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HULME'S JOURNAL OF A TOUR IN THE WESTERN COUN-
TRIES OF AMERICA — SEPTEMBER 30, 1818- AUGUST
8, 1819.

Extracted and reprinted from William Cobbett's A Year's Resi-
dence in the United States of America: London, 1828

[259] DEDICATION

To TIMOTHY BROWN, ESQ.

OF PECKHAM LODGE, SURREY

North Hempstead, Long Island,
loth Dec. 1818.

MY DEAR SIR,

THE little volume here presented to the public, consists,
as you will perceive, for the greater and most valuable
part, of travelling notes made by our friend HULME,
whom I had the honour to introduce to you in 1816, and
with whom you were so much pleased.

His activity, which nothing can benumb; his zeal against
the twin monster, tyranny and priestcraft, which nothing
can cool; and his desire to assist in providing a place of
retreat for the oppressed, which nothing but the success
in the accomplishment can satisfy; these have induced
him to employ almost the whole of his time here in vari-
ous ways all tending to the same point.

The Boroughmongers have agents and spies all over
the inhabited globe. Here they cannot sell blood: they
can only collect information and calumniate the people
of both countries. These vermin our friend firks out (as
the Hampshire people call it); and they hate him as rats
hate a terrier.

Amongst his other labours, he has performed a very
laborious journey to the Western Countries, and has
been as far as the Colony [260] of our friend BIRKBECK.
This journey has produced a JOURNAL ; and this Journal,
along with the rest of the volume, I dedicate to you in

ao Early Western Travels [Vol. 10

testimony of my constant remembrance of the many,
many happy hours I have spent with you, and of the
numerous acts of kindness which I have received at your
hands. You were one of those, who sought acquaintance
with me, when I was shut up in a felon's jail for two years
for having expressed my indignation at seeing English-
men flogged, in the heart of England, under a guard of
German bayonets and sabres, and when I had on my
head a thousand pounds fine and seven years1 recogni-
zances. You, at the end of the two years, took me from
the prison, in your carriage, home to your house. You
and our kind friend, WALKER, are even yet, held in bonds
for my good behaviour, the seven years not being expired.
All these things are written in the very core of my heart;
and when I act as if I had forgotten any one of them, may
no name on earth be so much detested and despised as
that of

Your faithful friend,

And most obedient servant,

WM. COBBETT

[261] PREFACE

IN giving an account of the United States of America,
it would not have been proper to omit saying something
of the Western Countries, the Newest of the New Worlds,
to which so many thousands and hundreds of thousands
are flocking, and towards which the writings of Mr. Birk-
beck have, of late, drawn the pointed attention of all those
Englishmen, who, having something left to be robbed of,
and wishing to preserve it, are looking towards America
as a place of refuge from the Boroughmongers and the
Holy Alliance, which latter, to make the compact complete,
seems to want nothing but the accession of His Satanic
Majesty.

I could not go to the Western Countries ; and the accounts
of others were seldom to be relied on; because, scarcely
any man goes thither without some degree of partiality,
or comes back without being tainted with some little mat-
ter, at least, of self-interest. Yet, it was desirable to
make an attempt, at least, towards settling the question:
"Whether the Atlantic, or the Western, Countries were
the best for English Farmers to settle in." Therefore,
when Mr. HULME proposed to make a Western Tour, I
was very [262] much pleased, seeing that, of all the men
I knew, he was the most likely to bring us back an impartial
account of what he should see. His great knowledge of
farming as well as of manufacturing affairs; his capacity
of estimating local advantages and disadvantages; the
natural turn of his mind for discovering the means of
applying to the use of man all that is furnished by the

2O Early Western Travels [Vol. 10

Your faithful friend,

And most obedient servant,

WM. COBBETT

[261] PREFACE

I could not go to the Western Countries; and the accounts
of others were seldom to be relied on; because, scarcely
any man goes thither without some degree of partiality,
or comes back without being tainted with some little mat-
ter, at least, of self-interest. Yet, it was desirable to
make an attempt, at least, towards settling the question:
"Whether the Atlantic, or the Western, Countries were
the best for English Farmers to settle in." Therefore,
when Mr. HULME proposed to make a Western Tour, I
was very [262] much pleased, seeing that, of all the men
I knew, he was the most likely to bring us back an impartial
account of what he should see. His great knowledge of
farming as well as of manufacturing affairs; his capacity
of estimating local advantages and disadvantages; the
natural turn of his mind for discovering the means of
applying to the use of man all that is furnished by the

22 Early Western Travels [Vol. 10

earth, the air, and water; the patience and perseverance
with which he pursues all his inquiries; the urbanity of
his manners, which opens to him all the sources of infor-
mation; his inflexible adherence to truth: all these marked
him out as the man on whom the public might safely rely.

I, therefore, give his Journal, made during his tour.
He offers no opinion as to the question above stated.
That / shall do; and when the reader has gone through
the Journal he will find my opinions as to that question,
which opinions I have stated in a Letter addressed to Mr.
BIRKBECK.

The American reader will perceive, that this Letter is
intended principally for the perusal of Englishmen; and,
therefore, he must not be surprised if he finds a little
bickering in a group so much of a family cast.

WM. COBBETT

North Hempstead,

loth December, 1818.

Philadelphia, $oth Sept. 1818.

IT seems necessary, by way of Introduction to the fol-
lowing Journal, to say some little matter respecting the
author of it, and also respecting his motives for wishing
it to be published.

As to the first, I am an Englishman by birth and paren-
tage; and am of the county of Lancaster. I was bred
and brought up at farming work, and became an appren-
tice to the business of Bleacher, at the age of 14 years.
My own industry made me a master-bleacher, in which
state I lived many years at Great Lever, near Bolton,
where I employed about 140 men, women, and children,
and had generally about 40 apprentices. By this busi-
ness, pursued with incessant application, I had acquired,
several years ago, property to an amount sufficient to
satisfy any man of moderate desires.

But, along with my money my children had come and
had gone on increasing to the number of nine. New
duties now arose, and demanded my best attention. It
was not sufficient that I was likely to have a decent fortune
for each child. I was bound to provide, if possible,
against my children being stripped of what I had earned
for them. I, therefore, looked seriously at the situation
of England; and, I saw, that the incomes of my children
were all pawned (as my friend Cobbett1 truly calls it) to

1 For a brief biography of William Cobbett, see Flint's Letters, volume ix
of our series, note 4. — ED.

24 Early Western Travels [Vol. 10

pay the Debts of the Borough, or seat, owners. I saw
that, of whatever I might be able to [264] give to my chil-
dren, as well as of what they might be able to earn, more
than one half would be taken away to feed pensioned
Lords and Ladies, Soldiers to shoot at us, Parsons to
persecute us, and Fundholders, who had lent their money
to be applied to purposes of enslaving us. This view of
the matter was sufficient to induce the father of nine chil-
dren to think of the means of rescuing them from the
consequences, which common sense taught him to appre-
hend. But, there were other considerations, which oper-
ated with me in producing my emigration to America.

In the year 1811 and 1812 the part of the country, in
which I lived, was placed under a new sort oj law, or, in
other words, it was placed out of the protection of the old
law of the land.2 Men were seized, dragged to prison,
treated like convicts, many transported and put to death,
without having committed any thing, which the law of
the land deems a crime. It was then that the infamous
Spy-System was again set to work in Lancashire, in which
horrid system FLETCHER of Bolton was one of the prin-

*In 1811 the growing hostility of those employed in the manufacture of
stockings to the introduction of knitting frames, culminated in the Luddite
Riots, and in Nottingham over six hundred stocking frames were broken. The
riot spread rapidly among the artisans in the cotton and woolen industries in
Lancashire and Yorkshire, mills were burned, machinery of all kinds destroyed,
and it became necessary to call out seven regiments before quiet was restored.
The government became alarmed, especially as the mobs had stormed the
militia depots and secured arms for themselves, and several repressive measures
were hurried through Parliament. The first, passed March 5, 1812, made frame-
breaking a capital offense; the second, the Nottingham Watch and Ward Bill,
passed the same month, enabled the lord-lieutenant or sheriff to establish
watch and ward if further riots occurred; and the third, the Preservation of
Public Peace Act, passed July 27, 1812, empowered any magistrate in the dis-
turbed district to search for secreted arms, and to call upon the people to give up
their weapons. See Parliamentary Debates, xri, pp. 859, 1166; xxiii, pp. 1099,
1 851. — ED.

1818-1819] Hulme's Journal 25

cipal actors, or, rather, organizers and promoters. At
this time I endeavoured to detect the machinations of these
dealers in human blood; and, I narrowly escaped being
sacrificed myself on the testimony of two men, who had
their pardon offered them on condition of their swearing
against me. The men refused, and were transported,
leaving wives and children to starve.

Upon this occasion, my friend DOCTOR TAYLOR, most
humanely, and with his usual zeal and talent, laboured to
counteract the works of FLETCHER and his associates.
The DOCTOR published a pamphlet on the subject, in
1812, which every Englishman should read. I, as far as
I was able, co-operated with him. We went to London,
laid the real facts before several members of the two
houses of Parliament; and, in some degree, checked the
progress of the dealers in blood. I had an interview with
Lord Holland, and told him, that, if he would pledge him-
self to cause the secret-service money to be kept in London,
I would pledge myself for the keeping of the peace in
Lancashire. In [265] short, it was necessary, in order to
support the tyranny of the seat-sellers, that terror should
prevail in the populous districts. Blood was wanted to
flow; and money was given to spies to tempt men into
what the new law had made crimes.

From this time I resolved not to leave my children in
such a state of things, unless I should be taken off very
suddenly. I saw no hope of obtaining a Reform of the
Parliament, without which it was clear to me, that the
people of England must continue to work solely for the
benefit of the great insolent families, whom I hated for
their injustice and rapacity, and despised for their mean-
ness and ignorance. I saw, in them, a mass of debauched
and worthless beings, having at their command an army

26 Early Western Travels [Vol. 10

to compel the people to surrender to them the fruits of
their industry; and in addition, a body existing under the
garb of religion, almost as despicable in point of character,
and still more malignant.

I could not have died in peace, leaving my children the
slaves of such a set of beings; and I could not live in peace,
knowing, that at any hour, I might die and so leave my
family. Therefore I resolved, like the Lark in the fable,
to remove my brood, which was still more numerous than
that of the Lark. While the war was going on between
England and America, I could not come to this country.
Besides, I had great affairs to arrange. In 1816, having
made my preparations, I set off, not with my family, for
that I did not think a prudent step. It was necessary for
me to see what America really was. I therefore, came for
that purpose.

I was well pleased with America, over a considerable
part of which I travelled. I saw an absence of human
misery. I saw a government taking away a very small por-
tion of men's earnings. I saw ease and happiness and a
fearless utterance of thought every where prevail. I saw
laws like those of the old laws of England, every where
obeyed with cheerfulness and held in veneration. I heard
of no mobs, no riots, no spies, no transportings, no hang-
ings. I saw those very Irish, to keep whom in order, such
murderous laws exist in [266] Ireland, here good, peace-
able, industrious citizens. I saw no placemen and pen-
sioners, riding the people under foot. I saw no greedy
Priesthood, fattening on the fruits of labour in which they
had never participated, and which fruits they seized in
despite of the people. I saw a Debt, indeed, but then, it
was so insignificant a thing ; and, besides, it had been con-
tracted for the people's use, and not for that of a set of
tyrants, who had used the money to the injury of the peo-

1818-1819] Hulme s "Journal 27

pie. In short, I saw a state of things, precisely the re-
verse of that in England, and very nearly what it would
be in England, if the Parliament were reformed.

Therefore, in the Autumn of 1816, I returned to Eng-
land fully intending to return the next spring with my
family and whatever I possessed of the fruits of my labours,
and to make America my country and the country of that
family. Upon my return to England, however, I found
a great stir about Reform ; 3 and having, in their full force,
all those feelings, which make our native country dear to
us, I said, at once, ' ' My desire is, not to change country
or countrymen, but to change slavery for freedom: give
me freedom here, and here I'll remain." These are
nearly the very words that I uttered to Mr. COBBETT, when
first introduced to him, in December 1816, by that excel-
lent man, MAJOR CARTWRIGHT.* Nor was I unwilling
to labour myself in the cause of Reform. I was one of

1 The year 1816 was a time of intense suffering among the working classes
in England. Corn reached famine prices, and at the same time the return of
peace, by reducing the foreign demand for manufactured articles, created an
over supply of labor. Riots again occurred, but the general discontent found a
new outlet in the demand for parliamentary reform. In this, Cobbett was the
leader, and under his direction Hampden Clubs were established all over the
country. Sir Francis Burdett, president of the London Hampden Club, was
first chosen to further the cause in the House of Commons. A graduate of
Oxford, he entered Parliament in 1796, when twenty-six years of age, and
served almost continuously until his death, in 1844. He was throughout an
earnest advocate of parliamentary reform, of freedom of speech in the House,
and of other liberal measures. Cobbett, Hulme, and the Radicals disliked him
because his methods were too moderate for them. The incident mentioned by
Hulme refers to a large meeting held at London at the end of the year (1816),
to which all the Hampden Clubs sent delegates; and to avoid which Sir Francis,
who had a horror of popular demonstrations, fled to Leicestershire, and sent a
letter stating his inability to be present. See Cobbett, Weekly Political Register,
September 13, 1817. — ED.

4 Next to Cobbett, the most important leader of the reform movement during
this period was Major John Cartwright. Born in Nottinghamshire (1740), he
had entered the navy and was being promoted rapidly when he refused to join
his commander, Lord Howe, against the American colonies, thus putting an
end to his professional advancement. Turning his attention to politics, he

28 Early Western Travels [Vol. 10

those very Delegates, of whom the Borough-tyrants said
so many falsehoods, and whom SIR FRANCIS BURDETT so
shamefully abandoned. In the meeting of Delegates, I
thought we went too far in reposing confidence in him: I
spoke my opinion as to this point : and, in a very few days,
I had the full proof of the correctness of my opinion. I
was present when MAJOR CARTWRIGHT opened a letter
from SIR FRANCIS, which had come from Leicestershire.
I thought the kind-hearted old Major would have dropped
upon the floor ! I shall never forget his looks as he read
that letter. If the paultry Burdett had a hundred lives,
the taking of them all away would not atone for the pain
he that day gave to Major Cartwright, not to men-
tion the pain [267] given to others, and the injury done to
the cause. For my part, I was not much disappointed.
I had no opinion of Sir Francis Burdett's being sound.
He seemed to me too much attached to his own importance
to do the people any real service. He is an aristocrat ; and
that is enough for me. It is folly to suppose, that such a
man will ever be a real friend of the rights of the people.
I wish he were here a little while. He would soon find
his proper level; and that would not, I think, be very
high. Mr. HUNT 5 was very much against our confiding

began (1780) the agitation which earned for him the title of Father of Reform.
He was a frequent contributor to Cobbett's Register, in the cause of parliamen-
tary and other reforms. — ED.

'Henry Hunt, familiarly known as Orator Hunt (1773-1835), belonged to
a Wiltshire family. He was engaged in farming near Bristol when, during a
visit to London (1807), he became interested in the Radical cause, and imme-
diately set to work to organize the Radical party in Bristol and the surrounding
country. An eloquent speaker, and of magnetic personality, he exerted his
influence by addressing popular meetings, undergoing two years' imprisonment
for a speech delivered at a Manchester meeting in 1819. After several unsuc-
cessful attempts to enter Parliament, he was elected in 1831, but held his seat
only two years, when, becoming estranged from the other Radical leaders, he
retired from politics. — ED.

1818-1819] Hu/me's Journal 29

in BURDETT; and he was perfectly right. I most sin-
cerely hope, that my countrymen will finally destroy the
tyrants who oppress them; but, I am very sure, that, be-
fore they succeed in it, they must cure themselves of the
folly of depending for assistance on the nobles or the half-
nobles.

After witnessing this conduct in Burdett, I set off home,
and thought no more about effecting a Reform. The
Acts that soon followed were, by me, looked upon as mat-
ters of course.0 The tyranny could go on no longer under
disguise. It was compelled to shew its naked face; but,
it is now, in reality, not worse than it was before. It
now does no more than rob the people, and that it did
before. It kills more now out-right; but, men may as
well be shot, or stabbed or hanged, as starved to death.

During the Spring and the early part of the Summer,
of 1817, I made preparations for the departure of myself
and family, and when all was ready, I bid an everlasting
adieu to Boroughmongers, Sinecure placemen and place-
women, pensioned Lords and Ladies, Standing Armies in
time of peace, and (rejoice, oh ! my children !) to a hireling,
tithe-devouring Priesthood. We arrived safe and all hi
good health, and which health has never been impaired

* December 2, 1816, a large mob collected at Spa-fields, London, and after
addresses by certain Radicals and Spencean Philanthropists (members of a so-
ciety which aimed to abolish private property), it proceeded to take possession of
the Tower, but disbanded before much damage had been done. Feeling con-
fident that sedition was being plotted in all the newly-organized clubs through-
out England, Parliament (March 3, 1817) authorized the suspension of the
writ of habeas corpus. March 25, the Seditious Meetings Act was passed,
prescribing the death penalty for refusal to discontinue any meeting when re-
quired to do so by a magistrate (see Parliamentary Debates, xxxv, pp. 795, 826,
1083, 1227). The reformers regarded these laws as subversive of all liberty;
Cobbett headed the articles in his Register, "A History of the Last Hundred
Days of English Freedom, ending with the passing of the Absolute-Power-of-
Imprisonment Act, in the Month of March, 1817." — ED.

30 Early Western Travels [Vol. 10

by the climate. We are in a state of ease, safety, plenty;
and how can we help being as happy as people can be ?
The more I see of my adopted country, the more gratitude
do I feel towards it for affording me and my numerous
offspring protection from the tyrants of my native coun-
try. There I should have been in constant anxiety about
my family. Here I am in none at all. Here I [268] am
in fear of no spies, no false witnesses, no blood-money men.
Here no fines, irons, or gallowses await me, let me
think or say what I will about the government. Here I
have to pay no people to be ready to shoot at me, or run
me through the body, or chop me down. Here no vile
Priest can rob me and mock me in the same breath.

In the year 1816 my travelling in America was con-
fined to the Atlantic States. I there saw enough to de-
termine the question of emigration or no emigration.
But, a spot to settle on myself was another matter; for,
though I do not know, that I shall meddle with any sort of
trade, or occupation, in the view of getting money, I ought
to look about me, and to consider soberly as to a spot to
settle on with so large a family. It was right, therefore,
for me to see the Western Countries. I have done this;
and the particulars, which I thought worthy my notice, I
noted down in a Journal. This Journal I now submit to
the public. My chief motive in the publication is to
endeavour to convey useful information, and especially to
those persons, who may be disposed to follow my example,
and to withdraw their families and fortunes from be-
neath the hoofs of the tyrants of England.

I have not the vanity to suppose myself eminently qual-
ified for any thing beyond my own profession ; but I have
been an attentive observer; I have raised a considerable
fortune by my own industry and economy; I have, all my

1818-1819] Hulme's Journal 31

life long, studied the matters connected with agriculture,
trade, and manufactures. I had a desire to acquire an
accurate knowledge of the Western countries, and what
I did acquire I have endeavoured to communicate to
others. It was not my object to give flowery descriptions.
I leave that to poets and painters. Neither have I
attempted any general estimate of the means or manner
of living, or getting money, in the West. But, I have con-
tented myself with merely noting down the facts that
struck me; and from those facts the reader must draw
his conclusions.

In one respect I am a proper person to give an account
of the Western Countries. I have no lands there: I have
no interest there: I have nothing to warp [269] my judg-
ment in favour of those countries: and yet, I have as
little in the Atlantic States to warp my judgment in their
favour. I am perfectly impartial in my feelings, and am,
therefore, likely to be impartial in my words. My good
wishes extend to the utmost boundary of my adopted
country. Every particular part of it is as dear to me as
every other particular part.

I have recommended most strenuously the encouraging
and promoting of Domestic Manufacture-, not because I
mean to be engaged in any such concern myself; for it is
by no means likely that I ever shall ; but, because I think
that such encouragement and promotion would be greatly
beneficial to America, and because it would provide a
happy Asylum for my native, oppressed, and distressed
countrymen, who have been employed all the days of
their lives in manufactures in England, where the prin-
cipal part of the immense profits of their labour is con-
sumed by the Borough tyrants and their friends, and
expended for the vile purpose of perpetuating a system

32 Early Western Travels Vol. 10

of plunder and despotism at home, and all over the
world.

Before I conclude this Introduction, I must observe,
that I see with great pain, and with some degree of shame,
the behaviour of some persons from England, who, appear
to think that they give proof of their high breeding by re-
paying civility, kindness, and hospitality, with reproach
and insolence. However, these persons are despised.
They produce very little impression here; and, though the
accounts they send to England, may be believed by some,
they will have little effect on persons of sense and virtue.
Truth will make its way; and it is, thank God, now mak-
ing its way with great rapidity.

I could mention numerous instances of Englishmen,
coming to this country with hardly a dollar in their
pocket, and arriving at a state of ease and plenty and even
riches in a few years; and I explicitly declare, that I have
never known or heard of, an instance of one common
labourer who, with commpn industry and economy, did not
greatly better his lot. Indeed, how can it otherwise be,
when the average wages of [270] agricultural labour is
double what it is in England, and when the average price
of food is not more than half what it is in that country ?
These two facts, undeniable as they are, are quite suffi-
cient to satisfy any man of sound mind.

As to the manners of the people, they are precisely to
my taste; unostentatious and simple. Good sense I find
evf/ry where, and never affectation. Kindness, hospital-
ity and never-failing civility. I have travelled more than
four thousand miles about this country; and I have never
met with one single insolent or rude native American.

I trouble myself very little about the party politics of
the country. These contests are the natural offspring of

1818-1819] Hulme's "Journal 33

freedom; and they tend to perpetuate that which produces
them. I look at the people as a whole-, and I love them
and feel grateful to them for having given the world a
practical proof, that peace, social order, and general hap-
piness can be secured, and best secured, without Mon-
archs, Dukes, Counts, Baronets, and Knights. I have
no unfriendly feeling towards any Religious Society. I
wish well to every member of every such society; but, I
love the Quakers, and feel grateful towards them, for
having proved to the world, that all the virtues, public as
well as private, flourish most and bring forth the fairest
fruits when unincumbered with those noxious weeds,
hireling priests.

THOMAS HULME

[271 THE JOURNAL

PITTSBURGH, June 3. — Arrived here with a friend as
travelling companion, by the mail stage from Philadel-
phia, after a journey of six days; having set out on the
28th May.7 We were much pleased with the face of
the country, the greatest part of which was new to me.
The route, as far as Lancaster, lay through a rich and
fertile country, well cultivated by good, settled proprie-
tors; the road excellent: smooth as the smoothest in Eng-
land, and hard as those made by the cruel coruees in
France. The country finer, but the road not always so
good, all the way from Lancaster, by Little York, to
Chambersburgh; after which it changes for mountains
and poverty, except in timber. Chambersburgh is situ-
ated on the North West side of that fine valley which
lies between the South and North Mountains, and which
extends from beyond the North East boundary of Penn-
sylvania to nearly the South West extremity of North
Carolina, and which has limestone for its bottom and
rich and fertile soil, and beauty upon the face of it, from
one end to the other. The ridges of mountains called
the Allegany, and forming the highest land in north
America between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, begin
here and extend across our route nearly 100 miles, or
rather, three days, for it was no less than half the journey
to travel over them; they rise one above the other as we
proceed Westward, till we reach the Allegany, the last

7 For a description of this route through western Pennsylvania at the begin-
ning of the century, see F. A. Michaux's Travels, volume Hi of our series, pp.
132-156.— ED.

36 Early Western Travels [Vol. 10

and most lofty of all, from which we have a view to the
West farther than the eye can carry. I can say nothing
in commendation of the road over these mountains, but
I must admire the drivers, and their excellent horses. The
road is every thing that is bad, but the skill of the drivers,
and the well constructed vehicles, and the capital old
English horses, overcome [272] every thing. We were
rather singularly fortunate in not breaking down or up-
setting; I certainly should not have been surprized if the
whole thing, horses and all, had gone off the road and
been dashed to pieces. A new road is making, however,
and when that is completed, the journey will be shorter
in point of time, just one half.8 A fine even country we
get into immediately on descending the Allegany, with
very little appearance of unevenness or of barrenness all
the way to Pittsburgh; the evidence of good land in the
crops, and the country beautified by a various mixture of
woods and fields.

Very good accommodations for travellers the whole of
the way. The stage stops to breakfast and to dine, and
sleeps where it sups. They literally feasted us every
where, at every meal, with venison and good meat of all
sorts: every thing in profusion. In one point, however,
I must make an exception, with regard to some houses:
at night I was surprized, in taverns so well kept in other
respects, to find bugs in the beds! I am sorry to say I
observed (or, rather, felt,) this too often. Always good
eating and drinking, but not always good sleeping.

June ^th &* $th. — Took a view of Pittsburgh. It is
situated between the mouths of the river Allegany and
Monongahela, at the point where they meet and begin

• For the Cumberland Road, see Harris's Journal, volume iii of our series,
note 45. — ED.

1818-1819] Hulmes 'Journal 37

the Ohio, and is laid out in a triangular form so that two
sides of it lie contiguous to the water. Called upon Mr.
Bakewell, to whom we were introduced by letter, and
who very obligingly satisfied our curiosity to see every
thing of importance. After showing us through his ex-
tensive and well conducted glass works,8 he rowed us
across the Monongahela to see the mines from which the
fine coals we had seen burning were brought. These
coals are taken out from the side of a steep hill, very near
to the river, and brought from thence and laid down in
any part of the town for 7 cents the bushel, weighing, per-
haps, 8olb. Better coals I never saw. A bridge is now
building over the river, by which they will most probably
be brought still cheaper.

This place surpasses even my expectations, both in
natural resources and in extent of manufactures. [273]
Here are the materials for every species of manufacture,
nearly, and of excellent quality and in profusion; and
these means have been taken advantage of by skilful and
industrious artizans and mechanics from all parts of the
world. There is scarcely a denomination of manufac-
ture or manual profession that is not carried on to a great
extent, and, as far as I have been able to examine, hi the
best manner. The manufacture of iron in all the differ-
ent branches, and the mills of all sorts, which I examined
with the most attention, are admirable.

Price of flour, from 4 to 5 dollars a barrel; butter 14
cents per lb.; other provisions in proportion and me-
chanic's and good labourer's wages i dollar, and ship-
builder's i dollar and a half, a day.

* The glassworks of Bakewell, Pears and Company were established in 1808.
For the beginning of this industry in Pittsburg, see Cuming's Tour, volume iv
of our series, note 28. — ED.

38 Early Western Travels [Vol. 10

June 6th. — Leave Pittsburgh, and set out in a thing
called an ark, which we buy for the purpose, down the
Ohio.10 We have, besides, a small skiff, to tow the ark
and go ashore occasionally. This ark, which would stow
away eight persons, close packed, is a thing by no means
pleasant to travel in, especially at night. It is strong at
bottom, but may be compared to an orange-box, bowed
over at top, and so badly made as to admit a boy's hand
to steal the oranges: it is proof against the river, but not
against the rain.

Just on going to push off the wharf, an English officer
stepped on board of us, with all the curiosity imaginable.
I at once took him for a spy hired to way-lay travellers.
He began a talk about the Western Countries, anxiously
assuring us that we need not hope to meet with such a
thing as a respectable person, travel where we would.
I told him I hoped in God I should see no spy or
informer, whether in plain clothes or regimentals, and
that of one thing I was certain, at any rate: that I
should find no Sinecure placeman or pensioner in the
Western country.

The Ohio, at its commencement, is about 600 yards
broad, and continues running with nearly parallel sides,
taking two or three different directions in its course, for
about 200 miles. There is a curious contrast between
the waters which form this river: that of the Allegany is
clear and transparent, that of the Monongahela [274]
thick and muddy, and it is not for a considerable distance
that they entirely mingle. The sides of the river are
beautiful; there are always rich bottom lands upon the
banks, which are steep and pretty high, varying in width

10 See Harris's Journal, volume iii of our series, p. 335, for a description of
an Ohio River "ark."— ED.

1818-1819] Hu/me's Journal 39

from a few yards to a mile, and skirted with steep hills
varying also in height, overhanging with fine timber.

June jth. — Floating down the Ohio, at the rate of four
miles an hour. Lightning, thunder, rain and hail pelt-
ing in upon us. The hail-stones as large as English hazel-
nuts. Stop at Steubenville all night. A nice place; has
more stores than taverns, which is a good sign."

June 8th. — Came to Wheeling at about 12 o'clock. It
is a handsome place, and of considerable note. Stopped
about an hour. Found flour to be about 4 to 5 dollars a
barrel; fresh beef 4 to 6 cents per lb., and other things (the
produce of the country) about the same proportion.
Labourers' wages, i dollar a day. Fine coals here, and
at Steubenville.

June gth. — Two fine young men join us, one a carpen-
ter and the other a saddler, from Washington, in a skiff that
they had bought at Pittsburgh, and in which they are tak-
ing a journey of about 700 miles down the river. We
allow them to tie their skiff to our ark, for which they
very cheerfully assist us. Much diverted to see the nim-
bleness with which they go on shore sometimes with their
rifles to shoot pigeons and squirrels. The whole expenses
of these two young men in floating the 700 miles, will be
but 7 dollars each, including skiff and every thing else.

This day pass Marietta, a good looking town at the
mouth of the Muskingham River. It is, however, like
many other towns on the Ohio, built on too low ground,
and is subject to inundations. Here I observe a contri-

11 For the towns along the Ohio mentioned by Hulme, see A. Michaux's
Travels, volume iii of our series: Wheeling, note 15; Marietta, note 16.
Cuming's Tour, volume iv of our series: Steubenville, note 67; Cincinnati,
note 1 66; Shippingport, note 171. Bradbury's Travels, volume v of our series;
Vevay, note 164. Croghan's Journals, volume i of our series: Louisville, note
106.— ED.

40 Early Western Travels [Vol. 10

vance of great ingenuity. There is a stronge rope put
across the mouth of the river, opposite the town, fastened
to trees or large posts on each side; upon this rope runs
a pulley or block, to which is attached a rope, and to the
rope a ferry-boat, which, by moving the helm first one
way and then the other, is propelled by the force of the
water across the river backwards or forwards.

[275] June loth. — Pass several fine coal mines, which
like those at Pittsburgh, Steubenville, Wheeling and other
places, are not above 50 yards from the river and are up-
wards of 10 yards above high water. The river now be-
comes more winding than we have hitherto found it. It
is sometimes so serpentine that it appears before and be-
hind like a continuation of lakes, and the hills on its
banks seem to be the separations. Altogether, nothing
can be more beautiful.

June nth. — A very hot day, but I could not discover
the degree of heat. On going along we bought two
Perch, weighing about 8 Ib. each, for 25 cents, of a boy
who was fishing." Fish of this sort will sometimes weigh
30 Ibs. each.

June i2th. — Pass Portsmouth, at the mouth of the
Scioto River. A sort of village, containing a hundred or
two of houses. Not worthy of any particular remark.

June i tfh. — Arrived at Cincinnati about midnight.
Tied our ark to a large log at the side of the river, and
went to sleep. Before morning, however, the fastening
broke, and, if it had not been for a watchful back-woods-
man whom we had taken on board some distance up the
river, we might have floated ten or fifteen miles without
knowing it. This back-woodsman, besides being of
much service to us, has been a very entertaining com-

n The common American perch is the Perca americana or flavescens. — ED.

1818-1819] Hulme's Journal, 41

panion. He says he has been in this country forty years,
but that he is an Englishman, and was bred in Sherwood
Forest (he could not have come from a better nursery).
All his adventures he detailed to us very minutely, but
dwelt with particular warmth upon one he had had with
a priest, lately, who, to spite him for preaching, brought
an action against him, but was cast and had to pay costs.

June itfh and i$th. — Called upon Doctor Drake "
and upon a Mr. Bossoii, to whom we had letters. These
gentlemen shewed us the greatest civility, and treated us
with a sort of kindness which must have changed the
opinion even of the English officer whom we saw at Pitts-
burgh, had he been with us. I could tell that dirty hire-
ling scout, that even in this short space of time, I have had
the pleasure to meet many gentlemen, [276] very well in-
formed, and possessing great knowledge as to their own
country, evincing public spirit in all their actions, and
hospitality and kindness in all their demeanour; but, if
they be pensioners, male or female, or sinecure place lords
or ladies, I have yet come across, thank God, no respecta-
ble people.

Cincinnati is a very fine town, and elegantly (not only
in the American acceptation of the word) situated on the
banks of the river, nearly opposite to Licking Creek,
which runs out of Kentucky, and is a stream of consider-
able importance. The country round the town is beauti-
ful, and the soil rich; the fields in its immediate vicinity
bear principally grass, and clover of different sorts, the
fragrant smell of which perfumes the air. The town it-
self ranks next to Pittsburgh, of the towns on the Ohio, in
point of manufactures.

u For a brief biography of Dr. Drake, consult Flint's Letters, volume ix of
our series, note 61. — ED.

42 Early Western Travels [Vol. 10

We sold our ark, and its produce formed a deduction
from our expenses, which, with that deduction, amounted
to 14 dollars each, including every thing, for the journey
from Pittsburgh to this place, which is upwards of 500
miles. I could not but remark the price of fuel here; 2
dollars a cord for Hickory; a cord is 8 feet by 4, and 4
deep, and the wood, the best in the world ; it burns much
like green Ash, but gives more heat. This, which is of
course the highest price for fuel in this part of the country,
is only about a fifth of what it is at Philadelphia.

June i6th. — Left Cincinnati for Louisville with seven
other persons, in a skiff about 20 feet long and 5 feet wide.

June i jth. — Stopped at VEVAY, a very neat and beau-
tiful place, about 70 miles above the falls of the Ohio.
Our visit here was principally to see the mode used, as
well as what progress was made, in the cultivation of the
vine, and I had a double curiosity, never having as yet
seen a vineyard. These vineyards are cultivated entirely
by a small settlement of Swiss, of about a dozen families,
who have been here about ten years. They first settled
on the Kentucky river, but did not succeed there. They
plant the vines in rows, attached to stakes like espaliers,
and they plough between with a one-horse plough. The
grapes, [277] which are of the sorts of Claret and Madeira,
look very fine and luxuriant, and will be ripe in about the
middle of September. The soil and climate both appear
to be quite congenial to the growth of the vine: the for-
mer rich and the latter warm. The north west wind,
when it blows, is very cold, but the south, south east, and
south west winds, which are always warm, are prevalent.
The heat, in the middle of the summer, I understand, is
very great, being generally above 85 degrees, and some-
times above 100 degrees. Each of these families has a

1818-1819] Hulmes journal 43

farm as well as a vineyard, so that they supply themselves
with almost every necessary and have their wine all clear
profit. Their produce will this year be probably not
less than 5000 gallons; we bought 2 gallons of it at a dollar
each, as good as I would wish to drink. Thus it is that
the tyrants of Europe create vineyards in this new coun-
try!

June i8th. — Arrived at Louisville, Kentucky. The
town is situated at the commencement of the falls, or
rapids of the Ohio. The river, at this place, is little less
than a mile wide, and the falls continue from a ledge of
rocks which runs across the river in a sloping direction at
this part, to Shippingport, about 2 miles lower down.
Perceiving stagnant waters about the town, and an ap-
pearance of the house that we stopped at being infested
with bugs, we resolved not to make any stay at Louisville,
but got into our skiff and floated down the falls to Ship-
pingport. We found it very rough floating, not to say
dangerous. The river of very unequal widths and full of
islands and rocks along this short distance, and the cur-
rent very rapid, though the descent is not more than 22
feet. At certain times of the year the water rises so that
there is no fall; large boats can then pass.

At Shippingport, stopped at the house of Mr. Berthoud,14
a very respectable French gentleman, from whom we re-
ceived the greatest civility during our stay, which was two
nights and the day intervening.

Shippingport is situated at a place of very great im-
portance, being the upper extremity of that part of the
river which is navigable for heavy steam-boats. All the
goods coming from the country are re-shipped, and every

14 James Berthoud in 1803 purchased the town of Shippingport from the
original proprietor, Colonel John Campbell. — ED.

44 Early Western Travels [Vol. 10

thing going to it is un-shipped, here. Mr. Berthoud
[278] has the store in which the articles exporting or im-
porting are lodged : and is, indeed, a great shipper, though
at a thousand miles from the sea.

June 2oth. — Left the good and comfortable house of
Mr. Berthoud, very much pleased with him and his
amiable wife and family, though I differed with him a
little in politics. Having been taught at church, when a
boy, that the Pope was the whore of Babylon, that the
Bourbons were tyrants, and that the Priests and privi-
leged orders of France were impostors and petty tyrants
under them, I could not agree with him in applauding the
Boroughmongers of England for re-subjugating the peo-
ple of France, and restoring the Bourbons, the Pope, and
the Inquisition.

Stop at New Albany, 2 miles below Shippingport, till
the evening.15 A Mr. Paxton, I am told, is the proprietor
of a great part of the town, and has the grist and saw-
mills, which are worked by steam, and the ferry across
the river. Leave this place in company with a couple of
young men from the western part of the state of New
York, who are on their way to Tennessee in a small ferry-
boat. Their whole journey will, probably, be about
1,500 miles.

June 2 is/. — Floating down the river, without any thing
in particular occurring.

June 22nd. — Saw a Mr. Johnstone and his wife reap-
ing wheat on the side of the river. They told us they
had come to this spot last year, direct from Manchester,

u The site of New Albany was owned by three Scribner brothers of New
York, who in 1813 had a town surveyed and offered lots for sale. In 1819 it
contained about one hundred and fifty houses and a thousand inhabitants.
Charles Paxson removed from Philadelphia (1817) and opened a store at New
Albany. For many years he owned the only brick house in the village. — ED

1818-1819] Hulmes 'Journal • 45

Old England, and had bought their little farm of 55
acres of a back-woodsman who had cleared it, and was
glad to move further westward, for 3 dollars an acre.
They had a fine flock of little children, and pigs and
poultry, and were cheerful and happy, being confident that
their industry and economy would not be frustrated by
visits for tithes or taxes.

June 2yd. — See great quantities of turkey-buzzards
and thousands of pigeons. Came to Pigeon Creek, about
230 miles below the Falls, and stopped for the night at
Evansville, a town of nine months old, near the mouth of
it.18 We are now frequently met and passed by large, fine
steam-boats, plying up and down [279] the river. One
went by us as we arrived here which had left Shipping-
port only the evening before. They go down the river at
the rate of 10 miles an hour, and charge passengers 6
cents a mile, boarding and lodging included. The price
is great, but the time is short.

June 24th. — Left Evansville. This little place is
rapidly increasing, and promises to be a town of consider-
able trade. It is situated at a spot which seems likely to
become a port for shipping to Princeton and a pretty
large district of Indiana. I find that the land speculators
have made entry of the most eligible tracts of land, which
will impede the partial, though not the final, progress
of population and improvement in this part of the state.

16 The first log cabin on the site of Evansville was built in 1812 by Hugh
McGary of Kentucky. Four years later. General Robert Evans, having pur-
chased the land in the vicinity, surveyed and laid out a town which he named
Evansville. It did not attract settlers until 1818, when Evans succeeded in
having it made the seat of the newly-erected Vanderburgh County. In 1819
it contained one hundred inhabitants; but Hulme's expectation of its future
importance was slow in being realized, for in 1830 the population was but five
hundred. It was incorporated in 1847, and from that date its growth has been
rapid. — ED.

46 Early Western Travels [Vol. 10

On our way to Princeton, we see large flocks of fine
wild turkeys, and whole herds of pigs, apparently very
fat. The pigs are wild also, but have become so from
neglect. Some of the inhabitants, who prefer sport to
work, live by shooting these wild turkeys and pigs, and
indeed, sometimes, I understand, they shoot and carry
off those of their neighbours before they are wild.

June 2$th. — Arrived at Princeton, Indiana, about
twenty miles from the river.17 I was sorry to see very
little doing in this town. They cannot all keep stores
and taverns! One of the storekeepers told me he does
not sell more than ten thousand dollars value per annum :
he ought, then, to manufacture something and not spend
nine tenths of his time in lolling with a segar in his
mouth.

June 26th. — At Princeton, endeavouring to purchase
horses, as we had now gone far enough down the Ohio.
While waiting in our tavern, two men called in armed
with rifles, and made enquiries for some horses they sus-
pected to be stolen. They told us they had been almost
all the way from Albany, to Shawnee town " after them,
a distance of about 150 miles. I asked them how they
would be able to secure the thieves, if they overtook them,
in these wild woods; "O," said they, "shoot them off
the horses." This is a summary mode of executing
justice, thought I, though probably the most effectual,
and, indeed, only one in this state of society. A thief very

17 As early as 1800 settlement began in the vicinity of the present town of
Princeton. Gibson County being organized in 1813 and the county seat located
there, the following year a public square was cleared of timber, and town
lots were offered for sale. It was named in honor of William Prince, a lawyer
and Indian agent who had settled at Princeton in 1812; he later became a
circuit court judge and a member of Congress — ED.

11 For the founding of Shawneetown, see Croghan's Journals, volume i of
our series, note 108. — ED.

1818-8119] Hulme's Journal 47

rarely escapes here; not nearly so [280] often as in more
populous districts. The fact was, in this case, however,
we discovered afterwards, that the horses had strayed
away, and had returned home by this time. But, if they
had been stolen, the stealers would not have escaped.
When the loser is tired, another will take up the pursuit,
and the whole country is up in arms till he is found.

June zith. — Still at Princeton. At last we get suited
with horses. Mine cost me only 135 dollars with the
bridle and saddle, and that I am told is 18 dollars too
much.

June 2%th. — Left Princeton, and set out to see Mr.
Birkbeck's settlement, in Illinois, about 35 miles from
Princeton." Before we got to the Wabash we had to
cross a swamp of half a mile wide; we were obliged to
lead our horses, and walk up to the knees in mud and
water. Before we got half across we began to think of
going back; but, there is a sound bottom under it all,
and we waded through it as well as we could. It is, in
fact, nothing but a bed of very soft and rich land, and
only wants draining to be made productive. We soon
after came to the banks of the great Wabash, which is

" Morris Birkbeck (1763-1825) was a native of England, being born at
Wanborough. He received a classical education and became a successful,
practical farmer. Having become acquainted with a number of Americans,
especially with Edward Coles, later governor of Illinois, Birkbeck emigrated
(1817) to America. He purchased sixteen thousand acres in Illinois, upon
which he located the widely known "English settlement" in Edwards
County, whose chief town was Albion. Birkbeck and family settled a few miles
distant, naming their point of residence Wanborough. Having considerable
literary ability, he assisted Governor Coles in the latter's fight against admitting
slavery into Illinois. In 1824 he was appointed secretary of state by Coles, but
the senate, being pro-slavery, refused to confirm the nomination. In 1825, while
returning from a visit to the New Harmony settlement, Birkbeck was drowned
in Fox River. He was the author of Notes on o Journey Through France
(London, 1815), Notes on a Journey in America (London, 1818), and Letters
from Illinois (London, 1818), and some controversial pamphlets. — ED.

48 Early Western Travels [Vol. 10

here about half a mile broad, and as the ferry-boat was
crossing over with us I amused myself by washing my
dirty boots. Before we mounted again we happened to
meet with a neighbour of Mr. Birkbeck's, who was re-
turning home; we accompanied him, and soon entered
into the prairie lands, up to our horses' bellies in fine
grass. These prairies, which are surrounded with lofty
woods, put me in mind of immense noblemen's parks in
England. Some of those we passed over are called wet
prairies •, but, they are dry at this time of the year; and, as
they are none of them flat, they need but very simple
draining to carry off the water all the year round. Our
horses were very much tormented with flies, some as large
as the English horse-fly and some as large as the wasp;
these flies infest the prairies that are unimproved about
three months in the year, but go away altogether as soon
as cultivation begins.

Mr. Birkbeck's settlement is situated between [281] the
two Wabashes, and is about ten miles from the nearest
navigable water; we arrived there about sunset and met
with a welcome which amply repaid us for our day's toil.
We found that gentleman with his two sons perfectly
healthy and in high spirits: his daughters were at Hen-
derson (a town in Kentucky, on the Ohio) on a visit."
At present his habitation is a cabin, the building of which
cost only 20 dollars; this little hutch is near the spot
where he is about to build his house, which he intends
to have in the most eligible situation in the prairie for

10 Birkbeck brought four children with him to Illinois: his second son, Brad-
ford, aged sixteen; his third son, Charles, aged fourteen; his daughter Eliza,
who later married Gilbert Pell; and his daughter Prudence, who married
Francis Hanks. Soon after their father's death, the family left Illinois, the
two sons and Mrs. Hanks going to Mexico, and Mrs. Pell to England to educate
her children. — ED.

1818-1819] Hulme's Journal 49

convenience to fuel and for shelter in winter, as well as
for breezes in summer, and will, when that is completed,
make one of its appurtenances. I like this plan of keep-
ing the old loghouse; it reminds the grand children and
their children's children of what their ancestor has done
for their sake.

Few settlers had as yet joined Mr. Birkbeck; that is to
say, settlers likely to become "society;" he has labourers
enough near him, either in his own houses or on land of
their own joining his estate. He was in daily expectation
of his friends, Mr. Fowler's family,21 however, with a
large party besides; they had just landed at Shawnee
Town, about 20 miles distant. Mr. Birkbeck informs me
he has made entry of a large tract of land, lying, part of it,
all the way from his residence to the great Wabash; this
he will re-sell again in lots to any of his friends, they taking
as much of it and wherever they choose (provided it be no
more than they can cultivate), at an advance which I
think very fair and liberal.

The whole of his operations had been directed hitherto
(and wisely in my opinion) to building, fencing, and other

21 George Flower, born about 1780, was an Englishman of means who emi-
grated to America in 1816 in search of the famed prairies of Illinois, of which
so much was being said. Visiting the Middle West in that year, he returned
to Virginia and spent the winter, chiefly with Thomas Jefferson, to whom he
had letters of introduction from Lafayette. In 1817, Morris Birkbeck arrived,
and, as the two were old friends, Flower joined Birkbeck's movement, and took
part in founding the "English settlement." In 1818, on returning from a
voyage to England, Flower was accompanied by his father (Richard, who
wrote the letters reprinted in this volume), his mother, two sisters, and two
brothers. After spending the winter in Lexington, the newcomers of the family
removed to English Prairie in the spring of 1819. George Flower championed
the movement against admitting slavery into Illinois, and lived to see Albion
become a prosperous and beautiful town. He was financially unfortunate, and
for many years lived in retirement with his children in Illinois and Indiana.
Shortly before his death (1862) he completed a History of the English Settle-
ment in Edwards County, Illinois (Chicago, 1882). — ED.

50 Early Western Travels [Vol. 10

important preparations. He had done nothing in the
cultivating way but make a good garden, which supplies
him with the only things that he cannot purchase, and, at
present, perhaps, with more economy than he could grow
them. He is within twenty miles of Harmony ; 22 in In-
diana, where he gets his flour and all other necessaries (the
produce of the country) and therefore employs himself
much better in making barns and houses and mills for
the reception and disposal of [282] his crops, and fences to
preserve them while growing, before he grows them, than
to get the crops first. I have heard it observed that any
American settler, even without a dollar in his pocket,
would have had something growing by this time. Very
true! I do not question that at all; for, the very first
care of a settler without a dollar in his pocket is to get
something to eat, and, he would consequently set to work
scratching up the earth, fully confident that after a long
summering upon wild flesh (without salt, perhaps) his
own belly would stand him for barn, if his jaws would not
for mill. But the case is very different with Mr. Birk-
beck, and at present he has need for no other provision
for winter but about a three hundredth part of his fine
grass turned into hay, which will keep his necessary horses
and cows: besides which he has nothing that eats but

n Harmony (or Harmonic as it was first known) was the famous settlement
of the German Lutherans led by George Rapp. In 1813 Rapp purchased
thirty thousand acres along the Wabash, on a part of which New Harmony
was built. "Contrary to the general idea, Rapp's colony was a great success,
so far as the accumulation of property was concerned, and when Rapp sold
out, in 1825, it was said the wealth per capita was ten times greater than the
average wealth throughout the United States." — E. B. Washburne, editorial
note to Flower's English Settlement in Edwards County, Illinois, p. 61. The
town was purchased by Robert Owen, a manufacturer of New Lanark. Scot-
land, for the purpose of putting into practice his communistic ideas. After a
few years the communistic plan was abandoned, and Owen returned to Scotland,
leaving the property in charge of his two sons. — ED.

1818-1819] Hu/me's Journal 51

such pigs as live upon the waste, and a couple of fine
young deer (which would weigh, they say, when full
grown, 200 Ib. dead weight) that his youngest son is
rearing up as pets.

I very much admire Mr. Birkbeck's mode of fencing.
He makes a ditch 4 feet wide at top, sloping to i foot
wide at bottom, and 4 feet deep. With the earth that
comes out of the ditch he makes a bank on one side,
which is turfed towards the ditch. Then a long pole is
put up from the bottom of the ditch to 2 feet above the
bank; this is crossed by a short pole from the other side,
and then a rail is laid along between the forks. The
banks were growing beautifully, and looked altogether
very neat as well as formidable; though a live hedge
(which he intends to have) instead of dead poles and rails,
upon top, would make the fence far more effectual as
well as handsomer. I am always surprised, until I reflect
how universally and to what a degree, farming is neglected
in this country, that this mode of fencing is not adopted
in cultivated districts, especially where the land is wet, or
lies low; for, there it answers a double purpose, being as
effectual a drain as it is a fence.

I was rather disappointed, or sorry, at any rate, not to
find near Mr. Birkbeck's any of the means for machinery or
of the materials for manufactures, such as the water-falls,
and the minerals and mines, [283] which are possessed in
such abundance by the states of Ohio and Kentucky, and
by some parts of Pennsylvania. Some of these, however,
he may yet find. Good water he has, at any rate. He
showed me a well 25 feet deep, bored partly through hard
substances near the bottom, that was nearly overflowing
with water of excellent quality.

July ist. — Left Mr. Birkbeck's for Harmony, Indiana.

52 Early Western Travels [Vol. 10

The distance by the direct way is about 18 miles, but,
there is no road, as yet; indeed, it was often with much
difficulty that we could discover the way at all. After
we had crossed the Wabash, which we did at a place
called Davis's Ferry,23 we hired a man to conduct us
some part of the way through the woods. In about a
mile he brought us to a track, which was marked out by
slips of bark being stripped off the trees, once in about 40
yards ; he then left us and told us we could not mistake if we
followed that track. We soon lost all appearance of the
track, however, and of the "blazing" of the trees, as they
call it; but, as it was useless to go back again for another
guide, our only way was to keep straight on in the same
direction, bring us where it would. Having no compass,
this nearly cost us our sight, for it was just mid-day, and
we had to gaze at the sun a long time before we discovered
what was our course. After this we soon, to our great
joy, found ourselves in a large corn field; rode round it,
and came to Johnson's Ferry, a place where a Bayou
(Boyau) of the Wabash is crossed. This Bayou is a run
out of the main river round a flat portion of land, which is
sometimes overflowed : it is part of the same river, and the
land encompassed by it, an island. Crossed this ferry in
a canoe, and got a ferry-man to swim our horses after us.
Mounted again and followed a track which brought us to
Black River, which we forded without getting wet, by hold-
ing our feet up.24 After crossing the river we found a
man who was kind enough to shew us about half a mile
through the woods, by which our journey was shortened
five or six miles. He put us into a direct track to Har-

B Davis's ferry across the Wabash was twelve miles from Albion. — ED.

24 Black River, or Creek, rises in the southern part of Gibson County, Indiana,
and flows westward, emptying into the Wabash a few miles above New
Harmony. — ED.

1818-1819] Hulmes "Journal 53

mony, through lands as rich as a dung-hill, and covered
with immense timber; we [284] thanked him, and pushed
on our horses with eager curiosity to see this far-famed
Harmonist Society.

On coming within the precincts of the Harmonites we
found ourselves at the side of the Wabash again; the
river on our right hand, and their lands on our left. Our
road now lay across a field of Indian corn, of, at the very
least, a mile in width, and bordering the town on the side
we entered; I wanted nothing more than to behold this
immense field of most beautiful corn to be at once con-
vinced of all I had heard of the industry of this society of
Germans, and I found, on proceeding a little farther, that
the progress they had made exceeded all my idea of it.

The town is methodically laid out in a situation well
chosen in all respects; the houses are good and clean, and
have, each one, a nice garden well stocked with all vege-
tables and tastily ornamented with flowers. I observe
that these people are very fond of flowers, by the bye; the
cultivation of them, and musick, are their chief amuse-
ments. I am sorry to see this, as it is to me a strong
symptom of simplicity and ignorance, if not a badge of
their German slavery. Perhaps the pains they take with
them is the cause of their flowers being finer than any I
have hitherto seen in America, but, most probably, the
climate here is more favourable. Having refreshed our-
selves at the Tavern, where we found every thing we
wanted for ourselves and our horses, and all very clean
and nice, besides many good things we did not expect,
such as beer, porter, and even wine, all made within the
Society, and very good indeed, we then went out to see the
people at their harvest, which was just begun. There
were 150 men and women all reaping in the same field of

54 Early Western Travels [Vol. 10

wheat. A beautiful sight ! The crop was very fine, and
the field, extending to about two miles in length, and from
half a mile to a mile in width, was all open to one view, the
sun shining on it from the West, and the reapers advancing
regularly over it.

At sun-set all the people came in, from the fields, work-
shops, mills, manufactories, and from all their labours.
This being their evening for prayer [285] during the week,
the Church bell called them out again in about 15 minutes,
to attend a lecture from their High Priest and Law-giver,
Mr. George Rapp.25 We went to hear the lecture, or,
rather, to see the performance, for, it being all performed
in German, we could understand not a word. The people
were all collected in a twinkling, the men at one end of the
Church and the women at the other; it looked something
like a Quaker Meeting, except that there was not a single
little child in the place. Here they were kept by their
Pastor a couple of hours, after which they returned home
to bed. This is the quantum of Church-service they per-
form during the week; but on Sundays they are in Church
nearly the whole of the time from getting up to going to
bed. When it happens that Mr. Rapp cannot attend,
either by indisposition or other accident, the Society still
meet as usual, and the elders (certain of the most trusty
and discreet, whom the Pastor selects as a sort of assistants

"George Rapp (1757-1847) was a weaver in Iptingen, Wurtemburg, and
was noted for his biblical knowledge and piety. He proposed to reform society
on the plan of the New Testament, gathering around him a community of per-
sons who, in imitation of the early Christians at Jerusalem, held everything in
common. This brought them into disfavor with the government, and he, with
a portion of his followers, emigrated to the United States (1803), settling first
on Conequenessing Creek, Butler County, Pennsylvania. In 1815, he estab-
lished Harmony, on the Wabash, but ten years later led the colony back to
Pennsylvania, and founded the town of Economy, about seventeen miles north-
west of Pittsburg. See also, note 22, ante. — ED.

1818-1819] Hulme's Journal 55

in his divine commission) converse on religious subjects.

Return to the Tavern to sleep; a good comfortable
house, well kept by decent people, and the master himself,
who is very intelligent and obliging, is one of the very few
at Harmony who can speak English. Our beds were as
good as those stretched upon by the most highly pensioned
and placed Boroughmongers, and our sleep, I hope, much
better than the tyrants ever get, in spite of all their dun-
geons and gags.

July 2nd. — Early in the morning, took a look at the
manufacturing establishment, accompanied by our Tavern-
keeper. I find great attention is paid to this branch of
their affairs. Their principle is, not to be content with
the profit upon the manual labour of raising the article, but
also to have the benefit of the machine in preparing it for
use. I agree with them perfectly, and only wish the sub-
ject was as well understood all over the United States as
it is at Harmony. It is to their skill in this way that they
owe their great prosperity; if they had been nothing but
farmers, they would be now at Harmony in Pennsylvania,
poor cultivators, getting a bare subsistence, instead of
having doubled their property two or three [286] times
over, by which they have been able to move here and
select one of the choicest spots in the country.

But in noting down the state of this Society, as it now
is, its origin should not be forgotten; the curious history
of it serves as an explanation to the jumble of sense and
absurdity in the association. I will therefore trace the
Harmonist Society from its outset in Germany to this place.

The Sect had its origin at Wurtemberg in Germany,
about 40 years ago, in the person of its present Pastor and
Master, George Rapp, who, by his own account, ''having
long seen and felt the decline of the Church, found himself

56 Early Western Travels [Vol. 10

impelled to bear testimony to the fundamental principles
of the Christian Religion; and, finding no toleration for
his inspired doctrines, or for those who adopted them, he
determined with his followers to go to that part of the
earth, where they were free to worship God according to
the dictates of their conscience." In other words (I sup-
pose), he had long beheld and experienced the slavery and
misery of his country, and, feeling in his conscience that
he was born more for a ruler than for a slave, found him-
self imperiously called upon to collect together a body of
his poor countrymen and to lead them into a land of
liberty and abundance. However allowing him to have
had no other than his professed views, he, after he had
got a considerable number of proselytes, amounting to
seven or eight hundred persons, among whom were a suffi-
ciency of good labourers and artizans in all the essential
branches of workmanship and trade, besides farmers, he
embodied them into a Society, and then came himself to
America (not trusting to Providence to lead the way) to
seek out the land destined for these chosen children.
Having done so, and laid the plan for his route to the land
of peace and Christian love, with a foresight which shows
him to have been by no means unmindful to the temporal
prosperity of the Society, he then landed his followers in
separate bodies, and prudently led them in that order to
a resting place within Pennsylvania, choosing rather to
retard then* progress through the wilderness than to
hazard the discontent that might arise from want and
fatigue [287] in traversing it at once. When they were all
arrived, Rapp constituted them into one body, having
every thing in common, and called the settlement Harmony.
This constitution he found authorised by the passage in
Acts, iv. 32, ' ' And the multitude of them that believed were

1818-1819] Hulme's Journal 57

of one heart, and of one soul: neither said any of them
that aught of the things he possessed was his own, but that
they had all things common." Being thus associated, the
Society went to work, early in 1805, building houses and
clearing lands, according to the order and regulations of
their leader; but the community of stock, or the regular
discipline, or the restraints which he had reduced them to,
and which were essential to his project, soon began to thin
his followers and principally, too, those of them who had
brought most substance into the society; they demanded
back their original portions and set out to seek the Lord
by themselves. This falling off of the society, though it
was but small, comparatively, in point of numbers, was a
great reduction from their means; they had calculated
what they should want to consume, and had laid the rest
out in land; so that the remaining part were subjected
to great hardships and difficulties for the first year or two
of their settling, which was during the time of their greatest
labours. However, it was not long before they began to
reap the fruits of their toil, and in the space of six or seven
years their settlement became a most flourishing colony.
During that short space of time they brought into culti-
vation 3,000 acres of land (a third of their whole estate),
reared a flock of nearly 2,000 sheep, and planted hop-
gardens, orchards, and vineyards; built barns and stables
to house their crops and their live stock, granaries to keep
one year's produce of grain always in advance, houses to
make their cyder, beer, and wine in, and good brick or
stone warehouses for their several species of goods; con-
structed distilleries, mills for grinding, sawing, making oil,
and, indeed, for every purpose, and machines for manu-
facturing their various materials for clothing and other
uses; they had, besides, a store for retailing Philadelphia

58 Early Western Travels [Vol. 10

goods to the country, and nearly 100 good dwelling-houses
of wood, a large stone-built tavern, [288] and, as a proof
of superabundance, a dwelling-house and a meeting-house
(alias the parsonage and church) which they had neatly
built of brick. And, besides all these improvements within
the society, they did a great deal of business, principally
in the way of manufacturing, for the people of the country.
They worked for them with their mills and machines,
some of which did nothing else, and their blacksmiths,
tailors, shoe-makers, &c. when not employed by them-
selves, were constantly at work for their neighbours. Thus
this everlastingly-at-work band of emigrants increased
their stock before they quitted their first colony, to up-
wards of two hundred thousand dollars, from, probably
not one fifth of that sum. What will not unceasing per-
severance accomplish ? But, with judgment and order to
direct it, what in the world can stand against it ! M

In comparing the state of this society as it now is with
what it was in Pennsylvania, it is just the same as to plan',
the temporal and spiritual affairs are managed in the same
way, and upon the same principles, only both are more
flourishing. Rapp has here brought his disciples into
richer land, and into a situation better in every respect,
both for carrying on their trade, and for keeping to their
faith; their vast extent of land is, they say, four feet deep
of rich mould, nearly the whole of it, and it lies along the
banks of a fine navigable river on one side, while the pos-
sibility of much interruption from other classes of Chris-
tians is effectually guarded against by an endless barricade
of woods on the other side. Bringing the means and
experience acquired at their first establishment, they have

* A more detailed account of this society, up to the year 1811, will be found
in Mr. Mellishe's Travels, volume ii. — HULME.

1818-1819] Hu/me's Journal 59

of course gone on improving and increasing (not in popu-
lation) at a much greater rate. One of their greatest
improvements, they tell me is the working of their mills
and manufacturing machines by steam; they feel the
advantage of this more and more every year. They are
now preparing to build a steam boat; this is to be em-
ployed in their traffick with New Orleans [289] carrying
their own surplus produce and returning with tea, coffee,
and other commodities for their own consumption, and to
retail to the people of the country. I believe they advance,
too, in the way of ornaments and superfluities, for the
dwelling-house they have now built their pastor, more
resembles a Bishop's Palace than what I should figure to
myself as the humble abode of a teacher of the "funda-
mental principles of the Christian Religion."

The government of this society is by bands, each con-
sisting of a distinct trade or calling. They have a foreman
to each band, who rules it under the general direction of
the society, the law-giving power of which is in the High
Priest. He cannot, however make laws without the
consent of the parties. The manufacturing establish-
ment, and the mercantile affairs and public accounts are
all managed by one person; he, I believe, is one of the sons
of Rapp. They have a bank, where a separate account
is kept for each person ; if any one puts in money, or has
put in money, he may on certain conditions as to time,
take it out again. They labour and possess in common;
that is to say, except where it is not practicable or is imma-
terial, as with their houses, gardens, cows and poultry,
which they have to themselves, each family. They also
retain what property each may bring on joining the con-
cern, and he may demand it in case of leaving the society,
but without interest. >

60 Early Western Travels [Vol. 10

Here is certainly a wonderful example of the effects of
skill, industry, and force combined. This congregation of
far-seeing, ingenious, crafty, and bold, and of ignorant,
simple, superstitious, and obedient, Germans, has shown
what may be done. But their example, I believe, will
generally only tend to confirm this free people in their
suspicion that labour is concomitant to slavery or ignor-
ance. Instead of their improvements, and their success
and prosperity altogether, producing admiration, if not
envy, they have a social discipline, the thought of which
reduces these feelings to ridicule and contempt: that is to
say, with regard to the mass ; with respect to their leaders
one's feelings are apt to be stronger. A fundamental of
their religious creed ("restraining [290] clause" a Chan-
cery Lawyer would call it) requires restrictions on the
propagation of the species; it orders such regulations as
are necessary to prevent children coming but once in a
certain number of years; and this matter is so arranged
that, when they come, they come in little flocks, all within
the same month, perhaps, like a farmer's lambs. The
Law-giver here made a famously "restraining statute"
upon the law of nature! This way of expounding law
seems to be a main point of his policy; he by this means
keeps his associates from increasing to an unruly number
within, while more are sure not to come in from without;
and, I really am afraid he will go a good way towards
securing a monopoly of many great improvements in
agriculture, both as to principle and method. People see
the fine fields of the Harmonites, but, the prospect comes
damped with the idea of bondage and celibacy. It is a
curious society: was ever one heard of before that did not
wish to increase ! This smells strong of policy; some dis-
tinct view in the leaders, no doubt. Who would be sur-

1818-1819] Hu/me's Journal 61

prised if we were to see a still more curious society by and
bye ? A Society Sole \ very far from improbable, if the
sons of Rapp (for he has children, nevertheless, as well as
Parson Malthus)27 and the Elders were to die, it not being
likely that they will renounce or forfeit their right to the
common stock. We should then have societies as well as
corporations vested in one person ! That would be quite
a novel kind of benefice ! but, not the less fat. I question
whether the associated person of Mr. Rapp would not be
in possession of as fine a domain and as many good things
as the incorporated person of an Archbishop: nay, he
would rival the Pope ! But, to my journal.

Arrive at Princeton in the evening; a good part of our
road lay over the fine lands of the Harmonites. I under-
stand, by the bye, that the title deeds to these lands are
taken in the name of Rapp and of his associates. Poor
associates: if they do but rebel! Find the same store-
keepers and tavern-keepers in the same attitudes that we
left them in the other day. Their legs only a little higher
than their heads, and [291] segars in their mouths; a fine
position for business ! It puts my friend in mind of the
Roman posture in dining.

July $rd. — At Princeton all day. This is a pretty con-
siderable place; very good as to buildings; but is too
much inland to be a town of any consequence until the
inhabitants do that at home which they employ merchants
and foreign manufacturers to do for them. Pay i dollar for
a set of old shoes to my horse, half the price of new ones.

27 Robert Malthus (1766-1834), an English economist, who held the theory
that the increase of population is more rapid than the increase of the means of
subsistence, and consequently must be held in check, was himself a married
man and had a son and daughter. Earlier in life he had held a curacy; the
title "Parson Malthus" was sneeringly given to him by Cobbett, as his later
doctrines were considered unsuitable for a clergyman. — ED.

62 Early Western Travels [Vol. 10

July 4/&. — Leave Princeton; in the evening, reach a
place very appropriately called Mud-holes,28 after riding
46 miles over lands in general very good but very little
cultivated, and that little very badly; the latter part of
the journey in company with a Mr. Jones from Kentucky.
Nature is the agriculturist here; speculation instead of
cultivation, is the order of the day amongst men. We feel
the ill effects of this in the difficulty of getting oats for
our horses. However, the evil is unavoidable, if it can be
really called an evil. As well might I grumble that
farmers have not taken possession as complain that men
of capital have. Labour is the thing wanted, but, to
have that money must come first. This Mud-holes
was a sort of fort, not 4 years ago, for guarding against
the Indians, who then committed great depredations,
killing whole families often, men, women and children.
How changeable are the affairs of this world ! I have
not met with a single Indian in the whole course of my
route.

July $th. — Come to Judge Chambers' s,29 a good tavern;
35 miles. On our way, pass French Lick, a strong spring
of water impregnated with salt and sulphur, and called
Lick from its being resorted to by cattle for the salt; close
by this spring is another still larger, of fine clear lime-

28 "Mud-holes" was located near the White River, in the northwestern
part of the present Du Bois County. It was on an old trail called ' ' Mud-hole
trace," which led from Vincennes to Jeffersonville. As early as 1802, before
the land had been ceded by the Indians, two McDonald brothers from Virginia
settled there. They were soon followed by other pioneers, and a blockhouse
was built as a refuge in case of an Indian attack. — ED.

" This is now Chambersburg, in Orange County, about thirty-eight miles
northwest of New Albany. It was named in honor of Samuel Chambers, who
emigrated from North Carolina (1811) and established the first store and tavern
at this place. When Orange County was organized (1816), he was appointed
a county judge. — ED.

1818-1819] Hulme's Journal 63

stone water, running fast enough to turn a mill.30 Some
of the trees near the Judge's exhibit a curious spectacle ; a
large piece of wood appears totally dead, all the leaves
brown and the branches broken, from being roosted upon
lately by an enormous multitude of pigeons. A novel
sight for us, unaccustomed to the abundance of the back-
woods! [292] No tavern but this, nor house of any
description, within many miles.

July 6th. — Leave the Judge's, still in company with Mr.
Jones. Ride 25 miles to breakfast, not sooner finding feed

for our horses; this was at the dirty log-house of Mr.

who has a large farm with a grist-mill on it, and keeps his
yard and stables ancle deep in mud and water. If this
were not one of the healthiest climates in the world, he and
his family must have died in all this filth. About 13 miles
further, come to New Albany, where we stop at Mr.
Jenkins's, the best tavern we have found in Indiana, that
at Harmony excepted.

July ^th. — Resting at New Albany. We were amused
by hearing a Quaker-lady preach to the natives. Her first
words were "All the nations oj the earth are of one blood"
"So," said I to myself, "this question, which has so long
perplexed philosophers, divines and physicians, is now
set at rest ! ' ' She proceeded to vent her rage with great
vehemence against hireling priests and the trade of preach-
ing in general, and closed with dealing out large portions
of brimstone to the drunkard and still larger and hotter
to those who give the bottle to drink. This part of her
discourse pleased me very much and may be a saving to

M French Lick is about fifty miles northwest of New Albany. The springs
were donated to the state by Congress on the supposition that salt could profit-
ably be manufactured therefrom; but this did not prove practicable. In recent
years French Lick and West Baden Springs, a half-mile distant, have won
attention as health resorts. — ED.

64 Early Western Travels [Vol. 10

me into the bargain ; for, the dread of everlasting roasting
added to my love of economy will (I think) prevent me
making my friends tipsy. A very efficacious sermon !

July Slh. — Jenkins's is a good tavern, but it entertains
at a high price. Our bill was 6 dollars each for a day and
two nights; a shameful charge. Leave New Albany, cross
the Ohio, and pass through Louisville in Kentucky again,
on our way to Lexington, the capital. Stop for the night
at Mr. Netherton's, a good tavern. The land hitherto is
good, and the country altogether healthy, if I may judge
from the people who appear more cheerful and happy
than in Indiana, always excepting Harmony. Our land-
lord is the picture of health and strength: 6 feet 4 inches
high, weighs 3oolb. and not fat.

July qth. — Dine at Mr. Overton's tavern, on our way
to Frankfort ; pay half a dollar each for an excellent dinner,
with as much brandy and butter-milk [293] as we choose
to drink, and good feed for our horses. In the afternoon
we have the pleasure to be overtaken by two ladies on
horseback, and have their agreeable company for a mile
or two. On their turning off from our road we were very
reluctantly obliged to refuse an obliging invitation to drink
tea at their house, and myself the more so, as one of the
ladies informed me she had married a Mr. Constantine, a
gentleman from my own native town of Bolton, in Lan-
cashire. But, we had yet so far to go, and it was getting
dark. This most healthful mode of travelling is universal
in the Western States, and it gives me great pleasure to
see it; though, perhaps, I have to thank the badness of
the roads as the cause. Arrive at Frankfort, apparently
a thriving town, on the side of the rough Kentucky river."
The houses are built chiefly of brick, and the streets, I

81 For the early history of Frankfort, see F. A. Michaux's Travels, volume iii
of our series, note 39. — ED.

1818-1819] Hu/me's "Journal 65

understand, paved with limestone. Limestone abounds
in this state, and yet the roads are not good, though
better than in Indiana and Ohio, for there there are none.
I wonder the government of these states do not set about
making good roads and bridges, and even canals.32 I
pledge myself to be able to shew them how the money
might be raised, and, moreover, to prove that the expense
would be paid over and over again in almost no time.
Such improvements would be income to the governments
instead of expense, besides being such an incalculable bene-
fit to the states. But, at any rate, why not roads, and in
this state, too, which is so remarkable for its quality of
having good road materials and rich land together, gener-
ally all over it ?

July loth. — Leave Frankfort, and come through a dis-
trict of fine land, very well watered, to Lexington; stop at
Mr. Keen's tavern. Had the good fortune to meet Mr.
Clay, who carried us to his house, about a mile in the
country.33 It is a beautiful residence, situated near the
centre of a very fine farm, which is just cleared and is com-
ing into excellent cultivation. I approve of Mr. Clay's
method very much, especially in laying down pasture.
He clears away all the brush or underwood, leaving timber
enough to afford a sufficiency of shade to the grass, which
does not thrive here exposed [294] to the sun as in England

n The first macadamized road in Kentucky, and the first to receive state aid,
was the Maysville and Lexington turnpike. It was begun in 1829, the state
subscribing for $25,000 worth of stock. Congress, also, voted to subscribe for
fifteen hundred shares; but the now famous Maysville Road Bill was vetoed
by President Jackson. The state then made further contributions amounting
to half the cost of the road. A great interest in road building was now aroused;
by November, 1837, 343 miles of macadamized road had been completed with
the aid of the state, and 236 additional miles were under contract, the total
contribution of the state being about two and a half million dollars. — ED.

* Henry Clay's country seat near Lexington was called Ashland. Some of
his descendants still reside there. — ED.

66 Early Western Travels [Vol. 10

and other such climates. By this means he has as fine
grass and clover as can possibly grow. I could not but
admire to see this gentleman, possessing so much knowl-
edge and of so much weight in his country's affairs, so
attentively promoting her not less important though more
silent interests by improving her agriculture. What
pleased me still more, however, because I less expected it,
was, to hear Mrs. Clay, in priding herself on the state of
society, and the rising prosperity of the country, citing as
a proof the decency and affluence of the trades-people and
mechanics at Lexington, many of whom ride about in their
own carriages. What a contrast, both in sense and in
sentiment, between this lady and the wives of Legislators
(as they are called), in the land of the Boroughmongers !
God grant that no privileged batch ever rise up in America,
for then down come the mechanics, are harnessed them-
selves, and half ridden to death.

July nth. — This is the hottest day we have had yet.
Thermometer at 90 degrees, in shade. Met a Mr. Whitte-
more, from Boston, loud in the praise of this climate. He
informed me he had lately lost his wife and five children
near Boston, and that he should have lost his only remain-
ing child, too, a son now stout and healthy, had he not
resolved instantly to try the air of the west. He is confi-
dent that if he had taken this step in time he might have
saved the lives of all his family. This might be however,
and yet this climate not better than that of Boston. Spent
the evening with Colonel Morrison, one of the first settlers
in this state; a fine looking old gentleman, with colour in
his face equal to a London Alderman.84 The people here

M Colonel James Morrison, born in Cumberland County, Pennsylvania,
was the son of an humble Irish immigrant. After serving in the Revo-
lutionary War, he came to Kentucky, and in 1792 settled at Lexington. He

1818-1819] Hulmes Journal 67

are pretty generally like that portion of the people of Eng-
land who get porridge enough to eat; stout, fat, and
ruddy.

July 12. — Hotter than yesterday; thermometer at 91
degrees.

July 13.— Leave Lexington; stop at Paris, 22 miles.38
A fine country all the way; good soil, plenty of limestone
and no musquitoes. Paris is a healthy town, with a good
deal of stir; woollen and cotton manufactures are carried
on here, but upon a small scale. [295] They are not near
enough to good coal mines to do much in that way. What
they do, however, is well paid for. A spinner told me he
gets 83 cents per Ib. for his twist, which is 33 cents more
than it would fetch at New York. Stop at Mr. Timber-
lake's, a good house. The bar-keeper, who comes from
England, tells me that he sailed to Canada, but he is
glad he had the means to leave Canada and come to
Kentucky; he has 300 dollars a year, and board and lodg-
ing. Made enquiry after young Watson, but find he has
left this place and is gone to Lexington.38

The following is a list of the wages and prices of the
most essential branches of workmanship and articles of
consumption, as they are here at present.

was successively state representative from Fayette County, president of the
Lexington branch of the United States Bank, and chairman of the board of
trustees of Transylvania University. Having acquired considerable wealth, he
contributed liberally to educational objects, and at his death (1823) left a fund
for the establishment of Morrison College, Lexington. — ED.

85 For the early history of Paris, see A. Michaux's Travels, volume iii of our
series, note 39. — ED.

** James Watson and his father, James Watson, senior, were both leaders
of the Spenceans and by their inflammatory speeches stirred up the mob at the
Spa-fields meeting (see note 6, ante). The elder Watson was tried for high
treason, but he was acquitted. The son escaped to America before he could be
arrested. — ED.

68 Rarly Western Travels [Vol. 10

Dls. Cts. Dls. Cts.
Journeymen saddlers' price for drawing on men's

saddles i 25*** to 2 50

Journeymen blacksmiths, per day .... i . . — i 25

— Per month 25 oo — 30

Journeymen hatters (casters) i 25 —

Ditto rorum i . . —

Ditto for finishing, per month, and found . . 30

Journeymen shoe-makers (coarse) 75 —

Ditto, fine i 25 —

Ditto, for boots 3 25 —

Journeymen tailors, by the coat 5 . . —

Stone-masons or bricklayers, per day ... i . . — i 50

Carpenters, per day, and found i . . —

Salary for a clerk per annum 200 . . — 500

Beef, per 100 Ib 6 . . —

Flour, per barrel 6 . . —

July itfh. — Hot again; 90 degrees. Arrive at Blue
Licks, close by the fine Licking Creek, 22 miles from
Paris.87 Here is a sulphur and salt spring like that at
French Lick in Indiana, which makes this a place of great
resort in summer for the fashionable swallowers [296] of
mineral waters; the three or four taverns are at this time
completely crowded. Salt was made till latterly at this
spring, by an old Scotsman; he now attends the ferry
across the Creek. Not much to be said for the country
round here; it is stony and barren, what, I have not seen
before in Kentucky.

July i$th. — To Maysville, or Lime-stone, 24 miles.
This is a place on the banks of the Ohio, and is a sort of
port for shipping down the river to a great part of that

*** Or 55. 7jrf. to us. 3<2. sterling. At the present rate of exchange, a dollar
is equivalent to 45. 6d. sterling, and a cent is the hundredth part of a dollar. —

HtJLME.

87 For the early history of Blue Licks, see Cunning's Tour, volume iv of our
series, note 117. — ED.

1818-1819] Hulme's Journal 69

district of the state for which Louisville is the shipping
port to and from New Orleans.88 Still hot; 90 degrees
again. This is the fifth day; rather unusual, this con-
tinuance of heat. The hot spells, as well as the cold spells,
seldom last more than three days, pretty generally in
America.

July i6th. — Hot still, but a fine breeze blowing up the
river. Not a bit too hot for me, but the natives say it is
the hottest weather they recollect in this country; a proof
to me that this is a mild climate, as to heat, at any rate.
Saw a cat-fish in the market, just caught out of the river
by a hook and line, 4 feet long and eighty pounds weight,
offered for 2 dollars. Price of flour, 6 dollars a barrel;
fresh beef, 6| cents, and butter 20 cents per Ib.

July ijth. — Set out again, crossing the Ohio into the
state of that name, and take the road to Chillicothe, 74
miles from Maysville. Stop about mid-way for the night,
travelling over a country generally hilly, and not of good
soil, and passing through West Union,89 a place situated
as a town ought to be, upon high and unlevel lands; the
inhabitants have fine air to breathe, and plenty of food
to eat and drink, and, if they keep their houses and
streets and themselves clean, I will ensure them long lives.
Some pretty good farms in view of the road, but many
abandoned for the richer lands of Indiana and Illinois.
Travelling expenses much less, hitherto, than in Indiana
and some parts of Kentucky; we had plenty of good

Ji See A. Michaux's Travels, volume iii of our series, note 23, for a brief
account of Maysville. — ED.

39 West Union, the seat of Adams County, is situated on Zane's Trace, seven-
teen miles from Maysville and fifty-five from Chillicothe. It was established
by an act of legislature (January, 1804), which fixed the county seat at that
point, and ordered the land for a town to be purchased and paid for out of the
county treasury. — ED.

jo Early Western Travels [Vol. 10

buttermilk at the farm-houses all along the road, free of
expense, and the tavern-keepers do not set before us
bread made of Indian corn, which we have not yet learned
to like very cordially.

[297] July iSth. — Come to Chillicothe,40 the country
improving and more even as we proceed. See some very
rich lands on passing Paint Creek, and on approaching
the Scioto river; these, like all the bottom lands, having a
coat of sediment from their river in addition to the original
soil, are by far the richest. Chillicothe is a handsome
town, regularly laid out, but stands upon a flat. I hate
the very sight of a level street, unless there be every thing
necessary to carry off all filth and water. The air is very
fine, so far as it is not contaminated by the pools of water
which stand about the town as green as grass. Main
sewers, like those at Philadelphia, are much wanted.

July igth. — Called upon Mr. Bond, being introduced
by letter, and spent a very pleasant evening with him and
a large party of his agreeable friends.41 Left them, much
pleased with the society of Chillicothe.

July 2oth. — We were introduced to Governor Worthing-
ton, who lives about 2 miles from the town.42 He took us
to his house, and showed us part of his fine estate, which
is 800 acres in extent, and all of it elevated table land,
commanding an immense view over the flat country in the
direction of Lake Erie. The soil is very rich indeed; so

40 For the early history of Chillicothe, see F. A. Michaux's Travels, volume
iii of our series, note 35. — ED.

41 William Key Bond was born in St. Mary's, Maryland, in 1792. Educated
in Connecticut, he came to Chillicothe (1812) and was admitted to the bar.
In 1841 he removed to Cincinnati, where he practiced law until his death in
1864. He was a member of the 24th, 25th, and 26th congresses, and was
appointed by President Fillmore surveyor of the port of Cincinnati. — ED.

42 For a brief biography of Governor Worthington, see Cuming's Tour
Yolume iv of our series, note 142. — ED.

1818-1819] Hulmc's Journal 71

rich, that the governor pointed out a dung heap which was
bigger than the barn it surrounded and had grown out of,
as a nuisance. The labour of dragging the dung out of the
way, would be more than the cost of removing the barn,
so that he is actually going to pull the barn down, and build
it up again in another place. This is not a peculiarity of
this particular spot of land, for manure has no value here
at all. All the stable-dung made at Chillicothe is flung
into the river. I dare say, that the Inn we put up at does
not tumble into the water less than 300 good loads of
horse-dung every year.

I had some conversation with Governor Worthington
on the subject of domestic manufactures, and was glad to
find he is well convinced of the necessity of, or at least of
the great benefit that would result from, the general estab-
lishment of them in the United States. He has frequently
recommended it in his public capacity, he informed me,
and I hope he will [298] advocate it with effect. He is a
true lover of his country, and no man that I have met
with has a more thorough knowledge of the detestable
villainy of the odious Boroughmongering government of
England, and, of course, it has his full share of hatred.

July 2 is/. — Leave Chillicothe. A fine, healthy coun-
try and very rich land all the way to New Lancaster, 34
miles from Chillicothe, and 38 from Zanesville.48 Stop at
the house of a German, where we slept, but not in bed,
preferring a soft board and something clean for a pillow
to a bed of down accompanied with bugs.

Nothing remarkable, that I can see, as to the locality of
this town of New Lancaster; but, the name, alas! it
brought to my recollection the horrid deeds done at Old

43 For the early history of New Lancaster, see Cuming's Tour, volume if
of our series, note 145. — ED.

72 Early Western Travels [Vol. 10

Lancaster, the county town of my native country! I

thought of Colonel F r, and his conduct towards my

poor, unfortunate townsman, Gallant! I thought of
the poor, miserable creatures, men, women, and children,
who, in the bloody year of 1812, were first instigated by
spies to commit arson, and then pursued into death by
the dealers in human blood. Amongst the sufferers upon
this particular occasion, there was a boy, who was silly,
and who would at any time, have jumped into a pit for
a halfpenny: he was not fourteen years old; and when he
was about to he hanged, actually called out for his "mam-
my" to come and save him! Who, that has a heart in
his bosom, can help feeling indignation against the cruel
monsters! Who can help feeling a desire to see their
dreadful power destroyed! The day must come, when
the whole of the bloody tragedies of Lancashire will be
exposed. In the mean while, here I am in safety from the
fangs of the monsters, who oppress and grind my coun-
trymen. The thought of these oppressions, however, I
carry about with me; and I cannot help its sometimes
bursting forth into words.

July 22nd. — Arrived at Zanesville,44 a place [299] finely
situated for manufactures, in a nook of the Muskingham,
just opposite to the mouth of Licking Creek. It has
almost every advantage for manufacturing of all sorts,
both as to local situation and as to materials; it excels
Wheeling and Steubenville, in many respects, and, in
some, even Pittsburgh. The river gives very fine falls
near the town, one of them of 12 feet, where it is 600 feet
wide; the creek, too, falls in by a fine cascade. What a
power for machinery ! I should think that as much effect

44 For a more particular account of this place, as well, indeed, as of most
of the other towns I have visited, see Mr. Mellish's Travels, volume ii. — HULME.

1818-1819] Hulme 's "Journal 73

might be produced by the power here afforded as by the
united manual labour of all the inhabitants of the state.
The navigation is very good all the way up to the town,
and is now continued round the falls by a canal with
locks, so that boats can go nearly close up to Lake Erie.
The bowels of the earth afford coal, iron ore, stone, free
stone, lime-stone, and days : all of the best, I believe, and
the last, the very best yet discovered in this country, and,
perhaps, as good as is to be found in any country. All
these materials are found in inexhaustible quantities in
the hills and little ridges on the sides of the river and
creek, arranged as if placed by the hand of man for his
own use. In short, this place has the four elements in
the greatest perfection that I have any where yet seen in
America. As to manufactures, it is, like Wheeling and
Steubenville, nothing in comparison to Pittsburg.

Nature has done her part; nothing is left wanting but
machines to enable the people of Ohio to keep their flour
at home, instead of exporting it, at their own expense to
support those abroad who are industrious enough to send
them back coats, knives, and cups, and saucers.

July 2yd. — All day at Zanesville. Spent part of it
very agreeably with Mr. Adams the post-master, and old
Mr. Dillon who has a large iron foundery near this.

July 24//&. — Go with Mr. Dillon about 3 miles up the
Creek, to see his mills and iron-factory establishment. He
has here a very fine water-fall, of 18 feet, giving immense
power, by which he works a [300] large iron-forge and
foundery, and mills for sawing, grinding, and other
purposes.

I will here subjoin a list of the prices at Zanesville, of
provisions, stock, stores, labour, &c. just as I have it
from a resident, whom I can rely upon.

74 Early Western Travels [Vol. 10

Dls. Cts. Dls. Cts.

Flour (superfine) per barrel of 196 Ib. from . 5 o to 575

Beef, per 100 Ib 40 — 4 25

Pork (prime), per 100 Ib. 4 50 — 5 °

Salt, per bushel of 50 Ib 2 25

Potatoes, per bushel o 25 — o 31$

Turnips, ditto o 20

Wheat, ditto of 60 Ib. to 66 Ib o 75

Indian corn, ditto shelled o 33 J — o 50

Oats, ditto o 25 — o 33$

Rye, ditto o 50

Barley, ditto o 75

Turkeys, of from 12 Ib. to 20 Ib. each . . o 37$ — o 50

Fowls o 12$ — o i8f

Live Hogs, per 100 Ib. live weight ... 30 — 5 o

Cows, (the best) 18 o — 25 o

Yoke of Oxen, ditto 50 o — 75 o

Sheep 2 50

Hay, per ton, delivered 9 o — 10 o

Straw, fetch it and have it.
Manure, ditto, ditto.

Coals, per bushel, delivered 08

Butter, per Ib. avoirdupois 012$ — o 18

Cheese, ditto, ditto o 12$ — o 25

Loaf Sugar o 50

Raw ditto o 31^

Domestic Raw ditto o i8f

Merino Wool, per Ib. avoirdupois, washed . i o

Three-quarter Merino ditto o 75

Common Wool o 50

Bricks, per 1000, delivered 60 — 7 o

Lime, per bushel, ditto o i8f

[301] Sand, in abundance on the banks of the

river.
Glass is sold in boxes, containing 100 square

feet; of the common size there are 180

panes in a box, when the price is . . 14 o

The price rises in proportion to the size

of the panes.

1818-1819] Hulmes Journal 75

Oak planks, i inch thick, per 100 square feet, Dls. Cts. Dls. Cts.

at the saw-mill i 50

Poplar, the same.

White Lead, per 100 Ib. delivered ... 170

Red ditto 170

Litharge 15 o

Pig Lead . . i - 9 50

Swedish Iron (the best, in bars) .... 14 o

Juniatta, ditto, ditto 14 o

Mr. Dillon's ditto, ditto 12 50

Castings at Mr. Dillon's Foundery per ton . 120 o
Ditto, for machinery, ditto, per Ib. 08

Potash, per ton 180 o

Pearl Ashes, ditto 200 o

Stone masons and bricklayers, per day, and

board and lodging i 50

Plasterers, by the square yard, they finding

themselves in board and lodging and in

lime, sand, laths and every thing they use. o i8f
Carpenters, by the day, who find themselves

and bring their tools ...... i 25

Blacksmiths, by the month, found in board,

lodging and tools 30 o to 40 o

Millwrights, per day, finding themselves . i 50 — 20
Tailors, per week, finding themselves and

working 14 or 15 hours a day ... 70 — 9 o
Shoemakers the same.
[302] Glazier's charge for putting in each pane

of glass 8 in. by 10 in. with their own putty

and laying on the first coat of paint . o 4 to 05
Labourers, per annum; and found . . . 100 o — 120 o
The charge of carriage for 100 Ib. weight

from Baltimore to Zanisville ... 10 o
Ditto for ditto by steam-boat from New Or-
leans to Shippingport, and thence, by

boats, to Zanesville, about .... 6 50
Peaches, as fine as can grow, per bushel •. 012^ — o 25
Apples and pears proportionably cheaper;

sometimes given away, in the country.

76 Early Western Travels [Vol. 10

Prices are much about the same at Steubenville; if any
difference, rather lower. If bought in a quantity, some of
the articles enumerated might be had a good deal lower.
Labour, no doubt, if a job of some length were offered,
might be got somewhat cheaper here.

July 2$th. — Leave Zanesville for Pittsburgh, keeping
to the United States road; stop at Cambridge, 25 miles.
During the first eight miles we met 10 wagons, loaded
with emigrants.

July 26th. — Stop at Mr. Broadshaw's, a very good
house on the road, 25 miles from Cambridge.45 This gen-
eral government road is by no means well laid out; it goes
strait over the tops of the numerous little hills, up and
down, up and down. It would have been a great deal
nearer in point of time, if not in distance (though I think
it would that, too), if a view had been had to the labour
of travelling over these everlasting unevennesses.

July 2>jth. — To Wheeling in Virginia, 31 miles. They
have had tremendous rains in these parts, we hear as we
pass along, lately; one of the creeks we came over has
overflown so as to carry down a man's house with himself
and his whole family. A dreadful catastrophe, but, cer-
tainly, one not out of the man's [303] power to have fore-
seen and prevented; it surprises me that the people will
stick up their houses so near the water's edge. Cross
Wheeling Creek several times to-day; it is a rapid stream,
and I hope it will not be long before it turns many water-

* When in 1798 Zane's Trace was laid out from Wheeling to Zanesville, a
ferry and tavern were established where the road crossed Wills Creek. Eight
years later the town of Cambridge was planted. Among the early settlers
were fifteen or twenty families from the Island of Guernsey, who happened to
be travelling through the West in search of homes when the town lots were
offered for sale.

Bradshaw's tavern was in the village of Fairview. — ED.

1818-1819] Hulme's Journal 77

wheels. See much good land, and some pretty good
farming.

July 2&th. — Went with a Mr. Graham, a quaker of
this place, who treated us in the most friendly and hospit-
able manner, to see the new national road from Wash-
ington city to this town.46 It is covered with a very thick
layer of nicely broken stones, or stone rather, laid on with
great exactness both as to depth and width, and then
rolled down with an iron roller, which reduces all to one
solid mass. This is a road made for ever; not like the
flint roads in England, rough, nor soft or dirty, like the
gravel roads; but, smooth and hard. When a road is
made in America it is well made. An American always
plots against labour, and, in this instance, he takes the
most effectual course to circumvent it. Mr. Graham took
us likewise to see the fine coal mines near this place and
the beds of limestone and freestone, none of which I had
time to examine as we passed Wheeling in our ark. All
these treasures lie very convenient to the river. The coals
are principally in one long ridge, about ten feet wide ; much
the same as they are at Pittsburgh, in point of quality and
situation. They cost 3 cents per bushel to be got out
from the mine. This price, as nearly as I can calculate,
enables the American collier to earn upon an average,
double the number of cents for the same labour that the
collier in England can earn; so that, as the American
collier can, upon an average, buy his flour for one third
of the price that the English collier pays for his flour, he
receives six times the quantity of flour for the same labour.
Here is a country for the ingenious paupers of England to
come to ! They find food and materials, and nothing want-

46 For an account of the National Road, see Harris's Journal, volume iii
of our series, note 45. — ED.

7 8 Early Western Travels [Vol. 10

ing but their mouths and hands to consume and work
them. L should like to see the old toast of the Borough-
mongers brought out again; when they were in the height
of their impudence their myrmidons used to din in our
ears, ' c Old England for ever, and those that do not [304]
like her let them leave her." Let them renew this swag-
gering toast, and I would very willingly for my part, give
another to the same effect for the United States of Amer-
ica. But, no, no! they know better now. They know
that they would be taken at their word; and, like the
tyrants of Egypt, having got their slaves fast, will (if they
can) keep them so. Let them beware, lest something
worse than the Red Sea overwhelm them. Like Pharaoh
and his Boroughmongers they will not yield to the voice of
the people, and, surely, something like, or worse than,
their fate shall befall them !

They are building a steam-boat at Wheeling, which is
to go, they say, 1800 miles up the Missouri river. The
wheels are made to work in the stern of the boat, so as
not to come in contact with the floating trees, snaggs,
planters,47 &c., obstructions most likely very numerous hi
that river. But, the placing the wheels behind only saves
them-, it is no protection against the boat's sinking in case
of being pierced by a planter or sawyer.48 Observing this
I will suggest a plan which has occurred to me, and
which, I think, would provide against sinking, effectually;
but, at any rate, it is one which can be tried very easily
and with very little expense. — I would make a partition
of strong plank; put it in the broadest fore-part of the
boat, right across, and put good iron bolts under the bot-
tom of the boat, through these planks, and screw them on

47 Trees tumbled head-long and fixed in the river. — HULME.

41 The same as the planter only waving up and down. — HULME.

1818-1819! Hulme's Journal 79

the top of the deck. Then put an upright post in the in-
side of the boat against the middle of the plank partition,
and put a spur to the upright post. The partition should
be water-tight. I would then load the fore-part of the
boat, thus partitioned off with lumber or such loading as
is least liable to injury, and best calculated to stop the
progress of a sawyer after it has gone through the boat.
— By thus appropriating the fore-part of the boat to the
reception of planters and sawyers, it appears to me that
the other part would be secured against all intrusion.

[305] July 2gth. — From Wheeling, through Charls-
ton, changing sides of the river again to Steubenville.48
My eyes were delighted at Charlston to see the smoke of
the coals ascending from the glass-works they have here.
This smoke it is that must enrich America; she might
save almost all her dollars if she would but bring her in-
valuable black diamonds into service. Talk of inde-
pendance, indeed, without coats to wear or knives or
plates to eat with!

At Steubenville, became acquainted with Messrs. Wills,
Ross, and company, who have an excellent and well-con-
ducted woollen manufactory here. They make very good
cloths, and at reasonable prices ; I am sorry they do not
retail them at Philadelphia ; I for one, should be customer
to them for all that my family wanted in the woollen-
way. Here are likewise a Cotton-mill, a Grist-mill, a
Paper-mill, an Iron-foundery and Tan-yards and Brew-

41 Charleston, on the Kanawha River, about sixty miles from its mouth, is
located on the military grant made by Lord Dunmore to Colonel Thomas
Bullitt (1772), in recognition of his services in Braddock's and Forbes's cam-
paigns. Five years thereafter, the land was purchased by George Clendenin,
one of the commissioners for laying out a road from Lewisburg to the Kanawha.
Clendenin constructed (1788) a fort on the present site of Charleston, and soon
other pioneers built log cabins under its shelter. In 1794 the town of Charles-
ton was established by legislative enactment. — ED.

80 Early Western Travels [Vol. 10

cries. Had the pleasure to see Mr. Wilson,50 the editor
of the Steubenville Gazette, a very public-spirited man,
and, I believe, very serviceable to this part of the coun-
try. If the policy he so powerfully advocates were
adopted, the effects would be grand for America; it
would save her dollars while it would help to draw the
nails of the vile Boroughmongers. But, he has to labour
against the inveterate effects of the thing the most diffi-
cult of all others to move — habit.

By what I have been able to observe of this part of the
country, those who expect to find what is generally un-
derstood by society, pretty much the same that they have
been accustomed to it on the Atlantic side, or in England,
will not be totally disappointed. It is here upon the basis
of the same manners and customs as in the oldest settled
districts, and it there differs from what it is in England,
and here from what it is there, only according to circum-
stances. Few of the social amusements that are practi-
cable at present, are scarce; dancing, the most rational
for every reason, is the most common; and in an assem-
blage for this purpose, composed of the farmers' daugh-
ters and sons from 20 miles round, an Englishman (par-
ticularly if a young one) might very well think his travels
to be [306] all a dream, and that he was still in a Borough-
monger country. Almost always the same tunes and
dances, same manners, same dress. Ah, it is that same
dress which is the great evil ! It may be a very pretty
sight, but, to see the dollars thus danced out of the coun-
try into the hands of the Boroughmongers, to the tune

10 James Wilson, who had been on the staff of the Philadelphia Aurora,
came to Steubenville (1815) to edit the Herald, changing the name to the West'
ern Herald and Steubenville Gazette, and the politics from Democratic to Whig.
Wilson was elected to the state legislature in 1816 and again in 1820, and was
an associate justice of the court of common pleas. He died in 1852. — ED.

1818-1819] ' Hulme's "Journal 81

of national airs, is a thing which, if it do not warrant
ridicule, will, if America do not, by one unanimous voice,
soon put a stop to it.

July 30^. — From Steubenville, crossing the Ohio for
the last time, and travelling through a slip of Virginia and
a handsome part of Pennsylvania, to Pittsburgh.

August ist. — Sold my horse for 75 dollars, 60 dollars
less than I gave for him. A horse changes masters no
where so often as in this Western country, and no where
so often rises and falls in value. Met a Mr. Gibbs, a
native of Scotland, and an old neighbour of mine, having
superintended some oil of vitriol works, near to my bleach-
works on Great Lever, near Bolton, in Lancashire. He
now makes oil of vitriol, aquafortis, salt, soap, &c. at
this place, and is, I believe, getting rich. Spent a pleas-
ant evening with him.

August 2nd. — Spent most part of the day with Mr.
Gibbs, and dined with him; as the feast was his, I recom-
mended him to observe the latter part of the good Quaker
Lady's sermon which we heard at New Albany.

August yd. — Leave Pittsburgh, not without some re-
gret at bidding adieu to so much activity and smoke, for
I expect not to see it elsewhere. I like to contemplate
the operation by which the greatest effect is produced in a
country. Take the same route and the same stage as on
setting out from Philadelphia.

August 4th, 5/&, and 6th. — These three days travers-
ing the romantic Allegany Mountains; got overturned
(a common accident here) only once, and then received
very little damage : myself none, some of my fellow travel-
lers a few scratches. We scrambled out, and, with the
help of some wagoners, set the vehicle on its wheels again,
adjusted our "plunder" (as some of the Western people

82 Early Western Travels [Vol. 10

call it), and drove on again [307] without being detained
more than five minutes. The fourth night slept at
Chambersburgh, the beginning of a fine country.

August 'jth. — Travelled over the fine lime-stone val-
ley before mentioned, and through a very good country
all the way, by Little York to Lancaster. Here I met
with a person from Philadelphia, who told me a long
story about a Mr. Hulme, an Englishman, who had
brought a large family and considerable property to
America. His property, he told me, the said Mr. Hulme
had got from the English Government, for the invention
of some machine, and that now, having got rich under
their patronage, he was going about this country doing
the said Government all the mischief he could, and en-
deavouring to promote the interest of this country. After
letting him go on till I was quite satisfied that he depends
mainly for his bread and butter upon the English Treas-
ury, I said, "Well, do you know this Mr. Hulme ?" "No,
he had only heard of him." "Then I do, and I know
that he never had any patent, nor ever asked for one,
from the English government; all he has got he has
gained by his own industry and economy, and, so far
from receiving a fortune from that vile government, he
had nothing to do with it but to pay and obey, without
being allowed to give a vote for a Member of Parliament
or for any Government officer. He is now, thank God,
in a country where he cannot be taxed but by his own
consent, and, if he should succeed in contributing in any
degree to the downfall of the English Government, and
to the improvement of this country, he will only succeed
in doing his duty." This man could be no other than a
dependant of that boroughmongering system which has
its feelers probing every quarter and corner of the earth.

1818-1819] Hulme s Journal 83

August 8th. — Return to Philadelphia, after a journey
of 72 days. My expenses for this journey, including
every thing, not excepting the loss sustained by the pur-
chase and sale of my horse, amount to 270 dollars and 70
cents.

As it is now about a twelvemonth since I have [308] been
settled in Philadelphia, or set foot in it, rather, with my
family, I will take a look at my books, and add to this
Journal what have been the expenses of my family for
this one year, from the time of landing to this day,
inclusive.

Dls. Cts.

House-rent 600 o

Fuel 137 o

Schooling (at day-schools) for my children viz.; Dolls.

for Thomas, 14 years of age 40

Peter and John, ages of 12 and 10 48

Sarah, 6 years of age 18 — 106 o

Boarding of all my family at Mrs. Anthony's Hotel

for about a week, on our arrival . .... 80 o
Expenses of house-keeping (my family fourteen in
number, including two servants) with every other
out-going not enumerated above, travelling inci-
dents, two newspapers a day, &c., &c 2076 66

Taxes, not a cent o o

Priest, not a cent o o

Total 2999 66

"What! nothing to the Parson!" some of my old
neighbours will exclaim. No: not a single stiver. The
Quakers manage their affairs without Parsons, and I be-
lieve they are as good and as happy a people as any
religious denomination who are aided and assisted by a
Priest. I do not suppose that the Quakers will admit
me into their Society; but, in this free country I can form

84 Early Western Trawls [Vol. 10

a new society, if I choose, and, if I do, it certainly shall
be a Society having a Chairman in place of a Parson, and
the assemblage shall discuss the subject of their meeting
themselves. Why should there not be as much knowl-
edge and wisdom and common sense, in the heads of a
whole congregation, as in the head of a Parson? Ah,
but then there are the profits arising from the trade!
Some of this holy Order in England receive upwards of
40,000 dollars per [309] annum for preaching probably
not more than five or six sermons during the whole year.
Well may the Cossack Priests represent Old England as
the bulwark of religion ! This is the sort of religion they
so much dreaded the loss of during the French Revolu-
tion; and this is the sort of religion they so zealously ex-
pected to establish in America, when they received the
glad tidings of the restoration of the Bourbons and the
Pope.

END OF THE JOURNAL

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Full text of "Hulme's Journal of a tour in the western countries of America : September 30, 1818-August 8, 1819"

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