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'HUCHOWN    OF   THE   AVVLE   RYALE' 
THE   ALLITERATIVE   POET 


PUDI-IRHEn   BY 

JAMKS   M ACLKHOSE  AND  SO\S,   GLASGOV/, 
{.Uibltslurs  to  titc  Suibcreit)}. 

MACMILLAN    AND  CO.,    I-TU.,    LONDON. 
Ne-w   York,   •     ■     Tlu  Macm  llan  Co. 
London,    •     •     ■     Sitnfikin,  Ha  unit  on  and  Co, 
Cambridge,   •     ■     A'lacnii/ian  and  Bowes. 
Edinburgh,  ■     -     Douglas  and  Foiilis. 

MCMIIc 


»J  >  3^0*^*  *-»  >  ->  ^Ji*.*,  >>,>  »> 


'  Huchown   of  the  Awle   Ryale' 

the    AlHterative    Poet  : 

A   Historical   Criticism  of  Fourteenth   Century 
Poems  ascribed  to  Sir  Hew  of  Eglintoun 


By 

George   Neilson 

Author  of  "Trial  by  Combat,"  etc. 


Glasgow 
James    MacLehose   and    Sons 

Publishers  to  the  University 
1902 

82487 


GLASGOW  :    PRINTED    AT   THE    fSMVERSITV    PRESS 
BV    ROBERT   MACLEHOSF,    AND   CO. 


HOMAGE   AND    FEALTY 
TO 

FREDERIC   WILLIAM    MAITLAND, 

LL.D.,    D.C.L. 


V 

J"  PREFACE 

When,  more  than  a  couple  of  years  ago,  my  previous  general  interest  in 
the  alliterative  problems  was  suddenly  roused  to  an  acute  pitch  by  the 
discovery  of  the  importance  of  a  manuscript  in  the   Hunterian  Library,  a 

.       condition  of  nescience  and  chaos  prevailed  among  the  critics.     That  very 

^       many  lines  were  common  to  certain  of  the  poems  had  of  course  all  along 

!^       been  seen,  though  the  tendency  had  grown  to  account  for  this  very  lamely 

^        by  contradictory  processes.     The  great  lead  given  by  Sir  Frederick  Madden 

^        in  the  recognition  of  a  group  as  the  work  of  '  Huchown  of  the  Awle  Ryale, 

had  been  for  the  most  part  set  aside  on  grounds  of  dialect  and  grammar, 

on  which  the  doctors  themselves  were  at  sixes  and  sevens.      Methods  of 

<>|  analysis  had  gained  currency  founded  on  the  false  notion  that  a  poet's 
vocabulary  must  be  constant  whether  his  theme  is  of  war  or  of  love,  whether 
he  is  singing  free  or  is  translating,  whether  he  narrates  or  moralizes.  Too 
large  allowance  had  been  made  for  scribal  variation  to  prove  changes  in 
the  dialect  of  scribes ;  too  little  when  to  discuss  unity.  The  terrible 
uncertainty  of  inferences  merely  philological  had  been  forgotten,  and  over- 
weening Philology  had  betrayed  its  trust.  The  more  the  objections  to  a 
great  poetic  unity  were  considered  on  a  re-approach  to  the  question,  the 
less  did  they  satisfy  the  logic  of  a  broad  and  rational  historical  criticism, 
especially  as  they  were  found  to  embody  so  much  argument  on  discrepancies 
in  style  and  subject,  which  would  assuredly  make  it  difficult  to  accept  the 
common  authorship  of  such  works  as  '  Hamlet '  and  '  Midsummer  Night's 
Dream,'  as  the  'Cottar's  Saturday  Night'  and  'Holy  Willie's  Prayer,'  or 
as  'In  Memoriam  '  and  the  'Charge  of  the  Light  Brigade.' 


viii  PREFACE 

At  an  early  stage  of  my  own  special  studies  it  became  apparent  that 
there  existed  a  mass  of  clear  fact,  internal  and  external,  far  weightier  than 
any  argument  previously  urged,  establishing  a  cross  relationship  and  inter- 
penetration  of  the  poems,  which  on  any  other  hypothesis  than  that 
of  a  single  author  would  be  a  downright  miracle.  One  has  heard  vague 
talk  of  a  '  school.'  A  school  of  poets  of  this  splendid  calibre  were  indeed 
worth  having;  but  it  has  never  been  produced,  and  we  have  waited  long, 
with  unrewarded  patience,  for  any  suggestion  of  the  constitution  and 
personnel  of  such  a  joint-stock  company  of  genius.  Critics  who  have 
opposed  the  proposition  of  a  lofty  poetic  unity,  comparable  only  with 
Chaucer,  have  now  forfeited  any  claim  to  authority  ;  for,  if  authority  rests 
upon  fulness  of  knowledge,  little  indeed  can  remain  to  certain  of  my  recent 
predecessors  in  alliterative  criticism  when  confronted  with  the  many 
central  facts  now  revealed,  which  were  completely  beyond  their  ken,  and 
in  ignorance  of  which  their  judgments  were  pronounced. 

Besides,  the  unique  and  far-reaching  evidences,  brought  to  light  by  two 
Hunterian  MSS.  when  compared  with  the  poems,  must  totally  alter  the  com- 
plexion of  the  earlier  discussions.  We  approach  the  poet  from  a  new 
base — a  base  of  surprising  intimacy  with  his  sources  and  modes  of  com- 
position, and  even  in  some  degree  of  his  thought.  The  mystery  is  lifted, 
and  not  only  may  we  discern  who  and  what  he  was,  but  we  may  at  the 
same  time  see  Arthurian  romance  in  the  act  of  growth,  and  watch,  as  it 
were  from  within,  the  movement  of  a  glorious  intellect  in  the  fourteenth 
century.  For  a  mystery  of  chaos  about  the  person  and  the  work,  we 
have  now  a  definite  personality  and  a  series  of  related  poems,  with  which 
his  own  life  is  bound  up,  and  in  which  he  demonstrates  himself  as  one  of 
the  dramatic  figures,  while  yet  there  remains  the  fascinating  psychological 
problem,  to  show  how  the  radiant  centre  of  a  Scottish  poet's  inspiration  in 
so  many  pieces  should  have  been  found  in  English  chivalry,  refulgent  in 
the  fame  of  the  Round  Table  and  Crecy  and  Poitiers. 

Speaking  as  a  historical  student,  it  may  be  allowed  me  to  say  that 
nothing  in  these  researches  has  occasioned  such  lively  satisfaction  to 
myself  as  the  unexpected  emergence  of  the  train  of  allusions  to  con- 
temporary historical  episodes,  which   so  vastly  deepen   the  sense  and  add 


PREFACE  ix 

to  the  marvel  of  these  poems.  It  will  surprise  many  to  find  so  much  of 
brilliant  English  chronicle  in  Morte  Arthure^  and  other  pieces,  as  to 
challenge  for  them,  in  virtue  of  their  historical  realism,  a  place  of  oddly 
romantic  authority  as  secondary  documents  for  the  French  wars  of  Edward 
III.  and  his  gallant  son.  And  there  is  still  more  of  Morte  Arthure  to 
explain  by  the  same  processes  in  history  and  heraldry  as  have  made  the 
disclosures  recorded  within. 

The  life  of  Sir  Hew  of  Eglintoun  will  have  to  be  written  some  day. 
Those  who  desire  to  have  a  preliminary  collection  of  charter  references 
and  the  like  to  his  career  will  find  it  in  Sir  Hew  of  Eglintoun,  a  calendar 
of  events  in  which  he   was  concerned,  compiled  from  original   sources   by  f)     o  n 

me   some  months  ago,   and  contributed   to   the  transactions  of  the   Philo-     '^^l     ,  ,    ,  c^ 


sophical  Society  of  Glasgow.  Having  a  few  reprints,  1  have  placed 
them  in  the  hands  of  my  Publishers,  so  as  to  be  available  for  any  who 
may  seek  to  check  or  supplement  the  sources  of  the  biographical  sketch 
given  in  the  second  chapter  of  the  present  book. 

My  preface  must  close  in  grateful  expressions  to  many  friends, 
particularly  to  Professor  John  Young,  M.D.,  Keeper  of  the  Hunterian 
Museum,  whose  constant  helpfulness  alone  made  possible  to  me  the  MS, 
discoveries  now  recorded.  Monsieur  F.  J.  Amours  also  has  been  (alike 
where  we  agree  and  where  we  differ)  the  most  courteous  and  obliging  of 
fellow-students  in  the  alliterative  Uterature.  To  Mr.  J.  T.  T.  Brown,  and 
his  sympathetic  attitude  towards  what  I  may  call  my  '  plot,'  as  it  developed 
under  my  hands,  I  owe  almost  as  much  as  I  do  for  his  fruitful  suggestions, 
offered  to  me  long  ago,  of  the  need  for  work  on  present  lines  for  the 
vindication  of  the  disputed  poet. 

The  present  essay  has  arisen   out  of  two  papers   read  to  the  Glasgow 

Archaeological  Society  on   19th  April  and  15th  December,  1900,  recast  and 

united  and  extended.     The  whole  is  now  reprinted  from  the  Proceedings  of 

the   Society,   with  a  few  alterations  and  additions,   including  an  index,  in 

an  edition  of  300  copies,  whereof  250  are  for  sale. 

G.  N. 

34  Granby  Terrace, 

Glasgow,  Febntary,   1902. 


ff' 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 


1.  Identification  Problems — Literary  and  Personal,      -         -  i 

Barbour  and  Huchown — Rime  and  cadence — Wyntoun's  allusion  to  'Huch- 
own  oft'  the  Awle  Ryale  '  and  his  poems — Dunbar's  mention  of  Sir  Hew 
of  Eglintoun  — Huchown  and  Hew  as  names — List  of  poems  discussed. 

2.  Huchown  and  Sir  Hew, 8 

Sir  Hew's  Biography  :  Knight,  Justiciar,  Statesman — His  visits  to  Eng- 
land— Chivalry— Exchequer. 

3.  'Off  the  Awle  Ryale,'  --------         13 

Aula  Regis  and  '  Kingis  Haw  ' — Importance  of  the  hall. 

4.  Huchown's  Poems:   The  Lines  of  Correlation,  -        -         14 

Design  of  book  to  prove  colligation  of  the  poems  claimed  as  Huchown's — 
Outline  of  thesis  undertaken  — Four  types  of  poems. 

5.  HUNTERIAN    MS.    T.    4.    I, 16 

Manuscript  of  Guido  de  Columpna's  De  Excidio  Troje,  and  of  the  De  Preliis 
AlexaiiJri. 

6.  'The  Wars  of  Alexander,' -         17 

An  alliterative  poem  translating  the  De  Preliis — The  Alexander  Legend — 
Relation  between  Hunterian  MS.  and  the  alliterative  poem — List  of 
singular  agreements  —  Interjected  passage  from  Maundeville's 
Itinerariuin. 

7.  'The  Destruction  of  Troy,' 23 

An  alliterative  poem  translating  Guido — The  Troy  Legend  and  Guido's 
Troja—K  MS.  recension  of  1354,  copied  after  1356— Parallel  rubrics 
of  Hunterian  MS.  Guido  with  those  of  alliterative  poem— Date  of  the 
poem. 


xii  CONTENTS 


8.  '  Titus  and  Vespasian  ' ;  Its  Story,  Sources,  and  Date,      -         30 

(0  Troy  poem  followed  by  Til  us  :  an  alliterative  poem  on  the  Siege  of 
Jerusalem.  (2)  Parallels  of  7'jttis,  Troy,  and  Alexander — Midnight 
council  of  war  at  Troy  transferred  to  Jerusalem — Sieges  of  Tyre,  Tenedos, 
and  Jerusalem.  (3)  Date  indications  :  references  to  French  wars  of 
Edward  III.  and  to  the  Black  Death. 

9.  '  MoRTE  Arthure'j   Its  Sources,  Contents,  and  Parallels,       40 

(i)  An  alliterative  poem  giving  a  free  rendering  of  Geoffrey  of  Monmouth's 
/>';-«/— The  story  and  its  other  sources.  (2)  Maundeville's  Itinerariuni 
a  source.  (3)  A  chapter  from  sanctuary  law.  (4)  Voetix  du  Paon 
greatly  used.  (5)  7>7//j- used — Shaving  ambassadors  ;  dragon-banner; 
.arming  of  Vespasian  and  of  Arthur.  (6)  Supplementary  French  sources. 
(7)  Use  of  Troy  and  Alexander — Long  series  of  parallels.  (8)  Events 
of  1346-64  as  sources — Battle  of  Crecy — Sea-fight  of  Winchelsea — 
Warfare  in  France — Battle  near  Adrianople — Allusion  to  'apparent 
heir' — Inference  of  a  date  circa  1364-5 — Edward  III.  hero. 

10.  The  Parlement  of  the  Thre  Ages, 67 

(i)  S|)ecial  tests  of  unity  of  authorship  and  of  sequence.  (2)  Plot  of  the 
Parleinent.  (3)  Its  parallels,  of  identical  lines,  with  G away nc  and  the 
Green  Knight,  Alexander,  Trjy,  Tilics,  and  Alorte  Arlhure.  (4)  Main 
sources  of  Parlement,  including  Brut  and  Voetix  du  Paon — Plot  drawn 
from  Troy — Poetic  value  of  the  Parlement. 

11.  Huchown's  Copy  of  'Geoferey  of  Monmouth,'    -        -        -        85 

Munteriau  MS.  U.  7.  25  probably  the  poet's  own  copy  of  '  Geoffrey' — Its 
remarkable  autograph  rubrications. 

12.  Clues  to  'Titus'  and  '  Wynnere  and  Wastoure,'       -        -        89 

(I)  Tile  Dragon  in  7>V«5  indicated  by  rubric  of  MS.  'Geoffrey.'  (2)  Plot 
of  Wynnere  and  Wastoure  revealed  by  other  rubrics — Belinus  and 
Brennius — Thomas  of  Erceldoun — Friars,  Bishop,  and  Pope  — King, 
Judges,  and  Scharshill — Garter  mutlo. 

13.  Huchown's  Rubrications  of  'Geoffrey,'       .        .        .        -         99 

Autograph  rubrications  added  to  MS.,  presumably  by  the  alliterative  poet — 
Clues  thus  furnished,  chiefly  to  Morte  Arthure  and  Erkcnwald — Text 
of  rubrications. 


CONTENTS  xiii 


PAOE 


14.  '  Erkenwald,'  'Awntyrs  of  Arthure,'  and    'The  Pearl,'   -       105 

(i)  F.rheiiwald  a  singular  alliterative  poem  concerning  a  buried  judge — Its 
connection  with  the  rubrications  of  the  MS.  '  Geoffrey' — The  years  482 
and  1033— The  Judge  and  Dunwallo.  (2)  The  plot  of  the  rimed 
alliterative  Awutyrs  drawn  from  Trentalle  SaiicH  Gregorii — Same 
source  for  Pearl — Stray  notes  on  Cleanness  and  /ia:/?V«f£— Tabulation 
of  relation  betwixt  I'rentalle  and  Awntyrs,  Pearl,  and  Erkenwald. 

15.  On  System  of  Verse,  Dialect,  Characteristics,  Date,  and 

Nationality, 117 

(i)  System  of  verse — '  Cadence '—Rime  and  alliteration  combined.  (2) 
Dialect  :  an  admixture.  (3)  Dates  for  the  poems— Allusions  to  Garter 
and  Round  Table.  (4)  Scottish  indications  present  throughout,  but 
poems  not,  on  the  surface,  assertively  patriotic — Parallel  and  contrast 
between  them  and  the  work  of  Barbour. 

16.  Diagram  of  the  Argument,    - -       127 

(i)  The  fifteen  propositions  considered  proved— Diagrammatic  chart 
shewing  colligation  of  poems.  (2)  Application  of  characteristics  of 
poems  to  Sir  Hew — His  armorial  bearing. 

17.  Galleroun  and  Golagros— a  Decisive  Per.sonal  Clue,      -       131 

Riming  alliterative  poem  Golagros  and  Gaivayne  shewn  to  contain  history 
thinly  veiled— Golagros  King  John  of  France — Gawayne  the  Black 
Prince — Carcassonne — The  white  horse — Poitiers.  Awjityrs  also  histori- 
cal— Arthur  Edward  HI.;  the  crowned  lady  Queen  Johanna  of  Scotland — 
Galleroun  Sir  Robert  of  Erskine — Galleroun's  arms  and  crest — His 
companion,  'a  freke  on  a  Fresone,'  identified  with  Sir  Hew — Chivalry 
and  the  Table  Round— Heraldry  in  the  poems. 

18.  Conclusions,     -        -        - 138 

Propositions  of  the  book  now  numbering  eighteen — General  estimate  of 
Huchown's  achievement— The  incomplete  inscription  Hugo  de  [  ] 
completed  by  the  romantic  revelation  of  the  companion  of  Galleroun. 


LIST    OF    FACSIMILES.    ETC. 


Didicerat  enim  linguam  eorutii,    -         -         -         - 

From  Ilunterian  MS.  of  Geoffrey  of  Monmouth. 

Crumpled  fly-leaf,        - 

A^ota  bene  on   'Venna,'     *  - 
Woseil  note,        .         -         -  ■  _         .         . 

Fiery  Dragon  note,      ------ 

Council  of  war  by  night,     ----.. 

Arthur's  St.  Mary  shield,     ----- 

Liichis  Imperator^         ...... 

All  from  Hunterian  MS.  of  Geoffrey  of  Monmouth. 

Diagram  shewing  connection  of  the  poems, 
Arms  of  Sir  Hew  of  Eglintoun, 
Seal  of  Sir  Robert  of  Erskine,  used  in   135 7-1 359, 
Erskine  Crest,     ------- 


i'A(;e 
87 


to  face  p.  100 


do.       102 


do.       1 04 


129 
130 
'34 
134 


'HUCHOWN    OF   THE   AVVLE    RYALE,'   THE 
ALLITERATIVE   POET. 

I.     Identification  Problems,  Literary  and  Personal. 

Once  it  was  the  fashion  to  regard  Barbour's  Bruce  as  the  beginning  ot 
Scottish  poetry.  The  sources  from  which  it  sprang  were  little  if  at  all 
considered.  One  was  content  to  pluck  the  bluebell  without  troubling 
over  the  soil  in  which  it  grew.  If  it  did  occur  to  anybody  to  ponder  for 
a  moment  over  the  relation  of  Barbour  to  his  time  he  was  thought  of  as 
a  somewhat  artless  but  faithful  chronicler  of  the  deeds  of  Bruce.  Always 
the  estimate  was  of  Barbour  as  historian.  The  conception  of  the  literary 
craftsman  had  scarcely  dawned.  But  he  was  a  literary  craftsman  of  no 
common  order,  well  read  in  medieval  Latinity  and  French.  He  was  a 
facile  and  spirited  translator  as  well  as  an  admirable  exponent  in  Scots  ot 
the  manner  of  the  French  chanson  de  geste,  and  The  Bruce  has  the  rare 
distinction  of  being  in  the  same  breath  an  invaluable  and  veracious  history 
and  a  triumph  of  Scottish  literature. 

Great  though  Barbour's  merits  are,  however,  they  will  not  stand  a 
moment's  comparison  with  those  of  his  lofty  contemporary,  '  Huchown  of 
the  Awle  Ryale,'  whose  journey  along  the  tangled  pathway  of  verse  probably 
began  somewhat  earlier  than  Barbour's,  and  the  quality  of  whose  poetic 
achievement  far  eclipses  that  of  the  Archdeacon  of  Aberdeen. 

Huchown  of  the  Awle  Ryale  probably  soon  after  his  poetic  course  began 
made  translations,  and  there  are  many  interesting  analogies  of  theme  to  those 
believed  to  have  been  selected  by  Barbour,  and  known  to  have  influenced 
his  entire  work.  The  most  interesting  contrast  is  that  while  the  later  poet 
selected  an  octosyllabic  rime,  the  earlier  adopted  alliterative  verse,  depend- 


2  'HUCIIOWN   OF   THE   AWLE   RVALE  '  [Ch, 

ing  for  its  music  on  those  stresses  of  repeated  letters,  or  'cadences*  which 
our  wise  King  James  VI.  (translating  'cadence')  was  one  day  to  classify  as 
'tumbling  verse' — the  '■rim  ram  rof^  system,  designated  as  northern  by 
Chaucer.  A  second  contrast  lies  in  the  fact  that  as  in  the  Bruce,  Barbour 
left  translation  and  betook  himself  to  the  facts  of  Bruce's  life  for  his  theme, 
Huchown  went  for  his  inspiration  to  history  of  another  sort,  to  'history' 
as  recorded  in  the  Briil  or  Hisioria  Briionum  of  Geoffrey  of  Monmouth, 
making  that  the  skeleton  and  frame  for  his  Morte  Arthure,  which  ranks  so 
high  among  the  contributions  to  the  great  Arthurian  cycle. 

The  analysis  of  Huchown's  work,  and  the  determination  of  its  chrono- 
logical order  or  limits,  of  necessity  involve  the  discussion  of  the  intricate 
question  of  the  poet's  identity.  Was  Huchown  of  the  Awle  Ryale  Sir 
Hew  of  Eglintoun  ?  What  is  Sir  Hew's  biography  ?  And  what  bearing 
has  that  biography  on  the  understanding  of  the  poetical  work? 

Not  till  the  close  of  the  eighteenth^  century  was  it  proposed  to  identify 
Sir  Hew  of  Eglintoun  with  Huchown.  The  all-important  words  about  the 
poet  are  those  of  Wyntoun,  the  chronicler,  whose  Orygyiiale  Cronykil  was 
written  about  1420.  In  looking  at  the  passage  about  Huchown  it  is  needful 
to  remember  that  it  was  no  formal  biographical  sketch  or  regular  bibliography, 
but  a  mere  parenthesis  in  the  question  more  engrossing  to  Wyntoun  at  the 
time,  whether  Lucius  Iberius  was  Emperor  or  only  Procurator.  Wyntoun, 
after  an  enumeration  of  Arthur's  conquests,  obviously  paraphrased  from  Morte 
Arthure^-  relates  the  demand  of  tribute  from  Arthur  made  by  the  Roman 
Emperor  Leo — the  '  hawtane  message,' 

Thai  wiittyn  in  The  Bnvte  is  kend  ; 

And  Huchown  off  the  Awle  Ryale 

In  till  his  Gest  Hystorialle^ 

Has  tretyd  this  mar  cwnnandly 

Than  suffycyand  to  pronowns  am  I. 

(  Wyntoun,  v.  4292-6. ) 


'  Huchown  was  apparently  not  associated  with  Sir  Hew  by  MacPherson  editing  Wyntoun 
in  1795  {Wyntoun,  ed.  Lainj;,  iii.  p.  225).  See  note  to  the  Huchown  passage  in 
MacPherson's  edition. 

-Wyntoun,  v.   11.  4271-89. 

■'  That  this  denotes  Morte  Arthure  is  plain  both  rom  what  goes  before  and  from 
what  follows. 


i]  IDENTIFICATION    PROBLEMS  3 

At  this  point  Wyntoun  is  struck  by  the  thought  that  somebody  may  censure 
him  for  referring  to  Leo  and  not  to  Lucius  Iberius  as  Emperor.  He  there- 
fore offers  a  gentle  apology,  and  excuse  of  himself,  for  not  following 
Huchown  and  the  Ges^  Historialle  (that  is,  Morie  Arthure)  in  this  respect, 
justifying  his  position  by  an  appeal  to  authorities — 

As  in  oure  niatere  we  procede, 
Sum  man  may  fall  this  buk  to  rede 
Sail  call  the  Autour  to  rekles, 
Or  argue  perchans  hys  cunnandnes. 
Syne  Huchow  iie  oft'  the  Avvle  Ryale 
In  till  his  Gest  Hystoryalle 
Cauld  Lucius  Iliberius  empryourc 
Quhen  King  oft'  Brettane  was  Arlhoure. 
Huchowne  bath  and  the  Autore 
Gyltles  ar  oflFgret  errore — 

because,  as  Wyntoun  goes  on  to  show,  certain  historians,  Martinus  Polonus, 
Vincent  of  Beauvais,  and  Orosius 

Cald  noucht  this  Lucyus  Empryoure 
Quhen  Kyng  off'  Brettane  was  Arthoure  ; 
Bot  off"  The  Bnvte  the  story  sayis 
That  Lucius  Hiberius  in  hys  dayis 
Wes  of  the  hey  state  Procurature, 
Nowthir  cald  Kyng,  na  Empryoure. 

{^Wyntoun,  v.  4297-318.) 

As  the  Brut  had  styled  Lucius  only  Procurator,  not  Emperor,  Wyntoun 
pleaded  that  he  himself  was   free  from  blame   in   not  making  an  Emperor 

of  him  : 

Fra  blame  than  is  the  Autore  qwyte 

As  befor  hym  he  fand  to  wryte  ; 

And  men  off"gud  discretyowne 

Suld  excuse  and  love  Huchowne, 

That  cunnand  was  in  literature. 

He  made  the  Gret  Gest  off  Arthure 

And  the  Azuntyre  off  Gawane        [One  MS.  reads  Aventuris.] 

The  Pystyll  als  off  Sioete  Swsaiie. 

He  wes  curyws  in  hys  style 

Fayre  off"  facund  and  subtille 

And  ay  to  plesans  and  delyte 

Made  in  metyre  mete  his  dyte, 


4  'HUCIIOWN   OF  THE   AWLE   RYALE  [Ch. 

Lytill  or  nowchl  nevyrlheles 
Waveiand  fra  the  .sulhfastncs. 
Had  he  cald  Lucyus  Procuraluie 
Quhenc  thai  he  cald  liyni  iMiipyroure 
Thai  liad  mare  grevyd  llie  cadcns ' 
Than  had  rclevyd  ihe  sentens. 
(Wyniotiii,  V.  4321-36,  compare  vol.  iii.  ai)px.  to  preface,  pp.  xxvi-vii.) 

Nothing  in  this  passage,  having  regard  to  the  conditions  evoking  it,  need 
incline  us  to  suppose  that  the  Great  Gest  of  Art/iure,  the  Awntyre  of  Gawane, 
and  the  Pistil  of  Susan  were  necessarily  the  entire  volume  of  Huchown's 
work.  The  list,  brief  as  it  is,  has  proved  of  immense  service  as  grouping 
three  works  of  three  sorts  —  historic,  courtly-chivalric,  and  religious  —  in 
three  metres.  Critics  are  now  tolerably  well  united  in  the  identification  of 
two  of  the  poems  named.  The  Pistil,  a  riming  alliterative  paraphrase  of 
the  story  of  Susanna  and  the  Elders,  is  free  from  all  dubiety,  and  main- 
tains its  existence  still  under  the  name  ascribed  to  it  by  Huchown.  The 
Great  Gest  of  Artkure  also  is  with  a  considerable  measure  of  agreement, 
short  of  unanimity,  accepted  as  the  important  alliterative  romance-history, 
the  Morte  Arthure — that  '  Gest  of  Tlie  Brufs  old  story,'  which  Wyntoun 
knew  right  well.  The  prowess  and  the  fates  of  Arthur  he  tells  us  were  there 
treated  of  'curiously'  by  Huchown.    All  his  fortunes,  down  to  the  tragic  close, 

(^uhare  he  and  hys   Round  Tabyll  qwyte 
Wes  undone  and  discumfyle, 
Huchown  has  irelyd  curyously 
In  Gest  of  Broyttys  auld  story. 

{IVyntotui,  V.  4363-6.) 

Upon   the  third    poem  mentioned    by  Wyntoun,   The  Awntyre  of  Gawane, 

there  are  conflicting  judgments.     The  great  and  learned  scholar  in  record 

and   romance.    Sir   Frederick    Madden,    editing    his    magnificent    text   and 

study    of    .Viv    Gaivayne   for    the    Bannatyne    Club,    thought    it    was    the 

^  That  Wynloun  by  '  cadens  '  means  allileralion  as  opposed  lo  rime  seems  cerlain  from 
Rolle  of  Hainpole,  ed.  Horslman,  ii.  345,  wherein  a  piece  of  mingled  prose  and  rime  largely 
alliterative  is  said  lo  be  a  'tretys  in  Cadence  after  the  begynninge  gif  hit  beo  rihl  poynled 
and  Rymed  in  sum  slude.'  This  important  passage  to  which  Prof.  Carl  Horslman  kindly 
directed  me  is  quite  in  keeping  with  the  antithesis  made  by  Gower,  Coiifessio  Amantis 
(ed.  Macaulay,  bk.  iv.,  1.  2414)  'of  rime  and  of  cadence,'  and  by  Chaucer,  House  of  /■'ante, 
1.  623,  'In  ryme  or  elles  in  cadence.'     See  note,  chapter  15,  sec.  i,  below. 


i]  'THE  GUDE   SIR   HEW  5 

poem   Gaivayne  and  the   Green   Knight.     My  eminent  friend,  M.   Amours, 

editor  of  the  admirable  volume  of  Scottish  Alliterative  Foenis  (Scot.  Text 

Soc,    1897)  considers  that  the  Awntyre  of  Gawane  was  the   poem   called 

the   Aivntyrs  of  Arthur^  which  contains  powerful  internal   evidence  of  the 

hand  that  shaped  Morte  Arthurc.     I  am  in  the  happy  position  of  at  least 

accepting   the  completeness   of   M.    Amours'   proofs   that   the   Aivntyrs   of 

Arthur  was   Huchown's,   although  bound  to   dispute   his  argument  against 

Sir  Hew  of  Eglintoun  having  been  Huchown  of  the  Awle  Ryale. 

Points  for  this  identification  are  briefly  (i)  that  the  poems  fall  naturally 

into  Sir  Hew's  lifetime ;  (2)  that  as  a  brother-in-law  of  Robert  the  Steward, 

afterwards  Robert  II.,  and  a  court  official  under  David  II.  and  Robert  II., 

he   might  well   acquire   the  familiar  surname  '  of  the  Awle   Ryale  '  (king's 

or  royal   hall) ;    and   (3)   that  the  poetic  renown  of  this  Sir  Hew,  as  well 

as  the  character  of  his  work,  is  convincingly  attested  by  Dunbar's  Lament 

for  the  Makaris,  which,  after   naming  the    Englishmen,  Chaucer,  Lydgate, 

and  Gower,  returns  to  tell  of  Hew  of  Eglintoun,  Andrew  of  Wyntoun,  and 

a  third  Scotsman  as  also  among  the  victims  of  Death. 

He  has  done  petuously  devour 

The  noble  Chaucer  of  Makaris  flouir 

The  Monk  of  Bery  and  Gower  all  thre 

Til/tor  mortis  co)itnrb(xl  iiu\ 

The  gude  Sh-  Hew  of  Eglintoun 
And  eik  Heryot  and  Wyntown 
He  has  tane  out  of  this  countrie 

Timor  mortis  coiitiirhat  me. 

Various  considerations  have  been  advanced  against  the  identification  of  the 
good  Sir  Hew  with  Huchown.  It  has  been  urged  that  the  poems  from 
their  religious  cast  must  have  been  written  by  an  ecclesiastic.  The  reply 
appears  in  the  adjective  '  the  gude,'  which  tradition  had,  according  to  Dunbar, 
associated  with  Sir  Hew's  name.  Chiefly  objection  was  taken  that 
Huchown,  as  a  familiar  diminutive,  implied  a  quite  subordinate  rank  and  posi- 
tion, and  could  never  have  been  applied  to  a  nobleman  of  Sir  Hew's  standing. 
But  a  marriage  contract^  of  a  Scottish  lord  in    1416  styles  him   '  Huchon 


^  Regisincii/  Magiii  SigH/i,   1424-1513,   No.    17S,  continning  and  incorporating  in   1430 
a  deed  granted  in   1416. 


6  'IIUCnOWN   OF  THE  AVVLE   KYALE'  [Cn. 

Fraser  lord  of  the  Lovvet.'  There  is  a  distinct  body  of  proof  (i)  that 
tlie  name  Huchown,  the  old  Scottish  equivalent  of  Hugo,  was  of  French 
origin,  derived  from  Hugutio ;  (2)  that  in  Scotland  Hew  and  Huchown 
were  alternative  vernacular  forms  from  the  end  of  the  fourteenth  to  the 
end  of  the  fifteenth  century;  and  (3)  that  ultimately  Hew  prevailed. 
The  Frasers  of  Lovat  used  the  style  Huchon  in  1416,  Huchoune  in  1429, 
but  Hew  in  147 1.  The  Campbells  of  l.oudoun  used  the  style  Huchon 
in  145 1,  Huchone  in  1454,  but  Hew  in  the  sixteenth  century.  Historically 
Huchown  as  a  Christian  name  is  a  distinctively  Scottish  type  receiving  in  the 
north  a  measure  of  formal  and  official  recognition  not  apparently  shown  in 
English  documents  of  the  period.^  The  external  evidence,  although  meagre, 
is  thus  so  distinct  and  consistent  as  to  point  to  Sir  Hew  of  Eglintoun 
and  to  no  other  known  personage.  Moreover,  there  is  abundant  indication 
internally  that  the  author  of  the  poems  in  question  was  a  person  of  dignity, 
at  ease  in  all  matters  of  knightly  courtesy  and  demeanour,  and  able  to 
touch  with  authority  on  delicate  questions  of  courtly  precedence. 

Another  outstanding  difficulty  is  the  contrast  of  the  poet's  language  with, 
say,  that  of  Barbour  or  Wyntoun.  And  there  is  contrast  not  less  strong  between 
the  tone  adopted  by  Huchown  and  that  of  the  other  two  towards  England. 
These  contrasts  have  been  held  by  some  to  be  so  great  as  to  make 
certain  of  the  works  impossible  for  a  Scot.  Indeed  the  latest  theorists 
have  gone  to  the  heroic  extreme  of  actually  claiming  Huchown  as  English  : 
one  placing  the  Awie  Ryale  at  Oxford,-  the  other  announcing  the  discovery 
of  one  'Hugh  the  Bukberere '  at  Cambridge  from  1353  to  1370,  whose 
having  been  a  book  porter,  in  so  august  a  spot,  perhaps  satisfies  the 
intellect  of  his  talented  sponsor  as  a  sufficient  reason  for  advancing  his 
name  in  the  poetic  category.^     Many  men,  many  minds ;   there  has  been 

'  For  many  references  and  a  full  discussion  see  chapter  iv.  of  my  Sir  Hexv  of  Eglintoun 
in  the   Trausadions  of  the  Philosophical  Society  of  Glasgow,  1900-01. 

-See  Mr.  Henry  Bradley  in  Athenaeum  of  22nd  December,  1900,  and  my  reply  ol 
iQlh  January,  1901.  In  his  rejoinder  on  23rd  February,  1901,  Mr.  Bradley  appears  to 
admit  his  inaljility  to  produce  evidence  in  support  of  his  hyj)othesis.  After  this  frank- 
ness of  course  there  is  no  more  to  say. 

^  See  report  of  Philological  Society  meeting  (paper  by  .Mr.  Israel  Gollancz)  in 
Athenaeum,  23rd  November,    1901. 


I]  THE   WORKS   DEBATED  -j 

no  end  to  the  diversity  of  conclusions,  critical,  literary,  and  philological, 
on  the  precise  dialect  of  Huchown,  and  his  actual  poetical  performance. 
We  are  brought  back  to  these  problems  to  acknowledge  that  the  Huchown 
poems,  although  admittedly  containing  innumerable  signs  of  northern  diction 
and  influence,  are  yet  not  in  any  known  and  normal  Scottish  dialect.  On 
the  other  hand  who  knows  what  was  the  dialect  of  English  used  in  courtly 
circles  of  Scotland  under  Robert  the  Bruce  ?  Such  a  consideration  is 
itself  enough  to  show  that  the  dialect  is  not  the  obstacle  to  Sir  Hew  of 
Eglintoun  which  some  have  too  hastily  deemed.  History,  moreover,  points 
with  pikestaff  plainness  to  a  Scot.  Philologists  despairingly  point  the  other 
way.  When  the  philologist  stands  up  against  history  he  has  a  habit  of 
going  to  the  wall. 

To  identify  the  poet  is  one  problem,  to  settle  what  were  his  works  is 
another.  Purely  alliterative  pieces  claimed,  directly  and  indirectly,  for 
Huchown  before  the  present  enquiry  began,  included 

Morte  Arthure  (4346  lines),  edited  for  the  Early  English  Text  Society, 

1865;  also  by  Mrs.  M.   M.  Banks  (Longmans),   1900: 
Destruction  of  Troy  (14,044  lines),  also  edited  E.E.T.S.,   1869-74: 
Cleanness  (1812  lines),   Patience   (531    lines),  also   edited   (E.E.T.S.)  in 
Early  English  Alliterative  Poems,   1864. 
Pieces  in  alliteration  and  rime  similarly  claimed  include 

Gaivayne  and  the  Green  Knight  (2530  Hnes),  edited  for  the  Bannatyne 
Club    in  Sir  Frederick   Madden's  Syr  Gawayne,   re-edited  E.E.T.S., 
1864,  and  reprinted  1869,   1893,  and   1897  : 
Golagros    and     Gaivayne     (1362     lines),     Awntyrs    of    Arthure    (715 
lines),  Pistill  of  Susan   (364  lines),  all   last  edited  by  M.  Amours 
in     Scottish    Alliterative    Poems    for     the     Scottish     Text     Society, 
1897: 
The  Pearl  (1212  lines),  edited  E.E.T.S.,  in  Early  English  Alliterative 
Poems,   1864;  also  by  Mr.  Israel  GoUancz  (Nutt,  1891). 
Other  purely  alliterative  poems  now  discussed  include  these : — 
The    Wars  of  Alexander  (5677  lines),  edited  E.E.T.S.,   1886: 
Titus  and   Vespasian  or  The  Sege  of  Jerusalem  (1332  lines),  edited   by 
Gustav  Steffler  (Marburg,  1891),  usually  cited  within  as   Titus: 


8  'IIUCHOWN  OF  THE  AWLE  RYALE'  [Cii. 

77/1?  Parlement  of  the   Thre   Ages   (665    lines),     Wynnerc  and   IVasfoure 

(503  lines),  both  edited  for  the  Roxburghe  Club,   1897  : 
Erkonvald  (352    lines)    edited    in    Prof.    Carl    Horstman's    Alfenglische 

Legenden,  Neue  Folge,  Heilbronn,   1881. 
Three  or  four  other  pieces,  all  short,  should  have  been  discussed  also. 
Only  where  the  evidences  appear  direct  and  absolute  have  conclusions  on 
authorship  been  advanced  here. 


2.     HUCHOWN    AND    SiR    HeW. 

There  having  been  elsewhere  ^  worked  out  a  biographical  calendar  of  the 
life  of  Sir  Hew  of  Eglintoun  in  detail,  with  full  references,  no  more  need 
now  be  repeated  than  serves  to  present  the  salient  outlines  of  the  'good 
Sir  Hew's'  career.  Sprung  from  an  Ayrshire  family,  his  nearest  known 
ancestor  (supposed  to  have  been  his  father,  but  possibly  his  grandfather), 
Ralf  of  Eglintoun,  owner  of  an  estate  near  Irvine,  submitted  to  Edward 
I.  at  the  outbreak  of  the  war  of  Independence,  but  from  1297  until  1342 
absolutely  nothing  has  been  found  recorded  of  the  laird  of  Eglintoun,  or  of 
the  youth  of  Hew.  A  relationship  with  the  More  family,  specially  connected 
with  the  monastery  of  Sempringham  in  Lincolnshire,  has  been  treated  as 
suggestive  of  a  possible  education  in  England,  a  feature  of  the  first  half 
of  fourteenth  century  Scotland  far  from  uncommon.  Of  such  an  education 
there  is  no  direct  evidence  in  Hew's  case,  but  in  the  course  of  the  present 
researches  -  there  has  emerged,  in  fourteenth  century  manuscript,  believed  to 
have  been  from  Huchown's  pen,  not  only  the  fact  that  the  author  of  the 
Huchown  poems  was  deeply  interested  in  hostages,  but  the  remarkable  hint 
that  he  might  himself  have  been  a  hostage  in  England  and  learned  '  their 
language  and  their  manners ' — itjigiiam  eorum  et  mores — there.  At  no  time 
between  1279  and  1340  was  such  a  thing  in  the  least  improbable,  and  if  the 


'  In  Sir  Hew  of  Eglintoun  above  mentioned. 

-See   chapter    11    below.     This   minor   point  for  Huchown's  problems   was  discovered 
<ifler  Sir  Htw  of  Eglintoun  was  in  print, 


2]  SIR   HEW  OF   EGLINTOUN  9 

inference  from  the  manuscript  could  be  demonstrated  to  be  historically  a 
fact,  the  long  silence  about  Hew's  parents  and  himself  in  childhood  would 
be  accounted  for,  while  at  the  same  time  the  difficulty  occasioned  by  the 
English-ness  of  the  Huchown  poems  in  dialect  and  tone  would  simply 
disappear.  As  it  is,  the  hostage  hypothesis  can  adduce  for  itself  no  single 
ascertained  fact,  and  its  documentary  base  though  most  interesting,  will 
carry  historically  a  quite  different  structure. 

Of  Hew's  youth  nothing  is  certain.  His  birth  must  have  been  prior  to 
132 1,  as  he  was  not  knighted  until  1342,  so  that  in  the  latter  year  he 
must  have  attained  at  least  twenty-one,  the  years  o{  knighthood.  But  as 
Ralf  of  Eglintoun,  his  ancestor,  was  not  a  knight,  so  that  Hew  did  not 
inherit  his  rank,  he  may  well  have  been  considerably  over  one  and  twenty 
when  he  was  dubbed  by  the  hand  of  David  H.  while  on  the  eve  of  setting 
out  on  an  ill-starred  expedition  into  England. 

Already  in  that  year  David  had   invaded   England   and  burnt   Penrith, 

passing,    no    doubt,    the    poetic    Tarn    Wadling    in    course   of  his  march. 

Subsequently,    a    second   time   crossing    the    border,    one   of   his    invading 

squadrons,  including  the  newly  made  knights,  fell  into  an  ambush  laid  by 

Robert  of  Ogle,  with  the  result  that  amongst  others  the  knight  of  Eglintoun 

was  captured. 

On  bathe  the  halffis  slane  war  men  ; 
Bot  the  knychtis  the  wers  had  then 
For  thare  folk  vencust  ware  ilkane, 
And  fyve  knychtis  in  fycht  ware  tane, 
Stwart,  Eglyntown  and  Cragy, 
Boyde  and  Fowlartown.     Thir  worthy 
Ogill  has  had  till  his  presowne, 
And  syne  delyveryd  thame  for  rawnsoune. 

(i-Vyntoujt,   viii.  6003- lO.) 

Sir  Hew  makes  his  first  appearance  in  the  business  records  of  Scotland 
in  1347,  when  he  received  a  grant  of  a  'relief  (a  feudal  casualty  or 
perquisite)  from  Robert  the  Steward,  nephew  of  the  King  and  grandson 
of  Robert  the  Bruce.  In  1348  a  charter  shews  that  he  was  then  married 
to  Agnes  More,  daughter  of  the  late  Chamberlain  of  Scotland,  Sir  Reginald 
More.  Throughout  his  whole  public  career  Sir  Hew  (always  styled  '  Hugo ' 
in  Latin  deeds  relative  to  him,  and  once  '  Mons.   Hugh '  in  a  document  in 


,o  'HUCHOWN    OF   THE    AWLE   RVALE'  [Cii, 

French)  was  associated  with  the  Steward.  The  chief  house  of  that  family 
was  at  Dundonald,  and  Eglintoun  was  the  adjoining  manor.  Constantly  Sir 
Hew  is  found  acting  as  a  witness  to  charters  and  similar  public  writings  by 
the  Steward.  Both  the  Steward  and  Sir  Hew  are  found  in  very  freciuent 
attendance  on  the  King.     They  of  course  followed  the  court. 

Sir  Hew  not  only  does  not  appear  to  have  been  either  a  prisoner  or 
a  hostage  during  the  captivity  of  David  l\.  after  1346,  but  public  docu- 
mentary references  in  1347  and  1348  prove  him  to  have  been  in  Scotland 
(luring  that  captivity.  In  1358  he  received  safe  conduct  to  go  to  England, 
as  he  did  again  in  the  beginning  of  1359.  Associates  of  his  from  this 
time  onward  were  Sir  Robert  of  Erskine  and  Sir  Archibald  of  Douglas, 
best  known  as  Archibald  the  Grim,  who,  though  usually  thought  of  as  a 
soldier,  was  probably  better  known  to  his  own  time  as  a  diplomatist  and 
judge.  At  London,  in  February  1359,  Sir  Robert  of  Erskine  and  Sir  Hew 
appended  their  signets  in  the  absence  of  the  Great  Seal  of  Scotland  to  an 
agreement  relative  to  the  liberation  and  ransom  of  David  H.,  a  prisoner  in 
England  from   1346,  when  he  had  been  captured  at  Durham. 

In  1360  Sir  Hew  makes  his  appearance^  as  a  Justiciar  of  Scotland  along 
with  Sir  Robert  of  Erskine  effecting  an  agreement  of  assythment  for  slaughter 
in  a  feud  between  the  Drummonds  and  Menteiths. 

Meanwhile  Sir  Hew's  first  wife  must  have  died,  and  about  1360  he  is 
found  married  a  second  time — to  Dame  Egidia,  a  half-sister  of  Robert  the 
Steward,  who  granted  to  him  and  her  an  annual-rent  of  wax. 

Th(i  year  1363  was  eventful  in  the  intrigue  of  Anglo-Scottish  policy. 
Towards  the  end  of  April  Sir  Hew  had  safe  conduct  to  England  and 
Canterbury,  and  it  is  suggested  that  this  visit  had  to  do  with  the  great 
tiltings  held  during  the  first  five  days  of  May  in  connection  with  St. 
George's  Festival  and  the  Round  Table  of  Edward  III  These  celebrations 
of  the  Order  of  the  Garter  were  held  at  that  time.  There  were  also  later 
in  the  year  special  celebrations  in  honour  of  the  fiftietli  birthday  of 
Edward  III.,  and  Sir  Robert  of  Erskine  and  Sir  Hew  were  both  in  London. 
David    II.    himself  was  there  also,    and  on   27th   November  an  agreement 

^  Booi  of  Menteith,  ii.  239. 


2]  SIR   HEW   OF   EGLINTOUN  II 

was  reached  between  the  two  kings  that,  failing  heirs-male  of  the  body  of 
David,  the  King  of  England  should  succeed  to  the  kingdom  of  Scotland. 
Erskine  was  a  party  to  this  agreement  :  Sir  Hew's  position  towards  it  is 
not  clear,  bui  his  knowledge  of  it  must  be  assumed.  The  Scottish  Parlia- 
ment, on  4th  March,  1364,  refused  to  sanction  the  agreement.  Erskine 
was  sent  back  to  London  to  negotiate  better  terms,  and  a  revised  provisional 
agreement  was  drawn  up  whereby,  failing  heirs-male  of  the  body  of  David  II., 
the  throne  of  Scotland  was  to  pass  to  a  son  of  the  King  of  England  other 
than  the  heir-apparent.  The  prince  in  view  was  Lionel,  second  son  of 
Edward  III.  David  II.,  a  pleasure-loving  king,  was  from  about  1358  on- 
wards hand  and  glove  with  his  brother-in-law,  the  English  King.  He  did  all 
in  his  power  in  1363  and  1364  to  set  aside  the  rights  of  the  Steward  of 
Scotland  as  heir  to  the  Scottish  throne  and  to  substitute  Edward  or  one  of 
his  children.     Wyntoun  naively  hits  off  the  situation  : 

The  Kyng  Davy  in  Yngland  raid, 
As  dfft  tym  in  oys  he  had, 
And  al  Lundoun  play  him  wald  he  ; 
For  thare  was  rycht  great  specialte 
Betwen  hym  and  the  Kyng  Edward. 

—  IVyutoifn,   viii.   7047. 

English  policy  and  Scottish  intrigue — for  Scotland  itself  was  reluctant — 
were  at  work  to  effect  a  union  in  the  future,  for  David  II.  had  no  lawful 
child,  and  his  second  wife,  Margaret  of  Logic,  was  no  longer  young.  In 
July,  1365,  parliament  at  Perth  sanctioned  a  treaty  whereby  Scotland 
should  aid  England  (if  invaded)  with  1000  men  and  England  should  aid 
Scotland  with  500. 

Sir  Hew  from  about  1366  held  various  offices  as  Bailie  of  Cunningham 
and  Chamberlain  of  Irvine — judgeships  as  deputy  of  the  feudal  lord,  with 
functions  of  administration  accompanying — under  the  Steward,  of  whom  he 
was  the  trusted  adviser.  These  offices  were  partly  judicial,  partly  financial. 
The  burgh  of  Irvine  lay  near  to  both  Dundonald  and  Eglintoun ;  it  was  a 
leading  seaport  of  tiie  West  at  that  time,  and  the  Steward  is  known  to 
have  been  a  yachtsman  fond  of  cruising  on  the  Clyde. 

Border  treaty  negotiation    occupied   Sir  Hew  in    1367.      Early  in    1368 


12  'HUCHOWN   OF  THE  AWLE   RYALE'  [Cii. 

he  went  to  London.  That  summer  he  was  legislating  for  the  '  Out  Isles ' 
and  inspecting  royal  castles,  as  well  as  probably  assisting  the  king  in  judicial 
appeals.  David  II.,  in  1369,  raised  an  action  of  divorce  against  Queen 
Margaret,  in  connection  with  which  Sir  Hew's  passage  to  France — and 
probably  to  Rome  or  Avignon — between  June,  1369,  and  January,  1370, 
probably  took  place.  A  normal  route  to  Rome  in  the  fourteenth  century 
passed  through  Lucerne  across  Mount  '  Godard '  into  Lombardy,  through 
Como,  Milan,  Pontremoli,  Pietrasanta,  Pisa,  and  Viterbo.  (So  Adam  of 
Usk  ^  travelled,  and  so  journeyed  King  Arthur's  invading  army  in  Morte 
Arthurs.)  Soon  after  Sir  Hew's  return  the  divorce  was  granted  in  Scotland 
— in  Lent,  1370.  Margaret  was  maintaining  her  appeal  in  137 1  when  David 
II.  died. 

Under  Queen  Margaret's  influence  the  Steward  had  been  thrust  back 
from  his  rights.  When  she  fell  out  with  her  husband  the  Steward  was 
restored  to  his  uncle's  friendship.  On  the  death  of  David — though  not 
without  a  struggle,  in  which  the  promptness  of  success  was  due  to  Sir  Robert 
of  Erskine — the  Steward  succeeded  to  the  throne  under  the  title  of  Robert 
II.  Huchown's  life-long  patron,  friend,  and  kinsman  by  marriage  now 
reigned,  and  his  possession  of  the  royal  confidence  and  regard  was  thence- 
forward in  constant  evidence.  After  the  coronation  Sir  Hew  acted  as  one 
of  a  very  special  privy  council  -  de  stain  seu  modo  vivendi  ipsitis  Regis  et  etiam 
Regine,  concerning  the  management  of  the  royal  household — a  function  from 
which  a  particular  association  of  his  name  with  the  '  Awle  Ryale,'  or  royal 
palace,  may  readily  have  arisen. 

The  age  was  the  heyday  of  chivalry,  and  a  thousand  signs  shew  that  the 
movement  which  had  produced  the  Round  Table  in  England  was  active  in 
Scotland  too.^  If  Edward  III.  was  fond  of  hawking,*  Robert  II.  was 
historically  no  less  devoted  to  tlie  chase ''  and  fond  of  the  sea.''  Perhaps  it 
may  be  lawful  to  argue  '  Like  king,  like  courtier.' 

^  Adam  of  Usk,  72-73.     From  London  to  Rome  the  journey  occupied  41  days. 
^  Ads  Pari.  Scot.,  i.  547.  -'This  is  shewn  in  Trial  by  Combat,  part  vi. 

*Adam  Murimuth's  Chronicon  (Eng.  Hist.  Soc),  226. 
^  Liber  Plitscardmsis,  i.  311.  '^  Exchequer  Rolls,  iii.  667,  etc. 


3]  THE   'AWLE   RYALE  *  I3 

Financially  Sir  Hew  repeatedly  appears  as  a  man  of  means,  from 
whom  his  royal  brother-in-law  did  not  disdain  to  borrow.  His  capacity  in 
money  matters,  as  well  as  his  relationship  to  the  king,  no  doubt  influenced 
his  selection  as  an  Auditor  in  Exchequer.  And  it  is  of  peculiar  interest  to 
find  Archdeacon  John  Barbour  as  his  colleague.  The  Stewart  influence 
favoured  literature.  Sir  Hew  and  Barbour  were  called  to  Exchequer 
office  at  one  time.  Barbour  in  1373  was  an  auditor,  and  in  1374  clerk 
of  audit.  The  Bruce,  written  in  1376,  contains  alliterative  quotations^  from 
The  Destruction  of  Troy,  one  of  the  supposed  Huchown  poems. 

Now,  Sir  Hew's  day  was  drawing  to  its  close.  In  June,  1376,  he  received 
from  Robert  a  grant  of  annual-rents  in  Ayrshire,  with  special  license  of  mort- 
main, that  is,  leave  to  settle  them  for  religious  purposes.  There  is  reason  to 
believe  that  he  made  a  will  providing  for  masses  to  be  said  for  his  soul  in 
the  Abbey  of  Kilwinning,  an  establishment  adjacent  to  Eglintoun.  Between 
30th  November,  1376,  and  3rd  February,  1377,  Sir  Hew  died,  and  probably 
was  laid  to  rest  in  Kilwinning  Abbey  Choir,  where  at  any  rate  masses 
are  recorded  to  have  been  long  celebrated  for  the  weal  of  his  soul. 


3.    '  Off  the  Awle  Ryale.' 

The  briefest  recapitulation  2  must  suffice  to  enunciate  the  proposition  that 
'  the  Awle  Ryale '  of  Wyntoun's  odd  reference  is  a  vernacular  shape  of  Atila 
Regis,  Regia,  or  Regalis,  and  that  it  was  the  Aula  Regis  or  king's  hall  of 
Scotland,  which  conferred  the  personal  epithet  in  question.  Aule,  a  hall, 
appears  in  old  law-French,  and  in  the  Huchown  poems  themselves  such 
phrases  as  'roy  reall,'  '  dese  riall,'  and  'sete  riall'  are  in  common  use. 

On  the  Continent,  in  England,  and  in  Scotland  the  Aula  Regis  was  from 
an  early  date  the  great  place  of  law,   subdividing   later  into  a  variety  of 


1  See  my  John  Barbour,  Poet  and  Translator  (Kegan,  Paul  &  Co.,  1900),  pp.  10,  II. 

^For  details  and  proofs  see  my  Sir  Hew  of  Eglintoun,  above  referred  to,  chap.  v. 
The  great  importance  in  Scotland  attached  to  the  court  institutions  is  strikingly  brought 
out  by  a  document  discovered  by  my  friend  Miss  Mary  Bateson  in  a  Cambridge  Corpus 
Christi  College  MS.  (C.C.C.C.  37)  containing  much  regarding  offices  and  functions.  It 
will  shortly  be  edited  by  her. 


l^  'HUCHOWN   OF   THE   AWLF.    RVALF'  [Ch. 

administrative,  financial,  and  legal  jurisdictions.  The  High  Steward  held 
lofty  ceremonial  authority  there,  and  the  Justiciars'  place  of  session  was  by 
metaphor  of  English  law,  '  as  the  king's  hall ' — sicut  auhun  regiaiii.  The 
king  sat  in  judgment  there,  and  the  king's  justiciars  sat  for  him.  In  Marie 
Arthure  (11.  524-5)  the  hall  is  'the  most  royal  place'  of  the  Round  Table. 
In  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  century  public  documents  of  Scotland  'Aula 
Regis,'  '  Aula  Regia,'  '  Kingis  Haw,'  '  Kingis  Hall '  has  varied  currency  as  a 
place  of  royal  dignity  and  law,  with  courtly  and  exchequer  as  well  as  judicial 
functions.  With  each  of  these  Sir  Hew  was  in  direct  and  sustained  con- 
nection. To  each  of  these  also  the  Huchown  poems  show  a  similarly 
sustained  series  of  relations.^  To  conjoin  Huchown  with  Sir  Hew  and  the 
Awle  Ryale  with  the  Court  of  Scotland  appears  therefore  not  merely 
reasonable ;  the  facts  constrain  it. 

4.    Huchown's  Poems  :   Tin-:  Lines  of  Correlation. 

Far  nobler  even  tlian  the  fine  problem  of  the  poet's  personal  identification 
is  that  of  determining  what  his  actual  achievement  was — what  poems  are 
truly  the  product  of  his  single  superbly  appointed  pen.  To  prove  unity 
and  correlation  where  others  have  failed,  or  denied,  is  the  purpose  of  the 
ensuing  chapters.  Others  before  now  have  argued  on  the  question,  but 
despite  the  labours  of  many  scholars  the  real  power  of  the  case  for  the 
unity  of  Huchown's  poetry  has  never  been  perceived,  perhaps  could  not 
be  perceived  so  long  as  certain  manuscript  evidences  remained  unknown. 
Resemblances  of  style  and  spirit,  coincidences  of  line  and  phrase,  and 
analogies  of  alliteration  have  certainly  received  attention,  but  inquiry  has 
not  developed  a  convincing  critical  basis  of  approach.  For  the  first  time 
a  process  of  colligation  will  be  applied  which  claims  (i)  to  associate  these 

'For  instance,  Morte  Art/mre  shtvi^  the  ceremonial  side,  II.  156,  208-9,  268,  31S6-7  ; 
the  exchequer  side,  11.  425,  660-3;  ^"<3  ^^^  '^S^'  side,  113,  443-64,  665-72,  3140. 
Ga^uayiie  is  through  and  through  a  court  poem.  The  Azvutyrs  of  Arlhitrc  lias  both 
ceremonial— 11.  440,  491,  635,  649-51— and  law— II.  339,  350,  387,  465-?.  597.  635i  646, 
675-85  (cf.  Sir  Hew  of  Eglintoiiti,  ch.  v.).  The  Pistill,  was  it  chosen  because  its 
theme  was  a  trial  with  a  cross-examination  ?  A  number  of  points  in  other  poems  are 
brought  out  incidentally  in  course  of  this  paper. 


4]  CORRELATION   OF   POEMS  15 

resemblances  and  coincidences  and  analogies,  witli  absolute  proofs  of 
relation  and  indebtedness  of  substance  and  plot,  of  incident  and  phrase, 
between  poem  and  poem ;  (2)  to  establish  the  sequence  of  certain  members 
of  the  series ;  (3)  to  illustrate  the  repeated  use  of  the  same  sources  in 
different  parts ;  (4)  to  trace  the  origins  of  many  passages  to  the  actual 
manuscript  the  poet  used ;  and  (5)  even  to  point  out  in  the  poet's  own 
handwriting  on  the  margins  of  his  manuscript  the  primal  adumbration  of 
future  poetical  concepts. 

The  argument  affirms  a  clear  sequence  in  four  of  the  five  poems  first 
dealt  with,  based  not  only  on  numberless  passages  of  parallel,  but  on 
passages  which  equally  involve  reminiscence  and  necessitate  conclusions 
of  priority  in  production.  To  put  an  ABC  case — let  A  be  a  certain 
manuscript;  B  C  D  E  F  and  G  be  poems  of  the  first  set;  H  be  another 
manuscript ;  and  I  J  K  L  M  and  N  be  poems  of  the  second  set.  P2  and  G  are 
historically  assigned  to  Huchown  :  the  rest  are  anonymous.  The  argument 
affirms  connection  not  only  of  D  as  directly  dependent  from  C  and  of  E  as 
directly  dependent  from  D,  but  also  of  D  E  and  F  as  clearly  related  to  C 
and  B  and  to  each  other,  as  well  as  of  F  particularly  with  G.  It  affirms 
that  B  and  C  were  translations  probably  both  made  from  manuscript  A, 
and  that  indubitably  F  rose  directly  out  of  C 

A  in  ihis  diagrammalic  statement  is  MS.  T.  4.  i  :  B,  Alexander :  C,  Troy :  D,  'J'i/iis : 
E,  Mortc  Ar//iiirc:  F,  Parlement :  G,  Gaiuayne:  II,  MS.  U.  7.  25:  I,  IVynuere  and 
IVastoiire:  J,  Erkcmuald:  K,  Aivnlyrs  :  L,  Pearl:  M,  Cleanness:  N,  Palienee. 

Of  the  second  set  the  argument  affirms  manuscript  H  with  marginal 
notes  to  be  the  centre.  It  affirms  that  C,  D,  E,  F,  and  G  of  the  first  set 
have  direct  relation  to  the  margins  of  H.  It  affirms  that  of  the  second 
set  I,  J,  K,  L,  M,  and  N  show  numerous  cross-relations  with  each  other 
and  with  the  first  set.  It  affirms  that  the  plot  of  I,  not  a  little  of  J,  and 
intimations  in  M  are  all  explained  by  the  margins  of  H.  It  affirms  other 
cross-links  also,  including  the  indebtedness  of  J,  K,  and  L  to  the  same 
legend  for  their  plots. 

Such  is  the  outline  of  the  process  of  colligation  to  be  seen  detailed  in 
the  following  chapters.  The  numberless  parallels  impossible  as  mere  coin- 
cidences are  equally  impossible  as  plagiarisms  by  one   or  more  poets  from 


l6  'HUCHOWN   OF  THE  AWLE   RYALE '  [Ch. 

Others.  Again  and  again  the  grouping  of  sources  and  plots  demonstrates 
unity.  A  thousand  threads  start  and  meet  and  cross  and  unite  again  in 
the  mighty  network,  wliich  is  the  proof  of  one  man's  authorship  of  these 
twelve  poems. 

The  bold  suggestion  to  prove  a  sequence  in  certain  of  those  poems 
must  begin  with  the  admission  that  serious  difficulty  attaches  to  certain  of 
them.  Huchown's  performances  fall  into  the  categories  of  (i)  sheer  trans- 
lation, (2)  biblical  stories  expanded,  (3)  other  religious  and  allegorical 
pieces,  and  (4)  historical  or  quasi-historical  poems  which  are  partially 
adaptations  of  Latin  and  French  originals  added  to  and  combined  with 
each  other,  but  blending  into  what  in  sum  is  essentially  new  creative 
effort.  Let  it  not  be  thought  that  these  four  categories  represent  a  chrono- 
logical process.  Yet  it  will  be  maintained  that  two  works  falling  into  the 
first  category  indubitably  preceded  two  of  the  fourth,  and  that  these  again 
were  followed  by  one  of  the  third.  The  two  sheer  translations  in  question, 
which  stand  at  the  threshold  of  the  interpretation  ot  Huchown,  are  the 
Wars  of  Alexander  and  the  Destruction  of  Troy,  and  our  scrutiny  must 
begin  with  the  probable  source  of  these. 

5.     HUNTERIAN   MS.    T.    4,    I. 

In  the  Hunterian  Library  of  Glasgow  University  is  contained  a  royal 
octavo  volume  of  about  340  folios  of  parchment  written  in  one  hand 
(probably  soon  after  1356),  and  containing  text  filling  7  in.  by  4I  in.  per 
page  of  thirty-six  lines.  The  scribe's  name  is  indicated  on  fo.  126''  by  a 
red  ink  note — Novien  Scriptoris  Ricardus  plenus  amoris  :  fframpton.  The 
scribe  himself  wrote  a  table  of  contents  on  the  verso  of  the  fly-leaf: 
In  hoc  volumine  continentur  libri  qui  subsequenter  intitulantur  videlicet 
^  Liber  de  historia   destruccionis   Trojane   urbis   editus   per   magistrum 

Guidonem  ludicem  de  Columpna  Messana  folio  primo 
1  Liber   de    gestis    magni    Regis  Alexandri    tocius   orbis   Conquestoris 

folio  Cxxvij° 
H  Liber  qui  intitulatur  Itinerarium  domini  Turpini  Archiepiscopi  Rauen- 
sis  de  gestis  magni  Regis  Karoli  folio  Clxxj° 


S]  HUNTERIAN   MS.  T.  4,  1 


'7 


H  Liber  domini  Marci  Pauli  de  Veneciis  de  condicionibus  &  consue- 
tudinibus  orientalium  regionum  fol  Ciiij''''  xvij°  Qui  distinguitur  in 
tres  libellos  quorum  primus  sic  incipit  Tempore  quo  Baldewynus 
&c.  folio  Ciiij'"'  xviij°  Secundus  sic  incipit  In  huius  libri  continencia 
&c.  folio  CCxix°  Tercius  libellus  sic  Pars  tercia  libri  nostri  &c. 
folio  CCxliiij'° 

H  Liber  fratris  Odorici  de  foro  Julij  de  ritubus  &  condicionibus  Tur 
coram  &  Tartarorum  folio  CClx'" 

H  Liber  qui  intitulatur  Itinerarium  Johannis  Maundeuille  militis  de 
sancto  Albano  in  Comitatu  Hertford,  de  mirabilibus  diversarum  provin- 
ciarum  regionum  &  insularum  Aceciam  de  diuersis  legibus  & 
condicionibus  sectis  &  linguis  earundem  folio  CCiiij''-^  j" 

The  copy  of  Guido  de  Columpna's  Historia  destruciionis  Trojajie  Urbis 
bears  to  be  a  version  or  edition  of  1354.  The  Maundeville's  Itinerarium 
contains  in  its  text  the  date  1356.  The  Liber  de  gestis  magni  regis 
Alexandri  is  a  copy  of  the  De  Preliis  Alexandri  of  the  Archpriest  Leo. 
Between  ff.  29*"  and  30  a  quaternion  of  six  folios  is  missing  from  the  MS. 

A  series  of  remarkable  correspondences,  of  which  the  chief  will  be  set 
forth  in  future  sections,  led  to  the  publication  in  the  Athenaemn,  on  12th 
May  and  i6th  June,  1900,  of  an  essay  on  '  Huchown's  (?)  Codex,'  in  which 
numerous  proofs  were  advanced  for  the  belief  indicated  by  the  title  of 
the  paper.  To  that  essay  reference  may  be  made  for  other  particulars  of 
a  manuscript  which  is  assuredly  of  profound  importance  for  the  study  of 
certain  alliterative  poems. 

6.    '  The  Wars  of  Alexander.' 

Telling  the  wonderful  tale  of  Alexander  the  Great — the  story  not  of 
authentic  history,  but  of  Egyptian  romance — the  Psendo-Callisthenes  was  a 
Greek  work  full  of  marvels.  It  put  into  definite  literary  shape  a  mass  of 
the  matter  floating  about  in  legend  concerning  a  career  which  had  much 
to  astonish  and  perplex  the  oriental  mind.  Afterwards  the  name  of  Julius 
Valerius  became  attached  to  a  translation  of  that  work  into  Latin,  and  yet 
later  a  third  work  called  the  De  Preliis  Alexandri  gained   wide    currency. 


1 8  'HUCHOWN   OF  THE   AWLE   RYALE'  [Ch. 

These  two  Latin  books  strtick  the  fancy  of  Europe,  and  being  diffused 
everywhere,  helped  to  create  that  'matter'  of  Alexander  which  was  to 
furnish  a  theme  for  minstrels  innumerable.  A  vast  literature  grew  up 
extending  itself  to  England  and  Scotland.  The  most  outstanding  contri- 
bution to  it  in  France  was  the  Romau  iVAlixandre  by  Lambert  li  Tors 
and  Alexandre  de  Bernay  towards  the  close  of  the  twelfth  century,  supple- 
mented at  the  very  beginning  of  the  fourteenth  century  by  the  Vociix  dii 
Paon  of  Jacques  de  Longuyon,  and  by  later  works  which  do  not  concern 
the  present  object.  Subsequently  we  shall  have  occasion  to  revert  to  the 
Voeii.x  du  Paoii.  A  rendering  of  the  De  Fndiis,  the  alliterative  Wars  of 
Alexander  is  a  translation  in  a  very  strict  sense,  excej)!  for  an  introductory 
passage  in  which  the  theme  is  proposed  in  lines  noteworthy  for  their 
variation  from  the  rest  of  the  poem  in  that  alliterations  of  successive 
lines  are  upon  tlie  same  letter. 

The  story '  is  of  the  wizard  Anectanabus,  the  exiled  king  of  Egy[)t, 
of  his  becoming  the  father  of  Alexander  the  Great  by  Olympias,  wife  of 
Philip  of  Macedon,  and  thereafter  of  Alexander's  own  career.  He  grows 
up  skilled  in  all  scholarly  and  soldierly  accomplishments,  and  soon  sets 
out  on  that  world-conquering  march  which,  passing  from  Europe  to  Asia, 
led  to  India,  and  placed  him  on  a  15abylonian  throne.  Just  as  the  lime 
was  reached  for  the  final  episode — the  poisoning  and  death  of  the 
Macedonian  conqueror — the  defective  manuscript  abruptly  fails  us  in  the 
middle  of  the  strange  list  of  peoples  whom  his  arms  had  subdued.  In 
the  existing  lines  the  bulk  of  the  tale  is  duly  narrated  ;  the  marvels  of 
Alexander's  marches  are  recorded  with  much  spirit  and  dignity — his 
adventures  in  the  wilds  by  P^uphrates  and  Tigris,  in  serpent-haunted 
deserts  and  mountains,  and  in  numberless  battles  with  eastern  peoples, 
especially  with  Darius  of  Persia  and  Porus  the    Indian  Prince.     Xor   less 


'  On  ihc  legend  generally  see  Prof.  Zacher's  Pscmloccdlisthencs,  1S67  ;  M.  Paul  Mycr's 
gical  work  Alexandre  le  Grand  dans  la  Lil/Jralnre  Francaise,  Paris,  1886  ;  Dr.  W'allis 
\\\\(k<g<i\  History  of  Alexander  the  Great,  1889;  Professor  Dario  Carraroli's  La  Leggenda  di 
Akssandro  Magna,  Mondovi,  1892  ;  Professor  George  Saintsbury's  Flourishing  of  Ko in anic, 
Edinburgh,  1897.  The  legend  wa>.  well  known  in  Scotland.  See  Wyntoun,  espcciall\- 
bk.  iv.  1262. 


6]  MS.   'DE   PRELIIS'   AND    'WARS   OF   ALEXANDER'  19 

interesting  are  his  gallant  correspondence  with  the  Queen  of  the  Amazons 
and  his  exchange  of  views  on  social  philosophy  with  Dindinius,  the 
learned  Brahmin. 

A  few  words  will  recapitulate  the  singular  proofs  of  direct  association 
between  this  alliterative  poem  and  the  rare,  if  not,  as  is  at  present 
supposed,  absolutely  unique  manuscript  version  of  the  Dc  Prcliis 
Akxandri  found  in  the  MS.  T.  4,  i.  of  the  Hunterian  Library  in 
Glasgow  University.  In  editing  the  alliterative  Wars  of  Alexander 
(hereinafter  styled  the  Alexander)  in  1886,  Prof.  Skeat  remarked  upon 
the  large  number  of  variances  between  its  terms  and  those  of  the 
normal  Latin  texts  of  the  De  Preliis.  There  were  unexplained  forms  of 
names,  discrepancies  of  the  narrative,  and  peculiar  additions  to  it,  which, 
while  sometimes  intelligible  as  idiosyncrasies  of  the  translator,  at  other 
times  aroused  question  regarding  the  textual  sources  from  which  the 
translator  worked.  Peculiarities  included  the  mention  of  the  name  of 
Anectanabus  generally  as  Anec,  Parthia  as  Panthy,  Hellada  as  Elanda, 
Cyrus  as  Cusys,  Zephirus  as  Zephall,  Ocean  as  Mocian,  Ceres  as  Serenon. 
These  forms  did  not  occur  in  the  normal  Latin  texts.  They  all  occur 
in  the  Hunterian  MS.  among  numerous  other  agreements  where  Prof. 
Skeat  had  noted  divergences  from  the  current  text.     A  list  ^  follows  : 


Fo. 

Hunterian  MS.  T. 

4,  I- 

< 

Wa; 

RS  OF 

Alex. 

,'           Line. 

127-9 

Anec 

Anec 

passim 

127 

Arlaxenses 

Artaxenses 

49 

127 

Tanli 

Panthy 

87 

127 

Siches 

Sychim 

89 

127 

Bactria 

Batary 

93 

128b 

cursus 

bounde  {cnrsti^). 

See 

Prof. 

Skeat's       427 

note 

130b 

Siciliam 

Cecile 

2103 

130b 

Ysamiam 

Ysanna 

2106 

130b 

Persopulus   nuncupaUir  in 
muse 

qua   sunt 

Persopole 

2112 

131 

Abrandian,  Almndranle 

Abandra 

2131 

131 

Biothiam 

Wyothy 

2150 

131 

Trigaganles 

Tergarontes 

2174 

1  For  fuller  particulars  see  my  article  entitled  '  Ihuho^.nls  (?)  Codex  '  in  Athenaeum,  \2\}c^ 
May,   1900.     Cf.   Prof.  Skeat's  notes  to  Alexander  throughout. 


20 


HUCHOVVN   Of  THE  AWLE   RYALE' 


[Ch. 


Fo. 

HUNTERIAN 

[  MS.  T.  4,  I. 

*  Wars  of 

131b 

Zachora 

Zacora 

131b 

Cetus 

Sechus 

131b 

Cicisterus 

Sicistrus 

I3lh 

Ilismon 

Hismon 

132 

Clilomacus 

Clelomachus 

132 

Satiassageias 

Strasageras 

I321) 

Eschilus 

Eschilus 

132b 

Domesten 

Domystync 

132b 

Serxes 

Sexes 

134 

Sicilie 

Sycile  (for  Cilicia) 

"34 

Oriatcr 

Oriathire 

134 

Elandam 

Elanda  (for  Ilellada) 

i34'> 

Appoloniades 

Appolomados 

134!) 

JNIaciana 

Mocian  (for  Ocean) 

136b 

Puphagonic 

Siphagoyne 

136b 

Nostandi 

Noslanda 

137 

Rodogoris 

Rodogars 

137IJ 

Emulus 

Emynelaus 

137I' 

Struma 

Slrama 

138 

Anapo 

Anepo 

138b 

Serxeii 

Sexeres 

140b 

Cusis 

Cusys  (for  Cyrus) 

141b 

Cusi.s 

Cusus 

142b 

Byson 

Besan 

142b 

Anabiasades 

Anabras 

145'' 

Bulrianca 

Batriane 

I45l> 

ZephiUis 

Zephall 

147 

Balliiaiicis 

Bactry 

147 

Addontrucay 

Adanttrocay 

147 

mures  magni  et 

(read  ui  as  in  sen- 

[mys]  as  any  mayn  foxt 

tence  just  following)  vulpes 

aves  magni  ut  vu 

Itures 

as  vowlres 

148 

Exidraces 

Exidraces 

148b 

Hemaur 

Eumare 

152 

Cerenon,  Cernoni  [This  capital  C  is 
easily  misread  for  S.] 

Serenon  (for  Ceres) 

154 

Acrea 

Acrea 

•57 

Prescioca 

Preciosa  (for  Prasiaca) 

158 

Rex  Bebricorum 

King  of  Bebrike 

157 

Seraplus 

Caraptos  (for  Caratros) 

'59    , 

I  Carator 

Caratros 

159b' 

( 

162 

Nabuzanda 

Nabizanda 

Line. 
2179 
2215 
2234 
2237 
2251 
2298 
2348 

2352 
2361 
2487 
2512 

2514 
2529 

2540 
2759 

2773 
2819 

2875 
2884 

2955 
2994 
3219 
3326 
3428 
3428 
3782 
3800 

3950 
3927 
3932 

3945 
4020 

4103 
4510 


4720 
5080 

5151 
5094 
5337 
5343 
5613 


6]  'WARS   OF  ALEXANDER'  21 

Similarly  the  list  of  two-and-twenty  kings  whom  Alexander  walled  up 
with  Gog  and  Magog  coincides  with  the  Hunterian  MS.  almost  absolutely. 
Here  is  the  collection  giving,  first,  the  name  in  the  MS.,  and,  second, 
that  in  the  poem:  i.  Gog,  Gogg;  2.  Magog,  Magogg;  3.  Agethani, 
Agekany;  4.  Mageen,  Magen ;  5.  Camaranani,  Camour ;  6.  Chaconi, 
Cacany;  7.  Cleathar,  Olaathere;  8.  Appodinari,  Appedanere ;  9.  Lumi, 
Limy;  10.  Rarisei,  Raryfey  ;  ir.  Bedeni,  Bedwyn  ;  12.  Camante  de  bello, 
Clambert ;  13.  Almade,  Almade ;  14.  Gamardi,  Gamarody ;  15.  Anaffragi, 
Anafrage  ;  16.  (probably  an  alias  for  the  fifteenth  king)  qui  dicitur  Rino- 
cephali,  Ser  Na]?y  (?) ;  17.  Tarbo,  Tarbyn  ;  18.  Alanis,  Alane ;  19.  Phileys, 
Filies;  20.  Artinei,  Arteneus;  21.  Martinei,  Marthyney ;  21.  Saltarir,  Saltary. 

There  are  twenty-seven  passus  in  the  alliterative  poem,  nineteen  of  which 

correspond  to  divisions  at  the  same  points  in  the  Hunterian  MS.     Not  least 

curious  is  the  list  of  Alexander's  conquests  found  in  the  Hunterian  MS., 

fo.  i62-i62b,  though  wanting  in  normal  versions.     It  accounts  for  thirty  names 

of  provinces  found  in  the    catalogue   of  tributary  realms  at  the  end  of  the 

alliterative  poem — those  so  indicated  being  here  printed  in  italics : 

PantJuis  et  Mediis  Indus  michi  servit  et  Arabs 
Asinus  aliens  quoque  Mesopotania  Persa 
Italits  Ebretis  gens  aspera  Canianeoriim : 
Ethiopitni  gentes  Macedonia  Grecia  Cyprum  : 
ffemineiiin  regnum  Libinus  liberrimus  Ysaurus 
Affrictis  et  Sardies  Smuraus  (?)  Paniphilia  Landus  : 
Effesiin  Curux  locus  simul  et  Fhiladelphus  : 
Maurus  immundus  populus  ditissimus  Monthoch' 
Anglicus  et  Scotus  Britonum  quoque  super  cateiina : 
Islandus  Flandnts  Coruealis  et  quoque  Norgney : 
Theodomicus  ffrancus  Guandalia  Gallia  tota 
Ispannus  sponte  michi  flexit  nunc  sua  colla 
Romamis  populus  ferax  et  doctus  in  armis 
Se  michi  supponunt  [blank']  sine  crimine  Ritsci 
Apulus  et  Colaber  simul  michi  munera  donat 
Sinchus  Yrtinus  Herinenia  barbarus  ordo 
Bu]ga[i]us  Albanus  venostus  Dalmacus  Ystir 
Hitngants  et  Frigins  Bacynt  seivicia  Bosus. 
Cun[c]ta  michi  subsunt,  michi  Jupiter  imperat  unus.^ 

'  The  foregoing  list  of  peoples  is  not  in  the  fifteenth  century  prints  of  the  De  Preliis, 
nor  is  it  in  the  edition  of  1885  by  Dr.  Gustav  Landgraf.     Since  first  printing  the  list  in 


22 


'IIUCIIOWN   OF   THE   AWLK    RVALli'  [Ch. 


Comparison  with  the  poem  reveals  one  striking  fact,  viz.,  that  of  the 
aUiterative  groups  or  pairs  :  (i)  Flanders  and  France,  (2)  Guienne  [Garnad] 
and  Greece,  (3)  Norway  and  Naverne,  (4)  Bayonne  and  Bordeaux,  (5)  Turkey 
and  Tartary,  and  (6)  Pers  and  Pamphilia,  all  in  the  poem  (11.  5656-77),  only 
the  first  and  the  last  have  both  their  members  in  the  list.  The  other  four  are 
in  varying  degree  intrusions,  not  translations,  thereby  giving  piquancy  to  the 
recurrence  of  the  whole  six  groups  in  the  Morte  Arthiire  (11.  30-46  and  572-604). 
Thus,  equally  when  he  was  truly  translating  and  when  he  was  amplifying  his 
text,  the  alliterative  poet  hit  on  combinations  also  found  in  the  Morte  Arifiinr. 
Moreover,  although  one  line  in  the  Alexander  poem  reads 
In^land  Itaile  and  Yndc  and  Ireland  coslis, 
there  is  no  mention  of  Scotland.  The  alliterative  translator  chose  to  retain 
England  in,  thrust  Ireland  into,  and  exclude  Scotland  from  the  catalogue  of 
realms  owing  tribute  to  Alexander. 

Finally,  and  perhaps  of  the  most  significant  note,  is  an  intrusion  into  the 

text  of  the  Alexander,  perspicuously  commented  upon  by  Professor  Skeat. 

The  normal  Latin  text  of  the  De  Prc/iis  mentions  certain  rocks  of  adamant, 

but  the  alliterative   translation  adds   a    feature  of  its  own,   viz.,   two    lines 

descriptive  of  the  quality  ascribed  to  those  rocks  of  drawing  nails  out  of 

ship's  bottoms. 

If  any  Nave  to  it  ne3e'  that  naylid  is  with  iryn 
Then  clevys  it  ay  to  the  clife  canyg  and  othyre. 

This  proposition,  as  the  learned  professor  acutely  noted,  thougli  absent 

from    the  Latin    text  of  the   De  Pre/iis,  was  in  Maundeville's  Ithierariuni. 

The  value  of  Professor  Skeat's  annotation  was  greatly    enlianced   when    it 

was  pointed  out  that  although  in  the  Hunterian  MS.  of  the  De  Preliis  the 

l^assagc  about  the  danger  to  ships  from  adamant  rocks  was  absent  also,  the 

Hunterian  MS.  included  a  copy  of  Maundeville's  Itiuerariiiin.    These  and  other 

reasons  led  to  the  proposition  that  the  Hunterian  codex  must  have  been  the 

the  Athenaeum  I  came  upon  a  slightly  different  version  of  it  in  the  Advocates'  Library  MS. 
18.4.9  i"  the  poetical  Historia  Akxandri  by  Wilkinus  of  .Spoleto,  written  in  1236.  Regard- 
ing this  poem,  M.  I'aul  Meyer  has  been  most  courteous  in  referring  me  to  sources  of  infor- 
mation in  addition  to  those  specified  in  his  Alexandre  Ic  Grand,  lome  second,   p.  40. 

'  This  3  or   '  yok  '  letter  I  have  rendered  as  gh,  y,  g,   or  z,  except  in  a  few  special 
cases  where  the  actual  letter  was  necessary. 


7]  MS.  'GUIDO'   AND    'DESTRUCTION  OF  TROY'  23 

identical  MS.  used  by  the  poet,  more  especially  as  further  correspondences 
scarcely  less  extraordinary  were  found  when  the  copy,  which  the  MS.  contained 
of  the  De  Excidio  Troje,  was  compared  with  the  alliterative  poem,  the 
Destruction  of  Troy. 

7.    'The   Destruction   of  Troy.' 

Like  the  Alexander.,  the  alliterative  Destruction  of  Troy  (henceforth 
cited  as  the  Troy)  is  a  direct  and  ordinarily  faithful  translation.  Just  as 
in  the  East  there  arose  away  from  history  altogether  a  legendary  life  of 
Alexander,  so  in  the  East  arose  also  ^  a  story  of  Troy  different  from  Homer's. 
The  blind  father  of  bards  had  of  course  told  the  deathless  story  from 
the  Greek  standpoint.  This  did  not  satisfy  the  craving  of  some  minds 
for  the  other  side,  and  the  strange  books  of  Dares  Phrygius  and  Dictys 
Cretensis  were  produced  which  in  some  degree  redressed  the  balance,  and 
so  far  traversed  Homer's  path  as  to  exalt  Hector  at  the  expense  of 
Achilles,  and  attribute  the  stratagem  of  the  horse  and  the  fall  of  Troy 
directly  or  indirectly  to  the  treason  of  Antenor  and  Aeneas.  These 
Latin  and  revised  versions  passed  widely  forth  :  Homer  was  unknown  or 
forgotten.  A  French  trouvere,  Benoit  de  Sainte  More,  wrote  his  Roman  de 
Troie  from  the  Latin  sources,  and  from  that  romance  Guido  de  Columpna, 
in  the  year  1287,  made  his  Latin  prose  version  which  at  once  became  a 
popular  history  book  in  the  literature  of  Europe.  There  was  poetic  vigour 
in  the  prose  unquestionably,  and  its  rendering  of  that  picturesque  theme, 

The  hatayle  of  Troy  that  was  so  stought, 

took  hold  of  Europe  as  even  Dares  and  Dictys  had  never  done.  Thus 
it  came  that  Huchown's  Troy  was  a  product  of  Guido's  Troja,  the  same 
work  as  John  Barbour  also  was  soon  to  be  translating,  and  as  John 
Lydgate,  the  monk  of  Bury,  was  to  translate. 

Guido's  tale  of  Troy  is  fully  rehearsed  in  the  14,044  lines  of  the  alli- 
terative translation.     There  are  a  good  many  signs  of  carelessness,  perhaps 

^An  excellent  sketch  of  the  Troy  Cycle  in  medieval  literature  is  given  l)y  Dr.  C.  II. 
A.  Wager  in  his  introduction  to  The  Seegt  of  Troye  (New  York,  1S99),  edited  from  MS. 
Harl.  525,  by  him. 


24 


'HUCHOWN   OF   THE   AWLE    RYALE  '  [Ch. 


to  be  allotted  equally  to  the  translator  and  the  scribes.  Myrion,  for 
instance,  is  killed  no  fewer  than  four  times  in  the  course  of  the  interminable 
battles.  The  narrative  rises  and  falls,  at  points  showing  full  of  sustained 
vigour,  elsewhere  marching  somewhat  mechanically,  but  assuredly  it  has 
many  noble  passages,  and  in  general  power  of  language  and  deftness  of 
epithet  is  on  the  merits^  an  entirely  dignified  and  worthy  rendering. 

The  rubrics  or  subdivisions  of  the  poem  proved  in  a  striking  pro- 
portion of  cases  to  be  directly  associated  with  the  rubrics  of  the  De 
Excidio  Troje  contained  in  the  Hunterian  MS.  These  rubrics  are,  many  of 
them,  very  special,  for  an  examination  of  a  great  number  of  copies  of 
Guide's  book  in  the  MSS.  of  the  British  Museum  and  the  Bodleian  Library 
failed  to  disclose  any  single  one  which  displayed  any  such  measure  of 
consonance  as  that  exhibited  by  the  Hunterian  MS.- 

The    correspondences    are    of   the   most   thorough    character,    and    the 

following  comparison  of  a  large  body  of  them  will  enable  the  critic  to  note 

the  differences  as  well  as  the  resemblances.     First,  however,  it  is  to  be  said 

that  the  rendering  of  Guido  used  by  the  scribe  was  an    Italian  edition  or 

version   by  Johannulus   de  Borrezio  in  1354,  as  appears   from  a   colophon 

on  fo.   126. 

u 
"  Et  e.^o  Johannolus  {o  expuncted  and  it  substituted]  de  Borrezio  Cancellarius  ecclesie 

Sancti  Victoris   de  Arsizate   Mediolanen.  dioc.  hoc    presens   opus   in    Beate  Agnetis   festo 

finivi  Anno  domini    miilesimo   tricentesimo  quinquagesimo   quarto   pontificatus   sanctissimi 

patris  et  domini  nostri  domini  Innocencii  Papa  vi.  anno  secundo      Et  cicius  enim  comple- 

vissem   nisi   quia   in    Reverendissimi   in    Xpo.    patris   et    domini   mei   domini    Guill'mi    de 

Pusterla   permissione   divina   sancte    sedis    Constantinopolitan.    patriarche   cujus   familiaris 

minimus  existo  negociis  plurimum  vacavi  utpote  sibi  nee  inmerito  perpetim  obligatus. 

This  text  has  very  many  rubrics  of  its  own.  Some  of  those  quoted  below 
are  common  to  other  manuscripts  as  well.  Many  of  them  are  believed  to 
be  peculiar  to  Borrezio's  version,  of  which  meantime  no  other  copy  appears 
to  be  known. 


^  I  gladly  pay  homage  to  the  critical  taste  of  my  friend,  Mr.  J.  T.  T.  Brown,  in  long 
ago  directing  me  to  this  alliterative  work  as  containing  much  high-class  poetry  despite 
the  adverse  verdicts  of  critics,  and  as  being  Huchown's  handiwork. 

'^Further  particulars  are  given  in  '  Huchown's  (?)  CodQ\,'  At henaeii//i,  i6th  June,  1900. 


7] 


'DESTRUCTION   OF  TROY  ^ 


25 


ITUXTERIAN    MS.    T.    4,    I. 

Folio. 

I       Incipit  prologus  .  .   . 

lb     Explicit  prologus.     Incipit    liber  de 

casu  Troje   primo   de    Peleo   rege 

Thessalie  inducente  Jasonem  .  .   . 

ad  vellus  aureum  adquirendum. 
4       Incipit  liber  secundus  de  .  .  .  Grecis 

applicatis  in  pertinenciis  Troje.  .  .  . 


6  [Passage  corresponding  to  1.  373.] 
Qualiter  Rex  Oetes  honorifice  Jas- 
onem .  .  .  recepit  et  qualiter  Medea 
.  .  .  amore  Jasonis  fuit  capta. 

8       Sicut  primo  loquitur  Jasoni  Medea. 

8  Responsio  Jasonis  ad  verba  Medee. 
8b     Alia  verba  Medee  ad  Jasonem. 

8b     Alia  responsio  Jasonis  ad  Medeam. 

9  Qualiter  Jason  et  Medea.   .  .   . 
9       Incipit  liber  tercius.   .  .   . 

1 1       Res  et  ipsarum  series  date  Jasoni  per 

Medeam  pro  aureo  vellere  acquir- 

endo.   .   .  . 
14b     Incipit  liber  quartus. 
15       Qualiter  Grecorum  exercitus  Jasonis 

et    Herculis  Troje  .   .   .   civitatem 

illam  primo  diruerunt. 
15b     Verba  Herculis.  .   .  . 
18       Qualiter    Greci   .    .    .    intrant   ipsam 

urbem. 
iSb     ...    Exionam    Regis    Laumedonte 

filiam.   .  .  . 
19b     De  Priamo  ...   &  filiis.  .  .   . 
2ib     De     constructione     mirabili     magni 

Ylion.  .  .   . 
22b    Qualiter  Rex  Priamus  misit  Anthen- 

orum     legatum     ad     Grecos     pro 

Exiona.  .  .   . 
24b    .   .  .   Incipit  liber  vj"^ 
25       Qualiter    rex    Priamus  .   .   ,  consulit 

suam    mittere    gentem    .    .    .    pro 

.  .  .  Grecorum  offensione  (1.  2095). 
25b     Quomodo  Priamus  hortatur  .  .  .  filios. 


Alliterative  'Destruction  of  Troy.' 

Line. 

Prologue.  I 

Explicit  Prologue.  98 

Here  begynnes  the  ffirst  Boke.  How  99 
Kyng  Pelleus  exit  Jason  to  get  the 
ffles  of  Golde. 
[Lost  in  text,  but  supplied  from  con- 
tents, p.  v.]  The  ii''  boke  how 
the  Grekes  toke  lond  upon  Troy. 
Cawse  of  the  first  debate. 

Jason.  373 

The  crafte  of  Medea.  402 

The  soden  bote  love  of  Medea.  449 

Medea.  521 

The  onsuare  of  Jason  to  Medea.  551 

Medea.  560 

The  onsuare  of  Jason  to  Medea.  577 

Medea.  637 

Third   Boke  :    how  Medea  enformed  665 

Jason  to  get  the  fflese  of  golde.  ■ 


Here  begynneth  the  fourth  boke.    Of  loio 
the  dystrucion  of  the  first  Troy  by 
Erciiles  and  Jason. 

Ercules.  1121 

The  takyng  of  the  towne.  1353 

Exiona  the  Kinges  doughter   Lamy-  1385 

don. 

Off  King  Pryam  and  his  children.  146 1 

The  makyng  of  Ylion.  1629 

How  Antenor  went   on   message  to  1780 
the  Grekys. 

Here  begynnes  the  Sext  Boke  :  How  2047 
Kyng  Priam  toke  counsell  to  Werre 
on  the  Grekys. 

Off  counsell  of  the  Kynges  children.  2157 


26 


'HUCHOWN   OF  TFIE   AWLE   RYALE ' 


[Ch. 


HUNTERIAN    MS.    T.    4,    I. 

Folio. 

26      Responsio     Hectoris    ad     Priamum 
patrem    suum    et    quomodo    pru- 
denter  suum  dedit  consilium. 
Consilium  Paridis.  .   .  . 
Consilium  Deyphobi.   .   .   . 
28b    Consilium  Eleni.   .   .  . 
28b     .   ,  .   Quid  consulit  Troiolus.  .   .   . 

29  Quomodo  Rex  Priamus  jubet  Paridi 

.  .  .  ut  pergat  ...  in  Grccia.  .  .  . 
29b    SicuL  loquitur  Pethileus. 

[This  name  is  corrupt  in  many  MSS.] 

30  Qualiter  Cassandra  regis  Priami  filia 

condolet.  .   .  . 
32       Qualiter  Paris  primo  vidit  Ilelenam 


27 

28 


Alliterative  '  Destruction  of  Troy. 

Line. 

The    onsuare    and    the    counsell    of  2207 
Ector  to  Priam  his  ffader. 

The  counsell  of  Paris  Alexaunder.  2306 

The  counsell  of  Deffebus.  2449 

The  counsell  of  Elinus  the  Bysshop.  2478 

The  counsell  of  Troylus.  2523 

Tiie  ordinaunse  for  Paris  into  Grese.  2561 

The  counsell  of  Protheus.  2619 

The  sorow  of  Cassandra  the  Kyngys  2676 

doughter. 

The  fairnes  of  Elan.  3019 


35b    Qualiter  Helena.  .  .  . 

36b     De  Grecis  inchoantibus  inire  consilia 

.  .  .  de  raptu  Ilelene  .   .   .   incipit 

liber  viij"^ 

37  Qualiter  Agamenon  consolatur  Mene- 

launi.   .   .   . 
37b     .    .    .    Pollux    et    Castor    paraverunl 
naufragium.  .   .   . 

38  Descripcio     Grecorum    qui     fuerunt 

super  Trojam  (1.  3732). 
40b     De  numero  navium  quas  Greci  dux- 
erunt  .   .   .  liber  viiij""^ 

41  Exhortacio  Agamenonis  contra  Grecos 
et  primo  voluit  habere  responsum 
a  deo  Appollinis  in  insula  Delphon 
liber  x'"^ 

42b  Qualiter  ydolatria  in  mundo  primo 
venit. 

44b     Responsum  datum  Achilli. 

47b  Qualiter  Agamenon  Rex  locutus  est 
Grecis  de  mittendo  nuncios  Regi 
Priamo  antequam  plus  procedant 
Li.  xij"s 

50b  De  Grecis  mittentibus  Achillcm  et 
Thelaphum  pro  victualibus  eorum 
exercilui  opportunis.     Li.  xiij"^ 


Elan.  3385 

Eght  Boke.     Of  the  counsell  of  the     3532 
Grekys  ffor  recoveryng  of  Elayne. 

The  counsell  of  Agamynon  to  Mene-     3584 

lay. 
The  drownyng  of  Pollux  and  Castor.     3673 

The  shape  and  colour  of  the  Kynges     3741 

of  Grece. 
Neynt  Boke.     Of  the  Nowmbcr  of    4029 

Shippes    and     the    Navy    of    the 

Grekes. 
Tent  Boke.     How  the  Grekes  sent     4140 

unto  Delphon  to  have  onsware  of 

a  God  of  thayre  Journay. 

Off  Beal!  the  god  and  Iklsabub.  4332 

The  answare  of  Appollo  to  Achilles.     4475 
xiith    Boke.      How  the  Grekys  sent     4783 

two   Kinges   in  message   to  Kyng 

Priam     for    restitucion     of    Ihairc 

harme. 
xiij    Boke.     How    the    Grekys   sent     5152 

Achilles  and   Thelefon   for   vitaill 

for  the  Ost  into  Messam. 


7] 


DESTRUCTION   OF   TROY' 


27 


HUNTERIAN    MS.    T.    4,    I. 
Folio. 
53       Descripcio  illorum  qui  in  subsidium 

venere  Trojanoruni. 
54b    Quomodo  Diomedes  quedam  discreta 

verba  profudit  de  processu. 
58b     De  secundo  bello.  ...   Li.  xv"^ 

66b     De  tercio  bello  .  .  .   Lib.  xvi"^ 

681i     De  quarto  bello  ...   Li.  xvij"^ 


70b     De  quinto  bello.    ...   Li.  xviij"^ 

72       De  sexto  bello  .  .  .   Li.  xviiij"^ 

74  Nota  de  inconstancia  mulierum. 
[This  does  not  seem  to  be  in  the 
scribe's  hand,  but  is  a  coeval 
owner's  ejaculation.] 

75b  De  septimo  bello  .  .  .  liber  vice- 
simus. 

77b  I  lie  fuit  preliatum  per  xij  dies  con- 
tinue sequentes. 


78       De  viijo  bello. 

[This  is  not  numbered  as  a  book, 
and  a  failure,  probably  due  to  this, 
occurs  in  the  consecutiveness, 
there  being  no  number  xxij  in 
the  Latin.] 

81  Qualiter  Agamenon  mortuo  Hectore 

jussit    majores    Grecorum    ad    se 
venire  et  quomodo  loquitur  eisdem. 

82  De  nono  bello  .   .  .   liber  xxiij""^ 

83  Qualiter  ille  metuendus  Achilles  fuit 

allaqueatus  amore. 

86  De  decimo  bello  ...  Li.  xxvj"*^ 
[begins  Induciis  igitur  datis\ 

87IJ  De  undecimo  bello  [begins  Sequenti 
vero  die  Trojane]. 


Alliterative  'Destruction  of  Troy.' 

Line. 
Of  the  Kynges  that    come   to   Troy     5432 

for  socur  of  Priam. 
The  Counsell  of  Dyamede  to  stirre  to     5590 

the  cite. 
XV  Boke.     Of  the  Ordinaunce  of  the     6065 

Troiens  to  the  secund  batell. 
xvi    Boke.     Of  a    trew   takyn    two     7125 

moneths,  and  of  the  third  batell. 
xvij  Boke.     Of  the   Counsell  of  the     7346 

Grekes    for    the    Dethe    of   Ector 

and  the  iiij''  batell. 
xviij'-  Boke  of  the  fyvet  batell  in  the     7553 

felde. 
xix  Boke.     Of  the  vi.  batell.  781 1 

[LI.    S055-67,   paragraph   on    female 

fickleness.] 


The  XX    Boke.     Of  the   vij"'   Batell     8183 
and  Skarmiches.  .  .  . 

Here    thai    faght    twelve   dayes   to-     8403 
gedur. 

[This  is  an  exceedingly  special  sub- 
rubric.  ] 

The  xxi  Boke.     Of  the  viij   Batell.       8421 

[From  this  point  the  numbering  of 
the  translation  and  the  Latin  ceases 
to  correspond.]  .   =   .    . 


The  counsall  of  Agamenon  after  the     8826 
dethe  of  Ector. 

Here  begynneth  the  xxij  Boke:  the     S971 

ellevynt  Batell  of  the  Cite. 
The  solempnite  of  the  obit  of  Ector     9089 

and    how    Achilles     fell    in     the 

momurdotes  for  luff. 
Here   begynnys  the  xxiij   Boke :    of    9400 

the  xij  and  xiij  batell. 
xxiiij     Boke  :     Of   the    xiiij    and    xv 

batell  of  the  Cite.  9628 


28 


'HUCnOWN   OF   THE   AWLE   RYALE' 


[Ch. 


HUNTERIAN    MS.    T.    4,    I. 
Folio. 
88      De  duodecimo  bello  [begins  Sequenti 

vera  die  inle?:  ] 
88b     Qualiter  Achilles  respondit  Ulixi. 

89b     De    Icrcio    decimo    bello  .   .   .   Lib. 

89b  De  quarto  decimo  bello. 
90b     De  quinto  decimo  bello. 

[The    Latin    rubrics    skip   from    the 

fifteenth  to  the  eighteenth  battle. 

The   translating  poet   therefore   is 

somewhat  nonplussed.] 
91b     De   xviij"   bello  [begins  I/iis   igitnr 

diebtis  elapsis  /etate.'\ 


92b     De  xviiij  bello  .  .  .  [begins  Belli  tempus 

/li/'s]. 
95       De  xx°  Ijcllo  [begins  Sextodecimo  igititr 

die.'] 

96b     .  .  ,  liber  xxviij"^  (1.  10790). 

97       De   vicesimo    primo   bello    (1.      10863) 

[begins  Ad  jtissw)i\ 
97b    De  vicesimo  secundo   bello  (1.    10913) 

[begins  Pantasiled\. 
98b    De  vicesimo  tercio  bello  et   de  morte 

Pantasilee     per     Pirrum     interfecle 

(1.  1 1079)  [begins  Snperveiiientibiis\ 
99       De    tractatu    seu    prodicione    Civitalis 

Troje  Incipit  liber  xxviiij"^ 

104      De  capcione  et  destruccione  Troje  et  de 

morte  Regis  Priami  et  Polisene  ejus 

filie.     Li.  xxx""^ 
107       Qualiter  Agamenon  loquitur  Grecis  .  .  . 


Alliterative  '  Dkstiu'Ction  or  Troy.' 

Line. 

The   answare  of  Achilles   to  Ulyxes 

the  Kyng.  9743 

XXV  Boke  :   Off  the  Sextene  and  the 
xvij  batell.  9864 

Of  xviij  and  the  xix  batell.  9675 

Here    thai    faght  vij    dayes  togedur, 

that  ys  not  recont :  no  batell.  10116 


The  xxvi  Boke.     Of  the  xviij  batell 

of  the  Cite.  10133 

[In  this  important  rubric  the  editors 
of  the  poem  have,  as  they  explain 
in  a  marginal  note,  printed  "(xx)" 
as  the  number  of  the  battle.  Their 
note  is,  however,  distinct  (and 
accords  with  the  fact  of  the  MS. 
of  the  Destruction)  in  stating  that 
the  "MS.  has  xviii."] 

The    dethe    of  Troilus   by    Achilles  10252 
trayturly  slayne  in  the  xxj  batell. 

Off  the  xx''  batell.  10629 

[Again  editors  print  '  (xxii) '  but  note 
'  MS.  has  xx'i.'] 

The  xxvij  Boke.      Of  xxj  Batell  .  .  .   10788 


The  xxij  and  xxiij  l)atell  of  the  Cite.     10950 

Here  they  faght  a  moncthe.  11079 

The  deth  of  Pantasilia  by  Pirrus.  1 1 103 

The  xxviij  Boke  :  Of  the  Counsell  of 
Eneas  and  Antenor.  Of  the  treason 
of  the  Cite. 

The  ordinaunce  of  the  trybute.  '1717 


The  counsell  of  the  Grekes. 


12015 


7] 


DESTRUCTION   OF   TROY 


29 


Folio. 
1 08b 


HUNTERIAN    MS.    T.    4,    I. 


Alliterative  'Destruction  ok  Troy.' 

Line. 

The  XXX   Boke  :  Of  stryfe  of  Thela-    12165 

mon  anil  Ulixes  and  of  the  dethe  of 

Thelamon. 


112 


Qualiter    destrucla    urbe    Troje    Thela- 

monius  Ajax  loquitur  contra  Vlixem 

occasione     Paladii    liber     tricesimus 

primus. 
Sequitur   quomodo   mortuus    est   Aga-     The  xxxij  Boke  :  Of  the  Lesyng  that   12552 


115b 

117 
119I) 

122b 


menon  liber  xxxij"^ 

[Numbering  ot  books  tallies  once  more. 
As  to  a  confusion  in  the  numbering 
of  the  books  in  the  alliterative  poem, 
see  note  by  editors  (pref.  liii-iv)  on 
displacement  of  two  sets  of  folios  of 
the  MS.]. 

Qualiter  Horrestes  .  .  .  patris  .  .  . 
necem  .  .  .  vindicavit  Liber  tricesi- 
mus tercius. 

Sequitur  narracio  de  reditu  Ulixis  et 
quid  ei  in  redeundo  contingit. 

De  reditu  Pirri  et  ejus  prospero  successu 
ac  de  morte  sua  sequitur  narracio  Lib. 
xxxiiij"^ 


was  made  to  Kyng  Nawle,  and  of 
dethe  of  his  son  Palomydon. 
Off  the  dethe  of  Agamynon  and  the 

exile  of  Dyamede  by  there  wyvys  12727 
for  this  lettur. 


Mere  begynnes  the  xxxiij  Boke.    How   12937 

Oreste  toke  vengianse  for  his  fader 

dethe. 
The  xxxiiij   Boke.     How  hit  happit  13 106 

Ulixes  aftur  the  sege. 
The   XXXV  Boke :  Of  Pyrrus  and  of  13388 

his  passyng  from  Troy. 
Off  the  coronyng   of  Pyrrus   and  of  13635 

his  dethe. 
The   xxxvi  Boke.     Of  the  dethe  of  13802 

Ulixes  by  his  son. 


Qualiter    Ulixes    mortuus    est    subse- 
quenter  enarratur  :  liber  xxxv"^ 

Textually,  as  the  various  versions  of  Guido's  Historia  exhibit  few  crucial 
tests  for  identification  of  their  distinctions,  it  is  not  easy  to  devise  methods 
of  decisive  collation.  Yet  a  few  very  cogent  instances  can  be  adduced. 
Besides  the  mere  facts  of  agreement  in  so  many  rubrics,  not  found  in  any 
print  or  MS.  of  Guido  accessible  to  me,  there  is  specially  the  agreement  in 
the  numbering  of  the  books  above  illustrated — a  matter  on  which  there  is 
considerable  divergence  in  different  texts.  In  the  list  of  kings  whom 
Hector  slew,  the  poem  put  '  Archilocus '  (or  Arcesilaus)  first.  All  the  prints, 
and  the  greater  number  of  the  manuscripts  of  Guido,  put  him  fourth 
or  fifth  in  the  list,  which  comes  ultimately  from  Dares  Phrygius  (Teubner, 
1873,  praef.  ix.).  But  the  Hunterian  Guido  (fo.  125),  like  the  poem 
(1.  14,008)  places  Archilocus  first.  There  are,  on  the  other  hand,  such 
elements  as  the  presence  of  'Beelzebub'  (1.  4357)  in  the  poem,  where  the 
Hunterian   MS.   (fo.   43)  has  Beelin  Aback   Bel  i.  deus  Zabuch  i.  inusca  hoc 


3©  'HUCHOWN   OF  THE  AVVLE   RYALE '  [Ch. 

deus  viuscarum — though  pnnted  editions  have  '  Beelzebub  ' — :which  make 
it  possible  that  the  poet-translator  had  access  to  more  copies  than  one  of 
this  widely  current  work.  Although  the  very  extraordinary  correspondences 
exhibited  might  not  suffice  to  constitute  the  proof  single-handed,  they  yet 
when  placed  in  conjunction  with  the  similar  and  still  more  striking  corre- 
spondences of  the  Alexander  with  the  same  Hunterian  MS.  enable  us  to 
start  with  a  presumption  little  short  of  absolute  that  the  translator  of  the 
Alexander  and  the  translator  of  the  Troy,  whether  the  same  person  or 
not,  at  any  rate  used  the  same  manuscript — a  manuscript  the  earliest 
possible  date  of  which  is  1356,  the  year  in  which  the  Ifinerarium  of 
Maundeville  is,  in  the  text  of  the  MS.  itself,^  declared  to  have  been  written. 

How  the  presumption  of  two  translations  from  the  same  manu- 
script stands  the  test  of  being  carried  a  degree  further  to  the  inference 
that  the  user  of  the  MS.  was  the  maker  of  both  translations  will  best 
appear  from  the  analysis  now  to  be  undertaken  of  certain  poems  with  the 
primary  view  of  determining  their  relation  and  order  of  date.^  The  Troy, 
there  is  good  reason  to  maintain,-^  was  quoted  in  Scotland  by  Barbour 
in   137C. 

8.  '  Titus  and  Vespasian,'  Its  Story,  Sources,  and  Date. 
(i)   The  Story  and  General  Sources. 

Indications,  which  may  be  left  to  the  critic  to  accept  or  reject  as  he 
pleases,  suggest  with  some  distinctness  that  the  Troy  was  not  written  till 
after  the  Alexander.  While  wishing  to  be  taken  as  comparatively  tentative 
my    opinion    of  the    priority    of  the  Alexander  to  the  Troy,  I  advance  as 

^  A  great  mystery  hangs  over  Maundeville.  This  must  have  been  an  early  cupy  :  il 
differs  from  other  texts,  and  will  reward  study  by  some  lover  of  the  charming  Itinerary. 
Sir  Hew  of  Eglintoun  was  in  London  in  1358.  His  getting  the  MS.  in  that  year  is  not 
beyond  the  bounds  of  legitimate  speculation. 

'^It  is  proper  to  recall  the  fact  that  in  editing  the  Troy  Mr.  Panton  and  Mr.  David 
Donaldson  argued  very  forcefully  that  its  translator  and  the  author  of  Morte  Arthure 
were  one. 

"  Cf.  Troy,  12969-74,  2734-8,  1056-64,  and  Barbour's  Bruce,  v.  1-13,  xvi.  63-71,  and 
Buik  of  Alexander,  p.  107,  11.  1-12,  p.  248,  11.  16-26.  See  John  Barbour,  Poet  and 
Translator,  9-13. 


8]  'TITUS   AND   VESPASIAN';    THE   STORY  31 

an  absolute  and  unhesitating  conclusion  the  view  that  the  Troy  was 
followed  by  a  poem  variously  known  as  the  Titus  atid  Vespasian  or  as 
The  Sege  of  Jerusalem,  or  as  the  Warris  of  the  Je%vis — henceforward  cited 
as  Titus. 

Although  critics  heretofore  have  busied  themselves  with  the  question  of 
the  authorship  of  the  Troy,  while  some  have  supposed  it  to  date  after 
Morte  Arthicre,  while  some  have  given  the  Troy  to  Huchown,  and  while 
others  have  refused  it,  no  one  has  yet  set  forward^  the  great  fact  of  the 
connection  between  these  two  alliterative  poems  constituted  by  a  third 
alliterative  poem,  the  Titus,  whose  authorship  till  now  has  not  been 
claimed.  It  is  the  key  to  Morte  Arthure,  the  link  which  binds  it  in 
indissoluble  association  with  the  Troy,  and  determines  finally  the  order  of 
production. 

The  Titus  found   in   one   MS.  in  company  with  a  poem   in  the  precise 
metre  of  the  Pistill  of  Susan  contains  in  the   only  available   printed   text 
1332  lines,  not  rimed  but  alliterative,  and  has  for  its  theme  the  miraculous 
cures  of  Titus  and  Vespasian  and  the  siege  and  overthrow  of  Jerusalem. 
Founded  as  regards  its  earlier  incidents  in  some  degree  on  blended  features 
of  early  versions  of  the  singular  legend  of  St.  Veronica,  such  as  the  Latin 
Vindicta   Salvatoris   and    the  French  Destruction  de  Jerusalem,   but  largely 
striking  out  new  lines  for  itself,  the  poem  soon  discloses  its  direct  connection 
with  the  Legenda  Aurea,   many  passages  of  which  it  freely  adapts,  though 
with  insertions  from  undiscovered  sources  and  contributions  evidently  quite 
original.     Another  work  clearly  drawn  upon  was  the   Bellum  ludaicum  of 
Josephus,    no   doubt,    as    Herr    F.    Kopka    has    shown,-  in  the   version   of 
Hegesippus.     The  story  tells,  at  the  opening,  how  Titus  is  afilicted  with  a 
cancer  and  his  father  with  a  settlement  of  wasps  in  his  nose,  from  which 
he  took  his  name  Waspasian  !     Titus,  eager  in  his  inquiry  after  physicians, 
is   told   by    Nathan,    a   Jew,    of  the   wondrous   life   of  a   prophet  born   in 
Bethlehem  who   wrought   many   a   miracle,  and   who  at   last,    betrayed   by 
Judas,  was  put  to  death  by  Pilate,  the  provost  of  Rome.     Titus,  touched 


^  The  proposition  was  made  in  my  article  ' Huthoivn'  (part  I.)  in  Athenaeum,  i  June  1901 
2  The  Destruction  of  Jerusalem  :  ein  mittekttglisches  alliterierendes  Gedicht.     Einleitung. 
Inaugural  Dissertation.     Breslau  1887. 


32 


liUCHOWN    OF   TIIK    AWLK    K^■ALE'  [Ch. 


by  what   he   hears,   breaks  out  with   a  sudden    expression  of  sympathy   for 
Christ  and  censure  of   His  condenmation.       Before   the   words  are  wholly 
said  the  cancer  vanishes.     The  gratefully  joyous  Tilus  turns  Christian  and 
is  baptised.     Vespasian  learns  of  the  miraculous  healing,  and  vows  that  if 
he  too  shall  be  cured  he  will  give  his  life  for  Christ.     Messengers  are  sent 
*  that  time    Peter  was   Pope    and    preached    in   Rome,'  and   from   Palestine 
there  comes  Saint  Veronica  with  the  veil  on  which   the  Saviour's  face  had 
left  its  sacred   imprint.      When   this    precious   relic   reaches    the    temple  at 
Rome  the  idols  of  the  heathen   faith  yet  prevalent  there  crash  in   pieces. 
Saint   Peter   touched  with    the   veil    the   person   of   the    illustrious    patient, 
'  the   wasps    went   away   and   all    the    woe   after,'    and    the    glad   Vespasian 
christens  the  veil  after  Veronica   and   calls   it   the   Vernacle.      The   scene 
now   shifts  :    Romans  set  sail  to  make  war  on   the  Jews ;    the  holy  city  is 
besieged ;    surrender  is  demanded  in  vain,  and  Vespasian,  foiled  to  some 
extent  by  the  warlike  ingenuity  of  Josephus,  strives  long  and  unsuccessfully 
to  take  Jerusalem.     Meanwhile  Nero  dies ;  after  Galba,  Otho,  and  Vitellius, 
at  last  Vespasian  is  chosen  successor.     He  departs   for  Rome  and  leaves 
the  siege  to  be  prosecuted   by  Titus.     Famine  and  distress  accelerate  that 
task;    eleven  hundred  thousand  Jews  die  by  sword  and  hunger;    the  walls 
are  stormed;  and  the  stubborn  defenders  starved  till  their  stomachs,  as  the 
poet  expressively  puts  it,  are  'no  greater  than  a  greyhound,'  lay  down  their 
arms,  and  doffing  their  armour,  yield  their  gates  'in  their  bare  shirts.'     The 
jewelled   splendours   of  Solomon's   sanctuary   are   carried   away,   and   as   a 
Jew  had  sold  Christ  '  for  thirty  pennies  in  a  poke,'  now  the  prisoners  of 
Titus,  bound  together  with  ropes,  were  sold — 'thirty  Jews  in  a  thrum' — 
at  a  penny  for  thirty.     And  then  the  long  siege  was  raised,  and  the  victors 
'went  singing  away'  homeward  to  Rome,  as  ends  our  poet — 'Now  rede  us 
our  Lord.' 

(2)    The  '  Titus^  the  '  Troy,'  and  the  '  Alexander: 

This  remarkable  Titus,  in  parts  of  it  not  taken  from  any  of  the  Latin 
or  French  sources  above  named,  includes  more  than  one  passage  and 
not  a  few  single  lines  which  it  owes  directly  to  the  Troy.  Not  only  so  ;  in 
some  of  those  passages  and  lines  there  is   a   double   association,  for   they 


8] 


'TITUS';    ITS   PARALLELS 


33 


connect  with  the  Alexander  also.  In  particular  the  language  descriptive 
of  the  fall  and  destruction  of  Jerusalem  in  the  Titus  will  be  shewn  to  be 
in  part  derived  from  an  episode  of  destruction  in  the  Troy,  and  more 
remotely  from  certain  siege  descriptions  in  the  Alexander.  Premising  that 
the  primary  thesis  is  that  the  Titus  is  deeply  indebted  to  the  Troy  let 
us  proceed  to  the  scrutiny  of  parallels. 

TitHS. 


Alex.       555     Cloudis  clcnly  Lo-cleve  clatird 

unfaiie. 
Troy      57S7     Cloudis    with     the     clamour 
claterit  above. 
1984     A   rak    and   a   royde   w\nde 

rose  in  hor  saile. 
4312     Both    mavvhounus   and    mau- 
mettes  myrtild  in  peces. 
Latin  has  ydoluni  .   .   .  csset 
ill  niimUatim  abscissum. 
8719     Of  wepyng    and    vvayle    and     245-6     Than     was     wepyng      antl    wo      and 


Troy 
Troy 


54     Cloud es    clatcren    gon   as    they  cleve 
wolde. 

54     The  racke  m\de    a    rede   wynde   roos 

in  the  myddcl. 
233     The    mahoniid   and   the    mametes   to- 
mortled  to  peces. 


Troy 


Troy 

Alex. 
Troy 
Troy 
Troy 


wryngyng  of  hondes. 
8679     .   .   .    wringyng  of  hond  : 

The  dit  and  the  dyn  was 
dole  to  behold. 
1 347     Of  the  dite  and  the  dyn  was 

dole  to  beholde. 
9611     ]\Iyche    weping    and    waile 

wringyng  of  hond. 
1902     Hade   bir  at   his   bake    and 

the  bankes  levyt. 
12490     Hadyn    bir    at    there   backe 

and  the  bonke  levyt. 
1 151     Tilded    full    of  torretes   and 

toures  of  defence. 
1 55 1      iMony  toures  up  lild  the  toune 

to  defende. 
5825     .    .    .    the    might    and     the 

mayn  .   .   . 
7619     A  thondir  with  a  thicke  rayn 

thrublit  in  the  skewes. 
12496     A  thoner  and  a  thicke  rayne 

thrublet  in  the  skewes. 
Latin    has    in    miilta    copia 

phiviarum   ether    in    loiii- 

truoruin  aggregacionibus. 


wryngyng  of  hondis 
With    loude    dyn  and  dit    for  doil    of 
hym  one. 


2S8     Hadde  byr  at  the  bake  and  the  bonke 
lefte. 


310     With  many  a  toret  and  tour  that  toun 
to  defende. 


505     Bothe  the  myght  and  the  mayn. 

530     As  thonder  and    thicke  rayn    throwa- 
land  in  skyes. 


34 


'HUCHOWN   OF  THE   AWLE   RYALE' 


[Ch. 


Troy      1 195     Speiresuntosprottcssprongen 

oner  hedes. 
Cf.   5783,  6406,  7248,  9666, 

1 1022. 
Alex.       790     Al     to     spryngis    in    sprotis 

speres  .  .  . 
Alex.       786     .  .  .  spakly  with  speres.  .  .  . 
Alex.       789     Sone    into   shcverand  shidez 

shaftez  tubristen. 

Awntyrs  501     Schaftis  of  schene  wode  thay 
schevercde  in  schides. 

Alex.     4766     As   gotis   out   of   guttars    in 

golanand  wcdres. 
Troy      9406     He    gird    hym     thurgh     the 

guttes  with  a  grym  spere. 
Troy      3170     Chaiindelcrs   full    chefe    and 

charbokill  stones. 
T)oy    1 1 141     All    the    bent    of  that    birr 

blody  beronnen. 
Alex.      1395     Kenely     thai      kepe      with 

castyng  of  stanes. 
Alex.      1390     Archers  with  arowes  of  atter 

envenmonyd. 
Troy.  4739-41  Schottyn   up   sharply  at   the 

schene  wallis 
With     glayves     and     gomes 

girdyn  doun  toures 
Dryven    up     dartes,     gyffen 

depe  woundes. 

Latin  has  crebris  sagiltis  em- 
issis  letaliier  vtilnerant, 

Alex.      1 391     Sholon  up  sharply  at  salkez 

on  the  walks. 
Alex.      1396     Dryves  dartez  at  our  dukez 

deply  thaim  wounden. 
Troy      1647     In  cornals  by  course  clustret 

oloft. 
Alex.     1 42 1     And  be  the  kernels  wer  kest. 
Alex.      3046     Of  aiows   and   of  alblastres 

that  all   the  ayre  blynded. 


Titiis. 
551     Spakly   her    speres   on   sprotes    they 
5cden. 


552     Scheldes  al  schidvvod  on  scheldres  to 
eleven. 


558     And     goutes     from    golde    wede     as 

goteres  they  runne. 
564     Girdeth  out  the  guttes  with  grounden 

speres. 
588     Chair  and  chaundelers  and  charbokel 

stones. 
597     So   was   the    bent    ouer    brad    blody 

byrunne. 
619     Keptcn  kenly  with  caste   the  kernels 

alofte. 
652     And    arwes    arwely    with    atlyr    en- 

venymyd. 
664  [  Schoten   up    scharply   to    the    schene 

walles. 


835 


Dryven   dartes   a    doun    geven    depe 
woundes. 


673     Kesten  at  the  kernels  clustered  toures. 


665     With   arwes   and    arblastes    and    alle 

that  harmc  myght. 
833     With  arwes  and  arblastes  and  archers 

manye. 


8] 


TITUS'   AND   THE    'TROY^ 


35 


To  interrupt  a  little  the  monotony  of  parallel  will  serve  a  good  purpose 
if  it  accentuates  the  next  pair  of  passages.  In  the  Troy  the  Greek  camp 
by  night  is  pictured  in  words  which  alike  in  their  modicum  of  adherence 
to  the  Latin  text  they  follow,  and  in  their  more  notable  deviations  from 
it,  evince  a  mastery  of  poetic  art  and  natural  description.  One  feels  that 
the  translator's  night  was  more  real  than  Guido's  :  yet  the  passage  as  a 
whole  is  not  the  alliterative  poet's  :  it  gives  us  Guido  plus  his  translator. 
Accordingly,  when  we  find  the  same  description  in  the  Titus,  and  at  the 
end  of  it  a  further  line  from  another  part  of  the  Troy,  where  that  line  is 
indubitably  translation,  it  ceases  to  be  a  matter  of  argument  and  establishes 
itself  as  ascertained  fact  that  without  the  previous  Troy  we  could  have  had 
no  Titus. 


Troy  7348-57. 
When    the    day   ouerdrogh    and    the    derk 

entrid, 
The  slernes  full  stithly  slarand  oloft, 
All     merknet     the     mountens     and    mores 

aboute, 
The  fowles  there  fethers  foldyn  togedur, 


Titus  722-31. 
By  that  was  the  day  done,  dymned  the  skyes, 

Merked  montaynes  and  mores  aboute, 
Follies  fallen  to  fote  and  her  fethres  rusken. 


Nightwacche  for  to  wake,  waits  to  blow  ;  The  nyght  wacche  to  the  walles  and  waytes 

to  blowe, 
Tore  fyres  in  the  tenttes  tendlis  oloft.  Bryght   fures   aboute   betyn  abrode   in   the 

oste ; 
All    the   gret   of    the    Grekes  gedrit    hom         Chosen  chyventayns  out  and  chiden  no  mor, 

somyn, 
Kynges   and   knyghles   clennest  of  wit,  Bot     charged     the     chek-wecche    and     to 

chambr  wenten, 
Dukes  and  derfie  erles  droghen  to  counsell ;       Kynges  and  knyghtes  to  cacchen  hem  rest. 
In  Agamynon  gret  tent  gedrit  were  all. 

They  had  met  in  counsel  how  to  compass         Waspasian  lyth  in  his  logge,  litel  he  slepith. 
the  death  of  Hector.      Later  in  the  poem 
Achilles,  scheming  revenge  on  Troilus,  found 
no  rest  in  his  bed. 

Troy    10096    And    lay    in    his    loge    litill 
he  sleppit. 

Guido's  Latin  of  these  two  Troy  passages  is 

Aspectibus    igitur    hominum    crepusoilo    succedente   stellis   per   celi   spacium   undique 
patefactis   quibus   nox  que   nocet   oculis   intuencium   in   aspectibus   ceterorum  propter  sue 


o 


6  'HUCIIOWN   OF   THE   AWLE   RVALE'  [Ch. 


tenebras  cecitatis  aperte  vulg;ivil.  Omncs  Roges  Grecoruni  duces  et  principes  in  ipsius 
noctis  conticinio  in  Regis  Agamenonis  tenlorio  conveniiint. 

[Achilles]  inquietus  sua  non  appelil  claudere  lumina  in  dormicionis  consuela  quiele. 

The  effect  of  this  group  of  Hnes  common  to  the  sieges  of  Troy  and 
Jerusalem — the  aUiterative  sieges — stands  in  Httle  need  of  enforcement. 
Tlie  canon  of  comparison  to  which  appeal  is  made  is  this.  Given  two 
passages,  one  of  which  must  be  due  to  the  other ;  given  that  one  of  them 
is  known  translation,  although  expanded  somewhat ;  given  that  the  other 
is  not  translation ;  then  if  the  points  in  common  include  things  which  are 
real  translation,  every  presumption  leads  to  the  conclusion  that  the  trans- 
lation is  tlie  source,  and  therefore  the  earlier.  It  seems  axiomatic  that  the 
Troy  lent  its  night-scene  to  the  Tt'/us.  And  there  are  yet  other  parallels 
to  follow.  Elsewhere  in  a  discussion  of  the  same  sort  the  proposition  was 
advanced  that  a  poet  who  repeated  the  same  line  more  than  once  in  a 
poem  might  not  unnaturally  be  found  repeating  it  in  another.  In  this 
connection,  therefore,  it  is  worthy  of  observation  that  one  of  the  lines 
above  quoted  occurs  in  another  part  of  the  Troy  as  well. 

Jrof  7809.     Merkil  the  mounlayns  and  mores  aboute. 

In  both  instances  the  darkening  of  hill  and  moorland  at  nightfall  is  a  touch 
of  the  translator's  own — is  exegetic  and  not  literal  translation.  It  is  the 
recurrence  of  this  fact  which  imports  so  much  more  significance  into  such 
recurrent  lines.  Will  it  not  appear  strange  if  from  a  verse-translation  con- 
taining 14,000  lines,  the  borrowings  in  other  poems  should  so  often  prove 
to  be  not  of  Guido's  matter,  but  of  the  translator's  ?  Now  we  return  to 
our  parallels. 

815     Fought  right  felly  foyned  with  speres. 


Troy 

10287 

Fell  was  the   fight    foyning 
of  spears. 

Troy 

4753 

Fell  was  the  feght.   .   .   . 

Troy 

5795 

.   .   .   felly  .  .  .   foghtyn  .  .  . 

835  See  under  664  above 

Troy    1 1956     When    the   derke   was   done         850  When  the  derk  was  doun  and  the  day 

and  the  day  sprange.  spryngen. 

Alex.      1489     .  .  .  bodworde  of  blis.  .  .  .             965  .  .  .  bodeword  of  blys.  .  .  . 

Alex.      1324     And    makez    a    way     wyde         998  Made  weys  throw  for  wenes  and  cartes. 

enogh  waynez  for  to  mete. 


8] 


'TITUS';    JERUSALEM,   TENEDOS,   AND   TYRE 


37 


Titus. 
Alex.      2264     And  thai  als  fayne  alle  the       1005     Fayn  as  the  foul  of  day  was  the  freke 

flote  as  fowelle  of  the  day.  than. 

Alex.  75     ...  oute  in  the  wale  stremys.       1017     ...  over  wale  stremys. 

Troy      6064     .  .  .  Lord  giffe  us  joye.  1104     ...  and  God  gyve  us  joy. 

[End  of  book  xiv.]  [End  of  one  of  the  four  divisions  of 

the  poem.] 
Z'r^y  4751-2     Layn    ladders    alenght    and      |ii86    At  eche  kernel  was  cry  and  quasschyng 
aloft  wonnen  J  of  wepne. 

At  yche  Cornell  of  the  castell      !  1189    Leythe   a  ladder   to   the    wal    and   a 


was  crusshyng  of  weppon. 
Latin  has  bellicis  scalis  appositis  ktaliter 
impetiint    et     dura     debellacione     Trojanos 
■berimunt, 
Troy    1 1090     Kene     was    the    crie    with 

crnsshyng  of  weppyn, 
Troy      6924     That  the  blod  out  brast.  .  .  . 
Troy  4755-6     Till  thai  lept  of  the  ladder 

light  in  the  dyke. 
The  brayne  oute   brast   and 

the  brethe  levyt. 


lofte  clymyth. 


1 194-5  That  the  brayn  out  brast  at  both  nose 

thrylles 
And  Sabyn  ded  of  the  dynt  into  the 

diche  falleth. 
[Sabyn  had  mounted  the  ladder.] 


Latin  has  sterniintur  a  scalis  et  vohibiliter       1203     Wer  ded  of  that  dynt  and  in  the  diche 


ruinosi  prevenieutes  in    terra  fractis  cemi- 

cibus  vitavi  exalant. 

Alex.      2153     ...    fey    for    defaute    enfa- 

myshyd  hys  oste. 
Troy      3169     Bassons    of  bright    gold  and 

other  brode  vessell. 

Troy      4774     Mynours   then   mightely  the 
moldes  did  serche. 

Troy      4695     Betyne  doune  the  buyldynges 

to  the  bare  erthe. 
Troy      4777     Betyn   doun    the  buyldynges 
and  brent  into  erthe. 
Latin    has     in    facie  terre   dejectis   tain 
deicienciuin    studio    qiiani    igniuni  fanunis 
voracibus. 
Alex.      3642     Thretti  dais  on  a  throme.  .  .  . 


lyghten. 


1240 


.   enfamyed  for  defaute  whan  hem 

fode  wanted. 
1 26 1     Bassynes    of  brend    gold    and    other 

bryght  ger. 
1274   Now   masons   and   mynours   hav    the 

molde  soughte. 
1279   Till   alle   the   cyte   was   serched    and 

sought  al  aboute. 
1257    Doun  bete  the  bilde  brenne  hit  in  to 

grounde. 
1285    Bot  doun  betyn  and  brent  into  blake 

erth. 


1314     Thrytty  Jewes  in  a  thrum. 


From  these  citations  an  interesting  induction  conies.  Lines  of  the 
Titus,  containing  part  of  the  narrative  of  the  detailed  overthrow  and  deso- 
lation of  the    Holy    City,    reproduce   almost    verbatim   lines    of  the    Troy, 


82487 


38  'HUCHOWN   OF   THE   AWLE    RYALE '  [Ch. 

all  concerning  a  side-incident   of  the   Trojan    story — the   assault,    defence, 
capture,  and  destruction  of  the  castle  of  Tenedos. 

Titus  (a)     664,  {i>)    835,  (c)  1189,  (d)  1186,  (e)    815,  (/)  1195. 

Troy  (a)  4739,  (l>)  4741,  (c)  4751,  (d)  4752,  (e)  4753,  (/)  4755. 

Tt'/i/s  (g)   1 194,  (/i)  1274,  1279,  (/)  1285. 

Troy  (^o-)  4756,  (//)  4774,  (/)4777- 

Nor  ends  there  the  indication  from  a  synthesis  of  the  borrowings,  if 
borrowing  it  be  called.  If  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  points  us  to  Tenedos,  it 
points  at  the  same  time  to  Tyre,  for  (besides  others  of  minor  note)  the 
following  lines  in  the  Titi/s  connect  with  the  siege  of  Tyre  in  the  corre- 
sponding Alexander  lines. 

Titus  (a)     310,   (/.)     998,  (e)    652,   (d)    664,  (e)     619,   (/)     835,  (g)     673. 
A/ex.  {a)  1 151,  (^)  1324,  (c)  1390,  (d)  1391,  (e)  1395,  (/)  1396,  (g)  1421. 

That  siege  of  Tyre  !  It  so  singularly  unites  with  authentic  history  the 
legendary  and  romantic  after-accretion,  which  through  Lambert  li  Tors  was 
to  furnish  a  Scottish  /oa/s  dassicus  in  the  reference  to  it  made  by  John 
Barbour  in  his  vigorous  account  ^  of  the  taking  of  Edinburgh  Castle  in 
the  spring  of  the  year  of  Bannockburn. 

Not  the  least  curious  element  of  the  foregoing  comparisons  of  the 
capture  of  Jerusalem  with  that  of  Tenedos  is  the  fact  that  the  succession 
of  the  lines  is  almost  perfectly  the  same  in  both.  Those  of  the  Titus 
observe  in  nine  instances  out  of  ten — with  only  two  slight  transpositions — 
the  very  order  of  the  corresponding  lines  in  the  Troy.  No  one  is  likely 
to  suggest  that  such  an  occurrence  is  a  chance  coincidence.  Even  had 
the  fine  scene  of  the  midnight  camp  been  wanting,  this  matter  of  Jerusalem 
and  Tenedos  and  Tyre  must  itself  have  sufficed  to  prove  the  wonderful 
linking  of  the  three  poems. 

(3)  Date  Indications. 

Traces  of  contemporary  historical  and  romance  elements  in  Titus  lead 
to  a  suggestion  of  date.     One  cannot  now   call  the   Brut  of  Geoffrey   of 

'  Bruce,  x.  705-33- 


8]  'TITUS';    ITS   DATE  39 

Monmouth  a  historical  source,  but  the  point  of  view  of  the  fourteenth 
century  was  not  ours.  The  poet  certainly  drew  upon  the  Brut^  for 
Vespasian's  banner  with  its  golden  dragon,  having  under  him  a  four- 
bladed  falchion  pointing  to  the  four  points  of  the  compass  and  resting 
upon  a  ball  of  burning  gold  in  sign  of  conquest  of  the  world.  The  dragon, 
moreover,  was  a  special  token  of  the  imperial  presence — '  ther  the  lord 
werred' — and  of  menace.  Both  of  these  ideas  are  outlined  by  Geoffrey 
of  Monmouth.  Two  sources  in  French  romance  are  probable.  References 
to  vows  (11.  181,  197,  969,  looi)  perhaps  carry  an  air  of  the  Voeux  du 
Paon,  a  poem  popular  in  the  middle  of  the  fourteenth  century  The 
shaving  of  the  Roman  ambassadors  (11.  355-78),  thus  maltreated  by  the 
Jews  as  an  insult,  is  an  incident  not  in  the  general  sources  of  the  Veronica 
legend,  and  is  in  all  likelihood  a  transfer  from  the  French  romance  of  Ogier 
Danois,  in  which  four  ambassadors  of  the  Emperor  Charles,  sent  to  claim 
homage  and  tribute  of  Godfrey  of  Denmark,  are  sent  back  shaven  and  shorn. 
Yet  more  decisive  is  the  historical  hint  to  be  deduced  from  the  summons 
to  surrender  Jerusalem,  which  is  answered  by  the  shaving  of  the  imperial 
'  sondismen.'  The  Jews,  so  acting,  were  returning  scorn  for  scorn,  since 
they  had  been  called  upon  to  submit  to  Titus  in  terms  of  ignominy : 

Open-heded  alle 
Up  her  jates  to  jeld  with  jerdes  on  hande 
Eche  whight  in  a  white  scherte  and  no  wede  cllys  ( Titus,  344-6). 

In  the  end,  after  their  long  and  tragic  defence,  they  can  hold  out  no 

longer : 

Bot  up  3eden  her  jates  and  jelden  hem  alle 

Without  brunee  and  bright  wede  in  her  bar  chertes  (Titus,  1233-4). 

This  cannot  well  have  come  from  any  other  quarter  than  from  the 
surrender  of  Calais  in  1347  to  Edward  III.  The  'floynes'-  and  '  farcostes,' 
'  cogges,'  '  crayers,'  and  castled  '  galees,'  which  form  the  fleet  of  Titus, 
are  anything  but  Roman ;  they  quite  correspond  to  the  shipping  of  the 
third  quarter  of  the  fourteenth  century.  The  statement  that  the  Jews  on 
the  approach  of  Titus  flew  like  the  Foul  Death  ('  flowen  as  the  foul  deth' ) 

^  Brut,  vii.  eh.  3,  4.      Titus,  387-400.         -See  Avesbur)'  (Rolls  Series)  385,  for  '  fluynes.' 


40  'HUCHOWN   OF  THE  AWLE   RYALE'  [Ch. 

may   point   to   1349,   but  is  better   interpreted   to  refer  to  the    visitation  of 
1 361-2.     In  1 36 1  it  crossed  the  channel: 

That  ilk  yere  in  til  Yngland 

The  Secund  Dede  was  fast  wedand  (IVyiitoun,  viii.,  7135-6). 

It    did    havoc    in    Scotland    in    1362.       There    is    yet   another    element 

making    for    a    date    about    that    time.      The    Black    Prince's   conquest    of 

Aquitaine,   ratified  by   the   treaty   of  Bretigny  in   1360,  may  account   for   a 

freshened   interest  in   the    legend  of  St.   Veronica,    whom    Frenchmen   still 

designate  as  *  the   Apostle  of  Aquitaine.'^      The    locality  of  her   cult   was 

in  Gascony  and  Guienne  and  Bordeaux,  all  then  English   possessions,   and 

all   playing  a  part  in   the  legend  and  in  our  poem  (11.  26,  70,   190).     We 

can    hardly    date    Tifi/s   earlier    than    1363.       In    any    view    the    sequence 

established    between    Alexander,     Troy,    and    Titus    will    perhaps    help    us 

when  from  the  Titus — a  poem  known  to  Scotland  in  the  fifteenth  century  - 

— we    pass    at   last   to   Morte   Arthure,    believing    that    we    have    possessed 

ourselves  of  its  secret. 

9.  '  Morte  Arthure,'  its  Sources,  Contents,  and  Parallels.  - 

( I )   The  '  Brut '  as  General  Source. 

A  chivalric  Arthurian  poem,  not  improbably  known  to  Barbour^  and 
certainly  quoted  by  Wyntoun  ^  {circa  1420),  this  story  is  a  free  rendering  of  the 
tale  first  enshrined  in  Geoffrey  of  Monmouth's  reliquary,  that  Brut  or  Historia 
Britonum  to  which  for  ill  and  for  good  British  history  and  British  literature 
stand    in  so  profound  a  debt.''     The   'Emperor'   Lucius    Iberius   sends  to 

'  Saintc  Vh'onique,  Apotre  de  P Aqidtaine.     2nd  ed.     Toulouse,  1877. 

-  The  opening  line  of  Titits — '  In  Tiberius's  tyme  the  trewe  Emperour ' — is,  as  John  Leyden 
had  observed,  verbatim  the  opening  line  of  'Ihe  Gyre- Carting  printed  in  Early  Popular 
Scottish  Poetry,  ed.  Laing  and  liazlilt,  1895,  ii.  p.  19;  also  as  number  cxlviii.  in  the 
Hunterian  Club  print  of  the  Patttiaiytte  MS. 

'^  John  Barbour,  Poet  and  Translator,  p.  12.  Besides  the  facts  associating  Barbour  with 
the  Knight  of  Eglintoun,  the  concurrence  of  sources  used  by  Barbour  and  liuchown  has  to 
be  considered.     See  below,  ch.  15  sec.  4. 

'^Wyntoun,  bk.  v.,   11.  4271-4366;    Morte  ArtJnire,  11.   34-47,  etc. 

'Some  discussion  of  this  and  other  sources  occurs  in  P.  Branscheid's  elaborate  essay 
Quellen  des  Morte  Arthure  \n  AngUa,  viii.,  Anzeiger,  pp.  178-336;   Dr.  Morilz  Trautmann's 


9]  'MORTE   ARTHURE'   AND   THE    'BRUT'  41 

England  demanding  homage  and  tribute.  In  response  to  the  insuking 
embassy,  King  Arthur  crosses  the  channel,  and,  after  slaying  a  giant,  fights  a 
great  battle  with  Lucius,  who  falls,  and  whose  body  Arthur  causes  to  be 
conveyed  to  Rome  as  the  only  tribute  he  is  prepared  to  pay.  He  then 
advances  into  Italy,  and  is  anticipating  coronation  at  Rome  when  bad 
news  from  England  constrain  him  to  turn.  Mordred,  his  nephew,  left  in 
charge  of  the  realm,  has  played  false,  and  the  king's  landing  is  only  effected 
after  a  great  sea  fight  in  which  he  is  victorious  over  Mordred  and  his 
foreign  allies.  The  battle  is  continued  ashore,  and  to  the  great  grief  of 
the  king,  Sir  Gawayne  falls  by  Mordred's  hand.  The  traitor  then  flees 
to  Cornwall,  with  Arthur  in  vengeful  pursuit.  Again  there  is  batde,  and 
all  the  great  names  of  the  Round  Table  are  reckoned  on  the  list  of  dead. 
Arthur  strikes  Mordred  a  terrible  blow  which  cuts  off  his  sword-hand,  and 
Mordred  dies  from  a  thrust  of  Caliburn  driven  '  to  the  bright  hilts.'  Arthur 
himself,  however,  is  wounded  mortally  in  the  encounter,  and  the  powerful 
historical  alliterative  romance  ends  with  the  Requiem  sung  over  the  hero 
buried  at  Glastonbury — Rex  quondam  rexque  futurits. 

In  this  outline  there  is  little  deviation  from  the  vulgate  story  of  Arthur. 
The  poem  glorifies  Arthur  and  the  knights  of  his  Round  Table,  most  of  all 
perhaps  dwelling  on  the  exploits  and  devotion  of  his  nephew.  Sir  Gawayne, 
whose  death  is  the  occasion  of  a  passionate  lament  by  the  hero-king.  This 
is  one  of  the  many  insertions  made  by  the  poet,  although  his  framework  as 
a  whole  is  a  fairly  literal  translation  of  the  version  of  Arthur's  later  career 
given  by  Geoffrey  of  Monmouth,  who,  however,  was  not  the  sole  Arthurian 
authority  he  employed.  The  English  Brut^  was  known  in  Scotland  soon 
after  the  middle  of  the  fourteenth  century.  But  the  Latin  Brut  was  that 
used  by  Huchown.  There  was,  however,  a  considerable  levy  made  on 
other  works  besides  the  Brut  and  its  offshoots. 

At  numerous  points  dramatic  episodes  are  woven  into  the  plainer  thread  of 


Der  Dichter  Huchown  und  seine  Werke  m.  Anglia,  i.,  109-49;  Dr.  Oskar  Sommer's 
Le  Morte  Darthir,  vol.  iii.  148-175  ;  Mrs.  M.  M.  Banks's  edition  of  Morte  Arthur,  p.  128  ; 
and  the  preface  to  the  Destruction  of  Troy.  These  references  give  no  clue  to  the  sources 
(except  the  Brut  and  the   Troy)  now  to  be  dealt  with. 

^The   Bruyt  en  Engles  is  quoted   by   the   Scalacronica,   p.    3. 

D 


42  'IIUCHOWN   OF  THE  AWLE   RYALE '  [Ch. 

the  Brut,  and  the  Great  Gest  of  Arthure  is  presented  with  high  and  vivid 
colouring,  and  with  a  dignity  and  stateHness  due  to  the  monarch-elect  of 
chivalric  romance.  It  is  no  detraction  from  the  constructive  power  of  the 
poet  that  even  at  this  remote  distance  of  time  we  can  so  far  enter  into  his 
work  as  to  determine  with  some  certainty  some  at  least  of  his  sources. 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  particularise  the  parts  of  Morte  Arthure  which 
come  from  its  stock  source,  the  Brut.  What  is  taken  is  freely  handled,  changes 
are  deliberately  made,  expansion  is  everywhere,  and  there  are  inserted  not  a 
it."^  things  which  are  in  no  sense  really  exegetical  of  the  Brut.  From  book  ix., 
chapter  15  of  Geoffrey,  wherein  Lucius  sends  his  letter,  to  book  xi.,  chapter  2, 
wherein  Arthur,  wounded  to  death,  is  carried  to  Avalon,  the  Brut  is  the 
centre  and  substance  of  the  poem.  The  particular  manuscript  of  the  Brut 
employed  in  the  making  of  the  poem  will  be  considered  by  and  bye.  The 
value  of  Morte  Arthure  as  a  piece  of  literary  history  and  as  literature  turns, 
however,  to  no  small  extent  upon  its  incidental  indebtedness  to  certain  other 
sources  which  English  and  German  editors  and  commentators  have  over- 
looked. The  first  of  these  is  one  which  we  may  remember  as  of  proved 
connection  with  the  alliterative  Alexander. 

(2)  Alaimdevilie's  Itinerary. 

We   therefore    renew   our   acquaintance   with    Maundeville.      In    Morte 

Arthure,    when    Sir    Priamus,    badly   wounded,    becomes    the    prisoner    of 

Gawayne, 

A  foylc  of  fyne  golde  they  fande  at  his  gyrdill, 

That  es  full  of  the  flour  of  the  fouur  well 

That  flowes  owte  of  Paradice  when  the  flode  ryses. — (11.  2704-6.) 

Of  the  terrestrial  Paradise  Maundeville  knew  that  it  contained  a  well  with 

four  streams  carrying  precious  stones,  and  lignum  aloes,  and  golden  sand. 

The  terrestrial  Paradise  he  knew,  too,  was  so  high  that  Noah's  flood  could 

not  reach  it.^ 

(3)  Fieta  or  Brae  ton. 

Sir  Hew  of  Eglintoun  was  a  Justiciar  of  Scotland.     That  he  should  have 

been  acquainted  with  one  or  other  or  both   of  the  classical   English  legal 

^  Matnidevilk  (Wright),  ch.  xxx. :    MS.  T.  4,   I,  fo.   266  + 69b. 


9]  'MORTE   ARTHURE'   AND   SANCTUARY   LAW  43 

treatises  must  be  as  little  surprising  as  would  be  his  making  the  personal 
acquaintance  of  an  English  Chief-Justice,  say,  for  example  Scharshill,  during 
a  visit  to  or  sojourn  in  London.  There  is  in  Morte  Art/mre  an  episode  in 
connection  with  the  ambassadors  of  Lucius  which  argues  unmistakably  a 
knowledge  of  the  English  law  of  sanctuary  as  set  forth  in  Bracton's  Tractatus 
de  Legibus  et  Consuetudinihus  Ajigliae,  written  before  1259,  or  with  the  Fkta 
seu  Commentarius  Juris  Anglicani,  which — largely  drawn  from  the  former 
work— a  judge  of  the  time  of  Edward  I.  composed  in  the  Fleet  Prison. 
The  episode  in  question  is  a  supplement  of  the  poet's  devising  to  anything 
he  could  have  found  in  the  original,  for  the  Brut  contains  nothing  that 
corresponds.  Arthur,  after  giving  the  embassy  right  royal  entertainment, 
changes  the  tune  when  the  time  arrives  for  diplomatic  business.  Then  he 
gives  haughty  answer  to  be  carried  back  to  the  Emperor  by  the  embassy. 
The  claim  of  homage  and  tribute  is  contemptuously  rejected ;  threats  are 
met  with  threats  still  more  stern;  and  finally  the  'Senatour'  is  ordered  home 
in  uncompromising  terms.^  From  Carlisle  he  is  to  go  to  the  port  of 
Sandwich ;  seven  days  are  allowed  him  for  the  journey  (sixty  miles  a  day  is 
the  computation) ;  he  is  to  keep  by  Watling  Street  all  the  way,  or  leave  it  on 
pain  of  death;  he  must  lodge  for  the  night  where  his  day's  journey  ends; 
and  if  after  undern  of  the  eighth  day  he  is  found  in  England,  unless  within 
the  floodmark  at  Sandwich,  he  will  be  beheaded,  drawn,  and  hanged. 
There  can  be  no  disputing  the  inference  that  the  poet  had  in  his  view  the 
text  of  sanctuary  law  whereby  a  criminal  who  had  taken  sanctuary  and  chosen 
to  abjure  the  realm  made  his  departure  from  the  land.  His  port  of  embarcation 
being  chosen,  'there  ought  to  be  computed  for  him,'  says  Bracton  (fo.  135b- 
136)  'reasonable  days' journeys  to  that  port,  and  he  ought  to  be  forbidden 
to  quit  the  king's  highway,  and  he  should  tarry  nowhere  for  two  nights 
...  but  should  ever  hold  on  by  the  direct  road  to  the  port,  so  that  he  may 
be  there  by  his  given  day.  ...  If  he  do  otherwise  he  shall  be  in  peril.' 
In  Fkta  (ff.  45-46)  the  doctrine  of  Bracton  is  carried  to  further  detail.  The 
grithman  is  to  pass  on  his  way  '  without  girdle,  unshod,  and  bare-headed  -  in 


1  Morte  Arthitre,   445-63. 

'^Discinctus   et    discalceatus   capita   discooperto   in    pura   tunica   tanquam    in    patibulo 
suspendendus. 


44  'HUCHOWN   OF   Till:   AWLE    R\ALE'  [Cii. 

kirtle  alone  like  one  about  to  be  hanged  on  the  gallows,'  and  if  he  stray  from 
the  highway  he  is  liable  to  decapitation  if  caught.^ 

These  texts  of  law  are  the  best  gloss  we  can  desire  for  the  grim 
direction  by  Arthur  to  the  senator,  whose  departure  is  thus  ingeniously 
conditioned  with  ignominy  by  the  prescription  of  exit  in  tlie  manner  of  a 
fugitive  criminal.  The  element  of  the  '  kirtle  alone '  was  familiar  to  the 
14th  century  ;  it  was  used  in  the  Titus  repeatedly  ;  in  the  Morte  Arthure 
we  shall  find  it  too  with  a  context  which  settles  beyond  dispute  its 
immediate  source  now  to  be  brouglit  forward. 

(4)    Voeux  du  Paoii. 

This  French  poem,-  after  a  very  entertaining  and  courtly  series  of 
events,  gets  to  its  real  business  in  the  vows  made  on  the  peacock  by  the 
various  knights  of  Alexander  the  Great.  Chivalry  from  the  13th  to  the 
15th  century  laid  great  store  by  vows,  often  of  extravagant  valour,  made 
on  choice  or  royal  dishes  at  great  festivals — vows  on  the  Swan,  the 
Peacock,  the  Pheasant,  or  the  Heron.  Has  not  La  Curne  de  Sainte- 
Palaye  in  the  Meiiioires  siir  fancieniie  Chevakrie  (ed.  Nodier,  1826;  i.,  pp. 
157,  etc.,  ii.,  1-132,  etc.)  told  and  quoted  and  explained  so  fully  as  to 
supersede  the  need  for  repetition  here?  History  remembers  the  vow  of 
Edward  I.  made  on  the  Swan  ^  at  Westminster  in  1306  at  that  feast 
which  a  contemporary  describes  as  so  noble  that  Britain  had  never  seen 
its  like  except  that  feast  at  Caerleon  in  Arthur's  time."*  It  remembers 
also  the  vow  of  the  Heron  made  by  Edward  HI.  and  Robert  d'Artois  in 
1338,  a  vow  which  happily  found  its  metrical  chronicler  so  that  it  lives  in 
the  old  French  Voeu  du  Heron.-'  It  has  forgotten,  perhaps,  that  not  John 
Barbour    merely    but    history   itself   most    curiously    associated    Robert  the 


^  My  first  note  on  this  sanctuary  passage  appeared  in  the  Dr.  Furnivall  Festschrift,  An 
English  Miscellany,  1901,  p.  384. 

-Students  of  romance  await  with  very  great  interest  the  pubhcation  of  M.  Charles 
Bonnier's  edition  of  the  French  text  which  is  urgently  necessary  for  purposes  of  collation. 

^  Flores  Historiarum,  sub  anno  1306.     Trivet's /^««a/^x  (Eng.  Hist.  Soc),  408. 

*  Robert  of  Brunne,  ed.   Ilearne,  p.  332.      Caerleon  became  Carlisle  in  Morte  Arthure. 

'•'  La  Curiae,  i.,  95. 


9]  'MORTE  ARTIIURE'  AND   THE    'VOEUX   DU   PAON'  45 

Bruce  with  the  vow  of  the  peacock,  for  one  of  our  chroniclers  tells 
that  in  1307,  after  Edward  I.'s  death,  his  son's  newly  created  knights 
made  similar  vows  to  conquer  King  Robert  to  those  made  the  year 
before— 'emitted,'  says  he,  ^  'new  vows  to  the  peacock.'  But  it  is  time 
to  return  from  the  vow  historical  to  the  vow  poetic.  It  was  this  chivalrous 
usage  that  Jacques  de  Longuyon  enshrined  in  the  Vocux  du  Paon  to  enrich 
the  Alexander  saga,  making  the  various  paladins  of  the  great  Alexander 
pledge  themselves  to  perform  their  several  feats  of  outstanding  bravery 
in  the  approaching  battle  with  King  Clarus  of  India.  One,  for  instance, 
swore  'to  discomfit  the  great  battale,'  another  to  take  a  distinguished 
prisoner,  another  to  strike  down  the  standard  of  the  Indian  king.  Thus 
the  vows  were  made,  and  after  much  intervening  action  the  poet  conducts 
his  readers  to  the  battlefield,  where  knight  after  knight  goes  forward  to 
redeem  his  undertaking.  The  'great  battale'  is  discomfited,  the  prisoner 
is  taken,  the  standard  is  hewn  down.  All  the  vows  are  fulfilled  to  the  letter. 
'As  they  deemed  to  do  they  did  full  even'  is  the  apt  statement  of 
one  -  who  made  an  abstract  and  brief  chronicle  of  the  poem. 

The  French  text  of  the  poem  is  only  now  in  course  of  being  edited, 
but  an  early  Scottish  translator,  who,  as  I  believe  myself  to  have 
demonstrated,  was  none  other  than  John  Barbour,  gave  this  French  poem 
vigorous  and  admirable  rendering  into  the  Scottish  vernacular  as  The 
Avowes  of  Alexander  and  The  Great  Battell  of  Effesoun — these  forming 
the  second  and  third  parts  of  the  composite  poem  of  which  the  first  part 
is  The  Forray  of  Gadderis,  and  of  which  the  general  title  is  The  Buik 
of  the  most  noble  and  vailzeand  Conqueror  Alexander  the  Great,  reprinted  in 
1 83 1  for  the  Bannatyne  Club  in  a  very  limited  edition  now  grown  scarce. 
That  the  French  poem  was  well  known  to  Barbour's  contemporary  and 
colleague,  Sir  Hew  (if  Sir  Hew  was  Huchown),  becomes  evident  from 
the  use  to  which  it  is  put  in  Morte  Arthure.  In  the  Brut  there  is  no 
machinery  of  'avows'  made  either  by  Arthur  or  his  knights;  no  mention  of 
any   particular   form   of  surrender   or   submission    by    the   rebellious  vassal 

1  Bower,  Scotichronicon,  ed.  Goodal,  ii. ,  240,  Novo  rege  Angliae  creato  tirones  et  novi 
milites  de  subjectione  regis  Roberti  nova  vota  cmittuiit  pavoni. 
^  Faiieinent  of  the  Thre  Ages,  1.  567. 


46  'HUCHOWN    OF   THE   AWLE   RVALE '  [Ch. 

or  vanquished  enemy  ;  no  mention  of  any  ceremonial  by  way  of  amends 
to  satiate  the  blood-feud  or  avert  future  hostility  ;  no  mention  of  the  Nine 
Worthies.  All  these  features  occur  in  the  Voeux  du  Faoti,  and  are  trans- 
ferred to  and  made   part  of  the  framework  of  Morte  Arthurc. 

Arthur  himself  and  knight  after  knight  of  the  Table  Round  with  him 
make  their  avows.  Arthur  will  by  Lammas  pass  to  Lorraine  and  Lombardy, 
mine  down  the  walls  of  Milan,  and  sojourn  six  weeks  at  Viterbo.  King 
Aungers  of  Scotland  will  bring  50,000  men  at  his  own  charges,  the  Baron 
of  Britain  the  Less  will  bring  30,000  within  a  month,  the  Welsh  king  will 
fight  with  2000  in  the  vanguard.  Sir  Lancelot  will  tilt  with  the  Emperor 
and  strike  him  from  his  steed.  Sir  Lottez  will  cleave  his  way  through  the 
enemies'  ranks.  Sir  Ewayne  will  touch  the  eagle  of  the  Emperor  and  dash 
down  his  golden  banner.  All  which  avows  are  perfectly  accomplished ; 
'as  they  deemed  to  do  they  did  full  even.' 

In  the  Voeux  a  powerful  dramatic  situation  is  presented  by  the  amends 
and  satisfaction  which  the  leading  paladins  of  Alexander  offer  to  the  younger 
Gadifer.  In  the  battle  which  closes  the  Forray  oj  Gaderis  {Fiierre  de 
Gadres)  the  valiant  Gadifer  had  fallen  under  the  spear  of  Emenydus. 
Subsequently  Cassamus  the  Auld  conducts  Gadifer  the  Young,  eldest  son 
of  the  slain  Gadifer,  to  the  camp  of  Alexander,  where  he  becomes  the 
ally  of  the  Macedonian.  But  when  he  discovers  the  exact  position  he  is 
somewhat  taken  aback,  and  a  conflict  is  imminent  between  his  sense  of 
the  duty  of  revenge  on  the  one  hand  and  the  requirements  of  his  new 
environment  on  the  other.  Emenydus  generously  resolves  to  remove  the 
last  obstacle  to  harmony  in  the  camp.  To  the  surprise  of  Alexander, 
Emenydus  and  twelve  companions  march,  barefoot,  bareheaded,  beltless, 
and  in  their  shirts,  to  the  presence  of  the  young  Gadifer,  making  submission 
to  him  by  kneeling  before  him,  tendering  their  swords,  which  they  hold  by 
the  points,  and  reaching  the  hilts  to  the  man  whose  blood-feud  they  thus 
hope  to  appease.  This  submission,  which  was  gratefully  accepted  by 
Gadifer,  quite  evidently  supi)lied  the  idea  which  more  than  once  appears 
in  Morte  Arthure.  There  are  minor  examples,  but  the  chief  instance  is 
that  in  which,  after  the  fall  of  the  '  Emperour '  Lucius,  senators  and  knights 
of  Rome  beg  for  mercy. 


9]  'MORTE  ARTHURE'  AND   'TITUS'  47 

Twa  senatours  ther  come  and  certayne  knyghttez, 
Hodles  fro  the  bethe  ouer  the  holte  eyves, 
Barefote  ouer  the  bente  with  brondes  so  ryche, 
Bowes  to  the  bolde  kynge  and  biddis  hym  the  hikes, 
Whethire  he  will  hang  theym  or  hedde  or  halde  theym  on  lyfe, 
Knelyde  before  the  conquerour  in  kyrtills  allone.^ 

Where  could  this  have  come  from  unless  from  the  Foeux?  If  it  should 
be  answered  that  the  usage  was  one  not  ill-known  to  chivalric  courts-martial, - 
and  that  its  very  presence  in  the  Foeux  comes  from  that  fact,  it  will  only 
be  necessary  to  recall  the  existence  of  other  points  of  contact.  Of  these 
a  third  and  most  prominent  instance  of  borrowing  is  the  account  of  the 
Nine  Worthies — three  pagans.  Hector,  Alexander,  and  Caesar;  three  Jews, 
Joshua,  David,  and  Judas  Machabeus ;  and  three  Christians,  Arthur,  Charle- 
magne, and  Godfrey  of  Bouillon — whose  fates  are  so  aptly  introduced  in 
connection  with  Fortune's  wheel  in  Arthur's  vision. 

(5)   Ti'/us  and   Fespasian. 
Unmistakable  are  the  proofs  of  the  use  of  the  Titus  in  Morte  Arlhure — 
a  use  which  is  of  the  greatest  moment  in  the  line  of  chronological  proofs. 
Sundry   questions   have  to  be   asked,  and  the  answers  to  them  set  forward 
and  examined.^ 

Why  in  Morte  Arthure  (297,   309,  348,   386)    are    the    vows   of  Arthur 

and  his  knights  made  not    (as    in    the   French   romance    they  echo) 

on  the  peacock,  but  on  the  Holy  Vernacle?^ 

Because,  as  we  have  seen,  the  story  of  the  Vernacle  plays  so  great  a 

part  in  the  Titus.     As  the  Vernacle  was  an  integral  element  of  the  Titus, 

^  Hodles,  hoodless  ;  holte  eyves,  skirts  of  the  wood  ;  brondes,  brands,  swords  ;  biddis, 
offer. 

^  See  my  article  on  '  The  Submission  of  the  Lord  of  the  Isles,'  in  Scottish  Antiquary, 
XV.,  113,  and  add  a  Glasgow  example,  since  pointed  out  to  me  by  my  friend  Mr.  Robert 
Renwick,  in  Records  of  Burgh  of  Glasgozi'  (Burgh  Records  Soc),  1573-1642,  p.  293.  Note 
also  Du  Guesclin's  reference  to  this  form  of  penitential  surrender  as  recorded  in  Cuvelier's 
Vie  Vaillant  Bert  ran  du  Guesclin,  11.  2457-9. 

•^  Most  of  these  points  were  set  forth  in  '  Huchown  '  (part  I.),  Atheiueum,  1st  June,  1901. 

■*  Because,  says  Mr.  Henry  Bradley  {Athoucum,  15th  June,  1901),  the  '  words  avoioe  and 
vernacle  alliterate  in  z'.'  It  is  indeed  a  notable  reason,  the  publication  of  which  evinces 
Mr.  Bradley's  penetration  ! 


48  'IIUCHOWN   OF  THE  AWLE   RVALE'  [Ch. 

Vespasian,  and  Veronica  legend,  it  goes  without  saying  that  the   Titus  did 
not  borrow  the  Vernacle  from  Morte  Arthure. 

Why  in  Morte  Arthure  (2331-35)  is  it  that  Arthur  by  way  of  doing 
shame  to  Rome  shaves  the  senators  who  came  as  ambassadors  of 
submission  to  him  after  the  death  of  Lucius? 

Because  in  the  Titus  (355-378)  ambassadors  of  Rome  demanding  sur- 
render of  Jerusalem  are  sent  back  shaven,  '  scorned  and  shent  upon  shame 
wise,'  by  the  indignant  garrison.  This  is  not  Roman,  for  with  the  Romans 
shaving  was  a  symbol  of  manumission ;  it  does  not  seem  to  occur  in  either 
the  ancient  or  medieval  stories  of  the  fall  of  Jerusalem ;  but  it  is  an  incident 
so  oriental  in  character  as  to  be  as  natural  and  as  much  in  keeping  with 
the  story  of  Titus  and  the  Jews  as  at  first  it  seems  out  of  keeping  with 
Arthur  and  the  Romans.  Ogier  Danois  with  its  shaven  ambassadors 
supplies  an  exact  enough  precedent  for  both  poems. 

How  comes  it  that  in  Morte  Arthure  (1252,  2026,  2057)  there  is 
such  insistence  on  the  significance  of  the  dragon  banner? 

There  is  the  same  insistence  in  the  Titus  (278,  325,  387-8,  396-400) 
concerning  it.  Perhaps  the  hint  for  it  in  both  2'itus  and  Morte  Arthure 
came  partly  from  Geoffrey  of  Monmouth  (vii.,  chaps.  3  and  4)  and  partly 
from  fourteenth  century  life  or  literature,  but  the  allusion  of  Titus  (397)  to 
the  dragon  as  an  indication  of  the  royal  presence  in  person  and  (39S-400)  to 
its  menace  as  precluding  any  terms  short  of  absolute  surrender,  harmonises 
remarkably  with  the  Morte  Arthure  allusions  to  the  dragon  ^  raised  to 
threaten  only  when  Lucius  is  himself  in  the  field. 

Whence  came  into  Morte  Arthure  (3353-62)  the  'pome'  symbol  of 
sovereignty   of  the  earth  with  the   sword   as    its   companion    token  ? 

It  came  from  the  same  quarter  as  produced  the  four-bladed  falchion 
and  the  ball  of  burning  gold  betokening  conquest  of  'al  the  world  riche ' 

in  Titus  (390-395)- 

Whence  came  into  Morte  Arthure  (900-919)  the  suggestion  of  the 
fine  picture  of  Arthur  arming  himself  for  the  figlit  with  the  dragon  ? 


^  On  this  see  further  my  article  on  'Raising  Dragon'  in  Scottish  Anliqua)-)',  xii.    147. 
But  see  also  chap.    12,  sec.  1,  below. 


9] 


'MORTE  ARTHURE'  AND   'TITUS' 


49 


In  the  Titus  (734-762)  there  is  a  closely  analogous  picture  of  Vespasian 
arming  himself,  a  picture  not  occurring  in  the  original  Latin  sources.  The 
two  pictures  have,  moreover,  features  and  alliterations  in  common. 


Titus. 
735       [ '  Leverockes '  sing]. 
738       [Vespasian]  busked  hym  fayr. 
741       biynye  biowded  ....  brest. 
741-2    [Vespasian  has  a  breast- pLate  of  steel 

and  gold.] 
74S       A  brod  schynand  scheld  on  scholdir 

he  hongith. 
750       The   glowes   of  gray  steel  that  wer 

with  gold  hemyd. 


751 

752 


....  and  his  hers  asketh. 

The  gold   hewen  helme  haspeth  he 

blyve 
With  viser  and  with  avental  devysed 

for  the  nones 
A  croune  of  clene   gold  was  closed 

upon  lofte 
Rybande  umbe  the  rounde  helm  ful 

of  riche  stones, 
Pyght   prudely  with  perles   into  the 

pur  corners. 


He    strideth    on    a    stif    stede    and 

striketh  over  the  bente. 
Stith  men  in  stiropys  striden  alofte]. 
Gawayne  ami  Green  Knight,  435  : 

Steppez    into   stelbawe   and    strydes 
alofte. 
Alex.    778     Striden    to    stelebowe    startyn 

upon  lofte. 
760       His  segges  sewen  hym  alle  .... 


758 
[521 


Morte  Arthtire. 
925-30  [Birds  sing].^ 
917       [xVrthur]  sterys  hym  faire. 
1858       brenys  browden  brestez  .... 
902       [Arthur  has  an  'acton  with  orfraeez. '] 

914       He  bracez  a  brade  schelde. 

912       His  gloues  gaylyche  gilte  and  grauen 
at  the  hemmez. 
(This  is  repeated  at  1.  3462.) 
914       ....  and  his  brande  aschez. 
90S       The  creste  and  the  coronall  enclosed 
so  faire 
Wyth  clasppis  of  clere  golde  couched 

wyth  stones 
The  vesare  the  aventaile  enarmede  so 
faire. 


[3462    pighte  was  full  faire 

With  perry  of  the  oryent  and  precyous 
stones.  ] 
915-6    Bounede  hym  a  broun  stede  and  on 
the  bente  hovys 
He  sterte  till  his  sterepe  and  stridez 
on  lofte. 


.  .  919       .   .   .  hys  knyghtes  hyme  kepede  .   .   . 

How  comes  it  that  whilst,  as   we  have    seen,  there   are   so    many  lines 

and  phrases  common  to  Titus  and  Troy,  and  whilst,  as  we  shall  see, 

there  are   so  many  common  to   Morte  Arthure  and   Troy,  there  are 

also  so  many  common  to  Morte  Arthure  and   Titus'? 


1  An  accompaniment  perhaps  suggested  by  Perceval  le  Gallois,  11.  19056-84,  M.  Amours, 
Sc.  Allit.  Poems,  pp.  276-7. 


5° 


'HUCHOWN   OF  THE  AWLE   RYALE' 


[Ch. 


Titus. 

283 

.  .   .   floynes  aflot  farcostcb  many 

J 

743 

284 

Cogges  and  crayers  .   .  . 

738 

287 

.    .  .   tyghten  up  talsail  (?  topsail). 

744 

290 

Port  Jaf. 

1520 

308 

.   .  .    that  fauconn  wolde  strike  .   .   . 

788 

387 

.    .   .   dragoun  was  dressed  .    .    . 

786 

451 

Cameles  closed  in  stele. 

616 

622 

.   .   .  dewe  was  donked. 

313 

815 

Fought  right  felly  foyned  with  speres 
[cf.  Troj',  815]. 

3690 

859 

.    .    .   torsom  (torfour)  and  tene  .   .   . 

1956 

883 

Ride  to  the  rever  .... 

619 

[A\ 

fi'er  in  the  sense  of  hawking  gruundj. 

1007 

My  wele  and  my  worschup  .... 

401 

1113-4 

[  Schaftes    schedred    wer    sone     and 

2169 

As  a  riming  poet  is  tested  by  liis  rimes,  so  an  alliterator  is  tested  by 
his  alliterations.     Here  are  a  few  alliterative  points  of  contact. 

Morte  Arthure. 
.  .   .   floynes  and  fercostez  .... 
Coggez  and  crayers  .... 
Tytt  saillez  to  the  toppe  .... 
Port  Jaf.i 

...  as  fawcone  frekly  he  strykes. 
.  .  .  dragone  on  dreghe  dressede  .  .  . 
Bot  coverdc  camellez   of  toures  en- 

closyde  in  maylez. 
.   .  .   dewe  that  es  daunke  .  .   . 
Then  they  falle  to  the  fyghte  ffoynes 

with  sperys. 
.   .   .   tene  and  torfere  .   .   . 
Rides  in  by  the  ryvere  .   .   .   (cf.  920- 

925  for  connection  with  hawking  ; 

also  verb  ryvaie  4000). 
My  wele  and  my  wyrchipc  .  .  . 
.   .  .    Schafte   scodyrde    .  .  .    (3845 

also). 
Thrughe  brenes  and  bryghte  scheldes 

brestes  thyrle. 

This  list  admits  of  considerable  extension.  The  arithmetic  of  citations 
calls  for  a  word  in  passing  to  annotate  the  fact  that  in  comparing  Morte 
Arthure  (4347  lines)  with  Titus  (1332  lines)  there  is  numerically  far  less 
chance  of  similarities  between  these  two  than  in  comparing  either  with  the 
Troy  (14,044  lines).  Such  at  least  must  be  the  presumption  unless  it  is 
disturbed  by  relations  of  time  or  theme  which  may  bring  one  i)air  of  poems 
closer  to  each  other  and  reveal  more  resemblances  than  numerical  pro- 
portions might  have  led  a  critic  to  expect.  Those  considerations  will  not 
be  forgotten  when  we  turn  to  yet  other  sources  of  Morte  Arthure. 

(6)  Supplementary  French  Sources. 
That  a  considerable  use  is  made  of  French  romance  in  Morte  Arthure 
has  been  signalised  by  the  borrowings  from  the  Vocux  du  Faon.     For  some 
very  slender  information  regarding  others   less   distinct   Branscheid's   essay 


scheldes  ythrelled 
Brunyes   and  bright   wede  blody  by 
runne. 


1412 


'The  Hunterian  MS.  T.  4,  l  (f.  266  +  5)  spells  Portumjaph. 


9]  'MORTE  ARTHURE';    FRENCH   SOURCES  51 

and    Sominer's   introduction  to    Malory  may  be  consulted,  as  well  as  Mrs. 
Banks's  introduction. 

Two  sources  not  brought  forward  in  any  of  these  discussions  may  be 
suggested  as  possible.  The  noble  and  impassioned  outburst  of  Arthur 
over  the  body  of  the  slain  Gawayne,  which  he  lifts  and  clasps  to  his  breast, 
(1.  3952)  may  be  compared  with  the  passage  in  the  Itinerary  of  the  Pseudo- 
Turpin  {^Itmerariiim  domini  Turpini)  found  in  the  Hunterian  MS.  T.  4,  i, 
where  (fo.  184)  Charlemagne  mourns  over  the  fallen  Roland.  '■  Karolus 
Rothlanduin  exaiiimatum  jacentcni  eversiim  brachiis  positis  super  pectus  in 
effigie  criicis,  et  irriiens  super  eum  cepit  lacrimis  gemitibus  et  singidtibus  .  .  . 
/ugere,'  etc.  Not  the  words  of  Charlemagne  are  followed  by  Arthur,  but 
the  echo  of  their  spirit  is  very  close.  A  second  possible  and  quite  sub- 
sidiary source  is  Ge/ierydes,  to  which  reference  may  be  made  in  its  late  English 
version  (E.E.T.S.,  1873),  for  several  points  of  contact  with  the  Huchown  set  of 
poems.  Thus  the  temptation  in  11.  477-483  suggests  the  recurrent  machinery 
of  Gawayne  and  the  Green  Knight.  The  steed  of  Generydes,  '  Grisselle,'  is 
the  steed  ^  of  Gawayne  in  the  Awntyrs  of  Arthtire,  just  as  in  another  poem 
Hector's  steed,  '  Galathe,'  appears  to  have  given  name  -  to  Gawayne's  sword, 
'Galuth.'  The  sword  of  Generydes,  '  Claryet,'  suggests  ^  Arthur's  weapon, 
'  Clarent.'  And  in  one  of  the  battles  of  Generydes  there  are  *  boustous  folk ' 
'  on  camelys'  who  look  very  like"*  the  'boustous  churlles'  on  'camellez  '  who 
are  ranged  among  the  enemies  of  King  Arthur  in  the  army  of  the  '  Emperour. 
The  probability  of  Generydes  being  indeed  a  source  is  vastly  heightened 
by  a  direct  reference  to  it  in  another  of  the  Huchown  poems,  to  be  afterwards 
noticed,^  which  is  in  part  a  derivative  of  Aforte  Arthure.  That  there  are 
other  French  sources,  as  for  instance,  for  the  Priamus  and  Gawayne  encounter, 
is  certain.  Ogier  Danois,  we  have  seen,  probably  accounts  for  the  four 
shaven  ambassadors.  Not  less  probably  it  accounts  for  the  incident  of  the 
curative  ointment  carried   by  Priamus,  which,   taken  from    his   girdle   after 

'  Generydes,  3301 — Azvniyrs,  547.  -  Troy,  7780 — Morte,  1387. 

"^Generydes,  3481 — Morte,  4202. 

^Generydes,   2152-7;    Morte,   615-6;    '  Bioustious,'  the  same  adjective,  occurs  in   Troy, 
41 16. 

^  See  ch.    10,  sec.  2,  below. 


52  'IIUCHOWN   OF  THE  AWLE   RYALE  '  [Cii. 

Gawayne  has  wounded  and  captured  him,  makes  all  the  injured  knights 
'  fischehalle '  within  four  hours  (11.  2705-13).  In  Ogicr  Da/iois  the  giant 
Brehus  has  in  the  buckle  of  his  shield  an  ointment  similarly  effective, 
whereby  he  at  once  makes  himself,  says  the  romance,  '  more  sound  than  a 
swimming  fish.'  The  victorious  Ogier  and  Gawayne  alike  possess  themselves 
of  the  vanquished  enemy's  ointment.  Hence,  therefore,  seems  to  have 
come  the  suggestion  of  the  encounter  of  Priamus  and  Gawayne.  Other 
French  sources  may  be  taken  to  include  some  version  of  Feriunbras,  the 
allusion  to  the  relics,  the  crown  of  thorns,  the  lance,  the  cross,  and  the 
nails  ^  being  in  all  likelihood  brought  from  that  romance. 

(7)   The  'Troy'  and  the  'Alexander: 

Approaching  now  a  series  of  extensive  parallels  between  Morte  Arthure 
and  the  Troy  one  finds  it  simplest  to  deal  with  the  Alexander  also  in  the 
same  connection  as  a  subsidiary  source  connected  with  the  Troy  in  Morte 
Artlntre  passages  as  we  have  already  seen  it  in   Titus  j^assages. 

One  group  of  parallels  to  the  Alexander  is  geographical,  and  has  been 
commented  upon  by  Professor  Skeat.  At  the  end  of  the  Alexander  there 
is  a  singular  list  of  provinces  subject  to  the  rule  of  Alexander  the  Great. 
The  Latin  original  has  been  reprinted  above.  While  this  list  gives  the 
key  to  at  least  thirty-two  of  the  names  in  the  alliterative  rendering,  it  also 
makes  clear  the  inference  that  a  number  of  the  alliterative  names  were 
not  in  the  original  Latin.  The  further  comparison  of  a  similar  list  of 
names  in  Morte  Arthure  with  that  in  the  Alexander  poems  reveals  (i)  that 
the  former  contains  pairs  occurring  in  the  latter;  (2)  that  these  pairs  embrace 
names  not  in  the  Latin  source  of  the  Alexander;  and  (3)  that  thus  such 
combinations  and  coincidences  as  *  Gyane  and  Grece,'  '  Bayone  and  Burdeux, 
or  '  Naverne  and  Norway '  are  rendered  doubly  significant. 


"^  Morte,  3427-29.  In  Scottish  chronicle  of  1360  there  is  mention  of  these  '  tresnoblis 
precious  reHqes.'  Sca/aoonica,  195.  There  is,  however,  no  Hsl  of  what  they  were,  and 
it  is  observable  that,  while  the  lists  differ  in  the  Fenimbras  romances  the  version  used  by 
Barbour  {Britce,  iii.,  459-61)  also  mentions  the  crown,  the  spear,  the  cross,  and  the  nails. 
The  So-LuJan  of  Babylon  does  not  name  the  spear. 


9] 


'MORTE   ARTHURE,'    'TROY,'   AND    'ALEXANDER' 


53 


A/ex.      5674     Flaudres  and  France  .  .  . 
{A-cVJityrs  of  Arthjire  276.        firetane   and 
Burgoyne.] 

Alex.      5667     Gyane  Garnad  nnd  Grece  and 

Gascony. 
\_Titiis        26     Gascoyne  gat  and  Gyan,] 
Alex.      5668     Bayone  and  Burdeux. 
Alex.      5672     Norivay  thire  Navernes  aile. 

Alex.      5669     Capidos. 

Alex.      5665      Tiirke,    Tuscane,    Troy,   and 
Tartary. 
2190     Thebea. 


Morte  Art  Jill  re. 

34     Flaundrez  and  Fraunce. 

36  Burgoyne  and  Brabane  and  Bretayne 

the  lesse. 
(1018     Burgoyne  or  Bretayne.) 

37  Gyane  and  Gothelande  and  Grece. 


44 


5657     Pers  and  ramplialie. 


Bayone  and  Burdeux. 
Naverne    and    Norwaye     and    Nor- 
maundye. 
580     Capados. 

582  Tartary  and  Turky. 

583  Thebay. 

[The  next  line  (584)  refers  to  the  Ama- 
zons,  thus  showing  the  Alexander  connec- 
tion.    Line  586  too  speaks  of  Babylon,  also 
referable  to  the  Alexander  story.] 
588     Perce  and  Pamphile. 


The  above  italicised  names  from  the  Alexander  occur  in  the  Latin, 
the  others  do  not,  thus  making  the  recurrence  of  the  same  pairs  in  another 
poem  so  much  the  more  indicative  of  a  single  hand.  How  this  indication 
gains  from  extended  collation  of  certain  identities  of  line  and  alliteration 
between  the  poems  as  undernoted  will  be  too  plain  to  need  much  argument. 


Troy      2683     Warpet  out  wordes  .   .   . 
Troy        207     .   .   .  with  daintes  ynogh. 

Aumtyrs  ^z^()     With  liche  daynteths  endor- 

rede  .   .  . 
Awittyrs    14     Sir    Gawane    the   gay    dame 

Gayenour  he  ledis. 
Troy      2140     To  venge  of  our  velany. 
Tiliis         20     .   .  .   the  vyleny  to  venge. 
T?-oy      6537     With  thre  thousand  thro  men 

thrivond  in  armys. 
Troy      7733     Sparit  for  no  spurse,  speddyn 

to  the  flight. 


Morte  Arthitre. 

9     ...  werpe  owte  some  worde  .   .   . 
199     With  darielles  endordede  and  daynteez 
ynewe. 


233     Sir     Gaywayne    the    worthye    Dame 

Waynour  he  hledys. 
29S     Of  this  giett  velany  I  salle  be  vengede 

ones. 
317     Thyrtty    thousande    be    tale    thryftye 

in  amies. 
449     .   .   .  spede   at    the   spurs   and    spare 

not  .   .   . 


54 


'HUCHOWN   OF   THE   AWLli    RVALE 


[Ch. 


Troy      2371     Bound   up   my   blonke   to   a 

bogh  evyn. 
Alex.      5317     For   alle   the  welthe   of  the 

\ver[l]d. 
Troy        313     The  mighty  Massidon  Kyng 

Troy      3551     In  a  swyme  and  a  swogh  as 
he  swelt  wold. 
9454     .   .  .  swym  as  he  swelt  wold. 
8046     .   .   .  swonyt  in  swym  as  ho 
swelt  wold. 
Alex.         64     ...  dryfes  over  the  depe  .  .  . 
Troy      14S4     ...  a  philosoffer  a  fine  man 
of  lore 
In  the  syense  full  sad  of  the 
sevyn  artes. 
Troy  23     ...  wees  that  wist  .  .  . 

Troy      2735     •  •  •  fiorisshet  with  floures.  ,  . 

Troy    12973     Nightgalis  with  notes. 

Troy      106 1     Swcighyng      of     swet     ayre 

swalyng  of  briddes. 
Alex.     4385     The  swoghing  of  .   .  .  swete 

wellis. 
Troy      8273     Thow  dowtles  shall  dye  with 

dynt  of  my  bond. 

Awntyrs  390     ...  an  anlas. 

Troy  92     ...  dede  throughe  dyntes  of 

bond. 
Awntyrs  442     ...  a  pavilone  of  palle  that 

prodly  was  pighte. 
Pistill  of  Susan     59   Thei  caught  for   heor 

covetyse     the    cursyng    of 

Cay  me. 
Troy      9406     He    gird    hym     thurgh    the 

guttes  with  a  grym  speire. 
Cf.  1232. 
Troy      7780     .   .   .    Galathe   that    was    the 

gude  stede. 
[Name  of  Hector's  horse.] 


Morte  Arthtire. 
453     Bynde   thy  blonke   by  a   buske  with 

thy  brydille  evene. 
541     Ne  of  welthe  of  this  werlde  .  .  . 

603     The  myghtyeste  of  Macedone  .   .  . 

716     ...   swonyng  swe[l]te  as  cho  walde. 


761     ...  dryfande  one  the  deep. 
807-8    .  .  .   phylozophirs.  .  .  . 

In    the   sevyne   scyence  the    suteleste 
fondene. 

891     Thare  was  no  wy  of  this  werlde  that 

wyst.  .  .  . 
924     The     frithez     ware     floreschte     with 

flourez.  .  .  . 
929     Of  the  nyghtgale  notez  the  noisez. 
932     .  .  .  swowynge  of  watyr  and  syngynge 

of  byrdez. 


1073     For  thow  salle  dye  this  day   thurghe 

dynt  of  my  handez. 
[Same,  1505,  4228.] 
1 148     .   .  .   with  ane  anlace. 
1277     .  .  .  derely   be   delt    with    dynttez  of 

handez. 
1287     Palaisez  proudliche  pyghte  .  .  .  that 

palyd  ware.  .  .  . 
131 1     That  ilke  cursynge  that  Cayme  kaghte 

for  his  brothyre. 

1369-70  He  gryppes  hym  a  grete  spere.  .   .  . 
Thurghe  the  guttez  into  the  gorre  he 
gyrdes  hyme  ewyne. 
1387     .   .   .  Galuth  his  gude  swerde.  .  .   . 

[Name  of  Gawayne's  sword,  probably 
a  transfer  from  Hector's  horse.  ] 


9] 


'MORTE   ARTIIURE';    PARALLELS 


55 


Troy      9061     .   .   .  brest  .  .  .  thiilet. 

Troy      3881     ...  a  litle  he  stotid. 
Troy    1 054 1     Swordis     out     swiftly     thai 
swappit.   .  .  . 


Troy      18S9     And      with      swappyng     of 

swerdys     thof     be     swelt 

wolde. 
Cf.  Troy,  notes  p.  480-81. 
Troy      5935     He   swappit   at  hym    swithe 

with  a  swerd  felie. 
[Same,  6921.] 
Aivntyrs '■yl!^     He  swapped  him  yne  at  the 

swyre  with  a  swerde  kene. 
Troy    I1091     Stedes  doun  sticked.  .   .  . 
Alex.     5482     .  .  .  biche  sons.  .  .  . 
Alex.        561     ...  and  demyd  the  skewys. 
Awntyrs  (Douce  MS.)  53  .  .  .  in  the  dymme 

skuwes. 
Awntyrs  293     .   .  .    Rownde    tabille    losse 

the  renowne. 
Aumtyrs  266     Maye  no  man  stere   hym  of 

strenghe. 
Alex.      1324     And    makez    a    way     wyde 

enogh.  .   .  . 
Troy      5932     Make  wayes  full  wide.    [Same, 

6513-] 
Troy      5933     Shot    thurgh    the    sheltrons 

shent  of  the  pepuU. 
Cf.    Troy,  5249. 

He  shot  thurgh  the  sheltione 

and  shent  of  hoi  knightes. 
[Same,  6830.] 
Troy      1 194     Shildes  throgh  shote  shalkes 

to  dethe. 
Troy      6780     Mony    shalke     thurgh     shot 

with  there  sharpe  gere. 
Troy      67S0     Mony  shalke  thurgh  shot.  .  .  . 

Troy      5820     That    hit    shot    through    the 
shilde  and  the  shire  maile. 


Morle  Arthiu-e. 
14 1 3     ...  brestes  they  thirl.   .  .   . 

Cf.  1858. 
1435     .  .  .  stotais  a  lyttille. 
1464-5    Swyftly  with   swerdes  they  swappene 
thereaftyre. 
Swappez  doune  fulle  sweperlye  swel- 
tande  knyghtez. 
Cf.  2982     And    with    a   swerde    swiftly   he 
swappes  him  thorowe. 


1488     .  .  .  stekede  stedys.  .  .  . 
1723     .  .  .   dogge-sone      in       3one      dyme 
schawes. 


1732     Thynke    one    riche    renoune    of    the 

rounde  table. 
1793     Many    steryne    mane    he    steride    by 

strenghe  of  hyme  one. 
1796     Wroghte  wayes  fulle  wyde.  .   .  . 


1 81 3     Schotte  thorowe   the   schiltrouns   and 
scheverede  launces. 


1857     Schalkes  they  schotte  thrughe  shren- 
kand  maylez. 


Cf.  2545  Thorowe   scheldz   they   schotte   and 
schorde  thorowe  males. 


56 


'HUCHOWN   OF   THE   AWLE    RYALE' 


[Ch. 


Troy 

9433 

Shot    thurgh    the   sheld   and 
the  shene  mayle.     [Same, 
6401.] 

Troy 

8i 

.   .   .   torfer  and   tene. 

1956 

Troy 

1 197 

All  dynnet  the  dyn  and  dales 
aboute. 

2031 

Troy 

6407 

.    .    .   braid  out  a  bvond.  .  .  . 

2069 

Troy 

7458 

Mow   siith    men   and   stedes 
were  striken  to  ground. 

2079 

Troy 

6789 

Mony  lyve  of  lept.   .  .   . 

2084 

A-u'ttty 

rs  502 

So  jolyly  those  gentille  mene 
justede  one  were. 

2088 

Troy 

7400 

.   .       bowmen  .   .  .  bykirit. 

2095-6 

Troy 

5285 

.   .   .  dede   and  done  out   of 
lyvc. 

2178 

A-wnty 

rs    25 

On  a  mule  as  the  mylke. 

2287 

Troy 

1089 

Skairen  out  skoute  wacche.  .  . 

2468 

Alex. 

2175 

He  pight  doun  his  pavilion.  .  . 

2478 

Alex. 

4178 

.  .  .   pavillions  of  pall.  .  .  . 

Alex. 

Als  fast  was  he  fyschehale .  .  . 
Cf.  4282. 

2709 

Troy 

5939 

Slit  hyni  doun  sleghly  thurghe 
the  slote  evyn. 

2976 

Troy 

6409 

Slit  him   full  slighly    to   the 
slote  evyn. 

Troy 

6955 

Miche  slaghl  in  tlial  slade  of 

2978 

tho  slegh  knightes. 
Cf.  Troy,  notes  p.  481. 
Troy      5250     Mony     doughty    were     ded 
thurgh  dynt  of  his  hond. 
Cf.    Troy,  notes  p.  501,  also 
lines. 
Troy.      7795     And  mony  deghit  that  day 

thurgh  dynt  of  his  hond. 
Aiuntyrs  2,^%     .   .   .   the   dawngere  and  the 

dole  that  I  in  duclle. 
Tiltis      1 108     Up  a  buschnient  brake.  .   .   . 
A'ontyrs  340     Undir  a  seloure  of  sylke  .  .  . 
A'i'/f/y/s  IT,S     .  .   .   whedir  that  thou  salle. 

Pi's/il    11-12     Of  Erberi  and  Alees 

Of  alle  Mancr  of  trees. 


Morte  Arthnre. 
[See  entry  preceding.] 


.  .  .   tene  and  torfere.  .  .  . 

Alle    dynned    fore   dyne   that    in    the 

dale  hovede. 
Braydez  owte  his  brande.  .   .  . 
The  stede  and  the  steryne  man  strykes 

to  the  grownd. 
.   .   .   somme  leppe  fro  the  lyfe.   .  .  . 
Jolyly    this    gentille    forjusted    .    .    . 

another. 
.   .   .  bowmene  .  .   .   bekerde. 
That  he  was  dede  of  the  dj-nte  and 

done  owte  of  lyfe. 
Moyllez  mylke  whitte.  .  .  . 
Skayres    thaire  skottefers   and    theire 

skowtte  waches. 
Pyghte  pavyllyons  of  palle.  .  .  . 


.  .   freke  schalle  be  fischehalle  within 
foure  houres. 
2976     Sleyghly  in  at  the  slotte  slyttes  hyme 
thorowe. 


2978     Sixty  slongene  in    a    slade   of  sleghe 
men  of  amies. 

3025     Many  doughty  es  dede  by  dynt  of  his 
hondes. 
Cf.  1073,  1277,  4228. 


3068     To  duelle  in  dawngere  and  dole 

3125     Thane  brekes  oure  buschement.   .   .   . 

3195     Undyre  a  sylure  of  sylke. 

3232     That  I  ne  vviste  no  waye  whedire  that 

I  scholde. 
3245     Enhorilde   with   arborye    and    alkyns 

trees. 


9] 


'MORTE  ARTHURE";    PARALLELS 


57 


Troy      7997     .  .   .  dew  dankil  .   .  . 
A^mityrs    i6     Withe   riche   rebanes  revers- 

sede. 
Titus       637     Byes,  broches,  besauntes.  .  . 

A'lVntyrs    17     Raylede     with      rubes     one 

royalie  arraye. 
Troy      9038     Slogh  horn  doun  sleghly  with 

sleght  of  his  bond. 

[Same,  945I-] 
Titus       4'/2     .    .    .    savvters    seten    .    .    , 

psahnys. 
A/ex.     4960     Pesan  pancere  and  platis. 
Tit  Its       509     Plate  ne  pesan. 
Aiviityrs  15 1     And     nowe     am    I    cachede 

owte  of  kyth   in   carys  so 

colde. 
Alex.         24    The    W3'sest     wies    ot     this 

werd. 
Troy    10706     .   .  .  and  his  ble  chaungit. 
Titus      1088     .    .     .    and     all     hir     blode 

chaungeth. 
Troy      2758     And  shope  horn  to  ship. 

2744     ...  on  the  shyre  water. 
Troy    13730     And  schunt    for   no   schame 
but  hit  schope  faire. 
Cf.  Troy,  notes  p.  474. 
Troy        943     Sholt  thurgh    the   sheld  and 

the  shene  mayle. 
T'oy      1264     His  shafte  all  to  sheverit  the 

shalke  was  unhurt. 
Alex.      2091     Derfe  dintes  and  dreghe  delt 

and  taken. 
Troy      5810     Launsit  as  a  lyoun. 

Cf.    Troy,  10985. 
Aw7!tyrs6\'j     The  swerde  sleppis  on  slante 
and  one  the  mayle  slydys. 
Titus      1014     Wende  wepande  away. 
Troy      1328     .   .   .  blody  beronyn. 

Cf.    Troy,  10424,  11 141. 
Troy    10757     Ne  hope  of  hor  hele  in  hor 
hert  thoght. 


A/orte  Art/iure. 
3249     .   .   .  downkyngc  of  dewe.   .   .  . 

3256  And   alle    redily   reversside    with    re- 

banes  of  golde. 

3257  Bruchez     and    besauntez     and    other 

bryghte  stonys. 
3264     Raylide    with     rechcd     and      rubyes 

inewe. 
3419     For  he  slewe  with  a  slynge  be  sleyghte 

of  his  handis. 

3422-3  .  ,  .  psalmes 

That  in  the  sawtire  ere  sette.   .  .   . 
3459    A  pesane  and  a  paunsone.  .  .   . 

3514     Now  am  I  cachede  owtt  of  kyth  with 
kare  at  my  herte. 

3554     Of  all  the  wyes  of  this  worlde. 


/3559 

14214 

3600-1 
3716 


.  .  .  alle  his  ble  chaungide. 
.   .   .  and  alle  his  ble  chaunges. 

And    thane     he     schoupe     hyme     to 

chippe.  .   .  . 
.  .  .  over  the  schyre  waters. 
He  ne  schownttes  for  no  schame  but 

schewes  fulle  heshe. 


3747-9  Thourghe    the    scheldys     so     schene 
schalkes  thay  towche 
With    schaftes    scheverid    schorte     of 

thas  schene  launces 
Derfe  dynthys  they  dalte.   .   .   . 

3832     ,  .   ,  alles  a  lyone  he  lawnches  theme 

thorowe. 
3855     His   hand   sleppid   and   slode  oslante 

one  the  mayles. 
3889     Went  wepand  awaye  .   .   . 
3947     .  .  .  al  blody  bero[n]ene. 
3972     .   .   .  blody  berowne. 
3959-60  .  .   .  the  hope   of  my  hele  .   .  .   my 

herte. 
E 


58 


'HUCIIOWN   OF   THE   AWLE   RYALE' 


[Ch. 


Troy      1 5 1 6 
A-Mutyrs  230 

Troy      3239 
Troy    313-5 


Titus       720 
Troy      1 248 

Aw7ilyrs<^z\- 


Alex.     4961 


Soche     sikyng     and     sorow 

sanke  in  his  hert. 
To    niene    mc   with    messes 

grete      menskc      nowe     ii 

were. 
Thai   sholle  into  shippc   the 

schcltrun. 
Tlie  mighty  IMassidon    King 

master  of  all.   .   ,  . 
He  wan  all  the  world  and  at 

his  wille  aght. 
.   .  .   tresoun  and  trey.   .   .   . 
The    bourder   of    his   basnet 

brestes  in  sender. 
2  He  kervet  of  the  cantel  that 

covurt  the  knyghte. 
Thro  his  shild  and  his  shil- 

dur  a  schaftmun  he  share. 
Jopone  and  jesscrand.   .   .   . 


Marie  Arlhnre, 
39S4     ^Vas  never  sorowe  so  softe  that  sanke 

to  my  herte. 
4019     Menskede   with   messes    for  medc    of 

the  saule. 

41 16     Schotte  to  the  schiltrones.  ,  .  . 

4161     Of  allc  that  Alexander  aughte  qwhilles 
he  in  erthe  lengede. 


4193     .   .   .   tresonc  and  trayne.  ,   .  . 

4212     The  bordoure  of  his  bacenett  he  bristes 

in  sondire. 
4232-3    The    cantelle   of    the     clere    schelde 
he  kcrfes  in  sondyre 
Into   the  schuldyre   of  the  schalke  a 
schaftmonde  large. 
4239     Thorowe  jopowne  and  jesserawnte.  .  . 


The  arguments  about  dissimilarities  in  style  and  vocabulary  between 
Morte  Arthure,  the  Troy,  the  Alexander,  and  other  poems  are  so  com- 
pletely undermined  by  the  great  facts  of  connection  now  for  the  first 
time  established,  that  the  tedious  and  invidious  task  of  replying  in  detail 
to  so  many  scholars  and  personal  friends  is  happily  unnecessary.  That 
entirely  mistaken  stress  was  laid  upon  divergences  of  vocabulary,  and  that 
supposed  distinctions  of  alliterative  system  were  unwarrantably  believed  to 
make  unity  impossible — these  seem  now  to  be  self-evident  propositions, 
with  every  presumption  in  favour  of  unity.  The  earlier  arguments  were 
brought  forward  under  conditions  now  enormously  modified  and  reversed — 
a  body  of  new  positive  fact  having  practically  superseded  the  anterior  basis 
of  Huchown's  case. 

For  Huchown,  especially  considered  as  a  postulate  of  unity,  the  claim 
now  rests  not  on  general  or  special  resemblances  of  lines  or  style — always 
the  most  slippery  of  grounds — but  on  a  long  and  firm  series  of  proved 
and  interlocked  connections  uniting  four  poems,  Alexander,  Troy,  Titus, 
and  Morte  Arthure. 


9]  'MORTE   ARTHURE'   AND   CRECV,    1346  5^ 

(S)  Events  of  1346-64  as  sources. 
Taking  as  proved  the  influence  of  the  French  wars  on  the  fabric 
of  Tiiiis  one  finds  a  ready  test  for  the  chronology  of  Morte  Arthiire}  Full 
of  chivalry,  must  there  not  emerge  in  it  points  of  special  contact  as 
regards  the  art  of  war  itself?  Let  us  therefore  examine  the  dispositions 
of  his  troops  made  by  King  Arthur  in  his  great  battle  with  the  '  Em- 
perour.'  In  Geoffrey  the  king  has  eight  squadrons  besides  his  own, 
and  he  has  no  archers.  In  Morte  Arthure  the  array  is  quite  altered. 
There  are  three  battalions.     The  king  appoints  Sir  Valiant 

Cheftayne  of  the  cheeke  with  chevalrous  knyghttez, 
And  sythyne  meles  with  mouthe  that  he  moste  traystez, 
Demenys  the  medylward  menskfuUy  hymeselfene, 
Ffittes  his  fotemen  alles  hym  faire  thynkkes, 
On  fronnte  the  forebreste,  the  flour  of  his  knyghtez. 
His  archers  on  ay  there  halfe  he  ordaynede  theraftyre 
To  schake  in  a  sheltrone  to  shotte  whene  theme  lykes : 
He  arrayed  in  the  rerewarde  fulle  rialle  knyghtez, 
With  renkkes  renownd  of  the  rounde  table. '^ 

Morte  Aiihitre,  19S6-94. 

The  best  possible  commentary  on  this  is  the  battle  of  Crecy.^  There  were 
three  '  battles,'  two  forming  the  front  line,  the  third  the  reserve.  '  The 
men  at  arms '  (says  Mr.  Oman)*  '  all  on  foot,  were  formed  in  a  solid  line — 
perhaps  six  or  eight  deep — in  the  centre  of  the  '  battle.'  The  archers 
stood  in  two  equal  divisions  to  the  right  and  left  of  the  men  at  arms.' 
Edward's  array  and  Arthur's  are  thus  essentially  the  same — (i)  three 
'battles,'  i.e.  the  'cheeke'  or  '  fronnt,'  the  middleward,  and  the  rearguard; 
(2)  the  flower  of  the  knights  on  foot  in  the  battlefront ;  and  (3)  the 
archers  on  each  side  of  (4)  the  dismounted  men  at  arms.  One  may  not 
press  such  things  too  far,  yet  must  it  be  noticed  how  the  bowmen  of 
Britain    overbore   the    'bregaundez'    of  the    enemy''  just  as  the  archers  of 

'  The  chief  heads  of  this  section,  with  additional  details,  are  set  forth  in  my  article  on 
the  subject  about  to  be  published  in   The  Antiquary. 

-  Cheeke,  the  '  front '  or  vanguard  ;  meles,  addresses  ;  demenys,  arrays ;  vienskfitlly, 
becomingly  ;  halfe,  side  ;  sheltrone,  arrayed  body  ;  renkes,  men. 

^See  Murimuth  (Eng.   Hist.   Soc),   165-7;  Galfridus  le  Baker  (ed.  Giles),   164-7. 

^  Art  of  War  (Middle  Ages),  605.  ^  Morte  Aithiu-e,  2095-107. 


6o  'IIUCHOWN   OF  THE  AWLE   RYALE '  [Ch. 

Edward  drove  back  the  cross-bowmen  of  Genoa,  who  were  armed  in 
'brigandines  '  of  mailJ  In  the  poem-  a  great  charge  of  horse  followed, 
in  which  many  men  were  trodden  down.  This  sequence  was  historical  at 
Crecy  also.'^  Nor  are  there  wanting  analogies  for  the  threats  of  no  quarter, 
characteristic  of  both  the  battle  poetic*  and  the  battle  real.''  Surely  the 
test  of  Crecy  is  well  sustained. 

The  'brigands'  introduce  themselves  to  us  in  Froissart  under  the  year 
1358 — the  infantry  of  the  freebooting  mercenary  class  produced  by  the 
English  wars  in  France.  The  word  itself  carries  a  general  indication  of 
date  corroborated  by  so  many  companion  facts. 

Turn  from  land  to  sea  and  the  same  test  stands.  Consider  certain  of 
the  characteristics  of  the  great  sea  fight  between  Arthur  and  the  allies  of 
Mordred,  and  place  this  engagement  in  its  entirety  over  against  the  historical 
sea-fight  off  Winch elsea,  between  the  English  and  the  '  Espagnols,'  on 
29th  August,  1350.  And  note  how  every  jjoint  of  the  historic  battle, 
(now  to  be  gleaned  from  divers  chronicles,  etc.,  Minot,  Murimuth's  con- 
tinuator,  Walsingham,  Galfridus  le  Baker,  and  Froissart)  comes  blazing  into 
the  wonderful  poem — the  topcastles  with  the  stones  and  gads  of  iron,  the 
'  hurdace,'  the  'beaver'  of  Edward  and  then  his  helm,  the  cutting  of  head 
ropes,  the  English  archers  outshooting  the  enemy,  the  storming  of  the  ships, 
the  gay  cabins  hacked  with  arrows  and  bespattered  with  men's  brains,  and 
then  the  grim  end  of  all  when — a  momentary  lapse  of  the  poet  dubbing  the 
Danish  enemies  of  Arthur  the  '  Spanyolis ' — he  tells  how  to  a  man  they  sprang 
into  the  sea  or  stubbornly  died  upon  their  decks  ;  exactly,  as  the  historians 
assure   us,   did    the    Spaniards    off    Winchelsea,   refusing   the   summons   to 


^Oman's  Art  of  War,  611.  The  '  biigandinc '  is  figured  in  Demmin's  Die 
JCriegs-cvaffen  [cA.  Leipzig,  1886),  457-8.  The  word  'brigand,'  originally  denoting  a 
footsoldier,  was  introduced  into  French  in  the  I4l]i  century  (Brachet's  Diet.).  I  find  it 
in  a  letter  to  King  John  just  before  the  battle  of  Poitiers,  in  1356.  Chandos  Herald's 
Pritice  A'oir,  cd.  Michel,  1883,  p.  333.  See  also  Cuvelier's  Du  Gtiescliii,  i.  1584.  It  is 
used  by  Froissart  relative  to  the  'companies'  in  1358;  also  under  same  year  in  Scala- 
cronica,  p.    186,  and  earlier  on  p.    108. 

-  Morte,  2140-52.  ^Galf.  Ic  Jiaker,  165.  ^  Jl/orte,  2007,  2203. 

"^Galf.  le  Baker,  164-5 


9] 


'MORTE   ARTHURE'   and   SEA-FIGHT   OF   WINCHELSEA,    1350       61 


surrender,  and  meeting  death  with   invincible  disdain.     This  will    be  niad(. 
fully  apparent  from  the  collation  ^  exhibited  here. 


Contemporary  Chronicles. 

Saxis  volantibus  a  turriculis  malorum  el 
pilis  vibrantibus  .  .  .   classica  armalura. 

(Baker.) 

Gros  barriaus  cle  fer  forgies  at  fais  tons 
faitis  pour  lancier  et  pour  effondrer  nefs  en 
lancant  de  pieres  et  de  calliaus  sans  nom- 
Ijre.  (Froissart.) 

Thaire  hurdis  thaire  ankers  hanged  thai 
on  here.  (Minot.  x.  14.) 

Si  se  tenoit  li  rois  d'Engleterre  ou  chief 
de  sa  nef  vestis  d'un  noir  jake  de  velviel 
et  portoit  sus  son  chief  un  noir  chapelet 
de  beveres  qui  moult  bien  li  sevit. 

(Froissart.) 

Et  puis  mist  li  rois  le  bacinet  en  la  tieste 
et  aussi  fissent  tout  le  aultre.      (Froissart.) 

'With  trompes  and  taburns.'  (Minot  x. 
8.)  '  Tubis  lituis  et  musix;  cornibus  suos 
ad  arma  concitantes.  (Baker.) 

'  When  thai  sailed  westward.'    (Minot  x.  13. ) 

S'encontrerent  de  tel  ravine  que  ce  sembla 
uns  tempestes  que  la  fust  cheus.  Et  dou 
rebombe  qu'il  fisent  li  chastiaus  de  la  nef 
dou  roy  d'Engletene  consievi  le  chastiel 
de  la  nef  Espagnole  par  tel  maniere  que 
li  force  dou  mas  le  rompi  amont  sus  le 
mas  6u  il  seoit  et  le  reversa  en  le  mer. 

(Froissart.) 

Si  acrokierent  a  cros  de  fer  et  de  kainnes. 

(Froissart.) 

Hanekin  .  .  .  copa  le  cable  qui  porte  le 
voile  par  quoi  li  voiles  chei  .  .  .  il  copa 
quatre  cordes  souverainnes  qui  gouvrenoient 
le  mas  et  le  voille.  (Froissart.) 


Morte  ArlJnire  (11.  3600-700). 
The  King  prepares  his  ships  for  battle. 
'  Drawing  up  stones '  for  projectiles  as  they 
lie  at  anchor,  '  the  topcastles  he  stuffed 
with  toyelys,'  and  with  'gads  of  steel.' 
There  is  a  '  hurdace  on  height '  with  helmed 
knights.  The  King  is  bareheaded  '  with 
beveryne  lokkes,'  his  headpiece,  however, 
at  hand,  and  when  the  anchors  are  weighed 
and  the  engagement  begins  he  dons  'his 
comely  helm.' 


Signal  of  battle  comes  when  the  crews 
'bragged  in  trompes.'  The  wind  rises  out 
of  the  west. 


Ships  sail  into  each  other  with  a  crash. 
'  Sways    the    mastys ;    over  falls    in   the 
first ' ;  men  bicker  with  '  gads  of  irons.' 


As  the  ships  grapple  the  seamen  '  castys 
crepers  one  cross.' 

'  Thane  was  hede-rapys  hewene  that 
helde  up  the  mastes.'  (1.  3668.) 


1  Works  cited  are  Poems  of  Laurence  Aliiiot,  ed.  Hall,  pp.  33-4.  (Ja/fr/dns  le  Baker, 
ed.  Giles,  pp.  204-5.  Froissart,  ed.  Luce,  tome  iv.,  pp.  88-96  (livrc  premier,  §§  323-7). 
Muriinuth,  (Eiig.  Hist.  Soc.)  p.  iSo.  IVahiiigham,  sub  anno,  1350  In  examining 
Froissart  I  have  had  the  benefit  of  notes  on  Lettenhove's  text  from  my  friend  Mr. 
J.  T.  T.   Brown. 


62 


liUCHOVVN    OF   THE   AWLE   RYALE ' 


[Ch. 


Morte  Arthure  (11.  3690-700). 

'  Archers  of  England  full  eagerly  shool ' 
'  till  all  the  Danes  were  dead  and  in  ihe 
deep  thrown.'  (1.  3694.) 

Arthur's  men  then  board  and  storm  the 
ships  '  leaping  in  upon  loft.' 

Mony  kaban  clevede  cabilJs  destroyede 
Knyghlcs  and  kene  men  killide  the  braynes 
Kidd  castells   were   corven  with   all   theirc 

kene  wapen.  (11.  3671-3.) 

Spanyolis  spedily  sprentyde  over  burdez 
Alle  the  kene  men  of  kampe  kn}ghles  and 

other 
Killyd    are   colde   dede   and   castyne    over 

burdez.  (II.  3700-2.) 

[The  '  Spanyolis'  of  1.  3700  are  Danes  in  all 

the  other  allusions  to  them. 

11.  3528,  3610,  3694.] 


CONTEMI'ORARY   CHRONICLES. 

Tercbrarunl  landem  sagittarii  longiore 
jactu  sagittarum  illorum  balistarios  .  .  .  E 
turribus  saxa  fulminabant.  (Baker.) 

Tunc  scalas  conscensi  nostri  in  Hesperias 
naves  irruerunt  gladiis  et  securibus  obvios 
truncantes.  (Baker.) 

Ibi  vidisses  sanguine  et  cerebro  naves 
pictas  demiono  sagittas  in  malis  velis  temo- 
nibus  et  castris  infixas.  (Baker.) 

Hispani  .  .  .  quia  se  reddere  noluerant 
jussu  regis  Edwardi  omnes  miserabiliter 
perierunt.  (Murimuth's  continuator.)  His- 
pani .  .  .  omnes  miserabiliter  perierunt 
alii  ferro  ccesi  alii  aquis  submersi. 

(Walsingham.) 

In  brcvi  vasa  plena  Hispanis  vacuabant. 

(Baker.) 

Inopes  Hispanos  mortuos  et  languidos  in 
mare  projicientes.  (Baker.) 

From  these  passages  what  follows?  That  there  is  more  of  live  chronicle 
of  the  fight  of  Winchelsea  in  the  little  finger  of  Alorte  Arthure  than  there 
is  in  the  entire  body  of  Laurence  Minot's  song  of  Les  Espagnols  sur  Aler  : 
That  the  poet  who  in  Ti'/us  drew  upon  the  surrender  of  Calais  in  1347 
for  poetic  colouring,  similarly  drew  in  Afor/e  Arthure  on  the  battle  of  Crecy 
in  1346,  and  the  Spanish  sea  fight  of  1350  :  That  the  Arthur  of  Morte 
Arthure  is  not  indirectly  Edward  111.:  That  every  presumption  therefore 
points  to  the  poem  as  a  contemporary  and  chivalric  tribute  to  the  founder 
of  the  Table  Round. 

Crecy,  as  already  shewn,  supplied  much  for  Arthur's  great  battle  with 
Lucius,  but  it  fails  entirely  to  clear  away  an  editorial  difificulty  and  determine 
the  site  of  the  field.  What  lacks  in  1346  we  may  chance  to  find  in  1359. 
The  romance-battle  was  fought  in  the  '  vale '  of '  Sessoyne,'  which  has  been 
supposed  to  be  Sa.xony,  but  the  true  understanding  of  which  has  long 
been  a  problem  ^  owing  to  the  topographical  impossibilities  Saxony  involves. 


•Mrs.  Banks's  notes  to  Afotie  Arthure,  11.    1964,   1977.     That  •  Sessoyne '  is  sometimes 
Saxony  is  clear  enough,  being  the  French  'Sassoignc,'  but  not  so  here. 


9]  'MORTE   ARTIIURE'   AND   FRENCH   WARS  6 


o 


Prior  to  the  battle  Arthur  had  been  in  Normandy  advancing  eastward ; 
Lucius,  too,  was  sojourning  not  far  away  by  the  Seine  and  Rouen  and 
Paris  (11.  1336-40);  and  after  the  battle  Arthur  is  again  found  at  Cotentin, 
still  in  Normandy.  Saxony  is  not  a  '  vale,'  and  is  a  good  seven  hundred 
miles  from  Normandy.  Moreover,  the  poet's  'vale'  has  a  city;  and  Arthur's 
army  just  before  being  arranged  in  order  of  battle 

'  Forselte  ihem  the  cite  appon  sere  halfez'  (1.    1979). 

Now  in  the  year  1359,  according  to  an  English  author,^  an  English 
'company'  did  this  very  thing.  Un  compaigny  dez  Engles  etiforcerent  la  vile 
de  Veillye  en  la  vale  de  Sessoun.  French  chronicle^  of  the  same  fact  calls 
the  place  '  Sissone,'  and  Sissonne  still  lives  as  a  township  in  the  department 
of  Aisne  in  Picardy.  Huchown's  '  vale '  therefore  we  may  assume,  after  a 
glance  at  the  map,  was  here.^ 

The  term  'chartire  of  pes''^  belongs  to  the  same  period,  having, 
according  to  Froissart,  been  applied  to  the  Treaty  of  Bretigny  in  1360, 
and  having  probably  become  current  shortly  after.  In  ATorte  Arthur e,  in 
the  great  sea  fight  against  Mordred  and  his  allies,  the  king  arrays  his 
ships  'alle  ryally  in  rede'  (1.  3614).  From  1361  we  hear  of  a  war  vessel ° 
of  Edward  III.  called  'le  Reade  Cogge.'  'The  genatours  of  Genne,' 
and  ' bregaundez,'  who  change  sides*'  with  such  promptitude  and  fight 
forthwith    against   their   dilatory    Roman    paymasters,   reflect   the   period  of 


^  Scalacrouica,   185.  "^Jehan  le  Bel,  ii. ,  239. 

•'It  is  curious  to  note  the  existence  of  a  Crecy  (Crecy  sur  Serre)  within  a  few  miles 
of  Sissonne.  This  was  not  Edward  III.'s  Crecy,  which  is  in  the  adjoining  department 
of  Somme,  nearer  the  sea. 

*  Alorte  Artlmre,  1542,  3059.  Compare  with  Froissart's  reference  concerning  1360, 
that  of  the  Graiides  Chroniqties  de  Saint  Denis,  to  toittes  les  chartcs  de  la  paix  in  136S 
Zeller,   Charles   V.  et  Dii  Guesclin,  105. 

^•>  Cal.  Rot.  Pat.,   172. 

^  Morte  Arthure,  11.  2096,  2897,  2909,  2920.  The  'genatours  of  Genne'  (Genes,  Genoa) 
are  thus  described  in  Cuvelier's  Dit  Guesclin,  11.  11144-5  : 

XX.  mile  Genevois  sur  genes  chevauchant 
Qui  portoient  les  dars  de  coi  on  va  lancant. 

Chandos  Herald's  Prince  Noir  {\.  3105)  calls  them 

Geneleurs  hommes  a  chival. 


64  'IIUCIIOWK    OF  THE   AWLE   RYALE'  [Ch. 

the  Spanish  campaigns  of  the  Black  Prince ;  they  are  '  true  to  the  life  of 
1360  or  thereabout.'^  Certain  of  the  historical  personages  and  places  intro- 
duced enable  a  closer  date-approximation.  The  King  of  Cyprus  -  is  one  ; 
he  visited  England  in  1363,  and  was  royally  entertained,  the  King  of 
Scotland  visiting  Edward  III.  at  the  same  time.  Such  things  are  the 
political  atmosphere  of  the  poem. 

In  1359  the  talk  of  knightly  circles,  expressed  in  a  well-known  chronicle 
(written  in  Anglo-French),  had  been  of  the  passage  to  France  by  '  Sand" 
wiche,'  of  '  Bar  flu,'  of  'Sessoun,'  of  'Vien,'  of  '  Millein,'  of  '  Costentyn,'  of 
'  Paiters,'  of  '  le  markeis  of  Mise,'  of  the  '  Allemaunz,'  of  '  Lorrein,'  and 
of  'Reyns,'  of  '  Troies,'  of  'Turry.'  In  1360  we  hear  further  of  '  Chartres 
and  'TuUous,'  'Roan,'  'Came,'  and  '  Provynce.'  The  brief  annals  of  1361 
mention  '  Henaw  '  and  '  Holand  '  and  '  Denemark,'  especially  recording  that 
the  Danish  king  had  made  war  on  the  Easterlings  and  reconquered  much 
of  '  Swetherik '  from  the  king  of  '  Norway,'  while  the  king  of  '  Lettow '  had 
been  made  captive  by  the  lords  of  'Spruce.'  Besides,  'le  roy  de  Cypre' 
had  taken  a  town  in  '  Turky '  by  assault.  In  1362  we  hear  of  'Spayn,' 
'Gascoigne,'  *  Gyene,'  '  Normandy,' and  '  Burgoyne,'  All  these,  culled  from 
about  a  dozen  consecutive  pages  of  the  Scalacronica^  begun  in  the  castle 
of  Edinburgh  in  1355,  tally  with  the  names  which  Huchown,  supple- 
menting his  original,  made  place  for  in  Morte  Arthure.  They  shew  to  a 
marvel  that  his  geographical  embroidery  of  Arthur's  story  was  taken 
from  the  topography  of  1359-63,  just  as  we  have  already  seen'*  that  the 
stations  on  Arthur's  march  Romewards  were  borrowed  from  the  itinerary 
of  the  time. 

Indefinite    additions    to   these  evidences  might  be  made  from  annals  of 
the  period,  but  it  is  proper  to  emphasise  one  or  two  names  which  appear 


'  I  steal  these  words  from  a  letter  of  Prof.  W .  P.   Ker. 

"  Morte  Arthure,  596;  Mi(rimuth  {Eng.  Ilist.  Soc. ),  199;  IValsinghaiii,  sub  anno  1363. 

'" Sialacrouica,  185-202.  It  is  unnecessary  to  quote  the  corresponding  names  in  Mortc 
Arthure,  but  Sandwich  (1.  635)  may  be  noted  as  a  point  of  Huchown's  divergence  from 
Geoffrey,  who  makes  Southampton  the  port  of  embarkation.  'Paiters'  (Poitiers)  is 
'Peyiers'  in  Morte  (1.  40).  'The  Marche  of  Meyes'  in  Morte  (2417)  is  well  vouched 
by  Scalacronica.  ^  Ch.   2  above. 


9]  'MORTE   ARTHURE'   AND   EDWARD   III.  65 

to  make  it  certain  that  Morte  Arthiire  can  hardly  have  been  finished 
before  the  beginning  of  1365.  Among  the  '  Sovvdanes  and  Sarezenes ' 
summoned  to  his  banner  by  Lucius^  are 

Of  Babyloyn  and  Baldake  the  burlyche  knyghtes, 

as    well    as    those    of   'Tartary,'    and    'Turkey,'    and    'Lettow,'    while    the 

'  Kynge    of  Cyprys  '  with    '  all    the    realls  of   Roodes ' — evidently  Arthur's 

ally — on    shipboard    in    the    Mediterranean,    lies    in    wait    for   the   Saracen 

enemy. 

Th?  Kynge  of  Cyprys  on  the  see  the  Sowdane  habydes 
With  all  the  realls  of  Roodes  arayede  with  him  one. 

So  much  for  poetry  :  for  history  we  have  a  great  victory  over  the  Turks, 
gained  in  November,  1364,  when  the  Grand  Master  of  the  Hospitallers  of 
Rhodes  and  many  of  his  knights  were  counted  among  the  5000  Christian 
dead,  while  the  princes  of  the  other  side  (as  Capgrave  translates  -  Muri- 
muth's  continuator)  '  were  these  :  The  Soudan  of  Babilony ;  the  Kyng  of 
Turkye  ;  the  Kyng  of  Baldak  ;  the  Kyng  Belmaryn  ;  the  Kyng  of  Tartare ; 
the  Kyng  of  Lettow — of  which  iii  were  slayn.'  The  king  of  Cyprus, 
who  had  in  1361  captured  Satalie  by  a  sea-expedition,  was  in  the  end  of 
1364  getting  ready  a  fleet  at  Venice  for  a  similar  exploit  against  the  Sultan 
of  Alexandria.^  There  is  neither  Baldak,  nor  Lettow,  nor  Rhodes,  nor 
Cyprus,  nor  Sultan,  in  Geoffrey  of  Monmouth  (or  in  the  translations  by 
Layamon  and  Wace).  The  grouping,  therefore,  is  a  powerful  item  in  the 
proofs'^  for  a  date  soon  after  the  close  of  1364  (in  which  connection  it 
will  not  be  amiss  to  recall  Sir  Hew  of  Eglintoun's  presence  in  London  ^ 
in  May,  1365),  before  the  Cyprian  swoop  on  Alexandria  was  known. 


1  Mortc,  582-607. 

'^ Murinmfh  (Eng.  Hist.  Soc. ),  201.     Capgrave's  Chronicle,  223. 

''Machaut's  Prise  d'Alexa}tdrie,  11.  640-660,  1540- 1620.  Note  also  Cuvelier's  line 
stating  that  the  king  '  Satalie  conquist  et  occist  le  soudant,'  Du  Giiesclin,  1.  7443. 

'*Sir  Hew  of  Eglintoun's  fatherin-law  and  brother-in-law  both  held  high  position 
among  the  Scottish  Hospitallers. — Mr.  John  Edwards  in  Transac.  Glasg.  Archaeological 
Society,  new  series,  vol.  iii,,  pp.  322,  326. 

5 Safe  conduct,  dated  20th  May,   1365.     Rot.   ScoL,   i.,   893'". 


66  'HUCIIOW'N   OF   THE  AWLE   RYALE '  [CM. 

Finally,  to  be  appealed  to  as  most  oddly  significant  of  all  the  notes  of 
date  in  Morte  Arihure,  are  the  lines  (1943-5)  in  which,  after  a  reprimand 
followed  by  an  apology  to  CaJor  of  Cornwall,  his  nephew.  King 
Arthur  says : 

'  Tharc  es  none  ischewe  of  us  on  ihis  erlhe  sprongenc 
Thow  ail  apparanl  to  be  ayere,  arc  [read  or)  one  of  thi  childyre 
Thow  arte  my  sister  sone,  forsake  sallc  I  never.' 

W'liy  should  Arthur  have  made  any  alternative?  Cador  was  heir.  Only 
because  he  died  in  battle  before  the  king  was  it  that  not  he  but  his 
son  succeeded — in  Geoffrey — to  the  throne.  Why  the  '  or  one  of  thy 
children?'  It  was  a  singular  observation — like  an  entail — to  let  fall. 
There  could  be  only  one  apparent  heir.  Scottish  history  supplies  the 
answer,  and  points  to  the  intrigue  and  privy  agreements^  of  1363-4,  whereby 
the  childless  David  II.  made  in  so  far  as  in  him  lay  Edward  III.-  or  one 
of  his  children  heir-apparent  to  the  Scottish   Crown. 

By  the  first  convention  Edward  himself  was  made  inheritor  of  the  crown 
fiiiling  lawful  issue  of  David  II. ;  the  Scottish  Parliament  rejected  the 
proposal  in  March,  1364,  and  the  substituted  terms  arranged  that  year 
were  that  one  of  King  Edward's  children  other  than  the  heir-apparent 
to  the  Crown  of  England  should  become  the  heir-apparent  of  Scotland. 
But  the  Scottish  Parliament  and  people  were  obdurate,  and  a  chief  service 
of  the  agreements  may  be  to  give  us  confirmation  of  the  date  of  Morte 
Arthure."^ 


^  See  these  discussed  in  my  Sir  Hew  of  Eglintoun  (Phil.  Soc.  Glas.),  and  in  note  to 
ch.    12,  sec.  2,  below. 

-The  terms  of  the  first  agreement  of  27th  November,  1363,  were:  Ou  cas  que  le  dit 
Roi  d'Escoce  Irespasse  du  siecle  sanz  hoir  engendre  de  son  corps  le  devant  dit  Roi 
d'Engleterre  ou  quiconques  (|ui  alors  en  seroit  Rois  et  ses  hoirs  Rois  d'Engleterre  aient 
succession  heritable  du  dit  roialme  d'Escoce  {Acts  Pari.  Scot.,  i.,  493). 

•■  The  substituted  proposal  is  contained  in  a  document  worn  away  in  pans,  but  printed 
thus :  Item  ou  cas  que  le  Roi  .  .  .  au  present  devie  sanz  heir  .  .  .  de  son 
corps  et  en  matrimoigne  engendre  I'un  des  filz  tlu  Koi  d'Engleterre  qui  n'est  pas  heir 
apparant  d'Engleterre  lui  succedera  .  .  .  oialme  et  a  la  coronne  de  Escoce  {Acts 
rarl.  Scot.,  i.,  495. 


lo]  'PARLEMENT   OF   THE   THRf  AGES'  67 


10.    'The  Parlement  of  the  Thre  Ages.' 

(i)  Tests  to  be  applied. 

The  sequence  of  the  four  poems  already  dealt  with,  and  the  significance 
of  their  mutual  relation,  will  not  appear  of  less  account  when  the  quartet 
is  made  a  quintet — when  the  series  closes  in  the  Parlement  of  the  Thre 
Ages^  with  an  outline  of  its  story,  an  analysis  of  its  textual  affinities,  and 
a  discussion  of  a  source,  little  suspected,  for  its  plot.  I'ests  of  each  of 
the  preceding  four  poems  have  been  found  in  the  evidence  of  each  in 
succession  of  the  use  and  influence  of  the  poem  before,  the  occurrence 
of  entire  lines  as  well  as  poetical  figures  and  phrases  in  each  found  in 
one  or  more  of  the  others,  and  features  not  well  admitting  classification, 
which  bring  out  as  a  kind  of  resume  in  the  later  work  certain  aspects 
of  paraphrase  or  retrospect  of  the  earlier  performances.  As  applied  to 
The  Parlement  of  the  Thre  Ages  (a  poem  found  in  one  of  Robert  of 
Thornton's  priceless  manuscripts  conjoined  with  the  Titus  and  with  the 
beautiful  Lay  of  the  Truelove-),  the  tests  already  seen  in  operation  might 
not  be  satisfied  by  proofs  of  {a)  identity  of  versification,  supplemented  by 
{If)  the  occurrence  of  detached  lines  and  phrases  held  in  common  by  {c)  more 
than  one  of  the  antecedent  suite.  These  alone  might  not  serve ;  an 
exacting  critic  might  demand  demonstration  that  concurrently  with  these 
things  there  are  in  reasonable  clearness  signs  {d)  that  the  author  was 
familiar  with  the  authorities  employed  in  the  previous  books,  {e)  that  the 
characteristics  and  poetical  method  of  the  works  compared  should  be 
analogous,  and  (/)  that  the  collation  should  furnish  instances  not  of  general 
merely  but  of  intimate  suggestion  ot  unity  of  authorship.  A  tolerably 
heavy  load  of  responsibility  to  undertake — a  load,  be  it  said,  under  which 
the  attempt  to  prove  by  internal  evidence  the  common  authorship  of  many 

^  T/ie  Parlement  of  the  litre  Ages,  edited  by  Israel  Gollancz,  M.A.  (Roxburghe 
Club,  1S97).  To  my  friend,  Prof.  W.  P.  Ker,  for  introducing  me  to  this  book,  and 
lending  me  his  cop)-,  I  can  hardly  be  grateful  enough. 

^  Edited  from  the  MSS.  by  Mr.  Gollancz — in  the  Dr.  Furnivall  birthday  volume, 
An  English  Miscellany,  1900,  under  the  unsatisfactory  title,  'The  Qualrefoil  of  Love,' 


68  'IlUCHOWN   OF  THE  AWLE   RVALE '  [Ch. 

great  pieces  of  English  literature  by  their  acknowledged  authors  would 
hopelessly  break  down  !  But  he  who  takes  this  responsibility  of  maintaining 
the  claim  of  Huchown  to  the  Parlement  can  with  a  light  heart  challenge 
all  the  tests  combined.  The  Parlement  itself  supplies  all  the  arms  its 
champions  need.  It  is  an  alliterative  poem  {a)  of  the  same  measure  as 
the  antecedent  four,  (b)  containing  whole  lines  and  very  many  identical 
phrases,  not  commonplace,  found  {c)  in  various  members  of  the  preceding 
quartet,  while  {d)  it  cites  or  shows  close  knowledge  of  Alexander  and  of 
Tro\\  of  tlie  Brut  and  of  the  Voeux  du  Faon,  and  at  the  same  time  it 
quotes  Titus  and  Aforte  Arthtire,  and  presents  clear  analogies  not  only 
with  the  Pistill  of  Sweet  Susan,  but  also — it  is  of  grave  moment  to  remark 
it — with  Gawayfie  and  the  Gree?i  Knight.  The  analogy  of  {e)  poetical  mode 
among  the  five  poems  is  fairly  absolute,  passing  through  a  phase  of  sheer 
and  simple  translation  to  one  of  expanded  paraphrase  and  narrative,  partly 
independent,  resting  at  many  points  upon  authority,  but  with  constant 
deviations  into  originality.  Finally,  (/)  the  Parlement  binds  together  the 
whole  range  of  the  work  of  Huchown  in  a  manner  at  once  intimate  and 
explicit. 

These  be  large  assertions ;    and    now — after  the  plot  of  the  story  itself 
— there  come  the  proofs. 

(2)   The   Plot   of  the    '  Parle me?it: 

The  Parlement  is  a  work  accessible  only  in  a  very  limited  club  edition. 
The  story  it  tells,  therefore,  may  becomingly  be  told  here  in  fuller  outline 
than  was  thought  necessary  in  any  other  item  of  the  quartet.  It  opens 
with  a  magnificent  hunting  picture  of  the  stalking  of  a  deer,  "  In  the  month 
of  May  when  mirthes  been  fele,"  in  which  the  hero,  waiting  beside  a  tree 
in  the  woods,  caught  sight  of  a  hart.  Creeping  under  a  crabtree  he  was 
about  to  shoot  when  a  buck  that  was  with  the  hart  sounded  the  alarm, 
and  the  sportsman  had  to  lie  low  for  a  while  in  spite  of  the  gnats  which 
greatly  him  grieved  and  gnawed  his  '  eghne.'  Soon  as  the  opportunity 
came  he  drew  his  bow  and  shot,  hitting  the  hart  behind  the  left  shoulder. 
Then  he  flayed  and  disembowelled  the  prize  after  the  approved  rules  of 
venery,  which  done,  he  sat  down  in    the   warm    sunshine   and   fell  asleep. 


lo]  'PARLEMENT';    ITS    PLOT  69 

As  natural  in  the  romance  period,  the  sleep  was  not  wasted,  the  inevi- 
table dream  came — the  dream  which  is  the  remainder  of  the  poem. 

'And  what  I  saw  in  my  soul,  the  sooth  I  shall  tell.' 

He  saw  three  men  quarrel.  The  first  was  a  gallant  young  noble  on 
horseback  clad  in  green,  decked  with  a  chaplet  of  flowers,  his  collar  and 
sleeves  set  with  jewels. 

'  The  price  of  that  perry  were  worth  pounds  full  many. ' 

He  was  thirty  years  of  age,  he  was  young  and  'yape,'  says  our  poet,  and 
Youth  was  his  name. 

The  second  man  was  a  sober  personage  in  grey  sitting  full  of  thought 
about  his  money,  his  lands,  his  rent,  and  his  cattle.  He  was  sixty,  and  men 
called  him  Middle  Elbe. 

The  third  had  a  hundred  years.  All  in  black,  bald,  blind,  white- 
bearded,  crooked,  toothless,  and  pious,  he  mumbled  the  Creed  and  invoked 
the  saints.  This  was  the  last  of  the  trio  whom  the  poet  made  interlocutors 
in  his  'parlement,'  and  Elde  was  his  name. 

Youth  reveals  himself  carolling  in  his  saddle  as  he  goes,  making  to 
his  absent  lady  love  a  'high  avow.'  Middle  Elde  reproaches  him  for  his 
extravagance.  Youth  will  none  of  Middle  Elde's  worldly  wisdom.  He 
will,  he  retorts,  rather  make  and  perform  his  high  avow  than  own  all  the 
gold  ever  Middle  Elde  got.  Then  would  he  go  a-hawking,  and  he  describes 
in  glowing  terms  the  falcon  soaring  like  heaven's  angel,  to  swoop  on 
mallard  and  heron,  which  fall  beneath  the  stroke.  Next  the  falconers 
treat  the  quarry  as  the  code  of  falconry  reqtiires,  and  the  episode  closes 
when  the  hoods  are  put  on  the  hawks,  and  Youth  figures  himself  on  the 
way  home — 

'With  ladies  full  lovely  to  lappen  in  mine  arms.' 
The  man  in  russet-grey  has  just  begun  angrily  to  expostulate  when  the  old 
worthy  in  black  strikes  in  between  to  preach  a  sermon  which  lasts  till  nearly  the 
very  end  of  the  poem — a  sermon  which,  as  one  listens  to  it,  grows  ever  more 
and  more  nobly  eloquent  of  the  Middle  Ages,  eloquent  of  its  literature  and 
literary  standards,  eloquent  of  the  culture  of  the  Scottish  Court  under  the 
Bruces  and  the  Stewarts,  eloquent  above  all  of  the  majestic  poetic  stature 


70  'HUCHOWN   OF   THE   AWLE   RYALE'  [Ch. 

of  Huchown  of  the  Awle  Ryale.  For  this  sermon,  with  which  Age  silences 
the  vain  janghng  of  Youth  and  Middle  Age,  this  sermon  of  Elde,  wise  with 
the  lore  of  Time,  although  its  moral  be  the  trite  moral  of  Death,  yet  preaches  it, 
as  rarely  preached  before,  by  compressing  into  brief  compass  the  whole  romance 
story  of  the  Middle  Ages.  It  tells  of  Hector  and  the  heroes  of  Troy ;  tells 
of  Alexander  and  the  worthies  whom  remote  Egyptian  fiction  and  more 
recent  French  romance  had  sent  into  the  field  with  him  ;  tells  of  Caesar 
and  the  Tower  of  London ;  tells  of  gentle  Joshua  and  David  the  doughty, 
and  Judas  Machabeus — 'Jews  full  jolly  and  jousters  full  noble';  then  flings 
itself  heart  and  soul  upon  King  Arthur  and  Sir  Galahad  '  the  good  that 
the  gree  wan,'  Sir  Lancelot  of  the  Lake,  Sir  Kay,  and  all  the  Round  Table, 
with  the  spotless  Sir  Gawayne  and  the  frail  fair  Guinevere.  His  list  of  the 
Noble  Nine,  after  mere  mention  of  Godfrey  of  Bouillon,  concludes  with  a 
long  passage  concerning  Charlemagne,  mentioning  amongst  other  heroes 
Roland  and  Oliver  and  Ogier  the  Dane,i  and  telling  that  tale  of  Ferumbras 
and  the  Brig  of  Mantrible,  which  Barbour,'^  perhaps  with  some  poetic 
license,  placed  on  the  lip  of  Robert  the  Bruce  to  cheer  his  dispirited 
followers  as  they  crossed  Loch  Lomond  during  the  ill-omened  campaign  of 
1306.  And  the  sum  of  all  is — the  lesson  of  life  as  told  by  him  in  black 
from  the  mighty  careers  of  the  foremost  warriors  of  Time — 

'  Now  have  I  named  you  the  names  of  Nine  of  the  best 
That  ever  were  in  this  world  wist  upon  earth, 
And  the  doughtiest  of  deeds  in  their  days'  time, 
But  Doughtiness  when  Death  comes  ne  dare  not  abide.' 

What  was  true  of  prowess  in  battle  the  pessimist  Elde  found  also  of 
learning.  Aristotle  and  Solomon  and  Merlin,  these  were  the  wisest  of  the  world, 
but  their  wit  was  powerless  against  Death.  Nor  was  love,  nor  beauty 
itself,  exempt.  Amadace  and  Ydoine,  Samson  and  Delilah,  Generydes 
the  gentle  and  Clarionas  the  clere,^  Eglamour  and  Christabel,  Tristram 
and   Iseult,    Dido   of   Carthage   and   Candace   of   Babylon,    Penelope   and 

'  '  Ogere  Deauneys '  (1.  523).     For  the  significance  of  this  and  of  Generydes  mentioned 
below  see  ch.  9  above,  sections  5  and  6. 
^  Priice,  iii.,  405-465. 
^  See  reference  to  Geiioydes  in  ch.  9  above,  sec.   5. 


10]  'PARLEMENT';    PARALLELS   WITH    'GAWAYNE'  71 

Guinevere — through  the  glittering  catalogue  of  romance  heroes  and  heroines 
he  marches  mournfully  to  the  old  old  tune — Death  will  have  his  way  : 
nothing  is  certain  but  Death.  At  the  close  Elde  the  wise  commands  Youth 
and  Middle  Elde  to  cease  their  wrangle,  for  Elde  is  sire  of  Middle  Elde 
and  Middle   Elde  of  Youth,  and  he,   their  sire  and  grandsire,  bids  them 

Haves  good  day  for  now  I  go,  to  grave  must  me  wend, 
Death  dings  on  my  door,   I  dare  no  longer  bide. 

Here  the  dreamer — he  that  had  hunted  the  deer  and  fallen  asleep — heard 
a  bugle  blow  full  loud,  and  woke  to  find  that  the  sun  had  set  and  "Thus 
ends  the  Thre  Ages." 

Peradventure  we  also,  if  our  slumbers  in  the  forest  are  not  too  sound, 
may  chance  to  hear  a  bugle  blow,  and  mark  how  the  bent  echoes  with 
Huchovvn's  trumpet  note. 

(3)  Parallels  of  the  ''  Parlemetit.^ 

The  hunting  scene  as  a  whole  and  the  hawking  picture,  too,  fit  to  a  miracle 
into  the  structure  of  Huchown's  work  if,  as  may  be  assumed  (in  spite  of 
critical  dicta  to  the  contrary),  Sir  Frederick  Madden  was  right  in  under- 
standing Wyntown's  reference  to  the  Awntyre  of  Gawafie  as  referring 
explicitly  to  Gawayne  and  the  Green  Knight.  In  Gawayfie  there  were 
described  three  hunts — respectively  of  a  deer,  a  boar,  and  a  fox.  In  the 
other  extant  poems  there  are  indeed  many  passing  and  often  intimate 
allusions  to  the  chase,  but  no  detailed  description.  This  story  in  the 
Parlement,  therefore,  describing  how  the  deer  was  shot  and  how  the  falcon 
brought  the  heron  down,  is  most  opportune  to  fill  a  gap.  These  picturesquely 
technical  accounts  in  no  way  overlap  what  the  poet  has  written  elsewhere, 
and  yet  there  are  points  at  which  the  different  references  to  the  deer  hunt 
touch  each  other  so  as  to  reveal  identity  of  workmanship.  Mr.  Gollancz 
has  well  said  that  these  descriptions  are  supplementary.  To  reckon  them 
complementary  would  be  still  better.  The  points  of  contact  with  Gaivayne  1 
are  special  enough  to  call  for  treatment  by  themselves. 

1  Of  course  I  am  aware  of  certain  analogies  in  hunting  matters  with  Sir   Tristram,  but 
the  present  correspondences  are  verbally  exact,  and  most  jntimatQ. 


72 


HUCnOWN   OF  THE  AWLE   RYALE' 


[Ch. 


Gawayuc. 
1455     Haled    to    hym    of    her    aiewez, 
hitlen  hym  oft. 
1609-10     Braydez  out  the  bovveles  .   .  .   his 
hraches  rewardez. 
1328-9     Serched  him  at  the  asay  summe 
that  ther  were, 
Two  fyngeres  thaj-  fonde.  .  .   . 


'330 


sesed  the  erher. 


1332     Sythen     rytte     thay    the      foure 
lymmes  and  rent  off  the  hyde. 


1337  Then  scher  thay  out  the  schulderez 
with  her  sharp  knyvez. 

1355  And  the  corheles  fee  thay  kest  in 
a  greve. 

1330    .  .   .  thay  slyt  the  slot.  .  .  . 

1339     [Object   aimed   at]   to   have   hole 

sydes. 
1335     .    .    .     thay     gryped    ...    and 

graythely  departed. 
1347     And    that     thay    neme     for     the 

noumbles.  ,  .  . 
1 34 1     Ryvez  hit  up  radly  ryght  to  the 

hyght. 
1608     .    .    .    rendez  him   ...    hi   the 

rygge.   .   .  . 
1357     .  .  .   the  fourchez.  .  .  . 
1353-4     Bothe  the  hede  and  the  hals  thay 

hwen  of  thenne 
And    sythen     sunder    thay     the 

sydez  swyft  fro  the  chyne. 
1346     And  heven  hit  up  al  hole. 
162S     Of  the  were  of  the  wylde  swyn.  .  . 


Parlemcnt. 
53-4     And   I   hailed   to    the   hokes.  .   .  . 
And  happenyd  that  I  hilt  hym.  .  . 
69     Brayde  out  his  bowells  my  berselett 

to  fede. 
70-71     And  I  sisilte   hym   at  the  assay  to 

see  how  me  semyde 
And  he  was  floreschede  full  faire  of 

two  fyngere  brode. 
73-82     And    ritte   doun  at  a  rase  reght  to 

the  tayle 
And  than  the  herbere  anone  aftir  I 

makede. 
I    raughte   the  righte   legge   before, 

ritt  it  ther  aftir 
And   so   fro   legge   to  legge  I  lepe 

thaym  aboute 
And  the  felle  fro  the   fete   fajTe  I 

departede 
And   flewe   it   doun    with    my   fiste 

faste  to  the  rigge. 
I  tighte  owte  my  trenchore  and  toke 

of  the  scholdirs 
Cuttede   corbyns   bone   and   kest   it 

awaye. 
I     slitte     hym     full     sleghely    and 

slyppede  in  my  fyngere 
Lesse  the  poynte  scholde  pcrche  the 

pawnche  or  the  guttys. 
85-87     I    grippede    owte     the    guttes   and 

graythede  theym  besyde. 
And  than  the  nombles  anone  name 

I  there  aftire 
Rent  up  fro  the  rigge  reghte  to  the 

myddis. 


88     .  .  .  the  fourches.  .  .  . 
S9-90     And    chynnede    hym     chefely    and 
choppede  of  the  nekke 
And     the     hede     and    the    haulse 
homelyde  in  sondree 
92     And  hevede  alle  into  ane  hole. 
99     To  wayte  it  fromc  wylde  swyne.  .  .  . 


lO] 


PARLEMENT':    PARALLELS    WITH    'GAWAYNE' 


73 


Gawayne. 
2175     The  knyght  kachez  his  caple. 
1 1 58     The  hindez  were  balden   in  with 

'  hay'  and  'war.' 
1445     .     .     .     halowed      .    .    .      '  hay ' 

'hay.' 
1655     As   coundutes   of  krystmasse  and 

carolez  nevve. 
2525     After  the  segge  and  the  asaute  [of 

Troy]. 
1584     Braydez  out  a  bryght  bront.  .  .  . 

1901     And  braydez  out  the  bryght  bronde. 

2419     ...     Barsabe     that    much    bale 

tholed. 
2448     The  maystres  of  Merlyn.   .  .  . 

1928     He  were  a  bleaunt.  .  .   . 

2446     Thurgh  myght  of  Morgne  la  Faye. 


Parlemeiif. 
189     And  thu  hafe  caughte  thi  kaple. 
223     With    '  hoo '   and  '  howghe '  to   the 
heron.  .   .   . 


254     With  coundythes  and  carolles. 

303     [Troy]  cite  asseged  and  sayled. 

371     And     brayde     owte      the     brighte 
brande.    .   .  . 


453     For   Bersabee   .  .  .   was    alle    that 

bale  rerede. 
469     That    Merlyn    with     his    maystries 

made.   .  .   . 
482     Fie  made  a  blyot.   .  .   . 
511     ...   Morgn     la     fay    that    myche 

couthe  of  sleghte. 


Lest  anybody  should  urge  that  these  are  chance  coincidences,  I  append 
a  brief  list  of  others  which  connect  Gawayne  equally  with  some  poems 
of  which  we  have  heard  a  good  deal  in  this  essay. 


Alexander. 

l^Exordiurnl  15     And    I    forwith    yow    alle 

ettillis  to  schewe. 
Alex.    3020     Was   never   sene    I    suppoyse 
sen  the  seyge  of  Troye. 
778     Stridis  into  stele  bowe  stertis 
apon  loft. 


1 540     .  .  .  wodwose  and  other  wylde 

bestes. 
2617     The   cry   of  the   clarions   the 

clodez  it  persyd. 

Tihis. 
1244     .   .   .  gretter  than  a  grehounde  .   .  . 
54     Cloudes  clateren  gon  as   they  cleve 
wolde. 


Gazvayne. 

\_Exo}-diH/ii'\  27     Forthi   an  aunter  in  erde 

I  attle  to  schawe. 

I     Sithen  the  sege  and  the  assaut 
watz  sesed  at  Troye. 

435     Steppez   in    to   stel    bawe    and 
strydez  alofte. 
Cf.    2060     Steppez     he     into     stirop     and 
strydez  alofte. 
721-2     ...  wodwos  .    .  .  buUez  and 

berez  and  borez. 
1 166    ...  kry  as  klyffez  haden  brusten. 


Gawayne. 

1 171     ...  grehoundez  so  grete  .  .  . 
2201     ,  .  .  clatered  in  the  clyff  as  it  cleve 
schulde. 


74 


'IIUCHOWN   OF   THE   AW'LE   RYALE' 


[Ch. 


Titus. 
849-50    .  .  .  with  dynnyng  of  pipis 
And  the  nakerer  noyse  .  .  . 


3151 
532-3 


451 


Morie  Arthiire. 
Into  Tuskane  he  toinnez  .  .   . 
For   whyeseste   and   worthyest   and 

wyghteste  of  haundez. 
Of  all  .  .  .   this  werlde  ryche. 
.  .   .  one  nyghte  nedez  moste  thou 

lenge. 


Ga'vayne. 
118     Nwe    nakryn    noise  with   the   noble 
pipes. 

Gawayne. 
1 1     Ticius  [turnes]  to  Tuskan. 
261     The  wyzest  and  the  worthyest  of  the 
worldes  kynde. 

693     .  .  .  alone  he  lengez  on  nyghtez. 


Having  now  left  in  no  doubt  the  intimate  relation  between  the 
Parlement  and  Gmcayfie,  we  may  turn  to  a  general  grouping  of  certain 
other  parallels,  reminding  ourselves  before  we  begin  that  the  Parlement 
has  only  665  lines,  thus  offering  numerically  a  much  smaller  area  of  com- 
parison  than  the  greater  pieces  do. 


Troy      12969     Hit  was  the  moneth  of  May 

when  mirthes  begyn. 
Downkynge  of  dewe.  .  .   . 
Burjons  of  bowes  brcthit  full 

swete. 
They    threpide     with     the 

throstills.   .   .  . 
.   .   .  fayne  ...  as  fowelle 

of  the  day. 
Fayn  as  the  foul  of  day  .  .  . 
Whan  the  derk    was    doun 

and  the  day  spryngen. 
Troy       1079     Wen    the    derke    was   done 

and  the  day  sprange. 


Morte 

3249 

Troy 

2736 

Morte 

930 

Alex. 

2264 

Titus 

1005 

Titus 

850 

10 
II 

14 

15-6 


Troy 

2378 

.   .  .   sleghly  on  slepe.   .   .   . 

36 

Morte 

3467 

.  .  .  stalkis  .  .  .  stille  .  .  . 

41 

Morte 

3468 

.  .  .  stotays  .  .  .  studyande. 

51 

Troy 

8045 

That  the  blode  out  brast .  .  . 

55 

Troy 

10424 

.  .  .  bent  blody  be-ronnen. 

62 

Titus 

1070 

Ded  as  a  dore  nayle.   .  .  . 

65 

Troy 

524 

.  .  .  thro  men  in  threpe  and 

104 

thretyms.  .  .  . 

no 

Titus        269    A  bold  burne  on  a  blonk  . 


Parlement. 
In  the  moneth  of  Maye  when  mirthes 

bene  fele. 
The  dewe  .   .  .  donkede.   .   .   . 
Burgonsand  blossomes  and  tjraunches 

full  swete. 
...     the      throstills     full      throly 

threpen.   .  .   . 
And  iche   foule   in    that   frythe   fay- 

nere  than  other 
That   the   derke    was  done   and   the 

day  lightenede. 


.   .  .  sleghe  .  .   .  slepe.  .  .  . 

.   .  .  stalkede  full  stilly.   .   .  . 

.  .   .  stotayde  and  stelkett. 

That    the   blode   braste   owte  appon 

both  the  sydes. 
.  .  .  brakans  were  blody  by-ronnen. 
Dede  als  a  door  nayle.   .   .  . 
.  .  .  thre  thro  men  threpden.   .  .   . 
A  bolde  beryn  on  a  blonke  bowne 

for  to  ryde. 


lO] 


'PARLEMENT';    PARALLELS   FROM    'TROY,'   ETC. 


75 


Alex.         792 

Awntyrs    510 

Alex.       1538 

Morte      3264 

Awntyrs      1 7 
Morte      3964 

Morte  3959-60 
Titus         969 


Than  strenys  he  hys  steropes 

and  streght  up  sittes. 
.    .    .    with     trayfoles     and 

trewhiffes  bytwene. 
With  riche  rabies   of  golde 

railed  bi  the  hemmes. 
Raylide    with    reched    and 

rubyes  inewe. 
Raylede  with  rubes  .  .  . 
My  wele    and  my  wirchipe 

of  alle  this  werlde  riche. 
Here  es  the  hope  of  my  hele 

my  happyge  of  armes. 
My  herte.  .  .  . 
I  have  heylych  heyght.  .   .  . 


Morte  3762-3 


Troy      13824     Had   a  glaive,   a  full  grym 
grippit  in  honde. 
.   .   .  giyme  launce 
That  the  growndene  glayfe 

graythes  in  sondyre. 
Ride  to  the   rever   and   rer 
up  the  foules. 


Titus 


883 


Morte 


6     .     .     .     kayre        till       his 

courte.   .   .   . 
Morte      3293     And    ladys    me    lovede    to 

lappe  in  theyre  armes. 
Troy       10097     •  •  •   wandrit  and  woke  for 

woo.  .   .  . 
Morte       2370     .    .    .    wakkens    wandrethe 

and  werre.   .   .   . 
Morte         975     ...  dolvene  and  dede.  .  .  . 
Morte      2216     Threppede  .    .    .    thryttene 

sythis. 
Morte       ITJQ     And    alle    dysfegoures    his 

face  .   .   . 


Parleniciit. 
116     He  streghte  hym  in  his  steropis  and 

stode  up  rightes. 
120     With  trayfoyles  and  trewloves  of  full 

triede  perles. 
128     With  full  rich  rubyes  raylede  by  the 

hemmes. 


175     My  wele  and  my  wirchipe  in  werlde 
where  thou  dwellys. 

177  Alle  my  hope  and  my  hele  myn  herte 

is  thyn  owen. 

178  I  behete  the  a  hest  and   heghely   I 

avowe. 
202     With      a     grym     grownden     glayfe 
graythely  in  my  honde. 


208     And  ryde  to  a  revere.'  .   .  . 
217     To   the    revere  with    thaire    roddes 
to  rere  up  the  fowlis. 

246  .  .  .  kayre  to  the  courte.  .   .  , 

247  With  ladys  full  lovely   to  lappyn  in 

myn  armes. 
257     .   ,  .   with  wandrynge  and  wo  schalte 
wake.  .   .  . 


258     .  .   .  dolven  and  dede.  .   .  . 
262     .  .   .  threpid  this  thirtene  wyntir. 

284     And   all    disfeguride    my    face    and 
fadide  my  hewe. 
Cf.  155  Alle   disfygured    was   his    face    and 
fadit  his  hewe. 


^  This  in  its  hawking  connexion  is  riparia  in  medieval  Latinity.  Juxia  quandam 
ripariani  falcottttm  aucupio  se  exerceret — is  written  of  Edward  HL  in  Trivet's  Aunales 
(Eng.   Hist.  Soc),  282. 


76 


'HUCIIOWN   OF   THE   AWLE   RVALE' 


[Ch. 


Alex.       5655     Now  sail  I  nevyne  yow  llie       |    297 

names.   .  .  . 
Morte      3440     Alles  nynne  of  the  nobilleste 

namede  in  erthe. 
Morte        3496     Ne  for  no  wy  of  this  werlde  298 

that  wroghte  es  one  erthe. 
Awntyrs  639     ...     no     wy      in      this 

werlde.  .   ,  . 
Morte      3408     That      were       conquerours  299. 

kydde     and      crownnede 

in  erthe. 


Troy      1 403 1 


[Both  passages  referring  to  the 

^00 


.   .   Ector  the   honourable 
oddist  of  knightcs. 
3879     .   .   .   Ector  the  eldest. 


Alex. 

III4 

The  mody  kyng.  .   .   . 

302 

Titus 

1039 

...   the  mody  kyng.  .  .   . 

Gaway 

ne       I 

.  .  .  the  sege  and  the  assault 
[Troy]. 

303 

Troy 

9506 

Paris  the  prise  knight. 

30s 

Troy 

14006 

(rubric) 

Thies     Ector    slough    with 
hond  of  kynges. 

307-8 

[The     list    "all    of    du     kynges,"    lines 
14006-14021,  has  eighteen  names.] 

Alex.        1814     ...  as  mervale  ware  ellis  310 

Troy  668     Thurghe  wyles  of  woman.  .  .  315 

Gawayne  2415    .  .   .  thtirg  wyles   of  wym- 

men.  .   .  . 
Troy     1377-8     .  .  .  girdyn   doun   the   wallys   318-9 
Prowde  pales  of  prise  puttyn 

to  grounde. 


Troy 

2067 

.  .  .  lure  that  was  light.  .  .  . 

323 

Morte 

2596 

.   .  .   Syr  Priamus,  a  prince 
is  my  fadyre. 

324 

Morte 

4345 

Syr  Pryamous  the  prynce. 

Troy 

1487 

Was  Troylus  the  true  tristy 
in  wer. 

326 

Troy 

9991 

Troiell  the  tru  knight.  .  .  . 

Troy 

3818 

Neptolon  nobill. 

327 

Parlcment. 
And  1  schall  nevyn  yow  the  names  of 
nyne  of  the  beste. 


That   ever    wy  in   tliis  werlde  wiste 
appon  erthe. 

[Lines  297-8   are  almost  exactly  re- 
peated 580-1.] 
That  were  conquerours  full  kene  and 
kiddeste  of  other. 


Nine  Worthies.] 
...   Sir  Ector  and  aldeste  of  tyme. 

.   .   .   the  mody  kynge.   .    .   . 

.   .  .  assegede  and  sayled  it  [Troy]. 

Paresche  the  proude  knyghle. 

And     as     clerkes     in    the    cronycle 

cownten  the  sothe 
Nowmbren  thaym  to  xix  and  ix  mo 

by  tale 
Of  kynges  with   crounes   he   killede 

with  his  handes. 
.  .  .  als  feriy  wer  ellis. 
With  the  wyles  of  a  woman.   .   .   . 

And  with   the  Gregeis  of  Grece  he 

girde  over  the  walles 
The   prowde    paleys    dide   he    pullc 

doun  to  the  erthe. 
.   .   .  lure  at  the  last  lighte.    .    .   . 
...   Sir  Priamus  the  prynce.  .  .  . 


Sir  Troylus  a  trewe  knyghte  that 
tristyly  hade  foughten. 

Neptolemus  a  noble  knyghle. 


lo]       'PARLEMENT';    PARALLELS   FROM   '  MORTE   ARTHURE,'   ETC.        77 


Troy        5892     Palomedon  the  prise  king. 
{^Troy      55-65     Reference    to     Dares     and 
Dytes]. 
18     [Alexander]  aghte  .   .  .  alle 
the  wer[l]d  ovire. 
315     [Alexander]    wan     all     the 

world. 
312     [The  pillars  of  Hercules.] 


Alex. 
Troy 
Troy 
Troy 


881     (rubric)     How    Jason    wan 

the  flese  of  golde. 
Troy  867     Jason  .  .   .  gentill  knight. 

Morte      2606     Judas  and  Josue  thise  gen- 

tille  knyghtes. 
Titus         782     ...    a  Jew   Josophus    the 

gentyl  clerke 
Alex.        3972     Quen  Sir    Porus  saghe   his 

princes  in  the  prese  faile. 
Alex.        3998     Porrus  as  a  prince.  .  .   . 
Morte       4216     lie   braydes  owte  a  brand 

bryghte.    .   .   . 
Gazuayiie  1 584     Braydez  out  a  bryght  bront. . . 
Gazuayiie  1901     And  braydez  out  the  bryght 

bronde.   .   .   . 
Alex.        1831     Sire  Alexander  athille  kyng. 

Alex.        5399     [Alexander      styled]      oure 
mode  kyng. 
[Alexander  styled  Emperor  constantly  in 

the  Alexander.] 

Alex.        2395     Than     amed     thai     to    ser 
Alexander.   .  .  . 

T7-oy  314     The        Emperour        Alex- 

ander.  .   .   . 

Alex.        561 1     Now  bowis  furth  this  bara- 
tour     and    Babyloyn    he 
wynnis. 
[Said    of  Alexander.] 

Titus         971     And  me  the   3ates  ben  jet 
and  3olden  the  keyes. 

Titus       1233    Bot  up  3eden  her  jates  and 
3elden  hem  alle. 


Parlement. 
328     Palamedes  a  prise  knyghte. 
331     As   Dittes  and   Dares   demeden    to- 
gedir. 


After   this    sir    Alysaunder   alle   the 

worlde  wanne. 
334     Ercules  boundes 

[Referring  to  the  pillars  of  Plercules.] 
.   .   .   gentille   Jazon    the  Jewe   wane 

the  flese  of  golde. 


jj 


338 


I     365  Sir  Porus  and  his  prynces. 

\     368  For  there  Sir  Porus  the  prynce  into 

\  the  presse  thrynges. 

37 1  And  brayde  owte  the  bright  brande.  .  . 


384     Alexandere  oure  athell  kyng. 
Cf.  484  Arthure  oure  athell  kynge. 


394     Sir  Alexander  oure    Emperour  ames 
hym  to  ryde. 


395     And  bewes  towardes  Babyloyne.  .   . 
[Said  of  Alexander.] 


398     While  hym   the  jatis  were  jete  and 
jolden  the  keyes. 
[Repeated  575.] 
Cf.  535  While    hym    his    jernynge    was    jett 
and  the  jates  opynede. 


78 


HUCHOWN   OF   THE   AWLE   RYALE ' 


[Ch. 


Morte      4172     ...  drynkles  they  dye  dole 
was  the  more. 
4241     Thai    derfe   dynt    was    his 
dcde    and    dole    was   the 


Parloiieiil. 
400     Thare  he  was  dede  of  a  drynke  as 
dole  es  to  here. 


Titus 

Alex. 


1093 


more. 

.   .   that  doil  was  to  hure. 


1608  The  welder  of  all  the  werld 
and  worthiest  under 
wylde. 

[Said  of  Alexander.] 


Cf.  452  There  he  was  dede  at  that   dcde   as 
dole  es  to  here. 
404     And     thus    the    worthieste    of    this 
wcrldc  wente  to  his  ende. 


Alex. 


18  That  aghte  evyn  as  his 
awynn  alle  the  wer[l]d 
ovire. 


Mor/e  576 

Morte  265S 

Morte  2606 

Pistill  2 

Titus  1283 

Morte  2935 

Titus  473 
Morte  T)i,\c)-zo 


Cf.  Tro}'i2()6 

Troy        9038 

[See  also  M 
page  481.] 
Titus        1 203 
Titus         779 

Morte      3413 

Morte      3415 


Araby  and  Egipt.   .  .   . 
Sessoyne     and     Surylande. 
.  .  .  Josuc  .  .  .  gentille.  .  .  . 
.  .   .  Jezu  gentil. 
Mortar  ne  made  walle.  .   . 
.  .  .  the  devclle  have  your 

bones. 
Of  doughty  David  the  king. 
For  he  slcwe  with  a  slynge 

be  sleyght  of  his  hands 
Golyas     the    grette     gome 

grymmeste  in  erthe. 
Slogh    horn    downe    sleghly 

and      slaunge     horn      to 

grounde. 
Slogh    hom    down    sleghly 

with  sleght  of  his  hond. 
r.  Donaldson's  note  in   Troy, 

Wer  ded  of  that  dynt  .  .   . 
...  the   devel    have    that 

recche. 
.  .  .  Judas   a  justere    fulle 

nobille. 
.  .  .  Josue  that  joly   mane 
.f  armes. 


406     Alle     Inglande     he    aughte    at    his 
awnn  will. 

[Said  of  Caesar.] 
Cf.    same    line   repeated   (465)    con- 
cerning Arthur. 

418  Arraby  and  Egipt.   .  .   . 

419  Surry  and  Sessoyne.   .   .   . 

426     .   .   .  gentil  Josue   that  was  a  Jcwe 

noble. 
433     .   .  .   mode  walle  that  made  were.  .  . 
438     .  .   .   Sathanas    unsele    have     iheire 

bones. 
441     Than  David  the  doughty  .  .   . 
444-5     The  gretegrym  Golyas  he  to  grounde 

broghte 
And  sloghe  hym  with  his  slynge  and 

with  no  sleghte  elles. 


447     And   he  was  dcde  of  that  dynt  the 
dcvyll  hafe  that  rcche. 

459     ...Jeues  full  joly  and  justers  full  noble. 


lo] 


'PARLEMENT';    PARALLELS   FROM    'TITUS,'   ETC. 


79 


Morte  1 7 

Mor/e  3707 

Morte  1368 

Morle  1 1 52 

Titus  767 

7>-^j'  929 

Morte  304 

Zi'/Kj-  26 

yi/i?^/t'  4309 

Morte  541 

7>v_j/  10306 

Alex.  1232 

Z'rcj  1 3024 

Morte  2cli2 

Morte  3427-9 


/■iVw^  S 

Titus  497-9 

^/fjr.  48 

Troy  8315 


Off  the  ryealle  renkys  of  the 

rowunde  table. 
Thane  syr  Gawayne  the  gude 

he  has  the  gree  wonnene. 
Thane     syr     Gawayne    the 

gude  .  .   . 
Thenne     sir      Kayous     the 

kene  .   .  . 
.  .   .  thogh  ye  fey  worthe. 
.  .  .  drepitt  the  dragon  .  .  . 
.  .  .  beryne  of  Bretayne  .  .  . 
.   .   .  alle  Gascoyne  gat  and 

Gyan  .  .  . 
And  graythes  to  Glasschen- 

bery  the  gate  at  the  gay- 

neste. 
.   .  .   this  werlde   bot  wyr- 

chipe  .  .   . 
Slough  him  .  .  .  with  sleght 

of  his  hond. 
Bot  with  a  swyng  of  a  swerde 

swappez  of  hys  heved. 
And    with   the   swing  of  a 

swerde    swappit     hir     to 

dethe. 
And  with  a  swerde  swiftly  he 

swappes  him  thorowe. 
.   .   .  the  crowne  that  Crist 

bare  hymselfene 
And    that    lifeliche    launce 

that  lepe  to  his  herte 
When  he  was  crucyfiede  on 

crose  and   alle    the   kene 

naylis. 
Throw  Pylat  pyned  he  was 

and  put  on  the  rode. 

Crist  one 

That  this  peple  to  pyne  .  .  . 
That  preveth  his  passioun. 
Than     was    hym    bodword 

unblyth  broght  .  .   . 
And  the  bodword  broght  to 

the  bold  kyng. 


Farlc'iiicnt. 
468     With  renkes  full  ryalle  of  his  rowunde 

table. 
473     Bot    Sir  Galade   the   gude   that   the 

gree  wanne. 
475     And  sir  Gawayne  the  gude  .  .   . 

477     And  sir  Kay  the  kene  .   .  . 

485  .  .  .   till  he  was  fey  worthen. 

488  ...   a  diagon  he  dreped  .   .   . 

490  .   .   .  beryns  of  Bretayne  .   .  . 

491  Gascoyne  and  Gyane  gat  he  .  .  . 

494     The   gates    towardes    Glassthenbery 
full  graythely  he  rydes. 

519     ...  wirchupe  of  this  werlde  .   .  . 

533     ...  he  sloghe  with  his  handis. 

551     And    one    swyftely    with   a   swerde 
swapped  of  his  hede. 


5534     .  .   .  the  corownne  that  criite  had  one 
hede 
And    the   nayles  anone  naytly  there 
aftire. 


555     When   he    with   passyoun  and  pyne 
was  naylede  on    the  rode. 


558     And  than  bodworde .  .  .  full  boldly. . . 


8o 


niUCHOWN   OF   THE   AWLK    RVALK ' 


[Cii. 


Morie       1979     Forsette  them  the  cite  appon 

sere  halfez. 
7'roy        2416     To  have  and  to  hold  .   .  . 


Parlemeiit. 
574     And  that   cite   he    assegede   appone 

sere  halfves. 
577     To  kepe  it  and  to  hold  it  to  hym  and 

to  his  ayers. 
[A  well-known  legal  phrase  answering  to 
the  form  in  Latin  deeds,  Habenduvi  el  tenen- 
dum.'\ 

580-81  [These  almost  repeat  297-8.] 
582     And  the  doghtyeste  of  dedis  in  thaire 
dayes  tyme. 


585     Of  wyghes  that  were  wysest  .  .  . 

[Introducing     Aristotle     of    'Alexander's 
time. '] 
,Cf.  610  Theis  were  the  wysest  in  the  worlde. 

594     Virgin  thurgh  his  vertus  .   .   . 

629     And  dame  Gaynore  the  gay  .   .   . 


653-4     And  '  Haves  gud  daye  '  for  now  I  go 
to  grave  moste  me  wende 
Dethe  dynges  on  my  dore 
I  dare  no  longare  byde. 


663  .  .   .  lugede  me  in  the  leves  .   .   . 

664  For  dere  Drighlyne  this  daye  .   . 

665  Marie  that  is  mylde  quene  .   .  . 


A  summation  of  these  parallels  brings  results  sufficiently  striking.  Out 
of  665  lines  there  are  over  120  which  contain  more  or  less  notable  alliterative 
phrases  also  found  in  the  antecedent  quartet ;  over  and  above  are  the 
parallelisms  with  Gaivayne.  Particularly  to  be  observed  are  23  lines, 
practically  whole  lines,  coincident  with  practically  whole  lines  elsewhere, 
as  under : 


Morte 

3440, 

3496. 

Morie 

3443-4 

in  my  days  ...  for  dedis 

of  amies 
For    the    doughtyeste    that 

ever  was  duelland  in  erthe. 

Alex. 

24 

The  wysest  wees  of  the 
wer[l]de. 

Alex. 

247 

The  wysest  wees  in  this 
wer[l]d. 

Troy 

49 

Virgin  the  virtuus  .  .  . 

Morte 

233 

Sir  Gawayne  the  worthye 
Dame  Waynour  he  hledys. 

.4wntyrs      14 

.   .   .  the   gay   dame   Gaye- 

nour  .   .   . 

Awntyrs    313 

Hafe  gud  daye  .   .   . 

I  hafe  na  langare  tyme 

For  me  buse  wende  on  my 

waye  .   .   . 

Unto   my   wonnynge    wane 

in  waa  for  to  dwelle. 

Morte 

454 

Lugge  thiselfe  undyre  lynde. 

Morte 

3800 

For  dere  Dryghttyne  this 
daye  .   .   . 

Morte 

2872 

[Marie]  that  mylde  qwene  .  . 

[The 

Lay  of 

the  Triielove  refers  to  Christ 

as  crowning  H 

is  mother  Queen  of  Heaven.] 

lo]  'PARLEMENT';    ITS   SOURCES  8i 

Lines  of  'Parlement'  almost  identical  with  lines  of  'Alexander,' 
'Troy,'  'Titus,'  and  'Morte  Arthure.' 

Parlement.  Alexander.  Troy.  Tiliis.  Morte  Arthure. 

Ii6,  128,  368,  551.        1792,  1538, 

3972,  1232. 
I,  II,  318,  326.     ^         -         -         -  12969,  2736, 

1377,  1487- 

16,217,(398,575), 850,883,971 

447.  491-  (1203,  779),  26. 

202,  247,  297, -  3762-3,  3293,  3440, 

298,  299.  3496,  340S. 

444-5,  468. 3419-20,  17- 

473>  494- 3707,  4309- 

Surely  it  is  of  extreme  and  final  value  as  part  of  the  great  argument 
with  which  this  treatise  began  that  in  this  comparison  of  entire  lines,  out  of 
the  twenty-three  four  are  from  the  Alexaiider,  four  from  the  Troy^  five  from 
the  Titus,  and  ten  from  Morte  Arthure.  Falling  to  be  added  are  the  many 
broken  lines  distributed  in  different  proportions  among  the  various  books  in 
question.  To  be  added  also  are  the  special  coincidences  with  Gawayue. 
And  after  all  these  there  comes  yet  another  argument  of  inestimable  strength 
deduced  from  a -search  after  the  sources  of  the  Parlement,  that  poem  which 
ends  the  series  of  five. 

(4)     Main  Sources  of  the  '■Parlement.^ 

In  examining  the  hunting  scene  which  opens  the  poem  we  saw  that 
Gawayne  had  been  within  the  poet's  view.  We  shall  see  where  the  hunt 
began.  But  first  it  is  to  be  said  that  besides  Gawayjie  and  Alexander, 
Troy,  Titus,  and  Morte  Arthure,  there  is  unanswerable  evidence  that  the 
poet  used  the  Brut,^  which  he  expressly  names. ^  Not  only  so,  he  also 
knew  and  used  the  other  principal  authority  followed  in  Morte  Arthure, 
the  Voeux  du  Paon.  This  appears  from  his  narrating "  the  Foray  of 
Gadres  {Fuerre  de  Gadres)  as  well  as  the  whole  effect  of  the  Avows  of 
Alexander  and  Battle  of  Effesoun  as  contained  in  the  Voeux  du  Paon. 
Dares  and  Dictys  he  cites'* — at  second   hand    probably  just  as  he  did    in 

^/'ar/.,  462-512.  ^Prtr/.,  407.  3/'<z;7.,  332-395.  *  Pari,  t,t,i. 


82  'IIUCIIOWN   OF  THE   AWLE  RYALE '  [Cii. 

the  Troy^ — and  the  De  Preliis  Aiexatider  must  be  assumed  to  have  been 
the  source  of  part  of  the  Alexander  narrative,  including  the  mention  of 
Queen  Candace-  and  the  death  of  Alexander  at  the  hands  of  the  'cursed 
Cassander.'^  A  distinct  community  of  authorities  between  the  Parlemcnt 
and  the  antecedent  poems  is  thus  established — further  corroborated  by  the 
inclusion  in  the  part  relative  to  Alexander  of  a  confused  reference  to 
the  Gog  and  Magog  legend  comprising  a  passage  about  the  coming  of 
Antichrist,  no  doubt  taken  from  Maundeville.'* 

There  remains  to  be  stated  a  yet  more  remarkable  proposition,  which 
is  that  fundamentally  the  story  of  the  three  ages  is  an  expansion  of  an 
episode  in  the  Troy^  and  that  here  once  more  we  have  a  testimony  to  the 
infinite  poetic  suggestion  referable  to  Guido  de  Columpna.  We  return  to 
the  hunting  scene  in  the  Parkment  to  recall  the  facts.  The  hero  is  engaged 
in  the  chase  alone.  He  ties  his  dog  to  a  birch  tree.''  He  sees  a  hart,'' 
which  he  approaches  and  shoots.  After  disembowelling  the  quarry  he  sits 
down  in  the  woodland  under  birch  tree  boughs  with  leaves  light  and  green." 
The  sun  is  so  hot  that  he  grows  drowsy  and  sleeps^ — sleeps  and  dreams 
a  '  dreghe '  dream^  of  the  strife  of  three  men,  one  in  green,  one  in  gray, 
and  one  in  black.  What  was  the  root  from  which  this  powerful  story  grew  ? 
If  I  may  have  faith  in  the  evidences  before  me  the  root  sprang  from  Italian 
seed,  no  doubt  itself  in  turn  a  product  of  the  Greek.  Paris  in  the  Troy^ 
like  the  hero  in  the  Farlevient,  went  hunting.^^  Outstripping  his  comrades, 
he  was  alone  ^^  in  the  forest — that  classic  forest  which  Huchown's  translation 
does  not  name,  but  which  Guido  did,  the  nemus  quod  Yda  vocatur}'^ 

He  sees  a  hart  ^^  too.  He  gives  chase,  but  it  escapes.  He  has  no  dog, 
but  his  horse,  weary  with  the  pursuit,  he  ties  to  a  bough. ^^     He  lies  down 

^  Troy,  60.  2  Pari. ,  396. 

"Par/.,  401.  Cassander  is  not  named  in  this  connection  either  in  Julius  Valerius, 
in  (Miclielant's  ed.)  Romans  ifAlixaitdre,  pp.  50S-9,  or  in  the  Vocux  du  Paon.  lie  is  so 
mentioned  in  the  Dc  Preliis,  at  the  close  where  the  alliterative  translation  is  missing. 

^  Maundevilk  (Wright),  ch.  26,  MS.  T.  4,  i.  fo.  266  +  59-591$. 

^  Pari.,  39.  ^Parl.,  25.  "^ Pari.,  98,  lOO,  661-3. 

^ Pari.,  100.  ^ Pari.,  101 -2.  i"  7;-(7y,  2345.  "  7><y,  2358. 

"^Ilunterian  MS.,  T.  4,  i.  fo.  27.  "  TVty,  2353.  ^-^  Troy,  2371. 


lo]  'PARLEMENT';    SOURCE   IN    'TROY'  83 

'in  a  shadow  of  shene  tres,'^  for  the  sun  is  hot.^  He  sleeps,^  and  dreams 
'  dreghly '  ■*  the  great  dream  of  the  strife  of  three  goddesses — Venus  and 
Juno  and  Pallas — as  arbiter  in  which  he  is  to  determine  the  award  of 
the  golden  apple.  If  he  gives  it  to  Juno  his  reward  will  be  to  be 
'  mightiest  on  molde,'  ^  if  to  Pallas  he  will  be  '  wisest  of  wit,'  ^  if  to  Venus 
love  will  be  hisJ 

This  is  the  absolute  key  of  the  Parlement — explaining  the  ideal  of  Youth 
with  his  avows,  Middle  Elde  in  his  lust  for  possessions  and  power,  and 
Elde's  lofty  sermon  drawn  from  the  deeds  of  the  doughty  and  the  lives 
of  the  sages,  especially  Solomon, 

'And  he  was  the  wisest  in  wit  that  ever  wonned  in  earth.' 
'  Wisest   in   wit ' — it  was   the    very    phrase   of  Pallas's   bribe.      The   whole 
spirit   of  the    two    dreams,  if  not   quite   the    same,   at   least   runs   a   most 
singular  parallel. 

In  the   Troy  vision  (lines  2407-9)  the  gift  offered  by  Juno  comes  first : 
'To  be  mightiest  on  molde  and  most  of  all  other.' 

In   the   Parlement  vision    (lines    293-583)    Elde    begins   with   the    Nine 

Worthies,  the  warriors  whom  he  then  deals  with  in  detail — 

'  Nine  of  the  best 
That  ever  wy  in  this  world  wist  upon  earth 
That  were  conquerors  full  kene  and  kiddest  of  other.' 

In    the    Troy   vision  (lines    2410-12)  the    gift    offered    by  Pallas    comes 

second  : 

'Thou  shalt  be  wisest  of  wit.' 

In  the  Parlement  vision,  when  the  poet  has  closed  his  record  of  the 
warriors  with  a  sigh,  pointing  his  moral  that  doughtiness,  when  death  comes, 
may  stay  no  longer,  he  tells  next  (lines  584-611)  of  the  fate  of  the  wise: 

'Of  wyghes  that  were  wisest  will  ye  now  hear.' 
And   so   he   preaches  of  Aristotle   and   Virgil,  Solomon    and    Merlin,  who 
were  fated  to  die  too  : 

'These  were  the  wisest  in  the  world  of  wit  that  ever  yet  were, 
But  death  wondes  for  no  wit  to  wend  where  him  likes.' 


1  Troy,  2372-3.  2  Troy,  '2'ZlA'     Overhild  for  the  hete  heng}-ng  with  leves. 

^Troy,2yj'i.  ^Troy,zy]^.  ^  y^/vy,  2408.  ^  Troy,  20,11.  '  7'roy,  2414. 


84  'HUCHOWN  OF  THE  AWLE   RYALE'  [Cii. 

In  the  Troy  vision  (lines  2413-15)  the  gift  of  love  offered  by  Venus 
comes  last.  So,  last,  in  the  Parlejnent  vision  comes  the  stanza  (lines  612-630) 
which  is  so  fine  a  romance  catalogue  of  lovers. 

A  moment  given  to  analysis  of  the  two  visions  demonstrates  that  the 

Parle77ient  simply  adapts  the  vision  of  Paris,  brings  it  from  the  slopes  of 

Mount  Ida  to  our  own  woodlands,  where  the  throstle,  the  cuckoo,  and  the 

cushat  sing,  and  the  fox,  the  fulmart,  and  the  hare  are  denizens.     But  the 

poet  transforms  it  too,  making  the  pagan  dream  into  a  Christian  ode  on  the 

invincibility  of  death.     Great  are  the  gifts  of  Juno  and  Pallas  and  Venus, 

so  the  pagan  dreamer  told :    '  all  vain  and  vanities  and  vanity  is  all '  was 

the  sore  verdict  of  pious  Elde. 

'  Since  doughtiness  when  death  comes  ne  dare  not  abide, 
Ne  death  wondes  for  no  wit  to  wend  where  him  likes, 
And  thereto  paramours  and  pride  puts  he  full  low, 
Ne  there  is  riches  ne  rent  may  ransom  your  lives, 
Ne  nought  is  siccar  to  yourself  ne  certain  but  death.' 

In  fine,  is  not  the  Parlement  simply  the  dream  of  Paris  reconstituted  for 

British  latitudes  and  having  appended  an  old-new  moral  ?     The  oak  tree  of 

the  Far/ement  grew  from  Guido's  acorn,  planted  by  Huchown  in  the   Troy. 

And  the  entire  body  of  the  narrative  points  to  the  same  poetic  unity,  the  same 

paternity  in  Huchovvn's   busy  brain.     The    Gaivayne  unites  with   the    Troy 

to  explain  and  produce  the  initial  hunting  picture.     The    Voeux  du  Faon, 

already  familiarised  in  the  poet's  mind,  directly  supplies  the  suggestion  of 

the  Nine  Worthies,  contributing  much  even  of  the  substance  of  the   poem. 

Examining  the  various  contributory  sections  of  the  precis  of  the  lives  of  the 

illustrious  Nine,  we  readily  devise  a  canon  of  test.      Surely  if  the  poet  was 

the  same  as  erewhile  wrote  the  other  poems  we  should  expect  to  find  in  this 

one,  that  when  he  touches  Hector  we  should  find  traces  of  the   Troy,  and 

that  when  he  touches  Arthur  we  should  find  traces  of  Morte  Arthnre.     How 

completely  the  Parlement  responds  to  the  test!     The  31   lines  on   Hector 

{Pari.,    300-331)   touch   the    Troy  by  direct  reminiscence  and  repetition  of 

special  epithets  almost  every  second  line.    On  King  Alexander  {Pari.,  332-404) 

the  earlier  poem  is  much  less  slenderly  represented,  no  doubt  because  when 

the  Parlemcfit  was  written   the  poet  was  drawing  on  two  new  sources,  the 

Fuerre  de   Gadres   and   the    Voeux   du   Faon :    still  there  are  characteristic 


II]  HUCHOWN'S   MS.    'GEOFFREY   OF   MONMOUTH'  85 

touches  from  the  Alexander.  Of  Caesar  we  have  something,  of  Joshua 
something,  of  David  something,  of  Judas  Machabeus  something, — all  from 
Morte  Arthure,  of  which  these  worthies  were  only  a  side  theme ;  while  of 
Arthur,  its  central  theme,  we  have  in  51  lines  (462-512),  a  clear  body  of 
matter,  including  identical  lines  and  not  admitting  of  hostile  debate.  On 
Charlemagne,  a  number  of  lines  from  the  Alexander,  the  Troy,  the  Titus, 
and  the  Morte  Arthure  serve  abundantly  the  purpose  of  proving  the  closeness 
of  the  ties  of  association  between  any  one  of  Huchown's  heroes  and  all 
the  others.  Indeed,  the  Farlefnent  enables  us  to  be  retrospective,  and 
suppose  with  considerable  probability  that  Morte  Arthure  had  already  drawn 
for  at  least  three  of  its  lines  (3427-g)  upon  the  same  version  ^  of  the  romance 
of  Ferumbras  and  the  Sowdan,  as  was  utilised   in  the  Farlemerit. 

If  proof  by  internal  evidence  is  to  establish  anything,  this  extraordinary 
concatenation  surely  is  irresistible.  The  method  of  proof  adopted  is  only 
that  which  others  have  already  used  in  a  small  degree  for  other  works  : 
only  here  the  links  are  far  more  numerous,  and  far  more  closely  drawn 
together  than  they  have  ever  been  before.  To  deny  difficulties  is  no  part 
of  this  argument  :  the  proposition  is  that  adopting  the  very  processes  of 
comparison  which  commended  themselves  to  some  of  my  predecessors,  I 
reach  a  broader  conclusion  than  theirs,  the  logic  of  which  constrains  the 
acceptance  of  the  Parlement  as  bringing  up  the  rear  of  the  great  series  of 
poems  which  proceeded  from  one  prolific  pen. 

II.  Huchown's  Copy  of  'Geoffrey  of  Monmouth.' 

*  Ring  by  ring,'  said  the  French  adage,  '  is  made  the  habergeon.'  The 
argument  from  internal  evidence  before  set  forth  was  complete,  and  the 
original  papers  had  both  been  read,  when  the  prosecution  of  the  quest 
further  resulted  in  a  discovery  of  immense  interest  in  itself  and  of  prime 
moment  as  evidence  for  the  proposition  now  being  discussed.  It  was  the 
discovery  of  a  MS.,  of  apparently  thirteenth-century  date,  bearing  in  certain 
marginal    additions    to    its    text    in    the    shape    of    a    running    series    of 

^  See  note  ch.   9,  sec.    5,   above.     The  Pari.,   11.    553-4,  however,   mentions  only  the 
crown  and  the  nails. 


86  «HUCHOWN   OF  THE  AWLE   RYALE '  [Ch. 

rubrics    an    extraordinary    body    of    relations    to    the    Huchown     poems 
especially  Morte  Artliiire. 

Systematically,  the  setting  forth  of  the  grounds  of  belief  for  the  identi- 
fication of  manuscript  U.  7.  25  in  the  Hunterian  Library  will  best  begin 
with  a  reminder  of  the  presence  in  the  same  library  of  the  manuscript 
T.  4.  I,  which  disclosed  such  singular  resemblances — (i)  between  its  text 
of  the  De  Freliis,  and  the  alliterative  translation  The  JVars  of  Alexander, 
and  (2)  between  its  text  of  Guido  de  Columpna,  and  the  alliterative  transla- 
tion The  Destructioji  of  Troy,  with  (3)  the  appositeness  of  the  presence 
of  INIaundeville's  Itinerarhwi  in  the  manuscript,  as  compared  with  the 
presence  of  a  passage  from  that  work  interjected  into  the  Alexatider 
poem.  Also  is  to  be  remembered  the  presence  in  the  same  library,  which 
once  was  the  small  private  collection  of  MSS.  of  Dr.  William  Hunter,  of  the 
sole  extant  copy  of  the  alliterative  Troy  poem  just  referred  to.  The 
combination  induced  the  thought  that  a  careful  scrutiny  of  other  manu- 
scripts in  the  same  collection  might  result  in  the  discovery  of  other  books 
which  once  had  formed  part  of  the  great  alliterative  poet's  collection, 
which  once  perchance  he  loved  to  see  stand,  like  Chaucer's,  '  at  his 
beddes  head.'  By  the  use  of  Dr.  John  Young's  manuscript  notes  for  his 
MSS.  Catalogue,  and  by  his  kindly  furtherance  personally  of  the  quest,  my 
search  was  much  facilitated.  One  day  a  pair  of  eager  eyes  fell  on  the 
fateful  words.  Hie  Rex  Arthurus  litteras  Lucij  Imperatoris  recepit,  added 
at  the  top  of  the  page  in  a  small  and  defective  copy  of  Geoffrey  of 
Monmouth's  Historia  Britonum,  the  MS.  U.  7.  25  in  question.  The  text 
itself  on  that  page  styled  Lucius  only  '  Procurator ' :  the  rubricator,  like 
Huchown,  heightened  the  dignity :  the  Latin  rubricator  wrote  '  Imperator '  \ 
the  poet  '  Emperour.'     With  this  point  the  examination  of  the  MS.  began. 

This  parchment  book,  about  seven  inches  long  by  five  broad,  bound  in 
wooden  covers,  and  having  its  text  in  a  hand  of  the  thirteenth  century,  is 
rubricated  more  or  less  throughout  in  a  hand  a  century  later  and  sharply 
distinguishable.  These  rubrications  are  at  the  beginning  numerous,  in  black 
ink,  in  a  small,  neat  hand,  and  occupy  the  sides.  About  the  38th  folio  a  change 
is  made;  there  are  far  fewer  rubrications,  and  now,  instead  of  occupying 
the    side    margins,  they   are,  with    a  very  few   exceptions   on    to    the    end, 


II]  HUCHOWN'S   MS.    'GEOFFREY'  87 

confined  to  the  top  and  occasionally  to  the  bottom  of  the  pages.  Unfor- 
tunately perhaps  for  the  definite  solution  of  yet  other  problems  of  early 
poetry,  a  large  and  important  section  of  the  MS.  is  now  lacking — a  hiatus 
which  deprives  us  of  the  part  of  Geoffrey  containing  Merlin's  prophecies. 
Generally  the  rubrications  are  simple  breviates  of  the  purport  of  passages 
in  Geoffrey  which  interested  the  rubricator.  Sometimes  this  is  emphasised 
by  a  Nota  or  a  peculiar  mark  on  the  margin,  twice  by  a  finger  pointing, 
twice  by  the  words  Nota  bene.  How  piquant  these  are  !  We  are  able  to 
satisfy  ourselves  that  the  same  things  particularly  interested  the  alliterative 
poet,  that  Nota  betie  reflects  itself  at  least  sometimes  in  his  poems,  that  other 
peculiar  marks  of  emphasis  also  are  similarly  reflected,  and  that,  while  the 
one  Nota  bene  touches  a  passage  of  Geoffrey  found,  strangely  enough,  in 
Titus  and  Vespasian,  the  other  reveals  the  plot  of  a  poem,  Wynnere  and 
Wastoiire,  which  years  ago  the  editor  of  the  Parlement  of  the  Thre  Ages 
printed  as  the  work  of  the  same  author  as  the  Parlement.  And  while  the 
one  marginal  index  finger  pointed  with  its  fruitful  Nota  bene  to  the  tale  of 
Brennius  and  Belinus  as  the  source  of  Wynnere  and  JVastoiire,  while  at 
the  same  time  it  emphasised  a  peaceful  reunion  of  a  king  of  Scotland 
with  his  brother,  a  king  of  England  (strangely  suggestive  of  the  historical 
reconciliation  of  David  II.  with  his  brother-in-law,  Edward  III.),  the  other 
marginal   index   finger   (fo.    28)  pointed,    as   here   shewn,    to    some   hidden 

ofui  roa  ttttoict^a  fttc  tetcmlrof  oWiie  tome  imttiF  '"V^ 
filemr.Jtfti  .-wcefli^  tUc  (i|na  tegc  peiomi  oDtoup  i       ^^ 
umreripin  m^  talc  trnttM-mmc  mffofltttt-O^ 

consequence,— perhaps  for  the  poet's  own  personal  history,— of  the  story  of 
a  man  who  had  learned  the  language  and  the  manners  of  another  people 
through  his  having  been  reared  among  their  hostages.  Didicerat  enim  iifigiiani 
eorum  et  mores  quia  inter  Britannicos  obsides  Ro7ne  nutritus  fuerat.  What  did 
it  mean?  Was  it  that  Huchown's  English  style  and  breadth  of  English 
sympathy,  his  choice  of  Arthurian  themes,  which  not  once  but  several 
times  touched  the  Order  of  the  Garter  and  the  Table  Round  of  Edward 
III.,  were  the  result  of  some  sojourn   among  Scottish  hostages  in  London 


88  'HUCIIOWN   OF  THE   AWLE   RYALE '  [Ch. 

during  the  Wars  of  Independence?  So  would  come  a  fresh  and  surprising 
solvent  to  the  crux  of  Huchown's  problem,  which  is  that  of  explaining  how 
a  poet  with  themes  so  devoid  of  Scottish  passion,  and  so  full  of  a  British 
fervour  which  might  almost  be  mistaken  for  English,  could  have  written  in 
a  dialect  so  rich  in  forms  which,  if  not  largely  English,  are  not  Scottish, 
and  yet  withal  could,  without  inexplicable  irony,  have  had  his  contem- 
porary biography  written  only  in  Scottish  chronicle,  and  written,  too,  with 
admiring  sympathy  for  the  author  and  the  man. 

Once  I  had  occasion  to  declare  that,  rightly  apprehended,  a  Commonplace 
Book,  although  entirely  of  quotations,  was  an  intellectual  self-revelation 
of  peculiar  interest,  and  was,  in  spite  of  itself,  autobiographical.  Here  is 
an  analagous  case,  out  of  which  rises  the  question.  What,  do  these  marginal 
jottings  tell  of  the  rubricator's  mind?  They  tell  much:  tell  (i)  of  his 
reverent  attitude,  (2)  of  his  fondness  for  moral  truths,  (3)  of  his  admiration 
for  London,  (4)  of  his  eye  for  courtly  ceremonial,  (5)  of  his  zest  for  the 
chase  and  for  falconry,  (6)  of  his  attention  to  the  history  of  law,  (7)  of  the 
attraction  which  religious  annals  had  for  him,  (8)  of  liis  close  study  of  the 
tribute  question,  which  has  so  large  a  place  in  the  scheme  of  Morte  Arthure, 
(9)  of  his  special  and  peculiar  interest  in  the  six  chapters  of  Geoffrey  which 
form  the  bulk  of  Morte  Arthure,  (10)  of  that  looseness  about  proper  names, 
which  more  than  one  of  the  editors  of  his  poems  have  set  down  as 
characteristic  of  the  poet,  and  (11)  of  his  dramatic  sense  of  the  power 
in  such  stories  as  those  of  Lear  and  Cordelia,  or  Brennius  and  Belinus, 
or  of  such  episodes  as  a  council  of  war  at  midnight  under  the  stars,  or 
as  the  blazing  dragon  in  Uther  Pendragon's  time.  These  marks  on  the 
margin  are  no  common  gloss ;  they  are  fragments  of  the  alliterative  poems 
in  the  making,  still  unfashioned,  it  is  true,  but  already  taking  shape  in  the 
active  imagination  of  genius  in  the  fourteenth  century. 

Whoever  will  go  through  the  representative  body  of  extracts  from  these 
marginals  which  are  to  be  quoted  in  a  subsequent  chapter  may  gauge  for  himself 
the  degree  of  trust  assignable  to  these  inferences.  Beginning  with  the  fly-leaf, 
we  have  the  very  remarkable  jotting  of  six  items  copied  from  the  original  red 
ink  rubrics  of  Geoffrey's  text — items  which  are  the  kernel  of  Morte  Arthure. 
A  few  points  of  correspondence   between   that  poem  and  the  rubricator's 


12]  CLUES   TO    'TITUS'  89 

markings  may  here  be  presented.  The  text  names  '  Petreius  Cotta,'  the 
rubricator  calls  him  'Petreius  Senator,'  Huchown  calls  him  'the  Senatour 
Peter.'  The  text  has  'Guerinus,'  the  rubricator  '  Gerinus,'  Huchown 
'  Geryn.'  The  text  has  always  '  Modredus,'  the  rubricator  has  always 
'  Mordredus,'  Huchown  oftenest  has  '  Mordred.'  The  text  never  names 
the  Saracens,  the  rubricator  couples  '  Pidis  et  aliis  Sarracerjis,'  Huchown 
puts  the  '  Sarazenes '  in  one  line  and  their  allies  the  '  Peyghtes '  in  the 
next  line  but  two.  '  Caius  Quintilianus '  of  the  printed  Geoffrey  is  '  Gains 
Quintilianus '  in  this  manuscript  text,  the  rubricator  drops  the  Quintilian  and 
calls  him  merely  'Gains,'  Huchown  too  dubs  him  only  'Syr  Gayous.'  A 
date,  4482,  not  in  the  printed  Geoffrey  at  all,  appears  in  this  MS.  text,  and 
the  date  'five  hundred  years  less  eighteen'  will  strangely  emerge  in  another 
alliterative  poem  as  we  proceed — a  poem  ^  which  contains  one  of  the  best 
told  stories  of  the  Middle  Ages,  and  without  exception  the  noblest  tribute 
to  the  essential  '  priesthood '  of  law  which  the  early  literature  of  Britain  can 
boast.  If  these  proofs  do  not  serve  to  convince  the  alliterative  critics, 
English  and  Scottish,  French  and  German,  that  this  Hunterian  MS.  was 
veritably  Huchown's,  and  Huchown's  work  a  mighty  unity,  it  will  be 
for  the  wisest  of  them  to  attempt  the  feat  of  accounting  for  the  miracles 
of  coincidence  which  the  preceding  statement  only  illustrates  and  does 
not  exhaust — miracles  of  coincidence,  be  it  said  also,  which  so  splendidly 
confirm  the  argument,  itself  of  immense  power,  deduced  from  internal 
evidences  of  unity  and  correlation. 

12.     Clues  to  'Titus'  and  'Wynnere  and  Wastoure.' 

(i)    The  Drag07i  in  '■Titus! 

Two  chief  illustrations  in  detail  will  suffice  to  demonstrate  the  force  of 
the  confirmatory  argument  from  the  MS.  In  a  previous  chapter  attention 
was  called  to  the  singular  consonance  between  the  Titus  poem  and  Morte 
Arthure  in  the  insistence  upon  the  significance  of  the  dragon  banner. 
It  was  then  suggested   that   the  idea   came   from   Geoffrey  of  Monmouth. 


^  See  ch.  14  for  notice  of  Erkenivald. 
G 


9° 


'HUCHOWN   OF  THE   AWLE   RYALE'  [Ch. 


With  the  Hunterian  MS.  before  us  the  statement  admits  of  absolute  defini- 
tion.    On  fo.  49  {Geoffrey,  viii.,   14,   15)  ai)pear  the  marginal  additions, 

'  Nota  bene  :  Stella  appaniit. 
De  significacione  syderis.'^ 

The  passage  thus  marked  tells  of  a  ball  of  fire  in  tlie  likeness  of  a  dragon 
{globus  igfieus  in  siniiliivdinein  draconis),  from  the  mouth  of  which  proceeded 
two  radii,  one  pointing  to  France,  the  other  to  Ireland,  the  significance  of 
which,  as  expounded  by  Merlin,  lay  in  the  future  dominion  by  Uther 
Pendragon's  son  over  the  realms  so  indicated. 

Turning  to  the  Titus  we  find  that  Vespasian's  banner  is  a  gaping 
dragon,  having  a  falchion  under  his  feet,  with  four  keen  blades  directed 
to  the  four  points  of  the  world,  which,  in  turn,  is  denoted  by  the  ball  of 
burning  gold  on  which  the  dragon  stood  in  sign — 'in  forbesyn  to  the 
folk  ' — of  conquest  of  all  the  world.  Whatever  be  thought  of  the  signifi- 
cance of  the  dragon,  the  significance  of  the  rubricator's  N'ota  bene  is 
certainly  exceeding  plain. 

(2)    The  plot  of  '  Wynnere  and   Wastoure.' 

There  was,  however,  as  already  observed,  another  JVota  bene  among 
the  rubrications.  Let  us  look  at  it  also,  as  the  second  detailed  illustration 
of  the  constructive  value  of  these  marginal  marks  as  of  a  truth  Huchown's 
own  comment  on  himself.  Opposite  the  tale  of  the  dispute  and  impend- 
ing battle  between  Brennius — king  from  Humber  to  Caithness — and  Bel- 
inus — king  south  of  the  Humber — occurs  a  note  of  the  very  highest 
historical  and  literary  consequence.  Its  theme  is  the  reconciliation  of  the 
two  contending  nionarchs  by  the  dramatic  interposition  of  their  mother, 
Convenna,  to  whom  the  rubricator  by  a  verbal  slip,  not  unusual  with 
him,  refers  as  Venna — a  mistake  occasioned  by  the  word  being  divided  in 
the  MS.  text,  '  Con- '  at  the  end  of  one  line  and  '  venna '  at  the  beginning 
of  the  next. 

Hie  Venna  viater  eo7-u7n  concordiatn  inter  eos  fecit  et  valde  miraculose. 
Nota  bene.  IS* 

^The  second  note  (De  significacione  syderis)  strikes  me  as  written  in  a  different  and 
later  hand,  but  see  facsimile. 


12]  'WYNNERE   AND   WASTOURE';    ITS    PLOT 


91 


Scottish  readers  can  hardly  fail  to  remember  that  Sir  Hew  of  Eglintoun 
was  a  party  to  the  arrangement  of  peace,  and  of  a  very  friendly  under- 
standing between  Edward  III.  and  David  II.  in  1359.  II  David  II.  was 
rather  a  failure  as  Brennius,  at  any  rate  the  Belinus  of  the  part,  Edward 
III.  was  his  brother  by  marriage.  There  is  more  than  mere  curiosity  in 
this  point,  for  an  important  element  in  the  tinal  peace  footing  of  1363 
and  1364  seems  to  be  singularly  echoed  in  a  couple  of  lines  ^  of  Morte 
Artlmre.  Letting  that  pass,  however,  we  shall  find  the  rubricator's  Nota 
bene  guiding  us  with  exceeding  directness  to  the  solution  of  another 
alliterative  problem  —  the  authorship  of  Wynnere  and  Wastonre.  The 
learned  editor  of  The  Parlement  of  the  Thre  Ages  had  good  grounds  for 
his  opinion  that  the  unity  of  authorship  of  that  poem  and  of  Wy?inere 
and  JVastottre,  which  he  printed  in  the  same  Roxburghe  Club  volume, 
was  '  well  nigh  indisputable.'  Seven  reasons  were  assigned  by  Mr.  Gol- 
lancz  for  this  conclusion,  especially  the  occurrence  of  whole  lines  common 
to  both  poems,  of  passages  strongly  reminiscent  of  the  same  poetical 
conceptions,  of  certain  negligences  of  historical  detail,  and  of  a  remarkable 
sameness  of  style  evincing  high  pictorial  power.  Mr.  GoUancz  did  not 
know  that   the  Parlemetit  had  grown  out  of  the   Troy  poem,  nor   was    he 


^  After  a  quarrel   with   Cador,    Arthur   warmly   apologises,    and,   commending  Cador 
as  one  of  the  doughtiest  that  was  ever  dubbed,  he  says  {Morte,   1943-4)  • 

'  Thare  es  none  ischewe  of  us  on  this  erthe  sprongen  ; 
Thou  arte  apparant  to  be  ayere  are  ( read  or)  one  of  thi  childyre.' 

There  is  here  either  a  most  remarkable  coincidence  or  else  there  is  a  direct  allusion — 
as  I  believe — to  the  negotiations  of  1363  and  1364.  On  27th  Nov.,  1363,  it  was 
agreed  that,  failing  heirs  male  of  the  body  of  David  II.,  the  King  of  England  should 
succeed  to  the  kingdom  of  Scotland  {Acts  Pari.,  Scotland,  i.,  493).  In  1364,  this  pro- 
posal having  been  rejected  by  the  Scottish  Parliament,  a  second  agreement  was  substi- 
tuted, under  which,  failing  heirs  male  of  the  body  of  David  II.,  the  kingdom  should 
pass  to  a  son  of  the  king  of  England  other  than  the  heir-apparent  {Acts  Pari.,  Scot., 
i.,  495).  In  fact,  David  II.  had  no  issue;  under  the  first  agreement,  so  far  as  David 
II.  and  his  Privy  Council  had  power,  Edward  III.  was  David's  heir-apparent,  under 
the  second  the  heir  was  one  of  Edward's  children — Lionel.  As  to  this  curious  intrigue 
and  Sir  Hew  of  Eglintoun's  connection  with  it,  see  my  paper,  Sir  Heiv  of  Eglintoun 
above  referred  to,  also  some  previous  comments  above,  end  of  ch.  9. 


92 


'HUCHOWN   OF  THE  AWLE   RYALE' 


[Ch. 


aware    that   Wastoure  and   Wynnere,  as    personifications,  were   the   literary 
heirs  of  Brennius  and  Belinus. 


/;/  '  Geoffrey  of  Monmouth. ' 
The  armies  of  Brennius  and  Belinus  are 
about  to  join  battle  (iii.  7) 


when  their  mother,  Convenna,  intervenes. 


She  reminds  them  that  she  had  suckled 
both. 


Thus  a  concord  is  effected. 

They  cross  the  sea  to  make  war  on  France 
together  (iii.  8)  and  afterwards  conquer 
Rome  (iii.  9). 


/w  'lV)>)niere  and  Wastoure.^ 
The  hawberked    and   helmed   armies    oi 
Wynnere  and  Wastoure   are   in   schiltrums 
on  either  holt  with  only  a  lawn  betwixt  them, 
on  the  point  of  battle  (11.  50-54) 

when  '  the  king  of  this  kythe '  (Edward 
III.)  wearing  the  garter  bids  them  stop 
(11.  69-107),  sending  the  message  by  a  young 
baron  (the  Black  Prince),  who  wears  three 
feathers  (1.  117). 

The  two  commanders  obey  and  mention 
to  the  royal  messenger  that  they  know 
well  that  the  king  '  clothes  us  both  and 
has  us  fostered  and  fed  these  five  and 
twenty  winters'  (II.   197-207) 

The  king  receives  them  by  the  hand  '  as 
hinds  of  our  house  both  '  (11.  208-212) 

After  a  long  debate  between  the  two  (after 
the  medieval  pattern  of  Wine  against  Water) 
the  king  bids  Wynnere  '  wend  over  the 
wale  stream '  by  Paris  to  the  Pope  (11. 
460-1),  and  wait  a  summons  to  arms  and 
knighthood  when  the  king  goes  to  war 
at  Paris. 

Wastoure  is  sent  to  the  east  end  of  Lon- 
don, but  the  poem  is  incomplete,  so  that 
the  probable  final  concord  of  Wynnere  and 
Wastoure  is  not  extant. 


(3)    Wy7inere  and   Wastoure :   its  sense  and  date. 

The  poem  contains  the  oldest  known  vernacular  rendering  oi  Honi  soit 

qui  vial  y  pense. 

'  And  alle  was  it  one  sawe  appon  Ynglysse  tonge 
Hethyng  have  the  hathell  that  any  harme  tkynkes.'' 

Like  Gawayne  (which   ends  with   this  motto  in  French,  Hony  soyt  qui 
mal  pence),   like   Morte  Arthure,   and   like   the  Awtityrs  of  Arthure,   this 


12] 


•WYNNERE  AND  WASTOURE';    ITS   SENSE 


93 


piece  is  unquestionably  of  the  Garter  or  Round  Table  group.  It  helps 
to  make  clearer  why  Sir  Hew  of  Eglintoun's  visits  to  England  between 
1358  and  1369  were  so  frequently  about  the  time  of  special  tournaments 
and  chivalric  functions^  at  the  court  of  Edward  III.,  who  in  Wynuere 
and  Wastoiire^  just  as  in  Morte  Arthiere,  shines  as  a  stately  figure  of 
chivalry.  That  it  connects  English  and  Scottish  history  is  therefore  obvious, 
and  the  fact  that  it  rises  out  of  the  story  of  Brennius,  a  northern  king,  is 
in  admirable  keeping  with  its  quotations  from  the  prophecies  of  no  less 
a  Scottish  personage-   than  Thomas  of  Erceldoune. 


^  Safe  conducts  on  the  nth  of  May,  1358  [Rolitli  Sco/iac,  i.,  823''),  26th  April,  1363 
(Ibid.,  i.,  872),  5th  December,  1363  (Ibid.,  i.,  876),  and  20th  May,  1365  (Ibid.,  893^),  may 
be  adduced  as  instances.  See  the  biographical  calendar  under  these  dates  in  my  paper, 
Sir  Hew  of  Eglintouii,  above  mentioned. 


2  Thomas's  Prophecies. 

La  countessede  Donbardemandaa  Thomas 
de  Essedoun  quant  la  guere  d'Escoce  pren- 
dreit  fyn  e  yl  la  repoundyt  e  dyt : 


Wyiincrt-  and  IVasfoitre. 


When  hares  kendles  o  the  herston  For   nowe  all  es  Witt  and  Wyles   that  we 

When  Wyt  and  Wille  werres  togedere  with  delyn 

.         .         .         .  Wyse  wordes   and  slee   and  icheon  wryeth 

When  laddes  weddeth  lovedis  othere  (11.  5-6) 

And  hares  appon  herthestones  schall  hurcle 

in  hire  fourme 
And    eke   boyes   of  blode   with   boste   and 

with  pryde 
Schall  wedde  ladyes  in  londe  and  lede  hir 

at  wille 
Thene    dredfulle    domesdaye    it    drawethe 
neghe  aftir  (11.    13-16) 

Thomas's  prophecies  are  quoted  by  Dr.  J.  A.  H.  Murray  in  the  introduction 
(p.  xviii.)  to  his  Thomas  of  Erceldoune.  See  also  Scott's  Border  Minstrelsy,  in  in- 
troduction to  ballad  of  Thomas  the  Rymer ;  also  Laing's  Early  Fop.  Scot.  Poetry,  1S95, 
i.,  88;   and  cf.  the  variant  in  Reliquiae  Antiquae,  i.,  30. 

The  antithetical  use  of  '  ladde '  as  above  appears  several  times  in  Wynnere  and 
IVastoure  (11.  375,  378,  388),  e.g.  '  Woldest  thou  hafe  lordis  to  lyfe  as  laddes  on  fote.' 
Compare  the  disparaging  use  of  '  ladde '  in  Mortc  Arihure,  3535,  4094. 


94  'HUCHOWN  OF  THE  AWLE   RVALE'  [Ch. 

England  and  Scotland  are  thus  alike  contributory  to  this  little  poem, 
and  Wales  is  doubly  so,  for  besides  the  initial  service  of  Geoffrey  in 
furnishing  the  plot,  there  is  a  further  debt  to  Walter  Map  in  furnishing 
the  manner  of  debate  between  Wynnere  (or  Thrift)  and  Wastoure  (or 
Extravagance) — a  debt  which  the  Hunterian  MS.  again  compels  us  to 
recognise.  A  few  leaves  further  on  than  the  Nota  bene  of  the  Venna 
passage  there  begins,  at  the  bottom  of  fo.  3,  and  is  continued  at  the 
bottom  of  {{.  3o''-38,  a  copy^  of  the  famous  Dialogus  inter  Aquam  et  Vinum. 
The  alternate  stanzas  have  Vifiian  and  Aqua  set  against  them  respectively, 
and  the  personified  Waste  and  Thrift  in  the  fourteenth-century  English  poem, 
although  bodied  forth  with  an  actuality  and  lifelike  vigour  undreamt  of  in  the 
pale  abstractions  of  the  twelfth-century  Latin  dialogue,  yet  may  owe  something 
of  their  art  to  the  latter,  the  more  ancient  '  flyting '  of  Wine  against  Water. 
The  poet  achieved  a  great  success  in  his  personifications.  Youth,  Middle 
Elde,  and  Elde  in  the  Parlemetit  are  not  more  superb  examples  of  this 
than  are  Wastoure  and  Wynnere.  The  German  doctor  who  damned  the 
translator  of  the  Troy  with  the  faint  praise  of  being  a  clever  versifier 
declared  that  he  was  no  poet.  '  Ein  dichter  war  er  nicht.'  '^  We  have  now 
a  thousand  new  reasons  to  think  that  the  translator  was  not  only  a  poet, 
but  a  poet  indeed.  The  allegory  of  the  Parlement  and  the  allegory  of 
Wynnere  and  Wastoure  rank  among  the  few  vivid  concrete  and  poetic 
realisations  of  abstract  portraiture  achieved  in  English  literature. 

Perhaps  the  critics  who  may  be  of  a  different  mind  will  be  good  enough 
to  name  a  single  superior  example.  And  there  is  a  point  of  view  which 
is  not  to  be  passed  over.  This  man,  whether  he  was  Sir  Hew  of  Eglintoun 
or  not,  was  international ;  if  not  directly  connected  with  hostages  he  certainly 
held  dear  the  peace  and  union  of  the  North  and  South  ;  an  archetype  to 
his   creative   effort   was    the    reconciliation    of   a   Scottish    and   an    English 


'  There  are  a  good  many  minor  variants  from  llic  version  given  in  Wright's  Poems 
of  Walter  j\/a/es,  p.  87,  and  in  particular  this  rendering  does  not  contain  lines  99 
to  146  and  151  to  154  of  Wright's  edition  of  the  piece.  The  handwriting  of  this  poem 
does  not  seem  to  be  the  same  as  the  rubricator's,  and  that  it  was  added  after  the 
rubrications  is  evident,  for  instance,  from  the  relative  position  of  the  two  on  fo.   36. 

'^Zur  Destruction  of  Troy,  by  Wilhelm  Bock  (Halle,   1883),  p.  13. 


12]  'WYNNERE   AND   WASTOURE';    ITS   SENSE  95 

king ;  he  quoted  Scottish  prophetic  utterances ;  his  models  and  style,  on 
the  other  hand,  were  English;  much  of  his  thought  and  sympathy  was 
English  too ;  of  English  law  and  legal  history  the  note  impressed  itself 
equally  on  his  copy  of  Geoffrey  and  on  his  own  poems ;  Morte  Arthure 
shews  a  buoyant  picture  of  the  kings  of  Scotland  and  of  Wales  as  Arthur's 
most  gallant  allies;  the  sum  of  all  is  that  in  the  body  of  early  poetry 
claimed  for  Huchown  we  have  a  superb  tribute  to  the  solidarity  of  the 
literature  of  English  speech, — a  noble  plea  for  the  literary  unity  of  both 
sides  of  Tweed.  Whatever  be  the  outcome  of  the  discussions  about  his 
identity,  so  much  at  least  appears  to  be  the  certain  reading  of  his  life. 

Historical  tests  are  usually  the  only  safe  basis  for  dating  literary  work. 
Few  of  the  Huchown  poems  contain  such  historical  evidences  except  in  so 
far  as  the  ascertainment  of  sources  goes  to  establish  a  point  of  time, 
Wynnere  and  Wasioiire  in  this  respect  belongs  to  a  category  of  its  own, 
being  of  a  relatively  early  period  and  clearly  explicable  by  the  side  light 
of  church  history.  This  allegorical  poem  of  narrative  and  '  flyting ' — an 
impending  combat  ending  in  a  litigation — was  assigned  to  circa  1350  by 
Mr.  Gollancz  on  grounds  ^  palpably  untenable,  and  crucially  failing  to 
explain  a  main  feature  of  the  action  of  the  poem.  Although  the  great 
scene  of  the  armies  gathered  over  against  each  other  came  from  Belinus  and 
Brennius  these  heroes  of  ancient  Britain  give  no  clue  to  the  bannered 
pomp  of  the  two  hosts  drawn  from  France,  Lombardy,  Spain,  England, 
and    Ireland    ranged    under    banners    of  black   and  green  and  white,  with 

^  Only  three  need  be  discussed  :  ( i )  that  the  reference  to  '  five  and  twenty  winters ' 
(1.  206)  points  to  the  25th  year  of  Edward  III.  ;  (2)  that  the  mention  of  the  Friars  and 
the  Pope  (11.  460-70)  points  to  the  Statute  of  Provisors  in  1351  ;  and  (3)  that  Scharshill 
(1.  317)  is  referred  to  'evidently  as  Chief  of  Exchequer,'  and  therefore  ante  1350 
when  he  became  Chief  Justice  of  the  King's  Bench.  The  answers  are  :  (1)  that  the  five 
and  twenty  winters  at  the  most  can  mean  no  more  than  that  the  date  was  after  1351,  the 
King's  25th  year ;  (2)  that  there  is  no  hint  whatever  of  the  Statute  of  Provisors  or  its 
theme;  and  (3)  that  a  reference  to  a  judge  in  connection  with  breach  of  the  peace  ('his 
pese  to  distourbe')  cannot  possibly  indicate  the  baron  of  Exchequer,  but  points  necessarily 
to  some  judicial  episode  later  than  1350,  but  before  5th  July,  1357,  when  he  ceased  ad 
tempus  to  be  Chief  Justice.  (Dugdale's  Origiiies  Juridiciales.)  Besides,  the  episode  in 
question  must  have  preceded  the  poem  alluding  to  it,  so  that  the  latter  may  well  date  some 
months  later  than  July,  1357. 


96  'HUCHOWN   OF  THE  AWLE   RYALE '  [Ch. 

heraldic  insignia  of  bibles  (each  with  bulla  appended)  and  judges'  heads, 
galleys  and  hoarheads  and  buckles  not  admitting  ready  interpretation  in 
detail.  The  poet  leaves  no  doubt,  however,  that  the  first  banner  is  Papal,  the 
second  that  of  certain  Judges,  and  other  four  those  of  the  Four  Orders  of  the 
Friars^the  Franciscans,  Dominicans,  Austins,  and  Carmelites — in  reference 
to  whom  hints  are  thrown  out  about  their  wealth,  their  confessional  privileges, 
and  their  commerce.  True  to  himself,  the  poet  thought  the  fairest  banner 
that  of  the  Augustine  Order,   for  they  were  special,  '  Our  Lady  to  serve.' 

When  the  enigma  of  this  threatened  conflict  of  European  armies  under 
opposing  banners  (1.  52)  is  confronted  with  '■circa  1350'  as  the  date  of  the 
poem,  the  impending  battle  is  unintelligible  as  a  historical  allusion.  Another 
date  makes  the  meaning  at  once  a  matter  of  the  simplest  demonstration. 
Apply  ^  circa  1358,'  and  the  problem  is  solved.  The  battle  just  about  to 
begin  is  partly  the  ^  magna  controversia,'  the  'gret  strif  between  Archbishop 
Fitzralf  of  Armagh,  the  renowned  '  Armachanus,'  primate  of  Ireland,  with 
the  secular  clergy  of  England  at  his  back,  against  the  Four  Mendicant 
Orders — the  world-moving  plea  before  the  Pope  and  the  Consistorial 
Court  at  Avignon  which  started  in  1356,  and  in  which  the  Irish  primate 
made  his  '  most  solemn  proposition  '  before  Pope  Innocent  VI.  on  8th 
November,  1357,  in  reply  to  the  papal  summons  issued  the  year  before. 
The  proposition,  duly  noted  in  English  and  Scottish  chronicle,^  assailed 
the  Friars  for  many  shortcomings,  including  extravagance  and  abuse  of 
confessional  rights.  This  controversy  (which  endured  until  close  on  the 
archbishop's  death  in  1360)  supplies,  when  taken  along  with  Brennius  and 
Belinus,  the  assured  suggestion  of  the  embattled  banners  of  the  Friars 
and  the  Pope  in  the  poem.  Our  poet  thus  made  pictorial  use  of  the 
mighty  question  of  the  Friars  which  very  soon  in  Wycliffe's  hands  was 
to   be    pressed   to   more  practical   issues.'^      Unlike    William   of  Langland, 

'  Murimuth,   Eng.    Hist.    Soc,    191,    193.      Further  accounts  are    given  in   Capgrave's 
Chronicle,  2i8 ;   Bower's  Scotichronicon,   ii.,   360;   Knyghton  in  Decent    Scriplores,   2625 
Walsingham,  sub   anno  1358;  Fleury's  Histoiie  Ecclesiastique,  ed.    1840,   livre  xcvii.,  ch. 
36;   Wolfius's  Leclionuni  Memorabilium,  ed.    1600,  i..   642;   Barnes's  Edward  III.,  year 
1358. 

2 Wycliffe's    famous    treatises,    the    Trialogus    and    that    'Against    the    Orders    of  the 
Friars,' were  sequels  to  the  onslaught  by  'Armachanus.' 


12]  'WYNNERE   AND   WASTOURE';    SENSE   AND    DATE  yy 

our  poet  carefully  refrains  from  personal  entry  into  the  fray,  and  strikes 
no  direct  stroke  against  the  Friars  whom  Langland  was  so  scathingly  to 
denounce.     Besides,  the  suspended  fray  had  suggestion  more  direct  still. 

For  this  poem  a  date  between  1356  and  1360  was  needed — a  date  to 
fit  the  controversy,  a  date  before  1360,  because  an  allusion  to  the  war  'at 
the  proude  pales  of  Paris  the  riche '  (11.  497-9)  as  still  in  progress  must 
precede  the  peace  of  Bretigny  in  1360,  a  date  not  much  later  than  1357 
because  of  its  allusion  to  Scharshill,  evidently  as  Chief  Justice.  History 
makes  perfectly  clear  why  the  poet  set  Pope,  judges,  friars,  and  Scharshill 
in  the  field  all  at  one  time.  The  contemporary  annalists  were  doing  the 
same  thing,  recording  under  the  year  1358  both  the  'gretstrif  itself  and 
Scharshill's  share  in  another  disturbance  of  that  eventful  period.  Walsing- 
ham,  Knyghton,  and  Capgrave,  as  well  as  the  Anglo-Scottish  Scalacronica 
all  tell  of  this  further  embroilment,  which  accounts  for  the  hostile  banners  of 
pope  and  judges,  with  the  mention  of  Scharshill  in  the  poem.  The  men  of 
Bishop  Lyle  of  Ely,  who  was  a  Dominican  friar,  burnt  a  manor  of  Lady 
Blanche  of  Wake,  who  complained  to  the  king.^  She  charged  against  the 
bishop  that  her  houses  had  been  burnt  by  his  dependants  "  encontre  la  Pees 
et  la  Lei  de  la  terre,"  and  one  of  her  servants  murdered.  Justices  were 
assigned  to  hear  the  cause,  and  the  bishop,  being  found  guilty,  was  delivered 
over  to  his  episcopal  brethren  to  be  kept  in  custody,  and  his  '  temporal- 
ties '  were  seized,-  he  being  '  atteint  de  transgression  incontre  le  peace.'  On 
this  the  Pope  was  appealed  to.  He  espoused  the  bishop's  cause,  expostu- 
lated ^  with  the  king,  and  excommunicated  the  justices,  one  of  whom,  we 
learn  from  Knyghton,  was  Scharshill.  Serious  disturbances  ensued  from 
this  conflict  of  legal  and  ecclesiastical  authority,  and  extremes  involved 
included  the  violent  exhumation  of  the  excommunicated  dead.  '  Mech 
manslauth    felle    in    this    matere'    says    Capgrave.^      King    Edward's    inter- 

^  Rotuli  Parliamentorum,  ii.  267. 

^  Ktiygkton  in  Decern  Scriptores,  2620;  Year  Books  (Maynard,  1679)  for  Trinity  term 
29  Edw.  III.,  p.  41.  Tlie  Scalacronica,  p.  177,  is  interestingly  technical  in  its  account 
of  the  matter. 

^  See  bull  of  i  Aug.,   1358,  in  Rymer's  Foedera. 

"*  Capgrave's  Chronicle,  218. 


^8  'HUCHOWN   OF  THE  AWLE   RVALE'  [Ch. 

vention  was  therefore  equally  indignant  and  energetic.     It  needs  no  telling 

how  completely  these  episodes  annotate  Wastoure's  words  in  the  poem  : 

And  thies  beryns  one  the  bynches  with  howes  [hoods]  one  loft 

That  bene  knowen  and  kydde  for  clerkes  of  the  liestc 

As  glide  als  Areslotle  or  Austyn  the   wyse 

That  alle  schent  were  those  schalkes  and  Scharshull  it  wiste 

That  saidc  I   prikkedc  with  powere  his  pese  to  distourbe.  LI.  314-18. 

The  trouble  evidently  was  not  appeased  when  the  poem  was  written.  Not 
until  near  the  beginning  of  1359^  apparently,  was  the  incident  closed  by 
the  Pope's  withdrawal  of  the  judges'  excommunication. - 

Every  finger  points,-^  therefore,  to  circa  1358.  That  the  poet  chose 
not  to  define  more  exactly  the  troops  and  banners  of  opposing  Church  and 
State,  and  left  something  to  the  imagination  of  his  audience,  was  natural 
enough  when  the  strifes  of  friars  and  bishop,  judges  and  pope  were  the 
topic  of  the  hour.  The  thing  as  a  whole  is  clear;  no  reasonable  criticism 
would  exact  a  detailed  historical  application  at  the  foot  of  every  letter. 
Wynnere  and  Wastoure^  with  its  direct  citation  of  the  Garter  motto  (1.  68) 
is  a  Round  Table  poem  easily  referable  to  some  chivalric  celebration  among 
the  many  of  the  years  1358  and  1359,  of  which  the  English  annalists'*  have 
a  good  deal  to  say.  Sir  Hew  of  Eglintoun  was  in  London  early  in  1358. 
He  was  again  there  in  the  beginning  of   1359.      Perhaps  like  his  master, 

^  Knyghton,  2620.     The  chronology  here  is,  however,  a  Httle  confusing. 

2  Was  the  e.xcommunication  the  reason  for  the  appointment  in  July,  1357,  of  Thomas 
de  Seton  as  Capitalh  Justiciarins  ad  teiitptis  loco  Willeliiti  dc  Sharcshiiin  (Dugdale's 
Ofigines  Jiiridicales. )  This  seems  very  probable,  and  the  words  ad  tciiipits  suggest  that 
Scharshill  was  only  suspended  in  1357,  not  removed.  In  1368,  when  lie  died  after  re- 
ception as  a  friar  minor,  he  is  in  Eulogiiim  Historiarum,  iii. ,  334,  entitled  capitalis  jiisti- 
tiarius,  but  it  can  hardly  be  inferred  that  he  had  resumed  that  office. 

•'See  Athenaeum,  3  Aug.,  7  Sept.  and  26  Oct.  1901,  for  the  original  discussion  of  this 
date.  Mr.  Gollancz's  replies  of  24  Aug.  and  14  Sept.  1901,  lend  no  support  to  his  date 
^  circa  1350,'  words  which  in  his  last  letter  he  seems  to  (lualify  as  now  meaning  'before 
1357.'  The  fact  that  not  one  but  several  chroniclers  put  the  episode  of  the  friars  in 
the  same  year  with  the  incident  of  Scharshill,  and  that  year  1358,  appears  conclusive  of 
the  historical  soundness  of  my  favour  for  circa  1357-8,  or  as  I  now  prefer  to  say  more 
definitely,  circa  1358.     On  the  banners,  see  further  ch.    15,  sec.   3,  and  end  of  ch.    17. 

■*  Knyghton  in  Decern  Scriptores,  2617-8;  Murimuth,  191.  liulogitun  Historiarum, 
iii.,   227  ;  Brut,   t^t,  Edw.   III. 


13]  RUBRICATIONS  OF    'GEOFFREY'  qc^ 

David  II.,  on  whom  he  was  in  personal  attendance  on  the  latter  of  these 
occasions,  he  may  have  made  his  quarters,  where  David  II.  was,  with  the 
Friars  Preachers,^  and  so  have  been  at  the  very  heart  of  the  affair  when 
courtly  and  chivalric  society  was  watching,  not  without  amusement,  the 
front  of  battle  lower  in  the  great  debate. 

13.  Huchown's  Rubrications  of  'Geoffrey.' 

For  this  chapter  the  rubricator  of  the  Hunterian  '  Geoffrey  of  Mon- 
mouth'  already  described,  the  manuscript  U.  7.  25,  shall  speak  for  him- 
self of  his  cordial  relationship  with  Huchown  and  his  poems — shall  shew 
his  bonds  of  association  with  Gawayne,  with  the  Troy,  with  the  Titus, 
with  Morte  Arthurc,  with  Wynnere  and  Wastoiire,  and  with  the  moving 
story  of  Saint  Erkenwald  and  the  dead  judge  who  lay  so  long  uncor- 
rupted  in  the  foundations  of  St  Paul's.  From  the  beginning  of  the  MS. 
to  folio  55b  only  selections  are  given;  from  folio  55b  to  folio  8ib,  where 
the  original  MS.  now  ends,  the  rubrications  are  given  complete.  They 
are  all  in  black  ink,  thus  contrasting  with  the  original  rubrics,  which  are 
incorporated  in  the  text  and  are  in  red. 

The  series  of  black  ink  rubrications  starts  as  a  crumpled  fly-leaf,  with 
a  note  of  six  heads,  all  concerning  King  Arthur. 

Verba  Arthuri  ad  suos. 

Responsio  Hoeli. 

De  responsione  Anguseli  regis  Albanie. 

De  congregacione  regis  Arthuri. 

De  edicto  Lucij   Hiberij. 

De  Itinere  Arthuri  contra  Romanos.  \See  fcusiinik.'\ 

This  jotting  is  in  black  ink  and  is  all  that  is  written  on  the  fly-leaf  of 
parchment  forming  the  first — an  extra— leaf  of  the  MS.  The  above  six 
items    have    been    taken    by    the    black    ink   rubricator   from    the    original 

'On  nth  May,  1358,  Sir  ITevv  had  safe  conduct  to  Westminster.  /\ot.  Scof.,  i.,  823.  In 
the  winter  of  1358,  David  II.  was  staying  with  the  Friars  Preachers  in  London.  Knyghton 
in  Decern  Scriptores,  2619.  On  21st  Feb.,  1359,  the  king's  seal  and  that  of  Sir  Hew,  were 
both  appended  to  a  document  at  the  Friars  Preachers,  London.     Bain's  Calendar,  iv.,  27. 


lOo  'HUCHOWN   OF  THE  AWLE   RYALE '  [Ch. 

series  of  rubrics  in  red  ink  forming  part  of  the  original  text  of  ff.  (i2b,  63, 
(iT^b,  and  64  of  tlie  MS.,  or  in  the  printed  Geoffrey,  ix.  16,  17,  18,  20,  x.  i,  2. 
They,  of  course,  constitute  the  mainspring  of  Marie  Arthure,  of  which  it  is 
perhaps  not  too  much  to  say  this  jotting  was  a  prehminary.  They  are  on 
a  leaf  by  themselves.  Those  that  follow  are  the  black  ink  marginal 
rubrications  of  the  folios  mentioned  in  connection  with  each. 

fo.  7.      (Galf.  i.  12).^     Hie  columpnas  Ileiculis  [/)'/v^//c.f  tV  jr(;(7V]  pelierunt. 
Tl>.     Hie  Corineus  neinora  pelil  causa  venandi  ubi  magnum  feeit  conflictum. 
<)l>.     (i.  15).     Hie  naves  ingreditur  Brutus. 
10/'.     (i.  17).     De  civitate  Londoniensi. 

Hie  BruUis  eivitalcm  eonstruxit  et  illam  Trojani  novani  vocavil  que  jjostea  Tiinovantuni 

dicta  fuil. 
(ii.  i).     Hie    Brutus    Lond.    sepelilur.       [Sec    Erkcnwald,    in     Hurslmann's    Allenglischc 

Legenden,  Neue  folge,   Heilbronn,  1881,  p.  266,  line  25.] 
12.  (ii.  7).     Hie  primus  [£l>raiicus]  post  Brutum  classem  in  Gallias  duxit. 
I2d.  (ii.  8).     Rex  Ebraucus  xx.   filios  genuit  quorum    primogenitus   Brutus  \'iride  scutum 

vocatus  est. 
1 3- 1 3*^.     Opposite  the  story  of  King  Lear  and  liis  daughters  two  grotesque  face  lines  are 

drawn  on  the  margin — not  part  of  the  original  scribe's  work. 
15/'.     (ii.  17).     Hie  Dunvallus  rex  hostes  sues  caute  devicit. 
15/'.     Hie  leges  primo  in  Anglia  celebranlur  inter  Britones. 

De  fugitivis. 
15/^.^     Hie  rex  est  murtuus  eui  Bellinus  el  Brennius  succederunl  et  regnum  inter  se  diviserunt. 

^  Fo.  7  is  the  folio  of  the  MS.  Galf.  i.  12,  is  book  i.  chapter  12,  of  the  printed  Geoffrey, 
Galfridi  Monumetensis  Historia  Bri/onum,  ed.  Giles.      1844. 

^  On  fo.  i\h,  at  the  end  of  the  passage,  which  in  tlie  printed  Geoffrey  is  lib.  ii.,  cap.  15, 
there  is  in  this  MS.  text  (not  the  rubricator's  work,  but  the  text  itself)  an  important  variant 
in  the  shape  of  a  note  of  date,  not  in  the  print.  Just  one  chapter  before  the  reign  of 
Dunvvallo  mention  is  made  of  the  date  of  the  building  of  Rome — Anno  ab  origine  miiiidi, 
iiij  cccc  Ixxxii.  As  bearing  on  an  interesting  point  of  poetical  chronology,  it  is  necessary  to 
quote  here  two  other  passages  of  the  original  MS.  text  not  in  the  printed  Geoffrey.  On 
ff.  1(5-2,  at  the  end  of  what  in  the  printed  book  is  lib.  i. ,  cap.  2,  the  following  stands  part  of 
the  text : 

Anno  ante  Incarnaciotiein  doinini  m  c  Ivij  et  ante  condicionem  Rome  cce  Ixxx  vi  et  ab  origine 
niundi  iij  cccc  xlix  annis  peractis  Eneas  cum  Ascanio  filio  diffugiens  Italiam  navigio  adivit. 

Similarly  as  part  of  the  text  on  fo.  19,  at  end  of  lib.  iij.,  cap.  9,  of  the  printed  book  it  is 
written  to  record  the  date  of  the  capture  of  Rome  by  Brennius  and  Belinus  : 

Anno  a  condicione  sua  ccc  Iv  et  ante  Incarnacionem  Domini  ccc  Ix 

These  inconsistent  equations  may  enable  the  chronographic  reader  to  achieve  the  marvel 
of  reconciling  them  and  transmute  into  terms  of  the  era  B.C.  the  year  of  the  world  4482,  to 
which  poetic  importance  attaches. 


HUNTKRIAN    MS.       U.  7.   25. 


'^4<^4-«4>iun'''1^=5d 


Crumpled  Fly-Lkaf. 


A'('/<7  /'(7/c  ON  'Vknna,'  fo.  17. 


'!%\<  ^atu-  ;iUto  txt  jjtt^n. t  -utiftauir ta  futottu oft  man^ Iwm 

\aJX  -t^Mlnnto  mtrcu  n|ftsu  ^cnii  utno  faxC-Afff^^       j 


^no  'ac\V 


H'wtvV    NOTE,    fo.  44/'. 


d 


[These  facsimiles  made  from  photographs  taken  by  Mr.  S.  Fiiigland, 
Photographic  Department  Glasgow  University,  are  reduced  by  one-tenth 
from  the  original.] 


13]  RUBRICATIONS   OF    'GEOFFREY'  loi 

i6l>.     (iii.  3).      Hie  applicuit  Brennius  in  Albanian!. 

i6  (l6).     (iii.  5.)     Hie  Bellinus  leges  instiUiit  eL  eonfiimavit.     [The  story  of  Dunwallo  is  the 

key  to   the  poem  of  Erkemvald.     Compare  lines  25,   207,   208-13,   216,   227,   230 

(Dunwallo  reigned  40  years),  228  (a  temple  was  built  for  Dunwallo's  laws).     Compare 

rubricator's  notes  quoted  above  with  these  lines  ;  also  compare  some  further  references 

appended  to  other  rubrics,  and  see  next  chapter.] 
16  (16^).     (iii.  6).     De  foituna  et  probitate  Brennii  fratris  Regis  Bellini. 
17.     (iii.  7).     Hie    iterato    Brennius    in    Britanniam   applicuit    congressum    habiturus    cum 

Bellino  Rege  fratre  suo. 

Hie  Venna  mater  eorum  concordiaai  inter  eos  fecit  et  valde  miraculose.      Nota 

bene   IS^  [See facsimile.'] 

[This  note  of  reference  to  the  story  of  Brennius  and  Belinus  supplies  the  plot  ot 
JVj'finere  and  Wasloitrc.] 
ijb.     Hie  facti  sunt  amici  Bellinus  et  Brennius. 
(iii.  8).     Hie  Bellinus  omnes  ffrancorum  regulos  devicerunt. 

\%b.     (iii.  9).     Hie  obsides  Rome  civitatis  ante  portas  ejus  patibulo  affixerunt.    [y)/i9;-A',  3589.] 
19.      (iii.  10).     Hie  Bellinus  ex  hac  vita  migravit.     [See  note  at  end  of  the   Erkcnwald 

section  of  next  chapter.] 
22.     (iii.  20).     Ludgate. 
22/'.     De  nobilitate  et  probitate  Regis  Cassibellaunus.     \Sic.     The  name  is  written  large 

by  the  rubricator.     See  Parle inent,  315  ] 
23-     (iv.  3).     Hie  Thamesis  Julius  applicuit. 

Hie  adest  Cassibelluanus.     [Sic.'] 
25/'.     (iv.  8).     De  epistola  Androgei  ad  Julianum  missa.  [Julianum  for  Julium.] 

26.  (iv.  9).     De  xxx^^  obsidibus  missis  ad  Julianum  per  Androgeum. 

27.  Hie  tractatur  de  pace  et  concordia  inter  Julium  et  Cassibell. 

2"]!).     (iv.  10).     Hie  primo  tributum  de  Britannia  dabatur  Julio  Imperatori. 

De  concordia  facta  inter  Julianum  et  Cassibell.  et  de  veetigale  reddito. 

28.  (iv.  13).     Hie  Hamo  princeps  milicie  Claudii  usus  est  dolo. 

A  finger  is   drawn   opposite   the   sentence   in   the    text :    Didicerat   enim 
linguam  eorum  et  mores  quia  inter  Britannicos  obside  Rome  nutritus  fueiat. 

[See  cut,  ch.  11.     Note  that  this  is  the  third  rubric  indicating  special  interest  in 
hostages.  ] 
30.     (iv.  17).     Sermo  de  Scocia. 

303.  (iv.  19).     Hie  templa  deorum  diluuntur  et  evacuata.  [Erkemvald,  15,  16.] 

30^.     Hie   constituuntur  tres  Metropolitani  in   Anglia.      [This  explains  the  references   to 
Triapolitane  in  Erkeii%i<ald,  31,  36.     Lucius  did  this  according  to  Geoffrey.     London, 
York,  and  Caerleon  were  the  three  Triapolitanes.]^ 
32/^     (v.  5).     Tempore  Asclipiodoti  persecucio    Diocliciani    Lnperatoris   in    Christianos   in 

regno  Britannie. 
33.     De  passione  Sancti  Albani  et  aliorum  martirum  in  Britannia. 

1  At  the  bottom  of  ff.  30(^-38  is,  in  a  changed  hand,  the  copy  of  the  Dialogns  of  Wine  and 
Water  mentioned  above  ch.  12,  sec.  3. 


I02  'HUCHOWN    OF   THE  AWLE    RYALE'  [Ch. 

33(5.     (v.  6).     Hie  Constantiniis  ex  Helena  uxore  sua  filium  generavit  quern  Constantinum 

vocavit. 
34.     (v.  8).     Constantinus  Rex  Britannic  monarchiam  Rome  et  tocius  niundi  optinuit. 

{Morte  Arlhure,  282-3.] 
39.     (vi.  2).     Hie    Romana    potestas    totam    Britanniam    de    atroei    oppressione    suorum 

inimieorum  liberavit. 

Nota  :  semper  fuit  Albania  spelunea  proditorum.        [Note  Morie  Artkure,  32.] 
40^.     (vi.  4).     Hie  Guctelinus   London,    metropolitanus   in    minorem    Britanniam   hoc   est 
Nota     quod         ffranciam  transfretavit  postulans  Alcironei  Regis  ibidem  subsidium.    \_Morte 
ffrancia  minor         Artkure  never  mentions  Aimorica,  preferring  '  Bretayne  the  lesse.'     See 
Britannia    vo-         lines  36,  304.] 
eatur. 
42.     (vi.  7).     Hie  proditor  ille  Vortigernus  dolose  pro  Pietis   et  aliis  Sarracenis  misit  ut 

terram  Britannie  occupnrent.       [No  '  Saraeens '  in  Geofirey  ;  Morie  Arf/iure,  3530, 

3533,  associates  Picts  and  Saraeens.] 
43*5.     (vi.  10).     In  isto  capilulo  traetatur  de  Hengisto  et  Horso  :  adventus  Barbarorum  qui 

diem    Mercurium    Woden  lingua  eorum    vocabant  quern    lingua  nostra   Wodenesdai 

nominamus.     [Sic.  Heathenism  of  Hengist's  days  noted  in  /-^rkeiiwald,  7.] 
44/5.     (vi.  12).     Hie  legati  secum  duxerunt  quantoplures  paganos  unaeum  Rouwenna  filia 

Hengisti  que  Regi  [Vortegirno]  dando  poeulum  dixit  Wosail. 

Sermo  de  Woseil.     [Belshazzar  is  made  to  use  this  word  with  the  same  technical 

propriety,  Cleanitess,  1508.]^  [See  facsiviile.'] 

fo.  49.     (viii.  14).     Hie  Merlinus  de  sidere  mirabili  vatieinavit  apparente  Wyntoniam. 

Nota  bene  :  slella  apparuit. 
(viii.  15).     De  signifieaeione  syderis.      [This  fully  explains   the  dragon  passage  in    Titus, 

387-403,  and  is  a  clue  to  Morte  Artkure,  2057,  etc.]  [See  facsimile.^ 

50.     (viii.  18).     Tri(]uetra-like  mark  opposite   sentence,   At   ubi   Aretos   temonem    vertere 

eepit  preccpit   Uther  eonsules  suos  atque  principes  ad  se  vocari  ut  consilio  eorum 

traetaret.     [This  exactly  parallels  the  councils  of  war  by  night  in    I'roy  and   Titus. 

Ch.  8,  sec.  2,  and  ch.    12,  sec.    i,  above.]  [See  facsimile. "X 

53/'.     (viii.  23).     Triquetra-Iike  mark  opposite  last  two  sentences   of  viii.   23,  Malo  tamen 

semimortuos  .   .   .   vivere. 
55(5.     (ix.  3).     De  Arthuro  Rege  Britonum. 

'  Fo.  46/^  has  at  the  bottom  in  the  same  hand  as  added  the  Dialogus  on  ^i.  30(5-38 

the  lines : — 

Quid  de  mundo  seneiam  nolo  declarare, 

Et  de  illis  qui  sciunt  mundum  titillare. 

Siquis  mundi  vieia  querit  indagare 

Infinitum  numerum  tedet  numerare. 

Bed  proclamat  Salomon  audiant  mundani 

Omnia  sunt  vanitas  forma  sub  inani 

Qui  terrenis  inhiant  nonne  sunt  insani  : 

Qui  sane  considerant  immo  sunt  hii  vani. 


i 


HUNTERIAN    MS.    U.    7.    25. 

■  '  '       -^——^^ 

)a-A?  motd  « cmr  gilo^  tgnwf-i*  fitntitmoittc  W[<staip^^ 

iturs  %nTf-  t-\«.vtntno:tt  tamcf  fminrtlwf-if  ftg:inftM^ 
'^  ipawtrritsttp  vfaro  ftfr  v^^fl't  Tixr  otirt wtTuJtCcn'5j 

fcani  I  liatnteui  pcttf-  n  mtntinp  ntnojt  ^ttf-  feaiJL' 

igr  twwtcjnUnu-flft  -f  tpe  m  ^tcrni  urnmr-ttr  (>(jUo.ti?  ) 

]tu  m  WtDy'  tio  cnfWVittwta  r t  mmm  mr-  tt5XCttr»  " 
dnf  ^mmitn^'Te  -iQit  frottCil»'  fignifimr-i  tgnwl  wmL;^ 

VftUcbtr-i^  5  wt)?^igmfimrftUa-  mt*  fan  twpwmt^'^ 
ma  tm  ttr  tc  nwhctanfmc  ttCm^iW.^^^^'^^- 


\ 


FIERY  DRAGON  note,  fo.  49. 


13]  RUBRICATIONS   OF    'GEOFFREY'  103 

56.     (ix.  4).     Hie  Arthurus  cum  paganis  Saxonibus  viriliter  dimicavit. 

De  clipeo  Arthuri.  [Gmtfaj'ne,  649  ;   A/or/e  Arthure,  3649.] 

De  gladio  ejus  nomine  Caiihurno.         \Mor!e  Arihiirc,  4230.]     \_Sce  facsimile.'] 
^66.     De  victoria  Arthuri  contra  paganos. 

•57.     (ix.  6).     De  stagno  mirabili  Ix  insulas  continente  ad  quod  pagan!  fugerunt. 
(ix.  7).     De  stagno  Lumonoy. 

57*^.     (ix.  8).      Hie    Rex    Arthurus    ecclesias    per    paganos    de^truetas    renovavit    et    totum 
regnum  suum   Britannie  in  pace  stabilivit. 

58.  (ix.  10).     Hie  Arthurus  totam  Hiberniam  et  omnes  Rages  Insulanos  sibi  subjugavit  qui 

omnes  vectigal  ei  dederunt.  [.]/orie  At-thitre,  30,  31.] 

<y%h.     (ix.  II).     Hie  Arthurus  Northwegiam  Daciamque  sibi  subjugavit. 

[illor/e  Aiihiire,  44,  46.] 

59.  (ix.  11).     Hie  Rex  Arthurus  cum  ffullone  Rege  ffrancie  bellum  dueUum  commisit. 

[A/orie  Artluire,  3345,  uses  the  nearly  orthodox  form  '  Frolle.'] 
59(5.     (ix.  12).     Hie  Rex  Arthurus  tocius  Gallic  partes   in   ix   annis  subjugavit  tenuitque 
I'arisius     curiam     suam     legesque    ibi    statuit    et     confirmavit     et     in     Britanniam 
reversus  est. 
fo.  60.    Hie  Arthurus  ad  suum  convivium  omnes  Reges  principes  et  duces  proceres  et  nobiles 

invitavit  inferius  nominates.  \^lMortc  Arthure,  75.] 

60/'.     (ix.  13).     Hie  Arthurus  in  Regem  Britannie  et  Gennora  in  Reginam  coronantur. 

\_Morte  Arihiii-e,  84,  has  'Gaynour.'] 

61.  Hie  magnum  festum  et  laudes  Deo  in  coronaeione  Arthuri  et  Regine  celebrantur. 

6ih.     (ix.  15).      Hie  Rex  Arthurus  litteras  Lucij  Imperatoris  recepit.         [Morte  Arthure,  86, 
also  calls  him  '  Emperour ' :  the  Latin  of  Geoffrey  has  '  Procurator.']     \_Sec  facsiuii/e.'] 

62.  Hie  Arthurus  consilium  habuit  super  sibi  mandatis  per  Imperatorem. 

{^Morte  Arthure,  243.] 
62/^     (ix.  16).     Hie  Rex  Arturus  sanxivit  tributum  de  Lucio  Cesare  sibi  dari. 

[Morte  Arthure,  275.] 

63.  (ix.  17).      Consilium  Arthuri  de  Romanis  quomodo  eos  subjugaret. 

6^h.     (ix.  18).     Promissio  facta  Regi  Arthuro  per  Reges  principes  duces  comites  barones  sibi 
subditos  de  hominibus  ad  arma  contra  Imperatorem.      Hie  eongregat  exercitum  suum. 

\ Morte  Arthure,  2S8-394.] 

d-^b.     (ix.  19).     In  exereitu  regis  Arthuri  duo  reges.     [There  are  more  than  two  kings  in 
Geoffrey,  but  in  Moiie  Arthure,   288,   320,  as  here,  there  are  only  two.] 
Summa  hominum  armatorum  c  iiij'^'^  iij  niillia  et  ee  preter  pedites  in  exereitu  Arthuri. 

64.  (x.  i).     Hie  Lucius  Imperator  contra  Arthurum  Regem  exercitum  suum  parat.     Summa 

exercitus  Imperatoris  iiij^'^'  millia.  [Morte  Arthure,  625.] 

64.  In  exereitu  Imperatoris  sunt  ix  reges  duo  duces  cum  ceteris  ducibus  sibi  subjugatis. 

64/'.     (x.  2).     Hie  Rex  Arthurus  sompnum  vidit  et  de  quodam  gigante  in  Monte  Miehaeli 
rumores  audivit.  [Morte  Arthure,  756-843.] 

65.  (x.  3).     Hie  gigas  Helenam  neptim  duels  Hoeli  suo  fedo  coitu  peremit.     Arthurus  ut 

cum  eo  congrederetur  montem  petiit.  [Morte:  Arthure,  855.] 

65/^     Hie  Rex  Arthurus  cum  gigante  magnum  habuit  eongressum  et  ipsum  interfecit. 

\Morte  Arthure,  892-1160.] 


I04  'HUCHOWN   OF  THE   AWLE   RYALE '  [Ch. 

66.  (x.  4).  Hie  Rex  Aithurus  misit  Imperatoii  ut  a  finibus  Gallic  rccederet  ubi  coram 
Imperatore  Walganus  nepos  Arturi  Gaium  nepotem  Imperatoris  peremit.  [The  rubri- 
cator  here  calls  'Gains  Quintilian'  simply  'Gains'  (the  printed  Geoffrey  calls  him 
'Gains  Quintilianus') ;  similarly  Movie  Arthure,  1346-1385,  knows  him  only  as  'Syr 
Gayous.'] 

66.  A  peculiar  mark  is  put  opposite  the  sentence  in  Geoffrey  (x.  4)  about  Gaius  Quintilianus, 

saying  that  '  Britones  magis  jactantia  atque  minis  habundare  quam  audacia  et  probitate 
valere.'  \Mortc  Arthure,  134S,  did  not  fail  to  use  this  passage.] 

(idb.  Hie  Boso  de  Vado  Boum  Gcrinus  Carnotensis  et  Walganus  nepos  Arturi  cum  Romanis 
ignorante  Arthuro  certamen  habuere.  \_l\Ioj-te  Arthure,  1 378- 1531.] 

67.  De  magno  conflictu  Romanorum  et  Britonum. 

67Z1.  Hie  Petreius  Senator  captus  est  et  regi  presentatus  et  victoriam  Britones  optinuerunt. 
[The  rubricator  in  naming  Geoffrey's  '  Petreius  Gotta'  drops  the  'Gotta,'  calling  him 
'  Petreius  Senator.'  Similarly  Mor-te  Arthure,  14 19,  1476,  1519,  1543,  calls  him  only 
'the  Senatour  Peter.'] 

68.  (x.  5).     Hie  Romanos  captivos  Parisius  Britones  miserunt  et  in  itinere  magnum  con- 

flietum  habuerunt  et  de  Romanis  victoriam.  \_Morle  Arthure,  161 7- 1879.] 

(i%b.  (x.  6).  De  Lucio  quomodo  Lengriam  civitatcm  cum  exercitu  suo  ingredere  disposuit 
hesitans  cum  Arthuro  prelia  committere.  [^Morte  Arthure,  1957.] 

69.  (x.  7).     De  Arthuro  quomodo  disposuit  se  cum  exercitu  suo  Imperatorem  precedere  ut 

cum  eo  conflictum  habeat  suos  consoians  et  victoriam  promisit. 

\Morte  Arthure,  1973-2005.] 

69.  Arthurus  rex  habens  sub  se  Reges  terdenorum  regnorum. 

69/'.  (x.  8).  Hie  Lucius  Imperator  revocata  audacia  suos  coniortavit  et  exercitum  suum 
disposuit  contra  Regem  Arthurum.  [Morte  Arthure,  2020.] 

70.  Hie  conflictum  magnum  inierunt.  \_Moi-te  A7-thure,  2058-2255.] 
70/'.     (x.  9).     De  conflictu  Romanorum  et  Britonum. 

71.  De  ingenli  conflictu  inter  Britones  et  Romanos. 

Tib.     (x.  10).     De  bello  Arthuri  inter  ij)sum  et  Lucium  Imperatorem. 

[Morte  Arthure,  2240.] 

72.  (x.  11).     De  bello  Arthuri  inter  ipsum  et  Lucium  Imperatorem. 

T2b.  (x.  12).  Hie  Arthurus  victoriam  potitus  est  et  Lucius  Imperator  inter  turmas 
peremptus  est.  [Morte  Arthure,  2244-2255.] 

72^.  Opposite  the  sentence  telling  of  the  death  of  Lucius  the  wfird  '  Amen  '  is  marked  in 
early  pencilling. 

73.  (x.  13).  De  sepultura  mortuorum  in  conflictu.  Hie  Arthurus  preccpit  corpus  Lucii 
Imperatoris  ad  Senatum  deferre  Romanorum  dicens  quod  aliud  trilnitum  de  Britannia 
dari  non  deberet.  [Morte  Arthure,  2290-2351.] 

73/^.     (xi.    i).     De  bello  inter  Regem  Arthurum  ct  Mordrcdum  nepotem  suum  proditorem. 

[Morte  Arthure,  3713.] 

74.  (xi.  2).     De  bello  Arthuri  et  Mordredi  proditoris  nepotis  sui. 

[Morte  Arthure,  4175.] 

75.  Hie  corruit  ille  proditor  Mordred  cum  multis  aliis  et  Arthurus  victoria  adeptus  est 
ct  lelaliter  vulneralus  est.  [Morte  Arthure,  4251-4241.] 


HUNTICKIAN    MS.    U.    7.    2;. 

■^  aptr.'  ^Ktl^ir  v^^  oftAtf  fttoC^mr-  {ninvtt  ^  fcito 
cftn-  ttr  <*(att>  aw  ifftawr-^  m  twftvf  tmipton?  farcm^ 
CatiuTOWC  na  cum  Itj  ^wcm  ttgif-taflnriJ  m  ^  oWi 

Council  ok  War  bv  Night,  Tkiquetka  Mark,  I'o.  5c 


v]j?m^«f^  aTi3$l^US'  f\v<><V.f*.  A?v,-.*  %nr 


A 


Arthur's  St.  Maky  Sihkld  and  Calikurn,  fo.  56. 


Lucius  Imperator,  fo.  61 1. 


14]  'ERKENWALD'  105 

75.  Hie  disposuit  inclitus  Rex  Arthurus  Rcgnum  Constantino  cognato  suo  filio  Candoris 
ducis  Cornubie.  [Morte  Arthine,  4317.  The  Latin  text  has  Candor,  like  the  rubric. 
The  poet  follows  the  orthodox  form  Cador.] 

75/'.     (xi.  8).     De  Britannia  quomodo  per  paganos    uit  totaliter  desolata. 

76.  (xi.  9).  De  ingenti  lamentacione  Britonum  et  divisione  regni  et  quomodo  Britones 
diadema  regni  amiserunt. 

76/'.  (xi.  12).  De  missione  sancti  Augustini  a  beato  Gregorio  papa  in  Britannia  tota 
Xianitate  iterato  carente  ad  predicandum  fidem  qui  cum  audire  nolebant. 

\_Erkenwahl  ■,  12.] 
76/'.     De  Augustino. 

77.  Pagani  Britannie  et  Xiani  certamen  inierunt  ubi  multi  sancti  monachi  martirizantur 
propter  fidem. 

77/'.     (xii.    i).     De  pace  et  concordia  inter  Caduanum  regem  et  Ethebridum. 

78.  (xii.  3).  De  discordia  Caduallanum  et  Edwynum  inter  quos  divisum  fuerat  Britannie 
regnum. 

78/'.     (xii.  4).     De    Edwino   quomodo   Cadvallanum   in   fugam    convertit    et   de    infortimio 
Cadwallani. 
Nota  de  Pellito  qui  de  volatu  avium  cursuque  stellarum  edoctus. 

79.  Quomodo  Brian  regis  Cadwallani  armiger  scidisset  frustrum  proprie  carnis  et  dedit 
regi  ad  vescendum.     Hie  venit  rex  ad  regem  Salomonem. 

79/'.     (xii.   5).      Hie   rex    Salomon    Britannie    infortunia    lamentavit    et    regi    Cadwallano 

auxilium  promisit. 
So.     (xii.  6).     Hie    Brianus    transfretavit    ut    Pellitum    de    Yspania    augurem   et    magum 

Edwyni  regis  perimeret.     Hie  in  portu  Hamonis  applicuit. 
80/^.     (xii.  7).     Hie  Brianus  Pellitum  magum  regis  Edwyni  interfecit. 
81.     (xii.  8).     Hie  Cadwallo  cum  exercitu  suo  applicuit  et  cum  Peando  congressus  est  et 

Cadwallo  subicitur  et  Edwynum  Regem  interfecit  et  sic  victoria  potitus  est. 
81.     (xii.  9).     liic  omne  genus  Anglorum  a  finibus  Britannie  rex  Cadwallo  expulsit, 
81/;.     (xii.    10).     Hie    sanctus    Oswaldus    rex    Northanhumbrorum    a    rege    Peanda    per- 

emptus  est. 

14.  '  Erkenwald,'  'Awntyrs  of  Arthure,'  and  'The  Pearl.' 

(i)  ^ Erke?t7vald.' 
Mention  has    been  made  of  the  tale  of  the  dead  judge  found,  after  a 
thousand  years  and  more,  sleeping  his  last  long  sleep  in  the  base  of  the 
heathen  temple  which  preceded  St.  Paul's.^     Now  is  to  be  shown  the  connec- 
tion of  that  Erkenwald  poem  with  the  Hunterian  MS.,  along  with  its  no  less 

^The  Miracula  Sancti  Erkemvald  MS.,  Corpus  Christi  College,  Cambridge,  does  not 
at  all  account  for  the  detailed  and  romantically  specific  story.  Miss  Mary  Bateson  most 
obligingly  put  herself  to  the  trouble  of  examining  this  MS.   for  me. 

H 


io6  'HUCHOWN   OF  THE  AWLE   RYALE '  [Ch. 

interesting  cross-relationship  to  the  Awntyrs  of  Arthure  and  The  Pearl.  But 
first  let  us  briefly  recall  the  story  of  the  poem  itself.  In  digging  the  foundations 
of  the  'mynster'  there  is  unearthed  in  a  stone  coflin  the  body  of  a  man  royally 
crowned,  sceptred,  and  clad,  and  in  marvellous  preservation.  His  face 
was  fresh,  and  his  cheek  and  lip  as  rosy  as  though  he  merely  slept.  Great 
wonderment  and  speculation  arose ;  they  searched  all  the  libraries  for  a 
week,  but  no  clue  to  the  buried  king  could  be  found.  Erkenwald  that 
time  was  bishop.  He  had  been  absent  in  the  rural  part  of  his  diocese, 
and  was  brought  back  by  the  strange  news.  Guided  in  his  action  by 
heavenly  grace,  robed  in  pontificals,  with  a  goodly  company  of  lords  and 
barons  and  the  Mayor  of  the  city,  lie  proceeded  with  all  solemnity  to  the 
minster.  After  celebrating  mass  he  passed  to  the  tomb  where  the  corse 
lay.  There,  in  the  name  of  Jesus,  he  addressed  the  dead,  conjuring  liim 
to  tell  who  he  was  and  how  he  came  to  be  buried  so.  There  was  a  pause, 
then  the  body  moved,  and  'dreary'  words  came  forth,  in  which  the  dead 
man  declared  that  he 

'Was  never  kynge  ne  cayser  ne  yet  no  knyght'  nothyr,' 

but  had  once  been  a  judge  in  the  city  under  a  'prince  of  parage.'  He 
continued  : 

1.  205      '  The  lenglhe  of  my  lyving  here  that  is  a  levvid  date 
Hit  is  to  meche  to  ony  mone  to  make  of  a  noumbre. 
After  that  Brvitus  this  hurghe  had  buggid  one  fyrste 
Noght  bot  fife  hundred  yere  ther  aghtene  wontyd, 
Before  that  kynned  your  Criste  by  cristene  acounle 

210         A  thousand  yere  and  thritty  mo  and  yet  threnene  aght, 
I  was  ane  heir  of  anoye  in  the  New  Troie, 
In  the  regne  of  the  riche  kynge  that  rewlit  us  thene, 
The  bolde  Bretone  ser  Belyne,  ser  Beryng  was  his  brothite, 
Many  one  was  the  busmare  bodene  home  bitwene 

215         For  hor  wrakeful  werre  (juil  hor  wrathe  lastyd  ; 
Then  was  I  juge  here  enjoynyd  in  gentil  lawe.' 

Lrwid,   unskilful ;    to  meche,  too  much  ;    Intggid,    built ;    threnene,   a  form  of  thrynne, 
three;   oye,  grandson,  but  here?;  busmare,  insult;  bodene,  offered. 


'  Compare   Wynnere  and   Wastoure,  327  :   '  Ne  es  nothir  keyscr  ne  kynge  ne  knyghte 
that  the  folowes.' 


14]  'ERKENWALD';    THE   STORY  107 

But  the  answer  roused  the  more  surprise,  and  the  bishop  pressed  to  know 
how  it  was  that  one  who  had  not  been  a  king  should  have  been  buried 
with  crown  and  sceptre. 

1.  221  '  Biknowe  the  cause 

Sithene  thou  was  kidde  for  no  k}Tig  quy  thou  the  crown  weres? 

Quy  haldes  thou  so  heghe  in  honde  the  Septra 

And  hades  no  londe  of  lege  men  ne  life  ne  lyme  aghtes.  ' 

Biktiowe,  declare ;  sitheite,  since ;  kidde,  known  ;  quy,  why ;  ne  life  ne  lyme  aghtes, 
had  not  royal  power  over  life  and  limb  of  subjects. 

It  is  a  question  to  which   we  must  return^this  dilemma  of  the  crown 
— but  the  noble  answer  that  came  is  what  concerns  us  now  : 

1.  225  '  "  Dere  ser"  qualh  the  dede  body  "  devyse  the  I  thenke 

Al  was  hit  never  my  wille  that  wroght  thus  hit  were. 

I  was  deputate  and  domesmane  under  a  duke  noble 

And  in  my  power  this  place  was  putte  al-to-geder 

I  justifiet  this  joly  toun  one  gentil  wise, 
230        And  ever  in  fourme  of  gode  faithe  more  thene  lourty  wynter. 

The  folke  was  felouse  and  fals  and  frowarde  to  reule. 

I  hent  harmes  ful  ofte  to  holde  home  to  right 

Bot  for  wothe  ne  wele  ne  wrathe  ne  drede 

Ne  for  maystrie  ne  for  mede  ne  for  no  monnes  aghe, 
235         I  remewit  never  fro  the  right  by  resone  myne  awene, 

For  to  dresse  a  wrange  dome  no  day  of  my  lyve, 

Declynet  never  my  consciens  for  covetise  one  erthe 

In  no  gynful  jugement  no  japes  to  make. 

Were  a  renke  never  so  riche  for  reverens  sake, 
240         Ne  for  no  monnes  manas  ne  meschefe  ne  routhe, 

None  gete  me  fro  the  heghe  gate  ^  to  glent  out  of  ryght 

Als  ferforthe  as  my  faithe  confourmyd  myn  hert. 

Never  viy  7vill,  this  not  my  doing ;  depilate  ana  domesman,  judge  deputy  (of  the 
duke) ;  this  place,  the  temple  ;  felonse,  felonious ;  hent,  received  ;  ivothe,  read  7uoch,  a  term 
of  old  Scots  law,  see  chapter  '  De  wrang  et  woch  negando'  in  Scots  Acts  Pari.,  i.,  742; 
aghe,  awe;  reineiuit,  removed;  dresse  dome,  give  judgment;  gynful,  deceitful;  japes, 
follies ;   renke,  man  ;   routhe,  sympathy ;  glent,  to  go  aside. 


*  For  this  curious  phrase  compare  Morte  Arthure,  450,  and  Fleta,  45  (referred  to  above, 
ch.  9  sec.  3).  A  recta  via  non  se  divertet  ,  .  .  et  tunc  interdicatur  ei  ne  viavi  7-egiajn 
exeat. 


io8  'IIUCIIOWN   OF  THE   AWLE   RVALE'  [Ch. 

Tliaghe  had  bene  my  fader  bone,  I  bede  hym  no  wranges, 

No  fals  favour  to  my  fader  thaghe  lellc  hyme  be  hongyt. 
245         And  for  I  was  ryghtwis  and  rekene  and  redy  of  the  laghe, 

Quene  I  deghed  for  dul  denyed  alle  Troye. 

Alle  menyd  my  dethe  the  more  and  the  lasse, 

And  thus  to  bounty  my  body  thai  l)uriet  in  golde, 

Claddene  me  for  the  curtest  that  courte  couthe  then  holde, 
250         In  mantel  for  the  mekest  and  monlokest  one  lienche, 

Gurdene  me  for  the  governour  and  graythist  of  Troie, 

Furrid  me  for  the  fynest  of  faithe  me  withinne, 

For  the  honour  of  myne  honeste  of  heghest  enprise 

Thai  coronyd  me  the  kidde  kyng  of  kenc  justises 
255         That  ever  was  tronyd  in  Troye,  other  trowid  ever  shulde, 

And  for  I  rewardid  ever  right  thai  raght  me  the  septre."' 

Bone,  boon  (if  my  father  were  to  be  the  gainer) ;  bede,  offered ;  rekene,  worthy ;  laghe, 
law  ;  deghed,  died;  denyed,  read  dinned ;  Troye,  i.e.  New  Troy,  London  ;  vienyd,  mourned  ; 
bounty,  shew  goodness;  curtest,  most  courteous;  vionlokest,  manliest;  gurdene,  girded; 
tronyd,  enthroned  (but  perhaps  troaved,  believed,  heard  of) ;   raght,  reached. 

A  further  question  as  to  the  preservation  of  his  body  and  the  untainted 
briUiancy  of  his  robes,  accompanied  by  the  suggestion  that  he  had  been 
embalmed,  elicited  from  the  strange  witness  the  reply  : 

265  '  "  Nay  bisshop"  quoth  that  body  "  enbawmed  wos  I  never, 
Ne  no  monnes  counselle  my  clothe  has  kepyd  unwemmyd, 
Bot  the  riche  kynge  of  resone  that  right  ever  alowes 
And  loves  al  the  lawes  lely  that  longene  to  trouthe, 
And  more  he  menskes  mene  for  mynnynge  of  ryghtes 

270         Then  for  al  the  meritorie  medes  that  men  one  molde  usene. 
And  if  renkes  for  right  thus  me  arayed  has, 
He  has  lant  me  to  last  that  loves  ryght  best."" 

Unwemmyd,  unstained  ;  kynge  of  resone,  God ;  menskes,  graces ;  viynnynge,  minding ; 
renkes,  men  ;  lant,  lent,  granted  it. 

Was  it  only  a  poet's  ideal,  this  great  epitaph  of  an  upright  judge?  May 
it  not  have  been  for  such  a  conception  of  the  majesty  of  justice  that  a  certain 

^  Surely  it  was  magnificently  said.  Bracton  the  great  English  lawyer,  quoting  the  Digest, 
wrote  (fo.  zb,  3) :  ^  Jus  dicitur  ars  ban  et  aequi  cujus  inerito  quis  nos  sacerdotes  appellat ; 
iustitiam  namqtie  colimus  et  sacra  jura  minist7-a?inis.^  Our  poet  is  of  the  kin  of  Bracton, 
who,  as  has  been  finely  expressed,  '  feels  that  he  is  a  priest  of  the  law,  a  priest  forever  after 
the  order  of  Uipian.'     Pollock  and  Maitland's  History  of  English  Im~v  (ist  ed.),  i.,  187. 


14]  'ERKENWALD';    A   MS.   SOURCE  109 

Justiciar  of  Scotland  was  long  after  remembered  as  'the  good  Sir  Hew'? 
But  to  return  to  the  tale,  only  to  glance  at  its  close.  The  dead  judge  had 
been  a  pagan  ;  he  was  none  of  the  number  bought  with  the  Saviour's  blood 
on  the  rood  ;  and  he  was  an  eternal  exile  from  bliss,  whose  soul  lay  in  sorrow 
and  darkness.  Men  wept  to  hear  the  words.  The  tears  of  Erkenwald 
dropped  on  the  dead  man's  face,  and  the  bishop  baptised  him  in  the  name 
of  Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Ghost,  whereupon  a  further  marvel  befell.  The 
dead  lips  opened  once  more  to  praise  Christ ;  the  baptism  had  '  slaked  all  his 
tene ' ;  he  had  seen  a  light  flash  in  heaven ;  and  the  unbarred  spirit  now 
entered  there,  where  a  marshal  'with  menske  aldergrattest '  ushered  him  in. 
And  then,  'as  soon  as  the  soul  was  seised^  in  bliss,'  the  fair  countenance 
faded  and  failed,  and  the  corse  shrank  into  blackened  dust.  Bishop  and 
people  marched  forth  in  procession ;  there  was  wonder  and  mourning  and 
mirth ;  and  all  the  bells  in  the  burgh  '  birred '  at   once. 

Tokens  of  the  most  explicit  character  on  the  one  hand  associate  this 
strange,  powerful,  and  beautiful  poem  with  the  Hunterian  MS.  Dealing  first 
with  the  lines  just  printed,  it  will  be  noted  that  the  MS.,  fo;  lob,  has  a  rubric 
applicable  to  line  207.  The  Belinus  and  Brennius  lines  (213-215)  scarcely 
require  comment,  as  they  so  explicitly  render  into  verse  the  rubrics  in  ff.  16  (16Z') 
and  17,  to  which  Wytmere  and  Wastoure  owes  such  allegiance.  Observable 
specially  is  the  use  of  the  term  of  King  to  Belinus  and  of  king's  brother  to 
Brennius  equally  in  the  Latin  rubric  and  the  alliterative  poem. 

Unquoted  lines  no  less  clearly  bear  out  the  connection  with  the  MS.,  as 
will  be  seen  by  turning  to  the  references  in  the  last  chapter : 

/.   7         For  hit  hethene  had  bene  in  Hengyst  dawes 

That  the  Saxones  unsaght  hadene  sende  hyder. 
[Rubric,  fo.  43^,  44.] 

15         He  turnyd  temples  that  tyme  that  temyd  to  the  develle. 

[Rubric,  fo.   30^.] 

25         Now  that  Londone  is  nevenyd  hatte  the  New  Troie, 

The  metropol  and  the  mayster-tone  hit  evermore  has  bene. 
[Rubric,  fo.  40/'.] 


^  The  same  legal  figure  of  seisin  in  heaven  occurs  in  Fcarl,  417. 


no  'IIUCIIOWN   OF  THE  AWLE   RYALE'  [Cii. 

31         The  third  temple  hit  was  told  of  Triapolitanes. 

36         That  was  the  temple  Triapolitane  as  I  tolde  ere. 

[Rubric,  fo.   30^^,  accounts  for  'Triapolitane.']^ 

The  last  example  may  be  taken  as  a  particularly  intimate  association. 
The  rubricator  more  than  once  carefully  noted  the  metropolitan  standing 
of  London.  The  poet  dwells  on  it  too.  In  yet  higher  degree  curious  and 
striking  is  an  arithmetical  agreement.  'J'he  MS.  enables  us  to  check  the 
dead  judge's  computation  of  his  own  date — a  computation  which,  not  without 
justification,  he  reckoned  too  much  for  any  man  to  make  !  Perhaps  he  was 
right  in  respect  of  irreconcilable  MS.  chronology,  and  of  some  confusion 
between  the  reigns  of  Belinus  and  his  father.  The  date  itself,  notwithstanding 
the  judge's  caution,  is  poetically  clear — in  the  light  of  the  Hunterian  MS. 

Although  the  printed  Geoffrey  of  Monmouth  has  no  such  date,  the 
Hunterian  MS.  has  a  date  Anno  Mundi,  4482,  forming  part  of  the  text  just 
one  chapter  before  the  accession  to  the  throne  of  the  father  of  Brennius 
and  Belinus.  It  has  another  date,  3449.  The  interval  between  these  is 
1033  years.     The  date  given  by  the  dead  judge  in  Erkenwald  was: 

Noght  bot  fife  hundred  yere  ther  aghtene  wontyd, 

A  thousand  yere  and  thritty  mo  and  yet  threnene  aght. 

That  is,  482  years,  or  500 — 18,  after  the  building  of  London  ;  the  year 
1033  before  Christ.  Let  us  check  this  by  the  Hunterian  MS.,  which, 
with  its  [4]482 — 3449=1033,  accounts,  by  its  legendary  arithmetic,  not 
only  for  the  482,  but  also  for  the   1033. 

In  fact,  through  the  marginal  notes  of  the  MS.  and  the  text  itself,  we 
are  enabled  to  explain  some  other  things  which  the  poem  leaves  obscure. 
Dunwallo,  so  Geoffrey  of  Monmouth  vouches,  not  only  made  the  Molmutine 
laws  (one  of  which,  dc  fiigiiivis,  concerned  sanctuary,  a  subject  on  which 
we  know  that  the  author  of  Morie  Arthure  was  learned),  but  did  sound 
and  strenuous  justice.  When  he  died,  after  forty  years'  rule — the  '  forty 
winters'  of  the  poem — he  was  buried  in  London  near  the  temple  of  concord, 

^  A  parallel  may  be  observed:    Alex.   1458.         Erkenwald,    105.       The  bodeworde  to  the 
And  bodword  to  the  bischop  broght  bischop  was  broght  one  a  quile. 

of  his  come. 


14]  'AWNTYRS   OF  ARTHURE  '  m 

which,  as  the  dead  judge  also  indicates,  had  been  consecrated  by  Dunwallo 
to  his  laws.^  The  dead  judge  is  therefore  a  poetic  equation  of  Dunwallo 
himself.  And  the  judge's  crown  and  burial  in  gold  ?  Dunwallo,  as  Geoffrey 
tells  us,  made  for  himself  a  golden  diadem,-  and  when  his  son  and  suc- 
cessor Belinus  died  his  ashes  were  laid  in  a  case  or  coffin  of  gold.^ 

(2)  ^  Awntyrs  of  Arthure^  and  '■  PearV 

M.  Amours  in  editing  the  Awntyrs  supplied  many  admirable  elucida- 
tions in  the  introduction  and  notes.  As  regards  the  sources,  however, 
one  he  missed — the  most  important.  The  first  part  of  the  poem  is  beyond 
doubt  an  adaptation  of  the  Trentalle  Sancti  Gregorii,  a  legend,  of  which 
an  English  poetical  translation  of  the  fourteenth  century  has  been  edited 
by  Dr.  Furnivain  in  1866,  and  with  a  double  text  by  Herr  Kaufmann^ 
in  1889.  The  substance  of  the  legend  is  to  be  found  in  the 
Gesta  Romanorum,^  but  in  form  differing  materially  from  the  story  in  the 
English  poem.  The  English  author  begins  by  saying,  '  A  nobuUe  story 
wryte  y  fynde ' — words  from  which  its  character  as  translation  is  a  perhaps 
uncertain  inference.  However  that  may  be,  the  author  of  the  Awntyrs 
knew  the  Trentalle  story  in  the  same  shape  as  it  has  in  the  English 
poem.     It  is  not  difificult  to  show  the  indebtedness. 

IMS.   U.  7,  25,  fo.   15^:  Text. 

Kiibi-icalor' s  Note.  In  diebus  itaque   ejus  lalronum   niuciones  cessabant  ;  raplorum 

Ilic  rex  est  mortuus  sevitie  obUnabantur  ;  nee  eral  usquam  cjui  violenliam  alicui 
cui  Bellinus  et  Bren-  ingererel.  Denique  ut  inter  alia  quadraginta  annos  post  sumptum 
nius  succederunt  et  diadema  explevisset  defunctus  est  et  in  urbe  Trinovanto  prope 
regnum  inter  se  divi-  templum  concordie  sepultus,  quod  ipse  ad  coniirmationem  legum 
serunt  construxerat. 

2  [Dunwallo]  fecit  sibi  diadema  ex  auro.     Galf. ,  ii.    17. 

'^\Rubricator's  Notc.'\  \Text.'\     Postrenio  cum  suprema  dies  ipsum  ex  hac  vita  rapuis- 

Hic  Bellinus  ex  hac  set  combustum  est  ejus  corpus  et  pulvis  in  aureo  cado  reconditus 
vita  migravit.  quem  in  urbe  Trinovanto.  .  .  locaverunt.      Galf.,  iii.   10,  MS.    U, 

7,  25,  fo.    19. 

^Political  Religious  and  Love  Poems,  E.E.T.S.,   1866,  p.   83. 

^  Trentalle  Saitcti  Gregorii  herausgegeben  von  Albert  Kaufmann  (Erlangen,   1889). 

^  Gesia  Romanoruiii,  ed.   Heritage,  E.E.T.S.,  pp.   250,  384,  489,  503. 


112 


'HUCHOWN   OF   THF   AVVLE   RYALE ' 


[Ch. 


Trenlalle  Samli  Gregorii. 
A    yrisly    liend-likc    creature    all    aflame 
appears  to  Gregory  at  mass.     (11.  46.  55.) 

Gregory  '  halsed  '  it  through  God's  mighi 
to  tell  why  it  disturbed  him  so.    (11.  63,  68.) 


It   answers, 
Lere  '  (1.  72). 


'  I  am   thy  modur   that   the 


'  I  lived  in  lust  wickedly.'    (1.  89.) 


Gregory  replies  :  '  Tell  me  now,  mother, 
if  anything  may  help, — bedes  or  masses?' 
(11.  95-97-) 

The  ghost  answers  that  it  might  be  well 
with  her : 

Who  so  truly  would  take  a  *  trentalle 

Of  ten  chief  feasts  of  the  year 

To  sing  for  me  in  this  manner.    (11. 104-6.) 

Gregory  is  glad,  and  promises  that  the 
masses  shall  be  sung.  Me  bids  his  mother 
reappear  '  this  time  twelvemonth  '  to  report 
her  condition.     (11.  131-8. ) 


Gregory  never  forgot  his  masses  on  the 
days  assigned  (11.   144-5). 

Then  an  angel  carries  her  oft'  to  heaven 
(1.  186). 


Awntyrs. 
A  howling  and  '  grisly  ghost '  all  a-glow, 
w  ilh  a  load  at  her  neck,  appears  to  Gaynore 
(Guinevere).     (11.  117-25.) 

Gawayne  conjures  it  by  Christ  to  say 
whence  it  came  and  why  it  walks  thus. 
(1.  133- ) 

It  asks  for  Gaynore,  and  tells  her  '  I  bare 
thee  of  my  body '  (1.  204). 

By  that  to-takenyng  thou  trow 
I  broke  a  solemn  avow  ^ 
That  none  wist  but  I  and  thou 
And  therefore  dule  I  dree  (11.  205-8). 
Gaynore  says,  '  Tell  me  now  soolhly  what 
may  save,  and  I  shall  seek  the  saints  for  thy 
sake.'    (11.  209-10.) 
The  ghost  answers  : 

Were  thirty  '  trentalles '  done 
Betwixt  undem  and  noon 
My  soul  were  salved  full  soon 
And  brought  into  bliss.     (11.  218-21.) 
Gaynore  promises  : 
Now  hear  heartily  on  hand  I  best  thee  to 

hold 
With  a  million  of  masses  (11.  235-6). 

[The  ghost  makes  some  prophecies  not  in 
the  Trentalle.\ 

Gaynore  causes  the  masses  to  be  read  and 
sung  (11.  703-6). 

The  ghost  glides  away  (1.  325). 


Here  the  parallelism   of  the  Awntyrs  with   the    Trentalk  stops,  and  the 
sole  remark  to  be  made  is  to  point  out  how  the  alliterative  poet  by  the 


^  This  merest  hint — of  the  incest  which  makes  the  legend  of  Gregory  repulsive — 
illustrates  two  things.  First,  it  shows  the  refining  touch  of  Iluchown's  hand  in  respect 
of  his  leaving  the  rest  unsaid.  Secondly,  it  proves  that  Iluchown  knew  more  of  the  legend 
than  appears  in  the  English  version  of  the  Trentalle.  The  Gesta  Romanorum  form  of  the 
story  accounts,  by  its  reference  to  the  tokens,  for  the  allusion  to  privy  knowledge  which  in 
the  present  poem  appears  meaningless.  Besides,  the  toad,  not  in  the  English  version,  duly 
occurs  in  the  Latin  form  of  the  story.  See  Herrtage's  Gesta,  p.  503,  and  Kaufmann's 
Trenlalle,  p.   26. 


Ml  'PEARL'  113 

change  of  a  single  name  deepened  the  power  ot  the  story  he  found  in  the 
legend  of  Gregory.  For  Gregory  he  substituted  Guinevere,  made  her  the 
subject  to  whom  so  terrible  a  lesson  of  the  pains  of  adultery  was  delivered, 
and  so  with  remarkable  aptness,  although  indirectly  and  with  delicacy,  added 
to  the  moral.  For  surely  to  associate  such  a  dread  warning  as  this  with  the 
frail  queen,  who  lives  in  romance  history  with  her  radiance  so  stained,  was  a 
touch  of  art.  And  we  are  not  yet  done  with  the  Trentalle.  Perhaps  the 
reader  has  already  noticed  that  whilst  Gregory  conjured  his  mother's  ghost  by 
God's  might  to  explain  itself,  and  Gawayne  conjured  the  ghost  of  the  mother 
of  Gaynore  by  Christ  to  tell  why  it  walked  the  earth,  the  good  bishop  in  the 
Erkenwald  had  likewise  bidden  the  dead  judge,  in  the  name  of  Jesus, 
say  : 

In  worlde  quhat  wegh  thou  was  and  quy  thou  thus  ligges  (1.   185). 

So  in  the   Trentalle  in  obedience  to  the  invocation 

The  gost  answered  with  drury  chere  (1.  71), 

while  in  Erkemvald  the  dead  body  stirs 

And  with  a  dreiy  dreme  dryves  owte  wordes 
Thurghe  sum  lant  goste  (11.    191-2). 

Critics  who  are  able  lightly  to  call  such  things  coincidences,  and  pass  on, 
will  please  consider  if  the  following  also  came  by  chance.  The  Trentalle 
story  was  not  at  an  end  where  the  Awntyrs  left  it ;  nor  was  the  alliterative 
poet's  borrowing  account  closed  when  all  the  masses  for  the  soul  of 
Guinevere's  mother  had  been  sung.  He  had  a  use  for  what  of  the  Trentalle 
yet  remained. 

Trentalle.  Pearl. 

Twelve  months  after  the  appearance   of  In    The    Pearl    the   father,    visiting    the 

the  ghost,  as  Gregory  stood  at  mass,  g^ve   of   his   two-year-old    daughter,    falls 

He  sawe  a  fulle  swete  syghte  asleep    there,    and   in   a   dream    of  heaven 

A  comely  lady  dressed  and  dyghte  sees   her   '  in    hir   araye    royale '  wearing  a 

That  alle  the  worlde  was  not  so  bryght  crown  high  pinnacled  with   pearl  (11.    191- 

Comely  crowned  as  a  qwene  (11.  152-5).  207),  'a  coroun  of  grete  tresore'  (1.  237). 

Her  hare  is  as  glysnande  golde  (1.  165). 

Nygh  for  joy  he  swooned  (1.  158).  ^o  man  could  have  been  gladder.     His 

'joy,'  he  says,  was  much  the  more  (1.  234). 


114 


'IIUCHOWN   OF   THE   AWLE   RYALE ' 


[Cii. 


He  mislakcs  her  for  ihc  Virgin  Mary, 
addressing  her  as 

Lady,  (|\vene  of  heven 

Modyr  of  Ihesu,  mayde  Marye  (11.  162-3), 
liul  she  explains  'I  am  thy  mother,'  and 
tells  him  that  she  owes  her  bliss  to  the 
virtue  of  his  prayers. 


Trentalle.  Pearl. 

Though  he  recognises  her  he  cannot  un- 
derstand why  his  daughter  should  be  a 
queen  (1.  474),  a  difficulty  to  which  he 
returns  (1.  486),  saying  that  he  could  have 
understood  her  being  made  a  countess's 
maid  (countes  damysel)  or  a  lady  of  less 
array  (11.  489-91), 

Bol  a  quenc  hit  is  to  dere  a  date  !  (1.  492) 
He  had  asked  her  : 
Arte  thou  the  <|uene  of  hevenz  blwc  ? 

(I.  423) 
— whom  all  honour, 

Marye  that  grace  of  grewe 
That  ber  a  barne  of  vyrgyn  flour  ? 

(11.  425-6.) 

The  child,  after  addressing  the  Virgin  as 
'  Makelez  moder  and  myryest  may '  (11. 
434- 5) >  explains  how  the  Lamb  of  God 
when  he  took  her  to  himself  had  crowned 
her  queen  (1.  4 1 5).  She  then  unfolds  the 
mystery  of 

The  court  01  the  kyndom  of  God  alyve 

(1.  445). 
wherein    each    one    that    arrives    becomes 
either  a  queen  or  a   king,  and    the  Virgin 
is  the    Empress   (haldez   the  empyre)  over 
all, 

For    ho    is    quene    of    cortaysye    (1.    447- 
456). 

That  criticism  will  be  purblind  indeed  which  cannot  now  see  several 
things — the  colligation  of  the  proofs  of  unity ;  the  lies  of  the  legend  of 
the  Trentalle  with  the  alliterative  Aivntyrs  and  Pearl  and  Erkemvald; 
clearest  possible  relations  of  plot  in  these  three  poems  side  by  side  with 
slender,  yet  not  the  less  distinct,  verbal  identities  of  text  in  each  with  the 
Trentalle ;  and  at  the  same  time  the  poet's  quaint  deference,  even  when  he 
has  visions  of  paradise,  to  the  rules  of  precedence  of  the  Awle  Ryale. 
'  Why  do  you  wear  a  crown  ? '  was  Erkenwald's  question  to  the  dead 
judge.      'Why   do   you  wear  a  crown?'  was   the   father's  question   to   his 


[The  dilemma  of  the  crown  and  other 
courtly  peculiarities  of  Pearl  are  dealt  with 
in  Scottish  Antiquary,  Oct.,  1901.] 


14]  'AWNTYRS,'   'PEARL,'   AND    'ERKENWALD'   CONNECTED  115 

lost  pearl.  And  the  question  ^ — which  is  of  the  very  essence  of  each 
poem — comes  from  the  same  source  as  suggested  the  ghostly  interview 
of  Guinevere. 


^A  few  further  words  may  well  be  devoted  to  The  Pearl,  Cleanness,  and  Paiieine, 
a  trio  of  pieces  found  in  the  same  MS.  with  Gawayne  and  the  Green  Knight.  Dr. 
Richard  Morris,  editing  the  trio,  advocated  the  claims  01  the  poet-tianslator  of  the  Troy 
to  their  authorship  {Early  English  Alliterative  Poems,  E.E.T.S.,  pref,  ix.),  although 
denying  that  that  poet-translator  could  have  been  Uuchown.  Reference  may  be  made 
to  the  excellent  reasons  assigned  in  his  preface  for  this  association  between  the  Troy 
and  the  three  pieces  in  question.  It  is  unnecessary  to  comment  at  this  stage  on  the 
other  part  of  his  opinion.  I  endorse  and  accept  Dr.  Morris's  proofs  of  unity  of 
authorship,  relying  on  my  own  manifold  fresh  arguments  as  to  Huchown's  personality. 
Mr.  Gollancz,  in  his  beautiful  edition  of  the  Pearl,  also  holds  it  and  Cleanness  and 
Patience  to  be  from  the  same  hand.  His  preface,  concluding  with  a  guess  at  the 
authorship  and  the  inevitable  denial  ot  Huchown,  interestingly  covers  a  good  deal  ot 
the  general  field  of  alliterative  discussion.  I  append  a  few  stray  notes  of  correspondence 
between  the  three  poems  and  the  other  works  now  under  comparison.  In  Cleanness 
(II.  1015-43)  the  description  ot  the  Dead  Sea  is  taken  bodily  from  the  Itinerariicm 
of  Maundeville  (ch.  ix.  of  Wright,  fo.  266 -1- 21  of  MS.  T.  4,  i),  with  possibly  a  line 
or  two  due  to  Hegesippus.  In  Cleanness  also  Belshazzar's  sacrilegious  table  jewellery 
is  described  in  terms  borrowed  from  chapter  xx.  Oi  the  Itinerariiim.  Similarly,  the 
allusion  to  Ararat  and  its  Hebrew  name  {Cleanness,  447-8),  comes  from  Maundeville,  ch. 
xiii.,  although  the  spellings  in  MS.  T.  4,  i,  10.  266 -f  32''',  are  'Ararath'  and  'Tain.'  On 
the  many  points  of  similarity  in  phrase  in  these  poems  with  the  other  pieces  I  am  content 
to  mention  two  or  three.  'The  pure  popland  hourle '  of  Patience,  319,  is  matched  by 
'the  pure  populand  hurle '  of  Alexander,  11 54.  'Noah  that  oft  nevened  the  name' 
of  Cleanness,  410,  compares  with  '  Naw  hafe  I  nevened  yow  the  names'  of  Parleinent, 
580.  'The  chef  of  his  chevalrye  he  chekkes  to  make'  (Cleanness,  1238)  resembles  'And 
chefyd  hym  nott  01  chevalry  chekez  oute  of  nombre'  (Alexander,  3098).  Extremely 
interesting  is  a  line  probably  taken  from  reminiscence  of  the   Troy: 

'  Belfagor  and  Belyal  and  Belssabub  als '  [Cleanness,  1526). 
'  Sum  Beall  sum  Belus  sum  Bell  the  god 
Sum  Belphegor  and  Belsabub  as  horn  best  likes'  (Troy,  4356-7). 

A  good  parallel  from    Titns  is: 

Cleanness,  14 13.    '  And  ay  the  nakeryn  noyse  notes  of  pipes.' 
Titus,  848-9.  '  With  dynning  of  pipis 

And  the  nakerer  noyse.' 
Tittis,  1 174-5.      '  •    .    .    and  pypys  with  nakerers  and  grete  noyce.     .    .     .' 
For  nakers  (Fr.   ttacaire)  see  Miiriiniith,   p.    156,  sonantibiis  tubis  et  nachariis. 
'"Wassayl,"   he   cryes '    (Cleanness,    1508),    said    of    Belshazzar,    again    effects    a    cross- 


ii6 


'HUCHOWN    OF   THE   AWLE    RVALE' 


[Ch. 


The  critic's  task  will  be  simplified  by  a  parallel  tabulation  of  lines  in  these 
poems  shewing  consecutive  use  of  Trenta/le  in  all  three. 


Siihjet 

i. 

Trentalle. 

A-iOntyrs. 

Pearl. 

Erkenwald. 

Darkness, 1.  50 

1.  75-6 

— 

— 

'  Grisly  ghosl,' . 

55-61 

105-15 

— 

— 

Conjuration, 

63 

133 

— 

179 

Christ, 

66 

133 

— 

180 

'Why'?   . 

69 

136 

— 

185-8 

'  Dreary  '  speech, 

71 

— 

— 

191-2 

Mother,    . 

72 

203 

— 

— 

Confession, 

83-92 

205-8 

— 

— 

Prayers,    . 

95-97 

209-10 

— 

— 

'  Trentals,' 

104 

218 

— 

— 

Promise,  . 

.        131-8 

235 

— 

— 

Fulfilment, 

144 

708 

— 

— 

Supposed  Queen, 

152-5 

— 

191-229 

r  [king]  1 
1 98,  222  f 

Joy, 

158 

— 

234 

— 

'  Queen  of  heaven,' 

162 

— 

423 

— 

Mary  'Mother,' 

163 

— 

425-35 

— 

Crowning, 

155 

— 

480 

254 

In  hell,     . 

172 

— 

— 

292 

Released, 

186 

— 

— 

335 

How  could  an  imitator  ur  any  imaginable  '  school '  of  poets,  as  distinguished 
from  an  individual,  have  hit  on  such  a  unity  of  system?  It  includes 
absolute  indebtedness  of  ground  plan  in  each  poem,  along  with  minor 
verbal  transfers  in  each,  a  singular  exhaustion  ot  the  entire  content  of 
Trentallis  plot  {Pearl  resuming  the  thread  precisely  where  the  Awntyrs 
dropped  it),  and  finally  an  observance  of  the  same  consecutive  order  as  in 
the  original  through  all  three  alliterative  adaptations  of  the  Trefita/le,  two  of 
which  swell  the  multiplied  coincidences  by  ending^  with  the  opening  line. 

connection  with  the  rubrication  scniio  de  zuosei/  a.bo\e  noted  (ch.  13)  on  fo.  44b.  of  the  MS.  of 
Geoffrey.     Compare  also 

'  Lyfte  laddres  ful  longe  and  upon  lofte  wonen'  {Cleanness,  1777). 

'  Layn  ladders  alenght  and  oloft  wonnen '  {Troy,  4751). 
Siege   descriptions,  shipping,  storms,  weather,  hall   and   court  in  all  the   poems  all   lend 
points  in  the  same  direction. 

^  Awyntrs,  11.    I,    1212.     Pearl,  11.    i,   715. 


15]  VERSE   SYSTEM  117 


15.    On  System  of  Verse,  Dialect,  Characteristics,  Date,  and 

Nationality. 

(i)   System  of  Verse. 

The  words  of  Wyntoun  have  a  particular  value  in  respect  that  they  point 
to  three  poems  differing  in  theme,  character,  and  metrical  construction. 
Morte  Arthure,  styled  by  Wyntoun  the  Great  Gest  of  Arthnre,  is  a  historical 
romance,  or  rather  a  romantic  history,  and  is  like  the  Alexander,  the  Troy, 
the  Titus,  the  Parknient,  Wynnere  and  Wastoure,  Erkenwald,  Cleanness,  and 
Patience,  a  work  in  unrimed  alliteration.  One  thus  appreciates  the  more  the 
technical  propriety  of  Wyntoun's  reference  to  '  cadens '  as  a  vital  element 
of  Huchown's  performances,  for  '  cadence  '  seems  to  have  been  the  term 
applied  to  alliteration  as  distinguished  from  rime.  Indeed,  the  life-story 
of  this  old  system  of  verse,  once  sole  possessor  of  the  field  of  English  speech, 
with  its  sudden  interruption  and  disuse  followed  by  the  fourteenth  century 
revival  of  it,  may  all  be  inferred  from  the  Romance-word  '  cadence  '  found 
linked  with  it  first  in  an  alliterative  prose  tractate  in  imitation  of  Richard 
Rolle  of  Hampole,  who,  in  at  least  one  learned  opinion,  was  a  force  in  its 
•English  revival.^  The  word  'Cadence'  is  there  contrasted  with  '  Ryme,' a 
contradistinction  followed  by  Chaucer  as  well  as  by  Gower.-  When,  therefore, 
Wyntoun  excuses  Huchown's  '  Emperour '  because  '  Procuratour '  would  have 
'  grieved  the  cadence,'  the  allusion  is  specific.  '  Cadence  '  was  the  only  mode 
used  in  most  of  the  poems,  including  Morte  Arthure.  But  Wyntoun  also 
alludes  to  Huchown's  'metre,'  a  word  connoting  rime  as  well  as  measure, 
and  accordingly  certain  of  the  poems  exemplify  the  combination  of  alliteration 

^The  passage  referred  to  is  in  'A  talkyng  01  the  love  of  God'  (Horstman's  Rolle  of 
Hampole,  ii.,  345) :  '  Men  schal  fynden  lihtliche  this  tretys  in  Cadence  after  the  bigj'nninge 
gif  it  bee  riht  poynted  and  Rymed  in  sum  stude.'  The  piece  is  accordingly  partly  alliterative 
and  partly  in  rime.  Rolle  of  Hampole's  Melum  Contemplativortwi  is  written  in  alliterative 
Latin  verse  and  prose.  Horstman's  Hampole,  ii.,  introd.  xviii.-xxii.,  has  many  specimen 
passages.  Prof.  Horstman  has  sthere  tated  his  view  as  to  the  influence  of  Hampole  in 
the  words :  '  As  a  writer  he  took  up  the  old  traditions  01  the  north  :  he  revived  the 
alliterative  verse.' 

-  See  note  ch.    i  above. 


Ii8  «HUCHOWN   OF   THE   AWLE   RYALE '  [Ch. 

and  rime.  Gawayme  and  the  Green  Knight  is  chiefly  in  unrimed  alliteration, 
but  has  four  half  or  tag-lines  riming  abab  at  the  end  of  each  of  the  hundred 
and  one  stanzas.  The  Awntyrs  of  Arthnre  is  likewise  alliterative,  but  rimed 
throughout  in  a  stanza  of  nine  full  lines  and  four  half  lines,  all  riming  thus, 
ababababcdddc.  In  the  Pistill  of  Susan  the  same  rime  and  almost  the  very 
same  structure  obtain,  the  only  difference  being  that  the  ninth  line  is  a 
'  bob '  of  only  two  syllables.  The  Pearl  stands  by  itself  as  less  systemati- 
cally alliterative,  and  as  using  octosyllabic  iambics  in  stanzas  of  twelve  lines, 
riming  ababababbcbc.  M.  Amours  has  said  ^  that  Morte  Arthure  is  above 
all  the  other  poems  distinguished  by  the  numerous  series  of  consecutive 
lines  having  the  same  alliterative  letter.  This  is  an  effective  contrast,  but 
that  both  the  consecutive  and  not-consecutive  systems  were  alike  available 
to  the  poet  is  seen  from  the  exordium  of  the  Alexander  with  its  22  lines 
alliterating  on  five  letters,  compared  with  the  rest  of  the  poem  in  which 
the  consecutive  mode  is  discarded. 

Two  other  poems  fall  to  be  mentioned  here.  One  is  .5"/.  John  the 
Evangelist,-  closely  resembling  the  structure  of  the  Awntyrs  of  Arthure 
and  riming  ababababccdccd.  This  poem  of  264  lines,  which  some  critics 
think  belongs  to  Huchown,^  is  certainly  from  one  of  Huchown's  sources, 
the  Legenda  Aurea,  being  a  translation  of  the  legend  of  St.  John  in  that 
monumental  mingling  of  piety  and  romance.  The  second  poem  is  one 
of  haunting  sweetness  and  beauty,  the  authorship  of  which  will  not  long 
remain  in  doubt  after  the  argument  of  this  essay  has  received  its  due.  It 
is  the  tender  and  musical  Lay  of  the  Truelove,  styled  by  Mr.  GoUancz 
the  'Quatrefoil  of  Love.'  It  is,  as  Mr.  (iollancz  records,  written  in  a 
northern  dialect  and  in  the  precise  metre  and  rime,  ababababcdddc,  of  the 
Pistill  of  Susan.  Moreover,  M,  Amours  acutely  noted,  in  editing  the 
A7c>ntyrs  of  Arthnre,  that  it  was  a  favourite  device  of  the  poet  who  wrote 
Gawayne  and   Pearl  and  Patieiice  to  end   the   jjocm  with  its  opening    line. 


'  Sc.  Allit.  Poems,  Ixvii. 

2  Horstman's  Altenglisclum  Legenden,  neuo  folge  (Heilbronn,   1881),  p.  467. 

■''My  friend,   Mr.  J.  T.  T.  Hrown,  maintains  this  view,  with  whicli  my  own  coincides. 
There  are  many  parallels  of  diction  and  matter  to  support  it. 


15]  DIALECT  119 

•a  peculiarity,'  he  said,  'which  has  not  been  noticed  elsewhere.'  Accordingly, 
M.  Amours  reckoned  it  noteworthy  that  in  the  Aiviityrs  also  this  peculiarity ^ 
should  be  found.  To  the  list  falls  to  be  added  the  Lay  of  the  Truelove. 
A  fact  so  significant  of  art  as  this,  along  with  the  close  consonance  of  verse 
structure  and  rime  system,  is  enough  to  discredit  as  the  sheerest  empiricism 
the  verdict  of  Mr.  Henry  Bradley,-  that  the  Pistill  and  the  Awntyrs  were 
originally  written  in  alliterative  long  lines  unrimed,  and  as  we  now  have  them 
are  '  paraphrases  or  watered-down  versions  by  a  northern  man  who  retained 
the  original  diction  so  far  as  the  alteration  of  metre  would  permit.'  The 
proposition  is  grotesque — a  reckless  philological  forlorn  hope. 

(2)  Dialect. 
All  requisite  allowance  being  made  for  a  considerable  percentage  of 
scribal  change,  the  dialect  (some  would  say  dialects)  of  the  Huchown  poems 
must  constitute  a  problem  on  which  it  is  hard  to  educe  any  certainty  except 
the  one,  that  the  dialect  shows  a  blending  of  peculiarities.  Professor  Skeat 
concluded^  that  the  Alexande?-  'was  probably  written  in  a  pure  Northum- 
brian dialect.'  Mr.  Donaldson,  editing  the  T?'oy,  concluded  "*  that  that  work 
'was  originally  in  the  Northumbrian  dialect,'  stating  at  the  same  time  that 
Morte  Arthure  '  was  certainly  of  Northern  origin.'  Dr.  Morris  did  not  agree  ; 
he  held  Morte  Arthure  to  be  in  a  Northumbrian  dialect  south  of  the  Tweed, 
and  assigned  the  Troy  along  with  Pearl,  Clea?mess,  and  Patience  to  the  West 
Midland  dialect.^  M.  Amours  found '^  that  the  rimes  of  the  Aivntyrs  of 
Arthure  and  of  the  Pistill  of  Susan  'betoken  a  Northern  origin.'  The 
Parlement  and  Wynnere  and  Wastoure  Mr.  Gollancz  assigns  to  the  west  of 
England.  Mr.  Henry  Bradley  is  quite  positive"  that  Morte  Arthure,  the 
Pistill,  and  the  A7tintyrs  were  all  originally  written  in  West  Midland  dialect, 
but  were  subsequently  northernised  by  editorial  scribes.  A  very  fair  state- 
ment of  the  case  was  perhaps  that  made  long  ago  by  Mr.  Donaldson  who, 


^  Scott.  Allit.  Poems  (Sc.  Text),  p.  364.  ^  AtkencEuni,   12th  Jan.,   1901. 

^  Alex.,  pref.,  xxiii.  *  Troy,  pref.,  Ixi., 

^ Early  Eng.  Allit.  Poetns,  pre..,  ix.  ;   Mo7ic  Arthure,  ed.  Perry,   1865,  pref.,  ix. 
^  Sc.  Allit.  Poems,  pref.,  Ixx.  "^  Athen^um,   I2th  Jan.,   1901. 


I20  'HUCHOWN   OF  THE   AWLE   RVALE  '  [Ch. 

speaking  of  the  Troy^""  declared  that  the  elements  of  the  work  were  Northern 
and  West  Midland,  but  that  their  combination  was  so  irregular  as  to  permit 
the  idea  that  they  presented  a  mixture  of  dialects.  This  is  not  far  from  the 
belief  of  the  present  essayist.  The  dialect  of  these  alliterative  poems  shows, 
like  that  of  the  Kingis  Quair,  a  difficult  admixture  of  Northern  and  Southern 
forms,  and  conduces  to  the  inference  that  the  poet's  education  and  his  later 
career  must  have  been  such  as  to  reconcile  the  apparent  anomaly.  Anglo- 
French  influences,  then  predominant  in  court  circles,  must  have  tended  to 
make  the  speech  of  the  aristocracy  lean  decisively,  even  as  it  does  to-day, 
towards  the  southern  model. 

(3)  Dates  for  the  Poet?is. 

Absolute  and  relative  points  of  fixity  for  dates  are  not  many.  Maun- 
deville's  latin  book,  written  in  1356,  is  the  first.  The  Alexander,  quoting 
Maundeville,  could  not  have  been  written  before  1356.  The  Troy  most 
probably  followed  the  Alexander,  and  was  quoted  by  Barbour  in  1376. 
These  two  extreme  dates  comprised  between  them  for  Huchown  a  couple 
of  crowded  decades  of  earnest  study  and  glorious  achievement. 

IVynnere  and  IVastoure,  poetically  grouping  facts  which  English  annalists 
record  under  1358,  certainly  belongs  to  that  time.  It  admits  of  suggestion 
that  as  a  Garter  poem  complimentary  to  Edward  III.,  and  containing  a 
translation  of  the  well  known  motto  of  the  Order,  it  may  have  been 
composed  for  the  high  festival  of  the  Round  Table  held  in  the  early 
summer  of  1359,  and  evidently  attended  by  Sir  Hew  of  Eglintoun. 

Gawayne,  with  its  beautiful  story  of  temptation  resisted,  has  for  its 
pictorial  conclusion  the  Garter  motto  in  French.  The  suggestion  of  Mr. 
Gollancz  that  the  story  has  to  do  with  the  amorous  relations  of  Edward 
III.  and  the  Countess  of  Salisbury  may  or  may  not  be  plausible,^ 
but  certainly  he  has  good  ground  for  maintaining  a  connection  with 
the  story  of  the  origin  of  the  Garter.  Indeed  the  relationship 
with  the  chivalric  Orders  is  more  intimate  than  has  yet  been  pointed 
out.      Gawayne,    setting   off  to   keep   tryst   and    fulfil    his    adventure   with 


1  Troy,  pref.,  Ix.  "^  Pearl,  intro.   xli. 


15]  DATES   OF    'GAWAYNE'   AND   OTHER   POEMS  121 

the   Green    Knight,    wears  a   'cote'    (1.    2027)    which    is    'furred'    (2029). 

He  'doubles'  about  his  thigh  the  love-lace  'drurye,'  or  'gordel  of  the  grene 

silke'    (2033-5)    w^th    'pendauntez'   (2038)   which  his   fair   temptress  gave. 

At  the  end  of  his  adventure  when   he    parts   with    the   Green    Knight   he 

wears  this  crosswise  on  his  left  arm — 

A-belef^  as  a  bauderyk  bounden  bi  his  syde 

Loken  under  his  lyfte  arme  the  lace  with  a  knot  (11.  2486-7). 

These  are  the  very  technicalities  of  fact.     When  Henry  IV.,  just  before  his 

coronation  in  1399,  made  knights,  they  wore  green  '  cottes ' — so  Froissart- 

tells — which  were  '  fourrees,'  and  each  knight  '  sur  la  senestre  espaule'  wore 

'un  double  cordeau  de  soye  blanche  a  blanches  houpells  pendans.'     And 

from  other  sources  we  know  that  this  kind  of  '  lacs,'  or  '  druerie '  as  it  was 

styled  in  France,  was  in  England  one  of  the  fixed  stigmata  of  knighthood 

and    bore    the    name    of    '  las.'  ^      Only    the    tinctures    here    differ    from 

Froissart's.      The  'gordel'  (O.  Fr.  cordel)  is  the  bend  of  green, 

A  bende,  a-belef  hym  aboute,  of  a  bryght  grene, 

which  became  the   badge  of  the   Round  Table   in   Gawayne  (1.   2517).     It 

is  of  special  note  as  the  point   of  focus  for  the  plot  of  that  poem.     We 

must   remember  it   likewise   as    present    in    Wynnere  and   Wastoj/re.     Over 

against  the  papal  standard  with  its  bibles  and  bullae 

Another  banere  is  upbrayde  with  a  bende  of  grene 

With  thre  hedis  whiteherede  with  howes  on  lofte  (11.    149-50). 

The  hint  perfectly  consorts  with  history  :  Edward  III.,  represented  by 
the  Round  Table  badge,  is  on  the  side  of  the  three  excommunicated  judges 
whom,  in  1358,  he  protected  from  the  pope  and  his  bulls  against  the 
judges  and  others.  The  banner  symbolises  the  union  of  royal  and 
judicial  authority  which  the  pope  defied.  The  one  poem  is  thus  the 
decisive  explanation  of  the  other,  and  probably  they  are  not  far  apart 
in   time.     Gaway?ie  has  been  assigned  to    1360,   a  date  with  which  there 

^A-belef,  slantwise,  across. 

^Cf.    Chroiiicqtie  de  la  Traison  et  Mori  de  Richart  Deux.   (Hist.   So.),  p.  225;    Titles 
of  Honor,  ed.  163 1,  p.  820.     Cf.  as  to  garter  Galf.  le  Baker,  203. 

■*See  Laborde's   Glossaire  Francais  dii   Moyen  Age,  words   'druerie'  and   'lacs'  (laz, 
laqs) :  Upton,  De  Re  Militari,  cap  3,  quoted  by  Ducange  voce  '  stigma,' 

I 


122  'IIUCHOWN   OF   THE   AWLE    RVALE '  [Ch. 

is  no  great  need  to  quarrel,  although  I  incline  to  place  it  earlier,  perhaps 
before  the  production  of  IVyfinere  and  Wastoiire.  This  would  put  it  on 
the  calendar  of  1358  or  1359.  In  early  1358  there  were  great  Round 
Table  functions,  and  either  then  or  very  shortly  afterwards  Sir  Hew  was 
in  London.  But  a  noteworthy  feature  of  the  poem  is  its  recurrent  allusion 
to  New  Year's  Day,^  a  vital  part  of  the  story,  which  gives  rise  to  the 
belief  that  it  may  have  been  written  for  a  New  Year  festival. 

These  poems  seem  to  be  the  earliest  of  the  series  on  the  chronology 
of  which  the  facts  yield  clues.  Of  Pearl,  Cleanness,  and  Patience,  Mr. 
Gollancz's  estimate-  of  1360  is  probably  not  far  wrong,  although  these 
pieces,  like  the  Alexa?ider,  shew  use  of  Maundeville,  only  written  in  1356. 
Erke?iwald  and  the  Awnlyrs  of  Arthure  are  inseparable  from  Pearl  when 
sources  are  considered,  and  there  is  no  external  evidence  of  the  order 
of  production.  A  glance  at  their  relations  with  the  Trentalle  inclines  one 
to  suppose  that  the  Aivntyrs  may  have  preceded  Pearl.  Let  us,  in  the 
absence  of  other  data,  suppose  that  the  Alexander,  certainly  post  1356, 
was  written  circa   1361  ;   and  the  Troy  a  year  later. 

The  Titus  and  Vespasian,  like  the  Alexander,  utilised  Mainideville,  and 
by  its  mention  of  the  Foul  Death  suggested  1363  as  a  possible  date.  Its 
vows  are  hints  of  the  influence  of  the  Voeux  djt  Paon.  Morte  Arthure, 
utilising  Maundeville  also,  and  developing  the  Voeux  du  Paon,  has  yielded 
very  many  and  intimate  historical  evidences  converging  towards  a  date 
at  the  close  of  1364  or  beginning  of  1365.  Again  we  have  here  a 
Round  Table  poem  honouring  loftily  Edward  III.,  and  again  we  have 
Sir  Hew  in   London  in  May,   1365,  a  time  that  suits. 

The  date  circa  1350,  which  has  been  editorially  suggested  for  the 
Parle»ie?it  of  the  Thre  Ages,  is  out  of  the  question.  Obviously  it  is  yet 
later  than  Morte  Arthure,  in  that  while  reminiscent  of  Maundeville  and 
the  Voeux  du  Paon  it  quotes  Gawayne,  Alexander,  Troy,  Titus,  and 
Morte  Arthure,  and  is  itself  a  dream,  springing  from  a  dream-episode  in 
the  Troy. 

Between   1365  and   1376   there  was  ample  time,   but  perhaps  the  extra 

^  Ga2vay7ie,  II.  60,  105,  2S4,  454,  1054,  1669.  -  Pearl  mUo.,  xlii. 


15]  CHARACTERISTICS  123 

number  of  the   reminiscent  lines   of  community  with   Morte  Arthure  hints 
rather  1365-70  than   1370-76. 

/  (4)  Characteristics  and  Nationality. 

Our  poet's  general  characteristics  have  been  incidentally  touched  at 
frequent  points  already — his  courtly  and  ceremonial  leanings  and  observance 
of  etiquette,  his  love  of  ship-scenes  and  the  chase,  his  lapidary  interest  in 
jewels,  his  purity  and  loftiness  of  soul,  his  piety  and  religiosity  of  spirit.  His 
themes,  it  may  be  observed,  while  ranging  widely  over  history  and  romance, 
never  make  love  a  centre. 

When  we  turn  to  the  question  of  indications  of  nationality  in  the  treatment 
of  his  material,  the  difficulty  at  once  arises  that  a  poet  has  no  call  to  declare 
his  nationality,  and  that  in  consequence,  where  dialect  is  doubtful,  we  have 
many  puzzles  of  early  literature  to  solve.  Language  is  often  the  only  test, 
and  philology  has  assuredly  not  yet  perfected  its  critical  apparatus.^  In 
the  present  case  inferences  from  dialect  are  sharply  complicated  by  the 
contradiction  of  history.  On  Huchown's  language  definite  stress  cannot  be 
laid  to  prove  his  origin,  and  his  themes  not  being  directly  historico-patriotic 
in  the  sense  of,  say,  Barbour's  Bruce  ^  or  Minot's  poems,  the  data  are 
particularly  few  and  slender. 

Externally,  the  record  of  Huchown  is  wholly  Scottish  ;  this  is  by  far  the 
master-key  of  his  mystery.  The  Troy  appears  to  be  quoted  by  John  Barbour 
in  1376.  The  Morte  Arthure  is  discussed  by  Wyntoun  in  1420,  while  other 
pieces  of  Huchown's  are  mentioned  in  the  same  passage.  No  early  author 
in  England,  on  the  other  hand,  has  ever  named  Huchown  or  recognised  his 
poetical  industry,  notwithstanding  that  English  scribes  have  copied  the  poems 
and  Malory  incorporated  in  his  prose  much  of  Huchown's  Arthurian  matter. 

^  It  is  just  possible,  however  unlikely,  that  in  the  words  '  and  Scharshull  it  wiste '  (and 
Scharshill  knew  it — said  relative  to  a  disturbance  of  the  peace)  in  Wynnere  and  IVastoure, 
317,  there  may  be  a  clue  to  the  youthful  career  of  Sir  Hew  of  Eglintoun.  Scharshill 
was  in  Scotland  attending  to  matters  in  Edward  Balliol's  parliament  in  1332  (Bain's 
Calendar,  iii.,  1065).  At  that  time  many  Scottish  families  were  retiring  into  England 
because  of  the  civil  war  in  Scotland  (Bain's  Cal.,  iii.,   1065-84). 

-  Note,  however,  that  even  in  Barbour's  Legettds  of  the  Sajiits  the  express  indications 
of  nationality  otherwise  than  from  language  are  very  few. 


124  'HUCHOWN   OF   TIIK   AWLE   RVALE '  [Ch. 

Huchown's  great  romance-history,  Morte  Arthi/re,  might  well  have  been 
written  by  an  Englishman,  whether  regard  is  had  to  its  language  or  its  tone ; 
but  here  and  there  are  touches,  subtle  and  penetrating,  that  suggest  an  author 
with  a  keen  interest  in  Scotland  and  sympathy  for  peace  and  alliance  between 
north  and  south.  Chief  is  that  already  pressed — the  veiled  reference  to  the 
heir-apparent.  But  the  general  political  scheme,  if  it  may  be  so  called,  of 
Morte  Arthure  puts  the  Scottish  leanings  of  its  author  in  the  clearest  light. 
In  Geoffrey  of  Monmouth,  King  Anguselus,  as  an  ally  of  Arthur,  is  postponed 
to  Hoel  of  Armorica  ;  there  is  no  separate  king  of  Wales,  and  there  are  some 
six  kings  of  island  realms.  Hoel  furnishes  10,000  men-at-arms;  Anguselus 
only  2,000.  Arthur  himself  made  up  the  total  of  armoured  horse  to  60,000. 
The  six  island  kings  furnished  six  times  20,000  foot.  Turning  now  to  the 
rubrication  (by  Huchown)  of  this  place  in  the  Brut^  we  find  noted  In  exercitu 
regis  Arthtiri  duo  reges — an  inaccurate  memorandum,  for  there  were  eight 
kings,  not  two.  But  Morte  Arthure,  like  the  rubric,  has  only  two.  The 
King  of  Armorica,  or,  as  Huchown  preferred  to  style  it.  Little  Britain  or 
Britain  the  Less,  sinks  in  Morte  Arthure  to  '  baron  of  Britain  the  little,'  ^ 
though  he  brings  30,000  knights  to  Arthur's  banner.  And  precedence  before 
him  is  taken  by  the  King  of  Scotland  with  50,000  men,  while  the  gallant 
King  of  the  Welsh  brings  2,000.  Could  a  Scottish  poet  contributing,  let  us 
say,  a  Round  Table  poem  for  the  festival  of  the  Order  of  the  Garter,  at 
which  his  own  king  was  an  honoured  guest,  well  have  done  better? 

In  the  direction  hinted  tends  also  the  curious  allusion  in  Morte  Arthure 
to  the  heir-apparent, 

'  Thou  art  apparent  to  lie  heir,  or  one  of  thy  childer,' 
a  line  which  betrays  a  knowledge  of  the  intrigue  between  the  Kings  of  England 
and  Scotland  in  1363-64,  constituting  part  of  a  reconciliation  in  the  earlier 
stages  of  which,  at  any  rate.  Sir  Hew  of  Eglintoun  had  definitely  a  helping 
hand.  Besides,  there  are  localities  mentioned  in  Morte  Arthure,  and  still 
more  in  the  Awniyrs  of  Arthure,  which  reveal  some  intimacy  with  Scotland. 
On  the  later  poem,  M.  Amours,'-  examining  the  topographical  allusions,  finds 

^  Barones  de  Britannia   was  a  term  of  state  in  this  period.     See   instance  in  truce  of 
1343,  MurimtUh   (Eng.  Hist.  Sec),   142. 
'^  Scot.  Allit.  Poems,  introd.,  Ixxiij. 


i5l  NATIONALITY  125 

it  an  'obvious  inference  that  the  poet  knew  his  ground  in  Scotland  and  on 
the  Border,  and  drew  on  his  imagination  for  localities  further  south.' 

In  the  Alexander  poem,  the  exclusion  of  Scotland  from  the  conquests 
of  the  Macedonian  may  be  an  accident,  but  may  be  a  straw  which  indicates 
the  current. 

If  it  be  asked  who  Huchown's  chief  hero  was,  the  answer  is  ready — it 
was  Gawayne  'off  the  west  marches,'  as  he  calls  him  once,  although  we 
know  that  more  than  once  he  really  denotes  the  Black  Prince.^  Gawayne,  it 
is  scarcely  necessary  to  urge,  was  well  known  in  romance  history  as  the  lord 
of  Galloway.  So  early  and  sober  an  author  as  William  of  Malmesbury  ^ 
tells  of  the  discovery  of  the  sepulchre  of  '  Walwen,'  who  had  reigned  in 
'  Walweitha.'  Huchown's  provinces  of  Cunningham  and  Kyle,  in  which  his 
own  lands  and  the  Steward's  territory  lay,  were  of  old  within  the  limits  of 
the  Province  of  Galloway.  However  his  interest  in  Gawayne  arose, 
Huchown  went  beyond  his  predecessors  in  the  many-sidedness  of  his  praise 
for  valour  and  purity,  for  grace  and  courtesy. 

Then,  what  of  Belinus  and  Brennius  as  indications  of  nationality? 
Are  we  to  take  it  as  of  no  note  that  this  pair  of  brothers,  kings  of  North 
Britain  and  South,  are  not  only  mentioned  in  Morte  Arthure  and  Erke/iwa/d, 
but  supply  the  plot  of  Wynnere  and  IVastoitrel  Rather  must  we  not 
remember  their  reconciliation  as  a  type  to  the  poet  of  the  peace  he  sought 
between  two  lands? 

And  Thomas  of  Erceldoun  ?  Must  we  respect  it  as  a  natural  pre- 
sumption that  anybody  but  a  Scot  would  in  that  age  have  been  found 
quoting  these  weird  prophecies — prophecies  which  again  had  to  do  with 
the  very  theme  of  Belinus  and  Brennius,  the  feud  of  South  and  North? 

Last  of  all,  let  us  look  at  a  singular  parallel.  Sir  Hew  of  Eglintoun 
had,  immediately  upon  the  accession  of  Robert  II.  to  the  Scottish  throne, 
become  a  privy  councillor  of  his  royal  brother-in-law.  Shortly  afterwards 
he  appears  as  an  auditor  in  exchequer,  an  important  financial  post.  A 
colleague  is  the  Archdeacon  of  Aberdeen,  known  of  all  men  in  our  day  as 
John  Barbour,  the  poet  of  The  Bruce.  If  these  men  sat  together  in  the 
Scottish  Aiila  Regis,   and   if  the  poetic    Huchown   was   the   auditorial   Sir 

^  Morte  Arihure,  2954.  2  q^^i^  Regiim  (Eng.  Hist.  Soc),  466. 


126 


•IIUCHOWN    OF   THE   AWLE   RYALE ' 


[Ch. 


Hew,  the  question  may  well  ensue — What  are  the  proofs,  if  any,  of 
literary  contact  ?  The  first  item  of  the  answer  is  constituted  by  the 
alliterative  quotations  made  by  Barbour  from  the  Troy,  and  the  traces, 
somewhat  indefinite,  it  is  true,  of  borrowings  from  Morte  Arthure}  The 
second  item  is,  that  historically  Huchown's  name  stands  for  ever  linked 
with  the  '  Awle  Ryale '  of  Barbour's  period  by  virtue  of  the  epithet  Wyn- 
toun  appended.  The  third  is  the  singular  coincidence  of  sources — especially 
of  The  Bruce — .employed  by  Barbour  with  those  of  Huchown.  Huchown  was, 
presumably,  the  older  man  ;  he  certainly  was  of  much  higher  social  dignity 
than  Barbour;  he  was  a  man  of  large  means.  It  is  much  more  natural  to 
suppose  that  Huchown  influenced  Barbour  than  the  converse.  However  it 
was,  here  are  facts  oddly  connecting  the  modes  of  work  and  the  Quellen. 


Huchmvn 
Translates  Guide's  Troja,  and  frequently 
refers  to  the  story. 


Epitomises  the  Fiierre  de  Cadres. 

Makes  large  use  of  the  Voeiix  du  Paoii. 
Epitomises  the  Voeiix. 
Repeatedly  sings  the  praises  of  the  Nine 
Worthies. 


Epitomises  the  romance  of  Feruinbras  in 
a  shape  resembling  the  Sowdan  of  Babylon. 

Uses  the  Legenda  Aurea  in  Tiltis  for  '  The 
Sege  of  Jerusalem  '  and  for  '  St.  John  the 
Evangelist.' 

Bases  his  greatest  poem,  Morte  Arthure, 
on  the  Brut. 

Cites  and  quotes  the  KoinaiDit  of  the  Kosc. 


Barbour 

Partly  translates  the  Troja  in  the  Troy 
fragments. 

Also  quotes  a  passage  from  it  in  the 
Bruce,  i.,  521-528. 

[See  r^y  John  Barbour,  Poet  and  Trans- 
lator, pp.  4,  etc.] 

Epitomises  the  Fuerre  de  Cadres  in  Bruce. 

Also  abridges  and  translates  the  Fuerre. 

Makes  large  use  of  the  Voeux  du  Paon. 

Translates  [me judice)  the  Voeux  in  full. 

Celebrates  the  Nine  in  Bruce  and  in  the 
Buik  of  Alexander. 

Is  suspected  of  writing  the  '  Ballad  of  the 
Nine  Nobles.' 

Makes  Robert  the  Bruce  epitomise  Ferum- 
bras  in  apparently  the  same  version. 

Translates  from  the  Legenda  Aurea  the 
account  of  the  siege,  and  the  life  of  St.  John. 

Bases  his  important  poem,  the  Stewart  is 
Ori°yuale,  on  the  Brut. 

Also  cites  and  quotes  it.  Legends  of  the 
Saints,  prologue,  1.  5. 


^  The  Troy  fragments  show  few  alliterative  phrases  ;  Bruce  has  many,  so  has  the  Buik  oj 
Alexander ;  the  Legends  of  the  Saints,  again,  has  very  few.  The  inference  may  be  hazarded 
that  Huchown's  influence,  1372-1377,  is  the  explanation. 


i6]  DIAGRAM    OF   ARGUMENT 


127 


Hiicho-un  BarboH)' 

Quotes     the^    prophecies     of     Thomas     of  Cites  and  quotes 'Thomas of  llersildoune,' 

Erceldoun,  IVyiuiere  and  VVastoure,  5,  13-15.  Brtue,  ii.,  86. 

Uses  the  Scriptures  as  a  source,   Pistill,  Does  the  same. 

Pearl,  etc. 

Refeis    (like    Chaucer)   to    St.    Julian,    Ga-  \<ii{ttx'i\.o'i\..}vXvAx\,  Legends  of  the  Saints, 

vjayne,  774.  xxv.,  15. 

Some  of  these  are  commonplaces ;  the  majority  quite  other  than  so. 
The  comparison  suggests  the  improbability  of  two  men,  not  brought  into 
contact,  displaying  any  such  parallelism  in  their  authorities.  The  one  in 
alliteration,  the  other  in  rime ;  the  one  by  far  the  loftier,  profounder, 
more  powerful,  and  more  original  genius,  the  other  perhaps  the  luckier  in 
that  he  chose  Robert  the  Bruce  for  his  theme— these  are  the  twin  spirits 
of  Scottish  fourteenth  century  literature  from  the  Exchequer  table  of  the 
Awle  Ryale.  Always  we  must  return  to  Wyntoun's  testimony  ;  and  that  is 
what  Wyntoun  and  the  Exchequer  records  tell. 

16.  Diagram  of  the  Argument. 

(i)  As  regards  the    Works. 

The  evidences  which  have  now  been  submitted  are,  it  must  be  repeated, 
for  the  most  part  wholly  new.  They  include  the  following  propositions,  set 
forward  and  proved  for  the  first  time : 

1.  Relationship  of  Alexander  and  Troy  through  Hunterian  MS.  T.  4,  i, 
indicating  a  very  possible  community  of  origin  from  the  same 
manuscript  source,  on  which,  however,  no  vital  part  of  this  argu- 
ment is  dependent. 

2.  Direct  borrowing  in  Titus  of  a  complete  scene  and  a  siege  picture 
from  the  Troy. 

3.  Direct  borrowing  in  Morte  Arthure  from  Titus  over  and  above  its 
known  connection  with  and  borrowing  of  many  lines  from   Troy. 

4.  Adaptations  in  Morte  Arthure  from  the    Voeux  de  Paon. 

5.  Consistent    indebtedness  throughout  of  the  Parlement   to    Gawayne, 

Troy,   Titus,  and  Morte  Arthure. 

6.  The  plot  of  the  Parlement  drawn  from   Troy. 

7.  Maundeville's    Itinerarium    (of  which    a    copy   is    in    MS.   T.    4,    i) 


128  'HUCHOWN   OF  THE  AWLE  RVALE'  [Ch. 

used   as  a  minor   source  in  Alexander,   Morte   Ar/hure,   Parlement, 
Pearl,  and  Cleanness. 

8.  Extraordinary   consequence    of   the    Hunterian    copy   of  Geoffrey    of 

Monmouth,  MS.  U.   7,  25,  especially  of  its  rubrications. 

9.  Plot   of    Wynnere  and    Wastoiire   thus   revealed   in   Geoffrey,   along 

with  important  clues  to  other  poems,  especially  Morte  Arthtire,  Titus, 
and  Erkemvald. 

10.  Brennius  and  Belinus  as  poetic  factors  in  Huchovva's  work. 

11.  The  historical  setting  of  Wynnere  and   Wastoure  explained,  and  the 
significance  in  evidence  of  the  '  bend  of  green.' 

12.  Erkemvald    considered    in    itself  as   a   legal    monument  and  in  its 
relation  to  other  poems  and  to  the  MS.  of  Geoffrey. 

13.  Trentalle   Sancti   Gregorii    a    common    source    of    the   first  half  of 
Awntyrs   of  Arthure,  of  Erkemvald,  and  of  the  Pearl. 

14.  Considerations  from  military,  political,  and  geographical  elements  on 
the  date  of  Morte  Arthure. 

15.  An   autobiographic   suggestion   from    the    MS.   of   Geoffrey   on    the 
series  of  poems  and  on  the  nationality  of  the  poet. 

So  varied,  although  so  convergent,  are  the  processes  of  reasoning  which 
point  to  a  single  author  that  they  can  only  be  briefly  summarised  by  a 
diagram  here.  The  direction  of  the  argument  had  to  be  determined  some- 
what by  the  chance  of  earlier  impressions  tending  at  first  as  the  knowledge 
originally  available  dictated,  but  altering  and  extending  its  line  in  conse- 
quence of  subsequent  information.  Perhaps  this  diagrammatic  chart  will 
be  explanatory  not  so  much  of  the  course  which  has  been  steered  by  the 
argument  as  of  the  cross-connections  established  by  cables  laid  down  in 
the  poet's  own  works. 

Poems  that  draw  from  the  same  sources  draw  from  one  another. 

Poems  connected  with  the  special  rubrics  of  the  same  unique  MS. 
draw  from  one  another. 

The  author  of  the  last  poem  on  the  diagram,  if  not  Huchown,  must 
have  had  extraordinary  zeal  as  disciple  or  industry  as  plagiarist  if  he  wove 
into  his  short  text  so  much  of  other  men's  labours  that  his  poem  is  linked 
from  end  to  end  with  practically  the  entire  cycle  of  the  Huchown  poems. 


16] 


CONNECTION   OF   POEMS 


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'HUCHOWN   OF   Tin:    AWLl',    RVALE ' 


[Cii. 


Put  the  same  point  another  way.  Take  Morte  Arthure.  What  rational 
basis  other  than  common  authorship  will  explain  its  ties  with  Troy,  Titus, 
Wynnere  and   JVastoure,  and  the  Awufyrs  of  Arthure  ? 

Or  consider  the  lines  which  radiate  in  the  diagram  from  the  MS.  of 
Geoffrey  and  which  in  so  many  different  poems  meet  the  lines  travelling 
from  the  Parkment  or  the  Gawayne. 

(2)  As  regards  the  Poet. 


Arms  of  Sir  Hew  of  Eglintoun.i 
That  the  poet  was  familiar  with  courtly  usages ;  had  special  legal 
knowledge  and  sympathy ;  had  the  highest  conception  of  the  grandeur 
of  justice,  especially  '  in  gentil  wise ' ;  was  versed  in  ships  and  in  the 
chase ;  had  access  to  current  information  of  state ;  had  pondered  deeply 
the  case  of  Brennius  and  Eelinus ;  loved  the  peace  and  union  of  North 
and  South  and  deplored  'busmar';  gave  Scotland  precedence  of  dignity 
in  Morte  Arthure;  kept  Scotland  out  of  subjection  in  the  Alexander; 
made  the  Scot  Sir  Gawayne  his  constant  hero;  had  special  interests  in 
the  Round  Table  and  its  celebrations;  knew  London,  Carrick,  Kyle,  and 
Cunningham,  the  West  Marches  and  the  land  'fro  Humbyre  to  Hawyke'; 
used  several  of  the  special  authorities  employed  by  John  Barbour ;  in 
especial  knew  the  prophecies  of  Thomas  of  Erceldoun;  was  much  alive  to 


^One  of  the  many  notes  Mr.  Gollancz  has  not  got  on  the  Pearl  is  that  Sir  Hew  of 
Eglintoun's  armorial  bearing  was  '  three  annulets  stoned '  (three  rings  of  gold  each  set 
with  a  single  jewel).  Bain's  Calendar,  iv.,  ilii;  Woodward  and  Burnett's  Heraldry, 
1892,  plate  xix.  Nisbet's  Heraldry,  i.,  22$,  describes  the  arms  as  gules,  three  annulets 
or,  stoned  azure.     See  Gawayne,   181 7. 


17]  'GOLAGROS'    HISTORICAL  131 

matters  lapidary;  understood  the  Watling  Street  way  from  the  north  to 
Canterbury ;  likewise  knew  the  itinerary  to  Rome ;  was  acquainted  with 
the  sword-point  formulary  of  assythment  for  manslaughter;  knew  about 
'fermes'and  '  audytours,'  chancellors  and  chamberlains,  as  well  as  'justices 
of  landes,'  whose  duty  was  to  'justify  wele';^  somehow  knew  also  that  it 
was  proper  for  royalty  that  'its  kydde  castells  be  clenlyche  arrayede';^ 
had  breathed  the  air  of  camps  and  chivalry,  and  mingled  with  nobles,  and 
statesmen,  and  ambassadors,  and  kings — all  these  and  fifty  other  such 
characteristics  of  the  poet  directly  and  indirectly  fit  the  known  story  of 
'the  gude  Sir  Hew  of  Eglintoun.' 

17.  Galleroun  and  Golagros — A  Decisive  Personal  Clue.^ 

The  Awntyrs  of  Arthure  is  generally  conceded  to  Huchown.  Golagros 
and  Gaivayne  was  reckoned  his  by  Sir  Frederick  Madden  as  it  contains  so 
many  elements  of  similitude.  M.  Amours,  re-editing  the  poem  in  his  Scottish 
Alliterative  Poems,  acknowledges  that  the  vocabulary  is  of  the  14th  century, 
although  assigning  the  piece  from  its  existing  form  to  a  later  date.  Briefly, 
it  seems  clear  to  me  that  Sir  Frederick  Madden  was  right  and  that  some 
modernization  of  the  language  is  due  to  the  Scottish  printers  through  whom 
the  sole  known  version  of  the  poem  has  been  preserved.  No  commentator  on 
the  Atuntyrs  and  Golagros  has  noticed  these  four  points  in  connection  with 
them  (i)  their  complete  parallelism  of  allegory,  (2)  the  close,  \i  quasi,  historical 
character  of  both,  (3)  the  distinct  evidence  of  date  in  the  Awntyrs,  and  (4)  the 
appositeness  amounting  to  necessity  of  that  date  also  for  Golagros. 

The  Awntyrs,  as  we  have  seen,  draws  the  plot  of  its  first  half  from  the 
Trentalle.  The  greater  part  of  Golagros  comes  from  the  French  romance 
of  Perceval  le  Gallois  (11.  16331-624,  18209-19446),  which,  as  has  long  been 
known,  was  utilised  in  the  shaping  of  Gawayne  and  the  Green  Knight. 
But  it  is  the  supplementing  of  these  sources  by  very  lightly  shrouded  con 

'^  Morte  Arthure,  425,  660-664. 

"^  Morte  Arthure,  654.  Sir  Hew  was  one  of  a  commission  of  four  knights  appointed 
in   1368  ad  quatuor  cast)-a  regis  visitanda.     Acts  Pari.  Scot.,  i.,  504. 

^This  chapter  is  an  insertion  made  after  all  the  previous  part  was  in  paged  proof.  The 
discovery  it  contains  was  made  at  the  eleventh  hour. 


132  'IIUCIIOWN   OF  THE  AWLE   RYALE'  [Cn. 

temporary  allusions  which  is  the  vital  fact  for  due  criticism.  These  occur 
mainly  in  the  second  half  of  the  A^antyrs,  and  are  perhaps  more  pervasive 
of  Golagros  throughout.  In  the  Golagros  poem  the  fact  in  substance  is 
that  Golagros  represents  King  John  of  France,  Arthur  is  Edward  III., 
Gawayne  is  the  Black  Prince,  and  the  duel  is  the  battle  of  Poitiers,  while 
the  white  horse  is  that  ridden  by  the  French  king  on  that  ill-fortuned  day. 
The  Awntyrs  contains  a  reference,  of  a  significance  until  now  unobserved, 
to  the  Erlis  sone  of  Kent,  which  pins  down  the  production  to  a  date  not 
earlier  than  1358  and  not  later  than  1360.  The  poem  has  allusion  to  events 
of  the  summer  of  1358.  Here  again  Arthur  is  Edward  III.  and  Gawayne 
is  the  Black  Prince,  while  Galleroun  is  a  historical  and  allegorical  repre- 
sentative of  Scotland.  Neither  poetical  nor  political  allegories  are  designed 
to  be  free  of  occasional  mistiness  of  treatment,  but  these  inferences  on 
Golagros  and  Galleroun  are  inevitable  and  beyond  critical  doubt.  Nor  is 
this  all.  A  rare  and  happy  chance  of  record  has  made  possible  the 
decisive  interpretation  of  an  allusion  in  the  Aimiiyrs  (italicised  below)  as 
autobiographical  of  the  poet  himself,  confirming  the  sense  deduced  from 
the  poem,  fixing  its  date,  and  settling  the  personal  identity  of  the  immortal 
Huchown.  First,  let  us  look  at  Golagros,  remembering  that  King  John, 
although  a  prisoner,  was  feted  and  feasted  in   1358  and   1359. 

Conlemporary  History.  Golagros  and  Gawayne. 

Edward  III.,  at  war  with  King  John  of  King  Arthur  sends  Gawayne  as  his  mes- 

France,  commissions  Black   Prince  to  take  senger  to  a  fortified   city  beyond  sea  (42) 

homage    of  Atjuilaine    [Rymer,    4th    Aug.,  with  towers  and  baUled  walls  and  castle  (44). 

1355).     Landing  at  Bordeaux,  a  walled  city  Gawayne  is  welcomed  by  its  lord  Spyna- 

with  castle,  the  Prince  is  welcomed  by  its  gros,    who    offers    him    30,000   men    (197). 

famous  Caplal   de    Buch,   John  de   Grailly  The    army,    marching   over   the   mountains 

(Chandos  Herald's /'rmc^A^'w',  11.  524,  616,  (230-5),   reaches  a  cast le   with    thirty-three 

678),   and    other   barons   of  Gascony,   who  towers,  on  a  rock,  double  dyked,  on  a  river 

march   with    the    Prince   in    his   expedition  side  near  the  sea  (233-50).     Spynagros,  who 

across  mountainous  territory  to  Carcassonne,  knew  the  land  well  (344)>  guides  and  counsels 

a  castled  city  with  many  towers  (now  fifty-  Gawayne  (261,  341,  etc.).     The  castle  has  a 

four)   on   a   rock,   double   walled    [Galf.   U  circular  keep— '  the  round  hald  '  (371). 

Baker,   235),  on  the   river  Aude,  near  the  Golagros,  lord  of  the  castle,  refuses  homage 

Mediterranean.      The  Captal's  local  know-  (452). 

ledge  was  helpful  in  the  selection  of  the  route  Heavy  fighting,  after  an  interval,  ensues 

(Moisant's  Prince  Noir,  28).     Carcassonne  (600-880). 
is  considered  through  the  middle  ages  to  be 


17] 


AWNTYRS'   HISTORICAL 


Contemporary  History. 
impregnable.  It  has  its  chief  stronghold  in 
a  great  circular  tower  built  in  the  thirteenth 
century — la grosseharbacane.  Violletle Due's 
La  Citd'de  Carcassonne,  pp.  20, 70,  figs.  11,15. 
The  city  will  not  submit  ( Galf.  le  Baker,  236, 
3-6  Nov. ,1355),  adhering  to  its  lord,  King  John. 

After  various  battles  King  John — at 
Poitiers  in  1356 — royally  armed  meets  the 
Prince.  At  the  battle  John  rides  a  white 
horse.  Estoit  li  roys  de  Franche  monttis 
sour  vng  blaiicq  conrssicr  (Amiens  MS.  of 
Froissart  quoted  in  V o\a.m' s  /ehan  le  Bel,  ii., 
302).     He  fights  heroically,  but  is  overcome. 

He  is  summoned  to  surrender,  and  does  so 
after  some  trouble  about  taking  him  to  the 
Prince. 


Golagros  and  Gawayjie. 


After  simdry  combats  Golagros,  armed 
in  gold  and  rubies  (886),  mounted  on  a 
white  horse  (895),  encounters  Gawayne  and 
fights  heroically,  but  is  overcome  (1024). 


Summoned  to  surrender  (1032)  and  come 
to  the  King  (1070),  he  refuses  till  conditions 
are  adjusted,  under  which  he  agrees  to  be 
a  prisoner  while  seeming  to  be  captor  (i  102). 

Gawayne  goes  off  apparently  captive  to 
the    castle    of    Golagros    (1125),   where   at 
supper   Golagros   waits   in    person  at  table 
upon  his  seeming  prisoner.  ^ 
'  He  gart  schir  Gawyne  upga  '  (i  150- 1 160). 

Golagros  then  does  fealty  (1216,  1324). 

Fortune's  wheel  is  uncertain  (1225),  as 
Hector,  Alexander,  Caesar,  David,  Joshua, 
Judas,  Samson,  and  Solomon  knew  (1235). 

'Schir  Lyonel'  (124S)  and  Gawayne  con- 
duct Golagros  to  Arthur  who  is  gladder  than 
of  the  rents  as  far  as  Roncesvalles  (1313). 

Golagros  does  homage  (1323)  and  pro- 
mises fealty  if  due  (1325). 

There  was  a  week's  feasting  on  the  river 
Rhone  (1345). 

Arthur  releases  Golagros  from  allegiance 
(1358). 
The  light  of  passing  events,   reflected  in  a  degree  comparatively  vague 
in   Golagros,   shines  with   brilliant  distinctness  on  Galleroun  and  reveals  at 
last  what  we  have  waited  for  so  long. 

Contemporary  History.  Awntyrs  of  Arthure. 

Edward  III.,  on  9th  May,  1358,  grants  To  Arthur  in  his  hall  rides  up  to  the  dais 

^  Neither  the  white  horse  nor  the  table  incident  occurs  in  Perceval. 


Taken  to  the  Prince's  tent  he  is  enter- 
tained to  supper  where  the  Prince  seats  him 
at  table,  refuses  to  sit  himself,  and  per- 
sonally waits  upon  his  prisoner. 


Cf.  Morte  Arthure,  3260-3432. 


Lionel  was  not  made  duke  of  Clarence 
until  1362. 

No  such  homage  was  done.  Cf.  Awntyrs, 
642. 

Cf.  Alorte  Arthure,  424.  The  Prince  had 
in  1355  lieen  within  fifty  miles  of  the  Rhone. 

Not  historical.     Cf.  Awntyrs,  675. 


134 


IIUCHOWN   OF   THE   AWLE   RYALE ' 


[Ch. 


Contemporary  History. 
safe  conduct  to  his  sister,  '  the  lady  Johanna  ' 
[Queen  of  Scotland]  to  visit  him.  On  same 
day  he  grants  safe  conduct  also  to  Sir 
Robert  of  Erskine  {Rotuli  Scotiae,  i. ,  822). 
The  object  in  view  is  to  procure  respite  in 
payment  of  the  ransom  of  David  II.,  to 
which  all  estates  in  Scotland  were  stringently 
obliged  by  treaty  of  Berwick  in  1357. 

The  well  known  Erskine  coat  of  arms  is 
Argent  a  pale  sable  (Woodward's  Heraldry, 
346)  and  a  well  known  Erskine  crest  is  the 
boar  head  (Burke's  Odinary).  Sir  Robert's 
own  crest  in  1357  and  1359  appearing  on  his 
seal  was  a  boar's  head'  (Laing's  Supple- 
mental Catalogue  0/  Seals). 

The  ancient  crest  of  the  surname  of  Erskine 
was  a  hand  holding  a  dagger.  Douglas, 
Peerage,  ii.,  206,  plate  12. 


i  % 


y 


->^ 


Seal  of  Sir  Robert  of  Erskine 
used  i.m  1357  and  1359. 


A^vntyrs  of  Arthure. 

a  lady  (1.  345)  wearing  a  crown  (371)  and 
leading  a  knight  (344)  for  whom  she  be- 
speaks reason  and  right  (350). 


The  knight's  shield  armorial   is  Argent, 
boar  heads  sable. 

His  shelde  on  his  shulder  of  silver  so  shene 
With  here  [other  MS.  bare]  hedes  of  blake 

browed  ful  bolde  [other  MS.  burely  and 

baulde] ''  (11.  384-5). 

The  knight's  name  is  Clalleroun  and  his 
horse  carries  on  its  chamfrein  a  dagger — 
An  anlas  of  stele  (1.  390). 


Erskine  Crest. 


Immediately  following  the  knight,  whose 
name  is  Galleroun,  comes  a  most  interesting 
personage,  occupying  a  unique  place  in  the 


'  I  am  informed  by  the  authorities  of  the  Record  Office  that  my  friend,  Mr.  Joseph 
Bain,  in  his  invaluable  Calendar,  iii.,  1660,  and  iv. ,  27,  erred  in  slating  that  the  crest 
was  a  bear's  head.  My  official  informant  assures  me  that  there  is  '  no  doubt  that  the 
crest  is  a  boar's  head.'     A  cut  from  a  cast  of  the  seal  is  here  presented. 

-There  can  be  no  doubt  that  hare  here,  as  in  Morte  Art/iure  (1.  3123),  is  for  boar,  not 
bear.  Galleroun's  coat  is  derived  from  Erskine's  by  adopting  the  colours  argent  and 
sable,  and  setting  the  Erskine  crest  as  a  charge  into  the  field  in  place  of  the  pale. 


17] 


GALLEROUN   AND   SIR   HEW 


135 


Contemporary  History. 

Immediately  after  the  safe- conducts  of  the 
Queen  and  Sir  Robert  there  is  granted 
another  to  Sir  Hew  of  Eglintoun,  dated 
nth  May,  1358. 

Presumably  Sir  Hew  travelled  with  the 
royal  party  to  London. 

It  is  Sir  Hew's  first  safe-conduct  and  may 
have  been  his  first  visit  to  the  Court  of 
England  {Rotiili  Scotiae,  i.,  823). 

Mural  decorations  (with  tablettes,  etc.)  of 
new  work  at  Windsor  are  a  glory  of  the  time 
(Walsingham,  anno  1344,  Leland's  Collec- 
tanea, tomeii.,  377.     Cf.  Gawayne,  763-803). 

Erskine  belongs  to  the  west  of  Scotland, 
his  patrimony  being  in  Renfrewshire,  Init 
owned  lands  in  Cunningham,  in  Kyle,  near 
Loch  Lomond,  in  the  Lennox,  in  Lenzie,  and 
in  Lothian  {Rotitli  Magni  Sigilli,  1306-1424, 
pp.  31,  84,  108-9;  Douglas,  Peerage,  ii.  207). 

Galloway  had  only  been  so  far  recovered 
in  1356  (  Wyntoun,  viii.,  6597).  Edward  HI. 
had  charter  of  it  {Rot.  Scot.,  i.,  788)  from 
Edward  Balliol. 

Thomas  of  Holland  assumed  the  title  of 
Earl  of  Kent  in  1 358  ^ ;  he  died  in  December, 
1360.  His  son  was  Thomas,  who  became 
earl  in  1360  (Coxe's  notes  to  Chandos 
Herald's  Prince  Noir,  11.  141,  158S  ;  Cam- 
den's Britanttia,  ed.  Gibson,  213). 

The  Black  Prince  had  griffons  among  his 
badges  {Royal  Wills,  73;  cf.  Morte,  3869, 
3946).  The  Queen,  Philippa  of  Hainault, 
was  the  French  King's  niece. 

Scotland  had  fought  keenly  but  been  over- 
come at  Durham,  when  David  II.  was 
captured. 

Scotland  has  pledged  itself  in  1357  for 
100,000  marks  for  the  ransom  of  the  King. 
For  this  the  youthful  heirs  of  the  best  blood 
in  Scotland  are  held  as  hostages.  Erskine's 
son  is  one  of  them  {Rotuli  Scotiae,  i.,  812). 


Awntyrs  of  Arthitre. 
poem.     The  passage  quoted  is  all  there  is 
about  him. 

A  FREKE  ONE  A  FREiio.\ E  hi i?i  folowed  in  fay. 
The  fresone  was  afered  for  dred  of  that  fare. 
For  he  was  seldene  wonte  to  se 
The  tablet  flurd, 
Siche  ganien  ne  gle 
Sagh  he  never  are  (398-403). 

These  lines  bear  the  stamp  usual  to  an 
author's  indirect  reference  to  himself.  A 
'  freke  '  is  a  common  term  for  a  man. 


The  Knight  has  come  from  the  west  of  Scot- 
land (420)  to  claim  back  lands  there  which 
Arthur  has  wrongfully  won  in  war  (421). 
They  consist  of  west  country  lands  in  Carrick, 
Cunningham,  Kyle,  Lomond,  Lennox,  and 
Lenzie,  but  extend  also  to  Lothian. 

Galleroun  demands  duel,  which  Gawayne 
undertakes,  and  the  lists  are  prepared  (477). 


The  King  commanded  krudely  [other  MS. 
kindeli]  the  erlis  sone  of  Kent 

Curtaysly  in  this  case  take  kepe  to  the 
knight  (482-3). 


Gawayne's  arms  are  griffons  and  he  is 
lord  of  Wales  (509,  666-7).  Queen  Guine- 
vere was  '  born  in  Burgundy  '  (30). 

There  is  a  fierce  duel,  and  Galleroun  is 
vanquished  and  he  surrenders  (640). 

He .  submits  and  gives  up  his  '  renttis 
and  reches '  (646). 


^The  Nat.  Diet.  Biog.  gives  this  as  1359. 


I  36 


HUCHOWN  OF   THE   AWLE    RVALE' 


[Ch. 


Aivntyrs  of  Arthur e. 
Galleroun  is  oppressed  by  his  adversary, 
and  the  lady  implores  (619)  Guinevere,  who 
implores  Arthur "  to  make  concord  (625). 


Arthur  does  so,  and  procures  the  release 
of  Galleroun's  lands  (672-6). 


He  is  released  (675)  with  a  reservation 
about  his  lingering  a  while  to  make  repair 
to  the  Round  Table  (684)  of  which  he  is 
made  a  knight  (701). 


Contemporary  History. 

Edward  HI.,  on  12th  February,  1359,  ex- 
pressly states  that  to  the  earnest  and  oft 
repeated  request '  of  his  sister  Johanna  was 
due  his  agreeing  to  respite  stern  action - 
for  the  Scottish  failure  to  meet  the  ransom. 

Erskine  and  Sir  Hew  attest  in  London  on 
2ist  Feb.,  1359,  David  H.'s  acknowledg- 
ment of  Edward's  concession  of  respite 
(Bain's  Cal.,  iv.,  27). 

David  H.'s  release,  under  treaty  of  Ber- 
wick in  1357,  had  very  stringent  conditions 
for  his  return  if  the  instalments  of  ransom 
were  not  duly  paid.  David  often  repaired 
to  the  Round  Table ;  so  did  Erskine  him- 
self, who  seems  to  have  been  accomplished 
in  lilting  (Nicolas,  Orders  of  Knighthood, 
i.,  14;  Bain,  iv. ,  93;  Rot.  Scot.,  i.,  892). 
Erskine's  ver>'  significant  visits  to  England 
about  St.  George's  Day  are  noted  below. 

Thus  there  are  marrow  bones  of  true  history  in  Golagros  and  the 
Awntyrs.  Superb  and  dramatic  as  are  the  annals  of  Hterary  research,  it 
may  be  questioned  if  they  contain  any  revelation  more  marvellous  and 
pictorial  than  this  of  the  Knight  of  Eglintoun,  then  young  in  his  poetical 
career,  riding  on  his  startled  Frisian  steed,  with  Queen  and  Chamberlain, 
as  they  approach  the  court  of  Edward  III. 

The  boar's  head  marshals  the  way  to  a  complete  understanding  of  the 
place  of  the  Round  Table  poems.  In  the  Aw/ityrs  it  associates  with  them 
in  the  most  pointed  manner  that  powerful  Scottish  baron,  justiciar, 
chamberlain,  officer  of  state,  and  soldier,  Sir  Robert  of  Erskine.  Its 
occurrence  about  the  same  time  also  at  the  Christmas  feast  in  Gaicayne 
(11.  1616-54),  is  not  casual,  but  carries  a  touch  of  heraldic  allegory.     When 


'  Nous  a  la  grande  et  diligente  requeste  et  instance  de  nostre  tres  chere  soere  Dame 
Johane,  compaigne  du  dit  Sire  David,  que  nous  ad  sur  ce  meinte  foiz  supplie,  de  nostre 
grace  especiale  grauntons  [etc.]  (Rotuli  Scot.,  i.,  835,   12th  February,   1359). 

"^  Forfeiture  would  have  made  matters  very  risky  and  unhappy  for  the  hostages  under 
the  treaty.     The  hostage  rubrics  of  GeoftVey  (ch.  13  al)ove)  are  notes  of  Scottish  anxiety. 

^The  intervention  of  '  Waynour '  (1,  625)  may  have  come  from  that  of  '  Venna'  between 
Belinus  and  Brennius. 


17]  ERSKINE   AND   THE    ROUND   TABLE  i-,y 

again  it  confronts  us  on  a  banner  in  IVynnere  and  Wasioure  (1.  175),  and 
on  a  shield  in  Golagros  (1.  605),  the  inference  deepens  that  the  whole 
Round  Table  set  is  connected  with  Sir  Robert  as  well  as  with  Sir  Hew, 
whose  entire  career  ran  alongside  Erskine's.  Year  after  year  from  1358 
onward — in  1362,  1363,  1365,  1368,  1369,  1370,  and  1373 — Erskine  pro- 
cures safe-conduct  to  travel  into  England  (sometimes  Sir  Hew  does  so  at 
the  same  time)  a  week  or  two  before  St.  George's  festival  ^ — countenancing 
most  circumstantially  the  statement  that  the  prototype  of  Galleroun  was 
either  admitted  a  Knight  of  the  Garter  or  was  otherwise  closely  concerned 
with  that  proudest  brotherhood  of  chivalry.  His  personal  accomplishment 
in  knightly  arms  may  be  inferred  from  his  once-  carrying  north  with  him 
a  '  ketil-hat,'  his  appearing  once  as  a  commander  of  a  troop,  and  his 
position  as  castellan  ot  David  H's.  fortresses.  He  stood  in  high  favour 
with  Edward  HI.  as  we  know  from  the  gift  made  to  him  of  a  rich  gold 
cup  2  in  1363.  Year  after  year,  too,  we  find  his  safe-conducts  timed  so 
as  to  let  him  spend  Christmas  in  England — for  instance  ■*  in  1361,  1363, 
and  1367 — again  a  fact  probably  indicative  01  the  good  graces  towards 
him  01  the  English  king. 

Between  the  two,  the  celebrations  of  the  Round  Table  and  the  Christmas 
festivities,  it  is  easy  to  find  natural  room  for  the  poems  ot  Erskine's  friend 
and  colleague  Sir  Hew,  some  of  them  romances  of  the  Table  Round, 
appropriate  to  the  honour  of  the  king  of  chivalry,  Edward  HI.,  and  the 
Black  Prince,  not  forgetting  now  and  then  that  of  the  knight  (concerning 
whom  one  of  them  was  written)  whose  crest  was  a  boar's  head."'  Thus 
at  last  history  vindicates  itself,  and  the  mystery  of  Huchown  and  his 
alliterative  poems  remains  a  mystery  no  more. 

^  Rotnli  Scoiiae,  862,  872,  890,  917,  928,  937,  955. 

-  Rottili  Scotiae,  i.,  892.  -'Bain's  Cal.,  iv.,  93. 

*  Kotuli  Scotia,;  i.,  859,  877-8,  916-7.  At  the  last  reference  Erskine's  son's  arms  and 
armour  make  a  striking  analogy  to  those  in  Gawayue^  574-83. 

'■'  The  heraldic  discovery  on  which  this  chapter  is  based  has  led  to  others  which  explain 
the  unidentified  Friars'  banners  in  IJyu/iere  and  Wastoure.  The  first  banner  has  six 
galleys  of  sable,  each  with  a  brace  (or  bend)  and  two  buckles.  The  galleys  sable  indicate 
John  of  the  Isles  (Woodward's  Heraldry,  cd.  1892,  p.  367),  and  the  bend  and  two 
buckles  his  wife,   Margaret  de  Vaus  {Registrum  Magni  Sigilli,    1306-1424,  p.  48),  whose 

K 


l-,8  'HUCHOWN    OF   TIIK    AWLK    KVALE'  [Ch. 


1 8.  Conclusions. 

To   the    fifteen    leading   propositions    formerly   tabulated,  the  preceding 
chapter  now  adds  : 

1 6.  An  allegorically  historical  sense  in  Golagros  a?td  Gmvayne  strangely 
parallel  to  that  of  the  second  half  of  the  Awniyrs  of  ArtJiure: 

17.  The  demonstration  of  the  inner  yet  obvious  meaning  of  both  poems: 

18.  A  beautiful  and  decisive  personal  revelation  by  the  poet  himself. 
To  review  and  assemble  (although    in   the   baldest,   crudest,  and   most 

disorderly  fashion)  the  detached  sections  of  this  long  involved  and  ill-stated 
argument,  chiefly  in  the  shape  of  successive  series  of  parallelisms,  has  been 
a  task  of  the  greatest  magnitude,  inasmuch  as,  for  the  first  time,  the  general 
features  of  a  supreme  poet  fall  to  be  set  on  the  canvas.  It  is  not  to  be 
disguised  that  the  countenance  which  begins  to  show  itself  with  growing 
definiteness  through  the  curtain  of  the  fourteenth  century  is  of  no  common 

grandfather  bore  a  bend  with  two  'cinquefoils  (?),'  which  perhaps  were  buckles  (Bain's 
Calendar,  ii.,  p.  545).  There  were,  by  legend,  six  kings  of  the  Isles  [Calf.  Moiiumet. 
ix.,  19),  and  the  Scottish  lordship  of  Man  was  held  by  service  of  six  galleys  (Earl  of 
Haddington's  MS.  Adv.  Lib.,  34.  2.  i  [pagination  series  at  end]  pp.  34*-5*).  The  second 
banner  is  yet  more  interesting.  With  both  'brerdes'  (or  liordures)  of  black  and  a  balk  (or 
void)  like  the  sun  in  the  middle,  it  plainly  denotes  the  Balliol  orle  with  field  of  silver  (,Roll 
of  Carlaverock,  ed.  Wright,  25).  The  third  banner  has  three  boar  heads,  and  is  that  eithei 
of  Sir  Robert  Erskine  or  of  Sir  John  Gordon,  a  distinguished  Scottish  soldier  {Wy^itozm, 
X.,  ch.  2),  whose  arms  were  three  boar  heads  (Woodward's  Heraldry,  227),  who  was 
taken  prisoner  at  Poitiers,  and  who  was  in  England  in  1357  and  1358  {Rot.  Scot.,  i.,  808, 
824).  The  fourth  banner,  argent  with  a  belt  buckled,  gives  us  Norman  Lesley's  argent  a 
bend  with  three  buckles  (Woodward,  plate,  p.  376).  John  of  the  Isles  and  Edward  Balliol 
were  both  included  in  the  Berwick  treaty  of  1357  i^Rot.  Scot.,  i.,  812-814).  The  peace  thus 
negotiated  embraced  '  le  yle  de  Manne.'  The  Queen  and  Erskine  have  their  safe-conducts 
to  London  on  9th  May,  1358,  Sir  Hew  and  Lesley  on  the  lith  {Rot.  Scot.,  i.,  822,  823). 
The  arms  are  not  exact  and  the  tinctures  are  altered,  but  probably  no  herald  will  dispute 
the  likelihood  of  these  identifications.  Thus  Wyiniere  and  IVastoiire  conveys  hints  of  a 
surprising  variety  of  strifes  and  concords  in  fields  both  sacred  and  secular,  Scottish  and 
English.  The  two  allies  of  Edward  IH.,  Jt)hn  of  the  Isles  and  Edward  Balliol,  are  thus 
slily  presented  along  with  two  of  his  Scottish  adversaries,  Gordon  (or  Erskine)  and  Lesley. 
The  last  named  was  taken  prisoner  by  the  English  in  France  in  1359  {Scalacronica,  190), 
and  distinguished  himself  under  the  King  of  Cyprus  in  the  descent  on  Alexandria  in  1365 
(Bower,  ii.,  488). 


i8]  CONCLUSIONS  139 

type ;  it  is  the  countenance  of  an  immortal  who  ranks  among  the  great 
formative  forces  in  the  hterature  of  the  English  tongue,  who,  while  Chaucer 
was  still  (to  public  intents)  silent,  had  ransacked  the  storehouses  of  Latin, 
French,  and  English,  in  the  quest  of  material  for  romantic  narrative,  and 
who  no  less  than  Chaucer  set  his  seal  forever  on  the  literary  art  of  his 
own  generation  and  of  the  generations  to  follow.  The  hand  which  seeks 
to  unroll  a  little  further  Wyntoun's  brief  scroll  of  Huchown's  achievement 
may  well  tremble  as  it  deals  with  a  task  so  weighty,  for  either  these  pages 
are  a  vain  and  credulous  figment,  or  Huchown's  range  and  grasp  in  romance 
place  him  as  a  unique  and  lofty  spirit,  comparable  in  respect  of  his  greatness 
only  with  Walter  Scott.  Rut  great  and  sweet  as  is  the  personality  and 
interesting  as  is  the  evolution  of  Scott,  and  superior  far  as  he  was  to  Huchown 
in  original  romance,  the  time  at  which  Huchown  lived  invests  him  with  a 
historical  note  which  our  wizard  story-teller  may  not  claim.  In  Huchown 
we  have  a  superb  craftsman  of  letters  in  the  fourteenth  century,  albeit  the 
latest  Dictionary  oj  National  Biography  knows  him  not. 

Away  in  that  remote  time,  what  was  his  achievement  ?  He  found,  so 
far  as  we  can  conceive,  little  in  the  way  of  native  Scottish  literature.  What- 
ever his  motives — and  we  can  well  enough  surmise  that  his  poetic  leanings 
were  quickened  by  Court  applause — he  applied  himself  to  a  lofty  and  mighty 
task.  His  equipment  must  have  been  excellent,  as  the  standard  of  the  time 
went.  Certainly  he  was,  as  he  himself  said  of  the  pious  /Eneas,  '  Of  literature 
and  language  learned  enow,'  an  easy  master  of  Latin  and  French,  and 
recondite  in  the  English  tongue,  with  a  tendency  not  uncommon  among  poets 
towards  archaism.  It  seems  fairly  reasonable  to  hold  that  his  earlier  pieces 
include,  along  with  the  Wars  of  Alexander^  a  number  of  pieces  on  Scriptural 
themes.  The  Pisiill  of  Susan  is  the  story  of  Susanna  and  the  Elders, 
paraphrased  from  the  Vulgate  in  an  amplified  manner.  Cleanness  is  a 
Scriptural  poem,  which  singularly  chooses  for  its  illustration  a  marine 
subject,  the  story  of  Noah,  powerfully  told.  Patience  likewise  is  somewhat 
incongruously  illuminated  by  another  marine  story,  that  of  Jonah,  his  stormy 
voyage,  and  the  whale.  The  Destruction  of  Troy  was  not  a  task  likely  to 
have  been  undertaken  by  a  mere  tyro  of  poesy,  but  required  an  experienced 
and  ready  versifier,  as  its  facility  of  execution  fully  attests. 


l^o  MIUCHOWN   OF  THE  AWLE   RVALE'  [Cii. 

But  it  is  in  the  works  which  follow  the  Troy  that  the  evolution  of  this 
poetic  genius  may  best  be  traced — traced  with  a  measure  of  certainty  which 
would  have  been  impossible  but  for  the  license  of  the  fourteenth  century 
poets  to  use,  not  once  but  once  and  again,  the  same  figures,  phrases,  and 
lines.     Huchown,  like  many,  perhaps  like  most,  early  writers,  English,  Scots, 
or  French,  when   he  had  a  thing  to  say  a  second  time  had  no  shame  in 
saying  it  in  identical  terms  with  the  first.     The  same  threads,  now  bright  and 
now  of  sober  grey,  reappear  in  more  than  one  of  his  many-coloured  patterns. 
The  thing  was  inevitable  in  the  work  of  a  poet  of  large  production.     Yet 
in  Huchown,  as  editors  long  ago  noted,  his  distinction  is  his  endless  minor 
variation,  even  in  the  repeated  phrases.     To  the  fact  that  he  did  so  repeat 
we   owe   our   chief  means  of  identifying  his  work.      These  repetitions  are 
carried  over  from   the  sheer  translations,  like  the  Alexa?ider  and  the  Troy, 
to  the  more  independent  products,      Ti/tis  and   Vespasiaft  is  amongst  the 
latter,    in    large   degree    an    original    performance,  combining  and   adapting 
various  incidents  and  descriptions  not  belonging  to  the  story  as  he  found 
it.     The  plainsong  of  Huchown's  note  came,  like  Chaucer's,  from  traditional 
themes,   though  each   made  the  composition  his   own  by  nobly  distinctive 
chords.     It  was  the  privilege  of  the  trouvere  often  to  be  content  to  echo 
what  he  found,  but  the  masters  were  ever  wont  to  mend  and  combine  as 
well   as   to   find.      Much  more  rarely  did  they  '  make.'      The  methods  of 
composition,  by  mingled  translation,  adaptation,  and  creation,  are  all  present 
in  Morte  Art/ii/re,  and  the  amplifications  count  for  far  more  than  the  original 
narrative.     Some  of  the  additions  are  inventions  of  the  poet's  own,  but  for 
the  most  part  he  did  not  invent — he  adapted.      The  Parlement  of  the  Thre 
Ages  belongs,  as  it  seems  to  me,  to  the  close  of  his  career,  and  forms,  as 
it  were,  his  testament,  for  does  it  not  sum  up  his  past  course  through   all 
his  themes — through  Alexatider,   Troy,  Titus,  and  Morte  Arthuref     Besides, 
does  it  not,  for  a  second  time,  utilise,  as  had  been  done  in  Morte  Arthure, 
its  chief  authorities,  the  Brut  and  the    Voeux  du  Pcion  ? 

And  Gawayne  and  tJte  Green  Knight  also  was  remembered  when  the 
Parlement  was  put  together  by  a  man  who  by  1376  was  probably  old — 
Gaivayne,  which  Wyntoun  attributed  to  Huchown,  and  which  also  has 
so  many   identical    passages  or   lines    of  close   resemblance   to   Alexatider, 


i8J  ESTIMATE  J41 

Troy,  Titus,  Morte  Arthure,  and  the  Parlemenf,  especially  the  Parlement. 
Nor  may  it  be  forgotten,  as  Sir  Frederick  Madden  and  others  have  not 
failed  to  notice,  that  the  unique  MS.  of  Gaivayne  has  the  incomplete 
superscription, 

Hugo  de 
on  its  opening  page.^ 

Now  let  us  note  the  distinguishing  feature  of  Gmvayne,  that  beautiful 
poem  in  praise  first  of  chivalric  purity,  and  second — and  only  second — ot 
knightly  valour  and  courtly  grace.  On  the  other  hand,  it  handles  with 
delicate  dexterity  a  trying  theme  of  temptation,  from  which  the  chastity 
of  its  hero  emerges  without  a  stain.  There  is  not  room  here  to  discuss 
the  multiplied  evidences  of  the  connection  of  this  poem  with  the  Honi 
soit  qui  tnai  y  petise  motto  of  the  Garter.  It  is  such  as  to  make  the  poem 
a  derivative  of  the  incident  of  English  court  history  which  gave  rise  to  the 
most  illustrious  Order  of  the  age  of  chivalry.  As  a  poem  it  is  full  of  the 
life  and  practice  of  courtly  circles,  as  strong  in  its  ceremonial  and  state  as 
in  woodcraft  and  love  of  the  chase  and  of  arms.  Deeply  and  finely  religious 
in  tone,  Gawayne  removes  all  difficulty  of  understanding  how  a  poet  could 
take  themes  so  diverse  as  Arthur,  and  Erkenwald,  and  Susanna,  and  could 
so  linger  over  the  hunt  in  the  Parlement  and  the  hawking  scene  in  Wyiuiere 
and  Wastoure.  Through  all,  whether  translation,  paraphrase,  or  original 
piece — without  one  ignoble  or  questionable  line,  such  as  the  wit  of  Chaucer, 
Dunbar,  and  Burns  made  them  impotent  to  resist — there  shines  a  soul  of 
translucent  purity.  Posterity,  which  does  not  hit  upon  its  epithets  by 
chance,  has  fitly  remembered  the  knight  of  Eglintoun  as  '  the  gude 
Sir  Hew.'  Perhaps  future  generations  will  recognize  him  as  the  supreme 
exponent  of  British  chivalry  in  its  triple  ideals  of  earnest  purity,  of  courtesy, 
and  of  valour. 

Law  in  its  relation  to  literature  fills  a  role  ot  no  small  distinction. 
Finer  testimony  to  legal  aptness  for  literary  study  need  not  be  sought 
than  Chaucer's  making  his  Man  of  Law,  alone  of  the  goodly  company  in 


^This  is  presented  in  raisi/nile  in  Madden's    Syr  Gaivayiic,  introd.   ii.,   and  discussed 
by  him  on  p.    302. 


142  MIUCHOWN    OF   TIIK   AWI.K    RVALK"  [Cii. 

the  Canterbury  Tales,  have  authoritative  knovvleilge  '  and  a  shrewd,  critical 
opinion  of  the  whole  series  of  Chaucer's  poems.  This  was  indeed  a 
pleasant  compliment  to  the  accidental  accomplishments  of  a  member  of 
the  profession.  It  was  not  what  we  have  in  Erkenwald,  a  tribute 
to  the  nobility  of  justice,  the  kingliness  of  the  function  of  the 
upright  and  gentle  judge.  That  such  a  tribute,  eloquent  with  a  certain 
high  and  solemn  emotion,  should  have  come  from  a  poet  earlier  than 
Chaucer,  from  a  Man  of  Law  before  the  Canterbury  pilgrimage,  enhances 
the  import  of  this  well-told  medieval  tale.  Medieval  of  course  it  is,  but 
it  is  Medievalism  in  exce/sis.  The  poem,  too,  links  with  the  Pearl  on 
the  one  hand  and  the  Awntyrs  of  Arthure  on  the  other  in  a  manner  to 
reveal  the  power  and  grace  of  the  mind  which  could  from  the  somewhat 
gross  Trentalle  of  St.  Gregory  pluck  such  fruit. 

What  shall  we  of  this  generation  accept  as  Huchown's  signal  merit  and 
contribution  to  our  literary  or  our  national  history  ?  Even  were  he  not 
Hew  of  Eglintoun  he  is  the  unanswerable  proof  of  the  culture  of  the 
period,  revealing  the  breadth  and  depth  of  its  romance  learning  and  the 
variety  of  one  man's  resources,  ranging  from  such  Latin  works  as  the  De 
Preliis  and  Hegesippus,  and  such  medieval  literature  as  Guido's  De  Excidio 
Trojae,  Maundeville's  Itinerary,  and  the  historical  story-book  of  the  Brut, 
to  whole  cycles  of  French  romance  on  Alexander  and  Arthur  and  Charle- 
magne, and  the  galaxy  of  heroes  and  heroines  whom  each  of  these  led  in 
his  ever-growing  train.  Considered  merely  as  a  poetic  unity,  and  without 
his  personal  name,  he  is  a  noble  link  between  the  literature  of  the  Continent 
and  that  of  our  island,  imitating  yet  no  slave,  learned  yet  no  pedant, 
borrowing  freely  yet  transfusing  what  he  borrowed  in  the  tire  of  what  he 
gave — an  international  student  who  learnt  much  from  French  literary  art, 
but  who  out  of  his  Latin  and  French  materials  drew  English  poems  of 
which  the  power  is  all  his  own.  And  being  (alike  according  to  the 
apparent  voice  of  early  chronicle  and  the  result  of  recent  research)  a 
Scottish  lawyer  and  courtier,  Sir  Hew  of  F^glintoun,  a  mighty  singer  of 
Cunningham  unheard  of  by  the  bard  of  Kyle,  he  remains  tor  the  literature 

I  Inlroduclioii   to  the   Man  of  Laws  prologue. 


i8]  THE   POET'S    PLACE 


143 


of  English  speech  all  these  things,  and  at  the  same  time  is  immeasurably 
more,  completing  and  antedating  by  his  own  magnificent  example  the 
evidence  of  Barbour  and  Wyntoun  to  the  culture  of  the  Scottish  court 
under  the  Bruces  and  the  Stewarts,  and  lending  stately  promise  to  that 
national  literature  which,  with  independent  destiny,  was  to  be  at  once  a 
thing  apart  and  an  integral  portion  of  the  common  glory  of  English  literature. 
Looked  at  whole,  he  is  a  personality  whose  magnitude  challenges  the  highest, 
while  the  obscurity  of  his  personal  life,  almost  completely  hidden  (had  it 
not  been  for  his  manuscript  of  Geoffrey  of  Monmouth  and  his  own  price- 
less miniature  of  himself  in  the  Awntyrs  of  Arthure)  behind  a  few  brief 
intimations  of  his  public  functions  as  courtier  and  judge,  heightens  by  its 
contrast  the  splendour  of  a  mighty  spirit  and  the  marvel  of  a  unique  career. 
Who  could  have  dreamed  that  portrait  so  meagre  and  accidental  as  that  of 
the  companion  of  Galleroun  would,  after  five  centuries,  admit  of  recognition? 
Who  could  have  hoped  that  after  such  an  interval  records  would  be  found 
to  overcome  the  reticence  of  a  poet  about  himself?  Mountain  and  moor 
have  darkened  round  his  name  and  memory ;  he  sleeps  in  a  forgotten 
grave ;  but  the  west  winds  have  long  been  whispering  that  we  should  yet 
find  him  wearing  a  kingly  diadem  and  buried  in  gold. 


INDEX. 


Alexander  legend,  i  7 :  Roman  d Alixandre, 
18;  in  Parkment,  82,  84,  85. 

Alexander,  Wars  of,  7  ;  agreements  with 
Hunterian  MS.,  19;  borrowing  from 
Maundeville,  22  ;  geographical  parallels 
with  Morte,  22,  52,  53  ;  used  in  Parle- 
>/ient,  84 ;  its  consecutive  alliterations  on 
same  letter,  118. 

Arming  of  Artiiur,  48  ;  of  Vespasian,  49  ; 
of  Gauayne,  137. 

Assythment,  10,  46,  47,  131. 

'Awle  Ryale '  explained,  5,  12,  13,  14  ;  its 
bearing  on  the  poems,  114,  125-6,  130, 

I3i>  I35>  136,  141- 

Awniyrs  of  Arlkiire,  5,  7  ;  parallels  with 
Titns  and  Morte,  34,  53-58,  and  Parle- 
men/,  75-80;  Gawayne's  steed,  51  ;  plot 
partly  from  TrentalU,  111-112,  llius  con- 
necting with  Pearl  and  Erken'iVald,  114, 
116;  specialty  of  ending,  116,  118,  119; 
plot  partly  from  Anglo-Scottish  history, 
•33-7  '•  identification  of  Arthur  and 
Gawayne,  liie  crowned  lady,  Galleroun 
and  the  '  freke  on  a  fresone'  133-6;  fmal 
j)roof  of  Iluciiowns  personality,  135, 
136,  137- 

Balliol,  Edward,  his  arms  on  banner  in 
Wynnere,  13S. 


Barbour,  John,  composition  or  Briue,  1,2; 
colleague  of  Sir  Hew,  13,  45,  125  ; 
translates  Guido,  23,  126;  quotes  Troy, 
30  ;  refers  to  siege  of  Tyre,  38  ;  trans- 
lates I'oeiix  dii  Paon,  45  ;  his  parallel 
use  of  Iluchown's  authorities,  126;  his 
nationalism,  123. 

'Beelzebub'   in    Troy,   29;    in  Cleanness, 

115- 
Belinus    and     Brennius,     their     place     in 

A'li'nlyrs,    136;    Mortc,    lOI  ;    W'ynnerc, 

9O1  91  >  93;   Erkenwald,  106,  109;  the 

poet's  standpoint,  125,  128. 
Bend  01  green,  121,  128. 
Black     Prince,    40 :      his    campaigns     in 

Aquitaine,  etc.,  40,  64,  125,  132  ;  l)attlc 

of  Poitiers,  1 33. 
Borrezio,   Johannulus  de,   edits  Guido    in 

1354,  24. 

Cadence,  a  term  tor  alliteration,  3,  117. 
Cleanness,  7,  15,  115,  129. 
Correlation  of  poems,  15,  129. 
Crecy  in  Mortc,  59,  60. 

Uares  and  Dictys,  23,  81. 

David  II.  knights  Sir  Mew,  9;  his  cap- 
tivity, 10;  iiis  relations  with  Edward  III., 
II  ;  his  treaty  \sitli  Ildward,  11,  66,  91, 


INDEX 


M5 


124;  presence  in  London,  64,  98,  99; 
his  action  of  divorce,  12  ;  his  fortunes 
poetically  reflected,  91,  135-6. 

Diagram  of  argument,  129. 

Dialect  of  poems,  various  views  on,    119; 

conclusion   that   it    was    an    admixture, 

120. 
Dialogiis  inter  Aqiiavi  et  Vintiin  in   Hun- 

terian  MS.  of 'Geoftrey,'  94,  101. 
Dragon  in  Titus  and  Morte,  48,  S9,  90  ;  in 

MS.  'Geoffrey,'  102. 
Dunbar,    William,    his    Lai)ient     *'or    the 

iMakaris,  5. 
Dunwallo  and  the  dead  judge  in  Erken- 

wald,  III. 

Edward  III.;  his  Round  Table,  10,  12; 
his  relations  with  David  II.,  11,  66,  91  ; 
love  of  hawking,  12  ;  episodes  in  his 
history  frequently  utilised  by  the  poet 
(Crecy,  Calais,  Winchelsea,  French  wars, 
Scottish  negotiations),  39,  59,  60,  62, 
63)  64,  91,  124,  132-6;  a  hero  in  Morte 
Arthnre,  62,  122;  in  Wyimerc,  93,  121  ; 
in  Ga-ii'ayne,  120;  in  Golagros,  132  ;  and 
in  Awntyrs,  133-6. 

Eglintoun  family,  8. 

Eglintoun,  Hew  of:  his  identification  with 
Huchown,  5,  130,  135  ;  sketch  of  his 
biography,  8-13  ;  native  of  Ayrshire,  8  ; 
knighted,  9  ;  taken  prisoner  in  England, 
9;  marries  daughter  of  Chamberlain,  9  ; 
associated  with  Sir  Robert  of  Erskine, 
10;  visits  London  with  him,  10, 135;  mar- 
ries Egidia,  half-sister  of  Robert  the 
Steward,  10  ;  relation  to  negotiations  ol 
'363-4  with  Edward  III.,  11 ;  a  justiciar, 
etc.,  10,  II  ;  goes  to  Rome,  12;  member 
of  Privy  Council,  12;  man  of  means,  13; 
holds  office  at  Exchequer,  13  ;  associated 
with  Barbour,  13  ;  death  and  burial,  13  ; 
identified  by  internal  evidence  with 
Huchown,  135  ;  significance  of  his  visits 


to  London,  10,  65,  93,  98,  I35>  '3^.  I37; 
his  arms,  130. 

Erceldoun,  Thomas  of,  his  prophecies 
quoted  in  IVynnere  and  Wasloure,  93, 
125. 

Erkenwald,  8 ;  connection  with  MS. 
'Geoftrey,'  10x3-105;  the  story,  105-109; 
its  tribute  to  law,  107-8 ;  relation  to 
Belinus  and  Brennius,  109 ;  the  dead 
iudge's chronology,  loo,  no;  Dunwallo, 
III  ;  connection  with  Trentalle,  113,  114, 
116,  and  thus  with  A'wutyrs  and  Pearl, 
114,   116,   122,   142. 

Erskine,  Sir  Robert  of,  justiciar  and  cham- 
berlain of  Scotland,  10,  11,  12  ;  his  share 
in  negotiations  of  1358-9,  134,  135,  136, 
137  ;  and  in  those  of  1363-4,  66,  91, 
124;  identified  as  '  Galleroun,'  134;  an 
associate  of  Sir  Hew,  10,  12,  134-7. 

Fleta,  43,  107. 

'  Foul  Death  '  in  Vitus,  39,  122. 

Galleroun  in  the  Aiuntyrs  identified,  134. 

Garter.     See  Round  Table. 

Gainayne  and  the  Green  Knight,  7  ;  plot 
partly  from  Perceval  le  Gallois,  131  ;  its 
temptation  scenes,  51  ;  parallels  with 
Parlement,  71-73,  80,  81,  and  with 
Alexander,  Titus,  and  Morte,  73,  74 ; 
its  Garter  connection,  120  ;  consonance 
with  history,  12 1  ;  the  bend  of  green, 
121,  128  ;  dale  of  poem,  1 21-2  ;  words 
'  Hugo  de  [  ]'  on  MS.,  141. 

Generydes,  51. 

Geoffrey  of  Monmouth's  '  Brut,'  3  ;  trans- 
lated, 41  ;  Huchown's  copy  of  'Geoffrey,' 
85  ;  its  rubrications,  86-89,  90,  94 ; 
transcripts  from  it,  99-105;  their  con- 
nection with  Erkenwald,  100,  lOI,  102, 
105,  109,  no.  III  ;  with  Wynnere,  loi ; 
with  Aivntyrs,  136;  with  Troy,  I02  ; 
with  Titus,  102;  with  Morte,  99-105; 
with  Gawayne,  103 ;  with  Cleanness, 
102,  115. 


146 


INDEX 


Gog  and  Magog,  21,  82. 

Gohigros  and  Ga'i'ayiie,  131  ;  partly  from 
Perceval  le  Gal  his,  131  ;  partly  frt)m 
Anglo-French  histoiy,  132-4;  Golagros, 
King  John  of  France,  132 ;  events  of 
campaigns  in  1355  6  referred  to,  includ- 
ing march  to  Carcassonne  and  battle  of 
Poitiers,    132-3;    its   date    about    1359, 

132. 

Guido  de  Columpna's  Dt-  Excidio  Trojae, 
Hunterian  MS.  of,  16,  17  ;  the  legend, 
23;  correspondences  of  MS.  and  allitera- 
tive Troy,  25-29  ;  source  of  Parlemcnf, 
82. 

Hawking,  12,  71,  105,  130,  141. 

Heir-apparent,  66,  91. 

Heraldry  in  the  poems,  39,  90,  96,  103, 
121,  130,  134,  137,  138. 

History  in  the  poems:  surrender  of  Calais 
in  Titus,  39 ;  Crecy,  Winchelsea,  and 
wars  of  Edward  HI.  in  Morte,  57-65  ; 
Black  Prince's  campaigns,  40,  64 ;  Judges 
and  Pope  in  Wynnere,  96,  121,  137  ; 
King  of  Cyprus,  65  ;  battle  at  Adrianople, 
65.  See  vocibtts  Edward  HI.,  Heraldry, 
and  Round  Table. 

Hostages,  poet's  interest  in,  8,  87,  loi  ; 
interest  explained,  135,  136. 

Huchown  of  the  Awle  Ryale  :  compared 
with  Barbour,  2,  3,  126  ;  his  identifica- 
tion as  Sir  Hew  of  Eglintoun,  3  ;  Wyn- 
toun's  references,  3,  4 ;  Dunbar's 
supposed  reference,  5  ;  objections  to 
identification,  5,  6;  Huchown  not  a 
disparaging  name,  6;  works  ascribed,  7  ; 
Sir  Ilew's  biography,  8-13,  30,  65,  98, 
130,  135-7  ;  poems  discussed,  passim  ; 
Hunterian  MSS.  probably  used  by  him, 
16,  85  ;  his  rubrications  of  '  Geoffrey  of 
Monmouth,'  99105;  his  error  about 
Lucius  Imperator,  3,  4,  86,  103 ;  his 
interest  in  hostages,  87,  loi,  136;  Sir 
Hew's  visits  to  London  in  1358  and  1359, 


30,  98;  Huchown's  allusion  to  the 
visit  of  1358,  135  ;  his  legal  sympathies, 
42,  43,  100,  loi,  106-S,  no,  121;  his 
interest  in  Belinusand  Brennius,  93,  loi, 
106,  109,  125,  128,  136;  his  verse 
system,  117;  dialect,  119;  nationality, 
1 23-7 ;  quoted  by  Barbour,  30;  relations 
towards  Barbour,  126;  personal  charac- 
teristics, 130;  knowledge  and  love  of  the 
sea,  60-62,  65,  130,  139;  reveals  him- 
self in  Awntyrs  of  Arthure,  135  ;  his 
poetical  achievement  estimated,  139;  the 
incomplete  inscription,  Hugo  de  [  ], 

141  ;  the  poet's  significance,  142. 

'  Hugo  de  [  ],  141. 

Hunterian  MSS.:  T.  4.  i  (Guido,  De 
Preliis,  and  .Maundeville),  16,  19,  21, 
22 ;  Destruction  of  Troy,  alliterative 
poem,  23  ;  U.  7.  25  (Geoffrey  of  Mon- 
mouth), 85-90,  99-105. 

Hunting,  12,  68,  71,  72,82,  100,  130,  141. 

Isles,  John  of  the,  his  arms  on  banner  in 
VVynticre,  138. 

Jdriisakin,  Sege  of.     See  Titus. 
John,  King  of  France,  132,  133. 

Kent,  earl's  son  of,  132,  135. 

Law,  notes  of,  14,  42,  66,  91,   108,    130, 

131- 

Lay  of  the  Truelove,  67,  1 18,  119. 
Lesley,  Norman,  138. 
Lombardy,  12. 

Lucius  Iberius,  Emperor  or  Procurator,  3, 
4,  86,  103. 

Madden,  Sir  Frederick,  5,  71,  131. 

Maundeville's  Itinerarium,  17,  30;  used  in 
Alexander,  22;  in  Morte,  42,  122;  in 
Parlcinent,  82;  in  Cleanness.  115,  122. 
See  also  15,  127,  129. 


INDEX 


147 


Morte  Arthnre,  referred  to  by  Wyntoun, 
4,  5  ;  edition,  7  ;  account  of  poem,  40  ; 
additions  made  to  matter  in  Brut,  42  ; 
borrowings  from  Maundeville,  42 ;  Flcta, 
42  ;  Voeux  dii  Paoii,  44  ;  Titus,  47  : 
other  French  sources,  50 ;  Troy  and 
Alexander,  52,  and  from  history,  59-66  ; 
used  largely  for  the  Parhment,  74-85  ; 
its  relations  and  composition,  15,  40, 
129,  130,  140;  its  connections  with  MS. 
Geoffrey,  85-89,  95,  99-105. 

Nationality   of    poet    discussed,    123  127  ; 

settled,  136. 
Nine   Worthies    in   Morte,   47  ;    in  Parle- 

ttient,  70,  84;  in  Golagros,  133. 

Ogier  Danois,  a  source  of  Titus,  39,  48, 
51,  and  of  Morte,  48,  51,  52;  mentioned 
in  Parlemcnt,  70. 

Parallels.     See  Troy,  etc. 

Parlement  of  the  Thre  Ages,  8  ;  its  author- 
ship tested,  67;  the  story,  68-71 ;  parallels 
from  Ga-wayne,  71-74,  and  from  A^vntyrs, 
Alexaiuier,  Troy,  Titus,  and  Morte, 
73-81  ;  proportions  of  these  parallels, 
81  ;  sources  of  poem,  81  ;  main 
source  of  plot,  82-84  ;  relative  date  as 
regards  the  other  poems,  84 ;  later  than 
1365,  122  ;  diagram,  129. 

Patience,  7,  115,  139. 

Pearl,  7;  its  plot,  113-114;  notes,  115, 
116;  its  relations,  15,  129. 

Pistill  of  Susan,  7,  14,  68,  129. 

Pseudo-  Callisthenes,  1 7. 

Quid  de  niundo  senciam,  102. 


Rome,  itinerary  to,  12  ;  adapted  in  ^ forte, 

12,  64  ;  knowledge  of,  131. 
Round  Table,  10,  12  ;  an  important  factor 

in  the  poems,  41,  62,  98,  I20,  121,  132, 

1.36,  137- 

St.  John  the  Evangelist,  118. 
Sanctuary  law,  42-44,  107,  no. 
Scalacronica,  63,  64,  97. 

Shaving  of  ambassadors,  in  Titus,  39,  and 

in  Morte,  48. 
Ships  :  in  Titus,  39 ;  in  Morte,  60-62,  65  ; 

in  Cleanness,  139;  in  Patience,  139.    See 

also  100,  130. 
Stewart  family,  10 ;  Sir  Hew's  association 

with,  10. 

Tarn  Wadling,  9. 

71tus  and  Vespasian,  edition,  8  ;  follows 
Troy,  31  ;  story  and  sources,  31 ;  key  of 
Morte,  31  ;  parallels  from  Troy  and 
Alexander,  32-38 ;  council  of  war  by 
night,  35;  fall  of  Jerusalem  and  Tenedos 
and  Tyre,  37  ;  shaven  ambassadors,  39  ; 
poem  known  in  Scotland  early,  39 ;  date, 
39,  40 ;  used  for  Morte,  47-50,  and  Par- 
lement, 74-81  ;  uses  MS.  'GeofiVey,'  89, 
102. 

Trentalle  Sancti  Gregorii:  a  source  or 
Awntyrs,  ill  ;  of  Pearl,  113;  and  of 
Erkemvald,  116. 

Troy,  Destruction  of,  edition,  7  ;  corre- 
spondences with  Ilunterian  '  Guido,' 
24-  30;  used  in  Titus,  32-38 ;  Moiie, 
52-58  ;  Parlement,  68  ;  and  Cleanness, 
115  ;  quoted  by  Barbour,  122  ;  date  of, 
30,  122,  139. 

Troy  legend,  23.     See  Guido. 


Robert  II.  (formerly  Steward  of  Scotland), 
12;  favours  literature,  13. 


X'ernacle  legend,  31  ;  in  Vitus,  39,  47. 
Veronica  legend,  31,  39,  47. 


148 


INDEX 


Vocitx  dii  I'aon,  account  uf,  44  ;  IranslaLcd 
by  Barbour,  45 ;  a  source  of  Morle, 
44-47  ;  of  Parlenioit,  Si  ;  perhaps  of 
Titus,  122. 

IVynnere  and  Wasioure,  8 ;  significance  01 
'  Venna '  rubric,  90  ;  authorship,  91  ; 
plot  from  'Geoffrey,'  92,  99,  loi,  128, 
129;  its  Garter  connection,  93,  137-8; 
quotes  Thomas  of  Erceldoun,  93,  125, 
127;  relation  to  Belinus  and   Brennius, 


93,  125;  follows  model  of  medieval 
'tlyling,'  94,  95;  considerations  as  to 
date,  95  ;  allusion  to  Scharshill  and 
other  judges,  95,  97,  98,  121  ;  the 
bannered  armies,  95 ;  controversy  of 
the  Friars,  96 ;  Bishop  of  Ely,  Judges, 
and  Pope,  97  ;  conclusion  as  to  date, 
98,  120,  137-8;  its  relations,  129;  its 
heraldry,  137-8. 
Wyntoun's  references  to  Huchown,  3,  4,71  . 


WORKS   BY   THE   SAME   AUTHOR. 


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SIR  IIEW  OF  EGLINTOUN :  A  Biograi'Hical  Calendar  Contributed  to  The 
Philosophical  Society  of  Glasgow.  42  pp.  is.  6d.  net.  Nearly  out  of 
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