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, V 



^ JESUIT 

BffiL MAJ, 

SEMINARY 




Gbe Catbolic library 5 



HOLY MASS 
VOL. I. 



ROEHAMPTON : 
PRINTED BY JOHN GRIFFIN. 



HOLY MASS 



THE EUCHARISTIC SACRIFICE 

AND 

THE ROMAN LITURGY 



JESUIT 

BIBL MAT. 

SEMINARY 

13 * 

THE REV. HERBERT LUCAS, SJ 



VOL. I 



ST. LOUIS, MO. I 

B. HERDER, PUBLISHER 



17, S. BROADWAY 



LONDON : 

MANRESA PRESS 

ROEHAMPTON, S.W. 



1914 



IWibtl bstat: 

S. GEORGIUS KIERAN HYLAND, S.T.D., 

CENSOR DEPUTATUS 



Imprimatur: 

* PETRUS EPUS SOUTHWARC. 



PREFATORY NOTE. 



THE attempt to write yet another book about the 
Mass, while, for English-speaking Catholics, Dr. 
Fortescue s work on the Roman Liturgy holds the 
field, may be deemed, perchance, both presumptu 
ous and inopportune. It has been thought, how 
ever, that there is room for a shorter and more 
popular treatment of the same subject, and I have 
been asked to undertake it. The following pages 
will, however, be found to contain no mere sum 
mary of Dr. Fortescue s more erudite and com 
prehensive treatise. Indeed, as will appear more 
particularly in Chapters X. XIII. and XVI., the 
opinions here put forward on more than one ques 
tion of some importance will be found to differ from 
those to which that distinguished scholar has given 
expression. A considerable portion of the contents 
of these two little volumes has, in substance, al 
ready appeared in print, in the form of articles 
contributed to The Dublin Review ( i 8934), The 
Tablet ( 1896, &c.), The Montii ( 1900 and 1902), 
and lastly to a couple of local magazines, viz., The 
Xaverian and The Ignatian Record (1908 10). 



vi PREFATORY NOTE 

The matter of these articles has, however, been 
thoroughly revised and for the most part recast; 
and in the process sundry views which the writer 
had formerly held have been notably modified. It 
only remains for me to thank the Editors or former 
Editors of the above-named reviews and periodi 
cals for permission to reproduce, as far as might 
be deemed advisable, the contributions in question. 

HERBERT LUCAS, SJ. 

5/. Francis Xairier^s, 
Liverpool, 

January, 1914. 



CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER I. PAGE 

SACRIFICE AND SACRAMENT I 

CHAPTER II. 

THE CHRISTIAN ALTAR AND THE HEAVENLY 

SANCTUARY 14 

CHAPTER III. 

PROPHET, PRIEST AND KING. THE PARTS OF 

THE MASS 24 

CHAPTER IV. 

THE ROMAN MISSAL AND ITS ANCESTRY . . 31 

CHAPTER V. 

THE LITURGY : HIGH MASS AND LOW MASS I SUR 
VIVALS AND ACCRETIONS 46 

CHAPTER VI. 

THE COLLECT, SECRETA AND POSTCOMMUNION 65 

CHAPTER VII. 
THE LESSONS FROM HOLY SCRIPTURE ... 78 

CHAPTER VIII. 
THE OFFERTORY 93 



CHAPTER I. 
SACRIFICE AND SACRAMENT. 

IN the Catechism of Christian Doctrine which is 
in use in our Catholic schools, and which is familiar 
to all of us, after a dozen or so of questions and 
answers concerning the Sacrament of the Holy 
Eucharist, we come to the words: " Is the Holy 
Eucharist a Sacrament only? No ... it is also 
a Sacrifice"; words which, to a hyper-critical 
reader might almost suggest the thought that the 
Holy Sacrifice of the Mass should be regarded as 
in a manner subsidiary to the Sacrament of our 
Lord s Body and Blood. This, of course, is by no 
means the case. In dealing with the Sacrament 
before touching on the doctrine of the Church re 
garding the Mass, the compilers of our catechism 
have wisely followed the example set by the 
Fathers of the Council of Trent, both in their pre 
liminary discussions, and also in the final reduction 
of the conciliar decrees and canons. And indeed 
the reasons which led them to adopt this course 
are not far to seek. For, until the dogmas of the 
Real Presence and of Transubstantiation have been 
established, it is plainly impossible to make good 
the sacrificial character of the Eucharist. In the 
words of our own Bishops: "If there were no 
power in the word of consecration to make the true 
body and blood of Christ really and objectively 
present, ... we should not have on our altars 



2 HOLY MASS 

the Victim of Calvary, and without its Victim the 
sacrifice could not subsist." 1 

Nevertheless, it is worthy of remark that lo 
gically, and one may even say historically, the Eu- 
charistic Sacrifice is prior to the Sacrament, since 
the reception of the latter is essentially a participa 
tion in the former, and pertains to its integrity. 
The Sacrament, as received by the faithful in Holy 
Communion, is the fruit of the Sacrifice. It 
is not merely the Body and Blood of our Lord, 
together with His human Soul and His Divinity, 
which we receive, but His Body and Blood under 
the special aspect of a Victim which has been 
sacrificially offered. And this is a point on which 
it seems desirable to lay some stress, not merely 
on the general ground that every object of human 
knowledge gains in clearness by being looked at 
from various points of view, but also for a reason 
peculiar to the matter in hand. For it is incon 
testable that the sacrificial system of the Old Law, 
pointing as it does to the existence of some kind 
of eucharistic sacrifice under the New Dispensa 
tion, suggests considerations which are well cal 
culated to predispose the mind of an enquirer after 
the truth towards the Catholic doctrine concern 
ing the Sacrament of the Eucharist, apart from 
which, as has been said, the Eucharistic Sacri 
fice " could not," in fact, " subsist." 

It would be superfluous and inopportune to en 
ter here upon a discussion as to the origin of sacri 
fice, and as to the precise significance of its primi- 
1 " Vindication of the Bull on Anglican Orders," p. 12. 



HOLY MASS 3 

tive forms. Whatever may be the true answer to 
the question whether the idea of sacrifice has its 
ultimate roots in a natural instinct or in a primitive 
revelation, or whether, as is perhaps more probable, 
revelation came to the aid of instinct, to guide it 
and keep it in check, it may, at any rate, safely 
be said that the Sacrifice of the New Dispensation 
should be considered as immediately and design 
edly related rather to the fully developed system 
which it was to supplant, than to the more rudi 
mentary institutions of remoter times. Whatever 
may have been the case in prehistoric ages, or 
among barbarous peoples, it is plain that in the 
levitical code the idea which lies at the root of 
all sacrifice is that of an offering, of an offering 
which affords a means of access to God, of an offer 
ing which is in some sense vicarious, as symbolical 
of the self-oblation of the offerer. To state the 
matter as briefly as possible, the notion of sacri 
fice and of self-sacrifice are indissolubly connected, 
even though the connection may often have been 
obscured, or forgotten, or overlooked. 

Now this oblation, or self-oblation, might have 
three several ends or purposes. It might be a 
simple and yet most solemn acknowledgment of 
the supreme dominion of God ; and this would seem 
to have been the true inward significance of the 
holocaust or whole-burnt offering. Or it might be 
in the nature of a thank-offering or peace-offering, 
terms which sufficiently explain themselves. Or 
again it might have for its specific purpose the re 
moval of an obstacle, in the form of a sin or tres- 



4 HOLY MASS 

pass, which impeded the approach of the offender 
to God; in which case the sacrifice would be in 
the strict sense propitiatory. This threefold divi 
sion of sacrifices according to their moral character 
or purpose is, it need hardly be said, explicitly and 
repeatedly recognized in Holy Scripture; and the 
order of enumeration, corresponding as it does to 
descending grades of dignity, is that which is fol 
lowed in the opening chapters of the Book of Levi 
ticus, where the subject is systematically dealt with. 
But the normal order of actual succession was 
necessarily different from this. For it is plain that 
for the attainment of the end ultimately desired, 
viz., full fellowship with God, it was needful that 
obstacles should first be removed; and accord 
ingly, in the actual carrying out of the ritual, the 
sin-offering or the trespass-offering took prece 
dence of the other kinds of sacrifice. 1 After the 
sin-offering, the holocaust; and then, to put the 
seal as it were upon the reconciliation already 
effected, came the thank-offering or peace-offer 
ing. 2 

It is next to be observed that there were cer 
tain characteristic details which differentiated 
these three kinds of sacrificial oblation, and which 
have an important bearing on the manifold sig 
nificance of the unique and all-consummating 
Sacrifice of the New Law. That in the holocaust 
or whole-burnt offering the entire victim was con 
sumed by fire on the altar, is sufficiently indicated 
by the terms employed to describe this species of 
1 E.g. Lev. xvi. 3. 2 Lev. ix. 8, 12, 18. 



HOLY MASS 5 

sacrificial oblation in the Septuagint and in the 
Vulgate, as well as in the English versions, Catholic 
and Anglican. It is less clearly implied in the 
original Hebrew word olah, which means a " send 
ing up " or " causing to ascend." In the sacrifice 
for sin, a portion only of the victim was laid upon 
the altar, the remainder when the ritual was car 
ried out with full solemnity being taken " out 
side the camp " to be there burnt as a thing un 
hallowed. 1 On these more solemn occasions at 
least, no portion of the victim might be eaten, 
either by the offerer or by the priest. It was only 
in the case of private and particular sin-offerings 
that the priests had their allotted portion reserved 
to them; 2 and this allowance must be taken to 
have been something of a derogation from the 
fuller symbolism of the more solemn ritual. The 
rite of the peace-offering was of a widely different 
character. Here the sacrificial meal was of pri 
mary importance. A portion of the victim was 
consumed by fire, a second portion was reserved 
for the priest or priests, but the greater part of 
the flesh was eaten by the offerer and his friends, 
special mention being made in the 22nd Psalm of 
the poor as guests at the feast. 3 

Now in a sentence which has been embodied in 
one of the prayers in the Roman Missal (the " Se- 
creta " of the seventh Sunday after Pentecost), St. 
Leo tells us that in His one sacrifice Our Lord has 
united and consummated the ancient rites with all 

1 Lev. xvi. 27. 2 Lev. vi. 18. 

8 Lev. vii. 15; xix. 6; Ps. xxii. 27. 



6 HOLY MASS 

their diversities. The words, which like every other 
good example of ecclesiastical Latin suffer in the 
process of translation, are these : " Deus, qui lega- 
lium differentiam hostiarum unius sacrificii perfec- 
tione sanxisti; accipe sacrificium," &c. And in 
deed it is easy to see that Christ s offering of Him 
self was a holocaust by reason of its completeness, a 
propitiatory offering for sin by reason of its atoning 
efficacy and purpose, and finally a peace-offering 
whereby the atonement was not only made but 
sealed by a sacrificial meal. That the Sacrifice of 
Calvary had the character of a holocaust is not 
indeed asserted in express terms anywhere in the 
New Testament; but it is very clearly implied in 
the Epistle to the Hebrews, where the perfection 
of our Lord s self-offering is contrasted with the 
imperfections of the ancient sacrifices, the holo 
caust being included in the brief enumeration. 1 
More explicitly the writer of the same Epistle calls 
attention to the fact that Christ suffered " extra 
portam " " outside the gate," thus carrying out 
in His own person the symbolism of the sin-offer 
ing, in which (as has been said) the body of the 
victim was burnt " extra castra " " outside the 
camp." And he develops at considerable length 
the antitypal relation of the sacrifice of the Cross 
with that most solemn of all the expiatory sacri 
fices of the Old Law which was offered on the day 
of Atonement. 3 Here, however, it will be well 
briefly to forestall a possible objection. It may 

1 Hebr. x. sqq. 2 Hebr. xiii. 12 sq. 3 Hebr. ix. 6 sq. 



HOLY MASS 7 

be said that precisely in so far as Our Lord, by 
suffering " extra portam," fulfilled the special sym 
bolism of the sin-offering, He departed from that 
of the holocaust. But the answer is easy, and ought 
to satisfy anyone but the most captious. For while 
from a merely human point of view Our Lord suf 
fered as an outcast far from the temple precincts, 
yet His own body was the veritable temple or 
tabernacle of which the sacred edifice on Sion was 
but the type. " I banish you," says Coriolanus 
in the play, to the Roman Senators ; and the Syna 
gogue which spurned and rejected the Messiah was 
itself rejected of God. Where Christ was, there 
was the legitimate tabernacle and altar, and so the 
characteristic features of the holocaust were not 
wanting to His self-offering. 

But it was essential to the antitypal perfection 
of this all-sufficing sacrifice that it should likewise 
include the specific qualities of a peace-offering; 
and these it can be said to have possessed only if 
the Holy Eucharist be taken into account. As in 
the peace-offerings of the Old Law the flesh of the 
victim was no less truly eaten than the victim it 
self was truly slain, so also but after a more per 
fect manner it must needs be in the case of the 
supremely perfect sacrifice of the New Dispensa 
tion. In the ancient rite, conditioned as it was 
by the limitations of material objects, only a 
portion of the victim could be offered on the altar, 
since a portion was to be eaten. Here the whole 
is offered and the whole is eaten. Moreover, the 
whole is eaten entire by every one of the faithful, 



HOLY MASS 

in accordance with the words of St. Thomas s 
hymn: 

Sic totum omnibus, quod totum singulis; 
" So giveth He all to all that He giveth all to each." 
And again : 

Sumit unus, sumunt mille, 
Tantum isti quantum ille, 
Nee sumptus consumitur. 

Which may be rendered thus: 

Taketh one or take Him many 
Each hath much as all, nor any 
Can consume what all may eat. 

But there is another point of correspondence to 
be noted. The sacrifices of the Old Law were 
divided, as regards the nature of the objects 
offered, into two classes, viz., those in which the 
blood of a living victim was shed, and the bloodless 
offerings of meal and wine. It must however 
be borne in mind that these two kinds of " oblata " 
were not per se mutually independent, but that the 
second class was supplementary to the first. In 
the 1 5th chapter of the Book of Numbers it is 
clearly laid down that for every animal victim that 
was immolated a certain measure of meal and of 
wine was likewise to be offered. It is also pre 
scribed in the second chapter of Leviticus, that 
when an offering of meal was made, the priest was 
to lay a handful of the meal upon the altar " as 
a memorial." 1 The precise significance of this 
phrase is, indeed, extremely obscure; but bear 
ing in mind the typological nature of the sacri 
fices of the Old Law, we should be led to expect, 
1 Lev. ii. 2. 



HOLY MASS 

under the New Dispensation, ( i ) that there would 
be a bloodless offering supplementary to the great 
Sacrifice of Calvary, and (2) that, in some way 
or other, this bloodless offering would have the 
character of " a memorial." How fully this ante 
cedent expectation is fulfilled in the Holy Euchar 
ist it is hardly necessary to point out. The Sacri 
fice of the Mass is supplementary to the Sacrifice 
of the Cross in substance one with it, in act 
distinct from it and it is, as our Lord Him 
self has told us, in the nature of a " memorial." 

What has already been said will, it is hoped, 
have helped the reader to appreciate, in their 
special bearing on the Holy Eucharist, the force of 
St. Paul s assertion that the sacrifices of the Old 
Law were no more than " a shadow," and yet so 
far as they went a truthful shadow, " of good 
things " that were " to come " ; and of his more 
definite assertion that " we have an altar whereof 
they have no power to eat, who "after the final 
setting aside of the Old Dispensation continue to 
" serve the tabernacle " of the levitical ordinances, 
preferring the shadowy type to the glorious 
reality. 1 

How immeasurably this glorious reality does in 
deed surpass its shadowy types may in some de 
gree be understood from the following considera 
tions. With certain exceptions, to be found in the 
case of a sacrificial offering made by a priest on 

i Hebr. x. i; xiii. 10. The Pauline authorship, in sub 
stance it not as regards the very words, of the Epistle to 
the Hebrews is here assumed. 



HOLY MASS 

his own behalf, every sacrifice for which provision 
is made in the levitical ordinances, may be said 
to have involved a two-fold substitution; the sub 
stitution on the one hand of the priest, and on 
the other hand of the victim, for the person on 
whose behalf the sacrifice was offered. And on 
both counts these sacrifices were not merely im 
perfect, but of their very nature essentially and 
intrinsically inadequate. They were in the first 
place imperfect because the priest who offered 
them, even though he had been ceremonially set 
apart from his fellow-men for this very purpose 
and thereby invested with a kind of official sanc 
tity, was, nevertheless, like his fellow-men, a sin 
ner; and he was, therefore, in his personal capacity, 
unsuited to act as a mediator on their behalf. 
14 For every high priest taken from among men is 
ordained for men in (or, unto) the things that ap 
pertain to God, that he may offer up gifts and 
sacrifices for sins; who can have compassion on 
them that are ignorant and that err, because he 
himself also is compassed with infirmity; and 
therefore he ought, as for the people, so also for 
himself, to offer for sins." 1 

The levitical sacrifices were, in the second place, 
essentially imperfect and inadequate because the 
animals which were offered as a substitute for him 
who offered them, were of no intrinsic value in the 
sight of God. " If you should kindle the forests 
of a whole mountain side," He says in effect, " and 
consume in one great holocaust all the beasts that 
1 Hebr. v. i 3. 



HOLY MASS ii 

dwell therein, it would be of no account in My 
eyes." " And Lebanon shall not be enough to 
burn, nor the beasts thereof sufficient for a burnt 
offering." 1 The substitution of a dumb animal for 
a man was a purely symbolic rite, having precisely 
the value of a symbol and no more. And the 
willingness of the victim to be thus offered by way 
of sacrifice, though crudely represented or simu 
lated by means of garlands or gay trappings, was, 
after all, a mere legal fiction. But in the sacrifice 
of Calvary perpetuated in the Mass our great 
High Priest, Christ Jesus our Lord, was and is of 
unique dignity and of unique aptness for His office. 
For He possessed and possesses both the nature of 
God who was to be propitiated, and the nature of 
man on whose behalf the propitiation was to be 
made. It is in this sense that He was the ideally 
perfect Mediator, the " one Mediator," by means of 
an all-sufficient oblation, between man and God. 2 
For the Victim again, was of infinite price; and 
besides this, since Priest and Victim were one, 
there was in this case no mere symbolical substitu 
tion of an unwilling animal for a being of a higher 
order, but an entirely voluntary self-substitution 
of the infinitely worthy for the graceless sinner. 

Another reflection may fitly find expression 
here. It is one which, though it more immediately 
concerns such as are in priestly orders, has its 
application to the laity also, and it may be usefully 
called to mind as often as we say or hear Mass. 3 

1 Isaiah xl. 16. 

2 i Tim. ii. 5. Cf. Hcbr. viii. 6; ix, 15; xii, 24, 

3 Cf. Lucas, At the Parting of the Ways, pp. 238 ff. 



12 HOLY MASS 

The grace of ordination to the priesthood not 
only confers the power of consecrating the sacred 
elements, and so of offering in union with our 
Lord the bloodless sacrifice of His Body and 
Blood; but it also stimulates or should stimulate 
the priest to make a complete and unreserved self- 
offering, in union with the self-offering of Christ 
whose priesthood he shares. As Christ was both 
Priest and Victim, so should the members of His 
priesthood be. Nor is this a new-fangled or far 
fetched notion. Every Christian altar, as we know, 
has the character of a tomb or sepulchre, inasmuch 
as it contains enshrined within it or beneath it, 
the relics of martyrs, in accordance with those 
words of the Apocalypse : " I saw beneath the altar 
[in heaven] the souls of them that were slain for 
the Word of God and for the testimony which they 
held." 1 The usage, and the hallowed words on 
which it is founded, alike remind us that the suffer 
ings of the martyrs are incorporated as it were 
and made one with the sufferings of Christ, and 
that, in virtue of this incorporation, they are ac 
cepted by God as a true and efficacious sacrifice. 

Nor, as has been said, is this a matter which 
concerns priests alone. The whole body of the 
faithful, in virtue of their vital union with Christ 
our Lord, may be regarded as in some sense par 
ticipating in His priesthood, and all are or may 
be associated with Him in His function as a pro 
pitiatory victim. It was not to ecclesiastics alone, 
but to the faithful at large, that St. Paul wrote: 
1 Apoc. vi. 9. 



HOLY MASS 13 

" I beseech you, therefore, by the mercy of God, 
that you present your bodies a living sacrifice, holy, 
pleasing unto God, your reasonable service." 1 In 
stances of the Christian spirit of self-sacrifice 
among the laity abound, not only in the history of 
the Church at large, but in the unwritten records 
of the hidden life of the poor in every city and 
country of the world. May they abound yet more 
in the years that are to come. Nor is there any 
more efficacious means whereby this desirable con 
summation may be brought about than diligence in 
hearing Holy Mass as often as we can, and more 
especially by that fuller participation in the Holy 
Sacrifice which is afforded by frequent and when 
possible daily Communion. 



1 Rom. xii. I. 



CHAPTER II. 

THE CHRISTIAN ALTAR AND THE HEAVENLY 
SANCTUARY. 

SOME further observations on the sacrificial charac 
ter of the Mass may usefully engage our attention 
before we proceed to consider the liturgy in de 
tail. 

In the great majority of theological treatises on 
the Holy Eucharist which have been published 
since the Council of Trent, it has been either as 
serted or assumed that the idea of sacrifice involves 
that of an offering made by way of " destruction." 
And since in the Holy Eucharist as such there is no 
physical " destruction/ theologians have been 
greatly puzzled to explain how the definition of a 
"sacrifice" is verified in the Mass. Vasquez, for ins- 
tance,who has had many followers, states the matter 
thus: " Since by the force of the words, only the 
Body of Christ is put under the species of bread, 
and only His Blood under the species of wine 
although under either species the whole Christ is 
present by concomitance the consecration of the 
two separate species thus performed constitutes a 
representation of that separation of the Body from 
the Blood which makes death ; and this representa 
tion is called a mystical separation. And the death 
itself is represented; therefore it is called a mys 
tical slaying. . . . Before the consecration of the 
wine, the Body of Christ is not represented as dead 



HOLY MASS IS 

or immolated." Lugo on the other hand, whose 
opinion has been popularized by more than one 
English writer, holds that the essential idea of 
sacrifice, as involving some kind of " destruction," 
is realized in a certain " exinanition " (or " ke- 
nosis " as a modern writer might say) which our 
Lord undergoes in placing Himself under the 
sacramental species. It is a self-abasement com 
parable with that of the Incarnation, and in some 
respects going even beyond it. For in the Holy 
Eucharist He lies as it were dead upon the altar, 
not so much by virtue of the mystical separation 
of the Blood from the Body of which Vasquez 
speaks, as by the fact that the natural operations 
and functions of the human body are suspended 
in the sacramental state. It is in this assumption 
of the " status victimae," or of a " status declivior," 
that, in this view, the element of destruction or 
quasi-destruction is to be found. According to 
Lugo and those who follow him, the double con 
secration is essential to the sacrifice, not as a matter 
of intrinsic necessity and ex natura rei, but simply 
as a matter of positive institution. 

It is needless to proceed further in the enumera 
tion of the various theories that have been devised 
to meet the difficulty. The very fact of their di 
versity is enough to show that no plea of universal 
acceptance can be set up on behalf of any one 
of them. Roughly speaking, they are all reduci 
ble as has been already implied to the statement 
that in the act of consecration there is some kind 
of " moral " or " equivalent " destruction, and that 



16 HOLY MASS 

thus the " ratio sacrificii " is saved. But all such 
explanations leave it open to the objector to say: 
" If destruction is a necessary element in sacrifice, 
then where the destruction is real, there will be or 
may be a real sacrifice; but where the destruction 
is only moral or symbolical or equivalent 
(which really means not quite equivalent) the rite, 
however solemn, will be a sacrifice only in some 
moral or symbolical or equivalent or not quite 
equivalent sense . 

In our own days the suggestion has been 
made and the point has been developed and 
insisted on by more than one distinguished theo 
logian that the whole of this difficulty has been 
occasioned by a misapprehension as to the precise 
part which " destruction " holds in the notion of 
sacrifice, or to state the matter slightly other 
wiseas to the part which destruction actually held 
in the sacrificial system of the Mosaic law. That 
animal victims offered in sacrifice must be slain is, 
of course, beyond dispute. Yet even in the case of 
animal victims it is particularly deserving of notice 
that the actual slaying of the victim was by no 
means the most important item in the ritual. In 
deed, the act of slaying the victim was not per se 
a priestly function at all. It could be performed, 
and usually was performed, not by the priest, but 
by the person who made the offering. The priest s 
duty was to receive the victim s blood, to pour it 
about the altar, to lay upon the altar the body or a 
portion of the body, according to the nature of the 
sacrifice, and, of course, to kindle the fire by which 



HOLY MASS 7 

it was to be consumed. The distinction between 
the part which was assigned to the offerer and 
that which was proper to the priest is quite 
clearly laid down at the outset of the Book of Levi 
ticus ; and it certainly should not be left out of 
account in any serious discussion of the subject. 
The case has been forcibly stated by Wilhelm 
and Scannell, in a passage which summarizes the 
teaching of Professor Schanz: 

The notion of offering (oblatio, prosphora) may 
be taken as the fundamental notion of all sacrifices 
.... The burning or out-pouring of the gifts 
hands them over to God, and through their accep 
tance God admits the giver to communion with 
Him. For the essential character of the sacrificial 
gift is not its destruction, but its handing over and 
consecration to God. . . . The out-pouring of the 
libation and the killing of the animals are but the 
means for handing over the gift to God, and for 
bringing the giver into communion with Him. The 
killing necessarily precedes the burning, but the 
killing is not the sacrifice. The victim is killed 
in order to be offered *; in other words the killing 
is preparatory to the sacrifice. More importance 
attaches to the blood of the victim which is gath 
ered and poured out at the altar. For, according 
to ancient ideas, the life, or the soul, is in the 
blood. When, therefore, the blood is offered, the 
highest that man can give, viz., a soul or a life, 
is handed over to God. . . . [Again] the sanc 
tifying power of fire is as well known as the role it 

1 Greg. M. in Ezech i. 2, Horn. 10, 19. 
C 



r8 HOLY MASS 

plays in heathen mythologies. God Himself was 
a fire, Our God is a consuming fire/ 1 or the fire 
was a power sent down from heaven, and frequently 
the heavenly fire is said to have consumed the 
victim. . . . The independent unbloody sacrifices 
can only be explained from the same point of view, 
viz., that they express oblation of self to, and union 
with, God. . . . Sacrifice in general may, there 
fore, be defined as the offering to God, by an 
authorized minister, of an actual gift of something 
of our own transformed by the consecration of the 
minister, and thus passing into the dominion of 
God, Who accepts the gift for the sanctification 
of the offerer. " 2 

To say, however, that the slaying of the victim 
is not the sacrificial act par excellence is a very 
different thing from saying (what would be alto 
gether untrue) that the victim s death is not of the 
essence of sacrifice. The animal sacrifices of the 
Old Law were, as has already been said, an attempt 
to shadow forth the voluntary self-offering of a 
vicarious substitute. But as was also said, it is to be 
remembered that every sacrifice involved a double 
substitution, viz., that of the victim, and under 
another aspect that of the priest for the offerer. 
And it is only another way of expressing the same 
truth to say that the priest was in a very true sense 
a substitute for the victim. As victim, the animal 
represented the offerer. As presenter of the victim 
the priest performed on its behalf what by the 

1 Hebr. xii. 29. 

2 Wilhelm and Scannell, Dogmatic Theology (1898), ii. 
451. 



HOLY MASS 19 

nature of the case the victim could not (even had 
it been otherwise capable) have done for itself. 
Hence it is explicitly noted, as an element in the 
perfection of the sacrifice of Christ, that in this 
case Priest and Victim were one and the same. 
And yet even here the idea of substitution was not 
wanting, for here the all-perfect Victim was self- 
offered for his people. In the divine tragedy of 
Calvary it is plain that it was not the act of slaying 
our Lord that constituted the sacrifice, but our 
Lord s acceptance of the death inflicted on Him. 
But it is also plain that the death was inflicted by 
those, or the representatives, on whose behalf the 
sacrifice was offered; so that in this respect also 
the typology was preserved or realized. 

Although, however, in the case of a living 
victim, death by the shedding of blood was of the 
very essence of the sacrifice, inasmuch as it was a 
necessary and indispensable preliminary to the 
presentation of the flesh and the blood to God upon 
the altar, it is by no means clear that in the case 
of a commemorative sacrifice, in which, after the 
shedding of the blood " once for all," the same 
Victim is offered again and again, we are com 
pelled to look for a repeated equivalent of the 
bloodshedding, or for an element of real or equi 
valent " destruction." Under the limitations which 
conditioned the offering of animal victims, any 
thing in the nature of a repetition of the offering 
was plainly impossible, even had there been reason 
for such repetition. But these limitations being 
absent in the case of the supreme sacrifice of 



20 HOLY MASS 

Christ, it would seem that the sacrificial " presen 
tation " or " oblation " of the Victim might be 
repeated indefinitely, and that nothing more was 
required in order to the realization of the idea of 
a true bloodless sacrifice than that the presentation 
or oblation should be made by means of a suitable 
outward and significant rite, not necessarily in 
volving any sort of " destruction." That the rite 
actually chosen and instituted by our Lord does in 
fact " show forth His death " by virtue of the 
separate consecration of the host and of the 
chalice, is of course a truth to be maintained and 
cherished; and our attention is pointedly called to 
it by the words " mysterium fidei " ("the mystery 
of faith "), which are embodied in the form of 
consecration of the chalice. Nevertheless, in view 
of the divergence of opinions among theologians., 
it would seem to be desirable not to lay undue stress 
upon any of the particular explanations of the 
" ratio sacrificii " in the Mass, as though, if this 
particular explanation (e.g., that of Vazquez or De 
Lugo) were mistaken, the " ratio sacrificii " would 
be lacking. 

The point may be aptly illustrated by means of 
a comparison. In treating of the mystery of man s 
redemption two questions must be distinguished, 
viz. : ( i) What was necessary in order that Christ 
our Lord might redeem mankind? and ( 2) how did 
our Lord in fact redeem mankind? To the first 
question the answer is that any single act of the 
God-Man would have been sufficient for the pur- . 
pose. To the second the answer is that in fact 



HOLY MASS 21 

our Lord redeemed us by dying on the cross. And 
to this simple statement may be added many 
considerations which bring into prominence the 
manifold congruity of the " plentiful redemption," 
going so far beyond the mere intrinsic necessities 
of the case, whereby we were redeemed. 

Precisely so in dealing with the Sacrifice of the 
Mass we must distinguish between two questions, 
viz.: (i) What were the necessary and sufficient 
conditions to be fulfilled in order that the Mass 
might be a true sacrifice? and (2) what is it that 
in fact makes the Mass a true sacrifice? The first 
question has reference to the intrinsic necessities of 
the case, the second concerns the actual institution 
of the Eucharistic Sacrifice. To the first question 
it should, I think, be answered that so far as we 
can see any rite which God might have chosen to 
institute, whereby the Divine Victim, once slain, 
should be again self-offered upon an altar, would 
have been sufficient for the verification or reali 
zation of the " ratio sacrificii." For instance, it 
was not so far as we can see intrinsically impos 
sible that there should have been a eucharistic 
sacrifice " under one kind," had it pleased God so 
to ordain ; and it is at least exceedingly doubtful 
whether we are justified in postulating any second 
" destruction " or " quasi-destruction " or " mys 
tical destruction " of the Victim, once slain, as an 
indispensable element in the rite. But to the 
second question the answer must be that, at least 
de facto, at least as a matter of positive divine 
ordinance, the particular rite whereby it has 



22 HOLY MASS 

pleased our Lord to offer Himself again upon the 
Christian altar, and therefore the particular act by 
virtue of which the Holy Eucharist is a true sacri 
fice, consists in the double or separate consecration. 
And here again it is easy to point out the manifold 
congruity of the divine choice. So, too, the view he 
had taken leaves quite untouched the opinion of 
Lugo, in so far as this opinion has reference to the 
congruity of the actual form of the Eucharistic ob 
lation rather than to its very essence. And thus the 
teaching of Vazquez and Lugo, instead of being 
opposed to one another, become mutually comple 
mentary, each emphasizing an important aspect of a 
many-sided truth. But it is important, as it seems 
to me, to avoid creating a gratuitous difficulty by 
laying down, as though it could be proved a priori, 
that what God has in fact done it was intrinsically 
necessary that He should do in order that the 
Mass might be a true sacrifice. 

By way of supplementing and completing what 
has already been said, it may be useful to return 
for a moment to the relation which the death of 
the victim held to the completed sacrificial ritual. 
The death was necessary, not merely that the phy 
sical acts of pouring out the blood and burning the 
flesh might be accomplished, but that the very life 
of the victim, conceived of as being contained in 
the blood, might be removed, as it were, to another 
sphere of existence. Not, of course, that the soul 
of an animal could really survive its immolation. 
But this was precisely one of those many limi 
tations by reason of which the sacrifices of the Old 



HOLY MASS 23 

Law were mere types and symbols. The symbo 
lical presentation of the animal s life conceived 
as still contained in the blood to God, was a faint 
foreshadowing of the act whereby our Lord, trium 
phant over death, offered or presented on our 
behalf the life which He had laid down yet not 
lost. It is particularly noteworthy that both in 
the Apocalypse and in the Epistle to the Hebrews 
the sacrifice of Christ is regarded as in a manner 
perennial and continuous, at least so far as regards 
the ritual act of the self-presentation of the Divine 
Victim. Christ having died on the Cross entered 
into the heavenly sanctuary to offer or present on 
our behalf, not the blood of goats and heifers, but 
His own. 1 And he entered that heavenly sanc 
tuary, not like the levitical High Priest to with 
draw after a few moments, but to make everlast 
ing intercession for us. 2 So, too, on the Apoca 
lyptic altar the Lamb for ever stands " as it were 
slain," i.e., bearing all the marks of death, yet 
ever living, a propitiatory Victim to the end of 
time. 3 And what according to our way of 
reckoning takes place in heaven continuously or 
perennially, is reproduced on earth, not indeed 
continuously in any single place, but daily and 
hourly on ten thousand altars " from the rising of 
the sun even to its going down."* 

1 Hebr. ix. 12. 2 Hebr. vii. 25. 

3 Apoc. v. 6. * Mai. i. u. 



CHAPTER III. 

PROPHET, PRIEST AND KING. 
THE PARTS OF THE MASS. 

SOMETHING has been said, in the foregoing 
chapters, of Holy Mass as a sacrifice, having for 
one of its chief fruits the Holy Sacrament of 
the Eucharist. But before entering into an exam 
ination of the details of the liturgy, that is to say, 
of the lessons, the psalmody, the prayers, and the 
ceremonies in which the central act of sacrifice is 
enshrined, it may be worth while to take account 
of a truth that is too often overlooked, viz., that 
in the Mass, as it is actually celebrated all the 
world over, and not in the Roman rite alone, our 
Lord exercises, through His ministers, a threefold 
function, even as he exercised a threefold function 
in His visible human life on earth. He came, as 
we all know, in the character ( i ) of the supremely 
great Prophet or Teacher, (2) of the supremely 
perfect High Priest of the New Dispensation, and 
(3) of the King whose royalty was not of this world 
but who was to found and rule over an everlasting 
kingdom which is to have its final consummation 
in heaven. As Prophet, as God made Man that He 
might become His own messenger to mankind, He 
claims our faith. As our High Priest He laid, by 
His all-atoning sacrifice, the foundations of our 
hope. As King He appeals to our loyalty and love. 
Now to this threefold function of Christ our Lord 



HOLY MASS 25 

correspond the three main portions into which the 
sacred liturgy of the Mass, apart from prelimin 
aries and supplementary accretions, is divided. 

I. The first portion, the " Missa catechumen- 
orum," as it was once called, which corresponds 
with the teaching office of our Lord, consists, 
chiefly, though not exclusively, of lessons from 
Holy Scripture, followed, in the case of the prin 
cipal parochial Mass on Sundays, by a homily on 
the Gospel of the day, and, at all Masses on Sun 
days and on certain other days, by the chanting 
or recitation of the " Credo." It is plain that an 
appeal is here made primarily to our faith, a point 
which it is well to bear in mind, whatever " method 
of hearing Mass " we may adopt. Or, to express 
the same truth in a different form, our Lord in 
Holy Mass feeds us with the bread of the word 
before feeding us with His Body in the Holy Sac 
rament. A recent writer has indeed laid stress, 
undue stress, as it seems to me, on the fact as 
suming it to be a fact that this first portion of 
the Mass had its origin in a religious service dis 
tinct from the Holy Sacrifice. Now, that from the 
earliest times, doctrinal and catechetical services 
have been held apart from the Mass, and that these 
services did in fact take a form similar or at least 
analogous to that of the " Missa catechumenorum," 
inasmuch as they embodied the reading of passages 
from Holy Scripture, alternating with psalmody 
and prayer and followed by a homily, need not be 
called into question. Instances may be found in 
the " Peregrinatio Silviae " (or " Etheriae "), a 



26 HOLY MASS 

very notable pilgrim-book of the fourth century; 
and indeed they may be found nearer home in the 
Matins and Lauds of the Divine Office. But with 
the exception of that apostolic age during which the 
Holy Sacrifice was immediately preceded by the 
Agape, without perhaps, the interposition of any 
reading or homily, it may be doubted whether any 
instance can be found of the celebration of Mass 
apart from an introductory doctrinal exordium. 1 
The catechumens were excluded from being present 
at the " Missa fidelium "; but the faithful were 
expected, or they still are, to attend the " Missa 
catechumenorum " which preceded it. 

II. That the second great division of the Mass, 
which embraces the offertory, preface and Canon, 
constitutes the specifically sacrificial portion of the 
service, is a statement which might seem to need 
neither proof nor illustration. At any rate, what 
ever it does need under either head, will be set 
forth later. The point on which I wish to insist 
at present is the relation of this central portion of 
liturgy to the virtue of hope. More than once in 
the epistle to the Hebrews St. Paul insists on the 
truth that our hopes of life everlasting rest en 
tirely on the sacrifice offered by Christ our Lord. 
He speaks of " the hope set before us, which we 
have as an anchor of the soul, sure and firm, 
and which entereth in, even within the veil, where 

1 Cf. Cabrol, Origines Liturgiques, pp. 333 ff. The truth 
of the statement made above is not, as it seems to me, 
affected by the circumstance that the Mass might be com 
menced in one church (where the lessons were read; and, 
after a procession, continued and finished in another. 



HOLY MASS 27 

the fore-runner Jesus is entered for us, being made 
a High Priest forever according to the order of 
Melchisedech." 1 He tells us that our Lord " hath 
an everlasting priesthood whereby He is able also 
to save forever them that come to God by Him 2 ; 
that He is " the Mediator of a better testament " 
than that which was given to Moses, " which is 
established on better promises " 3 ; that " Jesus is 
not entered into the Holies," i.e. a sanctuary 
" made with hands, .... but into heaven itself, 
that He may appear now in the presence of God 
for us " 4 ; and lastly that " we have a confidence 
in the entering into the Holies," that is to say, a 
sure hope that we shall, if we be faithful to 
God s law, enter into the heavenly sanctuary, " by 
the Blood of Christ," who has opened for us " a 
new and living way," being " a High Priest over 
the house of God." 5 

Of course I am well aware of the objection that 
may be raised by non-Catholics against the appeal, 
in this connection, to the passages which have just 
been quoted, inasmuch as all of them have refer 
ence, primarily, to the Sacrifice of Calvary. For 
the purpose of the present chapter, however, it is 
assumed that the Eucharistic sacrifice is a perpet 
uation of the sacrifice offered on the Cross, and that 
what is said of the efficacy of the one is, by con 
sequence, true also of the other. 

It can hardly be doubted that the hearing of 

1 Hebr. vi. 1820. 2 Hebr. vii. 24, 25. 

8 Hebr. viii. 6. * Hebr. ix. 24. 

Hebr. x. 1921. 



28 HOLY MASS 

Mass will more efficaciously help to strengthen the 
tempted and console the afflicted if due attention 
is paid to this intimate and special connection of 
the Holy Sacrifice, as such, with the virtue of hope, 
than if it were overlooked. By the words " Sursum 
Corda," and by the prayers, " Communicantes " 
and " Nobis quoque peccatoribus," we are not only 
bidden to lift our hearts above earthly cares and 
vanities, but reminded that our fellowship is with 
the saints who are gone before us, and that our true 
franchise (our " conversation " as the Douay Ver 
sion has it) is in heaven. 1 And this in virtue of 
that very sacrifice one with that of the Cross at 
which we are assisting The hearing of Mass 
should be to us as a vision of the true Jacob s lad 
der, reaching from earth to heaven, the ascent of 
which has been made possible for us solely by the 
merits of Christ s Precious Blood shed for us on 
Calvary, and through all time offered for us on the 
Christian altar. 

III. If the Mass of the Catechumens appeals 
to our faith, and the prayers and ceremonies which 
more immediately accompany the act of sacrifice 
are calculated and intended to keep alive and re 
awaken our hopes of eternal life, it is plain enough 
that the concluding portion of the Mass, of which 
Holy Communion, received either sacramentally or 
spiritually, either personally or (so to say) vicari 
ously, is the essential element, has a no less specific 
relation to the virtue and disposition of charity or 

i Phil. iii. 20. 



HOLY MASS 29 

love. This is so palpably evident that there is no 
need to labour the point. 

It is, however, not so obviously plain that charity 
has a special relation with the kingly office of our 
Lord. Yet that this is so there can, I believe, be no 
reasonable doubt. The love which is demanded of 
us is not, primarily, affective but effective ; its seat 
is not in the feelings or emotions but in the will; 
not sentiment but loyalty is the tribute that is due 
from us ; and it is a tribute due to our Divine 
Saviour as our Sovereign Lord and Master. ; If 
you love Me, keep My commandments," 1 He says; 
and if the lowest and most indispensable kind of 
charity consists in obedience, the highest manifes 
tations of the love of Christ are those of the Saints 
who, with a more generous loyalty, have followed 
more closely in His footsteps, fighting under His 
Standard of the Cross, and rejoicing to suffer with 
Him. 

So much for charity, or the love of our Lord, in 
general. As regards the Holy Eucharist in parti 
cular, it is as a King that Christ, the Bridegroom, 
woos His Bride, the Church, the Holy Eucharist is 
the chief pledge of his love, and Holy Communion 
is " the marriage-feast of the King s Son," 2 or 
rather, perhaps, a foretaste of that marriage-feast 
in its full consummation. 3 It is, in the same in 
choate sense, " the marriage-feast of the Lamb,"* 
of " the Lamb that was slain " 5 and yet liveth for- 

1 St. John xiv. 15. 2 St. Matth. xxii. 2 flf. 

3 Apoc. xix. 7. 4 Apoc. xix. 7. 

Apoc. v. 6, 9, 12. 



30 HOLY MASS 

ever and " whose name is King of kings and Lord 
of Lords." 1 " Blessed are they that are called to 
the marriage-supper of the Lamb " 2 ; and it is well 
that we should know and recognize, even "as in a 
glass, darkly," 3 the blessedness that is ours in this 
Sacrament of union and love. 4 

1 Apoc. xvii. 14. 2 Apoc. xix. 9. ; I Cor. xiii. 12. 

4 For the leading ideas of this chapter I am indebted to 
reminiscences of certain sections in the fourth volume of Dr. 
Amberger s Pastoral-Theologie, a work which I have not 
been able to consult again at the time of writing. 



CHAPTER IV. 
THE ROMAN MISSAL AND ITS ANCESTRY. 

IT toiay be useful to state, at the outset of the 
present chapter, that the terms " Mass," " the 
Mass," or " a Mass," must here be understood as 
having reference to the verbal or printed text of 
the liturgical service, and not primarily to the great 
sacrificial act of which the verbal or printed text 
is but the outward vesture. Looking at the text 
as a whole, it is found to consist, mainly, of ( i ) 
Prayers, (2) lessons from Holy Scripture, and 
(3) choral pieces. Of the Scripture lessons and the 
choral pieces it will not be necessary to say any 
thing in detail just at present. But of the prayers 
this much at least must here be noted, viz. : That 
they are either ( i) fixed or (2) variable: that the 
fixed prayers are those which belong to (a) the 
" Ordinary " and (b) the " Canon " of the Mass 
(though the Canon allows of certain minor varia 
tions on the Festivals, and during the Octaves of 
Christmas, Epiphany, Easter, Ascension Day and 
Pentecost) ; that, of these two portions, the Canon, 
which extends from the end of the Preface to the 
Pater Noster exclusively, is thoroughly Roman in 
structure and composition, while the prayers which 
make up the bulk of the Ordinary are of later intro 
duction, and are probably in large measure of Gal- 
lican origin or provenance ; and lastly, that the va 
riable prayers are the Collect, the Secreta, and the 



32 HOLY MASS 

Post-Communion (with, on occasion, the " Oratio 
super populum "), which vary from day to day, 
and the Preface, which, roughly speaking, varies 
with the season. 

Now the Roman Missal, by which for present 
purposes must be understood the official " Missale 
Romanum " with its authentic supplements, as dis 
tinct from sundry abridged and adapted transla 
tions thereof, contains the full text of ajl the 
Masses which must or may be sung or said on 
every day of the year. I say " which must or 
may be sung or said," because there are days on 
which a certain liberty of choice is allowed. For 
instance, on minor festival days occurring during 
Lent, the celebrant has the option of saying either 
the Mass of the feast or that of the feria; and 
there are many occasions, in the course of the year, 
on which " votive " Masses (e.g., a Mass for the 
deceased) may be celebrated. Of the Roman Mis 
sal it may be truthfully said that it derives its 
descent from the particular copy of St. Gregory s 
Mass-book which, at the Emperor s own request, 
Pope Hadrian I. sent to Charlemagne, to serve as 
a guide and pattern for the liturgical usage of all 
the churches in his dominions. And it is to this 
origin that we owe the indications, in Missals in 
tended for use all the world over, of the local Ro 
man " Stations," of which something must be said 
hereafter. 

It would, however, be a mistake to imagine that 
nothing more is needed except the omission from 
the Roman Missals of the prayers, lessons and an- 



HOLY MASS 33 

tiphons proper to festivals of later origin, in order 
to get back to St. Gregory s Mass-book. And this 
for the simple reason that St. Gregory s Mass-book 
was not, strictly speaking, a " Missal." The Mis 
sal as we know it has, in fact, arisen out of the 
fusion of some four or five distinct books. In 
the days when all books were in manuscript, and 
liturgical books usually or commonly engrossed on 
parchment, it is easy to understand that economy 
in material and in labour was an all-important con 
sideration. The Mass, so far as the words and 
ceremonies were concerned, was a highly dramatic 
service, in which the celebrant, the deacon, the 
sub-deacon, and the choir or " schola cantorum," 
each had their appointed parts; and it was ob 
viously reasonable that each should have a book 
containing only the portion of the service which 
pertained to himself. The celebrant, in primitive 
times and in the early Middle Ages, did not himself 
read the Epistle and the Gospel, or the choral parts 
of the Mass; and accordingly his book the " Sa- 
cramentarium " as it was called did not contain 
these. Its contents consisted of the Canon (for 
the " Ordinary " was of later introduction), to 
gether with the variable prayers (collects, secretae, 
and postcommunions) and the prefaces, with, it 
may be added, an appendix of sundry forms of 
blessing, etc. The deacon s book, the " Evan- 
geliarium," contained Gospels only, and the sub- 
deacon in like manner had his Lectionary, unless, 
indeed, as would often be the case, the lessons 
were read from a Bible or New Testament, or from 



34 HOLY MASS 

a volume containing some portions thereof. For, 
as is well known, marginal notes, indicating the 
commencement and end of the liturgical lessons, 
are found in many early Biblical MSS. So too, 
the cantors and the choir had the book or books 
which, under the various names of " Antiphon- 
arium," " Graduale," " Cantatorium," contained, 
set to musical notation, the choral portions of the 
Mass, i.e., introits, graduals, tracts and se 
quences, and the antiphons at the offertory and 
Communion. " Antiphonarium," it may be ob 
served, is a more comprehensive term than " Grad 
uale " or " Gradale." In Rome the Graduale was 
called " Cantatorium." 1 

This at any rate was the ideal, and no douibt 
in cathedrals and great abbey churches the nor 
mal usage. But it is hardly to be supposed that in 
the eighth and ninth centuries, for instance, every 
parish priest had in his possession a full set of 
liturgical books, and it is at least probable that 
many had to be content with a small manual more 
or less similar to the " Stowe Missal." This is an 
early Irish Mass-book which resembles our modern 
missals in that it contains the entire text of the 
liturgy, and not merely the celebrant s part, while 
on the other hand it contains only three Masses, 
one for ordinary use (" cottidiana "), one for 
Saints days, and one for the dead. 

To sum up the whole matter in a few words : 
Our present usage, by which the celebrant reads 
the whole of the Mass, including the parts ori- 
iAmalarius in P.L. cv. 1245; Cath. Encycl. i. 579. 



HOLY MASS 35 

ginally proper to deacon, sub-deacon and choir, 
as well as his own, must needs have had its origin 
in what is now known as a " Low Mass " i.e., a 
Mass without deacon, sub-deacon or choir; a form 
of celebration which necessarily presupposes the 
combination in a single volume of elements proper 
to the sacramentary, lectionary, and gradual re 
spectively. This fusion naturally took place at 
first on a small scale and in a fragmentary fashion, 
as in the " Stowe Missal," and it reached its final 
stage of completeness for all churches, however 
obscure, only when the invention of printing had 
facilitated the multiplication of copies, and the 
enforcement, by pontifical decrees, of liturgical 
uniformity. 

And now, let us turn to the Roman Missal it 
self, and examine its contents. Let it be supposed 
that the reader has in his hands a copy of the, 
" Missale Romanum," such as ought to be in the 
hands of every one who can read and understand 
the simple yet stately Latin of the Church s liturgy. 

The volume is divided into the following 
parts : - 

(i) The " Proprium de Tempore " or Proper 
of the Season. This contains the Masses for all 
the Sundays in the year, beginning with Advent 
Sunday, for Ascension Day and Corpus Christi, 
and for the week-days in Lent, Easter-week and 
Whitsun-week, the Rogation days, and the Ember 
days occurring in September and December. It 
is in the nature of a survival from a more primitive 
arrangement that the Masses for the Christmas 



36 HOLY MASS 

season, i.e., from Christmas Eve till the Octave 
of the Epiphany, though determined by the day 
of the month and not by the day of the week, yet 
find a place in the " Proprium de Tempore." In 
other words this collocation of the Christmas festi 
vals points back to a time when the " Sanctorale " 
(of which presently) had not been separated from 
the " Temporale." 

The circumstance that the Ordinary and Canon 
of the Mass, with the variable prefaces, find their 
place, not as might have been expected at the be 
ginning or at the end of the book, but immediately 
before the Mass for Easter Sunday, calls for a word 
of explanation. It has been suggested that this 
arrangement is really due to considerations of con 
venience, in as much as the book opens more easily 
in the middle. It seems to me, however, more 
likely that the position of the Canon in the Missal 
is not unconnected with the fact that the great 
festival of Easter was the nucleus from which the 
ecclesiastical calendar was developed. This, if I 
understand him rightly, is Ebner s opinion ; but he 
points out that the practice varied in successive 
centuries. In the earliest extant MSS., from the 
seventh century down to the close of the eighth, 
the Canon is found near the end of the book, either 
as a separate item or, more frequently, embodied 
in a " Missa cottidiana " or Mass for days not 
specially provided for. But from the beginning 
of the ninth century it takes its place, more natur 
ally as one would think, at the beginning of the 
book. Finally, in MSS. of the twelfth and thir- 



HOLY MASS 37 

teenth centuries, it gradually settled down, so to 
say, into its present position; a position which it 
probably owes to the special honour which was 
felt to be due to the central solemnity of Easter. 1 
At any rate there can be no question as to the prac 
tical convenience of the present arrangement. 

(2) The " Proprium Sanctorum." This contains 
the Masses appointed for those festivals chiefly 
Saints days which are determined by the civil 
calendar, i.e., which are assigned to certain days 
of the successive months from November 27th, the 
earliest possible date for the first Sunday in 
Advent, to November 26th. It contains, in ad 
dition, the Masses for a few feasts of compari- 
tively recent origin, which, like that of the Sacred 
Heart of Jesus, are determined by the days of the 
ecclesiastical and not of the civil calendar. 

(3) The " Commune Sanctorum." As a matter 
of convenience certain Masses have been drawn up 
suitable for any saint of a particular class, Martyr 
Confessor, Virgin, c., and it not unfrequently 
happens that the whole or part of the Mass for the 
festival of this or that individual servant of God 
is taken from the " Common of Saints," while 
in the case of others the whole of the variable por 
tion of the Mass is " proper," that is to say, peculiar 
to their own feast. 

(4) The " Commune Sanctorum " is followed by 
a series of " votive Masses," e.g., the Mass of the 
Holy Ghost, the Mass of the Blessed Sacrament, 

1 Ebner, Quellcn u. Forschungen, usw. pp. 363 372. 



38 HOLY MASS 

&c., and these again by the Masses for the de 
ceased. The same part of the Missal likewise 
contains a long series of collects for particular 
intentions, " ad libitum sacerdotis," many of which 
are of quite singular beauty. 

( 5 ) Next follow, or may follow, certain author 
ized supplements, of which the first (" Pro aliqui- 
bus locis ") forms part of the body of the Missal. 
This contains the Masses for a number of feasts 
which, though not universally observed, have been 
conceded to more than one country or region. The 
supplements for particular dioceses, or groups of 
dioceses (e.g., those of England and Wales), and 
for particular religious orders, are published sepa 
rately. And it may be useful to warn the reader 
that, in ordering a Missal from a publisher or 
bookseller, care should be taken to specify the 
supplements required, so that they may be bound 
up with the Missal. Some religious orders, how 
ever, have not merely a supplement, but a special 
Missal of their own, identical of course, in sub 
stance, with the " Missale Romanum," though 
differing from it in certain details. 

It has already been mentioned that the nucleus of 
the Roman Missal, so far as its non-choral portions 
are concerned, is or was to be found in the copy 
of St. Gregory s Sacramentary sent by Pope 
Hadrian I. to Charlemagne. About this book a 
few words must here be added. The transaction is 
recorded in a letter written by the Pope to the 
Emperor between the years 784 and 791. He says 
in effect : " You have asked us to send you an unin- 



HOLY MASS 39 

terpolated (immixtum) copy of the Sacramentary 
arranged by our holy predecessor Pope Gregory. 
This we now do by the hands of John, Abbot of 
Ravenna." 1 So much is clear, but it is unfortu 
nately no less certain that not one of the many ex 
tant MS. copies of the " Gregoranium," as we may 
henceforth call it, is by any means " immixtum," 
for all of them have been, as Dom S. Baumer 
has pointed out, " largely augmented from other 
sources," mainly, perhaps, Gallican. It is true that, 
within a generation of the arrival of Hadrian s 
MS., a serious and presumably successful attempt 
was made, by an editor who is believed to have 
been Alcuin, to purge the already inflated Gregori- 
anum of its alien elements. So far as he adopted 
the plan of relegating these to a kind of supple 
ment, or second and third " book," separated from 
the older portion of the work by a "praefatiuncula" 
or " little preface " of his own (known as the" Hu- 
cusque "), his task of careful discrimination has 
been effective. But in many cases he was content to 
leave inserted material in the position in which he 
found it, merely indicating the later additions by 
means of asterisks or obeli. And it unfortunately 
happened that, notwithstanding his stringent direc 
tions, copyists omitted to reproduce these dia 
critical marks. Hence, to the question: " Can we 
restore St. Gregory s Mass-book? " the answer 
must needs be, if not wholly negative, at best a 

1 Cod. Carol., ed Jaff6, p. 274; apud Duchesne, Origines, 
p. 114. 



40 HOLY MASS 

very hesitating affirmative. 1 The question, how 
ever, concerns only the antiquity of particular 
Masses, and other points of quite secondary impor 
tance. It in no way affects the substance or general 
structure of the book, the whole of which is, of 
course, included in the later and " largely aug 
mented " copies. 

But the Gregorianum was not the earliest Roman 
Mass-book to gain a wide circulation. Indeed, a 
careful examination of numerous ninth-century 
catalogues of cathedral and monastic libraries led 
Baumer to the conclusion, now I think generally 
accepted, that the purpose of Hadrian s gift was 
not as used to be supposed the substitution of 
the Roman for the early Gallican liturgy through 
out the Frankish dominions, but rather the sub 
stitution of a correct and up-to-date Roman book 
for an earlier one, likewise Roman, which had for 
the most part already supplanted the old Gallican 
sacramentaries. This earlier Roman book is 
described in the catalogues as " Gelasian." In 
Rome the " Gelasianum," even in its original 
shape, had long since become obsolete, under stress 
of the liturgical reform introduced by St. Gregory. 
The nature of this reform is compendiously de 
scribed by " John the Deacon," his biographer. 
He reduced within the limits of a single book 
the Gelasian codex of Masses, eliminating much, 
effecting a few transpositions, and making some 

1 See an excellent article by Mr. E. Bishop in the Dublin 
Review, October, 1894. From this article Baumer s words 
( above j are quoted. 



HOLY MASS 41 

additions." 1 And this is all that we are told about 
the relation of the Gregorianum to the Gelasianum 
as regards the general structure of the two works. 
Of particular changes in detail, introduced by St. 
Gregory, mention will be made later, as occasion 
offers. 

Of the Gelasianum several manuscript copies 
are extant, though, strange to say, not one of them 
mentions the name of its author or compiler in its 
title or superscription. 2 But there are, as it seems 
to me, no adequate grounds for calling in question 
the ascription of books of this type, at least as 
regards their chief contents, to Gelasius I. (c. 490). 
It is, however, recognized on all hands that, even 
in the earliest of them all, the original text has 
almost certainly been somewhat thickly overlaid 
with extraneous matter, from which the task of 
separating out the original text can hardly be said 
to have been attempted with any near approach to 
completeness. Not only are there extensive inter- 

1 " Scd et Gelasianum codicem dc Missarum solemniis, mul- 
ta subtrahens, pauca convertens, nonnulla vcro superadjiciens 
. . . in unius libri volumine coarctavit " (Vita ii. 17; 
P.L. Ixx. viii. 94). Simple as this statement seems at first sight, 
it must be admitted that the words which follow " superadji 
ciens," viz. " pro exponendis evangelicis lectionibus " have 
puzzled and baffled all the commentators. Nor can I pre 
tend to explain them. There is nothing in the Gregorianum 
which can be said to serve " for the exposition of the Gospel 
lessons." 

2 Bona (ii. v. 4) " suspects " that the Vatican Cod. Reg. 
316 " contains the Ordo of Gelasius." This is the MS. which 
Tommasi, Muratori, Vezzosi, and in our own days Mr. H. A. 
Wilson, have edited as " The Gelasian Sacramentary." Mr. 
Wilson has of course collated other MSS. 



42 HOLY MASS 

polations from Gallican sources, but every known 
MS. of the Gelasianum has been to a greater or 
less extant " Gregorianized," particularly as 
regards the Canon of the Mass. Probst s obser 
vation that those sections in the Gelasianum which 
have the word " Or do " in their title are of later 
date that those which have for their superscription 
" Orationes ct preces," at least deserves mention. 1 
For present purposes, however, it must be enough to 
say ( i ) that the Gelasianum, as represented by the 
earliest extant MS., is in three " books " (reduced 
by St. Gregory to one) ; and (2) that it has a very 
much larger number of collects (usually two for 
each Mass), of variable prefaces, and of variable 
clauses in the Canon of the Mass, than the Gregori 
an um. 

Older still than the Gelasianum, but of quite a 
different character, is the so-called " Leonine Sac- 
ramentary " or Leonianum, which, however, has 
nothing to do with St. Leo the Great (c. 450), 
except that it probably dates from shortly after 
his time, and that many of its prayers are adap 
tations of passages from his sermons. 2 Of the 
Leonianum only one copy, a Verona MS., is 
known to exist, or, perhaps, ever existed. The 
number of collects, prefaces, and even of complete 

1 Probst (herein following Tommasi) Die altesten romis- 
chen Sakramentarien u. Ordwes, pp. 171 f. 

2 Havard, Centonisations Patristiques dans les For mules 
Liturgiques (Appendix II. to Cabrol, Origines, &c.), pp. 
133 . 



HOLY MASS 43 

Masses for one and the same day, is at first sight 
sight almost bewildering; and it is now commonly 
acknowledged that it never was an official Mass- 
book, but was rather in the nature of a private 
collection, from which prayers might be taken more 
or less ad libitum .* Probst, however, suggests 
that this multiplicity of Masses for a single feast 
(e.g. that of St. Lawrence) is to be explained by 
the simple hypothesis that the compiler has faith 
fully recorded the various local usages followed 
respectively in the several churches dedicated to 
one and the same saint. 2 He also gives reasons 
based on internal evidence, for thinking that a 
considerable number of the prayers preserved in the 
Leonianum are to be ascribed to St. Damasus (c. 
375), to whom with some probability, but without 
any positive evidence, he attributes the introduction 
of variable elementscollects, prefaces, &c. into 
the Roman rite. 3 However this may be, there can 
be no doubt that many of the Leonine prayers are 
of great beauty and not a few of them have been 
preserved in the Roman Missal of to-day. 4 The 

1 So Cabrol, Origines, p. 109; Fortescue, p. 1 1 8, note 5. 
But in fact the observation that the Leonianum is an unofficial 
compilation was made long ago by the brothers Ballerim 
in their preface to vol. ii. of the works of St. Leo (P.L. Iv. 
15 ff.), as was pointed out in The Tablet, 1896, ii. 1008. 

2 Probst, Sakramentarien, pp. 88 f. 
a Ibid., pp. 62 ff. 

4 For instance, the exquisitely perfect prayer (analyzed 
by Cabrol, pp. i 10, I i i) " Deus qui humanae substantiae," 
etc., used for the blessing of the water in the Offertory 
ot the Mass. 



44 HOLY MASS 

MS. is unfortunately imperfect at the beginning 
and contains no text of the Canon. 1 

Beyond this point it is impossible to trace the 
ancestry of the Roman Missal in, so to say, the 
direct line. Indeed, from the aforesaid charac 
teristic features of the Leonianum, the Ballerini 
draw the conclusion that at the time of its com 
pilation no official Mass-book can have been in 
existence, and consequently that the Gelasianum, 
in its original form, must have been the earliest 
of its kind. 2 Yet of what may be called collateral 
ancestors there are several, viz., the four or five 
extant early Gallican Mass-books, the conventional 
titles of which are given below. 3 In Chapter XVI. 
convincing reasons, as they seem to me, will be 
giving for holding that the ultimate origin of the 
Gallican rite was Roman, and that consequently 

1 For fuller information on these three Mass-books, see 
the Introductions and notes in P.L. lv., Ixxii., Ixxviii., and in 
the standard editions of Feltoe (Leonine) and Wilson (Gelas- 
ian); Probst, op. cit.; Baumer, Das so-genannte S. Gela 
sianum; E. Bishop in Dublin Review, I.e.; Cabrol, I.e.; 
Lucas in The Tablet, 1896, ii. 1007 ff. ; 1897, i. 86 ff., 
ii. 204 ff. ; and Fortescue, pp. 117 ff. 

* Praefatio, &c., n. 12 (P.L. lv. 17 f.j. 

3 They are (i) the Reichenau Mass-book edited by Mone 
in 1853, (2) the " Missale Gothicum," (3) the " Missale 
Francorum," and (4) the " Sacramentarium Gallicanum," 
now commonly known as " the Bobbio Missal." To these 
may be added, as illustrating the subject, the Ambrosian, 
and Mozarabic, and " Stowe " (Celtic) Missals; and also the 
description of the Gallican and Spanish liturgies, which are 
in substance one, by St. Germanus of Paris and St. Isidore 
of Seville respectively. More particular references will 
be given later. 



HOLY MASS 45 

the Galilean rite, by which I mean the form of 
liturgy which prevailed not only in Gaul and Spain, 
but in Northern Italy, and possibly also in remoter 
Ireland, from the fourth to the seventh century, 
may be expected to throw light on the very obscure 
history of the Roman Mass in its earlier stages 
of development. In the meanwhile this brief 
statement may be sufficient to justify such refer 
ences as may be made, in the intervening chap 
ters, to Gallican sources. 



CHAPTER V. 

THE LITURGY : HIGH MASS AND LOW MASS : 
SURVIVALS AND ACCRETIONS. 

FROM the foregoing considerations on the sources 
of the Roman liturgy, we pass now to the study 
of the prayers and ceremonies with which, in ac 
cordance with the prescriptions of the Church, the 
central act of sacrifice is, in the Roman rite, ac- 
panied and surrounded; in other words, with the 
sacred liturgy as for centuries past it has been 
carried out, with a few local exceptions, through 
out western Christendom. " For the most part," 
writes Mr. Edmund Bishop, " Catholics are con 
tent, where the sacred liturgy is concerned, to take 
in an even, not to say indifferent, spirit, the good 
that comes to them, without enquiring too parti 
cularly how it came. They are content in a general 
way with the fact that they are in the full current 
and stream of an uninterrupted tradition, the 
source of which is to be found in the apostolic 
age itself. Still, it should be even for Catholics 
a subject of interest to ascertain in some manner 
the steps by which the Mass-book in use to-day 
came to be what it is; and to trace the gradual 
accretions that have gathered round the primitive 
kernel. 1 

Now it might, perhaps, be expected that, in 

1 E. Bishop, " The Earliest Roman Mass-book," in Dublin 
Review, October, 1894. 



HOLY MASS 47 

dealing with the prayers and ceremonies of the 
Mass as we know them, a writer should start with 
those parts of the liturgy which are more central, 
fundamental and primitive. But there may be 
some advantage, on the other hand, in clearing the 
ground by first of all dealing with certain portions 
and features of the Mass which are of secondary 
importance, and of a less venerable antiquity than 
the prayers which more immediately accompany 
and surround the essential act of sacrifice. This is 
what I propose to do in the present chapter. 

Many of us are so thoroughly accustomed to 
regard " Low Mass " as the ordinary form of 
celebration, and to think of " High Mass " as a 
more or less exceptional solemnity suitable for 
special occasions, that it may require something 
of an effort to bear in mind the unquestionable 
fact that High Mass is the normal type, of which, 
so far as the non-essential ceremonies are con 
cerned, Low Mass is a kind of abridged edition. 
And the nature of the abridgment may be indicated 
by saying that, in Low Mass, besides the omission 
of the chant and the incense, the functions of 
deacon and sub-deacon are performed by the cele 
brant. As an illustration of this latter may be 
mentioned the circumstance that, while he reads 
the Epistle, the celebrant, who is then acting (so 
to say) as sub- deacon, holds the book, just as the 
sub- deacon does when he chants the Epistle at a 
High Mass; whereas when he reads the Gospel, 
the celebrant keeps his hands joined, as the deacon 
does while the book is held for him at the chanting 



48 HOLY MASS 

of the Gospel. Moreover, as the deacon, when he 
sings the Gospel in a High Mass, faces the north 
(originally, perhaps, because it was thought right 
that he should face the bishop s throne), so in a 
Low Mass the Missal is placed, for the reading of 
the Gospel, slantwise upon the altar, and the cele 
brant stands facing as nearly northwards as the 
circumstances of his position conveniently permit. 
(The church is, of course, assumed to be correctly 
" orientated " with the great doors at the west end, 
and the altar towards the east. When this is not 
the case, the terms " north," " east," &c., are still 
retained for convenience of designation or descrip 
tion.) Another item in Low Mass which finds its 
explanation only in the fuller ceremonies of High 
Mass, is the position of the " Lavabo." Why 
should the celebrant wash his fingers just after 
the offering of the unconsecrated host and chalice? 
That the act is symbolical of the perfect purity of 
heart with which he should approach the sacred 
mysteries is perfectly true; but why is it placed 
precisely here? For the simple reason that, in a 
High Mass, the offering of the bread and wine is 
immediately followed by the censing of the oblata 
and of the altar : and since this is a process which 
might easily cause some slight accidental soiling 
of the fingers, it is perfectly natural and congruous 
that, as soon as the celebrant has in his turn been 
censed by the deacon, he should find the acolytes 
ready with the water-cruet, the basin, and the 
towel. The censing being omitted in a Low Mass, 
the " Lavabo " has nevertheless been retained, 



HOLY MASS 49 

mainly, no doubt, by reason of its symbolic signi 
ficance. The need for a washing of the fingers 
would, of course, be more evident when " loaves 
and flasks of wine " were offered and received by 
the celebrant at this point of the service. 1 It may 
be of interest to note that, in the Ambrosian rite, 
the celebrant washes his fingers again immediately 
before the consecration, at the point where, in the 
Roman liturgy, he wipes them lightly on the cor 
poral. 

Of the preliminary portion of the Mass, which 
includes all that is said and done before the collect, 
it may be said that it consists of a number of more 
or less fragmentary survivals from the fuller ritual 
of a pontifical High Mass, or rather of the Mass 
as solemnly celebrated by the Pope himself in the 
sixth or seventh century. That our latter-day 
Roman Missals have been developed from an an 
cient Papal Mass-book is indicated, as has been 
said, by the titles or superscriptions " Static ad 
S. Mariam Majorem," and the like, which stand 
at the head of the Masses for the Advent Sundays, 
for Christmas Day and the festivals which imme 
diately follow it, for the Epiphany, Septuagesima, 
Sexagesima and Quinquagesima, and for each of 
the days of Lent, Easter Week (including Low 
Sunday), and Whitsun Week (not including Tri 
nity Sunday), the Rogation days, the Ember days, 
Whitsun-eve, and (by reason of the litanies) St. 
Mark s day, April 25th. February 2nd, the feast 

1 Fortescue, p. 310. 
E 



50 HOLY MASS 

of the Purification of our Lady, or Candlemas, was 
likewise a stational day, but the indication has 
dropped out of our modern Missals. The blessing 
of the candles, it should be observed, is attached 
to the day of the month, whereas the feast is liable 
to be displaced and transferred, if it should fall on 
a Sunday. 

In the first of the " Ordines Romani " published 
by Mabillon, we have a graphic description of the 
observance of the Roman " Stations." " The 
curious reader," says Fr. Thurston, " may there 
find narrated how the assembly of the clergy 
and officials meets first at some church used as 
a rendezvous, where the procession is formed to 
set out to the station of the day. The sacred mini 
sters are grouped around the Pope in order of due 
precedence, according to their special functions. 
The acolytes go in front, walking, but the papal 
deacons with their primicerius ride on horseback, 
as does the Pope himself. Immediately before 
him, the Apostolic sub-deacon bears a processional 
Cross, while at his side the stratores help to clear 
the way and keep off the crowd. The clergy of 
the church where the station is held come out to 
meet the Pope, and conduct him to the sacristy, 
where he is vested for Mass with the same solem 
nity with which the vesting of a bishop now takes 
place at the beginning of a pontifical function. . . 
Before the assembly is dismissed [at the end of 
Mass], a regionary subdeacon announces from the 
foot of the altar that on the next day that station 



HOLY MASS 51 

will be held at such and such a church, to which 
the choir answer: Thanks be to God. "* 

The psalm " Judica me Deus," with its antiphon 
" Introibo ad altare Dei," though now said by the 
celebrant at the foot of the altar, was originally 
what may be described as his private " Introit "; 
that is to say it was the psalm which, first as a 
matter of laudable custom, and afterwards by rule 
and precept, he recited on his way from the sacristy 
to the altar, while the choir sang the " Introit " 
proper to the day. How entirely appropriate to 
the purpose specified is the psalm, and more partic 
ularly the antiphon, may be illustrated by a passage 
from the ancient tract " de Sacramentis," tradi 
tionally attributed to St. Ambrose, and perhaps 
compiled from his instructions. Addressing the 
neophytes who have just received baptism on Holy 
Saturday or Whitsun-eve, the writer says: "You 
came, then, full of desire, to the altar ; you came . . 
to the altar that you might thence receive the 
Sacrament. Let your soul exclaim : I will go unto 
the altar of God, to God Who giveth joy to my 
youth. You have laid aside the decrepitude of sin, 

1 Thurston, Lent, &c., pp. 155 ff. (abridged); /./;., 
Ixxviii. 937 ff. With reference to the " Ordines Romani " 
it may be noted here that although, in Mabillon s edition and 
Migne s reprint, the first four among them are arranged in 
chronological order, the seventh, to which reference will be 
made hereafter, is of earlier date than any of them. It 
owes its position in the series to the fact that it deals with a 
particular set of ceremonies, viz., those connected with the 
" Scrutinies," not with the normal celebration of a pontifi 
cal Mass. Cf. Probst, Sakramenlarien, pp. 398 ff. 



52 HOLY MASS 

you have taken on the grace of youth; this is the 
gift which the heavenly sacraments have bestowed 
on you. Hear David saying: Thy youth shall be 
renewed as the eagle s/ " etc. 1 

The passage only repeats, in a somewhat ampli 
fied form, what St. Ambrose himself had more 
briefly said in the eighth chapter of the tract " de 
Mysteriis." 2 As regards the date and provenance 
of the " de Sacramentis," internal evidence points 
to northern Italy, and to a time when Arianism was 
still rampant. No other heresy is alluded to, and 
the tract is therefore at least as old as the early 
part of the fifth century. 3 The suggestion that the 
tract may have been taken down by a stenographer 
from the instructions of St. Ambrose himself, and 
destined at first, by reason of the " disciplina ar- 
cani " then in full force, for private circulation, 
is Probst s. 4 

The passage, however, does not, as Bona points 
out, either prove or indicate that either antiphon 
or psalm were already, in the fifth century, recited 
by the celebrant on his way to the altar; and we 
must be content to know that the usage had become 
thoroughly established about the time of the Nor 
man Conquest. 5 

1 De Sacram. IV. ii. 7 (P.L. xvi. 437) 

2 P.L. ibid. 403. 

3 Cf . Duchesne, Origines, p. 169. 

4 Probst, Liturgie des VierLen fahrhunderts, p. 239. 

5 The earliest witnesses cited by Bona (de Rebus Litur- 
gicis, II. ii. 3) are a MS. of perhaps the eleventh century., 
and the " Micrologus," an anonymous tract of approxi 
mately the same date. 



HOLY MASS 53 

The joyful access to the altar heralded by this 
psalm receives, however, in the case of one who is 
not fresh from the waters of baptism, a check at 
the thought of sin ; and the psalm is appropriately 
followed by the " Confiteor." A child s hymn 
gives a simple expression to the leading thoughts 
of both. 

Now to God s altar will I go 

That He with joy may fill my youth: 
That sin s dark ways I may not know 

But walk by light of God s own truth. 1 
But I am weak and wayward, Lord, 

And from the path too oft have strayed ; 
The fault is mine; Thine the reward 

Of pardon for confession made. 
With grief sincere I now confess 

My sins of thought and word and deed: 
And that I may no more transgress 

Mary and all the saints will plead. 

The " Confiteor," as we know it and use it, is the 
result of the " survival of the fittest " among many 
similar forms of prayer which were composed, 
though no particular form was prescribed, for the 
use of the celebrant and the sacred ministers while 
they either lay prostrate (as still happens on Good 
Friday), or knelt or stood at the foot of the altar, 
while the choir continued or concluded the singing 
of the " Introit." 2 I say knelt or stood, for although 
Father Thurston writes: " The Good Friday pros 
tration probably represents an act of humiliation 
which was as habitually practised in the early 
Church, as the genuflection is with us, every time 

1 " Emitte lucem tuam et veritatem tuam," etc, 

2 Bona, I.e. n. 5. 



54 HOLY MASS 

that the chief Pontiff and his attendants made their 
solemn entry into the sanctuary for High Mass," 
this seems to me to be too sweeping a statement. 1 
Surely, for instance, there would be no prostration 
in paschal time. Nor do the words of the first 
" Ordo Romanus " suggest prostration as usual 
or habitual. " The fourth chorister precedes the 
pontiff, to place a cushion (or a faldstool, " ora- 
torium ") for him before the altar, and the pontiff 
on his arrival prays thereon (or thereat)." 2 This, 
however, is in the description of the Easter Mass. 
For the rest, it is but fitting that, before proceeding 
to the altar to plead for the people, the celebrant 
should first take his stand in the midst of those who 
represent the congregation, ranging himself for the 
moment with those on whose behalf he is about to 
offer the Holy Sacrifice. 3 

The " Introit," sung by the choir, and now, but 
not originally, recited by the celebrant at the altar, 
is said, in the " Liber Pontificalis," to have been 
introduced by Celestine I. (c. 425).* It originally 
consisted of a complete psalm, to which the anti- 
phon and doxology (i.e., the " Gloria Patri ") may 
have been added later. But the psalm is now 

1 Thurston, Lent, &c., p. 330. 

2 P.L. Ixxviii. 942. 

3 On the contents and structure of the Confiteor see chap 
ter xv. 

4 " Hie . . . constituit ut cl. psalmi David ante sacrificium 
psallerentur antiphonatim (i.e., not " with an antiphon," but 
by alternating choirs) qoiod ante non fiebat, nisi tantum re- 
citabantur epistolae Pauli apostoli et sanctum evangelium, 
et sic missae fiebant " (P.L. cxxiii. 199 f.) 



HOLY MASS 55 



represented only by a single verse, so that this 
choral piece now consists of an antiphon, one verse, 
usually the first of a psalm, the " Gloria Pa- 
tri," and the repeated antiphon a typical ins 
tance of a fragmentary survival. It may be of 
interest to mention, in passing, an intermediate 
stage in the process of abbreviation. The psalm 
of the introit was, of course, sung while the Pope 
proceeded from the sacristy to the sanctuary. But 
it would often happen that he reached the sanc 
tuary before the psalm was finished. And we learn 
from the " Ordo Romanus " already referred to, 
that when this was the case he gave a sign to the 
leader of the choir ("ad priorem scholae "), who 
thereupon sang the " Gloria Patri " without fin 
ishing the psalm. 1 

The " Kyrie Eleison," as we learn from St. 
Gregory himself, is the abbreviated substitute for 
a litany which still held its place, at least on certain 
occasions and in penitential seasons. What the 
occasions were on which the litany was said, St. 
Gregory does not tell us, but they were plainly not 
of rare occurrence, for he writes: " In quotidianis 
autem missis aliqua quae did solent tacemus, [et] 
tantummodo Kyrie eleison et Christe eleison dici- 
mus." 2 That the litany was characteristic of peni 
tential seasons appears from the rubric in a MS. of 
the Gregorianum, which directs that when it has 
been sung the " Gloria in excelsis " and " Alleluia " 
are to be omitted. 3 It may be mentioned that the 

1 P.L. Ixxviii. 942. 

* Epist. IX. xii.; P.L. Ixxvii. 956- 8 ? Ixxviii. 25. 



56 HOLY MASS 

early Irish MS. known as the " Stowe Missal " be 
gins, after a short antiphon, with what we now call 
the Litany of the Saints. But, seeing that one of the 
prayers which immediately follows has the colo 
phon: This prayer is sung at every Mass "* it 
may be inferred that the litany was not recited every 
day. 2 The litany which, in the Roman rite, was in 
common but not daily use, though longer than the 
" Kyrie," would seem to have been notably shorter 
than what is popularly known as " the Litany of 
the Saints." The official title of this is " Litaniae 
Majores the Greater Litanies," a term which 
manifestly presupposes the existence of " lesser lit 
anies," now no longer in use. These may probably 
have resembled the series of petitions, each fol 
lowed by " Domine miserere Lord have mercy " 
which in the Ambrosian rite are still chanted or 
recited on the Sundays in Lent. There is moreover 
some reason for thinking that the lesser litanies 
were in or before St. Gregory s time transferred 
from the position which, as Probst believed, they 

1 MacCarthy, p. 195. 

2 It has repeatedly been observed (by Warren, MacCarthy, 
and others) that a fragmentary MS. of the Irish Abbey of St. 
Gall (one of St. Colombanus continental foundations) be 
gins, like the Stowe Missal, with the antiphon " Peccavimus," 
etc., which in the latter precedes the litany. But the very 
remarkable similarity even in strange details of the initial 
P in the two MSS., has not, I believe, been noticed in any 
work on the subject; and I take the opportunity of calling 
attention to it here. The point of this observation is that 
from the close similarity of the MSS., so far as they admit of 
comparison, we should learn not to regard the Stowe Missal 
as an altogether isolated witness in liturgical matters. 



HOLY MASS 57 

formerly held after the Gospel. The greater lit 
anies were, on the other hand, of a processional 
character. These latter still hold their place on 
Holy Saturday and on Whitsun-eve, on which days 
the final " Kyrie " of the litany serves as the 
" Kyrie " of the Mass. 1 The same may perhaps 
have been formerly the case on the Rogation days 
and on March 25th, on which days the " Litaniae 
majores " are also prescribed. 2 

The " Gloria in excelsis " is the Latin version 
of a Greek hymn which, in the Byzantine rite, 
forms part of the morning office ("Orthros," corres 
ponding to our " Lauds "), but not of the Mass. 3 
According to the " Liber Pontificalis " it was St. 
Telesphorus (c. 130) who first ordered that the 
" Gloria " should be sung at the midnight Mass 
of Christmas Day. 4 But this statement may prob 
ably have reference only to the opening words of 
the hymn, which is said, but on doubtful authority, 
to have been first translated in its entirety by St. 
Hilary of Poitiers (c. 350). Bona cites St. Athan- 

1 This is true, of course, only of the principal Mass on 
Whitsun Eve, when it follows the blessing of the font. 

2 Cf. Probst, Abendldndische Mcsse, pp. 123 ff., and 
(not quite in accord with him) Thurston, Lent and Holy 
Week, pp. 434 f. 

8 Brightman, Eastern Liturgies, p. 577 (s.v. " Gloria "). 

1 " Hie constituit ut . . . natali Domini noctu missae 
celebrarentur (here we have the very origin of the midnight 
Mass) . . . et ante sacrificium hymnus diceretur angelicus, 
hoc est, Gloria in excelsis Deo " (L.P. in P.L, cxxvii. 
H75f.). No indication is here given of the position of 
the " Gloria " in the Mass. This is doubtful by reason of 
the statement in the " L.P." that down to Celestine s time 
the liturgy began with the lessons. 



5 8 HOLY MASS 

asius for its use as a morning hymn, and observes 
that Alcuin (c. 800) is the first to mention the 
tradition concerning St. Hilary. 1 By Pope Sym- 
machus (c. 500) if we may trust the " Liber Ponti- 
ficalis," its use was extended to all Sundays and 
to the feasts of Martyrs. 2 With the exception, 
however, of Easter- day, it was to be sung only when 
the celebrant was a bishop; and this prohibition 
lasted during many centuries. 3 Berno of Reiche- 
nau, in his treatise " de Officio Missae " (c. 1030) 
argues at great length that there is no reason why 
priests as well as bishops should not recite this 
hymn at Mass. 4 And although M6nard and Bona, 
commenting on the passage, 5 very pertinently re 
mark that the quite explicit regulation on the 
subject ought to have been accounted a good and 
sufficient reason for abstention, we may well rejoice 
that the pious importunity of private devotion 
tolerated as we must suppose by a not too-exacting 
authority should have at last carried the day, and 
that we are not only allowed, but commanded, to 
recite the " Gloria " in every festal Mass. 

1 Bona, II. iv. He aptly justifies the use of the word 
" hymn " to describe the Gloria by quoting the words of 
St. Augustine (in Ps. cxlviii.j: "Si laudas Deum et non 
cantas, non _dicis hymnum. Si laudes quod non pertinet ad 
laudem Dei, non dicis hymnum. Hymnum ergo tria ista 
habet, et canticum, et laudem, et Dei." 

2 P.L. cxxviii. 453 f. 

^ 3 So Menard s_ MS. of the Gregorianum: "Item dicitur, 
Gloria (&c.) . . . si episcopus fuerit, tantummodo die dormnico 
sive diebus festis. A presbyteris autem minime dicitur, 
nisi solo in Pascha " (P.L. Ixxviii. 25). 

4 P.L. cxlii. 1058 f. 

5 Me"nard (note 9) in P.L. Ixxviii. 268; Bona, I.e. 



HOLY MASS 59 

And here a remark and a digression may be 
allowed which may possibly help devotion. While 
it is a most excellent " method of hearing Mass " 
to follow the celebrant verbatim throughout the 
service with the help of the Missal, this particu 
lar " method " has at no time been prescribed to 
the laity. And even were it only by way o f 
an occasional change, it may be useful sometimes to 
fix the attention on particular words or phrases and 
to dwell upon them for a while, developing and ex 
panding them in our thoughts, after the fashion of 
St. Ignatius Loyola s " second method of prayer, 
without feeling bound to " hurry on " so as to keep 
pace with the priest at the altar. Among many 
words and phrases which thus lend themselves to 
expansive and affective reflection are those of the 
Gloria : " We praise Thee, we bless Thee, we glorify 
Thee, we give Thee thanks," &c., which do, indeed, 
strike the very key-note of the Eucharistic liturgy. 
Here is a simple expansion of these words in the 
form of a child s hymn or rhymed prayer (it makes 
no claim to be regarded as poetry). 

AN ACT OF PRAISE AND THANKSGIVING. 

All glory be to God on high ! 

We praise Thee, bless Thee, glorify 

Thy name, and thank Thee, dearest Lord, 

For all Thy gifts on us outpoured. 

Ungrateful may we never be, 

Forgetful of our debt to Thee. 

We thank Thee for Thy lowly birth, 

We thank Thee for Thy life on earth ; 

We thank Thee for Thy words and deeds, 

So full of comfort for our needs. 



60 HOLY MASS 

We thank Thee for Thy passion too, 
Wherewith our hard hearts Thou wouldst woo ; 
Thy sweat of blood, the scourging sore 
That for our sins Thy body tore ; 
We thank Thee for Thy thorny crown, 
And for the Cross that bore Thee down 
Upon the road to Calvary, 
And for Thy death upon that tree ; 
Lord, Thou didst bear it all for me. 
And lest Thy love we should forget, 
Another boon Thou addest yet, 
Of all the best, Thy Flesh and Blood, 
To be our soul s enduring food. 
O wondrous gift ! O love supreme, 
Surpassing every thought or dream 
Of man s dull heart ! But Thou hast said : 
" Take ye, and eat, in form of bread, 
And drink the blood for sinners shed." 
All glory be to God on high ! 
We praise Thee, bless Thee, glorify 
Thy name, and thank Thee, dearest Lord, 
For all Thy gifts on us outpoured. 

Passing now from the preliminary to the con 
cluding portion of the Mass as we know it, we 
shall find that the " Gloria " is not the only instance 
in which what was originally a kind of usurpation, 
prompted by private devotion, has come to have the 
force of law. As we all know, immediately after 
the postcommunion and the salutation, " Dominus 
vobiscum," with its response, the deacon sings: 
Ite, missa est," i.e., " Go, you are dismissed," 
or, more literally, " Go, it is the dismissal." And 
yet, if we are well-conducted Christians, we don t 
go, but stay in our places. We wait for the bles 
sing, and for the " last Gospel." These are plainly 



HOLY MASS 61 

in the nature of supplementary accretions super- 
added to an earlier and simpler " use." And this 
fact accounts, likewise, for the apparently incon 
gruous arrangement by which " Ite, missa est " has 
an elaborate musical setting, whereas, unless the 
celebrant be a bishop, the blessing is not chanted 
at all. It will readily be understood that we have 
here the survival of a period during which none 
but a bishop was allowed to give the blessing at the 
end of Mass ; and Dr. Fortescue is probably right 
when he finds the origin of the blessing, as given in 
non-pontifical functions, in that which bishops 
usually give as they pass the congregation on their 
way from the altar after any service. 1 But in fact 
the story of episcopal blessings at or towards the 
end of Mass is rather complicated; and both for 
brevity s sake and because it is of no living interest 
it may well be omitted here. 2 

In the Lenten Masses and on certain other occa 
sions, as we all know, the dismissal is replaced by 
the words, " Benedicamus Domino," which may be 
construed as an invitation to stay for Vespers, as 
many of us, very laudably, do stay, when, on 

1 Fortescue, p. 393. The Micrologus calls in question the 
existence, at any time, of such a prohibition as has been 
mentioned above. At any rate, he says in effect, if it was ever 
in force, it had already in his time been completely over-ridden 
by a custom so well established that any departure from it 
would be a scandal (P.L. &c. 990 (I.). 

3 The confusion introduced into the subject by Mnard 
(note 100, in P.L. Ixxviii. 286 fT.) was long since cleared 
up by Bona, II. xvi., a point which deserves to be borne in 
mind by students ot an otherwise excellent rommentary on 
the Grecrorianum. 



62 HOLY MASS 

Maundy Thursday and Good Friday, Vespers are 
chorally recited immediately after the Mass. And 
the " Oratio super populum," which forms a dis 
tinctive feature of the ferial Masses in Lent is, I 
am inclined to think, closely connected with the 
combination of a late Mass with early Vespers 
during the penitential season. For the " Oratio 
super populum " is no other than the prayer proper 
to the Vespers of the day ; and its introduction here 
may well have been by way of an abbreviated sub 
stitute for Vespers, for the benefit of those, and they 
would be many, who could not remain for that ser 
vice. The reader will also remember the shortened 
Vespers of Holy Saturday, which are incorporated 
in the liturgy of the Mass for that day. Father 
Thurston s suggestion, to the effect that the "Oratio 
super populum " was specifically a prayer for those 
of the faithful who had not communicated, 
is, as it seems to me, of doubtful value, though 
it had been already made by the author of the 
Micrologus nearly nine hundred years ago, and 
is cited with approval by Bona. 1 Against it may 
be cited not only the " oratio super populum " 
proper to Ash Wednesday (* ut qui divino munere 
sunt refecti, caelestibus . . . nutriantur auxiliis ") 
which quite plainly and unmistakably implies that 
those on whose behalf it is said have, in fact, re- 
received Holy Communion, but also several of the 
corresponding prayers in the Gelasianum. Thus 
on two successive pages of Wilson s edition may be 
found the following phrases, occurring in lenten 
1 Thurston, Lent, &c., p. 190; P.L. cli. 1014; Bona, I.e. 



HOLY MASS 63 

prayers "super populum," viz. (i) " plebem . . . 
quam divinis tribuis proficere sacramentis " ; ( 2 ) 
" caeleste munus quod frequentant "; (3) " plebs 
tua benedictionis sanctae munus accipiat " ; and 
again a little later, (4) " populis qui sacra mysteria 
contigerunt." 1 It seems hardly possible to under 
stand these expressions either of presence at Holy 
Mass or of the penitential ordinances proper to the 
season. 

The " last Gospel," which normally consists of 
St. John s sublime prologue: " In the beginning 
was the Word," &c., owes its place in the liturgy 
to a devout practice of reciting this passage on the 
way from the altar to the sacristy. By a custom, 
long since legalized, but of relatively late intro 
duction, when a festal Mass displaces that of a 
Sunday or " feria," the Gospel of the Sunday or 
ferial Mass is read as the last Gospel. This is at 
least the case in private Masses. In cathedrals 
and monastic or collegiate churches where the 
ritual can be fully carried out, two solemn Masses 
are celebrated, one of the Sunday or feria, and one 
of the feast. 

It has already been implied that, etymologically 
speaking, the word " Mass " means, simply, " dis 
missal." The form " missa," for " missio," is 
analogous to other low- Latin words, having the 
same termination, which are to be found in litur 
gical documents. Such are " ingressa," the 
Mozarabic name of the introit, for " ingressio," 
" collecta " for " collectio " (" collectio " being 

1 Wilson, The Gelasian Sacramentary, pp. 19, 40. 



64 HOLY MASS 

the form used in the old Galilean Mass-books), 
" ascensa " for " ascensio," and so forth. The 
phrase " missarum (not " missae ") solemnia " had 
reference originally, to the two-fold dismissal (i) 
of the catechumens, and in some cases of the peni 
tents, either before or after the Gospel or the 
homily, and (2) of the faithful at the end of the 
service. 1 It may seem strange, but it is unques 
tionably true, that from these solemn acts of dis 
missal the liturgy of the Mass, as a whole, has 
taken its name. By a similar extension of 
meaning the term is used in the " Peregrinatio 
Silviae " to designate other services also. 

1 The point at which the catechumens were dismissed was 
not always everywhere the same, as will be seen later. 
See below, chapter viii. 



CHAPTER VI. 
THE COLLECT, SECRETA AND POSTCOMMUNION. 

OF the three main divisions of the Mass, doctrinal, 
sacrificial and sacramental respectively, of which 
something was said in an earlier chapter, each con 
tains a variable prayer, or short series of such 
variable prayers, assigned to the particular day on 
which the Mass is celebrated, or, to speak more 
accurately, assigned to the Mass itself, which may 
happen to be a " votive " Mass. 

The three variable prayers are, of course, the 
Collect, the Secreta and the Postcommunion. And 
although our immediate concern is with the first 
of these only, they have so much in common that 
they may be conveniently dealt with together. 

The word " collect " (" collecta "=" collectio " 
=" synaxis ") originally meant no more than " an 
assembly " or even " a crowd," as when the capit 
ularies of Charlemagne decree penalties against 
those who, on certain occasions raise an armed mob 
(" si quis cum . . . cum collecta et armis vene- 
rit"). 1 And its earliest ecclesiastical use was 
similar to this, except that it signified, of course, 
an assembly or gathering for religious purposes. 
This meaning it continued to bear even down to 
the seventh century; for in several MSS. of the 
Gregorianum, under date, February 2nd (iv. nonas 

1 Carol i Magni Capit. iii. 74, apud Bona, II. v. 9. 
F 



66 HOLY MASS 

Feb.), we find the title " Oratio ad collectam ad 
S. Adrianum," and presently "Ad missam ad S. 
Mar. Majorem," which implies, of course, that the 
congregation assembled at St. Adrian s, and thence 
went in procession to St. Mary Major, where the 
Mass was celebrated. 1 From the full form, " ora- 
tio ad collectam," to the shorter and simpler " col- 
lecta," the transition was easy and obvious, and 
thus we get the meaning " a prayer recited (or 
chanted) on the assembly of the congregation." 
It next lost this more special significance, and, in 
the Western Church came to signify any liturgical 
prayer of the same general type as those which 
served as " collects " in the more restricted sense. 
Thus, in the early Gallican Mass-books, the title 
" collectio " is given to a number of variable 
prayers occurring at various points of the Mass, 
e.g., " collectio ad nomina," " collectio ad pacem," 
&c. In the Roman liturgy, however, the term 
" collect " is exclusively applied to those variable 
prayers which are chanted or recited before the 
Epistle, though these prayers often retain their 
name even when they are used on other occasions. 
Nor should a secondary and adventitious mean 
ing of the term be overlooked. The mediaeval 
writers on the liturgy tell us that the " collect " 
is so called because, in it, the celebrant " gathers 
up " into a compendious expression the silent 
prayer and petitions of all who are present. 2 

On a majority of feast-days only one collect is 

1 P.L. Ixxviii. 46. 

2 Bona, I.e.; Probst ; Abendl. Messe, p. 126, 



HOLY MASS 67 

said, but the number may be increased by one or 
more " commemorations/ when these are pre 
scribed by the rubrics, or by an " oratio imperata," 
i.e., a prayer added by order of the Bishop. 
Moreover, as a rule, ferial Masses (i.e., Masses 
proper to particular week-days) have at least three 
collects, exclusive of the " imperata." The next 
point to be noticed is that whatever the number of 
collects may be, that of the secretae and post- 
communions is the same; or, in other words, that 
each collect has its corresponding secreta and post- 
communion. Of the subsidiary collects which are 
said or sung when one or more lessons from Holy 
Scripture, in addition to the Epistle and Gospel, 
are read, something will be said in Chapter VII. 

These variable prayers, proper to particular days 
or particular Masses, and all conforming to a cer 
tain structural type to be presently described, are 
characteristic of the Western liturgies, as distinct 
from the Eastern, which have nothing that corres 
ponds to them in point of form and variability. 
And they undoubtedly deserve serious study. A 
" liberal " education is supposed to impart at least 
some appreciation of the beauties of classical 
Latin ; but it is well to remember that ecclesiastical 
Latin has its beauties also, and that these are no 
where more apparent than in the collects, secretae, 
and postcommunions of the Roman Missal. 

While these three classes of prayers have, as 
has been said above, certain general features in 
common, there are others which are severally char 
acteristic of each class. To take the latter first, 



68 HOLY MASS 

a very cursory examination of the Missal is suffi 
cient to reveal the fact that whereas the collect is of 
more general import, the secreta almost invariably 
(and in the case of the older Masses quite invari 
ably) contains a special reference to the Sacrifice 
(" haec munera," or " dona," or " sacrificia," " has 
hostias," or the like), while the postcommunion no 
less invariably has reference to the Sacrament, 
which, be it observed, all those who have been pre 
sent at Mass are assumed to have received. By way 
of illustration it may be useful to cite the secreta 
and postcommunion of the Mass for the Wednesday 
in the third week of Lent. 

S. " Suscipe, quaesumus Domine, preces populi 
tui cum oblationibus hostiarum: et tua mysteria 
celebrant es ab omnibus nos defende periculis. 
Per Dominum," &c. (" Receive, we beseech Thee, 
O Lord, the prayers of Thy people, together with 
the sacrificial gifts which we offer," &c.) 

PC. " Sanctificet nos, Domine, qua pasti 
sumus mensa caelestis: et a cunctis erroribus 
expiatos, promissionibus reddat acceptos. Per 
Dominum," &c. (" May the heavenly banquet 
wherewith we haue been refreshed sanctify us, O 
Lord," &c.)- 

It is nothing short of a liturgical solecism when, 
in certain Masses compiled in comparatively 
modern times, the secreta contains no reference 
whatever to the sacrifice as such, but is concerned 
solely with the Communion. The re-awakened 
or re-awakening liturgical sense of our own times 
will, it may be hoped, preserve the venerable Mis- 



HOLY MASS 69 

sale Romanum from any additional blots and blun 
ders of this kind. 

To return now to the general characteristics 
which are common to all these variable prayers, it 
will be profitable to consider carefully the struc 
tural type to which they all, more or less perfectly, 
conform. Every one of these prayers will be found 
to contain all or some of the following elements, 
and, for the most part, no others, viz. : 

(1) The invocation: " Deus," " Omnipotens 
sempiterne Deus," " Domine," or the like. (" O 
God," " Almighty and everlasting God," " O 

Lord," &C.) 1 

(2) The " motive," very commonly, but not in 
variably, introduced by the relative " qui," 
(" who,") : e.g., " Deus, qui corda fidelium Sancti 
Spiritus illustratione docuisti " (" O God, who hast 
taught the hearts of Thy faithful by the light of 
the Holy Spirit ") ; or, " Deus, cujus proprium est 
misereri semper et parcere " (" O God, whose prop* 
erty it is always to show mercy and to spare "). 
Or again to take a couple of examples from Masses 
proper to Saints days: "Deus qui praesentem 
diem fionorabile?n n&bis in beati Joannis nattvi- 
tate fecisti " (" O God, who hast made this day 
honourable for us by the birth of blessed John 
i.e., the Baptist) ; " Deus qui tiodiernam diem 

i Dr. Fortescue (pp. 249 ff.) gives an analysis of the typi 
cal collect which in some details differs from the above; 
but I see no reason for modifying what was already in print 
a year or more before the publication of his book (viz., in 
The Xaverian, 1909). 



70 HOLY MASS 

apostolorum tuorum Petri et Pauli martyrio conse- 
crasti " (" O God, who hast hallowed this day 
by the martyrdom of Thy Apostles Peter and 
Paul), " &c. Sometimes the " motive " is ex 
pressed by means of an appellative or adjectival 
clause, or by a word or phrase " in apposition "; 
and in the former case, as is obvious, " invoca 
tion " and " motive " are or may be in a manner 
fused into one. E.g., (a) " Deus, infirmitatis hu- 
manae singulars praesidium " (" O God (who 
art) the support of human weakness ") ; (b) " Om- 
nipotens sempiterne Deus, salus aeterna creden- 
tium " (Almighty and everlasting God (who art) 
the everlasting salvation of them that believe," 
&c. In a large number of instances, however, 
the " invocation " stands alone, without the ad 
dition of any specific " motive " for confidence. 

(3) The "petition." This is so obviously the 
very centre and substance of the prayer that it can 
never be lacking, and it hardly calls for illustra 
tion by examples, except indeed for the sake of 
completeness, and also for the sake of indicating 
the solemn simplicity and sobriety of language 
which marks these strictly liturgical prayers. Here 
are a few specimens: 

" Exaudi nos pro famulis tuis infirmis, pro qui- 
bus misericordiae tuae imploramus auxilium." 
("Graciously hear our prayers for Thy servants who 
are sick, for whom we implore the aid of Thy 
mercy.") 

" Da Ecclesiae tuae, eorum in omnibus sequi 
praeceptum, per quos religionis sumpsit exordium." 



HOLY MASS /I 

(" Grant that Thy Church may in all things follow 
their precepts from whom it derived its first be 
ginnings," i.e., the Holy Apostles.) 

(More briefly) " Fidelibus tuis perpetuam con 
cede laetitiam." (" Grant to Thy faithful an un 
broken gladness,") &c. 

(4) The " petition " is commonly, though by no 
means universally, enforced by the expression of 
a " purpose." It may be explained that, roughly 
speaking, the " motive " has special reference 
to God, being an appeal to Him in consideration 
of one or other of His attributes or acts, whereas 
the " purpose " has reference, more especially, to 
the needs of the petitioners. E.g., to take first 
the instance last quoted, the " petition " and the 
" purpose " are thus expressed, the particle " ut " 
( " in order that ") introducing the latter: 

" Fidelibus tuis perpetuam concede laetitiam ; 
ut quos perpetuae mortis eripuisti casibus, gaudiis 
facias perfrui sempiternis." (" Grant to Thy 
faithful an unbroken gladness, that Thou mayest 
make them to enjoy eternal bliss whom Thou hast 
rescued from the perils of everlasting death.") 
Here, be it observed, much of the force of the 
Latin is lost by the unavoidable transposition of 
the clauses. This, however, is only one out of 
innumerable instances in which the terse elegance 
of the original refuses to lend itself to the exi 
gencies of translation. Moral: All who can do 
so should by all means learn to use, and to love, 
the Missale Romanum, and not to be content 
with any poor, weak-kneed English substitute. 



HOLY MASS 

It should be added that, occasionally, the place 
of the " purpose " is taken by a secondary petition, 
and likewise that the petition itself sometimes 
takes, grammatically, the form of a " purpose," 
introduced by some such formula as " da, quaesu- 
mus, ut" ("grant, we beseech Thee, that"), &c. 
But on these departures from the normal type it is 
not necessary here to dwell. 

(5) Last of all, and apart from the body of the 
prayer, comes the " conclusion," of which the most 
usual form is " Per Dominum nostrum Jesum 
Christum qui tecum vivit et regnat, in unitate 
Spiritus Sancti, Deus, per omnia saecula saecu- 
lorum." Sometimes, however, the contents of the 
prayer require a somewhat different ending, e.g., 
" Per eundem Dominum," or, " Qui tecum vivit et 
et regnat," where our Lord has been already men 
tioned, or again "... in unitate ejusdem Spi 
ritus Sancti . . . ," when mention has been made 
of the Holy Spirit, and so forth. The immense 
majority of collects and of secretae and post- 
communions are addressed, as the student of the 
Missal will readily see, to God the Father. But, in 
accordance with our Lord s own precept, all such 
prayers are addressed to the Father " through 
Jesus Christ our Lord," and, in accordance with a 
venerable liturgical usage, the unity of the Three 
Divine Persons in the Blessed Trinity is always 
explicitly affirmed in prayers of this class. .When, 
however, a series of collects is -prescribed, the 
" conclusion " is attached only to the first and last 
of them; and when a collect is used " extra-litur- 



HOLY MASS 73 

gically," i.e., otherwise than in the Mass or the 
Divine Office, the " short conclusion " (" through 
Christ our Lord ") is used. 

Those who pay intelligent attention to the litur 
gical chant at High Mass, and in particular to the 
chant of the celebrant, will easily be able to dis 
cover for themselves that the intonations used in 
the singing of the collect and the postcommunion 
serve, as a rule, to mark off two at least of the 
main divisions indicated above. Two inflections, 
a greater and a lesser, occur in the body of the 
prayer, the greater for the most part coming at the 
close of the " motive," while the lesser concludes 
the " petition " and introduces the " purpose " of 
the prayer. When these prayers are correctly 
printed, as in the authentic " Missale Romanum," 
the place of the inflexions is indicated by a colon 
" punctum principale " and a semi-colon " semi- 
punctum " respectively. These stops, it will be 
observed, indicate, not precisely " breaks in the 
sense " (as Haberl incorrectly says), but rather 
the logical divisions of the sentence, which is not 
quite the same thing. The following example 
may serve to illustrate this, the syllables on which 
the inflexions fall being indicated by italics and 
hyphens : 

" Deus, qui omnipotentiam tuam parcendo max- 
ime et miserando ma-ni-fe-stas : multiplica super 
nos misericordiam tu-am; ut," &c. 

It will have been noticed that whereas the col 
lect is usually introduced by the single word " Ore- 
mus," the series of collects which, on Good Friday, 



74 HOLY MASS 

follow the Gospel, are each introduced by an intro 
ductory formula, in which we are invited to pray 
for the special intentions for which the several 
prayers are offered. That such invitatory for 
mulas were in daily use in the Gallican liturgy will 
be shown hereafter, viz., in Chapter XVI. Whether 
this was ever the case in the Roman liturgy, ex 
cept in the case of the " orationes solemnes " above 
referred to, is doubtful. Such formulse are indeed 
found in the ordinal of the Gelasian Sacrament- 
ary, but inasmuch as this book, in the form in 
which it has come down to us, shows unmistakable 
traces of Gallican influence, no certain argument 
as to the Roman use can be drawn from its testi 
mony. Moreover, it would in any case be unsafe 
to argue from a very special ceremonial, like that 
of ordination, to a common use of such invita- 
tories. Yet though the fact seems to have been 
overlooked by many writers, one such formula 
(fixed, not variable) is actually to be found in the 
Ordinary of the Mass, and is never omitted. I 
refer to the " Orate fratres," which daily serves to 
introduce the secreta. And since the secreta was 
and is thus prefaced, it is at least possible that 
the collect and the postcommunion may likewise 
have had, in the fourth century or earlier, their 
variable or fixed invitatories. It should also be 
noted that another somewhat analogous formula has 
survived in the words: " Praeceptis salutaribus 
moniti," which immediately precedes the " Pater 
noster." 

Returning for a moment to the Good Friday 



HOLY MASS 75 

collects, it will be remembered that, after the cele 
brant has chanted the invitatory, the deacon, with 
the words: " Flectamus genua," bids us all kneel 
down, after which, almost as though the deacon 
had made a mistake, the subdeacon sings " Le- 
vate," telling us to rise from our knees. The 
deacon, however, has made no mistake. What has 
happened is simply this, that whereas his summons 
to kneel down was originally followed by an 
interval of silent prayer, this interval as a conces 
sion to human weakness was gradually curtailed 
till the act of kneeling became, what it is now, a 
simple genuflection. " Flectamus genua," etc., is 
still said on the Wednesdays and Saturdays in the 
Ember weeks of Advent, Lent, and September, and 
in the morning office of Holy Saturday. There 
can, I think, be little doubt that the invitatory was 
originally sung by the deacon; and it is at least 
certain that it was the deacon who originally sang 
" Levate." Its transference to the sub-deacon may 
well have been occasioned by a desire to minimize 
the apparent incongruity to which attention is 
called above. Yet as a warning against hasty 
conclusions, it may be worth while to observe that 
the liturgy of the Coptic Jacobites has a triple 
genuflection without any pause, the invitatory to 
"bend the knee " being thrice repeated. 1 

In conclusion, space may be found for a few 

specimens of complete collects, which may serve 

to illustrate not only the structural analysis that 

has been given above, but also some at least of 

1 Brightman, Eastern Liturgies, p. 159. 



76 HOLY MASS 

the beauties of these altogether admirable prayers. 
The first three are taken from the " Proprium de 
tempore," and the last from the collection of 
" Orationes ad diversa " (prayers for special oc 
casions) which may be found in the Missal imme 
diately after the votive Masses and the Nuptial 
Mass, and which are too often overlooked alto 
gether. 

(Eleventh Sunday after Pentecost.} " Omni- 
potens sempiterne Deus (invocation), qui abun- 
dantia pietatis tuae et merita supplicum excedis et 
vota (motive) : effunde super nos misericordiam 
tuam (petition) ; ut dimittas quae conscienta me- 
tuit, et adjicias quod oratio non praesumit " (pur 
pose). (" Almighty and everlasting God, who out 
of the abundance of Thy loving-kindness dost sur 
pass alike the deserts of Thy suppliants and their 
desires: pour out Thy mercy upon us; so that 
Thou mayest pardon what conscience gives us 
reason to fear, and mayest grant in addition what 
in our prayers we dare not to claim at Thy hands. 

(Fourth Sunday after Easter.} "Deus, qui 
fidelium mentes unius efHcis voluntatis : da populis 
tuis id amare quod praecipis, id desiderare quod 
promittis; ut inter mundanas varietates ibi nostra 
fixa sint corda, ubi vera sunt gaudia." (" O God, 
who dost make Thy faithful to be of one mind and 
will: grant to Thy people to love what Thou com- 
mandest and to desire what Thou has promised; 
that our hearts may there be fixed, where true joy 
is found.") 

(Fifth Sunday after Easter.} "Deus, a quo 
bona cuncta procedunt, largire supplicibus tuis: 



HOLY MASS 77 

ut cogitemus, te inspirante, quae recta sunt, et te 
gubernante, eadem faciamus." (" O God, from 
whom all good things proceed, grant to Thy sup 
pliants that by Thy inspiration we may think of 
what is right, and that under Thy guidance we may 
do the same.") Could any petition be more simple 
and comprehensive or, in the original Latin, more 
forcibly expressed? It will be noted that here, 
by reason of the shortness of the prayer, the " punc- 
tum principale " is shifted forward to the usual 
place of the " semi-punctum," and the latter is 
omitted altogether. 

(For the grace of humility.} " Deus, qui su- 
perbis resistis, et gratiam praestas humilibus : con 
cede nobis verae humilitatis virtutem, cujus in se 
formam fidelibus Unigenitus tuus exhibuit ; ut nun- 
quam indignationem tuam provocemus elati, sed 
potius gratiae tuae capiamus dona subjecti." (" O 
God, who dost resist the proud, and givest grace 
to the humble : grant us the virtue of true humility, 
whereof Thine Only-begotten Son showed in Him 
self an example to Thy faithful ; that we may never 
be so puffed up as to provoke Thine indignation, 
but that rather by submission to Thy will we may 
become the recipients of Thy gifts.") 

In this chapter the position of the collect, as 
the first item in the Mass of the Catechumens, has 
been taken for granted. Sundry questions relative 
to its original position, and to the mutual rela 
tions of the variable prayers occurring in the 
several Western liturgies, may be more con 
veniently dealt with in subsequent chapters. 



CHAPTER VII. 
THE LESSONS FROM HOLY SCRIPTURE. 

THE first of the three chief divisions of the Mass, 
apart from preliminaries and supplementary accre 
tions, consists in the main, as has been said, in 
the chanting or reading of certain passages from 
Holy Scripture. To them, all else in this part of 
the liturgy is subsidiary. These lessons from Holy 
Scripture are nowadays commonly and popularly 
spoken of as " the Epistle and Gospel "; and the 
phrase represents, with sufficient accuracy, the more 
ordinary usage of our time. Anyone, however, who 
is in the habit of using the Missal will have noticed 
that the first lesson, even when there are only two, 
is sometimes taken, not from the Epistles, but 
either from the Old Testament or from the Acts of 
the Apostles or from the Apocalypse. He may 
further have observed that on the Wednesdays in 
the four Ember-weeks, as well as in the fourth 
week of Lent and in Holy Week, three les 
sons are read, one from the Old Testament, one 
from the Apostolic writings, and (of course) one 
from the Gospels; that the Mass proper to the 
Ember Saturdays has six lessons (the number was 
originally twelve) besides the Gospel ; and that on 
Holy Saturday, as part of the baptismal service, 
twelve lessons, called " prophecies," are read in 
addition to the Epistle and the Gospel, and six 
on Whitsun-eve. It is plain from the sermons of 



HOLY MASS 79 

St. Augustine that in his day, and in Africa, some 
times only two lessons were read. Thus: " Primam 
lectionem audivimus apostoli ; Fidelis sermo, 
etc. . . . deinde cantavimus psalmum . . . . post 
haec evangelica lectio decem leprosos . . . os- 
tendit." And again: " Prima lectio . . . hodie 
. . . est apostoli facta." Sometimes, however, 
there were three or more. Thus: " In omni 
bus lectionibus quas recitatas audivimus . . . 
primam . . . Isaiae prophetae, quia omnia quae 
lecta sunt ncc meminisse nee dicere possu- 
mus." 1 According to the * Liber Pontificalis," 
the practice of reading two lessons only, i.e., 
the Epistle and the Gospel, was already well-estab 
lished in Rome, in the earlier years of the fifth cen 
tury. For, as has been seen above, Celestine I. is 
there said to have introduced psalmody before the 
lessons, which, apart from special occasions, are 
distinctly said to have been two only. Yet there is 
reason to believe that at an earlier period the usual 
number, outside of Paschal time, was three. For 
the Gallican rite, derived originally from Rome, 
ordinarily had three lessons; the Mozarabic usu 
ally three ; and the Ambrosian rite retains the three 
lessons on Sundays and all greater feasts. More 
over internal evidence seems to point in the same 
direction. The Bobbio Missal has three lessons 
on the first Sunday in Advent, on Christmas Day, 
on the first Sunday in Lent, in the " Missa in Sym- 
boli traditione," on Easter Sunday and in Paschal 
time (from Apocalypse, Acts, and Gospel of St. 
1 P.L. xxxviii. 950, 962, 262. Cf. Fortescue, p. 256. 



8o HOLY MASS 

John), and in many instances under the head 
ing: " Incipiunt lectiones cottidianis," (sic.). 1 
Moreover it will be noticed that except in Paschal 
time, the Epistle is immediately followed, not 
only by the " gradual," but also by a second 
antiphon introduced and concluded by the word 
or phrase, " Alleluia," or, in Lent and on certain 
other occasions, by the " tract." Now when two 
lessons are read before the Gospel, the first is 
followed by the gradual, the second by the tract, 
or, in Whitsun-week, by the " Alleluia " antiphon; 
which at least suggests that the duplicated 
psalmody points to a " dropped " lesson. 2 Unfortu 
nately, however, for the peace of mind of " con 
jectural reconstructionists," the argument loses its 
force if we accept at its face value the statement 
of the " Liber Pontificalis," not only that Celestine 
introduced the singing of a psalm at the introit, but 
also that down to his time there was no psalmody 
at all " ante sacrificium " ; which might be 
taken to imply that not the introit only, but also 
the gradual and Alleluia antiphon were added to 
the more primitive rite, after the lessons had al 
ready been reduced to two only; assuming that 

1 P.L. Ixxii. 451 ff. So too St. Germanus: " Lectio pro- 
phetica suum tenet ordinem . . . Quod enim propheta cla- 
mat futurum, apostolus docet factum. Actus autem aposto- 
lorum vel Apocalypsis foannis pro novitate gaudii paschalis 
leguntur" (Germanus, Epist. i. ibid. 90). 

2 Duchesne was, I think, the first to call attention to this 
point. The compiler of the Stowe Missal designates the 
duplicated psalmody by the odd title " Psalmus bi- 
gradualis " (so in Probst s reprint, Abendl. Messe, p. 46, but 
not in MacCarthy, p. 199). 



HOLY MASS 81 

there once were three. But it is permissible to 
doubt whether the eighth century compiler of the 
" Liber Pontificalis " has rightly understood his 
authority, and whether he has not erred in ascribing 
to Celestine anything beyond the introduction of 
the " psalmus ad introitum " ; or whether again, by 
" ante sacrificium," he really means anything more 
than " at the commencement of the liturgy." 1 

That the reading of the Gospel is surrounded 
with a more elaborate ceremonial than that of the 
Epistle is evident to anyone who has been present 
at High Mass. After the deacon has recited the 
" Munda cor meum Cleanse my heart and my lips 
O Lord," and has received the blessing of the cele 
brant, a little procession is formed, consisting of 
the master of ceremonies and the thurifer with 
the incense, the acolytes with their candles, the sub- 
deacon, and lastly the deacon who is to sing the 
Gospel. The announcement of the Gospel (" Lec 
tio Sancti Evangelii," &c.) is greeted with the re- 
ponse, " Gloria tibi, Domine," and while this is 
being sung the book is censed. The " tone " of 
the Gospel is, too, more solemn that that of the 
Epistle, and at its conclusion, the book is carried 
by the subdeacon to the celebrant, who kisses the 
open page. Still more striking is the solemnity 
when, as in the Cathedral at Milan and in two or 
three of the more ancient churches in Rome, the 
Gospel is sung from an ambo or pulpit. All this 
special honour paid to the Gospel is manifestly in 
accordance with the fitness of things. But the 
1 The passage has been quoted above, p. 54 (note 4). 
G 



82 HOLY MASS 

Epistle also has its distinctive though minor so 
lemnity. It is chanted by the subdeacon ; whereas 
the other lessons, when there were more than two 
in all, were probably read, not by the subdeacon, 
but by " lectors," the very raison d etre of whose 
office was to perform this function. Dr. Fortescue, 
however, writes: " It was not originally the privi 
lege of the subdeacon to read it," i.e., the Epistle. 
" At first all lessons (including the Gospel) were 
read by lectors ... In the West as late as the fifth 
century the lessons were still chanted by readers. 
Gradually the subdeacon obtained the right to 
sing the Epistle as a consequence of the deacon s 
privilege of singing the Gospel." The number 
of sacred ministers had been reduced to two, so 
also had the usual number of lessons, " one minister 
sang the Gospel, it seemed natural that the other 
should sing the Epistle." 1 To this day the first 
lesson on Good Friday is read by a " lector," the 
second by the subdeacon; and the " prophecies " 
on Holy Saturday and Whitsun-eve are likewise 
read by clerics representing the " lectores " of 
earlier days. 2 

It may here be mentioned in passing that the 
gradual too was in pre- Gregorian days sung by the 
deacon. St. Gregory himself somewhere relates 
that this arrangement was apt to lead to an abuse, 
as deacons were apt to be chosen for their vocal 
powers. Accordingly the duty of singing the 

1 Fortescue, p. 263, citing Reuter, Das Subdiaconat, pp. 
177185. 

2 Probst, Abendl. Messe, p. 108. 



HOLY MASS 83 

gradual was transferred to cantors, who, for the 
purpose, could not be allowed to mount higher 
than the steps of the ambo. Hence the name 
" gradual." 

As regards the choice of the passages to be read 
in each Mass, there can be little doubt that 
originally the Epistles and the Gospels were read 
continuously from the text of the New Testament, 
or rather of its parts, and that the words " Deo 
gratias " and " Laus tibi, Christe," which are now 
said by the server or assistants at the conclusion of 
the Epistle and Gospel respectively, are survivals 
of the sign originally given by the celebrant that 
the reading should cease. The memoirs of the 
apostles or the writings of the prophets are read, 
as far as time permits," says St. Justin (c. iso). 1 
And the giving of a sign to cease reading finds 
it parallel in the similar directions, occurring in 
the Roman ordines, that the celebrant is to signify 
that the singing of the psalm at the introit, or of 
the Kyrie, is to be brought to a close. In this con 
nection it may be observed that down to the present 
day it happens on certain occasions that the reading 
in a community refectory is brought to an end by 
means of the ancient formula " Deo gratias," the 
use of which for such a purpose probably comes 
down by unbroken tradition from quite primitive 
times. 

It is, however, almost certain that already in 
the fourth century the practice of reading the 

1 Apol. I. Ixvii. 3. " Lectio igitur erat continua neque 
fiebat per pericopas." (Rauschen, ad loc.) 



84 HOLY MASS 

sacred text continuously had begun to give place to 
a system, or rather to sundry systems which varied 
locally, of fixed " pericopae," i.e., to the assign 
ment of particular passages to particular days or 
Masses. And it can hardly be doubted that the 
lectionary ("Liber Epistolarum et Evangeli- 
orum"), in actual use is due to a partial fusion of 
several such systems. It is obvious that the 
Epistles and Gospels assigned to certain particular 
feasts and seasons, as for example, Christmas, 
Epiphany, Easter, Ascension Day, Pentecost, Ad 
vent, Lent, the Ember- days and Saints days, have 
been chosen as specially appropriate to the occa 
sion. But in the case of the Sundays after Pente 
cost, and of the third, fourth, fifth and sixth after 
Epiphany, i.e., of rather more than half the Sun 
days of the year, it is impossible to discover anv 
such special appropriateness. On the other hand, 
in the case of these very Sundays, traces are still 
visible, at least, as regards the Epistles, of the 
primitive method of continuous or successive read 
ings. Thus the Epistles for the fourth, sixth, sev 
enth and eighth Sundays after Pentecost are from 
Romans, for the ninth, tenth and eleventh from 
First Corinthians, for the twelfth from Second 
Corinthians, for the thirteenth, fourteenth and 
fifteenth from Galatians, for the sixteenth, seven 
teenth, nineteenth, twentieth and twenty-first from 
Ephesians, for the twenty-second and twenty-third 
from Philippians, and for the twenty- fourth from 
Colossians. The Epistle for the eighteenth Sunday 
is an exception, probably because the Mass of that 



HOLY MASS 85 

day was originally intended to close the Ember- 
week. The sequence is resumed, so to say, on the 
fifth and sixth Sundays after Epiphany, on which 
days the Epistles are taken from Colossians and 
First Thessalonians respectively. This will seem 
the less strange if we bear in mind that, when the 
number of Sundays after Pentecost exceeds 
twenty-four, the Masses appointed for the 
last Sundays after Epiphany are used to 
make up the number. It is remarkable, too, 
that on each day, Thursdays excepted, from 
the Saturday before the fourth Sunday in Lent till 
the Saturday before Palm Sunday, as well as on all 
the Sundays between Easter and Pentecost, St. 
John s Gospel is read. And it is difficult to dis 
sociate this fact from 1 the circumstances that, on 
his own showing, many, if not all, of St. Au 
gustine s 88 " tractates " on St. John were de 
livered during Lent, and those on St. John s first 
Epistle, in Paschal time. 1 Beissel, however, insists 
that no certain conclusion as to liturgical usage can 
be drawn from this ; partly because it is incredible 
that the Bishop of Hippo can have delivered so 
many discourses within less than forty days, and 
partly because some of the " tractates " deal with 
only a verse or two of the Evangelist. 2 But St. 
Augustine s statement that, during the two weeks of 
the Passion and the Resurrection, he must needs 

1 Prol. in Ep. I Joan. (P.L. xxxv. 1977). 

2 Beissel, Enstehung der Perikopen des romischen Mess- 
buches (1907), p. 9. The tractates, he holds, rightly no 
doubt, were addressed, as " conferences," to a select 
audience. 



86 HOLY MASS 

interrupt his exposition, because the lessons ap 
pointed to be read during those weeks were so 
authoritatively fixed, is a clear testimony to the 
fact that a regular system of non-continuous peri- 
copae was, if not yet established for the whole 
year, at least in process of establishment. 1 

For the rest, several of the Gospel lessons in 
dicated by St. Augustine as assigned to particu 
lar days of the ecclesiastical year still hold in the 
Roman Missal the place which, in his day, they held 
in the liturgy of the African Church. And the 
schemes of pericopae drawn up respectively by St. 
Gelasius and St. Gregory so far as they can be 
ascertained show a gradual approximation to that 
which obtains at the present time. 2 It may further 
be remarked that, as in other points so also in the 
choice of the lessons from Holy Scripture, the 
Western Liturgies show a far closer relationship 
among themselves than with the Eastern rites. 3 

1 " Sed quia nunc interposita est solemnitas sanctorum 
dierum, quibus certas ex Evangelic lectiones oportet re- 
citari, quae ita sunt annuae ut aliae esse non possint," &c. 
(St. Augustine, I.e.) Father Thurston (Lent and Holy 
Week, p. 167) has moreover compiled an interesting table of 
the Lenten liturgical psalmody showing unmistakable traces 
of an originally unbroken sequence. Cf. Cath. Encyl. i. 
581 ft". An article by Dom G. Morin in the Revue Bene 
dictine first, I believe, called attention to this matter. The 
facts seem hardly to square with Dom F. Cabrol s sugges 
tion (Origines Liturgiques, p. 339) that the psalmody was 
chosen to suit the preceding lesson (" II ne faut pas oublier 
que dans ces anciens offices la psalmodie et les lemons sont 
en 6troite connexion "). 

2 Beissel, pp. v., 44. 

3 Beissel, p. vi. On the whole subject see also Fortescue, 
pp. 254 ff. 



HOLY MASS 87 

A word or two may now be said on the relation 
of the collect or collects to the lessons from Holy 
Scripture. It will be noticed, on reference to the 
Roman Missal, that whenever the Gospel is pre 
ceded by more than one lesson, the additional les 
sons, i.e., those which come first, are separated, 
one from another, by a collect. And although, in 
a majority of cases, no special relation in point 
of meaning or purport can be traced between the 
lessons and the collects, yet, whenever such a re 
lation can be traced, it is invariably between the 
collect and the lesson which precedes it, not with 
that which follows it. This is transparently clear 
in the case of the prayer " Deus qui tribus pueris," 
&c. (" O God Who for the three children didst 
temper the fiery flames "), which follows the lesson 
from the third chapter of Daniel on the Ember 
Saturdays. And a similar relation is not less 
plainly evident in the case of several of the Ploly 
Saturday and Whitsun-eve " prophecies " and the 
prayers which severally follow them. 1 

Now these facts suggest a conjecture which may 
perhaps deserve consideration. Was not the Gospel, 
and perhaps also the Epistle, originally followed, 

1 Here one may cordially agree with Dom Cabrol when 
he writes (pp. 339, 340): " Les collectes . . . surtout sem- 
blent la plupart du temps dependantes d une priere litanique, 
d une lecture ou d une psaume qu elles ont pour mission de 
comple ter ou de commenter " (italics mine). And (re 
ferring back to a previous note) it is probable enough that 
one of the causes which led to the break-up of the original 
continuity of the liturgical psalmody was precisely the de 
sire to choose appropriate rather than merely successive 
psalms. 



S& HOLY MASS 

likewise, by a collect? For such a sequel to the 
Epistle there is, it must be confessed, no trust 
worthy evidence available. 1 But in the case of the 
Gospel the question might almost seem superfluous, 
inasmuch as the word " Oremus," immediately fol 
lowing the Gospel (or, rather, the Credo, which is 
however of relatively late introduction) to this day 
bears witness to the fact that something has here 
been omitted. For, as matters now stand, the in 
vitation to pray is followed by no specific prayer, 
but by the " OfTertorium," originally a psalm, 
which with its antiphon was not recited by the cele 
brant at all. Nevertheless, it is not quite clear 
what was the nature of the omitted prayer. Was 
it a single prayer of somewhat secondary import 
ance, like the " Oratio super sindonem," which 
occurs precisely here in the Ambrosian rite? Or 
was it a series of intercessory petitions, identical 
perhaps, or all but identical, with those which fol 
low the Gospel on Good Friday? Or is it possible 
that a twofold change has here taken place, viz., 
first the substitution of a single prayer, no other 
than the principal collect of the Mass, for the series 
of petitions aforesaid, and then the transference 
of this principal collect from its original place 
to its present position? 

That this last hypothesis, with allowance for the 

1 The Stowe Missal has a collect after the Epistle (Probst, 
p. 46, MacCarthy, p. 198), or rather, it has twd, one in 
the first hand, the other added (perhaps for alternative use) 
by Moel Caich; which at least shows the persistence of the 
usage in Ireland. But it is not safe to draw conclusions from 
the unsupported testimony of this somewhat wayward MS. 
The St. Gall fragment is not available for comparison here. 






HOLY MASS 89 

inevitable crudeness of a too compendious state 
ment, is the true one, several indications conspire, 
if I mistake not, to render at least highly probable. 
First of all, it is beyond doubt that the " precea 
solemnes," as we may conveniently call the Good 
Friday collects with their invitatories, were, in pre- 
Gregorian and pre-Gelasian days, chanted on many 
other occasions besides the one on which they have 
survived. For this we have the all but explicit 
testimony of Celestine I., and of the author of 
the fifth-century tract, " de Vocatione Gentium," 
who plainly allude to them as in common use. 1 
On the whole I am strongly inclined to believe 
that a somewhat complex change has here taken 
place. If we may trust the analogy of the Eastern 
rites, this was the original position of the litany, that 
" lesser litany," originally a deacon s litany, of 
which something has been said in chapter VI., and 
which was followed by " the prayer or prayers of 
the faithful." 2 This latter prayer (or prayers), in- 

1 " Obsecrationum quoquc sacerdotalium sacramenta rc- 
spiciamus quae ab apostolis tradita . . . uniformiter cele- 
brantur, ut legem credendi lex statuat supplicandi. Cum 
enim sanctarum plebium praesules mandata sibimet lega- 
tione fungantur, . . . postulant et precantur, ut infideli- 
bus donetur fides, ut idolotrae . . . liberentur erroribus, ut Ju- 
daeis . . . lux veritatis appareat, ut haeretici . . . resipis- 
cant, ut schismatic! spiritum . . . caritatis accipiant, ut lap- 
sis paenitentiae remedia conf erantur, ut denique catechumenis 
. . . misericordiae aula reseretur " (Celest. Ep. xxi. 1 1, 
P.L. 1. 535; cf. De Vocat. Gentium i. 12, apud Probst, 
AbendL M. p. 1 1 8, note i). 

2 Brightman, pp. 9 ff., 38 ff., I59f., 223 ff., 2646". In the 
Byzantine rite the litany survives before " the prayer of the 
catechumens " but seems to have fallen out before the 
prayers of the faithful (ibid. pp. 275, &c.). 



90 HOLY MASS 

variable in the East, gave place, in the Western 
rites, to the variable collect. And finally both the 
litany and the prayer or prayers which followed it 
were transferred either simultaneously or succes 
sively to the present position of the Kyrie and the 
collect. I suspect moreover that the litany, in its 
more or less primitive form, underwent a twofold 
development, viz., (i), in its original position into 
the " orationes solemnes " now recited only on 
Good Friday, and (2), in its transferred position, 
into the longer processional litany known as the 
" litaniae majores," popularly called " the litany 
of the saints." 

That, moreover, the collect was in fact trans 
ferred from its original place after the Gospel to 
its present position may be inferred with a high 
degree of probability from two independent con 
siderations, viz., (i) that in the Gallican liturgy., 
whose Roman origin is here assumed, the place 
of the principal collect (" collectio sequitur ") was 
undoubtedly not before the lessons but after the 
Gospel, and (2) the plain statement of the " Liber 
Pontificalis," that down to Celestine s time the ser 
vice began with the reading of the lessons. 1 Nor 
is it difficult to divine a motive for the transfer 
ence. For when, in course of time, the dismissal 

1 The " preces pro populo " are placed after the Gospel 
by St. Germanus (P.L. Ixxii. 92). And the " Sacramen- 
tarium Gallicanum " or Bobbio Missal invariably places the 
lessons before the collect, even in the " Missa cottidiana 
Romensis " with which the MS. begins. (P.L., ibid. 451 ff.). 



HOLY MASS 91 

of the catechumens fell into disuse, and the " Mass 
of the Catechumens " thereby ceased to have a 
distinct existence as such, there would no longer 
be any reason for postponing the principal collect 
to so late a point in the service; and its trans 
ference to the more prominent position which it 
now holds might well seem congruous and natural. 
To cut down superfluities was, as sundry indica 
tions show, one of the aims of Roman, i.e. Papal, 
liturgical reformers. It is however possible that 
the * transference " took place by two stages, viz. 
( i ) by the addition of a collect before the lessons, 
and (2) by the omission of the collect after the 
Gospel, as now superfluous. In this case the Am- 
brosian rite, which has the principal collect before 
the lessons, but keeps a minor collect, the " Oratio 
super sindonem," after the Gospel, would bear wit 
ness to the intermediate stage; and would afford 
an interesting example of " arrested development." 
That a somewhat analogous change was made, at 
an early date, in the position of the Pax in the 
Roman liturgy, and that this change was probably 
due to similar reasons, will be seen in a later 
chapter. 

In a later chapter, also, something further will 
be said about the gradual. As regards the Creed, 
it must suffice to say, here, ( i ) that it was intro 
duced into the Eastern liturgies in the fourth cen 
tury, as a protest against current heresies, but that 
its position varied in the various rites; (2) that it 
was introduced into the Gallican liturgy in 510; 



92 HOLY MASS 

but (3) that the Roman Church, on the ground that 
it had never been affected with heresy, did not 
introduce it into the Mass till a much later date, 
possibly not till 1014, when the Emperor Henry 
III. is said to have persuaded Benedict VIII. to 
make the innovation.- The date, however, though 
very positively affirmed by Berno of Reichenau, 
cannot be regarded as quite certain. 1 

1 Bona, II. viii. 2; Fortescue, p. 288. 



CHAPTER VIII. 
THE OFFERTORY. 

BY the " Offertory " of the Mass, in a broad and 
somewhat popular sense of the term yet one that 
is recognized by Bona and other writers of re 
pute may here be understood all that is said 
and done between the conclusion of the Gospel, 
or Creed, or homily, as the case may be, and the 
commencement of the Preface. As a whole, the 
Offertory plainly pertains to the sacrificial portion 
of the Mass, of which it forms a kind of prepara 
tory section, its nucleus or kernel being the pre 
paration of the " oblata," i.e., of the unconse- 
crated elements. In the Byzantine liturgy, and to 
a less extent in the other Eastern rites, this prepar 
ation has been developed into a somewhat ela 
borate service, the Prothesis or Proskomide, which 
not only precedes the liturgy proper, but, when the 
full ceremonial of a pontifical function is observed 
is (or was) carried out by a deputy or assistant 
priest at " the altar of the prothesis." Dr. For- 
tescue apparently overlooks this quite characteristic 
feature of the prothesis, a feature doubtless often 
or even commonly omitted (just as many cere 
monies of High Mass are omitted in a low Mass), 
and one which may even have passed into desue 
tude, but which was certainly once observed. " On 
this point the Byzantine liturgists are explicit and 
unanimous. From one to another, with merely ver- 



94 HOLY MASS 

bal variations, they hand down the statement of the 
fact, accompanied with the traditional symbolic 
interpretation. The service of the prothesis, they 
say, symbolises the time of the ministry of 
St. John the Baptist, while our Lord was as yet 
hidden, and the deputy celebrant represents the 
Precursor whom the Messiah sent before His face 
to prepare His way. 1 When Dr. Fortescue writes 
that " in the East there is no Introit," and that 
" there is no procession of Entrance because the 
celebrant and his ministers are already in church 
when the service begins," his words most 
probably reflect, correctly enough, the current 
usage, but they certainly do not describe that of the 
palmy days of the Byzantine liturgy. There un 
questionably is, or was, an introit, " eisodikon," 
sung at the " procession of entrance," sometimes 
called " the little entrance." And moreover, " the 
celebrant and his ministers " are, or were, not al 
ready in church," but outside in the narthex; and 
what is more, all the congregation were there too, 
till the entrance of the bishop. 2 Brightman defines 
"The Little Entrance" as "the entrance of the bishop, 
after vesting in the narthex during the enarxis, 
with the people from the narthex into the church. 3 
In the pontifical Mass, the bishop still first inter 
venes at this point, being fetched from the nave 

1 Lucas, in Dublin Review, April, 1893, p. 283, where full 
references are given. 

2 Dublin Review , I.e., pp. 289 ff. But see Fortescue, p. 298, 
Brightman, p. 367. 

3 The " enarxis " is a short service which followed the pro- 
thesis. 



HOLY MASS 95 

by the presbyters and deacons, a deacon carrying 
the Gospel." It is, however, a kind of misnomer, 
though of old standing, to call it " the entrance of 
the Gospel," inasmuch as on certain occasions the 
Gospel is not carried. It is the entrance of the 
bishop, preceded usually, but not always, by the 
Gospel. " In the absence of the bishop the pro 
cession ... is still made," from the altar by the 
north aisle and " back to the altar by the holy 
doors." The case is precisely analogous to that of 
a modern compared with an ancient procession. 
Originally as Father Thurston has somewhere said, 
a procession implied a place to proceed from, and 
another place to which the procession was made. 
In its modern and sadly shrunken form it is often 
no more than a circuit, starting from the altar and 
returning to the same spot. To sum up, "returning 
to the same spot," there is an introit in the Eastern 
liturgies, and the prothesis or anticipatory offering 
of the elements is carried out before it by a priest 
of rank inferior to that of the pontificating bishop. 
A very short preliminary service analogous to the 
prothesis and preceding the introit is prescribed 
in an interesting liturgical tract appended to the 
Stowe Missal. 1 And a somewhat similar usage is 
observed in the Mozarabic rite, and by the Domini 
cans at Low Mass. But there is, I believe, no 
thing at all to show that anything answering to 
the Byzantine prothesis ever had a place in the 

1 MacCarthy, pp. 245 ff. (nos. 4 6). Another recension 
oi the same, from the Lebar Breac, ibid. pp. 259 ff. (nos. 
4, 6). 



96 HOLY MASS 

Roman rite, with which we are here chiefly con 
cerned." 1 

The history of the offertory in the Roman Mass 
is somewhat complicated, and on many points so 
obscure that we are to some extent reduced to the 
necessity of employing the not very satisfactory 
method of probable conjecture. For present pur 
poses the subject must needs be very briefly treated. 
One thing at any rate is certain, viz., that the of 
fertory, as we know it, is the result of a twofold 
process, first of abbreviation and then of expan 
sion. There can be no reasonable doubt that the 
interval between the Gospel (or homily or Creed) 
and the Preface was, at least on more solemn oc 
casions, to a great extent occupied by two cere 
monies which, so far as every- day practice is con 
cerned, have completely disappeared from the 
Mass as we know it. One of these consisted in 
the successive dismissals of catechumens and peni 
tents, with accompanying prayers; the other (al 
ready mentioned in the foregoing chapter) in the 
prayers for all orders of the Church and for " all 
sorts and conditions of men," heretics, schismatics, 
unbelievers, &c., whether in the form of a litany 
followed by a collect, or in that of the " orationes 
solemnes " which are still recited on Good Friday. 2 

1 " In all Eastern rites and in the Gallican ... a later 
practice grew up of preparing (and offering) the gifts before 
the liturgy begins. Rome alone kept the primitive custom 
... of preparing them at this point, when they were about 
to be consecrated. The other practice is certainly later " 
(Fortescue, I.e.). 

2 See above, chapter vii. 



HOLY MASS 97 

At how early a date the dismissal of catechumens 
and penitents passed into disuse it is impossible 
to say with any approach to accuracy, the more so 
because of the great variety of local custom. It 
seems clear, however, that whereas in the days of 
persecution such a dismissal at all Masses was a 
matter of necessity, in the course of the fourth 
century the ecclesiastical discipline as regards cate 
chumens was more thoroughly systematised, the 
holy season of Lent (Quadragesima), and to a less 
extent, that of Paschal time ( Quinquagesima, as it 
was often called) being set aside for their instruc 
tion. Hence, in the Gelasianum and in the seventh 
of the " Ordines Romani," which seems to be pre- 
Gregorian, we find elaborate and very interesting 
directions for the * Scrutinies " or examination of 
candidates for baptism, who are, moreover, 
throughout described as children. It is at least pos 
sible that the baptism of adult converts took place 
after private instructions, at Pentecost. The public 
" scrutinies " were held in successive weeks of 
Lent; special days being appointed for the suc 
cessive ceremonies pertaining to them. But indeed 
the whole subject of the catechumenate is of suffi 
cient interest to justify, by way of digression, a 
rather lengthy quotation from Father Thurston s 
admirable work on the ceremonies of Lent and 
Holy Week. It will be seen that his observations 
are in large measure concerned with the reminis 
cences of ancient usage which still survive in the 
rite of baptism, no longer carried out, as formerly, 
in close connection with the Mass. He writes: 

H 



98 HOLY MASS 

" For modern Catholics, to whom the word bap 
tism recalls no other picture than that of a tiny 
infant beside the font in the arms of its godmother, 
it requires an effort of the imagination to conceive 
how much was done in the early Church to invest 
this rite of Christian initiation with every sort of 
solemnity. 1 

" Complete illumination, to use a word which 
was technically employed in the Eastern Church as 
almost a synonym for baptism, was only imparted 
after two years preparation and by slow degrees. 
At every stage the catechumen was wisely made 
to feel the unspeakable value of that which was 
being conferred on him in his admission into the 
Church of Christ. At every stage he was tested 
to see whether he were really worthy of the 
privileges of worship; and during the last three 
weeks of his catechumenate some little ceremony 
was gone through almost every other day, making 
an advance towards the climax of that wonderful 
Easter vigil when at last took place the triple im 
mersion in the newly consecrated water, and the 
sacramental words were spoken which washed away 
all his sins and invested him with the spotless robe 
of sanctifying grace. . . . There was in the first 
place a formal admission to the catechumenate, 
now principally represented in the baptismal 
ritual by the ceremonies which take place at the 

1 It is not, however, to be supposed that all the ceremonies 
described by Father Thurston formed part of a primitive 
liturgical usage. In their fullest development they are, I 
believe, to be ascribed to the fourth and fifth centuries. 



HOLY MASS 99 

church door before the adult candidate is led into 
the baptistery .... Then after the third Sunday in 
Lent, those who during the past two years or more 
had given satisfaction and had profited by the 
instructions given, were elevated to the dignity of 
electi (chosen ones), or competentes (fel 
low candidates), and during this last stage of 
their preparation they went through a ritual which 
appears in a condensed form in the second portion 
of our present baptismal service. . . . We may 
note in particular the solemn delivery and recital 
of the Creed in several parts of the world the 
4 Pater Noster, a portion of the Gospel, and two 
of the psalms were formally imparted in the same 
way and after that the renunciation of the 
devil." 1 

In the Gelasianum we find special insertions 
made in the Canon of the Mass on behalf of the 
candidates and their godparents, similar to those 
which are still made, on behalf of the newly bap 
tised, in the Masses of Holy Saturday and Whitsun- 
eve as well as throughout Easter week and Whitsun 
week. A reminiscence of the ancient practice may 
also be found in the lessons read on the Wednes 
day of the fourth week of Lent, which all have 
reference either to cleansing or to " illumination " 
or both. The first is from Ezechiel, and contains 
the words: " I will pour upon you clean water, 
and ye shall be cleansed from all your filthiness" ; 
and in the second, from Isaiah, we read: " If your 

1 Thurston, Lent and Holy Week, pp. 170 ff. 






100 HOLY MASS 

sins be as scarlet they shall be made white as 
snow : and if they be red as crimson they shall be 
white as wool." 1 The Gospel recounts the healing 
of the man who had been blind from his birth, 
and was bidden to wash in the pool of Siloe or 
Siloam. 2 

It seems almost incredible that the candidates 
should not have been allowed to remain in the 
church for the reading of the Gospel, and for the 
homily which doubtless followed it. Yet the 
rubrics of the seventh " Ordo Romanus " clearly 
prescribe the dismissal of the catechumens before 
the Gospel. This, however, I suspect to have been 
the result of an innovation on the earlier practice, 
and one which did not permanently hold its 
ground. Its origin admits of a ready explanation. 
If the Creed and the " Pater Noster " were to be 
solemnly delivered to the candidate, why not the 
Gospel also? We have already seen, in the passage 
quoted above, that a " delivery of the Gospels " 
did, at least locally and at some period, form part 
of the ritual of the catechumenate. It is, in fact, 
elaborately provided for, under the title of " aperi- 
tio aurium the opening of the ears," both in the 
Gelasianum and in the seventh Ordo. It took 
place on the Wednesday in what we now call Pas 
sion Week, when, in presence of the candidate, 



1 Ezech. xxxvi. 25; Isai. i. 18. 

2 St. John, ix. i 38. This, however, is not the Gospel 
assigned to the day in question in the seventh " Ordo Ro 
manus " nor is the lesson from Isaiah there found. (P.L. 
Ixxviii. 996). 



HOLY MASS ior 

the initial sections of St. Matthew, St. Mark, St. 
Luke and St. John, respectively, were read by four 
deacons from four separate books previously laid 
on the altar. 1 That the practice, however pic 
turesque and in some respects appropriate, was 
regarded as an innovation, may fairly, I think, be 
inferred from the fact that it was disapproved and 
condemned by more than one provincial or local 
council. 2 

The mention of these details might well seem 
irrevelant to the subject of the present chapter, 
were it not that a quite overwhelming mass of at 
least circumstantial evidence goes to show that, 
originally, the dismissal of the catechumens took 
place after the Gospel, i.e., at that point in the lit 
urgy with which we are here concerned. As regards 
the final " passing " of the custom, Bona observes 
that no trace of it is to be found in documents of 
later date than A.D. 700, nor is it mentioned, even 
by way of reminiscence, in the numerous mediaeval 
tracts or treatises in the Mass. To put the lowest 
limit at 700 or thereabouts seems, however, to 
savour of excessive caution, and Dr. Fortescue is 
probably right in saying that the dismissals had 
become obsolete a century earlier, viz., in the time 
of St. Gregory the Great, unless, indeed, it was he 
who gave its quietus to this ritual. No provision 
is made for "scrutinies" in the Gregorianum ; 
and the survival of the warning " si quis cate- 

1 P.L. Ixxiv. 1087 f. ; Ixxviii. 997; Wilson, The Gelasian 
Sacramentary, pp. 50 ff. 

2 Cf. Probst, Abend! . Messe, p. 121. 



102 HOLY MASS 

chumenus, recedat " ("if there be any catechumen 
here, let him retire ") in the Holy Saturday ritual 
prescribed in the post-Gregorian " Ordo Romanus 
I." was probably no more than a mere formality. 
I do not know on what grounds Dr. Fortescue 
dates the disappearance of the " orationes solem- 
nes " or " prayers of the faithful " at about the 
same time. " They seem," he says, " to have 
shared the fate of the prayers for catechumens 
when the discipline of the catechumenate came to 
an end." 1 Is not this rather in the nature of a con 
venient rather than a well-grounded conjecture? 
There is no trace of these prayers in the Gelasi- 
anum except on Good Friday, and although one or 
two MSS. of the Gregorianum prescribe their use 
on the Wednesday in Holy Week, they form no part 
of the Mass for that day. On the contrary, it is 
clearly prescribed that they are to be recited some 
hours before Mass. 2 The argument from silence 
against the common use of these prayers in 
the time of St. Gelasius would seem to be 
of precisely the same kind as that from the 
silence of the Gregorianum with reference to the 
dismissals. As, however, they seem to have been 
in use in the time of St. Celestine, we are shut 
down to a period of about seventy years (430 
500) as that during which they fell into desuetude. 
Their disappearance, it may be observed, is more 
easily accounted for if it be borne in mind that, 
as has been pointed out in chapter i., there is no 

*P. 294. 

Z P.L. Ixxxviii 80 f. Cf. Ebner, Quellen, usw., p. 213. 



HOLY MASS 103 

evidence to show that they ever had a place in all 
Masses without exception, and that in all proba 
bility it was only on more solemn occasions, and 
more especially in penitential seasons, that they took 
the place of the " lesser litany " with its collect. 
Or if, with Probst, Duchesne, Fortescue and others, 
we adopt the hypothesis that their use was more 
frequent than I am disposed to believe, then we 
may also accept the further hypothesis, put for 
ward by the first-named writer, that, as the ec 
clesiastical calendar of feast-days was gradually 
developed, and as in the Western Church it more 
and more powerfully affected the liturgy, the 
lengthy " orationes " were, by degrees, more and 
more frequently displaced in favour of the festal 
or dominical collect. 1 How and why the collect 
came to be transferred to its present position is a 
question that has been dealt with in the foregoing 
chapter. 

And now the question remains whether, in the 
Roman rite, the " nomina offerentium," i.e., the 
announcement of the names of those who had made 
offerings for the Holy Sacrifice, or of benefactors 
in general, were, in the fourth century, read during 
this portion of the Mass. That such was the case in 
the early Gallican rite is I think beyond reasonable 

1 Probst, Abendl. Messe, p. i 19. His contention that the 
" orationes " continued to be said in the " Missa cottidiana ro- 
mensis " has no support from the Gallican books, which 
(strange to say) alone, with the Stowe Missal, give this 
Mass. The " Deprecatio S. Martini " which the Stowe Missal 
places between the Epistle and the Gospel would seem to be 
a specimen of the " lesser litany." 



104 HOLY MASS 

doubt. For the title " collectio post nomina " oc 
curring passim in the Gallican books, together with 
the contents of many of the prayers themselves, 
sufficiently indicate that not only distinguished 
personages but particular individuals were named. 
Now the Gallican usage is most easily explaind 
on the supposition that it was derived, ultimately, 
from Rome. And moreover, although the " ora- 
tiones solemnes," and the litany which, as is here 
assumed, often took their place, were in themselves 
distinct from the reading of the diptychs or " re 
cital of fhe names " in question, the latter would 
very naturally and appropriately be attached to 
them. Thirdly, certain abuses in connection with 
the reading of the names against which St. Jerome 
inveighs in a passage to be quoted later, can be 
more easily accounted for if the names were read 
at the offertory, than if they had, in his day, found 
a place in the Canon of the Mass. 1 And fourthly, 
an apt occasion for the transfer of the diptychs 
to the Canon might well have been afforded by. 
the disuse, except on special occasions, of the 
" orationes solemnes," and by the transfer of the 
litany, to which (ex hypothesi) they had been at 
tached. 2 The subject will be again dealt with in 
the chapters on the Canon. 

1 See vol. ii. 

2 A fifth reason might be found in the prayer " Suscipe 
S. Trinitas " (the last before the secreta), which is, in fact, 
a slightly modified Gallican prayer "post nomina" (Cabrol, 
Diet, de UArch. Chr. i. 606), were it not that this prayer, in 
stead of being a genuine survival from an earlier form of 
the Roman rite, seems to be rather in the nature of a later 



HOLY MASS 105 

Another rite which unquestionably had its ori 
ginal place towards the close of the Offertory, still 
using the term in its broad sense, was the giving 
of the kiss of peace. This is its position in all 
the liturgies, Eastern and Western, with the sole 
exception of the Roman; and it is all but im 
possible to doubt that this single exception is due 
to a transfer of the Pax from the position which it 
once held in the Roman liturgy likewise. This 
question will likewise be dealt with in a subsequent 
chapter. 

But besides the dismissals, the " orationes " or 
litany, and the Pax, the offertory, as its name de 
notes, had for its central and essential element the 
bringing up of gifts or offerings for the Holy Sacri 
fice. Not, primarily at least, the offering of the 
gifts to God by the celebrant, but their presentation 
to the celebrant by the faithful. The gifts thus 
offered would seem to have been, in the first in 
stance, bread and wine alone ; then the custom 
crept in of offering other things as well, whether 
for the service of the church or for the support of 
the clergy or for the poor. Hence the necessity 
of regulations to the effect that nothing was to 
be offered, during Holy Mass, except bread and 
wine. Offerings of oil on Maundy Thursday, and 
of the first-fruits of the harvest and the vintage, 
either on certain specified days or when the season 

insertion from a Gallican source. Any references to the 
above-named work (not now accessible) are taken from 
notes on a single article, on the liturgy of the African Church, 
made some years ago. 



106 HOLY MASS 

made them possible, were, however, permitted by 
various local regulations; and finally the making 
of a " collection," in the form with which we are 
all familiar, took the place of the older offerings in 
kind. 1 

The mediaeval rite, as carried out in Rome, may 
be thus briefly described. After the Creed, the 
pontiff or the celebrating bishop, attended by the 
sacred ministers, descended to the " senatorium," 
or as we might say to the altar-rail, to receive 
the offerings of the faithful, who presented their 
loaves " in fanonibus," i.e., wrapped in linen 
cloths. Strictly speaking, the Pope received only 
the offerings of the nobility ("principum"). Those 
of the rest of the faithful were received by the 
bishop who was on weekly duty (" episcopus heb- 
domadarius "). The loaves were placed on a large 
extended linen cloth held by two acolytes. The 
wine was offered in flasks (" amulae "), from which 
it was poured by the archdeacon into a large 
chalice carried by the sub- deacon. This, in its 
turn, when it became full, was emptied into a larger 
two-handled vessel carried by acolytes. Mean 
while the " schola " or choir sang the " Offer- 
torium." This originally consisted, like the in- 
troit, of a complete psalm with its antiphons 
("cum versibus "), or of such a portion of the 
psalm as was sufficient to occupy the time con 
sumed in receiving the offerings. These were then 
brought to the altar, the celebrant washed his 
i Bona, II. viii. 4 ff. 



HOLY MASS 107 

hands, the deacon selected what was needed for 
the sacrifice about to be offered, and, after the 
" Orate, Fratres," the secreta was recited while the 
choir finished the offertorium. 1 Of this lengthy 
ceremonial, which was in use on solemn occasions 
more than a thousand years ago, a curious survival 
may probably have been witnessed by some of my 
readers at Milan. Here offerings of bread and 
wine are brought to the sanctuary gates by ten 
old men (" vecchioni "), and the wine and water 
by ten aged women, on behalf of the congregation, 
and are there received by the deacon. 2 It may be 
added that, in Rome itself, and wherever the Ro 
man rite is observed, there is a somewhat similar 
ceremonial presentation of bread, wine and water, 
on occasion of the consecration of a bishop ; while, 
on the still more solemn occasion when a sain,t is 
to be canonized, a procession of clerics enters the 
sanctuary, bearing not these elements alone, but 
candles and other symbolical gifts. 3 



1 Ordines Romani, i. 13 f. t ii. 9 f-> ui - 1 2 ff - 
Ixxviii. 948 f., 972 f., 980 f.). For further details and 
interesting observations cf. Bona, II. ix. i; Fortescue, p. 
299. 

2"Wickham Legg (Ecclesiological Essays, p. 53) says 
that these offerings are not now used at the Mass actually 
in course ot celebration, but at some later one " ( Jenner, in 
Caih. Encycl. i. 401 B). Dr. Fortescue presumably has 
good authority for saying that the custom described above 
is " a foreign interpolation " in the Ambrosian rite (p. 300). 

3 Among these gifts are a pair of doves in a cage, and 
another cage containing song-birds which in due course are 
liberated, and which symbolize, as they do in the frescoes 



108 HOLY MASS 

It is to be noticed that no other prayer, except 
the secreta, is prescribed for this portion of the 
service, either in the Gregorianum or in the Roman 
Ordines. And, indeed, it seems clear that no other 
prayers were in fact recited, except perhaps as a 
matter of private devotion, during the performance 
of what Anglican writers term " the manual acts " 
connected with the reception and immediate pre 
paration of the oblata. 

To such practices of private devotion, to the 
operation of the principle of " the survival of the 
fittest," and to those Gallican influences which in 
more than one particular so powerfully affected 
the Roman rite, must be ascribed the gradual es 
tablishment of the existing series of offertory 
prayers, first as a matter of custom and then as 
part of the prescribed " Ordo," or, as we call it, 
the " Ordinary" of the Mass. These prayers are 
six in number, exclusively of the psalm " Lavabo," 1 
and of the blessing of the incense and the invoca 
tions used during the act of censing the oblata and 
the altar. They are (i) " Suscipe sancte Pater," 
&c., at the offering of the unconsecrated host; 
(2) " Deus qui humanae substantiae," &c., at the 

of the Catacombs, the happy spirits of the Blessed. The 
present writer had the honour to take part in this function 
on occasion of the canonization of SS. Peter Claver, John 
Berchmans, Alphonsus Rodriguez, S.J., and of the Seven 
Founders of the Servite Order. Leo XIII. on that occasion, 
I believe, ordered that the little birds should not be liberated 
within the building, as there they would starve. 
1 Ps. xxv. 



HOLY MASS 109 

blessing of the water; (3) " Offerimus," &c., at the 
offering of the chalice, where the plural number 
indicates what is sometimes forgotten that the 
prayer should be said by the deacon together with 
the celebrant; (4) " In spiritu humilitatis," &c. ; 
(5) " Veni Sanctificator," &c. ; and (6) " Suscipe 
sancta Trinitas," &c. Now it only needs a little 
attention to see that not only is the general purport 
of these prayers identical with that of certain por 
tions of the Canon, but that they anticipate some 
of its very expressions. This is more particularly 
the case with the prayer ** Suscipe sancta Trini 
tas," with its commemoration of the passion, re 
surrection and ascension, and of the saints. And 
this fact alone should be sufficient to make us sus 
pect the unofficial and even the non-Roman 
origin of these items. For such mere repeti 
tions are not in accordance with what has been 
described as the " austere simplicity " and the 
strict phraseological economy which is character 
istic of thoroughly Roman compositions; and it is 
not surprising to find that most of these prayers 
can be traced back to Gallican sources. 1 As illus 
trating what has been said about " the survival of 
the fittest," these words of Bona may be worth 
quoting. The prayers which are said at the offer 
tory vary [or varied] in various churches, since, as 
the Roman Church for a long while did not employ 
them," i.e., had no prescribed prayers for this part 
of the service, " each church adopted its own." 

1 For details see Fortescue, pp. 305 ff. 



i io HOLY MASS 

The prayer " Deus qui humanae substantiae " is, 
as Cabrol has observed, a Roman collect borrowed 
for its present purpose. 1 The statement, however, 
that the offertory prayers are mainly of Gallican 
origin, must not be taken to mean that in their se 
quence and purport they represent corresponding 
portions of the Gallican liturgy, but only that, taken 
singly, they originated for the most part " north of 
the Alps." 2 At any rate, whatever their proven 
ance, there can be no question as to their beauty, 
and no one will now grudge the repetitions which, 
in combination with the Roman Canon, they in 
volve. Dr. Fortescue has well said of these 
and other liturgical accretions to an earlier and 
structurally simpler rite: " If one may ven 
ture a criticism of these additions from an aes 
thetic point of view, it is that they are exceedingly 
happy . . . The Eastern and Gallican rites are 
too florid for our taste and too long. The few 
non-Roman elements in our Mass take nothing 
from its dignity, and yet give it enough variety 
and reticent devotion to make it most beautiful." 3 
If, moreover, it be allowable to suggest a thought 
which carries us a step beyond what is actually 
expressed in these prayers, we may suitably ask, 
at this point of the Mass, that as the bread and 
wine are to be changed into the Body and Blood 
of Christ, our hearts, too, may be changed into 
the likeness of His. And in this connection we 

1 Bona, II. ix. 2; Cabrol, Origines, p. 110 f. 

2 Fortescue, p. 183. 
s P. 184. 



HOLY MASS in 

may well invoke the intercession of our Lady. As 
the child s hymn has it: 

Now, at Thy altar, bread and wine, 
Thy priest doth offer; Thou, O Lord 

Wilt change them, by Thy power divine 
To Flesh and Blood, at Thine own word. 

At Mary s prayer, dear Jesus, Thou 
Didst change the water into wine; 

O take my heart, and change it now 
That it may be more like to Thine. 



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