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Edited by 



Copyright, 1902, by Charles E. Goodspeed 


In Memory of 



THE letters which are printed in this volume 
have been gathered from several sources. 
Those from the reports of the Royal Commission 
on Historical Manuscripts are indicated by footnotes. 
Letters numbered i, ii, x, xii, xvi, xxiii, xxvii, xxviii, 
and xxix are from the manuscripts owned by the 
Boston Public Library and are reprinted by permis 
sion of the Trustees from the Bulletin for January, 
1892. The letters not referred to above were copied 
by the Rev. Edward Griffin Porter during a visit of 
a few days in 1 878 to the late Duke of Northumber 
land at Alnwick Castle. To Miss Gertrude Montague 
Graves I am indebted for bringing these letters to 
my notice, and for the following account of Mr. 
Porter s stay at Alnwick, as described by him be 
fore the Abigail Adams Chapter (Boston) of the 
Daughters of the American Revolution : 

"While preparing a history of Lexington, Mas 
sachusetts, for the Centennial Celebration of the 
battle of Lexington, the late Edward G. Porter, pas- 

r 7 1 


tor of the Hancock Church in that town, entered 
into correspondence with the Duke of Northumber 
land. Through this correspondence, a mutual regard 
grew up between Mr. Porter and the Duke, which 
resulted in a visit by the former to Alnwick Castle. 
" While a guest there, a certain alcove and shelf 
were pointed out to him; after glancing over 
numerous books, he espied, in an obscure corner, 
what proved to be a tin box covered thickly with 
dust, and tied with a frayed blue ribbon. In answer 
to inquiry, the Duke s Librarian told him that the 
box contained letters, but he never remembered to 
have seen it opened. It was dusted and opened 
forthwith, disclosing a budget of faded and yellow 
letters, the veritable ones that Earl Percy had 
written to his father, beginning at the moment of 
his landing in Boston, and ending at the time of 
his return to England. Mr. Porter had the satisfac 
tion, with the permission of his host, of spending 
that day and the two succeeding ones in copying 
these letters." 

Mr. Porter wrote a letter to the Lexington 
Minute-Man, dated at Alnwick September 27, 

[ 8 ] 


18785 and printed Odtober i^-th, in which he said : 
" Percy s letters, and many other family documents, 
have been generously placed at my disposal by His 
Grace the Duke of Northumberland. I have made 
numerous extracts, touching upon events of 1775, 
which I may give to friends at home, in some form, 
after my return." His sudden death in February, 
i goo, occurred before they had been given to the 
public in any printed form, and before he had ex 
pressed any wish concerning their publication. His 
sister, Miss Ellen Carruth, very kindly allowed me 
to make this use of her brother s copies after I had 
submitted them to the present Duke, at whose re 
quest certain references to family matters have been 
omitted. To Mr. Lindsay Swift and to other friends 
I am indebted for helpful suggestions. 

Pound Hill, Shirley, April, 1902. 

[ 9 ] 


Introduction i 5 

Letters of Earl Percy. 

I. To the Rev. Thomas Percy, April 17, 1774 25 

Before sailing for America. 

II. To the Rev. Thomas Percy, May 8, 1774 26 

From on board the Symetry. 

III. To the Duke of Northumberland, July 5, 1774 26 

Arrival in Boston. 

IV. To the Duke of Northumberland, July 27, 1774 27 

The inhabitants; the climate. 

V. To Henry Reveley, Esq., August 8, 1774 30 

The climate and the people. 

VI. To the Duke of Northumberland, August 15, 1774 31 
Trees ; products of the soil; local events. 

VII. To General Harvey (?), August 21, 1774 35 

Effett of the Regulation Afts. 

VIII. To the Duke of Northumberland, September 12, 1774 37 
" Things are now drawing to a crisis" 

IX. To , Odlober 10, 1774 39 

Trouble in Lord Percy s regiment. 

X. To the Rev. Thomas Percy, Odlober 27, 1774 40 

XI. To General Harvey (?), November i, 1774 41 

Military preparations on both sides. 

XII. To the Rev. Thomas Percy, November 25, 1774 43 
State of affairs ; request for books. 


XIII. To Henry Reveley, Esq., December 6, 1774 45 

" Reinforcement gives great spirits" 

XIV. To Grey Cooper, Esq., after December 13, 1774 46 

Seizure of powder at Newcastle. 

XV. To General Harvey, February 9, 1775 47 

XVI. To the Rev. Thomas Percy, April 8, 1775 4 8 

Conditions in Boston. 

XVII. To Governor Gage, April 20, 1775 49 

Official account of the retreat from Lexington. 

XVIII. To General Harvey, April 20, 1775 52 

Part of an unofficial account of the retreat, with other 

XIX. To the Duke of Northumberland, April 20, 1775 54 
The retreat from Lexington. 

XX. To Henry Reveley, Esq., May, 1775 55 

The enemy burn houses and a schooner. 

XXI. To the Duke of Northumberland, June 19, 1775 56 

Battle of Bunker Hill. 

XXII. To General Harvey (?), July 28, 1775 58 

Comments on the campaign. 

XXIII. To the Rev. Thomas Percy, August 12, 1775 59 

XXIV. To the Duke of Northumberland, August 1 8, 1775 61 

" Their aim is independence." 

XXV. To Henry Reveley, Esq., October 29, 1775 61 

Preparations for winter. 

XXVI. To General Haldimand, December 14, 1775 62 

"The rebels have been too fortunate." 

[ 12 ] 


XXVII. To the Rev. Thomas Percy, January 7, 1776 64 

Affairs at Headquarters. 

XXVIII. To the Rev. Thomas Percy, June i, 1776 66 

"Flight of the rebels from before Quebeck" 

XXIX. To the Duke of Northumberland, September i, 1776 67 
Battle of Long Island. 

XXX. To Lord George Germain, September 2, 1776 70 

Battle of Long Island. 

XXXI. To a Gentleman in London, September 4, 1776 71 

Battle of Long Island. 

XXXII. To Lord George Germain, Oclober 30, 1776 72 

Manoeuvres at New York. 

XXXIII. To Henry Reveley, Esq., November 3, 1776 75 

Manoeuvres at New York. 

Note in Conclusion 79 

Index 85 


HUGH PERCY, known during the years of his service 
in America as Earl Percy, was born August 14, 1742, 
in the parish of Saint George s, Hanover Square, London, 
the son of Sir Hugh and Lady Elizabeth Smithson. His par 
ents were later the first Duke and Duchess of Northumber 
land of this line. The heiress of the ancient House of Percy 
had married in 1685 Charles Seymour, sixth duke of Somer 
set. Their son Algernon Seymour, the seventh duke of Som 
erset, and by special creation in honor of his maternal descent, 
Earl of Northumberland, had a daughter Lady Elizabeth Sey 
mour, who on the death of her brother, without issue, became 
heiress of the Percy barony and of great family estates. 

Lady Betty gave her heart to a young Yorkshire baronet, 
Sir Hugh Smithson, before her parents had consented to their 
engagement. " I must honestly confess to you," she wrote to 
her mother, "that had it met with my Pappa s approbation 
and yours, I should very willingly have consented to it. Nay, 
I shall not scruple to own that I have a partiality for him." 
Her health began to fail under the delays that followed. At 
last consent came, and Sir Hugh and Betty were married 
in July, 1740. Sir Hugh brought to the alliance an ambition, 
fed by his wife s pride in her Percy blood, to revive the de 
caying greatness of the Percies in the north. In 1750, upon 

[ 15 ] 


succeeding his father-in-law as Earl of Northumberland, he 
took the name of Percy. In 1766 he was created Earl Percy 
(the title used by his eldest son) and Duke of Northumber 
land. The Duke and Duchess rebuilt castles, fostered agricul 
ture, bettered the condition of the farmers, and for twenty 
years planted over a thousand trees annually. 

This was the work accomplished by the parents of Lord 
Percy, and much that was attractive in his character, saving 
his name from the abuse heaped upon other British officers 
in America, is to be traced to his father and his mother. The 
Duke had voted against the Stamp Act, and in other ways he 
continued to show disapproval of his party s colonial policy. 
The son was in sympathy with his father s views. 

Although opposed to the American war, Lord Percy em 
barked for Boston in the spring of 1774, and was for a time 
in command of the forces there. His conduct in America was 
closely watched by his political opponents. A letter written 
at this time was printed in the London Chronicle in October, 
1774, when he was put forward as a candidate for re-election 
to Parliament from Westminster. A few words may not be 
out of place in regard to the spirited contest which excited 
the City for days. The Chronicle for September 29~O6lober i 
contained an announcement to the Freeholders of the City 
and Liberty of Westminster that two gentlemen of fortune 
and honor were resolved to offer themselves as candidates, and 
earnestly requested the citizens to make no promises of votes 

[ 16 ] 


and influence. On Tuesday, the 4th of Oftober, a meeting 
of inhabitants and eleftors was held in Westminster Hall, a 
chairman was selected, candidates were proposed, and by a 
show of hands, Lords Mountmorres and Mahon were de 
clared elefted. The former in an "elegant speech" thanked 
his friends, saying that he felt himself to be in a situation 
"similar to that of Pompey soliciting the suffrages of the 
Roman Citizens ; so, like that generous Roman, he would, 
if necessary, expire in defence of the liberties of his con 
stituents and country." Lord Mahon declared that he feared 
"no Court, no minister." They were then proposed as joint 
candidates against any others, and joined hands. 

At the same time the "worthy electors" were requested, 
in a card dated Oftober jth, to favor Lord Percy and Lord 
Thomas Pelham Clinton, and the canvass began. A notice in 
the Chronicle for October nth, signed "The MAJORITY of 
the candidates (those needy Strangers in particular, with 
whose worthless characters and persons most of the sober 
inhabitants are unacquainted) to desist from hiring mobs or 
bribing worthless people to behave rudely, and promising 
their votes to the two most peaceably disposed candidates. 

The contest now became bitter, and Lord Percy was 
accused of joining the ministerial band of cut-throats in 
America. 1 His friends then published the following address, 

1 B. Franklin to Gallo-way, Oflober 12, 1774; Works, edited by Bigelo-iv, vol. v., page 371. 

[ 7 ] 


and, as will be seen, they incorporated part of a letter from 
Lord Percy, dated August i oth : 

" To the Worthy Independent Electors of 

MANY scandalous reflexions have been thrown out against LORD PERCY 
for doing his duty as an officer, in accompanying his regiment to North America. 
But surely this spirited conduct deserves applause rather than censure ; for it 
would have ill become the distinguished name he bears, to have declined any 
service where his honour was concerned. It is well known his Lordship dis 
approved those very measures which rendered the present service necessary : 
besides, he had no reason to suppose he was to have gone to Boston, his first 
destination being to Florida. And the humanity of his disposition cannot be 
doubted, after the remarkable proof he gave of it when his regiment lately went 
abroad, in hiring transports at his own charge to carry over the Soldiers wives, 
fitting out them and their children with every thing necessary for the voyage, 
at the expence of 700^. With regard to his treatment of the Americans them 
selves, the prudence and moderation of his Lordship s conduct appears in a letter 
lately received by a Gentleman in this town, who is ready to shew the original, 
which is dated August io th , and contains the following remarkable passage. 

I am well with the people of Boston, even with the Select Men. When the 
people come with complaints, I hear them with patience ; and if they are just 
ones, I take care they shall be immediately redressed, assuring them that we 
are come to protect the peaceable inhabitants, not to injure them ; and that as 
we are determined to enforce obedience to the laws in other people, we shall 
be ever ready and desirous to be the first to obey them ourselves. 

As to his Lordship s parliamentary conduft, it has been always constitutional, 
free, and independent." 1 

Notices now appeared frequently, calling upon the elec- 

1 The London Chronicle for 1774: OEiober 11-13, page 3 5 6- 

[ 18 ] 


tors to support Percy and Clinton, and naming the polling 
places in each parish. The result of the poll was chronicled 
from day to day. On October i2th the vote stood: Percy, 
658; Clinton, 612; Mountmorres, 270; Mahon, 222; Cotes, 
84. Lords Mahon and Mountmorres spoke on the hustings 
to encourage their followers, and professed a belief that the 
advantage of the opposition was "like a fire of straw" that 
would soon burn out. Voters were obliged to swear that 
they had not cast a ballot before and had not been bribed. 
They were exhorted to keep the peace and avoid intimi 
dation. Rioting and disorder continued, and Clinton called 
upon his friends to prevent violence, the vote for Clinton 
and Percy meanwhile steadily gaining upon that of their 
opponents. Clinton in later notices expressed regrets that he 
and his colleague had not been able to call personally on 
every voter, urged his friends to vote jointly for Percy and 
himself, and not to delay aftion. On the i8th the City was 
said to be laboring under great agitation, as a result of the 
length of the poll. 1 By the 2Oth Clinton s notices filled a 
column of the paper, and he urged the electors to exert 
their "kind and generous zeal" to make their "extraordi 
nary success" so much the more brilliant. Two days later 

1 Horace Walpole wrote to Sir Horace Mann, October 22, 1774 : Wilkes "has met with a heroine 
to stem the tide of his conquests ; who, though not of Arc, nor a pucelle, is a true Joan in spirit, 
style -, and manners. This is her Grace of Northumberland, who has carried the mob of West 
minster from him; sitting daily in the midst of Convent-Garden; and will eleSi her son [Earl 
Percy} and Lord Thomas Clinton, against Wilkes s two candidates, Lord Mahon and Lord 
Mountmorres" (Letters, edited by Cunningham, 1866, vol. vi., page 136.) 

[ 19 ] 


Lord Mahon declared from the hustings in Covent Garden 
that they were willing to set a day for closing the poll, but 
that their opponents (whose vote was double their own) 
kept the town "in warm-water." His colleague, who had 
once compared himself with Pompey the Great, was now, it 
would appear, called " Pompey the less" in an epigram on the 
three Pompeys. Lord North s interest in the election is shown 
by a note from him to Lord Carlisle, dated at Bushy Park, 
Oftober 23, 1774. It reads : "Having heard that Mr. Delme 
is returned to Town, I should be much obliged to your Lord 
ship if you would be so good as to desire him to go over to 
Covent Garden at any time before Wednesday, and vote for 
Lord Percy and Lord Thomas Clinton. As the polling is now 
very slack, he will not be detained five minutes at the hust 
ings." The determination of the Government to make the 
victory as effective as possible is well shown by the willing 
ness of the Prime Minister to take this trouble to gain a single 
vote when his candidates were already far ahead of their ad 
versaries, and the polls were near to closing. 

When the poll finally closed, at noon on the 26th of 
Oftober, the vote stood : 

For Earl Percy 4994 

Lord Pelham Clinton 4744 

Lord Mountmorres . . . . . . . . 2531 

Lord Mahon 2 34 2 

Humphry Cotes 130 

1 Historical Manuscripts Commission, i $th report , part <vi., page a 80 (MSS. at Castle Howard). 

[ 20 ] 


The family and friends of Lord Percy prepared an address 
of gratitude to the electors for the handsome support which 
he had received. 

Lord Percy served with distinction at the retreat from 
Lexington, and in the campaign about New York, leading 
his men with spirit at the attack upon Fort Washington in 
November, 1776 ; but his inability to agree with Howe led 
him in 1777 to obtain a recall. He had been made a Major- 
General in America July 1 1 , 1 775 (the commission was signed 
"at our Court at St. James, 22d June"), and received the 
same rank in the army September 2gth ; he became a Lieu 
tenant-General in America March 26, 1776 (his commission 
was dated at the war office March 23d), and Lieutenant- 
General in the army August 29, 1777. 

Earl Percy inherited his father s dukedom in 1786, and 
received many offices and honors before his death on July 10, 
1817. His first alliance with the daughter of Lord Bute 
ended in unhappiness in 1779. The same year he married 
Frances Julia Burrell, sister of his younger brother s wife, 
and by her he left two sons, who succeeded him as third and 
fourth dukes of Northumberland. 

With his men Percy was popular. His mother wrote in 
1770: "I admire you for marching with your regiment; I 
dare say you are the only man of your rank who ever per 
formed such a journey on foot." He expected obedience and 

1 Walpole to Sir Horace Mann, May 9, 1778 $ also letter of July 9, 1779. 

[ 21 ] 


faithfulness from his men, and in return showed a deep in 
terest in their welfare, furnishing clothing and food on occa 
sions, and caring for the widows of those who fell. He was 
simple and retiring by nature, although not forgetful of the 
ceremonies required by one in his rank and social station. 
To his close friends and their children he showed a warm 

Almost all Englishmen in 1775 failed to understand the 
temper of the American people. This is true of Lord Percy 
during the period covered by the early letters ; he soon 
came to take a calmer view, and it is unfortunate that his 
later letters are not more numerous. Members of the family 
who came after him have ever shown a friendly good-will 
toward America. 




Kinsale, Ap l . ij th . 1774. 
Dear D R . 

THANKS to you for your Letter which I received on my 
Arrival here. Tho I wrote by the last Post to my Father, 
& have nothing to say yet I could not help setting down just 
to inform you that We are still here, nor have we as yet got 
any Intelligence of the Transports. However as the Wind is 
fair, We have reason to expeft Them every Moment. Our 
Orders, with regard to our Encamping at Boston, you know 
in London full as well if not better than we do, as I find we 
are to have eight Reg ts . there, I fancy severity is intended. 
Surely the People of Boston are not Mad enough to think of 
opposing us. Headiness & Temper will I hope set things in 
that Quarter to rights, & Gen 1 . Gage is the proper Man to do 
it. Adieu my Dear D r . & be assured I am 

Tour sincere Friend 

The Rev*. D r . PERCY/ 

Northumberland House 




1 Re<v. Thomas Percy, to whom many of the letters here printed were addressed, was the son of 
a grocer at Bridgnorth, in Shropshire, and claimed connection nvith the House of Percy. His Re- 
liques of Ancient English Poetry had already appeared, and his reputation as a scholar brought him 
friends among persons of influence. Dr. Percy s loyalty to Northumberland and the Percies made 

[ 25 ] 


70 the Rev. THOMAS PERCY 

On Board the Symetry, May S th . 1774. 
Dear D R . 

WE are at last on board, & shall sail direftly. I should 
think myself much obliged to you if you would send 
me over the English Votes constantly to Boston. My News 
papers the Porter will forward as usual. I am so cold I can 
scarce hold my Pen, & if I could it & the Ink are so bad I 
can hardly make the Letter legible. Adieu my Dear D r . & 
believe me 

Tours sincerely 


P. S. Mess". Baker, Palmer, Gair &c who are on board 
with me beg I will present their Comp ts . 


Boston, July 5, 1774. 
My dearest Father : 

AS I am certain you will be anxious to hear from me, I take 
jcV the earliest opportunity after my arrival, of acquainting 

him sensitive to criticism of either $ and readers of Boswell will recall an amusing account of a 
quarrel between Dr. Percy and Johnson at a dinner , April 12, 1778. The last years of his life 
c were spent in Ireland as bishop of Dromore. 

[ 26 ] 


you that I am here & in good health. 1 You will perceive by 
the date of this (for we only came about an hour ago) that 
we have had a very bad passage. I have the misfortune, for I 
must think it so, of commanding the camp here. The people, 
by all accounts, are extremely violent & wrong headed, so 
much so that I fear we shall be obliged to come to extremi 
ties. ... I am in a complete scene of confusion, as we are to 
land & encamp direftly. Adieu, my dearest Father, & be 
assured, I ever remain 

Your dutiful son^ 


I beg my best duty to my mother, to whom I shall write 
in a day or two. 


Camp at Boston^ July 27, 1774. 
My dearest Father: 

AS I find a ship is likely to sail to-morrow for England, I 
\. cannot help taking this opportunity for letting you hear 
from me. I am, I thank God, in perfect health, tho I was 
threatened with the gout for the first fortnight after my arri- 

Camp at Boston, July 5 (A , 1774. 

I DO certify that His Majesty s Fifth Regiment of Foot embarked on board the Symmetry, 
Father s Good Will, Alicia, and Henry, transports, on the 7 th of May last, at the Cove of 
Cork, complete according to the establishment, excepting Lieut. Francia, Lord Rawdon, and 
Ensign Henry King, ordered to join, but not then joined . . . and disembarked this evening at 
Boston in N. America, complete, wanting the above officers, and Lieut, and Quarter Master 
Robert Palmer, who died in the passage on the 9 th of June, 1774. 

[ 27 ] 


val. As Gen 1 . Gage received orders to remain at Salem, I 
have been left commanding officer of the camp, ever since 
my first coming here (except for about a week). The General 
has done Col. Pigott & me the honor of appointing us to 
a<5t as Brigadiers, a compliment always paid to Col s . in the 
field. However, we are both obliged to lay in camp. As my 
mother has lately chose to colleft views, I have the pleasure 
of enclosing for her two cards, which when put together as 
marked on the back, exhibit a most perfect view of the town 
of Boston, together with a third, which is a view of our 
camp. 1 I hope they will be agreable to her, as they are very 
exaft. The people here talk much & do little; but nothing, 
I am sure, will ever reestablish peace & quiet in this coun 
try, except steadiness & perseverance on the part of Adminis 
tration. A change of Administration or measures would be, at 
this instant, the most fatal thing in the world to this province, 
& All America in general, for it would be adding fresh fuel 
to that flame which the frequent changes in both were the 
origin of. Gen 1 . Gage has done his duty with great coolness 
& firmness, & if Administration does not support him, they 
never again deserve to be well served. The people in this part 
of the country are in general made up of rashness & timidity. 
Quick & violent in their determinations, they are fearful in 
the execution of them (unless, indeed, they are quite certain of 
meeting little or no opposition, & then, like all other cowards, 
they are cruel and tyrannical). To hear them talk, you would 
imagine that they would attack us & demolish us every night; 

1 Several views of Boston, showing the camp, still exist, although few if any were executed as 
early as July. Possibly Percy refers to a drawing. Mrs. Ruthy Andrews was then living in the 
town, and her pen-and-ink landscapes excited his admiration. (Massachusetts Historical Society 
Proceedings, July, 1865, />*<? 403.) 

L 2 J 


& yet, whenever we appear, they are frightened out of their 
wits. They begin to feel a little the effects of the Port Bill, 1 
& were they not supported by the other Colonies, must before 
this have submitted. One thing I will be bold to say, which 
is, that till you make their Committees of Correspondence and 
Congress 68 with the other Colonies high treason, & try them 
for it in England, you never must expect perfect obedience 
& submission from this to the Mother Country. I am sorry 
to say that no body of men in this Province are so extremely 
injurious to the peace & tranquility of it as the clergy. They 
preach up sedition openly from their pulpits. (Nay, some of 
them have gone so far as absolutely to refuse the sacrament 
to the communicants till they have signed a paper of the most 
seditious kind, which they have denominated the Solemn 
League and Covenant). So much with respect to the inhabit 
ants. As for a description of the country and its productions, I 
must defer that till another letter. With regard to the climate, 
it is ten times more inconstant than in England, for I have 
been in the Torrid & Frigid Zone frequently in the space of 
24 hours. At some times, so hot as scarce to bear my shirt > 
at others so cold that an additional blanket was scarcely suffi 
cient. I am afraid that you will hardly be able to read this 
letter, but the ship sails early tomorrow, & I did not know 
anything of it till eleven this night; & you are sensible that my 

1 The Boston Port Bill became a law March 31, 1774, and its provisions went into effett on the 
first of June. It made Salem, the seat of government, Marble he ad the port of entry, and closed Bos 
ton s trade by sea during the Kings pleasure. 

Grey Cooper, one of Percy s correspondents, said: " This Bill, Sir, I look upon to be the aft of a 
father chastising his son on one line, and restoring the trade and peace of America on the other, 
and therefore I highly approve of the measure." (Force s American Archives, tfh series, vol. i., 
column 52.) 

[ 29 1 


eyes do not allow me in general to ink by candle light. . . . 
Opportunities of writing to England are very few & uncer 
tain. I beg you will present the enclosed card with my duty 
to my mother, as also my love to my brother, if he is with 
you; & be assured that I am, & ever shall remain, your most 
dutiful & most affectionate son 


To HENRY REVELEY, Esq., Peckham, Surrey. 

Camp at Boston, Aug. 8, 1774. 

. . . THIS is the most beautiful country I ever saw in my 
life, & if the people were only like it, we shd do very 
well. Everything, however, is as yet quiet, but they threaten 
much. Not that I believe they dare aft. As Gen. Gage is 
obliged by orders to reside at Salem, I have the honour of 

1 In Hodgson s Northumberland, part 2, vol. ii. (183 2), page 70, and in Burke s Commoners (edition 
of 1836), vol. Hi., pages 132, 133, will be found accounts of the Re<ve ley family. 

William Reveley of Ne<wton Underwood, == Margery, daughter of Robert Willey 


Northumberland, later of Newby Wiske, 
born in 1662. 


of Newby Wiske, county York. 

Willey Reveley 


Henry Re<veley, 
born 1718, died 
1800, unmarried. 

George Reveley = Elizabeth Philadelphia == Langdale Smithson, 
I Tucker. Reveley, born son of Sir Hugh 
in 1688. Smithson, Bart. 

born 1737, died 1798. 
Connoisseur in music 
and art. 

Sir Hugh Smith- 
Champion son, ist Duke of 
de Cres- Northumberland. 

Lady Elizabeth 
Seymour, heiress 
of the Percies. 


Hugh, etc. 

HUGH, EARL PERCY, born 174.2. 


commanding the Troops encamped here, wh consist of the 
4 th , 5 th , 23 d , 38 th , & 43 d Reg ts , besides 3 co s of artillery, who 
have with them 4, 12-pounders 12, 6-pounders & 4 howit 
zers. And the Gen 1 has appointed Col. Pigott & myself to 
act as Brigadier Gen 18 . 1 . . . We have days here full as hot 
as Spain. . . . But our climate is horribly inconstant, for we 
have it sometimes very cold. But I think ever since we 
landed, it has in general been full as hot as the South of 

The people here are a set of sly, artful, hypocritical ras- 
calls, cruel, & cowards. I must own I cannot but despise 
them compleately. . . . God knows when I shall return, for 
I do not see the least prospect of any alteration in matters 
here as yet, & whilst things continue in their present situa 
tion, I cannot stir. . . . 

T r off. cousin & sincere friend 




Camp at Boston^ Aug. 15, 1774. 
My dearest Father : 

AS I find the Scarborough has not yet sailed . . . tho I 
1~Y have written to my mother by the same ship . . . our 
opportunities of conveying letters to Europe from this place 
are so few & so precious, that whenever there is a good & 

1 Lord Percy discusses at some length his rank in the army. 

[ 3 1 


safe one, I shall never let you fail to hear from me. The 
affairs of this country remain in precisely the same situation 
as when I did myself the pleasure of writing to you on the 
27 th of last month. ... & as in that letter I attempted to 
give you some account of the inhabitants, I shall now en 
deavor to do the same with regard to the country. 

And, I assure you, it requires a far abler pen than mine 
to describe its different beauties. It is, as far at least as I 
have been round this town, most delightfully varied. The 
hills, rising from the valleys by gradual & gentle ascents, 
interspersed everywhere with trees, give it a most agreable 
appearance. Nor do the small lakes of water with which the 
country abounds, contribute little towards the richness of 
the scene. In short, it has everywhere the appearance of a 
Park finely laid out. Mr. Browne here wd be useless. Nature 
has, in this part of the world, taken upon herself his employ 
ment, & dressed the ground in a manner that no art can 
ever equal. The trees in this country consist chiefly of the 
black & white oak, the elm, a species of the sycamore (wh 
they call the button tree), & the locust tree. This last is of 
the acacia kind, but remarkably hardy, & as it grows among 
the crevices of the rocks, & is not so brittle as the acacia 
itself, I shd think it wd do very well in some parts of Hulne 
Park 1 : especially as neither winds, frost, nor snow affect it. 

What has struck me here very much is that the elder, wh 
in Eng d grows to be a tree, never can in this country be 
made to exceed the size of a common shrub, much about 
the size of our English quick hedges. The boughs of all the 

1 The park at Alnvoick contains within its present bounds the domains of t-ivo ancient religious 
houses: ALnwick Abbey, founded in 1147, and Hulne Priory , dating from 1240. 

[ 32 ] 


trees here hang very much in the manner of our weeping 
willow, wh gives them a very pi6turesque appearance. This 
I can account for no way, unless it is owing to the quantity 
of snow that lays on them all winter, & wh, by giving them 
that bend when they are young, may occasion them to retain 
that drooping form ever afterwards: and this I am the more 
apt to believe, as I am informed that the same trees more to 
the Southward have it not. 

But, however beautiful the outward appearance of this 
country may be, it is amply made up for by the poverty of 
the soil, wh I rather believe is owing to the ground s being 
exhausted by constant crops, without manure, than to any 
natural defect in the soil itself. Let what will be the reason, 
this Province now only produces miserable crops of Rye, worse 
of Oats, & a great quantity of Indian corn ; which last article 
is of the greatest service to the country, as it is the food of 
the people, their cattle of all kinds, & their fowls. The oxen 
are remarkably large & fine, & these they make use of for 
every kind of draught. I cannot, however, say much for their 
horses, wh in general, are a good deal like the German ones. 
There are, nevertheless, some that are of a better sort, but 
then they ask an immoderate price for them. I believe I 
have bought one of the handsomest in this country; & you 
will be surprised to hear that I was forced to give 450^ for 
him; but not so much so, when I inform you that the above 
sum does not amount to more than 45> sterling. However, 
this is dear enough for a horse that is barely 3 yrs old. 

I have also got some tolerable chaise-horses from N. Y., 
for there were none good eno in this country. But what I 
feel myself the most comfortable in acquiring, is a good 

[ 33 ] 


house 1 to dine in (for we are all obliged to remain at other 
times & sleep in camp). By this convenience I am enabled to 
ask the officers of the Line, & occasionally the Gentlemen of 
the country, to dine with me; 2 & as I have the command of 
the Troops here, I have always a table of 1 2 covers every day. 
This, tho very expensive, is however very necessary. It is sur 
prising to think how much dearer everything is here than in 
Europe, nay, even than in London. And they now begin to 
ask double what they did on our first arrival, owing to the 
great quantities that are consumed by such a no. of Troops. 

I have now quite a little army under my command, 5 
Reg ts & 22 pieces of cannon, with a proper no. of the Royal 
Corps of Artillery to work them. 

I shd imagine, however, from some informations wh I have 
rec d that it will be necessary to detach a Brigade up farther 
into the country; for I understand the people are beginning 
to be a little troublesome there. As I cannot say this is a busi 
ness I very much admire, I hope it will not be my fate to be 
ordered up with them. I wait, however, for the Governor s 
determination on this subject. ... Be that as it may, I am re 
solved cheerfully to do my duty as long as ever I continue in 
the service. 3 . . . 

1 This was no doubt an old-fashioned wooden house , formerly occupied by Sir Francis Bernard. 
It stood in a pleasant garden at the northerly corner of Winter and Tremont (then Common) 
streets. "John Andrews in a letter dated August 31,1 774, said: " His Excellency . . . proceeded to 
Earl Piercfs, who occupies a house at the head of Winter Street" (Massachusetts Historical So 
ciety Proceedings, July, i%6$,page 350.) 

2 " George and I come in sometimes for a good dinner among the great people, and are particularly 
indebted to Lord Percy and General Clinton" (Memoir and Letters of W. G. Evelyn, edited by 
Scull, page 66.) 

3 Percy s attitude toward the Administration in England probably deferred the advancement to 
which his military services and social position seemed to entitle him. 

[ 34 ] 



Camp at Boston, Aug. 21, 1774. 

. . . OUR affairs here seem to be still in the same state. It is 
true, we have at last got the New Aft, 1 & twenty-six of the 
new Council have accepted & are sworn in; but for my own 
part, I doubt whether they will be more active than the old 
ones. Such a set of timid creatures I never did see. Those of 
the new Council that live at any distance from town have 
remained here ever since they took the oaths, & are, I am 
told, afraid to go home again. 

As for the opposite party, they are arming & exercising 
all over the country. Yet I am still convinced that nothing 
but either drunkenness or madness can force (?) them to 
molest us. If, however, they once begin, I fear there will be 
some bloodshed. 

Their method of eluding that part of the Aft wh relates 
to the town meetings is strongly characteristic of the people. 
They say that since the town meetings are forbid by the 
Aft, they shall not hold them, but as they do not see any 
mention made of county meetings, they shall hold them for 
the future. They, therefore, go a mile out of Town, do just 
the same business there they formerly did in Boston, call it a 
county meeting, & so elude the Aft. 

1 The Regulation Afls, passed in April, were received by Governor Gage in August, and when 
put in force, swept away the rights of Massachusetts under the charter. Councillor -s, judges, and 
sheriffs ceased to derive authority from the people; town meetings were deprived of their influ 
ence ; and power to quarter troops on the towns permitted the governor to penetrate every house 
with his soldiers. [ 35 ] 


In short, I am certain that it will require a great length 
of time, much steadiness, and many troops, to reestablish 
good order & government. ... I plainly foresee that there 
is not a new councillor or magistrate who will dare to act 
without at least a reg 1 at his heels, & it is not quite clear to 
me that he will even acT: then, as he ought to do. 

Our force is much increased since I last wrote. ... 2 
co s of the 64 th are encamped at Danvers, to cover the Gov 
ernor s house where he resides. The 59 th Reg 1 are encamped 
at Salem, to cover & protect the meetings of the new Coun 
cil. The remaining co s of the 64 th are at Castle William, to 
wh place most of the powder & other stores belonging to 
the artillery are removed from N. Y. Besides wh, I have 
under my command, the 4 th , 5 th , 38 th & 43" Reg ts , together 
with 22 pieces of cannon & 3 co s of artillery encamped on the 
Common, & the Welsh Fusileers encamped on the Fort Hill 
at Boston. The Gov r , however, talks of sending a Brigade out 
of this n. up into the country, to protect the magistrates at 
a distance. I expe6l him here in a few days, when I fancy 
this matter will be settled. 

Our desertion is now greatly decreased. We have lost only 
one man for upwards of a fortnight. Indeed, I send out such 
frequent patrols & parties, that they must be the most fortu 
nate men on earth to escape them. 

Our weather here is extremely hot. . . . Notwithstanding 
this, we are remarkably healthy. Not a single man has died 
in this camp since our arrival. 

The Delegates from this Province are set out to meet the 

1 Samuel Adams, John Adams, Thomas Gushing, and Robert Treat Paine represented Massachu 
setts on the opening day of Congress at the Carpenter s Hall? September 5, 1774. 

[ 36 ] 


Gen 1 Congress at Phila. They talk much of non-importation, 
& an agreement between all the Colonies. If this shd really 
be the case, I hope Gt. Britain will not allow them to trade 
with anybody else. I flatter myself, however, that instead of 
agreeing to anything they will all go by the ears together at 
this Congress. If they don t, there will be more work cut out 
for Administration in Am. than perhaps they are aware of. 1 
Adieu, my dear General 


Camp at Boston^ Sept. 12, 1774. 
My dearest Father: 

... I HAVE great reason to believe that letters sent by the Post 
are opened & often stop . . . . Things here are now drawing to a 
crisis every day. The People here openly oppose the New A els. 
They have taken up arms in almost every part of this Province, 
& have drove in the Gov r & most of the Council. The few that 
remain in the country, they have not only obliged to resign, 
but to take up arms with them. A few days ago, they mus 
tered about 7000 men at Worcester, to wh place they have 
conveyed about 20 pieces of cannon. 

In short, this country is now in as open a state of rebellion 
as Scotland was in the year 45. 

The General s great lenity and moderation serve only to 

1 This paragraph, with several others, appears in Mr. Porter s " The Beginning of the Revolu 
tion" a chapter in Winter s Memorial History of Boston, vol. Hi. (1881), pages 56, 57. 

[ 37 ] 


make them more daring & insolent. It is astonishing with what 
discretion & prudence he behaves himself. He has given them 
every proof that his utmost wish is to restore peace & tran 
quillity without coming to violent measures. But this behavior 
they term timidity, & fancy that the troops are unable to acl 
against them, an error wh some time or other they will find 
out to their cost. He has given orders for fortifying the town, 
that His Majesty s troops & peaceful subjects may at least be 
protected from the insults of a mad & outrageous rabble; & 
I fancy, means to a6t entirely on the defensive. We have this 
day begun upon the works. . . . 

What makes an insurrection here always more formidable 
than in other places, is that there is a law of this Province, 
wh obliges every inhabitant to be furnished with a firelock, 
bayonet, & pretty considerable quantity of ammunition. Be 
sides wh, every township is obliged by the same law to have 
a large magazine of all kinds of military stores. 

They are, moreover, trained four times in each year, so that 
they do not make a despicable appearance as soldiers, tho they 
were never yet known to behave themselves even decently in 
the field. . . . The Gen 1 has not yet molested them in the least. 
They have even free access to and from this town, tho armed 
with firelocks, provided they only come in small n os . . . . You 
will be able to judge from the acc t I have given you what a 
pretty state things are in here. Besides wh, as they will neither 
suffer any courts to sit or magistrates to aft, there is a total 
suspension of all Law and Justice. ... I have lately not been 
well. . . . My complaint was bilious, a very common distemper 
in this country. . . . 

[ 38 ] 



To . 

10, 74. 

S an extraord y public n has appeared in a newspaper of 
this town,wholly subversive of all mil y obed & discipline, 
I cannot help thinking it my duty to send you the particulars 
of that transaction. . . . When, to the astonishment of every 
body, the whole affair appeared in the Massa tts Spy . . . one 
wd really think that the spirit of the inhab 8 had got amongst 
the officers, for there is almost every day some complaint or 
other from the different commanding officers, owing to a cer 
tain unwillingness wh the young men in gen 1 discover to proper 
obed & discipline. 1 

1 The Massachusetts Spy of September zyth printed a communication, apparently written by an 
officer in Lord Percys rtgiment; this notice, probably referred to above, bears the heading : 

Proceedings of a regimental court martial, held in his Majesty s 5 th regiment of foot, by order 
of the commanding officer ; of which Capt. Jackson, was president, Lieut. Cox, Lieut. Croker, 
Ensign Patrick, and Ensign King, members. 

The court sat on the $th of September, 1774, to try William Fanthrop for being drunk when on 
piquet and for opposing the corporal who was ordered to take away his arms. He was declared 
guilty and sentenced to receive two hundred lashes. The commanding officer considered the sentence 
inadequate and rather than have it read before the men ordered Fanthrop s release. The communi 
cation, after making these fafts public, concludes : " How are military gentlemen nowa-days to afl? 
their honour slighted, and their characters injured, by tyrannical commanders ! Can officers do their 
duty voith that spirit, becoming their character, when treated by their commanders in such an 
infamous manner? Were it not for the present unsettled state of this country, and serving their 
King, what officer would serve in a regiment to be thus scandalously abused? " 

[ 39 1 




Camp at Boston, Off. 2j th . 1774. 

HOW shall I thank my good D r . Percy for the Letters He 
has been so kind as to write to me, or what return can 
I make Him for the Entertainment they have given me? As 
I find it is impossible, I 11 give it up handsomely at once, & 
think [no] more of it. 

Our affairs here are in the most Critical Situation imagi 
nable ; Nothing less than the total loss or Conquest of the Colo 
nies must be the End of it. Either indeed is disagreable, but 
one or the other is now absolutely necessary. 

We have got together a clever little Army here 8 Reg ts of 
Infantry besides two which are daily expefted, together with 
a pretty small train of Artillery. However many more will be 
wanted next Spring. You may judge a little of the temper of 
the People by an Address which I have enclosed to my Mother. 
Our Weather here is charming; It was so warm yesterday & 
is again so warm to day that I am obliged to sit with all my 
Windows open. Nay even this morning when I went to visit 
the Out-Posts at daybreak it was quite mild & pleasant. But 
we must soon expeft to change this Weather for Frost & Snow ; 
for I am told the transition from Summer to Winter is very 
sudden in this Climate. 

Do let me know in your next, how my Brother does, & what 
He is about. I have not received one Letter from Him for up 
wards of a twelvemonth, tho I have frequently wrote to Him. 

[ 40 ] 


Adieu My Dear Doftor make my Comp ts . agreable to your 
Family & believe me to be 

Tour sincere Friend 


The Rev d . D r . PERCY. 


Nov. i, 1774. 
My dear GEN L . 

THINGS here grow more & more serious every day. 
The Prov 1 Congress at Camb have now come to reso 
lutions wh must be attended with fatal consequences to this 
country. They have voted an army of observation of 15000 
men, & have appointed a com of 1 5, who are to have the 
conduft & management of the affairs of this Province ; but 
they are particularly to take care that proper magazines are 
formed ... & that their army is supplied with everything 
proper for carrying on a war. 

They have chose Col. Ward, Col. Preble, & Col. Pomeroy, 
Gen ls to command this army, wh is to be divided for the win 
ter into 3 corps: one at Charlestown, wh is just on the other 
side of the harbor from Boston, one at Roxbury, wh is just 
at the opposite end of the neck from Boston; & one at Cam 
bridge, wh is about 6 m. distant, & wh last place is to be Head 


It was for a long time debated in their councils whether 
they shd not form an encampment immediately, on some 
high ground just above Roxbury, & within random shot of 
our lines: but as the season was so far advanced, the other plan 
was thot more advisable. As they only came to this resoP on 
the 29 th of last month, they have not as yet assembled. If they 
really shd do so, I take it for granted the Gen 1 will think it 
necessary to deprive them of part of their quarters, at least, by 
burning Charlestown & Roxbury directly. 

These resol 5 they have kept private, for pretty good & 
substantial reasons, tho those they have ventured to publish 
are not very moderate, as you may see by the enclosed news 
paper. 1 

Our little army is now all collected here, together with 
Gen. Haldimand & the Am. Staff. We still remain encamped, 
nor, indeed, have we much prospect of getting into quarters 
for near a month, as there has been the greatest difficulty in 
procuring proper places to convert into barracks; but as the 
weather still continues fine, the men have not as yet suffered 
by it. 

Gen. Gage (by some conversation I have lately had with 
him on that subject) will, I fancy, be very earnest in his 
solicitations for more troops, & ind[eed] they will be abso 
lutely wanted if we are to move into the country next spring, 
to enforce the New Acts. For, as this place is the fountain 
from whence spring all their mad & treasonable resolves & 
actions, it will be nec y to leave a very large corps here, to 

1 General Harvey wrote to Percy in April of the year following: " "The resolves of the Prov 1 Con 
gress are curious. Let Eng d keep steady, & their resolves f madness must vanish. How far 
frankly n may elecJrify, I cant tell, but a steady, cool, and conciliatory perseverance will even cool 
the fiery Doflor" 

[ 42 ] 


keep the town in order & protect the friends of Gov 1 . Besides 
wh, two other corps will be wanted to cover the flanks of 
the main body that attempts to march into the country. 

Col. Jones, who is arrived from Quebeck with the (52 d ) 
Reg 1 , has bro t an offer to the Gen 1 of 5000 Canadians & 
1200 Indians. 


Boston, Nov". 25 *. 1774. 
Dear D R . 

BY some unfortunate Accident, I dont get my News- 
Papers for above a Month after everybody else, for ex 
ample my latest Papers are of the 9 th of Sept r . & we have 
received Papers as late as the 15 th . of OcT. This I fancy 
must be owing to their sending them to some Coffee House 
to proceed by Ships, who never sail for a Month so soon as 
they say they will. Whereas it will be a much more safe & 
speedy method to divide them into three or four Parcells, 
& send them out by the Pacquet which sails from Falmouth. 
If therefore they are directed to me here & sent the first 
Wednesday in every Month to the Gen 1 . Post Office, they 
will come both quicker & safer. Our Winter is now come 
on here, but I cannot say as yet I find it colder than in 
England. We have had little or no Snow, but a great deal 
of Rain, & violent Gales of Wind. However we luckily got 
into Winter Quarters about a week ago, before it came on. 

[ 43 ] 


Our Affairs here still continue in the same Posture; The 
Provincial Congress I find met again yesterday, & I am in 
formed they mean to proceed to the choice of a new Gov r . 
They have already raised an Army, seized the Publick 
Money, & have taken on themselves all the Powers of Gov 
ernment. I really begin now to think that it will come to 
Blows at last; For They are most amazingly encouraged by 
our having done nothing as yet. 

In short they have now got to such lengths that nothing 
can secure the Colonies to the Mother Country, but the 
Conquest of them. The People here are the most designing, 
Artfull Villains in the World. They have not the least Idea 
of either Religion or Morality. Nor have they the least 
Scruple of taking the most solemn Oath on any Matter that 
can assist their Purpose, tho they know the dire6t contrary 
can be clearly & evidently proved in half an Hour. 

Of this We have had several Instances. May I beg you 
will be so kind as to send me out Here the following Books. 
The new Edition of Manstein s Memoirs of Russia His 
tory of the War in America by Mante & Avis ,d une 
Mere a un fils par la Marquise de Lambert I need not 
make any excuses to you for giving you this trouble as I 
know you are always ready to assist your Friends. I still con 
tinue to enjoy my health perfectly. The constant exercise 
which my Duty obliges me to take in visiting all the Out- 
Posts every other morning about day break together with 
the morning Air, contributes not a little to keep me in 
Health. I forgot amongst the List of Books to desire you to 
send me Les Memoires de Mons r . de Feuquieres. You will 

1 Thomas Mante s History of the French and Indian War. 

[ 44 ] 


be so good as to send them off as soon as you get any of 
them as I mean them chiefly for my Winter s Amusement. 
Adieu Dear D r . make my Comp ts . agreable to all your Family 
& believe me to be 

Tour sincere Friend 


P. S. I have sent you enclosed a Ridicule upon the Gen 1 . 


The Rev d . D r . PERCY. 


Boston, Dec. 6, 1774. 

. . . You see I am not yet dead, though the Morning Chronicle 
has been so good as to kill me: nor indeed, in the way of dy 
ing, for I never enjoyed my health better. The Scarborough 
Man of War returned to us last Saturday from Eng. What 
orders she has brought, nobody knows. Everything is kept 
quite secret. 

The Asia came in here, also, on Monday, but waits for the 
spring tides to get up. The Somerset and the Boyne are not yet 
arrived, but we expecl them every day. This Reinforcement 
gives great spirits, as you may imagine, to the Friends of Gov 
ernment, & has frightened the Sons of Liberty (as they call 
themselves) confoundedly. 

[ 45 1 


However, as nothing has been done in consequence of the 
arrival of these ships, they begin to feel Bold again. 1 . . . 

T r sincere Friend &c. 



GREY COOPER, Esq. {After December 13, 1774.] 

SIR : I shd not think of troubling you . . . had not an extrad y 
event taken place at Portsmouth, in N. H. On Monday 
or Tuesday last, M r . Paul Revere (a person who is employed 
by the Com of Correspondence, here, as a messenger) arrived 
at Portsm th with a letter from the Com here to those of that 
place, on the receipt of wh circular letters were wrote to all 
the neighboring towns; & an armed body of 400 or 500 men 
marched the next day into the town of Portsmouth, and pro 
ceeded from thence to the fort near Newcastle, at the entrance 
of the harbor, wh was garrisoned by only a Capt. and 4 or 5 
gunners. This fort they attacked and carried, from whence 
they have removed upwards of 100 barrels of powder, 1500 
stand of small arms, and several pieces of light cannon, from 
3 to 1 2 pounders, to the am t (as I am informed) of 30 or up 
wards. With this prize they marched afterwards to Exeter, a 

1 A reference to his rank in the army follows. 

2 Grey Cooper (calling himself "Sir Grey Cooper, Bart." after 1775) was at this time joint Sec 
retary of the Treasury, an able financier and administrator njuho held the office until 1 782. He died 
"July 30, 1 80 1, at the age of seventy -fi<ve years. 

[ 46 ] 


town about 16 miles distant from Portsm, where they have 
secured them under a strong guard. 1 

What is the most extraordy in this event is, that notwith 
standing the Capt fired at them, both with some field pieces 
and small arms, nobody was either killed or wounded. They 
kept the Capt and his men prisoners till they had removed 
everything, and then set them at liberty. 

By this, and what has lately happened at R. I., you will see 
how universal this Spirit is, 2 and to what a length it has got, 
and therefore how nec y to crush it before it is too late. . . . 
A ship sails tomorrow for Glasgow. 


Boston, Feb. 9, 75. 

. . . THINGS are in a strange unsettled state here. The leaders 
undoubtedly grow more desperate as they see less hopes of 
escaping, and do all they can to drive the others to extremi- 

1 Substantially the same story appears in Forceps American Archives, &jh series, vol. i., column 1053. 
Revere was sent December i zth to warn the Portsmouth patriots that two British ships had 
sailed from Boston to seize the powder at Fort William and Mary. 

2 Writing to his father January 25, 1775, Lord Percy says: "Both parties here are waiting im 
patiently for the determinations on your side of the Atlantick. If Gt Britain relaxes in the least, 
adieu to the colonies. They will be lost forever." The Duke, never in sympathy with the war, ob 
tained, December 5, 1774, an order permitting General Gage to send his son to England. This offer 
Lord Percy declined because his duty lay with the army in America. (Sec De Fonblanque^s Annals 
of the House of Percy, where this letter is mentioned?) 

3 Edward Harvey, lieutenant-general in 1772, member of Parliament for Harwich, and "gov 
ernor of the town and isle of Portsmouth and South Sea Castle" died March 27, 1778. (Gentle 
man s Magazine for 1778, page 142.) 

[ 47 ] 


ties We are waiting with impatience the determinations 

and orders from yr side of the water. Whatever they are, I 
hope they will be pointed and effectual ones; for you left so 
many loopholes in the last acls you passed, that it was found 
not possible to enforce them. 1 . . . 


Boston, Ap l . 8 *. 1775. 
Dear D R . 

THO I have wrote so lately both to my Father & Mother, 
yet I always take every opportunity of letting some of 
you at North d . House hear from me. -Things now every day 
begin to grow more & more serious; A Vessel is arrived by 
accident here that has brought us a Newspaper in which we 
have the joint Address of the two Houses of Parliament to 
His Majesty; this has convinced the Rebels (for we may now 
legally call them so) that there is no hopes for them but by 
submitting to Parliament; they have therefore begun seriously 
to form their Army & have already appointed all the Staff. 
They are every day in greater Numbers evacuating this Town 
& have proposed in Congress, either to set it on Fire & attack 
the troops before a reinforcement comes, or to endeavour to 
starve us. Which they mean to adopt, time only can show. The 
Gen 1 , however has received no Ace 1 , whatever from Europe, 
so that [on] our side no steps of any kind can be taken as yet. 

1 A reference to the conduEi of tnvo company officers follows. 

[ 48 ] 


The Weather here for the last three weeks has been cold & 
disagreable, a kind of second Winter, however as this day is 
remarkably warm & fine I flatter myself our good Weather 
is now beginning. Thank God, I still continue to enjoy my 
health perfectly & have very much surprised the Inhabitants 
here by going constantly all Winter with my bosom open with 
out a Great Coat. They own however that this was a remark 
ably mild Winter. I think I have felt it colder in England. 
Adieu my Dear D r . Make my Duty agreable to My Father 
& Mother & be assured I ever am 

Tour sincere Friend 



To GOVERNOR GAGE of Massachusetts 
(Official Account of the Retre at from Lexington) 

Boston, 20 April, 1775. 

IN obedience to your Excel! 8 orders I marched yesterday 
morning at 9 o clk, with the first Brigade and 2 Field- 
pieces, in order to cover the retreat of the Grenadiers & Light 
Infy, on their return from The Expedition to Concord. 1 

1 Percy marched through Brookline, and it is the tradition that he <was taunted ^with <verses from 
Chevy Chase. Curiously enough, Horace WalpoU, on hearing of the encounter, wrote to Sir Horace 
Mann from Strawberry Hill, June $th: 
So here is this fatal f war commenced! 

The child that is unborn shall rut 
The hunting of that day ! 

[ 49 1 


As all the houses were shut up, & there was not the ap 
pearance of a single inhabitant, I could get no intelligence 
concerning them till I had passed Menotomy, when I was 
informed that the Rebels had attacked His Majesty s Troops, 
who were retiring, overpowered by numbers, greatly exhausted 
& fatigued, & having expended almost all their ammunition. 
And about 2 o clk I met them retiring through the Town of 

I immediately ordered the 2 field-pieces to fire at the 
Rebels, and drew up the Brigade on a height. The shot from 
the cannon had the desired effecl, & stopped the Rebels for 
a little time, who immediately dispersed, & endeavoured to 
surround us, being very numerous. As it began now to grow 
pretty late, & we had 1 5 miles to retire, & only our 36 rounds, 
I ordered the Grenadiers and Lgt Infy to move off first, & 
covered them with my Brigade, sending out very strong flank 
ing parties, wh were absolutely necessary, as there was not a 
stone-wall, or house, though before in appearance evacuated, 
from whence the Rebels did not fire upon us. 

As soon as they saw us begin to retire, they pressed very 
much upon our rear-guard, which for that reason I relieved 
every now & then. In this manner we retired for 1 5 miles 
under an incessant fire all round us, till we arrived at Charles- 
town, between 7 & 8 in the even, very much fatigued with a 
march of above 30 miles, & having expended almost all our 

We had the misfortune of losing a good many men in the 
retreat, tho nothing like the number wh, from many circum 
stances, I have reason to believe were killed of the Rebels. 

His Majesty s Troops during the whole of the affair be- 

r 50 1 


haved with their usual intrepidity & spirit. Nor were they a 
little exasperated at the cruelty and barbarity of the Rebels, 
who scalped & cut off the ears of some of the wounded men 
who fell into their hands. 1 

/ am^ &c 

Signed PERCY 

Atting Brig Gen. 
To the Hon ble Gov R GAGE 

1 The same report , indorsed "In the Hon^ Gov r Gage s (No. 28) of April, 1775," is in the 
P. R. O. America and West Indies, vol. \ 30 ; reprinted Massachusetts Historical Society Pro 
ceedings, May, 1876, page 349. 

This version differs slightly from another found at Alnvuick Castle, copied in part by Mr. 
Porter, with his comment: "Evidently a rough draft copy of his report to Gen. Gage" 

Apr 20, 75. 

AT Menotomy, I was informed by a person whom I met that there had been a skirmish be- 
XJL tween his Maj s troops & the rebels at Lex n , & that they were still engaged. On this, I 
immediately pressed on, & in less than 2 miles we heard the firing very distinctly. About this 
time (wh was between i and 2 o clk in the aft n ) I met with lA Gould of the King s Own 
Reg, who was wounded, & who informed me that the Gren s & L[ight] I[nfantry] had been 
attacked by the rebels about daybreak, & were retiring, having expended most of their am 
munition: & in about a quarter of an hour I met them retiring thro Lex n . I immed 1 / ordered 
the two field pieces to fire at the Rebels. . . . The shot from the cannon had the desired effeft. 
... In this manner we retired for i 5 m. under an incessant fire all round us, till we arrived at 
Cha s town, wh road I chose to take, lest the rebels shd have taken up the bridge at Cambridge 
(wh I find was a6lually the case), & also as the country was more open & the road shorter. Dur 
ing the whole of our retreat, the rebels endeavored to annoy us by concealing themselves behind 
stone walls & within houses, & firing straggling shot at us from thence ; nor did I during the 
whole time perceive any body of them drawn up together, exc. near Cambr, just as we turned 
down towards Cha s town, who dispersed on a cannon shot being fired at them, & came down 
to attack our right flank in the same straggling manner the rest had done before. ... In obed. 
to Y r Excellency s command, I have drawn up the above state 1 of the affair. . . . 

& I am &c 

[ 51 1 




(Part of an unofficial account of the retreat from Lexington) 

Ap l 20, 1775. Boston. 

. . . I THEREFORE pressed on to [the] relief [of the British troops] 
as fast as good order & not blowing the men would allow. . . . 
The rebels were in great no 5 ., the whole country having 
collected for 20 m around. ... I ordered the Gren[adier]s 
& L[ight] I[nfantry] to move off, covering them with my 
Brig[ade], & detaching strong flanking parties wh was abso 
lutely nec y, as the whole country we had to retire thro was 
cov d with stone walls, & was besides a very hilly, stony coun 
try. In this manner, we retired for 1 5 m under an incessant 
fire, wh like a moving circle surrounded & fol d us wherever 
we went, till we arrived at Charlestown at 8 in the ev g, . . . 
& having expended almost every cartridge. You will easily 
conceive that in such a retreat, harassed as we were on all 
sides, it was impossible not to lose a good many men. 

The following is an ac6t of them : 6 5 k [illed] , 1 57 w founded] , 
& 21 mfissing], besides i offi r kfilled], 15 w[ounded], & 2 
w[ounded] & taken prisoners. . . . During the whole affair the 
Rebels attacked us in a very scattered, irregular manner, but 
with perseverance & resolution, nor did they ever dare to form 
into any regular body. Indeed, they knew too well what was 
proper, to do so. 

Whoever looks upon them as an irregular mob, will find 

[ 52 ] 


himself much mistaken. They have men amongst them who 
know very well what they are about, having been employed 
as Rangers agst the Indians & Canadians, & this country being 
much cov d w. wood, and hilly, is very advantageous for their 
method of fighting. 

Nor are several of their men void of a spirit of enthusiasm, 
as we experienced yesterday, for many of them concealed them 
selves in houses, & advanced within 10 yds. to fire at me & 
other officers, tho they were morally certain of being put to 
death themselves in an instant. 

You may depend upon it, that as the Rebels have now had 
time to prepare, they are determined to go thro with it, nor 
will the insurrection here turn out so despicable as it is per 
haps imagined at home. For my part, I never believed, I con 
fess, that they wd have attacked the King s troops, or have 
had the perseverance I found in them yesterday. 

I have myself fortunately escaped very well, having only 
had a horse shot. Poor Lt.-Cols Smith & Barnard, are both 
wounded, but not badly. 1 . . . 

1 TIVO letters which follo-iu refer to Lord Percy s part in the affair : 

General GAGE to Lord DARTMOUTH: 

E Percy arrived opportunely to their assistance, his Brigade & 2 p[iece]s of cannon, & not 
withstanding a continual skirmish for the space of 15 m[ile]s, receiving Fire from every 
hill, fence, house, barn, &c, his Lordship kept the enemy off, & bro t the Troops to Cha s town, 
from whence they were ferried over to Boston. 

Too much praise cannot be given to L d Percy for his remarkable a&ivity & conduct during 
the whole day. 

Killed 62 
Wound d 157 
Missing 24 


[1775, J une 9-] j o o clock evening. Whitehall. 

HAS just seen a letter dated Boston 21 April from a gentleman of some importance who 
has arrived there from Salem which place he quitted on account of the affair of the i9 th j 

[ 53 ] 



Boston, 20 Ap l [1775]. 

1WAS ordered out yesterday morning to cover the retreat 
of the Grenadiers and Lgt Infy, who had been sent upon an 
exped" into the country. 2 I had with me my Brigade [and] 2 
p[iece]s of cannon. We met them at a Town about 1 5 m[ile]s 
off, sharply attacked & surrounded by the Rebels, having fired 
away almost all their ammunition. I had the happiness, how 
ever, of saving them from inevitable destruction, & arrived 
with them at Chastown, opposite Boston, ab 8 o clk last night, 
not, however, without the loss of a great many, having been 
under an incessant fire for 15 m[ile]s. 

The Rebels, however, have suffered much more than the 
King s Troops. I have not [myself] rec d even the least scratch, 
so I beg you will not [either of you] be uneasy on my account. 
There can now surely be no doubt of their being in open Re- 
he states that the retreat by Lord Percy was deemed a piece of masterly officership in bringing off 
his men with so little loss through a severe and incessant fire for twenty miles; killed, wounded 
and missing between 80 and 100 including many officers. The provincials were endeavouring 
to cut off communication between the town and country and they are computed at 20,000. Lord 
Percy is in good health at General Gage s house. 
Autograph letter signed. 3 quarto pages. 
Endorsed: L d Drummond 9 th June 1775. Intelligence from Boston. 

(From i^th report of the Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts, Appendix , part x., page 
312 Dartmouth MSS., <vol. .) 

1 This letter is printed in De Fonblanque^s Annals of the House of Percy, vol. ii. (i$%j),page 552. 

2 De Fonblanque" s text reads " up the country" Words in brackets do not appear in Mr. Porters 

[ 54 ] 


bellion, for they fired first upon the King s Troops, as they were 
marching quietly along. 1 . . . 

To His Grace, 
The D of N d 


To HENRY REVELEY, Esq.) Peckham, Surrey 

[Boston, May, 1775.] 

. . . OUR situation is disagreable enough, for we are confined 
to the town, the Blockade having now continued for about six 
weeks. You will have heard that we were attacked on the 19 th 
of last month, on our return to this town, by a very numerous 
body of Rebels, who, notwithstanding they kept up a constant 
fire upon us, for upwards of 1 5 m[ile]s, yet only killed [of?] us 
about 40 men .They have lately amused themselves with burn 
ing the houses upon an island just under the Admiral s nose, 
& a schooner, with 4 carriage guns & some swivels, which 
he sent to drive them off, unfortunately got aground, & the 
Rebels have burnt her. This is not the most agreable thing 
that could have happened. As our generals have now arrived, 
I take it for granted that something will be undertaken. I wish 


ERD Dartmouth presents his compos to the Duke of North^, & has the honor to send His 
Grace two extrafts from private letters from Boston, wh have been communicated to him. 
. . . "L d Percy has acquired great honor, he was in every place of danger, cool, deliberate, & 
wise in all his orders.". . . "Ld Percy commanded & behaved with distinguished honor, & tho 
he was continually in a shower of bullets, & an objeft that was much aimed at on horseback, 
came off unhurt." 
Black heath, 11 June, 1775. 

[ 55 1 


we may succeed, as it is necessary to give them a good Blow 
at first. . . . 



Boston^ June 19, 1775. 
My dearest Father: 

THO I am always desirous to write to you by every op- 
por y, yet am I more eager to do it after every little 
action, in order to inform you that I am perfectly safe & well. 

On the 17 th Gen. Howe, at the head of the Gren s and Lt 
Inf y, & about 2000 men of the Battalions, passed over to 
Cha town, in order to dislodge the Rebels from thence, where 
they had flung up a very strong intrenchment in order to annoy 
both this Town & the shipping. 

This he effected after a very obstinate engagement, & drove 
them totally off the Peninsula. As the Rebels had there be 
tween 14 & i 5000 men intrenched up to the chins, & stood 
the assault in the redoubt, the affair was a very bloody one 
on both sides. My Reg 1 , being one of the first that entered the 
redoubt, is almost entirely cut to pieces: there are but 9 men 
left x in my co, & not above 5 in one of the others. None of 
my officers were killed, tho a great many wounded, amongst 

1 De Fonblanque" 1 s text reads : "there are not nine men left. 1 He explains the words "my com 
pany " as a company raised by Lord Percy to bring up his regiment to the war establishment when 
ordered on afti<ve service. The colonel was usually captain of a company which was under the 
immediate command of a captain-lieutenant. This was true in America also for a time after the 
war opened. 

[ 56 ] 


wh no. is Mr. Charleton s son. I flatter myself, however, that 
it will be attended with no bad consequences. For my own 
part, I had no share in this aclion, being upon duty in the 
lines on that day, so that I was only entertained by a pretty 
smart cannonade, wh we kept up from there upon Roxbury, 
in order to amuse the Rebels on that side. 

If you shd see Lord Huntingdon, I beg you will inform him 
that his nephew, Lord Rawdon, is perfectly safe & well. 

As my Capt of Grenadiers was wounded pretty early in the 
day, L d Rawdon commanded my Grenadier Co. during most 
part of the engagement, & has distinguished himself in a 
most remarkable manner. 

By the best acc ts I can as yet get of the matter, we had 
about 100 men killed in this aclion, & the Rebels above 3 
times that n. 

The principal killed on their side is Dr. Warren, Pres t of 
the Provincial Congress, and on ours poor Maj r Pitcairn, who 
commanded the two battalions of marines, & about whom I 
wrote to my mother. 

As money is extremely difficult to be got here, at any rate, 
I shd think myself particularly obliged to you if you wd order 
Messrs. H. to send me out by the first safe conveyance com 
ing diredtly to this port, 500 guineas; but if there is any diffi 
culty in getting that quantity of the coin out, the same sum in 
Portugal pieces will do, provided they are all of the full 
weight: as otherwise they will not pass here. . . . 


[ 57 1 



Boston, July 28, 1775. 
Gen 1 : 

HERE we are still cooped up, and now so surrounded with 
lines & works as not to be able to advance into the coun 
try without hazarding too much. For our army is so small that 
we cannot even afford a victory, if it is attended with any loss 
of men. The Rebels have now grown so daring as to make 
descents on the Islands in the harbor, & carry off the cattle 
even under the guns of our fleet. About 3 weeks ago they 
burned the Light House here. 

I must own, I cannot help thinking myself particularly for 
tunate that my rank in the army makes it only my duty to 
obey, without entitling me to be consulted on any occasion, 
for I can t say I either approve of our present system or mea 
sures, but as they have been formed by more experienced 
heads than mine, I must not doubt but they are right. 

However, every blockhead will form an opinion of his own, 
& I hope you will excuse me for having mine. 

I confess I shd have tho t it a more eligible system, to take 
advantage of the great Hudson s River to have carried the war 
into the heart of the country (as a war was inevitable), rather 
than to have remained here without magazines in a country 
wh is so penetrated by hills, woods, & ravines, as makes it the 
most favorable spot in the world for the irregular, undisci 
plined troops of the rebels. . . . We cd then have kept up com- 


munication with Canada, & shut off the supplies from New 
Engl. This idea is in some measure taken from that of Marshal 
Saxe, in the conquest of Poland, wh I must own always pleased 
me, & not the less now that it has been almost wholly fol 
lowed by the King of Prussia. 


Camp on Mount Whoredom, Aug. 12. 1775. 

A STRANGE Place Dear D r . to write from to a Clergy 
man Yet so it is, My Tent is upon the highest Summit 
of it. Know then that there is a ridge of Hills so called running 
from the Harbour towards the Center of the Town, on which 
my Brigade is encamped. Was I not certain that you would 
attribute my silence to the true Cause, want of time, I should 
fill this Paper with Apologies for my not answering your Let 
ters more regularly. But I will say no more on that Subject, 
& only thank you in this One for about twenty, which I have 
received from you. Nothing can make me happier than the 
News I have from all hands of my Mother s Recovery. I must 
confess I was very much alarmed at the different Accounts 
I have lately had of Her bad State of Health. I have wrote to 
my Brother by this opportunity to congratulate Him on His 
Wedding. My Father writes me word She is well spoken of. 1 

1 Lord Algernon Percy married, June 8,1775, Isabella Susannah, second daughter of Peter Burr ell 
of Beckenham, Kent, sister of the first Lord G^wydyr. Writ:ng to Dr. Percy from Newcastle in 

[ 59 ] 


I hope they will be happy. I must own I could have wished 
for your Sake that there had been a little more of the Decus 
et T*utamen Avorum. However the Pedigree is in good hands 
when it is in yours. 

A curious Event has taken place here yesterday. Our Ad 
miral has been boxing in the Street with one of the Commis 
sioners of the Customs. I have not heard the true History of 
the Affair, but from what I can gather I believe the Admiral 
has had the worst of it in every respect. Pray make my bacio los 
manos to Reveley & Madame on the Birth of their Daughter. 
I hope they got my Letter soon enough. 

If you should see M r . Charleton, or anybody from North d . 
House should have occasion to write to Him pray let him 
know that his Son is doing very well & assure Him that a Toe 
more or less is of no consequence whatever. As for poor Gair 
he is very ill. So ill that I assure you I am a good [?] alarmed 
about Him. I should be particularly sorry to lose Him, for He 
is not only a perfe6tly well bred Gentleman, but holds a very 
high Rank in his Profession, & is in great esteem amongst all 
the Medical Persons here. 

Adieu My Dear D r . make my best Comp ts . acceptable to 
all your Family & be assured I am 

Tour sincere Friend 


The Retf. & D r . PERCY. 

1778, Lord Percy said that unless he could find "a second Lady Algernon he would not be easily 
tempted to marry again (his first marriage having been an unhappy one). In 1779 Lord Percy 
married Lady Algernon s younger sister. 

[ 60] 



Boston, Aug. 1 8, 75. 
[My dearest] Father: 

... I HAVE enclosed a newspaper containing copies of some 
letters wrote by some of the principal people at the Congress, 
wh were intercepted by us. They will lay open to you in a 
good measure the intention of that Congress on wh Eng. 
seems to depend for reconciliation. You will perceive from 
them that their aim is (what I am convinced it has ever been) 

What their European friends will say for them, now, I 
can t tell. 


Boston , O5i. 29, 1775. 

. . . NOTHING material has happened here since the 1 7 th June, 
except the other night an experiment wh the Rebels tried 
with a piece of cannon or two in a flat-bottomed boat. With 
these they fired 1 5 or 20 shot thro our camp into the Town, 
when alas, one of the cannon burst, blew up the boat, & sent 
most of the crew to the Devil. 1 

1 Samuel Ha e ws ) an American private, --wrote in his diary Oftober i jth : " At night our floating 
Eatery s went up towards the canon {Common?^ and fired 1 3 shots but unlucky for them one of their 
9 pounders split and killed one man dead and wounded 8 

[ 6. ] 


Our weather is now very rainy and cold: I promise you a 
tent is no very agreeable habitation just now; & I fear it will 
be some time before we get into quarters. The Rebels have 
built Barracks for their Raggamuffins all round us, so that 
I suppose they intend to be our neighbors for this winter. I 
don t believe they will be very troublesome ones. 1 . . . 

T r sincere fd 
& Aff cousin PERCY. 


Boston, Dec. 14 *, 1775. 
Dear Sir: 

SINCE I did myself the pleasure of writing to you last, our 
situation is exactly the same. The Rebels, however, have 
been too fortunate in other places. Canada, as you will have 
been already informed, is in their hands. Besides this, they 
have been very successful at sea, having taken a brig loaded 
with military stores, and what was to them still a greater 

1 A few words about Percy s relatives, of no general interest, have been omitted at the beginning 
and end of the letter. 

2 General Sir Frederick Haldimand, K.B., was born in Switzerland in 1718, and saw service 
in Holland before coming to America in 1758. He was in command in Florida from 1766/0 1778, 
except for a short period in New York, and a journey to England in August, 1775, to give infor 
mation on the condition of the colonies. As Governor of Canada from 1778 to 1784 he is said to have 
been harsh and arbitrary. The General died in the canton of Neufchdtel, June 5, 1791. 

Captain Evelyn, who was stationed in Boston in 1774., wrote, OcJober ^ist: " Mr. Bourmaster 
is just come in with his transports from New York, bringing General Haldimand" (Scullys Evelyn, 
page 34.) 

[ 62 ] 


prize a ship from Glasgow with great quantities of blanket 
ing, woollens, and gloves, all which they were before in great 
want of. As they have yesterday begun to fling up a work on 
Phip s Farm, just opposite to Barton s Point, I fancy they mean 
to bring the mortar which they took in the ordnance brig. If 
they do, they may trouble us a good deal, as they are within 
about 1000 yards of the Town. It is very odd that Great 
Britain still persists in sending out vessells to this part of the 
world unarmed. The Transports with the troops from Ireland 
are not yet arrived. One, indeed, with 4 Companies of the ij lh 
Reg., came in here about 6 weeks ago; we imagine the rest 
are gone to the West Indies. Our Discipline is exactly the 
same as when you left us, which we shall begin to perceive 
now the Troops have got into winter quarters. I am extremely 
happy to find that your reception in London was agreeable to 
you; you merited it. I had no doubt that His Majesty would 
do what was proper. I assure you, you are by no means for 
got by your friends on this side the Atlantic. Gen. Howe, in 
the handsomest manner, in the Augmentation, appointed your 
nephew a 2 nd Lieut, in his own Reg., imagining, as you had 
desired he might do duty with it, that such a step would be 
agreeable to you; and yesterday he very obligingly appointed 
him a full Lieutenant in the 45 th Reg., chusing particularly 
that Corps, as there were two situations vacant; by which 
means your nephew would have a Lieutenant under him, and 
therefore would not be broke, tho the youngest Company 
should be again reduced. 

I have had the pleasure of being acquainted with L l . Col. 
Monkton, and shall take care to particularly recommend Mr. 
Haldimand to his care. Adieu, my dear Gen. Keep yourself 


warm this cold weather, and be assured I am, with greatest 

Tour sincere friend 

And humble servant, 


I beg you will be kind enough to make my very best com 
pliments to Cap 1 . Dorkins, and tell him the Engineers have 
not found it necessary to alter his works in the least, which 
have been found remarkably useful. 1 


Boston Jan ry f. 1776. 
Dear D R . 

YOU will easily see how very irregularly the Letters from 
Europe arrive, when I inform you, that I did not receive 
your Letter of the 2 d . of Sept r . till yesterday. Having settled 
this Point, allow me to wish you & your Family the Com 
pliments of the Season, which I hope to do in Person next 
year, for I take it for granted the next Campaign will be so 
a<5tive & I hope so decisive a One that the Rebels will be glad 
to sue for Mercy. All however will depend on Our having 
a Sufficient Force sent Us out very early in the Spring. As 
Gen 1 . Clinton is just going to set out on a detached Command, 

1 Given in C. W. Tuttlis Capt. Francis Champernmvne, The Dutch Conquest of Acadie, and 
other Historical Papers {Boston, iS^g~),page 259. Original in Haldimand Papers , Canadian Ar 
chives. See Calendar, page 525, no. 229. 


I shall be the only Maj r . Gen 1 , left under M r . Howe, so that I 
shall have business enough. If the Patriots were here, they 
would abuse Us, & say the Scotch influenced the Cabinet here 
as well as at home, for Brig r . Gen 1 . Grant direfts Our Com 
mander in Chief & all his Operations. M r . Howe is I believe 
the only Man in his Army who does not perceive it. I know 
the Brig r . well, & am certain that his Abilities are not equal to 
what he has undertaken that is the being Director General 
to the Commander in Chief of such an Army as Ours. I wish 
from my Soul that we may not feel the Consequences. I have 
not the least Guess by what Conveyance this Letter is to go, 
but it shall be by the very first. Our new Admiral is arrived, 
& like all other new Brooms seems to promise to sweep clean. 
We wanted a more A6tive man than the last, for really the 
Service suffered material during his Command. M r . Shuldam 1 
is a Man well spoken of in his Profession, & therefore I hope 
we shall go on well. We have had the most violent Gales of 
Wind for some time past that ever was known, so that we 
suppose great numbers of the Ships destined for this Port, are 
gone to the West Indies. Adieu Dear D r . make my Comp ts . 
to all your Family & believe me to be 

Tours sincerely 

D r . PERCY 


The Reverend 

D r . PERCY. 

1 Admiral Molyneux Shuldham. 


[On the night of March \th Washington fortified Dorchester Heights, 
which overlooked the town. Howe ordered Percy to storm the American 
works , but soon changed his plans. Percy wrote March 6th: "It is de 
termined to evacuate this town. I believe Halifax is to be our destination" 
The British troops left Boston on the ijfh of March. ] 


Halifax, June 1 st . 1776. 
Dear D R . 

A ^LOW me to return you many thanks for the Letters I 
have had the Pleasure of receiving lately from You. I can 
not express how much I feel myself obliged to you for all the 
News you are so good as to give me. The History of the Ladies 
Head-dress is really entertaining. I did not think my Fair 
Countrywomen would have made themselves so ridiculous. 
I hope the Cabbages Potatoes &c. will be displaced, & that 
some Heroic Damsel will instead of them grace Her Head 
with a representation of the Aftions at Lexington or Bunkers 
Hill, or the Flight of the Rebels from before Quebeck. 1 The 
Niger Man of War brought us yesterday the last agreable 
Piece of News. And so precipitate was their Retreat that whole 
Companies flung away even their Arms. Nay they left their 
Pots boiling, so that the King s Troops set down &c eat their 
dinners for them. As I take for granted you will have the 
Particulers of this Affair from Canada long before the Arrival 

1 After the failure of the attack upon Quebec , and Montgomery^ death, December 31, 1775, Arnold 
spent the winter near the city. In the spring the British commander received re enforcements and 
was able to drive the Americans out of Canada. 

[ 66 ] 


of this Letter, I shall not trouble you with a Detail of them. 
I hope I shall soon be able to send you some good News from 
our Quarter. We are to sail on Wednesday or Thursday next, 
& I think in about a fortnight after that, something must pop 
between us & the Rebels. 

Adieu Dear D r . make my best Comp ts . acceptable to M rs . 
Percy & your Family & believe me to be 

Tour sincere Friend 


P: S: Since writing the above Cap 1 . Mowatt is just arrived 
& has brought me two Letters more from you, for which I 
return you many thanks. 


The Rev d . D r . PERCY. 

[From Halifax the British army sailed for New York, landed at Staten 
Island late in June, and a month later took Brooklyn^ which, with Staten 
Island, forms the entrance to the inner harbor of New TorkJ] 


N. 2o th : New Town Long Island 

Sef. I st . 1776. 

A^LOW me my dearest Father to congratulate You on a 
Victory the King s Troops obtained over the Rebels at 

1 The battle of Brooklyn or Long Island. 


Bedford near Brookland on the 27 th of last Month; which both 
in its immediate & consequential Effects, is likely to be of the 
greatest Advantage to Great Britain. On the 26 th at Night We 
marched from Utrecht on this Island, where we had landed 
without Opposition, & passing thro Fletlands made for a 
Gorge in the Mountains which We flattered ourselves was not 
Guarded, in order to gain the left Flank of the Enemy. This 
Plan succeeded even beyond our Expectations, for we were on 
the Flank, & in their Rear, before they knew what we were 
about. The Engagement did not begin till the advanced Guard 
under Gen 1 . Clinton & Lord Cornwallis had arrived at Bedford, 
& before I could get up with the Army the Affair was over. 
I had however an Opportunity of sending the light Infantry 
of the Guards to attack a Party of the Rebels, but they ran 
away direclly & only allow d the Guards just Time to give 
them one Fire, our loss on this Occasion is scarce to be men 
tioned. We had only five Officers & fifty seven Men killed, & 
about 20 Officers wounded. In short our whole Loss in killed, 
wounded, & missing, does not exceed 300 Men, Whereas on 
the Rebel side by the very best Acc ts . from themselves they 
have lost upwards of 3000 Men. We have taken three Gen ls . 
besides a surprizing Number of Field & other Officers & i 500 
Private Men Prisoners. This was intirely owing to our Men 
attacking them the proper Way. The moment the Rebels fired 
our Men rushed on them with their Bayonets & never gave 
them Time to load again Our Men behaved themselves like 
British Troops fighting in a good Cause. I cannot Omit men 
tioning the Guards at whose Head I had the Honor to be 
that Day. The Spirit & Alertness of both Officers & Men de- 

[ 68 ] 


serve the highest Encomiums. Their readiness & willingness 
to do whatever they were desired, has gained them the Esteem 
& Approbation of the whole Army. In short they are not only 
the finest Body of Men that ever was seen, but it seems to be 
the Study of every Officer & Man amongst them to be as dis 
tinguishable for Discipline, Spirit, & Conduct, Nothing is a 
Hardship, nothing is a difficulty with Them. Whatever they 
are directed to do, they do with Chearfullness & Pleasure. I 
am happy to be able to do them this Justice which they richly 
deserve & I am sure his Majesty must be pleased to hear that 
His Guards have proved themselves worthy of the Honor 
they enjoy of being near His Person when at Home, by their 
very proper & spirited Conduct when in the Field. On the 
30 th . about 3 in the Morn g . the Rebels evacuated or rather fled 
from all their strong works at Brookland & passed over to 
New York, leaving behind them, Cannon, Stores, Horses, Pro 
visions & even most of their Tents. And giving us up by this 
means quiet Possession of Long Island. In consequence of 
which We marched on Yesterday to this Place, where almost 
every body has come in to Us, such as have been in Arms or 
Active have surrendered Themselves, & all taken the Oaths, 
Whole Reg ts . we are informed have deserted from them at 
New York, & in short they are in the greatest State of Con 
fusion. They feel severely the Blow on the 27 th . & I think I 
may venture to assert, that they will never again stand before 
us in the Field. Every Thing seems to be over with Them, & 
I flatter myself now that this Campaign will put a total End 
to the War. I own it will on many Acc ts . give me great Satis 
faction if that should be the Case but on none more, than 

[ 69 ] 


because it will afford me an Opportunity soon of convincing 
You in Person with what sincerity I am 

Tour most dutiful/ 
& most Affectionate Son 


Maj r . Cuyler one of Gen 1 . Howe s Aid de Camps will be 
good enough to present this to you. If you should see L d . or L y . 
Aylesford I beg you will be so good as to tell them, that 
M r . Finch is going on remarkably well & is perfectly safe & 



[New Town, Long Island^ Sept. 2nd, 1776.] 

\ MIDST the various congratulations which your lordship 
./V will receive on account of the vi6tory gained over the 
rebels by His Majesty s troops on the 27 th of last month, 3 to 
gether with its subsequent effefts, permit me to add my tribute. 
Nor should I have presumed to trouble your lordship even 
now had not my father acquainted me with the very flatter 
ing manner in which you have been pleased to mention my 
conduct. Praise from your lordship I own I am proud of, and 

1 Lady Aylesford was the sister of Algernon, seventh duke of Somerset, Percy s grandfather. The 
son, Edward Finch, became colonel of the Twenty-second Regiment. 

2 Lord George Germain, son of the first duke of Dorset, was born in 1716. He was appointed by 
Lord North in 1775 Secretary of State for the Colonies, which position he held until 1782, support 
ing the ministry s vigorous policy against America. 

3 The battle of Brooklyn or Long Island. 

[ 70 ] 


be assured I shall always be happy to lend my aid and assist 
ance in support of Government under an honest and able Min 
ister. The affair of the 27 th , my lord, was ably planned and 
nobly executed. The behaviour of both officers and men on 
that occasion did honour to the country they came from and to 
the cause in which they are engaged. The rebels have severely 
felt the blow, and I think I may venture to foretell that this 
business is pretty near over. I hope sincerely it is, and that 
your lordship will soon enjoy the blessings of your country 
from having delivered it from the most dangerous and unpro 
voked rebellion that ever existed, by your very proper and 
spirited measures. 1 


To a Gentleman in London 

Camp at New f own ^ September 4, 1776. 

... IT was the General s orders that the troops should receive 
the Rebels first fire, 2 and then rush on them before they had 
recovered their arms, with their bayonets, which threw them 
into the utmost disorder and confusion, they being unacquainted 
with such a manoeuvre. A light dragoon, discovering three rifle 
men in a wood, who had secreted themselves in order to pick 
out the officers as they appeared, attacked them, shot one, took 
the other two prisoners, and brought them to Lord Percy, who 
rewarded him for his gallant behaviour. A great many of the 

1 Ninth report of the Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts, part Hi., page 85. 

2 At the battle of Long Island, 


horses belonging to Preston s regiment, that were left in Boston 
at the evacuation, were found on Long-Island. 1 . . . 


[New York, 051. 30^, 1776.] 

ON Gen 1 . Howe s marching to the Continent I was left to 
defend the island with three British brigades and one 
Hessian. One of them encamped near New York, and the rest 
defended our redoubts in the north part of the island. 

The day the Gen 1 , left us the rebels came down with about 
8,000 men and cannon, as if they meant to attack us; but I 
knew them too well to imagine any such thing. I let them 
therefore remain, as they did not chuse to come within canon 
shot; and when they were tired they returned again to their 
camp. Nothing happened from that time to the 27 th , 2 when 
in consequence of orders from G 1 . Howe I marched with six 
British and two Hessian reg ts to feel their lines, and at the 
same time favor a moment [movement?] of Gen 1 Kniphausen s 
by drawing their attention this way. I approached therefore 
with caution, for I had not force enough to attack them. By 
the time I had advanced within random musquet shot, their 
lines (three in number) were all completely manned. These 
lines are from the middle to the summit of a high mountain, 
one behind the other with square redoubts at about a 100 

1 force 3 American Archives, $th series , vol. it., column 168. 

2 Percy was left at Harlem Heights while Howe tried to get in Washington s rear. Washington 
withdrew to White Plains and was defeated there on the zlth. 

[ 72 ] 


yards from each other, the whole supported by Fort Wash 
ington, a large square fort with bastions and 18 pounders. 1 

As our moving forward did not make them evacuate their 
works, I tried what a few shots from six-pounders and shells 
from two howitzers would do, but they were too well secured 
by their parapets. About one o clock in the afternoon they 
were perceived bringing down canon from their fort into their 
advanced lines, I left piquets in the former position, and re 
tired with the main body about halfway between their works 
and ours. 

My left (being the two Hessian reg s ) occupied a height 
close to the North River, which commanded a plain to its 
right, in this plain I placed two reg s with their right to an 
other hill, where a reg* and the haubitzers were posted, the 
remainder of our force extended from thence across Harlaem 
plains towards the East River, or as there called Harlaem Creek. 
The rebels now began to canonade us, and as their shot went 
over the British reg the most to the left, I retired a little out 
of reach. (The other reg s covered with a stone wall and trees 
were secure). The two hills were much too strong for them 
to attack, and as they flanked the plains where the other reg s 
were, I thought my position secure. That night I began to 
work on the two hills, ordered the troops to send for their tents 
as if I proposed remaining, and talked of the most desperate 
intentions; it had not however the desired effeft, for the rebels 
who were at least 5,000 in number, posted in such strong lines 
would not stir. They sent down in the morning (as they had 

1 " Those ships came up, it seems, to enfilade our lines below that fort, whilst Lord Percy attacked 
them, which he did three different times, but was as often repulsed by the garrison of Fort Wash 
ington" (General George Clinton, October 31, 1776. In Forceps American Archives, $th series, 
vol. ii., column 1312.) 

[ 73 ] 


done the evening before), a number of their rangers to pop 
at our advanced posts and sentries, and now and then fired a 
few canon shot. 

Having now fully answered the Gen ls . intentions, and being 
indeed unable to remain longer on account of the smallness 
of our numbers and the consequence of the island of New York 
which this corps was left to guard, I determined to return to 
the old position in our lines as soon as the evening favored 
the retreat. This certainly was a very delicate operation, with a 
small body just under the enemy s nose, some of our advanced 
piquets within a hundred yards of theirs, and our sentries 
within 30 or 40. 

In the first place I kept my intentions quite to myself, and 
till 4 o clock in the afternoon, (at 8 I intended move), I did 
not open my lips even to Gen 1 . Jones next in command; I only 
sent him word I would call on him; at a quarter before six 
I ordered the reg s under arms, and the commanding officers 
of the reg s to come to me; I then gave each the dispositions 
for the retreat, and their route, ordering the piquets to be left 
till I sent to take them off, and settled such signals for retir 
ing as could not be mistaken. At six o clock the retreat was 
ordered. When the troops were on their march the piquets 
were taken off silently and in an hour s time the whole re 
turned to their old camp, the enemy not finding we were gone 
till next morning. 

It is very fortunate that in this little excursion of two days 
not a man suffered by their canon, and only four British sol 
diers were killed, and three slightly wounded with their mus- 
quetry, and three Hessians wounded. 

I do assure you I am almost a little vain on this retreat, as 

[ 74 ] 


the Hessians and all agree in calling the manoeuvre a masterly 
one. The rebels were taken in, for whilst they were observing 
my manoeuvres, Gen 1 . Kniphausen took from them their works 
at King s bridge which they had left weakly guarded, bringing 
almost all their forces to oppose me. The attention and obe 
dience to orders in all the troops on that occasion do them 
the greatest honor, but their silence in getting under arms, 
and on their return was beyond conception. 

Next day the Gen 1 , ordered away the 4 th brigade, so only 
a British and Hessian brigade guard the lines, I am not un 
easy as the rebels dare not attack us. 1 


New York Island^ Nov. 3, 1776. 
My dear REVELEY: 

. . . NEWS I can send you none. I am detached from the main 
army with a corps to defend this Island & City, with all our 
shipping & stores. 

Gen. Hare [Howe] has gone to the Continent, & has sent 
the Rebels to the Devil, or at least the next thing to it, into 
New Eng d . Don t tell this to Mr. Wm Vassal, who, I un 
derstand, is your neighbor. If ever you see him present my 
comp ts to him.*. . . 

1 Ninth report of the Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts, part Hi., page 86. 

2 William Wassail graduated at Harvard in 1733 and purchased the Cooper estate on Pemberton 
Hill (novj the Square}, Boston, in 1758. Here he lived in considerable state, and is said to have 
entertained Lord Percy. He went to England, probably in 1776, andnvas declared banished in 1778. 
He lived at Clapham, within walking distance ofReveley^s home at Peckham, and died at Batter- 

[ 75 ] 


I gave my Friends, the Rebels, a little [start?], this day s 
sennight. I marched out with part of the army under my com 
mand towards their lines, within musket-shot, in order to 
reconnoitre their forces, & draw their attention towards us, 
to favor a manoeuvre of Lt.-Gen. Kniphausen, who was to 
endeavor to get into their rear. This had the desired effeft, 
for, whilst they were sending off for re-inforcements to oppose 
me, who, God knows, did not intend to meddle with them 
(for they were more than three times my numbers) & besides 
intrenched up to the eyes in their rows of lines, supported by 
a very strong Redoubt, Kniphausen just got into the position 
he wanted. 

On Monday eve g, therefore, having executed my orders, 
I returned again to my old Camp, without their daring to 
molest me. In this whole excursion I had but 4 British sol 
diers killed & 3 wounded. Their cannon were so ill pointed, 
that tho they fired annoyingly at us, they hit nobody. 1 . . . 


sea Rise, May 8, 1800. The brilliant Lady Holland was a relative of his. VassalVs Boston house 
became in 1803 the home of Gardiner Greene , brother-in-law of Lord Lyndhurst. 
1 Nothing of public interest has been omitted from this letter. 

The ninth report of the Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts mentions a communication to 
Lord G forge Germain, dated at New York, November 29, 1776, enclosing a plan (not now --with 
letter} of "the rebel lines flung up to protect the north part of the island, which were forced by 
four weak British and two Hessian battalions under Lord Percfs command on the 1 6th of No 
vember. On this day Fort Washington fell, and a winter of disasters for the American cause 

The Myers collection at the New York Public Library has a letter addressed to Richard Moles- 
worth, Deputy Paymaster-General to the forces under Lord Percy, dated at Newport, April 28, 
1777, authorizing the payment of money for the six Hessian regiments under the command of 
Brigadier -General Loss berg -, it is signed by Percy. 



IT is to be regretted that we have no letters describing 
Percy s brave assault upon Fort Washington and his op 
erations in Rhode Island events of the period between 
November 3, 1776, and his departure for England. A ship 
which sailed from New York on the 23d of March, 1777, 
for Liverpool carried news that Lord Percy s disagreement 
with Sir William Howe in matters military was already the 
subject of gossip, and that Percy wished to be relieved of his 
command. His great popularity and influence made it pos 
sible for the opposition to Government to use this event to 
embarrass the ministers whose conduft of affairs in America 
was always open to criticism. Percy, it seems, remained in 
Rhode Island with a separate command, after the successful 
expedition against Newport, in which he was associated with 
Sir Henry Clinton. In this position he expefted a force under 
him sufficient to permit extensive operations which might 
add to his reputation as a soldier. The campaign in New 
Jersey at the close of 1776, including Washington s brilliant 
manoeuvres at Trenton and Princeton, made it necessary to 
draw upon Percy s already inadequate forces. Howe thought 
that his subordinate did not meet his requisitions promptly 
and to the letter. Percy s friends, on the other hand, declared 
that he "behaved like an angel," and that "exalted merit had 

[ 79 ] 


been exposed to jealousy and envy." The citizens and the 
rank and file of the army held the latter view. 

Having obtained a recall, Percy went on board the Mer 
cury packet at Rhode Island early in May, 1777, and reached 
Falmouth, England, on the 2d of June, after a passage of 
twenty-eight days. 1 Upon his arrival in London he waited upon 
Lord George Germain, "who immediately ordered his post- 
chaise and took him to Kew, where he was most graciously 
received, and had an audience with His Majesty near two 
hours." 2 Lord Percy s arrival aroused criticism of the ministry 
among those who believed that his withdrawal from America 
was due to his disapproval of the management of the war or 
to jealousy on the part of Sir William Howe, and that Percy 
could have been persuaded to continue in service against the 
Colonies. In less than three months he was made a Lieutenant- 
General in the army. 

In the autumn Lord Percy, now a peer in his own right 
through the death of his mother, moved the address to the 
King in the House of Lords, speaking in a voice scarcely 
audible. He had a word of praise for Howe, and for officers 
who served in America under difficulties, far from those who 
so readily criticised their actions. He expressed great sorrow 
for the occasion of the war, but felt that it must go on until 
the Colonies bowed before the rights of Great Britain and the 

1 "The Howes are not in fashion. Lord Percy is come home disgusted by the younger. (Horace 
IValpole to Sir Horace Mann, June 18, 1777.) 
z London Chronicle, June 5-7 and 7-10, 1777. 

[ 80 ] 


superior power which upheld them. At other times he was 
very discreet and reserved in his comments on the war. 1 

As Duke of Northumberland he continued to show an in 
terest in military affairs, although in later years an affliction 
of the gout forced him to withdraw from active life. 

1 Horace Walpole to Sir Horace Mann, July 17, 1777. 



A~)AMS, John, delegate to Con 
gress, 36. 
Adams, Samuel, delegate to Congress, 

3 6 - 
Andrews, John, quoted, 34. 

Andrews, Mrs. Ruthy, her sketches 

of Boston, 28. 
Army, British, in Massachusetts in 

August, 1774, 31, 36; at battle of 

Long Island, 69. 
Aylesford, Charlotte, Countess of, 70. 


Barnard, Lieutenant-Colonel Berry, 
wounded, 53. 

Bernard, Sir Francis, his house, 34. 

Boston, people of, 27, 31 ; views of, 
28; army at, in 1774, 31, 34, 
36 ; Percy s house, 34; lighthouse 
burned, 58 ; Mount Whoredom, 
59 ; siege of, 62 ; evacuation, 66. 

Boston Port Bill, 29. 

Bunker Hill, battle of, 56, 57. 

Burrell, Peter, father of Lady Algernon 
Percy, 59 ; father of second Coun 
tess Percy, 60. 

Charleton, Mr., his son wounded, 57, 

Clergy, attitude of, 29. 

Climate of Boston, 29, 49. 

Clinton, Sir Henry, to have a detached 
command, 64 ; at Long Island, 68. 

Clinton, Lord Thomas Pelham, a can 
didate for Parliament, 17. 

Coin, scarcity of, 57. 

Colonies (American), people of, 28, 
44 ; condition of, in November, 1 7 74, 

43> 44- 

Cooper, Grey, on the Boston Port Bill, 
29 ; note on, 46. 

Crops in Massachusetts, 33. 

Gushing, Thomas, delegate to Con 
gress, 36. 

Cuyler, Major Cornelius, 70. 


Danvers, soldiers at, 36. 
Dartmouth, Lord, sends news of Percy 

to his father, 55. 
Desertion, decreasing, 36. 
Drummond, Lord, on Percy s part 

in the retreat from Lexington, 53, 


Cambridge, affairs at, in 1774, 41. 
Canada, taken by Americans, 62. 
Castle William, soldiers at, 36. 
Charlestown, 41, 42. 

Evelyn, William Glanville, quoted, 34, 

Exeter, New Hampshire, 46. 

8s ] 


Fanthrop, William, trial of, 39. 
Fifth Regiment of Foot, reaches Bos 
ton, 27 ; trouble in, 39. 
Finch, Edward, mentioned, 70. 
Fort Hill, Boston, soldiers at, 36. 
Fort Washington, 73 ; fall of, 76. 
Fort William and Mary, taken, 47. 
Francia, Lieutenant, 27. 

Gage, General Thomas, Percy s opin 
ion of, 25 ; at Salem, 28 ; has done 
his duty, 28 ; his lenity, 37 ; in need 
of troops, 42 ; to Lord Dartmouth 
on Percy s part in the retreat from 
Lexington, 53. 

Gair, Doctor, his illness, 60. 

Germain, Lord George, his career, 70 ; 
receives Percy, 80. 

Grant, Brigadier-General James, his 
influence over Howe, 65. 


Haldimand, Sir Frederick, at Boston, 
42 ; his career, 62 ; his nephew pro 
moted, 63. 

Harvey, General Edward, note on, 47. 

Haws, Samuel, quoted, 61. 

Head-dress of women, 17/6, 66. 

Horses, American, 33. 

Howe, Sir William, promotes Haldi- 
mand s nephew, 63 ; under Grant s 
influence, 65 ; and Percy disagree, 

Hudson River, strategic value of, 58. 


Independence, the aim of Congress, 

Jones, Colonel, arrives from Quebec, 


King, Ensign Henry, 27. 
Knyphausen, General Baron Wilhelm 
von, takes King s Bridge, 75, 76. 

Lexington, retreat from, official ac 
count, 49; unofficial account, 52. 

Long Island, battle of, 67-72. 

Lossberg, Baron Friedrich Wilhelm 
von, 76. 


Magistrates, protection of, 36 ; not al 
lowed to a6l, 38. 

Massachusetts, climate, 29 ; the coun 
try, 32 ; crops, 33 ; the Council, 
35 ; under the Regulation Acts, 
35 ; delegates to Congress, 36 ; in 
rebellion, 37, 38 ; raising an army, 

Massachusetts, people of. See Colonies, 
people of. 

Molesworth, Richard, 76. 

Monkton, Lieutenant-Colonel Robert, 


86 ] 


Mount Whoredom, a hill in Boston, 

Mowatt, Captain Henry, 67. 


Newcastle, New Hampshire, fort near, 
taken, 46. 

New England, people of. See Colonies, 
people of. 

New York, manoeuvres about, 72. 

Non-importation talked of, 37. 

Northumberland, Elizabeth, Duchess 
of, furthers election of her son Earl 
Percy, 19; collects views, 28; her 
health, 59. 

Northumberland, Sir Hugh (Smith- 
son) Percy, Duke of, 15, 30; ob 
tains permission for Percy to return 
to England, 47. 


Oxen, American, 33. 


Paine, Robert Treat, delegate to Con 
gress, 36. 

Palmer, Robert, died coming out to 
Boston, 27. 

Parliamentary election for Westmin 
ster, 16-20. 

Percy, Lord Algernon, his marriage, 


Percy, Lady Algernon, 59, 60. 
Percy family, and the Reveley family, 


Percy, Hugh, Earl, his letters, where 
found, 7, 8 ; his ancestry, 15 ; politi 
cal opinions, 16; a candidate for 
Parliament, 16-20; hisletter quoted, 
1 8 ; later life, marriages, character, 
21 ; opinion of Gage, 25 ; reaches 
Boston, 26, 27 ; his house, 34 ; en 
tertains, 34; attitude toward Ad 
ministration, 34 ; and the Fanthrop 
trial, 39 ; sends for books, 44 ; re 
ported dead, 45 ; declines to return 
to England, 47 ; in the retreat from 
Lexington, 49-55; writes of Bunker 
Hill battle, 56 ; criticises the cam 
paign, 58 ; his second marriage, 60 ; 
in Halifax, 66; and the battle of 
Long Island, 68, 71 ; about New 
York, 72 ; before Fort Washington, 
73 ; order for money, 76 ; disagree 
ment with Howe, 79 ; arrival in 
England, 80 ; remarks on the war, 

Percy s Regiment. See Fifth Regiment 
of Foot. 

Percy, Rev. Thomas, ancestry and ca 
reer, 25. 

Pigott, Colonel Robert, 28, 31. 

Pitcairn, Major John, killed at Bunker 
Hill battle, 57. 

Pomeroy, Colonel Seth, 41. 

Porter, Rev. Edward Griffin, his visit 
to Alnwick, 8 ; death prevented use 
of Percy s letters, 9. 

Portsmouth, New Hampshire, affairs 
at, 46. 

Preble, Colonel Jedediah, 41. 


Quebec, attack upon, 66. 


Rawdon, Lord, 27 ; at Bunker Hill 

battle, 57. 

Regulation Ads, 35, 37, 42. 
Reveley family, 30. 
Reveley, Henry, birth of a daughter, 60. 
Revere, Paul, warns Portsmouth, 46, 


Revolutionary War, Percy on the, 71. 
Roxbury, 41, 42. 

Salem, soldiers at, 36. 

Saxe, Marshal, referred to by Percy, 


Seymour, Lady Elizabeth, her mar 
riage, 15, 30. See also Northumber 
land, Duchess of. 

Ships, captured, 62, 63. 

Shuldham, Admiral Molyneux, his 
character, 65. 

Smith, Lieutenant- Colonel Francis, 
wounded, 53. 

Smithson, Sir Hugh. See Northumber 
land, Duke of. 

Solemn League and Covenant, 29. 

Sons of Liberty, 45. 

Trees in Massachusetts, 32. 

Charles Wesley, his book re 
ferred to, 64. 

Vassall, William, note on, 75. 


Walpole, Horace, quoted, 19, 49, 80, 


Ward, Colonel Artemas, 41. 
Warren, Joseph, killed at Bunker Hill 

battle, 57. 

White Plains, battle at, 72. 
Worcester, militia at, in 1774, 37. 


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