Full text of "The House of Lyme from its foundation to the end of the eighteenth century"

See other formats

THE HOUSE OF LYME

THE NATIONAL HISTORY OF FRANCE

With an Introduction by
JOHN EDWARD COURTENAY BODLEY

(Corresponding Member of the Institute of France)
Each Volume demy 8vo, price 75. 6d. net

THE MIDDLE AGES

By FR. FUNCK-BRENTANO
THE CENTURY OF THE RENAISSANCE

By L. BATIFFOL
THE GREAT CENTURY

By JACQUES BOULENGER
THE XVIIlTH CENTURY

By CASIMIR STRYIENSKI
THE FRENCH REVOLUTION

By Louis MADELIN
THE CONSULATE AND THE EMPIRE

By Louis MADELIN

THE GREATNESS AND DECLINE OF ROME

By GUGLIELMO FERRERO
Each Volume demy 8vo, price 6s. net

THE EMPIRE BUILDERS, 450-59 B.C.

JULIUS CESAR, 58-44 B.C.

THE FALL OF AN ARISTOCRACY, 44-37 B.C.

ROME AND EGYPT, 37-22 B.C.

THE REPUBLIC OF AUGUSTUS, 21 B.C.-A.D. 14

LONDON : WILLIAM HEINEMANN

CHARLES I

As he sat in court at his trial
By E. BOWER

From a Picture at Lyme

E HOUSE OF LYME

FROM ITS FOUNDATION TO THE END
OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY

BY THE LADY NEWTON

ILLUSTRATED

LONDON

WILLIAM HEINEMANN

1917

so(,

FiVs^ published March 1917
New Impression June

PRINTED AT THE COMPLETE PRESS

WEST NORWOOD

LONDON

TO MY HUSBAND

PREFATORY NOTE

A LOCAL antiquary of considerable learning, W. Beamont,
printed in 1876, I believe for private circulation, "A History
of the House of Lyme." Although the present work is the
result of researches which are entirely independent, I have not
scrupled to avail myself of Mr. Beamont's monograph, which
was dedicated to my father-in-law, the late William John
Legh, M.P. for South Lancashire and East Cheshire, after-
wards first Lord Newton, whenever we were dealing with
the same documents. I have to thank the executors of
the late Mrs. Beamont for permission to quote from this
work, and from her husband's " History of Warrington "

I have to thank Mr. F. Madan and the authorities of
Brasenose College, Oxford, for permission to quote from
Mr. G. H. Wakeling's " History of Brasenose College, 1603-
1660." Mr. Madan has also given me very kind help in other
ways. The Master of St. John's College, Cambridge, and
Dr. J. Bass Mullinger have very courteously examined for me
the records of their college.

My thanks are also due to Mr. John Henry Master, who is
a direct descendant of Elizabeth Legh, Lady Master, for per-
mission to quote from some of the papers in his possession, and
Major Darby Griffiths — a descendant of the Chicheleys — has
kindly allowed me access to his family papers.

I am indebted to the Dean of Manchester for kindly
granting me permission to make the necessary transcripts from
the Raines MSS. in the Library of Chetham's Hospital, and

* "Warrington in 1465," printed for the Chetham Society, 1849. Edited by
W. Beamont.

vii

PREFATORY NOTE

to Mr. C. W. Sutton and the authorities of the Chetham
Society for a similar service.

The Rev. Edwin Bedford, Rector of St. George the Martyr
Church, Queen Square, has courteously examined for me his
parish registers.

From my friends the present Lord Egerton of Tatton and
the Duchess of Buckingham and Chandos I have received kind
help which is acknowledged in the text.

To my brother-in-law, Sir Edward Ridley, I am indebted
for advice in dealing with the very early history.

Last, but by no means least, my most sincere thanks and
gratitude I owe to my good friend Mr. Edmund Gosse. Without
his never-failing help and encouragement this history would
scarcely have been begun, and would certainly never have
been completed.

E. N.
LYME, CHRISTMAS, 1916

Vlll

CONTENTS

CHAP. PAGE

INTRODUCTION xiii

I. THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE LEGHS i

II. THE HISTORY OF THE HOUSE 22

III. THE BUILDER OF THE HOUSE 31

IV. THE LAST SIR PETER 48
V. LYME UNDER DOROTHY LEGH 77

VI. A LOVE TRAGEDY 99

VII. SIR PETER AND HIS FRIENDS 113

VIII. THE HOUSE UNDER CHARLES I 124

IX. THE LAST DAYS OF SIR PETER 141

X. A MINORITY AT LYME 150

XI. " LITTLE PETER'S " SAD END 164

XII. FRANCIS AND LETTICE LEGH 177

XIII. DURING THE COMMONWEALTH 191

XIV. LYME AT THE RESTORATION 210
XV. RICHARD AND ELIZABETH 217

XVI. DOMESTIC FELICITY 236

XVII. THE THIRD DUTCH WAR 251

XVIII. PENDANTS AND PERIWIGS 261

XIX. THE DUKE OF YORK'S VISIT 277

XX. THE POPISH PLOT 286

XXI. RACING AND GARDENING 304

XXII. POLITICS AND PLOTS 322

CONTENTS

CHAP. PAGE

XXIII. AN INFANT LEGISLATOR . 327

XXIV. DEATH OF RICHARD LEGH 338
XXV. PETER AND FRANCES LEGH 349

XXVI. IMPRISONMENT OF PETER LEGH 360

XXVII. LEONI'S ALTERATIONS 370

XXVIII. DEATH OF OLD MADAM LEGH 383

XXIX. THE SHADOWS CLOSE 388

INDEX 399

ILLUSTRATIONS

To face page

CHARLES I AS HE SAT IN COURT AT HIS TRIAL. By E. BOWER
From a Picture at Lyme Frontispiece

*LYME: NORTH FRONT 24

SIR PIERS LEGH OF LYME, BUILDER OF THE HOUSE, 1572, MT. 59 34

From a Portrait at Lyme

MARGARET, WIDOW OF SIR PIERS LEGH, WITH HER GREAT-
GRANDDAUGHTER ANNE LEGH, AFTERWARDS MRS. BOLD,

1595 44

From a Portrait at Lyme

SIR PETER LEGH OF LYME AS A YOUNG MAN, JET. 28 48

From a Portrait at Lyme

MARGARET GERARD, FIRST WIFE OF SIR PETER LEGH OF LYME.

By MARCUS GHEERAERTS 52

From a Portrait at Lyme

fLYME : PART OF THE DRAWING-ROOM 54

fLYME: THE STAG PARLOUR 56

SIR PETER LEGH OF LYME, &T. 40 70

From a Portrait at Lyme

JTOMB OF MARGARET, LADY LEGH, IN ALL SAINTS' CHURCH,

FULHAM 76

DOROTHY BRERETON, 1615, SECOND WIFE OF SIR PETER LEGH.

By MARCUS GHEERAERTS 80

From a Portrait at Lyme

DOROTHY BRERETON DURING HER FIRST WIDOWHOOD ; AFTER-
WARDS SECOND WIFE OF SIR PETER LEGH OF LYME.
By ZUCCARO 84

From a Portrait at Lyme

FACSIMILE OF A LETTER FROM SIR PETER LEGH TO HIS CHAP-
LAIN, 1591 114

PETER LEGH, 1636, KILLED IN A DUEL, 1641-42 126

From a Portrait at Lyme

SIR PETER LEGH OF LYME, 1631, &T. 68 132

From a Miniature at Lyme

* By permission of Messrs. Grundy, photographers, Manchester,
f By permission of the Editor of Country Life.
I By the courtesy of the Vicar.

ILLUSTRATIONS

To face page

DR. THOMAS LEGH. By HOSKINS, 1631 132

From a Miniature at Lyme

LETTICE CALVELEY, WIFE OF DR. THOMAS LEGH 160

From a Portrait at Lyme

fLYME: CHIMNEYPIECE IN THE STONE PARLOUR 182

fLYME: ENTRANCE 194

RICHARD LEGH OF LYME, 1660. By Sir PETER LELY 218

From a Portrait at Lyme
ELIZABETH CHICHELEY, WIFE OF RICHARD LEGH OF LYME.

By Sir PETER LELY 226

From a Portrait at Lyme

REAR-ADMIRAL SIR JOHN CHICHELEY 236

From a Portrait at Lyme

RICHARD LEGH OF LYME. By COOPER— about 1670 266

From a Miniature at Lyme

MRS. RICHARD LEGH. By COOPER, about 1670 266

From a Miniature at Lyme

LYME: NORTH FRONT, AT THE END OF THE SEVENTEENTH

CENTURY 278

From an oil-painting at Lyme

LYME: VIEW FROM THE DUTCH GARDEN 282

LYME: EAST FRONT 316

fLYME: ENTRANCE TO THE COURTYARD 340

fLYME : WEST SIDE OF THE COURTYARD 340

fLYME : PART OF THE SALOON SHOWING CARVING BY GRINLING

GIBBONS 342

PETER LEGH OF LYME, 1702. By Sir GODFREY KNELLER 356

From a Portrait at Lyme

FRANCES LEGH OF BRUCH, 1705, WIFE OF PETER LEGH OF LYME.

By Sir GODFREY KNELLER 364

From a Portrait at Lyme

LYME: SOUTH FRONT 370

fLYME : THE HALL, SHOWING MORTLAKE TAPESTRIES 372

A VIEW IN THE PARK AT LYME SHOWING " THE CAGE " 388
From an oil-painting at Lyme by T. SMITH, 1 745

MENU OF A DINNER AT LYME, 1778 page 393

MAP OF PARTS OF LANCASHIRE AND CHESHIRE

PEDIGREE OF LEGH OF LYME

By permission of the Editor of Country Life.

Xll

INTRODUCTION

THE idea of writing the history of this wonderful old house
and its owners came to me after the discovery which I made
some years ago of a large quantity of papers tied up in bundles
labelled " Old Letters " in a fireproof cupboard, the existence
of which was unknown or had been forgotten. The letters
were arranged in no sort of order or sequence, and although
they had evidently been examined after a fashion, they had
lain where I found them for upwards of forty years. Many of
them were almost undecipherable from damp, much of the
paper had been gnawed by rats or mice and occasionally, as I
untied the bundles, the contents fell to pieces in my hands.
I was then unfamiliar with Court hand, consequently many of
the letters were quite unintelligible to me, but with patience
and a certain amount of wear and tear of eyesight, I mastered
the difficulties of Elizabethan writing until I found it as easy
to read as that of the present day. It took me many months
of work to sort out and classify these letters, and to arrange
them chronologically, and then I began the even longer task of
copying. I have done this almost entirely with my own hand
as I found copyists inaccurate, and the amount of time and
patience required for the work could, I felt, only be given by
some one as deeply interested in the letters as I was myself.
The writing was so faint as to be often almost illegible, and it
took me sometimes half an hour, using a strong magnifying
glass, to decipher a single word.

Although this is only the history of a private house and
family, the domestic details of three hundred years ago will, I
hope, interest, if not the public at large, at any rate a section
of it. There is so much even in private letters which throws

xiii

INTRODUCTION

a sidelight upon the history of the time that it seems to me
to be a duty to publish these records of bygone centuries,
without considering the possible success or failure of my
enterprise.

We can hardly realize as we gaze at the rather wooden faces
of the early portraits that these were once living men and
women of flesh and blood, very similar to ourselves but for
their different conditions of life and surroundings ; and in the
case of these early Leghs they had this characteristic — if one
may call it so — which they share with their descendants, the
intense love of their home which shows itself in each succeeding
generation. " Dear Lyme," " Sweet Lyme " — they call it by
no other epithet ; their longing to get back to it when absent,
their joy at their return to what for them is the only spot on
earth, is apparent through hundreds of years.

I have grown to know and love these dear dead people with
whose characters and handwritings I am now so familiar, and
who are as real to me as living beings of to-day, even as I love
every stone of the grand old house that has seen the passing
of so many of this long line. I touch with reverent hands
things fashioned by fingers long since turned to dust, and
tenderly I handle objects that were the joy and pride of those
who created them centuries ago ; and as I sit in the old
rooms I can people them with these figures from the dim
past, who seem to glide before me — a silent procession of
shadows.

I see the first Sir Piers, a faint and distant outline in his
heavy armour, grim and determined ; the knight and priest
with his tonsured head, in vestments and chasuble, coming
into bolder relief. Next advances, plainer and more distinct,
the seventh Sir Piers, builder of the house, with his ascetic
face and bright red hair ; and clearer still and more distinct
comes the ninth and last Sir Peter, his ruddy weather-beaten
countenance and silvery white hair standing out plainly
before me ; his Margaret passes, wan and delicate, followed
by Dorothy, shrewd, capable, and precise. Then Francis, tall
and shambling, an invalid almost from his birth, the
xiv

INTRODUCTION

erudite Dr. Thomas, who much resembles his great-grand-
father Sir Piers, having the same sharp features and
bright red hair, so characteristic of the race, his faithful
Lettice and all her merry little ones. Now advances my
special beloved, the tall and stately Richard, resplendent
in the satin and lace of Charles IPs day, the full wig
framing his handsome face with its chiselled features and
beautiful large dark brown eyes ; beside him his Elizabeth,
his " dearest Heart," fair and comely, and all his " dear brats."
I seem to hear their little feet pattering over the old boards.
Next comes Peter, small and slight, and Frances, his fond and
devoted wife, and finally Peter, last of his name, with his
shrewish Martha, her character warped and soured by grief at
the loss of two precious boys. And so the procession passes
into the shadows.

There has always been to me a pathetic interest in the lives
of those who have been before us within these same walls, who
have lived and loved, and suffered and died, who have had their
successes and failures, joys and sorrows, hopes and disappoint-
ments so like our own to-day; who have looked out on these
same hills with the eyes of youth, full of joy and courage and
anticipation, or with the sickness of hope deferred, and in the
shadow of some grief too deep for tears. These records tell us
of noble deeds, brave exploits, and high aspirations, of troubles
borne with resignation and of lives of uncomplaining self-
sacrifice, helped and sustained by simple faith and belief and
trust, undisturbed by the doubts and questions of the religion
of to-day.

I long hesitated whether or no to publish the letters of
Richard Legh to his wife as being too sacred for the cold eye
of criticism or the garish light of day, but I decided that this
picture of ideal married happiness should be commemorated,
together with the record of a noble life which shines like some
bright jewel in the setting of those callous pleasure-loving
days.

To the best of my ability I have tried to render a faithful
picture of the time, contemporary with each individual as I

INTRODUCTION

describe him or her. I have endeavoured, without drawing
too much upon my imagination, to give the dead bones life
and to make my figures speak and move.

To those of my readers who have the patience to wade
through the many pages of this record, I tender my apologies
for its length, while craving their indulgence for its many
imperfections. If I have painted my subject in too glowing
colours, and in my enthusiasm have given a semblance of
bombast to my descriptions, I must plead in excuse my great
love of the old house and its traditions.

E. N.

xvi

CHAPTER I

THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE LEGHS

THE House of Lyme has its origin in the person of Peter or
Piers — afterwards Sir Piers Legh — eldest son of Robert Legh of
Adlington — and a descendant of the Leghs of Booths — by his
second wife Maude, daughter and heiress of Sir John Norley.
This Sir Piers Legh married, in 1388, Margaret, daughter and
heiress of Sir Thomas Danyers, the owner of a small domain
or manor called Bradley within Appleton, in Cheshire — and
widow of Sir John Savage — and founded the family of Legh
of Lyme.

The absence of any letters earlier than the sixteenth century
makes it impossible to give more than a short chronological
account of these very early Leghs, whose history has been
gleaned chiefly from old deeds and pedigrees pieced together
with occasional references to them found in the chronicles of
the time.

The Sir Piers Legh of whom we write — the first of a long 1346
succession of Sir Piers, is the subject of a much-disputed
controversy as to whether it was he or his father-in-law, Sir
Thomas Danyers (a Cheshire Knight who fought for Edward III
in France), who rescued the Standard of the Black Prince at the
battle before the gates of Caen and took prisoner the Constable
and the Earl of Tancarville.* Tradition ascribes the honour to
Sir Piers, but Froissart makes no mention of either Sir Thomas
or Sir Piers, and names Sir Thomas Holland " in company

* Jean, Vicomte de Melun and Comte de Tancarville, valiant French soldier,
created hereditary Chamberlain of Normandy by King Jean le Bon, captured at
the battle of Caen but released, captured again at Poitiers, died 1382. The
Seigneurs de Tancarville were great supporters of the Kings of France, and deter-
mined enemies of England.

A I

THE HOUSE OF LYME

with 5 or 6 other Knights " as the hero of the capture. The
existence of letters patent of Richard II which recite the grant
made by the Black Prince to Piers Legh and Margaret his wife,
of the land called Hanley, or Lyme Hanley — given for services
rendered — and Sir Thomas Danyers' services being therein speci-
fied and recognized, seems to place the matter beyond all
doubt. For this service rendered to the King by Sir Thomas
Danyers, he was to receive forty marks a year from his manor of
Frodsham in Cheshire, and the ground before mentioned, within
the forest of Macclesfield, to continue to him and his heirs for
ever. There still seems, however, to have been much dispute
about the question. A pedigree by one Sampson Yeardswicke
dated April 24, 1576, makes mention of

" Piers Leghe Esqr Justice Steward of Macclesfield and ye forest
thereof ... to whom King Richard II gave Hanley — not only for
ye Relevinge of his father's Standard at the battle of Cressay,* but
also for ye Manful! takinge of ye Earle of Tankerville at the same
Battale as apereth by Letters patent of the same Kinge Richard II
for whose cause and for that he fully and faithfully pued [proved ?]
him he was after on St Lawrence daie beheaded at Chester by King
Henry 4 in A.D. 1400."

In Holinshed we find the following description of the battle
before the gates of Caen :

" When the Constable [of France] saw their good willes, he was
contented to follow their desire [to go forth and fight the English
outside the town] and so forth they went in good order, and made
good face to put their lyues in hazard but when they sawe the English-
men approach in good order deuided into three batteils, & the archers
readie to shoote, which they of Caen had not seene before, they were
sore afrayde and fled away towards the towne without any order or
array, for all that the Constable could doe to stay them. The English-
men followed and in the chase slew many, and entred the towne with
their enemies. The Constable and the Earle of Tankeruile tooke a
Tower at the bridge foote, thinking there to saue themselves, but

* There appears to be some confusion between the two battles, the Battle of
Crecy and the one fought before the gates of Caen, which are referred to as if they
were one and the same, whereas the two places lie widely apart.

EARLY HISTORY OF THE LEGHS

perceyuing the place to be of no force, nor able long to holde out, they
submitted themselues unto Sir Thomas Hollande.*

" But here whatsoever Froissart doth report of the taking of this
towne and of the yeilding of these two noble men, it is to be proued
the sayde Earle of Tankerville was taken by one Ligh — anncester to
Sir Peter Lighe now liuing whether in the fight or within the Tower
I have not to say ; but for the taking of the sayde Earle, and for his
other Manlike prowes showed here and elsewhere in the iourney King
Edward in recompence of his agreeable seruice geve to him a Lordship
in the Countie of Chester called Hanley which the sayde Sir Peter
Lighe nowe liuing doth enjoy and possesse as successor and heire to
his anncester the foresayd Ligh to whom it was first given."

From the same historian we get a further account :

" King Richard beying in the Castell of Conway sore discomfited,
and fearing least he should not remaine there long in safetie, uppon
knowledge had by his trustie friendes John Pallet and Richard Sei-
moure, of the dealings and approach of his aduersaries, sent the Duke
of Exeter f to talke with the Duke of Lancaster, J who in the meane
while, had caused one of King Richards faithful and trustie friends
Sir Peers a Legh, commonly called Perkyn a Lee, lose his head and
commanded the same to be set up, uppon one of the highest turrets
aboute all the Citie, and so that true and faithful Gentleman, for his
stedfast faith, and assured loyaltie to his louinge soueraigne, thus
lost his life."

The account given by Holinshed is thus in conflict with
that given by Froissart. We must remember, however, that
Sir Piers Legh, according to the account accepted by Earwaker
(" East Cheshire," vol. ii, p. 291 et sqq.}, had not been born at
the date of the battle of Caen. If that is so, then the controversy
is really between the name of Sir Thomas Holland on the one
hand and that of Sir Thomas Danyers on the other. The grant
was to Sir Thomas Danyers, and it was as his son-in-law that
Piers received the benefit of it. It might be suggested that

* Sir Thomas Holland, first Earl of Kent of the Holland family; soldier;
captain-general in France and Normandy 1359; died 1360.

t John, Duke of Exeter, third son of Sir Thomas Holland, first Earl of Kent
(1352 ?-i40o), half-brother to Richard II. ; married Elizabeth, daughter of John of
Gaunt.

J The son of John of Gaunt, and afterwards King Henry IV.

THE HOUSE OF LYME

the " Sir Peter Legh now living," mentioned by Holinshed —
a descendant of the first Sir Piers — being a person of great
importance, had instructed the historian and dictated to him
in the matter. But this does not account for the fact that the
grant was given to Sir Thomas Danyers. It seems probable
that Danyers was really the captor, and that the name of
Sir Piers is associated with his because of the subsequent
marriage and Sir Piers' consequent succession to Lyme Hanley.
Holinshed may not have known the facts with accuracy, and may
have put in the two names under the belief that both Danyers
and Piers were at the battle. And as to Froissart's statement
that Sir Thomas Holland in company with five or six knights
was the hero of the capture, we must bear in mind that Sir
Thomas Holland was a person of great position and importance,
being the first husband of Joan of Kent, daughter of Edmund
of Woodstock and subsequently wife of the Black Prince.
Thus the chronicler may have been influenced to give him the
credit of the capture really effected by Danyers, who was one
of the " five or six knights." The great man got the credit of
a deed done by another : and Richard II, when he made the
grant in recognition of Sir Thomas Danyers' services, made it
possibly with full knowledge that while his was the hand that
took the prisoners, he was at the time a knight serving under
the direction of Holland.

Whether the first Sir Piers was at the Battle of Crecy or
no, he leaves a record of which any family may well be proud.
He fought for his country and died a hero's death — in defence
of the sovereign he refused to forsake. His poor mutilated
remains were piously interred by the Carmelites of Chester in
their own church, and were removed by his descendant two
hundred years later to the parish church of Macclesfield (a town
distant about nine miles from Lyme), where they were buried
in the chancel. He is commemorated by the following lines
engraved on an old stone in the Legh Chapel in Macclesfield
Church :

EARLY HISTORY OF THE LEGHS

" Here lyeth the body of Perkyn a Legh
.That for King Richard the death did die

Betrayed for righteousness
And the bones of Sir Peers his sonne
That with King Henry the fift did wonne
In Paris."

His descendant added the following :

" This Perkyn serv'd King Edward the Third and the Black Prince,
his sonne in all their warres in France, and was at the battle of Cressie,
and had Lyme given him for that service : and after their deaths
served King Richard the Second, and left him not in his troubles,
but was taken with him, and beheaded at Chester by King Henrie
the Fourth. And the sayd Sir Peers his Sonne served King Henrie
the Fift, and was slain at the Battle of Agincourt.

" In their memorie ; Sir Peter Legh of Lyme Knight descended
from them fynding the sayd ould verses written uppon a stone in this
Chappell did Re-edifie this Place ; Anno Domini, 1620."

In 1382, Joanna, Princess of Wales, widow of the Black
Prince, had appointed Sir Piers and his brother John her
bailiffs of the manor of Macclesfield and stewards of all her
courts, as well those within the hundred of Macclesfield as
those within the forest there. Like every other forest, Maccles-
field had courts of its own for the trial both of the greater and
the lesser pleas. From this date the Legh family was always
associated with the forest of Macclesfield, and held posts in
connexion with it for many generations.

Richard II appears to have had more followers and adherents
in Cheshire than in any other part of England, and was evidently
on terms of great friendship with Sir Piers, even contemplating
a marriage with one of his daughters. The following extracts
from the Kenilworth Manuscripts are given in the " Archaeo-
logia or Miscellaneous Tracts relating to Antiquity," and in
the publications of the Chetham Society :

" Cheshire abounded with bold and rapacious mountaineers, many 1397
of whom were among the celebrated bowmen of the King's guard.
The men of this county were preferred for their known attachment
to him. They made their appearance in London at that time (1397),
and that it produced a strong impression is evident from the way

THE HOUSE OF LYME

in which they are spoken of by the early writers. Like all his other
favourites they obtained a complete ascendancy over him, and in-
dulged in great freedom of speech towards him ; a specimen of which
the ' Chronicle of Kenilworth ' gives in the original dialect, In tantam
familiaritatem domino regi annectebantur, ut idem in materna lingua
audacter confabularentur ; * Dycon slep sicury quile we wake, and
dread nougt quile we lyve seftow ; ffor zif thow haddest weddet
Perkyn, daughter of Lye, thow mun halde alone day with any man
in Chesterschire in ffaith ! ' This provincial discourse being turned
into pure modern English may stand thus : * Richard, sleep soundly,
while we watch, and fear nothing while we lie beside thee, for if thou
hadst married the daughter of Perkyn of Lye [Sir Piers Legh of Lyme,
near Macclesfield, beheaded by the Duke of Lancaster], thou mightest
have kept Hallowtide * with any man in Cheshire.'

" The head of poor Sir Perkyn [commonly called Perkyn a Legh] was
ordered by Henry IV to be set upon one of the loftiest towers of Chester."

A grant of arms was given by King Richard II in 1397 to
this Sir Piers — first of his name — viz. gules a cross engrailed
argent, and the crest, issuing from a ducal coronet or, a ram's
head argent, attired or, holding in its mouth a laurel sprig
proper, with the grand motto En Dieu est ma foi. This was
confirmed by Norroy in his visitation of Cheshire in 1575, with
an additional grant of an escutcheon of honour or shield of
pretence — sable, within an orle of estoiles argent, an arm
couped, embowed and armed proper, holding a pennon argent.
In the patent express mention is made by the herald of its being
granted for the services rendered by the first Sir Piers at Cr6cy.
The official record of the first grant is not to be found, but is
referred to in that of Elizabeth, and is further confirmed on
April 8, 1665. Casts made from seals on old deeds prove that
no other arms have been used by the family since the original
grant in 1397^

* " Keep Hallowtide " — i.e. " Be as good and substantial as any in Cheshire."
f In connexion with this grant a wonderful discovery may here be mentioned,
which was made when the present owners came to Lyme, sixteen years ago, namely,
that of a rose-water dish and ewer, parcel gilt and in delicate workmanship of the
finest kind. The dish is of the date of Queen Mary, 1556 ; the ewer, eighteen years
later — 1574. Both are in splendid preservation and seem, fortunately, to have
been hidden away for many years and never used. The dish and ewer were exhibited
in London at the Fine Arts and other exhibitions, and the late Mr. Cripps was very
much interested in the discovery of this almost unique piece of plate, and thought

EARLY HISTORY OF THE LEGHS

With the eldest son of the first Sir Piers, Peter Legh of i4°3
Lyme and Haydock, afterwards Sir Peter — began the Lancashire
connexion, he having been married about 1403 when a child,
as was so much the fashion in those early days, to Joan, daughter
and heiress of Sir Gilbert de Haydock. Through her the Legh
family became possessed of very large estates in both Lancashire
and Cheshire, and the young couple, at the consummation of
the marriage, took up their abode in Lancashire at Bradley
House, the ancient seat of the Haydock family, leaving the old
Cheshire home of the Danyers — another Bradley. At Bradley
House, Lancashire, the Leghs continued for many generations,
adding to their estates by marriages with successive heiresses,
which resulted in a great portion of Cheshire and Lancashire
being owned by the family. Henry V, when Prince of Wales,
was often in Cheshire, and on one of his visits made this Peter
Legh (afterwards Sir Peter) a grant of a piece of land called
Heghleghfield within the forest of Macclesfield with the office 14"
of forester of that forest for the term of his life.

Following the example of his father, Sir Peter Legh threw
in his lot with his sovereign and accompanied King Henry V
on his expedition to France. He is mentioned in Sir Harris
Nicolas' * " History of the Battle of Agincourt " and appears to
have been a person of much importance in the King's army,
being styled Monsieur Piers de Legh j* in the Battle Roll, with
his retinue, Robert and Hugh de Orell, Thomas Sutton, John
Pygott, and George de Ashley, who were probably all archers.
He was made knight banneret on the field of Agincourt and 1422
died in Paris in 1422, presumably from the result of wounds
received in battle. His widow married secondly Sir Richard
Molyneux.J

it must have been made commemorative of the grant of arms, as the shield of pre-
tence appears to have been stamped down over the other arms, which are beautifully
executed in coloured enamels. .

* Sir Nicholas Harris Nicolas (1799-1848), antiquary; author of many valuable
works, including "The Battle of Agincourt," which he wrote in 1827.

f Monsr. Piers de Legh, or sa Retenu, etc.

J Richard Molyneux, served under Henry V in the French wars, and specially
distinguished himself at Agincourt, after which battle he was knighted. By his
second wife, Joan, widow of Sir Piers Legh, he had eight sons and three daughters.

THE HOUSE OF LYME

During practically the whole of the fifteenth century
England was being decimated by the Wars of the Roses, in
which the Legh family took no small part. Peter the third
(son of Sir Peter Legh last named) succeeded his father at the

I43° age of seven or eight. He was married when only sixteen to
Margaret Molyneux, the daughter of his stepfather. Sir Richard
Molyneux, by Ellen, daughter of Sir W. Harrington of Hornby.
At her death, shortly before June 28, 1428, when the writ of
diem clausit extremum issued, Peter Legh married, secondly,
Elizabeth, daughter of Edmund Trafford and widow of Sir
John Pilkington. He joined the Yorkists at Sandal Castle,
and was made knight banneret at the Battle of Wakefield ; it
is not known whether he was at Blore Heath, where his
brother-in-law, Sir Richard Molyneux * and so many Lancashire
and Cheshire men were killed. On May 10, 1461, Edward IV
appointed Sir Peter Legh Governor of Rhudlam Castle, and he
was present at the Battle of Towton in 1461 and joined the
King's expedition towards Scotland in 1462.

r465 A curious MS. comprising 333 pages all written in Latin is
attributed to this Sir Peter Legh. It is a register of his large
estates in Cheshire and Lancashire, and deals minutely with
every particular of the rents of his possessions, but unfortu-
nately it contains no mention of any of the stirring events of
the time, nor does it give even a passing reference outside the
subject on which the author writes. The book is a small folio,
and is bound in a strong binding, probably of the eighteenth
century. It is written throughout in the same hand, which is
legible and distinct. From the fact that reference is made to
" the said Peter " or " the said Peter Legh " without the
knightly prefix, it seems possible — though hardly probable —
that Sir Peter himself, and not one of the two chaplains whose
names occur, might be the author. But the knights of those
days were handier with the sword than with the pen, and
although Sir Peter might have desired, after his long and
arduous labours in the field, to devote the remaining years of

* Sir Richard Molyneux, soldier, son of the above, Constable of Liverpool, 1446;
sided with Henry VI in the Wars of the Roses; fell at Blore Heath, 1459.

EARLY HISTORY OF THE LEGHS

his life to literary work, it is very doubtful whether he possessed
the requisite knowledge or skill to do so.

In the first page we learn that the work was begun on the
third Tuesday in Lent (March 19), in the year 1465, the sixth
Edward IV. From a translation * made by the late Mr. W.
Beamont, the antiquarian, we get the following curious descrip-
tion of Bradley House, the ancient seat of the Haydock family,
which Sir Peter had inherited from his mother, and where he
was living at the time the MS. was written.

" The aforesaid Peter Legh holds the manor of Bradley in the vill
of Burtonwood within the parish of Werrington to himself his heirs
and assigns for ever, that is to say, a new hall with three new chambers
and a fair dining room, with a new kitchen, bakehouse, and brew-
house, and also with a new tower built of stone with turrets, and a
fair gateway, and above it a stone ' bastille ' well defended, with a
fair chapel, all of the said Peter's making, also one ancient chamber
called the Knyghtes chamber, all which premises aforesaid, with
other different houses, are surrounded by a moat with a drawbridge,
and outside the said moat are three great barns, namely, on the north
part of the said manor house with a great shippon and stable, with a
small house for the bailiff, and a new oven built at the eastern end
of the place called the l Parogardyne,' with all the members and
demesne lands to the said manor house belonging or appertaining,
with one large orchard, enclosed with hedges and ditches on the
south part of the said place called the ' Parogardyne,' with an enclosed
garden beyond the old oven."

From this we gather that Sir Peter practically rebuilt the
house, only the " Knyghtes ancient chamber " remaining of
the original building. All that is now left of what must have
been an imposing structure is the moat and a ruined portion
of a gateway. The house, which is now a farm, contains some
fine old doors clamped with iron and studded with huge nails :
also some beautiful large oak beams. We get besides from this
book a curious description of Lyme as it then existed, which
will be quoted in a later chapter ; many of the old names of
fields, woods, and enclosures can still be traced.

From Mr. Beamont's translation we learn that fencing and

* " Warrington in 1465."

THE HOUSE OF LYME

enclosing of fields and hedges prevailed to a considerable
extent at the date of the MS., and the mode of cultivating the soil
appears to have been by burning the turf or surface of the fields,
which are called " brandearths." The " pratum " or meadow,
the " terra arabilis " or ploughed land, and the " terra fisca " or
fresh land are all mentioned. There was no uniform system of
measure, says Mr. Beamont, quantity was estimated " according
to the working of the plough and not by measure " ; and the
author speaks of " an acre of land according to the measure of
Makerfield." This was probably the Lancashire measure of seven
yards to the rod. The trees mentioned in the MS. are the " alnus "
or alder, the ash, birch, "salix" or willow, the "quercus" or
oak, the " tremula " or aspen, the elder, thorn, bramble,
rose, woodrose, holly, blackberry, crab-tree, cherry-tree, broom-
heath, and arbutus. One is disposed to wonder whether the
climate can have been more genial in the fifteenth century than
it is at the present day, since the arbutus will now only flourish
in protected situations, and would certainly not grow at Lyme,
at the elevation of 800 feet. Grains and roots named in the
MS. are corn, wheat, barley, pease, vetches, kale, and flax ; and
among plants, fern, thistle, dock, and moss. Amongst birds
the crow, hawk, lark, sparrow, snipe, woodcock, drake, hen,
goose, and swan occur ; and among the edible animals are
the " porcus " or hog, the cow, sheep, deer, hind, roe, and
cony, while the fox is often mentioned ; but among reptiles
we find only the adder. One curious instance is met with
where the wolf seems to have become recently extinct in the
neighbourhood of Lyme, when the MS. was written.

Though pit-coal was not unknown in the middle of the
fifteenth century, nothing occurs in the MS. about coals or
coal-houses, which seems strange in such a district.

Among the trades named are le nayler, milward, mason,
smith, fisher, miller, thatcher, swain, glover, and webster, while
the " presbyter " or priest, the " capellanus " or chaplain, and
the " aquaebajulus " or clerk have to do with the religious
duties. The " jurisperitus " or lawyer is mentioned, while the
glover, webster, " sowter " or shoemaker, and the fuller have
10

EARLY HISTORY OF THE LEGHS

reference to clothing. The cook, fisher, and miller may come
under the heading of food, and the species of recreation indulged
in by the family may be inferred from the mention of the
" citherator " or harper, and the " piper."

" The holdings by which the tenants held their lands under Sir
Peter [says Mr. Beamont] were various. Some of them held their
lands by knight's service, which bound them to perform service in
war and subjected them to homage, relief, and various other feudal
claims, but left them in other respects almost absolute owners of
the land. It was the most onerous but at the same time the most
honourable species of tenure."

This Sir Peter Legh died at Bradley in 1478 at the age of 1478
sixty-three, and his eldest son, also a Peter, the fourth of his
name, married, about 1449, Mabell, the heiress of the Crofts.
She leaves a very curious will, dated 1474, in which there is
mentioned an indenture of the 8 of July, 14 Edward IV, by
which " Dame Mabell Lye, widow of Peres Legh," provides
for her three younger sons, Hamond, James, and John, with
100 shillings yearly during their lives, the money " if they be
evil deposit or wrong gydit " to go to her eldest son " Peersher,"
i.e. Piers or Peter. One hundred shillings would be equivalent to
about .£80 of the money of the present day ; but this would not
appear to be a very munificent portion even for a younger son.

This Peter dying in the lifetime of his father, the estates
devolved, at the death of Sir Peter in 1478, on his grandson,
Peter the fifth, generally called Piers, born in 1455, and married
in 1467 when a child to Ellen, daughter of Sir John Savage.
This Piers kept up the family traditions, he served with Lord 1482
Stanley's * force in the Scottish expedition under the Duke of
Gloucester, j* and won his spurs and was made a knight banneret
at Hutton Field at a great review of the forces. Richard III i Rich-

J TTT

granted him £10 a year for life in consideration of his services,
and is supposed to have been his guest at Bradley. A very
curious old oak bed is the only remaining relic left at Bradley

* Thomas Stanley, first Earl of Derby (1435 P-I5O4), succeeded his father as
second Baron Stanley, 1459; held commands in France, 1475, and Scotland, 1482;
married Margaret Beaufort, Countess of Richmond, mother of Henry VII. He
was created Earl of Derby by that King. f Afterwards Richard III.

THE HOUSE OF LYME

(now a farm-house). It has four low bedposts, and is put
together with wooden pegs — which were used before nails or
screws. The bed is undoubtedly of the fifteenth century ; it
goes by the name of " The King's Bed " and may well have
been occupied by Richard III during his visit to Bradley.
1505 It is unknown if Sir Piers was at Bosworth. He received
from King Henry VII the much-coveted office of Steward
of Blackburnshire, Tottington, Rochdale, and Clitheroe in con-
sideration of services rendered.

The parish church of Disley was built in 1524 by this Sir
Piers Legh. He desired to place in it three priests and two
deacons, but he died before endowing it. He also erected on
one of the highest points of the park a building which has
always gone by the name of " Lyme Cage " ; it is quadrangular
in shape, with four towers, and was probably originally intended
as a watch-tower ; and, Lyme being part of a royal forest, was
perhaps later on used as a place of detention for prisoners
awaiting their trial at the assizes at Chester. It is marked on
all the old maps, and is a prominent landmark for many miles
round. The present building was altered by Giacomo Leoni,
a well-known Italian architect, in 1726.

By his wife Ellen, Sir Piers had four sons and three
daughters. His second son, Gowther, gave £10 a year towards
a free school at Winwick, Lancashire (one of the oldest parts
of the Legh property), which fact is notified by a brass on the
school building erected by Gowther' s great-nephew, Sir Peter
Legh, in 1618, who augmented the grant by another yearly
sum of £10, " for his zeal to God's glorye and his love to the
parish of Winwick and common good of the country."

An interesting episode relating to Gowther Legh appears in
the " Pleadings and Depositions of the Duchy of Lancaster in
the time of Henry VII and Henry VIII." *

'S1? "To the Right Hon. Sir Henry Marney, Knight.

" Gowther Legh complains that whereas he dwells in a tenement in
Wynwhyck [Winwick] in the county of Lancaster, and has there a

* By the kind permission of the editor, Lieut.-Col. Henry Fishwick, F.S.A., I am
allowed to publish this extract.

EARLY HISTORY OF THE LEGHS

chest containing a gold ring price 26/8, and certain evidences and
other Juelles ... on the 3Oth day of October last [1517] in the
eventyde after the sonne sett, certain riotous persons [specified by
name] with 20 others broke into the plaintiff's said house, he being
then away in Cheshire, and carried away with them in a weyne
[waggon] the said chest, which they still wrongfully detain ; " adding
that if he or his wife had been in the house at the time, they would
have been in danger of their lives. He prays therefore for " Privy
Scales."

He makes a further complaint to Sir William Fitzwilliam,*
and this time it appears to be against his brother, Peter Legh
of Bradley, that on December 21, about eleven o'clock at night,
at the command of the said Peter, certain persons whose names
are given

" ' entered the said park of Wonewycke [Winwick], with bows, arrows 1517
&ct and shot many and dyverz arroys at William Haughton, servant
to the plaintiff and keeper of the said park, who was walking about
within the pale of the same, and who was in such danger of his life
that he was glad to flye out of the park to plaintiffs house.' Haughton
then called up certain of the plaintiffs servants ' then beyng at rest
in their beddes ' and they all went to the said park where they found
the said persons had pulled down the stakes set there for the ' save-
gard ' of the deer, * but how many deer they had killed in the mean-
time plaintiff does not know.' "

Haughton thereupon arrested the leader of the marauders.
Peter Legh then commanded certain of his retainers to lie in
wait upon the highway between the plaintiff's house and
Latham, where

" the plaintiff was then waiting upon the Earl of Derby f his master,
to murder the plaintiff and such of his servants as should carry Peter
Nailor [the ringleader] to the manor to be examined, whereof plaintiff
and his servants are in danger of their lives and cannot go about
their business. Prays for letters of privy seal."

* Sir William Fitzwilliam, Earl of Southampton, Lord High Admiral, wounded
in action off Brest 1513 ; knighted at Tournay ; Chancellor of Duchy of Lancaster,
1529; intimate friend of Henry VIII, whom he served both at home and abroad.
Died 1542.

f Thomas, second Earl of Derby, succeeded his father as tenth Lord Strange in
1497, and his grandfather as Earl of Derby in 1504. He married Anne, daughter
of Edward, Lord Hastings, and died in 1521.

THE HOUSE OF LYME

Winwick ranked among the most extensive of the Lancashire
parishes, comprising as it did an area of 20,000 statute acres,
containing ten townships and furnished with a living of the
value of from £7000 to £10,000 a year. This was divided in
1845, and the parish was cut down to two townships and the
living to £1500 a year. It is supposed, from its name, to have
been the seat of one of the twelve Saxon chiefs who founded
their establishment in South Lancashire before the formation
of parishes, and is said to have been the favourite residence of
Oswald, King of Northumbria, patron saint of the church.
Oswald was killed in battle on August 5, A.D. 642, at a place
called by Bede Maserfelth, thought by many authorities to be
Makerfield in the parish of Winwick. A very ancient inscrip-
tion is upon the upper part of the wall on the south side of the
church — three lines of which have been transcribed. They run
as follows :

" This place of old did Oswald greatly love
Who the Northumbers ruled, now reigns above,
And from Marcelde did to Heaven remove."

A pig roughly cut in stone on the front of the church tower
is supposed to be a further sign of its great antiquity. A story
is told that at the first choosing of the site a heap of stones was
deposited in one particular spot, preparatory to the commence-
ment of the building. During the night a pig took the stones
and placed them higher up the hill, repeating this performance
— whenever the stones were replaced — three times in succession.
This was taken to be a sign that the church was not intended
to be built where the first site was chosen, and the building
was therefore erected at the place where the pig deposited the
stones, the animal being commemorated on the wall of the
church. There is a local tradition that the name " Winwick "
is derived from the grunt or squeal of the pig, " Win-week-
week."

The church consists of a tower, nave, side aisles, a chancel,
and two chapels, Legh and Gerard. The former contains a
curious brass, described later, and some monuments, but it has
H

EARLY HISTORY OF THE LEGHS

suffered much from restoration. The church stands on a small
knoll from which a fine view of the country round is obtained,
the Cheshire hills being plainly visible.

In 1491, Sir Piers Legh lost his wife, to whom he was
devotedly attached. She was buried at Bewgenet, in Sussex,
but there is no record to show what took her there. Her
husband, who never ceased to mourn her loss, retired from the
world at her death and became a monk, probably influenced
by his brother-in-law, the Archbishop of York.* He died at 1527
Lyme in 1527, and is buried at Winwick, the burial-place of
the Legh family for many generations. Unfortunately the
parish registers there only begin with the year 1563, so there is
no mention of this Sir Piers Legh — Knight and Priest — as he
is always styled, but he is commemorated in the church by a
very curious and probably almost unique brass, which repre-
sents him dressed as a knight in armour, with a sword and
spurs, while his bare head shows the priestly tonsure. Over
his armour he wears a chasuble. Between his hands, which are
raised as if in prayer, lies his shield of six quarterings, the
colours of which appear to have been enamelled, which is
repeated on another part of the brass. By his side is placed
the effigy of his wife, with the Danyers and Savage arms upon
her robe. She wears a head-dress coming into a sort of point
over her forehead, with two lappets which hang down on each
side of her face ; round her waist hangs a broad girdle clasped
with three roses, and suspended from the girdle is a pomander
(a small, round, perforated box which contained a perfume-
ball or perfumed powder, worn as a charm). Her bare hands
are clasped against a large cross which falls from her neck.

Small figures of his four little sons are at the feet of Sir Piers,
three little daughters being at the feet of their mother.

At the four corners of the brass are emblems of the Evan-
gelists, and this inscription is engraved upon it :

Orate pro animis probi viri, dni Petri Legh, militis, hie tumulati, et
dnae Elenae, ux ejus, filiae Johis Savage, militis, cujus quidem Elenae

* Thomas Savage, Archbishop of York, brother of Sir John Savage, politician and
soldier, who fought for Henry of Richmond at Bosworth. The Archbishop died 1507.

THE HOUSE OF LYME

Corpus sepelitur apud Bewgenett 17° die Mensis Mai, anno Domini

Millesim CCCCLXXXXJ.

Idem Petrus, post ipsius Elenae mortem i. Sacerdotium Canonice,

consecrat obiit apud Lyme i. Hanley XI die Augusti ao di

MVCCXXVIJ.

The translation runs as follows :

Pray for the souls of the excellent man Sir Peter Legh, knight, here
buried, and of the Lady Elena, his wife, daughter of John Savage,
knight, the body of which Elena was deposited at Bewgenett, i;th
May, A.D. 1491. The same Peter, after the death of this Elena,
having been consecrated to the priesthood, died at Lyme in Hanley,
nth August, 1527.

Three wills were made by this Sir Piers Legh, the first and
second dated respectively February and December 1522, in
which he makes mention of all his lands, and states his wishes
as to the disposal of them ; the last will, bearing the same date
as the second, December 14, 1522, is most interesting and
instructive. He begins by bequeathing his soul to Almighty
God, Our Lady, and all the Saints in Heaven, and his body to
be buried in the Trinity Chapel of Winwick. He specifies that
his body shall be laid " afore the myddst of the Altar " there,
that the priest shall " alwaies at the tyme of consecration stand
ever over and upon my harte." In the event of his dying
more than twenty miles distant from Winwick, his remains are
to be placed upon a horse litter to be borne thither with his
servants and " other Christian people," the horses to be covered
and craped with black " and myn Armes to be sett on every
side of the litter." His standard banner and complete armour
to be carried before his body " in such condicon as shalbe
thought most convenient." Out of his " goods and catalls "
forty gowns of black cloth are to be divided amongst " persons
as be of my howse & in my wages & other my f rends. And
these and euery of them to go abowte my body," and out of
the proceeds of the same " goods and catalls " twenty-four
white gowns are to be bought and given to twenty-four of the
poorest of his tenants, every one of whom is to bear a torch in
his hand and " beyre them aboute my body till I come to the
16

EARLY HISTORY OF THE LEGHS

church to be buried." After the ceremony the trappings and
torches are to be divided between the said Chapel of Winwick
and the Chapel of Our Lady at Disley.

One tries to picture this funeral, and to wonder how the
immense distance — about thirty miles — was accomplished, as
all those attending cannot have been mounted. The coffin on
its horse litter, followed by the weird procession of monks and
priests and black- and white-robed figures, all bearing torches,
chanting their solemn dirges, stumbling along the weary
distance on the heavy tracks that stood for roads in those
early days, the procession ending in the little Lancashire
village, passing through the rows of gaping villagers to the
church. All this pomp and ceremony must have been strangely
incongruous in the midst of such quiet and prosaic surroundings.

Sir Piers further directs that out of the issues and profits of
the said goods and chattels, £20 be " disposed for my Saule
the day of my burial in Massez and other Almez at the Church,"
and that within a month of his decease one hundred priests
are to say one hundred Masses, viz. twenty Masses of IHS,
twenty of the five wounds, twenty of Our Lady, twenty of the
Holy Ghost, and ten of the Trinity and ten of the Reginum.
And every priest to have for the same, four pence, and every
priest to " get him a Clerk to helpe him say dirgs and Massez
and every of thame to have two pence." And at every Mass
one penny is to be offered for him at the laudatory. He desires
also that his executors should buy an " overlay " of marble
" and lay upon me with a picture after me and my Wieff and
our Armes to be set in eithere of our Coots " and a superscription
is to be set on the said " overlay " with their names and the
day and year of their decease.

Further he desires that out of the proceeds of the sale of
the goods and chattels, on every Good Friday for seven years
after his death, two shillings and sixpence shall be distributed
amongst the poorest of his tenants in Warrington and Winwick
parishes, and for five years after his death, every evening of
Our Lady, fourpence is to be given to each of the five poorest
of his tenants, each of whom should be required to " knele upon

B 17

THE HOUSE OF LYME

thar knees within the said Trinite Chapell the said evens and
every of thame to say a Lady Sautor for my Saule."

Each gentleman of his household is to receive, beside his
wages, thirteen shillings and fourpence, every yeoman six
shillings and eightpence, and every labourer three shillings and
fourpence " and to kepe thame and every of thame together
upon my cost a Moneth after my decease if they will abyde." His
son Peter to have all the residue of his goods not bequeathed by
writing " nor by mouthe afore Recorde," and the strictest injunc-
tions are given that all his instructions are to be carried out with-
out delay or " prolonginge of tyme," and his " especial good Lord
Cuthbert, now Bishop of London, and Sir William Molyneux*
and Sir William Stanley of Hooton " are appointed executors.

" In Witness whereof I the said Sr Peris hereunto haue sett
my Seale of Armes And subscribed the same with my hande
the day and yere afore said

In an Indenture made October 7, 1522, between Sir Piers
Legh, Knight and Priest, of the one part, and Piers, his eldest
son and heir, of the other, he charges his said son most solemnly
to carry out his wishes respecting the building and endowment
of Disley church.

Some ten years later an inquiry was held before certain
commissioners on behalf of Sir Piers' executors, and the
various witnesses to the signing of the said Indenture were
called and sworn. Amongst them was Gowther Legh, son of
Sir Piers, who declared that his father, being at the point of
death in 1522 (as a matter of fact he did not die till five years
after) had answered in response to a question put to him by
Gowther " that he was in full mind to have a foundation of a
chapel at Disley " and that the foundation should be made by
the advice of his executors. Being asked " whether should my

* Sir William Molyneux (1483-1548), soldier; a leader at Flodden Field, 1513,
where he took two Scottish banners.

EARLY HISTORY OF THE LEGHS

brother Perys intermeddle there anent or not ? the said Sir 1532
Perys to him then said 4 What else, he must be the head, for it
must be his deed and not mine.' ' Another witness swears
that he had heard Sir Piers declare that he would have three
priests and two clerks in the form rehearsed.

At a survey made in 1548, the yearly value of Disley was
stated to be £21 133. ^d. ; plate and jewels eight ounces, goods
and ornaments there 323. 8d. ; lead and bells 43. " Note that
the said value of xxjh xiijs iiijd [£21 135. 4d.] was presented for
the king by oon [one] of the incumbents then at the fyrst survey
made in the xxxvijth [37th] year of the late Henry VIII
[1545-6], and now at this last survey oon Sr Peter Legh knight
denyeth the king's interest therein and claymeth the same to
be parcel of his inheritance."

The church stands on a hill overlooking the village. It
consists of a tower, nave, and side aisles (added at the beginning
of the nineteenth century). The East window contains some
very fine old glass, probably German, which was placed there
about a hundred years ago, when the Elizabethan heraldic
glass was removed to Lyme. The church has been much
restored, and has lost a good deal of its interest and character.
The churchyard has some fine old trees.

This Sir Piers — a very remarkable man in his way — was
succeeded by his son, another Peter, sixth of his line, who had
reached the age of forty-eight at his father's death. He was
twice married, first to Jane, daughter of Sir Thomas Gerard,
and in 1510 to Margaret, daughter of Nicolas de Tydesley, by
whom he had one son, born in 1513. It is quite possible that
he may have fought in the Battle of Flodden Field. A curious
copy of a ballad describing the battle is among the Legh papers.
It is written by a Legh of Baguley on six narrow strips of
parchment, and is in a very good state of preservation, only
a portion of the beginning being undecipherable. Many of
the names of those taking part in the battle are mentioned :
" Surrey * that sure Earle," " Buckingham f that bolde Duke,"

* Thomas Howard, first Earl of Surrey and second Duke of Norfolk of the
Howard house (1443-1524), warrior and statesman; Lieutenant-General of the
North in the attack against James IV of Scotland at Flodden Field, 9th September,
t Edward, third Duke of Buckingham (1478-1521).

THE HOUSE OF LYME

1513 " and of Derby * that deare Erie," the names of Sir Thomas
Gerard and Sir William Molyneux f also occur, but we look in
vain for Legh of Lyme.

The author states the fact that :

" Lancashire like lyons
layden them aboute,"

the last few lines are given as a specimen of this very curious
ballad, which was sent some years ago at the special request
of the authorities of the Bodleian Library for their inspection.

" Then the Erie of Surrey himself
calleth to him a heralde
bad him fare into frannce
wth theis faire tithandes (tidings)
commende me to or Kinge,
theis comfortable wordes
tell him I haue rescowed his realme
so right required
The Bang of Scots is killed
wthall his cursed lordes
when the Kinge his kindnes
heard theis wordes.

he saith I will singe him a son

wth the sound of my gunnes

such a noyse to my name

was never heard before.

for there was shott at a shotte

a thousand at ones.

that all rang wth that Rowte

Rocher and other.

Now is this fierse seilde t

foughten to an ende

many a wee wanted his horse

and wandered home one fote

* Thomas, second Earl of Derby, succeeded his grandfather in 1504. Attended
Henry VIII on the French expedition and was present at the Battle of Spurs, i8th
August 1513, so it is difficult to see how he could also have fought at Flodden Field
on September 9 of this same year.

t Sir William Molyneux nourished under Henry VIII ; performed signal service
at the Battle of Flodden Field, where he and Sir Edward Stanley (first Baron Mont-
eagle) commanded the rear, and with his own hands took two standards of arms
from the Scots. He married, first, Jane, only daughter and heiress of Sir Richard
Rugge of Shropshire, secondly, Elizabeth, daughter and heiress of Cuthbert Clifton.

I I think this must mean " attack." Halliwell gives the word seilinge — assault,
attack.
2O

EARLY HISTORY OF THE LEGHS

all was long of the murch men 1541

a mischieffe them happen

He was a gentilman by Jesu

that this Jest made

wch said but as ye see

for soth and no other

At Baguley that burne
his biding place he had
his anncestors of long tyme
haue yerded their longe
before William conqueror
this Conntrey Inhabited.
Jesue bring them to thy blisse
that brought us forth of bale
that haue hearckd me here
and heard well my tale."

Finis.

This Peter Legh was supposed to have been afflicted with
lameness, whether from a wound received at Flodden or no
does not appear ; very little is known about him, and he seems
to have led an uneventful life, dying at Bradley in 1541, at the
age of sixty-two. He was apparently of a somewhat quarrel-
some nature, and figures as defendant in two suits brought
against him in 1538 before the Court of the Star Chamber.
The account of the trial * gives a vivid picture of the manners
and customs of the time. The plaintiff was one Roger Jodrell
of Yeardsley, Peter Legh's nearest neighbour, and the suits
refer to the rights of pasture. In the second of these, Peter
Legh repudiates certain imputations brought against him by
Jodrell, alleging that " It is untrue that Peter Legh commanded
that, if they could take one Roger Jodrell, gent, they should
cut in sunder the legs and hock sinews of the said Jodrell,
and pull his dwelling house down."

The descendants of the same two families are still near
neighbours, and meet every year on the same ground for the
prosaic purpose of grouse shooting, and the feuds of 370 years
ago are happily things of the past.

* " Lancashire and Cheshire proceedings in the Star Chamber (temp. Henry VIII),"
published by the Record Society.

CHAPTER II

THE HISTORY OF THE HOUSE

1465 ALTHOUGH we know nothing about the first building of Lyme,
there is evidence of the existence of a house in the beginning
of the fifteenth century, but it was not until the middle of the
sixteenth that the Sir Piers Legh, seventh in succession, who
succeeded his father in 1541, built the present house and made
his principal abode in Cheshire. Before dealing with his life
it may perhaps be as well to give here some description of the
house and park as they existed in the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries.

Of the actual building of the present Lyme we have very
scant knowledge. In the MS. volume referred to in the pre-
ceding chapter there is the following description of the house
as it was in 1465 :

" One fair hall with a high chamber, kitchen, bakehouse and brew-
house, and a fair park, surrounded with a paling, and divers fields and
heys contained in the same park with the woods, underwoods, meadows,
feedings and pastures thereto belonging, which are worth to the said
Peter X1 a year."

Other lands are described as belonging to the estate, with
rents amounting to the sum of £42 95.

We have therefore knowledge of the existence of an impaled
park as early as the middle of the fifteenth century. It was
surrounded by a wall at the beginning of the seventeenth in
pursuance of a licence from Queen Elizabeth, who also granted
permission to its owner to have free warren within it and the
adjoining lands. Its extent is about 1500 acres ; it has at the
present time a circumference of about nine miles ; the scenery
is wild and picturesque, and the mixture of moorland, wood,

THE HISTORY OF THE HOUSE

and water all combine to form enchanting views that meet the
eye on every side.

In the fifteenth century it must have been a wild
and desolate region, part forest, part moorland, the
house two miles distant from the village of Disley or
Distelye, which at that time can have contained only a few
houses.

Some rather quaint names, dating from the earliest times,
are given to different woods and enclosures in the park, of
which the following are a few instances : the Knight's Low,
the Sponds, Calf Croft, the Purse Fields,* Turfhouse Meadow,
the Elmhurst, White's Mead, Key's Bank, the Hampers and
Clowes Hey.

Two very curious stones or crosses are placed at the top of
one of the highest points of the moor which forms part of the
park and are called the Bowstones. The use to which these
stones were put has hitherto baffled all geologists and anti-
quarians, though all are agreed as to their great antiquity.
They consist of two circular pillars fixed into sockets hewn in
rough stone, one being slightly higher than the other, measuring
about four feet in height with a circumference of four feet at
the base, tapering to two feet at the top. Various theories
have been put forward to explain the existence and use of
these stones, some antiquarians having thought that they may
have been used for human sacrifices, but the more prevalent
idea is that they were probably meres or boundaries of the
districts of the forest, similar ones occurring on the opposite
Derbyshire hills, within the verge of the ancient forest of
Peak.

The hill on which these stones lie commands an almost
boundless view over the plain of Cheshire on the one side and
the Derbyshire hills on the other, and has an elevation of about
1 200 feet above the sea.

Near these pillars are two gravestones, said to cover the

* In the " Survey of Crown Lands " taken in 1650, reference is made to a certain
property " scituate & adjoyninge to Lincolns Inn Fields, alias Pursefeild." In the
"Survey of London," St. Giles, Part II, Purse Fields is stated, in 1590, to have been
part of High Holborn between the Turnstiles.

THE HOUSE OF LYME

remains of people who died of the plague. On one is the
following inscription :

John Hampson and his wife
and three children left this life
1646.

On the other :

Think it not strange our bones ly here
Thine may ly thou knowest not where
Elizabeth Hampson.

Poor bones ! Though not in hallowed ground, they lie
there more peaceful and undisturbed than in some crowded
churchyard.

A plague decimated some of the villages of Derbyshire in
the seventeenth century, Eyam for example, where practically
the entire population was wiped out, and where to this day
annual services are held to commemorate the deliverance of
the village from this scourge of 300 years ago, the sermon
being preached from the open-air rock pulpit which was used
at the time to minimize the risk of infection.

Lyme is situated at an elevation of 800 feet above the sea,
on a spur of the Peak between the forests of Peak and Maccles-
field, and is on the borders of Cheshire, Lancashire, and Derby-
shire, hence its name Lyme, from limes — a border. Being part
of a royal forest it may well have served in very early days as
a hunting-lodge for the reigning king, and it is probable that
there was an even older house than the one existing in 1465.

Certain it is, however, that the " one fair hall with its high
chamber," etc., did not meet with the requirements of Sir Piers
Legh, who constructed all the earliest portion of the present
building, which has been altered and added to by each succes-
sive owner.

The house is built of grey stone, no doubt obtained from
the quarries in the park, round a courtyard or quadrangle,
and was, at the time of its first erection in the middle of the
sixteenth century, purely Elizabethan, with the characteristic
mullioned windows. It is almost square, the four corners cor-
24

THE HISTORY OF THE HOUSE

responding as nearly as possible to the points of the compass,
and has at the present time a frontage of fifteen windows.
The approach from the park is through a fine gateway leading
into a large outer quadrangular courtyard, enclosed in former
days by a wall which was replaced in the eighteenth century
by the present iron railings. The gateway is flanked by two
watch-towers, in each of which is a tiny room with leaded
windows on the outer side, and doors on the side of the quad-
rangle. Couchant lions — two each side lying back to back,
one thus facing both ways — form the tops of the towers, while
an arch with an urn upon it spans the space between, thus
connecting both towers.

The centre portion of the north front of the house, which
has fortunately been left untouched with the exception of the
windows in the subsequent alterations, is ascribed to that
shadowy personage John of Padua. It has a curious arrange-
ment of columns and small windows — originally mullioned —
crowned by a pediment on which is a small shield displaying
the Legh arms and quarterings and flanked by niches. There
are four tiers of columns, Doric, Ionic, and Corinthian, gradua-
ting in size to the top, the centre part being occupied by a
clock, the whole surmounted by a seated figure of Minerva.
This figure was added by Leoni.

About 1676 some alteration was made in the windows,
directions being given in a letter of the time for " the height
and wideness of Mrs. Legh's closett windows " — a diagram
accompanies the letter with measurements. Lead rain-water
pipes of a beautiful design, bearing the Legh and Chicheley

arms and with the monogram ,-> T and an arrangement of

i\ lj

flourishes and the date 1676, are evidences of the work being
carried out at this time.

Later on, in 1726, Giacomo Leoni, the Italian architect
who did so much work in England at this period, faced the
whole of the south front and built a fine Ionic portico projecting
twelve feet and reaching to the top of the house The roof of
the portico rests on six columns of stone springing from a

THE HOUSE OF LYME

balcony on the first floor, surrounded by a massive stone
balustrade, while its lower part is supported by arches of
rusticated stone. Leoni also added a covered gallery round the
courtyard reaching to the second floor, giving access to the rooms
on the first floor, which formerly all opened one into the other
and had no separate entrances except at the two ends. The
gallery is supported by arches of rusticated stone forming cloisters.

A double flight of steps with an iron railing leads from the
inner courtyard into the entrance hall, the whole much
resembling an Italian palace.

Lead figures of Neptune with his trident, Venus with her
cestus, and Pan with his pipes, ornament the house on the
south side, while on the east side are similar figures of Diana
with her stag and bow and arrow, and Actaeon and his dog.

A curious old octagonal lanthorn-shaped tower, formerly on
the top of the house, was taken down and built up in a
wood near by when the final additions were being made
by Sir Jeffry Wyatville * in 1810, who replaced the lanthorn
by a square tower, providing the house with some much-
needed bedrooms.

In the "Vale Royal of England," published in 1656, by
Daniel King •(* who also executed the engravings, we find the
following passage relating to Lyme, written about 1600 by one
William Webb, M.A. :

" And when we have cast our eye upon Whealey bridge the utmost
Confines and Passage into a part of Derbyshire and Distley, we turn
us almost full West again to come to Lime ; the stately seat and
scituation whereof, with the large and spacious Park richly stored
with Red and Fallow Deer, with all other fitnesse for Lordly delights,
may well shew the worthy discent of that great Family and name of
the Leighs of Lyme, of whom, though there have been many famous
Knights, and renowned Owners, yet none more compleat and accom-
plished in generous and heroical vertues, then Sir Peter Leigh, now
the Possessor thereof, a noble Gentleman, and of great respect."

No mention is made in the fifteenth-century MS. of the red

* Sir Jeffry Wyatville (1766-1840), architect. His work was considered very
superior to that of his uncle James Wyatt, who has often been styled the
" execrable James."

f Daniel King, engraver ; died about 1664.
26

THE HISTORY OF THE HOUSE

deer or wild cattle. These wild cattle which were supposed to
be indigenous to the place were similar to the breed at Chilling-
ham — that is to say, they were white with large wide-spreading
horns, black muzzles, and pink inside the ears, and were distinct
from the Hamilton and Ferrers breeds. Up to the middle of
the nineteenth century there were still several remaining, but
from want of fresh blood and other causes they gradually died
out and are extinct at the present day.

The red deer, which have roamed the park for upwards of
five hundred years, have always been famous for their size and
fierceness : many stories have been told of hairbreadth escapes
of luckless individuals who chanced to cross the path of a
beaten stag.

In connexion with these deer a very curious custom prevailed
at Lyme from earliest times, namely, the driving of the stags
at midsummer across a pond, called the Stag Pond — now
no longer in existence. This performance was attended by a
certain amount of ceremony, it formed a species of entertain-
ment, and neighbours and friends from a distance were invited
to be present and to take part in the chase. Vivares,* in a
print after a picture by T. Smith, f still preserved at Lyme,
represents the stags swimming across the pond, those in the
foreground emerging from the water and fighting with their
forefeet, the horns being in velvet : in the background are the
ladies and gentlemen following the hunt on horseback, dressed
in eighteenth-century costume. The print is inscribed :

A View in Lyme Park
With that extraordinary Custom of driving the Stag,

the property of Peter Legh Esqr

to whom this plate is inscribed by his most humble

servant T. Smith

Published Aug : 17. 1745.

* Fran9ois Vivares (1709-1780), a French landscape engraver; came to London
1727 ; kept a print shop, 1750-1780.

t Thomas Smith, styled " Smith of Derby," one of the first of English artists
to explore and display the charming scenery of his native county. He painted
many picturesque views in the Peak, forty of these engraved by Vivares were pub-
lished collectively by Boydell in 1760. He died 1769.

THE HOUSE OF LMYE

There is an interesting account given by Arthur Wilson,* the
historian and dramatist, of a visit which he paid to Lyme
as gentleman-in-waiting to Robert, third Earl of Essex,
about 1620. The following is the account of Wilson's
adventure which appears in Peck's " Desiderata Curiosa,"
xii, 10 :

" Sir Peter Lee of Lime in Cheshire invited my lord one summer
to hunt the Stagg. And having a great Stagg in chace, & many
gentlemen in the pursuite, the stagg took soyle. And divers (whereof
I was one) alighted, & stood with Swords drawne, to have a cut at
him, at his coming out of the water. The Staggs there, being wonder-
ful fierce & dangerous, made us youthes more eager to be at him. But
he escaped us all. And it was my misfortune to be hindred of my
coming nere him the way being sliperie, by a fall. Which gave
occasion to some who did not know mee, to speak as if I had falne for
feare which being told mee, I left the stagg, & followed the Gentle-
man who (first) spake it. But I found him of that cold temper, that
it seemes, his words made an escape from him, as by his denyall &
repentance it appeared. But this made me more violent in pursuite
of the Stag to recover my reputation. And I happened to be the only
horseman in, when the dogs sett him up at a bay ; & approaching
nere him on horseback, he broke through the dogs, & run at mee,
& tore my horse's side with his homes, close by my thigh. Then I
quitted my horse, & grew more cunning (for the dogs had sett him up
againe) stealing behind him with my Sword, & cut his ham-strings ;
& then got upon his back & cut his throate. Which as I was doing
the Company came in and blamed my rashness, for running such a
hazard."

This incident is mentioned in the notes to the " Lady of the
Lake," by Sir Walter Scott, who visited Lyme when writing
his history of " Peveril of the Peak."

In connexion with these stags mention may here be made
of a remarkable personage, one Joseph Watson, who was
keeper, at Lyme for seventy years. Born in 1648, he lived in
the reigns of no fewer than seven sovereigns of England, namely,
Charles I, Charles II, James II, William and Mary, Anne,

* Arthur Wilson (1595-1652), gentleman-in-waiting to Robert Devereux, third
Earl of Essex.
28

THE HISTORY OF THE HOUSE

George I, and George II. The following curious obituary
notice is quoted in all Cheshire histories : *

" Buried at Disley Church In Cheshire
June ad, in the year of Our Lord 1753.

" Mr. Joseph Watson in the 105 Year of his Age, he was born at
Moseley Common in the Parish of Leigh in the County of Lancaster
and Married his Wife from Eccles nere Manchester in the said Country
—the [they] were an happy Couple 72 years. She died in the 94
Year of her Age. ... He was Park Keeper to the late Peter Leigh
Esqr of Lyme and his Father before him 64 years. And while he
lived he showed the Red Deer to most of the Nobility and Gentry
in this Part of the Kingdom to a General Satisfaction to all who
ever saw them for he had Driven and Commanded them at his pleasure
as if the [they] had been Common Horned Cattle — In the Reign of
Queen Ann Esqr Leigh was at Macclesfield in Cheshire in company
with a Number of Gentlemen. Amongst them was Sir Rodger Mason
who was then one of the Members for the said County — the [they]
being Merry and free Esqr Leigh said his Keeper should drive 12
Brace of Stags to the Forest of Windsor a Present to the Queen so
Sir Rodger Opposed it with a Wager of 500 guineas that neither his
Keeper nor any Other Person could Drive 12 Brace of Stags from
Lyme Park to Windsor Forest on any occasion So Esqr Leigh Ac-
cepted the Wager from Sir Rodger and Immediately sent a Messenger
to Lyme for his Keeper who Directly Came to his Master who told
him he must Immediately Prepare himself to Drive 12 Brace of
Stags to Windsor Forest for a Wager of 500 Guineas so he gave the
Esqr his Master this Answer — At his Command he [would] Drive him
12 Brace of Stags to Windsor Forest or to any other part of the King-
dom by his Worships directions or he would lose his life and fortune.
He accordingly undertook and accomplished this most astonishing
performance, which is not to be equalled in the annals of history.
He was a Man of low stature, not bulky, of a fresh complexion and
pleasant countenance, and he believed he had drunk a Gallon of
malt liquor one day with another for about sixty years of his time,
and at the latter end of his life he drank plentifully, which was agree-
able to his constitution and agreeable to himself. He was a very
mild-tempered man, he knew behaviour was cheerful Company, and
was allowed by all who knew him to be as fine a Keeper as any in
England."

* It appears in a slightly varied form in all the Cheshire histories, but it has
been found impossible to trace its origin.

THE HOUSE OF LYME

There are two full-length portraits at Lyme of Joseph
Watson, both in hunting dress, signed " Jon Slack pinxt, 1750."
The following inscription is on one :

" Jo Watson who in the 26th Year of his Age Anno 1674 commenced
Keeper at Lime Park : In wch Service he Continued 70 yeares and
anno 1750 In the loand Year of his Age He hunted a Buck a Chase
near Six hours Long at wch Hunting one gentleman was present
whose Ancestors he had Hunted with for four generations before &
He being the fiveth Generation he had hunted with."

The drinking propensity of this ancient retainer is alluded
to in several of the old letters, his excesses being much
deplored.

CHAPTER III

THE BUILDER OF THE HOUSE

THE Sir Piers Legh, seventh of his name, builder of the present 1544
house, was born in 1513, and was married when only five years
old to Margaret, daughter of Sir Thomas Gerard of the Bryn.
The Church's dispensation was necessary as they were cousins ;
this seems to have been obtained and they were married the
same year, 1518.

Nothing is known of the early youth of Sir Piers. He
succeeded his father in 1541, and in 1544 he formed part of the
expedition to Scotland under Lord Hertford,* an expedition
attended with a certain amount of danger, which was under-
taken with the idea of affording support to the party of Scotch
reformers.

Sir Piers took part in the storming and burning of Edinburgh
and Leith, and was knighted on May n of that same year, 1544.
The following is from the State Papers at the Record Office :

" 1544, Sunday nth of May at Leith

" Knights dubbed in Scotland by the Earl of Hertford the Kings
Lieutenant, 36th Henry VIII, at the burning of Edinburgh Leith
and others, viz. the Lords Clinton and Conyers etc. etc.

" Peter Lee "

" I9th May Expedition against Scotland.

" Hertford's warrant to Sadler to pay Sir Edw : Warner Capt : of 100
Men 20. days Wages at 4/ for himself, 2/ for his petty Captain and
6d a Man from 29. April to 18. May, deducting £25. 2. 3. for victuals
had out of the King's provision.

" Berwick, I9th May 36. Henry VIII signed "

* Edward Seymour, first Earl of Hertford and Duke of Somerset (1506-1552),
the Protector ; brother of Jane Seymour, third wife of Henry VIII ; Lieut.-General
in the North, 1544 ; pillaged Edinburgh.

THE HOUSE OF LYME

" Receipt signed the same day by Warner's servant, Albane Bampton "
" The like for John Preston, deducting £32. received by himself "
" The like for Sir Piers Lighe, deducting .£30. 9. 9. Received by Ligh's

servant Piers Hey X "

" The same day (i9th May) two similar warrants for conduct money,
viz :

Sir Piers Legh for 100 Men to Warrington, Lancashire, 140 miles

Received by himself."

(Each warrant is written on one side of a separate piece of
paper.)

In a letter* from the Earl of Hertford to Henry VIII, written
about May 18, 1544, he mentions

" those who have don Your Highnes right honest and paynful service
in this journey I thoughte it also my parte to signifie the same to
Your Majeste if it might please the same to remember them with
Your Majestes condign thanks it would be much to theyre comfortes "

then follow the names, which include that of " Master Legh."
Sir Piers Legh (not yet knighted) was evidently the messenger
sent with this letter, as Lord Hertford adds :

" Fynally Mr. Lee who I assure Your Majeste hath served in this
journey both honestly and willingly, doth bring unto Your Highnes a
platte [a map or plan] of Legh [meant probably for Leith], and
Edenburgh so as Your Majeste shall perceyve the scituacions of the
same which is undoubtedly set fourth."

1545 In the York Herald's account of the second Scotch campaign
under Lord Hertford which took place in September and
October of the following year, 1545, which was little more
than a border foray on a large scale and the destruction of many
monasteries and castles, the name of Sir Piers a Ligh appears
with many others present in the " battaill " before the Abbey
of " Chelsse."

1550 In 1550 we find Sir Piers was made High Sheriff of Lanca-
shire, and in 1585 he was appointed Provost-Marshal for
Lancashire, Cheshire, and Chester, a post which carried with it
much responsibility.

* State papers (Record Office).
32

THE BUILDER OF THE HOUSE

It is difficult to form an opinion of his character as very
few of the letters written to him remain, and of his own writing
there is only one letter to be found. He was evidently a
person of importance, keeping quite a little court at Lyme, where
he was visited by Leicester, Essex, and by many others of the
great people of the day. Mary, Queen of Scots, is known to
have been a visitor on her way either to or from Buxton, where
she went several times during her captivity to drink the waters,
as she was a great sufferer from rheumatism. No documentary
proof of her visit is to be found, but the bed she slept in remains
• — now, alas, sadly mutilated — a grand arrangement of pillars
and columns, ornamented with the fleur-de-lis inlaid in satin-
wood in the oak. Small wooden statues of angels and the
evangelists stood round the original bed, the whole being an
imposing structure hung with curtains of the blue and green
needlework of the period.

A beautiful little reliquary in coloured wax and needlework
— said to be Queen Mary's own handiwork — was presented
by her at the conclusion of her visit, and remains to this day a
cherished and precious heirloom.

There is a tradition that Queen Elizabeth also visited Lyme.
The drawing-room, a beautifully panelled room, happily
untouched during the alterations, has a fine chimney-piece with
the royal arms, which may have been erected at the time of her
visit, if it ever took place. The remains of a bed traditionally
said to have been the one slept in by Queen Elizabeth are of
a later date.

It must have been no easy task to steer a clear course
through all the reign of terror that held England during the
years that immediately followed the Reformation when the
sway of Thomas Cromwell was at its height ; and at the time
when Sir Piers succeeded his father in 1541, the monasteries
had all been swept away and the reforms of the New Learning
were being rapidly carried out. The air was thick with plots
and conspiracies, spies were everywhere and the very walls had
ears. Men's hearts must indeed have quaked with fear, for
not only was " thought made treason, but men were forced

c 33

THE HOUSE OF LYME

to give expression to their thoughts for fear of their silence
being misinterpreted." *

Sir Piers had been brought up in the faith of his forefathers,
but he probably thought it wisest to conform, and at his instance
the church at Disley, built in 1524 by his grandfather the
" Knight and Priest," was in 1558 consecrated for Protestant
worship. Probably a recusant, he was in 1580, under the per-
secutions of Elizabeth suspected of holding Mass in his own
house, which in his position as a Justice of the Peace and with
the Test Act in full force would lay him open to the charge
of high treason. In vol. 27 of the Callender of State Papers
for the year 1580 (Record Office) we find the following sig-
nificant notice :

1580 " 1580. Names of 12 Gentlemen and I lady in Cheshire whose houses
are greatlie infected with Popery & not loked unto ... Sir Piers
leighe a Justice, never communicateth his famylie greatlie corrupteth, &
come not at churche, & is a Cherisher of Masse prestes and suche
others."

Happily no punishment seems to have followed this accusation,
and Sir Piers was probably let off with a warning or the payment
of a fine.

Among the earliest documents found at Lyme, irrespective
of deeds and wills (the deeds go back to 1247), is a curious
paper of directions dated 1534, addressed to Sir William Fitz-
William,f afterwards Earl of Southampton and Chancellor of
the Duchy of Lancaster, and the Justices of the Peace of the
county of Lancaster, also the oath to be sworn by them,
directing them to

" beyre faythe trauthe & obedience alonly to the Kings Majestye,
And to his Heyres of his bodye. And of his most dere & entyreley
beloued Wiefe Queene Anne begoten and they should obserue kepe
mainteyne & defende the saide Acte of succession & all the hoole
effects & contents thereof."

The very curious will of Jane, Lady Gerard (one of the
sisters of Sir Piers Legh), dated November 20, 1575, is preserved

* Green's " History of the English People."
f See note p. 13.

SIR PIERS LEGH, 1572

Builder of the House
From a Portrait at Lyme

THE BUILDER OF THE HOUSE

among the Legh papers. This lady was married about 1518
to Sir Thomas Gerard of the Bryn, a connexion of the Gerards
of Bromley. By him she had one son, Thomas, afterwards
High Sheriff of Lancashire, and two daughters, Catherine,
married to William Tarbocke, and another daughter married
to Robert Charnocke.

Sir Thomas was by no means a faithful husband, and gave
his wife a good deal of trouble as we gather from the following
interesting document.*

"i June. XXXV. Hen. VIII. 1543.

" At which daye forasmoche as it appearyd to ye Kynges Comis-
soners that Thomas Gerard of the Bryne hath kept a Concubyne and
lyved in Adulterye. And that the disagreement betwyxt him and
hys wyfe hath bene the cose and originall grounds thereof. And yt
further appeareth to the sd Comissioners that by medyacion of fryndes
and for desyr to plese god the same Thomas and hys wyfe wyll cohabyt
and gree agayne togeder : It is Ordered that from hensforth the
sayd Thomas Gerard of th' one ptye and Jane Gerard and Peers
Legh her brother [who had also married Margaret daughter of Thomas
Gerard of the Bryn] of th' other ptye shall not only be faythfull loving
and harty fryndes together But that also the said Thomas and Jane
shall forget and forgive all fawtes trespasses and offences by hys sayd
wyfe heretofore comytted and ye sayd Thomas in lyke maner, and
they shall knyt in hartys wth faythfull love a new and pfecte Matry-
monye. And the said Peers Legh and his wife Margaret and the sayd
Jane Gerard the iii. daye of Julye next comyng shall lovyingly with
free and gentle harts come together to Wyndlishaw and there Hunt
and make merry with the said Thomas Gerard and his frynds and
that the morrow after that is to say the iiii. daye of July the said
Thomas Gerard and Jane his wyfe shall goe agayne to Hunt and
make merry with the sayd Peers Legh at Bradley and then return
with his sayd wyfe to the Bryn, or whither him pleaseth, and cohabit
with his sayd wyfe. . . . And if any breach or disagreement doe
chaunce again betwixt the sayd Thomas and his wyfe they shall
upon proofe thereof immediately pay to the sayd Peers Legh vi1.
xiiis. iiiid. for costs and charges he hath sustayned heretofore. And
above all, the Commissioners doe order that from hensforth the sayd
Thomas shall kepe no carnal accompayne with hys olde Concubyne

* Printed in vol. Ixxv of the Chetham Society's publications ("Lancashire
Funeral Certificates," edited by L. W. King).

THE HOUSE OF LYME

nowther take no newe one unto him. And that the Penanuce for his
misdemenors heretofore due and condygne shalbe further respettyd
tyll tryall of his Amendment."

This well-meant attempt at effecting a reconciliation between
the two was not productive of much result, for in the 38th
Henry VIII, Lady Gerard and her brother Sir Piers Legh
charged her husband Sir Thomas Gerard with " incontinence,
assault, and imprisonment " ; this probably led to her divorce
four years later, November 27, 4th Edward VI, 1550.

In 1574 Sir Piers Legh is mentioned as a mourner at the
gorgeous funeral of Edward, third Earl of Derby.* He appears
to have ridden with seven others " being assistants to the
Chief Mourner [Henry, 4th Earl], their hoods over their shoulders
and heads and their horses trapped with fine cloth to the
ground." f

1580 The earliest letter found at Lyme is one from Henry, 4th

Earl of Derby,} to Sir Piers Legh, and is dated 1580. The
letter is an unimportant one, merely giving directions for the
restitution of one John Potte to a copyhold tenement within
the forest of Macclesfield from which he appears to have been
evicted. Sir Piers in his capacity of Deputy Steward of Her
Majesty's forest of Macclesfield was to carry out this order.
The Earls of Derby were seneschals and master foresters of the
forest, and had under them officials and guardians sworn to
preserve the game and report on any stealing or infringement
of the laws. Besides these officials there were eight " foresters
in fee " who held their office by payment of a small fee farm
rent to the crown, and the owner of Lyme was always included
among these. The letter in question is addressed " to my
faithfull servant," and is signed " your louing Master."

At no time was rank so much considered and thought of as
in the cultured times of Queen Elizabeth ; class distinctions

* Edward, third Earl of Derby (1508-1572), signed petition to Pope Clement VII
for Henry VIII's divorce; Lord-Lieutenant of Cheshire and Lancashire, 1569.

f Collins' " Peerage," ed. 1812, vol. iii, pp. 73-78.

I Born 1531, son of Edward, third Earl; hostage in France 1550; gentleman
of the privy chamber to Edward VI ; married Margaret Clifford, daughter of Henry.
Earl of Cumberland, and granddaughter of Mary Tudor, sister of Henry VIII.

THE BUILDER OF THE HOUSE

were greater then than they have almost ever been before or
since, and what we should now call a snobbish or servile spirit
was considered to be the proper way in which to approach
persons of high and exalted rank. The Earls of Derby were
small sovereigns in their way in Lancashire and the Isle of
Man, where they had ruled as kings from 1404-5 till after 1504,
when the title was renounced by Thomas, second Earl.

Henry, Lord Derby, was on terms of great intimacy with Sir
Piers Legh, with whom he corresponded, asking his advice and
opinion on many matters of local interest ; it is also evident
that he visited at Lyme, one of his letters ending with thanks for
" the greategood cheare and entertaynment you latelie made me."
He is anxious, however, to remind Sir Piers of his importance,
and his letters never end with any other signature than that of
" your loving Master." The following letter from him to
Sir Piers gives some idea of the system of extorting payment in
those early days.

" After my verie hartie commendacons

" Understandinge that at sundrie Courte heretofore holden at
Macclesfeilde certeigne fynes haue bene imposed uppon trespasses
committed, the which being negligentlie passed over, and not regarded
as was meete, have growne unto a larger Somme then the parties
are able to answere : albeit I ame informed there be manye of that
poore sorte by whom more is due unto me, then can be hadde of them,
by means of their povertie, I would have you deale with them by
composicon and punishment as you yourself shall thinke good.
" And soe doe bidd you hartelie farewell

" Yor assured loving Mr

" H. DERBY."
" Post Script

" My meaninge [nevertheless] is that noe fynes be remitted to
anye of those, who are of hibilitie [sic] to annswere the same."

The letter is addressed :

" To my right trustie and righte welbeloved servante

Sr Peeter Leighe Knighte
my Deputie Stewarde of Macclesfeilde."

Meantime everywhere abroad was war and rumour of war.
Spain was at the height and zenith of her power ; enriched by

THE HOUSE OF LYME

the discoveries of Columbus in the West, she was now adding
to her conquests the best and most fertile of the districts of
Italy, and the commercial wealth of the Netherlands, and
Philip was boasting that he had no rival, and was preparing
himself for his final triumph — the conquest of England.
1585 In 1585, the Low Countries, maddened by his cruelties and
oppression, had risen in open revolt, and Elizabeth, who had
been secretly helping them, sent the Earl of Leicester with a
force of 5000 men on his disastrous expedition by way of
coercing the Netherlands into accepting the terms offered by
their aggressor — that is to say — a restoration of their constitu-
tional privileges on their submission to the Church. There had
been a call for volunteers, as the following letter from Lord
Derby will show :

" After my verie hartie Commendacons

" Where I ame required amonge my owne Tenants and frenndes
psentlie to furnishe and put in A readiness A certeigne Nombr of
stronge hable and tale Archers to be ymployed in her Matys service
in the Lowe Contries under my verie good Lorde and Cosin the Erie
of Leicester and the same to be in A readiness to sett forwards uppon
Warninge the seconde of November nexte I have alreadie taken order
throughout all my Landes on the Northe side Trente for A Nombr
to be furnished and because the same dothe not Amownt unto and
reache the Nombr expected nowe at my hands, the wch yf I should
whollie require of myne owne would extende to A Grete charge. I
ame therefore boulde as wth other my frends and svants accordinge
to the direccon Geven me, thereby to Charge you with the Chusinge,
and furnishinge amonnge yor Tenants of one verie sufficiente and
stronge Archer suche A one as shalbe serviceable and of good govern-
ment not Inclined or geven to dronkennes or any Notorious Vice.
And soe note dowbtinge of yor full and due regarde hereunto in all
respects as may stande wth myne honor and yor owne creditt.
" Newpke my house this XXIIIth of Octobr 1585
" Yor assured loving Mr

"H. DERBY."

" To my righte trustie and right Welbeloued Snnte

Sr Peeter Leighe Knighte my
Provoste Marshall for Lancashire Chesshire and Chester."

THE BUILDER OF THE HOUSE

The expedition proved a disastrous failure. Leicester was 1585-6
welcomed and acclaimed by the Netherlander, and was in
January 1585-6 offered by a deputation from the States-General
the absolute government of the United Provinces ; but as a
general he showed himself hopelessly incompetent, and after a
series of reverses (in one of which the gallant Sir Philip Sidney *
was killed), hampered by a total want of supplies, he brought
his inglorious campaign to a close and returned to England
in 1587. The following year England was threatened by the 1587
invasion of the Spanish Armada, and Sir Piers Legh subscribed
£100 (a very large sum in those days, equal to about £1600 of
our money) towards the fitting out and equipment of our
opposing fleet.

By his wife Margaret Sir Piers had five sons and two
daughters. His eldest son, Peter, born about 1540, married
Katherine, daughter of Sir Thomas Venables, Baron of Kin-
derton, and died in the lifetime of his father, leaving issue
three sons and one daughter. There is no record of Katherine
his wife ; it is therefore to be presumed that she died also at an
early age, as the children were brought up by their grandfather.

Sir Piers Legh's eldest grandson, Peter, aged at this time
about twenty-one, was probably sent with Leicester's expedi-
tion, but no mention of his name occurs among the lists of
volunteers in Leicester's train. Negotiations had been pro-
ceeding between his grandfather and Sir Gilbert Gerard,j*
Master of the Rolls, regarding the marriage of young Peter with
Margaret, daughter of Sir Gilbert. In two very interesting
but almost undecipherable letters from him to Sir Piers Legh —
the first bearing date November 23, 1584, he speaks of the
latter's want of liberality towards his heir, and complains of
the terms of the marriage settlement, and of his being tied
down to so hard a bargain :

" for if I shuld follow the verie letter of the Articles (as you doe) &
not shewe any more liberalise then the words of the Articles doeth

* Sir Philip Sidney, soldier, statesman, and poet (1554-1586).
f Knighted 1579; Master of the Rolls, 1581 ; M.P. for Lancaster, 1584; married
Anne, daughter of Thomas Radcliffe of Wimersley. He died 1593

THE HOUSE OF LYME

bynde me unto, then truly the yong folks might thynke they were
hardly used . . . but I dyd thynke that there shuld not have bene
founde any disposicon eyther in you or in me to see theyme wantt
of any thynge Convenyent for theyme, & therefore for my pte I haue
hetherto ben at a grete deale more charge then ys expressed in any
of my Articles, & there hath Comen nothyng from you more then the
letter of the Articles ...... (which argueth that you haue but

smalle affeccon to yor Cosyne) otherwise then fr. some profit to yor
self! by the Bargane."

1 584-5 This must have been about the time of the marriage ; the
second letter, dated January 30, 1584-5, was after the marriage
had taken place, and is in the same strain.

" I haue borne all chargs for the tyme past but thereof I make no
accompt, yf yt may turne you to some gayne fr that wyll please you
best, yet truly yff I hadde thought to haue found you soe harde &
unwyllyng to doe fr yor heyre as I nowe see you arre I wold not haue
taken hym of geft at yor hands,"

ending, however, with the pious wish : " God kepe you in
helth & welth."

The term " cosin " appears to have been used for any
degree of relationship.

The conditions of the marriage settlement are peculiar — to say
the least. The ceremony was to take place within three years
from the date of the said agreement, the articles being dated
June i, 1579 (2Ist Elizabeth). If during the interval the said
Peter Legh were to die, his next brother, Edward, was to
marry the said Margaret, " or ells suche other of the daughters
of the said Gilbert Gerrarde and wthin suche convenyent tyme
as the said Gilbert shall appoynt." And if the said Edward
were to die before the marriage was consummated, Margaret
was to be passed on to the next brother. The sum of £40
yearly was to be subscribed by Sir Piers towards the main-
tenance of the young couple, " from and after suche tyme as
the said daughter shall accomplish the age of 12 years," Sir
Gilbert Gerard was to " fynd them and any issue it myght
please God to send them, competent apparell, meate, drynke,
lodginge and other things necessary and Requisite for them at
40

THE BUILDER OF THE HOUSE

all times," and was to assure to Sir Piers Legh certain lands in
Lancashire for the term of his natural life. If it should happen
that Sir Piers should be appointed to serve Her Majesty or her
heirs or successors in any of their wars, he reserved to himself
the right, in the event of his being taken prisoner, to sell land
not exceeding the yearly rent of £40, " for his delyuerance."
Sir Piers was also to have the liberty to assure out of the rent
of his lands £20 a year for the keeping up of a school at Disley,
and also of a priest " for the doing of divine service."

One cannot help feeling that Sir Piers got the best of the bar-
gain, and that Sir Gilbert Gerard was justified in his complaint.

If Peter Legh did accompany Leicester in his expedition to
the Low Countries he must have done so immediately after his
marriage, probably returning, as so many others did, the
following year. In the letter from Sir Gilbert Gerard just
mentioned, there is a passage in which he speaks of " some
dannger uppon Casualties that myght haue happened & nowe
thankes be to God that ys past " ; this makes it appear prob-
able that Peter took part in the campaign.

In connexion with the Earl of Leicester,* a charming letter
written by him to Sir Piers Legh is here given in full :

" Sir Piers Leighe

" Fpor yor hounde and for yor hynde, sent me by yor Servante, I 1584
do right hartely thank you ; I perceyve you will not forget me and
assure yor selfe that as occasion shall serve, I will not be unmyndefull
of yor Continewall remembrance of me. And so praying you to
make assured accompt, wth my right harty commendacons, and
lyke thankes, I bid you ffarewell

" ffro the Courte the XlXth
of November, 1584.

" Yor very louinge frend

" R. LEYCESTER.

" I thanke you very hartiley Sr Piers for yor hounde and will requyte
you the loose of him wth as good a thinge."

" To my very louinge frend
Sr Piers Leighe Knight."

* Robert Dudley, first Earl of Leicester of the fourth creation (1532 P-I588),
Queen Elizabeth's favourite.

THE HOUSE OF LYME

The hound mentioned in the letter was no doubt one of the
celebrated Lyme mastiffs, now, alas, threatened with extinc-
tion. This breed has existed at Lyme for generations ; the
dogs are noted for their immense size, being almost as large as
donkeys. They are of a pale lemon colour, with gigantic heads
somewhat resembling bloodhounds, black ears and muzzles,
immensely broad chests, and soft brown eyes. Tradition
states that the second Sir Piers had one of these dogs with him
at the Battle of Agincourt, and mention is made of them in
many of the old letters.

That they were much thought of in the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries is apparent from the fact that in Stowe's
" Annals " we find mention of a pair among the propitiatory
gifts sent in 1604 by James I to Philip III of Spain, when the
Earl of Nottingham * went on his embassy to Madrid, carrying
with him the Oath for the Confirmation of the Articles of
Peace at the close of England's war with Spain. The following
is from the text :

" At the deliuery of the presents by Thomas Knoll Esquier, the
King and Queen Came in person to View & receive them with a very
kind and princeley acceptation.

" The presents were

" Sixe stately Horses, with saddles and saddle clothes very
richly and curiously embroidered, that is to say three for the
King and three for the Queene Two Crosse bowes with Sheffes
of Arrowes Foure fowlling pieces with their furniture very
richly garnished and inlaid with plates of gold A Cupple of
Lyme hounds of singular qualities."

In the great picture by Velasquez of the children of Philip IV,
the Las Menihas, which hangs in the Gallery at Madrid, a large
mastiff is seen in the foreground, one of the children rubbing its
back with his foot. The dog is precisely the same as the Lyme
mastiffs of the present day, having all their characteristics,
and was no doubt a descendant of the pair presented by
James I to Philip III in 1604.

Sir Piers Legh, besides doing good service as a soldier, was

* Howard Charles, first Earl of Nottingham (1536-1624).
42

THE BUILDER OF THE HOUSE

for his time a cultured man ; he was a lover of music and of
the drama, patronizing the itinerant actors of the day and
keeping his own band of musicians and troupe of players ;
and dramatic performances seem frequently to have been given
at Lyme for the entertainment of his guests and neighbours.
He was also a great lover of heraldry, and was visited in 1575
by William Flower, Norroy king-of-arms, who granted the shield
of augmentation mentioned in a former chapter. A beautiful
little manuscript book of drawings on vellum of the numerous
coats of arms belonging to the Legh family is still preserved
amongst the heirlooms. It bears date 1575, and contains the
following dedicatory notice on the front page :

" The names, Armes, Etymologies and Blazon, of euery Coate, apper-
taining unto his especiall good frende Mr Peter Legh Esquier, both
in Englishe & Latyn."

On the last leaf it is signed

"FFortunato. M.P."

and it is thought that these are the initials of Mercury Patten,
Blue Mantle herald, its copyist. The " Mr Peter Legh Esquier "
must have been Peter Legh, then about twelve years old.

The only letter to be found written by Sir Piers Legh is
dated January 22, 1584-5, and is addressed in somewhat
indignant terms to Robert Glover, Somerset Herald, who
conducted visitations in Durham in 1575, Cheshire 1580, and
Yorkshire in 1584.* One sentence is reproduced :

" I do not perceave by yr letter that you allowe me my Cosyn Legh
of the Boothes his Armes yf you deale so hardly as not to allowe
theis Armes Then you force me to seeke to the Erie Mrshall whoe I
trust will allowe me that of Right I ought to have. But my trust
is you wilnot put me unto that shefte for this matter & that although
you have my money aforehande payd you will use me well."

The letter is beautifully written on large paper with rough
edges, the ink is still quite black and the handwriting — for that
of the period — is clear and distinct.

* Thinking it might interest the gentlemen at the Herald's College I sent this
letter for their inspection, and was told that it was very much the kind of letter
they were in the habit of receiving at the present day.

THE HOUSE OF LYME

It is a curious fact that the clipping and misplacing of h's is
not by any means peculiar to modern times. Many instances
of this prevail in letters of the Elizabethan and Jacobean period,
though as a rule both writing and spelling were better in the
sixteenth than in the seventeenth century, when the writing,
particularly that of the women, was atrocious and the spelling
purely phonetic. One gathers from this phonetic spelling that
the pronunciation of people of the upper classes must closely
have resembled the dialect of the country people of to-day,
they write " me broother," for instance, for " my brother,"
" coom " for " come," etc. Mary, Queen of Scots, spoke broad
Scotch, and so did James I.

The writers were very long-winded, and, time having no
value, they entered into long explanations, protestations, and
diatribes, taking several pages to express what might have
been said in a few lines. An instance of this may be seen in
two letters of stupendous length written by Ferdinando, fifth
Earl of Derby, to Robert, second Earl of Essex, copies of which
had evidently been sent to Lyme. The letters contain nothing
but reproaches to Lord Essex for taking into his service a
certain Richard Bold, afterwards connected with the Leghs by
marriage, who had previously been in Lord Derby's service and
had left him, probably with a view to bettering his condition.
Lord Essex writes excusing himself in a letter nearly as long,
but evidently did not succeed in propitiating Lord Derby.

A portrait of Sir Piers Legh said to have been painted in
1572, when he would have been fifty-nine, represents him
wearing a black satin doublet with a small white ruff, and
trimmed with sable. On his head is an Edward VI bonnet
bordered with roses and worn slightly over the right ear. The
hair and the short pointed beard are red, characteristic of the
race, and the face, much lined, is stern and resolute, with thin
firm lips and a very decided chin.

There is also a portrait of his wife, Margaret, by an unknown
artist, painted in her ninetieth year. She is dressed in what
must evidently have been widow's weeds with a large black
hood lined with white coming over her head and face, and a

MARGARET LADY LEGH

Widow of Sir Piers Legh, with her great-granddaughter Anne Legh.
afterwards Mrs. Bold, 1595

From a Portrait at Lyme

THE BUILDER OF THE HOUSE

little white ruff at her chin. In her arms she holds her great-
grandchild, aged one year. The child is dressed in a long
white robe of lace, much resembling some old point lace of the
Elizabethan period, still preserved among the Legh heirlooms.
On her head is a little close-fitting white cap, round her neck is
a coral necklace, and hanging from it a silver and coral rattle,
and in one little hand she holds a red flower.

Over the old woman is inscribed, " Aetatis suae 90.* A. 1595
Domini 1595. Sir Piers Leghs Lady." Above the child's head
is " Anno Primo after marryed to Bold."

Except in one letter of Peter Legh's in which he sends a
message to " my good old grandmother " there is no mention
of or allusion to Dame Margaret Legh. The women of that
period led — with few exceptions — colourless lives, hampered
and tied in by the conditions of the time in which they lived.
Lady Legh survived her husband several years, living, as has
been seen, to a great age. She must have had her sorrows, her
fears, and anxieties for her husband's safety during his absence
at the wars, and the knowledge of his infidelity, which we
gather from his will.f The face in her portrait shows signs of
suffering and the eyes have shed many tears, but she lived to
see her children's children grow up around her, and she may
have found comfort and consolation in watching the growth
and development of their little lives.

Sir Piers made his will in 1587, in a document of stupendous
length. It bears evidence of the influence of the Reformation,
for there is no mention of " Our Lady " or the saints. He
bequeathes his soul into the hands of Almighty God, the
Creator and Maker of the whole world, and of Jesus Christ his
Saviour, and his body to be buried in my Chapel situate in
the parishe Churche of Winwicke in the Countie of Lancaster
where now my ancestors doe lie. Also for my Corsepntet J or
mortuarie I will accordinge to the lawes of this Realme." To

* She must, therefore, have been married at the age of thirteen, her husband
being five years old.

f A bequest to his " base daughter " Jane.
| Corse-present — a mortuary fee.

THE HOUSE OF LYME

his wife he leaves " the full thirde parte of all my goodes and
catalls accordinge to the laudable Anciente Custome."

After providing for his sons and other relatives he leaves to
Henry, fourth Earl of Derby, " my beste guilt e Bowie of Silver
with the Cover thereunto belonging in token of my verie faithfull
goodwill towards him and his house which I have ever loved
and honored." To Lord Derby's eldest son, Lord Strange,
afterwards Ferdinando, fifth Earl, he bequeathes " all my
hawks of what kynde and sorte soever they bee, And all my
houndes of siche and every sorte, a smale guyfte wherein in
tymes past I have had singuler good likeinge " ; and at the same
time he prays Lord Derby and his son to £< bestowe the Office
which I nowe possesse and enjoy here in this Countrie Upon
Peter Legh my Cosyn and heire male trustinge he will faithfully
use and execute the same to their honors likeing." What the
office was is not certain, it was probably that of Captain of the

1587 Isle of Man, which office Peter Legh was holding in 1593. Sir
Piers also expresses a wish that " my poore house might ever
contynewe and remayne to the house of my Lord and his
posteritie for ever . . . and in case my posteritie should not
appertaine and Retain to their honors and their posteritie
(as I and my predecessors ever heretofore have don) if a Dead-
man might have knowledge thereof and receive and take grief
thereat there could not be any greater grief unto me then that
in all this worlde."

Numerous bequests and annuities are left to the parsons
and poor of the different parishes, and all his cousins and
servants are remembered, no one apparently being omitted.

1590 Three years afterwards, on December 6, 1590, Sir Piers Legh
died peacefully at Lyme at the age of seventy-seven, having
lived longer than any of his predecessors ; his remains were
taken to Winwick, the family burial-place in Lancashire, where
they were interred on January 10, 1590-1, more than a month
after his death.

His life is a very fair specimen of that of an English country
gentleman of the sixteenth century. There are perhaps no
great deeds of valour to recount, no list of honours to enumerate,

THE BUILDER OF THE HOUSE

but he faithfully served his sovereign and country ; he filled
the posts he occupied with honour and distinction ; he was
loved and respected by his friends and neighbours, he was a
friend and benefactor to the poor ; and though he may have
had his faults, he did his duty according to his lights, and the
good in his life predominates. No brass or stone marks the
place of his burial, but he lives in the records of his ancient
house, and his works have followed him.

CHAPTER IV
THE LAST SIR PETER AND HIS HOUSEHOLD

PETER LEGH — ninth Peter in succession, and last of the Sir
Peters — was born in 1563, and would therefore have been
about twenty-seven years of age at the time of his grandfather's
death in 1590. His father and mother having died young, he
and his two brothers, Edward and Thomas, and their sister
Elizabeth, were brought up by their grandfather and grand-
mother. It is not known whether Peter Legh was sent to the
University ; his brother Edward matriculated at Brazenose
College, Oxford, on May 31, 1581, at the age of sixteen, and
took his BA. degree on October 31, 1583. The younger
brother, Thomas, matriculated there the same year as his
elder brother, at the age of fourteen, and took his BA. degree
also in 1583.

University life began very early for the youth of the Eliza-
bethan era. They were sent out to face the world when they
were still mere children, and although more supervision seems
to have been exercised over them than is the case in the colleges
of the present day, considering the difficulties and dangers
of travelling, the mothers of that time must have suffered even
more — one would imagine — at parting with their sons than do
the fond mothers of these more coddling days.

In 1584, Henry, fourth Earl of Derby, went on a mission
to France to convey the garter from Queen Elizabeth to
Henri III. A Mr. Peter Legh is included among his gentlemen-
ushers or train-bearers. Though we have no documentary
proof, it seems not unlikely that this may have been our Peter
Legh — always supposing that he did not go with Leicester's
expedition to the Low Countries, for he could scarcely have

SIR PETER LEGH

As a young man. Painted on a panel by a French artist, 1591
From a Portrait at Lyme

THE LAST SIR PETER

done both — as his grandfather may have thought this a good
opportunity for him to see something of the world under such
good auspices. He appears to have entered one of the Inns of
Court, probably with a view of obtaining some experience of
the duties of a magistrate and justice of the peace, becoming
an inmate of Gray's Inn in 1585 — the year of his marriage. On
March 16, 1591, we find a receipt for the sum of £5, signed 1591
by one Thomas Tyldesley at the hands of James Hey for
Peter Legh "to be paid by mee to Hierome Pecocke of Graies
Inne Gent for the use of the said Peter Lighe." In 1586 and
1590 he was M.P. for the borough of Wigan, and in 1595 he
was Deputy Lieuteiraat, Justice of the Peace, and High Sheriff
of Cheshire, and was in 1597 elected M.P. for the county of
Chester, having as his colleague Thomas Holcroft of Vale
Royal. He is then for the first time described as Sir Peter
Legh, though it is said that he was not knighted until 1598,
when Queen Elizabeth conferred that honour upon him at
Greenwich at the close of Essex's two expeditions to Spain — in
both of which Sir Peter took part.

The first expedition (1596) was undertaken with the object
of checking the advance of the Spaniards, who — encouraged by
the failure of Drake's last campaign — were likely, it was feared,
to give support to the disaffected in Ireland. They had already
captured Calais, and Henri IV was imploring help from England.
Essex set sail from Plymouth on June i, 1596, with ninety-three
ships and nearly 13,000 men, his colleague being Sir Walter
Raleigh, and entirely defeated the Spanish fleet drawn up in
Cadiz Bay. The town surrendered and the whole campaign
proved a brilliant success. Essex returned in July, the hero
of the hour, and a Thanksgiving Service was held in St. Paul's
Cathedral.

In spite, however, of this defeat, the Spaniards prepared a
fleet the following year to advance upon the English coast,
Essex went on a second expedition to intercept it and to seize
the Azores, but a terrible storm practically destroyed the
Spanish fleet, and the English ships were so disabled and
scattered ^3 to have the greatest difficulty in reaching port

D 49

THE HOUSE OF LYME

with the capture of only a few Spanish treasure ships. Queen
Elizabeth, though seriously annoyed with Essex for his failure,
ultimately made him Earl Marshal, bestowing honours and
rewards also upon his followers, Sir Peter Legh amongst their
number.

In 1599, when all Celtic Ireland rose in support of Hugh
O'Neill * who had instigated a rebellion against the oppression
of the English settlers, Essex was sent by Queen Elizabeth to
quell the revolt, and there was a general muster. We find f
among the names of the gentlemen who were to furnish
horse for Ireland that of Sir Peter Legh, viz. " Chester — Sir
Peter Legh, i horse."

A well-executed portrait of him on a panel, thought to
be by a French artist, and probably painted during his
absence abroad, represents him as a young man dressed in
a black satin doublet with wide puffed sleeves, a black cloak
over his left shoulder. His right hand rests on his hip, and his
left hand clasps the hilt of a sword which hangs from a silver
belt. The face is large and massive, with a heavy square-set
jaw, grey eyes, and chestnut hair parted on the left side and
hanging in curls. Inscribed on the picture is :

Aetatis suae 28. Ivsqves A Lors :

Sir Peter Legh Knight.

There are two good miniatures of him. An early one painted in
oils before water-colour miniatures came into fashion, gives
him a moustache and short square beard, a large white linen
collar falling over his armour. The other miniature, painted
in 1631, when he was sixty-eight, depicts him in armour with
very thick white hair, a moustache and short pointed beard —
a vigorous-looking old man. Another portrait of him, about
the same date as the early miniature, shows him in typical
Elizabethan dress wearing a very beautiful sword, only part of
the hilt of which is still in existence.

In 1593 we find Peter Legh discharging the duties of Captain

* Hugh O'Neill, third Baron of Duncannon, and second Earl of Tyrone (1540 ?-
1616).

f From the "Acts of the Privy Council for 1599-1600" (Record Office).

THE LAST SIR PETER

of the Isle of Man, to which post Lord Derby had appointed him
at the earnest request — specified, as we have seen, by his will —
of his grandfather, Sir Piers, who had held the post himself for
many years before his death. An interesting paper of the
accounts for 1593 names all the charges of the Receiver, the
Water Bailiff, and other officials, and gives one some idea of
the difficulties the newly appointed Captain must have had to
contend with in dealing with procrastinating officials who
evidently tried to impose upon the young man and take
advantage of his youth and inexperience. They were, however,
soon to find that he was not to be trifled with. The Receiver
being called upon to produce his accounts, answered that he
had not yet received all from the different parts of the country,
but the Captain would listen to no reasons or excuses, and
insisted that all sums were to be brought in before his departure
from the island. The Receiver complaining that he had been
overcharged £5, the Captain remarked " he hath as yet shown
me no reason." In this Peter showed early in life the careful
and businesslike turn of mind which was so strong a feature
of his character. Of great piety, shrewd, capable, far-seeing,
with a very strict sense of duty, he had many good qualities,
but his was not a lovable nature, and there was a vein of hard-
ness which appears in his treatment of his children, whom
he thwarted in what seems to have been an objectless and
needless fashion.

He was accompanied on these expeditions by his wife, Mar-
garet (thus they were another Peter and Margaret), a daughter,
as we have seen, of Sir Gilbert Gerard, Master of the Rolls.

A journey to the Isle of Man in those days was somewhat
of an undertaking, and can only have been accomplished
with a certain amount of difficulty and no small danger,
but Margaret, undaunted, followed her husband through storm
and stress — a faithful and devoted wife.

In a very long letter addressed to her by Henry Sumner,
chaplain to Sir Peter Legh, the date of which is missing, he
gives a sort of lecture on the duties of marriage, and dwells
particularly on Margaret's devotion to her husband :

THE HOUSE OF LYME

" I will not now speaks of yor willingnes to learne & readines to per-
forme these holy coniugall Duties. Yor voyage with yor husband
into the Isle of Manne, through the raginge waves of the surginge
seas (the most unrulie creature that ever was made the powers of
Hell except) the which you endured with more then womanlie bouldnes,
the faythfullnes of a wife embouldeninge the fearfulnes of a woman,
doth sufficiently speake for me. The which Dutie so well begonne
was as well contynued to yor great commendacon, in that all those
manie sweete delights which deare kynsfolkes & desyred Countrie
can afford, could not move yor heart to retourne from thence, tyll
you might retourne accompanied as you came. A notable argument
of that holie stryfe which is betweene yor kyndest husband & you :
stryvinge (not as do manie, whether may be frowarder,) but whether
in kyndnes may excell other."

Margaret can only have been fifteen or sixteen at the time
of her marriage in 1585, and barely twenty, but already the
mother of one or two children, when she started the cares and
responsibilities of housekeeping at Lyme. The house was not
even finished ; there were workmen to control and supervise,
and the provisioning of and catering. for a household the size
of Lyme must have required more knowledge and experience
than poor Margaret can have possessed.

The good old grandmother, Margaret Lady Legh, was living
— as we know by her portrait in 1595 — and no doubt helped
the young couple with her sage advice and counsel, and with
the bringing up of part of their large family of seven sons and
two daughters. After the old lady's death, however, Margaret
must often have been left alone during her husband's absence
at the wars, or in London — where Sir Peter had to go to
attend to his parliamentary duties — to cope with the worries
and anxieties of a large family and household, as we see from
the following letter from Dorothy, Lady Halsall,* one of the
few of Margaret's letters that have survived, written during
the absence of both their husbands with Essex's expedition :

" Cousine Leighe, Your seconde selfe, beinge so farre absent as he is,
and myne owne, noe nearer home, at this instant : I coulde not

* A natural daughter of Henry, fourth Earl of Derby, by Jane Halsall of Knowsley .
she married Sir Cuthbert Halsall, who dissipated the whole of his large fortune and
died 1631.

MARGARET GERARD

First wife of Sir Peter Legh of Lyme

By MARCUS GHEERAERTS

From a Portrait at Lyme

THE LAST SIR PETER

wthout injurie to your good nature, and impeache to myne owne
affection, but performe this smalle kindnes, in sendinge to see you ;
hartely wishinge you woulde solace your selfe, wth the hope of their
happie, and hastie retorne. Untill when and ever God keepe you,
in asmuche health, and happines, as I wishe to myne owne selfe.
And yf you heare anie thinge from them [before they come] I praye
you ptake yt ; for that nothinge can come unto me more welcome, or
wished for, save themselves. And so with manie Commendacons, I
commit you to God.

"Halsall. This I2th of Marche, 1596.

" Your louinge Cousine and so assured

" DOROTHIE HALSALL."

In spite of her assertion that she writes to obtain news of
her dear cousin, the very obvious reason for her letter appears
in the postscript :

" Cousine I pray you sende me the oyle of Almondes you pmised
[promised] me by this berrer.

" To my verie louinge and beloued good Cousine

" Mris Margaret Leighe at Lyme her house hast theise."

A full-length portrait of Margaret Legh, painted about 1600,
by Marcus Gheeraerts gives one a charming conception of her.
She wears a yellow silk gown with green horizontal stripes, the
dress standing out from her slight figure in the grotesque
fashion of the period, with very high lace ruff, and large puffed
sleeves, terminating in lace cuffs at the wrist. On her head is
a curious kind of aigrette, almost like a crown, with two
ornaments which fall from each side. Her dark hair is
drawn very high above her lovely and pathetic face with
its small delicate features and dark blue eyes. Round her
neck is a double row of small pearls, below this another necklace
in a design of points, also of pearls ; hanging from her bodice
is a necklace of four rows of large pearls — alas, no longer in
existence. Over her whole dress there falls a sort of transparent
material almost resembling chiffon, and from her shoulders
and falling to the ground a cobweb-like cloak sewn with large
pearls. In her right hand she holds a fan, hanging by a ribbon
from her waist. Her left hand, which rests on the front of her
gown, shows no wedding-ring, but on the third finger is what

THE HOUSE OF LYME

appears to be a thin silken string, knotted and crossed over the
back of the hand and disappearing into the cuff.* The picture
is inscribed : " Sir Peter Legh's first Lady, Thomas Lord
Gerard of Bromley, Master of the Rolls his daughter." A
lovely little miniature of Margaret, said in the catalogue to be
by Cornelis Janssen, but with the blue background very
characteristic of Oliver, shows her wearing a huge lace ruff,
small gold rings in her ears, a necklace of pearls and gold, and
a small aigrette in her hair.

It is rather difficult to picture to oneself what the interior
of the house was like at the period of which we write, each
succeeding generation having made important structural addi-
tions and alterations. The drawing-room has fortunately been
left untouched and is practically as it was when built — a splendid
example of Elizabethan art — the date probably about 1580.
The whole room is panelled from the floor to within four feet
of the ceiling with oak inlaid with satinwood in a design of
panels arranged in arches with small pillars and a pattern of
carving made to resemble brickwork in between, ornamented
with raised diamond-shaped squares of oak and satinwood and
a series of grotesque heads. Above the panelling is an elaborate
plaster frieze divided into panels — each of a different design —
supposed to be the work of Italians, who were largely employed
in the decoration of English houses of this date. The ceiling is
very elaborate in plaster strapwork with bosses and pendants.
A stone and coloured plaster chimney-piece reaches from the
floor to the ceiling, a double set of columns supports the lower
part, the centre having the arms of Queen Elizabeth with the
lion and griffin instead of unicorn, as used before the union
with Scotland, the whole being surmounted by a crown.
Flanking the arms are four caryatides — two on each side,
having on their heads baskets of fruit richly gilt, as are also the
arms and quarterings, the colours of which are painted.

Succeeding generations have left their mark in this beautiful
room, as one may see by the Chippendale mirrors and carved

* I have seen this curious feature in other pictures of the same date, but have
never been able to ascertain what it means. — E.N.

THE LAST SIR PETER

wood and gilt chandelier, which though perhaps not strictly
speaking correct in an Elizabethan room, still give a touch of
life and colour to the somewhat sombre walls. The basket-
grate is a fine example of diamond-cut steel in an Adam design,
with very elaborately worked fender and fireirons.

A bay window to the east is filled with coloured glass, origin-
ally placed by this Sir Peter Legh in the east window of Disley
Church, and moved to its present position about a hundred
years ago. The centre portion of the bow is all heraldic glass
(surrounded by a border of a symbolical series of the months
of the year) representing the Legh coats of arms in successive
marriages, Sir Peter Legh's portrait being placed conspicuously
in the centre. The two side portions of the bow are occupied
by shields of the arms of Knights of the Garter and Earls of
Chester of Elizabeth's time, and are of a rich and beautifully
mellow colour ; the doors and window-shutters of the room are
of delicate workmanship. Three windows to the north have in
each five small panels of coloured glass. These are arranged in
the shape of a cross, a coat of arms forming each panel. The
centre of the middle window is filled with a large ram's head,
holding in its mouth a sprig of laurel and issuing from a ducal
coronet — the Legh crest. The dates on the coats of arms vary
from 1586 to 1661, which last is placed over the Legh arms
quartered with the Chicheley.

Recent researches at the British Museum have resulted in
the discovery of some drawings of the Legh coats of arms,
signed Randle Holme,* 1630, and with this inscription : " Thus
made in glass for Sr Peter Lighe — 1630." This coat is in the
centre window just below the ram's head.

On the south side of the room is a secret opening in the
panelling, revealing a recess behind the back of a full-length
portrait of the Black Prince hanging in the Hall below, the
floor of which is about twelve feet lower than that of the
drawing-room. The picture slides to one side on a cleverly

* There were two Randle Holmes, father and son, who died within four years
of each other. The father was Deputy to the College of Arms for Cheshire, Shrop-
shire, and South Wales, and died in 1654 '• the son was a genealogist who added to
the Holme MSS., and died in 1659 (" Dictionary of National Biography ")•

THE HOUSE OF LYME

contrived hinge and can be opened and shut at pleasure. It is
said that Sir Walter Scott visited Lyme when writing " Peveril
of the Peak," and that he was so delighted with this curious
feature that he made use of the idea in "Woodstock/' where
there is an incident of a picture opening in very much the same
way and serving as a hiding-place. A beautiful red lacquer
clock with brass mounts, the face inscribed Claude Viet, London,
is also in this room ; the clock plays fourteen different tunes,
mostly Jacobite airs, some of the names of which are given as
follows: "Gigue Lelebolere," " Gauoat Nameless," "The
Eunuch Song," " The Granaderes March," " Trumpet Tune "
and " Trumpet Menuet," and " Joy to Great Caesar." Here are
also pieces of old Jacobite and Italian glass, incised lacquer
cabinets and Oriental china, Elizabethan, Charles II, and
Chippendale chairs, all fine specimens. Fastened on to the
panelling of the bay window are six curious and well painted
portraits on panel and unframed ; they represent Mary, Queen
of Scots, James I, Charles. I, Charles II, William III, and Queen
Anne ; other portraits in the room include one of James,
seventh Earl of Derby, beheaded in 1651, and his wife Charlotte
de la Tremouille, renowned for her defence of Lathom House,
replicas (except that they are not full lengths) of the ones at
Knowsley.

Opening out of the drawing-room is a room called " the
Stag Parlour " of a rather later date than the drawing-room,
having the arms of James I over the chimney-piece flanked by
small figures of " Peace " and " Plenty " executed in coloured
plaster. Above the Jacobean chimney-piece is a curious bas-
relief of the house, showing it as it was in old Sir Piers Legh's
time, with the mullioned windows and small lanthorn tower.
Round the house a stag hunt is depicted, horsemen in top-boots
and hats somewhat resembling the round hats of the present
day, all executed in coloured plaster and grotesque in scale, the
stags reaching up to the roof of the house, the horses and dogs
not very much smaller. A bas-relief in medallions of coloured
plaster runs round the entire cornice, representing different
episodes in the life of the stag.

LYME : THE STAG PARLOUR
With bas-relief showing the house as it was before the alterations

THE LAST SIR PETER

Here are kept relics of Charles I : his gloves, his agate-
handled dagger, with " Carolus " on the blade, and the
remains of his cloak, cut up by some vandal to cover six very
fine early Chippendale chairs, which were evidently made for
the cloak, as they have the initials C R intertwined in the
backs. A curious portrait of Charles I, said to be by Edward
Bower,* though not signed, hangs in this room. The King
is represented in a black cloak and Roundhead hat, seated
in the chair he occupied at his trial ; in one hand he holds
a cane, in the other a paper — supposed to be his death-warrant
— the beard is grey, the hair much darker than in most of his
portraits. The picture is said to be one of the " Black
Charles," of which there are only a very few known ; they
were painted for and presented to devoted adherents in memory
of their martyred King. The room is hung with English
tapestry.

These two rooms are the only ones on the first floor that
are of Elizabethan or Jacobean date ; there is another oak-
panelled room on the ground floor called the " Stone Parlour,"
which has a large stone and plaster chimney-piece with the
Molyneux arms and quarterings in the centre.

The Hall, which is hung with Mortlake tapestries, signed
with the initials F. C. (Sir Francis Crane, the first director of
the factory), is of a much later date. The Saloon, with its
beautiful carvings by Grinling Gibbons, and the library, which
has antique Greek " stelas " and bronzes, and the dining-room,
a comparatively modern room, will be described later on.

Upstairs on the second floor is the Long Gallery, such a
feature of every Elizabethan house. It is 120 feet long by 18 feet
broad, with a floor of sycamore wood, the boards laid across the
room and very uneven ; the oak panelling is inlaid with satinwood
in the same design as that in the drawing-room, part of the
woodwork being only grained and painted. A coloured plaster
chimney-piece similar to the one in the drawing-room, also
having the arms of Elizabeth, occupies the centre of the east

* A portrait-painter of the time of Charles I. He painted John Pym, General
Fairfax, and Lord Fairfax, the two last engraved by Hollar.

THE HOUSE OF LYME

side of the room, and there is a large bow window — anciently
termed a " compass window " — on the same side of the room at
each end.

It is always a question as to what use these galleries
were put — they were certainly much used as living-rooms ;
we find Sir Peter Legh seated in the " compas window of his
gallerie," hearing the claims and complaints of his tenants and
paying the wages of his retainers. Here again the theatrical
performances so often mentioned must have taken place, the
" musicians " delighting their audience with their old-time airs,
the fool with his jests filling up the interludes. Many a scene
of mirth and revelry have these old walls witnessed, and many
a dance, from the courtly pavane and minuet to the barn dance
of our own prosaic times.

Opening formerly out of the gallery but now divided from
it by a passage is the room occupied by Mary, Queen of Scots,
with a small dressing-room attached ; here is still what remains
of the bed she slept in, which has been already described ; the
stone and coloured plaster chimney-piece reaching from floor
to ceiling like those in the other rooms has in the centre the
arms and quarterings of the Gerards of Ince. The ceiling is in
raised plaster-work in which the fleur-de-lis figures conspicuously;
there is also a plaster frieze. In the floor of this room there is
a small secret chamber or priest-hole in which it is said the
skeleton of some poor forgotten priest was found many years ago,
and this has given rise to the tradition that the room is haunted.
It has always borne the name of the " Ghost Room," but no
supernatural visitor has ever been seen ; a secret passage is
supposed to lead from it to the " Cage " — the tower in the
park described in a former chapter.

It seems strange that Queen Mary should have been put
into so small and unimportant a room, as other larger bedrooms
are on the first floor ; but this was no doubt done with a view
to keeping the poor Queen better guarded, her jailors being
probably put in the gallery adjoining.

In these times of luxury and self-indulgence it is difficult to
realize how life can have been possible in those early days.

THE LAST S IR PETER

The deadly cold and discomfort of the houses, where there can
have been no heating apparatus apart from fires ; the darkness
and gloom of the rooms, oak panelled and hung with heavy
arras, lit only by candles. It is small wonder that one reads
of the " agues " and " feavors " in so many of the letters of
the time. Before the reign of Elizabeth, except in the houses
of the great, there were no chimneys, the smoke being allowed
to escape through a hole in the roof ; there was little or no
glass to the windows, the substitute being horn or parchment
let into the shutters. During the first half of the fifteenth
century, stools or benches with loose cushions were all people
had to sit upon, chairs were seldom seen and were used only
by the master and mistress of the house, or given to an honoured
guest, upholstery being practically unknown before the seven-
teenth century. Beds were mere pallets stuffed with straw, often
with nothing but a log of wood for a pillow, it being a common
saying that pillows were fit only for sick women.* Until a
very recent period the beds in the older part of Lyme had one
mattress — as hard and stiff as a deal board — laid over laths of
wood, the bed being considerably more uncomfortable to sleep
on than the bare floor would have been.

From old inventories one gathers that there can have been
very little furniture of any description in houses of the Eliza-
bethan and Jacobean periods. Unfortunately no inventory
exists at Lyme earlier than one made in 1642 (which will be
quoted later on), after the death of one of the owners, when
the contents of the house appear to have been valued. What
must have been one of the best bedrooms contained little
beyond a bed, some " orras hangings " and a chest and cushions ;
the servants' rooms contained apparently only beds.

Before the sixteenth century nothing but wooden platters
were used, pewter and tin being then introduced ; forks were
unknown till late in the seventeenth century, " fingers were
made before forks," and people must have used their fingers
freely to tear their food with the help of knives.

Privacy there was none, rooms all opened one into the

* Gardiner's " History of England."

THE HOUSE OF LYME

other, for passages did not exist, and it was necessary to pass
through a whole suite of bedrooms before going from one end
of the house to the other. The four-post beds, with their
curtains closely drawn, were no doubt the only means people
had either of keeping out the piercing draughts from badly
closing doors and windows, or of obtaining some semblance
of decency and privacy. Washing was sparsely indulged in,
even in palaces these arrangements — up to the eighteenth
century — were of a very primitive description. In some of the
state rooms at Hampton Court, one can see what stood for a
bathroom and was probably considered a great luxury, a kind
of marble alcove containing a sort of basin in which it was just
possible to stand, a tap being provided for the necessary
ablutions.

The dirt must have been indescribable, and the habits of
both the gentlemen and ladies of the time seem to our modern
ideas absolutely uncivilized. In the days of powder, ladies used
to sleep for weeks together without taking down their hair ;
the condition of the heads, with all the grease and necessary
appliances for stiffening and maintaining the huge erections
they wore, is easier to imagine than to describe.

Life for the women must indeed have been of a dreary
monotony. Left alone for weeks and months together in the
absence of their lords on warlike expeditions, they were depen-
dent on any chance messenger or visitor for news of the outer
world. There were, of course, no regular posts, no newspapers,
the books of the pre-Elizabethan time were chiefly in Latin and
devotional, and there were few histories. There was nothing
to relieve the deadly monotony of their lives but the care of
their children and household, in which every lady, however
exalted her rank, took a practical and personal interest.

One marvels how they can have dressed for outdoor exercise ;
the dresses seem principally to have been cut low in the neck,
and this fashion and the voluminous skirts do not suggest the
possibility of walking in snow or bad weather. They probably
seldom went out in winter, taking their exercise in the long
galleries that formed a part of the houses of that period. Women
60

THE LAST SIR PETER

of every degree travelled on horseback, the state of the roads
making any other means of progress impossible ; light luggage
was carried on " pack horses."

There appears to have been in every house a number of
poor lady relations, who helped to a certain extent in the
cooking and housework in return for their keep, assisting also
at all the family interesting events and writing the gossip and
news of the day. The beautiful pieces of needlework and
embroidery that remain testify to the industry of these ladies
of a bygone age, and must have whiled away many of their
weary hours ; thus they lived their patient gentle lives, and
knowing nothing better were content and perhaps even happy.

The country houses of the period were all self-contained,
everything being, as it were, done on the premises. The
slaughtering, baking, brewing, cheesemaking — a very important
art in Cheshire then as now — the stillroom work with its
pickling, preserving, candying, and the dairy and syllabubs, in
which the ladies of that time took so keen a part and interest,
must have kept them fully employed.

The household at Lyme was composed of a very large 1607
number of menservants as compared with the women ; the
names of thirty-eight menservants are given in an account book
for 1607, tneir wages varying from 55. to aos. a quarter, headed
by the steward, who kept all the accounts, paid all the wages
and rode on horseback to the different towns to order provisions
and to buy and sell the stock. " For my dinner in Manchester
and my horse when I went to paie Mr George Tippinge xllb
[£40] — viiid [8d.], Spent on John Gaiskell, Turner ye Shephard
and myselfe when we went to sell sheepe viiid, Spent on John
Gaiskell and myselfe and or horses at Warrington faire, xxd
[is. 8d.]."

Only five or six women's names appear, each receiving
53. a quarter, the total of wages averaging about £20 to £25
the quarter. Thus there can have been no fewer than from
80 to 100 people — or even more — to be fed every day, and this
without counting the visitors and their attendants who seem
to have been very frequently entertained.

THE HOUSE OF LYME

The difficulty of feeding and keeping large quantities of
animals through the winter was so great that much of the
meat was salted down, and for a young housewife the task of
providing variety for the daily bill of fare must have been no
easy one. To judge from the account book there seems to
have been good food and plenty of it, though evidently the
resources of the establishment were inadequate to cope with the
demand, as a great deal appears to have been bought.

Besides beef, mutton, lamb, veal, and pork, mention is
made of turkeys, geese, ducklings, chickens, capons, rabbits,
woodcocks, snipe, partridges (killed on August 20), wildfowl,
plover, curlew, lapwing, fieldfares, and even blackbirds and
sparrows, with, of course, plenty of good venison always obtain-
able from the deer in the park. The fish they had, a great deal
of which came from Warrington, includes salmon, trout, eels,
sparlings (the old name for smelts, still in use in this part of
Cheshire and in the north), sturgeon (bought in kegs), lampreys,
skate, carp, herrings, lobsters, crabs, oysters, mussels, and
cockles. The fruit mentioned includes strawberries, cherries,
quinces (preserved in barrels), prunes, plums, apples, pears,
walnuts, almonds and raisins, and currants ; some of the prices
are as follows :

For a yoke of Oxen . . . ixlb xs [£9 ios.]

A fat Cowe . . . . iv15 in3 ivd [£4 33. 4d.]

One Oxe bought to feed . . iiiilb [£4]

For halfe a lambe and the head . ims vid [43. 6d.]

For a lambe .... iiis ivd [33. 4d.]

For a fatte Caulfe . . . viiis viiid [8s. 8d.]

A pige iis vid [23. 6d.]

A quarter of mutton . . . iiis [33.]

Breast and neck of mutton . . ii8 iid [23. 2d.]

A chicken . . . . iid [>d.]

A goose iiiid [4<i.]

A Turkey . . . . xxd [is. 8d.]

A duckling .... iiiid [4d.]

A woodcock . . . . iid [zd.]

A curlew ..... xivd [is. 2d.]

6 dozen sparrows . . . vid [6d.]

A salmon viii3 [8s.]

THE LAST SIR PETER

A carp . . • . . . xd (lod.)

A skate xd (iod.)

200 oysters . . . . ii9 iiiid [25. 40!.]

200 lampreys .... xviid [is. $d.]

For Crabs and lobsters . . iiiis [45.]
To a Stranger for foure score and

thirteen sparlings . . . xiid [is.]

I Ib. of currants . . . vid [6d.]

I Ib. of prunes . . . . ivd [4d.]

I Ib. of cherries . . . xid [nd.]

Almonds and raisins . . . iiii3 [43.]

Four hundred walnuts cost 2s. 3d., 612 eggs were bought for 2s.,
sugar cost is. 4d. the pound and was bought in large quantities.
Three shillings were paid for three couple of rabbits ; we must
suppose this was for the trouble of catching them, as there
must have been plenty in the park then as now. Churning,
which was done by a man who was paid 4d. a day, is seldom
mentioned, butter was bought by the gallon, costing about
2S. 6d., and occurs more frequently than any other item ; there
were three prices, rod., nd., and is. the quartern — this last
probably for salt butter.

No mention is made of vegetables ; potatoes had been 1607
imported into England from Virginia, it was said, by Sir John
Hawkins in 1563, and again by Sir Francis Drake in 1596, but
they were looked upon as curiosities and do not seem to have
been cultivated as food for many years afterwards. There is
no mention of them in the Legh letters before 1675, when
Mrs. Richard Legh writes thanking her husband for the potatoes
" which are very good, & if they be not deare if one knew how
to kepe them any time they would be a good desh when wone
has company." The item " Sallet oyle," costing is. the pint,
occurring from time to time shows that there must have been
some variety from a diet of meat.

Pastry is mentioned, " cap-paper " (a coarse sort of brownish
paper), being bought " for the use of the Cooke in the
pastrie."

Claret cost fj IDS. the hogshead ; there was also white wine
at 6d. the quartern, " a Rundlett of Sacke and the carriage,

THE HOUSE OF LYME

xxxix*, vid " (£i 195. 6d.), and " Wormwood Ale " besides the
ordinary home-brewed.

There is mention made of " Cole pitts " about this time,
but this was probably " crop coal," that is to say, coal which
came up to the surface, the collier being paid is. the quarter
for getting it : " For setting down an eie in the Colepitt," and
" for getting of coles wh was behind ye ould kichine — iiilb 3s "
(£3 3s-)- Coal being everywhere in this part of the world,
it was actually dug out from under the house up to about
a hundred years ago. Charcoal was made from timber in
what were called " Cole pitts," and we find an entry of i8s.
paid to " the Charcole man " for twenty-eight days and
nights.

The different kind of work was apportioned to special
individuals ; thus we find there were brewers, spit-turners,
glaziers, " tincklers," mat-makers,* tailors, marlers, dawbers,f
gutterers, panners,J mole-catchers, and rat-catchers, all forming
part of the establishment and paid by the piece. Labourers
were paid at prices varying from 5d., 6d., 8d. and 9d. a day
according to the class of work they did. Tree-felling was paid
at 6d. a day, the men being " tabled " ; if at their own finding,
9d. a day was paid them. They appear to have worked quickly
and well by an entry of 2s. 8d. having been paid for the " falling
of 12 trees." Bricklayers got 8d. a day, carters and hewers
6d. and 8d., and thatchers 8d. ; these last receiving rather more
than the wages of the ordinary labourers in consideration,
probably, of their more skilled labour. " Dawbers " (plasterers)
were paid wages varying from 3d., 4d., and 6d. a day ; the
glazier was paid 305. a year for keeping all the windows in
repair. The chimneys were all swept for 8s.

Such trifles as " removing the hyll behind the mounte "
were soon got over, at a cost, however, of £4. " For holding
downe the plow foote 6 days," a man was remunerated with is.,
" mowing rushes in the Queen's Mead, viii3 iod." " To
John Smith for evening Copps and riddings in the Gallowtree

* Carpet-makers. f Plasterers.

J Makers of cloth, baize, etc., not weavers.

THE LAST SIR PETER

hand Meadow, vii3." * Two men were paid 33. 4d. for breaking
3oJ loads of limestone.

A great deal of building was going on in the latter years of
Elizabeth's and the early years of James Fs reign at Bradley
in Lancashire, where Sir Peter still kept up his house. The
following verse is still to be seen cut in raised letters on an old
beam in one of the upper rooms of Bradley Hall, now a farm-
house :

" The Master doth and Mistress both Unite with one Accorde
With Godly mindes and zealous hartes to Serve the livinge Lorde.

"Henry Wesley, 1598."

The " Stag Parlour " at Lyme was no doubt in process of
construction about this time, and Sir Peter was also restoring
the Legh Chapel in Macclesfield Church, and new-roofing the
church at Disley.

A new boat-house and pigeon-house, " arbours in the
garden " and " quicksetts for the new poole " all appear in
1609, the sum of £62 53. having been paid for building alone
from April to November, the housekeeping expenses for the
same period totalling £144 i8s. 3d.

A somewhat original entry occurs in April 1608, when a 1608
man was paid is. " for keeping a Caulfe 9 daies which was
tyred in driving from Lyme to Worsley " ; the distance being
twenty miles or more, the result is perhaps scarcely surprising.
Oxen were used as beasts of burden and were shod like horses
at regular intervals. At the end of the account book are
particulars of the stud, showing that Sir Peter bred horses.
Sir Richard Molyneux *(* writes, " I have sent your Mare to
Diamonde for he is at Tarbocke, and I hope he will get you a
seconde Jynette to winne Houlte Cuppe as before."

Soap and candles were also manufactured on the premises.
" The Sope man " was paid regularly about 8s. at a time, and

* I have tried, unsuccessfully, to discover the origin of this name ; there can be
no doubt that executions must have taken place there.

f Sir Richard Molyneux, knighted by Queen Elizabeth in 1596; married
Frances, daughter of Sir Gilbert Gerard, Master of the Rolls, and a sister therefore of
Margaret, Lady Legh.

E 65

THE HOUSE OF LYME

the Candlemaker fetched hastily from Congleton on one occasion,
a distance of sixteen miles, to make " 6 odd dozen of Candles —
6s." the messenger being paid 4d. for his trouble.

When visitors came to Lyme, cooks from the neighbouring
houses came in to assist although there seem to have been no
fewer than three men cooks kept. On the occasion of Sir John
Egerton's * visit " my Lady Bentley's Cooke " was paid 55. —
" the ould Cooke which came from Tatton," on the other
hand, receiving only 2s., in consideration, we will suppose, of
1609 his age and failing powers. Great preparations appear to have
been made for the visit of Sir John Stanhope f in August 1609,
" a Cople of Turkies — iiis ivd," (35. 4d.), 24 chickens at 2d. a
piece, " 4 hennes " costing 2s., a quarter of veal, 2S., a pig is. 8d.,
eggs 8d., with " Ale possets for the house iiiid," (4d.) and " the
hyre of ii garnishes of pewter iiis " (38.), " a woman harp "
being provided at a cost of 6d. for the entertainment of the
company.

Besides hawking and the hunting of the stag which has
been mentioned, in which friends and neighbours were in-
vited to take part, cock-fighting seems to have been a very
favourite amusement ; frequent mention is made of " Cokes "
being taken from Lyme to different places to take part, no
doubt, in matches. A letter from Sir Anthony St. John,
younger brother of Bolingbroke, to Sir Peter Legh, bearing no
date, says :

" We are here very bussy with our Cokes but the mach them [they
match them] slowly — there are as yeat but thurteen battells made
whereof there are eight of them played yesterday and our Country
men have gott fower [four] battells clept [called — a term used in a

* Sir John Egerton, created in 1617 first Earl of Bridgewater, married Lady
Frances Stanley, daughter and co-heiress of Ferdinando, 5th Earl of Derby. Lord
Bridgewater died 1649.

t Sir John Stanhope, first Baron Stanhope of Harrington (1545 ?-i62i), ap-
pointed treasurer of the chamber and knighted, 1596 ; had some influence at Court
which Bacon sought to enlist in his favour. One of his daughters married Robert,
Viscount Cholmondeley, afterwards Earl of Leinster, who became connected with the
Legh family through the marriage of his niece, Lettice Calveley, with Dr. Thomas
Legh, the father of Richard.

THE LAST SIR PETER

game], I can not wright by reason of ower eagernes in following the
teaint [a term used at tilting or hawking] whilst it is whot [hot]."

There is something very attractively human about this letter,
the excitement of the young man at the prospect of the match
preventing him from writing properly to his friend. A letter
from Thomas Legh of Adlington — written in somewhat churlish
terms — is also on the same subject ; he appears to find difficulty
in arranging a match :

" We commend your care but conceave the Conditions you tender
to be somewhat Incompetent for besides that the weather may be
toe warme for us to sende our Cockes so farre at the season you
specific . . . twoe of our chiefest Cockers, viz Sir Thomas Beaumont
& Mr Thomas Burdett are Vice-Comites and Jure Officii aboute St
James syde [&] must serue Kinge James In their own Shires."

The letter ends with

" unlesse you will be pleased to dispence with our cominge Into your
cuntrey untill next yeare, there is noe possibilitie of our giving you
satisfaction."

Sir Richard Molyneux also talks of seeing Sir Peter " after
the cockinge at Lyme." In connexion with cock-fighting
mention may here be made of two old blue silk bags, beautifully
embroidered in gold and silver with the Legh crest and motto,
which were found at Lyme very many years ago. The silk of
which these bags were made was much worn, and it being not
known to what use these interesting relics were put, the work
was removed and was converted into banner screens. It was
only after this irreparable damage had been done that it was
discovered that these bags had been used to convey the cocks
from one place to another during the " cocking season."

Sir Peter, like his grandfather, was a book-lover and a man
of letters. His name appears as an acrostic in " The Golden
Mirror," a volume of poems of some note published in 1587 or
1589 by one Richard Robinson, a native of Cheshire or Stafford-
shire, who is said to have formed part of the household of the
Earl of Shrewsbury, and to have assisted in keeping watch
over Mary, Queen of Scots, during the time that she was in

THE HOUSE OF LYME

Lord Shrewsbury's custody. The acrostic is in eighteen stanzas
of six lines each, which take the following eighteen letters,
Peter Leigh Essqvyer (written, of course, before the death of
his grandfather). The verses have no allusion to the person
to whom they are addressed beyond the dedicatory notice,
" Verses penned vpon the Etimologie of the name of the right
worshipfull Maister Peter Leigh, heire apparent to the valiaunt
Gentleman, Sir Peter Leigh of the linne, Knight." The poetry
is not conspicuous for the beauty or symmetry of the metre,
as the last verse will show :

" Revenge from skies with fiery flames
Shall now at hand devour and wast
All mortall men unto their shames
Except where grace and vertue's plast
Those that believe, and God doe feare,
As Angels then shall straight appeare."

It would seem as if the last two lines might be intended as
alluding in a complimentary manner to Peter Legh. The
acrostic is one of several appearing in the same volume and
addressed to different Cheshire and Lancashire magnates, such
as Ferdinando, Lord Strange, afterwards fifth Earl of Derby,
Lady Julian Holcroft of Vale Royal, Thomas Legh of Adlington,
and Peter Warburton of Arley.

1590 In 1590, Sir Peter was adding to the library at Lyme.

Writing to his chaplain, Henry Sumner, he names some
books he desires to acquire, " Opera Bernard Scapuli," *
" Jerome Molleyne's Homelyes," " Thomas Aquynus "f upon
the Scruples . . ." " Fulke J upon the Revelation & two other
mallengly [melancholy] bookes." He is also anxious to provide
suitable literature for his relations : " I wold very gladly yf
you can convenyently bestowe a Sermone on my two Brothers-

* Bernard Scapuli, one of the most illustrious Christian teachers and representa-
tives of monasteries in the Middle Ages, born at Fontaines near Dijon, 1091, died 1155.

f Aquinas on the Scruples upon the Revelation. Div : Thomas Aquinatis in
B. Joannis Apocalypsim expositio, 1549 ? (British Museum.)

J William Fulke, 1538-1589, puritan divine, deprived of his fellowship at St.
John's College, Cambridge, for preaching against the surplice, published astronomical
and theological works (" Dictionary of National Biography ").

THE LAST SIR PETER

in-law wch be nowe in the Country, for soe muche I promised
theym." The two brothers-in-law whose sojourn in the country
was to be cheered and enlivened in this fashion were probably
Sir Richard Molyneux, married to Frances, sister of Margaret,
Lady Legh, and Sir Thomas Gerard, her brother, afterwards
created Lord Gerard of Bromley.

Among the books that must have formed part of the Lyme
library at this date is one' of the most precious of the Legh
heirlooms, namely, a Caxton of very early date, the earliest
known impression of the Sarum Missal, printed in Paris for
Caxton in 1487.*

* The discovery of this volume was made in 1873, and it was then taken to the
British Museum for the inspection of Mr. Rye, keeper of the Printed Books, and other
authorities, who pronounced it to be unique. By their advice the book, which was
in a very bad state, was entrusted to Bedford, the celebrated bookbinder, by whom
it was very carefully mended and bound. Only one of the old covers is in existence ;
it is on wood covered with leather stamped with fleurs-de-lis. An account of this
book appeared in the Athen&um on March 21, 1874, written by Mr. William Blades,
from which I quote the following extract :

" The book is entirely unknown to bibliographers, and is in folio, double
column, black letter. It is noteworthy in two aspects :

" i. It is the earliest known impression of the Salisbury Missal, and has a
plain colophon, dated Dec. 4. 1487, which is about five years earlier than the
celebrated Rouen edition, dated October i, 1492, hitherto looked upon as the
editio princeps.

"2. It gives a new fact in the typographical history of England's proto-
typographer, William Caxton, having been printed for him at Paris by William
Maynyal, to whom Caxton must have lent his large device, which appears
prominently at the end of the volume. That Caxton's successors employed
foreign printers to assist them is well known ; but it was not suspected until
now that Caxton had initiated the custom."

This was the first book in which Caxton's mark was used. The following is the
colophon :

" Missale ad vsum Sarwm cunctitene^tis dei dono magao conamine elaboratum
finit feliciter. Exeratum Parisiws [sic] impensa optimi viri Guillermi Caxton.
Arte vero et industria Magistri Guillermi Maynyal. Anno domini M.cccc.lxxxvii. ,
iiij Decembris."

On June 5, 1896, Mr. Edward Scott, Keeper of the MSS. and Egsrton Librarian,
M.R.A.S., of the British Museum, wrote the following in the Athsnaum :

" This volume was exhibited at the Caxton Exhibition in the year 1877, but
from that day to this no other copy has appeared, nor has any allusion to such
an edition of the Sarum Missal been found. But a few days ago in cataloguing
the unpublished inventories among the Westminster Abbey muniments I found
in one dated November ioth, 12 Henry viii [A.D. 1520], containing the articles
kept in the shrine of Edward the Confessor, this entry : ' Item, a paper masse-
boke of Salisburys vse of William Caxton gyffte.' . . . There is no direct

THE HOUSE OF LYME

An additional interest is given to the book by some marginal
notes in handwriting of the sixteenth century, in which the
name Richard Mody twice occurs with contemptuous epithets
attached to it :

" Ry chard Mody & pater Batson had gyffen yem gud hesse (?) the "
and " I otterly Beshrew Rychard Mody wt all my hert & a peyse of
my stomycher for he is a knave for the nonesset fare yow well wt."

A Richard Moody was Rector of Standish in Lancashire at
the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's reign, and conformed to
the religious changes ; it may therefore be concluded that he
had acted as priest to old Sir Piers Legh (then living in Lanca-
shire before the building of Lyme was completed) and that upon
changing his religion he had relinquished his post, leaving
behind him his missal, which has remained in the possession of
the Legh family ever since. The indignant lady who was
ready to part with a piece of her stomacher to see him punished
was no doubt Dame Margaret, wife of old Sir Piers Legh.

Like his grandfather also, Sir Peter was a great lover of
music, keeping his own " pyper," who was fitted out from
time to time with a " jerkin and hose and a hatte " ; but he
does not seem to have kept the band of " Musicians " which
formed so important a part of the establishment of old Sir
Piers. Francis Pilkington, lutenist and musical composer, and
in 1624 minor canon and chaunter of Chester Cathedral, in
1624 dedicated to him a volume of madrigals ; and he was on
intimate terms with Henry Lawes, the great musician who
wrote the music for Milton's " Comus."

On grand occasions when visitors of importance came to
Lyme, music and theatricals were provided for their entertain-
ment and amusement. Many of the great houses kept their
own private bands of musicians and troupes of actors, and
these seem to have been procurable when required. " Given

evidence in the volume to connect it with Westminster, as unfortunately the first
leaves of the Calendar and of the Missal are missing, and the MS. notes at the end
are only instructions to the priest for the service of St. Thomas of Canterbury, as
the leaves in the body of the work which originally contained it have been
abstracted."

SIR PETER LEGH
From a Portrait at Lyme

THE LAST SIR PETER

in reward to 4 Trumpetters of my Lo : of Pembrookes —
iii* ivd " (35. 4cL). " Given in reward to a piper of Sr Thomas
Smith, i8." " To my Lo : Chaundos his players, given in
reward, 3 plaies — xxvii8 viiid " (2js. 8d.). " To my Lo : of
Darbis players, xxs." " Given in reward to my Lo : of
Lincoln's players, xls " (403.). There appear also to have been
variety entertainments : " To the man with the dancing
horse v6 " and " To the Tomboleres [dancers] v8." A shilling
was paid for " a set of tablemen," " tables " was a form of
backgammon, anciently played in different ways, and was no
doubt a great solace on long winter evenings.

Sir Peter kept his own " fool " or jester, who was clothed
and fed at his master's expense, and who doubtless made the
old house ring with laughter at his wit ; should we have under-
stood and appreciated his jests ? Hardly more, I fear, than
we should have done his language.

In 1611 appears an entry of 4d. for the carriage of tobacco 1611
from London. Sir Walter Raleigh is always supposed to have
been responsible for the importation of tobacco into this
country, but although he may have had much to do with its
popularity, he was not its introducer. Sir John Hawkins *
first brought it into England in 1565, where it was being success-
fully cultivated — as also in Scotland — in 1571.

James I disliked smoking extremely,*)* denouncing it in 1604,
in his famous " Counterblaste to Tobacco," and describing it as
" A Custom loathesome to the eye, hateful to the nose, harmful
to the lungs, and in the black stinking fume thereof nearest
resembling the horrible Stygian smoke of the pit that is bottom-
less." In spite, however, of his disapprobation, plantations sprang
up all over the country and smoking continued to be popular.
In an undated letter written to Francis Legh by a lady named
Marie Savage, she mentions a " candle " she is sending him

" to tok tobacco, yet I trow I would not have you take too much to
doe yourself harme, for they saie it doth many men harme, they never

* Sir John Hawkins (1532-1595), naval commander ; Treasurer and Comptroller
of the Navy ; introduced many improvements in shipbuilding,
f "Chambers's Encyclopaedia."

THE HOUSE OF LYME

live so long as they were wont to doe — I warrant you my husband
would not take a pype of tobacco yf a man would geve a gould
angle." *

In 1614 a tax was set upon tobacco by the Star Chamber,
and so much was smoking regarded as a noxious and pernicious
habit that in respect to responsible appointments one of the
qualifications of a teacher was that he should be no " purler of
tobacco." Charles II ultimately forbad its cultivation in
England and placed a duty on the imported article. It is a
curious fact that no mention of smoking occurs in any of
Shakespeare's works.

Housekeeping in the seventeenth century was not unattended
by domestic worries, and these occasionally assumed alarming
proportions. In 1611 a serious brawl took place between
Edward Thorniley, steward to Sir Peter, and a certain Ratcliffe,
whose name appears in the list of domestic servants in September
and December 1611. The outcome of the brawl was the prob-
able death of, or at any rate severe injury to, Ratcliffe. An
inquiry was held on March 23, 161 i-i 2, before three magistrates,
Sir Urian Legh, Sir Peter Legh, and Sir William Davenport of
Bramhall, and the following facts were ascertained.

Thorniley being in the kitchen at Lyme on March 2, " after
one of the clock," Ratcliffe entered, and in abusive language
accused Thorniley of having stolen all his " bandes, my shertes,
stockinges, bootes, bootehose, bookes and my chamber ript
and all that I have is gone," desiring Thorniley to accompany him
to his chamber and see for himself. The dairywoman interposed,
" What haste, let him eate his Meate before he goe." Thorniley,
however, " not thinking any harme (as the Lord knoweth) "
repaired with Ratcliffe into the latter's chamber, who forthwith
proceeded to bolt the door and drawing a sword, heaped abuse
upon Thorniley, calling him a cowardly rascal and villain.
" This sword," he cried, " shall cut thy flesh and this rapier
shall run thee through, for thou hast told thy Master I have
stolen xxtie staves." Thorniley protested he had never done
him any harm all the days of his life, but Ratcliffe bade him

* Angel — a gold coin, varying in value from six to ten shillings.
72

THE LAST SIR PETER

hold his peace and meet him under the Cage to fight it out.
This Thorniley declined, giving as his reason that God had
visited him in one of his hands, and that he could not hold a
sword. " Then," said Ratcliffe, " thou coward, seeing thou
refuses to meet me under the Cage, nor will appoint noe other
place, betake thee to God, thy life is near an end." Thorniley
begged for his life, being unarmed, as he pointed out, and was
finally allowed to leave the chamber, being admonished by his
assailant to " tell neither Master nor Lady, for if thou do I will
kill thee wherever I meet thee ! " Thorniley thereupon went
into his own chamber and took " a staffe about two yeardes
and a quarter longe with two blunte pykes in " and went off
to Disley on some business for his master. Ratclifle appears
to have followed him, for Thorniley, " looking by ye way saw
Ratclifle come running towards him and when he came about
xii roodes from him, he put off his gowne and layd it downe
and drew his weapons and layd the scabarde with his gowne
and soe comes running at this Examinent, and sayd A, cowardly
Rascall I shall soon dispatch thee, and soe desperately ran at
him, and then this Exam* for safeguard of his life did defend
himself."

We do not learn what the sequel was, but it seems evident
that Thorniley' s " visitation in his hand " did not prevent him
from defending himself to some purpose, and Ratcliffe may
possibly have received his death wound. His name certainly
disappears from the account book after December 1611, but
Edward Thorniley continued in Sir Peter's service for some
years.

Christmas at Lyme was kept in good old-fashioned style,
the sum of £4 35. 6d. being expended for spice alone ; the poor
were not forgotten, and presents were sent to friends and
neighbours. :c To John Rowson for the carrying of a Woodcock
pie— waight 44 Ibs.— iiis viiid " (33. 8d.). One would almost
think that the messenger deserved a higher remuneration.

Writing paper is mentioned frequently, and cost 4d. the

quire. Some rather quaint entries include the following :

' To an ould woman for hekchellng [egg shelling] vii daies —

THE HOUSE OF LYME

xd." " For a bell for the tame deer is," " For stufe to dress
the mastiv — vid." " Given to a poor preacher at Disley is."
" To Thomas Smith for wine bought for the Communie iii8 iiid '
(35. 3d.). " The 3d of August for getting awaie the bees in
the ould parlour end one daie and a halfe — is." " For Katten
meat — iid." In a household the size of Lyme one would have
thought that scraps for the cat might have been found without
buying special meat. " For ii chains for the Monkey — xiid '
(is.). Monkeys were kept as pets as we now keep dogs, and
are mentioned in the Legh letters for many generations. These
fetched large prices. We read of £60 being given for a monkey
in 1660. Among the entries is the charge of 55. for an operation
performed on the monkey.

The children were now growing up. Piers, the eldest son,
who was to incur his father's lasting displeasure by making
a marriage Sir Peter disapproved of (though for no reason that
can be discovered) ; Francis, the second son, tall and lanky
and outgrowing his strength, and Thomas, number three,
destined for the Church, though much against his will, were
all at school, though where we do not know ; it is possible
that they may have been sent to the school at Winwick,
founded by Sir Peter's great-uncle Gowther Legh. Up to
this time the boys had been instructed by Henry Sumner,
chaplain to Sir Peter. They and their two sisters, Anne
and the baby Katherine, had to be frequently supplied with
clothes — principally boots, as we find by entries in the
account-book : " For a pear of shoes for Mris Anne — iis iid '
(2S. 2d.). " For the mending of a pear of bodes [boots] for
Mris Anne — xxd " (is. 8d.). "Mending two pair of shoes vd ;
For a pare of showes for Mris Katteren — iii9 ; For lacing and
furniture for Mris Kattie — xviis [173.], For a pare of stockings
for Mris Anne — iiis ivd [33. 4d.] ; for a pare of gartteres for her —
iod. For a pare of gloves for Mris Anne — 6d. To John Collier
for making a gowne for Mris Kattie v8, To him more for gladen
for Mris Kattie for a Wastcote — iis iod — For 2 gardels for
the boys — viid ; To Katherine Allinew for washing Mris Anne's
gowne and finding soape — iiiid " (4d.). This must have been

THE LAST SIR PETER

something special as a laundry-maid was kept — a whisket
(basket) being provided " for her to carry clothes in." " For
a pare of stockings for the foole, iiis [35.] ; For a pare of hose
for the pyper and foole, iis xd " (as. lod.) ; and the grim entry —
" For iiij [four] yards of cloth for lying forth littell pyper,
ii8 " (28.).

Now and then appears the item " Medicine for Mris Anne "
or " Mris Kattie," as the case may be, and nux vomica is
once mentioned as being bought, but we are not enlightened any
further as to what species of decoction was being administered
to the unfortunate child. Doctors' remedies in those early
days were of a terribly drastic kind : " blood-letting " was
their one idea, whether for a fever or a decline ; wounds were
dressed with butter, and the patients were left more or less
to take their chance — it being a case of the survival of the
fittest.

Sir Peter had a house at Fulham in 1600. His elder sons
had been sent to school, having been taken from the sheltering
care of Henry Sumner, who appears also to have discharged
the duty of parson at Disley Church in addition to being Chaplain
to Sir Peter. A letter dated April 2, 1602, in the form of a
petition with four signatures, prays that

" Mr. Sumner may come downe into the Countrye and remayne at
Dyslye where he hath done much good in tyme past & where he is
greatlye missed at thys present. He is very much desyred of your
neighbours that bee of good disposition about Dyslye who are very
willing to heare him to their comfort as they have done many tymes
heretofore. Yt may therefore please you to satisfye there godlye
and earnest desyre by bringinge him downe with you when you come
and by leavinge him in the Countrye when you shall returne."

The letter is addressed :

" To Sr Peter Legh at hys house in Frulham neere to London."

It was at his house at Fulham in the following year — 1603, 1603
the year that saw the death of Queen Elizabeth — that there
came to Sir Peter the first great sorrow of his life, for here,
on July 3, he lost his gentle Margaret, his faithful and devoted

THE HOUSE OF LYME

wife, who died, 'probably at the birth of her youngest child,
leaving him with six surviving children, lonely and desolate
to mourn her loss.

Margaret, Lady Legh, makes a very short and fleeting
appearance upon our stage ; she passes across without even a
speaking part (not a morsel of her handwriting even remaining),
a lovely and rather pathetic figure with her sweet pale face
and delicate hands. Too fragile and tender to bear the
storm and turmoil of those rigorous days, she faded out of
her husband's life as she fades out of this history, and remained
but a memory. Sir Peter erected a most beautiful monument to
her, which is still in the chancel of All Saints Church,
Fulham, and is supposed to be one of the finest specimens of
Jacobean art existing. It represents her effigy in pink-veined
marble almost resembling alabaster, rather below life-size,
seated in a niche between two pillars with gilt capitals; one
hand is on her breast, the other clasps a baby, while another
child is placed beside her. She wears the full wide skirt of the
period, the same dress apparently as that in which she appears
in her full-length portrait, a large hood with a Marie Stuart
point coming over the front of her head ; an hour-glass is by
her right side and above her head are the Legh and Gerard arms
and quarterings. Below is the following touching inscription :

" To the memory or what dearer remaineth of that vertiouce la :
Lady Margaret Legh daughter of him yt sometime was Sr Gilbert
Gerard Kt and Master of the Roles in the High Cort of Chancery wife
of Sir Peter Legh of Lyme in the county of Cheshire Kt. & by him the
mother of seven sons Piers, Francis, Radcliffe, Thomas, Peter, Gilbert,
John with 2 daughters Anne and Keterine of which Rat : Gilb : and
John deceased infants ye rest yet surviving to the happy increas of
their house, the years that she enjoyed the world was 33 that her
husband enjoyed her 17 att which period she yeilded her soul to the
blessedness of long rest and her body to this earth Jul : 29, 1603.

" This inscription in the note of her piety and love by her sad
husband is heare devoutedly placed."

TOMB OF MARGARET, LADY LEGH
In All Saints' Church, Fulham

CHAPTER V

LYME UNDER DOROTHY LEGH

ALAS for the inconstancy of man ! Poor Margaret was hardly
cold in her grave before Sir Peter was thinking of replacing her.
In a will, afterwards cancelled, dated August 20, only a little
more than six weeks after her death, while still in all the exalta-
tion and exuberance of his grief, he admits the falling into
temptation, bemoans his many sins and transgressions, and
acknowledges himself a miserable sinner, but still feels assured
that by his true repentance he will receive a " very blessed and
everlasting life in heaven." He then proceeds to dispose of his
earthly possessions ; his lands, etc., he leaves to his " heyre,"
and bequests to his other children, whom he relegates, in the
event of his death, to the care and guardianship of his mother-
in-law, " the Lady Anne Gerard, widow." In a codicil dated
December " secundo " of the same year, 1603, when his tears
appear to have dried, he bequeathes " unto my Cosin Dorothie
Brereton off Worsley (in regard of her assured affection and
true friendship) my best Juell off diamonds." This lady he 1604
had married before March 2 of the following year, 1604.

There is much to be said for Sir Peter's marrying again,
though he certainly might have shown a little less indecent
haste. Left in the prime of life — barely forty — with a family
of six young children to look after, the eldest boy sixteen, the
youngest girl a babe a few weeks old, he must indeed have
felt the want of a woman's help and influence, and perhaps
he was paying Margaret the compliment that a widower is
always said to render to his first wife by replacing her as soon
as possible with a second.

His choice in this case was singularly fortunate. Clever,

THE HOUSE OF LYME

shrewd, capable, and businesslike, Dorothy Brereton was well
qualified to undertake the duties of stepmother to a young
family and of chatelaine to a large establishment. A daughter
of Sir Richard Egerton of Ridley, and therefore a half-sister
of the distinguished Sir Thomas Egerton, afterwards Lord
Ellesmere, Lord Chancellor of England, she had been married
in 1572, when only twelve years old, to Richard Brereton,
Lord of the Manor of Worsley, near Manchester, the marriage
being celebrated apparently without licence. There was one
child only of the marriage, a daughter, who died in infancy, and
Richard Brereton, before his death in 1598, settled his Cheshire
and Shropshire estates on his wife's half-brother, Lord Chan-
cellor Ellesmere ; the Lancashire property he left to his widow
for her life, to go at her death to Lord Chancellor Ellesmere.
From a worldly point of view, therefore, Sir Peter's marriage
with Dorothy was a prudent one ; she brought him large
possessions — in which, of course, she had only a life interest —
but her jointure and the Worsley rental made a substantial
addition to Sir Peter's already comfortable income.

At the time of her second marriage she must have been
about the same age as her bridegroom, to whom she made an
admirable wife, and to his motherless children she proved a
kind stepmother. Piers, the eldest son, who was already at
Cambridge, writes her the following letter, which is undated
but which must have been written soon after the marriage had
taken place. It was evidently done very quietly and looks
rather as if Sir Peter felt that he was acting too precipitately.

" GOOD MADAME, — although I haue much desired before this time
to haue professed my dutie, and love unto your Ladyshippe, yet
was I hindred till now by wante of a convenient messenger and besides
had not (ye ?) true relation and that full understanding of the happy
mariage betwene my father and your selfey as of late I have been
informed by some kynde freindes, whose commendations of you
together with the greate love and care of my father towardes his
children shewed in this match, doth much comfort me, .and I doe
hereby promise to you, as his seconde selfe all dutie and obedience,
and do beseach God to continue you both longe to our comfort. I
have received your kinde remembrance by my Cosen Collier which

LYME UNDER DOROTHY LEGH

I take in so kinde manner, as I can not in a sheetes Compasse expresse,
and Good Madame continue your love and favour to mee, as I shall
deserue. And so desiring you to remember mee in your dayly praires,
I will craue pardon for this trouble, and pray the Lord to preserve you.
" Cambrideg this xxviith of November

" Your loving and obedient sonne,

" PEIRES LEGH.

" I pray you Madame, as your leisure will permitt you, let mee
receave from you some fewe lynes which wilbe not a little welcome
to me."

A handsome and generous letter from a son of an age to feel
the loss of a beloved mother, and who would be supposed,
rightly, to resent her place being so soon occupied by a stranger.
Poor Piers ! He was shortly after to incur his father's serious
displeasure, which we learn by a letter from Sir Peter to Henry
Sumner, his chaplain and great friend and confidant :

" GOOD HARYE, — I am enforced with greefe to take my Sonne from 1605
Cambridge and send him home, the bearer can tell you more off the
Cause then I am willing to committ to paper only this now because
I am in hast (even as you love me wch I know you doe & haue euer
faythfully donne) lett not yor eyes looke off him till I see you, wch
God willing shalbe soone, and use the matter soe now att . . . [word
missing] as he may respect you more then he doth his teacher; I
wold faine haue him to haue learning & understanding, and if he
will nott, I must be sory for itt now, & he heareafter. And so I
commend me & committ you to God.

" Yor assured loving frend

" P. LEGH."

The offence does not appear ; it was probably something
very trivial and may have had to do with want of application.
He was, however, in disgrace for a time, and we hear nothing
more of him for some years.

The relations between parents and children in former days
were very different from those existing in these happier times.
Children lived in awe and almost terror of their parents, whom
they addressed as " sir " and " madam," and in some cases
never spoke to them except upon their knees. No child ever
dreamt of sitting down in his father's presence, the slightest

THE HOUSE OF LYME

faults were magnified into heinous crimes and were visited
with the harshest punishment ; the rod was not spared, and
though the child might be spoilt it was never from want
of corporal punishment. Poor little children of long ago !
To look at their sad and solemn faces one would scarcely
imagine that they could have played or romped as do the
children of to-day. The elaborate samplers with their quaint
verses and the name and age of some poor mite are silent
evidences of the martyrdom of these small babes. What
weary hours they have spent seated on some hard stool, bending
over the stitches with tired eyes and little hot fingers. Far
better would they have been out in the sweet sunshine chasing
butterflies or gathering daisies for a chain !

" Children shall weep in after years
Far fewer tears — far softer tears."

With the beginning of the new reign Sir Peter thought it
wise to sue for a general pardon, an old custom which brought
in fees to the Exchequer and was supposed to clear off all sins
of omission or commission and to give people a clean slate with
which to enter upon the new regime. Taxation appears to
have been heavy ; there was the King's rent to pay and sub-
sidies, and Sir Peter was required to furnish " at any muster "
the following : " one demi-lance, one light horse, six corselets,
three muskets, and two calivers " (a large pistol or blunderbuss).

He and his Dorothy were now settled down to a comfortable
family life. He was adding to his property, which he increased
and improved by judicious acquisition of land, and although
he was spending a considerable sum of money on his building
and various schemes, and was entertaining on a very large
scale and keeping practically open house, he succeeded by
careful management in leaving his children well provided for
and his estate unencumbered at his death. Dame Dorothy
was an excellent and practical housekeeper. Besides the estab-
lishment at Lyme she had her own property at Worsley to
look after ; this comprised a large estate as well as a beautiful
black-and-white house where she and her husband spent a
80

DOROTHY BRERETON

Second wife of Sir Peter Legh of Lyme

1615

By MARCUS GHEERAERTS

From a Portrait at Lyme

LYME UNDER DOROTHY LEGH

portion of each year. From the account book we gather that
Dame Dorothy took a very keen part and interest in the
farming of her estate and in buying and selling of stock. In
this respect she was, no doubt, of more practical help to Sir Peter
than his poor Margaret can have been with her perpetually
increasing family and consequent incapacity for exertion.

A beautiful " kit-cat " portrait of Dorothy Legh painted by
Marcus Gheeraerts in 1615, one of the finest pictures in the Lyme
collection, represents her in a black gown and ruff trimmed with
gold and silver lace similar to some still existing, lace cuffs,
and with two gold and jewelled bracelets. She wears rings
on the third finger of each hand, and a gold ring resembling
a wedding-ring on the first joint of her left thumb ; in her left
hand is what appears to be a fan. Round her neck is a tight
collar of four rows of pearls divided by gold slides, and falling
to her waist is the beautiful pearl necklace that we see in
Margaret's portrait, but there are five instead of four rows,
the necklace falling only to the waist instead of to the knees
as in Margaret's portrait. On her head is a curious black
steeple-crowned hat with a band of gold and pearls in a Holbein
design, and fastened to the left side of the hat is a brooch in
the same design with three large pearl drops. On a little table
in front of her sits a small monkey. From letters of a later
date we read of " my Lady Brereton's breed of monkies,"
which were, no doubt, of a special kind. The Egerton and
Brereton arms are painted in the left-hand corner, and on the
right side of the picture is the following inscription : " Aetatis sua
52, An. Dom. 1615. Sir Peter Legh second Lady." The face
is clever and comely and she does not look her fifty-two years.

Another portrait by Zuccaro, said in the catalogue to
be the Queen of Bohemia, is obviously an earlier one of
Dorothy, painted probably during her first widowhood. She
wears a black dress with a small white ruff and lace cuffs ; on
her head is the same curious steeple-crowned hat, but with
no jewellery attached, as befits her condition ; the face is sad
and pinched, and lacks the prosperous and happy expression
that we see in her later portrait.

F 81

THE HOUSE OF LYME

1606 In September 1606 Sir Peter had the misfortune to lose his
old friend and chaplain Henry Sumner, who died and was
buried at Disley, Sir Peter commemorating him in a brass which
is placed in the church close to the pulpit. The inscription opens
with the following : " In piam Memoriam Henrici Sumneri optimi
et fidelissimi hujus Ecclesiae Ministri, Petrus Legh miles posvit."
Of Sir Peter's daughters, Anne and Katherine, we hear
very little at this time. Anne, the baby painted with her great-
grandmother in 1595, would have been about thirteen at this
date (1607), and appears to have been somewhat precocious for
her years. Her father's clerk, John Bullinge, writes to her
on October 6, 1607, from Hallom, Lancashire, where her Uncle
Thomas lived, thanking her for her

" kynde token and letter, sore doe I desire to see you yett God knowes
I cannot performe my sore longing. Good Mris, do not condemn me
of anie forgetfulness of you, nor blame me not, I pray you, for presuming
to write unto you for it is all I have left to comforte my self withall
in absence of my friends."

Of Katherine, the youngest of Sir Peter's children, we hear
nothing beyond an occasional reference to her in the account book ;
the only other mention of her is in the Disley Parish Register
for the year 1617, September 14, when her death is recorded.

Sir Peter's brother Edward, who had adopted the law as
a profession, was in failing health about this time. He writes
to his brother on January 21, 1607 :

" If you come in companie with anie phisician or others of Judge-
ment I pray you learne what course were best for me to hold to restore
this my decayed sickly body if it be God's holie will, Mr Doctor
Barrowe * lyeth every terme in Graies Inne at his son-in-law Mr
Cotton's chamber, he is holden both in Cambridge and London little
inferior to Mr. Butler, f I wish you would know his opinion."

* Philip Barrow or Barrough, a native of Suffolk, flourished 1590 ; medical
writer, practised his profession in London. Author of " The Method of Phisicke,"
which he dedicated to Lord Burghley in 1590, and which reached its seventh edition
in 1652.

f William Butler (1535-1618), physician ; born at Ipswich ; educated at Clare
College, Cambridge, of which he became a Fellow. He attained to great eminence
in his profession ; was summoned from Cambridge in 1612 to attend Henry, Prince
of Wales, in his last illness.

LYME UNDER DOROTHY LEGH

He ends with hopes of a joyful meeting " heare or in Heaven," 1608
and his forebodings were realized, as he died the following year,
1608. They were fatalists in those early days, taking strangely
little heed or trouble to obviate what threatened, but bowing
to the inevitable whether of good or evil, assured that whatever
it brought them must be for the best.

The other brother, Thomas, who lived at Hallom, Lancashire,
and was in receipt of an annuity from Sir Peter of £15 a year,
is described as " One of His Majesty's Carvers in Ordinary,"
and was a personage of some importance at Court. He held
a post in the household of Prince Henry, for whom that most
beautiful of all the stately homes of England — Bramshill in
Hampshire — had been intended, but whose young life, full of
hope and promise, was so early cut off. Had he lived to be
king, England might have been spared all the catastrophes
that happened, and the disasters and bloodshed of the Civil
War might have been averted.

Thomas Legh is referred to in a letter written to Sir Peter
in 1635 from Parahiba, Brazil, by one John Harrison, Envoy to
Barbary and author, in which he speaks of having been " fami-
liarly acquainted with your brother Mr. Thomas Legh at Court
in the golden daies of Prince Henrie." King James did not
always remember his old servants. In a petition, bearing no
date, Thomas Legh humbly begs that

" whereas yor Majesty about 6 years since bestowed on him [the
petitioner] .£2000, to be had and taken out of the forfeitures unto
your Highness from Recusants in the Counties of Norfolk, Suffolk,
Essex and London, about 4 years past the Lords Commissioners took
that gift from him and in lieu thereof procured him yor Majesty's
privy scale for £150,"

pointing out at the same time that other claimants placed
like himself have all long since been satisfied. He therefore
humbly prays that he may be paid without further delay
" that he may be in(h)abled to wayte in his place upon your
Majesty." Whether he ever received the money or no does
not appear. He died in 1626, and from an inventory of his goods
taken at his house in Watling Street, London, he seems only

THE HOUSE OF LYME

to have been possessed of " one velvet ould cloake," valued
at £2, and " one ould payre of breeches — ios.," which does not
look as if he was in very affluent circumstances at the time of
his death. His will, dated October 12, 1623, names his " most
choice beloved nephew Francis Legh " his sole executor ; " to
him I give all my leases, goods and chattells." To his brother
Sir Peter Legh,- " whom I much respect," he leaves the velvet
cloak above mentioned.

Sir Peter's only sister, Elizabeth, was married in 1587 to
Richard Lathom of Parbold, Lancashire, and had with other
children a son, Edward, who is mentioned from time to time.
Both Mr. and Mrs. Lathom were dead before 1624, and Edward
was left to the guardianship of his two uncles, Sir Peter and
Thomas Legh, and " two other gentlemen," who endeavoured
to oust Thomas Legh from his position of guardian. He had
evidently appealed to the great Duke of Buckingham,* who
writes on November 3, 1623, to the Earl of Middlesex,*)* Lord
High Treasurer of England and Master of His Majesty's Court
of Wards and Liveries :

" I understand by this gentleman Mr. Thomas Leigh that upon a
Petition delivered unto you your Lordship was pleased to commit
the wardship of a Nephew of his, one Richard J Latham unto Sr
Peter Leigh this gentleman and two others ; since which time some
of those who had the said grant doe use meanes to put out Mr Leigh
and to have the same wholly to themselves. My desire unto your
Lordship is, that you would make good your own Act and doe him
all the favor therein that you may, that he who hath been his Majestys
ancient servant and one that I doe well respect may not receive any
disgrace thereby. Which I shall take as a curtesie from your Lordship
And ever rest

" Your Lordships faithfull friend and kinsman

" G BUCKINGHAM."

The letters, which up till now have been few and far between,
become, from this period, more numerous, making the task of
selection a difficult one.

* George Villiers, first Duke of Buckingham (1582-1628), Court favourite ;
assassinated by Felton, 1628.

•f Lionel Cranfield, first Earl of Middlesex (1575-1645) ; charged with corrupt
practices as Master of Court of Wards and condemned, 1624 ; pardoned, 1625.
? Edward.

DOROTHY BRERETON

During her first widowhood
Afterwards second wife of Sir Peter Legh of Lyme

By ZUCCARO

From a Portrait at Lyme

.YME UNDER DOROTHY LEGH

As we have seen, there was a constant interchange of
civilities between Sir Peter and his even distant neighbours.
He was on the same friendly terms with the Derby family as
his grandfather, and by his second marriage he was brought into
nearer connexion with the families of Brereton and Egerton,
and was on affectionate terms with all his new wife's relations
as well as with his own. The Gerards and Molyneux were
constantly writing to him for advice, and he had numerous god-
children who always address him as " father " and write in
language of the deepest respect as well as in that of genuine
afTection.

Henry Cavendish,* eldest son of Sir William Cavendish f and
" Bess of Hardwick," was also an intimate friend ; writing to
Sir Peter on March 14, 1608-9, he speaks of the first formation
of a deer park at Chatsworth, which was to be partly stocked
with red deer from Lyme :

" WORTHIE SIR PETER — Whereas I purpose to make a smale red
deare parke near unto my house att Chatsworth and Cannot furnish
it with that game so speedilie as I would, my request is that you would
be pleased to make exchange with me between a gallant Stallion and
some of your red deare about Michaelmas and what you shall think
meete I will stand to yor Cortesie for. My wief and I would be very
glad to see you and yor good Ladie att Chatsworth anie tyme this
Summer when it shall please you where wee will be very glad of you.
If it please you to Like of the notion the horse shall be ready att an
hours warning whensoever you shall send for him."

Much of this letter might have been written at the present
day.

* M.P. for the County of Derby, married Grace, third daughter of George, sixth
Earl of Shrewsbury, fourth husband of " Bess of Hardwick." Henry Cavendish died
s.p. in 1616.

f Sir William Cavendish (1505 (?)-i557), second son of Thomas Cavendish of
Cavendish, Suffolk, Clerk of the Pipe, bought the estate of Chatsworth, which he
began to build in 1553. He married in 1547, as his third wife, Elizabeth, daughter
and heiress of John Hardwick of Hardwick, Derbyshire, and widow of Robert
Barlow of Barlow, Derbyshire. By this lady he had issue three sons : Henry,
above mentioned ; William, afterwards first Earl of Devonshire ; and Charles, who
settled at Welbeck, and was the father of the first Duke of Newcastle ; and three
daughters : Frances, married Sir Henry Pierrepont of Holme Pierrepont, Notting-
ham, and was ancestress of the Dukes of Kingston ; Elizabeth, married Charles
Stuart, Earl of Lennox, and was the mother of Arabella Stuart ; and Mary, married
Gilbert Talbot, son of her stepfather, the Earl of Shrewsbury.

THE HOUSE OF LYME

1607-8 In January 1607-8; Sir Peter's second and third surviving
sons, Francis and Thomas, were admitted students at Brasenose
College, Oxford, being aged eighteen and fourteen respectively ;
both matriculated the following year, in November 1609. They
appear to have been under the care of a tutor, one Ralph
Richardson, a native of Lancashire and a Fellow of the College,
who accompanied them on their journeys to and from Lyme,
and who kept a careful watch over them whilst they were in
residence. From a series of letters written to Sir Peter by the
Vice-Principal, Richard Taylor, between the years 1607 and
1611-12 we are given an interesting picture of the University life
of the time, and we also realize the extraordinarily small amount
of liberty that was enjoyed by the undergraduates, who were
not even allowed pocket-money of their own.

From the pen of Mr. G. H. Wakeling,* M.A., Fellow of the
College, we get the following description of Brasenose as it was
in the early part of the 'seventeenth century :

" It requires some effort of the imagination to picture the appear-
ance of the College at the opening of the seventeenth century. It
consisted solely of the present old quadrangle, divested of the gables
and attics, Citizens' houses ran along the High from St. Mary's, while
the place now occupied by the Library, Chapel, Cloisters and new
buildings held a few old Halls. Some of these were connected with
the College, and formed a residence for Tutors or scholars. It comes
as a shock to be told, in^the famous Census of 1612, that into these
narrow confines were packed no less than 227 Brasenose men ! These
numbers are twice our own, and the available space was scarcely
half."

Upon investigation the census was proved inaccurate, the
numbers being two hundred. Mr. Wakeling goes on to say :

" This figure is sufficiently astonishing, and would still be inexplicable
but for the system under which they lived. The large rooms, each
of which is now a man's sitting-room, were then bedrooms. Each
was used by one Fellow or senior member, and several of his ' schollars '
slept in truckle-beds in the same ' great chamber.' The present bed-
rooms were ' studies.' This solves the mystery of space, and that of
comfort remains."

* " Brasenose Quatercentenary Monographs," vol. ii, Oxford, 1909.

LYME UNDER DOROTHY LEGH

Every pupil was compelled to have a tutor, of necessity one
of the Fellows, who had the absolute control of his life, settled
his work, and paid all his expenses with the sum of money
allowed by his parents. Each tutor had his set of pupils, called
a " compenie," who lived together almost like one family.
Life was strenuous.* There were no comforts ; even a fire
was seldom allowed and had to be paid for. The undergraduates
were required to rise in time to attend chapel at 5 A.M. in
summer and 6 in winter, and there was no cup of hot coffee or
tea ; the most they can have had to begin the day upon would
be a pint of ale or sack, and probably not that. They worked
from 6 until 10 or n, when dinner was served in Hall. A
lugubrious meal this must have been, as all conversation had
to be carried on in Latin. Supper took place at 5 P.M., imme-
diately after evening chapel. After dinner came " disputations "
from I to 3, then some form of recreation, but this was very
restricted. Riding was allowable if the students could afford
it ; fishing was looked upon as childish ; bathing was forbidden ;
and if a walk was taken it could only be in company, for no
one was allowed to walk out into the country unattended. Till
late in the sixteenth century football was much looked down
upon as being an " insolent " game, though in James Ps reign
it was regarded in a rather better light. Games of ball were
strictly forbidden, though in 1608 there seems to have been an
idea of establishing a tennis-court, but this was abandoned
probably through want of funds. The students were required
to be in college by 9 P.M. under peril of a beating, but impositions
and fines seem to have been the more usual form of punishment.

Even allowing for the difference in the value of money
then as compared with the same amount now, it seems almost
incredible that Sir Peter should have considered that £30 a
year apiece was enough to maintain his two sons at the Univer-
sity, but this was certainly his idea, and the two young men
arrived with that sum, which was handed over to the college
authorities on January 17, 1607-8, by one Thomas Eden, who
probably had accompanied them there. That this allowance

* " Brasenose College" (Mr. Wakeling).

THE HOUSE OF LYME

was considered inadequate we gather from the letters of Richard
Taylor, who is constantly making applications for more. In
his first letter, dated Brasenose, November 30, 1608, he says :

" Your sonnes I thanke God are both well, and do follow their
business orderlie and with good commendation, but the great dearth
of all things, especially in this place, have raised their expences in
short time so much, that the money wch I have received wch was
just three score pounds in the whole, was neere quite ended in Michael-
mase last, & yet I am sure their is none of their rank wch have lived
so thriftelie as they have done. When it shall please you to send
up any money, if you have not a convenient messenger to send it up
the next way, you may send it, to be delivered in London to Mr
William Singleton at his house the sign of the Windmill in the Pultrye,
& thence I can have it returned within a short time after, so that I
have notice in wrytinge what sum is sent from time to time."

1609 Oxford had suffered from frequent visitations of the plague,
and there was an outbreak in 1609 and two deaths in the college.
The drainage system was probably answerable for these
epidemics.* It consisted of a huge pit beneath the ground
where the Antechapel now stands. The pit was emptied
every five or six years at a cost of £30. This outbreak must
have added greatly to Richard Taylor's responsibilities and
have caused him much anxiety. Writing to Sir Peter on
June 7 of that year, he says :

" There hath been some danger of ye sickness here in Oxford, but
the fear of it as I take it, was greater then the danger, although I
confesse the danger was very great unto some few. ... I thanke God,
I saw the danger, where it was, at the first, & took order accordinglie,
that we mixt not our selves with any who were within the suspicion
thereof. My purpose was, & so I had provided a house to have gone
to Ensam & there to have lien together with my company, but the
very day I was about to remove, word was brought me, that the
sickness was in the town, whereupon I sent a messenger presently
into Sussex with letters to three or four gentlemen, whose sons are
likewise with me & to my brother Leigh for horses, & the gentlemen
have sent horses for Francis and Thomas, & God willing I will bring
them into Sussex & stay there with them some four or five days, and
then will returne to Oxford again for I doubt not but our college is

* "Brasenose College" (Mr. Wakeling).

LYME UNDER DOROTHY LEGH

now very safe, to such as are not dainted with over much fear. I
received by the London carrier for your sonnes use the fifteen pounds
which your man sent this last term from London, and likewise a coople
of cheeses wch my Lady your bedfellow sent to your sonnes and
me self, we thank her Ladyship for them."

Francis and Thomas remained in Sussex with their tutor
for about six weeks, returning at the end of that time to Oxford.
Richard Taylor writes on July 18 :

" Your sonnes, our whole college and all the university I thanke
God are well ; and it hath fallen out no otherwise then I conjectured
in my last letter. Mr Richardson and your sonnes returned out of
Sussex the last weeke, and our company doth increase dayly, and
exercise is kept as before. No man hath been sick, since I writ ;
three only (who were one man's scholars) had the sicknes, neither hath
any one of their keepers, or such as kept company with them before
caught the infection."

Though there were no fixed holidays, probably on account
of the expense and length of time occupied by the journeys,
the youths appear to have gone home once a year, and Richard
Taylor seems to have visited at Lyme in August 1609, having
probably accompanied the two young men on their return to
Cheshire. His next letter, dated September 26, gives " humble
thanks for your great kindness at my late being with you."
He then goes on to say :

" The sicknes here in Oxford, I trust in God, is quite ceased, but
I am certified from your nephew, Mr Edward Lathom this last week,
that in London it is much increased ; and that there died the week
before of the sicknes two hundred and ten . . . your sons are both
well, I thank God, and so are the rest of the students, the number
of whom increaseth dayly, the Lord bless their good endeavours . . .
two of your nephews Sir Richard Molyneux * his sorts, do come to
our college about a fortnight hence to Mr Radclifte f my honest
countryman."

With the approach of winter the plague seems to have died
out, and we hear no more of it.

* Sir Richard Molyneux, knighted by Queen Elizabeth, 1596 ; married Frances,
sister of Margaret, Lady Legh, and a daughter of Sir Gilbert Gerard, Master of the
Rolls.

f Samuel Radcliffe, a native of Lancashire, born 1580 ; matriculated at Erase-
nose, 1597 ; Fellow, 1603 ; Principal, 1614.

THE HOUSE OF LYME

1609-10 The following January, 1609-10, there came more applica-
tions for money :

" The sum I have received in all with the last ten pounds, comes
to £130, out of wch sum sixteen pounds being deducted, wch is your
sett allowance for two years already ended, there remains only ten
pounds. Now your worship was pleased, that fifteen pounds should
be for discharging their admission & makeing their gowns at the first,
so that there is £5, according to this reckoning, to be received by me,
for the evening of my accounts untill Christenmasse. But the truth
is, I have already now before Christenmasse disbursed for them in all
since their first coming, £139. 5. 2. as will appeare at any time by the
particulars in my booke. Neither can I possibly keepe your elder
son Mr Francis Legh within the compass of thirty pounds. For since
August I was with your worship, of purpose I have set down their
expences apart either by himself, & I find their is almost three pounds
difference in this short time, neither can I impute it to any thinge
but his height wch is extraordinary for his age, viz : full six foote and
two inches. In mine opinion your worship may do well to allow him,
ten pounds more by the year, and the rather by cause his cosins Sir
Richard Molyneux his sonnes do live at a far higher rate. Besids
both he and his brother will be able, & shall if your worship approve
it be presented batchelars of the arts either in Michaelmas terme nexte,
or just this time twelmonth wch I hope will be no way prejudicial
unto them, but rather incourage them to apply their studies the
harder, & make them more carefull and studious of manlike
behaviour."

Richard Taylor had a hard man to deal with. Sir Peter
was careful almost to the extent of being miserly, and was not
to be persuaded by any suggestions that Francis, by reason of
his great height, should require more money than his brother,
or by any hint of his sons not making as good an appearance
as their Molyneux cousins, to increase the very meagre allowance
which he considered to be sufficient for their wants. He seems
to have visited them himself at Oxford in May 1608, bringing
with him the £15 which was to last till August.

He commissioned Richard Taylor to provide him with a
chaplain, no doubt to replace Henry Sumner, and his views on the
subject of a stipend appear to have been as limited as those he
held with regard to his sons' allowance. He was holding out
90

LYME UNDER DOROTHY LEGH

against having to pay as much as £20, although Richard Taylor
assures him

" I could not provide you of a preacher so well qualified, as in reason
he should be for your house after the rate your worship desired me,
and the reason is because it is not unusual in our South Countreys to
have twenty pounds yearly & diet, in so much that two batchelars
of the Arts of our house who indeed are good scholars & preachers
do enjoy the like places & have done for two or three years together.'*

Ultimately he and " Mr. Principal " seem to have found a
suitable man who was to come for a time on approval, " a
Master of Arts of our own College one Mr Harison," whom he
thoroughly recommends as having lived

" honestly, civilly, & studiously as befitted one of his place. He
hath since for two years or thereabouts exercised himself in the
ministrie & taken good paines therein & received deserved commenda-
tion for the same ... he is contented to be with you upon likeing
for a time and after to know his allowance when sufficient trial &
proofe hath been had of him."

Richard Taylor renews his application for an increased
allowance on May 21, 1610 :

" Let me know your worships pleasure concerning your sons, I
pray you ; and namely for their proceeding wch will require some
charges extraordinary, and whether your pleasure be, to make your
elder son somewhat better allowance, for surely I cannot draw it out
to serve him in any good sort, and I am loth often to trouble your
worship in this argument."

Both young men took their B.A. degree on November 29 of
this same year, 1610, and their allowance seems to have been
slightly augmented in view of their new dignity. Richard
Taylor on December 8, 1610, acknowledges the receipt of £35,
their expenses in one quarter with " their apparell, & charge
of proceedinge & some formalities for your younger sonne "
amounting to £26, " or very near their abouts . . . your
younger sonnes expences here, will not be lesse then tenne
pounds a quarter, besides the charge of determininge in Lent."
Interesting particulars are given as to their gowns and
hoods :

THE HOUSE OF LYME

" The cloth for your sonnes gown and hood, which should be five
yards I would willinglie have sent up, that the same might be made
up before Christenmasse."

1610-11 On January 8, 1610-11, he writes :

" I have received your worships letter of the 22th of December, and
the cloath for your sonnes gowne, and the money likewise. What
cloath shall be wanting I will provide, as reasonablie as I can, and
will be as careful, that your money be not misspent as I coulde, if
I shoulde pay it out of mine owne purse."

Taking a degree meant very serious application and the
attending of constant lectures.* All examinations were oral
and entailed a great strain upon the mind and attention, and
when one considers the amount of work that had to be got
through upon a very inferior and scanty supply of food, it
is not surprising that this should have told upon the health of
two growing youths whose constitutions were none too robust.
Francis, as we have seen, was outgrowing his strength, measuring
six foot two at eighteen, and Thomas, though of more sturdy
build, was evidently in bad health at this time, as we learn
by the following letter written to Sir Peter by Dr. Thomas
Singleton, Head of the College and Vice-Chancellor in 1611 :

" SIR, — Your sonne Thomas havinge spent his spirites, and tired
his boddy with sundry conflictes in the heat of disputations especially
this hungry tyme of Lent, wee resolved upon mature deliberation, yt
for the refreshinge of the man and recoveringe of his decayed strength,
a journey in to Lancashire would prove his best phisique ; especially
havings soe good company as Mr Vice-Principall [Richard Taylor],
whoe will be carefull to see him conducted unto you, as alsoe in safety
yt he be returned unto us agayne, to whom he shall be hartely welcome,
as nowe I trust unto yourselfe, and more then ys [this] (wch I wish)
moste kindly cherished for he well deserveth."

Thomas left Oxford for Lancashire accordingly with Richard
Taylor, and appears from an entry in the account book to
have actually been given ten shillings pocket-money on this
occasion. In June we find him back at Oxford, where Francis
had also returned, unexpectedly and unwelcome, it would
seem from the following letter of Taylor's to Sir Peter dated
June 17, 1611 :

* " Brasenose College " (Mr. Wakeling).

LYME UNDER DOROTHY LEGH

" I am sorry I heard not of your worships purpose to returne your
sonne for Oxford before he came. And surelie had an other gentle-
mans sonne bene commended unto me, I shoulde have given him but
small intertainment, neither can I tell well, how to provide for him,
without displacing of some other. Besids my chamber & rooms above
it, are all open, and I am more then a little troubled to get places for
such as I have already charge of, until mine owne rooms can be made
fitt for them againe, which will be both troublesome & chargeable.
But howsoever, upon condition your sonne will be careful to do himself
good & to winne againe your worships favour, I shall be content to
do him what kindnes I may."

He goes on to speak about their gowns :

" I dare not take upon me to maintaine them for all necessaries
in any reasonable sort here, (had the other a scholars gowne & a suite
of apparell first provided) under tenne pounds by the quarter, nor
the younger (who deserves more) under nine pounds quarterlie . . .
how be it I cannot buy a gowne a civil hood & cappe, befittinge a
bachelar of the Arts & large enough for your sonne, not much under
six pounds."

We find by an entry in the account book that £10 135. 8d.
was spent on " clothes for the young gentlemen " in 1612, so
that they cannot have been quite as badly off for garments
as was made out. Although Francis must have been twenty-
two years old in 1612 and Thomas eighteen, neither of them
was given any money of his own, and this seems — and not
unnaturally — to have been a cause of great annoyance to
Francis, who protested against the practice. Oddly enough,
Sir Peter was not disinclined to make him some small allowance,
but Richard Taylor highly disapproved :

" Your elder sonne thinks he should keepe his owne money wch
I hold highly inconvenient, for experience hath taught me that some
young gentlemen can hardly be kept in anie order, let them but
have an angell or two in their purse. . . . Nowe whereas your worship
did insinuate in your letter, that your sonnes should keepe their
owne money, give me leave to answer plainlie & truelie, that I thinke
there is so manie inconveniences therein, that your worship well
consideringe the same, will easily be of an other mind ; as first it
will not be in my power, on Fridays & Satterdays suppers to keepe
them out of the towne, as nowe I do, nor at many other times to

THE HOUSE OF LYME

keepe them out of the worser & unthriftier sort of gentlemens company,
if they be knowne to have money in their owne custodie. Nay, they
should loose the favour & likeing of some of their friends, if they would
not lend them money at their need, & if they lent it they would be in
danger to loose their money, besids it would breed me a great trouble
with the rest of my scholars & bring such an ataxie [disturbance]
& disorder amongst them, that I could not easily remove. Howsoever
if it be your worships pleasure to have it so, whensoever any money
comes before hand unto me (which usually hath not happened) [this
was evidently meant for a cut at Sir Peter] I shall deliver such sums
unto them as your worship shall appoint, fitting for their apparell."

In 1611 Francis Legh was trying for a fellowship at All
Souls, and this was made an excuse for writing to require for
him

" a gowne, a civil hood, a cappe & an habit, a suite of apparell & divers
other things which he wants, or else he will not be thought fitt by
many to become a suiter for a fellowshippe in All Soules."

Francis was unsuccessful, although he had the support of the
Bishop of Oxford, Sir Peter's brother Thomas, and Sir John
Egerton, afterwards first Earl of Bridgewater, a nephew of
Dorothy, Lady Legh. Mr. Thomas Singleton, Vice-Chancellor,
also helped him by trying to persuade one of his kinsmen who
held a fellowship to resign and make room for Francis ; " but
the truth is," said Richard Taylor, " his kinsman's benefice is
litigious wchwas a sufficient cause for him to keep his fellowship."
The demands for money recur with wearying reiteration.
Granted that Sir Peter was a skinflint, which seems not
improbable, it was a case of " diamond cut diamond," and
Taylor was determined to get all he could and to lose nothing
for want of asking, or even of threatening. An upper story was
being added to the college in 1611, and on October 22, 1611, he
begs for help towards the furnishing of the room that was to
serve for himself and the two young Leghs and " others I have
charge of," and endeavours to screw £10 out of Sir Peter, but
in this, as in all other money transactions with the obstinate
old knight, he was unsuccessful, and he had to be contented
with less than half the amount.

LYME UNDER DOROTHY LEGH

As a last resource Richard Taylor suggests that the money
Sir Peter sends does not always reach his hands !

" Give me leave to answer your worship, that of the forty shillings
sent before, twenty shillins onlie came to mine hands. ... I hope
your worship will easilie pardon this and my former bouldnes, by
cause I have writ nothinge but that which I have bene urged unto,
unlesse I shoulde take upon me the faulte of others, I meane of some
of your officers, who doubtlesse have sometimes bene more careles
in sending up your sonnes appointed allowance, then you yourselfe
have knowne of or woulde have permitted had you formerlie bene made
acquainted with the same."

This letter, written on January 14, 1611-12, is the last of 1611-12
the series, but there must have been many others, for although
Francis left Oxford soon after this date, his age being now
about twenty-two or twenty-three, Thomas was living there
up to 1624. From the Brasenose Register we find that he
became a Fellow (Frankland) on May 10, 1614; M.A. on
July 7 of the same year ; Resident Fellow in 1621 ; B.D. 1624,
and D.D. in 1634. ^e a^so tried, but unsuccessfully, for the
Proctorship, and was canvassed for several years.

Thomas had always been destined by his father for the Church,
but it was much against his own wish, though he had to submit
in this, as in all other things, to his father's iron will. Although
he loved his children in his rough, uncouth fashion, Sir Peter
would never brook the slightest deviation from his own wishes.
He considered that it was for him to dispose of the lives of his
children at his discretion, and that whatever he settled for
them was for the best and must be acquiesced in by them
with unfaltering obedience. Any sign of opposition on their
part was certain to increase his fixed determination to carry
his point at whatever cost it might be to them. Thomas tried
his utmost to influence his father, but in vain.

" Neither is there anie defect or want of willingnes in mee towards ye
profession of it [divinity], but imperfections and disabilities towards
ye performance of it doe discourage mee to take ye orders, as lacke of
audacitie and boldnes as I think it is not unknowne to yourself (I
presume to speak it boldly) yt we are all of us bashfull."

THE HOUSE OF LYME

In a later letter he refers to the beautiful mother, of whom he
probably had some dim recollection, begging to know if this
desire of his father's were " with her consent and purpose,"
as " it would content me very much to know." Meantime he
begs that he may be spared " from taking the orders of Ministry
upon me, till such time as your disposition of me otherwise
then where I now live [Oxford] shall occasion them. In the
meantime I shall prepare my readiness for God's service therein
as well as I can."

1619 His father was probably not more generous in his allowance
than he had been when his sons first went into residence, though
Thomas must have had his own pittance, whatever it was, as
a Resident Fellow. In a letter dated July 21, 1619, he begs
that he may be given

" out of that portion which my grandmother left me, 2O1, to furnish
my studie with divinity bookes [acknowledging at the same time with
humble thanks the last Midsummer quarter]. Mr Principal purposeth
towards September or the later end of the Vacation to see Lyme and
requesteth my company which I have halfe promised ye rather to
confirm him in his intended journey, [but he has to obtain his fathers
permission to return home before deciding], as I hear from you I
shall resolve. A nagg I am provided of the same my Brother bestowed
on mee the last year, which I keep — though but a sorrie one in hopes
you will be pleased to better him. Thus not doubtful of your good
health whereof would my Bro : Franke afford a little paper and paines
I should be glad to hear more certain news then flying reports which
ever speak the worst. But my prayers will ever continue for you —
for myself e to Remaine

" Yr humble obedient sonne

"THo: LEGH."

Sir Peter carried his point, and Thomas preached his first
sermon in Disley Church — at the age of about thirty — on
August 22, 1624, this red-letter day in the Disley annals being
commemorated in the parish register for that date as follows :

" Mr Thomas Legh, son to Sir Peter Legh preached the same day
at Disley, and it was the first time that he preached. Aug : 22. 1624."

Both young men kept up their interest in their old college
and friendship with its officials to the end of their lives, and

LYME UNDER DOROTHY LEGH

although Francis left the University long before his brother, we
find him frequently paying visits there and writing for news of
its inmates. His health had always been delicate, and on this
account, probably, we do not hear of his following any profession.

A great event took place at Lyme on January 3, 1612-13, 1613-13
namely, the marriage of Sir Peter's eldest daughter, Anne, with
Richard Bold of Bold, a wealthy Lancashire squire. This
match was evidently in accordance with her father's wishes, and
he made quite a handsome settlement. Anne must have been
about eighteen at this time. Unfortunately no portrait of her
exists other than the one painted of her, a chubby baby of a
year old, in her great-grandmother's arms.

Bold, near Prescot, Lancashire, and within easy reach of
Bradley, Sir Peter's Lancashire home, was rebuilt by this
Richard Bold in 1616. It has now fallen into ruin, but was
no doubt an imposing building, surrounded by a moat. A
portion of a gable is still standing. It is composed of rich
red sandstone, with mullioned windows, and the old doorway
is still existing, over which are the initials and date, " R. B.
1616, A. B." The moat remains with part of the drawbridge,
and two handsome stone gateposts with niches on the
inner side, somewhat resembling the small watch-towers that
flank the gateway at Lyme. One can see portions of a wall
which no doubt surrounded the park at this date. Collieries
and hideous chimneys have taken the place of the fine old
timber and have defaced the charming rolling country, and
these and noxious vapours from chemical and other works
have laid waste what was once a smiling land.

In the parish registers of Farnworth Church, near Bold, a
fine church dating from the twelfth century, we find the following
notice :

" Richardus Bold de Bold Armiger et Anne filia venerabilis viri
Petri Leighe de Lyme Militis Nupsere in domo eiusdem Petri Leigh
e Magistrii Gerrard Rectorem Ecclia de Stopford 3. Jan: 1612."

by which we may infer that the marriage took place in the
house at Lyme, the ceremony being performed by Richard

G 97

THE HOUSE OF LYME

Gerard, who was Rector of Stockport at this time. He was a
first cousin of Sir Peter's first wife Margaret, and was presented
to the living of Stockport by his uncle, Sir Gilbert Gerard, Master
of the Rolls.

Richard and Anne had three sons and nine daughters ;
their eldest child was born at Lyme, as we find in the account
book on December 16 of the year 1614, or 1615, the following
entry :

" To Larrance wyfe for ale when Mris Bold lay in Childbed —
xiiis vid" (135. 6d.).

These interesting family events were always made the
occasion of much drinking, carousing, and merrymaking, which
must have been of a doubtful benefit to the mother and babe.
Among the treasures discovered at Lyme about forty years
ago were two coverlets in rose satin much discoloured with
age, one large and one small, bordered with very fine silver
guipure lace of the Elizabethan period. These coverlets were
used on the bed of the mother and the cradle of the child when
caudle cup was given to friends and gossips in the bedchamber
after an interesting event, and had no doubt adorned the
bed and cradle of Mistress Bold and her babe on this historic
occasion, as they had probably done those of her mother and
herself in days gone by.

CHAPTER VI
A LOVE TRAGEDY

WE come now to a dark page in the annals of Sir Peter Legh, 1614
namely, his treatment of his eldest son, Piers. The young
man had, as we have seen, been removed hastily from Cambridge
for some offence which does not appear. He was, however,
though possibly under a cloud for a time, not banished from
his father's presence, as we hear of him at Lyme soon after
his sister's marriage, when he writes to his brother Francis,
possibly in connexion with horse-racing of some kind :

" You write to me to know what success you have had in your
horse money, which hath not bine so good as I could wish, for they
like Poynton men which shall never be trusted again by me. My
sister Bold sayeth she counteth to Whitsuntide, shee is wonderful
great, pray God send her good lightening. My father is not yet come
home but we every day expect him. You write to know what case
your black nagge is in ; our Spring this year hath bine so backward
that he will not be in any case to be taken up till the later end of
May though he hath all the helpe that can be for every other day my
brother Peter or I give him a dishful of oats. My own nagge is so
poore that I cannot take him up till towards the later end of June.
We remembred you when the noble knight was over at Lyme at whose
parting out of the cuntrey there was a foolish business fell out betwixt
Dick Holland and my brother Peter, but God be thanckt there was
no hurt done."

Those were days when a hasty word meant the drawing of
swords and bloodshed. None waited to hear reason ; a wrong
was a wrong and must be wiped out at once at the sword's point,
explanations — if such there were — might follow after. Peter
was the youngest of Sir Peter's sons, and his age at this time
would be about eighteen.

THE HOUSE OF LYME

Piers had a warm-hearted, generous, and loving disposition,
with high aspirations and a desire to learn and improve himself.
He was devoted to his brothers, to whom he was always ready
and willing to do any kindness, and the few letters of his
that exist contain constant references to gifts bestowed upon
them, though he can have had very little money to spend,
as we do not gather that his father allowed him more than
£20 a year.

As early as the year 1610, being then aged about twenty-two
or twenty-three, he had formed an attachment for a certain
Mistress Morley, of whom we know nothing beyond that from
sentences in the various letters we gather that her portion was
not large enough to satisfy the insatiable greed of Sir Peter,
who flatly refused to consider the match at all. Various
members of the family were called in to help in persuading
Piers to give up the lady, which he finally agreed to do
provided his father would allow him his own choice of a
wife upon a future occasion, and would not force any
one upon him against his inclination. He on his part
undertook that the lady of his choice should be suitable
both in birth and position as well as portion. He was
anxious to be allowed to travel to open and improve his
mind, and also as a means of distraction from the grief of his
disappointment ; but although the extent of his " travel "
was only to be a visit to France (no doubt then considered a
very dangerous expedition), Sir Peter refused his consent to
this modest request, though for what reason except that
of wishing to make himself thoroughly disagreeable it is im-
possible to conjecture.

Piers begged his aunt, Lady Molyneux (one of his mother's
sisters), to intercede with his father on his behalf and allow
him to go abroad.

" Good Brother [she writes to Sir Peter], At my Nephews request,
I moved you that you would be pleased to let him travel, and you
took tyme to consider of it, hee doth still importune mee to be a
means to you for the effecting of the same desire, in respect he hopeth
to better himself and his experience by that course, and that he is
IOO

A LOVE TRAGEDY

much wearie of that hee now leads his life in, I know though I wish
his good to my uttermost, yet his proceeding and welldoing concerneth
you most neerly, yett I hope hee shall find that from you that his
desert and nature binds you to, I refer all to your discretion and
fatherlie care, who best know what is fit."

After some time Lady Molyneux seems to have persuaded
the young man to give up the idea of travelling :

" I have been in talke with my nephew Piers about the gentlewoman
he was in lykeing with, which is now married, (Mris Morley) and
likewise about the humour he hath to travell, I find he hath great
scorn of her course, and partly ashamed of his owne constancie to her,
I have disuaded him from the thought of travel and I find him sylent
in y1, and not much to mislike of my perswations, and I doubt not
but whollie to alter that determination in him, if you like of it, for
my part I think yi is the unfittest of all courses he can take."

Whether there was some evil influence at work against
poor Piers it is impossible to find out. Lady Molyneux seems
to suspect this, however, by a subsequent letter in which she
speaks of

" great discontentments you had conceaved against your son and
of some unnatural affection you conceive he had against you and
your courses, I protest unto you I both believe and hope you shall
never have any such occasion, and am afraid some ill mynd doth
worse offices betwixt you. [She finds] great willingness in him to
perform all dutie that a loving and obedient child ought to his Parent,
so far is he both by his protestations and oathes from any desire
of the matter you taxe him with, that as soon would he desire his own
ill or death as yours."

She ends, begging Sir Peter

" will be a kynde father to him for his mothers sake, who I am assured
you much loved, and I doubt not you shall find him a dutiful child."

Sir Richard Molyneux adds his remonstrances in the same
letter :

" Your sons desires (in my opinion) are very reasonable and so I think
you will conceve of them."

Some two years after breaking off his engagement with
Mistress Morley, Piers fell desperately in love with Anne,

101

THE HOUSE OF LYME

daughter of Sir John (afterwards Lord) Savile * of Pontefract,
Yorkshire, a lady in every way suitable but for the unfortunate
fact that her family held different political views to those of
Sir Peter, and that her portion was not sufficiently large to make
her welcome as a daughter-in-law. Sir Peter therefore again
refused his consent in most peremptory terms ; nor would he
listen to the entreaties of Piers, nor to the remonstrances of
his brothers- and sisters-in-law, who implored him not to deal
thus harshly with his son, " and such a son," and pointed out
that he was breaking his sacred word of honour :

" I protest I utterly dislike of your resolution [writes Lord Gerard f],
upon my fayth I wryte not this at Any instance of my nephews.
But the love I beare to you and your house causeth yt, and if I might
prevayle so mutche I earnestly desire yt."

Nothing, however, seemed to make any impression. John,
first Earl of Bridgewater, son of Lord Chancellor Ellesmere and
a nephew of Dorothy, Lady Legh, writes very strongly in
support of Piers and adds his entreaties to the rest of the
family that Sir Peter will not break his promised word :

" You have ever bene noted firme of your worde and promise, let
not your sonne be the first with whom you breake it. Good Uncle
be content with that which is past to use the power of a father to the
correction and strayne it not to the confusion of a sonne an eldest
sonne and such a one as I dare undertake will be a loving and dutyfull
sonne. [He ends very diplomatically :] I protest I write what I thinke,
and what I write I would have forborne if I did not hope that it
shoulde tend to yr good and the manifestation of my love towardes
you ; for in the worde of an honest man, Sr P. Legh alone is more in
my affection then Piers Legh and all his endes and alliances."

These letters all show the most intense sympathy with
Piers and appreciation of his character, which was in every
respect estimable and lovable, and one can only marvel at the
harshness and bitterness with which his father treated him.

* First Baron Savile (1556-1630), politician ; M.P. Lincolnshire, 1586 ; Comp-
troller of the Household, 1627 ; created a baron, 1627.

f Thomas, first Lord Gerard, eldest son of Sir Gilbert Gerard, Master of the
Rolls ; brother-in-law of Sir Peter Legh. He married Alice, daughter and heiress
of Sir Thomas Rivet, and died 1618.

102

A LOVE TRAGEDY

The following letters passed between father and son during 1617
the year 1617, Piers being now aged about thirty and having
implored and entreated for seven weary years :

Sir Peter Legh to his son Piers :

" How frowardly and stubbornly you have demeaned yourself
(for these many yeares) unto me God and your Conscience knoweth.
The breach of this 5th Commandment is held by all honest and Godly
men to be very dangerous, yet I pray you may never feel punishment
for it. I know you have not forgotten our last parting at this howse ;
in ye beginninge of the last Sommer when you made desire to goe
unto London unto [word missing] I was unwillinge and wolde with
too much myldnes faine have otherwise perswaded you, but received
from you soe sower and Grumbling Answere as T layed my fatherly
Command upon you to staye, and alsoe sent unto you (for that purpose)
by our own two messengers but you observed neither me nor them,
but went on thither, and at this unfit time I was moved by my Lord
Gerard to perswade with me to geve way unto this your unadvised
entendment, but I was sore greeved and perplexed with the first as
I protested and vowed against ye last, w* vowe I must observe and
will keepe. Now for that I heare you Continue Constant unto yor
former willfull frowardnes and doe egerly pursue this business (though
in despight of my hart) I will once more advise you (though my
Advice by you have ever bin contemned) unless you may by this
match Compass unto you self more meanes then my poore meanes is,
withdraw your fancie and proceede not with it, for beleeve me yt if
you doe, and be very well assured you must expect rioe more from
me then a yonger brothers Annuitie.

" And soe beseechinge God to blesse you with his holy and
heavenly Grace I leave and Rest . . ." [no signature].

Piers Legh's answer to his father's letter :

« or

" My humble dutie remembred, with desire of your blessings
health and praiers.

" I have received your letter which still augmenteth my further
miseries : Not in that I have no desyre to receive any letter from
you. Which God knoweth I much wish, yet more desyre to see you,
and be yours in all love and duty. But to receive such a letter wherein
I am charged with such deepe and undutifull demeanours towards
you (wherein my conscience telleth me I am not altogether faultie,
and your continuance in those conjectures) is that which most greeveth

103

THE HOUSE OF LYME

me. Fror whereas you charge me ; first with the neglecte of my
duty, for those many yeares, I can not tell rightly wherein I should
deserve such a censure ; because my dutyfull love hath ever desyred
to show itselfe to your content. Howsoever it pleaseth you to thinke
the contrary.

" Concerning owre last parting at Lyme. I well remember that
I did not grumble in my answere to you ; for I gave none at all to
my knowledge. But in that I broke your commandement when you
gave it me and sent it me by Henry Bradshaw, I must and do
acknowledge.

" Yet it may be pardonable, if it please you to consider my affection
at that tyme, and ever since towards Mris Anne Savile : setled above
two yeares before, and my promis then passed to come to London ;
that both (especially the first) forced me to that breach.

" Uppon your debarring me the company of Mris Morley, and my
earnest entreaty thereuppon by Henry Bradshaw for my going into
Frrance, you promised me before Sr Thomas Gerard my Lady
Moloneux and my Lady Gerrard, that if I would obey then your
command, I should take my owne choyce for a wife, which I have
thereuppon to my owne lyking made choyce of.

" How I was dealte with concerning Mris Morley, God and you
know ; yet I am perswaded you entended all for my good. But where
you say shee refused me first, I can (if please you geve me leave)
resolve you to the contrary, As well by certaine letters from Sr Thomas
Earlsfield as others since my refusall.

" It greeveth me much that my fortunes are so contrary to urge
you to such a vowe as to gainesay this my affection, and that my vowe
and promis to God to be hers in life or Death should be so opponent
for my perpetual misery.

" God is my judge ; I nether do, nor would do anything in despite
of your harte. But this I know, although I ought to be youres in
all deuty, yet it is saide fathers ought not to be too greevous to there
children. And wherein can they be more than in this breache of
affection.

" Fror the wealth or portion I should receive by this match, I
verily thinke you will judge it too meane ; yet a yonger brothers
portion wilbe lesse welcome. But lett the will of God be fullfilled.
I intend to have nether (if uppon these conditions) But will rather
pursue the fortunes of my miserable estate and life to be hers in
death.

" Good Sr, if it lye in your powre, or that you can be resolved anyway
to dispence with your contrariety to me, I beseech you with teares
and uppon the knees of my soule to compassionate your distressed
104

A LOVE TRAGEDY

sonne, and lett your tender and deare love yeeld your consent, liking
and receiveing of me into your fatherly protection, and not to pursue
my ruinn with too much violence in debarring of that I have, do, and
ever will desyre ; which if it shall please you to mitigate the first and
grant the last, I will make a new vowe to God ever to be

" Your obedient sonne

" PEIRES LEGH."

To this touching letter Sir Peter returned answer that unless
Piers chose to dispense with his " rashness and stubbornness "
he should become " a mere stranger to me and myne."

This cruel letter was answered by Piers in one of the most
pathetic ever written, which ends with the following touching
appeal :

" Therefore 0 father, if not for my owne, yet for my mothers sake,
who onst was deare unto you, and in her name, I once more begge,
with my teares, your fatherly consideracion, and that I may go on
herein. Allthough you make me and command me to be a stranger
to all Christendome. And so humbly craving pardon for all my
offences, resting betweene hope and despaire ether to be by you fully
comforted or by you for ever undon. In which estate I now remaine
" Your woefull and distressed Sonne

" PEIRES LEGH."

But all in vain ! Nor entreaties nor persuasions nor tears
had the slightest effect. The bitter struggle had continued for
all these seven weary years, till at length, tired out by the
hopelessness of making any impression upon the senseless
obstinacy of his father, Piers took the law into his own hands
and married Anne Savile about the end of 1617 or the beginning
of the following year. In a letter, undated, from Sir Peter to
his brother-in-law, Lord Gerard, he announces the unwelcome
fact, and from the contents one would imagine that he was
the aggrieved party :

" MY NOBLE GOOD LORD, As it hath been my hard hap hearetofore 1618
to suffer a great crosse by ye long continued obstinacie of my eldest
sonne wherewith yor Lordship hath bin both acquainted and many
times troubled (and wch had not bin yf your good Advice to him
had taken place) so now he hath showed forth ye fruictes of his dis-

105

THE HOUSE OF LYME

obedience and smale respect of me, in marynge himself without my
consent or privitie (yea even in despight of my hart and mynde) to a
daughter of Sir John Saviles, who hath lately sent me a strange message
(to mocke me as I suppose) to crave my consent to a motion of a
mariadge betwixt my Sonne and his daughter, and to have a meeting
about it, it beinge past and donne some two moneths before he sent
me this message, by which your Lo : may perceive how I am used and
dealt withal by them.

" Had not my Lord of Rutlande * comen to me on Tuesday night
last I had waited on you at Holmes Chappell to have imparted this
unto you out of ye fulness of my true greeues hart and mynde w011
I hop and assure me your Lo : will never Augment by giving way to
any persuasions or desires that may be used unto yr Lo : by any that
shall seeke to make you their meanes unto me for this unhappie
business."

From that day to the day of Piers' death, in 1624, there is
nothing to show that his father forgave him or that he ever
saw his face again. Stern, relentless, unforgiving, it is almost
impossible to understand such a character. The letters from
Piers to his father are among the most pathetic ever written,
but they made no more impression upon that adamantine heart
than did the wind beating upon the hard grey walls of Lyme.

Some provision he did make for the maintenance of the
young couple, who appear to have resided at Bradley, Lan-
cashire. " I am contented to give them her marriage portion
without intermedling with anie of it," he states in a paper of
" Remembrances " that must have been drawn up about this
date. He assures all his lands descended to him from his
ancestors to his heir male ; failing issue in the direct line, his
lands to go to his younger sons, " that my sonne (in case hee
have no issue male of his owne bodie) cannot put the inheritance
from the next heire male." He also assures a " reasonable
jointure to my sonne's wife — the same not to take effect untill
after my decease." With characteristic prudence and fore-
thought he also reserves to himself the liberty — in the event of
his surviving his wife Dorothy— to make " a reasonable jointure
for anie wife which I shall hereafter marie."

* Francis, sixth Earl of Rutland (1578-1632), took part in Essex's plot, 1601 ;
Admiral of the Fleet to bring home Prince Charles from Spain, 1623.
1 06

A LOVE TRAGEDY

What was the attitude of Dorothy, Lady Legh, during all
these years ? It is impossible to find out whether she tried to
influence her husband in favour of her unfortunate stepson,
or whether — as Lady Molyneux seems to hint — she fanned the
flame. There could be no apparent reason for her doing so.
She had no children who could benefit by Piers' disinheritance,
and even if this were so, Sir Peter had other sons who would
have a prior claim. Piers had given her no cause for dislike,
as he had shown himself well disposed towards her from the
first. One can therefore only conclude that her influence in
her stepson's favour — if she used it at all — was of no more
avail than was that of his other relations. She was on excellent
terms with all her stepchildren, constantly writing to Thomas,
still at Oxford, whom she addresses in various ways — " Mr.
Thomas," "Tom Legh," and "Good Tom "—and sending
him " tokens " and cheeses. She wishes these may prove
well in eating, " that you may make merrie with
them amongst your friends." She sends " the best our
barren countrie can afford, entreating you and them to whom
they are sent to take them in good part, and I wish with all
my heart that they were ten times better then they are for
your sakes."

The last letter from Piers, which must have been written 1624
not long before his death in 1624, is addressed to his brother
Thomas at Brasenose, and shows his usual kindness and thought-
fulness for others in the midst of his own misfortunes. With
his customary generosity he had sent Thomas a dog : " I
percyve you received the greyhound I sent you which I wish
may prove as good as may geve you the best content." His
youngest brother he also remembers : " I pray you tell my
brother Peter that though I am long in sending him a sword
yet he shall find me sure." He begs Thomas not to stand
out against his father's wishes that he should take Holy orders,
but to be warned by his own sad experience :

" Your letter made me very glad and very sorry, glad in regard
you were well and that since I could not see you so oft as my heart
desyreth yet that I might heare from you in writinge vP I desyre

lO/

THE HOUSE OF LYME

may be as oft as you can, sorry because I perceyved by your letter
how unkindly my father dealeth with you, but I hope I may well be
an example to you to beare all crosses and miseries that can happen
you patiently."

By his wife Anne Savile Piers had four children, three
daughters and one son, born August 12, 1623, who can have
been barely a year old at the time of his father's death. When
this took place we have no knowledge. There is no record of
Piers's last illness, nor are there any letters mentioning the
fact of his death or the date ; he seems to have been dead to
his father from the moment of his marriage. Remorse the old
man must have felt, for by a petition to the Court of Wards
and Liveries signed by him in November 1624, we gather that
he was anxious to secure the custody of the infant boy.

Under the existing laws the king had power over all minors.
One of the feudal privileges which had come down to James I
from the Middle Ages, to which he tenaciously held, was his
right to the wardship of young heirs and the marriage of
heiresses, and this privilege was considerably abused and was
made a means of fiscal extortion.

The first intimation we get of the death of Piers is from a
petition addressed by Thomas, brother of Sir Peter Legh, on
November 7, 1624, to the King :

" The humble petition of Thomas Legh your Majesty's ould servant,
prays that whereas the petitioner's nephew being his father's eldest
son, marryed without his consent and died in his displeasure leaving
one only son an infant, the body of the said infant might be granted
to the petitioner who only desires it in order that the grandfather's
favour may be procured towards the infant, hoping that he will estate
the Inheritance upon him when hee seeth that hee may dispose of his
education and mariage at his pleasure, which may recompense his
father's offence and keepe the lands in the right course of descent,
and which the Petitioner only desireth for the love hee bore to his
said Nephew."

Armed with his petition Thomas Legh went off to Royston,
where the King and Court were in residence. We learn that

" His Majesty is graciously pleased to grant this petition if it be not
1 08

A LOVE TRAGEDY

contrary to the instructions given to the Courte of Wardes, and to
that purpose requires the Master of the Wardes to consider of it and
certifye his opinion to his Majesty."

There were, however, many difficulties to be got over. Red
tape played as important a part in the seventeenth as it
does in the twentieth century, and although the King seemed
willing enough, his sanction did not appear to be sufficient
without the concurrence of the sacred Master of the Court of
Wards and Liveries. This was probably subterfuge on the
part of James, for Thomas Legh was told that " where the
King intends a denial he puts it off to his officers." A letter
addressed to Sir Peter Legh (who seems to have concurred in the
sending of Thomas's petition) from Peter Daniel of Over Tabley,
one of the Knights of the Council in the Parliament of 1625,
mentions that

" The same day y* your man arrived in London your brother came.
I spoke to him and y* day he intended to goe towards Royston. Since
then I heard not from him how he speedeth. Ye Court is soe farr
remote at Royston yi we can have noe entercourse by letters."

The village of Royston was no further remote than Cam-
bridgeshire. Here James I had built himself a house which
he used principally for purposes of hunting and hawking,
and here he was staying with his favourite, the Earl of
Somerset, when he received the news of the murder of Sir
Thomas Overbury. Lord Somerset, who was suspected of
complicity in the crime, was arrested in the King's presence,
and it is said that James, who a moment before had been leaning
on his favourite's shoulder, said coolly as soon as he had been
removed from the apartment, " Now the de'el go with thee,
for I will never see thy face any more."

Another of James I's favourites who got into trouble about
this time was Archibald Armstrong,* his " fool " or jester,
who afterwards gained great social distinction and made a
large fortune. A curious proclamation addressed to the High

* Archibald Armstrong, known as " Archie," jester to James I and Charles I ;
supposed to have been a sheep-stealer ; gained social distinction at Court ; credited
with having written " A Banquet of Jests," which appeared in 1630 ; died 1672.

109

THE HOUSE OF LYME

Sheriff of Cambridge and Huntingdon, written from Royston
and signed " James Rex," is preserved at Lyme. It states
the King's pleasure that the body of his " sometyme fool
Archibald Armestrong " having been received into the custody
of the said High Sheriff " for some thefts by him annciently
committed, Our pleasure is that forthwith he receive his tryall
according to law and justice for malefactors in that case pro-
vided. And this shall be your sufficient warrant." He was
ultimately expelled from Court in 1637 for insulting Archbishop
Laud.

To revert to the petition. Apparently there was the
usual delay in matters of this kind. Thomas Legh returned
from Royston with the Earl of Anglesey * and together
they waited upon Sir Robert Naunton,f whose answer
was that he would confer with Sir Walter Pye, J "who
was his director " and would give them his reply at
a future date. Thomas Legh, however, was determined to
get the matter settled as soon as possible, and begged Peter
Daniel to accompany him to Sir Walter Pye ; Daniel advising
his friend to " spare no money in fees and bribes," otherwise,
even with the King's sanction, he would obtain nothing.
Thomas must " fee ye Attorney well," he writes to Sir Peter,
telling him of their intended visit, " with 10 pieces or 5 at ye
least, ye rest would follow, when he had a good reference he
must to Court again, get ye King's hand to it and then bring
it to ye priuie seale, and then to ye Kinge to signe, and then
bring it to ye Great Seale and soe he makes it perfect. I am
a little practised in these things," he adds, alluding no doubt to
former experiences of his own, " and parsimony doth much
hinder a business. This is a golden age." They went accord-
ingly to Sir Walter Pye with the information that they had the
King's sanction — subject to that of the Court — but Thomas
Legh, who evidently had a private interview, seems to have

* Kit Villiers, first Earl of Anglesey (1593-1630), younger brother of Buckingham.

f Sir Robert Naunton (1563-1635), politician ; Master of the Court of Wards,
1623-35.

J Sir Walter Pye (1571-1635), lawyer ; a favourite of Buckingham, who procured
his nomination as Attorney of the Court of Wards and Liveries in 1621.

A LOVE TRAGEDY

met with little or no success. Peter Daniel writes to Sir Peter
that " Mr Attorney told him plainly yt he would be against it
yt it was against ye King's profit, it would overthrow his Courte
yet yt he knew you [Sir Peter] and he thought another course
would be as effectual." Their next step was to approach Sir
Humphrey Davenport, serjeant-at-law and judge, who gave it
as his opinion that a second petition must be framed, this time
from Sir Peter Legh himself and to be addressed to the Court of
Wards and Liveries, nominating certain gentlemen by his
writing and under his hand, and stating that to these and none
other should the body of the ward be granted. Accordingly a
rough copy of a second petition, drawn up in practically the
same words as the first, was forwarded to Sir Peter for his
approval and sanction, Daniel begging that if there be anything
offensive in this or in his letters Sir Peter will " bury it in Your
love, it is want of judgment." He gives directions that a
space may be left at the top of the paper " yt we may give
them their due stile."

From a subsequent letter, dated Gray's Inn, December 10,
1624, written from Peter Daniel to Sir Peter, we learn that
" ye petition had no good conclusion, yet at hap nab it was
delivered." Mr. Attorney promised to do his best, but it was
evidently a question of how much greasing of palms there was
to be. The official was reported to have " acted his part,"
and Daniel advises that as " he hath delt so freely and carefully
in ye penning of it you may, (if you thinke soe fitt) augment
ye bountie."

Ultimately the matter was settled, and Sir Peter, who is
described as "a gent of greate antiquity and of greate
worth in the Counties of Cheshire and Lancashire," was
granted the custody of the infant with the joint guardian-
ship of the following four gentlemen : Sir Richard Molyneux,
Sir Charles Gerard, Peter Daniel, and the said Thomas Legh,
" at such price and Consideration to be paid to his Majesty
as they and the Court should decide." What the sum was does
not appear.

The boy must from this time have been taken from his

ill

THE HOUSE OF LYME

mother and removed to Lyme. He is frequently referred to
in the letters as " little Peter," but there is no mention of Sir
Peter's extending his forgiveness to his daughter-in-law, though
she apparently visited at Lyme in after years. She was allowed
to see her son at stated intervals. Writing to her brother-in-
law Francis from Newton, Lancashire, where she seems to have
removed after her husband's death, she hopes they are all well
at Lyme,

" and littell Peter, pray send me word if he learne his Booke well,
say his prayers dayly, please his grandfather and carry himself to all
as is fitting, which I shall be glad to heare of him — may God bless
him."

She evidently saw very little of her only son — poor soul.
" Sometyme this summer I purpose if it please God to see him,"
she writes to Francis, " but the time when I cannot yet set
downe." Parting with her precious only boy must have wrung
her heart with anguish, but she may have comforted herself
with the thought that it was necessary to put her own feelings
on one side and do what was best for the boy ; she writes
gratefully, " behoulden for your kindness to my dear Jewill."
None of the family, except perhaps Francis and Thomas, seem
to have been very kind to her. Anne Bold, writing to her father,
alludes to her sister-in-law in somewhat scathing terms :
" Sir Thomas Savile is come home and made a Lord * and my
sister is com a widow as she went." In a letter written in
1635, before the death of Sir Peter, she speaks of a visit to
Lyme, so her company was probably tolerated for short

periods.

* Lord Savile of Pontefract.

112

CHAPTER VII

SIR PETER AND HIS FRIENDS

LYME must have been completed by this date and was evidently 1623
looked upon as a show place and was being much talked about.
" My stay in these parts," writes Sir Thomas Savage * in 1623,
" by reason of my enjoyned attendance att London falleth out
to be so shorte, that by no meanes I shalbe able att this tyme
to see either you, as you request, or that place of yours that I
have often hard off." Edward Kluttall, another correspondent,
states that he was thirty miles on his way to visit Sir Peter,
" but some speatiall (special) service of ye Kings in my office
ffetched mee back againe otherwyse I hadde hadd a great
hope to have injoyed soe much happines as to have kissed yor
hand and to have seen Lyme."

Lord Herbert of Cherbury j- thinks it is an age

" since I have had the honner to see you, and more that no good
. occation gives me leave to send or inquire of your healthe. I am not
in the number of those friends who delight in ye acquaintance only of
kindred, or alliance, but with a further desire propose both to them
& to myselfe such correspondency as may dayly make the bond more
perfect."

Adding that when he is released from his engagements he
will " presume to come and learne the way yt with lesse danger
I may presume to be my wife's guide."

* Sir Thomas Savage, created Viscount Savage, 1626, was Chancellor of the
Queen's Court at Westminster, 1634; died l635J buried in the Savage chapel in
Macclesfield church.

t Richard, second Baron Herbert of Cherbury, eldest son of Edward, first Lord,
married Mary, daughter of John, first Earl of Bridgewater, nephew of Dorothy, Lady
Legh. He was a great Royalist, performed many services for Charles I, and was chosen
to conduct Queen Henrietta Maria from Bridlington to Oxford, 1643.

H 113

THE HOUSE OF LYME

1626 In 1626, Sir Richard Wilbraham * writes to excuse Lord
Derby f from accepting the hospitality of Sir Peter,

" hee wished me to let you know that you shall find him your f eathfull
frend to serve you, but desireth hee may be excused for coming unto
you att this time from things falling cros to his intentions, butt this
next summer hee will see you wth his Lady in his hand."

These letters, with many others, are abundant proof of the
position that Sir Peter occupied, and of the affection and
esteem in which he was held by all who knew him. Frequent
communications were also passing between him and his
relations. He was in constant correspondence with his wife's
nephew, Sir John Egerton, afterwards first Earl of Bridge-
water, who had married one of the daughters of Ferdinando,
fifth Earl of Derby. On July 10, 1610, she writes that " Sans
ceremonia " she must make bold again to intreat Sir Peter's
" commiseration of this bearer, whose wrongs which he sus-
teneth by rude and lawless fellowes is well knowen unto you,"
describing her protege as " a pore Innocent lambe amongst a
Number of Ravenous wolves," and beseeching her uncle to
" patronize and direct him else his case will be worse."

Sir John Egerton writes in 1612 :

" This Gent is so gladde that he hath furnisht you with Musicke this
Christenmasse, [begging to know when he may enjoy the company
of his respected uncle and aunt,] when you can come and will come
you shall be hartely welcome. [He also sends his best thanks] for
those Mastiffs which my Aunt and yourself sent me up, [adding,] I
am turned Courtier more in a month of late then heretofore in a yeare,
but neither Courte nor Country can make me other then

"Your most assured loving frend and respectfull

"Nephewe J. EGERTON."

Though the letters from his relations generally contain
requests for money, venison, or favours of some kind, they bear
strong evidence of the high respect and affection in which the

* Sir Richard Wilbraham of Woodhey, created Baronet 1621 ; married Grace,
sister of Thomas, first Viscount Savage.

f William, sixth Earl of Derby, brother of Ferdinando, fifth Earl, said to have
been a great traveller; married, 1594, Elizabeth, daughter of Edward Vere, seventeenth
Earl of Oxford. He died 1642.

114

FACSIMILE OF A LETTER FROM SIR PETER LEGH TO
HIS CHAPLAIN, 1591

. . . haue expected y- Bookes \vch I ... (as in reasonn) I pray you think . . . occassyons
hayth bynn the stay, I ... not yett performed thatt promyse, . . . assure yor selff (ere
longe) I will ... I wold very gladly yf you cann conveniently bestowe a Sermone on my
towe Brothers in La we, wch be nowe in the Country — ffor soe much I promysed theym : by
my Cosyn Rch : Gerrard his good Intellygence — you may knowe where to have theym. Thus
wyshinge you will doe my vmble Dutye to my Good old Grandmother, & my Comendacons to
all my ffrends I comend vs all into thands of thalmyghty. rfrom Sydbury this IXth of June.

Yor yery lovynge ffrend

PETER LEGH

SIR PETER AND HIS FRIENDS

writers held their august relative. He was a man of great
strength of character and indomitable will, whose opinion
carried much weight and was held to be of the highest value.
Seldom did any family event occur amongst his even distant
relatives, to whom he was constantly appointed guardian or
trustee, without his help being solicited, his godchildren were
innumerable, and he was generally looked up to as a personage
of high worth and esteem. He was in advance of his times.
His taste was good and refined, as we see by the additions he
made to the house during his lifetime : the beautiful " Stag
Parlour," for which he was responsible, which has already
been described. His love of the arts, music, painting,
and letters proclaim him to have been a man of culti-
vated tastes. He had inherited his grandfather's fondness
for heraldry ; he wrote a good and educated hand and his
travels had broadened his mind and given him a polish that
was not often found amongst his contemporaries. He was on
intimate terms with all that was best in society, art, and letters.
Essex, Leicester, Buckingham, the successive Earls of Derby
and Rutland were all his friends, while his correspondents
included such brilliant lights in the literary and musical world
as Elias Ashmole and Henry Lawes. With John Bradshawe,
the regicide judge, he was on the best of terms, though himself
a staunch Royalist ; a fortunate circumstance, which was to
have good effect on the family fortunes in years to come during
the Civil Wars, and probably saved the house from destruction
or pillage.

His was a fine character, marred by intolerant harshness
towards his children in matters connected with their lives
and careers, which proceeded mainly from inordinate vanity
— his besetting sin. He never conceived it possible that he
could be mistaken ; any decision of his must be final, and must
never be combated or questioned.

On the principle that " one good turn deserves another "
Sir Peter was entreated by his brother-in-law, Lord Gerard,*

* Thomas, first Lord Gerard, eldest son of Sir Gilbert Gerard, Master of the
Rolls ; married Alice, daughter of Sir Thomas Rivet.

THE HOUSE OF LYME

to use his influence with the latter's eldest son Gilbert,* knighted
in 1611, at the creation of Henry, Prince of Wales. The young
man appears to have given his father a good deal of trouble in
1614-15, and it was very much more serious trouble than that
for which Sir Peter had solicited the help of Lord Gerard in his
own case. Gilbert Gerard had married Elinor, daughter and
heiress of Thomas Button of Button, who died in 1614, when
Gilbert's wife succeeded to the estates and fortune, and Lord
Gerard evidently considered that the young people were in-
clined to be wasteful and extravagant :

" For my sonne Hee is yong and not Experyenced in courses of Land
... I pray you both advyse and direct Hym in what is fytting. I
wish my Syster Button" [the widow; the respective fathers- and
mothers-in-law immediately assumed this degree of relationship]
" may keepe house and my Sonne and daughter to table with her."

The young man was anxious to obtain some appointment
in the household of Charles, Prince of Wales, much against
his father's wishes, who considered that his son's duty was to
live on his estate and endeavour to improve his property :

" I fear my Sonne' s umour is too mutch bente for London and then
I shall soone see what will come of Button. But as I have ever been
most careful of his good so I protest to God if Hee will not be ruled
by me and follow my directyons I will not only do Him what Hurte
I can in my owne Estate but I will dash all Courses Hee shall runne
both with the King and Prynce and turne my love to Hatred if Hee
will not follow my directyons. ... I cannot forget my brother
Buttons wordes att the maryage, a Pygeon coming into the Hawle Hee
says His House would be made a Pygeon Howse, for this I will dis-
clayme before God and the world and if my Sonne uphold it not with
Reputacon I wold Hee had never had it."

As will be seen from this letter and from those of Sir Peter
Legh, the parents of those days continued to exercise absolute
control over the lives of their children long after they had
reached man's estate, and even middle age. Sir Peter was
dictating terms to his son Piers after the latter had reached the

* Gilbert, eldest son of Thomas, first Lord Gerard ; married Elinor, sole daughter
and heiress of Thomas Button of Dutton. She ultimately divorced her husband.

116

SIR PETER AND HIS FRIENDS

age of thirty, and Gilbert Gerard, although his father describes
him as " yong," had been married some years when the letter
from which we quote was written.

It is not surprising that Lord Gerard should have raised
objections to his son's ambition to become associated with
the household of Charles, Prince of Wales. The Court of
James I was notorious for its profligacy and immorality and
could boast of none of the grace and chivalry which had redeemed
that of Queen Elizabeth. It had then been the centre of all
that was noblest and best in society, art, and letters, but had now
sunk to such depths of depravity that most of the self-respecting
leading families had withdrawn themselves as much as possible
from the capital. The King, surrounding himself with un-
worthy favourites and pursuing his policy of the divine right of
kings, attempting to rule without reference to the Constitution
or consideration for the wishes of his people, was neither beloved
nor respected by his subjects. He expected and exacted from
them passive obedience to and humble acquiescence in all his
wishes, and at home and abroad England had fallen from the
high position she had occupied during the previous reign.

One does not hear of so many royal progresses as were
made by Queen Elizabeth, who loved to honour her subjects
with her presence at their country houses, but James must
have descended upon them occasionally, an unexpected and
somewhat unwelcome guest. Lord Gerard writes in a great
flutter to Sir Peter on January 22, 1614-15, from Chippenham
his house near Newmarket (which his wife had inherited from
her father Sir Thomas Rivet, in 1582), bemoaning the fact
that " the King being now so neere and every day expected
heere, for so Hee tells me, and no place Hee hath to Hawke
in but my Orchard poole."

Sir Peter evidently did his best with young Sir Gilbert
Gerard :

" After my receipt of the first of your two last letters, [he writes to
his brother-in-law] " I did shortly after go over to Dutton and because
I had partly understood by some of my frends that my Nephew your
sonne had a desire to bestowe himself for some tyme in the Prince's

117

THE HOUSE OF LYME

Court, I did then of myself (out of my true love to him and respect
to you, and yr house) endeavour myself to diswade him from that
Course,"

taking the young man over with him to Croxteth * where Sir
Richard and Lady Molyneux joined with him in their persua-
sions. Young Gilbert Gerard, however, though anxious to
show all dutiful regard to his father,

" seemed much greeved that you should so much oppose this his
desire, yet wee cold not preceive but that he did still somewhat
affect that course, howbeit he hath often protested unto me that he
will live within his Compas, and proportion his means to answer his
expences."

A contrite letter from the delinquent heartily thanks Sir
Peter for his

" worthye love and favours alwaies towards me showed, the which
I shall more esteeme and prize then the greatest Jewell, be it never of
so great a value."

These were, however, mere words. After his father's death
in 1618, he seems to have forced his wife to take some form of
legal action, probably to prevent his dissipation of her entire
fortune. Sir Peter, who was evidently a trustee, was doing
what he could to help her.

Writing to his wife Dorothy from London in 1620, he
alludes to " this poore lady's business," which he regrets
has not progressed ; " I had much rather she sholde embrace
peace (if with any indifferent means it will be gott) then
extremitie wch is sure to beget much inconvenyencie and
mischiefe." He arranges for a meeting between Lady Gerard
and the great Duke of Buckingham, which he considers will be
to the advantage of the distressed lady :

" I have been often with my Lord of Rutland t whom I have fully
acquainted with her miserie, and yesterday at his house dined his
great son-in-law t and his Lady wife, and his Lady Mother, and at after

* Croxteth, near Liverpool, the seat of the Molyneux family.

f Francis, sixth Earl of Rutland ; married, first, Frances, daughter of Sir Henry
Knevet of Charlton, by whom he had one daughter married to George Villers, Duke
of Buckingham.

t The Duke of Buckingham.

118

SIR PETER AND HIS FRIENDS

dinner I brought my Lady Gerard and her Mother and alsoe Sir
Anth : * and his Lordship did nobly presnt them unto my Lord of
Buckingham whoe hath promised to do her good."

Two years later, in 1622, Lord Gerard died and Elinor then 1622
married Lord Kilmorey, becoming stepmother to her son-in-
law, Robert Needham, who had married her second daughter,
Frances.

Among the numerous godchildren of Sir Peter Legh's we
may here mention Thomas Cromwell, created, in 1624, Viscount
Lecale, who, although an intimate friend and follower of Essex,
remained faithful to the King during the Civil Wars. He
writes frequently to his godfather, generally for money or
excusing himself for non-payment of debts, and Sir Peter
seems to have been very good to him :

" I am a child of yours [he writes to Sir Peter on January 22, 1622]
who esteems himself most happy in your love."

In another letter he excuses himself for not repaying the
sum of £50 :

" It is a hard time to get money and I am ashamed you have beene
so long without your due, [adding with delightful candour his method
for obtaining the money:] as concerning the money so nobly you
lent me I will borrow it this next week of some frend, and present you
with it and my service together."

Thomas Cromwell probably visited at Lyme with Lord.
Essex about this date, on the occasion of the celebrated stag-
hunt described by Wilson the historian and mentioned in a
former chapter.

As has already been said, Sir Peter counted amongst his
intimate friends John Bradshawe, afterwards the regicide
judge, whose signature heads the list of those who signed the
death warrant of Charles I, and who presided at his trial.
John Bradshawe was the third son of Henry Bradshawe " the
elder," the descendant of an old Puritan family, hailing origin-
ally from Derbyshire and settled in Cheshire in the first years

* Sir Anthony St. John, second son of Oliver, Lord St. John of Bletsoe ; married
as his second wife (he being her third husband) Thomasine, widow of Thomas Dutton
of Dutton, and mother of Elinor, Lady Gerard.

THE HOUSE OF LYME

of the seventeenth century. His mother, who died in giving
him birth, was the daughter and heiress of Ralph Winnington
of Offerton. The home of John Bradshawe and his parents
was at Marple, a beautiful old Jacobean house about five miles
distant from Lyme. The house, which stands upon a rock of
red sandstone, commands a splendid view over the valley of the
Goyt and the surrounding hills, and is one of the most interest-
ing in this part of Cheshire. It contains some priceless Gobelin
tapestry, oak panelling, good pictures, and many other works
of art.

It is believed that John Bradshawe was not born at Marple,
but at " The Place," a smaller house in the neighbourhood.
In the registers of Stockport parish church for the year
1602 appears the following notice : " December : 1602, the
Sonne of Henry Bradshawe of Marple was baptized the loth."
In another hand the word " traitor " is added. At Marple is
shown the room occupied by the regicide, which contains a
splendid old oak bed, richly carved, and inscribed with curious
mottoes. On the outside runs the following : " A man without
Mercy of Mercy shall miss Bvt he shall have Mercy that merciful
is." Round the inside : " Sleep not til V consider how V
have spent the day if well thank God, if not Repent." Above
the bed-head are the words : " Love God not Gold." The
lattice window, which contains small panes of stained glass, is
engraved with this verse :

" My brother Henry shall heir the land
My brother Frank shall be at his command ;
While I, poor Jack, shall do that which all
the world shall wonder at ! "

These lines, tradition states, were scribbled by President
Bradshawe on a tombstone in the churchyard at Macclesfield,
when he was being educated at the grammar school there. If
this is so, they were strangely prophetic. Marple is said to be
haunted by the ghost of Charles I, who walks on the terrace
carrying his head in his hands.

A curious letter addressed by Bradshawe to Sir Peter about
1 20

SIR PETER AND HIS FRIENDS

this date gives much of the news of the day and is a vivid 1623
picture of the life of the time. It is written from Gray's Inn,
where he was studying the law, and is in a very minute and
scholarly hand, most laborious to decipher. By the begin-
ning of the letter we gather that he was having some dispute
with his father, who was dictating to his son and possibly
interfering with his work, and the future judge was soliciting
the help of Sir Peter Legh, thanking him at the same time for
past favours " in these my troublesome stormes, towards me
so meane and unworthy of the least expression of your love."
He promises at the same time " to wryte it with a pen of brasse
in the tables of my heart." He kept his word, for it was
certainly owing to his influence that Lyme escaped the fate of
other neighbouring houses, Bramhall, Adlington, and Wythen-
shawe, the two last of which were besieged and sacked during
the Civil Wars, the marks of the bullets in the walls being still
plainly visible.

The rest of the letter is as follows : .

" Concerning my letter to my ffather I will onelie say thus much.
What ffruit that ffather may expect to come to his Sonnes studyes,
that wittinglie doth suppress the instrument of his labors & willinglie
keepe in ffetters the freedom of his mynd ?

" Fror neglecting the Exercyses of the Howse, it is a fryvolous
objection. Himself hath been satysfyed in it & Mr Damport * will
justify me, knowing I never neglected but one Exercyse of myne owne,
wch was to argue a Case, w0*1 according unto Course another should
haue done for me at my first Comming to the howse, & I by fleeing
the Butler did of purpose neglect it, onelie deferring the tyme, that
after I had been heere a whyle, I might pleade the Case for my selfe.

" Fror or domestique newes, I haue sent you the Cause of my Lo :
of Oxford f wch is to be heard this Terme, the plot it is thought hath
been, to terrific him so from his Offyce, as to yeld his place of High
Chamberleyn of England to the swolne ffavoryte J & his famylie, w^

* William Davenport, only child of Sir William Davenport of Bramhall, a beauti-
ful old Elizabethan black-and-white house, still in existence, now the property
of Mr. Charles Nevill. Bramhall passed from the possession of the Davenport family
in the early part of the nineteenth century.

t Henry de Vere, eighteenth Earl of Oxford, 1593-1625 ; prisoner in the Tower in
1621 and 1623, through offence given to Buckingham.

J The Duke of Buckingham.

121

THE HOUSE OF LYME

his great heart will never yeld to \ & therefor make him, if not depend-
ing, beholding to his greatest Enemie, it is lykelie, for his words he
shall be shrewdlie Censured, & so remayne in Durance, till Buckingham
returne from Spayne & gratify him w^ his liberte, & a Release of his
ffyne & so assuage his stomacke by this his plotted good turne. As it
succeeds, I will certyfie you. The Ships are yet on the Downs, hauing
been crossed & kept backe by contrary Wynds from their voyage.
We hears no rxewes from Spayne, nor haue not heard, this moneth,
onelie as it is suspected, the Princes Entertaynm1 continues not
so gloryous, as it hath been. It is hitherto a true observation,
that England hath been fratall to Dukes, but aboue all most
omynous unto the Dukes of Buckingham, of w^ the Marquesse hath
the Tytle, & lykewyse Earle of Coventrie, & the Duke of Lenox *
is created, Duke of Richmond & Earle of Newcastle upon Tyne, &
more Dukes & Earles are expected to honor this liberall Age. Kit
Villiers t is made Earle of Anglesey in recompense of Barkshyres
escape, & to increase the kindred hath marryed with Shelton his
Mothers sisters Daughter, but we are so used to wonders, that this is
none at all. Lenox, Arundell,! Pembrooke,§ & some other Nobles, who
are styled the Lords of the Receptions, haue been at Southampton &
Portsmouth to prepare Royall lodgings & enterteynm* for the Prince ||
and his Bryde of Spayne, whensoever they arryue.

";To Conclude all my Relatyons, I will tell you of one mad prancke
that happened w^n theise two nights. Sr Thomas Bartley was
arrested hard by Grayes Inne, for 4000* debt, & was carryed to the
higher^end of Holborne, & Committed under Custody ; About 12 of the
Clocke at night, some Gentlemen of or Howse & of Lincolnes Inne, met
together for his Rescue, broke downe the howse, took him away wth
them, beat the Constables Sergeants & Watchmen, & though St
Gyles was raysed & almost all Holborne, yet they wth their swords
& pistolls kept them of, & brought him along to Grayes Inne,
there were dyvers hurt wth Halbreds, & about 200 swords drawne,
& at least 2000 people. There are 5 or 6 gents taken & sent
to Newgate, & wee heare that the Names of above 60 gents are gyven
up to the King, What will be done about it, we shall know in tyme.

* Stuart, second Duke of Lennox, and Duke of Richmond, 1574-1624; Steward
of the Household ; buried in Henry VII 's Chapel in Westminster Abbey.

f Kit Villiers, first Earl of Anglesey, younger brother of George Villiers, first
Duke of Buckingham ; married Elizabeth Sheldon of Hooby, Co. Leicester.

| Thomas, second Earl of Arundel, 1586-1646 ; Earl Marshal, 1621 ; imprisoned
for hostility to Buckingham, 1626.

§ William Herbert, third Earl of Pembroke of the second creation, son of Henry,
second Earl, by his marriage with the sister of Sir Philip Sidney.

|| Charles, Prince of Wales.

122

SIR PETER AND HIS FRIENDS

There are more Murthers, drownings, death & villaynies, then hath
been knowne in London of long tyme before. I had almost forgot the
Moderator, a booke uncerteyn whether wrytten by a Papist or a
Statesman (for indeed they are now so lincked, as scarce can admit
distinguishm1) for preparing a way to Reconciliation, betwixt the
Papists & us ; howsoever, by whomsoever, or to what end soever it is
penned, it is a treatise I am sure, excellently curious & Cauttlous,* and
may stand our syde in much stedd, when they please to make use of it.

" I will now drawe to an end, intreating yor Worship not to mis-
construe my forwardnes in taking notyce of theise things, for it agrees
with my Genius to haue some smattering herein, neyther do they
any Whyt hinder, but further my studyes & judgment.

" And so w01 most humble thanks for all yor Worships favours, I
remayne yor debtor for them, beseeching God Almightie to preserve
& prosper you for the good of many, & my most specyll Comfort
" ever resting

" Yor Worships to dispose

" Jo : BRADSHAWE.

" Grayes Inne the First Day of the Terme."

The date of this letter is placed by experts at June 13, 1623, 1623
when the writer must have been nearly twenty-one years of
age, Sir Peter being sixty. John Bradshawe was called to the
bar in 1627, having previously served for several years as clerk
to an attorney in Congleton, a town about twenty miles distant
from Marple, where he also practised as a provincial barrister.
He married Mary, daughter of Thomas Marbury of Marbury,
Cheshire ; she had no children, and at her death was buried in
Westminster Abbey, but after the Restoration her remains were
removed to the churchyard outside the Abbey.

It is said that John Bradshawe accepted very unwillingly
the office of President of the Commission which sat at West-
minster for the trial of Charles I. Be that as it may, his
behaviour towards the royal prisoner was characterized by an
overbearing brutality for which his memory is execrated, nor
can any conscientious desire efficiently to discharge his duty
excuse the coarse and gratuitous insults which he heaped upon
his King.

* Cautelous — artful, artfully cautious.

123

CHAPTER VIII

THE HOUSE UNDER CHARLES I

1626 ON the accession of the new King, Sir Peter thought it prudent
to sue for a pardon or bill of indemnity as he had done when
James ascended the throne in 1603. This was obtained on
February 10, 1626.

There were plenty of busybodies then as now, always ready
to make mischief and stir up strife, and Sir Peter experienced
this, as we gather by a letter from Sir Humphrey Davenport,*
an eminent lawyer of the time, to the Archbishop of York.
Representations appear to have been made to his Grace that
Sir Peter had been defective in repairing an old ruined chapel
within the limits of the parish church of Wigan. Sir Humphrey
points out that this chapel has been in the same condition
" tyme out of memorie," that the church of Wigan is complete
without it and is more than sufficiently large for the attendance,
" seldom a quarter of it is peopled at the time of divine service."
He then proceeds to give a list of Sir Peter's good works :

" The erecting a free school at Winwick in Lancashire and endowing
of the same, in building a Chaple at Winwick aforesaid to his very great
charges, and in rebuilding or re-edifying the Chappell of Disley and
furnishing the same with foure bells, formall seats, and all fittinge
ornaments, and maintaininge of a Curate and preacher ther uppon his
owne charges. And likewyse in buildinge of a school house there
w0*1 hee intendeth to endowe w"1 landes to maintaine a Schoolmaster
for the good of the Countrie there abouts."

He begs at the same time that Sir Peter may be left to
himself for the performance of such pious acts " wherein he
hath already made so good an entrance without any further

* Davenport of Bramhall (1566-1645); judge, King's Sergeant and adviser to
Charles I.

I24

THE HOUSE UNDER CHARLES I

or new trouble by way of suit to bee Inforced to this now Raised
against him." Apparently the Archbishop was prevailed
upon and Sir Peter was no more molested.

He got into further trouble, however, with his friends the
Derbys, owing to mischief-makers :

" According to your desire," writes Sir Roger Bradshaigh of Haigh,
" I went to my Lorde * and found him hard by Litherland hawkeing
where I did deliver your letter, he did take it, for anie thing I could
discover, verie well and promised to make an atonement both there
and in his owne chamber at Knowseley. I had an houre or two of
conference with my Ladie in her bedchamber, where she did charge
you with manie discurteous speeches that you should use against the
house of Lathom. I did answere (soe farr accordinge to my rude
manner) as except you make it good I shall oe utterlie shamed or
discredited there ... I assure myselfe you have beene mightelie
wronged to the Countesse."

Sir Peter thanks him gratefully for his " late paynes to my
Lord and Lady of Derby and firme and friendly answers in
my behalf," for which he assures his friend he shall receive
"no manner of toche [blemish] or disparagement, for I knowe
myselfe so cleare & Innocent as I shall be well able to answer
anie acusation yt shall be brought before my face."

While everywhere abroad was war and strife, the family
at Lyme was pursuing the even tenor of its way. Lady Legh
was busy with her housekeeping, and was going backwards
and forwards between Lyme and Worsley, Francis was helping
his father with the care and management of the estate, Thomas
was working hard at Oxford with occasional visits to Lyme, and
little Peter, who had been provided with a tutor — a Mr. Wood-
cock— was growing up, learning his lessons and was endearing
himself to his grandfather. A picture of a beautiful boy of about
fourteen, in a green silk doublet slashed with white satin, hangs
on the staircase at Lyme, and is probably a portrait of little
Peter. It is inscribed " P. Legh," and bears the date 1636.
We hear very little of Peter, youngest son of Sir Peter, but

* William, sixth Earl of Derby, born 1561 (or 1562), said to have been a great
traveller. He married, in 1594, Elizabeth, daughter of Vere, seventeenth Earl of
Oxford. He died 1642.

125

THE HOUSE OF LYME

he was also living at Lyme up to the date of his marriage in
1631.

The building of Lyme was now complete, and beautiful
pieces of furniture were being acquired. The gradual rise in the
general standard of comfort which had begun in the reign of
Queen Elizabeth was continued in that of her successor. Inigo
Jones had returned from Italy full of enthusiasm for Palladio
and his school, and his influence was soon to be felt in the
interiors of English houses. Chairs and tables were made with
graceful spiral legs, and beautifully inlaid cabinets were taking
the place of the heavy, massive carved oak of the Elizabethan
period.*

A certain portion of each year Sir Peter had, of course, to
spend in London attending to his parliamentary duties. He
also visited Bath on several occasions to take the waters, and
was sometimes at Worsley, his wife's house in Lancashire, as
well as at his own Lancashire house, Haydock Lodge, Bradley
being inhabited by his daughter-in-law. During his absences
he was, however, receiving constant reports of what was going
on at Lyme from his agents and stewards. Dorothy, Lady
Legh, seems to have been more occupied with the selling
of her sheep and oxen than with the details connected
with the decoration of the house, which appear to have
been always settled by Sir Peter himself. Writing to Francis
Legh from Haydock, Lancashire, he says :

" I pray you sell both woole and sheepe if possibly you can, and if you
cannot sell as you wold then as you can. My wife hath sold for 155
a stone and makes 16 Ib waight in a stone, and if you can sell me some
sheepe I wold faine have Michell to varnishe the seeling in the parlor
not with a light cullor, but lyke to this at Haydocke a sad cullor, and
send to Manchester for what he shall direct ffor that purpose."

* A very fine specimen of a treasure chest and chest of drawers combined may
have been added to the furniture at Lyme about this period. The chest, which is of
satinwood, richly inlaid with ebony and heavily bound with brass, is fitted with
secret drawers, no doubt intended to contain money or important papers ; the chest
of drawers is of walnut and satinwood inlaid with ebony, and has three long and
two small drawers with drop handles and richly chased brass locks. It is believed
that the combination of the treasure chest and chest of drawers is seldom seen.
Some spiral-legged chairs and tables belonging to the same period were probably
added at this date.

126

PETER LEGH, 1636
Killed in a duel, 1641-2
From a Portrait at Lyme

THE HOUSE UNDER CHARLES I

The British workman was apt to be slow and procrastinating
in his work in the middle of the seventeenth century. " Send
to the lame Richard in Macclesfield," writes Sir Peter, "to
come presently and fall to his worke, or else he shall have noe
more of my custome this year nor the next."

George Bowden, his agent, begs to know if he wishes
to have any lay cattle in the park ; i6s. a beast appears to have
been the price obtained. Five of the servants have left, and

" we doe stand in great nide [need] of a woman to searse [clean] the
swyne and to doe anie drugeinge work there is nideful." The swine-
herd, he writes, " is verie sorrie to go and saith he will do aniething that
he may stay and will keep himself unpide [unpaid] until you come
home."

A further letter from one servant to another speaks of their
master being " evilly dealt withal both by the tenants swyne
lying in the woods and by excessive gathering [gleaning]," the
man complaining that one of the retainers does not report
these abuses " or it might be as bad a tayle might be told
against him . , . and he is content to wink or be silent " ;
the writer adding that there should be " restrayninge of such
as wth gunes, boose & doges distroye the game before they be
all kild up " ; Sir Peter should be told of this, " and if hee will
not cause these things better lookt unto hee will have the loose
and you and others the shame."

In a family with such warlike traditions it seems strange
that none of the sons should have been soldiers, fighting abroad
at this time with so many of their countrymen ; but Francis
was no doubt incapacitated by ill-health from adopting an active
profession, Thomas was in Holy orders, while Piers had died,
as we have seen, in 1624, and Peter, the youngest, was destined
for a parliamentary career. With him began the family of
Legh of Bruch, a Lancashire property which Sir Peter acquired
in 1622, and left to his youngest son. He had had difficulties
connected with the transaction. His " unthankful Cousins
(whom I have ever too much respected) ye Sonnes and daughters
of Bruch," as he writes to his wife Dorothy in 1620, lodging " a
verrie fowle and falce petition against me in the houses of

127

THE HOUSE OF LYME

parliament." The matter was settled, however, and the
property duly acquired and entailed.

1630 Wedding bells were ringing at Lyme in 1630, Francis and
Thomas both married that year, the former to Anne, daughter
and heiress of Sir Edmund Fenner of Hamton Gey, Oxfordshire,
whose acquaintance he probably made during the time he was
at Oxford ; the latter to Lettice, daughter and co-heiress of Sir
George Calveley of Lea. Peter, the youngest son, married,
probably the year following, Frances, daughter of Edward
Bellot of Great Moreton, near Congleton. He was twice
married, his second wife being Anne, daughter of H. Birkenhead
of Chester.

Francis had been living at Lyme since his departure from
Oxford, and after his Uncle Thomas's death in 1626, he seems to
have helped in the management of the estate during Sir Peter's
absence in London and elsewhere. His father writes to him
frequently, giving directions as to the sheep and cattle and other
farm details. Thomas, after his ordination, was living at
Oxford, where he had been working very hard to obtain a
Proctorship. " Make us happy with your good company,"
writes John Meredith to him on March 19, 1627, " the Proctering
time Drawing on or rather your Proctering time will be a motive
to hasten you. Dr Mansell * and Gil : Sheldon *j* kindly
salute you." His friends were actively canvassing on his
behalf, Sir Thomas Walmesley J writing on February 10,
1628-9, to Mr. Lawrence Broadwood :

" I am become a heartie sutor unto you in the behalfe of a deare frend
of myne Mr Th : Legh fellow of your howse. I perceive his purpose
is to stand for the Proctorshippe and is opposed by Mr. Worrall. I
pray you lett me begg your voice and furtherance for Mr Legh whose
good disposition I know will studdie & strive to requite you to the

ton."

* Francis Mansell (1579-1663), Principal of Jesus College, Oxford ; Fellow of
all Souls.

f Gilbert Sheldon, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury (1596-1677) ; Chaplain
to Lord Keeper Coventry ; Warden of All Souls, 1626-45 ; prominent adviser of
Charles II.

J Sir Thomas Walmesley, a Lancashire magnate, represented Clitheroe and
Lancashire itself in Parliament ; died 1641-2.

128

THE HOUSE UNDER CHARLES I

Mr. Broadwood writes on the same subject to his son, a
Fellow of Brasenose :

" I am intreated by an old frend of yours & myne, Sr T. Walmesley,
to move you by my letter for a kyndnes unto one of his frends and
fellow of your howse, Mr Legh Junior. It is for your voice to make him
Proctor."

Adding that his son owes his Fellowship to the good offices
of Sir Thomas Walmesley,

" who spake to your late Principal in your behalf e," begging that he
will not be " branded with the marke of unthankfulness and deny
the request of Sir T. Walmesley, your mother and me."

Thomas Legh was, however, unsuccessful in obtaining the
Proctorship, which was given to Thomas Sixesmith, a Fellow
of Brasenose and a holder of various college offices.

In 1632 he was presented by his cousin, Lord Molyneux,
to the living of Sefton and Walton, a large parish near Croxteth,
Lancashire, and here it was that he settled down with his wife
Lettice after taking his degree, and here all his children were
born.

His two elder sons' marriages must have been entirely to the
liking of Sir Peter as the ladies were both heiresses. On April 12,
1631, he writes a very courteous letter to Lady Fenner, who
had been visiting at Lyme not long after her daughter's
marriage to Francis Legh :

" Good Sister, I am sorrie you should conceive yor beinge here wth
me to be a treble to me, wch I was so glad of as that I muste rather
crave pardon of you for that I could not give you so good intertain-
ment as you deserved & myself wished," reminding her at the same
time, in his usual businesslike way, that she should "perform
towards my son and your daughter the promises and agreements
made . . . that there may be that kynd and good dealinge amongst
us in all things that appertain to this matche alreadie by God's
providence made between our children."

The married life of the young couple, though a happy one,
was saddened by the ill-health of Mrs. Francis Legh, who seems
to have been an invalid almost from the time of her marriage,

i 129

THE HOUSE OF LYME

and who died only three years afterwards, in 1633, leaving no
children.

Lady Fenner was in constant correspondence with her
son-in-law, with whom she appears to have been on the best
of terms. Her writing and spelling are so atrocious that I
have found it necessary to modernize the spelling to a certain
extent in order to make the letters intelligible. " I have
received your most welcom lines," she writes in December (no
date), " wherein you give more thanks then so small a remem-
brance is worth," the present being two shirts. Francis" had
evidently returned the compliment by sending a present of
venison :

" You terme it a small trifle, I am of another opinion for I thinke
there colde not be a better nor a greater made, and yourself and your
wife weare often wished for at the eating of it, and I doe give you
many thanks for it, but am angrye that you would not let me paye
for the careg [carriage] of it."

She writes in great distress, her daughter, Mrs. Legh, having
been taken seriously ill at Lyme :

" I would to God you had let me know of it before I had gone into
Harfordshire for I heare since my coming home that she was sick
before I went, and though I doubt not of your care and love to hir,
it would have given me a great deale of satisfaction to have bin with
hir in hir sickness. I can hardly forbear coming to her now but that
I must stay to provide things fit against your coming to Hampton,
and I shall make redy the greate Chamber for you and my daughter
and the litel chamber for your mayd, and I will make sum shift for
your men. I am sorry to confine you to so litel roome, but I cannot
tel how to helpe it."

Exercising the usual privilege of a mother-in-law, she was
offering her advice and prescribing remedies :

" You made no mention what her grefe was nether can I understand
by Will Pickford [the carrier] what the docter saith it is. I have sent
her some preserved burrig [burage] flowers which is a very good
comfortable cordial thing, I pray make hir eate often of it. I have
sent some allcermas which is a good comfort cordil to cheer the hart
and sperets. If she be inclining to be hot then she may take it in a
surrup of mulbres or lemons or vilets, but if she be not hot then she
130

THE H

OUSE UNDER CHARLES Ijj

may take as much as will lye upon a knives poynt of it selfe other-
wise mingle it in a spone with surrup. I had sent sorup but I was
deseaued [deceived] so praying to God to bless hir and restore hir to
her former health I end with my prayers to the Almite God to blesh
you both

" Your euer louing Mother

" KATHERINE FENNER."

In 1631-2 her health was causing further anxiety : " Franc : 1631-2
egh," writes his father from Woodhey, Sir Richard Wil-
raham's, on March 5, of that year :

" Since I heard of my daughter's good amendment I resolved to goe
on my journey, otherwyse I had returned home. If she continue to
recover, soe as you may well leave her, I shall be willing of your
cominge into Lane : accordinge as you wryte, but by anie meanes
leave her not if it sholde please God that she sholde be worse againe.
I perceive I shall haue much adoe to get hence and soe from the next
house I goe to, but by God's help I hope to be at Bould* uppon Thursday
or Frryday night next, and I purpose uppon Thursday."

On November 18 of the same year Francis gives a very bad
:count of his wife, and assures his father that if it were possible
; would come to Lyme, but that if he did so now in his wife's
eak state " the clamerous people hereabouts would have but
>o good cause to censure me," but that if she should
end, he will come only too gladly, " as never man had lesse
>mfort in living in any place then I have heere (God of
s mercy put an end to it)," ending with service to his father,

nd our good Lady and Mother your bedfellow, Yr dutiful and
lost obedient sonne."

Thomas, in his character of parson, was preaching patience

the poor afflicted husband :

" Good Brother, I am hartily sorry to heare the ill news that you
write to my father concerning yorself and my Sister, and my prayers
to God shall bee to give a happie & speedie issue to all yor troubles. . . .
I am now at Lyme, my arrant [errand] was a Communion sermon,
where I thought there was much misse of you, but I truste in God
wee shall live to have many of those meetings heere for a better lyfe
heerafter."

* His daughter Anne's Lancashire home.

THE HOUSE OF LYME

He was not always as sympathetic as he might have been.
He was comfortably established at Walton, very happy with
his wife Lettice, full of his work and interests, and so much
taken up with his own affairs as rather to resent the attention
1632 that was bestowed upon poor Francis and his troubles. He
writes to his father on November 25, 1632, delighted at the
birth of his eldest son, Peter, named after his grandfather, who
was also to stand sponsor :

" Good Sir, My most humble dutie remembred & my wiffes, wth both
our humble thankes for this greate favour that you haue done us.
You haue encreased the number of yor Name by one more, & ye
number of our joyes by manie more, in the midste whereof the very
sight of my Brothers Letter is enough to take one off, being still a
continuation of a tragicall subject ; the sweete Lorde of Heaven put
an ende to his troubles. I am not able to advise what is best for him
to doe in this Case of his wives extremity. All our hopes that I can
thinke of are this, That God will give her some breathinge fitts of
healthe, for otherwise hee cannot leave her wthout much clamour &
evil rumours of her freinds and you neede not doubt but hee will take
ye first opportunity of her beinge anie thinge well, to come see you,"
adding messages of thanks to Lady Legh " for her bountie likewise."

The Christmas season, always kept with much rejoicing and
merry-making at Lyme, was, in 1632, destined to be a sad one.
Mrs. Francis Legh, though slightly better, was still unable to be
moved, and Anne Bold, who had hoped to spend it with her
father, was prevented from doing so by her husband having a
fit of the gout. Thomas and his wife were, however, at Lyme,
she having made a great effort to come to please her father-in-
law, though her baby was barely a month old. Writing to his
brother Francis on St. Stephen's Day, Thomas Legh says :

" I am exceedinge glad to heare by my father's letter of your own
health & my Sisters amendment. I feare I shall not see you heere
while I stay on this side, but I hope when you come over you will see
Walton ere you returne backe, or if yor returne bee speedier Lett me
know & I will come over to you hither to Lyme. My ffather was in a
great perplex till hee received yor Letter which came not to him till
Christmas Day. There never was a poorer Christmas for companie
heere this many a day, my bro : Bold & sister were prevented by his
I32

SIR PETER LEGH, 1631
From a Miniature at Lyme

DR. THOMAS LEGII

By Hoskins, 1631
From a Miniature at Lyme

THE HOUSE UNDER CHARLES I

old gowtie disease, wch will not leave him for all of his old Coltes tooth.
The hoswife is com to her owne home again. God hath blest me with
a boye since I saw you, but my wiffe was faine (att my ffathers earnest
request to her when hee was att Wallton last, to cast her counte so as
to keepe her Christmas wth him) to come a fortnight or more before
her time, she was delivered when I was last heere at Lyme, the same
day or ye day after that I writ a letter to you. Wee are all ye guestes
& my bro : Peters wiffe that are heere at Lyme, & my ffather & all
in good health (God be thanked) and ye same to you from ye same
bountiful bestower of all health. I pray you doe not overburthen yor
minde wth too much thoughtfullnes."

What the mysterious illness was that she suffered from
during those three years never transpires, but Mrs. Francis
Legh died somewhere between the end of December 1632 and
the end of March 1633.

Her daughter's death was a terrible grief to Lady Fenner.
" Louing Sonne," she writes to Francis in March, 1633-4 :

" I am glad to see that some lines have found the way through your
greifes for then I hope time may much lessen it. I could wish it might
quite weare it away, I would be content since it hath pleased God
to deprive us of our comfort we might now both of us forget the
cause of it, but love and nature have made such an impression in both
our hearts that cannot easily be done away. The meditation of the
comfort we enjoyed in hir alive doth but increase the sorrow for hir
losse. ... I cannot forget those louing respects I received from you
at your parting, and shall keepe them as remembrances both of your
loue and hir that is gone."

She sends him a silver tankard " as an expression of my love
to you," with a postscript stating that the carriage is paid.

Francis Legh, after his wife's death, returned to live at
Lyme, much to his father's joy, who was never so happy as
when he had his children round him. Lady Fenner continued
to correspond with her son-in-law, to whom she seems to have
been devotedly attached. Each letter contains advice in some
shape or form ; he is to go on with his " diet drinke," which she is
glad to hear has done him good ; she does not press him to
come and see her, but when he can do so without fear of hurting
himself she will be " most glad " to see him. She is much

133

THE HOUSE OF LYME

distressed to hear he has met with an accident, and deputes one
of her cousins to write and sympathize in her name :

" Being casually at Hampton with my Lady Fenner," he writes,
" she entreated me to let you know that she is heartily sorry for yr
misfortune you had in putting yr arm out of joynt." She can't resist
prescribing remedies : " If you think fit to apply a seercloth of your
Paraceslain plaister to it, she is of opinion it will much comfort &
strengthen the sineues & you will finde a greate deal of ease in it."
She sends apologies for not writing herself by reason she is troubled
with " a rheume in one of her eyes wch is very painful to her, and the
lookinge steadfastly uppon any one object would, as I fear, increase
the pain."

Again she writes, sorry to hear Francis has been so tortured
with his leg :

" Good Sonne, have a care that you bruse it not againe when it is a
litel well, I fear you will be too ventious [venturesome] on it for if you
bruse it the dead flesh will grow againe. Keep it somewhat hard
swathed continually, as well when it is hole as sore, for it will keep
the humer from falling into it." She regrets being herself in the
doctor's hands, " but I am troubled with my head sometimes withaking
and continuall noyse in my head which is very troublesome to me."

She sends him half a dozen handkerchiefs, with the cus-
tomary formula of her wish that the gift were more worth his
acceptance.

Thomas Legh also had his correspondents, amongst whom
was Richard Parr, afterwards Bishop of Sodor and Man, an
old Brasenose friend, who writes at great length, his letters
full of advice to the young Doctor of Divinity, and containing
many scriptural quotations and hints for sermons. The plague
was raging in the Isle of Man about 1630, Richard Parr describ-
ing the island as being " still under God's frowns and rods,
death still sits on our threshalls, death comes into our windows
and is entred into our palaces." One of his friends, he says,
has been occupied in shutting up his neighbour's doors " to
prevent ye spreadinge of a late breaking forth and ye fyringe
of his owne house." Dentists were rare in those days ; he is
sorry to hear that Thomas Legh's " swelling goome [gum] still
134

THE HOUSE UNDER CHARLES I

waits on you ; can you neither kill it wth kyndnes, nor banish
it wth harshnes ? " Much elated at his consecration, he
describes a visit to his old college in 1635 : "I came downe by
Oxon upon ye College solemn invitation, where ye Principall
gave me Episcopall entertainment, seeminge to glorie much to
see a Bishope of his college, though a poore." He regrets he
cannot have the pleasure of christening one of Thomas's children,
" desiring much to bestowe a Bishop's blessing on y* tender
babe." He hopes to be able to see his friends at Lyme some day,
but begs only one thing, that if he should visit them, his new
dignity may make no difference, but that he may be enter-
tained " as an old servant and private friend and not otherwyse."
On Sunday, December 2, 1632, John Bradshawe, after-
wards President Bradshawe, writes another of his interesting
letters to Sir Peter. He begins by giving a long account of
the war now raging abroad, and mentions the total defeat of the
Elector Palatine, late King of Bohemia, with the news of
his death, the battle having lasted a whole day, and 30,000
or 40,000 men being slain :

" The tidings reached the English Court [states Bradshawe]
about 8 of the Clock at night, which struck the King and the whole
Court into a solemn dampe & spoyled a play which should have bene
the Sunday night following."

Letters coming next day stated that the King was not dead
but very dangerously wounded, but the first report, as it turned
out, was the true one :

" God grant [says Bradshawe] that the next intelligence Confirme
or better this, ffor more sad or Heavie Tydings hath not in this Age
bene brought since Prince Harrie's Death to the true Hearted English.
What the Popishlie Affected make of it, it matters not; Neither
have they much cause to bragge, ffor if the King is dead, He is dead a
Conqueror, having entred into a Covenant for the German Libertie
w6* he hath royallie kept & seal'd itt w"1 his Bloud."

In the light of subsequent events these sentiments from the
future regicide seem a trifle inconsistent.
The letter goes on to say :

135

THE HOUSE OF LYME

1632 " Fror domestique Businesse I doubt not but you haue heard how

Affayres do stand. Marquis Hamylton * hath bene return'd these
2 months being received very graciouslie of the King & continued
in former favour. Sr Harrie Vaux is lykewise back from his
Negotiacon wth the Swede who will not be persuaded that the
Emperor is able (his Armie being defeated) to levy 30,000 men
throughout all his Dominions. Sr John Eliott f is languishing &
drawing towards his last home lying a dying Man of an
irrecoverable Consumpcon in the Tower : the Libertie of ffresher
Ayre was deny'd him by the Judges upon motion, It being
urged against him that though his Bodie was weake his spirit was
strong & that if he would haue submytted, he might haue bene long
since at large, w^ unles he did, he must ly there still for them : that
he will not yeeld unto, but assures his ffriends He shall dy a true
Subject to the King & that he finds nothing in his Conscience or
Judgm* to checke himself e for touching any thing w1* he did or sayd in
parliam*. The Proclamations touching residence in London in Eating
or dreshing of fflesh upon the Statute ffish dayes, are very sharplie
look't unto : Palmer, a Somersetshire man, was ffyned in a looo1 for his
Abode in London contrary to the former proclamation, & many
ioods are served w^ ptes out of the Star Chamber & Escheqr to
Answer the Breach of the lawe. There are divers Licences purchased
for Eating of fflesh upon ffish dayes : yor Neighbour Mr Stanley of
Alderley hath one & it cost him f. Commissions for benevolence
towards the Repaire of Paules are comming into all Counties ; the
very scaffolding whereof for that purpose is computed to amount
to 20,000'.

" Yor ever obliged

" Jo : BRADSHAWE."
" Congleton this Sunday the 2d of
December 1632."

This letter gives one some idea of the state of affairs exist-
ing in 1632. Parliament had been dissolved in 1629, and for
eleven years Charles ruled without one. His intention never
had been to establish a tyranny, but he hated parliaments and
thought discussions dangerous things which led to insubordi-

* Third Marquis and first Duke of Hamilton in Scotch peerage; commanded
British forces under Gustavus Adolphus, 1630-4 ; executed 1649.

•f Sir John Eliot (1592-1632), patriot; imprisoned for conspiracy to resist the
King's lawful order for the adjournment of Parliament on March 2, 1629, to cal-
umniate the ministers of the Crown, and to assault the Speaker. Sentenced in 1630
to a fine of ^2000 ; died in prison.

136

THE HOUSE UNDER CHARLES I

nation. Money, or the lack of it, was at the bottom of all his
troubles. He had succeeded to his father's debts, and had no
money with which to carry on the government of the country,
so he resorted to the system of forced loans, benevolences, fines,
and monopolies, and taxing the people without the authority
of Parliament (which last had been abolished by James) in
order to provide the necessary revenue. This system ended, of
course, in abuses of the most violent kind. Trivial offences were
punished by enormous penalties, fines of four and five thousand
pounds were exacted for brawls, and extortion was practised
on a more gigantic scale than had been seen before. We have an
instance of this in the two cases mentioned by Bradshawe, the
man Palmer being fined one thousand pounds for residing in
London without giving due notice, and Mr. Stanley of Alderley
being charged seven pounds for a licence to eat flesh upon a fast
day.

The Star Chamber even was used for purposes of taxation.
This tribunal had originated in early days out of exercise of
jurisdiction by the King's Council, and in Tudor times had been
of utility in bringing to justice the great nobles who would
otherwise have had it in their power to set the law at defiance.
The Star Chamber was independent of a jury. Treason,
murder, and felony could be brought under its jurisdiction when
the King chose to remit the capital sentence. It could apply
torture and inflict any punishment short of death. Cases which
ought to have come before the Common Law Courts were
brought before it simply as a means of levying fines for the
Crown. An instance of this was found recently at the Record
Office, where among the papers dealing with causes specially
appointed to be heard before the Star Chamber on October 31,
1635, was a charge against five men, John Barnes, John Wood,
Henry Wood, James Kenion, and Edward Rowghley, the
plaintiff being Sir Peter Legh. The offence was " ryotous
huntinge and killinge the plaintiff's deere, assaulting his keeper,
and other offences." On the I5th of November came the
sentence : " The two Woods loo1 a piece to the Kinge, 7 yeeres
bond to the good behaviour, three months imprisonment,

137

THE HOUSE OF LYME

acknowledgment to Sir Peter Legh at the Assizes." It is
scarcely surprising that in 1641 the Star Chamber was abolished
by act of Parliament.

1634-5 The winter of 1634-5 was one of exceptional severity. We
read of " so grievous a snow as will deserve a future Kalender,
seconded by extreme bitter stormes and more encrease of ye
same snow that the memorie of man can hardly reporte ye like."
From Haydock Lodge come accounts of terrible damage to the
house.

" The violence of the wyndes cominge together with the snowe
[writes Sir Peter's agent, Greimsworth] did soe beat and drive into
each particular false roofe in the house, they not being teared, that
nowe at the thaw there is not one chamber free."

Sir Peter's own closet, Francis's chamber, the maids' and
some part of Peter's escaped, and into these they carried the
bedding.

" Part of the upper roof of the Blewe Chamber is fallen, part of
George Bowden's and part over the staires, and the Matted Chamber
totally falne, which Matt I cannot for my life [writes Greimsworth]
tell how to gett fourth, as fourth it must be taken, both in regard the
Chamber may be anew drest at March, and the Matt new washt and
preserved in the interim from rotting. I think it must be ript in
many places, which if it be I know none (as some taylors I have had
to see it) but Birchenough will undertake it againe. If circumspection
or diligence could have prevented these inconveniences, I hope there
is none will thinke but we did our utmost endeavours."

It will be noticed that much concern was being displayed
over the damage done to the " Matt." The modern idea that
tapestry was not much thought of in those early days is here
proved to be erroneous.

During this winter many of the deer and sheep were lost,
and even rabbits drowned in their burrows, " but God grant,"
says Greimsworth, " the violence of the floods doe our Milnes
no harme."

Richard Molyneux,* second Viscount, writes to his great-

* Sir Richard Molyneux, second Viscount, eldest son of first Viscount. He
fought in the Civil Wars, was with his brother Caryll at Oxford during its surrender,
also at Worcester, but escaped ; married Lady Frances Seymour, daughter of William,
Marquis of Hertford.

138

THE HOUSE UNDER CHARLES I

uncle, Sir Peter, on January 23 of the same year, alluding to
the difficulty of getting about owing to the floods :

" Good Unckle, I haue maide boulde to sende my man for the tacking
of those deare you pleased to bestowe on mee, wth netts, and I must
entreate you to appoynte yor keepers to assiste him ; I haue tow
[two] Cartes Maide of purpose, wch (by the grace of God) shalbee
att Lyme upppn Twisday att night, I hadd sente them nowe, but
that I feare they coulde not passe for waters, and besydes I knowe
they will require sume tyme in tackinge, soe that I hope they will
cum soone aenuffe ; I must render you Manie thanckes for all your
noble ffauors, and will euer pray for yor health, esteeminge my selfe
euer happie to remaine

" Yor assured louinge Nephew and Servante

" RlCHARDE MOLYNEUX."

Thomas Legh was finding his expenses at Walton somewhat
heavy, a rapidly increasing family and the cost of living were
proving too much for his slender purse, and he writes to beg
help from his father :

" For the surplusage of my Spirituall profitts I could never yet get
one daie of paiment to bring in another by reason of ye excessive
charge of many disbursements, the relation whereof would but trouble
you, and the whole revenue perhaps not so greate as you esteeme it.
You have many times askt me and merrily blamed me for want of a
watch in my pocket ; Fie give you ye true answer now ; I can not
well say that ever I was truly worth so much. An often Borrower I
have beene and am still, but never yet a Treasurer.'5

He then proceeds to give an account of his finances :

" eleven score pounds of my wife's portion still due to me and loo1
legacy, the first I have good hopes of — the second, all I can say is
It's welcome if it come."

He was hoping for seventeen score pounds more from a cousin
of his wife's, and declares his anxiety to leave her

" a Coat [cot] be it never so small to lay her head in after any
occasion that by God's pleasure may befall me."

Sir Peter was constantly begged to arbitrate in matters domes-
tic as well as legal or political, and to use his influence to smooth
down an irate husband or to remonstrate with an unreasonable

139

THE HOUSE OF LYME

1635 wife. A certain Mistress Goldsburgh begs that Sir Peter will
persuade her husband to give his consent to the marriage of one
of her sons. She does this through a third person, who states that
" Mistress Goldsburgh thinks that if your worship would invite
him to Lyme you might doe what you will with him." His
Worship apparently complied with the lady's request, but received
an excuse from the gentleman, who may possibly have had his
suspicions of what the invitation meant. He pleads as a reason
for his declining to accept Sir Peter's hospitality that " the
waies are foule, and long withal, besides I have many businesses
to dispatch with speed." He announces, however, that he will
come next year and stay at Lyme " till you be weary of such a
guest, and bring my heaviest burthen along with me, tho' it
seems to live to Methusalem's age only in revenge of those that
desires the contrary," by which we may infer that he was
alluding in terms the reverse of complimentary to his better
half.

The old tax of Ship-money, dating from Danish times, was
revived in 1635. It had in those early days only been levied on
seaport towns in time of war, but was now intended for the whole
country in times of peace, and was to be a means of equipping a
navy without cost to the exchequer. There were loud murmur-
ings throughout the land ; petitions without end were signed and
presented in protest against this imposition. An unknown
correspondent, writing on November 8, 1635, mentions that the
sheriffs of the different counties were refusing to make the
assessments, Northampton, for example :

" In Gloucestershire they saie the Sheriff refuseth to execute the
commission. Nothing at all is collected in Warwickshire, In Essex
whole hundreds refuse to paie and they report here that at the Asises
the Grand Juries offered to have presented the same to the Judges.
The Earls of Essex, Hertford, Warwick, Lincoln, Bollingbroke, Cleve-
land, Tennet, Viscounts Mandeville and Lea, Lo : Brook, and ye Earl
of Chesterfield and manie other Nobles, Knights and Gents in all the
most Counties have declared that they will not pay."

It was the low rumbling of distant thunder before the
coming storm.
140

CHAPTER IX

THE LAST DAYS OF SIR PETER

TIME and sorrow had laid chastening hands upon Sir Peter 1635
Legh. The fiery temper was now calmed, the indomitable will
and spirit were broken, the hard rough nature softened and
subdued. He was now, in 1635, 72 years old, but he was still
active and vigorous. Tortured by agonies of remorse, he
endeavoured to atone for the irrevocable past by a more humane
and enlightened treatment of those children who were left to
him, and whom in spite of all his harsh discipline he loved
devotedly. He clung to them more and more with advancing
years, and his chief happiness was to have them round him.

" Come as soon as you can and let me know when," he
writes to Francis on September 1 8, 1635. On the same day he
begs for news from Thomas of his wife and children, who had
been ill :

" Tom, It is now soe longe since I heard from you that this afternoone
I sente one to Bould to inquire of you, and he brought me such intelli-
gence as gave me some comfort. My daughter * had entertained a
late messenger from Captaine Molyneux that brought her word of my
daughter [Thomas's wife, Lettice] and the children's somewhat re-
covery and being better. I pray you wryte though two lynes and tell
me if it be so, or howsoever it is with you. And so remembringe my
love to you, beseeching God bless you, my daughter and all your's,
I leave you to His goodness and mercie, in whose hands you and I
and all of us are

" Yr lovinge father

" P. LEGH."

" I would faine have you to come out of your phisicke and come
hither to me [he writes to Francis on September 3oth of the same year

* Mrs. Bold.

THE HOUSE OF LYME

from Haydock Lodge, Francis being at Lyme], for I both desyre to
see you and have business with you. [And again in November:] If it
shall fall soe out yt you can dispatch your busines yt you could come
hither the latter end of this week or 2 or 3 daies in the beginning of
the next I shold be glad to see you heare."

He had even relented somewhat towards poor Anne, his
daughter-in-law, who was occasionally allowed to come and
see her son Peter at Lyme. She writes to Thomas Legh on
April i, 1635, hoping he has recovered from the cold he had when
he came to fetch little Peter, and like Lady Fenner, she is
anxious to prescribe remedies of all kinds.

" To satisfy myself the better I have sent this bearer to see you ; and
chiefly to bring you some Ellecompain * which is to be taken now at
this time of the year. Summer is not so good by experience I have
sene of meny who have used it ; I thinke it is the best phisicke for
fleame in the stomacke obstructions and to cause an appetite and
good digestion that can be, meny things more it is good for, ill in
none that I know, and as far as I can conceive it cannot be better
for anybody then for you, I wish it may doe you but as much good as
I desier it may ; take a spoonful every day first in the morning, fast
an hower after it ; I made shift to doe the best rootes I could get
here."

She wishes to make him a present of a greyhound :

" I have bred him at my own trencher purposely for you, because I
desier you would sometimes take the fresh ayre and moderate recrea-
tion abroad, too much reading and studeing cannot but be hurtful
for you ; but take seasonabill wether, for I think you are subject
otherways to take cold soune. ... I mean if please God to see Fetter
this summer, and I should be very glad to meet you and my sister
Bold at Lime, otherways I fear my stay in the cuntery will not be to
see you which I much desier to doe. I hope Petter is well, learns his
Booke, serves God and gives his Grandfather good content, pray God
bless him and send me and all that loves him good comfort of him.
[Subscribing herself] Your most affectionatt Sister and Seruant,

" ANNE LEGH."

On April 4 of the same year she writes to Francis to beg
that he will persuade her father-in-law to let her have " some

* Elecampane — the roots were used as remedy for a cold.
142

THE LAST DAYS OF SIR PETER

sheepe and Milke kine to stoke the grounds at Newton, my
daughter and I cannot live upon it otherways to make any
benefit of it." She adds, pathetically, that this is the first
request she has ever made to Sir Peter for anything but " his
blessing and love to me and mine which I hope in time when he
pleasis he will make manifest to us all. I make no question
but the Remembrance of him that is dead and gone hath so
indeared your affection to his fatherles children whom he left
behind him that in what you may you will be a father and a
helper to me and them."

Sir Peter was beginning to fail. His handwriting becomes
much less clear and distinct, and in some cases the letters have
obviously been dictated, as, with the exception of the signature,
which is very shaky and tremulous, they are in a different hand.

There are evidences of his having met with some kind of
accident in January 1635-6 ; this may possibly have been
a seizure.

"Most Honoured Sr [writes one Ja : Anderton on January 1 2th],
I did not heare of yor fall and hurte before y* at ye same tyme I
understood of yor recoverie and since now of yor wellbeing, whereof I
had every wish yor happie continuance, and true prosperitie of you
and yo" in this, and eternall happiness in ye life to come."

By February he was very seriously ill and his family were
all summoned. Anne Bold came from Bold, her Lancashire
home, Thomas from his rectory at Walton, and Francis and
Peter were already at Lyme. Anne Bold had left her husband
very ill in order to come to her father, bringing with her her
two eldest daughters, Margaret and Mary.

" Wee long to see you againe at Bold [writes James Hill, probably
her chaplain, to her on February 6], the rather because. Mr Bold is
something weaker then hee was at your departure, & in regard of his
weaknes keepes his chamber."

He much desires, therefore, that Mistress Bold should return
to her husband " seeing your stay can doe Sr Peter little good."
He tries to comfort her by reminding her that her father is
already " full of dayes," that he has been blessed with long

THE HOUSE OF LYME

life, and that she must take heed lest she be " swallowed up with
over-much sorrow and sin against your own selfe in weakening
your body & hindring your owne health which you are bound by
all meanes to further."

1635-6 Torn between her two duties, Anne returned to her husband,
leaving her father, whom she knew well she would never see
again. She writes on February 10 to her brother Francis for news
of her father, and excuses herself for leaving him on account
of her brother-in-law, Henry, who " hath reported that I care
not for my husband because I staid soe long at Lyme."

In a postscript she says she is sending a bottle of " scurvie
grease ale " * which nauseous decoction she prays may be given
to her father " to drinke in a glase."

The old spirit was not dead. Peter Venables,*j* Baron of
Kinderton, writes on the nth of February to know

" what rest he tooke this night, whether the payne he had be aswaged,
and whether he yet incline to be ruled and aduised by the Doctors,
retorne me this bearer earlie to-morrowe morning I praie you with
two or three lynes how all thinges goe, I assure you Cosine there is
non more sollicitous of yor ffathers good health then I shalbe wch
I hope in some good measure to heare of at this bearers retorne."

His Molyneux relations were also writing for news :

" I am hartily sorrie for the weaknes of my Uncle yr ffather [writes
Lord Molyneux J on the i6th February], and as truly occasioned by
many obligations to partake of that grieffe as any ffreind or kinsman
of his whatsoever."

He died the following day, February 17, 1635-6, universally
beloved, respected, and regretted.

His children mourned him with genuine sorrow. Lady
Fenner writes beseeching her son-in-law not to be cast down
with too much sorrow :

* Scurvy-grass ale.

f Peter Venables, Baron of Kinderton, cousin of Sir Peter ; married, first, Mary,
daughter of Sir R. Wilbraham of Woodhey ; secondly, Frances, youngest daughter
of Sir Robert, afterwards Lord, Cholmondeley.

J Richard, second Viscount, great-nephew of Sir Peter Legh, was in the Civil
Wars ; died soon after the Battle of Worcester, in which he and his brother Caryll
fought. Married Lady Frances Seymour, daughter of William, Marquis of Hertford,
but left no children.

144

THE LAST DAYS OF SIR PETER

" Which may make you unfit for those many businesses that I am
perswaded are layd upon you and I hope you will consider that hee
was an olde man and that by corse of nature he could not Hue long, and
when your businesses are setled, if it please you to take my poore
house for your home you shallbe most hartiely welcom to me."

Ralph Richardson sends his condolences to Thomas, his old
pupil, much in the same strain :

" Let the greatest Monarch Hue the yeares of Nestor or age of Methu-
salem, at last he must descend into the grave, nothing can devert the
evill of death ; [reminding Thomas that his father had died as he had
lived] crowned w*31 honor heare in this world, & in full assurance of
eternall happiness in the world to come."

He begs Thomas will look to his own health, as he hears that
both he and Lord Molyneux have been

" dangerously sicke ; [praying for news] how it stands with yor health
and my good little Lettice concerning her eye-sight & her good re-
coverie, I had provided some small remembrance both for you and
her, but these tymes are not for complements."

Sir William Brereton,* afterwards the head of the parlia-
mentary movement in Cheshire, was an intimate friend and
writes to Francis condoling and offering his services :

" Worthy Sr, As I cannot esteeme, of the performance of this
service, any otherwise then as of the payment of a most due debt to
my most worthy, faithfull freind yor Father, soe shall I bee of nothing
more ambitious then of the Occasion whereby I may deserve to endeare
my selfe in some measure unto yor selves, as much as I was sometimes
obHged to the Person of yor Noble Father, the Memorie of whose
Worthe will much survive the number of his Dayes : & in whose
absence, if you please thereof to accept, I will make this tender of
those services unto yor selves wch I owed unto yor Father, by virtue
whereof you may att all times command him, who will in all conditions
profess to remaine

" Yor most faithfull kinsman & Servant

" WILL : BRERETON.

" I will nott faile (if the Lord permitt) to bee in yor way or waite
uppon you att Lyme."

* Sir William Brereton of Hondford (1604-1661); Parliamentarian commander ;
M.P. for Cheshire, 1628-1640.

K 145

THE HOUSE OF L Y M E

Anne Legh, "who could not be expected to feel her father-in-
law's death very acutely, begs to know

" what he hath donn or left for me and the rest of my children
besides Fetter, whom you writ he hath made heire of his lands and
fully if you will doe me the fauour to writ to me how and to whom
he hath disposed both of his land and personall estat." She hopes
Francis will not take this her wish to be satisfied on these points as
being a "preduiuce [prejudice] to any that I know nor doe I dout
you will make a worse construction of it then my meaning is : I
have ever found love from you and my desier and hope is it will
conting [continue]." She ends with her blessing to her " dear
Jewill."

Sir Peter must have made his will a few days after he
received his " fall and hurte," of which we get the first intelli-
gence by a letter from James Anderton, written on January 12,
1635-6. The will is signed January 18, just a month before his
death.

The document opens with the customary formula, the
bequest of his soul into the hands of Almighty God, faithfully
believing to be saved through the merits of his Saviour. He
desires that he may be buried at Win wick, " neere unto the
place where my father and forefathers weere interred," and he
specially requests that no tomb shall be set over the place of his
burial :

" But only a stone to cover it with some inscription of brass declaring
the tyme of my lyfe and death, according to that which was laid over
my greate greate grandfather, and desiringe alsoe that I may bee
buried with little and small pomp and funeral! charges, and that
some fewe of my owne and my wyfes friends and kinsfoolkes shalbe
invited thereto."

To his wife he bequeathes all the contents of Worsley and
what will amount to a third part of his goods and chattels, and
his children are all well provided for.

His grandson, Peter, he makes heir of all his estates, and his
two sons, Francis and Peter, residuary legatees and executors
of his will. Twelve grey coats he desires may be made and
146

THE LAST DAYS OF SIR PETER

given to " twelve ould persons," such of his poorer neighbours
as his executors shall select.

The funeral took place three days only after his death, a
most unusually short interval, important personages being
frequently not buried for quite a month after their decease.

The cortege set out from Lyme to Winwick, Lancashire, a
distance of from twenty-five to thirty miles, and must have
been composed of several hundred mourners. One is disposed
to question how it was accomplished and what period of time
was occupied by the journey. In the case of Sir Peter's great-
great-grandfather the Knight and Priest, this must have been a
matter of extreme difficulty, for there was far more pomp and
ceremony attached, and the procession was probably a longer
one.

As appears from a MS. in the British Museum, Sir Peter's
funeral left Lyme in the following order :

The order of Sr Peter Leighes funerall from Lyme to Wynwyke

Tenants two and two

Gentlemens servants of blood, and affinity in their liveries
The Barren of Kindertons in livery

Gawen Duncalfe Jo : Duncalfe

John Carter Rafe Carter

Mr Vernon Mr Ouldfield

Mr Fenwick Mr Owen

Here Sr R. Wilbraham's men
John Jenkyns the groome of Sr Peter

— Edelstone Rich : Mostyn

Reginald Richardson Sam Gasceyll

Jo : Osencroft James Grimsworth

Robert Mather Richard Legh

Peirs Gasceyll Robert Gasceyll

Rafe Arnefeild Wm. Swyndall

Tho : Patten Mr Golbroch

Mr Legh Mr Collier

Mr Hanmer Mr Dunbabyn

Mr Brotherton Mr Stoport

Mr Warren

Jo : Arnefeilde

THE HOUSE OF LYME

Mr Creswell his Taylor Mr Woodcock his grand-

child's tutor
Dr Nicholls

THE CORPS
Mr Peter Legh the heyre to his grandfather

Mr Francis Legh Mr Tho : Legh

Mr Peter Legh Mr Venables

Sr Anthony St John Sr Geo : Booth

Sr Richard Wilbraham

A brass which marks the place of his burial is inscribed with
these words :

" Here underneath this stone lyeth buried the body of Sr Peter Legh
Kt who departed this life February 17, 1635,

Etatis suae 73."

Through all the troublous times and the many changes that
had taken place in England during the devastating Wars of the
Roses, through all the bloodshed and persecution of the religious
upheaval and the unsettled state of the laws, the inheritance of
Lyme had remained untouched by forfeiture or confiscation.

Ever since the estate was given by the Black Prince, except
in two instances when the son had died before his father, and the
succession had passed over one generation, it had descended
in a direct unbroken line from father to son for nearly two
hundred and fifty years. Many seasons had come and gone
since the foundation-stone of the old grey house was laid.
Many suns had risen and set, birth and death had taken place
within its walls, generations had passed away, but still it stood,
a monument of bygone times, crowned with the grand motto
of its owners, " En Dieu est ma Foi."

From the time when the founder of the house had fallen,
a martyr for his loyalty to his rightful sovereign, Richard II,
and his son and successor had died of wounds received in the
service of the son of the usurper, the owners of Lyme had, with
few exceptions, taken their part and share in the fortunes of
their country. Through evil repute and good repute they had
served their successive sovereigns, and seeking no reward were
148

THE LAST DAYS OF SIR PETER

content to live, and die if need be, in their King and Country's
service.

Sir Peter had been the faithful subject of three successive
sovereigns of England : Elizabeth, James I, and Charles I, all
of whom he had loyally served. He had seen England when she
was at her greatest, in all the splendour and triumph of the
closing years of Elizabeth's glorious reign. Though he witnessed
the beginning of the troubles, he was spared the horrors of the
Civil War and the final tragedy which darkened the land and
will remain a blot on the fair fame of England to the end of time.

With the death of the last of the Sir Peters, a great person-
ality passed away. His faults, and he had many, were the
faults of his bringing up and of the times in which he lived, his
virtues were his own. Although his harsh treatment of his
eldest son must ever tell against him, there were, perhaps,
circumstances of which we know nothing which would explain
or excuse what appears to have been heartless cruelty. His
piety, his charity, and many acts of kindness must count in his
favour ; may the Recording Angel

". . . for the good man's sin
Weep to record and blush to give it in.'* *

* "Pleasures of Hope," line 357 (Thomas Campbell)

149

CHAPTER X

A MINORITY AT LYME

1635-6 THE death of Sir Peter Legh was followed two days after by
that of his son-in-law, Richard Bold, the husband of Anne.
He had been in failing health for some years although scarcely
past the prime of life, being aged only forty-seven at the time
of his death. He made his will on the day that he died, leaving
his property divided into three shares, one to go to his wife, one
to his five surviving daughters, and the remaining share to his
only son Peter.

The death of Sir Peter meant, of course, the entire break-up
of the happy family life at Lyme. Dorothy, Lady Legh, seems
to have removed to Worsley after her husband's death, but she
only survived him three years, dying on April 15, 1639.
Her will, a very long document containing some curious par-
ticulars, has been printed by the Chetham Society. It is dated
February 8, 1638-9, and contains innumerable bequests. Her
body she desires may be buried " with small pomp and funeral
charges in the parish church of Eccles in that tomb which I
heretofore made for my former husband Mr Brereton and
myselfe to lye in." All her property to go back to her Egerton
relations.

From the number of gowns bequeathed, her wardrobe seems
to have been an unusually large one.

Bequests to all her distant relatives, servants, and dependents
conclude this remarkable document, the poor of the different
parishes being likewise not forgotten.

Francis Legh was beset with worries innumerable after
his father's death. He and his youngest brother Peter — as
guardians for their nephew " little Peter " — heir to his grand-
ISO

A MINORITY AT LYME

father — were sued by Thomas Legh of Adlington for non-
payment of tythe-herbage, he claiming at the same time one
stag and one buck and one hind and one doe from the park.
This was disputed by the Legh brothers, who carried the matter
to the Consistory Court, but what the outcome was does not
appear.

Immediately after Sir Peter's funeral Anne Legh claimed
the wardship of her son Peter, then aged about thirteen, and
carried matters with a very high hand. She also complained
of not receiving her proper third part and took her grievances
to the Attorney-General, Sir John Bankes,* who seems to have
been a very intimate friend and to have taken the greatest
possible interest in Anne and her children. In spite, however,
of being much prejudiced in her favour, he took a very fair and
unbiased view of the case.

" For notwithstanding all her soliciting him by letters [writes a
correspondent to Francis Legh] yet you see in what a fair manner
he writes. I assure myself you shall find him a most honest and
indifferent man. I pray you sett downe what kind respects you have
showed to her both in actions as well as words and how strictly she
hath used herself both to you and my cosen Peter."

Up to the time of the lawsuit the boy Peter seems to have
continued at Lyme under the care of his tutor, Mr. Woodcock,
and to have been kept somewhat strictly by his Uncle
Francis. The latter refused to allow him to accept a visit to
Dr. Legh at Walton, and the boy had evidently been much
looking forward to this and to enjoying the companionship of
his cousins, and was therefore proportionately disappointed at
the invitation being declined.

" Theise are to give you notice [writes Mr. Woodcock to Dr. Legh]
that your letter to Pe : was received with great joy and expectation
but is sure to be answered with as great excesse of sorrowe. For the

* Sir John Bankes (1589-1644), Attorney-General, 1637; represented the Crown
against John Hampden, 1637. Married Mary, only daughter of Robert Hawtrey of
Ruislip, Co. Middlesex, the representative of an ancient family of Norman origin.
This lady is celebrated for her heroic defence of Corfe Castle during the Civil
War. It had been purchased by Sir John Bankes about 1635, but he came originally
from Cumberland. He is described as exceeding Bacon in eloquence, Chancellor
Ellesmere in judgment, and William Noy in law.

THE HOUSE OF LYME

request being. denide wherin you proposed to my Mr (Francis Legh)
how hainouslie it was taken of Pe : and with what malcontentednesse
you may easilie coniecture : In short Sr because the bearer hastens
mee, your resonable request is denied, and Pe : though extreamlie
against his will, may not come. The reason wee know not, those wee
suppose, my Mr his letter will afford you."

Anne Legh ultimately won her case, and obtained the ward-
ship, custody, and marriage of her son upon payment of the
large sum of £2000 to the King, and £200 a year rent.

" Having tried and observed the various opinions of lawyers, the
corruptors of man [writes Francis to his brother Peter], and being
well tyred with attending ... I thought it best to accept thereof.
Thereupon I condescended to let her have the wardshippe uppon some
covenant that shee shall not bestowe her sonne in mariage without
myne and your consent. And soe shee came to compounde her selfe,
and the councell of wards assigned her to pay 2OOO1 composicon and
2OO1 a yeare rent, what abatance shee can get I knowe not. . . . For
that done, I came imediately out of towne, glad I had noe more to
doe with it."

In 1636 or 1637 y°ung Peter was sent to a grammar school
at Amersham, Bucks, founded by Dr. Robert Challoner, a
former Rector in 1621, and this appears to have been a prepara-
tory school for Oxford. One does not quite understand why
he was sent so far from home, as there must have been good
schools in Lancashire, to say nothing of the one at Winwick,
built by his grandfather. Peter must have been aged about
fourteen or fifteen when he was sent to Amersham. The pre-
vailing system of strict supervision and no liberty seems to have
been carried to excess in his case, and the high-spirited boy
chafed greatly under the treatment. John Houghton, an
official of Brasenose, Oxford, writes on November 30, 1638, to
Francis Legh, having just seen young Peter :

" He was then in perfect health, and well in all things (as he told)
except his imprisonment, for soe he term'd his staying at schoole ; for
he was asham'd, he said, for one of his years and stature to be still
an a-b-c-darian and a companion of children under the supercilious
eye of a severe schoolmaster ; but he hoped the next Spring to see
Oxon (if his Mother would be pleased to condescend to his wishes.)

152

A MINORITY AT LYME

[Houghton reports favourably on the youth :] I professe I like him
passinge well ; he still stands faire in the esteeme of all yt live there
abouts and knowe him ; I hope he will prove a true Legh."

The following year, in June 1639, tne k°7 was visiting his 1639
Uncle Francis for a few days at Lyme, his mother, however,
stipulating that he should return to her with as little delay as
possible, " Friday or Saturday at furthest."

The habit of sending youths to the university at a very
early age still prevailed, and Peter cannot have been more than
sixteen at the outside when he matriculated at Oriel College,
Oxford, on January 25, 1638-9.* Sir John Bankes, the Attorney-
General, in his character of friend and benefactor to Mrs. Anne
Legh and her children, made himself responsible for the boy's
Oxford expenses and provided him with a tutor, though one
does not quite make out the reason for this, as there was no
relationship and Anne was certainly not in necessitous circum-
stances. Besides her jointure and the money settled on her at her
marriage, she had succeeded to a property left her, at his death
in 1630, by her father, Lord Savile, to whose memory she had —
at her own expense — erected a monument in Batley Church,
Yorkshire, so she must have had plenty of money at her disposal.
She writes to Francis Legh in 1639-40, dwelling much upon Sir
John's kindness to her son, whom, as she expresses it — he could
not have cared more for had he been his own.

Good Brother, I received your letter this loth of January, which
I thank you for. My son hath been at Mr Aturnis since the
Friday before Christmas ; his earnest desier is to goe presently to
Oxford. Advising with Mr Aturney of it and with his aprobation
I am willing to satisfy my sonne, and doe intend within six days he
shall goe to Oxford to Oriel College. Dr Tolson by Mr Aturnis means
provides his Tutor and intends to see him lodged in his own lodgings.
Sr John could not take moor cair for his own sonne, how we shall
make him amends Gods knows. I will present your service to Mr
Aturney and my Lady, who often remember you. I ley now in
Holborne at Mr Hogeshons howse near the Red Lyon, over against
the Sword and Buckler. My sonne promises well on his part what he
will doe to profitt in learning at the University, so donne I am con-

* The following is from the "Registrum Orielense matric. Oriel," January 25,
1638-9: " Eboracensis, fil : Peirse de Lime, Lane. arm. 16."

153

THE HOUSE OF LYME

fident there will be no other cause to frustrate all our desires in that
place, the Inns of Court some year or more hence must conclude all.
[The obvious reason for her letter appears at the end :] To settle him
a fellow-commoner in Oxford and his farewell from Amershom costs
me a loo1. I must Borowe moine [money] of you when I want for
this purpose — the King's payments empties my purse."

We must now return to Francis Legh. In March 1636,
after his father's death, he, being then aged about forty-six,
bought the estate of Blackley, now part of Manchester, and here
he proposed to go and live, much against the wishes of George
Bowden, agent or steward and confidential friend of the family,
who writes beseeching his master to remain on at Lyme, where
the bracing air could not fail to be of benefit to him :

" That ayre and place will best agree with your boddie and if things
were a little settled by your absence and a mean wary man the Mr of
that house, you will live much more privately then here in Lan-
cashire, for what good fellows in that quarter will not come to you at
yor brothers ye Doctors where you are at home, or at Bould with your
sister where you wilbe taken to be at home, or at Haydock, whither
my good Mr drew the concourse of people though there a sojorner.
Good Sir consider of it and leave not Lyme."

He begs that if Francis sell any of the furniture that he may
have " the bedd and meane furniture of my chamber at such
rate as yourself shall think fitt."

Francis, however, was not much at Lyme after 1637-8. He
probably found it very lonely all by himself in the big house
where there had always been so much going on, and where he
must now have felt sadly desolate, surrounded only by memories
of happy days gone by for ever. He seems to have spent most
of his time either at Blackley or in paying long visits to his
brother and sister-in-law at Walton, or at Oxford, where he
still had many friends and interests and where he was always
welcome. He was of a gentle and affectionate disposition,
devoted to his father and to his brothers and sister, open-
handed and generous, and always ready to give largely in the
cause of charity. He had all his life been delicate and this
weakness and his wife's lingering illness had had a softening

A MINORITY AT LYME

effect upon him and made him keenly sympathetic with sickness
and suffering. Debarred by his ill-health from taking active
exercise (he also suffered much from lameness), he led a
somewhat sedentary life ; his tastes were cultivated, he was
devoted to his books and was a great reader. His old tutor,
Ralph Richardson, now parson of Grappenhall, Lancashire,
was of considerable help to him in collecting his library.

" I much mistook myself [he writes to Dr Legh in an undated latter]
in sending your brother the Councell of Trent, forgetting hee formerly
had it, but for yt lett him dispose of it at his owne pleasure, the truth is
I intended the same tyme I sent it him it should not have passed
single, but yt Sir Walter Rawlegh's historic should have bore him
companie, which I could not then procure, but now have sent it him." *

John Bradshawe was continuing his correspondence with
his Legh friends. He writes on April 13, 1636, assuring Francis
of his readiness

" to doe any service for you and the howse of Lyme as there should be
occasion. Uppon Saturday next in the afternoone a great Cause
stands referred to be heard before the Earl of Derby f and the Judge
betwixt the Companie of Brewers (for whom I am) and the Alehouses
and Innes of the Citie, so as I cannot stirre that night. But upon
Easter Sunday, after evening prayer, I shall post to Warrington and
attend you the next morn where you please to appoint."

On September 4, 1637, ^e writes again to request the favour
of

" As good a Buck as you can procure to be kylled, for I have a sudden
and speceyall occasion to use one on behalfe of a ffrynd and my
stomache serves me not to make use of any at this tyme but so reall
a frriend as yor self."

He adds that Francis may herein as in many other instances

* These three books still form part of the Lyme library. Francis did not dispose of
the duplicate copy of the " Council of Trent." The one is a second edition, translated
by Nathaniel Brent, folio calf, London, 1629, in the original binding, the letters F L
in gold on back and front, and a beautiful bit of tooling in the shape of a cross ;
the other copy, translated by Gerard Langbaine, folio calf, 1638, is also in its original
binding, and has the initials and same pattern of tooling. " The History of the
World," by Sir Walter Raleigh, is a first edition, folio calf, 1614. It has a frontispiece
by Elstrach and a portrait of the author by S. Pass on the title-page, with numerous
maps. It has also the initials and a beautiful bit of tooling on front and back.

f William, sixth Earl.

THE HOUSE OF LYME

discern his boldness with him, but he hopes his true meaning
shall excuse it,

" I know your realitie, am bound to you for yor ffavo™, and ever
tyed to be in all bond of gratitude

" Yor ffriend most assured, most readie to serve you

" Jo : BRADSHAWE."

A three-quarter-length portrait of Francis Legh by an
unknown artist depicts him as a young man with long chestnut
hair, a fair moustache, and short pointed beard. The face has
no look of delicate health, the expression is intelligent, and the
portrait that of a typical gallant of the period. He wears a short
red jacket or doublet with slashed sleeves, a white linen collar
trimmed with lace, and linen and lace cuffs. A white embroi-
dered belt crosses his right shoulder and passes round his waist,
from the left side of this hangs a sword. His left hand is on his
hip, his right hand, on the little finger of which is a ring, rests
on a table, where there is also a pair of white gloves with gaunt-
lets. Although gloves became a well-known article of dress
in England as early as the fourteenth century and corporations
of glovers were in existence in the fifteenth, they seem to have
been considered somewhat of a luxury for a very considerable
time after their introduction, and frequently figure in portraits
of the Elizabethan and Jacobean periods as if the owners
were proud of their possession.

The learned doctor and his wife were acquiring property
in Liverpool, which was not far from the Rectory of Walton.
Dr. Legh was much concerned about the second ship-money
writ and complained of being overcharged. The ship-tax
had roused great indignation at the time it was first levied
in 1635, and at the second writ in 1637 tne feeling in the
country was extremely high. Dr. Legh, writing to one Chorley,
complains of the inequality of the tax, " since which time
myself and some more with us have preferred our Complaints
to ye King and Councell against the weakness and indiscretion
of our Assessors." He begs that Mr. Chorley, who is also
aggrieved, may meet him at Bolton, where the matter was

A MINORITY AT LYME

to be looked into by the Bishop and Sheriffs, and that he
may give his support to the Doctor's complaint by adding an
account of his own grievances :

" which may tend to ye rightinge of your own wrongs as well as mine,
Ye Assessors being meane incompetent Taxers of ye Clergy, being
such as doe fill their own mouthes and other mens overcredulous ears
with lowder reports of our estates then they can bear."

He adds that he made his complaint to the last High Sheriff,
who promised a redress, but the obstinate Assessors refused.
The amount of the tax for the whole parish appears to have
been £69 os. 7d., the Rector's share being fj 133. yd., leaving
the sum of £61 75. to be paid by the parishioners. What the
outcome of the petition was does not appear.

In 1637 came tne case of Jonn Hampden,* whose refusal 1637
to pay his allotment of 20 shillings caused the matter to come
before the Court of Exchequer for judgment, which was given
against him. The national spirit was roused. Hampden was
acclaimed as a popular hero, and this incident may be said to
have been the first signs of the mutiny which culminated in
the Civil War.

The crisis, however, came with the policy adopted towards
Scotland. The unrest that had followed the partial restoration
of Episcopacy, the introduction of a new liturgy, and the ex-
clusion of Presbyterianism reached a climax in 1638. An
attempt to read the new service in St. Giles's, Edinburgh, the
year before (1637) had produced a riot which spread over the
whole North. The outcome of this was the renewal of the
former Covenants of 1557 and 1581. In February 1638, at
Greyfriars Church, Edinburgh, was signed, by hundreds of
people of all classes, the Solemn League and Covenant, in favour
of pure religion and against all innovations. A General
Assembly met at Glasgow and settled to abolish Episcopacy,
the new liturgy, and the canons, and declared the Kirk indepen-
dent of the State. This rebellious attitude produced what was
called the first Bishop's War, which was waged by Charles

* John Hampden (1594-1643), statesman ; resisted second ship-money writ ;
most popular member in Short Parliament. Killed in skirmish with Prince Rupert.

157

THE HOUSE OF LYME

against the Scots without any money other than voluntary
contributions. The war was one in which there was no fighting,
only one man being killed and he by accident, and these so-
called hostilities were temporarily brought to an end by the
Treaty of Berwick, in which Charles declared his wish to refer
matters to be decided by a new Parliament.

Life had to go on, however, though a kingdom was rocking
and tottering to its base — ready to fall. We learn very little
of what was happening from the letters of the time. It was
dangerous to write at all, and still more dangerous to express
any views. Dark allusions to " the business that you wot of "
do not enlighten the reader much. Admonitions to burn the
letters at once when read (though these do not seem to contain
anything of special interest) appear in the correspondence.
Cypher was also much resorted to, and many of the letters are
worded in such mysterious and apparently incomprehensible
terms that it is impossible to make anything of the writer's
meaning. There is a tradition that a letter exists among the
Legh archives written from London by one of the family on
the day of Charles I's execution, but not mentioning the fact
at all. I have, however, not come upon it.

Dr. Legh was a great letter-writer. His correspondents,
one of whom was Richard Parr, Bishop of Sodor and Man, were
chiefly old Oxford friends to whom he wrote at great length,
receiving immensely long letters in return. These abound
in Latin quotations, and are full of heavy, obscure, and
somewhat broad jokes chiefly relating to Brasenose and its
officials, some of whom appear to have been extremely unpopu-
lar. The following is the description of Ralph Richardson,
who was tutor to Francis and Thomas Legh when they first
went to Oxford, and who afterwards became Vice-Principal,
and was appointed by Francis Legh, in 1636, to the rectory of
Grappenhall, Lancashire. The description, which is rather
uncharitable, is from the pen of Rowland Scudamore, one of the
students, who afterwards became Prebendary of Hereford :

" Indeed he's a good old man and a godly, wonderful devout,
especially when his reverent noddle is well ballasted with a competent

158

A MINORITY AT LYME

portion of nappie * Goulburne. Onely hee bewraies some incogitensie
now and then, at Even-songe ; by kneeling downe at ye Creed and
Gloria patri ; by standing, as well as he can at ye Paternoster, by
sighing and crying Amen in ye wronge place ; but alasse, perhaps hee's
meditating on greater matters, as, whether to suppe ith Hall or Spread-
Eagle, or how many sorts of liquor to blend for his critical pallate."

Another equally uncharitable description he gives of John
Houghton, one of the college officials :

" The greatest part of his time is spent in ye Hall, and Confables ;
in ye hall, not at disputations but meales ; for hee's onely verst in that
rule of grammar, whose verbes are of filling, emptying, loading and
unloading, and knows little but quod ad ventris victu cum cit"

The College was evidently miserably poor and in constant
debt, due no doubt to the steady rise in prices during the first
half of the century. The debt of the College to its tradesmen
alone amounted, in 1638, to the huge sum of over £2000, and this
fact had become a great scandal and called for an inquiry, f

" The head and members of our college has beene latelie sicke of a
disease [writes John Houghton to Dr. Legh on November 30, 1638]
(I believe you knowe it has beene longe possessed with ye white Divill,
and yt which is little better, the god of Mammon). These, the members
I meane, four of the greatest and most principle, are troubled with an
ague (which in winter is somewhat dangerous) for they quiver and quake
everie joynt of them ; but I believe (which they feare) the little Man of
Lambeth will act ye part of a wise physicon, to purge ym so, yt yt
uncouth disease will shortlie leave ym, or they their lives (theire
colleges I meane). Ye Archbishop has of late sent downe to inquire
after priviledged persons in ye Universitie ; the articles inquired after
are these, ye value of theire livinges (pleno valore not in ye Kings bookes),
2, ye distance from ye Universitie ; 3, how longe they have in joyed ym ;
4, what yeares the incumbent hath and what standinge in ye Univer-
sitie ; It is to be feared yt they must either (lose ?) their benefices or
colledges. . . ."

" Y faith wee are sicke some of us, I am sure, but it is with yt
epidemical disease, povertie, ye plague of ye purse — tis true we expect
raither feare, another plague (God blesse us as hitherto he hath from
yt of pestilence) viz, yt of the Arch-bishop's visitation, for my part and
ye rest of my brethren of ye Juniority we feare it little ; for as we have

* Strong ale. t " Brasenose College " (Mr. Wakeling).

THE HOUSE OF LYME

little, soe can we lose but little, neither are we sinners (I mean seniors)
greate enough to dread such a punishment."

Much building seems to have been going on at Oxford ; he
speaks of Oriel College :

" There you have new Hall, Chap, and a most brave Quadrangle built,
almost all since your last being here. [He goes on to speak of the war
still raging abroad :] We hear little save ye takinge prisoners of my
Lord Craven* and Duke Rupt by ye Emperor's forces. [He also touches
upon matters at home :] For ye news of Scotland wee hear its verie
badd, worse then to be reported. Wee hear yt my Lord of Arundle f
has called a councell of warre this weeke ; God send us peace and put
an end to these troublesome times."

Like his brother Francis, Dr. Legh was a great reader.
From the time when he first went to Oxford he had always
been collecting books — chiefly those on divinity. By a bill
of a Mr. Henry Cripps, stationer, we find that he paid £20 los.
1638 for books bought in 1638. " Lorinus on the Psalms," " Ains-
worth on Canticles." J " Daneus upon . . .," § " Stella upon
Luke," are a few of the works named.

A very beautiful miniature of Dr. Legh by Hoskins, painted
in 1631, depicts him at the age of thirty-seven. The miniature
is full face, showing only the head and shoulders. The hair,
which is parted in the middle and worn rather long, with the
moustache and short-pointed beard, are of the characteristic
family colour — red. The forehead is very high and broad,
the features small and regular, and the expression shrewd and
full of intelligence, not unmixed with satire. He wears a
white ruff, and what one can see of his coat is black, with a
small pattern, most minutely and beautifully painted.

A portrait of his wife, Lettice, by an indifferent artist, gives
her dark auburn hair, an oval face, a very fair pink and white

* William, Earl of Craven (1606-1697), commanded English troops fighting for
Gustavus Adolphus ; fought beside Prince Rupert at Limgea. Said to have married
Elizabeth, Queen of Bohemia.

f Thomas, second Earl of Arundel and Surrey, general of army against Scots,
1639. { A leading man in the Brownist Community at Amsterdam.

§ Daneus, Daneau (Lambert), "Orationis Dominicae explicatio," 1583. Name
missing in the MS.

160

LETTICE CALVELEY

Wife of Dr. Thomas Legh. Painted before 1639
From a Portrait at Lyme

A MINORITY AT LYME

complexion and dark grey eyes. The portrait does not indicate
the wonderful strength of character possessed by this lady,
who was left when still comparatively young, after the death
of her husband, to manage her property and bring up her
children through part of the darkest and most unhappy period
of English history.

Anne Bold, after her husband's death, which it will be re-
membered took place two days after her father Sir Peter's, in
1635-6, had many difficulties to contend with. Her brothers-
in-law were grasping and trying to get all they could out of her ;
Henry Bold, particularly, who had been the first to censure her
for leaving her husband to go to her father's death-bed, was
constantly criticizing her and finding fault. She seems to have 1639
been living in London in 1639, having taken a house in Covent
Garden for a year, that her daughters might be " put out to
learning." Apparently this course was not approved of by her
relations, who considered that she was behaving in an indecorous
manner in taking so unusual a step. She had heard of things
being said against her and writes to her brother Francis,
begging that he will tell her the names of those who " make
such a rabble talk of me," assuring him at the same time
that she has not been guilty of any misdemeanour since her
arrival in London.

" I have not lived in such a fashion to give anyone just Cause to
Censure me of any lewd Carriage or of frequenting any wanton Com-
pany, neither have I done anything at all to be a subject for malicious
mynds to discourse upon at their tables in the way of derision."

She protests that she is

" not so much taken with any delights here but for my owne part I
could wish myself in the Country again amongst my owne friends, but
being I have undertaken this journey for my Children's good, if I
should now of a sudden make a removal and return back again without
profiting my Children somewhat well, then might the County Censure
me of vanitie and Levitie and think me of a fickle and waveringe
mynd."

She was having troubles with her servants and begs to know
f Francis can recommend her a butler, her own she had had to

L 161

THE HOUSE OF LYME

dismiss on account of his " prid and sorlines " [pride and surli-
ness], and he showed his annoyance at her having done so by

" knocking so hard and runged my house dore so I feared he would
have broke it. I pray if you can help me with a good onist man which
is not too young nor will not thinke himselfe too proude to do anything
which I shall appoynt him, which is to buy mee meate and keepe the
key of that little drinke which I have. I am a stranger here and am
very loath to make trial of strangers."

Her eldest daughter, Margaret, does not seem to have been
much taken with London life :

1639-40 " I am exceedinge weary of London [she writes to her uncle Francis on
February 3, 1639-40], it is a place of great charges and expence, for shee
[her mother] hath disbersed a good deale above 3OO1 scince shee came
to towne. Indeed I believe if you would please to come up at Easter
shee needed noe other motiffe to draw her downe into the Countree, for
I thinke shee begins to bee weary already."

A month later, Anne announces her intention of leaving
London and of engaging a governess for her children : " I will
provide myself of a woman that shall teach my children and
bring her downe if possibly I can." That day being the 23rd
of March, she was beginning to take physic. She was evidently
suffering from some growth which was causing her great pain :
" To-morrow the Doctor intends to let mee blood, by God's
helpe it may prove means to do me good, for he thinks if I
should neglect this means he doubts it would grow to a
Cancer." The doctor's fears were justified, for Anne Bold
must have died very shortly after, though the exact date
does not appear. She is mentioned in her brother Francis's
will in 1642, but probably died the same year and is buried
by her husband in the Bold Chapel in Farnworth Church, near
Bold, where there is a monument to their memory.

This is composed of two figures, life size, beautifully exe-
cuted in pink veined marble, resembling alabaster, which are
placed upright against the north wall of the Bold Chapel.
Richard Bold is represented as a young and very handsome
man, with the long hair, moustache, and pointed beard of the
cavalier. He wears a ruff and a breast-plate of armour, and
162

A MINORITY AT LYME

armour covers his arms, full trunk hose and high square-toed
boots with spurs. His right hand is on his breast, his left hand
hangs down by his side and holds a long sword.

Anne is dressed in a plain gown which falls in folds to her
feet, a short jacket with tabs and a ribbon round her waist,
such as one sees in the portraits of Henrietta Maria, and full
sleeves ending in small ruffles at the cuffs. Her hair is dressed
in short curls, and over her head and falling to her feet behind
is a long cloak. She clasps a Bible to her breast between her
hands.

CHAPTER XI

" LITTLE PETER'S " SAD END

1640 WE must now return to " Little Peter." He had spent most of
the year 1639 an<^ Part °^ T^4° at Oriel College, Oxford, which
he no doubt found a pleasant change from the " supercilous eye
of the severe schoolmaster " at Amersham, although nearly
as much strict supervision seems to have been exercised over
the University undergraduates in the middle of the seventeenth
century as was the case at the beginning. He had been
entered as a fellow commoner, who, though a privileged person
as compared with an ordinary commoner or batteler, was still
under a tutor, and had no control over his own affairs or
finances.* The expenses of a fellow commoner were about £50
a year or more in the middle of the century. The fees on
entering the College were £i to the Vice- Principal, los. to the
servants, 135. 4d. to the Bursar for entering his name, and the
same sum to the College for matriculation. His " caution "
was £5, and he had to pay his tutor £2 a quarter as tuition fee.
He had his own study and bedroom, in contrast to the commoners,
who had to share a room with their tutor and several students.
The furniture provided for him consisted of a feather bed
weighing sixty pounds, and a great box for his linen, the washing
and mending of which cost £i i8s. a quarter.

The extraordinary objection of the College authorities to any
games still prevailed. One cannot understand their reasons
for thus curbing and restraining the natural desire for some
outlet for high spirits, and the result was probably something
akin to rioting. Mr. G. H. Wakeling, M.A., Fellow of Brasenose,
in his History of the College, 1603-1660, writes the following :

* " Brasenose College " (Mr. Wakeling).

164

"LITTLE PETER'S'1 SAD END

" In 1638, Laud wrote to the Vice-Chancellor on the approach of Lent
to warn him that he must prevent disorder in the disputations. There
was a game known as ' Coursing,' which consisted first in rival Colleges
attempting to outdo each other in the schools, and then a running
fight ensued on the way home to reverse, it may be, the verdict of the
examination room. Their games were so far forbidden that it is
difficult to blame them for thus getting some sport out of life."

Peter Legh can only have remained at Oxford a little over a
year, for on the 3rd of November 1640 he is mentioned as
being elected M.P. for Newton, Lancashire, having as his
colleague Mr. William Ashurst.

Newton-in-Makerfield, to call it by its full designation, was
in Saxon times of sufficient importance to give name to one of
the hundreds of Lancashire, which distinction was retained in
the reign of William the Conqueror. It came into possession
of the Legh family — with much of the other Lancashire property
— through the marriage of the second Sir Peter with the heiress
of the Haydocks, but the barony or lordship of Newton was not
acquired till the seventeenth century, when Richard Legh
bought it from Sir Thomas Fleetwood, and became, in 1661,
first Baron of Newton. In the first year of Elizabeth, 1558-9,
Newton was first given the privilege of returning two members
to parliament. At that time the members were nominated by
the Stewards of the barony and with the assent of the Lord of
Newton, and this continued till 1620, when the franchise
became vested in the free burgesses, that is to say, persons
possessing freehold estates in the borough to the value of 403.
and upwards.* There were sixty of these free burgesses who
claimed to vote, but the burgage tenure being chiefly in the
lord of the manor, the election was as much in him after
the right came into the hands of the burgesses as it was before
that time, and he was sometimes suspected of abusing his
privileges, and successive Lords of Lyme frequently usurped
the right.f

* Baines' "History of Lancashire."

| Newton ranked among the nomination boroughs up to the time of its dis-
franchisement in 1832, after that time the return of members for South Lancashire
was always made from that place.

165

THE HOUSE OF LYME

The young M.P. was only seventeen when he was returned
member for Newton. It seems to have been no unusual thing
for minors to sit in parliament, but they were probably not
allowed to vote, although they seem to have enjoyed all the
other privileges of members.

1641-2 One gathers that Peter Legh must have been intelligent and

cultivated above the average. A letter to his Uncle Francis,
written from London on January 10, 1641-2, shows him to have
had a good handwriting, he expresses himself clearly and well,
and gives a very interesting account of the excitement that was
caused by the impeachment of the Bishops and five members.
The King came down to the House of Commons in person, and
occupying the Speaker's chair demanded the surrender of the
persons of Messrs. Hollis, Pym, Hampden, Strode, and Sir
Arthur Hazelrigge, who, however, had in the meanwhile be-
taken themselves to the City. We learn "that the same is a
high Breach of the Rights and Privileges of Parliament, and
inconsistent with the liberties thereof." *

As a result the House adjourned, to meet again a few days
later at the Guildhall.

Peter Legh's interesting letter begins with excuses for his
long silence, but explains that his reason for not writing was the
fact that it was his

" ill fortune to lodge in a house where the sicknes [the plague] chanced
to fall upon now some 3 weeks or a month agoe, but God be thanked
neither I nor anything concerning mee as yet hath caute anie harme."

He had not written, fearing the danger of infection to his
uncle.

" For the news ther is but little, but I make noe question but that you

have heard of glassing [?] betwene the Kinge and us aboute the pr.

[privileges?] of our hous of impeaching our members of hie Treason and
nmg himself e in person into the hous to demand them, wheruppon wee
gently adjourned into the citie and his Maistie his court to hampton

court and from thence to Winsor where [it] is now. Ther hath been
louses [fears] amongst us of divers fals reports of troupes of

* From the " Journals of the House of Commons " for

1 66

"LITTLE PETER'S' SAD END

horse assembled together by his MaUe commanded by my lord Digbie,*
Coronell Lunsford f and divers others for surprising, which makes us
sitte everie day with a stronge guard uppon us or els adjourn into
London, my lord Digbie is gone into Flaunders, hee beinge the supposed
man to have framed the accusation against our members, putting it
into the Queens hand and so to have put the Kinge uppon it, and some
privatly say that her Maistie ere longe will be for France, which I
partly believe but cannot affirme it, for truth the Kinge and wee are
not so well united together as I could wish but wee receive daylie
gratious expressions of his mind and good intentions towards us
which makes us hope to see better times then now wee doe, but yett
hee doth not desert from his former charge against our members, but
saith hee will proceed against them in a tryall way. Wee have voted
all the lords in the privie councell voide, but whether his Maiestie will
condescend to it or noe God knoweth. Wee have also petitioned his
Maiestie to put the kingdom into a posture of defence, the magseens
cinqsport and havens into secure hands such as both houses shall
thinke fitt, wee have also beene in chousing [choosing] of lords Lieu-
tenants, my lord Strange J is for our countie, but with much adoe, for
Sr Ralph Aston sonn and Mr Regbie § did mightily oppose us, for
Lord Wharton || and your nechbour did stand neuter till hee saw
which was the stronger side. Wee are now in making choice of
ministers for a sinode, Mr Hearle ^f is pitch uppon and our knight,
Ashton would put in the warden of Manchester, which shall not bee by
my consent and manie more, how it will goe I know not ; wee are
voting a declaration of heads of grievances of the subjects so to remove
away all jealousies between the Kinge and his people. Wee hear of
20 saile of french loaded with armes and amunition. The merchants
have made proposition of 50 saile of ships to be readie once in 20 days
at what reasonable conditions wee shall thinke fitt for the guard of our
seas uppon this day. The 10 Bishopps are to come to triall this day
sennet : wee receive almost dayly petitions from severall counties

* George Digby, second Earl of Bristol (1612-1677), succeeded as Baron Digby,
1641 ; fought for Charles at Edgehill ; gave up his command after a quarrel with
Prince Rupert.

f Sir Thomas Lunsford (1610-1656), Royalist colonel, made prisoner at Edgehill;
died in Virginia.

J James Strange, seventh Earl of Derby ; married Charlotte de la Tr6mouille,
the defender of Lathom House ; he was beheaded in 1651.

§ Alexander Rigby (1594-1650), Parliamentarian colonel and Baron of the
Exchequer.

|| Philip Wharton, fourth Baron (1613-1696), champion of the popular party in the
Lords ; abandoned soldiering on his regiment being defeated at Edgehill.

Tf Charles Herle (1598-1659), Puritan divine. Presented by Stanley family to
living of Winwick, Lancashire, in 1626.

167

THE HOUSE OF LYME

accompanied with 2 or 3 thousand a piece against Bishopps and
poppish Lords in the hie hous, and that they will maintaine the rights
and privileges of parlament with their lives and estates ; this most of it
is all that is now extante, ther is nothing left now but our prayers to
God for you which shall not bee wanting, with my love to my Aunt and
cousens I rest Your most truely honoring and obseruant

" Neaphew PETER LEGH."

1642 An interesting letter from Elias Ashmole,* the great anti-
quary and astrologer, addressed to Francis Legh from Clement's
Inn, London, on June 24 of this same year, gives hopes of a
settlement of the negotiations between the King and his people,
but these hopes were unfortunately never to be realized.

" Worthy Sr,

" The Baron [Peter Venables f ] hath given me in Comand, to give
you many thankes for yor last letter, and to Certifie you that he was not
more disconsolate at his first arrival here (when leaving soe many good
frends, he encountered with soe many appearances of ruin and Con-
fusion) as he is now Joyfull, to perceive some dawnings of a Cleere
understanding betwixt the King and Parliam1 ; for yesterday the house
fell into debate about the Kings Answer to the 19 Proposicons made by
both houses (which is amongst other bookes yt he comanded me to
inclose). In wch debate it appeared yt there were many of the other
side much afected to Accomodation and Moderation, being infinitely
troubled yt such things wch were propounded (and which is by all
Confest to have been heretofore sometymes denyed as well as yeilded
unto) should by the overpressing of them and standing too much upon
them, be the occasion of any Civill warr, and therefore were thought
fitter to be declyned. To those things which the King is pleased to
give noe answer to, a Comitee is appointed to take Consideration of
them and to back them with as good Arguments and Precedents as
may be produced, but altogether to declyne their former way of de-
manding them. When this vote had passed (in which was included
many other things tending to Accomodation) Mr Pym J Mr

* Elias Ashmole (1617-1692) held several Government appointments ; presented,
in 1677, his collection of curiosities to Oxford University, to which he subsequently
bequeathed his library.

t Peter Venables, Baron of Kinderton, a cousin of the Leghs ; married, first, Mary,
daughter of Sir R. Wilbraham of Woodley, secondly, Frances, youngest daughter of
Sir Robert, afterwards Lord, Cholmondeley.

J John Pym (1584-1643), Parliamentary statesman; impeached with Hampden
and others ; buried in Westminster Abbey, whence his body was ejected after the
Restoration.

1 68

"LITTLE PETER'S' SAD END

Hollis * Mr Stroude f Mr Hampden { and divers others of that side
went out of the house in a discontent before the Speaker could
reassume his Chaire.

" Thus with my due respects to you I remaine

" Yor faithfull servant,

" ELIAS ASHMOLE."

There was no reconciliation possible, things had gone too
far and neither side would yield an inch. The tone of both
Houses had risen with threats of force, the air was highly
charged with electricity, it only required a spark to set everything
in a blaze. The King rejected the nineteen propositions of the
Parliament, which included the demands for the control of the
militia and of all fortresses by officers of its own choosing ; the
reform of the liturgy and church government ; the appointment
and dismissal by Parliament of all royal ministers and of
guardians for the royal children, and the power of excluding
from the House of Lords all peers created after that date, June
1642. Henceforth war was certain.

The Queen fled to Holland to raise money on the Crown
jewels, and the King left London never to return again except
to die. It was, in short, the beginning of the end.

The sympathies of Peter Legh, belonging as he did to so
strongly royalist a family, must certainly have been with the
King, but it will be noticed that, following the habit of corre-
spondents of the time, he does not give any expression of his
own views, confining himself strictly to a statement of facts.

He was greatly attached to his Uncle Francis, who had always
been glad to see as much of him as the jealous guardianship of
his mother allowed, and whose sole desire was to supply the
place of father to his dead brother's children. The bringing up
of the boy had perhaps not been quite judicious. From quite
a baby he had been under the care of a tutor at Lyme, with

* Denzil, first Baron Holies of Ifield (1599-1680) ; impeached among the five
members. Ambassador at Paris, 1663-6.

t William Strode (1599 ?-i645), politician; after 1640, one of Charles I's bitterest
enemies.

I John Hampden (1594-1643), statesman: impeached, but escaped attempted
arrest ; killed in a skirmish with Prince Rupert at Chalgrove Field.

169

THE HOUSE OF LYME

occasional and rare visits to his mother, and Sir Peter, following
the example of most grandfathers, had greatly relaxed his stern
discipline, and had shown far more indulgence to his grandson
than he had ever done to his own children. The boy, in fact,
was rather spoilt. After the old man's death he had — as we
have seen — returned to the guardianship of a not very judicious
mother, who seems to have kept him in leading-strings and to
have refused to realize that her son was growing up. High-
spirited, headstrong, and wilful, impatient of restraint and
control, capable of being led but never driven, he needed the
most careful and tactful management, and the severity and
harsh discipline of school and college were only calculated to
cause him to break out directly he obtained his much-longed-for
liberty. His own master at the age of seventeen, beset with all
the dangers and temptations of the day, it is not surprising
that he should have adopted the life and habits of a fashionable
gallant of the period. His handsome face and charming
personality made him all the more liable to be assailed by many
flatterers, always ready to fawn upon a good-looking and wealthy
youth, and to use him for their own ends.*

There had been some project of a marriage between Peter
and a daughter of Sir Lewis Watson, afterwards first Baron
Rockingham, a friend of George Villiers, Duke of Buckingham.
Most unfortunately this came to nothing, or the tragic event
which we are about to relate might never have happened.
1641-2 Little more than a fortnight after his letter to his Uncle Francis
was written, Peter seems to have been engaged in a duel with one
Browne, eldest son of a Sir John Browne f and a nephew of
Lord Herbert of Cherbury. What the cause of the duel was

* A miniature, possibly by Cooper, represents him as a pale-complexioned,
delicate-looking young man, with long fair hair worn in the Cavalier fashion of the
time, a small moustache and imperial, and large dark blue eyes. The mouth is
beautifully shaped and chiselled but the expression indicates a certain weakness of
character. He wears a wide white linen and lace collar tied with a large loose blue
ribbon bow, and over the right shoulder a red cloak which partially covers a brown
and white doublet. This miniature is painted on the back of the two of hearts ;
playing cards were frequently used by miniature painters of the seventeenth century,
the smooth surface being very suitable for the purpose.

t Frances, youngest sister of Edward, first Lord Herbert of Cherbury ; married
Sir John Brown, Kt., of Lincolnshire.

170

" LITTLE PETER'S' SAD END

has never been discovered. A hasty word, a fancied slight were
in those days, and even much later, enough to produce a quarrel
ending in a duel, and the senseless sacrifice of a human life.
This was how poor young Peter met his death. He lingered for
six days, succumbing finally to his injuries on February 2, 1641-2.
He made his will on the day before his death in a document
as short as it is pathetic ; it runs as follows :

" Peter Leighe Esq being dangerouslie wounded maketh his desiers and
requests as followeth, viz :

" The Barren of Kinderton to take the moneyes in his trunk wch is
about yo1. Desired him to speak to his Unckie FFrannces to be good
to his Mother and Sistra.
" Sr William Gerrarde to haue his dun nage.
"I. Frebr. 1641.

" He desireth his Unckie Fprannces over and aboue his owne
bountie to his Sisters he will for his sake give them c1. apeece. To
his man Raphe Arnefeilde the xiiii1. he oweth him to be made up
xi1, the boy here wth him, Myles Leighe, v1, his footeboy at Blackley
v1, and every servant at Blackley xs apeece, Raphe Swindells x1.
" He giveth his gray Nage he had of Mr Bratherton to Captain
Broughton.

" His Sworde at his lodging in Towne to Mr Carrell Mulineux and
praieth God he may make better Use of it then he hath done, and
his case of Pistolles.
" His watch to his Aunt Lettice Leighe.

" His cloathes to his three servants, the boy at Blackley, Raphe
Arnefeid and Myles Leighe.

" Desireth his father the Barron to see his bodie buried at Winwicke,
and Mr Jones, whom hath beene wth him all his sicknes to preache at
his funerall.

" To his brother Tom,* his Sword at Blackley, and a gray Nage he
bought of the Barron.

" To his father f his whit mare and best sadle.
" Praieth his Unckie FFrannces to consider the debts he oweth Sr
Wm Gerrarde { and all the debts he oweth to others.
" To his frend Mr Roger Mosten his Caen [cane].
" To his Unckie FFrannces the Sword that was his grandfathers, his
great scale and his greate fowling peece.

* Probably brother-in-law — he had no brother.

f No doubt godfather.

I Sir William Gerard, second son of Sir Thomas, first Baron Gerard.

171

THE HOUSE OF LYME

" Desireth his Unckle to give his Mother c1 ayeare duringe her life,
if she give the porcon in money she hath to his Sisters wch if she so
otherwaies dispose of, then c1 in money.

" PETER LEGH
" I say my hand.
" Witnesses hereof
" Raphe Assheton.
" John Jones.
" Roger Mostyn.
" Thomas Munckas.
" 1641."

It is impossible to find out exactly where the duel was
fought. It was probably somewhere near London as Parliament
was sitting at the time. The fact that the dying boy was
ministered to in his last hours by a Dr. Featley, author of
devotional works, who is described as being the Rector of the
parish in which he died, makes it probable that the place was
Acton, near London, a Dr. Featley, also a writer, being Rector
of that parish at this date.

We get an account of Peter's last hours from a certain Rev.
John Jones, who writes a sort of summary of his illness and
death and seems to have nursed him with great devotion.
None of his near relations were with him. His Uncle Francis
was too much of an invalid to undertake so long a journey,
and the six days would not have given time enough for his
mother to reach London to see her only son die. Peter
Venables,* Baron of Kinderton, Mr. Bradshawe (but whether
this was Henry or John the regicide judge is not clear), and
Mr. Jones appear to have been the only persons present with
the dying boy.

He bore his sufferings with much patience, submitting
uncomplainingly to the painful dressing of his wounds, and
in those days, when palliatives were unknown, this must have
been an agonizing process. He faced death with the greatest
courage and fortitude, his chief anxiety being for his mother and
sisters, whom he left to the care of his Uncle Francis, beseeching

* See note, p. 168.
172

"LITTLE PETER'S' SAD END

him that he would be good to them. His assailant he freely
forgave, receiving the Holy Communion with him the day after
the duel. In the pharisaical spirit of the Puritans of the time
it was considered to be " a wicked inconsiderateness " that he
should have received the Sacrament at all, it being supposed
that he could not be sufficiently prepared after so late an offence
as his duel. Mr. Jones, however, considers this

" overstrictness on the part of some, for [he adds] he was excused by
the Minister that gave it him, who assured mee (having had halfe an
hours conference with him) hee found him soe richlie quallified with
Faith, Repentance, Charitie, and other Graces requisite for such a
Condition, that hee could not refuse the delivery of it, knoweing
that Mr Legh would receive it with much benefit, and to his great
comfort."

Mr. Jones seems to have gone to Peter two days after the
duel, which took place on Thursday, January 27, 1641-2.

" On Saturdaie I came to visit him, and after that was seldome from
him ; And can witnes thus much, That verie often, everie Night
betwixt his slumber (which was but short) Hee would call for Praiers ;
and therein Joyne with us, going along with us in the words and verie
earnestlie, as did appeare by those importunate gestures of lifting up
his Eyes, and Hands, and strikeing them on his breast : And verie
often hee would call for a Praier-booke, and therein read such Praiers
himselfe as were propper for One in his weake state, untill his sight and
Spirrits would begin to faile him."

In answer to a question in what faith he died, his answer
was that he died in the religion in which he was baptized, that
of the Church of England.

" Hee would often expresse a willingnesse of dying, in respect of the
miseries of this world and hope of Heaven, and that nothing retarded
that desire, but the prejudice which his death would bee to his Mother
and Sisters to whom he desired manie to remember his humble dutie
and dearest love.

" He was free in his good advice to others (whom he conceived not to
have been soe strict in their life as they ought) pressing them to have
care of their life hereafter, . . . hee would often intimate how he would
leave ye companie of those yong Gallants that had abused his too
easie and flexile nature; and consulted with Doctor Featley (a

173

THE HOUSE OF LYME

reverend and Learned Divine, the Parson of the parish where hee died)
and myselfe (but the day before his departure when wee had most
hopes of him) what Bookes were fittest for him to read . . . Being
much taken with a Booke of devotion which Doctor Featley made
himselfe and used in his visiting of him. About 4 of the clocke on the
Wednesdaie (after his hurt) being his Critical daie, hee began to decline,
and the symptomes of Death began to appeare upon him, which
increased untill ten, the hower of his death ; In all which hee would
often call for praier, still joining with us therein (soe long as hee was
able) And ever and anon, hee would breath forth sweet ejaculations,
as, * Lord forgive mee my Sinnes : Lord Jesus (for on him onelie would
he often expresse himselfe that hee relyed for salvation, renouncing
both Saints and Angells) One drop of thy blood is enough to save mee ;
Lord Jesus, Lord Jesus,' And theis were the last words hee was heard to
speak. I believe his assurance of salvation was verie great, for the
night hee died hee tould mee c Methinkes ' (saith hee) * I see two
Angels readie to receive my Soul.' "

His patience, resignation, and courage seem to have filled
those about him with admiration, " so that," as Mr. Jones
touchingly expresses it

" what teares wee sad spectators did shed in the behoulding of his
sufferings, hee wiped away with his patience. [The sufferer thanked
God that he never lost consciousness] nor was deprived of the benefit of
Reason, whereby hee might reconcile himselfe to God, but his sufferings
were soe qualified that noe Sence failed in the discharge of its office,
untill hee resigned his expireing Soule into the hands of God that gave

He was buried at Winwick, Lancashire, on February 14,
1641-2, where, according to his last wishes, he lies with his
forefathers.

The fact of his death was notified in the " Journals of the
House of Commons " as follows :

" Feb. 2. 1641-2. Ordered that Mr Speaker shall issue forth his
Warrant directed to the Clerk of the Crown in Chancery for the electing
of another Burgess for the town of Newton in Com : Lancast* to serve
in this Parliament instead of Mr Peter Leigh formerly returned a
Burgess for that town and since deceased."

J74

"LITTLE PETER'S' SAD END

In the Autobiography of Lord Herbert of Cherbury,* he
refers to the fact that his nephew " though young sought divers
duels, in one of which it was his fortune to kill one Lee of a great
family in Lancashire," evidently considering that he had done
rather a fine thing and that it was an achievement for the
Herbert family to be justly proud of.

There appears to have been some idea of prosecution. 1641-2
Peter Venables, in a letter to Francis Legh, written on March 4,
1641-2, speaks of " the eyes of the kingdom being upon this
notorious murder and upon me as prosecutor," and asking if
Francis wishes him to undertake the journey to London " to
prosecute according as I have begun," but Francis was in such
bad health that he was quite incapable of taking the necessary
steps and of exerting himself in the matter, and so there it
ended.

Francis fulfilled his dying nephew's wishes in paying Anne
Legh her £100 a year, but she disappears from this date and we
hear little more of her.

The canvassing of the new candidates for the Newton
election began immediately after the death of poor Peter. Sir
George Booth, j* who afterwards headed the Cheshire rising, in
1659, f°r restoring Charles II, writes on February n to beg
Francis Legh's assistance " for a kinsman's and a gentleman's
sake," assuring himself that Francis " would rather accept of
him than any other." Another correspondent writes putting
forward the claims of a Mr. Holcroft, Sir Gilbert Gerard was
advocating the election of one of his sons, and William Ashurst,
Peter Legh's former colleague, was anxious to stand again. In
a long letter to Francis Legh he mentions the fact that he has the
powerful support of Lady Strange, the famous Charlotte de la
Tremouille, Countess of Derby, renowned for her defence of

* Edward, first Lord Herbert of Cherbury (1583-1648). Through the marriage
of Lord Herbert's eldest son, Richard, second Baron, with Mary, daughter of
John, first Earl of Bridgewater, the families of Herbert and Legh of Lyme became
connected.

f Sir George Booth (1622-1684), first Lord Delamere, descended from a younger
branch of the Booths of Dunham Massy, Cheshire ; took Parliamentarian side in the
Civil War, but entered plot for restoring Charles II ; raised to peerage at the
Restoration.

THE HOUSE OF LYME

Lathom House against the Parliamentarians. This lady, Ashurst
writes, " had freely offered me her assistance which I had thank-
fully accepted of," he mentions also that Sir Richard Fleetwood
— the Lord of the Manor — was supposed to be abusing his
privileges and rights, to the great indignation of the free burgesses,
who were resolving to oppose whichever candidate Sir Richard
should support. Ultimately a Sir Roger Palmer, Knight, was
returned with William Ashurst, and both represented Newton
until 1646, when they were " disabled to sit," Richard Holland
of Heaton and Peter Brooke being then returned.

CHAPTER XII

FRANCIS AND LETTICE LEGH

THE shadow of death had fallen heavily upon the house of
Lyme. Within the short space of two years no fewer than four
of the family, all in the prime of life, had passed away.

Dr. Thomas Legh's death is recorded as having taken place
at Walton on May 27, 1639, at the age of forty-five. We
have no details of his last illness, but from the fact that he
was buried there the next day one gathers that the illness was
probably of a highly infectious nature. His wife Lettice, who
was only twenty-nine, was expecting an addition to her family,
poor soul, and there were four other children, the eldest of whom
could not have been more than seven or eight years of age.
Two elder children had died in infancy. Peter Legh of Bruch,
Francis's youngest brother, died in 1641, and in February
1641-2 came the tragic death of young Peter, which we have
just described, to be followed soon after by that of Francis and
his only surviving sister, Anne Bold.

Lettice Legh (widow of Dr. Thomas), after her husband's
death, made her home with her brother-in-law Francis, at
Blackley, Lancashire, and here her youngest daughter, Francisca
Posthuma, was born in December or January 1639-40, her
husband having died the previous May. Fortunately for herself
and her children she seems to have been a lady of very strong
character, clever and businesslike, and capable of managing her
own affairs, for the wretched state of Francis's health must have
prevented him from being of very much help to her ; he was
practically a cripple on two sticks and suffered agonies from
acute rheumatism.

Lettice Legh appears to have taken up her life and interests

M 177

THE HOUSE OF LYME

after the birth of her little girl, and to have occupied herself with
all the domestic details connected with a large family and
1642 household. Her two boys, Richard and Thomas, were in 1642
already at school at Winwick, although they can have been only
eight and six years old, and she was writing in May of that year
to Francis — then paying one of his visits to Oxford — to know
his wishes in certain matters of housekeeping, and was giving
him particulars about the brewing, which was always a very
important event. Her handwriting shows a great deal of
character, but her spelling, even for that of ladies of the time,
is exceptionally bad, words are omitted altogether and it is
sometimes almost impossible to arrive at her meaning. She
was devotedly attached to her brother-in-law, and consulted
him on every matter.

" John Ingam hath brud one bruing at Lim and when the fair is now
past, i hop i shall get mor vessell [?] for another bruing, and the therd
[third] as soon as can bee shall bee done God willing, and ther shallbee
wormwood beer at every place as soon as i can posseble."

She is selling hay :

" i haue set but littill hay gres [after grass] for unlest in old set the best,
the other offer almost nothing for ... if you will have mee to do any
other ways, i pra let me know and i will obay as far forth as i can
[subscribing herself] your tru louing sister til deth us part

" LETTICE LEGH."

One of his servants writes also to tell Francis that he wishes
he had the hogshead of beer at Oxford which they have just
brewed, " it was excellent good." The old conviviality and
hospitality went on at Blackley as at Lyme ; the same corre-
spondent wishes Francis could see

" Dad Peel, William Wordsworth and Nandie ould Robin, they meet
together for the spending of the token you sent them, I heartily wish
you a sight of their red noses that will be seen at night when they part."

Although rather better, Francis was beginning to set his
house in order, feeling that his health was so precarious that it
was as well to be prepared for the worst :

FRANCIS AND LETTICE LEGH

" My Physicon has entered me into a course of Physicke agreable to my
Body [he writes to Peter Venables from London in May 1642], for I find
thereby a new accesse of strength and other good symptoms of re-
coverie. I eate my meate with a prettie good appetite and my limbs
though still mowldie, are more plyable then when you left me, for with
ye alone help of my sticks, I can goe from chamber to chamber, my
payne is much easier though it still mind me of its abode with me,
(though against my will) I hope ere long I shall be able to undertake
a journie, but whether my Doctors intentions are for ye Bath or noe
I cannot as yet resolve you, he being not resolved in himselfe how to
dispose of mee."

He then proceeds to state his wishes as to the disposal of
some of his property, the bulk of which was to go to his heir, his
brother Thomas's eldest son, Richard. He begs that Peter
Venables and his son will name themselves " feoffies."

On June 1 1 of this same year he was appointed by the King
one of his Commissioners of Array, a kind of deputy-lieutenant
for Lancashire, but his duties must have been purely nominal,
for he was in far too bad health to undertake any active work.

Hostilities which had so long threatened broke out in August
of this same year, 1642. On the 22nd of that month Charles
set up his standard at Nottingham as a declaration of war.
Almost destitute of money and arms, the great difficulty the
King had to contend with was the raising of recruits. He was
reduced to the direst straits for want of funds for his new levies,
in spite of the gifts of plate from the Universities and Royalists,
who willingly gave their all, the women even bringing their
wedding-rings in response to a loan opened in the City.

Although only fifty-two years of age, the precarious state of
his health and his crippled condition made it out of the question
for Francis Legh to take any active part in the Civil War, but
he was, of course, expected to contribute his share towards
providing men and horses for the service of his King. A very
interesting letter from a certain James Bretherton, a Lancashire
friend, gives him advice on this matter, and also contains
information relating to the Battle of Edgehill, where it appears
that Charles himself was present in person, and narrowly escaped
death from a cannon-ball, which missed him by only a yard.

179

THE HOUSE OF L Y M E

" Uppon Thursday last Capten Cornocke from ye Earl of Darbie *
called on mee to give mee notice to bee with the said Earl yesterday,
where I was, and the conference when I came there was to see what
frends, neighbores or gentlemen (for the saftie of the countie) would
furnishe horses for a small tyme, or for laying downe moneyes for
maintaining soldiers or horses for some small tyme, and for that
purpose Mr Frarrington is chosen pursebearer. You were not spoke of
further then inquired after for your health, I tould the Countice f you
were better at your first coming downe then you were nowe, and that I
was not serten whether you were at Lyme or Blackley ; but I thinke
there is an expectation of some furtherance from you, for the safetie
of the countie as afforesaid. I had conferance yesterdaye wth George
Bowden J what was fit to doe (and moneyes being scarce) I thought (yf
it might stand with your likeinge) it were not amisse to give or lend
to the Earl or Ladie your ould whit horse, the little whit horse which
was your nephewes, and what other ould decade [decayed] geldings you
might convenientlie spare, and if you mind any further furtherance
and will not bee scene therein, forecast the business and let it bee my
ackt, it may prevent some further motion that may bee more incon-
venient but however my desires are to waite of your pleasure.

" The nuse the Earl received from a gentleman by his Maiestie's
appointment was That the Kinge himselfe was at this bloodie battle §
and Cannon shute miste him but a yard. His Standard bearer || was
slayne and the standard taken by the enemie, but by a private gentle-
man (one Smith ^[) regayned, the said Smith killinge the enemie. This
Smith is nowe maid Knight Banoret, and is his Maties Standard berer.
Prince Robt [Rupert] with the rest of the regim* bore the other
regim* backe and kild and slue to the number of eyght thousand,
spoyled and tooke all (to anie purpose) of their horse, taken eyght
pieces of ordinance, burst three others, taken most of their ammunicon,
made his excellencie ** to retreat or run awaye, who was said to take
Warwick Castle. And of the Kings partie Toe thousand sleayne and
as it is said noe commander of Lankishere but honest Henrie Byrom,

I desire your Ire [letter] of comfort to his mother, for I knowe your

* James, seventh Earl of Derby, husband of Charlotte de la Tremouille, beheaded
1651. Alluding to him, Walpole in his " Royal and Noble Authors" (iii, 37) says :
" Among the sufferers for King Charles I none shed greater lustre on the cause."

f Charlotte de la Tremouille, Countess of Derby.

t Francis Legh's agent.

§ Edgehill.

|| Sir Edmund Verney.

II Sir John Smith (1616-1644), Royalist; knighted on the field at Edgehill for
saving the Royal Standard ; killed at Cheriton.

** Probably Essex.

1 80

FRANCIS AND LETTICE LEGH

perswesion with her will take deep hold. And soe wishinge you where
you thinke your selfe most safe (which I thinke is Hodocke, Bradley
or Boulde) doe leaue your Worshipe to the Lord his merciful protection
and will ever rest.

" Your servant to command JA : BRETHERTON."

But Francis was soon to be where " beyond these voices
there is peace." Within three months after the receipt of this
letter he was dead. We get no details of his last illness, nor do
we know where the death actually took place, whether at Oxford,
where he was staying in November 1642, or at Lyme. The date
was February 2, 1642-3, and he was buried with his forefathers
at Winwick.

An inventory made about this date has the first page
missing ; it gives the contents of some of the rooms with the
valuation, but it is impossible to say whether this refers to Lyme
or Blackley or to any of Francis's other houses :

Each room seems to have contained " Orras." Arras, *
was a superior kind of tapestry ; some of the rooms also
contained pieces of loose or broken " sylinge." f In " the
furthest chamber," which must have been one of the best rooms,
we find the " vallence and hangings at the standinge bedd
wrought upon Velvet with gould and sylke," valued at £4 los.
This bed was composed of one feather-bed, one bolster and two
pillows, valued at £3 os. 4d., one " wolbedd," los., 3 blankets,
1 8s., and one " Cadowes," £i. A truckle-bed in the same room.,
probably intended for the servant, is priced together with the
" Standinge bedd " at £1 6s. 8d. Upon the truckle-bed were
I feather-bed, one bolster and one pillow, £i 135. 4d., one
" Lynnen and wollen Couringe," 33. 4<d., and two blankets, js.
Other articles in the room are as follows :

one Orras Coulnge 4*.

a Darnix J Carpet .... 28

One syde table ..... $d

Half a dozen bedstaves .... 3d

One Chayre lod

* Halliwell's "Dictionary of Archaic and Provincial Words."

f Tapestry or hanging (Halliwell).

t Darnex was a coarse sort of damask used for carpets, curtains, etc.

181

THE HOUSE OF LYME

One Coured joyned Stoole . . . 33 40!

One other Stoole ..... is

One Bill * is

In " a trunke bounde with plate " in one of the rooms we
find the following treasures mentioned, with the valuation :

1 s d

Itm one greene Cadowes .... 01- 13 4
Itm one hanginge of Orras worke . . 03 10- o
Itm 2 greene velvett Cushions, & other 2 of

Cloth of gould beanched wth greene and

one other beauched [?] Cushion at . 3- oo- o

Itm a payre of vallence of redd and greene

Satten fringed wth Gould . . . oo- 18- o
Itm one othr payre of vallence of blacke

velvett & mingled orrage Coller wth

blacke and tany ffrynge . . . oo- 16- o
Itm a hanginge for a bedds head of greene

wth a Cruicifix wrought wth gould . 01- 13-4
Itm a Carpett of Darnix for a table . . oo- 05 o
Itm 5 Curtaynes of greene and Redd . 01- 10- o

Itm one Cushion of Orras & twoe pillowes . oo- 05 o
Itm the hangings aboute the Chamber . 01- 06- 8
Itm a trunck bound wth plate, one cheste

2 Chaires & 2 Cushions . . . 02- oo- o
Itm one leading staffe . . . . oo- 02- o

The prices mentioned seem ridiculously inadequate.and would
arouse feelings of envy in the breast of a collector. None of the
articles can be traced and, alas, the same applies to the following
list of plate, to which no prices are attached but which would
— at this day — be of fabulous value.

Itm i greate bell Salt double gylt, waighing one pound and

a half & half an ounce
Itm One bould [bowl] with a Cour double gylt, waighing a

pound 2 ounces, half an ounce & a dram
Itm One Canne pcell [parcell] gylt waighinge a pound
Itm A silver Canne waighinge one pound, 2 ounce & a half
Itm One other Canne pcell gylt, one pound & 5 ounce

* A bill was a kind of pike or halberd, formerly carried by the English infantry ,
and afterwards the usual weapon of watchmen (Halliwell.)

182

LYME : CHIMNEYPIECE IN THE STONE PARLOUR

•

FRANCIS AND LETTICE LEGH

Itm one dozen of Apostle Spoons waighinge one pound and a

halfe & one ounce

Itm One old Salt, waighinge xi ounce & a halfe
Itm xi silver Spoones waighinge one pound 3 ounce & a

quarter of an ounce.

Four muskets and 3 " Calibers " (probably meant for
calivers — a large pistol or blunderbuss), " wth flaxes and tutch-
box," * are priced at £2. The owner's entire wearing apparel
is estimated at £20, " Barlie in the fforreste " at £20, 81
sheep at £14, and " one oxe hyde in the barne " at i6s.

Mistress Lettice had, with her children, taken up her abode
at Lyme after her brother-in-law's death. By an account book
beginning February 2, 1642-3, containing a list of the sums of
money that had passed through her hands, we learn that she
was

" to be imployed by the executors, Henry Legh, Peter Legh, Charles
Herle, Rector of Winwick, Ralph Richardson, Rector of Groppenhall,
and John Houghton, fellow of Brasenose, both for the receivinge and
disbursinge moneys after his decease accordinge to the appoyntments
and direccons of the said Errands Legh."

She was also to be " wholey " trusted to receive the money.

For some six years after the death of Sir Peter Legh, Lyme
had been uninhabited. The old rooms — once the scene of so
much gaiety and merriment — were empty and silent, the garden
with its winding paths and arbours was grass-grown and
neglected, the whole place tenantless and forlorn. In spite of
Francis Legh's desire that his abodes should be maintained and
kept going, the evidences of an absentee landlord must have
been apparent, and signs were not wanting of the lack of the
chatelaine's watchful eye. With the arrival of Mistress Lettice
and her little ones the old place took on a different aspect, and
although the princely hospitality of former days could no longer
be dispensed and the same amount of grandeur could not be
maintained, still there were children's voices once more heard,
and life and movement went on within its walls.

* A touch-box was a receptacle for lighted tinder carried by soldiers for match-
locks (Halliwell).

183

THE HOUSE OF LYME

Times were sadly changed from the prosperity of Elizabethan
days. The Civil War had now begun, and Cheshire suffered as
much and perhaps more for its loyalty than most counties.
After setting up his standard at Nottingham, Charles, with a
numerous train, came to Chester, being received everywhere
with the greatest enthusiasm. He was, with all his train,
lodged in the episcopal palace, and the next day was entertained
by the corporation at the Pentice when £200 was presented to
him in the name of the mayor, and £100 was ordered as a
present to one of the Princes who accompanied him. Before
his departure next day the King ordered the city to be put into
a state of defence.*

Of all the events in the history of Chester none is so memor-
able as that of the protracted siege which the city endured
from Sir William Brereton, the Parliamentarian general, which
began in 1643. By 1645, the assailants, despairing of taking
the town by assault, converted the siege into a blockade,
causing the intensest suffering to the citizens, who by 1645-6
were in want of the commonest necessaries of life. Some
murmurings and discontents having arisen, Lord Byron f and
some of the Commissioners invited the chiefs of the malcontents
to dine with them and gave them nothing but boiled wheat to
eat and spring water to drink, solemnly assuring them that
this had been their only fare for some time past. This had the
desired effect upon the citizens, who resolved to hold out to the
very last. It was not until after the tenth summons that the
intrepid defenders agreed to surrender on the following con-
ditions : (i) the garrison to be allowed to march out with all
the honours of war ; (2) the safety of the persons and property
of the citizens ; (3) the sanctity of the sacred edifices and title-
deeds preserved. Following upon the siege came a most terrible
epidemic of the plague, which lasted from June 1648 to April
1649, 2099 persons dying in the several city parishes.

The country was being overrun by hostile armies, plundering

* "Chronological Series of Local Events connected with Chester" (Ormerod's
History).

t John, first Lord Byron (d. 1652), a devoted adherent of Charles I ; fought
at Edgehill ; was one of the defenders of Chester Castle.

184

FRANCIS AND LETTICE LEGH

and destroying whatever lay before them. Lyme suffered to a
certain extent, but much less than might have been supposed,
judging by the fate of neighbouring houses and individuals.
" In Frebruary 1643 " writes the steward in the account book
mentioned, " weere tymes of much treble and the horses and
mares and much other goods that weere Mr Legh's weere some
taken for the use of the publique and some plundred or stoalen
. . . goods wastinge by stealth, rottinge wth hydinge from
plunder."

From a petition * of one William Burgess of Macclesfield to 1643-4
the Committee for Compositions at Goldsmith's Hall, we learn
that the said William Burgess for having (his only crime), in
January 1643-4, visited Mr. Legh of Adlington, who was keeping
a garrison for the King's party in his house, situated within three
miles of where Burgess lived, the latter's whole estate was seized
and sequestered. He apologized humbly for his offence, de-
claring he

" was never in any other of the enemy's quarters, nor has borne
arms or contributed to the King's party, but has always paid his
full part in all loans and taxations for the State besides £10, upon the
Proposition and has borne the charge of entertainment and free
quarter of soldiers far above his ability, whereby his small estate
had been much impaired, and the residue now being sequestered he
has no means left for himself and family to subsist upon, and begs to
be admitted to a favourable composition for what remains to him
of his estate."

He must have felt that his friendly visit cost him somewhat
dear.

One can imagine the horror and consternation that must
have been caused in a peaceful household by the sudden arrival
of a troop of rough and often brutal soldiers. One pictures the
terrified women herded together, the children clinging round their
mother's knees, the hurried collecting and concealment of
precious possessions from the looting and destruction of these
soldiers, who took complete possession of the houses, demanding
the best of what the place afforded, and taking by force all they

* Record Office.

185

THE HOUSE OF LYME

could lay their hands on. Nor did they confine themselves only
to looting. At a neighbouring house, Poynton, some five miles
from Lyme, the wife of the owner, Mr. Edward Warren, died in
1644, after giving birth prematurely to twins, the result, it was
said, of rough treatment at the hands of soldiers who came to
search Poynton for arms.

Mistress Lettice Legh must have found her hands pretty full.
Besides the control of the household and the care and education
of her children, the eldest of whom, Richard, was in 1642-3
only nine years of age, she had to assist in the management of the
large estates which were left by Francis Legh's will in the hands
of the trustees before mentioned. She was, as we have seen, a
daughter of Sir George Calveley of Lea, and co-heiress with her
sister, Mrs. Thomas Cotton, and must have been aged a little over
thirty in 1642. It seems hardly possible for one woman to have
attempted, far less accomplished, all that she contrived to do.
She showed herself, however, to be possessed of great strength of
mind, courage, and resourcefulness, and nothing daunted by a
condition of affairs that might well have unnerved most members
of her sex, she determined to fight to the uttermost to safeguard
the lives and interests of her children.

No sooner had the death of Francis deprived her of a male
protector, however feeble, than calls innumerable were made
upon the widow and fatherless. Peter Venables, Baron of
Kinderton, a distant cousin, came down upon her for a debt
owing to him from Francis, wishing her at the same time all
happiness and desiring she may be freed from " the troubles of
theise tymes, which debarr freinds of enjoying of one another
with the same comfort as formerlie," protesting that, were he
in the position to do so, " none should be more readie to doe
you service. I wish you to esteem of me as an honest man
though the fortunes of this world doe not smyle on me, if I
would have played the knave I would have climbed first upon
others."

There was grumbling and dissatisfaction in the family
over Francis's will. The children of Piers and Anne Legh con-
sidered they had been badly used. Margaret, the eldest
1 86

FRANCIS AND LETTICE LEGH

daughter, writes on October 5, 1643, from Blackley, to her
Aunt Lettice :

" Honored Aunt, — By your direccons Roger Locke is come to mee for
paiment for carrying a Muskit this last year by my UnkePs appoint-
ment, to wch I answer ; iff my Unkell had left mee and my sisters
the benefit of that estate (wch without offence to God I may call ours)
we should willingly discharge those taxations justly imposed upon
it, but being wee ar unjustly defrauded of our owen, we rather ex-
pected satisfactione for the wronge alredy don us then such quirkes
to wringe from us that litell we have left, which I may truly call litell,
beinge it will not manteine us wth meate, drinke and clothes, neither
do I conceive the lawe to bee so far from conscience and equity as to
compell us to undergo such unreasonabell burdens, nor that deceit
can so strip us of our birthright but wee shall have competent
menteinance."

The burdens imposed upon all were very heavy. In 1644,
pecuniary levies upon the citizens of Chester amounted to £200
every fortnight, and towards the assessment for maintain-
ing soldiers the Legh estates paid monthly no less a sum
than £19 os. y^d., that is, for Warrington, £3 195. 9d., Haydock,
£10 is. 4|d., Burtonwood, £4. 75. 6d., and Parr, I2S."

It was almost impossible to obtain any rents, for the tenants 1645
suffered so much from the plunder and depredations of the
soldiers that they were wellnigh ruined. On the nth of
December 1645 we find in the account book the following
notable entry :

Received from William Bankes by the hands of George Bowdon
fyve pounds, fourtiene shillings for the Rough Parke wch was paid
by Hill, Saunderson and Neiler. In the year 1644, they three
undertooke to pay ten pounds for that grounde. But the Prince
his armie plundered the cattell and nothinge was made of it,
wherefore an agree1 was made with them and more could not be
gott then."

In June 1646 the Steward writes in the same account book :

" The town of Hoole hath beene much impoverished, and untill
Lathom House was delivered I coulde not wth safetie send thether,
so that the poornes of the people, neglect of callinge uppon them for
their rents, together wth these tymes of libertie and distraccon rend-

THE HOUSE OF LYME

dered them of that place incredibly forgetfull, and manie would denye
to pay anie rent. And since Lathom was delivered to the use of the
Parliam1 1 have sent thether three tymes, appoynted Henry Hunt the
elder to gather the rents or demand at least. Observe [he writes on
March 9th, 1647] that Dickonson's Jl is in arrear, and also observe
that Henry Hunt senior payes no hennes nor Capons."

Receipts follow to the amount of £37 los. yd.

The total receipts that came to Mistress Lettice's hands from
the death of Francis to October 1645 amounted to the sum of
£1385 is. 3|d. This statement is duly attested and signed by
Ralphe Richardson and three witnesses.

A large quantity of timber seems to have been sold every
year. This part of the country consisted principally of vast
tracts of forest, providing plenty of timber, and wood being
used for the construction of ships made this, of course, valuable ;
in 1646 over £500 worth was sold. The average price per tree
was from 253. to 305.

1646-7 In 1646-7 appears a receipt of £452 45. for plate sold to a Mr.

Vynor * in London — probably Sir Thomas Viner, the noted
goldsmith — the following pieces, which were " taken into the
hands of Mistress Lettice," being reserved :

Two Candlesticks — 25 ounces one J ounce .£. s. d.

at 4/1 id} the ounce . 6. 6. 6.
One dooble sake 21 ounces one quarter

at ye same rate . . 5. 5. 4.

One Tunne & a little cupp 12 : ounces . 8. 19. 6.

One dosen of Spoones 35 ounces 3 quarter . 8. 16. 6.

One Boule 18 onz : & a halfe . . 4. n. 9.

Totall for'plate 33. 19. 7.

Most of the land round the house appears to have been
cultivated and sown with oats and corn.

Soon after the death of Francis Legh the Lyme estate, which
until then had furnished ten men and one horse for the war, was
surcharged to find an extra man and horse, and Mistress Lettice
might well have felt intimidated into complying with this demand,

* Sir Thomas Viner, Baronet (1588-1665), Lord Mayor of London ; goldsmith.

188

FRANCIS AND LET TICK LEGH

however unreasonable, without venturing upon a remonstrance.
Such, however, was not the case. She set to work immediately
to frame a petition showing that the estate had been already
surcharged in another place, although contrary to the advice
of her friends and relations, who counselled her to submit
without a struggle.

On July 29, 1647, she had drawn up and forwarded her
petition :

" To the Lieutenants Councell of Warre for the Countie of Chester and
to such to whom the same shall appertaine :

* The umble petition of Letice Legh widdowe,
mother of Richard Legh Esqr, an infant of the
age of twelve years or thereabout,' "

setting forth plainly that her father-in-law, Sir Peter, had been
charged for his Lancashire lands — where the bulk of his property
lay — and that having removed his dwelling from Lancashire to
Cheshire, he should be charged for the men in Cheshire and be
spared from the other charge, and that as the public service is
not neglected but is still " supplied and done, seeing the charge
that Mr Legh the Infant is at in Lancashire in mayntayning of
Souldiers in this service for his Lands, that they sett downe such
order for the peticonrs & the Infants releefe as they shall con-
sider just and reasonable." The importunate widow's claims
were heard and her petition was successful.

All the worry and anxiety she had undergone must have
told seriously upon her health and strength, for on October 14,
1648 — her 38th birthday — she died at Lyme and was buried on
the 2 ist in the Legh Chapel in Macclesfield parish church. We
have no details of her last illness. By the account book, we
learn from one William Bankes that he made his last account
to his mistress on the I5th of December 1647, and she was
evidently in failing health early the following year, as her will,
in which she speaks of the " vncertaintye of this life," is dated
March I3th, 1647-8. The executors she appoints are her
steward, George Bowden, Mr. John Dunbabin, and her three
daughters, which seems curious, as the eldest of them, Lettice,

189

THE HOUSE OF LYME

was only thirteen at the time of her mother's death. The Rev.
Charles Herle, Rector of Winwick, Lancashire, chief trustee of
Francis Legh's will, seems also to have had a share in the
wardship of the children.

Richard, eldest surviving son of Dr. Thomas Legh and his
wife Lettice, was born on May yth, 1634. His e^er brother
Peter, born in 1632, died in infancy, and Richard then
became heir to the Lyme estates. This is the first instance for
over 300 years of the heir to the family bearing any other
Christian name than Piers or Peter, and there were nine of these
in succession. Richard was probably christened after his
father's life-long friend, Richard Parr, Bishop of Sodor and Man.
Lettice, eldest surviving daughter, comes next, born July 7,
1635 ; Thomas, second surviving son, born October 6, 1636; Mar-
garet, called after her grandmother and great-great-grandmother,
born September 17, 1637 ; and poor little Francisca Posthuma,
goddaughter of Francis, born December 1639 or January 1640,
some seven or eight months after her father's death.

A codicil to her will is added on the day of her death in which
Lettice Legh desires that " my Cosen Susan Domvile and'Mistress
Creswell doe stay with my Children and not leave them till they
bee of age to have discretion to know how to behave themselves,
for I know they will have a care of them for both body and
soule."

What pathos is in these words ! What anguish of mind
must have been hers at the thought of her five children, the
eldest, Richard, barely fourteen, the youngest girl but eight
years old, left to the mercy of the world, and deprived, at an age
when they most required both, of the loving care and guidance
of their natural protectors. The state of the country where
civil war was raging, the dangers they would be exposed to from
both war and pestilence, and the dread of never knowing what
each day might bring forth, must have filled her last hours with
anguish and misgiving. Just three months before the execution
of Charles I, Mistress Lettice Legh closed her eyes upon this
world, and " the kind grave shut up the mournful scene." *

* Dryden, "The Spanish Friar," Act V.
190

CHAPTER XIII

DURING THE COMMONWEALTH

AFTER the death of Mistress Lettice Legh in October 1648, the 1648
five children seem to have continued to live at Lyme under the
care of Mistress Susan Domvile and Mistress Creswell and with the
guardianship of Mr. Charles Herle,* Rector of Winwick, and
George Bowdon, the family steward. The former was a great
Royalist and always stoutly refused to pray for the Parliament.
There is little to tell how the children fared. They must have
been a sad little family, for even Francisca Posthuma was old
enough to realize what had happened, and no amount of well-
meant care and attention from their nurses and guardians could
make up to the orphans for the mother they had lost.

The Disley parish registers show no entries whatever from
November 10, 1633, to May 27> I^43> nor *s there evidence of any
religious ceremony having taken place in Disley during those
ten years. There are very few letters between the years 1642
and 1659, and m those few there is no mention of the King's
fate.

The two boys, Richard and Thomas, had received their
early education at the school at Winwick, Lancashire, where
they would also have been under the watchful eye of the Rector,
Mr. Herle, but after the removal of Mistress Lettice Legh and
her family to Lyme, and during the worst part of the Civil
War, there was probably small opportunity of much instruction
other than that which could be obtained at home. It was
perhaps in some ways a fortunate thing that his tender years
prevented the possibility of Richard Legh becoming involved
in any of the troubles. His youth no doubt saved him from the

* Charles Herle, Puritan divine (1598-1659), was presented by the Stanley family
to the rectory of Winwick, Lancashire.

THE HOUSE OF LYME

fines and sequestrations that were imposed upon his neighbours,
and the friendship of the Legh family with President Bradshawe
was also a great protection.

1649 In October 1649 we hear of Richard at St. John's College,
Cambridge, where he was admitted in June of that year at the
early age of fifteen. The following is from the book of admissions
translated from the original Latin : " Admissions July 1648-
July 1649, (36) Richard Legh of Cheshire, son of Thomas Legh
Esqr, School Winwig [Winwick], Lancashire, admitted fellow
commoner under Mr Creswick 18 June (1649), aet. 15."

But for the Civil War he would probably have been sent to
Brasenose, Oxford, where his father and several of his pre-
decessors were educated, but Oxford was the centre of hostilities,
the Royalist headquarters, and was, in 1646, in a state of siege.
All serious study was impossible, everything had to give way to
war. The College was a barrack, every inch of room was required
for the garrison, and all the members who remained in it were,
if under the age of sixty, compelled to fight.* Added to the
horrors of war came a most terrible outbreak of the plague,
combined this time with a virulent form of small-pox.

The effect of the war on the admissions of undergraduates was
very great, as we see by the following entries to Brasenose. In 1 641
there were nineteen admissions, in 1642 seventeen, in 1643 five,
in 1644 one, and in 1645 not a single name appears. It will
therefore be inferred that Mistress Lettice Legh settled some
time before her death that Cambridge should be selected as
her eldest son's college instead of Oxford. Writing to him on
October 30, 1649, the Rev. Charles Herle says :

" Having heard by your servant Mr Boden that you like well of your
College and Company and imploy* in your studyes I have occasion
to signify my gladnes as well as thankfulnes ; as alsoe to encourage
you to goe on cheerfully in what I heare you have made soe happy an
entrance."

He gives him at the same time some wholesome advice :

" There is nothing more dangerous and dishonourable in a gentle-
man then to carry his braynes in another mans head."

* " Brasenose College " (Mr. Wakeling).
I92

DURING THE COMMONWEALTH

George Bowdon writes to the boy much in the same strain :

" I would not have ye Lord B.* nor some other to say that you
skarted t nor thinke that you hate the benefitt of educacon and
improvement, that being the only Schoole."

Young as he was, only fifteen, Richard had already taken
upon himself the cares and responsibilities of his position, and
was proving himself to be of a businesslike turn of mind and
a help to his relations. His aunt, Lady Calveley,t wife of Sir
Hugh Calveley of Lea, brother of Mistress Lettice Legh, had
not long been left a widow, and was soliciting the help of the
boy Richard in settling her affairs :

" I have been continuously plyed with letters from my Aunt Calveley
[he writes in February 1649-50 to Robert Cholmondeley, Earl of
Leinster,§ his great-uncle], all tending to draw upp my Cosen Cotton
and mee to London to engage us to assist her with our unkles debts,"

returning his great-uncle at the same time

" humble and hertie thankes for your loving entertainment when I was
with you at Cholmondeley and for your large favours shown to mee
there ... I have now dispatched my occations and am returning to
my studies."

In 1650-51 there was an outbreak of small-pox in his
college, and his tutor, Mr. J. Creswick, writing to his pupil on
March 4, mentions the fact of losing a child :

" Since you went from Camb : it hath pleased God to take away my
little Lamb by the small pox. . . . Lumley also dyed a week before
him wch is about 7 weeks ago, since which tyme no other hath falln
sick in ye College of that disease. [He speaks of a duel :] The last
weeke here was a duell fought by Mr Balam fellow commr of Trin :
& one Nicholson of that Colledge who challenged Mr Balam & even
forced him to ye duell ag1 his mind, but Nicholson was dangerously
wounded, yet it is now hoped he will recover."

Even at such an early age Richard seems to have taken
keenly to racing and horse-breeding :

* Probably Lord Bradshawe, the regicide judge. f Shirked.

| A daughter of Sir Gilbert Hoghton of Hoghton.

§ Created Earl in 1645 ; married Catherine, daughter of Lord Stanhope of
Harrington.

N 193

THE HOUSE OF LYME

" Yesterday I got up yr-Coults, put them and the little bay mare into
the meadowe [writes George Bowdon to him in an undated letter of
about this date], John Morret hath put yor young geldinge to his
stroake, so Mr Thos. his, wch is complained on for dulnes, & was forced
to leave them sooner then he would. Dicke Corke hath brought
home yr huntinge horse, one of the mares havinge but latly foaled,
Sorell brings littel coults, the proofe of them must bee expected after
weaninge. The other Norton a larger, but the issue of yr ould horse
aU over."

Mr. Herle also writes reporting news of the stud ; he finds
the mares " extreame fatt, but the Colts as leane." He was
evidently a sporting parson :

" Yr Colts are I heare very well att Bradley, soe are not myne, but
all extreamely troubled wth the Strangle, yet the Kirke stands in the
Kirkyard still, and I remayne tho' exceedingly ill at this tyme, Sr
" Yr most humble and obliged servant

" C. HERLE."

Richard remained at Cambridge until after 1652, when he
would have been about eighteen years of age. A farewell
letter from his tutor, Mr. Creswick, wishes him all prosperity.
From its contents we gather that alterations had already begun
at Lyme, and there seems to have been an idea of introducing
some of the black-and-white timber-work, so much a feature of
Cheshire houses.

" I wish Lyme all white, omnia Albae, all prosperous, successful and
happy there, and that your self may know (I do not mean in the phrase
but in reality) what Alba Gallinae films is, The Jewes use to write
upon new built houses (having first markt the Wall wth a Black Stick)
words that signify Nigrum Super Album and under it they write
Recordare Vastationis. I would not have black and white mixt with
you or in you, but desyre that for ever it may be a Paradox to say
that Lyme is Black or any Nigrum at all in it, and I shall put it in my
prayers that it may never know what Vastation means."

After leaving Cambridge Richard probably entered one of
the Inn's of Court, as there is mention of his intended " studie
of ye Lawe." His health was by no means robust, his chest
was delicate, and he was frequently laid up with severe colds
and cough during the time he spent in London, where we hear
194

DURING THE COMMONWEALTH

of him at " The Three Tunnes " in King Street, Westminster,
and in lodgings in Gray's Inn.

Things had evidently got into a very bad state at Lyme
during the long absence of Francis Legh, when the house had
been practically unoccupied for some six years. Buildings
were falling into ruin, and the enormous extent of park wall
had to be repaired and indeed partly rebuilt to prevent the
deer escaping.* This was costly work ; the sum of £500 and more
seems to have been expended, although, this being a stone
district, the materials were close at hand. There are at this
day no fewer than four quarries in the park, and all these
seem to have been worked at different periods.

" The wallers are cloase at worke [writes George Bowdon on April 23,
1651], and the getters are getting at the fflood gate and have found
a Stone in the browe f [hill], so that a little more then ordinary Cast-
inge it, will cast it to the Walle. ... I am sorie to see these herculean
labours to be soe costly to you [adds the careful steward], and the land
noe joat better wthin, it hath cost 5OO1 and more money that might
have beene bestowed of good stuffe, yeeldinge yearely rent. But
deere are deare and will bee to you. I drive on yor costly designes,
and doe it with eagernes and faithfulnes. [He adds a delightful
sentiment :] A man's estate is much his honor, for take that away,
and what's a gent more then one man ! "

There were other expenses, the trained soldiers had still
to be maintained, George Bowdon complaining that " these
soldiers are more and more numerous, onely faire mannered but
costly."

Another death occurred at Lyme in February 1651-2,

* Walls are greatly used in this part of the world in the place of hedges.
All the enclosures in the park at Lyme are rubble, built of a regular-shaped
stone, without mortar or cement of any kind. These have two faces, filled up
between with small stones, and are bound together with " throughs " or " binders,"
which are stones that run through the thickness of the wall binding it together.
There is a considerable amount of skill in the construction, the stones require to be
built in flat and close together with hardly any space between the interstices, and the
art consists in keeping the structure perpendicular and not letting it bulge.

The stone in this part of the county, which is a hard grey sandstone and very
much broken, is far older than that found in the plain of Cheshire, the water having
receded from this high ground at a much earlier period. That found in the plain is a
softer kind of sandstone of a redder hue, due probably to the action of the sea, and is
called the " new formation."

•f This word is still used for " hill " amongst the Cheshire country people.

'95

THE HOUSE OF LYME

namely, that of Lattice, eldest sister of Richard, at the early age
of seventeen. There is no mention of the occurrence beyond the
record of her burial in the registers at Macclesfield church, where
it took place on February 21, 1651-2.

1655 The year 1655 saw two important events in the Legh family,
the coming of age of Richard and the marriage of his second
sister Margaret with Mr. (afterwards Sir John) Arderne of Harden,
near Stockport. According to the Disley parish registers, this
took place on February 7, 1654-5, but no other mention of the
ceremony occurs in any of the letters. By 1656 little Francisca
Posthuma was also married, although aged only sixteen, to Sir
Richard Brooke of Norton, Cheshire, but again we have no
details, nor does any entry of the marriage appear in the Disley
parish registers.

1656 This same year, 1656, Richard Legh was elected M.P. for
the county of Cheshire, having as his colleague Sir George Booth,
notorious, in 1659, ^or heading the Cheshire rising in support
of Charles II. It was in the Parliament of 1656 that it was
proposed to make Cromwell king, but Richard was spared
having to vote in favour of what would have been repugnant
to his Royalist sentiments, for [says Mr. Beamont, the anti-
quary] he is reported, on the names of the members being
called, as going into the country " dangerously sicke." I have,
however, not found any mention of this in the " Journals of the
House of Commons " for that date.

People were now beginning to send their letters by post.
The first inland post office was established by Charles I in 1635,
but for some years none but messengers of the Postmaster.
General were — with few exceptions — allowed to use it. There
were changes made during the Commonwealth, but the post
office cannot have been of much general utility, the rate of
postage, for one thing, being so high. It cost 2d. to send a
single letter a distance not exceeding 80 miles ; for 140 miles
4d. was paid ; and for any greater distance in England, 6d.
Letters to Scotland cost 8d.

Mr. Herle writes, in 1657, complaining of the condition
in which Richard Legh's letters reach him, the outer leaf being

196

DURING THE COMMONWEALTH

" plundered and unsealed." He finds on inquiry, however, 1657
that this damage has not been done by the post office, as he
conjectured, but by his daughter, " who did itt because shee
knewe that the Post had formerly requyred the Superscriptions
to bee sent backe agayne for discharging the officer that (as
hee said) requyred itt."

No postmarks appear on the Legh letters before the year
1670.

Signs were not wanting in the country of a desire for change
in the government. People were getting anxious to free them-
selves from the tyranny of Cromwell's rule, and Richard was
not behindhand in volunteering his services towards helping
to restore the monarchy. " I make no question but that the
Royall partie goes clearly on, without any great Rubs or stops,"
writes Richard Standish, a cousin, on April 17, 1657, " and
that Bishop Hiland and his associates are not Able to prevaile
against them." On the same day Edward Hyde of Norbury, a
friend and neighbour, mentions the fact that " yor Neighbours
(must unwilling) * willingly waite the good hower." George
Bowdon, who also shared his master's sentiments, expresses
his opinion that " manie a Sr will pray for ye Park zealously
when Maudlin."

The change was not to be effected, however, without a con-
siderable outlay of money. All loyal supporters of the royal cause
were expected, and indeed were ready and willing, to show their
sympathy in a practical manner, and were subscribing largely.
The sum of £600,000 is named as being required to carry out
the enterprise, and Richard Standish considers this amount to be
excessive :

" I am verry sorry that our party is soe wordly minded as for to be
Hyred to let you have your ends [he says on May 8 of this same year],
for I doe heare that you have noe waies to bring your Royale designe
About but by Money, for this six hundred Thousand pound may doe
(perhaps) as Much towards the makeinge up of A.K : As foure hundred
Thousand pound did with the Scots f in delivering of A.K : I shall
say noe more but that I love not this honor which is bought so deare.

* Thus in the MS.

f The sum the Scots received in 1647 for betraying Charles I.

I97

THE HOUSE OF LYME

... I could wishe that you would take care to make your way soe
cleare and plane in your K : designs that there be no Knobs in the
way."

The Rev. Charles Herle writes on the I5th May of this same
year :

" Although it seems we are not like to have King in or Israel, yet I
beleeve wee must not every one doe what is good in his owne eyes.
Wee must leave that to others and bee contented to hewe wood and
drawe water."

1658 On March 25, 1658, N. Bowdon writes hoping that Richard
will come speedily into the country, where his health will be
more secure

" then in a City Fogg or a Scotch Mist, ye last of w0* I hope will be
dispersed ... I hope you will be dismist by ye xth of May or els
dismiss yorselfe, and in ye meane tyme take yr pleasure of Hyde
Parke where you may possibly find as good game as in yor owne.
[He addresses to him at] his lodgings over ag* ye Harp & Ball belowe
Chareinge Cross near Wallingford House."

On May 12 we hear of Richard " at his Chamber in Holborne
Court, Chisnalls Buildings, Grays Inn," a letter from his brother
Thomas begs for tidings of the absent M.P. and expresses
concern at hearing of his cough.

" We hard a report [he adds] yt Jack Booth,* Warburton of Arley,f
Leicester of Tabley J should bee in this last plott, but I put it in ye
post-script because i am not sure of it."

On September 3, 1658, Oliver Cromwell died, and was buried
on November 25 in Westminster Abbey with more pomp and
splendour than had been displayed at the funeral of any king.
Mr. Herle writes to Richard — back at Lyme — on September 6 :

" I give you thankes for yor fatt Venison. I would you could have
sent mee from ye Hills that fed itt as good a Stomache to eat itt. I
send you for newes a proclamation for fuller security of the great
change lately made of yor namesake instead of his ffather." [This
alludes to Richard Cromwell's nomination.]

* Sir George Booth.

f Sir George Warburton of Arley ; knighted 1660.

I Sir Peter Leycester, the great antiquary ; married Elizabeth, daughter of Gilbert
second Lord Gerard ; died 1678

198

DURING THE COMMONWEALTH

A new Parliament met in 1659, chosen by the old unreformed 1659
constituencies as they had existed in Charles Fs time, and in this
Parliament Richard Legh was again elected M.P. for the county
of Chester, having as his colleague this time the regicide Judge
Bradshawe. A great dispute arose over this election, three
candidates being proposed for the two seats, Richard Legh,
Judge Bradshawe, and a Mr. Brooke, who had sat in the Long
Parliament. Richard Legh seems to have been elected without
any opposition, but a tremendous fight ensued between the
other two candidates. The poll opened at Chester, and after
continuing there five days, Richard Legh being elected, it was
moved to Congleton for the result of the contest between the
other two men. This was, no doubt, arranged by Bradshawe
himself, as, Congleton being in his own part of the world, the
majority would most probably be in his favour there and would
enable him to win the day. Bribery was carried on quite openly.
Mr. Brooke offered to spend £1000 and promised to defray
the expenses of any who would vote for him. Bradshawe,
however, was returned with Richard Legh, who, in spite of the
long-established friendship of his family with the regicide,
favoured the return of Mr. Brooke.

A long dictated letter written on January 22, 1658-9, by Brad-
shawe " from my sicke chamber att the Colledge Westminster,"
addressed to a Mr. Jackson of Nantwich, to be forwarded to
Mr. (afterwards Sir Philip) Mainwaring, shows that the judge
much resented the objections that were raised to his candidature
and subsequent return. The letter is among the Legh papers
and was no doubt sent to Richard by Mainwaring

" My condicon at the prsent [writes Bradshawe], is not such as makes
mee verie fitt either for writeinge or dictatinge of Letters, yet some
thinges in yours seeme to mee to require an Answer.

" How the nominatinge of mee should bee anie Just occacon of
Annimosities and dissentions in the County or raisinge anie flame there
I canot understand ; This I must saie (And noe man will have the
Impudence to confront mee in it) that I was not, nor am the cause
thereof, And whereas you speake of impartinge my mind before hand
touching the Electin ; I must lett you know (whatever the usuall
practise is or hath bin to the contrarie) my course hath bin, and ever

I99

THE HOUSE OF LYME

shall bee otherwise ; for by law Elections ought to bee unpreiudced
[unprejudiced] and free."

One of the disputed points of this election was whether
Quakers should be admitted to vote, by reason of their refusal
to take any oath. Bradshawe was in favour of allowing them
to do so, it being supposed that they favoured his candidature :

" For the Quakers and their votinge I have not to medle in it ; If they
were free-holders and acted as the Law prescribes, why should anie
bee soe Arbitrarie as to exclude them : or soe simple as to bee offended
att them, this Privilidge is a highe pte of their birthright ; If the
reception of their votes were contrarie to Law, let them bee iudged
for their transgression against it, I have but one rule for them, and
for all that come before mee as Judge, And that is the equall iust and
impartiall Law of the Land, which directs and Comannds like Justice
in like cases to all sortes of psons, And therein Quakers have their
share as well as others. . . ."

A petition was framed by Thomas Brooke against this
return. It was shown that great irregularities had been com-
mitted by Bradshawe's party.

" The hall (at Congleton) is not a fourth parte of the capacity of the
great hall at Chester for the takeing of the pole, there being a narrow
passage upstaires to the towne-hall, where Colonel Croxton's * soul-
diers, horse and foote and other hallbeardeirs, to the terrour of the
people, obstructed the passage of those that would have voted for
P. Brooke Esqr, and forced many, that did passe, upon inquiry who
they were for, to pay money ; That the Sheriff tooke many votes of
those that were not resiants [residents] of the sd County Contrary to a
Statute in that Case provided. That when there was not any free-
houlder that would appeare for the sd John Bradshawe att Chester :
Judgem1 was demanded of & denyed by the Sheriffe, & the Court
was adjourned to Congleton twenty miles & upwards distant fro'
Chester, when they saw the Countrey Comeing in for Mr Brooke. . . .
That Quakers were admitted to vote ffor the sd John Bradshawe
wthout oath made as is conceiued of theire sufficiencies to vote : all
wch being contrary to Law as wee humbly Conceiue, wee humbly
pray that proofes being made of what wee haue prsented the sd
John Bradshawe may not bee admitted to sitt in parliament."

* A Parliamentarian colonel (1603 ?-i663) who defended Chester Castle against
Sir George Booth's troops; arrested for conspiracy, 1663, probably released.

200

DURING THE COMMONWEALTH

The Committee of Privileges unanimously declared Judge
Bradshawe's election void. The Sheriff, one John Legh, there-
upon with some of the " Justices, gents and freeholders,"
framed a counter-petition to the House of Commons setting
forth that the Sheriff had received

" both publique and private provocation affronts and Injuries from
Thomas Mainwaring and Peter Brooke, two of the Justices of the
Peace of the said County of Cheshire, that they forgot themselves by
theire passionate, spleenfull & inconsidrate expressions & Accons
[actions] at the said Eleccon."

Among the complaints against Mr. Mainwaring it was
alleged that the night before the election the petitioner

" offering his endeavour to prvent all subsequent differances w**
might happen the daie following, Mr. Mainwaring tolde him hee was no
Sheriffe, and to the petitioner answering that hee would prvent the
Writt for eleccon, replyed that itt might cause knocks & blood &
by those that coulde not bee discoured in a rude multitude, whereupon
a Justice of Peace then prsent said to Mr Mainwaring, * these are
Strange words to proceed from you yt haue taken an Oath to preserve
the Peace of the County.' Also that when the voters came to poll they
were asked ' what do you Poll for ? The matter is cleare for Mr.
Brooke and Mr Legh, onely halfe a dozen or a dozen of inconsidrable
fellowes that vote for Bradshawe ! '

Further that at another polling station, the people shouting
" a Bradshawe ! a Bradshawe ! " Mr. Brooke retorted with
"a Divell! a Divell ! " That Mr. Brooke and Mr. Main-
waring and

" divers others of their Complices did at the Election time not onely
crowde but thrust, molest and hinder the Petitioner in the execution
of his office, and stood between him and the Court so that hee could
not many times see such as voted nor they see him, that the County
Cort beeing upon adjournm1 to Congleton (a Towne of good note in
the same County) for conveniency sake and for pfecting [perfecting]
of the Ellecon, Mr Brooke wthout any occasion given, in a menacing
way stretched forth his hand towards the Sherriffe and openly said to
him, * if you adjourne to any other place I will follow you to the stilts,'
telling him at the same time that he was 'a partiall fellow and no gent.'"

201

THE HOUSE OF LYME

He also sent him a message to tell him that he was a
fool, John Arderne (Richard's brother-in-law) adding that he
was both a fool and a knave. This Arderne denied in a sub-
sequent letter to Richard, asserting in the forcible language of
the period that

" ye Rotteness of my Accusers Conscience (as well as his Carcase)
would not suffer him to dye until he had added yt mischief unto ye

It was further alleged against Mr. Brooke that in the hall
at Congleton he did

" without any cause given, very much abuse John Bradshawe, His
Highnes' Attorney General for the sd County, provoking him in these
words, * thou art one of the proudest impudent fellowes that ever I
saw,' and stoopeing w^ his face neare to the said Mr Bradshawe in a
Challengeing way uttered and declared that hee durst Answear him,
the said Mr Bradshawe, in any part of England. The said Mr Atturney
haueing deserved no ill Language from him and indeed beeing then
soe weake and sickly as yt not many daies after hee died."

At the Committee of Parliament for Privileges and Elections
it was decided to put off the matter of the election until April 12.
Notice of order being given to the parties concerned, we find in
the " Journals of the House of Commons " for that day the
following notice :

" Resolved that Mr Leigh — one of the Members of this House — shall
have Leave to go into the Country for Ten Days ; Notwithstanding
the Order for the Call of the House."

The House reversed the decision of the Committee, and
Bradshawe's election was held to be good. He was far too
important a person to offend, and party feeling no doubt
triumphed over justice.

On April 22 the soldiers forced Richard Cromwell to dis-
solve Parliament, on May 25 came his abdication and the end of
the Protectorate.

In August 1659 to°k place the famous Cheshire rising of the
202

DURING THE COMMONWEALTH

" New Royalists," under Sir George Booth,* for restoring 1659
Charles II, and in this rising Richard Legh became in-
volved. The plot, which had been hatching for some months,
actually broke out about August 5. On the I2th, Sir George
Booth issued the following order to Piers Legh of Bruch,f
first cousin of Richard, who raised a regiment of horse in
support of the movement. The order much resembles a
Royal Proclamation :

" To Peires Legh Esqr
" Coll : of a. Regiment of Horse

" Whereas the Lords, Gentlemen, Cittizens, Freeholders and Yeomen
of this nation have taken up armes in defence of themselves and the
knowen Lawes of this Land. These are therefore to Authorize you
Colonell Peirce Legh to receave and enlist all such able and willing
persons as you shall finde for a Troope of Horse, and likewise to re-
ceave under yr command five or more other Troopes wth theyr Officers,
and them so receav'd and enlisted to leade and command as Colonell
of the sayd Troopes. and from time to time to obey such Orders as
you shall receive from yr Superior Officers or ye Councell of Wane.
" Given under our hands and dated this twelfe day of August 1659.

" G. BOOTHE :

H : BROOKE.
J: BOOTH."

The insurgents carried all before them for a time, even
succeeding in taking Chester, but their success was of very short
duration, for Lambert, J advancing upon them with a large
army, entirely defeated Sir George Booth at Winnington
Bridge, near North wich, on August 19. In this battle Thomas,
the only brother of Piers Legh of Bruch, was killed fighting
beside him and was buried at Warrington on August 22. Sir
George Booth escaped in woman's dress, but was subse-

* Sir George Booth, first Lord Delamere (1622-1684), entered plot for restoring
Charles II and commanded the King's forces in Cheshire, Lancashire, and North Wales,
1659 ; defeated by Lambert at Northwich.

f Eldest son of Peter (youngest son of Sir Peter Legh), by his second wife, Anne
Birkenhead. He married, first, Margaret, daughter of Edward Hyde of Norbury,
secondly, Abigaile Chetwode.

J John Lambert (1619-1683), Parliamentarian general. Took up arms for the
Parliament at the beginning of the Civil War ; at the Restoration was tried for high
treason and imprisoned till death.

203

THE HOUSE OF LYME

quently caught and committed to the Tower on August 24,
where, according to the " Journals of the House " he was " kept
from hauing the use of Pen, Ink or Paper." He was ultimately
released on bail.

What part Richard Legh actually took it is impossible to
say, but he was evidently arrested and imprisoned in York
Castle some time the previous May, and could therefore have
had no share in the fighting. The following undated letter
refers to the event and was no doubt sent him during his
imprisonment. It is written on Whit-Sunday, which from
calculation we gather fell on June 2 in 1659 ; we can therefore
get the approximate date.

" Knowsley Whitsunday at 6

in ye evening.
"HonrdSr

" My Lord Derby * recd yors abt an hour agoe and thereupon
imediately sent for me, and my Ld being very willing to serve
you in w* you desire, has upon consideration concluded yt twill be
ye best and safest way to send your horses to ys [this] place,
where his Lordsp will ordr a stable for ym, and make use of 'em as his
owne. He ordrd me to tell you this is his Lordsp3 opinion as well as
mine, and if you approve of it, you may ordr ym to come wn you
please ; Yor Groome is to buy his owne corne. My Lord gives his
service to you, & is sorry for yor misfortunes, he would have writt
himselfe, but was lett blood to-day, and since is not very well.

" I am very much concerned for wt has happened to you for divers
and sundry reasons, but it is and like to be ye fate of a great many
honest Gent, God Almighty send us a happy and speedy end to these
troubles.

" I am, Honrd S

" Yor most faithfull humble serv*

" E. P. ASHTON."

The address, unfortunately, is missing.
By November, Richard was evidently liberated, as amongst
the Legh MS. is the following pass, signed by General Fleetwood :

* Charles, eighth Earl of Derby, son of James, seventh Earl, and Charlotte de la
Tr&nouille ; succeeded to the earldom on the execution of his father in 1651.
Married, 1650, Dorothy, daughter of John Kirkhoven, Baron of Rupa, Holland.
He supported Sir George Booth's rising, was taken prisoner and attainted by
Parliament. He died 1672.

204

DURING THE COMMONWEALTH

" Permitt the bearer Richard Legh Esqr wth his servants horses and
necessaries quiettly to passe to London w^out lett or molestacon ;
hee acting noething prejudiciall to the peace of this Comonwealth ;
Given under my hand this twentie sixt of November, 1659.

" CHARLES FLEETWOOD.*

" To all Officers, souldiers and others whom these may Concerne."

By a letter from Thomas Bowdon, a son of old George, we
gather that he had made application for this pass :

" If you continue yr resolucon to come up and that passe I sent this
day sevenight bee satisfactory to Coll : Crox : [he writes to Richard
on December 3] it were better to send yr money whatever it bee by the
Carry er ; bills of Exchange are very slowly pd and worse will bee."

There was evidently to be some feasting to celebrate the
release of the young squire : "I hope on Monday next to hear
of the receipt of your wine, cucumbers, oysters and Capons."
New clothes were also required after a six months' captivity.
Richard was a great dandy and took much pains with his
wardrobe : " I hope to heare of the receipt of ygur cloathes
[writes T. Bowdon], alsoe Mr Hunsell [probably a tailor] desires
to know how hee hath fitted you, haveing noe better Measure."

A species of anarchy was now existing. The country had
been ruled by the soldiers for the best part of a year. Parlia-
ments met and were dissolved every few weeks, and hopeless
confusion was the only order that prevailed.

Although Sir George Booth's plot had been a failure, it had
undoubtedly something to do with hastening the Restoration.
It promoted and encouraged feelings of loyalty in those zealous
for the Royal cause, and it stimulated and put backbone into
the wavering and fainthearted. The nation was sick of military
rule, and a return to a monarchy promised the dawn of a brighter
day.

In the midst of the confusion everywhere, Monk, the com-
mander of the forces in Scotland, who was already secretly
in communication with the exiled King, saw his opportunity,

* Charles Fleetwood, Parliamentarian soldier, married a daughter of Oliver
Cromwell.

205

THE HOUSE OF LYME

and crossed the border with his army, intending to join Fairfax
and to advance on London.

" Yesterday was observ'd a ffast in the Citty by order fro the Ld
Major, 'twas very unanimously perform' d, strong Guards were & still
are kept wthin the walls ; all businesses almost, except that of
Governm1 & manageing Martial affaires, are at a stand, & looke on to
see what will bee the Issue of soe great Labour as this Nacon undergoes."

" The [they] report G: M:* Came into Yorke Friday last with great
Joy & acclamations [writes another correspondent on January 18,
1659-60], & som talks of A Declaration by him & my Lord FF : f but
nix credo ; the sequestrators are more busy in or Country then in any
County of Engld. The Lord in his wisdom order things for the good
& peace of this kingdom."

On February 3 Monk entered London, and on the i6th he
declared for a free Parliament. The following letter from Sir
Robert Booth, J written on February 18, 1659-60, gives an
interesting account of what was going on in London at the time,
and shows that he himself regarded the Restoration, if not with
favour, certainly with equanimity :

" Your Brother (I suppose) gave you an ace1 of the great transactions
in the Citty ; & the Genralls Lettr concrning the filling up of the
Parl1. The day is past & the writts nott yett issued ; The Qualifica-
tions are in a great measure dispatched, whereby all that have borne
Armes ag* the Parliam* are rendred uncapable of Electing or being
Elected, w** some say Extends not onely to Sr Georges § party, butt
Lamberts || alsoe, butt others prtend good ground to beleiue that
Sr Georges party (if Elected) will not bee kept out by the Army.

"Yesterday they went through the Roll of the House, & voted
membrs to bee chosen into eu*7 particular place in the Roomes of those
secluded. . . . Itt will I conceive concerne yrselfe & the Countrey Ex-
ceedingly to bee provided ag* the coming of these writts, & to pitch upon
persons of Integrity, Judgment & Resolution for Cheshyre. I hope yr

* General Monk, afterwards first Duke of Albemarle (1608-1670).

f Lord Fairfax, Parliamentarian general (1612-1671), defeated Charles I at
Naseby, where he captured a standard with his own hand.

% Sir Robert Booth (1626-1681), Chief Justice of King's Bench in Ireland ; knighted
1668.

§ Sir George Booth.

|| See note, p. 203.

2O6

DURING THE COMMONWEALTH

selfe will not waive that service to yor Country \v^ this exigency 1659-60
requires from you, which is the advice & desire of yor most cordial
& real friends here ; yor Interest will carry it against all competi-
tors, whereas if you cast itt upon a weaker Interest it may strengthen
the factious party of the Country to the Increase of yr slavery &
oppression. It will likewise concerne you to be active & Instru-
mental for the setting up fitt persons in other places where either
yor Interest or advice may take place ; wherein it will be of much
advantage to prevent the factious party by a timely engagement of
yor friends. If the Gentlemen here shall not conclude itt advisable
ffor themselves to stand, & yr cosen Peirces * late Engagements of
either sort shall likewise divert his thoughts, Newton will, I hope,
give you an opportunity of obligeing yr ffreinds by their Election to
that Service, the Gentleman f whoe lately served with yr cosen ffor
that place being not so happy as to receive the approbation of your
ffriends here.

" Dunkirk is in some straights, Lockhart J is here wanting men and
money, the Spaniards & French being both (said to bee) drawne downe
before it. The drums beat for volunteers for that service, but the
main weight is wanting."

Another correspondent, who signs himself P.B., writes on the
following day, February 19, and speaks of there having been an
attempt to poison General Monk and his army :

" I have not much news to impart, but 'tis agreed on all hands that
either the House shall be recruited by the old-secluded or new elected
members. If it comes to a new Election & that the old members bee
not shutt out by any previous Vote, 'tis supposed in most places they
will bee pitched on & to that purpose incouragement hath been given
by some in power to many of the old members to use their interest,
if they go a new way to worke, then many of the burroughs will be
deprived of their ancient rights, & then Cheshire will have 3 knights
besides Sr William, § and Lancashire seven. I think yourself and
T. M.|| cannot in conscience deny to serve the country ; affaires here

* Piers Legh of Bruch, first cousin of Richard, M.P. for Newton with W. Brereton,
1658-9 ; fought at Winnington Bridge ; married his first wife, Margaret, daughter of
Edward Hyde of Norbury, in February of this year, 1659-60.

f William Brereton.

} Sir William Lockhart of Lee, soldier and diplomat; commanded English
forces at Dunkirk, 1659 ; made Governor after the town's surrender ; deprived of
office, 1660.

§ Sir William Brereton of Hondford, Cheshire (1604-1661); Parliamentarian
commander ; M.P, for Cheshire, 1628-1640.

|| Sir Thomas Mainwaring of Over Peover, Cheshire, first Baronet (1623-1689) ;
author of " The Defence of Amicia."

207

THE HOUSE OF LYME

are in a hopefull posture, the news comes even now that the court of
aldermen have taken oaths that prove the anabaptists' indeavour to
poison or destroy Ge : Monk & his Army, he stays in the City where
himselfe & soldiers are nobly treated. Many affronts have been
offered to divers of the members by the rude multitude & to the
Speaker on Saturday night when the Towne made some thousands of
bon-fires to congratulate the good accord betwixt the soldiers and the
Citty."

Sir Robert Booth writes another letter to Richard from
Gray's Inn on February 21 :

" This morning a great Guard attended the Parliament door, & kept
back none who owned himself a member ; the business no doubt was
privately communicated to the Secluded members, for there were very
early a competent Number of them (amongst the Rest Mr Prynne *
with a Baskett hilt sword). They have passed several votes to vacate
those of their seclusion, & all that have passed against their vote that
the King's concessions were satisfactory &c. Monke made General,
Lawson f Admiral. The imprisoned Members (Sr Geo : Major
Brooke &ct) to appear to-morrow & the Ll to give an account of the
grounds of their imprisonment. The vote against the Citty comon
Councell vacated, their gates, portcullies &c to bee Erected, with
several others of this nature, the Copy whereof you may Expect if itt
bee possible to gett them in this hurry. The Bells & Bonfires speake
the ad part of that Acclamation which was on Saturday the nth
Instant. The New Elections are voted to bee suspended & as itt putts
a stop to them so I doubt not butt itt will to ye Sequestrations there.
The newes booke is now out of doores otherwise I had sent it."

A meeting was called at Preston in March 1659-60, to discuss
the nomination of the different knights of the shire, and Richard
was invited to attend and to suspend the engaging of his interest
until the meeting should be over. His parliamentary colleague,
President Bradshawe, had not lived long to enjoy the triumph
of his election. He had died of a tertiary ague in the previous
October, 1659, an(^- nac^ been buried with much pomp in West-
minster Abbey. There had been an idea of Richard Legh's
standing again for Cheshire, but a letter from his brother

* William Prynne, Puritan pamphleteer ; forced his way into the House of
Commons, which could only get rid of him by adjournment ; readmitted by Monk, 1660.

f Admiral Lawson, in command of ships in Parliamentary service, 1642-1645 ; co-
operated with Monk in Restoration.

208

DURING THE COMMONWEALTH

Thomas, written in March 1659-60, shows that there was some
opposition to his candidature :

" Every day almost I have conference wth ye Herculean Clubb,
whose thoughts as for Cheshire are strenuously bent for Sir G. B.
[Sir George Booth] now they are put to their wits end who to
nominate for ye other, every one of them thinking themselves
notorious. Sometimes I have heard them mention G. Warburton
before his face, who is so farr from declining ye imployment that
he really & seriously expresses his desire for it. Sometimes you are
mentioned but I know not heartily wished for."

Although he considers that his brother's candidature would
not be popular in Cheshire, he seems to think he would be wel-
come as a burgess for Newton, Lancashire : " Pme very con-
fident that if you please to express your willingnes for it, there
is not any one yt will stand in competition with you."

Mr. Brereton,* afterwards third Lord Brereton of Leighlin,
one of the former members for Newton, was anxious to stand
again, but apparently was not wanted, and Piers Legh of Bruch,
who had been his colleague, was occupied with his wedding
and other matters. Ultimately Richard Legh was returned
member for Newton in the Convention Parliament, his colleague
being a Mr. William Banks ; Sir George Booth and Sir Thomas
Mainwaring becoming members for Cheshire.

On April 4, 1660, Charles II signed the Declaration of
Breda, offering a general pardon and promising to restore all
confiscated estates. This was received by the House on May i,
and on the yth Sir George Booth was elected, with eleven other
members, to carry the reply of Parliament to the King. Puri-
tanism was as dead as Oliver Cromwell, and the Restoration
was now an accomplished fact.

* Brereton of Brereton, Cheshire, a Royalist family, distinct from the Breretons
of Hondford to whom Sir William Brereton, the Parliamentarian general, belonged.

209

CHAPTER XIV

LYME AT THE RESTORATION

1660 TUMULTUOUS joy was expressed all over the country at the good
news. The messenger who brought the King's letter was voted
the sum of £500 by the House of Commons, " to buy a jewel
as a badge of that honour which is due to a Person whom the
King hath honoured to be a Messenger of so gracious a Message."
He was voted the thanks of the House, being assured by the
Speaker that " our hearts are open to receive Our King — the
Glory of England."

Nowhere was there more genuine rejoicing displayed than
in loyal Cheshire. We read that the church bells were rung for
twenty-four hours without ceasing, thanksgiving services were
held, bonfires blazed, the King's health was drunk with acclama-
tion. " Cheshire hearts were never more rejoiced."

John Arderne writes to his brother-in-law, Richard Legh,
on May 10, 1660 :

" I received yours this day, for ye good news I returne you my great
and hearty thankes ; from another hand I received the Proclamation
of Charles 2d, w^ w^ all possible Ceremony of Guns Drums, Bells
& te Deums in the Church was performed by Ned Hyde, Mr FFitton-
Zneye [Sneyd ?] and my selfe, accompanied w01 ye Mayor & Aldermen
of Stockport, by whom afterward we were in their Court house civilly
treated . . . wee imagine Sir Geo : [Sir George Booth] maye bee gone
upon his honble Embassy, w*3* whom I heartily wish myself."

" The pleasing sound of the pleasing Compliance betwixt his
Gracious Majesty & Great Councell doth not onely fill our ears but
hearts with joy," writes Edward Hyde of Norbury, a connexion of
Richard's, on May 12; and Peter Venables,* Baron of Kinderton,
assures Richard that " Your votes and Proclamation for the King to be

* Great-uncle of Richard ; married Frances, youngest daughter of Sir R. Chol-
mondeley, afterwards Earl of Leinster.

210

LYME AT THE RESTORATION

proclaimed was so joyfully taken in Middlewich that the bells rung from
Thursday betwixt eight and nyne a Clocke at night until yester night
at same time ; many of the Townes hereabout had bonfires, the Bells
in severall Churches rung. I caused the Steward to read the Pro-
clamation after he had summoned the towne together. All the
inhabitants appeared (excepting Captain Croxton * who never showed
his face that day). I desire to know when you thinke his Majesty
will be in England and when crowned, and whether Mr Shakerley or
any of our Cheshire men bee gone over to wait upon him ? "

On May 25, 1660, Charles II landed at Dover, and on May 29,
his thirtieth birthday, he entered London amid the cheers of a
populace frantic with enthusiasm. Richard was one of the
Cheshire gentlemen who signed the address to the King con-
gratulating him on his restoration.

The command of the militia was now to be placed by Parlia-
ment unreservedly in the King's hands, who was from hence-
forth to have the supreme government and disposal of that
force. The " train bands " which had been substituted for the
militia by James I, had sided with the Parliament during the
Civil War, and there seems to have been a good deal of grumbling
and dissatisfaction at the new arrangements. Peter Venables
writes to Richard on June 2, 1660 :

" It rejoyceth me much to heare that his Majesty is safe come to
Whitehall and that he was so gallantlie attended ; sure by this the
tyme of his coronation is knowne and the place where it shallbe, I
suppose he will not come into the house untill after that solempnity
be past. . . . The captaine of the militia of the trayned band of
Northwich hundred called the freehold & trayned band to Rudheath
yesterday, being Friday, but he was not there himselfe but his lieu~
tenant, who after he had spent the day in exercising them gave them
notice to come thither again upon Monday by four of the clocke in the
morning, and told them they should stay untill Friday night to learne
their postures. Soe early an hour was never heard of for people to
meete that live nine miles distant from the place, nor soe long a tyme
taken to keepe the countrie together without it were in tyme of war
or upon the approach of an enemie ; these courses will be very charge-
able to the country and cause much grumbling ; the commissioners
might doe verie well to set downe some moderate order that the

* See note, p. 200.

211

THE HOUSE OF LYME

captaines and officers might walke by, for none will get good by this
but inkeepers and alehouse-keepers who live near to the places of their
rendez-vous. Country men that are kept soe long from their families
& their employments at home will have little mind to learn postures
of war."

!66o In the Disley parish register for October 14, 1660, appears
the following notice :

" Oct : 14, 1660.

" The daie and year aboue written an agreement was made in the
Chappell of Disley before my Master & patron Richard Legh of Lyme
Esqr & others by the inhabitants of Disley, concerninge a trayned
soldier to serue the King's Majestic, his heires and successors fro
tyme to tyme as followeth."

Five signatures follow, the witness being Samuel Bardsley,
minister.

Thomas Legh, brother of Richard, writes on November 21 :

" I have not yet received an answer to my last w011 intimated your
military charge, wee have att present gott Knapsacks, Bandeleres, &
Swords for six men w** shall bee ready when ye word of command
comes, for provision for more men we shall stay till wee have orders
from your self w011 I desire may bee as speedy as possible because
they will be forward to call for them."

The troops were to be raised " after the old way " by freehold
and train-bands. From a proclamation addressed by Charles II
to the Lord-Lieutenants and Deputy-Lieutenants we learn that
there were to be eighty foot-soldiers in a company, and fifty
horse in a troop. The officers and soldiers were to do fourteen
days duty, their pay to be as follows : A captain of horse was
to receive los. per diem, a lieutenant of horse 6s., a cornet of
horse 53., and a quartermaster of horse 43. A captain of foot
was to be paid 8s. per diem, a lieutenant 45., an ensign 35., a
sergeant 2s. 6d., and a corporal 2s.

One of the first acts of the new Parliament was the attainting
of High Treason of John Bradshawe, Oliver Cromwell, Henry
Ireton * and Thomas Pride,f " for the Murther of the late

* Henry Ireton (1611-1651), regicide ; married, 1646, Bridget, Cromwell's daughter.
Went to Ireland with Cromwell in 1649 ; died of fever before Limerick.

f Thomas Pride, soldier, entered Parliamentary army as captain; fought at
Worcester. He was the instigator of the famous " Pride's Purge " in 1648. He
died in 1658.

212

LYME AT THE RESTORATION

King." Their bodies, or as an eye-witness, Mr. Edward Sainthill,
a Spanish merchant,* expresses it, " their odious carcases " were
exhumed and taken to Tyburn, where they were buried beneath
the gallows.

The Act of Indemnity — to which there were, however, to be
many exceptions — had encouraged hope in those whose con-
sciences were afraid. James Duckenfield, a brother of the 1660
Colonel Duckenfield who fought for the Parliament, writes to
his cousin Richard, back at Lyme, on July 28, 1660 :

" Besides this speech of his Majesty there was another made by
himselfe this day — alsoe in the House of Lords most of w**1 was the
further pressing of a speedy dispatch of the Act of Indemnity ; the
Lord Chancellor att the same time seconded him w** another speech
differing very little in matter. This hath not a little cheered many
drooping spirits such as my brother Duckenfield, Col Bradshaw f &c
whose hearing was to have beene yesterday, but was by new order
deferred till Monday next. Croxton and my brother keep out of
sight yet, though orders are out for takeing them to the blacke rodd.
This day His Majesty signed two bills, one for Tunnage & Poundage
the other for restoring of lands to the Earle of Ormond j & such of his
party as Engaged w*11 him against the rebells in Ireland. Many
wonder the Commons passed the bill of Tonnage & Poundage & sending
to his Majesty to come & sign it before the act of indempnity was
passed, but its evident both the King & parliament strive to outdoe
one another whether can impose stronger obligations upon the con-
trary party."

" There will be a speedy Trial of ye Traitors in ye Tower now ye
Judges are returning and come forth of their Circuits [writes Nicholas
Bowdon in August], Lambert, § Axtell || & Vane ^ are condemned
without mercy, I shall not begg their pardons. [He writes again on '
September 29, 1660 :] Coll Worden** was seized upon this morne at his
lodgings in St James by 3 of his Majesty's Messengers, ye King last

* Quoted in Butler's " Hudibras."

f Brother of the judge.

J James Butler, afterwards the great Duke of Ormonde.

§ See note, p. 203.

|| Daniel Axtell, Parliamentarian ; executed 1660.

If Sir Henry Vane (1613-1662), statesman; member of Parliamentary Council ;
distrusted by both parties; executed 1662.

** Robert Werdon or Wordon, soldier; colonel of Horse to Charles I's army ;
barely escaped with life for joining Sir George Booth's rising in 1659; accused of
treason by Royalists, 1660; recovered his estates ; died in 1690.

213

THE HOUSE OF LYME

night brought in ye charge against him before ye Privy Councell ;
after hee was apprehended hee desired Pen & Paper & in ye interval
inquired whether ye Chancellor was present at ye Councell, but
hearinge hee was there hee laid all aside and submitted & I hope may
suffer if he deserve it."

A petition to the King in favour of Piers Legh of Bruch, who
had rendered such good service to the royal cause by the raising
of a troop of horse in support of what one of Richard's corre-
spondents describes as " Sir George Booth's frolic," was signed
by Lord Derby, Lord Kilmorey, Sir George Booth, and others.
It states that :

" Coll : Piers Legh, your Petitioner did appeare the first day in Sr
George Booths late Actings with a party of Horse and ffoote in Lanca-
shire, beeing the first in that County, and did after compleate a
considerable party both of Horse and ffoote well Armed for yor Matys
Service. In all which his Deportment was such as became a Loyal
Subject, to the great Hazard of his life, his only Brother beeinge
slayne neere unto him. This to doe him right wee take the boldnes
to certify, humbly recomending the Petitioner to yor Matys gratious
consideracon."

1660 Piers Legh was apparently made Prothonotary and Gustos
Bretiam and Clerk of the Assizes within the counties of Chester
and Flint, but we do not learn of his receiving any further
reward.

Honours were, however, bestowed by the King on others of
his loyal Cheshire followers. Sir George Booth was created
Lord Delamere, John Arderne and Peter Brooke were both
knighted, and it was thought that Richard Legh would be made
a Knight of the Bath, the intended order of the Royal Oak. " At
his Majesty's coronation, which we expect to be about ye 6th
of February," writes Nicholas Bowdon on October 25, 1660,
" there are some Knte of ye Bath intended to be made, and my
Lord (Derby) hath mentioned some desire of having you to be
of ye order."

But Richard was of far too modest a nature to be found
amongst those clamouring for honours and rewards. His worth
was also fully recognized by both Charles II and the Duke of
214

LYME AT THE RESTORATION

York. His thoughts were at this time occupied with other
matters than with those of aggrandizement and promotion, for
he was paying his court to the fair daughter of Mr. (afterwards
Sir Thomas) Chicheley, appointed, in 1664, Master of the
Ordnance.

Mr. Chicheley, who is described by Pepys in his Diary as
" a great high flyer," was a personage in his way. Born in
1618, he married, first, sometime about 1640, Sarah, youngest
daughter of Sir William Russell of Chippenham, by whom he had
three sons and two daughters, the eldest Elizabeth, becoming, in
1661, Mrs. Richard Legh. Mr. Chicheley was M.P. for Cam-
bridgeshire during the Long Parliament, but was in 1642
disabled to sit, and for his zealously royalist principles was
severely punished as a malignant during the Commonwealth, and
had to compound heavily for his estates. At the Restoration
he was again elected M.P. for Cambridgeshire. His first wife
must have died about 1653, and he then married, before 1656,
Anne, daughter of Lord Keeper Coventry, and widow of
Sir William Savile of Thornhill, by whom she had had with other
children George Savile, afterwards Marquis of Halifax.

Lady Savile, who appears to have retained the name of her
first husband after her second marriage, was a lady of great
strength of character, a devoted adherent of Charles I, and was,
in her way, quite as remarkable as Charlotte de la Tremouille,
Countess of Derby. Her first husband, Sir William Savile, was
governor of Sheffield Castle, and died in 1644, during the time
that it was besieged by the Parliamentarians. Although in
expectation of the birth of a posthumous child, Lady Savile
declared that she would die rather than surrender the castle
into the hands of the enemy, only finally consenting to do so
on August II in consequence of a mutiny having broken out
amongst the garrison. On the following day, August 12, her
child was born, and it is said that the besiegers barbarously
refused to allow her the services of a midwife.

Her marriage with Mr. Chicheley was a very happy one, she
seems to have taken his first family entirely to her heart and to
have cared for his motherless children as if they had been her

215

THE HOUSE OF LYME

own. A portrait of her, painted in the style of Sir Peter Lely,
hangs in the dining-room at Lyme. It represents her as a
middle-aged lady of homely features, dressed in a grey satin
gown, full sleeves slashed with white satin fastened with pearls,
and a pearl necklace. A black boy stands beside her with a
basket of flowers. A slip of parchment stuck in the frame has
her name and parentage written in a contemporary hand. It
also states that she was " eminent for her zealous and faithfull
services to King Charles the 1st in his greatest troubles."

Wimple or Wimpole in Cambridgeshire, the beautiful place
belonging to the Chicheley family, was within reach of Cam-
bridge University, and this was no doubt how Richard Legh and
Elizabeth Chicheley first became acquainted. From allusions
in the letters we gather that the courtship must have been going
on for some little time before their marriage, and the intended
bridegroom was the recipient of sundry sly jests on the part of
his friends. Messages are sent to " the unparalleled lady in
Drury Lane," * and she is alluded to as " the blacke but comelie
Doe who is yett (as I suppose) within the lines of communication
where you are now."

" I always thought that providence had a singular mercy for you
[writes another correspondent on December n, 1660], I do not question
but you will find it in the completion of your present design ; if once
I could see you and that virtuous lady in bed together, I should con-
clude you the onely happy man, for she is the epitome of all the worth
and virtue that can bee in her sex."

1660-61 The marriage, which was destined to be one of unclouded
happiness, took place on January i, 1 660-61, probably at
Wimpole, Richard being twenty-six years of age, and his bride
Elizabeth some eight years younger.

* The Chicheleys had a house in Great Queen Street, Covent Garden.

2l6

CHAPTER XV
RICHARD AND ELIZABETH

AT his entry into public life in 1656, Richard Legh must have
been twenty-two years of age — not unusually young for those
days, minors being frequently elected Members of Parliament,
though probably not entitled to vote before attaining their
majority.

About 1660, he bought from Sir Thomas Fleetwood the
barony of Newton-in-Makerfield, of which his Haydock property
had always been held as a Mesne Manor. He was, as we
have seen, elected in 1660 one of the two Members of Parlia-
ment returned by that borough, but although possessing
the parliamentary privilege, Newton had, up to now, never been
incorporated or given any seal. Richard Legh therefore gave the
borough as its arms his own crest — " issuing from a ducal
coronet, or, a ram's head argent, attired or, holding in its mouth
a laurel sprig proper." He was elected M.P. for Newton
on June 24, 1661, having as his colleague John Vaughan of the
Inner Temple, but this gentleman was transferred to another
borough, his place being taken by Sir Philip Mainwaring, and
at the latter's death this same year the seat became filled by
Richard Gorges, Baron of Dundalk.

The earliest portrait we have of Richard is one painted by 1660
Sir Peter Lely in 1660. This represents him as a strikingly
handsome man of six and twenty and must have been finished
just before his marriage. The prevailing fashion of clean
shaving — so trying to coarse irregular features — displays a
handsome face, on the other hand, to the best advantage.
The eyes in this portrait are large, dark, and dreamy, the nose
straight and finely cut the mouth firm and beautifully chiselled,

217

THE HOUSE OF LYME

and the chin square and resolute. He wears his own hair — a
rich dark brown — long, with the love-lock of the cavalier, and
a yellow satin coat, the sleeves very full and slashed to the
shoulders. He has a breastplate of armour, and over his right
shoulder and across his breast is a broad pink sash tied in a
large bow on the left side. His left hand rests on his hip, his
right hand grasps a short staff.

" The face the index of the mind," his character might
almost be described as faultless. An affectionate husband and
father, a staunch and generous friend, a kind and considerate
landlord, and a loyal and devoted subject of his king, he pos-
sessed all the qualities that go to make a perfect man. His
careful and judicious mother's early training had instilled those
high principles of religion and morality which were the guiding
forces of his life, and her influence had developed in him all that
was best and noblest in his character.

He had had practically no youth, for he was little more than
a child when circumstances forced him to take his place as head
of the family, and all the cares and responsibilities of a man of
weight and position fell upon his shoulders. His early training
in the school of adversity had taught him patience and for-
bearance, and had matured him and given him a thoughtfulness
far above his years. His intelligence was of no mean order, his
judgment was calm and sound, and the high standard of his
life at a period of so much dissipation and corruption
cannot fail to have shed a purifying influence on all with whom
he came in contact.

His character is thus described in a sermon preached at his
death by one who knew him well, the Rev. Dr. Shippen, Rector
of Stockport :

" He had all the natural charms and graces of a most winning address
and a sweet conversation, cheerfulness and delight being as inseparable
from him as light from the sun. So that in him, if ever, that saying
was really verified, ' that none ever departed sad out of his company,
except that they so soon departed.' The natural talents of his mind
were above the common order . . . his memory was so faithful
as to retain everything it laid hold on but injuries and vanities, he
knew no hatred of anything but sin, no fear of anything but God."
218

RICHARD LEGH OF LYME

1660
By Sir PETER LELY

From a Portrait at Lyme

RICHARD AND ELIZABETH

Richard and Elizabeth seem to have taken up their residence
at Lyme immediately after their marriage.

The dark days of the Civil War had barely faded from the
memory, and the rejoicings and acclamations of the Restoration
had 'hardly subsided, when Richard brought his fair young
bride to the home of his ancestors. There had been no mis-
tress at Lyme for nearly thirteen years, so one can fancy the
joyful welcome that greeted the happy pair. The ringing of
bells, blazing of bonfires, the feasting and carousing and drink-
ing of healths in the excellent home-brewed ale, were heralds of
good times to come, and promised a return to the happy and
prosperous days of old Sir Peter.

Though we have no details of their domestic life before
1 661-2, Richard and Elizabeth must have started on their
housekeeping at Lyme very soon after their marriage. An
account book, kept by Thomas Bowdon, a son of the old
steward George Bowdon, who died in 1659, beginning on
January 10, 1661-2, gives one some idea of the cost of living,
but it is unfortunately not nearly so exhaustive as the one
kept by the steward of old Sir Peter, and we are unable to arrive
at the number of servants.

Though the establishment was probably on a rather smaller
scale than that of the Elizabethan days, it seems to have been
conducted in a somewhat lavish — not to say extravagant —
manner, and the steward probably feathered his nest pretty
handsomely.

The young people lived very much " en princes," and
entertained largely. Dr. Shippen, in his before-mentioned
funeral sermon, speaks of the splendour of Richard's hos-
pitality :

" His Entertainments upon Occasion were very Splendid and Magnifi-
cent, and managed with that Decorum, Ease & Stilness as if they had
been but their ordinary meals ... his House might very well be
styled a Country Court and Lime the Palace to the County Palatine of
Chester."

Richard also appears to have kept a racing stud and hunters,
and to have followed all the pursuits of a country gentleman

219

THE HOUSE OF LYME

1661 of the period. An order signed by Charles II, bearing also the
signature of Sir Edward Nicholas,* Secretary of State, dated
March 27, 1661, appoints

" Our trusty and well beloued Richard Legh to be Gamekeeper about
Lyme in Cheshire [and commands him to] haue a speciall care that
noe person or persons doe hereafter presume wth Greyhounds, Mongrills,
Setting -Dogs, guns, trammells, tunnells, netts or other Engines to
hurt or kill Our said Game of Hare, Phesant, Partridge, Heron or other
wild fowls within Ten miles of Lyme aforesaid."

He was to be authorized to take away and confiscate
the said

" Engines, and to deteyne and certifie unto us or Our Privy Council
ye names of any Persons soe offending to the end such further order
may be taken for their punishment that Our game may be ye better
preserved for Our Sport and recreasion at such tymes as we shall
resort into those parts."

Lyme being part of a royal forest was within the jurisdiction
of the forest laws. Since the earliest times certain districts
were set apart for sport to the sovereign, and a series of laws
known as " forest laws " were created to reserve his exclusive
right to pursue game within the protected areas.

The Legh family had for centuries held posts in con-
nexion with Macclesfield forest, ever since the first Sir Piers
had been appointed " equitator " or riding forester of Maccles-
field forest, which meant that he was to lead the king (Richard
II) when he hunted in the forest. James II visited and hunted
at Lyme on an occasion which will be described later, but we
have no record of any visit having been paid by Charles.

Elizabeth, who was about eighteen at the time of her
marriage, can have had very little of the knowledge required
for the control and management of a large establishment, and
she and Richard probably bought their experience somewhat
dear. But the young chatelaine took much interest in her
household, and we find her writing soon after her marriage to
one of her cousins : " I'll promise you I shall often remember

* Sir Edward Nicholas (1593-1669), Secretary of State to Charles I and
Charles II.

220

RICHARD AND ELIZABETH

you in my dary in Sillabubs and whey, and hope you will not
forget me in yours."

A portrait of Elizabeth Legh by Sir Peter Lely shows her
to have much resembled other ladies of Charles IPs time. She
wears a grey satin gown cut extremely low, with large puffed
sleeves, and her hands, with long tapering fingers, are clasping
a stone vase. She has the same peach-like complexion, lan-
guorous eyes, and pouting mouth that one sees in Charles's
beauties ; her hair is dressed in ringlets round her face in the
fashion of the day, and she wears the regulation pearl necklace
and large drop pearl ear-rings.

The resemblance, happily, ends there. Nothing could have
been more exemplary than her conduct as a wife, she idolized
her husband, and their married life was one long honeymoon.
" Dearest," he writes to her from Lyme on March 31, 1661, 1661
some three months after their marriage, she being at Wimpole
with her father and stepmother, — " Upon Thursday night we
gott well home, I can scarce call it home because thou art
wanting, for thou art my home." *

He probably attended the coronation of Charles II, which
took place on April 23, 1661, but we have no evidence of the
fact.

By July 2 the young couple were back at Lyme. The
following letter from Lady Savile to her stepdaughter shows
the excellent terms she was on with all her stepchildren.
She always signs herself " your entirely affectionate mother."

" DEARE DAUGHTER,

" These are to congratulate yr arrival at Lyme, hoping you had no
rubb in yr way to deferr it a day. I find by yours which came late
to my hands by Sr Juc's Carrier, that you purposed to stay at Oxford
two days, which I am glad of for my daughter's and my Niece's sakes
that would thereby have the satisfaction of seeing you. Besides I
thinke 'tis at a season when ye company of friends is more than
ordinarily usefull to a poore woman f that's put upon soe sadd a
dilemma between a Jamaica voyage & the parting wth her Lord, which

* From the Raines Collection in the Library of Chetham's Hospital, Manchester,
f Her daughter, Lady Windsor, whose husband was Governor of Jamaica,
1661-1664.

221

THE HOUSE OF LYME

1661 is one of them to be submitted to without remedy, & being 'tis her
Lords desire she should stay till he have first tryed the place, I advise
her to it, both in compliance with him & in consideration of her crazie
constitution which would, with her own hazard, make her burthensome
to a husband that goes upon such an enterprize. . . . Your father
came in pity to me to assist me in the entertaining my Son * & his
wife, who being gone, he has returned to London, where I hope the
Parliament will not sitt long this hot season which is fitter for the
Country. I forget how you are upon the entertainment of friends and
neighbours whilst I scribble as if you were at leisure to read as I am to
write, I shall therefore conclude with my affectionate good wishes &
prayers for you & yr husb. being very perfectly Deare Daughter,
your affectionate Mother, AN SAVILE.-J-

" My love to yr bro. & my blessing to yr sister J ; little fellow §
would say something to you all if he could bring it out. Hee showed
his fine sister || the same courtshipp you left him possest of, with very
little improvement, hee told her hee loved not her Child, hee did soe
cry."

A terrible outbreak of smallpox occurred in England during
the summer and autumn of 1660, the young Duke of Gloucester ^j
dying of this complaint in September, to the great grief of the
Royal family and the whole nation. This outbreak was followed
by another in 1661. The household at Lyme seems to have
escaped, but two of Mr. Chicheley's sons were attacked, though
both recovered. Lady Savile writes on August 5, 1661, to con-
gratulate her stepson Tom on his recovery :

" DEARE SONN,

" I hope by this time I may congratulate yr perfect recovery of a
disease that few escape their whole life from, & therefore 'tis a blessing
to have past it & it often is a means of better health by clearing the
body of those humours that foment distempers, especially where they

* Her son by her first marriage, Sir George Savile, afterwards Marquess of
Halifax ; he married Dorothy, a daughter of the Countess of Sunderland.

f Raines Collection.

t Sarah, youngest sister of Elizabeth Legh ; she spent much of her time at
Lyme before her marriage to Andrew Fountaine of Salle in 1672.

§ This may possibly have been a son of Anne, Lady Savile, by her marriage with
Mr. Chicheley.

|| Sir George Savile's wife, afterwards Lady Halifax.

If Henry, Duke of Gloucester, third son of Charles I (1639-1660) ; disowned by
his mother for refusing to become a Romanist ; died of small-pox in London, buried
in same vault at Westminster as Mary, Queen of Scots.

222

RICHARD AND ELIZABETH

purge well after it as I hope you have done. I ask'd your Father if
he could tell how the face had spedd, who rather laughed att the
querie then resolved [answered] it ; yet in the second place one may
consider that in a man which too oft is in the first for a woman. My
Lady Sunderland * has them at Rufford, which you may believe puts
that house in great disorder, & her Ladyship in noe lesse, who will
consider beauty to her latest day. Here is a sicknes, a sort of Feaver f
that takes whole families, & is begun in our case amongst the servants.
God send it may goe no further but that you may bring and find good
health amongst us, so prays your very affectionate Mother

" A. S." *

Lady Savile gives further details of Lady Sunderland's
illness in a letter to her stepdaughter, written also on August 5 :

" My Lady Sunderland has it (the small-pox) at Rufford, & has driven
out her fair daughter my Lady Penn § to inhabit in the Stables. She
tooke the infection from the sound of the word ; one being asked after,
'twas replyed they were now well but had had the Small-Pox. She
presently found herself ill, & they say she is very full of them ; Hinton ||
the Apothecary posted downe from London to her, & yesterday I take
it was her I4th day — the great crisis in that disease." J

She writes again on November 26, of this same year :

" Your father ^ has sent down the Venison and Cheeses, yet with
order to have part sent him up againe, they being too good to spend
wholly here where so few friends can come to partake with us, the
ways being worse than ever, especially about the House. Your
brother is contriving with me how possibly to convey some Apples
to Lyme, for though they were never worse and never scarcer yet if
we can but get them thither before they rott, which they are very apt
to doe, you shall have a taste of them." {

* Dorothy Spencer, Countess of Sunderland, Waller's "Sacharissa " (1617-1684),
eldest daughter of Robert Sidney, second Earl of Leicester, by his wife Dorothy,
daughter of Henry Percy, ninth Earl of Northumberland ; married, 1639, Henry, first
Lord Spencer, created Earl of Sunderland ; he was killed at the Battle of Newbury,
1643. She married, secondly, Sir Robert Smythe, and spent much time at
Rufford with her daughter, Lady Halifax, often meeting her old admirer Waller
there.

f The influenza. J Raines Collection.

§ Lady Penelope, eldest daughter of Lady Sunderland ; died unmarried.

|| Sir John Hinton, Royalist physician ; attended Queen Henrietta Maria.

If Mr., afterwards Sir Thomas, Chicheley, her husband.

223

THE HOUSE OF LYME

Fruit was a very acceptable present, for in the rigorous
climate of Lyme no apples would ripen any more then than
they do now.

Sarah Chicheley was a great deal at Lyme with her married
sister, who superintended her wardrobe.

" I put your Father in minde of your Sister when he went up for some
Winter Cloathes for her, which I found him willinger to pay for then
to choose, so that if you can direct for the one he will doe ye other. I
suppose Lyme air makes her suit [shoot] up, though I expect not she
should be very tall ; her brother Harry since his Ague is grown much,
& I think is the biggest & tallest Child I ever saw of his age — a very
Gyant to his little Nephew and Nieces, who most barbarously he
despised because he could overlook yem, and cared not to play with
them, which little Nan * was sensible of as an indignity to her. I
would faine heare*you were bringing your husband the most acceptable
present, which with all other blessings is prayed for by, Deare Daughter
your entyrely loving Mother A. S." f

The Chicheley family was getting seriously anxious about
Elizabeth's future prospects. She had now been married ten
months without any signs of a baby, and this was causing great
distress to her relations. They need not have worried themselves,
however, as Elizabeth had thirteen children, her first, a girl,
being born in 1663.

The Restoration was marked by a great event in the
history of the Church of England, namely, the passing of
the Act of Uniformity, which Act enforced the revising of the
Prayer Book in its present form, virtually the last settlement
of Ecclesiastical affairs in England by the joint action of Church
and State. In 1645 the Book of Common Prayer had been
forbidden and the Directory of Public Worship substituted for
it. Its restitution involved the resignation of many of the
clergy admitted to benefices under the Commonwealth.

Among the books at Lyme is one of the first edition of this
revised Book. It is folio calf, printed in black letter by H.M.

* Anne, sole daughter of Sir George Savile, afterwards Marquess of Halifax, by his
wife Dorothy, daughter of the Countess of Sunderland. She married, as his second
wife, John, Lord Vaughan.

t Raines Collection.

224

RICHARD AND ELIZABETH

printers, and bears the date 1662. The following inscription
is written on the front page in Richard Legh's beautiful clear
hand :

" The first day this Booke was read at Disley was vpon the 28th day of
September in the yeare of our Lord God 1662: And Mr Bardsley did
then and there Solemnly read the Declaration and Subscription in the
Act contained accordingly.

" Witnesse my hand

" RICHARD LEGH.

"A. L:"

The standard of prices had risen with that of the general 1661
comfort in the last fifty years, and it is interesting to compare
the wages of servants and some of the items in 1661 with those
of the opening years of James I's reign.

We find that £20 was paid for servants' wages at Lady Day,
1 66 1 (presumably the quarter), the average of servants' wages
per quarter being approximately the same as in 1607, when they
totalled £20 to £25 the quarter, but the number then was
probably considerably greater. Thus we find that the steward,
whose wages in 1607 were 2os. the quarter, is paid in 1661
£2 i os., " if you please to allow it," the cook — a man — receiving
£3 155. " For my charges and my horse at Preston last night,
45. 8d.," the same kind of errand and journey having cost in
former years from 8d. to is. 8d.

Besides his Parliamentary duties, which demanded his
presence in London every year, his wife accompanying him
when the state of her health permitted, Richard had to discharge
the office of a Justice of the Peace, and other local matters
took him much about the county. He was appointed, in 1662,
by Charles, eighth Earl of Derby, and William, Lord Brereton,*
joint Lord-Lieutenants, a Deputy-Lieutenant of Cheshire. This
arrangement of having two Lord-Lieutenants of the county was
very unpopular, and Richard was " much importuned by persons
of quality in Cheshire " to request Mr. Secretary Bennet (after-
wards first Earl of Arlington, and a member of the Cabal

* William, second Lord Brereton, married Elizabetn. daughter of Lord Goringe,
Earl of Norwich ; Lord Brereton died 1665.

P 225

THE HOUSE OF LYME

1662 Ministry), who was an intimate friend, that Lord Gerard* might
be appointed in their place, the distance at which both Lord
Derby and Lord Brereton resided much retarding business.
Later on Richard complains to Mr. Godolphin f that he finds
it hard to please both his Lord-Lieutenants, and that " Lord
Brereton is so wedded to his own humour that nothing else
will please him." He adds pathetically that he has " no-one
to fly to but Secretary Bennet."

On April 26 following, Richard was appointed Deputy-
Lieutenant for Lancashire by special command of the King.
He had frequently to visit his Lancashire property, and we find
him constantly at Newton, Haydock, or Warrington, besides
paying visits to Croxteth, Knowsley, and other friends' houses.
These journeys were performed on horseback and occasionally
by canal ; he was attended by his steward and sometimes by
two other servants. The roads were bad, and were not enclosed
with hedges, so that it was easy to lose one's way and wander
off the track into a bog or river. Travelling was therefore still
a matter of difficulty and indeed of some danger. Foot-
pads were constantly met with, and it was necessary to be
always armed. Guides had to be obtained through the vast
woodland ; these seem to have been paid small sums, generally
not more than is., but for what length of time their services
were required does not appear.

Here is the bill for the Assize week at Chester in October 1662:

October 29, Att Chester, Powder box and gloves,

155., hose and socks 155. 6d I1. 10. 6.

Bootes for Matthew ..... 7.

Your bill in the Inn this Assize week . . 2. 19. 6.
Osiers and servants ..... 4.

S1. i,

Few particulars are to hand respecting articles of food.
Mutton and veal are mentioned in the account book, cod-

* Third Lord Gerard of Bromley.

f Sidney Godolphin (1645-1712), statesman ; page of honour to Charles II, 1662
Secretary of State, 1684 ; created Baron, afterwards Earl.

226

ELIZABETH CHICHELEY

Wife of Richard Legh of Lyme
1667

By Sir PETER LELY

From a Portrait at Lyme

lCi

RICHARD AND ELIZABETH

fish occasionally, anchovies once, also cheese, £5 worth of which 1662
is dispatched to Lyme in May 1662, which looks as if cheese-
making were no longer practised, at any rate in this neighbour-
hood. The Lyme brawns were famous, and were held to be
very superior to the Wimpole ones, which were prepared in a
different way.

Oysters seem to have been a favourite dish. Two hundred of
these could be purchased for the sum of 2s. 4d. in 1607, but we
do not get the quantity given in the account book of 1661, the
sums paid for these delicacies varying from is. 6d. to 45. ; 35. 6d.
a barrel for " pickt ones " was the price in 1685. Oranges seem
to have been much appreciated as fruit, as much as 33. being
paid for them at a time, and for cherries is. 6d. Vinegar and oil
are somewhat heavy items, £2 33. worth being bought on March
25, 1661. " Oyle sent for to London " on April 6 of this same
year, 95., and "Oyle and Westphalia Bacon — 4* 15." The
large sum in those days of 8s. 6d. is paid for " Hartichoughs "
(artichokes).

On May 19, 1662, Charles II prorogued the Parliament
(which did not meet again until the following February), and
the next day, May 20, he was married to Catherine of Braganza.
There was great excitement everywhere over the arrival of the
new Queen, and many were the conjectures as to her personal
apt earance. Elizabeth Legh writes from Lyme to one of her
cousins :

" I have an earnest request to you that you will give me an account
when you have seen the Queen whether she is not the handsomest
creature in the world as I believe by the report she is."

She begs also for Lady Savile's report on Charles's bride :

" I doubt not but ere these come to you, you will see the Queen, who
is famed w"1 us to be the finest creature in the world, I shold be very
happy to heare your opinion of her."

We gather some particulars of the cost of travelling at this
date from the account book, which gives a few details of a journey
to London in 1663.

The young people appear to have rented a partly furnished

227

THE HOUSE OF LYME

1663 house from Sir Charles Waldegrave * for some ten weeks, for
which they paid a rent of £32 IDS., averaging therefore the sum
of £3 per week. An inventory was taken by the steward,
" giving an account of goods in your Lodgeings," for the modest
sum of is. 6d. We do not learn the locality of the house ; it
was most probably somewhere in the neighbourhood of Great
Queen Street, Co vent Garden, where Mr. Chicheley lived,
whose house is thus described by Pepys :

" March nth, 1667-8 ; By and by comes Sir W. Coventry f and with
him Mr Chicheley and Mr Andrew Newport, J I to dinner with them to
Mr Chicheley's in Gt Queen Street, Covent Garden. A very fine house,
and a man that lives in mighty great fashion, with all things in a most
extraordinary manner noble and rich about him, and eats in the
French fashion all ; and mighty nobly served with his servants and
very civilly ; that I was mighty pleased with it, and good discourse.
He is a great defender of the Church of England and against the Act for
Comprehension, which is the work of this day, about which the House is
like to sit till night. "

As far as one can make out, beds seem to have been the sole
articles of furniture provided in the house rented by Richard
and Elizabeth. Plate, linen, hangings, and chairs were hired,
a maid was also let with the house, her wages being included
in the hire of linen, at £2 i8s. a month. The hire of hangings
and chairs came to £3 155. 6d., and there is an upholsterer's bill
of £46 besides.

The sum of £197 6s. was paid to a Mr. Whitehead for silver
plate, but this was no doubt bought ; los. was also spent on
snuffers and tinned plates.

The distance from Cheshire to London is about 180 miles,
and the journey took six or seven days. Stoppages of from
one to two nights were made at different places, the entire
cost of the travelling being from £20 to £25, an average
of £4 being spent at each halting-place. Servants and

* Third baronet, an ancestor of the present Earl Waldegrave.

t Sir William Coventry, brother-in-law of Mr. Chicheley, was secretary to the
Duke of York.

I A Commissioner of Customs, younger son of Lord Newport of High Ercall,
Salop.

228

RICHARD AND ELIZABETH

ostlers were generally tipped 2s. 6d. each, and it was 1663
customary to leave some small sum, about is. 6d., for the poor
of each town or village.

Richard himself seems to have ridden the entire way on
horseback, attended by the steward and two other servants ;
Elizabeth and her maids travelling in Richard's own private
coach, with postilions and relays of six horses, as many as
eighteen sometimes having to be baited at a time. The heavy
luggage went by wagon. Baiting was a very expensive item,
the cost of " horse-meat," " rewards " to ostlers, saddlers,
etc., almost equals the expenses of the human beings. At
Coventry, for instance, the horse-meat came to £2 45. 6d. ;
rewards to ostlers, etc., being extra, the reckoning in the house
amounting to £3 8s. 6d.

The first coaches, private or otherwise, must have been ex-
tremely cold and uncomfortable. There were no glass windows
before the eighteenth century. Curtains and wooden shutters
were the only protection against wind and rain, so that in winter
the passengers had the choice of being either stifled in the pitch-
darkness of the interior, if the shutters were closed, or frozen
if they were open. The springs were of a very primitive make,
and the excessive jolting and swinging of these vehicles, due
partly to their top-heavy condition and the state of the roads,
must have been most uncomfortable and fatiguing. The
passengers indeed frequently suffered from a nausea resem-
bling sea-sickness. Numerous servants were taken on these
journeys, not only to guard the coach, but also to help to
extricate it when — as often happened — it stuck fast in a rut
or was overturned. Bundles of ropes were carried by the
servants for this purpose, and the shoulder-knots that are
seen on state liveries of the present day are a survival of
this custom.

Starting from Lyme on April 9, 1663, they must have been
an imposing cavalcade. The coach with its post-boys and six
horses rumbling heavily along, the light luggage strapped on the
top, Richard cantering gaily beside it, with his attendants, the
wagon and heavy luggage following behind. They seem to have

229

THE HOUSE OF LYME

1663 averaged about twenty-seven to thirty miles a day, which,
considering the bad roads and the cumbersome vehicles, was
pretty good going.

Their first stop was made at Gawsworth, a village some
twelve miles from Lyme. This was probably to breathe or
change the horses, as there only appears a charge of zs. 6d. for
servants and poor. Newcastle-under-Lyme must have been
reached that night (April 9).

For the discharge of the bill there . . . 21. 1 8. 6.

To servants in the house .... 3.

Spent on the roade ..... 2.

To the poore ...... 6.

3'. 4-

Travelling all day on the loth, their next stoppage was at
Lichfield, where their expenses were as follows :

Bill in the house ...... i1. 18. 6.

Horse-meat . . . . . . i1. 2.

Beer in the Cellar afterwards ... 2.

Servants in the house ..... 3.

Osiers ....... 2. 6.

Sadler I. 2.

Spent on the roade . . . . . 2. 6.
Boot-catcher *...... 4.

3'. 12.

A stay of two nights, April n and 12, was made at Coventry,
the bill there totalling £6 6s. They slept on the I3th at Tow-
cester, reaching Dunstable on the I4th, where they also remained
the night, arriving at Barnet and London, stiff and weary, on
April 15. A charge of eight shillings is here made for washing
the horses.

When one thinks of the comfort, not to say luxury, of present-
day travelling, it is difficult to imagine the arrival of the weary
travellers and the misery of a first night spent in an unoccupied
and half-furnished house. They were dependent on what

* A " boot-catcher " was a person at an inn who pulled off the boots of travellers.
230

RICHARD AND ELIZABETH

arrangements could be made for their comfort, on the capacity 1663
of the hired maid, probably a very raw and inexperienced
individual, whose ingenuity must have been taxed to the
uttermost to provide the most ordinary necessaries of life.
What little cleaning there was had probably to be done after
the arrival of the travellers, and the unloading and unpacking
of goods, the noise and shouting of porters, the bustle and con-
fusion in new and strange surroundings, must have tried the
patience and endurance of the most even-tempered.

On April 16, the day after their arrival, we find the sum of
£10 being paid to the housekeeper, "Mistress Jane," "for the use
of the house," and the following articles are procured at once :

April 1 6. To a porter and spent this day . . 1.6.

For Oysters is 6 - Paper, Inke &ct, 2s 6 4.

ffor glasses . . . . 13. 6.

ffor white earthenware ... 2.

ffor knives 35 ; Salts & Jugs 2s 4, spent is 6. 4.

There is no mention of tea or coffee. The first advertisement
of tea appears in 1658, at 6os. the pound, so that in 1663
it was probably still expensive. Coffee was much cheaper ; it
was sold at one penny the cup.

The housekeeper, Mistress Jane, received sums varying from
£25 to £45 a month " for the use of the house," but this did not
include coals, wine, beer, or groceries. Mr. Cleave, " the
Grosser," is paid £46 33. 6d. on the last day of their tenancy,
their wine bill totalling £17 45; £11 175. being spent on beer
and ale during the two months of their stay in London.

We do not hear anything about the cook's expenses ; they
were probably no inconsiderable amount.

Arriving from the country after a long stay, the wardrobe
of the young couple would need renewing. Richard was
very particular about his clothes and was always modish
and in the lastest fashion. " Your Coat," writes a corre-
spondent,

" Mr Hornesell hath in hand and the box I have returned with another
petticoat, had the collour of the last been liked as well as your stuff,

231

THE HOUSE OF LYME

1663 they had been of the same piece, but I could not get a sad Canterbury
satin neere soe good, and therefore sent this, I hope it will fit for
bignes."

We find a bill for £5 195. 6d. for hats on April 25, and " ribin" is a
somewhat extravagant item, £2 I2s. 6d. being given for gloves
and ribbon about this date. Here is a list of a few of Richard's
purchases :

6 bandes for yourself . . . . . 16. 6.

Hose and stockings 2. 15. 6.

ffor a white Tabby belt . . . . 1.9.

A gunsmith for pistolls . . . . 5. 12. 6.

For Fustian for waistcoats & holland . . 18. 6.

skowring 4 pair of silk hose .... 6.

The sword cuttler 17.

Shoetyes with silver twiste . . . . 3« 6.

A pair of hunting bootes . . . . 18. 6.
To A. Knowles to buy cloth to line 8 doubletts

with flannel . . . . . I. 16.

No less a sum than .£18 was spent for boots and shoes. A pair
of riding-pantaloons seems cheap at 53., a pair of riding-gloves
2s. 4d. ; these were, no doubt, more in general use than in the
days of James I, and had become cheaper.

The following articles partly provided Elizabeth with
a new gown :

1. s. d.

10 yards green buckram at is 6 . . 15.

2 yards green sarsnet - 173, silke 33 . . I.

green fringe ...... 5-5

For galoone lace ...... 3.

The horses had to be kept and fed during their time in
London. £12 123. were paid for oats and beans, and £13 173. 6d.
for hay at £2 IDS. the load. The saddler's bill was a heavy one.
On April 29 we find £14 paid to the saddler " for your great
saddle, holsters, bits, etc," and on June 20, " to the sadler for
holster capps, i8s, points 2s, bridle, brest-plate and cropper 6s,
bitt 33 6— total I1. 9. 6" ; a further bill of £12 I2S. 6d. being
paid to Mr. Fletcher — another saddler.
232

RICHARD AND ELIZABETH

The coal bill for the ten weeks spent in London amounted 1663
to £1 143. this represented if chaldron at 193. 6d. the
chaldron. The cost of candles was I2S. 6d.

From various entries in the account book we gather that
four men in livery must have been kept : " Trimming for
Livereys, f i6s, making of livery Hatts, 8s, and 4 pair of livery
stockings, 16*." Swords appear to have been carried by
servants on state occasions and when attending ladies ; we find
four of these bought at los. apiece.

The apothecary's bill during their stay amounted to us.;
this included such items as powder, pills, manna, and troches.

Unfortunately there are few letters about this date, in fact
there are none at all between July 1662 and July 1663, so we are
unable to learn anything about their life in London. Hospi-
tality was so much the fashion of the day that there is certain
to have been entertaining. Richard had many friends at Court
and elsewhere, and the house of a young and charming couple
was likely to be much frequented. Henry, first Earl of Arling-
ton,* and his sister, Lady Carr, wife of Sir Robert Carr,f
were among the Legh's most intimate friends and corre-
spondents, and the intercourse between the house of Derby
and that of Legh was still maintained. Richard frequently
saw his cousins the Gerards and Molyneux, and there was a
constant interchange of visits between the Legh family and
that of Lord Bridgewater. J

The theatre was a very favourite place of amusement, and
the occasional entry of tobacco-pipes in the account book sug-
gests many convivial gatherings. These pipes were no doubt
of clay, and seem to have cost under a penny each. In spite of
its former unpopularity in high quarters, smoking still con-

* Henry Bennet, first Earl of Arlington (1618-1685), member of Cabal Ministry;
centre of opposition to Clarendon ; probably responsible for outbreak of first Dutch
War. Unsuccessfully impeached in House of Commons ; instrument of King's evil
measures.

f Sir Robert Carr of Sleaford, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster; was suc-
ceeded in that post at his death, in 1682, by Sir Thomas Chicheley. He married a
daughter of Sir John Bennet of Dawley, and a sister of Henry, first Earl of Arlington.

I John Egerton, second Earl of Bridgewater, represented the Elder Brother in the
first representation of Milton's Comus in 1634.

233

THE HOUSE OF LYME

1663 tinued. Charles II derived so large a revenue from the duty
on imported tobacco that the home-grown article was very
heavily taxed, but its surreptitious growth was continued
down to the reign of George III, when it was stopped by Act
of Parliament. The price per pound of Spanish tobacco was
seven shillings in 1685. Virginia was cheaper, costing only
two shillings.

By the end of June 1663 we find Richard and Elizabeth
preparing for their return journey. The bill for dilapidations
in the house shows the servants to have been unusually careful,
as " repairs and losses in the house " do not exceed the modest
sum of I2s. A supply of writing paper " for the country" is
taken with them, two reams at 8s. the ream, also a pound of
wax at 35. 6d. Writing paper in 1607 cost 4d. the quire; this
shows therefore an increase of only is. 4d. on the ream in the
price. Mention is made of los. worth of gold-dust. This was
used to sprinkle over the paper to dry the writing, and portions
of it may still be seen on the letters. Blotting paper is mentioned
inMSS. as early as the fifteenth century, but gold-dust seems to
have been more generally used for correspondence.

The return journey, which began on June 25, was by a
different route, a visit to Wimpole being made on the way.
The first night was spent at Stevenage, and Wimpole was
reached next day.

Elizabeth was in an interesting condition, and more time
had to be taken over the journey, which we find occupied from
June 25 till July 5 or 6. The route followed from Wimpole
was by Bedford, Northampton, Daventry, Coleshill, Lichfield,
Stone, and a village or inn called Talke o' th' Hill on the
borders of Staffordshire and Cheshire, which seems to have
been their last halting-place. They must have been glad indeed
to get home again, and Lyme in the early days of July would be
looking its loveliest.

Richard had probably obtained leave to absent himself
from his parliamentary duties, as the House was still sitting in
July 1663, in spite of protests from Charles II that there should
be a recess, " the season requiring it for health." Although the
234

RICHARD AND ELIZABETH

King named July 16 for the date of the recess, Parliament
continued its labours until the 27th, when it was prorogued
until March 16 of the following year. This was during part
of the Long Parliament, which, summoned to meet in 1661,
was not dissolved till January 1678-9.

CHAPTER XVI

DOMESTIC FELICITY

1663 ONE of the excitements of 1663 was the impeachment — in-
effectual as it then turned out — by Lord Bristol * of Lord
Clarendon,f the Lord Chancellor, whom he accused of various
acts of high treason. These included the taking of large sums
of money for breaking off the Italian match, converting the
public money to his own use, and the selling of Dunkirk :

" Hee [Lord Bristol] was highly discouraged by the King [writes
Nicholas Bowden to Richard Legh on July n, 1663], who gave him
liberty to wave his attendance at the Court, as he hath done formerly
to Mr Lacie J for acolding ; I am afraid of losing my place at Court,
or I could say more."

Elizabeth Legh's hoped-for baby arrived on December 2,
J663.§ " Let me heare from your husband or somebody how is it
with you," writes Mr. Chicheley to his daughter shortly before
the event, " for there will not be any newes so joyfull to me as to
hear of yr happy deliverance be it either of a boy or a girle."
A girl it was, christened Lettice, Mr. Chicheley, Lady Ardern
(Richard's elder sister), and a Mrs. Levison being sponsors.

Though no actual declaration of war took place before 1665,
there was trouble with the Dutch in 1664, chiefly due to com-
mercial rivalry and a desire on their part to drive the English
out of the markets of the world. Hostilities began by the

* George Digby, second Earl of Bristol (1612-1677), fought for Charles I at
Edgehill ; Secretary of State to Charles II ; subsequently deprived of seals as a Catholic.

f Edward Hyde, first Earl of Clarendon (1609-1674) ; a consistent supporter of
constitutional monarchy, he refused to recognize changed conditions resulting from
civil war.

J William Lacy, Royalist divine; remonstrated with Charles II on his mode of
life.

§ Raines Collection.

236

REAR-ADMIRAL SIR JOHN CHICHELEY
From a Portrait at Lyme

DOMESTIC FELICITY

English seizing some of the Dutch possessions in the West Indies, 1665
they retaliating by attacking the English forts on the coast of
Guinea. In 1665 war was openly declared, and the enemy
advanced upon the east coast of England. A severe engage-
ment took place off Lowestoft on June 3, resulting in the
complete victory of the English, who defeated the enemy and
destroyed eighteen of their ships.

Elizabeth Legh's second brother, John Chicheley, had entered
the navy and ultimately gained some distinction as an admiral.
He was, on June 3, 1665, commanding the Antelope, one of the
ships in the red squadron under the Duke of York, and was
knighted shortly after the engagement.

" Your father has lately received a letter from your brother John which
spoke him well [writes Lady Savile to her stepdaughter on October 15,
1665], though it having no date & seeming to be writ shortly after
their encounter with ye Turke making the same relation that we had
heard before of it, we must conclude 'twas long in coming, but hope
that he having past the sharpest brunt, hee remaines well and
pleased with the Sea Service. My bro' Will [Sir William Coventry,*
secretary to the Duke of York], assures me ye Duke his Master tooke
particular Notice of him, which is some encouragement to a young
Sea-man." f

This war continued for nearly three years, and had Louis XIV
supported the Dutch, the consequences would have been
most serious for England. As it was, the Dutch blockaded the
Thames and got within twenty miles of London. The war,
which came to an end with the Peace of Breda in 1667, broke
out again in 1672.

With one exception, the letters of this date contain no
reference either to the Plague or the Great Fire of London.
Lady Savile writes to her stepdaughter on October 16,
1665 : " The general sicklynes of the yeare exempts few places
but Lyme where health and wealth conspire to make you happy." j"
This is the only allusion to the terrible scourge which decimated

* Sir William Coventry (1628 ?-i686), politician ; younger son of Thomas, first
Baron Coventry ; Commissioner of the Navy and friend of Pepys.
f Raines Collection.

237

THE HOUSE OF LYME

London and the whole country for nearly a year.* The Court
had removed from Whitehall to Hampton Court and Syon, and
was transferred to Salisbury in July, the Parliament sitting at
1666 Oxford in September 1665. By 1666 the Plague had greatly
diminished, and the King and Court returned to Whitehall
The Great Fire raged from September 2 till the 6th, two-thirds
of London being destroyed.

A second daughter was born to Richard and Elizabeth
on May 22, 1666, to be followed by a third, Frances, the year
after. These events no doubt prevented Elizabeth from
accompanying her husband to London either year. Richard
writes to her on January 3, 1666-7 :

" MY DEAREST DEARE

" Thine was most welcome to me which I received yesterday. . . .
The King does not intend the Park, to sitt long, they are as cross
to him as cannot be imagin'd."

The supreme power was gradually being transferred from
the Crown to the Parliament, and this was not to be effected
without a severe struggle. The temper of Parliament had been
roused by the Dutch War, and awkward questions were being
asked in the House as to the expenditure of the money granted
for this purpose to the Crown. There were suspicions as to
whether it was being used to pay for the amusements of the
Court.

" Dearest Hart [writes Richard to his wife a few days later], since my
last to thee the King came to both Houses & (as well he might) tooke
unkindnes att our House that we did soe much distrust him. He
tould us we shold sitt noe longer att this Sessions than Monday senight
but (God willing) I intend to be with thee about that time although I
know there will be notice taken on't in the House, yett I care not, there
are three and thirty members of Parl : in the Serj ant's hands. Itt is

* In the Disley Parish Registers there appears this notice relating to the Plague :

"Sep: 5. 1665

Collected On the ffast then held for the Sicknes
a sume of nyne shillings and eight pence."

" Oct. 4. 1665

Collected on the ffast day for the sickness, the
Sume of ffore shilling and a penny."

238

DOMESTIC FELICITY

observed there never was soe angry a House of Commons. I pray 1666-7
God send it ends well." *

He gives his wife details of her brother John, who was
paying his attentions to the lady he afterwards married, a certain
Mistress Norton, a widow, daughter of Admiral Sir John
Lawson f :

" His affections are lodged with the widow Norton, who went suddenly
out of town yesterday to my brother's great grief. He tells me her
Father proffers to settle a thousand pound a yeare upon him if he
marries that widow, but then he must take ten thousand pound debt
upon him ; she hath eight hundred a yeare joynture."

Pepys in his Diary on October 28, 1667, refers to this court-
ship in somewhat contemptuous terms :

" To Sir William Pen's J to speak with Sir John Chichly, who desired
my advice about a prize which he had begged of the King, and there
had a great deal of his foolish talk of ladies and love and I know not
what."

" Ladies and love " played such a very important part in
Pepys own life that this remark, coming from such a quarter,
seems a trifle inconsistent.

Sir John Chicheley was one of the witnesses examined at the
inquiry into the conduct of Lord Sandwich,§ in countenancing
and abetting the plundering of the prizes taken in the recent
naval engagement. Pepys in his Diary expresses relief that
Sir John will be able to say little against his patron :

" November 26, 1667. This evening comes to me at the office Sir
John Chicheley of his own accord to tell me what he shall answer to the
Committee when, as he expects, he shall be examined about my Lord
Sandwich, which is so little as will not hurt my Lord at all I know. He
do profess great generousness towards my Lord, and that this jealousy
of my Lords of him is without foundation. . . . He will by no means

* Raines Collection.

t Sir John Lawson, vice-admiral of the Red Squadron in the war with the Dutch ;
died 1665.

J Sir William Penn (1621-1670), admiral, served with the Duke of York in the
Dutch War.

§ Edward Montagu, first Earl of Sandwich (1625-1672), admiral, second in
command of the English Fleet on outbreak of the second Dutch War in 1672 ; blown
up with his ship in Solebay.

239

THE HOUSE OF LYME

1669-70 complaining and giving trouble. He goes on to say, " Mr
Rigby hath promised me to send 4 little chaires down by the
Carrier, & I present my son Peter with a little Coach."
On February 19, he writes again : *

" Dearest, I want nothing this night to compleat the joy I am in but
thy deare company & the brats. Ever since I saw thee I have not
eate nor drank before five a clocke except Monday, the House having
sate these two days so late & this day the King's party therein hath
overvoted their opposers in every thing & struck so great a stroke into
his businesse that I hope in God to be with thee in as short a time as
possible thou canst expect. My father f hath a promise from the
King to have my Ld Barclay's J place (Master of the Ordnance) who
goes certainly for Ireland. I have been so tyed to the House that as
yett I have not soe much as thought of a Play. I saw my Lady Carr
yesterday, to-morrow, I dine there. My sister tells me the news in
Towne is the Devill hath fetch't away the Lady Newcastle." §

There was great rejoicing amongst the King's party at the
majority in the House over the Vote of Supply. Charles had
obtained a grant from Parliament of £300,000 a year for eight
years, and in return gave his royal consent to a second Con-
venticle Act even more stringent than the first. The King
summoned the House to the Banqueting Hall at Whitehall to
convey his thanks in person, and the following description in a
letter * from Richard to his wife gives a vivid account of what
occurred :

" February 22, 1669-70.

" Dearest, ... I told thee in my last what votes were made on
Friday last. Yesterday the King sent to desire us to come to him into
the Banquetting House this day, which we did by 9 aClock ; there we
reed his harty thanks for agreeing soe well & readily with his desires.
The Speaker then went to the Park. House & the Members were soe
in love with his Maty's gracious Speech that in acknowledgmt thereof

* Raines Collection.

•f His father-in-law, Mr. Chicheley. Richard always spoke of him as " my
father " and of Sir John Chicheley as " my brother."

{ First Baron Berkeley of Stratton, one of the Masters of Ordnance. Lord-
Lieutenant of Ireland, 1670.

§ Margaret Cavendish, Duchess of Newcastle (1624-1674), the fantastic poetess.

242

DOMESTIC FELICITY

they voted they wold wayte upon ye Speaker all on foot which we did 1669-70
2 & 2 hand in hand, through Kings Street to Whitehall, all the whole
House. My Lord Gorges * came running to me & told me he had
rather goe with me than any man ith' House, soe we went together
through Kings Street all ith' raine into the Banquetting House where
the King immediately came, & the Speaker told him the sense that the
House had of his Maty's most Gracious Speech did ravish them & he
was commanded to return Him their thankes & to acquaint him they
had razed Skinner's Case out of their Bookes in obedience to his
Gracious Speech when they first mett & did assure him of their affection
& loyalty. To which the King replyed he was as joyfull as they & did
never doubt their affections nor loyalty. I stood the next but one to
him when this was delivered from both King & the Speaker & to this
purpose they spoke. All persons there present cold not forbear
their acclamations of joy & many did expresse it in teares. The
King's Servantes then invited the Speaker & us all into the Cellar.
Old & young, grave & madd went, Sr Job Charlton f I led by one
hand & Judge Milward on the other, & each man drunke ye King's
health soe long that many will want their own tomorrow. We din'd
30 of us by Charing Crosse & gave 30 half Crownes for a bone fire to be
before Whitehall. I doubt 'twill be over before I can gett to it. My
Father J just now tells me it shines over all the towne. The newes is
soe good I cannot abate one tittle on't."

The King and Queen had now been married nearly eight
years, so far without any prospect of children. The people
were getting seriously anxious, and many hopes were expressed
that there might be an heir to the throne. These hopes were
frequently expressed even to His Majesty himself, and with that
freedom of speech belonging to the period.

" My Father carried me to the King upon Sunday [writes Richard
in this same letter, February 22, 1669-70], I kissed his hand & he
came to me & gave me very good words. ... Sir Gilbert Talbott in
great joy saluted the King & told him if he would this night begett a
Prince of Wales he would make us the happiest people in the world.
The King said * I'll promise you I'll do my best ! ' The Queen I heard
say if she saw a man in the Court that had a cheerfull countenance &
dart upon his Stockings that was a Parlt man that lov'd the King well.
My Father is just come in & hath given orders for a bone-fire before his
doore and is gone againe."

* Lord Gorges of Dundalk, his parliamentary colleague,
f Sir Job Charlton, afterwards Speaker,
t His father-in-law, Mr. Chicheley.

243

THE HOUSE OF LYME

later, referring to Elizabeth's father, who had become by then
Sir Thomas Chicheley :

" May 10, 1678. The House being informed That upon a division

of the House a Quarrel had happened between the Lord O'Brien and

Sir Thomas Chicheley and that blows were given

And Sir Thomas Chicheley being present

Ordered that Sir Thomas Chicheley be committed to the custody of the

Serjeant at Arms

That the Serjeant at Arms do take the Lord O'Brien into Custody."

1671 To return to 1671. Richard's family was now rapidly
increasing. A fourth daughter, Sarah, was born in October
1671.

Mr. Chicheley must have been knighted about this date,
after his appointment as Master General of the Ordnance. He
writes to Elizabeth Legh on October 28, 1671, speaking of his
desire to see his youngest daughter Sarah settled in life, and
according to the practice of parents of the time, was trying to
arrange a marriage for her. The object of his choice was a son
of Richard's neighbour and cousin, Thomas Cholmondeley of
Vale Royal.* Such a marriage would, he assures his elder
daughter, be very acceptable to him, he feeling that the two
sisters would then be near each other " to comfort one another
when I am dead and rotten." He adds : " She is very good-
natured and has your mother's heart which a flea may master."

This contemplated match did not come off, and Sarah
married, soon after this date, Andrew Fountain of Salle, with
whom she led a most unhappy life.

A good deal of excitement was being caused in the county
by an election for Chester which took place in 1672-3, on the
death of one of the two sitting members, John Radcliffe.
Two candidates were named, Colonel Werdon, an ardent
Royalist, who had barely escaped with life for joining in Sir
George Booth's rising in 1659, anc^- w^-° afterwards became
comptroller to the Duke of York's household, and a certain

* Thomas Cholmondeley of Vale Royal, Cheshire ; born 1627 ; married, first, Jane,
daughter of Sir Lionel Tollemache of Helmingham, Suffolk, by whom he had twelve
children ; secondly, 1684, Anne, daughter of Sir Walter St. John of Battersea, by whom
he had fours sons and one daughter ; he died 1701-2.

246

DOMESTIC FELICITY

Mr. William Williams, Recorder of the City of Chester. Colonel
Werdon was supported by the King's party and by most of the
Cheshire gentlemen. Richard writes to his brother Thomas 1672-3
on January 31, 1672-3 :

" I am just now come from Whitehall and very opportunely I kiss'd
his Maty>s hand att Sir Jos : Williamsons * Office. The Duke of York
came to me and very passionately enquired of me what good hopes
there was of Colonel Werdons being chosen att Chester ; I told him I
hoped well and was the more encouraged to itt since my brother
Ardern f told me about 100 of the Citty votes had tendered him
their service, and he resigned them all to Colonel Werdon which I
assure you pleased him well." J

In spite of the most barefaced bribery on the part of Mr.
Williams, who promised, if he was returned, to discharge a
debt of £40, owing from the City to the King, to lend the corpora-
tion £500 gratis for seven years, and " to serve them without
salary and to spend his Estate amongst them," Colonel Werdon
was returned, Mr. Williams coming in as member on the death
of Sir Thomas Smythe in 1675.

Richard reports the taking of some Dutch spies, January 30,
1672-3 :

" There is two men brought prisoners from Harwich to the Tower,
being suspected to be sent from Holland to the Parlfc to endeavor a
breach betwixt the K: & them, one of them was sent out of Engl :
within this 6 weeks, being suspected for a spy & commanded to return
no more ; 'tis thought one of them will be hang'd, as the poore German
Princess § was on Wednesday last but one for stealing Aspinwalls
watches." J

Richard and Elizabeth were back in London in January
1672-3, having taken a good house in Southampton Square,
with " stables all convenient." The children were left at Lyme

* Sir Joseph Williamson (1633-1701), statesman and diplomatist; keeper of
Charles II's library at WhitehaU.

f Sir John Arderne, his brother-in-law, married to his eldest sister Margaret.

f Raines Collection.

§ Mary Moders, alias Carleton, a celebrated impostor, who induced the son of a
London citizen to marry her under the pretence that she was a German Princess.
Executed at Tyburn for stealing.

247

THE HOUSE OF LYME

under the care of Thomas, Richard's only brother, who kept a
watchful eye upon the nursery and managed the property
during his brother's absence. Thomas Legh was a capable
man. He was given the post of Receiver General for the County
of Lancashire, and was in 1685 elected one of the members for
Liverpool borough. His letters are graphic and well expressed,
and show much business capacity. Long letters are exchanged
between the two brothers, who were devotedly attached to each
other. Richard writes the news and gossip from London,
Thomas replying with all particulars relating to the children
and estate. Richard always writes " Dear Brother," Thomas's
letters, however, are far more formal, and never have any other
beginning than " Dear Sir."

1672-3 On January 29, 1672-3, Richard and Elizabeth arrived at
their London house, and on February 4 he writes to Thomas for
some of his home-brewed ale :

" Gett Adam to helpe to brew a load of Derby malt or more into 25
or 26 gallons of stitching ale [strong ale] when itt is clear, let itt be
drawne into the sack vessell & another that contains so much to make
it a horse load, & send itt I pray by the carrier as soon as possible."

Unless the ale prove strong and " excellent " he begs it may
not be sent. He sends some playthings for the children —
directed severally, also sweet powder, etc. ; a little magnifying-
glass, and an ivory woman in the shape of a frog, as a
" Lenton Mistress " for one of his friends.

The ale was sent and proved

" Exceeding good, if there be any more soe good I cold wish I had itt,
for my Father Sr John and Sr Robert Carr * all admire itt, itt exceeds
their Nordowne & Sandbache, the color is soe fine and 'tis very
smoothe. It is now a good time to fill the vessells in the further
cellar with strong beere ; itt must be stronger than formerly because
of keeping. I pray give order about itt."

The baby had been ill, evidently an attack of thrush.
" Cousin Downes " is sent for to give medical advice and the

* Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster ; married to a sister of Henry Bennet,
Earl of Arlington.

248

DOMESTIC FELICITY

" violence and strong hands " that were laid upon the unfortu-
nate child in the dressing of her mouth, caused her to set up
such a " shrickinge " that it had the most disastrous effects
upon her nurse — a married woman — resulting in the arrival
of an unexpected infant. This is all described in language
more forcible than elegant. Thomas gives a short account of
Peter, the son and heir, now nearly four years old, " who told
me in his dialect he was £ a very little Boy but had a dele Tot '
[small drinking cup]. All conclude as ye Gypseys did when the
Catt was in Swadles, yi 'tis as like Dadd as ere't may looke."

A good deal of local excitement, which, however, also
spread to London, was caused in 1673 by one Jollie,* an
ejected Presbyterian minister and a native of Manchester,
who had been committed to prison on the charge of keeping
a conventicle. Richard got great praise for the manner in
which he had conducted the apprehension of the offender, the
matter being brought before the notice of the King.

" We shall trounce the rogue Jolly, the Chancellor [Sir Robert Carr] is
warme agst him. I mentioned it to my Lord Arlington & the Treasurer
who both of them came to salute me whilst the Chancellor and I were
at Sr Joseph Williamson's." f

Jollie was imprisoned ; " the King," says Richard, " wold
not suffer him to come out till he was sufficiently humbled."
He was ultimately, in 1674, fined £20.

A letter from Richard to his brother, written in February
1672-3, speaks of the election of Sir Job Charlton J as Speaker,
recommended by the King. " He made a very coy speech
before he advanced to the Chaire, and another at the Chaire."
Then there appears to have been a motion that none of the
newly elected members should sit until the House was satisfied
that these were duly elected, it being unparliamentary for the
Lord Chancellor to issue writs during a Prorogation. This

* John Jollie the elder (1640 ?-i682), received Presbyterian ordination at
Manchester, 1672.

f Sir Joseph Williamson (1633-1701), statesman and diplomatist; keeper of
Charles II's library at Whitehall.

t Sir Job Charlton (1614-1697), judge, son of a London goldsmith ; Speaker of the
House of Commons, February 4-18, 1672-3.

249

THE HOUSE OF LYME

occasioned " great heats," but Richard hopes that the King
" will heal this."

He mentions dining with the Duke of Ormonde,* when the
company consisted wholly of men, who, in the fashion of that
time, all wore their hats during a banquet. The dinners of those
days were chiefly conspicuous for the enormous number of dishes,
quantity not quality being the first consideration. The tables
were loaded, all courses being put on together, and with no
arrangement for keeping the different dishes warm. Oysters
frequently figured in banquets of the period, as they do still,
and were evidently greatly appreciated. Although Charles II
was supposed to have introduced more refinement into the
entertaining, forks were still very rarely seen, and this must
have necessitated much use of the fingers. There appears to
have been no special arrangement for the seating of the ladies
and gentlemen alternately, and they seem to have placed
themselves much as they pleased. Mention is made on Feb-
1672-3 ruary 15, 1672-3, of a great supper and masquerade given by
Sir John Bennet, a brother of the Earl of Arlington, at which
Richard and his wife were present, and which was supposed to
have cost £500. " There was 60 Ladyes att one table besides
20 men, soe believe me there was £20,000 worth of plate, &
to a miracle none of it was stolen."

* James Butler, first Duke of Ormonde (1610-1688) ; Royalist commander in
Ireland, 1648; occupied posts in the households of Charles II and James II ; Lord-
Lieutenant of Ireland.

250

CHAPTER XVII

THE THIRD DUTCH WAR

THE third Dutch War, long threatened, broke out in 1673. 1673
Sir John Chicheley received a commission as Rear-Admiral to
the Blue in command of the Charles. Richard Legh describes
the progress of the war in a series of letters written from London
to his brother Thomas at Lyme.

An eloquent speech in the House of Commons from Sir
William Coventry,* Secretary to the Admiralty, reported in a
letter of February 8, 1672-3, set forth the urgent necessity of
the House voting a sum of money for the purpose of carrying
on the campaign. The speech was so eloquent that the House
resolved itself into a Grand Committee,

" and did not onely give the King " i ^60,000, but agreed it shold be
by a land Tax according to the last Royal aid, 18 months assesm* :
after ^0,000, p. mens : and all this was done & passed the House in
lesse than an houres time 'Tis agreed by all hands that this hath
given a greater blow to the Dutch than all the guns that hath been agst
them in this war."

This was not to be done for nothing, however, and the
King was forced to withdraw his Declaration of Indulgence.
This act gave complete liberty to both Roman Catholics and
Dissenters, by suspending all penal laws in matters eccle-
siastical affecting either one or other. It was disputed that
the King could not interfere with the law, and that the Declara-
tion was a violation of the statutes. The House therefore
passed a resolution that " penal statutes in matters eccle-

* Sir William Coventry (1628 ?-i686), politician; younger son of Lord Keeper
Coventry, and a brother of Lady Savile ; Commissioner of the Navy and friend of
Pepys.

251

THE HOUSE OF LYME

siastical cannot be suspended except by act of parliament."
1672-3 Writing to his brother on February 15, 1672-3, Richard says :

" Yesterday the house was somewhat warme, they ordered the house
with the Speaker to attend the King with that adress I mentioned in
my last, & that a Bill shold be brought in to give some indulgence to
his Majesty's Protestant subjects, dissenters from ye Church of Eng-
land. The heats was occasion'd by some persons that moved in
behalfe of the Roman Catholics that had faithfully served the King
in ye late wars, but they are not to partake in this intended act : nor
wold the house suffer the Lords to be desired to goe along with them
which to me appeares the worst of anything done yett, for our adress
is single at present, and we cannot pass itt into an Act without the
Lords : And truly I know not how we can word that Act."

At length, against the advice of some of his council, the
King gave way, and withdrew his Declaration of Indulgence.
On March 8, 1672-3, Richard writes again :

" This day, I thanke God, is ye most glorious I have seen this ten
yeares as to our publique affaires : This morning came the King to ye
Lords house betimes and gave his speech in writing to our Speaker,
which we read twice, wherein he doth agree to everything we have
desired from him, and Secretary Coventry, (after the Speech was twice
read, ye first that spoke) told us ; ' With myne owne eyes Sir, I saw
the greate Scale pull'd from the Declaration ! J So then, most unani-
mously enter'd (Nemine Contradicente) that the thanks of this house
be given to ye King for his gracious Answer, And (nemin : contrad :)
that the Lords be desired to concur with us, which they have done,
and both houses march this afternoone to meet the King ; I believe itt
will prove like the last going into the Cellar ; I pray lett the Parson
give God thankes for itt publiquely. . . . The King told us he was
sorry any mistake had hapned amongst us, for his part he wold never
againe be guilty. I believe the money Bill will come speedily out, for
we have made a great Progress into itt this morning."

More was to be exacted from the King, however, before
Parliament would grant the promised sum. This same year,
1673 !^73) was passed the great Test Act, which allowed no person
to hold any office of trust unless he consented to take the Test,
that is to say, unless he renounced the doctrine of transub-
stantiation, and agreed to receive the Sacrament according to
the rites of the Church of England. It was not intended to be a
252

THE THIRD DUTCH WAR

persecuting act, or to interfere with the liberty of the subject,
but merely to prevent any person holding certain religious
beliefs, whose influence might be damaging to the State, from
occupying high office. The fear of a French invasion in support
of the English Roman Catholics was ever present with the
people, and the knowledge of the Duke of York, the heir to the
throne, being a Roman Catholic himself, lent colour to the
possibility of this fear becoming a reality. In consequence of
the passing of the Test Act, the Duke of York was forced to
resign the office of High Admiral.

On March 13, 1672-3, a proposition was put forward in the
House, opposed, however, by some of the Court and Church
party, to repeal that declaration in the Act of Uniformity which
renounced the Covenant :

" 'Twas most strangely canvas'd [writes Richard to his brother], we
debated itt above 6 houres, divided the house twice upon ye reading
on't. ist whether itt shold be read, 2nd time, whether itt shold be
read againe, & carried in ye affirmative both times : had it
been read the 3d time itt had been part of the Bill for ease of
dissenters. Upon the debate the Covenant was rack't & toss'd most
bravely, & strange itt was to see some of the old Cavaliers led by the
nose by the Presbyt: who were in their colors, they urg'd why this
shold passe, that itt only gave ease to about 9 or 10 honest conscien-
tious men, (as they called them) and wold admitt them into ye Church,
(this Byrch moved). Honest Mr Secretary Coventry stood up then, &
I never heard better nor more honest things said ; amongst the rest he
said : { If you shold allow of this thing desired, and these men shall
come in, I for my part will not come to their service, for Sir,' said he,
* I will never receive the blood of my Saviour from that hand that
stinks with the guilt of the Blood of my great Master.' Immediately
the question was putt & we threw itt out."

A curious incident happened this same day which we suppose
Richard himself had witnessed :

"This morning a strange accident happned about 9 aclock. There
came a Fryer into the Palace Yard in the midst of his robes, & an
attendant or two brought robes & bookes, & some brought faggots &
fire & his beads, & after he had expressed an utter dislike to the
Romish Religion, he burn't his beads, then his robes, & though he
was an Italian, he expressed his dislike to that Religion in soe high a

253

THE HOUSE OF LYME

nature, that his bookes followed, & he left a heavy curse upon his old
father the Pope. This is very true."

He writes again a few days later :

" In the House we have stop'd the money Bill till the Bills for Ease of
dissenters which passed our house yesterday & ye Pop : Bill (which
hath been some days with the Lords) be both passed, to-morrow we go
on the money Bill again."

There were grievances even in those days against the House
of Lords :

" Secretary Coventry brought us a message from ye King that upon
Thursday we shold have a recess, therefore he desir'd we wold dispatch
our Bills, especially the Supply Bill, but (fatally I doubt) the Lords
have been very high this day, & have either thrown out or soe mangled
the Bill against Popery, that 'tis fear'd the other of Supply will not
pass.

" For news 'tis said the Dutch are out with 40 sayle, but I doubt the
truth on't, but I fear they will be out before us : some talke as tho' a
peace were more att hand, but these are but conjectures."

In an undated letter of about this time Richard says :

" March, 1672-3, The Speaker tooday admonished Col Byrch *
publiquely in the Parl1 house for brushing his whiskers, and said that
was not a place to trimme his beard in. We all burst out with laughing
att him, but he never blush't for't. Yesterday my father f carried
me to Wollage, where we saw 48 great canon proved, & 2 great cast
anchors, but those we broke."

1673 Sir John Chicheley was preparing for sea by the end of
March, Richard sending him a horse-load of ale as a present
with the following letter, dated April 3, 1673 :

" Our fleet is in a better forwardness then I expected, they say we
shall have about 50 of our best ships out before this month ends, & the
French will send in 40 good sayle besides fireships, & we shall have
40 more of our owne to be ready by the middle of the next month.

" The Dutch sent to desire a cessation for 2 yeares, but the great
ones say now is the time to have them humbled. Doubtless they will
be hard put to itt to defend themselves att Land & to fitt out att Sea.

* John Birch, Presbyterian colonel ; took prominent part in Restoration,
f His father-in-law, Sir Thomas Chicheley.

254

THE THIRD DUTCH WAR

A gentleman came from Rotterdam that sayd they then had not 300
men in 7 of their greatest men of warr, but I wold not have us to beleeve
those things, hitherto they have been too cunning for us. Most
think they will come as strong as they can to sea & have one sound
brush for itt & then yeld if God send they do not worst us."

He gives glowing accounts of our own ships :

" We have a Company of brave sea Captains goes, & the men come in
cheerfully. 10,000 land men goes on board, all expert soldiers. [He
obtains a place for one of his cousins.] I have gott my Cos: the Duke's
Letter for a Volunteer, & Sir John admitts him into his ship & to his
owne table, & sayes he will allow him a midshipman's pay, which
will be above los a week to him, & if he carries himself e well, he stands
fair for the next Lieutenant's place. Mun Ashton is a Lieutenant
in the Cards, he gave I5OO1 for itt."

April 21, 1673 :

" This day I brought Sir John Chicheley to his Pinnace, att ye Temple
stairs we parted. Tomorrow I go with my Father * to meet the King
and Duke att Sheernesse, who go thither to accompany the Prince
[Rupert] : 'Twill be 2 or 3 dayes before we returne. In a fortnight's
time the French are expected to be att Portsmouth, there I intend
likewise to see the Navies joyne. 'Tis said that Amsterdam will
scarce hold out till the Plenipotentiaries meet, ours cannot be ready to
go this weeke."

He writes again on April 26, having got back from his
expedition to Sheerness :

" On Thursday late in the evening I returned from the Fleet, where we
found the Ships in good readiness to sayle, being all of them well
arm'd & victualled, but excepting, 7 or 8 of the great ones they are
but indifferently mann'd. To helpe that, we expect the Collier Fleet
every day, which will advance above 1000 saylors, & the Straits Fleet,
they say, are within our Channell with their Convoy, 7 or 8 stout men
of warr ; the merchants are above six score sayle, & they will afford 3
or 4000 saylors. Before the French Fleet comes to Portsmouth, 'tis
hop'd all will be fitted. The King hath left old Rupert aboard the
St Michaell, where he will be till he comes about to his Roy all Charles
which is att Portsmouth. The King spent 2 dayes in going aboard
all his ships. I parted with Sir John att Sheernesse, that Fort is in a
brave posture of defence, so is 4 or 5 more upon Medway, wc will give

* His father-in-law, Sir Thomas Chicheley.

255

THE HOUSE OF LYME

1673 the Dutch a farr better entertainment than they had the last time they

came there, but I hope the Prince will save them that labour. Sir
John Chicheley his Ship, the Charles, is a brave stout ship, he hath
above 600 men on board, his complement is 850 men, the rest are
coming. I doubt we shall hardly see him before they goe out of the
river, for the Prince weighed Anchor yesterday from the Hope, &
will not stay att the buoy att Nore above 2 dayes. The King came
aboard Sir John's Ship the first of any, where I found them in Sir
John's cabbin, a stately roome I can assure you. The old Sovereign
will be the latest in fitting, she had not many on board. The Prince is
very vigilant I can assure you, & strict with all his Captains to have
them on board : God speed them."

On May I comes another letter :

" The King went in great haste down to ye Fleet (yt lies att the Buoy
att Nore) 3 dayes since, returns this evening or tomorrow. We hear
not yett of ye French Fleet, the last year itt was in a Dutch gazett that
the French were ready to sett sayle, but they heard there was 2 or 3
Dutch capers betwixt the English & them & they durst not adventure
till their passage was clear'd. Many various reports fly up & downe.
When the Navies meet att Portsmouth I intend to go with my Father* ;
some say the French will not stirr till they hear the Prince is come from
the Buoy to Portsmouth."

The system of manning the fleet by press-gang, which had
the sanction of the law, and may be traced in English legislation
from the time of Edward I, was still resorted to. All eligible
seamen were liable between the ages of eighteen and fifty-five.
This system was, as may be imagined, extremely unpopular,
and terrible fights took place between the victims and their
captors, in which lives were often lost.

" Yesternight [writes Richard on May I, 1673], according to an old
custome all the riff-raff i'th towne went in great company a Maying.
2 or 3 company of foot met them in severall places and pressed all to
Sea that did not give a very good account of themselves."

On May 3 he writes again :

" Yesterday the King came from the Fleet and sayes they are bravely
manned, having most fortunately been assisted by the Fleets that are
this weeke come in, viz : 350 Colliers, 150 Bourdeaux Merts, & 26
Canary Merchants. 1500 Volunteers came on board the Colliers, 300

* His father-in-law, Sir Thomas Chicheley.
256

THE THIRD DUTCH WAR

of which came to Sir John Chicheley, but the Prince tooke 100 out of
his 300 to himselfe. Sir John hath now almost 900 men on board^ we
shall have above 70 men of warr out & ne'er a 5th rater amongst them,
& every ship hath one or 2 small vessells to attend them upon all
occations in fight & out : They say Rotterdam will be in danger to
be in the French power in a few dayes."

May 6, 1673: 1673

" The Dutch had like to have serv'd us a base trick, & God knowes
how itt will be yett. They were within 12 hours of taking all those
fleets I last mentioned, which some say, had they taken them with the
Colliers, they wold have blocked up our channell by sinking them
there, & if the men had been taken, we cold not have mann'd our ships.
They came close to the buoy att Nore within 3 leagues of the Prince,
who can goe noe faster towards them than as he tydes itt ; the Wind
stands N:N: East, right for them & direct contrary to us ; some will
not stick to say they have hired as they did the last year, some Lap-
landter, for the wind changed as the Prince weighed Anchor. This
day they brought itt to the King that the French Fleet were seen in
Portland road, some great ships we have in the Sound that will meet &
joyne with them, God knowes how our Freinds with old Rupert will
come to joyne, but if the Wind onc't favour him, he' el have one brush
though all their fleet be there as I doubt it is. Ye Prince hath some
40 good men of warr with him & 60 small ships, they call them tenders,
& the Dutch are now fallen towards their owne coast cleere out of
sight. The Prince is in the middle grounds not farr of the Buoy att
Nore."

On May 8 comes the good news that the Prince and French
are joined :

" The Hollanders we know not where they are. Their designe was
upon the Colliers fleet doubtlesse, the Gottenburgh fleet (id est) pitch
tarr &ct are come in safe most miraculously. The Straits fleet are
very rich, 120 of them expected daily."

May 10, 1673 :

" The peace is certainly concluded betwixt the French King & the
Elector of Brandenburgh, & they talke of a match is like to be betwixt
the Dauphin and some one of the Princesses that is so near allied to the
Empire that upon the match he is to be proclaimed King of the
Romans. This diversion may do well for England."

R 257

THE HOUSE OF LYME

1673 May 15, 1673 :

" The King and Duke intend to go to-morrow morne towards Dover or
Rye, the 2 Fleets ere this are joyn'd. I doubt I shall not go for my
Father * does not go, & I shall hardly go without him. 'Tis here
whisper'd that 10,000 landmen are speedily to be rais'd, & all the land-
men now on board & all the English soldiers now in the French army
are to meet the Duke where're he lands. 'Tis thought 'twill be in
Zeeland, & we have good assurance thence, but God knows how these
things are. In all probability the Hollander is in a low Condition.
Some say we shall certainly have an advantagious peace, in the meane
time the Prince is most impatient to have a bout with them att sea.
One of our Fireships was accidentally burnt in the Fleet, but no more
hurt."

May 24, 1673 :

" My Lord Ossory went with the King to Rye, & Norborough f being
not yett come in with the Straits fleet, my Lord begged he might go
Rere Admiral in his roome. The King said My Lord Ossory J had
but one shirt & 7 guineas in his pockett till he gave him some linnen &
a bed out of his owne Yacht to ly upon. I had yesterday a letter from
Sir John Chicheley ; he says they are a brave fleet & well mann'd &
in good courage, & did expect they shold have a fight within 3 weeks or
lesse. Ere this the Prince is upon the coast of Holland."

Sir John Chicheley was leaving his wife expecting a baby,
and this caused him great and not unnatural anxiety. His
brother-in-law and sister were to remain in London to look
after Lady Chicheley during her husband's absence. In a
letter to his sister, written " from on board the Charles near
Dover," adopting the formal and stilted language of the time,
Sii John addresses her as " Mrs. Legh " :

" May ye 29, 1673 ; Mrs Legh, Being sensible what 'tis to be absent
from a neere & deare concerne, makes me the more estime the obliga-
tion you have done me in resolving to stay with my good woman till
she's past danger ... I hope yet, if the Hollanders are as willing as
we are, to see you ere long at London, ten days being the uttermost in

* His father-in-law, Sir Thomas Chicheley.

f Sir John Narborough, admiral of the Red in 1673 ; Commissioner of the Navy ;
died of fever in St. Domingo, 1688.

i Thomas, Earl of Ossory, eldest son of the first Duke of Ormonde ; married
Lady Amelia, daughter of Louis de Nassau, son of Maurice, Prince of Orange.

258

THE THIRD DUTCH WAR

my small judgment before they will beate us or we them. For our 1673
parts we are now makeing all the hast to them we can."

He writes to Richard on the same day :

" Deare Bro : What has occasion' d so long a forbearance was the
hope of seeing you with the King, but now I am disappointed. I
cannot say when it will be since the hazards of war you know are very
uncertain. If it please God I come off well, 'tis probable we may once
more meet either at Lime * or London. We are now dayly making
some little progresse towards our enemy, though but slowly, the winds
being contrary. I hope when we meet a prosperous gaile will attend
both our endeavours & desires. I must confess for the number of
ships we have a very fine fleet to the number ot 75 or 6, besides five
or six and twenty fire ships, all well resolved. I doubt not but if you
stay till ye middle of June or the beginning, but we may meet at
Shearnesse, where, ere it be long, I expect to be refitting my ship for a
second encounter.

" I do thinke myself extreamely obliged by Mrs Legh for the resolu-
tion she has taken to see my good woman in the straw safely delivered.
I do assure you if I live to returne, upon all occasions I shall be ready
to acknowledge her kindnesse. We are now neere Dover advancing
upon our foes with a faire gaile, so yt I hope one ten days will end this
business for a while till we can fitt our ships againe, which gives me
some hopes of seeing you before you leave London, in case it please
God to spare my life. Adieu dearest Br : Yrs J N CHICHELEY."

This war, which had very doubtful results, came to an end
late in 1673, and we hear of Sir John Chicheley back in London
" looking thin but very harty," in November. " The Dutch
are higher than ever, and have a great Squadron ready to
goe out. We have none, nor any like to have." j*

The Duke of York was to set out to meet his Duchess, Mary
of Modena.

Another letter from Richard, dated November 6, says :

" The Modena Duchess comes slowly, she was sick and kept hei bed 3
dayes the last week, but the next she is expected. There was such
burning of the Pope last night, Sir Anthony Cope J had a barrell of
Pitch & a Maidment of Straw that had a triple Crowne, Lawne Sleeves

* He spells it thus occasionally. f Raines Collection.

J Sir Anthony Cope, M.P. for Oxford; married Mary, daughter of Button,
Lord Gerard.

259

THE HOUSE OF LYME

& a Cope and several fripperies like to his Holyness att Rome,
which was sett in the Barrell of Pitch & a Linke fired & stuck i'th
reare of itt which gave fire, & a thousand people I do believe were
spectators. My brother Jack * & I walked an houre by the light
of itt. Itt was in the higher end of the Square. My Lady Devonshire f
& the Lady Southern had each a great fire there."

Peace was signed in February 1673-4, Charles II offering the
hand of his niece, Mary, eldest daughter of his brother James,
to her cousin William of Orange, afterwards William III.

* Sir John Chicheley.

f Lady Devonshire, widow of second Earl, who died in 1628. She was the
daughter of the Earl of Kinloss and a great supporter of the Royal cause.

260

CHAPTER XVIII
PENDANTS AND PERIWIGS

IN 1673 we hear of the Duke of York anxious to buy some of 1673
Richard's young horses, which the latter was as unwilling to sell.
Loyal though he was, Richard had no intention of making a bad
bargain, which he evidently considered he would be doing by
transacting business with His Royal Highness :

" The Duke of York [he writes to his wife] asked me of them (the
horses) yesternight, I am soe afraid they shold not prove well in his
hands, I had rather any had them than he. [A few days later he
mentions the fact again.] The Duke of York sent to me to bring my
horses into St. James's Parke this afternoone ; he commended them
much, soe did all the Courtiers, but the thing called money is not to be
had amongst them, without it my horses and I do not part." *

Parliament only sat for a few months in 1674, navmg been 1674
prorogued from February 24 to March 10, and from that day
on to April 1675. The Legh family spent the summer of 1674
at Lyme, Richard delighted to be amongst all his " dear brood."
The relations between parents and children had undergone a
great change. The strict discipline of the Elizabethan age had
been relaxed, children were far more considered and were
treated like rational beings. They still addressed their parents
as " Sir " and " Madam," but there was more freedom of inter-
course and a greater amount of confidence was established.
Richard entered into all the amusements and pursuits of his
little ones. They seem to have ridden their ponies, made
expeditions and had their little parties much as do the children
of to-day :

" The children waer [were] very much made of att Mr

* Raines Collection.

26l

THE HOUSE OF LYME

Stoperts," writes Elizabeth to her husband before his arrival,
she also tells him of an expedition they had made with a
neighbour, Colonel Downes to the town of Macclesfield, she
herself being unable to accompany them. In each letter
their father sends messages to his " dear bantlings," " dear
Babes/' or " brats," he never mentions them without some
such terms of endearment. Sometimes there come presents :
" I bought Letty a purse," and for the others " 2 pair of
pendants, a pretty silver box, and 2 pair of neat enamald
buttons for Fee's sleeves, whether thou wilt dispose of them
till I come I leave to thee. Lett me know how thou likest
them." Lest Elizabeth should think he has been extravagant,
he tells her the price, the pendants cost ys., the box 33. 6d.,
Peter's buttons is. 6d., and the purse is. ; for herself he
sends some new play-books. A few days later come pippins
and " pear-maines," two dozen of crab oranges, two dozen
of lemons and some " Barmoodes " ; she is to give " the bratts "
some from him. He also sends 400 asparagus, no doubt a very
great delicacy ; they are to be " sett in wet sand and water
awhile before they beboyled " ; the Spanish potatoes mentioned
in a former chapter and a horse-load of good apples, and " some
things for the children," which he begs she will not distribute
before his arrival. A jar of fresh capers is presented by Lady
Chicheley, with directions to open it and to add fresh vinegar
or the contents will be spoilt.

The family now numbered five. Lettice, the eldest girl, aged
about twelve ^at this date, was beginning to be a help to her
mother, whose health had never been particularly good, and
who was much hampered by her very rapidly increasing
family. She also suffered from her eyes. The education of the
children seems to have been done principally at home, the
boys apparently were not sent to school, and we read of a
tutor being engaged, " a Bachelour of Arts, a very good
Scholar and of great modesty and sobriety." The children
of those days were taught a certain amount of accomplishments.
It was considered the right thing to know how to dance, and to
play on the viol or mute, " and another thing that is as good to
262

PENDANTS AND PERIWIGS

lerne on as the ' mute.' " The " mute " cost 20s., " the
other thing " 53. ; if this is not approved of it can be changed
for the " mute."

Foreign languages were also part of the education of the
youth of the seventeenth century. In 1673 a prot6ge of
Richard's was sent abroad to Saumur, where he was to settle
in a French pension :

" He is very well pleased with his adventure, what he learns in French
his Tutor puts him to turn into Latin, so hee improves in both Lan-
guages at once. [The boy reports himself as being] mightily taken
with all the rareities and noble things he hath scene in his journey and
the brave Churches with their vast treasures and the Religious houses."

He is also much struck with the fair nuns, and apparently
would have been glad of an opportunity of making their acquaint-
ance, " if he had had a message to deliver, hee would have taken
it for an honner to have delivered it."

Another relative of Richard's was sent at this date to Christ
Church, Oxford. A letter from the Dean, the redoubtable
Dr. Fell,* assures Richard that his kinsman is doing well :

" The discipline of this Place does I know fall under the ill opinion of
young People, but it will be a venial fault if we displease them at
present, to benefit them for ever hereafter. Those who desire to be
debaucht or idle, if they find their life made uneasy are to blame their
own choice in coming hither, where licentious practises shall never be
encouraged."

The college authorities had the same objection to innocent
recreation as those in earlier times, so one can hardly wonder
that — in the absence of some outlet for energy and high spirits —
the " licentious practices " referred to by the Dean should
occasionally have had to be recorded.

Though he took great interest in affairs of State, and never
shirked his duty, Richard's heart was always at " sweet Lyme,"
where he was ever happiest, and where he had to leave his

* Dr. John Fell, son of Samuel Fell (1625-1686), Dean of Christ Church and
Bishop of Oxford; reluctantly expelled John Locke from Christ Church in 1684;
summoned the undergraduates to take arms against Monmouth in 1685.

263

THE HOUSE OF LYME

Elizabeth, who, with a new baby coming almost every year, was
seldom able to accompany him to London. There was much
entertaining, all the relations were coming and going, and the
Leghs kept practically open house. Sir Thomas Chicheley and
1674 his son Sir John, with his wife, paid a visit in June 1674. Lady
Chicheley was a good correspondent and her letters are well
written and expressed. She writes to her sister-in-law on June
23, after her visit, describing the difficulties that had to be
encountered with the stage-coachmen of the day :

" We had a very prosperous journey home, which we came to on
Saturday night last, though pretty late and against one of our Coach-
man's will, who was very cross on both our journeys. He that drove
Sir Thomas's Coach would have even layd us at Barnett all night,
though the Sun was above an hour high ; but the other Coachman
being better natured, would come on and made him come alsoe,
though he threatened and scolded all the way." *

She gives some gossip. Several people, as she expresses it,
" catched in the Nouse of Matrimony," Sir Coplestone Bamp-
fylde f to Mrs. Roberts, " the wench hath three thousand
pounds a year," Lord Buckhurst J to Lady Falmouth, Sir
Michael Wharton to the Lord Treasurer's § eldest daughter (this
marriage did not come off), " fat Andrew Newport || is to have
Bella Boynton, Maid of Honor to ye Dutchess, and many others
which I leave to my Sister Fountain ^| to remember, and state
affairs to Sir John." **

Thrown much upon her own resources for providing a little
welcome variety in her cooking, the housewife of the seven-

* Raines Collection.

f Sir Coplestone Bampfylde (1656-1691), justice ; active in promoting the Restora-
tion ; married, secondly, Jane, daughter of Sir Courtenay Pole of Shute, a sister of
Mrs. Robartes.

J Lord Buckhurst, afterwards Earl of Dorset ; married Dorothy, widow of
Charles, Earl of Falmouth, who was killed at sea in the Dutch War.

§ The Lord Treasurer, Sir Thomas Osborne, Earl of Danby, afterwards Duke of
Leeds.

|| Andrew Newport (1625-1699), son of the first Baron Newport, a Royalist;
married Isabel, widow of Sir Francis Boynton, who was killed at Wigan in the
advance of Charles II towards Worcester.

If " Sister Fountain," Sarah, youngest daughter of Sir Thomas Chicheley, married
to Andrew Fountaine of Salle.

** Sir John Chicheley, her husband.

264

PENDANTS AND PERIWIGS

teenth century was grateful for recipes of all kinds, and there
was a constant interchange of these between Elizabeth Legh
and her relations. Mrs. Elizabeth Beaumont, a poor lady
relative who acted as housekeeper to the Chicheleys, and who
hovered between Lyme and Wimpole, assisting at all the
interesting events in both families, sends Elizabeth some
directions for making her " Summer Sweetmeats." They
would probably be too highly spiced to suit the taste of
to-day.

" I have no recept for pudings nor ever had [she writes in 1674], I 1674
make them always by gess [guess], indeed I did teach Mrs Fountain,
but it was with letting her see me mingling them, and I wish I was as
near your Ladyship that I might doe ye same for you but I'll tell you
everything I use to put in them, and give you the best directions I can,
and then you must put them together to your own taist. My last
white pudings I put all these things in ; grated bread and milk and
cream and eggs, mace and cloves and salt Sittern [citron] and Gandy
Orange and Lemon peale, rose water and sugar and a little Sack if you
please, and a great deal of Marrow, and always very well beaten, and
musk and amber, and you may put a little Saffron in through a Tifany
into your milk. Mangle your grated bread and your cream, and 8 or
10 eggs with half the whites together as for a boyled puding, but
pretty stiff and put Almond in, a matter of half a pound I think will
serve, if you find there is not enough, you may put in more next time.
There must be a pretty deal of the Sittron and oranges and lemons
cut small, for I never put any Currants in these pudings, and so put
in all the ingreadents according to your taist and the Marrow in little
lumps.

" I have heare sent your Ladysp. the receipt for Drying Goosbery ; tis
I am suer a very good way, for noe body in England I am suer doth
Sweetmeats better then this Gentlewoman that gave me this, & tis
the true way she euse [used] to doe them I dare say ; the way is
something tedious but you have soe many paire of hands that will be
ready at peeling them, that you will rid a great many in a Little time.
I would gladly know how your Goosberys proved that you put up
for Tarts, mine proved very good & lookd as fresh as when they was
fresh pulled off ye trees & baked, and I have made very good Goosbery
Foole with some of them. A Bottle will make a good handsome
Creame Glass full, onely you must put the Yolke or two or an Egg
more in, because they doe not afford soe much pulp as when they are
green, but itt lasts as well every jott, & you must sett them on the

265

THE HOUSE OF LYME

fier with a little water & boyle them till they are soe tender that the
pulp will rub through a haire Sieve." *

She sends another recipe for what she calls " bread pudings " :

" I mingle these just as I doe the Almond ones, only I leave out the
Almonds and put but a little lemon and orange peal, but very small to
taste them, and then I put plump currants in and colour them pretty
well with saffron. These pudings takes up a deal of marrow, and
sometimes when I could not get enough, I have been forced to take
some Beef Kidney Suit [suet], and shred it, and soe melt it over a
slow fire and soe straine itt into the pudings, for I never lett a bit of
Suit [suet] appear in lumps in these pudings, but you cannot make
them without some Marrow to lye in lumps in them, for else it will be
suspected that it is all Suit."

She begs that Elizabeth will try her hand at these, and in
order that she may hit on " these madd directions " she is to
" rap two in an owld clout " and send them for her to see.
" Be sure you make them fatt enough," she adds, " else they
will not be worth a pinn." For Richard she sends " a Sermon,
a Play and a Ballet."

1675 By a bill of May 12, 1675, we find that a pound of citron
cost 35., a box of oranges and lemons 135. 9d., a gallon of oil
and a bottle came to 95. 6d., and " for a Cart to carry ye Grocery
ware to ye Carryer " 2s. was paid.

A year or two later oranges and lemons rose to 2s. apiece.

As a return for a " Goos Gibby Pye," which she had received
from her father, Mrs. Beaumont begs that Elizabeth will send him
some more of the famous Lyme home-brewed ale, which would
appear, like audit ale to-day, to have been bottled like wine :

" My Master wished twenty times for some more Cheshire Ale, for ye
other day he had a very great Lady and her husband dined with him,
and I had kept two bottles of ye Ale that he did not know of and sent
it up and bid ye Butler give it him, and when they once tasted of it,
they never left whilst there was a drop in the bottles, and all protested
there never was such drink drunk in this world of noe sort. [She
adds :] If I had had more, in my conscience they would have been
fuddled I doubt." *

* Raines Collection.
266

RICHARD LEGH OF LYME

Painted by Cooper about 1670
From a Miniature at Lyme

MRS. RICHARD LEGH

Painted by Cooper about 1670
From a Miniature at Lyme

PENDANTS AND PERIWIGS

Two beautiful miniatures by Cooper of Richard and his wife 1660-70
were painted somewhere between 1660 and 1670, the first
named being especially fine.

It has a dark background and shows him wearing a small
periwig and a breastplate of armour. With the introduction of
gunpowder in the fourteenth century, armour had declined in
importance as being no longer proof' against this new weapon ; it
continued, however, to form part of the dress of the two following
centuries, though it was probably only meant to be ornamental.
Wigs were becoming the fashion in the middle of the seventeenth
century, but these were much smaller and less heavy than the
enormous periwigs introduced by Louis XIV, which were not
worn in England much before the eighteenth century.

Elizabeth's miniature has a sea-green background ; her hair
is dressed in curls on her forehead, stiff ringlets standing away
from her head. Her dress, a bright blue, contrasting well with
the background, is cut very low, and she wears a scarf of some
gold tissue over her right shoulder. A brooch in the shape of a
cross, formed of five large stones, fastens some pearls to the
front of her gown.

Dress played an extremely important part in the days of
Charles II, and the costumes of the men seem to have been a
matter of even more consideration than those of the ladies.
We have it on the authority of Mr. Pepys himself how much he
felt his worth increase by the wearing of fine clothes. Richard
spent a great deal of time and not a little money on his wardrobe,
and took immense pains with every detail of it. One can
picture him in his velvet coat with silver buttons, or his " light
colored Camelott Coat, with ye breeches," his black satin waist-
coat " lyned with persian tafTety," and the dimity calico which
was to line his sleeves, but we do not read of Elizabeth cutting
up her gowns to make his waistcoats, as Mrs. Pepys was in the
habit of doing for her lord.*

Elizabeth being so often incapacitated from accompany-
ing her husband to London, he had to buy all her finery

" June 13, 1661 : I went home, and put on my grey cloth suit and faced white
coate, made of one of my wife's pettycoates." — Pepys's " Diary."

267

THE HOUSE OF LYME

and fripperies, with clothes for the children in addition to
his own. He spares no pains to get her what she likes, going
to twenty shops in one afternoon, as he tells her, " to looke out
something for the children, thy Mantoe and Petticoat " — then
a very important article of dress. Lady Chicheley he took with
him to help. " All stuffs were very deare," he complains, " and
they all run (that are fashionable) upon those colors in thy last
Mantoe, so I thought it best for them to see further lest the
new one looke too like." *

A few days later he sends her " Semarr " (a simar, or cloak
with long sleeves), and the children's clothes, and he assures her
he has not exceeded the price she named.

In a sudden and unwonted fit of economy he tells her :

" I had ordered my Taylor to come to-morrow to alter some Clothes
to be fashionable, but now I will stick to my freeze, which hath not
been off my back but when in bed since I saw thee. I have spared
from my own back for I have bought neither Suit nor Perriwig, nor
shall I buy any as I thinke whilst I stay." *

A few days later, however, he is beguiled by Sir Thomas into
purchasing a new suit, " cost me four pound, but my Father •)*
will have another o'th same."

In June 1674 Elizabeth was to be provided with suitable
jewellery, presumably diamonds, and the commission to purchase
these was entrusted to Lady Chicheley.

" Sister Fountaine is in a great dispute about your pendants and is
advised to persuade you to lay out a little more money, or else they will
not be fitt for you to weare. The lesser pattern is as I designed itt at
Lyme, but for that you must buy 2 of the corner stones, which will
cost 2os apiece, and some small ones to make up the paire, but still
they are longish and too little for you to weare." *

1674 Sir Thomas Chicheley was anxious to present his grandson
with a new suit, " which will be finer I doubt not than his last,"
adds his father. The children of those days were dressed very
much the same as their parents, the girls wearing the stiff wide
skirts, low-neck bodices and elbow sleeves of the period, the boys

* Raines Collection.

f His father-in-law, Sir Thomas Chicheley.
268

PENDANTS AND PERIWIGS

with the same velvet coats, embroidered waistcoats, breeches,
and even swords. Peter, aged six, was to be fitted out with all
the requisites of a man of fashion. His " brave suit," a little
velvet coat trimmed with lace, " narrow Pantaloons with
ribbonds and lac'd I can assure you," writes the proud father,
stockings and buckled shoes, even down to his little periwig,
costing £3 53., and his little sword — a present from his Uncle
John. To these were added a case of pistols with holsters and
" cads," a strange present for so young a child. The boy was
much excited at the prospect of his new clothes. " Deare Cratur
[writes Elizabeth to her husband, in acknowledging the gifts],
I thanke thee kindly for all thy prasents thou sendest me ...
every day is ten till I see thee, and after a while I shall begin to
count the hours for thee as Pe did for the coming of his breeches."
He was also given a new saddle " and very fond he is of it." She
begs her husband if he sees any new-fashioned cookery at her
father's, to ask the housekeeper to give him some recipes.

The four little girls were also to have new clothes in 1675 : 1675

" The children's stuff looks well in the piece and I think will wear well.
Mrs B. bought 6 yards and could get no more, by the next or before
this is work't out will send more. [Richard buys a remnant for Sarah's
and Betty's coats :] but two yards left, a remnant, Mr Rigby [the
tailor] hath sent itt and says he will have but little for it. [A pattern
shoe of Lettice's and Betty's is to be sent for them to have each] a
laced pair, and Fanny and Sarah shall have also. I think to guess big
enough for them [he adds with prudent forethought], they will all fit one
time or other. [He also sends by the carrier] a trunk with P.L. upon
it and the key, they are for my son." *

Thomas Legh, who seldom left the country, had com-
missioned his brother to buy him some garments ; these were
to be of plain and serviceable material :

" Your clothes I have bought to-day [writes Richard, April 15, 1673],
honest plain Serdge, the King wears the very same. You shall have
2 paire of breeches for riding and walking, but they weare no silke
wastcotes, what you weare for warmth must be under your halfe
shirt. Unless I hear to the contrary I will make you very plain

* Raines Collection.

269

THE HOUSE OF LYME

clothes (which are most modish), at present nothing but mourn-
ing is worne nor will any other be till the 29th of May, att Court
especially. They wear only coates and breeches very short, just
pantaloons, some strait, some wider, the coat very strait to the
body. When you have a desire to be in colors, 'tis but putting
the blue or philamote as you see the broad black is on the shoulder
and sleeves, taking the black away, and then your cuft strings of
the same colour. Your hatt is a good one, 'tis most of it beavor,
2 paire of stockings, and 2 pair of breeches, one for riding, the other
pantaloons. I wish they prove big enough, they are 4 fingers
wider than mine, with garters and silver buckles and a play book.
There is a black Spanish lether belt with the silver buckle which you
fancied of mine, and a fashionable sword, both which I present you
with. [He had evidently been given a specified sum to spend and had
overdrawn the amount :] I doubt I have exceeded your instructions
of lo1, but I will give you account ; if you thinke good, send lo1 by
Bamford [the carrier] his next returne, for my stock growes low."

Elizabeth writes one of her rare letters about this date.
She seldom adds the year, and often puts only the day of the
week. Writing was laborious to her, partly on account of her
eyes, which were very weak, and partly because she wrote
extremely badly, her handwriting and spelling being equally
atrocious. Her husband indeed frequently wrote for her, and
when she had to write to important relatives, made her rough
drafts of what she was to say. She was a great character, and
her letters nearly always contain something fresh and original.
She gives an amusing account, to her brother-in-law Thomas,
of a little money transaction she had with Sir John Bennet,
in which she seems to have got decidedly the best of the
bargain :

" DEARE BROTHER,

". . . Though I cant return you newes upon soe pleasant a
subject as yours is, yet I think you will laugh when I tell you I have
sold the old selver minute watch to Sir John Bennet * for 4 gines
[guineas] and a new silver watch to boot, but after a weekes triell he
found he could not mack [make] the menets and the howers goe
together, therefore he desired his Sister Carr f to get his gold and

* Sir John Bennet of Bawling, brother of the Earl of Arlington and Lady Carr ;
created Baron Ossulston, 1682.

f Wife of Sir Robert Carr, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster.

270

PENDANTS AND PERIWIGS

watch again, and to desire me to tack [take] my own again, but I sad
[said] no, if he had spoiled the watch he had no reason to thinke that I
should pay for that, for I said he might remember that I told him I
would not pass my word for the good going of it, but because it was
AspenalPs worke he was fond of it. But now he thinkes he is choust,
and everybody tells me that I had great luck to cosen him that has
cheated all the indegant [indigent] officers."

This is an allusion to Sir John Bennet's * post of Captain of the
Gentlemen Pensioners. The word " choused," which now forms
part of schoolboy slang, appears to have been introduced into
the language at the beginning of the seventeenth century.

The Dutch War being now over, Van Tromp, the Dutch
admiral, was visiting London, much feted, and ultimately
made a Baron by Charles II. This personage had manners
the reverse of engaging :

" Van Trump is now at London [writes a correspondent to Lyme in
January 1674-5], courted by all the great ones, often drunk, and
eminent for nothing more then saying nothing. There was a new play
acted last week, the play-house being full, he was conducted over the
stage to get to his place, but the whole playhouse did hisse and make
such a noise that noe Dutch breeding could have exceeded it, but it was
checked as soon as they could by the great ones."

Parliament was sitting again in April 1675. Richard was 1675
back in London by the I5th, leaving poor Elizabeth in delicate
health at Lyme.

The formation of separate Parliamentary parties, which
started in Charles I's reign, may be said to have been completed
at this date. The religious strife was still continuing ; on the one
side it was Danby and " no toleration," on the other Shaftes-
bury f and " toleration for Dissenters only." Danby's " non-
resistance " Bill, forbidding any one to sit in Parliament unless
he would swear that he believed resistance to the Crown to be

* See note, p. 270.

t Anthony Ashley Cooper, first Earl of Shaftesbury (1621-1683) ; attached himself
to the Parliamentarians, but was pardoned at the Restoration. Set himself to
encourage the popular apprehension of a Romanist revival ; helped to spre. id the
" Popish Plot" illusion as a weapon against the Government; dismissed from the
Privy Council ; ultimately fled to Holland and died there.

2/1

THE HOUSE OF LYME

1675 illegal, passed the Lords, but provoked a bitter quarrel between
them and the Lower House. Commenting on the general
situation, Richard writes to his wife on April 15, 1675 :

" As to the Parlt:, some there carry exceeding high against the King,
yett I hope they will settle in a short time ... we sitt each day
till 2 or 3 a clock. The Lords sate this day till 5, and are full as madd
as our House. Yesterday we read a Bill wherein 'tis made Treason
to levy money without an Act of Parlt : & this Bill is to be read again
upon Monday next. As 'tis drawn 'tis of a high concerne & toucheth
much upon Prerogative." *

On April 22, he says :

" 'Tis fear'd we shall breake all in pieces yett. The Divell Presby-
terian in both Houses does all he can to force the King to Dissolve us,
and the Lords were never higher but in -42. A little term will show
how itt will be."

On April 27 comes another letter :

" I have not had time to write, for the House sate till almost four &
we were obliged to be at a Committee before 6. One thing pleaseth
me, that I see the House is pretty calme (though severe) & I hope
the conclusion may end well, for the malicious party are broke. I
have visited the good Lord of York,f who is concerned as deeply in
theirs as the youngest in our House, & when yesterday the Lords were
soe warme, they moved at 4 in the afternoon to adjourn their Debate,
which still continues upon the Test, they believing the Bishops, being
old men, wold have been glad of that recesse. The old Lads however,
mov'd to stick to itt, & att 9 or 10 att night they voted the Test to be
reduced to a Bill. Methinks the violent Presbyterians and Papists
goe hand in hand in that house."

He writes again on April 29, sending a parody of the King's
Speech which had been found scattered about the benches of the
House of Commons on April 13. It is ascribed to Andrew
Marvell,J who was member for Kingston-on-Hull at that time,
and is a triumph of the wit of the period. In sending it to his
wife, Richard tells her the paper was the same one which

* Raines Collection. f The Archbishop.

J Andrew Marvell the younger (1621-1678), poet and satirist; became disgusted
at management of public affairs and wrote bitter satires, attacking Charles himself ;
advocated a republic.

272

PENDANTS AND PERIWIGS

reached the King's own hand : " Sir John Ellois, a Courtier just
come from thence, gave me the enclosed Droll, which was
presented to the King's owne hand — this very paper " :

" MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

" I told you the last meeting ye winter was fittest for Buisness, &
I thought soe till my Ld Treasurer * assured me yt ye Spring is ye best
season for sallets and subsidies ; I hope therefore yt April will not
prove such an unnaturall month as not to afford some kinde showers to
refresh my Parched Exchequer yt gapeth for want of them ; But
some of you may perhapes thinke it dangerous to make me too rich ;
but doe not fear itt, I promise you faithfully whatever you give me I
will allways want, and although in othere things my word may be
thought butt slender security, yett in yt you may rely upon me, yt I
will not breake itt. My Lords & Gentlemen, I can beare my owne
straights with patience, but my Lord Treasurer doth protest to me yt
ye revenue as it now standeth will not serve him and me too ; one of us
must Pinch for it if you do not help us. I must speake freely to you, I
am in incumbrances, for besides my Mistresses in present service my
before-made Mistresses lye hard upon me. I have a pretty good
estate, I confess, but Odd's fish, I have a great charge upon itt. Here
is my Lord Treasurer can tell you yt all the money desired for the
next summers good must of necessity be supplyed to the next years
cradles & swaddleing cloths, what shall we do for ships then ? I only
hint it you, for yt is your Buisenes & not mine. I know by experience

1 can live without ym [them], I lived above ten years abroad without
ships & had never Better health in my life, but how you will live with-
out ym I leave it to your selves to Judge, & therefore mention yt only,
by ye by I doe not insist upon it. There is another thing I must press
more earnestly, which is yt it seems a good part of my revenue will faile in

2 or 3 years except you will be pleased to contenue it, I have now to say
for it, pray why did you give me soe much as you have done except
you resolved to give on as fast as I shall ask you ? Ye nation hates
you already for haveing given soe much, & I shall hate you now if you
will give me no more, soe if you doe not stick to me you will not have
a frend leafte in England ; on ye other side, if you will give ye revenue
as I desire, I shall be inabled to those things for yr religion & leberty
that I have had in my thoughts but cannot efect ym without a little
more money to carry me through in it, therefore looke to itt & take
notice yt if you doe not make me rich enough to undoe you, it shall
ly att your dores, for my part I wash my hands of it ; but yt I may

* Sir Thomas Osborne, Earl of Danby, and afterwards Duke of Leeds; Lord
Treasurer of England, 1673-1679.

s 273

THE HOUSE OF LYME

gaine yr good opinion ye best way is to acquant you with what I have
done to deserve it out of my Royall love of yr religion & yr property.
For ye first, my late declaration is a true picture of my mind, he that
cannot as in a glass see my zeale for ye Church of England, doth not
desirve any farthere sattisfaction, for I declare him willfull & not
good natured ; some may perhaps be startled & say how comes this
suden change ? To yt I reply in a word, I am a changeling, I thinke
that is a full answer ; but to convince men farthere yt I mean as I say,
there are these arguments ; first I will goe toe & you know I never
break my word with you, secondly my Lord Treasurer saith soe, &
you know he never tould a lye, thirdly my Lord Lautherdaile * will
undertake for me, & I should be loth by any act of mine to forphitt
[forfeit] the creditt he hath with you ; if you desire more instances
of my zeale I have ym for you ; for example I have converted all my
natural sons from popery, & I may say without vanity, it was my owne
worke, & much more peculiar to me then the getting of them. It
would doe yr hearts good to heare how prettily little George can read
allready in his Psalter ; they are all fine children, God bless them, &
soe like me in their understanding. — But as I was saying, I have to
please you given a pension to your favouritte my Lord Lowderdale,
not so much that I thought he wanted it, as that I knew you would take
it kindely ; I have made Carwell | a Dutches, & married her sister to
my Lord Pembrook, I have at me Brothers request sent my Lord
Inchiquin J to settle ye protestant religion att Tangier ; I have made
Crew § Bishop of Durham, & at ye first word of my Lady Portsmouth
have preferred Prideaux to be Bishop of Chichester. I doe not know
for my part what factious men would have, but this I am sure of, yt
none of my predecessours ever did any thing like this to gaine ye
good will of their subjects. Soe much for your religion ; now as for
your property, my behaviour to the Banckers for a publique instance,
& ye procedings about Mrs Hyde & Mrs Sutton for private ones, are
such contenuing evidences yt twill be needles to say any more of it.
I must now acquant you yt by my Lord Treasurer's advice I have made
a considerable retrenchment upon my expences in candles & Charcoole,
& doe not intend to stop there, but will, with your help, looke into ye
imbessilment of kitchin stuff, but by the way, upon my conscience,
neither my Ld Treasurer nor my Ld Lauderdale are guilty. I speake

* John Maitland, second Earl and first Duke of Lauderdale (1616-1682) ; aimed at
making the Crown absolute in Scotland in Church and State ; had complete influence
over Charles II, who supported him against attacks of English Parliament.

f Louise de Ke"rouaille or Que"rouaille, Duchess of Portsmouth ; her sister
Henrietta married Philip, seventh Earl of Pembroke.

} William O'Brien, second Earl of Inchiquin, Governor of Tangier.

§ Nathaniel Crew, third Baron Crew of Steyne ; Bishop of Durham 1674.

274

PENDANTS AND PERIWIGS

my opinion, but if you finde them dableing in yt bussines, I leave ym
to you, I tell you plainly, for I would have ye world to know I am not a
man to be cheated. My Lds & Gentlemen, I desire you would believe
of me as you have found me, & I doe solemly promis yt whatsoever you
give me shall be esspecially maniged with the same conduct, thrift
and prudence that I have ever practised since my happy Restoration.
The rest I leave to my Lord Keeper."

Richard was longing to get home, but Sir Thomas Chicheley 1675
was firm about keeping his son-in-law to his duty, although
Elizabeth was expecting a baby in June, and her husband was
more anxious than ever to get back to her on this account.

" Dearest [he writes on May i], Thy last was a great satisfaction to me,
though I tell thee truly I am very uneasy to stay thus long from thee
& have often mentioned itt to my Father,* who wold hear no discourse
of itt till the last night, when he did assure me itt was his great desire
we shold be together, & made his request I wold but stay the next
weeke. My Father hearing me sometimes say that I wold steale out
of Towne & tell nobody, asked me yesterday seriously when I wold
goe, so I told him the next weeke. ' I hope,' says he, ' 'twill be the
latter end ? ' * Nay Sir,' said I, ( as soone as I can, God willing.'
' Well,' says he, ' I am loath to part with you, but I will keepe you
noe longer then Monday.' In that time he hop'd all wold be right,
(as yet there is not a word mentioned of giving the King money).
The Lord's House are higher (if possible) each day than other. The
Towne is in greate quietness, every body but children & porters are

gone to the Parke This forenoon Franc : Cholm : Cos :

Atherton & I spent in going to the Tower & showing the Lord Mayor
of London the bones of the 2 Princes, f I shall stay to receive the
answer to this, then write to me noe more. Thence day and night I
will trudge itt by God's leave till I come to thee." J

He had to wait another few days, however, and did not
get away till after May n.

" This day I din'd with Cos Chomley at Bawneas [Barnes ?] old Mr
Whitmore's who keeps the good house. He drunk thy health & said
he wondered thou durst adventure of me. The last time he saw thee

* His father-in-law, Sir Thomes Chicheley.

f During some excavations made in the Tower about this date, the coffin con-
taining the bones of the little murdered princes was discovered. This was given into
the custody of Sir Thomas Chicheley, Master of the Ordnance, by command of
Charles II. — " Secret History of England, by a Person of Honour."

J Raines Collection.

275

THE HOUSE OF LYME

was when thou wast very young. I told him if he saw thee now, his
wonder would cease. Now I am att the Committee of Privileges & have
stole up to the Speaker's Chamber to scribble these, & am never so
happy as when I talke of, write to, or thinke of thee, my deare Soule,
who am thine

" Whilst I am, R. LEGH." *

Parliament had refused the King's supplies, so Charles
prorogued it for fifteen months. Richard returned to Lyme,
where Thomas, Elizabeth's second son and sixth child, was born
on June 1 3, 1675.

* Raines Collection.

276

CHAPTER XIX

THE DUKE OF YORK'S VISIT

SUBSTANTIAL alterations had gone on at Lyme during the last 1676
twenty years. From the time of its first erection, succeeding
generations had made changes in the old house to suit the
fashion of the day, and Richard was also anxious to stamp his
mark upon its walls. The Elizabethan house had — outwardly
at least — practically disappeared. The sloping roof and pointed
gables had given place to a flat roof, and the square-headed
mullioned windows with their small diamond-shaped panes had,
some of them, been replaced by long sash windows with large
square panes, similar to those in the banqueting hall at White-
hall. These windows are about eight feet high on the first floor.
They have five rows of panes, the glass is all bevelled and
very thick, the woodwork between the panes is from two to
three inches in width and is beautifully moulded. Richard
gives the following particulars relating to the contract with
the workman :

"Wilkins asketh 4* a yard for workmanship of plain wainscot and
I find meat, and 23 a foot for Shass [sash] windows, that is 18* a
square yard and he find timber, which you know is noe great matter."

This alteration in the windows was done very gradually,
Richard beginning first with the three windows in the Eliza-
bethan drawing-room facing north, and two other rooms which
have two windows each, opening out of the drawing-room, pre-
sumably those occupied by himself and his wife. From a paint-
ing done about the end of the seventeenth century, we find
these seven windows are the only ones that had then been
altered, Richard dying before the completion of the work,
which was finished by his successor.

277

THE HOUSE OF LYME

It is difficult to say when the Elizabethan character of the
house was first destroyed. Happily this was only done to the
exterior, as much of the sixteenth-century work is still to be found
in the interior. The alterations were probably begun about 1652,
and continued during practically the whole of Richard's life.
One learns with dismay from a letter of Sir John Chicheley, in
1676, that a great deal of the original house had been by then,
if not destroyed, at any rate greatly altered and pulled about :

" I am a shearer with you [he writes on February 6 1675-6] in ye
satisfaction you have in what is already done at Lime : I cannot but
think otherways then that 'twill be extreame fine, and enough to
invite you to the pulling down of ye Dary side, but not a word of it
till the next broken summe."

One cannot help wishing that " the next broken summe " had
been insufficient to provide the means for this vandalism.

The taste of the period, between Wren and Vanbrugh, was
all tending towards the classic, the tide of fashion had, already
in James Ps time, begun to flow in the direction of the Italian,
and size and dignity were the first considerations in houses of
importance. Nor was this change in the taste of the day con-
fined to the exterior of houses ; it was also to be seen in the
furniture. Two foreign queen consorts had succeeded one
another, each importing some of the taste and fashion of her
respective country. Charles II, during his residence abroad, had
acquired a liking for the more luxurious furniture of France and
Holland, and to this we may attribute the greater luxury and
higher degree of comfort that made its appearance in the private
houses of the day. The magnificent upholstered four-post beds,
hung with embroideries and curtains of Venetian silk and velvet,
gold, silver, and even precious stones being sometimes intro-
duced, the tops garnished with plumes, real or in carved wood
representations, had replaced the heavy oak beds of the
Elizabethan age. English and Irish walnut was being used for
chairs and cabinets in place of oak. The increasing degree of
comfort and luxury had also meant increasing cleanliness.
Chairs were now being made with higher front rails, the idea
being that the floor was clean enough for ladies to be able to

278

THE DUKE OF YORK'S VISIT

place their feet upon it as they sat, without discomfort or
inconvenience. Marble was also being much used.

In anticipation, probably, of the visit of the Duke of
York to Lyme, Richard was redecorating the two rooms
above mentioned, which were intended for the occupation
of the royal guest. They are a suite of three, the third
room being very small, its windows forming part of the centre
portion of the entrance gateway. These rooms are all hung
with Mortlake and Flemish tapestries, those in the middle
one, which contains the bed, being especially interesting.
There are three pieces of tapestry in this room, in which is
represented a collection of animals of all kinds, from the lion and
ostrich down to the domestic barn-door cock. Whether the sub-
jects are intended for illustrations of the Creation of the World
(as has been suggested) or of ^Esop's Fables, it is impossible
to say. The prevailing colours are the subdued blues and greens
that one sees in tapestry of this make, and these form a beautiful
and harmonious background. An immensely high bed, the
four posts being of fluted wood covered with old English silk
of a delicate lemon-yellow colour, the silk being apparently
pasted on to the back of the bed as well as on the posts, was
possibly made for the projected visit. The Prince of Wales's
feathers, carried out in carved woodwork, and covered with the
same silk, figure prominently on the back of the bed.

The larger of the two rooms has three panels of Mortlake,
with fine borders, and one of very early Flemish tapestry, not
particularly interesting, being large figures representing an
episode in the life of Solomon. The small room is hung entirely
with four pieces of English tapestry of different designs.

The marble chimneypieces in the two larger rooms, which
remain there to this day, were ordered to be made in 1675, and
we get all the particulars of their purchase from Richard
himself :

"April 15, 1675.

" Dearest, I have been to look at some Marble Chimney

Pieces. They ask 15' a piece, but then insted of square stones like
those in the Dining Roome, they have an whole stone of Marble of the

279

THE HOUSE OF LYME

same for the Hearth with the Chimney Piece, which is very fine, and
that makes them soe deare, and some have Marble that is cut hollow
to sett within the Chimney instead of square tyle, which certainly is
very fine, but I doubt with hot fires they are apt to breake. I shall
take my Father's * advice therein. I find there is a White Marble
veyn'd and a delicate reddish marble full of white and color'd streakes.
These are the two colours I intend to fix upon." f

" April 29, 1675 ; . . . The Stone cutter was with me yesterday. I
have bid him 3O1 for the two Chimney Pieces of those colours I formerly
mentioned, but I thinke it is too little. I am to have halfe rounds of
white Marble for the inner sides, for which he had 81 a paire at the
first when he made them. White marble for them is putt into all
coloured chimneys, because thou knowest 'tis whiter then any tyles.
I only stay agreeing for them till my Father can see them, but he
adviseth me against having window bottoms of Marble for those two
Roomes. He sayes they do perpetually cast a moysture, if you lay
but a paire of Gloves down they will be wett."

Ultimately he got both chimneypieces for £35. These
remain exactly as they are described, the white marble sides
have not cracked, as it was feared that they would do, and are
.as good as the day they were made. That these chimney-
pieces were much admired we gather from a letter written by
Lord Cholmondeley, { who visited at Lyme a year or so after, and
on his departure writes begging his late host will give him advice
about purchasing similar ones, intended for some rooms which
he is making " something more convenient."

A feature of these rooms, and indeed of all the rooms on the
first floor, is their loftiness ; they measure from fifteen to twenty
feet in height. How they can have been lit, in the days when
rushlights and candles were the only means of lighting, passes
comprehension, as even with the electricity of the present day
it is difficult enough to obtain sufficient brilliancy. §

* His father-in-law, Sir Thomas Chicheley.

f Raines Collection.

J Robert Cholmondeley of Cholmondeley Castle, created Viscount Cholmondeley
of Kellis, 1 66 1 ; married Elizabeth, daughter of George Cradock of Caverswall Castle,
Stafford . Hediedini68i.

§ The idea, formerly prevalent, that electric light was unsuitable in old houses
has, happily, quite exploded. Properly treated, adapting, wherever it is possible,
ah1 the old fittings, electric light, far from being an eyesore, only serves to show
up unknown beauties, and to reveal charms undreamt of in old woodwork and

280

THE DUKE OF YORK'S VISIT

Richard was evidently looking about him, and adopting
ideas from other places. He visits his friends the Carrs :

" My Lady Can hath furnisht her house well. She carried me into
her best rooms, 'twould swell my paper and tyre thy patience to
mention all particulars. [He writes again describing a visit to
Arabella Churchill's : *] Peter Hunt and I have been all the morning
amongst workmen and fine places. Be not jealous, for I must tell
thee I brought him to Mistress Churchill's fine house, where he made
his best observacons in the next room where she lay asleepe, where
we had free acsesse by the help of a shilling and one of her maids." f

He was buying furniture also about this date. Mention
is made of a chest of drawers and a " Scriptore," which was
probably a kind of writing-bureau, for which he paid £20, but
means of transit being still inadequate, he was unable to
" hazard " them during the winter months. He buys a grand-
father clock by Knibb, the great clockmaker, in April of this
same year, 1675 :

" I went to the famous Pendulum maker Knibb, and have agreed
for one, he having none ready but one dull stager which was at 19* ;
for 51 more, I have agreed for one finer than my Father's, and is to be
better fmish'd, with carved capitalls gold, and gold pedestalls with
figures of boys and cherubimes all brass gilt. I wold have had itt
Olive wood, (the Case I mean), but gold does not agree with that
colour, soe took their advice to have it black Ebony, which suits
your Cabinett better then Walnutt tree wood, of which they are
mostly made. Lett me have thy advice herein by the next." f

In her answer to her husband, the dutiful wife assures him,
" My dearest Soule ; as for the Pandelome Case I thinke Blacke
suits anything." The clock is still in good working order, and
is a prominent object in the " Bright gallery." It has nothing
special about it, being quite plain, and considering what clocks
of the same kind fetch now, the price (£24) seems to have been
rather high. The face is quaint, and it has the two small spiral

cornices. The introduction of electric light into the Egyptian tombs has had a
wonderful result, and has arrested the further destruction of the paintings by the
tourists' torches, to say nothing of its being the means of getting rid of the clouds
of bats which infested these temples.

* Arabella Churchill (1648-1730), mistress of James II; eldest daughter of Sir
Winston Churchill ; maid of honour to Anne, Duchess of York.

f Raines Collection.

28l

THE HOUSE OF LYME

pillars at each side, supposed to have been suggested by the
ringlets worn by the ladies of the day.

1675 On May 8, 1675, comes mention of a barometer that he is
sending down :

" The Carrier will bring a long deale box with a bottle that hath
Quicksilver in itt. Prithee command there be great care of itt, that
neither of them — the box nor bottle — be stirred till I come home.
'Tis a device I had of Sir Jonas Moore * to know the weather by." j

Barometers, which had been invented by Torricelli in 1642,
must still have been rare, and were evidently considered some-
thing very special.

In a letter of about this date he mentions buying " a few
of the fine glasses," probably mirrors. It is not known when
these were first made. They were in common use amongst the
ancient Egyptians, Greeks, and Romans, but these very early
types were probably of brass or bronze. Praxiteles taught the
use of silver in the manufacture of mirrors in the year 328 B.C.
Mirrors of glass were first made at Venice in 1300,$ and were
introduced into England in 1673, so they would probably be
still rare and costly in 1675.

The garden was also occupying much attention. We read
of " span creepers, red honeysuckle, and seeds for general sorts
of flowers," but there is no good gillyflower seed to be had.
Two quarts of kidney beans, three or four of " Rouncivall
pease," and one quart of " Scarlett Beanes " are sent down with
the furniture, also 3 or 4 Ib. of wire at 8s. the lb., to finish some
hand-screens Elizabeth is making.

The ground on the south-west side of the house falls steeply
down and has been built up with walls some twenty feet high,
supported by buttresses, which may date from mediaeval times,
forming a terrace on which the house stands proudly. These
hanging gardens are a feature of the place, the walls giving the
appearance of battlements, from which a charming view of the

* Sir Jonas Moore (1617-1679), mathematical tutor to the Duke of York in 1647;
Surveyor-General of the Ordnance in 1663.
f Raines Collection.
I Chambers's "Encyclopaedia," vol. vii, p. 228.

282

Q
PS

THE DUKE OF YORK'S VISIT

lower garden is obtained. This was admirably laid out by
my father-in-law, the late Lord Newton, as a Dutch garden,
with beds bordered in ivy and golden yew, small lead statues
of Cupids in between, and a fountain playing in the centre.
The terracing was done by my father-in-law about the middle
of the nineteenth century.

Richard had some scheme on foot for erecting a statue in
the centre of the pond on the south side of the house, which at
that time was much larger and must have reached almost under
the windows : " The alteration you intend about your Pond
must needs be pleasant [writes Sir John Chicheley], and of some
use for diversion, which now is none. You must take Care ye
Statue be proportionable to ye Bignesse of ye Pond, otherwise '
'twill not show well." The pond has since been much reduced
in size, and the statue, alas, has disappeared.

In early July 1676 came the Duke of York's visit to Lyme, 1676
for which so much preparation had been made. One can picture
the reception that must have been given him. Richard, followed
by his retainers, meeting his royal guest (who would come on
horseback) at a given spot, and escorting him to the house,
where Elizabeth, in her best gown, would be waiting at the
entrance to the courtyard, prepared to give him the heartiest
of welcomes. No details are to hand, so we are, unfortunately,
unable to learn anything about the visit or what amusements
were provided for His Royal Highness, beyond that he was
taken for a stag hunt. The following appears on a piece of
paper in Richard's handwriting, stuck in the first page of the
first chapter of the first Book of Kings in the big family Bible :

" The loth day of July 1676 the Duke of Y: kill'd a stag that was
14 hands 4 inches high, he run soe long a chair [chase] the D: being
one of the ist that came in, who when he was att bay shott him dead
with his pistoll, & had 36 miles to ride that night, wch he did, & came
home before 8 a clock yt night. R. LEGH, 1676."

The oak at the bottom of the park, under which tradition
states this feat was accomplished, is still standing ; it has been
surrounded with a railing, and an inscription recording the fact
has been attached.

283

THE HOUSE OF LYME

None of the letters of the time contain any reference to the
visit beyond the following, which Sir John Chicheley wrote in
August from Montpellier, near the Gulf of Lyons, where he and
Lady Chicheley had gone for purposes of health.

" I take it for granted yt by the time this comes to hand y'l be quitte of
yr great Company, wch I do suppose y'l not desire to have often, though
a braver worthier man 'tis impossible to meet with. I do expect you
shall give me a true & perfect account of wt happens from yr first
meeting to yr parting, w^1 1 do suppose will not be at Lime Hall."

Whilst at Montpellier, Sir John visited the French fleet at
Toulon in March 1676-7, and appears to have been much struck
with its strength. He writes begging his brother-in-law will
represent this to the House of Commons, and that no efforts will
be spared to " fortifie our Outgards proportionable to w* it has
been to theres ; if not, I feare ye scene will be changed, and then
they will pretend to ye superiority at Sea, which if so and able
to dispute it with us, adieu trade and consequently what makes
us subsist."

Lady Chicheley, who apparently did not include a knowledge
of the French language among her accomplishments, describes
herself as " a body that is deaf and dum, for I nethere under-
stand nor speake." She takes a distinctly British view of
foreigners, and her impressions of the French are decidedly
unfavourable :

" The French (especially in this place) are the falsest, cheating lying
people in the world, and thinke that English comes on purpose to
bring them money, for a Frenchman shall live for a thurd part att
most of what an English man shall, and if they have any qarrel or
grudging at a man, they make nothing of stabeing him in an evening
or pistoleing. 'Tis a kinde of lawlese place and neghbours to the
Itallions and Spaniards, so partake some of their qualities."

grapes, bound, however, to admit the excellence of the figs,
the po and melons; cherries, too, to be had at id. and i-|d.
She is und.

1678 We hear of the Legh family suffering from measles and
jaundice in 1678, " a very troublesome and faint disease,"
writes Lady Chicheley, who had had practical experience of it
284

THE DUKE OF YORK'S VISIT

with her husband. She sends the following recipe which she
hopes may do good.

"To Cure the Jaundice.

" Take the Roote of Parceley, wild cicory, sorrel, buglose and fennel,
of each a handful, wash & pick them clean, & take the pith out &
boyle them in 2 quarts of fountaine water to a quart, then put in a few
leaves of Sage & let them scalde a while in it, after Stran it, throw a
Cloth without pressing it ; when tis cold, put it into a bottle & stope it
close, & drink half a Pint or a good draft of it every morning fasting
with 3 Spoonfulls of white wine, & fast 2 hours after it, & as much in
the Afternoone 2 hours before Supper. Make fresh as you need it.

" Sir John did purge once or twice or thrice with an Infusion of
Rhubarbe whilst it was upon him & att its leaving him."

CHAPTER XX

THE POPISH PLOT

1678 A PANIC of distrust had begun, conspiracies were rife, plots,
real or pretended, were hatching, and a general suspicion was
everywhere in the air. Society was possessed by a moral
epidemic as virulent as any physical disease, and for years this
state of things continued. There were not wanting adventurous
spirits ready to take advantage of the prevailing credulity of
the public mind, and bold enough to fabricate conspiracies which
they turned very much to their own profit, for this infamous
trade was a lucrative business. The year 1678, and the last
session of the Parliament which had sat since 1661, witnessed
the most memorable of these national delusions, the " Popish
Plot," fabricated by Titus Oates, in which hundreds of innocent
persons became involved. As early as 1673 the general feeling
of distrust had begun, and freedom of speech was an unknown
quantity. Writing to his brother-in-law, Richard Legh, from
London on February 17, 1673-4, Thomas Chicheley (eldest son
of Sir Thomas), says :

" Here is noe newes more then what is dangerous to write ; if we
write of amours, then the next morning comes Captain Bessus, his
stile, satisfaction, Reparation &ct, if of the King, a messenger invites
you civily to his house immediately after, and takes it extreame
ill if you do not goe with him. If of the Parliament, things are
remembered that were spoken in jest seven years agone."

In April 1678, Titus Oates,* the perjurer, an adventurer

* Titus Oates (1649-1705), perjurer; expelled from Merchant Taylors' School
during his first term there, 1665 ; became a naval chaplain, but expelled from the
Navy ; fabricated the " Popish Plot"; tried for perjury, 1685 ; condemned to stand
in the pillory annually, to be flogged and imprisoned for life ; sentence revoked and
he was set at liberty, 1689.

286

THE POPISH PLOT

from his earliest youth, started the idea of the " Popish Plot,"
the planning of which he purported to have overheard in a coffee-
house. He declared that it had for its object the assassination
of the King, and the setting up of James on the throne as the
agent of the Jesuits. Gates affirmed this story before Sir
Edmund Berry Godfrey,* a Middlesex magistrate, who not long
afterwards was found dead in a ditch near Primrose Hill. This
murder caused the greatest excitement all over the country, the
wildest rumours were flying about, a general massacre was pre-
dicted, and every one from the King downwards seemed to have
completely lost all sense of proportion and self-control. Gates
reaped a rich reward. Godfrey's murder, supposed to have been
done by Papists, lending support to his testimony, Gates was
lodged in Whitehall, with a salary of £40 a month.

" Whitehall [we read] is close shutt up, and noe passage to it but
through the wickett at the greate Gate, and a strict examination of all
that are suffered to passe in or out."

One of the first to come under suspicion, completely
unfounded, was Sir Robert Carr, Chancellor of the Duchy of
Lancaster, a life-long friend of the Legh family :

" I thank God I have done nothing to deserve his Majestie's dis-
pleasure [he writes to Richard on July 2, 1678], and hope I never shall,
but my enemies have prevailed against me, and I wish they never
may prevaile in things that will be of more injurie to King and
Kingdome."

Happily nothing was proved against him, and by November
he was with the King at Newmarket, in favour again, " but
cautious in making use of it."

In October, Sir Thomas Chicheley reports more news to his
son-in-law, back at Lyme after a visit to Bath.

" We have here a great Alarme of a plot against the person of the
King, but I hope it will prove noe such thing, for I think noething
but the Divell who hateth goodnesse can wish him ill, for certainly he

* Sir Edmund Berry Godfrey (1621-1678), Justice of the Peace for Westminster;
a zealous Protestant ; received first deposition of Titus Gates ; found dead on Primrose
Hill a month later, believed murdered by Roman Catholics.

287

THE HOUSE OF LYME

is the best of mankind, having ever done evil for good." [The
last sentence must either have been ironical, or else a slip of
the pen !]

1678 The plot is described by another correspondent as being
" as Blacke as can bee, what is said is not fit to be committed
to paper." " Never was there greater occation for your
presence heere then now," says one Lightbourne to Richard on
November 4, 1678, so most unwillingly and in very indifferent
health he returned to his Parliamentary duties at the end of
the month. Writing to his wife from Coventry on November 26,
while on his way, he complains of much pain, and is in evident
dread of a further fit of the stone, which illness he had suffered
from for years, the excessive horse exercise of the day being, of
course, extremely bad for this complaint.

" Coventry, Tuesday night, 1678 ;

" I hope Deare Soul thou hast enjoyed more satisfaction than I
have done since I left Lime. For my part I expect none like it till
I come there againe. I shall not trouble thee with the dullness of my
journey, being I know more melancholy for want of company, but
especially the last night, being alarmed with the dread of another fitt
of the Stone, which was very afflictive, but I thank my good God itt
was more in the apprehension than paine, but made me shorten this
days journey which I intended 14 miles further, & just now have eat
my Supper very heartily, & my best Dissert is this writing to thee, &
this day have pickt up a deal of news.

" First — This morning by 7 a clock came Mr Will Venables post to
Lichfield yesterday from London, where things are in a great hurly
burly. The great Lord Treasurer * as tis said, sent to the Tower,
however he is strongly articled against. You know how & why
Montagu f was laid aside for being Envoy in France. He is now
chosen for Northampton, & being in danger to be brought in
amongst the Plotters for knowing the designe there whilst he was
Embassador, & falls now to recriminate upon the Treasurer . . .
and now Articles are drawn up to Impeach the Treasurer. . . .
but the K. it's said, will release him, tho' he be sent to the
Tower." J

* Sir Thomas Osborne, Earl of Danby, afterwards Duke of Leeds,
f Ralph, first Duke of Montagu (1638 P-iyog), Ambassador to Louis XIV;
denounced by the Duchess of Cleveland and deprived of his post.
I Raines Collection.

288

THE POPISH PLOT

On November 28 comes another letter from London :

". . . The Priests that were condemned are not yett executed, and

'tis too plaine that ye K said he was weary & wold hang no more

upon Oates's and Bedloes' * confessions, but God is very good & hath
brought forth the Murderers of Sir Godfrey by the confession of one
Prance, f Yesterday we had his Confession read to us which he gave
to the Members that Examined him. This Prance & the rest were
all the Qu — Servants. . . . This morne one Dugdale, J servant to the
Lord Aston, (a Papist) came to the Lords & told them that he saw the
Lord Stafford § down on's knees in the Ch apel taking the Oath of
Secresy not to discover this Plott. . . . 'Tis said by good hands that
the K himself said he was now satisfied there was not a con-
siderable Papist in England but he did believe he was concern'd in itt
as to his death, & says he, ' I wold rather they were all hang'd.' "

Though Richard speaks of Parliament being prorogued on
December 30, 1678, it continued to sit until well on into January
1678-9. Sir Thomas Chicheley bribed his daughter with a
present of eighteen pies to let her husband remain away from
her a little longer :

" and hopes [says Richard] thou wilt be friends with him, for it was
not in the power of him or any to have excused for me, and had I not
come in as I did, my fees had been double. Many paid as much that
were out oth' Towne, but hang't lett itt goe ! "

People were beginning to suspect Gates and his confederates,
who were adding fresh lies to those already told : " As for Gates
and Bedloe," says Richard, on January 2, 1678-9, " one is mad
and th'other has been burnt ith' hand." But the mischief
they had manufactured was already done. On January 9 come
more details :

" For news they s^iy this Dugdale is come up & lays the Plot more
open than ever, and in the Tower they said the Lord Stafford had a
stricter guard than >>ver, in soe much that noe body is suffer' d to come
to him, or say any thing but what they all heare. The rabble in the

* William Bedloe, an adventurer ; supported Gates.

| Miles Prance, a Catholic silversmith ; confessed under torture to have been an
accomplice in the murder.

t Stephen Dugdale (1640-1683), informer; intimate with priests; pretended to
have knowledge of the plot.

§ William, first Viscount Stafford (1614-1680) ; accused by Gates and others of
persuading them to murder the King ; beheaded 1680.

T 289

THE HOUSE OF LYME

Citty heard a rumor that the Priests were to be executed the other
day, who came in great numbers to Newgate and cried ' bring them out,
give them us/ and when they understood itt was a false story they had
heard, they went (as they say) to the Recorder's and bid him goe and
gett Justice upon them. The Duchess of Yorke they say intercedes
for one of them who is her Confessor. Others say he threatens to
tell tales upon the Gallowes, but that I believe not. God knows how
these things will be, every body is in darknesse." *

Even the Queen herself was not spared, though Charles — to
his credit — utterly refused to listen to any of the accusations
against her.

A series of what can only be described as judicial murders
had now begun. Arrests were made on the slightest suspicion,
so-called justice was conducted with the grossest partiality, and
the unfortunate victims were sentenced with the merest apology
for a trial. There was a veritable lust for blood. Parties were
made up to go and hear trials and see the spectacle of an execu-
tion, much as people arrange a picnic at the present day.
Scaffolding was erected in Westminster Hall, and prices for
seats ranged from five to twenty shillings.

1678-9 The impeachment of Danby caused Charles, who favoured

his Lord Treasurer, to dissolve the Long Parliament — which had
sat for the last seventeen years — on January 24, 1678-9.

Although aged only forty-five, Richard had been in failing
health for some time, suffering much from his old malady, the
stone. He now determined to give up public life altogether,
and to devote his remaining years and energy to his family
and the management of his property. The span of life was
shorter then than now, due probably to the great strain of those
rigorous days, which none but the most robust constitutions
was able to withstand. A youth entered upon public life
before he was out of his " teens," and cares and responsibilities
were thrust upon the shoulders of those who were little more
than children ; it is not surprising, therefore, that so much wear
and tear of body and mind should have aged a delicate man
before his time.

Upon his decision not to stand again for Parliament being

* Raines Collection.
290

THE POPISH PLOT

made known, Richard was besieged with applications from would-
be candidates, eager to take his place in the representation of
Newton. Andrew Fountaine,* his brother-in-law, was par-
ticularly anxious to enter Parliament, and Sir Thomas Chicheley
wrote begging for Richard's help and interest in favour of his
youngest daughter's husband.

This gentleman, who married Sarah Chicheley about
1672, was a Hertfordshire squire of unattractive habits and
personality. He was addicted to drink, was always in money
difficulties, and led his wife a most wretched existence, a
great contrast to the happy life of her sister Elizabeth Legh.
She was an excellent correspondent, and her letters, though
most illiterate in regard to spelling, show a great deal of cha-
racter and originality, and are full of amusing and piquant
accounts of the news and gossip of the day, though in parts
somewhat " free." She was blessed with a keen sense of
humour, which helped her to rise above her troubles and to
make the best of what can have been but a very bad bargain.
Owing to money difficulties, it was no doubt important that
Andrew Fountaine should secure the advantages enjoyed by a
Member of Parliament, the chief of which was immunity from
imprisonment for debt.

" I must desire you to help my son Fountain, for he is a
most unfortunate man else," writes Sir Thomas in February
1678-9, and Sarah appeals for assistance for her husband in
much the same strain :

" February ye nth.
" DEARE BROTHERS

" I came just now from Sr Thomas who (although he is extreame
ill of the gout in his foot) says he is resolved to write to you to-night

* Second son of Brigg Fountaine of Salle, Norfolk. In 1666 he bought from
Sir William Dudley the manor of Brookmans, Hertfordshire, and built himself a
fine house there in 1682. His first wife was Theophila, daughter of Dr. Stubs
of Elmham, Kent, and widow of W. Wells of Halvegate, by whom he had no
issue. He married Sarah Chicheley about 1672, and by her had, with other
children, Andrew, afterwards knighted (1676-1753), who became a famous anti-
quary, and one of the most celebrated connoisseurs of his day. He succeeded
Sir Isaac Newton as Governor of the Mint in 1727, and was Chamberlain to Queen
Caroline. His magnificent collection was dispersed by auction in 1885, realizing
enormous sums.

29I

THE HOUSE OF LYME

about the troublesome busines you have in hand, he writ to you a
Satturday last to press thee very much to doe the kindnes we require
if you can possible ; really itt much concerns me that necessity forcies
me to putt thee to all this trouble, but God knows for this seven yeare
in all things that wee have proposed any Satisfaction in, there arises
some rouge [rogue] or other out of a corner unexpected to humble us,
(butt yett itt will nott bee ;) soe that if you cannot doe this thing
for us, I am sattisfied within myself 'tis not want of your power, but
our misfortune, as publick affaires look dolefully att us, soe doth our
own private ones. I writ a Thursday last that Mr Fountaine desires
you, if you find it necessary, by all means to lay out money for him,
whatever itt is he will return itt with a thousand thanks. . . . For
all you are determined to parliament itt noe more, I find all your
friends are sattisfied with what you doe ; soe wishing for a blessing
upon us all, I rest

" Yours

" S: F:

" Methinks I long to hear certainly whethere you can effect the
business or noe ; for 'tis uneassy to live between hope and feare,
though I have been pretty well used to itt since we had to doe with
the Law."

1678-9 The new Parliament assembled in March 1678-9. Andrew
Fountaine was one of the Members returned for Newton Borough,
the other seat being filled by Sir John Chicheley. Richard
had to pay the expenses of both candidates, and it is very
doubtful whether he ever received his money again ; he had
not done so in 1681, when Sarah writes announcing the repay-
ment of £30 towards the expenses.

The new Parliament sat but for a few months, the only Act
of importance that was passed being the Habeas Corpus. The
Exclusion Bill introduced by Shaftesbury, then at the height of
his triumph, intended to exclude the succession of James and his
children in favour of Monmouth, was read twice but not passed.
Richard continued to use his influence, though no longer taking
an active part in public affairs, and held fast to his allegiance
to the Crown, refusing to recognize the pretensions of Mon-
mouth, and his attitude no doubt decided his two brothers-in-
law, the new Members for Newton Borough, to oppose the
Bill. He was receiving constant accounts of all that went
292

THE POPISH PLOT

on in Parliament. A copy was sent him of the arbitrary
message dispatched by the House of Commons to the King,
in response to His Majesty's request that his faithful
Commons would

" take caire to sett out a ffleet to secure ye ffears of his people from
fforraine attempts. By this [says Richard's correspondent] y'll
judge ye temper of ye House ; When Mr Powell * had brought into ye
House his Majesty's message & had delivered it, ye House was con-
cerned & reflected on Mr Powell for pressing ye Matter of ye Message,
saying yt ye aire of ye Court had infected him ; amongst divers others
Mr Sacheverill f was pleas'd to say as follows ;

" ' Mr Speaker

" * When ye Lords in ye Tower are tryed and justice done upon
them, when ye Earle of Danby's pardon is declared voyd, when ye
Bishops are not to sitt in Judicature upon ye sd Lords, when ye
evill councillors Male and Female are removed from his Majesty,
when ye Militia is settled in safe hands, and ye land secured, when ye
Officers of ye Shipps and Navy are such as ye Nation can confide in,
when ye Army is disbanded, when ye books of Mr Bartne (?) are
delivered up.

"* Then will be time to consider of Mony to sett out a Fleet.'

" Upon which ye debate was adjourned for almost a fortnight, and
yt all persons who were Members do then bring in their previous
considerations. Talks there is of another Parliament to be suddenly
called, how true 'tis I know not."

Sir John Chicheley reports to his brother-in-law on May 31 :

" this place affords not much news, only much talke neither fitt to be
writ or sayd, but I find now all tongues at liberty to yt degree yt few
or none scruples talking treason when they please, what will ye end or
Issue of this be none knows or can imagine : affaires has so ill an aspect
yt 'tis hard to say what one thinks."

Sir Thomas Chicheley, who had in 1674 resigned the Master-
Generalship of the Ordnance, in which post he was succeeded
by his son (appointed by special licence from the King), was

* Henry Powle (1630-1692), Master of the Rolls and Speaker of the Convention
Parliament; identified himself with the opponents of the Court in Charles II's reign.

f William Sacheverell (1638-1691), politician; M.P. for Derbyshire, 1670 and
1679; opposed Court policy; served on committee which drew up articles for Danby's
impeachment.

293

THE HOUSE OF LYME

retiring from being one of the Commissioners of the Navy, and
Sir John was hoping to be named in his place, but was ap-
parently not in favour with the King at this moment :

" This night I intend to discourse his Majesty about my Pattent for
ye reversion, which I expect will not be extraordinary pleasing to him ;
yet I thinke 'tis not reasonable to lett fall so faire a pretention without
knowing where or in what I have offended. In case Sir Thomas goes
I do suppose my stay in ye Navy will not be long after ; how I shall
dispose of myself e then God knows, but if I can prevaile with my good
woman we'l retire into a quietter Country. By ye next y'll heare
more."

He obtained the coveted place, and continued to hold posts
in connexion with the Navy until his retirement in 1690.
1679 The King was taken very ill in August 1679. He " was ^ett
blood and his feaver very high," but by September 3 was " in
a very good way of recovery, having missed three fits and is very
cheerful and talks of going to Newmarket."

Jesuits' powder (quinine) was the remedy administered in
fevers. We read that Prince Rupert was cured of ague and
fever by taking it every three hours. Sir Thomas Chicheley
had also been a sufferer and had taken the same remedy, which
cured the distemper, but gave him a " great oppression at his
stomacke which made him sigh extremely," writes his daughter-
in-law. " God send him now to continue well, but I should
have liked it better if he had been soe without the help of the
powder." When this and blood-letting failed, there was not
much hope left for the patient. The occasional good results of
bleeding, however, are shown in an account of an accident to the
Duke of York about this date :

" On Teusday last His Royall Highness being a hunting his horse
triped and came over upon him, bruised him a little. He was lett
blood neare 12 oz. upon the place and then hunted on for neare three
houres and is since Perfectly well, thankes be to God."

A fresh election took place in September of this same year,
1679, an<^ a House of Commons was formed more hostile to the
Crown than ever. Both Sir John Chicheley and Andrew Foun-
taine were returned again, as also in the election of 1680-1,
294

THE POPISH PLOT

when the Parliament met at Oxford, where it was hoped there
would be less interruption from the supporters of Shaftesbury.
Party feeling ran higher than ever, and we read of " great
doings, fighting and ill words given, and one of the knights
pulled by the nose."

The serious illness of the King had brought home to the
moderate party the extreme danger of civil war if Monmouth
should succeed, and the right of James and his Protestant
children be set aside. Charles, therefore, on his recovery,
yielded to the representation of his ministers, to send Monmouth
out of the country, and dismissed Shaftesbury from his council.

Shaftesbury's revenge was soon to follow. He brought
Monmouth back to London in November 1679, anc^ tried to
make capital out of another alleged plot, the particulars of
which we gather from the following newsletter.

The personages figuring in this pretended conspiracy
were a certain Mistress Cellier,* " the Popish midwife," ulti-
mately acquitted on a charge of plotting the King's murder,
and one Dangerfield,*)" alias Willoughby, a coiner and per-
jurer, befriended by Mistress Cellier, but who eventually
turned against her. With these two worthies was connected
Lady Powis, a daughter of the Earl of Winchester, and the
wife of Lord Powis, afterwards Duke of Powis. One of her
daughters was the famous Lady Nithsdale. Other names
associated with these were those of Lord Stafford, again accused
by one Turberville J of hiring him to kill the King, and Lord
Castlemaine,§ who was said to have been seen officiating as a
priest. The newsletter, which is dated from London on
November 9, 1679, g°es on to Sa7 :

* Elizabeth Cellier (fl. 1680), n& Dormer; married Peter Cellier, a Frenchman;
embraced Romanism ; was a midwife in London.

f Thomas Dangerfield (1650 ?-i685) ; died from a blow inflicted by one Robert
Frances.

J Edward Turberville (1648 ?-i68i), informer; Roman Catholic; served in
French army ; pretended at Lord Stafford's trial that he had been employed by him
to kill Charles II, but gave evidence later against Stephen College and Shaftesbury.

§ Roger Palmer, Earl of Castlemaine (1634-1705), diplomatist and author;
husband of Barbara Villiers, afterwards Duchess of Cleveland ; accused of complicity
in the Popish Plot, but acquitted.

THE HOUSE OF LYME

"... Mistress Cellier, ye Popish Midwife of whom you have often
heard, being brought face to face with Willoughby, he charged her to be
a Cheife Instigator for ye promoting the Cursed designe, & yt she gave
him ye Choyce of 2 daggers to stabb ye Earl of Shaftesbury, which he
asseyed twice to doe but was prevented, upon which Mistress Cellier
being greatly Enraged, snatched the daggers out of his hand, calling him
a whitelivered Cowardly rogue & saying she would see what a woman
could doe for ye Catholique Cause, so she went herselfe but was
happyly Prevented ; shee obstinately denied all she was Charged with,
but her maid confessed she carried 2 guinies from her Mistress to Wil-
loughby in Newgate, praying him to remaine stedfast & not discover
ye business to any, upon which shee was remanded back to Newgate.
Willoughby also Charged all ye Lords in ye Tower, Danby excepted,
to be guilty of a fresh contryvance of killing ye King, which hee was to
Effect upon the account of breaking out of this pretended presbyterian
plott, & was to have 2OOO1 reward, & yt hee allready had some of ye
money to carry on ye designe & to hire witnesses to sware to ye par-
ticulars. He further declared who were ye first contrivers of this
Conspiracy, & taxed ye Lady Powis & ye Lord Castlemaine as ye
principall promoters thereof, both which being sent for were privately
Examined & upon ye whole matter ye Lord Castlemaine was comitted
to ye Tower & ye Lady Powis put under an obligation to attend
again another time.

1680 " Yesterday being the 5th of November was more then usually

observed, the Lord Mayor sending his presepts into every parrish.
At night ye people expressed theire dislike to popery by such in-
numerable bonfiers & burning of Popes as was never seen on ye like
occasion, one of them being worth 50' was arrested after ye manner
of a Pageant, adorned with his usuall accoutterments, having a very
rich Canopy over his head with abondance of lights placed round
about him & a man dressed up like a devill set behind him which in
his Course seemed very lovingly to converse with him ; it being carried
round about most part of ye Citty, was at last Conveyed to Bridewall
where were innumerable spectators to behould his downfall. A great
fire being made, this formall divell threw the pope into it, at which
ye shouts of ye people echoed ye skies, & yt person yt could get so
neer as to give ye Pope a blow thought himselfe happy.

" The Lady Powis hath been againe examined, it was proved
point blank against her, & although she denied, ye said Willoughby
(alias Dangerfeild for yt is his name) rectyfied her memory by saying
yt her ladyshippe could not forgett ye time & place when & where shee
admitted him to her private embraces, or words to yt effect, but
ye lady was . . . [word missing] committed to ye Tower for high
Treason, And directly for conspireing the death of ye King."

296

THE POPISH PLOT

The agitation connected with this plot continued for over a
year. A correspondent writes on October 23, 1680, that " Mis-
tress Cellier stood this day on ye Pillory at Charing Crosse
ye 3d time but her armour was proof ag1 ye great and small
shot of ye rabble." The same correspondent, one Richard
Sterne,* reports on November 9 that another false witness,
Turberville, had brought fresh accusations against Lord and
Lady Powis. A few days later he states that

" Lady Powis and Lady Abergavenny are withdrawn upon some
apprehension that Mistress Cellier (who is to be tryed for treason) will
rather turn then burn."

Lady Chicheley, writing shortly afterwards, mentions Lord
Stafford's trial, in which there was very little done but proving
in general the plot, there being hundreds of witnesses to be
examined :

" The parliament house takes up all thoughts and time, tho' under the
rose I think they do as little there as in other places, but who knows but
I may be called to the bar to receive the sentence of the House for this."

The Powises got off, but Lord Stafford was executed with 1680
many others, implicated quite wrongfully in this abominable
conspiracy.

It was about this date that the names Whig and Tory were
first heard in their application to English political factions. A
reaction of horror at the cruelties perpetrated had resulted in a
series of addresses from thousands who declared their " abhor-
rence " of the plot against the Crown. Shaftesbury's party
petitioned the King to allow Parliament to meet, their opponents
sending up contrary petitions expressing abhorrence at such an
attempt to force the King. The two parties became known as
the " Abhorrers " and " Petitioners," names which were
replaced by those of Whig and Tory.

On November 13, Richard Sterne writes giving information
of an address that had been sent to the King in which amongst
other things he was desired to adhere to the advice of his
Parliament. This message was received with much displeasure

* Richard Sterne, probably a son of Richard Sterne, Archbishop of York ; sat
in the Parliaments of 1678, 1679, and 1680-81, as member for Ripon Borough.

297

THE HOUSE OF LYME

by Charles, who sent back word that the House had meddled
with what did not concern them : " And ye Lord Privy Scale,"
adds Sterne, " attended ye King into ye Banqueting house, his
Majesty receiving our Address and went his way without
giving ONE WORD IN ANSWER." From his own observation
Sterne also reports that when the Speaker read that part of the
address which mentioned the ill councils that had been given
the King for dissolving and proroguing of Parliament, " his
Majesty did hastily put on his gloves and take his stick and
seemed to sit with some impatience."

1680-1 Personalities mixed with uncouth attempts at humour
figure in the Parliamentary discussions of the day. In a news-
letter of this date containing mention of a Bill brought in by a
Colonel Titus,* for the much-needed repairing of the highways,
Sir Nicholas Gary is reported as saying that he " thirded
the motion because it was to mend his (Titus's) way to
Tyburn," Titus retorting that " he passed by Tyburn and hoped
that gentleman would do so too." On December 28, 1680, it
was said that " the House thanked Dr. Burnet f for his paines
but not Dr. Sprat { who spent most of his powder agst
ffanaticks."

Richard Sterne, a very constant correspondent of the Legh
family, sends a piece of gossip respecting the Prince of Hanover,
afterwards King George I, whom he describes as " a fine young
Protestant gent, now come to court the Lady Anne " (afterwards
Queen Anne). There had been projects for this marriage but
they were abandoned in 1681, the Princess marrying Prince
George of Denmark in 1683. • A few days later Sterne writes
again, evidently elated at receiving recognition from the
Duchess of Portsmouth : " To-day we walked ye back way
to Whitehall, the Duchess of Portsmouth with her attendants
(her windows being open) gave us a low salute as we
passed."

* John Titus (1616-1691), Presbyterian colonel; took prominent part in Parlia-
mentary investigation of Oates's pretended plot.

f Gilbert Burnet (1643-1715), Bishop of Salisbury; remonstrated with Charles II
on his evil life.

J Thomas Sprat (1635-1713), Bishop of Rochester and Dean of Westminster.
298

THE POPISH PLOT

The King dissolved Parliament on January 18, 1680-1,
and summoned the new Parliament to meet at Oxford the
following March.

In August 1682, Monmouth, encouraged by Shaftesbury.
started on a series of progresses through the west of England,
but nowhere was he received with very great enthusiasm. On
the 27th of the month Lord Molyneux* writes to Richard,
evidently in jest, that he hopes the hospitality of Lyme may be
extended to the rebel Duke :

" There is great preparations at Chester, and they are in a High
Consternation how to treat the Monmouth Duke. Some are for
meeting him out of Towne and bearing his Charge, and others are
against it : soe it seemes they are variously minded. But you, I hope,
are settled in your resolutions of entertaineing him when he comes to
Lyme, which I heare will be very shortly. Soe I thought good (like
a loving kinsman) to let you know."

But Richard had no such intentions. Monmouth got,
however, within twelve miles of Lyme. He made, in September
1682, a stay of some days at Gawsworth, a charming old-world
village, which has remained untouched and unspoilt to this
day, where he was the guest of Charles Gerard, Earl of Maccles-
field.f Sir Leoline Jenkins J writes to Richard, in his capacity
of Deputy-Lieutenant and Justice of the Peace, for particulars
of this visit, begging him to obtain on oath from the different
witnesses answers to the following questions :

1. Where and at whose charges the Duke of Monmouth dined
and supped on Monday 'last ?

2. Where he dined on Tuesday and Wednesday following, and
what was observed or did otherwise occurre in that space ?

* Caryll, third Viscount Molyneux, cousin of Richard ; was outlawed by the
Parliament, but by payment of a huge fine was put in possession of his estates ;
married Mary, daughter of Alexander Barlow of Barlow, Lancashire, by whom he
had a large family. He died 1698-9.

f Charles Gerard, first Baron Gerard of Brandon and Earl of Macclesfield,
great-grandson of Sir Gilbert Gerard, Master of the Rolls ; dismissed from the bed-
chamber as an adherent of Monmouth ; fled to the Continent and died there, 1694.

J Sir Leoline Jenkins (1623-1685), civilian and diplomatist; led Opposition to
Exclusion Bills.

299

THE HOUSE OF LYME

3. What Arts were used at ye severall places he passed through
to draw ye Rabble together, and who were the Authors
and Abettors of it ?

4. Whether any riott or breach of the Peace was committed
in any of the severall places through which the Duke of
Monmouth passed ?

He adds that His Majesty desires answers to these questions

" and he is graciously pleased to depend upon your affection and
fidelity to him in letting him know everything that is come to your
knowledge especially in your own Neighborhood, to the end he may
make that use of those Notices as may be most for the preserving of the
Peace and for ye satisfaction of his Loving and dutyfull subjects such
as you are."

This letter was sent by a special and secret messenger.

Richard accordingly summoned his brother justices and the
following facts were obtained from two witnesses examined on
September 20, by Sir John Arderne, Richard Legh, and Edward
Warren * of Poynton :

That upon Friday, September 15, the Duke of Monmouth
came attended by a considerable number of gentlemen to
the Earl of Macclesfield's house at Gawsworth, and that the
company " called upon ye rabble to shout." The following
day, Saturday the i6th, there was buck-shooting in Lord
Macclesfield's park, followed by a great banquet, and some
sweetmeats were received by one of the witnesses, distributed
to him and to others by the Earl's own hand. On the same day,
" upon a plaine neare to ye Earl's house a game called a
Prison-barr-play was performed by 20 young men," for which a
piece of plate was presented by Lord Macclesfield. There
were afterwards given five guineas " for making the Duke that
sport," another guinea being presented to two kettle-drummers
of the Earl's who had assisted on this occasion. Four thousand
people were supposed to have been present, and when the Duke
came into the field to see the sport, " there seemed to bee great
satisfaccon to ye Crowd in his presence, which ye multitude
expressed by shouting."

* Edward Warren of Poynton, born 1605, called " Stag Warren " from his great
size and strength ; a near neighbour and life-long friend of Richard Legh.

300

THE POPISH PLOT

Lord Macclesfield desired the householders in the neighbour-
hood to wait upon the Duke the Monday following, when he was
to resume his journey to Congleton, a town about four miles
farther on towards London, and many of " the rabble " were
heard to say that they would have no papist to inherit the
crown, and that they would venture their lives for the Duke
of Monmouth.

The romantic village of Gawsworth, with its fifteenth-century
church and rectory, its old cross and quaint tilting-ground, was a
fit setting for the little drama that was enacted by the handsome
adventurer, whose fascinating manners and charming personality
captivated even the unemotional Cheshire yokels. The road
that he took on his progress south is no doubt the same which
leads to-day from the little village to Congleton. The church,
which stands on a knoll above a small lake, is approached on its
south side by an avenue of splendid trees ; neither church nor
surroundings can have altered much in the last two hundred
years.

Mistress Fountaine, in a letter dated September 26, gives
some particulars of the Duke's arrest, which took place at
Lichfield :

" I suppose you hear already that the Serjant att Arms and twelve
to gard the great Duck [Duke] met him att Lichfield ; we hard
[heard] upon the road he was sent for and that Sir Thomas Armstrong *
was gone post to town 2 days before us ; Mrs Langley f said their
news from London a Sunday was that the Warrants that was sent for
him was drawn up for great Riots and many Misdemeanors committed
by him ; soe the Knight rid post before to Judge Raymond } to gett
the Duck a Habeascorpus which was granted, at which being done
soe soon the King is angry, for hee is extreamely insensed att the D.
and 'tis said swore (which is not usual with him) that he and his
followers should not find him soe Tame as he had been. I beseech
God direct him, and noe doubt his enimies will find 'tis dangerous
being ungratefull to soe kind a Prince as he has been to them. 'Tis
said he is sent to the Tower, but all reports are yett uncertaine."

* Sir Thomas Armstrong (1624 ?-i684), Royalist ; implicated in Rye House Plot ;
after an unfair trial by Judge Jeffreys, was executed 1684.
f Housekeeper to the Chicheleys.
j Sir Thomas Raymond (1627-1683), judge ; advanced to the King's Bench 1680.

301

THE HOUSE OF LYME

Sir John Chicheley also writes :

" I have communicated your letter to Mr Secretary Jenkins who told
me he had already written to a dozen or fourteen of ye Justices of ye
Peace for farther information in ye affaire, and withall he does intend
to write to Sir George Jeffris * to get what he can at ye Assizes and
returne it to him, and in case there should be need, he'l send an
Officer of ye Crowne, to countenance these enquireys ; this he desired
me to write to you. His Grace of Monmouth was this morning
(September 23) examined and I finde upon enquire yt he's at liberty
upon Baile (of which Mr Lucan Goore f was one) to answer to what
shall be against him ye next Terme. I heare he submitted himself
very quietly to ye Sargent when he seized him in ye King's name."

Acting upon instructions received, the Justices of the
Peace issued warrants to empower them to search the
neighbouring houses, and Richard had the painful duty of
reporting the seizure of firearms in those of many of his
most intimate friends. A quantity of muskets, blunder-
buses, carbines, and pistols were discovered at Lord Maccles-
field's, he having fled to the Continent, and weapons of all
description were found in the houses of Mr. Legh of Adlington,
Sir Thomas Mainwaring of Peover, Mr. Bradshawe of Marple,
Mr. Legh of High Legh, and Mr. Booth of Mere. A corre-
spondent reports " secret talke among the fanaticks of a
wagon loade of Armes having come to Manchester. I hope
yt thing is false, however I thinke it my duty in these jealous
days to acquaint any one with ye report who may probably
inquire after ye truth of it."

1682 The King acknowledged the services rendered by his faithful
servant through a letter from Sir Leoline Jenkins J to Richard,
written on October 7, 1682 :

" Your letter was layd before his Matie just as he went to Newmarket,
with an Extract of all the Depositions brought from you and others
out of Cheshire, and maturely considered of by Himselfe with several
of my Lords of the Councill that attended Him.

* The notorious judge.

f Sir William Leveson Gower, fourth Baronet, ancestor of the present Duke of
Sutherland.

t See note, p. 299.

302

THE POPISH PLOT

" His Matie hath commanded me to give all of you Gentlemen that
subscribed that Letter his hearty thanks for your Care and Zeale and
to tell you he promised to himselfe, when he commanded me to write
to you, (he knowing you all very well either by person or by reputation)
that you would use, as you have done, all ye Application that a
Service of this kind, which is not only of Importance for ye present
but of infinite consequence for the future, could demand from Loyall
Gentlemen, true and zealous in their Trust.

" His Matie further commanded me to tell you that he concurs
with you perfectly in judgment in what you say, that there doth yet more
lye hid then at present ap-peares ; for he knoweth the association to be
deep-rooted, and that those that contrived the Rendezvous at Walesea
had other designes then those of horse raceing in their heads, which
he hopes in Gods good time to be able to discover to the bottome."

Richard and his friends had recommended that the Militia
should be called up and this suggestion was approved by the
King, who considered it would have " a very ill Aspect upon his
Affaires in case of any Insurrections not to have the Militia of
those parts in a posture equally advantageous with the very
best of his kingdom."

Charles felt his position bitterly. A letter from a corre-
spondent of this date says :

" Sir Thomas Grosvenor * was with the King one day when in dis-
course he told him his condition was worse than a tinker or cobler, who
if their lives were in danger the law would protect them, but he was
denyed common justice."

The King dissolved Parliament in 1683, and appealed in a 1683
Royal Proclamation to the justice of the nation. This resulted
in a great reaction of loyalty. Shaftesbury, realizing that his
case was hopeless, fled to Holland, and Monmouth, who was
afterwards implicated, though not seriously, in the Rye House
Plot, owed his pardon to his father's tenderness and was sent
into honourable exile.

* Married Miss Davis, daughter of a London scrivener, and with her obtained the
bulk of the present Westminster estates.

303

CHAPTER XXI

RACING AND GARDENING

1680 WITH more time to devote to his family and country pursuits,
Richard had also greater leisure for his favourite amusements,
of which horse-racing was the chief. He had always been
fond of horses and had bred them from his earliest youth.
Newmarket had been used even before James I's day, but he
it was who was supposed to have placed the Turf on a perma-
nent basis, and it is certain that he greatly encouraged this
sport, as did also Charles II.

We have no mention of the Newton race-course before 1680
(racing still continues there), when the following rules were
laid down, which appear on a paper in Richard's handwriting :
" About the Race at Newton this present year 1680.
" Imp1 That person who brings a horse to ride for ye sd plate shall
be obliged to take thirty pounds for his horse to be tendered
to him either by ye Steward or by any other person before ye
horse has run for ye sd plate, & ye Money to be deposited
in ye Stewards hands before ye race. The Steward to have ye
first refuse of any horse ye rides for ye sd plate.
That horse which is fourteen hands high or upwards shall
carry ten stone, yt horse wch is under fourteen & above
thirteen shall carry nine stone, & yt horse wch is under thirteen
& above twelve hands shall carry eight stone, yt horse wch
is but twelve hands or under may ride as light as he can by the
standard, 4 inches to ye hand.

All horses yt are to run must come in 6 dayes before ye day
or else they may not ride for ye plate.

All horses that run for ye saddle are to be of lo1 price, that is,
before they start they shall be oblig'd to take lo1 as above =
to be free without depositing money.

" The Steward to be judge of all differen :"
304

RACING AND GARDENING

Lord Derby * was a very keen supporter of this local race-
meeting, and writes that he is always glad of any opportunity
of seeing his friend and neighbour. He makes a few suggestions
as to rules :

" I am desirous the plate shall bee run for again. The enclosed is as
fairly drawn for all sides as it could be done, for I am sure I don't
desire any advantage neither would I willingly others should. I
think if every horse that runs shall put in 20 shillings or 4O9h (I leave
it to you) may cause more Sporte, and I am the more desirous by
reason I would bee glad to run for something more then the bare
plate."

He ends begging pardon for a very large blot.

Sir Robert Carr writes from Newmarket, on October 2, 1680,
the King and Court having returned to London a few days
previously :

" The King coming soe earlie to Towne before any Matches were to be
runn, maketh us have little sport, onlie Tynker I ran befoer his tyme
and wonn. I contemn my Lord Rutlands f Horse so much that
though I am to runn with him Twesday sennight, I runn dubb for a
Plate last Thursday, which with two other Plates is all the sport wee
have had. Twesday next Darsie runs, Post Boy and Mad Cap not
this fortnight, the Scotch Galloway hath the forfeiture paid to him.
Cholmlie hath been heer resolving not to bett, but I so provoked him
with telling some trew stories of him that I am confident he hath
betted two or three hundred pownds."

A letter a few days later gives the news of his horse " Darsie "
having been beaten by the King's gelding, " Mouse."

" Two better horses never were seen run, but ye 12 pound weight
Darsie carried above ye other sunk him at last, he was beaten about
six lengths."

* William, ninth Earl of Derby, succeeded his father in 1672 ; married Lady
Elizabeth Butler, daughter of Thomas, Earl of Ossory. This Lord Derby refused to
mingle in politics, preferring to lead the life of a private gentleman.

t John Manners, ninth Earl and first Duke of Rutland (1638-171 1) ; married, first,
1658, Lady Anne Pierrepoint, daughter of Henry, Marquis of Dorchester; she was
divorced and her children disabled from inheriting by Act of Parliament in 1668.
Lord Rutland married, secondly, 1671, Lady Diana Bruce, daughter of Robert, Earl
of Ailesbury, and widow of Sir Seymour Shirley; and thirdly, in 1673, the Hon.
Catherine Noel, daughter of Viscount Camden, by whom he had an only son, after-
wards the second Duke.

u 305

THE HOUSE OF LYME

A series of eighteenth-century paintings of race-horses with
their jockeys, executed by an artist named Roper, hang in the
gallery at Lyme. Some of these have the names attached,
" Old Harlott," " Old Partner," " Regulus," " Lampre," etc.,
and one very weird-looking creature, with a preternaturally
long neck, is said to represent " Black Godolphin," the first
Arab horse imported into this country. A picture of Newmarket
race-course, painted about the same date by an unknown artist
and preserved at Lyme, shows the finish of a race between two
horses, ladies and gentlemen following on horseback, the public
apparently being allowed to come and go upon the course at
will.*

As we have already remarked, a greater degree of refine-
ment was to be noticed after the Restoration ; far more atten-
tion was paid to cleanliness and to the care of the person.
Tooth-powder is first mentioned in the Legh letters as being
used in 1677. The art of dentistry is a very ancient one, dating
from the fifth century B.C., and it is said that artificial teeth
were made from those of animals, and were found in human
skulls among the Etruscans. These artificial aids were, how-
ever, not used in England, if one may judge from the portraits
of the time. A small and very badly painted portrait of
Richard shows the mouth all fallen in, owing to the loss of his
front teeth. Hard drinking was apparently going out of fashion.
Richard writes to his wife from Lancaster, where he was attend-
ing the assizes in September 1680, describing a dinner of forty
people, " and not to flatter thee with a false story I cannot
say I have seen two gentlemen distempered with drink since
we came." He promises her that both he and his companion,
Sir Robert Carr, will return to their spouses as safe as they
parted from them.

A great sorrow — the first of their lives — came to darken

* A coloured print of Newton race-course in 1831, engraved by Charles Hunt from
a painting by Charles Towne, represents the winning of the gold cup given by Thomas
Legh of Lyme, " Fylde " beating " Halston " and " Recovery." This print has no
artistic merit, but from its rarity is of considerable value. Such a sporting centre
was Newton that cock-fighting, which had been practised for centuries in the old
cock-pit, was not given up until 1831.

306

RACING AND GARDENING

the happy family at Lyme in the early part of 1681. Two of 1680-1
the children died, Sarah, aged seven, and Anne, three and a
half, within a month of each other, probably as a result of
neglected colds.

The cradle was never very far removed from the grave
in those early days, and parents bore their bereavements
with a resignation almost approaching to fatalism. Sir
Thomas Chicheley sends his condolences on February 8,
1680-1 :

" I am confident it was the extraordinary cold that was the cause
of your Misfortune whereof we are all shairers with you, but that which
we have to comfort us with is that God of his infinite goodness hath
been pleased to spaire those great blessings that are, & I doubt not
but will every day recompense your great losse, I knowing how ready
both you & yr wife are to make the best use of it."

By April 1681 we find that the girls, who were to be given
new gowns, which Lady Chicheley was commissioned to buy,
were to go out of mourning.

The ordinary rules with regard to this, which were very
strict, had probably been relaxed in consideration of the
extreme youth of the children. After the death of the head
of a family it was the custom for beds, and even whole rooms,
particularly those that had been occupied by the deceased, to
be entirely draped in black, and to be left so for a considerable
period — a habit that must have told seriously on both the
health and nerves of the relatives.

We hear of " stript druged [striped drugget] for ye Nursery
beds " being very dear, and varnish is sent down by Mrs.
Fountaine, " tis dear so I send but a littell for a triall. I forgott
to ask how to lay it on, but if you know not send me word
and Tie write to inquire." This was probably to be used in
connexion with " japanning," an imitation of lacquering, much
practised as a pastime by the ladies of the period. It is
mentioned frequently in letters of this date. With the forma-
tion of the East India Company in 1600 began the importation
of Oriental furniture into this country, although the great
rage for " chinoiseries " did not come until much later on, after

307

THE HOUSE OF LYME

the experiments of Sir William Chambers * in Chinese gardening.
But lacquer was already very popular at the end of the seven-
teenth century, and the. English imitation of it — which now
fetches prohibitive prices — was not restricted only to the
cabinet-makers. Mr. Francis Lenygon, in his admirable work
on " Furniture in England from 1660 to 1760," mentions that
" the art of japanning " was being taught in girls' schools in
1688, but we have evidence in the Legh letters that as early
as 1683 it was a recognized fashion, and formed one of the
accomplishments of a lady of quality.

Lady Chicheley was helping to do up some of the beds :

" You say the wrought bed is a good one, therefore will it not deserve
a good Lining, I mean a Persian taffity which will not cost much more
if anything than a fine Stained Calico ? My Lady Carr hath new
lined her White Bed wrought with Fillamote with a Crimson Persian
taffity & Chainstitched the counterpain, headcloth & tester diamond
ways like Quilting, with white thrid, & trimmed it all with white thrid
fringe of her own making, which altogether looks very well & fine
being fashionably made up."

1682 A fourth son, Calveley, was born in August 1682. This
was Elizabeth's eleventh child, and Mistress Fountaine had been
at Lyme assisting in nursing her sister, and writes to Richard
after her departure, giving a pathetic picture of her own
unhappy domestic life :

"... I protest the joyes and riall sattisfaction I have had att
sweet Lime makes all things seeme dull to me here ; for without
compliment I thinke itt was the only reall pleasant time I ever knew
in my life before. There I found teares hard to approach my eyes,
though I thought and descoursed never soe Long of my sorrows, for
there I enjoy'd free & easy Conversation with Mankind which I never
knew before, nor now must not expect itt till the same oppertunity
returns again. Every day after diner & supper methinks I want my
two Gentlemen [Richard and his brother Thomas] to take a pipe and
drinke a Glasse of wine & Prate without feare of quarills or sencer
[censure] for what I said or did, & then to goe up to my dearest Sister's
Chamber was an unexpressible pleasure to mee ; but why doe I
trouble thee with this tedious repitition of what seemes but now Like

* Sir William Chambers (1726-1796), the famous architect, had spent two years
of his early youth in China.

308

RACING AND GARDENING

a pleasant dreame past and gone ; but all things in this world is to be
esteem'd noe other, only 'tis a pleasure to tell a pleasant dreame,
therefore beg thy excuse, for it diverts mee much att this time, I
being extreamely Mallincolly att the Loss of my Lime friends."

A few days later she writes again ; much in the same
strain :

" The longer I live the more I dayly find all people have really sorrows
or else creates them to themselves, which to me is much more in-
tolerable & continue longer than those God sends himself. I know
you will both be glad to find my mind thus composed, but if I writt
often perhaps itt may sometimes be now & then clouded, but that's
nothing, for our breed you know have the flutters very often upon
slight occations."

She gives a description of a newly engaged couple, Thomas
Cholmcndeley * of Vale Royal, and Mistress Anne St. John,
whom she finds " noe beauty tho' personable."

" I was at Battersea with Potts [a sort of housekeeper to the Chicheley
family] to see the Lady St John, Mr Chombley's Mistress, and wee are
hand and glove ; really I take her for a mighty good woman, and she
is mighty free with us and tells us she doats of Lime already by the
Commendation he gives of itt. She has had penny post letters plenty
to disuade her from him, and says she believes he is a morral [immoral]
for he makes nothing of courting and kissing fine Ladys before her
now ; she is indeed a very pleasant companion."

She goes on to give some of the gossip of the day with the
freedom of speech belonging to the period :

" Lord Hallifaxes f Daughter J is married to the Lord Vaughan, &
'tis now hotly reported that Lady Henrietta Bartly Lyes Inn in the
Strand and the Lord Gray vissits her every day, he being father of the

* Thomas Cholmondeley of Vale Royal, Cheshire, born 1627; married, first, Jane,
daughter of Sir Lionel Tollemache of Helmingham, by whom he had twelve children ;
secondly, 1684, Anne, daughter of Sir Walter St. John of Battersea, by whom he had
four sons and one daughter. He died 1701-2.

f George Savile, first Marquess of Halifax (1633-1695), son of Sir William Savile
and his wife Anne, who afterwards married Sir Thomas Chicheley. He was the
author of " The Character of a Trimmer " and other admirable tracts. He married,
first, Dorothy, daughter of the Earl of Sunderland by his wife Dorothy.

I Anne, only daughter of Lord Halifax ; her father addressed to her his cele-
brated " Advice to a Daughter." She married as his second wife John, Lord
Vaughan, afterwards third Earl of Carbery.

309

THE HOUSE OF LYME

child. 'Tis a sad thing if true (though nothing to be vvonder'd att in
that family.)

" 'Tis said Lord Hallifax is to be President of the Councell and
Seymour * Previe Scale."

The hero of the above story was Lord Grey of Werk, married
to Lady Mary Berkeley, daughter of George, first Earl of
Berkeley, a sister of the lady in question. He was convicted
of a conspiracy to carry off his sister-in-law, and fled to Holland
on the discovery of the Rye House Plot.

Richard's coach, which had taken Sarah Fountaine home,
had evidently met with an accident on its return journey,
for which she apologizes :

" Wee are not a little Troubled about your Coach being spoyled, but
I see all things in this world must have an alay [alloy] though sorry itt
Lights upon thee, but God grant thee never worse Luck ; and I am
sure you can truly forgive us who have occasioned this, for I doubt
our Mony burnt in the coachman's Pockitt and he Drunk too much as
he return'd for he drove us very Carefully, soe I hope you forgive this
one time. My Spouse went to town a Sunday and was in a very good
humour all the Time, and never said once ' why staid you soe Long ? '
My welcome was not over kind but that I never expect, soe am Content
if I escape without anger."

She was having an awful time of it, poor thing, from the
following account given by Lady Chicheley :

" Poor Mistress Fountaine hath obtained the favour from her mad hus-
band to goe to Bellbar [the Fountaines' place] but hath to her heart's
grief left her two eldest with him, for he would not let them go, she had
no manner of government over them when here, for he would make them
what he pleased. I doubt not but Mrs Langley f hath told you the
tragicall story of his drunken ill usage of her and he is now robbing her
of what she had left of Jewells or any thing she had. Yesterday she
left the town before I could see her, and glad she was gone, for he
would faine have recanted his leave and had her live under his tyranny
still. His law sutes goe well soe thats no excuse for his passion now,
but he makes himselfe madd with debauchery and drunkenness. She
is a poore miserable creature and wants all our prayers."

* Sir Edward Seymour (1633-1708); Speaker of the House of Commons, 1661
and 1673.

t Housekeeper to the Chicheleys.

310

RACING AND GARDENING

On the death of Sir Robert Carr in November 1682, Sir 1682
Thomas Chicheley was appointed Chancellor of the Duchy of
Lancaster, which gave much satisfaction to all his family.
Sir John had hoped to receive the post of Master of the Ord-
nance, but to his intense disappointment this was given to
Colonel Legge, first Baron Dartmouth : * " I cannot but think
this a great hardship done me."

Richard, whose health was in a precarious state, was in
great fear of being made High Sheriff ; his father-in-law was
doing all he could to prevent this, even speaking to the King
on the subject :

"... I was the other day at Newmarket where I had the good fortune
to speak with the King who hath promised me you shall not be, but
that he will take one of those I shall name, and as soon as I come to
London, I will talke with Sr George Jeffreys [the notorious judge]
about it & we will resolve who shall be the man before it comes to the
King."

The appointment was given to Thomas, Richard's brother,
who was sent a quarter-cask of " true Canary " to celebrate
the event.

Sir Thomas Chicheley had been enjoying the society of his
eldest granddaughter Lettice,t now aged nineteen, who was
paying him a visit in London.

" I thanke you & yr wife for the company of Lettice [he writes to his
son-in-law], she gaines every day more & more in good opinion so that
I think she will deserve the best match in towne for she is very good
& very handsome."

An elderly peer, a widower, twice before married, whose name
never appears, had been paying his addresses to Lettice for
the last three years. He is described by Lady Chicheley as
having an income of ,£3000 a year,

" and with 3O,ooo! in his pockett, I am confident there can no fait be

* George Legge, first Baron Dartmouth (1648-1691), Admiral and Commander-in-
Chief ; created Baron Dartmouth.

| Lettice, eldest daughter of Richard and Elizabeth Legh, born 1663; married,
first, 1687, William Banks of Winstanley; secondly, Thomas Fleetwood of Bank,
Lancashire.

THE HOUSE OF LYME

found in the man except one, which is perhaps you may thinke him
too old, he being 2 or 3 years older then my good man, & besides the
distance which she will be from you which I always thought would
be the greatest difficulty. His person is very well and he lives
plentifully."

But Lattice was not at all disposed to listen to the addresses
of her elderly admirer.

" Deare Bro : [writes Sir John Chicheley on December 19], I should
not have been so long silent could I have given such Newse of ye Love
affaire as I wisht ; but what ye effects of yr letter together with ye
advice of Mrs Potts,* to whom I supose my Neece has with more
freedome opened her mind may produce I cannot as yet tell or imagine.
I am sure if her objection is not to his age I am certaine the rest is not
to be dislikt ; but youth sees not with ye Eyes yt age does, and if
discretion might have governed I am confident we might have con-
cluded her happyly bistowed. I will not pretend to tell you how it will
be yet, more then that my Ld will nott admitte of her being prest
beyond her inclination."

Richard's old aunt, Lady Calveley, was also having her
say in the matter :

" I hope yt pretty daughter of yours will be persuaded, she is wise
and discrete and i hop will not let soch an opertunity as this slip,
thow shee cannot Love yet i hope shee may like him so well as to
marry him, Love will Com after, i am very Confident many marries yt
have noe great Love and yet are infinitely happy in their matches.
i Cannot blame ye Lord for being in Love, the vertuous good umour
ot hers would make all the world in Love with her. i could almost
have weeped at reading her letter, the great strat [straight] she is in."

The poor girl was evidently having great pressure put
upon her, probably by her mother, who was of a masterful
nature, and far more ambitious and worldly minded than her
husband. Sir John Chicheley interceded for his niece, who was
paying a visit to Southampton Square in January, 1682-3 :

" My Neece is well as to health, only melancholy which I do suppose
proceeds from ye difficulty she finds in herselfe to love or give herselfe
up to be beloved. I hope Sister is so good a Christian as to forgive

* A poor relation and hanger-on of the Chicheleys.
312

RACING AND GARDENING

and forget all things in relation to love Matters concerning my Neece
and ye Lord. You must be her advocate."

Lettice held out successfully and got her way. She was 1682-3
far too happy at home, nor did the prospect of making what
her relations considered to be a brilliant marriage, influence
her in the slightest degree, nor cause her to wish to change
her condition. She did not marry for another four years.

The custom of arranging marriages amongst children,
which had prevailed in early days, wras continued in the seven-
teenth century, but not to so great an extent. Richard was
far too adoring a father to wish to coerce his children in any
matter relating to their happiness. His gentle and affectionate
disposition would have revolted against the despotic tyranny
displayed by his grandfather, Sir Peter, towards his unfortunate
son, and he had been too happy in his own marriage not to
wish his children to choose for themselves. But there were
plenty of fortune hunters amongst even his intimate friends.
His eldest son, Peter, had already been marked down at the
age of thirteen. A letter from one of his relations informs
Richard how well he had liked the boy when he saw him at
a bowling-alley, and suggests that he " had thoughts of him
for a husband for Kittie." Another friend writes, offering his
own son, whom he describes as being seventeen years old and
in a " spiritfull age for marriage if you think him worthy for
one of your daughters, which he says is a pretty one." To
both these proposals Richard returned the same answer. To
the first he writes :

" You cannot forgett how averse I was to marriage untill I found one
that pleased me, . . . you may remember I told you I was loath to
engage any of my children untill they came of years to consent, . . .
I would not engage my son at this time to the best fortune in England
for fortunes sake, untill he come of riper years to choose for himselfe,
for therein he will be happy or miserable."

To the second proposal he says :

" If it please God my Godson lives and my daughter Margaret *

* Margaret, sixth daughter, married, 1712, the Rev. William Denny of Ravening-
ham, Norfolk.

313

THE HOUSE OF LYME

untill they be of years of discretion, I should be as glad to place her
in your family as to any Gent : in my neighborhood, but I would not
engage either of them till they are of years to consent, because I
would not do that to them which I was always unwilling should be
done to myself."

1683 Elizabeth Legh went up to London to consult a doctor
in the spring of 1683, and was the guest of her brother, Sir
John Chicheley, and his wife, in Southampton (now Blooms-
bury) Square, her daughter Lettice being with her grandfather
on the opposite side of the square. Richard, busy with assizes
and other work, was to join them later. He was at this time
rebuilding at his own expense the ancient episcopal chapel
of St. Peter at Newton, and was contributing himself and
collecting from others subscriptions for the better endowment
of the living. He gives his wife particulars of this matter in
a letter written from Newcastle, describing the miseries of
what corresponds to the Judges' Circuit of the present day.
After twenty-two years of marriage, his language is still that
of a young lover :

" Here I am deare Soule, very weary, but well pleased to write to thee,
though I have nothing to say, but my prayers are constant for thee and
thine, and lett the distance of place be what it will betwixt us, I am as
neare thee and thine in affection as ever and goe as heavily from thee.
We are all glad for your good news of yr Dr. I long for the good time
when I shall come, but dare not think of it untill it be nearer. . . .
Beds at Lancaster bad enough and fleas a great store."

These, he assures her, were so big they barked like little dogs !

On his return to Lyme, he gives her details of the garden.
This had been freshly planned and laid out, and a new gardener
engaged, somewhat extortionate in his demands :

" Since my last to thee I have had some discourse with the Gardiner.
He asked me at first So1 a year to keep all the Garden & green plotts in
order & to find seeds but noe flower seeds into the bargain. I stood
in admiracon att his demand ; then he descended to 6ol a year & there
he sticks."

All attempts to beat him down seem to have failed :

" I told him that you & I had computed itt & we thought half that sum
3H

RACING AND GARDENING

enough when all the Gardens were putt in the order we design'd them.
I told him that 5O1 a year wold keep 3 men att worke the whole year
round besides himselfe & that I will say for him, he labors as hard as
any of them, & my Lady Devonshire * did not give such rates who has
3 times more Gardening & walks than we have. But under 6ol he will
not meddle."

The present garden covers about thirteen acres of ground.
It was probably larger in the seventeenth century, as remains
of walks have been found in what is now rough ground in the
park. We read of gravel walks that have to be rolled, bowling-
greens, courts, and grass-plots that have to be mown, hotbeds
" in rows," and greenhouses. For this only four regular men,
including the gardener, were kept, weeders and workmen being
brought in occasionally. The three men's united wages appear
to have been under .£40 a year ; the gardener's wages and seeds
were not to exceed £80, so the whole garden must have been
run for about £100 a year.

The gardener seems to have been satisfied with his men :
" I fancy the Gardener is well pleas'd with his man Tom
Marsland," writes Richard in 1683 ; " he appeared upon
Easter day in a Sute of Clothes with gold Buttons, better
worth than 2 of my best Sutes." Sometimes, however, they
are careless :

" Your friend Loll's son served the Gardener but ill upon Sunday —
shold have cover'd his glasses in the hot-bed when the great thunder
shower came & truly he was gone into the Parke to find a Stag's horn,
I advise him to bestow a soft cudgell upon him."

Melons are mentioned in 1683. These were grown exten-
sively in France early in the seventeenth century, but appear
to have been novelties in Cheshire, at any rate, at this period.

The spring of 1683 was very cold and wet. Edward Warren
of Poynton writes to Richard, who had joined his wife in
London in May :

" The weather heer worse then when you went hence. The price of
corne much raysed, the best oates at near 403 2 sacks. The stormy

* Wife of William, third Earl of Devonshire, second daughter of William, second
Earl of Salisbury, K.G. She died 1689, leaving issue.

315

THE HOUSE OF LYME

wett weather and lightenings hath killed all fruit with me so that I
think there will be neither cherryes, peares, plumbs nor apples in my
plantation."

Great efforts were being made to get apples to flourish at
Lyme. " 100 Baford Pippens and 20 other trees, Sir Henry
Pickering apples," costing £3 33., including carnage, are sent
down, the gardener complaining " what a strange cold place
itt is and he cannot have things soe early as his neighbours."
He is obliged to admit, however, that other places have neither
artichokes nor laurel. Laurels are mentioned as growing in
England early in 1600 ; these and Portugal laurels and hollies
were almost the only hardy evergreens and shrubs procurable
in this country down to the first part of the eighteenth century.
A present of " Barberys," rosemary, and vines are sent by a
friend to Richard for his new garden, accompanied by the
wish, expressed in delicate terms, that the vines may be as
fruitful as his lady.

Soon after the return of the Legh family to Lyme in July
1683, the children became attacked with smallpox, probably
contracted in London. Frances, the third daughter, was the
first to fall ill, and one gets some idea from the following letters
of the terror caused by this dread scourge.

Richard's sister, Lady Arderne, condoles with Elizabeth
early in August :

" I did soe fully designe to have scene poore Frank as soon as my
husband came home, but the news he brings me of my cosen Knight-
ley * being come to Utkington, & the invitation I have from my Aunt
to see her & the fears my cosen hath of the small pox of her onely son,
crosses me in my full intentions & earnest desire of seeing her. ... I
heard from Stopport [Stockport] poor Frank was better, the confirma-
tion of that news Deare Sister will much satisfie me, as of the health
of the rest of the Deare Flock, & will not be wanting in my prayers. I
would fain think of meeting you to-morrow somewhere neere to you
if all was so well as you could leave them, God in Heaven grant mee
good news of you all."

Mistress Langley (Sir Thomas Chicheley's housekeeper) sends,

* Elizabeth Knightley, wife of Mr. Knightley of Fawsley, and daughter of John
Crewe, whose wife was a Done of Utkington.

316

RACING AND GARDENING

on the 1 9th from Wimpole, in great anxiety, matters being
complicated by poor Elizabeth expecting the annual baby :

" MADAM, 1683

" Of Fryday last I recd a Letter from Mr Legh which is ye first
wee have had from you since wee came to this place. It being above
a week that wee was without a letter put us in to great fears and appre-
hensions of ill news considering ye condition yr family is in ; but God be
thankt for ye good news wee have had thus farr. Wee cannot bee
without fears every post expecting to heare that more of ye children
is downe of ye same distemper ... I am very glad Mistress Frances *
will bee noe more mark't with them, but my great fears is for the
boys, not for feare theire faces should be spoyled, for God send them
but to scape with life & tis noe matter how theire beautys is, but I
hope the saime providence will carry them through it as well as yr
Daughters. Your father sends his Blessing to you all and desires
to know when your Midwife comes to you, whoe wee hope is not
affraide of coming to you because of ye Small pox."

The horrible illness dragged on for two months, Peter,
the precious son and heir, being attacked last of all in
October :

" Wee both rejoiced over your last letter that Peter was in a good
way at the ioth day, which is the time people begin to hope the worst
is passed [says Lady Chicheley], and that my Sister had had the
satisfaction to be with him soe long."

Elizabeth's twelfth child — a son, John — was born early in
October. All the children made good recoveries except Peter,
who was longer in picking up than the others.

" We are all in very good health now, thank God [Richard reports to a
friend], my son Peter visitts his Mother every day but goes not abroad
untill he hath taken some physick to cleare him from that foule dis-
temper which hath been severe with him ; the wise ones say he is not
injured, & since itt hath pleased God to spare his life, 'tis that I pray'd
for & am very well content."

The following August, 1684, Elizabeth Legh went up to
London to stay with her father on her way to drink the waters

* Frances, third daughter of Richard and Elizabeth, born 1667; married four
times, first, Robert Tatton of Wythenshawe ; secondly, Sir Gilbert Clerke ;
thirdly, Oldfield ; fourthly, Dr. Shippen, Principal of Brazenose, Oxford.

317

THE HOUSE OF LYME

1684 at Tunbridge Wells, taking with her Betty,* her second daughter,
who had been in indifferent health since the attack of smallpox.
Sir Thomas Chicheley was in a very depressed state. He had
always lived above his income, and although after his second
wife's, Lady Savile's, death, he had reduced his establishment,
and had given up his large house in Great Queen Street and
moved into a smaller one in Southampton Square, he was
much in want of money. His eldest son, Tom, was unsatis-
factory and had given him a lot of trouble, and his application
for some court appointment had been rejected. There appeared,
therefore, to be nothing for him to do but to sell Wimpole,
his beautiful Cambridgeshire home, and the thought of this
was breaking his heart. " Wimpole now must go," writes
Sir John Chicheley to his brother-in-law in July 1684, " Sir
Thomas imputes it to two accidents, ye one my Brother not
doing as he would have had him, ye other in his not following
my Lady Savile's advice, which was to retire and never looke
towards or expect anything from ye Court."

His daughter's visit was, therefore, a great joy to the old
man. She and Betty appear to have ridden on horseback as
far as Stone, in Staffordshire, where they were to take the
coach. A maid and two menservants accompanied them ;
these last were to return to Lyme after seeing their mistress
and her daughter safely into the coach. Elizabeth sends a
letter to her husband from Lichfield :

" MY DEARE SOULE,

" Yesterday we got to Stone before 6 oclock but Jean I belefe lost
some leather for she was not able to rid ahorse back this day, and Will
Foster and Will Turner confest to Jean that they had some such
grefe upon themselves, but I thanke God we are got very safe and well
to this place by n aclock and I hope we shall have the coch [coach]
to ourselves tomorrow."

She gives him directions to reckon up the charges of the
garden ; he is to write out a recipe for japanning for her, and
to bid Dorothy keep up her recipe book. He is also not to

* Elizabeth, second daughter of Richard and Elizabeth, born 1666, married Sir
Strensham Master.

318

RACING AND GARDENING

forget to go and see Lady Derby,* a visit of condolence on the
death of her grandmother. This was the Duchess of Ormonde,f
who had just died, it was said, as the result of medicine given
her for a cough, to the inexpressible grief of her husband the
Duke, who never got over his loss.

Like most mistresses of a household, Elizabeth considered
herself indispensable, and was in great anxiety as to how they
would get on without her at Lyme, where there was evidently
a party which included Lord Derby. J Richard tells her, on
August I, of the achievements of Tom, the second boy, then
aged only nine, who seems to have figured prominently in a
stag hunt, organized for Lord Derby's amusement. In the
description of this entertainment, Joseph Watson, the famous
keeper (mentioned in a former chapter), now in the tenth
year of his service, is spoken of for the first time. •

" DEAREST, This comes to relieve thee from those feares & doubts
(I am sure) thou hast had since my last that told thee what company
was here. We are all very well & his Lordship kept better hours than
thou & I can. He is mightily in love both with Peter & Tom, to the
first he lost halfe a crown at Bowles on purpose to try his humour, &
he protested he never saw a more equall temper. Tom undertook (if
I would give him leave) that nobody but himselfe & his Councellor
Joe Keeper, would goe & gather the Stags & bring them to the Gates.
My" Lord thought it had been a brag, but when he saw Tom upon the
little Bay Nag & a long pole of 3 yards in his fist & all the Stags walking
at his command, he was very well pleas'd. The next day by 5 a
Clock Tom came to my Chamber & askt me leave to call my Lord &
the rest to goe hunt the outlying Stagg, which we did, & he proved
the fattest & best Venison I ever did eat. The next day I made the
Cooke to pott up the remainder & pray tell my Lady (Chicheley) I
have 3 or 4 Potts for her against she comes back to her own house
ith' Square." §

The melons, he tells her, " come on bravely." ||

* Daughter of Thomas, Earl of Ossory, wife of William, ninth Earl of Derby.

f Lady Elizabeth Preston, daughter of the Earl of Desmond.

J See note, p. 305. § Raines Collection.

|| Lady Chicheley, in a subsequent letter, sends a recipe for potting venison.
" After 'tis boned, parboil it, then press the gravy out with a press, cut it in pieces or
slices, season it with pepper and salt only, and so bake it in the Pot from whence
'tis never removed, but covered with butter — indeed 'tis very good."

319

THE HOUSE OF LYME

1684 Here is a delightful picture of Calveley, the ex-baby, then
two years old :

" Your friend Calveley chatties most mightily. Every day he gets new
words. He will take poor Jackey (the monkey) about the neck & grin
& pull him along till they both stare, & then Nurse chides & he turns
quick upon the toe & goes off. Yesterday I tooke a deale of paines
to hang up the two Pictures, & my gentlemen had found them out
speedily. [He ends hoping the waters agree with her :] For the com-
panies sake I wish myselfe there, but being attained to the age of
50 years I doe find that a mixture of wine does best agree with my
constitution."

In a letter to his wife, written about this date, Richard, for
the first time, makes mention of spectacles. These had been
invented as early as the fourteenth century, and there were
spectacle-makers in Nuremberg in 1462. Both lenses and frames
were exceedingly heavy and clumsy. The latter were made in
horn or tortoiseshell, to which fashion has again recently
returned.

"... I have been startled about 2 nights since [writes Richard]
being waken'd with a pain in my right eye & a salt humour which
hindered my sleep for some time, occation'd I thinke by reading soe
much by Candle light, & now I thinke to use my Spectacles for I know
not else how to spend my time without thee."

The happy couple were soon to be reunited ; he was to meet
her at Norton, his brother-in-law Sir Richard Brooke's place,
on her return from Tunbridge Wells. She begs him not to
delay :

" My deare deare Soule, I met thy vary kind letter, I shall trashur
[treasure] it up amongst those things I love best, for I am shure [sure]
it pleases me better then any Juell in my cabbinet. When I received
thy letter I knew not whether to turn to Hadock or Norton, but I
hoped thou would come hither to me and therefore I turned hither.
Really I have not been warm in bed since thou left me, therefore
have what pity thou canst upon her that is intirely thine whilst

" E. L."

Of a headstrong, masterful nature, the one soft spot in the
character of Elizabeth Legh was her adoration of her husband.
320

RACING AND GARDENING

This love, as intense as his for her, shines out through all her
ill-spelt and worse-written letters. Her children counted as
nothing in comparison with her husband. He was her whole
life, the beginning and end of her existence, and through the
twenty-six years that their marriage lasted her love grew
in depth and intensity, retaining all its romance and early
freshness up to the very end.

321

CHAPTER XXII
POLITICS AND PLOTS

1683 AMONG the Legh MSS. is a series of newsletters describing
the preparations of the French, in 1683, for assuming a fresh
offensive against the Algerine pirates, who had for long been a
terror and a dread to the European Powers. A squadron
of our ships was sent out from England to assist in the
work.

There is also an account of the invasion of Austria by the
Turks, and a newsletter of the time gives details of the
relief of Vienna, after a siege which lasted from July until
September. This may not be devoid of interest, as snowing
the measures adopted by the belligerents of the seven-
teenth century, not unlike those used in the present great
war :

" September 12, 1683 :

" We have had severall Relations from Vienna and all supported with
great confidence, but none so particular as that which came yesterday
by the French Packquet, which gives advice that Vienna was in a great
straight by loss of men and by sickness in the Town and scarcity
of amunition, and that the Miners, hearing the Turkes at work and
under the Bastion of the Court, they wrought to counter them, but
finding the Turkes had given over working and concluding that they
were ready to close up the Mine, Count Staremberg * went into the
Vault himself and wrought with the Miners till they pierct the Turk's
Mine, where they found a prodigious quantity of Barrels of gun-
powder ready disposed for the blow. This they took out and filled up
the Mine so as to make it unserviceable to the Enemy, in so much that

* Count Guide Staremberg (1657-1737), Austrian general took part in the
defence of Vienna in 1683 and in many later campaigns.

322

POLITICS AND PLOTS

when the Turkes gave fire to the train and disposed themselves to
fall in with the breach, they were in great amazement to find that
it took no effect, whereupon the Imperialists sally'd out and did
great execution upon the Turks, burnt the ffaggotts they had laid
for the advantage of scaling, and by taking this .blessed opportunity,
saved the towne."

While these stirring events were taking place abroad, the
discovery of the Rye House Plot was causing the greatest
agitation and excitement in England. A large number of
persons were implicated in this conspiracy, Monmouth included.
The first mention of this attempt on the life of the King appears
in the Legh letters at the end of June 1683, when an anonymous
correspondent states that the King had openly expressed
greater displeasure towards his son than he had ever been
known to do before,

" has forbidden his coming to Whitehall or any part of St. James's,
whether His Majesty be in this Towne or not ; he has likewise pub-
liquely declared that any Servant of his or dependant upon himself
or the Courte that shall either goe to him (Monmouth) or howlde any
conversation with him shall never serve him an hower after he knows
it." Another letter mentions that " His Majesty hath been pleased
to order all the Keyes of his Lodgings to bee Altered & yt noe person
shall be admited to Lodge in Whitehall but his Mat73 immediate
Servants."

Monmouth was supposed to have taken ship from Chichester,
but other accounts report his presence still in London.

Sir Richard Brooke, Richard's brother-in-law, had a narrow
escape of being involved in the Rye House Plot, but was
saved by Sir Thomas Chicheley, a persona grata at Court,
who proved Brooke's innocence to the King.

Many friends of the Legh family were amongst those who
suffered rightly or wrongfully. Charles Gerard, first Earl of
Macclesfield,* and his son, Lord Brandon,f were both con-
demned to death but pardoned. Others who were arrested

* Great-great-grandson of Sir Gilbert Gerard, Master of the Rolls.

f Charles, Viscount Brandon, eldest son of Charles, Earl of Maccleafield.

323

THE HOUSE OF LYME

were Sir John Trenchard,* acquitted ; Henry Booth, f after-
wards Lord Delamere, committed but released on bail, and
Algernon Sidney,J executed in December of this same year.
Piers Legh § of Bruch writes Richard the following account
of the death of the Earl of Essex, || which occurred in the Tower
in July 1683, but whether by suicide or by order of the Court
was never known :

" London July ye I4th 1683.
" WORTHY S*

" I make bold to trouble you with ye unexpected news w^1 few
people ever thought of ; yesterday morning about 10 ye King and ye
Duke of York went for pleasure to looke through ye Tower ; in ye
mean time my Ld of Essex haveing a guilty conscience, which needs
noe other accuser, with a rasor cut his own Throat, yt ye Blood with a
shower of Raine together ran downe to ye Traitor's Gate ; ye same
day my Lord Russell, Capt Walcot, Rouse & Hone was tryed at the
old Balife [Bailey] and all brought in guilty of High Treason and this
day I heard sentence pronounc'd against yem but for ye time of execu-
tion I can give noe account of. There is every day new discoveries
made, I wish all our Country Gentlemen be free."

A subsequent letter states that the corpse of the unfortunate
Earl of Essex was buried in the vault of his ancestors without
any ceremony, and that the King afterwards received his son
" with all ye marks of love and kindness," bidding him follow
in the steps of his grandfather ^f (beheaded for loyalty to
Charles I), " and that he would then be a friend to him and
love him."

The Russells were intimate friends of both the Leghs and
Chicheleys, but beyond passing references to the trial in the
Legh letters of the time, no comment is made upon Lord

* Sir John'.Tren chard (1640-1695), Secretary of State, shared in plots.

f Henry Booth, second Baron Delamere and first Earl of Warrington ; sentenced
to death, but bribed Jeffreys and was pardoned.

J Algernon Sidney (1622-1683), son of second Earl of Leicester; executed
December 1683.

§ Piers Legh of Bruch, only son of Piers Legh (son of old Sir Peter) ; he fought
at Sedgemoor and died of decline in October of that same year, 1683.

|| Arthur Capel, first Earl of Essex (1631-1683); associated with Monmouth's
schemes ; sent to the Tower, found with his throat cut.

TI Arthur Capel, first Baron.

324

POLITICS AND PLOTS

Russell's * fate. The following short account of his execution
is sent to Richard in a newsletter dated July 21 :

" This day about a quarter past 10 ye Lord Russell was brought from 1683
Newgate in his own Coach to Lincoln's Inn Fields, where a Scaffold
was Errected for his Execution. As soone as he came upon ye Scaffold
he pulled off his hatt & Bowed himself ; The fields & houses were all
Crowded with people. After he had walked four Turnes upon ye
Scaffold betwene Dr Burnett f & Dr Tillottson J who came from
Newgate with him, he pulled out a paper and Read with much Con-
taine about 4 Lines, then he prayed as did all ye people on ye Scaffold
with him, after which he walked 2 or 3 Turnes more & there prayed by
himself, a Little time after which he pulled off his perruwhigg, Cravatt
& Coate himself and gaue it to his Seruant, putting on a white Satten
Wast coate, laid his head on ye Block which at 3 Blowes was Severed
from his Body by ye hands of ye common Executioner. His head &
Body was put into a Black Coffin & then put into a hearse and Carried
to Bedford House in ye Strand."

The correspondent allows himself this one comment :
" How he lived I know not, but he died bravely and like a
Christian."

Two troops of " Granadeers " were now to be raised for the
protection of the King. The formation of this regiment (the
1st battalion of the Grenadier Guards) dates from 1656, when
Charles II first raised his standard in Flanders. This was
followed by a great response in England, Irish and Scotch
regiments being also formed. So eager were the officers to
join that they willingly accepted a lower rank than that to
which they had already risen, in order to form part of the
new King's Guard.

Something of the same spirit seems to have animated the
youth of the day thirty years later, when we hear in the midst
of all the excitement of the plot that " 100 young gentlemen
all of very good estates have resolved to forme themselves into
a Troop of Horse and to waite on his Majesty as a Guard to

* William, Lord Russell, "the patriot," beheaded 1683; married Lady Rachel,
daughter of the Earl of Southampton, and widow of Lord Vaughan.

f Gilbert Burnet, Bishop of Salisbury (1643-1715), the historian.

I John Tillotson, Archbishop of Canterbury (1630-1694) ; descended from the
Cheshire Tilstons.

3*5

THE HOUSE OF LYME

his person without expecting any Reward." Charles was much
pleased with this spontaneous mark of affection, and appointed
the Earl of Ossory, son of the Duke of Ormonde, in command
of the Troop. The officers were to keep two servants apiece,
" well horsed, armed and to be Ready on all occasions."

The marriage of the Princess Anne to Prince George of
Denmark took place at the end of July 1683. Lady Chicheley
expresses her opinion on the appearance of the bridegroom
(whom another correspondent describes as " much an English-
man as to his person ") in a letter of July 26 :

" Prince George will not be married till Satterday or Sunday. He is
noe beauty but well enough, at least for a Prince ; neither doe I heare
now nor doth it appeare in his face that he drinkes, for that is a
quallity will not recommend him to the Duke."

On the 3 ist, the Lords and Court of Aldermen went in their
scarlet robes to Whitehall to wait upon the bride and bride-
groom and congratulate them on their marriage.

By December 1683 we hear of the Duke of Monmouth back
at Court, and the King and Duke of York " very kind to him."
This was within a day or two of the execution of Algernon Sidney.

The Court was spending a good deal of time at Winchester,
where Charles II was building himself a palace after designs
supplied by Wren. This, it was thought, would become a
more popular resort than Newmarket, the King intending to
use his new palace during the racing season. He died, how-
ever, before the building was completed.

Intriguing for party and place was going on to the same
extent as ever. A letter from Sir Peter Shakerley,* dated
May 1684, beseeches the help of Richard in obtaining some
money due to him from the Crown, assuring him at the same
time that the Whig party is capable of any atrocity, even that
of " removing the Lord of Lime if it were in their power."
In this same letter occurs the expression " taking snuff," as
applied to offence given or received.

On February 6, 1684-85, Charles II died, cynical and witty
to the last.

* Governor of Chester Castle,

326

CHAPTER XXIII

AN INFANT LEGISLATOR

THE accession of James II and his promise to preserve the 1684-5
laws and protect the Church was welcomed by the Nation with
enthusiasm. He had always been a good friend to the Legh
family, and Sir Thomas Chicheley was full of admiration of
his character.

" You see how sudden & great a change we have had [he writes to
Richard on February 17, 1684-5], I thanke God he hath been mighty
good to us in blessing of us with such a King that I think all his subjects
have reason to rejoyce at, for he is full of goodnesse & great justice &
I doubt not but will make us infinitely happy if we have not a rebellious
nature amongst us which delights in Mischiefe."

It was necessary to summon a Parliament to obtain money
for the new King, the Royal revenue having ceased with the
death of his predecessor. Richard was much pressed to stand
for Cheshire, the King expressing great desire that he should
do so.

" It is much desired at Court, you have shown yrself an honest man &
a good subject, as the King saith & he did it with great kindness to
you, I dare not say how well he thought of you, for feare I make you
too proud, for you are in very good esteeme and I would have you
preserve it [says his worldly-minded father-in-law. Sir John
Chicheley adds his entreaties :] 'Tis absolutely concluded yt none but
you and Mr Cholmely can carry it for the county."

But Richard had no desire to take up public life again.
Had he stood anywhere it would have been for his own borough
of Newton, but he was in very indifferent health, so he, there-
fore, hurried up to London to see the King and explain to His
Majesty how for this reason he was unable to stand again for

327

THE HOUSE OF LYME

Parliament. So lame was he that he had not ridden out of
his park all winter :

" also several worthy gentlemen might take it ill from me & indeed it
looks a little vain in me to stand here to put them out when I can with
ease come in att my own place (Newton) where I design to put in my
own son with Sir John Chicheley, & his vote is as good as mine. I
hope the King will not take it ill at me when I send him one that can
serve him better than I can.'*

He was being pressed to give his support to would-be
candidates for Lancashire, amongst others Lord Colchester,*
who was most anxious to obtain the good offices of the Baron
of Newton. " I hope that you will give me your interest as
knight of the shire for Lancashire, where I intend to stand if
I have encouragement that my friends think well of me." But
Lord Colchester's record was not a satisfactory one. He had
been suspected of joining with Lord Macclesfield as an adherent
of Monmouth, and Richard was suspicious of him, although he
had consented to present him to the King.

684-5 " Concerning Lord Colchester standing for Lancashire [he writes from

St. James's to an unknown correspondent on February 28], I have by
this post intimated privately to my Lord Derby yt his appearing for
Lord Colchester [his brother-in-law] in ye Election will by no means be
acceptable here, his Lordship [Colchester] must first give some further
proofs of his repentance & future good intentions before he have any
encouragement or countenance from hence to come into a Parlt. I
doe really wish his Lordship well, & do really believe him a convert
or I wold not (as I did) have brought him to ye King, but at this time
his friends will be kind to him in persuading him not to stand."

It was hoped by some of his friends that Richard would
come up to London, specially to take part in the coronation
festivities, bringing his family with him. Mistress Fountaine
did her best to persuade him to do so, assuring him that it
was expected of him, and that he must not let the expense of
women's clothes, " usually a terror to Country Gentlemen,"
prevent his paying his respects to his new sovereign. On

* Viscount Colchester, eldest son of Thomas, Earl Rivers. He married Lady
Charlotte Stanley, daughter of Charles, eighth Earl of Derby.

328

AN INFANT LEGISLATOR

March 8, 1684-5, she sends him one of her quaintly worded
epistles :

" DEAREST BROTHERE ;

" However the fates have order'd itt of Late I know not, but
methinkes 'tis a Long time since you and I did converse with each
other, so that the sight of thy sweet fist did rejoyce mee. I heare you
are a favorrit att Court and of late have got a place of great honner,
soe that I dout [doubt] you will grow proud. Truely I wish heartily
itt would exalt you to town suddenly, for sure you ought to Come
kiss the King's hand, and bring your wife and children to see the
Corronation, and I will meet you and at this time you Cannot plead
the expence of women Cloths (which is usually a terror to Country
Gentlemen). I am glad to heare Munkey is well."

From a rough copy he had made of his answer to his sister-
in-law, Richard gives his reasons for abstaining from attending :

*' Being capable of no honour I can receive none and for the same
reason, being old [he was only fifty-one] & useless to the affaires
above, I chuse to sitt quiett at home & besteward itt for my children."

He confined himself, therefore, to celebrating the auspicious 1685
event in his own part of the world, directing " bonefires," a
huge one being erected in Stockport market-place, and organiz-
ing the customary processions, fireworks, and " other triumphs."

The following letter from Piers Legh of Bruch, second
cousin of Richard, gives a short account of the coronation of
James II and his queen, which took place on April 23, 1685 :

" DEAR SR

" I'm just got home from ye Coronation of our K. and Queen ; all
things was performed in ye most splendid manner yt ever was seen or
heard of in ye world before. Ye Queen and ladies giving ye greatest
splendour to ye whole Matter. Ye whole glory of ye nation appear'd at
ye solemnity excepting ye familey at Lime, which I hartely wish't for
if it could have suited their convenience ; few bad accidents have
hapen'd, onely a Gentleman of Grayes Inn, whose name I cannot
informe you of, fell downe from off ye scaffold & broke his necke before
ye procession."

Incredible though it sounds, Richard actually contemplated
and succeeded in getting his eldest son Peter, aged only

329

THE HOUSE OF LYME

1685 sixteen, named as a candidate for the borough of Newton, in
company with Sir John Chicheley. A Mr. Bretherton, the
nominee of the " Free Burgesses," hotly opposed the candida-
ture of the youth, but his objections were overruled, the Legh
influence proving too strong, and the baby legislator was duly
returned with his uncle on April 25, 1685. His grandfather,
highly delighted, sends blessings to the young commoner,
who was henceforth to take up his quarters with the Chicheley
family in Southampton Square. His Uncle Thomas, who had
been returned M.P. for Liverpool Borough, with the Mayor,
Sir Richard Atherton, accompanied the boy to London, and
reports, on May 14, their safe arrival, " no misfortune nor
disaster I thanke God intervening."

There appears to have been some doubt in the mind of
Sir John as to the reception that would be accorded to the
young statesman, and he seems to have expected that objec-
tions might be made by the sitting members to the introduc-
tion of so juvenile an addition to their august assembly.

" Deare Bro : [he writes to Richard on May 19]. This morning we met
and tooke ye Oathes, after which I carry'd my Nephew into our House,
where I found severall Members tooke Notice of his youthfulness, but
to keep us ye better in Countenance, ye Lord Plymouth's * son
appeared, whose lookes did not so well qualline him for a law-maker
as Peter's. [He mentions also seeing Mr. Bretherton], our antagonist
who I am told designs to petition, . . . but what will not a vaine
conceited fool doe ! "

A few days 'later Peter sends his first impressions of the
House of Commons in a well-written and well-expressed letter
to his father, and with the tone and seriousness of a person
twice his age :

" London May 23, 1685.
« DEAR S*

" Upon Wednesday & Thursday very little was done but Swearing.
Then upon Friday wee went to the house of Lords where the King
gave us his Speech, with great satisfaction to us all. Immediately
we return to our house again where the first thing wee went about was

* Thomas Windsor, first Earl of Plymouth, married a daughter of Lady Savile,
Sir Thomas Chicheley's second wife, by her first husband, Sir William Savile.

330

AN INFANT LEGISLATOR

Settling the King's Revenew, which was agreed upon presently and
no one took exception against it. After that the Black Rod came
in and told us that we must wait upon the King at four a clock in the
afternoon at the Banqueting House, where the King gave us thanks
for what we had done, and all the Spectators said that they never saw
him look so pleasantly before as he did this day. This morning we
went to the house again where this bill was agreed upon. That this
House will Stand by his Majesty with their lives & Fortunes against
Archbold Camoden [Archibald Campbell] the pretended Earle of
Argyll * and his adherents and all Rebells, Traitors and others what-
soever shall assist him or them. After that very little else was done
but the wrangling petitioners, but Bretherton's petition I do hear
nothing of yet. This day the Lord Willoughby stood and desired
that the Minors Might be turned out of the house, which Mr Speaker
told him it shall be considered upoiv but it will come to a debate (I do
believe !) and this Willoughby was one himself when he was under age,
& he is not very much more. If it be so, then I shall have Company
enough . . . here is noe more news as I do know So I rest

" Yr obedient Son

"P. LEGH.
" Pray my duty to my Mother & love to my Sisters."

It will be observed that whereas he ends by sending love
to his sisters, his duty is all he ventures to offer to his mother.

A movement was set on foot for ejecting all minors, but
the debate was adjourned, " in case they be excluded I wish
it be not the means of bringing Bretherton into the House."
Opinions differed in Newton itself, where amongst the opposite
party the betting was five to one that Bretherton would be
a burgess for Newton before the end of the Parliament. Other
and weightier matters were, however, occupying the attention
of the House, so the question of the exclusion of minors was
dropped for the time being, and Peter remained unmolested.

The Monmouth Rebellion was one of the great excitements
of the year 1685. The accession of James II had been fatal
to Monmouth's hopes, so he now entered upon a desperate
attempt to stir up the spirit of fanaticism in Scotland and
the West of England, in which enterprise he was assisted by

* Archibald Campbell, ninth Earl of Argyll, opposed James II's arbitrary
measures; joined in Monmouth rebellion; executed after Sedgemoor at Edinburgh
without trial.

331

THE HOUSE OF LYME

the Earl of Argyll. They sailed from Holland within a few
days of each other, Argyll undertaking the Northern expedi-
tion, the rebel Duke the other.

The militia was called out, the Deputy-Lieutenants were
all given strict injunctions to " be watchfull and employ your
utmost care, to agree amongst yourselves to have 2 at least
of your number constantly together in some convenient and
certain place in the County ... to oppose all villanous
designes," and to disarm all dangerous and suspected persons.
The searching for arms was to be left to them to use their own
discretion in as they should think fit. Richard made himself
very active in looking up those of his neighbours whom he
feared were of doubtful loyalty, and in seeking to inspire in
lukewarm spirits a sense of their duty to King and country.

Monmouth meantime landed at Lyme Regis, on June n ;
the following extract is from a letter of Sir John Chicheley's,
written on the I3th :

" The Duke of Monmouth landed at Lime Thirsday night last about
ten of ye clocke with about two hundred jentlemen all well armed.
They tooke possession of ye Towne and pitcht his colours in a place
called ye Bowlingreene, and declared he comes against Popery and
Arbitrary Power; the partys who gives this information was this
morning with us at ye Barre of ye House, and came from thence
Thirsday night, they heard the Duke tell a man who came to offer
his service yt he would take care of them all, and yt as for Armes he had
enough for all yt would come to him."

Monk, Duke of Albemarle, who was Colonel of First Horse
and Captain of all the King's Guards, was meantime raising
the militia of Devon and Cornwall, and was waiting in readiness
for the advance of the rebels ; Sir John goes on to say :

" The Duke of Monmouth is within two miles of Tauntondeane, one
of ye most factious Townes in all England, and where ye Duke without
all doubt does expect ye considerablest part of his forces ; the Duke of
Albemarle is not farre from them ; there's orderd to March some of ye
Standing forces both Horse, Foot and Dragoons, but tis not possible
for them to reach his -Grace these five days at soonest, it being above
a hundred Miles thither."

332

AN INFANT LEGISLATOR

He adds a postscript to the effect that Monmouth was sup- 1685
posed to have returned to Lyme Regis " in order to reembark
himselfe and all his forces in case he's prest by ye Duke of
Albemarle, who they say has four thousand horse and foot not
far off ye place where Monmouth is."

Peter, still in London, writes to his mother an undated
letter early in July, giving interesting details of what was
going on :

" DEAR MADAM,

". . . the last post I writ my Father word that the Monmouth
was landed at Lime in Dorsetshire and had two hundred men, now he
has very near three thousand with him. Yesterday in the Parliament
house wee had his declaration read, wherein he said that the Duke of
York had no right to the Crown & yt wee had Murdered his Father,
and withall said wee was a Pack Parliament, but if he was King he
would have a free Parliament, and a great deal more to this purpose.
After it was read we ordered it Should be burnt by the Common
hangman before the Royal Exchange, & wee have ordered that 1000 Ps
be set upon his head for any man that will bring him alive or dead.
Wee expect every hour to hear when the Duke of Albemarle has
ingaged him, wee are all up in Arms here for fear of the worst. My
Lord Brandon has kist the Kings hand & likewise my Lord Delamere . . .

" Pray my duty to my Father & love to my Sisters
" So Dear Madam

" Your Affectionate Son P : LEGH."

With reference to Peter's statement concerning Lord
Delamere's kissing the King's hand, Lord Derby had, in a
letter to Richard dated June 24, stated that he was " abso-
lutely of opinion that Lord Delamere should be secured, and
I think Stockport is as fit a place as any, but I leave it to
you."

If Lord Delamere was apprehended, he must have been
released soon after. He was thoroughly untrustworthy, for
he had been concerned in the Rye House Plot and released on
bail, was then mixed up in the Monmouth Rebellion, but
acquitted, and finally went over to the Prince of Orange in
1688.

A proclamation from the King to Lord Derby and the

333

THE HOUSE OF LYME

Deputy-Lieutenants of Cheshire and Lancashire commanded
them to seize and apprehend " all disaffected and suspicious
persons, particularly all Nonconformist ministers and such
persons, as have served against our Royal Father or Royal
Brother of blessed memory, and send them in safe Custody
to Chester to be secured there."

The rounding up of all suspected persons was, therefore,
proceeded with. The Deputy-Lieutenants, whose signatures
include that of Richard Legh — with Lord Derby's at the head —
sent an answer to His Majesty that many leading men in the
country had been secured, Sir Thomas Mainwaring,* Sir Robert
Duckenfield,f Mr. Legh of Booths,J etc. They begged, how-
ever, for instructions as to how to deal with " those who are
old and decrepit, not well able to goe to Chester, we keep them
all under a gard & their horses, most of them are for the Coach
& troublesome for us to keep, having no horse meat in our
Country to keep them in ye house." How this difficulty was
overcome history does not state.

A haul of twenty-five rapiers and fourteen guns was the
result of search made through the neighbouring townships,
the list containing such weird implements as " a simeter, a
little short tucke, a gun without a Locke," etc.

An interesting, undated letter from Piers Legh of Bruch,
who had enlisted in Lord Feversham's § army, written just
before the Battle of Sedgemoor, probably on July 5, the battle
taking place on the 6th, gives an account of the plundering
and outrages committed by Monmouth's followers, much
resembling those of the Germans at the present day :

" DEAR S*

" As I thought it ye Duty of all yong idle fellowes as I am to serve
his King against all rebellious villans, I came volantere into my Lord

* Sir Thomas Mainwaring, of Over Peover, M.P. for Chester, 1660.

f Sir Robert Duckenfield, son of the Colonel Duckenfield who was in the service
of the Parliament .

I Peter Legh of Booths, married a daughter of Robert Barcroft of Barcroft,
Lancashire.

§ Louis Duras, second Earl of Feversham (1640-1709), General; commanded
James II's troops at Sedgemoor, 1685.

334

AN INFANT LEGISLATOR

Feversham's Army ; about 10 days agoe (we had) a very little scirmage 1685
at Philips Norton where we thought to have made sure of the Enemy.
He deceived us in ye night time & marcht all his army to a towne ye
call Frome, & has still been a days march before us. We are now got
to ye County Towne in Somersetshire io miles from ye Enemy who is
making what fortification he can to a towne called Bridgwater, & if he
stayes there we shall certainly make an end of this troublesome
business in a few dayes time. In ye enemies late marches they have
been forced to plunder townes for subsistance, he giving them noe pay.
Ye last town they pillaged was Wells in Somersetshire, where they got
some little amunition tho* not much. Ye traitorous villains have
defaced most Churches they come near, as shaving [?] thro ye orgaines,
feeding their horses upon ye Comunion table, & such like revengefull
tricks they have put upon God's house, which they are to smart for
in a little time. To-morrow if ye enemy stayes us we are to encamp
as near them as possible we can, soe we shall force them to Battle or
Starve them out."

The official account of the Battle of Sedgemoor, details
of which were supplied by Colonel Oglethorpe,* was sent
from Whitehall to Lyme on July 7. From this document
we learn that Lord Feversham's army, about 2500 strong,
took up a position on Sedgemoor Plain, near the village of
Weston, having in front of it a deep ditch or drain which
traversed the moor. The rebels, who numbered between
5000 and 6000, attempted a surprise on the night of the
5th, but Lord Feversham having received notice of this,
was prepared for them when they advanced " with a great
volley of shott and shouts which was returned by ours
in ye same manner." Checked by the deep drain, the
rebel forces were completely broken by the Royal Horse;
" 3 pieces of cannon, all they had " were taken with about
400 killed, " the rest being pursued into ditches & Inclosures
& great Slaughter was made of them, in all about 2000 men."

The Duke of Monmouth's " vale de Chamber " was captured
with his master's coat, " which he usually wore, and 200
Guineys, all ye moneys he had Left."

Lord Churchill, afterwards the great Duke of Marlborough,

* Sir Theophilus Oglethorpe (1650-1702), Brigadier - General ; served in
Charles II's Life Guards; led the charge at Sedgemoor.

335

THE HOUSE OF LYME

much distinguished himself, as did also the Duke of Grafton *
(second son of Charles II by Barbara Villiers) ; while Lord
Colchester entirely recovered his reputation, and is reported
as having " behaved himself in all the businesse as well
as any Man could possibly have done." Of the King's
forces 200 were returned as killed, " none of them of any
note."

The following letter from Colonel Werdon, the noted
Royalist, Comptroller to the King when Duke of York, was
also sent to Lyme the day after the battle :

" This morning early, Oglethorpe came Expresse with the happie
Newes of the Totall defeat of the Rebells in the West. Above 2000
of them were left deade upon the place, the rest all dispersed and
pursued, and not one man of Note of the King's syde kild that wee
heare of. Capt Sands is hurt ; Lord Dunblane shott in the shoulder,
one Chevalier Dangerously wounded and Col Finch of ye bed-chamber
slightly hurt, and these are all that Oglethorpe or Mr May (who was
prisoner with them untill they were routed) can tell us of. More
particulars wee are expecting from Lord Feversham this Night or in
the Morning. . . . The rebells marcht out of Bridgwater in the night
and at peep of day fired over a bank many round vollies into the King's
Campe, but as soon as the Horse & ffoot began to charge them they
broake & routed, their Horse first with Lord Gray f in the Head of
them, at which Monmouth cried out Aloud * That Cowardly Rascall
hath undon us all,' and soe itt seemed, for his Army stood not at all,
unless some particular obstinate Syth-men [scythemen] & Clubb men,
most of which dyed for it as all did, until the Souldiers were weary of
killing.

" The King knighted Oglethorpe by the Queen's bed syde after
hee had told all hee could in her hearing."

Monmouth escaped, but was captured shortly after the
battle and beheaded on Tower Hill on July 15. The following

* Henry Fitzroy, first Duke of Grafton, married a daughter of Henry Bennet,
Earl of Arlington.

f Forde, third Lord Grey of Werk, afterwards Earl of Tankerville ; was con-
victed of a conspiracy to carry off his sister-in-law, Lady Henrietta Berkeley ;
escaped to Holland. From there he accompanied Monmouth on his attempted in-
vasion of England; he was at the Battle of Sedgemoor, where, owing to his cowardice,
his troops were routed. He was captured, turned King's evidence, revealed all he
knew of the plot and the names of his accomplices. After the accession of William III
he was created Earl of Tankerville. He died in 1701 .

336

AN INFANT LEGISLATOR

letter from Piers Legh of Bruch describes the execution, of

which he himself was witness :

" London July 1 6, 1685.
" RON** SR

" Yesterday ye Duke of Monmouth was executed on Tower Hill.
He behaved himself verry soldier like uppon ye scaffold. He had with
him all ye night before he died ye Bishop of Bathenwells & ye Bishop of
Ely, who both waited on him to ye place of execution, he has made noe
speech yt I hear of, but ye say he did disown his mariage with ye
Dutches,* being it was a forced marriage, & yt he was precontracted
before he knew his Duchess to my Lady Henrietta Wentworth,f whom
he has lived with for this two last years, as he called it very Chastely,
& yt they had committed no sin together because they were man &
wife. As he went out of ye Tower he took little notice of his Duches,
but gave his Children his blessing and bid them be dutyfull to ye
King. Severall carriages of prisoners are brought to town this day,
who are to be sent as fast as possible after their leader."

It is generally supposed that Monmouth died craven and
supplicating to the last. The above letter, however, disposes
of this idea, and shows that, whatever cowardice he may have
displayed during his last interview with James II, when the
supreme moment came he met his fate with both courage and
dignity.

* Lady Anne Scott, Countess of Buccleuch.

f Lady Henrietta, Baroness Wentworth, mistress of the Duke of Monmouth,
lived with him in Holland.

337

CHAPTER XXIV
DEATH OF RICHARD LEGH

1685 PARLIAMENT adjourned in the summer of 1685 to enable
Judge Jeffreys to hold in the Western Counties what will always
be known as the Bloody Assizes. Hundreds of persons, some
quite old women, were condemned to death on the merest
suspicion of high treason, others suffered for harbouring or
sheltering so-called rebels. A newsletter written to Lyme in
October 1685 gives a list of many condemned to be hanged,
drawn, and quartered, " and Mistress Gaunt to be burnt." This
unfortunate woman, the last of her sex to be executed for a
political offence, was burnt at Tyburn for sheltering Burton,
a Rye House conspirator and an adherent of Monmouth.
Whether James II was entirely responsible for all these outrages
it is hard to say, but we may give him the benefit of the doubt.
A letter from Judge Jeffreys — a copy of which is among the
Legh papers — apologizes to Sir Roger Bradshaigh of Haigh
for

" the impudent behaviour of the King's soldiers at Wigan, which I dare
assure you gave as great a disturbance to him as anything that ever
happened since he came to the Crown, that he will have them recom-
pense the injury they have suffered under the pretence of his authority,
and has commanded me to let you know that if they are not able to
make sattisfaction, that he will do it out of his own purse."

Happily for the Legh family, Richard was in high favour
with the King, and appears even to have won the respect of
the infamous judge himself, a letter of the time speaking of
the admiration the Lord Chancellor felt for him.

Young Peter Legh was in London all through the spring
and early summer, attending assiduously to his Parliamentary

338

DEATH OF RICHARD LEGH

duties under the watchful eyes of his grandfather and uncles.
He had been enrolled in some form of militia, and we hear of
him " following his exercises " amongst other young men of
" ye Blade."

" I have lent my nephew ye Coach this morning [writes Sir John
Chicheley on March 6, 1685-6] to goe to High Parke to see ye three
troups of Gards and two Regiments of foot exercise before his Majesty
which 'tis said will be very fine. Yr son has now begun to learne ye
Exercise of his Armes according to ye New Moode, as is now in ye
Gards and abroad in ye French Army. I hope before he leaves this
place he'l be expert in them . . . y1 I may put him into a Garbe
proper for a young Cavalier to appeare in coming home after so long
an absence."

Peter was a delicate boy, constantly suffering from colds
and " agues " and threatened with lung trouble ; his relations
were very anxious about him on this account, more so even
than were his parents. Both Sir John and Lady Chicheley
write reporting a serious illness in May of this same year,
1686 : " he goes not abroad yet, the weather is too churlish."

By the end of July the boy was back at Lyme, accompanied 1686
by his Uncle Thomas, and it must have been intense relief
to the fond parents, in times of such peril and danger, to get
him back to the safe shelter of Lyme. He brought with him
many injunctions from his relatives that he was to be well
taken care of, above all things he was not to be allowed to
go nutting, " nothing being more unwholesome then Nutts,
especially for the lungs." The boy had won golden opinions
from his grandfather, who reports him as " good in all respects
and I misse him." A beautifully written and charmingly
worded letter of thanks from Peter to his grandfather assures
the latter that he shall make it the study of his whole life to
" deserve that character of me which you are sure to give."

Legible writing was considered to be of great importance
in the seventeenth century. Richard wrote a beautiful hand
himself and expected his children to do the same. At the age
of sixteen, and not very long before his entry into Parliament,
Peter was still being made to write copies. Amongst the

339

THE HOUSE OF LYME

Legh MSS. is a small scrap of paper ornamented with a pattern
of elaborate flourishes in red and green ink, and the following
sentence is written six times over in a neat copperplate hand :
" Prayer wings the pious Soul and makes her fly, P Legh."

His handwriting compares very favourably with the untidy
scrawl of the schoolboy of to-day.

By November we hear of him back in London with his
Uncle Thomas. The journey seems to have been performed
on horseback, " the roads very plashy and dirty, but good
accoutrements secures our healths."

Mistress Fountaine, writing from Wimpole, where she had
been escorted by her father, whom she disrespectfully designates
as " ye old blade," talks of taking a house near the Temple
at £5 a month, and hopes to see something of her nephew :
" Dear Peter sends me word he thinks the town a dull place
without me which I assure him I take for a great honner from
such a pritty fellow, for 'tis strange he should think an old
woman & an Ant a diversion, but on my conscience if I live
to a hundred I shall love Lads & Lasses company." She is
more than ever " out of conceit " with matrimony, and speaks
doubtfully of some companion of her good-for-nothing husband,
" men are cattle I always am fearfull of."

In a letter of about this date we read of fox-hunting for the
first time in the Legh correspondence. It is mentioned in
English records as early as the fourteenth century, but until
the seventeenth the fox was hunted for purposes of exter-
mination only, and not for sport. The animal was driven
into nets or hunted to earth and dug out. By the middle or
end of the seventeenth century, however, the sport attained
greater dignity ; packs of hounds were kept by private indi-
viduals, including, it is said, the Duke of Monmouth. By
1686, therefore, it was becoming universally popular, and Sir
John Chicheley, writing to Richard in the early part of that
year, mentions the fact that Peter " has pretensions to fox-
hunting, tho' as yet his hands are so tender he cannot hold
his Reins nor governe his horse." Later on in life Peter became
himself the owner of hounds as well as of race-horses.
340

LYME : ENTRANCE TO THE COURTYARD

LYME : WEST SIDE OF THE COURTYARD

DEATH OF RICHARD LEGH

Meantime, building and alteration to the house was still
going on at Lyme. Richard had been making changes in the
kitchen (which faces due south, as is the case in so many old
houses) and other offices, and was planning the beautiful
saloon, which was to be hung with carvings by Grinling
Gibbons. This room is on the first floor facing due south,
and is one of the most charming and livable in the house. It
has been found difficult to establish its exact date within
thirty years, and this has been a subject of much dispute, as
has also the authenticity of the Gibbons carving. In a letter
of Sir John Chicheley, bearing date November 9, 1684, there
appears the only mention among all the Legh letters of the
Grinling Gibbons carving : " I shall talke Mr Gibbons con-
cerned a peece of carved worke." Dr. Pococke, in his " Tour
in England in 1750" (which will be quoted again later), speaks
of Lyme and mentions the carvings in the house as being by
Grinling Gibbons. This is very good (though not quite con-
temporary) evidence. We know that most of the house, during
the previous thirty-five years, had been completely altered and
Italianized in accordance with the fashion of the day, and it
is more than probable, therefore, that Richard, having given the
order for the carving, which tradition states took seven years
to execute, began the room, but died before its completion.

The room, which is 23 feet by 33, with a height of 16 feet
6 inches, has three windows facing south, looking on to the
great balcony under the portico which was built by Giacomo
Leoni * in 1 726. The whole room is composed of six great panels
of oak (alternating with double fluted Corinthian pilasters)
which form the background to the carving. This is treated in the
most original way, and is laid on in the centre of each panel from
the cornice to within about a foot and a half of the dado, instead
of being used as a framework, as is most of the Grinling Gibbons
carving that one sees. Another instance of the carving occupy-
ing the centre of the panel is seen, I believe, in one of the
Oxford colleges. Each piece of carving is 8 feet 8 inches in

* Giacomo Leoni (1686-1764), a Venetian architect, who settled in England
early in the eighteenth century.

341

THE HOUSE OF LYME

length, and all are different. The subjects are believed to repre-
sent the four seasons, music, and painting. They are composed
of trophies, flowers, and fruit, delicately carved in pearwood,
the softest of woods, and executed in the highest relief. All
contain the pumpkin, melon, and sunflower, so characteristic
of Gibbons, and all have the split pea-pod, generally accepted
as his signature. One panel has the lace handkerchief or
cravat, another a classical-shaped beaker, beautifully executed,
while cherubs' heads and wings, baskets of flowers, fish, fruit and
nuts, musical instruments, palettes and paint-brushes, all heaped
together in artistic confusion, make up a form of decoration
as harmonious in colour as it is exquisite in design. Two other
small square panels have, one, the ram's head crest, the other, a
centre bouquet of flowers with a small palm-leaf at each end.

There were orignially two fire-places, one on the east
and the other on the west side of the room, the door being
placed where the fire-place now is, on the north side opposite
the windows. The present doorway opens from the grand
staircase vestibule on the east side of the room, where one of
the fire-places was originally ; this alteration was no doubt
effected by Leoni. Above the chimneypiece is a looking-
glass, with a frame of Grinling Gibbons carving. The gilt and
plaster ceiling, of Italian design, has in each corner, executed
in similar material, the hand and banner, the shield of augmenta-
tion granted to the Legh family in 1574.

Leoni undoubtedly had a great deal to do with the decora-
tion of the room in 1726. We have his letters written at the
time, showing that he intended raising the ceiling and building
the great portico outside, but this does not alter the probability
of the carving having been made for this particular room,
which may well have been planned and begun before 1687,
the year of Richard Legh's death, although he never lived to
finish it. An inventory made after his death mentions, with
other things, three pairs of curtains for the three windows in
the " New Parlour." *

* Lyme has suffered — like many other beautiful places — from visits of numerous
so-called experts, who each in turn have given their opinion as to the period, date, or
authenticity of different parts of the building or works of art, refusing to listen to any

342

LYME : PART OF THE SALOON SHOWING CARVING BY
GRINLING GIBBONS

DEATH OF RICHARD LEGH

A thirteenth child, a boy, christened Francis, was born at 1686
Lyme in March 1685-6, and congratulatory letters were
received on the arrival of the " brave boy," with the hopes
of Sir John Chicheley that this may be the last, " especially
as it has pleased God to continue so many of them to you."
Poor Elizabeth made a very slow recovery, and was indeed
for a time in considerable danger. There was great difficulty
in obtaining medical aid. Dr. Rollings, a noted physician
of the day, suffering from " an impostumacon in one of his
eyes," and thereby forced to keep his room, and another
equally eminent practitioner being also indisposed.

Elizabeth's strong constitution triumphed, but she was a
very fractious and difficult patient, and many references are
made to her " ungovernableness " and " melancholy fancies,"
which must have severely tried the patience of her devoted
husband. The cares of the household were now left entirely
in his hands, and we hear of his difficulties in connexion with
the engaging of a butler. Various friends whom he appealed
to were endeavouring to find him a suitable man, and it is
amusing to hear of the qualifications for such a post, the chief
of which seems to have been that the butler should be a
musician ; the efficient discharging of his other duties was a
matter apparently of quite secondary importance. Sir John
Chicheley recommends a man who plays both violin and
harpsichord, but he won't pass for his honesty, nor is he an
expert in shaving nor " laying of a cloth, but is ingenious at
many other things." He is described also as being " civil and
drinking no manner of strong drink," and (what was supposed
to tell very much in his favour), he possessed an elder brother
with an estate of £100 a year. We do not learn whether or
no this paragon was engaged for the post.

In June 1686 began the negotiations for the marriage of
young Peter, then aged seventeen, with Frances Legh of
Bruch, a daughter of the late Piers Legh of Bruch by his

argument but their own, or to draw a logical sequence from testimony or tradition »
unsupported by documentary evidence. I listen to their strictures, which do no
harm, and keep my own counsel. — E.N.

343

THE HOUSE OF LYME

second wife, Abigail Chetwode, and a great-granddaughter of
old Sir Peter Legh. The young people had a liking for
each other, and the match was desirable in every way. The
lady, besides being attractive, was also an heiress, her only
half-brother, Piers, having died of decline after fighting in the
Battle of Sedgemoor. There was much gossip and discussion
over the proposed marriage, for the pair were cousins, though
distant, and it was doubted whether they came within the
proscribed degree of relationship. This gave opportunity for
the tongues of scandalmongers to be set wagging. The opinion
of Dr. Fogg,* Dean of Chester, was taken in the matter, and
he most emphatically gave it as his verdict that there was
not the slightest reason against the match.

" He wonders [writes a family friend, one Mistress Hester Dod, who had
undertaken to obtain the advice of the reverend gentleman], at the
ignorance of those that raises such scruples, for sence [since] the 2d
degree is lawfull, the 3d must be, so I hope you will be fully satisfied
and noe more give eare to those that talke without books. If the
young ones have a free affection for each other, in God's name let them
goe on to increase it dayly."

Frances and her mother were, therefore, invited to Lyme ;
a long letter from Richard to the latter assures her of a hearty
welcome, and expresses his hopes that

" no damage may be done to her reputation by coming at this time ;
... it is not her fortune I so much regard as the sweetness &
goodness of her temper. ... I doe expect God's blessing will follow
and that is and shall be my chiefest aim in marrying all my children."

This invitation was sent by special messenger, and we gather
that Peter would gladly have been the bearer of the missive.
" My young Master," adds his father, " offered his services
very freely to that end, but not knowing how convenient that
might be to you, I did advise him to desist," the poor boy being
taken to the Assizes instead, as a compensation for his dis-
appointment. Mistress Abigail Legh returns answer that she
would willingly come to Lyme, " but loath I am to give the

* Laurence Fogg (1623-1718), Dean of Chester; much admired as a preacher;
author of various works on theology.

344

DEATH OF RICHARD LEGH

County occation to talke, therefore to avoid that, I do not
thinke it convenient to bring Franke [her daughter] with
me."

Peter's constancy was, however, rewarded, for all obstacles 1687
being finally removed, the marriage took place the following
April (1687), that of Lettice (eldest daughter of Richard) with
William Bankes of Winstanley, a Lancashire magnate, being
celebrated some three months earlier.

The ringing of joy-bells was to be followed ere long by
the wringing of hands, for the angel of death was spread-
ing his sable wings over the house of Lyme, which was soon to
mourn its lord, struck down by a painful disease when scarcely
past the prime of life. That he had for some years past felt
his end approaching is evident from his later letters, and
portions of prayers scattered about amongst his papers and
written on the backs of letters are mute testimony that he was
preparing himself for the great change. For him Death had
no terrors. His daily life was an example of all that an
upright, honourable man should be ; he served his God, obeyed
his King, and carried out to the letter all the duties of his
position. There were no bitter memories to sadden his last
hours ; there was nothing in his blameless life of which he
need repent ; his marriage had been one of cloudless happiness,
and his only regret was that of leaving all too soon a world
which held so much for him.

The work so near his heart — the consecration of the
chapel at Newton, which he had rebuilt, was, after many
delays, finally to take place, and the first week in July
was named as a possible date. The Bishop of Chester was
to perform the ceremony, but again there were delays,
and Richard was to die without seeing the desire of his heart
accomplished.

The King (James II) was expected to pay a visit to Chester
about the end of August 1687, in order, it was said, to persuade
some of the leading gentlemen of the City and County to
approve of the repeal of the Penal Laws and Test Act. Lord
Derby, writing to Richard on the 5th of that month, proposes

345

THE HOUSE OF LYME

himself for a visit to Lyme, preparatory to setting out from
thence with his host to attend the King :

" I should be glad to go straight from your house hoping to have the
favour of your company, yr advice in this affair would be very accept-
able, w1 manner we should meet his Majesty, for I suppose it must be at
his entrance into the County, & whether we all meet in a body at such
a place & what part of the militia must be up."

But Richard was by this time far too ill to receive visitors
or to undertake public work of any kind. His illness was
probably an aggravated form of gout complicated with a severe
fit of the stone, which disease he had suffered from at different
times for many years. A letter from Phineas Fowke,* the
celebrated doctor, written on August 19, gives a list of sug-
gested remedies, as fearsome in sound as they were drastic
in nature. Turpentine water, 2 spoonfuls in a draught of ale
to be taken in the morning, " lucatedlas balsom y* is fresh and
not rancid," morning and night, salt prunella, chalybeate waters,
nitrous salt — recommended as " a fine worker " — white wine
posset with a little liquorice and syrup of althea ; while if the
pain were excessive, diacodion in cowslip or mallow water,
or 10 grains of " Matthews pills " are suggested as opiates.
The patient is also to avoid violent exertion, such as that caused
by hunting, etc., but is to take gentle walking or riding exercise,
or to recreate himself with playing bowls.

1687 The remedies, it is perhaps not surprising to learn, proving
of no avail, the sufferer died on August 31, 1687, in the fifty-
fourth year of his age, and with the death of her beloved
husband the light of Elizabeth Legh's life went out for ever-
more.

The grief occasioned by his death reached far beyond his
immediate family circle, and widespread was the sorrowr and
regret expressed by all who knew him, from the King down-
wards. His Majesty, on hearing of his fatal illness, " gave an
evident Testimony of his great value and kindness for him
in a free Commendation of his person and a Pathetical Con-

* Phineas Fowke, M.D. (1638-1710), physician to Charles II and to St. Bartholo-
mew's Hospital ; was learned in theology as well as medicine.

34°"

DEATH OF RI'CHARD LEGH

dolance for his Sickness." * His sorrowing wife mourned the
loss of the tenderest of husbands, his children that of the
kindest and most indulgent of fathers, while his friends lost
in him a wise and sage counsellor, and the poor a generous
benefactor. Though he might have held high office in the
government of his country, he was content to discharge the
simpler duties of his position as a country gentleman, respected
and looked up to by all. Under his beneficent rule his property
had increased in value and extent, his tenants had prospered,
and all who came in contact with him had felt the ennobling
influence of a good man, the keynote of whose life was honour,
and duty his watchword.

On September 6, 1687, Richard Legh was buried in the Legh 1687
chapel of Win wick Church, where he rests amongst his fore-
fathers. The funeral sermon, which was published at Oxford the
following year, was preached by the Rev. William Shippen,
D.D., Rector of Stockport, in which he gave a long and
eloquent appreciation of the great qualities of his departed
friend.

A very elaborate and rather inartistic monument to her
husband was erected by Elizabeth Legh, and is still to be seen
in the Legh chapel in Winwick Church. Upon it are two busts
of herself and Richard, and below are the arms of Legh and
Chicheley with the following inscription :

" Here lyeth the body of Richard Legh Esqr of Lime in Cheshire,
who dyed upon ye last day of August in ye year of our Lord 1687,
and in the 54th year of his age."

" Cruel and senseless death thou dost thyselfe deceive,
In snatching him thou art more death to them yt live,
Hapless and destitute distracted are they grown.
Lost with their loss for he that was their life is gone,
Pious and brave, just, noble all that could wonder move,
Softened with honest husband's father's friendly love,
These and all excellences were in him exprest,
Peaceful and sacred then let his loved ashes rest,

* Dr. Shippen's " Funeral Sermon on Richard Legh of Lyme."

347

THE HOUSE OF LYME

Till rcinformed with light immortal he shall rise
A welcome glorious ornament of Paradise."

The following touching lines conclude this epitaph :

" His most affectionate Wife (who wanted no
monument to Remember him by) Erected this
that others should not forget him."

348

CHAPTER XXV

PETER AND FRANCES LEGH

AN inventory of the contents of Lyme was taken the January 1687-8
following Richard's death. It was obviously very incomplete,
as many of the rooms are spoken of as if they contained only
chairs and cushions. In each room, however, at least one " easie
chair " is mentioned. Some of the furniture it has been found
possible to identify. The following is, for example, a descrip-
tion of the contents of the " Greate Dining Room," which
probably corresponds to what is now the Hall. The total
valuation of this room is placed at £60 I Curiously enough,
there is no mention of any table, an indispensable article of
furniture, one would imagine, in any dining-room.

" 2 great Chairs with Armes

1 8 Chairs with backs, all velvett & Red Cloth cases upon them

6 black turned Chairs [these are Jacobean chairs still existing] and

6 Damask cushions with Red Cloth Cases

i Squab [a long seat or sofa] and cushion with a Red Cloth case on it

Two large Crimson Curtains lined with Persian silk tyed back with

large Red Tassells, 4 Dimity Curtains for windows

I large blue Jar

Andirons of brass."

These last still exist ; they are very fine specimens of pierced
and engraved brasswork, circa 1670.

"A foot Cloth."

Carpets were not generally used as coverings for the floor
before the middle of the eighteenth century. " Foot-cloths,"
says Halliwell, " were housings of cloth hung on horses, gene-
rally considered a mark of dignity or state," but here, I imagine,
the foot-cloth mentioned must have been a species of carpet.

349

THE HOUSE OF LYME

Two beautiful specimens of needlework carpets are preserved
at Lyme : one has the Legh coat of arms in the centre, worked
in cross-stitch ; the other has a basket of flowers with a floral
pattern worked in bright colours running round.

" The Withdrawing Room " — no doubt the present drawing-
room — has mention of the following pieces :

" 6 Chairs, all Walnut tree and carved."

Seven fine Charles II carved walnut high-backed chairs
are still prominent objects in this room. They have the
original Venetian cut velvet, and are no doubt identical with
those mentioned in the inventory.

" li blue Damask Cushions

A large glasse, Table and Stands, Blue Tapestry hangings."

These might be some blue and green needlework of the Eliza-
bethan period, still existing.

" a blue Jar

2 large Diaper Dimity window Curtains

Andirons."

The contents of the " Bed Chamber," possibly the Yellow
State Room containing James IPs bed, with those of two other
smaller rooms, are priced in the inventory at £500.

All the rooms have " diaper dimity " window curtains.
Dimity was a coarse white cotton fabric, chiefly used for bed-
hangings and window curtains.

The habitual custom of hanging whole rooms with black
after a death seems to have been followed on this occasion.
This terrible practice was not confined only to the apartments
of the widow, but was here extended to the nurseries and
" Madam Bettie's (the eldest unmarried daughter) Chamber,"
which were similarly draped. " Madam Legh's Mourning
Chamber " (which is named separately from her usual bedroom)
is described as having black hangings for the bed, a black
counterpane, two large Spanish blankets of the same sombre
hue, and four black chairs. One can scarcely imagine anything
more shattering to both nerves and health.
350

PETER AND FRANCES LEGH

The contents of the chapel, " a pulpit Cloth, Cushions,
velvet cloths for the Seat where the Decedent and Madam
Legh his Lady used to sit," together with a surplice are returned
at £22. This chapel is situated under the Elizabethan drawing-
room, and is approached by a charming old Jacobean staircase
opening out of the hall. It is probably of the same date as
the saloon ; one side of it is occupied entirely by the family
pew.

The plate is valued at £1000. The list contains pegged
tankards, salvers, dishes, spoons, porringers, and plates, with
a large Water Bason, but there is no special mention of the
rose-water dish and ewer.

Thirty-seven horses are valued at £195 us. ; 706 sheep at
£124 133. ; 1 8 swine and 12 pigs at ^7 IDS. ; 14 draught oxen
are also specified ; the total valuation of the contents of house,
farm, and stables is put at £4179 145. 4d.

Richard Legh's will, which calls for no special mention,
was made in 1677. In it he makes what was then considered
to be ample provision for his widow and children.

Their many relations were doing their best to comfort and
sustain the sorrowing family at Lyme. Sir Thomas Chicheley
was prevented by illness from attending the funeral of his
son-in-law, as was Sir John Chicheley, but both the latter and
Lady Chicheley paid a visit to Lyme in September to try and
cheer the drooping spirits of the mourners.

Peter Legh of Lyme, second * Baron of Newton, was aged
only eighteen at the time of his father's death. He was already

* Baronies, now called manors, were manorial and hereditary rights arising out
of land, and denote the land held under one seignory or lordship. The Lord or
Baron had powers with reference to trading privileges and municipal government of
certain burghs, deriving his right from the King or some superior Lord. The reputed
barony fee or liberty of Newton-in-Makerfield comprises twenty-four townships.
This liberty is almost conterminous with the Domesday hundred of Newton.
Robert Banastre, the first grantee, received it from Henry II. This reputed barony
of Newton " with the members " was bought by Richard Legh of Lyme from Sir
Thomas Fleetwood in 1660 for ^3500. From Richard Legh the barony has descended
to its present representative, Thomas Wodehouse Legh, second Baron Newton
(cr. 1892), who is the twenty-fourth reputed Baron of Newton-in-Makerfield in
succession from Robert Banastre, the first grantee. — " The Victoria History of the
County of Lancaster," edited by William Farrer and J. Brownbill, M.A.

351

THE HOUSE OF LYME

a married man, his wedding with his cousin, Frances Legh
of Bruch, who was just one year his junior, having taken place
in the spring of 1687, about four months before the death of
Richard. Peter came into his inheritance at a very trying
and critical period, and it was no easy matter for one so young,
with judgment immature and no experience to guide him, to
steer a just course between loyalty to his sovereign and the
satisfying of his own conscience.

1688 The country was distracted by James IPs arbitrary measures,
which were estranging from him even the most devoted of his
adherents. He began his attack on the Church by issuing
Afresh Declaration of Indulgence in April 1688, ordering every
clergyman to read it during the service on two successive
Sundays. The clergy refused almost to a man, and seven of
the bishops who petitioned against the Act were arrested and
tried, but were acquitted. The country might possibly have
decided to let matters rest until James's death, realizing that
this would mean the accession of a Protestant Queen in his
daughter Mary, but an event which occurred in June 1688
at once changed the whole situation.

This was the birth of a son to James II, on June 10, 1688.
The event threatened the establishing of a Roman Catholic
dynasty, since the boy would most certainly be educated in the
religion of his father. An attempt was made to suggest —
without a shadow of foundation — that this was a supposititious
child, introduced into the palace in a warming-pan, and this
theory was advanced, and the rumour spread far and wide,
although letters of the time all speak of the Queen's approaching
confinement. Mrs. Langley, the housekeeper and old family
friend of the Chicheleys, writes from London in February
1687-8 : " God be praised the Queen goes on very prosperously.
God send it proves not a daughter, but all people has Girles
this yeare."

Whether the Prince was supposititious or not, there
was no doubt amongst the English people that he would
be considered James's heir, and as such would succeed
to the throne in due course and establish the Roman
352

PETER AND FRANCES LEGH

Catholic religion. It was, therefore, decided by a small
committee of important personages to invite William of
Orange to land with an armed force to defend the liberties
of England.

A compromise was attempted, the Tories suggesting that
the country should be governed by a Regent, James remaining
nominally King, but this proposal was rejected and the
invitation was dispatched to Holland.

The menacing danger of war with France, against which
almost every European country — with the exception of England
— was allied, and his own frontier being threatened, decided
William of Orange to accept the invitation of the English throne.

On December i, 1688, Sir John Chicheley writes from
London to his nephew, Peter Legh, at Lyme :

" By this Proclamation all will be satisfied of his Majesty's intention
to have a Parl1. ... I am told ye P. of 0. is now about Shaftesbury
moving this way with his Army and Artillery ; ye ways & weather
are so bad he cannot but move very slowly. 'Tis to be supposed he
increases dayly both by ye people of ye severall Counties yt dayly
come in, & some few deserters from ye Army."

He ends hoping for " a happy Conclusion without Bloodshed."
On December II he writes again, speaking of the flight of
the King and Queen with the baby Prince of Wales, aged only
six months :

" Friday last 'tis sayd Ld Sunderland,* Saturday Lord Peterborough f
and Bishop of Chester, and Moonday at two or three in ye Morning ye
Queen \v^ ye Prince of Wales, & this Morning His Majesty with ye
Duke of Barwicke J & two or three more, all supposed to be gone for
France. I am also told ye Chancellor is gone with ye Scales he being
not to be heard off at neither of his Lodgings. [This was Jeffreys,
arrested in disguise at Wapping and sent to the Tower, where he died.]
Some of ye Scotch forces are gone over to ye Pr of Or : he advances this
way dayly as his Cannon & Carriages will permitte ; 'tis sayd ye Town

* Robert Spencer, second Earl of Sunderland, only son of Henry, first Earl, by his
wife Dorothy ; fled in female disguise to Rotterdam.

f Henry Mordaunt, second Earl of Peterborough (1624 P-iGgy), served in Parlia-
mentarian army, but deserted to Charles I.

J James Fitzjames, Duke of Berwick, natural son of James II by Arabella
Churchill.

z 353

THE HOUSE OF LYME

will be putt into ye hands of ye Citty. Queen Dowager stays as yet
at Somerset House. All writts for a Parl* are stopt, the R. Cath. are
all leaving this place, but whither to goe I thinke they scarce kno'.
Tis sayd considerable quantitys of Powder w^ Arms has been found
in severall private houses. The rabble is now defacing all ye Popish
Chapels, as yet we are not got over ye great question who we shall
place in ye throne now we are all agreed yi Kg James ye 2d has for-
feited it."

1689 William and -Mary were crowned in April 1689, but the

Legh family did not attend the ceremony. A copy of the
Coronation Oath was, however, forwarded to Lyme.

Although at heart a Jacobite, as were his predecessors, it
is hardly likely that Peter Legh could have approved of James's
arbitrary measures and his attack on the Protestant religion
and liberties of the people of England. Peter certainly had
no sympathy with the new regime, but realizing the futility
of attempting to stem the tide, he found it best to bow to the
inevitable, though he persistently refused to take the oath of
allegiance to his new sovereigns.

The new regime was none too popular, and William, recogniz-
ing this fact, sought to combat it by a system of terrorism and
coercion, causing the people to wonder whether after all they
had benefited by the change. A correspondent writes to Peter in
1690, alluding disrespectfully to His Majesty : " Billy's so quick
home again and has complimented halfe the Kingdom with a
Proclamation against them which some calls the disaffected."

The following year we hear of the clerk of Stockport Church
being put in the stocks for giving out the I37th Psalm : " By
the waters of Babylon we sat down and wept : when we
remembered thee, O Sion."

Without either his father's great beauty or personal charm,
Peter Legh had many qualities. He was a devoted son and
husband, was endowed with good judgment and much shrewd
common sense, and had a high sense of his duties and responsi-
bilities. He and Frances undertook the care and charge of
all his little brothers and sisters, who were left by their mother
to make their home at Lyme.

Some six months after her husband's death, Elizabeth

354

PETER AND FRANCES LEGH

Legh decided to settle in London with her two eldest un-
married daughters, leaving her younger children to the care
of her son and daughter-in-law. She took a house on a
lease in Devonshire Street, Bloomsbury, and here she gathered
around her the principal people in the society of the day.
The Duke of Ormonde, Lord and Lady Derby, Lord Colchester,
Lord Cholmondeley, were all intimate friends and habitu6s
of the house, which became a sort of centre for the leading
lights in the political and social world. Elizabeth was only
forty-three or forty-four at the time of her husband's death,
and her youngest child barely a year old, but she became
henceforth " old Madam Legh," and this appellation stuck to
her for the remainder of her very long life. Her masterful
nature seems to have asserted itself more than ever after her
husband's death, and, deprived of his restraining influence and
guiding hand, she became somewhat of a thorn in the flesh of
her children, whom she petted and thwarted by turns. Although
she was only a visitor at Lyme, for long or short periods, as the
case might be, she continued to keep a watchful eye on the young
couple, and was never behindhand with criticism and advice :
" I would desire you to be very careful what company you
invite to the howes or give any encouragement to be hangers
on," she writes to her son, " for you will find you cannot be
quit of them when you would," naming several people whom
she disapproves of, " neither of them ever lodged one night
at Lime whilst your father and I were Master and Mistress
there." She also counsels economy : " I fear by the years
end so much company will be found to be chargeable, but
my prayers and best advice shall never be wanting to you."

Some time in 1688 a terrible tragedy occurred at Lyme.
John, Elizabeth's fourth son, five years old, was drowned in
the water in front of the house. The fact is recorded in the
family Bible, but no mention of the disaster occurs elsewhere.
Mrs. Langley, writing to Frances Legh in September of that
year, begging for news, speaks of having had a letter from
Madam Legh, in which she tells her " something has lately
befallen her that troubles her extremely but doth not name

355

THE HOUSE OF LYME

what it is. I dare not write to know." This may possibly refer
to the tragedy, which must have been a heavy blow to the
poor stricken Elizabeth.

Peter and Frances kept up the same amount of state at
Lyme, and the establishment was run much on the same lines
as those of former days. A contemporary speaks of the
splendour of their entertainments, and there were constant
visitors to the house. We read of a new " calash " being
made to order. The price of this was to be £48, and was to in-
clude six sets of harness, the " hammock cloaths " to be extra.

The saddles of those days were very elaborately embroidered
in gold and silver, and this work was generally done by the
ladies of the family. Frances, who was a beautiful worker,
was anxious to try her hand at one, but was assured that the
materials would be very expensive, " los. is nothing for the
twist and gold."

Amongst the outdoor amusements of the day, bowling,
hawking, and racing continued to be as popular as ever, and
Peter, though he himself preferred fox-hunting, still maintained
the racing stud which had been started by his father. He
kept his own pack of hounds, but his hunting must have been
chiefly in Lancashire, where the flat country gave better
opportunity than north-east Cheshire for a good gallop.

From a list of thirty-six hounds kept in Lancashire in 1688
we get the following names :

"Little Thunder," "Create Thunder," " Juell," "Sweet lippes,"
" Truelove," " Courtier," " Madam," " Wellcome," " Wonder,"
" Suregate," and " Wagg "—a Spaniel.

The annual deer drives, attended by all the neighbours, took
place as usual at Lyme. One is disposed to wonder whether
there can have been the same number of rabbit-holes in the
park then as there are now, where in places riding is extremely
dangerous. The following extract describes a run that took
place at a hunt in Lancashire, and is a graphic description of
the habits of the period :

" On Saturday last we had a hearty Chace after a fox but lost him
among ye Rabbit holes in ye Rough Parks, but yesterday we found
356

PETER LEGH OF LYME

1702
By Sir GODFREY KNELLER

From a Portrait at Lyme

PETER AND FRANCES LEGH

him again & were just able to kill him fairly above ground after
Hounds, Horses & Men were sufficiently tir'd ; it happen'd just below
Garswood, when Sr Willm (Gerard *) was in a perfect Extasie att our
Good fortune, & would have us to dine with him, but I was engag'd
with some Company at home, but return'd with him to drink a bowle
of Hott Punch with ye fox's foot stew'd in it. Sr Willm drank pretty
plentifully, & just at last perceiv'd he should be fuddled, * but,' quoth
he, * I care not if I am, I have kill'd a fox to-day.' I herewith send
you one of his feet with Sr Will's service who says we shall kill 'em all
for you."

The indoor amusements were chiefly cards and backgammon, 1689
but in 1689 we hear of a billiard-table mentioned for the first
time. Billiards was brought into fashion in France about the
middle of the seventeenth century by Louis XIV, whose
physician recommended him exercise after meals. A corre-
spondent writes to Peter in December 1689 :

" I received a letter from Will Aston to send down furniture for your
Billiard Table, but not knowing how to buy them myself, I have
been forced to stay so long. I spoke to Sr John to have the direc-
tions off some players, and we will send the best that can be got."

A portrait of Peter Legh at the age of thirty-three, painted
by Sir Godfrey Kneller in 1702, shows him wearing the huge
wig of the period. He has a brown velvet coat, opening at
the neck, over a white silk shirt with a ruffle. Round his
waist is an embroidered sword-belt, from which hangs a sword.
His left hand is tucked into the front of his coat, his right
rests on a table beside him, and shows long tapering fingers,
characteristic of the race. The chief feature of his somewhat
uninteresting face is a long nose.

Frances Legh, painted about the same date by the same
artist, must have been charmingly pretty. She has dark eyes,
regular features, and a beautiful fair skin, contrasting well
with her luxuriant dark hair, which is piled high above her
forehead and hangs down her back in curls. She wears a
sort of loose pale yellow wrapper, opening over a soft white
chemisette. Her character was as charming as her face. She
was a cultivated, clever woman, far in advance of her contem-

* Ancestor of the present Lord Gerard.

357

THE HOUSE OF LYME

poraries, and a great reader ; many of the books in the Lyme
library, particularly those dealing with heraldry or family
history, have her name written in her own beautiful clear
hand. Her letters are well expressed and are full of originality
and humour. She rivalled her mother-in-law in her wifely
devotion, and the one cloud in her very blue sky was the fact
that she had no children.

This was the sorrow of her life, and it was also a cause of
much trouble and distress amongst her friends and relations,
who offered many hints and suggestions, and sent different
recipes supposed to be infallible in similar cases. One of these
is accompanied by many apologies from the sender, " who is
timorous of rendering himself under the figure of an unwarrant-
able presumption," but who states that the medicine here
prescribed is

" an infallible encourager of the internal instruments of the body, soe
as in process of time will undoubtedly produce an external issue to the
intent thereof that the person he soe much honours may be blest with
innumerable offspring."

These remedies, alas, proved futile, and poor Frances
resigned herself to a childless existence, and became a second
mother to her little brothers- and sisters-in-law, whom she took
to her heart and treated like her own children.

It was no easy task to keep on good terms with her mother-in-
law, but that she succeeded in doing so, and in winning the love
and respect of that imperious dame, there is ample evidence.

" Deare Daughter [writes Madam Legh in an undated letter in which
she describes some wonderful presents given by Queen Mary to her
Groom o' the Stole,* the Countess of Derby f], I fear I can give you
but small hopes of seeing me this winter, the somer being far gone &
winter approaching fast, I am afraid to ventur in the dorty [dirty]
lanes, but at the Spring of the year I hope in God to be with you.
Queen Dowager is going for Portugal. This Queen Mary has made
my Lady Derby a noble present against her lying in. In the first

* Queen Mary conferred this post upon Lady Derby. It carried with it ^1000
a year, and gave precedence over Duchesses.

f The wife of William, ninth Earl of Derby ; she was a granddaughter of the Duke
of Ormonde.

358

PETER AND FRANCES LEGH

place there was a brafe Japan Cabenet & in this Cabenet there was 12
peeces of Damask to make a bed and chares, & 7 peeces of white
Damask to make baby Cloaths & 2 imbroidered night gownes with gold
and a very rich gold & crimson stof to make her a Manto and paletot,
& 2 very fine quilts for her bed of 3 score genes [guineas] a quilt, all
these things were Indian of the richest sort that comes from that
place, and 30 peces of Cheney to set a-top of the Cabenet and these
things was all packt up in the Cabenet, Cheney and all, that you may
imagine it was a very large one. Pray give my blessing to all mine and
service to my Sister Legh [Frances' mother] I am Deare Daughter

" Your ever affactinet Mother E.L."

Peter was not so great a dandy as his father and had
apparently fewer clothes. Frances was particular about hers
and always anxious to hear about the new London fashions.
She writes to a friend, describing a garment which she has seen,

" the prittylest y* ever was seen ; a broad plain plate over the sholder
but not rufled only stands hollow and plaited in the top of the back &
gethered at the bottom like a nightgown, & the plaits sits very
huffling."

In another letter she sends for her yellow " nightgown "
This was a kind of loose wrapper, no doubt the garment she
wears in her picture.

" If Cos Betty thinks hee [the carrier] will bring my yellow nightgown
safe & not scrumpled shee may send it by him, if she thinks it will be
crushed let it alone. I hope my things will be handsome — I am goeing
a walking."

The broad dialect of the Elizabethan period had given
place to a more mincing form of speech. Gentility was the
order of the day, and a sort of reaction from the free and easy
manners of Charles IPs period had set in. The following
sentence, constructed from words in the phonetic spelling of
the time, will give some idea of the pronunciation of ladies
and gentlemen of the upper classes :

" Railey, Marm, I a bin maining to sind the yaller cheney sarvis and
writ you a latter a porpos to tall you so." [Really, Ma'am, I have
been meaning to send the yellow china service and wrote you a letter
on purpose to tell you so.]

359

CHAPTER XXVI

IMPRISONMENT OF PETER LEGH

1689 ABOUT this period the gentlemen of Cheshire were in the habit
of holding meetings at each other's houses, forming themselves
into a sort of club, where they held discussions on the leading
topics of the day. Peter Legh is said to have been its originator,
and the first gathering of the " Cheshire Club " took place in
the Stag Parlour at Lyme somewhere about the year 1689.

At a time when every man's hand was against his neighbour
and the air was charged with distrust and suspicion it is not
surprising that this assemblage should have been viewed with
disfavour by the Government of the day, or that Peter Legh,
with his well-known Jacobite sympathies, should fall a victim
to the many spies and miscreants who follow in the wake of
every revolution. Repeated warnings were sent him of what
might be his fate if he still persisted in his refusal to swear

1690 allegiance to the new King and Queen. His Uncle Thomas
writes to him on July 26, 1690, telling him plainly of the
threats uttered against him :

" I suppose now Elijah brings a Letter to you from yr Mother v/*
directs you w011 way to steer, God send it prosperous and successful!
to you. ... At Nantwich Session yrself and Jacobite acquaintance
were indicted as such, yt have obstinately refused ye Oaths. That
Bench ordered that if within a month at most yrself and sociates did
not come in and swear, Process shold come out & impower Bailiffs to
distrain upon yr goods respectively to pay £10 a Man, . . . these
indirect practises are used to draw vexation & greater Charge upon
you, O Almighty God reward them in thy good time as they
deserve."

Disregarding these warnings, however, Peter became, in
360

IMPRISONMENT OF PETER LEGH

July 1694, involved in what was called the " Lancashire Plot,"
one of a series of Jacobite conspiracies, having for its object
the restoration of the exiled King. On July 19 he was arrested
on a charge of treason, and was accused of conspiring against
William III in the interests of James II. A wretch named
Lunt was one of the chief witnesses against Peter, who was
probably fastened on as being rich and influential, and, as
such, a fit subject for blood-money. Lunt, a mercenary,
whose one object was blackmail, deposed before Sir John
Trenchard * that he had been in France in 1689, and had brought
with him from St. Germain commissions for various Cheshire
and Lancashire gentlemen, and that one of these — a Colonel's
commission, with blanks left to insert the names of inferior
officers — was to be for Peter Legh of Lyme. He was also to
be given power to raise foot, horse, or dragoons.

On July 19, 1694, between the hours of 6 and 7 A.M., there 1694
appeared at Lyme a King's messenger with Lunt the informer,
who was provided with a warrant, and fourteen Dutch troopers
armed with pistols, who are also described as wearing blue
cloaks. They all entered the house and proceeded up the
great staircase to Peter's dressing-room, where they found
him attired only in his night-gown. He is described as " a
young gentleman, little of stature." •(• They took him, just
as he was, into his " closet," where they left him under a
guard, whilst Lunt searched through all his papers, calmly
putting into his pocket anything he chose. This occupied
some five hours. About noon, having been unsuccessful in
discovering anything incriminating, they allowed their victim
to dress himself, and they then carried him downstairs into
the parlour and set two Dutch troopers to guard him whilst
they searched through the entire house for arms. All they
succeeded in finding, however, were a case of pistols and a
carbine, which they carried off. Having discovered nothing

* Secretary of State (1640-1695) ; took prominent part in Exclusion debates and
shared in plots.

f " The Jacobite Trials at Manchester in 1694," from an unpublished MS. edited
by W. Beamont.

361

THE HOUSE OF LYME

to satisfy their suspicions, Lunt and his followers took the
unfortunate Peter off to Knutsford under the guard of twelve
troopers, Lunt appropriating the best horse in the Lyme
stables (the legacy of a dying kinsman) to his own use. From
Knutsford the poor prisoner was taken to Chester Castle,
where he remained under a close guard until about September,
when he was removed to the Tower of London in pursuance
of a warrant to the Governor, signed by the Earl of Shrews-
bury.* This states that

" the body of Peter Leigh of Lyme, herewith sent you, being Charged
before me for high Treason in Levying War against their Majesties
and Adhering to their Majesties Enemys, and you are to keep him safe
and close Until he shall be delivered by due Course of Law, and for so
doing this shall be your Warrant

" Given at the Court at Whitehall the I2th day of September, 1694.

" Signed SHREWSBURY."

He was here lodged in the worst room, and was most harshly
treated, no one being allowed to see him.

One can fancy the agony of mind of poor Frances and all
Peter's other relatives, for scant was the justice of the day.
Even if he was lucky enough to escape with his life, the un-
fortunate victim, arrested on a political charge, was in many
cases kept imprisoned in a loathsome gaol, in some instances
for a period of forty years. It was nothing that no proof
could be found against him, it was only necessary to obtain
an Act of Parliament (very similar to the terrible French
lettre &e cachet), which left him to His Majesty's pleasure, the
decree expiring only on His Majesty's demise.

His friends were all much concerned and wrote in guarded
tones, offering condolences and prayers, but nothing else.
Lord Cholmondeley f assures him that

* Charles Talbot, twelfth Earl and only Duke of Shrewsbury (1660-1718), was
given places and employments by Charles II and James II, but nevertheless was
prominent in bringing about the revolution ; became K.G., Duke, and head of the
Administration, 1694.

t Hugh, first Earl of Cholmondeley, succeeded his father as second Viscount
Cholmondeley of Kells in 1681 ; Treasurer of the Household. He died unmarried
in 1724.

362

IMPRISONMENT OF PETER LEGH

" I should have bin most unhappy and very unsatisfy'd with my
self if I had not ere I left London and upon the first news of the
unfortunate accident of your being seized, done all that was in my
power towards the serving you, which I am very sorry has proved
so ineffectuall. . . ."

His Uncle Thomas writes also, begging him to arm himself 1694
with patience, offering prayers and earnest desires that he may
be delivered from " wicked men who are the offspring of Belial
and filled with diabolicall malice."

It was left to his devoted wife and mother to find the
practical means of rescuing Peter from his fate, and to this
end they left no stone unturned. So anxious was she about
her son that old Madame Legh came and stood under the
window of the room in the Tower where he was confined,*
hoping to be able to catch a glimpse of him or just to hear
his voice. She was roughly treated by one of the sentries,
who levelled his gun at her, and threatened to shoot her if she
did not go away.

By dint of petitioning and through powerful influence
Frances Legh obtained permission to be with her husband.
Madame Legh writes to Mr. Kenyon, a lawyer and family
friend, on September 14, and gives in the following letter a
graphic description of the sufferings of her son, who was
confined in a room four yards square :

"... I thank God my son is in good health, but so close confined
that his wife and sisters was at the Tower to have seen him, and they
would not so much as permet him to loock out of the window to speke
to them, nor his footman to tell them he was well, and he is put in the
worst lodging in all the Tower, and in a room but four yards square, and
a warder lyes by him ; but the pore warder is so sorry for him that he
cannot speke of him without tears in his eyes. We are petitioning the
Queen that his wife may goe to him, but Lord Lucas hinders it all he
can, to see if by that means he can get his fees out of them. I think
the prayers of our friends were never more necessary then now to
preserve the innocent from fals wetnesses, and sure, the parliment will
think it hard to give money to maintain such a pack of hellhounds that
hunts after the lifes and estates of innosent men. I pray God open the

* " The Jacobite Trials at Manchester in 1694."

363

THE HOUSE OF LYME

eyes of the King and Queen that they may deserne their fi ends from
their foes."*

On September 17 came the permit from the Queen, who,
herself a devoted wife, probably sympathized with her un-
fortunate subject :

" To Lord Lucas, Governor of the Tower,

" My Lord, Her Majesty would have you permitt Mrs Leigh and a
Maid Servant to be with her husband Mr. Leigh of Lyme in Case she
shall be Willing to be Confined with him."

The fond wife was only too happy to take advantage of
the permission, and was in such haste to rejoin her husband
that she commissioned one of her sisters-in-law to send after
her some clothes and necessaries. The following is a small
account of money laid out by Lettice Fleetwood, Peter's
eldest sister, in connexion with his imprisonment :

1. s. d.
Paid for the Carriage of 2 Boxes from Chester and

the Porters . 96

Pd my Sister for Coach hire from Mrs Beaks & Mrs

Beaks going back ..... 2

To a porter that went one day to the Tower with

drink ....... 2

pd. my sister one day in the Tower ... I

pd. for a black hood for her .... 4

for drawing a petition ..... 2

Mr Beaks' Bill . 4

Mrs Chetwode's Cabbinet . . . . • 3 7
To Mr Rigby ffor Allamode for Lts. wife . .15
an order ffor Councell . . . . .25

Layd down for Sweetmeats in the Spring . .71

ffor Crevatts I 6

ffor Shirts . . . .'..'• • . I 12

Money was sent at different times to the amount of £180,
with 245. worth of worsted. Frances was very fond of
needlework, and this must have helped to while away many
a weary hour.

A further concession was granted by the Queen on Septem-

* Kenyon MS., p. 305.

FRANCES LEGH OF BRUCH
Wife of Peter Legh of Lyme

By Sir GODFREY KNELLER

From a Portrait at Lyme

IMPRISONMENT OF PETER LEGH

ber 24 for Peter to obtain some fresh air and exercise under
certain restrictions, his health suffering from the continued
confinement in so small a space. This took the form of an
order from Lord Shrewsbury to Lord Lucas :

" Whitehall, 24th Sept. 1694.

" Her Majesty commands me to acquaint your Lordship with her
pleasure that you allow Mr Leigh of Lyme such liberty of Walking
Within the Tower at Convenient times as you shall Judge Consistant
with his safe Keeping, and that care be taken he do not enter into
Conversation at that time."

On the ayth came another order allowing old Madam
Legh and her two daughters to visit the prisoner, and by
October the severity was so far relaxed that having been
told to prepare for his trial his counsel were to be permitted
to confer with him.

" Mr Leigh, one of the Prisoners in the Tower, having Notice given
him to prepare for his Tryall, in Order thereunto it is Her Majestys
pleasure that your Lordship permit Sir Thomas Powis, Sir Bartholo-
mew Shore, and Mr Upton to have Access to the said Mr Leigh as his
Councill, to advise him, and to be with him from time to time in
private either singly or together, and Her Majesty is pleased to direct
further, that Sir Thomas Chicheley, Mr Banks, Mr Masters,* and The
Lady Chicheley, f Mrs Abigail Leigh J be permitted to see him from time
to time at Convenient hours either Singly or so Many of them together
as your Lordship shall think fit provided it be in the presence of a
Warder or such person as you shall Appoint."

This act of kindness was probably one of the last of Queen
Mary's life, as she was attacked with smallpox and died in
December of this same year.

Peter was to be tried for his life at the Assizes at Chester
some time during October. He was taken from the Tower
with other prisoners and a numerous guard, " exposed as a

show through the streets of London and through the several

* Afterwards Sir Streynsham Masters ; married Elizabeth, second daughter of
Richard and Elizabeth Legh.

f Isabella, daughter of Sir John Lawson, and widow of Norton, wife of Sir

John Chicheley, uncle of Peter Legh.

J Abigaile Chetwode, second wife of Piers Legh of Bruch, mother of- Frances,
wife of Peter Legh.

365

THE HOUSE OF LYME

countys and towns in the road from thence to Chester."*
Here, after awaiting in the common gaol the coming of the
judges, he with Sir Thomas Stanley was brought to the Bar,
and, there being no witnesses forthcoming against them, they
were discharged, " the cryer's proclamation being far from so
loud as the acclamations of the people." *

The same authority (probably Mr. Roger Kenyon) in stating
Peter's case protests indignantly at the treatment he received,
and inveighs against the law of England for authorizing a
Minister of State to impower

" any common person that hee will style the King's messenger, to
break and enter into any man's house to search for and seize arms . . .
Can this his case and usuage, were the laws of England had in due
execution, lye long unremembered, or when remembered, remain
unresented ? "

1696 But although they may have resented — and rightly too —
the iniquitous treatment to which he had been subjected,
Peter's relatives were so thankful to get him back that there
was no thought of obtaining redress. They only asked that
he should be allowed to live in peace and quietness and enjoy
his beautiful home, far removed from the strife and turmoil
of public life. He was, however, not left long undisturbed,
for he was again, in 1696, apprehended and committed to Chester
Castle, charged with high treason, and was again discharged
as before, no evidence being found against him.

He never received compensation in any shape or form for
the gross injustice done him, and this warped and soured his
character. So thoroughly disgusted was he with the harsh
and unjust treatment he had suffered that he never sat in
Parliament or sought to obtain office as a magistrate or Deputy-
Lieutenant under a Government which had behaved so shame-
fully to him. In his will, which he drew up many years before
his death, for he lived to a great old age, he says :

" I would have no monument over me, only a plain brass nailed to the
wall to express my innocency in that wicked conspiracy by false wit-
nesses, imprisonments and trials in 1694 and 1696, and I die a member

* " The Case of Peter Legh of Lyme," Kenyon MS., pp. 363-366.

366

IMPRISONMENT OF PETER LEGH

of the Church of England, looking upon it to be the best and purest
of Churches, and do most sincerely wish it may continue for ever."

The death of James II at St. Germain in 1701 and his
son being proclaimed King of England by Louis XIV caused
great excitement and a certain amount of indignation in this
country, the people resenting what they considered to be the
unwarrantable interference of the French King. Lord Derby,*
writing to Peter Legh, begs him to meet him at Preston to
join with him in an address, " declaring frankly that the French
King never pretended before, and now has a right no more
than formerly to name us a King, for whatever gloss may be
put, this is the true state of the case." With the recollection
of his former experiences, Peter viewed with dismay the possi-
bility of being further involved in the subsequent Jacobite
rising. A letter from his friend and legal adviser, John Ward
of Capesthorne,y strongly counsels him to come up to London
and put himself under the protection of a Secretary of State,
as he had done at a ticklish time before.

Whether he followed this advice or no, Peter certainly
realized that his conduct at so critical a period could scarcely
be too circumspect, and that gatherings like the " Cheshire
Club " were undesirable at such a time. It met together once
more in 1715, this time it is said at Ashley Hall, to decide
whether or no its members should espouse the Chevalier's cause.
Peter Legh's is supposed to have been the casting-vote against
taking part in the revolt, and the club was dissolved. Its
members unanimously resolved to commemorate the occasion
by having their portraits painted and hung in the room in
which they had held their last meeting. This was done, and
the portraits, ten in number and all full length, with the name
and date attached, were painted in 1720 by an unknown
artist. They now hang on the staircase at Tatton, having
been removed from Ashley Hall in 1860 by Lord Egerton of

* William, ninth Earl.

f John Ward of Capesthorne (1670-1748-9) and of the Inner Temple; an
eminent lawyer ; was M.P. for Newton, Co. Lancashire, in 1712. His eldest daughter
and co-heiress married at Kensington, in 1721, Davies Davenport, of Woodford and
Marton, ancestor of Brigadier-General W. Bromley Davenport, D.S.O.

367

THE HOUSE OF LYME

1720 Tatton. Their names are given in the order in which they are
placed on the staircase, and are as follows : Thomas Assheton,
Constable of Chester Castle ; Sir Richard Grosvenor of Eaton ;
James, Earl of Barrymore ; Charles Hurleston of Newton ;
Amos Meredith of Henbury ; Alexander Radclyff of Fox
Denton ; Robert Cholmondeley of Holford ; John Warren of
Poynton ; Henry Legh of High Legh ; and Peter Legh of Lyme.

These representatives of the Cheshire gentry of the eighteenth
century all wear the same pattern of long coats of different
coloured velvet, with knee-breeches and silk stockings, square-
toed shoes with buckles, and huge wigs. The portrait of Peter
Legh is an exact copy as to dress and position (except that
it is full length instead of three-quarter) of the one painted
by Kneller in 1702, the wig differing slightly, as does the face,
which shows that of an older man.*

The secret clubs, such as the one we have just described,
were partly responsible for bringing into existence the Jacobite
glasses, a few beautiful specimens of which are still carefully
preserved at Lyme. These include six of the " Fiat " wine-
glasses. Five have the graceful air-twisted stems with the
six-petalled Stewart rose and two buds — said to typify James II,
the Chevalier, and Prince Charles Edward — the oak-leaf, emble-
matic of the Restoration, and the word " Fiat " engraved on
the bowl. The sixth wineglass is straight-sided and has a
plain stem with the tear-drop, the Prince of Wales's feathers
engraved on the foot, and the rose with two buds, the oak-
leaf, and the word " Fiat " engraved on the bowl.

These glasses were used for toasts at the clubs when the
health of " the King over the water " was drunk in silence,
and often by the old Cavaliers on their knees, each member
holding his glass over the finger-bowl placed before him. The
adherents of the exiled Royal Family derived a melancholy
satisfaction from these ceremonies, which continued with loyal
sympathizers well on into the reigns of the Georges, and the

* The particulars of these portraits are taken from an interesting account of the
Cheshire Club written by the late Earl Egerton of Tatton, which by the kind per-
mission of the Duchess of Buckingham and Chandos and Lord Egerton of Tatton I
am allowed to publish. — E.N.

368

IMPRISONMENT OF PETER LEGH

custom must have prevailed at Lyme if one may judge by
these silent evidences of the politics of its owners.

There are other specimens at Lyme of straight-sided glasses
with knopped and bulbed air-twisted stems, engraved with
the rose and two buds, also some charming old sweetmeat and
preserve glasses in rock crystal, shaped like shells, others in
cut glass on tall faceted stems. A number of footless, " no
heel-tap " wine-glasses (the toast having to be drunk straight
off without putting down the glass) are probably of a rather
later date. These have a faceted boss at the end of the stem,
the bowl engraved with a toast. Finger-bowls with a lip at
each side have the corresponding toast running round. No
doubt these were used to rinse the glasses before a change of
wine. These toasts are many and varied ; some are political
and some relate to the Legh family, but the majority are of
a sporting character.

Here are some of those connected with politics : " May
Aristocracy Rise on the Ashes of Democracy," " Blood o'er
the Face of the Earth," "The Standing Forces of Great
Britain " ; while the sporting ones include " Falconers Hall,"
" The Five-and-Twenty Couple," " The Stagg well Rouzed,"
" A Fresh Earth and a High Metaled Terrier," " The Vermin
Blood," " Bear-Baiting," " Bull-Baiting," " Falconry," " The
Merry Harriers," and " Sans Quarter." Those relating to the
family comprise " Lime House For Ever," " Long Life to the
House of Lime," and the quaint and original one of " Mrs.
Legh's Delight."

The following are rather ambiguous and the meaning seems
somewhat obscure : " Darning and Sinking," " The Otters
Potter," " Maria and the Otters Potter," and " Death and the
Devil " ; while we may complete the list with " The Agreeable
Ups and Downs of Life," " Bear a Bob wherever you Go,"
" Any Toast but a Dry One," " Long Life and Long Corks,"
"A Flatt Decanter and a Sprightly Landlord," "A Cellar
Well Filled and a House Full of Friends," which suggest many
happy and convivial gatherings and a keen appreciation of
the good things of life.

2 A 369

CHAPTER XXVII

LEONFS ALTERATIONS

1720 THE building and alteration at Lyme, begun by Richard in
1652, was still going on. Peter became obsessed by the fever
of bricks and mortar, and had evidently settled matters with
the great Italian architect, Giacomo Leoni, who, by 1720, was
hard at work. Old Madame Legh, in a letter to her son
in September 1721, speaks of taking a message to " Mr. Leone,"
and talks hopefully of the building being finished by Michaelmas.
It continued, however, during the whole of Peter's long life
and that of his nephew and successor, the orangery, designed
also by Leoni, not being completed before the middle of the
nineteenth century.

The grand staircase, situated between the library and the
saloon, was probably finished about this date — 1720. It is
in the Palladian style with large balusters of the Italian type.
Four massive square Corinthian columns support a short
gallery, leading from the top of the staircase to the Long
Gallery and bachelor wing. The ceiling is of plaster-work in
a fine Italian design, the hand and banner crest figuring promi-
nently in it, as it does in so much of the decoration all over the
house.

The Hall was also probably completed about this period.
This is a splendid room, 40 feet by 45, and is approached from
the courtyard by a double flight of steps. Four massive Late
Ionic columns support an immense beam which runs the whole
length of the entrance portion of the room, and divides it from
the fire-place end, which is used as a sitting-room. The floor
was originally on the same level as that of the drawing-room
and library, but was sunk some 12 feet by Leoni. A short
370

LEONI'S ALTERATIONS

staircase at either end leads up to the galleries (from which
open the principal bedrooms) over the arcades which surround
the courtyard. These were added by Leoni. The gallery on
the north side gives access to the Elizabethan drawing-room,
which communicates with the Hall by the secret opening in
the panelling described in a former chapter. That on the
south side leads to the grand staircase and library.

The Hall, redecorated a few years ago, was disfigured by a
hideous Early Victorian wall-paper, which has been replaced by
three pieces of Mortlake tapestry which formerly hung in bed-
rooms, with the fine borders tucked in. These three pieces are
part of the well-known Hero and Leander series, and have the
wide or grotesque borders. Complete, they are a set of six, and
are known to have been woven between the years 1623 and
1636, from the cartoons of Francis Clein or Cleyn (who died
in 1658), a native of Rostock, who was employed for years as
a designer for the Mortlake factory. Each panel is about
14 by 15 feet, and each is signed with the initials F. C., which
are those of Sir Francis Crane, who died in 1636, the first
director of the Mortlake factory. The borders measure from
2 to 3 feet in width. The panels comprise — reading from right
to left :

1. The meeting of Hero and Leander outside the Temple, Cupid
hovering in mid-air, aiming an arrow at the lovers. This is
perhaps the most exquisite of the series. The details of Hero's
gown are carried out in a most elaborate pattern, and the
colours, as also those of Leander's cloak, though no doubt far
less bright than when first executed, are harmonious and not
too subdued or faded.

2. The arrival of Leander after swimming the Hellespont.

3. The departure of Leander, Hero standing with clasped hands
watching him swim away.

The borders of these tapestries are especially fine. In
these, which are complete and frame the four sides, figure
Cupids threading garlands of flowers through a trellis or
balustrade. Six medallions, three on each side, supported by
Cupids, have within them scenes connected with the subject

371

THE HOUSE OF LYME

of the panel. A plain medallion, probably intended to contain
a coat of arms, is in the centre of each panel at the top, while
the corresponding medallion at the bottom has a couplet in
Latin verse applicable to the subject. The inscription under
the first-named panel runs as follows :

ARDET . HERO . PARI
LIQ : ACCENDITVR .
IGNE . LEANDER .
QVAEQ : FVIT VENERIS
SERVA CVPIDO
TVA EST.

That under Leander's arrival has :

ECCE . FRETVM . TRA
NAT . FLVCTV . IAC
TATUS . ET . EVRO .
TENDIT . ET . AD .
THALAMOS . FES
TA . PVELLA TVOS.

while the panel representing the departing lover has this
inscription, very much faded and partly obliterated :

HIC . SOROR . INCAER .
TO . FRUSTRA . DEI EF
RET AMANTEM .
NON . ME .... TV
DAS . . . . NIS . AMORIS
AQVAS.

No record exists as to when these tapestries were acquired
or how they came to Lyme. The house is especially rich in
tapestry, Flemish and English. There are in all twenty-three
pieces, filling seven rooms. One piece is signed with the
initials S. C., which are those of Sackville Crowe, who,
during the reign of Charles II, was director of the Mortlake
works, which, inaugurated by James I, existed for about
eighty years.

Three panels with large figures somewhat resembling the
Raphael cartoons are descriptive of Biblical subjects, the

372

LEONI'S ALTERATIONS

angel ministering to Elijah under the juniper-tree, Elijah and
the priests of Baal, and Elijah being carried up to Heaven in
the chariot of fire. Some of these pieces have been sadly cut
about to fit the different rooms, the work being treated with
no more respect than if it had been wall-paper. One lovely
little piece of English tapestry hangs at the back of the portrait
of the Black Prince in the secret panel between the drawing-
room and the hall. This is probably a portion of the tapestry
that hangs in the yellow state dressing-room, but it has been
pieced together, as the top has a portion of the same border
as that in the Hall, the Cupids threading the garlands of
flowers. The portrait of the Black Prince was bought about
this date and was converted to its present use by Leoni.

There appears to have been a sale of pictures at St. James's
Palace. The portrait of the Black Prince and one of Edward III
— also a full-length — were acquired by an emissary of Peter
Legh for £16 i6s. apiece. The fact of a tip of fi is. being
given to the groom of the chambers at St. James's, and the
same emissary stating that he had saved his patron £7, " for
the price of a warrant from the Lord Chamberlain is £4 for
each picture," looks as though the transaction had been con-
ducted in a back-stairs way and without the knowledge of the
new King. The sale list includes, however, some full lengths
of the Stuart family, " which will come cheap," so it is possible
that George I may have wished to part with some of the por-
traits of his Stuart predecessors, and that he may have desired
these to be included in the sale.

From letters which speak, in 1723, of the house being partly
ready to receive visitors, it is probable that most of the interior
work was completed before Leoni began upon the south front,
for it was not until October 1725 that he submitted his plans
for this and the great portico.

His original plans are still preserved at Lyme. They were
carried out exactly as he intended, with the exception of some
statues, which he meant to be put over the great entrance door
and in the niches at each side. These were omitted, no doubt
on account of the considerable extra expense they would have

373

THE HOUS-E OF LYME

entailed. The library, which faces south with a bay window
to the east, containing now some Greek stelae of the fifth
century B.C. and antique bronzes, was finished in 1728. The
dining-room, a well-proportioned room approached from the
library by a small anteroom hung with English tapestry, is
33 by 39 feet, and about 19 feet in height, and has a large bay
window facing east. It was built by Sir J. Wyattville in 1818,
and has a very fine Italian ceiling.

Much furniture was acquired about this date. Some pieces
of tapestry — unfortunately not described — were bought at
373. the ell at a sale of Lord Cadogan's * goods in 1726-27.
A Venetian silk bed was also secured at a cost of £69, " one
of the finest I have seen, very noble and as fine as any in
England." This must be the remnants of a bed, now, alas,
all dismantled and in pieces almost beyond redemption, in
carved wood, covered with red Venetian silk. Sarah, Duchess
of Marlborough, seems to have attended this same sale, and
is reported as having bought most of the china and fine glass.

Amongst some of the most interesting pieces of furniture
at Lyme is a set of eight Queen Anne walnut-wood chairs, and
a settee of the same in the shape of double chairs, all covered
in yellow damask, sent from Croome to her Uncle Peter by
Lady Coventry.^ She writes him a delightful letter, in
which she apologizes for sending them without his leave
and being forced by her circumstances to demand payment
for them.

" I am ashamed to say there is a price to them (25 guineas) and that I
am not able to say they are at your Service, but as the Lord of Lyme
is so farr a richer & potent person then me, poor Widow ! am forced
to name the sum, but you are as free to send them back & no harm done.
For fashion I do assure you they are as Modern as if only made to-day.
They were my Dear Lords present to me and I am loath to part with

* William, first Baron and Earl of Cadogan (1675-1726), General; served under
William III in Ireland ; Quartermaster-General to Marlborough ; negotiated Quad-
ruple Alliance, 1720.

| Anne, Countess of Coventry, daughter of Sir Streynsham Master by his second
wife Elizabeth, second daughter of Richard Leghof Lyme; married, in 1715, Gilbert,
fifth Earl of Coventry, who died in 1719, leaving no issue.

374

LEONI'S ALTERATIONS

them, but it would please me better to think they were at Lyme then
anywhere else. The chairs with the damask cost my Lord better then
41 a chair and the Sattee more then double that without the damask,
but I would rather be that money out of pocket rather then dis-
oblige you."

The damask has lately had to be restored, but the suite
is otherwise in perfect condition. Among other things acquired
about this date are three very fine carved wood and gilt
chandeliers.

Much was being done in the garden at this time. " The
plat of your garden will be best laid out in a green walk and
gravell walks and a border in between," writes a careful friend*
who suggests that the quantity of seeds proposed by Peter's
gardener are " sufficient to sow Hampstead Heath or set up
a shop." He sends some plants, begging for some box and
some cuttings of silver fir in exchange, also "40 or 50 of those
young whakings (?) but I won't ask for any of your red pinks,
you have so very few." Old Madam Legh contributes also
spire hollies and yews, with directions to set them in baskets
in the ground ; she recommends laurustinus as being hardy
and making handsome heads, laurels, bay-trees, and " phila-
rays." She sends likewise some golden pippins, fruit being
always a welcome present, and some seeds, " the seeds man
thinks that the seed which is writ Convolvolis is that flower
which your wife calls ' chiny dishes.' '

With these she contributes also some rather malevolent
London gossip relating to Sarah, Duchess of Marlborough
(recently widowed), and Lady Cowper, whose husband, William,
first Earl, had just died : " The Duchess of Molbear is certainly
going to be married to the Duck of Somerset, and her reasons
for marrying is that shee may take place of her Daughters."
The Duchess had received several offers of marriage, amongst
others, one from " the proud Duke of Somerset," to whom she
recommended another lady as a substitute.

:c Wise Lord Kuper (Cowper) suffered his heart to be
broke by a Imperious Wife, for he would not suffer her to be
brought into the room for some few hours afore he died. He

375

THE HOUSE OF LYME

only left her 800 pounds a year and no Legacy and all her
Jewells to be sold." *

The letters of this date contain references to the various
lotteries which were so much the fashion of the time. These
had been established in 1693, and for more than 130 years
they yielded a large annual income to the Crown. In 1709
a Bill was actually brought into the House to increase the
infamous window tax (taxing air and light), the money to go
towards making a fund for a lottery. This was opposed, but
was carried by 132 votes to in, " but I believe it will not be
carried further against y6 poorer sort." Old Madam Legh
was somewhat of a gambler and dabbled a good deal in these
doubtful speculations. We read of her paying £80 for tickets
and being anxious to get rid of blanks. She writes to her
son on the subject of the " Lottery business," regretting
that (perhaps fortunately for her) she was too much in
debt to tradesmen to indulge her appetite for more of
these ventures.

Having abandoned all hopes of a son being born to him,
Peter made a formal settlement of his estates upon his four
nephews (sons of his brother Thomas), who in the event of his
own death were to take the estates in succession in tail male.
The year 1723 saw an important event in the Legh family,
namely, the marriage of Fleetwood, the eldest of these, and
heir to the Lyme estates, with Meriel, daughter and heiress of
Sir Francis Leycester of Tabley.j* Both Thomas Legh and
Henrietta his wife were dead, the former dying about 1715,
the latter in 1722, when their ten children all came to Lyme
to be under the care of Peter and Frances.

Fleetwood Legh was twenty-two years old at the time of
his marriage. He had been educated at Westminster School
and Brasenose College, Oxford, where he was under the control

* William, first Earl Cowper, Lord Chancellor of England ; married as his second
wife the lady in question, a daughter of John Clavering of Chepwell, Durham.

f Sir Francis Leycester of Tabley (grandson of Sir Peter Leycester, the noted
antiquary), born 1674, married Frances, daughter and heiress of Joshua Wilson of
Colton, Yorkshire, and widow of Bryan Thornhill, by whom he had an only daughter,
Meriel, born in 1705. She married, first, 1723, Fleetwood Legh of Bank, who died in
1725 ; secondly, 1728, Sir John Byrne.

37°"

LEONI'S ALTERATIONS

of his uncle, Robert Shippen,* the Principal. We hear of his
having dancing and fencing lessons, and being taught arith-
metic : " He constantly rises to 6 o'clock prayers and lodges
in his uncle's apartment and eats with him, so that he always
has his eye upon him."

In spite of all this care and watching, however, the young 1723
man seems to have been rather wild and unsatisfactory, and
to have contracted a good many debts. It was, therefore, a
great relief to his devoted grandmother, and no less so to his
uncle and aunt, when his marriage was settled and arranged
in the summer of 1723.

Sir Francis Leycester and Peter Legh were lifelong friends.
Seldom did a week go by without some communication passing
between Lyme and Tabley. Messengers were constantly sent
from one house to the other with a " how do " and a haunch
of venison or other token of goodwill, although the distance
between the two places is fully twenty-five miles by road.
" Dear Sir," writes Sir Francis to Peter Legh in an undated
letter, " Your nephew is now returning to you ; I think his
London journey has been no diskindness. Wee have drunk
tea and played at Cards and this morning he speaked it to
her so I hope in God if they goe together perfect happiness
and harmony may attend them."

No more romantic place for a courtship than Tabley Old
Hall could possibly be conceived. It stands on a small island
within the circuit of the upper part of a large lake, and is a
perfect specimen of a Jacobean manor house, untouched and
unspoilt, and maintained by its late owner, Lady Leighton
Warren, in its original condition with all the furniture belonging
to the period.')' This is carried out even to the rushes
on the floor of the great central hall. The garden, with its
flagged paths and aromatic herbs, where Fleetwood and Meriel
wandered in the early days of their courtship, remains much

* Fourth husband of Frances, third daughter of Richard Legh.

f Owing to its damp situation, the Old Hall was abandoned as a residence in the
latter part of the eighteenth century, and the present handsome Georgian house was
built on higher ground, about a quarter of a mile distant. It was the home of the
poet, the third and last Lord de Tabley (1835-1895).

377

THE HOUSE OF LYME

as it was two hundred years ago, and retains all its old-world
charm and fragrance. Here one can be transported from the
bustle and noise of the hurrying present to the poetry and
romance of other days long past and gone.

Great preparations were being made for the wedding,
which was to take place at Tabley. Fleetwood's eldest sister
Elizabeth,* who had lived after her mother's death with
her grandmother, old Madam Legh, in Devonshire Street,
was deputed to buy all the material for Frances's gown,
her cousin, Lady Coventry ,f being called in to help in the
selection.

" We have been to look at the silk to-day, there is but six yards and
three quarters which would be too scanty a pattern and too slight a
thing for you Madam, and for the money you allow, me Lady thinks
she can get something of the price much better."

She promises to send a pattern of Cousin Fountaine's " hucka-
back," which is to be sent down in a box with a book of " Sacre-
mental Devotions." Peter's clothes are also selected. She
chooses the prettiest silk to be found in Mr. Gorderill's shop,
" but indeed it is a poor furnished shop to what Mr. Binks's
is " ; she adds a true feminine touch : " I love to go where
there is most choice and the newest fashions." These goods
are all sent down to Lyme by the carrier, who is given special
instructions to deliver them safely.

Jewels were showered upon the bride-to-be. Her future
aunt and uncle presented her with a beautiful diamond necklace,
Frances's own, which was to be reset upon a " white file,"
the jeweller undertaking to make the alteration for 2d. a
" soakit." " Your parting with your diamond necklace is the
kindest thing that ever was done," Elizabeth assures her aunt,
who also adds a pair of diamond drop ear-rings, to be made
after a special design of Lady Coventry's, " so that the tope
[top] stones look much larger than settin of 'em lengthways."

* Elizabeth, daughter of Thomas (second son of Richard) Legh by his wife
Henrietta Fleetwood; married, 1731 Rev. John Holt, LL.D. of Hartlebury, Co.
Worcester.

t See note, p, 374.

378

LEON.I'S ALTERATIONS

To these is added " a very handsome Brylon [brilliant] hoop
ring," made at a cost of fi6 i6s.

Old Madam Legh was to have a new gown " against the
wedding," which evidently made quite a stir, " everybody
talks of it in London." There was to be a great gathering
of relations, and many invitations were issued. One poor
lady, in writing to decline, gives as her reason for doing so that
she is suffering from a " twisting of the gutes." There was
to be a ball at Lyme ; a book of country dances is sent down
with the clothes, and much rejoicing, carousing and merry-
making was to celebrate the union of the houses of Legh and
Leycester.

The wedding took place on November 24, and the young
people started their married life on an income of £1000 a year.
Although this sum should have been ample, representing as
it does a great deal more then than the same amount would
do at the present day, it was evidently not considered sufficient
by Sir Francis, who writes that he loves to have young people
struggle with difficulties, " it makes them mind the world
much sooner and better."

The bride and bridegroom took up their abode at Bank,
Lancashire, the property which Fleetwood had inherited from
his mother. It is near Southport and close to the sea, and
in 1778 the house is described as "a venerable pile since
demolished." Here one little daughter was born to .them.
Meriel seems to have won the heart of her Uncle Peter, who
writes to Sir Francis : " You do not need to compliment me
on my late entertaining your daughter at Lyme, being fully
recompensed by an inward satisfaction I received from her
behaviour and the great hopes there is of the young couple's
happiness."

Frances was devoted to her niece, and a constant corre- 1725
spondence was kept up between Bank and Lyme. Frances
wrote excellent letters, giving graphic descriptions of the life
at Lyme, where there was a constant stream of visitors. She
writes in 1725 in great apprehension of a projected visit to
London, the roads being infested with highwaymen, but

379

THE HOUSE OF LYME

determined to brave the dangers with her Peter rather than
let him go alone :

" This London journey affects me above all things. Mr Legh had soe
ill a winter of the Gout, and is but just patched up, and travelling and
change of beds is very troublesome, and above all things I'me frighted.
There is soe much robbing & murthers about both upon the Roads &
in London streets, that I shall have noe ease till hee's at home againe ;
and to goe myselfe I dont love stirring of all things, & a very great
fatigue & charge it will be, whether I goe or noe. All that I propose
if I goe is if a fit of the Gout takes him, I shall be with him."

1725-6 In January 1725-6 there was a terrific fall of snow in the
north of England, and she mentions the fact of the interruption of
the post caused by this, and the casualties resulting therefrom.

" I received yours, dearest neice, & from yr uncle and myself return
you both our humble service and many thanks for your kind wishes,
which though your letter lay several posts, occasioned by the sad snow
and weather, yet came not out of season. ... I thank God wee have
escaped better than expectation, tho' many poor sheep & deer are
dead in Snowdrifts, abundance of poor people have in Derbyshire bin
lost, in particular two poor gentlemen as they came from a Funerall
and was benighted. Parson Raynes went as far as he could, then
took leave of his friend, kissed him & laid himself down & died. Mr
Rossington had the good fortune to goe a little further & was relieved
by a man that was fetching sheep ; hee had lost his senses & one
of his legs they had much adoe to preserve from mortifieing . . .
indeed I never knew such a storm in my life ... we couldn't till
yesterday either see or goe into the gardens for snow."

Later comes another letter in which she speaks of being
very busy, " a great deal of company . . . two grave ladies
that have bin some time with me and are but gone this day,
I was obliged to attend more than the young ones." She
speaks also of having " a great deal of fine singing and music,"
of which she was very fond. She gives an amusing account
of the delinquencies of her butler — an old servant — whom she
complains of her husband being far too lenient with :

" Since I have writ this I'me tould yt Worthington [the butler] is gone
to Bank & had not the civility to let me know and enquire if I would
have anything ; indeed hee is the most sacy impertinent servant that
380

LEONI'S ALTERATIONS

ever was, & far from a good one. I'me sure no master but his would
keep him. I was lately tould how abominable rude he is, that when
he speaks of my nephew Legh hee calls him Fleetwood Legh, and the
rest [her other nephews and nieces] all by their Xtian names, without
Master or Miss joyn'd to it, as Molly & Sally &c, and the same time his
bratts must be Master & Miss Worthington. I've really no patience ;
hee grows so rich & proud. I onely hope when hee has rope enough
he' el hang himself. I'me sorry I have noe better a subject to entertain
you with."

But these old retainers were faithful and devoted. Those
were the days of long service, when generations of servants
remained in the same family, bequeathing their heritage of love
and loyalty to their successors. Carefully preserved among
the plate at Lyme is a beautiful George II silver tankard which
bears this inscription :

Samuel Parepoint
Legacy to his Master
Cook at Lyme 64 years

Died 3 ist December, 1757 in His 75 year
of his Age.

This wonderful old cook must, therefore, have begun his duties
at the age of eleven !

Amongst the letters of this date is one from Peter Legh
to the son of the old keeper, Joseph Watson, in which Peter
suggests that it might be as well for the old man, being now
aged about seventy-nine, to relegate his duties to a more
youthful successor and retire on a competence. Being some-
what addicted to drink

" he has more opportunities for indulging when the season comes to
send out venison, and raily he had another tussle for his life last
winter occasioned by his old misfortunes, Fr^ & Bottle . . . and
I'me afraid for the consequences."

He outlived his master, however, dying only in 1753, as we
have seen, at the age of one hundred and four.

The happy married life of Fleetwood and Meriel was very
short. He was taken ill with a violent attack of pleurisy
very soon after Frances's letter describing the severe cold

381

THE HOUSE OF LYME

1726 weather, and died on January 21, 1725-6, aged only twenty-
five. The news was received with the greatest sorrow and
consternation at Lyme. Peter was incapacitated by a severe
attack of gout — an illness he suffered much from all his life —
and was, therefore, unable to be of any practical assistance
to the poor little widow, who, to add to her grief and distress,
was in expectation of the birth of a child. The funeral took
place at Bank, but Peter was too ill to attend.

The arrival of the coming child was awaited with the
greatest anxiety, but the ardent hopes of its being a son were
not destined to be fulfilled, and Meriel gave birth to a second
daughter in the summer of 1726. Later Meriel married an
Irishman, Sir John Byrne, and the Bank estate passed ultimately
from the Legh family and is now in the possession of Lord
Lilford.

382

CHAPTER XXVIII
DEATH OF OLD MADAM LEGH

HARDLY had Peter Legh begun to recover somewhat from the 1727
shock of his nephew Fleetwood's sudden death than he was
to suffer another far severer bereavement in the loss of his
beloved wife. Frances had been in indifferent health for some
time and was undergoing medical treatment of the usual
drastic kind, against which, poor lady, she was evidently
protesting. Dr. Leacon, a Manchester physician, writes to
Peter on April 6, 1727 :

" I do not wonder at Mrs Legh's being angry when she takes physick,
for it is a little rough, but that very roughness will be of service to her
I assure you ; but she complains so much of it, that I have agreed to
let her leave it off at present. I am glad to hear she is better."

The roughness of this treatment probably hastened her 1727-8
end, for she succumbed to her illness, and died somewhat
suddenly at Lyme on February 17, 1727-8, in her fifty-eighth
year, to the inexpressible sorrow of her husband, who was
never the same man again. So prostrated was he with grief
that he was confined to his room for many days after her
death, being quite unable even to stand. In answer to a letter
of condolence from his old and dear friend, Sir Francis Ley-
cester, he writes that he thanks him for his kind advice, which
he is endeavouring to put into practice, " but I am struggling
under the severest loss that I ever received."

He was indeed in a sad position, for apart from the deep
affection he had for his wife, Peter was so dependent upon her
for help and guidance in the management and upbringing of
his dead brother's children, some of whom were at school and

383

THE HOUSE OF LYME

some being educated at Lyme. One of the last acts of Frances's
life had been making all arrangements for her nieces going to
a school in Derbyshire, kept by a gentlewoman, who undertook
the education of her pupils and to provide their " table " for
£20 a year.

His mother, to whom he had always been devoted, was
a great age, besides being in failing health, so she was not
able to be of much assistance to poor Peter. Her eyesight,
which all her life had been defective, was now seriously
threatened, and she writes pathetically to her son, deploring
the loss of the sight of one of her eyes :

". . . And now I must tell you of a great afflicktion I am in, I have
lost the sight of one of my eyes, and I am much afread of my tother eye,
I desire your prayers that God would give me sight while he gives me
life."

1728 In the May following Frances's death, old Madam Legh
died somewhat suddenly at her house in Devonshire Street,
having reached the age of eighty-five, and Peter had to deplore
the loss of wife and mother within the space of three short
months. Writing to Sir Francis Leycester, he speaks of his
mother :

" who has been for forty years last past [his father died in 1687] so
tender and beneficial unto all her children, especially to her sons and
to me in particular, that notwithstanding her great age, I can't at
present throw off affliction, and always to her memory must be
gratefull."

Her powerful will and dominating personality had made her
more feared than loved, but Peter recognized her great qualities
and appreciated them at their full worth, so that her loss —
coming as it did so soon after that of his beloved wife — was
a severe and crushing blow.

Old Madam Legh outlived eight of her thirteen children.
In the course of her long life she witnessed many changes,
both social and political. Born in the reign of Charles I, she
saw England under six different sovereigns, dying just before
the accession of the seventh. At heart a staunch Jacobite,

DEATH OF OLD MADAM LEGH

her sympathies were always with the Stuart cause, and
she never became reconciled to the rule of the House of
Hanover.

Her funeral took place in the family burying-place at 1728
Winwick, Lancashire, where she rests by her beloved husband.
Her sensible character shows itself in the expression of her
last wishes, that the ceremony should be as private and quiet
as possible, the cost not to exceed £100, and that there were
to be " no escutcheons, no gloves nor hatbands nor drink."
Only six of her nearest relatives were to be present ; Peter
was too ill to attend, so the office of chief mourner was under-
taken by his next surviving brother, Richard.

In her will, which was drawn up in January 1724-5, she
appoints her granddaughter, Elizabeth Legh, her executor,
and to her she leaves the lease of her house in Devonshire
Street, and her pew, No. 48, in St. George the Martyr Church,
Queen Square (still existing), for which she paid a rent of £2 55.
a year. To her granddaughter Elizabeth she also bequeathes
her great diamond buckle, " my great Tortoishell Cabbepot,"
all her plate, china, clothes, linen and household linen, her
" repeating Pendulam," and lacquer cabinets, worked beds
and curtains. Sundry heirlooms are to return to Lyme, the
portraits of herself and Richard by Lely, all the miniatures,
two big lacquer corner cupboards, " a great Japan cabinet,"
and " a great Japan screen," all these can be traced ; also the
flower-pots and statues in her London garden ; these are no
doubt the little lead Cupids now in the Dutch garden. Various
worked chairs and beds are also mentioned, one a copy of a
bed sent by the Duke of Modena to James II, the pattern given
to Madam Legh by the Dowager Lady Derby, but these are
not described definitely enough to be traceable.

Two " great diamond rings," a lodestone ring, and a purple
velvet Bible, formerly the property of Lord Keeper Coventry,
have, alas, disappeared. " A black Ebaney Cabinet inlaid
with juery," which has fortunately been restored to Lyme, is
a beautiful little Italian cabinet inlaid with jewels, having
several secret drawers, and in perfect preservation. This has

2B 385

THE HOUSE OF LYME

remained ever since in the sitting-room of the reigning lady
of the house.

Elizabeth Legh found the house in Devonshire Street some-
what of an encumbrance, and it ended in Peter taking it off
her hands, though he writes to Sir Francis that he would as
soon take a house in Gomorrah as in Sodom. He offers it to
his friend for £600, twenty years' lease, and " good conveniences
in house and garden." How the transaction terminated
history does not say.

1729 As a distraction from his grief Peter endeavoured to
absorb himself more and more in his building schemes— a
very costly occupation — which increased with growing years :
" 1 6 Carts loaded with Billinge slate — 4 horses apiece, 2 men
to each Cart, pray do you think I shall want company this
night ? " he writes to Sir Francis in 1729, and again in 1730,
he alludes to Lyme as " this dirty place," as if it was still
very much in workmen's hands.

He was also much interested and absorbed in the educa-
tion and development of his nephew and heir Peter, who,
from being heir presumptive, passed, on the death of his elder
brother Fleetwood in 1725-6, to the greater dignity of heir
apparent. Peter was born in 1707-8, and was educated
at Westminster and Cambridge, where he was sent in October
1728, to St. John's College, accompanied by a divine and a
servant, and was admitted Fellow-Commoner on the 7th of
that month, his tutor being a Dr. Newcome. His uncle writes
of him as creating a good impression, " passed his examination
to satisfaction, so I hope with God's Blessing he will do well."

The two Peters seem to have got on very well together.
The boy made himself useful to his uncle and helped him
considerably with his voluminous correspondence when he was
incapacitated by gout — as was often the case — from even
holding a pen. The older man, in his turn, showed sympathy
and consideration for his young namesake, entering into all
his pursuits, so that their life together was happy and
harmonious.

The choice of a suitable wife for his nephew was now the
386

DEATH OF OLD MADAM LEGH

chief object of the elder Peter, and for some years he searched
in vain for a lady answering in all respects to his demands.
Parents still continued to exercise a considerable amount of
control over their children in matters connected with their
marriage, though not to so great an extent as formerly, and
Peter was consulting his nephew's wishes, while still endeavour-
ing to influence him in what he conceived to be the right
direction.

" As I have no one I respect more than yourself [he writes to Sir 1733
Francis Leycester in November 1733], I desire your advice how & to
whom I should make an application for the disposal of my nephew. I
have reason to believe he's entire at liberty from any engagements . . .
my desire is more for a good woman & an honest family (no lover of
London) than for money."

Several suggested brides were rejected for different reasons. 1737
One was considered to be too fat and, therefore, not likely to
answer the purpose for which she was intended, and there were
objections to various others. The choice finally fell upon
Martha, sole daughter and heiress of Thomas Bennet of Sal-
throp, Wilts, probably " no lover of London," worthy, but
exceedingly plain, to whom Peter was married in December

1737-

Two very beautiful Chippendale chairs with a large ram's

head carved on each, and the Legh and Bennet arms, and a
pair of glass goblets engraved with the crest and the same
arms, are probably commemorative of this event.

Peter had the joy and satisfaction of living to see his great-
nephew, the little son — their first child — born to Peter and
Martha in October 1741, but he was spared from sharing in
their grief at the loss of the child a year or two later. Peter 1743-4
died at Lyme in January 1743-4, and was buried at Winwick,
where, according to his own wishes expressed in his will, drawn
up many years before, there is neither monument nor inscrip-
tion to his memory.

387

CHAPTER XXIX

THE SHADOWS CLOSE

THERE is little of very special interest to mark the lives of
Peter and Martha Legh, and a few pages will suffice to dispose
of their history. They were a somewhat dull, uninteresting
couple, neither of them possessing any great charm or attrac-
tion. No portrait exists of Peter except a small crayon drawing
done of him when quite an old man. He wears a white wig
and a three-cornered hat, a plain coat buttoned down the
front, and a white " choker." There is little character in the
face, which is weak and inexpressive. A portrait of Martha
depicts her as a singularly unattractive-looking female with
a large thick nose. An earlier portrait is more flattering and
shows her as a sort of Amazon armed with a spear and
shield, and suggests the possibility that she may have
served as a model for the lead figure of Britannia which
Leoni erected on the north front of the house ; if this is
so, it must have been a special compliment paid her by her
husband's uncle.

1745 The troubles of '45 passed lightly over the house of Lyme.
Peter avoided being drawn into the rising, although Charles
Edward with his Highland army reached Manchester, and must
have passed close to Lyme on his way to Derby. There was
a faint attempt on the part of the more adventurous Cheshire
squires to rally to the Standard of the Prince, whom they still
looked upon as their rightful king. A meeting of the famous
Cheshire Club — dissolved in 1720 — was called together again,
it is said once more at Lyme, where it assembled — as it had
done at its inauguration — in the Stag Parlour. But it was
Peter's voice, as it had been that of his uncle's, that gave the
388

THE SHADOWS CLOSE

deciding vote against any action being taken. John Ward of
Capesthorne * writes to him on December 21, 1745 :

" I am glad to hear that you escaped ye Scots better than some of
your neighbours. My poor tenants at Capesthorne have lost 17
horses out of 18, besides great charges in going to Preston both with
them & after them, & some will be ruined, having no horses nor money
to buy more. Teams were taken to draw ye Chevalier's Carriages

!& ye Carts wch were left in Peter's yard he has used to ye Coalpits &
now demands los for each towards his damages & calls 'em Rebell
carts. I'me glad to hear ye King's forces are come up with ye Scotch."

The peace and prosperity of the country under the rule of
the stodgy Georges had, in England at any rate, dimmed part
of the glamour and dispelled much of the romance of the
Stuart cause, although such as came in contact with the Prince
were captivated by his gallant bearing and fascinated by his
great personal charm. But the country as a whole was dis-
inclined for any change, and was content to let the present
state of things continue and not to embark on any doubtful
venture. Although his army had increased to 6000 men, Charles
Edward realized that his gallant Highlanders were insufficient
to cope with numbers twice as great, so he fell back again to
the North, and Culloden settled for ever the fortunes of " Bonnie
Prince Charlie."

Among the prints at Lyme is one of Charles Edward,
executed by Sir Robert Strange, the famous Jacobite engraver,
who fought on the Stuart side at Prestonpans, Falkirk, and
Culloden. Few examples of this print exist. It represents
the Prince as a very young man, dressed in a velvet coat, with
a small wig and queue, wearing the ribbon and star of the Order
of the Garter. Inscribed beneath the portrait is the motto

EVERSO Missus

SUCCURRERE SECLO

and it is signed " A Paris chez Chevreau rue St. Jacques. —
C.P.R.," which letters it is suggested may stand for " Cum

* John Ward of Capesthorne and of the Inner Temple (1670-1748-9), an
eminent lawyer. He was M.P. for Newton, Co. Lancaster, in 1712. His eldest
daughter married at Kensington, in 1721, Da vies Davenport of Woodford and
Marton, ancestor of Brigadier-General W. Bromley Davenport, D.S.O.

389

THE HOUSE OF LYME

Privilegio Regis." A branch of oak-leaves, one of the Jacobite
emblems, and a sword and shield, the latter embellished with
the head of Medusa, also figure as accessories to the print,
which has no great artistic merit.

1748 Peter, who had always been interested in politics, was
returned Member of Parliament for Newton Borough in 1748,
and sat in each of the Parliaments called for the next twenty-
five years. This necessitated his being a good deal in London,
where he and Martha occupied for many years a house in
Greek Street, Soho.

1750 A description of Lyme house and park, as they existed
in 1750, is given by Dr. Richard Pococke.* He appears
to have found Lyme a sort of enchanted castle, equally
impossible to get in or out of :

"... I went to the park and house of Mr Legh of Lyme ; the situa-
tion is extraordinary, the park being on a declivity up the side of those
hills on which are the bounds of Cheshire and Derbyshire, it extends
also to the west on the other side of the other valley at the foot of the
hills. The house is situated on a plain spot a little above the vale.
The north side was built in the last age, but the other three round the
court by the last possessor on the model of a Roman palace, having a
colonnade on the sides within, and the front to the garden consists of a
grand lonick portico, and the whole front is adorned with pilasters.
There are fifteen windows on a floor every way, and over the door at
the entrance is a statue of Britannia with a star on her head and in one
hand the arms, if I mistake not, of the family quartered with the Union
flag. The ascent to the saloon is by a flight of steps, it is a good room,
but not grand enough for the house ; in it at one end is the picture of
the Black Prince, another of his father. There is much good room in
the house, a fine old chimney piece in a dineing room in the old part,
several pieces of Gibbons carvings in wood, and an old gallery with
ordinary pictures in it. There is one picture in the house of Watson, a
park keeper who is 104 years old and now alive, having been in that
office ever since 1674, and has seen five generations hunt in the park.
Behind the house is a large piece of black water with wood behind it,
and to the west is a hanging garden, now neglected, which goes down
to the vale ; but the great curiosity of this place are the red deer.
The stags are brought together before the house and being drove

* Dr. Richard Pococke, " Travels through England during 1750, 1751, and later
Years," vol. i, p. 211.

390

THE SHADOWS CLOSE

gently up to the pond they swim through it, and it is an extraordinary
sight to see their horns like a wood moving along the water ; in the
hot weather they often stand in the water, and many of them remained
in it after they had swam through. There are no buildings in the park
except one, which at a distance has the appearance of an obelisk *
and an old castle whited up which is seen at a great distance. All the
avenues in the park are lock'd and no one is admitted but with some-
body that is known, unless they have the weekly watchword, and it is
the same to those who would go out, tho' one would imagine any
person might be permitted to go out who had been let in. I went near
two miles up and down hill in a very hot day, and not having the word
was obliged to ride back and bring the keeper with me to get out
of the park."

This ancient ceremony of deer-driving was continued at
Lyme long after the death of the famous old keeper, Joseph
Watson, in 1753-f A MS. book in the possession of Miss
Fanny Richmond of Blackheath J has an account of this
curious custom, which was witnessed by her grandfather §
about the year 1780 while on a visit with his parents to Peter
and Martha Legh at Lyme.

The letters of this date are with few exceptions rather
uninteresting. They contain chiefly directions to servants,
and are full of business details with scarcely any reference to
the current topics.

The following account of Queen Charlotte's arrival in
London, and the candid and not altogether flattering report
of her personal appearance, written to a member of the Master ||
family, is worth reproducing :

" Now I must acquaint you that our Queen arrived Safe a Tuesday
Afternoon at half an hour after three ; they came through St James'
Parke, the Coach set her down at the Garden Door, the King came to
meet her. Her Majesty fell on her knees & his Majesty took her up
in his Arms and led her into the Palace. She is not tall, thin & not

* The Cage.

f It continued up to 1810.

% A descendant of Posthuma Brooke, sister of Richard Legh.
§ Rev. Legh Richmond, born in 1772, chaplain to the Duke of Kent, father of
Queen Victoria. He died in 1827.

H A descendant of Elizabeth Legh, wife of Sir Streynsham Master.

391

THE HOUSE OF LYME

handsome, but agreeable. Her complexion is pale, a little on the
yellow.

" Her travelling dress was pink with Gold & Silver. At' ten that
Evening they was married ; her Dress then was white & silver with a
Purple Velvet Robe, a very long Train almost covered with Silver
Fringes, a Diamond Crown & Stomacher. The King in white &
Gold. Her Bride Maids in White Sattin, their Sleeves made very
close to their Arms, no ruffle cuffs for it's said they are a going out of
Fashion.

" I am pleased to hear of this Character of her Majesty — that she
ever was a religious, sensible good natured Lady, so that I hope
they will be happy & set good Examples, which pray God may be
followed." *

Peter and Martha kept up a good deal of state ; there was
plenty of entertaining, and Lyme maintained its reputation
for hospitality. Among the papers are some interesting old
bills of fare, written with an attempt at French, and a plan
of the dinner-table, which must have groaned under the weight
of the solid food piled upon it. All the dishes were put on
together — as in former times — and no regard was paid, appa-
rently, to keeping the food warm. (See page 393.)

The following paper of directions for a journey to Lancashire
gives one some idea how an establishment was moved in the
latter part of the eighteenth century :

Family to Haydock, Jany. 13. 1783.
Master & Mrs Anne Legh in Masters Coach past Macclesfield.

With my Master
Mrs A. Legh's Man on the Mule
Under Butler on the Dun Horse
Coach Stable Helper on the spare Coach horse to meet Coach at

Knutsford

Cook in my Masters Chair
Butler on the Chesnut Mare
Baker on the Brown Mare
Kitchin Man on the old Wafe Mare

John Butterworth ride the Stone Horse and lead my Masters little
Horse.

* Raines Collection.
392

THE SHADOWS CLOSE

MENU OF A DINNER AT LYME

No one went any distance in a coach without four horses ;
indeed, the old approach to Lyme, which went right over the
Cage hill, is so steep that no conveyance could have attempted

393

THE HOUSE OF LYME

it without four or even six horses. In those days the way
to get to a place was by the shortest route, quite irrespective
of the lie of the country.

Five children were born to Peter and Martha Legh, two
sons and three daughters. The eldest son, Peter, died an
infant, but a second son, Bennet, born in 1748, came as a
1756 consolation to the bereaved parents. They were, however,
destined to lose this child also, for he died in 1756, at the age
of eight. A very badly painted miniature of a beautiful boy
with golden hair and dark eyes hangs under the crayon drawing
of the last Peter Legh of Lyme, in what was his own sitting-
room. Although there is no name attached, it is more than
probable that this was the beloved son whose loss was an
abiding sorrow, the bitterness of which time might soften,
but could never heal.

With this little life all joy and peace departed from the
house of Lyme. His parents, whose future at the time of
their marriage had seemed so bright, now fell utterly apart.
Martha, warped and soured by excessive grief, became more
exacting and difficult as time went on, and Peter's weak and
shallow nature sought distraction in a vortex of dissipation
which ultimately caused the wreck of both their lives. The
couple lived together under the same roof, but at opposite
ends of the house, and led a cat-and-dog existence.

A skit on the leading members of society in Cheshire,
written about the year 1779, presenting the characters in the
form of a series of portraits, gives a picture of the unhappy
family life at Lyme. How different and how sadly altered
from that of former years ! This rather scurrilous production
runs as follows :

" Peter L Esqr L-me.

A house divided against itself.

394

THE SHADOWS CLOSE

" Except the Painter's happiness in maintaining a striking family 1779
likeness under the impressions of very different sensations, we cannot
say this performance does him credit. The principal is the only
figure who essentially differs from the others in point of dress, his
white smug periwig makes his ruddy complexion a good caricature of a
body coachman.

" The attention he pays to a female, whose countenance is the
picture of envy, is as disgusting as her attitude is mysterious, for she
is leading him, like a blind man, with the right hand, from his Lady
and two Daughters, and supporting with the left another daughter
quite overburdened with the heaviness of her drapery. The wrinkles
of his Lady's face are the melancholy furrows of excessive grief. The
two Daughters next to the disconsolate mother regard her with most
dutiful respect. The countenance of the elder sister is replete with
Virtue, Sensibility and the most placid Temper ; this appears to be
more the effect of situation than any studied intention of the Artist to
make her more comfortable.

" The noble mien and open features of the two young gentlemen
who are ascending the steps of the saloon would have done credit to the
Painter if he had brought them more forward, though it would not
have been consistent with the title of his piece."

The dramatis personae here referred to are mentioned in
a list at the end of this work :

Mrs Ath--ton [eldest daughter]

Mrs Legh of Lyme

Miss Legh of Lyme

Mrs Ann Legh [sister of Peter]

Lady Mary W-st [the designing female].

A Lady Mary West, probably the lady in question, was the
eldest daughter of Henry, fourth Earl of Stamford, and married,
in 1761, George West, brother of the Earl of Delawarr.

Whether there was any foundation for this scandal or not
it is impossible to say. No mention of it or of the lady even
occurs in any of the letters, but either by reason of her husband's
conduct or from some other cause, Martha's patience had
become exhausted and she decided to leave him. Something
in the nature of a deed of separation was drawn up by Peter's

395

THE HOUSE OF LYME

legal adviser, Sir Thomas Davenport,* who forwarded to his
patron the letter from Martha announcing her intention of
leaving her husband for good. " My friendship and regard
for you oblige me to send it," writes Sir Thomas in deep distress.
" I know enough not to apprehend that there is much in that
Epistle."

Martha in her letters in former years had addressed her
Peter as her " dear dear Love," her " dearest dearest Rogue,"
signing herself " for ever & ever Thy Pat." In this, her last
letter, she begins " Mr. Legh," but with strange incongruity
signs herself " yours very affectionately."

1783 " Weymouth, July 26, 783.

" MR LEGH

" The uncomfortable Life you must needs be sensible I have led
in your family and the sort of behaviour I have met with there for
these many years past gives me every room to think that my absence
will be by much the most agreeable to every part of it. I therefore
propose to continue in this part of the World some length of time
longer, for I wish to spend the latter part of these my days with peace
and comfort. I think it but right I should acquaint you with this my
intention.

"I am

" Yrs very Affectly

"MAR: LEGH."

1787 This was the end, and — as far as we know — the final scene
in the pitiful tragedy that terminated a married life of forty-
six years ! It is recorded, however, that Martha Legh died
at Lyme in 1787. If this was so, it is to be hoped that a
reconciliation took place between the two, and that they were
able to celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of their marriage in
the old home that had witnessed their early happiness as well
as all the bitterness of their later years.

Peter survived his wife five years, dying at Lyme in 1792,
at the age of eighty-six. He is buried at Disley, where a

* Sir Thomas Davenport, Knight (1733-4-1786); Sergeant-at-Law ; M.P. for
Newton, Lancashire; ancestor of Brigadier-General William Bromley Davenport,
D.S.O.

396

THE SHADOWS CLOSE

tablet in the church commemorates him in bombastic terms
as the owner of Lyme " and all its large appendages." While
recording his many virtues, which the reader is exhorted to
emulate, he is also warned to beware of the vanity of all
earthly possessions.

* * * * #

And here, with the end of the eighteenth century, I bring 1792
my history of the House of Lyme to a close.

The red hair, which made its first appearance at Lyme
some five hundred years ago, is likely to be continued, and a
tiny Peter, born into a very saddened world will, if he lives,
carry on the family. May he inherit all the finest qualities
of his predecessors, and in years to come prove himself a not
unworthy son of that greater England that shall emerge
triumphant from the present struggle, purified through the
fires of adversity, to take the foremost place in a regenerated,
a nobler, and a better world.

397

40'

nkey

INDEX

"ABHORRERS" AND "PETI-
TIONERS," origin of parties, 297
ACT OF UNIFORMITY, Prayer Book

revision enforced by, 224-25
AGINCOURT, battle of, Sir Peter

Legh the 2nd at, 7
AGRICULTURE, conditions and
methods, in Lancashire, 1465,
9-10

ALGERINE PIRATES, French mea-
sures against, 1683, 322
ANDERTON, J., letter from, 143
ANNE, PRINCESS, afterwards

Queen :
marriage, 326
marriage projects, 298
portrait at Lyme, 56
" ARCILEOLOGIA OR MISCELLA-
NEOUS TRACTS RELATING TO
ANTIQUITY," 5-6
ARDERNE, J. :

knighted at Restoration, 214
letter from, 210
references, 196, 202
ARDERNE, Lady, letter from, 316
ARGYLL, Archibald Campbell, gth

Earl of, 331
ARLINGTON, Henry Bennet, ist

Earl of, 225, 233, 249, 250, 270
ARMS of Legh family, granted by

Richard II, 6
ARMSTRONG, Archibald, King's

jester, no
ASHMOLE, Elias, letter from, 168-

ASHURST, William, letter from,
175-76

AUSTRIA, Turkish invasion of,
1683, 322

BANKES, Sir John, 151, 153
BANQUETS, seventeenth century

manners at, 250
BAROMETERS, invention of, 282
BEAMONT, Mr. W. (the late),

Legh manuscript translated by,

9
BEAUMONT, Mrs. E., letter from,

265-66
BELLOT, Frances, married Peter

Legh, 1631, 128
BENNET, Henry, see ARLINGTON,

Earl of

BENNET, Sir J., 250, 270-71
BENNET, Martha, wife of Peter

Legh:

death of, 396
letter from, 396
marriage and unhappy married

life, 387* 394-96
portrait, 388

" BESS OF HARDWICK," 85
BEWGENET, Sussex, 15, 16
BILLIARDS, introduction at Lyme,

357

BIRDS, at Lyme, 1465, 10
BIRKENHEAD, Anne, married Peter

Legh, 128

BISHOP'S WAR, 157-8
BLACKLEY, Lancashire, 177-8
BLACK PRINCE, portrait of, at

Lyme, 55

BLOODY ASSIZES, 338
BLORE HEATH, battle of, 8

2 c

401

INDEX

BOLD, Margaret, letter from, 162
BOLD, near Prescot, Lancashire, 97
BOLD, Richard :

marriage to Anne Legh, 97, 98
monument in Farnworth

Church, 162-63
references, 44, 132
BOOTH, Sir R., letters from, 206-7,

208
BOOTHE, Sir G. :

created Lord Delamere, 214
implicated in Monmouth Re-
bellion, 333
Royalist rising in Cheshire

led by, 203-4
reference, 175
BOWDEN, George :

co-guardian of Legh estates,

1648, 189-90, 191
letter from, 127
BRADLEY HOUSE, Cheshire, 7
BRADLEY HOUSE, Lancashire :
building at, during Elizabe-
than and Jacobean periods,

described, 1465, 9
inscription at, 1598, 65
Legh ownership of, 7
Piers Legh and his wife

reside at, 106-7
reference, 126
Richard Ill's visit to, " The

King's Bed," 11-12
BRADSHAIGH, Sir Roger, of Haigh,

letter from, 125
BRADSHAWE, Henry, 119
BRADSHAWE, John :

behaviour as President at trial

of Charles I, 123
Chester election, 199-202
correspondence with Francis

Legh, 1636-37, 155-56
death, 208

descent and birthplace, 119-20
letters from 120-23, 135-36
marriage, 123
references, 115, 172

402

BRAMSHILL, Hampshire, 83
BRASENOSE COLLEGE, Oxford :
affairs at, 1638, 159-60
appearance of, in 1608, and

students' life at, 86-87
during Civil War, 192
Francis and Thomas Legh

at, 86-95

plague outbreak at, 88
Richard Parr at, 1635, 135
" BRASENOSE QUATERCENTENARY
MONOGRAPHS," by G. H. Wake-
ling, references, 87, 88
BRERETON, Dorothy, 2nd wife of

Sir P. Legh (9th) :
attitude towards her step-
children, 107
death of, and will, 150
letters to, 78-79, 118
marriage, 77-^81
portraits of, 81-82
BRERETON, Sir William :
letter from, 145
siege of Chester by, 184
BRIDGEWATER, John, ist Earl of,

letter from, 102
BROADWOOD, L., letters to and

from, 128, 129
BROOKE, Sir R., 196
BROOKE, Thos., Chester election

petition brought by, 200-2
BRUCH, property of, 127
BUCKINGHAM, George Villiers, ist

Duke of, letter from, 84-85
BULLINGE, John, letter from,

82
BURGESS, William, petition of,

185

CADIZ BAY, battle of, 49

CAEN, battle before the gates of,

1346, i-4
CALLENDER OF STATE PAPERS,

1580, 34

CALVELEY, Lady :
letter from, 312
references, 193, 241

INDEX

CALVELEY, Lattice, wife of Thos.

Legh:
death, 189
life at Blackley after her

husband's death, 177-83
life at Lyme until her death,

183, 186-90
marriage, 128
petition re surcharges on Lyme

during Civil War, 188-89
portrait, 160-61
will, 189-90

CARMELITES of Chester, interment
of Sir Piers Legh's remains by,

CARR, Lady, 233, 281, 308
CARR, Sir R, letters from, 287, 305
CAUDLE CUP, 98
CAVENDISH, Henry, friendship

with Sir P. Legh, 85
CAXTON, Sarum Missal printed by,

1487, at Lyme, 69
CELLIER, Elizabeth, 295-97
CHARLES I :

at Edgehill, his narrow escape,

179

political affairs, 1632, 136-37
political affairs, 1641-42,

166-69

portraits at Lyme, 56, 57
ship-money writs and Scot-
tish policy, 156-58
trial of, 123

visits House of Commons to
demand surrender of five
members, 166-68
CHARLES II :

appreciation of R. Legh, 244
death, 326

a devoted husband, 240-41
illness of, 1679, 294
marriage to Catherine of

Braganza, 227

Parliamentary distrust of, 238
parody of speech of, 272-75
popular anxiety for heir, 243
portrait at Lyme, 56

restoration of, 209-14
Third Dutch War, 251-60
Vote of Supply, 1670, 242-

CHARLES EDWARD, Prince, por-
trait of, 389-90
CHARLOTTE, Queen, account of

arrival of, 391-92
CHARLTON, Sir Job, 243, 249
CHATSWORTH, formation of deer

park, 85
CHESHIRE :

Legh estates in, 7
loyalty of, to Richard II, 5-6
Royalist rising in, 202-3
" CHESHIRE CLUB " :

dissolution of, and portraits

of members, 367-68, 388
origin, 360-68
CHESTER :

parliamentary elections, 199-

202, 208-9, 246-47
siege of, 184
Sir Piers Legh beheaded at,

1400, 2-5
CHETHAM SOCIETY publications,

5-6, 150
CHICHELEY, Elizabeth, wife of

Richard Legh :
death of, and will, 384-85
fondness for lotteries, 376
illness of, after birth of thir-
teenth child, 343
letters from, 63, 227, 270-71

318, 320, 358-59> 375
as a letter-writer, 270
love for her husband, 321
marriage, 215, 216, 219
miniature of, 267
portrait, 221
removal from Lyme, after her

husband's death, 354-55
visit to London, 1683, 314
visit to Tunbridge Wells,

318-20

visits her son in the Tower
363-64

4°3

INDEX

CHICHELEY, Sir J. :

letters from, 258-59, 278, 284,
293-94, 301-2, 312, 330, 332,

339> 353

references, 237, 239, 251
CHICHELEY, Lady, wife of Sir J.

Chicheley :

impressions of the French, 284
letters from, 264, 284-5, 308,

310, 311-12, 317
CHICHELEY, Sarah, wife of A.

Fountaine :
her husband's ill-usage, 308,

310
letters from, 291, 301, 308-10,

328-29, 340
CHICHELEY, Sir T. :

appointed Chancellor of Duchy

of Lancaster, 311
letters from, 246, 286, 287-88,

307, 311, 327
position and family, 215
reduced circumstances, 318
visit to Lyme, 264
CHICHELEY, T., son of above, letter

from, 286
CHOLMONDELEY, Hugh, ist Earl,

letter from, 362-63
CHURCHILL, Arabella, 281
CIVIL WAR :
levies, 187
outbreak of, 179
plunder of estates during,

184-85
political affairs leading to

outbreak of, 166-69
CLARENDON, Edward Hyde, ist
Earl of, impeachment charge,
236

CLUBS, first established, 245
COCK-FIGHTING, at Lyme, and

other places, 66-67
COLCHESTER, Viscount :

candidature at Cheshire elec-
tion, 328
gallant conduct at Sedgemoor,

336
404

CONSTABLE, THE, OF FRANCE,
taken prisoner, at battle before
gates of Caen, 1346, 1-3

COOKING RECIPES, 265-66

COVENTRY, Anne, Countess of,
letter from, 374

COVENTRY, Sir W., speech re
Dutch War, 251

CRANE, Sir Francis, tapestries, 57,

37i

CRECY, battle of, 2
CRESWICK, Mr., 192, 193
CROMWELL, Oliver, death and

funeral, 198
CROMWELL, Richard, abdication,

202
CROMWELL, Thomas, created

Viscount Lecale, letters from and

visit to Lyme, 119

DANIEL, Peter, of Over Tabley,
concerned with petition for
custody of infant Legh and
appointed guardian, 109, no,

III-I2

DANYERS, Margaret, married,

1388, Sir Piers Legh, I
DANYERS, Sir T. :

controversy as to part of, in
battle before gates of Caen,
1346, 1-4
father-in-law of Sir Piers

Legh, i

royal grant to, for services
rendered in battle before
Caen, 1346, 2

DAVENPORT, Sir Humphrey :
letter from, 124-25
reference, in
DAVENPORT, Sir William, of Bram-

hall, 72
DECLARATION OF BREDA, 1660,

209
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE,

withdrawal of, 1673, 251-52
DEER, Red, at Lyme, 26-27

INDEX

DEER-DRIVING at Lyme de-
scribed, 29, 390-91
DELAMERE, Lord, see BOOTHE,

SirG.
DERBY, Edward, 3rd Earl of,

funeral of, 36
DERBY, Henry, 4th Earl of :

Garter mission to France, 48
letter from, 36-38
Sir P. Legh's bequests to, 46
DERBY, Ferdinando, 5th Earl of :
letters from, to Lord Essex,

Sir P. Legh's bequests to, 46
reference, 68

DERBY, William, 6th Earl of :
letter excusing his absence

from Lyme, 114
mischief made between Sir P.

Legh (the gth) and, 125
DERBY, James, yth Earl of, por-
trait at Lyme, 56
DERBY, William, gth Earl of :
interest in Newton racing, 305
letter from, 346

DERBY, Lady, wife of above, 358
DERBYSHIRE, plague in, 24
DISLEY, Sir P. Legh's (gth) bene-
factions to, 124
DISLEY CHURCH :

benefactions to, by Sir P.

Legh (gth), 124
building and endowment of,
Sir P. Legh's instructions,
12, 18-19
coloured glass at, moved to

Lyme, 55
consecrated for Protestant

worship, 1558, 34
memorial tablets :
Henry Sumner, 82
Peter Legh, 1792, 397
parish register :
entry re military service,

1660, 212
references, 82, 196
repairs to, 65

present condition, 19

survey of, 1548, 19

Thomas Legh preaches first

sermon at, 1624, 96
DOMESTIC CONDITIONS in fifteenth

and sixteenth centuries, 58-61
DRESS :

children's clothes, 1674, 268-69
seventeenth - century atten-
tion to, 267-70
DUCKENFIELD, James, letter from,

213

DUELS, 245-46
DUTCH WAR:

outbreak, 1665, 236-37
outbreak, 1673, and letters

describing, 251-58
peace concluded, 259-60
DUTTON, Elinor, 116

EDGEHILL, battle of, 179-81
EDINBURGH, burning of, 1544, 31
EDWARD III, Sir Piers Legh's

services to, 5
EDWARD IV, appoints Sir P. Legh

governor of Rhudlam, 8
EGERTON, Sir J., afterwards ist

Earl of Bridgewater :
letters from, 102, 114
reference, 94
EGERTON, Lady Frances, wife of

Sir J. Egerton, letter from, 114
ELECTOR PALATINE, Court con-
sternation at defeat of, 1632,

135
ELIZABETH, Queen :

licence from, re impaling park

at Lyme, 22
Sir P. Legh (the gth) knighted

by, 49

visit to Lyme, tradition of, 33
ELIZABETHAN WRITING AND

SPELLING, 44

ESSEX, Arthur Capel, Earl of,
implicated in Rye House Plot
and mysterious death of, 324

405

INDEX

ESSEX, Robert Devereux, 3rd Earl

of:
Irish and Spanish expeditions

of, 49, 50

visit to Lyme, 1620, 28, 119
EYAM, Derbyshire, plague at, 24

FARNWORTH CHURCH, near Bold :
Bold monument in, 162-63
marriage of Anne Legh and
Richard Bold, entry in
register, 97
FEATLEY, Dr., 172
FELL, Dr., letter from, 263
FENNER, Anne, wife of Francis
Legh, ill-health from marriage
and her death, 128, 129-133
FENNER, Lady :

fondness for her son-in-law,

Francis Legh, 129, 133, 134

letters from, and to, 129-33,

144-45
FITZWILLIAM, Sir W. :

complaint to, re marauders at

Winwick, 1517, 13
document at Lyme addressed
to, enjoining loyalty, 1534,

FLODDEN FIELD, ballad describ-
ing, among Legh papers, 19-21
FLOWER, William, Norroy king-of-

arms, visit to Lyme and grant

of shield by, 6, 43
FOGG, Dr., 344
FOUNTAINS, Andrew :

candidature for Newton, 1679,

291-92

ill-usage of his wife, 310
FOWKE, Phineas, Dr., remedies

for stone prescribed by, 346
FOX-HUNTING, date of its first

pursuit as a sport, 340
FRENCH FLEET, Sir J. and Lady

Chicheley's impressions of, 1676,

284
FRODSHAM, Cheshire, Sir T. Dan-

yers' due from manor of, 2

406

FROISSART, Sir T. Holland men-
tioned by, as hero of battle
before Caen, 1346, 1-4
FULHAM :

All Saints' Church, Margaret,
Lady Legh's monument in,
76

Sir P. Legh's house at, 75-76
FURNITURE :

in fifteenth - century houses,

59-60

seventeenth-century changes
in, 278

GAUNT, Mrs., 338

GAWSWORTH, Monmouth's visit

to, 299-301

GEORGE of Hanover, afterwards
George I, visit to English Court,
1680, 298

GEORGE, Prince of Denmark, mar-
riage to Princess Anne, 326
GERARD, Anne, Lady, 77
GERARD, Catherine, 35
GERARD, Sir Charles, 111-12
GERARD, Elinor, Lady :

marries Lord KUmorey, 119
Sir P. Legh's correspondence

re, 116-19

GERARD, Sir Gilbert, Master of the
Rolls, 1581, negotiations with
Sir P. Legh re marriage of his
daughter and settlement, 39-40
GERARD, Gilbert, son of Thomas,
Lord Gerard, Sir P. Legh con-
sulted as to conduct of, 116-18
GERARD, Jane, daughter of Sir T.
Gerard, married Sir P. Legh
(the 6th), 19
GERARD, Jane, Lady, see LEGH,

Jane

GERARD, Margaret, daughter of
Sir T. Gerard and wife of
Sir P. Legh (7th) :
marriage, 31
portrait of, and great age,

INDEX

GERARD, Margaret, daughter of
Sir G. Gerard and wife of
Sir P. Legh (9th) :
death of, at Fulham, and
monument in church, 75-76
a devoted wife, 51-52
marriage, 39-41, 51
portrait and miniature of,

53-54

GERARD, Richard, 97-98
GERARD, Sir Thomas, of the
Bryn, Lyme document ve in-
fidelity of, and subsequent
charge against, 35-36
GERARD, Sir Thomas, afterwards

Lord Gerard :
letters from and to, 102,

105-6, 116-18
reference, 69
GHEERAERTS, Marcus, portrait of

Dorothy Legh by, 81
GIBBONS, Grinling, work of, at

Lyme, 341-42, 390
GLOUCESTER, Henry, Duke of, 222
GLOVER, Robert, Somerset Herald,

letter to, 43
GODFREY, Sir E. B., murder of,

287

GOLDSBURGH, Mistress, 140
GRAFTON, Duke of, 336
GRAY'S INN :

John Bradshawe at, 121

Sir P. Legh (the 9th) an

inmate of, 1585, 49
GREIMSWORTH, Mr., letter from,

138
GRENADIER GUARDS, formation

of, 325-26
GREY, Lord, of Werk :

cowardice at Sedgemoor, 336
and Lady H. Berkeley, 309-10

HALIFAX, Marquis of, 215, 222, 309
HALLOM, Lancashire, 82, 83
HALSALL, Dorothy, Lady, letter

from, 52-3
HAMPDEN, John, 157

HAMPSON, John and Elizabeth,
gravestones at Lyme, 23-4

HANLEY, lands of, granted by
Black Prince to Piers Legh, 2-4

HARISON, Mr., recommendation
for chaplaincy at Lyme, 91

HARRISON, John, letter from, 83

HAUGHTON, William, 13

HAWKINS, Sir J., introduced to-
bacco into England, 71

HAYDOCK, DE, Joan, married Sir
P. Legh (the 2nd), her estates, 7

HAYDOCK LODGE, Lancashire :
damage to, during whiter

storms, 1634-35, 138
reference, 126

HEGHLEGHFIELD, grant to Sir
Peter Legh, 1411, 7

HENRY IV, Sir Piers Legh be-
headed at Chester by, 2-5

HENRY V :

grant of estate to Legh family,

and Sir P. Legh, French war, 5
HENRY VII, grant to Sir P. Legh

(the 5th), 12
HENRY VIII, Sir P. Legh's (the 7th)

services to, 32
HENRY, Prince of Wales, son of

James I, household of, 83
HERBERT OF CHERBURY, Edward,

ist Baron, duel between nephew

of, and Peter Legh, 1642, 170-

75
HERBERT OF CHERBURY, Richard,

2nd Baron, letter from, 113
HERLE, Rev. C., co-guardian of

Legh estates, 1648, 190-6
HERTFORD, Edward Seymour, ist

Earl of, and Duke of Somerset,

Scottish expedition of, Sir P.

Legh's services acknowledged,

3L32

HILL, J., letter from, 143
HOLCROFT, Thomas, of Vale

Royal, M.P. for Chester, 1597,

with Sir P. Legh, 49

407

INDEX

HOLINSHED'S CHRONICLES :

battle before gates of Caen,

description, 2-4
Richard II and execution of
Sir Piers Legh referred to, 3
HOLLAND, war with, see DUTCH WAR
HOLLAND, Sir T., Froissart names,
as hero of battle before gates of
Caen, 1346, 1-4
HOLME, Randle, 55
HOUGHTON, J., correspondence

with T. Legh, 159-60
HOUSE OF COMMONS JOURNAL :
entry re quarrel between mem-
bers, 246
Peter Legh's death recorded

in, 174

HUTTON FIELD, battle of, Sir P.
Legh (the 5th) at, n

ISLE OF MAN :

Captaincy of, 51
plague in, 1630, 134

JAMES I :

dislike of tobacco, 71

peace embassy of, to Philip III

of Spain, 42

petitions to, 83-84, 108-12
portrait at Lyme, 56
proclamation re Archibald

Armstrong, no
profligacy of Court of, 117
visits of, to subjects, 117
JAMES II :

accession, 327

accident to, 294

anxious to buy R. Legh's

horses, 261
birth of son, and consequent

political situation, 352
coronation, 329
death of, and proclamation

of Louis XIV, 367
flight of, 353
sets out to meet Mary of

Modena, 259

408

visit as Duke of York to
Lyme, preparations for, 279,
283-84
JANSSEN, CORNELIS, miniature of

Margaret Legh by, 54
" JAPANNING," practice of art of,

307-8

JAUNDICE, recipe for curing, 285
JEFFREYS, JUDGE :

Bloody Assizes, 338
letter from, 338
JENKINS, Sir L. :
letter from, 302
questions re Monmouth's visit
to Gawsworth issued by,
299-300
JOANNA, Princess of Wales (Joan

of Kent), 4-5

JODRELL, Roger, of Yeardsley,

Star Chamber suits brought

against Peter Legh (the 6th)

by, 21

JOHN OF PADUA, part of Lyme

ascribed to, 25
JOLLIE, JOHN, conventicle case

of, 249

JONES, Inigo, 126
JONES, Rev. J., account of Peter
Legh's fatal illness by, 172-
74

KINDERTON, Peter Venables,
Baron of, see VENABLES, Peter

KING, Daniel, engraver, author
of " Vale Royal of England,'
26

KLUTTALL, Edward, letter from,

US
KNELLER, Sir G., portraits by, 357

" LADY OF THE LAKE," by Sir W.
Scott, stag hunt at Lyme re-
ferred to in notes of, 28
LANCASHIRE :

agricultural conditions and

methods, 1465, 9-10
Legh estates in, 7

INDEX

LANCASTER, Duchy of, " Pleadings

and Depositions of, in time of

Henry VII and Henry VIII," 12-13

LANCASTER, Duke of, afterwards

King Henry IV, 3
LAND TENURE, under Sir P. Legh

(3rd), 1465, ii
LANGLEY, Mrs., letters from,

316-17, 352

LATHOM, Edward, 84-5, 89
LA WES, Henry, 70, 115
LEACON, Dr., letter from,. 383
LEGH, Anne, daughter of Sir P.

Legh (the gth) :
children of, 98

later life., and death, 161-63
letters, 82, 112
marriage to R. Bold, 97
monument in Farnworth

Church, 162-63
portrait, 82

references, 74, 132, 141, 143
LEGH, Anne, wife of Francis Legh,

see FENNER, Anne
LEGH, Anne, wife of Piers Legh,

see SAVILE, Anne
LEGH, Calveley, 320
LEGH, Dorothy, see BRERETON,

Dorothy.

LEGH, Edward, 48, 82-83
LEGH, Elizabeth, granddaughter

of Sir P. Legh (7th), 84
LEGH, Elizabeth, wife of Richard
Legh, see CHICHELEY, Elizabeth
LEGH, Elizabeth, daughter of

Thomas Legh, letter from, 378
LEGH, Fleetwood :
death, 381-82
marriage, 376-79

LEGH, Frances, wife of Peter Legh :
character and abilities, 358
illness and death of, 383-84
letters, 359, 379-80
marriage, 343~45
portrait, 357

with her husband in the
Tower, 364-65

LEGH, Francis :

bequest from Thomas Legh to,

ill-health and death, 178-81
inventory of furniture, 181-83
Lady Fenner's solicitude for,

133-34

letters, 71-72, 112, 126-27
life after his father's death,

154-56

lives at Lyme after his wife's
death, 133

marriage, 128

portrait, 156

references, 74, 125, 127, 147

student at Oxford, 86-95

trustee difficulties, 150-52

wife's ill-health and death,

129-33

LEGH,Francisca Posthuma,i77,i96
LEGH, Gowther :

complaints from, re marauders
at Winwick, 1517, 12-13

grant to Winwick school, 12

reference, 74

witness to indenture re build-
ing and endowment of Dis-
ley Church, 18-19
LEGH, Jane, Lady Gerard :

document at Lyme re infidelity
of her husband, and her
subsequent divorce, 35-36

will of, at Lyme, 34
LEGH, John, brother of Sir Piers

(ist), 5, ii
LEGH, John, son of Richard Legh,

355

LEGH, Katharine, 74, 75, 76, 82
LEGH, Lettice, wife of Dr. Thomas

Legh, see CALVELEY, Lettice
LEGH, Lettice, daughter of

Dr. Thomas Legh, 196
LEGH, Lettice, daughter of

Richard Legh :

elderly suitor refused by, 311-13
marriage, 345
reference, 364

409

INDEX

LEGH, Margaret, daughter of Piers

Legh, 162, 186-7
LEGH, Margaret, daughter of T.

Legh, 196

LEGH, Margaret, wife of Sir P.
Legh (7th), see GERARD, Mar-
garet, daughter of Sir T.
Gerard

LEGH, Margaret, wife of Sir P.
Legh (gth), see GERARD, Mar-
garet, daughter of Sir G.
Gerard
LEGH, Sir Piers (ist) :

controversy as to part of, at
battle before gates of Caen,
1346, 1-4

execution of, references, 2, 3
founder of the Legh family, I
Richard II grants arms to, 6
interment of, and subsequent
removal of his remains to
Macclesfield, 4-5
LEGH, Sir Peter (2nd) :
at Agincourt, 6
Henry V grants land to, 7
marriage and resulting addi-
tion to Legh estate, 7
LEGH, Sir P. (3rd) :

appointed Governor of Rhud-

lam Castle, 8
death, n
marriages, 8

became a monk on death of

his wife, 15
built Disley parish church

12, 18-19

charitable and religious be-
quests, 17-18

death, tomb at Winwick, 15
funeral of, instructions in

will, 16-18
Henry VII's grant to, 12

410

marriage, 1467, n, 12

Richard Ill's grant to, n

visits Sir Peter Legh at Brad-
ley, 12

wills of, 16-18
LEGH, Peter (6th) :

died at Bradley, 1541; 21

marauds on Winwick, 13

marriages, 19

possibly at Flodden Field, 19

Star Chamber suits against, 21
LEGH, Sir Piers (7th) (builder of
Lyme) :

attends funeral of Edward,
3rd Earl of Derby, 36

attitude during and after the
Reformation, 33-34

birth, marriage and early life,
31-32

charge against Sir Thomas
Gerard, 35-36

cultured tastes of, 42-43

letters, 36, 41, 43

marriage negotiations be-
tween Sir G. Gerard and,

39-41

portrait of, 44
posts held by, 32, 51
in Scottish expedition under

Lord Hertford, 1544, and

then knighted, 31
subscription to fleet sent

against Spanish Armada, 39
visitors to at Lyme, 33
will of, and death, 45-47
LEGH, Peter son of Sir P. Legh
(the 7th), marriage and death

of, 39
LEGH, Sir Peter (gth) :

absences from Lyme, 126
appointments held by, 48,

50-51
birth and upbringing by

grandparents, 48
a book-lover and man of

letters, 67-68
character and tastes of, 114-15

INDEX

LEGH, Sir Peter (gth) (continued) :

custody of his grandson
granted to, 111-12

determination to make his
son Thomas take Holy
Orders, 95-96

entered Gray's Inn, 1585, 49

foreign expeditions, 41, 48,
49»5o

friends, neighbours, and cor-
respondents, 85, 115, 140

at Fulham, 75-76

funeral of, and burial at
Winwick, 147-49

godchildren of, 119

grant to Winwick School, 12

guardian of Edward Lathom,

84-85

heraldic glass made for, 55
hospitality at Lyme, 113-14
jester kept by, 71
knighted by Queen Elizabeth,

49
last days of, and death,

141-44
letters from and to, 79, 82-83,

86-95, 100-1, 102, 103-5,

109-11, 112, 113
library acquisitions of, 68-69
Lyme decorations settled by,

126
marriage negotiations and

settlement, 39-41
marriage of his daughter

Anne, 97
marriage of his sons, Francis,

Thomas, and Peter, 128-29
M.P. for borough of Wigan

and county of Cheshire, 49
mischievous charges against,

124-25

musical tastes, 70-71
portrait and miniatures of, 50
reinterment of the first Sir

Piers Legh, by, 4-5
remarriage of, 77-78
respect in which held, 113-18

Star chamber suit by, 137-38
stinginess of, 90-91, 94
sues for bill of indemnity on

accession of Charles I, 124
treatment of his son Piers,

99-107

will of, 77, 127, 146-47
LEGH, Peter, youngest son of

Sir P. Legh (9th) :
death, 177
founder of the Leghs of

Bruch, 127
marriages of, 128
references, 125, 127, 148
trustee difficulties, 150-52
LEGH, Piers, son of Sir Peter

Legh (9th) :
children of, 108
death, 108

disinheritance of, 106-7
father's treatment of, 99-108
infant son of, petition for

custody, 108-12
letters on behalf of, to Sir P.

Legh, 100-2
letters to and from, 78-79, 99,

io3-5> 107-8
marriage, 105
reference, 74

removed from Cambridge, 79
LEGH, Peter, son of above :

attends his grandfather's

funeral, 148

boyhood at Lyme, 112, 125
character and upbringing,

169-70

death from duel, 170-74
impeachment of the bishops

and five members, 1641-2,

account given by, 166-68
lawsuit for wardship of ,151-52
M.P. for Newton, 165-66
miniature of, 170
at Oxford, 153-54, 164
portrait of, 125
school, 152-53
will of, 171-72

411

INDEX

LEGH, Peter, son of Richard Legh :
alterations at Lyme under,

370-75
birth, 241
character, 354
death of, 387
grief at his wife's death,

383-84

handwriting, 340

his heir's upbringing, 386

hospitality at Lyme, and
amusements, 355-57

Jacobite sympathies, his im-
prisonment and trial, 360-66

letters from, 330-31, 333, 381,

387

marriage of, 343-45
Parliamentary duties, and

delicate health, 338-39
portraits of, 357, 368
settles estates upon his

nephews, 376
succeeded to Lyme, 351
youthful M.P. for Newton,

329-31

LEGH, Peter, son of Thomas Legh :
children of, 394
death, 396

heir apparent to Lyme, his up-
bringing and marriage, 386-
87

M.P. for Newton, 390
portrait of, 388
unhappy married life, 394-96
LEGH, Peter, son of Peter and

Martha Legh, portrait of, 394
LEGH, Piers, of Bruch :

in Cheshire rising, 1659, 202-3
petition to Charles II in

favour of, 214

LEGH, Piers, of Bruch, son of
above, letters from, 324, 329,

334-35
LEGH, Richard :

alterations at Lyme under,

and purchases of furniture,

277-83, 341-42
412

attention to dress, 267-70

Barony of Newton-in-Maker-
field purchased by, 217

at Cambridge, 192-94

coming of age, 196

death, 345-48

death of two children, 306-7

education during minority,
191-92

inquiry re Monmouth's visit
to Gawsworth instituted
by, 299-301

failing health of, and deter-
mination to withdraw from
Parliament, 290-91

fondness for his children,
261-62

heir to Lyme, 1642-43, 186,
190

housekeeping difficulties, 343

imprisonment for part in
Cheshire rising, 204-5

interest in horse-racing, rules
for Newton racecourse, 304

journey to London, 1663,
travelling expenses, 227-34

letters from, 238-41, 241,
242-43, 244, 247, 248, 249,
251-58, 259-60, 261, 263,
268, 272, 275-76, 279, 288,
289-90, 313, 314-15, 317,
319, 320, 327-40, 344

marriage, 215-16, 219

M.P. for Cheshire, 196, 199

M.P. for Newton, 1660, 208-9

miniature of, 267

parliamentary and county
duties, 225-26

political reputation, 244

portraits and character, 217-
18

services in Monmouth con-
spiracy, 302-3

signed Cheshire address to
Charles II on Restoration
211

sporting tastes, 193-94

INDEX

LEGH, Richard (continued) :
studies law, 194-95
support of Royalists, 197
unwilling to stand again as

M.P. for Cheshire, 327-28
views on his children's mar-
riages, 313-14

withdrawal from Parliament,
but continued interest in
Parliamentary affairs, 292-

LEGH, Robert, of Adlington, i
LEGH,Thomas, of Adlington, 67, 68
LEGH, Thomas, grandson of Sir P.

Legh (the 7th) :
death, his will, and inventory

of his goods, 84
" One of His Majesty's Car-
vers in Ordinary," and in

the household of Prince

Henry, 83
at Oxford, 48
petition to King for custody

of infant, 1624, 108-12
petition to King for payment

of grant, 83-84
references, 82, 84-85, 94
LEGH, Dr. Thomas, son of Sir Peter

Legh (gth) :

books collected by, 160
children of, their childhood at

Lyme, 190, 191
correspondents of, 158-60
death of, 177

expenses of, at Walton, 139
friendship with Richard Parr,

134

ill-health at Oxford, 92
letters from and to, 95-96,

107-8, 131-32
marriage of, 128
miniature of, 160
Oxford honours, 95
preached first sermon at Dis-

ley Church, 1624, 96
presented with living of Sef-

ton and Walton, 129

proctorship, candidature for,

128-29
references, 74, 125, 127, 132,

143, 148, 192
ship-money complaints, 156-

student at Oxford, 86-95
unwillingness to take Holy

Orders, 95-96
LEGH, Thomas, son of Dr. Thomas

Legh (above) :
appointed High Sheriff, 311
early education, 191-92
manages Lyme during his
brother's absence, his
letters, 248-49, 360
LEGH, Thomas, son of Richard

Legh, 319

LEGH, Thomas, of Bruch, 203, 214
LEGH, Sir Urian, jr2
LEGHS OF BOOTHS, i
LEICESTER, Robert Dudley, ist

Earl of, letter from, 41
LEITH, burning of, 1544, 31
LELY, Sir P., portraits by, 217-

18, 221

LEONI, Giacomo, work of, at
Lyme, 12, 25, 26, 34*-42, 37O~7I>
373
LETTERS :

1580: Lord Derby to Sir P.

Legh, 36-38
1584 : Earl of Leicester to

Sir P. Legh, 41
1590: Sir P. Legh to H.

Sumner, 68-69, 79
1596 : Dorothy, Lady Halsall,

to Margaret Legh, 52-53
1604 : Piers Legh to Dorothy

Legh, 78-79

1607 : Edward Legh to Sir
P. Legh, 82-83 ; John Bul-
linge to Anne Legh, 82
1611, and circ. 1611 : Dr. T.
Singleton to Sir P. Legh,
92-93 ; Marie Savage to
Francis Legh, 71-72

INDEX

LETTERS (continued) :

1610-12 : Sir J. and Lady F.
Egerton to Sir P. Legh,
114 ; Lord Bridgewater to
Sir P. Legh, 102 ; Lord
Gerard to Sir P. Legh, 102 ;
Sir R. and Lady Molyneux
to Sir P. Legh, 100-1

1614-15 : Lord Gerard to
Sir P. Legh, 116-18 ; Sir
P. Legh to Lord Gerard,
117-18

1617 : Sir P. Legh to Lord
Gerard, 105-6 ; Sir P. Legh
to Piers Legh, 103-5

1619 : Thomas Legh to Sir
P. Legh, 95-96

1620 : Sir P. Legh to Dorothy
Legh, 118-19

1622 : Thomas Cromwell to
Sir P. Legh, 119

1623 : Duke of Buckingham
to Earl of Middlesex, 84-85 ;
Lord Herbert of Cherbury
to Sir P. Legh, 113 ; E.
Kluttall to Sir P. Legh,
113 ; Sir T. Savage to Sir
P. Legh, 113

1624 : Anne Legh to F.
Legh, 112 ; Piers Legh to
T. Legh, 107-8

1626 (circ) : Sir H. Daven-
port to Archbishop of York,
124-25 ; Sir R. Wilbraham
to Sir P. Legh, 114

1627 : Mr. Broadwood to his
son, 129 ; John Meredith
to Thomas Legh, 128

1628-29 : Sir T- Walmesley
to Mr. Laurence Broad-
wood, 128

1630: Sir P. Legh to F.
Legh, 126-27 ; R. Parr to
T. Legh, 134-35

1631-32 : cousin of Lady
Fenner to Francis, 134 ;
Thos. Legh to Sir P. Legh,

414

132 ; Thos. Legh to Fran-
cis Legh, 131-32, 132-33 ;
Lady Fenner to Francis
Legh, 130-34 ; Sir P. Legh
to Francis Legh, 131 ; Sir
P. Legh to Lady Fenner,
129 ; John Bradshawe to
Sir P. Legh, 135-36

1635 : Anne Legh to Francis
Legh, 142-43 ; Anne Legh
to Thomas Legh, 142 ;
J. Anderton to Sir P. Legh,
143 ; Richard Parr to
Thomas Legh, 135 ; Sir P.
Legh to Francis Legh, 141 ;
Sir R. Molyneux to Sir P.
Legh, 138-39 ; Thomas Legh
to Sir P. Legh, 139

1635-36: F. Legh to P.
Legh, 152 ; Mr. Woodcock
to T. Legh, 151-52; R.
Richardson to T. Legh,
155 ; R. Scudamore to
T. Legh, 158-59; Anne
Bold to F. Legh, 144;
P. Venables to F. Legh,
144 ; Anne Legh to F.
Legh, 146 ; G. Bowden to
F. Legh, 154 ; J. Anderton
to Sir P. Legh, 143 ; James
Hill to Mrs. Bold, 143;
Letters of condolence on
death of Sir P. Legh, 144-
46

1638 : J. Houghton to F.
Legh, 152-53 ; J- Hough-
ton to T. Legh, 159-60

1639 : Anne Legh to F. Legh,
153-54 ; Anne Bold to F.
Legh, 161-62

1639-40 : Margaret Bold to
F. Legh, 162

1641—42 : P. Venables to
F. Legh, 175 ; P. Legh to
F. Legh, 166-68

1642 : E. Ashmole to F.
Legh, 168-69 • Lettice

INDEX

LETTERS, 1642 (continued) :

Legh to F. Legh, 178 ; J.
Bretherton to F. Legh,
179-81 ; F. Legh to P.
Venables, 179 ; W.
Ashurst to F. Legh, 175-
76

1643 : Margaret Legh to
Lettice Legh, 187

1649 : G. Bowdon to R. Legh,
193 ; Rev. C. Herle to R.
Legh, 192

1650 : R. Legh to Lord
Leinster, 193

1651 : Mr. Creswick to R.
Legh, 193

1651 (circ.) : G. Bowdon to
R. Legh, 194, 195 ; Rev. C.
Herle to R. Legh, 194 ;
Mr. Creswick to R. Legh,
194

1657 : Mr. Herle to R. Legh,
196-97, 198 ; R. Standish
to R. Legh, 197-98

1658: N. Bowdon to R.
Legh, 198 ; T. Legh to R.
Legh, 198

I659 : J. Bradshawe to Mr.
Jackson, 199-200 ; E. P.
Ashton to Richard Legh,
204 ; T. Bowden to R.
Legh, 205

1659-60: T. Legh to R.
Legh, 208-9 ; Sir R. Booth
to R. Legh, 206-8

1660 : P. Venables to R.
Legh, 211-12 ; T. Legh to
R. Legh, 212 ; J. Ducken-
field to R. Legh, 213 ;
J. Arden to R. Legh, E.
Hyde to R. Legh, P. Ven-
ables to R. Legh, 210-11

1661 : Lady Savile to T.
Chicheley, 222-23 ; Lady
Savile to Elizabeth Legh,
221-22 ; R. Legh to Eliza-
beth Legh, 22 1

1662 : Elizabeth Legh to Lady
Savile, 227

1665 : Lady Savile to Eliza-
beth Legh, 237

1666-7 : R- Legh to Elizabeth
Legh, 238-41

1670 : R. Legh to Eliza-
beth Legh, 241, 242-43,
244

1672-73 : R. Legh to Thomas
Legh, 247, 251-58

1673 : R. Legh to T. Legh,
248, 249, 269-70 ; R. Legh
to E. Legh, 259-60, 261 ;
E. Legh to T. Legh, 270-
71 ; Sir J. Chicheley to R.
and E. Legh, 258-59 ; Dr.
Fell to R. Legh, 263

1673-74 : T. Chicheley to
R. Legh, 286

1674 : Mrs. E. Beaumont to
E. Legh, 265-66 ; Lady
Chicheley to E. Legh, 264

1674-75 : R. Legh to E.

Legh, 268, 272, 275-76,

279-81
1675-76 : Sir J. Chicheley to

R. Legh, 278
1676 : Sir J. Chicheley to R.

Legh, 284 ; Lady Chicheley

to R. Legh, 284
1678: Sir R. Carr to R.

Legh, 287 ; Sir T. Chiche-
ley to R. Legh, 287-88 ; R.

Legh to E. Legh, 288,

289-90
1678-79 : S. Fountaine to R.

Legh, 291-92
1679 : Sir J. Chicheley to

R. Legh, 293-94
1680: R. Sterne to R.

Legh, 296, 297-98; Lord

Derby to R. Legh, 305 ;

Sir R. Carr to R. Legh,

305

1680-81 : Sir T. Chicheley to
R. Legh, 307

4'5

INDEX

LETTERS (continued) :

1681 : Lady Chicheley to R.
Legh, 310

1682 : Lord Molyneux to R.
Legh, 299 ; Sir L. Jenkins
to R. Legh, 299-300, 302-3 ;
Mistress Fountaine to R.
Legh, 301 ; Lady Calveley
to R. Legh, 312 ; Sir J.
Chicheley to R. Legh, 301-
2, 312; Sir T. Chicheley
to R. Legh, 311 ; Lady
Chicheley to R. Legh, 311-
12

1683 : Lady Arderne to E.
Legh, 316 ; Mistress Lang-
ley to E. Legh, 316-17 ;
P. Legh of Bruch to R.
Legh, 324 ; R. Legh to E.

^ Legh, 314-15 ; E. Warren

to R. Legh, 315-16

1684 : R- Legh to E. Legh,
319, 320; E. Legh to R.
Legh, 318, 320

1684-85 : Sir T. Chicheley to
R. Legh, 327

1685 : Sir J. Chicheley to R.
Legh, 330, 332, 333 ; Mis-
tress Fountaine to R. Legh
and reply, 329; Judge
Jeffreys to Sir R. Brad-
shaigh, 338 ; P. Legh to
R. Legh, 330-31 ; P. Legh
to E. Legh, 333 ; Piers
Legh of Bruch to R. Legh,

329, 334-35. 337; Col.
Werdon to R. Legh, 336;
Sir J. Chicheley to R. Legh,

339
1686: R. Legh to Abigail

Legh, 344
1687: Lord Derby to R.

Legh, 346

1688 : Sir J. Chicheley to P.
Legh, 353

1689 : Elizabeth Legh to F.
Legh, 358-59

416

1690 : T. Legh to P. Legh,
360

1694 : E. Legh to Mr. Ken
yon, 363-64 ; Lord Chol-
mondeley to P. Legh, 362-

63
1720 : Lady Coventry to P.

Legh, 374-75
1723 : E. Legh to P. Legh,

375 ; E. Legh to F. Legh, 378
1725 : F. Legh to Meriel

Legh, 379-8i
1727 : Dr. Leacon to P.

Legh, 383
1728: P. Legh to Sir F.

Leycester, 384
1733: P. Legh to Sir F.

Leycester, 387
1745 : J- Ward to P. Legh,

389
1783 : Martha Legh to P.

Legh, 396

LEYCESTER, Sir Francis, friend-
ship with Peter Legh, 377
LEYCESTER, Meriel :

marriage with Fleetwood Legh,

376-79
death of her husband and

subsequent marriage, 382
LOTTERIES, 376
LUNT (the informer), 361, 362
LYME:

amusements at, 1609, 66
Bowstones at, 23
Christmas at, 73, 132-33
Civil War charges upon, 187,

188

described in 1465, 9-11, 22-3
description of, 1750, 390-91
dilapidation expenses, 195
Documents :
directions to Sir W. Fitz-

william as Chancellor of

the Duchy of Lancaster

enjoining loyalty, 1534, 34
James I's proclamation re

Archibald Armstrong, no

INDEX

LYME : Documents (continued) :
manuscript book of Legh

coats of arms, 1575, 43
newsletters describing French

preparations against Alge-

rine pirates and Turkish

invasion of Austria, 322
order, 1661, appointing R.

Legh royal gamekeeper, 220
pass for Richard Legh to

London, 1659, 204~5
petition by Thomas Legh to

James I for custody of

infant, 108-9
petitions by Sir P. Legh to

Court of Wards and

Liveries, 1629, 108, in
will of Jane, Lady Gerard,

and document re infidelity

of her husband, 34-36
see also LETTERS
Garden :

alterations under R. Legh,

282-83

alterations, 1720, 375
fruit and shrubs, 1683, 316
in seventeenth century, 314-

15
gravestones of plague victims

at, 23-24

horse-breeding, 1607, 65
House :

alterations to, and purchases

of furniture by Richard

Legh, 277-83, 341-42
alterations under Peter Legh,

1720, 370-75
building of present house,

date, 22
building work at (1600 circ.),

expenses, 65
chimney-pieces, marble, 279-

80
coverlets for use at caudle

cup found at, 98
dining-room, 374
dinner table, plan of, 1778, 393

2 D

drawing-room, description of,

54-56

drawing-room, portraits in, 56
furniture, purchase of, 126,

374-75

general description, 24-26
Ghost Room, the, 58
grand staircase, 370
Hall, 370-71 ; tapestries in,

57, 37I~3

inventory of contents, 1687-
88, 349-51

Jacobite wine-glasses and
toast-bowls, 369

Knibb clock, 281-82

Library : building, 374 ; early
Caxton, 69 ; " Council of
Trent," and Sir Walter
Raleigh's " History of the
World," 155 ; revised
Prayer Book, ist edition,
224-25

Long Gallery, the 57-58

north front, centre portion,
description, 25

paintings of racehorses, 306

room occupied by Mary,
Queen of Scots, 58

rose-water dish and ewer bear-
ing Legh arms, 6

Saloon : carving by Grinling
Gibbons, 341-42 ; Leoni's
work in, 342

South front, facing of, 25-
26

Stag Parlour : date of con-
struction, 65 ; description,
56 ; stone parlour, 57 ; ta-
pestries, 279, 371-72
Household account book :

1607-11 : Christmas ex-
penses : 73 ; clothes, en-
tries for, 74-75 ; details,
61-66 ; entry for tobacco,
71 ; medicine, 75 ; quaint
entries, 73-74

1614 : caudle cup entry, 98

417

INDEX

LYME : Household account book

(continued] :

1642 : 183, 185 ; entries re
difficulty of getting rents
during Civil War, 187-88 ;
sale of plate, 188
1661 : Chester assizes, bill,
226 ; dress expenses, 231-
32 ; food prices, 226-27 >
tobacco, 233 ; travelling
expenses, 227-33
1661-62 : 219
jester, 71

kitchen brawl at, 1611, 72-73
lanthorn-shaped tower removed

from house to park, 26
mastiffs, noted breed, 42
musical entertainments at, 70-

place names at, 23
plundered during Civil War,

185

Portraits and miniatures :
Anne, Lady Savile, 216
Anne, Queen, 56
Black Prince and Edward III,

purchase of, 373
Charles I, 56, 57
Charles II, 56
Dorothy, 2nd wife of Sir P.

Legh (gth), 81-82
Elizabeth Legh, 221, 267
James, 7th Earl of Derby, 56
Margaret, wife of Sir P. Legh,

(7th), 44
Margaret, wife of Sir P. Legh

(9th)> 53-54
Martha Bennet, 388
Peter and Frances Legh, 357
print of Charles Edward

Stuart, 389-90
R. Legh, 217-18, 306
Richard and Elizabeth Legh,

267

Thomas and Lettice Legh,

160-61
William III, 56

418

searched by royal warrant, and
imprisonment of Peter Legh,
361-62

show place in 1623, 113

situation of, 24

stag-driving at, old custom, 27

toasts at, 369

upkeep expenditure, 195

visits to : Sir T. Chicheley,
264 ; Lord Derby's visit, 319 ;
Queen Elizabeth said to have
visited, 33 ; Earl of Essex's,
28, 119 ; Mary Queen of Scots,
33 ; A. Wilson's visit to, and
adventure with stag, 1620,
28 ; Duke of York's visit,
preparation for, 279, 283

wedding of Fleetwood Legh and
Meriel Leycester, 379

wild cattle at, now extinct, 26-

LYME CAGE, building of, and sub-
sequent alteration, 12
LYME HANLEY, lands of, granted by

Black Prince to Piers Legh, 2

MABEL LYE, Dame, will of, n
MACCLESFIELD, Charles Gerard,

Earl of, 299-300, 302
MACCLESFIELD CHURCH :
Legh Chapel :
burial of Sir P. Legh in, and

memorial stone there, 4-5
Lettice Legh buried in, 189
restoration, 65
registers, 196
MACCLESFIELD FOREST:

Courts of, Sir Piers and John
Legh appointed Bailiffs and
Stewards of, 1382, 5
grant of land within, to Sir

T. Danyers, 2
Legh family's connexion with,

220

MAINWARING, Mr. (afterwards Sir
Philip), charges against, in
Chester election, 201-2

INDEX

MANNERS in fifteenth century, and

domestic arrangements, 59-60
MARBURY, Mary, 123
MARLBOROUGH, Duke of, 335-36
MARPLE, near Lyme, home of

John Bradshawe, 120
MARVELL, Andrew, parody of

King's Speech by, 272-75
MARY, Queen of Scots :

portrait of, at Lyme, 56
visit to Lyme, 33
MARY II, Queen, kindness of, in

P. Legh's imprisonment, 364-

MASON, Sir Rodger, 29
MASTIFFS, noted breed at Lyme,

MEREDITH, John, letter from, 128
MIDDLESEX, Lionel Cranfield, ist

Earl of, 84-85
MILITIA, change in control and

constitution of, 1660, 211-12
MOLYNEUX, Caryll, 3rd Viscount,

letter from, 299
MOLYNEUX, Lady, wife of Sir R.

Molyneux, intercedes for Piers

Legh with his father, 100-1
MOLYNEUX, Margaret, wife of Sir

Peter Legh (the 3rd), 8
MOLYNEUX, Sir R. :

appointed a guardian of Sir P.

Legh's grandson, 111-12
letters from, 65, 101
MOLYNEUX, Richard, 2nd Vis-
count, letters from, 139, 144
MONK, General, advance upon

London, 205-8
MONKEYS, Dorothy Legh's breed

of, 81
MONMOUTH, Duke of :

arrest at Lichfield, 301-2
implicated in Rye House Plot,

323

progresses through England
to secure support, 298-301

rebellion of 1685, and execu-
tion of, 331-37

MOODY, Richard, original owner of
Caxton missal at Lyme, 70

MORLEY, Mistress, Piers Legh's
attachment to, 100-1

MOURNING HABITS, in seventeenth
century, 307, 350

NAUNTON, Sir Robert, Master of

the Court of Wards, no
THE NETHERLANDS, expedition to,
1585, Lord Derby's letter calling
for volunteers for, and failure
of, 38-39, see also DUTCH WARS
NEWTON-IN-MAKERFIELD :

barony of, . purchased by

Richard Legh, 217, 351
borough of, Legh connexion

with, 165
Parliamentary elections, 175,

208-9, 329-31
racecourse, 1680, 304-6
St. Peter's chapel, rebuilding

of, 314

NEWMARKET, racing, 304, 305-6
NORLEY, Maude, i

GATES, Titus, and Popish Plot,

286-90

OGLETHORPE, Sir T., 335, 336
O'NEILL, Hugh, Irish rebellion of,

ORIEL COLLEGE, OXFORD :
building at, 160
Peter Legh at, 1638, 153-54
ORMONDE, James, ist Duke of :
grief at his wife's death, 319
references, 258, 326
Richard Legh dines with, 250
OSSORY, Thos., Earl of, 258, 326
OSWALD, King of Northumbria,

patron saint of Winwick, 14
OVERBURY, Sir T., murder of

109
OXFORD :

plague at, 88

university life at, 1610, par-
ticulars, 91-95

419

INDEX

PALMER, victim of extortionate
taxation practised by Charles I,

137

PAREPOINT, Samuel, 381

PARRE, Richard, Bishop of Sodor
and Man, correspondence with
Thomas Legh, 134-35, 158

PARTY POLITICS, in 1675, 271-72

PATTEN, Mercury, Blue Mantle
herald, supposed manuscript
book of Legh coats of arms by,

PEACE OF BREDA, 1667, 237
PEPYS' DIARY, 215, 228, 239, 240,

241, 267
" PEVERIL OF THE PEAK," by Sir

W. Scott, 28

PHILIP III OF SPAIN, peace em-
bassy from James I, Lyme

mastiffs sent with, 42
PILKINGTON, Francis, 70
PLAGUE :

entry in Disley parish registers

relating to, 238

in Derbyshire, seventeenth cen-
tury, 24

in Isle of Man, 1630, 134-35
in London, 89
at Oxford, 1609, 88-89
PLAGUE OF LONDON, 237
POCOCKE, Dr. R., description of

Lyme, 390

POPISH PLOT, 1678, 286-90
POSTAL SERVICE, establishment of,

196-97
POYNTON, plundered in Civil War,

186
PRAYER, BOOK OF COMMON, first

revised edition at Lyme, 224-25
PRESS-GANG, resorted to in Dutch

Wars, 256
PRIVY COUNCIL, Acts of, for

1599-1600, 50
PURSE FIELDS, 23
PYE, Sir Walter, Attorney of

Court of Wards and Liveries,

no, in

420

RATCLIFFE, in kitchen brawl at

Lyme, 1611, 72
REBELLION OF 1745, 388-89
RED DEER at Lyme, 26-27
RESTORATION, Cheshire rejoicings,

210-n ; see also CHARLES II
RHUDLAM CASTLE, Sir P. Legh

appointed governor of, 1461, 8
RICHARD II :

in Conway castle, Holinshed

reference, 3
friendship with Sir Piers

Legh, 5
grant of arms to Sir Piers

Legh, 6

letters patent of, reciting
Black Prince's grant to
Piers Legh, 2
RICHARD III, grant to Sir P.

Legh (the 5th), 11-12
visits Sir Peter Legh at

Bradley, 11-12
RICHARDSON, Ralph :
description of, 158
letters from, 1636, 145, 155
tutor to Leghs at Oxford,

86
ROBINSON, Richard, acrostic by,

67-68

ROSE-WATER DISH AND EWER, dis-
covered at Lyme, 6-7
ROYSTON, Cambridgeshire,

James I at, 109-10
RUSSELL, Wm., Lord, execution

of, 325
RYE HOUSE PLOT, 323-25

SANDWICH, Earl of, inquiry into

conduct of, 239
SARUM MISSAL, early Caxton print

of, at Lyme, 69
SAVAGE, Ellen :

died 1491, her effigy in Win-
wick Church, 15
married Sir P. Legh (the 5th),

II, 12

SAVAGE, Marie, letter from, 71-72

INDEX

SAVAGE, Sir Thomas, letter from,

„ II3

SAVILE, Anne, wife of Piers Legh :

anxiety as to Sir P. Legh's
provision for her children,
146

children of, 108

lawsuit for wardship of her
son Peter brought by, 151-
52

letter from, 112
marriage, 101-5
stays at Lyme, 112, 142
SAVILE, Anne, Lady :
death of, 241

letters from, 221-24, 237
marriage with Mr. Chicheley,

215-16

portrait of, 216
SAVILE, Sir John (afterwards

Lord), 102, 106, 112
ST. JOHN, Anne, 309
ST. JOHN, Sir Anthony, letter

from, 66-67
ST. JOHN'S COLLEGE :

Richard Legh at Cambridge,
smallpox outbreak, 192-94
SCOTT, Sir Walter, visit to Lyme,

SCUDAMORE, Rowland, correspon-
dence with Thomas Legh, 158-

SEDGEMOOR, battle of, 334-36
SEFTON AND WALTON, living of,

held by Thomas Legh, 1632, 129
SHAFTESBURY, ist Earl of, Popish

conspiracy of, 295-97
SHAKERLEY, Sir P., letter from,

326
SHIP-MONEY, revival of, and

general protest against, 140,

156-57
SHIPPEN, Rev. W., funeral sermon

on Richard Legh, 218, 219, 347
SINGLETON, Dr. Thomas, letters

from, 92, 94.
SIXESMITH, Thomas, 129

SMALLPOX, outbreaks of, 1660,

1661, 222-23, 316-18
SMITH, Sir J., royal standard at

Edgehill saved by, 180
SOLEMN LEAGUE AND COVENANT,
1638, policy leading to, 157-58
SOMERSET, Earl of, 109
SPANISH ARMADA, Sir Piers Legh's
subscription to fleet sent
against, 39

SPECTACLES, introduction of, 320
STAG-DRIVING, at Lyme, old cus-
tom of, 27, 66, 319, 390-91
STANHOPE, Sir John, visit to
Lyme, 1609, preparations for, 66
STANLEY OF ALDERLEY, Mr., vic-
tim of extortionate taxation
practised by Charles I, 137
STAR CHAMBER :
abolition of, 138
abuse of, for taxation pur-
poses, 137-38
suits against P. Legh (the

(6th), 1538, 21
tax on tobacco, 72
STERNE, Richard, letters from,

296, 297-98

STOCKPORT CHURCH REGISTER,
John Bradshawe's birth re-
corded in, 120
STOWE'S ANNALS, Lyme mastiffs

mentioned in, 42
STRANGE, Lady, 175 ; see also

TREMOUILLE, C. DE LA
SUMNER, Henry, chaplain at

Lyme :

clerical duties of, 75
died, 1606, buried at Disley,82
letters from, 51-52, 68-69, 79
tutor to young Leghs, 74

SUNDERLAND, CounteSS of, 223

TABLEY OLD HALL, 377

TANCARVILLE, Jean, Vicomte de
Melun and Comte, taken pri-
soner at battle before gates of
Caen, 1346, 1-3

421

INDEX

TAYLOR, Richard, Vice-Principal
of Brasenose College, Oxford,
letters from, 86, 88, 89, 90, 91,
92, 93, 94, 95

TENNIS MATCH, 1607, 241

TEST ACT, 1673, 252-53

" THE GOLDEN MIRROR," 1587, 67

THORNILY, Edward, in kitchen
brawl at Lyme, 1611, 72

TOBACCO :

introduction to England, 71
restrictions against use of, 72
use in 1663, 233-34

TOOTH-POWDER, first mentioned in
Legh letters, 306

TOWTON, battle of, 1461, Sir P.
Legh (3rd) at, 8

TRADES, in Lancashire, 1465,

10-11

TRAFFORD, Elizabeth, married Sir

P. Legh (the 3rd), 8
TRAVELLING :

conditions, 1783, 392-94
seventeenth - century condi-
tions, 229-31
TR&MOUILLE, DE LA, Charlotte,

portrait at Lyme, 56
TROMP, VAN, Admiral, feted in

London, 271

TYDESLEY, Margaret, married P.
Legh (the 6th), 19

" VALE ROYAL OF ENGLAND," by
Daniel King, Lyme described
in, 26

VELASQUEZ, portrait by, of chil-
dren of Philip IV of Spain with
a Lyme mastiff, 42
VENABLES, Katherine, married
Peter Legh, son of Sir P. Legh
(the 7th), 39
VENABLES, Peter, Baron of Kin-

derton :

letters from, 144, 211
present at death of P. Legh,i72
presses Mrs. Legh for debt,i86
reference, 179

»22

VIVARES, Francois, engraving of
stag-driving at Lyme by, 27

WAGES :

accounts of Lyme, 1607, 64-65
gardeners', 1683, 314-15
servants', 1661, 225
WAKEFIELD, battle of, Sir P.

Legh (the 3rd) at, 8
WAKELING, G. H., M.A., " Brase-
nose Quatercentenary Mono-
graphs " by, references, 86, 87-
88, 159, 164, 192
WALMESLEY, Sir T., letters from,

128, 129

WALTON, 132, 139
WARD, John, of Capesthorne,

letters from, 367, 389
WARDS AND LIVERIES, Court of, Sir
P. Legh's petitions to, 1624, for
custody of his grandson, 108,
in
WARREN, Edward, of Poynton,

letter from, 315-16
WARRINGTON PARISH, Legh chari-
table bequests to, 17-18
WARS OF THE ROSES, Legh part

in, 8
WATSON, Joseph, park-keeper at

Lyme (1648-1753) :
portraits of, at Lyme, 30
prowess of, 28-29, 319, 381
WEBB, William, M.A., Lyme de-
scribed by, 1600, 26
WENTWORTH, Lady Henrietta, 3
WERDON, Col. :

letter from, 336
references, 246-47
WIGAN :

church, 124

Sir P. Legh (the 9th), M.P.

for, 49
WILBRAHAM, Sir Richard, of

Woodhey, letter from, 114
WILLIAM III :

coronation of, and Queen Mary,
354

INDEX

WILLIAM III (continued) :

invitation to, to accept English

throne, 352-53
portrait at Lyme, 56
WILSON, ARTHUR, visit to Lyme,

1620, adventure with stag, 28
WIMPLE (Wimpole), Cambridge-
shire, 216, 318

WINNINGTON BRIDGE, battle of, 203
WINWICK, Lancashire :
Church :

Gerard chapel, 14
Legh chapel :
Francis Legh buried in,

181
Sir P. Legh (the 5th),

tomb, 15
Sir P. Legh (the 7th),

buried in, 46
Sir P. Legh (the gth)

buried in, 147-48
Peter Legh buried in, 174

Legh benefactions to, 17-18,

124

parish of, history, 14-15
school, Legh grants to, 12
WOLVES, extinct at Lyme, 1465,

WOODCOCK, Mr., 125
WORSLEY, Dorothy, Lady Legh's

property at, 80
WYATT, James, 26
WYATVILLE, Sir Jeffry (1766-
1840), additions to Lyme by, 26

YEARDSLEY, 21

YEARDSWICKE, Sampson, pedigree

by, 1576, reference to Piers

Legh in, 2
YORK, Dukejpf^see JAMES II

ZUCCARO, portrait of Dorothy
Legh by, 81

PRINTED AT THE COMPLETE PRESS

WEST NORWOOD

CONDON

DA Newton, Evelyn Caroline
306 (Bromley-Davenport) Legh,
L8N4 Baroness

The House of Lyme

PLEASE DO NOT REMOVE
CARDS OR SLIPS FROM THIS POCKET

UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY

Internet Archive Audio

Featured

Top

Images

Featured

Top

Software

Featured

Top

Books

Featured

Top

Video

Featured

Top

Mobile Apps

Browser Extensions

Archive-It Subscription

Save Page Now

Full text of "The House of Lyme from its foundation to the end of the eighteenth century"

See other formats