the 
best interpreters of the hebrues for the more clearenesse of the texte. This marke ♦ 
betokeneth, that vpon the same texte there is diuersite of redynge amonge the 
hebrues, Caldees and Grekes and latenystes, as in a table at the ende of the booke 
shalbe declared. This marke c^jff sheweth that the sentence written in small letters 
is not in the hebrue or Caldee, but in the latyn, and seldome in the Greke, and that 
we neuerthelesse wolde not haue it extinct, but hig[h]lye accept yt for the more 
explanation of the text. This token f in the olde testament geueth to vnderstand, 
that thesame texte which foloweth it, is also alledged of christ or of some apostle 
in the newe testament. 3 This (amonge other oure necessarie laboures) is the waye 
that we take in this worke, trustynge verely, that as God allmightie moued youre 
lordship to set vs vnto yt : so shall it be to his glorie, and right welcome to all 
them that loue to serue him and their prynce in true faithfull obedyence. As is 
onlye knowen to the lorde of heauen, to whom we moost harteley praye for your 
lordshipes preseruacion. At parvs the ix daye of August 1538 by your faithfull 
oratours. 

Myles Couerdale 
Richard grafton 
William Grey. 

To the right honorable and their synguler good lorde, lorde preuye seale be this 
delyuered. 

D. COVERDALE AND GRAFTON TO CROMWELL SEPTEMBER 12, 1538. 1 

From the original in the Record Office (Letters and Papers of the reign of Henry VIII, 

vol. xiii, pt. 2, 336). 

After most humble and due salutacions to your mooste honorable lordshippe, 
pleaseth the same to vnderstand, that we are instantly desyred of oure hoste (whose 
name is Fraunces Reynold 2 a frenchman) to make supplicacion for him vnto your 
lordshippe. Where as of long tyme he hath bene an occupier in to England more 
then xl. yere, he hath allwayes provyded soche bookes for England, as they moost 
occupied, so that he hath a great nombre, at this present in his handes, As prymers 
in Englishe, Missales with other soche like : Whereof now (by the company of the 
booksellers in London) he is vtterly forbydden to make sale, to the vtter vndoyng 
of the man, Wherfore moost humbly we beseke your lordshippe to be gracious and 
fauourable vnto him, that he maye have lycence to sell those which he hath done 
allready, so that herafter he prynte nomoo in the english tong, onlesse he have 
an english man that is lerned, to be his corrector ; and that is the man well con- 
tented withall. he is also contented and hath promised before my lord elect of 
harfford, that yf there be founde anye notable faute in his bookes, he will put the 
same out, and prynte the leafe agayne. Thus are we bolde to wryte vnto your 
lordshippe in his cause (as doth also my lord elect of herfford) beseching your 1. 
to pardon oure boldnesse, and to be good lorde vnto this honest man, whose servaunt 
shall geve attendaunce vpon your 1. most fauourable answere. Yf your 1. shewe 
him this benefyte, we shall not fare the worse, in the readynesse and due expedicion 
of this your 1. worke of the byble. Which goeth well forwarde, and within few 
monethes will drawe to an ende, by the grace of allmightie god, who preserue your 
good lordshippe now and euermore. 

From Parys the xij th daye of Septembre. 

Myles Couerdale. 
Rychard Grafton. 

To the right honorable and their singular good lorde, the lord prevye seale. 

2 This reads like a translation of the ' citra vllas priuatas opiniones ' of the licence which had 
almost certainly been granted by this time. 

3 As to these marks see No. XXXIV on page 99. 

D. » Endorsed : Miles Coverdale and Richard Grafton. The byble is in printing. 

2 i. e. Francois Regnault, the printer of the Bible, with whom apparently Coverdale and 
Grafton were lodging. Regnault had begun printing service-books for the use of Salisbury in 
1 5 19, and from 1524 to 1535 his output had been large and uninterrupted. He had already 
in 1536 himself written to Cromwell asking that the Act of 1534 regulating the importation 
of foreign books might not be used to exclude those he had printed, and he now procured the 
aid of Grafton and Coverdale. He died some little time before June 21, 1541. 



104 



Reports of Progress. 



E. Bishop Bonner to Cromwell. 

Extract from the original letter in the Record Office (Letters and Papers of the reign of 
Henry VIII, vol. xiii, pt. 2, 557). 

Of late ther is a stay made att Parys towching the printing of the bible in 
English, and sute made to the great mayster 1 to prouide for remedie therin ; but as 
yet it is not obteyned. God send all to the best and preserue your Lordeship so well 
as I can and am mooste bounden to desire. At St. Quyntyns y° Octobris. 

XXXVII. THE KING'S PROCLAMATION. November 16, 1538. 
From the British Museum facsimile of the copy in the library of the Society of Antiquaries. 

The Kynges Moste Royall maiestie beinge enfourmed, that sondry contentious 
and sinyster opinyons, haue by wronge teachynge and naughtye printed bokes, 
encreaced and growen within this his realme of Englande. . . . 

Fyrste for expellynge and aduoydinge the occasion of the said errours and 
seditiouse opinions, by reason of bokes imprinted in the englyshe tonge, brought 
and transported from outward parties, The kynges most royall maiestie straytely 
chargeth and commaundeth, that no person or persons, of what estate degree or 
condition so euer he be, shall from hensforth (without his maiesties speciall licence) 
transport or bringe from outwarde parties, into this his realme of England, or any 
other his gracis dominions, any maner bokes printed in the englyshe tonge, nor sell, 
gyue, vtter, or publishe any suche bokes from hensforthe to be broughte into this 
realme, or into any his highnes domynions, vpon the peynes that the offendours in 
that article shall nat onely incurre and runne into his gracis moste high displeasure 
and indignation, but also shall lose and forfaite vnto his maiestie, all his or theyr 
goodes and cattalles, and haue emprisonment at his gracis wyll. 

Item that no persone or persons in this realme, shall from hensforth print any 
boke in the englyshe tonge, onles vpon examination made by some of his gracis 
priuie counsayle, or other suche as his highnes shall appoynte, they shall haue 
lycence so to do, and yet so hauynge, not to put these wordes Cum priuilegio regali, 
without addyng ad imprimendum solum} and that the hole copie, or els at the least 
theffect of his licence and priuilege be therwith printed, and playnely declared and 
expressed in the Englyshe tonge vnderneth them : Nor from henseforth shall printe 
or bryng into this his realm any bokes of diuine scripture in the englishe tonge, 
with any annotations in the margyn, or any prologe or additions in the calender 
or table, excepte the same be firste viewed, examyned, and allowed by the kynges 
highnes, or suche of his maiesties counsayle, or other, as it shall please his grace 
to assigne therto, but onely the playne sentence and texte, with a table or reper- 
torie, instructynge the reader to fynde redely the chapiters conteyned in the sayd 
boke, and the effectes therof. Nor shall from henseforthe prynte any boke of 
translations in the englyshe tonge, oneles the playne name of the translatour therof 
be conteyned in the saide boke, or elles that the prynter will answere for the same as 
for his owne priuie dede and acte, and otherwise to make the translatour the printer 
and the setter forthe of the same, to suffre punishment, and make a fyne at the 
kynges wyll and pleasure. 

Item that no persone or persons, vsyng the occupation of pryntyng of bokes in 
this realme, shall prynt, vtter, sel, or cause to be published any bokes of scripture in 
the englishe tonge, vntyl suche time as the same bokes be fyrst viewed, examyned, 
and admitted by the kynges highnesse, or one of his priuie counsayle, or one byshoppe 
of this realme, whose name also his grace wylleth shall be therin expressed, vpon 
peyne not onely to incurre and runne into the kynges most hygh displeasure and 
indignation, but also to lose and forfayte al theyr goodes and catalles, and suffre 
emprisonement at his gracis wyll and pleasure. . . . 

Westminster xvi. Nouembr. Anno regni regis Henrici octaui xxx. 

Tho. Berthelet, regius impressor excudebat. 

Cum priuilegio. 

E. ' Anne de Montmorency, Grand Master and Constable of France since February 10 of this 
year. 

XXXVII. ' i.e. they were not to make a mere permission to print appear as if any special 
favour or monopoly were being conferred on the edition. 



More Reports from Paris. 



!05 



XXXVIII. MORE REPORTS FROM PARIS. 
A. Grafton to Cromwell. 1 

From Cotton MS. Cleopatra E, v. 323. 

After moost humble comendacions. Pleaseth it your lordship to vnderstand that 
it chaunsed sence oure comynge into these partes, that James Nycolson that dwelleth 
in Southwark put in prynt the newe testament both in latyn and englyshe, 2 which 
booke was delyuered vnto vs by a straunger And when Master Couerdale had aduvsed 
and consydered thesame. he founde his name added thervnto as the translator, with 
thewhich he neuer had to do, nether sawe he it before it was full prynted and 
ended. And also founde the booke so folyshly done, ye and so corrupt, that yt 
did not only greue him that the prynter had so defamed him and his learnyng by 
addynge his name to so fonde a thinge, but also that the commen people was 
depryued of the true and syncere sence of godes true worde, and also that soche 
an occasyon was mynystred to the enemyes of Godes worde, that rather seke occa- 
syons to rayle and sclaunder, then to be edefyed. And therfore at his moost honest 
and lawful! request (although I had ynough to do besyde) I haue prynted thesame 
agayne, translated and corrected by Master Couerdale him selfe. Of the which 
bookes now beynge fyneshed, I have here sent your lordship the fyrst (and so haue 
I also sent vnto my lorde of Cantorbury another and almoost to euery christen 
bysshop 3 that is in the realme, My lorde of harfforde also hath sent to Mr. Rychard 
Cromwell one of the same) thewhich I moost humbly desyer your lordship to accept, 
hauyng respecte rather vnto my harte, then to the gifte ; for it is not so well done 
as my harte wolde wysshe it to be : I haue also added, as your lordship maye 
perceaue, these wordes, Cum gracia et priuilegio Regis. And the day before this 
present came there a post named Nycolas which brought your lordshipes letters 
to my lorde of harfforde, with thewhich was bounde a certen inhibicion for pryntynge 
of bookes, and for addynge of these wordes Cum priuilegio. 4 Then assone as my 
lorde of harfforde had receaued yt, he sent ymedyatlye for Mr. Couerdale and me, 
readynge thesame thynge vnto vs, in thewhich is expressed, that we shuld adde these 
wordes (ad imprimendum solum) which wordes we neuer heard of before. Nether 
do we take it that those wordes shuld be added in the pryntynge of the scripture 
(if yt be truly translated) for then shuld yt be a great occasyon to the enemyes 
to saye that yt is not the kynges acte or mynde to set yt forth, but only lycence the 
prynters to sell soche as is put forth. Wherfore moost humbly we beseke your 
lordship to take no dyspleasor for that we haue done, for rather then any soche 
thynge shuld happen, we wolde do yt agayne, but I trust the thynge yt selfe is so 
well done, that it shall not only please your lordship, but also the Kynges highnes 
and all the godly in the realme. And where as your lordship hath added in thesayd 
inhibicions that your lordship and all the Kynges most honorable councell wylleth 
no booke from henceforth to be put in prynt, but that fyrst yt be alowed at the 
least by one bysshop. We moost humbly beseke your lordship to apoynt certen 
therto, 5 that they maye be as readye to reade them, as other good men be to put 
them forth. For yt is now vij yere, 6 sence the bysshopes promysed to translate and 
set forth the byble, and as yet they haue no leasor, I praye god they maye haue. 
howbeyt, the christen bysshops in dede haue small leasor. Thus I commyt your 
lordship to the tuition of allmyghtie god, who euermore preserue your good 
lordship. 

your humble and faythfull 

seruytor Rychard grafton. 

At Parys the first daye of December. 

1 Endorsed : ' To ye right honorable and their synguler good lorde, my lord preuaye seale. 
Rychard Grafton, the nrste of Decembre from parys.' 

2 See above, No. XXXII, A, note 1. 

3 By ' christen bishop', here and in the final paragraph, Grafton seems to mean those favour- 
able to the Protestant cause. 

* See No. XXXVII. 

s This was not done in the case of this edition, nor of any of the Great Bibles, except the 
fourth and sixth. See p. 17. 

6 The promises of 1 530 were vague ; it was after December 1 534 that an effort was made. 



io6 More Reports from Paris. 



B. C-OVERDALE TO CROMWELL, DECEMBER 13, 1538. 1 

From Harleian MS., No. 604, p. 98 (112). 

Right honorable and my syngular good lorde (after all dew salutacions) I humbly 
beseche youre lordshippe, that by my lorde electe of Herdforde, I maye knowe youre 
pleasure, concernynge the Annotacions of this byble, whether I shall proceade 
therin, or no. Pitie it were, that the darck places of the text (vpon the which I haue 
allwaye set a hande <1F) shulde so passe vndeclared. As for anye pryuate opynion 
or contencious wordes, as I wyll utterly avoyde all soche, so wyll I offre the annota- 
cions first to my sayde lord of Herdforde ; to the intent that he shall so examen the 
same, afore they be put in prynte, yi it be your lordshippes good pleasure, that 
I shall so do. As concernyng the new Testamentes in english & latyn, wherof your 
good lordshippe receaued lately a boke by your seruaunt Sebastian the Cooke, 
I besech your lfordship] to consydre the grenesse therof, which (for lack of tyme) can 
not as yet be so apte to be bounde as it shulde be : And where as my sayde lord of 
Hardforde is so good vnto vs as to convaye thus moch of the Byble to your good 
lordshippe, I humbly beseche the same, to be the defender & keper therof : To the 
intent that yf these men proceade in their cruelnesse agaynst us & confiscate the 
rest, yet this at the leest maye be safe by the meanes of your lordshippe, whom 
god the allmightie euermore preserue to his good pleasure. Amen. Written somwhat 
hastely at Parys the xiij daye of Decembre. 

Your 1 [ordships] humble & f aithfull seruitour 

Myles Couerdale. 

To my most syngular good lorde and master the lorde Cromwell lorde prevye 
seale. this delyuer. 



XXXIX. THE BIBLES CONFISCATED : CROMWELL'S EFFORTS 
TO OBTAIN THEIR RELEASE. 

A. Citation of Francois Regnault for Printing the Bible 
at Paris, December 17, 1538. 

From the copy transcribed in Cotton MS., Cleopatra E, v. 58, fol. 326. 1 

Frater henricus Garuais in sacra theologia Doctor. Regius Prior conventus 
fratrum predicatorum, paris. necnon vicarius generalis venerabilis patris fratris 
mathei ory eiusdem ordinis etiam sacre theologie doctoris, Inquisitoris generalis 
heretice prauitatis in toto Regno francie apostolica et Regia auctoritatibus spe- 
cialiter deputati. 

Omnibus Presbiteris vicariis curatis et non curatis notariis quoque et tabellio- 
nibus publicis vbilibet constitutis salutem in domino. Quoniam ex traductione sacre 
scripture tarn veteris quam noui testamenti in vernaculam linguam que ad simplicium 
manus pervenit compertum est novissimis diebus nonnullos occasionem sumpsisse 
erroris in fide, Et edicto supreme curie parliamenti cautum est ne quispiam vetus 
aut novum testamentum vernacula lingua imprimat aut impressa vendat Nobis 
autem notum est quendam franciscum Regnault bibliopolam huiusce ciuitatis pari- 
siensis his diebus imprimere bibliam in ydiomate vulgari britannice, Occacione 
cuius possent oriri scandala et errores in ecclesia hinc est quod nobis quibus ex 
officio incumbit nedum ortos errores et hereses in fide extirpare sed etiam futuris 
pro posse obuiare vobis omnibus et singulis supradictis in virtute sancte obedientie 
districte percipiend. mandamus quatenus ad Requestam et Instantiam venerabilis 
viri promotoris causarum officii dicte sancte Inquisitionis Citetis peremptorie et 
personaliter apud dictum conventum fratrum predicatorum coram nobis ad diem 
primam post presentium nostrarum literarum executionem hora secunda expectatem 
tertiam post meridiem eiusdem diei franciscum Regnault et alios quos decebit nobis 
ex officio nostro et dicti promotoris supra premissis responsuros, inhibentes eisdem 

XXXVI II. B. ' Endorsed : Myles Coverdale about thexposycyon of darke places of the byble, &c. 

XXXI X. A. ' Endorsed: 'Thecopie of the secondecitacion and inhibicion made to the prynter. ' 



The Bibles Confiscated. 



107 



sub pena canonica ne vltra ad impressionem dicte biblie vernacula lingua procedant. 
Nee folia impressa a se et sua possessione abdicent et alienent donee utraque biblia 2 
per nos visa aliter fuerit ordinatum. Date parisius sub sigillo quo in talibus vtimur 
ac signo manuali notarii seu scribe dicte sancte Inquisitionis iurati. Anno domini 
millessimo quingentesimo tricesimo octavo die decima septima mensis decembris. 
Item et aliam bibliam in sermone gallico impressam passim vendere. 3 Date ut 
supra. 

Le tellier. 

Translation. 

Friar Henry Garvais, Regius Doctor in Sacred Theology, Prior of the Convent 
of Preaching Friars at Paris, Vicar-General also of the venerable father Friar Matthew 
Ory of the same order, also Doctor of Sacred Theology, Inquisitor general of heresy 
in all the Kingdom of France, specially deputed by the authority of the Apostolic 
See and the King, To all priests, vicars, with and without cures, notaries also and 
summoners, wherever they be, health in the Lord. Whereas from the translation 
of Holy Scripture alike of the Old and New Testament into the vernacular tongue 
which has come into the hands of the simple it has been found lately that some 
have taken occasion to err in the faith. And by an edict of the supreme court of 
parliament it has been provided that none shall print the Old or New Testament 
in the vernacular or sell printed copies. And it has become known to us that 
a certain Francois Regnault, bookseller of this city of Paris, at the present time is 
printing a bible in British in the vulgar tongue, by occasion of which scandals and 
errors might arise in the church, hence is it that we whose official duty it is not 
only to root out errors and heresies in faith when they have arisen but also as far 
as possible to obviate them, to you the aforesaid, one and all, in the virtue of holy 
obedience give command, at the request and instance of the venerable promoter of 
the office of the said holy Inquisition, to cite peremptorily and personally at the said 
convent of the Preaching Friars before us on the first day after the execution of our 
present letters, between the hours of two and three after noon, Francois Regnault 
and others whom it shall beseem to make answer to us in accordance with our office 
and the premises of the said promoter, prohibiting the aforesaid persons under the 
canonical penalty from proceeding further to the impression of the said Bible in the 
vernacular tongue and from surrendering and alienating the printed sheets from their 
possession until, after such bible has been examined by us, it be otherwise ordained. 
Given at Paris under the seal which we use in such matters and the sign manual of 
the sworn notary or scribe of the said holy Inquisition in the year of our Lord 
1538 the seventeenth day of December. Also that another Bible printed in the 
French language is being sold everywhere Given as before. 

Le Tellier. 

B. Castillon, the French Ambassador in England, to the Constable of 
France, December 31, 1538. 1 

Extract from British Museum Additional MS. 33514, f. 9- 

Monseigneur, depuis la lettre que ie vous escriuis hier, Milord Prive seel m'a ce 
matin enuoye prier que ie me trouuasse en son logis, pour vng peu deviser auec 

2 The information thus applied to the Latin-English New Testament which Regnault was 
printing for Coverdale, as well as to the English Bible. 

3 This sentence about a French Bible seems to have got into the transcript by mistake. 

B. ! This letter describing an interview with Cromwell is thus summarized in the Letters and 
Papers of the Reign of Henry VII J, vol. xiii, 2, No. 1163 : 'The substance of his discourse was 
that he himself had at his own cost got a Bible printed in English, and the printers have been 
cited and troubled by certain of the University of Paris, and the books arrested. He would pray 
the King and you (as it is the true text of the Bible, and could only be used by Englishmen) to 
permit its being printed in Paris ; because the printing is finer there than elsewhere, and with 
the great number of printers and abundance of paper, books are despatched sooner than in 
any other country. If the King will do this for him he hopes soon to do as much in return in 
some other way. If the King will not grant this, will he allow (as it seems he has already pro- 
mised the ambassador) the books to be sent here as they are ? He told me they cost him 
600 marks, that is 3600 livres tournois, and that his only object is to give them away. More- 
over he wishes the King to forbid in his realm people to speak against this King, etc. ... As to 
the first, I replied as I had done long before, and as you answered the English ambassador, etc' 



io8 The Bibles Confiscated. 



moy, Et m'a compte comme il auoir receu des lettres de l'Ambassadeur du Roy son 
maistre devers le Roy ; lequel, comme il m'a dit, est modeste et veritable Ambassa- 
deur, escrivant toutes choses pour la continuation de l'amitie d'entre nos deux Roys, 
Et selouant de l'audience et assez bonne chere qu'on luy faict. La substance de ses 
propos est que luy-mesmes, a ses propres cousts et despens, a faict imprimer vne 
Bible en vulgaire Angloys, Et que les Imprimeurs ont este citez et tourmentez par 
quelques-vns de l'Vniuersite de Paris, et les liures arrestez, II vouldroit bien prier le 
Roy et vous, qu'on permist (attendu que ce n'est que le vray texte de la Bible, trans- 
late de mot a mot, pour la lecture des Angloys qui n'ont pas la langue latine, et que 
ladicte Bible ne peult seruir qu'aux Angloys) II pleust au Roy permettre qu'elle fust 
imprime a Paris ; pource que les impressions y sont plus belles qu'en autre lieu, et 
pour le grand nombre des Imprimeurs, et la grande abondance de papier qui y est, 
les liures y sont plustost expediez qu'en nul autre pays. Et s'il plaist au Roy tant 
faire pour luy, il luy donnera a congnoistre (comme il espere faire en bref,) qu'il fera 
autant pour luy en quelqu'autre endroit ; comme celuy qui est du tout enclin a son 
seruice. Ouelque opinion que i'ay autres-foys eu au contraire et dont certes il m'as- 
seure, et me prie le croyre. Et au cas qu'il ne pleust au Roy ainsi luy octroyer, 
qu'il soit content (comme il me semble qu'il diet qu'on l'a desia accorde audict Am- 
bassadeur) qu'ils soyent R'enuoyez ainsi qu'ils sont. II m'a diet que les diets liures 
luy coustent bien six cents marcs, qui sont troys mil six cens liures tournoys, et que 
le tout n'est, sinon pour les donner. 



C. Extract from Letter of the Imperial Ambassador in England to 
the Emperor Charles V, January 9, 1539. 1 

From Correspondenz des Kaisers Karl V. aus dem Koniglichen Archiv und der Bibliothek de 
Bourgogne zu Briissel, mitgetheilt von Dr. Karl Lanz, Band II, Leipzig, 1845, P- 2 99 S 1<1- 

Sire, en oultre ledit Crumuel avertist icelluy ambassadeur, comme il avoit fait 
imprimer a Paris une libelle [? bible] en anglois que luy coustoit bien environ deux 
mille escuz, et que dez ce quelle avoit este achevee et payee ceulx de luniversite 
lavoient fait detenir, arrester et sequestrer, ce qu'il trouvait bien estrange ; parquov 
prioit tresfort ledit ambassadeur vouloir escripre bien acertes pour la relaxation di 
celle, et asseurer de sa part ledit roy treschrestien, que, sil faisait tant pour luy faire 
tout incontinent relaxer sadite bible, quil luy rendroit bien la pareille. Et sur ce, 
sire, ledit seigneur Crumuel vint a prier ledit ambassadeur, vouloir penser, imaginer 
et luy dire, sil y avoit chose en ce monde qui puist ayder et seruir au laugmente- 
ment et confirmation de lindissoluble amytie entre leurs maiestes, il se feroit fort 
dy conduire cedit roy son maistre, comme aussi de oster toutes les causes et occa- 
sions qui pourroient en facon du monde engendrer quelque scrupule entre eulx, pres- 
sant extremement ledit ambassadeur, luy vouloir declairer, sil en scavoit ou suspe- 
connoit quelcune ; et pense icelluy ambassadeur, que ledit seigneur Crumuel desiroit, 
quil lui dit, quil serait bon dabolir la pension que cedit roy pretendoit en France, 
pour abatre tous les scrupules. 

[Postscript. 2 ] 

Sire, en cest instant veuillant serrer ceste, le secretaire de l'ambassadeur de 
France mest venu dire de la part de sondit maistre, comme hier sur le tard reve- 
nant Crumuel de la court, saddressant son chemin par devant le logis dicelluy am- 
bassadeur, il entre dedans pour ladvertir, que puis deux heures ce roy avoit receu 

1 This letter summarizes the conversation between Cromwell and Castillon already recounted 
by Castillon himself. Its importance lies in the postscript, which implies that it was the French 
ambassador himself who had suggested that the Inquisition should be allowed to seize the 
Bibles. The cost of the Bibles to Cromwell is here given as 2,000 crowns. 

2 Summarized in Letters and Papers, <&•<:., vol. xiv, I. 37 : ' At this moment the secretary of 
the French ambassador has come to tell me on his master's part that Cromwell returning late 
from Court visited him and told him that within two hours the King had received letters from 
his ambassador in France stating that the French King had imprisoned two Cordeliers who 
had defamed the King in their sermons, and it was said they would be severely punished ; and 
that Francis had on the first day of the year given the English ambassador a good reception 
and ordered that what was already printed of the Bible in English should be delivered to his 



The Bibles Confiscated. 



109 



lettres bien freiches de son ambassadeur resident en court dudit France, par lesquelles 
il ladvertissoit, que le roy treschrestien avoir fait mectre en prison deux cordeliers 
qua voient voulu en leurs sermons diffamer cedit roy, et ce parloit que lesdits corde- 
liers seroient tres aigrement pugnis et chastoyez, et que ledit roy treschrestien avait 
a ce premier jour de Ian fait bon recueil et grosse chiere a son ambassadeur, et si 
avoit commande, que ce questoit desja imprime de la bible en anglais, il fut delivre 
a ses ministres ; de quoy cedit roy sestoit monstre merveilleusement joyeulx et sen 
tenoit tres oblige audit seigneur roy treschrestien et aussi a icelluy ambassadeur qui 
ne cessoit de faire tout bon office pour conserver lamytie entre ledit seigneur roy 
treschrestien et luy. Et ma mande dire ledit ambassadeur, que tout ce quavoit este 
fait audit France nestoit que artiffice pour abuser ceulx cy, pour non les mectre en 
meffiance, et quil avoit cella sollicite par ses lettres : toutefois celles quil a deu es- 
cripre sur le cas de la diffamation de cedit roy et touchant le sequestrement de la 
bible a payne pour lheure presente peuvent estre arrivees a la court dudit France. 
Ledit ambassadeur ma aussi envoye demander, sil estoit vray, que ce roy eust 
envoye presenter a la duchesse du Milan ung dyamant de la valeur de seize mil 
ducatz, comme luy avoit este dit ; a quoy luy envoyay dire nen avoit oncques ouy 
parlei, comme aussi en verite ne avoie. 

Sire, atant &c. De Londres le 9® de Janvier 1538 [1539]. 



D. 



Postscript of a Letter from the French Ambassador, Charles Marillac, 
to the Grand Constable of France, May i, 1539. 



From British Museum Additional MS. 33514, f. 18. 



Monsegneur 



le s r Crumoil qui a le maniement de tous les affaires de ce 
Royaulme ma prie et Requis vous supplyer tresaffectueusement de sa part de luy 
faire deliurer certaines bibles en Angloys qui furent Imprimes a Paris soffrant en cas 
pareil a faire tout ce quil vous plaira luy commandey et soy disant votre treshumble 
seruiteur a quoy je nay fait aulcune Responce sinon que je te vous escrivois. 1 

E. Extract from a Letter from the Grand Constable of France to the 
French Ambassador in England, May 6, 1539. 1 

From the letter of M. Francisque Michel to the Athenaeum, May 20, 1871, compared with 
Correspondance politique de MM. de Castillon et de Marillac, ambassadeurs de France en Angleterre, 
1 537—1 542, publiee par M. Jean Kaulek. Paris, 1885, No. 113. 

Au demeurant, quant a ce que le sieur Cramoei vous a diet et prie touchant les 
bibles en vulgaire angloys imprimees a Paris, qu'il desire luy estre delivrez, je pense 
qu'a vostre partement d'icy il vous a este communicque la responce que Ton a 
plusiers foys fecte la-dessous a la continuelle instance que en faisoict lambassadeur 
d'Angleterre estant icy, qui est en substance, que le roy, apres avoir entendu plusiers 
choses falciffiees et erronnees estre dedans, s'est resolu de ne les faire delivrer : car 
ce qui est bon se peult aussi bien imprimer en Angleterre que en France ; mais ce qui 
est mauvais, ledict seigneur ne permetra qu'il se imprime par deca, oil, soubz la 
faculte de l'impression, il ne veult donner coulleur ne auctorite aux maulvaises 
choses. Veez la ce que l'on a respondu, comme ledict Cramoei a este assez adverty, 
sans ce que vous luy en replicque aultre chose, &c. . . . 

Escript a Chasteau Regnard, le vi e jour de May, 1539. 

ministers ; at which the King had showed himself wonderfully pleased and felt himself greatly 
bound to Francis, and also to the said Ambassador, who did not cease to do everything to 
preserve the amity. The Ambassador informs me that all that was done in France was merely 
an artifice to abuse those here, not to put them in mistrust, and that he had advised it by his 
letters ; nevertheless those which he wrote about the defamation of the King and the sequestra- 
tion of the Bible could scarcely have yet arrived at the French court.' 

D. > Marillac being newly appointed ambassador in succession to Castillon simply reports 
Cromwell's application, in ignorance of the part which his predecessor had played in the matter. 

E. ' This letter instructs Marillac to decline to give up the Bibles, on the ground that if they 
were unobjectionable they could as well be printed in England ; if objectionable, the French 
king did not wish to be responsible for them. The point of the better equipment of the French 
presses is not considered. 






1 1 o The Bibles Confiscated. 



F. Extract from a Letter of the French Ambassador to the Constable, 

July 5, 1539. 1 

From the same sources as the preceding. 

[Londres], 5 juillet. — Le dernier jour du passe arriva le sieur d'Ampont, depeche 
pour laffaire de monseigneur de la Rochepot avec les lettres du roi de France au roi 
d'Angleterre et celles du connetable a Cromwell et au due de Norfolk. Marillac 
a expose l'affaire au long a Cromwell. Celui-ci a fait si honnete reponse ' que s'il 
estoit si vaillant a tenir qu'il est hardy a promettre, sans dimculte ne m'en pourrois 
esperer que bien, combien qu'entre aultres propoz en discourant sur cest affaire et 
aultres qu'il avoit mis en avant, il se soit bien souvenu des bibles en vulgaire dont 
aultrefoys il me avoit prye de vous escripre, alleguant le dommaige qu'il en avoit eu 
pour avoir este aucteur et fait les fraiz de ce qui fust comence a Paris, ne voulant 
prendre pour grand satisfaction les responces que je luy en ay faictes le plus dextre- 
ment qu'il m'estoit possible, pour l'entretenir le mieux que pourroie, d'aultant que 
l'on a affaire de luy et que l'yssue de cest affaire pend plus de sa voulente que de 
celle du roy, son maistre ; lequel aussi, apres que je luy ay remonstre les mesmes 
raisons du fait de mondit sieur vostre frere, nous a diet pour responce qu'il escriroit 
audict sieur Cramoil, a son chancellier et aultres de son conseil, qu'ilz eussent a 
regarder et examiner ceste cause, en laquelle s'ilz y voyent apparance pour nous, 
encores que la justice en fust doubteuse, qu'ilz nous eussent gratifiez en tout ce qu'ilz 
verroyent que la raison de justice ne seroict directement au contraire, pour l'amour 
du roy, son frere, que luy en rescripvoit si affecteusement ; et sur ceste responce, 
Monseigneur, je suys retourne des champs, ou jestoys alle. trouver ce roy en ceste 
ville pour solliciter vifvement ledict affaire pour en tirer briefve resolution et responce 
par escript, ainsi que ledict seigneur roy m'a promis, &c. . . . 

De Londres, ce v e de iuillet. 



XL. THE PRICE AND COPYRIGHT OF THE GREAT BIBLE. 
Letter from Cranmer to Cromwell, November 14 [1539]. 1 

From the original in the Record Office (Letters and Papers of Henry VIII , 
vol. xiv, pt. 2, 517). 

My veray singuler good Lorde, — After my moste hartie commendations theis 
shalbe to signifie unto your Lordeship that Bartelett and Edward Whitecherche 
hath ben with me, and have, by thair accomptes, declared thexpensis and charges 
of the pryntyng of the great bibles ; and by thadvise of Bartelett I haue appoynted 
theym to be soulde for xiij s. iiij d. a pece, and not aboue. Howbeit Whitechurche 
enformeth me, that your lordeship thinketh it a moore convenient price to haue 
theym solde at x s a pece 2 , which, in respecte of the greate chargis, both of the 
papar (which in very dede is substanciall and good) and other great hinderaunces, 
Whitechurche and his felowe thinketh it a small price, Nevertheles they ar right well 
contented to sell theym for x s., so that you wolbe so good lorde unto theym, as 
to graunte hensforth none other Lycence to any other printer, saving to theym, 
for the printyng of the said bible. For els thei thinke that thei shalbe greately 
hindered therbye ; yf any other should printe, they susteynyng suche charges as 
they al redie have don. Wherefore I shall beseche your Lordeshipe, in consideration 
of their travaile in this behalf, to tender thair requestes, and thei have promysed 

F. '- Cromwell is here shown trying to use a case in which the French were complainants as 
a lever to obtain the restoration of the Bibles, but the tone of Marillac's report shows that not 
much attention was then being paid to him. It has been suggested that the Bibles were ultimately 
given up early in November, the dispute in which Monseigneur de Rochepot, i. e. Francois de 
Montmorency, Governor of Picardy and brother of the Constable of France, was involved 
eventually giving Cromwell a strong enough card to play. 

XL. l Endorsed : The bishopp of Cant, the xiiij" 1 of November. 

2 This was presumably the price at which the early Great Bibles were issued, although, 
since Cromwell kept the matter in his own hands (see next document), it was not until April 
1541 (see No. XLII), that it was fixed by the Privy Council. 



The Price and Copyright of the Great Bible. 1 1 1 



me to prynte in thende of their bibles the price therof, to thente the Kinges lege 
people shall not hensforth be deceyvid of thair price. 

Farther, yf your Lordeship hath known the kinges highnes pleasure concernyng 
the preface of the Bible, whiche I sent to you to oversee, so that his grace doth 
alowe the same, I pray you that the same may be delyvered unto the said 
Whitechurch, unto printyng : trusting that it shall both encorage many slovve 
readers, and also stay the rash judgementes of theym that reade therin. Thus our 
Lorde have your good Lordeship in his blessed tuition. Att Lambeth the xiiijt" Day 
of Nouember. 

Yor own ever assured, 



T. Cantuarien. 



To my singuler good Lorde my Lorde Privie Seale. 



XLI. PATENT FOR BIBLE PRINTING GRANTED TO CROMWELL. 1 

From the original Patent Roll, 31 Henry VIII, part 4, November 14, 1539. 

For the Bible to be pryntyd by the ouersight of the lord Crumwell 

Henry the eight &c. To all and singular Prynters and sellers of bookes within this 
oure realme and to all other officers mynistres and subiectes theise oure lettres 
heryng or seyng, gretyng. We late you witt that beyng desirous to haue oure people 
at tymes conuenyent geue theym selfes to thatteynyng of the knowlege of goddes 
worde Wherby they shall the better honour hym and obserue and kepe his com- 
maundementes and also do their duties the better to vs beyng their Prince and 
soueraigne lorde. And consideryng that as this oure zeale and desire cannot by 
any meane take so good effecte as by the grauntyng to theym the free and 
lyberall use of the bible in oure oune maternall english tonge so onles it be forseen 
that the same passe at the begynnyng by one translation to be perusid and con- 
sidered, the frailtie of menne is suche that the diuersitie therof maye brede and 
brynge forthe manyfolde inconuenyences as when wilfull and hedy folkes shall con- 
ferre upon the diuersitie of the said translacions, W T e have therfore appoynted oure 
right trusty and welbeloued counsellour the lorde Crumwell keper of oure pryvye 
i seale to take for vs and in oure name speciall cure and charge that no manner of 
persone or persones within this oure realme shall enterprise attempte or sett in hande 
1 to print any bible in the english tonge of any maner of volume duryng the space of 
fyue yeres next ensuyng after the date hereof, but only all suche as shalbe deputid 
assignid and admytted by the said lorde Crumwell, Willyng and commaundyng 
all maires Shrifes Bailyffes constables and all other oure officers ministres and sub- 
iectes to be aydyng to oure said counsailour in thexecution of this oure pleasure and 
to be conformable in the accomplishment of the same as shall apperteigne. In 
Witnes wherof &c, Witnes oure self at Westm. the xiiij days of Nouembre. per 
ipsum Regem & de dat. predicta, &c. 



XLII. ANTHONY MARLER AND THE PRIVY COUNCIL. 

From Proceedings and Ordinances of the Privy Council 0/ England. Edited by 
Sir Harris Nicolas, vol. vii, pp. 18 1-6. 

A. At Greenwich, April 25, 33 Hen. VIII, 1541. 

At Grenewiche the xxv'y of April beyng present the Counsail which was present 
the daye before. 

It was agreed that Anthony Marler of London, merchant, might sell the bibles 
of the gret volume unbounde for x s. sterl. and bounde being trymmed with 
bullyons for xij s. sterling. 

1 As this patent is dated on the same day as Cranmer's letter, it is evident that immediately 
on hearing Irom the archbishop of the need for protecting the printers, Cromwell must have 
obtained a patent from the king, not for them, but for himself. He was thus enabled to keep 
the whole matter in his own hands. 



I 



ii2 Anthony Marler and the Privy Council. 



B. At Greenwich, May i, 33 Hen. VIII, 1541. 

At Grenewich the furst dave of Mave being present the Archebishop of Canterbury, 
the Chauncelor of Englande, the Duke of Norffolk, the Lord Pryvey Seale, the Gret 
Chambrelain, of Englande, the Erie of Hertforde, the Gret Admiral of Englande, 
the Bisshop of Duresme, the Treasurer of Household, the Comptroller of Household, 
Sir Thomas Wriothesley Secretary, Sir Rauff Sadleir Secretary. . . . 

Wheras Antony Marler of London marchaunt put up a supplicacion unto the 
forsaid Counsaill in maner & forme Mowing. Wheras it hath pleased you for the 
comon wealth to take no small peynes in the furtheraunce of the price of my bookes, 
moost humbly I beseche the same to have in consideracion that onles I have by the 
meane of proclamacion sum charge or commission that every church not redy pro- 
vided of one bible, shall according to the Kinges highnes former injunctions gyven 
in that behalf, provide them of a Bible of the largest volume, by a day to be pre- 
fixed and appointed, as shalbe thought moost convenient by your wisdomes, my 
grete sute, that I have made herin is not only frustrate and voyde, but also being 
charged as I am with an importune somme of the said bookes now lying on my 
hande, am undone for ever. And therfor trusting to the merciful consideracions of 
your high wisedomes, I humbly desire tobteyn the same commission, or sum other 
commaundement, and I with all myne during our lifes ar and shalbe bounde to pray 
contynually for your prosperous felicites long tendure. 

It was agreed by the Lordes and others of the Kinges Maiesties Consaill that 
there shalbe a proclamacion made according to his request, and that the day to be 
limited for the havyng of the saide bookes shall be Hallowmasse. 



XLIII. THE KING'S PROCLAMATION FOR THE ENGLISH BIBLE 
TO BE SET UP IN CHURCHES. 

May 6, 1541 
From the original edition in the British Museum. 

A proclamacion, ordeyned by the Kynges maiestie, with the aduice of his 
honourable counsayle for the Byble of the largest and greatest volume, to be had 
in euery churche. Deuised the vi day of May the xxxiii. yeare of the kynges moste 
gracious reygne. 

Where, by Iniunctions * heretofore set forth by the auctorite of the kynges royall 
maiestye, Supreme head of the churche of this his realme of Englande. It was 
ordeyned and commaunded amongest other thynges. that in al and synguler paryshe 
churches, there shuld be prouyded by a certen day nowe expyred, at the costes of 
the curates and paryshioners, Bybles conteynynge the olde and newe Testament, 
in the Englyshe tounge, to be fyxed and set vp openlye in euery of the sayd paryshe 
churches. The whiche Godlve commaundement and iniuntion was to the onlve 
intent that euery of the kynges maiesties louynge subiectes, myndynge to reade 
therin, myght by occasyon thereof, not only consyder and perceyue the great and 

1 The third and fourth of the Injunctions issued by Cromwell as Vicar-General were: 'Item, 
that ye shall provyde on this side the feast of . . . next commyng, one boke of the whole Bible 
of the largest volume in Englyshe, and the same sett up in summe convenyent place within the 
said churche that ye have cure of, whereas your parishners may most commodiouslye resort to 
the same, and rede yt ; the charges of which boke shal be ratablie born between you the 
parson, and the parishners aforsaid, that ys to say, the one half by yowe, and th'other half 
by them. 

' Item, that ye discorage no man pryuely or apertly from the readinge or hearing of the same 
Bible, but shall expresslye provoke, stere, and exhorte every parsone to rede the same, as that 
whyche ys the verye lively worde of God, that every christen man ys bownde to embrace, beleve, 
and followe, yf he loke to be saved ; admonyshinge them neverthelesse, to avoid all contention, 
altercation therin, and to use an honest sobrietye in the inquisition of the true sense of the same, 
and referre th'explication of obscure places, to men of higher jugement in Scripture.' (Printed 
from Reg. Cranmer, fol. 99b, in Wilkius's Concilia, hi. 815, under the date 1536, which is probably 
two years too early. ) 

In 1537 Latimer, Bishop of Worcester, had laid as his second and third Injunctions on the 
prior and convent of St. Mary's House in Worcester : ' Item, that the prior shall provide of 
the monasteries charge, a whole Bible in English to be laid, fast chained, in some open place, 
either in their church or cloister. Item, that every religious person have at the least a New 
Testament in English, by the feast of the nativity of our Lord next ensuing ' (Wilkins, iii. 832). 



The King's Proclamation for English Bible. 113 



ineffable omnipotent power, promyse, iustice, mercy and goodnes of Almyghtie God, 
But also to learne thereby to obserue Gods commaundementes, and to obeye theyr 
soueraygne Lorde and hyghe powers, and to exercyse Godlye charite, and to vse 
themselues, accordynge to theyr vocations : in a pure and syncere christen lyfe 
without murmure or grudgynges. By the which Iniunctions the Kynges royall 
maiestye intended, that his louynge subiectes shulde haue and vse the commoditie 
of the readyng of the sayd Bybles, for the purpose aboue rehersed, humbly, mekely, 
reuerently and obediently ; and not that any of them shulde reade the sayde 
Bybles, wyth lowde and hyghe voyces, in tyme of the celebracion of the holye 
Masse and other dyuyne seruyces vsed in the churche, nor that any hys lay sub- 
iectes redynge the same, shulde presume to take vpon them, any common dysputa- 
cyon, argumente or exposicyon of the mysteries therein conteyned, but that euery 
suche laye man shulde humbly, mekely and reuerentlye reade the same, for his 
owne instruction, edificacion, and amendement of hys lyfe, accordynge to goddes 
holy worde therin mencioned. And notwythstandynge the kynges sayde moost 
godlye and gracious commaundement and Iniunction in forme as is aforesayde, Hys 
royall maiestye is informed that dyuers and many Townes and paryshes wythin 
thys hys realme haue negligently omytted theyr dueties in the accomplishement 
therof wherof his highnes maruayleth not a lytle. And myndynge the execucion of 
his sayde former, moost godly and gracyous Iniunctions : doeth straytlye charge and 
commaunde that the Curates and paryshioners of euerye towne and paryshe wythin 
thys hys realme of Englande, not hauynge already Bybles prouyded wythin theyr 
paryshe churches, shall on thys syde the feaste of Alsayntes next commynge, bye 
and prouyde Bybles of the largest and greatest volume, and cause the same to be 
set and fyxed in euery of the sayde paryshe churches, there to be vsed as is aforesayd : 
accordynge to the sayde former Iniunctions ; vpon payne that the Curate and 
inhabitauntes of the paryshes and townes, shal lose and forfayte to the Kynges 
maiestye for euery moneth that they shall lacke and want the sayde Bybles, after 
the same feast of Alsayntes fourty shyllynges, the one halfe of the same forefayt 
to be to the kynges maiesty, and the other halfe to hym or them whyche shall fyrste 
fynde and present the same to the Kynges maiestyes counsayle. And fynally, the 
kynges royall maiestie doeth declare and sygnifye to all and syngular his louynge 
subiectes, that to thentent they maye haue the sayde Bybles of the greatest volume 
at equall and reasonable pryces, His hyghnes by the aduyse of hys counsayle hath 
ordeyned and taxed : that the sellers therof, shall not take for any of the sayde 
Bybles vnbounde, aboue the pryce of ten shyllynges. And for euery of the sayde 
Bybles well and sufficientlye, bounde, trymmed and clasped, not aboue twelue shyl- 
lynges, vpon payne, the seller to lose for euerye Byble solde contrary to this his 
hyghnes proclamacion fourty shyllynges, the one moyte therof to the kynges maiestie : 
& the other moyte, to the fynder and presenter of the defaulte, as is afore sayde. 
And his hyghnes streyghtly chargeth and commaundeth that all and syngular ordin- 
aries hauynge ecclesiasticall iurysdiction within this his churche and realme of 
Englande and the dominion of Wales, that they and euery of them shall put theyr 
effectuall endeuours, that the Curates and parishioners shall obeye and accomplyshe, 
thys his maiestyes proclamacion and commaundement, as they tendre the aduaunce- 
ment of the kynges moost gracious and godly purpose in that behalfe, and as they 
wyll answer to his hyghnes for the same. 

GOD SAVE THE KYNGE 



Excussum per Richardum Grafton & Eduardum Whitchurch, 
imprimendum solum. 



Cum priuilegio ad 



XLIV. THE READING OF THE BIBLE. 
A. Draft for a Proclamation. 

From Cotton MS. Cleopatra E. v. 327." 

Where it hathe pleased the kinges maiestie oure most dradde souereigne lorfd] 
and supreme hed vnder god of this Churche of England for a declaratyon of the' 
greate zeale he bereth to the setting furthe of goddes woorde and to the vertuouse 

1 Endorsed : Towchinge the reading of the Byble. 



H4 



The Reading of the Bible. 



mayntenaunce of his commenwealthe to permyjt] and commaunde the Bible being 
translated in to our mother tongue to be syncerely taught and declared by vs the 
curates, And to bee openly [e] layed furthe in every parrishe churche ; to thintent 
that all his good subiectes aswel by reading thereof as by hering the true explanacion 
of the same may First lerne their dieuties to allmightie god and his maiestie and 
euery of vs charitably to vse other And thenne applying themselfes to doo according , 
to that they shall here and lerne, may bothe speke and doo Christienly and in al 
thinges as it beseamethe Christien men, Because his highnes very muche desireth that 
this thing being by him most godly begonne And sett forward maye of all you be 
Receyued as is aforesaide His maiestie hathe willed and commaunded this to be | 
declared vnto youe that his graces pleasure and hiegh commaundement is that in the 
reading and hering thereof, first most humbly and Reuerently vsing and addressing 
yourselfes vnto it, you shall haue allwayes in your Rememberaunce and memoryes 
that all thinges conteyned in this booke is the vndoubted wylle, lawe and com- , 
maundement of almightie god thonely and streight meane to knowe the goodnes and 
benefytes of god towardes vs and the true dieutye of euery christien manne to serue 
him accordingly, And that therefore reading this booke with suche mynde and firme 
feythe as is aforesaid, you shall first endevor yourselfes to conforme your owne 
lyvinges and conuersacion to the contentes of the same And so by your good and 
vertuouse exemple to encourage your wifes childerne and seruauntes to lyue wel and 
christienly according to the rule thereof. And if at any tyme by reading any doubt I 
shall comme to any of youe touching the sense and meanyng of any parte thereof, 
that thenne not geving to moche to your owne mynde, fantazies and opinions nor 
having thereof any open reasonyng in your open Tauernes or Alehowses, ye shall 
haue Recourse to suche lerned menne as be or shalbe auctorised to preache and j 
declare the same, soo that avoyding all contentions and disputacions in suche j 
Alehowses and other places vnmete for suche conferences and submytting your ■ 
opinions to the Iudgementes of suche lerned menne as shalbe appoynted in this ; 
behaulf , his grace may wel perceyue that you vse this most hiegh benefyte quietly ; 
and charitably euery of you to the edefying of himself his wief and famylye in al I 
thinges aunswering to his hieghnes good opinion conceyued of you in thaduauncement i 
of vertue and suppressing of vice without failing to vse suche discrete quietnes and 
sober moderatyon in the premisses as is aforesaid As ye tender his graces pleasure ' 
and intend to avoyde his hiegh indignacion and the perill and daunger that may ensue I 
to you and euery of you for the contrary 

And god saue the King 

B. An admonition and advertisement given by the bishop of London to all 

READERS OF THE BlBLE IN THE ENGLISH TONGUE. 1.542. 

From Wilkins's Concilia, vol. iii, p. 863 sq. : ' Ex reg. Bonner, et Burnet Hist. Reform. 

vol. i, App. p. 251.' 

To the intent, that a good and wholesom thing, godly and virtuously for honest j 
intents and purposes set forth for many, be not hindered or maligned at, for the 
abuse, default, and evil behaviour of a few, who for lack of discretion and good 
advisement commonly without respect of time or other due circumstances, proceed 
rashly and unadvisedly therein, and by reason thereof rather hinder than set forward 
the thing, that is good of itself : it shall therefore be very expedient, that whosoever 
repaireth hither to read this book, or any such like in any other place, he prepare 
himself chiefly and principally with all devotion humility and quietnes, to be edified 
and made the better thereby, adjoining thereto his perfect and most bounden duty 
of obedience to the king's majesty, our most gracious and dread sovereign lord, and 
supreme head, especially in accomplishing his grace's most honourable injunctions 
and commandment, given and made in that behalf ; and right expedient, yea neces- 
sary it shall be also, that leaving behind him vain glory, hypocrisy, and all other 
carnal and corrupt affections, he bring with him discretion, honest intent, charity, 
reverence, and quiet behaviour to and for the edification of his own soul, without the 
hinderance, let, or disturbance of any other his christian brother ; evermore foreseeing, 
that no number of people be especially congregate therefore to make a multitude, 
and that no exposition be made thereuppon otherwise than is declared in the book 
itself ; and that especial regard be had, no reading thereof be used, allowed, and with 



The Reading of the Bible. 



ri 5 



noise in the time of any divine service or sermon, or that in the same be used any 
disputation, contention, or any other misdemeanour ; or, finally, that any man justly 
may reckon himself to be offended thereby, or take occasion to grudge or malign 
thereat. 

God save the King. 

C. The Narrative of William Maldon of Newington, written for 
Fox's Actes and Monuments} 

From British Museum, Harley MS. 590, fol. 77. 

A young man inhumanly persecuted by his Father for reading ye 
scripture, in K Henries time. 

Grace peace and mercy from god our father, & from our lorde Jesus chryste be 
with all them that love the gospell of Jesus chryst vnfaynedly, so be it, Not vnto vs 
lord not vnto vs but vnto thy name be all honour & glory. 

Jentyll reder vnderstand that I do not take in hande to wryte this lytyll tratyse 
as followeth, of myne anone provokyng but I with another chavnced to goo in the 
coumpany of Mr. Foxe the gather[er] together of this grete boke & he desyred vs to 
tell hym yf we knewe of any man that had suffered persecvcyon for the gospell of 
Jesus Chryst, to that end he myght adde it vnto the boke of martres, then sayd 
I that I knewe one that was whipped in kyng henryes tyme for it of his father, then 
he enquired of me his name, then I bwrayed & sayd it was I myselfe & tould hym 
a pece of it then was he desyrous to have the whole svrcomstavnes of it, then 
I promysed hym to wryght it, & as I sayd to hym not for any vayne glory I will 
speke, but vnto the prayse & honour of our god that worketh all in all, men of all 
good gyftes that cometh from aboue, vnto whom be all honour & glory for euer, in 
this life & for euer in the lyfe to come so be it, As I fynde by the brefe crovnakill 
that the bibill of the sacred chrypetvres was set forthe to bee rede in all chvrches in 
ingelonde, by the late worthy kynge henry the viijth, & Imedyately after dyueres 
poore men in the towne of chelmysford in the county of Essyx where my father 
dwellyd & I borne & with hym brovght vp, the sayd poore men bought the newe 
testament of Jesus chryst & on svndayes dyd syt redyng in lower ende of chvrche, 
& manye wolde floke abovte them to here theyr redyng then I cam amonge the sayd 
reders to here them, redyng of that glade & swete tydynges of the gospell, then my 
father seyng this that I lestened vnto them euery svndaye, then cam he & sovght 
me amonge them, & brovght me awaye from the heryng of them, and wold have me 
to saye the lattyn mattyns with hym, the which greued me very myche & thvs did 
fete 2 me awaye dyueres tymes, then I see I covlde not be in reste, then thovghte 
I I will learne to read engelyshe, & then will I haue the newe testament & read ther 
on myselfe, and then had I lamed of an engelyshe prymmer as fare as patrissapyentia 
& then on svndayes I plyed my engelysshe prymmer, the mayetyd follovyng I & my 
fathers prentys, thomas Jeffary layed our mony to gether, & bought the newe testa- 
ment in engelyshe, & hydde it in our bedstrawe & so exersysed it at convenyent 
tymes, then shortly after my father set me to the kepyng of habardashe[ry] & 
grossary(?) . . . wares beyng a shott from his howse, & then I plyed my boke, then 
shortly after I wold begyn to speke of the schryptores, & on a nyght aboute eyght 
acloke my father sate slepyng in a chayr & my mother & I fyll on resonyng of the 
crvsyfyx, & of the knelyng downe to it, knokeynge on the breste, & hovldyng vp 
our handes to it, when it cam by on precessyon, then sayd I it was playne Idolatry 
& playnely agayneste the comavndement of god, wher he sayeth, thou shalt not 
make to thy selfe anye graven Image thou shalt not bow downe to it nor worshyp it, 
then sayed she a thou thefe yf thy father knewe this he wolde hang the, wilte not 
thou worshyppe the crosse & it was aboute the when thou were crystened, & mvste 
be layed on the when thou art deade, with other tavlke, then I went & hyde frythes 
boke on the sacarment then I went to bede, &, then my father awakyd, & my 
mother, tovlde hym of our commvyncatyon, then came he vp in to our chamber 
with a greate rodde, & as I harde hym comyng vp, I blessyd me, saying in the 



theu was 
I about a 
xv yeres 
of age. 

uo mau 
can 

comme 
vnto me 
exsepte it 
be geuen 
hym of 
my 

father. 
John vi. 



1 Endorsed: receaued of W. Maldon of Newyngton. 
document is printed exactly as it stands. 



With some misgivings this ingenuous 
2 Fetched. 

II 2 



name of the father & of the sonne & of the holy goste so be it, then sayd my father 
to me serra who is your scholmaster tell me, for sovthe father sayd I, I have no 
scholmaster but god wher he sayth in his commaundement thou shant not make to 
thyselfe anye graven Image you shavlt not bow downe to it nor worshypp it, then 
he toke me by the heare of my heade with bothe his handes & pvllyd me out of the 
bed behynd Thomas Jeffary bake he syttyng vp in his bedde, then he bestowed his 
rodd on my bodye & styll wolde knowe my scholmaster & other master then I sayd 
before he had none of me & he sayd I spake agayneste the kynges injvntyones, & as 
trevly as the lorde lyueth, I reioysyd that I was betten for chrystes sake, & wepte 
not one taare out of myne eyes & I thynke I felte not the strypes my reioysynge 
was so mvche, & then my father sawe that wen he had beten me Inofe 3 he let me 
goo & I wente to bede agayne, & shede not one tare out of myne eyes, suerly sayd 
my father, he is paste grace for he wepeth not for then was he in twyse so moche 
rage, & sayd, fette me an havlter I will suerly hange hym vp, for as good I hange 
hym vp as another shovlde, & when he sawe that nobody wolde goo he went downe, 
into his shoppe & brovght vp an havlter, & the whyles he went a thou thefe, sayd 
my mother, howe haste thow angeryd thy father, I neuer sawe hym so angary, 
mother sayed I, I am the more sorryer that he sholde be so angary for this matter, 
& then began I to wepe for the grefe of the lake of knowledge in them, then sayed my 
mother, thomas Jeffary aryse, & make the reddy for I cannot tell what he will doo 
in his anger, & he sat vp in his bed pvttyng on of his clothis & my father cometh vp 
with ye havlter & my mother intretyd hym to lette me alone but in no wise he wolde 
be intretj'd but pvtte the havlter aboute my neke I lyinge in my bedde & pvlled me 
with the havlter behynde the sayd Thomas Jeffaryes bake almoste clene ovt of my 
bede then my mother cryed out & pullyd hym by the arme awaye, & my brother 
rycherd cryed out that laye on the other syde of me, & then my father let goo his 
hovlde & let me alone & wente to bede. 

I thynke vj . dayes after my necke greved me with the pvllyng of the havlter. 4 



XLV. THE GREAT BIBLE CONDEMNED. 

From Wilkins's Concilia, vol. iii, pp. 860 sq. 

Convocatio praelatorum & cleri provinciae Cantuar. in domo capitulari 
ecclesiae S. Pauli London. 20. Jannarii, congregata. Ex reg. convoc. et 
Excerpt. Heylinianis, et reg. Cranmer fol. 9. 

In prima hujus convocations sessione sacra, et quae sub auspiciis tractari solent, 
peragebantur. In secunda (Jan. 27) postquam Ric. Gwent, prolocutor, esset con- 
firmatus, reverendissirruis ex parte regis exposuit utrique domui, ' Quod regiae 
intentionis sit, quod ipsi patres, praelati, et clerus de rebus religionis lapsis et 
ruentibus consulant, ac de remediis congruis exhibendis inter se deliberent, et quae 
reformanda et corrigenda duxerint, inter se corrigant et reforment ; denuncians iis, 
quod in Testamento tarn Veteri quam Novo in lingua Anglicana habentur multa, 
quae reformatione indigent ; proinde velle, ut prolocutor cum clero ad inferiorem 
domum se conferant, et inter se conveniant de dictis libris examinandis, quodque 
nonnulli periti etiam designentur ad canones et alias leges de simonia vitanda et 
coercenda condendos.' 

In tertia sessione (Febr. 3.) post discursum de versione Bibliorum habitum, 
' reverendissimus rogavit singulos, utrum sine scandalo et errore ac offensione 
manifest a Christi fidelium magnam Bibliam in Anglico sermone tralatam vellent 
retinere. Visum est majori parti eorundem dictam Bibliam non posse retineri, nisi 
prius debite castigetur et examinetur juxta earn Bibliam, quae communiter in ecclesia 
Anglicana legitur. Postea prolocutor et clerus comparens, exhibuerunt reverendissimo 
quandam constitutionem provincialem per eos et in vulgari et Latino sermone con- 
ceptam de simoniacis ; cujus considerationem ipse in aliud tempus distulit, clerique 
tempus ad exhibenda notata et errata in Veteri Testamento protraxit.' 

3 Enough. 

4 This is written in the margin, as is also the following sentence, part of which has been 
rendered illegible in mounting the leaf: — 'wepyng tares . . . vrete this to thynke . . . lake of 
knowledge . . . my father and mother they hade thought they had done god good servis at that 
tyme, I troste he hath forgeuen them.' 



The Great Bible Condemned. 



1 1 



/ 



In quarta sessione (Feb. 10) nihil actum est. In quinta (Febr. 13) 'post 
colloquium inter episcopos habitum de modo et forma procedendi in et circa examen 
sacri voluminis, prolocutor intrans praesentavit librum, continentem notata per eos 
ex Veteri Testamento in diversis paginis. quae commisit rever. et patrum acri 
judicio examinanda. In coetu selecto pro examinandis Bibliis, Novum Testamentum 
tradebatur episcopis Dunelm. Winton. Hereford, Roffen. et Westmon. cum doctori- 
bus Wotton, Day, Coren, Wilson, Leighton, May et aliis e domo inferiori convoca- 
tionis : Vetus Testamentum archiepisc. Ebor. episcopo Elien. cum Redman, Taylor, 
Haynes, Robertson, Cocks, etc. viris in Hebraica, Graeca, Latina et Anglicana 
peritis. . . . 

(Febr. 17) Prolocutore autem intrante, antequam djscessissent membra ejus, 
episcopus Winton. publice legebat verba Latina in sacro volumine contenta, quae 
voluit pro eorum germano et nativo intellectu et rei majestate, quoad poterit vel in 
sua natura retineri, vel quam accommodatissime fieri possit in Anglicum sermonem 
verti.' Quaenam ilia fuerint ex Fullero (Church Hist. p. 236) docemur. 

Abridged Translation. 

The Archbishop's speech asks the clergy in the king's name to come to the aid 
of the Church in its stress, and denounces the English Old and New Testament as 
needing many reforms ; there was therefore to be a meeting of the two houses to 
make arrangements for examining the said books. In the third session after a dis- 
cussion the Archbishop asked members individually whether without scandal error 
and manifest offence of Christ's faithful they voted to retain the Great Bible in the 
English speech. The majority resolved that the said Bible could not be retained 
until first duly purged and examined side by side with the (Latin) Bible commonly 
read in the English Church. . . . The day for bringing up passages marked as erro- 
neous in the Old Testament was deferred. In the fifth session after a conversation 
among the Bishops as to the manner and form of proceeding with the examination 
of the sacred volume, the prolocutor entered and presented a book containing 
passages out of the Old Testament marked by the clergy in various pages, 
which he committed to be rigorously examined by the most reverend and the fathers 
(i. e. the Archbishop and Bishops). In committee for examining the Bible the New- 
Testament was entrusted to the Bishops of Durham, Winchester, Hereford, Roches- 
ter and Westminster, with Doctors Wotton, Day, Coren, Wilson, May, and others of 
the Lower House of Convocation. The Old Testament to the Archbishop of York 
and the Bishop of Ely, with Redman, Taylor, Haynes, Robertson, Cocks, &c, men 
skilled in Hebrew, Greek, Latin, and English. ... On the prolocutor entering before 
they dissolved, the Bishop of Winchester publicly read the Latin words in the 
Sacred Volume which he desired for their germane "and native meaning and for the 
majesty of their matter might be retained as far as possible in their own nature or 
be turned into English speech as closely as possible. 2 



XLVI. PREFACE TO THE GENEVA NEW TESTAMENT. 
To the Reader Mercie and peace through Christ our Saviour. 

As the life of a true Christian is moste subiect to the reprehension of the worlde : 
so all his actions, and entreprises, be they neuer so commendable, moue the wicked 
rather to grudge and murmure, then to glorifie God who is autor of the same. 
Which euil God hath left to his Churche, as a necessarie exercise, aswel that man 

2 The words as given by Fuller are : Ecclesia, Poenitentia, Pontifex, Ancilla, Contritus, 

Olocausta, Justitia, Justificare, Idiota, Elementa, Baptizare, Martyr, Adorare, Dignus, Sandalium. 

Simplex, Sapientia, Pietas, Presbyter, Lites, Servus, Opera, Sacrincium, Tetrarcha, Sacrarnentum, 

Simulachrum, Gloria, Conflictationes, Ceremonia, Mysterium, Religio, Spiritus Sanctus, Spintus, 

Merces, Confiteor tibi Pater, Panis propositionis, Communio, Perseverare, Dilectus, Didragma, 

1 Hospitalitas, Episcopus, Gratia, Charitas, Tyrannus, Concupiscentia, Benedictio, Humilis, Humi- 

, litas, Scientia, Gentilis, Synagoga, Ejicere, Misericordia, Complacui, Increpare, Distribueretur, 

Orbis, Inculpatus, Senior, Apocalypsis, Satisfactio, Contentio, Conscientia, Peccatum, Peccator, 

Idolum, Prudentia, Prudenter, Cisera, Apostolus, Apostolatus, Egenus, Stater, Societas, Zizania, 

Christus, Conversari, Profiteor, Impositio manuum, Idololatria, Dominus, Sanctus, Confessio, 

I Imitator, Pascha, Innumerabilis, Inenarrabilis, Infidelis, Paganus, Commilito, Virtutes, Parabola, 

Magnifico, Oriens, Subditus, Dominationes, Throni, Potestates, Hostia. 



1 1 8 Preface to the Geneva New Testament. 



sholde not be puffed vp with opinion of the gifts that he receaueth of his heauenly 
Father : as also that seing how he euer mainteyneth the same in despite of all out- 
rageous tyrannie, he might be more assured of Gods diuine prouidence, and louing 
kyndenes towards his elect. For this cause we se that in the Churche of Christ ther 
are thre kyndes of men : some are malicious despicers of the worde, and graces of 
God, who turne all things into poison, and a farther hardening of their hearts : others 
do not openly resiste and contemne the Gospel, because they are stroken as it were 
in a trance with the maiestie therof , yet ether they quarell and cauell, or els deride 
and mocke at whatsoeuer thing is done for the aduancement of the same. The 
thirde sort are the simple lambes, which partely are already in the folde of Christ, 
and so heare willingly their Shepeherds voyce, and partly wandering astray by igno- 
rance, tary the tyme tyll the Shepherde fynde them and bring them vnto his flocke. 
To this kynde of people, in this translation I chiefly had respect, as moued with zeale, 
conselled by the godly, and drawen by 1 occasion, both of the place where God hath 
appointed vs to dwel, and also of the store of heauenly learning & iudgement, which 
so abundeth in this Citie of Geneva, that iustely it may be called the patron and 
mirrour of true religion and godlynes. To these therfore which are of the flocke of 
Christ which knowe their Fathers wil, and are affectioned to the trueth, I rendre 
a reason of my doing in fewe lines. First as touching the perusing of the text, 
it was diligently reuised by the moste approued Greke examples, and conference of 
translations in other tonges as the learned may easely iudge, both by the faithful 
rendering of the sentence, and also by the proprietie of the wordes, and perspicuitie 
of the phrase. Forthermore that the Reader might be by all meanes proffited, I haue 
deuided the text into verses and sections, according to the best editions in other 
langages, and also, as to this day the ancient Greke copies mencion, it was wont to 
be vsed. And because the Hebrewe and Greke phrases, which are strange to rendre 
| in other tongues, and also short, shulde not be so harde, I haue sometyme inter- 
preted them without any whit diminishing the grace of the sense, as our langage doth 
vse them, and sometyme haue put to that worde, which lacking made the sentence 
obscure, but haue set it in such letters as may easely be discerned from the commun 
text. As concerning the Annotations, wherunto these letters, a, b, c, &c, leade vs, 
I haue endeuored so to promt all therby, that both the learned and others might be 
holpen: for to my knollage I haue omitted nothing vnexpounded, wherby he that is 
anything exercised in the Scriptures of God, might iustely complayn of hardenes : 
and also in respect of them that haue more proffited in the same I haue explicat all 
suche places by the best learned interpreters ; as ether were falsely expounded by 
some or els absurdely applyed by others : so that by this meanes both they which 
haue not abilitie to by the Commentaries upon the Newe testament, and they also 
which haue not opportunitie and leasure to reade them because of their prolixitie 
may vse this booke in stede therof, and some tyme wher the place is not greatly 
harde, I haue noted with this marke ", that which may serue to the edification of the 
Reader : adding also suche commone places, as may cause him better to take hede to i 
the doctrine. Moreouer, the diuerse readings according to diuerse Greke copies, which 
stande but in one worde, may be knowen by this note ", and if the bookes do alter 
in the sentence then is it noted with this starre *, as the cotations are. Last of all 
remayne the arguments, aswel they which conteyne the summe of euery chapter, as 
the other which are placed before the bookes and epistles : wherol the commoditie is 
so great, that they may serue in stede of a Commentarie to the Reader : for many 
reade the Scriptures with myndes to profnt, but because they do not consider the 
scope and purpose wherfore the holy Gost so writeth and to what ende (which thing 
the Arguments do faithfully expresse) they either bestowe their tyme without fruit, 
or els defraude them selues of a great deale which they might atteyne vnto otherwise. 
To the intent therfore that, not oneby they which are already aduanced in the 
knollage of the Scriptures, but also the simple and vnlearned "might be forthered 
hereby, I haue so moderat them with playnenes and breuitie, that the verie igno- 
rant may easely vnderstande them and beare them in memorie. And for this cause 
I haue applied but one argument to the foure Euangelists, chiefely for because that 
all writing of one matter, thogh by euery one diuersly handeled, they required no 
diuersitie of arguments. Thus in fewe wordes I haue declared as touching the 
chiefe pointes, beseching God so to inflame our hearts with the desire to knowe his 



1 Misprinted ' dy '. 



Preface to the Geneva New Testament. 



119 






diuine wil, that we may meditate in his holy worde both day and night, wherin he 
hath reueiled it, and hauing atteyned thervnto may so practise it in all our actions, 
that as we growe in the ripenes of our Christian age, so we may glorifie him more and 
more rendring to him eternal thankes and praises for his heauenly and inestimable 
giftes bestowed vpon his Churche, that all thogh Satan, Antichrist, and all his 
ennemies rage and bnrste, yet are they not able to suppresse them, nether wil he 
diminishe them : for seing lie doth not onely brydel his ennemies furie, but causeth 
them to defende and preserue his gifts for the vse of his Churche (as we se the Jewes, 
Christs professed ennemies preserue the olde testament in moste integritie) what 
shulde we doute of his bontiful liberalitie towards vs ? or why do we not rather with 
all humilitie and submission of mynde obey him, loue and feare him which is God 
blessed for euer ? To whome with the Sonne and holy Gost be praise, honour & 
glorie. Amen. 



XLVII. PREFACE TO THE GENEVA BIBLE. 

To our Beloved in the Lord the Brethren of England, Scotland, Ireland, 
&c, Grace, mercie, and peace, through Christ Iesus. 

Besides the manifolde and continual benefites which almightie God bestoweth 
vpon vs, bothe corporal and spiritual, we are especially bounde (deare brethren) 
to giue him thankes without ceasing for his great grace and vnspeakable mercies, in 
that it hath pleased him to call vs vnto this meruelous light of his Gospel, and merci- 
fully to regarde vs after so horrible backesliding and falling away from Christ to 
Antichrist, from light to darcknes, from the liuing God to dumme and dead idoles, 
and that after so cruel murther of Gods Saintes, as alas, hathe bene among vs, we are 
not altogether cast of, as were the Israelites, and many others for the like, or not so 
manifest wickednes, but receyued agayne to grace with moste euident signes and 
tokens of Gods especial loue and fauour. To the intent therefore that we may not 
be vnmyndeful of these great mercies, but seke by all meanes (according to our 
duetie) to be thankeful for the same, it behoueth vs so to walke in his feare and 
loue, that all the daies of our life we may procure the glorie of his holy name. Now 
forasmuche as this thing chefely is atteyned by the knollage and practising of the 
worde of God (which is the light to our paths, the keye of the kingdome of heauen, 
our comfort in affliction, our shielde and sworde against Satan, the schoole of all 
wisdome, the glasse wherein we beholde Gods face, the testimonie of his fauour, 
and the only foode and nourishment of our soules) we thoght that we colde bestowe 
our labours & studie in nothing which colde be more acceptable to God and com- 
fortable to his Churche then in the translating of the holy Scriptures into our natiue 
tongue : the which thing albeit that diuers heretofore haue indeuored to atchieue yet 
considering the infancie of those tymes and imperfect knollage of the tongues, in 
respect of this ripe age and cleare light which God hath now reueiled, the trans- 
lations required greatly to be perused and reformed. Not that we vendicat any thing 
to our selues aboue the least of our brethren (for God knoweth with what feare and 
trembling we haue bene now, for the space of two yeres and more day and night 
occupied herein) but being earnestly desired, and by diuers, whose learning and 
godynes we reuerence, exhorted, and also incouraged by the ready willes of suche, 
whose heartes God likewise touched, not to spare any charges for the fortherance of 
suche a benente and fauour of God toward his Churche (thogh the tyme then was 
moste dangerous and the persecution sharpe and furious) we submitted our selues at 
length to their godly iudgementes, and seing the great oportunitie and occasions, 
which God presented vnto vs in this Churche, 1 by reason of so many godly and 
learned men ; and suche diuersities of translations in diuers tongues, we undertoke 
this great and wonderful worke (with all reuerence, as in the presence of God, as 
intreating the worde of God, whereunto we thinke our selues vnsufticient ) which now 
God according to his diuine prouidence and mercie hath directed to a moste pros- 
perous end. And this we may with good conscience protest, that we haue in euery 
point and worde, according to the measure of that knollage which it pleased al mightie 



1 i.e. at Geneva. 



i 2 o Preface to the Geneva Bible. 

God to giue vs, faithfully rendred the text, and in all hard places moste syncerely 
expounded the same. For God is our witnes that we haue by all meanes indeuored 
to set forthe the puritie of the worde and right sense of the holy Gost for the 
edifying of the brethren in faith and charitie. 

Now as we haue chiefely obserued the sense, and laboured alwaies to restore it 
to all integritie, so haue we moste reuerently kept the proprietie of the wordes, 
considering that the Apostles who spake and wrote to the Gentiles in the Greke 
tongue, rather constrayned them to the liuely phrase of the Ebrewe, then entreprised 
farre by mollifying their langage to speake as the Gentils did. And for this and 
other causes we haue in many places reserued the Ebrewe phrases, notwithstanding 
that thei may seeme Somewhat hard in their eares that are not wel practised and 
also delite in the swete sounding phrases of the holy Scriptures. Yet lest ether the 
; simple shulde be discouraged, or the malicious haue any occasion of iust cauillation, 
j seing some translations read after one sort, and some after another, whereas all may 
serue to good purpose and edification, we haue in the margent noted that diuersitie 
of speache or reading which may also seme agreable to the mynde of the holy Gost 
and propre for our langage with this marke x . 

Agayne where as the Ebrewe speache semed hardly to agre with ours, we haue 
noted it, in the margent after this sort", vsing that which was more intelligible. 
And albeit that many of the Ebrewe names be altered from the olde text, and 
restored to the true writing and first original, whereof thei haue their signification, 
yet in the vsual names litle is changed for feare of troubling the simple readers. 
Moreouer whereas the necessitie of the sentence required any thing to be added (for 
suche is the grace and proprietie of the Ebrewe and Greke tongues, that it can not 
but ether by circumlocution, or by adding the verbe or some worde be vnderstand 
of them that are not wel practised therein) we haue put it in the text with another 
kynde of lettre, that it may easel}* be discerned from the common lettre. As touching 
the diuision of the verses, we haue followed the Ebrewe examples, which haue so 
euen from the begynning distinct them. Which thing as it is moste profitable for 
memorie : so doeth it agre with the best translations, and is moste easie to finde 
out both by the best Concordances, and also by the cotations which we haue dily- 
gently herein perused and set forthe by this starre *. Besides this, the principal 
matters are noted and distincted by this marke *[[. Yea and the argumentes bothe 
for the booke and for the chapters with the numbre of the verse are added, that by 
all meanes the reader might be holpen. For the which cause also we haue set ouer 
the head of euery page ■some notable worde or sentence which may greatly further 
aswel for memorie, as for the chief point of the page. And considering how hard 
a thing it is to vnderstand the holy Scriptures, and what errors, sectes and heresies i 
growe dailie for lacke of the true knollage thereof, and how many are discouraged 
(as thei pretend) because thei can not atteine to the true and simple meaning of the 
same, we haue also indeuored bothe by the diligent reading of the best commentaries, 
and also by the conference with the godly and learned brethren, to gather brief , 
annotations vpon all the hard places, aswel for the vnderstanding of suche wordes as 
are obscure, and for the declaration of the text, as for the application of the same as \ 
may most apperteine to Gods glorie and the edification of his Churche. Forthermore 
whereas certeyne places in the bookes of Moses, of the Kings and Ezekiel semed so ' 
darke that by no description thei colde be made easie to the simple reader, we haue 
so set them forthe with figures and notes for the ful declaration thereof, that thei 
which can not by iudgement, being holpen by the annotations noted by the letters 
a b c. &c. attevn.therevnto, yet by the perspectiue, and as it were by the eye may 
sufficiently knowe the true meaning of all suche places. YVherevnto also we haue 
added certeyne mappes of Cosmographie which necessarely serue for the perfect 
vnderstanding and memorie of diuers places and countreys, partely described, and 
partely by occasion touched, bothe in the olde and newe Testament. Finally that 
nothing might lacke which might be boght by labors, for the increase of knowlage 
and fortherance of Gods glorie, we haue adjoyned two moste profitable tables, the 
one seruing for the interpretation of the Ebrewe names : and the other contevning 
all the chefe and principal matters of the whole Bible : so that nothing (as we trust) 
that any colde iustely desire, is omitted. Therefore, as brethren that are partakers 
of the same hope and saluation with vs, we beseche you, that this riche perle and 
inestimable treasure may not be offred in vayne, but as sent from God to the 
people of God. for the increase of his kingdome, the comfort of his Churche, and 



Preface to the Geneva Bible. 



121 



discharge of our conscience, whome it hath pleased him to raise vp for this purpose, 
so you wolde willingly receyue the worde of God, earnestly studie it, and in all your 
life practise it, that you may now appeare in dede to be the people of God, not 
walking any more according to this worlde, but in the frutes of the Spirit, that 
God in vs may be full}' glorified through Christ Iesus our Lord, who lyueth and 
reigneth for euer. Amen. From Geneua, 10 April. 1560. 

XLVIII. PRIVILEGE AND LICENCE TO JOHN BODLEY FOR PRINTING 
THE GENEVA BIBLE FOR SEVEN YEARS. 

Printed from the original, Patent Roll, 3 Elizabeth, part 13 (34), r. 

Elizabeth by the grace of god, &c, To all maner of printers booke-sellers and 
other our officers ministers and subiectes greating. We do youe to understande 
that of our grace especiall. We haue graunted and geven priuiledge and licence 
and by thes presentes for us our heires and successors do graunte and geue priuilege 
and lycence vnto our welbeloued subiecte John Bodeleigh and his assignes for terme 
of seven yeares next ensuyng the date of thes our lettres patent to imprint or cause 
to be emprinted the Inglysshe bible with annotacions faithfully translated and 
fynished in thes present yeare of our lord god a thousand fyve hundreth and 
threscore, and dedicated to vs. straightly forbidding and commanding by thes 
presentes all and singuler our subiectes aswell printers as bokesellers as all other 
person within our Realmes and dominions whatsoever they be, in anie maner to 
imprint or cause to be emprinted anie of the forseid englisshe bibles that the said 
John Bodeleigh shal by auctoritie of this our licence imprint or cause to be emprinted 
or any parte of them, but onely the said John Bodeleigh and his assignes vpon payne 
of our high Indignacion and displeasure, And that euery offender theren shall forfeit 
to our vse fortie shillinges of lawfull money of Englond for euery suche bible or 
bibles at anie tyme so imprinted contrary to the true meanyng of this our presente 
licence and priuilege, ouer and besides all suche booke or bookes so imprinted to be 
forfeited to whom soeuer shall susteyne the charges and sue the said forfeiture on 
our behalf. Prouided that the bible to be emprinted may be so ordered in the 
edicion thereof as may be seme expedient by the aduise of our trusty and welbeloued 
the bisshopps of Canterbory and London. 1 In witnes whereof &c. Witnes the quene 
at Westminster the viij day of Januarye. 2 per breue de priuato sigillo. 

XLIX. PARKER AND GRINDAL ON THE RENEWAL OF 
BODLEY'S PRIVILEGE. 

From British Museum, Lansdowne MS. viii. Art. 82 [p. 205]. 

Being enformed by this berer John Bodleygh that vppon his late sute to you 
for the renewing of his privilege with longer tearme, 1 for the reimprintinge of the late 
Geneva Bible by him and his associates sett foorthe, you suspended to give your 
furderaunce vntill you had hearde owre advise. So it is that we thinke so well of 
the first impression, and reviewe of those whiche have sithens travailed therin, that 
we wishe it wold please you to be a meane that twelve yeres longer tearme maye be 
by speciall privilege graunted him, in consideracion of the charges by him and his 
associates in the first impression, and the reviewe sithens susteyned. 2 For thoughe 
one other speciall bible for the churches be meant by vs to be set forthe as convenient 
tyme and leysor hereafter will permytte : yet shall it nothing hindre but rather do 

XLVIII. ' In the absence of any other explanation of the failure of John Bodley to make 
any use of this licence it seems reasonable to attribute it to this clause, which enabled the 
Archbishop of Canterbury and Bishop of London to make any conditions, such as the omission 
of notes which they considered objectionable, that they might please. 

2 The year being reckoned from Lady Day, the date January 8 [1561] would be the same year 
as that in which the Geneva Bible was printed (1560). 

XLIX. ' Over four of the seven years for which Bodley had obtained a privilege had now 
elapsed, and he clearly wanted to keep his rights alive in the hope of being able to come to terms 
with the Archbishop. 

2 This suggests that the Geneva Bible had been revised, at Bodley 's expense, in the hope of 
meeting the Archbishop's wishes. 






122 Renewal of Bodley's Privilege. 



moche good to have diversitie of translations and readinges. And if his licence, 
herafter to be made, goe simplye foorthe without proviso of our oversight as we 
thinke it maye so passe well ynoughe, 3 yet shall we take suche ordre in writing withe 
the partie, that no impression shall passe but by owr direcion, consent, and advise. 
Thus ending we commende you to Allmightie god. From Lambethe this ixth of 
Marche 1565. 

Yor in Christe, 
Matthue Cantuar 

Edm. London. 4 

L. THE PREPARATION OF THE BISHOPS' BIBLE. 
A. Letter of Richard Cox, Bishop of Ely, to Cecil. 

From the original in the Record Office (Domestic State Papers, Elizabeth, vol. xxi, Article 18). 

A nother thing ther is worthy to be consydered, the translation of the bible to 
be committed to mete men and to be vewed ouer and amended. I called apon it j 
in bothe my masters tymes sed frustra. Yet god be praised, ye haue men hable 
to do it thoroughly. Thus muche I signifie to you because god hath apoynted you 
a speciall instrumente to the furtheraunce of his heavenly truthe, vnder so gratiouse 
a soverayn, who I trust doth not mislyke the apologie 

From Downham the xix of January 1561. 

Your hartyly assured 

Richarde Ely. 1 
B. Parker invites Cecil to take part in the Revision. 

From the original in the Record Office (Domestic State Papers, Elizabeth, vol. xli, Article 33). 

Sir I haue destributed the bible in partes to dyuerse men, I am desierus yf ye | 
coud spare so moche leysur eyther in mornyng or evenyng : we had one epistle of ; 
S. Paul or peter, or Jamys of your pervsinge to thentent that ye maye be one of the j 
buylders of this good worke in christes churche, although otherwise we account youe j 
a comon paterne to christes blessed word & religion, thus God kepe your honor in 1 
helthe, from my house this xxvj of novembre 

Your honors 

Matth. Cant. 1 
C. Strype's Summary of other Correspondence. 

From the Life and Acts of Matthew Parker. By John Strype, Oxford, 182 1, vol. i, pp. 415-17. 

Edwin, Bishop of Worcester, who. as he was an excellent preacher, so a man 
well skilled in the original languages, was one of the Bishops appointed to this 
work. His part being finished, he sent it back to the Archbishop, with his letter 
dated from Worcester, Feb. 6. Which, because it may give us some light into this 
good design, I will here set down. 

3 i. e. the clause in the original privilege ' Prouided that the bible to be emprinted may be so 
ordered in the edicion thereof as may seme expedient by the aduise of our trusty and welbeloued 
the bisshopps of Canterbory and London ' might be omitted — a concession, perhaps to Puritan 
feelings, which Parker owing to the strength of his position could afford to make. 

* Addressed : ' To the honorable Sir William Cecill knight principall Secretarie to the Quenes 
Maiestie ' ; endorsed : ' 9 Martii 1565. Archb. of Cantuar & B. of Lond. for John Bodlegh for 
printing of the Geneva bible.' 

L. A. ' Addressed: ' To the most honorable Sir William Cecill knight Secretary to the Quenes 
maiestie'; endorsed in two hands. ' 19 Januar. B. of Ely & my master. In commendacion of 
Apologia [pro] Ecclesia Anglicana. 1561.' 

B. • Addressed : ' To ye right honorable Sir \V. Cecill principal Secretary to the Queens 
Maiestie'; endorsed : ' 26 Novembre 1566. Archb. of Cantuar to my master. Translacion of 
ye Bible.' 



The Preparation of the Bishops' Bible. 



123 

' My duty remembered ; According to your Grace's letter of instruction, I have 
perused the book you sent me, and with good diligence : having also, in conference 
with some other, considered of the same, in such sort, I trust, as your Grace will 
not mislike of. I have sent up with it my Clerk, whose hand I used in writing forth 
the corrections and marginal notes. When it shall please your Grace to set over 
the Book to be viewed by some one of your Chaplains, my said Clerk shall attend 
a day or two, to make it plain unto him, how my notes are to be placed. 

' In mine opinion, your Grace shall do well to make the whole Bible to be 

diligently surveyed by some well learned, before it be put to print ; and also to have 

J skilful and diligent correctors at the printing of it, that it may be done in such 

; perfection, that the adversaries can have no occasion to quarrel with it. Which 

thing will require a time. Sed sat cito, si sat bene. The setters forth of this our 

'common translation followed Munster 1 too much, who doubtless was a very 

negligent man in his doings, and often swerved very much from the Hebrew. 

' Thus, trusting that your Grace will take in good part my trifles, wherein wanted 
no good will, I commend the same to the grace of Almighty God. From my house 
at Worcester. 

' Your Grace's in Christ at commandment, 

' Ed. Wigorn.' 

And in another letter, the same pious Bishop put the Archbishop in mind of | 
this great work, to proceed earnestly forward in it. ' Your Grace,' said he, ' should 
much benefit the Church, in hastening forward the Bible which you have in hand : 
thosethat we have be not only false printed, but also give great offence to many, by 
reason of the depravity in reading.' 

To Guest, Bishop of Rochester, the Archbishop sent the Book of Psalms to revise : 

j and he sent it back again with his notes and advertisements, as the Bishop of 

' Worcester had done. In his letter to the Archbishop he said, ' he had not altered 

! the translation but where it gave occasion of an error. As at the first Psalm, at the 

'■ beginning, I turn the preterperfect tense into the present tense : because the sense is 

too harsh in the preterperfect tense. Where in the New Testament one piece of 

! a Psalm is reported, I translate it in the Psalms according to the translation thereof 

in the New Testament, for the avoiding of the offence that may rise to the people 

upon divers translations. 2 Where two great letters be joined together, or where one 

great letter is twice put, it signifieth that both the sentences or the words be 

expounded together.' 

To Parkhurst, Bishop of Norwich, the Archbishop sent another part of the Bible, 
to make his notes and advertisements upon. Who wrote back to the Archbishop, 
that he would travail therein with such diligence and expedition as he might. 

Davies, Bishop of St. David's, had another portion. And he wrote to the Arch- 
bishop that he was in hand with that part of the Bible he sent him. And again, not 
long after, in the vear 1566, he wrote the Archbishop, that he would finish it with as 
much speed as he" could ; and that he bestowed, for his performance of the same, all 
' such time as he could spare. 

This Bishop was now very busy in translating the Bible into Welsh, together with 
William Salisbury, Bishop of Man, a man very learned in the British antiquities. 

This business in correcting the former translation of the Bible, went forward 
along the next year 1566. Cox, Bishop of Ely, who seems to have had another part 
of the holy Scripture committed to him, in a letter dated May 3, 1566, had these 
words concerning this noble work : ' I trust your Grace is well forward with the 
Bible by this time. I perceive the greatest burden will lie upon your neck, touching 
care and travail. I would wish that such usual words as we English people be 
acquainted with might still remain in their form and sound, so far forth as the 
Hebrew will well bear ; ink-horn terms to be avoided. The translation of the verbs 
in the Psalms to be used uniformly in (me tense, &c. And if ye translate bonitas or 
miser icordia, to use it likewise in all places of the Psalms, &c. God send this good 
travail a blessed success.' 

1 i.e. Sebastian Miinster, the author of a new Latin version of the Old Testament, first 
printed at Basel, 1534-5. , , 

2 Probably because these views did not commend themselves to Parker, Bishop Guest s worK 
seems not to have been used. See Introduction, p. 21 1. 



T 






LI. PARKER ANNOUNCES TO CECIL THE COMPLETION OF 
THE BISHOPS' BIBLE. 

From the original in the Record Office (Domestic State Papers, Elizabeth, vol. xlvii, No. 78). 1 

Salutem in Christo. Sir I have receyved your lettres, and shall performe that i 
yowe desier, concerning Mr. Welles when he cometh to me or any of his factors, ; 
I here his knowledge and honestye to be well reported. Sir, after much toyle of the 
Printer and sum Labors taken of sum parties for the setting owte and Recognising j 
of the Englishe bible, we be nowe come to a conclusion for the substance of the 
booke. Sum ornamentes of the same 2 be yet lacking, prayeng your Honor to beare 
in pacience till yt be fully reedy. I do meane by gods grace, yf my health will serve 
me better than yt is at this tyme, to present the Quenes highnes with the first, as : 
sone as I can here her Maiestie to be come to Hampton Courte which we here will be 
within eight or nyne dayes. Which god prosper, and sent to your honor grace and 
health as I wishe to my selfe. From my howse at Lambith, this xxij of September 

Your Honors loving Frende 

Matth. Cant. 



LII. PRESENTATION OF THE BISHOPS' BIBLE TO THE QUEEN, 
AND STORY OF THE REVISION. 

A. Archbishop Parker to Cecil. 

From the original in the Record Office (Domestic State Papers, Elizabeth, vol. xlviii, 6). 1 

Sir after my right hartie Comendacions, I was in purpose to have offred to the 
Quenes highnes the first fruites of our Labors in the recognising the Bible, But 
I feale my health to be such, that as yet I dare not adventure. Whervppon for that 
I wold not have the Queens highnes and your honor to be long delayed, nor the 
poore printer after his great charges to be longer deferred, I have caused one booke 
to be bound as you see which I hartelye pray vow to present favorablie to the 
Queens Maiestie, with your frendlie excuse of my disabylitie, in not coming my self. 
I haue also wrytten to the Queens Maiestie, the Copie wherof I have sent yow the 
rather to vse your oportunitie of deliuerie, yf your Prudence shall not think them 
tolerable. And bicause I wold yow knewe all, I here send yow a note to signifie : 
who first travelled in the diuerse bookes, though after them sum other perusing was 
had, the lettres of their names be partlie affixed in the ende of their bookes, Which 
I thought a polecie to showe them, to make them more diligent, as Awnswerable for 
their doinges. I have remembred yow of such observacions as my first lettres sent j 
to them (by your advise) did signifie. Yt may be that in so long a worke thinges I 
have scaped which may be Lawfull to euerie man cum bona venia to amend whan 
they find them non omnia possumus omnes. The Printer hath honestlie done his 
diligence, yf your honor wold obteine of the Queens highnes, that the edicion might 
be Licensed and only comended in publike reading in Churches, to drawe to one 
vniformitie, yt weare no greate cost to the most parishes and a Relief to him for his 
great charges susteined. The Psalters might remayn in Queres as they be much 
multiplied but wher of ther owne accord they wold vse this Translacion. 2 Sir, 

LI. 1 Addressed : ' To the right honorable Sir William Cicell knight Principall Secretarye to the 
Quenes maiestie. At the Cowrte ' ; endorsed : ' 22 Septembre 1 568. Tharchbishop of Canterbury 
to my Master. Bible.' 

• Almost certainly the engraved title-page and portraits of Leicester and Cecil (now Lord 
Burghley), which would be printed by a separate impression. 

LII. ' Addressed : ' To the right honorable Sir William Cecyll knight principall Secretary to 
the Queen's maiestie and one of hir prevy counseyle be it deliuered'; endorsed: ' 5 October 
1568, Archb. of Canterbury to my master with the bible newly sett forth.' 

2 i.e. Churches which had bought Psalters of the Great Bible version for use in choir were 
not to be put to the expense of buying new ones of the Bishops' version. In the second edition 
(1572) the hold which the Psalter of the Great Bible had established was further recognized by 
that version being printed as well as the newer one, and it has continued the liturgical psalter 
unto this dav. 



Presentation of the Bishop's Bible. 



125 



I pray your honor be a meane that Jug only may have the preferment of this 
edicion, 3 for yf any other shuld Lurche him to steale from him thes copies, 4 he 
weare a great Loser in this first doing, 5 And Sir without doubt he hath well deserved 
to be preferred. A man wold not thinke that he had devoured so much payne as 
he hath susteined. Thus I wish your honor all grace vertue and helthe as to my 
self. From my house at Lambith this fifth of October. 

Your Honors loving Frend 

Matthue Cantuar. 



B. Archbishop Parker to Queen Elizabeth. 

Printed from the original in the Record Office (Domestic State Papers, Elizabeth, 

vol. xlviii, 6, I). 

After my most Lowlie submission to your Maiestie, with my hartie reioyce of 

your prosperous progresse and retorne, pleaseth yt your highnes to accept in good 

parte, the endevor and diligence, of sum of vs your chapleins, my brethren the 

- Bisshoppes, with other certaine Learned men, in this newe edicion of the bible, 

j I trust by comparisone of divers translacions put forth in your realme will apeare 

I as well the workemanshippe of the printer, as the Circumspection of all such as have 

travelled in the recognition. Amonge divers observations which have bin regarded 

1 in this recognition one was, not to make yt varye much from that translation which 

1 was comonlve vsed by Publike order, except wher eyther the verytie of the hebrue 

& greke moved alteration, or wher the text was by sum negligence mutilated from 

the originall. So that I trust your Loving subiectes shall se good cause in your 

\ Maiesties dayes to thanke god, and to reioyce, to see this his treasor of his holy 

I worde, so set oute, as may be proved (So farforth as mortall mans knowledge can 

attaine to, or as farforth as god hath hitherto revealed) to be faithfully handeled in 

the vulgar tonge, besechinge your highnes, that yt may have your gracious favor, 

License and protection to be com[un]icated abrode, aswell for that in many Churches 

I they want their bookes, and have longe tyme loked for this : as for that in certaine 

places be publikely vsed sum Translations Which have not byn Labored in your 

Realme having inspersed diverse preiudicall notis which might have ben also well 

spared. 1 I have byn bolde in the forniture with fewe wordes to expresse the incom- 

iperable valewe of this Treasor amonge many thinges good profitable and bewtifull. 

i ye have in possession, yet this only necessarie, whereof so to thinke, and so to 

1 beleve, maketh your Maiestie blessed, not only here in this your gouernance, but yt 

shall advance your maiestie to attaine at the last the blisse everlastinge, which after 

a longe prosperous raigne over vs, Almightie god send yow, as certainelie he will, for 

cherishinge that Juell which he loveth best, of which is pronounced that Quomo- 

documque Celum et terra transibunt verbum tamen domini manebit in eternum. 

God preserve your highnes in all grace and felicitie. 

C. Parker's Note as to the Translators. 1 

Printed from the original in the Record Office (Domestic State Papers, Elizabeth, 

vol. xlviii, 6, II). 



The sum of the scripture 

The Tables of Christes line 

The argument of the scriptures 

The first Preface into the whole Bible 

The Preface into the psalter 

The preface into the new Testament 

Genesis ) ,, n 

Exodus f M " Cant - 

Leviticus) n 

Numerus| Cantuarie - 

Deuteronomius. W. Exon. 



.M. Cant. 



3 ' edition ' seems here used in the sense of ' version '. 

' The word ' translacion ' has been struck out before ' doing ' 



4 i. e. copyrights. 



B. ' The allusion is of course to the Geneva Bible. 



C. ' See Introduction, p. 20. 



126 Presentation of the Bishops' Bible. 



Josue 

Judicum n it 

Ruth ' -ueneuen. 

Regum i, 2 J 

Regum 3, 4 ) „ , .... 

Paralipomena i, 2 , Ed. \\ lg orn. 

Proverbial Cantuarie. 
Ecclesiastes ) ,, , , . . 
Cantica I Cantabngie. 

Ecclesiasticus . 
Susanna T vr 

Baruc M" Norwlc - 

Maccabeorum ) 
Esdras \ 

Tobias ." W " Cicestren. 

Sapiencia ) 

Esaias i 

Hierimias • R. Winton. 

Lamentaciones j 

Ezechiel ) T T . , „ n 

Daniel } J- Lich. & Covent. 

Sour: M. Cant. 

{- u . cas ' Ed. Peterb. 
Johannes) 

ActaApostolorum! R . Eliensis . 

Ad Komanos j 

i epistola Corin. D. Westmon. 

2 epistola Corin. 

Ad Gallathas 

Ad Ephesios | 

Ad Philepenses 

Ad Collossenses \ M r „„ f 

Ad 1 hessalonicenses 

Ad Timothium 

Ad Titum j 

Ad Philemonem 

Ad Hebreos 

Epistolae Canonicae . x Lincoln . 

Apocahpsis I 

Observations respected of the Translators. 

Firste to followe the Commune Englishe Translacion. vsed in the Churches and 
not to receed from yt but wher yt varieth manifestlye from the Hebrue or Greke 
originall. 

Item to vse such sections and devisions in the Textes as Pagnine in his Transla- 
cion vseth, & for the veritie of the Hebrue to followe the said Pagnine and Munster 
specially, And generally others learned in the tonges. 

Item to make no bitter notis vppon any text, or yet to set downe any determina- 
cion in places of controversie. 

Item to note such Chapters and places as conteineth matter of Genealogies or 
other such places not edefieng, with some strike or note that the Reader may eschue 
them in his publike readinge. 

Item that all such wordes as soundeth in the Okie Translacion to any offence of 
I.ightnes or obscenitie be expressed with more convenient termes and phrases. 

The printer hath bestowed his thickest Paper in the newe Testament bicause yt 
shalbe most occupied. 



127 



LIII. THE INCEPTION OF THE RHEIMS NEW TESTAMENT. 
Part of a Letter from Cardinal Allen to Dr. Vendeville. 

From Letters and Memorials of William Cardinal Allen, by T. F. Knox. 1882, p. 52 sqq. 

Singulis diebus Dominicis et festis habentur conciones anglicae a provectioribus 
ad evangelium, epistolam vel historiam diei propriam, ubi inflammantur omnium 
animi ad pietatem in Deum et ad zelum in Angliam a schismate in viam salutis 
revocandum. Id autem anglice facimus ut vernaculae linguae facultatem majorem 
et gratiam, qua haeretici mire sibi placent et insigniter aliis simplicioribus nocent, 
assequamur. In quo genere vel imperiti alioquin haeretici multis doctioribus catho- 
licis saepe praestant, quod hi in academiis et scholis educati non habent fere Scrip- 

' turae textum nee allegant nisi latinum, quern cum pro concione indocta coguntur 

' mox in vulgarem linguam vertere, quia statim alicujus versionis vulgaris verba non 
sunt, saepe parum accommodate et non sine ingrata haesitatione transferunt ; ubi. 
adversarii ad unguem tenent ex haeretica aliqua versione omnia Scripturae loca quae 

1 pro ipsis facere videantur, et quadam composita fraude ac mutatione sacrorum 
verborum efficiunt tandem ut nihil loqui videantur nisi ex Bibliis. Cui malo 
utrinque mederi possit, si et nos haberemus aliquam catholicam versionem Biblio- 

: rum ; omnes enim anglicae versiones sunt corruptissimae. Ouales in Belgio vestro 
habeatis nescio ; certe nos si sua Sanctitas faciendum judicabit, id etiam agemus ut 

j fideliter, pure et genuine secundum approbatam ecclesiae editionem Biblia vertantur ; 
cum ad hanc rem viros jam habeamus aptissimos. Licet enim optandum esset 
fortasse ut nunquam in barbaras linguas Scripturae verterentur, tamen cum tanta 
sit hodie vel ex haeresi vel aliunde curiositas horninum etiam non malorum, et saepe 
etiam propter confutationem adversariorum legendi necessitas, satius est ut fidelem 
et catholicam habeant translationem, quam ut cum periculo aut ad perditionem 
utantur corrupta ; praesertim cum periculis ex difficiliorum quorundam locorum lec- 
tione commodis quibusdam annotationibus occurri possit. 

Translation. 

From First and Second Diaries of the English College at Douay. By T. F. Knox. 1878, p. xl. 

On every Sunday and festival English sermons are preached by the more ad- 
vanced students on the gospel, epistle, or subject proper to the day. These dis- 
courses are calculated to inflame the hearts of all with piety towards God and zeal 
for the bringing back of England from schism to the path of salvation. We preach 
in English, in order to acquire greater power and grace in the use of the vulgar 
tongue, a thing on which the heretics plume themselves exceedingly, and by which 
they do great injury to the simple folk. In this respect the heretics, however igno- 
rant they may be in other points, have the advantage over many of the more learned 
catholics, who having been educated in the universities and the schools do not com- 
monly have at command the text of Scripture or quote it except in Latin. Hence 
when they are preaching to the unlearned, and are obliged on the spur of the 
moment to translate some passage which they have quoted into the vulgar tongue, 
they often do it inaccurately and with unpleasant hesitation, because either there is 
no English version of the words or it does not then and there occur to them. Our 
adversaries on the other hand have at their fingers' ends all those passages of Scrip- 
ture which seem to make for them, and by a certain deceptive adaptation and 
alteration of the sacred words produce the effect of appearing to say nothing but 
what comes from the bible. This evil might be remedied if we too had some 
catholic version of the bible, for all the English versions are most corrupt. I do 
i not know what kind you have in Belgium. But certainly we on our part, if his 
I Holiness shall think proper, will undertake to produce a faithful, pure and genuine 
: version of the bible, in accordance with the edition approved by the Church, for we 
I already have men most fitted for the work. Perhaps indeed it would have been 
more desirable that the Scriptures had never been translated into barbarous tongues ; 
nevertheless at the present day, when either from heresy or other causes, the curiosity 
of men, even of those who are not bad, is so great, and there is often such need oi 
reading the Scriptures in order to confute our opponents, it is better that there 
should be a faithful and catholic translation than that men should use a corrupt 
version to their peril or destruction ; the more so since the dangers which arise from 
reading certain more difficult passages may be obviated by suitable notes. 



Transla- 
tion of 
the Scrip- 
< tures into 
| the 
; vulgar 
, tongues, 
j not abso- 
lutely ne- 
cessarie 
or profit- 
able, but 
according 
I to the 
time. 



Many 
causes 
why this 
new 
Testa- 
ment is 
trans- 
lated ac- 
cording 
to the 
auncient 
vulgar 
Latin 
text. 

It is most 
auncient. 
Corrected 
byS. 
Hierom. 
Com- 
mended 
by S. Au- 
gustine. 

Vsed 
and ex- 
pounded 
by the 
fathers. 
Only 
authenti- 
cated by 
the holy 
Councel 
of Trent. 



128 

LIV. PREFACE TO THE RHEIMS NEW TESTAMENT. 

From the copy in the British Museum. 

The Preface to the Reader treating of these three points : of the transla- 
tion of Holy Scriptures into the vulgar tongues, and namely into English ; 
of the causes why this new Testament is translated according to the auncient 
vulgar Latin text : & of the maner of translating the same. 

The holy Bible long since * translated by vs into English, and the old Testament 
lying by vs for lacke of good meanes to publish the whole 2 in such sort as a vvorke , 
of so great charge and importance requireth : we have yet through Gods goodnes at I 
length fully finished for thee (most Christian reader) all the New Testament, which i 
is the principal, most profitable & comfortable peece of holy writte : and, as wel for 
all other institution of life and doctrine, as specially for deciding the doubtes of these 
daies, more propre and pregnant then the other part not yet printed. 

Which translation we doe not for all that publish, vpon erroneous opinion of , 
necessitie, that the holy Scriptures should alwaies be in our mother tonge, or that 
they ought, or were ordained by God, to be read indifferently of all, or could be easily 
vnderstood of euery one that readeth or heareth them in a knowen language : or 
that they were not often through mans malice or infirmitie, pernicious and much 
hurtful to many : or that we generally and absolutely deemed it more conuenient in 
it self, & more agreable to Gods word and honour or edification of the faithful, to 
haue them turned into vulgar tonges, then to be kept & studied only in the Ecclesi- 
astical learned languages : Not for these nor any such like causes doe we translate 
this sacred booke, but vpon special consideration of the present time, state, and con- 
dition of our countrie, vnto which, diuers thinges are either necessarie, or profitable 
and medicinable now, that otherwise in the peace of the Church were neither much 
requisite, nor perchance wholy tolerable. . . . 

[b. iij recto] 
Now TO GIVE thee also intelligence in particular, most gentle Reader, of such 
thinges as it behoueth thee specially to know concerning our Translation : We trans- 
late the old vulgar Latin text, not the common Greeke text, for these causes. 

1. It is so auncient, that it was vsed in the Church of God aboue 1300 yeres agoe, 
as appeareth by the fathers of those times. 

2. It is that (by the common receiued opinion and by all probabilitie) which 
S. Hierom. afterward corrected according to the Greeke, by the appointment of 
Damasus then Pope, as he maketh mention in his preface before the foure Euange- 
listes, vnto the said Damasus : and in Catalogo in fine, and ep. 102. 

3. Consequently it is the same which S. Augustine so commendeth and 
alloweth in an Epistle to S. Hierom. 3 

4. It is that, which for the most part euer since hath been vsed in the Churches 
seruice, expounded in sermons, alleaged and interpreted in the Commentaries and 
writings of the auncient fathers of the Latin Church. 

5. The holy Councel of Trent, for these and many other important considera- 
tions, hath declared 4 and defined this onely of al other latin translations, to be 
authentical, and so onely to be vsed and taken in publike lessons, disputations, 
preachings, and expositions, and that no man presume upon any pretence to reiect 
or refuse the same. 

6. It is the grauest, sincerest, of greatest maiestie, least partialitie, as being 
without al respect of controuersies and contentions, specially these of our time ; as 
appeareth by those places which Erasmus and others at this day translate much 
more to the aduantage of the Catholike cause. 

7. It is so exact and precise according to the Greeke, both the phrase and the 
word, that delicate Heretikes therfore reprehend it of rudenes. And that it followeth 
the Greeke far more exactly then the Protestants translations, beside infinite other 

1 According to the College Diaries it was begun on or about March 16, 1578, and finished 
in March 1582. 

2 The Old Testament was not printed until 1609. 

3 Note : Ep. 10. ' Note : Sess. 4. 



Preface to the Rheims New Testament. 129 



places, we appeale to these. Tit. 3. 14. Curent bonis operibus praeesse, Trpolo-Tao-Oai 
Eng. bib. 1577 to mainteine good workes, and Hebr. 10. 20. Viam nobis initiavit, 
cveieaiveo-ev. English bib. be prepared. So in these wordes, htstificationes, Traditiones, 
Idola &c. In al which they come not neere the Greeke, but auoid it of purpose. 

8. The Aduersaries them selues, namely Beza, preferre it before al the rest. In 
praefat. no. Test, an 1556. And againe he saith, that the old Interpreter translated 
very religiously. Annot. in 1. Luc. v. 1. 

9. In the rest, there is such diuersitie and dissension, and no end of reprehending 
one an other, and translating euery man according to his fantasie, that Luther 5 said, 
If the world should stand any long time, we must receiue againe (which he thought 
absurd) the Decrees of Councels, for preseruing the vnitie of faith, because of so 
diuers interpretations of the Scripture. And Beza (in the place aboue mentioned) 
noteth the itching ambition of his fellow-translators, that had much rather disagree 
and dissent from the best, then seeme them selues to haue said or written nothing. 
And Bezas translation it self, being so esteemed in our countrie, that the Geneua 6 
English Testament be translated according to the same, yet sometime goeth so wide 
from the Greeke, and from the meaning of the holy Ghost, that them selues which 
protest to translate it, dare not folow it. For example, Luc. 3. 36. They haue put 
these wordes, The sonne of Cainan, which he wittingly and wilfully left out ; and 
Act. 1. 14, they say, With the women, agreably to the vulgar Latin : where he saith. 
Cum vxoribus, with their wiues. 

10. It is not onely better then al other Latin translations, but then the Greeke 
text it self, in those places where they disagree. 

[c iii recto :] 

In This Our Translation, because we wish it to be most sincere, as becometh 
a Catholike translation, and have endeuoured so to make it ; we are very precise 
& religious in folowing our copie, the old vulgar approued Latin : not onely in 
sense, which we hope we alwaies doe, but sometime in the very wordes also and 
phrases, which may seeme to the vulgar Reader & to common English eares not yet 
acquainted therewith, rudenesse or ignorance : but to the discrete Reader that 
deepely weigheth and considereth the importance of sacred wordes and speaches, 
and how easily the voluntarie Translatour may misse the true sense of the Holy 
Ghost, we doubt not but our consideration and doing therein, shal seeme reasonable 
and necessarie : yea and that al sortes of Catholike Readers wil in shorte time 
thinke that familiar, which at the first may seeme strange & wil esteeme it more, 
when they shal 7 otherwise be taught to vnderstand it, then if it were the common 
knowen English. 

For example, we translate often thus. Amen, Amen I say vnto you. Which as yet 
seemeth strange, but after a while it wil be as familiar, as Amen in the end of al 
praiers and Psalmes, and euen as when we end with, Amen, it soundeth far better 
then So be it : so in the beginning, Amen Amen, must needes by vse and custom 
sound far better, then, Verily verily. Which in deede doth not expresse the asseuera- 
tion and assurance signified in this Hebrue word, besides that it is the solemne and 
vsual word of our Sauiour 8 to expresse a vehement asseueration, and therfore is not 
changed, neither in the Syriake nor Greeke, nor vulgar Latin Testament, but is pre- 
sented and vsed of the Euangelistes and Apostles them selues, euen as Christ spake 
it, propter sanctiorem authoritatem, as S. Augustine saith of this and of Allelu-ia, for 
the more holy and sacred authoritie thereof, li 2. Doct. Christ, c. 11. And therfore do 
we keepe the word Allelu-ia. Apoc. 19. as it is both in Greeke and Latin yea and 
in al the English translations, though in their bookes of common praier they trans- 
late it, Praise ye the Lord. Againe, if Hosanna, Raca, Belial, and such like be yet 
vntranslated in the English Bibles, 9 why may not we say Corbana, and Parasceve: 
specially when they Englishing this later thus, the preparation of the Sabboth put 
three wordes more into the text, then the Greeke word doth signifie. Mat. 27. 62. 
And others saying thus, After the day of preparing, make a cold translation and 

5 Note : Cochla. c. 11. de cano, Script, authoritate. 

8 Note : The new Test, printed the yere 1580 in the title. 

' Note : See the last Table at the end of the booke. 

" Note : See annot. Io. c. 8. v. 34 <~ Apoc. c. 19. v. 4. 

' Note : No. Test. an. 1580, Bib. an 1577. 



Most 

graue, 

least 

partial. 

Precise in 

following 

the 

Greek. 

Preferred 
by Beza 
himself. 

Al the 
rest mis- 
liked of 
the Sec- 
taries 
them- 
selues, 
eche re- 
prehend- 
ing an- 
other. 



It is truer 
than the 
vulgar 
Greek 
text it 
selfe. 



Certaine 
wordes 
not Eng- 
lish nor as 
yet fami- 
liar in the 
English 
tongue. 
Amen. 



Alleluia. 



Para- 
sceue. 




Pasche, 
Azymes. 



Why we 
say our 
Lord, not 
the Lord 
(but in 
certaine 
cases) see 
the An- 
notations 
I . Tim. 6 
pag. 585. 



Catholike 
termes 
proceeding 
from the 
very text 
of Scrip- 
ture. 

Certain 

hard 

speaches 

and 

phrases. 



The Pro- 
testants 
presump- 
tuous 
boldnes 
and liber- 
tie in 
translat- 
ing. 



short of the sense: as if they should translate, Sabboth, the resting, for, Parasceve 10 
is as solemne a word for the Sabboth eue, as Sabboth is for the Iewes seuenth day, 
and now among Christians much more solemner, taken for Good-friday onely. These 
wordes then we thought it far better to keepe in the text, and to tel their signification 
in the margent or in a table for that purpose, then to disgrace bothe the text & them 
with translating them. Such are also these wordes, The Pasche, The feast of Azymes, 
The bread of Proposition. Which they translate 11 The Passeouer, The feast of sweete 
bread, The shew bread. But if Pentecost Act. 2. be yet vntranslated in their bibles, 
and seemeth not strange : why should not Pasche and Azymes so remaine also, being 
solemne feastes, as Pentecost was ? or why should they English one rather then the 
other ? specially whereas Passeouer at the first was as strange, as Pasche may seeme 
now, and perhaps as many now vnderstand Pasche, as Passeouer, and as for Azymes, 
when they English it, the "feast of sweete bread, it is a false interpretation of the word, 
& nothing expresseth that which belongeth to the feast, concerning vnleauened bread. 
And as for their terme of shew bread, it is very strange and ridiculous. Againe, if 
Proselyte be a receiued word in the English bibles Mat. 23. Act. 2 : why may not 
we be bold to say, Neophyte. 1. Tim. 3. ? specially when they translating it into 
English do falsely expresse the signification of the word thus, a yong scholer. 
Whereas it is a peculiar word to signifie them that were lately baptized, as Cate- 
chumenus, signifieth the newely instructed in faith not yet baptized, who is also 
a yong scholar rather then the other, and many that haue been old scholars, may 
be Neophytes by differring baptisme. And if Phylacteries be allowed for English 
Mat. 23. we hope that Didragmes also, Prepuce, Paraclete, and such like, wil easily 
grow to be currant and familiar. And in good sooth there is in al these such 
necessitie, that they can not conueniently be translated, as when S. Paul 12 saith, 
concisio, non circumcisio : how can we but folow his very wordes and allusion ? And 
how is it possible to expresse Euangelizo, but as we do, Euangelize ? for Euangelium 
being the Gospel, what is, Euangelizo or to Euangelize, but to shew the glad tydings 
of the Gospel, of the time of grace, of al Christes benefites ? Al which signification 
is lost, by translating as the English bibles do, / bring you good tydings. Luc. 2. 10. 
Therfore we say Depositum 1 Tim. 6. and, He exinanited him self, Philip. 2. and, 
You haue reflorished, Philip. 4. and, to exhaust, Hebr. 9. 28. because we can not 
possibly attaine to expresse these wordes full}' in English, and we thinke much 
better, that the reader staying at the difficultie of them, should take an occasion to 
looke in the table folowing, or otherwise to aske the ful meaning of them, then by 
putting some vsual English wordes that expresse them not, so to deceiue the reader. 
Sometime also we doe it for an other cause, as when we say, The aduent of our Lord, 
and Imposing ofhandes. because one is a solemne time, the other a solemne action in 
the Catholike Church : to signifie to the people, that these and such like names come 
out of the very Latin text of the Scripture. So did Penance, doing penance, Chalice, 
Priest, Deacon, Traditions, aultar, host, and the like (which we exactly keepe as 
Catholic termes) procede euen from the very wordes of Scripture. 

Moreouer, we presume not in hard places to mollifie the speaches or phrases, 
but religiously keepe them word for word, and point for point, for feare of missing, 
or restraining the sense of the holy Ghost to our phantasie, as Eph. 6. Against 
the spirituals of wickednes in the celestials, and What to me and thee woman ? 13 whereof 
see the Annotation vpon this place, and 1 Pet. 2. As infants euen now borne, reason- 
able, milke without guile desire ye, We do so place reasonable, of purpose, that it 
may be indifferent both to infants going before, as in our Latin text : or to milke 
that foloweth after, as in other Latin copies and in the Greeke, Io. 3. we translate, 
The spirit breatheth where he wil &c. leauing it indifferent to signifie either the holy 
Ghost, or winde : which the Protestants translating, winde, take away the other 
sense more common and vsual in the auncient fathers. We translate Luc 8. 23, 
They were filled, not adding of our owne, with water to mollifie the sentence, as 
the Protestants doe, and c. 21. This is the chalice, the new Testament &c not, 
This chalice is the new Testament, likewise Mar. 13, Those daies shal be such tribula- 
tion &c not as the Aduersaries, In those dales, both our text and theirs being 
otherwise, likewise lac. 4. 6. And giueth greater grace, leauing it indifferent to the 
Scripture, or to the holy Ghost, both going before. Whereas the Aduersaries to to 



10 Note : Mar. 14. v. 42. 
12 Note : Phil. 3. 



11 Note : Bib. 1577. Mat. 26. 17. 
" Io. 2. 



Preface to the Rheims New Testament. 131 



boldly & presumptuously adde, saying, The Scripture giueth, taking away the other 
sense, which is far more probable, likewise Heb. 12. 21. we translate, So terrible 
was it which was seen, Moyses said &c. neither doth Greeke or Latin permit vs to 
adde, that Moyses said, as the Protestants presume to doe, So we say, Men brethren, 
A widow woman, A woman a sister, lames of Alphaeus, and the like. Sometime also 14 
we folow of purpose the Scripture phrase, as, The hel of fire} 5 according to Greeke 
and Latin, which we might say perhaps, the firyhel, by the Hebrue phrase in such 
speaches, but not, hel fire, as commonly it is translated Likewise Luc 4. 36. What 
word is this, that in power and authoritie he commaundeth the vncleane spirits? as 
also Luc 2. Let vs passe ouer, and see the word that is done. Where we might say, 
thing, by the Hebrue phrase, but there is a certaine maiestie and more signification 
in these speaches, and therfore both Greeke & Latin keepe them, although it is no 
more the Greeke or Latin phrase, then it is the English. And why should we be 
squamish at new wordes or phrases in the Scripture, which are necessarie : when we 
do easily admit and folow new wordes coyned in court and in courtly or other 
secular writings ? 

We adde the Greeke in the margent for diuers causes. Sometime when the sense 
is hard, that the learned reader may consider of it and see if he can helpe him selfe 
better then by our translation as Luc. 11. Nolite extolli, ^ /«Tc<op<.'feo-0€ and againe, 
Quod superest date eleemosynam, ™ Ivovra. Sometime to take away the ambiguitie of 
the Latin or English, as Luc. 11. Et domus supra domum cadet which we must needes 
English, and house upon house, shal fall by the Greeke, the sense is not, one house 
shal fal vpon an other, but, if one house rise vpon it self, that is, against it self, it 
shal perish, according as he speaketh of a kingdom deuided against it self, in the 
wordes before, And Act. 14. Sacerdos Iouis qui erat, in the Greeke, qui, is referred 
to Jupiter. Sometime to satisfie the reader, that might otherwise conceiue the 
translation to be false, as Philip 4 v 6. But in euerything by praier, Sc. h> -rravTi 
■n-pocrivxfi not, in al praier, as in the Latin it may seeme. Sometime when the Latin 
neither doth, nor can, reache to the signification of the Greeke word, we adde the 
Greeke also as more significant. I Hi soli seruies, 16 him only shalt thou serue, KaTpcvo-w 
And Act. 6. Nicolas a stranger of Antioche, irpoo-qXi tos and, Ro. 9. The seruice, 
y\ Xarpeia and Eph i. to perfite, instaurare omnia in Christo, a.vo.Kt<$a\aiwo-o.o-6ai And 
Wherein he hath gratified us, l^apiTuicrtv & Eph. 6. Put on the armour, Travowkiav and 
a number the like. Sometime, when the Greeke hath two senses, and the Latin but 
one, we adde the Greeke. 2. Cor. 1. By the exhortation wherewith we also are exhorted, 
the Greeke signifieth also consolation S-c. and 2. Cor. 10. But hailing hope of your faith 
increasing, to be S-c. where the Greeke may also signifie, as or when your faith in- 
creaseth. Sometime 17 for aduantage of the Catholike cause, when the Greeke maketh 
vs more then the Latin, as, Seniores, Trpto-jivTipovs. Vt digni habeamini, Iva. a$iw6r}T( 
Qui effundetur, ro iK^w6fj.tvov, Praecepta, -irapaSoaus. & Io. 21. iroip.aivc, Pasce S- rege. 
I And sometime to shew the false translation of the Heretike, as when Beza saith 
Hoc poculum in meo sanguine qui, to iroT-qptov h> ™ ai'/xa-n to iK^puvo/xevov Luc. 22. 
& Quern oportet coelo contineri, ov Sei ovpavov 8exco-8cu, Act. 3. Thus we vse the Greeke 
diuers waies, & esteeme of it as it is worthie, & take al commodities thereof for the 
better vnderstanding of the Latin, which being a translation, can not alwaies attaine 
to the ful sense of the principal tonge, as we see in al translations. 

Item we adde the Latin word sometime in the margent, when either we can not 
fully expresse it (as Act. 8 They tooke order for Steuens funeral, Curauerunt Stephanum, 
and, Al take not this word, Non omnes capiunt) or when the reader might thinke, it 
can not be as we translate, as, Luc. 8. A storme of winde descended into the lake, 
and they were filled, & complebantur , and Io. 5. when Iesus knew that he had now 
a long time, quia iam multum tempus haberet, meaning, in his infirmitie. 

This precise folowing of our Latin text, in neither adding nor diminishing, is the 
cause why we say not in the title of bookes, in the first page, S. Mathew, S. Paul : 
because it is so neither in Greeke nor Latin, though in the toppes of the leaues 
folowing, where we may be bolder, we adde S. Matthew &c to satisfie the reader. 
Much vnlike to the Protestants our Aduersaries, which make no scruple 18 to leaue 
out the name of Paul in the title of the Epistle to the Hebrues, though it be in 
euery Greeke booke which they translate. And their most authorised English Bibles 



The 
Greeke 
added 
often in 
the mar- 
gent for 
many 
causes. 



» Note : Mat. 5. 

11 Note : Act. 15. 2 Thes. 2. 



15 Note : Gehenna ignis. 
1 Cor. 11. JB Note : 



16 Note : Mat. 4. 
Bib. an 1579, 1580 an 1577, 1562. 



The Latin 
text some- 
times 
noted in 
the mar- 
gent. 

In the 

beginning 
of bookes 
Matthew, 
Paul, &c. 
not S. 
Matthew, 
S. Paul 
&c. 



I 2 






Another 
reading 
in the 
margent. 



The 

pointing 
some- 
times 
altered. 



The mar- 
gent read- 
ing some- 
time pre- 
ferred 
before 
the text. 









132 Preface to the Rheims New Testament. 



leaue out (Catholike) in the title of S. lames Epistle and the rest, which were famously 
knowen in the primitiue Church by the name of Catholicae Epistolae, Euseb. hist. 
Eccl. li 2. c 22. 

Item we giue the Reader in places of some importance, an other reading in the 
margent, specially when the Greeke is agreable to the same, as Io. 4, transietde morte 
ad vitam. Other Latin copies haue, transiit, and so it is in the Greeke. 

We binde not our selues to the pointes of any one copie, print, or edition of 
the vulgar Latin, in places of no controuersie, but folow the pointing most agreable 
to the Greeke and to the fathers commentaries. As Col. 1. 10. Ambulantes digne Deo, 
per omnia placentes. Walking worthy of God, in al things pleasing, d£('a>s tov Kvpiov eh 
■natrav apio-Kciav. Eph. I. 17. We point this, Deus Domini nostri Iesu Christi, pater 
gloriae. as in the Greeke, and S. Chrysostom, & S. Hierom both in text and com- 
mentaries. Which the Catholike reader specially must marke, lest he finde fault, 
when he seeth our translation disagree in such places from the pointing of his 
Latin Testament. 

We translate sometime the word that is in the Latin margent, and not that in 
the text, when bv the Greeke or the fathers we see it is a manifest fault of the 
writers heretofore", that mistooke one word for an other. As, In fine, not in fide, 
1 Pet. 3. v. 8. praesentium, not, praescientinm, 2 Pet. 1. v. 16. Heb. 13. latuerunt, 
not, placuemnt. 

Thus we haue endeuoured by al meanes to satisfie the indifferent reader, and to 
helpe his vnderstanding euery way, both in the text, and by Annotations ; and 
withal to deale most sincerely before God and man, in translating and expounding 
the most sacred Text of the holy Testament. Fare wel good Reader, and if we profit 
the any whit by our poore paines let vs for Gods sake be partakers of thy deuout 
praiers, and together with humble and contrite hart call vpon our Sauiour "Christ to 
cease these troubles & stormes of his derest spouse : in the meane time comforting 
our selues with this saying of S. Augustine : That Heretikes, when they receiue power 
corporally to afflict the Church, doe exercise her patience : but when they oppugne her 
onely by their euil doctrine or opinion, then they exercise her wisedomes. De ciuit. 
Dei li 18. ca. 51. 



LVI. JUGGE AND BARKER AND THEIR PATRONS. 

A. The copie of the Ouenes maiesties High Commissioners order taken 
between Mr RicharTd Jugge and others of the Companie of Stationers 
as hereafter foloweth. 1 

Sexto die mensis junii Anno Domini 1575. Coram reverendo patre Domino 
Edwino London. Episcopo ac venerabilibus viris, Roberto Monnson armiger. uno 
justiciar, domine Regine de communi banco petro Osborne Armiger. et John Harmon 
legum doctor. Commissioner regiis in causis ecclesiasticis et legitime assignat. in 
presencia mei Willim Bedell Registrar &c. 

At which da ye and place after longe hearinge and debatinge of the grieves and 
differences between the Stationers of London as namely then present Humfrey Toye 
Luke Harrison ffrauncis Coldock and George Bisshopp declaring their grieves therein 
on their partie, and Richard Jugge also Stationer hir maiesties prynter on the other 
partie, Touchinge the printinge of the Bible and Testament. Yt was ordered by the 
sayd Commissioners by assent of the parties present That from henceforthe the sayd 
Richard Jugge onlv shall have without interrupcion the printinge of the Byble in 
Quarto and the Testament in decimo Sexto ; And all other Bibles in folio and 
Testaments (excepted as before) to be at the liberty of the printinge of the rest of 
the Stationers and he the said Richard Jugge also without contradiction of any person 
to have the printinge of the rest as aforesaid 

1 This and the next two documents and also No. LXI I owe to the kindness of Mr. Charles 
Rivington, Clerk to the Stationers' Company. "1 he date of the first, just three weeks after 
Archbishop Parker's death, is very significant. 



jugge and Barker and their Patrons. 133 



B. The Beginning of the Bible Stock. 
Ninth June 1575. 

Whereas on the Sixth daie of this instant month of June yt was ordered by the 
Quenes maiesties Comissioner in Causes ecclesiasticall by assent of Richard Jugge 
Stationer hir maiesties Printer and certen other Stationers then present, That the 
said Richard Jugge onelie shall have without interrupcion the printinge of the byble 
in Quarto and the testament in decimo Sexto. And all other bibles in folio and 
testaments (excepted as before) to be at the libertie of the printinge of the rest of 
the Stationers. And he the saide Richard Jugge also without contradiction of any 
person, to have the printinge of the reste as aforesaid. As by the same order (a trewe 
copie whereof is before entred into this present booke) more plainelie maie appeare 

For good order and quietness to be had and used touchinge the saide Bibles and 
Testaments so licenced to be printed in comon, yt was thoughte meete and con- 
venient, and also ordeined established and decreed on the nyneth daie of June afore- 
saide, by the Master Wardens and Assistants of the saide Arte or misterie of Stationers, 
and with the assent of all the persons here undernamed, That noe person or persons, 
at anye tyme hereafter shall printe or cause to be printed, any of the saide Bibles or 
Testaments ordered to be printed in comon as aforesaide unles he or they (which so 
will printe or cause to be printed any of the same Bibles or testaments) shall 
before the printinge thereof : as well present J every suche Bible and testament so 
to be printed, to suche of the master wardens and assistants of the saide arte or 
misterie as shal be noe parties nor partners to or in the imprintinge thereof : As 
also have and obteyne their licence for the imprintinge of the same, to the intent 
that the same master wardens and assistants in the grauntinge of every suche licence, 
maie jnioyne and take order with the partie and parties to whome any suche licence 
shal be graunted, for the good and sufficient imprintinge of everye suche Bible & 
testament so to be presented as well with good paper and good woorkemanshippe, 
as with good correction 

And that also upon the finishinge of every impression of any of the saide bibles 
or Testaments so to be presented and licenced : the parties and partners of the same, 
shall before any of the same be putt to sale : bringe give and deliver one whole and 
perfecte booke thereof to the master wardens and assistants of the saide arte or 
misterie beinge noe partners therein, to the ende that they maie see and viewe the 
same if it be done woorkmanlie and orderlie in all poynts accordinge to the true 
meaninge of this present order and decree everie of which booke so to be viewed 
shall remaine in the saide hall to the use of the saide whole Companie forever 

Whereupon John Walley John Judson William Norton Humfrey Toye John 
Harrison Lucas Harrison George Bisshoppe Garret Dewce Richard Watkins and 
Frauncis Coldock on the saide nyneth daie of June, did present unto the master and 
wardens and others of the assistants of the saide arte or misterie accordinge to the 
saide order, one Englishe bible in folio of the Pica letter, a newe Testament in 
Englishe in Octavo of the longe primer letter, and one other Jnglishe new testament 
in Quarto of the Englishe or pica letter, And were licenced accordinge to the same 
order, to vmprinte one impression of the same sevrall bookes, in folio and octavo 

And the saide Richard Jugge hath assented notwithstandinge that the newe 
Testament in Quarto (as he sayeth) his parcell of the bible in quarto by the saide 
order of the Comissioners is lefte to remayne to him alone, that the imprintinge of 
the saide Testament in Quarto shalbe likewise permitted, and by the order of the 
saide companie it is also the saide nvneth daie, so licenced to the parties abovesaide. 
And further it is likewise ordered "and agreed by the saide master wardens and 
assistants on the saide nynth daie of June, and the saide John Walley William Norton 
Humfrey Toye John Harrison Lucas Harrison George Bisshopp Garret Dewce Richard 
Watkins and Frauncis Coldock, and also John Wighte, for them and their assigns 
have hereunto submitted themselves, and consented and faithfullie promised to be 
contented with and to obey and observe the orders followinge, viz. That if any com- 
plainte or controversie shall at any time arise or be made or occasioned by or 
amongst any of the saide persons now licenced or hereafter to be licenced to printe 

' 'Exhibit,' not ' give.' 



134 J u SS e an d Barker and their Patrons. 



the saide bookes laste mencioned, or any of the saide bookes ordered to be printed in 
comon as aforesaid : or any printer, or other person that shall have to doe in the 
woorkemanshippe or utterance thereof, or any other person whiche the said persons 
licenced shall ioyne with them in an}? parte of the charge or proffit : for or touchinge 
their or any of their dealings or doings in the printinge utteringe or Sellinge of the 
same bookes or any of them, that then every person and persons, whoe shalbe 
occasions thereof, or whome it shal in any wise concerne, shall stande to abide obey 
observe and performe, suche ende order and determinacion, as in and for evry or any 
suche complainte or controversie, shalbe made by the master wardens and assistants 
of the saide arte or misterie beinge noe parties nor partners thereto as aforesaide 

And that any person or persons whiche hereafter shall or will accordinge to theis 
ordenances and decrees ymprint or cause to be imprinted any of the saide Bibles or 
Testaments ordered to be printed in comon as aforesaide, shal not at anie tyme put 
to sale or cause to be put to sale any of the same bookes, to any person or persons 
beinge not a freeman, or brother of the saide companie, at suche rates as maie be 
preiudice hurte hinderance or losse to the usuall and reasonable maner of Sale by other 
Stationers that shall sell the same againe by retaile 

And that no suche person or persons as shall so printe or cause to be printed any 
suche Bible or Testament, shall at anye tyme after he or they shall have putt any 
of the same to Sale : by any meanes, by reason of scarcitie thereof when the moste of 
them be uttered and Sold, or for any other occasion, encrease and enhaunce or cause 
to be encreased or enhaunced to any freeman or brother of the saide companie, the 
firste price whiche he or the}' shall have made of the same bookes at the firste puttinge 
to sale thereof, whiche firste price to the Companie they shall cause to be entered in 
the hall of the Companie before the puttinge of any of the same bookes to Sale 

And moreover that evry offender and offendors of or in theis present orders and 
decrees and other the premisses or any of them, from and after due proofe made of 
his or their offence, shalbe for ever barred excluded and amoved from printinge and 
beinge partner in the printinge of any of the said Bibles or Testaments ordered to be 
printed in comon as aforesaide ; and from havinge any further interest or benefit 
therein : And shall also forfeite and lose all his and their interest parte and parts 
therein, to be employed and disposed at the discrecion of the master wardens and 
assistants of the saide companie then beinge and havinge no parte in the printinge 
of the same bookes : or to be (upon reasonable consideracions) to him restored, as the 
saide master wardens and assistants with the assent of the rest of the partners shall 
think meete 

C. Barker's satisfaction to Jugge. 
IX die Junij 1575. 

Whereas Christofer Barker citizen and Draper of London hathe obteyned a graunt 
and licence in writinge under the handes of seven of the Ouenes maiesties honrable 
privie counsell 1 accordinge to hir highnes jniuntions, for the printinge of theise Twoo 
Bookes hereafter mencioned That is to save. A Byble in Englishe with notes in the 
same which was dedicated unto hir maiestie in the ffirst yere of hir highnes reign and 
commenly called or knowen by the name of the Geneva Byble and a Testament to 
be translated out of the latin tonge into the Englishe (the Latin copie thereof by hir 
highnes privledge) belonginge to one Thomas Vautrolier a frenchman. And whereas 
hir maiesties highe comissioners in causes ecclesiasticall in consideracion of the greate 
charges costs and expenses which Richard Jugge hir Maiesties servant and printer 
nowe master of the Companie of Stationers of the Citie of London (by and upon 
comaundement) hathe susteined in the printinge of the Bibles and Testaments in 
Englishe, have licenced and ordered to the same Richard Jugge the only impryntinge 
of evrye Englishe Byble in Quarto, and of evry Jnglishe Testament in decimo sexto. 
As by a true copie of the same order beinge before entred into this booke moore at 
large appearethe. For and in consideracion of which order and licence so made and 
gyven by the saide highe comissioners and for diverse other goode and reasonable 
causes and consideracions him the said Christofer Barker especially movinge he the 

1 This would not be a patent, only an ordinary copyright obtained in an unusually formal 
and dignified way. That seven privy councillors thus supported Barker is very significant of the 
determination that now Parker was dead the Geneva version should have its turn. 



Jugge and Barker and their Patrons. i 3 5 



same Christofer in the nynth day of June in the yere of our Lord 1575 and in the 
Sevententhe vere of the reigne of our sovreign Ladie Quene Elizabeth about thhoure 
of eleven of ye clocke in the forenone of the same day at and within the said 
Stationers Hall in the presence of theise persons whose names are hereunto subscribed 
of his owne franke and free accord and good will, did gyve his hand and faythfull 
promise to the said Richard Jugge. And did covenaunte promise graunte and agree 
to and with the said Richard Jugge in manner and forme folowinge. That is to say. 
That he the said Christofer or any other person or persons by his assent meanes or 
procurement shall not at any tyme ymprint or cause to be ymprinted any maner 
of Englishe Testament in XVI° or any Englishe Byble in Quarto, or in any other 
volume or volumes whatsoever which shall or may be hurtfull or preiudiciall unto 
ye said Richard Jugge for or concerninge ye printinge utteringe or sellinge of any 
Byble in Quarto or any Testament in Decimo Sexto. And that he the said Richard 
Jugge shall and may have and enioye to his owne use the onely ymprintinge utteringe 
and sellinge of all Jnglishe Bybles in Quarto and of all Englishe Testaments in Decimo 
Sexto at all tvmes without resistance hurt preiudice or interrupcion therein or thereto 
to be made done caused or procured in any wise by the said Christofer or any other 
by his assent meanes or procurement. And further that yf the said Christofer or his 
assignes shall at any tyme be comaunded by or from the Quenes maiestie or hir 
counsell or by any comissioner or comissioners in causes Ecclesiasticall or by any 
other person or persons authorised by hir highnes : to ymprint any Englishe Testa- 
ment in XVI t0 or any Englishe Byble in the volume called quarto, or in any other 
volume or size which may be hurtfull or preiudiciall to the said Richard Jugge as 
aforesaide. That then he the said Christofer Barker and his assignes imediately 
upon any suche comaundement to him or them gyven shall thereof gyve notice to 
the said Richard Jugge And shall quietly permit and suffer the same Richard Jugge 
at his owne charge and to and for his owne propre and onely use to ymprinte utter 
and sell evry suche Byble and Testament whiche the said Christofer or his assignes 
shalbe so comaunded to printe. The said Richard Jugge therefore alowinge unto 
the said Christofer for every suche booke Licenced to the said Christofer as abovesaid 
and so to be comaunded as aforesaid to be printed : at and upon evry ympression 
thereof to be made by the said Richard Jugge accordinge to the tenor of theis 
presents : only 1 quier of printed paper of evry shete of evry booke so to be printed 
amountinge in the whole to ffyve and twentie perfect bookes of evry suche whole 
impression thereof. Jn witnes whereof the persons hereunder named for a remem- 
brance and testimonie of the truethe in the premisses hereunto have subscribed their 
names as witnesses thereof. Gyven the nynthe day of June in the year within 
written 



Rychard Tottyl 
Wvllvam Cooke 



(Wardens of 
the said 
ICompanie of Stationers. 



Also about Tenne of the clocke in the forenoone of the eight daye of June in the 
said yere within wrytten. The saide Christofer Barker came to the house of the 
said Richard Jugge beside Newegate Market in London signifyenge unto the same 
Richard the seid graunte and licence abovemencioned to be made to the same 
Christofer. And then and there in the presence of the wife of the said Ric. Jugge 
and of Richard Watkins citizen and Stationer of London the same Christofer Barker 
did gyve his hand and faythfull promise unto the sayde Richard Jugge for all the 
same causes effects intents and purposes above and within wrytten concerninge the 
ymprintinge of the Byble in Quarto and the testament in Decimo Sexto. 

by me Richard Watkyns 

The said Richard Tottell Willm Cooke and Richard Watkins dyd sevrally sub- 
scribe as is above written in the presence of us whose names ensue viz. 

Willm Seres 
Jhon Daye 
Thomas Marshe 
John Waley 
J lion Judson 



LVII. BARKER ESTABLISHES HIS MONOPOLY. 1 

From the original Patent Roll, 19 Elizabeth, Part 8. 

Regina omnibus ad quos etc. salutem. Sciatis quod nos de gratia nostra speciali 
ac ex certa scientia et mero motu nostris, necnon propter credibilem informacionem 
nobis factam promptitudinis et dextre noticie que dilectus subditus noster Christoferus 
Barker de civitate London impressor habet et demonstravit in arte & misterio im- 
pressionis dedimus et concessimus ac per presentes pro nobis heredibus et successoribus 
nostris damus ac concedimus eidem Christofero Barker officium Impressoris nostri 
omnium et singulorum statutorum librorum libellorum actuum parliamenti procla- 
macionum iniunctionum ac bibliorum et novorum testamentorum quorumcunque in 
lingua anglicana alicujus translacionis cum notis aut sine notis antehac impressorum 
aut imposterum per mandatum nostrum imprimendorum. Necnon omnium aliorum 
librorum quorumcunque quos nos pro dei servicio in Templis hujus Regni nostri 
Anglie uti mandavimus aut imposterum uti mandaverimus ac aliorum voluminum 
ac rerum quorumcumque quocumque nomine termino titulo aut sensu seu quibus- 
cumque nominibus terminis titulis aut sensibus nominentur vocentur vel censeantur 
aut eorum aliquod nominetur, vocetur censeatur aut imposterum nominabuntur, 
vocabuntur vel censebuntur seu per parliamentum regni nostri predicti in Anglicana 
lingua vel in Anglicana et alia lingua quacumque mixtis iam edit impressit vel 
excussit aut imposterum edendum excudendum & ad impressionem ponendum 
(exceptis solummodo rudimentis grammatice institucionis latine lingue) ac ipsum i 
Christoferum Barker Impressorem nostrum omnium singulorum permissorum facimus I 
ordinamus et constituimus per presentes habendo gaudendo occupando et exercendo 
officium predictum prefato Christofero Barker per se vel per sufficientem deputatum j 
suum sive deputatos suos sufficientes durante vita sua naturali unacum omnibus I 
proficuis commoditatibus advantagiis preeminentiis privileges eidem officio quoquo- 
modo spectantibus sive pertinentibus. Ouare prohibemus et vetamus ac inhibemus j 
omnibus et singulari[bu]s subditis nostris quibuscunque ubivis gentium et locorum ' 
agentibus et ceteris aliis quibuscunque ne illi vel eorum aliquis per se vel per alium | 
vel alios imprimat seu imprimi faciat vel faciant infra seu extra dominia nostra ! 
quecumque aliquod volumen librum aut opus seu aliqua volumina libros aut opera 
quecunque de quibus impressio per presentes per nos conceditur prefato Christofero 
Barker. Ac quod nullus aliquos libros volumina aut opus quodcumque in vernacula 
aut anglicana lingua aut anglicana cum aliis ut prefertur infra regna seu dominia 
nostra per prefatum Christoferum Barker impressa aut que in futuris erunt per ipsum 
impressa in partibus transmarinis aut in partibus forinsecis imprimi facient vel faciet 
nee ea seu eorum aliquod importet vel importent seu importari faciet vel facient aut 
ea vel eorum aliquod vendat vel vendant sub pena forisfacturis XL 9 - legalis monete 
Anglie pro quolibet tali libro volumine vel opere sic imprimendo vel vendendo ac 
confiscationis et amissionis talium librorum voluminum operum materiarum et rerum 

1 The purport of this very full patent is that the queen, in consideration of the skill shown 
by Christopher Barker in the art of printing, grants to him, for herself, her heirs and successors, 
the office of royal printer of all statutes, books, bills, acts of parliament, proclamations, in- 
junctions, bibles, and new testaments, in the English tongue of any translation, with or without 
notes, whether previously in print or to be subsequently printed by her command. Also of all 
service-books ordered to be used in churches, and all other volumes, however called, ordered to 
be printed by [the Queen] or Parliament, whether in English or in English and some other 
language (save only Latin grammars) and makes Christopher Barker her printer, to exercise 
the office personally or by a sufficient deputy or deputies for his natural life. Wherefore she 
forbids all and sundry her subjects in or out of her dominions to print any book, &c, of 
which the printing is hereby given to the said Christopher Barker, or to cause any book of the 
said Christopher Barker's printing to be printed abroad or at home, and imported or sold in 
England under penalty of a fine of 40s. for every book so printed or sold and seizure of the 
stock. And she gives to Christopher Barker and his assigns the right of seizing and arresting 
without let or stay. Moreover she gives the right of impressing skilled workmen when needed 
for his service. The said Christopher Barker to be paid £6 1 3s. 4d. yearly, one half at Michaelmas, 
the other at Easter. — A complete monopoly of printing English Bibles of every kind was thus 
conferred, including adequate powers for enforcing it. As to Barker's personal position, how- 
ever, the patent must be read in connexion with his statement in 1582 (printed on page 24), 
in which he writes of many of his friends disbursing round sums of money for him, and the 
Memorandum printed as No. LXI, where we find used the remarkable phrase ' parteners in 
the previleges '. 



Barker establishes his Monopoly. 



137 



quorumcunque et eorum cuius libet. Que quidem libri volumina materia et res 
quecumque sic impressoris vel imposterum contra tenorem presentium imprimenda 
aut infra hoc regnum nostrum sive dominia quecumque importanda & sicut prae- 
mittitur forisfaciendum et confiscandum nos concessimus ac aucthoritatem et pote- 
statem per presentes pro nobis heredibus et successoribus nostris concedimus prefato 
Christofero Barker impressori nostro et assignatis suis apprehendendi capiendi seizendi 
et ad opus nostrum arestandi et confiscandi sine impedimento interrupcione dilatione 
contradiccione seu perturbacione quacumque vetantes insuper et rirmiter prohibentes 
virtute et vigore presentium ne quis alius quocumque modo colore vel pretextu 
librum vel libros aut opera quecumque per dictum Christoferum Barker impri- 
menda de novo imprimere vel alibi impressa vendere aut emere presumat vel audeat 
quovismodo. Et insuper de ampliori gracia nostra concessimus et licenciam dedimus 
ac per presentes pro nobis heredibus et successoribus nostris concedimus et licenciam 
damus eidem Christofero Barker quod ipse vel assignati sui de tempore in tempus 
durante vita naturalis prefati Christopher Barker operarios de arte et misteriis 
impressionis capere apprehendere ac conducere possit vel possint ad operandum in 
arte predicta ad appunctament[um] sive assignationem dicti Christoferi Barker tali 
tempore et talibus temporibus durantibus quo vel quibus idem Christoferus Barker 
vel assignati sui hujusmodi operariis egebit vel egebunt. Concessimus etiam ac per 
presentes pro nobis heredibus ac successoribus nostris concedimus dicto Christofero 
Barker pro exercitio officii predicti feodum sive annuitatem sex librorum tredecim 
solidos et quatuor denariis : habendo et annuatim percipiendo predictum feodum 
sive annuitatem sex librorum tresdecim solidos et quatuor denariis prefato Christofero 
Barker ad festum Sancti Michaelis archangeli et pasche equis portionibus solvendum 
durante vita sua naturali de Thesauro nostro ab receptis scaccariis nostri West- 
monasteriensis per manus Thesaurari et camerari nostrorum pro tempore existentis 
mandantes etiam et per presentes firmiter injungendum precipientes omnibus et 
singulis maioris vice ballivis constabularum et aliis officiorum ministris et subditis 
nostris quibuscunque quod prefato Christofero et assignatis suis in execucione officii 
predicti ac factione omnium et singulorum in his lettris nostris patenti[bu]s specificat 
agendum de tempore in tempus quando necesse fuit sint intendentes attendent pariter 
& auxiliantes in omnibus presentibus decet eo quod expresse mencione etc. In cuius 
rei etc. Teste R. apud castrum de Windesore xxvii die septembris 

per breve de privato sigillo. 



LVIII. BARKER'S CIRCULAR TO THE CITY COMPANIES. 

Broadside in the Library of the Society of Antiquaries. 

May it please you, whereas at my extreeme charges I haue lately imprinted 
a large Bible most faithfully translated, with large notes and expositions, especiallie 
vpon Job, the Psalmes, the Prophets and the newe Testament, and that the right 
honourable my L. Maior with the consent of his worshipfull brethren, hauing con- 
sideration of the same, hath made request as you know for the vtterance of some 
of them among the worshipfull and well disposed Citizens. And nowe I vnderstand 
that my Booke is mistaken for another Bible 1 which was begon before I had 
authoritie, as it is affirmed, which could not be finished but by my consent, and 
therefore hath the name to be printed by the assignement of Christopher Barker, 
and as I will not dispraise the said booke, so may I iustly affirme that there is 
in quantitie, paper, and workmanship, besides many other things therein conteined 
for the profite of the Reader, ten shillings difference to him that hath any iudge- 
ment at all, and yet if any be disposed to haue their bookes bossed, I wil bosse 
them at the same price mentioned in my articles Further if there be anie that is 
not willing to disburce present money, may haue time till Candlemas next, so that 
the Master and wardens be then answerable for so many bookes as shall be so 
deliuered, and where the beadle was appointed ijd. I thinke it to litle, and will 

1 But for this circular we should have been bound to believe that Barker began his career 
as Queen's Printer by printing not only several Geneva Bibles, but also a Bishops'. We learn 
here that he only printed the Geneva Bibles and that the Bishops' must have been printed in 
pursuance of the arrangement set forth in No. LVI A and B, which Barker was now able 
to override. 



138 Barker's Circular to the City Companies. 



alowe him for each booke iiijd and although here can rise no great gaine to me 
in this bargaine, yet must I needs thinke my selfe most bounden to this most ! 
honourable citie, to the vttermost of my possible power, besides the ordinarie duetie 
I owe thereunto. 

Articles concerning the deliuery of the Bibles mentioned in the peticion of 
Christopher Barker Printer to the Oueenes most excellent Maiestie. 

First that your said suppliant shall deliuer to euery hall or company one large 
Bible with the argumentes to euery booke in the olde and newe Testaments, the 
summaries or contents of euery Chapter, the notes or expositions vpon all the hard 
places of the text, and also a Table of the principall matters therein conteined. 
Which Booke is dedicated to the Oueenes most excellent Maiestie, authorized by the 
Lordes and others of her Highnesse priuie counsell, confirmed and allowed by the 
L. Archbishops grace of Canterburie, the Bishop of Sarum her Maiesties high almner 
&c. Whereunto is added a Kalender historicall, the Booke of Common prayer with 
the administration of the Sacraments and other things most necessary. 

Item that the clarkes of eche of the sayde Companies may take and set downe 
in writing the names of all such persons of the same companies as will graunt to 
buy of the said Bibles, and what nomber thereof they are minded to haue, and 
whether they will haue them bound or unbound. 

And that euery of the said clarkes hauing so done, may certifie your said suppliant 
thereof, And he will thereupon bring the same bookes to the halles of eche of the sayd 
companies where the buyers may haue the same with asmuch conuenient speed as 
may be, paying for the same as foloweth. 

Your said suppliant hauing bene at great charge aswell in preparing furniture as 
in retayning Iourneymen and three learned men for a long time for the printing of 
the said bibles, and correcting such small faultes as had escaped in the former prints 
thereof, so as if it were prised at xxxs. it were scarce sufficient, (his labour and cost 
being well considered) yet he is content for present money by this meane to take for 
euery of the same bibles bound xxiiijs. and for euery of the same vnbound xxs. 

And for the paines of the clarkes of the same companies in taking and writing 
the names of the buyers of the same bookes and receyuing the money for the same, 
your said suppliant will giue to every of them iiijrf. for euery booke that is solde in 
their seuerall companies. 

And in euery of the said companies where your said suppliant shal receyue xl. 
pound or aboue, he is content to giue to the hall thereof one bible for the vse of 
the whole companie at their assemblies in the same hall. 



LIX. DRAFT FOR AN ACT OF PARLIAMENT FOR A NEW VERSION 

OF THE BIBLE. 1 

From British Museum Add. MS. 34729, fol. y~. 

An act for the reducinge of diversities of Bibles now extant in the 
Englishe tongue to one setled vulgar translated from the originall. 

For avoydinge of the multiplicitie of errors, that are rashly conceaved bv the 
inferior and vulgar sorte by the varietie of the translacions of Bible to the most 
daungerous increase of papistrie and atheisme. And whereas many from the high to 
the lowe of all sortes have bene desierous greatly and a longe time to have the holy 
booke of god which for the olde testament is in Hebrewe for the new all originally in 
Greeke to be translated in such sorte, that such as studie it, shoulde in noe place be 
snared, which worke noe doubt the lordes spirituall of this Parliament with the pain- 
full travailles of such of both Vni versifies as they shall or mav call vnto them, may 
with the grace of Allmightie god perfect, which will tende to her Majesties immortall 
fame beinge amongest the Christian princes universally knowen to be not inferior to 
any in the furtheringe anddefendinge of the faith of [Christ, And whereas] the chiefest 
obstacle to the buildinge of this godly worke heretofore hath bene discerned to be for 
that noe compulsarie meanes hath bene had no made wherebv the students of both 

1 This draft clearly belongs to the reign of Elizabeth, probably to the primacv of Whitgift, but 
with whom it originated appears not to be known. 



Draft for Act of Parliament for New Version, i 39 



universities may be compelled to assiste the saide lordes spirituall in the painefull 
examinacion and execucion of the saide worke, nor howe the charges of such students 
and laborers in the same vyneyarde may from time to time be competently defrayed 
Bee it therefore enacted by the Oueenes most excellent Majestie by the assent of the 
Lords spirituall and temporall and the Commons in this Parliament assembled and 
by the Aucthoritie of the same that the lords spirituall of this Realme that now are 
and in succession hereafter shalbe, or any Sixe or more of them, whereof the Lorde 
Archbisshoppe of Canterbury for the time beinge to be one may at their pleasures 
from time to time assemble treate and deale towchinge the accomplishment of the 
saide worke and may by their letters call and appoint such students of both universi- 
ties to assist them in the same from time to time as by them shalbe thought requisite, 
and to allowe such sommes of money towards the charges and paines of such 
students that shalbe imployed in or about such worke to be levied by censure eccle- 
siasticall as to the saide Lordes spirituall or any sixe or more of them whereof the 
Archbishop of Canterburye for the time beinge to be one shalbe thought meet, the 
saide charges of such students and workers to be assessed levied and gathered of 
such Cathedrall Churches and Colledges and the revenues thereof as by the saide 
lordes spirituall, or any sixe or more of them whereof the saide Archbisshoppe of 
Canterbury to be one shalbe thought requisite and vnder their handes and seales 
ordeyned or appointed, and that it shall and may be lawfull to or for any temporall 
person by deede gift or will to bestowe any gifte or legacy of mony or goodes 
towards the supportinge of the saide charges, and such gifte or will to be put in 
execucion bv decree or censure of the Lorde Keeper of the greate seale of England 
or lorde Chauncellor for the time beinge, vppon an}' complaint or Informacion to him 
given in her Majesties Courte of Chauncery in that behalfe. 

[Endorsed:] The form of an Act Concerninge translacion of the holie Bible from 
the originall hebrew and greeke. To compel any of either University to come & assist 



in translating. A[rch]B[ishop] Whitgift. 



Tempore Regin. Elizab. 2 



LX. THE ATTEMPT TO PROVIDE FOR THE TRANSLATORS OF 1611. 1 
A. Bishop Bancroft circulates a Letter from the King. 

Printed from Strype. (Reg. III. Whitgift, fol. 155.) 

After my hearty commendations unto your lordship I have received 
letters from his most excellent majesty, the tenor whereof followeth : — 

Right trusty and well beloved, we greet you well. Whereas we have appointed 
certain learned men, to the number of four and fifty, for the translating of the Bible, 
and that in this number, divers of them have either no ecclesiastical preferment at 
all, or else so very small, as the same is far unmeet for men of their deserts, and yet 
we of ourself in any convenient time cannot well remedy it, therefore we do hereby 
require you, that presently you write in our name as well to the archbishop of York, 
as to the rest of the bishops of the province of Cant, signifying unto them, that we 
do will, and straitly charge every one of them, as also the other bishops of the pro- 
vince of York, as they tender our good favour towards them, that (all excuses set 
apart) when any prebend or parsonage, being rated in our book of taxations, the pre- 
bend to twenty pound at the least and the parsonage to the like sum and upwards, 
shall next upon any occasion happen to be void, and to be either of their patronage 
and gift, or the like parsonage so void to be of the patronage or gift of any person 
whatsoever, they do make stay thereof, and admit none unto it, until certifying vs 
of the avoidance of it, and of the name of the patron (if it be not of their own gift) 
we may commend for the same some such of the learned men, as we shall think fit to 
be preferred unto it : not doubting of the bishops' readiness to satisfy us herein, or 
that any of the laity, when we shall in time move them to so good and religious 
an act, will be unwilling to give us the like due contentment and satisfaction ; we 
ourselves having taken the same order for such prebends and benefices as shall be 

2 The words in italics are in a different handwriting to the remainder. 

LX. ' Other documents concerning the version of 161 1 are quoted textually in the Introduction. 



140 Attempt to Provide for Translators of 161 1 



void in our gift. What we write to you of others, you must apply it to yourself, 
as also not forget to move the said archbishop and all the bishops, with their deans 
and chapters of both provinces, as touching the other point to be imparted otherwise 
by you unto them. Furthermore we require you, to move all our bishops to inform 
themselves of all such learned men within their several dioceses, as having especiall 
skill in the Hebrew and Greek tongues, have taken pains, in their private studies of the 
scriptures, for the clearing of any obscurities either in the Hebrew or in the Greek, or 
touching any difficulties or mistakings in the former English translation, which we 
have now commanded to be thoroughly viewed and amended, and thereupon to write 
unto them, earnestly charging them, and signifying our pleasure therein, that they 
send such their observations either to Mr. Lively, our Hebrew reader in Cambridge, 
or to Dr. Harding, our Hebrew reader in Oxford, or to Dr. Andrews, dean of West- 
minster, to be imparted to the rest of their several companies ; so that our said 
intended translation may have the help and furtherance of all our principal learned 
men within this our kingdom. Given under our signet at our palace of Westm. the 
two and twentieth of July, in the second year of our reign of England, France and 
Ireland, and of Scotland xxxvii. 

Your lordship may see, how careful his majesty is for the providing of livings for 
these learned men : I doubt not therefore, but your lordship will have a due regard 
of his majesty's request herein, as it is fit and meet, and that you will take such 
order both with your chancellor, register, and such your lordship's officers, who shall 
have intelligence of the premises, as also with the dean and chapter of your cathedral 
church, whom his majesty likewise requireth to be put in mind of his pleasure herein, 
not forgetting the latter part of his majesty's letter, touching the informing of your- 
self of the fittest linguists within your diocese for to perform, and speedily to return 
that, which his majesty is so careful to have faithfully performed. I could wish your 
lordship would, for my discharge return me in some few lines, the time of the receipt 
of these letters, that I may discharge that duty, which his majesty, by these his 
letters, hath laid upon me ; and so I bid your lordship right heartily farewell. 
From Fulham the 31st of July, MDCIV. 

Your lordship's loving friend and brother, 

R. London. 

B. Bancroft's Exhortation to the Bishops to subscribe. 

From the same. (Reg. III. Whitgift, fol. 156.) 

' Salutem in Christo.' My very good lord, as touching that clause in his majesty's 
letter, which is referred to my relation, this it is : there are many, as your lordship 
perceiveth, who are to be employed in this translating of the Bible, and sundry of 
them must of necessity have their charges borne, which his majesty was very ready 
of his most princely disposition to have borne : but some of my lords, as things 
now go, did hold it inconvenient, whereupon it was left to me, to move all my 
brethren, the bishops, and likewise every several dean and chapter, to contribute j 
toward this work. Accordingly therefore to my duty, I heartily pray your lordship, 
not only to think yourself what is meet for you to give for this purpose, but likewise 
to acquaint your dean and chapter not only with the said clause of his majestv 's 
letter, but likewise with the meaning of it, that they may agree upon such a sum, 
as they mean to contribute. I do not think that a thousand marks will finish the 
work, to be employed as is aforesaid, whereof your lordship, with your dean and 
chapter, having due consideration, I must require you in his majesty's name, 
according to his good pleasure in that behalf, that as soon as possibly you can, you 
send me word, what shall be expected from you and your said dean and chapter ; for 
I am to acquaint his majesty with every man's liberality towards this most godly 
work. 

And thus not doubting of your especiall care for the accomplishing of the 
premises, and desiring your lordship to note the date to me of your receipt of this 
letter, I commit your lordship unto the tuition of the Almighty God. From Fulham 
this 31st of July MDCIV. 

Your lordship's very loving friend and brother, 

R. London. 



I+I 



LXI. THE BIBLE STOCK IN 1606. 1 



Mr. Barker Master. 
Mr. White 1 



Mr. Leake 



Wardens. 



1606 4 July 



Memorandum that Mr. Barker in consideration that Mr. Dawson hath remitted 
and yeilded up unto hym all the full right & interest & Clayme to the printinge 
of the booke of holy Scripture called the Newe Testament in the volume called 
Octavo of Mr. Cheak's translacion hathe undertaken and agreed to pay unto the 
parteners in the previleges to their own proper use Foure hundred pounds either 
out of his Divids of his parte in the said privilege as they shall growe due untyll 
they amount to so muche Or else in some spedye sorte as he shall think convenient 
Be yt remembered that on this present day Mr. Barker hathe payd unto the said 
partners as well Twenty pounds whiche he receaved for the dividt of his parte 
upon the dividt made this day As also four score pounds moore in present money 
whiche maketh up one hundred pounds and is the first hundred pounds parcell of 
the said Foure hundred pounds 

LXII. REPORT ON THE MAKING OF THE VERSION OF 1611 
PRESENTED TO THE SYNOD OF DORT. 

Sessione Septima. 

xx Novembris, Die Martis ante meridiem. 

Theologi Magnae Britanniae scripto explicarunt, quo consilio, quaque ratione 
negotium accuratissimg versionis Anglican^ a Serenissimo Rege Iacobo institutum 
fuerit, qu? ratio in distribuendo opere fuerit observata : turn que leges interpretibus 
fuerint prescripte ; ut inde ea, que nobis usui fore judicarentur, desumi possent. 
Exemplum ejus scripti hie subjicitur : 

Modus quem Theologi Angli in versione Bibliorum sunt secuti. 

Theologi Magnae Britanniae, quibus non est visum tantae quaestioni subitam et 
inopinatam responsionem adhibere, officii sui esse judicarunt, praematura delibera- 
tione habita, quando quidem facta esset honorifica accuratissimae translationis 
Anglicanae mentio, a Serenissimo Rege Iacobo, magna cum cura, magnisque 
sumptibus nuper editae, notum facere huic celeberrimae Synodo, quo consilio, qua- 
que ratione sacrum hoc negotium a Serenissima ejus Majestate praestitum fuerit. 

Primo, in opere distribuendo hanc rationem observari voluit : totum corpus 
Bibliorum in sex partes fuit distributum : cuilibet parti transferendae destinati sunt 
septem vel octo viri primarij, Linguarum peritissimi. 

Duae partes assignatae fuerunt Theologis quibusdam Londinensibus : quatuor 
vero partes reliquae divisae fuerunt aequaliter inter utriusque Academiae Theologos. 

Post peractum a singulis pensum, ex hisce omnibus duodecim selecti viri in unum 
locum convocati, integrum opus recognoverunt, ac recensuerunt. 

Postremo, Reverendissimus Episcopus Wintoniensis. Bilsonus, una cum Doctore 
Smitho, nunc Episcopo Glocestriensi, viro eximio, et ab initio in toto hoc opere 
versatissimo, omnibus mature pensitatis & examinatis extremam manum huic versioni 
imposuerunt. 

Leges Interpretibus praescriptae fuerunt hujusmodi : 

Primo, cautum est, ut simpliciter nova versio non adornaretur, sed vetus, et ab 
Ecclesia diu recepta ab omnibus naevis et vitiis purgaretur ; idque hunc in finem, 
ne recederetur ab antiqua translatione, nisi originalis textus Veritas, vel emphasis 
postularet. 

Secundo, ut nullae annotationes margini apponerentur : sed, tantum loca parallela 
notarentur. 

1 This very important document, most kindly supplied by Mr. Charles Rivington, invites more 
commentary than the date of its receipt allows. The surrender of the copyright of Sir John Cheke's 
version of the New Testament, though mentioned as the only consideration, was probably quite 
a minor one, as its pecuniary value would have been nearer four hundred pence than as many 
pounds. It reads as if Barker had been taking too large a share of the profits and that this 
was a settlement not improbably in anticipation of the outlay to be incurred on the new version. 



Mr. Bar- 
ker. 

Mr. Daw- 
son. 

Mr. Daw- 
son yeild- 
eth up the 
testament 
in 8 to Mr. 
Barker. 
Mr. Bar- 
kerunder- 
takeththe 
payment 
of 400li to 
the ptners 
in the pri- 
vilege to 
theire 
own use. 
He now 
payeth 
the first 
iooli 
thereof. 






142 Report to the Synod of Dort. 



Tertio, ut ubi vox Hebraea vel Graeca geminum idoneum sensum admittit : alter 
in ipso contextu, alter in margine exprimeretur. Quod itidem factum, ubi varia 
lectio in exemplaribus probatis reperta est. 

Quarto, Hebraismi et Graecismi difficiliores in margine repositi sint. 

Ouinto, in translatione Tobit et Iudithae, quando quidem magna discrepantia 
inter Graecum contextum et veterem vulgatam Latinam editionem reperiatur, 
Graecum potius contextum secuti sunt. 

Sexto, ut quae ad sensum supplemendum ubivis necessario fuerunt contextui 
interserenda, alio, scilicet minusculo, charactere, distinguerentur. 

Septimo, ut nova argumenta singulis libris, & novae periochae singulis capitibus 
praefigerentur. 

Denique, absolutissima Geneologia et descriptio Terrae sanctae, huic opere 
conjungerentur. 

Translation. 

The theologians of Great Britain offered a written explanation of the design and 
plan in accordance with which the business of the very accurate English version 
was instituted by the most Serene King James, of what plan was observed in dis- 
tributing the work, and what rules were laid down for the translators ; with the 
intent that any points which might be judged useful to us might be taken from it. 
A copy of this document is subjoined. 

Method which the English Theologians followed in the version of the Bible. The 
theologians of Great Britain, unwilling to give a sudden and unconsidered answer 
to so important a question, considered it their duty to hold an early consultation, 
and since honourable mention has been made of the very accurate English translation 
lately set forth, with great care and at great expense, by the most Serene King James, 
to notify to this numerously attended Synod the design and plan with which this 
sacred business was furnished by his most Serene Majesty. 

Firstly, in the distribution of the work he willed this plan to be observed : the 
whole text of the Bible was distributed into six sections, and to the translation of 
each section there were nominated seven or eight men of distinction, skilled in 
languages. 

Two sections were assigned to certain London theologians; the four remaining 
sections were equally divided among the theologians of the two Universities. 

After each section had finished its task twelve delegates, chosen from them all, 
met together and reviewed and revised the whole work. 

Lastly, the very Reverend the Bishop of Winchester, Bilson, together with 
Dr. Smith, now Bishop of Gloucester, a distinguished man, who had been deeply 
occupied in the whole work from the beginning, after all things had been maturely 
weighed and examined, put the finishing touch to this version. 

The rules laid down for the translators were of this kind : 

In the first place caution was given that an entirely new version was not to be 
furnished, but an old version, long received by the Church, to be purged from all 
blemishes and faults ; to this end there was to be no departure from the ancient 
translation, unless the truth of the original text or emphasis demanded. 

Secondly, no notes were to be placed in the margin, but only parallel passages to 
be noted. 

Thirdly, where a Hebrew or Greek word admits two meanings of a suitable kind, 
the one was to be expressed in the text, the other in the margin. The same to be 
done where a different reading was found in good copies. 

Fourthly, the more difficult Hebraisms and Graecisms were consigned to the 
margin. 

Fifthly, in the translation of Tobit and Judith, when any great discrepancy is 
found between the Greek text and the old vulgate Latin they followed the Greek 
text by preference. 

Sixthly, that words which it was anywhere necessary to insert into the text to 
complete the meaning were to be distinguished by another type, small roman. 

Seventhly, that new arguments should be prefixed to every book, and new 
headings to every chapter. 

Lastly, that a very perfect Genealogy and map of the Holy Land should be joined 
to the work. 



INDEX TO THE INTRODUCTION AND RECORDS. 



Abbot, George, Dean of West- 
minster, 28. 

^Elfric, 9. 

Aglionby, J., 29. 

Allen, Cardinal, 298. 

Alley, William, Bishop of Exeter, 
20. 

Amsterdam, 21, 22, 37. 

Anderson, Christopher, 11, 50. 

Andrewes, Lancelot, Bishop of 
Winchester, 27. 

Andrewes, Roger, 28. 

Antwerp, printing at, 11-13, 22, 
46, 62-8, 76, 78, 82, 87, 88, 98. 

Antwerp Polvglott, the, 32. 

Authorized Version of l6ll: 
history of its production, 23- 
33 ; list of translators, 27-9 ; 
rules observed in translation, 
29-30 ; account by one of the 
revisers, 30; payment of trans- 
Iators,3U-i, 139-40; was this 
Version ever authorized? 31- 
2; bibliographical description, 
32-3; later history, 33-8; ac- 
count laid before the Synod 
of Dort, 141-2. 

Awdeley, Lord Chancellor, 100. 



Badius, Conrad, printer of Ge- 
neva, 18. 

Ball, William, 30. 

Bancroft, Richard, Bishop of 
London : his interest in the 
1611 version, 26-7, 31; cir- 
culates a letter from King 
James to procure provision 
for the translators, 139-40; 
his exhortation to the Bishops, 
140. 

Baptist College, Bristol, 10. 

Barker, Charles, printer, 30. 

Barker, Christopher, printer: 
prints the Geneva version 
and the Bishops' Bible, 24-5 ; 
licensed to print Bibles, 134-5 ; 
establishes his monopoly, 24- 
5, 136-7; his circular to the 
City Companies, 137-8; his 
agreement with the Bible 
Stock, 141. 

Barker, Matthew, printer, 30. 

Barker, Robert, printer, 25 ; 
said to have paid for the 
translation of the 161 1 ver- 
sion, 30—1 ; its first printer, 

_ 32, 35, 37- 

Barker, Robert (2), printer, 30. 

Barlow, Jerome, 56. 

Barlow, William, Bishop of 
Chichester, 20, 26. 

Barlow, William, Dean of 
Chester, 29. 

Barnes, Robert, 84. 

Baskett, J., printer, 57. 

Becon, Thomas, 20. 

Bedwell, William, 27. 

Bentham, Thomas, Bishop of 
Coventry and LichBeld, 20. 

Bergen-op-Zoorn, 78. 

Berthelet, Thomas, printer, 17, 

, 73. "6, 104. 

Beza, ig, 24, 129. 

Bible, the English : prohibition 
of English translations, 9, 41 ; 
Sir Thomas More on pro- 
hibition, 41-2; More's plan 
for a limited circulation, 43 ; 
the printing of the first New 
Testaments, 48-52; the news 
sent to the King, 52; epis- 
copal prohibition, 61— 2 ; search 
for English New Testaments 
at Antwerp, 62-8; Bishop of 
London's attempt to buy up 
the translation, 68-9 ; Nix, 
Bishop of Norwich, refunds 
the Archbishop of Canterbury 
part of his outlay on New 
Testaments, 69— 70; confession 
ot Robert Necton as to buy- 



ing and selling New Testa- 
ments, 70-2 ; Bishop Nix im- 
plores the King's help in sup- 
pression, 72—3 ; the King con- 
sults his Council and the 
Bishops, 73; the King's Pro- 
clamation, forbidding the 
translation and possession of 
Holy Scripture in the English 
tongue, 73-6 ; the Bishops 
petition for an English Bible, 
12, 78—9; the projected Ver- 
sion, 86—7; Fox's account of 
the first Bibles, 97—100 ; 
King's Proclamation, forbid- 
ding importation without li- 
cence, 104; patent for Bible 
priniing granted to Cromwell, 
in ; King's Proclamation for 
the English Bible to be set up 
in churches, 112-13 ', Draft for 
a Proclamation as to the read- 
ing of the Bible in churches, 
113-14; an admonition by the 
Bishop of London, 1 14-15 ; 
narrative of William Maldon, 
1 15-16; the Great Bible con- 
demned in Convocation, 116— 
l 7 \ J u g£ e an d Barker and 
the Company of Stationers, 
132 ; the beginning of the 
Bible Stock, 24, 133-4; Draft 
for an Act of Parliament for 
a new version, 138-9; attempt 
to provide for the translators 
of the [611 version, 139-40. 

See a/so under Authorized 
Version ; Bishops' Bible ; 
Coverdale; Douai Version; 
Great Bible ; Geneva Bible ; 
Matthew; Rheims New Testa- 
ment ; Tyndale ; Wyclif. 

Bible Society, 37. 

Bickley, Thomas, 20. 

Bilson, Bishop of Winchester, 
3i, 142. 

Birekmann, Arnold, 49, 51. 

Birckmann, Francis, 63, 71. 

Bishops* Bible: history of its 
production, 19-21, 24-5; list 
of revisers, 20; petition of 
Convocation for an English 
translation, 78-9; projected 
version approved by Crom- 
well, 86-7 ; Committee ap- 
pointed to examine former 
translations, 117; letter from 
Bishop of Ely to Cecil, 122.; 
Parker invites Cecil to take 
part in the revision, ib. ; 
Strype's summary, 122-3 ; 
Parker announces completion 
of the work, 124; presenta- 
tion to Queen Elizabeth and 
story of revision, 2^, 124—5; 
Parker's note as to trans- 
lators, 125-6; rules observed 
in translation, 126. 

Blayney, Dr., of Oxford, revises 
the 161 1 text, 38. 

Bodley, John, receives an ex- 
clusive patent for printing the 
Geneva Bible, 19, 23, 121-2. 

Boel, Cornells, 32. 

Bonner, Edmund, Bishop of 
London : promotes the print- 
ing of the Bible in English, 
16, 97-100, 104; changes his 
views, 100; his admonition, 
1 14-15. 

Boys, Dr. John, 28, 30, 32, 37. 

Branthwait, Dr. William, 28. 

Brett, Richard, 28. 

Bristow, Richard, 22. 

British Museum, 10, 12, 82. 

Bucer, Martin, 17. 

Bugenhagen, Johann, 49, 50. 

Bullingham, Nicholas, Bishop 
of Lincoln, 20. 

Burleigh, Lord, 21. 

Burley, Dr. Francis, 27. 

Byng, Andrew, 28. 



Calvin, 17. 

Cambridge. 30, 37, 72, 74. 

Campion, Edmund, 21. 

Canterbury, Synod of, 78-9. 

Carleton, Dr. James G., 22. 

Castillon, French Ambassador 
in England, 107, 109. 

Caxton, William, 9, 10. 

Cecil, Sir William, 19, 23, 122. 

Chaderton, Laurence, 28. 

Charles V, Emperor, 108. 

Cheke, Sir John : his version 
of the New Testament, 141. 

Christiern, King of Denmark, 
48, 50. 

Clark, Dr. Richard, 27. 

Cochlaeus: see Dobneck. 

Cologne, printing at, 10, 48—51, 
53, 57, "o. 

Constantine, George, 69, 70—1. 

Coverdale, Miles: his version 
of the Bible, 12-14; financial 
help given by Jacob van 
Meteren, 13, 87-8; edits the 
Great Bible, 15, 98-9, 101, 
106 ; Coverdale's account of 
his work, 15, 88-90, 101-3, 
106 ; his Latin-English New 
Testament, 90-3, 98, too, 105, 
106. 

Cox, Richard, Bishop of Ely, 
19, 20, 122, 123. 

Cranmer, Thomas,. Archbishop 
of Canterbury : shows favour 
to Matthew's Bible, 14, 94-5, 
96—7, 99; connexion with the 
Bishops' Bible, 78-9, 86-7 ; 
writes Prologue to second 
edition of the Great Bible, 17; 
discusses price and copyright 
of the Great Bible, 16, no— 11. 

Crispin, John, 23. 

Cromwell, Richard, 105. 

Cromwell, Thomas, Earl of 
Essex : encourages Bible 
translation, 14, 15, 76 ; fa- 
vours the publication of 
Matthew's Bible, 14, 94—7, 99; 
provides funds lor the Great 
Bible, 15 ; his interest in the 
work, 15—16, 90, 97, 99, 100, 
101-3,105-11; his injunctions 
for setting up the Bible in the 
churches, 16, 112; secures the 
patent for printing, 16, in; 
his arrangements lor transla- 
tion of the New Testament, 
86; his fall from power, 99— 
IOO. 

Curtis, Thomas, 38. 

Dakins, William, 29. 

Davidson, Dr., Archbishop of 
Canterbury, 34. 

Davies, Richard, Bishop of St. 
David's, 20, 123. 

Day, John, printer, 78. 

Demetrius, Emanuel, 87. 

de Montmorencv, Anne, Con- 
stable of France, 104, 107, no. 

de Valera, Cipriano, 32. 

Dillingham, Francis, 28. 

Diodati, 32. 

Dobneck, Johann (Cochlaeus), 
4, 4852. 

Dort, 37; Synod of, 30, 31, 141-2. 

Douai, English College at, 21, 
22. 

Douai Version of the Old Testa- 
ment, 22-3. 

Downes, Andrew, 28, 30, 32. 

Duff, Mr. Gordon, 62-3, 96. 

Duport, Dr. John, 28. 

Edes, Richard, Dean of Wor- 
cester, 29. 

Edward VI, 17, 26, 57. 

Edwin, Bishop of Worcester, 
122-3. 

Elizabeth, Queen, 18, 19, 26; 
presentation of the Bishops' 
Bible to, 19, 124-5. 



Emmerson, Margaret van, 46. 
Emperour, Martin (otherwise 

Martin Caesar or Keysere), 

printer of Antwerp, n, 12. 
Endhoven, Catharyn, 82. 
Endhoven, Christoffel van, 

printer of Antwerp, 11,62, 65, 

67, 71. 84. 
Endhoven, Hans van, 84. 
Erasmus, 10, 15, 22, 44, 47. 

Fagius, Paul, 17. 

Fairclough, Richard, 2&. 

Fenton, Roger, 29. 

Fish, Simon, 70, 71, 74. 

Fisher, Bishop, 50. 

Fogny, John, printer of Rheims, 
22. 

Fox, John, 16, 23, 44, 53, 63, 70, 
78, 97, 115. 

Francis I, King of France : per- 
mits the Great Bible to be 
firinted in Paris, 97, 98; his 
icence to Grafton and Whit- 
church, 100-1. 

Frankfort, 49, 50, 76. 

Frith, John, 74, 77 ; his friend- 
ship with Tyndale, 45, 5^ ; de- 
fends Tyndale and his work 
against More, 77-8. 

Froschouer, Christopher, printer 
of Zurich, 13. 

Fry, Francis, 35. 

Fulke, Dr. William, 22-3. 



Gardiner, Stephen, Bishop ot 
Winchester, 16, 86, 99, 100, 
102. 

Garvais, Friar Henry, 106, 107. 

Geneva Bible, 17-19 ; printed 
in London, 23 ; excluded by 
Parker, 23, 25, 37; its popu- 
larity, 25, 37; Preface to New 
Testament, 1 17-19 ; Preface 
to Bible, 119-21 ; licence to 
John Bodley, 19, 23, 121-2. 

Gilby, Anthony, 18. 

Gilford, Sir Henry, 44. 

Ginsburg, Dr. Christian, 13. 

Goad, Dr., 37. 

Gold, Henry, $y. 

Goodman, Gabriel, Dean of 
Westminster, 20. 

Grafton, Richard, grocer and 
printer, 86, 113; arranges for 
publication of Matthew's 
Bible, 14, 15, 95-7 99-100; 
and of the Great Bible, 15—17, 
34, 97-103, 105 ; the French 
King's licence to print in 
Paris. 100-1. 

Gray, William, 102. 

Greenwich, in. 

Great Bible, 15-17, 19, 21 ; Fox's 
account, 10, 97—100 ; the 
French King's licence, 100— 1 ; 
reports as to progress, 15, 16, 
101— 5 ; Bishop Bonner's sup- 
port, 15, 104 ; Bibles confis- 
cated, and citation of Francois 
Regnault. 106—7; letters from 
the French Ambassador to the 
Constable of France, 15, 107— 
8, 109, no; letter from the 
Imperial Ambassador to the 
Emperor Charles V, 108-9; 
letter from tin* Grand Con- 
stable of France to the French 
Ambassador, 109; price and 
copyright of the Bible, 16-17, 
no; patent granted to An- 
thony Marler. 111-12; Preface 
by Cranmer, 17; condemned 
in Convocation, 116—17. 

Grindal, Edmund, Bishop of 
London, 19, 23; one of the 
translators of the Bishop's 
Bible, 20; suspension of, 25. 

Guest, Bishop of Rochester, 20, 
1 -'3- 



144 



Index to the Introduction and Records. 



Haberdashers' Company, 16. 

Hackett, John: searches at 
Antwerp for English New 
Testaments, 46, 62—8. 

Haghen, Godfrid van der, 12. 

Halle's Chronicle^ 14, 86. 

Hamburg, 10, 12, 46, 76, 99. 

Hampton Court Conference, 26, 
31- 

Harding, Dr. John, 28. 

Harmer, John, 29. 

Harrison, Luke, 24. 

Harrison, R., printer, 19. 

Harrison, Thomas, 28. 

Hebblethwavte, William, 44, 
48. 

Henry VIII, 17, 26, 48, 50; An- 
swer to Martin Luther, 55-6 ; 
consults his Council and the 
Bishops as to surreptitious 
translations, 73 ; endeavours 
to get Tyndale to retract, 76 ; 
petition of Convocation to, 
78—9; Coverdale's dedication 
of his Latin-English New 
Testament to, 90; Matthew's 
Bible dedicated to, 94, 99 ; 
favours production of the 
Great Bible, 97; Proclama- 
tion forbidding the circulation 
of books without licence, 104; 
Proclamation for the English 
Bible to be set up in churches, 
1 12-13; Draft Proclamation 
as to reading the Bible, 113- 
H- 

Heze, Dietrich, 49, 51. 

Hogenberg, Franciscus, 21. 

Holbein, Hans, 17. 

Holland, Dr. Thomas, 28. 

Hollybush, Johan, 63, 71, 90,96. 

Home, Robert, Bishop of Win- 
chester, 20. 

Hutchinson, Dr. Ralph, 29. 

Hutten, L., 29. 

James I : calls together Hamp- 
ton Court Conference, 26, 31 ; 
pushes forward work of re- 
vision, 27; his order for trans- 
lation, 27-30; endeavours to 
secure payment for trans- 
lators, 31. 

Jerome, St., 22. 

John of Trevisa, 9. 

Jones, Hugh, Bishop of Llan- 
daff, 20. 

Joye, George, 69, 73 ; edits an 
unauthorized version of Tyn- 
dale's New Testament, 11; 
seeks to obtain a licence from 
the King to translate Scrip- 
ture, 78 ; Tyndale complains 
of Joye's unauthorized re- 
vision, 79-82 ; Joye's answer, 
82—3; reconciliation and fresh 
quarrel, 83—6. 

Juda, Leo, 13, 19. 

Jugge, John, printer, 24. 

Jugge, Richard, printer, 24, 31 ; 
commended for his printing of 
the Bishops' Bible, 21 ; mono- 
poly secured to him, 24; dis- 
pute w ith the Stationers' Com- 
pany, 132 ; beginning of the 
Bible Stock, 133-4; Barker's 
satisfaction to, 134—5. 

Junius, Franciscus, 32. 

Kilbye, Dr Richard, 2S. 
King, Geoffrey, 27. 
Kingdon, Dr., ion. 
Knox, T. F., 127. 

Latimer, Hugh, Bishop of Wor- 
cester, 112. 

Laud, Archbishop, 34. 

Lawney, Thomas, 86-7. 

Layfield, Dr. John, 27. 

Lee, Edward, Archbishop of 
York, 52. 

Leicester, Earl of, 21, 124. 



Lively, Edward, 28. 
Lobley, Michael, 98. 
Luft, Hans, printer, 12, 46, 56. 
Luther, Martin, 10, 12, 45, 46. 

49-51, 55, 59, 60, 77, 88. 
Lynne, Walter, printer, 57. 

Mainz, 10, 49, >i. 

Maldon, William, narrative of, 
1 15-16. 

Marburg, 46, 76. 

Margaret of Savoy, 63. 

Marillac, Charles. French Am- 
bassador in England, 109, 1 10. 

Marler, Anthony, gives financial 
support towards the produc- 
tion of the Great Bible, 16; 
concerned in its sale, 17, 111- 

12. 

Martin, Gregory, 21-3. 

Mary, Queen, 17. 

Matthew, Thomas: his version 
of the Bible, 14—15; Cranmer 
recommends the version, 94— 
5 ; Grafton's arrangements 
for publication, 95-7 ; Foxe's 
account of, 99. 

Mede, Dr. Joseph, 37. 

Meteren, Cornelius van, 88. 

Meteren, Emanuel van, 87. 

Meteren, Jacob van: story of 
financial help given by him to 
Coverdale in the production 
of the 1535 Bible, 13, 87-8. 

Monmouth, H., 10, 44. 

Montanus, Arias, 32. 

More, Sir Thomas : his Dialogue 
on the prohibition of English 
translations, 41—2 ; plan for a 
limited circulation, 43 ; criti- 
cizes Tyndale's translation, 
59—61; controversy with Tyn- 
dale, 73, 77, 78. 

Mummuth. H., see Monmouth. 

Munster, Sebastian, 15, 19, 123. 

Necton, Robert, 53 ; confession 
as to buying and selling New 
Testaments, 62, 70-2. 

Necton, Thomas, 70. 

New Testament : see Bible. 

Nicholas of Hereford, 9. 

Nicholson, James, printer, of 
Southwark, 13, 14, o^ t go, 96, 
105. 

Nix, Richard, Bishop of Nor- 
wich : refunds the Archbishop 
of Canterbury part of his 
outlay on New Testaments, 
69-70; implores the King's 
help, 72-3. 

Norton, William, printer, 24. 

Nuremberg, 49, 51. 

Olivetan, iq. 
Ortelius, Abraham, 88. 
Osiander, Andreas, 49, 51. 
Overall, John, Bishop of Coven- 
try, 27. 
Oxford, 1, 30, 38, 41, 74. 

Packington, Augustine, buys up 
Tyndale's translation, 68-9. 

Pagninus, S-, 19. 

Paris, printing at, 87, 97-102, 
106-8. 

Paris, Dr. Thomas, of Cam- 
bridge, revises the 161 1 text, 
38. 

Parker, Matthew, Archbishop 
of Canterbury : his attitude 
towards the Genevan version, 
19, 23—5; his interest in the 
Bishops' Bible, 20, 23-4, 31, 
123; commends Jugge, 21, 
23-4 ; announces completion 
of the Bishops' Bible, 124 ; 
presents the Bible to Queen 
Elizabeth, 124-5; his note as 
to the translators, 125-6. 

Parkhurst, John, Bishop of 
Salisbury, 20, 123. 



Perin, Dr. John, 29. 

Perne, Andrew, Dean of Ely, 20. 

Petit, T., printer, 17. 

Pierson, Andrew, 20. 

Plomer, Mr. H. R., 8, 17, 30, 35. 

Pocock, Mr. N., 37. 

Pole, Cardinal, 15. 

Poyntz, Thomas, 12, 14, 100. 

Puritans and the Hampton 

Court Conference, 26. 
Purvey, John, 9. 

Quentell, Peter, printer of 
Cologne, 10, 49, 51. 

Rabbett, Michael, 29. 

Radclitfe, Dr. Jeremiah, 28. 

Raimond, John, printer, 62. 

Ravens, Dr., 29. 

Ravis, Thomas, Dean of Christ 
Church, 28. 

Rebul, Antoine, 19. 

Redman, R., printer, 17. 

Regnauk, Francois, printer of 
Paris, 15, 103; cited for print- 
ing the Great Bible, 106-7. 

Reynolds, Dr. John, 26, 28. 

Rheims New Testament, 21—3; 
its inception, 127 ; story of the 
translation, 128-32. 

Richardson, Dr. John, 28. 

Ridley, Robert, criticizes Tyn- 
dale's version of the New- 
Testament, ^}, 57~9- 

Rinck, Hermann, 50, 52. 

Rivington, Mr. Charles, 132, 141. 

Rogers, John, 14, 99. 

Roy, William, 10; his quarrel 
with Tyndale, 56-7. 

Rupert, Abbot of Deutz, 49-51. 

Ruremond, Hans van, printer of 
Antwerp, 12, 62-3, 71, 96. 

St. Paul's, London, 10,41,79,98. 
Salisbury, William. Bishop of 

Man, 123. 
Sampson, Thomas, 18. 
Sanderson, Thomas, 29. 
Sandys, Edwi n, Bishop of 

Worcester, 20. 
Saravia, Dr., 27. 
Savile, Sir Henrv, 29. 
Scambler, Edmund, Bishop of 

Peterborough, 20. 
Schoeffer, Peter, printer, of 

Worms, 10. 
Schott, Johann, printer, of 

Strassburg, 57, 
Scrivener, Dr. F. H. A., 36, 37. 
Selborne, Lord Chancellor, on 

the authorization of the 161 1 

version, 31. 
Selden, John, 32. 
Sion, Bridgetine house of, at 

Isleworth, 9. 
Smith, Miles, Bishop of Glou- 
cester, 28, 31, 142. 
Smith, Rev. Walter E., 35. 
Spalding, Robert, 28. 
Sparke, Michael, 34, 37. 
Speed, John : his Genealogies of 

Scripture, 33, 14J. 
Spenser, Dr. John, 29. 
Stationers' Company, 24, 30,98, 

132-5. 
Steele, Mr. Robert, 15, 57. 
Stokeslev, John, Bishop of 

London, 73, 86, 98. 
Strassburg, 57, 78, 
Strype's Memorials, 19, 20, 70, 

122. 
Sutor, Petrus, 58. 

Tavenur. Richard, his version 

of the Bible, 17. 
Tedder, Mi. II. R., 13. 
Thompson, Giles, Dean of 

\\ indsor, 29. 
Tighe, Dr. Robert, 27. 
Tomson, Laurence, 19, 24. 
Tomson. Richard, 27. 
Tremellius, 32, 



Tritheim, Johann, 49, 51. 

Tuke, Sir Brian, 63-5, 07. 

Tunstall, Cuthbert, Bishop of 
London : declines to en- 
courage Tyndale, 10, 44 ; pro- 
hibits the circulation of Tyn- 
dale's translation, 61-2 ; en- 
deavours to suppress the New 
Testament by purchase, 68-9 ; 
burns New Testaments in St. 
Paul's churchyard, 73. 

Tyndale, William : his transla- 
tions of the New Testament, 
10-12, 17; translates portions 
of the Old Testament, 12 ; 
Fox's account of Tyndale's 
translations, 44-6 ; Tyndale's 
own story of his translation 
of the New Testament, 46—8 ; 
the printing of the first New 
Testaments, 48-52 ; news sent 
to the King, ^2 ; supposed trial 
version of St. Matthew, 53; 
beginning of the Prologue to 
the first New Testament, 53-4; 
Epilogue to the second New 
Testament, 54— 5; HenryVIII's 
belief that Tyndale was insti- 

fated by Luther, 55-6 ; Tyn- 
ale and his fellow 'apostate' 
William Roy, 56-7 ; an expert 
contemporary criticism of 
Tyndale's version, 57-9; criti- 
cisms of Sir Thomas More, 
59—61 ; episcopal prohibition, 
61—2; Bishop of London buys 
up the translation, 68-9 ; Ste- 
phen Vaughan's attempt to 
persuade Tyndale to submit, 
76—7 ; Friths defence of Tyn- 
dale, 77-8; Tyndale complains 
as to Joye's unauthorized re- 
vision of his New Testament, 
79-82; Joye's answer, 82-3; 
reconciliation and fresh dis- 
agreement, 83-4 ; Joye's nar- 
rative of the quarrel, 84-6; 
Halle's account of Tyndale's 
work as a translator, 86; his 
share in Matthew's Bible, 99. 

Yaughan, Stephen : endeavours 
to persuade Tyndale to re- 
tract, 76—7. 

Vautrolher, Thomas, printer, 24. ' 

Vendeville, Dr., 21, 127. 

Yilvorde, 12. 

Walker, Dr. Anthony, 30. 

Walsh, Sir John, 44." 

Walsingham, Sir Francis, 24,25. 

Wanley, Humphrey, 78. 

Ward, Dr. Samuel, 28, 31), 37. 

Waterton, Daniel, 9. 

Westcott, Bishop, 20. 

Whitchurch, Edward, printer, 
113; partner with Grafton, 14, 
[ 7i 34, *7. 97-103. 

\\ hitgift, John, Archbishop of 
Canterbury, 25, 31, 138. 

Whittingham, William : trans- 
lates the New Testament, 17; 
probable originator of the 
Geneva Bible, 18; his system 
of translation and annotation, 
id. ; its effect on the 161 1 ver- 
sion, id. 

Wilkes, Thomas, 24. 

Wilson, Lea, 3^. 

Wittenberg, 12, 48, 50. 

Wolsey, Cardinal, 12, 46, 57, 62, 
»3. °5, 67. 

Worcester, Chapter of, 34. 

Worms, printing at, io, 11, 4(1, 
52, 53, 57. 69,-1, 84. 

Wright, Dr. Aldis, 20-1. 

Wyclif, John, first English trans- 
lations of the Bible ascribed 
to, 9, 10; works prohibited, 
4*, 77- 

Zurich, printing at, 13. 
Zwinglius, 13, 77. 




TO THE MOST 

HIGH AND MIGHTIE 

Prince, I A M E S by the grace of G od 

Kina ofGreacBricaine.France and Ireland, 

Defender of che Faith, ckc. 

THE TRANSLATORS OF THS t BI'BLe y 

vijh Grace->,Merc\z->,and Teace^^brough Iesvs 

ChruiwcLord. 




Reat and manifold were the bleffings^moft dread 
Soueraigne ) which Almighty God, the Father 
of all Mercies, bellowed vpon vs the people of 
England, when firft he fent yourMaiefties 
Royall perfon to rule and raigne ouer vs. For 
whereas it was the expectation of many, who 
wifhed not well vnto our S I o n, that vpon the 
fettins of that bright Occidental! Starrer Queene 
Elizabeth of moft happy memory , lome 
thicke and palpable cloudes of darkenefle would fo haue ouerfhadowed 
this land, that men fhould haue bene in doubt which way they were to 
walke, and that it fhould hardly be knowen, who was to direct the vnfeded 
State: the appearance of your Maiestie, asof theiSWze_>inhisftrength, 
inftantlydifpelled thofe fuppofed and furmifed mitts, and gaue vnto all 
that were well aftectedjexceedingcaufeofcomfortj-efpecially when we be- 
held the gouernmenteftablifhed in your Hi g h ness e, and your hope- 
full Seed, by an vndoubted Title, and this alfo accompanied with Peace 
and tranquillitie,at home and abroad. 

But amongft: all our Ioyes , there was no one that more filled our hearts, 
then the blefied continuance of the Preaching of Gods facred word a- 
mongft vs.whichisthatineftimable treafure/which excelleth all the riches 
of the earth, becaufe the fruit thereof extendeth itfelfe,notonelyto the time 
fpentin this tranfitory world, but dire&eth and difpofeth men vnto that 
EternallhappinelTe which isabouein Heauen. 

Then.not to fufFer this to fall to the ground, but rather to take i t vp, and 
to continue it in that ftate,wherein the famous predeceiTbur ofyour Hio h- 
nesse did leaue it • Nay, togoe forward with the confidence and refo- 
A z lunon 

K 2 



The Epiftle 



lunon of a man m maintaining the trueih of C h r i s t, and propagating it 
farre and neere, is that which hath fo bound and firmelyknit the hearts of 
all your Maies.ties loyall and Religious people vnto you, that your 
very Name is precious among them, their eye doeth behold you with 
comfort, and they blefie you in their hearts, as that fanclifiedperfon , who 
vnderGoD,is the immediate authour of their true happinelTe. And this 
their contentment doeth not diminifh or decay, but euery day increafeth 
and taketh ft rength, when they obferue that the zeale ofyour Maieftie to- 
wards the houfe of G o D,doth not flacke or goe backward,but is more and 
more kindled,manifefling it felfe abroad in the furtheft parts ofOm/ienc/ome, 
by writing in defence of the Trueth, (which hath giuen fuch ablowvnro 
that man ofSiime, as will not be healed) and euery day at home,by Religi- 
ous and learned difcourfe,by frequenting the houfe of GoD,by hearing the 
word preached,by cherifhing the teachers therof,by caring for the Church 
as a moll tender and louing nourcing Father. 

There are infinite arguments of this right Chriftian andReligious af- 
fection in your M a i e s t i e: but none is more forcible to declare itto o- 
thers,then the vehement and perpetuated defire of the accomplifhing and 
publishing of this VVorke, which now with all humilitie we prefentvnto 
yourMAiEsri e. For when your HighnefTe had once out of deepeiudg> 
ment apprehended , how conuenient it was , That out of the Originall fa> 
cred tongues, together with comparing of the labours, both in ourowne 
and other forreigne Languages,of many worthy men who went before vs, 
there fhould be one more exact Translation of the holy Scriptures into the 
Englijl) tongue-/-^ 'our Maiestie did neuerdefifit, tovrgeand to excite 
thole to whom it was commended, that the worke might be haitened,and 
that the bufineffe might beexpedited in fo decent a maner, asamatterof 
fuch importance might iuftly require. 

And now at laftjby the Mercy of God, and the continuance ofourLa- 
bours,it being brought vnto fuch a conclusion , as that we haue great hope 
that the Church ofEngland (hall reapegood fruit thereby ; we hold it our 
duetytoofTerit to your M aiesii E,noconelyas to our King and Soue- 
raigne,but as to theprincipallrnoouer and Author ofthe Worke. Hum- 
bly crauing ofyour moft Sacred Maieftie , that fince things of this quality 
haue euer bene fubiect to the cenfuresofill meaning and difcontentedper- 
fons,itmayreceiue approbation and Patronage from fo learned and iudi- 
cious a Prince as your HighnefTe is, whofe allowance and acceptance of 
our Labours, fhall more honour and incourage vs, then all the calumniati- 
ons and hard interpretations of other men fhall difmay vs. Sothat,ifon 
the one fide we (hall be traduced by Popiih perfons at home or abroad, 
who therefore will maligne vs , becaufe we are poore Instruments to make 
Gods holy Trueth to be yet more and more knowen vnto the people, 
whom they defire ftill to keepe in ignorance and darkneffe : or if on the 
other fide, we fhall be maligned by felfe -conceited brethren, whorunne 
their owne wayes, and giue liking vnto nothing but what is framed by 
themfelues, and hammered on their Anuile ; we may reft fecure,fupported 
within by the trueth and innocencie of a *ood confeience , liauinc walked 
the 



Dcd 



icacorie. 



the wayes otfimphcme and integrities as before the Lord - And fu (lamed 
without , by the powerfull Protection of your Maieflies grace and fauour, 
winch will euergiue countenance to honed and Chnllianendeuours,a- 
gainll bitter cenfures 3 and vnchantable imputations. 

The Lord of Heauen and earth blefle your Mafellie with many and 

happy dayes , that as his Heauenly hand hath enriched your HifhnerTe 

with many lingular, and extraordinary Graces • fo you may be the 

wonderof the world in chis later age/orhappinelfe and true 

felicitie ,co the honour of that Great G o D,and the 

good ofhisChurch,through I e s v s Christ 

our Lord and onely Sauiour. 

c-.o 




THE 



With) OlhtTf. 



Oregon iht 
Dkbtc 



T^MMtltT 



i.Sam.ii.if. 

I.King. 11-31 




THE TRANSLATORS 

TO THE READER. 




Lale to promote the common good , whether it be by deuifing any 
thing our felues,or reuifing that which hath bene laboured byo- 
thers,deferuerh certainly much rtfpect and efteeme,buryetfindeth 
but cold intertaiument in the world. Itiswelcommedwithfulpi- 
cion in ftead of loue, and with emulation in (lead or thankes : and if 
there be any hole left tor cauill to enter,(and cauill,it it doe not finde 
a hole, will makeone ) itisfuretobecmi/conftrued,andindanger 
to be condemned. This w ill eaflly be granted by as many as know 
ftory , or haue any experience. For , was there euer any thing pro- 
jected, that (auoured any way of newnefle or renewine.but the lame 
endured many a ftorme of gaine-faying, or oppofition I Araan would thinkethatCiuilitie, hole 
fome Lawes, learning and eloquence,Synods, and Church-maintenance,(that we fpeake of no more 
things of this kinde) fhould be as fafe as a Sanctuary, and || out of fhor, as they fay , that no man 
would lift vp the heele,no,nor dozge mooue his tongue againft the motionersof them. For by the 
fiiif ,wc are diftinguifhed from bruit-beafts led with fenfualitie : By the fecond, we are bridled and re. 
(trained from utragious behauiour,and from doing of miuries,whether by fraud or by violence ; By 
the third, we are enabled toinformeandreformeothers.by the light and feeling that we haue attai- 
ned vnto our felues : Briefly,by the fourth being brought together to a parle face to face.we fooner 
compofe our diffetences then by writings, which are endleflc : And Lift ly, that the Church be futfi- 
cientlv prouided for, is Co agreeable to good reafbn and confcience,that thofe mothers are holden to 
be lefTecruell, that kill their children aflooneasthey are borne, then thofe nourling fathers and mo- 
thers (whercfoeuer they bc^that withdraw from them who hang vpon their breads (and vpon whole 
breafts againe diemfelues doe hang toreceiuethe Spiritual! and fincere milkcofthe word)liuely- 
hood and fupport fit for their cftates. Thus it is apparent,that thefe things which we fpeake of,are 
ofmoft neccflary vfe,and therefore,that none, either without abfurditic can fpeake agamft them,oi 
without note of wickedneflc can fpurne againft them. 

Yet for all that, the learned know that certaine worthy men haue bene brought to vntimely death 
for none other fauk,but for feeking to reduce their Countrey-men to good order and difcipline : and 
that in fome Common-weales it was made a capita!! crime,once to motion the making of a new Law 
for the abrogating of an o!d,though the fame were mof! pernicious : And that certaine.which would 
be counted pillars oftheState,andpatcrnes of Venue and Prudence, could not be brought for a Ions; 
time to giue way to good Letters and refined fpecch , but bare themfelues as auerfe from them, as 
from rocks or boxes of poifon : And fourthly ,thathee was no babe,but a great clearke , thatgaue 
foordi (and in writing to remaine to poft eritie ) in paffion peraduenture, but yet he gaue foorth,that 
hee had not feencany profit to come by any Synode, or meeting of the Clergie, but rather the con- 
trary : And laftly,againfr Church-maintenance and a!lowance,in (iich (ort, as the Embafladors and 
meflengers of the great King of Kings fhould be furnifhed, it is not vnknowen what a fiction or fable 
(foit iselteemed,and for no better by the reporter himlelfe, though fuperflitious)was deuifed; 
Namely, that at fuch time as thepiofcffours and teachers of Chriffiamtie in the Church of Rome, 
then a true Church,were liberally endowed,a voyce forfooth was heard from heauen, faying; Now is 
poifon powrcd down into theChurch,&C Thus not only asoltas wefpeake,asone faith,buta!foas 
oft as we do any tiling of note or conference, we fubiect, our felues to euery ones cenfure,and happy 
is he that is leaft tofled vpon tongues ; for vtterly to elcape the fnatch of them it is impoffible. Ifany 
man conceit,that this is the lot and portion of the meaner fort onely, and that Princes arepriuiledged 
by their high efrate,he is deceiued. As the (word deuoureth afwell one 04theothcr,is it is inSamuei nay 
as the great Commander charged his fouldiers in a certaine battc!l,to f hike at no part of the enemie, 
but at the face ; And as the King oi Syria., commanded his chiefe Captaines to fight neither VtithJmaH 
nor great , f.we onely againtt the King oflfrael: (o it is too true, that Enuie fh iketh mof! fpitefully at the 
lairef^andatthechictert. ZWJ was a worthy Prince, and no manrobc comparedto himtor his 
firftdecdes, and yet for as worthy an acre as euer he did ( euenfor bringing backe the ArkeofGod 
in folemnitic) hewas fcorncd andfcofled at by his ownesvitc. Solomon was greater then D»uid, 

though 



Thebefl 
things han; 
been calum- 
niated. 



To the Read 



er. 



The higheft 

petfonages 

haucbecnea- 

lumniated. 



HisMaiefucs 
conftancic, 
normthltan- 
dingcalLtnir.i- 
ation/ortlic 
furuey otlhc 
Englifh tran- 
sitions. 



The praite of 
the holy Scri- 
ptures. 



though notin vertue.yet in power : and by his power and wifdome hebuilt a Temple to the L o R D, 
fuch a one as was the glory ot the land oflfrael , and the wonder ot'the whole world. But was that 
his magnificence liked of by all ? We doubt of it. Others ile , why doe they lay it in his tonnes difh, 
and call vnto him for ||eafingot the burden, Make,dy they ,the grieuoit .< [cruituJe of thy father, and 
his jore yoke, lighter. Belike hehad charged them withiomcleuies,and troubled them with fotne ca- 
riages ; Hereupon they raiie vp a ti agedie , and wifh in their heart the Temple had neuei bene builc. 
So hard a thing it is to pleafe all, euen when we pleafe God belt, and doe leeke to approue our (dues 
to euety ones conscience. 

II wee will defcend to later times , wee fhall finde many the like examples of fuch kind.or rather 
vnkind acceptance. The firft Romane Empei our did neuer doe a morepleafing deed to the learned, 
nor more profitable to pofleritie/or conferuing the record of times in true f imputation i then when 
he corrected the Calender , and ordered the yeere according to tile courle of theSunne: and yet 
this was imputed to him for nouelue, and airogancie,and procured to him great oblocjuie. Sothefiift 
ChrirtenedEmperout(attheleaftwife that openly protefled the faith himlelfe,and allowed others to 
doe the like ) for Strengthening the Empire at his great charges, and prouiding for the Church, as he 
did.gotfor his labour die name PupiUns , as who would fay, a waftefull Prince , that had neede of a 
Guardian, or ouerfeer. So the belt Chriftened Emperour,lor the louc that he bare vnto pcace.there- 
by to en rich both himfelfe and his lubietfts ,and becau le he did no t f eeke wane but find it, was iudged 
to benomanatarmes,(though in deed he excelled in fearesofchiualrie, andfhewedfo much when 
he was prouoked) and condemned for giuing himfelte to his eale, and to his pleafure. To be fhort 
the moll learned Emperour of former tiroes, (at the lejft,the greateft politician) what thanks had he 
for cutting oft the Superfluities ot the lawes.and diverting them into fome order and method ? This, 
that he hath been blotted by fome to bee an Epitomift, that is, one that extinguifhed worthy whole 
volumeSjto bring his abridgements into recjueit. This is the meafure that hath been rendred to ex- 
cellent Princes in former times, euen, Cum bene faecrent, male audire, For their good deedes to be euill 
fpokenof. Neither is diere any likelihood, that cnuie and malignitiedied,and we re buried with the 
ancient. No,no,the reproofe ot Mofes taketh hold ofmoft ages ,• lou me rijen T)p in your fathers ftead, 
anlncreafeof finfullmen. Wvat is that that hath beendone? that Tpbicb fha'J be done : and there is no new 
th'mg'Vnier the Sunne , faith the wifeman : sudS. Steven, Jsyour fathers did ,fo doeyou. This, and 
more to this purpofe,His Maiefhe that now reigneth (and long, and long may he reigne.and his off- 
spring for euer, Himfelfe and children andchddrens children alfoayes) knew full well, according to the 
fin<nilarwifedomegiuenvnto himby God, and the rare learning and experience that he hath attai- 
ned vnto; namely that whofoeuer attempted! any thing torthe publike ( Specially if itpertaineto 
Rek'cion,and to the opening and clearing of the word of God)the fame fetteth himfelt'e vpon a ftage 
to be clouted vpon by euery euil eye,yea,he cal teth himfelfe headlong vpon pikes,to be gored by eue 
ry fharpe tongue. For he that medleth with mens Religion in any part,medieth with their cuftome, 
nay,with their freehold ; and though they finde no content in that which they haue , yet they can- 
not abide to heare of altering.Notwithftanding his Royall heart was not daunted or difcouraged for 
this or that colour , but ftood refolute,<« aflame immoueable,andan aniale not cafe to be beaten into plates, 
as one fa vth , he knew who had chofen him to be a Souldier, or rather a Captaine,and being allured 
diat the c'ourfe which he intended made much foi the glory of God, & the building vpot his Church, 
hewouldnotfuftcrittobebrokenofffotwhatfoeuerfpeachesorpracl;ifes. It doth ceitamely belong 
vnto Kings,yea,it doth fpecially belong vnto them,to haue care of Religion , yea, to know it aright, 
yea, toprotefTeit zealoufly, yea to promote it to the vttermoft of their powA. This is their glory 
before all nations which meane well, and this will bring vnto them a farre moil excellent weight ot 
Mory in the day of the Lord Iefus. For the Scripture faith not in vune,Tbem that honor me JtpiII honor, 
neither was it a vaine word that Eufebius deliuered long agoe, that pietie towards God Was the wea- 
pon , and the onely weapon that both preferued Qonflantmes perloii , and auenged him of his 

enemies. , 

But now what pietie without trueth ? what trueth(what fauingttueth) without the word of God? 
what word of God(whereofwe may be fure_)without the Scripture ; The Scriptures we are comman- 
ded to fearch.Ioh.5.?$i.Efa.8.io.Theyareconimended that Searched &ftudicdthem.Aa.i7.n.and 

8.18, 2Q.They are reproued that were vnskilful in them,or flow to beleeue them. M.it.-il- 19.Lwfc.24 
i^'.The'ycanmakevswifcvntofaluation.i.r/w.j.^.Ifwebeignorant.theywillinftrucTvsiifomof 

the way,they will bring vshome; if out of order.they will reforme vs, if in heauines.conifort vs 5 it dull, 
quicken vs;ifcolde,inflame vs. Tolle Jege ;Tolle ,lege , Take vp and read, takevpand read the Scrip- 
tures, (for vnto them was the diredion) 11 was laid vnto S. JugtiUme by a fupematurall voyce. 
Wlmtfoenaris in the Scriptures, beleeue me , faith the fame S. Mgu/lint, is high and dimne thtre is<verib 
trueth, and a dot~lrine moll fit for the rcfreflnng and renewing of mem mtndcs, andtruclyfo tempered , that 



i.Kingu.* 



C.Ctfet. 



Cirfta 






Ztfm 



r/amb'a.r^. 
Ecde 1.1.9. 






SW«. 



t Sam 1 jo. 
StsWSK 

«f.S. 



f.ffUb».«p.lx 

S Jugmfi dt 
■t.Ut. trtdtnd 
up,6. 



The Translators 



,HrU. 






Terf»l/JtUlf. 
Hrr—. 
TtmU ai cjr- 
raCh-ifi. 
In/tin oz.Zrt. 



An uliu? bo> 
wrjppcti J- 

wool!,*herc- 
vpondid hang 
%-.,&brcjd, 
ind hoatc in 



S BifiL in 



I.C0M». 



Strom, 
5.Hitro*)n. 

ftill (t. 

1 Te'it. Cw.'. 
#j. tJit.TKn 
IVti. 
Cur.-- f/tji 



entry one may draw from thence that which nfufficient forhim , if bee come to draw Diiihadeuout and pioiis 
minde.astrue ^dgknrcqttiretb. ThusS. Auguftinc. And S.Hierome: Ame fcripturtt , <jr amabitte 
japientiatrc. Loue the Scriptures, and wrfedonie will loue thee. And S. Cynll againft lulian ; Earn 
boyes that are bred yp in the Scriptures, become mofl religious jtsrc. But. what mention wee three or foure 
vfesofthe Scripture, whereas whatfoeuer istobebeleeuedorpradiled , orhopedfor, is contained 
in them ? or three or foure femences of the Fathers , fince whoioeuer is worthy the name of a Fadrer , 
from Chriftstinicdovvneward, hath likewife written not onely of die ncheSjbutalfoottrieperfedion 
of the Scripture ? ladore tbefulnejfe of the Scripture ,hkhTertuUian againft Hermogenes. And 3game, 
to^M//«anHeretikeofthe likeftampe.he faith; 1 doe not admit that which thoubrmgefl in (or con- 
cluded) of 'thine owne (head or (tore , de two) without Scripture. So Saint htslm Martyr before him ; 
Wee muft knotf by ailmeanes , faith hee, that it is not lawful! (or polfible) to karne (any thing) of God or 
of right pietie,faus oneb) out of the Prophets , tvhoteatb'vs by diuiie inspiration. So Saint Baft! after 
TertuBan , Is is amamfejl fal!inga-»ay from the Faith , and t; fault of prejumptwn , either to reieSl any 
ofthofe things that are written, or to bring in (vpon thehead of {hem^'t^ii^) any of tho/e things that 
are not written. Weeoniittocitctothefanieefied, S. Cyril! B. of Hkrufalem in hi? 4. faachtj. Sunt 
Hierome againft Heluidius , Saint Auguftine inhis j.bookeagainilthe letters of Tetiitan, and in very 
many other places of his workes. Alfo we tbrbeare to defcend to lattei Fathers, becaufe wee will not 
wearie the reader. The Scriptures then being acknowledged to bee fo full and fo perfeel , how can 
wee excufe our feluesof negligence, if we doe not ftudie them, of cunofitie, if we be not content with 
them? Mentalke muchof»>™», how many fwecte and goodly things it had hanging on it; of the 
Philofophersftone , that it turneth copper into gold ; of Qornu copia , thatithadalrthiiigsneccflary 
fat foode in it , ot Pamces the herbe.that it was good for all difealcs ■ oiCatholicon the drugge, that it 
is in ftead of all purges; of Vukans armour, that is was an armour ot pi oofc againft all dirufts, and a 1 
blowes,&c. Well, that which they fallly or vainely attributed to thefe things for bodily good, wee 
may iuftly and with full meafurealcribe vnto theScnpture,forfpir!tuall. Itisnot onelv an armour, 
but alfo a whole arrnorie of weapons, both ofTenliue,and defenfiue ; whereby we may due our felues 
and put the enemie to flight. It is not an herbe,but a tree,or rather a whole paradife of trees of life, 
which bring foorth fruit euery mcrveth , and the fruit thereof is for meate , and the leaues for medi 
cine. It is not a pot of M anna, or a crufe of oyle.which were for meniorie only.or for a meales meate 
or two, but as it were a (howre of hcauenly bread (ufficient tor a wholehoft, be it neuer fo great ; and 
as it were a wholecellar full of oyle veflels ; whereby all our necefsities may be prouided for , and our 
debts difcharged. In a word.it is a Panary of holefome foode, againft tenowed traditions; a Phyfi- 
ons- (hop ( Saint BafiUaWt: th it ) of preferuatiues againft poifoned herefles ; a Pandect of profitable 
lawes,aga'mft rebellious fpirits; a trcafui ieof molt coftly lewcls , againft beggarly rudiments ; Finally 
a fountaine of mod pure water (bringing vp vnto euerlafting life. And what maruaile? Theoriginall 
thereof being from heauen, not from earth; the authour being God, not man ; the enditer , the holy 
jpirit.notthewitofthe Apoftles or Prophets ■ the Pen-men fuch as were fanclified fromthewombe, 
and endewed with a principall portion of Gods fpirit; the matter, veritie,pietie,puritie,vprightnefle; 
the forme,Gods word, Gods teftimonie,Gods oracles.thc word of trueth, the word of faluation,&c. 
the effects, light of vnderftanduig ftablenelle of perfwafion, repentance from dead workes, newnelfc 
of ltfe,holmelTe, peace, ioy in the holy Ghoft ; ,laltly,thcend and reward of the ftudie thercoffellow- 
Ihip with theSaints, participation of the heauenly nature, fruition of an inheritance immortall.vnde- 
filed, and that neuer fhall fade away : Happie is theman that deiighteth in die Scripture , and thrife 
happie that meditateth in it day and night. 

But how fhall men meditate in that, which they cannot vriderftand ? How fhall they vnderftand 
that which is kept clofc in anvnknowen tongue? as it is written , Except Iknomchepoiv^rofthcvoyce 
lfhallbeto himtkitjbeakftb,a Barbarian ,andhe tbatjbeaketb,jbalbea Barbartm to me. The Apoftle ex- 
cepteth no tongue; not Hebrewe the ancientef t , not Grecke the moft copious , not Latine the fineft. 
Natuie taught a naturall man to confelTe,that all of vs in thofe tongues which wee doe not vnder- 
ftand, are plainely deafe ; wee may turne the dcafe care vnto diem. The Scythian counted the dtbe- 
nian,Vihvm he did not vnderftand, barbarous: fo die 1(omanc did the Syrian, and the lap (euenS. 
Hifrowtfhimfelfe calleth the Hebrew tonguebarbarous, belike becaufe it wasftrange tofo manvjfo 
the Emperour ot Conftantinople calleth the Ldfmc tongue J barb:irous,thougri Pope fjjcoUs do ftorme 
at it : (o the Iewes long before C/vi/?,callcd all other nations,Z.ogM<i^;»!, which is little better then bar- 
barous. Therefore asonecomplaineth.thatalwaycs in theScnateof 1$omc, there was one or other 
that called for an interpreter: fo leftthe Church bedriuen to the likcexigcnt.it isneccflary tohaue 
tranflations in a readinefTe. Tranflation it is that openeth the windo\v,to let in the light; that brea 
ke th the fhell,that we may eat the kernel ; that putteth afidc the curtainc.that we may lookeinto the 
moft Holy place; that rcmooueth die couerof the well, tliatwcemay comebyriiewatcr,euenas 

hcob 



rnnlliMon 
nccelljiic. 



To the Read 



er. 



The rranflati 
onoflheoldc 
Teflamcnr 
out of the He- 
brew into 
Greeke. 



Tranflation 
out of Hebrew 
and Greeke 
into Litinc- 



Iacob rolled away the ftonefrom the mouth of the well , by which meanes the flockesof'/.d/W; were 
watered. Indeede without tranflation into the vulgar tongue,the vnlearned are but like children at 
■Jacobs weD (which was deepe) without a bucket or fome thingtodrawwith.-orastharperfonmen- 
rioned by E/iy,to whom when a fealed booke was deliuered, with this moilun/ftjadetkiijpray thee, 
hee was faine to make this anfwere, I cannot Jor it is fealed. 

While God would be knowen onely in /acoi, and hauehisName great in 7//jf/,andiiinoneo- 
ther place, while the dew lay on Gideons fleece onely,and all the earth betides wa> drie ; then for one 
and the fame people, which fpake allot them the language o( Caiuan, chat is,/ir^f;pc,oneandthe 
(ame originall in Hebrew was fuffkienc. But when the tulnelle of time drew neerc,thar the Sunne ot 
righteouinefle.the Sonne of God (hould come into the world, whom Godordemed to bearecon- 
ciliation through faith in his blood, notot the /eioonely, but alio ot the Greeke, yea, of all them that 
were fcattcrcd abroad j then Ioe.it pleafed the Lord to ftirre vp the fpirit of a Greeke Prince ( Greeke 
for defcent and language) euen of PtolomeTbiLidelpb King of Egypt, to procure rhe tranflating of the 
Booke of God out of Hebrew into Greeke. This is the tranflation of the S«iM«cIiucrpreters,cocn- 
monly fo called, which prepared the way for our Sauiour among the Gentiles by written preaching 
as Saint lobn Baptift did among the Iewes by vocall. For the Grecians being defitous of lea rninc,were 
not wont to funer bookes of worth to lye mouldingin Kings Libraries, but had manv of then lei- 
uants,ready fenbes, to copie them out,and fo they were difperfed and made common. Againe, the 
Greeke tongue was well knowen and madefamiharto molt inhabitants in Afia, by re:ifon otthecon- 
cjueft that there the Grecuns had made,as alio by the Colonies.whichdiicher they had fenc. For the 
(ame caufes alfo it was well vnderft ood in many places of fii70^,yea,and ot Affrike too. Therefore 
the word of God being tec foorth in Greeke, becommeth hereby like a candle fet vpon a caudleft icke, 
which giueth light to all that arc in the houfc, or like a proclamation founded toorth in the market 
place,which moll men prefently take knowledge of ; and therefore that language was fitted to con- 
tajne the Scriptures, both for the tuft Preachers of rhe Golpel to appeale vn to tor w itnefle,and for the 
learners alloot thofctimestomakefearchandtnallby. Itisceitaine, that that Tranflation was not 
(o found and lo perie&.but that it needed in many places correction : and who had bene lo liif ficient 
for this worke as the Apoftles or Apoifolikemeu? Yet it teemed good to the holy Ghoftandto 
them, to take that which they found, (the fame being for the grcateft part true and (ulficient) rather 
then by making a new,m that new world andgteene age of the Church, to expole themfelues to ma- 
ny exceptions and cauillations, as though they made a Tranflation to ferue their owneturne, and 
therefore bearing witnefle to themfelues, their witnefle not to be regarded. This may be fuppofed 
to bee fome caute , why the Tranflation ot the Seuentie was allowed to pafle tor currant. Notwith 
ftanding,though it was commended generally.yet it did not fully content the learned, no notof the 
Iewes. For not long after (Jirijl, Aquila tell in hand with a new Tranflation, and after him Theodo* 
tion,iad after him Symmacbut : vea,there was a fitt and a fixt edition, the Authours wherof were no: 
knowen. Thete with the Seuentie made vp the Hexapla , and were worthily and to great purpole 
compiled together by Origen. How beit the Edition of the Seuentie went away with the credit, and 
theretore not onely was placed in themidlt by Origen (tor the worth and excellence thereof aboue 
the reft, as Fpipb.miui gathereth) but alfo was vied by the Greeke fathers for the ground and founda- 
tion of their Commentaries. Yea, Epipbanius aboue named doeth attribute fo much vnto it,thathe 
holdeththe Authours thereof not onely for Interpreters, but alfo for Prophets in fome refpect : and 
Iuftinian the Emperour enioyuing the Iewes his lubiecls to vfe Specially the Tranflation of the Seuen' 
tie, rendreth this reafon thereof, becaule they were as it were enlightened withpropheticallgrace. 
Yetforallthat,asthc£g^>fid»jarefaidof the Prophet to bee men and not God, and their horfes 
flefh and nor fpirit : fo it is euident,( and Saint Hicromt; affirmeth as much ) that the Seuentie were 
Interpicteis , they were not Prophers; they did many things well, as learned men ,- but yet as men 
they ftunibled and fell, one while through oueriight, another while through ignorance, yea /ome- 
times they may be noted to adde ro the Originall , and fomerimes to take trom it ; which made the 
Apoftles to leaue them many times , when they left the Hebrew, and to deliuer the fence thereof ac- 
cording to the trueth of theword,as the fpirit gaue themvtrerance. This may futfice touching the 
Greeke Tranflationsot iheoldTeftamenr. 

There were alfo within a few hundreth yeeres after Christ, tranllations many into the Latine 
tongue : for this tongue alio was very fit to conuey the Law and the Gofpel by ,becaufe in thole times 
very many Countreys of the Weft , yea of theSouth , Eaft and North, fpake or vnderftood Latine, 
being made Prouinces to the Romanes. But now the Latine Tranflations were too many to be all 
good.for they wereinfinite (Latini Interprets nuih modoMmieraripoJJ~unt,(aithS.Auguniiie.) Againe 
they were not out of the Hebrew fountaine ( wee Ipeake of the Latine Tranflations ot the Old Tefta- 
ment) but out of the Greeke If reamc, therefote the Greeke being not altogether Jeare,the Latine deri- 



loh4.1T. 



lib. I L umr* 



J 



menftir Cfpt 
dmbu,. 



Set T ^upifl 
f.itiotltin. 

7\y»t3. autjx. 
14*. 

c»t ftrnivt a am/ 

Vw»^»i7*t iusae, 

Elaj..,. 

S.H,er,n,Je 

tptimv *tncr£ 
imtrfret , 



Mir. ClmJIllt. 
l.«f.ll. 



The Translators 



5. fliironym. 

MmrttlL 

Zffim. 

x.King.79. 



S. Hit run. f*df t 



fhtrmio. 



Six.StnM.4, 

S.Ckyfift.in 

Uhantaf.l. 

ttam.i. 

Tktodor. ?. 
Tl>tr*fcut, 



T.DUccn.Uil. 
jfidarJm Chrcn 
Goth. SoXovhli. 

Vaftns in 
Chror, UtyM. 

rwn ttfiatiir <- 
dtmdtMuitdo 

Autnttn-Vil 4. 

rtrum C ma- 
U.l. 

Btrt*id. 



Th*ei, 



rftl.4S.8- 






ued from if mult needs be muddie. This moued S. Hierome-, a molt learned father, and die belt 
linguift withoutcontrouerfie, of his age, or of any that went before him, to vndertake the tranflatlng 
oftheOldTeftament,outof thevery fountaines themfelues; which heeperformed with that eui- 
dence of great !eaming,iudgement,induftne and faithfu!nes,thathe hath for euer bound the Church 
vntohim,in a debtoffpeciall remembrance and thankefulneffe. 

Now though the Church were thus furnifhed with Greeke and Latine Tranflations , euen before 
the faith of C H r 1 s t was generally embraced in the Empire : ( for the learned know that euen in S. 
Hieroms timc,the Conlul of (Rome and his wife were both Ethnicks,and about the fame time the grea- 
tcft part of the Senate alfo)yetfor all that the godly-learned were not content to haue the Scriptures 
indie Language which themfelues vnderftood , Greece and Ltttme_,,( as the good Lepers werenot 
content to tare well themfelues , but acquainted their neighbours v>itn the ftore that God had fent, 
that they alfo might prouide for themfelues) butalfoforthebehoofe and edifying of the vnlearned 
which hungred and thirir ed after Righteoufneffe,and hadfoules to be faued afwell as they, they pro- 
uided Tranflations into the vulgar for their Countreymen, infomuch that moft nations vnderhca- 
uen did fhortly after their conuerfion , heare Christ /peaking vnto them in their mother tongue 
not by the voyce of their Mimfrcronely,butalfb by che written word tranflated. If any doubt hereof, 
he may be fatiffied by examples cnough,if enough wil feruc the turne. Firft S.Hierome faithyVf«/W' 
rumgentiiilinguisScriptura anti tranflata,docet falfa effe <jtuadditafimt,<S'C.i. The Scripture being tranfla- 
ted before in the languages of many TSfations,dothfl?cu> that thofe things tbattoert addedQ>yLucian oxHefy- 
chius) arefalfe. So S.Hierome in that place. The fame Hierome elfewhere affirmeth that he,the time 
was,had let forth the tranflation odbeSeuentyfualingUithomimbus. i. for his countreymen olDalma- 
tia. Which words not only Erafmus doth vnderftand to purport,that S.Hierome tranflated the Scrip- 
ture into the Dalmatian tongue , but aKoSixtus Senenfis,and Alpbonfiis d Cafiro ( that we fpeake of no 
more) men not to be excepted againft bythemof^o>w,doeingeiiuouflyconfelTe asmuch. So, S. 
ChryfoUome that liued in S. Hieromes time,giueth euidence with him : The doilrinc o/S.Iohn f faith he) 
did not injuchfort fas the Philofophers did ) <vanifl) away : but the Syrians, Egyptians, Indians, Pet funs. 
Ethiopians, and infinite other nations beingbarbarouspeopte tranflated it into their{mother) tongue ) and haue 
learned to be {true) Tbilofophers, he meaneth Chiiftians. To this may be added Theodore, a next vnto 
him, both for antiquitie,and for learning. His words be thefe,Eiwji Countrey that is <vnder theSunne, 
is fullof tbefefpordes (oithe Apoftks and Vxo^hm) and the Hebrew tongue^ { he meaneth the Scrip 
tures in the Hebrew tongue ) is turnednot onely into the Language oftlie Grecians,but alfo of the Romanes, 
andEgyptianSydMdVerfianstandlndianSiandArmenianStandScytbianStandSauromatians, and briefly into 
all the Languages that any Ration <vfeth. So he. lnJikemaner,?7/>i/i*Jis reported by Paulm Diaconus 
and Ifidor (and before them by So^pmen~) to haue tranflated the Scriptures into the Gotbicke tongue: 
Iobn Biffeop ol Siuil by Vajjeus, to haue turned them into ArabickcLj, about the y eere ofour Lord 717 : 
'Beda by Ciflertienfis, to haue turned a great part of them into Saxon : Efnard by Tr'tthemiits , to haue 
abridged the French Pfalter, as fBeda had done the Hebrew, about the y eere 800 : King Alured by the 
faid Qiflertienfis, to haue turned the Pfalter into Saxon ■ Methodius by Auentmus (printed at Ingoljlad) 
to haue turned the Scriptures into || ScUuonian : Valdo, Bifhop of Frifing by 'Beatut %henaiuis , to 
haue caufed about that time,the Goipels to be tranflated into D«tcfc-rithme,yet extant in the Library 
oiQorbinian : Valdiis , by diuers to haue turned them himfelfe , or to haue gotten them turned into 
French,about die yeere 1160 : £W/cs the), of that name, furnamed The tttfc, to haue caufed them 
to be turned into French, about 100. yeeres after Valtkkihis time, of which tranflation there be many 
copies yet extant, as wituefleth Beroaldits. Much about that time, euen in our King ^ichardthe fe- 
conds dayes , Iobn Treuifa-, tranflated them into Englifh , and many Engltfb Bibles in written hand 
are yet to be feene with diuers,n anflated as it is very probable,in that age. So ihe Syrian tranflation 
of the New Teftament is in moft learned mens Libraries, of Widminfladius his fetting forth , and the 
Pfalter in Aralncke is with many, of Augufliniis Nebienfis fetting foorth. So Pc/fc/alfirmeth, diat in 
his trauaile he faw the Goipels in the fir hiopum tongue; And AmbrofeTncfiiis alleageth the Pfalter of 
the Indians, which he teftifieth to haue bene fet forth by Potken in Syrian characters. So that,to haue 
the Scriptures in the modier-tongue is not a quaint conceit lately taken vp , either by the Lord Crorr.< 
•well in England, or by the Lord %adaal in Tolonie--, or by the Lord Fngnadmsm the Empcrours do- 
minion, but hath bene thought vpon , and put in pra&ife of old , euen from the firft times of the con- 
uerfion ot any Nation ; no doubt , becaufe it was efteemed moft profitable,to caufe faith to grow in 
mens hearts the fboner, and to make them to be able to fay with die words of the Pfalme, As Tfe haue 
beard Jo w bauefeene^. 

Now the Church ofRome would fceme at the length tobeare a motherly affection towardsher 
children, and to allow them theScriptuvesinthcirmothertonguc: butindeed it is agift,notdefet- 
uing to be called a gift, an vnprofitablc gift : they muft firft get a Licence in writing before they may 

vfe 



Thclrjnflr 
ting of the 
Scripture in- 
to the vulgar 
tongues. 



The vnwil- 
lingnctof our 
chicle Aducr- 
taricMrutihc 
Scripture* 
fhouidbc uV 



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to our bre- 
thren. 



vie them, and to get that, they mull approue themfelues to their ConlelTor, that is, to be fuch as are,i 
if not frozen in the dregs, yet ibwred with the le.iuen of their fuperfh'tion. Howbeit, it feemed too 
much to Qlement the 8. that there fhould beany Licence granted to haue them in the vulgar tongue, 
and therefore he ouertuleth and ftuftrateth the grant oXf'ms the fourth. So much are they atraid 
of the light of the Scripture^LHfi^rf Scripturarum as Tertu'Jian fpeaketh ) that they will not trull the 
p.-ople with it, no not as it is let foorth by their ownefworne men , no not with the Licence of their 
owneBifhopsandlhciuifitors. Yea,fovnwillingrhey are to communicate the Scriptures to the peo- 
ples vnderftandirtg in any fort,that they are not afhamed to confeffe , that wee forced them to tran- 
(late it into Englifh againft theirwills. This feemeth to argue a bad caufe,orabadconfcience,or 
both. Sure we are,that it is not he that hath good gold, that is afraid to bring it to the touch- (lone, 
but he that hath the counterfeit ; neither is it the true man that fhunneth the light, but themalefa- 
c"cour,Iell his deedes fhould be reproued : neither is irthe plainedealingMerchantthatisvnwillinc 
to haue the waights,or the meteyard brought in place, but he that vfeth deceit. But we will let them 
alone for this fault,and returne to translation. 

Many mens mouths haue bene open a good while (and yet are not flopped) with (beeches about 
the Tranflatioafb long in hand,oi rather perufals of Tranflations made before: and aske what may 
be the rea fon ,what the neceffitie of the employment : Hath the Church bene deceiued, fa v they.all 
this while ? Hath her fweet bread bene mingled w ith leauen.her filuer with droffe, her wine with wa- 
ter,her milke with lime ? ( Laile gypfum mde mifcetur, faith S. Jreney.) We hoped that we had bene in 
the right way , that we had had the Oracles of God deliuered vnto vs, and that though all the world 
had caufe to be offended and tocomplaine ,yet that we had none. Hath the nurfe holden out the 
breall, and nothing but winde in it ? Hath the bread bene deliuered by the fathers of the Church, 
and the fame proued to be lap'idoftis, as Seneca fpeaketh ? What is it to handle the word of God de- 
ceitfully, if this be not? Thus certaine brethren. Alfo the aduerfarics'of ludah and Hierufakmjikc 
Sanballat in Nebemiab,moc\ie, as we heare, both at the worke and workemen, faying ; What doethefe 
Tccake lewes,iyc. will they make the pones -whole againe cut of the heapes ofdufl tphicb are burnt ? although 
they build , yet ifafoxegoe<Vp,beflMlleucnbnake downe their ftonyTnall. Was their Tranflation good 
before? Why doc they now mend it ? Was it nor good ? Why then was it obtruded to thepeople? 
Yea, why did the Catholicks( meaning Pofilh <I(omanifls) alwayesgoe inieopardie.forrefufingto 
goe to heare it? Nay,ifitmuftbetranflated into fcnglifh.Catholicks are fitted; to doe it. They haue 
learning, and they know when a thing iswell,thevcan»j.iM«fW(it?f.j/>!</<5. Weewillanfwerethem 
both briefly: and the former,beingbrcthren,thus, with S.Hierom^,, Vamnamwveteres? Minime./ed 
poflpriorumftudia in domoVomin: quodpofjumus laboramus. That is, Doe rcecondemnc the ancient? In 
no w/o : but after the endeuours of them that Taerc before 'vs ,tcee take the beilpaines Tt>e can in the houfe of 
God. As if hee faid,Bcing prouoked by the example ofthe learned that liued before my time, I haue 
thought it my duetie, to allay whether my talent in the knowledge ot the tongues, may be profitable 
in anymeafure to Gods Church , left I fliould feeme to haue laboured in tneminvaine,andlell I 
fhould be thought toglory in men, (although ancienr,) aboue that which was in them. Thus S.Hte 
rome may be thought to fpeake. 

And to the fame effeel fay wee, that we are fo farre off from condemning any of their laboursthat 
traueikdbeforevsinthiskinde, either in this land or beyond fea , either in Wm^Henries time, or 
KhgEdtPXrds (lfthere were any tranflation, or correction of a tranflation in his time) orQueene 
£/i^tW;iof euer-renoumedmernorie, that we acknowledge them to haue beeneraifedvp of God, 
for the building and futniftlingof his Church , and that they deferue to be had of vs and ot pollentie 
in euei lading remembrance. The Iudgementof A'iffoi'/c is worthy and well know en : If Timothem 
had not bene, ycc hadnot hadmuchfwectnu<fcke;butif Phtynis (Timothcus his mailer) hadnotbeene,yvce 
had not had Timotbeus. Therefore bleffed be they, and moll honoured be their name, that breake the 
vce,andgiuethonfetvpon that which helpetli forward to the failing of foules. Now what can bet- 
more auaileable thereto , then to deliuet Gods booke vnto Gods people in a tongue which they vn- 
derlland ? Since ofan hidden trea(ure,and of a fountaine that is (ealed, there is no profit, as Ttolomee 
PhilaJelph wrote to the Rabbins or mailers of the [ewes, as W'itnefl«h£/>7/>J>i.«M : and as S. Mgujiine 
faith ; A mm had rather be with his dog then u>itba/lranger( whofe tongue is llrange vnto him.) Yei 
for all that, as nothing is begun and perfited at the fame rime, and the later thoughts are thought to 
be the wifer: fo, if we building vpon their foundation that went before vs, and being holpen by their 
labours, doe endeuour to make that better which they left fo good ; no man , we are lure, hath caufe 
to miflike vs ; they, we petfwade out felues, if they were aliue, would thanke vs. The vintage ot utbt- 
c^er, that ilrake thellroake: yet the gleaning ofgrapes oiEphraim was not to be defpifed. See Judges 
8. verfe i. loafl) the king of Ifrael didnot fatilfiehimfelfe , till he had (mitten the ground three times; 
and yet hee offended the Prophet.for giuingouer then. Aqw!a,o( whom wee fpake before, tranlla- 

tcd I 



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S.WttTBI.^f- 

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I King. ,t 
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ced ihe Bible as caretully,and as 1 kiltully as he could; and yet he thought good to goeouer it againe, 
and then it got the credit with the lewes.to be called q i**--, that is, accuratly done , as Saint Hierome 
witneffeth. ' How many bookes of profane learning haue bene gone ouer agameand againe , by the 
fame tranflators, by others ? Ot one and the fame booke of ^rtUotks Ethikes , there are extant not 
fo fewasfrxeor feuenfeucralltranflations. Now if this coft may bee beflowed vponthegoord, 
which aftorderhvs alitdefhade , and which today flourifheth , but to morrow is cut downe; what 
may webeftow.nay what ought we not to beftow vpon the Vine,thefruite whereof maketh ejad the 
confaenceofman^ndtheftemme whereof abidcth for euer? And this is thewordotGod,whichwc 
tranflate. What if the chaffe to ihcTbheot, faith the Lord .'T.ot» >vitreum,quMiti Verum margarttum (faith 
TcrtuHtm,) if atoyof glallcbeof that rekomngwuhvs, how ought weetovaluc thetruepcarle; 
Thcretore let no roans eye be euill,becaufe his Maiefties is good; neither let any be gneucd, that wee 
haue a Prince that feeketh the increafe ot the fpmruall w ealth of lirael (let Sjnballdts and Tohiahs doe 
fo, which therefore doe beare their iuft reproofe) but let vs rather bleiTe God from the ground ot our 
heart, for working this religious care in him, to haue the tranflationsof the Bible maturely confide- 
red of and examined. For by this meanes it commeth to palTe , that whatfoeuer is found alitadic 
/and all is found tor fubfhnce, in one or other ot our editions , and the worfl ot ours tarre better then 
their autentike vulgar) die fame willfhine as gold more brightly, being rubbed and pohfhed j alfo , it 
anv thing be halting, or fuperfluous, or not fo agreeable to the onginall.the fame may bee corrected, 
and the trueth fet in place. And what can the King command to bee done, that will bring him more 
true honour then this ? and wherein could they thathaucbecne fet a worke, approuc their duetic to 
the Kane, yea their obedience toGod,and loue to his Saints moie, then by yeelding their feruice , and 
all that is within them.for the fumifhing of the worke ? But befides all this , they were the pi incipall 
tnotiuesofit,and therefore ought leafhoquarrell it: for the very Hiitoricall trueth is, that vponthe 
impoitunatepetitionsot the PuntaDes, at his Maiefhes comming ro this Crowne , the Conference at 
Hampton Court hauing bene appointed for hearing their complaints : when by force of rea Ion they 
wereput from all other grounds , they had recourfc at the la ft, to this fhitt , that they could not with 
good confciencefubfcnbeto the Communion booke , fiDceit maintained the Bible as it was there 
trauflated, which was as they faid, a moll corrupted tranllaticn. Andalthough this wasiudgedto 
be but a very pooreand emptic fhift; yet euen hereupon did his Maiefhe begmne to bethmke him- 
felfe of the good that might enfue by a new tranflation, and prcfently after gaue order for this Tranf- 
lation which is now prefented vnto thee. Thus much to fatiffie our fcrupulous Brethren. 

Now to the later we anfwere; that wet doe not deny, nay weealfirmeand auow, that the very 
roeanefl tranflation of the Bible inEnglifh, letfoorthby men of our protcfsion (for wee haue feene 
none of theirs of the whole Bible as yet)contameth the word ot God,nay,isth? word of God. As 
thcKings Speech which heevttered in Parliament, being tranflated intoFrtHch, Dutch, Italian and 
Lati/it, is ffiD the Kuigs Speech, though it be not interpreted by euery Tranllator with the like grace, 
nor peraduenture fo fitly for phrafc, nor fo crprcfly for fence, euery where. For it is conteiTed.ihat 
things arc to take their denomination ot the greater part; andanaturall man could fay, VaumyiU 
multa nitsnt in carmine, nonegopaucis offendor maculu, ffic. A man may be counted a vei tuous man, 
though hee haue made many flips in his lite, (els , there were none vertuous, for in many things Tee of- 
fend all) alfo a comely man and louely, though hee haue fome warts vpon his hand, yea, not onelv 
treakles vpon his face, but alfo fkarres. No caufe therefore why the word cranflated fhould bee de- 
nied to be the word,or forbidden to be currant, notwithftandiQg that fome imperfections and blemi- 
fhesmaybe noted in thefettingfoorthof it. For what euer was perfect vnder the Sunne, where A. 
poltlesor Apofto!ikemen,diat is, men indued with an extraordinary meafure of Gods fpirit.and 
pnuiledged with the ptiuiledge of infallibilitie,had not theii hand ? The Romamftes therefore in 
rcfufing to hearc.and daring to burne the Word tranflated, did no lelle then defpite the (pint of 
grace,trom whom originally itproceeded, and whofe fenfe and meanmg,as well as mans weakenefTe 
would enable, it did exprefle. Iudge by an example or two. Plutarch writeth, that after that 1{ome 
had beene burnt by the GaOes, they fell foone to builde it againe : but doing it in hafte, they did not 
caff the ftrects.nor proportion the houfes in fuch comely fafhion.as had bene molt lightly and con- 
ueuient ; was fat'dine therefore an honett man, or a good Patriot,tbat fought to bring it to a combu- 
ftion? or ?{ero a good Prince, that did indeed fet it on fire? So, by theftory of E^ufc.and the pro- 
phefie of Haggai it may begathered.that the Temple built by Zerubhahel after the returne from Ba 
bylon, was by no meanes to bee compared to the former built by Solomon ( for they that remembred 
the tormer,wept when they confidered the later ) notwithflanding, might this later either haue bene 
abhorred and forfaken by die /«w,orprophaned bythc Creekesi Thclike wee aretothinkeot 
Tranflations. The tranflation of xheScuentie dilTentcth from the Onomall in many places, neuhcr 
doeth it come ncere it/or pcrlpicuiue.grauitie.maicftie: yet winch ot~thc Apoflles did condemne 
. . 't? 



An jnfWctr t< 
tfic imputjn 



To the Reader. 



it? Condemned Nay, they vfed it, (as it is apparent, andasSaint Herome and mod learned men 
doe confeffe) which they wouldnothauedoneaiorby their example of vfingit, fo grace and com 
mend it to the Church, if it had bene vnwoithy the appellation and name of the word of God. And 
whereas they vrge for their fecond defence of their vilifying and abufing of the Engli/Jj Bibles,or 
fome pieces thereof, which they meete with, for that heretikes (torfooth) were rhe Authoursof the 
tranflations, ( heretikes they call vs by the fame right that they call themfelues Otholikes, both be- 
ing wrong) wee marueile what diuinkie taught them fo. Wee are fure Tertullianwasot another 
minde : Ex per/onis probamus ftdem an exfide^perfonu ? Doe we trie mens faith by dieir perfons ? we 
fhotildtrie their perlbns by their faith. AifoS. siugujline was of an other minde: for he lighting vp- 
on certaine tules made by Tycbonius a Von.ttisl, tor the better vnderftanding of the word.was not a- 
fhamed tomakevfeof them, yea,toinfert them into his owne booke, withgiuing commendation 
to them fo fane fooi th as they were worthy to be commended, as is to be feene in S. Augujlines third 
booke T>e doBrina Chnftiaua.To be fhort,0/7gM,and thewhole Church of God foi certain hundred 
yeeres,wereot an other minde : for they were fofarre from treadingvnder foote,( much more from 
burning ) the Tranflation of Aquila a Profelite, that is.one that had turned lew; of Symnuchiis, and 
Theodotion,bodiEbionites, that is,moft vile heretikes, that theyioyned them together with theft. 
brew Originall,and the Tranflation of the Seuentie (as hath bene before figm'fied out of Epipbaniits) 
and let them forth openly to be confidered of and perufed by all. But we weary the vnlearned,vvho 
need not know (o much,and trouble the learned, who know it already. 

Yet before we end, wemuftanfweie a third cauill and objection of theirs againftvs, for altering 
and amending our Taanflations fo oft ; wherein trucly they deale hardly , and flrangely with vs. For 
to whom eucr was it imputed for a fault ( by fuch as were wife_) to goe ouer that which hec had done, 
andtoamendit wherehefaw caufe? Saint Augufline was not airaide to exhort S.Hieromew a Pali- 
nodia or recantation ; the fame S. Augufline w as nor afhamed to retradtate, we might fay reuoke,ma- 
ny things that had palled him, and doth euen glory that he leeth his infirmities. If we will be fonnes 
oftheTrueth,wemufr confider what it lpeaketh, and ttample vpon our owne credit, yea, andvpon 
othermenstoOjit either be any way anhinderancetoit. Thistothe caufe: then to the perfonswe 
fay, that of all men they ought to bee moftfilcnt in this cafe. For what varieties liaue they, and what 
alterations haue they made, not onely of their Seruicebookes , Porteflesand Breuianes, but alio of 
then Latine Tranflation ? The Seruice booke fuppofed to be made by S. Ambrofe ( Offcium Ambro- 
fimum) was a great while id fpeciall vfeand requefr but Pope Hadrian calling a Councill with the 
aydeol Qtarles the Empcrour,abolifhedit,yea,bumt it, and commanded the Seruice-booke of Saint 
Grcgoric vniuerfally to be vfed. Well, Officium Gregorianum gets by this meanes to be in credit, but 
doeth it continue without change or altering? No,:hevery (fymane Seruice was of two ra(hions,the 
New tafhion , and theOld, (the onevfed in one Church,the other inanothei)as is to beefeenein 
Pamdius a Romamff, his Preface, before Micrologics. The fame fdrnf/i/w reported) out of %adid 
pbiu de ^ji<o t that about theyeereof our Lord, 1177. Pope "Mkolai the third remoued our of the 
Churches of (Rome, the more ancient bookes (of Seruke) and brought into vie the Miflals of the 
Friers Minorites,andcommaunded them to bee obfetued there; inlomuch that about an hundred 
yeeresafter,when the aboue named %adulphus happened to beat^cni;-, he lound all the bookes to 
benew,(of thenewftampe.) Neither was there this chopping and changing in the more ancient 
times onely, but alfo of late: /%*^Vtf«.rhimfelteconfeiIeth, thateuery Bifhopricke almofthada 
peculiar kind of feruice,moft vnlike to that which others had : which moued him to abolifh all other 
Breuiaries, though neuerfo ancient, and priuiledged and publifhedby Bifhops in their Diocef- 
fes, and to eftablifh and ratifie that onely which was of his owne letting foot th,in theyeere \\ 6%. 
Now, when the father of their Church, who gladly would heale the foare of the daugheer of his peo. 
pie foftly and lleightly , and make the beft, of it , finderh fo great fault with them for their oddes and 
larnng; we hope the children haue no great caufe to vaunt of their vniformitie. But rhe difference 
thatappearethbetweeneourTranflations,and our often correcting of them, is thethingthat wee 
are fpecially charged with; let vs fee therefore whether they themfelues bee without fault this way, 
("if it be to be counted a fault, to correct) and whether they bee fit men to throw (tones at vs: Otan 
dem maior parcas injane minor i : they that are lefTe found themfelues, ought not to obiect infirmities to 
others. Ifwe fhould tell them that f / alla,Stapiilenfis,&afmus, and Viuts found fault with their vulgar 
Tranflation,and confecjuently w iihed the fame to be mended,or a new one to be made, they would 
anfwere peraduenture, that we produced their enemies for witnefTes again ft, them; albeir,theywere 
in no other (ort enemies.then as S. Paul was to the Galatians, for telling them the trueth : and it were 
to be wifhed, that they had dared to tell it them plainlier and oftner. But what will they fiy to this, 
that Pope Leo the tenth allowed Bajmits Tranflation of the New Teftament/omuch different from 
the vulgar, by his Apoftolike Letter & Bull;that the fame Leo exhorted Tagnin to tranflate the whole 

B Bible, 



jmpt.tenlr* 
htrtfiu 



Jofl.Clir.fi Mp. 



'/lien interJutT) 

■*"i*pji.». 



Ditr&A.'Jh.',, 



iib 1 4.16. 



Stxtm Strtnf. 



The Tranflators 



Hcb.7.H. 
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Sixtus l.prefet. 
pxaBikip. 






IJtn i 



Afo. 



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S.H/fen. «J 
frtttl. 

S.Wtrm.ti 

lucmn.m,Difl 



Bible, and bare whatfoeuer charges was necefTary tor the worke? Surely , as the Apoftle reafoneth 
to the Hebrewes , that if the former Law andTeftament had bene fufficient, there hadbeene no need of tbe 
latter: fowemay fay, that if the oide vulgar had bene at all points allowable, to fmall purpofe had 
(abour and charges bene vndergone, about framing of a new. It they fay , it was one Popes priuate 
opinion, and that heconfultedonely himfelfe; then wee are able to goe further with them,aud to a- 
uerre, that more of their chiefe men of all forts,euen their owne Tmtf-championsP<2/«<j ScVega , and 
their owne Inquifitoi s, Hieronymus ab Okaflro, and their own Bifhop IJidorus Qarius, and their owne 
CardmalIT/;om«J^oCtfieta^doeeithermakenewTranflations themfelues, or follownewones 
of other mens making , or note the vulgar Interpreter tor halting j none of them feare to diflent from 
him, nor yet to except againft him. And call they this an vniforme tenour of text and Judgement a- 
bout the text,fo many ot their Worthies diiclaimingthe now receiued conceit? Nay,we wil yet come 
neerer the quicke: doth nottheir Pair-edition differ from the Louaine, 2nd Hcnienius his from them 
both,and yer allot them allowed by authoritie? Nay, doth not Sixtus Quintus confelTe , that cer- 
taineCatholikes(hemeanethcertaineof his owne fide _) were in fuchan humor of tranflating the 
Scriptures into Latine, that Satan taking occafion by them , though they thought of no fuch matter, 
did ft riue what he could, out of to vncertaine and manifold a varietie of Tranflations,fo to mingle all 
things, that nothing might feeme to be left certaine and firme in them,&c ? Nay further, did not the 
fame Sixlus ordaineby an inuiolable decree , and that with the counlell and content ofhis Cardinals, 
that the Latine edition ot the oide and new Teft ament.which the Councill of Trent would haue to be 
authenticke,isthe fame without controuertle which he then fet forth , being diligently corrected and 
printed iu the Printing-houfe ot Vatican ? Thus Sixtus in his Preface before his Bible. And yet Cle- 
ment the eight his immediate fucccflour, publifheth another edition of the Bible , containing in it in- 
finite differences from that of Sixtus, (2nd many of them waightie and materiall)and yet this muft be 
authentike by all meanes. What is to haue the faith ot our glorious Lord Iesvs Christ with Yea 
andNay,ifthisbenot? Againe,whatisfweetharmonieandconfent,ifthis be? Therfore.asCfWMrj- 
tusot Corinth aduifed a great King , before he talked of the diffentions among the Grecians , to com- 
pofe his domefticke broiles ("for at that time hisQyeene and his fonne and heire were at deadly fuide 
with him) fo all the while that our aduerfaries doe make fo many and fo various editions themfelues, 
and doeiarrefornochaboutthe worth and authontieof them, they can with no fhow of ecpitie 
challenge vs for changing and correcting. 

But it is high time to leaue thera,and to (hew in bricfe what wee propofed toour felues , and what 
courfeweheldinthisourperufallandfuruay oftheBible. Truly ("good Chriftian Reader) weene- 
uer thought from the beginning, that we fhould neede to make a newTranflation , nor yet to make 
of a bad one a good one, ( for then the imputation of Sixtus had bene true in fome fort,that our peo- 
ple had benefed withgallot Dragons in ftead ofwine, with wheyinfteadofmilke:) buttomakea 
good one better,or ou t ofmany good ones,one principal! good one,not iuftly to be excepted againffj 
that hath bene our indeauour, that our marke. To that purpofe there were many chofen, that were 
greater in other mens eyes then in their owne, and that fought the truth rather then their own praife. 
Ai^aine, they cameor were thought to come to the worke, not exercendi caitfa (as one faith J but exer- 
citati, that is, learned, not to learne : Forthe chiefe ouerfeer and v^.» vnder his Maieftie, to whom 
not onely we, but alfo our whole Church was much bound, knew by his wifedome, which thing alfo 
Hazjanzen taught folongagoe, that it is a prepoftcrous order to teach firft and to learne after, yea 
chat liam^^g^u win to learneand pracf ife together , is neither commendable for the workeman, 
nor fate for the worke. Therefore fuch were thought vpon,as could fay modeftly w ith Saint Hierome, 
EtHcbr<cum Sermoncm ex parte didkimus , isr in Latino pend ab ipfis incuvabulis <?c. detriti fumus. 'Both 
Idc haue learned tbe Hebrew tongue in part, and in the Latine tttec haue bane exercijedalntofl from our <verie 
cradle. S. Hierome m2kct\i no mention aitheGreefo tongue, wherein yet hee did excell , becaufehee 
tranflatednottheoldTeftamentoutof Gretke, but out ol Hebrewe. And in what fort didthefeaf- 
lemble > In the truft of their owne knowledge.or of their fharpenefle of wit.or deepenefle of Judge- 
ments it were in an arme of fleffi? Atno hand. They truftedinhimthathaththekey oCDauid, 
opening and no man fhutting; they prayed to the Lord the Father of our Lord, to the effect that 
S.Auguiline did j let thy Scriptures be my pure delight Jet me not be decerned in them,neithcr let me deceiue 
by them. In this confidence, andwiththisdeuotiondidtheyaflembletogedier; nottoomany,left 
onefhould trouble another;andyetmany,leftmany things haply might efcape them. If you afke 
whatthey had before them, truely rt was the Hebrew text of the Oide Teftamenr, the Crceke of the 
New. Thcfe are the two golden pipes,or rather conduits,where-through the oliue branches emp- 
tie themfelues into the golde. Saint Jlugwflmc calleth them precedent, or originall tongues; Saint 
H»«<»we,fountaines. ThefjmeSaintf/ic'M?»/caffinneth,andG^fM« hath not (pared to put itinto 
his Decree , That as the credit of the oide Bookes ( hemeaneth of the Old Tefhment) is to bee tryedby 



vi v«/ruw. 



the 



T"hepurpore 
of the Iran. 
flators,with 
their number, 

'in.i':urcjcarc 



To the Reader. 



Rcafons mo- 
umgvitolct 
diuer&ic of 
[encesinthe 
margin,wherc 
there is great 
probability for 
each. 



the Hebrette Vikuncs jo of the New by the Greeke tongue, he meancth by theoriginall Grceke. If trueth 
be to be tried by rhefe tongues, then whence fhould a Tranflationbemade.but out otihem; Thefe 
tongues therefore, the Scriptures wee fay in thofe tongues, wee fet before vs to tranilate, being the 
tono-ues where'in God was pleated to (peake to his Church by his Prophets and Apolfles. Neither did 
we run ouer the worke with that porting hafle that iheScptuagint did , it that be true which is repor- 
ted of diem.that they finifhed it in Ji. dayes; neither were we barred or hindered from going ouer it 
againe, hauing once done it, like $.Hierome,\t that be true which himfelfe reporteth,that he could no 
fooner write anv thing,but prefently it was caught from him, and publifhed, and he could not luue 
leaue to mend it : neither ,to be fhort.were we the firrt that fell in hand with tranilating the Scripture 
into Enolifh and confequently deftitute of former helpes, as it is written of Origen, tha t hee was the 
firrt in a maner,that put his hand to write Commentaries vpon the Scriptures, and therefore no mar- 
ueile if he ouerfhot himfelfe many times. None of thefe things: the worke hath not bene hudledvp 
in 71. dayes, but hath cort the workemen,as light as it fcemeth.the paines ot twife feuen times feuen 
tie two daves and more : matters of fuch weight and confequence are to bee fpeeded with matuntie 
for in a bufinefle of moment a man fearedi not the blame of conuenient flacknefle. Neither did 
wee thinke much to confult the Tranflators or Commentators , QiaUee, Hibreive, Syrian, Greeke, or 
Latins no not ihe SpanifrFrencb, Italian, or Dutch ;nc\thet did wedifdaineto reuife thatwhichwe 
had done and to brin<* backe to the anuill that w hich we had hammered : but hauing and vfing as 
ereat helpes as were needfull.and fearing no reproch for flownefle,nor coueting praiie for expedition, 
wee haue at the len<nh,through the good hand of the Lord vpon vs, brought the worke to that 
parte that you fee. _ , 

Some peraduenturewouldhauenovarieucof fencestobefet inthemargine,lerttheauthontieof 
the Scriptures for deciding of controucrfies by that fhew ofvncertaintie.fhould fomewhat be fhaken. 
But we hold their iudgme t not to be fo found in this point For though, vhatfoeuer things are neccjjary 
aremanifeft, as S. Chryfoltome faith, and as S. JuguUine , hi thofe things that areplamelyjet downe in the 
Scriptures all [tub matter sarefomd that concern FaUb,bopejndCbaritie. Yet for all that it cannc- ] 
diffembled, that partly to exercifeandwhetourwits,partlytoweanethecuriousrromloathi _ 
them for their euery- where plaineoefle , partly alio to ftirre vpour deuotiontocrauethealsiftance 
Gods fpirit by prayer,and laftly,that we might be forward to feeke ayd of our brethren by confe- 
ice and neuer lcorne thofe that be not in all refpe-fts fo complete as they fhould bee, being to feeke 
in many thmgsourfelues,ithafhplcafed Godinhisdiuinepromdence, heereand there to fcattet 
wotdesandfenteiicesotthatdifiicultieanddoubtfulnefTe,notii>docl:rina]l points that concemefal- 
uation, f for in fuch it hathbeeue vouched that the Scriptures are plaine ) but in matters of lefle mo- 
ment that tearefulnefle would better befeeme vs then confidence,and if we will refolue.to refolue vp- 
on modeftie with S.Juguftinc, (though not in this fame cafe a!together,yet vpon the fame ground) 
Melius & dubhare de occultis, quatn litigare de incertis, it is better to make doubt of thofe things which 
are (ecret, then to tVme about thofe things that are vncertaine. There be many words in the Scrip, 
tures which be neuer found there but once, (hauing neither brother nor neighbour, as the Hcbrcwes 
fpeake) fo that we cannot be-holpen by conference of places. Againe, there be many rare names of 
certaine birds, beaffes and precious ftones,&c. concerning which the Hcbrewes themfelues are fodi- 
uided among themfelues for iudgement, that they may (eeme to haue defined this or that,rather be- 
caufe they would fay fomthing,the becaufe they were fure of that which they faid.as S.Hierome fome- 
whete faith of the Sebtmgint. Now in fuch a cafe.doth not a margine do well to admoniihthe Reader 
to feeke furthered not to conclude ot dogmatize vpon this or that peremptonlyfFor as ins a fault of 
incredulitie, to doubt of thofe things that are euident : fo todetermine of fuch things as die Spirit of 
God hath left(euen in the judgment of the ludicious jqueftionable.can be no lefle then preemption. 
Therfore as S.>?«/fefaitri,tha t vanetie of Tranflations is profitable for the findingout of the fenfe 
of the Scriptures : fo diuerfitie of fignification and fenfe in the margine, where the text is not fo deare, 
muftneedes doe good, yea,isneceffary,as weareperfwaded. Weknow that W £««:<* exprefly 
forbiddeth,that anv varieric of readings of their vulgar edition,(hould be put in the margme,(which 
though it be not altogether the fame thing to that wehauemhand,yetitlookeththatway)butwe 
thinte he hath not all of his owne fide his fauourers.for this conceit. They diat are wife.had rather 
haue their judgements at libertie in differences of readings.then to be captiuated to one,when it may 
be the other If thev were fure diat their hie Priert had all lawes (hut vp in his breft.as 'JWthe fecond 
braoaed, and thathewere as free from errourbyfpeciallprimledge,as the Dictators of <%om were 
made bv law ,nuiolable,it were an othermatter; then his word were an Oracle,his opinion a decii.on. 
But the eyes of the world are now open, God be thanked^nd haue bene a great whde they find that 
he is fubi«a to the fame affections and infirmities that others be.that his 1 kin ispenetrable,and there- 
fore fo much as he prooueth,not as much as he claimeth,they grant and embrace, 

1 An 



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An other tlung we thinke good to admonilh thee of (sentlc Reader J that wee haue not tyed our 
{eluestoanvnitormitieof phraling , or toanidentitie of words, as lomeperaduenture would wifh 
thatwe had done, becaute they obterue.thatlomelearned men iome where , haue beene as exact as 
they could that way. Truly, that we might not varie from the fenle of that which we had tranflated 
before, it the word fignifi.-d the fame thing in both places (tor there bee fome wordes that bee not 
of the f.ime ienfe euery whei ej w e w ere elpecully carefull, and made a confeience , according to our 
duetie. But, 'hat we fhould exprefle the fame notion in the lame particular word ; as for example, it 
we tranilate the H-breTi> or Greeke word once bv Turpofe, neuer to call it Intent ; ifone where Iourney- 
ing ,neueiTraueiling ; it one where Tliinke, neuei Suppo/e ^ if one where Paine, neuer Ache ; if one 
where Ioy neuer GLdnejJe , $ic . Thtistominle the matter, wee thought to fauour more ot curiofitie 
then wifedome, and that rather it would breed fcorne in the Atheift , then bring profite to the godly 
Reader. Foristhekingdomeot God become wordsor fyllables ? why fhould wee be in bonda"eto 
them if we may be free, vfe one precifely when wee may vfe another no lefie fit , as commodioufly r 
A godly Father in the Primitiue time fhe.ved himfclfe greatly moued, that one ot newfanglenes cal- 
led .5,^.1., «,.,r, though the difference be little or nonej and anothei reporteth, that he was much abu- 
fed for turning Cucurbita (to which reading the people had beene vfed) into Hedera. Now it this hap. 
pen in better time;, and vpon fo (mail occafions , wee might iulf ly teare hard cenlure, if generally wee 
ihould make verball and vnneceffary changing?. We might alto be charged (byfeoffets) with fome 
vnequall dealing towards a great number of good Englifh wordes Forasit is Writtenot a certaine 
great Philofopher, that he fhould fay,that thole logs were happie that were made images to be wor- 
Ihipped ; for their lellowes, as good as they , lay for blockes behinde the fire : fo if wee fhould 
fav,as it were,vnto certaine words Stand vp higher, liaue a place in the Bible alwayes, and to others 
otlikequalitie,Getvehence,bebanifhedtoreuer, weemight be taxed peraduenture with S. lames 
his words, namely , To be partial, in our feiues and indues of mil thoughts. Addehereunto.thatnicenefle 
in wordes was alwayes counted the next If ep to trifling, and (owas to bee curious about names too : 
alfo that we cannot follow a better patterne for elocution then God himfclfe ; thereloi e hee vfin" di- 
uers wordsan his holy writ, and indifferently tor one thing in nature : we,if w ee will not be fupcrfutt- 
ous, may vfe the fame libertie in our Englifh verfions out ot Htbrctt* Si Greeke , for that copie or (fore 
that he hath giuen vs. Laff ly , wee haue on the one tide auoidcd the fci upulofitie of the Puntanes, 
\\ ho leaue the olde Ecclefiafticall words , and betake them to other , as when they put 7t\ip>inr- for 
Baptifme, and Congregation in ft ead ot Church : as alfo on the other fide w e haue fhunned the oblcuri- 
tie of the Papifts, in their A^imes,Tun:k.% Rational Holocaufls, Prepuce, Tafche , and a number ot'fuch 
like, whereof their late Tranflation istull, .mdthatof purpole to darken the fence, that fince they 
mull needs tranilate the Bible, vet bv the language thereof , it may bee kept (torn being vnderft ood. 
But we defire that the Scripture may fpeake like it telle, as in the language ofC<w<icW,that it may bee 
vnde: flood euen of the veiy vulgar. 

Many other things we might giue thee warning of (gentle Reader ) if wee had not exceeded the 
ir.eafureof a Preface alreadie. It remaineth, that we commend thee to God , and to the Spirit of his 
grace, which isable to build further then We can aske or thinke. Hee remoueth the fcales tromour 
eves, the vaile from our hearts, opening our wits that wee mayvnderftand his word, enlarging our 
hearts, yea correcfnif; our affections, that we may loue it aboue gold andfiluer yea that we may loue 
11 to the end. Ye are brought vnto tountainesof liuing water which yee digged not; doe not caft 
earth into them with the Philiftines, neither prefcrre broken pits before them with the w icked Iewcs. 
Othershauelaboured,andyoumay enter into their labours; O receiue not fo great things in vaine, 
O defpife not fo great faluation! Benotlikefwinetotrcadevndertoote fo precious things, neither 
yet like dogs to teare and abufeholv things. Say not to our Sauiour with the Gcrgefites , Depart out 
of our coal is j neither yet with Efau fell your birthright for a mefie ofpotage.lt light be come into the 
worldjoue not darkenelle more then light; iffoode.ifclothingbe offered,goe not naked, ftarue not 
your felues. Remember the aduife of tia^ian^ene, his agriiuous thing ( or dangerous ) to neglecl a 
great faire,andtofeeke to make markets aftetTbards : alfo the encouragement of S. Qhryfoflome , It is alto- 
gether impofiible,that he that i<[obir (and -KatchfulTjflmld at any time be negleSled : Laftly,the admoniti- 
on and menacing ofS. Augufline,Tbcy that defpije Gods teiHinuitingib.mJhalfeelc Gods Hull taking Ven- 
geance of them, ltisafearelullthmgto fall into the hands ot the liuing God ;but ableiledthingitis, 
and will bring vs to euerlaf ting bleiTednes in the end.when God Ipeakcth vnto vs.to hearken; when 
he fetteth his word before vs,ro reade it •, when hee ftretchedi out his hand and calleth , to an/were. 
Here am I , here we are to doe thy w ill,0 God. The Lord worke a care and confeience in vs to know 
him and feme him , that we may be acknowledged of him at die appearing of our Lord Iefus Chrift, 
to whom with the holy Gholl.be all prayfe and thankefgiuing. Amen. 



Reafonv indu- 
cing v, not 
cotbr.d cuii- 
o'j.ly vpon an 
idcntnic of 
|> healing. 



S.ehrjfflM 
tfiflrfl&m 

C*p.n*ret. 
16 an »9bi, 



<^5 Ianuary hathxxxi.dayes. 



^ The Moone xxx. 




rifeth ~) 
Sunne*' 



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3 



f The Moone xxx. 






Crifeth 1 r6.mi.i8, 

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TDefiaIicnmmiIj:risrocalkb,tictaiifcitliiaBb)iiiecniiii!)cKaltiiDfibji:Iilet[crB()fsolD. rtejljc at tfic D.ij' bjljrrroii tljr Spjonc 
djunctct) : ann it is tlje Tpacc of 1 9. pcccco.mtlje Ui'oicbtlieSBaoiientiitiietbeorteftlfefaiiicwpoftbepetccoftljtfeaiiiitiaiio 

clictcfoiciisaifD calico tlic C»cle of tiicCBoone.mtlieUJliitl) tilt Sollliccs auo Equinoflialstiocciutiic 10 nil one point 111 the Zoduque. 
j:oftiioeitcutt!>ptetc,poumu(!aODeoncpcctrto!l)C|'ceccofChriit,(fo)Chiiltbiaalioiucoiicprcteoftl)e i9.alieaoppatt)t!jcii 
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f The Epad. 

EPjfl.t lieincn in ©tcehe.sotti (iiinifle in englifii.oibcsfci 6ctuicene, ann rtjetefoic tfjc 1 1 oapte ano 3 .boutcs tliat ate aootb to 
t'jf pcett of thc^ooue , are catltD Epi^ic. alio .ire aDDi a to malic ttjepeetc of tljc igoonc .UiOicU iotiut 5 j^.Oafcg , luQ miclj tb 
vccie of tlic s&unnc .luljidi batb 365 .oapes anD a quarter. 

Co Suoc outujc Cpatt of caclj peete.ooc tiius : Co tlic C;aet of toe pecrc ttiartatt tueiit Ocfojc iljat peetefoi biljicl) pou uioulo Sntic 
tbeCpjtt.aoDt 1 1 .anoiljcfummcoftbefeibjomatietijeepact. JJf it lurmotint jo.tljtn tattc 3 o.out, alio tljat tuljtcli rcOt ilj about 30 
I9tlir Cinet voutiffirc. 



fThevfeoftheEpatt. 

Obuobibobiolo ibe SBaoneia at anp time foi cucrbpilicffipact, 00 tbus-.aDDebutotbeoapesof pout iitonttlitobetciu pou 

• uioulo knoui tliia.tbe Cp ltt.aiio asmanpoapea moe as arc motrctba from s^atdi to tliat uniietb.incluoiiig botbnionctlia, out of 

die bMjidi fulillract 3 o.aa often .13 pou map, die age tcniaineili: if nortjuij r rm uiir.tlic CBoone cbanpjciblbai Ditf. 



T 



die lubidi fulillract 3 o. as ottcu .10 pou map, tbe age tcniaineili : if norliuig run une.tbc fpoone coangcig itjat bap. 

Jf oi die moic cafe of tlje Scaoct , uic liaucplacco bete oner .111 ainunackciiidiifiutlp compidicnbing, not onclpbobi to Bnoc ibe ffi. 
patt lo; tlic fpace of 3 o-ytcteaio conic,but alio tbcGolJrn number afoie fpctiBco.togetbct UJllb tljt Dominical! Icitcr.Lcajjc ycerc, 
ano fcufii oibttmoucablc fca'.Is.oi o.ipes 111 tlic pccct.butiiig tlic fame time.as nup appeate. 



<; flaictljattbctioliicn number alio Doininicalllciccr 00, tlitb.-nsr tuttpptctctliCfltllDapof Januatp.onoibcffipacttbf flrfltiai' 
of:Q.irdjto?tucr. jloteatfo.tliattliepccteofoiirLoiibesiiiiictlitbcftb.oapof'JBatdi.tlief.inito.ipruppofeotobetlji'&rll 
DapbJanto!)id)iljcujDilD'aia3ctt«tD,au3tbeoai>bal]CiiiCI)ullb)iatontiiueoiiitl^uiombcoftbiUirsiiiei8.itp. 

D To 



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ap:ii u. 
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ap;<uf. 

ap;iUrtit. 




W^cn re Uaue fotint) t&c ^>unoap letter m iljc bppermoG Itnc.gntDe pone 
eye botbnetbaro from tlje fame , till pee tome rfgflt oner againfl trie 
IBnme, anDtbcretsQierbeDbotlj uMjat uponetlj, ano roijatDayoftljc 
Q5onetD eaOet faiiett) ttjat pecrc. 




c^The 




<^£ The Table and Kalender, exprefsing the order of 

Pfalmes and LelTons to be faid at Morning and Euening prayer 

throughout the yeerc, except certaine proper feafts , as the rules 
following more plamely declare. 

The order bow the T falter is appointed to be read. 

^^^JinVJX^WS^ jlHePrakerfhall bee read through once euery Moneth. And be 
caufe that Tome Moneths be longer then fome other be,it is thought 
good to make them euen by this meanes. 

To euery moneth fhal be appointed (as concerning this purpofe) 
ufhhirtiedayes. 

And becaufe Ianuary and March haueoneday aboue the fayd 

number,and February, which is placed betweene them both , hath 

onely xxviij.dayes : February fhall borrowe ofeither of the Moneths 

(ofianuary and March ) one day : and fo the Pfalter which (hail bee 

read in February.muft begin at the laft day ot Ianuary ,and end the firft day of March. 

And whereas May July, Auguft, October, and December haue xxxj. dayes apiece : It is ordered 
that the Plalmcs fhal be read the laft day of the faid Moneths, v. hich were read the day before,fo thai 
the Pfalrer may begin againe thefirft day ot the next moneth enfuing. 

Now to know what Pfalmes fhall be read euery day: Lookein the Kalender the number that is 
appointed for the Pfalmes,and then find the fame number in this Table , and vpon that number you 
fhall fee what Pfalmes fhall be fayd at Morning and Euening prayer. 

And where the Cxix.Pfalme is diuided into xxij. portions, and is ouerlong to be read at one time : 
it is fo ordered,that at one time fhall not be read abouc foure or fiue of the faid portions , as you (hall 
perceiue to be noted in this Table following. 

And here is alfo to bee noted, that in this Table, and inallotherpartsoftheSeruicewhereany 
Pfalms are appointed, the number is exprefled alter the great Englrfh Bible,which from theix.Pfalme 
vntotheCxvnj Pfalme, (following the diuifion of the Hcbrcwes ) doeth variein numbers from the 
common LatincTranllation. 



The order how the reft of holy Scripture ( be fide the Tfalter) 

is appointed to bee read. 




He old Teftamenr is appointed for the firft Leffons at Morning and Euening prayer, 
and (halbe read through euery yeere once, except certaine Bookes and Chapters, 
which beleaft edifying.and might beft be fpared,and therfoie are left vnread. 

The New Teftamcnt is appointed for the fecond LefTons at Morning and Eue- 

— -ningprayer,and fhall be read ouer orderly euery yeerc thrife.befides the Epiftles and 

Gofpels : except the ApocaIypfe,out of the which there be onely certaine Leffons appointed vpon 
diucrs proper Feaftes. 

And to know what Leffons (hall be read euery day.finde the day ofthe Monethin the Kalender, 
going before and there ye fhall perceiue the Bookes and Chapters that (hall be read for the Leffons 
both at Morning and Euening prayer. 

And here is tobenoted.thatwhenfoeuertherebe any proper Pfalmes or Leffons appointedfor 
theSundayes,orforanyFeaft,moueableor vnmoueable: then the Pfalmes and Leffons appointed 
in the Kalender^hall be omitted for that time. 

Yemuftnotealfo.ihatthe Colle<ft,Epiftle,andGofpel .appointed for theSunday, (hall ferae all 
the weeke alter ,except there fall fome Feaft that hath his proper. 

D x When 







• When the yeeresotoui Lord may be diuided into roureeuen parts, ^hich is euery fourth yeere . 






then the Sunday letter leapeth,and that yeere the Plalmes and Leflons which fcrue tor the xxii). day 






of February, (hall be read againe the day following, except it be Sunday,which hath propet Leffons 






of the old Teftament,appointed in the Table feruing to that purpofe. 






Alfo.wherefoeuer the beginning of any Leflon, Epiftle, or Gofpel is not expreffed , thereyee muft 






begin at the beginning of the Chapter. 






And wherefoeuer is not expreffed how faire fhall be read, there fhall you reade to the ende of the 






Chapter. 






Item.fo oft as the firft Chapter of Saint Matthew is read either for Leflon or Gofpel, ve fhall begin 






the fame at(iIJ0lb tl)e bitrf) Of 3IrfWB Cl)nft ltJaS 0t» tt)tS MC,ftOAnd the third Chapter 
of S. Lukes Gofpel, fhalbe read vnto.ffieittg 3S IbaS fuppoftD,tl)C lOtUie Of 3ofepl),?t. 








^Proper Leflons to bee read for the firft 

Leffons, both at Morning and Euening prayer, on 








the Sundayes throughout the yeere, and for lome 






alfo thefecondLeJJbns. 




C Vndayes of 
Aduenr. 


f Martens. 


1 Euenfong. 




^ Mattens. 


1 Euenfong. 








Whitfunday. 










Theficft. 


era.j, 


tffa.tr'. 


j. Leflon. 


SDeut.jcW. 


ffiXfcOOill. (. 






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3WS r, 


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nj. 


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mj. 


XXX 


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Sundayes after 








mout&.fjr. 


lo Vbas at 






Chnflmas. 










CojmtD,ft. 






The firft. 


xxxiii 


xxxwa 


Trinitie Sun- 




(vnto)^ftec 






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m 


mi 


day. 




tt\ek tilings. 






Sundayes after 






j. Leflon. 


(Sen.rbitt. 


3ofl)tia.t. 






the Epiphany. 
The firft. 






ij. Leflon. 


itfatuu. 








rliiu 


rib? 


Sundayes after 










')• 


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W 


Trinitie. 










nj. 


ID 


m 


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3[ouj. xxiii 






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v. 


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Septuagefima. 


<Bttl.j. 


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srlju 






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fima. 






v ii.- 


xti 


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Lent. 






viij. 


ttt.Bing.ritt. 


tti.Bttig.rbit 






Firft Sunday. 


<5ttt.Tif. 


<eett.rrff. 


ix. 


rum 


Xix 






>)• 


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mm 


X. 


XXi 


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xxxix 


riii 


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v. 


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XII). 


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it 


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Eafterday. 






XV. 


rtrb. 


rrrbi 






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crob.nj. 


Croc, wit. 


xvj. 


C5ctl).iu 


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l\0lll.D|. 


act.tt. 


XVlj. 


rbt 


rbtu 






Sundayes alter 






XVllj. 


XX 


rrtttt 






Eaftei. 






xix. 


3Dan.ttt. 


SDaniel.bi. 






The firft. 


fiam.xbU 


/I3am.rrtt. 


XX. 


Tlorltt. 


i$tel).t>t. 






')• 


xxm 


rrb 


xxj. 


abatucrt. 


0ioucrb.< 






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n 


rtt 






v. 


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iX 


XXIII). 


jnii 


rtu 






Sunday after 






XXV. 


rb 


rbi 






Alcenfion day. 


SDcot.jrti. 


2>eat.rttf. 


XXV). 


rbtt 


rtr 






f Leffons 


J 



tj LelTons proper for Holy dayes. 



S. 



Andrew. 
S.Thomas 
the Apoftle. 
Chriftmas day. 
j.Lcflbn. 



I ^jMattens. 
Jl&OUerb.rjE. 



^ Euen/bng. 

lMn.rrf. 
trim 



ij.Leflbn. 



S.Steuen, 
j.Leflon. 
i I.Leflon. 



Cfa.tr <£fa. bii. 

^Jojcoucrp 
fLojbfpattc 
once ft. 

!Lu6e«.vnto1CitnSirt. 

C5ood iDiU IILrje&inte 

toti)arbmcVnes$loue?c. 

0?on.irrbuu<£ceier.iui. 
act.6.anb7.actS7. anb 
anb&teucntbljcrl.pcrcs 
ful of fait!) ^ [Vbcrc cjrpircD 



potbcr,?c. 

(vnto) anb 

Vbhenfojttp 
pcercs,?t. 



S.Iohn. 

j.Leflon. 

ij.Leflbn. 
Innocents day. 



Circumcifion. 
j.Leflon. 

ii.Lefibn. 
Epiphanie. 
i.Leflbn. 
ii.Lcflon. 



Conuerfion of 

S.Paul. 

LLeflbn. 

li.Leflbn. 



cccicr.u. 

apoci. 
3Jerem.rm. 
mo, 5 ijaue 
rutelp hearb 
€pl);atm. 
©cn.rtott. 



there appea 
rebbntosJ)9o; 

feS , ?C. vnto, 

I5uthe being 

fulloftlifDo 
lp<3l)0U\?t. 

eeclef.tn. 
apocrru. 



Eom.it. 
efa.ri. 

ftUft.3.('vnto) 

seeing as 
ibasfuppo* 
fcD,tl)cfonnr 

of giofcpu 



3>ett.]C.(vnto) 

anb notb 
3Jfracl,$e. 
colof.it. 
<£fa.rttr. 

^ODlUi. (vn 

rafter this 
dclDcnt to 
Capernaum 



naifb.J). 
Ztt&mU™ 

hearb htm. 



Purification of 
the virgin Mary 
S.Matthias. 
Annunciation 

of our Lady. 
Wednefday a- 

fore Eafter. 
Thurfday aforeJJJ>an.tje. 

Eafter. 
Good Friday. 
Eafter Euen. 
Munday inEa 

ftcr wecke. 

i.Leflbn. 



nmitur. 
n@ifD.tir. 

ecticf.u. 

Csfccrtil. 



<5en.rrii. 
ZacJMr. 



erob.rbi. 



noifo.bt 
act.rrbt. 



t@tfb.rit. 

<£cclef.i. 
ceclcf.iit. 

©fecrfirt. 

3Jerem.rrrt 

Cfa.ltit 
erob.jtit(. 

crob.rbit. 



ij.Leflbn. 
Tueiclay in Ea- 
fter weeke 
i.Leflon. 
ij.Leflbn. 



SJviarke. 
Philip &Iacob 
Afcenfion day. 
Munday in 

Whitfun- 

weeke. 
LLeflon. 



^ati.trtntj. 



tfroo.rr. 
Huftctnttj. 

(vnto) anb 

bcholbttbo 

ofthem. 

€ccle.ttti. 

Cccle.thj. 

SDcnt.r. 



ij.Leflbn. 
Tuefday in 
Whitfun- 
weeke. 

S.Barnabe. 
i.Leflon. 

•J- 



, Iohn Baptift 
i.Leflbn. 
ij.Leflbn. 



S.Peter. 
i.Leflbn. 
ij.Leflbn. 

S. lames. 

S. Bartholo- 
mew. 

S.Matthew. 

S.MichaeL 

S.Luke. 

Simon andludi 
i.Leflbn. 

All Saints. 
i.Leflbn. 



1 Mattcns. ijEuenibng. 



aets.nj. 



<£rob.rrrij. 
i.Co;mth.jcb. 



ecctc.fc. 
<sccle.it. 
uiuBtng.tj. 



©en, itt. (vnto Jl5ttm.ti (5a* 
Xhefeate therbntome 



the genera- 
tions of 
S>hcm. 

i.Coj.nj. 
i.mng.rtr. 
2Dautb came 
to&amuel 
to Rama. ft. 

£ccle.ic. 
acts.jrtttt. 



70. men, ft 

(vnco) SQoUe 

gate him in- 
to f camp.ft. 

Deut.trr. 



tl9aia.m. 
#atth.tti. 



tfccm.rb. 
acts.uj. 
cttius.rrt. 
Jtrb. 



i.Leflbn. 



etelc.irtt. 

3tt.r1>.fvnto) 

after certain 
bapes. 

$}aia.4. 
#at.rtttt. 
fvnto) Ddhen 
3Jcfus!jeatb 

eccitt.rtr. 
acts. lit). 
cccius.rru. 
rrir. 



ecelns.jrrrb. rrrbitj. 
rrric. rltin. 

Gttlns.lt. fflobL 

5obtrtii.i5. rlij. 

DStfoomc Ui.tDlfcDOtllC V 

(vnto) whit* (™io)$t fbal 
fojc blcfTctJis tafte to ft 
the barren. 



^eb?.rt.rtjf. 

Saints by 
faith ( vnto) 
Jjfyctnbure 
chaftcntng- 



apocalpp. 

nr(vnto)anb 
5 fatb an 
angel flanb. 

If Proper 



8SaS&k8S38g$ffi 






n 



roper 



Pfal 



mesoncertaineda 



yes. 



| Martens. | | Euenfong. 

mas day. S ^^S ttntfi. 



Eafter 
day. 



|Mattens.| | Euenfong. 

> ^ & ? ^ Ccuu 
>pfaU lift. CpraU octitf. 

> <- Cjct J <- Cjcbui. 



> -s 



|Mattens.| | Euenfong. 

Afcenfi- ? c trttf. ? c JCJCftt 



| Mattens.| | Euenfong. 

i c flb. ■> cCntt. 
funday. S I mt $ 2 €l M. 



Whit^ 



WWW%#W*Him**>aeWW%i**8**8*^%»% 



m Thetable for the order of the Pfalmes, 

to be faid at Morning and Euentng prayer. 



Dayesofthc 


^Pfalmes for Morning 


Moncth. 

A. 


prayer. 

A 


' i 
I. 


ULM.Utl.to, 


1. 


fcjkjtt. 


J. 


rb.rbi.rtou. 


4» 


%i%.tt$lii. 


5- 


miu.rrb.rrbf. 


«. 


jrxt.jrrtf. 


7. 


iORCb.JRClCtol. 


8. 


ttrbutrrxtjc.]rt. 


9. 


flffu.rlb.icltof. 


IO. 


UMtf. 


II. 


Ibtlbu.Ibuf. 


IZ. 


im.lriu.lnUf. 


13* 


Irbttt. 


14* 


irrf.irru. 


15. 


l]cirt).iy]cb(.ijc)rtrt|. 


16. 


JCrtC.l)RClC.l)C]C)Cf. 


17. 


!)TObtl)r^tt.ljciC]cWa. 


i& 


jcc.jcri.jccu. 


19. 


rtb.rtbi.)Ctbtt. 


IO. 


riuritt. 


21. 


tto. 


zz. 


cbit 


13. 


tr.tn.ncu.rntt' 


1+. 


rjctotcjctoy.t]cbttt. 


1* 


ginbeb. 


16. 


3Jnbcb. 


17. 


r^.o^.r>^t]r^tt.t)c)cluLt]C]rt). 


28. 


a^.tjcTttt).cjcr)ctiy 


19. 


tttxir.tjl.cjcu. 


30. 


rvlut].tflb.rrltot. 



^ PfaJmes for Euening 
Prayer. 



tot.totj.bui. 
jrt).jcuj.jcut|. 
jcbtij. 
jcnj.jcjriu. 

jcjcbitjcrbtu.rjrtr. 

nxu.rjcrutrxnuL 

jcrrbit. 

jcu.rltt.rltfu 

jclbiujclbuurlijc. 

IiiLluu.lb. 

Ur.lr.ln. 

Irb.ijctot.ljc1>u. 

mr.irr. 

Irttuljcxtftt 

Ittbut. 

Ijctxiujcic^u^rt'ljcp*- 

Ijcxjctjc. 

rtui.rcurt. 

rtbtu.jcojc.t4t 

cuu. 

cbt 

tbuuttjc 

rnuurrb, 

rnr.3lnbe«u. 

IJnbeitu. 

■Jntjcmt. 

rjttbUirmcwbui.cjrjcft. rr^trwt 

cttjctoi^cCTbiucrrrWa. 

triu-trluL 

mbiurrlbm.rrltr.t1. 
SeptuageCma] 





Eptuagefima -\ 
Sexagefima ( 
Quinquagefima f 
Quadragefima J 



s 



DC 



\ VIII [ 

before Eafter •< ••■' > weekes. 



1 V 




Ogations ] 

Whitfunday }> after Eafter 
Trinitie Sunday j 



vij j> weekes. 
viij J 



^S Thcfe to be obferued for Holy 

dayes, and none other. 




$at is to fay : 3111 £>un- 
uayes inttjeyeerc. 

SClje Dayes of tljcfcafls 
oftDeCireumufion of one 
Ho;tD3lefosef);tu\ 
Otttte eptptjanie. 
Of ttje purification of tDc bleffeD 
Wfogfxu 
sDf S>atnt£0attl)ias tlje apoQle. 
Of ttje annunctatton of tlje bleffeD 
Uitcjtn. 
Of 5>atnt £@affec tlje tfuangcltff. 
Of &. 0ljiltp anD 3acob tlje 3po 
files. 
Of tlje afcenfton of oat fLo?o JJcfiis 

Of tlje iBatiatty of S>atnt 3orjn 
25ap«ft. 



Of&.l&ctectljeapofrie. 

Of £>.j<UHCS the 3poMe. 

Of S>.25actDolomeU) ttjc apoffle. 

Of S>.fl0attljcib tlje 3tpoQle. 

Of £>. $3tcrjael t&e 3rcl)angel. 

Of S>.fLuhetl)e «euancjcua. 

Of £>. Pinion $ 31uDe tlje apoftlcs. 

Ofail&atnts. 

Of &.ani»ett) t&e 2lpoQIe. 

Of 5>.Xljomas tlje apoftlc. 

Of tlje /ftatluitte of our Ho;D. 

Of S>.£>tcuen tfce fi©art w. 

Of &.30W ttjc cnaiigclitt. 

Oftlje^oiyjnnocents. 

££unDay ano Xuefoay in eaficr 
tbecfte. 

fiPunDay anD XuefDay in H9ljitfan 
iDceftc- 




q The names and order of all the Bookes of 

the Olde and New Teftament, with the 

Number of their Chapters. 




lofhua 

Iudges 

Ruth 

i.Samuel 

i. Samuel 

i.Kings 

i.Kings 

i. Chronicles 

i. Chronicles 

Ezrah 

Nehemiah 

Efier 

lob 

Pfalmes 

Prouerbs 



Enefis hath Chapters 50 
Exodus 40 

Leuiticus 17 

Numbers 36 

Deuteronornie 34 

24 

21 

4 
}• 
14 
II 

M 
*? 
3« 

10 

'3 

10 

4i 
150 



Ecclefiaftes hath Chapters 

Thefongof Solomon 

I/aiah 

Iercmiah 

Lamentations 

tzekiel 

Daniel 

Hofea 

loci 

Amos 

Obadiah 

Ionah 

Micah 

N'ahuni 

Habakkuk 

Zephaniah 

Haggai 

Zechariab 

Malachi 



11 

8 

66 

51 

5 

48 

It 

14 

3 

9 

1 

4 

7 

5 
? 
5 

14 

4 



^ The Bookes called Apocrypha. 




Wifeciome 
Ecclefiafticiis 



SdrashathClupters 9 
i.Efdras 16 

Tcbit 1 4 

udeth 16 

The reft of Either 6 

'9 
1« 



Baruch with the Epiftle oi Iercmiah 

The fong of the three children. 

The ftory ot Sufatina. 

The idoleBeland the Dragon. 

The prayer of ManafTeh. 

i.Maccabees 

i.Maccabees 



16 

"i 



(%g The Bookes of the New Teftament. 



•Pff^SeM 1 ^ Atthew hath Chap 
^KVaS&% K Marke 



f 



I Luke 
lohn 



The Epiftle to the Ro- 
manes 
1. Corinthians 
1. Corinthians 
Galatians 
Ephefians 
Philippians 
Colofsians 
i.Thcftaloiiians 



18 
16 
14 

LI 

1<$ 

»J 

4 
4 
5 



i.ThcfTalonians hadi Chapters 

l.Timotheus 

i.Timotheus 

Titus 

Philemon 

To the Hcbrewes 

The Epiftle of lames 

i.Peter 

i.Petcr 

l.Iohn 

i.Iohn 

3. Iohn 

ludc 

Reuelation 



3 
6 

4 

3 
l 

•3 

5 
3 

1 

1 

1 

it 



THE 




Cum Triuilego%egi<s Maieflatu. 




THE GENEALOGIES OF 

Holy Scriptvr.es. 




To the ChriiTian Reader, 

He Spirit of Cod in the fared HiJlory, kith Lid downe fuch 

helps, as ire the light and life of all Nations originals. In them the 

circumflances of Perfon, Time, and Place , ar e the chief e; elfe 

doewee wander as without a guide : and ofthefe the Perfon it 

principal!. Genealogies then drawnefrom them, from whom all 

are defcended, andby Cods ownewarrant recordedvntovs,mujl 

°iyj*?T^" \\A "^H " mtuet Jfeciall reuerence that they are holy, andfarre fromthofe 

other agatnfl which S.Piulwrtteth. ^fmongji whop manifold 

vfes, this is the chief efl, that by them ii prooued how CAmhwas 

made very man. And therefore m jeuer all Tables they are he ere 

exhibited euen from their frflroote, andfo continued through their Jpreadtng branches Jo farre 

at the Scripture gtueth thtmfap.In the reading whereof let the fe few drr eft tons be thy futdes. 

I. Such defcents m hold on from the Parents to tiretr Chi\dren,witkout interruption, are 
veryplaine by their double lines, which runnefrom rundle to rundle. 

2 ■ Thofe whofe Parents are net certainly knowne, but are named of their Country .Citie, 
or Tr\be,are towed eachvnder other ,wtth thu figure here m the margent. 
t" " " 1 5 . And hkewtfe fuch as are fe tin rankefide by fide, and diflmguifhedby thu marginal! mark, 
are not to be reputed )iret\wen,butfome other Perfons ofnoteffthat defcent where they arefo 
inferted. 

4. T/tf'HiJwf.ro/'Nations WPcople, {as likewife fometimet of Cities and other places 
ef note) wee blue nottncompaffedwrundlcs asthcrefl, but in Compartiments, and different 
letters betwixt direct lines, that fo they might bee knowne from particular perjons, and the 
Names next vnder them, are not inferted as certainty thence defcended, but as eminent Perfons 
amonp them. 

J. And where of neceftty we are tobreake off "the fucceflion, lobe com inued in fomt other 
page,that doe we at fomc principal! Perfonsuj- at thefloudwtth Noah sfonnes; at the Promife, 
with Terah and Abraham ,e>f. So that euer the Man at which we bretkeoff, is againefet m 
the firfl place of fame enfumg page, where his iffue is continued, though many times whole leaues 
fall betwixt them ; which arefuppltcd with other collaterals : fuchu from Abraham pag. ]. 
vnto his wiues andfeed,pag .6.and~!.&c. 
•Mauh.i. 6. The lineage of our bleffed Sauiour {which is our principal! fcope) is knowne by a Chaine~ 



I .uki ■.% like trade, continued from Adam/a Scm,pJ£.l . and thence to Terah and Abraham,^.}. 
iJi/h , n ' &-c . So likewife from Dauid,^.2 2 . to htsfonncs Solomon WNathan, pag. ; \ . Andlajl- 
hn third jy t !o our S au lours parents, pag . ^lincked together {as other marriages here are) by thefculp- 
vponl"»i turcofanhandin band. Both defcended from 'Zorobabcl.-wr/v holy iuangelijlshaue recorded: 
9.1. y)w«I>iuid, Iudah, and Abraham, as MoCes and the Prophets haue Jpoken; and lev.es 
' Rii.Ht- ifoffjffiues thus farre grant, that theMeisiah/hoaldbe the Sonne of 4 * V\rime,her nam<_j 
jui.zil: Mane, and fie of ' Beth-lchem,tbe daughter of Eli, of the houfe o/Zorobabcl, and Tribe of 
Talmud Iudah./n allwhich,our Chrift is mamfcjlly dcftgncd,/tnd ly thefe Iewes both acknowledged to 
clfc "is,n n " ue ^' een "f 1 "' ' hloud-royal, and alfo recorded in the number of the Priejls,in their publike Re- 
bran*, gtfler at lcruialcm , by this title, Iesvs THE SONNE OF THE LIVING 
Chap N, ? - G Q D ^ A N D F T HE VIRGIN M A R I R. Thus is he Dauids Sonnc,and Abra- 
'ihtid.r. hams Heire, in whom all the kindreds of the earth are bleffed, beingthe very Image of the 
the lew in wuifibleGod, the brightneffe of the glory, andthe in(r auen forme of his Per- 

ih't'ord ' /'"> i"* 1 """ dweUeih thefulneffe of the God-head bodily, and 

Icfus. vnto whom be afcrtbed all glory, praife, wtfdomc, 

Col.i.if. thanks,power andmioht for euer- 

Ai.oe.71i ww, Amen. 



10 




tl 



: 




12 




15 




\6 




i8 




20 




r 



fas,! 

« 






* 




H 




16 




2 7 




29 




o J. 



3* 




B 




74. 



oannA 




AnAlphabeticall Table o7c a n a a n, and the borders adioyning: the diuctficic ofnamw obferued.die texts 

, ,,p T 



cf Serif 

* Tr.ir. LU. I.-.. 

Jf,:Kirg' li. Ar.bu U-IS-.?." 

:ULiniwiti, Num-fJ .M 1 lt«"°» ) 150^7 13 

.V-; 1 t : -.-'.11c 1 Ai '"11. 1 . ij. )„,_,- ^ 

eih-naiehjl-.Uini. io.i«. 3 
^bel meholih.i.Km^Ji.it. im«. Eft"- Jl-i--«. J« 
Abel-ShutmNumb 140. > Rube. ,1.50*7.10 

lli.lnre.Numb.iji. $ 

At'.:,,.;! : j 10. 
AbithJint Tcot. 
A bukmik filler. : .Sarfl.l 8. 1 '■ 
Accb»,lud£.i.ji.. 

t'loJetnjii.iAiee.j if. 
A. hoi valleyioih 157. 
Aiinaph,lolh.ty.ii. 
A(ht>bJolh.ij.44-Mici. 



Beer-lihiiro'i, Gen. i&if 
f lofh. 18 ij. ;> 



Beerc-hX Deuti 



ludah ji l» o>. 
Ben. 31.10. ttf. 



} 
"1 



Illich.ji «iW .0 

ludah 1 i - ■. I • 



I Gen.J-.Ji. ) 

cb*y>Iaihiyi. > 
_ ? iXh+ill. S 



EetiTveiiiiifct Alkali 



Sincoo j: 1164. jo 



ludah JI- 4*66 J : 



Belu^or, 7 flg,I riy.i6 Aft. ,J 10*710 

Ihihot-LiOmn $ 
Bena-JuLin.Miun. f i jl. 18 Smuoq -J- ja.*J •" 



Be..'- lee l 1 >...!■: . 



i.b.Cen.jlt.j. 
i;bi,i.Cl»c^ 11 
h,Io[h.l,J.ll- 

Adan tn,;olti .iii. -a. 
Adar.lo&.lj.j. 
AJ.thunHtpfh.Ij.J*. 
C Cen.i4.1- 

AJtiIi,.' I'tur 1 J JJ. 

CHoTct ill. J 

a. '- -" 1.*. 1 1 .'. 



Aflierjj. is*7-io Be^^sajj. 1 
rud.h JI. u.*> JO- ■ lewd^pwh*. } 



15.65- JO- 

Iodahji.io^j-jo. 
Nipht.jj. 10.67. jo 
judnhjo. 60.64. jo 

luuflh.ji-jo.6j.jo 



S.DtfcdSen ji. 60.66.1 
Vhe0f.j)«o.s8.i 



EenMba. 

Cbu>J.(.h'Ori. 

B ciothc- a, Pt J Itt - 

Bcfutflu.iSam.'o.s. 

Boih.issn.8.8. 

Trbbuh.H-b.ii.a. 

TMb^Ptolm. 
Bcicujolha* W-*J. 
Be hihai 3 : f« Bcb-baaan. 

CUlhis.jB 7 N },. „. --.tfj.j 

Eeo.ji jo.44.1 
ludah 31.30. 




Ahiab.ludg t 

Al,ltrem T ^J. 

Ai.lofh;.-- > 

AutUf1.10.i8. f 

A jdoo.I. .la-:, . I. 

Aajalon lofh. lo.li.Iuoj.il II 

Ain,Nu~-.j4<l- 

A"-,;.li i;,;:.. J 

Aftii.i.i.Ch'^.i?. > 

ChotifAtn.lii.jn,J0. 3 

i!ir,n[':.;il.3 1, - 
Alrxiodms. 
ALnxw.luft.ii.il. ? 
Altraeih.1 Cbr*.»o. j 
AltBlwJiblRhi-n-.Nwr. J J 47. 
!■ In n it .i . - , . 

Arra1i.I0G1.17. 16. 

, km. .un.JiHTg.il ij. 
Aiiam.iofhujij.i-. 
Amaihuiboi ivaien, lemm. 



hill i.Sami-14- 
JDeui.J 



Ammonite-. 
Zumowmcn 

f Oca. 
A-ootiiei, «? N«n>. 

£ Iudg.*.»i. 

A«b.Inn...l.ll. 

.li- 1. . . ■ .1. ,. . :■,■. 
*•» Vl''.'!! 1 
AUS' Ul.'-C-ftT II. Jl. 

r iofh-11.1i. 

Atuhp'h, -^ietemj t 1 
Cliai.M.jo 

.'■ j~ Eiguinus. 
ArfT rf r.i-i. .. 
AKbaJo(h.if.p. 
A(nbedon,J _ l 

Aatilibann. 
Aaiipitru.A6Sii |t- 
Apame fetliblih. 



jjeniao-.ji.jo^.jo 
Aflierji.10. 67.10 
Oid jl.W-f7.s0 

Beniini^i.so.fttf. ja 

PlO Jl.lc.6j. 50 
Zebu. Ji. |o.t6.6o 
h» t h. ji 60.67.40 

Simeon j1.30.6j.10 

Aflierj!. 10. 67.10 



J40. Siar, ; 1.40.63.10 

in'-'nwii m.-.'4-io 

Aiher jj. io.6*.6o 
tf-hn.jior.iti.jo 
I,jda)iji..o.6(.io 
C>d ;:.io.6«.jc 
Icdahj140.6j.10 
Beau. 1 -■£- ■- 

15*8.10 



Bcthiuab , 
Bcibamah, I oim 1 

Leih-i».,h,f(rtV.ji 
.rabah lu.huj 



te.h-a: 



".Uih ! 



i-} 



Lc h burnt 
teih baja, ludgi 

S e t h -bafu 1. . .M ae .y * ». 
Be hbiren ice Bcthtcbaoi 
Be.h<n.iji,ti.-,ii. f 

EbBWTM.j^wkr.i.i' 

B«ih-J»J.,n, lolhuiT. 
Iicth-Ai 6 on,Ji 

Btihel, 



s C*..lS.y. ^ 
VlolKa.i). S. 



i. jo. 66.4O 

B«ll.|M*«*- 1° 

Rube^ ji 50.67.jo 

fll.l«IlJl.«3.«.J0 

tphja ji.*o.6« «o 

Ten. Ji l^f (i 
Artie. l1.toA7.10 

I.d.hjl4J.66.1J 

Beajjio.116 jo 



;.'Z 



0*dj:. 



P. . '..'f ' . i- /- ( : 



Benia jijo.66.i6 

i-r,„I ,1 ■ ' I 1 



ladahjl 4«.6j.ic 
lttdih J1.4064-6C 



bx.<feul . 

Ee1h-tmeUu.k1y.17. 
Beth-aaRaiL,Ier^Hi|. 
B«h-Ei(cc- f N«l.e...l4. 

rem J IcrtJ-J. 

Bnb-bjran^Njir jy.6. 
Beihhjglihjofh.1^ 19. 

thevP«.f I " i, '"'" S J 
Bcih-homn 5,__ 

rt.<ne 1 h ff .J lQ ' }, » , ^^■ 
Beib-lctt-f N«m i| ( 

mwh, iEteij.ji. / 
Betliltbaoilsluf 

Leboih. 
Oetb-biict, i.'Cb'on. 

»«**.».{£"■'■! ■«,.„, „.,.„ 

Bphrmh.Mk 5-j,Cej j.16 J 
Bcih-lchem,Iollki« 15. 
Bcthmucah: fee Abe! maim. 
Btih-mn. flolKij 
cabotti , J i.rh-4. 
Beth-iDCim 1 fee ftjaTmco" 
Boh™ 



U ly*. J 



/f>.o;i fo*7i» 
bloab ji.jj *l jo 

GaJ jl 10.67 so. 

BlO-jl JO. 66.40 

f.flw. 1%.ix66-sa 

tfht. ji.io^J.lo 

H.btnji ao -65.6a 



zeb.ji. 



} 



Sim.ji 



f [olh-19 I* 



l.aamj I 



Aptuk. 



AjAekJ flua 

AHtftutn.Dtw-i-y. 

#f,N„ m b.n.-.«fM .tj.i. 
Anfaia de'ift 
Artb,tcll.B.i5P' iSam.: 
And.^ionb.ii. i-lndge* 
Afob Pev 4 i.K.np^ 
iimrN'i ' I B 

Amonmiojofb ij ■ Ifi 
A«Kt,Ni Rib-) »■ 14. 
Ajrcn»''e7Blcht', 
A«»»AJodgoy.4i. 

Alhdod.IoOi M46 ? 
4HTfi,»a..!40. f 
AkW*d,De»' 7 1- > 

PJfitab.UOi.lJ-i^X 
AaVaKIofruaij j;- 
ADwah. ipfh iMJ' 
AlHati" 

■fftl 
Xam: 

Afttemoh. lofl.u: 
Albion, ludti.iO 
AAke'onle.iJ.0.^ 
A!fcdeeh:feeOlb«ini- 
Aamh.Nu1rb.j1.j4. 
Axr-.-' . J i .' ■ "' M 
Atitmhlorhoaif'.?. 7 

f-.l- ,, ■ .'.r ■ * ■ < 
A'»TOth> ?ni__l, .» -r 

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iJifb. ji 



The creation 



Chap.j. of the world. 



andijtf. 5. 
acts. 14. 1 5. 
:nd 17.24. 
hebr.11.3. 



* s.Cor. 
4.6. 



tweenethe 
Ught*nAbe- 
tweerte the 
darleneffe. 
\ Hebr. And 
the etttmny 
ttju, and the 
mormnp wat 

&c. 

•Pfal.ijtf. 

5ier.lo.11 

and ji. 1 5. 
\Hebr.Ex- 
panjon. 




THE 

FIRST B OOKE 

OF MOSES, 

called GENESIS. 




CHAP. I. 

1 The creation of Heauen and Earth, 3 ofthe 
light, 6 of the firmament, 9 or the earth fe- 
paratedfrom the waters, 11 and made fruit- 
lull, 14 ofthe Sunne,Moone, and Starres, 
10 offifhandfowle, 14 of beafts and cat- 
tell, 16 of Man in the Image of God. 19 Al- 
fo the appointment of food. 

i-Tthc beginning 
% <5od crcateo the 
s heauen, ano the 
earth. 

^ 2lnD tDt 
earth ibas tbin> 
out fonnc , ano 
boyD^nooatliC' 
nefle was bpon 
the face of the ucepe : ano the Spirit 
of d5oo mooucb Upon the rate of the 
tbatcrs. 

3 2nD(i&oDiaiD,*1Lettherebeught: 

ano there ibasught. 

4 3nD(5oDfatbthelight,thatitwas 

gooo : ano ©oo DiutDeo ' the light from 
theDarBenefle. 

5 2nD <bod ealleo ttjc light, 2>ay, 
ano tJ)c DarUncfle he callcDjftight; T ano 
the euenutg ant) tlje monungibetcthe 
fitftoap. 

6 C#nD(£oDlaiD,*!Letthetcbea 
Ornament in tbemiDfloftheibaters: 
ano let ft Diwoe the ibatcrs from the 
tbaters. 

7 3no (Boo mat)c the firmaments 
ano DuriDeo the maters ,ibbicb were on* 
occtJje firmament, from the lbaters, 
Ybhlth wereabouett)efirmament:anDtt 
ibasfo. 



s 3nD <Soo calico the * firmament, 
heauen : ano the cucning anottjemo^ 
ningrbcrcthefcconD bap. 

9 C3nD (5oofaiD,*?tct the tbaters 
bnocr the heauen be gather cd together 
Onto one plate, ano let tjjc ojpianD ap 
pcare:anoinbasfo. 

10 :3no 000 calico the one lano 
€arth , ano the gathering together of 
tlje ibatcrs calico hec, &eas : ano Gon 
ferbtl)at>twasgooo. 

11 3nD<5oOfeiD3ketthcCarthb2ing 
foojfh tgraffcthe herbc vcciomgfeeo, 
and the fruit tree, yeeioingfrmt after his 
tmftse,rbl)ofcfceo is in it frifc, bpon the 
earth: ano ft Ibasu). 

\z 3lnD the earth fought foo«h 
grau*c,and herbcveelOtng feco after his 
binoc,ano the tree yeelOing frutt,ibhofe 
teeo was m tt fclfe , after his feinoc : ano 
©00 fetD that it was gooo. 

13 3nD the cummg anD the morning 
rbcrcthethirDDap. 

14 C3nD(SoDfeiD, fLet there bee 
lights in the firmament of the heauen , 

to oiuioe ^e Dap from the night: ano 
let them be fo«t fignes anb fo? fcafons, 
ano fo? oapes anD pecrcs. 

15 2nD let them be fo; lights in the 
firmament ofthe heauen , to giue light 
bpon the earth: ano ttibasfo. 

i6 &1D C5oD maoc ttbo gccatlights : 
the greater light * to rule the Dap, anD 
tlieletTer light to rule themght: he made 
theftarresaifo. 

17 ^nD©oDfrtthenvtntl)efirma< 
ment ofthe heauen, to giue light bpon 
the earth: 

18 ^iio to * rule ouct the-oap , ano 

% otter 



•icr.51.15. 



•Pftl.33.7- 

and 116. 5. 
iob.38.8. 



\Heb. tender 

srtf*- 



*Dca.4.ip 
plal.i ^6.7. 

t Hebr.be- 
tweene the 
day and be - 
trveevethe 

igh:» 



f Heir, for 
the rule of 
heddi^c. 



■Icr.31 35 



Th 



e creation or man. 



fi 



Gencfis. ThefirftSabbath. 



•4.Efdt.«. 

47- 

|j Or, <jrt. 

}>n- 

\Hii.fMlt. 
j Htkfue 
ofthe firm*- 
memtofhtA- 

mm. 



•Chup.B. 
I7.i:ids>.l 



•Chip. 5. 1. 
ando.6. 
1. corin.n 

7 cphef4. 
14. col. 3. 



Mann.lo 

4 wifd. 3. 

( I 1; ■■■ :. 



I fU. tm- 
fetb. 

■dup.J.j, 



oucr the mgbt , anb to biuibc tfic light 
fcomfbebarRcncire :anb Gobfaibttjat 

it was jjoot). 

19 anD the mcnwgmib the morning 
Ibcrc the fourth bay. 

20 anbGobfab,*1_ttthetbaters 
bnngfooith abounbantly thelimoumg 
creature that bath r life, anb foule that 
map fl(c abonc the earth in the* open 
firmament of beauen. 

21 anb Gob createb great ibhaies, 
ant) euery luungtreature tbatmoueth, 
lbbtcbthcibatcrsbjougbt fo?tbaboun> 
bantly after their mnDc, anb euery Tom? 
gcb foule after 1)10 tunbe : anb GobCavb 
that 'twas goob. 

22 anb Gobbleu"eDtbem,Taying,*25c 
fruitfull , anD multtply , ano fill the iba= 
terstn toe S>cas , anb let foulcmulhply 
m the earth. 

2) anb the mmingroib the morning 
lberetbcfiftbay. 

24. eanbGoblaib, Hctthccarth 
bung foztb the luting creature after bis 
toiDe, cattcll, anb creeping thing, anb 
beaft ofthe earth after bigbutDe: aiiDtt 
ibaSfo. 

25 anD Gob mabe $e bead of the 
earth after bts fethbe,anb cattell after 
their ftmbe, anb euery thing tbatccee* 
peth upou the earth , after his tanbe : 
anb God Caib that 1 1 was goob. 

26 eanbGoblaib, 'iLctbsmahc 
man in our 3hnage , after our Ubencfle: 
ant) let them haue bomuuon oucr the 
fiih of the fea ,anD oucr the foule of the 
aire , anb ouer the cattcll , anb oner ail 
t!Kcarth,anbouctcucrycrccputgtbing 
that crccpcth bpon the earth. 

27 £>o Goo crcatcb man in his otbne 
3lmagc ,ut the 3Jmagc of Gob creates 
bee bun ■, * male anb female treateb bee 
them. 

as am> Gob blefleb them, anb Gob 
faib bnto them, * Be fnutfull, ano mul 
tiplp ,anD replcnrtb the earth, anbfufr- 
bue it, anb bauc Dominion oucr the fith 
of the fca, anb oucr the foule of thcairc, 
ano ouer cucry uumg thing that 1 moo 
ueth bpon the earth. 

29 CanDGoDfaiD,23cholD,3Jnaiie 
(jnien pou euery herbe ' beariug feeDc, 
tbhtrh "bpon the face of all the earth, 
ano euery tree, m tbelbbtrb is the fruit 
of a tree y cclDing fecD, * to pou u (ball be 
fo;meat: 

30 anb to euery bead of the earth, 
anD to cuerv foule of the arrcanb to eue^ 
ry th'Jig that creepcth bpon the earth, 



' Ecctus.ji 
11S. 



_ W 




•Eiod.so. 
11. and 3 1. 

i7.dcut,5. 

I4.hcbr.4 

4" 



t Htb, "**- 
tid to makf- 



ibbercin there is ^ufe^hauegiucn euery f**^? 
greeneberbefo: meat : anb ttruasfo. 

31 anD* Gob fatb euery thing that 
hee bab mabe s anb bebolb, « wasbery 
goob. anb the euening anb the mo?* 
mngtoeretberirtbbay. 

CHAP. IL 

Thefirft Sabbath. 4 The mancr ofthe crea- 
tion. 8 TheplantingofthegardenofEden, 
10 and the riuer thereof. 17 The tree of 
knowledge onely forbidden. 19. 10 The 
naming ot the creatures. 11 Tnemakuigof 
woman, and lnftiturion of Mariage. 

tyutf the beauens anb the 
S* earth lbcre finilbeb , anb 
"m alitbcboftcoftbem. 

2 *anbontbefcuentb 
_ bay Gob enbeb his tt)0?be, 
\bbicb bee bab mate : anbbereflTD on 
the feuenth bay from all bis ttJOJfee, 
which be baDmabc. 

3 ^nb Gob blefleb the reuenthbay, 
ano Canctifieb it: becauft that in it he hab 
reftebfrom all his ttwac, Xbhirp Gob 

crcateb anb mabe. 

4 CXhefCirethegenerattonsofthe 
heauens,? ofthe earthAbhen they lbere 
crcateb ; tn the bay that the % w & 20 
Gob mabe the earth,anb the hcauens, 

5 ^nb cuery plant ofthe fielb,befo2c 
it ibasm the earth, anb cucryhcrbeof 
thefielb.befojeitgrcibifoJthelL^DBa? 
Gob hab not caufeb u to rauie bpon the 
earth , anb there was not a man to toi 
thegrounb. 

6 ||26utfl)crevbentbpamnlfroin 
the earth,anbu)atercb tbeibholcface of 
thegrounb. 

7 anb the H£>3&&> Gobfomieb 
man^ofthcbnrtofthegrounb^bzea; 
tljeb into his noltmstbctaeath oflut, 
anb * man became a lining foule. 

s canbthcH£)B2PGobplanteb 
agarben eaftvbarbinCben,- anb there 
he put the man lbhom he hab fo web. 

9 anD out of the grounb mabe the 
% &> 3R 2D Gob to groib euery tree that 
is pleafent to the fight, anb gooo fo? 
foob : the tree of life alfo m thenribftof 
the garben, anb the tree of hnolblcbge 
ofgoobanbeuill. 

io anbarincrlbcntoutof€bento 
lbatcr the garben , anD from thence tt 
vbas parteb , anb became into foure 
hcaos. 

h Xl)c name ofthe firO is *^ifon: 
that is tt lbhicli coinpaflitb tl)e lbhole 
lanb offtauilah, lbherc there is golD. 
ii anb 



l Or.MimJl 
which waa 
vpfrvm 8te 



tht pvuiul. 
•l.Cor.ij 

47- 

• i.Corin. 

15.4J. 



T. uut :4 
'9- 



Manage inftituted. Chap.iij. The fall of: 



man. 



Htb.C»i%. 



(1 Or, EaJl- 
rrard fe Af- 

frria. 

\Or t Aa\or. 



\Hetr.ea- 

/iW then 
Ml talc. 



\Hehr.ij- 
m? then 
/halt Jit. 

•Ecclus. 

\Htkr.as 
hefirehm. 



[Or, the 
matt. 



\tJih. cal- 
led. 



\Heir.bml- 
drd. 



*i .Corin. 
11.8. 

* Matt, lp 
5.mar.lo. 
7.1. corin. 
6.l6.tphc. 
5.31. 



ia 3tnfttlje0olt)oftfjatiaitD ^gooo 
Xhtre « aBoetttum anb tljc £Dmr Atone. 

n aub thename of the fecottb rtuer 
•stifthon : tlje lame 'sitthatrampalTeth 
tlje tbljole larib of t € thtopia. 

14. anb tlicnamc of tljethtrbriucr 
is ^fouefcel : that is « iDDtcl) goeth || to* 
tbarb thetfaft-of af%ia:aub tlje fourth 
rme-ctetfuphwtea. 

15 attt> file ?L<£>»S> dftjfc tooae lithe 
man, anu put htm info file garben of €-- 
DerMo-DjeuTr it, anb to fteepc tt. 

\6 anb the fL£)B2D(!5ob commas 
Deu theman>laytng,<lDf cuery tree-oftljc 
gatben thou mayeft * freely eate. 

17 Butofthetreeoftljcttnottrtebge 
of goob anu tutu , thou lhaltnot eate of 
it: fin mthc bay that thou cateft tljere* 
o^thoufbalt'uirelyufc. 

18 C3nDtl)C?LsdD3a2D<£DD&iiD, 
3ft is not goob that the man fhoulb be a* 
tone : 3 Xbiil mafte fjttn * an fielpc T meet 
foitjun. 

19 anboutofpgrounbthefl£>lR3D 
d&obfojmebenerybeartof tfje fielb,anb 
cuer j> foule of tlje aire, anb brought them 
bnto || abam , to fee tbhat He tooulb call 
them : anu tbhatfoeuer ^CDani caueb 
cucry liumg creaturcthatwas tljcnamc 
thereof. 

10 anb aoam + gaue names? to all 
tattell,ant> to ttlefoulc ofthc aire,anb to 
eucry bcaftof the fielbc : but foj a&am 
there vows not founb an heipe mccte 
fojljmt. 

21 3tnDtlje1L€>Ba><ftobtaufcba 
fccepefleepetofall bpon abam, anb bee 
fiept; anb be toofecone of bfsribs,anb 
clofeb Dp tlje fleft) m fteab thereof. 

zi anbtbertbtbbu1JtbelLs£>Ba> 
d5ob bab taaen from man/ mabc lice a 
tboman# brought Dec bnto tbeman. 

23 ami abam fatD, %\)i& ie notb 
boneof my bones, anb flefbofmyfiefl): 
flic flialue talieb tboman, becaufefbec 
tuas "taaenoutof man. 

24 *Xr)etefo?efl)allamanleauel)t0 
father anbbtf mother , anb fl)all clcauc 
tontoljtgtbu%:anbtbeyfl)albeonefle(b. 

25 anb they tticre both naaeb , tl)e 
man ? bt$ flnfe, aub Vber e not aftjameb. 

CHAP. III. 

1 TheferpentdecciuethEue. 6 Mansfhame- 
fullfall. 9 God anaignelh them. 14 The 
lerpent is curfed. 15 The promifed Seed. 
16 The punrfhmentofMankiiKi. xi Their 
firft clothing, xi Their cafting out of 
Paradrfe. 




jDlbtljeferpent tuajjmoje 
ifubtill then any bead of the 
fijeib,iDHtcl)tr)eiLj£)ma> 
C5oD tjab mabe, anb he faflj 
„buto the lboman, * j?ea, 
hath ©ob faib, J^e fljall not eat of euetv 
tceeofthegarben; 

z ^nbthettiomanCaibbntothefer 
pent, usee map eate of tlje fcuite of the 
tree*ofthegarben: 

j 28ut of the fruit of the tree, ttrfjirh 
ijinthemibftof the garbnt, d5ob Ijarh 
fato,J9c fhai not eate of itjueather (hail ye 
touch it,leftj»ebie. 

4 ^nb the fiwpent fa/b hnto tt)e 
tboman, jselhali not * fucdy we. 

5 5F02 (5ob boeth anoib, that in the 
bap pc eate thereof, then vour epeg ftjat 
bee opeueb : anb pee (halt bee ae (Bobs, 
hnommggoobanb emu. 

6 3lnb ibhen the tboman fatb,that 
tlje tree wasgo'obfo^foob, anb that ttwas 
^lealanttotheeve^anbarreetobebe^ 
ficebtomaHeone ibife,fl)e toofteof the 
fnttt thereof, * anb did eate , anb gaue al^ 
fobnto her hufbanbtbtthljer , anb hec 
bib eate. 

7 ^nb the em of them both tbere 
openeb,? tljep tutetu that rt)ev were n* 
fteb , anb they fca>eb figge leauejrtog^ 
tljer,anb mabc themfelues |i apiou*. 

3 anb rtjey Ijearb the Doyce of the 
% <D 3R S? C5ob,tbalamg m the gar-ben 
inthc Uooleofthebap: anb^lbamanb 
hi0 tbife Ijit) themfeluejB fcom the p;e^ 
fence of the % £>M$> (0ob , amongfl 
thetree2ofthcgarben. 

9 3lnb the 3Lj©3a3D d5ob talieb 
buto^bam,anbfaibl)ntohtm, i©here 
art thou* 

10 flub he fato^ heart thpboteem 
die garben : anb jjfibas afraib , becaufe 
5wasnaaeb,anb ^htbmpfclfe. 

11 ^nbhefaib,i©hotolb thee, that 
thou waft natob^afl thou eaten of the 
tree,tbhertof 3lcommanocDthee, that 
tljoufyoulbeir not eate* 

iz ^nb the man latb, Xhe tboman 
tbhomthougaueft to be tbitfjmce, fljee 
gaue me of the tree,anb 5 tnu eate. 

13 anbthc!L£D3R2D(15ob&ibt)uto 
tl)e tboman, D9hat is thi* that tlwt hart 
bone* anb tlje tbomanfaib,Xhe^er 
pentbeguilebmcanbjj bib eate. 

14 anb the fL^DmJD ©ob faibtin 
to the S>erpem ,|BecaufetljouhaQDonc 
thi«,thou art cunebaboueail cartel, anb 
abouceuerpbeait of thefieib: bpontrjy 
belly ujalt thottgoe,anbbuftfl)alt thou 

a t eate. 



\Hli. Tea, 

facanfe,&e. 



*J.Cor 
3. 1. tin 

2.I.). 



\Hcb.oJ,. 
fire. 

*EccIus.i j 
25.1. tim. 
2.14. 



U Or firings 
tooird a- 
iftat. 

\H«b.wna. 



The promifed feed. Genefis. Abel murthered". 



|| Or, fmtUa 
tothyhuf- 
tmd. 
"i.Corin. 






\Hrb.Ch*- 



catcall tbebayes of tftplift 

15 anbjujlilputeiimtticbcttbcene 
thee ana tl)c ujoman , anb bcnbecne tiff 
feed anb bet feeb : it 0?ai twite tby !)ea&, 
anb tbott(baltb2utfebisheele. 

16 £lntothen>omanbelaib,3Jn)i(l 
greatly multiply tiff fojotbe ano tijv 
conception, ^n 10201b thou (bait bang 
fozrti chrtbjen : anb tiff bcficc ft ail be || to 
tby ijulbanu , anb Dee (hall *rale ouct 
thee. 

17 anb bnto abambcraib,25ccaufe 
thou baftbearfecneb bnto tl)c boyce of 
thy unfc , anb baft eaten of the tree , of 
moid) 3 conunatmbeb thee, faying, 
Xbou (bait not cate of it: curfeb « the 
grounbfo2dfffaBe:info;olb (halt thou 
eate of it all the bayes of thy life. 

18 Xhomts alio anb tbiftles (ball it 
* bjmg fojth to thee : anb tf)ou fljalt eatc 
tbebcrbcoffbcfielb. 

19 3In the ftbeate of thy face (halt 
thou eate bjeab , nil thou rcturne bnto 
the grounb : fi» out of it Ibaft tl)ou t& 
Bcn,fo?ouflthouart,anb bnto butt (halt 
thou rcturne 

io ano aoam caileb fiatbiuasnamt 
t «ue,Detauft (be ibas the mother of all 
lining, 

21 atttoaoamaUo,anotobisttnfe, 
btbthc |L£)3RS) C5ob mane coatcsof 
ftnnncg,anb cloathcb diem. 

21 canbtbc?L£>&2><t50bfaib, 
26cholb , tl)c man is become asone of 
bs, to Know goob t emu. anb notb left 
hccpittfoo2tb bisbanb,anbtaKeaifo of 
tlje tree of lifcanb eatcaub hue fb2 cuer : 

2$ Xherefozc the %&>&$> Gob 
fent him foo2tb from the garben of€^ 
ben,toniithcgrounb,fcomibhencchc 
ibastaum. 

24 5>ohcb2oucouttheman:anbhe 
platcb at the eaft of the garben of e^ 
ben, Cbctubtms,anb a flaming fttwb, 
ibhich tnrncb eucrv ibay, to ueepe tlje 
tbayoftjie tree of life. 

CHAP. IIII. 

1 The birth, trade, and religion of Cain and A- 
bcl. X The murder ot Abel c; ThccutTc 
of Cain. 17 Enoch, the hrfc citic. 19 La- 
mecli and his two wiues. 15 The birth ol 
Serb, 16 andEnos. 



Sflrv^.flb abam ftnetb Cue bis 
^^KAto^mftc , anb fbec conccuub, 




! anb bare Cam ,anbtaio,3I 
f hauc gotten a man from 
rthcUDttD. 
1 ano the agauie bare his bjorber 



^bcl^nb^belibafi a^eepet offyeep, 
but Cam Ibas a nllcr of the grounb. 

j anbUnpjoccffeot'tmieitcameto 
paffc , that Caui brought of the fruite 
of the grounb , an offering bnto the 

4 ano abel, be alfo bzought of the 
firttlings ot hi* T flotKe,anO of the fat 
thereof : anb tlje % £> & 2D bao*tebpcrt 
bnto abel,anb to his offermg. 

5 26ut bnto Cainanb to his offrtng 
behabnotrefpect: anb Caintbasbery 
ib20tb, anb his countenance fell. 

6 anbtbc?L£>&3D (alb bnto Cam, 
nMff art thou tbzoth < anb lbby is tiff 
countenance fallen* 

7 3Jfthouboerbcfl, (halt thou not 
|be accepted anbtftbouDoettnotlbeU, 
Utmcncthatthcbooje : Znt\\ bnto thee 
fraiibehis befirt, anb thouftjalt rulco? 
uerhlm. 

8 anb Cam taiaeb tbitft ^bel his 
b2other : anb it tame to paCfc * snhtn 
they ibtremthefielb, that Catntofebp 
agamft ^bel his bother , anb ftclb hmi. 

9 C ^nb the fL4D&2>latt> mtn 
Cain, ©here is abel tiff b20ther< anb 
hcefcub, 3JlmoXbnot:am3Jmyb^ 
thers Keeper; 

10 anbhclaib,aDhathaftthoubonc; 
the boyce of thv Mothers f bloobcryeth 
bnto me,fromthegtouno. 

11 anb noib a« thou ntrftb ftomthe 
earth, *bhich hath openeb her mouth to 
rctciuc thy bjotljcrs bloob from tiff 
hanb. 

12 nahen thou nllelt the grounb, it 
(ban not bcntefo2tb yeclb bnto theebcr 
ftrength : a fugitme anb a bagabonb 
(halt thou be in the earth. 

1$ anbCainraibbntotheHj©B2>, 
ll^ypuninjment isgreatrr^enjean 
bearc. 

14 25ei)olb,tl)ouhaftb2iucnmcoiit 
this bay from the face of the earth , anb 
fromtbyfaccfball3J bchtb,anb33 ft^ail 
be a fugttuic, anb a bagabonb in the 
earth: anb it (ball tome to paffc, that 
cucry one that finbetb me, (ball flay me, 

15 anb tlje !L4Dft£> (aib bnto htm, 
Xberefo2e ibhofocucr flaycth Cam, 
bciigeancc fljalbe taKcn on him feutn 
folb. anb the 1L£>»2> fetamarftc 
bponCam, icftanynnbtuglim^lhoulb 
bill him. 

16 C anb €ain tbent out from the 
pzefenceof the !L£Dias>,anbbibcltm 
the lano of #ob, on the <eaft of «ben. 

17 atibCamutiett)btstt>tfe,anblbe 
conceit 



\Hcb Ht 
ill. 

der. 

\Hc!>.<atbe 
end of ciner. 






|Or,liaue 
thttxtttlen- 
tie? 
\\0r.fmtit8 

vntotbee, 



«WiCio.5 
mitth.i;. 
3 j. 1. iohn 
3.1a. iudc 
II. 



\HtbM»is 



IjOr.SWJ'*/;/- 
e^mttt is 
7redter,r!xi 
tharit may 
&eftrrgii/(:i. 



TS 



geneal 

_D 



ogie 



Chap.v. of the Patriarch s,&c. 



nech. 



\Htb 
r.:ch. 



r. Le- 



t Hekwhet- 
Icr. 



lOrJ-xrm/J 

fl.iy a m.ur ir, 

my yvoHfid t 

&c. 

H Or,mmj 

hurt. 



t Heir. 

Sheth. 



\Heir.E- 

\0r,tocrfl 
themlVlucs 
t>y the N.ime 
ef the Lord. 



concuueb anD bare tetiod) , anD Dec 
bittlDcD a'Ctty ,anb caiicD the name of 
riic City , after the name of i)is fonnc, 

<£ttOtl). 

is 3htDbnto enocl) itras boinc 3J< 
ran : attD3Jrab begate fcl3cl)maci,anD 
$)chiuacl begate ^etintfacl ,anb *$Ci 
djttfacl begate teamed). 

19 CSUibnamcchtooftcbnto Ijtm 
rlbolbtucs : tl)c name of the one was %■, 
bal),atib thename of the other Ztiial). 

20 stub Ttotit) bare 3Jabal : l)c ibas 
the fatfjer of fuel) as btbcii in tents , anb 

of lucli as haue Ctltttll. 

ii 3tubl)isb20toersnameibas3nt= 
bai : Dec ibas tnc fartjer of all fuel) as 
hanDic tfjc harpc anD o?gan. 

2i #tiDZiliah,fl)calfobarcXubai- 
Cam,an t mftrttctcr of cuery artificer in 
biaffc ana iron: anD tlje fitter of Xubai- 
Cauiwas^aanial> 

23 3nD named) fayD Ditto his 
\btues , Stoat) anD Ztlial) , $earc my 
boytc , ycc ibiucs of fUmcdj ,hcarUcn 
buto my fpcccl) : foj|i5 Dane flame a 
matt to my lbounbmg,anb a pons man 
tomyllhurt. 

14 3Jf Cain (hall bee attcngcb fcucn 
folb, tritely namedjfeucnty anb fenen 
folbc. 

25 C 3(nb 3foam tmetb Ijis ttnfc a 
game,anb flicbarc afottne , ? callebtjis 
name t g>ctty fo} (5oD/a.d fhe,rjadj ap= 
potnteDmcc anodjccfccD in fteab of % 
bcl.ibljomCauiflett). 

26 3mDto5>eflj,tor)imalfodicrc 
mas bomc a fonnc , anD he eallcD tj& 
name t enos : then began men to il tall 
bpon djciftamcofdjc 3L£>&2>. 

CHAP. V. 

i The s>enea!ogie, age, and death of the Patri 
archs from Adam vnto Noah. 24 Thegod^ 
ImefTe and tranflation of Enoch. 



tSfgSl l?ts «tljc*booftc of thege^ 



fSft ncranons of 3Dam : 3w 



|p| the bay tljat (Sod treatcD 




* t.Cliron, 
l.l.&f. 



man, in the Uftenes of (Sob 
maDcheljtm. 

2 * fl^alc anD female treatcD Ijce 
ti)em,atiDbleffebd)em,anD caileb their 
name 3bam , in tlje Day ttljen djey 
tbcrccrcatcb. 

3 C 3itib 3tbam liucD an tjnnDzcD 
atiDthtrttc yccrcs,anb begate a fonnetn 
msoibncltBcneffcaftcrDistmagCjanD 
callcDhisnamc£>cth. 

4 *3tiD tl)c Dayes of 3lbam,aftcr Ijc 



,hab begotten 5>etlj,)bcrc eight him 
JD:cb yccres: anD he begate fonncs anb 
I Daughters. 

5 3(nD all tDc bayes t^at 3tt>am it 
neb , lbcrc tunc DutiDjcD anb rljirtic 
yccres :anb he DtcD. 

6 3(nD £>ctly ItucD an DutiDicD anD 
futcyccrcs : anD begate t €nos. 

7 ^nb £>ctl) Imcb , after He begate 
€nos , eight DunD?eD anb fcucn y ceres, 
anD begate fonncs anb Daughters, 

8 3lnD all the Dayes of 5>ctl) , iber e 
nine huntycb anb tibcltte yeercs,anb Dc 
bieb. 

9 C^nDCnosluteD nineticy ceres, 
anD begate tCatnan. 

to ^nb €nos Itttcb after Ijec begate 
Cainan , eight hunbjcD anb fiftcenc 
y ceres, anb begate fonncs <t baughtcr s. 

11 3lnb all tl)c bayes of <£nos iberc 
ninchunDzcDjnucycrcs,- anD hcDteD. 

12 c 3lnD Caman itucD feumtie 
y ceres, anb begate ts$)al)aiaicel. 

13 3lnb Cainan ItucD after Ijc begate 
flj9ahaialecl , eight huttb2CD anb fottrttc 
yccres, ? begate fonncs anb battgl)tcrs. 

14 3lnbal the bayes of Camanibcrc 
ntnehunD.tcD ettcn ycresj anD DcDicD. 

15 C3lnD spahalalccl Uucd ftrtic anD 
ftue yccres, anD begat t^arcb. 

16 3lnD£0ahalalcellutcD after he bc^ 
gatc3Jarcb, cigDt fjunmeD anD rhirtic 
y ccres,anD begate fonncs $ Daughters. 

17 ^nb all tt)c Dayes of fl9ahalalcct, 
iberc eight DunD^eD nmene anD futc 
yccrcs,anDl)cDicD. 

18 C5(nD 3arcD ItucD an DuuDjcd 
firtte anb tlbo yccres, j he begat €noei). 

19 Stnb'Jarcb liucb after he begate 
€noel),cig0thunD2cD yer cs,anD begate 
fonncs anD Daughters. 

20 3mDalithcDaycsof3JareDibere 
nine DttuDicD firtie anD tlbo yccrcs,anD 
DcDicD. 

21 C 3mD CnocI) littcD ftrtic anb fmc 
yccres, anD begate fl^cthufeial). 

12 3{nD €notfj tbaifecD ibitlj <£od, 
after he begate £0cthufclah, th.:cel)un^ 
djcd yccres , anD begate fonncs anb 
Daughters. 

23 3mb all ti)e bayes of €norh,tt)erc 
thjee hunbjcb fticneauDftue yccres. 

24 3lnD*<£nori) ibalUcD \bitl) ©oD: 
anD he ibas not ; fo? (Sod tooitc him. 

25 3lnD ^cthufclah liucD an hun* 
Dtcb eigl)tf c anb fcucn yccrcs,anb begat 
named). 

26 3lnD $)ttrmfclah ltttcD,after Dee 
begate tfLamcd^feucnhttn^eDjeighrtc 

^ 3 anb 



mji. 



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\Gr.AU- 

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44.16.hcb. 
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The promifed feed. Genefis. Abel murthered. 



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to thy huf- 
tmi. 
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14.34- 



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tt*b. 



catcall tbeaayes of tbpufe. 

15 ^nbJJMiiputenmitfcbcttbcent 
theeanb the lbomatt , anu bettbeene ft)p 
feebanbberfeeb :ttu>lbmiferhy heab, 
auD rhou (halt bmtfehisbeele. 

i6 ^Llnto ttjcttJoniatiDefjaiD , 3Jtbill 
greaflp mulnplp tbp fojoibc anb th? 
conception. Jnuwoib thou (bait tying 
fo?ti) chilbjen : anb tbp befice fliaii be || to 
tbp ijufbanb, anb Dee (hall *rule ouct 
thee. 

17 3uibbnto3tbamhcfaib,23ccaufe 
thou hafthcatftcneb bnto tl)c bopec of 
tbp ibifc , anb haft eaten of the tree , of 
ibbich 3 coiranannbeb tfjte, faying, 
Xhou (halt not eate of it: curfeb >s the 
grounb fo : t Dp fane : in fo; oil) fljalt t b u 
eateofit ailtbebapcs oftbp life. 

is Ithomcs alfo anu tDittlc* (hall it 
f tytngfotfb to tDee : anb thou fljalt eate 
tbebcrbeoftbcfielb. 

19 gin the fuicatc of tf)p face (halt 
thou eate tyeab , tilltfjou rcturne bnto 
the grounb : fo; out of it Xbafl thou t& 
ben, fo; bull thou an ,anb bnto nutt (bait 
thou rcturne, 

20 3wb TOt&m eailebbteibutefntame 
* €ue,Uecaufc (be xbas the mother of all 
luting. 

ii ^lnto3Damalfo,anbtobisrotfc, 
bib the 3L£>ft2D <5ob matte coatcsof 
fumnc&anb cloathcb them. 

12 C 3(nb the 'fLfl>3ast> C50b faib, 
25crjolb , the tnan is become aeone of 
bs,toHnoibgoob jeutll. ^nbnoiblctt 
becpntfootfb bishanb,ant)taKeaifo of 
tlje tree of lifcanb eateaub liuc fo; cuer : 

23 IDjercfiwc tt)c |L£>ft2D ©ob 
fent bmi foojtb from trie garben of c> 
Den , to till tbcgrounb, f rom ibbence be 
ibaataften. 

24. 3>obcb:oucouttbcman:anDbe 
placcb at the c-att of tfjc gavben of & 
ben, Cl)crubims,anb a flaming ftbojb, 
ibrjicl) tumcb cucrp Ibap, to Ueepe the 
map of the tree of life. 

CHAP. IIII. 

1 The birth, trade, and religion of Cain and A- 
bel. 8 The murder of Abe!. 9 ThecufJc 
of Cain. 17 Enoch the firll citie. 19 La- 
mech and his two wiues. 15 The birth of 
Seth, 16 andEnos. 

:0n 3ibam ftneib cue btf 
*ibifc , anb (bee conccmeD, 
\mn bare Cam ,anb faib, 3 
?bauc gotten a man from 
rtt)CfLOB3T>. 
2 3Uib (be agaiue bare bis b;otfjer 




+ ^bcl^nb^bel lbas a deeper of 0)eep, 
but Cam Mm a tiller of tbegtounb. 

3 %\\Xi T in p^occflcof rime itcameto 
pafJc , that Cam brought of ti)c fruite 
of the grounb , an offering bnto the 
?L£>ft2D. 

4 3uib 3lbel, Dc alfo brought of the 
fir (flings ot bis tflocftcanb of the fat 
thereof : anb the % £> ft 2D bab*te(pcrt 
bnto ;3bel,anb to bis offering. 

5 ffiutbntoCata,anbtobiSoffrtng 
bebabnotrefpect: anb Cain tbasberp 
lbiotl), anb l)is: countenance fell. 

6 anbtljeH^DftSDfalbbntoCam, 
v®\)y art tfjou tb?otl) < ^nb lb!)? \& tl)v 
countenance fallen; 

7 3(ftt)oubocrben,u)alttl)ounot 
|beaccepteb; anbiftljouboeflnotibell, 
finnelietljattncboo^e : 3mb||bntotrjee 
fbaiibejjifif befire, anb ti)ou 0>alt rulco* 
uerl)(m. 

8 ^nb Cam taifetb tbitih ^bel ty& 
bzotDer : anb it came to pafft * ibnen 
tl)ci»Vbcremtt)ettclb,tl)atCamrofcbp 
agamlt ^bel rjis b^tjjer, anb fletb hmt 

9 C 3inb tne % ©3R 2> feib bnto 
Cain, severe is ^bel trj? bwtner t ^nb 
Ijcefatb, 3Jfenotbnot:^m3Jmpb?0' 
tjjers feecper f 

io ^nbl)cfaib,nDl)atIjafttI)oubonc; 
tljebovce oftf)v b?otirjcrs f bloob crpcti) 
bnto me,fromtl)egrounfi. 

ii ^nbnoibarttljonnirftbftomtfje 
earti),Ujr)icl)r)at!)opencbl)crmoutl)to 
rccciue tl)p btotljcrg bloob front tte 
Ijanb. 

12 lencn tijou rulett tlje grounb, tt 
fbau not Ijcucefotfl) rcelb bnto ajeeljcr 
frcengtr) : ^ fugitme anb a bagabonb 
fl)alttI)oubcintfjecartl). 

13 ^nb Cain faib bnto t!)e!L£>B3>, 
ll^ypuniflmient isgreatcr^cn Jean 
beare. 

14 2Sd)olb,tI)oul)aflb2iucnmcont 
trjis bay from tftc face of tlje carti) , anb 
fcomtl)yfaccfball3J bcl)ib,anb30 fbail 
be a tugitiue, anb a bagabonb in tlje 
eartfj: anb itfbailcometopaflc, that 
cucry one that finuetl) me, (hall flap me, 

15 ^nbtfjc |L£)ia2D faib bnto htm, 
Xherefiw ttihofocucr flapcth Cam, 
bengeance fljalbe taRcn on him fenen 
folb. ^nbtlic U£>3R2) fttamarfec 
bponCmn, lcftaupfinbtnghim,fhouID 
bill him. 

16 C 3lnb Cain roent out from the 
pjefence of the % 1D ft 2D, ant) bibelt in 
the lanb of jfJoo, on the call of «betu 

17 3lnbCamlmcibhistt>ifcanbfl)e 

conceit 



ktl. 

t «•£.«/<■.- 

der. 

\Htb.iathe 
mdof daleK 



\Heb.fhcey t 

crfeatti. 

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thftxtellen- 
ae! 
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miith.i; 

35. 1, iohir 
j. 1 ». iudc 



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quittc is 

qrtdtcrjhjt 

ibittitrntf 

befcrgtun. 



iTh< 



gencaloj 



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CI 



aap.v. o 



fthcP 



atnarcns 



hs,&c. 



noch. 



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rr,:ch. 



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ttr. 



t J would 
fl.iy A m.vi tr, 
my wound, 
&c 

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\Or,xeciU 
thenifclucs 
by the Name 



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.1. 



•Wifd.1. 
»3« 



* t.Chron, 
I.i.Stc. 



romtiueb anb bare tettoeD , ana Dec 
btulbcb a"Ctty,anb calico tDc name of 
the City, after tljc name of $)iS fonnc, 
enoclj. 

is ^nbbnto enocl) tf)as Dome 3?; 
ran : anb3Jrab begate iDcDiuacl, anb 
^cptuacl begate #etlwfacl,miD^c* 
rijufacl begate t ULamccD. 

19 C3utb3LamceDtooKct>nto ijim 
nno Unties *. tlje name oftlK one was ^ 
oal),anb tDc name of tDc other zuialj. 

20 3inb ^toarj bare 35abal : Dc ibas 
tlje farfjer of fuel) as bibcil ut tents , anb 

of fuch as haue cattClI. 

ii 3fnbl)tsb20tl)ersname\nas5us 
bal : Dee ibas tlje fatDcr of all fuel) as 
banole tlje Darp'c aub o?gan. 

2i 3lttbZUiaf),fl)eaifobarcXubal- 
Cam,an t mftructcr of cucry artificer in 
fcaffc anb iron: anb tlje fitter of Xubai- 
€amwasj[3aamal). 

2} 3inb named) favb bnto Dis 
wines , 3tbaD anb ZtliaD , ^earc nip 
boyce , yee ibiucs of fLamecl) ,l)carUcn 
Intto my fpcccl) : fo2|i31 ftauc flame a 
man to my ibounbutg,anb a yongman 
tomyllDurt. 

24 3Jf Cain fljall bee auengebfeucn 
folb,trucly ?LamccDfcucnty anb feucn 
folbc. 

25 C 3(nb 2(bam rnicvb l)is tbife a^ 
gaine,anb fljebarc afonne,? callebljis 
name t &etl): $oi C5ob ,faid fhe,DatD ap 
pomtebmec another fceb in ftcab of & 
bcl,)Pl)omCamflein. 

26 3lnb to £>ctD , to Dim alfo tfjerc 
was borne a fonnc , anb Dc callcb Dis 
name t enos : tljen began men to II call 
bpon tDc iRame of tlje % «© & 2D. 

CHAP. V. 

1 The genealogie, age, and death of the Patri- 
archs from Adam vnto Noah. 24 Thegod- 
iinefle and tranflation of Enoch. 

s - s * s j§^f S?ts h tDe*booEC of tDc ge* 
pSfl! ncranons of ^bam : 3 U 
%$m tlje bay tljat <5ob treatcb 
wl man,mtl)eliftcnesof(5ob 
mabcDcIjim. 
2 * sa3alc anb female creatcb Dee 
tDem,anbblcfrcbtl)em,anb cailcbtDeir 
name 3bam , ui tlje bay iDljen tDey 
tb ere treatcb. 

j C 3lnb 3bam liucb an Dunbzeb 

anbtDirttc yccrcs,anb begate a fonnetn 

tjis orbue imcnefTcaftcr ijts imagcj anb 

tallebDtsnamcSctD. 

4 *3r.b tlje bayes of 3lbam,aftcr Ijc 




Dab begotten £>etD,lbcrc cigDt Dim 
bzeby ceres: anb De begate fonnes anb 
oaugDtcrs. 

5 3(nb all ti)e bayes tfjat 3bam ii 
ucb , iberc tunc Dutibicb aub rljmrne 
yccrcs:anbDcbicb. 

6 3utb £>ctl) lutcb an IjuntHcb anb 
fiucyecres : anb begate t enos. 

7 3lttb £>ctl) liucb , after Dc begate 
€nos , cigDt Duhbicb aub feucn y ceres, 
anb begate fonnes anb baugbtcrs, 

8 3Cnb all tDc bayes of :=>ctD , lucre 
nine Duubjcb anb nbcltte ycercs,anb Dc 
Dieb. 

9 C^nbCnositucbuineticyccrcs, 
anb begate tCainan. 

10 3lnb enos liucb after Dec begate 
Caiuan , cigDt Dunbjcb aub fiftcenc 
y ceres, anb begate fonnes * baugDtcrs. 

11 3lnb all tDc bayes of €nos voctt 
nincDunbzcbjfiucycrcs,- anb Dcbteb. 

12 C Stub Catnan Itucb fcuctttic 
yccres, anb begate t£0aDaiaieel. 

ij 3lnb Catnan liucb after Dc begate 
^iBaDaialecl , cigDt Dunbieb anb fottrtic 
yccres, fj begate fonnes anb baugDtcrs. 

14 Smbaltljc bayes of CamanVbcrc 
ntncDunb«icb fctcnycrcs; anb Dc bieb. 

15 ezm ^aDalalcci liucb fijrnc anb 
fiuc yccres, anb begat 1 3(areb. 

16 3utbi30aDalaicel!tucbaftcrDcbc; 
gate 3farcb, cigDt Dunb?cb anb tDirttc 
yccres,anb begate fonnes « baugDtcrs. 

17 3nb all tlic bayes of Q9aDalalcct, 
iticrc cigDt Duhtyeb nmene anb fiuc 
yccrcs,attbj)c bieb. 

18 C3mb 3Jareb liucb an Dunbjcb 
firtic anb nno yccres, $ Dc begat ettocD. 

19 Slnb'lJarcb liucb after Dc begate 
enocD,ctgDtDunbjcb ycr cs,anb begate 
fonnes anb baugDtcrs. 

20 3inb all tljcbaycs of 3fareb tbcre 
nine Dunb^cb firtic anb two yccrcs,anb 
Dcbicb. 

21 C3mb CnotD liucb firtic anb fiuc 
yccres, anb begate fl^ctDufcial). 

22 3lnb €nocD tbalHcb ttittD d5ob, 
after De begate upctDufclaD, tDjceijmv- 
b?cb yccres , anb begate fonnes anb 
baugDtcrs. 

2 j 3lnb all tDc bayes of Cnod),tberc 
tl)icc Dunbjcb firtic aub fitte yccres. 

24 3lnb*€norDibalrtcb \Pitl) ©ob: 
anbDctbasnot;fo2(5obtooUelKm. 

25 ^nb ^ctlntfelal) liucb an Dutv 
bieb eigl)ric anb feucn yccrcs,anb begat 
3LainccD. 

26 3lnb JJBctDufclaD liucb, after Dec 
begate t?lamccD,feucnDunb2eb,C!gDnc 

31 s aub 



\ H,b£- 
mjb. 



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dUalcleel. 



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thufujA. 



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44.16.hcb. 

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I Or , tht 
wrote imapi 
ntttmn. The 
H,hr ■*..*(,,■ 

mfitthutt Car- 
ly tit* MMffrM- 

tnr^l. ,t ,. 

ll,t purpoft* 
tnddff.rtu 

•Chjp. 8. 
it.mai.l $. 
19. 

\Hrfr.cue- 

rjdjj. 



attD two yccccs, attD begate fotiucs attD 
Daughters. 

z7 3tnD ailthcDayesof fi£cthuuiah 
were time hutiDieD , ftjcttc anD tune 
yccrcs,attDheDicD. 

28 C3uiD!Lamcth ItucD an hint* 
dzcd cighttc anD two yccrcs : anD be= 
gatcafounc. 

i9 2tib he tailco his name || /Roah, 

favtttg ; XhtS fame 0)311 COtltfozt DS,C0tl^ 

ecrnmg our WooiHc anD toylc of our 
hanDs,bccaurcofthcgrounD,Whichthc 
fL£>£S>hathcurfcD. 

30 SuiDUaincch UttcD, after ijeebe 
gate iftoah , fine huttDieD ntnettc anD 
fine yccrcs , anD begate founts anD 
Daughters. 

31 3(nD all the Dayes of fUmcth 
were fettett hutiDjcD feuentte anD fcucu 
pccrcs,attDi)eDieD. 

32. 3lnD iBoah was futc huttDzcD 
yccrcs olDc: anD jftoah begate £>cnt, 
^ani,anD3iaphctf). 

CHAP. VI. 

1 The \\ ickednefle of the world,\vhich prouo- 
ked Gods wrath , and caufed the Flood. 8 
Noah findeth grace. 13 Theorder,forme, 
and end of the Avke. 

0n it tame to paffe, when 
men began to mttinply on 
thcfatcofthceartl),anD 
Daughters were borne ton* 
„ to them: 
i Xhat tlic fonncs of <5oD faw the 
Daughters of mctt,that they wercfaire, 
anD they toon them Wutcs,of all which 
they thofc. 

j 3nDthc?L£>ft£>fatD,S$)y5>pt; 
rttfhail not aiwaycsftrutc With man, 
fo? that hec aifo is fled) : vet his Dayes 
fljaibc an httttDJCD atiDtWcttty yccrcs. 

4 ICherc Were otattts m the earth 
m thofe Dates: anD aifo after that,Wheu 
the fonncs of <5od tame in bnto the 
Daughters of tnen , $ they bare children 
to thciit; the fame became nughttc men, 
Which « ere of olD, men of rcnowittc. 

5 C 3lnD ©od faw,that the WttucD< 
ties of man was great in the carth,attD 
|| that cuery imagination of the thoughts 
of his * heart was onely null t mate 
nuaiiy. 

6 3lnD it repenteD the % <©&2D 
that he hao maDc matt on the cacth,atiD 
tt grteucD hun at his heart. 

7 3luD the % 3D £ 2) faiD , 3 Will 
Dcftroy man, whom 3J Ijauc crcatcD, 




from the face of the earth : t both man 
attDbcaft,attD the creeping thing, anD 
the foulcs of the aire: fo? it rcpentcth me 
tltat 31 Dane tnaDc them. 

8 25ut iftoao fouttD grace m the 
eyes of the fLsDia®. 

9 C IChcfc are ttjc generations of 
iI5oah : * 43oah MMffii a tuft man, and 
|| perfect mhts generations, and /l3oah 
waiitcDWttheoD. 

10 3inDji5oah begate thjee fonncs: 
£>em, i?am,anD 3Japhcth. 

11 Xhc earth aifo was tomipt be- 
fee <5oD j anD the earth was fillcD with 
Piolcucc. 

11 3lnD(5oDlooUcDDpon the earth, 
anD bcholD,itwaseo2rupt:fo? all flefh 
haD cozruptcD his way topon the earth. 

13 3inD ©oDfaiD Ditto jftoah , %\)t 
cud of all flefl) is come before nice; fot 
the earth is fillets with Diolcncc through 
them ; anDbcholD,3J will Dcftr op them 

With the earth. 

14 C flPasc thee an Tithe of <5o- 
Pher-wooD : t rootnes (halt thou mane 
m the ar hc,anD fl)ait pitch tt Within anD 
WithoutWtth pttclj. 

15 3inD this is the f'»fhion,whtch thou 
(halt malic it of : the length of the arne 
fhaibethJcchtuiDjcD cubits, the bteaDth 
of ttfiftp tubits,attD the height of it thir- 
tie cubits. 

16 31 Winoow a)ait thou maue to 
thcarbc ,attD in a cubtte fljalt thou ft; 
tuflnt about ; anD the Do o:c of the ante 
ftiait thou Jet in the ftDc tl)crcof: naith 
lower, ftconD , anD thirD ftoncs ftjatt 
thou matte ft. 

17 ^itDbcholD,3?,cuen3lDocb2ing 
a flooD ofwatcrs Dpon the earth , to De 
ftrovallflcfh , Wherein tsthebJcathof 
ufc from biiDct hcatten, and cuerv tljutg 
that is in the earth ftjail Die. 

is 25ut with thee wtlJJ cftablift) my 
Couenant : anD thou ffjalt tome into 
thc^r&cthou.anDthyfonncs^tiDthy 
Wtfe.anD thy fottnes Wtucs With thee. 

19 SutDof euery littutg thing of all 
flcft), two of cuery fon (halt thou bztttg 
utto thc3lrftc,to iteepe them aitue with 
thee : they (hall be male attD female. 

io £>ffowies after their hutDe, anD 
of cattel after their UittDc : of cuery crce 
ping thing of the card) after his mttDe, 
two of cuery fort fhailcomc Ditto thec, 
tofccepcrhcmaituc. 

ii 3utD taHc thou Dnto thee of all 
fooD that is eaten, attD rtiou fhait ga^ 
thec " to theci attD tt fhau be fo? fooo, 

fo 



f Hebr.fiom 
m.w who 

hall, 



"Ecclus.44 
17-i.pet. 

■ \Or,vf- 
nght. 



the c-v;b, 
\Htb.ntm. 



Noah entreth Chap.vij.viij. into the Arkc. 



•Hcb.n. 

7- 



•j.Pn.1.5. 



] Hebr.fenen 
fetten. 



\Hebr 
out. 



Hot 



,Qr,onll>e 
fattnth d*J. 



Or.jW- 



fb2tljee,anbfo:tbem. 

11 * %bw bib iftoah , atcojbing to 
all that 000 commanDfl) htm,fo did he, 

CHAP. VIL 

1 Noah, with his familie,and the liuing crea- 
tures, enter into the Arke. 17 Thebegin- 
ning,increafe, and continuance of the Flood. 

/B&tl)c*3Li©m3>fatUc 
&W$ but0 iBoal) , Conic tljou 
§£to& anb all thy honfc into the 
* Sttfcc : fo? thee hauc 3 
¥f§tt& fecne righteous before me, 
in this generation. 

z £>f cucry tlcane bcatt thou 0>alt 
rase to thee tby feuens, the male anb 
i)ts female j anbofbeaftcstbatarcnot 
eleancby tlbo, tljemaic anb bis female. 
3 £>f foibles alfo of ttjc aire , by 
feuens, themalc $ tbe female ■, to secpe 
feeb alme bpontlje fate of ailtbc earth. 
4. jf o? yet feuen bayes , anb 3 *bill 
canfe it to rame bpon tbe east!) , fo?tte 
bayes, anb forty nights : anb enery iv 
uing fubttance that 3 hauc mabc ,ibtll 
3 1 Dcftroy , fi'6 off the face of tlje cacti). 

5 3inb jBoab bib acto?bmg bnto all 
thattbe %£> &£> eommanbcbbtm. 

6 Tim iftoab lbas fijee hunb:cb 
y ceres olb , ibben the floob of ibatcrs 
lbas bpon the cacth. 

7 C 2Cnb jftoab ibent in , anb I)iS 
fonncs,anb l)is ibifc , ano bis fonncs 
Unites ibttb htm, into tlje 3icUc, becaufe 
offbcibatcrsofthcifloob. 

8 ^Df tlcane beads , $ of beafts tfiat 
ace not clcanc , $ of foibles, anb of euc- 
ry thing that ccecpctl) bpon the cacti), 

9 Xljcrc Vbent m tlbo ant) nbo bii^ 
to j3oaIj into the ^rac, tljc male »tl)c 
fcinalcas ©ob l)ab commanbeb Jfloalj. 

10 Znn it came to paffc I after fenen 
bayes , that the ibatcrs of the irloob 
lbcrc bpontlje earth. 

11 € 3Jn the Ore hunbjcbtb ycerc of 
i3oaDsufe,in tbefeconb monctt),tl)cfe* 
uentecntl) bap of tlie monctl) , tl)c fame 
bay,\bcre al the fountaines of the great 
beepe b:oKcu bp,anb tlje || ibmbolbes of 
Ijcancnibcccopencb. 

ii 3nb tDc rame lbas bpon the 
cacti) , foztic ba^cs.anb fojnc nights. 

1 j 3Jntl)efclfc fame bay eutrebjfto* 
at), anb £>ent, anb l^am, anbgjapfieri), 
ti)c fonncs ofi^oai) , anb /Soabsibifc, 
anb the tb*ec lbiucs of l)is fonncs lbitb 
thcm,into tbe Girlie, 

i + £!jcy, anb entry bcaft after his 



Hinbe, | all the cattell after their nmbe : 
anbeucry creeping thing that cceepetfj 
bpon the earth after Ijis Binbe,anb eut= 
ry fonic after tjis mnbe,euery birbe of c* 
ucrytfotf. 

15 3tab they tbent in bnto ji3oah \\v 
to tlje^rUe , tlbo anb tlbo ofailflclb, 
ibljcr em is the tycatfj of life. 

i6 ^nb tljcy that tticnt in , lbcnt in 
male anb female of all fleu),as ©ob hao 
commaunbcbljun : anbti)c1L£)B2> 
fl)ittl)tmin. 

17 ^nb tfle ifloob rbas fo?tle bayes 
bpon the eartb,anbtl)cibatersincrea^ 
feb , anb bare bp tljc 3trUc, anb it lbas 
liftbpabouett)eeartl> 

is 3lnb tDc ibatcrs pjeuaileb , anb 
iberc encrcafeb greatly bpon tljc cactb: 
anb tljc ^rKe ibent bpon the face of tlje 
ibatcrs. 

19 3tnb tljc ibaters pzeuaileb cjcccc* 
bingly bpon tl)c cacti), anb all tbe biglj 
Dtls, tljat were bnber tlje ibljolc fjeauen, 
ibcrccottcrcb. 

zo iFiftcenembitsbpibarb, bib tfjc 
ibatcrs p?enailCi anb tljemountaincs 
Ibccctoucrcb. 

2 1 * anb all flcfl) dicd , tl)at mooucb 
I bpon tbe cartl) , both of foible , % of tai> 
tell, anb ofbcaft,anb of enery creeping 
tljmg tljat creepctlj bpon tljc eartlj, 
anb enery man. 

iz 3W in ibljofc nofctljjils was the 
t bzcatl) of life , of all that lbas in the 
b?ylanb,bicb. 

13 3lnD cuery lining fubftance lbas 
beftcoyeb, iblncb lbas bpon tlje face of 
tl)e gcounb, both man anbtattcll,anb 
the creeping things,anbthefoiile of tljc 
Ijcancn ; anbtljcy ibcccbcftroycbfrom 
the earth: anb*iI5oaIjonclyrcmaineb 
aiuic , anb they tljat were mtlj Ijim in 
thc3lrKC. 

14 ^nbthcibaterspmiailebbpon 
tljc carth,an hnnbicb anb fifty bayes. 

CHAP. VIII. 

1 The waters affwage. 4 The Arke refteth on 
Ararat. 7 The rauen and the done. 15 Noah, 
being commanded, 18 goeth forth of the 
Arke. 10 He buildethan Altar, and ofie- 
rethfacrifice, 21 which God acccpteth, and 
promifeth to cutfe the eardi no more. 

jftD <5ob remembzeb il5o- 
ah,anb etiecy liuing thing> 
anb all the cattell that was 

liiitlj him in tljc 3rl$e : 

anb (Sob mabe a ibmbc 

to 



\Heb.wing. 



Wil'd.lo. 



\Hdr.the 
brentb of tbe 
Ipirit of life. 




VVifd. IO. 
4.J.p«.z.5 



The Arke refteth. Genefis. Noah facrificeth. 



tHttr.la 

■toing and 



t WW*, were 
ingoing and 
dtcreafmg. 



\Hebr.\xi 
toingfoorth) 
and ret ser- 
ving. 



\Hehr.c*u- 
fed her to 
come. 



to paffe oucr tDe cartD , anb tDclbatcrs 
affuiagcb. 

z %ty fountaines alfo o f tlje bccpe, 
anb tlje ibinboibes of Dcauen ibere 
fioppro , anD rljc rame from Jjcaucn 
lbasreftraincb. 

3 3nb tDe ibatcrs rcturncb from 
offtljc cartDJcontmuaily: anb after the 
cnb of tDe Dunbjcb am> fiftic bayes , tlje 
ibatcrs lbcrcabatcb. 

4 Znn tlje Strftc rcttcb in tlje fe< 
ticntD monctD,on tDcfcucntccnfD Dap 
oftDemonctD.bpontDcmountatncsof 
Ararat 

5 3nbtDcibatcrstbccrcafebconte 
nuallybntill tDctcntDmonctD: in tDe 
tent!) monctD,on tlje firftday of tDemo* 
nctD,ibmtDctopsoftDemouutautes 
fecne. 

6 OnbiteamctopaflcattDcenbof 
fojty bay cs,tDat jftoal) openeb tlje ibuv 
boib of tlje Suite lbDtclj \)t ljab mabc. 

7 3nDftefmtfo?tl)a3&auen,lM)it!) 
rucnt foo^tt) t to ann fto , bntiu tlje tta- 
tcrs iber c bneb bp front offtfjc cart!). 

8 2HGo Dee fent footfD abouefcom 
Slim , to fee if tDe ibatcrs vberc abatcb 
from off tlje fate of tlje gcounb. 

9 26uttl)cboucfounbnorcftfo?tlje 
folc of tier footc , anb tlje rcturncb bnto 
Dim into t!)c 3irKC : foj tf)c Ibatcrs were 
on the fate of tDe itoDoIc cartD. XDcn tje 
put footfD tjis Danb, anb toone Der,anb 
t puneb Ijcr ui bnto Dun, into tDe ^rftc. 

io 3inb Dee ftaycb vet otDee reucn 
bayes; anb agatnc Dee fent footflj tt>c 
boueoutoftDcStrue. 

ii 3mb tlje bone tame in to rjtm in 
tDe cucning , anb loc ,m her mourn wis 
an £>uuc leafe plutfet off : £>o JBoaD 
tmflb tDat tDe ibatcrs tberc abateb 
from off tDe eartD. 

ii 3inb Dec ftaycb pet otDcr fcucn 
baycs.anb fent fottlj tDe bouctbDicD tc= 
turnebnot againe bnto Dint an? mow. 

13 C3nb it tame to paffe in tDe fire 
DumycbtD anb oneyccrc,mtDcfirftmo- 
n«h, tDe ftrft Aiy of tlje monctj) , tDe 
ibatcrs lbcre bjycb bp from oft tlje 
cartD: anb jRoat) remooucb tljecouc' 
ring of tDe 2rac , anb looueb , anb be* 
Dolb,tlje fate of tlje grottnb was bjie. 

14 3nb tn tlje fctonb monctlj,on tDe 
fcucnanb tlbentictlj bay of tDe monctlj , 
lbastDc cartD bneb. 

15 C 3mb <sob fpauc bnto iRoali, 
faying, 

i6 (Sot fpotfD of flic Zv%t , tljou, 
anb tDy ibifc,anb tDyfonnes,anbtDy 



fonnestbtucsibitDtDee: 

17 2S?tng footfD ibitD tDcc cucry \i- 
uingtbtng tljat istt)UDtjjcc,ofallflcaj, 
both offolblc,anbof tattcll,anb of eucry 
creeping tljing tDat crecpetDbpon tDe 
cartD , tDat tDey may tyeeb abunbantly 
m tDe cartD, anb bcfmtfull,anbmulte 
ply bpon tlje cartD. 

18 ^nbii5oaDtbcntfoo?tD,anbDis 
fonncs, anb fjts ttnfc , anb Dts fonnes 
lbiuesibitDDitti: 

19 Cucrybeaft.cncrycrecpingtDing, 
anb cuery foible, and tbDatfoeuer crce= 
petDbpontDecartD,aftcrtDcir t nmbs, 
Jbcntfoo?tDontoftDc3IrHe. 

20 c %nn jHoaD butibcb an ^itar 
bnto tDe % <£> B 2D,anb toone of cucry 
cleane beaft , anb of cucry tlcauc foible, 
anb offrcb burnt offnngs on tljc^ltar. 

xi 3lnb tlje % 1D 3R 2D fmclleb a 
tfibcctcfauour,anbtDc 1L£>B2Dfatb 
inDisDwrt,3llbillnotagaineturfetlje 
grounbanymo2cfo?mansfaUc ; foitDc 
imagination of mans Dcart >s eutl from 
DisyoutD : neitDeribill 3 againe finite 
anymo?ccucrytDingluung,as3 ijauc 
bone. 

ii ti©DilctDecartDrcmainetD,fccb- 
ttmc anb Darueft, anb tolb, anb Deat, 
anb Summer , anb namtcr , anb bay 
anbmgDt,fljallnottcafc. 

CHAP. IX. 

1 God bleiTeth Noah. 4 Blood and murder 
are forbidden. 9 GodsCouenant 13 ilg- 
nifled by tire Rainebow. 18 Noah reple- 
nifheth the world, io planteth a Vineyard, 
11 is drunken , and mocked of his fonne : 
15 Curfcth Canaan, 16 BleiTeth Sheni, 
17 prayerhforlaphet, 18 anddieth. 

0n <5ob blcffeb i!5oalj, 
anb Dig fanncs , anb faib 
bntotDcm,*26ccfcuttfull 
anb multiply , anb rcplc^ 
.niftjtDeeartD. 
z ^nbtDe fcarc of you ,$ tDebjeab 
of you njau be bpon cuery beaft of tlje 
cartD,anb bpon eucry foible of tlje aire, 
bpon all tljat moouctD vpon tDe cartlj, 
anb bpon all tDe Bftics of tlje Tea; mto 
your Danb arc tl;cy belmcreb. 

3 eucry moumg tljing tDat liuctlj, 
ftjaibc meat fo; you , cucn as tljc*gr eene 
Dcrbc Dane 31 gmen y ou all tlimgs. 

4 *2&utflcnjibitDtDclifetDercof, 
which. s tDe btoob tDcrcof,fljallyouuot 
cate. 

5 ^nb furely your bloob of your 
. luics 




mtltes. 



uoMrcfrcH, 



• Chap.*. 
5-matt.ij, 



1 Htb. As jet 
aM the dxjel 
cftkt tMrlh. 



:hap.I. 
23.and8. 
'7- 



«Cha P . 1. 

*Lcuit.i7. 
14. 



The Rainbow. Chap.x. Noahs generations. 



• Matt. \6, 
5 1. reucl, 
13.10. 
' Chip. 1. 
>7- 



*Efa.j4-?. 



*Ecc!us.4j. 
u,u. 



\\H<b.Cb<- 



liues lbtll_0 require : attbebanb of cue= 
ry bcaft null 3 require it, $ at the banb 
of man, at the banb of cuery mans b?o^ 
tber Xbill 3 require the hfe of man* 

6 *iffi)o fo mcbbctb mans bloob,by 
man (bail bis Wood be (beb j * fo? m the 
image of d5ob mabc be man. 

7 anbyou,beyefntttfull,anbmufc 
ttply , b?ing foojtb abounbantly in the 
earth, anb multiply therein. 

8 canbcsobfpaRcbnto4]2oab,anb 
to!)i£fonncsu)irl)i)im,tavmgi 

9 anb 3 ,be bolb,_0 cttabltlb my to* 
ucnant Hurt) you , anb Ibttb your feebe 
after you: 

10 anb tbttt) cuery liuing trcature 
that is lbitb you , of the foible, of the cat* 
tell, anb of eucry bcaft of the cart!) lbitb 
you ,from all that goe out of tbcarRc, 
to cuery beaft of the earth. 

11 anb *3 ttiil ellabun) my coucnant 
ttrttfi you, neither fbal all fletti be cut off 
anymore, byfbeibatctsofafloob,neiis 
t\K t (hail there any moic be a floob to 
beftcoytheearth. 

ii anbd&obfaib, XbiSistbetoRcn 
of the Coucnant ibhtcb 3 mauc be* 
nbeeue mec anb you, anb cuery liuing 
creature tbattsibithyottfojperpctttall 
generations. 

i? jJJbocfctmybotbtnfbccloub,anb 
it (hall be fbisatoRcn of a couniaut.bc 
tibecnemeanbthc earth. 

14 *anbit{bailtometopalTc,tbbcn 
3 bnnga cloub oucc the eartb,tbattbc 
boiblbailbc fecncmtbcclouD. 

15 ^nb 3 ibUl remember my coue- 
nant , tthich is beflbeenc mee anb you, 
anb eucry liuing creature of all fled) : 
anb the ibatcrs (hall no moje become a 
floob to beftroy all fle(b. 

i6 anb tbebotbfbaibc in the cloub ; 
anbgjtbilllooRcbpon it, that 3Jmay 
remember the eucrlafhng coucnant be* 
ttbecne C5ob anb cuery liuing creature, 
ofallflelhthatisbponthe earth. 

17 anb (Sob latb bnto 33oab, Xhis 
is the toRcn of the coucnant , Jbbttb 3 
hauc cftabliftjcb bcttbcenc nice anb all 
flc(h,that>sbpon the earth. 

is canbthelbnnesofiBoahthat 
Ibcnt fo#b of the arRe, tbete £>bem, 
anb fcam , anb giapbct : anb $am is 
the father of || Canaan. 

19 Xbefc are the tlnec fonncs of /|3o; 
ah : anb of them tbas the ibbole earth 
onerfpjeab. 

20 anb jftoab began to bee an hu£ 
banbinan,anbbeplanteb abtneyarb. 



11 anb he bjanRe of the nunc, anb 
KbasbmnRen , anb hec ibas bneouereb 
ttntbm bis tent. 

22 anb s?am,thefatbcr of Canaan, 
fail) the naRcbneue of his father, aub 
tolb his ubo hzcthjen lbttbout. 

23 anb£>bemanb_liapbettooRca 
garment, anb layeb " bpon both their 
(houlbers,anb Ibcnt bacRibarb,anb co- 
ucreb the naRcbneflc of their father, 
anb their faces were bacRlbarD,anb tbey 
(alb not their fathers naRcbneflc. 

24 anb il3oai) alboRe from his 
tbmc,anb Rncvb ibbatbss yonger Ibnne 
hab bone bnto htm. 

25 anb he faib, Curfcb bee Canaan : 
aferuantof fcruants (hall bee be bnto 
bistsctbjen. 

26 anb bee faibc, 25lcfleb bee the 
3L_D-R3> (£ob of £>bcm,anb Canaan 
(haibcllhisfcruant. 

27 d5ob (hall || enlarge Japbet, 
anb be (ha! blbcl in the tents oT&bcm, 
anb Canaanfljaibe bisfcruant 

2s canb/Boah liucb after the floob, 
tb?cc bunbjeb anb fifty y ceres. 

29 anbailtbebaycsofiSoabVbete 
nine buntycb $ fifty yecrcs,anb be tUtn. 

CHAP. X. 

1 The generations of Noah, i Thelbnnesof 
Iapher, 6 The (brines ofHam. 8 Nimrod 
the firft Monarch, n Thefonnesof Shem. 

&>Vo theft are the gene* 
rations of the fonncs of 
/i5oab ; dDcnt, ®am, anb 
_0apbct : anb bnto them 
iberc fonncs borne af- 
ter the irloob. 

2 * Xhe fonncs of faphet : «5o* 
mer,anb fl0agog,anb £0abai,anb 3J& 
uan,f Xubai,anb flpefhech, $ Xiras. 

3 anb the fonncs of ©omet : afl)^ 
Rena5, anb Biphath^anb Xogarmah. 

4 anDtbcfonsof3Jauan:€hfbah, 
anb Xarftjtft , Bttrim, anb 2>obanim. 

5 25y thefc ibete the 3llcs of the 
(Pcntilcsbtuibcb ut their lanbs, cuery 
one after bis tongue : after their fami* 
lies,in their nations. 

6 C*anbtbefonneS0f$am:Cn(b, 
anb fl0i?raim,anb |&hnt, anb Canaan. 

7 anb the fonncs of Cu(b , £>cba, 
anb l^auaab , anb ^>abtah , anb 3Raa* 
mab,anb ^abtcdja: anb rhefonncs of 
3Raamah s &beba,anb SDcban. 

8 anbCu(hbcgat>15tmrob:bcbc* 
gantobcamigbtyonemtbeearth. 

9 J^e Ibas a mighty banter bcfoic 
tjbc 




| Cr,fertuM 
to them. 
\Or,fcr. 
frvade. 



•i.Oiron. 



•i.ChioB. 
i-3. 



ThefirftMonarch. Genetis. Babel builded. 



1CrB.Jj- 
In. 

| Or, he went 
out into A[- 
fjru. 

Or , the 
jhettetofthe 
Citir. 



f Heh.Tt.i- 
don. 



t Hrtr. A*-- 



"l.Chron 
1.17. 
t Hetr.*st> 

fdchfljAd. 



t Hthr.Sh,. 

bh. 

'l.Cliron. 
1,1$. 



the 1L4D&SD : nrtjetcfoie »t is faioe, 
cum as/Tmnrob tijc nughtie hunter 
befo2CtheH£>:R3>. 

10 3mb the beginning of his fting 
borne ibas ' 25abei,anb ercch, anb 3c= 
cab, anb Cainch,iu the lanb of Shtnar. 

11 £>ut of mat lanb || Bbcnt foith 3ifc 
0)iir , anb builbcb j3mcuclj , anb the || r* 
ric&choboth,anb€aiah, 

u 3nb Bcfcn bettbeme iftiucuch 
anb Caiah : the fame is a great cuie. 

13 3tnb$teraim begat 3Lubim, anb 
3tnamtm , anb ^Lchabuu , aiib/Raph- 
tuhim, 

14. 3nb ^atftmum, anb Cafluhim 
(out of lDhotnc tame ^htuftnm) anb 
daphtojtm. 

15 C'^nb Canaan negate f ;s>tbon 
hfsfirabome,anbi)eth, 

16 3nb thc^Jcbuutc, anb the tf mo 
rote, anb the (Krgafitc, 

17 3Cnb the i?iuitc, anb the Straite, 
anb tilt finite, 

18 3inb me 3ruabttc , anb the "Zt- 
mantc, anbthci?amatl)itc : anb after- 
ibarbiberethe families of the Canaan 
nttesfpjcababioab. 

19 3ltib rt)c bobber of the Canaa* 
mtcs, was from £nbon, as thou com- 
nicftto <3ctar,tonto f <£a;a,aj6thougo- 
eft bnto doDoma anb <3omo;alj , anb 
3bmah, % zcboim, cucntmtolLaflja. 

20 itnefc aretDcfonucsof l)am, at* 
ter their famines, after their tongues, 
m their tountrfes, mdm their nations. 

21 c Smto dhem alfo tl)c father of 
all tljcchittncn of Cbet, the toother of 
3iaphet thcclbcr, men to htm iberc 

children bO?nc. 

22 %\)t * tljtltocn of £>hcm : Clam, 
anb3mijur,anb 1 3trpharab,anb Hub, 
anb 5lram. 

23 3lnb the chiltocn of 3(ram : H5, 
anb 5?m\anb <3cthcr,anb flJDafl). 

24 3inb3lrpljarab begate *;5>aiah, 
anb&aiah begate <2bcr. 

25 *3wbbnto€beribcrc borne tlbo 
fouties : tlje name of one >■> as pelcg, fo* 
uihisbayesDjas the earth bunbcb,anb 
htstoortjcrsnamcw«3foRtan. 

26 3nb 3JoUtan begate 3Umobab, 
anb&hcieplj, anb l^armaucth, anb 
IJerah, 

27 3inb i?abo:am, anb Vw\, anb 
DflJiah, 

2s 3mb<©bai, anb^bimael, anb 
3>hcba, 

29 2lnb£Dpf)ir,anb manual), ?5Jo= 
bab:autl)tfcwcrctl)cfotmcsof3Johtan. 




30 anb their MtoeUmg IMS from 
£0cflja, as thou gocft bnto ;S>cpljar, 
amountofthceaft. 

31 Xljefc -ire tlje tonnes of £>hcm, af 
tctthetr families, aftcrthetrtongucs, 
tntrjnr lauosaftcr their nations. 

32 1Ehcfe are me families of tlje 
fonncs of i^oal) after tljcir gmeratt- 
ons,m tljeir nations: anb bp tljcf c iPerc 
tlie nanons awv^t^ m tlje cartl) after 
tijcjfloob. 

CHAP. XL 

1 One language in the world. 3 The building 
otBabel. 5 Theconfuiionofcongues. 10 
ThegenerutionsofShem. 17 Thegencra- 
tionsofTei ah the father ot'Abram. 31 Tc- 
rah goeth i'rom Vr to Haran. 

iBU *tijc ltoljolt cart!) xuas 

ofonctiauguagc,atibof 

onetfpeatl). 
2 ^nbtttamctopau*c 

as tl)ev iourncvcb from 
tl)c caft, tl)at tlje? founb a plaint in tlje 
latib of S>l)inar ,anb tljev bibclt rtjere. 

3 3tnfc ♦ tljev favb one to auotljer ; 
<5octo, Ictbsmatic bntUe,anbtbumc 
tl)cm tl)020iblv.^nb tljev Ijao biicUc fo? 
Qoncanb fltmeljab rncyfoj mooter. 

4 ^nbtl)c?faibjeocto,lctbsbiulb 
bsa ntv anb a torbcr ,ibl)ofetopmav 
reach bntol)caum,anb let Psmaaebsa 
name,leftvbcbcftattereb ab?oab bpon 
tljcfacc oftl)eibI)oleearrt> 

5 ^nb tlje % © B 3) tame botbnc 
to fee tljeritv atibtljctoU)er,W)l)itl)tlje 
tljilb^mofmmbuilbeb. 

6 3liib tlje % ® 8 2> titii- iBeljolb, 
tlje peoples one, anb tljey haue all one 
language: anb tnts tljcp begin to boe: 
anb noib notljutg lbill be reftratneb 
fromtljmi ,U)ljir!j tljcyljaueiniagmeb 
to boe. 

7 <5oe to ,let bs go boibnc,anb tljere 
cofounb tlicir language, mat rlity may 
notbnocrftauboncanomcrsfpccel). 

8 ^»o tlje % D B£> fcattereb tljtm 
ab?oab from tticnte, bpon tlje fate of all 
tlje cartl) : anb t|)cy left offto biulb rlje 
Citic. 

9 Xljercfojcismenamcofttcailcb 
'Isabel, beeaufc tlje ?L£>K£> bib mere 
confounb tlje language of all ttje eartl) : 
anb from thence bib me % ® » E> frak 
tcr tljcmab:oab bpon tlje face of all the 
earth. 

io C *3Ehefc are the generations of 
5>jjmi.S>ljemwasanljunb2CbperesolD, 
anu 



'Wif.io.5 

f HrlrMfff 
I Hcb.veardt. 



f. Hd to his 
neighbour. 
t tieb. burnt 
them to n 
burning. 



I Thdtii, 
Confufion. 



* I.Chron- 
< "7- 



Thegenerations Cliap.xij. of Tcrah. Abram. 



■i.Chron. 
t.19. 

•Called 
Luke J. j j. 
Philcc. 



•Luc. 5.3 5 

Saruch. 



"Luc.j.j,, 
Thara. 



« 10111.24.1 
i.Chron. r. 
stf. 



anb begate 3rpharab ttbo veeres after 
thcJFloob. 

11 2nb Sfytm Uueb , after he begate 
3rpbarab, fine hunbzcb peercs, anb bc> 
gatefonncs anb baughtcrs. 

it ^nbarpharabiiucbfiueanbthir* 
tieyecres, anb begate :a>alah. 

13 3MD 3irpharab Uueb , after hebe* 
gate £>aiah , foure huntyeb anb tlncc 
veer es , anb begate fonncs anb baugh; 
tecs. 

14 3tnb £>aiahimeb tbirtic yeeres, 
anb begate tfber. 

15 3nb S>aiab lineb, after hec begate 
<Jbcr, foure huntyeb aub th:cc yccres, 
attbbegatcfonncsanbbaughters, 

i6 *3inb<£berliucb foure anb thirty 
pecres,anb begate * pclcg 

17 3tnb Cber luteb , after bee begate 
$eteg, foure buntycb anb tbtrttc per cs, 
anb begatcfonnes anbbaughtcrs. 

18 3tnb 0clcg Uueb thirtic yecres, 
anb begate ftcu. 

19 3tnb0cleg Uueb, after bee begate 
Ectt,ttt>ol)imb2cb anb tunc yecres, anb 
begate fonncs anb baughtcrs. 

20 3nb &eu Uueb trbo anb tbirtic 
yecres,anbbcgatc*;t>crug. 

2 1 3lnb &cu Uurt) , after I)cc begate 
£>crug, ttbo bunbjetb anb feuen ycrcs, 
anb begate fonncs aub baughtcrs. 

22 ^nb&cruglMCbthirtteyeeres, 
anb begate jfraljo?. 

23 :Snb5>crugUueb,aftcrhcbcgatc 
^al)o?,r)Dol)unb?cb yecres, anb begat 
fonncs anbbaugbtcrs. 

24 3mb jRaboz uueb nine anb ttbctfc 
ticyccrcs,anb begate *1Ecrah. 

25 %nn ^abozuucb.aftctbcbcgatc 
Zcrah , anbunbjcb .jninctccneyecrcs, 
anb begate fonncs ano baughtcrs. 

26 3nb1EcrabUucbfcucntyyccrc6, 
anb*bcgate3iD2am,#abo:,$!i?aran. 

27 C /ftott) thefe are the generate 
onsof Xerab : Xcral) begate 2b2am, 
jftabo:, anb J?aran : 3nb tyaran be* 
gateHot. 

28 3Mb$aranbicb,bcfo:cbisfatber 
3Ccrab in the lanb ofljis nattuityjtn 33r 
ofthcCbsibccs. 

29 3lnb ajteani anb if5arjo? toofte 
tftem fttues : the name of ^bzams ttnfc 
wa? !=t>arat, anb rtic name of iiSabojs 
Unfr, fll&iicab, the baugbtcr of J^aran, 
the fatljcc of flBtltal) , aub tljc fatl;cr of 
Ufcal). 

30 25ut&atattbas barren ;tljc had 
nocbiioe. 

31 anu Xeral) tooUe 3lb;am ibis 




founc, anb lLot tljc fonnc of l?aran his 
fonncs tonne, aub&arai his baugbtcr 
mtaibc, his tonne 3b;anis vntft, anb 
they tticntfoortbttnth tbemfrom * ?Ur 
of tbeCbalbccs , to goc into the lanb of 
Canaan : anb fycy came tmto tyaran, 
anbbibelttljcre. 

32 3tnb the bayes of ICcrah , iberc 
ttbo buntneb anb aue ycrcs : anb %c- 
raljbicbtn^aran. 

CHAP. XIL 

t God calleth Abram , and blclTeth him with a 
promife of Chrift. 4 HedepartethwithLot 
from Haran. 6 He iourneyeth through Ca- 
naan, 7 whichispromifedhiininavifion. 
10 Hee is driuen by a famine into Egypt. 
Ji Feare niaketh him fainehiswifeto behis 
filler. 14 Pharaoh hauing taken her from 
him,by plagues is compelled to reflore her. 

4Dtt>rbc*HiI>3a2>bab 
taibbnto^bzam, <Btttt)cc 
out of tbycountrcy,anb 
from thy Uutr cb,anb from 
-tbyfafbcrsboufe,tmtoa 
lanbtt)at3U)mn)cU)rtjcc. 

2 3tnb J voill mauc of tftec a great 
natton, anb 3 tbil bleffc tt;cc,anb mauc 
tt)t> name great ; anb tljou than bee a 
btctfing. 

3 ^nb^jamblctretljcmtDatblctrc 
tijee, anb ctttfctjmt, tftat enrfettj tfjee: 
*anb in rl)cc tbatau families of tt c earth 
bcblcffcb. 

4 &o ^b?am beparteb, as tije 
% £T> H 2D hab (pofecn bnto Ijim , anb 
ILotttentttithhim: 5Inb^bjamU)as 
fcucntie anb fiue peercs olb rbUen he be- 
parteboutofJ^aran. 

<, ^nb^biamtoofteiDaraihisibtfe, 
anb Hot his Mothers fonnc, anb an 
their fub&antethatthepbab gattiereb, 
anb the tbuics that thev hab gotten m 
$?aran,ano thepibemfoo^th to gocutto 
the lanb of Canaan : anb into fijcianb 
of Canaan the? tame. 

6 C3Inb3lbjampaffcb through the 
lanb, tonto the plate of Cithern , Unto 
thcplamcoffiPojch. ^nbthcCanaa? 
nttewastheninthelanb. 

7 :an&thcH£>B2r>appcarcbi)n; 
to^b?am,anbtaio, * ^antothvfccbibil 
3 giuc tins lanb : anb there butlbcb hec 
an*aitarbnto the!LCB2>,rbl)oa^ 
pcarebbntobinu 

8 3tnbhe rcmoucb fromtljnttcbn* 
to amountamcontheeaftof Bethel, 
anb pitcheb his tent hau.ng asttl>cl on 

the 



"Nehcm. 
p 7. iudicli. 
J-7-"it*-7- 



"A*. 7. 3 



*Chap. 18 
18. and ji 
l8.aas. 5. 
2j.gJat. 3 . 



'Chap.lj. 

»S- 

• Chip. 1 j 

4- 



Ab 



ram in 



£ZP 



c. 



Genei 



is. 



Ab 



ram an 



dL 



ot. 



] Hcb.'tngo- 



tbe nacft , anD $ai on tbe €aC : anu 
there Dee butlbcD an altar bnto ttjc 
% <£> Ka>, anDtalltD Uponttje /I2ame 

oftbeH£>£3>. 
9 3(nD;clb;amiourncyeD,|| going on 

ftilltott)arDtbc£>outl> 

io c 3hid ttjere ibas a famine in tbe 
iauD,anD3ibjamttient Dottmc mto <iE* 
gypt, to foioiirne tljccc : fa? tbe famine 
tt>as gncuotis m tlje lanD. 

li anDittametopaffettJbenberbas 

tome nccrc to enter into cgppt, tljat \)i 
fain Unto £>arai bis ttnfe,25eboiD nott>, 
31 Unoiu tbat tbou art afairetttoman 
tolooitrDpon. 

u ICbercfozc it (ball tome to pafle, 
ttm m t\)t egpptians Q)aufcc tbec,tbat 
tbev fbalt Cap , ^Ijtjs is b# ttnfc : anD 
tbev tt)iU Hill mc,lmt tJ)e^ null faue tbee 
aituc. 

13 £>ap,3Jp2aptl)cc,ri)ouattmpfi' 

Get, tbatttmavbctt)clttntbmc,fojtbV 
faac; anb mpfonlefl)auiMC,betaufcof 

tDce* 

14 OnDitcametopaflc,tbattt)bcn 
Tfounn was tome into egvpt , tbe €* 
gvpttans bcbclbtbeiboman, tbatfljee 
lba^bcrvfairc. 

15 %bcpnncesaifoofiM)araobfatt) 
ijer , anD commcnbeD Ijer before 0b&= 
raol) : anD tbctbomautbastalicnuito 
pbaraobsboufe. 

16 3nbbccntrcatcb3fb?amTbcllfo? 
her fait c : anb l)t nao fbeepe , anborcn, 
ano Dec aflcs, anD men fcruants, anD 
maiD fcruants, anD fl) ce afTcs , anD ta 
mebJ. 

17 3lnDtbeH!©3&SI>piagucD£ba 
raol) « bjs nonfe ttiitl) great plagues, 
becaufe of 5>ar ai^bzams ttnfc. 

18 3lnD0baraob tailcD 3lbjam,anD 
fatD, nabat is tbis tbat tbou baft Done 
tonto me * mhv DiDDeft tbou not tell me, 
rijatfljemastbv ttnfc* 

19 m\w laiDcft tbou , 5>b« iflmf fc 
ftcri fo 3Jm»gbtbauc tabenbertomec 
to lbife : nolb tb trfojc beljolb, tt)V tt)ife, 
taae her anb goc tbv ibav. 

ao 3inD pbaraobtomanDtDbismen 
tontcrmng bun : anD tbev Cent bun a- 
ttmj>,anb ljis ttnfc, anD ailfbat be baD. 

CHAP. XIII. 

Abrara and Lot rcturne out of Egypt. 7 By 
difagreement they part afunder. 10 Lotgo- 
cth to wicked Sodom. 14 God rcnuedi the 
promifetoAbram. 18 HeremouethtoHc- 
bron, and there burideth an Altar. 




il5D ^b^ajnttjent Dp out 
of tfgvpt , be anb b(s ttnfc, 
anD all tbat be baD >artD 
flot ttntb t)im > into tbe 
S)outb. 
z ^nDSityamttJasbervrtcbincnt? 
tell,in fituer, anb m goiD. 

3 3inD bee lbent on ty& tourneyes 
from tbe^outb, cucn to 25etb-el,bnto 
ttjc plate ttibere bis tent baD bene at tbe 
beginning, bettbecne asetb el anb $au 

4 ?UMotbc*piacc of tbe aitat,tt)bub 
be baD maoe tljerc at tbe firlhanD rl)tr e 
3tyam taileD on tbe i5amc of tbe 

5 C3nDHotalfott)birf)tt)cnttttffb 
abjam, bab flocfts anD bearD£,f teuttf. 

6 3hsD tbe ianD tt>as not able to 
bcare ttjem, tbat tbe? mtgbtDtt>elltO' 
getber : fo? tljeir fubftante ttfcs great, 
fo tbat tbev toulb not Dttjcil together. 

7 3mDtbctcibasaftrifcbcttt)ecne 
tt>c bearbtnen of 3ttyams tattell, anb 
tlje bearbtnen of Hots tattell : 3lnD tbe 
Canaanitc, anD tbe #eti53ite DlDclleD 
tbenintbelanD. 

8 ^9nD 3lb?amlaiD into Hot, Hct 
tberc be no ftrtfe,3J p?ap tbee,betvbeenc 
met anb tbee , anD bctibcenc mp btarD 
men anD tb? bcatDmcn : fo? lbee bee 
t tyetbjm. 

9 3& not tbe ttibole lanD before 
tbee i Separate tbvfclfe, 91 p?ap tljce, 
fcommcc:iftbouwiittaketbcleftbanD, 
tbcn^ttjillgocto t^c rtgbt:o?if tbou 

depart tO fl)C rtfltlt battD , tljttt 3J ID1U 

goc to tbe left. 

10 3tnDHotltfteDbpbiseve^, anD 
bebclb all tbe plamc of 3Jo?Dane, tbat it 
tbas lbeillbatcrcb euery iDIjcrc bcfo;e 
tbe Hojb DcftropeD&oDomeanD d5o> 
mowb , wen as tljc garDcn of tbe 
% £>aa3P , UBc tbe lanD of €gppt,as 
tljoucommeftDnto zoar. 

11 XbenHotcbofcbira all tbe plamc 
of 3JoiDane : anD Hot ionrncveD call ■, 
anb tbev feparatcDtbemfelucs tlje one 
from tbe otber. 

iz 3lbwmbtt)elleDmtbclanDof€a> 
naan, anD Hot DttJcllcDtn tljc ntiesof 
tl)cpiaine,anD pitcbeDbisteiu tolbarD 
S>oDomc. 

13 iBitttbc men of 5>oDome lbcrc 
\buUcD,anD fumcrs bcfo?etbeH£>tf£> 
cjctccbuigiv. 

1+ C5lnDtbeH£)3K3DlaiDDnto 
3tbwm , after tbat Hot was feparateD 
frombun, HiftDpnott)ti)meeves,anb 
loouc from tljc place ttJljere tbou art, 
jftoztp 



* Chap. 11, 

7* 



1 Hcbr.men 
Lrcthren. 



God! 



s promi 



ifc. Chi 



Lp.XlllJ. 



Melchizedek. 



hso. 1 2 
4- 






It Or , the 

rutthaifn. 

^Or,thf 
fUiH! of 



jRojtfttuarb, anb £>outftibatb, anb 
<£a(tibaro,anb naeftvbarb. 

15 ^o?all tftc lanDlUfjtdl tljou fcett, 
*totftceibul 31 siuett, anb to tftyfceoe 
fojeuer. 

i6 3nb 3J am maae tf)v feetic as tftc 
butt of tftc cartft : fo tftat if a man can 
number tftc butt of tftc eattft,tften tftail 
tlivfccbalfobenumbjeb. 

17 arifeabautctftjougfttfteianb.tn 
tfte lengtft of it, anb m tftc tycabtft of it t 
fo? 3J ibtll giuc it bnto tftcc. 

is %$m 3fbjam ttmoueb fits tent, 
anb tame anb bibclt in tfte f piaine of 
Mature, ibfiicftiSin^ctyott, anb built 
tftcrcanaltat bnto tfte % fl> B 2D. 

CHAP. XIIII. 

i The battell of foure Kings againft fiue. n 
Lot is taken prifoner. 14 Abram refcueth 
him. 18 Melchi-zedek blefieth Abram. 20 
Abram giueth him tithe, ci The reft of the 
fpoile.his partners hauing had their portions 
he reftoreth to the King of Sodom. 

j!5b it tame to pafTe in tfte 
ba^es of SuncapftelBtng 
of 3>ftmar, 3rtocft Bmg 
of € uafat,Cftcbo?laomct 
Bins of Clam, anb %v 
bal Bins of nations: 

r f:ftatthefemabeibarcelbitft25e« 
ra Bins of S>obomc,anb tottft iBirtfia 
Bins of tiPomojraft, S>fttnabBinsof 
3bmaft , anb £>ftemcber Btns of ze* 
boiim , anb tfte Bins of 26e!a , ibftirfi 
bjzoar. 

j 3Utfteferberetovnebtogctfierin 
tfte bale of £>ibbim ■> Vbfttcft is tfte fait 
£>ea. 

4 XtocUw pcetes tfte? feruebCftc* 
bojiaomcr , anb uttftctftirtecntft vcerc 
tfiey tebelleb. 

<, anbintftcfouttetntftvectccame 
Cftcbojlaomcr , anb tfte Binss tftat 
tberc ibitft ftun , anb fmotc tftc Kcpfta? 
ims, in ^ffiterotft Barnaun, $ flic zu* 
5imsin$am, anb tftc Cmtmstn | ;S>fta 
ueftBtriatftaim; 

6 3nb tfte pontes in tftcir mount 
■S>eir,bnto|| £l-#aran,ibfiitfi is by tfte 
ttnlbcmefle. 

7 ^nb tftcp teturncb , anb tanic to 
en-mtffipat,ibfticfi is Babcfft, $ fmotc 
an" tfte countre? of tfte^tmalefeitcs, anb 
ano tfte 3montes,tftat oibelt m$a5e* 
son-tamar. 

8 £nb tftere lbcnt out tfte Bmg of 
£>obome,anb tfteBins of dDomojtaft, 




ano tfte Bins of 3tomaft,anb tfte Bmg 
of zebotim,anb tfte Bins of 25cia,(tfie 
fame is Zoar)anb tftc? lovncbbattell 
ibitft tftem,mtftebalcofS>tbbim, 

9 naitft Cftebo?laomcr tfte Bins of 
Clam, anb ibitft ICtbai Bmg of nan< 
ons, anb #mrapftel Bmg of S>ftinar, 
anb 3iriocft Bins of Cliafar ■, foure 
Bmgs tttitft fiue. 

10 3f no tfte bale of 5>tbbim rbas full 
of fume pits : anb tfteBings of£>o 
borne f©omo?raftflcb, anb fell tftcrc: 
anb tftev tftat rcmatneb , fleb to tftc 
mountatne. 

ii 3lnb tftep toofee all tftc soobs of 
S>ooomcanb <©omo?raft, ano ailtfteir 
btctuais,anb lbcnt tfteir ibap. 

ii 3mbtftevtooUe!Lot,3ibjamsb^ 
tftcrs fonne,(ibfto bibcit m S>obomc) 
anb ftis go oos,anb beparteb. 

ij C 2ino tftere tame one tftat ftab 
efcapcb, anb tolb 3tb?am tfte l^cbjeib, 
fo? ftce blbclt in tfte piaine of $)amre 
tftc^mo?ite,b?otftcr of Cfftcol,anbtyO' 
tftcr of ^ner : anb tftefe Ibcre tonfcbc= 
ratcib(tft^b;am. 

14- ^nbibftcn^b?amftcarbtftatftis 
bjotftcr ibastaacn captiuc,fte||armcb 
ftiS II traincb feruants oome in ftis olbnc 
ftoufc,tft?ccftunb2cb anb cisfttcene,anb 
purfucb them bnto 2Dan. 

15 3lnb ftce biuibcb ftimfelfc asalnft 
tftcm,fte anb ftisfcruants bp tugftt, anb 
fmotetftcm, anb purfucb tftem bnto 
^oba,tt)fttrft is on tfte left ftanb of 3Da^ 
mafrus: 

16 ^nb ftee tyougftt batae ail tftc 
S00bs,anb alfo toousftt asamc ftb5 b?o- 
tfter?Lot,anb ft(ssoobs,anbtfteibO' 
men alfo , anb tfte people. 

17 C^nbtfte&insof^>obomclbcnt 
out to mcetc ^im, ( after ftis returne 
from tfte Oausftter of Cftcbojlaomer, 
anb of tftc Bmgs tftattticreibttftftmi) 
at tfte ballev of S>aucft , ibftirft is tfte 
* Bmgs bale. 

is 3lnb*fl0clcfti5CbcaBfngof£>& 
lent b?ousftt foo?tft b?cab anb ibine: 
anbftc tbastftc^teft of tftc moftftisft 

(POD* 

19 3mb ftce blcfTebftim, anb fatbc; 
ffilcffcb bee Zbmn of tftc moft ftisft 
d5ob,poffeffour of ftcaucn ano cartft, 

io ^nb blefTcb bee tfte mofi fttgft 
<5ob, tbfticft ftatft beltuercb tfttne me* 
miesmto tftvftanb : anb fteesaueftim 
*titftcsofail. 

ii ^nb tftc Bins of £>obomc falb 
bnto 3b?am,siueme tfte 'petfonSjanb 
\ * taae 



\Or,Ui 

foortb. 

i Or, in$bn- 

tlli. 



'j.Soid.iS. 
'Hcb-7 1. 



•Hcb.y.4- 

Heir. 



!God: 



promi 



lfe. 



Genefis. 



Ab 



rams vi 



lfion. 



•PfaI.l6.KS 



"Rom. 4. 
18. 

" Rom. 4.5. 
galil 3.6. 
lam.i.aj, 



tafee the goobs to thyfclfc. 

ii 2tnb abzam faib to the ISing of 
^oDomcJJftaucliftbp my hatiDPnto 
the iLOfi2D,thcmoQhigh<3ob,the 
poffeflbur of I)eaucn ano earth , 
23 XhatlJilnlnottaRcfrom atlnccb 
turn to alhociatchct,anb thafJUbill 
not tafee any thing that ts thine , left 
thou fhoulocft lap , 5 hauc mabc 71? 
biamrirh: 

14 3>anconciy that iDhieh the yong 
men haue eaten, ano the portion of the 
men lbljuh lucnt ibith n»ec,^ner,ef* 
chol, ano #amrc; let them talte their 
portion. 

CHAP. XV. 

1 God encourageth Abram. i Abram com- 
plaineth for want of an heire. 4 Godpro- 
mifeth him a ibnne, and a multiplying of his 



feed. 



6 Abramisiuftifiedbyiaith. 
naanispromifedagaine, andconfirme 
anVne, 




7 Ca- 
dby 
andavifion. 

ifter thefe things , the 
il>o:bof the ?L£)S2D 
tame Pnto &b;tam ut a uu 
(ion, faying-, iPcarenot, 
^b«wm:3lamthpanelD, 
and thy crcecbutg * great rclbarb. 

2 3fnb 3ityam faib , 3Lort> <Bd>D, 
itohat Unit thou giuc tuc , feeing 3J goe 
chtiblcffc t anb the GciDarb of my houfc 
is this Clicker of 2Damafcus. 

s 3lnb 3ltyam fatb ■, 2Seholb,to mec 
thou haft giuen no fceb : anb loc, one 
borne tn my houfc is nunc he itt, 

4 2nb bcfjolb, the iDozb of the 
% £>& 2D came unto htnt,faytng,Xhts 
(hall not be thine hcirc:but he that (hall 
come foo;th out of thy olbnc bolucls, 
fhaibc thine heirc. 

5 3lnb he bjought him fozth abzoab, 
anb faio , fLooKc noli) toiDarbs hca* 
uen,anbtcltthc (larres, if thou be able 
to number them. 3inb hec faib tnto 
hun,*S>ofhailrhyfecbbe. 

6 anbhe*bclccucbtnthc1L4D132D; 
anb hec countcb it to htm fo; riglite- 
ottfneffc. 

7 ano he fatb unto him ■, J am the 
1L O E 2D that brought thec out of air 
of the Caioccs, to cjuictljcc tins lanb, 
to tnhcrttit. 

s 3nbhcfatb,3Lo;0(5£>2D,n)here; 
by fhaigi imoiu that _fl mail tnhentttf 

9 3Jnb he fatb Ditto htm, XaRcmc 
an hetfer office yecres olb, anb a (hec 
goat of thzee yecres olb.aubaramme 
of th:ee yecres olb , anb a turtle bouc, 
aubayongpigeon. 



io ^nbhctooUcPntohunailthcfe, 
ano muibcb them m the miblt, anb layb 
each peeceoneagatnft another :butthc 
btrbsbuttbcbhcnot. 

ii 2nb llihen the foibles tame 
boi&netoponthe carcafcs3b^mib2ouc 
themaibay. 

ii 3inb ibhen the S>unne lDas go- 
ing boiunc ,abeepc Qeepc fell topon 3i? 
bjam : anb loc, an hojronr of great 
DarHnicffe fell Upon him. 

i j :3n&hc(afoOnto2ib2am,Bnoib 
of a furety,* that thy fceb ftjalbc a (tratv 
ger ,m a lanb that is not theirs, anb (hal 
feruc them , anb they (hail afflict them 
fottrehunbjcb yecres. 

14 3nbalfort)atnationil)homfhey 
(hauferuc,ibt( 3J mbge: anb aftcribarb 
fljau tljey come out ilrith great im> 
fiance. 

15 3nb thou fljaitgocto thy fathers 
in peace ■> thou (halt be buneb m a goob 
olb age. 

i6 25utinthefourth generation they 
(hail come hither agamc : foz the uncuti* 
tie ofthc ^moutcsts not ytt full. 

17 3lnb it tame to pafft that tbhen 
the &vmz lhtnt borbne, anb it ibas 
darke, oeholb , a (molting furnace , anb a 
'burning lampc that paffeb bctlbecnc 
thofcptcccs. 

is 3ln that fame bay then Dm 2D 
mabc a toutnant Unth Slbjam, faying , 
* Unto thy fecb haue _0 giuen this lanb 
from thcnuerofCgypttontothcgrcat 
rtucr,the ruter €uph)atcs : 

19 XheiBtcnttes,anbthcBcn(5ltes, 
anbthemabmonites: 

to %xfo the pittites, anb the $v 
ri55ites, anb the Kcphaims, 

21 3lnb the ^montes, anb the C& 
naatutcs, anb the dSirgafhttcs, anb the 
Actuates. 

CHAP. XVI. 

1 Sarai,bcingbarren, giueth Hagar to Abram. 
4 Hagar being afflicted for defpifing her mi- 
ftrefle, runneth away. 7 An Angelfendeth 
herbacketoiubmitherfelfe, 11 andtelleth 
child. 15 Ifhmaelisbome. 

£>lb&ara(^b?amsiDife 
barchimnochtlbien : antj 
(hehabanhanbmaibc, an 
Egyptian , iDhofc name 
iba6i?agar. 
2 anb 5>arai faib unto 3b2am,25e* 
holb noilt, the H£>&2D hath refh-ai^ 
neb mcfrom bearing : 3f pjay thec go m 
onto u^ matb: it may bee that 3 may 
f obtatne 




*A^s7.c-. 



J ticlrmr. 
fre. 



"Chap.! j. 

7.andi 3 . 

Ij.&l6\<j. 

Jcut. j 4.4. 



Hagarfleeth. Chap.xvij. 



Abrah 



ranam. 



( Htt.ire 
buittcdbj 
her. 



f HA.thtt 

>vhichugood 
1 1 thy eyet. 

Stihtr. 



Thuis, 

GiJfitS 
hrdrc* 



Chap. 35 
18. 



* Chap. 24. 
J Thais, 

tht wr/tof 
him that li- 
uttL orUjee- 
eth me. 



tobtamccbtlbicttbp W : anb abzam 
hearfecneb totheboiceof £>atat. 

j anbS>araiab?antsibife, toobc 
$agar ber maib,tbe egyptian, after a- 
bjam hab otbclt ten yeercs in the lanb 
of Canaan, anb gaue her to her hut 
banbabzaimtobchtsibtfc. 

4 canb be ibent in bnto f?agar, 
anb (be eoncciucb : anb ibhen fl)tc falb 
that (bee hab conteutcb, her nuttrefTe 
tbasbefptfebinhcreyes. 

5 anbS>aratfaibbntoab?am,s$y 
lb?ong be bpon tbec : 3 hauc giucn my 
tnatb into thy bofomc, anbXbhenfljcc 
faib that (be hab eoncciucb, Jjibasbe- 
fptfebinber eyes : the %$> &2D iubgc 
bcnbcencmcanbtbce. 

6 But atyam faib bnto 3>arai,ffie; 
bolb,thymaibisinthyhanb;boctohet 
'asitplcafctbtbcc. anb lbbcn 5>atai 
'bealtbarblylbttb bet, (bee fleb from 
her face. 

7 canbtbcangcloftbc1Lj©&2D 
founb bec by a fountatnc of ibatct , in 
(he rbtlbcrncffc,by the fonntainc, in the 
ttjayto&hur: 

8 anbbcfaib^agar&araismaib, 
lbhcntctamcftthou; atunbbithcrttnlt 
thougoc* anb mcfatb,gj flee from the 
fate of my miftr effe <§>arai. 

9 anb the 3ngcl of the % sD B 2P 
faib bnto her, Bcturnc to tby mifrreffc, 
anb fubmtt tby fclfc bnbet her banbs. 

10 anb the angel of the H £> ft 3D 
faib bnto bet, gjuM multiply thy feebe 
cttcebtngly ,that it (hall not be nutntyeo 
fo?muttttubc. 

11 anb the angel of the % sf> H 2D 
faib bnto her, zscbolb , thou artibitb 
cbtlb, anb (bait bearc afonnc, anb (halt 
tall hts name || gjfbinael 5 betaufc the 
H s© ft 2D hart) hcacb tby affliction. 

iz anb he lbtil be a rutlbc man ; hts 
hanb ibillbcagamft cttctyman, anbe^ 
uerymansbanbagatn{tbim:*ejbc{bai 
blbeli in the pjefenee of alibis tyertnen. 

i) anb (bee talleb the name of the 
% j© ft 2D that fpafcc bnto her , Xbou 
Gob feed me : ft» fl)C fatb, $aue gj aifo 
here loofteo after hint that teeth me i 

14 aabcrefojc the lbclltbas talleb, 
*||2Scct-lahat-roi: ascholb , gjt is be* 
tibeene Cabefh anb 25crcb. 

15 canbftagarbarcabjamafonne: 
anb abjant talleb his fonncs name, 
ibhith 3?agar bare, gjfbmacl. 

i6 anbabjam lbas fourcfeojte anb 
fire yeeres olb, tuhenl>)agar bare gju> 
maeltoabjam. 




CHAP. XVII. 

GodreneweththeCouenJiit. 5 Abramhis 
name is changed, in token of a greater b!ef- 
fing. 10 Circumcifion is inftituted. 15 Sa. 
rai her name is changed, andfheblefled. 17 
Iziaacispromifed. 13 Abram and Ifhmael 
are circumcifed. 

iBb rbhen ab^am ibas 
ninetieperesolb anb nine, 
the ft 3© 3R 2D appeartb 
to abiam, anb fatb bnto 
_ him, gjam the aimtghtic 
Gob, * ibaitte before me , anb be thou 
I perfect 

z anbgjibilmaKcmvcouenantbei 
tibecne me anb rtjec , anb ibill multiply 
thcecrtcebtngip. 

j anb ab;am fell on his face, anb 
©ob talncb ttiith him/aping, 

4. as fo? me, beljolb, my touenant 
is\biththce,anbthoua)altbca*fartjcr 
of || manv nations, 

5 Neither Jhalithp name anpmo?e 
be talleb ab?am, but tljp name (hall bee 
ab?aham : * fo? a father of man? nati* 
onshattegjmabcrhee. 

6 anb gj lbtii mane thee erccebing 
frnufull , anb ^ ttrtll mahc nations of 
thee.anb l&tags fl)ail come out of thee. 

7 anb 3} mill c(tablt(h my touenant 
betibecnc me anb thee, anb thy feebe af* 
ter thee , in their generanons fo? an e 
uerlamng touenant , to bee a Gob bnto 
thee, anb to thv fceb after thee. 

s anb3ifbnlgutcbntothcc,anb 
to th? feeb after thtc,the lanb * tbljercin 
thou art aftranger , allthclattb of Ca? 
naan,fo;ancucriamngpo(rcinou,aub 
gittiill be their Gob. 

9 canb Gob faib bnto abjtaham, 
Xhou u)alt Kccpc my touenant thtre^ 
fo?c, thou, anb thpftebe after thee, in 
their generations. 

10 3Chlsismpcoumant,tbhichpee 
(hall hcepc bctibcenc me anbvou, anb 
fhp fceb after rtjee : * cucrp man rtjilb a 
mong foufljail be tircumtu"cb. 

11 anb vc fljail nrcumcifc the flefh of 
pour fo?efbtnne i anb it(l)al be a * toben 
of the touenant bctibirt me anb you. 

iz anbhc that is ^ghtbapcsolbc, 
*(halbe tirntmtifeb among pou, euery 
man thtlb in pour generations, be that 
is borne in the houfc, o? bought lbith 
moncv of anp Granger , tbljtth isnot of 
thpfceb. 

ij ^e rtiatisbome in thy houfc, anb 

hethatts bought rbiththpmoucp,mufl 

as z ueebs 



" Chap, j, 
22. 

iOr,vp nght 
orfneere. 



\Heb. mul- 
titude ofn*- 

tlOMf, 

*Rom.^.i7 



\lhb.BftUj 

[Qtenrntngt. 



'Aas7-8. 



*Acls 7 .S. 
rom.4,1 1. 

\Htbr.* 

fonntofettht 
cUycs. 

"Lcuit. it. 
j.lukc 2,;i 
iobn7-U. 



Of Circumcifion. Genefis. Three Angels. 



\H4rJh.- 

fhjRbtcemc 
nttianl. 



'Chap. 1 8 
10. and ai 



12. 



neebs bccircumctfcb: anbmpcoucuant 
fftallbcmvonr flcfl), foj ancucriafhttg 
untenant. 

i+ anbtftclmciteumcifcbman cliiits, 
lijftofc flcfl) of ftts foicffiume ts not tip 
cumcifeb,tftat fonlc fftall be mt off from 
Dig people : ftee ftatft tyofecn mp couc? 
nant. 

15 canb <5ob fatb into abzaftam, 
as foz £>arat tftpU>ifc,tftDu fftait not 
tall ftcr name 5>arat , but £>araft frail 
ftcr name be. 

i6 anb 3} Mil bleffc ftcr , anb gutc 
tftce a fonne alfo of ftcr : pea 3J ibti blefTc 
fter, anb || fl)C fftaibc a mother of nations : 
l&mgs of people fftall be of ftcr. 

17 Xftett atyaftam fell Upon fjis 
fate, anb lattgftcb, anb fatb in ftts ftcart, 
£>ftail a child be borne bnto ftim tftat ts 
anftunb?cb pecrcs oib ?anb fftal £>araft 
tftat is nutcttepceres olb, bearer 

13 anb ab?aftant fatb bnto ©ob, £) 
tftat 35fl)tnaelnugfttliucbcfo?ctftee. 

19 anbcSobfaib, *£>araft tftp lbtfc 
fftall bcatc tftce afonncutbccbc, anb 
tftou fftait tall ftts name 3Jfaac : anb 3 
Urill cftabltfl) mp tonenant luttft ftutt, 
fo? an cuerlafhng touenant, and Hntft 
ftts feeb after ftim. 

10 anb as foz 3Jfl)inacl > 3 tout 
ftcarb tft ee i b cftoib,ipi ftatte blcffcb ftim, 
anb ttnll malic ftim Truirfull , anb ttnll 
mulnpUc ftim crrccbinglp: *3Ctt>cluc 
pnntcs 0?au fte beget, anb 3J ttnll maac 
!)un a great nation. 

n 25utmp touenant rbtl3Jcflabltfl) 
ttiitft 1Haac , Ibftttft £>araft fftali bcarc 
bnto tftce , at tftts fet time , in tftc nert 
pecre. 

ii anb fte left off talluitg ttiitft ftim, 
anb <5ob tticnttop fcomatoaftam. 

1} canbabjaftamtooltc^Kftmael 
his fonne,anb all ttjat tticrc boute in ftts 
l)oufc, anb all tftat mere bougftt ttiitft 
l)is moncp,cucrp male,amongtftc mm 
of abiaftams ftoufc, anb rirtumcifcb 
tftc flcfl) of tftc;r fojeflrinne , in tftc fclfc 
famebap.as d5ob ftab fatb bnto ftim. 

14 anbajyaftam wasntnetppecres 
olb anb tunc, ttiftcn fte tbas tirenmnfeb 
in tftc flcfl) of Ijtsfojcftnnne. 

25 anb 3Jflnnacl ftts fount was tf)ic- 
tecne pecrcs olb, ttiftcn Dc ttias rirtum- 
cifcb in tftc flcfl) of ftis fo?cfltmne. 

16 gin tftc fclfc fame bap ttias a* 
bjaftam rtrcumnfeb , anb Jjfftmacl ftts 
fomtc. 

17 Stub all tftc men of his ftoufc, 
borne in tfte ftoufc , anb bougftt ttiitft 




money of tftc ftrangcr ,votw ctccumct* 
feb ibttft ftun. 

CHAP. XVIIL 

1 Abraham entertaineth three Angels. 9 Sa. 
rah is reproued for laughing at theftrange 
promife. 17 The deflrudion ot Sodome is 
reuealed to Abraham. 13 Abraham ma- 
keth intercelsion for the men thereof. 

/Bbtftt*H£)ft2> ap- 
peareb into ftim , m tfte 
piaines of t$amre:anb fte 
wtcintftetentboo?e,tntftc 
„ftcatoftftebap. 
1 ^nb fte lift bp ftis eyes anb loo 
6eb,anb loe, tftjee men floob by ftim : 
anb ibften fte fatb them , ftce ranne to 
mectc tftem from tfte tent booje , anb 
botticb fttmfclfc toibacb tfte grounD, 
j 3lnb fatb, £0p3Lo?b,fifnoH) 
ftatte founb fattouc m tfty figftt , pau 
not avbavj pjap tftec,fro tft v fcruant . 

4 %ttmticmttt,'$wnouM 
fctcfteb ,anb ibafl) vour Rctc, anb rcfl 
vour fclucsbnbcr tfte tree : 

5 anb 3 m\\ fctrft a raotfell of 
b:eab i anb ^omfotf vt pour ftcarts, af* 
tet tftat vou (ftailpaflc on: fo: tftercfo^c 
f arc vou come to pour fcruant anb 
fftcvfatb ; S>oboe,astftouftaftfatb. 

6 anb abjaftam ftaftcneb into tftc 
tcnt,bnto 5>araft, 9 fatb ; + ^aae rcabv 
atucRip tft?cc meafurcs of fine mcale, 
mtcab it , anb maftc tafees bpon tfte 
ftcartft. 

7 anb abjaftam rannc brtto tftc 
ftcarb , anb fctcftt a taifc , tenber anb 
goob , anb gaue tt bnto a pong man : 
anbftcftattcbtotyeiTett. 

8 anb fte tooRe butter, anb mflae, 
anbtftccaifcibftitft ftcftab b?eu"cb,anb 
ret it before tftem -, anb fte floob bv tftem 
bttber tftc tree: anb tftcp bib eate. 

9 Canbtftc? fatb bnto ftun,i0ftcrc 
\s 3>araft tftpibtfcf anb fte fatb, 2^ 
ftolb,m tfte tent. 

10 anbftcfaib , 3 mtu" ccrtainlp re^ 
turnc bnto tftce atcojbmg to tftc time of 
life ; anb loe , *a>arah tftp ibux (ftali 
ftauca fomtc. anb ^araft ftearb it m 
the tent boo:c ,ibfticft ibasbefttnbftun. 

n MoW) abzaftam anb S>araft iberc 
olbanbibcli ftrtcfecnin age : anditcca. 
febto be ibttft 5»araft after tfte matter 
ofibomett. 

n XftercfozeSaraftiaugftebttitf) 
tn ftcr fcifc , fapmg , after J am ibarcb 
olb , (bair J ftatte picafttrc, nn> * io?D be 
mgolbalfb^ 

u anb 



^tbr.ii 



\Hctr.fly. 
t Heh.you 



jHtkr.H*- 
flm. 






•Chap. 17, 
19. and l!. 



.Pet. 



Abraham prayeth Chap.xix. for the Sodomites. 



•Chap. II. 
J. and 12, 
i8.ad"ls.j. 
25.gahe. 
5.3. 



13 3taDtt)e3L« D&2>faiDbtito^ 
bjabam, valymfoit biD£>arab laugh, 
facing ■> &ball 3 of a furctp bcare a 
cbiiDc,tbbicbamolb* 

14 JJs an? tt)lng too barb fo? the 
fLjp&JBD* 3lttbctimcappomteDlbtll 
*J retnrne bnto tbce, atcojDmg toti)c 
time of life, anD >§>arah (ball ijauc a 
fonne. 

15 Chen £>arab DenicD, faping,33 
laugbeD not :fo? (Ijc tbas afcatD. 2(nD 
he fatD, jfcap,but tbouDiDDett laugh. 

16 C 3lnD tljc men rofe Dp from 
thence , anD IookcD totbarb ;&oDome : 
anD 3fl»abam tbent tbtth them , to 
tying tbcni on the tbap. 

17 3nDtbc£.iim2!>faiD,£>naH < 5 
ftiuc from 3!tya!)am that thing tbbich 
3Jooe ; 

13 Bering that ^bjabam (ball Cure* 
Ip become a great anb mtgbtp nation, 
ano all the nations of the earth (bail be 
*bleficDinblm* 

19 JFo? 3 fenorb him , tfjatijee tbill 
tommanbhis ebittuen , anb \)is boufo 
liolb after him , ano the? Ojall beepe the 
tbap of the % £> 3& 3D, to Doc iumcc anb 
ttiDgemcnt , that the fL£)Bffi> map 
bang bpon ^bjabain, that tbbich hec 
hathfpofecn of him. 

20 3nbtfjc1L£>&aDCaib,25ccaiu"c 
the trp of £>obomc anb (Somojtabis 
great , anb bcraufe their finne is berp 
grieuous: 

ii 3 tbtllgoe Dotbne notb ,anb fee 
tbbctber thep hauc Done altogether at* 
cobbing to the crp of it, tbbich is come 
bnto me : anD if not, 35 ibill bnotb. 

22 3nD the mm mrncD their feces 
from thence , anb tbent totbarb $>& 
borne : but ^tyabam ftoob pet before 
the SI £> ft 2D. 

23 C3nb3b;!ahamb2etbncere,anb 
faib , J®(lt thou alfo Dritrop the righ- 
teous tbith the tbtcfecb* 

14 ^erabuenture there be fifrp righ- 
teous tbitbin the citie; tbilttboualfo De- 
drop, anDnotfpatetbcpiacefo? tbcfif 
riertgbteous, rbatarc therein; 

25 H3)atbcfarrcfromtbec,toDoa& 
tcr this mancr, to flap tl)e righteous 
tbith tbctb(ckeD,anD tbattbertgbtcous 
flioulb be as the tbicBcD , that be farr e 
from thee : £>bail not the 3JuDgc of all 
theearthDocrtght* 

26 3{nD tbclL£>-R2D(aiD, 3Jf 3J 
finD in SJoDomfifne righteous, tbuhin 
the ewe, then3J tbill fpare all the place 
fo? their Cafees. 



27 ^nb^aham anftbereDj anD 
faiD.BcholD noa>, 31 bauetaben bpon 
me to (peafee bnto the % $> ft £>,tbbub 
ambutbuftanbafljes. 

28 0erabucnture there fbail lacac 
fine of the nfttc righteous : twit thou w 
ftrop all the ntte foj Ucke of Sue t anD he 
CaiD , 3Jf 3J finD there fourtie anD fiue, 
3J tbill not Dcftrop it. 

29 3nD bee fpafte bnto him pet a* 
game, anD faiD, jDcrabucnture there 
(ball be fourtie founD there: anD befetD, 
3 tbill not Do c it fo;t fourtics fane. 

30 ^nb he faib bnto him, j©h let not 
the ILo?D be augrp, anD 3J tbill fpeafee : 
$>craDucnturc there (bail tbtrnc bee 
founD thctc^nD he feiD,3i tbill not Doe 
t, ifJJfinDthirticthcre. 

31 :3nDhc!aiD,2echDlDnotb,3Jhauc 
taben bpon mec to fpeafee bnto the 
H02D : i&eraDucntutc there fl)all bee 
ttbcntp founb thcr& SlnDhciatD, 31 
tbill not beftrop u fo?ttbenties(afee. *" 

32 3tnb hec faiDc, &>\) let not the 
1Lo?D be angtp, ano 5 tbill Ipcafec pet 
but this once : ^erabucnturc ten (ball be 
founb therc.^nbhc(aiD,3Jtbainotbet 
flropitfojtcnncsfaHe. 

33 ^nDthelLCKSDtbenthistbap, 
adoone as hec haD left comniiming 
tbith ^b^aham : anD 3b?aham retur 
neb bnto his place. 

CHAP. XIX. 

Lot entertaineth two Angels. 4 The vici- 
ous Sodomites are fliikcn with blindnefle. 
11 Lotisfentforfafetyinto themountaines. 
18 Hee obtatneth leaue to goe into Zoar. 
14 Sodome and Gomonah aredeftroyed. 
26 Lotswifeisapillaroffalt. 30 Lotdwel- 
leth in a caue. 31 The inceftuous otiginal! 
of Moab and Atnmon. 

iJ5D there came ttbo %k 
gels to ;§>oDomc at eucn, 
anb ILotfate in the gate of 
5>oDomc :anD1Lotfeetng 
them,tofcbp to meet them, 
anD he botbcbhunfeUe tbith hisfaceto-- 
tbarbthegrounb. 

% ^nD hffeiD, BcholDc notti mp 
IL02DS, rurne m, "5 p?ap pou, mto pour 
feruantBhoufe,anDtancallntght,auD 
* tbafl) pour fecte , anD pe (ball rife bp 
cartp anD goe onpour tbapcs.^nD thep 
(atb, i!5ap : buttbctbilabibcmthcdreet 
ailnigbt. 

3 ^nDhcp^cuxD bpon them greatlp, 

anD thep turncD m bnto hun , anD en^ 

treDinto hishoufc: anD he mabethnn 

25 3 afeaft, 




Chai 



Lotshoufebefet. Genefis. Sodomc burnt! 



"WifJ. !p. 

1 6. 



"Chjp.lS. 



t Hri.art 
[•uaJ. 

ment. 

•Wlfd.10. 

6. 



afcaft, anb bib bane bnlcaucnebbicab, | 
anbtbcybiocatc. 

4 c 2Sut bcfojc ttjcy la? boibnc, 
tbc men of tbc cttic, euen tbemen of ^>o- 
u'oni, compaflcb tiic boufc rounb, botb 
oid ant) yong, all tbc people from cucry 
quarter. 

5 3nbtbcycaucbbntoHot,anbfaib 

bnto Dim , tttycre arc tlje men lbljtclj 
came tn to tljcc tljis nigljt* tying tljcm 
out bnto bs , tljat ibe map UnoU) tljcm. 

6 3lnb Hot incut out at tl)c boojc 
nMotbcm,*fl)uttnctioo2caftctlnm, 

7 3tnbfaib, 3Jp2ayyou,tyctb?en, 
bocnotfolbicftcbly. 

s 26cbolbnoib,3Jbauctibobaugb< 
tcrs, ibbicljbaucnot Itnotbcnman; let 
nice , 3 p:av you , tying tbcm out bnto 
you,anbbocyctotljem, asisgoobm 
your eyes : oncly Ditto tbefc men bo no= 
tiling: fiw tbcrcfo2C tame tljey bnber tlje 
fljaboibofmyrooff. 

9 3lnb tljey faib,<a>tanb batltc, 3mb 
tljey faib againe , %tys one fellow tame 
into fotournc, anb belbillncebsbcea 
gjubgc : iftoib ttnl Uic beale ttwfc lbitb 
thec, tben lbtfb tbcm. 3tnb tljey p2Cffeb 
fojebpon tbc man, euen Hot, anb came 
nccrc to bzeatte rftcboozc. 

io Buttbemcnputfiwtbfbcirbanb, 
anb pullet) Hotmto tbc Ijoufcto tftnn, 
antifluittotbcboo2c. 

n 3lnb tljey fmotc tbc mm * tbat 
were at tbc booze of tl)c boufc , Jbitlj 
blinbncs, botl) ftnall anb gr cat : fo tbat 
njcy ibcancb tljcmfclucs to finbe tlje 
boo^c. 

n c 3lnb tf)c men faib bnto Hot, 
li?aft tl)ou here any bcfibcs < fonne in 
laib, anb tljy fonnes, anb tfty baugb* 
tcrs , anb lbtjatfocucr tbou baft in tbc 
rttic, bang them out of tbts plate. 

13 -fojrocuJillbcftroytbispiatc, be* 
caufe tlje * crtc of fljem is lbaren great 
befoze tDe fate of tlje H£>K3> : anb tlje 
H <S> ft £> barb fent bs to beftroy it. 

14 3uioHotibcntoiit,anbfpaBebn 
tol)islbnncstnlaib,Vbl)itl)marncbIjis 
baugbtcrs, anb faib, 3Up,getyceoutof 
tbis plate : fo2 tbcH£>&S> Unl beftroy 
tills tmc : but bee fectneb as one tljat 
motUcb.bntobisfonnestnlaib. 

15 C 3tnb ibben tlje niomtugarofe, 
tbcntljc3lngelsbaftcncb Hot, faying, 
3nfe, taltc tljylbtfc, ^tbytlbobaugb 
tcrs,ibbtcb f arc here, left tftou be totmi 
nteb in tfje || iniquitie of the ntic. 

16 3nb * ibbilc be lingrcb , tlje men 
laib Ijolo bpon lj# banb , anb bpontftc 



hanb of Ijis ibtfe,anb bpon tbebanb of 
bis tibo baugljtcrs,tljc H£>ftS> being 
nicrcifullbnto ljun : anb tljey tyougbt 
bun fo2tb,anb fct ftim Mtbout tlje citie. 
17 C^nbittamctopaffcibbcntljcy 
nab tyougljt njem fojtij atyoab, tljat Ijc 
faib,efcapc fo? tljy Itfclooac not bcljmb 
tbec, neitljcr ftay tljou tn all tlje piainc : 
efcape to tt>c mountaine , left tljoubce 
confumeb. 

18 ^nbHotfaibbntotl)cm,£)l)not 
fo,my|Lo?b. 

19 alBcbolbc notb , tljy feruantbatl) 
founb grate mtbyfigijt, anb tljou Ijatt 
magttifieb n)y mercy, ibljicl) tliou Ijaft 
nicibeb bnto mc,in fauing my Itfc , anb 
gj cannot cftapc to tbc mountaine, left 
fomc cuiUtaBcmcanb 3 &k« 

20 2orijolbnolb,tbisciticisnccrcto 
flee bnto, anb it is a litlc one : £>lj let me 
cfcapctt)injcr,(isitnotalttlconeOanb 
myfoulcfljallliue. 

r\ 3liib be faib bnto rjim,5>cc,5Jljanc 
atccpttb + njee concerning tljis tljtng, 
tljat 3J mill not oucrtrjjotb tljis citicfo? 
nje lbbicl) njou baft fpoUen. 

n ^aftenjee, efcape tbitljci;: foi3 
cannot boc any tbm g till tljou bee tome 
tlntbcr : tbcrefo?e tbc name of tbccitic 
ibastaiicbZoar. 

i? C %\)t funne Vbas f rifen bpon 
tJ)c eartl),ibben Hot cntrcb into zoar. 

Z4 Xben*tljcH£)3K2?rainebbp5 
on 5>obomc % bpon<5omo?rab,bmn* 
ftonc anb fire, fromtbeHj©&2?out 
ofljcauen. 

15 2nbbcottettb?eibrbofceittcs,anb 
all tlje piamc, anb all trjc ttibabitants of 
the cities, anb tbat ibbitb grelb bpon 
tbegrounb. 

z6 C25utbistbifclooBCbbatlicfrom 
bebmb bim, anb ftjc became apiliar of 
fait. 

17 C 3nb 3fb2abam gate bp carely 
intbcmommg, totbcplacc, rbbctcljcc 
(toobbcfojctbcH€)3R2). 

28 ^nbljelooUcbtotbarb^obomc 
anb (5omo2rab , $toibarb all tbclanb 
of tbc plaint, anb bcbclb , anb loe, tbe 
fmoRC of tliecountrcylbent bp as tlje 
fmoRc of a furnace. 

29 C2nbttcamctopaac,tbbcn<!5ob 
ocftroycb tbc cities of tbe plaint , tbat 
<3ob tcmcmbico 2biabam, anb fent 
Hot out of tlje nnbft of njc oucrtbjotb, 
Uibcn be oucrtlj2Clb tt)c cities , mtljc 
ibljicbHotblbclt. 

30 C^nbHotibcntbpoutofZoar, 
anb btbcltm tlje mountaine, anabts 
tibo 



f Hetjhy 
fact* 



forth. 

*Deut. 19. 

z ;. 'uk. 17, 
29.ifa.13. 
19.ier.50. 
40.amos 4 

I I-lLiJc 7. 



Lots inceft. 



Chap.xx. Abraham in Gerar. 



t He h. TTtar- 
icdtoun 
husband. 



two baugl)ters Wttl) Dim : foz Dec fca- 
rcD to bWcll m zoar, anb IjcDVbclt in 
aeaucDc anb ins two baugDters. 

31 3ltit> tl)c firft bomc fame bnto tDe 
pougct, &>ur fatDcr is olo, ano tlicrc is 
not a man tn tlic cartD , to tome in bnto 
bs, after tl)c mancr of all tfjc cartD. 

31 Come , let bs masc one fatDcr 
bmiUc Wtnc , ano wc will Ipc WitD Dim, 
tDatWcmappicfcrucfccb of our fatDcr. 

33 3lnb tl)cp mace tljeir fatljer onnUc 
Wtnc tDat ntgDt ,<? tDc firft b02itc went 
in, ano lav WttD Dec fatDcr : ano De per; 
ccitteb not, WDen u>c lapboWttc, no? 
WDcnfDcatofc. 

34 31nbtttainctopa{reotttDemo2 
tow ,tDat tl)c firft borne faib bnto tDc 
pottger , 25cInMb , 3 &V pcftcrnigbt 
Witlj mp fatDcr : let bs make Dun bzinlic 
Wmc tins mgDt alfo ,anb goc tDou in, 
anb Ipc WitD Dim,tDat Wc map pjefcrtte 
fecb of our fatDcr. 

35 3lnb tDep mabc tljcir fatDcr bnnac 
Wine tDat mgDt alfo, anbtDcpongcra= 
rofcanb lap WitD Dim : anb Dcpertct- 
ueb notWDcn fD c lap bo Wnc,no? WDen 
fljearofc. 

36 lEDus were botD tDe baugljtcrs 
of Hot WitD tDtlbe bp tDctr fatDcr. 

37 3nbtDc firft bo2nc bare a fonnc, 
anb tailcbDisnamc $3oab : tDefamcis 
tDc fatDcr of tDc fipoabttcs bnto tljts 

bap. 

33 3nb tljc monger, fljc alfo bare a 
fonnc, anb callebDtsnamc,2Scn-ammi: 
tDefamcis tDc fatDcr of tlje cljilb.zenot 
3Dnmon,bMotDtsbap. 

CHAP. XX. 

1 Abraham foiourneth at Gerar, i denied! 
his wife, and lofethlier. 3 Abimelechisre- 
prouedforherinadreame. 9 Herebuketh 
Abraham, 14 reftoreth Sarah, 16 and 
reprooueth her. 17 Hee is healed by A- 
brahams prayer. 

esasaBSg 0Q 3fb2aDam iourncpcb 
"if from tDcntc, towarb tDc 
M. S>outD - Countrcp , anb 
^NgfbWcileb bctwecne Cfc 
,.£^rbe(D anb £>Dur , anb fo- 
tourncbln<i5etat. 

z 2mb 3Cb2aDam faib of 5>araD Dts 
Wife, S>Dc ismp fitter : 3Dtb 3lbnnclecD 
latng of d5crar fent, anb tooltc £>araD. 
3 25ut d5ob tame to 3bitnctctD in a 
bjeame bp mgDt , anb faib to Dim, 75t- 
Dolb,tDoua"butabeabman,fo2tl)cwo 
manWDttD tDou Daft tattcn : fo; fleets 
f a mans Wife. 




4 26ut ^IbimeletD Dab not tome 
uccrc Der : anb Ije faib , % £> H 2D, Wilt 
tljou flap alfo a ngDteous nation < 

5 £>asbl)enotbntoine,£>rjetgmp 
fitter ^anb ftjccucu flic Dcrfelfc faib^ee 
ts nip tyotijcr : m tDc || integrate of mp 
Dcart,anb mnotencic of mp Danbs Datte 
3fbonctD5S. 

6 anb <5ob fatbc bnto Dim tn a 
bjeame, j'ca, 3 Know tlwttDoubibft 
tilts in tDc mtegritic of tlip Dcart : foz 3 
alfo Witljljclb tUce from fitunng againft 
nice, tDcrcfc>2c fuffereb 3 tljec not to 
toucfjDer. 

7 JRoW tI)crcfo:c rcfto2C tDe man 
Dis Wtfc:fo2Dctsa02opDct,anbbe foal 
pwp fo? tljec, anb tDon fljaft hue : anb if 
tDou rctto2c Der not , ftnoW thou tDat 
tDou fbalt furelp btc , tDou, anb all tDat 
aretDine. 

8 '£Dcrcfo2c3fbitncIctD rofc earelp 
in tDc morning, anb taiieb all Dis fcr^ 
uants, anb tolb all tbcfe tDmgs m ttjctr 
cares : anb tDc men Were fo;c af ratb. 

9 %\)t\\ StbtmclccD cailcb 3tbza^ 
Dam,anb faib bnto Dtm,n9ftat Datt tDou 
bone bnto bs^ anb WDat Daue 3 ofFcn 
beb tDcc, tDat tijou Daft bjougDt on me, 
anb on mp bingbome a great finite i 
tDou Daft bone beebs bnto mcc tDat 
ougDtttottobcbone. 

io 3lnb 3lbimclccD faib bnto ^b2a^ 
Dam,b9DatfaWetttDou,tDat tljou Daft 
bonctDiStDiugi 

ii %\\n Ttbjktwm fatb , 26ecaufc 3 
tDottgDt, furelp tDe fcarc of <5ob ts 
not intDtsplatc : anb tljep Wtli flap mcc 
fozmpwtucsfafte. 

it 3nbpct mbecb fl;cc is mp fiftcr : 
fl)C is tDebaugDtcrofmp fatDcr, but not 
tDc battgDtct of mp motDer ,• anb fljee 
became ntpwtfc. 

13 ^nb it tame to paflc WDen <5ob 
caufeb mc to wanbcrfrommpfatDcrs 
Doufc, tDat 3 fetb bnto Der, XDts is tDp 
Uttibncfrc WDtcD tDou fljalt ftjcW bnto 
mc; at cucrp place WDitDcr wee fl)all 
comc,*fap ofme,$c is mpbzotDcr. 

14 3lnb5lbimclecDtoolieft)cepcanb 
orcu,anb mcn-fcruants,anb Women 
fcruants , anb gauc tliem bnto ^bja 
Dam,anb rctto2cb Dim ^>araD Dis ibtfe. 

15 ^nb 3tbtmclecDfaib,BcDolb,mp 
lattb is befoje tljec ; bWel ' Wljcre tt plea- 
fctDtDce. 

16 3nb bnto ^araD Dec faib , t&& 
Dolb, 3 Ijauc gtuctt tDp b2otDcr a thou- 
fanb pieces of filuer : beDolb,Dc^totDce 
atoucring oftDecpes,bnto all tDat are 
^ wnD 



\\Or.pmfh- 

cttieorjin- 

Cfriti;. 



* Chap. IS. 

'3- 



f Heir. mi-; 

goodtnthiKt 

ejett 



Ilfaacisborne. Genefis. Hagar comforted. 



■ch.3p.17 

9. mi 18 

10. 

• Afls7 8 

Gal. 4.1:. 

Hcb.ll.ii 



Chjp.17. 



■Gal. 4 jo 



itoitl) ti)tc, anDVDttl) all other : thusfbee 
itoagtcpjoucb. 

17 C £>o Sitoaham pjapcb bnto 
©ob : anb ©ob hcaieb 3lbimelech, anb 
htstonfe, anbhismaib-feruants, auto 
il)cp bate clitlDicit. 

is f oj the It £) IS 2D hab fall cloCcti 
topaUthcltoombcsoftbchoufcof3ibi= 
mclech , becaufe of 3>arah 3b?aham0 
itoife. 

CHAP. XXI. 

1 Ifaac is borne. 4 Heiscircumcifcd. 6 Sa- 
rahs ioy. 9 Hagar&Ifhmael are calt forth. 
J5 Hagarm diitieffe. 17 The Angel com- 
fortethher. 11 Abimelechscoucnantwilh 
Abraham at Bcer-fheba. 

SSlkYB? S>arahashehabCatb,anto 
^gtDefl^D bib unto 
35pf£^$ &arah*ashchatofpoftcn. 
t^m%££ 1 iro?5>aral)*tonccb 
uc&, ano bare 3Uuabam a fount m his 
olD age , at the frt nine , of ibhich ©ob 
habfpo&cntohim. 

3 3Jnb Slbzaham caileb the name of 
bts fonuc, that ibas borne tonto hun, 
ibhom 5>arah bare to htm, 3Jfaat. 

4. 2nb 2b.iaham ctrcumctfcb f)ts 
fonne gjfaac, bring eightbapcs oUV as 
©ob hab tommaubcto l)tm. 

5 2lnto 3lb.Mham itoas an huntozeb 
rccrcsoib, ibhcnhis fonnc^faatibas 
bomc tonto him. 

6 c 3lnb ia>atah fatb , ©ob hath 
inabc me to laug!), fo that all tljat Ijeare, 
itoill laugh ttuth me. 

7 3mbibcfatb, aahoibouibhauc 
fait) bntoatyahan^that&atah fboiilto 
hauc giuen tljilbzen fucKc* fo:3J hauc 
bomc him a fonne in his o lb age. 

8 3nbthcehUbgrclb,anbltoasitoca; 
neb: anbSOuafjammabc agreatfeaa, 
tDe ftme tap that 3Jfaac itoas itocancb. 

9 C 3nb £>arah falb tfje fonne of 
Dagacthctfgpptian, itohichfbcchab 
borne bnto abMhamjuocluitg. 

10 naherfojc (be fatb tonto 3taabam, 
*Caft out this bonb lboman, anb her 
fonne : foz tl)t fonne of this bonb ibo- 
man (l)all not be beire lbttb nip fonne, 
euenttnth3?faat. 

n 3lnto the thing itoas tocrp grieuous 
in atoabams fight, bttaufc of b«s 
fonuc. 

u C3mb©obfaibbnto:3nMabam, 
!Lmt not be grimousmtbp fight, be-- 
caufc of the iab,anb brtanfc of tbp bonb 
ltooman. ;jn all that £>arab bath faib 



bnto thee, beatsen tonto bet tooice ; fo? 
in j$Uw fbau tbp fecb be taiieb. 

ij 2mtoatfo,oftbefonneoftbebonB 
tbonianitoili^inatteanation, betaufe 
beistbpfecb. 

14 2in& 3tt#abam rofe top catelp in 
the morning , anb tooac bzeao, anb a 
bottle of ltoater , anb gauc it tonto $& 
gar, (putting it on berfboulbcr,) an!) 
the tbilb , anb fent ijee aroap : anb fljee 
bepartcb, anbitoanbcreto in the Unlace 
mfeofasecrOjeba. 

15 3inbtbe ltoater itoas fpent m the 
bottle, anb thee tali the tbflbtonber one 
oftbefbmbs. 

16 aubfbetbcnt.anbfatebecboitone 
oner agamft him, agoob ltoapofif, as it 
itocrcaboibfijoot: foifbefaib,fLetme 
notfcctbcbeatboftbccbilb. 3lnbfbce 
fate oucr agamft him, auto lift top Ijet 
tooicc,antoitocpt. 

17 3mb ©ob beatb the tooite of tbt 
lab, anb n> ^ugcl of ©ob callcb to $a> 
gar out of Ijcaucn , anb faito tontoljer, 
aal)atartctht!)ce,i?agarifearenot:fo? 
<Sob !jatt) pearb tlje tooite of tt)c labtoe, 
itohcreljeis. 

18 3rife,Ufttoptnelato,an&ljoH)f)iui 
mrtjme Ijanb : fo? 3 ibill mafee !)ima 
great nation. 

I? ^nb ©ob openeb Jjetcpefi, anb 
fl)efaitoattrtlofujatcr,anbfl)Ccitoent, 
anb fillers the bottle Witl) ltoater, anb 
gauc tlje lab b^nue. 

10 3lnb ©ob ltoas tbitl) the lab, anb 
Dcgreito, anbbttocltut the itoilbcrncffc, 
anb became an archer. 

21 3nb hec brortt in the tbtlberncffe 
of^aran: anb his mother toobe him a 
\toifc out of thclanb of Cgppt. 

rx C ^nb tt came to paffc at that 
tunc, thatSbtmclceh anb ph«c!)ol the 
chicfe captame of hts hofte fpafee tonto 
^bzaham, faptng, ©oto h itolth thee in 
allthatthouooelT. 

i j iBoito thevefoze froearc tonto nice 
here bp ©ob, that thouitoiitnot^calc 
falflpltotthme, nontoitlj mp fonne, no? 
itoith mp fonncs fonne : but acceding to 
the Binbneflc that J> hauc bone bnto 
thee, thou fhaltboc tonto me, anb to the 
lanbibhcrcin thouhattfotoumeb. 
m 24 ^nb ^b?aham faibe , 3 ltoUl 
finearc. 

25 3nb Slbiaham repjoueb abime^ 
lech, becaufc of a itocll of ltoater, itohich 
^buueiechs fcruants hab toiolentlpt* 
Ucn aroap. 

26 3Jnb ^totmelech faibc, 3J tbotc 
not 



f Hehrrxjf 
thoupxUt ht 
vntt me. 



Abrah 



am is tempt* 



:d. CI 



ia 



p.xxij, 



Ifaacfpared. 






(Ttatij, 
The well of 
thtelhc. 



{Or.Trtc. 



•Hcbr.n. 
■7- 



t Hitr.Bc- 
hehlmt. 



notlbbohatbbonc this thingrnctthct 
bibli thou tell me, neither yet Dcarb3i 
ofit,buttobay. 

vf ^inbSityabamtooBefbcepeanb 
orcn,anb gauc them bnto ^bimclcch: 
anb both of them mane a toaenant. 

is #nb ^bzaDam fet fcucn elbe 
lambes of the flotne by themfelucs. 

19 2nb 3lbimclcch fatb bnto 3fbja; 
Dam , nsftat meanc thefc feuctt elbe 
lambes , ibbtcD thou haft fet by than 
fciucs • 

jo ^nu he faib, jf o* tfttfc feuctt elbe 
lambs a)au thoutaBcofmyhanb.tDat 
tljep ntav be a ibttneu"c bnto mcthat 3 
Dattebiggebthistbcll. 

31 n9hcrcfo:e he taileb that plate, 
||28eet (beba: becaufe there theyfoiate 
both of them. 

jx %\)\xs they mabe a toucttattt at 
Bccct-fbeba: then abimelecDtoftbp, 
anb #hichol the chiefe taptamc of his 
hoftc , anb they tetutneb into tDe lanb 
ofthc0btltftutes. 

j j C 3nb Abraham piantcb a || gtouc 
m ascct-fbeba, anb taileb there on the 
/Same of the % £> ft 2D , tt)e cucrla* 
fttngd&ob. 

34 3mb abjaham fofoutneb in tDc 
^htliftines lanb ,many bayes. 

CHAP. XXIL 

I Abraham is tempted to offer Ifaac. } Hee 
ei'jcch proofe of his faith and obedience. 
ii The Angel ftayeth him. 13 Ilaac is 
exchanged with a ramme. 14 The place 
is called Iehouah-ijreh. 15 Abraham is 
blefledagaine. 10 The generation of Na- 
horvnto Rebekah. 

415b it tame to paffe after 
thefe things, that *<£ob 
bib tempt Slbzaham ,anb 
faibbnto him , :ab2aham. 
3utbhccfaib, T 25cholbc, 
Deere 3 am. 

x 3inb he fatb/Cauc noib thy tonne, 
thine onclyiormc3j faac,\bbomthouio; 
ucft, anb get thee into the lanb of $)o- 
rial) : anb offer Dim there fo: a burnt 
offering bpon otic of tbcil3ountaincs 
which If ttnii tell thee of. 

5 C 3Cnb 3toaDam rofc bp carcly 
m the morning, anb fablcb his affe, anb 
tooucttbo of his yong men iMhhim, 
anb 3Haae his fonnc , anb tlauc the 
iboobfo? the burnt offering , anb rofc 
bp , anb ibent bnto the place of ibhich 
(Bobhabtolbhim. 




4 Xhen on tljc thirb bay abzaham 
lift bp his eyes , anb faVb the place a 
farrcoff. 

5 3lnb ^biaham faib bnto Dteyong 
men,^bibcyouhercibiththc affc,am> 
3 anb the labibillgoc yonber ano Xbo? 
(T)ip,anb come agame to you. 

6 3lnb3lb2abamtooKetbeiboobof 
the burnt offcrtng,anblayb it bpon^j 
faathisfonne : anb he toolte the fire ut 
his hanb , anb a tmife : anb they lbettt 
both of thetn together. 

7 2lnb3JfaatfpaRcbnto3{h2ahain 
Dtsfatl)er,anbfaib, £0y father: anb he 
faib, f i^crc am % my fonnc. 3inbhec 
fatb , Beholb tfje fire anb lbooo : but 
inhere is the Ulambefo? a burnt offring* 

8 2lnb 3lb2aham faib , flpy fonnc, 
d5ob tbill pjouibc himfclfc a lambc foi a 
burnt offering : to they lbettt both of 
them together. 

9 3lnb they tame f o the plate ibhich 
00b Dab tolbe him of, anb 3b?aDam 
built an 3Itar there,anb layb the iboob 
in 02bcr , anb bottttb 3Jfaat his fonnc, 
anb * laybe him on the 3lltar bpon the 
iboob. 

10 3nb SfbjaDam ftrctchcb foozth 
his hanb, anb toofee tl;c unifc to flay his 
fonne. 

11 2utb the 3utgcl of the % D & 3D 
caiicb bnto htm out of Dcauct^attbfaio, 
^b«tDam,3lb?aham. ^inb he faib ,f?cre 

ant^- 

n 7Mb he faib , Hay not thine hanb 
bpon tDe lab, neither bo thou any tiling 
bnto him : foz nolb^ KnoM) that thou 
feared d5ob,fccing thou haft nonbttij 
hclbc thy fonne , thine ottcly fonnc 
frommee. 

13 ^nb^b?aham itftcb bp his eyes, 
anb loolteb , anb bcholDe , bchmbc him a 
Eammc caught in a thitttct by hts 
homcs:^ttb ^bzahant ibent anb tooue 
the Hamme ,anb offer cb him bp fo?a 
burnt offcrmg,tn theftcab of his fonnc. 

14. 3nb3lb2ahamtallcbthcnameof 
thatplatc||3lcl)ouaD t)teh,asit tsfaib 
to tDis bay , 3fn tljc Q3ount of the 
% & ft 5> it fbalbc feenc. 

15 C3lnbthe5lngclofthc1LS>BD 
caiicb bnto ^bzaham out of Ijcaunt the 
fctonbtimc, 

16 3lnb faib , * 25y my fclfc Dane 3 
fioomc, faith the % ® 3S 3D,fozbecaufc 
tljou haft bone this thing, anb haft not 
ibithhcio thy fonnc, thine ottcly fonnc, 

17 Xhat in blcffutg 3 ibtll blcffc 
thee, anb m multiplying, 3 ibtll mul 
ttply 



f Hch be- 
hold tit. 



i That is, 
The L0R7) 

■til fee, ar % 
froHtdt. 



•Pill. 10 j. 
9.ecclus. 
44 si. lukr 
1. 7 j.hcbr. 

5.12. 



Sarahs death. 



Gcncfis. 



Herbunall. 



> TU.Kppe. 

'Chap. II. 
;. and 18. 
lS.ecclus. 

j.xj.gjlat. 
3.8. 



• Called 

Ronvp.IO. 

Rebecca. 



t Heir.* 
P.-itve of 
God. 



tvply thy feeb as tf)c fiacres of the fiea- 
ucn, anb as the faub Which isbponrijc 
fca 1 fliozr, arm toy fceb OjaUpofrefTc ttje 
gate of his enemies. 

is * 3UW m tliv f«t> ftjaU all the nati- 
ons of the earth be blcffto, becaufc thou 
haft obey cb my boice. 

19 So ^bjaham returneb bntoOis 
yongmen, anb they rofcbp, anb went 
together to Scer-fheba , anb^b?aljam 
bwcltati5ccrfl)cba. 

20 c titbit tame to paffe after fhefe 
things, thattt wastolb3W,2aham,fay/ 
mg, 26cliolb £Biicah, fhee Oath alto 
borne rfiiityen bnto thy brother iBa- 
ho?, 

it fiit5 Ins firft borne , anb Sirs 01s 
tootljer , anb Bcinuel the father of 

21 3lnbChcfcb,anbfia50, anb $il 
bafl),anb 3hbiapo, anb ascthuel. 

23 3mb iocthuel begate * Bcbcuao : 
thefc eight i^ilcahbtbbcarcto /3aho?, 
3lb2ahamsb2otlicr. 

24 3nohts contnb'.nc Whofc name 
Was Scumah,flie bare alfo Hcbah,anb 
<5aham,anb%hahau), anb fipaachah. 

CHAP. XXIII. 

1 The age and dcadi of Sarah. 3 Thepurchafe 
of Machpclah, icp whereSarah was buried. 

jftb Sarah was an hun 
■w DztbanbfcttcnanbtWcnty 
ws yccrrs olbc : thefc were the 
^el*t>A? vecrrsofthe life of Sarah. 
'■z^vmzg 2 3nb Sarah bieb m 
Biriati) arba,tl)t fame is ficb2on m toe 
lanbof Canaan : 3lno 3b:aham came 
to mourncfo:Sarah,anbtoWccpcfo«! 
her. 

j C 3mb 3b2aham ftoob bp from 
before hisbcao, « fpahe bnto the fonncs 
officth,faymg, 

4- 51 am a firanger anb a fotonrncr 
wuhyou: guie me apofrefftonof abn- 
eying place with you, that 3 may bury 
my bcab out of my fight. 

5 3tnb the chilbitn of ficfh aufwer cb 
3b2aham,faymgbtito him, 

6 ficarc bs , my llozb , thou art a 
' mighttc #2tnce amongft bs : m the 
thoifcof our fcpulchjcs bury thy bcab : 
none of bs fiiail lbtthholb from thec his 
fcpulch:e, but tlj.it thou mayefi bury 
thy bcab. 

7 3nb3b2auamftoobbpanbbow 
cbhimfelfetothc people of the lanb, e- 
ueri to the chilb:cn of ficth. 

8 3Wb hre tomnnmcb with them, 



faymg, if it be your nunb that 3 fhoulb 
bury my bcab out of my fight,hcare me, 
anb entreat fo.zmc to epljzon the tonne 
ofzohar: 

9 Xhathc may giue me the tauc of 
s^achpeiah, Which he hath, Which » in 
the cub of his ficlb : fin f as mud) money 
as it is W02th ficfhaligiue ttmee,foza 
poflcflion of a burymg place amongft 
you. 

io stub cphjon btbelt amongft the 
chiibicn of ficth. 3ltib£ph2onthefiu> 
tttc anfroercb Sltyahani in the * auW 
cute of the cl)ilb2cn of fietl), eucn of all 
that went tn at the gates of his title, 
faymg, 

ii /i?ay,my I02b,liearemcc : the ficlb 
giue 3 thecanb the cane that is therein, 
3 guic tt thee , m the p2cfcnce of the 
tonnes of my people giue 31 it thee : bu 
ry thy bcab. 

12 3lnb 3to;tahani boWcb boWne 
rjiinfclfcbefojc the people of the lanb. 

13 3nb fie fpattc bnto cplnon m tl)c 
aubicnce of thcpcoplc of the lanb , fay- 
mg, 25ut if thou Wtlt g>uc it, 3 pjay thee, 
hcaremee : 3 will giue thee money to? 
tlit ficlb : tafte tt of mc, anb 3 mill bury 
my beab there. 

i*\. 3lnb epfijon anfWcrrt) ^bja- 
ham,faymgbntohim, 

15 £)9y 102b, hcarRcn bnto nice: tlje 
lanb is wojth fotire hunbjcb njrUcls of 
filuct : what is that bctWirt nice anb 
ti)ta bury tliercfo2C tl)y beao. 

16 3Jno ?lb2aljam ficarfteneb bnto 
£ph2on,anb 3ft)2aham Wcigl)eb to€- 
ptoon the filucr , lbhtcfi he hab namcb, 
tn the aubtcntc of tlje tonnes of fietlj, 
fourc hunbjcb n)cuels of filucr, currant 

money With tl)C merchant. 

17 C3lnbtf)eficlbof€ph20tiWfiich 
was tn £0art)pelalj , which was before 
<55anirc,thc ficlbcanb the taut Which 
^•isthcrem, anball thetrcesthatwerc 
mtficfielb ,thatwere iuail trjcbo.2bcrs 
rouubabout,Wcremabefurc 

18 ?IInto^b2aham to: a pofTcfuon in 
the p2cfcncc of tlic thslbjcn of fieri), be 
fiwaii tljat went mat thegates of bis 

19 3uw after tfiig ^bjafiam buricb 
Sarah his Wife m ri)e cane of the ficlb 
offiPad)pelah,bcfo2cQ3amre:thcfamc 
is ficb;on m the lanb of Canaan. 

20 3inb riic ficlb, anb the caue riiat 
■sriicrem, were mabc fine Dnto3lb2a- 
ham,fo; a poftcfTion of a burymgpiate, 
by thefonucsof fieri). 

CHAP. 



\H.-h.fuH 

mar.er. 



\Iittr.tem. 



Care to prouide Cfia p.xxiiij. a wife for Ifag 



aac. 



t Hebr.^one 
tntQiUycs. 



Chap. 47 
*9- 



* Chap, i z. 
7. and i ;. 
1 5. and 15 
1 S.and 16. 




lOr.A.^ 



CHAP. XXIIII. 

Abraham fweareth his feruant. 10 Thefer- 
uants iourncy : 11 His prayer: 14 His 
fignc. 15 Rebekahmectcthhim, 1S lul- 
filleth his figne, ^•- receiueth iewels , 13 
fticweth her kinred, 2.5 and inuiteth him 
home. 16 The feruant bleileth God. iS La- 
ban enterceineth him. 34 The feruant fhew- 
ethhismeffage. 50 Laban and Bethuel ap- 
proue it. 58 Rebekah confeuteth to goe. 
6z Ifaacmeetethher. 

0ti 3ib?aftam ibas olbc 
and 1 men ftrtcRcn in age : 
stnbtftc n <£>££> tifio 
blcffcb 3ib?al)am tn all 
_ tilings. 
z 30tt>3UHal)amfaiDl)ntohis'rtDcft 
feruant offtis ftoufc, tftat rulcb ourr an 
tftat ftcftab,*0ut, 3Jp2aptftcc, tl)p 

ftanbimbcrmptotgo*. 

3 3lnb 31 mill maUc tnce fiucarc bp 
tt)t%&>3£5>ti)c6ob offtcaucmanb 
flje ©od of toe eartl) , tftat tftou fftait 
not take a ltnfc unto mp fonnc of tfjc 
oaugfttcrs of tftc Canaamtcs amongft 
mftom^Jbibcll. 

4. 25ut tftou Cftaii go bnto nip toutfc 
trep , anb to nip ftmrco.anb tafec amtfc 
bnto nip fonnc 3lfaat. 

5 3nb tf)e feruant faib tmto ftim, 
$crabucntur c tftc woman Ibill not bee 
Willing to follow? nice bnto tftisianb : 
nraftginccbcsbmig flip fonnc agatne, 
tntto tfte lanb from licence tftou ca? 
meftf 

6 3ittb 3lb?aftam faib bnto \)im,T&p 
ware tftou , tftat tftou b?uig not nip 
fonnc tftitftcragame. 

7 CXftc?L£>3a2!>Gobofftcaucn 
Wfticft toolic met from mp fathers 
ftoufc,anb from tfte lanb of mp lunb?cb, 
anb ibrjtrrj fpaRc Dnto nice, anb tl)at 
fware unto mc, faping, * Slnto tftp fecb 
ttttll31 giitc tftisianb , ftc fbail fenb ftis 
^ngrtbefojctfjccanbrlioiifljaittaHea 
Wifebnto mpfonncfroni tftence. 

3 3nb if tftc Woman WilnotbcWtV 
ling to follow tftcc , tftctt tl)ou fftait bee 
tlcart fromtftismp othc : onclp bnng 
not mp fonnc tftitftcr agamc 

9 2nb tnc feruant put ftis ftanb bn 
bcr tl)e tftigft of 3ib?aftani ftts maftcr, 
ano ftbart to ftun contenting tftat 
matter. 

10 C 3nb tftc feruant toofec tcuta^ 
mcls,of tftc camels of fits matter, anb 
bcparttb,( ||fc>2 all tftc goobs ofhis ma- 
tter Were m ftis ftanb) anb ftc arofc,anb 



Went to £0cfopotamia, tonto tlje nne 
ofifiafto?. 

11 3lnbftemabcftiS camels to Unecle 
bownc Vbittjout tftc cine , bp a well of 
mater, at tnc nine of thceucnuig, euen 
tftcnnic 1 tftat Women goe out to D?aW 

water. 

11 3uibncfatb,£>iL!©3aiD ) Gobof 
mp matter 3b?aftam , 3 P^V tftcc fenb 
mc goob fpeeb tins bap,aub fftcw Ruib 
iicffc bnto mp matter ^tbjaljam. 

13 aScftottVJJ ftanb ftrrc bp tftc Well 
of mater; anb tfte baugfttcrs of toe 
men of tlje Citic come out to b;atb 
mater: 

14. ^nblct it come to pafTc, tljat tlic 
bamfcll to U)I)om 3 fljall fap , %et 
botbnctUppitcl)cr,3Jp2aptl)cc,tl)at3 
mapbnnltc, anb fl)c mall fap, 3>2uirc, 
anb % rbillgiuc top camels bJinbc alfo, 
let rife fame be (oec tljat tijou Daft ap 
pomtcb fo: tl)p feruant 'Jfaac : anb 
toercbp ttjail 31 bnotb tljat tOou Ijaft 
foclbcb RiubncfTc bnto mp maftcr. 

\% C3lnbittamctopaffcbcfo2cl)ce 
tjab bone fpcalung , toat bcljolb, 3Kcbt 
sal) came out, woo was borne to 26c? 
tourt, fonnc of £0ileal), toe rbifc ofiI3a? 
Oo? ^bjaljams bjotljer , Vbitl) l)er pit 
coerbponljcr fooulbcr. 

is ftnb t!)c bamfcll mas x bcrp fairc 
tolooBCDpon,abirgitic,neirt)croab^ 
np man nnottim otr ; anb fljee mem 
bolbnctotljcU)cl,anbnllcbI)erpitcl)cr, 
anb came bp. 

17 ^nb toe feruant ramie 1 mcete 
oer,anb faib , %tt mcc (^Jpjaptljcc) 
b?inBcalittlcibatcr of tljppitcljcr. 

is 3nbtt)cfaib,2D2inKc,mp 102b : anb 
ftjc oattcb, anb let bottine Ijcc pucljcr 
bpon Ocr Ijanb, anb gaue oimtymBC. 

19 3}iiblbI)enft)ecoabboncguUug 
mm b2inftc,tt)cfaib,5j mill b2am inatcr 
fo? top tamcls alfo , tntiil tljcp oaue 
boncb2lnlung. 

10 ^nb foe l;aftcb anb emptieb fjet: 
pitdjer Into toe trougo , anb ramie a* 
gaine bnto tlje tbell to biarb water, anb 
bictbfo? all pis camels. 

2 1 3nb toe man lbonbcruig at Ijcr , 
lielfic Ws peace, to ibit, Iboctljcr tlje 
%&&$> l)ab mabc I)is iourneppjofc 
pcrous,02not. 

iz ^nb it tame to paffc as tlje camels 
Dab bone bnnlnng, toatri)c numtooRC 
a golbcn ||carc-rmg, of Daife a ftjeftcl 
Vo cigl)t# rtbo b2acclcts fo? ft cr ftanbes, 
of ten fhekeis rbrtgftt of solb, 

23 3nb faib , ©ftofc baugl)tcr art 

rhoui 



\I1fLr.tk.\t 
Jvomc irbtib 
dr.iTv water, 



A J 



or! 1). 



*Vcrr 4 3. 



I He br, gco 
ofccuntc- 



\ Or, icrreK 
far the fore- 
head. 



Abrahams feruant, Genciis. and Rebekah. 



tbou* tell nice, 3 pjap rtjee : is tbece 
roome tn rt)p fattjers Ijoufc fo: bs to 
lobgemi 

-4. anb (be fatb bnto Dint, gj am tbc 
baugbtcr of loctbucl tbc fonnc of s33il; 
cab.ibhicb fl)t bare bnto /3a1)oz : 

2 5 5>bcfatb mojcoucr unto bun,iBe 
bauc botb (train* p20uctibcrpnougb, 
anbroomctolobgcut. 

i6 aim tbc man bolbcb bourne \)ie 
bcab,anb nwfbippcb tl)c % •£> K Z>. 

17 anb bec fame , Slcffcb bee tlje 
!L£D8£>C5obofmpmaftctab2abam, 
lbbo batb not left beftmtte mp matter 
of bis merchant) Instruct!) : 3 being 
m tilt lbap,tbc % j£>B D let) me to tlje 
Ijoufc of mp matters bjettyen. 

2S aim tlje bamfell raunc , ana tolb 
iheniofheiMiiotl)crsrjoufe,t!)cfctl)utgs. 

29 C aim Bcbcttab I>ib another, 
atmbts name was fLaban: anbfLaban 
ranne out Imto tbematt,bnto tbclbcll. 

jo aim u tame to paffc mben be fam 
tbe carc-rtttg, atm bracelets Upon Ijts 
filters Ijanos, anb lbbcn Dee beam tbc 
ib02bcs of ftcbcltab ins Offer , faring, 
XDns fpanc tbc man bnto mc, tbat be 
came bnto tl)c man •, anb bcbolb , bee 
ttoobbptbc camcis,at tbclbcll. 

31 aitbbcfaib,Comcui,tboublc(rc& 
of tbc %&&£>, lbbcrcfojc ftattbett 
tbouibttbout; fojj bauc pztparebttjc 
boufe,anbroomcto2tbecamcls. 

ji C anb tlje man tame into flic 
Houfc: anb lie bngitbcbbis camcis,atm 
gauc ftralb anb pmuctmcc foz tfje cfc 
nieis, aim water to ibalbbisfcet, atm 
tlje mms feet tljat were mitb bint. 

35 3lnbtl)erclbasfetmeatbcfo.:cl)un 
to catc : but be faib ,3 Mil not eatc,bn 
Ml gi banc tolbc tunic ccranb. aubbec 
faib,£>pcaUcon. 

3+ aim \)t faib,gj am abialjanis fev 
uaut. 

35 aim tbc % <© £ £> batb blcffeb 
mp matter grcatlp, anb bee is become 
great: anb btc batb gmen bun floxus, 
anobcarbs, anb fiiucr, anb golb, anb 
nicnfctuants,atibmapbfcruaiits,aitb 
tantcls.anbaflcs. 

j6 anb £>atab mp maffcrs lbifc 
bare a fonnc to mp maftcr lbbcn (bee 
mas olb : anb Imto bnn batlj bee gmen 
aiitbatbcbatlj. 

37 anb mp matter mane mc Trocar c, 
facing, Xbott (bait not taltc a lbtfcto 
mp fonnc, of tbc baugbtcrs of tbc Ca^ 
naanttf 0,m rbbofc lanb 33 bibcll : 

38 2Sut tbou (bait goc Dnto my fa 



tbers boufc, aitb to mp Kuircb.anb tattc 
aibifebtitompfotmc. 

39 aim 3 faib bnto mp maff er, 0cr- 
abucnturc t\)t Uioman ttiill not follolbe 

mc „ „, 

a.0 aim bec faibc bnto ate , %l)t 
H£)B 3D,bcfo2ciUbom3J inaifee,\bill 
fcitbljis angel ibitb tljcc, anb pjofper 
tbp map : anb tbou fbalt taltc a lbifc fo j 
mp fonnc, of my Btttteb, anb of mp fa 
tljers boufc. 

41 Xbcn H)att tbou bec clearcfrom 
tins mp oatb , lbbcn tbou commeft to 
mp binr cb, anb if tl)ep gate not tbee one, 
tbou (bait be clearcfrom nip oatb. 

42 3lnb3J tame tbis H^ bnto tbc 
U)cll,anb fatb,S> % £> ft S> @ob of mp 
maftcr 3lb2abam, ifttoVb tbouDoep.201 
pcrmp ibap,ibbtcb5goc : 

43 *25cbolb,3JfTanbbptbetbcllof 
ibatcr ; anb it (bail tome to paffc , tbat 
lbbcn tlje Uirgtnc commctb £oo2tlj to 
b2aib«acer,anbgjfaptobcr, ®iuc me, 
gj piap tbcc,aiitlc ibater of tbp ptteljcr 
tobntiuc,- 

44 anb (be fap to mc, 2Botb bnnbe 
tbou, anb gilbtll aifo bzalb foMbpt* 
mcls: tcttbcfamcbetbclboniatt, ibbo 
tbc ?l£)B2D batb appointcb out fo? 
mpmaftcrsfonne. 

45 anb befojegjbab bone fptafeing 
m nunc bcart, beljolb, ftebcuab came 
fo2tb,lbttl) bcr pitcber on ber (l)oulbcr ; 
anbfl)Clbcntbolbnct)nto'tbcibell,anb 
b2rtb water.- anb 3 faib bnto bec, ILct 
mcbnnbcgipdaptbce. 

46 anbfl)cmabcbaftc,rjlctbolbnc 
bcr pitcber frombcrOiouider, an&faibe, 
S>2iiiBe, anb 3 ibill giuc tljp camels 
D2utueaifo : fogj b2anfte, anbfl)cmabc 
tbe camels miuHcalfo. 

47 anbgiafBCbbcr,anbfatb,tt)bofc 
saugbtcr art tbou < anb (be faib , %\)t 
baugbter of Sctbucl, iRabozs fount, 
ibbom £!3iicab bare bnto bun: anb 3 
put tbc catering bpon bcr fact , anb tfje 
b2acclctsbponbcr banns. 

4S anogj boftcb boibnc mpljcab, 
anb ttwmjppcb tbc H£)Bs>,anb blcf- 
feb tbc 3L<D£S> Gob of mp matter 
abjabam, lbbtcb bab let) nice in tbc 
rigbt ibap to taltc mp matters b20tbcrs 
baugljtcr bnto bis fotttte. 

49 attbnoibtfpouibitbcalcltinDlp 
anb truelp ibitb mp mattcr^cll mc : anb 
if not, tell mc, tbat 3 map tumc to tlje 
ngbtbanb,onotbclcft. 

50 Xbcn iBlaban nub Sctbucl atv 
fmcrcb anb faib , Xbc tbmg pjocccbetb 

from 



"Vcrfc 13. 



She becommeth Chap.xxv. wifetolfaac. 



\Hth.vtf- 
fib. 



Vcrf jtf. 
md 5?. 



0r,*f«3 
jcrre, or, ten 
monetht. 



•Oup.i« 

14. and J5. 

II. 

[1 Orjopray. 



front tl)c fl © ft S> : lbc tannot fpca&e 
bntotbcebaoojgoob. 

$1 26cbolb, ftcbeftab is before thee, 
tanc her, anb got, anb let her be thy ma- 
ttersfonncs ibtfc,as the ILjSDBH) bath 
fpoltcn. 

51 3nb it tame to paffc, tl)atlbften 
^bjaljanus fcruantbearb their tbo?bS, 
be lbojfl)ippeb tl)e ?fc,£>3RS> , bowing 
bimfelfe to the earth. 

53 2lnb the feruant brought foo#b 
'teitocls of Bluer, anbicibclsofgolb, 
ant) raiment, ant) gaue them to Kcbc* 
Hal) : ii?egauc alfo to l)er biotljcr, anb 
to betmotbet pzectous things. 

54. 3mb tbey btb eate ano bnn&e, be 
anb the men that iberc luttb him, anb 
tarieb ailnigbt, anb tbcytofebptntbe 
morning, anbbcfatb, *;5>cnbmeaibay 
bnto my matter. 

55 3lnb her brother anb her mother 
faib, %tt tbebamfcll abibc Tbttb tos 
|| a tew aayes, at the lead ten ; after rijat, 
tbefbailgoe. 

56 3nb fte Gib into them , tyinber 
msnot, feeing the % £> & 2> barb pjof- 
perebmytbay : fenb me atbay, that 3 
may goe to my matter. 

57 3nb they fatb , aacc tbill tail rue 
SDamftll, anb enquire at tier mouth. 

5S 3ttbtbcycallcb3&cbcRab,anbfaib 
bmo tier, nailt thou go tbitb this man t 
anbfl)cfa(b,3Jibtllgoc. 

59 anb they tent albay ftebtbab 
their Otter, anb tier nnrfc, anb 'M;^ 
hams feruant, anb bts men. 

60 3no tbey blcttcb 3aebcnab , anb 
tatbbnto bet, %\m art our fitter, bee 
thou the mother of tboufaubs of milli- 
ons, anb lettbyreeopoO'cl&thegateof 
tbofcibbtcb bate them. 

6i c 3lnb ftcbeftab arofe, anb her 
bamfeis, $ they robe Dpon the camels, 
anbfolloibebtheman: anbtbeferuant 
toofee JRebckah, anb rbent his may. 

6z 3mb 3lfaac tame from the tbay 
of the * ibcll Habat-roi , fo? be Wbclt m 
tbe&outbcountrey. 

6 ? 3tnb3faaenjcntout,to|!mebitate 
mtbcfielb , attheencntibe: anbbeeUft 
bp his eyes, anbfarb, anbbcbolb,tbe 
camels tbetccomming. 

64 anb ftebefcab lift fcp Dec ms, 
anblbhcnlhcfatb3faat,n;cughtcb off 
the camel. 

<>5 :fo? (be babfaibtmto the feruant, 
nahat man is this that tbalfeetbintbe 
fitlb to meet tos i anb the feruant hab 
feio, 3lt(s my matter: therefore fljce 



tooucatoaticanbeoucrcbbcrfelfe. 

66 3nb the feruant tolbc 3faac all 
things that he hab bone. 

67 Znn 3i£aac brought her into his 
mother Sarahs tent, anb tooReftebc^ 
Rah, anbflje became bisttstfcanb l)clo- 
neb her : anb 3ifaac ibas comfbzteb af- 
ter btsmothersJ«t.h. 

CHAP. XXV. 

1 The fonnesof Abraham bvKeturah. ', The 
diuifion of his goods. 7 His age and death. 
9 His buriall. 12 The generations of Ifh 
mael. 17 His age , and death. 19 Maac 
prayeth for Rebekah being barren, it The 
chiMrenfrriueinhcrwombe. 14 The birth 
of Efau and Iacob. xy Their difference. 19 
Eiau fellcdi his birthright. 

§ggf^l$J?ctt agame ^bjaham 



m 



i? toouc arbtft, 9 her nan«e 
ttjasBetural). 
z ^nb (bee bare him 
■^^^ Zunran, anb 3Jofe(ban, 
anb ^0eban,anb £0ibian, anb 'JUbbaa, 
anbdbuah. 

3 ^nb*3Joblbanbegat^>hcba,anb 
S>rban. ^nbthcfonncsofS>ebanv.eie 
^abunm,anb|Lttu(bim, anbUcum- 
uwm. 

4 3tnb the fonnes of fi^ibian , c* 
pljah, anb €pber, anb ?)anoch, anb %- 
biba , anb cioaah : all tbcfe tbcre the 
chilb^enofBcturah. 

5 C3Cnb ^b?abani gaue all that he 
hab,bnto3faac. 

6 25ut bnto tUc fonnes of the ton-- 
cobines tbhith ^toabam hab , ~Mm 
Ijam gaue gifts, anb fent them ainay 
from 3Ifaac his fotmc (iibhuc be yet u- 
\xtn) cafiibarb,bnto the call country. 

7 !3nb tbeic are the bayes of the 
yercs of ^bjahams life ftbich be liucb , 
anhunbjcb,th?ccfcoicffiftecncycercs. 

8 1Lbcn3lb?abam gaue bp the ghott, 
anb bicb in a goob olb age , an olb man, 
anb full of yeeres, anb Ibas gatbcre&to 
bispeople. 

9 2Cnb bis fonnes 35faac anb 'JuV 
mael burieb him in the caue of fi^atb- 
pciah , uubc ficlb of €ph?onthcfonnc 
of zobat the pittite, tbhwh ■* before 
#amce ; 

10 *Xhc fielb tbbstb ^bjaham pur^ 
chafeb of tbefonnes of ^eth : tljcrcibas 
^b^abam burieb ,ans£>atabtnG*b*ft'- 

11 C 3Inb it tame to paffc after the 
beath of 3U»abam , that <sob bieffcb 
his tonne 31faac, anb ^fiiac btbelt 
bytbc*ibcUllabai-roi. 

C iri[0QVo 



'r.Chro.i. 



"Chip. 1 j 
t*. 



• Cfiap- 1*. 

14. a.ullj. 



Ifhmaeldieth. Gcnefis. Efaus birthright fold. 



•i.Chron 



iHchrfiS. 



"Rom .p. 
12. 



■ore. i 



I.J. 



iz CiiSoibthcfcaretbcgcncrattons 
of SJftmacl 3ib?abanis fonne, rbbom 
$agar the Cgpptian Sarahs hanb? 
ma?b,barcbnto Sibtabam: 

I? ^b'tbcfc arc the names of the 
fonnes of^Junnacl ,by their names,ap 
cotfmig to their gmctationSiXbe firft 
bome of IJfbmaci , /3ebaiotb,anblkc; 
bar,anb ^Dbccl,anD flj9ibfam, 

14 3nbiPttbma,anbS>umah,anb 
spiffa, 

15 $abar,anb1!:ema,3Jetur,.0as 
pin(h,anDlEttbemab. 

16 Shcfc arc the fonnes of 3Kbma; 
el,anbtbcfe arc their names , bp their 
toibnes ant) bp their tattcis ; tvbcluc 
princes aewbing to their nations. 

17 3lnb tliefc are the pceres of ti)c life 
of 3Jfl)mael; an l)unb?cb anb ttjirtv anb 
fcticnpeercs : anb be gauebptbegboft 
anb unto, anb ibas gatbereb bnto his 
people. 

is 2inb fbcp Mbctt from $autlab 
bnto £>but , that is before Cgppt, as 
tbon gocft totbarbs 3ffpna : and hec 
t mcnmtlK pjefenteof aflrjisbjetbjen. 

19 C 31tib tbefe are the generations 
ofpsatj abiabamsfonnc^tyabam 
bcgateUfeac. 

20 3lnb3!raacYbasfojtiepeercsolb 
lbben bee toonc Bebcaabto lbife, the 
bangnter of 25ctbucltbc;£>pnan of i&a* 
ban ^cain , the Oder to lLaban the 
-Sjpuan. 

21 ^nb3faatuttreatebtftc!L£>E2r> 
foj bis IbTOJbtcauft (be was barren: anb 
the H£>3&2> Tbasmtrtateb of him, 
anblScbcbabbisibtftconcciueb. 

22 ^btbetbilbmtftrugglcbtoge* 
tberibitbm her j anbfljcfaib, 3Jfitbc 
to, ibftpam 3 $!#• anbfbcctbcntto 
cnquitcoftbc %£>&$>. 

23 3mbtbcfL<j> BSD fatb bnto her, 
%U)0 nations aretnrbptbombc , anb 
ttbo nianct of people (ball be fcparatcb 
fcom tbp botbcls : anb the one people 
fbaibe ttrongcr then the other people: 
anb * the clbcr (bail fcrtie the pongcr. 

24 canbibbrnbcr&apestobcbc* 
liuecebTtrctefuifiiieb^eljolbjtljcrewerc 
Obinnes in her ibonibe. 

25 3utb the firft tame ontreb, alio* 
ucrliUcanbatrp garment: anb thepcal* 
lebbisnamcefau. 

26 2nb after that tame bis toother 
out, anb*bis banb toolic bolbc on<fc 
fans bcclc ; anb Ins name ibas cailcb 
3Iatob: anb 9ifaat ibastftjccfto?e peres 
oib, lbben fljee bare them. 



27 anbthebopes gretb; anb efau 
tbas a tunnmg hunter , a man of toe 
ficlbc: anb 3lacob ibas a piainc man, 
otbellmgin tents. 

28 2nb3Jlaaeloneb€faa,betatuV!)c 
mb cate of bis benifon: but Bcbcbah 
loueb3facob. 

29 C^nb3Jatob fob pottage: anb 
€feu catne from the fielb,anb bee ibas 
faint. 

30 2mb<£fauraibto3IatobJTecbme, 
3J pjap tbec, t ttjttt) tijat fame reb pot.] 
cage : fo? 3 am taint ; tt)crcfb2e ibas bis 
name calico <£Dom. 

31 3nb3latobfatD,;§ellmcthiSbap 
tbpbtrtbngbt. 

32 ^nbCfauJaib^eDoib^am+at 
the point to bie : anbibhat p?ofit (ball 
tt)t5 btrfbngbt boc to me i 

33 3lnb 3Jatob faib , ^ibeatc to nice 
tins bap : anb l)e froarc to l)im : anb *!)c 
folb ins btrt!mgi)t imto 3Jacob. 

34 %l)tn "J&ob gauc <£fan bjtab 
anb pottage of lentilcs ; anb Dc bib eatc 
anbbnnUc, anbrofebp, anb *bent l)ts 
ibap :tl)us€faubcn)ifcb his uttttmgijt. 

CHAP. xxvr. 

i Ifaacbecaufe of famine weiitto Gerar. i God 
iiiftrudeth,andbleflechhim. 7 Heeisre- 
proued by Abimefech for denying his wife. 
12. He gtoweth rich. 18 HediggethE/ck, 
Simah,andRehobotL 13 Abimclechma- 
kethacouenantwich him at Beeriheba. 34 
Efaus wfues. 

^5bt!jcrc Vbasafaniinem 
tt)c lanb , befibes il)t firft 
famine tnat ibas in tlje 
n>\vsbapcs of^lbwljam. ^nb 
#^^^ 3ICaac lbcnt bnto ^btmc* 
led) lEtins of tl)c ^Inliftims , bnto 
dscrar. 

2 ^nbtnc|L£)3n5)appcarcbbn5 
to l)im anb faib, C5oe not boibnc into 
cgyptjbibcUfn tl)c lanblbljiflj^fball 
tciltljceof. 

3 5>otonmcintljisianb,anb3J«jti 
betbito tljcc, anb ibill bleffc rtjee : fo? 
bntotljcc, aub bnto tftv ftfb * 35 ibill 
giucalltl)riffonntrcvs,anb3Ilbilper* 
fomtc tljt otbc, mtiicl) 3J froarc bnto ^ 
tyaftamtfjp father. 

4 ^nbJibflmaBctfivfeebtonnil' 
riplp as tlje ftarres oflicauen, anb rbill 
giucbnto rbpfeeb all tbefctomttreps: 
anb in thp S>ccb (ball all the nations of 
the earth be *blciTeb: 

5 2Secaufc that iSbjabam obevtb 
mv boptc , anb ncpt mp cljargc, my 

Com 



nifanWM tl 
humouth. 



that red, 

tnththaired 

pottage 



\ Hcbr.gp- 
tnl to dte. 



•Hebr.IL 
16. 




'Chzp.fj. 
1 s.^::J i 5. 
18. 



•Chap.u. i 
J. and 1 5. 
18. jndii. 
18. 



Jlfaacfoioumeth Chap.xxvj. at Beer-flieba. 



\Hchf«uJ. 



t Hth.vent 



lOr.huf- 
baadij. 



f HcbMuing 



Commanbemcnts, my Statutes anb 
mylLatbes. 

6 canb 3Jfaac Dtbcltin (Scrar. 

7 3tnD the men of the place affteb 
him of bis Ibifc : anb befatb, Ja>bc i;smy 
fitter : fb? be f car co to fay , she is my ttitfe i 
Ufl.faid he, the mm of the place (boulD 
toll me fo? ftebenab, becattfc (bee ttas 
faitctoloonetopon. 

8 anbtfeametopafferbbenbebab 
bene there a long time, that abuneleeb 
aing ofttje i&biltfhma lookeo out at a 
tbinbolb, anb faib, anb bebolb, 3Jfaac 
was fpozting tbitb ftcbc&ab his unfe. 

9 anb abuneleeb caileb gifaac anb 
faiO,2Bebolb,of a furetie (be ts thy mfe: 
anb botb faibft thou , ,&be (s my fitter * 
anb 3(faac faib tonto bun, 2Bccaufe3J 
fatb,lLeft3Jbtcfo2ber. 

io anb abuneleeb faibjenat is tyi$ 
thou baft bone bntotosi oneof tbcpeo* 
pie might ugbtly ijattc licit vbitb thy 
Mrifc, anb thou (boulbeftbauetyougbt 
gtffltineffebponbs. 

u an& abuneleeb cbargeb ail his 
people, faying, J?cerbat toucheththts 
maw 02b(stt>tfe, (ball fur cly bee put to 
beat!). 

12 Zbcn 3!faac fottieb m that lanb, 
amVreeetucbm the famcyccrcanbun* 
b?eb folb : 9 the % & 2> blcffeb him, 

13 anbtbemanibajceb great, anb 
f tbent fbtftoarb, anbgrelb bntillbcbe; 
tame ijcry great. 

14. ifo? he bab poflcfuon of flotus, 
anb poffemon of bcarbs, anb great 
ttojc of H feruants , anb the ^IjiUOint^ 
cnuteDfiun. 

15 ;ffoiaUtbcTbcfstbbicb bothers 
leruantshal' biggeb m the bayesof a 
bjabam his father , tbe^biufhmsbab 
ftoppeb them , 9 fillcb them Hurt) earth. 

i6 anb abimrteebfatb onto 3ifaac, 
d5oefrombs: fojtbouart much ""Sh- 
tiertbentbe. 

17 canb^lfaaebepatteb thence, 
anbpttchebhistent tntbetoaueyof <&t- 
tar,anbbrbflttbcrc. 

18 anbgjfaac biggeb againctbctbels 
of ttjater, ibbicb they bab biggeb m the 
bayes of abiabam bis father : fo? the 
#hfl»ftuns bab ftoppeb them after the 
beatb ofab;abam,anb bccailebtbctr 
names after the names by Ibhtch his 
fatberbabtaliebtbem. 

19 3nb 3JCaacs feruants biggeb in 
the bailey, anb founb there a lbcll of 
^tngmgibatcr. 

20 anbtbebear&men of <25erar bib 



firms Tbitb 35faats be&rbmcn , faying, 
%l)t tbater 15 ours ; anb bee taiieb the 
name of tbeibctl , I! ©feU , became they 
ftrouc until him. 

21 anb they biggeb another tbeilanb 
ftrone fo; that alfo : anb bee caileb tlje 
name of it, ||£>stnab. 

22 anbbercinoueofromtbeiueanb 
biggeb another lbell, anb fc>;rbat they 
ftrotte not : anb be caileb the name of it 
llftcbobotb: anb bcfaib, ifo;nou)tbc 
?L£HiiaDbatbtnnbcroomefo2bs, anb 
lbe (ball be fruttfull m the lanb. 

2j anb he lbcntbp from thence to 
2Seer-(beba. 

24. anbfhe!L£>&S>appearCbbn; 
to him the feme night, anb faibe, $ am 
the C5ob of atyabam tbv father : feare 
not, foi 3 am *bttb thee, anb ibill bf effe 
thee, anb multiply tb y feebe, fo; my fer= 
uantabjabamsfabe. 

25 anbbebuilbebanaitarfbetcanb 
caileb bpon the name of the % €> B a>, 
anb pttcl)eb his tent tljcre : anb there 
^Gtacsferuaritsbiggebavbell. 

26 CXbenabunclccbibenttobim 
from Gerar, anbabU55atb oneof bis 
frienbs,anb ^htrijol the ebiefe captamc 
ofhisatmic. 

27 anb 3ffaac faibe into tljem, 
lehcrefoie come pe to mt,fccing ye bate 
me, anb bauc fent me arbay from you i 

28 anbtbcyfaib, 'nDefavbcertamly 
that the % 4> 3a 2> inas ibith thee : anb 
tbcelaib, ILettherebenoVb anothebe^ 
tmirt bS, cucn betttitrt bs anb tbee,anb 
let bs mane a couenant tbith thee , 

29 f Zbat thou tbiltboebs no hurt, 
as tbe bauc not toucbtb tljee, anb as lbe 
bauc bonebnto thee nothtngbutgoob, 
anbbauefent tbeeatbayinpcacc: thou 
art notb the blcffeb of the % £> B 3>. 

jo anb he mabe them a feaft , anb 
they bib cateanbbzuiKC. 

31 anb they role bp betimes in tlje 
morning, anb ftuare one to another: 
anb ^jfaac fent them aibay, anb they 
bcpartcbfrombtminpeace. 

32 anbttcametopafletbefamebay, 
fbat 3faats feruants came, anb tolbc 
btm concerning the Tbcll ltobich they 
bab biggcb,anb faib bnto htm,i©e Ijaue 
founbibater. 

33 anb becailtbit||£>bebab: there* 
fo?e th e name of the citie is II 26eer ftjeba 
bntothisbay. 

34 €anb efeu tbas fo?ty yceres 
olb,n)benbetooBetD ibife 3lubith, the 
baugbtcr of 25eeri tlje pittite , anb 
1 € 2 2Bafl)e 



|| That is, 



1' That is, 
Haired. 



Thati: 



f ftcb.fcts/Sjr 



\Hib.iftbcu 
[htlt&c. 



[Thatis,<r, 
toth. 

||Th3t;.,r4( 
•rttllof the 

tab. 



Efauhunting, Gencfis. Iacob is bleffed. 



Chip. 27. 
t HrfrJit- 

rernrjfe of 
firit. 



\Hti.hm,!. 




iBafhcmath the baughtec of eion tt)c 
t>)rtnte: 

35 nah«h * Ibere + agricfe of minbe 
tonto 3ifaac anb to ftcbeftah. 

CHAP. XXVII. 

IfaacfendethEfauforvenifori. 5 Rebskah 
lnltnifteth Iacob toobtainetheblelsing. 15 
Jacob vnder the perfon ofElau obteineth ic 
30 Efau bringeth venifon. 33 Ifaactrem- 
bleth. 34 Elaucomplaineth,andbyimpor- 
tumticobtainetha ble(sing. 41 Hethreat- 
neth Iacob. 41. Rebekah difappointethir. 

00 it tame to paffc that 
ibbcn 3Jfaat ttias olb.anb 
fits eyes lberc bimme, fo 
that he coulb not fee, hec 
calleb efau his ciocft foti, 
anofaibbnto him, £Py fonne. 3inb hee 
feibbntol)tm,2Sci)oiD,lietcam3!. 

i ^riu he foib , 25cholb noi\», 3J ant 
olo,3 fcnoib not the oap of my Death. 

3 j!2ott)tijcrcfo!eta&e,3!PWD<:e, 
thy ttieapons, thy cwiuct,ano thy boib, 
anbgoeoutto the ficlb, anb ! ta&cmce 
ibmcbentfbn. 

4 :^bmaftemcfauotttymeat,fuch 
as 3} loue, ano tying it to nice , that 3! 
may catc, thatnty foulc may bleiTe ttjee 
bcfott^Jbic. 

5 3inD ftcbebah hcarb ttiften 3Jfaac 
fpaKcto €lati liis fonnc:anti €fan ibent 
to the ftclbe to fount tor bentfon, and to 
bzittgir. 

6 C3utb3Rcbc6ahfpaBcbnto3Ja: 
cob her fonne, faymg, 28cholb,3! hcarb 
thy father fpeafee bnto efau tf)y bjo= 
tfocr,faymg, 

7 Bnngmcbenifon, ano tnattc nice 
fauoury meat , that 5 niay catc, anb 
blcffc thee befiwthclL£I)&3I>, before 
mybcatf). 

8 0o\\> therefore, my fonne, obey 
my boyte, accojbing to rijat Ibfoicl) 3 
tommanbthec. 

9 <5oc tiott) to the flocSc , anb fetch 
me from tbenee tibo goob nibs of tl)c 
goatcs^nb'Jttnllmakcthcintauoury 
meat foi thy lather ,fuch as he toucth. 

io 3inD thou (halt bung it to tftyfa^ 
thcr .that he may cate, anb rtjat hemay 
blcffc thee, before his bcath. 

ii 3inb gjatob faib to Sebcltaft his 
mother,25cholb, efau my toother isa 
hairy man,anb 3ama fmoot!) man. 

ii fi^y father pcrabucntuce null 
feelc me, atiD^ ftjalifccntetohimasa 
bctciucr,anb < jn)ailbungatur(cbpon 
mc,anbnotabteffmg. 



13 2nb his mother fatb tmto hint, 
Upon me bethy curie, my fonne : oncly 
obey my boice,anb goc fetch m* *«"• 

14 3wb hee tbent, anb fetcheb, anb 
brought them tofois mother, anb ftts 
mother mabc tauoury nieat,wth as his 
father loucb. 

15 ^nbBebcKahtooBe'gooblytai? 
ment of her dbeft fonne efau , rofoirt) 
tticrc ttjith her Ui tfoe houfe, anb put 
them bponljatob ijec yongcr fonne : 

16 3no uiee put the futnnes of the 
tnos of the goats bpon fots hanbs, anb 
bpon the fmooth of hiSnetBc. 

17 anblfoegauethefauoutymcate, 
anb the bjcab, ttiljich the hab p?epareb, 
utto the iwnb of her fonne ^acob, 

18 C ^nb he came bnto his father, 
anb fasb , ^y father : ^nb lit ten, $?ere 
am 3 ♦ ttiho art thou , my fonne; 

19 3nb ^atob taib bnto his father, 
3 amCfou,thy t5rftbomei3 Jjauc bone 
accojbmg as ttjou babefl mee : artfe, 5 
p:ay thee, fit, anb catc of my bcnifon, 
that thy fou!e may blcffc me. 

io ^nb Jlaat fatb bnto his fonne, 
$ott> is it that thou haft founb tt fo 
nuictily, my fonne; 3inDhe laib, 25e* 
caufc the 12, £> B 2D thy <5on bjought 
tt'tome. 

ii 3inb Jlaac &ibe imto 3?acob, 
Comcnccrc^p^thee, that % may 
fcclcthce, myfonnc, Ibhether thoubee 
my bery fonne €fau,o? not. 

xz Smb^Jacob ibcnt ncerc bnto % 
taachts father : anb hec felt him, anb 

fatb,1Lhcboyceis3acobsijoyte,butflie 
hanbs are tl)c hanbs of €lau. 

13 ^nbhcbi(icrnebhimnot,ottaufc 
his hanbs ibcre hairic, ashistyoflier 
<£faushanbs:5)0 heblcffcbhim. 

24 ^nbhefoib, ^rtfhoumybery 
fonne €fou i ano he fatb,3f ant. 

15 ^nbhc{aib,2S?ingitneevetome, 
ano 3 lbtli catc of my fonnesbentfon, 
that my foulc mayblcffe thee: anb hec 
b2ougl)t « ncerc to him, anb he bib catc: 
anbhctaonghthtmlbme, % heb^mhe. 

16 3inb Ins father 3ifaac faibc bnto 

him.Comcnccrcnofti^iDmiTemcmy 
fonne. 

27 ^nb hee came neerc, anbtuffeb 
him : anb he fmctleb the fmell of his rai? 
mcnt,anb blcfieb him,anb taib,S»cc,thc 
fmell of my fonne is as the fincll of a 
ficlb,tt)bich the % £) B S» hath blcffeb. 

28 lLhetefo?e*<3oDgwctheeofthe 
bcib of hcaucn, anb the fatneffe of the 
earth, ano plenty of tome anb ibine. 

29 Uet 



fHrfr.ir- 

fircdlc. 



t Hth.ic- 
for em:. 



'Hcb.II. 



Efaumourneth. Chap.xxviij. Jacob is fent away. 



fflWr. 
ircmhltd 
\tbagreMr 

email. 

]" Hcer.hftX' 

icJ. 



That iSjC^/ 



\Or,fmpyn 
ttd. 



-Hcb-IJ. 

•Vcriia8. 

\Or,efthc 

fuiujfe. 



29 H-et people ferue thee , anb nan 
onsbotb Dottmc to ttjee : bee lojb oner 
thybjetlnen,? Icttijp mothers formes 
boibbeibne to thee : Cutfeb bee cucry 
onefhat nirfcth thee , anb bicflcb be hec 
that blcffcth thee. 

30 C^sibitcametopafrcafifoonc 
as 3jfaat has mace an enbe of blefling 
3Jacob,aiib3Jacobibasyctrcarccgonc 
out from tl)c pjefence of 3Haac his fa* 
thtr , ttjat <£feu Ijts toother tame tn 
fromhis hunting. 

31 3nb hee alfo hab mabe fauoury 
meate,anb toought it bnto his father, 
anb faibbnto ins father Jlet my father 
arifc,anb cat ofhts formes bcmfon,that 
thy foule may bleffe me. 

31. 3lnb 3faac h*s father faib bnto 
htm, ©ho an thou i anD JicfatD,3J am 
thy foune,thy firtt borne <£ fan. 

33 2lnb3jfaac + ttcmbleb bcry creee=> 
bingly,anb faib.naho; ibhercis hefhat 
hath ' taken bcnifon,anb toougbttt me, 
anbjJJ haue eaten of all befoje thou ca 
mcttTanb haue blclTeb him i yea anb he 
fl)albcbleffcb. 

3+ 3nb ibljcn £fauhearb the tbojbs 
of Ijis father, he cticbibithagrcatanb 
erteebtng bitter cry, anb faib bnto hts 
father, 26leflcmce,euenmcalfo,£> my 
father. 

35 3nbhec faib, Xhy brother came 
ttnth fubMty ,anb hatl) taken atbay thy 
buffing. 

36 ;anbhcfeib,3Jsnothcrightipnfc 
nebjl 3atob i fo? he hath fupplantcb me 
tJjrife tibo times: hec toofte atbay my 
birtlmght, anb bcholb, noib he hath ta 
ften albay my blcfftng : anb hee faib, 
$aft thou not referueb a bleGing fo? 
titter 

37 ^Xnb 3Jfaae anfrocrcb anb fatbc 
bnto efau , Bel)olb,3) haucmabe hmt 
thy lo?b , anb all his toetlnen haue 3 P> 
um to htmfb? feruants : anb ttuth tome 
anb Tbine haue 31 II fuftemcb him : anb 
tbhatthall 35 boc noib bnto thee, my 
fount; 

38 3nb €faufaib bnto hts father, 
Ijaft thou but one blefling , my father < 
bicfle met, euen nice alfo , *D my father. 
%nn <£&u lift bp his boy tt* anb ibept, 

39 ^nbJJfaac his father anftbereb, 
anbfiaib bnto htm, ffieholb ,* thy Mbcfc 
hngfhall be|| the fatnefle of the earth, 
anb of thebetb ofheaucn front about. 

+0 anbbythyfu)o?bfl)altthouliuc, 
anb (halt ferue thy toother : anb it fball 
tomctopafleibhoi thohfbaithaue the 



bommion , that thou (halt bzeafee Ins 
yofte front oft thy ncc&c. 

4-1 C3tnb€fauhateb3Jaeob,becarae 
of the blefling , ibhcrcibith Ins father 
bicflcb hun : anb Cfaufaib in hts hsart, 
Xhc bayes of mourning fo* my father 
are at hanb , "then tbiil J flay my b?o> 
ther^acob. 

42 ^nbthefctbozbsofelaulmi* 
bcrfonncrbcrc tolbtoBebeliah : ^nb 
iheefent anb eaiieb 3lacob hcryongcr 
feme, anb faib bnto hun, Bcholb, tby 
brother cfau ,as touthmg thecboetl) 
totnfo?t hunfeifcpurpofiiie; to aillthee, 

43 0oW therefor my fonne, obey 
my botes: anbartfc,flccthouto Haban 
myb?othcr,to^aran. 

44- ^nbtatynjithhimafrtbbayes, 
bnnilthy Mothers tuneturncalbay; 

45 llntill thy b^othersanger tucne 
aibay from thee, anb hec forget that, 
Ibhith tiiou haft bone to hun : then 31 
ibfll fenb , anb fetth tljcc from thence : 
ibhy fhouib 31 be bepnueb alfo of you 
both m one bay; 

46 3nbBcbcaahfaibto^faac,*3J 
am ibeary of my life, bccaitfe of the 
Daughters of $cth : 3Jf gjatob tafee a 
Unfe of the Daughters of1?cth, fitch as 
tl)cfcibhicl) arc of the Daughters otthc 
lanb,tbhatgoobu>UtnyitfcDoeine; 

CHAP. XXVIII. 

1 ifaac UefTcth ljcob,andiendeth himtoPa« 
dan Aram. 6 Efau marrieth Mahalal the 
daughter ot IthmaeL 10 The Villon of 
Iacobs ladder. 18 The ftonc of Bethel. 
ro lacobs vow. 

MMSWC iHb ^Jfaac eallcb ^atoo, 
P anb bleffcbhmi,anbcl)ar* 
gcb hmt , anb latbc bnto 
him , %how ihalt not 
tafee arbtfc, of tljc baugh 

tcrs of Canaan. 

2 *3nfe,gocto0aban:3ram,to 
the houfc of 25cthurt thP mothers fa^ 
tl)er , anb tafee thee albifc from thence, 
of the Daughters of fUban thy mo^ 
thcrs brother. 

3 3lnb <sob Almighty blcffc thee, 
anb mafecthec fruttfuU, anb muinply 
thee, that thoumayeftbe *a nmltituDe 
of people: 

4- 3utDgiue thee the blefling of & 
toaham, to thee anb to thy fecbevbith 
thee, thattljoumayefturhcritthclanbe 
+ ibherein thou art a Granger , tbljich 
d5ob gauc bnto ^toahant 

€ j 5 Swb 



•Obad. 10. 



*Chap.u6. 



•Ofc.Ii. 



t/Wr.<« 



thyfoimr- 
mngl. 



Jacobs dreamer 



Genei 



is. 



Hemeetetli 



emUiriihe 
e]ei,&c. 



« Called 
A&7.1. 

Cnarran. 



•Chap. ; 5. 
1.&48.3.. 



\H,b.lrtsk. 
forth. 

•Deut.I». 

.?• 

•Cha.u.j 

and 18.18. 
andai. 18. 

and zf-.-y. 



5 3inD gifaac fern aruay gjacob, 
anb hce lDcnt to toaban -3ram into 
lUban, fonne of 25cthucl thc£>ynan, 
the bjothct of Scbcfeah , Jacobs anD 
efaus mother. 

6 c nshen cfau fame that 5faac 
haD bUffcD gjacob, anD fait hmtarbay 
to 0aoan -3cam , to talte him a ibifc 
from thence; anb that asheblclTcb htm, 
he gauc htm a charge, faying, Xhoit 
(halt not tauc albife of the Daughters 
of Canaan; 

7 3lnb that gjaeob obcyeb ins fa* 
thcr , anb his mother, anb ibas gone to 
0aban-3ram ; 

8 3nb cfau feeing that the baugfr 
tcrs of Canaan 'plcafeD not gjfaathis 
father. 

9 1LhmiDmt€&iubntb3J(hmacl, 
anb took Ditto the Unites lbhich hec 
haD , SDahaiath the Daughter of gifh 
mael ataaftams fonne, the fitter of fit* 
baioth,tobchtsibtfc. 

10 c 3nb gjacob Went out from 
ZBeer rt)Cba,anb lbent tolDarb * §aran. 

11 3lnb hce ItghtcD Dpon a tertatne 
place, anb tancb there all night, becaufe 
thcumnctbasfet: anbhec tooltcof the 
ftoncs of that place, anb put them fo? 
his ptlloiDcs, anb lap bonmc in that 
place to fltepc. 

ii anb he Djeameb , auD beholbe, a 
labbcr fctbp on the earth, anb the top 
of it rtachcb to heaucu : anb btholbe 
the Angels of <5od afcenbing anb be* 
fcenbmgonit. 

i} *3lnbbcholb,thc|L^>3a£)ttooD 
abouc it , anb fatb, 3 am the ft £) & &> 
(5ob of Sflwaham thv father, anb the 
<5ob of gjCaac : the larib Vbhcrcon thou 
liett, to thee Will 3 giuc it, anb to thy 
frebe. 

14 ano thy fteb fhali be as the Dull 
of the earth, anb thou (halt * fpjeaba 
b:oao * to the nacft, anb to the eatt, anb 
to the 4i3cwth, anb to the;S>outh : anD m 
thee, anD*mrhv fteb, niailalitijefami' 
lies of the earth be bicflcD. 

1$ ^nbbchoib.gjamrbithrhecanb 
ttnllBccpc thee mall pia«s iDhithcr thou 
gocft, anb mil bung thee agamc into 
this lanb : fo 1 3 lbtll 11 1 leatie thee, ton; 
mi 3 hauc Done thanbhich 3 hauc too* 
hen to thee of. 

i6 C 3(ud Uacob avbalteb out of his 
flecpc,anbhcfaib,S>urciv the HOES) 
is in this place, anb 3 mtemttuot. 

17 3nbhen>asafratb,anbfaib,froib 
Dicabfulii this placc^thisis none other, 



but the Ijoufc of cob,anD this b the gate 
ofheauen. 

18 ;ano3Jacobrofe Dp carrty in the 
momutg, anD toonc the ftontthat hec 
haD putfo? his ptttoVbes, anD fct it Dp 
to? a pillar , anD poVfceD oUe Dpon the 
top of it. 

19 3lnD hec callcD the name of that 
plate * 2Scth- el t but the name of that ci- 
nemas callcb |lu5, at the &rft 

io ^nb^acobbOibeDaDott), fay; 
ing, 31 ©obnnllbeibith me, anbiDUl 
Ucepc me in this Vbay that 3 3** , anb 
mill giue uie tyeaD to cate, anb raiment 
to put on, 

ii 5>o that 3 tome againe to my fa- 
thers houfe m peace : then ftjall the 
IL^DKJBDbemyiSob. 

21 :3ub this ftoneiDhicf)3J hauc fa 
foj apiliar, (hall be (Sods houfc : anD of 
allthatthoufhaltgiuemc, gjflmiuiro 
lygiue the tenth bnto thee. 

CHAP. XXIX. 

j Jacob commeth to the well of Haran. 9 He 
taketh acquaintance ot Rachel. 13 Laban 
cnterteinetli him. 18 Iacobcouenantethfbr 
Rachel. 13 He is decerned with Leah. rS 
He marriethallb Rachel, and ferueth for her 
/euen yeeres more. 31 Leah bearcth Reu- 
ben, 33 Simeon, 34 Leui, 35 andludah. 

^cngjacob^entonljis 
toitrncy,anD tame into the 
lanb of the 'people of rtje 
«aft, 
i 3mbhelooHeD, anb 
bdjoio,aibcllinfhcnelb,anbloe, there 
were tlwce floens of fljeepe lying by tt : fo? 
out of that rbel they rbatcrcb the floras: 
anD agrcat ftoticibasbpon thcibrtles 
mouth. 

3 2md rliulier lDerc all the flotfees 
gathcreb.anb tljcy rollcb flic ttoncfrom 
tlicibrtsmoiuh, f ibatercD tijc (heepe, 
anD put thettoncagamcDpoutljelbrts 
month m his place. 

4 3nb gfatob faib bnto them, fl^y 
b:ctl)?en, vbhcuccbeyc^anbtijeyfaibe, 
^Df^aranareibc. 

5 3tnb l)c faib bnto them, lanotb ye 
Haban the fonne of iftaho?< ^nbthey 
faybciocUnoTDchim. 

6 3inD he Cud bnto them, ^shee 
m\U aiiDthci'f<tib,^ctsiDrtl: aubbc< 
holb, Rachel Ijis Daughter tommcth 
Vbitl)tl)cnKcpc. 

7 ^nD hec fatD , Hoe, 1 >'t isyethi'gh 
bay, neitljee is it time that the cattcll 

fliouib 



tThiti?, 

I he houfe of 

god. 




\Heb.r.ft 
vphiifcel. 

I H,l.cM. 
dren. 



t Heir. It 
iherepene 
to him? 



\Heh.jet 
thedajli 
eredt. 



with Rachel, Chap.xxix. andmariethher. 



\Hek.he, 



}Hetr.tm»- 
netb of dtie I. 



fhoulD be gathctcD togcttjee : tbatcr pet 
thc(hccpc,anb goc anD feeb them. 

8 3lnb thcyfaiD, roc cannot , tittrtll 
all the fiothes btt gachcteb together, 
anD till they tollc the ftone from the 
Welles mouth : then idee ifoatet ttjc 
(hcepe. 

9 € 3nb tbhilc hce yet fpafte Until 
them , 3&athcl tame tbith her fathers 
fbcept: fojfbc&eptthem. 

10 3nDitcametopa{re,tbhcn3Jaeob 
fatbBarhclthcbaughtcroflLabanhis 
mothers toother, anb thefl)ecpc of %&< 
ban his mothers toother; that^jacob 
totntnecrcanb rollcb the ftone from 
tl)e Vbtls mouth,atTti rbattrcb tljc florUc 
of ILaban his mothers toother. 

1 1 3utb 3latob fetfCrtj Bactjci, anD itf> 
ttb bp his boyecanb tbept. 

ii ^itD3atobtolbBatftrt,tf)atftce 
tbas her fathers toother , anD that hce 
ttjas &cbeliahs fonne : anD flbe rannc, 
anbtolb her father. 

13 2utb it tame to paffc,tbhcn|Labatt 
rjeatotlje + Wrings of 35acob hisftfrers 
fbnnc, that he rannc romcctehun,aub 
imtoaecb lnm,anb Kiffcb him,? toought 
htm to his houfc : anb hce tolbc Haban 
ailttjcfctrnngs. 

14 3inb ILaban faib to him , Purely 
tfjou art my bone anb my fled) : anb he 
about urith himthe ^aecofamoneth. 

H C3nD ILaban faib bnto 3Jacob, 
fficcaufe thou art my toother, fyoulDcft 
ttjou therefore feme mc fo? nought < tell 
mctuftat (hail thy ibagts bc< 

16 2inb ILaban Dab tibo baugljtctS: 
tfcc name of the elber tuasHcah, anb 
filename ofthcyongcr was3Ratl)cl. 

17 iLcar) tbas tenber eyeb : butfta* 
cfjcitbas bcautifuianbibciifauourcb. 

is 2lnD 3iacob loucb ftadjei , anb 
faib, 3J tbtll feme tl)ec feuen yccrcs fo: 
Sac^mnyyongct Daughter. 

19 ^nbfLabanfatbJtis better tfjat 
J giuefter to thee, then that3Jfl)0ulb 
glut her to another man : abibe tbith 
mee. 

io ^nb 3Jatob ferucb fcuen yeercs 
foj&achcl : anb they feemeb bnto him 
but a fctb bayes , fo? the louc hce hab 
tofter. 

ii C 3nb 'Jacob faib unto ILaban, 
(Siutme my »jife(fo?my bayes arcful- 
filleb)that^ maygociubntofttr. 

xx ^nb ILaban gather cd together 
all the men of the place , anb mabe a 
feaft. 

23 3tnD it came to paffe in tfje cue 



mtig,thathetookc!Lcahhisbaughtcc, 
anDtoougljthcrtoh>.m,anDl)cibcntin 
unto her. 

24 3lnb ILaban gauc bnto ftis 
Daughter Ileal; , Ziipahl)ismaybc,fo2 
ahaubmayD. 

25 ^ud it came to paffefhat in the 
morning , bcholb it tbas ILeah : anb pe 
faib to ILaban , xohatisthts tl)ou haft 
Done bnto mee < bib not 3 fcruc tbith 
thec fo: Kachel < tbljercfoje then Ijatt t«w.^< 
rhoubegiulcDmc? 

26 anDHabanfaib,3Jtmuftttotbc 
fo bone in out * countrey , to giue the 
yongcr,bcfo:e the firft borne.. 

27 ifuiffll het tbeeue , anb tbet tbill 
giue thee this alfo , fo: the fcrutecttthtth 
tl)ou O^alt feme tbith mee, yet feuen o< 
thcty ceres. 

2S 3lnD 3}acob did fo , anD tulfillcD 
licr rbeefee: anD he gauc himasacftel h»s 
Daughter to tbsfc alfo. 

29 3tnb ILaban gaue to Kacrjelnis 
baughtcr,25ilhahWsljanbmayb,tdbc 
hermayb. 

30 3(nb Dec tbent in alfo fcnto 5Ra^= 
chcl,anb he loucb alfoKachel mo:c then 
ILtal) , anb fcrueb tbiflj ijim yet feuen 
other y ceres. 

31 C3tnbibI)enthelL£>m»t>fatb 
tljatlLeahtbas hatcD, tjee opencD ficr 
ibombe : but B&achel ibas barren. 

32 "MD Heah concciucD anD bare a 
fonne, anD fljec calleD Jjis name || Ben = 
bentfo? a)efatD,5»urely,the|L£)m2) 
hath loobeD bpon my affliction ; nolb 
rl)crcfo2cmy hufbanDtbtllloueme. 

33 ^nb ftjee concelucb againe, anD 
bare a fbnnc, anb faibe, 26ccaufc tfjc 
|L^!>352D hathheatb ttjat 3)tbasl)a* 
teb, Ijec t»atl) tljcrcfoir giuenmec this 
fonne alfo, anb U)c calleD htsnamc||5>t? 
mcon. 

34. 5(nD fhec toncetucD againc, anD 
baccafonnc,anbfaib, iPotbtfjtstunc 
ibilimyhufoanbbeioyneDtoitome,bcs 
eaufc 3 hauc bo?nc ^itw ttnee founts : 
thtrctozctbashtsnametallcblllLcut. 

35 3lnb fl)ce concctucb agatne, anb 
bate a fonne : anD (he faiD, Jiotb tbil 3 
pwifc ttjc H £> 5R SD : therefbze fbe cal* 
icb tjis name * || ^uDal) , anb f left bta* 
ting. 

CHAP. XXX. 

1 Uachel in gricfc for her barrenncfTe^iueth Bil- 
hahhermayd vnto hcob. 5 Snebearcth 
DaaaudNaphtali. 9 LeahgiuethZilpah 
her mayd,who beareth Gad and Afber. 1 4 

Reuben 



i; That is. 
Seed join • e 



JThatij, 
Hearing. 



J That is, 
iopudt 

•Matili.i 



J Thar is, 
Pntfe. 
f Hetr.jhod 
"ombe^riro 



fi- 



Mandrakes. 



Gcncfis. lofeph is borne. 



\Hcb-.tr 
htiltky htr. 



|, That is, 



Viib.-xr-f- 
Ungt cj God. 



|| That is, 

(J!/; TtTAtt- 

llng. 

* Called 
Matt. 4. i j. 

A'ephshtt- 

tm. 



IT)>3tis, 

or comp*irij. 

t Hthr.in 
my lj.topwej 

That is, 
Htfff. 



Reuben findeth Mandrakes , widi which 
Leah buveth her husband of Rachel. 17 
Leah beareth liFachar , Zebulun , and Di- 
nah. •--- Rachel beareth lofeph. is; la- 
cob defireth to depart. 17 Laban fhyeth 
himonanewcouenant. 37 Iacobspolici?, 
whereby hee became rich. 

^aSrX{©Sg Bb ttihen 3SacTjel fell) 

!M4wI ^ at $« oarc 3 a cob »° 
^M« cbilbjcn , 3£acbcl cnuicb 

^#^^r Jacob , <aue mee chil* 

x 2hib Jacobs anger ibas ttfnbttb 
againft Sacbcl ,anb be faio , 3(m J »n 
©ods ftcab ,UjJ)d ijatl) ibithbclbfrcm 
ttjtc the fruit of the Sbombt* 

3 3lnb fbc Cub , iScbolb nip mapbe 
BiUjaD :goc in bnto bcr, anb (be fl>all 
bearebpon nip ftnecs, tljat 3J »iap alfo 
♦ haue cbtibjcnbp her. 

4 Znn fbec gauc him ffiiibah Dec 
banbmapb to ibife : anb Jacob Ibtnt tn 
bnto her. 

5 3inb 23tihah concciueb anb bare 
Jacob a fonnc. 

6 anbftacbel Caib,<£ob hath iubgcb 
me, anb bath alfo bcarb nip bopec, anb 
hath stutnnteafonncj therefore cailcb 
the his name ||£>an. 

7 anb 25ilbab Sachets mapb ton- 
cciucb agaute ,anb bare Jacob a tcconb 
fonnc. 

s SfnbBachelfaibt, noith 1 great 
ttnaftltngs haue J ibjattleb lbith mp 
fiftcr,anb J haue pmiatleb :anb flje cat* 
leb his name II * 4!5aphtaiu 

9 nabmlLcabfambatChchablcft 
bearing, (bee toobc ztlpab her mapbe, 
anb gauc her Jacob to ibifc. 

io anb ztlpah ILeabs mapbe bare 
Jacob a fonnc. 

n 21ub ILcah faib , 3i troupe touts 
nieth : anb the calico his name || <5&n. 

u 3lnb zupah ILeabs mapbe bare 
Jacob a fctonb fonnc. 

ij anb!LcaI)lauVtyapppamJ,fo? 
thcbaugbtcrsibill calimcblclTcb: anb 
fl)c taiicb hie name j| afyer. 

14 OubKcubcnibcntintbcbapcs 
ofibhcat barucft, ? founb£Danb2aUc£ 
m the ficlb , anb bzought them bnto his 
mother fLcab. Xhcn &aebcl faibe to 
Hcah , <5uicme, J pjap thee , of flip 
fonncs £}9aitb2ai.ts. 

15 3lnb fbee faib bnto her , Js it a 
fmail matter, that thou baft taken nip 
hufbanb t anb lboulbft thou taite aibap 
mpfonncs ^antya&csaifo .• anb && 



chclfaib, Xbecefcje h« fl)all ipctbithl 
thee to night , fo? thp fonncs 4)9an> 
bzaltcs. 

16 3nb Jacob came out of the ficlb 
mtbe euening, anb fLeahlbcutoutto 
meet him, anb fatbXbou muft come In 
bntomee : fo? fttrelp Jbauebirebtbcc 
ibirh mp fonncs <3j3anD2ancs. 3nb bee 
lap ibitbher that ntght. 

17 ^nb@obhcarliencbbntoHcah, 
anbfl)c conceuteb,anb bare Jacob tljc 
ftft fonnc. 

is 3lnb %ta\) faib , 00b hat!) gtuen 
1 mcc nip h« c , becaufc J haue gutcu utp 
! mapben to mp bm"banb : anb fbecalleb 
jhtsnamclijltachar. 

19 ^nb|Leahconcciuebagaine,aub 
i bare Jacob the firth fame. 

io ^nbSLcahfaib^ob hath enbucb 
! me with a goob boibjp : /I5oib Ybili mp 
hufbanbbtt)cltt)lthJnc,bccaufcJhauc 
J borne htm fire fonncs : anb ftjee calico 
hisnamc!l*zcbulun. 

21 3lnb aftenbarbes tyec bare a 
naughtcr,anb calico her name iDinah. 

ii C 3nb ©ob re'memb?eb ©achel, 
anb <5ob htarfteneb to her, anb opencb 
heribombc. 

2} ^inb fbec conceiueb anb bare a 
fonnc, anb faib ; ©ob hathtanen aibap 
mprcpioth: 

14 ^nb ftjec calico his name || Jo^ 
feph , anb faibe, %ht 1L&&2D Ojali 
abbe to meanothcr fonnc 

15 Onbitcametopaft"ctbhcn&a' 
chel Iwb borne Jofcph,that Jacob faib 
bnto ILaban , ;§>cnb me aibap, that J 
map goe bnto mute otbnc place, anb to 
mptountrcp. 

26 (3iue mee mp ibiues anbmp chte 
b?cn,foj lbhom J haue ferucb thee,anb 
let me goe : fo? thou hnoibeft mp feriucc 
ibhtcfjjhaueboncthec 

17 5lnb Uaban faib bnto him , J 
pzap thee, tf J haue founb fauour in 
thine cpes,tary: fo? J haue leameb bp 
crpecicnce , tljat the % £> B 2> hart) 
blc(f:bmcfo2thpfaBc. 

28 3nb he faib, Appoint me thptba^ 
gts,anbjibillgmeit. 

29 3lnb hee faib bnto him , 1uhou 
hnolbcft hotb J haue ferucb thee, anb 
boib mp cattcll was ibtth me. 

30 irozitibaslittlctbhichthonhabft 
befoje J came ; anb it is now » mtrcafeb 
bnto a mummbe s anb the %jD&® 
hath blcfteb U)cc t fince mp coiramng: 
anb noib Xbhcn (hall J p?ouibe fo? 
i mine onmchoufc alfo* 

31 5lnb 



3 That i J, 



•\ That Is, 

' Called 

M 4:111 4. 
I ;. ~.'i.i- 
lort. 

(Thatis, 
InJftnttrt, 



ilThatls, 
zdddmg. 



jHelr.hn. 
myfoolr. 



Iacob and Laban. Chap.xxxj. lacobs leruice. 



\Hrbr.to 



31 ;^rjccfaiD,$2tyatujaU3Jgiue 
tljcc < anb ^acoti faib, Xljou ftjait not 
gmcmeany tJjmg; iffhduxtnltftoetijis 
ttjutg fo? nice, 3J Will agaute fees and 
uctpctrjyfloclu. 

3^ 3 HjU paffe tij^ottgt) ail ti)v f!o cfec 
tobay ,tcmoowng from ttjence all tlje 
fpccaleD an& fpotteb cartcll: ana ailtljc 
tyoJtone eattell among tlje fhcepc,anb 
tlje fpottco ana fpccalcb among tijc 
goates,anto otfuch ftjalbcmy Ijire. 

33 £>o fljail my ngljieowncfte an- 
froere fo2tnec * sn time to come , Vo\)tn it 
Ojail tomefo? mv t)ict, before trjpface: 
cuetyonetljat tsnotrpccnlcbanBfpot: 
tea amongft trjc goates , ant) tyoJtonc a? 
mongfttlje Cljecpe, tljat fljalbe counteb 
ftollcnibittjinc. 

34 ^no|Ubanfait)e,25el)oloc,3 
ltooulb it mtgljt bee aceojbmg to tljy 
u>o?d. 

35 anbljercmoucb tljat bay tljcijcc 
goates ttiat Ibcre ting-ftraReb , anb 
fpottca.ttnbautljcvljccgoats tljat ibere 
fpctnleb ana fpottcb, and cuery oncttjat 
fjaaibmetbrjitcin it,anaalltljeb2oibnc 
amongft tile ttjeepe, anb gauc them into 
tljcljanaofljisfonncs. > 

36 ^nbljecfettljjccaayestoumey 
betttrirt Uimfelfc ana 3!aeob:ana3Ja= 
tobfeb toe reft oOLabansflotte?. 

37 C 3na 3lacob toofec fjim robs 
of grcencpoplar , anb of ttjcljafclana 
cliefuuttrcc,anapiUcatbijitcftraBCSut 
ttjem , anb maae tlje rbtjtte appcare 
itotjitljitoasuttfjeroas. 

38 amaijcfettljcroaslbljidjljefjab 
pfflca, before rtjeflocaes in tlje gutters 
in tlje tbatcring trougljes ibljen tlje 
floras tame to bnnue , tljat tljcy fljouia 
conccuiclbljenrrjcycametoannEe. 

39 3lna tlje flotnes coneciuca before 
tUc robS,anb bjougtjtfotflj tattell ring* 
flrafteb,fpecBicb anb fpottcb. 

40 3inb 3lacob ata fcparate tlje 
;iambcs,anbTct thifaccs of tlje flocftcs 
toibatb tfjc ring-ftrauea , anb all tlje 
bzoIbncintljcfiotRC of ?Laban:anblje 
i putljis olbncfloessby tljemfclues.anb 
I puttljcmnot bnto ILabans cattcll. 

41 3nnitcamctopaffciM)cn!bcucr 
tl)e ftcongcr cattcll aia conceiuc , tljat 
■facot) laya tlje roas before tUc eyes of 
ttjc cattcll in tlje gutters , tljat tljcy 
mtgljt conceiuc among tlje robs. 

a.z 2Suttt)ljentljc cartel were feeble, 
nee put them not in: fo tlje feebler Ibcre 
3Ubans, anb tlje ftrongtt Jacobs. 

43 3lnatljemanincceafeb ercecbing- 



ly, anb Ijaa muclj eattell, anb mayb-- 
fmtants , anb men fcruants, anb ca- 
mcls,anbaftcs» 

CHAP. XXXI. 

1 Iacob vpon dilpleafure departeth feaetly. 
\j Rachel ltealech her fathers images. 11 La- 
ban purfueth alter him, 7.6 andcomplai- 
neth of the wrong. 34 Rachels policie to 
hide the images. 36 lacobs complaint ol 
Laban. 43 The coucnant ol Laban and 
IacobatGaleed. 

^M/^H iftbijctjcarbtijclbojbsof 
ya\5£*> ^Labans fonnes , faying, 
■Jacob ijatts taken aiaay 
all tljat ibas ourfatljcrs, 
_ anb of trjat lbljiclj rbas 
of our tatijers , ijatlj tjee gotten all tljis 
glow. 

z ^nb 3Jacob bdiclbc the counte- 
nance of ILaban, anbbeljolb, it was not 
toiDarb ^tm ^befoe. 

3 3lnb tlje H€) IS 2>faib bnto 3Ja* 
cob, 3Rctutne bnto dje lanb of tljv fa« 
tljcrs^nbtotDvbiubJcb •, anb 3 ibil be 
lbitljtl)ce. 

4 ^nb'3acobfcntanbcailcbiaacDcl 
anb Heal), to tlje fielb bnto l)is flocUe, 

5 ^nbfatb bnto tt)C!n,5f« your fa- 
trjers countenance , tljat it is not to- 
«jatb mec as before : but tf)c ©ob of my 
fatljcr rjatlj bcncttntlj me. 

6 ^nbyce nnott) , tljat Jtbitlj all my 
potber 3 Ijauefcruebyourfattjcr. 

7 3mb your fatljcr Ijatt) becciueb 
mee,anu trjangcb my images ten times : 
but ©obfuffercb Ijimnotto Ijurtme. 

8 3Ffrjeefaibtijus, 3Clje rpccftleio 
ftjallbetljylbages, tljcn all tlje cattcll 
bare fpccfelcb : anb if Ije fatb tljus,Xljc 
ring-ftraBcb fljalbe tljy litre , ttjm bare 
all tlje cattctlring-ftraftcb. 

9 1DbuS(I5obljatl)taUenaU)ayrIjc 
eattell of your fatljcr , anb gtucti them 
tomee. 

10 ^nb it came to pafTc at tlje time 
tljat the eattell coneciucb , tljat 3 nfteb 
top mine eyes anbfaiP in abicamcanb 
beljolb ,tlje || ranmiesibUtclj leapeo top; 
ontjjc eattell were nng-ftra6eb,fpccRlcb 
anbgrtfleb. 

11 ^nbtljc^ngcloftSobfpabctonto 
me in a tozcame, fiying, 3^ob;3lnD3 
faib,^cream3f. 

ii 3nbhecfaib,1LutbpnoHnnmc 
eyes, anb fee, all the rammes itotjutj 
leapctopontlje cattcll arertng-ftcabcb, 
fpccWeo anb gcifteb: fo? 3 Daue feme 

ail 



Hebr.Al 
y(Utrd.\y 
iUidthcd-tj 

btfare. 



\ Or , he: 
gaateu 



Iacob fleeing, is Genefis. purfuedbyLaban. 



"Chap. 18. 
18. 



\Hehr.Tc- 
rapbim. 

\Htbr.tht 
hetrrtef La~ 



J fiehr.Jtm 



t Ht br. htift 
fttiUnmc 



all rtjat ILaban boetb bnto thee. 

13 ;jamthe(5obof23erbcl,*tt)herc 
thouattnopntcbft the pillar, and tbbcre 
tljon boibcDftaboibbntomecnunba; 
nfe,sct thee out f com th# lattb, anb r e= 
turne bnto theianb oftl)^ Umtyeo. 

14. anb 3Ratt>el anb ILeat) anftbt; 
reb,anbtatb bntobtm , 3& tbercpcta- 
nppojtiou 01 inheritance to? bstn out 
fathers houfev 

15 are lbe not countcb ofbhn (Icatx? 
gcr^fo2bclwtbfolObs,anbbathcMite 
bcuourcb alfo our moncp. 

16 if 0? all the rirtjcsibDich <3ob bath 
tnnett from our father, tl)at is ours, 
anb our cbilbzcns : noU) then iDDatfo- 
cuct <sob hath faib bnto thce,boc. 

17 CI^Dcn 3lacou role tip, anb fct 
Ijts tonnes ant) bis lbiucs upon camels. 

18 anbbecanebatbapallbiseattell, 
anb all his g^obsibbicbbehab gotten, 
the eattcll of bis getting , lbbtcb bee bab 
gotten in ^abanaram, fo? to goeto %■ 
faacbiSfatbcrtn tbclanbofCanaanT 

19 anb ILaban ibent to tbeare bis 
ft)eepc:anb3&acbcibab ftollen tlje f 3J* 
mages that were her fathers. 

20 anb 3Jacob dale away t bna= 
tuarestolUbantbc&pitimMntbathe 
toibhtmnottbatbeflcb. 

21 dobceflcbibitbautbatheebab, 
anb he rote bp anb paflcb oner ti)e Bi- 
tter , anb fet his face toward the mount 
©ueab. 

22 anb tt tnas tolbe ILaban on the 
tbicboap,tbat3jiacobiuasflcb. 

23 anbbcctooReb:sb2cthmi\bttb 
bim,anbpurfuebaftcrbimfcucnbapcs 
lournep,anbtijcpouertooBcbtmintbc 
mount <£ileab. 

24 anb <2>ob came to ILaban the 
£>puaninab2eame bp night, anbfatbc 
bnto him, %&U beebtbattboufpeanc 
not to 3Jacob f either goob 0: bab. 

25 C Xben ILaban ouertooltc 3Ja- 
cob. iI5oib 3Jacob bab pttcbcb his tent 
m the mount : anb lLaban lbitb'bts b?e; 
tbtfn pitches ut the mount of <Meab. 

26 anb ILaban faib to 3Iaeob,}©bat 
ball thou bone, that thou Daft ftollen a* 
ibap bnaibares to me, anb caricb atoap 
mp baugbters, as capmtes taken rmth 
tbcfnwb* 

27 i©Derc&:c btbft tDou flic a\bap 
fccrctlp,anb f Italic albap from mc,ano 
btbft not tell mce; tDat 3 might Dauc 
rent thec aibap ibttb nrirtb, anb With 
fougs,\bitbtab2ct,anbibtthl)arpc, 

28 anb baft not fuffcreb mc to Rifle 



mp fonncs anb mp baughtcrs < thou 
haft novb bone fooltlblp in fo boing. 

29 3t is m the poibcr of mp Danb 
tobocpou hurt: but the ©ob of pour 
fatberfpaftc bnto mce peftcrtugbt,fap' 
tug, XaRe thou herb, that tbonfpeaRe 
not to 3}atob either goob 0? bab. 

30 anb nolb though thou lboulbcft 
necbcs bee gone , becaufe thou fo?e ion- 
gebftaftcrtl)? fathers hoiufcyctttiDcrci 
fo?c haft thou ftollen mp gobs * 

31 anb 3lacob anfwereb anbfaibto 
ILaban, 23ccanfe 3 ibas afratb : foj'J 
fetb,^crabuenturcthouiboulbefttaftc 
bv foice rhp baugbters from me. 

32 aaitb lbhomfoeucr thou finbeft 
thvsobs, let Dun not Hue: befoje our 
b:ctlwm bifecrne thou ibhat is thine 
rbttb me , anb tabe it to thee : fo? giatob 
tuievo not that Bacbel hab ftollen 
them. 

33 3mb flaban ibent mto Jacobs 
tent ,anbmto|Lcahs tent, ana into th£ 
nbomatbfemants tents: buthefounb 
them not. Xbtn lbcnthcout oflLeahs 
tcnt,ano entrebinto ftachcls tent. 

34 i]5oib Rachel Dab tahen the if 
raagefi, anb put them m thceamelBfhr' 
niture , anb fate bpon them : anblLa- 
ban f fearcbeb all tt)c tent , but founb 

them not. 

35 ^nb(heefatbtohcrfather,|Letit 
not bupieafe mp io?b , that 3 cannot 
rife bp before thee; fo? tlje ntftomc of 
ibomcn is bponmcc: anb he fcarrheb, 
but founb no t the images. 

36 C^b 'Jacob ibas uwth, anb 
chobe lbtth ILaban : anb ^acobanwjcs 
rcb anb fatb to ILaban, rehat >s mp tret 
paffe< ibhatismvnnne,thatthouhaft 
fo hotlvpwrfuebaftermei 

37 3©h«tas thou haft t fearcheb all 
my ftuffe , ibhat haft thou founb of all 
thv houlholb ftuffe i Ut it here bcfo;e 
mpb,icthzett,anb thv b^ethjen^jat thev 
map tttbgc betibtrt b^; both. 

38 Xhts tlbentle pecrcs haue 3 
bene lbith thee : thpclbesanb tbp (hee 
goatcs hauc not caft their pong , anb 
the rammes of tl;p flothc haue3j not 
eaten. 

39 Xhattbhicl)ibast02neofbeaft. s 3 
bzoughtnotbnto thee : 3 bare the loftc 
oftt,- of *mphanb btbft thoureQuirett, 
lbhttlxr ftollen bp bat», 0? ftollen bp 
night. 

4.0 Thus3Jn)a$mpbap,thcmought 
tonfumeb nice, anb the froft bp night, 
aubmp flccp beparteb from mine eyes- 

4J%\)US 



\Htbr.fclt. 



\Hch-.fch. 



Eiod 



Their couenant. Chap.xxxij. Jacobs prayer 



rarieb alimgOtinfliemount. 

5$ anb earcly intlic morning, %&■ 
banrofe Dp anbrniTcb Ins fonnes, anb 
UtSbaugliters , anb blctTcb tr)em : anb 
ILaban beparteb, arm returoeb bnto 
iji^ place* 

CHAP. XXXI r. 

I Iacobsvifionat Mahanaim. 3 His meflace 
to Efau. 6 He is afraid of Efaus comming. 
9 Heprayeth fordeliuerance. 13 Hcefen- 
dethaprefenttoEfau. 14 HewrelHethwith 
an Angel atPeniel, where hee is called Ifrael. 
3 j Hehalteth. 

/9b 3Jatob tttmt on ins 
ibay, ano flic angels of 
<5obmcttnm. 
x anb lbrjeu ^atob 
_ farbttjem, Jiefeib , Xtjtjs is 
«5obstio(rc: anbiieetallebrtie name of 
fliat place ll^afianaim. 

3 anb^aeobfemmcffcnsersbttojjc 
l)tm,to efau Ins b?oflier,bnto ttjcianb 
of &ett,tiie ^ountccy of ebom. 

4 anbneeommaunbeb fl)cm , fey* 
ing, Xliusfoailyefpeaftcbnto my lo:b 
efau , Xtty fcrnant 37 acob faith tftns, 
5 liauc fbtountcb ibttti &aban, anb 
(taycbflicrcbittillnoib. 

5 anb 3 Dauc oren, anb atlcs, 
flotfecs.anbmenferaantg anbtbomen 
fcruants: anb 3 haite lent to tell my 
lo?b, tiiafj may finb grace tntliy figlit. 

6 C anb flic metrcngctsrctutncb 
to3fa«>^ faying, trace tame to rfjybjo* 
flier <£Cau,anbaifo lieeommctrjtomect 
flicc, anbfoiireliunbJebmmHjttliinm. 

7 Xtjcn^Jacobibasgreatiyafraib, 
anbbtftrcfXeb, anbrjebiuibcbtliepeoplc 
tt)atwasDjitlil)un, anbtoefiocfecs, anb 
rjetbcs,anb t!it tamcls uuo flbo banbs, 

S anb feib,;3Sfefau tome to flic one 
company, anb finite it, trjen rtje oflier 
company ibliftfiislett, Oiallefrape. 

9 canb3acobfatb,jf>C5obofmy 
faflicrab2aI)am,anbC5obof my father 
■jjfaat, fl)c % £> £ 2D tbljicl) faibO tonto 
me, *3&ctttrne bnto fliy cottntrcy, anb 
to thy feintcb , anb 3 m\\ beale Ibeli 
Vbitfjtljee: 

io 1 5 am not tbortliy of the lead of 
all toe mercies, anb of all flit trnefli, 
ttljiti) tlion Haft Oietbeb bnto flip fev? 
ttant : fo; lbttt) my ftaffc 3 paffeb ouec 
tins IJoiban , anb noib 3 am become 
ttbobanbg. 

n 3>t.nictmc,^p2ay flicc, from flic 

haub of my brother, from the hanb of 

€fau: 



[That is, 
Theheafe 
ofwunetfe. 



[That is, 
zsf beacon : 
or watch 



lOr.yW 
itajlt. 



^.i Xljust>ue'3jbenetibentieyeres 
in tl)y lioufc : 3 Icirueb tliee fourteene 
ycetes fozfliy ttbobaugl)ters> anb fire 
yeresfb2tr)yeatteli anb tl)ou Daft diaiv 
geb my \bages ten times. 

4i C]tcepttt)e(^obofmyfatl)cr,tl)c 
(5ob of abzarjam, anb trje fearcof 3- 
faatliabbm ibitt)mc,mrelytliouIiab(r 
fent me aibay noib emptic: ©obrjatli 
ftene mine affliction, anb tnclabourof 
my l)anbs,f rebuutb thee ytftermglit. 

43 caiibl!iabananfttjercbanbfaib 
imto Jlacob , Xljcfe battglitersaremy 
baugljtcrs, anbtl)cfc flulbicn arc my 
crjtlbzen, anb tfjcfe cattell arc nry cat- 
tcll,anb all fliat rtjou feed, is nunc : anb 
ibljat can 3 boe tins bay bnto flicfc 
my banglucrs, o: bnto ttjctt rtjilbjen 
ibljrtfj rticyfiawe borne < 

44 Solb ttjercfozc come tlion, let 
bsmabeatoucnant, 3 anb tlion : anb 
let ft be fojatbrtneffcbcttbecncmcanb 
tr)ce. 

45 anb^atobtootteaftoncanbfet 
itbprojaptliar. 

46 ^nb 3lacob fatbc bnto I)is tec- 
tt)?err, (Satt)er flones : anb tljcytoonc 
ttones, anb mabe an Ijeapc, anb tlicy 
bib eatctl)crebponrt)cl)capc. 

47 anb fLaban caucb it || 3Jegar- 
SarjabutDa : but 3^^ taHtf) lt ^^ 
leeb. 

48 anb Haban folb, lOjisrjeapc is 
attitncire benbeent nice anb fljcetihts 
bay. XlTcrefo?clbasflicnamcofitcal'> 
leb<saietb, 

49 anb || fl0i5pali : fojrjc tetii, %X>t 
H;aD3a2D\batcl) bcttbeenenieanbfliec 
alien ibearcabftnt one from anotlier. 

50 gjftliou flialt afflict mybaugl> 
ters, 02 if fl}ou Cbalt tafee other tbiues 
befibc my baugr)ters,no man ts tbttJ) bs, 
£>tt, C5ob is KbitnclTe bettbirtmee anb 
ttjec. 

51 anblLabanfaibto^acob, T8>v- 
DolbtliisDcapc, anb beliolbrtiis pillar, 
Vbljitl) 3 liauc taft betttiijrt me anb rtice. 

5z XljislieapcbclbitnciTc,anbtliis 
pillar beXbitnciTc, fliat^ibfllnotpaiTc 
oucr tlitsljeapc to tnee, anb fliat tHoti 
(halt uotpafft oner this licapc,anb ttjis 
pillar bnto me , foz ftarme. 

53 Xlie (Sob of abzaliam , anb flit 
<Sob of Fallot , flic (5ob of flieic f& 
flier, tubge bettbtrt bs. anb Jlatob 
froarc by tTje fearc of Ijis fattier lliaac. 

54 XDm^arobllottrcbfacrultebp^ 
on flie mount, anb calleb Ins toetrjzen to 
eate bzcab, anb tljey biU cate b?eab , anb 




JTliatis, 
mo hojies 
or compel. 

\Hci.frcU. 



"Chap. 31. 
'!• 

t Heh. lam 
U$e tken ait 
&c. 



Iacobs prefent. 



Genefis. He is named Ifrael. 






( ihb.-jfi*. 



r Hii r*j 
If*,. 



t Hd.au- 
f,dtiptfi. 



) Heir. 
m-g. 



efan : fo: 3 featel)un,lcftncibiUtomc, 
anb unite me, anb tljcmofyctnbttfttljc 

cIiUb:cn. _ 

iz 3nbrt)oufaiba,3Jibrtluirclyboe 
t\)tc go ob,anb mafec tt)y fceb as tijc fanb 
of tlje fta, ibt)icl)cannotbenumb?cbfo2 
multmibc. . , , 

13 C^nbfcclobgcbrrjcretljatfamc 
ntgltt, anb toofee of that lbbiri) came 
to liis'ljanb , a p?efcnt fo; efau Ijis 
biotijct : 

14 %Vbo rjunbjeb fljee goats, anb 
tibenttc Ijcc goats , tibo Ijunbzeb elbes, 
anbrtbcntictammcs, 

15 lOjirnc mild) camels ibitl) t!)eu* 
colts,f o:tie tone, anu ten buUes,ttbcnty 
nice allies, anb tcnfoaics. 

16 ^nO 1)CC DCUUCtCD them into tlje 

Danb of tns feniants, encry bjoue by 
tbemfcMcs,anb faib bnto Ijts fecuants, 
0afleoneTbcfojcmc,anbputafpacebC5 
tibirtbroncanbbjoue. 

17 ^nbrjccommanbcbtijcfomiott, 
laying, asnen efau my b2otl)et mte* 
tctl) tl)cc,anb affect!) $ec,faying,s©I)ofc 
artrt)oui anblblnftjcr goctttl)ou< anb 

W)I)Ofcaretl)CfCbCfO?Ctt)CCi 

18 ^thcntt)oun)altfap,12hevbetl)p 
fetuant Jacobs: it is a pjefcnt fent tonto 
my lo:b efau : anb betjolb alio, Ije is be= 
ijinbbs. 

19 Slnbfocommanbcbnctrjcfetonb, 
anb ti)c tbicb, anb all tljat follotbcb tijc 
D2ones,fapmg,^)nthisnianctft)aivou 
fpcaftcbitfo€fau,lbt)cnyonfmbhtm. 

zo 3lnbfayycmo2coucr,25cf)olbc, 
tl)y ftruant 31acobis bchinbbs:fo:lje 
{a;b,3Hbill appcafc ijimlbitrj tlje we? 
fent tnat goctl) before me, anb after- 
tbatD^Jibill fecftisfatCjperabucntnre 
Jjeibill accept 1 of me. 

zi 5>o ibent tfte pzefent oner befozc 
Ijtm: anbljunfclfc lobgebdjat ntgljtm 
tlje company. 

zz 3nbl)ectofcbptl)atnig!)t,anb 
toofee Ijis tibo ttiucs, anb l)is tibo lbo- 
men fcruants, anb l)is clenenfonnes, 
anbpaffcD ouct tljcfoojb^labbofe. 

z j 3nb ije toofee tbem,anb + fent tnem 
oucr tlje b;oofec , anb fent oner tfjat t)cc 
tjab. 

Z4 C3nb ^Jacob Ibas left alone: 
anb tfjcr c itecftfcb aman Ibttfj ljim,bn* 
nil tlje ! bjcafeing of rnc bay. 

z5 :&ibibncnljefarb,tl}atl)cp;tenai- 
icbnotagainttrjim, Ijctoucbcb njeijol? 
loin of Ijis tl)lgt): anb tUc ijollolb of 
Jacobs tljigliibasoutof toynt, asljcc 
ibzcfhcbibttlj.jtin. 



I z6 ^nbhefaib,1Letmegoe,fo:tDc 
Daybzcaftetl): anbljefaib, *3ilbtllnot 
lettfjccgoc^cepttlioiibleffemc. 

Z7 3inb f)c faib bnto Dim , a^at is 
thy name? anb l)cfaib,3Jacob. 

zs 3tnb helatb,* %m name fhallbe 
callcbno niozc Uacob , butjjjftact : fo? 
asapnncc ball tfjonpoibetibithcsob, 
anb ibithmcn,anbl}aft piewailcb. 

Z9 Slnb'Jlacob affecbhim, anbfaioe, 
Xcllmc, 5fp^y tl)ce,tt)vname : anb De 
fata, naljerefoze is it, tljat tDou bocft 
afitcaftcrmpnamcianbljcbleffebljim 

30 3lnb3JacobcailebtDenamcoftl)c 
place || 0eiiiel: fo«t 3 Dane feenc <25ob face 
to face, anb mplifcis pjefecueb. 

31 ^nbasljcpau*ebouct^enud,tljc 
funnerofebponfjim, anb?)el)altcbbp-- 
onhistl)igf). 

3z ^ctcfo?e titjc cfjilbjctt of 3frael 
cate not of tOc fmelbe Sbl)icD a)2anfee, 
«?Wcl)is bpontljcljollotboftijetljtg!), 
bmo tt)is bay: becaufe !)ee toucftcb tlje 
5)olloib of Jacobs ttjis^, mtijc fmesbc 
tljatfl)?anfee. 

CHAP. XXXIII. 

I The kindneffe of Iacob and Efau at their mee- 
ting. 17 IacobcommethtoSuccoth. j8 At 
Salem he buyeth a field, and buildeth an Al- 
tar called Elohc IfraeJ. 

jBb ^acob lifteb bp tjis 
x eyes, anb loofecb , anb be* 

*^^el l)olb,€faucamc,anbtt)itJ) 
^mi fourc Ijimbjcti) men : 
anb ijec bttubeb tlje d)U* 

bicnbnto Heal), anb bnto 3Sart)cl,anb 

bnto tlje tibo l)anbmaibs. 
z 3lnb l)e put tl)c ftanbmaibes , anb 

ti)ric cbibjen fojcmoft , anb 3UaI) anb 

lier djilbien after, anb 5Rac!)ci anb 3Jo^ 

fcp!)l;intJcrmoft. 

3 2lnb Ijec paffeb onn: befo jc tftein, 
anb boibcb liimfelfc to rtje gtounb fc^ 
uen times, bntilll)cc came nccrc tol;is 
bjotljer. 

4 ^iib<£faurantomcctel)im,anb 
lmb:acebi)im, anbfellonl)isnecfec,anb 
toffeb Inm, anb tftcy ibept. 

5 3(nb l)c liftbp Ijis eyes, anbfaibe 
tfteibomcn, aiiDtDecnilbzcn, anbfatb, 
iPlio arc tljofc ■ lbitl) tlicc^ 3lnb Ije faib, 
3Clic dnlb?cn mijtcrj 00b fjartj gracv 
oiiflygiucn tby feruant. 

6 ^IJjen tlje Iwnbmaibcns came 
necr e ■, t!)cy anb tbeic cl)ilb?cn, anb tl)ey 
bolbcbthcmfeuics. 

-r 5lnb 



♦Ofs.ii.^. 



•Chap. 3; 
10. 



That is. 



IKC'j 



t HtiTo 
tktc. 



Jacob and Efau. Chap.xxxnij. Dinah defiled, 



{ Heb. wh*t 

•J alltbu 
tandtotltoe? 



\ Heb.bec 
that to thee 

thut'athtnc. 



f Heb.accor- 
dmg to the 
footeofthe 
wor^e t &c. 
ef- according 
lathe foot of 
the children. 
1 Heb Set, 
orpUce. 
\Hc6 wker- 
forciithht ? 



That if, 
boothe:. 

•Called 
Ads. 7. 16 
Sychcm. 



• Called 

Aas.7.16. 

Emor. 

\{Or,Itrmbet. 
g That is, 
C/od , the 
God of if. 



7 3inD 3Leah aifo B)irb her cbUDjen 
tame ncctc,anD boiDf D rtjoiifelttcs: anD 
after taint 3Jofcpb neere anD Barbel, 
anD tbcp bolbcD tbemfclues. 

8 3uiD bcfaiD, + JBljatmcaneft thou 
bp all rijfs Dzoue, rotytl) 3 met* 3lnD 
t)e faiD, Thcfe are to &nD gr ate m the ftgljt 
ofmplo:D. 

9 3ud efati lain , 3 bauc enough : 
mp ivotbcr , f Iscepc that thou bait unto 
tbpfclfc. 

10 :sn& 3f acob faiDc , May , 3 pjap 
tbee: tfnoU)3f \fcut fomiD grace mtbp 
fight , then retcittc mp pjefent at mp 
hanD : foz therefore 31 bauc fcenc tbp 
rate ,as though 31 hao fecne tlKfatcof 
d5ou i anD thou ruaQ picafcD ttntb me. 

11 Xaftc , 3 pjap tliee, mp blctTmg 
that is brought to tbee, betaurc <Sob 
bath Dealt gtarionflp Hntb nice, ana be 
taufe 3 bauc enough : anD bee bzgeD 
IjuUjanDljetooheit. 

\z ^uDbefaiD.ilctbstaftcouriour: 
tup , anD ictPsgoe, aiiD3JttuUgocbc; 
fojetbee. 

13 &nD bee faiD bnto him, J^hnD 
tmoibctb, that the ebtlDzenaretenDer, 
anD the flocRCS anDbcarDSttnthpong 
arc ibitb nice : anD if mm fboulD o- 
ucr-Dziue tljcm one Dap , all the flocHc 
Will Die. 

14 HetmplojD,3Jpjapthee,pau*co' 
uer befo:e his fcruant, anD 3 tbill lease 
on forth?, attotfmig f as the cattcllthat 
goeth before me,anD the ehflD2cn be able 
toenbure,bntill 3 conic bnto mplojD 
tmto&clr, 

15 ^nBtffaufart^Hctmenoiibncauc 
ttiiththcc feme of tbcfolBctbatambtfb 
met^nDbccfaiD/iBhatnccDethrtdct 
mc finDe grace in the fight of mp lozD. 

16 C£>oefaurcturncDtbatDap,on 
btstuapbnto&ctr. 

17 3tnD 3Jacob iountcpcD to &m 
coth> anDbUilthimanhoufc, anDmaDc 
boothes foi his cattett : tbetcfoze the 
name of the plate is callcb 1 5>uecotb. 

18 C3inD3!lacobcamcto£>balcm,a 
cttieof * ^>hcthcm,\bhuh ismthe lanD 
ofCanaan, ibbenbecamcftom#aDan 
3(ram , anD pitttjet) his tent befectbe 
Cttle. 

19 3inD he bought a parcdl of a ficlD 
Jbljert Dee baD fpjeaD his tent, at the 
hanD of the chittucn of* *?amo* £>bc 
thews father, fo: an bunDjcD II pieces of 

money. _ 

zo ^nD hee ercttcD there an ^Itar, 
ianDtaileD it ||ci-cio!)c-3lfrael. 




CHAP. XXXIIIL 

Dinah is rsuifhed bv Shechem. 4 Hefueth 
tomarrvher. 13 Theionnesotlacoboftei 
the condition of Ciicumcrfion to the She- 
chcniites. 10 Hamor and Shechem per- 
fwade them to accept it. 15 The Tonnes ot 
Iacob vpon that adtianta£;e flay them, 17 
and fpoile their citie. 30 Iacob reprooueth 
Simeon and Leui. 

jftD 2>inah the Daughter 
offUah,$bbich fhecbarc 
Dnto3!acob,Tbcnt out to 
fee the Daughters of the 
lanD. 
z :3uDtt»hm Shechem the fonne of 
it?amo: tlje finite, pmue of the coun-- 
ttcp fait) her,hc too&c her,anD laplbith 
hcr^nD^DenleDher. 

5 3nD hts foulc riaue Dnto S>inab 
the Daughter of 3Jacob , ano hee loucD 
the Damfcll , anD fpauc f fttnDIp Dnto the 
Damfell. 

4 3inD ^>hed)em fpattc into his fa= 
ther $amo2, faying, C5et mce tljiis Dam* 
felltotbife. 

5 ^iid fatob htarD tl)at he haD De^ 
RleD 2>tnah his Daughter ( note hts 
fonncs ibcrcibith his cartel m the fieiD) 
anD 35atob hclDe his v(^ Smtill thep 
Ibcrc conic. 

6 c ^nDteamo? tljc father of £>ho 
them ttient out imto 3Jatob to tom^ 
munctbithhim. 

7 ^nD the fonncs of 3iacob tame 
outof thcftelD tbhen thephcarbisanD 
the men iDerc grieueD: anD thep ttcre 
Derp Unoth , betaufe hee haDttijought 
follp in 3Ifracf, in Ipingtbith Jacobs 
Daughter j luhich thing ought not to 
be Done. 

8 3mD ^amo? tommuncD toith 
them, taping , 1£he foule of mp fonne 
5)hethnn longeth fo? pour Daughter t 
3 p:ap pougmc her him to Ibife. 

9 3nD mafee pc manages ttith bs, 
anD giuc pour Daughters tonto Ds , anD 
tafee our Daughters tonto pou. 

10 ^nDpcfhailDtt)cUtbitht)S,anD 
theianD fl)all be bcfojcpou-.DiDelianD 
trabc pou therein , anD get pou poftcfc 
fiens therein. 

11 3lnD 5>heehem faiD bnto her fa> 
ther , anD Dnto her bzcthjm ,lLet mee 
finDe grace tnpour epes, anD ibh a tpcc 
(ball tap bnto mc,3J ttull gtue. 

11 ^ffee nice ncucr fo much Dotbjie 

anD gift , anD 3} mil gsuc attoiDmgas 

?D yee 



\Htbr.hurn- 
bkiher. 



j Heir, to 
her hettrr. 



The Sliechemites Genefis. 



are 



fpoiled. 



•Qup.49. 

6. 
mouth. 



pec (ball fap unto met: but giuc mctye 
tiamfctuoibifc. 

1 j 3nb tye Tonnes of SJacobammc; 
rcb £>l)cri)cm , anb $amoi l)is fatyer 
Dccntfuilp,anbfaib, becaufe fjcljabbc; 
filc&Dutar) tyeir lifter. 

14 3inb t^cp faibe bnto tycm , aacc 
cannot boe tyis tying , to giuc our filter 
to one tyat is bnctreumnfeb : fo? tyat 
lucre a report) bnto bs. 

15 25uttn tyts lbtlUbceonfent bnto 
pou: 3Jfpc ibiUbeasibebe,tyatcucrp 
male of vou be cireuinctfcb : 

16 XftenibiUbcgtuc out Daughters 
bnto pou,anb ibe ttnl taue pour baugfc 
tcrsto bs,anbtbeibilimbeliibity pou, 
anb lbc lbillbccome one people. 

17 23utif pc Mil not l)earben bnto 
bs,to bcnrnmietfcb,tyenlbilirbetaRe 
our baugljter ,anb ibe lbtll be gone. 

is anbtyetrtbo2bsplcafcb$>amo2, 
anb £>ljetyem T?anto?s fonnc. 

19 ^nb tye pong man beferreb not 
to boe tye tying , becaufe r)c Dab bcltgrjt 
in gjatobs baugljtcr : anb rje lbas mo:c 
honourable tyen all tye ijoufc of Ijis 
fatycr. 

20 CSnb^ainojanb&fictyentyis 
fonnc tame bnto tye gate of tyeir arte, 
anb tomnmncb Ibity tye men of tyeir 
eittcfaping: 

21 ifrjcfcmcnarcpcaceablcibitybs, 
tycrefo2C let tycm blbcl in tye lanb.anb 
trabctycreut: fo?tyclanb,btyolb, it is 
large enougl) foz tycm : let \>s tane 
tyctr baugntcrs to bs fo? Mmtcs, anb 
let bs giuc tycm our baugljters. 

2i £>nelp nerctn ibill tye men eon* 
fcut bnto bs , foz toblbcll ibity bs to be 
oncpcoplc, if cucrpmale among bs bee 
dreuntct&b,astyeparc cirtumttfeb. 

2j 5>f)ail not tyeir cattcll , anb tyeir 
fubftanct,anb cucrp bcaft oftyeirsbce 
ours* onelp letbsconfcnt bnto tyem, 
anbtyepttnllbibcllibitybs. 

24 ;snb bnto ^amozanb bnto £>ne 
ct)cm nis fonnc , IjearBcncb all tyat 
tbent out of tye gate of bis cine; ano 
eucrp male lbas circumctfcb , all tyat 
ibent out of tye gate of bis ntie. 

25 C 3nb it came to paffc on tye 
tyicbc bap ibhcn tl)ep iberc fozc, tyat 
tibo of tye fonnes of "Jacob, Sumcon 
anb1Lcui,Dinansbjrty2cn,toottccacli 
man Ijisfioozb anb tame bpontyentic 
bolblp, anb* flcib ailtyc males. 

26 3nb tycp flelb l?amo2 ano £>bc 
tyem rjts fonnc, lbtty tye ^bgcof tye 
uoozb , anb tooUc £>inaj) out of £>l)i 



tyems !)oufc , anb tbent out 

17 %\)t fonnes of 35acob came bpon 
tye flame, anb fpotlcotye otic, becaufe 
tyep l>ib Dcfileb tyeir filler. 

is %\p% toottc tyeir tbeepc , anb 
tyeir ojcen , anb tyen; afles, anb tyat 
\bl)ity was m tye titie , anb tyat iblnty 
wastntyeflclb. 

19 ^nbautycirtteaity,anbailtycir 
little ones, anb tycirlbiucstooRetycp 
captiue, anb fpoilcb eucn ail tyat was m 
tycljoufe. 

jo smogjacobfaib to Simeon anb 
|Lcui,J5e Ijauc troubleb me to mane me 
to (hnne among tye inhabitants of tye 
lanb, amongft tye Canaamtcs, anb tye 
0crr55itcs : anb 3 being felb m num- 
ber , tycp fballgatyer tyemfelues toge 
tyer agamfl me,anb flap mcanb 3 u)al 
be beflr opeb,5 anb mp rjoufe. 

ji 2nb tyep faib , £>!joulb fjee beale 
ibity our fiftet,as ibity an ijarlot * 

CHAP. XXXV. 

God fendeth Iacob to Bethel, i He purgeth 
bis houfe of idols, 6 Hebuiidethan Altar at 
Bethel. 8 Deborah dieth at AllonBachuth. 
9 God bleflethlacobatBethel. i£ Rachel 
traueileth of Beniamin , and dieth in the way 
toEdar. n Reuben lieth with Bilhah. 23 
The fonnes of Iacob. 17 Iacob commeth 
to Ifaac at Hebron. 18 The agc,death,and 
buriall of Ifaac. 

"* ^nfe , goc bp to JSctycl, 
anb blbel tycr e : anb matee 
tycrc an ^Itar bnto (5ob, 
„. tyat appearcb bnto tyce, 
* loDcn tyou flebbeu from tye face of €- 
fautypbJOtycr. 

1 Xljtn ^acobfatb bnto DiSljoufes 
Ijoio , aiib to all tyat lbcrc Ibity ftim, 
^>ut aibap tye ftrange gobs tyat are a= 
mong pou,anb bee cleane,anbtyange 
pour garments, 

3 ^nb let bs arife , anb goe bp to 
zsetyci, anb 3 lbnimaBetycrean^l^ 
tarbntoC5ob,iblioanm)ereb memtyt 
bap of mp biftr effcanb lbas Jbity me m 
tyetuapMnty^Jibent, 

4 3nb tycp gaue bnto 3Jacob all 
tye Orange gobs Jbljity were m tyeir 
l)anb , anb all tyeir care- rings lblnty 
were in tyeir cares, anb 3l&ob ijib tyem 
bnbec tye obc Xbljity lbas bp ^>l;c> 
tycm. 

5 3nD tlyvp iourncpeb : anb tyetcr* 
rour of C5ob lbas upon tye cities tyat 

ltocrc 




*Chap.J7. 
43- 



Rachel dieth. Chap.xxxvj, 



Ifaacdictl: 



•Chap. 18. 

19- 

_ That is, 

The Cod of 

Bethel. 



.That is, 

Theokeof 
TBeepwTj, 



Chap. 3:. 
»8. 



t Hebr. a 
litte piece of 
oroutul. 



( ||Th«is, 
Thefonne of 
myftrrgw. 
JThatis, 
The forme of 
the right 
hand. 



tbere rounb about tJ)em,aut> tbcpbib 
not purfuc after ttjc founts of ^jacob. 

6 &£>o3atobcamcto3U5,n)5)itD 

isint!)cianDof€tinaan(rl)atis26ctl)Cl) 
Dec anb all tlje people tljat were tditl) 
mm. 

7 X\\t\ Dee btult tbere an Sltat, 
anb*taiicb tlje plate i|ei-2Sctbci,becaufc 
tticrc (5ob appeareb bnto nim,tt)l)cnljc 
neb from tbe fate oftjis bjotber. 

8 But £>ebojalj aacbeKabs nurfe 
bteb ) anbfl)eibasburicbbcncarl)25ett)' 
el bnber an one : anb tpenamc of « tbas 
callcb||3llon26acbutb. 

9 C 2tnb <5ob appeareb bnto 3& 
cob agatne,VbDcn vje tame out of 0aban 
^raiu,anbblcffcbl)un. 

10 3mb <5ob faib into Dun , XDy 
name is 3Jacob :tDy natnelbaunotbce 
tallcb any mo?c 3iatob , * but gifracl 
(nail bee tljp name i anb Ijcc tallcb Ijts 

namejjftaei , „ 

11 3lnb (5ob fatbe into Dim, 3 ain 
<5ob aimigbtic : be ft uittull anb multe 
ply: anation anb atotnpany ofnations 
fbaiibe of thee, anbBmgsfbail tonic 
outoftbylovncs. 

12 3nbtf)ClanblMncn'f gaue3tb?a^ 
Dam,anb3!faac, to rt)ee fnnllgiueit, 
anb to tD? feeb after tljec lbtll 3 5111c 
tljcianb. 

u 3inb (Sob ibent ftp from Dim, m 
the plate tbDcr e ijc taihcb ibttb bun. 

14 ^nb'jacobfctbp a pillar tnrfte 
plate lMhcre bctalRcDKHtbbim, euen a 
pillar offtone:anbl)cepoUwbabanBe 
offering tDercon, anb Ije ponwb otic 
tbctcon. , _ 

15 3inb 3Jatob tallcb tftc name of 
tbe plate m>vct <5ob fpanc Xbit!) Dim, 
aSetocl. 

16 C 3nb ttjev iournrpeb from 
25ctbel : anb tl)creibas but a 1 litlerbap 
to tonic to eprjiatl) •, anb Batfiel tr& 
ueilcb , anb Q)c l)ab fiarb labour. 

17 3lnb it tame to paffe VbDcn fljee 
toas tnljarb labour, tljatttjcmibibtfc 
faibnnto bet, 3rcarc not: tfton fyalt 
hauctl)i5fonncaifo. 

13 3£nb it tame to paffe asDer foulc 
U)astnbcparnng,(fo?fl)cbicb)rDatCl}c 
tallcb bis name || 25cn-oni : butbisfa; 
tbet tallcb Dun [| asenianun. 

19 2wbKacDclbieb,anbivasburicb 
m ti)c rbay to (£pb#tb ,tbbtcb is 2Sctl> 
icljcm. 

20 3nb J acob fet a pillar bpon Dec 
grant : tDat is tl)c pillar of Battels 
grauctontotbtsbap. 



ai C 3lnb 35ftacl tourneyco anb 
fpjcab Dis tent beyotib trie tott>:e of 
€bar. 

2i 3tnb it tame to paffe ililien 3Jf 
racl biPclt m tljat lanb , tbat fteuben 
ment ? * lapibitn ssubab l;is fatlicrs 
concubine : anb'3Jfcacl Ijeatb it. ^Jolb 
tbefonnes of^atob Vbcrctibelue. 

2j %\yt fonncs of ?Lcal) : Betiben 
3latobsfirft bomc, anb Simeon, anb 
?lcui , anb 3Jubal) , anb 3Jffachar, ant 
Zcbulun, 

24. XDc fonncs of 3aatDcl:3Joftpl), 
anbBeiuamin. 

25 2lnb tl)c fonncs of aStlUal), 3Sa^ 
tDels Danbmaib : Dan anb ii5apl)tali. 

26 3Cnb tljc fonncs of zilpal), %t 
afjs Danbmaib: €>ab,anb ^(Dcr.Xijcfc 
are tDe fonncs of 3Iacob, VbljicDiberc 
bomc to Dim m 0aban ^trant. 

27 C 3lnb ^atob tame bnto 3faat 
DisfatDer unto ^amrc, Unto tDetmc 
of^lrbaD (ibDitD is^cb;on)lbDcre^ 
biaDam anb jjfaac foioumcb. 

28 ^nbtDcbavcsof^faatibereatt 
Ijnnb?cb anb four efcozcvecrcs. 

19 3Di&3JfaaegauebptbcgDoftanb 
bteb,anbibas*gatDcrcb bnto D« peo- 
ple, being olb anb Dill of baves : anb bis 
fonnes €fau anb Sacob buricb Dim. 

CHAP. XXXVI. 

1 Elans three wiues. 6 His remouing to mount 
Seir. 9 His (brines. 15 The Dukes which 
defcended of hisfonnes. 10 The fonnes and 
dukes of Seir. 14 Anah findeth mules. 31 
The kings of Edom. 40 The dukes that 
defcended of Efau. 

338 j©tt) tbcfc arc tDegencra 
ft tions of Cfau , ibbo « e-- 
bom. 
2 ^fautooDeDiSVbiues 
„ oftbebauglitcrsofCana 
an:3lbabtDcbaugDtcrof€lontDc^it' 
we, anu ^Dolibamab tDc baugbter ot 
^Inalj tbe baugDter of zibcontljc^ 
uitc: 
j 3nb2SawcmatD1Jfi)maclsbaiisI> 

ter,uacrof/!5cbaiotfj. 

4 ^nb * 3lbab bare to efau , ew 
plia5 : anb ffiafbematt) bare l&cuei. 

5 3lnb 3tbolibaniab bare 3^h 
anb Haalam, anb BomD : tftcft arc tbe 
fonncs of <£fau,ibrntD lDtcc bomc fnto 
Dim in tDc lanb of Canaan. 

6 Writ* €fau toonc Dis Unites, anb 
Ins fonnes, anb Ins bangDtcrs, anb all 
tlic'pcrfonsof l)ts Doufc, anb Dis cat 

S> 1 tell, 




'CI: 



iap.49 



'Chap.; 5 



•i.Chion. 
•-35* 



\HtkfoiU.. 



"I 



E£ms offlpring : ___ Geneiis t Dukes,and Kings . 



oft,. 2*$. 



\Hthr, 

Jen. 



• i.Chro.I. 

!S .6:c. 



•i.Chio.i 
38- 



tell, anb alibis beads, anb all his fub 
flame, tbbu n he hab sot m the lanbc of 
Canaan : ant) lDcnt into the countrep 
from tl)c fate of his toother 3Jacob. 

7 ifo: tbcir rtrtjes lberc mo?e then 
that the? ihtgln bibcll together: anb 
rne lanb wherem thcpiberc ftcangcrs, 
conib not bearc them , bctaufc of their 

tartcll 

8 XhusbuicltCfau in 'mount Me- 
tric-fail is Oom. 

9 C 3nb thefc are the generations 
ofefan, the father of the Cbonutcsm 
mount £>ctr. 

10 Xncfc arc the names of Clans 
fonnes : * €lipha> the fonne of 3lbah 
the uxft of efau , Kcucl tl)e fonne of 
z5afl)cmatl),tncVbifcof€faiL 

1 1 3lnD tlic fonnes of Clipbas ibcre, 
Heman, £>mar, zepho, anb <satam, 
anb Bcna?. 

ii 2nb Xunna lbas toneubine to 
Cliplm €faus fonne, anb (bee bate to 
cupDai ^maicb:tlicfc lb etc the fonnes 
of^lbahcfansibife. 

13 3lnb thefc are thefonucs of &euel: 
Jiahath anb zerah, Smammah, anb 
S0r55al) : tlirfe lberc the fonnes of 25a* 
fl)cmatb,efausibifc 

14 C 3lnb thefc tbcre the fonnes of 
3lholibamab, the bangbtcr of ^naft, 
baughtcr of Zibcon efaus lbifc: anb 
flic bare to efau, 35ni(b anb 3Jaaiam 
anb Bowli. 

15 CXftcfcweretuftesoftlicfonnes 
of €fau : tlic fonnes of Cliphai the firft 
borne fonne of cfau , buUc Xeman, 
buncjJDmar, buue zepho, buucl&c; 

1U15, 

is 2>urc Bo:ah, bulte ©atam, and 
buHc^maicU: Xhcfearc rticbnbestha 
omeof Cltpba}, m the lanb of Cbom: 
Xhcfe wac the fonnes of 3lDah. 

17 C 3nb thefe are tl)c fonnes of 
IReucl efaus fonne : bube jftabath, 
bube Zctah , bnuc £>hammah, bultc 

CB'.^aJ). XilCfe areiljCbUUeS that came 

of &euet, m the lanb of Cbom : theft 
a.e the fonnes of 2Safl)cmath , Cfaus 
ibifc. 

18 C3lnb thefc ate the fonnes of 3 
holibamah efaus Xbtfc : bulic 3!cufl), 
bnhcjaalam, bubcBozab : theft we.c 
the buhes that cameof 3iholtbamahthe 
Daughter of 2nah Cfaits lbift. 

19 Xhcfc we the fonnes of Cfau, 
(ibho^ebom)anbtbcfearetheltbubcs. 

20 C* Xhcfe arc the fonnes of £>ctr 
thctyo2ite,ibho mhabitcb the lanb.Ho- 



tan, anb&hobal, anb zibcon, aub;& 
nab 

21 2tnb SDifliott, anb eser , anb S>i- 
(ban : ttjcfc arc the bubesof the Iconics 
the chilbicn of £>cir m the lanbc of £- 
bom. 

22 3nbtbechilbjenoflLotan,ibcrc 
tyon, anb Remain: anb Hotans fitter 
wasXtmna. 

23 3nb the tbtlbjen of £>hobal were 
thefe: 3fluan, anb flJSanahatt), anb & 
bal, 5>hcpho, anb !©nam. 

24. ^nb thtfe are the chilbjtn of Z.V 
bcon , both 3uah , anb 3(nah : this was 
that^nah that founb the mules in the 
rbUberncflc,ashefeb theatres of Zibc 
on his father. 

25 5lnb the chiltycn of ^nah were 
thefe : ffiHlbon , anb ^holibamah the 
Daughter of 3inah. 

26 ^nb thefc arc the rhilbzen of STH- 
fl)on : ^cmban anb CChban, % 3th;an, 
anb Clicran. 

27 Xhe thilbicn of C^er are thefe: 
ffiilhan anb zaauan, anb 3fean. 

28 Xhcthilb^enofDifhan are thefc: 
sll5,anb5lran. 

29 Xhefc are fht DUfeCS that came of 

the Routes: bubc Hotan, nu&t 5>ho 
bal, bnftc ztbeon, bubc^nah, 

30 S>ufec ©tfbon, bube€5er , bube 

Dlfbatt: thefe arcthCbUbeS that came of 

l?02t, among thcttbubes mthcianbof 
&tit. 

31 C ^nb thefe are the feings that 
tcigncb in the lanb of (Ebom, before 
there rctgncb anp femg ouer the thtl 
b«!cnof jfracl. 

32 afiu> ffiria the fonne of 25eo? 
rctgncb m €bom : anbttjc name of Ijts 
ettiewjs^inhabah 

33 3inb Bcla bicb , anb 3Jobab tlje 
fonne of Zerah of ®03ra retgneb m hts 
flcab. 

34 ^nb ^obab Utn , anb feutbam 
of the lanb of Xemam vcigncb m h»s 
ftcab. 

35 3mb$u(t)ambicD,anbi)ababtr)c 
fonne of 2Bcbab, (ibljo fmote £0ibian 
m tl)e fielb of £0oab, ) rngncD in hts 
ttcab : j tlje name ofhis tine was ^uirt). 

36 3uib ^abab btcb, anb &amlah 
of ^0afceUah,rcigncb mhis flcab. 

37 3nb ^amiah bicb, anb ^>aul of 
Bchoboth, by the nucr, rcigncb m his 
flcab. 

38 3nb£>aulbieb,anb2Baal-hanan 
tlje fonne of ^ehbo: reigneb in his tteab. 

39 ?9nb 25aai hanan the fonne of 
2chbo; 



Iofeph: 



Cb 



ap.xxxvn. 



ircames. 



f HttJ£&* 



} Het.tff* 
fathers fe- 

nxr rungs. 



10r,;« 



acrjbojbieb, anb $abar rctgneb turns 
ftcao : ano tljc tiante of l)ts tine was ^au, 
atiD l)is lbtucs name was £}9cl)etabel,tt)c 
bauglitcr cf upatrcb, ttjc bauglitcr of 
;flJ9c3a!jab. 

40 3no tticfc ^c ttic names of ti)c 
bnues that tame of cfau , accojbutgto 
ttjeic famtlics,aftcr trjeir piares,by tt)cic 
names : but$e Xutmarj , biiKc 3iuarj, 
bnije^ctnetl), 

41 H>uUc 3fjoltbamali , bufec €iarj, 
bulte $tnon, 

42 Sniftc Bcna; , bur*c Xcman, 
bnue flJ9ib5ar, 

43 SDukc £59agoiel , biiKc 3Jram. 
3Lncfcbettjcbuuesof<£bom,acco2bmg 
to tljctc habitations, in tf)e lano of tlicir 
polTcvuon : !)e is <£Cau ttic fattier of rtjc 
Cbomites. 

CHAP. XXXVII. 

2. lofeph is hated of Ins brethren. 5 His two 
dreames. 13 Iacob fendcth him to vilite his 
brethren. iS His brethren confpire his death. 
11 Reuben faueth him. 16 They Cell him to 
the Ifhmeelites. 31 His lather, decerned by 
the bloodie coat, mournethforhim. 36 Hee 
is fold to Potiphar in Egypt- 

fin 35atob bVbclt in the 
lanb therein fits fattier 
ibas a ftrangcr , tn tt)e 
lanb of Canaan. 

2 XtjCfC are t$t QC\W 

rations of 3lacob : 3Jofcpl) being fcum- 
teencvctresoIb,lbasfccbingttieflocRc 
tblrti tjis b?etl)2en,anb ttjc lab rbasibitt) 
trjc tonnes of 25tir)al), anb Vbitrj trjc 
fonnes of Ztlpar), f)is fatrjers lbutes : 
anb 3lofeprj bzougrjt unto rjis fattier 
ttjcvr null report. 

3 iftorb^Jftart loneb gjofcpl) moje 
tr)en aiifjis crjtlb?en,bctaufc t)c ibas ttic 
fonne of tilsolbage: anb rjemabcrjim 
a coat of many |l colours. 

4 ^nbtbljenljisb^etlj^enfalbrljat 
trjetr fettjer loucb Ijtm mo?e tfjen alll)ts 
b2ett)2cn,rt)eyfjatcbj)im,anb toulb not 
fpeafccpcaccabtybnto rjim. 

5 C^nblJoftpljbjeamcbabzcame, 
anb lie tolb ttttfs bjett)2cn, anb the? rja= 
tcbljtm pet ttic mo2t. 

6 3ub lie taib bnto tfiem,$earc, 31 
p:ap pou , tbis became tbrjirtj 3 5 a "f 
b:eameb. 

7 foi btrjolbe , ibec mere blnbing 
fticaues in trjc fielb, anb loe, mp flieafe 
arofc , anb alfo ftoob bpngnt s anb be- 
Ijolb, yourOjeaues ftoob rounb about, 




anb mabc obafancc to mp flicafc. 

8 3inb Ins bjctbjcn fatbc to rjim, 
5>liait ttjott tnDccb rcignc otter bs; oi 
(halt ttiott mbceb liattc bomtnion oucr 
bs;anDti)cvr)atcbl)tmrcttHemo2e,fo? 
ljtsb2camcs,rtUD foj Ijts lboaDs. 

9 € 3nb lice bzeamcb vet anoffjer 
bzeamc , anb tolb it Ins tertlwn , anb 
fatb,25eI)olb,3J ijaucbicamcb abicamc 
mole : anb bcrjolD, tlje funnc anb the 
moonc, anb ttic clcucn ftarrcs mabeo 
balance to me. 

io 3inb lie tolb it to fits fattier, anb 
to Jjts tyetttfen : anb hts fattier rebulteb 
!)tm, anb fato bnto him , w\m is rtits 
tycamertiattnoul>iftb2eamcb?n)ai3J, 
anb clip motfjer , ano rtip b:ctti2tn m> 
beebtotne to fcoibboibucour femes to 
tticc,totrjccartti; 

n 3inb liis bzetfcen cnuicbljim : but 
llts fattier obfcruebtlicfapig. 

n <T3tnbl)istoeth2enibenttofceb 
rtictr fatlicrs flotue tn ^licrtiem. 

13 3Jnb -Jfiacl fame bnto 3Jofcpli, 
2>oenot tlipb2Crti2en fecti tlie flocKcm 
£>fjecl)cm i Come,anb 3 ibtll fenb tliec 
bnto tlKtn: s Ijcfatb to l)tm,!9trc am % 

14 3lttbhefaibror<tm, <5oe, 3Jp2ap 
ttice, ^cclbljetlicrtt bee Vbclirbtttittip 
bjetti^en, anb lb ell ibirti tljc flotBes,anb 
b2ingmc iboib agamc: folice fcntliim 
outof ttjcbaleof ^eb;on, anb lie tame 
to£>liethcm. 

15 C^nbacertaincmanfounbljim, 
anbbeljolb, I;ee tbas rbanbjmg in tlie 
fleib, anb ttic man afUcb Ijim , feptng, 
nstiatrccBcftrtiou; 

16 3{nbl)efatb,3JfeeBempb!ctti2en: 
tcllme, 3Jp?ap ttjee, ibficrc tlie? fecbe 
tiietrflo«es. 

17 Znn the man Cam, Xljep arc be? 
partcbrjmtc:fo23hcarbtticmfav,|Lct 
bSgoctoS>ottian. 3!nb 3?ofeplHbcnt 
after I)is b2ett)2eu, anb founb tfiemtn 
SDofftan. 

is 3nb lblien tfiev falb inm afarre 
off, cum bcfo?elic tame neere bnto 
ttjem, tljcv tonfpireb agamlt litm , to 
Qapliim. 

19 3lubrt)evfatb one to another,^ 
liolb^its^jcamcrcommetli. vJ!'£' of 

20 Comenoib ttierefojc, aubletbs 7iZ/,, 
flap rjim,anb taft fjtm into fotne ptt,anb 
ibcibill fay, 5>omc cuill beaft liatli u 
uourcbHun:anblbefl)allfeetuliatlbiU 
become of Iiisb2camc0. 

21 ^nb*Bcubenrjcarb:r,anbliebc? " ch> P4= 
imcr cb Ijim our of rhnr ijanbs ,anb faib ; 
HetbsnotRUUitm. 

3> ? 21 3nb 



t Hcb.pt 

the peace of 
thy krethnn 



lofephisfold. 



Gcnefis. ludahs marria 



c: 



\\ Or pieces. 



f Heir. 

hearkened. 



•Pfalio;. 
17. wif :o. 
1 j.ai5ls.7- 



•Ch; 



P--H 



22 ana Scubcn faiac Ditto them, 
£>hca no Wood , but cad htm into this j 
pit that is m the iDiiacrneffcana lap no | 
hanaaponhmi; that hcnnghtriahim 
out of their l)an6s,to aeliuet him to his 
father agame. 

23 canaitcamctopaaett)hcn5Q; 
feph taascomc Dnto htstoethjen.thst 
tijev ftnpt 3lofcpl) out of his coatc, rjis 
toat of manp || colours that was onhun. 

24 ana tljeptooBC him ana tali him 
into a pit : ana the pit was cniptie, there 
wasnotaatcrhiit. 

25 anathepfateaDlbnetoeattoeao: 
anathep lift Dp their epes ana Ioobcs, 
ana behoia, a company of 3Jfl)mcclitcs 
tame from <Blcaa,ibtth their camels, 
bcatiugfpiccrp.fbaum^anDmprtlK, 
going to tarpitaottmcto cgppt. 

16 ana Juaah faiac Dnto his to£ 
thmt.ndhatpwfit is itif ujc flap out too- 
fljer,ana conccaichts blooa* 

27 Come, ana let Ds fell hint to the 
3 fhmccutcs , ana let not out hana bee 
aponhini:fo»hctsout toother ,anaour 

flcfl) i ana his tocthiicn 1 mere content. 

28 Xhm there paffcabp£0taiamics 
merchant men, ana thev a^etb anauft 
ap ^jofeph out of tfjc pit, ana * foia 3o- 
fepl) to the 3Jfl)mcelitcs fa? ttticutic pie- 
cesoffrtucc: ana thep toought 3iofcph 
into egppt. 

29 cana iSniben returnca Ditto 
the pit,ana bttjoia, 3Jofcph rbas nottn 
the pit : ana he rent his clothes. 

30 ana Dee returnca Dnto his toe 
thien ana faia , Xhc chiiac is not, ana 
3J,U)l)itl)crfl)ail3Jgoe^ 

31 anathcptooRc3iofcphscoat,ana 
Kiiica a ma of the goats, ana aippca the 
coat m thcbiooa. 

32 ana thep fent the coat of manp to* 
louts, ana thep toought it to then* fa 
rtjee , ana faia , Xhis haue iac founa : 
ImoVD 110U) rahcthct it bet thp fonncs 
coatomo. 

33 ana hcttucYb it, ana faia, it is mp 
fonncs coat : an * mil bead hath aeuou= 
tcahmijofcphisiuithoutaoubtrent 
m pieces. 

34- 3na3Jacob rent histlothcs, ana 
putfatBcioth Dponhis lotnes^mour- 
neb fo2 his fonne manp aapes. 

3$ ana all I)is fonncs , ana all his 
daughters rofc Dp to comfort Quit: but 
lie rcfufca to be comfortea : ana he fata, 
foi 31 null goe aotbnc into the grauc 
auto nip fonncmourning •> thus his fo 
thcrrocptfozhmr. 




36 ^na the 30caamtes foia mm into 
<£gppt Ditto potiphac , an ' officer of 
^araohs, ^d 1 1| captamc of tljeguata. 

CHAP. XXXVIII, 

Iudalibegettetli Er,Onan,andShelali. 6 Ei 
marriethTamar. S TherrefpaneofOnan. 
11 Tamar ftayeth tor Shelah. 13 Shede- 
cciueth Iudah. 17 Shebearethtwinnes,Plu- 
rez and Zarah. 

J3a it came to paffc at that 
time , that 3Juaah id cm 
Dolbneftom his tocttr.cn, 
ana turnea m to a tcr 
tainc aauiiamttc , ruhofc 
nan tewa spiral): 

2 ^na 3Juaah faia there a aangfr 
tcr of a tcrtaine Canaamtc , lbhofc 
nanictaas*&huah: anahetooBchcr 
ana iDcntm Ditto her. 

3 ana (he concemta f bare a fonne, 
ana he caiica his name €r. 

4 * ana fljcc concciuea againe, ana 
barca fonne, ana thectaileahtsnamc, 
C»nan. 

5 ana (he pet agaute tonteutea ana 
bare afonnc, ana cailea his: name £>he; 
iah:anaheerbasat€i)C5ib, ibhcnfbec 
barehhn. 

6 ana 3Juaah toofec a rbife fo? cr 
his firft bojnc , Ibhofe name was %& 
mar. 

7 ana*€r,1Juaahs firft borne rbas 
ibicaca m tlic fight of the % Q B 3> , 
ana the % ^D&D flcra him. 

s ana 3Juaah faiaanto £E>nan,<soc 
utDiuo thp brothers rbife,ana marrie 
hcr,ana raifc Dp feca to thp toother. 

9 ana ©nan micta that the feca 
(houianot be ijis^ ana it tametopafTc 
raheti hec tbent in Dnto his bzotljers 
tbifc, thathec fpiiica it onthegtouna, 
leafttljat hec fljouia giuc fcea to his 
brother. 

10 ana the thingrahith he aia, t aif 
pleafca the !L^D5SS) : iDhtrtforthcc 
Acta hint aifo. 

11 %\)tti faia 3Jnaah to Xamar his 
aaugliter in lata, 3&cmamc a tttaova at 
thv fathers fioufc, til ^hclah mp fonne 
begroiaen : (fo?he faia,?lcft peraauen* 
turehcaieaifo as hisbzet!)jmdid ) ana 
ICamar racntatta aiaclt in her fathers 
houfe. 

12 C ana tm pioccfTc of time , t!)e 
aaughtcrof^huah^uaahsibifcaica: 
ana^Juaah laas comfcntca, anaiucnt 
Dp Diuo his fljcepc-fljcarcrs to %im 

nath. 



\He'r Fh- 
mch. But 
iht nni Alii 

Ap"A' "»'""> 

l(/l C'.4«eir- 

!.,ni,,Co«ni- 

ir., tndOffi- 

rtri. 

\ Heh.chiefr 



\Or,eh,efe 
(JrltrfitU. 



I.Chror,. 



'Num. 1^. 



•NWitf. 
I?- 



f Heir, vru 
enitltn the 
eye: of the 
Uri. 



t Heir. The 

daretrvere 

multiplied. 



H 



lsincc 



ft. 



Chap.xxxix. Iofeph in Egypt. 



\Heb.lhe 
dfforeofyrf, 
o:,cf£- 
wtitm. 



ofthfgo.us. 






\Htb.hc- 
come a con- 
tempt. 



natD,ljc anD ijis fcienD $traD ttjc^0ul ; 
lanutc. 

13 3nD it ibas tolDXamar, faying, 
25cDoID , rDy fatijcriniaibgoctijbpto 
XimnatDtoujcarcDisujeepc. 

14 3DiD ujce put Dcr TCbiDotbcsgac* 
ments off from Dcr, anD coucrcD Ijcr 
lbitlj abatle, anD itvappcD Dcr fclfcanD 
fate in 'an open place, ibljtclj isby tlje 
may to Xmmatlj : fo? fljee faibc tljat 
&ljciaDibasgromm,anDujett»asnot 
giucn bntoDnntoibifc. 

15 seDen^uoaljfaiPlicr^etnougtK 
Dertobcan Darlot: becaufc ujetjaDco- 
uctcd Dcr face. 

is 3nD Dec turncb bnto Dcr by tDe 
ibay,anDfaiD, oocto, ^pjaytDcc, Jet 
mccomcmbutotljcc:(fo2Dcluicn)not 
tDat fl)C was Dts Dauglncr ut lam ) anD 
tDe fatD,U3Dat lbtlttDou gtuc nice, tljat 
tljoumayelt tome m bnto me? 

17 2lnD Dec faiD , 31 lDfll fenD tDee 
f a nib from tlje flocHc : anD ujce faioe, 
emit tDou gtuc nice aplcogc, till rtjou 
fcuDit; 

18 3nDDcfaiD,tt}DatpIeDgcujail 3 
gmc tljcc i 3lnD ujc faiDXDv fignet,anD 
tDy bracelets, anD tfiv ftaffe, tljat ism 
tljtucljauD : auDDcgauc itljcr, fjtamc 
mbntoDer.anDfljcconcetucDbyDim. 

19 3lnD ujec arofc anD lbent aibay, 
aiiDiatDbpDcr bailefcomljcr, anD put 
ontDcgarmcntsofDerrbiDoTbDooD. 

10 3inD ^uDal) fent the UiDDc by tlje 
DanD of pis frtcnD tlje 3lDuiiamttc, to 
rctcuic his picDgc from tDe ibomans 
IjanD : Mt Ijc founD Ijcr not. 

21 Xljcn Dee afltcD tDe men of tDat 
plate, faying, naDcrcistDcDarlot, tDat 
mas || openly by tljclbay ftDc ?3nD tljcy 
faiD.XljcrcibasnoljarlotmtDfSphce. 

2.2 3inDDcrcturncDto3JnDaD,anD 
foiD, 3f cannot finDc Ijcr : anD alfo tDe 
men of t!)c place faiD, Xljat tDcrcuJas 
noljarlotintliispi^e. 

23 3mD 3iuDal) faiD, ?Lct her tanc it 
toljer, iclttbc^ccwamcD : beljolD, 3 
fcnttf)isHiDDc,anDtI;oul)aOnotfoimD 
Ijcr. 

14 c 3mD it tame to paffc about 
tincc monetljs after, tljat it lbastolDe 
3JuDal), faying, Xamae tDy DaugDtcr 
inlaibDatlj plapcD tDe Darlot, anDaifo 
beljolD,uje is ttntlj cDilD by roDo.zcDom : 
anD 3luoaD faiD, z3?mg Ijcr foonD, anD 
let Dec be burnt. 

25 B&ljenujcloasbjougDtfojtD.ujc 
fent to Dcr fatDer m lalb, faylitg;25y tDe 
manlbljofctDefcarc, am3?mitfjrljilD: 



anD ujce fatD, 2>ifccrne, 3Jp;aytDce, 
lbbofc arc tDcfe, tlje fignct , anD brace- 
lets, anD flaffc. 

26 ^nD^uDaDacRnoibleDgeDthem, 
anD faiD, £>Dc DatD bin mozerigDteous 
tljenSJ -.becaufc tljat ^IgaueDer notto 
^>Delal) mp fonnc : anD Dc miett) Ijer a^ 
game no more. 

27 C3mD it came to paffc in tlje time 
ofDer trauaile, tljat bcrjolDe,tibitmcs 
ibereiuDcribombe. 

28 -^nD it came to paffc ibljen fljee 
trauaiicD, tljat tiieonepiuoutljisDanD, 
anD tlje miDmifc toobc anD boutiD bpou 
Dis IjanD a fharltt tl)rccD,laving, Xljis 
came out firft. 

29 ^ud it came to paffc as Ijc D2cttic 
bacUc Ijts DauD,fliat bcDolD,Dis biotDet 
came out : anD fljcfaiD, || l?oib Ijaft tljou 
broltcn foozti) i ^k toeadj bee bpon 
tDec : Xljcrcfoje Ijis name ibas caiicD 
marc?. 

30 3lnD aftcrlbarD came out Dts 
brotDcr tljat had tlje fUarlet tljzccDbp 
on DisljanD, anD Ijis name ibastailcD 
zaraD. 

CHAP. XXXIX. 

1 Iofeph aciiianced in Potipharshoufe. 7 Hec 
relifteth his miftrefles temptation. 13 He is 
falfly accufed. 1^ Hee iscaftinprifon. 11 
God is with him there. 

I ii3D3Jofcplj ibasbjougljt 
^5 Dolbnc to <£rrppt, anD po 
.^SaSs tipljar an Officer of m* 
w»m?ik% rao ''' raptainc of pguarD, 
tMw-Mxs an cgpptian, bougDtDim 
of tDcDanb of tlje 3jn)mceiitcs, tbDict) 
IjaD brought Ijim Domnc tljttljer. 

2 ^nDtlje1L£)3KDlbasibitIj3JO' 
fcplj,anD Ijec lbas aprofperonsman, 
anD Dec ibasmfljc Ijoufe of DtS matter 
tljccgvpnan. 

3 3lnD Ijts mailer fatbe tDat tDe 
HC>BS) was tuitD Dim, anD tDat tDe 
H£)IiD maDealltDatDcDiD,topro* 
fper in DisljanD. 

4. ^nD 3?ofepD founD grate tn Dis 
figDt, anD Ije ferncD Dim ■, anD Dec maDc 
Dim oucrfcer oner Ijis Ijoufe, anD all 
tDatDeljaDDcputinto DtsljanD. 

5 31nDittamctopaffcfromtDctime 
tDat Ijcc DaD maDcDtm oucrfcer mljts 
Doufc,anDoueralltDatDcljaD,tDattljc 
US)BD blcffcDtijcegpptiansDoufc 
fez "JofepDs fane : anD tDe blcffing of 
tDeH^DKSD ibastoponailtljatDeljaD 
m tlje Doufc,anD m tDcficlD. 

6 31nD Deleft alltljatDeDaD, in^Jc- 

fepDsi 



\\Ot t i»here- 
fore h*Fi 
ihoHm&de 
thu breach 
agatnfiihee p 
|j That is, 
4 breach. 
* I-Chron. 
: <j.nu::. 
1-3* 



Iofcph imprifoned, Gencfis. is 



profp 



erous. 



t Ilcb.gr TAt, 



fcphs l)a»r» : anb hcftnclbuotDitghthc 
hab, Gutcthc b;eab which hebtb cate : 
anb giofcphmas agoobip pcrfon, anb 
Ibrilfauourcb. 

7 canbttcamctopaffcaftcrthcfc 
things, that his mailers Ibifc call her 
ryes upon 35ofcph , anblhcc fatb, ?Uc 
with me. 

8 25iithcrcfufcb,anblatbtontohis 
» tafltrs Mfc, 25eholb, nip matter tbofc 
tethnotttwat isibith met in the houfc, 
ant) he hath commtttcb all that behath, 
tompbanb. 

9 Xfjerc ts none greater in trjis 
houfc tlicn 3 : neither bath bee hept] 
bachc aup tiling from me, buttbec, be- 
caufc thou art j)te ibifc : boib then tan _J 
doc this great ibicHcbncffc, anb finnc a 
gamftdPobr 

io anb it tame to paffe as flicfpaBc 
to 3Jofcpf) oap bp bap, trjat bee rjcatftci 
neb not bnto her, to lie bp her, or to bee 
with her. 

ii anb it came to paffe about ibis 
timc.trjat Jofcprj tbent in to the boufe, 
tobocbtsbufmes, anb tfjercmasnone 
of the men of the boufe tber c ttntbtn. 

ix anb (bee caught bun bp bis gar- 
ment,fapittg, Hieinttrjme: anbrjclcft 
Ins garment tuber hanb, anbflcb, anb 
got Inm out. 

ij anbitcamctopaffe,ibbcnft)cfau) 
tlwt lite liab left l)ts garment m bet 
hanb, anb mas flcb fojtb -, 

14 Xbat fbc talleb bnto the men of 
l)et boufe , anb fpattc into trjtm, Cap- 
mg, £>cc,bc rjatft bzougbt tn an $cb2rtb 
bntobs,tomocRcbs: be came In bnto 
me to lie lbttb me, anb _5 cuebttntba 
Moubbotcc. 

15 anb it came to pafle , tbrjen bee 
rjcarb that J> llftcb bp nip boircanb crv 
cb , that rjclcfthts garment tbtth nice, 
anb fleo, anb got Inm out. 

i6 anb flic laib bp bis garment bp 
her, bnttll lier 102b came home. 

17 anb flic fpafcc bnto Inm , acco^ 
bin g to tbcfc iborts, (aping, Xljc f?c- 
b2eib feruant lbbicb thou haft biought 
bnto be, came m bnto me to mocUc me. j 

1$ anb it came to parte as 3 liftbp ! 
mp bone, anb tricb, that he left his gar; 
ment tbtth me, anb fleb out. 

19 anb it came to paffe ibhen his m& 
ltcrhcarbthclb02b£ofhtsrbifc,lbhich 
flic fpalic bnto him, fapmg, after this 
matter bib top feruant tome, that his 
tbjatbibasltmblcb. 

zo anb ;_0ofcpb£ matter toonc bun, 




anb put hun into the pzifon, a plate, 
inhere p Rings pjtfoncts Iberc bounb: 
anbbewas therein tbcpnfon. 

ii <C2Suttbc?L_I>&£>ibas tbtth 
3Jofepb, anb (bcibe&btmmcrcic, anb 
gauc hun fauour in the fight of the Hce? 
pcrQfthtpnfon. 

ii anbtbcfecepetoftbcpflfonconfc 
mtttcb to 3lofephs hanb all the p?tu> 
tiers that weretn the pjifon, anbtbbat 
foeucr thepbib there, he ibas tbeboer 

ot it: 

13 %t)t Keeper of the p.nfon looHcb 
not to anp thing , that was tonbec bis 
hanb, becaufc the ?L4Dl&3Drbasibith 
him : ? that which he bib, the %&&$> 
ntabcutopiofper. 

CHAP. XL. 

1 The Butler and Baker of Pharaoh in prifon. 
4 Iofcph hath charge of them. 5 Heiiuer- 
prctcth their dreames. io They come to 
pafTc according to his interpretation. 23 The 
ingratitude of the Butler. 

i!5b it came to paffe after 
thefe things , that the 
asutlerofthciungofe 
gppt,anDh 1S 2i3aHer,hab 
offenbeb their lo?b the 

lamg of €gppt. 
1 3lnb pharaoh Ibasib^othagaitul 

ttbo of his officers, agatnft thethtefcof 

tl)e Outlets, anb agamfl the thtcfe of 

theisaftcrs, 
j ^nb he put them in tbarb in the 

houfc of the captame of the guarb, into 

thcp?tfon,tijcplaceK>here3Jofeph*bas 

bounb. 

4 anb the captame of the guarb 
chargcb 3Jofcph inith them, anb he fer< 
ucbthem , anbfheptontmueb a feafon 
in nrnrbc. 

5 C anb thep bjeamcb a became 
both of them , each man his bieamem 
one night , each man aetojbitig to the 
interpretation of hisbjcamc, rheffiut 
ler anb the aBafccr of the lung of Cgppt, 
Ibhtcli lit ere bounb m the pjtion. 

6 anb giofeph came tn tonto them 
mthcmommg, anb looueb bpon them, 
anbbeholb,thepwerefab. 

7 anb he af&cb Pharaohs officers 
that Vbcrc Uitth him utthc warbc of his 
lo?bs houfe, fapmg, lehercfojtc 'Ioorc 
pcfofabiptobap^ 

8 anbthcpfatbbnrohutniBehaue 
bzeamcb a bjeame , anb there is no im 
tcrpzetcrof it anb 'Jofcph faib bnto 
them, 



t Hcb.tx 

tended kind- 
net vnto 
htm. 



f/M.irc 
lewfitet 
emit! 



He interpreted! Chap.xl j. feuerall dreames. 



Or, rtckfn. 



\Hclr.T(<- 
member mce 
with thee. 



Or, fail >f 
Met. 



\Hehr mis: 
;f ?hxr**h, 
the works of 

baker ', or 
eoeks. 



\\Or t recko* 
thee ,and 
take thy of- 
fice from 
thee. 



Or,recke- 
ltd. 



them , SDoe notmtcr pjetottons belong 
to d5ob< tell me them, 35p?ay you. 

9 3nD tlje ehicfc iSutlcr tolbc his 
beanie to 3Jafcph,anbfaib to him ■, ^n 
my bjcamr , beholbe , a tome ibas before 
mcc: 

io 3nu tn ttjc toinc were th#e bzan- 
chcs,anto it was as though it imbbcb,anb 
her blolTonts (hot foo?th ,- and the cuts 
ftcrsthcreof brought fo?d) ripe grapes. 

n 2nb toharaohs cup rbas in my 
hanb , anb 3 toofee the grapes anb prct 
feb them mto l&hataohs rup : anb 31 
gauethe rup mto Pharaohs hanb. 

n 2nb jjofeph faib tonto htm,Xhts 
is the interpretation of tt: the th?cc bran- 
ehesare truce bayes, 

ij )3ctlbithintlttccbaycsihall$ha> 
raorj llliftbp trjincfjeab,anb reftozctrjee 
bntothy plate, anb thou (halt beliuct 
Pharaohs tup mto hts hanb, after the 
fomier manner itohcn thou Iball his 
Butler. 

14 But || thinfee on me, Vbnen it than" 
belbclt tt)itrj thcc,anto (herb mnbenefle, 
3Jp;aythee, tonto mcc, antomafeemen 
turn of metonto 0hara0h,anb bang me 
out of thishoufc. 

15 iFoz tnbeeb II ttias tlollcn arbay 
out of the lanb ofthc i)eb2Ctt)cs:anb 
here alfo ftauc 3J bone nothing, that 
they thoulb put me mto thebungcon. 

is jehenthcehicfeBaucrfauxthat 
the intcrp:ctationitoas goob,hctaibton* 
to 3Jofcpn , 5 alfo tt>as in my bieame, 
anb bcfjoib,3J hab three ||itohtte baffeets 
onmyhcab. 

17 3no in the topprrmoft oaffeet 
trjerenjas ofailmancrof 'baftc-meats 
fo20haraoh\antothebtrbs bib cat them 
out of the baf bet bpon my h cab. 

is 3lnb 3Iofcph anfracrcb, anb laib, 
injts is the interpretation thereof: the 
three baffeets are three bayes : 

19 J^ttnthmthrccbaycsihaii^ha^ 
raoh II lift top thy heab from off thec,anto 
(hail hang thec on a tree , anb the bttbs 
Chan cate thy flc(h from off thee. 

io C 3nb it came to paflc the thirb 
bap,which was pjaraohs birth bap^hat 
hec mabe a frail tonto all hisfcruants: 
anb he llufteb top thcheab of thechicfc 
Butler ,anb of the rhiefe Bafecr among 
hisfcruants. 

21 3nb he rcttorcb the thicfe Butler 
bnto his Butlcrflnp agame , anb t)ec 
gaue trjc cup mto Pharaohs hanb. 

n But he hangcb the thicfe Bafecr, 
as3Jofephhab mteepretebtothciu. 




i$ jaet bib not the cfjicfc Butler re- 
member 3Jofeph,butforgatchim. 

CHAP. XLI. 

i Pharaohs two dreames. 9 Iofephinterpre- 
teththem. 33 Heegiueth Pharaoh coun- 
fell. 38 lolephisaduanced. 50 Hee be- 
gettethManaiiehandEphraim. 54 The fa- 
mine beginneth. 

M $b it tame to pafTcatthe 

- enbofttbofalyccrcs,that 

'haraoh breameb : anb 

:holbc,hecftoobbythe 

nuer. 

x ^nbbeholb, there came bp out of 
the nucr fmenibellfauoureb Hme,anb 
fat fleft)cb,anb they feb m a mcbouj. 

3 3lnb bcfjolb,feucn other feme came 
top after them out of the nucr , ill fauou^ 
rcb anb Icane flefljcb,anb Ooob by the fr 
thcr feine,bpon the b?infee of the ruicr. 

4 ^nb the til fauoureb anb icanc 
flrihtb feme , bib eate top the feucn itocll 
fauoureb anb fat feme : ^>o Pharaoh 
aitoofte. 

5 3f nb het flept anb bjcamcb the fc* 
conb tmie: anb beholbe, feucn cares of 
tome came top topon one ftaiac, + ranfec 
anb go ob. 

6 ^nb beholbe ,fenen thinne cares 
ano biafleb rbith tljc caffrbinb , fp?ang 
top after them. 

7 £nb the fcuen thinne cares bc^ 
uoureb the feucn ranfic anb full cares: 
anb 0haraoh arbofee, anb beljolb, it 
mas a became. 

8 3nb it came to paffe in themo^ 
ning,thathis fpirititoas troubleb,anb 
he fent anb caileb fo? all the Magicians 
of cgppt, anb all the itoife men thereof: 
anb Pharaoh tolbc them his became ; 
but there Itoas none that toulb mttr> 
p?etc them tonto Pharaoh. 

9 C Xhen fpafee the thicfe Butler 
tonto Pharaoh, faying, 31 boeremem^ 
bermyfaultsthisbap. 

io Pharaoh itoas Vb?oti) ttrith his 
feruants, anb put nice in rbarbc, m the 
taptame of theguarbs hotu"e, both nice, 
anbthechicfcBafeer. 

ii ami u>e b^camcb a became in one 
night,3 anb he : itoe meameb each man 
accojbing to the mtcrpjetation of his 
b;came. 

ii 3lnb there was there tbithtos a yong 
man an D?cb?clb , feruant to the tap 
tame of the guarb : anb tbec tolb hmi, 
anbhe'mterpjctebto tos ourb?canies, 

to 



t Hebr.fu. 



'Chip.^o 



Pharaohs dreames Gcneiis. are inter preted . 



"PlV. 105. 

20. 

\\ielr mail 



!| Or, When 

tf>(n hrtirefl 
A dreome, 
thtmcotil 
interpret 



f H'fr.come 
ttjthewwArd 
M'lsoftkem. 



■ Or, Crnotl. 



to cart) man acco?Dmg to his Dicamc,hc 
DtDtntcrpjet. 

1 j 3nD it tame to paffc , as he inter 
pzcteo to tos , fo tt ltoas . inccJjc rcftoico 
tonto mine office, ano Ijsm he hangco. 

14- C*Xhcn pharaoh fentano tai 
lets giofeph , ano the? • brought htm ha 
(hip out of tljc oungcon : 3lnD he fbaueo 
himfclfe,atU) changeo bts raiment, ano 
camein tonto pharaoh. 

15 2inD pharaoh fato tonto 3fofcph, 
_J hauc D;eamcD a ojeame, ano there ts 
none that can interpret tt: ano _3baue 
hearo &v of thccAu || thou canft nnoer- 
(lano ao;eame,to interpret tt. 

i6 3nD3JofcpljanmjcrcDpbaraoh, 
faving ; %t isnotm me : Goo fballgtuc 
pharaoh an anfmere of peace. 

17 :3nD pharaoh faio tonto 3Iofeph; 
Thtmv Djeamc, bcljoio, jllftooDbpon 
thcbanftcoftbcriucr. 

is 3nDbeholD, there came top out of 
thcrujcrfntmmnc,fatfle(hcDauDlbcii 
fauouteo, ano thev fco m a mcoolb. 

19 3nDbeholD,fcuen other feitte came 
bp after thcm,poojc ano berptUfauou- 
rco, anoicane flefheo, futh as3Jncucr 
faibin au theianoof<£gvptfo,JbaDttcs. 

20 3mDthcleanc, 9 the illfauourcD 
Bine, did tattbp tbefirOfcucnfatlttnc. 

21 3lnD ltohcn fhev hao t eaten tl)cm 
top,tt couio not bee unoitoen that the? 
hao eaten them,but tbcv lucre mil ill fa? 
uoureo , as at the beginning : &o 3 
altoot$e. 

22 3uio 3 fam in mv oicamc,ano be 
boID.fetten cares cametop in oncftaiRc, 
full ano goob. 

23 3itiDbeholD, fcuen cares ||iQ)itht= 
rco, thin f biaftco lbtth the call mno, 
fpmng top after them. 

24 3utD the thin cares ocuottrcD the 
fcuen gooo cares : ano gj toio tbtstonto 
tljc magieians,but there was none that 
couio Declare it to me. 

25 CanD^JofcphfaiDbntophara; 
oh, Xhc Djcamc of Pharaoh ts oncj 
(Sod hath fl)rtbcD Pharaoh what he ts 
about to Doc. 

26 Xfte feucn gooo nine arc fcuen 
pccrcsMnDthcfcucngooDcarcsarcfc 
ucn vecres: thcDjeamcis one. 

27 3lnD the fcuen thin ano ill fauou 
rcDRincthatcamcbpaftctthcm,arcre> 
ucn vecres: ano tljc fcuen emptte cares 
biaftco Vbith the €aft ttmio, (ball bee fc 
ucn vecres of famine. 

28 Xhts is the thing which _7 haue 
fpohen tonto Pharaoh : ttujatooDtsa 



bout to Doe,hclbctbetb tonto Pharaoh- 

29 aScholD, there come fcuen vecres 
of great plcnttc,tb.20ughout all tljc lauo 
of egvpt. 

30 3mo there (bail arifc after them, 
fcuen vecres of famine, ano all the pica- 
tic (ball be fo:gottcu in the lattoof € 
gvpt: ano the famine (hail confumc tljc 
lano. 

3i3uDthcpicnfteft)ainotbcKno\licn 
in the lano, bv rcafon of that famtne fol- 
loltomg : font n-^ibe oerv ' giieuottS. 

32 3utofo2 that the ozeamcibasDou; 
bleo onto Pharaoh ttbttc, it isoecattfe 
the tbmg ts || eftabltfhcD by <5oD 1 ano 
(SoDibUlfhomvbnugttto paffe. 

33 /fJolbtherfozelctpbaraoblooRc 
otttamanOifcrcetanDUitfc^nDfcthtm 
otter the lano of Cgvpt. 

3+ lUtpbaraobooethis.anDlethiin 
appoint i| officers oner the lr.tiD, 9 tahe 
bp the ftftpart of the lanD of C-gvpt, tn 
the fcuen plenteous vecres. 

3$ 3tnD let them gather all the fooo 
ofthofc gooovecres that come, ano lav 
top come tonoec the hano of pharaoh, 
ano let them fecepe fooo tntht emes. 

36 3inDtbat fooo (hall be fojttojcto 
the lano, agatnft the feucn vecres of fa 
mine , ibbtcb (hallbecmthclanDof <s> 
gvpt, that the lano T pertfh not through 
tljc famine. 

37 *C3tttDthethmgitoasgooDinthe 
eves of Pharaoh, atiDinthc eves of all 
Ijisfcruattts. 

38 3lnD pharaoh faiD tonto bisfcr< 
ttattts, Can ibefntD fitch a one, as this 
ts, a man m ibhom the fptrtt of <3oD is 

39 ^uD pharaoh fatD tonto gjofeph, 
jfwarmuch as <5oD hath (l)cibeD thee 
all this, there ts none fo DifcrccteanD 
ibifcasthouart: 

40 *Xhou fhaltbc otter mv houfc 
ano ateojDing tonto thv iboiD (hall all 
mv people be f rulcD 1 onlv tn tljc th:onc 
ibtligi be greater tljen thou. 

41 3uto pharaoh faiD tonto 3lofeph, 
S>ce, 31 ijauc fctthec oner all tljc lano of 
cgvpt. 

41 ^no pharaoh tooltc off his ring 
fromljis hano, 9 put tttopongiofcpljs 
hano, ano aravco him tn toefhircs of 
jjftnc ltnnen,ano pitta golD cljautc about 
Ijisnccltc. 

43 3lno itc maoc him to rtoc tntht 
fecono cliarct lbhtch he hao : ano tfttv 
crico befojehun, p26olto the Itnce : auD 
he maoc htm ruler ouec all tljc lano of 
<£gvpt. 
44 3tuD 



Htb.heAU) 



\Q\\prrp* 
edofGoJ. 



Or, oftcr- 



\ Hcb.be net 
:»totf. 



I 



•PfJ. I0 5 . 
21. 1. mac. 
l.ej.ia. 

7.>o- 
\Hei.ar. 
med : or t 
kift. 



\OtJdks. 



]0r, r.u- 
der fitter, 

! lib. Ai- 



lofeph exalted. Chap.xlij. His brethren. 



Or, Prii:e 



*Chnp.45. 
10.&48.;. 

|] Orfrinc!. 



jl That w, 



[Thnis, 
Frmtfrll. 



'Pfal.ioj, 
16. 



t Heir, t^l 
wherein 



44- 3tnb$haraon faib bnto 3Jofcpl), 
^ami&frataoMnbBntljouttfjiccajall 
no man lift bphjs Ijanbojfoote, mall 
tftelanbofegppt. 

45 3mb #ljaraon callcb 3Jofrpl)S 
name, zaplmatlj-^aancal), anb ty 
gattc t)im to rbifc^fcnatlj ttje baughter 
of 0oti-pl)cral), || pneft of s©n: anb 3Jo- 
fcphtbent outouer all rtjclanoeof €> 

46 ( C 3nb 5Jofcpf) ibas toirtie 
metres olo tbUen he ftoob bcfbze 0ljar&: 
oft lung of Cgppt) anb IJofepft xomt 
outfromtftepjefeneeof pharaoft, ano 
tbent tftozoibout all ttjc lanD of Cgppt 

47 3lnbtnthcfcuettplcntcouspctcs 
tftc eartft b:ougfttfo;itbbpftanbfiils. 

4S :£nbftcgatbcrcbbpailtftefoobe 
oftlje fenutpeeres, Ibfticft mete in tl)e 
lanbof €gppt, anbiatbbptfte foobein 
ttjc tittes : the foobe of the Gelb tbfjici) 
HDascounD about rut rv title , lato Ije bp 
intftcfame. 

49 2(nb Sfofepftgatftercb corneas 
tftefanb of thefea.bcrp much, bntfll he 
left minifying : fo? it tbas ibithout 
number. 

50 * 3nb bnto 3iofeph tbere borne 
tsbo fonncs, befbjc the peeves of famine 
came:tbhith &fcnath tl)e baughter of 
0oti pherah, Deleft of £>n bare bnto 
pun* 

51 anb^Jofcphcallcbthcnameofthc 
firtt borne pJPanafleh : fo? C5ob, &iJ hee, 
hath mate me forget all nip tout, anb 
ailmp fathers houfc. 

5x anb the name of the fctonb tab 
leb he || ephzaim : fo? ©ob Ijatf) taufeb 
mee to be fruitfull in ttje lanb of mp af- 
fliction. 

5 j C 3nb the ftuen pecres of plen* 
tcoufneCTe, tfjat ttas in the lanb of €< 
gppt,tberecnbeb. 

54 * ^nb the feuen pceres of bcatth 
beganne to tome attojbing as35ofcpD 
hab faibe , anb tlje beartl) ibas tn ail 
ianbs:butmallthelanb of egppt there 
tbasbzeab. 

55 anb lbhen all the lanb of Cgppt 
Tbasfanulhcb, thepeople crtcbto£ha> 
raol) fo? bjcab : anb Pharaoh foib bnto 
all the egpptians,<5oebnto3Jofcph: 
tbhathctoithtopou,boe. 

56 :3nbthefemmctbasoucraUthc 
fate oftlje cartli; anb 3Fofeph openeb all 
+ tlje ttojehoufes , anb folbe bnto tl)e & 
gpptians: anb the famine ibarcb foje in 
theianbof€gppt. 

57 3inb all tountreps tame into & 




gppt to 3Jofcpt) , fo? to bup tome , be* 
taufe that tlje famine ibas fo fo?e in an 
lanbs. 

CHAP. XLIL 

1 Iacob fendeth histenfbnnes to buycornein 
Egypt. 6 They are imprifoned by lofeph 
fbrfpies. 18 Theyareietatlibertie,oncon 
dition to bring Beniamin. 11 They haue 
remorfe for lofeph. 14 Simeon is kept for a 
pledge. 15 They returne with come, and 
their money. 19 Their relation to Iacob, 
}6 Iacob reiufeth to fend Beniamin. 

jDib *bhcn*3Jacobfaib 

% that there lbas tonic in & 

gppt , 3latob laib bnto tits 

fbnnes, naljpbocpelooBe 

oncbponanotl)er; 

% ^nb l)ee faib , Beijolbc , 31 ijaue 

l)earb ttjat tfjere is tonic in Cgppt : get 

pou bottme ti)itl)er anb bup fo? bs fr om 

tl)ente,tl)atlbcmapliuc,anbnotbic. 

3 C^ubSJolcpSstcnb^ctl^enrbent 
bourne to bup tomem cgppt. 

4 36ut 26eniamin 3Jolcpf)S b?o? 
tifjer ,3f atob fent not roitQbis bjettjicn 
fo?l)cfaib,?leftperabuenturcmsftl)icfc 
befell ljun. 

5 ^nbtIjefonnesof3Jftaeltamcto 
bup tome among tljofe tljat tame: fo? 
tlje famine n»as in the lanb of Canaan. 

6 ^nb^ofepliibastDegoucrnonr 
ouerrlje lanb, and tjee itwastljatfolbto 
all tfte people of tl)cianb:anb 5ofcpl)s 
tytibim tame,f bolbeb botbnc tl)em> 
feluesbclb;e l)im, with ^jeir fates to tlje 
eartl). 

7 3lnb 3lofepl) fatb l)is tycttyen, 
anblje Bnctbtljem, butmabeljimftifc 
ftrangebnto tljem, anb fpane 1 rougljip 
bnto them ; anb !)ee faibe bnto them, 
tehente tomepe^ &nbtt)ep faib,5from 
tftelanb of Canaan,to bupfoob. 

8 3lnb 35ofepl) toielb his tyetlwn, 
buttljcptaictbnotljim. 

9 5lnb 5ofepl) * remembjeb tl)e 
b?eamcs tbljicl) jjeebjeameb of tljcm, 
anb faib bnto tnem, Pt ar e fpics : to fee 
tlje nafcebnes of tftc lanb pott arc tome. 

10 Slnbtfjcp fatb bnto ljim,/!5ap,mp 
lo?b , but to bup foob are tl)p ftruants 
tome. 

11 nacare all one mans Tonnes,- lbe 
aretruemenurjpfcruantsarcno fpics. 

yl 2lnbl)cfaibbntotI)cm,5i5ap:but 
to fee the nauebnetrc of tfte lanb , pou 
are tome. 

13 SlnbtlKp fatb ,5Cl)p fcruantsarc 

tuiclue 



"Afls.7. 

12. 



t Helr.htrd 

thingsjrir^ 

them. 



•Clup.17- 
5- 



lofephtalketli 



Grenefis. with his brethren. 



\HcU-nni 



lhtr<d. 



* Chap. ^3 . 
5- 



•Gliaji. 37. 

31. 



t Hsbr. an 
fHttrpretcr 
w*i brtvectne 
them. 



ttDelue b2tttS2eti,ti)c fonnes of one man 
m the iaub of Canaan : anb t»el)oit> ,the 
yongeft >s this Day u>ttt) our father , anb 
one is not. 

14 acnD 3Jofcpl) fails Dnto them, 
Xhat is it that 3 fpaac into you,fa^ 

mg,^CarefpitS. 

15 hereby yc fhail bcp20ttcb : by tiic 
Itfcof J&haraoh yc fhailnot gocfoorth 
henccerceptyouryongettbrothcrcontc 

hlthCt. 

16 ;S>cnb one ofyou,anb let him fetch 
yourbrother.anbyefhalbct&cptinpri' 
ton , that your iD02bes map be prottcb, 
iDherhcr there be any truethmyou :or 
elsby the life of Pharaoh utrely yc ate 
fptcs. 

17 Smbftetpntiljemaiitogcrljertn; 
tolDatoctlnecoaycs. 

18 3ltu» 3fofcpl) fata Ditto them the 
thirb bap , XiJiS boe , ana liue : for 3} 
fcarc<!50D. 

19 3Jfyc be true men, let one of your 
brethren be bounb in thchoufe of your 
p2ifon: goe yceatry tornc tor th e famine 
ofyouthoufes. 

io 26ut*bruigyouryongci1brottiet 
Dnto mee,fo fhail your iDorbcsbcDc; 
nficb , anb ycc fl;au not ate : ana they 
bibfo. 

21 C3lna they faib one to another, 
tt)c arc Dcrilyguuttc tonterning our 
toother ,m that ibc fan? the angutfl) of 
his fonlc, ibhen he befough t Ds, ana rbe 
lbouianot hcarc : therefore is this at- 
(IreCTc coincDponDs. 

22 3na&eiibcttanfcjcecbffjcm,fay; 
mg, *&pa&c 3 not Dnto you, faying, 
Doc not fame againltthcchtlbc, anb ye 
iDoulbttothearc < therefore bchoia ai^ 
fo,msblooa isrcoutreb. 

23 3Jnb they ancYb not that 3Jofcph 
DnbctlTooD them : for r l)ce fpaltc Unto 
them by an interpreter. 

14 3lna hec turncb hunfelfc about 
from them anb wept, anb rcturneb to 
them agamc , anb communcb Uiitrj 
them, anb toolic from them Simeon, 
anb bounb him before their eyes. 

15 CXhcn 3tofcph tonmtanbebto 
fill their tacltcs ttJitft tome, anb torc> 
fto2C cucry mans money into his facUe, 
anb to guiethcm protufionfor thclDay: 
anb thus bib hcDnto them. 

26 ^nb they labcb their affcsibiti) 
the comc,anb bepattcb thence. 

17 3InD as one of them openeb his 
tacnctogiue htsaffe pzouenber m the 
3mnc, he efpicb his money :for beholb, 



J Heir. went 
fourth. 



it was m his fac&es mouth, 

23 31riD he faia Dnto his b?ethrcn, 
$5y money isre(torea,anaioe,ic is eucn 
in my facitc : ana their ftcart + fatleu 
them,ana they iDcre'afraib,faying one 
to an othcr,nahat is this that t5oa hath 
bone unto Ds* 

19 C 3ma they tame Ditto ^atob 
their father, Ditto the lanb of Canaan, 
anb tola him all that befell Ditto them, 
faying. 

30 Xhc man who is the lora of the 
lanb, fpaftc f roughly to ds, anb tooitc 
DS for fptes of the tountrcy. 

31 3inb iDe faib Dnto htm , uae ate 
true men s iDearcno fpies. 

32 nacbetu/elucbrethrcn, fonnes of 
our father : one is not, anb theyongeft 
is this bay ibith out father , m the lanb 
of Canaan. 

33 ^nbtf)emanti)eI02bofthetoun^ 
trey faib Dnto Ds,I?creby fhail ^ nttott) 
tihatyearetruemen: leaueonc of your 
brethren here tbitft me, anb tafee food. 
for the famine of your Ijoufl)olbs,anb 
begone. 

3+ ^nb bring y our yongedbrofher 
Dnto me : then fhail 5 mtoiD that you 
are no fpies , but that you aretcttemcn : fo 
lDill'Jbclmcryouyourbrotlherjanbyc 
fhail trafficiuc m tlje lanb, 

35 C 3nb it came to paffc as rtjey 
empticb their faclts , thatbcholo, eucry 
mans bunble of money was m hisfacfte: 
anb iDhcn both they anb tljctr father 
fatb H)t bimbels of money, thcyttjcre 
afraib. 

36 ^nb'fatob their father faib Dnto 
them, Q3chaucycbcTeaueDofinycfiil' 
D2en : 3Jofcph is not, anb Simeon is 
not,anb yeibtl taltc 25cmamin away: all 
thefc tilings arc agatnft me. 

37 3ud Bcubcn fpauc Dnto his fa< 
thcr^aying^laymytrbofonneSjif^J 
b:mghimnot to thee: beliucr him into 
my hanb , anb 3J iDill bringhim to ti)cc 
agame. 

3s ^nb he faib , £©y fotutc fljailnot 
gocboiDnc lntth you, for his brotDcr is 
bcab, anb he is left alone : if mtfc&lefc 
befall hun by the Ibay mtfjclbhtch yce 
goethen fliall ye bring bottme my gray 
hairesiDtth tbrroiDtotijcgcaiic. 

CHAP. XLIII. 

1 lacob is hardly pcrfwaded to fend Benjamin. 
15 Iofcph entcrtaineth his brethren, 31 Hcc 
makechthem a (cafL 

5(nb 



f Heir, with 
vs hard 
thiftvs. 



Beniamingoeth Chap.xlnj. withhis brethren.! 




Hek yra- 

BroreJteJ. 

•Chjp.4». 

10. 



t He h 4*ki"g 
In tike J it. 



\Het.mMth 
\ Hek.knorp- 
»n£ rWJ we 



3»- 



I Or.nwrt 
tylhu. 



gt» il^o the famine lbas fo?c 
inthclanb. 

i :3nbtttametopau"c 
tPben thep hab eaten top 
the co?ne, iPhtch thep hab 
b?ougt)t ouc of Cgppt, tljcir father faib 
bnto them, <5oc againe, bup Psa little 
foobe. 

j 3nb 3JuDat) fpabc bnto tjitti, Cap? 
ing, 1thc man did ' f olemnlp p«ro ted Pip 
to PS, toping, l^e (hall not fee nip fete, 
erccpt pour * b?othcr be tbith pou. 

4 3if thou lPilt fenb ouc b?other 
\Pith ps, rpe ttnll goc bourne anb buv 
theefbob. 

5 25ut if thou Unit notfenb him , \pc 
tbrtl notgoe bottme : fo? the manfaibe 
bnto Ps,#cu)allnot fee mp face, crccpt 
pout b?othcr be ipitl) pou. 

6 3nb3Jfracltoib,ttJhcccfo?ebcalt 
pc fo ill Vbitl) me,as to tell the man tbhc? 
thecpchabpctab?other* 

7 3nb thep totb,lLhc man 1 afbcb 
Ps ftrattlp of out (late, anb of our bin? 
b?cb, toping, 3ls pour father pet altue? 
hauepec another o?othcr < anb tbe toibc 
htm acco?bing to tt)e ' tenout of tbefe 
lbo?bs: ' Coulb tbe ccrtainelp bnotbc 
trjat he iboulb fap , 2S?mgpour b?othcc 
boVPnc* 

s 3lnb 3fubah faib Pnto 3Jfraclhts 
father, S>enb the lab tbtrh me, anbtbec 
iPill anfe anb go , that Ibc map l<ue,anb 
not nit, both lbc,anb rhou,anb auo our 
little ones. 

9 3 ttnll be furctp fo? Ijim ■, of mp 
hanb (bait thou require Ijim : * if 3 
bunghunnotPntothce, anbfethimbe* 
fo?e tljcCjttjcn let me bear c the blame fo? 
cucr. 

io jfo? ertcpt tbe hab lingrcb, furelp 
notb tbee hab returncb || thts feconb 
time. . „ 

1 1 2nb their totljct 3Jfracl faib bnto 
tt)em,Jf ttmaftbee fo notb, boetbts: 
tabe ofthc bed fruits in tl)e lanb m pour 
pcflcis,anb cariebotbnc the man a piv 
fcnt,alitlcbaimc, anbalitlchomc, fpfc 
tes, anb mp?rhc, nuts, anb almonbs. 

u ^nb tabe bouble moncp tnpour 
hanb,anbthcmoncpthattbasb?ought 
agatnemthemouthof pourtotbes: ea? 
neitagameinpourhanb,pcrabucnture 
ittbasanouerfight. 

i j Xabcalfopoutb?othcr,anbatifc, 
goeagauicPuto theman. 

14 3lnb d5ob ainugtme gutc pou 

mettie befoze the man,that he map fenb 

atbap pour other b?othcr, anb?3enta? 

J 



mm: j| 3?f 3J be bcrcaueb of mp cbilb?cn, 
3)ambcrcaueb. 

15 *[3inb the men toobc that ¥>it< 
fent, anb ti)cp toonc bouble moncp m 
tl)cic hanb, anb Z5rmanun,anb rofc bp, 
anb tbentboiPnctoegppt, anb ftoob 
bcfo?e3Jofcpb. 

i6 ^nb tbljcn 3?ofeph fatbc 25tnia- 
mm VPitl) tnem , lice faib to the ruler of 
Otshoufe, I6:mg tljcfc men home, anb 
' aap, anb mane rcabp : fo; tljefe men 
fljair binctt)itl)mcat noonc. 

17 3nbrhcmanbibas3Jofcp!)babe: 
anb tljc man brought the men into 3?o- 
fcphshoufe. 

is ^nbtt)cmenibereafraib,becaufc 
tl)ep rPcrc brought into'Jofcphs honfe, 
anb thep faib , 26ecaufcoftj)e moncp 
thatrpasretumeb mour fatfecs at the 
firft time are \Pc toought m, that hec 
map f fecfee otcafion agamft ps, anb fall 
bpon Ps,anb tanc PS fo? bonbmen, anb 
ouraflcs. 

i9 3nb tljcp tame ncere to the fte^ 
ibarb of 3to{cphs houfc, anb t!)cp torn 
muncb tOirf) htm at rtjc boo?e of the 
houfc, 

20 ^nbfaib^&ir/'lpccamein 
bcebboibneatthcfirflmnetobupfoob. 

ii ^nb it tame to paflc lPhcn iPce 
tame to the 3Innc, that Ibce openeb our 
tatbes, anb bcbolb, eucrp mans moncp 
was m the mouth of his fatbc, ouc mo- 
ncp in ful lPe ight: anb tbe hauc b?ougl;t 
ttagatneinourhaub. 

ii ^nb other moncp hane tbec 
b?onght bolbnc in our hanbes to bup 
foob : tbe cannot telliPho put our mo 
nepinouctatbes. 

13 ^nbhetaib,^eatcbetopou,fcarc 
not : pour etob,anb the <5ob of pour fa^ 
ther, hath giuen pou trcafurc m pour 
facbes : 1 3 habpour moncp. ^nb Ijcc 
b?ought simcon out bnto thenu 

14 ^nb the man b?ought the men 
into 3Jofcphs houfe,anb*gauc them ipa> 
tcr, anb thep UiaOjeb their fcetc, anb he 
gauctheir affes p?ouenbcr. 

15 ^nbthepmabe rcabp the 0?cfent 
againft ^ofeph tame at noonc : to? thep 
hcarb tljatthcp (houlb catcb?cab there. 

16 C^nbtPhcn3Jofcphcamchomc, 
thep b?ought him the £?efcnt tbhith 
ibasm their hanb, into the houfc, anb 
botbeb themlclucs to htm to the earth. 

17 anbhcafKcbthcmofthci^tbcl 
fare, anb faib, ' SJs pour father \Pell,the 
olbman of ibhom perpabe;3te hep« 
altuc< _ I 



||Or,«ni/. 
xi i htiHt 
bene cv. 



\Hei.kil 
JHcbr.eate- 



t Wo. nil 
hmr,lft 
zpo/t vs. 



*Ghi. 4 :. 
t Heb. com- I 
rmn^ donr.: 
we CArm 
dtrwne. 



tw« 



•Chap.i3 
4.&14.P. 



f Uet.fctct 
IHeir. Is 
there p.- see 
toiottr]. - 
thcr • 



A 



cu 



pput 



m 



Gcnefis. Bcniamins facke. 



t Hti. the 



thdt rrxi 0- 
utr hu beufc 



{ Or, maty h 
rrutii. 



is anothcyanfrocteb.Xhyfcruant 
oucfatljtrisin goobheaui), hecisyctas 
line: $ they boibcbboibne their heabs, 
anbma&cobcifancc. 

29 anbhcliftbphiscyes,anbfaux 
his toother 23cmanun , his mothers 
tonne, anb fait) , 3Js this your yongcr 
bzothcr , of lbhom y ce fpanc bnto nice < 
ano he faib , <3ob be gracious bnto thee, 
my tonne. 

jo 3int) "Jofcphmabe haftc : fojhis 
boibcls bib ycrne bpon his toother : 
anbhcfoughtibhcreto lbcepe, anbhec 
cntccb into Ijis chamber, * lbcpt there 

31 3inbDciba(hcDl)isfaec,anbVtocnt 
out, anb rcfeaincb Ijimfctfe, anbfaibe, 
S>etontocab. 

31 3nbthcyfctonfo2himbyhimfelfr, 
anbfojtthcmby fhcmfelues, anbfoithc 
egyptians lbhieh bibcate ibith hun, 
by themfewes: bctaufcthe egyptians 
might not eate toeab Ibith the §c* 
tocibcsrfoi that is an abomination bnto 
the Egyptians. 

33 ^bthcyfatcbefojehim, the full 
bozne acco2bmg to his birthright , anb 
the yongeft aecozbmg to his y onth : anb 
tljc men matueileb one at another. 

34. 3tnb hec tooftc anb fat meaffts 
bnto them from before him : but 25cn* 
lamins meaffc was mie tunes to much as 
any of theirs : anb they toun&c, anb 
tibcrc merry Ibith him. 

CHAP. XLIIII. 

1 Iofcplis policic to ftay his brethren. 14 Iu- 
dahs humble fupplication to Iofeph. 

tSgWS^g /Bb hce conunaunbeb the 

*Bm&& ' ftcttiarD of ¥* houfefay- 
^SS* t»S, fill the mens facacs 
?yfet^A<& withfoob,asmurhasthcy 
*££&zm£s can cane, anb put euery 
mans money m his facfesmoutf). 

2 anoputmycup,theftlucrcup,m 
tftcfacttcs mouth of the yongeft\anb his 
come money : ano he bib accozbing to 
the lbojo that 31ofcph hao fpolten. 

3 2lftooncasthcmo2tungibasnght, 
! the mmibcrc fent auiay^ey.anb their 
! affes. 

4 3ub ibhen they Ibercjonc out 
of the cuicanb not y« farrc off, 35oftph 
fato bnto his frcibarb,wJp,foUoibaftrr 
the mot; anb lbhen thou bocft oner* 
tafte them, fay bnto them, i©herefo;e 
haucyc rcibarbcbcmllftngoob* 

5 3b not this it, m tbhich my 102b 
bnnbeth i anb lbhercby mbeeb Ije ||bf* 



uincth* yehauebonc cuillmfobomg. 

6 c 3no X\t ouettooRe them , anb 
he fpafte bnto them thefc fame tt)02bs. 

7 3inb they faib bnto him , ©here* 
fo?e faith my lo?b thefeibozbs f <5obfo^ 
bib that thy fcruahts fhoulb boe aeco2* 
bing to this thing. 

8 25eholb , the money ibhich tbee 
founb m our facftcs monthes , ibec 
fought agame bnto thee , out of the 
lanb of Canaan: hoibthcn fhoulb ibec 
fteale out of thy lo?bs houfe , ftwer 02 
goloe* 

9 reithlbhomfoeueroffhyferuants 
itbefounb,bothlethimbic,anb ibcaito 
tbiU be my lojbs bonbmen. 

10 2nbhefaib,jfi2oibaltoletttbeac* 
tombing bnto your Ibojbes : hce xbtth 
ibhomittsfounb, (hailbcmyferuant: 
anb ye fhall be biamelcffe. 

11 Xhcn they fpcebily toofee botbnc 
euery man his facBc to the grounb, anb 
openeb euery man his faefce. 

ix 3nbhcfrarthcb,anbbeganatthe 
elbeft, anb leftat the yongeft : anb ii)t 
cup tbas founb in ffientamms facbe. 

13 %htn they renttheir clothes, anb 
Jaoeb euery man his affc, anb rrturntb 
tothecitic. 

14 C^anb 3Jubah anb his b?eth?en 
cameto "Joftphs houft : (to? he Xbasyet 
there) anb they fell before httn on ttjc 
grounb. 

1$ 2wb3Jofeph faib bnto them mW 
beeb is this that yehaucbone^rboteye 
not,that fuch a man as 3 can certains 
lyllbiuinc^ 

i6 ^nb^ubahfaib.nahatfhanibtc 
fay bnto my lo# * iWbat thai tbe fpeaac^ 
ozhoibfballtbccleareourfelnes; ©ob 
hath founb out the UUquitic of thy fcr 
uants: bcholbc, lbee arc mylozbsto 
uants.bort) ibc,anb he alto Ibtth ibhom 
the nip is founb. 

17 3mbhcraib,d5oDfo?bibthat3l 
nioulb boe to : but the man in Ibholc 
hanbthentpi£founb,hefbaJbemyfcr' 
uant ; anb as to? y on,gct you bp in peace 
bnto your father. 

is C Xhen gjubah came neere bnto 
hint, anbfaib, £>h mylo?b, let thy fcr< 
nam, 3 pjay thee, fpeabe a ibo;b in my 
lojbs cares, f letnotthme anger bumc 
agamfl tl)y fcruant : fo? thou arteuen 
as Pharaoh. 

19 £0y lojb af fteb his fcrnants, fay* 
<ng,$aucyeafatbcr,b?ab2othcr; 

20 3lnb ibe faib bnto my I020, naec 
haucafathCT,ano!beman,anbachtn>c 
of 



'jOr,tukf 



ludahs fupplication. Chap.xlv. lofeph is knowen. 



'Chip. 43. 



•Chap. 37. 

a- 



"Chop. 43. 

9. 



XlkhrfxA: 
■nyftithtr. 



of l)is olD age, a itttle one: anb his 0:0 

ther is beats , ant) lie alone is left of hts 
mother, anb hts father loucth hitn. 

21 ^nbthoufatbft bnto thp fcruants, 
2S?tng l;tm botbne bnto mcc , that 3 
map fet mine epes bpon htm. 

11 3inb vat faib bnto mp lozb, Xhc 
laD cannot leaue his father : foz * hee 

fl)0Ulb leaue htS father, his father ttiOUlD 

Die. 

13 attbfhouraibftbntothpfcruants, 
€rccpt pour pongeft bzotbet come 

botbne tbith pou, pou (hall fee mp fate 
nomoze. 

14 ^nn it came to paffe tbhen tbee 
came bp bnto thpfcruantmpfathcr,tbc 
tolbhtm thetbozbsof my lozb. 

15 3lnb outfatherfatb, (Eoeagaine, 
anbbupbsaltttieroob. 

26 anbtbefaibe, i©ce cannot goe 
bourne: (four pongeft bzothet betbtth 
bs,thcn tbtll tbe goc botbne : foz tbee 
map not fee the mans face , except our 
pongeft pother betbtth bs. 

17 3nbthyfcruant my father faib 
bntobs, Pc fourth that my ibtfcbare 

mettbOfonnes. 

18 ^bthe one tbent out from mc, 
anb^Jfatb, * purely he is tome in pie* 
ccs :anb3J fatb himnotfmce. 

19 2lnb tfyc tabcthts aifo fromme, 
anbmtfchtefe befall hun, ye Changing 
botbnemygtayhaircstbith fozroibto 
thegtauc. 

30 0oVo thetcfozc tbljengjcomcto 
thyferuant my father, anb the lab bee 
not tbith bs 3 ( feeing that his Ufe is 
bounb bp mthciabs ufe.) 

31 gjtfhall come to paffe, tbhen he 
feeththatthclabis not tbtthb£,thathc 
tbill bte , anb thy fcruants than bztng 
botbne the gray hatres of thy fcruant 
our father tbith foztotb to the srauc. 

31 iFozthyferuantbccamefurctyfoz 
the lab bnto my father, faytng,*5f3J 
bzing htm not bnto thee, then ^ffhall 
beare the blame to my farher,foz eucr. 

33 $otb thetcfozc, 3J pzay thee, let 
thy feruant abtbe in fteab of the lab, a 
5jonbmantomylo:b ; anblettheiabgoe 
bptUithhlsbzcthzen. 

34 #ozhotbfl)ail3Jgocbptompfa< 
ther, anb the lab be not tbith mee,ieft 
perabuentureS! fee the eutll that (hail 
'come on my fathers 

CHAP. XLV. 

1 lofeph maketh himfelfe knowen to his hie- 
thren- 5 Hee comforteth them in Gods 




prouidence. 9 Hee fendeth for his father. 
16 Pharaoh confinneth it. 11 lofeph fur- 
nifheththem for their iourney, and exhor- 
teth them to concord. 15 Iacob is retimed 
with the newes. 

$cn3lofeph coulb not re- 
frame himfelfe befoze all 
them that ftoob by htm: 
anb he erteb, €aufecuctp 
man to goe out from mc , 

anb there ftoob no mantbtth him,ibhtlc 

3tofeph mabe himfelfe Hnoibcnbnto 

htsbzethzen. 
i 3nb he j tbept aloub : anb the & 

gyptians, anb the houfc of Pharaoh 

hcarb. 

3 3Cnb 3Jofeph faib bnto hts bzc* 
tbzen, * 3J am giofeph; ©oeth mp father 
yet Hue < anbhisbzethzeu tottlbnotan* 
frocre htm: foz theytbete ||troublebat 
htspzefence. 

4 3nb lofeph faib bnto hts bzc* 
thzen, Come neereto mc ,3 pzap you : 
anb they cameneerc; anbhefaib,3lam 
3f ofeph pour brother, tbhom pc folb in- 
to egppt 

5 i3otb thcrcfozc bee not grieucb, 
'nozangrp tbith pour fclues, that yee 
folb mehithct:* foz C5ob bib fenb me be- 
fozepon,to pzefcruelife. 

6 if oz thefe tibo pecrcs hath the fe 
mmebenem theianb:anb pet there arc 
ftue pcercs, m the ibhith ther e (hall nci< 
ther be earing nozhartteft. 

7 3mb ©ob fent me befoze pou , to 
'pzeferue pou a pofteritie in the card), 
anb to fauc pour liucs by a great beli- 
ucrancc. 

8 ;§>o notb ft tbas not you that rent 
me hither, but C5ob : anb he hath mabe 
mc afathcr to #haraoh , anb lozb of all 
his houfe, anb a ruler thzottghout ail 
the lanb of <egypt. 

9 $aftc you , anb goe bp to my fa* 
ther, anb fay bnto him, Xftus faith thy 
fonnc 3tofeph ; C5ob hath mabe me lozb 
of allCgppti come boibnc bnto mc,ta- 
rpnot. 

io 3Jnb thou fhalt btbell in nje lanb 
of <£o(hen,ano thou fhalt be nccr c bnto 
me, thou, anb thp chilbzen, anb thy cbil 
bzens chilbzen, anb thp flotucs , anb tljp 
hearbs,anb ailthatfbou haft. 

n ^nb there ibtl 5i nounft) thec/foz 
pet there are fiuc pcercs of famine) left 
thou anb thy houfholb , anb all that 
thouhaft.comctopouerttc. 

n 3lnb beholb ,vour epes fcc.anb the 

eyes of mp biofhcr 2i5eniamin, that it « 

<g i my 



■th ha 

voice invec- 



A&17. 
>• 

Or,teni- 
fe<L 



Kehrme'i- 
thcr lei the re 
b: artfcr in 

yeurcyci. 

Chap. 50. 



{ Heir, to 

ptttfbrjcit 



lacob being lent for Geneiis. goeth to Egypt- 



f Href. VM 
ftodintae 

rj.-fo/rha- 



not jiur cjt 



miuth. 



\Hitr.tnr- 

7 MJ. 



\lM'.hu 



mymouththat fpeatieth bnto you. 

13 3lnD youfbailtell my father ofall : 
my gtoy " l tfgypt ,anD ofalithat vou 
Dane feme, ant) ye Qjall ijattc, ant) tying 
Doibnc my fad)cr hither. 

14. anDhefclbponhtStyorhetzSctv 
lanuns nccfec, ant) lbcpt : ant) 2Scnia? 
mm lbcpt bponhis ncesc. 

!5 £0o2couet hec huTcd all his biv 
ttyen, anD lbcpt bpon them : ant) after 
d)at,histycttycn tal&cD ibithh»n. 

16 C 3lnD the fame thereof ibas 
Deato m Pharaohs houfe , faymg, 3Jo- 
fcphs tyctl)zcn are tome: ant) it * plcnfcD 
pharaoh ibcll, ant) his feruants. 

17 3nDpbataohfatDbnto3Jofcph, 
£>ay bnto ti)y tyctfjjen, XhisDoc ycc, 
laueyour beans anD goc, get you into 
the lanD of Canaan. 

18 31no tanc your father , anD your 
houfl)Olt)s , ant) come tyito mcc : anD 3) 
lbil guieyou thegoob of thclanDofC- 
gypt.anD ye (ball cat the fat of the lanD. 

19 jRoib d)ou art tommantjct), this 
Docycc; XaKcyoulbagonsoutof tlie 
lauD of <Zfgypt fojyour little ones, anD 
fozyout lutucfi, ant) tyuig your father, 
anD tome. 

10 3ifo f rcgart) not your fhiffc : foz 
rljc gooD of all the lant) of cgypt is 
yours. 

11 3lnDthc djilDzcn of 3JfraelDiDfo: 
anD 3Iofeph gauc them tbagons.atco^ 
Ding to the t coiumanDcmcnt of $ha; 
raoh , anD gauc them pzouifion fozthc 
ibay. 

11 Xoailofdictuhcgauecachman 
changes of raiment : but to 25cntanun 
hce gaue d)zcc hunozeD pieces of filucr, 
anD fuic changes of raiment 

13 3Uid to his father hce fent after 
thismanct : ten affes tlaDenlbnb the 
gooD things of Cgypt , anD ten (hec 
affes labcn ibid) coznc , anD bzcaD anD 
meat to: his father by the may. 

14 5)0 he fent his tycdjzcn aibay, 
anD they DepartcD : anD hce fatD buto 
them, £>cc that ycc fall not out by the 
ibay. 

15 C 2lnD tljcy lbcnt bp out of€- 
gypt.anD came into die lanD of Canaan 
bnto^i^cob their father, 

t6 3wDtolD him, faying, 3lofcph is 
yctaliucanDheisgouernouroucrail 
the lanD of Cgy pt. 3lnD t Jacobs heart 
fauitco,fozhcbelccucDthcmuot. 

17 3nD they tolD him all d)e)bo?Ds 
of 3Jofcph , \uhich hce haD faiDc bnto 
them: anD ibheu hce faib thclbagons 



lbhich Tlorcph haD fent to cane him.the j 
fpintofjacob their father rcuiucD. 

is 2(nD 3Ifracl faiD ,3Jt is enough 
3Jofcph my fonnc is yet alrae : 3 ibtll 
goc anD fee him befoze 3 Die. 

CHAP. XLVI. 

1 lacob is comforted by God at Beerfheba. 5 
Thence hee with his company goeth into 
Egypt. 8 The number of his family that 
went into Egvpt. iS Iofeph meeteth lacob. 
31 Hee inllruciech his brethren how to an. 
(Were to Pharaoh. 

$3£/\S8£# D giftacl iooitc his 

™5mXx» tourney lbitb all that hee 
eAW? na0 > an t, camc t0 t$ ccx , 

fbeba , anD offercb facrv 
nccs bnto the cod of his 
father 3!faat. 

x 3lnD cob fpafee bnto IJfracl in 
the bifions of the night , anD faro ,31a- 
cob,3iacob. ^nDhcfatD,^ereani% 

3 3inDhcfaiD,'35amcoD,theCoD 
of thy father ,fcarc not to goe Doibnc i\v 
to tfgypt : foz 3 ibill there matte of thee 
a great nation. 

4 ^ftiiilgocDoibncibiththccinto 
egypt ; anD 3 *btll alfo furely tying 
thccbpagaineianDgjofcphajallputhis 
IjanDbpon thine eyes. 

$ 3tnD 3Jacob rofc bp from 25eer^ 
fl)cba: anb the fonncs ofju-aelcartcb 
3 acob their father, anD their Utie ones, 
anD their ibuics , in the Ibagons rtiljuh 
Pharaoh haD fent to cacy him. 

6 Znn they tooKcthctt cattctl ,anD 
their gooDs lbhich they haD gotten m 
the lanD of Canaan, anD came inta€; 
gvpt , * 3Iacob , ano all his feeb ibirh 
him: 

7 fyis fonncs , anD his fonttte 
fotmes ibith him, his Daugljtcrs, ano 
his fonncs Daughters, anD anhisfceD 
tyought he Vbith him into Cgypt. 

3 C3tnD*thefc are the names of the 
cljilbzcn of "Jfracl , \bhtch camcituo & 
gypt , gjacob anD his fonncs :* ficuben 
Jacobsfitllbozne; 

9 Znti ti)t fonncs of Kcuben , fca. 
nod), anc ph^llu, anD ^e5tou, anD 
Carmi. 

io C*3lnDd)cfonnes of Simeon: 
3Jnnucl,auD3}amm, ano £>oaD,atiD 
3Jad)in, ano Zohar , anD <&haul the 
fonuc ofaCanaamtifl) ibomati. 

ii C 3lnDd)e fonncs of ' Jleui: Cer^ 
fl)on,Hohatb,anD tl9eran. 

ii € 3luD die fonnes of * 3JuDaij : 



<c Tofr».J4. 
4-pfal. ioj. 
13.elj1.52. 
4- 



Etod, x.l. 

and 6. 1 .). 
num. z6. 8. 

and i.ehro. 

* Num. \6. 



ij.i.chro. 

■i.Chro.rf. 

1 . 

' l.Chro.j. 

=h-p. ,8. ;. 



Iacobsoff-fpring. Chap.xlvij. lofephmectethhim. 



* i.Chron. 
7.1. 



i.Chro.7. 



•Chip. 41. 

50. 

\\0r.7rmu. 

• I.Chron 



•Dcut.lo. 
11. 

\HcbMgh. 



€c, anb £>nan, anb :3>bciab,anb plja 
rcvinb Zcrab : But <£r ej£)nan Dirt) 
tti rtje lanb of Canaan. 3nb rtje fonncs 
ofl&barf5,lbcrci:>c3ron,aub^amul. 

13 € 3nb tljc fonncs of ^(Tatljat: 
Xola, anbi&ljuuab, anb Job, anb 
Mefyimtmu 

14 C*3nbtbefonncsofzcbulun: 
3>crcb, anb eion, ano gabled. 

1$ Xbcfc bee tljc founts of Heal), 
lbljiclj fbebarc bnto^Jacob tn paban- 
3ram, Until bis baugljtcr S>malj : all 
tbe foulcs of bis fonncs anb Ijisbauglj^ 
tcrs.lberc tljirtic auD ttyec. 

i6 C 3lnb tljc fonncs of <3ab : Zt 
pI)ion , ant) Iijaggi, <a>bunt, ant) ©3bon, 
en, ano 3r obi, anb 3r clt. 

17 C * 3nb tbc fonncs of 3ifl)cr : 
3Jtumal), anb 3W)nab, anb Jfnt, anb 
2Senal) , anb S>eral) their finer : 3nb 
the fonncs of fficnalj : $cbcr,anb 5j0at 
cfjicl. 

18 Xbcfc arc tljc fonncs of Zflpalj, 
tbbomc llaban gauc to licab bis 
baugl)tcr : ano tl)rfc flic bare bnto 3Ja? 
cob, cucnftrtccnc foulcs. 

19 Xbc fonncs of ftarijcl Jacobs 
ibifc : 3lofcp')> anbiScuiamiu. 

20 c^lnbbnto 3Iofcplj tntbclanbc 
ofegppuiKrcbozneflBauaflebanbe; 
pbJatm, *ibljicb afcnatlj tbc baugbtcr 
of£on-pbcrab;|#.:icttof£>nbarebn> 
to bint. 

21 C^nbtljc fonncs of 2Scniamin 
were aselab , auD zSccljcr , ano Sifbbel, 
©era, anb iftaatnan , Cbi anb Kofi), 
^uppun.anb l^uppiin, anb 3rb. 

22 Xbcfc are tljc fonncs of Bacbcl 
lbbirfj iberc bomc to 3atob: all tljc 
foulcs tticrcfourtccnc. 

23 C 3lno tljc fonncs of £>an : ty& 
fl)tni. 

24 Onb tiie fonncs of /Bapljtaii : 
gjalBccl , anb Gum , anb 3e5cr , anb 
5>l)illcni. 

2? Xbefcarctbc fonncs of 2Silbab> 
tbbicb Haban gauc bnto Barbel bts 
baugrjter, anb flic barctbefc bnto 3fc 
cob : all tbcfoulcslbcrcfcucn. 

26 3111 ttjc * foulcs trjat came ibttb 
JJatobmto egypt, lbljiclj canic out of 
ijte t lomcs , bcfibcs Jacobs fonncs 
tbiucs, all tljc foulcs .vere tbjccEuw anb 
fire. 

27 3nb tbe fonncs of 3JofepbWtb 
lbcrc borne \)un m egppt, were ttbo 
foulcs : all tljc foulcs of tljc l)oufc of 3Ja* 
cob , ibljulj came into egypt , tbetc 
tfyeefcojcatibten. 



18 C5tnb be fcnt^ubalj before bim 
tmto3Iofcpb,tobircctl)tsfatebnto<Ri 
fljen, anb tt)c-p came into tljc lanbc of 

0Ofl)Ctl. 

29 JinbJJofepbmabcrcabybistba 
vet, anb went bp to meet gjfcacl Ijis fa- 
tber,to Gofljctvinbpjcfcnteb Ijimfeife 
bntobmr. aubljcfclloubisuccfte, ano 
lbcptoubtsnecKcagoobibhile. 

30 3tn'b 3Jfcaci faibc bnto giofcpb, 
/5oib let me bic, fincc 3 banc fcenc ttjy 
faccbecaufc tijouartyctaiiue* 

3 1 ^nb "3/ofcpb laib bnto Ijis b:cri)2en , 
anobntobisfatbcrsljoufcjibiilgoc 
bp, anb fljcib #barao!j, anb fay bnto 
bu»t,fi0pbietlj!cn, s my fathers boufc, 
lbbicbwere m tljc lanb of Canaan, arc 
come bnto me. 

31 3nbtbcmcnarcfi)capbcarbS,fo: 
t their trabe batlj bmc to feeb cattcii : 
anb tijep baucbzougbttljcir flotRS,anb 
tljcir bcarbs.anb all tljat tljev baue. 

33 3nb it fliaii come to pafTe \bbni 
l&baraob fljau call rou, ano fl^au fay, 
n9bat is pour occupanon t 

34 Xbatpcflialifap.Xbyferuants 
traoc bart) bene about cattcll ,from our 
routlj eucnbittillnoib,botb lbe,anb ai 
fo our fathers: tljat ft map otbell in tljc 
lanb of Gofljm •, fo: cucrp fliepbearb 
IS an abomination bnto tljceg^'ptians. 

CHAP. XLVII. 

Iofepb prefenteth fiue of'his brethren, 7 and 
his father, before Pharaoh. 11 Heegiueth 
th:m habitation and maintenance. 13 He 
gectcth all the Egyptians money, 16 their 
cattell, 18 theirlands toPharaoh. zz The 
Prieflcsland was not bought. 15 Hcclet- 
teththe land to them for afiftpart. 18 la- 
cobs age. 19 Hecfwearethloiephtoburie 
him with his fathers. 

i)cn iofepb came anb 
tolbepbaraob, ano faibc, 
©p ratljcr anb mp b;c> 
tb:en , anb rbcit fioches, 
anbtljcirbcarbs.anbaii 

tbattbcp baue , arc come out of tbc lanb 

of Canaan : anb beljolb , tljcv arc m tbc 

lanbofc&oflien. 
2 :Snb bee tcoUc fomc of bis bje 

tb^en ,cucnfiuc men, ? piefcntcbtbem 

bnto^baraob. 
j ^nb ^Ijaraob faib bnto bts b:e 

S«n,robat is pour otmpanou 1 3lnD 
epfaibbnto ^baraob,Xbrfcruaius 
are fbepbearbs , both nne ano alfo 
outratbers. 

*!F 3 4 'fthe- 




Hetr. thty 

'27 ° f 



lacob and Pharaoh. Gencfis. 



Lands fold. 



\ J-Jeh.how 
man) are the 
aajcfoftkc 
jeercs of thy 
life? 

Hcbu. 
9,13. 



tUcbitdcii 

nonripied. 
Ht\>. accor 
ding to the 



4 %l)t? faib mo?coucr bnto pha \ 
raoh , 5fo? to foioumc at the lanb arc 
Vbc come : fo2 thy fcruants hauc no pa> 
fturcfb? their flocKes, fo? flic famine is 
fo?c m the lanb of Canaan : noib there 
fo?eibep?aythcc,letfl)yfertiantsbibcl 
mthcianbofcBolhcn. 

5 2mbpharaohfpaKCbnto3tofcph, 
faying, Xhy father anD ttj? b;ctt)?cn 
arc come bnto thee. 

6 Xhc lanb of€gypttsbcfo?c thee: 
in the bed of the lanb mane flip father 
ant bjctlizcn to bibeli, tnthcianbc of 
oofben let them bbjcll : anb if thou 
tmoibcft anymanof acmutic amongft 
them , then malic them rulers oner my 
cattcll. 

7 2{nb 3fofcph b2ought m 3farob 
htsfathcr,anbfethmtbcfo?cpharaoh: 
anb 'JJarobblcficb Pharaoh. 

8 3inb pharaoh fan) bnto 3latob, 
t^oibolbartthou? 

9 2lnb 3Jacob faib bnto pharaoh, 
*Xhe bayes of flic yccrcs of my ptl 
grunage arc an hunb?cb % tnirtic y cres: 
frtb anb cuill hauc the bayes of the 
veer cs of my life bene , anb hauc not at> 
tauieb bnto flic bayes of flic ycctesof 
flic ufc of my fathers, m the bayes of 
tlieir pilgrimage. 

10 3mb3Jacobblcffcbpharaoh,anb 
\bcnt out from befcue pharaoh. 

11 C^nb^ofepli piaccb Ins faflicr, 
aiiol)isb2etl)2en,anbgauctl)cm a pof 
fcffionm flicianb of cgypt, m flic belt 
of the ianb,mtne lanb of £amcfcs,as 
pharaoh liab commanbeb. 

11 ^nb^lofcphnourilVicb his father 
anb Ins tocrtu