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Harvard College
Library

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FROM THE BEQUEST OF

SAMUEL SHAPLEIGH

GLASS OF 1789

LanuaiAir ov Hastasd OoixBOB
170S-1800

I

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HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RYALE
THE ALLITERATIVE POET

(,1

I

PVBUXMBD ST

JAMKS MACLKHOSE AND SONS, GLASGOW,
PakUthcrt t« ihf ■ni>crfttt|.

MACMILLAN AND Ca, LTD., LONDON.

Nruf Y09k, - • Tkt Macm»ti4tm C*

L0md0m, - • • Sim^ktM^ Hmimlt0m mnd C*.

Cmmhridftt • - Mmemiilmm mnd Btwn.

SdtMkmrik^ • • D^mlma mnd FcuHt,

MCMIL

aJiJH.j |Pi ja »if ii wp «m.yi^ ^

*^Huchown of the Awle Ryale^^

the Alliterative Poet:

A Historical Criticism of Fourteenth Century
Poems ascribed to Sir Hew of Eglintoun

By

George Neilson

Author of "Trial by Combat," etc

Glasgow
James MacLehose and Sons

Publishers to the University
1902

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HOMAGE AND FEALTY

TO

FREDERIC WILLIAM MAITLAND,

LL.D., D.CL.

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PREFACE

When, more than a couple of yean ago, my previous general interest in
the alliterative problems was suddenly roused to an acute pitch hy the
discovery of the importance of a manuscript in the Hunterian Library, a
condition of nescience and chaos prevailed among the critics. That veij
many lines were common to certain of the poems had of course all along
been seen, though the tendency had grown to account for this very lamely
by contradictory processes. The great lead given by Sir Frederick Madden
in the recognition of a group as the work of * Huchown of the Awle Ryale^
had been for the most part set aside on grounds of dialect and gramma^
on which the doctors themselves were at sixes and sevens. Methods of
analysis had gained currency founded on the false notion that a poefs
vocabulary must be constant whether his theme is of war or of love, whether
he is singing free or is translating, whether he narrates or moralizes. Too
large allowance had been made for scribal variation to prove changes in
the dialect of scribes; too little when to discuss unity. The teirible
uncertainty of inferences merely philological had been forgotten, and over-
weening Philology had betrayed its trust The more the objections to a
great poetic unity were considered on a re-approach to the question, the
less did they satisfy the logic of a broad and rational historical criticisin,

«

especially as they were found to embody so much argument on discrepancies
in style and subject, which would assuredly make it difficult to accept the
common authorship of such works as 'Hamlet' and 'Midsummer Nighfi
Dream,' as the 'CotUr's Saturday Night' and 'Holy Willie's Prayer/ or
as ' In Memoriam ' and the ' Charge of the Light Brigade.'

At an earij stage of mj own tptcal stnfics k became apparent that
there existed a mass of dear ht^ inlenial and eilernal, fu weightier than
any argument previoiisly mged, cstabWitng a crosi relationship and inter>
penetration of the poemsi whidi oo anj other hypothesis than that
of a single author would be a downri^t mirade. One has heard vague
talk of a 'sdKX)L' A sdxKd of poets of this splendid calibre were indeed
worth having; but it has never been produced, and we have waited long,
with unrewarded patience, for any suggestion of the constitution and
ptrsonnd of such a joint-stock company of genius. Critics who have
opposed the proposition of a lofty poetic unity, comparable only with
Chaucer, have now forfeited any claim to authority ; for, if authority rests
upon folness of knowledge, little indeed can remain to certain of my recent
predecessors in alliterative criticism when confronted with the many
central Hsicts now revealed, which were completely beyond their ken, and
in ignorance of which their judgments were pronounced

Besides, the unique and far-reaching evidences, brought to light by two
Hunterian MSS. when compared with the poems, must totally alter the com-
plexion of the earlier discussions. We approach the poet from a new
base — a base of surprising mtimacy with his sources and modes of com-
position, and even in some degree of his thought The mystery is lifted,
and not only may we discern who and what he was, but we may at the
same time see Arthurian romance in the act of growth, and watdi» 9M k
were from within, the movement of a gloiious intellect in the fioarlecath
century. For a mystery of chaos about the person and the work, we
have now a definite personalis and a series of rdated poerns^ wkb wbidb
his own life is bound up, and in whidi he demoostntes Umsdf aa ose c#
the dramatic figures, while yet there remains the hacmtting paydMlofkal
problem, to show how the radiant centre of a Scoctkh poet^i t n af ^ atk^ b
so many pieces should have been foond in English dbMky, riliffiiM im
the fame of the Round Tabk and Creqr aad Pokkn.

Speaking as a historical stndeal, k oMf be alowcd me t# Mf dbl
nolhkig m these researdies has ^^^■^r^H mtA fivdf utirfi^^fa^ ti»
myadf as the wieipectcd crnofan of Ike umi e# dkmkm t# 4Mr
tcmpotaiy historical episodes^ vkidb m vaadf 4Mf€s the tw < t ^^ M4

i^iturmm

PREFACE

IZ

to the marvel of these poems. It will surprise many to find so much of
brilliant English chronicle in Afor/e Arthure^ and other pieces, as to
challenge for them, in virtue of their historical realism, a place of oddly
romantic authority as secondary documents for the French wars of Edward
III. and his gallant son. And there is still more of Marte Arthure to
explain by the same processes in history and heraldry as have made the
disclosures recorded within.

llie life of Sir Hew of Eglintoun will have to be written some day.
Those who desire to have a preliminaxy collection of charter references
and the like to his career will find it in Sir Hew of Eglintoun^ a calendar
of events in which he was concerned, compiled from original sources by
me some months ago, and contributed to the transactions of the Philo-
sophical Society of Glasgow. Having a few reprints, I have placed
them in the hands of my Publishers, so as to be available for any who
may seek to check or supplement the sources of the biographical sketch
given in the second chapter of the present book.

My preface must close in grateful expressions to many friends,
particularly to Professor John Young, M.D., Keeper of the Hunteriao
Museum, whose constant helpfulness alone made possible to me the MS.
discoveries now recorded. Monsieur F. J. Amours also has been (alike
where we agree and where we differ) the most courteous and obliging of
fellow-students in the alliterative literature. To Mr. J. T. T. Brown, and
his sympathetic attitude towards what I may call my ' plot,' as it developed
under my hands, I owe almost as much as I do for his fruitful suggestions,
offered to me long ago, of the need for work on present lines for the
vindication of the disputed poet

The present essay has arisen out of two papers read to the Glasgow
Archaeological Society on 19th April and 15th December, 1900, recast and
united and extended. The whole is now reprinted from the PrtKeedings of
the Society, with a few alterations and additions, including an index, in
an edition of 300 copies, whereof 250 are for sale.

a N.

34 Granby Txkracb,

Glasgow, Fthmarx^ 190a.

CONTENTS

I. iDENTinCATION PROBLEMS — LiTERARY AND PERSONAL, - - I

Barbour and Huchown — Rime and cadence — ^Wyntoun's allusion to * Hucfa-
own oflT the Awle Ryale ' and his poems — Dunbar's mention of Sir Hew
of Eglintoun—Huchown and Hew as names — List of poems discussed.

2. Huchown and Sir Hew, 8

Sir Hew's Biography: Knight, Justidar, Statesman — His visits to Eng-
land — ^Chivalry — Exchequer.

3. *Off the Awle Ryali,' - 13

Attia Rigis and ' Kingis Haw ' — Importance of the hall.

4. Huchown's Poems : The Lines of Correlation, - - 14

Design of book to prove colligation of the poems claimed as Huchown*s~
Outline of thesis undertaken— Four types of poems.

5. HUNTERIAN MS. T. 4. I, 16

Manuscript of Guido de Columpna's Dt Excidio Troje^ and of the Dt PnHn
AUxtrndri.

6. 'The Wars of Alexander** 17

An alliterative poem translating the Dt Freliis — The Alexander Legend —
Relation between Hnnterian MS. and the alliterative poem — List of
ungular agreements — Interjected passage from Maundeville'i
Mmmriuwu

7. *The Destruction of Troy/ 23

An alliterative poem translating Guido— The Troy Legend and GoidolB
TVoja — A MS. recensioo of 1354, copied after 1356— Paralld rufarici
of Hunterian MS. Guido with those of alliterative poem— Date of the

CX)NTENTS

'Titus AND Vespasian'; Its Story, Sources, and Date, - 30

(1) Tny poem followed l>7 Tiiusx an allitemtive poem 00 the Siege of
Jerusalem. (2) Purallek of Titus^ Trty^ attd AUxatuUr — Midnight
council of war at Troy transferred to Jerusalem — Si^[es of Tyre, Tenedot,
and Jerusalem. (3) Date indications: references to French wan of
Edward IIL and to the Black Death.

'MoRTE Arthure'; Its Sources, Contents, and Parallels, 40

(i) An alliterative poem giving a free rendering of Geoffrey of Monmouth's
Brut — The story and its other sources. (2) Maundeville's Itiiurarmm ■
a source. (3) A chapter from sanctuary law. (4) Voeux du Paam
greatly used. (5) 77/f#x used — Shaving ambassadors ; dragon-banner;
arming of Vespasian and of Arthur. (6) Supplementary French sources.
(7) Use of Troy and AUxamder—'ljoing series of parallels. (8) Events
of 1346-64 as sources— Battle of Crec)' — Sea-fight of Winchelsea —
Warfiue in France — Battle near Adrianople — Allusion to * apparent
heir' — Inference of a date drca i364-5~Edward' IIL hero.

The Parlement of the Thre Ages^ 67

(I) Special tests of unity of authorship and of sequence. (2) Plot of the
PaHituent, (3) Its parallels, of identical lines, with Cawayne and tk4
Crttn Knighi^ AUxandir^ Tr^^ Tiius^ and Aforte Aiikun, (4) Main
sources of PaHement^ including Brui and Voeux du Paon — Plot drawn .
from Troy — Poetic value of the Partem enU

HucHowN*s Copy of 'Geoffrey of Monmouth,' - - - 85

Huhterian MS. U. 7. 25 probably the poet's own copy of ' Geoffrey '—lU
remarkable autograph mbrications.

Clues to * Titus' and 'Wynnere and Wastoure,* - - 89

(I) The Dragon in Titus indicated by rubric of MS. ' Geoffrey.' (2) Plot
of Wynmn and Wastourt revealed by other rubrics — Belinus and
Brennius — ^Thotnas of Erceldoun— Friars, Bbhop, and Pope—King,
Judges, and Scharshill—Gaiter motta

HUCHOWN'S RUBRICATIONS OF 'GEOFFREY,* .... 99

Autograph mbrications added to MS., presumably by the alliterative poet —
Clues thus furnished, chiefly to Mortt Arikurg and Erktmvald^TtaA
€if mbrimtiont.

CONTENTS ' xiu

14. 'Erkenwald/ 'Awntyrs of Arthurs,' and *Thb Pearl,* - 105

(i) ErhetrwaU a angular alliterative poem concerning a buried judge— Its
connection with the rubrications of the MS. ' Geoffrey' — ^The years 48a
and 1033— The Judge and Dunwalla (2) The plot of the rimed
alliterative Awntyrs drawn from TrentaUe SancH GrtgwH-^Stane
source for Peari — Stray notes on Cieantuss and /W£<fiir«— Tabulatioo
of relation betwixt Trtniattt and Awniyrs^ Pearly and ErkenwaUL

15. On System of Verse, Dialect, Characteristics, Date, and

Nation AUTY, 117

(i) System of verse — 'Cadence' — Rime and alliteration combined, (a)
Dialect : an admixture. (3) Dates for the poems — Allusions to Garter
and Round Table. (4) Scottish indications present throughout, but
poems not, on the surface, assertively patriotic — Parallel and contrast
between them and the work of Barbour.

16. Diagram of the Argument, - - - - - - 127

(i) The fifteen propositions considered proved — Diagrammatic chart
shewing colligation of poems. (2) Application of characteristics of
poems to Sir Hew — Hb armorial bearing.

17. Galleroun and Golagros— a Decisive Personal Clue, - 131

Riming alliterative poem Golagros and Cawayne shewn to contain history
thinly veiled— Golagros King John of France — Gawayne the Black
Prince — Carcassonne — ^The white horse— Poitiers. Awntyrs also histori-
cal—Arthur Edward III.; the crowned lady Queen Johannaof Scotland —
Galleroun Sir Robert of Erskine — Galleroun's arms and crest— His
companion, ' a freke on a Fresone/ identified with Sir Hew — Chivalry
and the Table Round— Heraldry in the poems.

18. Conclusions, 138

Propositions of the book now numbering eighteen — General estimate of
Huchown*s achievement — The incomplete inscription Hugo db [ ]
completed by the romantic revelation of the companion of Gallenmn.

■ "■ - '^-" * -fl— -- "i^

r "Witfi'i^rir- * --

^a^tm^UtMmm i%i

LIST OF FACSIMILES, ETC.

Didicerat cnim iinguam tarttm^ - - -

From Ilonterian MS. of Geoflfrey of Monmouth, r

Crumpled fly-leaf,

Nota hefu on •Venna,*

IVoseil notc^ - - - " • • "

Fieiy Dragon notc^ - - - - -

CouncU of war by night,

Arthur's St Mary shield,

Ludus Imptratar^

Alt from Hunterian MS. of Geoffrey of MoDmoutK.

Diagram shewing connection of the poems,
Arms of Sir Hew of Eglhitoun, ....
Seal of Sir Robert of Erskine, used in i3S7-i359» -
Erskine Crest,

S7

tif/aa p. too

d0. loa "

d0, 104

129
»3o
«34
»34

'HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RYALE,' THE
ALLITERATIVE POET.

I. iDENTinCATlON PROBLEMS, LiTERART AND PERSONAL.

Once it was the fashion to regard Barbom's Bruu as the b^g^ning ol
Scottish' poetry. The sources from which it qvang were little if at all
considered. One was content to pluck the Unebell without troabfing
over the soil in which it grew. If it did occur to anybody to ponder for
a moment over the relation of Barbour to his dme he was thought of as
a somewhat artless 1>ut faithful chronicler of the deeds of Bruce. Always
the estimate was of Barbour as historian. The conception of the literary
craftsman had scarcely dawned. But he was a literary craftsman of no
common order, well read in medieval Latinity and French. He was a
facile and spirited translator as well as an admirable exponent in Scots ol
the manner of the French chanson de guie^ and ne Brua has the rare
distinction of being in the same breath an invaluable and veracious history
and a triumph of Scottish literature.

Great though Barbour's merits are^ however, they will not stand m
moment's comparison with those of his lofty contemporary, * Huchown of
the Awle Ryale,' whose journey along the tangled pathway of verse probablj
began somewhat earlier than Barbour's, and the quality of whose poetic
achievement far eclipses that of the Archdeacon of Aberdeen.

Huchown of the Awle Ryale probably soon after his poetic course began
made translations, and there are many interesting analogies of theme to those
believed to have been selected by Barbour, and known to have inflaenced
his entire work. The most interesting contrast h that while the later poel
selected an octosyllabic rime, the earlier adopted alliterative verse^ depend-

, •HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RYALE* [Ch,

ing for its music on those stresses of repeated letters, or 'cadences* which
our wise King James VI. (transladoj^/^.tiidence^ was one daj to classify as.
'tumbling verse' — the ^rim roM i/^/ * U^ftljm, designated as northern bj
Chaucer. A second contrast lies in/ the* bet that as in the Bruot Barbour
left translation and betook himself to the facts of Bruce*s life for his theme,
Huchown went for his inspiration to history of another sort, to 'history!
as recorded in the Brut or Histaria Britonum of Geoffrey of Monmouth,
making that the skeleton and frame for his MorU Arthure, which ranks so
high among the contributions to the great Arthurian cycle.

The analysis of Huchown's work, and the determination of its chrono-
logical order or limits, of necessity involve the discussion of the intricate
question of the poet's identity. Was Huchown of the Awle Ryale Sir
Hew of Eglintoun? What is Sir Hew's biography? And what bearing
has that biography on the understanding of the poetical work?

Not till the close of the eighteenth^ century was it proposed to identify
Sir Hew of Eglintoun with Huchown* The all-important words about the
poet are those of Wyntoun, the chronicler, whose Orygynale Cronykii was
written about 142a In looking at the passage about Huchown it is needful
to remember that it was no formal biographical sketch or regular bibliography,
but a mere parenthesis in the question more engrossing to Wyntoun at the
time, whether Lucius Iberius was Emperor or only Procurator. Wyntoun,
after an enumeration of Arthur's conquests, obviously paraphrased from Martt
Arthun} relates the demand of tribute from Arthur made by the Roman
Emperor Leo — the *hawtane message^'

That wriltyn in TTU Brwte b kend ;

And Hncbowii off* the Awle Ryale

In tin hk C«sf IfysitntJk^

Has tretyd this mar cwnnandly

THaa luffjfCjrand to ptonow n s am I.

{HyntMtm^ V. 4991-61)

%

' Huchown was apparently not amodated witUSir Hew by MacPhenoo editing Hymi^mm
in 1795 {lyjrmimm. ed. Laing, iil p. 225). See note to the Hudiown pamage in
MacPhcnoo'k edition.

*Wynto«i, ▼. n. 427149^

'That thb denotes Af0rte ArtkuFt b plain both from what goes belbct and fnm
what fDllowit

IDENTinCATION PROBLEMS

3

At this pomt Wyntoun is struck bj the thought that somebody maj censure
him for referring to Leo and not to Lucius Iberius as Emperor. He there-
fore offers a gentle apologjr, and excuse of himself, for not following
Huchown and the Gest HistoriaJU (that is, Morte Arthmre) in this respect;
justifying his position by an appeal to authorities —

As in oare roaterc we prooede,
Sum man may fidl this bnk to rede
Sail call the Antonr to rdcles.
Or aigue perchans hyi connandncs.
Syne Hndiowne off the Awle Ryale
\ti\X\\\MC€stlfyst9ryaag
Caold Lactns Hiberius empryouie
Quhen King off Brettane was Arthouie.
Iluchowne bath and the Antoie
Gyltlcs ar off gret enoce—

because^ as Wyntoun goes on to show, certain historians, Martinus Polono%
Vincent of Beauvais, and Orosius

•

Cald noocht this Lucyus Empiyome
Quhen Kyng off Brettane was Arthonie ;
Bot off 7>« Brwie the stoiy sayis
That Lucius Hiberius in hys dayis
Wes of the hey state Procurature^
Nowthir cald Kyng, na Empfyowe.

As the Brut had styled Lucius only Procurator, not Emperor, Wyntoiu
pleaded that he himself was free from blame in not making an Emperor
of him :

Fra blame than is the Autore qwyte

As befor hym' he fiuid to wryte ;

And men off gud discre^wne

Suld excuse and love Hnchowne^

That cunnand was in literature.

He made the Grti Geti off Arthurs

And the Awntyre offGawatu [One MS. reads Aventuiit.]

TktFyityUtSAoffSwOiSwsane.

He wes curyws in hys style

Fayre off &cund and subtille

And ay to plesans and ddyte

>f ade in metyre mete his dyte,

*HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RYALE

[Ch.

Lytill or nowcht nevyrthekft
Waverand fim the sathftirtnei.
Had be cald Lncyns Plrociiiatttie
Quhene that he odd hym Empyroiife
That had mare ipwyd tlie cadens'
Than had relevjd the lentcnt.
{HynUtM, V. 4321-36^ compare voL iiL appx. to preface, pp. xxvi-viL)

Nothing in this passage^ having regard to the conditions evoking it, need
incline us to suppose that the Greaf Gest of Arthure^ the Awntyn of Gawane^
and the IHsHl of Susan were necessarily the entire volume of Huchown's
work* The list, brief as it is, has proved of immense service as grouping
three woiks of three sorts — historic, courtly-chivalric, and religious — in
three metres. Critics are now tolerably well united in the identification of
two of the poems named. The Fistiit a riming alliterative paraphrase of
the story of Susanna and the ElderSy is free from all dubiety, and main-
tains its existence still under the name ascribed to it by Huchown. The
Gnat Gist of Arthurt also is with a considerable measiure of agreement,
short of unanimity, accepted as the important alliterative romance-history,
the Morti Arthun—HaaSi 'Gest of !%€ Brufs old stoiy,* which Wyntoun
knew right wdL The prowess and the fates of Arthur he tells us were there
treated of 'curiously' by Huchown. All his fortunes, down to the tragic close,

Quhare he and hys Round TabyU qwyte

Wet midoDe and diacumfyte,

Hochown hat tretyd cuiyomly

In Gest tf Brayttys ohU stmy.

{^Wyntoun^ v. 4363-6.)

Upon the third poem mentioned by Wyntoun, The Awntyrt of Gawans^
there are conflicting judgments. The great and learned scholar in record
and romance, Sir Frederick Madden, editing his magnificent text and
study of Syr Gawayne for the Bannatyne Club, thought it was the

* That Wyntoun hy * cadent ' meant aUiteration at oppoted to rime teemt certain firom
iMU tf HamytU^ ed. Horttman, ii. 345, wherein a piece of mingled prose and rime largely
aUitesative » taid to be a *tretyt in Oidenoe after the begynninge gif hit beo riht poynted
and Rjrmed in ram ttude.' Thit important pattage to which Prot Carl Horttman kindly
directed me it quite in keeping with the antithetit made by Gower, CmftuU Amaniit
(cd. Macanlay, bk. iv., L 3414) * of rime and of cadence,' and by Chaucer, Houte tf Famt^
L 693, *In ryme or ellet fin cadence.' See note, chapter 15, tec 1, below.

i] «THE GUDE SIR HEW' 5

poem Gawayne and tke Gnen KnighL VLj eminenl fricody M. Amoonb

oUtor of the admirable vohime of Scoitish AUiUraiive Poems (ScaL Text

Soc., 1897) considers that the Awnfyre rf Gawamt was Ae poem adled

the Awniyrs of Arthur^ which contains powerful internal evidence of die

hand that shaped MorU Arikun. I am in the happy porition of at lestf .

accepting the completeness of VL Amoan^ proofs that the Awmiyrs ^

Arthur was Huchown's, although bound to dispute his argument agaiotf

Sir Hew of Eglintoun having been Huchown of the Awle Ryale. •

Points iot this identification are briefly (i) that the poems fidl natnndfy \

into Sir Mew's lifetime ; (2) that as a brother-in-law of Robert the Steward •

afterwards Robert 11^ and a court official under David IL and Roben IL9 :

he might well acquire the familiar surname 'of the Awle Ryale' (kingfk ',

or royal hall) ; and (3) that the poetic renown of this Sir Hew, as wdl

as the character of his work, is convincingly attested by Dunbar's Lamad

far the Maharis^ which, after naming the Englishmen, Chaucer, Lydgate^

and Gower, returns to tell of Hew of Eglintoun, Andrew of Wyntoun, and

a third Scotsman as also among the victims of Death.

He has done petnously devour
The noble Chaucer of Makaris fkNiir
The Monk of Bery and Gower all ihre
Timor mcriis €09Uurbat me.

The gnde Sir Hew of Eglintoun
And eik Heiyot and Wyntown
He has tane out of this oountrie
Timer mortis coftturbtU me.

Various considerations have been advanced against the identification of the
good Sir Hew with Huchown. It has been urged that the poems fiom
their religious cast must have been written by an ecclesiastic The reply
appears in the adjective < the gude,' which tradition had, according to Dunbar,
associated with Sir Hew*s name. Chiefly objection was taken that
Huchown, as a familiar diminutive, implied a quite subordinate rank and poni-
tion, and could never have been applied to a nobleman of Sir HeVs standing.
But a marriage contract^ of a Scottish lord in 14 r 6 styles him 'HuchoQ

^Rtgistrum Magni SigilK^ I4S4'I5I3« No. 178, confirming and incorporating in 1450
a deed granted in 1416.

6 'HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RYALE' [Ch.

•

Fiaser lord of the Lowet* There is a distinct bodj of proof (i) that
the name Hochown, the old Scottish equivalent of Hugo^ was of French
origin, derived firom Hugutio; (2) that in Scotland Hew and Huchown
were alternative vernacular forms from the end of the fourteenth to the
end of the fifteenth century; and (3) that ultimately Hew prevailed.
The Erasers of Lovat used the style Huchon in 14 16, Huchoune in 1429,
but Hew in 1471. The Campbells of Loudoun used the style Huchon
in 14s If Huchone in i454» but Hew in the sixteenth century. Hbtorically
Huchown as a Christian name is a distinctively Scottish type receiving in the
north a measure of formal and official recognition not apparently shown in
English documents of the period.^ The external evidence, although meagre^
is thus so distinct and consistent as to point to Sir Hew of Eglintoun
and to no other known personage. Moreover, there is abundant indication
internally that the author of the poems in question was a person of dignity,
at ease in all matters of knightly courtesy and demeanour, and able to
touch with authority on delicate questions of courtly precedence.

Another outstanding difficulty is the contrast of the poet's language with,
say, that of Barbour or Wyntoun. And there is contrast not less strong between
the tone adopted by Huchown and that of the other two towards England.
These contrasts have been held by some to be so great as to make
certain of the works impossible for a Scot Indeed the latest theorists
have gone to the heroic extreme of actually claiming Huchown as English :
one placing the Awle Ryale at Oxford,' the other announcing the discovery
of one 'Hugh the Bukberere* at Cambridge from 1353 to 1370, whose
having been a book porter, in so august a spot, perhaps satisfies the
intellect of his talented sponsor as a sufficient reason for advancing his
name in the poetic category.* Many men, many minds; there has been

* For many iderencet and a full discussion see chapter iv. of my Sir Hew tfEglintdtm
in the TVmtuacti^ms 0/ tki Phihsopkietd Society tf Clasigow^ 1900^1.

*See Mr. Ileniy Bradley in Atkeuaeum of 22nd December, 1900» and my reply ol
I9lh Janoary, 1901. la hb rejoinder on 23rd Febniaiy, 1901, Mr. Bradley appears to
adnut Us iaabiUQr to produce evidence in support of his hypothesis. After this frank*
DOS of course there b no more to say.

*See report of Philological Society meeting (paper hf Mr. Israd Gollancs) in
Aikemmtum^ 23rd Norember, 1901.

I] . THE WORKS DEBATED 7

I

no end to the diveratf of conclusionsi critical, literaiy, and phflolpgica],
on the precise dialed of Huchown, and his actual poetical perfonnancei
We are brought back to these problems to acknowledge that the Hudiown
poems, although admittedly containing innumerable signs of northern dictioo
and influence, are yet not in any known and normal Scottish dialect On
the other hand who knows what was the dialect of English used in courtly
circles of Scotland under Robert the Bruce? Such a onisidenition is
itself enough to show that the dialect is not the obstacle to ^ Hew of
Eglintoun which some have too hastily deemed History, moreover, points
with pikestaff plainness to a Scot Philologists despairingly pomt the other
way. When the philologist stands up against history he has a habit of
going to the wall

To identify the poet is one problem, to settle what were his woiks is
another. Purely alliterative pieces claimed, directly and indirectlj, for
Huchown before the present enquiry began, included

Marte Artkure (4346 lines), edited for the Early English Text Sodctf,

1865; also by Mrs. M. M. Banks (Longmans), 1900:
Destructim qf Troy (14,044 lines), also edited E.E.T.S., 1869-74:
Cleanness (1812 lines). Patience (531 lines), also edited (EE.T.&) in
Early English Alliterative Poems^ 1864.
Pieces in alliteration and rime similarly claimed include

Gawayne and the Green Knight (2530 lines), edited for the Banna^rne
Qub in Sir Frederick Madden's Syr Gawayne^ re-edited E.E.T^
1864, and reprinted 1869, 1893, and 1897 :
Golagros and Gawayne (1362 lines), Awntyrs ef Arthmrte (7x5
linesX Pistill of Susan (364 lines), all last edited by M. Amoma
in Scottish Alliterative Poems for the Scottish Text Sodety,
1897 :
The Pearl (12 12 lines^ edited E.E.T.S., m Early Engfish AUiierathm
Poemst 1864; also by Mr. Israel Gollancz (Nutt, 1891)1
Other purely alliterative poems now discussed include these :-^
The Wars of Alexander (5677 lines), edited E.E.T.S., 1886:
.Titus and Vespasian or The Sege cf Jerusalem (1332 lines), edited bj
GusUy Steffler (Marburg, 1891), usually cited within as TSiu$\

8 'HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RYALE' [Ch.

I Uki Parlemeni €f the J%r€ Ages (665 linesX Wynnen and Wasiimre
(503 lines), both edited for the Roxbarghe Club, 1897:
ErkemwUd (352 lines) edited in Prof. Carl Horstman's Aliengiischi

L^thden^ Nene Fdge^ Heilbronn, i8Si.
Three or four other pieces, all short, should have been discussed also.
Only where the evidences appear direct and absolute have conclusions on
authorship been advanced here.

— 2. HUCHOWN AND SiR HeW.

There having been elsewhere^ worked out a biographical calendar of the
life of Sir Hew of Eglintoun in detail, with full references, no more need
now be repeated than serves to present the salient outlines of the *good
Sir HeVs' career. Sprung from an Ayrshire family, his nearest known
ancestor (supposed to have been his father, bat possibly his grandfather)^
Ralf of Eglintoun, owner of an estate near Irvine, submitted to Edward
L at the outbreak of the war of Independence, but from 1397 until 134s
absolutely nothing has been found recorded of the laird of Eglintoun, or of
the youth of Hew. A relationship with the More family, specially connected
with the monastery of Sempringham in Lincolnshire, has been treated as
suggestive of a possible education in England, a feature of the first half
of fourteenth century Scotland far from uncommon. Of such an education
there is no direct evidence in Hew's case, but in the course of the present
researches' there has emerged, in fourteenth century manuscript, believed to
have been from Huchown's pen, not only the fact that the author of the
Hudiown poems was deeply interested in hostages, but the remarkable hint
that he might himself have been a hostage in England and learned * their
language and their manners* — Hnguam torum ei wicns — ^there. At no time
between 1279 and 1340 was such a thing in the least improbable^ and if the

> la 5nr Hem ef E^ntemn thovt menticMied.

*See dwpler 11 bdow. This minor point for Htichown*s prohlemi w«s discovered
nAcr Sir Hew tf B^Uniemn w«s in print*

a] SIR HEW OF E6LINT0UN 9

inference from the manuscript cotild be demonstrated to be bistoricaOy a
hct, the long sflence about Heir's parents and himself m chfldhood would
be accounted for, whfle at the same time the difficult occasioned bj the
English-ness of the Huchown poems in dialect and tone would simplj
disappear. As it is, the hostage hypothesis can adduce for itself no sin^
ascertained fiict, and its documentary base though most interestmg^ will
carry historically a quite different structurCi

Of Hew^s youth nothing is certain. His birth must have been prior to
1 32 1, as he was not knighted until 13429 so that in the latter year be
must have attained at least twenty-one^ the years of knighthood. But as
Ralf of Eglintoun, his ancestor, was not a knight, so that Hew did not
inherit his rank, he may well have been considerably over one and twen^
when he was dubbed by the hand of David II. while on the eve of setting
out on an ill-starred expedition into England.

Already in that year David had invaded England and burnt Penrith,
passings no doubt, the poetic Tain Wadling in course of his* maich.
Subsequently, a second time crossing the border, one of his invading
squadrons, including the newly inade knights, fell into an ambush laid by
Robert of Ogle, widi the result that amongst others the knight of Eglintoun
was captured.

On bathe the halffis sUne wir men;
Bot the knyditis the wen htd then
For thare folk yenciist ware flkane.
And fyve knychtis in fycht ware tane,
Stwart, Eglyntown and Ciagy,
Bqyde and Fowlartown. Thir worthy
0^1 has had till his presowne,
And syne delyveiyd thane for rawnsoone.

Sir Hew makes his first appearance iii the business records of Scotland
in 1347, when he received a grant of a * relief' (a feudal casual^ or
perquisite) from Robert the Steward, nephew of the King and grandson
of Robert the Bruce. In 1348 a charter shews that he was then married
to Agnes More, daughter of the late Chamberlain of Scotland, Sir Reginald
More. Throughout his whole public career Sir Hew (always s^led * Hugo *
in Latin deeds relative to him, and once ' Mons. Hugh * in a document in

to 'HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RYALE* [Cb.

French) was associated with the Steward The chief house of that bxaSly
was at Dundonaldy and ^lintoun was the adjoining manor. Constantly Sir
Hew is found acting as a witness to charters and similar public writings by
the Steward. Both the Steward and Sir Hew are found in very frequent
attendance on the King. They of course followed the court

Sir Hew not only does not appear to have been either a prisoner or
a hostage during the captivi^ of David II. after 1346, but public docu-
mentary references in 1347 and 1348 prove him to have been in Scotland
during that captivity. In 1358 he received safe conduct to go to England,
as he did again in the beginning of 1359. Associates of his from this
time onward were Sir Robert of Erskine and Sir Archibald of Douglas,
best known as Archibald the Grim, who, though usually thought of as a
soldier, was probably better known to his own time as a diplomatist and
judge. At London, in February 1359, Sir Robert of Erskine and Sir Hew
appended their signets in the absence of the Great Seal of Scotland to an
agreement relative to the liberation and ransom of David II., a prisoner in
England from 1346, when he had been captured at Durham.

In 1360 Sir Hew makes his appearance^ as a Justiciar of Scotland along
with Sir Robert of Erskine effecting an agreement of assythment for slaughter
in a feud between the Drummonds and Menteiths.

Meanwhile Sir HeVs first wife must have died, and about 1360 he is
found married a second time — to Dame Egidia, a half-sister of Robert the
Steward, who granted to him and her an annual-rent of wax.

The year 1363 was eventful in the intrigue of Anglo-Scottish policy.
Towards the end of April Sir Hew had safe cond*'ct to England and
Canterbury, and it is suggested that this visit had to do with the great
ifltings held during the first five days of May in connection with St.
George's Festival and the Round Table of Edward III These celebrations
of the Order of the Garter were held at that time. There were also later
in the year special celebrations in honour of the fiftieth birthday of
Edward III., and Sir Robert of Erskine and Sir Hew were both in London.
David II. himself was there also^ and on 27th November an agreement

> S0aJt ^ MimiHtk^ iL 939.

a] SIR HEW OF EGUNTOUN II

was reached between the two kings that, EuUng heirs-male of the body of
Davidy the King of England should succeed to the Idngdom of Scodand.
Erskine was a party to th» agreement : Sir Hew^s position towards it ii
not clear, bat his knowledge of it most be assumed. The Scottish Parfia-
ment, on 4th Afarch, 1364, refused to sanction the agreement. Eiddoe
was sent back to London to n^;otiate better terms, and a revised piovisioiial
agreement was drawn up whereby, failing heirs-male of the body of David IL,
the throne of Scotland was to pass to a son of the King of England other
than the heir-apparent The prince in view was Lionel, second son of
Edward III. David IL, a pleasure-loving king^ was from about 1358 on-
wards hand and glove with his brother-in-law, the English King. He did all
in his power in 1363 and 1364 to set aside the rights of the Steward of
Scotland as heir to the Scottish throne and to substitute Edward or one of
his children. Wyntoun naively hits off the situation :

The Kyng Davy id Yngland ndd.
As offt tym in oys he had.
And at Lundoun play him wald he;
For thare was lydit great spectalte
Betwen hym and the Kyng Edward.

— H^jv/MfM, viii, 7047.

English policy and Scottish intrigue — for Scotland itself was reluctant —
were at work to effect a union in the future, for David IL had no lawful
child, and his second wife, Margaret of Logic, was no longer young. In
July, 1365, parliament at Perth sanctioned a treaty whereby Scotland
should aid England (if invaded) with 1000 men and England should aid
Scotland with 50a

Sir Hew from about 1366 held various offices as Bailie of Cunningham
and Chamberlain of Irvine — ^judgeships as deputy of the feudal lord, with
functions of administration accompanying — under the Steward, of whom he
was the trusted adviser. These offices were partly judicial, partly financial
The burgh of Irvine lay near to both Dundonald and Eglintoun ; it was a
leading seaport of the West at that time, and the Steward is known to
have been a yachtsman fond of cruising on the Clyde.

Border treaty negotiation occupied Sir Hew in 1367. Early m 1368

IS 'HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RYALE' [Cb.

he went to London. That summer he was l^;islating for the * Out Isles '
and inspecting royal castles, as well as probably asristing the king in judicial
appeals. David II.* in 1369, raised an action of divorce against Queen
Maigarety in connection with which Sir HeVs passage to France — and
probably to Rome or Avignon — between June, 1369, and January, 1370,
probably took place. A normal route to Rome in the fourteenth centuiy
passed through Lucerne across Mount 'Godard' into Lombardy, through
ConiOy Milan, Pontremoli, Pietrasanta, Pisa, and Viterba (So Adam of
Usk^ travelled, and so journeyed King Arthur's invading army in Morte
Arthure.) Soon after Sir Mew's return the divorce was granted in Scotland
— in Lent, 137a Margaret was maintaining her appeal in 137 1 when David
IL died.

Under Queen Margaret's influence the Steward had been thrust back
from his rights. When she fell out with her husband the Steward was
restored to his uncle's friendship. On the death of David — though not
without a struggle, in which the promptness of success was due to Sir Robert
of &skine — ^the Steward succeeded to the throne under the title of Robert
IL Huchown's life-long patron, friend, and kinsman by marriage now
reigned, and his possession of the royal confidence and regard was thence-
forward in constant evidence. After the coronation Sir Hew acted as one
of a very special privy council' de statu seu modo vhendi ipsius Regis ei itiam
Rtpm^ concerning the management of the royal household — a function firom
which a particular association of his name with the ' Awle Ryale,' or royal
palace^ may readily have arisen.

The age was the heyday of chivalry, and a thousand signs shew that the
movement which had produced the Round Table in England was active in
Scotland toa* If Edward III. was fond of hawking,^ Robert IL was
historically no less devoted to the chase * and fond of the sea.* Perhaps it
may be lawful to argue ' like king, like courtier.'

> Adtm tf Utk^ 72-73. From London to Rome the journey occnpied 41 dayiL
^A€ts PmrL Sgwi,, L S47. *Thit U shewn in THaIfy C^mhmi^ put vL

«Adam MviimnUi's Chrmtiem (Eng. Hist Soc), as6w
^UhtrPlmsatrdemsiSf L 3ir. ^Exthifutr XM^ ffi. 667, etc.

: I

D THS «AWLB tlYALE* tj

Financially Sir Hew repeatedly appean as a man of inean^ fioa
whom his royal brother-in-law did not disdaun to borrow. EBs capacity in
money matters, as well as his relationship to the king^ no doubt inflneooed
his selection as an Auditor in Exchequer. And it is of peculiar mterest to
find Archdeacon John Baibour as his colleague; The Stewart influence
favoured literature. Sir Hew and Barbour were called to Excheqocr
office at one time. Barbour in 1373 was an auditor, and in 1374 dkA
of audit 7*A^ Bnue, written in 1376, contains alliterative quotations^ finon
The Desirudion of Trqy^ one of the supposed Huchown poems.

N0W9 Sir Hew's day was drawmg to its dose. In June^ 1376, he received
from Robert a grant of annual-rents in Ayrshire^ with special license of mort-
main, that is, leave to settle them for religious purposes. There is reason to
believe that he made a will providing for masses to be said for bis sool in
the Abbey of Kilwinning, an establishment adjacent to Eglintoun. Between
30th November, 1376, and 3rd February, 1377, Sir Hew died, and probably
was laid to rest in Kilwinning Abbey Choir, where at any nte noassei
are recorded to have been long celebrated for the weal of his souL

•
3. *Ofp the Awle Ryale.'

The briefest recapitulation ' must suffice to enunciate the proposition dint
* the Awle Ryale ' of Wyntoun's odd reference is a vernacular shape of Auim
Regis^ Regia^ or RegaUs^ and that it was the Aula Regis or king's hall of
Scotland, which conferred the personal epithet in question. Auh^ a hal^
appears in old law-French, and in the Huchown poems themselves sach
phrases as *roy reall,' *dese riali,* and 'sete riall* are in common use.

On the Continent, in England, and in Scotland the Aula Regis was from
an early date the great place of law, subdividing later mto a variety of

>Scc mj/fAn Barbour^ Poet and TrtmslmUr (Kcgan, Pfcnl & Co., 1900), pp. 10^ ll.

*For deufls and.proofr see my Sir Hew •/ Egiinianu^ above referred to, chi^ ▼.
The great importance in Scotland attached to the court institutioni b strikingly hio^K
out by a docament discovered by my friend Miss Mary Bateson in a Dtmbridge CoipoB
Christi CoU^e MS. (CCCC 37) containing much regarding oBkes and fonctioiik It
win shortly be edited by her.

4 •HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RVALE' [Ch.

gidministrative, financia), and legal jurisdictions. The High Steward hdd

joAj ceremonial authority there^ and the Justiciars' place of sesaon was by

jnetaphor of English law, 'as the king's hair — stcui auiam regiam. The

^diig sat in judgment there, and the king's justiciars sat for him. In Morie

^rihnt (11. 524-5) the hall is 'the most royal place' of the Round Table.

In fourteenth and fifteenth century public documents of Scotland 'Aula

Rq^' ' Aula Regia,' ' Kingis Haw/ ' Kingis Hall ' has varied currency as a

place of royal dignity and law, with courtly and exchequer as well as judicial

fimctions. With each of these Sir Hew was in direct and sustsuned con-

necdon. To each of these also the Huchown poems show a similarly

sustained series of relations.^ To conjoin Huchown with Sir Hew and the

Awle Ryale with the Court of Scotland appears therefore not merdy

reasonable; the facts constrain it '

4. Huchown's Poems: The Lines of Correlation.

Far nobler even than the fine problem of the poet's personal identification

is that of determining what his actual achievement was — what poems are

truly the product of his single superbly appointed pen. To prove unity

and correlation where others have failed, or denied, is the purpose of the

ensuing chapters. Others before now have argued on the question, but

despite the labours of many scholars the real power of the case for the

unity of Huchown's poetry has never been perceived, perhaps could not

be perceived so long as certain manuscript evidences remained unknown.

Resemblances of style and spirit, coincidences of line and phrase^ and

analogies of alliteration have certainly received attention, but inquiry has

not developed a convincing critical basis of approach. For the first time

a process of colligation will be applied which claims (i) to associate these

*For fatttanee, Mmrti ArikmnAitm% the ceremonial side, IL 156, so8^ 268, 3186-7;
the exdiequcr tide, n. 425, 660-3; ^^d the leptl side, 113, 443-64, 665-72, 314a
Cmwmyiti b throng and through a court poem. The Avmiyrs tf Artkurt has both
ccfcmonial^n. 440b 491. 635, 649-51— and law— IL 339, 350, 387, 465-7. 597. 635. ^46*
675-S5 (cL Sir Hew tf SgHnimtn^ ch. v.). The /V//fV/, was it dxweo because hs
theme was a trial with a cross-examination? A number of pomts in other poems are
bmoght oat bcklentany in cooise of this paper.

T^VPflFf^*^ .11. 1.1 I. JiJl II

4] CORRELATION OF POEMS 15

I

resemblances and coincidences and analogiesi with absolute prooft of
relation and indebtedness of substance and plot, of incident and phases
between poem and poem ; (2) to establish the sequence of certain memben
of the series; (3) to illustrate the repeated use of the same sources in
different parts; (4) to trace the origins of many passages to the actml
manuscript the poet used; and (5) even to point out in the poet!s own
handwriting on the margins of his manuscript the primal adumbration of
future poetical concepts.

The argument affirms a clear sequence in four of the five poems fint
dealt withy based not only on numberless passages of parallel, but oil
passages which equally involve reminiscence and necessitate condusioos
of priori^ in production. To put an A B C case — ^let A be a certain
manuscript; B C D E F and G be poems of the first set; H be another
manuscript ; and I J K L M and N be poems of the second set E aod G are
historically assigned to Huchown : the rest are anonymous. The argument
affirms connection not only of D as directly dependent from C and of E as
directly dependent from D, but also of D E and F as clearly related to C
and B and to each other, as well as of F particularly with G. It affirms
that B and C were translations probably both made from manuscript A,
and that indubitably F rose directly out of C

A in this diagnimmatic statement is MS. T. 4. 1 : B, AUjrofSi/cr: Q Tfvyi D. Ta/msi
E, A/or/c Arf/tarc: F, ParUmefiti G, Gatvaym; (I, MS. U. 7. 25: I, IVyuntrt mmd
IVastonrci J, Erkcmoaldi K, Awntyrsi L, Ptarli M, Cleanntssx N, PaiicufCn

Of the second set the argument affirms manuscript *H with marginal
notes to be the centre. It affirms that C, D, £, F, and G of the first set
have direct relation to the margins of H. It affirms that of the second
set I, J, K, L^ M, and N show numerous cross-relations with each other
and with the first set It affirms that the plot of I, not a little of J, and
intimations in M are all explained by the margins of H. It affirms other
cross-links also, including the indebtedness of J, K, and L to the same
legend for their plots.

Such is the outline of the process of colligation to be seen detailed in
the following chapters. The numberless parallels impossible as mere ooin-
'cidences are equally impossible as plagiarisms by one or more poets fitNO

1 - ■ j i ^ i m^ i J yywygyqppwffi

t( 'HUCUOWN OF TH£ AWLE RYALE' (€■•

ocbcii. Again and again the grouping of sources and plots demonstrates
unity. A thousand threads start and meet and cross and uiite again in
the migh^ netwoik, which is the proof of one man's authorship of these
twelve poems.

The bold suggestion to prove a sequence in certain of those poems
must b^in with the admission that serious difficult attaches to certain of
tfiem. Hucfaown*s performances Ddl into the categcmes of (i) sheer trans-
latioQ, (a) biblical stories eipanded, (3) other religious and allegorical
IHece% and (4) historical or quasi-historical poems which are partially
adaptations of Latin and French originals added to and combmed with
each other, but Uendmg mto what in sum is essentially new creative
effort Let it not be thought that these four categcmes represent a chrono-
logical process. Yet it will be maintained that two works falling into the
first category indubitably preceded two of the fourth, and that these again
were followed by one of the third. The two sheer translations in question,
which stand at the threshold of the interpretation ot Huchown, are the
fFars of AUxatuUr and the Destruction of IVoy, and our scrutiny must
begin with the probable source of these.

5. HUNTBRIAN MS. T. 4, I.

In the Hunterian Library of Glasgow University is contained a royal
€>ctavo volume of about 340 folios of parchment written in one hand
(probably soon after 1356), and containing text filling 7 in. by 4I in. per
page of thirty-six lines. The scribe's name is indicated on fa 126^ by a
red ink note — Nomem Scr^toris Ricardus plenus amoris : fframpton. The
scribe himself wrote a table of contents on the verso of the fly-leaf:

In hoc volumine continentur libri qui subsequenter intitulantur videlicet
H Liber de historia destrucdonis Trojane urbis editus per magistrum

Guidonem ludicem de Columpna Messana folio primo
^ Liber de gesds magni Regis Alexandri tocius orbis Conquestoris

folio Cxxv^*
V Liber qui intitulatur Itinerarium domini Turpini Archiepiscopi Rauen-

sis de gestis magni Rq^is Karoli folio Clxxj*

a HUNTfiRIAN M& T. 4, 1 '' if

i

f Liber domini Maid Pauli de Veneciis de condidonibas & coasoe-
tudinibus orientalium regionum fol Ciiij" xvij* Qui distti^gaitnr ii
tres libellos quorom primus nc indpit Tempore quo Baldevjaai
&& folio Ciiij" xviij* Secundus sic indpit In huius libri oootineDda
&& folio CCxix* Terdus libellus nc Pars terda libri nostri ftc
folio COdiiij"*

V Liber fratris Odorid de foro Julij de ritubus & condidonibas T\ir-

corum & Tartarorum folio CClxT

V Liber qui intitulatur Itinerarium Johannis Maundeuille militis de

sancto Albano in Comitatu hertford de mirabilibus diversarum pcorin^
ciarum regionum & insularum Aceciam de diuersis legibus ft
condidonibus seeds & Unguis earundem folio CCiiij" j*

The copy of Guido de Columpna's Historia destrudionis Trajaae UMs
bears to be a version or edition of I354. The MaundeviUe's ZGrlw^nrrnMr
contains in its text the date 1356. The LBer de gatis nu^m uga
Alexandri is a copy of the De Freliis Aiexandri of the Archpriest Lea
Between ff. 39^ and 30 a quaternion of six folios is missing from the M&

A series of remarkable correspondencesi of which the chief will be set
forth m future sections, led to the publication in the AiAenaeum, on lath
May and i6th June^ 1900, of an essay on ' Huchown's(?) Codex,* in wUdi
numerous proofs were advanced for the belief indicated by the title of
the paper. To that essay reference may be made for other particulars of
a manuscript which is assuredly of profound importance for the study of
certain alliterative poems.

6. * The Wars op Alexander.'

Telling the wonderful tale of Alexander the Great — the story not of
authentic history, but of Egyptian romance — the Pseudo-Callisiheftes was a
Greek work full of marvels. It put into definite literary shape a mass of
the matter floating about in legend concerning a career which had modi
to astonish and perplex the oriental mind. Afterwards the name ct Jmlna
Valerius became attached to a translation of that work into Latin, and yet
later a third work called the De Freliis Alexandri gained wide currency.

1 i i jf i |if jiy wiywiiiiPWpiwiHpf^^ '-^ •" ' - " ' * ' " *■

tS *HUCHOWK OF TH£ AWLE RYALE* [CR.

These two Latin books strode the £ukj of Europe^ and being diffused
cvcfywhere, hdped to create that * matter' of Alexander whidi was to
fbrnish a theme for minstrds innmnerable. A vast litenOnre grew op
extending itself to England and Scotland. The most outstanding omtii-
botion to it in France was the Raman ^Alixandrt by Lambert li Tors
and Alexandre de Bemay towards the dose of the twelfth century, supple-
mented at the TCiy beginning of the fourteenth century by the Voenx dm
Pkt^n of Jacques de Longuyon, and by later woib which do not concern
the present object Subsequently we shall have occasion to revert to the
Vptux iu PaoM. A rendering of the ZV JWUis, the alliterative IVars of
Alexander is a translation in a very strict sense, except for an introductory
passage in which the theme is proposed in lines noteworthy for their
variation from the rest of the poem in that alliterations of successive
lines are upon the same letter.

The story ^ is of the wizard Anectanabusi the exiled king of Egypt,
of his becoming the father of Alexander the Great by Olympias, wife of
Philip of Macedon, and thereafter of Alexander's own career. He grows
up skilled in all scholarly and soldierly accomplishments, and soon sets
out on that world-conquering march which, passing fr'om Europe to Asia,
led to India, and placed him on a Babylonian throne. Just as the time
was reached for the final episode — the poisoning and death of the
Macedonian conqueror — ^the defective manuscript abruptly fails us in the
middle of the strange list of peoples whom his arms had subdued. In
the existing lines the bulk of the tale b duly narrated ; the marvels of
Alexander's mardies are recorded with much spirit and dignity — his
adventures in the wilds by Euphrates and Tigris, in serpent-haunted
deserts and mountains, and in numberless battles with eastern peoples,
especially with Darius of Persia and Poms the Indian Prince. Nor less

' On the keend generally see Prof. Zadier's PitudocaHisikems^ 1867 ; M. Ihwl Myer*!
I»rcal work AUxaudn k Grand dam la LUiiraimrt Fran^aiu^ Paris, 1886 ; Dr. Wallb
Uydge's liisimy cf AUxamUr the Grtai^ 1889; Prolcssor Dario CarraroU's La l^ggemda di
AUsumdra Afagma^ Mondovi, 1892 ; Professor Geocse Saintsbory's flauHtking tf Ramame^
Etfiahorgbt i897- 1^ legend was well known in Scotland. See Wyntoan, especially
Uu hr. late.

61

MS. «DE PRELIIS' AND 'WARS OF ALEXANDER*

19

interesting are his gallant correspondence with the Queen of the Amazons
and his exchange of views on social philosophy with Dindimos, the
learned Brahmin. ,

A few words will recapitulate the singular proofs of direct association
between this alliterative poem and the rare, if not, as is at present
supposed, absolutely unique manuscript version of the De PreKis
Alexandri found in the MS. T. 4, i. of the Hunterian Libraiy in
Gla^ow University. In editing the alliterative Wars cf Alexander
(hereinafter styled the Alexander) in 1886, Prot Skeat remarked upon
the large number of variances between its terms and those of the
normal Latin texts of the De Preliis. There were unexplained forms of
names, discrepancies of the narrative, and peculiar additions to it, which,
while sometimes intelligible as idiosyncrasies of the translator, at other
times aroused question regarding the textual sources from which the
translator worked. Peculiarities included the mention of the name of
Anectanabus generally as Anec, Parthia as Panthy, Hellada as Elanda,
Cyrus as Cusys, Zephirus as Zephall, Ocean as Mocian, Ceres as Sercnon.
These forms did not occur in the normal Latin texts. They all occur
in the Hunterian MS. among numerous other agreements where ProC
Skeat had noted divergences from the current text A list ^ follows :

Fo. Hunterian MS. T.

4.1.

* Wars of Albx.' Line.

127-9 Anec

Anec

possam

137 Artaxenscs

Artaxenses

49

127 Ptoti

Ptonthy

87

137 Siches

Sychim

89

137 Bftctria

Batary

93

138b conns

bounde (rvm/i).
note

See Pruf. Skeat's 427

150b Sidluun

Cecfle

2103

ijob Ysamiam

Ysanna

2106

150b Persopnlus

nuncnpatur in

qua sunt

Pcfsopole

21 la

muse

131 Abnndian,

Abandnnle

Abandra

2131

131 Bbthiam

Wyothy

2150

131 Trigsgintes

Tergarontes

«74

> For fuller particulars see my article entitled * HuchmerCt (?) Codex * in Athenaeum^ lath
May, 190a Cf. Prof. Skeat's notes to Alexander throogboiiL

P94**nii«Hm!PWPi"!^^

)^

•MUCHOWN OF THE AWLERYALE^

[Cb.

Orimi

^ HUNTUtlAM MS. T. 4, I.

"5"^ Zuhm
^^^^ Cetiis
>3l\> CSdstenit
■3ib Himoo
'3< QhoDnais
'3< Sfttmngens
^3^ EKhans
132b

»34

>34

'34

'34b Appolomftdes

134b iMfrndaiia

'3«> IVaphagpiiie

'37 ^odogpris

137b ^

137b

'3«
138b

140b

143b Hi
14^ A.iiabnmides
f45b ^trianca
1^^ 2ephfliis
,47 B«t™»ei.

Addontnicay

Riiires magni et (read »/ as in sen-
tence jost following) ndpcs

aves magni nt vnlinres

'Wamop Albx.*

;cn

t47
147

f4«

i4Sb

15a

154
i$7
I5»
«$7

■59 {Cantor

I59»>l

i6s Nabuaanda

Ilenanr

Cerenon, Cenx>ni [Thb capital C is
easily misread for $•]

Rex Bebfieomm

Hismoo

Cletomadius

Strasagetas

Escfaihis

Domjstyne

Limb.
2179
2215
2234

2251

Sycfle (for Olicia)

Oriathire

Elanda (for Hellada)

Appolomados

Modan (for Ocean)

Siphagoyne

Nostanda

Rodogars

Emynelaos

Strama

Anepo

Ciis3rs (for Cyms)
Coras

234S
2352
2361
2487
2512
2514
2529
2540

a7S9
2773

2819

2875
2884

3994
3219

Anabias

Batriane

ZephaU

Bactiy

Adanttrocay

[mys] as any roayn foxes

as vowtret

34aS
IA28

37to
3800

39S0
39*7
393s

3945

Eomare

Serenoo (for Ceres)

Preciosa(fer Plrasiaca)
King of Bebrike
Caraptos (for Caratros)

Caratios
Nabisanda

4193
4510

47»
5080

5"5i

5094

15337

(5343
5613

» t' >' WJ i"'»lH

iia ijiU ;!' ^'" *?

V i

q

'WARS OF ALEXANDER*

91

SiwShiAy the Ust of two-and4wen^ kings whom Alexander wiDed up
with Gog and Magog coincides with the Hunterian MS. aUnost absolutdj*
Here is the collection giving, first, the name in the MS.» and, second,
that in the poem: i. Go|^ Gogg; a. Magof^ Magogg; 5. Agethaiu,
Agekany; 4. Mageen, Magen; 5. Camaranani, Camoor; 6. Chacool^
Cacany; 7. Qeathar, Olaathere; S. Appodinari, Appedanere; 9. Lomi,
Limy; 10. Rarisei, Raiyfey; n. Bedeni, Bedwyn; la. Camante de bello^
Qambert; 13. Almade, Almade; 14. Gamardi, Gamarody; 15. Anaffiagi,
Anafirage; 16. (probably an alias for the fifteenth king) qui didtnr Rino>
cephali, Ser Na]^ (?); 17. Tarbo, Tarbyn; 18. Alanis, Alane; 19. Fhileys,
Filies; so. Artinci, Arteneus; ai. Martinei, Marthyney; ai. Saltarir, Saltaij.

There are twenty-seven /oijiu in the alliterative poem, nineteen of which
correspond to divisions at the same points in the Hunterian MS. Not least
curious is the list of Alexandei^s conquests found in the Hunterian MS.,
fo. i6a-i6ab, though wanting in normal versions. It accounts for thirty names
of provinces found in the catalogue of tributary realms at the end of the
alliterative poem — ^those so indicated being here printed in italics:

Panikus et Midus Indus michi senrit ct Armkt
Annus. C3itus qvoqiie Mtsoppiama Fersm
Italus Ehreus gens aspera Cam a ne crum:
Eikitfum gentet Macedonia Greda Cypmm :
jftmimum regniiin Libinos liberrimns Ymim
Ajfricus et Sardus Smaraus (?) PampkiHa Landus:
Efisim Cnmz locus siroul et Philadelphus :
Maurns iromundus populos ditissiiniis Monthoch*
Anfficus et Scotus Britanum qaoqae saper caterina:
Islandos Ftandrus Corueaiis et qaoque Norguey:
Theodomictts ^^hmriKj Gnandalia Gallia tota
Jspatmus sponte michi flexit nunc sua ooUa
Romanus populos ferax et doctus in armis
Se michi supponunt \htanlt\ sine crimine Rusci
Apolus et Colaber simul michi munera donat
Sincfans Yrtinns Hermtnia barbanis Ofdo
Balga[r]iis Albanns venostns Dalmacus Ystir
Hungarus et FHgius Bacynt senrida Bosut.
Can[c]ta michi subsunt, michi Jupiter iroperat nnoti'

■ -

'The foregoing list of peoples is not in the fifteenth century printo of the A PrOiU^

nor is it in the edition of 1S85 bj Dr. GusUv Landgrat Since first printing the list in

^^«pi^r".i "■" "^wffp^

^mtf^^mmnf^wmmtmfmmm

18

«HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RTALE' - [C&

Comparison with die poem loreab one strika^ fact^ nz, that of die
alliterative groupe or pain: (i) Flandcn and Fnnce^ (a) Gnicmie [Goma^
and Greece^ (3) Nonray and NaYcme^ (4) Bajoonc and Bovdeau, (5) TnAej
and Tartary, and (6) Pen and Rmiphaia. aO in die poem (D. s6S^77% <^
the fint and the last have both dieir memben m die GsL The odicr fiwr aie

in varying degree intmaoosi not trandations, dierefaf living piqsanqr to die
recurrence of die whok six groins in die ifcr* -4/tfwr OL 30-46 a^
Thus, equally when he was truly tniwtafiiig and when he was ampGfying his
text, the alliterative poet hit on combinations also fdond in die JArk Arikmrt,
Moreover, although one line in die Alcsander poem reads

Incbnd Itiile wA Yade wA bdnd cotk,
there n no mention oC Scotland. The a Di t enri ve tmHfat o r chose to retain
Engbuid in, thrust Irdand into^ and ezdnde Scotland from die fafaVigpy of
realms owing tribute to AVrandfr,

Finally, and perhaps of die most signifiram notc^ is an iliuti i m into die
text of the AUxmmder^ peispicnoariy fommrntfd npoo by P^ofcsMW SbaL
The normal Latin text of the ZV FreHis mentiom ocitain rods of adimwi,
but the alliterative translation adds a ficalnre of its own, vtL, two fines
descriptive of the quality ascribed to those rodks of drawing nais out of
ship's bottoms.

If any Ksv« to k ■cte' ihit aiffii ■ wA sjb
Then detys k sy 10 the dtfe CBiyf aid olkfK.

This proposition, as the learned profesMr acauif noui, thoof^ absent
from the Ladn text of the ZV PnlSs^ was in Maundnille^s Jgmrmrim m.
The value of Professor Skcao's ininHJl i o n was greatly aihaiirrd when it
was pointed out that aldMwh m die Hontcrian MS of die /V PreBit the
passage about the danger to ddps from adanunt tocfcs was absent also^ the
HunterianMS.inchidedacopyofManndfviIki's//Sw<yny»m> These and ^idier
reasons led to the p roposition that die Honterian codex anot have been the

ihc AfJkemstmm I CMoe imi a ilicMy iMi 1 1 m rttmm ^ k m iSm Aikm0sm^ Umtf M%,
18.4.9 ^ ^ pocikal thOmim Akxmmdn bjr WnBoHi of Spricbsi^ «fKS<s m tr0k.
«« thit poem. M. Fnd Meyer hM bea WMI covicflv • pOo^ mt v. mums ^
matJOB fai addilkm to tboic ■pccJgtJ m \m Akssmirt k Crmtd^ ^mm ««eMkl, p. 0^
>T1oi I or •fok* letter I hare aBaieaei aa ^ 7, /; w 2» essefC m % Urn ^y^o^
wbae theactaal letter wm

71 MS. •GUIDO' AND •DESTRUCTION OF TROY* tj

identical MS. used by the poet, more espedally as further correspcmdenoes
scarcely less extraordinary were found when the copy, which the MS. contuned
of the De Excidio Tlrqfe^ was compared with the alliterative poem, the
Destruction (f Trey.

7. *The Destruction of Troy.*

Like the Alexander^ the alliterative Destruction of Troy (henceforth
cited as the Troy) is a direct and or£narily £suthful translation. Just as
in the East there arose away from history altogether a legendary life of
Alexander, so in the East arose also ^ a story of Troy different from Homei's.
The blind father of bards had of coarse told the deathless stoiy from
the Greek standpoint This did not satisfy the craving of some minds
for the other side, and the strange books of Dares Phrygius and Dictys
Cretensis were produced which in some degree redressed the balance and
so (ar traversed HomePs path as to exalt Hector at the expense of
Achilles, and attribute the stratagem of the horse and the fall of Troy
directly or indirectly to the treason of Antenor and Aeneas. These
Latin and revised versions passed widely forth: Homer was unknown or
forgotten. A French trouvire^ Benott de Sainte More^ wrote his Roman de
TVoie from the Latin sources, and from that romance Guido de Columpna,
in the year 1287, made his Latin prose version which at once became a
popular history book in the literature of Europe. There was poetic vigour
in the prose unquestionably, and its rendering of that picturesque theme,

The batayle of Troy tliat vins so stonght,

took hold of Europe as even Dares and Dictys had never done. Thus
it came that Huchown's T^cy was a product of Guido's jyoja^ the same
work as John Barbour also was soon to be translating, and as John
Lydgate, the monk of Bury, was to translate.

Guido's tale of Troy is fully rehearsed in the 14,044 lines of the alli-
terative translation. There are a good many signs of carelessness, perhaps

' An exccnent sketch of the Troy Cycle in medieval literature is given fay Dr. C H.
A. Wager in his introduction to Tit &igt of Tro/e (New York, 1899), edited 60m 3€S.
HaxL 525, hy him.

^(L..;iuHii.i.. ^jfi^fli

94 «HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RYALE* [C&

to be allotted equally to the tnmslator and the scribes. Mjrioo, ibr
mitance, is killed no fewer than four times in the coarse of the interminable
battles. The narrative rises and falls, at points showing full of sustained
▼igour, elsewhere marching somewhat mechanically, but assuredly it has
many noble passages, and in general power of language and deftness of
epithet is on the merits^ an entirely dignified and worthy rendering.

The rubrics or subdivisions of the poem proved in a striking pro-
portion of cases to be direcdy associated with the rubrics of the Z^
Exddio TVafe contained in the Hunterian MS. These rubrics ar^ many of
them, very special, for an examination of a great number of copies of
Guidons book in the MSS. of the British Museum and the Bodldan Libraiy
faSed to disclose any single one which displayed any such measure of
consonance as that exhibited by the Hunterian MS.'

The correspondences are of the most thorough character, and the
following comparison of a large body of them will enable the critic to note
the differences as well as the resemblances. First, however, it is to be said
that the rendering of Guido used by the scribe was an Italian edition or
versicm by Johannulus de Borrezio in 1354, as appears from a colophcm
CO fa it6.

'* Et ego JohftDDoliis [^ expmicted and u mbstitated] de Borrezio Caocellariiis ecdi
SftBcd Victoris de Anizate Mediolanen. dioc. hoc presens opas in Beate Agoetit festo
fintvi Anno domini millenmo tricentesimo quinquagesiino quarto pontificatvs sanctisdnd
patfii et domini nottri domini Innocendi Pape vL anno seoindo Et dcioi enim comple-
xitum nisi quia in Rererendistimi in Xpo. patris et domini mei domini GiiiU*mi de
Pnstefia perminione divina sancte sedis Constantinopolitan. patriarche cojns iamiliaris
minimal etisto negodis plurimam Tacavi utpote sibi nee inmerito perpetim

This text has very many rubrics of its owa Some of those quoted below
are common to other manuscripts as well Many of them are believed to
be peculiar to Borrezio's version, of which meantime no other copy appears
to be known.

' I gladly pay homage to the critical taste of my friend, Mr. J. T. T. Brown, in loof
ago directing me to this alliterative work as containing much high-dasi P<>ctiy despite
the advene verdicts of critics, and as being Huchown's handiwork.

*Ftethcr particulars are given in ' Huchown's (7) Codes/ AtlUtuuum^ i6th Jvnc^ 19001.

UBBKSdBUC&Cj

7]

'DESTRUCTION OF TROY*

«S

8
8

HUNTBRIAN MS. T. 4, I.

Folia

I Indpit prologQS . • •

lb Explicit prologus. Indpit liber de
caso Troje primo de Peleo rege
Thessalie indocente Jtsonem . . •
ad vellos aaream adquiiendum.

4 Incipit liber secundus de • • • Greets
applicatis in pertinenciis Troje. . . .

[Passage corresponding to I. 373.]
Qualiter Rex Oetes honorifice Jas-
onem . . . recepit et qualiter Medea
. . . amore Jasonis fiiit capta.
Stent primo loquitur Jasoni Medea.
Respoitsto Jasonis ad rerba Medee.
8b Alia verba Medee ad Jasonem.
8b Alia responsio Jasonis ad Medeam.
9 Qualiter Jason et Medea. • • •
Incipit liber terdus. • . .
Res et ipsarum series date Jasoni per
Medeam pro aureo vdlere acquire
endo. • • •
14b Indpit liber quartus.
15 Qualiter Grecorum exercitus Jasonb
et Herculis Troje . • . dvitatem
illam primo dinierunt.
15b Verba Herculis. . . •
18 Qualiter Gred • . . intrant ipsam

urbem.
i8b . . . Exionam Regis Laumedonte

filiam. • . .
19b De Prianto ... & filiis. • . •
2ib De . constmctione mirabili magni

YltOQ. • • •

22b Qualiter Rex Priamus misit Antben-
onim legatam ad Grecot pro

Attiteraiwt 'Dbstruction op Trot/

9
II

24b • • • Indpit liber yj*

25 Qualiter rex Priamus . . • consulit
suam mittere gentem • • . pro
. • • Grecorum oflensione (U 2095!.

25b Quomodo Priamus bortatur . . . filios.

Prologiie.

I

Explidt Prologiie.

98

Here begyimes the ffirst Bdke. How

99

Kyng Pelleus exit Jason to g^ the

fflesofGolde.

[Lost in text, but supplied from eon*

tents, p. v.] The ii' boke how

the Grekes toke lood upon Tkoj.

Oiwse of the first debate.

Jasoo.

173

The crafte of Medea.

401

The soden bote love of Medea.

449

Medea.

5«i

The onsuare of Jason to Medea« • *

551

MedoL

560

The onsuare of Jason to Medea.

577

Medea.

637

Third Boke : how Medea enibnned

66s

Jason to get the fflese of golde.

Here begjrnneth the fourth boke. Of loio
the dystrudon of the first Tkoy by
Ercules and Jason.

Ercules.

The takyng of the towne.

iiai
1353

Exiona the Kinges doughter Lamj- 138$

don.

Off King Pryam and his diildren. 1461

The makyng of Ylion. 1609

How Antenor went on
the Grekyi.

message to 1780

Here beg]mnes the Sext Boke : How 2047
Kyng Priam toke counsdl to Wene
on theGrekys,

Off counsell of the Rynges children. 2157

B^ W i iw'i* u up. n iwiw . ■> ■ iw i L i J i

qp-flr^l"7<!?P«M«^9?ffffilMMi|

a6

[uinsiuv MSL T, ^

FofiOL

a6

«7
18

s8b

s8b

^9

QiM

996 SioM

rnw

JO QMfiier

]

3t QMfiicr Fkdi

• • •

or

or

ctpa

4^ QMdtoer jfdoiiliia ai

Off

4«b

47b QMfitar

447$
47^3

LL

50b De

•■ •

pro

$«$»

U

iorteOM

71

« DESTRUCTION OF TROY*

HUNTBRIAN MS. T. 4, I.

Folia
53 Despripdo illonim qm in

venere TkojaDonmi.
54b Quomodo Diomedes quedam disoeU

verba profudit de prooesso.
5Sb De secundo bello. ... Li. xv*

66b De terdo bello . . « lib. snri*

68b De quarto bello ... Li. xvij* •

76b De quinto bello. ... Li. zviij*

72 De sexto bdlo ... Li. xviiij*"

74 Nota de inconstanda mnliemni.

[This does not seem to be ia the

scribe's hand, bat it a coeval

owner's ejacnlatioii.]

75b De septimo bello . . . liber vice-

77b Hie fuit preliatam per xij dies con-
tinne sequentes.

78

81

83

De viij* bdkn.

[This b not numbered as a book,
and a failure, probably due to this,
occurs in the consecutiveness,
there bdng no number xxij in
the Latin.]

Qualiter Agamenon mortuo Hectore
jussit majores Grecorum ad se
venire et quomodo loquitur eisdem.

De nono bello . . . liber xxiij"*

83 Qualiter ille metuendus Achilles fuit
allaqueatus amore.

86 De dedmo bello • . • LL xxyj*
[begins Induciis igiiur daiis],

87b De undedmo bello [begins SeptaUi
verodu Tnjani\,

AlUterativ€ * Dbsteuction op Tiot."

tine.
Of the Ryngies that come to Tkoj 5431

for socur of Priam.
The Counsell of Dyamede to stirre to 5590

thedte.
XV Boke. Of the Ordinaunce of the 6065

Tkoiens to the secund batdL
xvi Bdke. Of a trew takjn two 7115

moneths, and of the third batdL
xvij Bofke. Of the C6unsell of the 7346

Grekes for the Dethe of Ector

and the iiij** batdL
xviij*- Boke of the fyvet batell in the 75S3

lelde.
nx Boke. Of the vL batdl. 7811

[LL 8055-67, paragraph on female

6cklenes8.]

The XX Boke. Of the vij"* Batdl 8183

and Skarmidies. • • .
Here thai fiight twelve dayes to- 8403

gednr*
[This b an exceedingly speda] sub*

mbric.]
The xxi Boke. Of the viij BatelL 8431
[From thb point the numbering of

the translation and the Latin

to correspond.]

The counsall of Agamenon alter the 88j6
dethe of Ector.

Here begynneth the xxij Boke: the 8971

ellevynt Batell of the Ote.
The solempnite of the obit of Ector 9089

and how Achilles fell in the

momurdotes for luft
Here begynnys the xxiij Boke: of 9400

the xij and xiij batdL
xxiiij Boke : Of the xiiij and xw

batell of the Ote. 9638

nm f !i". ! tm ffw>wipffy

HUCHOini or the ai

HuHTSUAV MSL T. 4. I.

at De

tgb De tocb

1

19!^ Dq ^uuto
96b De qoalo
Uhft UiSm

finCCBtk to tbit

Tbe tiBMbikf
«o»ewiit nni; i Li l
91b De vnf beOo [bcfps
didm dt^ IfMfe]

9^ Dc zri^bdlo . • • (bcg^H

9S Den^bdloPKcM
^1

960 • • • Sbcr BPri^* (L 107901^

97 De vioofaBO priM bcMo a

[bcgiM iiO«nw4
S7b De fkonw BMBdo bcMo a 1091 J)

9fb De Tioerino tocb bcMo « de

PubttOee pcf

(L ii079)[bqiiM
99 De tmdati tee

TVqfe Indpit Sbcr tswm*

ef the die.

Mf De qycjonect drilien lot Twje fide

Mitt Rcfk Firfuri ct

flit. U
"7

Tbe

1 1717

19015

71

•DESTRUCTION OF TROV

Folia

Huntsman MS. T. 4, i.

AUiiiraiwe * DBSTftOCnoN OF Tbov.*

io8b Qualiter destructa orbe Troje Tbda^ Tlie vol Boke : Of stiyfe of Thekp Ul6s

lia

monins Ajax loquitiir cootni Vlixem
oocasaone Pftladii liber tricesiiiras
primiis.
Stquitnr quomodo mortuns est Aga-
menon liber xxxij"*

monand Ullzesandof thedetheof
ToebuDOii*

Tlie xxxij Bdke : Of the Lesjme that itSS>
was made to Kyng Nawle, and of
dethe of his soo Fkloiiijdoii.
[Numbering ot books tallies once more. Off the dethe of Agamynon and the

exile of Dyamede by there wyvyt 127x7
for this lettnr.

Here begynnes the xxxiij Boke. How 12937
Oreste toke vengiaiise for hb iiiider
dethe.

As to a oonftisioo in the numbering

of the books in the alliterative poem,

see note by editors (pret liii-iv) on

displacement of two sets of folios of

the MS.].
115b Qualiter Horrestes . . . patris . . .

neoem . . . vindicavit Liber tricesi-

mus terdus.
117 Sequitur narrado de reditu Ulixis et The xxxiiij Boke How hit happit 13106

quid ei in redeundo contingit. Ulizes a(hir the sege.

Ii9h De reditu Pint et ejus prospero successu The xxzv Boke: Of Pyrrus and of II388

acde morte sua sequitur narrado Lib. his passyng from Troy.

xxxiiij* Off the ooronjmg of Pyrrus and of 13655

his dethe.
122b Qualiter Ulixes mortuus est subse- The xxxvi Boke. Of the dethe of ij8o8

quenter enarratur : liber xxxv*" Ulixes by his son.

Textually, as the various versions of Guido*s Histaria exhibit few crucial
tests for identification of their distinctions, it is not easy to devise methods
of decisive collation. Yet a few very cogent instances can be adduced.
Besides the mere facts of agreement in so many rubrics, not found ^in any
print or MS. of Guido accessible to me, there is specially the agreement in
the numbering of the books above illustrated — a matter on which there is
considerable divergence in different texts. In the list of kmgs whom
Hector slew, the poem put ' Archilocus ' (or Arcesilaus) first All the prints
and the greater number of the manuscripts of Guido, put him fomth
or fifth in the list, which comes ultimately from Dares Phrygius (Teubnery
1873, praef. ix.). But the Hunterian Guido (fo. 125), like the poem
(1. 14,008) places Archilocus first There are, on the other hand, siidi
elements as the presence of ' Beelzebub ' (1* 4357) ^ ^^ poem, where the
Hunterian MS. (fo. 43) has BuRn Aback Bel L deus Zabuch i. musca iac

HUCUOWN OF THE AWLE ETALB' [Cb.

wuuauruM — Ihoiq^ printed editioBS have * B c cl«bob * — vlikii imkc

poMUe thit the poeUnndator luid jKces to Boreoopies dyoi one of

^liit widdj anient woriL Ahboi^ the ^nxj dliamdim iy ooac^KXidencci

^nrhiWted mjght not suffice to lo i miUHe the pnwC sq^e^unded^ thqr jct

^iriien placed in conjonctioo with the aadar and tfill move stiUag oone-

^KmdeDces of the Akxamiar with the ame HoDtcrian lf& eatable » to

Stan with a prctumption little dioit of absolnte that the tiiirdatnr of the

Aiaumiar and the tranthtnr of the Thsf, whether the ame pcnoo or

not. at any nte oscd the same im i hiw l ipt— • iiu i mwii|i t the caifiest

powible date of whidi is 1356, the jear in which the IHmermnrnm of

r Manndeville is, in the text of the M& itsd^^ dedaicd to have been

How the presomptioo of two tnindations fioin the san

script stands the test of being canied a degree findicr to the infaenoe

that die vser of the Bf& was the maker of both framhliont win beat

qipear from the analysis now to be imdectaken of certain poems with the

primaiy view of deteniuning their rdatioo and order of date.* Tlie Drwyt

there is good reason to maintain/ was qooted in ^^*'«^^^"if bj Barbour

in 1376.

& 'Titus amd Vespasian/ Its Sxort, Soukces, axd Date.
(i) TJk Sioty amd Gtmerai Smna.

Indications^ whidi mqr be left to the critic to acoqit or rqect as he
pleasesi suggest with some distinctness that the Trwy was not written tiD
after the AiauuuUr. While wishing to be taken as comparatiTdj tentative
nqr opinioo of the priori^ of the Aiexamier to the Trpy^ I advance as

>A gpnt ■jrslciy hmgi am UaaadenDe. Thm waA have bees an carij oapfi k
diftn froai other tatSi and will lewaid madj fay aoBe lover of the dMrmii^ liimirmry.
Sv liev of FgHatoen wai fai Loadoe io xyjL Uk cettaig the MS k that year b aol
oqroofl me poanoi 01 wgwiiate qwealatiiHk

•It b proper to mall te fret that k eBoamg, the Trwf Mr. Ymmgm and Mr. Dtovid
I> fl Mldw « aiga^ "^n kneUOtn that iu tiaadator and te arthor of MtmU Aftkmn

•d 7fV» 19969-74. S734* ios6^ and Bubov^ Brmtt. r. i-rj. svL &yji. and
Ml y AiiMamdtr. pw 107, D. i-is, pu sA IL i6-sii See Jtkm Bmrimr. /Wr

q 'TITUS AND VESPASIAN'; THE STORY ji

an absolute and unhesitating conclusion the view that the Ih^ was
followed by a poem variously known as the TUus and Vispasiam a as
Tk€ Scge of Jerusalem^ or as the Warris of the Jowu — ^henoeforwaxd cited
as Uius.

m

Although critics heretofore have busied themselves with the qaestkm of
the authorship of the TVvf, while some have supposed it to date* after
Aforii Artkurtf while some have given the lYey to Huchown, and while
others have refused it, no one has yet set forward^ the great &ct of the
connection between these two alliterative poems constituted by a third
alliterative poem, the IftuSf whose authorship till now has not been
claimed. It is the key to Morte Arthurt^ the link which binds it in
indissoluble association with the TVoy^ and determines finally the order oi
production.

The mtus found in one MS. in company with a poem in the precise
metre of the PisHU of Susan contains in the only available printed text
1332 lines, not rimed but alliterative^ and has for its theme the mixacnloiis
cures of Titus and Vespasian and the siege and overthrow of Jerusafem.
Founded as regards its earlier incidents in some degree on blended featores
of early versions of the singular legend of St Veronica, such as the Latm
Vindicta Salvatoris and the French Destruction de Jerusalem^ but laigdy
striking out new lines for itself, the poem soon discloses its direct connection
with the Legenda Aurea^ many passages of which it freely adapts, though
with insertions from undiscovered sources and contributions evidently quite
original Another work clearly drawn upon was the Bellum ludakum of
Josephus, no doubt, as Herr F. Kopka has shown,* in the version of
Hegesippus. The story tells, at the opening, how Titus is afflicted with a
cancer and his father with a settlement of wasps in his nose, from whidi
he took his name Waspasian ! Titus, eager in his inquiry after physidans^
is told by Nathan, a Jew, of the wondrous life of a prophet bom in *
Bethlehem who wrought many a miracle, and who at last, betrayed by
Judas, was put to death by Pilate^ the provost of Rome. Titus, touched

' The proposition was made in my article ^Huchattm^ (part I.) in Athenaeum^ I Jniie 1901
* TJU Dtstntetim ofJirmaUm : nn mUt€kn^isclus oiHterunmUs Ctdichi. Einkinmg.
IttoMgural Diutrtatwu Breslaa 1887.

I V.

■ m ^uHJH i Jii it f Wi .n.wj . H B ^J| l \ }\ ^^

: -X*

•HUCUOWN OF THE AWLE RYALB* |Ql

by what he hcan^ breaks ool with a fliddcn ciin c aii oo of sympathj fior
Christ and censure of His condemnation. Before the words are whoOj
said the cancer vanishes. The gratefollf joyous Titos tarns CSiristian and
is baptised. Vespasian learns of the nmaoikxis healing and tows tfiat if
he too shall be cored he will give hb Efe for Cliiist. Mcssengcis are sent
*that time Peter was Pope and preached in Rome,' and firom Palestine
there comes Saint Veronica with the veil on wbidi the Saviour's face had
left its sacred imprint When thb predoos rdac reaches the temple at
Rome the idob of the heathen iaith jet prevalent there ciadi in pieces.
Saint Peter touched with die veil die person of the iUostrioos patient,
'the wasps went away and all the woe after/ and the glad Vespasian
christens the veil after Veronica and calls it the Vemade. The scene
now shifts: Romans set sail to make war on the Jews; the holy dty is
besi^ed; surrender is demanded in vain, and Vespasian, foiled to some
extent by the warlike ingenuity of Josephus, strives long and nnsoccessfolly
to take Jerusalem. Meanwhile Nero dies; after Galba, Otho^ and Viteffius,
at last Vespasian is diosen successor. He departs for Rome and leaves
the siege to be prosecuted by Titus. Famme and distress aocekiate that
task; eleven hundred thousand Jews <fie by sword and hunger; the walls
are stormed; and the stubborn defenders starved till their stomadis^ as die
poet ezpressivdy puts it, are * no greater than a greyhound,* lay down their
armsi and doffing their armour, yield their gates * in their bare shirts.* The
jewelled splendours of Solomon's sanctuary are carried away, and as a
Jew had sold Christ 'for thirty pennies in a poke,' now the prisoners of
Titosi bound together with ropes, were sold — 'thirty Jews in a thrum* —
at a penny foe thirty. And then the long ri^e was raised, and the victors
* went singing away ' homeward to Rom^ as ends our poet—' Now rede us
our Lord.'

(i) Tkt ' jyikr,* /ir ' Thjr,' amJ iki * AUxamder:

This remarkable HUus^ in paru of it not taken from any of the Latin
or French sources above named, indudes more than one passage and
not a few single Imes which it owes directly to the Thpp. Not only so ; b
some of those passages and lines there is a double association^ for they

91

•TITUS'; ITS PARALLELS

13

connect with the Alexander alsa In particular the language descriptive
of the fall and destruction of Jerusalem in the TUus will be shewn to be
in part derived from an episode of destruction in the TVv^, and more
remotely from certain siege descriptions in the Alexander. Premising that
the primary thesis is that the Titus is deeply indebted to the TVv^ kt
us i»oceed to the scrutiny of parallels.

Alex.
Tny
Tny
Trof

5787
1984

rnrf

9611
Tny 1902

AUx.

Tny
Tr0y

555 Qoadis denly to-deve
Qiifiure.
Qoodis with the damoar

daterit above.
A rak and a royde wynde
rose in hor saile.
431a Both mawhoanus and man-
mettes myrtild in peoes.
Latin has yddum ... essei
in tninuiaHm ahuisswm.
8719 Of wepyng and wayle and

wiyngyng of hondes.
8679 . • • wringyng of hood :

The dit and the dyn was
dole to bdiokL
1347 Of the dite and the dyn was
dole to bdiolde.
Mydie weping and waHe

wringyng of hood.
Hade hir at hb bake and

the bankes levyt.
Hadyn bir at there badce

and the bonke levyL
Tildcd full of torretes and

toores of defence.
Mony toures up tild the tonne

to defende.
• . . the might and the
mayn . • .
7619 A thondir with a thicke rayn

thrublit in the skewes.
12496 A thoner and a thicke layne
thniblet in the skewes.
Latin has in muitn cofim
pluviarum tiker in Urn*
trucrum aggregaeiombmu

TUm.
54 Cloades dateien goo as they cleve

wynde looi

nuunetes lo-

54 Tlie ladM royde a rede

in the myddeL
253 Tlie mahomid and the
moftled to peoes.

245-6 Than was wepyng and wo and
wiyngyng of hoodis
With loude dyn and dit foe dofl of
faym ooe,

12490

1 151

"55"
5825

288 lladde byr at the bake and the booke
lefte.

310 With many a toret and tour that toon
to defende.

505 Bothe the m}*ght and the mayo:

530 As thonder and thicke rayn throwa-
land in ikyes.

j jn ju ii u I B P J i m,,u i L i M i w mj nj ri

i iip w. . iipi n i.JU ^T^Wgft^Wiii

34

• HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE KYALE'

(Ot

7>iy 1195 Spetn»wMatpamt%tpnMitf» SS^ SfMkljr hec tfoa on spnite* tb^

CC S7S3. 64a<b TM. 9Mk

^A«; 790 Al to qxyagi* i* ^ralii

• •

7S6 • . . spaUjrwkh

789 Sooe into shevcniid shides 552 SdbMt% mt sdiidwod 00 sdiddrcs to

vode Hmj

Avmiyn 501 SdMftis of

AUx, 4766 As gotb cot of gottus in

gnhwmd wedics.
7>»r 9406 He gbd bjm thuig^ the

gvttes with ft pyiB ^xre.
Tnrf 3170 ChftondclcfB foil diefe and

dutfbokin stones.
Thpr 11141 AD the bent of that birr

blod J bcfonnm.
Akx. 1595 Kcnelj thsi kepe with

castyng of stancs.
Akx^ IJ90 Archers with arowes of atter

emvenmoojo*
Trty. 4739-41 SdioCtyn up sharply at the

tfhfffff walfis
With ^yvcs and gomes

prdjn dom toorcs
Diyven op dartcst gyflfen

depe woondes.

Latin has €rAn» mgiUis em*
issis MaNitF vti/t§ffwrtt^

Aiex, 1391 Shoton up sharply at salkei

00 the waBcB.
Aiut. 1396 Diyres dartct at our dnkcc

depljT thaim wnnwVn.
Thpr 1647 In comals bj course dustret

oloft.
Akjr. 1421 And be the kernels wer kcat.
AUx, 3046 or aiows and of albbstres

that aQ the ayre bljnded.

558 And eoates from golde wcde as

goteres they ranne.
564 Gtideth oat Uie gvttes with groondcn

588 Chair and channddcrs and diarbokd

597 So was the bent oner brad blody

byranne.
619 Kepten kenly with caste the kemds

akfte.
652 And arwes arwdy with at^

▼eoymyd.

664

'Schoten up sdiarply to the schcne

83s

Diyiren dartes a doon geven depe

673 Kcsten at the kemeb clustered toures.

665 With arwes and arblastes and alle

that harme my^it*
833 With arwes and arblastes and archers

'

\.

«1

•TITUS* AND THE 'TROY*

35

I

To interrupt a little the monotony of parallel will serve a good porpoie
if it accentuates the next pair of passages. In the Tf»y the Gredt cuap
by night is pictured in words which alike in thdr modicum of adherence
to the Latin text they follow, and in their more notable deviations fton
it, evince a mastery of poetic art and natural description. One feds that
the translator's night was more real than Guido's : yet the passage as t
whole is not the alliterative poef s : it gives us Guido /Uts hb tcushtOL
Accordingly, when we find the same description in the TI/kt, and at Ae
end of it a further Ibe from another part of the TVv^, where that fine ii
indubitably translation, it ceases to be a matter of argument and establidiei
itself as ascertained fiict that without the previous lYay we could have had
no TVus.

T^ 7148-57.
When the dmy ouerdrogh and the derk

entrid,
The steroes full stithly starand oloft.
All merknet the mountens and mores

aboute,
The fowles there fethers foldyn togedur,

Nightwacche for to wake, waits to Uow ;

Tore fyres in the tenttes tendlis oloft.

All the gret of the Grekes gedrit horn

somyn,
Kynges and knyghtes dennest of wit,

Dukes and derflfc erles droghen to counsell ;
In Agamynon gret tent gedrit were alL

They had met in counsel how to compass
the death of Hector. Later in the poem
Achilles, scheming revenge on Troilus, found
no rest in his bed.

Ttius 72S-3I.
By that was the day done, dynmedthedqres

Merked montaynes and mores mbonlCb

Foules fidlen to fote and her fethies rariccs.

The nyght wacche to the walles and wqfta

to Uowe,
Bryght fiires aboute betyn abiode ia the

oste;
Chosen chyventayns out and chiden no mor,

Bot charged the chek-weoche and to

chambr wenten,
Kynges and knyghtes to caochca bem rest

Waspasian lyth in his logger litd be slepith.

Troy 10096 And lay in his loge litHl

he deppit.

Guido's Latin of these two T^cy passages is

Aspectibus igitur hominum crepusculo succedente stellis per cell spadum ondkiiie
pate£ictis quibus nox que nocet oculis intuendum in aspectibus ceterorum propler sue

w uaj w ' ' i "' jjJJjj i ijyy.. iwigl>*lwpig ^i...H i gpiiw gpyyfff*^^^

36

•HUaiOWN OF THE AWLE RYALE*

[Ch.

tcnebns cgcitatfa aperte vo^vtt Omnes Reges Greoomm duces et prindpes in ipiiiis
ooctis cootidnio in Regps Af^unenoob tentorio oonveninnt.

[AdiiUcs] inqnietof sua non appetit daudere Imniaa in donnidoms consaeta qoiete.

The effect of M» group of lines common to the sieges of Troy and
Jerusalem — the alliterative sieges — stands in litde need of enforcement
The canon of comparison to which appeal is made is this. Given two
passageSi one of which must be due to the other ; given that one of them
is known translation, although expanded somewhat; given that the other
is not transition; then if the points in common include things which are
real translation, every presumption leads to the conduaon that the trans-
lation is the source, and therefore the earlier. It seems axiomatic that the
TV-ej^ lent its night-scene to the TY/us. And there are yet other parallels
to follow. Elsewhere in a discussion of the same sort the proposition was
advanced that a poet who repeated the same line more than once in a
poem might not unnatorally be found repeating it in another. In thb
connection, therefore, it is worthy of observation that one of the lines
above quoted occurs in another part of the lYay as welL

7>oy 780^ Merkit the mounUyns and mores aboate.

Id both instances the darkening of hill and moorland at nightfall is a touch
of the transhitor's own — is exegetic and not literal translation. It is the
recurrence of this fact which imports so much more significance into such
recurrent lines. Will it not appear strange if from a verse-translation con-
taining 14,000 lines, the borrowings in other poems should so often prove
to be not of Guidons matter, but of the translator's ? Now we return to
our parallels.

TViSf IOS87 FeU was the fight fojning

of qieais.
Tn^ 47S3 PcU w the lieght. . . .
7W7 5795 • • • feUy • • • foghtja . . .

7W7 I1956 When the derke was done

and the dij spiange.

jiUM. 1489 • • • bodwofde of blis. • . .

AUx» 1314 And makes a way wyde

eno^ wajaes for to mete.

815 Fought right felly foyned with speres.

835 See under 664 above

850 When the derk was doun and the day

spcyngen.
965 . . . bodewofd of blji. . . .
998 Made weys throw for wencs and cartes.

•^■^■^••■•■■WHf^F*

q

•TITUS'; JERUSALEM, TENEDOS» AND TVRE

37

Alex. i2&i And thai als ftyne alle the

flote as foweHe of the day.
A&x. 75 ... oate in the wale stremys.
Troy 6064 . . . Lord giflfe oi joye.
[End of book xhr.]

Ttv/ 4751-2 Layn ladders alenght and

aloft wonnen
At ydie Cornell of the castell

was cnisshyng of weppon.
LaUn has belikis ualis apposiiis UiaiiUr
impdunt ei dura dcbeHaaome jytfjatict
terimmiL
Troy 11090 Rene was the trie with

cmsshyng of weppyn.
Troy 6924 That the blod out hrast. . . .
^^ 4755-6 1^11 ^lud lept of the bidder

li^t in the dyke.
The brajme oute brast and

the brethe levyt.
Latin has stemuntur a scaOs et volubiiiter
ruinosi preuenimtes in terra fraetis eertfi*
cihus vitam exdlanL
Akx. 2153 ... fey for defante end-

myshyd hys oste.
7H7 3169 Bassons of bright gold and

other brode vessdL

Troy 4774 Mynours then mightely the

moldes did serche.

TUmu
1005 Fayn as the fool of day was the Mu

than.
1017 . . • over wait stremys.
1104 . . . and God gyre ns Joj.

[End of one of the four divisQiis of
the poem*]
1186 At eche kernel was cry and qnasschTBg

of wepne.
1189 Leythe a ladder to the wal and a
lofte djrmyth.

1194-5 That the biayn oat brast at both note
thrylles
And Sabyn dcd of the dynt into the

diche fidleth.
[Sabyn had moanted the ladder.]
1203 Werdedofthatdyntandin the^die
lyghten.

1240' . . • enfamyed for defiiute whan hem

fode wanted..
1261 Bassynes of brend gold and other

biyght ger.
1274 Now masons and mynonra hav the

molde sooghte.
1279 Till alle the cyte was aerdied and

sought al aboute.
' 1257 Doun bete the bilde brenne hit in to

grounde.
1285 Bot doun betyn and brent into blake

erth.

7>v|f 4695 Betyne donne the buyldynges

to the bare erthe.
Troy 4777 Betyn doun the buyldynges

and brent mto erthe.
Latin has in faeie terre dejectis tarn
deidencinm studio quam igmum Jtammie
voraeHuf*
Alex. 3642 Thretti dab on a throme. . . . 1314 Thrytty Jewes in a thrum. • • «

From these dutions an interesting induction comes. Lines of the
Titus^ containing part of the narrative of the detailed overthrow and deso-
lation of the Holy City, reproduce almost verbatim lines of the TVvf,

jS «HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RYALE* [Ch.

all coiureraing a side-incideDt of the Ttojan stoiy — the assault^ defence^
capture^ and destruction of the castle of Tenedos.

Titus (a) 664, (b) 835, {c) 1x89, {d) n86, {e) 815, (/) 1195.

Trey (a) 4739, W 474if W 47Si. W AlS^f W 47S3f (/) 4755-
TT/Ki fe) 1194, (h) 1274, 1279, (1) 1285.

Tray {g) 47S6» W 4774. (0 4777-

Nor ends there the indication from a synthesis of the borrowings, if
borrowing it be called. If the fidl of Jerusalem points us to Tenedos^ it
points at the same time to Tyre, for (besides others of minor note) the
following lines in the THtus connect with the siege of Tyre in the corre-
sponding Alexander Imes.

Titus (a) 310, (b) 998, {c) 652, (-0 664, {e) 6x9, (/) 835, {g) 673.
Alex, {a) 1x51, {b) 1324, {c) 1390^ {d) 139X, {e) 1395, (/) '39^1 fe) M^i.

That siege of Tyre I It so singularly unites with authentic history the
legendary and romantic after-accretion, which through Lambert li Tors was
to fumbh a Scottish locus classicus in the reference to it made by John
Barbour in hb vigorous account^ of the taking of Edinbuigh Castle in
the spring of the jrear of Baimockbum.

Not the least curious element of the foregomg comparisons of the
capture of Jerusalem with that of Tenedos b the fact that the succession
of the lines b almost perfectly the same in both. Those of the Titus
observe in nine instances out of ten — ^with only two slight transpositions —
the very order of the corresponding lines in the TVoy. No one b likely
to suggest that such an occurrence b a chance coincidence. Even had
the fine scene of the midnight camp been wanting, thb matter of Jerusalem
and Tenedos and Tyre must itself have sufiiced to prove the wonderful
linking of the three poems.

(3) Date IndUatums.

Thices of contemporary hbtorical and romance elements in Titus lead
to a suggestion of date. One cannot now call the BnU of Geoflfirey of

^Bmn^ X, 705-3>

Twwf^<WBy*w;*<ip^— Hiif i> iMn ■■ yij jT^

q •TITUS*; ITS DATB jj

Monmoath a historical soutce^ but the point of view of the fomteentik
century was not oms. The poet certainly drew upon die Brmi^ fat
Vespasian's banner widi its golden dragon, haring under Um a fsor-
bladed falchion pcnnting to the four points of the compass and resting
upon a ball of burning gold in sign of conquest of the woild. The dIagoi^
moreover, was a qpedal token of the imperial presence — ^"dier the hid
werred' — and of menace. Both of these ideas are oudined by Geoffiqr
of Monmouth. Two sources in French romance are probable. Refeicnoei
to vows (IL i8i, 197, 969, looi) perhaps cany an air of the Kpmot lAr
Paon^ a poem popular in the middle of the fourteenUi centmy The
shaving of the Roman ambassadors (IL 355-78), thus maltreated by die
Jews as an insult^ is an incident not in the general sources of the Veiooica
legend, and is in all likelihood a transfer from the French romance of Qgur
DanoiSf in which four ambassadors of the Emperor Charles^ sent to daim
homage and tribute of Godfrey of Denmark, are sent back shaven and shonil
Yet more dedrive is the historical hint to be deduced fixm the summons
to surrender Jerusalem, which is answered by the shaving of the imperial
'sondbmen.' The Jews, so acdng, were returning scorn fior scorn, since
they had been called upon to submit to T^tus in terms of ignominy :

Open-heded aOe
Up her jatet to ySA vrith 3erdes 00 hande
Ecbe whight in a white scherte and no wede ellys (TWlKr, 344-d).

In the end, after their long and tragic defence^ they can hold oat no
longer:

Bot op 3eden her jates and jelden hem alle

Withont bronee and bright wede in her bar chertes (Tkm^ »13-4}»

This cannot well have come from any other quarter than firom the
surrender of Calais in 1347 to Edward IIL The 'floynes** and 'fiuoostes^'
'cogges,' 'crayers,' and castled *galees,' which form the fleet of T!tn%
are anything but Roman; they quite correspond to the shippmg of the
third quarter of the fourteenth century. The statement that the Jews on
the approach of Titus flew like the Foul Death (* flowen as the fool deth')

i^rM/, v!LdL3,4. TT/to, 387-4oa * See Avesbmy (RoUs Series) 38Si for « floynei.*

40 «HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RYALE' [Cr.

may point to 1349, tmt is better interpreted to refer to the vistation of
i36i-a. In 1361 it oosMd the diannd: '

That Ok yete in t3 Ynslud

Tbe Sccnod Dede was bA wcdand {HyMt^tm, vm., 7135-^

It did havoc in Scotland in 1362. There is yet another element
making for a date about that time. The Black Prince's conquest of
Aqiutaine^ ratified by the treaty of Bretigny in 1360, may account for a
freshened interest in the legend of St Veronica, whom Frenchmen still
dengnate as * the Apostle of Aquitaine.*^ The locality of her cult was
in Gascony and Guienne and Bordeaux, all then English possesnon^ and
an playing a part in the legend and in our poem (11 a6, 70, 190). We
can hardly date 7f fus earlier than 1363. In any view the sequence
established between Alexander^ Tray^ and Titus will perhaps hdp us
when from the Titus— ^ poem known to Scotland in the fifteenth centuxy*
— ^we pass at last to Morte Artkurt^ believing that we have possessed
onrsehres of its secret

9. *MOKTB ArTHURB,' its SOURCES, CONTBNTS» AND PaRALLRL&

(i) The ^Brut^ as General Saurte.

A chivalric Arthurian poem, not improbably known to Barbour' and
certainly quoted by Wyntoun ^ (circa 1420^ this story is a fi'ee rendering of the
Ude first enshrined in Geoffrey of Monmouth's reliquary^ that Brut or Historia
£riUnum to which for ill and for good British hist(M7 and British literature
stand in so profound a debt* The 'Emperor' Lucius Iberius sends to

> SmmU ydrmtfrne^ Aptif de fAfmimm. and ed. Tonkmse, 1877.

'The opening line of Titus--'* In Tiberins's tyme the trewe Emperour ' — ^is, as John Leydeo
knd oheenred, rerhatim the opening line of Tkt Cyr€-C€arUng printed in Earfy Puftilmr
Sattisk Bsdry^ ed. Laing and Hazlitt, 189s, il p. 19; also as number taXivL in the
Haatcriaa Clab print of the Bmnmrniym MS.

^J§km Burhmr^ BmS tmd Tnmslai§r^ p. is. Besides the fiicts associating Barixmr with
the Kb||^ of Ejg^ntoany the concorrence of sources nsed bj Barbour and Hndiown has to
be c umri d ci t d . See bdow, ch. 15 see. 4.

« Hymtmuh ^ ▼•# n. 4271-4366 ; M0rU Artkmrt^ VL 34-47» etc

*Some dlKWion of this and other sources occurs in P. Branscheid*s daborate essay
Qmenm des MwU Artkurt in AngUu^ viiL, Amwiiger^ pp. 178-336 ; Dr. Moriu Trantmann's

i'

9] 'MORTE ARTHURE' AND THE 'BRUT' 41

t

England demanding homage and tribute. In response to the insoid^
embassy. King Arthor crosses the channel, and, after dajing a giant^ fi|^t
great batde with Lucius, who (alls, and whose body Arthur causes to h
conveyed to Rome as the only tribute he is prepared to pay. He te
advances into Italy, and is anticipating coronation at Rome when bid
news from England constrain him to turn. Mordred, Us nephew, left ii
chaige of the realm, has played &lse, and the king's landing is obSj cffedei
after a great sea fight in which he is victorious over Mordred and Hi
foreign allies. The battle is continued ashore, and to the great grief flf
the king, Sir Gawayne falls by Mordred's hand. The trautor dien Ilea
to Cornwall, with Arthur in vengeful pursuit Agun there is batd^ sad
all the great names of the Round Table are reckoned on the list of deal
Arthur strikes Mordred a terrible blow which cuts off his sword-hand, md
Mordred dies from a thrust of Calibum driven ' to the bright hiltiL* Aidiw
himself, however, is wounded mortally in the encounter, and the poweriid
historical alliterative romance ends with the Requiem sung over die bevo
buried at Glastonbury — Rex quondam rexque fuiurus.

In this outline there is little deviation from the vulgate story of Ardnir.
The poem glorifies Arthur and the knights of his Round Table, most of sB
perhaps dwelling on the exploits and devotion of his nephew. Sir Gawayne^
whose death is the occasion of a passionate lament by the hero-king. TUi
is one of the many insertions made by the poet, although his framewoik as
a whole is a fairly literal translation of the version of Arthur's later career
given by Geoffrey of Monmouth, who, however, was not the sole Arthurian
authority he employed. The English Brui'^ was known in Scotland sooa
after the middle of the fourteenth century. But the Latin Brut was that
used by Huchown. There was, however, a considerable levy made on
other works besides the Brut and its offshoots.

At numerous points dramatic episodes are woven into the plainer thread of

/Vr Dichter Httchaum und seine Wirke in AftgHa^ i., 109-49; Dr. Oskmr SouuDei'i
Lt Af&rte Darthur^ voL iii. 148-175 ; Mrs. M. M. Banks's edition of Morte Arthur^ p. tag;
and the pre&ce to the Desiruciian of Troy, These references give no doe to the sonices
(except the Bmt and the Troy) now to be dealt vrith.

*The Bmyt en Engles is quoted by the Scataeronica^ p^ 3.

D

%

- • • -■. '-y;- ■>,•?*«

"HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RYALE* [Ch.

Bruif and the Creai Gat rf Arthurt is presented with high and vivid
and with a dignity and stateliness due to the monarch-elect of
^ tf w ahk romance. It is no detraction from the constructive power of the
that even at this remote distance of time we can so far enter into his
as to determine with some certainty some at least of his sources.
It is hardly necessary to particularise the parts of Marie Arthure which
from its stodL source^ the BrtU. What is taken is freely handled, changes
ddiberatdy madCi expansion is everywhere^ and there are inserted not a
tilings which are in no sense really exegetical of the Brui. From book ix^,
chapter 15 of Geoffrey, wherein Lucius sends his letter, to book xi., chapter a,
wbevdn Arthur, wounded to death, is carried to Avalon, the BrtU is the
itre and substance of the poem. The particular manuscript of the Brut
iployed in the making of the poem will be considered by and bye. The
value of Marti Arthure as a piece of literary history and as literature turns,
bowever, to no small extent upon its incidental indebtedness to certain other'
ao ur ce s which English and German editors and commentators have over-
looked. The first of these is one which we may remember as of proved
connection with the aUiterative Alexanier.

(2) MauttdevUUs Itinerary.
We therefore renew our acquamtance with Maundeville. In Marte
Arikmrtf when Sir Priamus, badly wounded, becomes the prisoner of

A Coyle of fyne colde they fimde at hb QrrdUl,

That et I11U of the flour of the fovor weU

That flowet owte of Paiadice when the flode lysei.— <U. 2704-61)

Of the teirestrial Paradise Maundeville knew that it contamed a well with
foor streams carrying precioi» stones, and lignum aloes, and golden sand.
The terrestrial Paradise he knew, too^ was so high that Noah's flood could

(3) FIda or Bratiatu
Sir Hew of Eglintoun was a Justiciar of Scotland. That he should have
been acquainted with one or other or both of the classical English legal

^Ummdeviik (Wright), di. mui MS. T. 4, 1, fix s66-l>69k.

9] 'MORTB ARTHURE' AMD SANCTUARY LAW

4]

treatises must be as little sarprismg as would be his making the penoori
acquaiutance of an Englbh Chief-Justic^ say, for example Schanhilly dnf
a visit to or sojourn in London. There is in Marte Artkurt an episode k
connection with the ambassadors of Lucius which argues unmistakali^ a
knowledge of the English law of sanctuary as set forth in Bracton's DratUtm
de Legibus d Consueiudinihus AngKae^ written before. 1259, or with the Aii
siu Commcntarius Juris An^icani^ which — ^largely drawn from die feimcr
work— a judge of the time of Edward L composed m the Fleet PiiKXL
The episode in question is a supplement of the poet's devising to anything
he could have found in the original, for the Brut contains nothing tiiat
corresponds. Arthur, after giving the embassy right royal entertaiimient,
changes the tune when the time arrives for diplomatic business. Then he
gives haughty answer to be carried back to the Emperor by the embasqr*
The claim of homage and tribute is contemptuously rejected ; threats aie
met with threats still more stem ; and finally the 'Senatour' is ordered home
in uncompromising terms.^ From Carlisle he is to go to the port of
Sandwich ; seven days are allowed him for the journey (sixty mfles a day is
the computation) ; he is to keep by Watling Street all the way, or leave it 00
pain of death; he must lodge for the night where his dajr's journey ends;
and if after undem of the eighth day he is found m England, unless within
the floodmark at Sandwich, he will be beheaded, drawn, and hang^
There can be no disputing the inference that the poet had in his view the
text of sanctuary law whereby a criminal who had taken sanctuary and chosen
to abjure the realm made his departure from the land. His port of embarcatioa
being chosen, ' there ought to be computed for him/ says Bracton (fa i35b>
r36) 'reasonable days' journeys to that port, and he ought to be forbidden
to quit the king's highway, and he should tarry nowhere for two nights
. . . but should ever hold on by the direct road to the port, so that he may
be there by his given day. ... If he do otherwise he shall be in periL'
In Heta (ff. 45-46) the doctrine of Bracton is carried to further detaiL The
grithman is to pass on his way * without girdle, unshod, and bare-headed* in

"^ Morii Artkun^ 445-63.

*Discincttts et discalceatus capite discooperto in pura tonica tanquam in patihnio
suspendendnt.

J li m^ w iJ gi a i jfM- ' i iP WPP^PW^pgy^

^ -HUCHOWN OF THE AWLS RTALE' IC«.

drde akxie Eke one aboot to be hanged on die gAiws^' and if he stnj 6oai
lie Ui^way he is liable to decapitation H caught^

These texts of law are the best g^oss we can desire fior die grim
Brection by Arthur to the senator, whose departure is thos ingeniously
sonAtioiied with ignomby by the prescription of exit in the manner of a
npdve criminal The element of the 'kirde alone* was fiiuniliar to the
■4tli century ; it was used in the IttMS repeatedly ; in the Mm^ Artkun
■e shaD find it too with a context which setdes beyond dispute its
immediate source now to be brought forward.

(4) Voeux iu Paon.

This French poem,* after a very entertaining and courtly series of
events^ gets to its real business in the vows made on the peacock by the
'various knights of Alexander the Great Chivalry from the 13th to the
15th century laid great store by vows, often of extravagant valour, made
00 dioice or royal dishes at great festivals — vows on the Swan, the
Peacock, the Pheasant, or the Heron. Has not La Cume de Sainte-
Palaye in the Memoires sur tancUnne Chevaltrie (ed. Nodier, 1836; L, pp.
i57t etc* i>f i-i3>> etc.) told and quoted and explained so fully as to
sopersede the need for repetition here? History remembers the vow of
Edward L made on the Swan* at Westminster in 1306 at that feast
whidi a contemporary describes as so noble that Britain had never seen
iu like except that feast at Caerieon in Arthur's time.^ It rememben
also the vow of the Heron made by Edward HI. and Robert d*Artois in
153^ a vow which happily found iu metrical chronicler so that it lives b
the old Frendi V^eu du Hirpn^ It has forgotten, perhaps, dot not John
Baubow merdy but history itself most curiously acf^naf^ Robert the

> If y fini note oa dui laiictauy ^aam^ 9fpautd hi the Dr. Fmmfl F««udw«L j§m
JSt^giSik UtanOamy^ 1901. p. 3S4.

^^!^ TT^ ««i «li my grot iMdt fW pMkmiom «< M, OmIw
■mcf's cdUm of ike FickIi tot whkk m m^aOf mtttmmy Urn fM«M ^ uM^mm,

9] *MORT£ ARTHURS* AND THE «VOEUX DU PAON* 45

Bruce with the vow of the peacock, for one of our chroniden Idb
that in 1307, after Edward L's death, his son's newly created kn^
made similar vows to conquer King Robert to those made the jm
before— * emitted,' says h^^ 'new vows to die peacock.' But it n tine
to return from the vow historical to the vow poetic. It was this diivalnw
usage that Jacques de Longuyon enshrined in the Vaoix du Paam to cnikl
the Alexander saga, making the various paladins of the great Alenndcr
pledge themselves to perform their several feats of outstanduig biavay
m the approaching battle with King Clams of India. One^ for instance^
swore 'to discomfit the great battal^* another to take a disringuiAeil
prisoner, another to strike down the standard of the Indian kii^ Tb«
the vows were made, and after much intervening action the poet condocH
his readers to the battlefield, where knight after knight goes forward to
redeem his undertaking. The 'great battale' is discomfited, the prisoner
is taken, the standard is hewn down. All the vows are fiilfilled to the letter.
'As they deemed to do they did fiill even' is the apt statement of
one* who made an abstract and brief chronicle of the poem.

The French text of the poem is only now in course of being edited,
but an early Scottish translator, who^ as I believe myself to have
demonstrated, was none other than John Barbour, gave this French poen
vigorous and admirable rendering into the Scottish vernacular as Tk
Avawa of Alexander and The Great Batieil of Effesoun — these forming
the second and third parts of the composite poem of which the first part
is The Forray of Gadderis^ and of which the general title is The Btdk
of the most noble and vailuaud Conqueror Alexander the Great^ reprinted in
I S3 1 for the Bannatyne Club in a very limited edition now grown scarce.
That the French poem was well known to Barbour's contemporary and
colleague. Sir Hew (if Sir Hew was Huchown), becomes evident finon
the use to which it is put in Morte Arthure. In the Brut there is no
machinery of ' avows ' made either by Arthur or his knights ; no mention of
any particular form of surrender or submission by the rebellious vassal

^ Bower, ScotichratiUon^ ed. Goodal. iL, 240, Noto rege Angliae crea^> tirones ct mM
milites de subjectione regis Roberd nova voU emittimt pavooi.
^ParloHini of ike Tkr€ Agts^ L 567.

Hj«^-"if»^*riii»i«*!p*iHPii^"ff

'HUCHovn or tub awle ktale* |Ql

or vanquished eneinf ; bo ■ cinin o of any i nniw i il by vxf of
to suiate the blood-fiend or avert tame botfiBtf; no aKniioB of die Nil
Worthies. AD these fieatmcs occnr in die F«aer dm Am^ and are
iened to and made part of die fiamevoriL of Mmit Arikmffg.

Arthur himself and kn^ after kni^ of die Table Roond i|ridi him
make their avows. Ardnr win by ^ •"*"*•* pass to Lonaine and Ltpumdy.
mine down the walk of Milan, and sojoom six weds at Viteiba King
Aimgefs of Scotland win bring 50^000 men at his own duxges, die Baroo
of Britam the Less win bring 50^000 within a month, the Wdsh king win
fil^t with 2000 in the vaqgnaid. Sir Tanrriot win tilt with the Emperor
and strike him ftom Us steed. Sir Lottez win deave Us way throqgh the
enemies^ ranks. Sir Ewayne win toudi the ea^ of the Empeior and dadi
down his gddcn banner. AU wUdi avows are perfectly accomplished;
*ns thejr deemed to do they did Mk evc&'

In the VinMx a powerful dnunatic sitnation is presented hj the amends
and satisfiiction whidi the leading paladins of Alexander offer to the joonger
Gadifer. In the battle wUdi doses the /wrwf Gsdcris (I^tem de
Gadns) the valiant Gadifier had fallen under the spear of Emenjdus.
Subsequently Cassamus die Anld conducts Gadifer the Youn^ ddest son
of the slain Gadifer, to the camp of Alexander, where he becomes die
ally of the Macedonian, But when he discovers the exact pootion he is
soimewhat taken abadc, and a conflict is imminent between his sense of
the duty of revenge 00 die one hand and the requ ir ements of Us new
environment on the other. Emenjdus generously resolves to remove the
lart obstade to harmony in the camp. To the surprise of Alexander,
Emenjdus and twdve companions march, barefoot, bareheaded, bdtleas,
and in thdr shirts, to the presence of the joung Gadifer, making submission
to him bj knediog before him, tendering their swords, which thej hold by
the pointy and reaching the hihs to the man whose blood-feud thej thus
hope to appease. This submission, which was gratefiiDj accepted by
Gadifer, quite evidendy supplied the idea whidi more than once appears
in MtHt Artkmr. There are minor examples, but the chief instance is
that in wUch, after die faU of die 'Emperour' Ludus, senators and kni^ts
of Rome beg fbr mercy.

■■'N*n^wi***^^**"'^"^**<^i>'^

9l *MORTB ARTHURE' AND « TITUS* 4}

Twa senatoQis ther come and oertayne kajs^ittci^
Hodles fio the bethe oner the holte cyves»
Barefote oner the bente with bfoodcs so rydnt,
Bowes to the bolde Icyi^ and Inddis hym the hiltes»
Whethire he ynU hang theym or hedde or halde thcym oo lyfie^
Knelyde before the oonqueronr in kyrtHk aUooe.'

Where could this have come from tmless from the Vvatx? If it should
be answered that the usage was one not ill-known to chivalric courts-martidi*
and that its very presence in the Vaeux comes from that fact^ it will oo^
be necessary to recall the existence of other points of contact Of thae
a third and most prominent instance of borrowing is the account of the
Nine Worthies — three pagans, Hector, Alexander, and Caesar; three Je«%
Joshua, David, and Judas Machabeus; and three Christians, Arthur, Chaife*
magne, and Godfrey of Bouillon — whose fates are so aptly introduced m
connection with Fortune's wheel in Arthur's vision.

(5) Wtu and Fes/astM.
Unmistakable are the proofs of the use of the TT/vx in MorU Arikmn^
a use which is of the greatest moment in the line of chronological proo6»
Simdry questions have to be asked, and the answers to them set forward
and examined.'

Why in Morte Arthure (297, 309, 34S, 386) are the vows of Arthur

and hb knights made not (as in the French romance th^ edio)

on the peacock, but on the Holy Vemade?^

Because, as we have seen, the story of the Vemade plays so great a

part in the Titus, As the Vemacle was an integral element of the Titosi

' HodUs^ heedless ; hoUe eyvcs^ skirts of the wood ; brondes^ brands, swofds ; biddU^
offer.

*See my article on 'The Submission of the Lord of the Isles,' in Scoitisk Antifumy^
XV., 113, and add a Glasgow example, since pointed out to me by my frieiMl Mr. Robot
Renwick, in Records of Burgh of Glasgow (Burgh Records Sec.), 1573-1642, p. 393. Note
also Du Guesclin's reference to this form of penitential surrender as recorded in Covelief's
Vie Vaillant Beriran du GtiescKu^ IL 2457-9.

' Most of these points were set forth in ' Huchown ' (part I.), Athenaum^ tst June, 1901.

^ Because, says Mr. Henry Bradley {A/Atfumm, 15th June, 1901), the * wofds mmoe and
vemacle alliterate in v.' It b iinleed a noUble reason, the publicatkxi of which evinces
Mr. Bradley's penetration I

tf ir iii j g . T i yTWji nif ^MMg"^^^ ■^ ^^^ ^ H (WWtrf»^g5 K ^■ ^ **■ t yn me^^i'

•HUCHOWN OF. THE AWLE RYALE* [Ch.

^cspraan, and Veronica legend, it goes without saying that the TTfas did
bonow the Vernade from JforU Arikun.

Whj in MarU Artkurt (2331-35) is it that Arthur by way of doing
shame to Rome shaves the senators who came as ambassadors of
submission to him after the death of Lucius?
Because in the Titus (355-378) ambassadors of Rome demanding sur-
of Jerusalem are sent back shaven, * scorned -and shent upon shame
/ by the indignant garrison. Thb is not Roman, for with the Romans
dunring was a symbol of manumission; it does not seem to occur in either
the andent or medieval stories of the fall of Jerusalem ; but it is an incident
80 oriental in character as to be as natural and as much in keeping with
the story of Titus and the Jews as at first it seems out of keeping with
Ardior and the Ronums. O^r Danois with its shaven ambassadors
sopplies an exact enough precedent for both poems.

How comes it that in MorU Artkurt (1252, 2026, 2057) there is

such insistence on the significance of the dragon banner?
There is the same insbtence in the Titus (27S, 325, 387-8, 396-400)
ooDceming it Perhaps the hint for it in both Titus and Morte Arthurs
cmme partly hom Geoffrey of Monmouth (viL, chaps. 3 and 4) and partly
from fourteenth century life or literature, but the allusion of l^tus (397) to
the dngon as an indication of the royal presence in person and (398-400) to
its menace as precluding any terms short of absolute surrender, harmonises
remarkably with the Morte Arthurs allusions to the dragon^ raised to
threaten only when Lucius is himself in the fidd.

Whence came into Morte Arthure (3353-62) the 'pome' symbol of

sovereignty of the earth with the sword as its companion token?

It came from the same quarter as produced the four-bladed falchion

and the ball of burning gold betokening conquest of 'al the worid riche'

io Tftw (390-395)-

Whence came into Morte Arthure (900-919) the suggestion of the
fine pcture of Arthur arming himself for the fight with the dragon?

^Od tUs tee fiirther my artide 00 *Raisiiig Dragoo' in SeoUUh Antifmary^ zS. 147.
Mt alio cliApu 12, we. I, below.

9]

«MORTE ARTHURE* AND •TITUS*

49

In the T!fus (734-762) there is a dosdy analogous picture of Ve^Nwai
arming himself^ a picture not occurring in the original Latin sources. The
two pictures have^ moreover, features and alliterations in commoo.

TifKf.
73S [' Leverockes * ang].
738 [Vespasian] busked hym fiijrr.
741 brynye biowded . . • • bresL
741-3 [Vespasian has a breast-plate of steel

and gold.]
748 A brod scbynaod sdidd on scholdir

bebongitb.
750 Tbe glowes of gray steel tbat wer

witb gold bemyd.

935-30 [Bifds sbg^^

917 [Artbur] stetyt hym fiuie.

brenjTS bfowden bcestcs • • • •
[Artbnr bas an "adoo with otfiaea.*]

1858
903

914 He braces a brade irhrldc.

913

914
908

His gloues gaylycbe gille and gianea

at tbebemmei.
(Tbis is repeated at L 3461.)
.... and bis braode asdiet.
Tbe cresteand the oorooall endosed

sofiure
Wyth clasppis of dere golde oondied

wyth stones
Tbe Tesare tbe aTentaile

751 . • • • and bis bors asketb.

753 Tbe gold bewen bdrae baspetb be

blyve
Witb viser and witb avental devysed

for tbe nones
A cronne of dene gold was dosed

uponlofte
Rybande umbe tbe roande bdm fid

of ridie stones,
Pygbt pniddy witb perles into tbe

pur corners^

758 He stridetb on a stif stede and

strikelb over tbe bente.
[521 Stith men in stiropys striden alofte].
Cawayne and Cretu Knight ^ 435 :

Steppez into stelbawe and strydes
fldofte.
Alex. 778 Striden to stelebowe startyn

upon lofle.

760 His segges sewcn hym alle .... 919 • • . bys knygbtes byme kepede • • .

How comes it that whilst, as we have seen, there are so many lines

and phrases common to Titus and Thfy^ and whilst, as we shall see,

there are so many common to Morte Arthun and Trcy^ there are

also so many common to Morte Arthun and TUus^

^ An accompaniment perhaps suggested by Perctvcd U CaUois^ IL 19056-84, M. Amomii
Se. AUit, Pdemst pp. 376-7.

[3463 pigbte was fuU fiure

Witb perry of tbe oiyent and preqrMt
stones.]
915-6 Bonnede bym a bioiin stede and en
tbe bente bovys
He sterte till bis sterepe and strida
onlofte.

mmm¥9W^

mw w nnj wti^ t II I.. I jmm 1 1 w i» Ci i M i i'k i M h' j h ii g^ ^i ign^ga

s«

•UUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RYALE*

[Ql

>85

• • • flpynes allot fiuoQStes nuuqr

743

aS4

738

a«7

• • . tjfghlcn vp Ubul (Ptopnfl).

744

«9o

VotiJ^L

1590

308

• • . tint firaooon wolde itiike • • •

7S8

3»7

• • • dimfoiui was dicsied • • •

786

45«

Gamdcs doted in side.

616

815

S59

»3

• • • dewe wasdooked.

Fought nfjbi lelly foyned with tpen%

. Id, Thrrt SISJ.

. • . toffsoiD (tofffonr) and tene • • .
Ride to the lerer • . • •

313

[A!a«r in the sense of hawking ground^

and

Ai a riming poet is tested by Us limes^ so an allitentor is tested bf
his alliteiations^ Here are a few aUiterathre pcxnts of contact

• • . 6ojncs and lefoostei • . • •
Coggea and ciajus • • • •
Tytt saiDes to the toppe . . • .
Pdctjal*

• . • as fiiwoooe frcUjr he stijkes.

• • • diagooe on dic^he dicssede • • •
Bot covcfde ramrnn oC tomes en-

dosydein mayles.

• . . dewe that es dannke • • •
Then they fiUk to the fyghte fibynes

withspeiys.

• • . tene and toricie • • •
Rides in by the tyrm • . • (dl 920-

935 for connection with hawking ;

also veib ryvaU 4000).
My wele and my wyidiipe • • •
. . . Sdiafte scodyide . . . (3845

also).
Thnighe brenes and biyghte s cfaeid e s

brestes thyrle.

This list admits of considerable extension. The arithmetic of citations
calls for a word in passing to annotate the lieict that in comparing MorU
Arihun (4347 lines) with Titus (1332 lines) there is numerically far less
chance of similarities between these two than in comparing either with the
TVk^ (14.044 lines). Such at least must be the presumption unless it b
disturbed by relations of time or theme which may bring one pair of poems
closer to each other and reveal more resemblances than numerical pro-
portions might have led a critic to expect Those considerations will not
be fofgotten when we turn to yet other sources of Morte Arihure.

(6) SufpiemenUury French Saunts,
That a considerable use is made of French romance in Mcrte Arikun
has been signalised by the borrowings from the Vofux du Paatu For some
rtxj slender information rq;arding others less distinct Branscheid's essay

1007 My wde and my wocsdrap .
1113-4 Schaftfs scbedied wcr
schddcs ythreDed
Bninyes and bright wede bkidy by

1956
619

401
S169

141s

>The Hnnterian MS. T. 4, i (f. 266+5) qpeUs FMrtumJm^

wtmmmm^mmm

mmmmmHfi^

9] *MORT£ ARTHURE*; FRENCH SOURCES 51

and Sommer's introduction to Malory may be consdted, as wdl as Ifia
Banks^s introduction.

Two sources not brought forward in any of these d i scuss i ons may be
suggested as possible. The noble and impasrioned outburst of Aithor
over the body of the slain Gawayne, which he li(b and dasps to hb bceo^
0* 3952) 1^7 ^ compared with the passage in the Itinerary of die FKudo-
Turpin (Itinerarium domini Tkrpini) found in the Hunterian MS. T. 4. t»
where (fo. 184) Charlemagne mourns over the fidlen Roland ^Kttrtba
Rothlandum exanimatum jacentim eversum iradkiis posiHs super pecha m
effigjle cruds^ ei irruens super eum cepit iacrimis gemitihts ei sinptUikms . . •
iugere! etc Not the words of Charlemagne are followed by Artboi^ but
the echo of their spirit is very close. A second possible and quite sub-
sidiary source b Generydes^ to which reference may be made in its late EngKA
version (E.E.T.S., 1873), for several pomts of contact with the Huchown set of
poem& Thus the temptation in 11. 477-483 suggests the recurrent madiineiy
of Gawayne and the Green Knight. The steed of Geneiydes^ 'Grissdk^* is
the steed ^ of Gawayne in the Awntyrs of Arthure^ just as in anodier poem
Hector^s steed, 'Galathe,' appears to have given name* to Gawayne's swoid*
'Galuth.' The sword of Generydes, 'Claryet,' suggests*. Arthur's weapon,
' Clarent' And in one of the battles of Geneiydes there are 'boustoos folk*
'on camelys' who. look very like^ the 'boustous churlles' on 'cameUez' who
are ranged among the enemies of King Arthur in the army of the ' Emperonr.
The probability of Generydes being indeed a source is vastly hdghtencd
by a direct reference to it in another of the Huchown poems, to be afterwards
noticed,^ which is in part a derivative of Morte Arthure. That there are
other French sources, as for instance, for the Priamus and Gawayne encounter,
is certain. Ogier Danois^ we have seen, probably accounts for the four
shaven ambassadors. Not less probably it accounts for the inddent of the
curative ointment carried by Priamus, which, taken from his girdle after

* Generydes^ Zyu—Avmiyrs^ 547. « TVvy, 7780— Af«rfe, 1387.

• Generydes^ 2^i—Afor/e, 4202.

^Ceturydes^ 2152-7; Morie^ 615-6; ' Bioustious,' the same adjediTe^ oocun in Trwy^
41 16.

*See ch. 10^ sec 2, below.

■ ^ ' M-JUH- ' W I I I L iil J W l ^ J "J ^ ■i . i .W'J"' JJH LI.J-" P I

59 -HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RYALE* [Ch.

Gftwajne has wounded and captured bim^ makes all the injured kiughts
'fiscbehalle* within four hours (D. 270S-13X In Ogur Damns the giant
Kehus has in the buckle of Us shidd an ointment simQarij effective,
wheiebf he at once makes himsd( sajs the romance^ ' more sound than a
swimming fish.' The victorious Ogier and Gawayne alike possess themselves
of die vanquished enemy's cnntment Hencc^ therefore^ seems to have
come the suggestion of the encounter of Priamus and Gawayne. Other
French sources may be' taken to indude some version of FerumhraSy the
alhision to the relicsi the crown of thorns^ the lance^ the cross, and the
aaib^ being in all likelihood broqght firom that romance.

(7) The ^Tray^ ami Ou * Aiexander.*

Approaching now a series of extensive parallek between Morte Arihun
and the Thrf one finds it simplest to deal with the Alexander also in the
same connection as a subsidiary source connected with the Trey in Morie
AriAure ^p9aaa%t% as we have already seen it in Titus passages.

One group of parallels to the Aiexander is geographical, and has been
commented upon by Professor Skeat At the end of the Alexander there
is a singular list of provinces subject to the rule of Alexander the Great
The Latin original has been reprinted above. While this list gives the
key to at least thirty-two of the names in the alliterative renderin^^ it also
makes dear the inference that a number of the alliterative names were
Dol in the original Latin. The further comparison of a similar list of
names m Att^rU Arthure with that in the Alexander poems reveals (i) that
the ibfmer contains pairs occurring in the latter; (2) that these pairs embrace
names not in the Latin source of the AUxanderi and (3) that thus such
combinations and coinddences as ' Gyane and Grece,' * Bayone and Burdeux,
or *Naveme and Norway' are rendered doubly

^Ahrie^ 3437*^ la Scottish chionide of 1360 there b mentkm of these * txesooblis
fdk|cs.' S€mi0€rmkm^ 195; Thcfe k» howeTcr, no list of what they were, and
it is obacrvabk that, while the lisU difler in the Ftnumhrms lomaDccs the Tersioo used hy
Bubow {Mnne^ liL, 459-6i)also ment iona the ciowi^ the spear, the cross, and the naib.
Tie SgMJmm §f B^km does not name the

9]

•MORTE ARTHURE,' •TROY,' AND « ALEXANDER'

53

Altx, 5674 flandrts and fhattcg • • •
lAwniyrt of Artkurt 276. Brrtaui and
Burgoyne.]

Alex,.

5667

Gyane Ganuid and Creee and
Gascony.

[Titus

26

Gascoyne gat and Gyan.]

Alex,

S668

Bayone and Bardeaz.

Alex.

5672

Norway thire Navernes alle.

Alex.

S669

Capidat.

Alex.

S66S

Turhe^ Tuscane, Troy, and

•

Tartaiy.

•

2190

Thehea.

5657 Pen and PampkalU.

MorUArtknrt*

34 Flaimdxes and Fmmoe.
56 Buigoyne and Bnbane and Bretayne
theletie.
(1018 Buigoyne or Bretayne.) .

37 Gyane and Golhelande and Greoe.

38 Bayone and Bardeoz.

44 Naveme and Norwaye and Nor-

manndye.
580 Capadof.

582 Taitaiy and Tttrky.

583 Thebay.

[The next line (584) refers to the Ana-
zons» thns showing the Alexander ooonec-
tion. Line 586 too speaks of Babylon, also
referable to the Alexander story.]
588 Perce and Pamphile.

The above italicised names from the Alexander occur in the Latin,
the others do not, thus makiog the recurrence of the same pairs in another
poem so much the more indicative of a single hand. How this indicatioo
gains from extended collation of certain identities of line and alliteradoo
between the poems as undernoted will be too plain to need much argument

Troy 2683 Warpet out wordes . . .
Troy 207 . . . with daintes ynogh.

With liche daynteths endor-

rede • • •
Sir Gawane the gay dame

Gayenour he ledis.
To vcngc of our vxlany.
. . . the vylcny to venge.
With thre thousand thro men

thrivond in armys.
Troy 7733 Sparit for no spurse, speddyn

to the flight

Awntyrs 459

Awniyrs 14

Troy 2140
Titus 20
Troy 6537

Morte Artkurt.

9 . . . werpe owte some worde . .
199 With darielles endordede and daynt
ynewe.

233 Sir Gaywa}Tie the worthye Dame

Waynour he hledyt.
298 Of this grett velany I salle be vengede

ones.
317 Thyrtty thousande be tale thryftye

in armes.
449 . . . .spede at the spurs and spare

not . • «

■w

*'^— liWffB . P ..H I P W'WL.. I >H

■«!.•»•« i.li I. ?■ .«

m f. ' . ' «^

»■

54

'HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RYALE'

[Ch.

TWrf 2371 Bound ap my blonkc to a

' bopi evyn*

Akx. 5317 For alle tlie welthe of the

wei[l]d-
7>wy 313 The mighty Masndoo Kyng

• • •
TWrf 3551 In a twjrme and a iwogh as

hetwdt wold.

9454 • • • iwym as he sweh wold.

8046 • . • swooyt in swym as ho

swelt weld.

Aiix, 64 . • • dryfes orer the depe • • •

TViTf ; 1484 ... a philosofler a fine man

of lore
In the syense foil sad of the
sevynartes.
T^ 23 • • . wees that wist • • •

Trwy 2735 . « . florisshet with flonres. • .

7W»f i^W3 Ni^tgalis with notes.
7W»f 1061 Swoghyng of swet ayre

swalyng of briddes.
Akx. 4385 The swoghing of • • • swete

wellSs.
TVi^ 8273 Thow dowtles shall dye with

dynt of my hood.

Ammtyn yjf^ • • • ah anlas.

7>i^ 92 ... dede throughe dyntes of

hond.
Ammtjit 442 ... a pavilone of palle that

prodly was pighte.
FifHUtfSutam 59 Thei caught for heor

oovetyse the cursyng of

Cajrma.
TV§f 9406 He gird hym thtirgh the

guttes with a grym speire.
Gt 1232.

Twwf 7780 . • . Galathe that was the

gnde stede.
[Name of Hector's horse.]

Mtrtt Arthurs.
4S3 Bynde thy Uonke by a boske with

thy biydille evene. ^

541 Ne of welthe of this werlde • . •

603 The myghtyeste of Macedone . • •

716 ... swonyng swe[l]te as cho walde.

761 . . . diyfiinde one the deep.
807-8 . . . phylocophirs. . . •

In the sevyne scyence the snteleste
fondene.

891 Thaxe was no wy of this werlde that

WjTSt. ...

924 The frithec ware floreschte with

flouret. . . •
929 Of the nyghtgale notes the noises.
932 . . . swowynge of watyr and S3mgynge

of byrdes.

1073 For thow salle dye this day thorghe

dynt of my handei.
[Same^ 1505, 4^8.1
1 148 . . . with ane anlaoe.
1277 ... derely be delt with dynttec of

handes.
1287 Praises proodliche pyghte . . • that

palyd ware. • • •
131 1 That like cursynge that Cayme kaghte

for his brothyie.

1369-70 He gryppes hym a grcte speie. • . •
Thttighe the guttes into the gorre he
gyrdes hyme ewyne.

1387 • • . Galuth his gude swerde. •

[Name of Gawayne*s sword* probably
a transfer from Hector's horse.]

9]

<MORTB ARTHURE*; PARALLELS

ss

TV^ 9061 • . . bresl • • . tfairlcL

Tniy 3881 ... a litle he stotid.
Trpy 10541 SwordU oat swiftly thai

iwappiL • • •

Tfvy 1889 And with i wa p py n g of

tweidjt thof be twdt

wolde;
Ct Thrf, notes p. 480^1.
7>v|r 5935 He swappit at hym swithe

with a sweid fellc:
[Same, 6911.]
Awniyrs $14 He swapped him yne at the

swyre mth a swerde kene.
Tfvy 11091 Stedes doon sticked. . . •
Alex, 5482 . . . biche sons. • • •
j4lex, 561 • . . and demyd the skewys,
Avmtyrs (Douce MS.) 53 ... in the dymme

sknwes.
Awn/yrs29^ • . . Rownde tabille losse

the renowne.
Avm//rs266 Maye no man stere hjrm of

strenghe.
Alex, 1324 And makes a way wyde

enogh. ...
Troy 5932 Make wayes full wide. [Same,

6513.1
^^ 5933 Shot thurgh the sheltrons

shent of the pepulL
Cf. TVvf, 5249.

He shot thnigh the sheltrone

and shent of hor knightes.
[Same, 683a]
Trty 1 194 Shildes throgh shote shalkes

to dethe.
Trvy 6780 Mony shalke thurgh shot

with there sharpe gere.
Trvy 6780 Mony shalke thuigh shot. . . .

Trvy 5820 That hit shot through the

shilde and the shire maile.

1413 • . • hrestet tfacj tkiill • • •

CL 1858.
1435 • . . stolab a lyttille.
1464-5 Swyftly with sweides ihtf twtppae
theical^rre*
Swappet doone liille a wcpe tly e iwd>
tande knjg^itei.
Ct 2982 And with a sweide swiftljr U
swappes him tbotowc

1488 • . . stdcede stedjs. ^
1723 • • . dpgge-sone in

idle dyiK

1732 Thynke one ridie lenoone

romide table^
1793 Many steryne mane he

stieng^ of hyme one.
1796 Wroghte wayes fiille wyde.

of the
ide Yj

1813 Schotte thorowe the schiltroiuis and
scheverede Isuncea.

1857 Schalkes they schotte thnighe shics-
kandmaylet.

Cf. 2545 Thorowe Scheldt they schotte snd
schorde thorowe malea.

mmnmmmmf^

till. I n t^^^Pjwi— IW-IHIMP jipwiwyw^jpi

$«

«HUCHOWN OF TIIE AWLE RYALE'

[Ch.

Jhtf

Thty

94J3 Slwt thni]^ the didd and
the thene mayle. [Sum.
6«oi.]
8i • • • torfer and tene.

I197 AH djnnct the dyn and daks

6407
74SS

oat a bffond. • • •
How stith men and stedcs

were strikon to ground.
Mony lyve of lept. • . .
So jolyly thoce gentille mene

justede one were.
. . . bowmen • . . faykiriL
. . • dede and done out of

lyife.
On a mule as the mylke.
Skairen out skoute waoche. . .

He pii^t doun kb pavilion. . .

. . . pavilUont of palL . . •

Ah UaX washefyschehak.. .

Ct428s.

Slit hfUk doun slcghly thurghe

the tkMe evyn.
Slit him fuD slighly to the

skMe evyn.
Miche slaght in that slade of

tho tkgh knightet.
Gt 7>v^, notes p^ 481.
Mony doughty were ded

thui]^ dynt of his hond.
Gt Th^r, notes p^ 501, also

Bneib
And mony dcg^ that day

thnri^ dynt of hb hond.

• • . the dawngere and the
dole that I in doelle.

Up a busdiment brake. • . .
Undir a seloure of sylke . . .

• • • whedir that thou mile.

J^tiii ii-ia Of Erberi and Alees

Of alle Mancr of trees.

6789
50a

7400
5285

as
10S9

AUx. 3175

Aiex. 4178
Ala.

y>«5r 5919

Thf 6409

a^r . 6955

THsr 5250

Mi^rU Aftkun.
[See entry precefing.]

1956 ... tene and torfere. ...

2031 Alle dynned fore dyne that in the

dale hovede.
2069 Bnydec owte hb brande. ...
2079 The stede and the steiyne man strykes

to the gy ownd.
2084 . . . somme leppe firo the lyfe. . . .
20S8 Jolyly thb gentille foijusted . • •

another.
2095-6 . . . bowmene . • . bekerde.
2178 That he was dede of the dynte and

done owte of lyfe.
2287 Moylles mylke whitte. . . .
2468 Skayres thaire skottefers and theire

skowtte wadies.
2478 Pyghte pavyllyons of palle. • . .

2709 . . . frekeschallebefischehallewithfai

foure homes.
2976 Sleyghly in at the slotte slyttes hyme
thofowe.

2978 Sixty slongene in a slade of sleghe
men of armeSi

J025 Many doughty es dede by dynt of hb
hondes.
Cf. 1073, 1277. 4M«.

779S

Am m ijrs 318

TSim II06
Awmiyrty/^

■15

3068 To dnelle in dawngere and dole

3125 Thane brekes oure buschement . • •

3195 Und}Te a sylure of sylke.

3232 That I ne wiste no waye whedire thai

I scholdc
3245 Enhorilde with arborye and alkyns

trees.

^^A**^

9]

<MORTE ARTHURE'; PARALLELS

57

7>iSr 7997 • • • ^^^ dankit • .
Awniyrs i6 Withe ridie rebanet reven-

TUus 637 Byes, Imxliet, besauntet. • •

Awniyrs 17
Troy 9038

TVus 472

AUx, 4960
Tiitis 509
Awniyrs\$i

Alex, 24

Troy 10706
7V/Mf 1088

7nj|r 2758
a744

7><ir 13730

Tnjr 943
Troy 1264

.<4/ifx. 2091

Troy 5810

Atott/yrsSiy

Tihts 1014
Thy 1328

TVv^' 10757

Raylede with rabei one

royalle uraye.
Slogh bom doan sleghly with

sicght of hb hood.

[Same, 9451.!

• • • tawteiB seten • • •

psalmys.
Pesan panoere and platis.
Plate ne pemL
And nowe am I cadiede

owte of kyth in caryi 10

oolde.
The wysest wiet of thia

werd.
. . . and his ble chaungit.
. • • and all hir blode

chaungeth.
And shope hom to ihip.

... on the shyre water.
And schunt for no schame

but hit schope fiiire.
Cf. Troy^ notes p. 474.
Sholt thurgh the sheld and

the shene mayle.
His shafte all to sheverit the

shalke was unhurt.
Derfe dintes and drcghe delt

and taken.
Lannsit as a lyoun.
Cf. Troy^ 10985.
The swerde sleppis on slante

and one the mayle slydys.
Wende wepande away.
, . . blody beronyn.
Ct Troy, 10424, 11 141.
Ne hope of hor hcle in hor

hert thoght

Aiorti Arikmre,
3249 . • . downkynge of dewe. • • •

3256 And alle r^ily lev e i s ai dc witli le-

banes of golde.

3257 Bmches and bcsaiinlei and other

biyghte stonys. .
3264 Raylide with redied and rafayvs

inewe.
3419 For he slewe with a ilyng^ be sicyghic

of hb bandii.

34»3

That in the sawtire ere lette. . • .

3459 A pesane and a panmone. ...

3514 Now am I cachede owtt of kyth with
kare at my heite.

3554 Of all the wyes of thb worlde.

r3559 ••• alle hb ble dHumgpde.
1 4214 . . . and alle hb ble dMnmceiL

3600-1 And thane he sdioape hjne lo
chippe. ...
. . . orer the schyre waters. •
3716 He ne schownttes for no idiune baft
schewes fulle heghe.

3747-9 Thourghe the scheldys so idiene
schalkes thay towche
With schaftes scheverid adiotte of

thas schene lannoes
Derfe dynthys they dalte. . . .

3832 • . . alles a lyone he bwndsea theme

thorowe.
3855 Hb hand sleppid and slode odante

one the mayles. .
3889 Went wepand awaye . . •
3947 . . . al blody bero[n]ene.
3972 . . . blody berowne.
3959-60. . . the hope of my hele , • . mj

herte.

W^MhWMVM*

•HUCHOWN OF THE AWLB RTALS' [Ch.

7>i9P 1516 Soche Aytig mod

wiik^ wk bis nert*
J tmmijt ' i ajD To watut me wiib

Thty 3239 Hhi dMAle into duppe the 4116 Sdwlte to iIk xlnltfoiies.

7>ier 313*5 Tlie mi^itj M««iV» Kinc 4161 Of alle tht Alnrodrff Mgiitc qwinllci

BiMtcr of alk • . . lie ki dtke kqfede.
He van all theworid sndat

bis wiDe a^iL

TlnflKf 7J0 • . . trcsoon and ticy. • • • 4193 ... ticaone and tiayne. ...

Thy 124S Hie boorder of bit basnet 4212 The bofdowe of bb bacenett he bribes

bresles in toodcr. in aoodnc

Ammtjn $»t'2 He kerrct ofthecantel that 4232-3 The cantcOe of the dere schdde

oovoft the knygbte* he keifca in aondyre

Thio his shild and his shil- Into the xholdjie of* the sdiaike a

dor a schaftmnn he share. scha lb noade fauige.

Aier, 4961 Jopone and jesserand. • • • 4239 Thocowejopowneandjcsseiawnte. . •

The aiguments about dissimilaridcs in s^le and vocabolaiy between
Af(frie Arikurt^ the Th^y^ the Alexander^ and other poems are so com-
pletdjr ondermined bjr the great facts of connection now for the first
time established, that the tedious and invidious task of replying in detail
to so many scholars and persoiud friends » happily unnecessary. That
entirdy mistaken stress was laid upon divergences of vocabulary, and that
supposed distinctions of alliterative system were imwanantably believed to
make imi^ impossible — these seem now to be self-evident propositions,
with every presumption in favour of imity. The earlier arguments were
brought forward under conditions now enormously modified and reversed —
a bo^ of new positive fact having practically superseded the anterior basis
of Hudiown*8 case

For Huchown, especially considered as a postulate of unity, the daim
now rests not on general or special resemblances of lines or style — always
the most slippery of grounds — but on a long and firm series of proved
and interlocked connections uniting four poems, Alexander^ Thy^ TOus^
and ihrii Arikmn.

9] 'MORTE ARTHURS' AND CRECY, 1346 59

(8) Events of 1346^4 as soMrces.
Taking as proved the influence of the French wars on the ftbnc
of Hius one finds a ready test for the chronology of Morie Arihmrty Fofl
of chivalry, must there not emeige in it points of spedal contact as
regards the art of war itself? Let os therefore examine the dispodtkNii
of his troops made by King Arthur in his great battle with the *Bb-
perour.' In Geoffrey the king has eight squadrons besides his own,
and he has no archers. In MorU Arthurt the array is quite altered.
There are three battalions. The king appoints Sir Valiant

Cheftayne of the cheeke with chevalxons knyg|httct»
And sythyne meles with mouthc that he moste timystei,
Demenys the medylward menskfally hymeselfeiie,
Ffittes his fotemen alles hym fiure thynkkei»
On fronnte the forebreste* the floor of hb kny^^tes.
I 111 archers on aythere halfe he ordaynede therafkyre
To schake in a dieltrone to shotte whene theme lykes:
He arrayed in the rerewarde fulle rialle knyg^tet.
With renkkes renownd of the rounde taUe^*

MmrU Arikurt^ 1986-94.

The best possible commentaiy on thb is the battle of Creqr.' There weie
three * battles/ two forming the front line^ the third the reserve. *The
men at arms' (says Mr. Oman)^ 'all on foot, were formed in a solid line-^
perhaps six or eight deep — in the centre of the * battle.' The ardiers
stood in two equal divisions to the right and left of the men at arms.*
Edward's array and Arthur's are thus essentially the same — (i) three
'battles,' />. the 'cheeke' or 'fronnt,' the middleward, and the rearguard;
(2) the flower of the knights on foot in the battlefront; and (3) the
archers on each side of (4) the dismounted men at arms. One may not
press such things too far, yet must it be noticed how the bowmen of
Britain overbore the 'bregaundez' of the enemy ^ just as the archers of

' The chief heads of this section, with additional details, are set forth in my artide 00
the subject about to be published in The Antiquary,

' Cheeke^ the ' front ' or Minguard ; mehs^ addresses ; demenys^ arrays ; menskfmJfy^
becomingly ; halfe^ side ; sheltrone^ arrayed body ; renkts^ men.

3 See Murimuth (Eng. Hist. Soc.), 165-7; Galfridus le Baker (ed. Giles), 164-7.

^Ari of War (Middle Ages), 605. ^ Morie Artkure, 2095-107. '

» \ I WW iiiiiw . ini j ii . ni. > . f»i nui t j i i L i|ii .. nii ■ ■ ■ ■■■ j ii . ^ ! iww;ysr«a^^ w • ■■'■■■ ■ ■ j '

•HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RYALE' [pL

Edward drore bade the crosa-bowmen of Genoa, who were aimed ii
^br^gandinct' of mafl.^ In tbe poem* a great charge of horM foHowed,
in which manjr men were trodden down. This sequence was historical at
Cieqr alsa* Nor are there wanting analogies for the threats of no quarter^
Characteristic of both the battle poetic^ and the battle real* Sorely the
test of Qreqr is wdl smiaincd.

The 'brigands' btrodnce themsdves to ns in Froissart nnder the jfear
1358 — the infantry of the freebooting mercenary cUss i»oduced by the
English wars m France. The word itself carries a general indication of
date corroborated by so many companion (acta.

Turn firom land to sea and the same test stands. Conader certain of
the characteristics of the great sea fight between Arthur and the allies of
Mordred. and place this engagement in its entirety over against the historical
sea-fight off Winchelsea, between the English and the *Espagnols,' on
S9th Augusti i3Sa And note how every point of the historic battle^
(now to be gleaned from divers chronidcSi etc., Minot, Murimuth's con-
tinoator, Walsingham, Galfndus le Baker, and Froissart) comes blaziog into
the wonderfiil poem — the topcastles with the stones and gads of iron, the
'hurdace/ the 'beaver' of Edward and then his hdm, the cutting of head
ropes, the Fjiglish archen outshooting the enemy, the storming of the ships,
the gay cabins hacked with arrows and bespattered with men's bndns, and
then the grim end of all when — ^a momentary lapse of the poet dubbing the
Danish enemies of Arthur the 'Spanyolis' — he tells how to a man they sprang
into the sea or stubbornly died upon their decks ; exactly, as the historians
asrare us, did the Spaniards off Winchelsea, refusing the summons to

lOnun'i Art tf ffkr, 611. The 'brigandine' b Sgiured in Demmin*s Dit
Xrkgnoafim (ed. Leipcig, 1886), 457-8b The wofd ' brigmnd/ originally denodi^ a
foltoldicr, was inUodoccd into French in the 14th centniy (Bnu^het't Did,), I find it
in a letter to King John just before the battle of Poitiers, in 1356. Chandot Herald's
FHmet Nmr. cd. Michel, 1883. p. 333* See alio Onrelier't Dm CmatHm^ L IS84. It it
wed by Froinart relative to tbe 'companies' in 1358; also tinder same year in Scmh-
ermum^ |k 186, and earlier 00 |k 108b

• Mmrtt^ ai40-5S- ' Gslf* le Baker, 165. « M^rlt^ 2007, 2303.

•Gait k Biker, id4-5

9] 'MORTE ARtllURE* AND SEA-ncHT OF WINCHELSKA. ijso 6i

surrender, and meeting death with mvincible disdun. Thb wQl be mdc
fully apparent from the collation^ exhibited here.

M9rU Arthun (U. 5600-706^
The King prepaict hb diqis for liitlk.
' Drawing np stones' for projectiles as thqr
lie at andKMT, *the topcasHes be tfiM
with toydys,' and with ^gads of sted.*
There b a ' hurdace on height ' widi bdnsd
knights. The Kh« is bardieadcd "with
beveryne lokkes,* his headpiece, howcvo^
at hand, and when the andiors are vd^M
and the engagement begins he dons *kii
comely hdm.*

CONTBMPORARY CHRONICLBS.

Saxb Tolantibus a turricnlis malonim et
pilb vibrantibos . • • clasnca armatara.

(Baker.)

Gros barriaus de fer forgi^ et fids tons
faitb pour lander et pour eflbndrer nefs en
lan^ant de pi^res et de calliaus sans nom-
bre. (Froissart.)

Thaire hurdb thaire ankers hanged thai
on here. (Minot. x. 14.)

Si se tenoit li rob d'Engleterre ou diief
de sa nef vestb d*un noir jake de vdrid
et portdt sus son chief un noir chapdet
de beveres qui moult bien li sevit. •

(Frdssart)

Et pub mist li rois le badnet en la tieste
et aussi Assent tout le aultie. (Froissart.)

' With trompes and tabums.' (Minot x.
8.) 'Tubb litub et musx comibus suos
ad arma condtantes. (Baker.)

* When thai sailed westward.' (Minot x. 13.)

S'encontrerentde td ravine que ce sembla
uAs tempestes que U fust cheus. Et dou
rebombe qu*il fisent li chastbus de la nef
dou roy dTngletene consievi le chastid
de la nef Espognole par td maniere que
li force dou mas le rompi amont sus le
mas 6u il seoit et le reversa en le mer.

(Froissart)

Si acrokitrrent a cros de fer et de kainnes.

(Froissart)

Hanekin . . . copa le cable qui porte le
voile par quoi li voiles chei • . . il copa
quatre cordes souverainnes qui gouvrenoient
le mas et le voille. (Froissart)

Signal of battle comes when the crews
'bragged in trompes.' The wind
of the

Ships sail into eadi other with a
* Sways the mastys; over £dls ia the
first ' ; men bicker with ' gads of irou.*

As the ships grapple the seamen ' cast]rs
crepers one cross.'

'Thane was hede-rapys hewene that
hdde up the mastcs.' (L 366&.)

' Works cited are Poems of Laurence Minot^ ed. Hall, pp. 33-4. Caljridus ie Bmktr^
ed. Giles, pp. 204-5. froissart, ed. Luce, tome iv., pp. 88-96 {}vnt premier, S 323-7).
Murimuth, (Eng. Hist. See.) p. 180. IValshighaw, sub antw^ 1350 In examinii^
Froissait I have had the benefit of notes on Lettenhove's text from my friend Mr*
J. T. T. Brown*

ii im i i piii

^»'=«i^w^nm*T'^'****'*'***'^'T*^*''^'"

P^lVfM^VMVWI^^^IV^V^ilP

6a

'HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE kVALE'

tCM.

McrU Artkurg (IL 3690-700!.

'Archers of England full eagerly shoot*
« till all the Danes were dead and in the
deep thrown.* 0- 3694.)

Arthur's men then board and storm the
ships * leaping in upon loft.*

Mony kaban derede cabOls destroyede
Knyghtes and kene men killide the braynes
Kidd castdls were corven with all theire

kene wapen. (IL 3671-3.)

Spanyolis spcdily sprenlyde over burdes
Alle the kene men of kampe knyghtes and

other
Killyd are colde dede and castyne over

burdez. (IL 3700-S.)

[The * Spanyolis' of 1. 3700 are Danes in all

the other allusions to them.

>L 3528, 3610^ 3694.]

From these passages what follows? That there is more of live chronicle
of the fight of Winchelsea in the little finger of Aforte Arthure than there
it in the entire body of Laurence Minot's song of Les Espagnols sur Mer :
That the poet who in Titus drew upon the surrender of Calais in 1347
for poetic colouring, similarly drew in MorU Arthure on the battle of Crecy
in 1346, and the Spanish sea fight of 1350 : That the Arthur of Morte
Arikuwt is not indirectly Edward III.: That every presumption therefore
points to the poem as a contemporary and chivalric tribute to the founder
of the TaUe Roimd.

CreqTt as already shewn, supplied much for Arthiu's great battle with
LadiiSk but it fails entirely to clear away an editorial difficulty and determine
the site of the field. What lacks in 1346 we may chance to find in 1359*
The looiaiice-battle was fought in the ' vale ' of ' Sessoyne^' which has been
soppoaed to be Saxony, but the true understanding of which has long
been a problem' owing to the topographical impossibilities Saxony involves.

CONTBMrORAaY Chroniclbs.

Teicbramnt tandem sagittarii longiore
Jact« sagittaram flloram balistarioa . . . E
tarribM saxa folminabanL (Baker.)

Tteic acalas coo scen si nostri in Hesperias
■avct inuenint gladiis et securibos obvios
H— cantrii (Baker.)

Ibi vidisses sanguine et cerebro naves
pktas demknio sagittas in malis velis temo-
■ibwetcastrisinfixaa. ' (Baker.)

HispaDi • . • quia se reddere nolnerant
Rgps Edvaidi omnes miseiabiliter
(Murimuth*s continuator.) His-
paal • • .. omnes miserabiliter periemnt
afii feno caesi alii aquis submersL

(Walsingham.)
In brevi vasa plena Hispanis vacuabanL

(Baker.)
Inopes Hispanos mortuot et languidos in

(Baker.)

^Un, BafduTs notes to Mtrtt Arthun, IL 1964, 1977. That 'Sesioyne'b sometimes
StaoHjf is dear enongli, being the French 'Sassoigne,' but not so here.

\

9] ' 'MORTfe ARTHORE* and I^REKCH WARS .6|

Prior to the battle Ardiiir had been in Nonnandjr advancii^ eastvud;
Lucius, too^ was sojourning not far awajr by the Seme and Rooca aid
Paris (IL 1336-40); and after the battle Arthur is agam found at Coleslii^
still in Normandy. Saxony is not a * vale^' and is a good seven himdnd
miles from Normandy. Moreover, the poefs * vale' has a dty; and Ai^mA
army just before bdng arranged in order of battle

« Fonette tbem the cite appon sere halfes* (i 1979).

Now in the year 1359, according to an English author,^ an Eog^
'company ' did this very thing. Un compaigny des Engles tnjorcertni la sA
de Veilfye en la vale de Sessoun. French chronicle' of the same &ct calb
the place ' Sissone,' and Sissonne still lives as a township in the department
of Aisne in Picardy. Huchown's 'vale' therefore we may assume^ after a
glance at the map^ was here.'

The term 'chartire of pes'^ belongs to the same period, havings
according to Froissart, been applied to the Treaty of Bredgny in 1360^
and having probably become current shortly after. In Aforie Arikmre, m
the great sea fight against Mordred and his allies, the king arrays Ui
ships 'alle ryally in rede' (1* 3^'4)- From 1361 we hear of a war vessd'
of Edward III. called Me Reade Cogge.' 'The genatours of Genne^'
and 'bregaundeV who change sides' with such promptitude and fi(^
forthwith against their dilatory Roman paymasters, reflect the period of

^ Scalacromca^ 185. *Jekan U Be!^ iL, 239^

'It b curious to note the exbtence of a Crecy (Crecy sur Serre) within a few ntlci
of Sissonne. This was not Edward III.*s Crecy, which is in the adjoining dcpaitmeal
of Somme, nearer the sea.

^ Mortt Art h tire t 1542, 3059. Compare with Froissart*s reference conceming 1360^
that of the Crandes Chrtmiques de Saint Denis^ to ioutes les chartes de la paix in 1368
Zeller, Charles V, a Du Ctusdin^ 105.

•CtfA Rot, Pat.^ lyj.

^Morte Arthure, 11. 2096, 2897, 2909, 2920. The * genatours of Genne * (Genes» Genoa)
are thus described in Cuvelier's Du CueseHtt^ 11. 11144-5 -

XX. mile Genevois sur genes chevauchant
Qui portoient les dars de coi on va lan^ant
Chandos Herald's Prince NoiriHL 3105) calls tbem

Geneteuis homme« a chivaL

i

m i w . BT wt j%i . i i m..*., > \\ i.»,j.

/

•hbCHOWK OTF THfc AWLE kYALE* tCiL

the Spanish campaigiis of the Bkck Prince; they are 'trae to the life of
1360 or thereaboat'i Certain of the historical personages and places intro-
dnoed enable a closer date-approximadon. The King of Cjpms * is one ;
he viated England b 1363, and was royally entertained, the King of
Scotland visiting Edward III. at the same time. Sodi thii^ are the
political atmosphere of the poem.

In 1359 the talk of knightly circles, expressed in a wdl-known chronicle
(written in Anglo-French), had been of the passage to France by 'Sand*,
wicbc^' of 'Barflo,* of *Sessoun/ of 'Vien,' of ^MiUein,* of 'Costentyn,* of
'FaiterSi' of Me markeis of Mise^' of the 'Allemauns,' of 'Lorrein,* and
of 'Reyns,' of *Th>ies,' of 'Tuny.' In 1360 we hear further of *Chartres
and 'TuUousi' *Roan,* *Came/ and *Provynce.' The brief armals of 1361
nention ' Heruw ' and ' Holand ' and * Denemark,' especiaUy recording that
the Danish king had made war on the Easterlings and reconquered much
of 'Swetherik' from the king of 'Norway/ while the kiiig of 'Lettow' had
been made captive by the lords of 'Spruce.' Besides^ Me roj de Cypre'
had taken a town m 'Turky' by assault In r362 we hear of 'Spayn/
^Gascoigne,' 'Gyene^' 'Normandy,' and 'Burgoyne.' All these^ culled from
about a dozen consecutive pages of the ScaUuronkaf begun in the castle
of Edinburgh m r3S5, tally with the names which Hochown, supple-
menting hb original, made place for in Morte Arthurt. They shew to a
marvel that his geographical embroidery of Arthur^s story was taken
from the topography of 1359*63, just as we have already seen^ that the
stations on Arthur's march Romewards were borrowed from the itinerary
of the time.

Indefinite ad<fidons to these evidences m^ht be made from aimals of
the period, but it is proper to emphasise one or two names which appear

*I itcAl tkeM woffdi from a ktler of ProC W. P. Ker.

^Mwt9 Aftkmn^ 596 ; Mturimtak (Eog. Hist. Soc.), r99 ; IVabinf^kmm^ iob anno 1363.

^ Simlmcrmtkm^ 185-soa. It it imneoesiaiy to quote the ooncspoii£ng names in Mart*
Afikmwt^ bat Sandwich (L 635) may be noted as a point of Hnchown^ di ve i gence from
Gcoiitcjt who mokci Southampton the port of embaricatioii. *Futeffi* (Poitieis) is
•J'^tcn' in MmrU (L 40). *Thc Mardie of Meyes' in MwU (2417) it wdl vouched
by Stahtrmkm* *Ch. a above.

\

\

9] •UOKtt AkTHURE' AND KDWARD tiL (5

to make it certain that Marie Arthure can hardly have been finished
before the bq;inning of 1365. Among the *Sowdanes and Saxesenci'
summoned to lus banner bjr Lodus^ aie

Of Babyloyn and Baldake the borlyche knjfgihtei»

as well as those of 'Tartaiy/ and * Turkey/ and 'Lettow/ while the

'Kynge of Cyprys' with *ail the realls of Roodes' — evidently Arthoi^t

ally — on slupboard in the Mediterranean, lies in wait for the Samceo

enemy.

The Kynge of Cypiys oq the tee the Sowdtne habgrdes
.With all the remUs of Roodes aiayede with him one.

So much for poetry : for history we have a great victory over the Toiksi
gained m November, 1364, when the Grand Master of the Hospitallers of
Rhodes and many of his knights were counted among the 5000 Christian
dead, while the princes of the other side (as Capgr&ve translates* Mnii-
muth's continuator) 'were these: The Soudan of Babilony; the Kyng of
Tuxkye; the Kyng of Baldak; the Kyng Belmaryn; the Kyng of Tartare;
the Kyng of Lettow— of which iii were slayn.' The king of CypniSi
who had in 1361 captured Satalie by a sea-expedition, was in the end of
1364 getting ready a fleet at Venice for a similar exphnt against the Sultan
of Alexandria.* There is neither Baldak, nor Lettow, nor Rhodes^ nor
Cyprus, nor Sultan, in Geofirey of Monmouth (or in the translations by
Layamon and Wace). The grouping, therefore, is a powerful item in the
proofs^ for a date soon after the close of 1364 (in which connection it
will not be amiss to recall Sir Hew of Eglintoun's presence in London*
in May, 1365), before the Cyprian swoop on Alexandria was known.

^ Mortis 583-607.

^Murimuth (Eng. Hist Soc), 201. Capgrave's Ckromch^ 233.

'Machaat's FrUe ^Alexandrite 11. 640-660^ 1 540- 162a Note also Cavelier'a line
staling that the king * Satalie conquist et occist le soudant/ Dm CtuscKn^ L 7443.

^Sir Hew of Eglintoun*s father-in-law and brother-in-law both held high p^^^jtwn
among the Scottbh Hospitallers.— Mr. John Edwards in Tyamsac. Clasg. Atxka^aUgkmi
Society e new series, voL iii, pp. 322, 326,

■Safe conduct, dated 20th May, 1365. Jioi. Scci.^ i., 89/.

/

66 «hUciiowk of the AWLfc RVALE* [Cr.

Finally, to be appealed to as most oddly significant of all the notes of
date in Morte Arthare^ are the lines (1943-5) in which, after a reprimand
iUlowed by an apology to Cador of Cornwall, his nephew. King
Arthnr says:

* Thare es none isdiewe of as on thb erthe sprongene
Thow art apfMumnt to be ayere, are {read or) one of thi diDdyre
Thow arte my aster aone, Ibraake saHe I never.'.

\Vhy should Arthur have made any alternative? Cador was heir. Only
because he died in battle before the king was it that not he but his
son succeeded — in Geoflfrey — to the throne. Why the *or one of thy
children?' It was a singular observation — like an entail — to let fall
There could be only one apparent heir. Scottish histoiy supplies the
answer, and points to the intrigue and privy agreements^ of 1363-4, whereby
the childless David II. made in so far as in him lay Edward III.' or one
of his children heir-apparent to the Scottish Crown.

By the first convention Edward himself was made inheritor of the crown
(ailing lawful issue of David II.; the Scottish Parliament rejected the
proposal in March, 1364, and the substituted terms arranged that year
were that one of King Edward's children other than the heir-apparent
to the Crown of England should become the heir-apparent of Scotland.
But the Scottish Parliament and people were obdurate, and a chief service
of the agreements may be to give us confirmation of the date of Morte
AHkunf

' See these discussed in my Sir Hem of EglinioHn (Phil. Soc Glas.), and in note to
Qi. IS, se& s, below*

*Tbe terms of the first agreement of 27th November, 1363, were: Ou cas que le dit
Roi d^Escoce trespasse da siede sans hoir engendre de son corps le devant dit Roi
d*Enf{leterre on quiconques qui alors en seroit Rois et ses hoirs Rob d*Eng1eterre aieni
wccess io n heriUble du dit roialme d*Escoce {Acts Part, Sep/., L, 493).

' The sabstitatcd proposal is contained in a document worn away in parts, but printed
thns: Item on cas que le Roi . . . au present devie sanz heir . . . de son
ooqit et en matrimoigne engendre l*un des filz du Roi d'Engleterre qui n'est pM heir
apparaat d'Engleterre Ini succedera . . . oialme et a la coronne de Escooe {A€is
Dari, Skol.9 L, 49$.

nif^mti^tmii

lo) «l>ARL£MENt OF tHE THRE AG£S' 67

t

I a 'The Parlement of the Thrs Ages.'

(i) TesU to be applied.

The sequence of the four poems already dealt with, and the significance
of their mutual relation, will not appear of less account when the quartet
is made a quintet — when the series closes in the Parlement of the Thn
Affs^ with an outline of its stoiy, an analysis of its textual affinities, and
a discussion of a source^ little suspected, for its plot Tests of each of
the preceding four poems have been found in the evidence of each in
succession of the use and influence of the poem before, the occurrence
of entire lines as well as poetical figures and phrases in each foond in
one or more of the others, and features not well admitting classification,
which bring out as a kind of risumk in the later work certain aspects
of paraphrase or retrospect of the earlier performances. As applied to
The Parlement of the Thre Ages (a poem found in one of Robert of
Thornton's priceless manuscripts conjoined with the Titus and with die j
beautiful Lay of the Thielove^\ the tests already seen in operation might
not be satisfied by proofs of (a) identity of versification, supplemented by
{Jf) the occurrence of detached lines and phrases held in common by (r) more
than one of the antecedent suite. These alone might not serve; an
exacting critic might demand demonstration that concurrently with these
things there are in reasonable clearness signs (^ that the author was
familiar with the authorities employed in the previous books, (tf) that the
characteristics and poetical method of the works compared should be
analogous, and (/) that the collation should furnish instances not of genend
merely but of intimate suggestion ot unity of authorship. A tolerably
heavy load of responsibility to undertake — a load, be it said, under which
the attempt to prove by internal evidence the common authorship of many

* The ParhmaU of the Thre Ages^ edited by Israel Gollancs, M.A, (Roxhn^he
Qub, 1897). To my friend, Prof. W. P. Ker, for introducing me to this book, and
lending me his copy, I can hardly be giatefiil eiK>ti|;;h.

'Edited from the MSS. by Mr. Gollancz— in the Dr. Fumix-aU birthday vohime.
An En^ish Miscellany^ 1900, under the unsatisfactoiy title, * The QuatrelbU of Lovo.*

■ i p i i i i nij wipi ■ i ^ M i^ . . 11 .. > . ■■■ i ' ./^.?.;,,^.: ::":^,*;^;

6S 'nUCHOWll Ot TH^ AWLE kVAL^' t^H.

great pieces of English literature by their acknowledged authors would
hopelesdy break down I But he who takes this responsibility of maintsuning
thc.daini of Huchown to the Par/e/nent can with a light heart chaDenge
all the tests combined. The ParUment itself supplies all the arms its
champions need. It is an alliterative poem (a) of the same measure as
the antecedent four, {b) containing whole lines and very many identical
phrases, not commonplace^ found (c) in various members of the preceding
quartet, while {i) it cites or shows dose knowledge of Alexander and of
7W7, of the Brui and of the Vaeux du Paan^ and at the same time it
quotes Tlims and Mbrie Arthure^ and presents clear analogies not only
with the PistUl of Swai Susan^ but also— it is of grave moment to remark
it — with Gawayne and the Green Knight. The analogy of (^) poetical mode
among the five poems is fairly absolute, passing through a phase of sheer
aiKl simple translation to one of expanded paraphrase and narrative^ partly
independent, resting at many points upon authority, but with constant
deviations into originality. Finally, (/) the ParUmeni binds together the
whole range of the work of Huchown in a manner at once intimate and
eiq>licit

These be large assertions; and now — after the plot of the story itself
— there come the proofs.

(2) The Phi of the ^ ParlemenV

The Parkment is a work accessible only in a very limited club edition.
The story it tells, therefore, may becomingly be told here in fuller outline

I than was thought necessary in any other item of the quartet It opens
with a magnificent hunting picture of the stalking of a deer, " In the month
of May when mirthes been fde^" in which the hero, waiting beside a tree
in the woods, caught sight of a hart Creeping under a crabtree he was
about to shoot when a buck that was with the hart sounded the alarm,
and the sportsman had to lie low for a while in spite of the gnats which
greatly him grieved and gnawed his 'eghne.' Soon as the opportunity
came he drew his bow and shot, hitting the hart behind the left shoulder.
Then he flayed and disembowelled the prize after the approved rules of
venery, which done, he sat down in the warm sunshine and fell asleepi

lo] 'PARLEMENT*; ITS PLOT 69

As nttanl in the romance period, the sleep was not wasted, the inefi* |
table dream came — the dream which is the remainder of the poem.

'And what I saw in my aoul, the tooth I shall tdL' ^

He saw three men quarrel The first was a gallant young noUe 00
horseback clad in green, decked with a chaplet of flowers, his collar and
sleeves set with jewels.

* The price of that peny were worth pounds fall many.*

He was thirty years of age^ be was young and 'yape,' says our poet^ and
Youth was his name.

The second man was a sober personage in grey sitting full of thoai^t
about his money, his lands, his rent, and his cattle. He was sixty, and men
called him Middls Eldb.

The third had a hundred years. All in black, bald, blind, whtte>
bearded, crooked, toothless, and pious, he mumbled the Creed and invoked
the saints. This was the last of the trio whom the poet made interlocutors
in his *parlement,' and Eldb was his name.

Youth reveals himself carolling in his saddle as he goes, making to
his absent lady love a ' high avow.' Middle Elde reproaches him for hb
extravagance. Youth will none of Middle Elde's worldly wisdom. He
will, he retorts, rather make and perform his high avow than own all the
gold ever Middle Elde got Then would he go a-hawking, and he describes
in glowing terms the falcon soaring like heaven's angel, to swoop on
mallard and heron, which fall beneath the stroke. Next the falconeii
treat the quarry as the code of falconry requires, and the episode closes
when the hoods are put on the hawks, and Youth figures himself on the
way home —

* With ladies full lovely to lappen in mine arms.*

The man in russet-grey has just begun angrily to expostulate when the old
worthy in black strikes in between to preach a sermon which lasts till nearly the
very end of the poem — a sermon which, as one listens to it, grows ever more /r,
and more nobly eloquent of the Middle Ages, eloquent of its literature and
literary standards, eloquent of the culture of th^ Scpttish Cou rt under the
Bruces and the jtewarts, eloquent above all of the majestic poetic stature

70 'HUCIIOWN OF THE AWLE RYALE' [Ch.

of Hudiowii of the Awle Ryale. For this sermon, with which Age sflences
the vam jangling of Youth and Middle Age, this sermon of Elde, wise with

I the lore of Time^ although its moral be the trite moral of Death, yet preaches it,
as rareljr preached before, by compressmg into brief compass the whole romance
story of the Middle Ages. It tells of Hector and the heroes of Troy ; tells
of Alexander and the worthies whom remote Egypdam fiction and more
recent French romance had sent into the field with him ; tells of Caesar
and the Tower of London ; tells of gentle Joshua and David the doughty,
and Judas Machabeus — 'Jews fiill jolly and jousters fiill noble'; then flings
itsdf heart and soul upon King Arthur and Sir Galahad ' the good that
^ thegreewan,' Sir Lancelot of the Lake^ Sir Kay, and all the Round Tables
with the spotless Sir Gawayne and the frail fair Guinerere. His list of the
NoUe Nine^ after mere mention of Godfrey of BouiOon, conchides with a
long passage concerning Charlemagne^ mentioning amongst other heroes
Roland and Oliver and Ogier the DanV ^nd telling tfiat tale of Ferumbru
and the Brig of Mantrible^ which Barbour,* perhaps with some poetic
license, placed on the lip of Robert the Bruce to cheer his dispbited
followen as they crossed Loch Lomond during the ilk>mened campsugn of
1306. And the sum of all is — the lesson of life as told by himJn black
'1 from the mighty careers of the foremost warriors of Time —

* Now have I named yoa tbe names of Nine of ibe best
That ever were in Uib world wist upon earth,
. And tbe dougbtiest of deeds in tbdr days* timc^
^ But Doughtiness wben Death comes ne dare not abide.*

What was true of prowess m batde the pessimist Elde found also of
learning. Aristotle and Solomon and Meriin, these were the wisest of the world,
but their wit was powerleu against Death« Nor was love, nor beauty
itsd^ exempt Amadace and Ydoine^ Samson and Delilah, Generydes
the gentle and Clarionas the clere,* Eglamour and Christabel, Tristram
and Iscah^ Dido of Carthage and Candace of Babylon, Penelope and

* 'OjpBVS Dcasaejs' (L 523). For tbe significance of tbb and of Generydes mentiooed
hdow see ck 9 above, acctloas 5 and 6.
^JffWffp BL, 405-46$.
*Sae icfcie i Me to Gtmitydu fai di. 9 abovc^ sec 5.

iv^"

lo] 'PARLEMENT'; PARALLELS WITH *GAWAYlfB* 71

Guinevere — through the glittering catalogue of romanGe heroes and. hcrdues
he inarches, mournfully to the old old tune — Death iriD have hb mjzV^
nothing is certain but Death. At the close Elde the wise commands Youth
and Middle £lde to cease their wrangle, for Elde is are of Ifiddle EUe
and Middle Elde of Youth, and he, their sire and grandsrc^ bids them

HftTCt good day lor now I go, to gniTe mint Hie wcad,
Demth dings on my door, I dmre no longer bide.

Here the dreamer— he that had hunted the deer and fiadlen adeep— heard
a bugle blow full loud, and woke to find that the sob had set and ''Thus
ends the Thre Ages.*

Peradventure we also, if our slumbers in the forest are not too sound,
may chance to hear a bugle blow, and mark how the bent ediocs with
Huchown's trumpet note.

(3) ParalUls <f the 'Pariememi.^

The h unting scene as a who le and the hawkin|u>ictai^ too, fit to a mirade'
into the structure of Huchown's work if, as may be assumed (in spite of
critical dida to the contrary). Sir Frederick Madden was nght in under-
standbg Wyntown's reference to the Awntyre rf Gawafu as referring
explicitly to Gawayni and the Green KnighL In Gawayne there were
described three hunts — ^respectively of a deer, a boar, and a fox. In the
other extant poems there are indeed many passing and often intimate
allusions to the chase, but no detailed description. This stoiy in the
Parkment^ therefore, describing how the deer was shot and how the fialcon
brought the heron down, is roost opportune to fill a gap. These picturesquely
technical accounts in no way overlap what the poet has written elsewhere,
and yet there are points at which the different refer^ices to the deer hunt
touch each other so as to reveal identity of workmansUp Mr. Gollancz
has well said that these descriptions are supplementary. To reckon them
complementary would be sttU better. The points of contact with Gawayite^
are special enough to call for treatment by themsdves.

' Of course I am aware of certain analogies in hnnting matters with Sir Tristrmm$^ bat
the pesent correspondences are verbally exact^ and most intimate.

7«

•HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RTALE'

[Cr.

1455 li>l^ to lijai of her mrewct,

— ^ blttCD afVk oft*

1609-10 Bnydes oat the boweks • . •

1328-9 Sefdied htm at the naj
thftt ther weic^
Two fym geie * thay fende.

IJJO

the

1533 S}ihen lytte thay the foaie
lymines and rent off the hyde.

1337 Then scher thay out the schulderet

with her sharp knyvet.
1355 And the corbeles fee thay

in

• • •

1330 • • • thay slyt the sloL • . •
>139 [Object afaned at] to have hole

1235
■147
■141
l6ot

thay gryped . . • and
graythdy departed.
And that thay neme for the

BomnblciL • • •
Ryvet hit np ladly ryght to the
hygjbt*

. rendei him • • • hi the

• •

I3S7
ilS3^

1346
1638

lyUfSa • • •
• • • the fourcheia • • •
Boihe the hede and the hals thay

hwen of thenne
And s)rthen sunder thay the

sfdet swyl^ fro the chyne.
And hcven hit np al hole.
Of the were of the wylde swyn. . .

53-4 And I hailed to the hokes. . • .
And happenyd that I hitt hym. . •
69 Brayde oat his bowdls my berselelt
to fede.
70-71 And I sisilte hym at the assay to
see how me semyde
And he was floreschede full fiure of
two fyngtn brode.

73-82 And ritte doan at a rase r^t to

the tayle
And than the herbere anooe aftir I

makede.
I raughte the righte legge before,

ritt it ther aftir
And so fro Icgge to Icgge I kpe

thaym aboule
And the felle fro the fete fiiyre I

departede
And flewe it doun mith my fiste

faste to the rigge.
I lighte owte my trenchore and toke

of the scholdirs
Cuttede corbyns bone and kest it

awaye.
I slitte hym full sleghely and

slyppede in my fyngere
Lesse the poynte scholde perche the

pawnche or the guttyi.
85-87 I grippede owte the guttes and

graythede theym besyde»
And than the nomUes anone name

I there aftire
Rent np fro the rigge reghte to the

myddiSi

88 ... the foordies. . . •
89-90 And chynnede hjrm dielely and
choppede of the nekke
And the hede and the hanlse
homdyde in soodree
9a And herede alle into ane hole
99 To wayte it from^ w)*lde twyne. i • •

lOj

'PARLEMENT'; PARALLELS WITH 'GAWAYNE*

73

189 And dm hafe auighte thi

223 With *hoo' and 'howclie' to dK

DCfOII* • • •

354 With oomidythes and caroQek

303 [Tiroj] dte ass^ed and wtjkd,

371 And brayde owte the bri|^
bcande* • • •

3175 The knys^t kaches his caple.
I158 The hindes were halden in with

*hay'and 'war/
1445 • • • halowcd • • . 'hqr'

•hay.'
1655 As ooondutes of krystmasie and

caroles newe.
3525 After the segge and the asante [of

Troyl.
15S4 Braydez out a bryg^t htont • • .

1901 And braydez oat the biy|^t bionde.

• • •
2419 • • • Barsabe that much bale 453 ^or Beisabee . • • wbs alk tiat

tholed. bale reiede.

2448 The maystres of Merlyn. . • • 469 That Merlyn with his maystncs

ra a dc i • • •
1938 He were a bleaunt . . . 482 He made a blyoC • • •

2446 Thuigh myght of Morgne la Faye. 511 . . . Morgn la fiiy that niyche

conthe of sleg^te.

Lest anybody should urge that these are chance coinddences» I append
a brief list of others which connect Gawayne equally with some poems
of which we have heard a good deal in this essay.

Alexander.

[Exordiutn] 15 And I forwith yow alle

ettillis to schewe.
AUx, 3020 Was never sene I suppoyse

sen the seyge of Troye.
778 Stridis into stele bowe stertis
spon loft.

1540 . . . wed wose and other wylde

2617 The cry of the clarions the
clodes it persyd.

Ceewaym^

[Exordium\ 27 Forthi an aunter in erde

I attle to schawe.

I Sithen the s^e and the assant
watz sesed at Trcye.

435 Steppes in to stel bawe and
strydez alofte.
Cf. 2060 Steppes he into stirop and
stiydez alofte.
721*2 • . • wodwos • • • bnllez and

berez and bores.
1 166 . . . kryasklyfleshadenbrasten.

7F/itf. Cawayne.

1244 . . . gretter than a grehounde ... 1171 . . . grehoundes so grete . . .

54 Qoudes clateren gon as they cleve 2201 . . . datered in the clyff as it

wolde. schuldc.

F

24 'HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RYALE' [Ol

849-50 • • • whihdjnajngdififh 118 Nwe mkiTm none with the aoUe

"^ And the mkcvcf opjie • • • PV*

3151 Into TodoBe he toamcs • • • 11 Tidas [lanet] to Ti

531-3 For w hycmt e and w m t hftit and a6i The wjwtatL mad Ihe w m t hftit of Ae
vjgjbtcile 01 hMUMci* ipoiidcf lLyde»

Of an • . . tUs weride lyche.

451 ... one nyi^hte nedci oKxte thoo 693 ... akoe he kapB oa ■yiMcS'

Hirving

Parkmemi and (^nmifM^ we mi^ torn to a genecd
other paraUdSi reminding oondTes bcfare we hegn
has only 665 lino^ thus offering nrnnnrifally a modi
parisoQ t^n the gieater pi frf t doi

TViSf IS969 Hk was dK mooedi of Maf 1 la Ae aMwA of Sfafc

3249 DovnkjBgi of dewe. • • • 10 The

S736 Bai)oiiBofbo«cibaeAitM 11 Bwyiaad b ioa wtt aad

Jtmm ^ Thqr UiRiiide with dK 14 . . . dv dbmdlb M dMf

15^ Aad khe iMie ia dHl fTthe %-
Titer 1005 FigraaadKfBalofdqr. •• That tfhe dalte «m done aad Iht

7h?f 9371 • . . d^^lfoadepe. ... 3^ . . . — y., * , , «»,^^ , , ,

4* • • • tf>H(ove MB mp^# *

$1 . . -

7h?r tolS ThaCtheUadeoiahail... 55 IWt fc Urdlt

TKto IC90 DedaaadHeaafk. ... i) Iiale ilb a 4iiw

/Hy S«t • • -

* * *

f

^^ • • • fia A Mda umpk Mk a OMiut WyvM

Titer sif AhaUhaaiaasstiaiik... Ut %^

\

10]

•PARLEMENT'; PARALLELS FROM «TROY,' ETC.

75

AUx, 792

AvnUyrs $10

AUx. 1538

Mortt 3264

Awnifn 17
M9rt€ 3964

Than strenyi he hys steropes

and streght np sittei.
• . • with trayfoles and

trewIuBTcs hytwene.
With riche rabies of golde

railed bi the hemmet.
Raylide with recfaed and

nihyes inewe.
Raylede with rubes • • • '
My wele and my wirchipe

of alle this werlde riche.
Morti 3959-60 Here es the hope of my hele

my happyge of armes.
My herte. • • •
Tiius 969 I have heylych heyght • • •

Troy 13824 Had a glaive, a foil giym

grippit in honde.

Mortt 3762-3 . . . giyme Unnce

That the growndene glayfe
graythes in sondyie.

TUut 883 Ride to the rever and rer

up the fouleSi

MorU 6 . . . kayre till his

courte. • • •
Morti 3293 And ladys me lovede to

lappe in theyre armes.
Troy 10097 • • • wandrit and woke for

woo. • • •
MorU 2370 . . . wakkens wandrethe

and werre. • • •
Morti 975 • . . dolvene and dede. • . •
Morti 2216 Threppede . . . thryttene

sythis.
Morti 2770 And alle dysfegoures his

face • • •

116 He streg^te hym in lus steropis sad

stode up riijhtei.
120 With tnyfoyks and t rc w lo ves of iifl

tnede perics.
128 With lull rich rubyes laylede by the

" 175 My wele and my wirchipe in werlde
where thou dwellyi.

177 Alle my hope and my hele myn herte
is iSoijtk owcn.

178 I behete the a best and h^idy I
avowe.

902 With a grym grownden g^rfe
graythdy in my honde.

208 And ryde to a reveie.^ • • •
217 To the revere with thnire roddes
to rere up the fdwHt.

246 • • . kayre to the ooorte. • • •

247 With ladys full lovely to Uppyn in

myn armes. '

257 • • . with wandrynge and wo sdialte
wake. • • •

258 • • . dolven and dede. • . •
262 . . . threpid this thirtene wyntiz.

284 And all disfeguride my
fadide my hewe.
Cf. 155 Alle disfygured was his
&dit his hewe.

and
and

^ This in its hawking connexion is riporia in mecUeval Latinity. Juxta quamdam
ripariam falconum aucupio si ixirciret — is written of Edward HI. in Trivet's AntuUa
(Eng. Hist. Soc.), 282,

76

'HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RYALE*

[Ch.

Akx. 5$55 Now all I nevyne jrow the

Mmi€

3440 Alks njniie ofthe aobinesie

Dunede in eitbe.
3496 Ne for DO wj of this werlde

tbat wrogbte es one erthe.
639 • • • DO WJ in thb

wdlde. • t •
3408 That were conqneroors

kydde and oownnede

inertbe.

297 And I schall nevyn 70W the names of
nyne of the beste.

298 That ever wy in this weilde wiste
appOD erthe*
[Lines 297-8 are almost exactly re-
peated 580-1.]

299. That were conqueroors foil kene and
kiddeste of other.

[Both passages referring to the Nine Worthies.]

Akx.
TUm

joo ... Sir Ector and aldeste of tyme.

302 ... the mody icyi^e. • • •

503 .. • assegede and sayled it [Troy^

305 Paresche the proude knyg^te.
307-8 And as deikes in the cronyde
cownten the sothe
Nowmbren thajrm to six and is mo

by tale
Of kynges with croones he killede
with his handcs.
310 ... ah ferly wer ellis.
31$ With the wyles of a woman. . . •

lueu. • • •
7>iSf 1377-8 . . . girdyn doun the waUys 318-9 And with the Gregeis of Grcoe he

Dntf 14931 • • • Ector the honourable

oddist of knig^tes.
3879 . • . Ector the ddest.
I114 The mody kyng. • . •
1039 ... the mody kyng. . . •
CmwmpH I ... the sege and the assanlt

[Troy].
9506 Paris the prise knight.
14006 (rubric)

Thies Ector slough with
hood of kynges.

[The list '*all of du kynges,** lines
14006-14021, has eighteen names.]

jtkM. 1814 ... as roerrale ware elUs
Thsf 668 Thurghewylcs of woman...
2415 • . . thufg wyles of wym-

Prowde pales of prise puttyn
togronnde.

7>i!f S067 . • . hire that was lig^t . . •
Mmrt€ 2596 • • • Syr Priamus, a prince

is my fodyre.
MmrU 4345 Syr Piyamous the piynct.
Thsf 1487 Was Troylus the true tristy

ID wer.
Ther 9991 TroieU the tra knighL • . •
7\r9f 3818 NeptoloD DobilL

girde over the walles
The prowde paleyt dide he pnUe
douD to the erthe.

323 .. . lure at the last lighte. • . •

324 ... Sir Priamus the ptyDoe. • • •

326 Sir Troylus a trewe knyghte that
tristyly hade feiigiht<

327 Neptolemns a DoUe kny^te.

lo] *PARLEMENT'2 PARALLELS FROM *MORT£ ARTHURE;' ETC ]

Trdf
\Tr9y

AUx,

Troy

Thy

Troy

5892 Fklomedoo the prise king.
55-65 Reference to Dues and
DytesJ.
18 [Alexander] aj^ • • • aOe
the weip]d oviie.
315 [Alexander] wan all the

wofld.
312 [The pObun of Hercnlei.]

881

Troy 867
Aforii 2606

Titus 782

AUx. 3972

AUx. 3998
Morti 4216

Gamaytu 1 584
Gawaytu 1901

AUx, 1831

(rubric) How Jason wan

the flese of golde.
Jason • . • gentiU kn^ht.
Judas and Josne thise geo-

tille knyghtea.
• • • a Jew Joaophus the

gentyl derke
Quen Sir Poms saghe his

princes in the prese fiule.
Porms as a prince. • • •
He biaydes owte a brand

bijrghte. • • •
Braydes out a brygjht bront. • •
And bnijrdes out the bry^

bronde. • • •
Sire Alexander athille kyng.

Alex, 5399 [Alexander styled] ourt

mode kyng.
[Alexander styled Emperor constantly in

the AUxander,]

AUx, 2395 Than amed thai to ser

Alexander. . . •

Troy 314 The Emperour Alex-
ander. ...

AUx, 56 1 1 Now bowis furth this bars-

tour and Babyloyn he
wynnis.
[Said of Alexander.]

Titus 971 And me the 3ates ben jet

and jolden the keyes.

Titus 1233 Bot up jeden her jates and

jelden hem alle.

328 Pfelamedes a prise
331 As Dittes and Dares
gedic

332 After this sir Alysaunder aDe f

worlde wanne.
334 Ercules bonndes

[Referring to the pQlais of Hcicrii
338 • . . gentilk Jasoa tlie Ji

the flese of golde.

I

365 Sir Poms and his piync e t .
368 For there Sir Poms tlie

the presse thiyngei.
371 And brayde owte the bri^bfaade

384 Alexandere oure athell kyng.
Ct 484 Arthure oure athell kyi^e.

394 Sir Alexander oure Emperour ai
hym to lyde.

395 And bewes towardes Babylojne.
[Said of Alexander.]

398 While hym the )atis were
jolden the keyes.
[Repeated 575.]
Ct 535 While hym his ierajmge
and the jates opynedc

'■ ■' "> « ■ sv ma^'^^^'m'mrm^rijf^^i^^f^fimi, , ^ wmim \ ^ \, t .t r

mmrn^^f

^ - ^■^■■*

•ie«— »*«F-«»*'*?PT!*^

'HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RYALE*

[Ch.

417s • • • diynkles they dye dole

was the more.
4S41 That derfe dynt was his

dede and dole was the

ParUmetil.
400 Thare he was dede of a diynke
dole es to

Titer 1093 • . . that doil was to hure. Cf. 453 There he was dede at that dede as

dole es to here.
Akx, 1608 The welder of all the werld 404 And thus the worthieste of this

and worthiest under werlde wente to his ende.

wylde.

[Said of Alexander.]

AUm.

18 That an^te evyn as his
awynn alle Uie weiP]d

TlimM

576 Aiaby and EgipL • • •
9658 Sesoyne and Soiylande.
2606 . . • Josue . • • gentille. • • •

s • • • Jen gendL
1383 Mortar ne made walle. . •
9935 • • • the develle have your

TUm 473 Of doughty David the king.
JMrtfr34i9-jo For he slewe with a slynge

he sleyght of his hands
Golyas the grette gome

grymmeste in erthe#
C17>erii96 Slo|^ hom downe sl<^y

and tlaunge hom to

406 Alle Inglande he aughte at his
awnn wilL

[Said of Caesar.]
C£ same line repeated (465) con-
cerning Arthur.

418 Arraby and EgipL • • •

419 Surry and Sessoyne. • • .

426 . . . gentil Josue that was a Jewe

noble.
433 . • . mode walle that made were. • .
438 . . . Sathanas unsele have theire

bones.
441 Than David the doughty • . .
444-5 The gretegiym Golyas he to grounde

broghte
And sloghe hym with his slynge and

with no sleglfate elles.

9038 Slo^ hom down skgjhly
with sle^t of his hood.
[See also Mr. Donaldson's note in Tnrf »
4S1.]

IJ03 Wer ded of that dynt ... 447 And he was dede of that djynt the

779 • • . the devel have that devyll hafe that redie.

m o c iie^
MmrU 3413 • • • Judas a justere lulle 459 ...Jeues foil joly and justers fell noble.

1«IS

Josue that joly mane

lO]

•PARLEMEMT'; PARALLELS FROM 'TITUS,' KTC

M^U

17

htarte

3707

MorU

1368

Morti

1 152

Tiius
Thy
Morte

TUus

767
929

304
26

Mortt 4509

Mort€ 541

Troy 10306

AUx. 1232

Troy 13024

Mortt 2982

Mortt 3427-9

Off the lyeallc^enkys of the

rownnde table.
Thane vft Gawayne thegude

he has the gree woonene.
Thane v/t Gawayne the

£iide • • •
Thenne sir Kajoas the

kene . . •

• . • thogh ye fey woffthe.

• . . drepitt the dragon • • .
• . . beryne of Bretayne • • .

• • • alle Gascoyne gat and
Cyan • • •

And graythes to Ghusdien-
bery the gate at the gay-

Titus

8

Titus

497-9

Alex.

48

Troy

831S

• . • this werlde hot wyr*

chipe • • •
Slough him • . • with sleg^t

of his bond.
Bot with a swyng of a swerde

swappez of hys hered.
And with the swing of a

swerde swappit hir to

dethe.
And with a swerde swiftly he

swappes him thorowe.
. . . the crowne that Crist

bare hymselfene
And that lifeliche launce

that lepe to his herte
When he was cnicyfiede on

crose and alle the kene

naylis.
Throw Pylat pyned he was

and put on the rode.

Ciist one

That this peple to pyne • • •
That preveth his passioun.
Than was hym bodword

unblyth broght • . .
And the bodword broght to

the bold kyng.

468 WithrenkesfblliTalleorhlsiowvB

table.
473 Bot Sir Galade the gnde thtt I

475 And sir Gawayne the gnde . • •

477 And sir Kay the kene • • •

485 ... till he was fej woithen.

488 • • • a dragon he oreped • • •

490 • • . beiyns of Bretayne • • .

491 Gascoyne and Gyane gat he • • •

494 The gates towardes Glassthenb
fon graythely he rjrdet.

519 . . • wirdrape of this werlde . •

533 • • • he sloghe with hb han&.

551 And one swyftdy with
swapped of his hede.

553*4 • • • the corownne that criste had
hede
And the nayles anone naytly i
aftire.

555 When he with passyoun and ]
was naylede on the rode.

558 Andthanbodworde.. .Inllboldl

M iw ua gH "

H I II ■ C. f U l^ff^P"!^'^'

/

8o

<IlUCHOWN OF THE AWL£ RYALE*

[Ch.

I

M^rU 1979 Focsette them the dteappoQ

teiehaliieL
TVi^F ~~ 2416 To hvfp ftod to hold • •

MmrU

3440> 3496W

M0rU

3443-4 in my days ... for dedb

ofarmet

For the doaghtyeste that

ever was dnelland b eithe.

Alex.

24 The wysert wees of the

weiPlde.

Akx.

247 The wjBOt wees in thb

weiP]d.

Trty

49 Viigill the virtmis • • .

M^€

333 Sir Gawayne the worthye

Dame Waynoor he Medys.

Avmiyn 14 • • • the piy dame Gaje>

Awmiyn 313 Hafe giid daye • • •

I hale na langare tyme
For me hose wende on my

waye • • •
Unto my wonnjrnge wane
in waa for to dwdle.
454 Lugge thiselfe undyre Ijrnde.
3800 For dere Diyghttyne this

daye • • •
2873 [l^larie] that mylde qwene . .
[The Lay tfilu TrueJaui refers to Christ
as crowning His mother Qneen of Heaven.]

AiorU
Jdmrte

574 And that dte he assegede appone

serehalives.
577 Tokepeitandtoholdittohymand

to

1

[A well-knowB kgpd phrase answering to
the form in Latin deeds^ Habemhim ti inut^

580-81 [These almost repeat 397*8.]
583 And the dogfatyeste of dedis in thaire
dayes tyme.

• •

(585 Of wyi^ that were
[Introducing Aristotk of 'Alexander's
time."]
CH 610 Theb were the wysest hi the worlde.
594 Virgill thtiigh Ids vertns . • •
629 And dame Gaynore the gay • . •

653-4 And ' Haves gud daye ' for now I go
to grave moste me wende
Dethe dynges on my dore
I dare no longare hyde.

663 . • . lugede me in the leves • . •

664 For dere Drightyne this daye . • •

665 Marie that is mylde qaene • • •

A sammation of these paralleb brings results sufficiently striking. Out
of 665 lines there are over 120 which contain more or less notable alliteratiTe
phrases also found in the antecedent quartet; over and above are the
parallelisms with Gawayne. Particularly to be observed are 23 linesi
practicallj whole lines, coincident with practically whole lines elsewhere^
as imder:

* Ar/., 462-512. «/>flr/., 407. '/Vfril, 332-39$. * ArZ., 331.

10] *PARLEMENT*; ITS SOURCES Si

Lines of 'Parlembnt' almost identical with unbs op 'Alexandii/

•Troy/ 'Titus,* AND *MoRTE Arthure.'

ParUmtnL A!ixamder. 7)r^. TUm, Af0rUAftbm,

116,128,368,551. 1792, 15A

3972,1232.
I, II, 318, 326. • • - 12969, 2736*

I377, I4«7.

i6» 217. (398* $75)> 8SOb883t97i

447. 491- (i»3. 779)» ^

202,247,297, 3762-3, 3293. 344(^

298,299. 3496,3408.

444-S» 468. • 3419-Mb 17.

473»494- 3707,4309^ .

Surely it is of extreme and final value as part of the great aigament |
with which this treatise began that in this comparison of entire lines^ oat of !
the twenty-three four are from the Alexander^ four from the Tray^ five firom .
the TUus^ and ten from Marte Arihure, Falling to be added are the maoj
broken lines distributed in different proportions among the various books m
question. To be added also are the special coincidences with Gamajm.
And after all these there comes yet another argument of inestimable strength
deduced from a search after the sources of the Parltment^ that poem which
ends the series of five.

(4) Mcdn Sources of the ^ParUmenL*

In examining the hunting scene which opens the poem we saw that
Gawayne had been within the poet's view. We shall see where the hunt
began. But first it is to be said that besides Gawayne and Alexander^
Troy, Tt'/uSf and Morfe Arthure^ there is unanswerable evidence that the |
poet used the Brut^ which he expressly names.' Not only so, he also (
knew and used the other principal authority followed in Morte Arihun^
the Voeux du Paon. This appears from his narrating* the Foray of
Cadres (Fuerre de Gadres) as well as the whole effect of the Avows of
Alexander and Battle of Effesoun as contained in the Voeux du Pooil
Dares and Dictys he cites^ — at second hand probably just as he did in

i fi.iU.., l >wi. T» l i .Lium ' N ' ii M .* -.. . j. p , ■! ■ .. ■ L .... r»i.. i i p nLL i . .. . . i

I

3, « -HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RYALE* [Cm

t

the 7>^^ — and the De PnlSs Alexander must be assumed to have been
the source of part of the Alexander narrative, including the mention of
Queen Candace* and the death of Alexander at the hands of the ^cursed
Cassander/* A distinct community of authorities between the ParUmtnt
amd the antecedent poems is thus established — further corroborated by the
inclusion in the part relative to Alexander of a confused reference to
the Gog and Magog l^end comprising a passage about the coming of
Antichrist, no doubt taken from Maundeville.^

There remains to be stated a yet more remarkable proposition, which
is that fundamentally the story of the three ages is an expansion of an
episode in the 7>9f, and that here once more we have a testimony to the
infinite poetic suggestion referable to Guido de Columpna. We return to
the hunting scene in the Parlemeni to recall the facts. The hero is engaged
in the chase alone He ties his dog to a birch tree.' He sees a hart,*
vludi he approaches and shoots. After disembowelling the quarry he sits
down in the woodland under birch tree boughs with leaves lig^t and green*^
The sun is so hot that he grows drowsy and sleeps* — sleeps and dreamt
a 'drq^he' dream* of the strife of three men, one in green, one in gray,
and one in black. What was the root from which this powerful story grew ?
If I may have faith in the evidences before me the root sprang from Italian
seed, no doubt itself in turn a product of the Greek. Paris in the Trcj^^
like the hero in the Parlemeni^ went huntrng.^* Outstrippbg his comrades^
he was alone ^^ m the forest— that dassic forest which Huchown's translation
does not name, but which Gddo did, the nemut fucd Yda vocaiur}^

Hesees ahart^ toa He gives chase, but it escapes. He has no dog,
but his horsey weary with the pursoit, he ties to a bough.^ He lies down

»/W/., 401. GMMidcr k aot noMd is llw oooMctacMi dtUy fo JuUui V^irimi,
fai (Mididnifi ed.) Rmmam ^ABxtmJre^ ppu 50$^ or la tW Vmum du Pmm. $U k ^0,
■ i cmio ii rt m dK /V /VdKr, it Ike doic vlKfc tW ttSumh^ UMuOm'^m k T\hiUg^

^M tmrn mi imlk (Wr^), di. s<w MS T. 4. t. fat st^^Sf^Sf^.

•Ar£,» * Art, 35. »/5ir/,,5i,i«^<fa^

•Ar£,ioa •Arf^MM'SL ^Trwf.ty^ '^Tw0f,tyfL

MS.. T. 4. 1. ii. aj. ^Trwf.%^1, ^rr$y,tpu

• »

lo] 'PARLEMENT*; SOURCE IN «TROY* Sj

'in a shadow of shene tres,'^ for the sun is hot' He sleeps,' and diem
/dreghly'^ the great dream of the strife of three goddesses — Venus ad
Juno and Pallas — as arbiter in which he is to determine the awaid cf
the golden apple. If he gives it to Juno his reward will be to be
'mightiest on molde^'^ if to Pallas he will be 'wisest of wit,'« if to ¥<
love will be his.^

This is the absolute key of the /^artowg^ /— explaining the ideal of Yoii&\|
with his avowSy Middle Elde in his lust for possessions and power, and l|
Elde's lofty sermon drawn from the deeds of the doughty and the livci/
of the sages, especially Solomon, ' 1

*And he vras the wisest in wit that ever wonned in earth.*

'Wisest in wit' — it was the very phrase of Pallas's bribe. The whok
spirit of the two dreams, if not quite the same, at least runs a moit
singular parallel

In the TVoy vision (lines 2407-9) the gift offered by Juno comes fiist:

* To be mightiest on molde and most of aU odier.*

In the Parlenunt vision (lines 293-583) Elde begins with the Nine

WonhieSi the warriors whom he then deals with in detail —

'Nine of the best
That ever wy in this world wist vpon earth
That were conquerors full kene and kiddest of other.*

In the Troy vision (lines 2410-12) the gift offered by Pallas comes
second:

'Thou shalt be wisest of wit'
In the Parhment vision, when the poet has closed his record of the
warriors with a sigh, pointing his moral that doughtiness, when death comei,
may stay no longer, he tells next (lines 584-611) of the fate of the wise:

' Of wyghes that were wisest wiU ye now hear.*
And so he preaches of Aristotle and Virgil, Solomon and Merlin, who
were fated to die too:

* These were the wisest in the world of wit that ever yet were.
But death wondes for no wit to wend where him likes.'

» Troy^ 2372-3. • Troy^ 2374. Overhild for the hete hengyng with \\

^Tr9y^%yi%. * Troy, 2^79- • Tny , 2408. • TVurf, 24 1 1. ^7719^.2414.

^f^^rm^m u rn* m ■ ■■■*T*'y^^^^^

■p m ii n ^.

S4 *HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RYALE* [Cb.

In the TYty vision (lines 2413-15) the gift of love offered by Venus
oomes last So^ last, in the Pariement vision comes the stanza Q\ntA 61 2-630)
ivhidi is so fine a romance catalogue of lovers.

A- moment given to analysis of the two visions demonstrates that the
J^HemetU amply adapts the viaon of Paris, brings it from the slopes of
Mount Ida to our own woodland^ where the throstle, the cuckoo, and the
^ cushat sing, and the fox, the fulmar^ and the hare are denizens. But the
poet transforms it too, making the pagan dream into a Christian ode on the
invincibility of death. Great are the gifu of Juno and Pallas and Venus,
so the pagan dreamer told: 'all vain and vanities and vanity is all' was
tlie sore verdict of pious Elde.

^"^''Since'doiighlmen wiien death comes ne dare not abide,
, Ne death woodes fbr do wit to wend where him likes.
And thereto paramours and pride pats he full low,
Ne there is riches ne rent may nnsom your lirei,
Ne Douf^t u siocar to jomself ne certain but death.*

^ In fine, is not the Parlemuni amply the dream of Paris reconstituted for
« BiiUsh latitudes and having ai^>ended an old-new moral ? The oak tree of
I jthe PttrUwuni grew from Guidons acorn, planted by Huchown in the Troy.
I And the entire body of the narrative points to the same poetic unity, the same
[paternity in Huchown's busy brain. The Gamayne unites with the Troy
•to ciplain and produce the initial hunting picture. The Voeux du Paom^
I already fiuniliarised in the poet's nund, directly supplies the suggestion of
the Nme Worthies, contributing modi even of the substance of the poem.
E¥«mining the various contriboUxy sections of the prids of the lives of the
I illustrious Nine, we readily devise a canoo of test Surdy if the poet was
the same as erewhile wrote the other poems we should expect to find in this
onc^ that iriien he touches Hector we should find traces of the Troy^ and
that when he touches Arthur we dxmld find traces of MorU Arthuro. How
completely the Parkmemi responds to the test! The 31 Uoes 00 HiKl/jf
(Af£, 300-331) touch the Tray by direct ronmtsccnce and ftf^sMf/n fjf
special epithets ahnost every secood fine. On King Alexander (Par/, Ht-v^A)
the earlier poem b nmch les slenderiy rqiresesued, no d^U becalm wh^a
the PariemaU wu wrincn Oe poet was dcawisf on two aew Kwrces, tfc«
Acmr de Gadret and Oe Vaemx dm Pm^m: stiD there u* fXtnuMii^Uo,

I

II] HUCHOWN*S BIS. 'GEOFFREY OF MONMOUTH* 8$

•

touches from the Aiexander. Of Caesar we have somedung, of Jodm
something, of David something, of Judas Machabeus somediing, — al fron
Mbrii Arthure^ of which these worthies were only a ride Aeme ; whik of
Arthur, its central theme, we have in 51 lines (462-512), a dear bod^ of
matter, including identical lines and not admitting of hostile debate. Oal
Charlemagne, a number of lines from the Alexander^ the Thrf, the TUn\
and the Morte Arihurt serve abundantly the purpose of proving tbe cJoscpgi
of the ties of association between any one of Huchown's heroes and al
the others. Indeed, the Parlement enables us to be retrospectifi^ and
suppose with considerable probability that MarU Arihurt had already drawa
for at least three of its lines (3427-9) upon the same verrion ^ of the romance
of Ferumbras and the Sowdan, as was utflised in the Parkmmi.

If proof by internal evidence is to establish anything, this extnuxdinaiy I
concatenation surely is irresistible. The method of proof adopted is od^ I
that which others have already used in a small degree for other woifcsi
only here the links are far more numerous, and far more dosdy diawa
together than they have ever been before. To deny difficulties b no part
of this argument : the proposition is that adopting the very processes of
comparison which commended themselves to some of my predecessois, I
reach a broader conclusion than theirs, the logic of which constrams the
acceptance of the Parlement as bringing up the rear of the great series of
poems which proceeded from one prolific pen.

II. Huchown's Copy of 'Geoffrey of Monmooto.*

' Ring by ring,' said the French adage, ' is made the habergeoiL' The
argument from internal evidence before set forth was complete, and the
original papers had both been read, when the prosecution of the quest
further resulted in a discovery of immense interest in itsdf and of prime
moment as evidence for the proposition now being discussed. It was the
discovery of a MS., of apparently thirteenth-century date, bearing in certam
marginal additions to its text in the shape of a miming series of

>Sec note ch. 9, sec 6, above. The Parl^ 11. 553-4, however, nentions only tbe
crown and tbe nails.

I W i «> -»^ i ■■ T i M.».TWP>f»M!^'^WWg «" J ' i i gJ » L iill'i|

AVLE RTALK* ID^

mbrics an eidaoRfinsj bodf of iilrtwi to the Hachovm

Syitcinitinilly, die aelti^f §■& of the crondi of bdkf lor dM identH
ficftdoo of maimw lif* U. 7. S5 in die Himteraui LSmj wiD best bc(iii
nth a reminder of the latscnce in die ame Ebnutj of the minincript
T. 4. I, which diidoMd nch s^gohv raembbnces^x) ba w tcn its text
of the /V P^diu^ and die alliteradve trandation Tke Wan rf AkxmMda\
and (a) between ita text of Gnido de' Cohunpna, and the aDiterathre transia*
tion Tke DeUruOiM ff 2>vf, widi (3) the appositenea of the presence
of Maonderille^s Itimerarimm in the mannscripti as compared with the
presence of a passage from that woifc interjected into die AkxatuUr
poem. Also is to be remembered die presence in the same library, which
(Mice was die small private collection of MSS. of Dr. William Hunter, of die
ade extant copj of the alliterative Troy poem just referred to. The
oombinadon induced the thought that a careful scrutiny of other manu«
scripts m the same collection might result in the discovery of other books
whidi ooce had formed part of the great alliterative poet's collection*
which once perchance he loved to see stand, like Chaucer's, *at his
l>eddes head.* By the use of Dr. John Young's manuscript notes for his
MSS. Catalogue, and by his kindly furtherance personally of the quest, my
seaidi was much facilitated. One day a pair of eager eyes fell on the
&teful words, Hie Rex Arthurus Ktttras Lucij Imptratoris rtupit^ added
at the top of the page in a small and defective copy of GeoflTrey of
Monmouth's Histaria Britanum^ the MS. U. 7. 25 in question. The text
itsdf on that page styled Lucius only * Procurator': the rubricator, like
Hnchown, heightened the dignity: the Latin rubricator wrote *Iroperator';
the poet *Emperour.' With this point the examination of the MS. began.
This parchment book, about seven inches long by five broad, bound in
wooden covers and having its text in a hand of the thirteenth century, is
mbricated more or less throughout in a hand a centuiy later and sharply
dislingnisliaWf. These rabrications are at the beginning nomeroos, in black
ink, in a small, neat hand, and occopy the sidesL About the 38th folio a change
is made; there are fiv fewer rabrications, and now, instead of occuj^ing
the side maigini^ thqr arc^ with a very lew excej^jons 00 to the end,

II] HUCHOWira MS. « GEOFFREY* 87

confined to the top and occasionaUy to the bottom of the pages. Unftr
tttnatdy perhaps for the definite solution of yet oth'er proUems of eailf
poetry, a laige and important section of the MS. is now laddng — a hiatni
which deprives us of the part of Geoffrey containing Merlin's prophedei;
Generally the rubrications are simple breviates of the purport of passages
in Geofiirey which interested the rubricatin; Sometimes this is emphasised
by a Nota or a peculiar mark on the margin, twice by a fitter pointings
twice by the words Nota bene. How piquant these are I We are able to
satisfy ourselves that the same things particularly interested the aUiteiatiTe
poet, that Nota bene reflects itself at least sometimes in his poems» that other
peculiar marks of emphasis also are similarly reflected, and that, while the
one Nota bene touches a passage of Geofirey found, strangely enough, m
Ittus and Vespasian^ the other reveals the plot of a poem, Wymure ami
Wastouret which years ago the editor of the Parlemeni of the Thn A^a
printed as the work of the same author as the FartemenL And while die
one marginal index finger pointed with its fruitful Nota bene to the tale of
Brennius and Belinus as the source of Wynnere and Wastanre^ while at
the same time it emphasised a peaceful reunion of a king of Scotbund
with his brother, a king of England (strangely suggestive of the historical
reconciliation of David IL with his brother-in-law, Edward III.), the other
marginal index finger (fo. 28) pointed, as here shewn, to some hidden

OdAirecittr (Mfaftfiu oSt^u jtmiitft-iMuttsir mi\ty
6xfX0X.^xinwtakiicivifsxAtf^V^ ^^

consequence, — perhaps for the poet's own personal history,— of the story of
a man who had learned the language and the manners of another people
through his having been reared among their hostages. Didicerat enim iinguam
eorum et mores quia inter Britannicos obsid^]jRome nutritus fuerai. What did
it mean? Was it that Huchown's English style and breadth of English
sympathy, his choice of Arthurian themes, which not once but several
times touched the Order of the Garter and the Table Round of Edward
III., were the result of some sojourn among Scottish hostages in Londoo

ftS 'HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RYALE' [C&

during the Wan of Independence? So would come a fresh and surprising

solvent to the crux of Huchown's problem, which is that of explaimng how

a poet with themes so devoid of Scottbh passion, and so full of a British

fenrom which might almost be mistaken for English, could have written in

a dialect so rich in forms which, if not laigdy English, are not Scottish,

and yet withal could, without mexplicable irony, have had his contem«

porary biography written only in Scottbh chronide, and written, too^ with

admiring sympathy for the author and the man.

Once I had occasion to declare that, rightly apprehended, a Commonplace
Book, although entirely of quotations, was an intellectual self-revelation
of peculiar interest, and was, in spite of itself, autobiographical Here is
an analagous case, out of which rises the question. What do these marginal
jottings tell of the rubricator's mind? Tbey tell much: tell (i) of his
reverent attitude^ (2) of his fondness for moral truths, (3) of his admiration
for London, (4) of his eye for courtly ceremonial, (5) of his zest for the
chase and for falconry, (6) of his attention to the history of law, (7) of the
attraction which religious annals had for him, (8) of his close study of the
tribute question, which has so laige a place in the scheme of Marte Arthurt^
(9) of his special and peculiar interest in the six chapters of Geoffrey which
fonn the bulk of Martt Arthure^ (10) of that looseness about proper names,
which more than one of the editors of his poems have set down as
characteristic, of the poet, and (11) of his dramatic sense of the power
in such stories as those of Lear and Cordelia, or Brennius and Bdinus,
or of such episodes as a council of war at midnight under the stars, or
as the blazing dragon in Uther Pendragon's time. Tliese marks on the
margin are no common gloss; they are fragments of the alliterative poems
in the making, still uniashioned, it is true, but already taking shape in the
active imagination of genius in the fourteenth century.

Whoever will go through the representative body of extracts from these
nuuginals which are to be quoted in a subsequent chapter may gauge for himself
the degree of trust assignable to these inferences. Beginning with the fly-lea^
we have the very remarkable jotting of six items copied from the original red
ink rubrics of Geoffrey's text — items which are the kernd ot Marte Arthun.
A few points of correspondence between that poem and the rubricator's

mmmmmmmmm

IS] CLUES TO 'TTTUS' ^

markmgs may here be presented. The text names ' Petrehts' Cotta,* ike
rubricator calls him * Petreius Senator/ Huchown calls him ' the Soatnv
Peter.' The text has 'GueriniUi' the rubricator 'Geriniis^' Hndioii
'Geryn.' The text has always 'Modredas,' the rubricator has ahn^
* Mordredusy' Huchown oftenest has * Mordred.' The text never oumi
the SaracenSi the rubricator couples */%/& et aliis Sarraams^ Hocboii
puts the *Sarazenes' in one line and their allies the *Peygfates' m Ae
next line but twa *Caius Quintilianus'of the printed Geoflfirey is'Gafli
Quintilianus' in this manuscript text, the rubricator drops the Qointiliin ssl
calls him merely 'GaiuSi' Huchown too dubs him only *Syr Gayoos.' A
date, 4483, not in the printed Geofifrey at all, appears in this MS. text, ssl
the date *five hundred years less eighteen' will strangely emerge in anodier
alliterative poem as we proceed — a poem ^ which contains <me of die belt
told stories of the Middle Ages, and without exception the noblest tribols
to the essential * priesthood' of law which the early literature of Britam est
boast If these proofs do not serve to convince the alliterative critic^
English and Scottish, French and German, that this Hunterian H& wn
veritably Huchown's, and Huchown's work a mighty unity, it wiB be
for the wisest of them to attempt the feat of accounting Ux the mirKiei
of coincidence which the preceding statement only illustrates and docs
not exhaust — mirades of coincidence^ be it said also^ which so sjdendidlf
confirm the argument, itself of immense power, deduced from intemd
evidences of unity and correlation.

«

IS. Clues to 'Titus' and 'Wynnere and Wastoure.*

(i) The Dragon in • Iltus!

Two chief illustrations in detail will suffice to demonstrate the force of
the confirmatory argument from the MS. In a previous chapter attention
was called to the singular consonance between the TF/kx poem and Mork
Arthure in the insistence upon the significance of the dragon banncL
It was then suggested that the idea came from Geoffrey of Monmouth.

^ See cb. 14 for nodce^of Erkumaii.

O

«HUCHOWN OF THE AWLS RYALE* [CiL

IHfidi the Hanterian MS. before us the statement admits of absolute defini-
On fa 49 {Geojfrey^ viil, 14, 15) appear the marginal additions,

_ ' NoU bene : stdk apparak.*

De ngniScacione qrden*'

passage thus marked tells of a ball of fire in the likeness of a dragon
fgUms igHius in dmiliiudinem dra€onis\ firom the mouth of which proceeded
tvo rmiii^ one pcnnting to France, the other to Ireland, the significance of
«Ucli» as expounded by Merlin, lay in the future dominion by Uther
Fendragoo*s son over the realms so indicated,

TNimiQg to the Tlhts we find that Vespasian's banner is a gaping
dnigDo, haying a (alchion under his feet, with four keen blades directed
to the four points of the world, which, in turn, is denoted by the ball of
burning gdd on which the dragon stood in sign — *m forbesyn to the
ibik '— <rf' conquest of all the world. Whatever be thought of the signifi-
CUKC of the dragon, the significance of the rubricator's Noia bene is
cotunly exceeding plaiiL

(2) The plot ef * IVpuferr ami Wmsiaure:

There was, however, as already observed, another Noia bene among
the mbrications. Let us look at it also, as the second detailed illustration
of die constructive vahie of these marginal marks as of a truth Huchown's
ova comment on himself. 0[^x)site the tale of the dispute and impend-
ing battle between Brennius— king from Humber to Caithness— and Bel-
mus— king south of the Humber— occurs a note of the very highest
historical and literary consequence. Its theme b the reconcil.ation of the
two contendmg monarchs by the dramatic interposition of their mother,
Cbnvenna, to whom the rubricator by a verbal slip^ not unusual with
lum, refers as Venna— a mistake occasioned by the word being divided in
the M& text, •Con-' at the end of one Gne and -venna' at the beginning
cfOe next

Mk Vammmmtir ttrmm f^mrt^dfrnm imftrsm/feif M vrnlii mirtunkm.

(De ■fiiu L . ri o ii e ^'dcm) i$Aa% ac m wnttea la % datkgtm mnd

12] 'WYNNBRB AND WASTOURE*; ITS PLOT «

Scottish readers can hardly fiul to remember that Sir Hew of F^mw
was a party to the arrangement of peaces and of a very friendly mAeh
standing between Edward IIL and David IL in 1359. If Dand IL m
rather a failure as Brennius, at any rate the BeUnus of the pait^ Edwud
III. was his brother by marriage. There is more than mere cmiosity ii
this pointy for an important dement in the final peace footing of 1563
and 1364 seems to be singulady echoed in a couple of lines ^ of Mtfit
Arthure. Lettmg that pass, however, we shall find the rubricatcM's JMi
bene guiding us with exceeding directness to the solution of another
alliterative problem — the authorship of IVynnere and WastOHre. The
learned editor of The Pariemint of the Thre Ages had good grounds for
his opinion that the unity of anth<»ship of that poem and of Wymmen
and Wastoure^ which he printed in the same Roxburghe Qub volume^
was 'well nigh indisputable.' Seven reasons were assigned by Mr. Gol>
lancz for this conclusion, especially the occurrence of whole lines commoo
to both poems, of passages strongly reminiscent of the same poetiad
conceptions, of certain negligences of historical detail, and of a remarkable
sameness of style evincing high pictorial power. Mr. Gollancs did not
know that the ParUment had grown out of the Tray poem, nor was he

'After a quarrel with Cador, Arthur warmly apologises, and, oommendiiig Gador
as one of the doughtiest that was ever dubbed, he says {Mortis 1943-4) •

* Thare es none ischewe of us 00 this erthe sprongen ;
Thou arte apparant to be ayere are ( read or) one of thi childyic*

There is here either a most remarkable anncidence or else there b a direct aDusioo^
as I believe — to the negotiations of 1363 and 1364. On 27th Nov., 1363, it was
agreed that, failing heirs male of the body of David II., the King of England should
succeed to the kingdom of Scotland {Ads FarL^ Scotland^ L, 493). In 1364, this pn>-
posal having been rejected by the Scottish Parliament, a second agreement was sobtti-
tuted, under which, failing heirs male of the body of David II., the kingdom should
pass to a son of the king of England other than the heir-apparent {Acts FaH.^ S€9L^
i*» 495)- Ii> ^'■^v I^vid II. had no issue ; under the first agreement, so far as David
II. and his Privy Council had power, Edward III. was David's heir-apparent, under
the second the heir was one of Edward's children — Lionel. As to thu curious intrigue
and Sir Hew of Eglintoun's connection with it, see my paper. Sir Hew tf SiHmti
above referred to, also some previous comments above, end of ch. 9.

*HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RYALE'

[Ck.

hctt llidr mother, CoBveiiiM, intcnrenct.

Sbe remiiidt tbem that the had suckled

rare that Wastoure and Wynnere, as peraonificatioiiSi woe the Uteiaiy
in of Brenoins and Bdinat.

The annkt of Brenmut and Belinut are The hawberked and helmed arndet oi

to Join battle (SL 7) Wjmnere and Wastoure are in sdiiltrama

on either holt with only a lawn betwixt them,
on the point oTbattle (11* 5^54)

when 'the king of this kythe' (Edward
III.) wearing the gaiter bids them stop
(IL 69-107), sending the message by a young
baron (the Black Prince), who wears three
featheis(L 117).

The two commanders obey and mention
to the royal messenger tluit they know
wen that the king 'clothes us both and
has ns fostered and fed these fire and
twenty winters' (IL 197-207)

The king receives them by the hand * at
hinds of oor house both ' (IL 208-312)

After a long debate between the two (after
the medieval pattern of Wine ag»iost Water)
the king bids Wynnere 'wend over the
wale stream' by Paris to the Pope (IL
460-1), and wait a summons to arms and
kn ig ^h ood when the king goes to war
at Plsiia^

Wastoure is sent to the cast end of Xjm-
don, but the poem b incomplete, to that
the probable 6oal concord of Wymicft tad
Wastoure b not

Th«s a cooooid b efliected.

Tlicy cross the sea to make war on
ogether 0iL 8) and afterwards

(ffi.9).

(3) HyMum and WnUmrti Us senu amd daU.
The poem contains the oldest known Tcniaailar reoderinK 61 H^i $Hi

«ADdallew»it oKSMi

Like Gawayne (wUch ends with tUs nMto m Frcad^ H^ny $^ pH
wuJ /em^ Eke MfHt Artkmrt, and Bee Ae Atmfyrt ^ Arihurt, fUg

IS] 'WYNNERB AND WASTOURES ITS SENSS ^

piece is unquestionably of the Garter or Round Table group. It bdp
to make clearer why Sir Hew of Eglintoun's visits to England betieai
1358 and 1369 were so frequently about the time of special toumanoii
and chivalric functions^ at the court of Edward III^ who in Wynmn
and Wastaure^ just as in Morte Arthun^ shines as a stately figure of
chivalry. That it connects English and Scottish history is therefore obvios^
and the fact that it rises out of the story of Brennius, a Doithem king, ii
in admirable keeping with its quotations from the prophecies of no ka
a Scottish personage' than Thomas of Eicddoune.

^Saf6-4x>nducU on the lith of May, 1358 (Rciuli SeMii, L, 823* )» 26th April, 13S1
{/did., L, 872), 5th December, 1363 {/did., t, 876), and 20th May, 1365 (/MUl, 893^!, mj
be adduced as instances. See the biogiaphical calendar under these dates in ny W*9
Sir H§w tf EgUniamm^ above mentioned.

* Tkamais Pnphides. Wpuun tmd iVmsUmtn.

La countessede Donbardemandaa Thomas
de Essedoun quant la guere d'Esooce pien-
drdt fyn e yl la repoundyt e d^ x

When bares kendles o the heistoo For nowe aU es Witt and Wyles that «e

When Wyt and Wille werres togedere with delyn

Wyse wordes and slee and idieon wiyelk

When laddes weddeth lovedis othere (IL 5-6)

And hares appon herthestones schall horde

in hire fourme
And eke boyes of blode with boste and

with pryde
Schall wedde ladyes in l^tnde and lede hir

at wille
Thene dredfuUe domesdaye it drmwethe
neghe afUr (IL 13-16)

Thomas's prophecies are quoted by Dr. J. A. H. Murray in the introduction
(p. xviii.) to his Thomas of Erceldottnt, See also Scott's Border Minstrtlsy, in m-
troduction to ballad of Thomas the Rynur\ also Laing's Earfy Pop. Scot. J^€tfy, 1895,
i., 88; and cf. the variant in iCeliquiae Antiquao, i., 3a

The antithetical use of Madde' as above appears several times in Wynmrt tmi
IVastourt (U. 375, 378, 388), e.g. < Woldest thou hafe lordis to lyfe as huldes on ibte.'
Compare the disparaging use of *ladde' in Aforte Arthure, 3535, 4094.

tmm

94 *HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE ItYALB* [Ch.

England and Scotland are thus alike contributory to this little poem,
and Wales is doubly so, for besides the initial service of Geoffrey in
fbmfehmg the plot, there is a further debt to Walter Map in furnishing
the manner of debate between Wynnere (or Thrift) and Wastoure {or
Extravagance)— a debt which the Hunterian MS. again compels us to
recognise A few leaves further on than the Ncfa bene of the Venna
passage there begins, at the bottom of fa 3, and is continued at the
bottom of fll 30^-38, a copy^ of the famous Dialogus inter Aquam et Vifmm.
The alternate stanzas have Vinum and Aqua set against them respectively,
and the personified Waste and Thrift in the fourteenth-century English poem,
although bodied forth with an actuality and lifelike vigour undreamt of in the
pale abstractions of the twelfth-century Latin dialogue, yet may owe something
of their art to the latter, the more ancient 'fly ting' of Wine against Water.
The poet achieved a great success in his personifications. Youth, Middle
Elde^ and Elde in the ParUment are not more superb examples of this
than are Wastoure and Wynnere. The German doctor who damned the
translator of the Troy with the faint praise of being a clever versifier
declared that he was no poet ■ ' Ein dichter war er nicht'' We have now
a thousand new reasons to think that the translator was not only a poet,
but a poet indeed. The allegory of the ParUment and the allegory of
Wynnere and Wastoure rank among the few vivid concrete and poetic
realisations of abstract portraiture achieved in English literature.

Perhaps the critics who may be of a different mind will be good enough
to name a single superior example. And there is a point of view which
is not to be passed over. This man, whether he was Sir Hew of Eglintoun
or not, was international ; if not directly connected with hostages he certainly
held dear the peace and union of the North and South ; an archetype to
his creative effort was the reconciliation of a Scottish and an English

*Thefe aie a good many minor varianU from the ytxwjxk given in Wright's /Ww/
ef WmiUr l/«/f/, p. 87, and in particular thb rendering does not contain lines 99
to 146 and 151 to 154 of Wright^s edition of the piece. The handwriting of this poem
docs not aeem to he the same as the nibricator'i, and that it was added after the
nibficatioiia k evident, for instance, from the reUtive position of the two 00 Id 36.

•Zwr DesimctUm rf Trpy, hy Wilhdm Bock (Halle, iSSj), p. IJ.

13] •WYNN£R£ AND WASTOURE'; ITS SENSB ^

•

king ; he quoted Scottish prophetic uttenmces ; his models and i^k^ oi
the other hand, were English ; much of his thought and qrmpstfay is
English too; of English law and legal history the. note impressed ilidf
equally on his copy of Geoffrey and on hb own j[>oems ; Marie AfOm
shews a buoyant picture of the kings of Scotland and of Wales as Aitfanfii
most gallant allies ; the sum of all is that in the body of eaily podiy
claimed for Huchown we have a superb tribute to the solidarity of dK
literature of English speech, — a noble plea for the literary unity of boA
sides of Tweed. Whatever be the outcome of the discussions aboot Mi
identity, so much at least appears to be the certain reading of hb fife

Historical tests are usually the only safe basb for dating liteiaiy lOiL
Few of the Huchown poems contain such hbtorical evidences except m lo
far as the ascertainment of sources goes to establbh a point of tunfe
Wynnere and Washnre in this respect bdongs to a category of its ovi^
being of a relatively early period and clearly explicable by the side fi^
of church history. Thb allegorical poem of narrative and * flyting'— u
impending combat ending in a litigation — was assigned to circa 1350 bf
Mr. Gollancz on grounds^ palpably untenable^ and crucially faiUDg to
explain a main feature of the action of the poem. Although the grcst
scene of the armies gathered over against each other came from Bdinus and
Brennius these heroes of ancient Britain give no clue to the bannered
pomp of the two hosts drawn from France, Lombardy, Spain, England,
and Ireland ranged under banners of black and green and white, widi

pfcr

Bi.

if!:

k I

^Only three need be discussed: (i) that the reference to 'five and twenty wtntcii'
(1. 206) points to the 25th year of Edn'ard III. ; (2) that the mention of the Frkn aad
the Pope (II. 460-70) points to the Statute of Provisors in 1351 ; and (3) that SchaidiiD
0* 317) IS referred to 'evidently as Chief of Exchequer,' and therefore taUe 1350
when he became Chief Justice of the King's Bench. The answers are : (i) that the five
and twenty winters at the most can mean no more than that the date was after 1 35 1, the
King's 25th year; (2) that there is no hint whatever of the Statute of Provisors or its
theme; and (3) that a reference to a judge in connection with breach of the peace (*hiB
pese to dbtourbe') cannot possibly indicate the baron of Exchequer, but points necessarily
to some judicial episode later than 1350, but before 5th July, 1357, when he ceased mi
tempus to be Chief Justice. (Dugdalc's Origines Juridiciala,) Besides, the episode m
question must have preceded the poem alluding to it, so that the latter may well date
months later than July, 1357.

•HUCHOWN OF THE AWLB RYALE* [Gb.

^cnMk insigiiia of bibles (eadi with hUla appended) and jodgei^ head%
B^Ilcys uid boariieads and buckles not admitting ready interpretation in
Tbe poet leaves no doubt, however, that the first banner is Papal, the
that of certab Jodges, and other four those of the Four Orders of the
mriaiB — the Franciscans, Dominicans, Austins, and Carmdites — in reference
vhom hints are thrown out about their wealth, thdr confessional privil^es^
their commerce. TVue to himself the poet thought the fairest banner
of the Augustine Order, for they were special, * Our Lady to serve.'
When the enigma of this threatened conflict of European armies under
banners (L 5s) is confronted with *drca 1350 ' as the date of the
the impending battle is unintelligible as a historical alluaoo. Another
makes the meaning at once a matter of the simplest demonstration.
<Ap|)ty * anw i^SV ^^ ^c problem is solved. The battle just about to
^*^u is partly the * mn^gna amtraversia^ the * gret strif ' between Archbishop
^iisndf of Armagh, the renowned * Armachanus,' primate of Ireland, with
'^ftfec secular clergy of England at his back, against the Four Mendicant
Osders — the world-moving plea before the Pope and the Consistorial
Court at Avignon which started in 1356^ and in whidi the Irish primate
i^ade hb * most solemn proposition ' before Pope Innocent VL on 8th
Kovember, 1357, in reply to the papal summons issued the year before.
The proposition, duly noted m EngUsh and Scottish chronide,^ assailed
dbe Friars for many shortcomings, including extravagance and abuse of
•^ confessional ^ghta. This controversy (which endured until dose on the
^ arefabisliop's death in 1360) supplies, when taken along with Brennius and
^ BdmiSi the assured suggestion of the embattled banners of the Friars
^ and the Topt in the poem. Our poet thus made pictorial use of the
^ mi^B^ qoestioii of the Friars which very soon m Wydiffe's hands was
' to be pressed to more practical issues.' Unlike William of Langland,

^ > M ii i — lk , Eng. HkL Soc, 191, 193. Further acconnu are ghrcn ia Gtpgrmvc^

« Ch mt kk. SiS; Bowcf^f Sectkkrmu^m, iL, 360; Knyghtoo in Dtam Sai^imrn^ a6as

^ WiIb^^mb, tab aano 1358; Flemy'f HiUnrt EaUsimsiifme^ cd. 1840^ firre larB., cfa.

' J»l Wotfu^f iMtimmm A/gm^raHUmm, cd. 1600, L, 64s; Bamci'f £^b«nf ///., jmM

^ ItflL

^ ^WycttVb fiuMOi tfcttisei, the 7>imUfus and that 'AgMnit the Oiden of the

^ Piriai^* were nq a di to the oosUaght by ' Armaduoai.*

•^^■■Pi"

u] «WYNN£RB AND WASTOUtlE*; SCKSE AND DATS 9)

oor poet careftilly refirains from penoiud entiy into the fny^ and stiikei
no direct stroke against the Friars whom Langfamd was so scathingly to
denounce. Besides, the suspended fraj had suggestion more direct sdD.

For thb poem a date between 1356 and 1360 was needed — a date to
fit the controversy, a date before 1360^ 'because an alluaon to the war *at
the proude pales of Paris the riche' (IL 497-9) as still in pr ogres s most
precede the peace of Bretigny in 1360^ a date not much later than 1557
because of its allusion to Scharshill, evidently as Chief Justice. Histoiy
makes perfectly clear why the poet set Pope^ judges, friars^ and SdianhiB
in the field aU at one time. The contempoiary annalists were doing the
same thing, recording under the year 1358 both the *gret strif' itsdf and
Scharshill's share in another disturbance of that eventful period. WalsDf-
ham, Knyghton, and Capgrave, as well as the AQglo-Scottish ScaUuromm
aU tell of this further embroilment, which acooonts for the hostile banncis of
pope and judges, with the mention df Scharshill in the poem. The men of
Bishop Lyle of Ely, who was a Dominican friar, burnt a manor of La^
Blanche of Wake, who complained to the king.^ She charged against the
bishop that her houses had been burnt by Ms dependants ** encontre la Peei
et la Lei de la terre," and one of her servants murdered. Justices were
assigned to hear the cause, and the bishop^ bdng found guilty, was delivered
over to his episcopal brethren to be kept in custody, and hb ' tempond-
des ' were seized,' he being * atteint de transgression mcontre le peace.' Oo
this the Pope was appealed to. He espoused the bishop's cause, expostu-
lated' with the king, and excommunicated the justices, one of whom, we
learn from Knyghton, was Scharshill. Serious disturbances ensued from
this conflict of legal and ecclesiastical authority, and extremes involved
included the violent exhumation of the excommunicated dead. * Medi
manslauth felle in this matere' says Capgrave.^ King Edward's inter*

^ Rotuli Parliamentonim, iL 267.

^Knyghton in Decern Scriptores, 2620; Year Books (Maynard, 1679) for Trinity tenn
29 Edw. III., p. 41. The Scalacronica^ p. 177, is interestingly technical in its aocouit
of the matter.

'See buU of 1 Aug., 1358, in Rymer*! Foedirm.

^Capgrave's ChronkU^ 218.

MIUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RYALE* [Cil.

was therefore equally indignant and energetic. It needs no telling
oompletely these episodes annotate Wastoure's words in the poem :

And tluet beryns one the bynches with howcs Pioods] one loft

Thftt bene knowen and kydde for derkes of the beste

As gade als Arcstotle or Austyn the wyie

Thftt alle schent were those sdialkes and ScharshuU it wiste

That saide I prikkede with powere his pese to distoorbe. LL 314-18.

The trouble evidently was not appeased when the poem was written. Not
until near the beginning of 1359^ apparently, was the incident closed by
Uie Pope's withdrawal of the judges' excommunication.*

Every finger points,* therefore, to circa 1358. That the poet chose
to define more exactly the troops and banners of opposing Church and
\^ and left something to the imagination of his audience, was natural
cncnigh when the strifes of friars and bishop, judges and pope were the
topic of the hour. The thing as a whole is clear ; no reasonable criticism
wcwld exact a detailed historical application at the foot of every letter.
tVymnart amd Wastaure^ with its direct citation of the Garter motto (L 68)
is a Round Table poem easily referable to some chivalric celebration among
the many of the years 1358 and 1359, of which the English annalists^ have
m good deal to say. Sir Hew of Eglintoun was in London early m 1358.
He was again there in the beginning of 1359. Perhaps like his master,

^ Xm]l!gkt0m^ a6ja The chronolo^ here is« however, a little oonfnang.
*Was the excommtmicatioD the reason for the appointment in Jnly, 1357, of Thomit
dc Sctoa at CW/r/tf/u Jmstkiarims ad temput loc0 IVilMmi de Skartskuin (Dosdale's
Or^gimti JmndtKoia.) This seems very probable, and the words ad Umpus suggest that
SdMishill was only suspended in 1357, not removed. In 136S, when he died after re-
ttrpl^ as a friar minor, he is in Ettl^gium iiistariantm^ iiL, 334, entitled eafUoHs jmtH*
iimriau^ b«t it can hardly be inferred that he had resumed that ofiice.

*Sce Aihimiimm^ 3 Aug., 7 SepL and 26 Oct. 1901, for the original discussion of thb
dale. Mr. GoUancs's replies of 24 Aug. and 14 Sept. 1901, lend no support to his date
• tinm 1350^' words which in his last letter he seems to qualify as now meanii^ * before
1357.* The &ct that not one but se\*eral chroniclers put the episode of the friars in
the Huoe year with the incident of Scharshill, and that year 1358, appears ooodusive of
the historical soondnest of my iavour for cina 1357-8, or as I now prefer to say more
dcfinitelyt finm 1358. On the banners, see further ch. 15, sec 3, and end of dL 17.

^Kny^itoii in Dieitu ScH/^ores^ 2617-8; Murimuth, 191. Eul^um Hitiarittrmm^
SL, say I Brmi^ 33 Edw. IIL

I}] RUBRiCATIONS OP 'GEOFFREY* 99

David II.| on whom he was in personal attendance on the latter of tfaeie
occasionsi he may have made his quarten, where David IL was. with the
Friars Preachen,^ and so have been at the very heart of the affair when
courtly and chivalric society was watching^ not without amusement, die
firont of battle lower in the great debate.

13. Huchown's Rubrications of ^Gioffrky/

For this chapter the rubricator of the Hunterian * Geoffrey of Mod-
mouth' already described, the manuscript U. 7. 25, shall speak for Urn-
self of his cordial relationship with Huchown and his poems — shall shev
his bonds of association with Gawayne^ with the 7>vy, with the TUia^
with Morte Arthure^ with Wynntn and Wastoure^ and with the moving
story of Saint Erkenwald and the dead judge who lay so long unoor*
rupted in the foundations of St Paul's. From the beginning of the M&
to folio ssb only selections are given; from folio S5b to folio 8ib^ where
the original MS. now ends, the rubrications are given complete. Thej
are all in black ink, thus contrasting with the original rubrics, which are
incorporated in the text and are in red.

The series of black ink rubrications starts as a crumpled fly-lea( with
a note of six heads, all concerning King Arthur.

Verba Arthuri ad suos.

Responsio HoelL

De responsione Anguseli regis Albanie.

De congregacione regis Arthuri.

De edicto Lucij Hiberij.

De Itinere Arthuri contra Romanos. \See facsimikS\

This jotting is m black ink and is all that is written on the fly-leaf of
parchment forming the first — an extra — leaf of the MS. The above six
items have been taken by the black ink rubricator from the original

a

> On nth May, 1358, Sir Hew had safe conduct to Westminster. Hot. Sfci,^ L, 823. In
the winter of 1358, David II. was staying with the Friars Preachers in London. Knyghtoo
in Decern Scriptores^ 2619. On 21st Feb., 1359, the king's seal and that of Sir Hew»
both appended to a document at the Friars Preachers, London. Bain's Calatdar^ iv., 27.

'^^*^''**.^- r. ^^ .» - ■ ^ w pn H I m^ . 9 ■ I" m^» ■. — ^^^SFw^y

•HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RYALE* tC«.

of rubrics in red iok (onnmg part of the original text of ff. 62^, 65,
and 64 of the MS., or in the printed Geoffrey, ix. 16, 17, iS, 20, x. i, 3.
r, qf^conrsc^ constitute the mainspring of Mbr^ ArfAure, of which it is
not too much to say this jotting was a preliminary. They are on
^^ leaf by themselves. Those that follow are the black mk marginal
^"^^Irications of the folios mentioned in connection with each.

7. (Gall L 12).* Ilic colainpiiu HerculU [Bntitu €i sccii] petierunt
Hie Corineas nemora petit causa venandi ubi magnnm fedt coDflictnm.
(L 15). Hie navci ingreditor Bratns.
^«IL (L 17). Die dvitate LoodonieiisL

Hie Bratns ctvitateni constnixit et inam Trujam no\-am vocavit qne postea Trinovantiini
Qcta nit.
QL 1). Hie Bratos Lood. sepelitnr. [See ErkeuwaU^ in Hontmaiin'i AUingiiscke

l^iemdkm, Neue fdge, Heilbronn, 1881, p. 266, line 25.]
ta. (S. 7). ICe primus [£6raticus] post Bnitum classem in Gallias dnxit
lalL (iL 9), Rex Ebiaucus xx. filios genuit quorum primogenitus Brutus Viride scutum

Ij-l^li. Opposite the story of King Lear and his daughters two grotesque fiice lines aie

drawn on the margin — not part of the original scribe's work.
15IU (iL 17^. Hie Dunvallus rex hostes suos caute devlciL
15IU Hie leg^ primo in Anglia celebrantur inter Brttones.

Defi«ithris.
15I1.* Hie rex est mortuus cui Bellinus et Brennius succedcrunt et rcgnum inter se divisentnft.

> Fow 7 is the lolio of the MS. Galf. i. 12, is book L chapter 12, of the printed Geoftcy,
Cmffiia Mmimmtttmh HUipria Brifmum^ ed. Giles. 1844.

* On fiou I4i, at the end of the passage, which in the printed Geoffrey is lib. iL» cap. 15,
dMve is in thb MS. text (not the rubricator*s work, but the text itself) an important variant
is the diape of a note of date, not in the print. Just one chapter before the reign of
DanwaUo mentioo b made of the date of the building of Rome— ifiriM ah engine mumdi^
S^ €t€€ ixxxH. As bearing on an interesting point of poetical chronology, it is necessary to
here two other passages of the original MS. text not in the printed Geoftcy. On
lA-St at the end of what in the printed book is lib. L, cap. 2» the f<^owing stands part of

Amm§ mmii Imtamaa^nim damiui m < hnj H anit iomdichnem Rami ccc Ixxx vitiak §ngbm
di mj €tts xUx mnmit peractit Emtat €mm Auaniajilia diffugkns Itatmm mavfgh odML
Similarly as part of the text on fa 19, at end of lib. iij., cap. 9, of the printed book It is
to icoofd the date of the capture of Rome by Brennius and Belinus 1
Amm a cntdieUme sua eee /v ti amU Ituanmciamm D§mim eee is
Tlwse ineoosistent equations may enable the chrooographic reader to achieve the marvel
them and transmute into terms of the era B.C the year of the world 44S2, to
podic impoitaBce attadics.

Hl'kteman MSl U. 7. fl.ik

■^fe

CKL'MIIJ'.D Flv-Lkaf.

^:jtife',tftnl.ijfe?Jl>**l'^^

/■

J'-J^^^f iirei fi mm (irr nam St Sm*niA-?ft««mo;xWi>>^'

.■■Vr.:.:

jhM V'^^^^ (

[The»! facsimiles made from phoIoKmphi taken by Mr. S. FinEhnd.
Photograpbic Deparlnient Glasgow L'niveisily, are reduced l^ 01
(roni ihe originaL]

HUNTERIAN MS. V. 7.

ptstwle («wtn-t«i'ptrtmitr mini rd&mWMtj^ ^
.fj-f :aiffr.rntn-'timaiJir>wi5jft^tr5tmtttnafnS-aom' J
"%^^£^wc<^rtl^i^nouo(^^llCT(,^.^^pllnw^S^Bl^nT^Vtl^' '

I \— . il

[TbcM Eacsimilei made from pholoi^-iphs taken by Mr. S. Kinf;tandi
botocraphic Depirltnent Glugoi* Uiiivcrsiiy. are reduct'd l)y one- tenth
OBI trie ocigiDaL]

Wl^BII*^

i

13] RUBRICATIONS OF * GEOFFREY* loi

i6#. (iS. 3). Hie mppUcnit Brennius in AlbanSam.

16 (16). (uL 5.) Hie Bellinus lega instituit et coofiimaYit. [Jht 9Umj of Dimwallo if the

kcj to the poem of Erkenwald, Compare lines 259 aoj. adS-ij, 216^ 227, 230

(Dvnwallo reigned 40 years), 228 (a temple was built for DimwaIlo*s laws). Compare

mbricatof^s notes quoted above with these lines ; also compare some farther r e fe ien ccs

appended to other rubrics, and see next chapter.]
16 (i6#). (m. 6). De fortana et probitate Brennii fratris Re^ Bdfini.
17. (ffi. 7). Hie iterato Brennius in Britanniam applicuit ooogresnm hafatUmis cam

BeUino Rcge Iratre soo.

Hie Venna mattr eorum concordiana inter eos fedt et valde miracnloae. Nola

bene ur [Su/aesimtiUJl

[Th» note of reference to the story of Brennius and B^nus sa|^)lies the plot oi
IVjtmen mmd Wostomr€S\
ijk Hie fiicti sont amid Bellinus et Brennius.
(ilL 8). Hie Bdlinns omnes ffrancorum regulos devicerunt.

i8^. (iii. 9). Hie obsides Rome dvitatis ante portas ejus patibulo affixerunt. {Mfrte^ 3589^1
19. (in. 10). Hie Bellinus ex hae vita migravit [See note at end of the ErktwwM

section of next diapter.]
22. (S. 26). Lndlg^Oe.
22^. De nobOitate et probitate Regis Cassibbllaunus. [Sk. Tlie name is written large

by the mbcicator. See Parlement^ 315.]
23* ((▼• 3)> I& Thameas Julius applicuit

Hie adest Cassibelluanus. [S'lV.]
25I. (iv. 8). De epistola Androgei ad Julianum missa. Qulianum for Jnlium.]

26. (iv. 9). De xxx^ obsidibus missis ad Julianum per Andrcgenn.

27. Hie tractatur de pace et concordia inter Julium et CassibeU.

27^. (iv. 10). Hie primo tributum de Britannia dabatur Julio Imperatori

De concordia facta inter Julianum et CassibeU. et de vectigale reddito.

28. (iv. 13). Hie Hamo princcps milicie Gaudii usus est dokk

A finger is drawn opposite the sentence in the text: Didicerat enin
linguam eorum et mores quia inter Britannicos obside Rome nutritus fuerat.

[See cut, ch. 1 1. Note that this is the third rubric indicating spedal interest in
hostages.]
3a (iv. 17). Sermo de Scoda.

30^. (iv. 19). Hie templa deonim diluuntur et evacuata. [Erkenwald^ 15, 16.]

30^. Hie constituuntur tres Metropolitani in Anglia. [This explains the references to
Triapolitane in Erkemoald, 31, 36. Ludus did .this according to Geoffrey. London,
York, and Caerleon were the three Triapolitanes.]^
32^. (v. 5). Tempore Asclipiodoti persecudo Diodidani Imperatoris in Christianos in

regno Britannic.
33. De pasaooe Sancti Albani et alionim martirum in Britannia.

* At the bottom of ff. 30^38 is, in a changed hand, the copy of the Diahpts of Wine and
Water mentioned above ch. 12, sec 3.

rrn'immi^i^^i^^eimm^ m. i ' ' ■" . »

xos

•HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RYALE*

[Ch.

33lu (t. 6), Hie Constanliims ex Helena nzoie sua filium geneiavit qnem Coiislantmtim

34. (▼• 8). Coiis!antiniis Rex Britannie monarchiam Rome et toctus nrandi opdrndL

^ [Af^ris Arikurtt 282-3.]

39u (vL 2). Hie Romana potestas totam Britanniaiii de atrod pppresdone soornm
inimicoram libelant

Nota : semper fnit Albania spelunca proditonini. [Note M^rU Artkurt^ 32.]
40A. (tL 4). Hie Guctelinns London, metropolitanus in minorem Britanniam boc est
Nota qnod ffranciam transfretavit postubms Aldionei R^is ibidem subadimn. . [Marte
ffirancia minor Arthurt never mentions Aimorica, preferrii^ ' Bretayne tbe 1<
Britannia vo- lines 56» 504.]

42. (yL 7^. Hie proditor ille Vortigemus dolose pro Pictis et aliis Sarracenis misit nt
terram Britannie occuparenL [No 'Sancens' in Geoffrey; Morii Artkure^ 3S9^
3533, associates Picts and Sancens.]

43^. (vL loy. In bto capitulo tiactatnr de Hengisto et Horso : adventus Barbarorum qui
lliem Mercurium Woden lingua eomm vocabant quern lingua nostra Wodenesdai
nominamus. [Sie, Hcatbenism of Hengist's days noted in ErkenwaU^ 7.]

44^. (vL 12). Hie l^ati secum duxerunt quantoplures paganos unacum Rouwenna filia
Hengisti que Regi [Vortegimo] dando poculum dixit WosaiL

Sermo de Woseil. [Belsbazxar is made to use this word with the same technical
propriety. Cleanness^ 1508.]* [Set fiuHmiie,1

lo. 49. (viiL 14). Hie Merlinus de sidere mirabili vaticinavit apparente Wyntoniam.
Nota bene: Stella apparuit

(viiL 15). De significadone syderis. [This fully explains the dragon passage in llius^
387-403, and is a clue to M^rie Arikure^ 2057, etc.] [Sit faesimilt.l

5a (viiL 18). Triquetra-like mark opposite sentence. At ubi Arctos temonem vertere
ceptt precepit Uther consules suos atque prindpes ad se vocari ut consilio eorum
tmctaret. [This exactly parallels the councils of war by nigjht in Troy and Tiius,
Ch. 8fe sec 2, and ch. 12, sec i, above.] [Stt faesimilt,'\

53A. (viiL 23). Triquetra-like mark opposite last two sentences of viiL 23, Malo tamen
semimortuoa • • • vivere*

55A. (ix. 3). De Aithuro Rege Britonum.

* Fow 46^. has at the bottom in the same hand as added the Diattgus on ff. 30^38

tbe lines:—

Quid de mundo sendam nolo dedaraie^

Et de illis qui sdunt mundum titillaic.
Siquis mundi vida querit indagare
Infinitum numerum tedet nnmerare.
Sed prodamat Salomon audiant mundani
Omnia sunt vanitas Ibrma sub inani
Qui terrenb inhiant nonne sunt insani :
Qui sane considerant immo sunt hii yani.

HuimniiAN MSL U. 7. ^

r

^IB«i

t«v-

i tyte twtta mattf anitec(Ccitfolmtt<W»tf R
. leu mliiiw^ no otf!ctftf\t(iwia ftmmmcttrnjssg;

W f fttotaxiiu ^jHJtomrtimStcm^fralM

.>.

^ •

-•I

J'/£/fY DRAGON note, foi 49.

■I |ii

tJ

.■■S»

' ^ . ■■ m i w w i i^- m If*

n y-' j "

■"w«l

■■•■WPi

HUNTERIAN MS, U. 7- a$.

: <;.yt|* «nJtt<R 'fT^a/TMjIir "^

I

■am d^ THHirw nnn{rt(Mnnr*Jf oo pigitwlB^JBttr
ii[p(war nrtiymtr magnm^f • iintiuttit !nffln«»_<'«>H

^iBtaMamMTOia W w rttni )ft-3>ffinttfcit><feti«ugi,

fl tftjf mfpineWrVhrrt fr'wgrt Wbl^
kani ifMnilma potl ft rmmnic mn<w paltitf-5tottl-

«ifCTi«iett.t|<FTinctnfW(t^tn»»w

tciwnd •nrtrt" rtmirfffi'nii olmu otntenT n A «?% '
mwi* iw wte«rVronflt-5mmnicttrtT5i_Cffftl' 7

wr f Shi taatu t poTOtTiitimS-<m' p™i *'i ^ J^STQ— i

^^^

J

I

*a

RUBRICATIONS OF 'GEOFFREY*

$k. 0L^ meAiUwiMMHiMfHdiS

h Suonihus virilitei dimicarit.

[Carniynr, 649; Marli Arlktirt, 3649.]

De^wSof^fMialiMaiHbMraab [Mr* ^rfifwi^ «g&] [&r>atedk]
jM DBTktorfkAnhoriooainipifHNM.

S7. (h. 6). De ttafno nrinUH Iz iiiMki coB thn f ad qaod pi|nl K u M — t
(b. 7). Dv ttiv*a L —o»oy.
5)4; (bLl). Ifie lUs Aitlnm rrrliihi pw [wpiiM dotractt* i tao» K ^ ct lotM

j8. ps. to), nil nm ..».--■ — — »^-... . ..^ «. ^ rjupiii ^i

oBWd TCcdtU d dideratf. [Mr* Atlkmt, 3a, 31.]

jSk (fakii). UcAithnraiMMdtwfliluiDMknqMAiMljifkvk.

[Mf*.tf»fteni^ 44. 4«;i
S». (U. II). Hk Hex AiObm aua SklkM Rcge Kwide fadfan dadhm oOBMUt

[Mwft ifrfiwFr, 3345, Mts the bmi^ wtbodM Gmm • FtaBbl
S9li {is. II). Hk Rn Artlnm todM Gdbe ptulei ia h aH^ Mtij^|B*it teadiqM

fikta Hk Aithirat kd M

•* "IT" r'"'*r~ ** •* 1 ' " TiTTiii

[JAMb^rtilMn^ 75.)
60I1. (b. 13). Hk AiihwD* in R^em Brittu^ at GcBBon Ja Rc|buB cow mw ;

[M>*^f«hv«, 84, hM •G«]fBow.O
61. Kc ■agmun fertnu M ktMki Dm (n ooMOKkM AtdHri « Rc^m wIiImmwi,
61I. (be 15). Hk Rn ArthnnB Kltcntt Lk^ Impwmtnik Tteegk. [JAMk ^rtfim*^ S^
mboealltMin 'Empciaar'i the Lath of Gcafay h— ' P wc aw iog.') [Sw/hsnadk]
61:. Hk Aithnnii conritkoi hateil Hpa rfU mndtik pa IminwlriiM

[JAnk Arttmrw, ^43.]
63lL [■>• ■<)■ Hk Rn Artnns Miubit bibMnn dc Lado OnHt Ai dni

[J6rt. ,f fri«n^ tyj.]

63. (ix. 17). Coniilium Aithnii de Romuul quomodo cos ntjopirt

iyt. (ix. 18). Promituo Gkcu R^ Artfauro per R^ei prindpei duce> comlta buooo nU
inbdilo* de hominibni ad umk contn Impermtoteo. Hie caogregat excrdtum man,
lAftrtt AiHiirt, 188-394.]

63*. (iz. 19). In exerdtu tetpt Anhuii duo ie{cv [There uc more than two kii^ im
GeofTtey, bat in Morti Artkurt, aS8, %ia, u heie, there are onty two.]
Samnia homianm atmatoniin c iiij" nj millia el ce pieter peditei in eierdtn Arthuri.

64. (x. t). Hk Luciui Imperalor conlnt Artburum R^em exeidtnTn mum [»nt. SnmiMt

eurdtut Impeialorii iiij« xcM^ [A/«rte Artimr, 615.]

64. In esetdlu Impcntorit (udI ix rege* dao docet cam ceteri* docilait libi lalj^aiw.

64!. (x. 1). Hk Rex Anbanit lompnam vidit et de quodam giganle in Monte MidncU
lamoici uidint. [Jl/frfe Arikmr, rs6-843.]

65. (x. 3). Hie gigu Hetenain neptiiD dsdi Hodi too fedo cuts peienut. Artbann «

cam eo coagrederetur montcm petiit {Uarl, Artkim, 855.J

65J. Hk Res Anhunu cum gigante magnum habuit congrenom et ipauin IntcrfcdL

\M»rtt ArtAnn, 891-1 i6a]

X04 «HUCHOWM OF THE AWLE RYALS' (ClL

66l (x. 4). Hie Res Aitlm auk iBpentai m a Wb« Gdfie iccedmt «la

laipcfatofe Wa%HMi aepas Aitan GnHH ■cp c Hf Ifinatfii i i pevoaiL [The niM*
cator hefe calb *Gum Qwdbn' siqilj *Gum* (the printed Geoffrey cab Ite
'CMatQaJntnieaaf'); liaiiliily Mm^ ArtAmrt, 1346-IJS5. kacms Imm oaly as *Sfr
Gafoai.')

66>. A pecafiar naik it pat cppo ri t e the ir a lra i f ia Geoftcj (x- 4) aboaft Gaiat QailiBeaai,
iaying ihit ' Brilooes aiifis jactaatm att|ae anoBhibaaduc (|aaB aadaciaet ped^^
valeic.* IMmricArtkmrr, 134S, did not U to ase thn pmafej

ttA. Hie Boio de Vado Bean Geriaai Cuaotcaai et Wa%nai aepos Aitari cam Ffaaewi
ignoraiite Artbaro ccrtaaea habaoe. [JVWfSr Arikmrt^ >}7^>53I-]

67. De magno coollicta Roaaaonna et Iki^aaia .

67A. Hie PeCreias Senator captai est et reel presentatas et rictoriaai Britones optinaeianL
(The rubricator m naming Geofircj't * Petieias Gotta' drops the * Gotta,' calling hfaa
' Petieias 5^enator.' Simihrlj Mmr§t Artkmrt^ 1419, 1476, 1519, 1543. calb bin only
' the Senatonr Peter.')

68. (x. 5)u Hie Romanos captivos Puisias Britones onserant et in itinere nHignam cos-

ffictam habaerant et de Roaamis ric t or ia m. [MmU Artkmn^ 1617-1879^]

68i'. (z. 6). De Lacio qaomodo Lengriaai dTitatem cam exerctta sao ingredere dispotait

hciitans cam Aitbaro prdia conauttere. [MImrU Artkurt^ >9S7*]

69^ (z. 7). De Artbaro qaoaiodo diyosoit se cam exerdta sao Imperatorcm p recedere at

cam eo conllictam babeat saos cnmobnf et ric t ori am promisiL

[MmrU Artkurt^ 1973-900$.]
69^ Aftboias rex babens sab se Rcges teidenoram l e ga o nu iL
69I. (x. 8). Hie Lndns Imperator rerocata aodada saos comortaTit et ezerdtvm saam

disposait contra R^gem Aftbnram. [kl^rU Arikmn^ aoaa]

7a Hie conllictam aaignam inienmt. [A/Spir/r Artkurt^ 3058-2255.]

70I. (x. 9^. De ooniiicta Romanoram et Brittmam.
71. De ingeiui condicta inter Britones et Roaamos^
71A (x. 10). De beOo Artbari inter ipsam et Lactam laqpentosem.

\M9rt€ Arikmre^ ^2401]

73. (x. II). De beOo Artbari inter ipsom et Lndom ImpetatorcoL

J^ (s. 12). Hie Artbaras victoriam potitas est et Lados Imperator bter tnnaat
peremptat at {Afwie Artkun^ >344-2S55*]

7Sl(i Opposite the sentence telling of the death of Lades the word * Amen ' b marked b
early penrilWagi

71. (s. ly), De sepnltnia mortaomm in conflicto. Hie Artboms precepit corpos Lacil
laqxratoris ad Senatam deicrre Romanoram dicens qnod aliod tribatam de Britannia
dari Boa debcrcL [Morte ArtAurw, 2290-2351.]

71Jl (xL I). De bdlo inter Regem Artharam et Mordredam nepotem suum proditoiea.

[Af^rie Artkmr§^ 37«3-l

74. (xL 2). De bdlo Artbari et Mordredi proditoris nepoCis saL

[Aifirtt Artktn% 4175.]

75. Hk eorndt ille. proditor Mordred cam mollis aliis et Artbaras victork adeptas at
ft Ictaliter vabicratas at. [M^rU Artkurt^ 4>5i*4t4i*]

HuNTmiAN M& V. 7. as.

Council op Wab mr Night, TKiQtxniA 3

fOb SDk

i *

X^V!-\

Akthi'r's St. Mary Shield axi> Caliburii, foi 56L

Bl^^^9r5ii^ *^B-j5^*«"?-^ I

Lucius Impekatob, Id 6i#.

P^l»?«^w-— ^

<V^BV

^•■f^" '•

Wl I -W

•^"^^■■•^^^

■fi>xt nitnfamKsainaAnMiiiE^Jt^Ataif jmuni?
ununtccc an (vtn IS ^Rnat K^nl' uii&iip MK Jp <<ilt

1

IP — ' ■ ■ . -^ '.

>'\

I

I •

; •

14] «ERKENWALD' 105

75. Hie disposnit inditns Res Arthiinis R^gnom ConHintfaio • ciogrMito mo filio CSudon
ducii Cornubie. [Af(frte Artkttrtt 4317. The Latiii text las Guidor, like the rabdc;
The poet follows the orthodox form Oidor.]

7S^. (xL 8). De Britannia quomodo per papnot nk totafiter desolata,

76. (xL 9). De ingenti lamentacioae Britooiun ct dhrisione icgni ct quomodo Britooes
diadema regni amisenint.

763. (xL 12). De missione sancti Angnstini a beato Gregocio papa In Britannia tola

Xianitate iterato carente ad predtcandmn fidem qid earn andire noldwaL

[ErAmmmU^ IS.]
76^. De Angnstina

77* Fagani Britannie et Xiani certamen inierunt ubi multi sancti mooacfai mariunantw

propter fideoL

77^ (xiL i). De pace et concordia Inter Cadiuuram legem et Ethd«ridam.

78. (xiL 3). De discordia Caduallanum et Edwynum inter qoos divisun fiiefmt Biitanmc
rcgninn.

78^. (xiL 4). De Edwino quomodo Cadvallannm in lug^un oonveitit et de IniHtnnio
CadwaUanL
Nota de Pellito qui de volatu avium cursuque stdlarum edoctnib

79. Quomodo Brian regis CadwallanI armiger scidisset frustrum proprie canus et dedit
regi ad vesoendum. Hie venit rex ad regon Salomooem.

79^. (xiL 5). Hie rex Salomon Britannie infoftunia lamentavit et regj Cadwallano

auxOium promisit.
8a (xiL 6). Hie Brianus transfretaWt ut PelHtum de Yspania augurem et magnm

Edwyni regis perimeret. Hie in portu Hamoiiis applicnit.
8o^. (xiL 7). Hie Brianos Pellltum magum regis Edwyni interfeciL
81. (xii. 8). Hie Cadwallo cum exerdtu sno applicuit et cum Peando ooogressos est et

Cadwallo subicitur et Edwynum Rcgem interfedt et sic victoria potitns cst^
81. (xii. 9). Hie omne genus Anglonim a finibos Britannie rex Cadwallo expulnt.
8i^. (xiL 10). Hie sanctus Oswaldas rex Noithanhumbromm a rege Peanda per-

emptus est.

14. 'Erkenwald,' *Awntyrs of Arthure,' and *The Pearl.*

(i) 'ErhenwaU:

Mention has been made of the tale of the dead judge found, after a
thousand years and more, sleeping his last long sleep in the base of the
heathen temple which preceded St Paul's.^ Now is to be shown the connec-
tion of that Erkenwald poem with the Hunterian MS., along with its no less

^The Miracula Sancti Erkemoald MS., Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, does not
at all account for the detailed and romantically specific story. Miss Mary Bateson most
obligingly pat herself to the trouble of examining this MS. for me.

H

t<—*wi^»lPW^wifTP<tyjW*»Wi'?<i^*><w^^^ ' ' " *i g ' ' ■ ^' ■ ■ ■ ■ "

lo6 'HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RYALB* [Cr.

interesdng cross-relationship to the Awniyrs of Artkurt and Tht PearL . But
first let us briefly recall the stoty of the poem itsel£ In diggmg the foundations
of the 'mynster* there is unearthed in a stone coffin the body of a man royally
crowned, sceptred, and clad, and in marvellous preservation. His face
was fresh, and his cheek and lip as rosy as though he merely slept Great
wonderment and speculation arose; they searched all the libraries for a
week, but no due to the buried king could be found. Erkenwald that
time was bishop. He had been absent in the rural part of his diocese^
and was brought back by the strange news. Guided in his action by
heavenly grace, robed in pontificals, with a goodly company of lords and
barons and the Mayor of the city, he proceeded with all solenmity to the
minster. After celebrating mass he passed to the tomb where the corse
Uy. There, in the name of Jesus, he addressed the dead, conjuring him
to tell who he was and how he came to be buried so. There was a paus^
then the body moved, and 'dreary' words came forth, in which the dead
man declared that he

* Was never kynge ne cayser ne yet no knyght^ nothyr,'

bat had once been a judge in the d^ under a 'prince of parage.* He
oootinned :

L ao5 * The lenf^the of my lyring here that it a lewid date
Hit ii to meche to ony mone to make of a noambre.
After that Bnitns this borghe had buggid one fyrste
Nog)it hot 6fe hundred yere ther aghtene wontyd.
Before that kynned your Criste by cristene acoimte

3IO A thousand yere and thritty mo and yet threnene aght,
I was ane heir of anoye in the New Troie,
In the rcgne of the riche kynge that rewlit us thene,
The bolde Bretone ser Belyne, ser Beiyng was hb brolhbc.
Many one was the busmare bodene home bitwene

ai5 For hoc wrakeiul werre quil hor wrathe lastyd i
Then was I juge here enjoynyd in gentil lawc*

Lnpid^ nnskilfttl ; /# meeki^ too much ; ^Haid^ built ; tkremrn^ a form of ikfymtm^
three; ^v, giandton, but here?; hismmrt^ insult i Mem, oflered.

* Compare Hymt9ert mttd Wmttamrt^ 337 : * Ne es nothir kcyser ne kyngt ne knyghte
that the Iblowca.*

• l

14] •ERKENWALD'; THB STORY iq

But the answer roused the more surprise^ and the bishop pressed to hot
how it was that one who had not been a kmg should have been Imiied
with crown and sceptre.

L 221 * BSknowe die erase

Sithene thou was kidde for no kyng quj tboa the down weret?

Qoy haldes thou 10 he^jttt ia honde fift leptie

And hades no londe of lege men ne life ne Ijrme aglitca. '

Bihwwi^ declare; ntkem^ since; kidde^ known; farf, wfaj; me Kft m Ij^mg e^iUi^
had not royal power over life and limh of snl^ectk

It is a question to which we must return — thb dilemma of the aovs
—but the noble answer that came is what concerns us now :

L 225 ' " Dere ser** quath the dede bodj ''devyse the I thenke

Al was hit never my wille that wioght tfans hit were.

I was depotate and domesmane under a doke noble

And in my power thb place was putte al-to-feder

I justifiet this joly toon one gentil wise*
2^0 And ever in foorme of gode fiuthe more thene fom^ wyntei;

The folke was felonse and fids and frowarde to lenle^

I hent harroes ful ofte to holde home to ri^

Bot for wothe ne wde ne wrathe ne drede

Ne for maystrie ne for mede ne for no monnes a^^
235 I remewit never fro the right by resone myne awene»

For to dresse a wrange dome no day of my lyve^

Declynet never my consdens for covetise one erthe

In no gynfiil jugement no japes to make.

Were a renke never so riche for reverens sake^
240 Ne for no monnes manas ne meschefe ne routhe^

None gete me fro the heghe gate^ to glent out of lygfat

Als ferforthe as my faithe confoormyd myn hert

Never my wiii, this not my doing ; deptitatt ana domesman^ judge deputy (of the
duke) ; this place^ the temple ; felouse^ felonious ; hent^ received ; wotke^ read loock^ a Xam
of old Scots law, see chapter 'De wrang et woch negando' in Scots Acts Parl.^ L, 742;
aght^ awe ; remewit^ removed ; dresse dome^ give jadgment ; gynful^ deceitful ; j^es^
follies ; renke^ man ; rcufAe, S3rmpathy ; gient^ to go aside.

^ For this curious phrase compare Aforte Arthurtf 450, and Fletet, 4$ (referred to above,
ch. 9 sec. 3). A recta via ncn se drvertet . • . «/ twtc interdkatur H ne vfam r^iam
exeat.

i^V*«v«li9a**wn>*wwnH^r* ■ ■ ■ ■ .^'^"^f'^'V

.^ I II I

14] *ERKENWALD*; A MS. SOURCE lOf

Justiciar of Scotland was long after remembered as 'the good Sir Hev'?
But to return to the tale, only to glance at iu dose. The dead jtnigt W
hcpn a pagan ; he was none of die number bought widi the Sanoufi bkoi
on the rood ; and he was an eternal exile from bliss^ whose soul lay in sooot
and darkness. Men wepi to hear the words. The tears of EikenviU
dropped on the dead man*s face^ and the bishop baptised him in the mm
of Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, whereupon a fiirther manrd bcfelL Tk
dead lips opened once more to praise Christ; the baptism had 'daked al kii
tene'; he had seen a light fladi in heaven; and the unbarred spirit lov
entered there, where a marshd 'with menske ddergrattest' ushered Umia
And then, 'as soon as the soul was seised^ in bliss^' the fiur coonteHune
faded and failed, and the corse shrank into blackened dust Bishop tti
people marched forth in procesdon ; there was wonder and moamiqg tti
. mirth; and all the bdls in the burgh 'birred' at once.

Tokens of the most expfidt diaracter on the one hand associate ttii
strange, powerful, and beautiful poem with the Hunterian MS. Dealing fat
with the lines just printed, it will be noted that die MS., fa lo^, has a idnc
applicable to line 207. The Bdinus and Brennius lines (313-315) soucdf •
require comment, as they so explidtly render into verse the rubrics in ff. 16 (id^
and 17, to which Wynnen and Wastaun owes such allegiance. ObsemUe ,
specially is the use of the term of King to Bdinus and of king's biodier to
Brennius equally in the Latin rubric and the alliterative poem.

Unquoted lines no less dearly bear out the connection with the MSw, »
will be seen by turning to the references in the last chapter:

/. 7 For hit hethene had bene in Hengyst dawes

That the Saxones unsaght hadene sende hyder,

[Rubric, fo. 43^, 44.]

15 He turnyd temples that tyme that temyd to the deveUe.

[Rubric, fo. 30^.]

25 Now that Londone is nevenyd hatte the New Troie, -

The metropol and the mayster-tone hit evennore has bene.

[Rubric, fo. 40^.]

' The same legal figure of sdsin in heaven occurs in /Vor/, 417,

■' a-r-a. ''' i..t ' ■' '* ■i i^w ii ^ u j i j -

ISO 'HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RYALE* [Ch.

31 The thifd temple Idt was told of Triapolitaiiei..

36 . That was the temple Triapotitane as I tokte eie.

--- [Rnhric. few Jo^» acoounU for * TfJapoH t ancT

The last example maj be taken as a particularly intimate association.
The mbricator more than once carefully noted the metropolitan standmg
of I jond oo , The poet dwells on it too. In yet higher d^ee curious and
^Hiking b an arithmetical agreement The MS. enables us to check the
dead judge's computation of his own date — a computation which, not without
Justification, he reckoned too much for any man to make ! Perhaps he was
tigjtA in respect of irreconcilable MS. chronology, and of some confusion
bc lw c e n tiie reigns of Belinus and his father. The date itself, notwithstanding
die judge's caution, is poetically clear — in the light of the Hunterian MS.

Althou^ the printed Geoffrey of Monmouth has no such date, the
Hunterian MS. has a date Anno Mundi, 4482, forming part of the text just
one diapter before the accession to the throne of the father of Brennius
and Bdinus. It has another date, 3449. The interval between these is
XOJ3 years. The date given by the dead judge in Erkenwidd was:

Npght hot fife hundred yere ther aghtene wontyd,

A fhotwand yere and thritty mo and yet threnene ag|iL

That is^ 482 years, or 500 — 18, after the building of London; the year
1033 before Christ Let us check this by the Hunterian MS., which,
with its [4]483 — ^3449** 1033, accounts, by its legendary arithmetic, not
only for the 482, but also for the 1033.

In fiict, through the marginal notes of the MS. and the text itself, we
are enabled to explain some other things which the {>oem leaves obscure.
DonwaUob so Geoffrey of Monmouth vouches, not only made the Molmutine
laws (one of whidi, de fugUMs^ concerned sanctuary, a subject on which
we know that the author of Mortt Arthun was learned), but did sound
and strenuous justice. AVhen he died, after forty years' rule — ^the 'forty
winters' of the poem — he was buried in London near the temple of concord,

* A pataUd may he obacnred : Aluu 1458. ErkiKwaid, 105. The bodewofde to the
And hodwoid to the faisdiop brp^ bischop was broght one a quite.

oCUt

v *mi iin i| iii .^ i| |i p amy i ^ j|i [ JM i' .W. P L^P'- ^

• I

14] 'AWMTYRS OF ARTHURE* HI

which, as the dead judge also indicates, had been consecrated by DunvaDp
to his laws.^ The dead judge is therefore a poetic equation of Dunwaflo
himseld And the judge's crown and burial in gold ? Dnnwalloti as Geofficj
tells us, made for himself a golden idiadem,* and when his son and sac-
cessor Belinus died his ashes were laid in a case or coffin of gold.*

•

(2) ^Awntyrs of Arthurt* and ^ PtarV

M. Amours in editing the Awntyrs supplied many admirable doddi-
tions in the introduction and notes. As regards the sources^ howcfci^
one he missed — ^the most important The first part of the poem is bejood
doubt an adaptation of the TrentalU SancH GregorU^ ft l^end, of wfaici
an English poetical translation of the fourteenth centuiy has been edited
by Dr. Fumivall^ in 1866, and with a double text by Herr Kaufinann*
in 1889. The substance of the legend is to be found in the
Gesta Romanorumf but in form differing materially from the story in the
English poem. The English author b^ins by sajring, *A noboDe stoij
wryte y fynde ' — words from which its character as translation is a peihapi
uncertain inference. However that may be^ the author of the Awmiyn
knew the TrentaUe story in the same shape as it has in the En^Sdi
poem. It is not difficult to show the indebtedness.

*MS. U. 7, 2$, fo. 15^: Tixt.

Kubricatot^s Note. In diebus itaque ejus latronum mucroncs cessabant ; rapConmi

Hie rex est mortuus sevitie obturabantur ; nee erat usquam qui violentiam alicai
cui Bellinus et Bren- ingereret. Denique ut inter alia quadraginta annos post sumptma
nius succedemnt et diadema explevisset defunctus est et in urbe Trioovmnto prope
regnum inter se divi- templura concordie sepultus, quod ipse ad confinnatioDem legma
senmt construxerat

'[Dunwallo] fecit sibi diadema ex aura Galf., iL 17.

^[Rubncator's NoteJ] [Tfjr/.] Postremo cum suprema dies ipsum ex hac vita rapds-
Hic Bellinus ex hac set combustum est ejus corpus et pulvis in aureo cado recooditvs
vita migravit quem in urbe Trinovanto • . . locaverunt. Galf., liL 10, MS. U,

7, 2S, fa 19.

^Political Reiigi<ms and Lcve Poems ^ E.E.T.S., 1866, p. 83.

• Trenialle Sattcii Gregorii herausgegebcn von Albert Kaufmann (Erlangen, 1889).

^Gesta Romanorum^ ed. Herrtage, E.E.T.S., pp. 250^ 384, 489, 5^3.

■ ■*". i. ^ ^ "» j ■" i >tii I I .. H. H .BW I w t ■^■ p * M.. ' .! ■^ j ^^SPfi^* - J ' ^ r**W!"^^<^^^'^

tit

'HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RYAL£'

[Ol

Tnmtmlk SmmH Cw^gmiL
A griily fiend-like crettwe all ftfluiie
to Gicgoiy at mas. (D. 461 55.)

Gffcc«7 'halacd'tt thioi^ God's adg|il
10 tdl why it dntnriied him lou 01-63.68w)

It answen, 'I am thjr modv that the
« I Uved *m loit widtcdly.' (L 89.)

Gicgofy replies : ' Tdl me now, »,^,>.,
U anything may hdp,— bedes or mames?'

TV ghoit answers that it mi^ be wdl
with her:

Who io Iraly wooM take a ' ticoialle

or ten chief feasu of the year

To sing for me in this manner. (1LI04-^)

GregQiy b gladf *nd promises that the
mnsKS shall be song. He bids his nwiher
reappear ' this tisse twdvemonth ' loicpon
her conditSon. fJL 131-&)

Gregoiy never forgot his masMS on the
dqrs assig^ (IL i^'S\

Then an angd carries her off to heaven
0.1861.

A howling and *gridy gbott' all n-gPov,
with a Umd at her neck, appears to Gagmore

(GmneraeV (IL iiy-aS-)

Gawmyne oonjvcs it by Christ to my
whence it came and why it walks thns.

(L113-)

It adu for Gi^nare. and leOsher 'I bare
thee of my body' (L ja4V

By that lo-takenync <1>^ ^'^'"^
I broke a solemii avow *

Tlat none wist bm I and thon

And therefore dole I dree (IL 90$-8).

G^rimte mys» 'Tell me now sooihly what

ly mve, and I shall seek the sainU for thy

.' (D. ao^ia)

Were thirtj ' trcntallcs' done

My soal were salved foil

And broic^ into bliiib (IL llS-ll.)

Now hear heartily on hand I hesC thee lo

hokl
With a million of mames (IL 235^

[The ghoat makes tome prophecies not in
the Trtmlmik.\

aases the msMcs to be read and

Tbe gh«t glides away (L p5V

Here the panllelisai of tbe Awmifn with the TraUalk itopi, and the
•ok lemaik to be made b to pobt out how the alliterative poet bjr the

*Thb merest Unt^of the incest which makes the legend of Crt^ay rrpaltlve*
tDastmlcs two thingk FirA, it shows the refining tonch of llaehowa's hand In retpod
of his Icnving the rest nnmid. Secondly, it proves that llachown knew more of the h|and
than appears b the English venion of the TnmisUc The Ctt/s SC^msn^ntm form of the
sioiy acooontsi by its rcforcnoe to the tokens, foe the alknir^n to prWy knowledge whkli In
the present poem appears mfaninglf > Besides* the toad, w4 in the Erkglkh vcral'/n, dely
oocvs hi the Lathi form of dm siory. See Hermes CtUs^ pw yc^ and KnoftnaMi's
TVmitlkt ^ A-

■4

dwngc ot a Nngle amatn <k ^ ei i ed the powcc o( the wboty be found ilAl
kgeod of Gnffxj, Foe &«gO(7 he ibtt i di t ed GwneTcn, made her ti
•object to whom wa loiibk a lenon of the paiM of adnlteiy wm d Ji i m i
and londi lemaikiMe ^tncM, jJflwqgh iDdnct!^ ud i^h ddicaqi^idM
to the uonL Foe mrdy to noodMe ndi a dread mmiog m dni mA Ac
fiwl qneen, who Imi in raauuice hatoirwia bv ndieace ao Mained,
touch of ait And we are not jret done wia die Tivm^M. Peihq» Ac
reader hai already noticed that whDit Gregotj coojtncd hia motba'a ^nttf
Goifs mi^t to eiplain itael( and Gawayoe co oju rcd die gfioat of the wite,
of Garnore by Christ to tell ad^ it walked Ute earA, the good biAop b Ac
SrttmBoU had Ukewiae bidden the dead jodie; m Ae name of Ji

In wotldg qdad ««|h Okm wm and ipj iboa Am %ps (L iSj).
So in die TKxilaAIr in obedience to the invocation

The (ort ■iwiml
while in SrkmwaU die dcnd body atni

And wfib ftte

Thtughe wtm hot foate (U l9l-tV

Critics who are aUe li^tlj to call such thinfi concideiica^ and pass oi^
win please consider if the followtng also came hf duncfc Hie lYaOtih
stoiy was not at an end where the Awtityrs left It ; nor was the alliteratiit |
poet's bonowing sccouot dosed when all the masses for the soul of {
Guinevere's mother had been sung. He had a use for what of the 7>c»tefit 1
yet remained.

Twdve moDtht ifter the appcuance of in Tkt A<r/ tbe htbcr, ^stnv ibt

the ehott, u Gt^oi7 Hood mt nan, gr^^ at hU two-jreu-old ^i^Kiv Mb

He Mwc B fnlle swetc q^te Mleep tbere, utd in a drauB at ^aiM

A cocwly lady droscd and dy^ite icea ber 'm Ur anye rojnle' wai^ ■

That alle the woilde w«i not w htysht cn>wn h^ piniuded with poul (D. Ifl'

Comely cwwned ai a qwene (U. Ija-S)- ao?), 'a connn of grete ueKm'a a^V

Het hare b •* ^lymaBde Eoldc (L 165^

Kyghfbrjoyheiwoonedd 158). Nq „„ ^oojd i^^ been (Uddet, 1&

'joy,' be nyi, wa* modi the ntoce (L aj^^

' ■gy-y- ' ^w p ii i ju.'.iimwp B i.Hj.tJ. i iu

114 'HUCHOWH OF THE AWLE KTALE' IpL

He MMtakd her far the VapB May. He bad

addrcM^bcrM Anc ikoe tbc qKse ol faevcv bhpe?

Liid7,s«cBeollMeB a 4S3)

Modjrr of Ihom enyde Maiye (IL ids-^y, — vkoa jJi hoaas.

bet the cspbim * I SB Ikj BKAher/ a^ MaiTe diet Cnce ol pe«e

tdb biei thai ihe owes her bbe to the That hsaheneof «7i|7« floor?

virtnc oT hb pngfcn. (IL 4>5-^)

The cUd. after a d dieaaim the VkgiB as
*31akclei Bodcr aod Bjiyctt aaj' (P.
434'S)i cxpbiat hov the Lamb of God
«bcm he took her to hiaudf bad uuwu ed
her qoea (L 415). She thca enfalds the
■jtteij of

[The dilcflUBa of the ciowv and oihcr The coot 01 the kjo dtae of God aljve
eourtljf pccaKaiiiiw of PimH aie dcah widi (L 445K

hi Sitiiuk AmHfmary^ OcL, 1901.] vhereb each ooe thai anhcs beoonct

a qoeeo or a kio!* aod the VbgiB
the EBprcM (balder the eoqijic) over

For bo ii qoeae of oortafigfe (L 447-

That criticifln will be purbliDd indeed which caoDot now see serend
Uungs— the rolBgifioB of the proofr of unity; the ties of tbe legend of
the TkentaDe with die allitcntiTe Awmfyrs and Pmri and Efk€momli\
dearest possible rdations of plot in these three poems side bjr nde with
stendcr, ]ret not the less distinct, verbal identities of text in each with the
ThniteiKr; and at die same time die pocfs quaint deference, even when he
has visions of paiadis^ to the rules of precedence of the Awle Rjale.
*Why do 70a wear a crown?' was Erkenwald's qtiesdon to the dead
jv^fSi 'Why do yon wear a crown?* was the iadicr^s qoestioa to his

Il

14I •AWNTYRS*' 'PEARV AND •ERKENWALD* CONNECTED 115

lost peaiL ' And the question > — which b of the very essence of csd
poem — conies from the same source as suggested the ghostlj intcnriev
of Giunevere.

>A few further words may well be devoted to 7%g jRnri, CUtmness, mud Ar«
a trio of pieces found in the same MS. with Cmrnt^fm and the Grttm XmigiL Dl
Ridiard Morris, ediUng the trio, advocated the daims 01 the poet-UmnshUor oC the Th§
to their authorship {Earfy EngHsk AUUenOivt IWms, E.E.T.&, pre£, iz.)^ aUhmi^
denying that that poet-translator could have been IIudiowD. Reference maj be nadi
to the excellent reasons assigned in his pre&oe for thb association between the 7hf
and the three fueces in question. It b unnecessaij to comment at this ats^ on the
other part of. his opinion. I endorse and accept Dr. Monis*s proo6 oC vnitf «f
authorship, relying on my own manifold fresh aiguments as to Ilochown^ persooafi^.
Mr. Golkncs, in his lieautiful edition of the /VoW, also holds it and CTfmm m itt ani
FaiUnci to be firom the same hand. Hb prelace^ oondoding with a gness at the
authorship and the ineviuble denial ot Huchown, interestingly covers a good deal «l
the general field of alliterative discussion. I append a fiew stray notes of correspondcnoe
between the three poems and the other works now under comparison. In Ckmmmm
(IL 1015-43) the d^cription ot the Dead Sea b taken bodily firom the IHmurmrimm
of Maundeville (ch. ix. of Wright, fa 266+21 of MS. T. 4, \\ with ponfaly a fine
or two due to Hegesippus. In CUanness also Bekharmr^s sacrilegious table iewdle^
b described in terms borrowed from chapter xx. Ot the Itifumrmmu Simihirty, the
allurion to Ararat and its Hebrew name {Cltantuss, 447-8)9 comes firom Manndevillc^ ck
xiiL, although the spellings in MS. T. 4, I, la 266+32^ are 'Aiarath* and 'Tain.' Oa
the many points of «milarity in phrase in these poems with the other pieces I am ooalcat
to mention two or three. *The pure popland honrle' of Patiemct^ 319, b matched by
*the pure populand hurle' of Alexander^ II54- *Noah that oft nevened the name'
of Cleanness f 4 ID, compares wiih *Naw hafe I nevened yow the names' of ParUwtemi^
58a 'The chef of his chevalrye he chekkes to make' {Cleanness^ 1238) resembles 'And
chefyd hym nott of chevalry chekez oute of nombre' {Alexojider^ 3098y. Extremely
interesting is a line probably taken from reminiscence of the Trtj:

* Belfagor and Belyal and Belssabub ab' (Cleanntss^ I5^)>
' Sum Beall sum Belus sum Bell the god
Sum Belph^or and Belsabub as hom best likes' (Thry, 4356-7).

A good parallel from Titus b:

Cleanness^ 1413* ' And ay the nakeryn noyse notes of pipc&'
Titus, 848.9. * With dynning of pipb *

And the nakerer noyse.'
Titus, 1 174-5. ' • • • and pypys with nakerers and grcte noyce. ... *

For nakers (Fr. nacaire) see Murimutk, p. 1 56, sonantibus tubis ei naehariis.
'••Wassayl," he cryes' {C/eanmss, 150S), said of Bdshazzar, again eflecU a

\

Bl6

*HUC110WN OF THE AWLE RYALE*

[Ch.

The critic's task will be amplified by a parallel tabulation of lines in these
poems jewing consecutive use of TVentaiU in all three.

TaxNTALLB. Awniyru PmtL

*Gri^S^ioit,'

•¥fhy*? •

* Drctiy * speedy

Mother, .

*Tfciital^*

Fulfilinciit,

Soppoicd Qnceoy

Jojr,

' Queen of heaven,*

Maiy * Mother,*

lohdl.

Lso

1.75-6

—

^^^^ -

SS-61 .

105-15

J ^^

^

63

133

—

«79

66

133

—

180

69

136

—

185-8

71

—

—

191-a

7«

ao3

—

—

«3-9a

205-8

—

—

95-97

209-10

•

—

104

218

—

—

131-8

335

—

—

144

708

—

—

iSa-5

—

191-229

/[kingly
I98.a22f

158

—

«34

—

i6a

—

433

—

163

—

435-35

—

«55

—

480

«54

17a

—

—

292

186

_

_

W^

How could an imitator or any imaginable 'school ' of poets, as distinguished
from an individual, have hit on such a unity of system? It includes
absolute indebtedness of ground plan in each poem, along with minor
verbal transfers in each, a singular exhaustion of the entire content ol
TremtalUs plot {Pearl resuming the thread precisely where the Awniyn
dropped it)^ and finally an observance of the same consecudve order as in
the original through all three alliterative adaptations of the TVeniaUe^ two of
swell the multiplied coincidences by ending^ with the opening line.

connection with the nibrication tenns dt wouil above noted (ch. 13) on foi. 44h. of the MS. of
Gcoffirey. GMnpaie alio

*• Lyfte larldres lul looge and upon lofte wonoi* (CUamtiss^ I777)>
* Layn ladders alenght and oloft wonnen* (Tren 475i)-

Siege detcriptions, ihipping, ttormi, weather, hall and court in all the poemi all lend
points in the same diiectioo.

'^f^rnCrf, IL I, 1212. PimH^ VL 1, 715.

»"«

1 I

15] VERSE SYSTEM ti|

15. On SvsTEif OF Verse, Dialect, CHARACTEitisncSi Date; amd

Nationautt.

(i) System af Veru.

The words of Wyntoun have a particular value in respect that tbqr point
to three poems differing in theme^ character, and metrical constmctioii.
Aforfe Arthure^ styled by Wyntoun the Grtai Gesi of Arihun^ is a historical
romance, or rather a romantic history, and is like the A l e xan d e r^ the TWf,
the Titits^ the Parlement^ Wynnere and WasUmre^ Erktnwald^ CUatmest^ and
Patience^ a work in unrimed alliteration. One thus appreciates the more the
technical proprie^ of Wyntoun's reference to 'cadens' as a vital dement
of Huchown's performances, for 'cadence* seems to have been the term
applied to alliteration as distinguished from rime. Indeed, the life-stoiy
of this old system of verse, once sole possessor of the field of EngUsh speech,
with its sudden interruption and disuse followed by the fourteenth centnry
revival of it, may all be infened from the Romance-w<Mrd ' cadence ' foond
linked with it first in an alliterative prose tractate in imitation of Ridiard
RoUe of Hampole, who, in at least one learned opinion, was a force in its
English revival.^ The word 'Cadence' is there contrasted with 'Rjrme^'a
contradistinction followed by Chaucer as well as by Gower.^ When, therefore,
Wyntoun excuses Huchown's 'Emperour' because ' Procuratour ' would have
' grieved the cadence,' the allusion is specific ' Cadence ' was the only mode
used in most of the poems, including AforU Arthure. But Wjmtoun also
alludes to Huchown's ' metre,' a word connoting rime as well as measure,
and accordingly certain of the poems exemplify the combination of alliteration

*The passage referred to b in 'A talkyng ot the love of God' (Horstman't R^U tf
HampoU^ ii., 345) : ' Men schal fynden lihtliche this tretys in Cadence aRer the bigynnii^
gif it bee riht poynted and Rymed in sum stude.' The piece b accordingly partly alliterathre
and partly in rime. RoUe of Hampole's Melum Con/empiattvomm b written in alliterative
Latin verse and prose. Horstman's Ham^e^ ii., introd. xviii.-xxii., has many qwdmeii
passages. ProC Horstman has sthere tated hb view as to the influence of Hampole in
the words: 'As a writer he took up the old traditions oi the north: he revived the
alliterative verse.'

*$ee note ch. I above. .

^ ■!< m ■ ■ *»■ M M i i ^L"*^ ■ " * . ■■■* J i ■ * w " ^ ' ■■ '"^ • ' ' " - ' "Hiw.m i ,m

Il8 'HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RYALE* [Ch.

and rime. Gawaym and the Girm Knight is chiefly in nnrimed alliteration,
but hasjbur half or tag4ines riming abah at the end of each of the hundred
and one stanzas. The Awntyrs 4if Arthurt b likewise alliterative^ bat rimed
thronghoitt in a stanza of nme full lines and four half Unes, all riming thus,
abetbahabeidde. In the FutUi of Susan the same rime and almost the very
same structure obtain, the only difference bemg that the ninth line b a
*bob' of only two syllables. The Pearl stands by itself as less systemati-
cally alliterative, and as using octosyllabic iambics in stanzas of twelve lines,
riming ababababbcbc. M. Amoun has said ^ that Morte Arthurt is above
all the other poems distinguished by the numerous series of consecutive
lines having the same alliterative letter. This is an effective contrast, but
thai both the consecutive and not-consecutive systems were alike available
to the poet is seen from the exordium of the Alexander with its as lines
alliterating on five letters, compared with the rest of the poem in which
the consecutive mode is discarded.

Two other poems &11 to be mentioned here. One is Si. John the
EvangMst? closely resembling the structure of the Awntyrs of Arthurt
and rimii^ ababababeedccd. This poem of 264 lines, which some critics
think belongs to Huchown,' is certainly from one of Huchown's sources,
the Legmda Aurea^ being a translation of the legend of St John in that
monumental mingling of piety and romance The second poem is one
of haunting sweetness and beau^, the authorship of which will not long
remain in doubt after the argument of this essay has received its due. It
is the tender and musical Lay of the Trutlovt^ s^led by Mr. Gollancz
the *Quatrefoil of Love.* It is, as Mr. Gollancz records, written in a
nocthem dialect and in the precise metre and rime, ababababcddde^ of the
FUtUl of Susan. Moreover, M. Amoun acutely noted, in editmg the
Amntyrs of Arthurt^ that it was a favourite device of the poet who wrote
Ga:weg^ and Peeurl and Patienet to end the poem with its opening line^

^Si. Aim. Pitemt^ hnrtt.

*Hoiitfluui's AiUm^Hukm Lggtndem^ Dene folge (Hdlbroim, iSSiy, pw 467.

* My friend, Mr. J. T. T. Brown, mainuins this view, with whid my own poinddci.
TbciC SIC msny psralldt of dicdon and matter to lapport it.

ij] DIALECT tt|

■ a peculiarity,' he said, ' which has not been noticed elsewhere' AccordiDg^
M. Amours reckoned it noteworthy that la the Awntyrs also this peculiari^*
should be found. To the list Talis to be added the Zay tf the Thuim.
A foot so significant of art as this, along with the close consonance of tom
strucluie and rime system, is enough to discredit as the sheerest emfHridsm
the Ycrdict of Mr. Henry Bradley,* that the JHsti'// and the Awntyrs were
originally written in alliterative long lines unrimcd, and as we now have then
are ' paraphrases or watered-down versions by a northern man who retusei
the original diction so far as the alteration of metre would pennlt.' "PiM
proposition is grotesque — a reckless philological forlorn hop&

(i) DiaUft.

rihl

All requisite allowance being made for a considerable percentage of'
scribal change, the dialect (some would say dialects) of the Huchown poemi
must constitute a problem on which it is hard to educe any certainty except
the one, that the dialect shows a blending of peculiarities. Professor Skeat
concluded' that the Alexander 'was probably written in a. pure Northum-
brian dialect.' Mr. Donaldson, editing the Troy, concluded* that that work
'was originally in the Northumbrian dialect,' stating at the same time that
Merle Arthure ' was certainly of Northern origin.' Dr. Morris did not agree;
he held Morle Artkure to be in a Northumbrian dialect south of the Twee>4
and assigned the Troy along with Pear/, CleaHHtst, and Patkua to the Wot
Midland dialect* M. Amoun found' that the limea of tlie Ammlyrs ^
Arthure and of the Piitill t^ StsMi 'betokea a Northern origin.' Tic
Parltment and Wynnere and Wastourt Mr. Gollanca assigni to the veat cf
England. Mr. Henry Bradl^ ii quite poutive' that Morte Arthtm, Ae
Pistiii, and the Awntyrs were all originally written in West Midland dnlec^
but were subsequently northemised by editorial acribet. A ray lair state-
ment of the case was perhaps that made long ago by Mr. Dooaldioo wfaa^

^SML AIHI. PMwa (Se. Tut), p. 364. *AlhaueMmi, tiUi Ju., 1901.

*Alti^ ptef.i iziS. *7>cji, pitL, bL,

*Sarfy Mm. AUil. Jhimi, pec, ix.; ifyrU Artkmrt, cd. Peny. 1865, pnC, ix. -
*St, Attn. P»imt, preC, tix. "> Atlmumm, inh Jul, 1901.

I to 'HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RYALE* ICvL

m

peaking of the Thgr,^ declared that the elements of the woik were Northern
and West Midland, bat that their combination was so irregular as to permit
tfie idea that they presented a mixture of dialects. This is not bi from the
bdief of- the present essajrist The dialect of these alliteratiVe poems shows^
like that of the ULtngis Quair^ a difficult admixture of Northern and Southern
forms, and conduces to the inference that the poet's education and his later
career must have been such as to reconcile the apparent anomaly. . Anglo-
French influences, then predommant in court circles, must have tended to
nake the speech of the aristocracy lean decisively, even as it does to-day^
towards the southern modeL

(3) Dates for the Poems.

Absolute and relative points of fixity for dates are not many. Maun-
deviUe's latin book, written in 1356, is the first The Alexander^ quoting
MaondeviUe, could not have been written before 1356. The TVvy most
probably followed the Alexander^ and was quoted by Barbour in 1376.
These two extreme dates comprised between them for Huchown a couple
of crowded decades of earnest study and glorious achievement

Wynnere and Wastoure^ poetically grouping facts which English annalists
record under 1358, certainly belongs to that time. It admits of suggestion
that as a Garter poem complimentary to Edward III., and containing a
limiidation of the well-known motto of the Order, it may have been
composed for the high festival of the Round Table held in the early
swnmer of 1359, and evidently attended by Sir Hew of Eglintoun.

GirtMtym^ with its beautiful story of temptation resisted, has for its
pictorial condunon the Garter motto in French. The suggestion of Mr.
GoOaocs that the story has to do with the amorous relations of Edward
II !• and the Countess of Salisbury may or may not be plausible^*
bat certainly he has good ground for maintaining a connection with
die story of the origin of the Garter. Indeed the relationship
with the chivalric Orders is more intimate than has yet been pointed
oot Gawayne, setting off to keep tryst and fulfil his adventure widi

mmmmmmmffm^

iSl DATES OF 'GAWAVNE' AHD OTHER POEMS

the Green Knight, wears % 'cote' {L aoaj) whidi ii 'fiuied' (1019).
He 'doubles' about his thigh the love-lace 'diuryc,' or 'gordel of the greoe
silkc' (ao33-5) with 'pendauntei' (ao^S) which his fair temptress ga»e.
At the cod ot his adventure when he parts with the Green Knight he
wears this crosswise on his left arm —

A-bc1ef' at a baudeiyk boundcn bi hit ffde
LokcD uDda his ]jftt anne the Ucc with a knot 01- 2486-7)-
These are the very technicalities of TacL When Hemy IV., just before hit
cofoaitioii in 1399, mtde knibt^ Acj 1
Kffl i -w hidi wen 'foamea,* ud oidi kajiht 'wr k a
'no doable cordeaa de mjw bkndie a MinchCT hoiipcBB poadeMi* Aid
ftom other ■odkci we know tint this kind of *Ik^* or *Aaeric* ait «■
i^led in Ftance, ww in En|Jand one of the Ixed djpnMi of kM^Mhool
and ban the wune of *hfc'* Oolj Iba tinctures here diSer from
Fraimrft. The ' |otdel' (CX Fr. cocdd). it Ok bend oT green,

A bcod^ »-hlhf hfm aboat^ of a bryghl pme,

wfaidh became die badge of the Rorad lUile in Gawayne (L 1517). It
ie of qtcdal note aa die potut of focai for the plot of that poem. We
mint reoMmber it Ukewiw aa present in Wymmn mmt Wuttmn, (her
agefaut die papd ttudaid with iti lablei and ImOm ,- .
ABOihtr butM h qta^di wtA a bnda cf pHK
mih thie hedii wWukfcdi idA kMCi M kte 01 I«-S4. -
The hint perfectly consotts with hiitoiy: Edward IIL, represented hf
the Round Table badge, is on the side of the three excommunicated jndget
whom, in i^%%, he protected Irom the pope and his holla agwnrt tut
judges and others. The banner symbcdises the voion of ngnl and
judicial authority which the pope defied. The one poem is thus ttte
dedsive expUoation of the other, and probably tbqr ate not &t ^wt
in ttine. Gawayne has been assigned to 1360^ a date with whidi there

^A-Urf, ikntwiie, acrow. •

*Cf. Cirmirjtu J* U Tnuiem et Mert dt Siikart Ormi. (HnL Sa), p. sast TtOti
»/ffffim; ed. 1631, p. 8aa CC at 10 gaiter Gaffi U Bmhr, aoj.

■S«e Lalxwd^i Glossairw Fran^au Ju Mtj^M Aft, worii 'drncrie' and '^atm* t^a.
hqi) : Uptoo, Dt Rt MiUlaH, cap 3, quote' ~ ~

i!WiyBjeiyiW!aWl»Wi;^[ ^ |I M i jj i , ii .ii - i j» i mi.n.iiijwin ffPBwnig^ppH

tMf «HUCHOWN or THE AWLE RYALE* [Cb.

ii no great need to qoarrd, alAoo^ I mdine to place it eailier, perfaapa
befiMe the production of tVytmen amd Wastaure. This would put it on
tfie calendar of 1358 or 1359. In eariy 1358 there were great Round
Table functions^ and either tfaea or vciy shortly afterwards Sir Hew was
in London. But a noteworthy CBatnre of the poem b its recurrent alluMon
to New Year's Day,^ a vital put of die story, which gives rise to the
bdief that it may havie been wmtten for a New Year festivaL

These poems seem to be Oie earliest of the series on the chronology
of whidi the fiicts yield clues. Of Pearly Cleanness^ and JPaiiemei^ Mr.
Gcdfamci's estimate^ of 1360 s probably not far wrong, although these
pieces, like the Alexander^ shev use of Mauodeville^ only written in 1356.
EHtmmaid and the Awniyrs cf Arihun are inseparable from Peari when
sources are considered, and there is no external evidence of the order
of production. A glance at tfadr rdations with the UrtntalU inclines one
to suppose that the Awniyrs may have preceded Peart. Let US| in the
abs e n ce of other data, suppose that the Alexander^ certainly post 1356,
was written ana 1361 ; and the TV^ a year later.

The Titus and Vespasian^ &e the Alexander^ utilised MaundevUle^ and
by its mention of the Foul Death suggested 1363 as a possible date. Its
vows are hints of the influence of die Voeux dm Paon. Morte Arihure^
utilising MaundemUe also, and developing the Voeux du Paon^ has yielded
very many and intimate historical eridences conveigmg towards a date
at the dose of 1364 or be|^lning of 1365. Again we have here a
Round Table poem honouriqi loftilj Edward IIL, and agam we have
Sir Hew in London in May, 1365, a time that suits.

The date cina 1350^ which has been editorially suggested for the
Pturiemtni cf the Thrt Ages^ h out of the question. Obviously it is yet
later than Morti Arthurt^ in that while reminiscent of Maundeville and
the Voeux du Paon it quoces Gawqyne^ Alexander^ TVvy, TUus^ and
MorH Arthmre^ and b itsdf a dream, springing from a dream-episode in
the Trey.

Between 1365 and 1376 dicre was ample time^ but perhaps the extra

> ^pMgwr, n. 60^ 10$, 284. 15s. io$4,i669. ■/Wr/iotia, iBi.

U'-»i-T..''^>'

CHARACTERISTICS

number of the remioisccDt lines of commuDi^ widi Mpiit Arlhut Intt
rather 1365-70 than 1370-76.

(4) CharacUrislus and NationalUy.

Our poet's general characteristics have bccD inddentallj towhed al
frequent points already — bis courtly and ceremonial leanings and obsemnee
of etiquette, his love of ship-scenes and the chase, his laiudai; intetctf ■
Jewels, his purity and loftiness of soul, his piety and religiosity of spirit Ki
themes, it may be observed, while ranging widely over history and romano^
never make love a centre.

When we turn to the question of indications of national!^ in the treatment
of hia material, the difficulty at once arises that a poet has no call to decUie
his nationality, and that in consequence, where dialect is doubtful, we hin
many puzzles of early literature to solve. Language is often the only lest,
and philology has assuredly not yet perfected its critical apparatus.* In
the present case inferences from dialect are sharply complicated by the
contradiction of history. On Huchom's language definite stress cannot be
laid to prove his origin, and his themes not being directly historico-patriodc
in the sense of, say, Baiboui's Brua* or Minot's poems, the data are
particularly few and slender.

Externally, the record of Huchown is wholly Scottish ; this is bj far the
master-key of hia myteetf. The TWy i^qwwi to be qsotcd by Jdtm Baibov
in 1376. The Merit Arlhttrt is discussed by Wyntoun in i4ao, while other
}Heces of Huchown's are mentioned in the same passage; No eariy jtadtor
in England, on the other hand, has ever named Huchown or recogniaed Mi
poetical industry, notwithstanding that English scribes have copied the poems
and Malory incorporated in his prose much of Huchown's Arthurian natto.

■It it just pMsible, bowevef nnlikdy, that in the woidi'and Scbuabnll It wbtr*(iBd
SchanluU knew it— taid rdttive to » dittoibanee of the peace) in IVjuntrt mmd WmHtmt,
317, ibcre m>y be a cine to the youthful cueei of Sir Hew of E^intoaa. Sdwddl
wu in Scotland ■ttendiog lo nullen in Edwaid Belied'* pulknent in 133a (Bada^
Catmdar, iiL, 1065). At that tbne many Scottiih bmilia wcK retiiiiv into Ei^nd
becuue of the dvil war in Scotland (Bain'i CaL, IiL, 106$-^).

■ Note, however, that even in Barboiu'* LtgimtU gf tkt Saimli the ezp
of nationality otherwite than from language aic vcfy few.

^^mtfmmm'mFm'mi'wm

;a4 'HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RYALE* [Cb.

Rachown's great roniance-histofyy MarU Arthmrt^ might well have been
viittenjby an Englishman, whether regard is had to its language or its tone;
but here and there are touches, subtle and penetntingy that suggest an author
wiA a keen interest in Scotland and sympathy for peace and alliance between
nofftb and south. Chief is that already pressed—the veiled reference to the
lidrH4^Muent. But the general political scheme^ if it may be so called, of
M^rU Arihtrt puts the Scottish leanmgs of its author in the clearest light
In Geoffrey of Monmouth, King Anguselus, as an ally of Arthur, is postponed
to Hod of Armorica ; there is no separate king of Wales, and there are some
six kings of island realms. Hoel furnishes 10,000 men-at-arms; Anguselus
only s,ooa Arthur himself made up the total of armoured horse to 6o^ooa
The six island kings furnished six times so^ooo foot Tilming now to the
lubrication (by Huchown) of this place in the Brut^ we find noted In exerdtm
n^ Arihtri duo rtgts — an inaccurate memorandum, for there were eight
kings, not twa But Marte Arihure^ like the rubric, has only twa The
King of Armorica, or, as Huchown preferred to style it. Little Britain or
Britain the Less, sinks in MorU Arthure to ' baron of Britain the little,' ^
though he brings 30,000 knights to Arthur's banner. And precedence before
Um is taken by the King of Scotland with 50,000 men, while the gallant
King of the Welsh brings s,ooo. Could a Scottish poet contributing, let us
say, a Round Table poem for the festival of the Order of the Garter, at
wliidi his own king was an honoured guest, well have done better?

In the direction hinted tends also the curious allurion in Jiforte Arikurt
to the heir-apparent,

' Thou art apparent to be heir, or one of thy chOdcr,*

a line which betrays a knowledge of the intrigue between the Kings of England
and Scotland m 1363-64, constituting part of a reconciliation in the earlier
stages of which, at any rate, Sir Hew of Eglintoun had definitely a hdping
hand. Besides, there are localities mentioned in MarU Arthure^ and still
more in the Awniyn af Arihurt^ which reveal some indmaqr with Scodand.
On the later poem, M. Amours,^ examining the topographical allusions, finds

> Bmntm 4i BritatmU was a tern of state in thb period. See Imtanoe ia trace of
1343, Mwrimmtk (Eiy. Ifist Soc)» 14s.
^Siti. Aim, Dfems^ introd., fa□E^.

^ I ■ ^",^1

ISl NATIONAUTV

k u *oMoM inference that the poet knew hia ground in Scotland and «
the Bodo^ tod drew on his imaginatioQ for localities Turther south.'

la tbs Akxander poem, the exclusion of Scotland from the co&qoesti
of Ae IfacedoniMi may be ao accident, but ma/ be a straw which indicaus

If k be wJuA. who Huchown's chief hero was, the answer is teadf— it
wu CMmtjne *oB the west marches,' as he calls him once, although «c
know Ibat man tfian once he really denotes the Black Pnnce.> Cawajne, it
b Ktradf necenuy to urge, was well known in romance hiitoiy as the lord
of GtSkmaj. So eaiiy and sober an author as William of Malmcsburr'
Idb of die ^Mooveiy of the sepulchre of ' Walwen,' who had reigned in
'WelweilluL' Hnchown's provinces of Cunningham and Kyle^ in whiA Ui
own bade end the Steward's territory lay, were of old within the limits of j
fte Frorioce of Galloway. However his interest tn Gawayne arot^
Hodunm went beyond hb predecessors in the many-sidedness of his praise
kx nkmr end purity, for grace and courtesy.

Ilien, whet of Belinus and Brennius as indications of national?
Aie «C to tike it as of no note that this pair of brothers, kings of North
Bi&ain and Sooth, are not only mentioned in Aforlt Arlhure and ErkenwaU,
bat supply die plot of Wynnen and Wastounf Rather must we Dot
remember tkeir leconciliation as a type to the poet of the peace he sought
between two lands?

And Thomas of Erceldoun? Must we respect it as a natural pee-
sumption that anybody but a Scot would in diat age have beoi foond
quoting these weird prophecies — prophecies which again "bad to do w^
the very theme of Belinus and Brennius; the feud of Sooth and North?

List of all, let us look at a singular paralleL ^ Hew of EgUntmn
had, immediately upon the accession of Robert II. to the Scottish thno^
become a privy councillor of his royal brotherin-Uw. Shortly aftenniA
he appears as an auditor in exchequer, an important finandal poet A
colleague is the Archdeacon of Aberdeen, known of all men in our day M
John Barbotir, the poet of The Brua. If tliese men sat together in Oe
Scottish Alfa Reps, and if the poetic Huchown was the auditorial Sir
>J/M«<<rfAMn, 3954, ■ Atfo ^V»*( (Sag. HiiL Soc), 4M.

mms^rmmm^l'mm

•HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RYALE*

[Ch.

[ewy tbe question may well ensue — ^What are the pioo6» if any, of
tcrmiy -contact? The first item of the answer is constituted by tbe
lliterative quotations made by Barbour from the TVvy, and the traces,
oinewhat indefinite, it is true^ of borrowings firom AlorU Arihure.^ The
leoood item is, that historically Huchown's naiGe stands for ever linked
vidi the ' Awle Ryale' of Barbour's period by virtue of the epithet Wyn-
toan i^>pended. The third is the singular coincidence of sources— especially
of Tk$ Brum — employed by Barbour with those of Huchown. Huchown wa%
presomably, the older man ; he certainly was of much higher social dignity
dian Barbour; he was a man of large means. It is much more natural to
suppose that Huchown influenced Barbour than the converse. However it
vaS| here are facts oddly connecting the modes of work and the QuelUn.

£nti'M09Mt B^inttur

Tkmosktei Guido's Treja^ and fireqaently Plutljr trmnsktes the Troja in the 7>vf

ffcfas 10 the ftoiy. fragtmmis.

Also quotes a passage from it in the
Bnui^ L» sai-ssS.

[See my j0km Bmrbmr^ Dfd tatd Trmm*
^^t PP- 4t etc]
Epitomises the fkt^m di (MnsmBnut,
Also abridges and translates the Fmirrt.
Makes laige use of the VaeuxduPaon.
Tianslates (mej^tdic^ the Vhmx in falL
Cekbiates the Nine in Bnus and in the

Is soq>ected of writii^ the * Ballad of the
Nine Nobles.*

Makes Robert the Bruce epitomise Fumm-
bras in apparently the same verrioo.

Tianslates from the Ligtnda Amrm the
account of the siege^ and the lifeof St John.

Bases his important poem, the StnmrHt
Oriiymmkt on the Bml*

Also dtes and quota it, Ltgmii y Mr
Smmis^ prologue,! 5.

Epitom i s e s the Rum 4e Cmdnt,

Makes large use of the Vnmx du Paon,

Epit o mises the Kwiur.

Repeated^ sings the praises of the Nine

Epitomises the romance of Ftrutnbras in
a sliape resembling the Smvdan tfBabj^om.
Vaaihtl^iiMda Auna in Tiim for ' The
of Jerusalem' and for 'St John the

his greatest poem, M^rU Artkurt^
omOmBrmi.

Glcs and quotes the F^mattfit tfth$ Xne.

*Tbc Tr9]f frwimimU show few alliteratire phrases; Bru€$ has many, so has the ^Ival 9
A htmmiir i the Ugmds 9ftk» Smimts^ agun, has very few. The inference may be basardad
tlMt Huchowa's influence, I37a-i377, is the explanatioii.

DIAGRAM OF ARGUMENT

&B d JoM, Ht^m m mm mm i W a i lt mrt, j, %yt^ AM^L,lk (■ ■

Um At SoiplMW « ■ KMRNt am; DDMteHM. -

««M^ TM. Btn. 15.

Some of dwK an ooauaoDptacci; die uijori^ 4]pdte other dan m.
^le ctuppeiMOP ngjcsts toe nnpraiMbi^^ 01 two meSt i>o( onnipit won
eotriac^ dqpUying any neh pai^kliwa ta thcit amhoiitieL The one a
•ffitentioi^ the odier in rime; the one by far the loftia^ ptofaande^
mott powetfal, end more origiiMl fenigi^ die odier pednpi the hicUa ■
ttwt he choee Robert the Brace ibr lue dwne— diett ere O^ tvm ^irili
ofSoottiih faartce at h ccotitiy Ihenuue from dte Bicbe^eer table of die
A^ Rjalc; Ahnji we mutt letna to WjnitoaB^ teitimc my ; and tfiat ■
what Wjntoim end die Exdieqiier ncoida tdL

. . ifi. DuoiLUi ta THB Akoqiont.

(i> JU f^wA Om WtHa.
The enduicet which hare no* been Mbmitted tst, it mmt be iqiealedL
far die meet pert whoDjr new. Thejr indnde die feUowinc propomiioii^ act
farwaid end pcored fix die fint timet

I. RelatuHiship of Altxander and 7>V7 dirough Hunteriaa HS. T. 4, i,
indicatiDg a veiy possible commuuit;^ of origin from die sane
- manuEcript source, on which, however, do vital part of diii aign-
meat is dependent
-3. Diiect bonowing in Titus of a complete scene and m uege {uctme
from the Tny,

3. Direct bonowing in Mortt ArtAurt from Tltui over and above its
known connection with and borrowing of many lines from Thy.

4. Adaptations in Mor/t Arthm from the Voeux dt Paom.

5. Consistent indebtedness throughout of the Parkment to Gawaymt^

7>)7, 'Htiu, and MarU Artlmn.

6. The plot of the Parkment dnwn from 7)iQr.

7. Maundeville'B Jtintrarium (of which a copy ia in MS. T. 4, t)

j^g «HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RYALE' ICh.

used as a minor soaicc in Alexander^ Marte Artkurt, ParkmenU

PtawU and CUanmss.
«. Eztiaoidinary consequence of the Honlerian copy of Geoffirqr of

Monmonth, MS. U- 7t ^Si eipedany of its rubricarioos.
o. Plot of Wyntien and WasUmre tbns levcaled in Geoffrey, along

with important dues to other poem% eqiedaDy Matie Arthun^ Tihu^

and ErkmwaUL
la Brennins and Belinus as poedc iacton in Huchown's work.

11. The historical setting of Wynnen and Wasfaure explained, and the
Qgoificance m evidence of the *bend of fftea!

12. Erkenwald considered in itself as a IcpX monument and in its
idation to other poems and to the MS. of Geoffrey.

13. IVenUUli Sancti Grtgmi a commoa source of the first half of
AwMfyrs of Arihart^ of Erhenwaid^ and of the Peart.

14. Considerations from military, political, and geographical elements 00
the date of MorU Arthur

15. An autobiographic suggestion bom the MS. of CeoSttj on the
series of poems and on the nationally of the poet

So varied, although so convergent, are the processes of reasoning which
pomt to a sin^ viUbm that they can only be briefly summarised by a
£agnun here. The direction of the argument had to be determined some-
what by the chance of earlier impressions tending at first as the knowledge
oiiginally available di ct a ted , but altering and extending its line tn conse^
qucnce of subsequent information. Perhaps this diagrammatic chart will
be eqdanatory not so nradi of the course which has been steered by the
mignment as of the oossconnectioos ntabBthed by cables laid down in
die poelfs own woiki.

Poems that draw from die saoae sources draw from one another,

Pdems c o onerte d with the fecial rubrics of the same Mnk|ue MH,
draw from one anoHier.

The author of die last poem 00 the diagram, if not llufliowfi^ imm^i
have had extraordinary seal as <Escqile or iodnstry as plagiarisl if lie wi/ve
mto his dwrt text so mudi of other men^s hbours that Us poem is VM^nA
from end to end with practically the easise cyde of the llucbown posms.

CONNECTION OP FOEUS

•HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE KVAtZ*

tCm.

rnt Ac nme point uotfaerwv Take JAr*.^nBl>f«: Wtot ntiaul
Hii oAer tbu nmiiiHiii aathocdiip wiD expfaia ils lies witk 7>*f , Tfib^
r cW mwSwra, and the Ammffn tf AwOmrwl
Or caoada the Una winch nutiale m the diapan ban Ac US. of
^^iiffn J and wUcfa in lo many diffcsoiC poam meet Ac fines tnvdEBg
Mom Ibe AnEoMi/ or tfae G«p«7m.

(i) As n^ris tkt A^

Auu or Sia Hm

That tiie poet wu bmiliai with contilj uaages; bad special tegal
knowledge and qmapathy; had the h^hot cooctptioQ of the grandeor
of Jnttic^ especially 'in gentil wise*; was vosed in sbipe and in the
<^«se; had access to cnircnt infonnatioo of state; had pcndcied deeply
tte cue of Bieniuut and Bdinos ; loved the peace and onion of North
and Sooth and deplored 'bosmar'; gave Scotland precedence of digni^
in JAnk Arthm; kept Scotland out of nbjecticHi in the AiexanJer;
■nde the Scot Sit Gawayne his constant hen; bad special intetesU is
the Konnd Table and ils celebiatioos ; knew London, Canick, Kyle, and
CmmiDgbam, the West Matches and the land 'fro Humbyre to Hawyke*;
■Bed seretal of the ipedal anlborities employed t^ Jdba Barbour; in
es pe ci al knew the prophecies of Tboinu of Erceldoun ; was mnch dive to

'Om cf tfai MMj note* Ur. Golkdci bu not (ot oa the AofV i* that Slf H«w at
w^j^— '« uawiial beuinc wh ' tlvcc uunku Mooed ' (Ifarcc linp ct gold tA M
witk a da^ )Md). Bub'i CtUmUr, W., ml ; Woodwud and BwBMt'i Htr^Jiy,
NUict'i HtrmUfj, i,, 215, docriba Iha um a* gnlci, thiM Miiwlatt
i»i7.

17] «GOLAGROS* HISTORICAL 131

matters lapidary; understood the Watling Street way fifom the norA to
Canterbury; likewise knew the itinerary to Rome; was acqna tn tcid with
the sword-pomt formulary of assythment for manslaughter; knew abool.
'fermes' and 'audytours,' chancellors and chamberlains, as well as 'jnstioes
of landes/ whose du^ was to 'justify wde';^ somehow knew also diat it
was proper for royal^ that Mu kydde castells be denlyche arrayede';*
had breathed the air of camps and chivalry, and mingled with nobles^ and
statesmen, and ambassadors, and kings — sU these and fiify other suck
characteristics of the poet directly and indirectly fit the known stosy of
'the gude Sir Hew of Eglintoun.'

17. Galleroun and Golagros — A Decisivx Personal Cluk.*

The Awntyrs of Arthurt is generally conceded to HudiowrL G^Ugrn
and Gawayne was reckoned his by Sir Frederick Madden as it contains so
many elements of similitude. M. Amours, re-editing the poem in his St aiH t h
Alliterative Poems^ acknowledges that the vocabulary is of the 14th century,
although assigning the piece from its existing form to a later date. Brieity,
it seems clear to me that Sir Frederick Madden was right and that some
modernization of the language is due to the Scottish printers through whom
the sole known version of the poem has been preserved. No commentator on
the Awntyrs and Golagros has noticed these four points in connection with
them (i) their complete parallelism of allegory, (2) the close, if quasi^ historical
character of both, (3) the distinct evidence of date in the Awntyrs^ and (4) the
appositeness amounting to necessity of that date also for Golagros.

The Awntyrs^ as we have seen, draws the plot of its first half fix>m the
Trentalle, The greater part of Golagros comes from the French romance
oi Perceval k Gailois (11. 16331-624, 18209-19446), which, as has long been
known, was utilised in the shaping of Gawayne and the Green KnfgkL
But it is the supplementing of these sources by very lightly shrouded con

^Morti Arthure^ 425, 660-664.

^Morte Arthure^ 654. Sir Hew was ODe of a commission of four knights appointed
in 1368 ad quatucr castra regis visitanda. Acts Pari. Scoi.^ L, 504.

' This chapter is an insertion made after all the previous part was in paged piuol The
discovery it contains was made at the eleventh hoar.

^^^m^mmnrf^mm w un Byn ^ n ^.n* *;*. I It i . i jw ii ij i B^i fH B mi < . 1 ^ u pw i i jij i

»3«

*HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RYALE*

[Cb.

tempofuy aUusions which is the vital &ct for due criticism. These occur
nudoliLiQ the second half of the Awnfyrs^ and are perhaps more pervasive
of G^iras throughoat In the Galagros poem the fact in substance is
that Golagros represents King John of France^ Arthur is Edward IIL,
Gawayne is the Black Prince, and the duel is the battle of Poitiers, while
the white horse is that ridden by the French king on that ill-fortuned day.
The Awniyrs contains a reference, of a significance until now unobserved,
to the Brlis sone of Kmi^ which pins down the production to a date not
earlier than 1358 and not later than 1360. The poem has allusion to events
of the sununer of 1358. Here again Arthur is Edward IIL and Gawayne
is the Black Prince, while Galleroun is a historical and allegorical repre-
sentative of Scotland. Neither poetical nor political all^ories are designed
to be free of occasional mistiness of treatment, but these inferences on
Golagros and Galleroun are inevitable and beyond critical doubt Nor b
this alL A rare and happy chance of record has made possible the
decisive interpretation of an allusion in the AwtUyrs (italicised below) as
autobiographical of the poet himself, confirming the sense deduced from
the poem, fixing its date, and settling the personal identity of the immortal
Huchown. First, let us look at Golagros, remembering that King John,
although a prisoner, was ffrted and feasted in 1358 and 1359..

C9nitmp9rary HitUry. C0Uiim and Gmoaytm, '

Edwmid III., at war with King John of King Arthor sends Gawayne as his bms-

Fimnoet oommissaons Black Prince to take senger to a fortified dty beyond sea (4s)

with towers and battled walls and castk (44).
Gawayne b welcomed by its lord Spgrna-
gros, who ofiers him 30,000 men (197).
The army, marching over the mountains
(>30-5)t reaches a castle with thirty-three
towers, 00 a rock, double dyked, 00 a rfrer
side near the sea (233-50). Spynagioe, who
knew the land weU (344), giudes and oooasds
Gawayne (261, 341, etc). The outle has %
drcolar keep—* the round hald ' (371).
Golagros, lord of the castle, refinet homtfc

(45sy-
Heavy fitting, after an intenral,

(6oo«o).

of Aquitaine (Rymir^ 4th Aug.,
1335). landing at Bordeaux, a walled dty
with castle, the Prince b welcomed by its
hmfom Captal de Buch, John de Grailly
(Cbandos Herald's Pnnci Nmr,\\. 534, 616,
67$), and other barons of Gascony, who
march with the Prince in his expedition
acfOM mountainous territoiy to Carcassonne,
a castled city with many towers (now fifty-
km) 00 a rock, double walled {Golf, ie
Bmkgr^ S35), 00 the river Aude, near the
Meditcrnmean. The Captal's tocal know-
ledge was hdpftil in the selection of the route
(Mobant's Fnmet AMr, 38). Carcassonne
b c o nridcf cd through the middle ages to be

•AWNTVRS' HBTORICAt

Cmttmftrorj Htsfrj. .
fanpngoable. It hu iU duef stronghold !n
s great drcular tomi built is the Ihiiteentli
ceoturf — hgrasutfriaraiu, VioIletleDii^s
ta cut it Careasiennt, pp. ao, 70, ligi. 11,15-
The dly will not subnul {Calf. It Baktr. ajfi.
3-6Nov.,i355).adheringli>itiIonl,KingJohiL
Aflet varioiu battles King J<^q — at
Pmlieit in 1356 — rofally uin«d mtets the
Prince. At the battle John ridei ■ white
hone Eilail H my! di FraHckt mienllt
imr ung blaiitq oHriHir (Amieiu MS. of
Froissait quoted in PoLiin's/ciitri It Btl, ii.,
302}. He lighls hcToicallf, bul is oveccome.
He i( lummoncd to suirender, and does so
aftei some trouble abuul lakii^ him to the

PriDCC

TUmb to dw MnoA leat hi h chIm-

■anaBf w*lli i^oa Vm priiMw.

C«hgrtt and Gaiatg/tK.

ARet sundry combats GolagrcK, umed
in gold and iuIhcs <S86>, oiounted oe 1
white horae (895). encounters Gawajmt and
lights beroicatly, bul is oveicome (1014I.

Suininoncd to surrender (1031] and a
to the King (1070). he refiuci till Ci
are adjusted, undei which he agrees to be
% pfacMw «Mh mtmlt% tobccupHrfiM*.

Qmmtfm pm at ffmrn/lf ofdw M
tha cudB of Cnlnwi (lUSk «kn «

'(itS»-iiia|.
Gtdi«m dM tea bil^ (i»i^ ts4
FoftraA whMd fa Metdita (ntft m
HMttr, MtMMaim, OMMT.^fKUoAw.^

•Sddi Ijiiacl' (1148) and GMvraeiM-' >

.duct Golagro* to Arthur who b gadder Aaa
of the rents as bias RoncesnlleB (131]),

Gohgroa does hoouge (1333) and [Bo-
nuses realty if due (1315).

There was a week'* reastiiig on the ii*a
Rhone (134S).

Aithm leleaict Gotagio* fnnu aUepance
(135*)-

The light of passing events, reflected in a degree comptntivdjr ngiw
■0 GoUgTos, shines with brilliuit distinctness on Galleroun and reveak at
last what we have waited for so long.

Clttmptnvjr But»rjt. Awmlgrt ifArllam,

, Edward III., on 9th May , 1358, gnnU To Aithw in hi* haU tidca np to tlw &k

■ Neither ibe white bone dot the uble iiKident oocnr* in FvttvtO.

Ct Mnb drOwn, 3*t»343l.

Llond waa sol made dtdce of CtaicBM
nntOljea.

No *nch homage wa* done. Ct Awntjvt,
643.

Ct Afertt Artkmrt, 424, The riincehad
in I3S5 been within 6iiy miles of the Rhone.

Not Ustorical. Cf. Awnlyrt, 675,

luiiiuiljuiii m...i«.ii

■.JJ.i..HIU«^

>34

COBeaTor SoMlni] to
Robot oT EtAiK (

mMf ILKd

Cin)

oT &e

om^gBa oy UBKir Of

IL.1.

Affeaftapile
146) and a

M 1357 ad i3S9^i|ieHne ca
1

IJ57 AlID I

(JMI

M boUe [otfber MS. bnelf

Aaatecfgkie(L

tke

iatke

oTdbc

. «-. •

fr., J7,

iia

• A

McJoKfib
Jbcocflt

aoal oT&e

» 1^

OflK

CLpsjLkfar
oTtke

17]

GALLEROUN AND SIR HEW

135

C^hU mp onuy Histmy.
Immediatdj after the atfe-ooodttcU of the
Queen and Sir Robert there U granted
another to SiK Hkw of Eguntoun, dated
nth Bfaj, 1358.

Piesiimablj Sir Hew travdled with the
royal party to London.

It b Sir Hew's first safe-conduct and may
have been his first viat to the Court of
Ei^Umd {RoiuH Settuu^ L, 833).

Moral decorations (with tabktUs^ etc.) of
new work at Windsor are a glory of the time
(Walsing^uun, anno 1344, Lefamd's CiArw
tanea^ tome ii. , 377. Cf. Gmvayne^ 763-803).
Erskine belongs to the west of Scotland,
hb patrimony being in Renfrewshire, but
owned lands in Cunningham, in Kyle, near
Loch Lomond, in the Lennox, in Lenzie, and
in Lothian {Ratnli Afagtn Sigilli^ 1306-1424,
pp. 31, 84, 108-9; DougUs, Peerage^ iL 207).
Galloway had only been so hx recovered
in 1356 ( Hymoun, viii., 6597). Edward IIL
had charter of it (Roi. Seoi.^ L, 788) from
Edward BallioL

Thomas of Holland assumed the title of
Earl of Kent in 1 358 ^ ; he died in December,
1360. His son was Thomas, who became
earl in 1360 (Coxe's notes to Chandoa
Herald's Prime Noir, 11. 141, 1588; Cam-
den's Britannia, ed. Gibson, 213).

The Black Prince had griffons among hb
badges { Royal fVi/ls, 73; cf. Afcr/e, 3869,
3946). The Queen, Philippa of Hainault,
was the French King's niece.

Scotland had fought keenly but been ovei-
Gome at Durham, when David H. was
captured.

Scotland has pledged itself in 1357 for
100,000 marks for the ransom of the King.
For thU the youthful heirs of the best blood
in Scotland are held as hostages. Erskine's
son b one of them {Rotuli Scatuu, L, 812).

The passage quoted is all then b

A wmoiM^MMA nMmwmkimfilt/wtdmfa]^
TkgfrtsmH was ^tnd far dnd^ thai Jmt^
Far ka waa taUau wamU ta u

54|ri Ar «mr onf (J98-4P3)b

Hiese fines bear the stamp nmal to aa
anthoi's indirect reference to hiimdll A
* fineke* b a oonunoo term for a

The Kiug^t has come from the wesi of Soot-
land (420) to claim back lands there whidi
Arthur has wrongfiilly won in war (421).
They CQoast of west coantry lands in Osrrick,
Cnnninglham, Kyle, Lomond, Lennox, and
Lensie, but extend also to T^hian.

GaOeroan demands dud, wludi Gawayne
nndeitakes, and the lists are prepared (477).

The King commanded kraddy [other MS.
kindeli] the erlb sone of Kent

Curtaysly in thb case take kepe to the
luught (482-3).

Gawayne's arms are griffons and he b
lord of Wales (509, 666-7). Queen Guine-
vere was * bom in Burgundy ' (30).

There b a fierce duel, and Galleroon b
vanquished and he surrenders (640).

He submits and gives up hb *renttb
and rechea* (646).

^ The Nat, Diet, Bie^, gives thb as 13591

«"«tw«r«^p>an

■jiiiifi«i«.iii«iuja^« I ■«•"■»«. HP iu)aHpp(nn|iqp^nV"«H

136

*HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RYALE*

[Ol

GftDcffOQO IS OppfCSMQ \tf hit wVCfUiyy

ukd the bdy imploffet (619) Gainevcfc, who
implores Aithur * Co make ooooofd (68$).

Arthur does so, and procures the release
of Ganenwo's lands (673-6)^

He b released (675) with a rcsenratloo
about his lingering a while to make repair
to the Round Table (684) of whidi he b
made a kni^^ (701).

Ctmitmpmrmwy Hisimy.

Edward m., 00 12th February, 1359, ex*
pfcmly states that to the earnest and oft
repeated re^nest^ of hb sister Johanna was
dne hb ■ g jff ■■»£ to renite stem action'
iar the Srnttish lailiire to meet the nmsom.

Erskine and Sir Hew attest in London on
aist Feb^ 1359^ Darid IL'k aduiowledg-
sent of Edward's concrsrion ol respite
(Bain's CdL, iv.. 27).

DsTid W% release, under treaty of Ber-
wick in 1357, had vciy stringent conditions
ior hb rctam if the instalments of ransom
were not doly paid. David often repaired
to the Romid Table; so did Eiskine him-
self, who seems to have been accomplished
in tilting (Nicolas, OnUn ^ Kni^hmi^
i., 14; Biin, hr., 93; Rai. Sc^i.^ L, 892).
Erskine's veiy significant visits to England
about Sc George's Day are noted below.

This there are marrow bones of true history in Goiagras and the
AwHtyru Superb and dramatic as are the annals of literary research, it
may be questioned if they contain any revelation more marvellous and
pictorial than this of the Knight of Eglintoun, then young m his poetical
career, riding on his startled Frisian steed, with Queen and Chamberlain,
as they approach the court of Edward IIL

The boar's head marshals the way to a complete understanding of the
place of the Round Table poems. In the Awniyrs it associates with them
in the most pointed manner that powerful Scottish baron, justiciar,
chamberlain, officer of state, and soldier. Sir Robert of Erskine. Its
occurrence about the same time also at the Qiristmu feast in Gawapu
(IL 1616-54), b not casual, but carries a touch of heraldic all^ory. When

* NoQs a la grande et diligente reqneste et instance de nostre tres chere soere Dame
Johanc^ compaigne da dit Sire David, que noos ad sor oe meinte lob sopplie^ de nostre
grace cspedak granntons [etc.] {.RUuH Sett.^ L, 835, 12th February, I3S9)-

*Forieitiire would have made matters very risky and unhappy lor the h o s t ag e s under
the treaty. The hostage rubrics of Geoftirey (ch. 13 above) are notes of Soottidi aiudety.

*The interrcntkin of ' Waynoor' (L 615) may have cone from that of * Venaa* octwcta
Beliaw and Bre md afc

17] ERSKINE AND THE ROUND TABLE 137

again it confronts us on a tMumer in Hynmrt and IVas^itrt (L 175)^ and
on a shidd in Goiagras (L 6os)b the inference deepens that the wfaok
Round Table set is connected with Sir Robert as well as with Sir Hew»
whose entire career ran alongside Erskine's. Year after year from 1358
onward — in 1362, 1363, 1365, 1368, 1369. 1370^ and 1373 — Erskine pro-
cures. safeKX>nduct to travel into England (sometimes Sir Hew does so at
the same time) a week or two before St Geoige^s festival ^—countenancing
most circumstantially the statement that the prototype of Galleioiin was
either admitted a Knight of the Garter or was otherwise dosdy concerned
with that proudest brotherhood of chivalry. His personal accomplishment
in knightly arms may be inferred from his once' carrymg north wiA him
a 'ketil-hat,' hb appearing once as a commander of a tnx^ and his.
position as castellan ot David II's. fortresses. He stood in hi^ Cavour
with Edward IIL as we know from the gift made to him of a rich gold
cup' in 1363. Year after year, too^ we find his safe-conducts timed so
as to let him spend Christmas in England — ^fcr instance^ in 1361, 1363,
and 1367 — again a fact probably indicative ot the good graces towards
him ot the English king.

Between the two, the celebrations of the Round Table and the Christnias
festivities, it is easy to find natural room for the poems ot Erskine*s friend
and colleague Sir Hew, some of them romances of- the Table Round,
appropriate to the honour of the kmg of chivalry, Edward III., and the
Black Prince, not forgetting now and then that of the knight (concerning
whom one of them was written) whose crest was a boar's head.^ Thus
at last history vindicates itself, and the mystery of Huchown and his
alliterative poems remains a mystery no more.

» RotuH Scotiae, 862, 872, 890, 917, 928, 937, 955.

» Rifiuli Scotiat^ i., 892. » Bain's Ctf/., iv., 93.

^Jiotuli Scotitu\ i., 859, 877-8, 916-7. At the last reference Erskine*s son's arms and
armour make a striking analogy to those in Gawaytu^ 574-^3*

* The heraldic discovery on which this chapter is based has led to others which explain
the unidentified Friars' banners in Wynttart and IVasiouru The firrt banner has w
galleys of sable, each with a brace (or bend) and two buckles. The gaUe}'8 sable indicate
John of the Isles (Woodward's Heraldry^ ed. 1892, p. 367), and the bend and two
buckles his wife, Margaret de Vaus {Registmm AlagHi Sigilb\ 1306-1424, p. 48),

K

igg^pw^awwpy**** * i pi fift ^ n. I ■ ■- ^> iiiTWfct » '< ti.'! ' n ■ ^ ^ 1 m wn[ i »

1^ «HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RYAL&f [Ch.

iS. Conclusions.

To the fifteen leading proposidons formerly Ubulaledy the preceding
dbMpta now adds:

id. An allegoricalljr historical sense in Golagras and Gatpoyne strangely

parallel to that of the second half of the Awntyrs ^ Artkum

17. The demonstration of the inner yet obvious meanmg of both poems:

iS. A beautiful and decisive personal revelation by the poet himseH

To review and assemble (although in the baldest^ crudest, and most

diaoideriy fashion) the detached sections of this long involved and ill-stated

aigoment, chiefly in the shape of successive series of parallehsms* has been

a task of the greatest magnitude, inasmuch as, for the first time^ the general

features of a supreme poet fall to be set on the canvas. It b not to be

c&guised that the countenance which begins to show itself with growing

dcfiniteness through the curtain of the fourteenth centuiy is of no common

fnmdfitfhgf bore a bend with two * dnquelbils (?),* which perhaps weie bockles (Btb*s
CsUmdar^ it, p. 545). There were, by legend, six kings of the Islet ((7(CJ^ Mctmmti.
is., 19), and the Scottish lordship of Man was held by service of six gallcyi (Earl of
Haddington's MS. Adv. Lib,^ 34- a* I [pagination series at end] ppw yf'^\ The second
banner it yet move interesting. With both * brerdes' (or bordures) of blade and a balk (or
void) like the son in the middle, it plainly denotes the Balliol orle with field of silTer (i?nff
^ Oirtmftrgfk^ ed. Wright, 9$). The third banner has three boar heads, and it that cither
of Sir Robert Erskine or of Sir John Gordon, a distinguished Scottish soldier {Wjmtmm^
X., ch. %\ whose arms were three boar heads (Woodward's HirmUry^ asj), who was
taken prisoner at Poitiert, and who wat in EngUnd in 1357 and 1358 (Rti. Seti.^ L, Sot,
814). The fourth banner, argent with a belt buckled, givet ut Norman Letley't argent a
bend with three bncklet (Woodward, plate, p. 376). John of the Isles and Edward Balliol
wot both indttded in the Berwick treaty of 1357 (^«r. Seti.. L, 819-814). The peace thnt
negotiated embraced ' le yle de Manne.' The Queen and Erskine haTe their safe-conducts
to London on 9th May, 1358, Sir Hew and Lesley on the iith {R§i. Sni,, i., 8as, 8S3).
Hie arms are not exact and the tinctures are altered, but probably no herald wlH dispute
the likelihood of these identifications. Thus lyjmMert and Wmstmtrt conveys hints of a
surprising variety of strifes and concords in fields both sacred and secular, Scottish and
Engfiih. The two allies of Edward IIL, John of the Isles and Edward BaUk>l, aiu thut
fiStf presented along with two of his Scottish adversaries, Gordon (or Erskine) and Lesley*
The last named wat taken prisoner by the English in France in 1359 (Sr«/Wywi^ 190)^
and distinguished himself under the King of Cyprus in the descent on Alexandria in 136c
(Bower, ii, ^y

rig CONCLUSIONS

9pej k b dM cooBtCBtace of &n immortal who nnki among the gitst
t aa mHn kten h Ac Hierature or the English tongue, who, whDe Oaaee
«M iliH (fo pabSc fatents) silent, had ransacked the storehouses oT Latin,
If ia the quest of matmal for romanUc naitative^ and
I Qiraccr set his seal forever on the literary art of bit
nd of the generations to follow. The hand which seeb
KndMT Wyntoun's brief scroll of Huchown's acHievemeot
B tf it deals with a task so weighty, for either these pages
ne a vdn md crcdidoM figment, or Huchown's range and grasp in romance
phoe li&B M « nuqne md lofty spirit, comparable in respect of His greatness
ooljr widi Wahor ScotL But great and sweet as is the pentonalily and
iateiettbig M b dw cTolalian of Scott, ind •opeifoc fio- as he «H to Hadmn
fa ori^Ml nmanG^ the tine at wbkfc HudiawB Kvcd mmm Uh «lft a
Wttorical note wUdi'oiir wiaid ttoar^let' may not driM. .b HaeboMB
we ban a npab cnltanui of letten b the fo m tecna eCBttq^ dbdt At
late* D M m a rr t/ I«atlm»l Xt^^fy kDon bba aot

Awi^ 10 tfMt KOMte tinw, iriutt waa Iw acMwwt? He tam^ m
fiw eewe on cooeeiv^ Btde in die W17 of natire Scotdih iKntvi; W^*- ^
ever hit nodra— and we can wd ennq^ wamim diet Ua poetfcleariiv
were q ni dt cae d \j Court appbwe— he applied himittf to a loAf aad wi^tcf
^A, Hh eqidprnent watt have been encDcBt^ a* die riaadatd of Ae diM
went Certunljlie WK^ailiehiintdfaudof diepioM i&tea^ 'Of Etemere
and language learned enow,' an easj master oS Latin and FreDd^ and
recondite in the English tongue^ with a tendency not uncomiaon among poets '
towards archaism. It teems lairly reasonable to hold that his earlier pieoei
include, along with the Wan of Aftxander, a number of pieces on Scriptntil
themes. The Pistiii of Susan is the story of Susanna and the Elden^
paiaphrased from the Vulgate in an amplified manner. Cleammest 9 a
Sctiptural poem, which singularly chooses for its itlustratioo a marine
subject, the story of Noah, powerfully told. Patienet hitewise is somewhat
incongruously illuminated by another marine story, that of Jonah, his stocmj
voyage, and the whale. The Ikstruaim 0/ TVqy was not a task likely to
have been undertaken by a mere tyro of poesy, but required an experienced
and ready versifier, aa its fadlity of execution folly attests^

«(,""«j* I *y^''^^m»mm^9mmesvm>>ffmffr9,

f^o «HUCHOWN OF TIIE AWLE RYALE* [Ch.:

k

Bm it if in the works which follow the Thy that the evolutioo of tiut
poedc genius may best be tnu:ed — Uraced with a measure of certam^ which
woold have been impossible but for the license of the fourteenth centuiy
poets to use, not once but once and again, the same figures^ phrases, and
fines. Huchown, like many, perhaps like most, eaily writerii English, Scots,
or' French, when he had a thing to say a second time had no shame in
nying it in identical terms with the first The same threads, now bright and
now of sober grey, reappear in more than one of his many-coloured patterns.
The thing was inevitable in the work of a poet of laige production. Yet
in Huchown, as editors long ago noted, his distinction is his endless minor
variation, even in the repeated phrases. To the fact that he did so repeat
we owe our chief means of identifying his work. These repetitions are
carried over firom the sheer translations, like the Alexander and the Th^f,
to the more independent products. Titus and Vespasian n amongst the
latter, in large degree an original performance, combining and adapting
various incidents and descriptions not belonging to the story as he found
it The plainsong of Huchown's note came, like Chaucer's, from traditional
tberoesi though each made the composition his own by nobly distinctive
chordSi It was the privilege of the trouvbe often to be content to echo
what he found, but the masters were ever wont to mend and combme as
wdl as to find. Much more rarely did they *make.* The methods of
composition, by mingled translation, adaptation, and creation, are all present
in Marte Arthure^ and the amplifications count for far more than the original
narrative. Some of the additions are inventions of the poet's own, but for
the most part he did not invent — he adapted. Thi P^rkwuni of the Tkre
Ages bdongs, as it seems to me, to the close of his career, and fonns^ as
it were^ his testament, for does it not sum up his past course through all
his themes — through Alexander^ Tiroy^ Titus^ and Morie Artkuret Besides,
does it not, for a second time, utilise, as had been done in Morii Arthurt^
its chief authorities, the Brut and the Voeux du Pam^ ?

And Gawayne and ike Green Knight also was remembered when die
Farlement was put together by a man who by 1376 was probably old —
Gawayne^ which Wyntoun attributed to Huchown, and which also has
so many identical passages or Imes of dose resemblance to 4ft»MMAr,

ESTIMATE

Tivjr, JJtus, MorU Arthurt, and ihc Pariemtiit, especially the BtrlmtnL
Nor may it be forgotten, as Sir Frederick MsddeD and othera haTe ott
failed to notice, that the unique MS. of Gawayme has ihe incomplete
superscription,

Hugo dx
on its opening page'

Now let ua note the distinguishing feature of Gawaytu, that beautiliil
poem in praise Grst of chivalric purity, and second — and only second— d j
knightly valour and courtly gjace. On the othex han^ it l^anriiyf wid i
ddickte deited^ a trpag tbene ef tcnplatio^ tarn wUdk dM cteitif ,
' of fa ben enoga wtthoot a ttdn. Tte* h mat raoa hao W &aM
Oie Mwdtiplied eridenca of the cOBBacrioM of Oil pocBi ^tt As Aif
ti& fM/mai J fmitwiaao at At CfKtm. It k Mdi M to aiA* *c pOM
rderirctira of die inctdent «f Ei^idi onM U*S7 sUcft pm- iIh to thi .
moct Dfantikiai Order of die age of dunlij. Ai a FM>i k ii fel of Ihe .'
Gfe tnd pnetice of court]/ dide^u Mrong B ill oenBoaU and «Me« ;
m woodcnft end lore of die fdme and of anna. ■ Deeg^y aaJ Jae^y wijgiw '
ia tod^ Goar^rw removce all iHScntef ef nndfiiliilag Wv s poctoMU. ,
lake themei so dircne aa Anhar, and Etkomald^aBd SHMB^aad oiMj
w liDger orcr the htmt m die J ^rimtnt md Ae haotbg boom 1m l^aw J
aW fTontam Thnogh all, whether tia nrini oa b pma ^b n a a, or aagad '.
piece — without one ignoble or qneitiomble Ime^ mdi as die irit of CTiaicWi
Dunbar, and Bums made them impotent to nsid-^tbere ahines a sool of
translucent purity. Posterity, which does not hit npoa its efMthets by
chance, has fitly remembered the kn^ht of .E^intotui aa 'the godt
Sir Hew.' Perhaps future generations will recognize him u the saprenc
exponent of British chivalry in its triple ideals of earnest purity, of conrte^i
and of valour.

Law in its relrtion to litenture fills a t61e ol oo' small d i st iaci ioB.
Finer testimony to legal aptness for litenury study need not be soo^
than Chaucer's making his Man of Law, alone of. the goodly company ia

*Tlui i* presented in ntsimUt in Mrndden'i i^ C mwa fm, inlnid. li.,
by Un oo p. joa.

t4S «HUCHOWN OF THE AWLE RYALE* [Cn.

the CatUeHmry Ta/es^ have authoritative knowledge^ and a shrewd, critical
opinion-of the whole series of Chancel's poems. Thu was indeed a
pleasant compliment to the accidental accomplishments of a member of
the profession. It was not what we have in ErkenwaH a tribute
to the nobili^ of justice, the kingliness of the function of the
upright and gentle judge. That such a tribute, eloquent with a certain
h!^h and solemn emotion, should have come from a poet earlier than
Chancer, from a Man of Law before the Canterbury pilgrimage, enhances
the import of this well-told medieval tale. Medieval of course it is, but
it is Medievalism in excelsis. The poem, too, links with the Pearl on
the one hand and the Awntyrs of Artkurt oa the other in a manner to
reveal the power and grace of the mind which could from the somewhat
g;roes TnntalU of St Gregory pluck such fruit

What shall we of this generation accept as Huchown's signal merit and
contribution to our literary or our national history? Even were he not
Hew of Eglintoun he is the unanswerable proof of the culture of the
period, revealing the breadth and depth of its romance learning and the
variety of one man's resources, ranging from such Latin works as the Z^
PirtJm and Hegaippus^ and such medieval literature as Guido's De Exdiw
TVt^f Maundeville's ItiHerary^ and the historical story-book of the Brut^
to whole cycles of French romance on Alexander and Arthur and Charie*
magne^ and the galaxy of heroes and heroines whom each of these led in
hb ever-growing train. Considered merely as a poetic unity, and without
his personal name, he is a noble link between the literature of the Continent
and that of our island, imitating yet no sUve, learned yet no pedant,
Ixirrowing freely yet transfusing what he borrowed in the fire of what he
gave — an international student who learnt much from French literaiy art,
but who out of his Latin and French materials drew English poems of
which the power is all his own. And being (alike according to the
apparent voice of early chronicle and the result of recent research) a
Sco tti s h lawyer and courtier. Sir Hew of Eglintoun, a mighty singer of
Cunningham unheard of by the bard of Kyle^ he remains kxr the UtenOuie

> Inlrodttctioo to the Man of Lsw^ prologvt.

THE JOETS PLACE

■41

of EngUA qMCch all these things, and at the same time is iiuineasiinblr
nor^ coiM|4gting and antedating by his own magnificent example ibe
cvideDce ef Bu-bour and Wynlouo to the culture of the Scottish ooR
onder tbe Braces sod the Slewaiis, and lending stately promise to Ait
nationil bcntnTe which, vitb independent destiny, was to be at ooce a
UiiDg aput and an integral portion of the common glory of English litennre.
Looked atwbole, he is a personality whose magnitude challenges the hi^tel^
wfaOe tbe dbacurity of bii personal life, almost completely hidden (hid it
not been far bb manuscript of Geoffrey of Monmouth and bis own price-
I of himself io the Awntyrt of Arlkurt) behind a few brief
I of bis public functions as courtier and judge, heightens bj iu
contnat the splendour of a mighty spirit and the marvd of a unique carea.
Who coaM bave dreamed that portrait so meagre and accidental as that oC
tbe conpaiuoa of Galleroun would, after five centuries, admit of rect^nitioa?
Wbo could bave hoped that after such an interval records would be foaitd
to orercome the reticence of a poet about himself? Mount^n and moot
bate daikoied round his name and memory; be sleeps io a forgotta
grave; bat tbe west winds have long been whi^iering that we should yet
find bim wearing a kii^y diadem and buried in gold.

^^W

INDEX.

Alexander legend, 1 7; R^man ttAHxamln^
18; in I\trUm€Ht^ 82, 84, 85.

Alexander^ IVurs ^,7; agreements with
Ilunterian MS., 19; borrowing from
Maundeville, 22 ; geographical parallels
%yith M^rtif 22, 52, 53 ; used in FarU-
mati^ 84; its consecutive alliterations on
aune letter, 118.

Arming of Arthur, 48 ; of Vespasian, 49 ;
of Gawayne, 137.

Asqrthroent, 10^ 46, 47, 131.

*Awle Ryale * explained, 5, 12, 13, 14; iu
bearing on the poems, 114, 125-6, 130,

I3i> 135* 11^ Ui.
Awmiyrs •/ Artkun^ 5, 7 ; parallels with

TitHS and Af9rtt^ 34, $3*5^ <UKi FarU-
m€Hi^ 75-80 ; Gawa>*ne's steed, 51 ; plot
partly from TrtntalU^ Iii-ii2, thus con-
necting with Pearl and Erkimvld^ 114,
116; specialty of ending, 116, 118, 1 19;
plot partly from Anglo-Scottish history,
133-7 \ identification of Arthur and
Gawayne, the crowned lady, Galleroun
and the 'freke on a fresone' 133-6; final
proof of Httchown's penooality, 135,
136.137.

BalUol, Edward, his amu on banner in
lf>»Mrr, 138.

Barbour, John, oomposttioo oc Brm€$^ i, 2 ;
colleague of Sir Hew, 13, 45, 125;
translates Goido, 23, 126 ; qnoCcs TWrf,
30 ; refers to siege of Tyre, 38 ; trans-
lates Voeux du Faan^ 45 ; hit parallel
Uiie of Huchown*s authorities, 126; hit
nationalism, 123.

'Beelxebub* in Tnty^ 29; in Ciimtuuu^

««5.

Belinus and Brennius, their place in

Awmtyrs^ 1 36 ; Mtitt lOI ; Wynmntt

9O1 9l» 93; ErkenwM^ 106, 109; the

poet's standpoint, 125, 128.
Bend 01 green, 121, 128.
Black Prince, 40; his campaigns in

Aquiiaine, etc., 40, 64, 125, 132 ; battle

of Poitiers, 133.
Borreiio, Johannulns de, edits Guido in

1354.24.

Cadence, a term tor alliteration, 3, 117.
C^MMMcr/, 7, 15, 115, 129^
G>rrelatioQ of poems, 15. 129^
Crccy in Mmie^ 59, 6a

Dares and Dictys, 23, 8i.

David n. kni^ Sir Hew, 9; his cap-
tivity, 10 ; his relations with Edward HI.,
II I his treaty with Edward, 11, 66, 91,

Ufl pnscnc« in London, 64, 9S, 99;

hb action of divorce, I3; his fortuDec

poctioUjrreflecled, 91, 135-6.
Diagam of uplmcnt, tt^.
Dialect of poems, vinous licwt on, 119;

oonclusion that it was id admixture,

Ditdegut iiUtr Afnam tl Vittum ia Hun-
teriaa MS. of ' Geoflrej',' 94. ■<>■■

Dngoa in Titiit and Matit, 48, 89, 90 ; in
MS. 'GMflMr,' lOS.

Dunb«i. William, his LaiaaU V M<
Aiaiarii, 5.

DnnwiJIa and the dead judge in Ertra-

10 LoroJoti, lo, 6s, 9J. 98, 135, t^ ijjj
hii anns, 130.

Eiceldonn, Thomas of, his prepiMd w
quoted ia IVytiHert and Watitmn, {(
laj

ErktmoaJd, 8 ; conDcetioD vitfa ' HS.
'Geofliey,' loo-ios; the stcay, lOS-Mft -
its tribute to kw, 107-8 ; idatian la
Bdinui and Bcermiiu, 109; the da4
iudge't chronology, 100, ■ 10 ; Oonml^
1 1 1 1 conaeclion with TrentalU, 1 1 j, 114
I l6t >nd tboi with AwHtjrrt and Fiat,

114, 116, 133, I4<.

Enkine, Sii Robeit oC justiciar aad At^
berlain of Scotland, to, 1 1. 13 ; Ut Amk '
in aq>otUtkHU of 1358-9, »34. 13S. 1*
137; and in thtue of T363-4, 66, 91,

Modrtsflf Or Hcn^ m^ u, ijhi.

•ForiDMA'toTlhibM't

pMdr faM ArwMr * CSriM^ 131 1 h

I kk RoMd Table, Mi nt
» wU DhM ILt tt( Mb 91 1
bra of hnrtli« iti «pi»dM k hh
' bktoiy fti— »ly mSktA "hg^i^ poat
(CMT, CkkH ^tacMM, FMnch WU4
SeooMi BifatUMSk Sfc Sfc A^ 6^ Qalliiiiili lln Ji^wi H^aM-i.
«J.«l.9i.u4,iJ>«t«b«»iaJlbrt( o,rt« a-»_J^I^
j|rti«n^ 6ib int In Wf m mt , 13, isi t ^^

fa g ( H w iy » l«01 ii G i hg n§ , 131 1 aad

faj flW ^ H ^ 133^

Eglialouii Guna^, &

Ef^miotiD, Hew of 1 his ideatilicaiion with

Huchown, 5, 130, 13s; tkeldi of his

biography, S-13 ; nalive of AyishiK, 8 ;

knq[ht«d, 9 ; taken prisoner in EnglMMl,

9; marriei daughter of Chambetlaia, 9 ;

as»>daied with Sir Robert vt Enkine,

to; vidt* London with him, 10^135; ntar-

ries E^ia, half-Mstei of Robert the

Steward, 10 ; relatioo to n^oliatioas ol

■363-4 with Edward IIL, llj ajusticiai,

etc, 10, 1 1 ; Qoe* to Rome, ■■ ; member
, of Privy Conndl, i>; man of means, 13;

hold* office at Ezdieqnei, 13 ; associated

wkh Baibour, 13 ; death and botial, 13 ;

identified hf internal evidence with

Hndtown, 135 1 rignificaiKC of hi* viAs

Pttrtm*^, 71.73, Soi 8t, aid wkh
AltxmtiJa', Tiha, and Jfarft, 73, 741
its Gwter cooneclMa, 1^ ; fytn^w tfT
with history, tft t the bend «f cm*,
tait 1*8; due «f poem, ixi^t wwdi
•H<«odt[ I'ooHS.. 141.

Geneiyta, 51.

GeoHrey of Moomnuh's ■ Bnn,' 3 j tiam-
lated, 41 ; Hudbown'i C017 of *GeaAcy,'
8S; it* nbricatlona, 8fr^ 90^ 9,;
ttanKripts bom it, 99-105 1 tbetr eon-
nection with ErtrnwaU, \oa, 101, loS,
105. 109. no. Ill; with »>«am^iai,
with AwUjn, 136 J with 7>»Ff, iob;
with rOni, loi; with JUarU, 99-loji
with GnRvw, 103; iritk C
101, lis-

^^^fei^S^Sf:^t^^S!tSfgf^^fSi^n

146

INDEX

Gof and Magog, 31, 8a.

C ^ hp^ mmd Cmwaymt^ 13 1 ; partly from
Bgruptd ii Gallmst 131 ; partly from
Aai^French histoiy, 133-4; Golagrot,
King John of France, 133; erenta of
campaignt in 1355*6 referred to^ includ*
ing mardi to Carcassonne and battle of
Fbitien, 133-3; iu date about 1359,
13s.

Goido de Columpoa's Di Rxtidi§ Trojatt
Hanterian MS. of, 16, 17 ; the legend,
33; correspondences of MS. and allitera-
tive Tny^ 35-29 ; source of Parlimtni^
S3.

Hawking, 13, 71, 105, 130, 141.

Heir-apparent, 66, 91.

Henldry in the poems, 39, 90, 96, 103,

"If iJOf I34f 137. 138.
History in the poems: surrender of Calais

in Tiim^ 39; Crecy, Winchelsea, and

wan of Edward HL in Mortt^ 57-65 ;

Black Prince's campaigns, 40, 64 ; Judges

and Pope in Wynntrt^ 96, 121, 137 ;

King of Cyprus, 65 ; battle at Adriano|^

65. See vocihm Edward HI., Heraldry,

and Round Table.

Hobtages, poet's interest in, 8, 87, lot ;
interest explained, 135, 136^

Hndx)wn of the Awle Ryale: compared
with Barbour, 3, 3, 136; hb identifica^
tioo as Sir Hew of Eglintoun, 3 ; Wyn*
toun'i references, 3, 4; Dunbar's
supposed reference, 5; objections to
identification, 5, 6; Huchown not a
name, 6; works ascribed, 7 ;

Sir Hew's biography, 8-13, 30^ 65, 98,
130^ 135-7 ; poems discussed, /amas ;
Hunterian MSS. probably used by hira,
16^ 85 ; hb nibrications of ' Geoffrey of
Monmouth,' 99-105; hb error about
Ladus Imperator, 3, 4, 86^ 1031 hb
interest in hostages, 87, loi, 136 ; Sir
Hew's visits to London in 1358 and 1359,

30, 98; Huchown'k aOusioD to the
visit of 1358, 135 \ hb legal sympathies,
42t 43t ioo> 101, 106-8, 110^ 131 ; hb
interest in Belinus and Brennius, 93, loi,
106, 109, 135, 128, 136; hb vast
s>-stem, 117; dialect, 119; natfcmility^
123-7; quoted by Barbour, 30; lelatioiia
towards Barbour, 136; personal diatao-
teristics, 130; knowledge and love of the
sea, 60-63, 65, 130, 139; reveab him*
self in Awmtfrs ff Arthmn^ 135 ; hb
poetical achievement estimated, 139; the
incomplete inscription, Hugo de [ \
141 ; the poet's significance, 143.

*Hugode[ ], 141.

Hunterian MSS.: T. 4. I (Guido, Dt
Preliis, and Maundevine)r 16, 19^ 31,
23; DtstrucHm 0f Tr§y^ alliterative
poem, 23 ; U. 7. 35 (Geoffrey of Mon-
mouth), 85-90, 99-105.

Hunting, 13, 68, 71, 73, 83, loo^ 130^ 141.

Isles, John of the, hb arms 00
H^jviMTV, 138.

JerusaUm^ Siiit sf. See Titmu
John, King of France, 133, 133.

Kent, earl's son oi, 133, 135.

Uw, notes of, 14, 4^. 66, 9it «<*. i»

131.
Li^ ffiMi Thukve^ 67, I18, 119.
Lesley, Nonnan, 138.
Lombaidy, IS.
Lttdtts Iberius, Emperor or l*n)caralor, 3«

4,86,103.

Madden, Sir Frederick, 5, 71, 131.

Maundeville's Itinerarium, 17, 301 used b
AUxmtidtr^ 33} in M0rU^ 43, 133; b
Pltrlmimi^ 83; in CImmmUt IIS» »>•
SeeabolS, 137, 139.

INDEX

»47

MtrU ArtJmn^ rdeiied to by Wyntooo,
4, 5 ; editiQiit 7 ; aoooaat of poem, 40 ;
additions made lo matter in Brui^ 4a ;
borrowini^ firom MaandeviUe, 4a; FUft
4a; Vtux dm Pin^mt 44; TUtu^ 47 ;
other Frendi sources, 501 TVirf and
Alexamdir^ 52, and £rom Uslofj, 59-66 ;
used laigely for the Parkwunt^ 74-85 ;
its relations and composition, 15, 40,
129^ \y^ 140; its connections with MS.
Geoflftey, 85-«9. 95. 99-105.

Nationality of poet ^scussed, 123-127;

settled, tl6).
Nine Worthies in MorU^ 47; m Park*

numi^ 70^ 84 ; in C^iagros^ 133.

Ogier Dtmois^ a source of 7V/«f, 39, 48,
51, and of At0rtet 48, 51, 52; mentioned
in ParUmtnif ya

Pftrallels. See Trvy^ etc

ParUmeni tf the Thre Ages^ 8 ; its author-
ship tested, 67; the stoi}\ 68-71 ; parallels
from Cawaytu^ 7t*74> smd from Awntyrs^
AUxander^ Tro/t Tiius, and Mortt^
73*81 ; proportions of these parallels,
81 ; sources of poem, 81 x main
source of plot, 82-84 \ relative date as
regards the other poems, 84 ; later than
1365, 122 ; diagram, 129.

Patieme^l^ 115« 139^

Ptarlt 7; its plot, II3-II4; notes, 115,
116; its relations, 15, 129.

PUtiU<fSusan^ 7, 14, 68, 129.

Pseudo-Callisthenes^ 17.

Quiddg mumdp scmciam^ 102.

Rome, itinerary tOb »; ndapled » MtHh
12, 64 ; knowledfe o( Ijt.

Round Table, 10^ is; an impottuit fiidor
in the poems, 41. 62, 98^ 120^ 121, 132,
136b 137*

Si.J^kn tki Ewu^dislt lit*
Sanctuary law, 42;44, lOft »Q^
Sealoiramiemt 63, 64, 97«

Shaving of ambasaadoi% in TUm^ ^ and

in M§rttf4lL
Ships : in Tiim^ 39; in UtrU. 60^ 6$ ;

in CUammts^ 139; in FaHemctt I39- See

also too, 13&
Stewart fiunily, 10; Sir Mew's aasodation

with, ta

Tarn Wadlin^ 9.

77/«r mud Va^asmm^ efitioo, fi foOows
Trty^ 31 ; story and sooices, 31 ; hcj of
AlSirftf, 31 ; pnndlds firom Tr^y nud
AlexatuUr^ 32-38; council of war hf
night, 35; fall of Jerusalem and Tencdos
and Tyre, 37 ; shaven ambassadors, 39 ;
poem known in Scotland early, 39; date,
39, 40 ; used for M^rtt^ 47-50i And Af^
lernenl^ 74-81 ; uses MS ' Geoffrey,' 89^
102.

Tre9ttalU Sancti Gngnriii a source 01
Amttyn^ III; of AorT, 113; and of
Erhetrwaid^ I16.

Troy^ Dcstnt€ii§m ^ edition, 7; corre>
spondences with Hunterian ^Guido^*
24-30; used in Tiims^ 3^-38; Mprte^
52-58; Parkmemi, 68; and Oeattmm,
115; quoted by Barbour, 122; date of,
30, 122, 139.

Troy legend, 23. See Gmdop

Robert II. (formerly Steward of Scotland), Vcmade legend, 31 ; in 7»ki, 39, 47,
1 2 ; favours literature, 13. . Veronica legend« 31, 39^ 47.

' '— 'i; — ^ w

■*»«

^ JI U . 1M n il l^^H-gl

14S

INDEX

KwKjr dm fia^m^ account of» 44 ; translated
bgr Barbour, 45; a source of Afptie^
44-47 ; of ParUmeni^ 81 ; perhaps of
TUus^ 12a.

IVyufurt attd lyas/tmtr, 8 ; signiiicaDce oi
' Venna ' rubric, 90 ; authorship, 91 ;
plot from * Geoffrey,* 92, 99, loi, 128,
139; its Garter connection, 9^ 137-8;
quotes Thomas, of Eroeldoun, 93, 125,
127; relation to Bdinus and Brennius,

93* 1^5 » follows model of medieval
'flytin^' 94ff 95; coosideratiofis as to
date, 95; allusioo to Scharshill and
other ju^^ 95. 97. 9«. «a«5 ^^
bannered arlnies, 95; cootroreffsf of
the Friars, 96; Kshop of Ely, Judgo.
and Pbpe, 97; conclusion as to'date,
98, 120^ 137-8; iU relations, 129; its
hefaldiy, 137-8.
Wyntonn*s references to Iluchown, 3» 4>^l •

^"^

TMAI' BV GOMUT. jn id. ml
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CAUDATU3 ANGUCUSi

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SIR HEW OP EGLINTOUNt A BiocKAmiCAt. Caudcdai CotrruBormD to TU

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